A New World of Gold and Silver

A New World of Gold and Silver

Atlantic World Europe, Africa and the Americas, 1500–1830 Edited by

Benjamin Schmidt University of Washington

and Wim Klooster Clark University

VOLUME 21

A New World of Gold and Silver By

John J. TePaske Edited by

Kendall W. Brown

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010

Cover illustration: a collage made by the editor of colonial Spanish American coins generously provided by the State of Florida from its collection and by Mel King and Faye Asano, of Big Blue Wreck Salvage, headquartered in Denver, Colorado. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data TePaske, John Jay, 1929–2007. A new world of gold and silver / by John J. TePaske ; edited by Kendall W. Brown. p. cm. — (Atlantic world ; v. 21) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-18891-4 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Gold mines and mining—Latin America—History. 2. Silver mines and mining—Latin America—History. 3. Latin America—History—To 1830. I. Brown, Kendall W., 1949– II. Title. HD9536.L292T47 2010 332.4’6—dc22 2010030374

ISSN 1570-0542 ISBN 978 90 04 18891 4 Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishers, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS

Maps, Illustrations, Figures, and Tables ........................................ Editor’s Preface ..................................................................................

vii xvii

Chapter One

Introduction ............................................................

1

Chapter Two

Gold: The Scarcer Metal? ......................................

23

Chapter Three

Silver, the Abundant Metal: Mexico ................

69

Chapter Four Silver, the Abundant Metal: Upper and Lower Peru ..................................................................................................

141

Chapter Five New World Mintage: México, Santo Domingo, Lima, and Potosí ............................................................................

213

Chapter Six New World Mintage II: Santa Fe de Bogotá, Popayán, Santiago de Guatemala, Santiago de Chile, and Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, and Villa Rica de Ouro Preto) .....

261

Chapter Seven

Conclusion ............................................................

305

Glossary ............................................................................................... Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index ....................................................................................................

317 325 333

MAPS, ILLUSTRATIONS, FIGURES, AND TABLES

Maps 1. 2.

Mining Cajas and Mints in Colonial Mexico and Central America ......................................................................... Mining Cajas and Mints in Colonial South America ........

xxi xxii

Illustrations 1a–b. Moneda Macuquina .................................................................. 2a–c. Peso Cordoncillo ....................................................................... 3a–b. Peso de Busto .............................................................................

218 218 218

Figures Chapter One 1–1. New World Gold and Silver Output, 1492–1803 ............. 1–2. Shipment of Gold and Silver to Castille, 1503–1660, according to Earl J. Hamilton ................................................ 1–3. New World Silver and Gold Output, 1492–1810 ............. 1–4. New World Gold and Silver output by Region, 1492–1810 ...................................................................................

4 6 16 17

Chapter Two 2–1. Estimated New World Gold Production by Region, 1492–1810, in pesos .................................................................. 2–2. Estimated New World Gold Output, 1492–1810, by decade in kilograms .................................................................. 2–3. Spanish American Gold Production by Region, 1492–1810, in kilograms ......................................................... 2–4. Caribbean Gold Production by Region, 1492–1555, in kilograms .....................................................................................

28 29 30 33

viii

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables

2–5.

Caribbean Gold Production by Decade, 1492–1555, in kilograms .................................................................................... Mexican Gold Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms ............. Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja 1521–1810, in kilograms ............................................................................... Estimated New Granada Gold Production, 1533–1810, by decade in kilograms ............................................................ Ecuador Gold Production, 1535–1810, by decade in kilograms .................................................................................... Peru Gold Production 1533–1810, by decade in kilograms .................................................................................... Peru Gold Production by Region, 1533–1810, in kilograms ............................................................................... Chile Gold Production, 1541–1810, in kilograms ............ Brazil Gold Production, 1691–1810, in kilograms ........... Brazil Gold Production by Region, 1700–1801, in kilograms ............................................................................... New World-World Gold Production, 1491–1810, in kilograms ...............................................................................

2–6. 2–7. 2–8. 2–9. 2–10. 2–11. 2–12. 2–13. 2–14. 2–15.

33 35 35 39 41 43 44 45 47 48 49

Chapter Three 3–1. 3–2. 3–3. 3–4. 3–5. 3–6. 3–7. 3–8. 3–9. 3–10. 3–11. 3–12. 3–13. 3–14. 3–15. 3–16. 3–17. 3–18.

New World Silver Output, 1521–1810, in pesos .............. New World Silver Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms ...... New World Silver Output by Region, 1501–1810 ............ Mexican Silver Output, 1521–1810, in pesos .................... Mexican Silver Production by Caja District, 1521–1810, in kilograms ............................................................................... Mexico (Caja) Silver Output, 1521–1810, in pesos .......... Zacatecas Silver Output, 1559–1810, in pesos ................... Guadalajara Silver Output, 1568–1810, in pesos .............. Durango Silver Output, 1599–1810, in pesos .................... San Luis Potosí Silver Output, 1628–1810, in pesos ....... Guanajuato Silver Output, 1665–1810, in pesos ............... Pachuca Silver Output, 1667–1810, in pesos ..................... Sombrerete Silver Output, 1683–1810, in pesos ............... Zimapán Silver Output, 1729–1810, in pesos .................... Bolaños Silver Output, 1753–1810, in pesos ...................... Veracruz Silver Output, 1765–1805, in pesos ................... Rosario Silver Output, 1773–1813, in pesos ...................... Chihuahua Silver Output, 1785–1814, in pesos ................

75 76 78 81 82 87 88 91 93 95 96 98 99 101 102 103 104 105

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables 3–19. Mexican Mercury Supply, 1561–1810 ................................. 3–20. Mercury Allocated to the Mining Cajas of Mexico, 1709–1753 ................................................................................... 3–21. World-New World-Mexican Silver Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms ...............................................................................

ix 108 109 111

Chapter Four 4–1. 4–2. 4–3. 4–4. 4–5. 4–6. 4–7. 4–8. 4–9. 4–10. 4–11. 4–12. 4–13. 4–14. 4–15. 4–16. 4–17. 4–18. 4–19. 4–20. 4–21.

Peruvian Silver Production, 1531–1810, in pesos ............ Peruvian Silver Production, 1531–1810, in kilograms .... Peruvian Silver Production by Caja District, 1531–1810, in kilograms ............................................................................... Lima Silver Output, 1531–1810, in pesos ........................... Potosí Silver Output, 1545–1810, in pesos ......................... Oruro Silver Output, 1609–1809, in pesos ......................... Castrovirreyna Silver Output, 1609–1652, in pesos ......... Cailloma Silver Output, 1631–1779, in pesos .................... Arequipa Silver Output, 1599–1810, in pesos ................... La Paz Silver Output, 1624–1810, in pesos ........................ Carangas Silver Output, 1652–1803, in pesos ................... Chucuito Silver Output, 1658–1800, in pesos ................... Pasco Silver Output, 1671–1810, in pesos .......................... Trujillo Silver Output, 1601–1810, in pesos ...................... Cuzco Silver Output, 1571–1810, in pesos ......................... Huancavelica Silver Output, 1577–1784, in pesos ........... Huamanga Silver Output, 1785–1810 ................................. Jauja Silver Output, 1721–1785, in pesos ........................... Arica Silver Output, 1780–1810, in pesos .......................... Mercury Supply in Peru, 1571–1810 ................................... Peruvian-New World-World Silver Output, 1531–1810, in kilograms ...............................................................................

145 145 148 149 152 154 156 157 159 160 161 162 164 166 167 168 169 170 172 176 178

Chapter Five 5–1. 5–2. 5–3. 5–4. 5–5.

Mexican Silver Mintage, 1690–1821, in pesos ................... Mexican Gold Mintage, 1733–1821, in pesos .................... Mexican Silver Mintage and Output, 1691–1810, in pesos ........................................................................................ Mexican Gold Mintage and Output, 1733–1810, in pesos ........................................................................................ Lima Silver Mintage, 1684–1821, in pesos .........................

230 230 232 232 238

x

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables

5–6. 5–7.

Lima Gold Mintage, 1696–1821, in pesos .......................... Lower Peru Silver Output—Lima Mintage, 1691–1810, in pesos ........................................................................................ 5–8. Lower Peru Gold Output—Lima Gold Mintage, 1701–1810, in pesos ................................................................. 5–9. Potosí Silver Mintage, 1574–1825, in pesos ....................... 5–10. Potosí Gold Mintage, 1781–1806, in pesos ........................ 5–11. Upper Peru Silver Output—Potosí Mintage, 1581–1810, in pesos ........................................................................................ 5–12. Upper Peru Gold Output—Potosí Gold Mintage, 1781–1810, in pesos .................................................................

238 239 240 245 245 246 247

Chapter Six 6–1. 6–2. 6–3. 6–4. 6–5. 6–6. 6–7. 6–8. 6–9.

New Granada Gold and Silver Production, 1533–1620, in pesos ........................................................................................ New Granada Annual Gold Mintage, 1621–1819, in pesos ........................................................................................ New Granada Annual Silver Mintage, 1621–1819, in pesos ........................................................................................ Popayán Gold Mintage, 1758–1810, in pesos .................... Guatemala Silver Mintage, 1733–1817, in pesos .............. Guatemala Gold Mintage, 1733–1817, in pesos ................ Chile Gold Mintage, 1756–1820, in pesos .......................... Chile Silver Mintage, 1756–1815, in pesos ......................... Brazil Gold Mintage, 1703–1800, in pesos .........................

262 267 267 269 271 274 277 278 284

Chapter Seven 7–1.

Gazette Bullion Shipments and Registered Silver Output, 1581–1805 ...................................................................................

311

Tables Chapter One 1–1. 1–2.

Adolf Soetbeer’s Estimates of World Silver and Gold Production, 1793–1810 ........................................................... New World Silver and Gold Output, 1492–1810 .............

19 20

1–3.

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables

xi

Estimated Total Gold and Silver Production in the Indies, 1492–1810 .....................................................................

21

Chapter Two 2–1. 2–2. 2–3. 2–4. 2–5. 2–6. 2–7. 2–8. 2–9. 2–10. 2–11. 2–12. 2–13.

Estimated New World Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1492–1810, in pesos ................................................. Estimated New World Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1492–1810, in kilograms ......................................... Estimated Caribbean Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1492–1555 ................................................................... Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1521–1810, in pesos ................................................................. Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1521–1810, in kilograms ......................................................... Estimated New Granadan Gold Production by Decade 1533–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Estimated Ecuadorian Gold Production by Decade 1535–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Estimated Upper and Lower Peruvian Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810, in pesos ......................... Estimated Upper and Lower Peruvian Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810, in kilograms ................. Estimated Chilean Gold Production by Decade, 1541–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Estimated Brazilian Gold Production by Decade, 1691–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Estimated Brazilian Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1700–1801, in pesos and kilograms ..................... New World-World Gold Production 1492–1810, by decade in kilograms .................................................................

54 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67

Chapter Three 3–1. 3–2. 3–3.

New World Silver production by Region and Decade, 1521–1810, in pesos ................................................................. New World Silver Production by Region and Decade, 1521–1810, in kilograms ......................................................... Mexican Silver Production by Caja and Decade, 1521–1810, in pesos .................................................................

112 113 114

xii 3–4. 3–5. 3–6. 3–7. 3–8. 3–9. 3–10. 3–11. 3–12. 3–13. 3–14. 3–15. 3–16. 3–17. 3–18. 3–19. 3–20.

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables Mexican Silver Production by Caja District and Decade, 1521–1810, in kilograms ......................................................... Caja of Mexico Registered Silver Production, 1576–1817, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Mexican Reales de Minas, 1761–1767 ................................. Zacatecas Registered Silver Production, 1559–1821, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Guadalajara Registered Silver Production, 1568–1816, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Durango Registered Silver Production, 1599–1813, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ San Luis Potosí Registered Silver Production, 1628–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Guanajuato Registered Silver Production, 1665–1816, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Pachuca Registered Silver Production, 1667–1807, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Sombrerete Registered Silver Production, 1683–1816, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Zimapán Registered Silver Production, 1729–1810, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Bolaños Registered Silver Production, 1753–1810, in pesos and kilograms ................................................................. Veracruz Registered Silver Production, 1569–1805, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Rosario/Los Alamos/Cosalá Registered Silver Production, 1770–1813, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Chihuahua Registered Silver Production, 1785–1814, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Mercury Shipments to Mexico from Almadén, Idria, and Peru, 1558–1805, in quintales ....................................... Mexican, New World, and World Silver Production, 1521–1810, in kilograms .........................................................

115 117 119 121 123 125 127 130 132 133 134 135 136 136 137 138 140

Chapter Four 4–1. 4–2.

Upper and Lower Peruvian Silver Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810, in pesos ......................................... Upper and Lower Peruvian Silver Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810, in kilograms .................................

181 183

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables 4–3. 4–4. 4–5. 4–6.

4–7. 4–8. 4–9. 4–10. 4–11. 4–12. 4–13. 4–14. 4–15. 4–16. 4–17. 4–18. 4–19. 4–20. 4–21. 4–22.

Lima Registered Silver Production, 1574–1820, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................................ Lima Silver Output as Percentage of Peruvian, New World, and World Production, 1531–1810, in kilograms ... Potosí Registered Silver Production, 1545–1823, in pesos and kilograms ................................................................. Potosí Silver Output: Percentages by Decade of Peruvian, New World, and World Production, 1545–1810, in kilograms ............................................................................... Oruro Registered Silver Production, 1609–1809, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................................ Castrovirreyna Registered Silver Production, 1600–1652, in pesos and kilograms ......................................................... Cailloma Registered Silver Production, 1763–1779, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Arequipa Registered Silver Production, 1599–1817, in pesos and kilograms ................................................................. La Paz Registered Silver Production, 1624–1824, in pesos and kilograms ................................................................. Carangas Registered Silver Production, 1652–1803, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Chucuito Registered Silver Production, 1658–1800, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Pasco Registered Silver Production, 1670–1820, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................................ Trujillo Registered Silver Production, 1601–1817, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Cuzco Registered Silver Production, 1571–1822, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Huancavelica Registered Silver Production, 1577–1784, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Huamanga Registered Silver Production, 1785–1819, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ San Juan de Matucana-Jauja Registered Silver Production, 1721–1785, in pesos and kilograms .................................... Arica Registered Silver Production, 1780–1819, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................................ Huancavelica Mercury Production and Shipments to Peru from Europe, 1571–1814 .............................................. Peruvian-New World-World Silver Output: Percentages 1531–1810 (percentage by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Silver) ...........................................................................................

xiii

185 187 188

190 191 193 194 195 197 199 201 202 204 205 207 208 209 209 210

212

xiv

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables

Chapter Five 5–1. 5–2. 5–3. 5–4. 5–5. 5–6. 5–7. 5–8. 5–9. 5–10. 5–11. 5–12. 5–13.

Mexican Silver Mintage, 1690–1821, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Mexican Gold Mintage, 1733–1821, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Mexican Silver Mintage and Output, 1691–1810, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Mexican Gold Mintage and Output, 1733–1810, in pesos and kilograms ................................................................. Early Lima Silver Mintage, 1580–1587, in marks and pesos .................................................................................... Lima Silver Mintage, 1684–1821, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Lima Gold Mintage, 1696–1821, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Lower Peru Silver Output—Lima Mintage, 1691–1810, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Lower Peru Gold Output—Lima Gold Mintage, 1701–1810, in pesos and kilograms ..................................... Potosí Annual Silver Mintage, 1574–1825, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Potosí Gold Mintage, 1778–1810, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Upper Peru Silver Output—Potosí Mintage, 1581–1810, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................ Upper Peru Gold Output—Potosí Mintage, 1781–1806, in pesos and kilograms .........................................................

248 249 250 251 251 251 253 254 255 255 258 258 259

Chapter Six 6–1.

6–2. 6–3. 6–4.

Estimated Early New Granada Gold and Silver Production by Decade, 1533–1620, in pesos and kilograms .................................................................................... Santa Fe de Bogotá Gold Mintage, 1621–1819, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ................................................................ Bogotá Silver Mintage, 1621–1819, in marks, pesos, and kilograms .................................................................................... Popayán Gold Mintage, 1758–1810, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ....................................................................................

287 288 291 295

maps, illustrations, figures, and tables Popayán Silver Mintage, 1758–1810, in marks, pesos, and kilograms .................................................................................... 6–6. Guatemalan Silver Mintage, 1733–1817, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ............................................................................ 6–7. Guatemalan Gold Mintage, 1733–1817, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ............................................................................ 6–8. Santiago de Chile Gold Mintage, 1756–1820, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ................................................................ 6–9. Santiago de Chile Silver Mintage, 1756–1815, in marks, pesos, and kilograms ................................................................ 6–10. Brazilian Mintage Estimates by Decade, 1703–1806, in pesos and kilograms ............................................................

xv

6–5.

296 297 299 301 302 303

Chapter Seven 7–1. 7–2.

Estimates of Bullion Shipments from the Indies to Europe, 1503–1805 ................................................................... Gazette Bullion Shipments and Registered Silver Output, 1581–1805 ...................................................................

314 315

EDITOR’S PREFACE

For much of his academic career, Professor John Jay TePaske studied the economic and fiscal history of the early modern Spanish empire. He was drawn to the work of French scholars from the Annales school, such as Fernand Braudel and Pierre and Huguette Chaunu, who focused on how history was influenced by social and economic structures. TePaske found particularly impressive the Chaunus’ Seville et l’Atlantique, with its massive compilation of data regarding transAtlantic trade during the first century and a half of Spanish colonization in the Americas. By the time I became one of his graduate students at Duke University in 1973, he had already begun to analyze imperial fiscal records with the goal of using the information contained in them to provide long-term quantitative data for study of the imperial economy. He began with the accounts generated by the royal treasury office (real caja) of Lima. The typical account contained summary pages for income and expenditures, which it broke down according to the specific taxes and other sources of revenues. Using those summaries (often referred to by colonial fiscal officials as cartas cuentas), he discovered data concerning, among other things, the amount of indigenous tribute collected, commercial tariffs paid, and miners’ gold and silver taxed, besides the quantities spent by the treasury on imperial defense and the funds remitted by the government to Spain. Compared to other European imperial powers of the early modern period, the Spaniards were compulsive record-keepers, and furthermore treasury officials had shipped to Spain copies of most of the cartas cuentas, and often the entire ledgers themselves. Once in Spain, the records found their way to the Council of the Indies, which had bureaucratic jurisdiction over the colonies; and then were deposited in the Council’s archive, the holdings of which came to constitute the bulk of the great Archivo General de Indias (AGI) in Sevilla. The emergence of the computer in the 1970s as a more and more common tool for historical research made it possible for TePaske to move beyond his hand-written note cards listing the income and expenditures of the Lima caja. He began to envision a massive data base containing fiscal data taken from the cartas cuentas of all the

xviii

editor’s preface

colonial treasuries over the entire colonial period. He and Herbert S. Klein, at the time professor of history at Columbia University and who had also worked on treasury accounts, joined forces and in 1975 secured a generous research grant from the Tinker Foundation to compile and computerize the treasury data. Under their direction, Kenneth Andrien, Miles Wortman, Josefina Teriyakin, and I worked in the AGI in 1975–1976 to locate and microfilm all the cartas cuentas available in that great repository. The following year Andrien, Eileen Keremetsis, and I searched for additional fiscal records in Argentina, Chile, Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico. It took several years to code the data in the cartas cuentas for the computer. Meanwhile, TePaske and Klein continued to search for treasury materials from Central America, the Caribbean, and any other colonial enclaves. They also turned their attention to two other goals: making their data available to other scholars and analyzing economic trends discernible within the fiscal records. In 1976 TePaske had already published the summaries of the treasury accounts for the Mexico City caja.1 In the 1980s the team published similar materials for Peru, Upper Peru, Chile, and the other Mexican treasury offices, followed by accounts for Ecuador in 1990.2 They also made the data available electronically to interested historians. At the same time they began analysis of the fiscal information. TePaske and Klein used data on mining taxes to write an article in which they argued that the Mexican mining industry had not suffered a long depression during the seventeenth century.3 TePaske also turned his attention to the issue of bullion flows from Spanish America to Europe and Asia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.4 Klein later published a book examining trends in taxation

1 John J. TePaske, José Jesús Hernández Palomo, and Mari Luz Hernández Palomo, La real hacienda de Nueva España: la real caja de México (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1976). 2 John J. TePaske and Herbert S. Klein, The Royal Treasuries of the Spanish Empire in America 3 vols. (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1982); John J. TePaske and Herbert S. Klein, Ingresos y egresos de la real hacienda de Nueva España (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1986); and John J. TePaske and Alvaro Jara, The Royal Treasuries of the Spanish Empire in America, vol. 4: Eighteenth-Century Ecuador (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1990). 3 John J. TePaske and Herbert S. Klein, “The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in New Spain: Myth or Reality?” Past & Present 90 (February 1981): 116–135. 4 John J. TePaske, “New World Silver, Castile and the Philippines, 1590–1800,” in J. F. Richards, ed., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds (Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press, 1983): 425–445.

editor’s preface

xix

and expenditure in colonial Peru, Bolivia, and Mexico during the long eighteenth century.5 TePaske used the treasury records to focus on colonial mining production, that interest being, of course, the origin of the present volume. He aimed to generate for each treasury district a series showing how much gold and silver the mines had officially produced, and based on those series, to calculate output over time for the major regions of Spanish America, particularly New Spain, Peru, and Upper Peru. To those he hoped to add a series on the gold mined in Portuguese Brazil. These efforts, he believed, would provide the best compilation of data likely to be had by historians regarding the mining yield of colonial Latin America, data that could be used both to analyze the internal workings of the colonial and imperial economies and data that could provide a firmer foundation for studying bullion flows in the early modern world economy. It was not his intention, however, to engage in economic analysis or to take on discussion of exports of bullion from Latin America in this volume. For TePaske the important first step was to determine with as much precision as possible the quantities of gold and silver produced by the American mines from the sixteenth to early nineteenth centuries. Indeed, in conversations with his friend Douglass North, the Nobel-prize laureate in economics, North reportedly recommended that TePaske concentrate on presentation of the data rather than complicating the volume with analysis. TePaske unfortunately died on 1 December 2007 before bringing the volume of data to publication. Before his death, he asked that I finish the volume. Going through his papers, his computer disks, and other materials, I found to my relief that he had largely completed drafts of all seven chapters. Thus, this book is essentially his work. I have revised it, added occasional clarification, and expanded the conclusion but have left the focus of the volume and the approach to the data as he envisioned them. The book consists of seven chapters. The first examines the historical work previously done on colonial mining production. It pays particular attention to the findings of Alexander von Humboldt, the great German polymath who visited Spanish America near the end of the

5 Herbert S. Klein, The American Finances of the Spanish Empire: Royal Income and Expenditures in Colonial Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia, 1680–1809 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998).

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editor’s preface

colonial period and spent months there studying the region’s mining industry and estimating its output. Humboldt gained access to official colonial records to formulate his conclusions. His first-hand experience also enabled him to estimate the amount of illicit bullion output that occurred. The following three chapters rely heavily on the data TePaske obtained from his treasury project. Chapter Two examines the output of gold in both Spanish and Portuguese America. Silver takes center stage in the third and fourth chapters, with the former concentrating on Mexico and the latter on the Andean mines. In chapters five and six TePaske turns his attention to colonial mintage, again supplying quantitative data on the coinage produced over time in the colonial mints of Brazil and Spanish America. The seventh and concluding chapter is brief but importantly analyzes TePaske’s conclusions in light of what French scholar Michel Morineau (Incroyables gazettes et fabuleux métaux [1985]) discovered about colonial American bullion exports by using information contained in European commercial gazettes. TePaske’s project would have been impossible without the generous support of the Tinker Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. The Social Science Research Council, the American Philosophical Society, and the Banco de España also provided timely funding; and he benefited from a stay at the National Humanities Center in North Carolina’s Research Triangle Park. It is, of course, impossible for me to acknowledge the contributions of all those scholars with whom he consulted over the years regarding one aspect or another of the project. I can, however, express my gratitude for the comments and suggestions offered to me by Richard Garner, Kenneth Andrien, Mark Burkholder, Shawn Miller, and Alan Craig. Ryan Wheeler, Dave Dickell, and Roy Lett graciously made available images of coins from the State of Florida collection, and Mel King and Faye Asano, of Big Blue Wreck Salvage, enthusiastically offered me photographs of coins and bars of bullion, which show in physical form what TePaske spent years studying. Miles Miller, Daniel Kirkpatrick, Rebekah Lund, Megan Olsen, and Sara Moore helped prepare parts of the manuscript. Kendall W. Brown Provo, Utah

Mint Treasury Office

Pacific Ocean

NEW SPAÍN

San Luis Potosí

Sombrerete Gulf of Mexico Havana

Caribbean Sea

Santo Domingo

Atlantic Ocean

Map 1. Mining Cajas and Mints in Colonial Mexico and Central America.

Santiago de Guatemala

Guanajuato Pachuca Zimapán Mexico City Vera Cruz

Bolaños

Zacatecas

Durango

Guadalajara

Rosario

Chihuahua

editor’s preface xxi

xxii

editor’s preface

Bogotá NEW GRANADA Popayán

Trujillo

PE RU

Pasco Jauja Huancavelica Huamanga UPPER Castrovirreyna Cuzco PERU Cailloma La Paz Chucuito Oruro Arequipa Arica Carangas Potosí Lima

BRAZIL

Salvador da Bahia

Diamantina Ouro Preto Rio de Janeiro

Pacific Ocean

CHILE

Santiago

Atlantic Ocean

Mint Treasury Office

Map 2. Mining Cajas and Mints in Colonial South America.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

“Glory, God, and Gold,” so goes the refrain, drove Spain into its New World ventures. In the late fifteenth century, however, the shortage of gold in Europe was compelling enough in itself to motivate the quest for new sources of that metal. Moreover, the bullionist outlook of emerging nation-states like Portugal and Spain—that a nation’s power and prestige depended upon control over large supplies of gold and silver—also fueled the search for these metals. A monetary historian, Pierre Vilar, notes that in his diary Columbus mentions gold sixty-five times between October 12, 1492, and January 1493 when the Genoanborn sailor began his return to Castile.1 He arrived home from his first voyage with gold nuggets worth 20,000 escudos, approximately 9,000,000 maravedís or 33,100 silver pesos of eight reales. That his second voyage was fitted out with the primary purpose of finding gold is good evidence of the metal’s high priority in the age of discovery and conquest. When Columbus brought back thirty thousand ducats in gold amounting to 11,250,000 maravedís or a bit more than 41,000 silver pesos of eight reales, he reinforced his claims that the Indies offered new sources of wealth for the Catholic Kings.2

Early Estimates of New World and World Bullion Output Both the conquistadores and the swashbucklers and settlers who followed them found a plentitude of gold and silver in the New World. In Spanish America silver ultimately dominated, although very early

1

Pierre Vilar, A History of Gold and Money, 1450 to 1820 (London: Verso, 1991), 63. Jaime Vicens Vives, ed., Historia social y económica de España y América 4 vols. (Barcelona: Editorial Libro Vicens-Bolsillo, 1961): Vol. II, Guillermo Céspedes del Castillo, ed., Baja edad media. Los Reyes Católicos. Descubrimientos, 468. Maravedís were small coins, primarily of copper, that were used in Castile. More importantly, the maravedí became a standard Spanish unit of account. One silver peso or piece of eight consisted of eight reales. Each real was worth 34 maravedís, and thus the peso had a value of 272 maravedís. 2

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in the colonial epoch Europeans discovered gold in the Caribbean and later in Chile, Ecuador, and New Granada (present-day Colombia) as well. These regions became the major producers of that metal in Spanish America. In Luso-America (Brazil) the Portuguese eventually found gold in great abundance, primarily in the eighteenth century. Because such huge amounts of precious metals were extracted, refined, and minted in the Indies during the three centuries of European domination, observers from the Old World—with their bullionist attitudes— made valiant efforts to estimate New World gold and silver output. Among the most perceptive of these was Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), the distinguished German scientist who traveled extensively throughout Spanish America at the end of the eighteenth century and beginning of the nineteenth. Gaining access to Spanish royal fiscal records with the blessing of Charles IV, he had a great advantage over previous observers. When he published his detailed Political Essay on the Kingom of New Spain at the beginning of the nineteenth century, he not only put forward his own calculations of New World gold and silver output, but he also credited those before him who had made informed estimates of New World bullion production and provided benchmarks for Humboldt’s own estimates.3 Humboldt referred to a wide variety of European statesmen, historians, and political economists. In the seventeenth century, for example, Juan Solórzano Pereira (1575–1655), a Spanish jurist, fiscal of the Council of the Indies, and a former judge on the high court (audiencia) of Lima, published his De indiarium jure between 1629 and 1637, subsequently printed in five volumes as Política indiana. In his work he calculated New World bullion output between 1492 and 1628 at 1,500,000,000 silver pesos of 272 maravedís.4 In the eighteenth century two French observers, Guillaume François Thomas Raynal or Abbé Raynal (1713–1796), and Jacques Necker (1732–1804) provided their assessments of New World gold and silver production. In Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce dans les deux Indes, published first in six volumes in 1770 and in many later editions, Raynal estimated that between 1492 and

3 Alexander von Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre el Reino de Nueva España 5 tomos (Mexico, D. F.: Editorial Robredo, 1941). A much abridged edition in English taken from the John Black translation, edited by Mary Maples Dunn, is also available: Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972). 4 Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:378.

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1770, New World bullion output was 5,154,000,000 pesos. Minister of Finance under Louis XVI, Jacques Necker confined his observations to the period from 1763 to 1777, when he believed New World mines yielded 304,000,000 pesos. Another French observer, the anonymous author of Recherches sur le commerce, set output between 1492 and 1775 at 5,072,000,000 pesos, very close to Raynal’s estimate.5 In Spain in the early eighteenth-century the proyectista Gerónimo de Uztáriz (1670–1732) also calculated gold and silver output in the Indies. Among a number of political economists promoting economic and social reforms under the new house of Bourbon, he wrote Theórica y práctica de comercio, y de la marina, en diferentes discursos in 1724, subsequently republished a number of times in Spain and England. His assessment of Spanish American bullion production from 1492–1724 was 3,536,000,000 pesos. Another estimate, which Humboldt believed to be too high, came from the Scottish historian William Robertson (1721–1793) who calculated that between 1492 and 1775 the Indies produced 8,800,000,000 pesos.6 As virtually the last during the ancien régime to assess New World bullion output, Humboldt had many advantages over his predecessors. Benefitting from these earlier calculations and with access to Spanish fiscal records, he made his estimates after the Spanish imperial bureaucracy had begun generating much more detailed and plentiful statistics. Those data from the government provided a clearer, more precise long-range picture of mining and minting activity. Viewing nearly the entire period of Spanish and Portuguese domination in the New World from 1492–1803, Humboldt set the amount of gold and silver produced in the Indies at 5,706,700,000 pesos. He estimated colonial Spanish output at 4,851,156,000 pesos and Luso-American at 855,544,000 pesos—85 percent of the grand total from the Spanish Indies and 15 percent from Brazil. Humboldt also attempted to account for unregistered and untaxed output. He estimated that of the totals for each region, 816,000,000 pesos were unregistered in Spanish America and 171,000,000 pesos in Luso-America—a fraud rate of 16.8 percent in the Spanish empire and 20.0 percent in Brazil or 17.3

5 6

Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:378. Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:378, 381.

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chapter one According to Alexander von Humboldt In Billions of Silver Pesos of 272 maravedís New Spain 2.028 = 36%

Chile 0.138 = 2% Peru and Buenos Aires 2.41 = 42% Brazil 0.855 = 15% New Granada 0.275 = 5%

Figure 1–1. New World Gold and Silver Output, 1492–1803

percent overall.7 Figure 1–1 provides a breakdown of Humboldt’s estimates for the Spanish and Portuguese Indies.8 Once the Indies became independent and with more European expansion in Africa and Asia, attention also turned to world bullion production. In 1892, for example, the German scholar Adolf Soetbeer (1814–1892) laid out his estimates of world gold and silver output from 1493. His calculations for the ancien régime to 1810 appear in marks and kilograms of fine silver and gold. Soetbeer concluded that between 1493 and 1810 Spanish and Portuguese America yielded 126,657,400 kilograms of silver and 3,743,770 kilograms of gold (see Table 1–1; all tables are at the end of each chapter).9 In 1911 another German, Wilhelm Lexis (1837–1914), a professor at the University of Göttingen, refined Soetbeer’s estimates a bit. For Spanish America he made new calculations for silver output in Potosí, Lower Peru, and Mexico—1,200,000,000 pesos from Potosí (1545–1800); 550,000,000 pesos from Lower Peru (1533–1800); and 1,870,000,000 pesos from Mexico (1522–1800).10 Nonetheless the Soetbeer estimates have 7

Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:379–381. The estimates for Figure 1–1 are from Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:382. 9 Adolf Soetbeer, Litteraturnachweis über Geld und Münzwesen insbesondere über den Währungsstreit, 1871–1891 (Berlin: Putkammer & Mulbrecht, 1892), 2–3, 16–18. 10 Wilhelm Lexis, “Silber und Silberwährung,” in Handwörterbuch der Staatswissensschaften (Jena: Verlag von Gustav Fischer, 1911): 506–507. 8

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remained conventional wisdom since they were published in 1892 until the present.11 They have been used in this study as well. Estimations of New World bullion output continued into the early twentieth century. About the time Lexis was revising Soetbeer’s figures, Clarence Haring returned to the Humboldt tradition by consulting archival materials, among them the accounts of the colonial treasuries (cajas).12 In the early 1930s Earl J. Hamilton provided an important benchmark for determination of trends in New World gold and silver output by making scrupulous compilations of the amounts of precious metals remitted from the Spanish Indies to Spain (refer to Figure 1–2). His quest initially was to disprove the quantity theory of money, but after his research in Sevilla in the records of the House of Trade (Casa de Contratación) and in other archives throughout Spain, he became a confirmed believer in that theory.13 Unfortunately some scholars used his figures on shipments as an index to New World bullion output. Official remittances to Europe did not necessarily correlate with the amount of bullion being extracted from the American mines nor did they account for gold and silver smuggled out of the colonies. After World War II scholars resumed efforts to refine estimates of silver and gold output. In the late 1950s, Chilean scholar Álvaro Jara calculated legally registered gold and silver yields in sixteenthcentury Peru and later for other regions and epochs.14 His work was

11 See for example, J. Laurence Laughlin, The History of Bi-Metallism in the United States, 4th ed. (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1897), p. 42; Charles White Merrill, Summarized Data of Silver Production (Washington, DC: U. S. Bureau of Mines, Economic Paper # 8, 1930); Robert H. Ridgeway, Summarized Data of Gold Production (Washington, DC: U. S. Bureau of Mines, Economic Paper # 6, 1930); Harry E. Cross, “South American Bullion Production and Export, 1550–1750,” in John F. Richards, ed., Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modern Worlds (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 1983): 397–423. 12 Clarence H. Haring, “American Gold and Silver Production in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 29 (May 1915): 545–79. See also Trade and Navigation between Spain and the Indies in the Time of the Hapsburgs (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1918), 332–35. 13 Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501– 1650 (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1934). 14 Álvaro Jara, “La producción de metales preciosos en el Perú en el siglo xvi,” Boletín de la Universidad de Chile 44 (Noviembre, 1963): 58–64. Tres ensayos sobre economía minera hispanoamericana (Santiago de Chile: Centro de Investigaciones Historia Americana de la Universidad de Chile, 1966), 111–118; “La minería americana: producción y exportación de metales preciosos,” Historia Universal Salvat 122 (18 de Agosto de 1982): 269–270; and “Estructuras coloniales y subdesarrollo en Hispanoamérica,” Journal de la Sociéte des Américanistes 65 (1978): 145–171.

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Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 maravedís

60

50

40

SILVER

30

GOLD

20

10

16 51

16 31 16 41

16 21

16 11

15 91 16 01

15 81

15 71

15 51 15 61

15 41

15 31

15 21

15 11

15 03

0

By Decade 1571 = 1571–1580

Figure 1–2. Shipment of Gold and Silver to Castille, 1503–1660, according to Earl J. Hamilton

groundbreaking primarily because he used the royal accounts during the very early period of Spanish domination. Moreover, he incorporated the findings of his mentors Pierre and Huguette Chaunu in his analysis.15 Peter Bakewell was another pioneer who used the royal accounts to good advantage for his studies of Zacatecas, Potosí, Oruro, and his excellent synthesis on colonial mining for The Cambridge History of Latin America.16 At the same time, Bakewell’s work and a wide

15 Pierre and Huguette Chaunu, Séville et l’Atlantique (1504–1650), 8 vols. in 11 vols. (Paris: Ecole Practique des Hautes Etudes VIe Section et Service d’Edition et de Vente des Publications de l’Education Nationale, 1955–60). Their estimates of mercury shipments to the Indies and silver remissions to Castile and elsewhere are discussed in detail in Chapters 3 and 4. 16 Peter H. Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society in Colonial Mexico, Zacatecas 1546– 1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971); “Registered Silver Production in the Potosí District, 1550–1735,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 12 (1975): 67–103; “Notes on the Mexican Silver Mining

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variety of published material on mercury shipment and production resulted in the much cited article by David Brading and Harry Cross on South American and Mexican gold and silver output to 1700. Their examination of long-term production trends provided a new, more rigorous look at New World production, although they overestimated Peruvian and Mexican gold production and missed the resurgence of both gold and silver output in the 1670s and 1680s after the depressed middle decades of the seventeenth century.17 Other scholars concentrated on production in various regions of colonial Latin America in diverse epochs. Adam Szasdi, for example, provided insights into production from the conquest to 1610, an epoch for which it is particularly difficult to calculate bullion output. Szasdi concluded that for that early period 25 percent of all gold and silver output remained in the Indies, 60 percent went to Seville, and the remaining 15 percent to the Far East, probably via Manila.18 During the 1970s John Fisher focused on mining in Lower Peru, primarily in the eighteenth century with penetrating insights into mining areas such as Pasco, Hualgayoc, Huantajaya, and other lower Peruvian mines. His quantitative data too was derived from the accounts of the cajas (treasury offices) which served these mines.19 In addition to Peter Bakewell’s monumental efforts, other historians have contributed insights into silver mining in New Spain and elsewhere. The work of Richard Garner, for example, concentrates on eighteenth-century Mexico and describes the underpinnings of the mining economy, long-range trends in production, and quantitative estimates of output.20 David Brading has also taken a significant place

Industry in the 1590s,” Humanitas (University of Nuevo León) 19 (1978): 383–409; “Mining in Colonial Spanish America,” in Leslie Bethell, ed., The Cambridge History of Latin America, The Colonial Period, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 2:105–51. 17 David A. Brading and Harry E. Cross, “Colonial Silver Mining: Mexico and Peru,” Hispanic American Historical Review 52 (November 1972): 545–579. 18 Adam Szasdi, “Preliminary Estimates of Gold and Silver Production in America, 1501–1610,” in Hermann Kellenbenz, ed., Precious Metals in the Age of Expansion (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1981): 151–223. 19 John R. Fisher, Silver Mines and Silver Miners in Colonial Peru (Liverpool, Eng.: Centre for Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1977); and “Miners, Silver Merchants, and Capitalists in Late Colonial Peru,” Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv 3 (1976): 257–268. 20 Richard L. Garner, “Reformas borbónicas y operaciones hacendarias—La Real caja de Zacatecas—1750–1821,” Historia Mexicana 27 (1978): 542–587; “Silver Production and Entrepreneurial Structure in 18th-Century Mexico,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte

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as analyst of the Mexican mining scene, particularly in Guanajuato, Bolaños, and Zacatecas; and also demonstrated the ties between merchants and miners in colonial New Spain.21 Bernd Hausberger has analyzed the mining scene in New Spain for a seven-year period in the eighteenth century. Using data from the royal accounts from 1761 to 1767, he has delved into most aspects of the silver economy in New Spain. He has also analyzed locally generated silver reports presented at the various Mexican treasuries as a check on the reliability of the accounts as a source for production.22 In 1998 Engel Sluiter, who well over fifty years ago realized the importance of the royal accounts for determining buillion output, published his informative study on gold and silver production, 1593–1663. It provided a potpourri of accounts from various areas of the Spanish Indies as well as a good deal on the costs of colonial defense and remissions of precious metals to Castile and elsewhere. A real advantage of Sluiter’s work is his inclusion of a few accounts from the mining areas of New Granada and Chile. Moreover, before his death, he deposited his photocopies and personal transcripts in the Bancroft Library at the University of California at Berkeley, where they are available to interested investigators.23 Those scholars cited above greatly enriched our knowledge of Spanish American gold and silver mining. Other important contributors to colonial mining history will emerge in chapters two through six, which follow. Colonial mintage too became a target for a number of investigators. By the end of the colonial period there were seven mints in colonial Spanish America in Mexico City, Guatemala City, Bogotá,

von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 17 (1980): 157–185; “Problèmes d’une ville a la fin de l’époque coloniale: Prix e salaires à Zacatecas (1760–1821),” Cahiers des Amériques Latines 6 (1972): 1–37; “Long-Term Silver Mining Trends in Spanish America: A Comparative Analysis of Peru and Mexico,” American Historical Review 93 (October 1988): 898–935; and Economic Growth and Change in Bourbon Mexico (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1993). 21 David A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971); “Mexican Silver Mining in the Eighteenth Century: The Revival of Zacatecas,” Hispanic American Historical Review 50 (November 1970): 665–81; “La minería de la plata en el siglo XVIII: El caso de Bolaños,” Historia Mexicana 18 (1969): 317–33; and his study of mining trends in Mexico and Peru with Harry Cross, cited above. 22 Bernd Hausberger, La Nueva España y sus metales preciosos. La industria minera colonial a través de los libros de cargo y data de la Real Hacienda, 1761–1767 (Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag, 1997 and Madrid, Iberoamericana, 1997). 23 Engel Sluiter, The Gold and Silver of Spanish America, 1593–1663 (Berkeley: The Bancroft Library, 1998).

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Popayán, Lima, Potosí, and Santiago de Chile. The mint on Española ceased operations in the seventeeth century. Once again it was Alexander von Humboldt who led the way in estimating mint output. Among other things on his visits to Mexico, he inspected the mint (ceca or casa de moneda). Awed by its size and productive activity (it was the largest mint of its time), Humboldt compiled coinage figures for Mexico from 1690 to the beginning of the nineteenth century. In fact, he used mintage as his guide to production in New Spain from 1690–1803.24 He also commented on mintage production elsewhere in the Indies. In the mid-nineteenth century Manuel Orozco y Berra published a record for the Mexican government on mintage in that country from earliest colonial times to the middle of the nineteenth century.25 His listing is reliable only after 1690. Historians’ interest in mintage temporarily declined thereafter, and only in 1919 did the inveterate Chilean bibliophile José Toribio Medina publish his Las monedas coloniales.26 In it he provided capsule histories of each of the eight Spanish American mints (including the one in Española). He also estimated mint output in some areas—the first few years of gold output at the Guatemalan mint years, for example, as well as plates of the various coins produced in these cecas. Toribio Medina chronicled the institutional history of the Mexican ceca, discussing events such as the shift of control from empresarios to royal mint officials appointed by the viceroy. In 1994 the Mexican historian Victor Manuel Soria Murrillo filled a large gap when he published his La casa de moneda de México bajo la administración borbónica, 1733–1821, a thoroughgoing study including the amounts coined during that period. Humboldt believed that the mintage estimates available to him for the period prior to 1690 were not accurate, due in large part to the fact that private empresarios controlled mint operations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Soria does not provide annual mint production figures until 1733 but then lists the marks of gold and

24

Humboldt, Ensayo poltítico, 3:302–304. Manuel Orozco y Berra, Informe sobre la acuñación en las Casas de Moneda de la República, G. Manuel Siliceo, ed., Memoria de la Secretaría de Fomento, Colonización, Industria, y Comercio de la República Méxicana (México, 1857). These mint output figures have been reprinted in Walter Howe, The Mining Guild of New Spain and Its Tribunal General, 1770–1821 (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), 453–459. 26 José Toribio Medina, Las monedas coloniales (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1919). 25

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silver coined, including those of lower silver or gold content ( febles).27 Humboldt’s figures beginning in 1690 and Soria’s estimates offer a reliable assessment of Mexican coinage for the Bourbon period. Mint operations in the sixteenth and seventeenth century under the private empresarios still await careful analysis. Some other mints of colonial Spanish America have received scholarly attention as well. The ceca at Bogotá, for example, has benefitted from the efforts of A. M. Barriga Villallba, whose three-volume work, Historia de la Casa de Moneda, describes the activities and output of the first New Granadan mints at Cartagena and then at Bogotá from 1607 to the close of the wars of independence. He also analyzes production at the Popayán mint established in the 1750s.28 Also useful for New Granadan mint output in the eighteenth century is Jorge Orlando Melo’s essay on minting in his Sobre historia y política, based on archival documents. This article assesses gold production in different regions of New Granada in various epochs.29 Works of Jaime Jaramillo Uribe, Germán Colmenares, and the nineteenth-century observer Vicente Restrepo examine New Granadan gold output generally.30 Barriga Villalba and Orlando Melo are sound references for mint output. Two other volumes are particularly enlightening on Popayán, one by Zamira Díaz López that covers the period to 1733 and the other by Guido Barona from 1730–1830.31

27 Victor Manuel Soria Murillo, La casa de moneda de México bajo la administración borbónica, 1733–1821 (Iztapalapa: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1994), 101–107, 111–114. 28 A. M. Barriga Villalba, Historia de la Casa de Moneda, 3 tomos (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1969). For the Bogotá mint I have also consulted documents in the Archivo General de Indias. Santa Fe, Legajos 373, 828–833 and Quito, Legajos 565, 568, and 586. 29 Jorge Orlando Melo, Sobre historia y política (Bogotá: La Carreta Inéditos, Ltda., 1979 ), 61–84. I have also checked the mint records for Popayán in the Archivo General de Indias, Quito, Legajos 562–68; and Santa Fe, Legajos 830 and 832. 30 Germán Colmenares, “La formación de la economía colonial (1500 1740),” and Jaime Jaramillo Uribe, “La economía del virreinato (1740–1810),” in Historia eonómica de Colombia, ed. José Antonio Ocampo (Bogotá: Siglo Veintiuno de Colombia, 1987): 5–85. A republication of Vicente Restrepo’s Estudio sobre las minas de oro y plata de Colombia (Bogotá: Publicaciones del Banco de República, 1952) provides aggregate estimates of gold and silver output. This nineteenth-century work estimates silver output in New Granada at 4 percent and gold at 96 percent Also useful for a description of the mining economy is Germán Colmenares, Historia económica y social de Colombia (Bogotá: Editorial La Carreta, 1973). 31 Zamira Díaz López, Oro, sociedad y economía. El sistema colonial en la Gobernación de Popayán:1533–1733 (Bogotá: Banco de República, 1994); and Guido Barona

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For Upper and Lower Peru the mint in Potosí was founded in the mid-sixteenth century and operated continuously until the very end of the colonial period. The casa de moneda in Lima had its origins in the seventeenth century. It closed briefly for a few years toward the end of the seventeenth century but reopened a few years later. Peruvian scholars, Carlos Lazo García32 and Manuel Moreyra y Paz Soldán have analyzed in detail the output of both the Potosí and Lima mints. Lazo’s three-volume history of those two cecas contains a wealth of information on mint output, mint technology, and virtually all aspects of mint activity. He is careful to make the distinction between major money or ingots (moneda mayor) and lesser money or coins (moneda menor). Another virtue of this study is Lazo’s use of mint seigniorage taxes to determine output for the early years of the Potosí mint. The importance of this work should not be underestimated. Lazo’s progenitor, Manuel Moreyra y Paz Soldán, also contributed a great deal to the study of Peruvian monetary history in the colonial epoch, including quantitative estimates of the mint output at Lima and Potosí.33 His collection of articles on coinage is particularly illuminating on the construction and development of the Lima mint and on its discussion of the peso ensayado, the peso of 450 maravedís used for so long as a unit of account in Peru. His efforts along with those of Mazo are fundamental for understanding mintage at both Potosí and Lima. In addition, Julio Benavides has written a history of the Potosí mint that provides aggregate estimates of mint output and a good deal on the history of that ceca.34 In the eighteenth century the Spanish crown established three new mints in the Indies—Guatemala, Chile, and Popayán. Sources on mint production at Popayán have already been discussed, but sources for the Guatemalan and Chilean mints are scanty. In the end I have had to conduct new research in the mine records of the Archive of the Indies in Sevilla to determine the output of these casas de monedas. For Guatemala the tables on mint production came from records in

Becerra., La maldición de Midas en una región del mundo colonial: Popayán, 1730– 1830 (Cali: Editorial de la Facultad de Humanidades, 1995). 32 Carlos Lazo García, Economía colonial y régimen monetario: siglos XVI–XIX 3 tomos (Lima: Banco Central de Reserva del Perú Fondo Editorial, 1992). 33 Manuel Moreyra y Paz Soldán, La moneda colonial en el Perú; capítulos de su historia (Lima: Banco Central de Reserva del Perú, 1980). 34 Julio Benavides, Historia de moneda en Bolivia (La Paz: Ediciones Puerta del Sol, 1972).

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the Audiencia of Guatemala section, Legajos (bundles) 791–95. For the early period of the mint, 1729–1746, José Toribio Medina provides a list of gold marks coined in Guatemala.35 On balance, however, the historical literature contains little on the Guatemalan mint. Few published records exist for the mint at Santiago de Chile, but fortunately in 1881 the Chilean historian Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna wrote a two-volume history, The Age of Gold in Chile.36 In it he provided mint output figures for Santiago from its founding in 1749 to the end of the colonial epoch. I have supplemented his figures for coinage with new research in the Audiencia of Chile section of the Archive of the Indies, primarily the biennial reports of mintage sent to Spain.37 Gold production and mintage output for Brazil have received a good deal of attention, although not the rigorous analysis of archival records which has characterized the historiography of Spanish American precious metals. At present Brazilianists consider output and mintage estimates to be tentative. Moreover Brazil was a more free-wheelng area of the Indies than Spanish America, with far less peninsular control exercised over Portuguese or creole subjects. Fraud was rampant. In fact, one knowledgeable expert on colonial Brazil estimated a fraud rate of 50 percent or more in the official reporting of mining and slave records, two keys to Brazilian output. Still, most of those willing to estimate Brazilian gold output have concluded that it was close to 1,000,000 kilograms. Not surprisingly, Alexander von Humboldt was one of the first to hazard an estimate for Brazilian gold. He calculated that from 1492 to 1803 Brazil produced approximately 1,375,000 kilograms of fine gold (the equivalent of 855,544,000 in silver pesos). As noted earlier, Humboldt held that 19 percent of this was illicit production, a fraud rate for Luso-America that is probably far too low. About the time Humboldt was putting forward his figures, the Portuguese monarchy appointed Wilhelm Ludwig von Eschwege (1777–1855) as intendant of the Minas Gerais mines. A colonel in the Portuguese royal corps of engineers at the end of the eighteenth

35

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 287. Benjamín Vucuña Mackenna, La edad del oro en Chile 2 tomos (Santiago: Biblioteca de Vida Chilena, 1932). 37 AGI, Chile, Legajos 374–376, 381, and 384–85. These figures on coinage conform closely with those of Vicuña Mackenna. Where data in the AGI were not extant, I used his figures for the years 1772–1781, 1789–1800, and 1805–1820. 36

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century and beginning of the nineteenth, he assumed the office with orders to increase production and reduce fraud in the gold and diamond trade. He also had a deep-seated historical interest in gold mining in Brazil, not only in Minas Gerais but also in Goiás, Mato Grosso, and São Paulo. The result was a book published in Berlin in 1833, Contributions to Brazilian Mining, subsequently translated into Portuguese as Pluto Brasiliensis. In it Eschwege put forward statistics on production at Minas from 1700–1820 of 35,687 arrobas38 or 535,305 kilograms; for Goiás (1720–1730), 9,212 arrobas or 138,180 kilograms; for Mato Grosso (1721–1820), 3,187 arrobas or 47,805 kilograms; and for São Paulo (1690–1820), 4,650 arrobas or 69,750 kilograms, a total of 527,360 arrobas of gold or approximately 791,040 registered kilograms. Not included was the illegal gold confiscated in Brazil and later exported from 1600 to 1820, 10,709 arrobas or 160,635 kilograms, creating a grand total for this epoch of 951,675 kilograms.39 While Eschwege seemed certain about output at Minas Gerais, he was less sure about the yield in other areas. Nonetheless as a careful observer he provides useful benchmarks. The translator of Pluto Brasiliensis, Domicio de Figuerido Murta, complicated the picture somewhat when he noted in 1944 that Brazilian output from 1725–1822 totaled 1,047,500 kilograms.40 That figure appears close to Humboldt’s calculation, but significantly it does not include output from the 1690s, when the great Brazilian gold rush began, until 1725. In 1879 Adolf Soetbeer (1802–1892) offered his calculations of Brazilian gold production for the period 1691–1875, cited in J. F. Normano’s Brazil: A Study of Economic Types. For the period 1691–1820 Soetbeer believed that the mines of Brazil produced 910,100 kilograms of gold and that the peak twenty years were between 1741 and 1760 when extractions from Brazilian mines reached 292,000 kilograms.41 At the same time Normano published his work, other analysts surveyed the economic history of colonial Brazil and wrote substantial works useful for the understanding of gold mining in Luso-America.

38

One arroba was equal to 15 kilograms. Wilhelm Ludwig von Eschwege, Pluto Brasiliensis 2 vols. (São Paulo: Companhía Editora Nacional, 1944), 1:370–71. The German edition was entitled Beitrage zungebirgskunde brasilien (Berlin: 1833). 40 Eschwege, Pluto, 1:375. 41 J. Normano, Brazil: A Study of Economic Types (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933), 92. Normano cites Soetbeer’s figures, taken from EdelmetallProduktion und werthverhältnis zwischen gold und silber (Gotha: J. Perthes, 1879). 39

14

chapter one

In 1930 João Pandiá Calógeras wrote his Historical Formation of Brazil, a book that was republished in many later editions. By his calculations, between 1700 and 1801 the gold mines of Brazil produced 65,500 arrobas of gold or 982,500 kilograms—712,500 kilograms in Minas Gerais; 195,000 kilograms in Goiás and Mato Grosso; and 75,000 kilograms in São Paulo and Bahia-Ceará, the latter two calculations only from 1720 to 1801.42 Of all those who presented estimates of Brazilian gold output, Calógeras appears closest to the mark. Writing about the same time as Calógeras was completing his history, the economic historian Roberto Simonsen produced a two-volume Economic History of Brazil 1500–1820. While he hazarded no guesses as to the course of Brazilian gold output, he did provide an excellent picture of the mining economy in colonial Brazil.43 Charles Boxer also detailed the intricacies of mining operations in Luso-America in The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695–1750.44 The Brazilian historian Virgilio Noya Pinto has made one of the more recent estimates of Brazilian gold output in his book Brazilian Gold and Anglo-Portuguese Trade, estimates that he published again in 1987 in a compilation of essays: Colonial Brazil.45 He calculates that between 1700 and 1799, 128,831 kilograms were produced in Minas Gerais; 31,880 kilograms in Goiás; and 12,000 kilograms in Mato Grosso. This amounts to 172,711 kilograms for Luso-America in this period—a surprisngly low estimate by a well established economic historian of Brazil. Meanwhile, Michel Morineau used data from European commercial gazettes to estimate the volume of gold shipped from Brazil to Lisbon from 1699–1810, concluding that 819,279 kilograms of fine gold reached Lisbon.46 Morineau also calculates that 446,627

42 João Pandía Calógeras, Formação histórica do Brasil 7 ed. (São Paulo: Companhía Editora Nacional, 1987), 46. Other editions appeared in 1930, 1935, 1938, and 1963. 43 Roberto C. Simonsen, Historia econômica do Brasil, 1500–1820 2 vols. (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1937). 44 Charles R. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695–1760 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964). 45 Virgilio Noya Pinto, O ouro brasileiro e o comércio anglo-português (São Paulo: Companhia Editôra Nacional, 1979). See also Leslie Bethell, ed., Colonial Brazil (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987). Noya Pinto’s estimates may be found in J. R. Russell-Wood’s chapter, “The Gold Cycle, c. 1690–1750,” 191–243. The table is on page 237. 46 Michel Morineau, Incoyables gazettes et fabuleux métaux. Les retours des trésors américains d’après les gazettes hollandaises (XVIe–XVIIIe siècles) (Paris: Maison des

introduction

15

kilograms of gold were coined in Brazilian mints between 1703 and 1806.47 The paper by Jorge Braga de Macedo, Alvaro Ferreira da Silva, and Rita Martins de Sousa, “War, Taxes, and Gold: The Inheritance of the Real,” presented at the Twelfth International Economic History Congress in Madrid in 1998, encompasses output at the Lisbon mint 1688–1797. The paper is useful for what was occurring in the metropolitan mint, but incorporates both the raw gold coined from Brazil and shipped to Portugal from Africa. That sources are available for a more concise analysis of registered gold output in Brazil seems evident from a document provided to me by Professor Mary Karasch. This document contains a list of the marks of gold registered at the two gold smelters of Goiás from 1752 to 1803 at Villaboa and at El Norte. This document, similar to the kinds of summaries (estados) emanating from bureaucrats in the Spanish empire, demonstrates that the most productive years in Goiás were from 1752 to 1774, with output falling below one thousand marks after that. Together these two smelters produced approximately 11,500 kilograms of gold from 1752–1803. The document does not, however, include the amounts registered during the early years of mining in Goiás.48 The discussion above reveals the relatively narrow range of estimates on Brazilian gold output. In this study I have relied primarily on the estimates of João Pandía Calógeras supplemented by those of von Eschwege and the document from Goiás provided by Professor Karasch. The Brazilian mintage figures presented by Michel Morineau are crucial. The same is true of his estimates of gold shipments from Brazil to Lisbon. Most likely because it incorporated a fraud factor of 19 percent, the early nineteenth-century calculation of Alexander von Humboldt seems reasonable, although the fraud rate was probably much higher than his estimate. As indicated in the preface, this study intends to take a new look at New World gold and silver output based primarily on the royal accounts (cartas cuentas) wherever possible. When other sources have Sciences de l’Homme; and London: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 135–37, 164, 167. 47 Morineau, Gazettes, 144–45. 48 “Mappa do rendimiento de real quinto das duas caxas de fundaçăo da capitanias de Goyaz,” Contaduria de Vllaboa, 3 Janeiro de 1805. The document is housed in the Ministerio do Ultamar, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Goiás. The fundaçăo in the north of Goiás began operation in 1752.

chapter one

300

250 200

150 Silver Gold

100 50

17 91

17 71

17 51

17 31

17 11

16 91

16 71

16 51

16 31

16 11

15 91

15 71

15 51

15 31

15 11

0 14 91

Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 maravedís

16

By Decade 1681 = 1681–1690

Figure 1–3. New World Silver and Gold Output, 1492–1810

been used to supplement the accounts, a methodological appendix at the end of each chapter will explain the other sources. In Spanish America 99 percent of all silver was mined in New Spain and Upper and Lower Peru. Fortunately, there are accounts extant for these areas for virtually the entire colonial period.

Gold and Silver in a Comparative New World Perspective In many ways this brief section anticipates the contents of the chapters which follow, but at the outset it provide a clear picture of the importance of gold and silver in the Indies in the colonial epoch. Except for Brazil in Luso-America and New Granada, Ecuador, Chile, and the Caribbean in Spanish America, gold in the Indies was scarcer than silver. Silver output by weight during the colonial epoch to 1810 amounted to 86,000,000 kilograms, fifty times that of gold (1,700,000 kilograms). Gold constituted about 2 percent of the total by weight of the two precious metals (see Table 1–2 and Figure 1–3). In value, however, silver amounted to 3,500,000,000 silver pesos of eight reales, whereas gold amounted to the equivalent of 1,100,000,000 silver pesos, almost 25 percent of combined gold and silver output in terms of its purchasing power (see Figure 1–2). In the early decades of Spanish penetration of the Indies, gold dominated. Despite the abundance of silver ultimately found in America, none reached Castile until the 1520s, and in that decade only a meager

introduction

17

In Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 maravedís MEXICO 2058.03 = 45% CHILE 49.5 = 1% NEW GRANADA 217.02 = 5%

OTHER* 80.45 = 2%

BRAZIL 656.4 = 14%

PERU 1470.56 = 32%

*Includes registries in the Caribbean, Central America, Ecuador, and the Rio de la Plata

Figure 1–4. New World Gold and Silver output by Region, 1492–1810

150 kilograms or 5,800 pesos.49 In the 1530s, however, silver shipments to the Old World constituted almost 30 percent, remaining in that range until the 1570s when silver made up almost 90 percent to well over that amount in the ensuing decades to 1660. Over the colonial period to 1810 the ratio of gold to silver output fluctuated markedly (see Figure 1–3). In the 1550s gold production amounted to less than 20 percent of the total and dropped below 10 percent in the 1580s until the opening of the eighteenth century when the effects of the rich gold strikes in Brazil made their mark. Gold, in fact, reached almost 30 percent of total New World bullion output in the first two decades of the eighteenth century, 40 percent or more in the ensuing three, but fell into the 30-percent range in the 1750s through the 1780s, and 20 percent in the decades to 1810, explained in part by the increased production of silver in Mexico and Peru after 1750 and the drop in gold output in Brazil. Over the entire colonial period, Mexico generated approximately 45 percent of the bullion, followed by Peru with 32 percent and Brazil 14 percent (see Figure 1–4). 49 Earl J. Hamilton, Tesoro americano y la revolución de los precios en España, 1501–1650 (Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, 1975), 54–55. This is a Spanish translation of his American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934).

18

chapter one

Together gold and silver production in the New World from 1492 to 1810 amounted to 4,600,000,000 silver pesos, a very conservative estimate based primarily on registry figures with no fraud percentage factored in, although there clearly was illicit unregistered output. The trajectory of the output of both metals combined was generally upward from the moment of conquest except for a slight dip in the last half of the seventeenth century (Figure 1–3). In general, though, production of gold and silver rose, oftentimes dramatically, and the eighteenth century became the great age of both gold and silver in the Indies. In fact in the 1790s, the most productive ten years of the entire colonial epoch, the two metals combined reached an amount worth almost four hundred million silver pesos.

introduction

19

Tables Table 1–1. Adolf Soetbeer’s Estimates of World Silver and Gold Production, 1793–1810. Silver

Gold

DECADE

MARKS

KILOGRAMS

1493–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

103,200 129,000 129,000 230,000 230,000 620,000 770,000 728,000 728,000 989,000 989,000 664,000 664.000 783,260 783,260 703,300 703,300 626,820 626,820 635,930 635,930 650,750 650,750 797,720 797,720 1,007,640 1,007,640 1,240,210 1,240,210 1,626,260 1,626,260 1,600,530 24,717,510

376,000 470,000 470,000 900,000 900,000 2,843,000 3,116,000 2,995,000 2,995,000 4,190,000 4,190,000 4,230,000 4,230,000 3,936,000 3,936,000 3,663,000 3,663,000 3,370,000 3,370,000 3,419,000 3,419,000 3,556,000 3,556,000 4,312,000 4,312,000 5,331,450 5,331,450 6,527,400 6,527,400 8,790,600 8,790,600 8,941,500 126,657,400

MARKS

KILOGRAMS

129,600 162,000 162,000 200,000 200,000 220,000 240,000 191,000 191,000 206,000 206,000 238,000 238,000 231,570 231,570 244,680 244,680 258,350 258,350 300,350 300,350 357,680 357,680 532,330 532,330 686,620 686,620 577,670 577,670 496,340 496,340 496,000 10,450,780

46,400 58,000 58,000 71,600 71,600 78,350 85,100 68,400 68,400 73,800 73,800 85,200 85,200 83,000 83,000 87,770 87,770 92,600 92,600 107,650 107,650 128,200 128,200 190,800 190,800 246,100 246,100 207,050 207,050 177,900 177,900 177,780 3,743,770

20

chapter one Table 1–2. New World Silver and Gold Output, 1492–1810. in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís

DECADE

SILVER

GOLD

1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

0 0 0 0.34 7.55 28.12 42.71 56.05 71.47 100.19 113.40 121.81 124.28 123.63 128.60 102.83 92.16 85.73 100.02 109.85 92.80 78.25 92.61 112.45 130.65 147.94 174.58 166.72 216.55 241.88 289.94 279.46 3432.57

0.70 8.20 7.21 3.92 11.12 8.73 10.64 8.85 13.00 10.18 11.91 12.75 10.43 9.91 5.24 6.72 6.73 4.74 4.54 5.85 8.24 33.24 37.05 74.25 99.12 108.73 90.41 95.41 104.65 102.27 102.59 82.06 1099.39

TOTAL 0.70 8.20 7.21 4.26 18.67 36.85 53.35 64.90 84.47 110.37 125.31 134.56 134.71 133.54 133.84 109.55 98.89 90.47 104.56 115.70 101.04 111.49 129.66 186.70 229.77 256.67 264.99 262.13 321.20 344.15 392.53 361.52 4531.96

%SILVER 0 0 0 7.98% 40.44% 76.31% 80.06% 86.36% 84.61% 90.78% 90.50% 90.52% 92.26% 92.58% 96.08% 93.87% 93.19% 94.76% 95.66% 94.94% 91.84% 70.19% 71.43% 60.23% 56.86% 57.64% 65.88% 63.60% 67.42% 70.28% 73.86% 77.30% 75.74%

%GOLD 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 92.02% 59.56% 23.69% 19.94% 13.64% 15.39% 9.22% 9.50% 9.48% 7.74% 7.42% 3.92% 6.13% 6.81% 5.24% 4.34% 5.06% 8.16% 29.81% 28.57% 39.77% 43.14% 42.36% 34.12% 36.40% 32.58% 29.72% 26.14% 22.70% 24.26%

1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 Total

DECADE

20.99

0.70 8.20 7.21 2.40 1.55 0.93 1.82 4.67 11.38 18.71 34.42 39.27 34.16 42.67 50.39 52.98 50.75 46.39 34.55 37.27 36.21 53.39 59.88 51.52 51.21 66.30 83.04 95.63 107.07 123.85 113.67 154.06 176.16 209.28 217.33 2,058.03

0.04 0.06 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.30 0.85 0.68 0.64 0.55 0.30 0.21 0.30 0.34 0.26 0.17 0.17 0.26 0.34 0.51 0.68 1.76 1.73 2.08 1.73 1.51 1.71 1.95 1.42 20.82

CARIBBEAN MEXICO CENTRAL AMERICA

10.61 20.44 25.91 21.89 32.15 65.44 70.31 72.21 72.62 74.53 84.17 69.33 55.76 50.77 47.95 51.31 42.92 28.48 27.66 30.54 36.53 44.04 53.55 58.4 72.33 76.35 97.57 76.79 1,470.56

PERU

1.61 1.48 3.97 5.39 5.65 4.77 8.90 9.88 7.91 6.67 2.65 5.29 5.39 3.08 2.92 4.21 3.29 3.36 4.83 5.58 6.59 9.57 11.49 13.25 14.90 18.53 22.48 23.38 217.02

0.17 0.56 1.64 2.08 3.96 4.15 2.25 1.34 0.60 1.28 0.41 0.08 0.13 0.15 0.13 0.13 0.22 0.19 0.22 0.09 0.06 0.03 1.30 1.08 1.17 2.66 3.27 0.62 29.97 2.00 3.00 1.03 3.14 1.00 0.50 0.10 0.05 0.01 0.01 0 0 0 0 0 0.04 0.01 0.12 0.16 0.27 0.46 0.71 4.41 6.44 7.57 9.97 8.50 49.50 2.79 27.90 30.02 66.61 88.93 93.77 72.01 69.59 70.79 60.95 47.57 25.47 656.40

0.22 0.44 8.01 8.67

0.70 8.20 7.21 4.26 18.67 36.88 53.32 64.90 84.47 110.37 125.31 134.56 134.71 133.54 133.84 109.55 98.89 90.47 104.56 115.70 101.04 111.49 129.66 186.70 229.77 256.67 264.99 262.13 321.20 344.15 392.53 361.52 4,531.96

NEW ECUADOR CHILE BRAZIL RIO DE LA TOTAL GRANADA PLATA

Table 1–3. Estimated Total Gold and Silver Production in the Indies, 1492–1810. in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís

introduction 21

CHAPTER TWO

GOLD: THE SCARCER METAL?

This chapter begins with a question: was gold the scarcer metal? The answer, of course, is yes. According to the discussion in chapter one, silver was more abundant, a ratio in value of four to one in favor of silver. But the answer is not necessarily a resounding yes. As noted previously, gold nuggets and dust were a common means of exchange in gold producing areas such as San Luis Potosí in Mexico; Antioquia and the Chocó in New Granada; Carabaya in Lower Peru and Zaruma in Ecuador in the viceroyalty of Peru; Santiago and La Serena in Chile; and Minas Gerais, Goiás, and Mato Grosso in Brazil. Residents in these areas traded in gold chunks or powder and quickly learned ways of identifying the fineness of gold used as a medium of exchange in this form, and ways of making the nuggets and dust appear finer and more valuable than they really were. One informed observer’s estimate that the fraud rate of unregistered gold in colonial Brazil was high as 50 percent should not be taken lightly. Moreover, gold was more malleable than silver and easily transformed into religious icons, jewelry, plates, and ornaments.

Gold Mining Methods and Refining Techniques Native Americans exploited gold and silver deposits long before Europeans came to the New World, using techniques in many ways similar to those adopted later by the Spaniards and Portuguese. The early Spanish chronicler, Gonzalo Fernández Oviedo y Valdés, for example, described four methods Spaniards used for mining gold in the Indies: diverting gold-rich stream beds using dams, canals, and ditches; digging pits in stream terraces with significant gold accumulations; grubbing surfaces with heavy concentrations of gold nuggets; and exploiting veins in the side of hills where they found gold.1 In one way or another

1 Cited in Robert C. West, Colonial Placer Mining in Colombia (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1952), 68–69, n. 3.

24

chapter two

all were mining practices used by Native Americans, particularly in New Granada; in fact, opportunistic Spaniards used them because native laborers they enlisted as miners were familiar with them. Moreover, similar methods had been used in Spain in Roman times and in late medieval Europe. Gold miners—Native Americans, Spaniards, or Portuguese—generally preferred placer over vein mining. Of the various placer methods used, the simplest was panning for gold in rivers and streams rich in gold nuggets, a method not much different from that used during the California Gold Rush of 1849. In this process gold was separated from sand and other impurities by washing sediment from gold-rich streams or rivers in a specially designed wooden bowl called a batea. In pre-Columbian New Granada, Native Americans also developed an elaborate way to wash gold found in gravel beds at high altitudes into streams and river beds below, diverting water from artificial, manmade reservoirs into these gold-rich terraces by means of earthen canals lined with bamboo and forcing it down into low lying streams. Miners then panned for the gold washed into these rivers and streams, a wash-down process called ground sluicing, which ravaged the terrain where it was used.2 Miners also dug gold ore from underground veins in the side of hills or mountains (lode or vein mining). Laborers first cut adits into the side of these hills and then dug shafts leading to the richest deposits of ore, creating a series of tunnels that Kendall Brown describes as resembling a giant ant hill. Pre-Columbian mine shafts were not timbered; under the Spanish they were. Workers dug the gold ore from these shafts and carried it out through the adits for processing. Mine flooding and bad ventilation were persistent problems in both the preand post-conquest epochs. Grubbing or digging gold nuggets from the surface of the ground on mountainsides or the banks of rivers and streams was also productive. For the early Spaniards, robbing native tombs (guaquería) or outright confiscation of native gold ritual pieces or ornamental jewelry was still another method of acquiring caches of gold.

2 West, Placer Mining, 101. West’s discussion of gold mining methods is particularly good.

gold: the scarcer metal?

25

Gold ore was refined by methods similar to those used for refining silver—smelting and amalgamation.3 Smelting was used more widely in some gold-rich areas like New Granada or the early Caribbean where mercury was not readily available. When mercury supplies were abundant, such as in colonial Mexico or Peru, however, amalgamation was the refiners’ choice because it was more effective in ridding gold ore of its impurities. Moreover, silver refiners and others skilled in amalgamation techniques were prepared to refine gold as well. Gold content of ores varied greatly; some were very rich in gold content, close to 24 karats—pure gold—while others were of poorer quality (oro bajo). In the early Caribbean, for example, miners brought gold of varying fineness to the smelters. Some was as low as 15 to 19 karats, and they also presented oro guanines (a gold-copper alloy). From the onset of colonization of the Indies, Spanish law required that gold being refined at royal smelters and assayed by royal treasury experts must be at least 22.5 karats (quilates), reduced later in the sixteenth century to 22 karats. (Earl J. Hamilton cites a royal pragmatic of 1537 issued by Carlos V to this effect, reinforced by the Peruvian historian of colonial coinage, Manuel Moreyra Paz Soldan, but other experts suggest a later date.)4 A further reduction in gold content to 21 karats 2.5 granos was ordered in 1772, and again in 1787 to 21 karats, which remained the required fineness to 1810. In any economy where gold dominated, such as in Brazil or New Granada, trafficking in unassayed, non-registered gold nuggets and gold dust was common practice, and both were used for ordinary trade and commerce. Those who did so thus avoided payment of gold registry fees and taxes. Unlike silver flakes or nuggets, which were more difficult to trade in raw form, unregistered gold dust and nuggets were used far more easily as a medium of exchange, which meant a greater opportunity for fraud in a gold economy than one dominated by silver. Giving a value to gold dust and nuggets was often done by weighing them or visually by rubbing them with a touchstone (piedra de toque) and assessing the smear. Most smelters also had specially

3 For a more detailed discussion of the smelting and amalgamation process, refer to chapter 3. 4 Earl J. Hamilton, Tesoro americano, 69; and Moreyera Paz Soldán, La moneda colonial), 77. Humberto Burzio, in “El ‘peso de oro’ hispanoamericano,” Historia 4 (1956): 9, suggests a pragmatic of Philip II of 23 November 1556. Others believe the reduction to 22 karats came as late as 1612.

26

chapter two

designed needles (punzones) of different colors to help determine the fineness of gold ore or dust.5 In day-to-day business transactions, however, scallywags often found ways to pad the weight or to change the color to make the nuggets and dust appear far richer in gold content than they really were. In her excellent work on mining in Antioquia in New Granada, Ann Twinam describes the gold-dust economy through the eyes of an Antioquian merchant, Mateo Medina: Molina had to be not only a trader, but geologist, assayer, and criminologist extraordinaire: geologist because gold from districts like Ojasanchas, Anori, Nus, Titiribí, San Pedro, Cruces, Espinal, or Santo Domingo could vary in carat and therefore in value; assayer because gold purity ranged from “very bad gold” (oro muy malo), to clean, washed gold (oro limpio), to finely worked pre-Columbian pieces (oro de sepultura de indios); criminologist because unscrupulous buyers often mixed gold and sand so that gold washed in the mining districts with impurities of 3 or 4 percent mysteriously became adulterated to 7 or 8 percent impure when offered in trade.6

For merchants like Molina, business transactions were often problematic because of fraud on the part of those presenting gold nuggets or dust to pay for their purchases, which could be assumed to be the case in almost any economy dominated by gold. On the other hand, gold coins stamped in the casas de fundición and royal mints of Santa Fe de Bogotá or Popayán in New Granada under the supervision of royal goldsmiths and treasury officials were usually of reliable fineness and conformed closely to the royal standard. In a modern-day survey of fifty doblones minted in New Granada, the Colombian Banco de República found them to have an average weight of 6.735 grams. In colonial times a doblón was equal to two escudos or 6.76832 grams, fairly close to the prescribed weight of the gold coins assayed by the Banco.7

5 In his dissertation on Ecuadorian gold mining, “Mining the Margins: Precious Metals Extraction and Forced Labor Regimes in the Audiencia of Quito, 1534–1821” (PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 1996), Kris Lane reports that these methods of assay were crude, imprecise measures at best. 6 Ann Twinam, Miners, Merchants and Farmers in Colonial Colombia (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982), 56. 7 Barriga Villalba, Historia de la Casa de Moneda, 59.

gold: the scarcer metal?

27

Trends In New World Gold Output During the three centuries of Spanish and Portugese colonization of the Indies, silver dominated. Gold was generally the scarcer metal. In the initial decades to the 1540s, however, gold was more prevalent. As already pointed out, no silver was produced in the Indies until the 1520s, but gold was mined virtually from the time of discovery. The first gold strikes came in the Caribbean, successively in Española, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Central America. Then in the 1530s the conquests of Peru, Ecuador, and New Granada still enabled gold output to outstrip silver, constituting about 60 percent of New World bullion yields in that decade. By the 1540s, however, the proportion of gold dropped to 24 percent of the total, in the 1550s to 20 percent, and in the 1560s to 14 percent. By the opening of the seventeenth century, gold had fallen to below 10 percent.8 In the eighteenth century, however, Brazilian output began a new age of gold output when gold’s share of New World bullion reached 30 percent in the first two decades and to 40 percent over the next three. For the colonial epoch as a whole, Brazilian mining accounted for 60 percent of New World gold (see Tables 2–1 and 2–2 and Figure 2–1). Overall from the opening of the eighteenth century to 1810, gold constituted about 33 percent in value of bullion output in the New World largely because of Brazilian strikes. During the first two centuries of Spanish and Portuguese colonization, gold production remained relatively flat with no significant increases until the opening of the eighteenth century (see Tables 2–1 and 2–2 and Figure 2–2). In the thirty years after the Columbus landfall, the Caribbean produced the only gold in the Indies, about 25,000 kilograms in all, but with the decimation of the native population, the exodus of Spaniards from the islands to mainland Mexico. As the Spaniards exhausted the placers in Española, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, Caribbean production fell precipitously. The conquest of Mexico, however, provided a new source of gold after 1521, followed a decade later in the 1530s by the conquests of Peru, Ecuador, and New Granada. Spanish entradas into these regions thus compensated for the steep drop in output in the Caribbean. Between the two decades of the 1520s

8

Hamilton, Tesoro, 54. See also Table 1–2 and Figure 1–2 in Chapter 1.

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chapter two In Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 maravedís CARIBBEAN 20.99 = 2% MEXICO 90.03 = 8%

BRAZIL 6565.4 = 60%

PERU 46.17 = 4%

New GRANADA 209.38 = 19%

CHILE 43.69 = 4%

ECUADOR 29.97 = 3%

Does not include 2.76 million pesos registered in Guatemala, the Rio de la Plata, and Mendoza

Figure 2–1. Estimated New World Gold Production by Region, 1492–1810, in pesos

and the 1530s, in fact, New World gold output almost tripled from 6,000 kilograms to over 17,000 kilograms, largely because of the gold seized in the conquests of Mexico, Peru, Ecuador, and New Granada, much of it in the form of ornaments, plates, jewelry, and religious figures seized from the natives. After these initial conquests until the end of the seventeenth century, Spanish exploitation of mines and placers was modest, ranging from a high of over 20,000 kilograms in the 1570s to a low of 7,000 kilograms one hundred years later. Generally, gold production was low during the seventeenth century. In the late 1690s, however, Brazilian strikes transformed the entire course of gold output in the Indies. In the first decade of the eighteenth century gold production rose to over 51,000 kilograms, a 25 percent increase from the previous ten-year total. By the 1740s gold yields had reached almost 169,000 kilograms, a New World peak, rising because of the surge in Brazilian output. Although Brazilian yields dropped off a bit toward the end of the century, increased production in Spanish America, especially after 1780, kept output relatively high. The decision of the Spanish state to decrease the tax on gold to 3 percent in 1777 undoubtedly had a major effect in increasing output in Mexico, Peru, New Granada, Ecuador, and Chile.

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150.000

100.000

50.000

71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

16

51

61

16

16

31

41

16

16

11

21

16

16

91

01

15

16

71

81

15

15

51

61

15

15

31

41

15

15

11

21

15

15

92 14

01

0

15

Kilograms of Fine Gold

200.000

Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 2–2. Estimated New World Gold Output, 1492–1810, by decade in kilograms

In fact, by the first decade of the nineteenth century, New World mines and placers yielded almost 123,000 kilograms, even though Brazilian production had dropped almost 50 percent from the last decade of the eighteenth century to the first decade of the nineteenth.

Regional Patterns of New World Gold Output Gold extracted from the Iberian New World amounted to almost 1,700,000 kilograms worth 1,100,000 silver pesos of 272 maravedís (see Tables 2–1 and 2–2). During the colonial period Brazil produced over 1,000,000 kilograms or 656,000,000 pesos (60 percent), virtually all of it in the eighteenth century. New Granada in Spanish America yielded 320,400 kilograms or 209,000,000 pesos (19 percent), Mexico 137,000 kilograms or 90,000,000 pesos (8 percent), Peru almost 70,000 kilograms or 46,000,000 pesos (4 percent), Chile a bit over 65,000 kilograms or 44,000,000 pesos (4 percent), Ecuador 46,000 kilograms or 30,000,000 pesos (3 percent), and the Caribbean 32,500 kilograms or 21,000,000 (2 percent). (See Figure 2–1.) For Spanish America by itself, total output amounted to nearly 676,000 kilograms (see Figure 2–3). New Granada was the most prolific gold producing region, yielding 48 percent, Mexico 20 percent, Peru 10 percent, Chile close to 10 percent, Ecuador 7 percent, and the Caribbean 5 percent. Miners also registered a miniscule amount of gold in Central America, in the Chilean Andes, in Mendoza, and in the Río de la Plata.

30

chapter two In Kilograms of Fine Gold CHILE

65,320 = 10%

CARIBBEAN 32,550 = 5%

ECUADOR 46,091 = 7%

MEXICO 137,631 = 20%

PERU 69,864 = 10%

NEW GRANADA 320,392 = 48%

Figure 2–3. Spanish American Gold Production by Region, 1492–1810, in kilograms

The Caribbean9 If Columbus was seeking gold, his landfall in the Greater Antilles near Española was fortunate. Española, site of the first Spanish permanent settlement in the New World, was rich in gold placers, more so than any of the other islands, although as the conquest extended outward from Española to Puerto Rico and Cuba, Spaniards found gold in those islands as well. Jamaica, it appears, had none. In their first encounters in Española, the Spaniards met natives wearing gold jewelry in their noses and ears and belts with gold ornamentation. The indigenous peoples of the Caribbean prized gold because of its ornamental quality and not for its value or as a means of exchange. At first, natives

9 This section would not have been possible without the aid of the late Engel Sluiter, who shared with me his extensive notes on early Caribbean gold output. Sluiter consulted the relevant chroniclers, analyzed gold shipping records from the Caribbean, and surveyed some of the early sixteenth-century accounts from the islands. A scrupulous scholar, Sluiter’s efforts provide the basis for an informed estimate of Caribbean production in the decades following the initial encounter. Moreover, Genaro Rodríguez Morel, an independent scholar living in Sevilla, generously shared data with me on silver shipments from Española to Spain in the early sixteenth century.

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of all the Caribbean islands seemed eager to direct the Spaniards to placers rich in gold. In many cases they even assisted the Spaniards by panning for gold or diving for nuggets in the streams where deposits were present, also leading the Europeans to placers they later exploited.10 Gold ornaments and large nuggets were the types of gold sent to Europe at the end of the first and second voyages. As already noted, in 1493 Columbus brought back gold valued at 20,000 gold escudos worth 25,000 silver pesos of eight reales (29 kilograms), and in 1494 he shipped another 30,000 gold ducats (ducados) worth 11,250,000 maravedís, a little over 41,000 silver pesos of eight reales (64 kilograms of fine gold). Columbus evidently feared the Catholic monarchs would lose interest in the Indies enterprise if he could not produce evidence of the existence of precious metals. Spaniards developed placer gold mining on Española at a number of sites, most west or northwest of Santo Domingo—at San Cristóbal close to the Haina River west of Santo Domingo, Concepción de la Vega, Bonao, Buenaventura, and Santiago. Smelters operated at Buenaventura and Concepción de la Vega. Gold mined at San Cristóbal was assayed and smelted in Buenaventura, at least after 1503 when royal treasury officals finally made their way to the island. Spaniards refined the gold ore from the rich Cibao mountain deposits at Concepción de la Vega. Smelting at each site usually occurred twice annually under supervision of treasury officals and a master goldsmith. Española was the springboard for the conquest of Puerto Rico by Juan Ponce de León beginning in 1508. Almost immediately he found streams containing gold and established a base at Caparra south of San Juan. In 1509 he returned to Española with a small quantity of gold worth 837 gold pesos or 1,384 silver pesos of eight reales (2 kilograms of fine gold) bringing this ore to Concepción de la Vega for registry and refining. The next year he established a casa de fundición (smelter) in Puerto Rico at Caparra, which began operation in late October, registering gold worth 25,432 silver pesos of eight reales (39 kilograms). In April of 1513 another smelter was established at San Germán in southwestern Puerto Rico, after the Spaniards discovered gold in nearby streams. Engel Sluiter calculates that the gold mines of Puerto Rico reached peak production very early in 1515 only eight years after the

10 Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 25–26 and 61.

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first entrada, but output dropped after the initial bonanza and ended completely by 1545. After its conquest by Diego Velásquez in 1511–1512, Cuba produced some gold as well. Deposits were found near Bayamo and Baracoa at the eastern end of Cuba and Sancti Spíritus, and Puerto Principe (present-day Camagüey) in the mountains of central Cuba. This resulted in the creation of a royal treasury district (caja de Cuba) on the island based at present-day Santiago and establishment of a smelter at San Salvador de Bayamo. For Cuba the years 1518–1519 were the most productive; gold worth over 173,000 silver pesos of eight reales (258 kilograms of fine gold) was registered, but like Puerto Rico, output dropped quickly. Sluiter estimates that by the mid-1540s the age of gold had ended in Cuba as it had on every island except Española. Little is known about gold mining on Tierra Firme (the Isthmus of Panama), although some mining went on in the new settlements of Veragua and Urabá at the opening of the sixteenth century where estimates of output are just that—estimates. Interestingly, a new Spanish colony on the west coast of Tierra Firme was called Castilla del Oro (Golden Castile), whether because of the presence of rich gold deposits or simply because the name evoked a promise of gold that would be appealing to prospective settlers. The title was particularly prophetic because Spaniards later found gold in this region, particularly in Farther Castilla del Oro—colonial New Granada.11 Not surprisingly, in the Caribbean the first three decades of the sixteenth century (beginning in 1492), were the most productive (see Table 2–3 and Figure 2–4). Española was the most productive island in terms of gold mining during the first two decades. During the 1510s, discoveries on Puerto Rico and Cuba combined with continued exploitation of Española placers. After 1520, however, gold output decreased sharply in all areas of the Caribbean. From the 1510s to the 1520s, for example, total output dropped by almost two-thirds from 11,177 to 3,719 kilograms. By the 1540s it had decreased by 90 percent from

11 Sauer, Early Spanish Main, 114, 133–136, 138, 143, 163–164, 172–174, 176, 220, 222–230, 235–237, 244–246, 257, 268, 270, 275, 281. Sauer describes the quest for gold in Tierra Firme in these passages. Also, see the map of Castilla del Oro in José de Ocampo, ed., Historia económica de Colombia (Bogotá: Siglo Veintuno de Colombia, 1987), 6. Castilla de Oro was divided into two parts, Castilla del Oro and Farther Castilla del Oro. Farther Castilla del Oro ultimately proved to be Spanish America’s richest gold producing area, later named New Granada.

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14.000

Kilograms of Fine Gold

12.000 10.000 8.000 6.000 4.000 2.000 0 1492

1501

1511 1521 1531 By Decade 1521 = 1521–1530

1541

1551

Figure 2–4. Caribbean Gold Production by Region, 1492–1555, in kilograms In Kilograms of Fine Gold TIERRA FIRME 1,629 = 5% CUBA 3,198 = 10%

PUERTO RICO 4,335 = 13%

ESPANOLA 23,388 = 72%

Figure 2–5. Caribbean Gold Production by Decade, 1492–1555, in kilograms

the first decade of the century, and by the 1550s gold was no longer a factor in the economy of any of the Caribbean islands. Overall (see Table 2–3 and Figure 2–5) during the sixty years of Caribbean gold production, Española yielded the most of all the Greater Antilles: its output was 23,388 kilograms (72 percent), Puerto Rico’s 4,335 kilograms (13 percent), Cuba’s 3,198 kilograms (10 percent) and Tierra Firme’s 1,629 kilograms (5 percent).

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Production trends in the early Caribbean in many ways mirrored the circumstances of gold mining throughout the Spanish Indies in the early decades of the conquest. In all three islands and Tierra Firme, Spaniards seized gold from the natives, but often found them willing to identify the richest placers. The colonizers quickly exploited and then exhausted what they found, particularly in Mexico, Chile, and Peru, causing gold output to drop off soon after the initial conquest, but not always so severely or abruptly as it did in the Caribbean.

New Spain (Greater Mexico) The lure of precious metals led many early Spaniards to abandon their initial commitment to the Caribbean and to move to the mainland. In fact Iberian emigration to Mexico virtually depopulated the islands and was in part as responsible for the decline in gold production as the rapid decimation of the native population. In New Spain, silver, not gold, was the lure. Gold production in New Spain can be measured both in time and in space by treasury (caja) district (see Tables 2–4 and 2–5 and Figures 2–6 and 2–7). In the first three decades following the conquest of Mexico City, New Spain produced only a bit more than 6,000 kilograms of gold and virtually nothing after the 1550s until the 1590s when a small gold boom occurred with the opening of new gold fields near San Luis Potosí. Until 1730, however, gold output in New Spain seldom rose over 2,500 kilograms per decade, but after 1730, gold yields increased modestly from 4,800 kilograms in the 1730s to almost 7,500 kilograms in the 1740s and 1750s. Another rise to 10,000 kilograms happened in the 1760s, which reached 12,000 kilograms in the 1770s, but it then dropped to a bit less than 9,000 kilograms in the 1780s. Gold output rose again in the 1790s to 15,500 kilograms and in the first decade of the nineteenth century to almost 24,000 kilograms, a bonanza decade by Mexican standards. Production trends in the various caja districts of New Spain had their own rhythms. The caja of Mexico at Mexico City had high gold registry figures until the 1570s simply because it was the only treasury where miners could bring their gold for assay and smelting and where they could procure coins for their ores. In Durango miners did not register much gold until the 1750s, with output rising from 2,900 kilograms in that decade to almost 10,000 for 1801–1810 as the wars for independence erupted. San Luis Potosí was not only a consistent

gold: the scarcer metal?

35

25.000

15.000

10.000

5.000

0

15 21 15 31 15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

Kilograms of Fine Gold

20.000

By Decade 1641 = 1641–1650

Figure 2–6. Mexican Gold Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms In Kilograms of Fine Gold SAN LUIS POTOSI 29167 = 21%

GUADALAJARA 6736 = 5%

GUANAJUATO 21309 = 16%

DURANGO 24503 = 18%

ZIMAPAN 2011 = 2% ROSARIO 16948 = 12% MEXICO 34586 = 25%

CHIHUAHUA 1699 = 1%

*Does not include small amounts of gold mined in Pachuca and Zacatecas

Figure 2–7. Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja 1521–1810, in kilograms

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gold producer after its founding as a treasury district in 1628, but also prior to that with strikes there responsible for increased gold registries in the caja of Mexico. Gold yields at San Luis Potosí fell off a bit from an average of close to 2,000 kilograms prior to 1670 to about 1,400 kilograms per decade until 1780 when output dropped precipitously to less than a thousand kilograms—650 in the 1780s, 372 in the 1790s, and 264 from 1801–1810. Guadalajara registered very little gold—never more than 700 kilograms—but in the 1760s gold finds near Rosario put registries at Guadalajara above 1,000 kilograms for the first time, prompting the establishment of a caja in Rosario in 1770. At Guanajuato gold production did not begin in earnest until the 1730s, almost seventy years after it became a treasury district. In that decade production reached over 2,000 kilograms rising to almost 4,000 kilograms in the 1740s, dropping to a little more than 1,000 kilograms in the 1750s, but generally going up after that to almost 3,800 kilograms in the last decade of the colonial epoch. Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá on the west coast of Mexico was an area whose output of 17,000 kilograms was encompassed in a forty-one year registry period (1770–1810) and was partially responsible, along with higher yields at Durango and Guanajuato, for the surge in gold output before the outbreak of the wars of independence. Zimapán and Chihuahua registered gold as well but not in significant amounts. Gold mining in the silver-rich areas of Zacatecas and Pachuca was insignificant. For the entire colonial epoch from 1521 to 1810 gold registered in the various treasury districts of New Spain (see Tables 2–4 and 2–5 and Figure 2–7) amounted to 137,631 kilograms. Of these registries the caja of Mexico yielded 34,586 kilograms (25 percent), San Luis Potosí 29,167 kilograms (21 percent), Durango 24,503 kilograms (18 percent), Guanajuato 21,309 kilograms (16 percent), Rosario/ Alamos/Cosalá 16,948 kilograms (12 percent), Guadalajara 6,736 kilograms (5 percent), Zimapán 2,011 and Chihuahua’s 1,699 kilograms (1 percent each). As noted, gold output at Zacatecas and Pachuca was inconsequential. Although Mexico produced only 8 percent of all New World gold during the colonial period and 20 percent of Spanish American output, its gold yields were low contrasted with that of silver. Overall, Mexican production of gold by weight during the entire colonial epoch was close to 138,000 kilograms, amounting to only one decade’s output in Brazil (1730s). Silver output constituted a bit over 1,968,000,000 silver pesos (96 percent of New Spain’s bullion production) over the colonial period, whereas gold came to the equivalent of a little over 90,000,000

gold: the scarcer metal?

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silver pesos (4 percent). In Mexico, silver reigned; gold was simply not as important.

New Granada If silver was the precious metal of abundance in Mexico, New Granada was its antithesis: here in the land of El Dorado, the gilded man, gold was preeminent. Spanish invasions (entradas) into New Granada came primarily in the 1530s. Sebastián Benalcázar, the founder of Quito, had reached the Cauca valley from the south in 1536 and found productive placers in the region. Two expeditions also came south from Urabá, the first in 1537 led by Francisco César and the second in 1538 by Juan de Vadillo, who found the gold mines of Buriticá exploited earlier by native inhabitants. A third entrada commanded by Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada penetrated deeply into New Granada by going up the Magdalena River southward from the Caribbean coast in 1538.12 After these initial probes revealed the presence of gold, mining contributed to the establishment of permanent towns such as Santa Fe de Bogotá, Santa Fe de Antioquia, Cali, and Popayán,13 where the Spaniards began to exploit the gold placers and mines in earnest.14 Gold mining took place in three regions: the Cauca River basin, the upper Magdalena River, and the Pacific coast. In the Cauca River valley, the first major gold-producing areas were located at Anserma and Cartago where there were both vein and placer mines, with vein mining more prevalent. Each had its smelters, and Cartago, at least for a time, was a royal treasury district. Areas around Popayán and Almaguer were also productive, and in the seventeenth century Popayán ultimately replaced Cartago as the administrative and mining center in the upper Cauca valley. On the Pacific coast the Chocó gold fields proved rich at Nóvita and in Citará province while in the Pacific lowlands Barbacoas yielded its share of gold as did Raposo and Isaquandé. In the Magdalena River valley to the west, Antioquia, Remedios, Cáceres, Zaragoza, and Santa Fe de Antioquia became important

12

West, Placer Mining, 5–8. Two excellent works on the gold economy of Popayán are Díaz López, Oro, sociedad y economía; and Barona, Maldición de Midas. 14 See West, Placer Mining, 9–51. He has included excellent maps of the different mining areas, delineating sites of lode and placer mining and the location of the towns designated as royal caja districts. 13

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mining centers with the famed mines of Buriticá located not far from Santa Fe de Antioquia. In the same general region Ibagué, Mariquita, and Remedios were important gold camps. To the east of the Magdalena near present-day Bucaramanga, Pamplona was the focal point of mining activity. At one time or another most of these cities or towns were treasury districts and had smelters, but throughout New Granada, placer and vein mines were exhausted quickly, forcing changes in the location (although not necessarily the name) of major mining centers and the smelters associated with them. Remedios, for example, changed its location at least three times in the sixteenth century. Two Colombian historians, the late Germán Colmenares and Jaime Jaramillo Uribe, have each delineated two gold cycles in New Granada during the colonial epoch. Colmenares asserts that the first occurred from 1559 and 1620 with production centered in the Magdalena Valley, primarily in Antioquia, and the second from 1680 to 1820 in the Chocó. The sixty-year hiatus, he believes, was marked by a profound crisis in gold production in which most of the mining towns (reales de minas) disappeared. The increase in production after 1680, he argues, was made possible by the importation of African slaves into the Chocó and better integration of the farming, grazing and mining sectors. Jaramillo Uribe also delineates two gold cycles—the first beginning in 1550 and lasting until 1670 and the second from 1670 to the end of the colonial period, again with the most productive sites shifting from the Magdalena Valley to the Chocó.15 New Granada gold production in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries broadly confirms their views (see Table 2–6 and Figure 2–8). Output in the 1530s and 1540s was a bit over 2,000 kilograms, jumped to 5,500 kilograms in the 1550s and almost reached 8,000 kilograms in the 1560s and 1570s. A large increase occurred in the 1590s to over 12,000 kilograms and almost 14,000 kilograms in the first decade of the seventeenth century, dropping slowly after that and then precipitously in the 1660s to a little over 4,000 kilograms, the low point for the seventeenth century. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, gold output rose from approximately 5,000 kilograms in the first decade to over 10,000 in the 1730s. Increments in production grew larger after that—to a little less than 15,000 kilograms in the 1740s, almost 18,000 in the 1750s, 20,500 in the 1760s, and almost 23,000 in the 1770s. 15

See Campo, ed., Historia económica de Colombia, 33–37, 49–57.

gold: the scarcer metal?

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35.000

25.000 20.000 15.000 10.000 5.000

51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

16

31

41

16

16

11

21

16

16

91

01

15

16

71

81

15

15

51

61

15

15

33 15

41

0 15

Kilograms of Fine Gold

30.000

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 2–8. Estimated New Granada Gold Production, 1533–1810, by decade in kilograms

Another sharp rise came at the end of the eighteenth century: almost 28,000 kilograms were produced in the 1780s, 33,000 in the 1790s, and almost 35,000 in the first decade of the nineteenth century.16 Overall, production generally rose in the sixteenth century to the 1610s and began falling off after that with only modest output in New Granada after the 1620s, verifying Colmenares’s view of a crisis to the end of the century. Beginning in the eighteenth century, however, production grew steadily and then dramatically in the last three decades to 1810. Although no data are available from royal accounts to establish a Mexican or Peruvian-style breakdown by region, the Colombian historian Jorge Orlando Melo has offered some estimates of regional output for the eighteenth century. For this period, Popayán produced 28 percent, Barbacoas 15 percent, Nóvita 21 percent, Citará 16 percent, and Antioquia 21 percent. What is somewhat surprising is the large proportion from Antioquia, although Popayán’s share is less surprising: royal authorities established a mint in Popayán in 1759.17 Melo’s breakdown for the quinquennia from 1735 to 1739 and from 1795 to 1799 reveals a changing mining scene in New Granada. For the earlier quinquennium (1735–1739) Popayán and Barbacoas produced 43 percent, the Chocó (Citará and Nóvita) 51 percent, and Antioquia 6 percent. 16 The estimates of gold output from 1624 have been derived from the three volumes on mintage at Bogotá and Popayán by Barriga Villalba, Casa de moneda. 17 Melo, Historia, 73.

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At the end of the century (1795–1799) Popayán and Barbacoas accounted for 35 percent, the Chocó 27 percent, and Antioquia a surprising 38 percent.18 The ratio of gold to silver in New Granada was virtually the reverse of that in New Spain. In New Granada gold output constituted 96 percent, or almost 210,000,000 silver pesos of the two precious metals; silver made up only 4 percent, or a bit less than 7,000,000 silver pesos. Significantly, too, in some years the mints at Bogotá and Popayán struck no silver coins at all, only gold specie, indicating the scarcity of silver in the land of El Dorado. Also, the clear dominance of gold most likely meant more fraud and circulation of unregistered, unassayed gold in the New Granadan economy as it did in any region, such as Brazil or Chile, where gold prevailed as the dominant precious metal.

Ecuador19 Coastal Ecuador was important during the 1520s primarily as a staging area for the conquest of Peru, but in 1533 and 1534 two lieutenants of Francisco Pizarro, Sebastián Benalcázar and Diego Almagro, penetrated the interior. Almagro established the town of Santiago de Quito near present-day Riobamba in August 1534, and in December of the same year Benalcázar founded San Francisco de Quito high in the Andes, which became the administrative center for the region. Although known primarily throughout the colonial epoch for its agricultural and textile production, Ecuador also produced gold: 3 percent of the New World total and 7 percent of Spanish American output. Colonial miners produced some gold at Otavalo northeast of Quito and on the Santiago and Napo Rivers, but most of the productive mines and placers were south of the capital at Zamora, Zangurima, Sevilla de Oro, Santa Bárbara, and Malal. These lay fairly close to Cuenca, which had a smelter. Zaruma, Santiago de las Montañas, Nambija, Valldolid, and Loyola a bit farther south were located near Loja and its smelter. Quito had a smelter too, which offered reduced tax rates to those who carried their ore to the city for assay and registry. 18

Melo, Historia, 75. For this section on Ecuador, I am deeply indebted to Professor Kris Lane, who shared production data with me on Ecuadorian gold output, including a map pinpointing the important mining areas and information on assaying and refining techniques. Lane, “Mining the Margins.” 19

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7.000

5.000 4.000 3.000 2.000 1.000

51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

15

35 15

41

0 15

Kilograms of Fine Gold

6.000

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 2–9. Ecuador Gold Production, 1535–1810, by decade in kilograms

Ecuadorian gold production had a strange trajectory (see Table 2–7 and Figure 2–9). From the conquest to 1550 output was exceedingly low, less than 1,000 kilograms per decade. Beginning in the 1550s, however, gold yields began increasing to about 2,500 kilograms in the 1560s to 3,200 in the 1570s and culminated in the gold boom of the 1570s and 1580s, when Ecuadorian mines reached their highest level of the colonial epoch—over 6,000 kilograms per decade. Significantly, Ecuadorian production in these two decades represented 30 to 40 percent of total New World output. Yields began dropping in the 1590s, however, to 3,500 kilograms and then to 2,000 in the first decade of the seventeenth century. By the 1630s output had plummeted, and until the 1750s was never more than 650 kilograms, although it seldom reached that level. In fact in the 1730s and 1740s, production was less than 100 kilograms. Nonetheless something of a revival in gold mining began in the 1750s, when 2,000 kilograms were registered, and the uptick continued to well over 4,000 kilograms in the 1780s and 1790s, representing a modest gold boom for the region, perhaps generated by the reduction in gold taxes to 3 percent in the 1770s. Unfortunately, it was short lived. By the first decade of the nineteenth century, production had plummeted once again to below 1,000 kilograms. Of all the Andean colonial economies, Ecuador’s was perhaps the most balanced. Agriculture and textile production dominated the economy far more than the production of precious metals. Still, the presence of gold provided some regions a means of exchange—either licit or illicit—and a possible source for investment in agricultural activities and textile manufacture. Unfortunately, however, in the

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eighteenth century, the Ecuadorian textile industry suffered from the influx of foreign cloth, causing economic difficulties that gold mining could not offset.20

Upper and Lower Peru Like Mexico, Peru was silver rich but almost bereft of gold. During the colonial period, Peru produced only about 70,000 kilograms, 4 percent of New World output and 10 percent of Spanish American yields. After his capture by the Spaniards on November 16, 1532, at Cajamarca, the Inca ruler Atahualpa agreed to fill with gold a twenty-twofoot by seventeen-foot room to as high as he could reach and twice that quantity of silver in return for his release. Making good on his promise, Atahualpa delivered 13,200 pounds (6,000 kilograms) of gold and 26,000 pounds of silver (11,800 kilograms) to the Spaniards. With bullion in hand, Pizarro and his henchmen then refused to release Atahualpa, held a mock trial, and executed him.21 Atahualpa’s ransom constituted a large portion of gold production in the first decade. Gold output dropped rapidly in Peru (see Tables 2–8 and 2–9 and Figures 2–10 and 2–11). In the 1530s because of Atahualpa’s ransom and further plunder taken from Cuzco, Peru surpassed 8,000 kilograms, but in the 1540s Peru yielded only a little more than half of what had been produced in the 1530s, 4,800 kilograms. In the 1550s gold registries dropped to 3,500 kilograms, and in the 1560s and 1570s to a bit over 1,000. This effectively ended what might be termed the first age of gold in Peru. Between 1590 and 1761 output of gold never exceeded 620 kilograms for a decade and seldom reached that level. In some decades between 1611 and 1660, there were virtually no registries at all. The conquistadores apparently took what they could from the indigenous inhabitants, such as ritual plates and ornamental jewelry, and melted them down. When this source was exhausted, the Spaniards found no placers from which to procure gold. Unlike New Granada, Peru had no gold mines to exploit, or so it seemed. 20 Kenneth J. Andrien, The Kingdom of Quito, 1690–1830: The State and Regional Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 55–79. 21 Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial 36–37. He estimates the ransom at 5,720 kilograms of gold and 11,041 kilograms of silver.

gold: the scarcer metal?

43

16.000 14.000

10.000 8.000 6.000 4.000 2.000

51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

16

31

41

16

16

11

21

16

16

91

01

15

16

71

81

15

15

51

61

15

15

33 15

41

0

15

Kilograms of Fine Gold

12.000

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 2–10. Peru Gold Production 1533–1810, by decade in kilograms

The second age of gold began modestly in the 1760s with a registry in Peru of about 1,300 kilograms, which rose to over 5,800 kilograms in the 1770s. The yield reached nearly 12,000 kilograms in the 1780s, and it remained that high for the next twenty years. The main sources of this late eighteenth-century resurgence were increased registries in Lima, where, after 1750, mercury from Almadén was available, and in La Paz and Potosí in Upper Peru. Trujillo also produced a bit of gold in Lower Peru in the same epoch but not in significant amounts as La Paz or Potosí. Overall during the colonial epoch, Lima registered the most gold 38,160 kilograms (55 percent), La Paz 13,031 kilograms (19 percent), Potosí 115,33 kilograms (17 percent), Trujillo 3,500 kilograms (5 percent), Carabaya 1,698 kilograms (2 percent), and Cuzco 1,159 kilograms (2 percent). Gold registered in other treasury districts was miniscule. Silver dominated in Upper and Lower Peru as it did in Mexico. In value for the entire colonial epoch silver output amounted to 1,424,390,000 silver pesos of 8 reales (97 percent), while gold produced the equivalent of only 46,170,000 of these same silver pesos (3 percent). As a factor in the economy of these regions, gold simply played an insignificant role, except perhaps in La Paz and Carabaya and especially in Trujillo and Potosí where gold strikes in the late eighteenth century injected small amounts of gold into the economy. Gold was important in Lima after 1750 because miners brought their bullion to

44

chapter two In Kilograms of Fine Gold POTOSI 3500 = 5%

ORURO 1698 = 2% LIMA 38160 = 55%

LA PAZ 11533 = 17%

TRUJILLO 13031 = 19%

CUZCO 1159 = 2%

Does not include the gold mined in Huancavelica, Oruro, Chucuito, Arequipa, Arica, and Puno because only a negligible amount was mined.

Figure 2–11. Peru Gold Production by Region, 1533–1810, in kilograms

the city to register it and to purchase mercury. Nonetheless, just as in Mexico, silver prevailed in Peru as the dominant precious metal.

Chile The conquest of Chile was an extension of the conquest of Peru. In 1535 Diego de Almagro, the lieutenant of Francisco Pizarro, led the first Spanish incursion into the region and stayed there over a year before returning to Peru. Civil war in Peru delayed further probes of Chile until 1540 when Pedro de Valdivia, another associate of Pizarro, personally financed a new expedition. He established the first settlement at Santiago de Chile on February 12, 1541. Most Spaniards settled near Santiago in the fertile central valley, where Chile eventually gained its reputation as the breadbasket of Peru. The resistance of the Araucanians made the south less palatable for the colonizers who did, however, establish settlements at Concepción and Valdivia. Like Ecuador, Chile produced its modest share of New World gold. The Chilean historian Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna has delineated three major gold-mining regions: the northern sector ending at the

gold: the scarcer metal?

45

12.000

8.000

6.000 4.000

2.000

0

15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

Kilograms of Fine Gold

10.000

By Decade 1661 = 1661–1670

Figure 2–12. Chile Gold Production, 1541–1810, in kilograms

Choapa River; the central sector from the Choapa to the Maule River; and the southern sector from the Maule to the Osorno River, just south of Valdivia. In the north (El Norte Chico and El Norte Grande), the major mining centers were at Copiapó, Coquimbo, La Serena (a royal caja district for a time with a smelter), the Huasco River valley, and Andacollo, among others. In the central zone major gold mining activity occurred at Quillota northeast of Valparaiso and Petorca and La Ligua River valley just north of Quillota. In the southern region Villarica and the Villarica River valley northeast of Valdivia were productive, as were those on the Rahue River near Osorno. Like New Granada gold mining camps sprang up only to be abandoned once the gold was exhausted and as new, more profitable deposits were found elsewhere.22 Vicuña Mackenna’s assertion that Chile was the major New World gold producer during the colonial epoch is mistaken. From 1540 to 1810 its output amounted to only 65,320 kilograms or 4 percent of total production in the Indies and 10 percent of Spanish American production. The trajectory of gold yields in Chile (see Table 2–20 and Figure 2–12) show a rise from a bit over 3,000 kilograms during the

22 Vicuña Mackenna, Edad del oro. This book, originally published in 1881, provides a detailed discussion of the development of gold mining in Chile during the colonial period as well as quantitative data on mintage in the eighteenth century. Tomo 2 deals primarily with the nineteenth century.

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decade from 1541 to 1550 to almost 5,000 kilograms by the 1570s, but dropping rapidly after that to virtually nothing after 1600. A modest revival began in the 1750s when output finally reached over 1,000 kilograms once again, jumping to 6,700 kilograms in the 1760s to over 9,000 kilograms during the next three decades. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, production was at an all-time high—almost 11,600 kilograms. In fact, like Mexico in the last five decades to 1810, a modest gold boom occurred in Chile.

Brazil During the colonial epoch Brazil produced a little over 1,000,000 kilograms, or 60 percent of the New World total, virtually all of it during the eighteenth century. The initial gold strikes in Brazil came in the early 1690s, when prospectors and explorers from São Paulo, the Paulistas, found gold placers on the Rio das Velhas, Rio das Mortes, Rio São Francisco, and Rio Doce in Minas Gerais.23 Vila Rica do Ouro Preto grew up immediately as the focal point of mining activity with prospectors flooding into the region to seek their fortunes. The Paulistas derisively called many of the Portuguese newcomers emboadas (outsiders). Royal authorities established smelters at Vila Rica, Sabará, São João del Rei, and Vila do Principe. These same authorities also appointed a captain general in 1720 to establish some order out of the chaos in the region, separating Minas Gerais from São Paulo. Other towns in Minas Gerais became mining boom towns as well—Mariana, Sabará, Rio das Mortes, Serro Frio, and Paracatú, among others. Strikes occurred later in other regions of Brazil. In 1718 Paulistas discovered gold in Mato Grosso on the Cuiabà and Coxipó Rivers. In Mato Grosso the mines of Guaporé were particularly productive as well. Seven years later, in 1725, major finds occurred in Goiás. Addi-

23 A number of works describe the history of gold mining in colonial Brazil. Among them are Boxer, Golden Age of Brazil; and Eschwege, Pluto Brasiliensis. The latter is particularly valuable because Eschwege was a German engineer and colonel in the Portuguese Corps of Engineers who became intendant of Minas Gerais in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Refer also to Calógeras, Formação histórica do Brasil; Roberto C. Simonsen, História Econômica do Brasil, 1500–1820 2 tomos (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1937); and A. J. R. Russell-Wood, “The Gold Cycle, c. 1690–1750,” in Colonial Brazil, ed. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 190–243.

gold: the scarcer metal?

47

160.000

Kilograms of Fine Gold

140.000 120.000 100.000 80.000 60.000 40.000 20.000

01 18

91 17

81 17

71 17

61 17

51 17

41 17

31 17

21 17

11 17

01 17

16

91

0

By Decade 1741= 1741–1750

Figure 2–13. Brazil Gold Production, 1691–1810, in kilograms

tional strikes were also made in Ceará and Bahia, but Minas Gerais remained the most productive throughout the colonial epoch. This led Charles Boxer in The Golden Age of Brazil to quote an 1802 eyewitness who claimed that “the most ignorant miner in Minas Gerais was more skilled than the most expert in Goiás, and that the most ignorant in Goiás knew more about mining than the most intelligent in Mato Grosso.”24 Most striking about Brazilian gold output is that it far eclipsed Spanish America, yielding 60 percent of New World production. Moreover, it was primarily an eighteenth-century phenomenon. Although gold was produced prior to the eighteenth century, the massive output in Brazil occurred during a little more than one hundred years. The course of Brazilian output in this epoch mirrored the strikes in the various regions of Brazil (see Table 2–11 and Figure 2–13). Production increased by ten times from the 1690s (4,327 kilograms) to the 1700s (43,270 kilograms) and the 1710s to 46,563 kilograms. Major strikes in Minas Gerais were responsible for the rise. In the 1730s output more than doubled once again to over 100,000 kilograms, largely because of gold finds in Goiás and Mato Grosso, reaching an all-time high of over 24

Boxer, Golden Age of Brazil, 269.

48

chapter two In Kilograms of Fine Gold MATO GROSSOGOIAS 194,996 = 20%

MINAS GERAIS 708,752 = 72% SAO PAULOBAHIA-CEARA 75030 = 8% See Table 2–12 for source.

ִFigure 2–14. Brazil Gold Production by Region, 1700–1801, in kilograms

145,000 kilograms in the 1740s. For the next four decades (1751–1790) production dropped to the 100,000-kilogram range and to 70,000 kilograms in the last decade. In the decade from 1801 to 1810, output was only a bit more than half that—38,000 kilograms, indicating that the mines of placers of Brazil were finally being exhausted, ending a century-long age of gold. The importance of Brazil is magnified in the eighteenth century by the large Luso-American share of the New World total. From 1701 to 1760, Brazil’s portion of New World production was 80 percent or more, dropping to 73 percent in the 1760s, 68 percent in the 1770s, 60 percent in the 1780s, 47 percent in the 1790s, and 31 percent in the first decade of the nineteenth century. Its share of the total world production was also considerable. From 1701 to 1740, the Brazilian portion rose from one-third to almost three-quarters in the 1730s. From 1740 to 1790 Brazil provided over 50 percent of world output except for the decade of the 1760s when it constituted 45 percent. As output dropped at the end of the century, the Brazilian share fell to 40 percent in the 1790s, and to 21 percent in the first decade of the nineteenth century. By region, Minas Gerais was the largest producer of gold, constituting 72 percent of the total (see Figure 2–14), far exceeding that of Mato Grosso-Goiás and Săo Paulo-Bahia-Ceará.25

25

Cológeras, Formação histórica do Brasil, 46.

gold: the scarcer metal? NEW WORLD

49

WORLD

300,000 250,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000

31 15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

15

11

21

15

15

92 14

15

01

0

Figure 2–15. New World-World Gold Production, 1491–1810, in kilograms

New World Gold in a Global Perspective The total amount of gold the Indies provided to world output from 1492 to 1810 was roughly 1,685,000 kilograms, or 45 percent, of the world total over a bit more than 300 years (see Table 2–12 and Figure 2–15). During the sixteenth century, however, the New World portion of world output was not even close to that. Although it reached almost 30 percent in the 1570s as a result of increased production in Ecuador and Chile, its share was normally in the 20-percent range. In the seventeenth century New World gold production dropped quickly from a 23-percent share in the first decade to a 12-percent share by the 1660s, and then fell to less than 10 percent in the next three decades before rising to 12 percent in the last ten years of the seventeenth century. In the eighteenth century that trend changed markedly. Beginning in the first two decades, because of the rich Brazilian strikes, the New World portion of world gold rose to over 40 percent, growing to 60 percent in the 1720s, and then to 81 percent in the 1730s, its highest share ever. In the two succeeding decades the Indies produced 69 percent of world output in the 1740s and 57 percent in the 1750s. The New World share rose to over 70 percent in the next two decades, and well over 80 percent in the last twenty years of the century, largely because of increased production in Spanish America. By the first decade of the nineteenth century, New World output was 69 percent, about what it was in the 1740s. Although it cannot be proven conclusively, the New World in the eighteenth century contributed the major portion

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of world gold output, raising once again the issue of the gold of the Indies as a stimulant to the industrial revolution in Europe.

Sources and Methodological Explanation Wherever possible this study emphasizes officially registered production. The procedures for registering gold and silver followed the same pattern throughout the Spanish empire whether at Guanajuato, Zacatecas, Chucuito, or Potosí. Silver and gold miners or traders brought their troves to the seat of the royal treasury, where they presented their gold and silver to royal treasury officials—an accountant and treasurer (contador and tesorero) and their minions. These officials weighed and assayed the fineness of the gold and silver and then fashioned them into ingots by smelting or using mercury to siphon off impurities. They noted the weight and fineness in a ledger, stamped each bar with the caja seal (a PO for Potosí, for example) and also the bar’s weight. Miners or traders then paid their taxes on what they had brought in. They first paid the cobos, a tax on New World precious metals awarded as a sinecure to Francisco de los Cobos, the loyal secretary of Charles V who ran affairs for the monarch when he was away from the Iberian peninsula. The cobos continued long after Cobos’s death. Initially treasury officials collected 1.5 percent of the gold or silver delivered to the treasury for the cobos but it was reduced in the early eighteenth century to 1 percent. The cobos were collected on the total amount of silver or gold presented. This sum was then deducted and the remainder taxed at a fifth (quinto) or tenth (diezmo). In Mexico in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, silver from mines the king designated as reales de minas, or royal mines, were charged a tenth; silver brought from elsewhere paid a fifth. For Peru the treasury charged a cobos of 1.5 percent and a quinto through the early eighteenth century when it was then changed to 1 percent and a diezmo. Those who presented gold paid the same rate until 1777 when the tax rate became 3 percent. Once all taxes had been paid, miners and traders could take their silver and gold in bars smelted at the caja or exchange their value for coins, if available. They could also carry their bars to the nearest mint to have their gold and silver minted into coin. Colonial mints were not initially allowed to stamp gold coins, but the ban was lifted in the early eighteenth century. Treasury tax data on the cobos, quintos and diezmos make it possible to calculate the amount of gold and silver officially registered.

gold: the scarcer metal?

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Multipliers to determine the amount of silver and gold presented from account entries were the following: 1.5 percent y quinto de plata –4.71698113; 1 percent y quinto de plata–4.80769231; 1.5 percent y diezmos de plata–8.81057269; 1 percent y diezmos de plata–9.17421193. Adjustments were made to these multipliers when seignorage (a fee for assaying) was added to these taxes. The multiplier for 1 percent cobos, diezmo and seignorage, for example, was 8.1967213. Using these multipliers enabled transformation of the taxes reported in the account ledgers into the silver or gold actually presented at the caja smelters. Another aim of this study was to create tables of annual production. The royal accounts were not always kept by twelve-month periods that began on January 1 and ended on 31 December. Many covered only a few months, others ranged over more than three years, often depending on when the Mexican fleet ( flota) left Veracruz or the Armada del Sur left Callao for Panama. Thus the account data were computed on a monthly basis until the year ended, and annual output for each calendar year were determined. Still another issue was the use in Upper and Lower Peruvian accounts of the peso ensayado worth 450 maravedís equivalent to 1.65444 pesos of ocho reales. Upper and Lower Peruvian acountants commonly used pesos ensayados in the Peruvian accounts until the 1770s. These entries in pesos ensayados were thus transformed into pesos de ocho to establish a common unit of account for the Spanish Indies over time. Since silver and gold were both a means of exchange and a commodity, all entries appear in silver pesos of eight reales and kilograms of fine silver and gold. Use of silver pesos as a standard enables comparison of the purchasing power of the two metals, and their relative importance in the Indies, as well as a means to compare these new estimates with those of previous observers. Providing weight in kilograms of fine gold and silver enables comparison of New World output with world production and allows placement of precious metal output in the Indies on the world scene. Fortunately, there was less tampering with the New World weight and fineness than occurred in Spain. Royal edicts did not reduce the fineness of gold in the Indies until 1772, when the tolerance allowed was lowered from 0.91666 karats to 0.901041 karats. Another change occurred in 1786 when a tolerance of 0.875 karats was established. Parenthetically the crown hoped to keep these debasements a secret but was unsuccessful. For silver, tolerance was not changed until 1728 when the long-time fineness of 0.930555 karats was lowered to 0.916666 karats, remaining at that level until 1772 when it was further reduced to 0.902777. In 1786 it fell to

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0.895832 karats where it stayed until the end of the colonial epoch, again with unsuccessful royal attempts to mask these debasements.26 Other problems occurred because of gaps in the account data. Although some accounts are extant from the time of the Spanish conquest, there are major gaps in the series of some treasury districts. When these gaps occurred, ascending or descending annual averages were developed, depending on an upward or downward trend in the accounts. For gaps of only a year or two, simple averages were drawn from the years before and after the gap. Amazingly, however, accounts are extant for a great number of years. The first extant account uncovered for Potosí was for 1560. From that date until 1824, only about twenty years are missing. The same is true for Zacatecas, Lima, Mexico, Guanajuato, Pasco, and a number of other colonial cajas, a testimony to the Spanish American and Spanish officials serving in the Indies and the archivists and officials in Spain who assembled and preserved the documents in the mother country. Still another problem was the change in accounting methods, particularly in the matrix or central treasuries of Mexico City and Lima, but these have been adjusted in analyzing the accounts.27 This study attempts wherever possible to present registered silver and gold output. No fraud factor such as that used by Alexander von Humboldt has been introduced into this study. There can be no doubt that fraud occurred in registry or that forged caja stamps were sometimes used to verify the authenticity of silver and gold bars. Cheating on the fineness of gold and silver bars and other methods were used to deprive the crown of its revenues and to put pesos into the pockets

26 For gold the multipliers for transforming silver pesos to kilograms of fine gold were the following: 0.001551 until 1773, 0.01526 through 1786, and 0.0014805 through the end of the colonial epoch. For transforming silver pesos into kilograms of fine silver, the multipliers were 0.930555 through 1728, 0.916666 through 1772, 0.902777 through 1786, and 0.895832 from 1787 to the end of the colonial period. It should be pointed out also that the fineness of the raw silver presented at the treasury was 0.025561 karats to 1728; 0.024809 karats 1729 to 1773; 0.024433 from 1773–1786; and 0.024245 until the end of the colonial epoch. 27 A good portion of the account data has been published. See TePaske and Klein, Royal Treasuries. For Ecuador see TePaske and Jara, Royal Treasuries, vol. 4: Eighteenth-Century Ecuador. For Mexico see TePaske and Klein, Ingresos y egresos; and TePaske, Hernández Palomo, and Hernández Palomo, Real hacienda. The accounts are also available on the internet at www.laceh.com. Facsimiles of many of the accounts are available in Special Collections of Perkins Library at Duke University. A catalog of those available can be found in the Perkins Library website at Duke University, Special Collections, Catalog under TePaske.

gold: the scarcer metal?

53

of silver and gold traders or miners and public officials. Mint officials could conspire to make coins of improper fineness and pocket the difference for themselves, as occurred in the ceca of Potosí. I stand with Peter Bakewell that there was not a great amount of fraud in the silver economy. It was a crime of lèse majesté to engage in such practices and those caught were severely punished. Also bona fide, registered silver bars could be traded worldwide. It was simply not worth the risk to avoid royal taxes. Gold was another matter. In areas like Brazil or New Granada where gold prevailed, it became common practice to use gold nuggets or gold dust for exchange rather than registering them with government officials and having them converted into coins or bars. In gold economies the fraud rate was far higher than in those dominated by silver. In fact, the fraud rate may have been as high as 50 percent, as suggested by one expert on Brazilian gold mining. For New Granada it may have been 30 percent or higher because of the ease in using gold nuggets or gold dust as a means of exchange. Still, rather than imposing my own fraud rate, I have left that to the experts who know the detailed history and practices in different regions of Spanish and Luso-America. The estimates presented in this volume are clearly on the conservative side.

1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680

DECADE

0.70 8.20 7.21 2.40 1.55 0.90 0.03

1.52 2.43 0.81 0.08 0.08 0.05 0.05 0.96 2.27 2.59 2.85 2.53 1.56 1.74 1.89 1.52

CARIBBEAN MEXICO

5.51 3.11 2.28 0.76 0.71 0.64 0.11 0.06 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.05 0.05

PERU

1.46 1.35 3.61 4.90 5.14 4.34 8.09 8.98 7.19 5.77 2.29 5.08 4.86 2.65 2.84

NEW GRANADA

0.17 0.56 1.64 2.08 3.96 4.15 2.25 1.34 0.60 1.28 0.41 0.08 0.13 0.15 0.13

ECUADOR

2.00 3.00 1.03 3.14 1.00 0.50 0.10 0.05 0.01 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

CHILE

BRAZIL OTHER*

0.70 8.20 7.21 3.92 11.12 8.73 10.64 8.85 13.00 10.18 11.91 12.75 10.43 9.91 5.24 6.72 6.73 4.74 4.54

TOTAL

Table 2–1. Estimated New World Gold Production by Region and Decade 1492–1810 (in Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís).

Tables

54 chapter two

20.99

1.40 1.64 1.42 1.61 1.64 3.10 4.77 4.82 6.39 7.98 5.80 10.41 16.12 90.03

CARIBBEAN MEXICO 0.17 0.36 0.41 0.25 0.22 0.18 0.16 0.12 0.83 3.83 7.83 10.61 7.92 46.17

PERU 4.15 3.19 3.31 4.83 5.53 6.58 9.54 11.45 13.22 14.82 18.50 22.38 23.33 209.38

NEW GRANADA 0.13 0.22 0.19 0.22 0.09 0.06 0.03 1.30 1.08 1.17 2.66 3.27 0.62 29.97

ECUADOR

* Includes gold registered in Guatemala, the Rio de la Plata, and Mendoza.

1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

DECADE 0.00 0.04 0.01 0.12 0.16 0.27 0.46 0.71 4.30 5.98 6.14 7.81 6.85 43.69

CHILE

2.79 27.90 30.02 66.61 88.93 93.77 72.01 69.59 70.79 60.95 47.57 25.47 656.40 0.08 0.39 0.54 1.75 2.76

BRAZIL OTHER* 5.85 8.24 33.24 37.05 74.25 99.12 108.73 90.41 95.41 104.65 102.27 102.59 82.06 1,099.39

TOTAL

gold: the scarcer metal? 55

1,086 12,718 11,177 3,719 2,404 1,393 53

1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

2,358 3,769 1,256 124 124 78 82 1,483 3,535 4,010 4,428 3,924 2,427 2,687 2,943 2,372 2,186 2,740 2,212 2,498 2,555 4,816 7,411 7,493 9,897 12,220 8,738 15,422 23,843 137,631

MEXICO

8,541 4,827 3,533 1,183 1,104 1,002 161 80 1 0 0 0 2 70 80 267 550 620 404 332 286 257 191 1,299 5,844 11,758 15,725 11,747 69,864

PERU

2,264 2,089 5,593 7,604 7,977 6,728 12,541 13,934 11,153 8,951 3,548 7,885 7,540 4,105 4,406 6,437 4,950 5,140 7,499 8,570 10,210 14,793 17,759 20,501 22,681 27,869 33,130 34,535 320,392

257 868 2,549 3,226 6,143 6,442 3,486 2,076 927 1,985 635 131 202 233 194 194 339 291 339 144 96 48 2,012 1,676 1,789 4,049 4,846 914 46,091

NEW GRANADA ECUADOR

* Includes gold registered in Guatemala, the Rio de la Plata, and Mendoza.

32,550

CARIBBEAN

DECADE

3,102 4,653 1,590 4,873 1,551 776 155 71 23 19 0 0 0 0 0 60 15 188 254 426 709 1,108 6,673 9,134 9,243 9,137 11,560 65,320

CHILE

4,327 43,270 46,563 103,315 137,930 145,430 111,680 107,930 107,930 92,930 70,430 37,715 1,009,450

BRAZIL

128 592 802 2,590 4,112

OTHER* 1,086 12,718 11,177 6,077 17,235 13,535 16,505 13,727 20,175 15,805 18,447 19,780 16,162 15,387 8,126 10,443 10,431 7,351 7,052 9,084 12,966 51,548 57,491 115,170 153,764 168,648 140,243 147,976 159,726 155,179 149,492 122,904 1,685,410

TOTAL

Table 2–2. Estimated New World Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1492–1810 (in Kilograms of Fine Gold).

56 chapter two

PESOS

700,000 7,750,000 4,600,000 743,000 701,000 551,000 34,000 15,079,000

DECADE

1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1555 TOTAL

1,086 12,020 7,135 1,152 1,087 855 53 23,388

KILOGRAMS

ESPANOLA

0 50,000 1,146,000 935,000 444,000 220,000 0 2,795,000

PESOS 0 118 1,777 1,450 689 341 0 4,375

KILOGRAMS

PUERTO RICO

0 0 1,160,000 520,000 305,000 77,000 0 2,062,000

PESOS 0 0 1,799 807 473 119 0 3,198

KILOGRAMS

CUBA

0 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 50,000 0 1,050,000

PESOS 0 620 465 310 155 78 0 1,629

KILOGRAMS

TIERRA FIRME

700,000 8,200,000 7,206,000 2,398,000 1,550,000 898,000 34,000 20,986,000

1,086 12,718 11,177 3,719 2,404 1,393 53 32,549

KILOGRAMS

TOTAL PESOS

Table 2–3. Estimated Caribbean Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1492–1555.

gold: the scarcer metal? 57

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Table 2–4. Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja and Decade 1521–1810 (in Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís). DECADE*

MEX SLP DUR GDA GTO ZIM PCA ZAC

1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

1.52 2.43 0.81 0.08 0.08 0.05 0.05 0.96 2.27 2.59 2.10 0.75 0.09 2.44 0.04 1.52 0.47 1.25 0.01 0.33 1.43 0.00 0.03 0.99 0.00 0.02 0.96 0.00 0.05 1.12 0.00 0.20 1.08 0.00 0.20 1.26 0.00 0.20 1.12 0.00 0.44 1.01 0.00 0.65 0.80 0.38 0.59 0.58 1.84 0.85 0.72 2.28 1.08 0.96 0.65 0.53 0.43 0.86 1.40 0.25 3.67 2.26 0.18 6.62 22.37 18.85 16.31

0.01 0.06 0.07 0.32 0.18 0.27 0.15 0.18 0.29 0.04 0.10 0.04 0.11 0.14 0.18 0.24 1.41 0.26 2.52 0.39 0.73 1.08 1.09 0.35 1.61 0.42 1.40 0.33 1.61 0.24 2.52 4.37 13.97

0.13 0.66 0.19 0.16 0.09 0.04 0.03 1.30

0.03 0.02 0.01 0.01 0.02 0.01 0.02 0.12

ROS

0.01 0.05 0.12 0.07 3.09 0.11 1.93 0.03 2.89 0.01 3.28 0.28 11.31

CHI TOTAL

0.01 0.18 0.96 1.15

1.52 2.43 0.81 0.08 0.08 0.05 0.05 0.96 2.27 2.59 2.85 2.53 1.56 1.74 1.89 1.52 1.40 1.64 1.42 1.61 1.64 3.10 4.77 4.82 6.39 7.98 5.80 10.41 16.12 90.03

Caja key: MEX = Mexico, DUR = Durango, ZAC = Zacatecas, SLP = San Luis Potosí, GDA = Guadalajara, GTO = Guanajuato, ZIM = Zimapan, PCA = Pachuca, ROS = Rosario, CHI = Chihuahua. * From 1700 through 1794 production registered in the Caja de Mexico is estimated at 14 percent of the total reported in the caja de Mexico accounts.

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Table 2–5. Estimated Mexican Gold Production by Caja and Decade 1521–1810 (in Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE* MEX DUR ZAC SLP 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

2,358 3,769 1,256 124 124 78 82 1,483 3,526 4,010 3,260 143 65 724 517 49 38 274 307 317 306 687 1,001 910 1,312 1,649 798 2,079 3,340 34,586

6 0 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 584 2,859 3,529 1,000 1,289 5,428 9,797 24,503

GDA

GTO

ZIM PCA ROS

CHI TOTAL

3 0 0 1,168 0 3,781 0 2,358 4 0 1,936 16 0 2,215 98 113 2 1,532 503 286 0 1,494 422 232 0 1,736 273 457 0 1,677 66 162 0 1,955 58 168 0 1,736 224 284 5 5 1,561 370 2,182 6 5 7 1,243 404 3,911 209 52 18 904 605 1,136 1,024 37 73 1,117 1,675 1,695 294 22 180 106 1,468 537 2,461 239 21 4,739 171 650 634 2,111 134 32 2,901 18 48 372 490 2,384 60 18 4,279 264 20 264 357 3,727 45 27 4,849 1,417 453 29,167 6,736 21,309 2,011 219 16,948 1,699

2,358 3,769 1,256 124 124 78 82 1,483 3,535 4,010 4,428 3,924 2,427 2,687 2,943 2,372 2,186 2,740 2,212 2,498 2,555 4,816 7,411 7,493 9,897 12,220 8,738 15,422 23,843 137,631

Caja key: MEX = Mexico, DUR = Durango, ZAC = Zacatecas, SLP = San Luis Potosí, GDA = Guadalajara, GTO = Guanajuato, ZIM = Zimapan, PCA = Pachuca, ROS = Rosario, CHI = Chihuahua. * From 1700–1794 production in the Caja de Mexico is estimated at 14 percent of the total reported in the accounts.

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Table 2–6. Estimated New Granadan Gold Production by Decade, 1533–1810 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE 1533–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

PESOS 1,459,440 1,346,714 3,605,981 4,902,861 5,143,197 4,337,688 8,085,543 8,984,093 7,191,133 5,771,000 2,286,976 5,083,680 4,861,728 2,647,104 2,840,224 4,150,720 3,191,104 3,313,776 4,834,800 5,525,544 6,582,808 9,537,816 11,449,568 13,218,112 14,824,136 18,502,800 22,377,712 23,326,312 209,382,570

KILOGRAMS 2,264 2,089 5,593 7,604 7,977 6,728 12,541 13,934 11,153 8,951 3,548 7,885 7,540 4,105 4,406 6,437 4,950 5,140 7,499 8,570 10,210 14,793 17,759 20,501 22,681 27,869 33,130 34,535 320,392

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Table 2–7. Estimated Ecuadorian Gold Production by Decade, 1535–1810 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1535–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

165,548 559,457 1,643,302 2,079,903 3,960,401 4,153,591 2,247,546 1,338,261 597,800 1,279,912 409,241 84,331 130,000 150,000 125,000 125,000 218,750 187,500 218,750 92,646 61,764 30,882 1,297,044 1,080,870 1,173,516 2,655,852 3,273,492 617,640 29,957,997

257 868 2,549 3,226 6,143 6,442 3,486 2,076 927 1,985 635 131 202 233 194 194 339 291 339 144 96 48 2,012 1,676 1,789 4,049 4,846 914 46,089

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Table 2–8. Estimated Upper and Lower Peruvian Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810 (in Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís). DECADE LIM* CZO HVA TJO LPZ POT CBY ORO CTO ARQ ARI PNO TOTAL 1531–1540 5.51 1541–1550 3.11 1551–1560 2.28 1561–1570 0.76 1571–1580 0.71 1581–1590 0.19 1591–1600 0.04 1601–1610 0.02 1611–1620 0.00 1621–1630 0.00 1631–1640 0.00 1641–1650 0.00 1651–1660 0.00 1661–1670 0.05 1671–1680 0.04 1681–1690 0.00 1691–1700 0.01 1701–1710 0.04 1711–1720 0.00 1721–1730 0.00 1731–1740 0.00 1741–1750 0.00 1751–1760 0.00 1761–1770 0.78 1771–1780 2.78 1781–1790 3.92 1791–1800 3.11 1801–1810 1.62 TOTAL 24.97

0.41 0.07 0.04 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.01 0.07 0.05 0.05 0.01 0.01 0.02 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.74

0.04 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.04

0.01 0.00 0.02 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.12 0.29 1.13 0.78 2.36

0.07 0.15 0.10 0.04 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.01 0.48 1.55 3.83 2.51 8.74

0.02 0.01 0.03 0.03 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.01 0.00 0.45 1.96 2.37 2.85 7.74

0.14 0.15 0.15 0.19 0.16 0.16 0.11 0.04 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.10

0.01 0.00 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.02

0.01 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.02

0.04 0.17 0.05 0.26

5.51 3.11 2.28 0.76 0.71 0.64 0.11 0.06 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.05 0.05 0.17 0.36 0.41 0.25 0.22 0.18 0.16 0.12 0.83 3.83 0.07 7.83 0.00 10.61 0.00 0.11 7.92 0.07 0.11 46.17

Caja key: LIM = Lima, CZO = Cuzco, HVA = Huancavelica, TJO = Trujillo, LPZ = La Paz, POT = Potosí, CBY = Carabaya, ORO = Oruro, CTO = Chucuito, ARQ = Arequipa, ARI = Arica, PNO = Puno. * The decades 1531–1580 include gold registered at Cuzco (1531–1580) and Huancavelica (1577– 1580).

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Table 2–9. Estimated Upper and Lower Peruvian Gold Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810 (in Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE

LIM* CZO HVA LPZ

1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

8,541 4,827 3,533 1,183 1,104 299 638 56 105 25 55 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70 0 65 11 1 109 13 80 66 82 0 20 0 17 0 39 0 1 0 0 1,217 0 4,252 0 5,904 2 4,611 0 2,392 0 38,160 1,159

POT

TJO ORO CBY CTO ARQ ARI PNO TOTAL

65 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 4 0 105 38 13 1 0 226 12 7 0 0 162 43 25 8 0 69 43 14 8 0 5 9 0 9 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 21 0 0 0 14 0 0 0 0 729 685 178 0 0 2,325 2,944 429 0 0 5,672 3,506 1,674 0 0 3,719 4,227 1,160 0 65 13,031 11,533 3,500 26

212 229 5 229 21 292 0 243 1 255 0 170 0 68 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 1,698 32

57 97 254 3 80 0 169 391 100 169

8,541 4,827 3,533 1,183 1,104 1,002 161 80 1 0 0 0 2 70 80 267 550 620 404 332 286 257 191 1,299 5,844 11,758 15,725 11,747 69,864

Caja key: LIM = Lima, CZO = Cuzco, HVA = Huancavelica, TJO = Trujillo, LPZ = La Paz, POT = Potosí, CBY = Carabaya, ORO = Oruro, CTO = Chucuito, ARQ = Arequipa, ARI = Arica, PNO = Puno. * The decades 1531–1580 for Lima include gold registered at Cuzco (1531–1580) and Huancavelica (1577–1580).

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chapter two Table 2–10. Estimated Chilean Gold Production by Decade 1541–1810 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold).

DECADE

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

2,000,000 3,000,000 1,025,000 3,142,000 1,000,000 500,000 100,000 46,000 14,600 12,500 212 0 0 0 0 38,472 9,908 121,170 163,942 274,732 457,200 714,162 4,302,088 5,979,920 6,141,488 7,807,896 6,851,271 43,702,561

3,102 4,653 1,590 4,873 1,551 776 155 71 23 19 0 0 0 0 0 60 15 188 254 426 709 1,108 6,673 9,134 9,243 9,137 11,560 65,320

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Table 2–11. Estimated Brazilian Gold Production by Decade, 1691–1810 (in Spanish Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

PESOS 2,789,813 27,898,130 30,021,277 66,611,863 88,929,723 93,765,313 72,005,158 69,587,363 70,792,339 60,953,693 47,571,766 25,474,502 656,400,939

KILOGRAMS 4,327 43,270 46,563 103,315 137,930 145,430 111,680 107,930 107,930 92,930 70,430 37,715 1,009,450

4,327 43,270 43,270 70,385 105,000 112,500 78,750 75,000 75,000 60,000 37,500 3,750

708,752

1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801

TOTAL

459,738,200

2,789,813 27,898,130 27,898,130 45,380,400 67,698,259 72,533,849 50,773,694 48,355,899 49,193,231 39,354,585 25,329,281 2,532,928

PESOS

194,996

2,378 23,780 23,780 23,780 23,780 23,780 23,780 23,780 23,780 2,378

KGS

127,056,846

1,533,204 15,332,044 15,332,044 15,332,044 15,332,044 15,332,044 15,597,534 15,597,534 16,062,141 1,606,214

PESOS

MATO GROSSO-GOIAS

75,030

915 9,150 9,150 9,150 9,150 9,150 9,150 9,150 9,150 915

KGS

48,888,568

589,942 5,899,420 5,899,420 5,899,420 5,899,420 5,899,420 6,001,574 6,001,574 6,180,344 618,034

PESOS

SAO PAULO-BAHIACEARA

978,778

4,327 43,270 46,563 103,315 137,930 145,430 111,680 107,930 107,930 92,930 70,430 7,043

KGS

635,683,614

2,789,813 27,898,130 30,021,277 66,611,863 88,929,723 93,765,313 72,005,158 69,587,363 70,792,339 60,953,693 47,571,766 4,757,177

PESOS

TOTAL

From João Pandia Calόgeras, Formação histórica do Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1967), p. 46. For Goias he estimates 13,000 arrobas of 15 kilograms and for Sao Paulo 5,000 arrobas 1720–1801. For Minas Gerais he makes various estimates for different epochs in arrobas of fifteen kilograms 1700–1801.

KGS

DECADE

MINAS GERAIS

Table 2–12. Estimated Brazilian Gold Production by Region and Decade, 1700–1801 (in Spanish Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold).

66 chapter two

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67

Table 2–13. New World-World Gold Production, 1492–1810 (by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE 1492–1500 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

NW TOT 1,086 12,718 11,177 6,077 17,235 13,535 16,505 13,727 20,175 15,805 18,447 19,780 16,162 15,387 8,126 10,443 10,431 7,351 7,052 9,084 12,966 51,548 57,491 115,170 153,764 168,648 140,243 147,976 159,726 155,179 149,492 122,904 1,685,410

WORLD TOT

% WLD TOT

46,400 58,000 58,000 71,600 71,600 78,350 85,100 68,400 68,400 73,800 73,800 85,200 85,200 83,000 83,000 87,770 87,770 92,600 92,600 107,650 107,650 128,200 128,200 190,800 190,800 246,100 246,100 207,050 207,050 177,900 177,900 177,780 3,743,770

2.34% 21.93% 19.27% 8.49% 24.07% 17.28% 19.39% 20.07% 29.50% 21.42% 25.00% 23.22% 18.97% 18.54% 9.79% 11.90% 11.88% 7.94% 7.62% 8.44% 12.04% 40.21% 44.84% 60.36% 80.59% 68.51% 56.99% 71.47% 77.14% 87.23% 84.03% 69.13% 45.02%

CHAPTER THREE

SILVER, THE ABUNDANT METAL: MEXICO

If the Spanish and Portuguese were seeking gold at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Spaniards succeeded immediately in the Caribbean. The Portuguese, too, found a bountiful supply of the metal in Brazil, although they only began to exploit the placers in the 1690s. In early Spanish America, however, the discovery of abundant lodes of silver, particularly in Mexico, Upper Peru (present-day Bolivia), and Lower Peru (present-day Peru), constituted a bonanza for the OldWorld colonizers. In Mexico the wealth of the silver mines at Catorce, Guanajuato, Parral, Real del Monte, and Zacatecas became legendary. So, too, were those of Upper Peru at Potosí, Oruro, and Chucuito. In Lower Peru the Cerro de Pasco, Hualgayoc and Huallanca near Trujillo, and Huantajaya near Arica also produced their share of silver, primarily in the eighteenth century. In fact, between 1492 and 1810, total silver output in Spanish America amounted to a staggering 86,000,000 kilograms, or 3,500,000,000 pesos of eight reales (see Tables 3–1 and 3–2).

Silver Mining Methods and Techniques Native Americans mined silver and gold long before Europeans arrived in the New World, using methods that the Spanish colonizers often adopted. Ground sluicing for mining gold in New Granada was a good example. Spaniards found these techniques useful because native laborers were familiar with them. In general, too, archaeological finds of gold and silver ornaments, jewelry, and ritual pieces reveal that Native Americans were well skilled at virtually all aspects of metalworking.1 Another good example of Spanish adaptation of native

1 See the first section of Alan K. Craig & Robert C. West, eds., In Quest of Mineral Wealth: Aboriginal and Colonial Mining and Metallurgy in Spanish America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, Department of Geography and Anthropology,

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practices occurred in the Potosí region of Upper Peru, where Spaniards adopted native methods of refining silver with guayras. These were smelters about three feet tall shaped like an inverted cone with holes cut in the sides to allow wind to fan the fire. Indigenous refiners always placed guayras at sites with a maximum amount of wind. Charcoal or llama dung served as fuel. The crushed ore placed in the guayras was heated, separating the impurities from the silver. Sometimes they processed it twice to ensure even greater purity. By all accounts the use of these smelters persisted at Potosí throughout the colonial epoch.2 Unlike gold mining, in which placer mining was the preferred method, silver extraction during the Spanish colonial epoch was primarily lode or vein mining in shafts dug in the side of hills or mountains. Miners first cut adits (socavones) into these silver-rich sites and then dug tunnels, which they shored up with timber supports. The tunnels led from the adits to the richest deposits of silver ore. Wielding iron picks, workers (barreteros) chipped out the ore in chunks and pieces. Carriers (apiris in the Andes and tenateros in Mexico) toted the raw ore up ladders to the adits in leather bags until they reached the surface. Resting places in the adit shafts were built about ten yards apart. At the surface, laborers, often women, sorted the ore to prepare it for grinding at a stamp mill (ingenio). Human beings, animals, or water powered these mills with every effort being made to grind the silver ore as finely as possible. In Peru, mine workers came from the mita, a forced labor levy drawn from designated villages in the Andes, but a large pool of hired workers (mingados) grew up also.3 In Mexico, Spanish miners relied primarily on paid rather than forced labor. Moreover, in the Andes at Potosí and other areas, native mine workers (kajchas) were allowed entry to the mines on the weekends to extract whatever ore they could find (or had stashed away during

1994), 5–108. The pieces in this section concern various aspects of indigenous American metallurgy and mining in the pre-conquest epoch. 2 See Peter J. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 15–18. 3 On labor in Upper Peru see Bakewell, Miners; Jeffrey A. Cole, The Potosí Mita, 1573–1700: Compulsory Indian Labor in the Andes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985); and Enrique Tandeter, Coercion and Market: Silver Mining in Colonial Potosí, 1696–1806 (Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 1993). For Mexico, see Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society, particularly chapters six to eight.

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

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the week). Their output was then ground up at small mills (trapiches) using human labor and then refined in the guayras.4 Silver ore was refined in two ways—smelting and amalgamation. As already noted, in Upper Peru at Potosí refiners used the indigenous guayra for smelting, but elsewhere in the Andes and in Mexico, Spaniards also built Castilian-style smelters, towers about four to six feet high and three feet wide with holes in the sides for bellows. Powered by human or animal energy, bellows kept the fire going as the silver ore was heated, ridding it of impurities. Smelting, of course, required large quantities of fuel, which was generally scarce in extremely highaltitude sites such as Potosí. Refiners consequently smelted their ores more frequently in areas where wood and charcoal were plentiful. As with the guayras, silver ore smelted in the Castilian style had to be purified further by reheating and cupellation. Smelting also played a part in the assay and registration of silver for tax purposes. From the onset of the conquest, Spaniards set up smelters for refining silver in casas de fundición or casas de afinación situated in seats of caja districts or near rich mining areas. Royal officials established such offices for Caribbean gold miners at Chaparra in Puerto Rico, at Concepción de La Vega in Española, and at Anserma, Mariquita, and other sites in New Granada. These casas provided miners a convenient place close to their mines to refine their bullion. A master silversmith and two royal treasury officials, an accountant (contador) and a treasurer (tesorero), normally supervised the assay and registry process, well defined by royal laws.5 After officials had finished registering the silver, the refined bars, weighing about seventy pounds, were stamped with both the seal of the casa and the fineness of the silver and returned to the miner. The miner, in turn, could take them to a mint, if one were nearby, to exchange for coinage;6 sell the ingots to silver traders (mercaderes de plata), who usually bought the bars at discounted prices; keep them himself; or send them elsewhere in the Indies or to Spain.

4 Tandenter, Coercion and Market, 73–114. Tandeter views the kajcheo as a means of attracting laborers for the mine and acquiring the remaining silver from mines that were nearing exhaustion. 5 See Recopilación de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias 3 tomos (Madrid: Consejo de la Hispanidad, 1943). See particularly Libro 4, Título 22; and Libro 8, Título 10, Leyes 1–53. 6 On colonial mints, see Chapters five and six.

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Besides smelting ores, Spaniards also used amalgamation as a method to refine silver, a process which required mercury. In Peru mercury came from the mines of Huancavelica, in New Spain primarily from shipments from the mines of Almadén in Spain and Idria at the north end of the Adriatic Sea near present-day Trieste. Introduced in Mexico in the 1550s and in the Andes twenty years later in the 1570s, amalgamation proved especially useful because it more effectively removed impurities from low- or middle-grade ores. In fact, in some areas in Mexico, such as San Luis Potosí, gold ore was so laced with antimony that it could only be refined by amalgamation. Peter Bakewell has described the amalgamation process at Potosí in this way. Mercury and ground silver ore were mixed together in tanks holding five thousand pounds (fifty quintales), and refiners added salt and copper sulfate (magistral) to this mixture, which Bakewell calls the “amalgamation soup.” They then heated the mixture to speed up the purification process. When the silver and mercury combined, the mixture was washed and fashioned into piñas (pineapples),7 a mixture of mercury and silver weighing about a hundred pounds. This mixture, in turn, was heated for about eight hours to convert the mercury into a gas, which refiners tried to recapture with a hood that fit over the piña. The hood had a long pipe to carry away the mercuric gases, which cooled and condensed, making it possible for workers to collect and reuse at least some of the mercury.8 The ratio (correspondencia) of mercury expended to silver produced was generally assumed to be one quintal or hundredweight of mercury to produce one hundred marks (8,500 pesos) of silver. Since mercury was a state monopoly, treasury officials could measure sales of mercury to silver miners against the silver they registered in order to detect fraud.9 In Mexico, Spaniards introduced the “patio” process for amalgamating silver. This consisted of placing ground silver ore in heaps (mon-

7 The piñas were formed by putting the silver-mercury amalgam (pasta) into a coarse cloth, which was twisted tightly on two poles to squeeze out the mercury. See Alan K. Craig, Spanish Colonial Silver Coins in the Florida Collection (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), 42. Refer also to his excellent diagrams on the course of mining production from extraction to the mint and the refining process, 42–43. 8 Bakewell, Miners, 17–30. He also describes the type of equipment needed for the amalgamation process. 9 For a discussion of the relationship between mercury and silver output, see the section on availability of mercury at the end of this chapter.

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tones), adding water, salt, and copper sulfate until it became slimy, then adding mercury. Laborers spread this slimy pile on a paved patio into thin sheets called tortas. Workers or animals tread on the tortas periodically. Occasionally laborers turned over the mixture with shovels. This stage in the process could take two to three months before an expert determined that the tortas were ready to be placed in vats and washed with water, which would cause the silver and mercury combination to sink to the bottom of the washing vat. The amalgam of the two metals was then heated in much the same way as in Potosí, again with all efforts being made to preserve as much mercury as possible for reuse. The silver-mercury mixture was ultimately fashioned into piñas, as in Potosí, and the silver then separated from the mercury and fashioned into ingots.10 As with gold, the fineness of refined silver varied, and the types of silver money which circulated in the Indies in coin and bars during the immediate post-conquest period reflected this disparity. Silver mediums of exchange had generic names such as peso de plata corriente, plata corriente, plata ensayada, peso de plata enayada y marcada, and pesos ensayados.11 Plata corriente or pesos de plata corriente referred to silver circulating of different fineness which had not been assayed. Pesos ensayados or plata ensayada, on the other hand, signified that the silver had been assayed and its fineness established by assayers (ensayadores), a fineness determined in part by the richness of the ore and the effectiveness of the refining process. Such silver had the seal of the caja, casa de fundición, or casa de afinación and the fineness of the silver stamped on it, which gave more assurance of the silver’s real value when dealing in plata ensayada or pesos ensayados. Assayers had at least determined its fineness, which was not the case with plata corriente or pesos de plata corriente. In November 1591, however, Philip II ordered an end to circulation of plata corriente.12 Attempting to ensure registry and proper silver content, royal authorities very quickly established a fineness for silver coins minted in the Indies. Throughout the early colonial period to 1728 in the

10

Bakewell, Zacatecas, 140–149. The use of the term peso ensayado in Peru meant a value of 450 maravedís until the peso ensayado was phased out in the mid-eighteenth century and the peso of eight reales became the standard monetary unit. Manuel Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 75–85. 12 Recopilación, Libro 4, Título 24, Ley 2. 11

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Indies, silver pesos of eight reales, the standard medium of exchange in the New World, weighed 27.468 grams and contained 25.561 grams of pure silver established at 11 dineros 4 granos,13 a tolerance allowed of 930.555 milésimos (93.055 percent). From 1728 to the end of the colonial epoch, royal law set the weight of a piece of eight at 27.064 grams. Fineness was reduced in 1728, however, to 11 dineros or 24.809 grams of fine silver with a new tolerance of 916.667 milésimos (91.667 percent). For a short period from 1772 to 1786 royal authorities lowered silver content even more to 10 dineros 20 granos, 24.433 grams of fine silver because of a new tolerance of 902.777 milésimos (90.278 percent). From 1786 to 1825, silver content was further reduced to 10 dineros 18 granos or 24.245 grams of fine silver with a tolerance of 895.832 milésimos (89.582 percent). In the eighteenth century, therefore, the silver content of a piece of eight was gradually reduced by a total of about 5 percent. In making the changes, Spanish authorities attempted to keep news of the debasements secret, but to no avail; word spread quickly of the lesser silver content.

Trends in New World Silver Output Although Spaniards mined some silver in Central America, Mexico, and Peru in the first four decades of the sixteenth century,14 the silver age in the Indies did not begin until the 1540s when silver replaced gold as the precious metal of greater abundance.15 In Mexico, for example, miners produced only a very modest amount of silver from the time of the conquest to the 1540s—2,500,000 pesos,16 but a steep rise occurred in the 1540s and after, particularly with the discovery of silver lodes in the north in the Zacatecas area. In Peru, output began slowly in the 1530s with production of 15,100,000 pesos, but increased

13 Granos, tómines, ochavas, onzas, and marcos were used for measuring silver content. One grano equaled 0.04992 grams, 1 tómin (12 granos) 0.59908 grams, 1 ochava (72 granos) 3.59448 grams, 1 onza (576 granos) 28.75881 grams, and 1 marco (4.608 granos) 230.04650 grams. See Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 58. 14 For Central America, see Robert C. West, “The Mining Economy of Honduras during the Colonial Period,” in Actas del XXXIII Congreso Internacional de Americanistas tomo II (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Lehmann, 1958): 767–777. 15 See Chapter one, Figure 1–2. 16 All values are expressed in pesos of 272 maravedís. The tables also contain the equivalent in kilograms.

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through the end of the century, except for a slight dip in the 1560s. For Peru, the silver strikes in 1545 at the Red Mountain, the Cerro Rico de Potosí, produced the dramatic upsurge in silver output. The general trajectory of early New World silver output (see Tables 3–1 and 3–2 and Figures 3–1 and 3–2) consisted of a rise from about 7,550,000 pesos in the 1530s to almost 128,600,000 pesos in the 1630s, a century later, the peak decade in New World silver output since the onset of production in the sixteenth century. A drop occurred in the next decade, however, to a bit over 102,830,000 pesos and remained in that range until the end of the seventeenth century. Over the seventeenth century, output in Peru, although dropping after the peak decade of the 1630s, sustained these fairly high levels of production, while Mexican output lagged somewhat until the 1670s. In that decade, Mexican production surpassed that of Peru for the first time, and Mexico remained the more prolific producer to the end of the colonial epoch. Somewhat of a surprise in New World output was the 109,850,000 pesos produced in the 1680s, a good decade for gold and silver mining in most areas of the Indies. Several factors influenced production trends for New World silver in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Most important for the periods of increase was the introduction of the amalgamation process in Mexico in the 1550s and in Peru in the 1570s. In both instances, output almost doubled from the previous decade. In Peru, the Spaniards

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Figure 3–2. New World Silver Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms

had the good fortune to discover the mercury mine at Huancavelica in 1563, which provided the quicksilver for the amalgamation process once it was introduced in the 1570s, another reason for the rapid rise in production in Upper Peru. New discoveries of ore deposits also fed the upward trend in silver yields to 1650. These new strikes in Mexico and Peru in many cases made up for the exhaustion of the exceedingly rich ores in mines exploited in the immediate post-conquest period. On the other hand, the drop in the labor supply available to work the mines contributed to the decades of decline in the seventeenth century, although labor scarcity probably did not cause the drop in output. Availability of good ores and mercury were likely more crucial. During the first decade of the eighteenth century, production was 78,250,000 pesos, a low point in New World output since the 1580s. Production rose thereafter to more than 290,000,000 pesos in the last decade of the century, a tripling of silver output during this ninetyyear period. The 1760s witnessed a small decrease over the previous decade to 166,720,000 pesos, but the 1770s brought a new upsurge. A steeper rise occurred between the 1780s and the last decade of the century from 242,000,000 pesos to over 289,940,000 pesos. The first ten years of the nineteenth century witnessed a very modest decrease in New World yields largely because of a production drop in Peru, but Mexican silver output in that decade was the largest in its history under Spanish rule. Multiple factors led to this tripling in silver output over the eighteenth century. One of these was the use of blasting with explosives

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both to open up new lodes and to drain mine tunnels filled with water, making older veins accessible once again. Mercury from Almadén and Idria was plentiful in Mexico until the beginning of the nineteenth century, and a few improvements at Huancavelica helped to keep up supplies for miners in Upper and Lower Peru, although it was more significant that Spanish authorities ordered shipments of Almadén mercury to the region in the 1750s to provide another source for Peruvian miners and refiners. Moreover, authorities selectively reduced prices for mercury. New silver discoveries also swelled production. Bolaños, Zimapán, Rosario, and Chihuahua in Mexico became sites for new treasury districts, and Hualgayoc and the revival of the Huantajaya mines in Peru added to output in Lower Peru.17 The native population, too, had recovered from the deadly effects of European diseases, providing more labor both to develop new mines and to refurbish old ones. In Mexico City and Lima, royal authorities established mining tribunals (reales tribunales de minería) to encourage mining production and to provide information on new techniques for extracting and refining silver, further stimulating the mining industry in the two most productive silver regions of the Spanish empire. In Mexico, at least, a burgeoning economy provided funds for investing in mining projects as new entrepreneurs entered the mining business. Basque immigrants, for example, played a major role in the eighteenth-century revival of the Zacatecas mines.18 In Peru in 1736, a royal decree lowered the tax on silver from a fifth (quinto) to a tenth (diezmo), further stimulating Andean output. For Spanish America, the most outstanding attribute of silver production patterns in the New World during the colonial epoch was the overwhelming dominance of Mexico and Peru; these two regions produced 99 percent of the total New World output (see Table 3–2 and Figure 3–3). Mexican yields were 1,968,000,000 pesos or 57 percent of

17 For Hualgayoc, see Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy, “Vivir y morir en el mineral de Hualgayoc,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 30 (1993): 75–127; and for Huantajaya, see Kendall W. Brown and Alan Craig, “Silver Mining at Huantajaya, Viceroyalty of Peru,” in Craig and West, eds., In Quest of Mineral Wealth, 303–327. 18 See Richard L. Garner, “Silver Production and Entrepreneurial Structure in 18th-Century Mexico,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 17 (1980): 157–185; and Brading, “Mexican Silver Mining,” 665–681.

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chapter three In Thousands of Kilograms of Fine Silver PERU 35,902 = 42%

*OTHER 1,000 = 1% MEXICO 49,089 = 57% *Includes silver registered in Central America, New Granada, Chile and the Rio de la Plata

Figure 3–3. New World Silver Output by Region, 1501–1810

all silver extracted in the Indies from 1492 to 1810. During the colonial epoch to 1810, Upper and Lower Peru produced 1,424,390,000 pesos, 42 percent of New World output during the colonial period. Of Peruvian production, Upper Peru’s amounted to 80 percent of the total— 1,138,800,000 pesos; the remaining 20 percent, 85,590,000 pesos came out of Lower Peru, mainly in the eighteenth century. Thus, together, Upper and Lower Peru and Mexico produced 99 percent of New World silver. Some silver mining occurred also in Central America, New Granada, Chile, and the Río de la Plata, but registries in these regions totaled only 40,000,000 pesos combined, constituting a mere 1 percent of total New World silver output during the colonial epoch. Gold-rich Brazil produced virtually no silver, despite the hope of the Portuguese of finding the metal in Sabarábussú, ‘the shining mountain,’ a fond expectation never realized.19

19

Boxer, Golden Age of Brazil, 29, 36.

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Sources and Methodological Explanation Before analyzing the long-term trends and patterns in Mexican silver production, a brief discussion is needed of the sources and methods used to produce those data. The Mexican cartas cuentas (summaries of the treasury accounts), useable for determining silver registries in New Spain, are virtually complete from the latter part of the sixteenth century, particularly for the Zacatecas area and the treasury of Mexico.20 The only caveat is that a fire raged through the Contaduría section of the Archive of the Indies in the early part of the twentieth century, causing considerable fire and water damage. With these problems facing them, Professor José Hernández Palomo of the Escuela de Estudos Hispanoamericanos in Sevilla and his wife, Mariluz, worked through the charred and water-stained documents to salvage the information from the accounts for the caja of Mexico. To my knowledge, these accounts are no longer available to investigators. Nonetheless, particularly rich accounts for Mexican silver-producing areas such as Zacatecas, Guanajuato, Bolaños, Pachuca, Sombrerete, and Guadalajara are accessible. The silver tax registries for the caja of México present some problems because of changes in the accounting system in 1724 and again in 1796, but adjustments have been made as indicated in the account tables for that treasury. Where there were tiny gaps of two or three years, I have simply created averages. For longer periods I have used ascending or descending averages, depending upon the trend in the caja accounts. The major problem for determining production in New Spain arises for the early period, from the conquest to 1570. Fortunately, a number of scholars have given their attention to these early years. Among them is Robert C. West, who made so many contributions to the study of mining in the New Kingdom of Granada.21 Professor West generously supplied me with notes on silver registries at Mexico City in the mid-sixteenth century, notes he had made during a research stint many years ago in Mexico. These notes provided solid benchmarks for the early post-conquest epoch. In addition Peter Bakewell’s book

20 See the accounts compiled by TePaske and Klein, Ingresos y egresos. Volume one contains the accounts for Acapulco to Mérida and Volume two contains those for México to Zimapán. 21 Robert C. West, “Early Silver Mining in New Spain, 1531–1555,” in Craig and West, eds., In Quest of Mineral Wealth, 119–135.

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on mining in Zacatecas lays out figures for the early years of that caja not included in the accounts. Other sources also proved useful, including Adam Szasdi’s long article and Clarence Haring’s early twentiethcentury contributions.22 These estimates for the early years of silver production in Mexico are thus educated ones based on West, Haring, and Szasdi, plus whatever could be gleaned from other sources. The tables present data regarding silver output both in pesos of 272 maravedís and in kilograms of fine silver and were generated in the following way. The silver declarations were multiplied by the proper factor to indicate the actual silver registered, with the cobos subtracted before the fifth or tenth were assessed. These multipliers were 8.10572 for 1.5 percent and a diezmo of silver and 4.71698 for 1.5 percent and a quinto of silver. The multipliers for declarations of 1 percent and quinto de plata and 1 percent and diezmos de plata were 4.7069231 and 9.173193 respectively. To convert pesos of 272 maravedís to kilograms of fine silver, I multiplied the pesos produced by a factor of 0.025561 to obtain kilograms of fine silver through 1728; by 0.024809 to obtain kilograms of fine silver from 1729 to 1772; by 0.024433 to obtain kilograms of fine silver from 1773 to 1786; and by 0.024245 to obtain kilograms of fine silver from 1787 to the end of the colonial period. I also multiplied pesos produced by the tolerance levels allowed by the state: 0.930555 through 1728, 0.916666 through 1772, 0.902777 through 1786, and 0.895832 to the end of the colonial epoch, validating the transformation of silver pesos to kilograms of fine silver made by using the other multipliers. The sources for mercury availability and mercury shipments to Mexico are noted in Table 3–19. I have also checked mercury shipment figures in appropriate sections of the Archivo General de Indias in Sevilla.

Long-Range Patterns of Mexican Silver Output Not surprisingly, since Mexico produced 57 percent of New World silver in the colonial epoch, its production trends mirrored those for the New World in general. Silver output in New Spain (see Tables 3–3

22 Adam Szasdi, “Preliminary Estimates,” 151–223; Haring, “American Gold and Silver Production”; and Haring, Trade and Navigation, 332–335.

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and 3–4 and Figures 3–4 and 3–5) began slowly in the two decades following the conquest—300,000 pesos in the 1520s and a bit over 2,240,000 pesos in the following decade, but then output accelerated rapidly, quintupling in the 1540s to 10,600,000 pesos, and almost doubling that in the 1550s because of new strikes in Zacatecas and Pachuca and introduction of the amalgamation process. In the 1560s, it reached close to 34,340,000 pesos. In fact, by the 1570s, Mexico’s output was a little over 39,220,000 pesos, dropping about 10 percent in the 1580s to a little less than 34,340,000 pesos, but rising once again to over 41,700,000 pesos in the 1590s, remaining in that range through the 1630s, buoyed by production in Durango and San Luis Potosí. In the 1640s, however, silver yields dropped for the first time since the 1580s to about 33,0000,000 pesos, staying close to that level for the next two decades until the 1670s when output rose once again to over 51,870,000 pesos and the 1680s when it amounted to 58,500,000 pesos in a slight resurgence. Silver yields in the last decade of the seventeenth century and first decade of the eighteenth, however, were close to 50,000,000 pesos. This mild resurgence was caused in part by the greater availability of labor for the mines and the creation of treasury districts at Guanajuato, Pachuca, and Sombrerete that made assay and registry more convenient for miners.23

23 For an excellent analysis of factors affecting Mexican output, see Garner, “LongTerm Silver Mining Trends,” 898–935.

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chapter three In Thousands of Kilograms of Fine Silver DURANGO 5,922 = 14% GUADALAJARA 3,822 = 9%

SAN LUIS POTOSI 4,303 = 10%

ZACATECAS 10,096 = 23%

GUANAJUATO 8,474 = 19%

PACHUCA 2,639 = 6% MEXICO 3,703 = 8% ROSARIO 1,090 = 2%

BOLANOS 1,124 = 3%

ZIMAPAN 848 = 2%

SOMBRERETE 1,802 = 4%

*Does not include silver registered in Veracruz and Chihuahua

Figure 3–5. Mexican Silver Production by Caja District, 1521–1810, in kilograms

Beginning in the second decade of the eighteenth century, Mexican silver output rose, steadily at first from close to 64,690,000 pesos in the 1710s to almost 119,000,000 pesos in the 1750s. A slight reverse in this trend came in the 1760s with a decrease to 107,000,000 pesos, but then output increased dramatically until the outbreak of the insurgency for independence in 1810. In fact, in the first decade of the nineteenth century, Mexico was producing almost 200,000,000 pesos, more than at any time in its colonial history. In summary, silver production in Mexico in the sixteenth century was marked by a steady rise after the turmoil of the conquest ended, peaking in the second decade of the next century. In the seventeenth century output was more cyclical, dropping in the middle decades but recovering in the 1670s and 1680s. Mexico sustained these levels fairly well, and then in the 1710s output began rising steadily until the end of the colonial epoch when the steepest increases occurred for reasons already cited—improved blasting techniques, a more plentiful supply of labor, encouragement of mining by the Royal Mining Tribunal in Mexico, abundant supplies of mercury at reduced prices from Almadén and Idria, and an improvement in economic conditions in New Spain that stimulated investment in mining ventures. The creation of

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new treasury districts at Zimapán (1729), Bolaños (1753), Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá (1770), and Chihuahua (1785), and silver exchange banks at San Luis Potosí (1790), Pachuca and Zacatecas (1791), Sombrerete (1792), Guanajuato and Zimapán (1799), and at Chihuahua, Cosalá, and Durango (1808) also made it easier for miners in these areas to register and assay their silver.24

Mexican Silver-Mining Trends by Treasury District As did most areas in the Spanish empire that produced precious metals, each region had its own particular rhythms depending upon the factors already mentioned. Fortunately royal treasury accounts provide the evidence of silver registries for virtually all major mining areas of New Spain so that output and rhythms for every mining district of Mexico can be determined with reasonable exactitude. Also included in the tables are output in pesos and kilograms by caja for each decade. For the entire colonial epoch, the various cajas of New Spain registered almost 2,000,000,000 pesos of silver. Of this massive amount (see Tables 3–3 and 3–4 and Figure 3–5), the output at Zacatecas (1559–1810) constituted 21 percent, 401,400,000 pesos, while silver registered at the caja of Mexico (1521–1810) amounted to 18 percent, nearly 344,900,000 pesos. As for other mining regions, Guanajuato produced 52,350,000 pesos for 17 percent (1665–1810); Durango produced 237,080,000 pesos and 12 percent (1599–1810); San Luis Potosí produced 174,020,000 pesos and 9 percent (1628–1810); Guadalajara produced 52,350,000 pesos and 8 percent (1568–1810); Pachuca produced 105,750,000 pesos and 5 percent (1667–1810); Sombrerete produced 72,750,000 pesos for 4 percent (1683–1810); Zimapán produced 32,660,000 pesos and 2 percent (1729–1810); Bolaños produced 45,000,000 pesos and 2 percent (1753–1804); and Rosario produced 44,880,000 pesos and 2 percent (1770–1810). Small amounts were also registered in Veracruz (1768–1800) and Chihuahua, worth 1,250,000 and 9,760,000 pesos respectively. In some respects, these figures are deceiving because they belie the richness of mines coming into production in the seventeenth and 24

See Pilar Mariscal Romero, Los bancos de rescate de platas (Sevilla: Banco de España and Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1964).

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eighteenth centuries. The Mexico and Zacatecas treasury offices registered the highest percentage of silver in part because they began operations in the sixteenth century. Average output per annum in the Mexico treasury district from 1521 to 1810 was 1,189,310 pesos, and in Zacatecas from 1559 to 1810 it was 1,592,857 pesos. The Guanajuato caja, which accounted for 17 percent overall (compared to 21 percent for Zacatecas and 18 for Mexico), had a higher annual output of 2,353,493 pesos or about one and a half times greater than Zacatecas, once the caja opened there in 1665. Prior to that time, Guanajuato silver was registered in Mexico City. Only the treasury office at Potosí in the Andes outstripped the average annual output of the Guanajuato caja and that region’s marvelously rich mines. For other cajas, the average per annum production figures were 1,065,384 pesos in Guadalajara; 1,118,301 pesos in Durango; 950,928 pesos in San Luis Potosí; 734,375 pesos in Pachuca; 586,693 pesos in Sombrerete; 42,295 pesos in Zimapán; 78,620 pesos in Bolaños; and 42,195 pesos in Chihuahua. Rosario’s per annum output was also surprisingly large. In its forty-one years of registry to 1810, mines in the district produced an annual average of 1,094,634 pesos, production levels which surpassed average annual output at Guadalajara, San Luis Potosí, Pachuca, Sombrerete, Bolaños, and Chihuahua.

Caja of Mexico (1521–1810) In the immediate post-conquest period, Mexico City (México), situated on the site of the former Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán, was the only place in New Spain with a royal caja and casa de fundición, and, after 1535, mint facilities. All silver miners in Mexico thus had to have their ore assayed and registered in Mexico City, until 1559 when Zacatecas finally had its own caja and smelters. Once mint facilities opened in Mexico City in 1535, miners could also exchange their assayed silver for coins. For several decades, the treasury of Mexico consequently exercised a monopoly over the refining and assaying of silver, registering 100 percent of legal silver output in the viceroyalty until 1560.25 After 1560, because of the addition of new royal treasury 25 The registries for the casa de fundición in Mexico were provided by Robert C. West, who generously shared with me his notes on these registries at the casa from the 1520s to the 1550s.

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districts, the Mexican caja’s share of total registries dropped rapidly to only about 20 percent in the seventeenth century and 10 percent in the eighteenth, a far cry from its monopoly share in the immediate post-conquest epoch. Immediately after the conquest ended in 1521, Spaniards began mining silver in areas near the new viceregal capital, named México (Mexico City). Several of these mining operations were in the so-called “Provincia de la Plata” on the southern escarpment of the central part of Mexico, first at Acamista, Amatepec, Sultepec, and Taxco, but also farther south at Zumpango del Río in the Balsas River basin. They also exploited silver mines at Morcillo in Jalisco as early as 1525 and at Espíritu Santo near Compostela. In the 1540s, silver miners exploited silver deposits in the ‘Provincia’ in Tejupilco, Temascaltepec, and Zacualpa. Hernán Cortés reportedly had interest in twenty mines in the ‘Provincia.’26 Virtually all registries of silver output in the caja of Mexico were by miners working these mines, at least to the late 1540s. From the 1550s, miners also came to Mexico City from Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí, Zimapân, and Pachuca to register their silver and did so until the establishment of cajas in their own districts. Passage of the years brought additional silver discoveries, and by the mid-1760s, fifty-eight reales de minas registered silver in the Mexican caja. Of these fifty-eight, miners from Sultepec, Taxco, Tejupilco, Temascaltepec, and Zacualpa were still coming to Mexico City. Between 1761 and 1767, Taxco, with 2,648,346 pesos, was the most productive real de minas, while Temascaltepec’s output in the same period was 1,076,870 pesos, Sultepec’s 834,764 pesos, and Zacualpa’s 187,266 pesos, sound evidence that these mines were still productive after more than two centuries of exploitation. Tejupilco’s output, on the other hand, was a miniscule 2,000 pesos, indicating that its silver mines were barely producing. Furthermore, new strikes occurred in the Mexico treasury district during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to compensate for those mines which been exhausted, such as Acamista, Amatapec, and Zumpango del Río. From 1761 through 1767, for example, (see Table 3–6) twelve of the fifty-eight reales de minas in the district, including Sultepec, Temascaltepec, and Zacualpa, registered more than one hundred thousand pesos. Chontalpa produced 1,212,775 pesos;

26

See Robert C. West, “Early Silver Mining in New Spain,” 119–136.

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Tlapuxagua, 104,014 pesos; Tehuiltepec, 486,085 pesos; Cucurucupasco, 248,774 pesos; Tetela de Xonotla, 258,774 pesos; Ozumatlán, 168,871 pesos; and San Luis de la Paz, 117,987 pesos. Forty-six other reales de minas, including Tejulpico, reported less than one hundred thousand pesos. Most were below thirty thousand pesos, but many declared three thousand pesos or less, indicating the continuing existence of small-scale mining in the district.27 Silver output reported by the caja of Mexico increased slowly at first (see Table 3–5 and Figure 3–6). From a small beginning of close to 300,000 pesos in the 1520s, and another increase to 2,240,000 pesos in the 1530s, silver output almost quintupled in the 1540s to 10,600,000 pesos. By the 1550s and 1560s, registries were well over seventeen million and eighteen and one-half million pesos respectively, rising to a peak of almost thirty-one million pesos in the first decade of the seventeenth century, but dropping gradually after that. In the 1670s, in fact, registries fell to a little more than two million pesos, a new low in silver declarations since the 1520s. The steep reduction in the caja of Mexico’s registries can be attributed to the addition of new treasury districts throughout New Spain—in Zacatecas by 1559, Guadalajara by 1568, Durango by 1599, in San Luis Potosí in 1628, Guanajuato in 1665, Pachuca in 1667, and Sombrerete in 1683.28 Since miners from these areas could assay and register their silver closer to the point of production, they had no need to go to Mexico City to do so. The obvious result was a decline in silver-tax registries in the caja of Mexico from its peak in the first decade of the seventeenth century of almost 31,000,000 pesos to the low point in the 1670s of barely more than two million pesos. In fact, the caja of Mexico continued reporting silver output in the range of two to three million pesos until the 1730s when registries again increased, slowly at first, but more rapidly after 1770 to the highest point ever for the eighteenth century in the 1790s—over twenty-one million pesos. That

27 Hausberger, Nueva España, Appendices 2–6,153–307. The author lists the miners who registered their silver in the various cajas for the period 1761–1767, and the reales de minas and the cajas in New Spain where they registered silver output. See particularly 171. 28 The dates for the formal establishment of these cajas of New Spain is based on the appearance of the first royal accounts for these districts. The dates for the cajas of San Luis Potosí, Guanajuato, Pachuca, and Sombrerete, however, have been firmly established from the internal evidence in the accounts.

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35,000,000

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Figure 3–6. Mexico (Caja) Silver Output, 1521–1810, in pesos

represented 11 percent of total Mexican output, its largest share of Mexican production per decade since the 1650s.

Caja of Zacatecas (1559–1810) Located on the royal road (El Camino Real) about 350 miles northwest of Mexico City, Zacatecas was founded by Spaniards in 1548 as Nuestra Señora de los Remedios de Zacatecas.29 Located in a semi-desert region, the town immediately became the focus of Mexican silver production. Its treasury office registered more silver during the colonial epoch than any other mining caja in Mexico—401,406,000 pesos, 21 percent of the Mexican total. Mining camps bringing silver to Zacatecas for registry, all designated as reales de minas, included those of Chalchuihites, Charcas, Fresnillo (1553), Mazapil (1553), Nieves, Pánuco, Ramos, Sierra de Pinos, and Sombrerete, among others. Of the eight reales de minas registering silver in the Zacatecas caja in the

29 An outstanding work on Zacatecas mining, economy, and society before 1700 is Bakewell, Zacatecas.

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mid-1760s, those declaring more than one hundred thousand pesos (see Table 3–6) were Zacatecas with 5,629,262 pesos, Mazapil with 957,083 pesos, and Fresnillo with 9,386,572 pesos. Five other reales de minas reported less than twenty-five thousand pesos.30 Until 1730 the Zacatecas share of total Mexican silver production ranged from one-third to one-quarter, testifying to its importance as the major Mexican producer until the early eighteenth century. Although Zacatecas output as a part of the Mexican total dropped to a low point of less than 10 percent in the 1760s, by the first decade of the nineteenth century it had climbed again to almost 14 percent. Silver registries in Zacatecas had no discernible long-term upward or downward trend throughout the colonial period but ebbed and flowed cyclically (see Table 3–7 and Figure 3–7). In its first full decade of registries (the 1560s), output at Zacatecas was almost 11,370,000 pesos, which rose a bit the next decade, but dropped through the 1590s to about 9,860,000 pesos. From 1600 to 1620, production rose once again, but in the 1640s, it decreased to 11,040,000 pesos and remained at that level through the 1660s. Surprisingly, however, production 30,000,000

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Figure 3–7. Zacatecas Silver Output, 1559–1810, in pesos

30

Hausberger, Nueva España, 171.

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doubled in the 1670s to almost 21,450,000 pesos, the most productive decade in Zacatecas during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. After that peak, however, registries in the period from 1681 to 1710 lessened to roughly 13,500,000 pesos. A resurgence of silver mining occurred in Zacatecas in the 1720s and 1730s—20,570,000 pesos and 21,200,000 pesos respectively, but dropped in the 1740s to 16,420,000 pesos. In the 1750s, yields decreased a bit more to 14,970,000 pesos and to 10,500,000 pesos in the 1760s, an all-time low in Zacatecas silver output. From this nadir to the onset of the wars of independence, however, the Zacatecas mines revived very quickly, with production in that epoch at an all-time high in the last two decades of Spanish rule—23,100,000 pesos in the 1790s and over 27,730,000 pesos in the first decade of the nineteenth century. The swings in Zacatecan silver output had various causes. In 1683, for example, nearby Sombrerete became a caja, allowing miners from that region, whose ores were initially very rich in silver content, to report their yields at Sombrerete, taking away considerable sums that had previously been reported in Zacatecas and accounting for the sharp drop between the 1680s and the 1690s. Moreover, many of the mines in and around Zacatecas were exhausted or could not be exploited because of flooding, explaining the drops in output from the 1730s through the 1760s. In fact, in 1767 there were only five mills and two furnaces in operation at Zacatecas.31 David Brading and Richard Garner, two experts on colonial Mexican mining, have explained the reasons for the late eighteenth-century silver boom in Zacatecas.32 They point to the large investments made for reviving the mines; the formation of mining companies such as those of Veta Grande and Quebradilla; the entrepreneurship of José de la Borda, a rich miner from Taxco to the south with technological expertise; the reduction in mercury prices; and tax rebates for those miners registering silver in Zacatecas. In Garner’s view, new miners and new investors such as de la Borda showed amazing resiliency and brought their expertise with them to refurbish and drain old mines and to seek out new ones. The result was the increased silver production in Zacatecas at the end of the eighteenth century and beginning of the nineteenth.

31 32

Brading, “Mexican Silver Mining,” 669. See Chapter one, note twenty-one.

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chapter three Caja of Guadalajara (1568–1810)

Located about 375 miles west of Mexico City, Guadalajara ranked as the major city of west-central Mexico. It was more of a diversified market, religious, and administrative center than a mining camp. Whereas Zacatecas almost entirely depended upon silver mining, Guadalajara was capital of Nueva Galicia, the seat of the Audiencia of Guadalajara (Nueva Galicia) and a royal treasury, a diocesan center with its own bishop, and a regional market place. Still, over the colonial period, treasury officials of Guadalajara registered over 152,350,000 pesos of silver, 8 percent of total Mexican output. Unlike Bolaños, Guanajuato, Pachuca, Sombrerete, Zacatecas, and Zimapán, all dominated by a few rich mines, Guadalajara was a treasury which registered silver for a large number of small- and medium-sized producers. In the mid-1760s, miners from forty-six reales de minas declared their silver at the Guadalajara treasury (see Table 3–6). Only the real de minas of Alamos registered more than one million pesos—1,566,567 pesos. Pánuco of Sinaloa was the second most important producer, declaring 851,616 pesos, while Jora (Xora) registered 750,028 pesos, Guachinango registered 764,042 pesos, Izatlán registered 582,001 pesos, Tenamachi registered 516,809 pesos, Rosario registered 430,704 pesos, and Palo Blanco registered 326,832 pesos. Two others, the Real de las Plomosas and San Pedro de Analco, were both within the two hundred thousand-peso range, and the others— Ostotipaquillo, San Joaquín, San Sebastián, Santa Ana, Santa Cruz de los Flores, and Sinaloa—were in a range between one hundred thousand and two hundred thousand pesos. Thirty reales de minas registered below one hundred thousand pesos, again evidence of the large number of small- and medium-sized producers in the Guadalajara treasury district.33 Silver output in Guadalajara had a unique trajectory, differing from most cajas of New Spain (see Table 3–8 and Figure 3–8). In its first three years of registering silver, 1568 to 1570, yields were large—4,530,000 pesos, rising to 5,780,000 pesos in the next decade. Production dropped by two-thirds in the 1580s, however, to 1,980,000 pesos and remained below that level through the 1640s, except for the 1620s when output

33

Hausberger, Nueva España, 169.

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Figure 3–8. Guadalajara Silver Output, 1568–1810, in pesos

reached 4,050,000 pesos. In the 1650s, however, it rose once again to 4,910,000 pesos, and in the 1660s, it rose to 6,030,000 pesos. In fact, for the next hundred and ten years, silver production in Guadalajara stayed consistently between six million and seven and one-half million pesos. In the 1760s—a bad ten years in most cajas but evidently not for Guadalajara—production increased to 11,260,000 pesos and in the 1770s to 11,630,000 pesos, the two most productive decades for silver output in Guadalajara’s colonial history. Yields dropped a bit after that but never fell below eight million pesos, despite the creation of a caja in Rosario in 1770. Small- and medium-sized producers in the Guadalajara district remained active. A consistent silver producer, Guadalajara had a share of total Mexican output that was never more than 15 percent, and it yielded over 10 percent in only nine decades between 1568 and 1810. During the three decades before the 1810 Hidalgo revolt, it contributed a little less than 5 percent.

Caja of Durango (1599–1810) Settled first in 1556 and located roughly two hundred miles northwest of Zacatecas on the Royal Road (Camino Real), Durango (Guadiana) was the capital of the province of Nueva Vizcaya with a resident diocesan bishop; in the late eighteenth century it became one of New Spain’s intendancy districts. Although it was also a substantial sheep grazing

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area, Durango was best known for its silver mines, and for good reason. From 1599 to 1810 Durango’s output amounted to 237,080,000 pesos, 12 percent of the Mexican total during the colonial era. A large number of reales de minas in northwestern Mexico registered silver in the Durango treasury. Among the most important were Parral,34 Avino, Cuencamé, Indé, Guanaceví, Pánuco (Nueva Vizcaya), Minas Nuevas near Parral, Cosalá, Santa Bárbara, Sonora, Santiago Papasquiaro, Tabajueto, and Chihuahua, before its establishment in 1785 as a treasury district. In the mid-1760s, forty-two reales de minas declared silver in Durango (see Table 3–6). Nueva Vizcaya, presumably the Minas Nuevas, produced the most silver in this epoch— 3,785,216 pesos. Chihuahua registered 1,990,622 pesos, probably the reason for its becoming a treasury district in 1785, while Sonora declared 1,376,396 pesos. Other reales de minas producing more than 100,000 pesos included Avinito, Basís, Cosalá, Indé del Oro, Pánuco (Nueva Vizcaya), Parral, Santiago Papasquiaro, and Tabajueto. Thirtyone other reales de minas registered fewer than one hundred thousand pesos, again evidence of the existence of a large number of small producers.35 Long-range patterns in Durango’s output (see Table 3–9 and Figure 3–9) show registries in its first two full decades a bit over three million pesos and only a little over four million pesos in the 1620s. In the 1630s, however, output shot up, doubling to 8,310,000 pesos. In the ensuing decades of the seventeenth century, registries remained remarkably stable averaging about eight million pesos with a drop in the 1690s to a little less than six million pesos. In the second decade of the eighteenth century, production almost doubled from 7,350,000 pesos in the 1700s to 12,620,000 pesos in the 1710s. Another sudden rise came in the 1730s to 17,060,000 pesos, and production remained in that range until the 1780s when yields dropped to 14,186,000 pesos, probably because of the creation of a new caja at Chihuahua, but Durango recovered quickly in the 1790s with declarations of 18,190,000 pesos and 19,000,000 pesos in the first decade of the nineteenth century, the most productive ten years in Durango’s history.

34 An excellent study on the mines of Parral is Robert C. West, The Mining Community in Northern New Spain: The Parral Mining District (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949). 35 Hausberger, Nueva España, 169.

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Figure 3–9. Durango Silver Output, 1599–1810, in pesos

Although Durango produced 12 percent of total Mexican silver output, it never contributed more than 14 percent per decade to this total until the beginning of the eighteenth century, when its share reached almost 15 percent in the 1710s, almost 20 percent in the 1720s, over 18 percent in the 1730s, and a bit over that in the 1740s and 1750s. Although Durango sustained large levels of production to the beginning of the nineteenth century, its share of total Mexican output dropped below 10 percent because of the resurgence of other mining districts.

Caja of San Luis Potosí (1628–1810) In 1583, Franciscans established a mission at San Luis Potosí, located 275 miles northwest of Mexico City and 150 miles southwest of Zacatecas. Miners soon followed and named the new town Potosí after Potosí in Upper Peru because of its silver and gold deposits, which prompted Philip IV to establish a caja in San Luis Potosí in 1628. Like Durango, it was a stock-raising area but also known more for its bullion production. Although it produced gold worth 18,850,000 silver pesos (21 percent of Mexican output), the value of its silver production was 174,020,000 pesos. This was nearly ten times the worth of its gold and primarily because of the large silver strikes circa 1778 at the Catorce mines north of San Luis Potosí.

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Among those reales de minas declaring their silver at San Luis Potosí were Mazapil (which also registered at Zacatecas), Charcas, Guadalcázar, Saltillo, Sierra de Pinos, and Catorce. Of the seventeen reales de minas registering between 1761 and 1767 (see Table 3–6), Sierra de Pinos’s output was 1,044,008 pesos and Guadalcázar’s 970,183 pesos. Four other mining camps declared less than five hundred thousand pesos—Bonanza with 208,079 pesos; Charcas, 438,450 pesos; Mazapil, 339,640 pesos; and Saltillo, 208,468 pesos. Ten others produced less than one hundred thousand pesos.36 The long-range trend in San Luis Potosí’s silver output (see Table 3–10 and Figure 3–10) was relatively flat in the first 110 years after the caja began functioning in 1628. In the 1630s, its output was 7,610,000 pesos, a quantity it never surpassed until the 1750s, when production rose to 10,890,000 pesos. Output decreased a bit in the 1760s but rose to 13,350,000 pesos in the 1770s, and then doubled that amount during the next three decades. In the 1790s, for example, yields were at an all-time high: 31,640,000 pesos, a result of the strikes at Catorce in the 1770s. San Luis Potosí’s share of total Mexican output was never large. In the three decades from 1631 to 1660 it generally ranged between 10 and 17 percent, even during its Catorce-fueled heyday, when overall Mexican silver output also rose dramatically. Because of Catorce, San Luis Potosí’s silver boom was primarily a late eighteenth-century phenomenon.

Caja of Guanajuato (1665–1810) Located in the Bajío, the fertile plain about two hundred miles northwest of Mexico City, Guanajuato37 was founded in 1550 as the mining camp of Santa Fe de Guanajuato and by 1665 had its own treasury office. Over the period from 1665 to 1810, Guanajuato had the highest per annum output of silver in New Spain and was responsible for 17 percent of Mexican production during the entire colonial epoch,

36

Hausberger, Nueva España, 171. The best description of Guanajuato’s mining, demographic patterns, social structure, and economy is the finely textured book by Brading, Miners and Merchants. A more recent book on Guanajuato mining based on the cartas cuentas is Rosa Alicia Pérez Luque and Rafael Tovar Rangel, Cuentas de la Caja Real de Guanajuato (Guanajuato: Universidad de Guanajuato Centro de Investigaciones Humanísticas, 2004). 37

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Figure 3–10. San Luis Potosí Silver Output, 1628–1810, in pesos

with an official registration of 43,610,000 pesos. In the eighteenth century, Guanajuato became the most prolific silver producer in all New Spain, outstripping Zacatecas. For over one hundred years, from 1550 to 1664, miners from Guanajuato registered their silver in Mexico City and may have been responsible for the large yields in that treasury in the late sixteenth century, but after 1665, they did so in Guanajuato in massive amounts. Few other reales de minas declared their silver in Guanajuato (see Table 3–6). Between 1761 and 1767, for example, the real of Comanja, which produced 261,307 pesos (1.55 percent of the total), was the only other mining camp registering silver in Guanajuato.38 The rest of the silver (98.45 percent of the total), came from Guanajuato itself, particularly from the mines of Cata, Mellado, Rayas, Sirena, Tepeyac and Valencia on the Veta Madre, all in close proximity to the city. Guanajuato silver output was not cyclical but generally moved steadily upward (see Table 3–11 and Figure 3–11). In the 1670s, Guanajuato produced 5,870,000 pesos, yields which more than quintupled until the 1740s to 30,250,000 pesos. The 1750s and 1760s saw a slight decline to the 24,500,000-peso range because of a drop in production at the Rayas, Mellado, and Cata mines, but in the 1770s, output rose

38

Hausberger, Nueva España, 170.

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Figure 3–11. Guanajuato Silver Output, 1665–1810, in pesos

sharply once again. During the last decade of the century, it reached 51,020,000 pesos, the highest in its history. In the first ten years of the nineteenth century, registries dropped just slightly to 48,800,000 pesos, but these two decades reflected the ability of miners in Guanajuato to adapt new technology, to drain flooded mines, and develop new ones. They also showed the willingness of entrepreneurs to invest in mining in the region. Not unexpectedly, Guanajuato played a major role in determining total Mexican output. In the 1680s, for example, Guanajuato’s production constituted a bit over 10 percent of the total, rising to almost 20 percent in the 1740s. After 1740, its share of Mexican output per decade was consistently over 20 percent, and in the 1740s, its share reached almost 30 percent, demonstrating the critical importance of Guanajuato for New Spain’s silver yields.

Caja of Pachuca (1667–1810) Although royal authorities did not create a treasury district for Pachuca until 1667, miners staked their first claims in the Pachuca-Real del Monte area in 1552.39 Located about eighty-five miles northeast of

39 Robert W. Randall, Real del Monte: A British Mining Venture in Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1972), 8. Although this book deals primarily with the nine-

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Mexico City, Pachuca was close enough to the viceregal capital in these early days for miners to register their silver ores there. Nonetheless, the immediate success of the Guanajuato caja, established in 1665, undoubtedly prompted the elevation of Pachuca to caja status in 1667. Like Zacatecas, Sombrerete, Bolaños, and Zimapán, Pachuca was a mining camp pure and simple; silver was its raison d’être. In all, Pachuca produced 205,750,000 pesos or 8 percent of total Mexican silver output during the colonial period. For the caja of Pachuca, the reales de minas of Pachuca and Real del Monte were the principal silver producers with the latter yielding more than Pachuca (see Table 3–6). Between 1761 and 1767, of the two reales de minas, Pachuca’s registries amounted to 2,955,801 pesos (36 percent) and the Real del Monte’s totaled 5,247,925 pesos (64 percent).40 According to Robert Randall, the most productive veins of the Real del Monte mines were those of Valenciana, Morán, Acosta, Vizcaína, and Tapona; in Pachuca, they were the Encino and Xacal veins.41 The principal mining entrepreneurs in the Pachuca-Real del Monte area were the Counts of Regla who survived labor agitation at the mines in the eighteenth century and successfully drained and worked the mines that had been flooded.42 Long-range trends in Pachuca silver output (see Table 3–12 and Figure 3–12) resembled those in Zacatecas, rising and falling. With production of 3,420,000 pesos in the 1670s, output had doubled at Pachuca to 6,420,000 pesos in the last decade of the seventeenth century. Production decreased in the first decade of the eighteenth century but then rose to 7,200,000 pesos in the 1710s. Registries increased dramatically to 12,690,000 pesos in the 1720s, the best ten years of silver yields in the history of the caja. In fact, in that decade, production in Pachuca constituted almost 16 percent of total Mexican output. In the 1730s and 1740s, however, output dropped as dramatically as it had risen in the 1720s but rose once again to 9,670,000 pesos in the

teenth century, it contains a brief discussion of the Pachuca-Monte Real mines during the Spanish colonial period. 40 Hausberger, Nueva España, 170. 41 Randall, Real del Monte, 7–8. 42 The Real del Monte mines experienced labor strikes in the mid-eighteenth century. See Doris M. Ladd, The Making of a Strike: Mexican Silver Workers’ Struggle in Real del Monte, 1776–1775 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988). Refer also to Edith Boorstein Couturier, The Silver King: The Remarkable Life of the Count of Regla in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003).

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Figure 3–12. Pachuca Silver Output, 1667–1810, in pesos

1750s and to 11,390,000 pesos in the 1760s, Pachuca’s largest output since the 1720s. Silver declarations decreased in the 1770s and 1780s, until the downward trend was reversed in the 1790s and first decade of the nineteenth century, when Pachuca produced seven million and six million pesos respectively, less than 5 percent of total Mexican output in those twenty years.

Caja of Sombrerete (1683–1810) Since the 1550s, miners at Sombrerete, approximately one hundred miles to the northwest of Zacatecas, refined and registered their silver ore in Zacatecas. In 1683,43 however, royal authorities established a treasury district in Sombrerete, dictated perhaps by royal policy in the last half of the seventeenth century of establishing cajas at productive mining camps such as Pachuca and Guanajuato. In the 1760s, only miners from two other reales de minas, Basís and Real de las Plomosas (see Table 3–6), declared their production at Sombrerete. Both Basís and Real de las Plomosas also registered at the caja of Guadalajara. Between 1761 and 1765, however, Sombrerete’s own local mines produced over 92 percent of the total declared at the Sombrerete treasury,

43

Bakewell, Zacatecas, 193. He indicates the caja was founded in 1681.

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most of it coming from the rich vein of El Pabellón.44 Ore from this source had a high lead content and could be smelted easily.45 Silver yields at Sombrerete (see Table 3–13 and Figure 3–13) were such that royal authorities may have regretted creating a caja for the region. In its first eight years (1683–1690), prospects seemed bright with an output of 8,995,000 pesos, the largest registry in Sombrerete until the last decade of the eighteenth century. But in the 1690s, a decline set in when only 5,870,000 pesos were registered. By the 1720s, output was at its lowest level ever, 1,230,000 pesos. Production spurted in the 1730s to almost five million pesos and in the 1740s to nearly nine million pesos, but it then dipped below three million pesos in the 1750s and 1760s. A slight resurgence occurred in the 1770s and 1780s to about 4,800,000 pesos, capped by a dramatic rise in the 1790s to 9,430,000 pesos and to 16,450,000 pesos in the first decade of the nineteenth century when Sombrerete’s silver production was at its all-time peak, representing 8 percent of total Mexican silver production that decade. This large increase in Sombrerete’s yields can be explained because of the high content of lead in its ores. This meant the district’s refiners could use smelting rather than amalgamation at a time when mercury was scarce due to disruptions in trans-Atlantic

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Figure 3–13. Sombrerete Silver Output, 1683–1810, in pesos

44 45

Hausberger, Nueva España, 171. Bakewell, Zacatecas, 144.

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shipping. Overall, only twice did the district exceed 10 percent of total Mexican output: in the two decades after Sombrerete became a caja when output lagged elsewhere.

Caja of Zimapán (1729–1810) Located about 150 miles directly east of Guanajuato and less than one hundred miles northwest of Pachuca, Zimapán was founded circa 1575 but did not became a treasury district until 1729. Initially, its miners registered their silver in Mexico or in Pachuca after its founding as a caja in 1667, but the establishment of the new treasury district allowed them to do so closer to their mine sites. In the 1760s, the reales de minas registering silver in Zimapán included Cadereita, Cardonal, Escanela, Jacala, Jalpán, San José del Oro, and Zimapán. Of these seven, only Zimapán and San José del Oro (see Table 3–6) produced more than one hundred thousand pesos between 1761 and 1767. Zimapán’s share was over 86 percent of the total reported in the caja during this period (2,210,000 pesos) and San José del Oro’s over 5 percent (133,450 pesos). Although Cardonal and Escanela both declared over seventy thousand pesos, the others produced very little.46 Overall from 1729 to 1814, Zimapán produced 34,600,000 pesos, about 2 percent of total Mexican output. Over the eighty-two years in which officials registered silver at Zimapán (see Table 3–14 and Figure 3–14), the smallest declarations came in the 1730s (2,170,000 pesos) and the largest in the 1770s (5,750,000 pesos), but from the 1750s, Zimapán sustained fairly steady levels of output of 4,000,000 and 5,500,000 pesos. Zimapán’s share of total Mexican output never exceeded 4 percent. Like the ore of Sombrerete, Zimapán’s silver had a high lead content and could be easily smelted. Moreover, lead mines dotted the district. According to David Brading, lead from mines in the Zimapán area, one owned by the Count of Regla, and another in San Luis Potosí, was shipped to Guanajuato, Pachuca, and Zacatecas for use when amalgamation gave way to smelting because of a mercury shortages.47

46 47

Hausberger, Nueva España, 171. Brading, Miners and Merchants, 137.

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Pesos of 272 Maravedís

6,000,000 5,000,000 4,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 0 1721

1731

1741

1751

1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1771 = 1771–1780

Figure 3–14. Zimapán Silver Output, 1729–1810, in pesos

Caja of Bolaños (1753–1810) Located about eighty miles directly north of Guadalajara, Bolaños became a major mining camp only in the mid-eighteenth century. Discovered in 1736, the mines of Bolaños began producing seriously in 1747, six years before viceregal authorities placed a caja in the area in 1753, quite likely because of the silver boom of the late 1740s. The principal mines of Bolaños were those at Conquista, Castellana, Cocina, Espíritu Santo, Perla, Montañesa, and Zapopa (see Table 3–6). In the 1760s, however, the Castellana, Montañesa, Perla, and Zapopa mines flooded, sharply reducing regional output. Under the aegis of the entrepreneur Juan Sierra Uruñela, who had three stores in the region, and Antonio Bibanco, who ultimately became the Viscount of Bolaños, the mines were drained and production started again. Also significant in the recovery was a fifteen-year exemption from the 10 percent royal tax on silver output in the area granted to Juan Sierra Uruñela in 1789. Finding labor for the mines also became a problem, but mine owners enticed workers into the diggings by paying them one-third of the silver ore they produced.48 The trends in Bolaños silver output (see Table 3–15 and Figure 3–15) reflected the condition of its mines. In it first eight years of registries, Bolaños reported an output of 17,670,000 pesos, the highest in 48

Brading, Miners and Merchants, 147, 162, 187–194.

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chapter three 500,000 450,000

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

400,000 350,000 300,000 250,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000 0 1751

1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1781 = 1781–1790

Figure 3–15. Bolaños Silver Output, 1753–1810, in pesos

its history, but the next decade, because of mine flooding, production was cut by almost two-thirds to 6,370,000 pesos. The efforts of Sierra Uruñela and Bibanco, however, led to a revival in the 1770s and 1780s to over 8,200,000 pesos, but registries were only half that in the 1790s, undoubtedly because of silver tax exemptions for Bolaños’s miners. In fact, the caja may have closed completely because of low yields sometime after 1804.49

Caja of Veracruz (1768–1810) Veracruz was the major port of entry and departure for New Spain on the east coast of Mexico, a commercial city dominated by trade, not silver, thus it was surprising that a bit of silver was registered there. A caja had been established in Veracruz at least by 1569, but probably earlier. Not until 1768, however, was any silver declared at the Veracruz treasury, and then only 40,000 pesos (see Table 3–16 and Figure 3–16). The following decade of the 1770s, however, saw registries of a

49 The last extant account for Bolaños was for 1804, but I have assumed that the region produced a bit of silver after that.

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Pesos of 272 Maravedís

600,000 500,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 0 1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1771 = 1771–1780

Figure 3–16. Veracruz Silver Output, 1765–1805, in pesos

little over half a million pesos and, in the next decade, 430,000 pesos, dropping to 246,000 pesos in the 1790s. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, miners or silver traders declared no silver at all at the Veracruz caja. Overall, during the three decades from 1768 to 1800 when silver was registered at Veracruz, the caja taxed an amount worth 1,250,000 pesos. The Veracruz share of Mexican output reported for these decades was never more than a meager 0.36 percent.

Cajas of Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá (1770–1810) Of all the colonial silver mining areas of northwestern Mexico, the least is known about Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá. Located about two hundred miles northwest of Guadalajara near the Pacific Coast, close to present-day Mazatlán in southern Sinaloa, Rosario, prior to becoming a treasury district in 1770, had its miners register their silver and gold in Guadalajara as one of the richer reales de minas in the Guadalajara district (see Table 3–6). In 1783, however, fiscal authorities closed the Rosario caja and moved it to Alamos, over two hundred miles to the northwest. Designated as a real de minas in 1683, Alamos was the most productive mining center in the Guadalajara treasury district in the 1760s.50 In 1806 or 1807, viceregal authorities moved the caja once again, this time from Alamos to Cosalá, about one hundred miles

50

Hausberger, Nueva España, 153, 169.

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southeast of Alamos. Cosalá had experienced a silver bonanza in 1545, and transfer of the caja to this site in the early nineteenth century presumably signaled a revival of these mines or a discovery of new ones in the area. In fact, all the treasury site-shifts in this region seem prompted by a desire to assay and register ore closer to the point of production. Silver production at Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá buoyed total Mexican output at the end of the colonial epoch (see Table 3–17 and Figure 3–17). Although silver production (3,000,000 pesos) was low in the region during the first full decade of caja operation, output tripled in the 1780s to 10,230,000 pesos, rising to 15,200,000 pesos in the 1790s and 16,120,000 pesos in the final decade before the Hidalgo insurgency. In these last two decades, the treasury district was producing about 8 percent of total Mexican output.

Caja of Chihuahua (1785–1810)

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

In 1785, Chihuahua became the last mining caja created in New Spain. (The Saltillo treasury, set up in 1794, was the last Mexican caja created to give that town and region more prominence on the northern frontier of New Spain.) The most important town of northern Mexico, Chihuahua was initially tied to the caja of Durango, where in the 1760s, its silver output was second only to the mines of Nueva Vizcaya (Minas Nuevas) in the amount of silver declared at Durango between 18,000,000 16,000,000 14,000,000 12,000,000 10,000,000 8,000,000 6,000,000 4,000,000 2,000,000 0 1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1781=1781–1790

Figure 3–17. Rosario Silver Output, 1773–1813, in pesos

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1761 and 1767 (see Table 3–6). Most of it came from the real de minas of Santa Eulalia, the richest mine in the Chihuahua region, and Santa Bárbara, south of Chihuahua City. Chihuahua never became a major silver producer and contributed only 9,760,000 pesos between 1785 and 1810. This was less than 2 percent of the Mexican total. The caja had registries in the 1790s of 3,770,000 pesos and 3,610,000 pesos in the first decade of the nineteenth century (see Table 3–18 and Figure 3–18). Never producing more than four million pesos per decade, the new treasury district in Chihuahua was more a sign of the Spanish desire to expand its presence in northern New Spain than for the region’s rich silver deposits.

Mercury Availability and Mexican Silver Output Because amalgamation was a widespread method of silver refining, mercury was crucial to the prosperity of the mining industry. In both Mexico and Peru, mercury was a royal monopoly. As already pointed out, royal authorities checked sales of mercury against the silver declared at royal treasuries by miners or refiners in order to detect fraud, establishing the correspondencia: a quintal or hundredweight of mercury was expected to produce one hundred marks of silver (approximately 8,500 pesos). In theory, this was sound practice, but in reality, much depended upon the quality of both the silver ore and

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

4,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 0 1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1791 = 1791–1800

Figure 3–18. Chihuahua Silver Output, 1785–1814, in pesos

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the mercury as well as the ability of refiners to recover mercury during the refining process in order to reuse it. Still, by the eighteenth century, authorities in Mexico had begun to take the correspondencia into account. Mercury sold to refiners at Zacatecas, Sombrerete, Durango, and Pachuca was expected to meet the 100-mark ratio. At Guanajuato, however, 100 quintales were supposed to produce 125 marks and at Guadalajara 115 marks, while in San Luis Potosí with its lead-laden ores only 80 marks.51 In Mexico the monopoly operated in the following way. Virtually all mercury came into Mexico from abroad, usually from the mines of Almadén in Spain,52 Idria in Slovenia at the northern end of the Adriatic, Huancavelica in Peru, and a bit from the Philippines. The major source, however, was Almadén north of Córdoba in the province of Ciudad Real, shipped from Castile to Veracruz first in leather bags packed in barrels and then in glass and iron jugs (frascos de fierro) on the fleet or on vessels sailing alone (naves de azogues). After it reached Veracruz, the mercury was loaded on mules for the trek to Mexico City to be placed in the mercury repository. In the eighteenth century, the royal treasury bore the transportation costs from Veracruz at three pesos per quintal.53 Initially, the viceroy was responsible for its distribution after it arrived at the capital, but in 1708, when Iberian authorities created a junta to deal with all matters regarding mercury in Castile, a similar junta was established in New Spain, headed by a superintendent with a salary of three thousand pesos and a one thousand-peso expense account. The first was Juan José Veitia Linage,54 who, assisted by the junta, made allocations to the various reales de minas and mining cajas. In 1717, however, the junta was dissolved and a superintendencia de azogue was established to allocate mercury. The first superintendent was Andrés Pez.55 Later in the eighteenth century,

51

Heredia, Renta del azogue, 160–161. On the mines of Almadén see A. Matilla Tascón, Historia de las minas de Almadén, vol. 1: Desde la época romana hasta el año 1645 (Madrid: Gráficas Osca, 1958); and A. Matilla Tascón, Historia de las minas de Almadén, vol. 2: Desde 1646 a 1799 (Madrid: Minas de Almadén y Arrayanes and Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, 1987). Also refer to Rafael Dobado González, “Labor Force and Mercury Production in Almadén, Spain, 1759–1808,” in Craig and West, eds., In Quest of Mineral Wealth, 213–232; and his doctoral thesis, “El trabajo en las Minas de Almadén, 1750–1955” (PhD diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1989). 53 Romero, Minería y guerra, 35, 103. 54 Heredia, Renta del azogue, 20. 55 Heredia, Renta del azogue, 15–16. 52

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the Real Tribunal de Minería allocated mercury to mining camps and mining cajas.56 In 1709, Spanish authorities in New Spain moved the mercury repository from México to Puebla and then in 1741, transferred its operations back to the viceregal capital. From either city, the distribution system seemed to work well. Antonia Heredia notes that in the first half of the eighteenth century, mercury scarcities occurred only in 1715, 1735, 1739, 1744, 1752, and 1753; Kendall Brown indicates shortages in 1740, 1744, 1779 and 1781.57 Moreover in the turbulent first decade of the nineteenth century, Mexican authorities stockpiled mercury, anticipating disruption of Atlantic shipping.58 Mercury prices and transportation costs (fletes) varied over time. Miners and refiners initially paid high costs, well over 100 pesos per quintal, but beginning in the first half of the seventeenth century, the price dropped to 82 pesos, 4 reales. It remained at that level until 1768, when authorities halved the price to 42 pesos, 3 reales. At the end of the eighteenth century, Almadén mercury remained at this price for all the mining cajas, although mercury from Idria, which was probably of higher quality, sold for 63 pesos a quintal. In addition to paying for the mercury itself, purchasers bore the transportation costs (fletes) of getting it from the repository in Puebla or México to the reales de minas or mining cajas. This charge varied according to the distance from the mercury repository to the caja. From 1707 to 1708, for example, miners paid fletes of six pesos, seven reales per quintal for shipment from México to Zacatecas; to Guanajuato, three pesos, three reales; to Pachuca, one peso, two reales; to Sombrerete, eight pesos, five reales; to San Luis Potosí, five pesos, five reales; to Durango, eight pesos, five reales; and to Guadalajara, five pesos, five reales.59 In 1796, flete costs were a bit less—over ten pesos per quintal to ship mercury from México to Chihuahua, four and 56

Romero, Minería y guerra, 103–120. Heredia, Renta del azogue, 242; Kendall Brown, “The Spanish Imperial Mercury Trade and American Mining Expansion under the Bourbon Monarchy,” in Kenneth J. Andrien and Lyman L. Johnson, eds., The Political Economy of Spanish America in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1850 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 145–146. 58 See Francisco Saavedra to Viceroy Pedro de Garibay, Sevilla, 25 December 1809, AGI, México, Legajo 2214. In this letter, Saavedra states that 56,231 quintales of mercury had been shipped to Mexico and that this shipment, along with the 34,029 quintales sent earlier, should be enough to last three years. 59 Heredia, Renta del azogue, 143. 57

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one-half pesos to Zacatecas, less than three to Guanajuato, and one peso to Pachuca.60 Historians have been able to clearly document the shipment of mercury to New Spain and its distribution among the mining caja, providing the opportunity to assess its importance for Mexican silver output (see Table 3–19 and Figure 3–19).61 Although the supply of mercury was crucial for output in most mines, measuring its significance for individual mining districts is difficult. The years and amount of mercury allocated to each caja, the lag between the time of shipment from Puebla or México, the quality of the ore being amalgamated, the reserves of mercury on hand in the caja, and the quality of the mercury all hinder any systematic analysis by caja district. Fortunately, though, Antonia de Heredia has provided data on the allocation of mercury to the various mining cajas in the first half of the eighteenth century, establishing distribution patterns for this epoch (see 200,000

Quintales of Mercury

150,000

100,000

50,000

18 01

17 81

17 61

17 41

17 21

17 01

16 81

61 16

16 41

16 21

01 16

81 15

15 61

0

By Decade 1681 = 1681–1690

Figure 3–19. Mexican Mercury Supply, 1561–1810

60

Romero, Minería y guerra, 35. Table 3–19 has been compiled from Bakewell, Zacatecas, 256; Chaunu and Chaunu, Séville et l’Atlantique, 8:2, 1960–1971; Heredia, Renta del azogue, 234–237; Romero, Economía y guerra, 102–120; Brown, “Spanish Imperial Mercury Trade,” 145–146. For the eighteenth century, I have consulted the appropriate records of the Archivo General de Indias: AGI, México, Legajos 2172, 2174, 2177, 2178, 2180–2184, and 2215. 61

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In Quintales of Mercury ZACATECAS 54,156 = 32% SAN LUIS POTOSI 2053 = 1%

BOLANOS 2,855 = 2%

PACHUCA 29,187 = 17% GUADALAJARA 23,028 = 13%

DURANGO 5,667 = 3%

SOMBRERETE 8,500 = 5% GUANAJUATO 46,979 = 27%

*Heredia, RENTA DEL AZOGUE, 143

Figure 3–20. Mercury Allocated to the Mining Cajas of Mexico, 1709–1753

Figure 3–20).62 Since the general rule for mercury distribution was that it be delivered to mines and cajas where it was most needed, it is not surprising that Guanajuato and Zacatecas received almost 60 percent of the mercury from the storehouses in Puebla and México. But in the peak period of Mexican silver production at the end of the eighteenth century, some changes occurred in mercury allocation (see Figure 3–20).63 Guanajuato’s share increased by 10 percent, indicating the flurry of mining activity in the Bajío. Zacatecas, however, received 20 percent less than it did in the first half of the century. Guadalajara’s allocation was almost halved, but shipments of quicksilver to Rosario made up for this decrease in Guadalajara’s share. Understandably, with the silver strikes at Catorce, San Luis Potosí received a sharp increase, while Durango’s share tripled and Pachuca’s dropped. Competition for mercury was sometimes fierce, especially when supplies were scarce, yet authorities administering the monopoly generally procured enough mercury to meet miners and refiners’ needs and worked effectively to distribute sufficient quantities where they were

62

Heredia, Renta del azogue, 252. AGI, México, Legajo 2185. Estado de la distribución del azogue en México, 1788–1791. 63

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most needed in New Spain. At Sombrerete, for example, ores could be easily smelted and its portion of mercury was not over 4 percent of total allocations. Significantly, Zimapán did not receive any. It, too, was a mining area where refining silver by amalgamation was not necessary because of the high content of lead in the ore. Finally, although there were complaints from refiners and miners about mercury allocations, on balance those who distributed the mercury from the storage sites in México and Puebla—successively, the viceroy, junta, superintendent of mercury, and the mining tribunal—made sound decisions. The massive production levels in Mexico at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth testify to their ability to get mercury where it was most needed.

Mexican Silver: New World and World Perspectives As already noted, Mexican silver contributed 57 percent of New World output, the most produced by any region of the Spanish Indies. In fact, from the moment miners began refining silver in New Spain until 1700, the Mexican share of New World yields were between onethird and one-half (see Table 3–21 and Figure 3–21). For much of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Peruvian mines supplied the most silver. But after 1670, when the Andean mines began to languish, Mexico became the major New World producer. By the late 1600s, Mexico drove silver output not only in the Indies but worldwide. In the eighteenth century, Mexico consistently generated two-thirds or more of output in the Spanish Indies. Mexico was a major producer on the world stage. In the immediate post-conquest period (1520s), Mexican silver as a share of the world total was less than 1 percent and a bit over 6 percent in the 1530s, but rose sharply after that to almost one-third of the world’s silver in the 1570s, only to drop to 20 percent in the next decade. From the 1590s to 1670s, however, the Mexican proportion of world silver output ranged consistently between 30 and 40 percent. Beginning in the 1680s, Mexico’s contribution to world silver output expanded to over 40 percent for the first time, dropping to 37 and 35 percent in the next two decades, but rising to 47 percent in the 1710s and 1720s and over 53 percent in the 1730s. During five of the eight decades between 1731 and 1810, Mexico produced more than half of world output. In the 1760s, Mexico’s share of world silver

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10,000,000 9,000,000

7,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000

WORLD

4,000,000

NEW WORLD

3,000,000

MEXICO

2,000,000 1,000,000 0

15 21 15 31 15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

Kilograms of Fine Silver

8,000,000

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 3–21. World-New World-Mexican Silver Output, 1521–1810, in kilograms

yields was only 40 percent, manifesting the miseries of Mexican silver mining in that decade. In the eighteenth century, Mexico was the major silver producer not only in the Spanish Indies but also in the world. Silver also helped to drive the Mexican economy in the eighteenth century. Investments made in Bolaños, Guanajuato, Pachuca, Zacatecas, and other mining regions provided the money needed to drain flooded mines, drive deeper tunnels in existing mines, and generally to keep production rising. Unlike Peru and Upper Peru, where silver mining experienced only a modest resurgence, Mexico’s output tripled in the eighteenth century. New Spain had an expanding labor force, plentiful investment capital, state-granted silver-tax exemptions, low mercury prices, new silver exchange banks in nine mining areas, superior entrepreneurship, and the largest mint in the world at Mexico City. In 1792, the government sponsored a seminar under the direction of Fausto Elhuyar devoted solely to the study of mining and metallurgy, providing the technical expertise to keep trends in silver production going steadily and sometimes steeply upward. In short, during the ancien régime, Mexico’s contribution to New World and world silver output was enormous.

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chapter three Tables Table 3–1. New World Silver Production by Region and Decade, 1521–1810 (in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedis).

DECADE

CENTRAL AMERICA

MEXICO

PERU

1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

0.04 0.06 0.09 0.09 0.09 0.30 0.85 0.68 0.64 0.55 0.30 0.21 0.30 0.34 0.26 0.17 0.17 0.26 0.34 0.51 0.68 1.76 1.73 2.08 1.73 1.43 1.49 1.82 1.37 20.34

0.30 2.24 10.57 18.63 34.34 39.22 34.11 41.71 48.12 50.39 47.90 43.86 32.99 35.53 34.32 51.87 58.48 49.88 49.79 64.69 81.40 92.53 102.30 119.03 107.28 146.08 170.36 198.87 201.21 1,968.00

5.10 17.33 23.63 21.13 31.44 64.80 70.20 72.15 72.62 74.53 84.17 69.33 55.76 50.72 47.90 51.14 42.56 28.07 27.41 30.32 36.35 43.88 53.43 57.57 68.50 68.52 86.96 68.87 1,424.39

NEW CHILE GRANADA 0.15 0.13 0.36 0.49 0.51 0.43 0.81 0.90 0.72 0.90 0.36 0.21 0.53 0.43 0.08 0.06 0.10 0.05 0.00 0.05 0.01 0.03 0.04 0.03 0.08 0.03 0.10 0.05 7.64

0.11 0.46 1.43 2.16 1.65 5.81

RIO DE LA TOTAL PLATA

0.05 0.03 6.31 6.39

0.34 7.55 28.12 42.71 56.05 71.47 100.19 113.40 121.81 124.28 123.63 128.60 102.83 92.16 85.73 100.02 109.85 92.80 78.25 92.61 112.45 130.65 147.94 174.58 166.72 216.55 241.88 289.94 279.46 3,432.57

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Table 3–2. New World Silver Production by Region and Decade, 1521–1810 (in Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

CENTRAL AMERICA

1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

109 43 1,086 1,630 2,173 2,173 2,390 7,604 21,727 17,381 16,295 14,122 7,604 5,432 7,604 8,691 6,518 4,345 4,345 6,518 8,691 13,036 17,381 43,574 43,043 51,666 42,896 35,122 36,182 44,245 33,277 506,794

MEXICO

PERU

7,670 57,260 130,360 270,180 442,970 476,080 604,120 877,720 540,120 1,002,440 803,520 872,110 1,658,200 1,066,160 1,832,900 1,230,040 1,865,690 1,287,920 1,861,180 1,224,300 1,893,510 1,121,110 2,123,720 843,210 1,746,300 908,220 1,423,410 876,970 1,296,940 1,325,970 1,224,570 1,495,100 1,307,170 1,274,770 1,087,880 1,272,680 717,450 1,653,420 700,840 2,067,040 770,180 2,295,920 901,660 2,537,890 1,088,690 2,954,020 1,325,440 2,662,270 1,428,350 3,578,740 1,679,250 4,149,710 1,668,780 4,821,600 2,108,300 4,878,510 1,670,380 49,089,030 35,901,880

NEW RIO DE GRANADA LA PLATA

3,730 3,442 9,226 12,532 13,147 11,088 20,667 22,964 18,381 23,123 9,197 5,454 13,514 11,098 2,006 1,504 2,572 1,160 30 1,203 219 805 998 794 1,919 695 2,446 1,133 195,047

24 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 120 0 0 1,419 1,782 153,483 156,832

CHILE

TOTAL

2,837 11,280 34,809 52,441 40,110 141,477

109 43 8,756 192,980 718,765 1,091,599 1,432,762 1,826,711 2,563,125 2,937,108 3,134,989 3,181,603 3,148,537 3,259,483 2,602,572 2,353,835 2,191,526 2,556,891 2,808,119 2,371,740 1,999,981 2,367,326 2,855,804 3,241,373 3,670,428 4,332,244 4,137,147 5,306,311 5,891,595 7,030,814 6,776,893 85,991,060

0.30 2.24 10.57 17.03 18.44 19.97 20.59 29.07 30.68 26.51 17.65 10.25 5.47 7.44 3.06 2.05 2.98 2.81 2.72 3.27 5.97 9.01 9.43 11.50 10.03 13.33 12.55 21.21 18.73 344.89

1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1550 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

1.60 11.37 13.47 11.54 9.86 11.35 17.58 19.45 14.52 11.04 11.01 10.51 21.45 16.87 11.17 13.20 20.57 21.20 18.74 16.42 14.97 10.50 19.82 22.36 23.10 27.73 401.40

ZAC

4.53 5.78 1.98 2.43 2.83 2.92 4.05 3.17 2.95 4.91 6.03 6.51 6.84 6.60 6.11 6.44 6.60 7.52 7.71 6.95 11.26 11.63 9.52 8.10 8.98 152.35

GDA

0.35 3.26 3.38 4.16 8.31 8.67 8.11 7.82 7.99 7.63 5.99 7.35 12.62 13.75 17.06 18.11 16.20 18.13 16.82 14.19 18.19 18.99 237.08

DUR

2.59 7.61 4.86 4.06 3.64 4.58 4.17 4.01 3.66 2.81 3.49 4.21 3.61 10.89 9.06 13.35 28.59 31.64 27.19 174.02

SLP

2.09 5.87 6.12 7.01 9.10 10.16 16.06 21.60 30.25 24.94 24.35 40.40 45.84 51.02 48.80 343.61

GTO

1.17 3.42 4.87 6.42 5.01 7.20 12.69 7.29 5.87 9.67 11.39 8.71 5.84 7.35 8.85 105.75

PCA

9.00 5.87 2.64 1.62 1.23 4.93 7.85 2.30 1.75 4.53 5.15 9.43 16.45 72.75

SOM

0.41 2.17 3.05 3.91 4.07 5.75 4.95 5.48 4.81 34.60

ZIM

17.67 6.37 8.21 8.33 4.13 0.95 45.66

BOL

0.33 3.00 10.23 15.20 16.12 44.88

ROS

0.04 0.53 0.43 0.25 0.00 1.25

VCZ

2.38 3.77 3.61 9.76

CHI 0.30 2.24 10.57 18.63 34.34 39.22 34.11 41.71 48.12 50.39 47.90 43.86 32.99 35.53 34.32 51.87 58.48 49.88 49.79 64.69 81.40 92.53 102.30 119.03 107.28 146.08 170.36 198.87 201.21 1,968.00

TOTAL

Caja key: MEX=Mexico, ZAC=Zacatecas, GDA=Guadalajara, DUR=Durango, SLP=San Luis Potosí, GTO=Guanajuato, PCA=Pachuca, SOM=Sombrerete, ZIM=Zimapan, ROS=Rosario, VCZ=Vera Cruz, CHI=Chihuahua. * For the caja de Mexico for the years 1700–1794 production is reported as 10 percent of the total silver registered for that period.

MEX*

DECADE

Table 3–3. Mexican Silver Production by Caja and Decade, 1521–1810 (in Millions of Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís).

114 chapter three

MEX*

7,670 57,260 270,180 435,300 471,350 510,450 526,380 743,110 784,340 677,610 451,270 261,990 139,730 190,280 78,310 52,300 76,290 71,720 69,490 83,530 151,240 223,550 233,960 285,930 248,860

DECADE

1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1550 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770

40,780 290,660 344,260 295,040 252,080 289,990 449,240 497,070 371,180 282,100 281,400 268,610 548,390 431,130 285,630 337,350 525,680 538,670 464,920 407,290 371,320 260,480

ZAC

115,710 147,730 50,690 61,990 72,340 74,760 103,480 81,060 75,470 125,560 154,030 166,430 174,920 168,590 156,110 164,510 167,710 186,520 191,400 172,310 279,280

GDA

8,980 83,370 86,310 106,310 212,430 221,610 207,220 199,920 204,220 195,080 153,030 187,810 322,660 349,350 423,210 449,180 402,000 449,860

DUR

66,170 194,450 124,300 103,760 92,970 117,170 106,660 102,400 93,520 71,730 88,570 104,790 89,920 271,290 225,620

SLP

53,300 149,980 156,500 179,090 232,710 259,810 407,250 535,950 750,360 618,740 604,080

GTO

29,830 87,480 124,580 164,150 128,100 184,070 322,850 180,790 145,520 239,980 282,550

PCA

ZIM

BOL

229,940 150,160 67,590 41,430 31,300 10,100 122,370 53,820 194,670 75,590 57,030 97,110 438,310 43,520 100,950 158,000

SOM

8,180

ROS

890

VCZ

CHI 7,670 57,260 270,180 476,080 877,720 1,002,440 872,110 1,066,160 1,230,040 1,287,920 1,224,300 1,121,110 843,210 908,220 876,970 1,325,970 1,495,100 1,274,770 1,272,680 1,653,420 2,067,040 2,295,920 2,537,890 2,954,020 2,662,270

TOTAL

Table 3–4. Mexican Silver Production by Caja District and Decade, 1521–1810 (by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Silver).

silver, the abundant metal: mexico 115

412,030 345,570 441,000 460,410

GTO

327,230 989,830 696,350 1,116,470 767,080 1,236,860 659,310 1,183,250

SLP 213,500 142,400 178,240 214,620

PCA 110,910 125,420 228,650 398,780

SOM 140,920 120,530 132,760 116,560

ZIM 200,830 203,250 100,040 23,070

BOL

VCZ

CHI

TOTAL

73,480 13,010 3,578,740 248,890 10,450 57,940 4,149,710 368,630 5,970 91,470 4,821,600 390,810 0 87,640 4,878,510

ROS

7.79%

12.06%

8.77%

17.26%

5.38%

3.67%

1.73%

2.29%

2.22%

0.06% 0.48%

Caja key: MEX=Mexico, ZAC=Zacatecas, GDA=Guadalajara, DUR=Durango, SLP=San Luis Potosí, GTO=Guanajuato, PCA=Pachuca, SOM=Sombrerete, ZIM=Zimapan, BOL=Bolanos, ROS=Rosario, VCZ=Vera Cruz, CHI=Chihuahua. * For the caja de Mexico for the years 1700–1794, production is reported as 10 percent of the total silver registered for that period.

20.57%

17.30%

284,900 231,860 196,500 217,790

DUR

% MEX TOTAL

485,400 544,670 560,090 672,230

GDA

8,703,060 10,095,660 3,821,650 5,921,560 4,303,290 8,474,180 2,638,660 1,801,770 848,340 1,123,500 1,089,990 30,320 237,050 49,089,030

326,700 305,910 514,310 454,040

1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810

ZAC

TOTAL

MEX*

DECADE

Table 3–4 (cont.)

116 chapter three

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

117

Table 3–5. Caja of Mexico Registered Silver Production, 1576–1817, Adjusted for Change in Accounting Methods 1700–1794 (10%) (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

PESOS

KILOS

1,777,045 1,930,626 1,969,246 1,965,139 1,600,889 2,539,316 2,167,020 2,102,204 2,196,234 2,345,174 20,592,893

45,423 49,349 50,336 50,231 40,920 64,907 55,391 53,734 56,138 59,945 526,375

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

2,734,040 2,846,732 2,890,355 2,289,113 2,964,054 2,580,918 3,237,582 3,260,591 2,868,170 3,400,642 29,072,197

69,885 72,765 73,880 58,512 75,764 65,971 82,756 83,344 73,313 86,924 743,114

1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

383,581 1,613,324 1,485,978 1,418,030 1,464,151 6,365,064

9,805 41,238 37,983 36,246 37,425 162,697

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

4,085,924 3,662,231 3,439,055 3,871,969 3,194,742 2,928,649 2,747,327 1,790,123 2,017,874 2,947,000 30,684,894

104,440 93,610 87,906 98,971 81,661 74,859 70,224 45,757 51,579 75,328 784,337

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

2,752,010 2,522,589 2,477,018 2,537,237 2,851,191 2,812,755 2,680,607 2,730,334 2,602,380 2,543,478 26,509,599

70,344 64,480 63,315 64,854 72,879 71,897 68,519 69,790 66,519 65,014 677,612

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

1,156,099 1,454,977 2,190,897 2,103,877 2,085,485 2,128,018 2,256,811 1,619,872 1,317,739 1,341,024 17,654,799

29,551 37,191 56,002 53,777 53,307 54,394 57,686 41,406 33,683 34,278 451,274

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

1,179,308 1,256,136 1,203,996 1,139,270 1,074,545 1,010,269 988,901 827,498 814,815 754,793 10,249,531

30,144 32,108 30,775 29,121 27,466 25,823 25,277 21,152 20,827 19,293 261,988

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

772,821 651,147 624,806 628,833 600,050 503,523 406,730 139,921 452,017 686,613 5,466,461

19,754 16,644 15,971 16,074 15,338 12,871 10,396 3,577 11,554 17,551 139,728

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

655,198 851,530 784,044 809,297 668,276 696,539 999,743 978,986 650,488 350,001 7,444,102

16,748 21,766 20,041 20,686 17,082 17,804 25,554 25,024 16,627 8,946 190,279

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

337,426 389,605 356,933 355,711 411,157 398,767 304,592 224,169 132,216 153,006 3,063,582

8,625 9,959 9,124 9,092 10,510 10,193 7,786 5,730 3,380 3,911 78,308

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

169,226 223,721 196,718 203,814 207,735 186,783 207,625 187,722 214,680 248,151 2,046,175

4,326 5,719 5,028 5,210 5,310 4,774 5,307 4,798 5,487 6,343 52,302

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

261,276 317,984 273,650 263,868 312,018 312,018 312,018 285,395 309,767 336,592 2,984,586

6,678 8,128 6,995 6,745 7,975 7,975 7,975 7,295 7,918 8,604 76,289

118

chapter three

Table 3–5 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

359,244 526,795 507,231 413,603 312,989 189,610 112,346 122,289 117,318 144,530 2,805,955

9,183 13,465 12,965 10,572 8,000 4,847 2,872 3,126 2,999 3,694 71,723

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

198,493 252,454 325,979 262,272 203,454 322,827 380,576 242,675 123,311 406,411 2,718,451

5,074 6,453 8,332 6,704 5,200 8,252 9,728 6,203 3,152 10,388 69,486

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

259,561 245,002 269,087 251,372 253,041 235,144 575,146 445,924 458,262 275,331 3,267,869

6,635 6,262 6,878 6,425 6,468 6,011 14,701 11,398 11,714 7,038 83,530

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

261,206 227,928 442,656 494,944 310,172 800,170 642,536 960,527 831,757 998,909 5,970,804

6,677 5,826 11,315 12,651 7,928 20,453 16,424 24,552 20,635 24,782 151,243

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1,028,205 490,392 1,309,450 817,972 807,150 1,215,376 943,093 835,468 747,762 815,898 9,010,765

25,509 12,166 32,486 20,293 20,025 30,152 23,397 20,727 18,551 20,242 223,548

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

720,539 649,568 754,105 967,027 1,008,969 1,011,526 852,616 964,350 1,195,810 1,305,740 9,430,249

17,876 16,115 18,709 23,991 25,032 25,095 21,153 23,925 29,667 32,394 233,955

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1,014,808 1,268,263 1,111,094 1,039,783 1,099,765 1,192,701 1,117,575 1,206,776 1,298,822 1,175,463 11,525,051

25,176 31,464 27,565 25,796 27,284 29,590 27,726 29,939 32,222 29,162 285,925

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,230,089 898,324 853,611 965,198 957,063 924,999 1,077,420 814,682 1,168,791 1,140,987 10,031,164

30,517 22,287 21,177 23,946 23,744 22,948 26,730 20,211 28,997 28,307 248,863

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1,339,424 1,141,333 1,277,480 1,078,142 1,187,927 1,431,043 1,572,881 1,484,540 1,336,628 1,483,680 13,333,077

33,230 28,315 31,213 26,342 29,025 34,965 38,430 36,272 32,658 36,251 326,700

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

1,448,101 1,302,654 1,847,113 1,575,315 1,364,341 991,341 729,947 1,051,825 839,363 1,401,101 12,551,101

35,381 31,828 45,131 38,490 33,335 24,221 17,698 25,501 20,350 33,970 305,905

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1,682,672 1,700,348 1,805,321 1,265,094 1,894,450 5,267,569 1,929,569 2,106,459 1,730,523 1,830,814 21,212,819

40,796 41,225 43,770 30,672 45,931 127,712 46,782 51,071 41,957 44,388 514,305

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1,272,394 1,237,670 2,042,229 1,828,514 3,592,440 1,999,083 1,784,119 1,685,092 1,862,055 1,423,642 18,727,238

30,849 30,007 49,514 44,332 87,099 48,468 43,256 40,855 45,146 34,516 454,042

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

119

Table 3–5 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817

996,688 282,156 318,592 355,028 551,679 490,221 517,896 3,512,260

24,165 6,841 7,724 8,608 13,375 11,885 12,556 85,155

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

TOTAL

286,230,687

7,198,684

Table 3–6. Mexican Reales de Minas 1761–1767 (those mines reporting over 100,000 pesos).* REAL DE MINAS CAJA DE DURANGO (42) Avinito Basis Chihuahua Cosala Inde Real del Oro Nueva Vizcaja Panuco (Nueva Vizcaya) Parral Santiago Papsquiaro Sonora Tabajueto CAJA DE GUADALAJARA (46) Alamos Guachinango Izatlan Jora Ostotipaquillo Palo Blanco Panuco (Sinaloa) Rl de las Plomosas Rosario San Joaquin San Pedro Analco San Sebastian Santa Ana Sta Cruz de los Flores Sinaloa Tenamachi

PESOS

KILOS

802,851 717,562 1,990,622 197,601 310,070 3,785,216 775,169 182,305 206,188 1,376,396 248,030

19,918 17,802 49,385 4,902 7,693 93,907 19,231 4,523 5,115 34,147 6,153

1,566,567 764,042 582,001 750,028 169,152 326,832 851,616 248,321 430,704 138,190 259,887 198,929 158,929 125,131 186,187 516,809

38,865 18,955 14,439 18,607 4,196 8,108 21,128 6,161 10,685 3,428 6,448 4,935 3,943 3,104 4,619 12,822

120

chapter three

Table 3–6 (cont.) REAL DE MINAS CAJA DE GUANAJUATO (2) Guanajuato Comanja CAJA DE MEXICO (58) **Chontalpa Cucurucupasco Ozumatlan San Luis de la Paz Sultepec **Taxco Tehuilotepec Temascaltepec Tetela de Xonotla Tlapuxagua Zacualpa CAJA DE PACHUCA (2) Pachuca Real del Monte CAJA DE SAN LUIS POTOSI (17) Bonanza Charcas Guadalcazar Mazapil Saltillo Sierra de Pinos CAJA DE SOMBRERETE 1761–1765 (2) Sombrerete CAJA DE ZACATECAS (8) Fresnillo Mazapil CAJA DE ZIMAPAN (7) San Jose del Oro Zimapan

PESOS

KILOS

16,613,515

412,165

1,212,775 248,449 168,871 117,987 834,764 2,648,346 486,085 1,076,787 258,774 1,104,014 187,267

30,088 6,164 4,190 2,927 20,710 65,703 12,059 26,714 6,420 27,389 4,646

2,955,801 5,247,925

73,330 130,196

308,079 438,460 970,183 339,640 208,468 1,044,008

5,162 10,878 24,069 8,426 5,172 25,901

621,291

15,414

386,572 957,083

9,590 23,744

133,450 2,210,040

3,311 54,829

* From Bernd Hausberger, La Nueva Espana y sus metales preciosas (Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag, 1997), 169–171. ** For Chontalpa and Taxco the entry to the two combined was halved and added to each real de minas.

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

121

Table 3–7. Zacatecas Registered Silver Production, 1559–1821 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

1559 1560

719,908 875,551 1,595,459

18,402 22,380 40,782

1561 1562 1563 1564 1565 1566 1567 1568 1569 1570

914,090 1,005,066 1,120,929 1,007,043 1,082,781 1,100,538 1,185,376 1,148,017 1,403,768 1,403,768 11,371,376

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

PESOS

23,365 25,690 28,652 25,741 27,677 28,131 30,299 29,344 35,882 35,882 290,664

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

1,400,212 1,389,071 1,377,694 1,366,316 1,354,938 1,343,561 1,332,183 1,320,805 1,314,642 1,268,720 13,468,142

35,791 35,506 35,215 34,924 34,634 34,343 34,052 33,761 33,604 32,430 344,259

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

1,222,798 31,256 1,206,606 30,842 1,132,587 28,950 1,044,858 26,708 1,069,982 27,350 1,072,389 27,411 1,074,193 27,457 1,119,414 28,613 1,260,791 32,227 1,339,000 34,226 11,542,618 295,041

1,261,782 1,119,227 1,042,009 1,053,330 1,052,982 801,744 824,269 902,194 871,830 932,678 9,862,045

32,252 28,609 26,635 26,924 26,915 20,493 21,069 23,061 22,285 23,840 252,084

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

997,153 1,026,185 1,157,703 1,063,198 1,144,357 1,240,630 1,267,633 1,206,190 1,176,647 1,065,448 11,345,144

25,488 26,230 29,592 27,176 29,251 31,712 32,402 30,831 30,076 27,234 289,993

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

1,321,710 33,784 1,529,212 39,088 1,875,730 47,946 1,716,819 43,884 1,955,960 49,996 1,821,588 46,562 1,717,620 43,904 1,880,942 48,079 2,125,639 54,333 1,630,056 41,666 17,575,276 449,242

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

1,643,327 2,372,677 2,233,055 2,092,353 1,971,242 1,784,411 1,681,445 1,871,768 1,819,596 1,976,615 19,446,489

42,005 60,648 57,079 53,483 50,387 45,611 42,979 47,844 46,511 50,524 497,072

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

1,503,100 1,773,388 1,837,699 1,799,425 1,605,512 1,408,624 1,301,995 1,195,366 1,224,541 871,595 14,521,245

38,421 45,330 46,973 45,995 41,038 36,006 33,280 30,555 31,300 22,279 371,178

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

1,243,009 31,773 1,058,213 27,049 1,113,504 28,462 1,019,274 26,054 1,044,167 26,690 1,248,564 31,915 1,010,012 25,817 1,010,916 25,840 1,156,788 29,569 1,131,795 28,930 11,036,242 282,097

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658

1,126,420 1,112,149 1,303,628 1,229,323 1,136,025 1,027,180 1,017,069 1,032,284

28,792 28,428 33,322 31,423 29,038 26,256 25,997 26,386

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668

928,515 856,443 785,939 687,712 952,763 946,457 1,150,217 1,294,996

23,734 21,892 20,089 17,579 24,354 24,192 29,401 33,101

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678

1,819,466 1,951,637 1,952,875 1,918,368 1,883,728 1,890,261 2,463,067 2,323,223

KILOS

46,507 49,886 49,917 49,035 48,150 48,317 62,958 59,384

122

chapter three

Table 3–7 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1659 1660

1,026,091 998,764 11,008,933

26,228 25,529 281,399

1669 1670

1,380,670 1,524,844 10,508,556

35,291 38,977 268,609

1679 1680

2,412,556 2,838,849 21,454,030

61,667 72,564 548,386

1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

2,614,602 2,204,121 1,793,640 1,383,159 1,160,816 1,322,756 1,115,064 1,177,126 1,113,205 13,884,489

66,832 56,340 45,847 35,355 29,672 33,811 28,502 30,089 28,455 354,901

1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

1,305,551 1,262,191 1,215,221 1,215,221 1,109,746 1,007,056 757,290 1,002,233 1,247,177 10,121,686

33,371 32,263 31,062 31,062 28,366 25,741 19,357 25,618 31,879 258,720

1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1,134,294 1,163,770 1,193,247 1,570,469 1,214,193 1,184,183 1,364,294 1,608,276 1,713,101 12,145,827

28,994 29,747 30,501 40,143 31,036 30,269 34,873 41,109 43,789 310,459

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

1,900,914 1,534,740 1,816,780 1,710,720 2,267,549 2,137,476 2,089,060 2,269,910 2,411,086 2,427,322 20,565,557

48,589 39,229 46,439 43,728 57,961 54,636 53,398 58,021 61,630 62,045 525,676

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1,853,968 2,274,128 2,314,210 2,431,849 1,808,841 2,022,550 2,229,640 1,919,721 2,039,269 2,307,466 21,201,642

47,389 58,129 59,154 62,160 46,236 51,698 56,992 49,070 50,592 57,246 538,666

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

2,084,744 2,089,837 2,043,301 1,790,511 2,143,025 1,690,790 1,791,888 1,892,985 1,577,114 1,635,744 18,739,939

51,720 51,847 50,692 44,421 53,166 41,947 44,455 46,963 39,127 40,581 464,919

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1,337,070 1,299,815 1,254,287 1,277,303 1,912,422 1,766,266 1,565,502 1,601,743 2,001,416 2,401,088 16,416,912

33,171 32,247 31,118 31,689 47,445 43,819 38,839 39,738 49,653 59,569 407,287

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

3,056,623 1,759,798 1,162,663 1,114,639 1,377,467 1,055,460 1,238,304 1,234,391 1,800,931 1,166,671 14,966,947

75,832 43,659 28,845 27,653 34,174 26,185 30,721 30,624 44,679 28,944 371,315

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,034,835 1,080,263 946,488 952,796 1,036,942 1,077,764 1,006,138 971,645 1,187,472 1,204,951 10,499,294

25,673 26,800 23,481 23,638 25,725 26,738 24,961 24,106 29,460 29,894 260,477

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1,302,455 1,613,895 1,486,399 1,403,132 2,009,798 2,312,758 2,576,817 2,428,872 2,862,348 1,825,167 19,821,641

32,313 40,039 36,317 34,283 49,105 56,508 62,959 59,345 69,936 44,594 485,399

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

2,464,058 1,986,288 2,806,172 2,397,091 1,803,165 1,974,055 2,524,330 2,157,651 2,104,615 2,143,817 22,361,242

60,204 48,531 68,563 58,568 44,057 48,232 61,202 52,312 51,026 51,977 544,673

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1,815,624 2,497,927 2,328,978 2,117,597 2,192,284 3,112,967 2,829,930 2,446,202 1,863,441 1,896,110 23,101,060

44,020 60,562 56,466 51,341 53,152 75,474 68,612 59,308 45,179 45,971 560,085

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

123

Table 3–7 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1,070,330 1,413,312 3,745,679 3,245,275 2,137,413 2,505,505 2,298,028 3,579,633 4,199,083 3,532,226 27,726,484

25,950 34,266 90,814 78,682 51,822 60,746 55,716 86,788 101,807 85,639 672,229

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

2,111,652 2,868,956 2,758,652 2,648,347 1,604,417 1,831,388 1,893,242 2,863,921 3,552,864 2,317,410 24,450,849

KILOS 51,197 69,558 66,884 64,209 38,899 44,402 45,902 69,436 86,139 56,186 592,811

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1821

1,081,957 1,081,957

26,232 26,232

TOTAL 426,907,924 10,714,681

Table 3–8. Guadalajara Registered Silver Production, 1568–1816 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

1,216,714 1,058,531 900,349 742,166 583,983 425,801 267,618 181,936 217,064 185,257 5,779,419

31,100 27,057 23,014 18,971 14,927 10,884 6,841 4,650 5,548 4,735 147,728

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

153,450 152,367 154,771 122,596 153,592 184,587 234,101 250,381 280,436 296,716 1,982,997

3,922 3,895 3,956 3,134 3,926 4,718 5,984 6,400 7,168 7,584 50,687

1568 1569 1570

1,618,761 1,533,079 1,374,897 4,526,737

41,377 39,187 35,144 115,708

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

298,248 253,009 262,633 233,450 283,765 259,301 218,427 220,781 215,679 179,954 2,425,247

7,624 6,467 6,713 5,967 7,253 6,628 5,583 5,643 5,513 4,600 61,992

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

212,441 270,501 198,559 386,390 300,908 256,489 273,407 318,806 316,778 295,975 2,830,254

5,430 6,914 5,075 9,877 7,692 6,556 6,989 8,149 8,097 7,565 72,344

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

254,240 240,558 235,571 252,461 270,360 261,041 303,869 392,671 362,969 350,924 2,924,664

6,499 6,149 6,021 6,453 6,911 6,672 7,767 10,037 9,278 8,970 74,757

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625

355,455 377,255 232,867 362,249 405,239

9,086 9,643 5,952 9,259 10,358

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635

426,843 335,211 356,987 361,261 335,439

10,911 8,568 9,125 9,234 8,574

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645

247,431 211,407 248,092 370,575 308,906

6,325 5,404 6,341 9,472 7,896

124

chapter three

Table 3–8 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

408,072 437,170 439,399 451,622 579,029 4,048,357

10,431 11,175 11,231 11,544 14,801 103,480

1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

330,137 276,103 275,826 242,133 231,390 3,171,330

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

307,076 284,054 288,154 332,839 478,254 471,680 569,224 719,574 747,756 713,468 4,912,079

7,849 7,261 7,366 8,508 12,225 12,057 14,550 18,393 19,113 18,237 125,558

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

598,868 652,980 678,269 616,604 610,950 703,248 798,800 780,548 719,927 683,110 6,843,304

15,308 16,691 17,337 15,761 15,616 17,976 20,418 19,952 18,402 17,461 174,922

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

568,385 637,899 690,211 746,982 598,862 689,000 589,798 629,147 634,596 651,064 6,435,944

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746

663,202 624,615 642,101 707,771 608,404 852,835

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

8,439 7,057 7,050 6,189 5,915 81,062

1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

321,745 344,632 296,551 291,517 311,709 2,952,565

8,224 8,809 7,580 7,451 7,968 75,471

776,862 570,959 533,210 521,019 525,576 532,117 472,836 732,861 725,339 635,011 6,025,790

19,857 14,594 13,629 13,318 13,434 13,601 12,086 18,733 18,540 16,232 154,025

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

825,943 595,985 616,763 742,702 663,982 604,771 551,142 595,712 659,050 654,831 6,510,881

21,112 15,234 15,765 18,984 16,972 15,459 14,088 15,227 16,846 16,738 166,425

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

772,319 870,340 791,172 723,890 653,684 597,128 585,326 509,130 509,130 583,462 6,595,581

19,741 22,247 20,223 18,503 16,709 15,263 14,962 13,014 13,014 14,914 168,590

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

598,581 613,700 569,624 686,725 582,578 543,569 591,136 723,193 626,468 571,587 6,107,161

15,300 15,687 14,560 17,553 14,891 13,894 15,110 18,486 16,013 14,610 156,105

14,528 16,305 17,642 19,094 15,308 17,612 15,076 16,082 16,221 16,642 164,509

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

763,706 694,596 588,936 693,467 599,738 629,312 713,450 568,569 650,945 698,018 6,600,737

19,521 17,755 15,054 17,726 15,330 16,086 18,236 14,533 16,149 17,317 167,707

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

645,468 754,037 789,982 725,202 802,881 814,321 764,229 899,028 726,835 596,165 7,518,148

16,013 18,707 19,599 17,992 19,919 20,202 18,960 22,304 18,032 14,790 186,518

16,453 15,496 15,930 17,559 15,094 21,158

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756

856,541 552,303 530,771 514,165 712,161 693,037

21,250 13,702 13,168 12,756 17,668 17,194

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766

860,523 884,862 1,050,349 1,021,312 1,310,275 1,449,073

21,349 21,953 26,058 25,338 32,507 35,950

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

125

Table 3–8 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1747 1748 1749 1750

722,890 813,385 836,661 1,243,110 7,714,974

17,934 20,179 20,757 30,840 191,401

1757 1758 1759 1760

709,752 847,954 838,844 689,927 6,945,455

17,608 21,037 20,811 17,116 172,310

1767 1768 1769 1770

1,126,910 1,176,320 1,448,803 928,795 11,257,222

27,958 29,183 35,943 23,042 279,280

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

978,074 1,102,852 1,391,877 1,091,861 1,140,254 1,055,902 971,762 1,050,321 1,410,092 1,435,248 11,628,243

24,265 27,361 34,008 26,677 27,860 25,799 23,743 25,662 34,453 35,067 284,895

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

1,145,064 1,054,046 978,670 970,633 1,081,817 734,574 703,982 836,055 1,038,000 974,248 9,517,089

27,977 25,754 23,912 23,715 26,432 17,948 17,068 20,270 25,166 23,621 231,863

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1,045,927 902,321 784,477 748,037 821,752 954,945 883,404 821,743 628,743 513,266 8,104,615

25,359 21,877 19,020 18,136 19,923 23,153 21,418 19,923 15,244 12,444 196,496

1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

957,431 926,778 1,121,862 1,171,339 1,365,826 848,028 589,128 6,980,392

23,213 22,470 27,200 28,399 33,114 20,560 14,283 169,240

1814 1815 1816

346,411 338,320 330,229 1,014,960

8,399 8,203 8,006 24,608

TOTAL 154,473,985 3,873,321

Table 3–9. Durango Registered Silver Production, 1599–1813 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1599 1600

134,526 216,966 351,492

3,439 5,546 8,984

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

246,400 217,361 326,969 413,325 334,654 461,885 357,418 359,314 287,910 256,404 3,261,640

6,298 5,556 8,358 10,565 8,554 11,806 9,136 9,184 7,359 6,554 83,371

YEAR

PESOS

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

272,420 334,682 375,828 354,417 339,332 339,545 339,767 339,989 340,211 340,434 3,376,625

KILOS

6,963 8,555 9,607 9,059 8,674 8,679 8,685 8,690 8,696 8,702 86,310

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

340,656 340,835 356,233 353,940 364,038 421,882 470,504 480,606 503,262 526,903 4,158,859

8,708 8,712 9,106 9,047 9,305 10,784 12,027 12,285 12,864 13,468 106,305

126

chapter three

Table 3–9 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

550,543 672,734 879,192 951,282 917,466 886,551 989,041 872,085 814,892 776,863 8,310,649

14,072 17,196 22,473 24,316 23,451 22,661 25,281 22,291 20,829 19,857 212,428

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

1,003,384 1,121,027 930,570 862,529 767,021 895,655 858,604 648,397 909,348 673,338 8,669,873

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

923,887 804,622 708,548 809,333 777,213 876,395 794,749 722,882 710,437 693,069 7,821,135

23,615 20,567 18,111 20,687 19,866 22,402 20,315 18,478 18,159 17,716 199,916

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

742,324 404,566 368,788 676,160 676,160 586,100 541,069 541,069 792,168 658,542 5,986,946

18,975 10,341 9,427 17,283 17,283 14,981 13,830 13,830 20,249 16,833 153,032

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

2,569,659 1,148,915 1,527,266 1,384,526 1,082,643 1,314,308 740,274 1,210,923 1,330,288 1,440,099 13,748,901

65,683 29,367 39,038 35,390 27,673 33,595 18,922 30,952 33,003 35,727 349,352

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

25,647 28,655 23,786 22,047 19,606 22,894 21,947 16,574 23,244 17,211 221,611

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

745,269 771,071 784,917 731,741 695,985 758,598 725,753 742,505 1,107,752 1,043,151 8,106,742

19,050 19,709 20,063 18,704 17,790 19,391 18,551 18,979 28,315 26,664 207,216

512,595 940,528 942,320 943,600 787,391 793,875 798,440 779,331 756,961 734,590 7,989,631

13,102 24,041 24,087 24,119 20,127 20,292 20,409 19,920 19,349 18,777 204,223

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

712,220 689,849 667,479 645,108 632,991 654,894 720,602 657,064 1,178,594 1,073,045 7,631,846

18,205 17,633 17,061 16,490 16,180 16,740 18,419 16,795 30,126 27,428 195,078

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

466,227 741,350 741,350 858,985 827,652 596,935 635,649 748,349 772,438 958,488 7,347,423

11,917 18,950 18,950 21,957 21,156 15,258 16,248 19,129 19,744 24,500 187,807

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

967,430 958,649 1,044,542 946,894 828,076 1,565,469 1,656,911 1,656,437 1,381,959 1,616,579 12,622,946

24,728 24,504 26,700 24,204 21,166 40,015 42,352 42,340 35,324 41,321 322,655

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

788,430 2,472,349 1,567,585 2,912,730 1,796,739 1,323,018 1,849,082 2,252,680 70,439 2,025,647 17,058,699

19,560 61,337 38,890 72,262 44,575 32,823 45,874 55,887 1,748 50,254 423,209

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1,903,861 2,923,467 1,735,557 995,172 1,944,418 1,992,934 2,200,516 1,429,500 1,311,861 1,668,344 18,105,630

47,233 72,528 43,057 24,689 48,239 49,443 54,593 35,464 32,546 41,390 449,183

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

127

Table 3–9 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1,647,270 1,626,197 1,407,164 1,523,557 1,403,992 1,586,410 1,905,623 1,790,344 1,343,746 1,969,303 16,203,606

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1811 1812 1813

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

40,867 40,344 34,910 37,798 34,832 39,357 47,277 44,417 33,337 48,856 401,995

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,290,820 1,779,648 2,011,500 1,788,361 1,684,541 1,338,304 2,389,257 2,274,954 1,569,344 2,006,046 18,132,775

32,024 44,151 49,903 44,367 41,792 33,202 59,275 56,439 38,934 49,768 449,856

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

663,239 1,865,585 1,967,862 1,577,525 1,625,443 1,977,844 2,035,910 1,880,009 1,811,128 1,420,174 16,824,719

16,454 46,283 48,081 38,544 39,714 48,325 49,743 45,934 44,251 34,699 412,029

1,655,404 1,590,743 1,721,817 1,543,257 1,022,716 1,030,807 1,171,289 1,311,771 1,499,450 1,639,633 14,186,887

40,446 38,867 42,069 37,706 24,988 25,186 28,398 31,804 36,354 39,753 345,571

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1,613,339 1,354,560 1,672,853 1,965,771 2,060,716 2,041,055 2,172,073 1,911,229 1,634,642 1,762,936 18,189,174

39,115 32,841 40,558 47,660 49,962 49,485 52,662 46,338 39,632 42,742 440,997

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1,528,495 1,276,670 1,779,376 2,408,083 1,898,394 1,993,037 2,087,679 1,653,688 2,528,055 1,836,367 18,989,844

37,058 30,953 43,141 58,384 46,027 48,321 50,616 40,094 61,293 44,523 460,409

1,098,486 1,220,931 1,343,376 3,662,793

26,633 29,601 32,570 88,804

TOTAL 240,738,835 6,010,342

Table 3–10. San Luis Potosi Registered Silver Production, 1628–1810 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1628 1629 1630

598,236 955,162 1,035,258 2,588,656

15,292 24,415 26,462 66,169

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

860,764 811,363 829,498 814,630 758,815 700,100 728,341 681,722 646,758 775,320 7,607,311

22,002 20,739 21,203 20,823 19,396 17,895 18,617 17,425 16,532 19,818 194,450

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

603,802 589,481 484,239 430,712 474,319 464,605 487,235 463,919 448,113 416,610 4,863,035

15,434 15,068 12,378 11,009 12,124 11,876 12,454 11,858 11,454 10,649 124,304

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

427,220 448,750 470,430 473,867 416,289 375,024 421,144 367,477 342,041 317,105 4,059,347

10,920 11,470 12,025 12,113 10,641 9,586 10,765 9,393 8,743 8,106 103,761

128

chapter three

Table 3–10 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

294,370 293,627 303,256 383,320 365,255 331,362 335,944 407,525 459,401 462,935 3,636,995

7,524 7,505 7,752 9,798 9,336 8,470 8,587 10,417 11,743 11,833 92,965

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

369,575 398,278 400,489 397,968 397,968 366,607 348,690 389,295 448,379 488,656 4,005,905

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

561,700 486,058 438,690 485,243 408,248 400,583 433,903 461,785 441,709 466,126 4,584,045

14,358 12,424 11,213 12,403 10,435 10,239 11,091 11,804 11,291 11,915 117,173

9,447 10,180 10,237 10,172 10,172 9,371 8,913 9,951 11,461 12,491 102,395

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

487,321 451,323 413,759 376,196 338,632 318,285 318,285 318,285 318,285 318,285 3,658,656

452,042 395,725 212,606 258,936 217,009 407,101 330,917 302,633 453,881 457,532 3,488,382

11,555 10,115 5,434 6,619 5,547 10,406 8,459 7,736 11,305 11,396 88,571

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

449,363 457,738 953,131 1,045,943 1,368,918 1,003,303 1,384,656 1,540,615 1,645,451 1,042,525 10,891,643

11,193 11,401 23,741 26,052 34,097 24,990 34,489 38,374 40,985 25,967 271,289

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

448,644 475,119 478,827 416,815 400,906 377,686 438,727 376,860 343,534 415,748 4,172,866

11,468 12,145 12,239 10,654 10,248 9,654 11,214 9,633 8,781 10,627 106,663

12,456 11,536 10,576 9,616 8,656 8,136 8,136 8,136 8,136 8,136 93,519

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

213,930 109,575 319,360 231,905 291,395 256,763 240,800 220,745 405,367 516,284 2,806,124

5,468 2,801 8,163 5,928 7,448 6,563 6,155 5,642 10,362 13,197 71,727

420,633 406,734 475,972 465,596 349,688 547,367 441,899 448,477 335,651 314,861 4,206,878

10,477 10,131 11,856 11,597 8,710 13,634 11,007 11,171 8,360 7,843 104,785

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

380,213 210,090 370,115 304,541 302,361 397,426 382,795 410,066 418,440 433,902 3,609,949

9,470 5,233 9,219 7,586 7,531 9,899 9,535 10,214 10,423 10,808 89,917

864,025 569,918 712,533 814,320 844,496 874,672 831,525 976,680 1,372,475 1,197,386 9,058,030

21,521 14,196 17,748 20,283 21,035 21,786 20,712 24,327 34,186 29,824 225,617

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1,134,611 1,193,656 1,626,172 1,169,492 1,125,295 1,109,811 1,107,344 1,061,349 1,899,266 1,920,844 13,347,840

28,261 29,732 39,732 28,574 27,494 27,116 27,056 25,932 46,405 46,932 327,234

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

129

Table 3–10 (cont.) YEAR 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

PESOS 2,725,670 2,879,128 3,583,706 3,461,147 2,548,394 2,102,523 2,228,147 3,027,908 3,291,505 2,738,890 28,587,018

KILOS 66,596 70,346 87,561 84,566 62,265 51,371 54,021 73,412 79,803 66,404 696,345

YEAR 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

PESOS 2,941,321 3,232,330 3,371,927 3,052,633 3,915,156 3,520,330 2,824,055 3,201,532 2,880,761 2,698,771 31,638,816

KILOS 71,312 78,368 81,752 74,011 94,923 85,350 68,469 77,621 69,844 65,432 767,083

YEAR 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

PESOS 2,717,624 2,104,780 3,314,679 3,208,009 2,487,138 2,617,156 2,586,046 2,719,348 2,719,348 2,719,348 27,193,476

KILOS 65,889 51,030 80,364 77,778 60,301 63,453 62,699 65,931 65,931 65,931 659,306

TOTAL 174,004,972 4,303,274

PESOS

267,970 293,018 337,024 382,164 405,232 399,735 2,085,143

1,021,135 1038805 976298 958,539 803,492 911,126 768,971 851,434 907,661 866,760 9,104,221

2,303,631 2,085,131 2,532,656

YEAR

1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1741 1742 1743

57,151 51,730 62,833

26,101 26,553 24,955 24,501 20,538 23,289 19,656 21,764 23,201 22,155 232,713

6,850 7,490 8,615 9,768 10,358 10,218 53,298

KILOS

1751 1752 1753

3,228,779 3,076,762 2,304,393

776,932 805,467 893,902 768,950 901,738 1,070,026 1,223,760 1,172,987 1,276,371 1,274,011 10,164,144

413,860 513,960 533,416 582,969 599,487 707,951 744,105 591,289 584,301 596,088 5,867,426

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

PESOS

YEAR

80,103 76,331 57,170

19,859 20,589 22,849 19,655 23,049 27,351 31,281 29,983 32,625 32,565 259,806

10,579 13,137 13,635 14,901 15,323 18,096 19,020 15,114 14,935 15,237 149,977

KILOS

1761 1762 1763

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

YEAR

2,606,872 2,444,771 2,253,413

1,151,669 1,196,901 1,276,326 1,279,266 1,220,862 1,651,229 1,811,028 1,977,761 2,065,347 2,434,314 16,064,703

545,124 528,136 530,324 536,493 569,130 607,339 645,548 683,757 721,966 754,603 6,122,420

PESOS

64,674 60,652 55,905

29,438 30,594 32,624 32,699 31,206 42,207 46,292 50,554 51,239 60,393 407,246

13,934 13,500 13,556 13,713 14,548 15,524 16,501 17,478 18,454 19,288 156,495

KILOS

Table 3–11. Guanajuato Registered Silver Production, 1665–1816 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver).

1771 1772 1773

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

YEAR

3,667,615 3,350,569 3,532,734

2,120,358 1,936,394 1,855,477 1,951,752 2,000,752 2,743,596 2,138,236 2,412,147 2,280,477 2,163,642 21,602,831

758,584 758,584 766,564 772,265 772,265 686,044 624,458 623,118 622,160 622,160 7,006,202

PESOS

90,990 83,124 86,315

52,604 48,040 46,033 48,421 49,637 68,066 53,047 59,843 56,576 53,678 535,945

19,390 19,390 19,594 19,740 19,740 17,536 15,962 15,928 15,903 15,903 179,086

KILOS

130 chapter three

PESOS

3,164,115 2,232,587 3,536,064 3,764,550 3,789,725 3,526,018 3,311,148 30,245,625

4,942,817 2,992,358 5,988,346 5,030,884 4,073,422 3,706,899 4,107,862 4,346,248 5,454,679 5,198,596 45,842,111

YEAR

1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

Table 3–11 (cont.)

120,768 73,112 146,313 122,920 99,526 90,571 99,595 105,375 132,249 126,040 1,116,468

78,499 55,388 87,726 93,395 94,019 87,477 82,146 750,364

KILOS

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

YEAR

6,705,275 5,550,817 4,512,798 4,582,294 4,953,761 4,272,651 6,176,294 5,467,761 4,367,394 4,426,000 51,015,045

2,195,041 2,237,475 2,305,869 2,541,738 2,014,820 2,718,607 2,316,679 24,940,163

PESOS

162,569 134,580 109,413 111,098 120,104 103,590 149,744 132,566 105,887 107,308 1,236,860

54,457 55,510 57,206 63,058 49,986 67,446 57,474 618,741

KILOS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

YEAR

2,973,963 3,392,716 6,500,587 6,563,239 6,243,853 5,355,294 5,113,395 4,666,812 4,220,229 3,773,647 48,803,735

1,896,213 2,063,422 2,558,533 2,298,066 2,473,230 2,636,205 3,118,661 24,349,386

PESOS

72,104 82,256 157,607 159,126 151,382 129,839 123,974 113,147 102,319 91,492 1,183,247

47,043 51,191 63,475 57,013 61,358 65,402 77,371 604,084

KILOS

3,327,064 3,085,165 2,520,615 2,839,587 3,158,560 2,311,596 17,242,587

360,859,816

TOTAL

3,000,295 3,279,721 5,241,123 4,882,082 4,594,853 4,685,752 4,169,330 40,404,074

PESOS

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816

1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

YEAR

8,89,206

80,665 74,800 61,112 68,846 76,579 56,045 418,047

73,306 80,133 128,056 119,284 112,266 114,487 101,869 989,832

KILOS

silver, the abundant metal: mexico 131

132

chapter three Table 3–12. Pachua Silver Output, 1667–1807 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver).

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

340,689 329,811 325,041 304,541 297,707 351,571 369,525 356,534 409,367 337,478 3,422,264

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

8,708 8,430 8,308 7,784 7,610 8,987 9,445 9,113 10,464 8,626 87,476

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

266,609 403,083 249,459 265,435 359,493 500,045 528,155 753,438 827,477 720,649 4,873,843

6,815 10,303 6,376 6,785 9,189 12,782 13,500 19,259 21,151 18,421 124,580

1667 1668 1669 1670

146,998 440,994 303,347 275,818 1,167,157

3,757 11,272 7,754 7,050 29,834

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

664,249 684,005 681,339 668,579 654,867 641,155 627,443 613,731 600,020 586,308 6,421,696

16,979 17,484 17,416 17,090 16,739 16,389 16,038 15,688 15,337 14,987 164,145

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

572,596 558,884 545,172 531,460 517,748 510,321 390,275 322,881 423,661 638,394 5,011,392

14,636 14,286 13,935 13,585 13,234 13,044 9,976 8,253 10,829 16,318 128,096

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

564,229 524,789 649,642 1,029,670 810,862 609,927 649,404 692,266 904,092 766,339 7,201,220

14,422 13,414 16,605 26,319 20,726 15,590 16,599 17,695 23,109 19,588 184,070

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

785,321 1,287,716 1,434,468 1,478,156 1,128,670 1,670,073 1,731,569 1,214,339 1,208,009 749,811 12,688,132

20,074 32,915 36,666 37,783 28,850 42,689 44,261 31,040 29,969 18,602 322,849

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

860,459 1,158,055 1,102,450 776,862 743,651 781,752 585,174 442,018 465,385 371,633 7,287,439

21,347 28,730 27,351 19,273 18,449 19,394 14,518 10,966 11,546 9,220 180,794

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

410,972 447,807 336,743 604,128 745,798 781,174 567,294 511,972 699,064 760,706 5,865,658

10,196 11,110 8,354 14,988 18,503 19,380 14,074 12,702 17,343 18,872 145,521

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

822,349 845,927 814,284 911,321 1,269,459 1,355,648 1,024,083 756,569 719,862 1,153,404 9,672,906

20,402 20,987 20,202 22,609 31,494 33,632 25,406 18,770 17,859 28,615 239,975

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,202,083 962,771 1,067,284 1,273,073 1,276,514 1,132,147 1,281,917 931,119 1,002,165 1,260,064 11,389,137

29,822 23,885 26,478 31,584 31,669 28,087 31,803 23,100 24,863 31,261 282,553

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1,034,780 598,477 981,771 718,138 725,408 929,394 1,190,743 879,349 907,284 747,752 8,713,096

25,672 14,848 23,988 17,546 17,724 22,708 29,093 21,485 22,168 18,270 213,501

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

133

Table 3–12 (cont.) YEAR 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

PESOS 669,954 579,550 799,697 521,083 519,413 600,826 668,963 546,615 492,183 446,284 5,844,568

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

16,369 14,160 19,539 12,732 12,691 14,680 16,219 13,253 11,933 10,820 142,395

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

406,532 370,606 350,450 624,000 673,156 1,127,972 1,021,550 997,596 938,119 841,771 7,351,752

9,856 1801 791,349 19,186 8,985 1802 550,486 13,347 8,497 1803 911,523 22,100 15,129 1804 1,060,862 25,721 16,321 1805 1,000,106 24,248 27,348 1806 939,349 22,775 24,767 1807 829,404 20,109 24,187 6,083,079 147,484 22,745 20,409 178,243 TOTAL 102,993,339 2,571,519

Table 3–13. Sombrerete Registered Silver Production, 1683–1816 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

985,163 985,163 781,094 635,331 635,331 517,081 368,118 303,948 311,866 351,453 5,874,548

25,182 25,182 19,966 16,240 16,240 13,217 9,409 7,769 7,972 8,983 150,159

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

301,099 265,131 257,439 255,901 233,410 201,923 445,090 249,869 211,596 222,608 2,644,066

7,696 6,777 6,580 6,541 5,966 5,161 11,377 6,387 5,409 5,690 67,585

1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

764,491 968,659 1,044,860 1,134,071 1,223,283 1,290,191 1,172,313 1,397,785 8,995,653

19,541 24,760 26,708 28,988 31,268 32,979 29,965 35,729 229,938

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

161,003 218,205 144,935 187,521 128,270 176,820 163,753 190,852 147,213 102,320 1,620,892

4,115 5,578 3,705 4,793 3,279 4,520 4,186 4,878 3,763 2,615 41,432

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

156,680 136,918 103,754 93,959 120,369 107,238 115,459 140,066 127,418 130,393 1,232,254

4,005 3,500 2,652 2,402 3,077 2,741 2,951 3,580 3,161 3,235 31,304

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

183,180 212,492 511,615 492,508 367,311 554,508 398,459 875,787 625,402 711,402 4,932,664

4,545 5,272 12,693 12,219 9,113 13,757 9,885 21,727 15,516 17,649 122,374

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747

574,713 552,344 670,344 603,730 948,123 1,158,459 1,075,643

14,258 13,703 16,631 14,978 23,522 28,740 26,686

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757

432,966 307,804 240,008 165,984 185,484 215,811 232,213

10,741 7,636 5,954 4,118 4,602 5,354 5,761

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767

153,836 208,131 153,934 154,148 175,000 172,098 147,385

3,817 5,164 3,819 3,824 4,342 4,270 3,656

134

chapter three

Table 3–13 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

1748 1749 1750

922,751 839,934 500,762 7,846,803

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

22,893 20,838 12,423 194,671

1758 1759 1760

186,836 166,393 165,369 2,298,868

324,041 281,639 450,680 306,082 564,221 581,943 762,082 571,743 301,128 386,248 4,529,807

8,039 6,987 11,011 7,479 13,786 14,219 18,620 13,969 7,357 9,437 110,905

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

1,323,679 1,746,193 2,008,679 2,759,461 2,426,330 2,640,955 834,100 948,248 974,477 785,690 16,447,812

32,093 42,336 48,700 66,903 58,826 64,030 20,223 22,990 23,626 19,049 398,777

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

4,635 4,128 4,103 57,033

1768 1769 1770

173,910 235,795 179,779 1,754,016

4,315 5,850 4,460 43,515

352,615 262,055 638,425 629,606 859,203 441,000 420,917 445,165 562,155 537,262 5,148,403

8,615 6,403 15,599 15,383 20,993 10,775 10,205 10,793 13,629 13,026 125,421

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

562,885 1,318,000 1,534,952 511,101 551,087 650,884 822,963 1,307,180 1,028,349 1,143,532 9,430,933

13,647 31,955 37,215 12,392 13,361 15,781 19,953 31,693 24,932 27,725 228,653

596,904 719,009 703,734 468,229 468,908 488,761 3,445,545

14,472 17,432 17,062 11,352 11,369 11,850 83,537

TOTAL 76,202,264

1,885,305

Table 3–14. Zimapan Registered Silver Production 1729–1810 (in pesos of 272 maravedís and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1729 1730

204,908 201,899 406,807

5,084 5,009 10,092

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

206,578 208,131 257,559 213,229 161,725 265,908 237,606 226,495 177,239 215,037 2,169,507

5,125 5,164 6,390 5,290 4,012 6,597 5,895 5,619 4,397 5,335 53,823

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

185,079 210,861 209,664 262,180 327,057 367,205 403,728 349,908 358,102 373,229 3,047,013

4,592 5,231 5,202 6,504 8,114 9,110 10,016 8,681 8,884 9,259 75,593

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

388,356 396,549 436,057 374,495 362,826 375,082 375,057 375,033 397,639 433,328 3,914,422

9,635 9,838 10,818 9,291 9,001 9,305 9,305 9,304 9,865 10,750 97,113

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

135

Table 3–14 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

469,016 416,344 273,238 327,672 309,426 337,648 307,041 418,893 553,746 655,881 4,068,905

11,636 10,329 6,779 8,129 7,677 8,377 7,617 10,392 13,738 16,272 100,945

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

571,725 628,459 580,295 653,664 686,344 515,762 435,156 583,514 546,000 548,147 5,749,066

14,184 15,591 14,178 15,971 16,769 12,602 10,632 14,257 13,340 13,393 140,918

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

765,394 633,624 557,697 494,156 469,257 441,257 409,239 376,303 381,275 416,972 4,945,174

18,701 15,481 13,626 12,074 11,465 10,781 9,922 9,123 9,244 10,109 120,528

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

412,771 369,596 315,376 367,330 824,459 752,560 700,532 698,477 503,963 530,725 5,475,789

10,008 8,961 7,646 8,906 19,989 18,246 16,984 16,935 12,219 12,867 132,761

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

640,339 524,193 273,670 547,853 424,596 473,899 480,758 480,758 480,758 480,758 4,807,582

15,525 12,709 6,635 13,283 10,294 11,490 11,656 11,656 11,656 11,656 116,560

TOTAL 34,584,265

848,334

Table 3–15. Bolanos Registered Silver Production 1753–1810 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

2,661,861 2,507,148 2,752,656 2,145,385 2,193,828 2,354,779 1,594,967 1,456,852 17,667,476

66,038 62,200 68,291 53,225 54,427 58,420 39,570 36,143 438,312

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786

1,147,385 1,020,165 1,673,881 1,197,055 902,826 735,028

28,034 24,926 40,898 29,248 22,059 17,959

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,109,303 638,820 592,082 688,705 599,615 704,107 476,795 479,844 562,943 516,549 6,368,763

27,521 15,848 14,689 17,086 14,876 17,468 11,829 11,904 13,966 12,815 158,003

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

431,721 425,549 497,344 602,049 612,336 967,730 1,026,762 1,165,394 1,271,450 1,206,138 8,206,473

10,711 10,557 12,152 14,710 14,961 23,645 25,087 28,474 31,065 29,470 200,831

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796

422,844 721,468 614,954 514,780 711,211 361,771

10,252 17,492 14,910 12,481 17,243 8,771

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806

108,587 103,560 77,257 109,239 92,160 92,160

2,633 2,511 1,873 2,648 2,234 2,234

136

chapter three

Table 3–15 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1787 1788 1789 1790

715,679 528,917 297,018 113,431 8,331,385

17,352 12,824 7,201 2,750 203,250

1797 1798 1799 1800

255,642 185,257 170,688 167,587 4,126,202

6,198 4,492 4,138 4,063 100,040

YEAR 1807 1808 1809 1810

PESOS 92,160 92,160 92,160 92,160 951,603

KILOS 2,234 2,234 2,234 2,234 23,072

TOTAL 45,651,902 1,123,507

Table 3–16. Veracruz Silver Production, 1569–1805 (in pesos of 272 maravedis and kilograms of fine silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1768 1769 1770

35,669 0 0 35,669

885 0 0 885

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

0 0 3,440 0 0 0 107,165 357,183 64,569 0 532,357

0 0 84 0 0 0 2,618 8,727 1,578 0 13,007

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

0 25,679 81,284 88,936 19,963 21,514 66,028 67,890 19,183 38,624 429,101

0 627 1,986 2,173 488 526 1,601 1,646 465 936 10,448

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

80,798 75,807 89,550 0 0 0 0 0 0 229 246,384

1,959 1,838 2,171 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 5,974

1,243,511

30,314

TOTAL

Table 3–17. Rosario/Los Alamos/Cosala Registered Silver Production, 1770–1813 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1770

329,523 329,523

8,175 8,175

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777

279,761 244,055 159,688 207,220 207,468 312,230 346,885

6,941 6,055 3,902 5,063 5,069 7,629 8,475

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787

413,917 534,908 865,431 1,267,330 1,131,486 840,615 1,153,807

10,113 13,069 21,145 30,965 27,646 20,539 27,974

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797

1,332,174 1,149,266 1,247,697 1,004,459 1,000,477 1,968,578 2,324,972

32,299 27,864 30,250 24,353 24,257 47,728 56,369

silver, the abundant metal: mexico

137

Table 3–17 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1778 1779 1780

398,266 442,853 400,761 2,999,187

9,731 10,820 9,792 73,476

1788 1789 1790

1,381,413 1,318,624 1,318,927 10,226,458

33,492 31,970 31,977 248,891

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

2,335,495 2,130,312 2,482,835 2,121,349 1,250,890 1,377,119 1,548,349 833,147 1,072,376 967,103 16,118,975

56,624 51,649 60,196 51,432 30,328 33,388 37,540 20,200 26,000 23,447 390,805

1811 1812 1813

772,752 578,402 473,128 1,824,282

18,735 14,023 11,471 44,230

YEAR

PESOS

1798 1799 1800

2,432,367 1,291,495 1,452,670 15,204,155

TOTAL

PESOS

KILOS

1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

339,294 399,862 439,303 478,743 390,239 336,440 2,383,881

8,290 9,770 10,651 11,607 9,461 8,157 57,936

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

343,892 357,649 371,406 385,163 398,920 412,677 420,128 338,018 431,872 313,064 3,772,789

8,338 8,671 9,005 9,338 9,672 10,005 10,186 8,195 10,471 7,590 91,471

1811 1812 1813 1814

338,872 381,073 423,275 225,358 1,368,578

8,216 9,239 10,262 5,464 33,181

58,973 31,312 35,220 368,625

46,702,580 1,134,201

Table 3–18. Chihuahua Registered Silver Production, 1785–1814 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

333,734 257,569 425,890 424,972 361,477 389,138 298,303 415,486 438,587 269,578 3,614,734

8,091 6,245 10,326 10,303 8,764 9,435 7,232 10,073 10,634 6,536 87,639

TOTAL

11,139,982

270,228

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Table 3–19. Mercury Shipments to Mexico from Almaden, Idria, and Peru, 1558–1805 (in Quintales). YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

1558 1559 1560

126 264 627 1,017

1561 1562 1563 1564 1565 1566 1567 1568 1569 1570

498 326 417 786 977 896 849 873 1,387 1,743 8,752

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

1,717 2,096 1,899 1,898 1,855 2,897 3,396 1,703 3,795 1,232 22,488

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

587 4,164 2,100 1,628 2,168 2,400 0 5,617 6,557 0 25,221

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

3,201 2,000 1,506 3,740 3,167 4,874 3,641 0 3,151 3,393 28,673

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

3,294 2,394 3,029 3,231 3,276 3,726 1,701 6,231 3,177 2,189 32,248

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

3,104 3,245 3,269 4,849 4,583 4,562 5,097 5,180 4,594 3,881 42,364

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

4,562 4,676 4,131 4,519 5,710 4,301 4,406 4,694 4,776 4,464 46,239

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

2,348 3,564 1,200 1,422 1,024 1,024 1,024 1,024 1,024 3,724 17,378

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

3,724 3,724 3,724 3,724 1,973 1,973 1,973 1,973 1,973 3,472 28,233

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

1,317 0 6,434 0 3,400 3,531 0 3,880 400 2,400 21,362

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

1,003 1,785 1,401 460 3,883 3,051 2,618 1,379 0 4,462 20,042

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

2,897 0 4,971 0 5,034 0 4,463 1,627 0 3,385 22,377

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

1,500 0 3,148 668 1,603 2,100 2,200 2,100 1,601 0 14,920

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

1,679 5,114 0 0 4,337 881 933 1,200 2,500 2,494 19,138

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

n.d n.d n.d n.d n.d n.d n.d n.d n.d 6,948 6,948

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717

4,000 4,000 0 0 0 10,997 7,999

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727

4,000 7,996 0 5,997 0 3,000 0

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737

7,836 7,846 7,995 5,862 0 4,916 6,745

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747

7,192 3,834 4,371 4,740 11,677 3,472 5,755

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757

10,428 3,816 6,729 14,853 22,753 0 4,070

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Table 3–19 (cont.) YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

YEAR

1718 1719 1720

0 10,278 0 37,274

1728 1729 1730

7,994 5,073 2,800 36,860

1738 1739 1740

5,992 0 2,880 50,072

1748 1749 1750

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

11,900 5,649 12,323 4,046 12,924 18,213 5,651 2,345 9,657 11,790

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

6,785 6,773 7,328 7,505 8,079 6,486 22,030 17,324 7,163 14,846

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

0 29,980 12,943 12,002 6,501 14,509 12,664 16,106 16,509 10,891

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816

94,498 0 600 3,627 4,920 4,890 1,329 15,366

104,319

132,105

QUINT

YEAR

QUINT

13,062 3,634 1,990 59,727

1758 1759 1760

1,688 3,729 12,989 81,055

24,679 24,764 9,269 16,600 15,720 12,060 0 0 12,373 4,265

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1,450 19,314 38,900 28,318 20,984 11,264 11,264 11,264 11,264 11,264

119,730

165,286

TOTAL 1,269,068

From 1558–1634 and 1650–1770 mercury remittances are derived from Chaunu and Chaunu, Seville et l’Atlantique. For the years 1634–49 they can be found in Peter J. Bakewell, Silver Mining and Society, 254. For the years 1701–1805 see the chapter by Kendall Brown, “The Spanish Imperial Mercury Trade and the American Mining Expansion Under the Bourbon Monarchy” in Kenneth J. Andrien and Lyman L. Johnson, The Political Economy of Spanish America in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1850 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994): 137–67. See also Antonia Heredia, La renta del azogue en Nueva Espana: 1709–1751 (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, C.S.I.C. 1978), 239–40.

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Table 3–20. Mexican, New World, and World Silver Production 1521–1810 (by Decade, in Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

MEXICO NEW WORLD

WORLD*

1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

7,670 57,260 270,180 476,080 877,720 1,002,440 872,110 1,066,160 1,230,040 1,287,920 1,224,300 1,121,110 843,210 908,220 876,970 1,325,970 1,495,100 1,274,770 1,272,680 1,653,420 2,067,040 2,295,920 2,537,890 2,954,020 2,662,270 3,578,740 4,149,710 4,821,600 4,878,510 49,089,030

900,000 900,000 2,843,000 3,116,000 2,995,000 2,995,000 4,190,000 4,190,000 4,230,000 4,230,000 3,936,000 3,936,000 3,663,000 3,663,000 3,370,000 3,370,000 3,419,000 3,419,000 3,556,000 3,556,000 4,312,000 4,312,000 5,331,450 5,331,450 6,527,400 6,527,400 8,790,600 8,790,600 8,941,500 125,341,400

8,756 192,980 718,765 1,091,599 1,432,762 1,826,711 2,561,225 2,898,548 3,113,649 3,176,323 3,160,267 3,286,813 2,628,662 2,355,765 2,191,526 2,556,891 2,808,119 2,371,740 1,999,981 2,367,326 2,855,804 3,241,373 3,670,428 4,332,244 4,137,147 5,306,311 5,891,595 7,030,814 6,776,893 85,991,017

* According to Soetbeer’s estimates.

MEXICO AS % MEXICO AS % NW TOT WLD TOT 87.60% 29.67% 37.59% 43.61% 61.26% 54.88% 34.05% 36.78% 39.50% 40.55% 38.74% 34.11% 32.08% 38.55% 40.02% 51.86% 53.24% 53.75% 63.63% 69.84% 72.38% 70.83% 69.14% 68.19% 64.35% 67.44% 70.43% 68.58% 71.99% 57.09%

0.85% 6.36% 9.50% 15.28% 29.31% 33.47% 20.81% 25.45% 29.08% 30.45% 31.11% 28.48% 23.02% 24.79% 26.02% 39.35% 43.73% 37.28% 35.79% 46.50% 47.94% 53.24% 47.60% 55.41% 40.79% 54.83% 47.21% 54.85% 54.56% 39.16%

CHAPTER FOUR

SILVER, THE ABUNDANT METAL: UPPER AND LOWER PERU

Although the mines of Mexico produced the most silver in the Spanish Indies over the entire colonial epoch, Peru—Upper Peru (Bolivia) and Lower Peru (Peru)—produced more during the first half of that epoch. In fact, not until the 1670s did Mexican silver output surpass that of Peru. During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the halcyon days for Peruvian silver mining, Potosí, the richest silver mining area in all colonial Spanish America, drove New World silver production, but other regions of Peru—Cailloma, Carangas, Chucuito, Pasco, Oruro, and Trujillo among others—contributed their share of silver as well. Overall, between 1531 and 1810, Peru produced almost one and one-half billion pesos or 42 percent of the New World’s output of silver (see Figure 2–3). Upper Peru’s share of this Peruvian total was much larger, 80 percent; the other 20 percent came from Lower Peru, primarily in the eighteenth century. Around 1800, Alexander von Humboldt, the keen observer of the colonial regime, had surmised that Peru was the major New World bullion producer, but Mexico (New Spain) was the leader in silver output (See Figure 1–1).

Atahualpa’s Ransom and the Cuzco Distribution Spaniards became aware of the precious metals of Peru at the moment of conquest with their most salient introduction to Inca riches coming in 1533 when they acquired Atahualpa’s ransom. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish intruders, the Inca empire in the Andes (Tahuantinsuyu) was rent by civil war between the followers of Huáscar and those of Atahualpa, both of whom were sons of the previous ruler, Huayna Capac. In their struggle for the Inca emperorship, Atahualpa prevailed and captured his half-brother Huáscar. An authority on the early Spanish presence in Peru, Noble David Cook notes that when Francisco Pizarro, the conqueror of Peru, mounted his third expedition to the region in 1531, Atahualpa was in

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Quito in present-day Ecuador, but in 1532, he came south with a few thousand Inca warriors both to deal with the European interlopers and to enjoy the thermal baths at Cajamarca, where the Spaniards joined them. When Atahualpa visited the Spanish encampment in November 1532, Pizarro and his men ambushed the Inca and took him captive. Sensing the Spanish desire for precious metals, Atahualpa offered to pay a ransom of two rooms of silver and one of gold in exchange for his release. The Spaniards agreed to his terms and were astounded when Atahualpa’s Inca supporters trooped into Cajamarca with gold and silver jewelry, ornaments, and ritual pieces to save their leader. With the ransom in hand, however, the Spaniards reneged on their promise. They charged Atahualpa with killing Huáscar, held a mock trial, found him guilty, and garroted the Inca on July 26, 1533. Meanwhile, on June 17, just before Atahualpa’s execution, Pizarro’s men divided up his ransom. The ransom was breathtaking. Cook estimates it at 13,420 pounds of gold (6,100 kilograms) and 26,000 pounds of silver (11,818 kilograms).1 A Peruvian expert, Manuel Moreyra Paz Soldán, calculates the booty taken at 5,721 kilograms of gold and 11,041 kilograms of silver, remarkably close to Cook’s figures. In value, Moreyra sets the amount of the ransom at 1,326,539 pesos of buen oro (good gold)2 or 2,294,626 silver pesos of eight reales. The value of the silver was 51,610 marks or 438,685 silver pesos.3 Significantly, the gold obtained from Atahualpa’s ransom constituted 41 percent of total Peruvian gold gathered by the Spaniards from 1531 to 1540, but only 8 percent of the silver. Moreover, the gold collected from the ransom was greater than total Mexican gold output in the immediate post-conquest decade (1521–1530), an indication that gold booty taken from the Incas was vastly greater than that seized from the Aztecs in Mexico. Less well known than Atahualpa’s ransom was the Cuzco distribution (reparto del Cuzco), a sharing of booty taken in the Spaniards’ conquest of the Inca capital in March 1534. The gold seized amounted to 580,200 pesos of buen oro worth 959,882 silver pesos or 17 percent of the total for the decade from 1531 to 1540. The silver totaled 215,000 marks or 1,827,500 silver pesos or 35 percent of the silver total 1

Noble David Cook, “Atahualpa,” in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 1 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1996), 231–232. 2 A peso of buen oro in 1533 was valued at 450 maravedis. 3 Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 35–43.

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for the same ten years. Although the gold was only about half of that supplied by Atahualpa’s ransom, the silver in the Cuzco distribution was four times greater, making the total amount of booty shared by the conquistadores in 1534 slightly greater than that shared at Cajamarca by Atahualpa’s captors in 1533. Together, the seizures from Atahualpa’s ransom and the Cuzco distribution constituted 59 percent of the gold and 44 percent of the silver declared in Peru between 1531 and 1540. Moreyra Paz Soldán believes most of the treasure from both Atahualpa’s ransom and the Cuzco distribution went immediately back to Spain.4 With this auspicious beginning in their quest for precious metals, the conquerors very early garnered immense riches from the spoils of war taken from the Incas. In fact, most of the gold and silver output declared in Peru during the first decade of the 1530s came not from mining but from seizure of worked silver and gold, which the Incas had fashioned into jewelry, ornaments, and ritual pieces—gold amounting to 5,510,000 silver pesos and silver to 5,100,000 pesos.

Long-Range Trends in Peruvian Silver Output, 1531–1810 Spaniards also began looking for silver and gold lodes in Peru soon after they had solidified their conquest. In the 1530s and 1540s, they discovered some gold in Asillo, Carabaya, Chaucalla, Chayanta, Chilleo, Chuquiabo, and La Paz in Upper Peru and silver at Porco (1538). The most startling find of silver, however, came in April 1545, to the east of Porco at the Cerro Rico (Rich Hill) de Potosí, named Potosí after the Indian word for high places. Potosí became the most productive mining district in the New World.5 Spaniards also exploited silver mines in Upper Peru in Chocaya, Emoraca, Garcimendoza, Oruro, San Antonio del Nuevo Mundo, San Antonio de Padua, Sicasica, Tatasi, and Tupiza.6 Although Peruvian production was driven mainly by Potosí after its discovery in 1545, strikes in other regions of Upper Peru buoyed Peruvian output at crucial times—Oruro after 1607, Carangas from 1652,

4 5 6

Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 40, 45. Carlos Prieto, Mining in the New World (New York: McGraw Hill, 1973), 29–30. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain, 30, 36.

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and Chucuito from 1658. In the eighteenth century, silver production flourished in Lower Peru at Hualgayoc, Huallanca, and Huamachuco in the north; at Cajatambo, Cerro de Pasco, and Huarochirí in central Lower Peru; and at Cailloma, Camaná, Condesuyos, Huantajaya, Lucanas, and Puno in the south.7 Although Cailloma, Castrovirreyna, and Chachapoyas were producing silver in the seventeenth century, the Lower Peruvian sites were most active during the eighteenth century when they contributed a more significant share of Peruvian output.8 The trajectory of Peruvian silver output in the last half of the sixteenth century and early seventeenth century was one of increasingly larger sums of silver being registered through the 1630s, the most productive decade in Peruvian mining history (See Tables 4–1 and 4–2 and Figures 4–1 and 4–2). In the 1530s, when the Spaniards enjoyed the spoils of war, silver output amounted to 5,100,000 pesos but almost tripled in the following decade to 17,330,000 pesos because of the discovery of the Potosí and Porco mines. In the 1550s and 1560s, production totaled over 22,000,000 pesos, but jumped in the 1570s to 31,440,000 pesos and in the 1580s to 64,800,000 pesos, most likely because both amalgamation and the forced labor system (mita) had taken hold in Potosí, improving the refining process and increasing yields. By the 1630s, silver output in Peru reached its highest point of the seventeenth century: 84,170,000 pesos. Significantly, the 1630s also was the most productive decade in Oruro’s history—20,210,000 pesos were produced during the period—while Cailloma, a new treasury district established in 1631, registered 6,940,000 pesos during its first decade. Meanwhile, at Potosí, registries dropped only slightly from the 1590s, when production at the cerro was at its peak of 69,240,000 pesos. In the 1640s, however, Peruvian output began declining, only slightly at first but steadily after 1650 to 42,560,000 pesos in the last ten years of the seventeenth century, one-half of what had been registered in the 1630s. The factors influencing Peruvian silver production in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, some already noted, were the introduction

7

Fisher, Silver Mines and Silver Miners, 141. For Peru, the reales de minas cannot be as precisely defined as in Mexico. In New Spain, attaining that designation was important because miners from reales de minas paid only one-tenth on the silver they declared; others paid one-fifth. Until 1736, all Peruvian miners paid one-fifth. See Bakewell, Zacatecas, 181–89. See also the appendices to Hausberger, Nueva España. 8

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100

In Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10

17 91

17 71

17 51

17 31

17 11

16 91

16 71

16 51

16 31

16 11

15 91

15 71

15 51

15 31

0

By Decade 1681 = 1681–1690

Figure 4–1. Peruvian Silver Production, 1531–1810, in pesos

2,000

1,500

1,000

500

0

15 31 15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

in Millions of Kilograms of Fine Silver

2,500

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 4–2. Peruvian Silver Production, 1531–1810, in kilograms

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of almagamation in the 1570s, the initial richness of the silver ore mined at Potosí,9 and the discovery of rich lodes at Cailloma, Carangas, Chucuito, and Oruro. Additional factors were Viceroy Francisco de Toledo’s introduction of the mita in the early 1570s to provide forced labor for Potosí, a system which lasted the entire colonial period until the Liberator Simón Bolívar finally abolished it in 1825.10 With enough labor to work the mines and a plentiful supply of mercury from Huancavelica, the silver mines of Peru were the most productive in the New World until the 1670s (see Table 1–1). By the first three decades of the eighteenth century, however, Peruvian silver registries fell below the forty-million-peso range, the lowest output since the 1570s. During the 1740s, however, output finally rose again to well over forty million pesos and by the 1750s, to over fifty million pesos with increases in these decades stimulated in part by the 1736 reduction of the tax on Peruvian silver output from a fifth to a tenth. Moreover, in the 1750s, Spain began sending mercury from Almadén to Peru to supplement that being produced at Huancavelica, where cinnabar ore deposits were diminishing. In the decades from 1761 to 1810, Peruvian silver yields rose, slowly at first from an output of 57,570,000 pesos in the 1760s to 86,960,000 pesos in the 1790s, surpassing the massive output of the 1630s to become the most productive decade in Peru’s colonial history. The first ten years of the nineteenth century witnessed a modest decrease to 68,870,000 pesos. The late eighteenth-century surge in Peruvian production resembled the great silver boom of the same period in Mexico, although the Andean expansion was not as large. In summary, the increase in silver output in Peru after 1730 had its origins in lower taxes on silver output after 1736, new supplies of mercury from Almadén after 1750, and the creation of a mining guild in 1787 to encourage mining innovations and investment. It also reflected the adoption of new technology for draining and lengthening shafts in old mines (such as the use of blasting to dig new tunnels and deepen old ones); a steep rise in production at the Cerro de Pasco, Huanta9 One of the chroniclers of the conquest of Peru, Agustín de Zárate, states that in early days at Potosí silver ore yielded eighty marks per quintal or hundredweight, an extraordinarily high silver content. Cited in Prieto, Mining in the New World, 31. 10 For a detailed discussion of the mita, see Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain; and Cole, Potosí Mita. Also refer to Tandeter, “Forced and Free Labour in Late Colonial Potosí,” Past and Present 93 (November 1981), 98–136; and Tandeter, Coercion and Market.

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jaya, and Hualgayoc in the last three decades from 1781 to 1810; and a modest revival in Potosí, where a school of metallurgy was established in 1779. Still another stimulus to mining late in the eighteenth century was the establishment of silver exchange banks (bancos de rescate), where miners and refiners sold their silver. The first of these banks was established by the silver refiners (azogueros) of Potosí in 1752, renamed later the Banco de San Carlos.11 In Lower Peru in 1792, similar exchange banks were set up in Hualgayoc, Huantajaya, Huarochirí, and Lucanas. The royal mining guild provided two hundred thousand pesos for these banks, some acquired as a loan from the Inquisition and some from the guild’s own funds. Whether these institutions helped stimulate mining is debatable, since most were short-lived, but they may have been a factor in the surge in production in the 1790s.12 Given the conventional wisdom about the continued decline of Peruvian mining after the mid-seventeenth century, however, the increase in the viceroyalty’s output, which in the 1790s surpassed that of its earlier peak decade in the 1630s, is astounding.

Peruvian Silver Output by Caja District Between 1531 and 1810, Upper and Lower Peru produced over 1,400,000,000 pesos of silver. Upper Peru produced 80 percent, and Lower Peru 20 percent. Of this amount, Potosí registered 875,400,000 pesos from 1545 to 1810 (62 percent); Oruro registered 166,490,000 pesos from 1607 to 1810 (12 percent); Lima registered 77,110,000 pesos from 1535 to 1810 (5 percent); Chucuito registered 65,540,000 pesos from 1658 to 1800 (5 percent); Pasco registered 72,850,000 pesos from 1670 to 1810 (5 percent); Cailloma registered 50,000,000 pesos from 1631 to 1779 (4 percent); Trujillo registered 23,580,000 pesos from 1599 to 1810 (2 percent); and Carangas registered 16,450,000 pesos from 1652 to 1803 (1 percent). (See Table 4–1 and 4–2 and Figure 4–3.) All the other treasury offices together generated only 5 percent.13

11 Prieto, Mining in the New World, 96; and Mariscal Romero, Bancos de rescate de plata. 12 Fisher, Silver Mines, 41–42. 13 At the end of chapter four are tables for each caja of Peru listing output by decade in kilograms and silver pesos of eight reales.

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chapter four In Thousands of Kilograms of Fine Silver ORURO 4204 = 12%

TRUJILLO 573 = 2% CAILLOMA 1267 = 3% CARANGAS 413 = 1%

POTOSI 2217 0= 62%

CHUCHITO 1650 = 5%

*OTHER 1923 = 5%

PASCO 5%

LIMA 1921 = 5%

*Registries at Huancavelica, Castrovirreyna, La Paz, Jauja, Arica, Huamanga, Cuzco, Arequipa, and Puno

Figure 4–3. Peruvian Silver Production by Caja District, 1531–1810, in kilograms

Caja of Lima (1531–1810) Francisco Pizarro founded Lima, the City of the Kings, in 1535 on the Pacific coast of central Peru. It was the capital of the viceroyalty, the residence of the archbishop of Lima, and the seat of the viceroy’s council and appeals court (audiencia), which in the late eighteenth century was the central office (matrix) of the viceregal treasury, the Tribunal of Accounts (after 1605), and the royal mining guild. Moreover, by 1568 Lima had a mint where miners, refiners, and traffickers in silver could exchange their precious metals for specie. The principal port of entry and exit for Peru, Callao, was located only a few miles from Lima as well. The capital was clearly more significant as an administrative, religious, and market center than Chucuito, Oruro, Pasco, or Potosí, which existed because of their bountiful silver mines. Furthermore, Lima was crucial to the mining economy as the city to which treasury officials from mining districts in the interior sent their surplus silvertax revenues, at least until the 1730s,14 and where private individuals

14 By the 1730s, more and more of these funds were flowing to Buenos Aires. Although the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was not created until 1776, more tax

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8,000,000

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

6,000,000

4,000,000

2,000,000

15 31 15 41 15 51 15 61 15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

0

By Decade 1681 = 1681–1690

Figure 4–4. Lima Silver Output, 1531–1810, in pesos

who had made a fortune in silver elsewhere came to buy luxury goods or to take their silver home to Castile. Also, after 1750, Lima became the distribution point for mercury imported from Almadén. For the decades from 1531 to 1570, all Peruvian registries of silver and gold, except for those at Potosí after 1545, have been listed as though they occurred at the Lima treasury; not all of them, however, did occur there (see Table 4–3 and Figure 4–4). From 1531, these included registries elsewhere such as Atahualpa’s ransom in Cajamarca, the Cuzco distribution before the founding of Lima in 1535, plus silver registered at Cuzco to 1570 and in Huancavelica to 1580.15 The number of silver registries in Lima, including those from Cajamarca and Cuzco during conquest epoch after 1531, was high in the first three decades (5,100,000 pesos in the 1530s; 7,110,000 pesos in the 1540s; and 3,730,000 pesos in the 1550s). This reflected the continuing seizure of treasure from the Incas and registries in Cuzco (see Table 4–3 and Figure 4–4). In the 1560s, however, declarations in Lima

revenues streamed into the Platine capital for defense and other purpose, diverted from Lima where it had been sent for almost two centuries. 15 The late Alvaro Jara, in his book Tres ensayos sobre economía minera hispanoamericana (Santiago de Chile: Centro de Investigaciones de Historia Americana de la Universidad de Chile, 1966), provides a year-by-year breakdown of the silver and gold registered in Peru. Having examined the accounts of Cuzco, Lima, Potosí, and Huancavelica for the period from 1531 to 1610, he developed well founded annual estimates of silver output for Peru in the post-conquest epoch. He did not, however, differentiate his data by caja. See also Jara, “La producción de metales preciosos.”

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dropped by almost 90 percent to only four hundred thousand pesos when Spanish confiscation of Inca treasure virtually ended. Thereafter, Lima silver registries tripled in the 1570s, but then dropped into the three hundred thousand-peso range or less, except for the 1620s, when they amounted to one million pesos. But for the final decades of the seventeenth century to 1710, declarations at Lima were considerably less than one million pesos. After that, registries grew steadily until they reached a high of over seven and one-half million pesos in the last decade of the eighteenth century, dropping a bit after that to slightly more than five million pesos. Secular trends in the eighteenth century in the caja of Lima were driven by the decision of the state in 1736 to lower the tax on silver from one-fifth to one-tenth in the hope of decreasing production costs and discouraging fraud. The formation of the royal mining guild in 1787 to encourage mining was another stimulus, as were the remission of mercury from Almadén to Peru beginning in the 1750s and the creation of exchange banks in the 1790s. The opening of a state-run mint in Lima in the 1750s was still another reason for miners and traders to declare their silver in the City of Kings. Except for the 1530s and 1540s, Lima’s share of total Peruvian silver production was never large. In fact, from 1581 to 1690, it was less than 1 percent, but in the following six decades, it rose from just over 1 percent to almost 10 percent in the 1730s and to over 15 percent in the 1740s, the largest portion ever since the 1530s, reflecting lack of production elsewhere. After 1780, Lima’s production diminished to less than 10 percent once again.

Caja of Potosí (1545–1810) According to Carlos Prieto, an historian of New World mining, the mines of Potosí, located in present-day central Bolivia, were discovered in April 1545 by an Inca named Guallpa, who tried to keep his discovery a secret, but another native, Guanca, who was employed by a Spaniard, found out about the discovery and told his master, who immediately staked his claim to the area.16 Most likely, however, natives had worked the mines long before the arrival of the Spaniards,

16

Prieto, Mining in the New World, 30.

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as shown by the native guayras at Potosí, which the Spaniards adapted for smelting. Certainly the Incas had carried out extensive mining operations at nearby Porco prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. As the mines at Potosí began producing ever larger amounts of silver, Philip II issued a royal decree on November 7, 1561, establishing the Imperial City (Villa Imperial) of Potosí. Fortune hunters streamed into Potosí and swelled the population. The population of Potosí and its environs may have reached 120,000 inhabitants in 1570 and 150,000 in 1611, rivaling or surpassing the population of many major European cities at the time.17 This was remarkable, given the seemingly inhospitable environment. Potosí lay at an altitude of a bit over thirteen thousand feet, without significant vegetation, and even the Incas did not establish towns at that height. Nonetheless, Potosí was in a tropical zone, and although the city suffered cold and snow in the winter, its climate was not as harsh as might be supposed. Despite its tropical location, it only received a modest supply of rainfall, an annual average of twenty-five inches, necessitating the building of dams as early as 1573 to supply water for the city and for the refiners’ ore-grinding mills.18 Fortunately, too, for the city, fertile valleys at lower altitudes nearby kept Potosí supplied with food. In its long mining history, Potosí produced an astonishing 875,400,000 pesos of silver, 62 percent of the Peruvian total, which was 26 percent of New World output and 18 percent of world yields during that period (see Table 4–5). Long-range tendencies in Potosí’s silver production (see Tables 4–4 and 4–5 and Figure 4–5) demonstrate a steady rise from 20,000,000 pesos registered in the 1550s and 1560s, to 28,460,000 pesos in the 1570s, when the Spaniards first introduced amalgamation and the mita. Before 1610, declarations of output per decade were in the sixty million–peso range. In the last decade of the sixteenth century, Potosí yields reached their all-time peak—69,240,000 pesos, almost 98 percent of all Peruvian output and not quite two-thirds of New World yields in those ten years. In 1592 and 1593, annual

17

Prieto, Mining in the New World, 30–32. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain, 3–8. Bakewell’s description is particularly rich, the result of personal experience living in Potosí and the incorporation of a contemporary description by Luis Capoche, an early historian of Potosí. See also Peter Bakewell, Silver and Entrepreneurship in Seventeenth-Century Potosí: The Life and times of Antonio López de Quiroga (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988). 18

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Figure 4–5. Potosí Silver Output, 1545–1810, in pesos

production in Potosí was well over a staggering 7,600,000 pesos per year, the two most productive years in its history. From this peak in the 1590s, silver yields began to decrease, very slowly at first but then more rapidly. By the 1660s, for example, output was less than half of what it had been in the first decade, and by the first ten years of the eighteenth century, it had been halved again to 13,590,000 pesos and remained in that range until the 1750s. In that decade, however, silver declarations at the Potosí treasury began to rise once again to 21,710,000 pesos and to 25,240,000 pesos in the 1760s, signaling a modest revival at the cerro. Still, registries in the last three decades of the eighteenth century were less than half of what had been declared at the end of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, although output had reached 32,750,000 pesos by the 1790s. That was Potosí’s most productive decade of the eighteenth century, stimulated perhaps by a new school of metallurgy in Potosí, some technical innovations, and the establishment of the silver exchange bank of San Carlos. In the first ten years of the nineteenth century, however, registries decreased once again to about 24,720,000 pesos. In the sixteenth century, Potosí’s share of Peruvian production grew rapidly—it was 84 percent in the 1550s, 98 percent in the 1560s, and 91 percent in the 1570s. In the 1580s and 1590s, it reached 98 percent of Peru’s output, but this proportion began falling at the beginning of the seventeenth century to 93 percent and then incurred almost a 20 percent drop in the 1610s to 74 percent, most likely because Oruro now had its own treasury, and miners there no longer went to travel to Potosí to make their silver declarations. From 1621 through 1690, Potosí’s share of Peruvian output was in the 60-percent range. For the

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next two decades, the 1690s and 1700s, it fell to 55 percent and to the 40-percent range between 1711 and 1790, except for the 1740s, when it was only 36 percent. In the two decades from 1791 to 1810, the proportion returned to 38 percent and 36 percent respectively. Silver registry at Potosí invites comparison with that at Zacatecas, the most productive mining area of Mexico. Between 1559 and 1810, Zacatecas registered a bit over 401,400,000 pesos. From 1545, Potosí’s declarations amounted to over 875,400,000 pesos, more than twice that of registries at Zacatecas. Only between 1711 and 1750, and in the first decade of the nineteenth century, when Zacatecas was producing more silver than ever before in its history, did its mines yield more than those of Potosí.

Caja of Oruro (1609–1809) Located about 120 miles northwest of Potosí at an altitude of 12,250 feet near Lake Poopó, the city of Oruro was officially founded in 1606. Like Pachuca and Zacatecas in Mexico, Oruro was a mining city. It grew because of the region’s rich silver deposits. Early miners from the Oruro area registered their silver in Potosí, but in 1607, royal authorities established a treasury office in the city with an accountant, treasurer, and silver assayers. Next to Potosí, it became the richest mining area of all Peru, accounting for 12 percent of Peruvian silver output during the colonial epoch.19 The course of Oruro silver production saw steep rises in output in the first three decades (1611–1630), followed by a sharp decline in the 1640s and 1650s (see Table 4–6 and Figure 4–6). As already noted, Oruro’s peak decade for production came in the 1630s with declarations of 20,210,000 pesos, justifying the creation of the city’s new caja. During the next decade, however, output decreased to 14,460,000 pesos and, in the 1650s and 1660s, it decreased to only a bit more than four million pesos. By the 1670s and 1680s, production dropped sharply by two-thirds from what it had been in the 1630s, below four million pesos, although the 1690s witnessed a recovery to 5,840,000 pesos.

19 See Ann Zulawski, They Eat from Their Labor: Work and Social Change in Colonial Bolivia (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995). This work is particularly valuable for its descriptions of socioeconomic conditions in the Oruro region.

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Figure 4–6. Oruro Silver Output, 1609–1809, in pesos

The eighteenth century was a productive epoch for Oruro silver mines. From Oruro’s production of 7,170,000 pesos of silver in the first decade of the century, output rose very gradually to 9,490,000 pesos in the 1770s, the high point of the century. In the 1780s, however, production again dipped by two-thirds as the Túpac Catari revolt wracked Upper Peru, bringing Oruro silver production sharply down to 3,300,000 pesos. With the revolt finally quelled, a modest revival occurred in the next ten years, but in the first decade of the nineteenth century, output was virtually the same as it had been during the years of the Catari revolt (3,370,000 pesos). An expert on New World mining, Kendall Brown, has provided a number of insights into the determinants of silver production in Oruro by pointing out that Oruro was at a distinct disadvantage because Spanish miners enjoyed no mita labor and had to pay more expensive day laborers, yet Oruro was closer to Huancavelica than Potosí and mercury transportation costs were lower for refiners. Brown also reveals that the bountiful silver output of the 1630s in Oruro reflected the adaptation in 1627 by Antonio de Salinas of amalgamation techniques to refine negrillos (silver sulphide ores), which abounded at Oruro. Salinas transferred amalgamation technology from Potosí to Oruro. Brown believes that the silver mines of Oruro were exhausted by the beginning of the nineteenth century.20 20 Kendall W. Brown, “Oruro” in Encyclopedia of Latin America History and Culture, vol. 4 (New York: Charles Scribners & Sons, 1996), 248.

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Oruro’s total output of silver from 1609 to 1809 amounted to 166,490,000 pesos, second only to Potosí as the most productive silver district in Peru. Its share of Peruvian production for the 201 years from 1609 to 1809 was 14 percent, and for the entire colonial period was 12 percent. It was a bit less than 6 percent of New World output and about 4 percent of world yields.

Castrovirreyna (1600–1652), Cailloma (1631–1800), Arequipa (1599–1810) Caja of Castrovirreyna (1600–1652) In the seventeenth century, three areas in Lower Peru beside Lima contributed to silver output: Castrovirreyna, Cailloma, and Arequipa. Located about one hundred miles southwest of Huancavelica, Castrovirreyna was registering silver by 1600,21 but its silver-mining history was brief, only fifty-three years, because the mines were flooded by 1652, and miners in Castrovirreyna were unable to drain them. Authorities consequently shut down the caja. In its fifty-three years, Castrovirreyna’s output totaled 10,040,000 pesos (see Table 4–7 and Figure 4–7). The mining district reached its peak in the 1620s with production of 2,620,000 pesos, dropping a bit in the 1630s to 2,170,000 pesos. By the next decade, as the mines were being rapidly depleted, registries were halved to 1,100,000 pesos. In the last two years before the Castrovirreyna treasury closed, registries amounted to only eighty thousand pesos. Since Castrovirreyna registered over two million pesos per decade only twice in it its short-lived existence, its share of Peruvian output was small, reaching a peak of only 3.5 percent in the 1620s. Castrovirreyna clearly represents a case of the boom-and-bust cycle of silver mining. Its accessible lodes of silver ore were quickly depleted. Being close to Huancavelica, with its ready supply of mercury, was not enough once water from nearby lakes began filling up the mine tunnels and pits. Parenthetically, Chachapoyas in northern Lower Peru suffered the same fate as Castrovirreyna. Set up as a royal caja in 1627,

21 The first extant account for Castrovirreyna is 1600. In prior years, its miners likely registered their silver in Huancavelica. On flooding problems, see, for example, Juan Vives to the Viceroy, 7 January 1808, AGI, Lima, 778.

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0 1591

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Figure 4–7. Castrovirreyna Silver Output, 1609–1652, in pesos

its miners produced silver for only eleven years, and their work yielded a minescule 4,120 pesos during this period. Caja of Cailloma (1631–1779) Cailloma represented a different pattern of production. Situated a bit over one hundred miles directly north of Arequipa in the high Andes, Cailloma began registering silver in 1631 when silver strikes were rich enough to warrant establishing a new treasury district there. During its existence as a caja (1631–1779), Cailloma’s output was fifty million pesos, almost 7 percent of total Peruvian output from 1631 to 1779 and 4 percent for the entire colonial epoch. Production trends in Cailloma ebbed and flowed (see Table 4–8 and Figure 4–8). The most productive decade in its history was the 1630s, its first ten years as a caja. In that period, miners registered 6,940,000 pesos at Cailloma. Output began dropping gradually after that to 5,640,000 pesos in the 1640s and to 4,870,000 pesos in the 1650s. In the 1670s and 1680s, registries fell into the three million–peso range with a slight increase to 4,040,000 pesos in the last decade of the seventeenth century. For the first two decades of the eighteenth century, Cailloma’s silver output was at its lowest point, averaging 1,440,000 pesos per decade. In the ensuing six decades until the closing of the

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Figure 4–8. Cailloma Silver Output, 1631–1779, in pesos

caja in 1779, output recovered with registries ranging from 2,140,000 pesos in the 1720s to 2,680,000 pesos in the 1770s, Cailloma’s most productive decade of the eighteenth century. Still, the treasury closed in 1779, and miners and traffickers from Cailloma were forced to go to Arequipa to declare their silver. On balance, Cailloma’s output was lower but remarkably steady in the eighteenth century, a modest but dependable source. Given the trends in Cailloma’s production, its share of Peruvian silver output was largest in its first seven decades (1631–1700) when it was between 6.5 percent and 9.5 percent of total Peruvian declarations. In the eighteenth century, Cailloma’s largest contribution to total Peruvian yields (over 7 percent) came in the 1720s and 1730s, but after that, Cailloma’s contribution ranged between 4 and 5 percent until 1779 when the caja closed. Caja of Arequipa (1599–1810) In 1780, the miners of Cailloma began declaring their silver in Arequipa, where royal officials had registered silver as early as 1599. Arequipa was the major city of southern coastal Peru, known primarily as a market and administrative center, the site of a bishopric, a royal caja, and, after 1785, headquarters of an intendancy district. A major supplier of food, wine, and brandy to the mining areas of the interior, Arequipa had strong ties to Cailloma, whose miners relied on the food,

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drink, and supplies that Arequipa could provide them. Silver was a factor in the Arequipa economy as well.22 In the early seventeenth century, silver miners registered only small amounts of silver at the Arequipa treasury, some coming from Cailloma but also from nearby Condesuyos and Camaná (see Table 4–9 and Figure 4–9). Arequipa’s peak decade of this century came in the 1620s, when it produced 830,000 pesos, most likely because Cailloma had begun producing by that time but still had no registry site near the mines. Output during the next decade dipped to 650,000 pesos, falling a bit because Cailloma now had its own treasury, although a few miners still drifted in from other mining districts to declare their silver in Arequipa. But there was a quick drop off. For the next ninety years, silver declarations at Arequipa were either miniscule or nonexistent. In the 1730s, however, they rose to over 400,000 pesos for the first time since the 1630s and in the 1740s to 660,000 pesos. Registries grew steadily to 1,530,000 pesos in the 1770s, but in the 1780s, when the miners of Cailloma began flooding into the city, registries shot up to 3,440,000 pesos, more than doubling the output of the previous decade to become the most productive ten years in Arequipa’s history. Refiners from Huantajaya, south of Arica, also brought silver to Arequipa for taxation. Between 1791 and 1810, output fell again to 2,630,000 pesos in the 1790s and to 2,440,000 pesos in the ten years between 1801 and 1810. Significantly, Arequipa’s share of Peruvian output was 5 percent in the 1780s, 3 percent in the 1790s, and a bit over 3 percent in the first decade of the nineteenth century. Previously, its contribution had been minimal.

La Paz (1624–1810), Carangas (1652–1803), Chucuito (1658–1800) Caja of La Paz (1624–1810) In Upper Peru, besides the caja of Oruro, three other treasuries began registering silver in the seventeenth century: La Paz in 1624, Carangas in 1652, and Chucuito in 1658. Founded in 1548, La Paz was primarily an agricultural and market center on the altiplano on the route

22 See Kendall W. Brown, Bourbons and Brandy: Imperial Reforms in EighteenthCentury Arequipa (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986).

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Figure 4–9. Arequipa Silver Output, 1599–1810, in pesos

from Potosí to Lima, chosen as the site for a Spanish city because of the large population of Aymara Indians living in the area. Although La Paz was better known for its potato, corn, and coca production, the caja established there early in the seventeenth century nevertheless registered a modest amount of silver. Like the declarations at the cajas of Carangas and Chucuito, the silver registered at La Paz was greatest in the seventeenth century (see Table 4–10 and Figure 4–10). Although at the outset in the 1630s, the production at La Paz was small (340,000 pesos), it rose to over nine hundred thousand pesos the next decade, to over one million in the 1650s, and then remained in that range until the 1690s, when official output suddenly dropped by two-thirds. By 1700, the La Paz treasury virtually ceased recording silver. In fact, between 1711 and 1755, the La Paz caja registered less than three thousand pesos of silver. By the 1770s, registered output rose to a miniscule one hundred ninety thousand pesos, but in the 1780s, there were no declarations in La Paz because of the Túpac Catari rebellion and general unrest in the Andes. Only in the first decade of the nineteenth century did the caja once again record more than five hundred thousand pesos. The silver age in La Paz, if it can be called that, ended at the close of the seventeenth century. Overall, between 1624 and 1810, declarations of silver in La Paz amounted to only 7,770,000 pesos, not even 1 percent of the Peruvian total for that epoch.

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Figure 4–10. La Paz Silver Output, 1624–1810, in pesos

Caja of Carangas (1652–1803) Located about one hundred miles west of Oruro at the foot of the Andean cordillera occidental, Carangas produced 1 percent of Peruvian output over the entire colonial epoch and 2 percent from 1652 to 1803, when registries there ceased. In all, Carangas accounted for 16,450,000 pesos in this period. The general trends in Carangas silver output were at their peak of 2,110,000 pesos in the 1650s, with gradually decreasing production after that to a low of 540,000 pesos in the 1720s (see Table 4–11 and Figure 4–11). Although the slide reached its low point in this decade, Carangas began a new era in silver registries in the 1730s. From declarations of 790,000 pesos and a bit less than that in the 1740s, production almost doubled in the 1750s, perhaps because of increased activity at Huantajaya, and rose very modestly the next decade, spurting in the 1770s to 1,760,000 pesos—the most silver registered in Carangas during the eighteenth century. In the last two decades of that century, registries were 1,120,000 pesos and 1,200,000 pesos, respectively. The caja closed in 1803. Except for the years from 1652 to 1660, when the Carangas share of Peruvian output was almost 4 percent, its contribution to Peruvian output was only half that in ensuing decades.

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Figure 4–11. Carangas Silver Output, 1652–1803, in pesos

Caja of Chucuito (1658–1800) On the shores of Lake Titicaca, high in the Andes near Puno, Chucuito23 was the fourth most productive mining area of Peru and the third leading producer in Upper Peru, yielding 65,540,000 pesos of silver between 1658 and 1800, 9 percent of the Peruvian total for that period and 5 percent for the colonial epoch as a whole. Like Carangas, Castrovirreyna, Oruro, and La Paz, the mines of Chucuito were most productive in the early decades after the establishment of the caja in 1658 (see Table 4–12 and Figure 4–12). In its first full decade of registries, the 1660s, output amounted to 8,360,000 pesos, dropping a bit in the 1670s but rising to 8,570,000 pesos in the 1680s, the most productive decade in Chucuito’s mining history. Beginning in the 1690s, however, registries declined to 5,800,000 pesos, followed by a steep reduction of two-thirds in the first decade of the eighteenth century (1,870,000 pesos), the low point in Chucuito’s silver mining history.

23 An excellent description of Chucuito in the first one hundred years after the conquest is Valerie Fraser, The Architecture of the Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535–1635 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

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Figure 4–12. Chucuito Silver Output, 1658–1800, in pesos

The mines of the Chucuito region experienced a modest recovery after that, but like the mines of Cailloma, they never reached the levels of the late seventeenth century. In the 1710s, output rose slightly to 2,040,000 pesos, and in the 1720s, it rose to 2,950,000 pesos, remaining in that range for the next three decades. For some reason, probably new silver strikes in the region, output doubled to 5,450,000 pesos. From 1761 to 1800, silver declarations were in the three million–peso range, except for the 1780s, when native revolts wracked the region and reduced output by one-third. Chucuito was a major contributor to Peruvian silver output, particularly in the late seventeenth century, when its output constituted between 14 and 17 percent. This share dropped in the eighteenth century below 10 percent until the 1750s, when it fell to less than 7 percent in the last four decades of registries. Its total contribution to New World production was 3 percent between 1658 and 1800. When the caja closed in 1800, the miners of Chucuito very likely went to nearby Puno to declare their silver at the new treasury there. In its first years of registry (1803–1810), declarations at Puno amounted to 2,800,000 pesos, about the same amount registered in Chucuito prior to the closing of that caja.

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Caja of Pasco (1670–1810) The Cerro de Pasco was by far the richest mining region of Lower Peru. Situated about 120 miles northeast of Lima, Pasco began producing silver in the 1630s but not enough to warrant establishment of a royal treasury office there until 1670. At an altitude of over 14,000 feet in the Andes, Pasco has been called “the highest city in America.”24 With no vegetation or timber for fuel or mine props, all food, fuel, reagents, powder, and supplies had to be shipped from lower altitudes to the mines, increasing production costs. John Fisher, an expert on mining in Lower Peru in the eighteenth century, describes a typical mine at the Cerro de Pasco as “a meandering shaft, tending to slope downwards at an angle of up to 45 degrees, but sometimes rising, running horizontally, or dropping vertically, according to the route taken by the vein.” He also estimates that there were 116 mines in the area at the end of the eighteenth century, eighty-five in production.25 Prior to 1670, miners from Pasco declared their silver in Lima. From 1670 to 1810, Pasco’s miners produced 72,850,000 pesos of silver, making it the most productive mining region of Lower Peru and the third most productive of all Peru, after Potosí and Oruro. But trends in production at the Cerro de Pasco did not mirror those of other caja districts such as Potosí, Cailloma, Chucuito, Castrovirreyna, Oruro, and others where yields were initially very high and then dropped as both the mines and richer ores were depleted (see Table 4–13 and Figure 4–13). Even after 1680, when Pasco became a treasury district, silver production registered there was modest but growing slowly: it more than doubled from 260,000 pesos in the 1680s to 580,000 pesos the following decade. By the 1720s and 1730s, declarations rose to 910,000 pesos and 1,330,000 pesos, respectively. From this point, Pasco experienced rapid growth in production to almost 8,180,000 pesos in the 1780s. More impressive still, in the twenty years from 1791 to 1810, output rose over 250 percent to 21,070,000 pesos in the 1790s and 21,460,000 pesos in the first ten years of the nineteenth century, the peak for Pasco’s silver mines. In this decade, output was almost four times greater than at the beginning of the century.

24

Quoted in Fisher, Silver Mines, 7. Fisher, Silver Mines, 6–11, 110–16. His descriptions of mining activity at the Cerro de Pasco are particularly insightful. 25

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20,000,000

15,000,000

10,000,000

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17 61

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17 31

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17 11

17 01

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16 81

16 71

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By Decade 1741 = 1741–1750

Figure 4–13. Pasco Silver Output, 1671–1810, in pesos

Pasco’s share of Peruvian silver output was miniscule (less than 6 percent) until the 1760s, but it increased rapidly after that to almost 10 percent in the 1760s and 1770s and 12 percent in the 1780s. In the 1790s, it constituted 24 percent and an astonishing 31 percent in the first ten years of the nineteenth century. Still, although Pasco’s output was extremely high at the end of the colonial epoch, its annual yields were never greater than those at Potosí. Pasco’s high silver-production rates at the end of the eighteenth century were stimulated in part by the support of the mining guild and by the guarantee of cheap labor for the new shafts dug or extended at the end of the century. The continued use of the guachaca, the policy of giving carriers half the silver ore they carried to the surface, may also have aided the procurement of labor.26 Moreover, the exchange banks set up in Peru in the 1790s also encouraged miners in their endeavors to expand production. In many ways, the experience at the Cerro de Pasco belies the conclusion that there was no investment capital available to Peruvian miners for increasing silver production.

26

Fisher, Silver Mines, 8.

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Caja of Trujillo (1601–1810) Established in 1534 by Francisco Pizarro’s partner, Diego de Almagro, who named it for Pizarro’s birthplace in Spain, Trujillo was officially founded by Pizarro in 1535. It became the most important city of northern Lower Peru. In its early days, the region produced virtually no silver at all but was significant as the seat of a royal caja by 1601, of the bishopric of Trujillo after 1609, and the site of an intendency district after 1784. It was also a major regional agricultural and market center on the route from Quito to Lima. Afflicted by periodic earthquakes and raids by pirates, Trujillo still managed to survive attempts by other northern towns such as Lambayeque, Cajamarca, and Saña to replace it as the major Spanish metropolis of northern Lower Peru. Although refiners registered a bit of silver in Trujillo in the seventeenth century, no significant amounts were declared at the treasury until the 1771 discovery of the mines at Hualgayoc, fittingly very close to Cajamarca, where Pizarro had received Atahualpa’s fabulous ransom.27 On a bare landscape 13,340 feet above sea level, the mines of Hualgayloc were responsible for seven–eighths of the silver registered in the Trujillo treasury. Other declarations came from the silver miners of Huamachuco and Huallanca. As miners laid their claims in Hualgayoc, silver declarations surged (see Table 4–14 and Figure 4–14). In the 1770s, they totaled 3,770,000 pesos, and during the next two decades, registries almost doubled to 6,700,000 pesos in the 1780s and to 7,750,000 pesos in the 1790s. The opening of the century, however, witnessed a decline to 5,330,000 pesos as output diminished at Hualgayoc. Still, this late eighteenth-century boom in mining was significant, as Trujillo’s share of the Peruvian total ranged between 5 and 10 percent during the decades from 1771 to 1810. With production from Hualgayoc, Pasco, and other Lower Peruvian districts, total Peruvian production almost rose to its earlier high point of the 1630s. Trujillo’s own silver declarations, however, never challenged those of Pasco, and after 1785, the difference between them widened. Between 1599 and 1810, Trujillo registered 23,580,000 pesos, well over 99 percent of it during the last four decades from 1771 to 1810.

27 Hualgayoc was fourteen leagues from Cajamarca. If a league constituted three statute miles, it was forty-two miles. On Hualgayoc, see O’Phelan Godoy, “Vivir y morir”; and Fisher, Silver Mines, 7–8, 24, 34, 37–38, 91, 96, and 100–101.

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7,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000 4,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 1,000,000

16

01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

0

By Decade 1781 = 1781–1790

Figure 4–14. Trujillo Silver Output, 1601–1810, in pesos

Cuzco (1571–1810), Huancavelica (1577–1784), Huamanga (1785–1810), Jauja (1721–1785), and Arica (1780–1810) A number of other Lower Peruvian treasuries registered modest amounts of silver. Two of these cajas, Cuzco and Huancavelica, sometimes registered silver totals between one and three million pesos during a decade but usually well below that range. Putting this output in perspective, declarations in each of these two cajas for the entire colonial epoch equaled the amount declared at Potosí in the first decade of the eighteenth century, Potosí’s lowest point in silver output. Moreover, the other three treasuries—Arica, Huamanga, and Jauja—never registered more than a little over one million pesos for a decade during the entire colonial period. This highlights the overwhelming dominance of the mines of Upper Peru at Potosí, Oruro, Chucuito, and Carangas and in Lower Peru at Pasco, Trujillo, and Cailloma. Although silver output was seemingly inconsequential in these lesser silver mining regions, they still merit some comment, particularly for their quantities, rhythms and timing. Cuzco and Huancavelica, two of the earliest cajas to be set up in Lower Peru, are good examples. In Cuzco, silver production was solely a sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury phenomenon. In fact, by the eighteenth century, miners or traders registered only a modicum of silver in Cuzco. At Huancavelica,

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1,600,000 1,400,000

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1,200,000 1,000,000 800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000

15

71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

0

By Decade 1691 = 1691–1700

Figure 4–15. Cuzco Silver Output, 1571–1810, in pesos

however, silver declarations were small or nonexistent in the sixteenth and seventeeth centuries but far greater in the eighteenth century. Caja of Cuzco (1571–1810) By the 1570s, silver declarations in Cuzco amounted to 1,570,00 pesos, but by the last decade of the sixteenth century were less than half that (see Table 4–15 and Figure 4–15). Output then grew gradually in the seventeenth century from 660,000 pesos in the first decade to more than double that by the 1680s (1,460,000 pesos), although it fell to less than half that in the 1690s. In the early eighteenth century, registries dropped to 170,000 pesos and in the 1720s to only 30,000 pesos. Despite a slight spurt upward in the 1730s, registries fell sharply until 1788 when they ceased entirely.28 From 1571 to 1810 Cuzco registered 13,350,000 pesos. Cuzco’s share of Peruvian output in the age of Spanish domination was 5 percent in the 1570s but never reached that level in any decade after that.

28

There were tiny amounts in 1811 and 1812.

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Cajas of Huancavelica (1577–1784) and Huamanga (1785–1810) Huancavelica demonstrated a different pattern from Cuzco: its output was greatest in the eighteenth century (see Table 4–16 and Figure 4–16). Despite being the major source of mercury, which should have attracted silver refiners to the city to buy it, Huancavelica treasury officials registered only a modest amount of silver through the 1620s—200,000 pesos in the 1570s, 150,000 pesos in the 1580s, and 70,000 pesos in the 1590s. Miners declared only 30,000 pesos in the first decade of the seventeenth century, 8,000 pesos in the second, and 20,000 pesos in the third. Between 1631 and 1710, however, there is no evidence that miners, traders, or refiners came to the caja at all to have their silver assayed. Beginning in 1710s, however, 705,000 pesos were registered, an amount that quadrupled in the 1720s to over 2,865,000 pesos, reaching an eighteenth-century high of 3,212,000 pesos in the 1740s. For some reason, however, declarations dropped by half in the ensuing ten years, and by the 1770s, Huancavelica registered only 633,000 pesos in silver. In 1785, the treasury moved to nearby Huamanga (now Ayacucho), site of a new intendancy district. Between 1577 and 1784, Huancavelica registered 13,470,000 pesos, almost exactly the same amount declared in Cuzco. Huancavelica’s share of Peruvian output was greatest in the early eighteenth century when it rose as high as 9.5 percent, but after 1760, it was never more than 2 percent of total Peruvian output. 3,500,000

2,500,000 2,000,000 1,500,000 1,000,000 500,000 0

15 71 15 81 15 91 16 01 16 11 16 21 16 31 16 41 16 51 16 61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81

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3,000,000

By Decade 1711 = 1711–1720

Figure 4–16. Huancavelica Silver Output, 1577–1784, in pesos

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2,000,000

1,500,000

1,000,000

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0 1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1791 = 1791–1800

Figure 4–17. Huamanga Silver Output, 1785–1810

Production reported in Huamanga was modest also, with 1,595,00 pesos being registered there in the 1790s, but registration dipped to 1,070,000 pesos in the first decade of the nineteenth century (see Table 4–17 and Figure 4–17). Huamanga never provided more than 2 percent of Peruvian output in its short existence as a caja. Caja of Jauja (1721–1785) In 1721, because of silver strikes in the region, Philip V established a new caja at San Juan de Matucana, one hundred miles northeast of Lima, but within ten years it was moved to Jauja, farther east in what is now the province of Junín. Known more for its agricultural than for its mineral wealth and as the site of an indigenous revolt in the early 1740s led by Juan Santos, a self-declared successor to the Inca Atahualpa, Jauja became the new treasury site in 1731 after the silver lodes at San Juan de Matucana gave out. It survived until 1785. Silver declarations in Jauja were slight (see Table 4–18 and Figure 4–18). In the 1720s, there were less than 270,000 pesos registered, but this doubled by the 1750s to 580,000 pesos. In the 1760s, registries doubled once again to 1,207,000 pesos but dipped in the ensuing decade to 940,000 pesos. In its last five years of the caja’s existence (1781–1785), declarations were only four hundred thousand pesos. Meanwhile, as Lower Peru went through a major administrative overhaul with the establishment of the intendancy system, the caja closed

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1,200,000 1,000,000 800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000 0 1721

1731

1741

1751

1761

1771

1781

By Decade 1751 = 1751–1760

Figure 4–18. Jauja Silver Output, 1721–1785, in pesos

in 1785. Overall, the Jauja treasury declared 4,280,000 pesos in the years from 1721 to 1785. Only once in the 1760s did its share of the Peruvian total go over 2 percent; in other decades, it was much less than that. On balance, Jauja contributed very little to Peruvian silver output. Caja of Arica (1780–1810) On the barren, arid Pacific coast, in what is now northern Chile, Spaniards founded San Marcos de Arica in 1570, a city important in the Spanish colonial period as the port linking Lima to the silver mines of Upper Peru. It also served as a shipping point for mercury and other supplies sent to these mines by mule or llama and for the silver carried from Upper Peru to Lima. By 1587, it had become important enough to merit setting up a caja, which, judging by lacunae in the extant accounts for Arica, functioned sporadically. By 1759, however, royal officials began keeping regular accounts once again until the end of the colonial period. They registered no silver, however, until 1780, probably the date when the caja first offered assaying operations. In the Peruvian silver arena, Arica was important because of its ties to Huantajaya, a silver mining area on the coastal desert of Atacama, the most arid region on earth.29 Within view of the Pacific Ocean on a

29 See Ephraim Trelles Aréstegui, Lucas Martínez Vegazo: Funcionamiento de una encomienda peruana inicial (Lima: Pontífica Universidad Católica del Perú, 1982) on the early sixteenth-century history of Huantajaya. See also Kendall W. Brown and

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barren desert, San Agustín de Huantajaya was founded circa 1556, but silver had been mined there by the natives prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. Huantajaya had the distinction of being the only silver mining area of Lower and Upper Peru not high in the Andes. Nevertheless conditions there were rigorous. With no water or vegetation available locally, Huantajaya had to import all food, fuel, and other supplies. Moreover, miners there had no mita labor and had to attract workers by other means, offering them water, day wages, and pallacos (two pounds of small bits of silver ore). In Huantajaya, barreteros received three-quarters of a peso per day, and apiris (ore carriers) received half a peso.30 The silver miners of Huantajaya initially registered their silver in Carangas and occasionally Arequipa, but by 1780, they were using the new refining facilities at Tacna and paying their taxes in the Arica caja. During the first full decade of declarations in the 1780s, miners registered 2,345,000 pesos and 2,930,000 pesos in the 1790s, clear evidence of the resurgence of mining efforts at Huantajaya (see Table 4–19 and Figure 4–19). The deposits in the Huantajaya outcroppings quickly diminished, however, and in the first decade of the nineteenth century, Arica declarations amounted to only 1,120,000 pesos. Despite the revival of mining at Huantajaya, Arica’s share of the Peruvian total was never more than 3 percent. Still, the recovery of Huantajaya linked with the discovery of the silver mines at Hualgayoc, the surge in output at Pasco, and the modest revival at Potosí all contributed to the high Peruvian silver output at the end of the eighteenth century.

Mercury Availability and Peruvian Silver Output Spanish silver miners in early Peru enjoyed incredible good fortune. In 1563, they discovered a rich deposit of mercury at what is now Huancavelica, 150 miles south of Lima, a mine worked in pre-Columbian times by the natives for its cinnabar (mercuric sulphide). By 1571, Spanish miners created the town of Villa Rica de Oropesa in honor of the hometown of Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, although that name

Alan K. Craig, “Silver Mining at Huantajaya, Viceroyalty of Peru,” in West and Craig, In Quest of Mineral Wealth, 303–327. 30 Brown and Craig, “Huantajaya,” 312–13.

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3,000,000 2,500,000 2,000,000 1,500,000 1,000,000 500,000 0 1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1791 = 1791–1800

Figure 4–19. Arica Silver Output, 1780–1810, in pesos

ultimately gave way to Huancavelica. In 1572, Toledo expropriated the district for the crown, set up a forced labor levy (mita) for the mines, and granted concessions to miners, who agreed to sell the mercury to the royal monopoly at a fixed price.31 The city lay at an altitude of almost twelve thousand feet, and the deposits of mercury in the rich mine of Santa Bárbara were even higher—over 13,000 feet. This did not deter the Spanish miners, who, with their forced labor gangs, began extracting mercury from the mines in the 1570s. The most significant problem initially was the failure to ventilate the mines properly, which led to mercury poisoning and the reputation of the Huancavelica mine as a death trap among the mitayos (mita laborers). Finally, though, in 1641, a ventilating adit was added to rectify this terrible defect.32

31 Some valuable works on Huancavelica are Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Las minas de Huancavelica en los siglos XVI y XVII (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1949); Arthur P. Whitaker, The Huancavelica Mercury Mine: A Contribution to the Bourbon Renaissance in the Spanish Empire (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1941); Kendall W. Brown, “Huancavelica” in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, 3:211–12; Kendall W. Brown, “La crisis financiera peruana al comienzo del siglo XVIII, la minería y la mina de azogues de Huancavelica,” Revista de Indias 40, nos. 182–83 (1988): 249–83; Gwendolyn Cobb, Potosí y Huancavelica: Bases económicas del Perú 1545–1640 (La Paz: Academia Boliviana de Historia, Banco Minero de Bolivia, 1977); and Carlos Contreras, La ciudad de mercurio, Huancavelica, 1540–1700 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1977). 32 Brown, “Huancavelica,” 211. On the issue of mercury poisoning, see Kendall W. Brown, “Workers’ Health and Colonial Mercury: Mining at Huancavelica, Peru,” The Americas 57 (April 2001): 467–496.

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The sale of mercury in Peru was not as tightly controlled as in Mexico, but it functioned as a monopoly nevertheless. A group of mining concessionaires, together called the gremio or guild, mined and sold mercury to the Huancavelica caja at prices set by viceregal authorities. The caja in turn remitted the mercury to mining sites in Lower and Upper Peru. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, the shortage of funds in the caja, sometimes created artificially by the governor, forced members of the gremio to sell their mercury to him at discounted prices. The governor in turn sold it to the cajas at the established price, earning himself an illicit profit. Since the Huancavelica district was a governorship, the governor directed all the affairs of the mine, and in theory tried to prevent illegal sales and ensure that the mine was in good repair. He was also responsible for informing officials in Lima and Castile about the state of the mines. Perhaps the most famous governor of Huancavelica was Antonio de Ulloa, the naval officer, who, together with his friend Jorge Juan, wrote the Voyage to South America and the Noticias secretas or Discourse, an exposé of the problems within the Spanish empire.33 Appointed as governor in 1757 and arriving in Huancavelica a year later, Ulloa attempted to improve conditions in the mines, to increase production, and to collect debts owed to the mining monopoly. He succeeded in lowering that debt from 290,000 pesos to 77,000 pesos and in increasing production briefly. In regard to fraud, Ulloa saw less illicit activity at Huancavelica than he did in the eleven royal cajas to which mercury was remitted. In five of the eleven mining cajas (unnamed), he believed the royal treasury lost one hundred thousand pesos annually from untaxed silver.34 In the end, Ulloa antagonized both the gremio and royal officials, who were glad to see him depart in 1764.

33 Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, Relación histórica del viage a la América Meridional, hecho de orden de S. Mag. para medir algunos grados de meridiano terrestre, y venir por ellos en conocimiento de la verdadera figura, y magnitude de la tierra, con otras varias observaciones astronómicas, y phísicas: por Don Jorge Juan.y Don Antonio de Ulloa, vol. 2 (Madrid: Antonio Marín, 1748). The Noticias secretas was first published in England as Noticias secretas de América sobre el estado naval, militar, y político de los reynos del Perú y provincias de Quito, costas de Nueva Granada y Chile: gobierno y régimen particular de los pueblos de Indios: cruel opresión y extorsiones de sus corregidores y curas: abusos escandalosos introducidos entre estos habitantes por los misioneros: causas de su origen y motivos de such continuación por el espacio de tres siglos (London: Imprenta de R. Taylor, 1826). 34 Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, trans. and ed. by Besse A. Clement and John J. TePaske, Discourse and Political Reflections on the Kingdoms of Peru: Their

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In 1779, a seemingly basic change occurred at Huancavelica. Antonio Areche, a royal visitor to Peru armed with wide discretional powers, dissolved the gremio and turned production over to a private individual, a former gremio member, Nicolás de Saravia, who promised to increase Huancavelica’s output. Unfortunately, he died within the year, his heir refused to assume responsibility for operations, and the mine reverted to royal administration. Little changed as a result of these moves, except that the upper half of the workings collapsed in 1786. The mine was virtually exhausted by this time, and the miners and refiners increasingly came to rely on shipments from Almadén, which trickled into Peru in miniscule amounts in the early 1750s but in greater amounts in the 1770s and after. Although some Almadén mercury had reached Peru in the early seventeenth century, the influx in the 1770s significantly aided the miners and refiners who suffered because of diminishing output in Huancavelica and the collapse of the mine of Santa Bárbara in 1786. In the 1790s, a German mining expert, Baron Thaddeus von Nordenflicht, visited the mines to make recommendations for refurbishment, but these were ignored, and mercury output at Huancavelica continued to fall as miners increasingly relied on mercury being shipped to Peru from Almadén.35 As already noted, shipments of Almadén mercury first arrived in Peru in the seventeenth century, beginning in 1605 and ending in 1655.36 These consisted of 76,000 quintales, or 9 percent of the mercury available in Peru, from the opening of the Huancavelica mine in the 1570s to 1750. No Spanish mercury was remitted to Peru at all between 1655 and 1750, in part because Almadén struggled to supply Mexican silver refiners, and Andean refiners had access to Huancavelica. Discovery of extensive new cinnabar deposits at Almadén in the 1690s, however, led to a great upsurge there in mercury production and made it possible for the government to provide the American colonies with more abundant and cheaper supplies of mercury.

Government, Special Regimen of their Inhabitants, and Abuses Which Have Been Introduced into One and Another with Special Information on Why They Grew Up and Some Means to Avoid Them (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1978), 13. 35 See Brown, “Huancavelica,” 211–12. 36 Bakewell, Zacatecas, 254.

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Meanwhile, by the 1750s, Huancavelica was showing signs of ore depletion, and its output declined. Both Spanish authorities and silver miners saw a real need to procure mercury from other sources. In the 1750s, therefore, a bit of Almadén mercury began to trickle in, a little more than one thousand quintales in that decade. Over the next ten years, almost eight thousand quintales came from Spain to replenish the dwindling supplies at Huancavelica. In the 1770s and after, however, more and more quicksilver from Almadén found its way to Peru. Overall, from the 1750s to 1816, mercury shipped from Spain constituted 44 percent of all mercury available to Peruvian silver refiners and miners, over nine hundred thousand quintales compared to only 9 percent or seventy-six thousand quintales for the period to 1750. The upsurge in mining at Hualgayoc, Huantajaya, Pasco, and Potosí had created a new demand for mercury in Peru, to which authorities in Spain quickly responded. As in Mexico in the late colonial epoch, shipments of mercury from Almadén filled the needs of the amalgamators in Upper and Lower Peru and aided in the resurgence of silver mining in the region at the end of the eighteenth century. Production and shipments of mercury have been well documented (see Table 4–20 and Figure 4–20).37 Mercury output varied from decade to decade. In the seventeenth century, it reached its peak in the 1630s, at over eighty thousand quintales, when silver output was near its peak in Upper and Lower Peru. Generally, production declined after that to the 1720s, when mercury yields at Huancavelica were just a little over thirty thousand quintales. More was produced in the ensuing decades to the 1770s, when shipments from Almadén began supplementing local production of quicksilver. In the 1780s, in fact, more mercury—over eighty-six thousand quintales—was available to miners and refiners in Peru than at any time in its history. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, over eighty-three thousand quintales were available. Prices paid for mercury were higher in Peru than in Mexico. Over the seventeenth century and until 1779, for example, amalgamators at Potosí usually paid around one hundred pesos for a quintal of

37 See the tables in Lohmann Villena, Huancavelica; and Brown, “Spanish Imperial Mercury Trade.” Also see the documents in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid and in the British Museum in London; and John Fisher, Silver Mines, 76–77.

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100,000

Quintales of Mercury

80,000

60,000

40,000

20,000

17 91

17 71

17 51

17 31

17 11

16 91

16 71

16 51

16 31

16 11

15 91

15 71

0

By Decade 1671 = 1671–1680

Figure 4–20. Mercury Supply in Peru, 1571–1810

mercury.38 This represented what the royal treasury paid to the gremio in Huancavelica for the mercury plus the cost of transporting the quintal to Potosí. Relief came in the 1780s, however, when prices dipped to seventy-three pesos a quintal and to a low of sixty pesos between 1784 and 1786, but rose again after that. In 1800, miners and refiners in Pasco paid eighty-five pesos per quintal. Twelve years later, the governor of Huancavelica reported that it cost 111 pesos to produce one quintal in the mine, evidence that the state was subsidizing the silver miners by selling them mercury below the cost of production. Despite such subsidy, mercury prices were higher in Peru than in Mexico, where miners were paying a bit more than forty-two pesos for their mercury in the latter part of the 1700s. Peruvian refiners at the time were paying almost twice as much. By 1779, in fact, Huancavelica, which for many decades provided Peruvian refiners with a generally stable source of mercury, had become a stumbling block to silver production. Costs of mercury production at Almadén during the second half of the eighteenth century were far lower than at Huancavelica, and that was reflected in the crown’s ability to sell mercury much more cheaply in Mexico than had been true in the 1600s. The government would not

38

Tandeter, Coercion and Market, 170.

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offer Almadén mercury at low price to the Peruvians, however, out of fear that buyers would illicitly resell it to the Huancavelica treasury under the pretense that it had been produced there. The subterfuge would have permitted them to profit from the much higher price the crown paid for mercury produced in Peru.39 Comparison of the mercury monopolies in Mexico and Peru reveals that in Mexico the so-called administración de azogues was far better managed than its counterpart in Peru. Almadén supplies were dependable, and mercury routinely arrived at those reales de minas and cajas where it was most needed. In Peru, it did also, but the price was higher and the difficult terrain inflated transportation costs. Moreover, at Huancavelica, the mercury monopoly allowed miners’ debts to build up more significantly than in Mexico. Peter Bakewell indicates that by 1608, miners owed the Huancavelica operation well over two million pesos.40 That by 1763 Antonio de Ulloa had pared it to 77,000 pesos indicates either that systematic efforts had been mounted to collect the debt or that some or much of it had been forgiven or defaulted, or both. The monopoly at Huancavelica was also more corrupt, with more mercury being sold illegally there than in Mexico, and for good reason. When the gremio could get no recompense from the Huancavelica caja, they illegally sold their mercury directly to miners and refiners. Still, the Huancavelica mercury mine was a vital part of the mining economy in Peru and a major reason for Peru’s being the major silver producer in the Spanish empire until the 1670s.

Peruvian Silver in a New World and World Perspective In the period from 1531 to 1810, the mines of Upper and Lower Peru produced nearly thirty-six million kilograms of fine silver. This constituted 42 percent of New World output and 29 percent of world yields for the period (see Table 4–22 and Figure 4–21). Peru’s share of New World output was far larger in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Moreover, from 1580 to 1670, the Peruvian portion of New World output was in the 60-percent range. After 1670, Mexican output outstripped that of Peru, which dropped to the mid-40 percents

39 40

Brown, “Spanish Imperial Mercury Trade,” 155. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain, 159.

178

chapter four

20,000,000

Kilograms of Fine Silver

18,000,000 16,000,000 14,000,000 12,000,000 10,000,000

WLD TOT

8,000,000

NW TOT PERU TOT

6,000,000 4,000,000 2,000,000

15 31 15 51 15 71 15 91 16 11 16 31 16 51 16 71 16 91 17 11 17 31 17 51 17 71 17 91

0

By Decade 1651 = 1651–1660

Figure 4–21. Peruvian-New World-World Silver Output, 1531–1810, in kilograms

of American production in the last three decades of the seventeenth century. In the eighteenth century, Peru averaged about 30 percent of New World yields to 1810. On the world stage, Peru’s share of world silver output rose from 18 percent to 27 percent from the 1560s to the 1570s, when amalgamation was introduced in Upper Peru. It grew to 40 percent or more until the 1630s, when Peruvian output constituted an enormous 55 percent of world yields. This dropped in the 1640s and fell into the 30-percent range by 1700. In the early eighteenth century, Peru accounted for only 20 percent of world output during the first two decades but fluctuated between a high of 26 percent in the 1770s to 19 percent in the first ten years of the nineteenth century. Clearly, even as production dropped in Peru after 1670, the region still played an important role in silver production worldwide.

Sources and Methodological Explanation As indicated earlier, silver registries for Upper and Lower Peru are virtually complete from the time of the conquest in 1531 to the end of the colonial epoch. This is largely because of the efforts of two scholars, Alvaro Jara and Peter Bakewell. Jara’s contribution was to

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

179

analyze the roughly kept accounts available for Peru during the early conquest and post-conquest period, the era so difficult to delineate for New Spain. These are contained in his Tres ensayos, published in 1966, which established his reputation for quantitative research on colonial Spanish America.41 One of Peter Bakewell’s many contributions was the reconstruction of the Potosí accounts from the daybooks or libros mayores for those years when there were no summary accounts (sumarios), primarily for the seventeenth century. Because Potosí was the major New World producer, his efforts provide basic data for the understanding of the secular trends not only at the Cerro de Potosí but for the Andean region. Moreover, he graciously shared these data with me. For the very early years of production at Potosí, Bailey W. Diffie has established reasonable guidelines.42 The Academia Nacional de la Historia (Buenos Aires) also published a useful list of annual production figures for the Potosí mines that was compiled in 1802.43 The gaps in the accounts have been filled in the same way as they were for Mexico. For a hole of just a few years, I created simple averages. For longer periods, I relied on ascending or descending averages, depending on the trends in a particular caja. For some treasuries such as Arequipa, Trujillo, and Huancavelica, I determined that there were no registries at all for certain years. This will be evident in the tables. For the most part, the tax on silver in Upper and Lower Peru until 1736 was 1.5 percent in cobos and the quinto de plata. After 1736, the cobos remained at 1.5 percent but the fifth was lowered to a tenth. Thus, the multipliers for determining the actual amount of silver declared were 4.71698113 for silver taxed at 1.5 percent and a fifth and 8.81057269 for silver taxed at 1.5 percent and a tenth. The method of converting pesos to kilograms was the same as for Mexico (see the Sources and Methodological Explanation in chapter three). Allowances have been made for occasional tax relief offered by the government in some mining districts.

41 Jara, Tres ensayos. All three essays and his graphic additions are valuable for the New World mining historian. See also Jara’s “Producción de metales preciosos.” 42 Bailey W. Diffie, “Estimates of Potosí Mineral Production, 1541–1551,” Hispanic American Historical Review 20 (May 1940): 275–82. 43 “ ‘MANIFIESTO’ de la plata extraída del cerro de Potosí (1556–1800),” prólogo por Humberto F. Burzio (Buenos Aires: Academia de la Historia, 1971): 26–40. This is a facsimile edition of the 1802 document by Lamberto de Sierra, the treasurer of the Potosí caja in that year.

180

chapter four

For mercury production and shipments, I have relied primarily on the sources cited earlier in this chapter: Pierre and Huguette Chaunu for the early period to 1700 and Lohmann Villena on Huancavelica. For the eighteenth century, Kendall Brown’s essay is exceedingly useful for both Mexico and Peru, as is Antonia Heredia’s Renta del Azogue for Mexico in the early eighteenth century. The work of John Fisher, Silver Mines, on mining in eighteenth-century Peru, helped to fill some gaps. The Chaunu data on mercury shipments to Peru for the period up to 1700 was also valuable for the years after the conquest to the transformation of the colonial regime in the Bourbon era.

38.56

30.67

0.70

0.09

1.05

1.10

1.14

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.08

1.10

2.17

2.62

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.65

0.83

0.26

4.00

4.08

14.46

20.21

17.47

15.22

0.00 1.11

0.00 1.27

0.00 0.91

0.01 0.34

4.21

4.87

5.64

1.23

8.36

2.99

45.08

1.00

1.10

0.02

2.42

0.07

2.11

52.43

0.32

0.89

0.01

1.58

6.94

51.18

1.50

0.69

0.03

0.02

53.71

0.31

0.66

0.07 2.67

66.81

0.33

0.59

0.15 0.01

69.24

0.22

0.80

0.07

63.46

0.20

0.39

1.57

28.46

50.72

55.76

69.33

84.17

74.53

72.62

72.15

70.20

64.80

31.44

21.13

23.63

JAU ARI HGA PNO TOTAL

1.21

VPS

20.73

CTO

0.40

CRG

19.90

LPZ CMA

3.73

TJO

17.33

ORO

10.22

ARQ

7.11

CVR

5.10

HVA

5.10

CZO

1531– 1540 1541– 1550 1551– 1560 1561– 1570 1571– 1580 1581– 1590 1591– 1600 1601– 1610 1611– 1620 1621– 1630 1631– 1640 1641– 1650 1651– 1660 1661– 1670

POT

LIM

DECADE

Table 4–1. Upper and Lower Peruvian Silver Production by Caja and Decade, 1531–1810 (in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís).

Tables

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru 181

29.85

32.09

23.68

15.46

13.59

12.84

15.06

16.00

21.71

25.24

30.21

31.75

32.75

24.72

0.07

0.18

0.64

0.55

1.46

1.49

3.39

6.71

7.34

6.44

6.00

7.22

7.65

5.56

1671– 1680 1681– 1690 1691– 1700 1701– 1710 1711– 1720 1721– 1730 1731– 1740 1741– 1750 1751– 1760 1761– 1770 1771– 1780 1781– 1790 1791– 1800 1801– 1810 TOTAL

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.01

0.00

0.03

0.12

0.03

0.08

0.17

0.64

1.46

1.22

CZO

0.00

0.00

0.38

0.63

0.85

1.40

3.21

2.95

2.87

0.71

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

HVA

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

CVR

2.44

2.63

3.44

1.53

0.81

0.75

0.66

0.47

0.12

0.01

0.02

0.00

0.05

0.00

ARQ

3.37

5.32

3.30

9.49

9.56

9.51

8.46

6.23

6.16

7.21

7.17

5.84

3.14

3.62

ORO

5.33 0.53

7.75 0.11

6.70 0.00

3.77 0.19

0.00 0.10

0.00 0.07

0.00 0.00

0.00 0.00

0.00 0.00

0.00 0.00

0.00 0.11

0.00 0.47

0.00 1.19

0.47

1.20

1.12

1.76

1.25

1.20

0.73

0.79

0.54

0.55

0.71

0.87

0.87

1.05

CRG

8.18 0.40 2.34

6.81 0.94 0.76

5.72 1.21

3.08 0.58

2.10 0.48

1.33 0.41

0.00 21.46 0.00 1.12

2.80

2.80

1.424.39

68.87

86.96

68.52

Caja key: LIM=Lima, POT=Potosí, CZO=Cuzco, HVA=Huancavelica, CVR=Castrovirreyna, ARQ=Arequipa, ORO=Oruro, TJO=Trujillo, LPZ=La Paz, CMA=Cailloma, CRG=Carangas, CTO=Chucuito, VPS=Vico y Pasco, JAU=Jauja, ARI=Arica, HGA=Huamanga, PNO=Puno.

3.34

1.07

1.60

0.67

68.50

57.57

53.43

43.88

36.35

30.32

27.41

28.07

42.56

51.14

47.90

JAU ARI HGA PNO TOTAL

0.91 0.27

0.62

0.57

0.58

0.26

0.16

VPS

3.95 21.07 0.00 2.93

3.02

3.73

3.88

5.45

2.98

2.93

2.95

2.04

1.87

5.80

8.57

7.02

CTO

50.00 16.45 65.54 72.85 4.29 7.15

0.00

0.00

0.00

2.68

2.50

2.34

2.52

2.67

2.14

1.14

1.44

4.04

3.33

3.54

LPZ CMA

0.00 1.37

TJO

77.11 875.40 13.35 13.48 10.04 14.75 166.49 23.58 7.77

POT

LIM

DECADE

Table 4–1 (cont.)

182 chapter four

0.00

985.67 28.06

783.99 26.95

762.93 31.30

820.19 37.37

17.89

2.33

1.75

4.57

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

1.93

1.19

0.00 80.32

92.49

0.00 102.30

0.00 104.40

0.00 369.65

8.77 177.36

0.02 30.37

0.08 34.96

85.21 22.21 218.97

90.58 26.85 179.47

0.00 28.47 107.49 31.51 213.80

0.00 32.53 124.41 53.92

0.03 23.25 144.26

0.14

6.75

4.16

0.10

0.00 28.02

25.64 1.152.36 29.18

0.00

0.00 55.35 16.64 516.50

8.12 1.340.15 28.02

76.53

0.49 67.08 21.10 446.64

38.41 1.308.15 22.86

6.57 388.93 0.09

0.20 61.80

7.85 1.372.93 17.62

1.84

0.42

0.79 40.46

8.36 1.707.79 16.78

68.33

1.80

5.52 1.769.96 15.00

0.16

3.86

9.98 1.622.01 20.45

1.90

5.02

727.50 40.07

30.93

1.307.17

1.224.57

1.296.94

1.425.34

1.772.39

2.151.05

1.905.24

1.855.90

1.844.35

1.794.34

1.656.30

803.52

540.12

604.12

ARI HGA PNO TOTAL

529.90

JAU

10.22

VPS

508.78

CTO

95.34

CRG

442.97

CMA

261.26

LPZ

181.71

TJO 130.36

ORO

130.36

CZO HVA CVR ARQ

1531– 1540 1541– 1550 1551– 1560 1561– 1570 1571– 1580 1581– 1590 1591– 1600 1601– 1610 1611– 1620 1621– 1630 1631– 1640 1641– 1650 1651– 1660 1661– 1670 1671– 1680 1681– 1690

POT

LIM

DECADE

Table 4–2. Upper And Lower Peruvian Silver Production by Caja and Decade 1531–1810 (in Thousands of Kilograms of Fine Silver).

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru 183

395.19

347.50

325.87

373.73

396.98

538.52

626.30

740.35

773.43

794.12

599.32

13.96

37.37

38.02

84.09

166.57

182.20

159.67

147.22

175.86

185.45

134.89

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

9.40

3.10 156.46

0.15 184.32

0.50 183.20

0.00 149.32

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

80.25 163.15

0.00 59.24

2.72

0.00

4.74

2.47

1.80

0.00

0.01

0.00

0.06

2.76

81.82 129.35 12.91

0.00 63.68 128.87 187.83

0.00 83.71

LPZ

CMA

CRG

CTO

73.95

72.68

74.79

52.12

47.82

0.00 11.51

0.00 29.16

0.00 27.33

65.69 43.18

61.95 31.10

6.87

JAU

76.40 14.35

52.04 12.00

32.97 10.10

23.18

15.83

14.61

14.91

VPS

0.00 520.22

95.76 510.92

73.43 199.09

2.108.30

1.668.78

0.00 27.17 26.00 67.95 1.670.38

0.00 71.11 38.68

9.68 57.13 16.32

1.679.25

1.428.35

1.325.44

1.088.69

901.66

770.18

700.84

717.45

1.087.88

ARI HGA PNO TOTAL

91.41 167.15 23.09 18.64

96.31 141.96 29.94

57.94 29.88 135.22

62.45 18.05

66.14 19.54

54.39 13.83

29.25 14.11

36.92 18.22

0.00 11.93 103.38 22.29 148.37

TJO

0.00 37.38 232.56 92.20

0.00 20.07 237.27

0.00 18.49 235.97

0.00 16.45 209.85

0.00 11.61 154.56

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.00

ORO

Caja key: LIM=Lima, POT=Potosí, CZO=Cuzco, HVA=Huancavelica, CVR=Castrovirreyna, ARQ=Arequipa, ORO=Oruro, TJO=Trujillo, LPZ=La Paz, CMA=Cailloma, CRG=Carangas, CTO=Chucuito, VPS=Vico y Pasco, JAU=Jauja, ARI=Arica, HGA=Huamanga, PNO=Puno.

1920.52 22170.08 341.28 336.45 256.54 361.88 4204.01 573.22 197.84 1267.42 412.69 1650.63 1780.29 106.03 174.05 81.00 67.95 35901.88

0.00

0.00

0.00

0.12 15.52

0.33 20.98

0.00 34.67

0.65 79.70

3.04 73.19

0.86 72.81

2.11 18.02

4.27

605.20 16.24

16.24

CZO HVA CVR ARQ

1691– 1700 1701– 1710 1711– 1720 1721– 1730 1731– 1740 1741– 1750 1751– 1760 1761– 1770 1771– 1780 1781– 1790 1791– 1800 1801– 1810 TOTAL

POT

LIM

DECADE

Table 4–2 (cont.)

184 chapter four

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

185

Table 4–3. Lima Registered Silver Production 1574–1820. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

96,018 48,376 36,514 17,933 32,399 73,215 26,359 20,481 13,956 25,230 390,481

2,454 1,237 933 458 828 1,871 674 524 357 645 9,981

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

21,905 12,945 12,150 12,714 18,415 24,798 32,815 20,079 29,282 30,887 215,990

560 331 311 325 471 634 839 513 748 790 5,521

1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

4,910 177,525 109,722 174,595 110,227 122,255 73,832 773,066

126 4,538 2,805 4,463 2,818 3,125 1,887 19,760

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

47,468 99,593 33,018 37,072 13,424 13,970 45,837 18,355 5,213 12,937 326,887

1,213 2,546 844 948 343 357 1,172 469 133 331 8,356

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

15,653 10,494 6,226 11,760 10,997 12,586 27,758 82,155 84,861 44,493 306,983

400 268 159 301 281 322 710 2,100 2,169 1,137 7,847

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

90,409 163,800 150,409 64,827 621,178 127,565 122,456 84,101 44,180 33,646 1,502,571

2,311 4,187 3,845 1,657 15,878 3,261 3,130 2,150 1,129 860 38,407

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

19,884 62,047 90,098 20,938 24,530 35,219 25,760 6,415 2,765 29,939 317,595

508 1,586 2,303 535 627 900 658 164 71 765 8,118

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

62,908 56,286 129,475 57,377 187,903 230,414 24,209 12,536 79,945 162,089 1,003,142

1,608 1,439 3,310 1,467 4,803 5,890 619 320 2,043 4,143 25,641

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

114,387 75,395 240,150 212,173 19,777 17,611 9,053 2,930 4,739 3,849 700,064

2,924 1,927 6,138 5,423 506 450 231 75 121 98 17,894

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

40 27,746 21,106 8,501 1,376 1,668 4,883 4,883 9,677 11,275 91,155

1 709 539 217 35 43 125 125 247 288 2,330

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

11,275 9,450 8,146 8,146 5,076 2,006 2,006 4,315 8,934 8,934 68,288

288 242 208 208 130 51 51 110 228 228 1,746

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

9,516 11,261 11,261 11,261 18,561 22,211 22,211 22,211 22,211 28,124 178,828

243 288 288 288 474 568 568 568 568 719 4,571

1691 1692

93,164 93,164

2,381 2,381

1701 1702

5,792 62,363

148 1,594

1711 1712

137,454 102,917

3,513 2,631

186

chapter four

Table 4–3 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS YEAR

1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

93,164 93,164 93,164 76,419 26,184 24,693 21,940 20,449 635,505

2,381 2,381 2,381 1,953 669 631 561 523 16,244

1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

351,445 282,585 96,478 92,090 183,693 58,354 113,863 84,934 113,948 116,788 1,494,178

8,983 7,223 2,466 2,354 4,695 1,492 2,910 2,171 2,827 2,897 38,019

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

861,119 854,802 628,167 750,423 610,643 730,907 709,225 568,062 814,767 816,079 7,344,194

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1811 1812 1813

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

37,994 15,450 5,642 15,416 78,910 89,195 108,182 127,170 546,114

971 395 144 394 2,017 2,280 2,765 3,251 13,959

1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

102,784 101,224 151,648 210,501 166,229 183,140 160,165 145,995 1,462,057

2,627 2,587 3,876 5,381 4,249 4,681 4,094 3,732 37,372

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

68,288 128,335 109,236 112,802 204,755 490,581 550,264 779,830 567,739 377,709 3,389,539

1,694 3,184 2,710 2,799 5,080 12,171 13,651 19,347 14,085 9,371 84,091

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

348,978 309,498 301,075 312,106 228,123 382,009 3,047,683 643,181 554,837 586,740 6,714,230

8,658 7,678 7,469 7,743 5,660 9,477 75,610 15,957 13,765 14,556 166,573

21,364 21,207 15,584 18,617 15,149 18,133 17,595 14,093 20,214 20,246 182,202

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

856,423 521,586 544,705 730,661 775,110 455,322 559,223 582,344 648,502 761,938 6,435,814

21,247 12,940 13,514 18,127 19,230 11,296 13,874 14,447 16,089 18,903 159,666

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

760,388 679,744 679,586 497,436 397,084 298,846 463,198 789,339 688,176 749,410 6,003,207

18,864 16,864 16,604 12,154 9,702 7,302 11,317 19,286 16,814 18,310 147,218

997,427 651,991 693,894 791,551 780,819 738,026 690,458 715,533 708,511 448,996 7,217,206

24,370 15,930 16,954 19,340 19,078 18,032 16,740 17,348 17,178 10,886 175,856

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

716,361 922,705 958,079 888,696 726,767 831,154 649,797 609,304 714,441 631,700 7,649,004

17,368 22,371 23,229 21,546 17,620 20,151 15,754 14,773 17,322 15,316 185,450

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

633,956 578,493 518,256 526,502 541,727 549,974 473,075 528,828 515,022 697,841 5,563,674

15,370 14,026 12,565 12,765 13,134 13,334 11,470 12,821 12,487 16,919 134,891

802,753 855,209 907,665

19,463 20,735 22,006

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

187

Table 4–3 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS YEAR

1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

788,211 762,749 737,322 760,670 784,018 821,965 428,441 7,649,003

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

19,110 18,493 17,876 18,442 19,009 19,929 10,388 185,450

YEAR

PESOS

TOTAL 67,978,775

KILOGRAMS

1,677,164

Table 4–4. Lima Silver Output as Percentage of Peruvian, New World, and World Production, 1531–1810 (by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

KILOGRAMS

1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

130,360 181,710 95,340 10,220 30,930 9,980 5,520 8,360 7,850 1,630 8,120 25,640 17,890 2,330 1,750 4,570 16,240 13,960 37,370 38,020 84,090 166,570 182,200 159,670 147,220 175,860 185,450 134,890 1,883,740

PERU TOT

NW TOT

WLD TOT

%PERU TOT

%NW TOT

%WLD TOT

130,360 192,980 900,000 100.00% 67.55% 14.48% 442,970 718,765 2,843,000 41.02% 25.28% 6.39% 604,120 1,091,599 3,116,000 15.78% 8.73% 3.06% 540,120 1,432,762 2,995,000 1.89% 0.71% 0.34% 803,520 1,826,711 2,995,000 3.85% 1.69% 1.03% 1,656,300 2,561,225 4,190,000 0.60% 0.39% 0.24% 1,794,340 2,898,548 4,190,000 0.31% 0.19% 0.13% 1,844,350 3,113,649 4,230,000 0.45% 0.27% 0.20% 1,855,900 3,176,323 4,230,000 0.42% 0.25% 0.19% 1,905,240 3,160,267 3,936,000 0.09% 0.05% 0.04% 2,151,050 3,286,813 3,936,000 0.38% 0.25% 0.21% 1,772,390 2,628,662 3,663,000 1.45% 0.98% 0.70% 1,425,340 2,355,765 3,663,000 1.26% 0.76% 0.49% 1,296,940 2,191,526 3,370,000 0.18% 0.11% 0.07% 1,224,570 2,556,891 3,370,000 0.14% 0.07% 0.05% 1,307,170 2,808,119 3,419,000 0.35% 0.16% 0.13% 1,087,880 2,371,740 3,419,000 1.49% 0.68% 0.47% 717,450 1,999,981 3,556,000 1.95% 0.70% 0.39% 700,840 2,367,326 3,556,000 5.33% 1.58% 1.05% 770,180 2,855,804 4,312,000 4.94% 1.33% 0.88% 901,660 3,241,373 4,312,000 9.33% 2.59% 1.95% 1,088,690 3,670,428 5,331,450 15.30% 4.54% 3.12% 1,325,440 4,332,244 5,331,450 13.75% 4.21% 3.42% 1,428,350 4,137,147 6,527,400 11.18% 3.86% 2.45% 1,679,250 5,306,311 6,527,400 8.77% 2.77% 2.26% 1,668,780 5,891,595 8,790,600 10.54% 2.98% 2.00% 2,108,300 7,030,814 8,790,600 8.80% 2.64% 2.11% 1,670,380 6,776,893 8,941,500 8.08% 1.99% 1.51% 35,901,880 85,982,261 124,441,400 5.25% 2.19% 1.51%

188

chapter four Table 4–5. Potosí Registered Silver Production 1545–1823.

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1551 1552 1553 1554 1555 1556 1557 1558 1559 1560

1,807,115 1,807,115 2,075,953 2,075,953 2,075,953 2,166,990 2,252,572 1,860,731 1,812,649 1,969,358 19,904,389

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

46,192 46,192 53,063 53,063 53,063 55,390 57,578 47,562 46,333 50,339 508,776

1561 1562 1563 1564 1565 1566 1567 1568 1569 1570

1,920,448 2,158,955 2,244,856 1,995,244 2,488,149 2,362,941 2,068,073 1,919,771 1,983,273 1,589,264 20,730,974

49,089 55,185 57,381 51,000 63,600 60,399 52,862 49,071 50,694 40,623 529,904

1545 1546 1547 1548 1549 1550

1,651,716 1,651,716 1,651,716 1,651,716 1,807,115 1,807,115 10,221,094

42,220 42,220 42,220 42,220 46,192 46,192 261,261

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

1,235,981 837,112 1,222,495 1,570,038 2,073,988 2,676,547 3,553,495 4,075,641 5,366,722 5,849,481 28,461,500

31,593 21,397 31,248 40,132 53,013 68,415 90,831 104,177 137,179 149,519 727,504

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

6,271,480 160,305 6,704,543 171,375 6,007,373 153,554 5,984,452 152,969 7,507,604 191,902 6,873,525 175,694 3,661,086 93,581 5,615,701 143,543 7,570,316 193,505 7,260,444 185,584 63,456,524 1,622,012

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

7,539,975 7,609,023 7,619,776 6,772,630 6,928,690 7,084,749 6,708,061 6,331,373 6,327,261 6,323,148 69,244,686

192,729 194,494 194,769 173,115 177,104 181,093 171,465 161,836 161,731 161,626 1,769,963

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

7,128,997 182,224 7,341,142 187,647 7,139,571 182,495 6,456,772 165,042 7,395,816 189,044 7,016,357 179,345 6,826,468 174,491 5,793,069 148,077 5,465,786 139,711 6,248,165 159,709 66,812,143 1,707,785

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

3,472,679 88,765 5,498,490 140,547 5,659,950 144,674 6,446,918 164,790 6,213,586 158,825 5,606,319 143,303 5,172,630 132,218 5,043,103 128,907 5,429,132 138,774 5,169,118 132,128 53,711,925 1,372,931

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

5,297,303 5,275,265 5,226,281 5,246,524 4,945,165 4,988,960 5,203,431 5,657,213 4,694,102 4,643,362 51,177,606

135,404 134,841 133,589 134,106 126,403 127,523 133,005 144,604 119,986 118,689 1,308,151

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

5,148,844 131,610 4,653,593 118,950 4,844,583 123,832 4,750,508 121,428 4,563,155 116,639 6,943,915 177,493 5,743,218 146,802 5,667,061 144,856 5,391,479 137,812 4,722,930 120,723 52,429,286 1,340,145

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

4,537,769 115,990 4,372,244 111,759 4,264,821 109,013 4,157,398 106,267 4,382,771 112,028 4,058,212 103,732 4,300,145 109,916 5,420,962 138,565 5,159,855 131,891 4,428,563 113,198 45,082,740 1,152,360

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

3,716,493 3,866,926 3,678,488 4,029,845 3,650,036 3,880,060 4,495,059 4,236,278 3,858,537 3,149,759 38,561,481

94,997 98,842 94,026 103,007 93,299 99,178 114,898 108,284 98,628 80,511 985,670

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

189

Table 4–5 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

3,007,512 3,079,486 2,794,586 2,921,616 3,163,439 3,260,744 3,420,714 3,335,255 3,011,765 2,676,304 30,671,421

76,875 78,715 71,432 74,679 80,861 83,348 87,437 85,252 76,984 68,409 783,992

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

3,247,540 3,011,305 3,265,965 3,250,927 2,740,069 2,482,880 2,654,516 3,151,390 3,006,209 3,036,558 29,847,359

83,010 76,972 83,481 83,097 70,039 63,465 67,852 80,553 76,842 77,617 762,928

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

3,309,299 3,181,661 3,530,349 3,469,948 3,161,956 2,831,787 3,113,994 3,117,662 3,123,023 3,248,048 32,087,727

84,589 81,326 90,239 88,695 80,823 72,383 79,597 79,691 79,828 83,023 820,194

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

2,866,248 2,049,700 2,754,748 2,639,213 2,688,517 2,876,138 2,103,192 2,008,429 2,037,165 1,653,164 23,676,514

73,264 52,392 70,414 67,461 68,721 73,517 53,760 51,337 52,072 42,257 605,195

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1,173,672 1,059,361 1,185,862 1,317,864 1,424,199 1,754,195 1,821,333 1,795,646 1,532,718 2,395,978 15,460,828

30,000 27,078 30,312 33,686 36,404 44,839 46,555 45,899 39,178 61,244 395,194

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

1,531,041 901,138 1,102,601 1,312,823 1,523,045 1,692,391 1,680,623 1,555,165 1,253,910 1,042,102 13,594,839

39,135 23,034 28,184 33,557 38,931 43,259 42,958 39,752 32,051 26,637 347,498

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1,110,997 1,071,508 1,079,445 1,122,250 1,166,994 1,238,313 1,406,751 1,611,595 1,572,228 1,457,947 12,838,028

28,398 27,389 27,592 28,686 29,830 31,653 35,958 41,194 39,005 36,170 325,874

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1,436,776 1,500,013 1,532,400 1,426,066 1,199,857 1,620,496 1,715,337 1,536,715 1,565,295 1,531,442 15,064,397

35,645 37,214 38,017 35,379 29,767 40,203 42,556 38,124 38,833 37,994 373,733

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1,508,620 1,461,582 1,296,973 1,357,163 1,442,047 1,606,769 1,642,919 1,734,156 1,927,483 2,023,659 16,001,371

37,427 36,260 32,177 33,670 35,776 39,862 40,759 43,023 47,819 50,205 396,978

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

2,032,211 2,066,267 2,153,589 2,023,694 2,124,188 2,125,698 2,209,880 2,301,956 2,283,968 2,385,148 21,706,599

50,417 51,262 53,428 50,206 52,699 52,736 54,825 57,109 56,663 59,173 538,519

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

2,317,786 2,286,907 2,426,834 2,391,298 2,528,291 2,514,328 2,487,696 2,704,568 2,781,693 2,805,322 25,244,723

57,502 56,736 60,207 59,326 62,724 62,378 61,717 67,098 69,011 69,597 626,296

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

2,967,392 2,710,573 2,781,427 2,640,555 2,928,018 3,051,278 3,442,088 3,101,278 3,066,396 3,524,775 30,213,780

73,618 67,247 67,959 64,517 71,540 74,552 84,101 75,774 74,921 86,121 740,348

190

chapter four

Table 4–5 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOS

YEAR

PESOS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

2,805,330 1,644,511 2,052,740 2,743,242 2,605,938 2,511,938 2,608,018 2,519,630 2,590,106 2,638,053 24,719,506

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

2,899,639 3,085,454 3,526,326 3,274,767 3,099,366 2,929,577 3,443,498 3,370,370 2,955,674 3,170,044 31,754,715

70,847 75,387 86,159 80,012 75,727 71,578 83,488 81,715 71,660 76,858 773,430

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

3,264,925 3,334,300 3,270,890 3,322,758 3,445,022 3,262,520 3,147,269 3,292,300 3,252,247 3,161,524 32,753,755

79,158 80,840 79,303 80,560 83,525 79,100 76,306 79,822 78,851 76,651 794,115

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

2,343,815 2,049,577 2,024,568 1,999,559 1,905,263 1,731,178 1,557,093 1,383,007 1,208,922 1,114,626 17,317,608

56,826 1821 49,692 1822 49,086 1823 48,479 46,193 41,972 37,752 33,531 29,310 27,024 419,865

1,232,617 1,350,608 1,412,167 3,995,392

29,885 32,745 34,238 96,868

KILOS 68,015 39,871 49,769 66,510 63,181 60,902 63,231 61,088 62,797 63,960 599,324

TOTAL 896,742,910 22,686,817

Table 4–6. Potosí Silver Output: Percentages by Decade of Peruvian, New World, and World Production 1545–1810 (Percentages by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

PERU TOT

1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710

10,220,000 19,900,000 20,730,000 28,460,000 63,460,000 69,240,000 66,810,000 53,710,000 51,180,000 52,430,000 45,080,000 38,560,000 30,670,000 29,850,000 32,090,000 23,680,000 15,460,000

261,260 508,780 529,900 727,500 1,622,010 1,769,960 1,707,790 1,372,930 1,308,150 1,340,150 1,152,360 985,670 783,990 762,930 820,190 605,200 395,190

442,970 604,120 540,120 803,520 1,656,300 1,794,340 1,844,350 1,855,900 1,905,240 2,151,050 1,772,390 1,425,340 1,296,940 1,224,570 1,307,170 1,087,880 717,450

NW TOT WLD TOT %PERU %NW %WLD TOT TOT TOT 718,765 1,091,599 1,432,762 1,826,711 2,561,225 2,898,548 3,113,649 3,176,323 3,160,267 3,286,813 2,628,662 2,355,765 2,191,526 2,556,891 2,808,119 2,371,740 1,999,981

2,843,000 3,116,000 2,995,000 2,995,000 4,190,000 4,190,000 4,230,000 4,230,000 3,936,000 3,936,000 3,663,000 3,663,000 3,370,000 3,370,000 3,419,000 3,419,000 3,556,000

58.98% 84.22% 98.11% 90.54% 97.93% 98.64% 92.60% 73.98% 68.66% 62.30% 65.02% 69.15% 60.45% 62.30% 62.75% 55.63% 55.08%

36.35% 46.61% 36.98% 39.83% 63.33% 61.06% 54.85% 43.22% 41.39% 40.77% 43.84% 41.84% 35.77% 29.84% 29.21% 25.52% 19.76%

9.19% 16.33% 17.69% 24.29% 38.71% 42.24% 40.37% 32.46% 33.24% 34.05% 31.46% 26.91% 23.26% 22.64% 23.99% 17.70% 11.11%

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

191

Table 4–6 (cont.) DECADE

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1711–1720 13,590,000 1721–1730 12,840,000 1731–1740 15,060,000 1741–1750 16,000,000 1751–1760 21,710,000 1761–1770 25,240,000 1771–1780 30,210,000 1781–1790 31,750,000 1791–1800 32,750,000 1801–1810 24,720,000 TOTAL 875,400,000

347,500 325,870 373,730 396,980 538,520 626,300 740,350 773,430 794,120 599,320 22,170,080

PERU TOT

NW TOT WLD TOT %PERU %NW %WLD TOT TOT TOT

700,840 2,367,326 3,556,000 770,180 2,855,804 4,312,000 901,660 3,241,373 4,312,000 1,088,690 3,670,428 5,331,450 1,325,440 4,332,244 5,331,450 1,428,350 4,137,147 6,527,400 1,679,250 5,306,311 6,527,400 1,668,780 5,891,595 8,790,600 2,108,300 7,030,814 8,790,600 1,670,380 6,776,893 8,941,500 35,771,520 85,789,281 123,541,400

49.58% 42.31% 41.45% 36.46% 40.63% 43.85% 44.09% 46.35% 37.67% 35.88% 61.98%

14.68% 9.77% 11.41% 7.56% 11.53% 8.67% 10.82% 7.45% 12.43% 10.10% 15.14% 9.59% 13.95% 11.34% 13.13% 8.80% 11.29% 9.03% 8.84% 6.70% 25.84% 17.95%

Table 4–7. Oruro Registered Silver Production 1609–1809. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1609 1610

984,925 1,688,443 2,673,368

25,176 43,158 68,334

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

1,688,443 1,688,443 1,688,443 1,688,443 1,657,347 1,559,912 1,460,404 1,360,895 1,261,387 1,161,879 15,215,596

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650 1671 1672

KILOGRAMS

43,158 43,158 43,158 43,158 42,363 39,873 37,329 34,786 32,242 29,699 388,926

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

1,069,281 1,249,388 1,617,614 1,817,070 1,286,132 2,428,113 2,058,433 1,932,940 1,860,841 2,153,534 17,473,346

27,332 31,936 41,348 46,446 32,875 62,065 52,616 49,408 47,565 55,046 446,636

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

2,637,602 3,509,618 2,955,786 2,025,289 2,025,289 2,009,294 1,260,948 1,260,948 1,260,948 1,260,948 20,206,670

67,420 89,709 75,553 51,768 51,768 51,360 32,231 32,231 32,231 32,231 516,503

1,478,080 1,586,646 1,640,929 1,668,070 1,695,211 1,650,277 1,325,406 1,322,580 1,172,118 922,010 14,461,327

37,781 40,556 41,944 42,638 43,331 42,183 33,879 33,806 29,961 23,567 369,646

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

518,889 558,883 396,374 375,243 360,744 365,440 370,137 374,834 379,530 384,227 4,084,301

13,263 14,286 10,132 9,592 9,221 9,341 9,461 9,581 9,701 9,821 104,399

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

388,924 393,620 398,617 403,013 407,710 411,722 407,103 402,394 397,316 391,859 4,002,278

9,941 10,061 10,189 10,301 10,421 10,524 10,406 10,286 10,156 10,016 102,302

386,402 380,945

9,877 9,737

1681 1682

331,831 326,373

8,482 8,342

1691 1692

374,165 393,339

9,564 10,054

192

chapter four

Table 4–7 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

375,487 370,030 364,573 359,116 353,659 348,202 342,745 337,288 3,618,447

9,598 9,458 9,319 9,179 9,040 8,900 8,761 8,621 92,491

1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

321,712 288,216 273,737 283,284 325,927 306,556 335,333 349,388 3,142,357

8,223 7,367 6,997 7,241 8,331 7,836 8,571 8,931 80,322

1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

510,206 667,584 775,526 772,932 651,926 550,210 553,851 591,770 5,841,509

13,041 17,064 19,823 19,757 16,664 14,064 14,157 15,126 149,315

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

593,539 588,410 636,197 650,658 669,247 740,814 669,371 769,423 923,587 925,723 7,166,969

15,171 15,040 16,262 16,631 17,107 18,936 17,110 19,667 23,608 23,662 183,195

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

776,366 652,286 569,314 464,699 413,540 621,152 816,800 1,158,051 1,107,116 631,835 7,211,159

19,845 16,673 14,552 11,878 10,570 15,877 20,878 29,601 28,299 16,150 184,324

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

455,908 687,662 597,366 548,186 619,176 650,648 697,044 674,937 627,375 598,906 6,157,208

11,653 17,577 15,269 14,012 15,827 16,631 17,817 17,252 15,565 14,858 156,462

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

559,296 489,762 497,615 536,452 542,344 414,729 578,143 769,158 908,069 934,431 6,229,999

13,876 12,151 12,345 13,309 13,455 10,289 14,343 19,082 22,528 23,182 154,560

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

844,002 749,641 673,628 689,283 753,286 839,965 865,163 967,022 1,012,866 1,063,601 8,458,457

20,939 18,598 16,712 17,100 18,688 20,839 21,464 23,991 25,128 26,387 209,846

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1,011,151 888,946 785,518 792,288 917,900 924,828 980,816 1,077,178 1,073,054 1,059,757 9,511,436

25,086 22,054 19,488 19,656 22,772 22,944 24,333 26,724 26,621 26,292 235,969

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,182,455 1,118,608 1,026,693 916,946 862,300 825,252 862,784 891,072 863,225 1,014,379 9,563,714

29,336 27,752 25,471 22,749 21,393 20,474 21,405 22,107 21,416 25,166 237,266

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1,034,326 1,061,568 979,903 906,159 1,051,815 886,599 986,220 1,005,128 811,041 763,101 9,485,860

25,661 26,336 23,942 22,140 25,699 21,662 24,096 24,558 19,816 18,645 232,556

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

231,427 300,767 314,449 227,568 228,000 356,811 401,022 435,198 386,485 415,225 3,296,952

5,654 7,349 7,683 5,560 5,571 8,718 9,723 10,551 9,370 10,067 80,246

1791 1792

501,604 683,577

12,161 16,573

1801 1802

380,079 273,269

9,215 6,625

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

193

Table 4–7 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

546,396 562,952 513,736 554,916 514,211 500,467 450,670 486,890 5,315,419

13,247 13,649 12,456 13,454 12,467 12,134 10,926 11,805 128,872

1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809

96,317 907,189 309,163 339,066 343,207 344,969 381,639 3,374,898

2,335 21,995 7,496 8,221 8,321 8,364 9,253 81,824

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

TOTAL

166,491,270

4,203,996

Table 4–8. Castrovirreyna Registered Silver Production 1600–1652. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1600

74,226 74,226

1,897 1,897

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

148,452 148,452 148,452 148,452 148,452 148,452 162,516 176,580 176,580 176,580 1,582,968

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630 1641 1642 1643 1644 1645

KILOGRAMS

3,795 3,795 3,795 3,795 3,795 3,795 4,154 4,514 4,514 4,514 40,462

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

183,128 255,163 255,163 255,163 273,663 196,076 196,076 225,164 283,341 294,903 2,417,840

4,681 6,522 6,522 6,522 6,995 5,012 5,012 5,755 7,242 7,538 61,802

329,350 307,840 273,037 238,235 208,508 249,532 211,290 247,454 283,828 275,118 2,624,192

8,419 7,869 6,979 6,090 5,330 6,378 5,401 6,325 7,255 7,032 67,077

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

264,650 253,958 243,267 232,576 221,884 211,193 200,502 189,810 179,119 168,428 2,165,387

6,765 6,491 6,218 5,945 5,672 5,398 5,125 4,852 4,578 4,305 55,349

157,736 147,045 136,354 125,662 114,971

4,032 3,759 3,485 3,212 2,939

1651 1652

53,496 22,104 75,600

1,367 565 1,932

194

chapter four

Table 4–8 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

104,279 93,588 82,897 72,205 61,514 1,096,251

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

2,665 2,392 2,119 1,846 1,572 28,021

TOTAL

PESOS

10,036,464

KILOGRAMS

256,542

Table 4–9. Cailloma Registered Silver Production 1631–1779. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

516,009 774,014 774,014 774,014 757,679 676,008 680,491 678,617 662,499 645,179 6,938,524

13,190 19,785 19,785 19,785 19,367 17,279 17,394 17,346 16,934 16,491 177,356

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

627,858 610,537 593,217 575,896 558,575 545,585 542,796 536,317 529,701 523,085 5,643,567

16,049 15,606 15,163 14,720 14,278 13,946 13,874 13,709 13,540 13,371 144,255

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

516,469 509,853 503,237 496,621 490,005 483,389 476,772 470,156 463,540 456,924 4,866,966

13,201 13,032 12,863 12,694 12,525 12,356 12,187 12,018 11,849 11,679 124,405

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

450,308 443,692 437,076 430,460 423,844 417,228 410,611 403,995 397,379 390,763 4,205,356

11,510 11,341 11,172 11,003 10,834 10,665 10,496 10,327 10,157 9,988 107,493

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

384,147 377,531 370,915 364,299 357,683 351,066 344,450 337,834 331,218 324,602 3,543,745

9,819 9,650 9,481 9,312 9,143 8,974 8,804 8,635 8,466 8,297 90,582

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

317,986 311,370 305,719 306,344 317,126 329,749 342,372 354,994 367,617 380,240 3,333,517

8,128 7,959 7,814 7,830 8,106 8,429 8,751 9,074 9,397 9,719 85,208

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

392,862 405,485 418,108 430,731 443,353 453,522 442,864 398,652 352,517 306,382 4,044,476

10,042 10,365 10,687 11,010 11,333 11,592 11,320 10,190 9,011 7,831 103,381

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

260,247 223,083 209,752 170,931 130,422 97,790 96,468 101,027 98,595 56,052 1,444,367

6,652 5,702 5,361 4,369 3,334 2,500 2,466 2,582 2,520 1,433 36,919

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

30,705 16,079 29,571 22,446 12,967 93,011 176,006 271,561 288,351 203,523 1,144,220

785 411 756 574 331 2,377 4,499 6,941 7,371 5,202 29,247

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

195

Table 4–9 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

96,944 132,251 178,582 220,467 248,787 262,334 259,462 259,070 245,829 238,312 2,142,038

2,478 3,380 4,565 5,635 6,359 6,706 6,632 6,622 6,099 5,912 54,389

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

233,447 248,206 252,209 234,657 219,904 284,650 311,549 305,562 286,914 288,749 2,665,847

5,792 6,158 6,257 5,822 5,456 7,062 7,729 7,581 7,118 7,164 66,137

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

239,066 228,496 229,013 262,711 292,023 288,743 270,717 241,633 239,953 224,831 2,517,186

5,931 5,669 5,682 6,518 7,245 7,163 6,716 5,995 5,953 5,578 62,449

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

260,567 268,594 223,323 218,420 217,621 227,548 258,499 230,787 209,721 220,235 2,335,315

6,464 6,664 5,540 5,419 5,399 5,645 6,413 5,726 5,203 5,464 57,937

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

233,938 245,888 229,186 233,621 253,251 254,978 265,974 257,692 254,978 267,612 2,497,118

5,804 6,100 5,686 5,796 6,283 6,326 6,599 6,393 6,326 6,639 61,951

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779

253,789 301,736 297,216 317,612 307,595 262,132 286,881 267,736 385,374 2,680,071

6,296 7,486 7,262 7,760 7,515 6,405 7,009 6,542 9,416 65,691

TOTAL

50,002,313

1,267,399

Table 4–10. Arequipa Registered Silver Production 1599–1817. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1599 1600

1,856 4,455 6,311

47 114 161

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

4,455 4,455 4,455 4,455 4,469 5,765 7,862 9,959 12,057 14,154 72,086

114 114 114 114 114 147 201 255 308 362 1,843

YEAR

PESOS

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

16,251 18,348 20,445 22,542 24,639 26,736 28,833 30,930 33,028 35,125 256,877

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

415 469 523 576 630 683 737 791 844 898 6,566

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

PESOS

37,222 39,319 41,416 42,552 18,901 38,726 127,825 116,005 206,278 157,358 825,602

KILOGRAMS

951 1,005 1,059 1,088 483 990 3,267 2,965 5,273 4,022 21,103

196

chapter four

Table 4–10 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

76,453 63,282 63,282 100,251 174,189 173,478 0 0 0 0 650,935

1,954 1,618 1,618 2,563 4,452 4,434 0 0 0 0 16,639

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 23,353 23,043 46,396

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 597 589 1,186

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

0 0 0 0 0 10,585 5,292 0 2,503 1,252 19,632

0 0 0 0 0 271 135 0 64 32 502

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

1,248 624 0 0 0 0 0 2,752 1,376 0 6,000

32 16 0 0 0 0 0 70 35 0 153

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

0 0 0 14,676 22,671 13,654 5,884 10,228 20,153 35,745 123,011

0 0 0 375 579 349 150 261 500 887 3,102

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

20,388 13,266 11,739 9,816 12,948 54,475 86,722 105,336 81,636 71,562 467,888

506 329 291 244 321 1,351 2,151 2,613 2,025 1,775 11,608

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

70,050 44,100 38,470 42,200 54,899 67,953 90,106 91,612 82,496 81,307 663,193

1,738 1,094 954 1,047 1,362 1,686 2,235 2,273 2,047 2,017 16,453

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

197

Table 4–10 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

78,197 63,210 76,206 41,116 85,789 134,787 106,458 40,238 50,972 68,387 745,360

1,940 1,568 1,891 1,020 2,128 3,344 2,641 998 1,265 1,697 18,492

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

72,558 78,317 84,788 59,956 56,857 83,909 96,435 106,350 80,094 89,595 808,859

1,800 1,943 2,104 1,487 1,411 2,082 2,392 2,638 1,987 2,223 20,067

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

93,383 94,740 99,806 105,595 185,903 82,837 185,313 333,712 247,648 98,000 1,526,937

2,317 2,350 2,439 2,580 4,542 2,024 4,528 8,154 6,051 2,394 37,379

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

462,405 264,599 250,308 357,762 335,674 272,678 307,674 358,846 445,172 382,414 3,437,532

11,298 6,465 6,116 8,741 8,202 6,662 7,460 8,700 10,793 9,272 83,708

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

339,974 346,828 297,022 303,172 241,392 302,123 266,308 116,590 197,414 215,762 2,626,585

8,243 8,409 7,201 7,350 5,853 7,325 6,457 2,827 4,786 5,231 63,682

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

179,824 169,731 159,369 321,780 288,731 246,396 309,022 266,335 242,256 259,885 2,443,329

4,360 4,115 3,864 7,802 7,000 5,974 7,492 6,457 5,873 6,301 59,239

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817

241,566 207,746 189,427 186,537 237,524 288,511 283,700 1,635,011

5,857 5,037 4,593 4,523 5,759 6,995 6,878 39,641

TOTAL

16,361,544

401,522

Table 4–11. La Paz Registered Silver Production 1624–1824. YEAR

1624 1625 1626 1627 1628

PESOS

70 70 70 70 70

KILOGRAMS

2 2 2 2 2

YEAR 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638

PESOS 8,803 14,467 20,132 25,796 31,461 37,125 42,790 48,455

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

225 370 515 659 804 949 1,094 1,239

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648

65,448 71,113 76,777 82,442 88,106 93,771 99,435 105,100

KILOGRAMS 1,673 1,818 1,962 2,107 2,252 2,397 2,542 2,686

198

chapter four

Table 4–11 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1629 1630

70 3,138 3,558

2 80 91

1639 1640

54,119 59,784 342,932

1,383 1,528 8,766

1649 1650

110,764 116,429 909,385

2,831 2,976 23,245

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

122,093 127,758 133,422 139,087 143,650 137,774 144,967 108,211 132,314 83,532 1,272,808

3,121 3,266 3,410 3,555 3,672 3,522 3,706 2,766 3,382 2,135 32,534

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

64,745 73,902 84,639 96,626 108,612 120,599 132,585 143,323 144,886 143,749 1,113,666

1,655 1,889 2,163 2,470 2,776 3,083 3,389 3,663 3,703 3,674 28,466

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

142,480 141,211 139,941 138,672 137,403 136,134 134,865 133,596 132,327 131,058 1,367,687

3,642 3,609 3,577 3,545 3,512 3,480 3,447 3,415 3,382 3,350 34,959

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

129,789 128,519 127,250 125,981 124,712 123,443 122,174 120,905 119,724 65,524 1,188,021

3,318 3,285 3,253 3,220 3,188 3,155 3,123 3,090 3,060 1,675 30,367

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

26,989 51,426 53,409 39,101 64,983 60,079 50,660 46,841 39,156 34,255 466,899

690 1,314 1,365 999 1,661 1,536 1,295 1,197 1,001 876 11,934

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

26,224 17,844 9,463 2,713 2,681 4,792 6,566 9,737 17,097 10,952 108,069

670 456 242 69 69 122 168 249 437 280 2,762

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

2,139 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2,139

55 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 55

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 217 217

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 5

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747

109 0 0 0 0 0 0

3 0 0 0 0 0 0

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757

0 0 0 0 0 4,881 9,119

0 0 0 0 0 121 226

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767

8,153 10,872 19,325 7,354 8,922 4,461 12,047

202 270 479 182 221 111 299

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

199

Table 4–11 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1748 1749 1750

0 0 0 109

0 0 0 3

1758 1759 1760

18,764 22,461 17,125 72,350

466 557 425 1,795

1768 1769 1770

8,037 7,789 12,731 99,691

199 193 316 2,473

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

11,921 25,841 0 0 0 0 0 68,731 86,987 0 193,480

296 641 0 0 0 0 0 1,679 2,125 0 4,741

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

0 0 0 0 0 97 0 41,172 32,960 37,833 112,062

0 0 0 0 0 2 0 998 799 917 2,717

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

36,282 31,304 5,841 8,775 62,925 56,326 154,714 128,264 20,432 27,705 532,568

880 759 142 213 1,526 1,366 3,751 3,110 495 672 12,912

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

34,978 50,982 66,987 80,344 35,181 85,269 77,424 62,943 48,461 40,617 583,186

848 1,236 1,624 1,948 853 2,067 1,877 1,526 1,175 985 14,139

1821 1822 1823 1824

34,605 23,507 12,408 6,396 76,916

839 570 301 155 1,865

8,445,743

213,831

TOTAL

Table 4–12. Carangas Registered Silver Production 1652–1803. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

70,213 365,224 340,796 292,533 284,400 222,287 203,065 187,425 143,567 2,109,510

1,795 9,335 8,711 7,477 7,270 5,682 5,191 4,791 3,670 53,921

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

131,174 129,557 127,917 126,086 124,256 122,425 120,595 118,764 116,934 115,103 1,232,811

3,353 3,312 3,270 3,223 3,176 3,129 3,083 3,036 2,989 2,942 31,512

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

113,273 111,442 109,611 107,781 105,950 104,120 102,289 100,459 98,628 96,798 1,050,351

2,895 2,849 2,802 2,755 2,708 2,661 2,615 2,568 2,521 2,474 26,848

200

chapter four

Table 4–12 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

94,967 93,137 91,306 89,831 89,971 90,785 88,352 78,738 70,657 80,995 868,739

2,427 2,381 2,334 2,296 2,300 2,321 2,258 2,013 1,806 2,070 22,206

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

63,586 62,185 60,784 59,383 57,983 56,582 55,181 54,053 45,132 37,245 552,114

1,625 1,590 1,554 1,518 1,482 1,446 1,410 1,382 1,154 952 14,113

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

91,270 87,534 84,524 77,280 55,940 76,966 77,137 67,111 53,760 55,859 727,381

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

66,652 202,167 170,978 201,286 324,731 280,775 256,916 210,132 15,656 34,113 1,763,406

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

96,886 96,496 98,322 87,790 83,716 84,539 83,197 81,796 80,395 78,994 872,131

2,477 2,467 2,513 2,244 2,140 2,161 2,127 2,091 2,055 2,019 22,293

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

77,594 76,193 74,792 73,391 71,990 70,590 69,189 67,788 66,387 64,987 712,901

1,983 1,948 1,912 1,876 1,840 1,804 1,769 1,733 1,697 1,661 18,222

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

37,885 37,804 41,399 56,884 59,408 54,965 61,223 65,193 65,135 64,790 544,686

968 966 1,058 1,454 1,519 1,405 1,565 1,666 1,616 1,607 13,825

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

53,732 41,633 43,835 64,989 82,771 98,291 105,957 102,480 98,743 95,007 787,438

1,333 1,033 1,088 1,612 2,053 2,439 2,629 2,542 2,450 2,357 19,536

2,264 2,172 2,097 1,917 1,388 1,909 1,914 1,665 1,334 1,386 18,046

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

63,653 67,779 71,827 75,231 88,868 140,019 183,016 157,706 172,966 183,315 1,204,380

1,579 1,682 1,782 1,866 2,205 3,474 4,540 3,913 4,291 4,548 29,879

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

165,931 147,792 129,952 115,039 119,871 128,795 104,076 90,113 154,428 97,648 1,253,645

4,117 3,667 3,224 2,854 2,974 3,195 2,582 2,236 3,831 2,423 31,102

1,654 5,016 4,178 4,918 7,934 6,860 6,277 5,134 383 833 43,186

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

68,188 102,262 136,336 154,793 113,260 54,925 92,670 46,934 157,674 195,322 1,122,364

1,666 2,499 3,331 3,782 2,767 1,342 2,247 1,138 3,823 4,736 27,330

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

188,890 143,841 98,793 85,093 33,357 38,000 38,740 89,577 285,991 200,388 1,202,670

4,580 3,487 2,395 2,063 809 921 939 2,172 6,934 4,858 29,159

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

201

Table 4–11 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

1801 1802 1803

163,599 126,811 184,291 474,701

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

3,966 3,075 4,468 11,509

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

TOTAL

16,479,228

412,686

Table 4–13. Chucuito Registered Silver Production 1658–1800. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1658 1659 1660

1,050,934 1,009,673 933,498 2,994,105

26,863 25,808 23,861 76,532

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

892,237 884,840 871,184 857,527 843,871 830,215 816,559 802,903 789,247 775,591 8,364,174

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700 1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727

KILOGRAMS

22,806 22,617 22,268 21,919 21,570 21,221 20,872 20,523 20,174 19,825 213,797

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

761,935 748,279 734,623 720,967 707,311 693,655 679,999 666,342 656,100 652,092 7,021,303

19,476 19,127 18,778 18,429 18,080 17,731 17,381 17,032 16,771 16,668 179,472

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

642,346 665,708 733,525 944,973 1,037,771 995,866 952,140 908,414 864,687 820,961 8,566,391

16,419 17,016 18,750 24,154 26,526 25,455 24,338 23,220 22,102 20,985 218,966

777,235 733,508 689,782 646,056 602,329 558,603 514,877 471,150 427,424 383,697 5,804,661

19,867 18,749 17,632 16,514 15,396 14,278 13,161 12,043 10,925 9,808 148,373

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

339,971 296,245 252,518 208,792 165,066 121,339 88,545 174,802 145,168 78,246 1,870,692

8,690 7,572 6,455 5,337 4,219 3,102 2,263 4,468 3,711 2,000 47,817

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

50,940 39,799 28,955 47,072 132,550 227,969 405,964 522,783 461,685 121,246 2,038,963

1,302 1,017 740 1,203 3,388 5,827 10,377 13,363 11,801 3,099 52,118

87,805 183,207 191,668 322,194 439,636 365,729 361,398

2,244 4,683 4,899 8,236 11,238 9,348 9,238

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737

278,454 245,005 285,299 290,341 247,778 315,815 352,079

6,908 6,078 7,078 7,203 6,147 7,835 8,735

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747

256,738 232,652 213,250 238,320 320,034 307,392 321,557

6,369 5,772 5,291 5,912 7,940 7,626 7,978

202

chapter four

Table 4–13 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1728 1729 1730

335,804 333,669 324,294 2,945,404

8,583 8,278 8,045 74,793

1738 1739 1740

328,996 304,910 280,824 2,929,501

8,162 7,565 6,967 72,678

1748 1749 1750

336,634 333,512 420,722 2,980,811

8,352 8,274 10,438 73,951

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

565,609 619,685 635,062 647,987 631,176 562,464 504,706 480,919 483,651 319,065 5,450,324

14,032 15,374 15,755 16,076 15,659 13,954 12,521 11,931 11,999 7,916 135,217

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

245,922 210,761 142,790 273,445 441,656 425,057 442,009 525,709 564,361 610,300 3,882,010

6,101 5,229 3,542 6,784 10,957 10,545 10,966 13,042 14,001 15,141 96,309

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

455,744 388,934 363,229 375,313 387,930 322,846 359,137 376,185 362,265 336,566 3,728,149

11,307 9,649 8,875 9,170 9,478 7,888 8,775 9,191 8,851 8,223 91,407

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

310,868 285,169 259,471 245,551 184,722 279,275 378,282 332,529 368,282 372,515 3,016,664

7,595 6,968 6,340 6,000 4,513 6,824 9,171 8,062 8,929 9,032 73,433

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

332,767 388,144 395,959 403,773 411,588 419,403 427,217 430,148 387,182 353,330 3,949,511

8,068 9,411 9,600 9,789 9,979 10,168 10,358 10,429 9,387 8,566 95,756

TOTAL

65,542,663

1,650,618

Table 4–14. Pasco Registered Silver Production 1670–1820. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1670

4,047 4,047

103 103

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

4,856 4,856 4,856 6,597 25,746 25,746 25,746 24,868 21,501 17,987 162,759

124 124 124 169 658 658 658 636 550 460 4,160

YEAR

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

PESOS

14,473 10,984 9,921 19,144 32,001 29,169 21,316 30,689 42,323 53,958 263,978

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

370 281 254 489 818 746 545 784 1,082 1,379 6,748

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

PESOS

59,291 64,596 76,091 80,512 80,082 50,827 44,373 44,239 42,684 40,754 583,449

KILOGRAMS

1,516 1,651 1,945 2,058 2,047 1,299 1,134 1,131 1,091 1,042 14,914

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

203

Table 4–14 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

38,824 37,778 159,081 117,211 60,745 27,882 29,223 36,882 35,218 28,838 571,682

992 966 4,066 2,996 1,553 713 747 943 900 737 14,613

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

22,320 20,239 22,475 33,653 35,952 47,443 96,091 133,431 111,373 96,356 619,333

571 517 574 860 919 1,213 2,456 3,411 2,847 2,463 15,831

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

94,114 95,162 90,827 83,863 118,873 89,214 81,079 72,882 87,789 98,624 912,427

2,406 2,432 2,322 2,144 3,039 2,280 2,072 1,863 2,187 2,457 23,201

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

84,519 81,385 93,848 81,041 77,090 114,270 175,765 206,476 205,313 209,219 1,328,926

2,105 2,027 2,338 2,019 1,920 2,846 4,378 5,143 5,114 5,211 33,101

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

228,819 226,752 200,399 174,576 176,029 193,524 198,540 212,314 233,812 252,993 2,097,758

5,699 5,648 4,992 4,348 4,385 4,820 4,945 5,288 5,824 6,302 52,251

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761

274,182 283,553 290,419 296,190 297,857 302,339 306,107 335,747 346,675 346,408 3,079,477

6,829 7,063 7,234 7,378 7,419 7,531 7,625 8,363 8,635 8,628 76,704

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

385,903 463,935 513,736 514,238 549,827 614,384 635,204 586,118 685,709 772,960 5,722,014

9,612 11,556 12,796 12,809 13,695 15,303 15,822 14,599 17,080 19,253 142,524

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

942,388 867,374 762,731 703,753 526,493 621,639 558,960 551,630 666,714 611,577 6,813,259

23,473 21,605 18,636 17,195 12,864 15,189 13,657 13,478 16,290 14,943 167,328

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

641,339 608,467 626,608 592,581 637,198 946,405 877,480 1,041,330 1,060,185 1,148,741 8,180,334

15,670 14,867 15,310 14,479 15,569 23,124 21,275 25,247 25,704 27,851 199,094

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1,208,150 1,592,599 2,037,744 2,526,291 2,424,916 2,404,846 2,104,960 2,355,850 1,979,066 2,438,952 21,073,374

29,292 38,613 49,405 61,250 58,792 58,305 51,035 57,118 47,982 59,132 510,924

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

2,371,090 2,245,808 2,120,526 1,995,244 1,927,383 1,728,291 1,981,295 2,311,260 2,340,775 2,435,242 21,456,914

57,487 54,450 51,412 48,375 46,729 41,902 48,036 56,036 56,752 59,042 520,223

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

2,220,299 1,823,481 1,608,537 1,538,074 1,407,987 1,277,900 1,207,436 1,467,401 1,727,366 2,459,295 16,737,776

53,831 44,210 38,999 37,291 34,137 30,983 29,274 35,577 41,880 59,626 405,807

TOTAL 89,607,507

2,187,525

204

chapter four Table 4–15. Trujillo Registered Silver Production 1601–1817.*

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

241 379 517 655 758 764 731 625 517 410 5,597

6 10 13 17 19 20 19 16 13 10 143

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

318 293 227 155 84 21 15 35 0 0 1,148

8 7 6 4 2 1 0 1 0 0 29

1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

2,660 4,467 6,274 3,071 28 103 16,603

68 114 160 78 1 3 424

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

0 0 0 0 625 633 626 551 458 365 3,258

0 0 0 0 16 16 16 14 12 9 83

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

289 200 118 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 607

7 5 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 16

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

0 0 0 298,264 501,683 731,154 520,282 564,176 629,225 528,819 3,773,603

0 0 0 7,287 12,258 17,864 12,712 13,785 15,374 12,921 92,200

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

532,053 638,441 590,590 534,802 637,833 635,286 724,317 635,339 739,824 1,032,969 6,701,454

13,000 15,599 14,430 13,067 15,584 15,522 17,561 15,404 17,937 25,044 163,148

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

912,943 1,162,467 631,841 753,648 687,648 676,220 587,850 780,626 941,762 612,079 7,747,084

22,134 28,184 15,319 18,272 16,672 16,395 14,252 18,926 22,833 14,840 187,828

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

393,189 483,242 502,485 653,295 462,264 484,181 503,066 822,396 617,758 413,119 5,334,995

9,533 11,716 12,183 15,839 11,208 11,739 12,197 19,939 14,978 10,016 129,347

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817

311,137 209,154 393,154 359,881 326,608 295,295 365,022 2,260,251

7,544 5,071 9,532 8,725 7,919 7,159 8,850 54,800

*Only for years with silver registries.

TOTAL

25,844,600

628,019

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

205

Table 4–16. Cuzco Registered Silver Production 1571–1822. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

41,346 103,845 132,092 124,641 137,363 160,850 184,337 207,823 231,310 244,032 1,567,639

1,057 2,654 3,376 3,186 3,511 4,111 4,712 5,312 5,913 6,238 40,070

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

43,166 48,133 64,578 80,681 89,269 106,512 55,349 55,349 55,747 57,655 656,439

1,103 1,230 1,651 2,062 2,282 2,723 1,415 1,415 1,425 1,474 16,779

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

100,702 102,752 104,802 106,852 108,902 110,952 113,002 115,051 116,589 116,538 1,096,142

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

107,387 106,951 106,514 106,078 105,642 105,206 104,770 104,333 103,897 103,461 1,054,239

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

165,854 136,206 106,558 50,197 50,769 49,091 55,844 58,181 62,495 64,832 800,027

4,239 3,482 2,724 1,283 1,298 1,255 1,427 1,487 1,597 1,657 20,449

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

48,709 40,135 41,853 81,948 74,249 71,211 65,602 59,993 54,384 48,775 586,859

1,245 1,026 1,070 2,095 1,898 1,820 1,677 1,533 1,390 1,247 15,001

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

59,705 61,755 63,804 65,854 67,904 69,954 72,004 74,054 76,104 78,154 689,292

1,526 1,579 1,631 1,683 1,736 1,788 1,840 1,893 1,945 1,998 17,619

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

80,203 82,253 84,303 86,353 88,403 90,453 92,503 94,553 96,603 98,652 894,279

2,050 2,102 2,155 2,207 2,260 2,312 2,364 2,417 2,469 2,522 22,859

2,574 2,626 2,679 2,731 2,784 2,836 2,888 2,941 2,980 2,979 28,018

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

116,111 115,675 115,238 114,802 114,366 113,930 113,494 113,057 112,621 112,185 1,141,479

2,968 2,957 2,946 2,934 2,923 2,912 2,901 2,890 2,879 2,868 29,177

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

111,749 111,313 110,876 110,440 110,004 109,568 109,132 108,695 108,259 107,823 1,097,859

2,856 2,845 2,834 2,823 2,812 2,801 2,790 2,778 2,767 2,756 28,062

2,745 2,734 2,723 2,711 2,700 2,689 2,678 2,667 2,656 2,645 26,947

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

103,025 102,589 102,152 101,716 101,280 100,929 154,456 104,724 164,252 189,438 1,224,561

2,633 2,622 2,611 2,600 2,589 2,580 3,948 2,677 4,198 4,842 31,301

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

240,884 199,208 204,902 229,466 211,867 142,321 73,545 49,617 47,582 62,682 1,462,074

6,157 5,092 5,238 5,865 5,416 3,638 1,880 1,268 1,216 1,602 37,372

206

chapter four

Table 4–16 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

104,343 79,671 69,165 61,006 150,464 101,374 41,422 6,652 10,937 10,299 635,333

2,667 2,036 1,768 1,559 3,846 2,591 1,059 170 280 263 16,240

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

0 0 0 5,919 2,936 2,428 2,052 2,106 3,596 15,083 34,120

0 0 0 151 75 62 52 54 89 374 858

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

0 0 0 546 335 608 2,200 1,028 0 0 4,717

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

4,577 21,926 72,858 27,994 11,843 8,777 11,847 5,706 1,363 0 166,891

117 560 1,862 716 303 224 303 146 35 0 4,266

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

0 5,224 6,579 15,104 10,769 10,338 8,992 10,957 8,733 5,874 82,570

0 134 168 386 275 264 230 280 223 150 2,111

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

7,895 9,176 8,020 7,387 0 20,598 18,123 17,606 22,197 11,483 122,485

196 228 199 183 0 511 450 437 551 285 3,039

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1,700 0 1,374 687 0 0 14,855 7,427 0 0 26,043

42 0 34 17 0 0 369 184 0 0 646

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

0 0 6,671 6,523 0 0 0 0 0 0 13,194

0 0 166 162 0 0 0 0 0 0 327

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 13 8 15 53 25 0 0 115

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

207

Table 4–16 (cont.) YEAR 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

PESOS 4,035 2,458 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6,493

KILOGRAMS 98 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 157

YEAR 1821 1822

PESOS

KILOGRAMS 0 0 0

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

TOTAL

13,362,735

341,415

0 0 0

Table 4–17. Huancavelica Registered Silver Production 1577–1784 (no registries or accounts 1625–1712). YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

1577 1578 1579 1580

19,374 55,079 48,511 73,494 196,458

495 1,408 1,240 1,879 5,022

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

24,935 29,135 20,624 16,846 5,918 15,271 9,820 9,820 9,606 9,211 151,186

637 745 527 431 151 390 251 251 246 235 3,864

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

905 510 156 98 98 98 224 996 1,858 2,720 7,663

23 13 4 3 3 3 6 25 47 70 196

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

8,815 8,420 8,024 7,629 7,233 6,838 6,442 6,047 5,651 5,256 70,355

225 215 205 195 185 175 165 155 144 134 1,798

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

4,860 4,465 4,069 3,674 3,278 2,883 2,487 2,092 1,696 1,301 30,805

124 114 104 94 84 74 64 53 43 33 787

3,582 4,444 5,307 5,774 0 0 0 0 0 0 19,107

92 114 136 148 0 0 0 0 0 0 488

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

0 0 40,574 44,869 71,089 100,358 116,212 114,674 110,677 106,652 705,105

0 0 1,037 1,147 1,817 2,565 2,970 2,931 2,829 2,726 18,023

208

chapter four

Table 4–16 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

102,711 101,453 101,453 101,453 406,012 551,468 495,515 430,010 367,235 208,114 2,865,424

2,625 2,593 2,593 2,593 10,378 14,096 12,666 10,991 9,111 5,163 72,810

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

208,114 209,917 230,832 256,795 282,757 308,720 334,683 360,646 378,495 379,036 2,949,995

5,163 5,208 5,727 6,371 7,015 7,659 8,303 8,947 9,390 9,404 73,186

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

379,036 345,123 297,645 297,645 412,561 286,821 251,221 384,317 311,442 246,752 3,212,563

9,404 8,562 7,384 7,384 10,235 7,116 6,233 9,535 7,727 6,122 79,700

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

239,809 229,071 211,613 158,890 113,069 96,853 73,508 53,885 93,968 126,943 1,397,609

5,949 5,683 5,250 3,942 2,805 2,403 1,824 1,337 2,331 3,149 34,673

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

116,235 140,170 112,496 88,338 89,264 65,747 69,644 67,131 46,295 50,405 845,725

2,884 3,477 2,791 2,192 2,215 1,631 1,728 1,665 1,149 1,250 20,982

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

59,930 45,357 41,154 55,057 56,493 73,771 70,317 59,075 71,278 100,969 633,401

1,487 1,125 1,006 1,345 1,380 1,802 1,718 1,443 1,742 2,467 15,515

1781 1782 1783 1784

116,863 95,568 81,013 91,181 384,625

2,855 2,335 1,979 2,228 9,398

13,470,021

336,445

TOTAL

Table 4–18. Huamanga Registered Silver Production 1785–1819. YEAR

1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

PESOS

101,348 120,018 124,044 116,934 127,101 82,106 671,551

KILOGRAMS

2,476 2,932 3,007 2,835 3,082 1,991 16,323

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

168,577 186,070 173,665 196,581 132,458 152,952 135,137 140,511 171,304 137,974 1,595,229

4,087 4,511 4,211 4,766 3,211 3,708 3,276 3,407 4,153 3,345 38,676

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

112,123 125,323 149,691 162,890 142,564 80,740 79,140 76,186 73,232 70,278 1,072,167

TOTAL

3,811,501

92,451

KILOGRAMS 2,718 3,038 3,629 3,949 3,456 1,958 1,919 1,847 1,776 1,704 25,995

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

209

Table 4–19. San Juan De Matucana-Jauja Registered Silver Production 1721–1785. YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

31,277 43,173 21,245 21,714 25,660 26,704 33,310 36,736 12,336 17,610 269,765

799 1,104 543 555 656 683 851 939 306 437 6,873

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

25,635 44,651 49,799 35,883 24,728 30,559 34,514 38,112 54,652 68,555 407,088

636 1,108 1,235 890 613 758 856 946 1,356 1,701 10,099

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

58,206 54,364 50,120 46,411 51,186 51,407 38,549 37,131 48,200 48,282 483,856

1,444 1,349 1,243 1,151 1,270 1,275 956 921 1,196 1,198 12,004

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

41,325 42,305 55,398 55,433 50,120 51,559 75,624 66,388 71,325 68,852 578,329

1,025 1,050 1,374 1,375 1,243 1,279 1,876 1,647 1,770 1,708 14,348

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

97,204 117,222 132,508 120,496 113,484 114,324 119,984 136,944 106,367 148,352 1,206,885

2,412 2,908 3,287 2,989 2,815 2,836 2,977 3,397 2,639 3,680 29,942

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

118,740 117,859 107,251 167,189 49,242 45,877 47,260 96,643 103,568 87,559 941,188

2,946 2,924 2,620 4,085 1,203 1,121 1,155 2,361 2,530 2,139 23,085

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785

54,141 86,167 136,537 96,520 22,925 396,290

1,323 2,105 3,336 2,358 560 9,683

4,283,401

106,033

TOTAL

Table 4–20. Arica Registered Silver Production 1780–1819 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedis and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1780

762,837 762,837

18,638 18,638

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788

500,150 237,463 113,128 168,520 200,070 306,159 211,392 238,537

12,220 5,802 2,764 4,117 4,888 7,480 5,125 5,783

YEAR

PESOS

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798

211,498 241,048 234,264 276,326 239,207 305,251 330,925 501,789

KILOGRAMS

5,128 5,844 5,680 6,700 5,800 7,401 8,023 12,166

210

chapter four

Table 4–20 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

YEAR

PESOS

KILOGRAMS

1789 1790

219,736 149,374 2,344,529

5,327 3,622 57,130

1799 1800

269,604 323,128 2,933,040

6,537 7,834 71,112

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

182,608 152,714 122,819 133,912 153,789 73,278 38,150 95,471 81,797 86,242 1,120,780

4,427 3,703 2,978 3,247 3,729 1,777 925 2,315 1,983 2,091 27,173

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819

90,687 140,000 108,766 51,102 19,868 14,357 8,846 20,855 47,912 502,393

2,199 3,394 2,637 1,239 482 348 214 506 1,162 12,181

TOTAL

7,663,579

186,234

Table 4–21. Huancavelica Mercury Production and Shipments to Peru from Europe 1571–1814. YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580

2,014 2,014 2,014 1,830 1,133 1,133 3,695 5,869 7,322 6,821 33,845

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

8,390 13,611 9,337 5,081 2,082 2,556 10,189 8,527 7,892 8,121 75,786

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

11,522 5,524 7,323 7,922 4,458 6,528 7,064 5,236 5,419 4,759 65,755

1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

3,449 5,631 5,406 860 3,754 5,312 2,313 2,843 3,248 5,770 38,586

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

5,905 5,688 5,826 8,488 7,356 7,613 6,658 4,445 4,847 7,971 64,797

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

9,531 8,207 9,422 4,795 5,334 4,738 4,613 4,029 3,738 5,469 59,876

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

6,743 6,737 7,331 8,411 8,772 8,362 9,101 9,318 10,156 5,852 80,783

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

5,882 7,943 11,788 11,870 3,583 6,109 7,179 4,083 4,969 4,255 67,661

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

9,720 9,100 7,856 6,150 8,358 8,048 5,265 7,053 5,321 3,875 70,746

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

6,202 7,457 4,444 3,678 3,696 3,877 1,648 7,317 3,691 5,514 47,524

silver, the abundant metal: upper and lower peru

211

Table 4–21 (cont.) YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

YEAR

QUINTALES

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

5,236 5,730 5,585 6,800 8,651 9,275 0 7,146 4,366 4,366 57,155

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

4,366 2,599 4,933 4,933 3,172 3,173 4,545 4,545 2,015 7,124 41,405

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

6,536 5,512 4,592 2,860 2,860 3,913 4,160 4,266 4,676 4,676 44,051

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

4,282 3,796 3,796 3,072 1,560 2,133 3,328 3,328 2,890 2,080 30,265

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

2,080 2,080 2,881 3,068 3,068 4,463 4,784 4,489 4,004 4,004 34,921

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

3,072 2,860 2,860 2,786 2,704 3,072 3,120 3,120 3,827 4,004 31,425

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

4,004 4,360 4,472 4,472 4,472 4,472 4,472 5,126 5,304 5,304 46,458

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

5,332 5,460 5,460 5,160 4,680 4,680 4,680 4,334 4,212 4,212 48,210

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

4,318 4,682 5,046 5,046 5,046 5,046 5,046 4,708 6,297 6,827 52,062

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

6,922 6,097 6,577 6,286 7,128 7,361 6,492 7,622 7,239 5,318 67,042

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

7,889 7,545 7,088 7,659 7,839 8,049 8,538 9,121 6,781 6,111 76,620

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

7,014 5,734 6,414 7,562 8,444 11,602 6,351 9,119 13,575 10,479 86,294

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

6,975 6,240 6,219 8,838 9,908 6,868 8,608 5,109 5,257 4,919 68,941

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

5,565 10,209 10,595 9,846 9,888 5,679 5,445 5,460 10,320 10,474 83,481

Total

1,386,950

Production to 1690 is based on G. Lohmann Villena, Minas, pp. 452–455, in a document housed in the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid; a close copy of the document reposes in the British Museum in London. From 1690–1813 production figures for Huancavelica are taken from Kendall Brown. Data on mercury shipments are from Peter Bakewell for the years to 1700. Those after 1700 are taken from Kendall Brown and John Fisher.

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Table 4–22. Peruvian-New World-World Silver Output: Percentages 1531–1810 (Percentage by Decade in Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

PERU TOT

NW TOT

WLD TOT

%NW TOT

%WLD TOT

1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

130,360 442,970 604,120 540,120 803,520 1,656,300 1,794,340 1,844,350 1,855,900 1,905,240 2,151,050 1,772,390 1,425,340 1,296,940 1,224,570 1,307,170 1,087,880 717,450 700,840 770,180 901,660 1,088,690 1,325,440 1,428,350 1,679,250 1,668,780 2,108,300 1,670,380 35,901,880

192,980 718,765 1,091,599 1,432,762 1,826,711 2,561,225 2,898,548 3,113,649 3,176,323 3,160,267 3,286,813 2,628,662 2,355,765 2,191,526 2,556,891 2,808,119 2,371,740 1,999,981 2,367,326 2,855,804 3,241,373 3,670,428 4,332,244 4,137,147 5,306,311 5,891,595 7,030,814 6,776,893 85,982,261

900,000 2,843,000 3,116,000 2,995,000 2,995,000 4,190,000 4,190,000 4,230,000 4,230,000 3,936,000 3,936,000 3,663,000 3,663,000 3,370,000 3,370,000 3,419,000 3,419,000 3,556,000 3,556,000 4,312,000 4,312,000 5,331,450 5,331,450 6,527,400 6,527,400 8,790,600 8,790,600 8,941,500 124,441,400

67.55% 61.63% 55.34% 37.70% 43.99% 64.67% 61.90% 59.23% 58.43% 60.29% 65.44% 67.43% 60.50% 59.18% 47.89% 46.55% 45.87% 35.87% 29.60% 26.97% 27.82% 29.66% 30.59% 34.52% 31.65% 28.32% 29.99% 24.65% 41.75%

14.48% 15.58% 19.39% 18.03% 26.83% 39.53% 42.82% 43.60% 43.87% 48.41% 54.65% 48.39% 38.91% 38.48% 36.34% 38.23% 31.82% 20.18% 19.71% 17.86% 20.91% 20.42% 24.86% 21.88% 25.73% 18.98% 23.98% 18.68% 28.85%

CHAPTER FIVE

NEW WORLD MINTAGE: MÉXICO, SANTO DOMINGO, LIMA, AND POTOSÍ

Coinage at colonial mints was the final step in the mining process after extraction of gold and silver from placers and mines, their refinement by amalgamation or smelting, assay at royal treasuries, and finally refashioning the ore into ingots of silver. On 11 May 1535 Charles V ordered establishment of the first Spanish colonial mints (casas de moneda or cecas) in Mexico City and Santo Domingo on Española.1 Subsequently Philip II decreed that a mint be set up at Lima and another at La Plata, the latter almost immediately removed to Potosí. Later monarchs authorized mints for Santa Fe de Bogotá in the seventeenth century and Santiago de Guatemala, Santiago de Chile, and Popayán in New Granada in the eighteenth. In times of emergency, casas de fundiciones in various areas of the Indies struck coins as well. Good examples were the improvised mints in Zacatecas, Guadalajara, and Durango in Mexico and at Cuzco2 in Peru during the wars of independence. Colonial Brazil also had its mints (casas da moeda) at different times in Bahia, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro and Villa Rica de Ouro Preto.

1 The Recopilación de leyes de las Indias cites a cédula of Charles V and Juana dated at Madrid on 11 May 1535 ordering establishment of mints at Mexico City, Santa Fe de Bogotá, and Potosí, but this was ten years before discovery of the Potosí mines (libro iiii, título xxiiii, ley i). Another decree of the same date authorized mints for Mexico City and Santo Domingo but with no mention of Bogotá or Potosí. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 119. 2 José Toribio Medina concludes that a mint was proposed and built in Cuzco late in the seventeenth century solely for the coinage of gold, but he has no confirmed evidence that a single gold or silver piece was ever stamped there until the very end of the wars of independence in Peru when royalists took dies from Lima to Cuzco for use there. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 275–279. See also Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:204–206. On the other hand, the State of Florida has in its collection of coins salvaged from wrecks off its coast both one- and two-escudo cob coins stamped in 1698 in Cuzco. Thus, it appears that at least a few coins were minted in cuzco in the late seventeenth century, during the period of the tesoreros particulares. See Alan K. Craig, Spanish Colonial Gold Coins in the Florida Collection (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), 34–35, plate 8.

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chapter five The Epoch of the Private Empresarios (Tesoreros Particulares)

Until the eighteenth century in Spanish America, private empresarios and their workers minted coins as concessionaires, albeit supervised by royal officials and regulated by royal laws. These laws required that mints in the Indies observe the same procedures governing coinage in Castile. Among the early laws concerning mintage in the Indies was a royal cédula of 1535 of Charles V ordering the stamping of sixty-seven reales per mark of silver, with three reales of this sum set aside to pay officials and workers at colonial mints (braceaje). Two years later the king stipulated that silver reales minted in the Indies be stamped in denominations of eight (a peso or piece of eight), four, two, one, and one-half reales. In a cédula of 1567 Philip II ordered collection of seigniorage (señoreaje) of one real per mark from those exchanging silver bars for coin at the mint. No silver was to be accepted for mintage that did not bear the royal mark (marca real) affirming its fineness and indicating the treasury where taxes had been paid on it. If the silver did not bear these stamps, mint officials could confiscate the bars from the individual who brought them in for stamping into coins. The treasurer of the mint (tesorero particular) was responsible for ensuring that those who delivered silver ingots for specie got a fair exchange; he was also responsible for all mint operations. No assayer or his substitute could serve at a mint until he was properly examined. Tailings (escobilla or cizalla) accumulated at the mint had to be placed in a two-key chest with the keys in the hands of the mint factor and the chief smelter or foundryman ( fundidor). Another cédula specified those mint offices which were saleable; almost all of them were.3 All early mints in Spanish America had a tesorero particular, the designated director of the mint. Also attached to the casa de moneda were a smelter; assayer (ensayador); engraver (tallador); a marcador who struck the mint location on the coins (a P for Potosí or M for México, for example); a weight specialist and keeper of weights and scales (balanzario) responsible for seeing that coins struck were of the proper weight; a coin cleaner (blanquecedor) skilled at cleaning would-be coins stained with ashes and soot while being annealed;4 a 3

Recopilación, libro 4, título 13, leyes 1–23. The blanquecedor or blanqueador was charged with removing the fire scale from blank disks slated to be stamped. This was normally done by placing these disks in copper vats, heating them in aluminum sulfate or some other alkaline solution, and 4

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scribe (escribano); and guards ( guardas), among others.5 Although these offices were saleable, royal law stipulated that those who filled these posts had to have the requisite qualities to fulfill their tasks.6 Royal treasury officials supervised these mint functionaries, who were subject to periodic or surprise inspections (visitas). Moreover, royal officials were normally present at the mint when coins were struck. In Mexico City in 1543, mint officials earned salaries based on the number of marks of silver processed at the mint. The treasurer received a stipend of twenty-two maravedís for each mark coined, the assayer one maravedí, the engraver five maravedís, the two guards two maravedís, the scribe one maravedí, the weight specialist one maravedí, workmen in the mint (acuñadores) eight maravedís each, and the work crew supervisor (capataz lleva) twenty-four maravedís. For rations these officials received, presumably only when the mint was in operation, four maravedís per mark.7 Miners, traders, and refiners who wanted coin in exchange for their silver and gold followed well established procedures. When they went to register their silver and gold ingots, they first paid the cobos, a tax of 1 to 1.5 percent for assaying.8 At the treasury office royal officials assayed the bars and stamped them with the treasury insignia, the initials of the assayer, and the fineness of the silver or gold.9 Miners, refiners, or traders then delivered these silver ingots and gold

drying and shaking them to get rid of the fire scale so that the gold or silver coins had the proper sheen. I am endebted to Professor Alan K. Craig for this information. 5 For a detailed description of the duties of various mint officials, see Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:210–16. 6 Recopilación, libro 4, título 22, ley 22. 7 Alberto Francisco Pradeau, ed., Don Antonio de Mendoza y la Casa de Moneda de México en 1543: documentos inéditos publicados con prólogo y notas (Mexico; Antigua Librería Robredo, de José Porrúa e Hijos, 1953), 55. This book reprints documents on the inspection of the Mexican mint in 1543 and is particularly illuminating on how this early mint operated. 8 A lucrative perquisite which Charles V awarded to Francisco de los Cobos, a trusted secretary who directed affairs in Spain while the king was away. 9 The minting of gold coins in the Indies was ostensibly prohibited until 1675, but on 1 April 1620, when Philip III ordered establishment of a mint for Nueva Granada (present-day Colombia), he also commanded the tesorero particular, Alonso Turillo de Yebra, to begin minting one- and two-escudo coins. Barriga Villalba, Historia de la casa de moneda, 1:57–63. Barriga Villabla includes a table of coins minted by the Bogotá assayers, Miguel Pinto Camargo (1627–32) and Alonso de Anuncibay (1632– 37), and plates of both the one- and two-escudo coins minted during their tenure. Barriga Villalalba calls two-escudo pieces doblones, but doubloons were eight escudo coins weighing one ounce of gold.

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bars to the mint to be exchanged for coin. In the sixteenth century they paid a seigniorage fee of one real per mark, plus three reales for labor costs at the mint. As already noted, silver coins were stamped in denominations of eight (one peso), four, and two reales; and one, one-half, and one-quarter real (cuartillo). Silver coins of eight reales (pieces of eight) were the most common. Gold coins were first minted only in denominations of one escudo and two escudos, but later mints stamped eight-escudo (doblones or doubloons), four-, two-, and oneescudo pieces.10 Once the coins had been made, the miners, traders, or refiners returned to the mint to obtain their specie. In making the exchange the mint treasurer ascertained that what they obtained in coin equaled the value of the silver and gold bars initially brought to the mint for exchange into specie. A number of problems arose with these procedures. A significant one was that private empresarios had no reserves of coin to buy the silver delivered to the mint, and miners and refiners could not get their specie on the spot. To avoid the wait and to get coins immediately, these miners and refiners often sold their silver to traders (mercaderes de plata), at discounted prices. The traders, in turn, exchanged the silver ingots they purchased for coin at mint prices and pocketed the difference. Another difficulty was that the various mint officials bought their offices and viewed them as private sinecures, opening the way for fraud and peculation despite oversight by royal officials. In the early seventeenth century the mint post of tesorero in particular was purchased for 160,000 pesos in 1607 and in 1612 for 260,000 pesos.11 At the Potosí mint, one assayer paid 50,000 ducats (almost 69,000 pesos) for his office.12 This motivated the assayer and other mint officials to seek ways to recoup their initial outlays for the purchase of mint posts. The early coins struck at colonial mints were crude. Under the premise that all coinage in the New World be done as it was in Castile, the hammers or punches with the dies for stamping the various coins (punzonería) were initially fashioned in Spain and sent to colonial mints. Using these dies, the engraver or treasurer supervised a group of mint employees (acuñadores) who stamped a silver bar (trozo) with the proper punch or hammer, hence the term for early coins, hammer

10 Throughout most of the colonial period, one escudo was worth two silver pesos. 11 Craig, Spanish Colonial Silver Coins, 13. 12 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 212.

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money (moneda de martillo). The marcador then stamped the mint origin on the coins such as an L for Lima, a P for Potosí, an M for Mexico, and an N R (Nuevo Reino) for New Granada. Laborers at the mint attempted to fashion these coins in a circular shape, but initially this was difficult because of the crude dies and stamping techniques, based on both the expertise and brute strength of the striker. Early colonial mints had simple equipment, not machines such as rollers (molinos or laminadores), for creating the silver sheets from which coins were stamped; coin-cutters (troqueles) and coin stampers (volantes); and acordonadores for creating coins with ridged or milled edges, almost all innovations of the eighteenth century. Early Spanish colonial coins bore other generic names. Sometimes they were called money of the cross (moneda de la cruz) because of the coin’s design. On one side was engraved the cross of Jerusalem, which formed four quadrants. In the quadrants were lions and castles representing the kingdoms of León and Castile, with the name of the monarch stamped on the edge. The engraver also etched HISPANIARUM ET INDIARUM or some variation on the coin. On the other side were the pillars of Hercules along with the inscription plus ultra. These coins were also called moneda macuquina (see Images 1a–1b), a term derived from the Arabic word, mahcuc, meaning proven or verified.13 Because they had been assayed and stamped, if ever so crudely, these monedas macuquinas or ‘cob’ coins had legitimacy. Since this early specie was ill-shaped and the weight of the coins subject both to the minter’s ability to strike them properly and to the varying fineness of the gold and silver bars fashioned into coin, the practice developed of clipping or shaving coins to make them conform to their real value or as a way for the clipper to acquire illicitly some extra silver for himself by so doing.14 As time went on, however, coinage in the Indies improved both in the uniformity of its fineness and weight and in its aesthetic qualities. This was particularly true after 1728 when Philip V ordered new round coins with ridged or milled edges called pesos cordoncillos (see Images 2a–2c) to replace all moneda macuquina. He also decreed a lower weight for the coins.

13 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 1:36. Alan Craig provides another derivation for macuquina; he believes it stemmed from a Quechua word meaning something weak or lacking in weight. Craig, Silver Coins, 27. 14 For visual evidence of this practice, see Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, which contains a great number of photographs of coins from the various mints of the Spanish Indies.

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Images 1–3. Examples of Colonial Spanish Coins

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The Epoch of the Royal Mints In the eighteenth century the Bourbons eliminated operation of mints by concessionaires and set up royal, state-run mints with officials of the casas de moneda appointed by the viceroy subject to the approval of the king and paid salaries by the royal treasury (real hacienda). The new system intended to insure more consistency and control over the weight, fineness and reliability of coinage in the Indies; to prevent fraud in mint affairs, all too common among those managing the early mints; and to create a new royal monopoly to provide another source of income for the crown much like the royal mercury and powder monopolies. In Mexico the mint became a royal entity in 1732, that of Santiago de Guatemala in 1733, Lima in 1750, Potosí in 1753, Santa Fe de Bogotá in 1756, Santiago de Chile in 1770, and Popayán in 1771.15 The functionaries of the new royal mints were essentially the same as those of the privately-operated casas de monedas of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In 1733, for example, the royal mint in Mexico had a superintendent, who replaced the tesorero particular, an accountant, treasurer, two assayers, a weight specialist and his aide, a blanquecedor, guards, and a host of lesser functionaries. By the standards of the day their annual salaries were high—the superintendent received 6,000 pesos, the accountant and treasurer 5,000 pesos, the two assayers 3,000 pesos each, the weight specialist 2,400 pesos, his aide and guards 1,200 pesos, and the blanquecedor 1,000 pesos. High placed mint officials all had modest expense accounts overseen by the mint accountant.16 All colonial mints were organized and operated in much the same way, although in smaller cecas such as those in Bogotá, Guatemala City, Popayán, and Santiago de Chile, there were fewer officials and workers, who received lesser compensation than their counterparts in Mexico City, Lima, and Potosí. The Mexico City mint in the first decade

15 The royal cédulas establishing these royal mints were usually issued several years before they actually began operation. In Mexico, for example, the royal decree setting up the royal mint was issued in 1729, but the mint actually began operation as a royal entity in 1732 and its coins went into circulation at the beginning of 1733. 16 Victor Manuel Soria Murillo, La Casa de Moneda de México bajo la administración borbónica, 1733–1821 (Iztapalapa: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1994), 37–38.

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of the nineteenth century, for example, had 350 to 400 employees.17 In Lima and Potosí the work force was not as large as in Mexico, but it was substantially larger than in the smaller mints. Some procedures changed when royal mints replaced those run by empresarios in the days of the tesorero particular and moneda macuquina traders. Miners or refiners took their gold and silver bars to the mint treasurer’s office. There he assembled the assayer, weight specialist, and a scribe. These officials checked the fineness and weight of the bars and ascertained whether taxes had been paid on them. The bars were then placed on the floor and registered in the mint delivery account book (libro de remache) with the refiner, trader, or miner’s name, the number of bars, and their weight and fineness. Once duly noted in the ledger, mint officials erased the marks previously placed on the bars by officials of the caja and replaced them with the mint insignia. The bars were then placed in piles according to their fineness and delivered to the assayer’s office. He shaved off a tiny piece from each one for assay. The assayer’s equipment consisted of a small scale, a group of weights (dineral de ensaye), a crucible, and a small brick furnace. Once the assayer verified the fineness by cupellation, he turned the bars over to the work crew boss at the smelter who heated them in his furnace for four to five hours. Once they had cooled, he cut the silver in pieces about two yards long for stamping blank disks (cospeles) of various denominations of coins. The tailings obtained from the striking of the blanks were smelted and made into smaller blanks for coins of smaller denominations. Each disk was inspected and weighed. The dirty disks (plata negra) were cleaned of their smudges in the so-called blanquición process. This was done by the blanquecedor, who placed the coins in vats with a solution of water and aluminum sulfate or some other alkaline solution, cooked them for eight to ten hours, waited until they dried, and shook off the residue. The smudges removed, the blank coins were handed over to the strikers who stamped both sides with hammers fitted with the appropriate dies, which were engraved stamps for impressing the design on each side of the disk to create the coin. The coins were then taken to the payment room (sala de libranzas) where they were inspected, weighed, and handed over to the miner, trader, or refiner who had

17

Humboldt, Political Essay, 195.

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initially brought in the silver or gold. The whole process took thirteen days.18 By the mid-eighteenth century and with the advent of state-controlled mints, the process changed. According to Lazo García, these changes consisted of an end to stamping of coins with a hammer, introduction of a system for overseeing the entire minting operation, and mechanization of the coinage process.19 As before, silver and gold bars were deposited in the mint at the sala de libranzas and assayed, with ingots of similar fineness grouped together. Those of more than standard fineness called were fuerte and those under the standard, feble. All deliveries were listed in the libros de remache with the same information as before: the name of the trader, miner, or refiner who brought the bars to the mint; and the number, weight, and fineness of the ingots. They were moved to a safe place in the smelter (tesorillo de la fundición). Those of the specified fineness were then fashioned into sheets by a laminating mill (molino or laminador), with workers trying to insure the proper thickness and size of each sheet. These sheets were then cut into blanks of various sizes, with the largest ones for pesos of eight reales being struck first to reduce the wastage. Smaller blanks for coins of four, two, one, one-half, and one-quarter reales were cut last. The blank disks were then submitted to an official who placed milled or ridged edges on them, using a machine called an acordonador. Blanks at this point were called black silver (plata negra) because of the black soot and ash remaining on them. They were taken to the blanquecedor who cleaned them in the same way as in the seventeenth century. The cleaned disks (moneda blanqueada) were now ready for stamping the proper seals on each side. This was done by a mechanical stamper called a volante, powered by either human or animal power, which struck the coins with the proper dies, called troqueles. This could be done at a rate of four or five per minute. The coins struck were then sorted and weighed before being handed over to their original owner. In charge of this whole operation was the fiel, the chief inspector of the mint who oversaw the entire minting process from delivery of the bars until the coins were given to the miner, refiner, or trader who had brought the gold or silver to the mint. Paid 2,000 pesos annually, he became a new mint official in Lima and Potosí and was vital for

18 19

See Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:255–276. Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:256.

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enforcing the proper mintage procedures and assuring the integrity of the minting process.20 Royal mints had stockpiles of coins on hand, which proved very beneficial to miners and refiners who no longer had to wait for their own gold and silver to be converted into specie. Instead, they could simply sell their gold and silver bars to the mint and receive immediate payment. This meant they no longer had to sell their ingots to traders at discounted prices but obtained coins quickly and at mint prices. No longer needed as often to serve as middlemen, silver traders lost business and profits, but the new situation at the royal mints gave miners and refiners a greater return. In Mexico by 1750, for example, 1,200,000 pesos were available to purchase silver or gold bars from those wishing to exchange them for coin at the mint, a fund which later rose to two million pesos.21 As indicated, Philip V proposed his sweeping reform of colonial mintage on 9 June 1728 in a long decree with a host of ordinances (ordenanzas), followed by a similar decree on 16 July 1730 that spelled out mint regulations in greater detail. Among other things the royal orders set the organization of the mint, prescribed a new weight and fineness for silver coins, specified mint fees, obligated colonial mints to send two samples of all specie minted in the Indies to Castile for assay by Castilian officials, and ordered the creation of new pesos cordoncillos. On 1 August 1750 Ferdinand VI reissued virtually the same decree for Mexico, laying out essentially the same regulations as those of 1728 and 1730, laws which became known as the New Ordinances (Nuevas Ordenanzas).22 He also remitted them to Lima on 11 November 1755.23 Two authorities on colonial mintage believe these regulations estab-

20 For Potosí and Lima, the entire mintage process for both the epoch of the concessionaires and under royal auspices is described in great detail by Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:206–232, 256–298. My discussion of mintage procedures is based on his excellent descriptions. Also included in his book are a number of photographs or drawings of martillos, molinos, volantes, acordonadores, and other mint equipment used in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See also Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 19–21. 21 Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 53. 22 Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 50–72. These pages lay out the Nueva Ordenanzas in detail. 23 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 21.

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lished a model system with workable, efficient procedures for mints throughout the Indies.24 Royal mints normally kept three accounts. One ledger was for the mint itself and logged the silver purchased and exchanged for coin, the salaries of mint officials and workers, the bars still in the mint waiting to be struck, and the expenses incurred in the coinage process. A second, briefer account was of coins actually stamped (rendiciones). A third one, and even briefer report, was biennial and drawn up for transmission to Spain. It informed officials in Castile of the coins actually struck over the preceding two years.25 Two samples of all coins struck in the rendiciones accompanied this short report. Begun with the 1728 decree, these reforms were effective, as evidenced by the fact that most royal mints made profits immediately. For the most part these profits were used for new, more refined coinstriking equipment and provided the funds for the purchase of ingots; any surplus went to viceregal coffers for defense, missions, charitable enterprises, and other purposes.26 The new equipment enabled mint officials to begin stamping the new pesos cordoncillos, ordered in 1728 to replace the pesos macuquinas, a process which began in Mexico in 1732 and later in other areas of the Spanish empire. In Lima mintage as a royal enterprise began in 1750 and in New Granada in 1756, with the mints there striking eight-, four-, two-, one-, and one-quarter real pieces and gold coins of eight, four, two and one escudos.27 The new coins appeared in Potosí in the 1760s.28 On 18 March 1761 Charles III initiated another era of colonial coinage when he ordered replacement of all moneda macuquina by new pesos de bustos (see Images 3a–3b). His cédula applied to all mints in the Indies. On one side of each coin he ordered the placement of the

24 Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 75; and Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:294–298. 25 Not all three accounts are extant for all mints, but where all three are available, they can be checked against one another. When I have relied on the biennial reports, I have simply halved the amount to get an annual amount listing annual mintage of the various mints in the tables which follow. I have also calculated averages if a year or two are missing. 26 From 1 January 1736 to 15 July 1739, the Casa de Moneda in Mexico reported a profit of 1,344,637 pesos. Later in the century between 1781 and 1810 the mint had profits of well over one million pesos in each quinquennium. Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 47, 164. 27 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:11. 28 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 237.

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bust of the king, replacing the cross of Jerusalem; the year of the striking; and on its edge the name of the monarch. On the other side was the royal coat of arms encircled by laurel, HISPANIA ET INDIARUM REX, and the initials of the mint of origin. The king agreed to pay all the costs for exchanging the old money for the new pesos de bustos.29 On 9 May 1772 he issued a similar decree, published as a pragmatic in Madrid on 3 June 1772. It ordered the engraver to etch Charles III’s bust “dressed heroically wearing a short cape of the Greek or Roman style and laurel” (“vestido de lo heróica con clámade y laurel ”).30 In the end these new pesos de bustos, in perfect circles with ridged edges and more delicately engraved, proved to be more aesthetically pleasing than the old monedas macuquinas. With the tremendous amounts of gold and silver being produced in the Indies and the mintage facilities available for their coinage, specie should have been plentiful. Still, a common complaint in all areas was the chronic shortage of coin, that there simply was not enough money in circulation to meet the needs of the colonial populace. A major reason for the shortage was that coins minted in Spanish colonial casas de moneda left Spanish America immediately to go elsewhere. Mexican coins, for example, quickly found their way to Europe, other parts of America, and the Far East. The Chinese avidly sought New World silver to monetarize their economy, and Europeans reciprocated with a hunger for Asian goods such as jade and damask in Manila, carried back to New Spain by the Manila galleons. In the eighteenth century Spanish pesos minted in the New World became the standard medium of exchange in Dutch, English, and French America, a testimony to the reliability of Spanish colonial coinage. Often acquired from smuggling goods into the Spanish Indies, pesos and reales minted in Spanish America were a common money for English, French, and Dutch merchants. In fact, the Spanish American colonial peso became the dollar of its time, whose persistence as a unit of currency can be seen to the present day.31 In the United States, for example, two bits are a quarter of a dollar and four bits a half dollar. This had its origin in the eighteenth century when two reales were a quarter of a peso, or a quarter of a dollar when the peso circulated in 29

Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 86. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 23. 31 William Graham Sumner, “The Spanish Dollar and the Colonial Shilling,” American Historical Review 3 (July 1898): 607–619. 30

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British America as a dollar. On American stock exchanges until very recently stock quotations appeared in fractional eighths, harkening back to an earlier epoch when pesos of eight reales were the standard medium of exchange in America. Spain and other parts of Europe also thirsted for American coinage. In Spain during the eighteenth century, the pesos minted in the Indies became known as pesos fuertes or strong pesos, as opposed to coins circulating in Spain, pesos de vellón, coins containing both silver and copper, whose silver content was less and copper content greater than the pesos fuertes coming out of the Indies. Hence the term for twentieth-century Spanish money was peseta, a diminutive meaning little peso. Ironically, early laws regulating colonial mints were based on the premise that they carry on mintage as in Castile. In the end colonial cecas produced a higher quality, more dependable coinage than those in Spain, where persistent debasement of the currency and constant tampering with the silver content of pesos de vellón went on so frequently that the populace had less confidence in the coinage. In fact, by the end of the eighteenth century, one American peso of eight reales was worth twenty Spanish reales of vellón, a ratio which had earlier been fifteen reales of vellón to eight reales of silver coined in the Indies. With their high reputation for reliable silver and gold content, coins minted in Spanish America understandably took rapid flight out of the Indies to other places. One other complaint about the shortage of coins came from men and women in the Indies engaged in petty trade and from those buying food and other products in local markets. As already noted, the most common coin was the peso of eight reales, but there was a pressing need also for coins of smaller denominations to be used in small transactions—the one-real, half-real, and quarter-real or cuartillo. Pieces of eight and half pesos were suitable for larger transactions, but for the ordinary folk carrying on business at the bedrock level, they were of little use. Morever, shipment of specie out of the Spanish colonies to other parts of America, Europe, and the Far East was easier when it was in assayed bars or coins of large denominations than in those with very little silver content.32

32 In the early years of Francisco Franco’s regime in Spain, the largest denomination for the peseta was the 1,000-peseta note for the precise reason that it would be hard to carry large sums of money (cash) out of the country, gracefully at least.

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Good examples of the failure to mint these coins of smaller denominations can be seen by output in the Lima and Potosí mints. In Lima in 1760, for example, rendiciones of silver amounted to 2,654,306 pesos. Of this sum only 1.24 percent were in denominations of one real or less—28,824 in one-real pieces and 15,461 in half reales. Striking of pieces of eight constituted 2,554,505 pesos or 96.24 percent of the mint total for that year. At Potosí in the same year, the ratio was a bit less outrageous. Of the mint total, 399,944 pesos were in denominations of one real or less, almost 15 percent of the silver minted. Pesos of eight reales amounted to 1,795,701 pesos or 67.27 percent for the year. In 1800, however, 41,190 pesos were stamped in one-, one-half, and onequarter real coins. That was a mere 1.06 percent of the total struck at the Potosí ceca. Pieces of eight constituted 96.8 percent or 3,764.437 pesos.33 Although occasional orders went out from royal offices in Spain or from the viceregal centers in Mexico or Lima to mint coins of smaller denominations, the folk suffered along with merchants and the elite due to the shortage of functional currency. Of course, it cost about the same in labor to produce a cuartillo coin as it did a piece of eight, which perhaps made it less attractive for the mints to make the smaller denominations.

The Casa de Moneda of Mexico, 1535–1821 Mexico City became the site of the first Spanish colonial mint, authorized by a royal cédula of Charles V and Juana on 11 May 1535.34 The order specified that one-half of the coins minted be of one real, with the other half divided as follows: two-thirds in two-real pieces and the other third in half- and quarter-real coins. Later Charles V authorized coinage of eight, four and three reales, although because of the difficulty in differentiating between the two and three-real pieces, three-real pieces were taken out of circulation. At the outset in 1535, reales minted in Spain and taken to Mexico were artificially valued at 44 maravedís, but by 1538 enough coins from the new mint were in circulation so that reales returned to their standard value of 34 maravedís. A site for the mint was found at the nine-patio home of the

33 34

Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:139–140, 320–321, and 327. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 119.

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Marqués del Valle, Hernán Cortés, between Tacuba and San Francisco Streets, which also housed the royal jail, royal audiencia, and casa de fundición for casting cannon. The natives of Axiquipilco were chosen to work at the mint.35 The Mexican mint stamped only silver coins until 1679, but very early experimented with copper vellón coins. On 28 June 1542, Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza ordered the minting of twelve thousand marks of copper in denominations of four and two maravedís and engraved with the same markings as silver coins; thirty-six pieces were to be stamped from each mark of copper. By 1545 the vellón coins were not yet in circulation, but the next year natives from Michoacán, skilled at working with metals, delivered copper to the mint where it was prepared for striking into the two- and four-maravedí copper coins. They were badly struck, however, and had to be redone. As occurred in other areas of the Indies such as Española where copper coins were introduced, they drove silver out of circulation. In the end the experiment was a disaster. A major change in the operation of the Mexican casa de moneda came in the 1730s when a state-run mint under royal control began operation under its first superintendent Joseph Fernández Veitia Linage. Acquisition of property next to the old site and renovations at the mint required an outlay of approximately 450,000 pesos.36 It accommodated the machines necessary for minting pesos cordoncillos and enabled the addition of more smelting and refining equipment. The new building began functioning in 1732 (although it was not dedicated until a year and a half later on 18 December 1734). On 29 March 1732 at a ceremony over which the viceroy presided, mint officials stamped new coins for the first time at a rate of “four or six pieces per minute.” In the days following they tested the striking of nine different types of coins, four of gold and five of silver. Achieving good success, the ceca continued its output of specie throughout the rest of the year until enough had been accumulated to go into circulation at the beginning of 1733. During these early years the only major problem was the jurisdictional disputes which arose between the viceroy and the new

35

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 37 note 12; 54–57. Modesto Bargallo, La minería y la metalurgía en la América Española durante la época colonial (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1955), 252. 36

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mint superintendent. Those tensions were resolved when the viceroy, the Marqués de Casafuerte, died.37 The mint turned a profit immediately. In the two-and-a-half years from 1 January 1736 to 15 July 1739, it reported earnings of 1,344,637 pesos, a yearly average of over 530,000 pesos. Much later in the 1780s it was averaging over twice that, an average annual profit of 1,255,068 pesos. In 1809 mint functionaries in Mexico reported record earnings of 1,614,552 pesos.38 According to Soria Murillo, one reason for the increase in the mint’s profitability was its ability to separate gold from silver (apartado) delivered to the mint. In the seventeenth century when officials found that silver ore in San Luis Potosí also contained considerable amounts of gold, they began separating the two metals. The process was supervised by a technician known as the apartador (separator), who purchased his office like the tesorero particular. Because the apartador received 6 reales for each mark of bullion processed, the post was very desirable, so much so that one eager office-seeker in the eighteenth century paid 76,000 pesos for it.39 In 1778, however, Charles III ended this concession and ordered the apartador incorporated into royal mint operations by stipulating that the superintendent serve as the official apartador in addition to his regular duties.40 As a reward the king elevated the superintendent’s annual salary to eight thousand pesos, a 2,000-peso raise. Between 1779 and 1792 consolidation of the apartado into the royal mint produced profits of 843,617 pesos.41 At the end of the eighteenth century the casa de moneda at Mexico City was striking more coin than ever before to become the largest mint in the world. As a result of improvements and expansion carried out between 1772 and 1782, a new structure was built on the Calle de Moneda near the present National Palace at a cost of 554,600 pesos. When Alexander von Humboldt visited the mint in 1803 he found “ten rollers moved by sixty mules, fifty-two cutters, nine adjusting tables, twenty machines for marking the edges, twenty stamping presses, and five mills for amalgamating the washings and filings called

37

Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 26–38. Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 47, 148, and 164. 39 Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 128–130. 40 The process of separating the gold from the silver ore is described in detail by Humboldt, Political Essay, 194–196. 41 Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 128–148. 38

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mermas.” He calculated that the mint could stamp 14,000 to 15,000 marks of silver daily but that it usually coined only eleven thousand to twelve thousand marks. This was only enough to keep the mint busy for fifteen days, but sufficient time to mint the entire silver output for an entire year. Although he was not greatly impressed either by the machinery or the employees’ knowledge of chemistry and technology, overall, he was awed by what he saw.42 For the first 150 years of the casa de moneda in Mexico, reliable data on coinage are simply not available. In the mid-nineteenth century, however, the Mexican scholar Manuel Orozco y Berra put forward some brave estimates listing annual silver coinage for Mexico from 1537 to 1856 and yearly gold mintage from 1679 to 1856, cited by Walter Howe in his book on the mining guild of New Spain.43 Until 1690 these mintage estimates for silver coinage simply do not mirror the reality of what was actually coined. After 1690, however, they constitute reliable estimates of actual silver coinage, estimates that are even more trustworthy after 1732 when the royal mint began functioning. For gold coinage Orozco y Berra’s figures become reliable after 1733, again as a result of the mint coming under royal control. The tables and graphs of silver and gold coinage (Tables 5–1 and 5–2 and Figures 5–1 and 5–2) thus begin in 1690 for silver and in 1733 for gold.44 Overall, between 1690 and 1821 the mint at Mexico City coined 1,578,718,264 silver pesos, an annual average of close to 11,600,000 pesos and 96 percent of all coinage at that casa de moneda. Except for a slight dip in the 1760s, the secular trend to 1810 was consistently upward. In the last decade of the eighteenth century with its new machines and expanded quarters, the mint stamped 222,348,570 pesos. These were the most productive ten years in the mint’s history. Moreover five times more silver was being coined in the last decade of the eighteenth century than in the last decade of the seventeenth. Ironically, perhaps, in 1809, the year before the Grito de Dolores began the Mexican wars of independence, the Mexican casa de moneda stamped more silver coins—24,708,164 pesos—than in any year of its existence.

42

Humboldt, Political Essay, 193–194. Orozco y Berra, Informe. See also Howe, Mining Guild, 453–459; and Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 101–107, 112–114. 44 See also AGI, Mexico, Legajos 2798, 2799, 2800–2803, 2806, 2817, 2819, 2820, and 2827–2832 for comparison with the Orozco y Berra figures. The reports of Mexican mint officials confirm his estimates. Humboldt, Ensayo político, 3:302–03. 43

33

98

93

Year

Figure 5–2. Mexican Gold Mintage, 1733–1821, in pesos

18

18

13

08

18

18

03

18

17

83

88

17

17

17

78

17

73

68

17

17

63

58

17

17

53

48

17

17

43

38

17

17

17

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís 90 16 95 17 00 17 05 17 10 17 15 17 20 17 25 17 30 17 35 17 40 17 45 17 50 17 55 17 60 17 65 17 70 17 75 17 80 17 85 17 90 17 95 18 00 18 05 18 10 18 15 18 20

16

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

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30,000,000

25,000,000

20,000,000

15,000,000

10,000,000

5,000,000

0

Year

Figure 5–1. Mexican Silver Mintage, 1690–1821, in pesos

2,000,000

1,500,000

1,000,000

500,000

0

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Once the wars began, coinage decreased over 60 percent and in 1821 was at its lowest point since 1709, testimony to the effects of the rebel insurgency on the Mexican mint and the mining industry. Coinage of silver in Mexico closely paralleled actual silver production in New Spain. For the most part mintage was a bit greater than output (see Table 5–3 and Figure 5–3),45 but this can be attributed to the frequent practice of reminting coins. This was true, for example, following the royal decree in 1728 to replace moneda macuquina with pesos cordoncillos. Later, in the 1760s and 1770s when Charles III decreed the minting of new pesos de bustos bearing the visage of the reigning Spanish monarch, old coins began flowing into the mint to be melted down and refashioned into the new specie. Gold mintage was only a small fraction of the silver minted. Between 1733 and 1821 the Mexican ceca stamped gold coins worth 59,919,000 silver pesos (see Table 5–2 and Figure 5–2), 4 percent of the total value of coinage during this period. Unlike silver mintage which generally increased in the eighteenth century, the coinage of gold fluctuated more widely, rising in some years and decades and falling in others, depending upon new gold strikes, the exhaustion of old placers in New Spain, or the delivery of gold ornaments to the mint to be transformed into coin. The most dramatic increase occurred between the 1780s and 1790s when mintage almost doubled in value from 5,516,000 to 9,354,000 silver pesos. In the first decade of the nineteenth century, gold mintage reached an all-time high of 11,022,000 silver pesos, the first time the value of gold coinage in Mexico exceeded 10,000,000 pesos. During the wars of independence, however, mintage of gold dropped by over 50 percent, another manifestation of the devastation wrought by the rebellion in New Spain. In all, between 1733 and 1821 the Mexican casa de moneda coined an annual average of 673,251 pesos. Like silver, the production of gold and gold mintage were closely related (see Table 5–4 and Figure 5–4). In the eight decades from 1731 to 1810, output and coinage were remarkably similar. Only in the first decade of the nineteenth century did gold output significantly surpass that of gold coins minted. In those ten years gold worth 16,120,000 silver pesos was registered yet a value of only 11,022,000 silver pesos in gold was coined. This difference of almost 5,000,000 pesos perhaps

45

Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de México, 86–87.

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250,000,000

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

200,000,000

150,000,000 Output 100,000,000

Mintage

50,000,000

0 1691

1701

1711

1721

1731

1741

1751

1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1751 = 1751–1760

Figure 5–3. Mexican Silver Mintage and Output, 1691–1810, in pesos

18,000,000

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

16,000,000 14,000,000 12,000,000 10,000,000 OUTPUT

8,000,000

MINTAGE 6,000,000 4,000,000 2,000,000 0 1731

1741

1751

1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1761 = 1761–1770

Figure 5–4. Mexican Gold Mintage and Output, 1733–1810, in pesos

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resulted from donations in gold requested by the crown for waging war in Europe and the Indies. The casa de moneda in Mexico City succeeded in attracting a great number of miners, traders, and refiners to the mint to sell their gold and silver bars in exchange for coin. Despite Alexander von Humboldt’s disparagement of mint machinery and the technological expertise of its workers, the huge mint in Mexico City was an efficient, well managed operation. It produced significant revenues for the crown after its changeover to a royal operation in 1732, emerging from its modest beginnings to become the largest mint in the world.

The Casa de Moneda of Española, 1542–1595? Much about the mint in Española remains shadowy and elusive, including the dates when coins were first stamped and when the mint ceased operation. According to José Toribio Medina, Spaniards struck their first coins on Española in 1495. These were brass or copper tokens or medallions to be placed around the necks of the natives to indicate they had paid tribute.46 Although casas de fundiciones were set up on the island to refine gold, Spaniards did not establish an early mint to take advantage of a modest gold boom in the Spanish Caribbean during the first few decades of Spanish penetration. In fact, royal law specifically prohibited the mintage of gold coins in the Indies. For the most part, the residents of Española and other parts of the Spanish Caribbean had to rely on coins of vellón sent from the Seville mint, the gold bars assayed at the island smelters, gold nuggets, gold dust, and simple barter as a means of exchange. As early as 1505 Ferdinand attempted to remedy the shortage of coin by ordering a shipment of 2,000,000 pesos in vellón coins to Española to be exchanged for the gold being mined and refined there, but there is no evidence the money ever arrived.47 A good indication that it did not was the issuance of a similar royal cédula on 10 May 1531. Meanwhile, a financial crisis had developed for the merchants and residents of Española, who had no medium of exchange except the traffic in assayed gold bars, gold dust, and nuggets and a few vellón or

46 47

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 115. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 116.

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silver coins that found their way to the island. When the new President of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, Sebastián Ramírez, arrived late in 1528, he decided something had to be done. Thus, on the last of February, 1529, he convoked the most prestigious political and religious leaders on the island, who petitioned the king for a mint to provide badly needed coins. The junta suggested that all the casas de fundiciones be closed and replaced by a single mint where miners could have their gold refined and exchanged for gold coins in ducats of 375 maravedís and two-escudo and one-escudo coins. They reasoned that a mint would give royal officials more control over the gold content, eliminate payment of salaries to officials of the smelters, and enable the proper working of oro guanines (low-carat gold). They stated too that a mint would stimulate trade and industry and help repopulate the island. Moreover, it would allow royal treasury officials to collect in coin royal revenues such as the tax on gold output, the import-export tax (almojarifazgo), and other imposts slated for shipment to Spain. Income from the mint could also be used to pay the salaries of the fifty foot soldiers and cavalry men assigned to Española to keep peace on the island. The junta believed Concepción de la Vega would be an ideal site for the new mint since it already had a casa de fundición and workers skilled in gold assay and refining. It was also the residence of the Bishop of Santo Domingo and had suitable stone structures to house the mint.48 On 11 May 1535 Charles V responded by ordering a mint established on Española and provided for the coining of vellón in it.49 The king did not, however, lift his ban on the minting of gold coins. Queen Juana issued a similar order on 28 February 1538, indicating that the first pragmatic had been ignored. The Audiencia of Santo Domingo objected to the provision on two grounds: that minting reales initially at forty-four maravedís would cause difficulties; and that no one had the qualifications to mint coins. The audiencia therefore suspended execution of the cédula. Nonetheless, by early March of 1542 a mint was operating in Española under orders to proceed as mints in Castile. It presumably was at Concepción de la Vega as suggested in 1529.

48 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 128–134. In this long document dated 28 February 1529, the junta argued its case for a mint in Española. 49 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 119.

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Very little silver was coined at the new mint, and the copper vellón coins drove the small number of silver coins out of circulation. Moreover, the copper coins were badly stamped, not properly marked as they would have been in Castile. In short the experiment with copper coins failed as badly as it would in Mexico in the 1540s. Although the vellón coins provided residents with at least some means of exchange, they caused residents more trouble than they were worth. It is not clear when the mint closed, but José Toribio Medina calculates it was around 1595. Very little except vellón coins and a few silver pieces were minted in Española. The tragedy for the island was that the crown did not establish the mint until after the gold boom had ended. Also, Charles V had specifically prohibited the mintage of gold coins and there was virtually no silver mined on the island or in the Caribbean. In short the mint did not meet the needs of Española or the other Caribbean islands and failed to resolve the problems posed by the Ramírez junta of February 1529. Meanwhile, the islands fell on hard times until sugar cane became a lucrative export crop later in the colonial epoch.

The Casa de Moneda of Lima, 1568–1821 On 21 August 1565, after repeated requests from the Audiencia of Lima to establish a mint in the City of Kings, Philip II issued the necessary cédula.50 The new mint was to strike half its coinage in denominations of one real, one quarter in two- and four-real pieces, and the remainder in half and quarter reales.51 One real of the sixty-seven reales coined from each mark belonged to the mint for seigniorage. The minting of gold coins and vellón was strictly prohibited. Three reales of each mark coined paid the braceaje, the costs of working the bars into coin. Organized in the same manner as in Mexico and with the same functionaries, the mint was erected at a cost of about 30,000 pesos provided by the Lima caja, and it began operation early in 1568. Initially the mint deviated from the king’s orders by coining only eight-, four-, and two-real pieces. Furthermore, the coins stamped during the 50

For an excellent description of the operation of the Lima mint, see Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 101–226; and Lazo García, Economía colonial, II. Lazo also provides a good deal of information about the Potosí mint. 51 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 169–172.

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early days of the mint were not of the proper fineness.52 From 1580 to 1587, the mint at Lima coined an average of about 450,000 pesos yearly, but during this period the number of coins struck fell from over one million pesos in 1581 to only a bit over 32,000 in 1587 (see Table 5–5).53 A deterrent to increased mintage at Lima was a royal cédula of 15 February 1567, ordering mint officials to strike no more than ten thousand marks a year.54 In the 1580s these early problems—the Lima ceca’s failure to mint many coins, its issuing coins of short weight and fineness, and the difficulty in procuring qualified personnel willing to purchase mint offices— prompted a move to close the Lima casa de moneda and to move all mint operations to Upper Peru. In fact, this had already begun in the early 1570s, although the Lima mint remained open until 1588. Virtually all mint activity shifted to Potosí in Upper Peru, where a mint started stamping coins in 1575 after only two months of operation in La Plata.55 In December 1658 the Lima mint opened once again on the Calle del Colegio Santo Tomás de Aquino on orders from the viceroy, the Conde de Alba de Liste. It shut down soon after on 8 April 1660, however, because so few coins were being stamped at the ceca and because of charges that coins were being falsified in Lima.56 Nonetheless, on 7 January 1684 the Lima mint reopened after adding two more furnaces.57 By 4 May of the following year, the revived mint had stamped 3,695,714 pesos in silver coins. Twelve years later in 1696 it coined its first gold—32,979 escudos in two-escudo pieces. The second epoch in Lima mintage thus began auspiciously at the end of the seventeenth century, surprisingly at a time when Lima and Lower Peru were suffering a severe financial crisis, particularly in the public sector.58 In the new mint, officials performed the same functions as their predecessors in the sixteenth-century casa de moneda. Silver miners, trad52

Torbio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 155. Lazo García, Economía colonial, 1:182. 54 Cited in Lazo García, Economía colonial, 1:211. 55 On the issue of when the mint closed, see Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 108–111; and Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 156–158. 56 Lazo García, Economía colonial, II, 196. 57 Joseph Mugaburu and Francisco Mugaburu, Chronicle of Colonial Lima: The Diary of Joseph and Francisco Mugaburu, ed. and trans. Robert Ryal Miller (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), 280. See also Lazo García, Economía colonial, 1:196–197. 58 See Andrien, Crisis and Decline, particularly 133–197. 53

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ers, and refiners who brought their ingots to the mint paid ninety-six maravedís per mark for seigniorage and labor costs. This represented fifty maravedís to the crown for seigniorage, sixteen to the work-crew foreman, eleven to the tesorero particular, six to the coin strikers, four to the smelter, three to the engraver, and one each to the assayer, two guards, weight specialist, and scribe. Estimates of monthly salaries of these officials were 350 pesos for the treasurer, 150 for the smelter, 125 for the engraver, one hundred for the assayer, eighty each for the keeper of the weights, blanquecedor, and two guards, and fifty for the scribe. The doorman of the mint received only a meager ten centavos.59 The mint shifted from private to royal control in October 1748 after an earthquake destroyed most of Lima, including the mint. To make the changeover, Ferdinand VI appointed Andrés Morales from Mexico as the superintendent of the new royal casa de moneda in Lima. Morales was a good choice because he already had considerable experience at the Mexican mint. Arriving in November 1748 with instructions to end the private mint concession and to remove all its officials, Morales laid the first stone for the new Lima mint one month after his arrival. He was assisted by Salvador de Villa, who later supervised construction of a new ceca in Potosí.60 Construction costs in Lima ultimately amounted to 78,162 pesos, which included the acquisition of new property and new equipment for cutting and shaping pesos cordoncillos. A shortage of lumber delayed construction a bit, but by 1751 the new royal mint was in full operation. Regulations governing the Lima mint were the same as those for Mexico. The new mint did well under Morales’s superintendency. In 1751, its first year under royal auspices, the casa de moneda coined silver worth 2,235,849 pesos and gold worth 1,885,476 silver pesos (see Tables 5–6 and 5–7 and Figures 5–5 and 5–6). With the inauguration of the royal mint, coinage of both gold and silver specie continued unabated until the end of the wars of independence. Silver mintage rose steadily from the reopening of the mint in 1684,61 except for a small drop in the first two decades of the eighteenth century.

59

Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, 132–133. Lazo García, Economía colonial, 199. 61 Tables 5–6 and 5–7 on Lima silver and gold mintage have been taken from Lazo García, Economía colonial, II, 325–338. Also consulted were various legajos in AGI, Lima, Legajos 1259–1270. See the carefully constructed tables of silver and gold mintage by Moreyra Paz Soldán, Moneda colonial, at the close of this chapter. 60

16 96

06

86

Year

Figure 5–6. Lima Gold Mintage, 1696–1821, in pesos

18 21

16

11

18

18

01

06

18

18

17 96

91

17

76

81

17

17

71

66

17

17

17

56

51

61

17

17

17

46

17

41

36

31

17

17

17

17 26

17 21

17 16

11

17

17

17 01

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

84 16 89 16 94 16 99 17 04 17 09 17 14 17 19 17 24 17 29 17 34 17 39 17 44 17 49 17 54 17 59 17 64 17 69 17 74 17 79 17 84 17 89 17 94 17 99 18 04 18 09 18 14 18 19

16

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

238 chapter five

6,000,000

5,000,000

4,000,000

3,000,000

2,000,000

1,000,000

0

Year

Figure 5–5. Lima Silver Mintage, 1684–1821, in pesos

3,000,000

2,500,000

2,000,000

1,500,000

1,000,000

500,000

0

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239

60,000,000

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

50,000,000

40,000,000

30,000,000

Output Mintage

20,000,000

10,000,000

0 1691 1701 1711 1721 1731 1741 1751 1761 1771 1781 1791 1801

By Decade 1761 = 1761–1770

Figure 5–7. Lower Peru Silver Output—Lima Mintage, 1691–1810, in pesos

After 1770 the Lima ceca consistently stamped between 3,500,000 to 4,500,000 pesos annually to a peak in the early 1790s when, between 1793 and 1797, more than five million pesos were being minted yearly. In 1799 the casa de moneda struck its highest volume, 5,511,492 pesos. With the onset of the early nineteenth century, however, silver coinage fell into the four-million-peso range in the first decade and into the three-million-peso range after 1813. Still, from 1811 to 1820 almost as much silver was being minted in Lima as in the 1770s. In 1821, the last year of the colonial epoch for Lima, the ceca in Lima struck only a bit more than 475,000 pesos. As in Mexico, Lima silver mintage generally followed the same path as Lower Peruvian silver output (see Table 5–8 and Figure 5–7). Mintage was consistently higher than silver production in Lower Peru for the same reason as in Mexico—recoinage—forcing those with old moneda macuquina to come to the mint to exchange their old money for the new. Lima also made the change to pesos de cordoncillos and pesos de bustos. Gold mintage in Lima fluctuated more than that of silver. In fact, its trajectory was cyclical. In the early eighteenth century ten-year output was between eight million and nine million pesos. During the 1730s and 1740s gold coinage jumped into the 12,000,000–13,000,000 range but never reached that level again after 1750. The 1740s were the peak years for gold mintage in Lima, when its mint struck gold

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14,000,000

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

12,000,000 10,000,000 8,000,000 OUTPUT

6,000,000

MINTAGE

4,000,000 2,000,000 0 1701 1711 1721 1731 1741 1751 1761 1771 1781 1791 1801

By Decade 1741 = 1741–1750

Figure 5–8. Lower Peru Gold Output—Lima Gold Mintage, 1701–1810, in pesos

coins worth 13,720,026 silver pesos. Mintage of gold dropped somewhat after that. The wide disparity between gold output and gold mintage is clearly evident in Lower Peru (see Tables 5–7 and 5–9 and Figure 5–8). Between 1696 and 1821 gold worth 102,220,924 silver pesos was struck in the City of Kings, an annual average of about 820,000 silver pesos. Still, during this epoch only 24,129 kilograms were registered in the cajas of Lower Peru while six times as much was minted—146,891 kilograms. What occurred to cause this wide gap between gold mintage and registrations, so vast in the early decades of the eighteenth century to 1770 that mintage was thirty to one hundred times greater than registrations? One explanation may well be that after the first gold was coined in Lima in 1696 wealthy residents of Lower Peru trooped into the City of Kings with gold plates, ornaments, and jewelry to transform them into escudos. If so, in the first part of the eighteenth century the mint may have become the recipient of a great deal of hoarded gold. Only after 1770 did gold output and mintage begin to come together, presumably because the supply of hoarded gold had been exhausted and more gold was being mined in Lower Peru. As in Mexico the shift of the mint in Lima to royal control was a success. Shortly after Morales arrived, the reconstructed ceca was stamping the new pesos cordoncillos and soon thereafter the pesos de

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bustos with the visage of the reigning Spanish monarch. From the time the mint began operation under royal officials, it made a profit, never as large as the mint in Mexico, but a profit nevertheless. Net earnings were greatest in the biennium 1794–95—700,139 pesos—and lowest at the outset in 1752–53—73,981 pesos—but generally mint profits ranged between two hundred thousand and five hundred thousand pesos per biennium. Royal administrators had achieved their goal of creating a profitable royal monopoly.62

The Casa de Moneda of Potosi, 1575–1821 The establishment of a mint at Potosí resulted from the early failure of the Lima ceca to stamp many coins, the crown’s desire to stop the circulation of plata corriente, and a need to bring mintage operations closer to major silver production centers in Upper Peru. Initially Arequipa and La Plata (also called Chuquisaca or Charcas and now Sucre), were the choices to house the mint, but La Plata was chosen since it was closer to Potosí and the site of a royal audiencia, which could oversee mint operations. Authorities in the Lima mint thus remitted dies for stamping coins to La Plata, but the mint in that city functioned only two months, from December 1574 until January 1575, and struck only 2,104 silver marks worth 17,627 pesos. It then moved to the Imperial City of Potosí.63 The first Potosí mint was of simple construction. Built at a cost of only 8,321 pesos (ironically of plata corriente), it was located on the Plaza del Regocijo on a spacious piece of property called “El Pedregal.”64 This first mint had three smelting furnaces, each one under the charge of a crew foreman assisted by three slaves. Its initial stamping consisted of ten thousand marks or approximately eighty-five thousand pesos of silver.65 A fourth furnace was added in August 1575. As time went on,

62

Lazo García, Economía colonial, 2:295–296 and 300–301. The exact date when the mint was moved to Potosí and started functioning in the Imperial City is not clear. See Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 211. Julio Benavides indicates construction of the Potosí mint began on 8 December 1572 and was completed on 27 September 1575, when it actually began functioning, Historia de la moneda, 16. 64 The Lima mint was constructed at a cost of about 30,000 pesos. 65 Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 17. 63

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the mint was stamping an average of fifty thousand pesos a week and 2,600,000 pesos a year.66 The first tesorero particular was Juan Lozano Machuca, who paid five thousand pesos for the post. Later, however, mint functionaries at Potosí paid a good deal more for their offices. Alan Craig points out that early in the seventeenth century the post of tesorero particular at one mint went for 160,000 pesos in 1607, another for 260,000 pesos in 1612.67 In fact, one argument for reopening the Lima mint in the 1680s was to attract large sums to the royal treasury from the sale of mint offices as had happened in Potosí. Under private empresarios the seventeenth-century Potosí mint was riddled by scandal and fraud, particularly the falsification of coins. In a boom-town atmosphere and removed from the centers of administrative authority in Lima or La Plata, mint functionaries with impunity stamped coins of less than the required weight and fineness and sold them at official value. A visitor from the Audiencia of Charcas to the Potosí mint in 1617 uncovered one such scandal. Still another occurred in the mid-seventeenth century when the silver trader Francisco Gómez de la Rocha conspired with the mint assayer Felipe Ramírez Arellano and a number of other mint officials and workers to stamp coins after hours of short weight and fineness, a scheme uncovered when coins from the Potosí mint were sent to Lima for assay by authorities there. Ultimately the perpetrators were discovered and arrested. Such a crime was punishable by death. Nine days after his seizure, de la Rocha was garrotted, and his head was cut off and displayed at the mint site on the Plaza del Regocijo. Ramírez was also executed. To clean up the mint, the government forbade further sale of the office of ensayador in the Potosí mint. In the future the viceroy in Lima was to appoint the ensayadores. The Potosí mint was also ordered to coin only the amount needed for normal trade and commerce, but no more. This did not end fraud in the Potosí mint, but the fate of de la Rocha and Ramírez served as a harsh reminder to officials to follow the laws laid down for colonial mints.68 Although the Potosí mint continued its coinage of silver under the tesoreros particulares, the mint stamped fewer coins after it reached its peak in the 1640s. Silver production in Upper Peru declined steadily after the 1630s, and 66

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 211–212. See also Table 5–10. Craig, Silver Coins, 13. 68 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 212–217; Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 24–27; and Craig, Silver Coins, 22–38. 67

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viceregal authorities kept a closer watch on mint procedures at Potosí, particularly after the de la Rocha-Ramírez scandal. Furthermore the reestablishment of the Lima mint in the 1680s provided an alternative site for exchanging ingots into coin, albeit a considerable distance from Upper Peru. By the late 1740s, the Potosí mint had become outdated, unable to meet the new requirements for colonial mints laid out in the cédula of June 9, 1728 for the minting of pesos cordoncillos. Since the crown had placed both the casa de moneda of Mexico and Lima under royal control, Potosí awaited the same fate. On 3 October 1750 Ferdinand VI issued a decree to that effect, appointing Ventura Santelices as the new royal mint’s first superintendent. Santelices immediately made plans for a new building to house operations. Although some residents and officials in Potosí argued for a new site, Santelices was insistent that it remain in the Plaza del Regocijo. Land and buildings were purchased on the nearby Plaza del Gato, and construction and expansion of the new mint began in 1753. It was finally completed twenty years later, 31 July 1773. The costs were astronomical—1,148,452 pesos—which included construction expenses, new equipment for stamping coins, and salaries of royal mint officials. When Charles III heard what it had cost, he reportedly said: “This building ought to be made of silver.” One observer points out, however, that the mint was such a magnificent stucture that it could only be compared with the baroque church of San Francisco in La Paz.69 Today it is located on Calle Ayacucho and houses an archive and a museum. The new mint coined its first pesos cordoncillos and pesos de bustos on 17 July 1773, two weeks before the mint building was finished. The Mexico City and Lima mints had been producing these same coins for many years. Four years later, in 1777, the king lifted his ban on minting gold coins at Potosí. Gold coinage began the next year, but not in significant amounts. A number of aggregate estimates have been put forward on how much silver and gold was minted at Potosí. According to Modesto Omiste, the nineteenth-century historian of Potosí, to the end of the eighteenth century, the Potosí ceca coined 111,204,308 pesos in silver

69

Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 18–19.

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and 2,024,912 pesos in gold.70 A more modern observer, Julio Benavides, believes 800,000,000 pesos were minted during the same period, or an annual average of 3,000,000 pesos of eight reales.71 Fortunately, the Peruvian historian Carlos Lazo García has examined the Potosí mint accounts and made projections based on seignorage payments found in the Potosí royal accounts (see Tables 5–10 and 5–11 and Figures 5–9 and 5–10).72 Through his indefatigable efforts, reasonable estimates of the mintage of silver from 1575 and gold from 1778 to the end of the colonial epoch are now possible. Between 1574 and 1825 the Potosí mint coined silver worth 632,700,813 pesos or an average of about 2,511,000 pesos annually. From 1778 through 1824 it struck gold coins worth 11,976,114 silver pesos, or an annual average of about 363,000 pesos. Silver constituted 92 percent of the total during this late eighteenth-century period. Gold made up the other 8 percent, although it was less than 1 percent of the mint’s total output for the entire colonial epoch. The trajectory of Potosí silver mintage from 1574 to the 1640s rose steadily and sometimes dramatically. With silver production in Upper Peru increasing during this epoch, miners, refiners, and traders came to the mint with their ingots to be stamped into coin. In fact, 46,061,423 pesos were struck in the 1640s, the peak ten years in Potosí minting history, but as Upper Peruvian silver output declined, so too did silver mintage. It fell to about 15,455,600 pesos in the third decade of the eighteenth century, the low point of silver coinage at the Imperial City. Recovery occurred a bit in the 1730s and 1740s and quite rapidly after that. By the 1790s it had reached over forty-one million pesos, a mint output almost as large as the high point in the 1640s. As at other mints, however, the Potosí ceca suffered during the turbulent years of independence. When comparing Upper Peruvian silver output with Potosí mintage (see Table 5–12 and Figure 5–11), the pattern is quite different from that in Lima or Mexico where mintage was usually greater than silver output. In Potosí it was the opposite. In fact the gap between output 70

Modesto Omiste, Obras escogidas tomo 2 (La Paz: Editorial del Estado, 1941),

117. 71

Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 24. See Lazo García, Economia colonial, 2:315–324. The silver table for the Potosí mint also includes the small sums minted in La Plata in 1574 and 1575. See also AGI, Charcas, 284–285 and 688–691 for late eighteenth-century documents on Potosí mintage. 72

17 83 17 84 17 85 17 86 17 87 17 88 17 89 17 90 17 91 17 92 17 93 17 94 17 95 17 96 17 97 17 98 17 99 18 00 18 01 18 02 18 03 18 04 18 05 18 06

82

17

81

17

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

54

54

Year

Figure 5–10. Potosí Gold Mintage, 1781–1806, in pesos 24

18

14

04 18

18

94

17

84

74 17

17

64

17

17

44

34

17

17

24

17

14

04

17

17

94

84

74

16

16

16

64

16

16

44

34

16 16

24

16

14

04

16

16

94

15

84

74

15

15

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

new world mintage 245

6000000

5000000

4000000

3000000

2000000

1000000

0

Year

Figure 5–9. Potosí Silver Mintage, 1574–1825, in pesos

800,000

700,000

600,000

500,000

400,000

300,000

200,000

100,000

0

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80,000,000 70,000,000

Pesos of 272 Maravedís

60,000,000 50,000,000 40,000,000 Output 30,000,000

Mintage

20,000,000 10,000,000

01 18

81 17

61 17

41 17

21 17

01 17

81 16

61 16

41 16

21

01

16

16

15

81

0

By Decade 1681 = 1681–1690

Figure 5–11. Upper Peru Silver Output—Potosí Mintage, 1581–1810, in pesos

and mintage at Potosí was vast at first, but gradually began closing in the mid-seventeenth century when the two began to develop a similar trajectory. This probably meant the use of coin had increased as Upper Peru came to rely more and more on the exchange of coins for economic transactions. Only once, in the first decade of the nineteenth century, did mintage exceed output. A number of factors appear responsible. Shipping new mint equipment to Potosí in the high Andes of Upper Peru was no easy task, and undoubtedly caused delays in getting new coinage under way. More importantly, as Lazo García has aptly pointed out, money in Upper and Lower Peru was of two types: moneda mayor, or major money in ingots of silver and gold; and moneda menor, lesser money in silver and gold coins. In Upper Peru to the eighteenth century the traffic in ingots was far more extensive than in minted coins, a practice that had been deeply ingrained in silver miners, traders, and refiners. Because ingots could be used effectively in many trade and business transactions and had legitimacy elsewhere, there was no necessity for them to pay mint señoreage or braceaje. Still another manifestation of the monetization of the economy was the disappearance after 1720 from the Potosi royal accounts of entries in pesos ensayados,73 replaced solely by entries in pesos of eight reales. 73

A peso or accounting unit worth 450 maravedís.

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

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247

7,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000 4,000,000 3,000,000

OUTPUT

2,000,000

MINTAGE

1,000,000 0 1781

1791

1801

By Decade 1791 = 1791–1780

Figure 5–12. Upper Peru Gold Output—Potosí Gold Mintage, 1781–1810, in pesos

Gold had a more varied trajectory (see Table 5–11 and Figure 5–10). From 1781 to 1790 coinage of gold averaged 250,000 silver pesos annually and rose to over four hundred thousand pesos in 1786. The secular trend in the ensuing ten years was upward with over six hundred thousand pesos being stamped in 1798. In the years from 1801 to 1806, gold mintage fluctuated, between a low of 283,288 pesos in 1803 to a high of 618,898 pesos in 1806. When Upper Peruvian gold output and gold coinage are compared for the thirty years from 1781 to 1810 (see Table 5–13 and Figure 5–12), gold output was always greater than gold mintage with the gap growing ever wider until the turn of the century. Thereafter it began to narrow a bit, but generally production and mintage did not follow the same path toward the end of the century. In the years from 1778 to 1824, gold coined at the Potosí ceca amounted to only 17,844 kilograms worth 11,976,114 silver pesos or an annual average of about 363,000 pesos. Overall gold amounted to a miniscule amount, less than 1 percent, for the entire history of the Potosí mint. Establishment of the new royal mint encouraged miners, refiners, and traders to come to the casa de moneda to exchange their ingots for coin, not only from Potosí but also from other mining districts in Upper Peru. Moreover, the mint and the miners worked hand-in-hand with the exchange bank of San Carlos in Potosí to bring more order and consistency to mint activities. During the wars of independence the mint continued operation, but at various times served as both a military barracks and a jail, during which a large number of mint records were lost or destroyed.74

74

Benavides, Historia de la moneda, 28–29.

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Table 5–1. Mexican Silver Mintage 1690–1821 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

PESOS

1690

5,285,581 5,285,581

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

135,105 135,105

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

6,213,710 158,829 5,352,729 136,821 2,802,379 71,632 5,840,530 149,290 4,001,293 102,277 3,190,618 81,555 4,459,948 114,001 3,319,766 84,857 3,504,787 89,586 3,379,122 86,374 42,064,882 1,075,220

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

4,019,094 102,732 5,022,650 128,384 6,076,254 155,315 5,827,027 148,945 4,747,176 121,343 6,172,038 157,763 5,735,029 146,593 5,737,610 146,659 5,214,143 133,279 6,710,588 171,529 55,261,609 1,412,542

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

5,666,086 6,663,425 6,487,872 6,220,823 6,368,918 9,527,738 6,750,735 7,173,590 7,258,707 7,874,343 69,992,237

144,831 170,324 165,836 159,010 162,796 243,539 172,556 183,364 185,540 201,276 1,789,072

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

9,460,735 241,826 8,823,933 225,549 8,107,348 207,232 7,872,823 201,237 7,369,816 188,380 8,466,146 216,403 8,133,089 207,890 9,228,545 235,891 8,814,970 218,691 9,745,870 241,785 86,023,275 2,184,883

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

8,439,871 209,385 8,726,466 216,495 10,024,193 248,690 8,522,782 211,442 7,937,260 196,915 11,033,512 273,730 8,209,685 203,674 9,502,206 235,740 8,694,108 215,692 9,589,268 237,900 90,679,351 2,249,664

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

8,655,415 8,235,390 8,636,013 10,303,735 10,428,355 11,524,180 12,883,668 11,644,788 11,898,590 13,228,030 107,438,164

214,732 204,312 214,251 255,625 258,717 285,903 319,631 288,896 295,192 328,174 2,665,433

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

12,657,275 314,014 13,701,533 339,921 11,607,974 287,982 11,608,024 287,983 12,606,340 312,751 12,336,733 306,062 12,550,035 311,354 12,773,187 316,890 13,031,337 323,294 11,975,347 297,096 124,847,785 3,097,349

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

11,789,390 292,483 10,118,689 251,035 11,780,563 292,264 9,796,522 243,042 11,609,497 288,020 11,223,987 278,456 10,445,285 259,137 12,326,499 305,808 11,985,422 297,346 13,980,817 346,850 115,056,671 2,854,441

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

12,852,166 17,036,345 19,005,007 12,938,060 14,298,094 16,518,936 20,705,592 19,911,460 18,759,841 17,006,909 169,032,410

318,849 422,655 464,349 316,116 349,345 403,607 505,900 486,497 458,359 415,530 4,141,207

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807

15,958,044 17,959,477 22,520,856 26,130,971 25,806,074 23,383,673 20,703,985

386,903 435,428 546,018 633,545 625,668 566,937 501,968

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787

19,710,335 17,180,389 23,105,799 20,492,432 18,002,957 16,868,615 15,505,325

481,583 419,768 564,544 500,692 439,866 412,151 375,927

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797

20,140,937 23,225,612 23,428,680 21,216,872 23,948,930 24,346,833 24,041,183

488,317 563,105 568,028 514,403 580,642 590,289 582,878

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Table 5–1 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

1788 1789 1790

19,540,902 473,769 20,594,876 499,323 17,435,645 422,727 188,437,275 4,590,350

1798 1799 1800

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

8,956,432 217,149 4,027,620 97,650 6,133,984 148,718 6,902,082 167,341 6,454,800 156,497 8,315,616 201,612 7,994,951 193,838 10,852,368 263,116 11,491,139 278,603 9,897,078 239,955 81,026,070 1,964,477

1821

PESOS

KGS

23,004,981 557,756 21,096,031 511,473 17,898,511 433,949 222,348,570 5,390,841 5,600,022 5,600,022

YEAR

PESOS

1808 1809 1810

20,502,434 24,708,164 17,950,684 215,624,362

KGS 497,082 599,049 435,214 5,227,813

135,773 135,773

TOTAL

1,578,718,264 38,914,169

* Walter Howe, Mining Guild, 453–59; Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de Mexico, 101–07, 112–14; AGI, Mexico, Legajos 2606, 2798–2803, 2817, 2819–20, 2827–2832; Humboldt, Ensayo Político, III, 302–303.

Table 5–2. Mexican Gold Mintage 1733–1821 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

151,702 385,878 422,576 787,556 313,870 468,802 311,148 316,670 3,158,202

236 600 657 1,225 488 729 484 492 4,911

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

676,580 495,036 861,104 553,406 788,428 524,312 599,214 933,332 497,770 606,494 6,535,676

1,052 770 1,339 861 1,226 815 932 1,451 774 943 10,164

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

606,264 625,836 804,846 819,380 509,818 428,356 370,846 327,582 315,756 476,294 5,284,978

943 973 1,252 1,274 793 666 577 509 491 741 8,219

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

255,592 267,724 452,404 309,974 418,696 759,796 555,486 173,080 450,322 465,702 4,108,776

397 416 704 482 651 1,182 864 269 700 724 6,390

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

501,266 1,853,440 1,232,318 728,895 734,100 796,602 819,214 818,298 675,616 507,354 8,667,103

780 2,882 1,879 1,111 1,119 1,214 1,249 1,248 1,030 774 13,286

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

625,508 400,102 610,808 544,942 572,252 388,490 605,616 605,464 535,036 628,044 5,516,262

954 610 931 831 872 592 897 896 792 930 8,305

250

chapter five

Table 5–2 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

980,776 969,430 884,262 794,160 644,552 1,297,794 1,038,856 999,608 957,094 787,164 9,353,696

1,452 1,435 1,309 1,176 954 1,921 1,538 1,480 1,417 1,165 13,848

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

610,398 839,122 646,050 959,030 1,359,814 1,352,348 1,512,266 1,182,516 1,464,818 1,095,504 11,021,866

904 1,242 956 1,420 2,013 2,002 2,239 1,751 2,169 1,622 16,318

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

1,085,364 381,646 0 618,069 486,464 960,393 854,942 533,921 539,377 509,076 5,969,252

1,607 565 0 915 720 1,422 1,266 790 799 754 8,837

1821

303,504 303,504

449 449

TOTAL

59,919,315

90,727

* Walter Howe, Mining Guild, 453–59; Soria Murillo, Casa de Moneda de Mexico, 101–07, 112–14; AGI, Mexico, Legajos 2606, 2798–2803, 2817, 2819–20, 2827–2832.

Table 5–3. Mexican Silver Mintage and Output 1691–1810 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedis and Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

Mintage PESOS

Output KGS

PESOS

KGS

42,064,882 55,261,609 69,992,237 86,023,275 90,679,351 107,438,164 124,847,785 115,056,671 169,032,410 188,437,275 222,348,570 215,624,362

1,075,220 1,412,542 1,789,072 2,184,883 2,249,664 2,665,433 3,097,349 2,854,441 4,141,207 4,590,350 5,390,841 5,227,813

49,880,000 49,790,000 64,690,000 81,400,000 92,530,000 102,300,000 119,030,000 107,028,000 146,080,000 170,360,000 198,870,000 201,210,000

1,274,770 1,272,680 1,653,420 2,067,040 2,295,920 2,537,890 2,954,020 2,662,270 3,578,740 4,149,710 4,821,600 4,878,510

1,486,806,591

36,678,815

1,383,168,000

34,146,570

new world mintage

251

Table 5–4. Mexican Gold Mintage and Output 1733–1810 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE

Output PESOS KGS

Mintage PESOS KGS

1733–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810

3,100,000 4,770,000 4,820,000 6,390,000 7,980,000 5,800,000 10,410,000 16,120,000

4,816 7,411 7,493 9,897 12,220 8,738 15,422 23,843

3,158,202 5,284,978 4,108,776 6,535,676 8,667,103 5,516,262 9,353,696 11,021,866

4,911 8,219 6,390 10,164 13,286 8,305 13,848 16,318

59,390,000

89,840

53,646,559

81,441

Table 5–5. Early Lima Silver Mintage 1580–1587 (in Marks and Pesos of 272 Maravedís). YEAR

MARKS

PESOS

1580 1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587

106,032 129,416 74,216 8,000 59,088 30,960 15,840 3,832

888,018 1,083,859 621,559 67,000 494,862 259,290 132,660 32,093

TOTAL

427,384

3,579,341

Table 5–6. Lima Silver Mintage 1684–1821* (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

PESOS

4,867,567 3,228,043 1,974,176 1,797,521 1,043,912 1,142,175 1,268,068 15,321,462

KGS

124,420 82,512 50,462 45,946 26,683 29,195 32,413 391,632

YEAR 1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

PESOS

KGS

726,238 18,563 2,110,731 53,952 1,723,156 44,046 1,944,181 49,695 2,188,434 55,939 2,425,908 62,009 1,776,086 45,399 1,859,459 47,530 1,668,459 42,647 1,477,023 37,754 17,899,675 457,534

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1,432,162 1,072,390 1,438,739 1,199,015 1,384,294 1,309,817 919,960 319,217 710,599 592,456 10,378,649

36,607 27,411 36,776 30,648 35,384 33,480 23,515 8,160 18,164 15,144 265,289

252

chapter five

Table 5–6 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

608,259 412,459 101,788 361,910 138,825 302,976 768,257 1,660,401 1,639,653 1,243,612 7,238,140

15,548 10,543 2,602 9,251 3,549 7,744 19,637 42,442 41,911 31,788 185,014

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

2,040,774 1,834,751 1,759,398 1,592,866 1,630,487 1,664,020 1,060,287 2,589,912 2,066,593 1,568,613 17,807,701

50,630 45,518 43,649 39,517 40,451 41,283 26,305 64,253 51,270 38,916 441,791

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

2,995,000 3,896,122 4,295,940 4,398,188 4,500,519 4,190,360 4,245,245 4,091,725 3,636,231 3,837,545 40,086,875

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

4,523,232 4,143,165 3,989,971 4,340,237 4,383,115 4,347,991 3,773,950 4,143,652 4,337,432 4,492,682 42,475,427

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1,027,981 26,276 1,109,993 28,373 1,457,761 37,262 1,117,503 28,564 1,850,889 47,311 1,094,022 27,964 1,536,704 39,280 1,507,454 38,532 1,809,461 44,891 2,111,468 52,383 14,623,236 370,836

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1,323,858 1,485,852 1,324,156 1,441,813 1,559,155 1,438,642 2,029,809 2,031,806 2,442,331 1,842,775 16,920,197

32,844 36,863 32,851 35,770 38,681 35,691 50,358 50,407 60,592 45,717 419,773

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

2,235,849 55,469 2,154,675 53,455 1,827,016 45,326 2,054,023 50,958 2,059,243 51,088 2,092,918 51,923 2,114,599 52,461 1,939,687 48,122 2,084,183 51,706 2,654,306 65,851 21,216,499 526,360

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

2,988,665 3,251,453 2,298,127 2,836,984 2,808,909 3,090,307 2,968,276 3,066,249 2,938,113 2,966,221 29,213,304

74,146 80,665 57,014 70,383 69,686 76,667 73,640 76,071 72,892 73,589 724,753

74,303 96,659 104,963 107,461 109,961 102,383 103,724 99,973 88,844 93,763 982,034

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

4,180,517 102,143 3,249,489 79,395 3,223,272 78,754 3,518,149 85,959 3,120,738 76,249 3,610,456 88,214 3,581,282 86,828 3,770,759 91,422 3,580,756 86,815 4,582,361 111,099 36,417,779 886,879

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

4,260,754 103,302 4,910,644 119,059 5,294,745 128,371 5,308,939 128,715 5,288,423 128,218 5,269,580 127,761 4,531,285 109,861 4,743,000 114,994 5,511,492 133,626 4,398,724 106,647 49,517,586 1,200,554

109,666 100,451 96,737 105,229 106,269 105,417 91,499 100,463 105,161 108,925 1,029,817

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

4,508,825 109,316 1821 3,886,892 94,238 4,090,036 99,163 3,628,717 87,978 3,745,218 90,803 3,866,918 93,753 3,388,555 82,156 3,386,907 82,116 3,271,208 79,310 4,000,986 97,004 37,774,262 915,837 TOTAL

* The years 1699 and 1729 are averages.

PESOS

KGS

476,529 478,529

11,553 11,553

357,367,321 8,809,655

new world mintage

253

Table 5–7. Lima Gold Mintage 1696–1821 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

0 365,620 631,916 702,644 1,912,844 1,946,895 1,980,946 686,050 712,888 745,886 9,685,689

0 567 980 1,090 2,967 3,020 3,072 1,064 1,106 1,157 15,023

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

867,122 860,895 656,770 718,284 1,044,050 887,036 937,280 1,084,617 1,000,998 858,545 8,915,597

1,345 1,335 1,019 1,114 1,619 1,376 1,454 1,682 1,553 1,332 13,828

1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

131,916 0 111,085 198,192 207,492 648,685

205 0 172 307 322 1,006

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1,097,808 590,380 583,111 614,584 1,378,269 360,278 1,017,796 694,160 869,230 913,152 8,118,768

1,703 916 904 953 2,138 559 1,579 1,077 1,348 1,416 12,592

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

586,346 931,736 787,980 1,009,112 928,702 574,660 2,563,566 2,080,394 1,715,270 1,125,994 12,303,760

909 1,445 1,222 1,565 1,440 891 3,976 3,227 2,660 1,746 19,083

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1,483,256 1,260,442 1,456,000 1,607,390 816,110 1,370,908 1,224,544 1,344,092 1,574,452 1,582,232 13,719,426

2,301 1,955 2,258 2,493 1,266 2,126 1,899 2,085 2,442 2,454 21,279

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1,885,476 1,648,558 1,149,736 1,014,696 976,616 691,832 1,074,944 945,336 1,395,619 568,072 11,350,885

2,924 2,557 1,783 1,574 1,515 1,073 1,667 1,466 2,165 881 17,605

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1,192,467 757,427 951,320 927,243 960,568 958,392 1,067,753 918,272 867,544 678,368 9,279,354

1,850 1,175 1,475 1,438 1,490 1,486 1,656 1,424 1,346 1,052 14,392

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

889,440 717,672 706,792 794,104 516,800 244,392 456,552 810,560 1,041,896 712,776 6,890,984

1,380 1,113 1,078 1,211 788 373 696 1,236 1,588 1,087 10,548

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

523,872 569,317 527,000 391,679 433,024 437,196 664,632 622,650 766,768 623,239 5,559,377

799 868 803 597 660 667 984 922 1,135 923 8,358

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

755704 694824 646947 783860 660338 624,136 583,209 535,160 495,990 378,216 6,158,384

1119 1029 958 1161 978 924 863 792 734 560 9,117

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

327,785 337,280 350,200 352,385 399,501 217,872 385,472 366,792 340,260 343,395 3,420,942

485 499 518 522 591 323 571 543 504 508 5,065

254

chapter five

Table 5–7 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

339,339 575,008 683,128 760,784 502,248 772,267 778,517 472,088 517,615 501,859 5,902,853

502 851 1,011 1,126 744 1,143 1,153 699 766 743 8,739

1821

266,220 266,220

394 394

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

TOTAL

102,220,924

157,030

Table 5–8. Lower Peru Silver Output—Lima Mintage 1691–1810 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). Output DECADE 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

PESOS

KGS

Mintage PESOS KGS

5,900,000 2,750,000 4,020,000 7,830,000 11,340,000 15,710,000 15,490,000 17,540,000 22,360,000 26,990,000 40,700,000 38,660,000

150,770 70,260 102,730 199,230 281,140 389,860 384,050 434,900 548,370 657,210 986,560 937,650

17,899,675 10,378,649 7,238,141 14,623,236 16,920,197 17,808,401 21,216,499 29,213,304 40,086,875 36,417,779 49,517,586 42,475,427

457,534 265,289 185,014 370,836 419,773 441,809 526,360 724,753 982,034 886,879 1,200,554 1,029,817

209,290,000

5,142,730

303,795,769

7,490,652

new world mintage

255

Table 5–9. Lower Peru Gold Output—Lima Gold Mintage 1701–1810 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE

OUTPUT PESOS KGS

MINTAGE PESOS KGS

1696–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1720 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810

200,000 260,000 170,000 200,000 180,000 160,000 110,000 820,000 2,900,000 4,250,000 4,410,000 2,560,000

312 402 263 309 282 256 170 1,285 4,430 6,392 6,539 3,801

648,685 9,685,689 8,915,598 81118,768 12,303,760 13,720,026 11,350,285 9,279,354 6,890,984 5,559,377 6,158,385 3,420,942

1,006 15,023 13,828 12,592 19,083 21,280 17,605 14,392 10,548 8,358 9,117 5,065

16,020,000

24,129

95,403,168

146,891

TOTAL

Table 5–10. Potosí Annual Silver Mintage 1574–1825* (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1580 1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610

PESOS

17,627 604,248 582,146 582,146 823,263 750,609 222,675 3,582,714

KGS

451 15,445 14,880 14,880 21,043 19,186 5,692 91,578

1,224,367 31,296 1,034,504 26,443 1,462,254 37,377 1,242,641 31,763 1,440,042 36,809 1,566,251 40,035 1,844,347 47,143 1,569,274 40,112 1,680,640 42,959 1,805,779 46,158 14,870,099 380,095

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587 1588 1589 1590

444,294 1,237,825 1,361,566 1,608,101 851,218 1,291,425 251,250 0 1,666,943 528,463 9,241,085

11,357 31,640 34,803 41,105 21,758 33,010 6,422 0 42,609 13,508 236,211

1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598 1599 1600

393,206 1,002,488 952,447 134,000 0 2,243,872 0 232,825 650,913 1,068,994 6,678,745

10,051 25,625 24,345 3,425 0 57,356 0 5,951 16,638 27,325 170,715

1611 1612 1613 1614 1615 1616 1617 1618 1619 1620

1,930,918 1,827,447 1,953,363 2,008,118 2,092,995 1,876,445 1,693,016 1,531,923 1,905,699 1,234,267 18,054,191

49,356 46,711 49,930 51,330 53,499 47,964 43,275 39,157 48,712 31,549 461,483

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

1,576,553 2,081,591 1,644,164 2,425,561 1,840,784 942,053 2,358,891 1,823,758 1,977,208 2,130,657 18,801,220

40,298 53,208 42,026 62,000 47,052 24,080 60,296 46,617 50,539 54,462 480,578

256

chapter five

Table 5–10 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640

3,753,030 95,931 2,207,655 56,430 2,215,672 56,635 2,310,856 59,068 2,278,124 58,231 3,423,926 87,519 2,080,425 53,178 3,157,246 80,702 3,776,654 96,535 3,519,200 89,954 28,722,788 734,183

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

3,947,481 4,791,284 5,180,968 4,600,411 4,839,251 5,005,126 4,494,745 4,592,238 4,856,889 3,753,030 46,061,423

100,902 122,470 132,431 117,591 123,696 127,936 114,890 117,382 124,147 95,931 1,177,376

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

3,340,134 2,220,539 2,781,618 3,342,697 3,033,995 3,429,052 4,018,534 3,930,798 4,111,614 3,428,951 33,637,932

85,377 56,759 71,101 85,443 77,552 87,650 102,718 100,475 105,097 87,647 859,819

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

3,559,551 90,986 2,918,210 74,592 3,010,126 76,942 3,202,625 81,862 3,403,902 87,007 3,261,225 83,360 3,770,685 96,382 3,619,256 92,512 2,959,357 75,644 2,785,274 71,194 32,490,211 830,482

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

4,111,614 3,049,321 2,898,437 2,721,724 2,587,222 2,220,950 2,173,631 2,567,069 2,936,091 2,429,060 27,695,119

105,097 77,944 74,087 69,570 66,132 56,770 55,560 65,617 75,049 62,089 707,915

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

2,450,810 3,117,954 4,588,897 4,061,582 3,461,178 3,103,055 3,569,132 3,281,861 3,243,487 3,660,411 34,538,367

62,645 79,698 117,297 103,818 88,471 79,317 91,231 83,888 82,907 93,564 882,835

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

2,985,461 76,311 2,582,867 66,021 2,887,893 73,817 2,742,796 70,109 2,938,520 75,112 2,529,158 64,648 2,700,209 69,020 2,276,668 58,194 2,326,994 59,480 2,354,263 60,177 26,324,829 672,889

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1,965,278 2,263,411 2,425,274 2,138,665 2,499,728 2,513,656 2,058,617 2,346,683 2,031,139 1,786,337 22,028,788

50,234 57,855 61,992 54,666 63,896 64,252 52,620 59,984 51,918 45,661 563,078

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

1,475,189 1,157,341 1,570,874 1,433,470 1,296,065 1,399,588 2,204,434 2,012,655 2,025,351 1,362,721 15,937,688

37,707 29,583 40,153 36,641 33,129 35,775 56,348 51,445 51,770 34,833 407,383

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1,362,470 34,826 1,329,221 33,976 1,363,701 34,858 1,398,181 35,739 1,282,099 32,772 1,628,351 41,622 1,666,604 42,600 1,904,926 48,692 1,808,392 44,864 1,711,658 42,465 15,455,603 392,414

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1,518,456 1,688,755 1,655,710 1,372,930 1,624,198 1,704,040 2,090,653 1,769,748 2,021,881 2,182,716 17,629,087

37,671 41,896 41,077 34,061 40,295 42,276 51,867 43,906 50,161 54,151 437,360

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

2,107,428 2,142,808 2,108,484 1,961,860 2,116,393 2,356,645 2,335,367 2,484,894 2,633,039 2,809,699 23,056,617

52,283 53,161 52,309 48,672 52,506 58,466 57,938 61,648 65,323 69,706 572,012

new world mintage

257

Table 5–10 (cont.) YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

3,044,709 75,536 2,966,857 73,605 2,818,010 69,912 3,009,170 74,654 2,837,768 70,402 3,234,369 80,241 3,058,854 75,887 3,234,548 80,246 3,289,704 81,614 2,669,711 66,233 30,163,700 748,331

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

3,112,063 3,125,102 3,093,931 2,875,060 2,833,174 3,010,403 2,959,150 3,067,863 3,214,411 3,241,839 30,532,996

77,207 77,531 76,757 71,327 70,288 74,685 73,414 76,111 79,746 80,427 757,493

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

3,014,639 3,646,823 3,021,567 3,204,228 3,367,666 4,081,284 4,206,268 4,909,609 4,630,418 4,938,670 39,021,172

74,790 90,474 73,817 78,279 82,272 99,706 102,759 119,942 113,121 120,652 955,812

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

3,807,363 3,487,270 4,127,575 4,125,424 3,705,873 3,725,253 4,280,124 3,865,945 3,581,849 3,969,832 38,676,508

93,014 85,194 100,837 100,784 90,534 91,008 104,542 94,426 87,487 96,963 944,789

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

4,365,175 4,278,781 4,355,927 4,379,294 4,228,844 4,408,032 3,853,050 4,237,242 3,997,601 3,889,150 41,993,096

106,619 104,509 106,394 106,964 103,290 107,666 94,111 103,495 97,641 94,992 1,025,681

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

4,345,778 2,268,242 2,352,741 3,125,620 3,240,022 3,152,854 3,683,271 3,435,981 3,107,396 3,257,719 31,969,624

106,146 55,402 57,466 76,343 79,138 77,008 89,964 83,924 75,898 79,570 780,858

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

3,640,805 88,927 2,497,207 60,994 1,699,431 41,509 2,682,967 65,531 689,388 16,838 1,909,610 46,642 1,945,786 47,526 1,691,806 41,322 1,552,763 37,926 1,447,117 35,346 19,756,880 482,562

1821 1822 1823 1824 1825

1,204,348 1,640,593 1,074,052 1,601,323 260,015 5,780,331

29,416 40,071 26,234 39,112 6,351 141,184

TOTAL 632,700,813 15,895,117

* For the year 1574 the amount listed was minted in La Plata December 1574–January 1575. The years 1610, 1629, 1653, 1714, 1723, and 1729 are averages.

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Table 5–11*. Potosí Gold Mintage 1778–1810** (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1778 1779 1780

28,826 315,200 480,757 824,783

44 481 733 1,257

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

266,810 158,844 238,906 298,256 277,008 390,582 554,158 629,329 387,720 456,604 3,658,217

395 235 354 442 410 578 820 932 574 676 5,416

YEAR

PESOS

KGS

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

218,634 300,123 250,718 208,197 221,762 333,662 255,120 263,644 281,952 300,260 2,634,072

333 458 382 317 338 509 378 390 417 445 3,967

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

476,196 328,146 283,642 360,620 785,922 619,736 625,456 572,316 360,688 446,320 4,859,042

705 486 420 534 1,164 918 926 847 534 661 7,194

TOTAL

11,976,114

17,834

* Lazo Garcia, Economia colonial, II, 339. He also notes that gold worth 431,860 silver pesos were minted in 1822 and 103,530 pesos in 1824. ** The year 1789 is an average.

Table 5–12. Upper Peru Silver Output—Potosi Mintage 1581–1810 (in Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Silver). DECADE

Output PESOS

1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660

63,460,000 69,240,000 69,480,000 68,930,000 68,650,000 72,980,000 60,450,000 49,010,000

Mintage KGS 1,622,010 1,769,960 1,776,120 1,761,860 1,754,880 1,865,420 1,545,260 1,253,050

PESOS 9,241,085 6,678,745 14,870,099 18,054,191 18,801,220 28,722,788 46,061,423 33,637,932

KGS 236,211 170,715 380,095 461,483 480,578 734,283 1,177,376 859,819

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Table 5–12 (cont.) DECADE 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1810 TOTAL

Output PESOS

Mintage KGS

PESOS

KGS

45,370,000 42,910,000 45,860,000 36,660,000 25,320,000 23,390,000 22,490,000 25,010,000 28,170,000 37,940,000 40,030,000 46,140,000 41,530,000 46,260,000 30,210,000

1,160,070 1,096,700 1,172,060 937,110 647,190 598,110 570,950 620,520 698,830 941,390 993,450 1,130,880 1,011,570 1,121,740 732,730

32,490,211 27,695,119 34,538,367 26,324,829 22,028,788 15,937,688 15,455,603 17,629,087 23,056,617 30,163,700 30,532,996 39,021,172 38,676,508 41,993,096 31,969,624

830,482 707,915 882,835 672,889 563,078 407,383 392,414 437,360 572,012 748,331 757,493 955,812 944,789 1,025,681 780,858

1,059,490,000

26,781,860

603,580,888

15,179,892

Table 5–13. Upper Peru Gold Output—Potosí Mintage 1781–1806 (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1806 TOTAL

Upper Peru Gold Output PESOS KGS

Potosí Gold Mintage PESOS KGS

3,580,000 6,200,000 3,216,000

5,366 9,186 4,768

2,434,242 3,592,617 2,790,673

3,675 5,319 4,132

12,996,000

19,320

8,817,532

13,126

CHAPTER SIX

NEW WORLD MINTAGE II: SANTA FE DE BOGOTÁ, POPAYÁN, SANTIAGO DE GUATEMALA, SANTIAGO DE CHILE, AND BRAZIL RIO DE JANEIRO, BAHIA, AND VILA RICA DE OURO PRETO

The opening of the Mexican, Santo Domingo, Lima, and Potosí mints occurred in the sixteenth-century. Despite pressure from other parts of the empire for creation of casas de moneda, only one mint was established of the Spanish empire in the seventeenth century, at Santa Fe de Bogotá in the late 1620s in gold-rich New Granada. At the very end of the seventeenth century in 1694, the Portuguese set up a mint in Bahia in 1694, but in Spanish America Guatemala, Chile, and Popayán waited until the eighteenth century for their cecas.

The Casas de Moneda of New Granada (Santa Fe de Bogota and Popayan) Santa Fe de Bogotá (1621–1819) Gold dominated in the northern reaches of Spanish South America with gold in New Granada constituting 96 percent of total bullion output and silver only 4 percent. In Spanish America New Granada was by far the largest gold producer, yielding almost 50 percent of Spanish American production. Silver simply was not a major factor in the mining economy of New Granada. One authority on New Granada mining, Robert West, has identified a few silver mines in the cordillera oriental of the Andes near Bucaramanga and José Toribio Medina the mines of Santa Ana in Mariquita, but otherwise gold prevailed in the mining camps of New Granada.1 Estimates of early gold and silver production to 1620 are tentative at best, but because the mining economy

1

254.

West, Placer Mining, map inset 11, 34; and Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales,

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of colonial New Granada has received attention from well-respected Colombian historians, informed estimates can at least be attempted (see Table 6–1 and Figure 6–1).2 During the period 1533–1620 both gold and silver output rose after the initial conquest. Gold production amounted to 1,500,000 silver pesos in the eight years 1533–1540 and rose to a high of almost 9,000,000 pesos in the first decade of the seventeenth century, falling off after that. Silver had the same trajectory, but in no decade did silver production reach more than 400,000 pesos. Gold output grew, however, as Spaniards exploited new placers in New Granada. In the late 1550s authorities in both New Granada and Spain considered establishment of a mint in the New Kingdom, but nothing came of these deliberations until sixty years later in 1620 in response, as elsewhere, to the need to encourage trade and to establish a standardized medium of exchange to stop the persistent traffic in gold 10,000,000

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

8,000,000

6,000,000 Gold 4,000,000

Silver

2,000,000

0 1533

1541

1551

1561

1571

1581

1591

1601

1611

By Decade 1581=1581–1590

Figure 6–1. New Granada Gold and Silver Production, 1533–1620, in pesos

2 For a combined picture of New Granada gold output to 1620 and gold mintage 1621–1810, see Chapter 2, Figure 2–9. Also see Colmenares, “Formación de la economía colonial”; and Jaramillo Uribe, “Economía del virreinato,” in Ocampo, ed. Historia económica de Colombia, 5–85. For Jaramillo Uribe’s estimates, see 49–56. For those of Colmenares, see 34–39. Also refer to Colmenares, Historia económica y social de Colombia, 288–317. Vicente Restrepo, Estudio, also provides some aggregate estimates. The estimates on early production of gold and silver in New Granada are derived from these sources. Silver is estimated at 4 percent of total bullion output.

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dust and gold nuggets. On 1 April 1620, Philip III appointed Captain Alfonso Turillo de Yerba as the mint concessionaire for New Granada. Arriving in Cartagena on 9 April 1621 with a number of appropriate mint functionaries, he began stamping gold and silver coins, plus vellón currency, consisting of one part silver to four parts copper. Initially, Turillo minted 1,387 marks of silver, seventy marks of gold, and a meager two-hundred ducats of vellón at Cartagena.3 Because of complaints from the local populace over its circulation and the lack of copper, however, the vellón coins were taken out of circulation by 1626, another failed experiment with that type of specie in the Indies. Turillo returned to Spain and managed to gain the concession as tesorero proprietario for a mint in Santa Fe de Bogotá to be built at his own cost. Unusual in Turillo’s mint concession was royal permission to mint one-escudo and two-escudo pieces, prohibited in other areas of the Indies until 1675. Turillo erected the new Bogotá mint at what is now the corner of Calle 11 and Carrera 5a with a second floor added in 1637. The entire building was replaced in the mid 1750s when it was placed under royal control. Construction began in 1753 and was completed by 1759 at a cost of 58,863 pesos.4 Turillo’s early mint was “simply a type of blacksmith shop with ovens for smelting and refining.”5 It stamped its first coins in 1627. During his tenure as tesorero particular (1627–1637), Turillo minted 2,366 kilograms of gold worth 1,525,240 silver pesos and 16,345 kilograms of silver worth 640,637 pesos.6 Gold coins of one and two escudos were stamped along with silver specie of eight, four, two, one, half, and quarter reales. From its launching in 1627 the mint at Santa Fe de Bogotá operated continuously throughout the colonial epoch and into the national period. The Bogotá mint apparently ran smoothly until the late 1660s when tesorero particular Tomás Prieto de Salazar overcharged miners and traders for seigniorage and labor costs. When the news reached Spain, royal authorities threatened to close the mint unless the overcharges were returned. The clamorous outcry from Santa Fe de Bogotá over the possible loss of the mint was enormous. The royal audiencia of

3

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 253. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 253; and Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, I:15–33; 2:12–31. 5 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:40. 6 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:62. 4

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Santa Fe, city council (cabildo), ecclesiastical cabildo, merchants, and encomenderos all opposed the shut-down, pointing out that the cost of living in New Granada was thirty times that of Spain and that mint officials were justified in demanding the additional charges. In the end the mint remained open.7 Mint procedures also underwent a change in the late seventeenth century, a change that ostensibly had been made in Philip IV’s reign in a royal order of 17 November 1639, but not immediately put into effect in New Granada. This called for the elimination of the touchstone or simlar devices such as the needles of different colors used in Ecuador to differentiate the fineness of gold nuggets and gold dust. In Bogotá an elaborate system had developed based on color with a touchstone used to determine fineness. For ore containing copper and gold, for example, if the major portion was copper, it was red (rojo); half of each, strong pink (rosado fuerte); and pure gold, canary yellow (amarillo canario). For a combination of gold and silver ore which was at least 90 percent silver, it was white (blanco); half of each, pale yellow (amarillo palido); and 90 percent gold, canary yellow. A similar system was used to assay ore containing gold, copper, and silver. Charles II put an end to this practice with a royal pragmatic of 13 September 1687, over forty years after the earlier cédula of Philip IV, which was finally enforced in Bogotá in late October 1688. All assayers were to be examined to insure they were capable of making their assay by smelting and cupellation.8 Mintage in New Granada was stimulated in the first decade of the eighteenth century by the reduction on gold taxes to 5 percent. Hitherto, some mining areas in New Granada paid the 20-percent quinto, while other favored regions paid only 5 percent. To rectify the inequality on 1 March 1708, Philip V issued a royal cédula ordering the 5 percent tax for the entire region. Not surprisingly, a striking increase in gold mintage occurred after the reduction in the tax rate.9 Another major change came in the early 1750s when the tesorero particular, Tomás Prieto Salazar, lost his concession. The mint reverted 7

Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:261–313. Barriga Villalba, 1:106–08. This method of assay is described in Georgius Agricola, De re metalica, trans. Herbert C. Hoover and Lou H. Hoover (New York: Dover Publications, 1950), 242–245. See also Vannoccio Bringuccio, Pirotechnica (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1966), 136–140. The Pirotechnica appeared first in 1540 and De re metalica in 1556. 9 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:329–338. 8

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to royal control, a change which had already occurred in Mexico City and Lima. A royal decree of 4 September 1752 named Lieutenant Colonel Miguel de Santisteban as the new superintendent with a salary of 3,000 pesos, half that of the superintendent of the Mexican or Lima mints.10 Mint regulations were the same New Ordinances governing mintage in Mexico City and Lima. One of Santisteban’s first tasks was to supervise construction of the mint, assisted in this enterprise by engineer Thomás Sánchez Reziente. They also installed the new coinstamping machinery. Begun in 1753, the new edifice was completed by 1759 at a cost of 58,863 pesos. While the new mint was being constructed, Santisteban engaged mainly in recutting coins already in circulation, transforming them into pesos cordoncillos. Like the mint in Mexico City, the Bogotá casa de moneda immediately made a profit, 12,232 pesos in its first sixty days under royal auspices.11 Santisteban remained as superintendent of the Bogotá mint for almost a quarter century, but he finally succumbed to old age and illness in 1775. He was succeeded by Juan Martín de Sarratea y Goyeneche, who assumed the superintendent’s post on December 15, 1775, and remained in that office until 1797. During his tenure several problems arose. One was a rash of illness encountered by mint assayers who suffered from inhaling acidic fumes at the casa de moneda. Still another was the crisis over the cuartillos, the so-called money of the people. The need for the quarter-pesos or escudos was particularly crucial for those making small transactions in local shops and markets. Sarratea’s solution for this problem was to acquire new dies for such coins, to stamp virtually all silver presented to the mint in coins of this denomination, and to insure a greater supply of gold cuartillos. In late 1796, however, Sarratea fell gravely ill and died early in 1797, well regarded for his energy, probity, and active interest in promoting mint affairs through a difficult period, including the revolt of the Comuneros in the early 1780s.12 The tenures of the first and second superintendents of the Bogotá mint lasted almost a quarter century each, but the terms of subsequent superintendents were much shorter. Antonio Saliquet y Negrete, for example, succeeded Sarratea for a little more than three years 10

Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:10 and 26. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 253; Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 1:15–33 and 2:12–32. 12 Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, 2:63–106. 11

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(1797–1800). When Saliquet died suddenly in 1800, he was replaced on an interim basis by the mint accountant, Lorenzo Morales Coronel, and then permanently by Pedro Fernández Madrid (1801–1803), who died on 24 October 1803, shortly after assuming the office. He fittingly died in his rooms at the casa de moneda. Once again Lorenzo Morales Coronel stepped in but this time as the mint’s fifth superintendent (1804–1812). He retired in 1812 after forty years in various capacities at the royal mint and also assisted the rebels in making the transformation from a royal to a national mint in the newly independent state of Cudinamarca, which reverted to royalist control for a time in the second decade of the nineteenth century. Not surprisingly, in view of both the royalists and rebels’ need for funds, mint activities continued during the wars of independence.13 The disruptions, however, were not as severe as might be imagined. Between the first and second decades of the nineteenth century, gold mintage dropped by only about onequarter. For the same period silver coinage quadrupled. The trajectory of gold mintage at the Santa Fe casa de moneda (see Table 6–2 and Figure 6–2)14 was generally upward, although in certain periods the pace slowed or dropped a bit and at times rose dramatically. After a small rise when Turillo became tesorero particular in 1627, gold mintage accelerated, doubling in the next two decades from the 1630s, but dropping again to the 1630s level in the 1660s and 1670s. A slight resurgence occurred from the 1680s until the second decade of the eighteenth century when gold coinage began to increase even more rapidly in a secular trend that went steadily and sometimes rapidly upward. In the last decade of the eighteenth century and first of the nineteenth, in fact, the mint was striking well over 12,000,000 silver pesos worth of gold, although as might be expected gold coinage fell off during the turbulent years of 1810–1819 but not as severely as silver in Mexico. Contrasted with gold mintage, silver coinage was miniscule (see Table 6–3 and Figure 6–3). Only in its first few decades did the Bogotá casa de moneda stamp many silver coins—from a high of 900,000 pesos in the 1620s down to a little over 200,000 pesos in the 1640s. After 1670 silver coinage was virtually non-existent for the next 120 years until the 1790s when close to 90,000 pesos were minted and in 13

Barriga Villalba, 2:99–202. The mintage tables for Santa Fe de Bogotá are taken from Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, I and II; and Melo, Sobre historia y política, 61–84. See also AGI, Quito, Legajos 565, 568, and 586; and AGI, Santa Fe, Legajos 373, 828–833. 14

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3,000,000

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

2,500,000

2,000,000

1,500,000

1,000,000

500,000

61

71 17 81 17 91 18 01 18 11

17

17

41

51

17

17

21

11

31 17

17

17

91

81

01 17

16

16

61

71

16

16

41

51

16

16

21 16

16

31

0

Year

Figure 6–2. New Granada Annual Gold Mintage, 1621–1819, in pesos

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

200,000

150,000

100,000

50,000

16 2 16 1 2 16 6 31 16 36 16 4 16 1 4 16 6 5 16 1 5 16 6 6 16 1 6 16 6 7 16 1 7 16 6 8 16 1 8 16 6 9 16 1 9 17 6 0 17 1 0 17 6 11 17 1 17 6 2 17 1 2 17 6 3 17 1 3 17 6 4 17 1 4 17 6 5 17 1 56 17 6 17 1 6 17 6 71 17 76 17 8 17 1 8 17 6 9 17 1 96 18 0 18 1 0 18 6 1 18 1 16

0

Year

Figure 6–3. New Granada Annual Silver Mintage, 1621–1819, in pesos

the years 1811 to 1819 when the mint stamped 179,000 pesos, many of these the small cuartillos. From 1621–1819 gold minted in Bogotá amounted to 189,189 kilograms worth 123,931,224 pesos or 97 percent of all coinage; silver coined at the Santa Fe de Bogotá ceca amounted to 83,402 kilograms of silver or 3,285,684 pesos, 3 percent of all coinage for the period. The greatest output of gold coins came in 1801 when 2,228 kilograms of gold worth 1,504,568 silver pesos were minted.

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For silver the peak year was 1815 when 793 kilograms of silver worth 33,150 pesos were struck. Casa de Moneda of Popayán (1758–1810) The Popayán mint had a shaky beginning.15 The Popayán cabildo initially requested royal permission to establish a mint in the city in 1725. Philip V authorized it five years later with the stipulation that the city fathers build it at their own expense: this abruptly ended the negotiations. A bit later, a certain Martín Arrachea asked for an appointment as tesorero particular, backing his request by agreeing to construct the mint at his own cost. Immediately the mint concessionaire at Santa Fe de Bogotá, José Prieto de Salazar, challenged the offer. He claimed that his family had received the privilege in perpetuity of establishing one or more mints in New Granada. After a review by the authorities, Prieto prevailed and Arrachea’s offer was rejected.16 In 1748 when Pedro Agustín de Valencia made a new offer to build a mint at his own cost, Ferdinand VI quickly accepted and made Valencia the new tesorero particular. Sadly for Valencia in May 1752, after he had erected a building to house the mint and had put the minting machines in place, the viceroy of New Granada suspended the concession, again because it infringed on José Prieto de Salazar’s privilege: Prieto clearly had friends in high places. When Valencia complained to the king, Ferdinand VI revoked the viceroy’s decision, and on 31 January 1758, Valencia struck his first coins. On 20 May 1763, however, the mint was closed, again because of the arguments put forward by José Prieto de Salazar’s family. The mint had been operating five years, three months, and twenty-nine days before it was shut down.17 When miners and officials in Quito complained about the mint shutdown, Charles III’s cédula of 23 August 1766 ordered it reopened, and it began functioning again on 28 February 1767. Meanwhile a debate ensued over whether Valencia should be forced to give up his concession in order to place the mint under royal control. The issue was finally resolved when Agustín de Valencia was made superintendent of

15 A valuable work on the colonial economy of Popayan for the early period is Díaz López, Oro, sociedad y economía. For the later period see, Barona B., Maldición de Midas; and Melo, Historia y política, 61–84. 16 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 383. 17 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 384.

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the new royal mint in Popayán with a salary of 2,000 pesos a year for life. The royal cédula to this effect was issued on 12 September 1770, and by the end of January 1771, a mint under royal control began functioning in Popayán. Some officials in Bogotá argued for its closing, that one mint in Santa Fe de Bogotá was enough and that paying duplicate salaries to mint officials at Popayán was a waste of money. Nevertheless the mint survived this new onslaught and remained in operation until 1822, when it stamped its last pesos de bustos.18 From very modest beginnings, once it began mintage in earnest in 1771, the Popayán mint struck a considerable number of gold coins, but virtually no silver (see Table 6–4 and Figure 6–4).19 As already indicated Popayán was the place where gold producers or traders from Ecuador and southern New Granada came to exchange their ingots for gold coins, saving them a long trek to Santa Fe or Lima. From 1758 to 1810 the Popayán mint stamped gold coins worth 41,332,168 silver pesos, but silver worth only 33,074 pesos (1771–1784), an overwhelming ratio in favor of gold. The trends in gold mintage had a small secular trend upward. In its first five years, from 1758 to 1762, gold mintage averaged about 800,000 silver pesos per year but was at its lowest point of 600,000 pesos annually in 1762, the year before the mint closed. When it reopened, however, mintage of gold went 1,400,000

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

1,200,000 1,000,000 800,000 600,000 400,000 200,000

64 17 66 17 68 17 70 17 72 17 74 17 76 17 78 17 80 17 82 17 84 17 86 17 88 17 90 17 92 17 94 17 96 17 98 18 00 18 02 18 04 18 06 18 08 18 10

17 62

17

58 17

17

60

0

Year

Figure 6–4. Popayán Gold Mintage, 1758–1810, in pesos

18

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 384–85. The sources for mintage at Popayán may be found in the AGI, Quito, Legajos 562–568 and 586 and Santa Fe, Legajos 830 and 832. 19

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up, and in 1772 was worth over 1,000,000 silver pesos. In the 1770s gold coinage again averaged 800,000 silver pesos annually, in the next two decades over 900,000, and in the first ten years of the nineteenth century over 1,000,000 pesos. Popayán mint output during the turbulent period of independence is difficult to estimate, although the mint continued to function until 1822. Barriga Villalba indicates that in this epoch the Popayán mint made a sally into the minting of pure copper vellón coins of eight, two, and half reales.20 Whether this had the same disastrous effect as in Mexico, Española, and northern New Granada is not known; more than likely it did. From 1758 to 1810, the Popayán mint coined 144,924 kilograms of fine gold worth 41,332,168 silver pesos, but as indicated, silver worth only 33,074 pesos in the fourteen years (1771–1784) it was struck into coin at Popayán.

The Casa de Moneda of Guatemala, 1733–1817 Of all Spanish colonial mints Guatemala’s was the smallest. A veritable backwash of the Spanish empire in America, Central America was an agricultural region characterized primarily by subsistence farming with cacao as the major export crop. The area had only a few silver mines and gold placers concentrated mostly in Honduras. Spaniards very early mined gold in Central America in streams and rivers on the Caribbean coast,21 and they achieved some success at silver mining in Honduras at Agalteca near Comaygua, site of a royal treasury and a casa de fundición, and at San Juan, Santa Lucía, Mololoa, San Lorenzo, Guazucarán, Yuscarán, and San Marcos closer to Tegucigalpa.22 Again, some educated estimates are possible because early silver mining has received attention from informed observers of colonial Central America.23 Generally production in the region was modest (see Table 6–6 and Figure 6–5). Before 1570 it was under 100,000 pesos per decade but rose to almost 300,000 pesos in the 1580s, when a boom

20

Barriga Villalba, 2:129–33. See Chapter 2 on Caribbean gold, pp. 10–14. Tierra Firme output is outlined there. 22 See Robert C. West, “Mining Economy of Honduras,” 767–77; and the chapter on Honduran mining in Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520–1720 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 253–263. 23 These include the work of Robert West noted above, particularly the graph on page 770. 21

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Pesos of 272 Maravedís

400,000

300,000

200,000

100,000

18

13

08

03

18

18

93

88

98 17

17

83

73

68

63

78

17

17

17

17

17

17

53

48

58 17

17

43

38

17

17

17

17

33

0

Year

Figure 6–5. Guatemala Silver Mintage, 1733–1817, in pesos

occurred from the 1580s through the 1610s. After that it remained low until the opening of the eighteenth century when it rose once again to over 300,000 pesos in the first decade and 500,000 pesos in the next. With just a few silver mines in Central America, the pressures to establish a mint in Guatemala were not as strong as in Upper Peru, Mexico, Popayán, or Santiago de Chile. In fact, most of these pressures came largely from the small merchant community which realized the value of a reliable coinage to carry on their business.24 Moreover, the desperate need for specie meant that coins minted in Potosí and elsewhere found their way to the Isthmus of Panama on the ships of the Armada del Sur and sold there and in Central America at inflated prices. Unfortunately, for merchants and the general populace, the region also became a dumping ground for falsified coins of lesser fineness and weight. This was the situation in the mid-seventeenth century: in 1653 complaints surfaced about the circulation in Central America of coins of the type being produced in Potosí during the epoch of the Gómez de la Rocha-Ramírez Arellano scandal. According to José Toribio Medina, these coins were called moclones. When the falsification was discovered, the authorities either melted down the coins to fashion them into worked silver objects, such as goblets, plates, or jewelry, or had them recast into bars that were properly assayed at royal treasuries or local casas de fundiciones and restamped as coins in the mint in Mexico. One effect of all this was to drive the inhabitants of Central America to trade in cacao beans as their major means of exchange. In

24

On the currency shortage see MacLeod, Spanish Central America, 280–287.

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the mining areas of Honduras mine operators had to pay their workers in silver shavings because of the shortage of coin.25 On 10 December 1714 the captain general of Guatemala, supported by the principal religious and political leaders in Guatemala, wrote to the king that with no source of reliable currency except from the farther reaches of Mexico or Santa Fe, the region remained impoverished without any meaningful business activity. The remedy, he asserted, was to establish a mint in Guatemala. He argued that of the thirteen gold and fifteen silver mines being worked, the king was being deprived of taxes on mine output because miners could not pay the quinto in effective currency. Sadly for Guatemala nothing came of this request. Three years later the president of the Audiencia of Guatemala made a similar plea, arguing that a mint could be set up at very little expense. It would be much less costly than the one in Mexico because fewer employees would be needed and seignorage fees, sale of mint offices, and mint profits could pay for construction and for the machinery needed by a new casa de moneda. Convinced by these arguments, on 10 February 1730, Philip V ordered a ceca established in Guatemala. When the news reached Guatemala City, the population rejoiced with a number of religious and civic celebrations.26 Guatemalan mint proponents found an ally in Tomás de Arana, senior judge of the Audiencia of Guatemala, who offered his house adjoining the audiencia chambers as the new site for the mint. Renovation began on Arana’s house, and mintage experts arrived from Mexico City with the proper dies and equipment. The Guatemala casa de moneda struck its first silver coins on 19 March 1733, even though the mint was still under construction. In fact, it was not finally finished until May 1739, with construction costs and machinery ultimately amounting to 28,772 pesos. The first mint superintendent was José Eustaquio de León, who had experience in the mint in Mexico City. According to José Toribio Medina, from 18 March 1733 to 1 March 1734, the new mint coined 211,989 silver pesos, and sometime in 1734 its first gold coin: a one-escudo piece.27 The mint suffered some early problems with charges of mint fraud and deliberate or accidental falsification of the weights and fineness 25

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 281–282; and MacLeod, Spanish Central America, 283. 26 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 285. 27 Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 288.

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of coins struck. Still the mint provided badly needed currency to the struggling economy of the region. In Guatemala as in Mexico, Lima, Potosí, and Bogotá, the new pesos cordoncillos and then pesos de bustos replaced the moneda macuquina, the old cobs or hammer money. For many of these changes, mint officials received aid from experts at the Mexican mint who made the trek southward to assist their colleagues in Guatemala. In Guatemala as in Lima thirty years earlier the casa de moneda received a severe blow on 29 July 1773, when an earthquake destroyed Santiago de Guatemala (now Antigua Guatemala), the mint included. Initially, this forced officials to move the mint machinery and the silver being prepared for coinage to a safe site at La Hermita just outside the ruined city. Although authorities made plans to move the mint permanently to that location, Charles III rejected this proposal in favor of building a totally new mint in the new capital. Once it was in place, the mint continued to function as before. The only change was in the mint mark on the coins, a change from a G (Guatemala) to NG (Nueva Guatemala). In 1793 the mint began striking its first quarter- and eighth-real pieces, which partially eliminated the use of cacao beans as a means of exchange. The mint finally ended its operation under royal auspices in January 1822, when the rebels declared independence from Spain. Silver and gold mintage in Guatemala had no discernible upward or downward trends (see Tables 6–5 and 6–6 and Figures 6–5 and 6–6).28 Mint output of silver fluctuated from decade to decade. The most productive decade was the 1750s when the mint stamped over 2,000,000 silver pesos, although it never reached that level again. Overall, for the eighty-five years silver mintage was reported for the Guatemala mint (1733–1817), the mint averaged about 170,000 pesos annually. In Potosí during a similar period, it amounted to almost 4,000,000 pesos annually, while at Popayán it was close to 800,000 pesos per year, evidence of the modest level of mint activity in Guatemala. In the epoch from 1733 to 1817, the Guatemalan mint coined 354,190 kilograms of silver worth 14,420,731 pesos, 96 percent of all coinage at the mint for that period.

28 Annual mintage can be determined from a variety of mint records in AGI, Guatemala, Legajos 791–795. In Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 287, is a list of gold marks minted from 1729–1746.

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70,000

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Figure 6–6. Guatemala Gold Mintage, 1733–1817, in pesos

Gold mintage was inconsequential. Although a little gold was minted after the creation of the mint to 1746, none was coined after that until 1776. In the 1780s gold worth 221,000 silver pesos was minted, and 129,000 pesos a decade later. After 1800 gold coinage fell off, and in some years none was minted at all. In fact for the eighty-five years from 1733 to 1817, annual gold coinage averaged a value of only 7,400 silver pesos a year, most of that between 1776 and 1800 with a banner year in 1782 when the mint stamped 66,232 silver pesos worth of gold. In the end between 1733 and 1817 the Guatemalan casa de moneda struck only a meager 944 kilograms of gold worth 634,920 silver pesos, 4 percent of its total output for the epoch. Although its output of gold and silver coins was small, the Guatemalan mint provided the agricultural and merchant communities with a common currency, giving them new links to Spanish America and the outside world. Existence of minted specie enabled the natives to pay tribute in coin rather than in kind, the miners to pay royal mining taxes in pesos, and the merchants and general population of Central America to carry on their business transactions and to pay their taxes in hard money rather than cacao beans.

The Casa de Moneda of Santiago de Chile, 1749–1820 Chile, the southernmost possession of Spain in the Indies, was the last to get a mint. In the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the

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populace of Santiago frequently pressed Spanish authorities to establish a mint in Chile for the same reasons as in Guatemala, Popayán, and other areas: the need to end the use of gold nuggets or gold dust in commercial activity; to provide hard currency to pay taxes of all kinds such as the sales tax (alcabala), trade tax (almojarifzgo), tribute, and mining and minting imposts (quinto and señoreage); and to insure that merchants had a reliable, standard means of exchange that united them commercially with the rest of the Spanish empire and the world at large. As an inducement to the king, Chileans argued that a mint would set up a profit-making enterprise for the royal fisc in a rich gold-producing region. In a plea for a mint in 1668, the city council of Santiago reported that coins were so scarce that a peso of eight reales sold for ten reales in the city, a 25 percent mark up. Also in a region subject to earthquakes, the city fathers argued, lack of a mint made it difficult to rebuild or engage in new construction.29 This plea and similar requests for creation of a mint in Santiago did nothing to move authorities in Spain, who did not respond favorably until the mid-eighteenth century. In 1741 a well-known resident of Santiago, Tomás de Azúa, was at the royal court in Spain representing the city council of Santiago. Also in Spain at the same time was another Chilean, Francisco García Huidobro, who in consultation with Azúa and royal authorities offered to build a mint at his own expense in return for designation as tesorero particular perpétuo for himself and his heirs. He also agreed to engage the necessary mintage experts and acquire the equipment necessary for minting the new pesos cordoncillos. Moreover, when he found a skilled assayer, García Huidobro agreed to pay him 1,000 pesos annually to serve in the new Santiago mint. Philip V accepted the Chilean’s offer and issued a cédula on 1 October 1743, establishing a mint in Santiago under García Huidobro’s direction.30 The newly designated tesorero particular assembled his mint functionaries and the required equipment in Cádiz and set out for Buenos Aires. Just outside Cádiz, however, the English seized his ship and took it to Lisbon. There García Huidobro agreed to pay a ransom for release of his vessel, but not on the spot. He offered instead to pay the English 100 to 150 percent of the value of his coinage machinery on 29 30

Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 317–322. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 324–26, 336–46.

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the vessel for the mint he was to set up in Santiago, an amount ranging somewhere between 40,000 and 60,000 silver pesos.31 On the strength of his promise, the English allowed García Huidobro to leave Lisbon for Buenos Aires. Upon arrival in Buenos Aires, he and his mint functionaries made the trek across the Andes with the coinage equipment. Once in Santiago García Huidobro began building the mint on the Calle de Huérfanos. His construction costs amounted to 11,000 pesos. In September 1749, the new tesorero particular stamped his first coin, a half-ounce or four-escudo piece with the bust of Ferdinand VI on it. Initially, however, miners brought very little gold to the casa de moneda, and very little was coined in the mint’s first few years of operation. Only in 1756 and over the following next fourteen years did mintage begin in earnest under García Huidobro’s direction. On 8 August 1770, however, Charles III revoked the tesorero’s concession and placed the mint under royal control. The tesorero at least took some solace for the loss of his concession when the king awarded him a lifetime salary equaling that of the alguacil mayor of the royal audiencia. José Toribio Medina asserts that from the time the mint began in 1749 until the end of 1770, García Huidobro coined 77,344 gold marks, although another estimate for the same period is 88,346 marks, which most likely included some silver.32 The royal mint at Santiago under royal auspices began functioning on 11 March 1772, with the Conde de Conquista as its interim superintendent. This shift to royal control also occasioned the removal of the mint to a provisional site at the Jesuit Colegio Máximo de San Miguel where it remained until work began on a new casa de moneda on 30 April 1783 at the present site of the mint. Building costs this time amounted to almost 60,000 pesos. Once it began functioning, the mint encountered a number of problems: in the late 1780s and early 1790s miners brought little gold to the mint for coinage because heavy rains cut placer output; mercury was scarce; the superintendent of the casa de moneda had to be replaced; and the mint had to borrow money from the royal treasury to provide minted coins to miners who appeared with gold and silver bars. Still, it managed to increase

31 32

There is no evidence the English collected a single escudo of this ransom. Toribio Medina, Monedas coloniales, 328 and 333.

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its output each decade, not dramatically but increase it nevertheless despite these early problems.33 From 1749 to 1755, mint records are scanty for Santiago de Chile. Although the mint began production in 1749, the first extant systematic records of coinage date from 1756. Thereafter to 1820, mint accounts or reports of gold and silver actually fashioned into coin (rendiciones) can be established with more assurance (see Tables 6–7 and 6–8 and Figures 6–7 and 6–8).34 From 1756 to 1820 gold mintage amounted to over 39,000,000 silver pesos (58,782 kilograms) and silver coinage to close to 7,400,000 pesos (179,390 kilograms), gold constituting 84 percent and silver a surprising 16 percent, surprising because in the first two centuries after the Spanish conquest virtually no silver was mined in Chile at all. The general trend in gold mintage in Santiago de Chile (see Table 6–7 and Figure 6–7) between 1756 and 1820 was generally upward but only modestly so until 1810 when the wars of independence caused a slight drop. In the period from 1756 to 1770, coinage averaged 400,000 silver pesos annually, but in the 1770s and 1780s that average rose by one and one-half times to almost 600,000 silver pesos per year. In the last decade of the eighteenth century mintage of gold reached its highest

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

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Figure 6–7. Chile Gold Mintage, 1756–1820, in pesos 33 A chatty but exceedingly informative history of the mint in the colonial period may be found in Vicuña Mackenna, Edad del oro. On the establishment of the mint, see 2:95–112. 34 Gold and silver mintage records for Santiago de Chile for the years 1756–1771, 1782–88, and 1801–04 are taken from AGI, Audiencia of Chile, Legajos 374–376, 381, and 384–85. For the years 1772–1781, 1789–1800, and 1805–20, they are from Vicuña Mackenna, Edad del oro, 1:107 and 110.

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Figure 6–8. Chile Silver Mintage, 1756–1815, in pesos

point ever, almost 800,000 pesos annually, belying the assertion of José Toribio Medina that the mint was languishing in this epoch. Between 1811 and 1820 gold coinage averaged a bit over 600,000 pesos a year, the level of the 1770s and 1780s. Gold mintage also continued after the ouster of the royalists, as the newly independent Chilean republic carried on mint affairs much as before.35 In fact, in 1819 and 1820 gold mintage averaged about 600,000 pesos annually. Santiago silver mintage had a strange trajectory (see Table 6–8 and Figure 6–8). As indicated, little or no silver was mined in Chile until the very end of the colonial epoch. In the 1750s, for example, no silver was reported as being mined or minted, but in 1762 the mint finally stamped a few silver coins, averaging about 10,000 pesos a year between 1762 and 1770. That amount rose by ten times in the last two years of the 1770s to over 100,000 pesos annually. In the 1780s it reached an annual average of 140,000, a veritable Chilean silver boom. This rise continued in the next decade, averaging over 200,000 pesos annually to 1803 but dropping a bit after that. In 1810, however, it rose once again and continued to rise until Chile became independent. In the five years from 1811 to 1815, for example, the mint struck an average of 300,000 pesos annually with 1815 being the most productive year of silver coinage in colonial mint history. This was two years before the battle of Chacabuco freed central Chile from Spanish rule.

35 An effort to compare gold mintage with estimated gold production, similar to that done for Mexico, Lima, and Potosí, reveals that mintage was usually greater than production for the decades 1761–1810.

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The Casas da Moeda of Brazil, 1694–1822 Colonial Brazil also had its mints (casas da moeda).36 The first was established at Bahia in 1694. It was subsequently moved to Rio de Janeiro in 1699 and then to Pernambuco but ultimately was returned to Rio. In 1715 a mint was reestablished in Bahia, and eleven years later, in 1725, one was operating in Vila Rica de Ouro Preto in Minas Gerais, although it closed a short time later in the early 1730s. At the beginning of the nineteenth century a royal decree ordered the transfer of the Rio casa da moeda to Vila Rica and the Bahia mint to Goiás, but the order was ultimately rescinded.37 The casas da moeda of colonial Brazil have an elusive history. Thoroughgoing studies of the mints at Rio de Janeiro and Bahia have yet to be written. In fact, the issue of whether the first mint was established in São Paulo in 1633 is still being debated.38 The general consensus among informed historians, however, is that regular coinage began in colonial Brazil in Bahia in 1694, that the mint in Rio functioned from the opening of the eighteenth century to the end of the colonial epoch, and the casa da moeda in Bahia continuously after 1715. For a brief period in the late 1720s and early 1730s a mint also stamped coins in Vila Rica in Minas Gerais. When it was shut down, it became the residence of the governor of Minas Gerais.39 The mints of Luso-America were organized and functioned in much the same fashion as in Spanish America, and with similar personnel. A provedor da moeda, superintendent, or intendent served as mint director and was responsible for all its operations. Also attached to the casa da moeda were one treasurer (tesoureiro), two scribes (escrivão de receite and escrivão da conferencia), two weight specialists ( juizes da balança), two guards (guarda-livros and guarda de cunho), one foundryman ( fundidor), two assayers (ensaiadores), one treasurer’s assistant 36 A useful book on minting and the monetary history of colonial Brazil is Severino Sombra, História monetária do Brasil colonial (Rio de Janeiro: n. p., 1938). Equally useful but emphasizing Portuguese coinage is A. C. Teixeira de Aragão, Descripção geral e histórica das moedas cunhadas em nome dos réis, regentes e governadores de Portugal 3 vols. (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1877). 37 Dauril Alden, Royal Government in Colonial Brazil with Special Reference to the Administration of the Marquis of Lavradio, Viceroy 1769–1779 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 286. 38 Sombra, História monetária, 317–337. 39 Alden, Colonial Brazil, 286; Boxer, Golden Age of Brazil, 29; and Sombra, História monetária, 194.

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for gold coinage and another for silver ( fiel de ouro and fiel de prata) who followed the mintage process from beginning to end, two engravers (abridores de cunho), one locksmith (serralheiro), one doorman (porteiro), one bailiff (meirinho), one office boy (continuo), 104 coin stampers (moedeiros), and one conservator (conservador) who dealt with legal matters for the casa da moeda.40 In the Rio de Janeiro casa in 1726 the assayer was paid 2,000 réis daily and the foundraman 1,200 réis.41 As testimony of the need to keep newly minted coins in a secure place in Brazil, the mint locksmith (serralheiro) received 1,500 réis per day.42 In the Lisbon mint in 1720, the provedor received a stipend of 10,000 milréis; the treasurer, two scribes, and weight specialist 5,0000 milréis each; the fiel for gold and silver 4,000 milréis; the assayer, engraver, smelters, doorman, office boy, striker, baliffs, guards and the cashier for the treasurer 2,500 milréis apiece.43 Total payroll for the Lisbon mint was 81,500 milréis.44 Unique to Brazilian mintage was the stamping of two types of coin: national money or coin of the realm (moeda nacionais) and provincial money (moeda do Brasil ). National money was used in business transactions with Portugal and for overseas remittances. Provincial money circulated only in Brazil.45 Between 1768 and 1779 the Rio mint coined approximately 30,300,000 milréis of both types of coin. Coin of the realm constituted 97 percent of the total for those twelve years and provincial coin only 3 percent. Because they could circulate virtually anywhere, moedas nacionais were clearly the preferred kind of coinage at Brazilian mints. The discount rate in Portugal on Brazilian provincial coinage was close to 10 percent. In 1748, for example, 4,000 milréis of gold minted in Brazil was worth 3,536 milréis in Portugal. For silver 640 réis coined in Brazil was valued at 582 réis in the mother country.46

40

For a full description of the duties of these various functionaries, see Teixera de Aragão, Descripção geral, 2:316–333. See also Sombra, História monetária, 125. 41 The real (its plural is réis) was the standard unit of account for the Portuguese monetary system. It should not be confused with the Spanish real, which in Spanish America was 34 maravedís, or one eighth of a peso. Just as the maravedí was the Spanish unit of account, the real served the same purpose for the Portuguese. The milréis was one thousand réis. 42 Sombra, História monetária, 191. 43 Teixeira de Aragão, Descripção geral, 2:80–81. 44 Teixeira de Aragão, Descripção geral, 2:80–81. 45 Alden, Colonial Brazil, 286. 46 Teixeira de Aragão, Descripção geral, 2:144.

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Brazilian mints stamped a myriad of gold, silver, and copper coins. If they conformed to the Portuguese standard, gold coins struck in Brazilian mints from the opening of the Bahia mint in 1694 to 1822 had a fineness of twenty-two karats.47 Silver coins had a fineness of eleven dineros. Unlike the changes in the fineness of gold ordered in Spanish America in 1772 and 1786 and in silver in 1728, 1772, and 1786, there is no evidence that the Portuguese made such changes, a surprising development because the less fine Spanish gold and silver coins would have driven Brazilian currency out of circulation. In the very early years of Brazilian mintage to 1706, gold moedas nacionais were stamped in denominations of one-quarter moeda (1,100 réis), one-half moeda (2,200 réis), and one-moeda pieces (4,400 réis); and later in one-moeda pieces of 4,000 réis, half-moedas of 2,000 réis, and quarter-moedas of 1,000 réis. Silver was coined as moedas nacionais in denominations of one-half tostão of 50 réis, one tostão of 100 réis, two tostões of 200 réis, and one cruzado of 400 réis. Smaller silver coins were struck also: one vintém of 20 réis, 2 vinténs of 40 réis, three vinténs of 60 réis, four vinténs of 80 réis, six vinténs of 120 réis, and twelve vinténs of 240 réis. Copper coins were issued in denominations of one-and-a-half, three, five, and ten réis. For use in Brazil as provincial money, the Rio mint initially stamped one-quarter moedas of 1,200 réis, one-half moedas of 2,400 réis, one-moeda gold coins of 4,800 réis. It also made gold one-quarter moedas of 1,000 réis, one-half moedas of 2,000 réis, and one-moeda gold pieces of 4,000 réis. Provincial money of silver was minted in denominations of one-quarter pataca of 80 réis, one-half pataca of 160 réis, one pataca of 320 réis, two patacas of 640 réis, one vintém of 20 réis, two vinténs of 40 réis, and four vinténs of 80 réis.48 The silver finding its way to Brazilian mints was probably Spanish American, smuggled out of Upper Peru to Brazil where it was taken to the mint either in bars or in coin. As in Spanish America, Brazilian coinage was altered over time. Between late 1706 through July 1750, the two mints in Brazil still coined the two types of money—of the realm and of Brazil. Some coins

47 See the tables in Teixeira de Aragão, Descripção geral, II:237–44. These provide the name of the ruling monarch, the gold or silver coins in circulation, their fineness in quilates (karats) or dineros, value in réis, weight in grains, number of pieces struck per mark, value of a mark of gold or silver in réis, and value in milréis in 1877. Presumably, the coin of the realm stamped in Brazil met this Portuguese standard. 48 Sombra, História monetária, 121. Texeira de Aragão, Descripção geral, 2:237–244.

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of the realm were called doubloons (dobrões): a doubloon of two escudos (1/2 peça) of 3,200 réis, another of four escudos (peça) of 6,400 réis, an eight-escudo doubloon of 12,800 réis, a dobrão of 12,000 réis, and a dobrão of five moedas of 24,000 réis. Gold one-quarter moedas of 1,200 réis, one-half moedas of 2,400 réis, and one-moeda gold coins of 4,800 réis were also stamped, along with a half- and one-escudo coin of 800 réis and 1,600 réis respectively. The Brazilian mints also produced a gold cruzado, which was a one-quarter escudo piece of 400 réis; and a gold coin of 480 réis labeled the cruzado novo. Silver appeared in vinténs: one vintém of 20 réis, three vinténs of 60 réis, six vinténs of 120 réis, twelve vinténs of 240 réis, and a silver cruzado of 480 réis. Silver coins of a half tostão of 50 réis and one tostão of 100 réis were also stamped. Copper coins continued to be issued in the same denominations as before: one and one-half, three, five, and 10 réis coins. Provincial money appeared in the following denominations: gold dobrões of 24,000, 12,800, 12,000, 6,400, and 3,200 réis, plus onequarter, one-half and one-escudo pieces of 400, 800, and 1,600 réis respectively. The quarter gold escudo constituted the provincial cruzado of 400 réis. Silver in provincial coin was minted in half-, one-, and two-pataca pieces of 160, 320, and 640 réis. Copper money in Bahia, issued as local currency, consisted of coins of 10 réis and a vintém of 20 réis.49 Between 1750 and late February 1777, mints in Brazil were stamping one-quarter, one-half, and one-escudo coins valued at 400, 800, and 1,600 réis respectively. A gold cruzado in this epoch was a one-quarter escudo worth 400 réis, and the mints also turned out dobras of two escudos (ostensibly a replacement for the dobrões) of 3,200 réis (meia peça) and four escudos of 6,400 réis (peça).50 In this epoch silver coins of the realm still being issued included one vintém of twenty réis, three vinténs of sixty réis, six of 120 réis, twelve of 240 réis, and a silver cruzado valued at 480 réis or 24 vinténs. A tostão of 100 réis and a half tostão of 50 réis were being stamped as well. Mints stamped copper coins in denominations of three-, five-, and ten-réis pieces. Gold coin49

Sombra, História monetária, 185–86. In Brazil a doubloon, either a dobrāo or dobra, simply meant a gold coin of different denominations. As already noted in Spanish America the doubloon (doblón) was a coin of one ounce, worth eight escudos. In the early nineteenth century Spanish America coins of two escudos were called pistoles (pistols) and a joe if they were from Brazil. 50

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age for circulation in Brazil were half- and one-escudo pieces of 800 and 1,600 réis and dobras of two escudos (3,200 réis) and four escudos (6,400 réis). Quarter-, half-, and one-moeda pieces were valued at 1,000, 2,000, and 4,000 moedas. Silver provincial money appeared as quarter, half, one, and two patacas of 160, 320, 640, and 1,280 réis, and there were also six tostões of 600 réis, three totões of 300 réis, one and one-half tostões of 150 réis, and a piece half of that—quarto de trés tostões. Copper coins were in denomination of one vintém of twenty réis and two vinténs of forty, along with five- and ten-réis pieces. To the end of the colonial epoch there was little change. A gold cruzado remained at 400 réis and a silver cruzado at 480 réis.51 Mintage in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia was far more complex than in Spanish America because these Luso-American casas da moeda had to stamp a far wider variety of coins. Moreover, the necessity of minting both coins of the realm and provincial money for use in Brazil added to this complexity. Brazilian mints struck not only gold but also silver and copper coins. Although little or no silver was mined in LusoAmerica, silver was nevertheless abundant enough to make its coinage possible, good evidence of the smuggling of Spanish American silver into Brazil. In Luso-America too both silver and copper coins became the people’s money, small-denomination coins used in every-day transactions. Whether the existence of copper coins in Brazil caused the same problems as in Spanish America, where they drove gold and silver out of circulation, is not clear, but the two major mints continued to issue copper coins until the end of the colonial epoch. As in Spanish American mints, falsification of the weight and fineness of Brazilian gold coins was common. Mint officials connived with the provedor and assayer to certify stamped coins that did not meet royal standards of fineness. They then kept the difference for themselves. Cases of falsification were regularly reported to royal authorities in Lisbon.52 Moreover, mintage was less carefully regulated than in Spanish America, which made fraud more common in Brazilian casas da moeda than in their Spanish American counterparts.

51 Sombra, História monetária, 233–234. For coinage carried on at the end of the eighteenth century and beginning of the nineteenth century, see Sombra, História monetária, 259 and 285. 52 See Sombra, História monetária, 165, 215, 230, and 232.

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Accurate assessment of the gold, silver, and copper actually minted in Brazil is difficult to ascertain. Like Spanish American mints, Brazilian casas da moeda were required to remit to Lisbon the accounts of all coins stamped (relações do rendimento),53 but either colonial mint officials ignored this requirement or these records have not yet been analyzed systematically. Fortunately, though, French historian Michel Morineau has offered some estimates for Brazilian gold mintage for virtually the entire eighteenth century which makes possible at least an informed assessment based on his gold-shipment estimates taken from the gazettes. Also useful is a systematic compilation of annual Lisbon gold mintage from 1688 to 1797.54 The trends in Brazilian mintage and output in many ways mirror those in Spanish America, with one exception (see Table 6–9 and Figure 6–9): as in Potosí, coinage was never greater than gold output, probably reflecting the continuing trade in gold nuggets and gold dust. Still, gold mintage rose steadily in Brazil from about 27,000 kilograms worth 17,000,000 Spanish silver pesos in the second decade of

Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís

50,000,000

40,000,000

30,000,000

20,000,000

10,000,000

0 1701

1711

1721

1731

1741

1751

1761

1771

1781

1791

1801

Year

Figure 6–9. Brazil Gold Mintage, 1703–1800, in pesos 53

Sombra, História monetária, 148, 154, and 214. Morineau, Incroyables gazettes, 144–145. Morineau’s estimates are for the years 1703 to 1806. His estimates for gold shipments from Brazil may be found on 135–137 and 139. For Lisbon mintage 1688–1797 see the unpublished paper by Jorge Braga de Macedo, Alvaro Ferreira da Silva, and Rita Martins de Sousa, “War Taxes, and Gold: The Inheritance of the Real,” 34–36. (Table compiled by Martins de Sousa.) These provide the basis of Table 5–23 and Figures 5–23 and 5–24. 54

new world mintage ii

285

the eighteenth century to a peak of almost 71,000 kilograms valued at 45,500,000 pesos in the 1760s and then declined after that by half in the 1770s and 1780s to a bit over 30,000 kilograms (20,600,000 pesos) in the last decade of the eighteenth century as the gold boom in Brazil diminished. Over the the eighteenth century, mints at Rio, Bahia, and Vila Rica minted almost 440,000 kilograms of gold worth almost 284,000,000 Spanish silver pesos. How much silver and copper was minted simply is not known. This brief summary of Brazilian mintage provides a number of surprising revelations. One is that Brazilian mints provided more coin in small denominations than those of Spanish America. The myriad of small coins of silver, gold, and copper indicate Portuguese authorities were concerned that there be a medium of exchange that could be used by petty marketers for small transactions. As already noted, Brazilian casas da moeda continued the stamping of small copper and silver coins until the end of the colonial epoch, coins which did not seem to drive gold and silver out of circulation. A second surprise is that Brazilian mints coined silver. While it is no surprise that silver from Upper Peru found its way to Brazil, it is surprising that it was coined. As was also true in New Granada, gold was the precious metal which dominated in colonial Brazil, but the extent to which silver intruded on this dominance remains a mystery.

Afterword This overview verifies much of the conventional wisdom about colonial coinage. First, despite the abundant amounts of gold and silver and a number of mints scattered throughout the Indies, Spanish and Portuguese America suffered a perpetual shortage of minted coin. Because of its desirability in other areas of America, Europe, and the rest of the world, coins from American mints were rapidly shipped out of the Indies. That Mexico City may have housed the largest mint in the world made no difference. The pesos and escudos coined there quickly left New Spain to go elsewhere. Moreover, mints everywhere, except perhaps in Luso-America, failed to stamp enough coin to meet the needs of the folk, of the men and women engaged in small transactions. Attempts were made in some colonial mints to remedy this situation, but in many places it was common to use cacao beans, silver shavings, sugar, cotton balls, and other items as a means of exchange,

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in addition to gold dust and gold nuggets in gold-rich areas like Brazil and New Granada. In Spanish America the state benefitted when it set up colonial mints, operated under royal auspices. Earlier, in the epoch of the concessionaires, royal authorities had sold most mint offices, many of them for considerable sums. The money from such sales went to the royal treasury, but these payments were miniscule compared to the greater benefit accruing to the royal fisc when mintage became a state enterprise. When the age of the tesoreros particulares ended and royal mints replaced them, the casas de moneda of Spanish America proved to be profitable for the crown everywhere, a royal monopoly that helped fill royal coffers from señoreage and braceaje charges and apartado in Mexico, profits that were much greater than the sums paid earlier for mint offices. At crucial times too the state made money from the debasement of colonial coinage by not notifying the general public, a kind of legal falsification that lasted until people discovered the lesser gold and silver content of their coinage. At the same time mints provided a source of coin for the payment of taxes to the crown in effective currency which had previously been paid in kind. Mints established in Santiago de Guatemala and Santiago de Chile were good examples of this benefit. Also for colonial merchants a reliable coinage forged more solid links with the merchant communities of the Spanish empire in America, Europe, and the world at large, with the mint in Española in the sixteenth century a notable exception. The creation of state-run mints also increased royal authority in the Indies. By controlling coinage Spanish functionaries established a firmer control over economic affairs. The trade in gold dust and gold nuggets in the gold-rich areas of Spanish and Luso America led to anarchy in the commercial sector, a loss in tax revenues, and fraud by those involved in such traffic. It was no accident that when mints were set up in the Indies, they were located symbiotically near the seats of power— the viceregal palace in Mexico and Santa Fe de Bogotá, the audiencia chambers in Guatemala, the government offices in Chile, the cathedral in Potosí, the main square (Praça do Palacio) in Bahia, the cabildo at Popayán, and the bishop’s palace in Española. This was similar to the location of the mint in Sevilla, which was close to the Casa de Contratación, the Exchange (Lonja), the Holy Office of the Inquisition, and the cathedral. The port of entry, where the fleets deposited their New World treasure, was only a block away from the docks at the Torre del Oro.

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287

Tables Table 6–1. Estimated Early New Granada Gold and Silver Production by Decade, 1533–1620* (in Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedis and Kilograms of Fine Gold and Silver). DECADE 1533–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 TOTAL

Gold PESOS 1,459,440 1,346,714 3,605,981 4,902,861 5,143,197 4,337,688 8,085,543 8,984,093 7,191,133 45,056,650

* See Chapter 6, footnote 2.

KGS 2,264 2,089 5,593 7,604 7,977 6,728 12,541 13,934 11,153 69,883

Silver PESOS 58,378 53,869 144,239 196,114 205,728 173,508 323,422 359,364 287,645 1,802,266

KGS 1,492 1,377 3,687 5,013 5,259 4,435 8,267 9,186 7,353 46,068

272,408 272,408 272,408 272,408 272,408 272,408 1,768 26,928 52,224 51,680 1,767,048

2,003 2,003 2,003 2,003 2,003 2,003 13 198 384 380 12,993

5,014 4,314 2,132 3,950 4,526 3,709 5,293 2,347 2,682 1,781

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1629 1630

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

681,904 586,704 289,952 537,200 615,536 504,424 719,848 319,192 364,752 242,216 58,340,736

PESOS

YEAR MARKS

1,058 910 450 833 955 782 1,116 495 566 376

423 423 423 423 423 423 3 42 81 80 2,741

KGS

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638 1639 1640 812 1,445 1,810 1,199 2,714 2,162 2,152 2,255 1,562 3,353 19,464

765 2,103 1,047 1,285 1,402 1,606 2,034 1,374 2,690 2,510 16,816

YEAR MARKS

110,432 196,520 246,160 163,064 369,104 294,032 292,672 306,680 212,432 456,008 2,647,104

104,040 286,008 142,392 174,760 190,672 218,416 276,624 186,864 365,840 341,360 2,286,976

PESOS

171 305 382 253 572 456 454 476 329 707 4,106

161 444 221 271 296 339 429 290 567 529 3,547

KGS

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650

YEAR

2,112 1,559 2,775 2,912 1,534 1,537 2,198 2,883 1,661 1,713 20,884

3,043 5,407 2,728 6,929 2,943 2,609 3,668 3,274 3,021 3,758 37,380

MARKS

287,232 212,024 377,400 396,032 208,624 209,032 298,928 392,088 225,896 232,968 2,840,224

413,848 735,352 371,008 942,344 400,248 354,824 498,848 445,264 410,856 511,088 5,083,680

PESOS

445 329 585 614 324 324 464 608 350 361 4,405

642 1,141 575 1,462 621 550 774 691 637 793 7,885

KGS

Table 6–2. Santa Fe de Bogota Gold Mintage 1621–1819 (in Marks, Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Gold).

288 chapter six

489,192 121,856 495,584 736,712 472,192 330,888 392,496 433,432 493,680 184,688 4,150,720

3,597 896 3,644 5,417 3,472 2,433 2,886 3,187 3,630 1,358 30,520

3,014 2,871 3,325 2,840 3,175 2,230 3,123 2,929 4,054 7,989 35,550

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

409,904 390,456 452,200 386,240 431,800 303,280 424,728 398,344 551,344 1,086,504 4,834,800

PESOS

YEAR MARKS

Table 6–2 (cont.)

636 606 701 599 670 470 659 618 855 1,685 7,499

759 189 769 1,143 732 513 609 672 766 286 6,438

KGS

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700 5,492 3,860 1,225 3,040 4,580 3,548 2,317 5,351 4,835 6,381 40,629

1,652 3,394 3,753 1,655 1,188 1,313 1,402 2,196 4,686 2,225 23,464

YEAR MARKS

746,912 524,960 166,600 413,440 622,880 482,528 315,112 727,736 657,560 867,816 5,525,544

224,672 461,584 510,408 225,080 161,568 178,568 190,672 298,656 637,296 302,600 3,191,104

PESOS

1,158 814 258 641 966 748 489 1,129 1,020 1,346 8,570

348 716 792 349 251 277 296 463 988 469 4,949

KGS

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

YEAR

4,841 5,074 4,323 5,204 5,618 4,669 4,382 4,243 5,110 4,939 48,403

1,965 1,723 1,745 3,018 2,950 2,904 2,997 1,504 3,212 2,348 24,366

MARKS

658,376 690,064 587,928 707,744 764,048 634,984 595,952 577,048 694,960 671,704 6,582,808

267,240 234,328 237,320 410,448 401,200 394,944 407,592 204,544 436,832 319,328 3,313,776

PESOS

1,021 1,070 912 1,098 1,185 985 924 895 1,078 1,042 10,210

414 363 368 637 622 613 632 317 678 495 5,140

KGS

new world mintage ii 289

1,156,136 981,376 849,592 1,039,856 990,488 743,512 1,019,728 729,912 1,013,608 1,013,608 9,537,816

8,501 7,216 6,247 7,646 7,283 5,467 7,498 5,367 7,453 7,453 70,131

3,617 6,313 5,566 5,152 3,737 4,254 4,976 5,098 5,840 5,222 49,775

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

491,912 858,568 756,976 700,672 508,232 578,544 676,736 693,328 794,240 710,192 6,769,400

PESOS

YEAR MARKS

Table 6–2 (cont.)

763 1,332 1,154 1,068 775 882 1,032 1,057 1,211 1,083 10,356

1,793 1,522 1,318 1,613 1,536 1,153 1,582 1,132 1,572 1,572 14,793

KGS

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 4,105 7,571 10,261 5,472 7,018 5,644 7,214 6,620 7,140 7,343 68,388

7,453 7,453 10,044 7,048 8,425 7,553 6,784 4,676 3,438 3,089 65,963

YEAR MARKS

KGS

558,280 851 1,029,656 1,570 1,395,496 2,128 744,192 1,135 954,448 1,455 767,584 1,170 981,104 1,453 900,320 1,333 971,040 1,438 998,648 1,478 9,300,768 14,010

1,013,608 1,572 1,013,608 1,572 1,365,984 2,119 958,528 1,487 1,145,800 1,777 1,027,208 1,593 922,624 1,431 635,936 986 467,568 725 420,104 652 8,970,968 13,914

PESOS

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

YEAR

8,318 8,158 8,659 7,307 9,310 7,909 10,562 10,912 10,662 10,506 92,303

3,527 4,366 5,769 11,534 6,444 7,966 4,501 3,495 2,896 2,730 53,228

MARKS

1,131,248 1,109,488 1,177,624 993,752 1,266,160 1,075,624 1,436,432 1,484,032 1,450,032 1,428,816 12,553,208

479,672 593,776 784,584 1,568,624 876,384 1,083,376 612,136 475,320 393,856 371,280 7,239,008

PESOS

1,675 1,643 1,743 1,471 1,875 1,592 2,127 2,197 2,147 2,115 18,585

744 921 1,217 2,433 1,359 1,680 949 737 611 576 11,228

KGS

290 chapter six

2,228 1,834 1,643 1,885 2,167 2,157 2,207 1,643 1,815 1,643 19,222

KGS 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819

8,109 6,261 10,212 8,561 8,560 6,608 8,060 6,759 6,658 69,788

YEAR MARKS

KGS

1,102,824 1,633 851,496 1,261 1,388,832 2,056 1,164,296 1,724 1,164,160 1,724 898,688 1,331 1,096,160 1,623 919,224 1,361 905,488 1,341 9,491,168 14,052

PESOS

TOTAL

YEAR

911,259

MARKS

123,931,224

PESOS

189,189

KGS

MARKS

10035 10035 10035 10035 10035 10035 3096 22766

YEAR

1621 1622 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628

85,298 85,298 85,298 85,298 85,298 85,298 26,316 193,511

PESOS

2,180 2,180 2,180 2,180 2,180 2,180 673 4,946

KGS 1631 1632 1633 1634 1635 1636 1637 1638

YEAR 10295 7379 4706 4108 1282 1003 380 11367

MARKS 87,508 62,722 40,001 34,918 10,897 8,526 3,230 96,620

PESOS

2,237 1,603 1,022 893 279 218 83 2,470

KGS

1641 1642 1643 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648

YEAR

1368 1224 3798 0 0 5567 1550 5400

MARKS

11,628 10,404 32,283 0 0 47,320 13,175 45,900

PESOS

297 266 825 0 0 1,210 337 1,173

KGS

Table 6–3. Bogota Silver Mintage 1621–1819 (in Marks, Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedis and Kilograms of Fine Silver).

* Barriga Villalba, Casa de Moneda, I, 62, 94–97, 109, 121, 132; II, 32–33, 48–49, 167–168, 170.

1,504,568 1,239,096 1,109,760 1,273,096 1,463,768 1,456,968 1,490,968 1,109,760 1,225,632 1,109,760 12,983,376

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

11,063 9,111 8,160 9,361 10,763 10,713 10,963 8,160 9,012 8,160 95,466

PESOS

YEAR MARKS

Table 6–2 (cont.)

new world mintage ii 291

MARKS

11670 8686 106428

8076 3744 3330 21933 7615 2051 3730 2918 1632 7170 62199

0 0 1030 1196 0 0 1476 507 0 2713 6922

YEAR

1629 1630

1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 1657 1658 1659 1660

1681 1682 1683 1684 1685 1686 1687 1688 1689 1690

Table 6–3 (cont.)

0 0 8,755 10,166 0 0 12,546 4,310 0 23,061 58,837

68,646 31,824 28,305 186,431 64,728 17,434 31,705 24,803 13,872 60,945 528,692

99,195 73,831 904,638

PESOS

0 0 224 260 0 0 321 110 0 589 1,504

1,755 813 724 4,765 1,654 446 810 634 355 1,558 13,514

2,536 1,887 23,123

KGS

1691 1692 1693 1694 1695 1696 1697 1698 1699 1700

1661 1662 1663 1664 1665 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670

1639 1640

YEAR

98 675 692 582 127 0 1364 4557 1503 2240 11838

7170 7170 7170 7170 2512 1820 9409 3954 2804 1902 51081

770 1042 42332

MARKS

833 5,738 5,882 4,947 1,080 0 11,594 38,735 12,776 19,040 100,623

60,945 60,945 60,945 60,945 21,352 15,470 79,977 33,609 23,834 16,167 434,189

6,545 8,857 359,822

PESOS

21 147 150 126 28 0 296 990 327 487 2,572

1,558 1,558 1,558 1,558 546 395 2,044 859 609 413 11,098

167 226 9,197

KGS

1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710

1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680

1649 1650

YEAR

0 1332 1711 554 1013 0 517 211 0 0 5338

1902 1902 1902 1009 0 0 0 0 0 2516 9231

4420 1775 25102

MARKS

0 11,322 14,544 4,709 8,611 0 4,395 1,794 0 0 45,373

16,167 16,167 16,167 8,577 0 0 0 0 0 21,386 78,464

37,570 15,088 213,367

PESOS

0 289 372 120 220 0 112 46 0 0 1,160

413 413 413 219 0 0 0 0 0 547 2,006

960 386 5,454

KGS

292 chapter six

0 0 0 0 0 137 0 0 0 0 137

0 1477 390 390 390 390 390 390 0 0 3817

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750

MARKS

1711 1712 1713 1714 1715 1716 1717 1718 1719 1720

YEAR

Table 6–3 (cont.)

0 12,555 3,315 3,315 3,315 3,315 3,315 3,315 0 0 32,445

0 0 0 0 0 1,165 0 0 0 0 1,165

PESOS

0 311 82 82 82 82 82 82 0 0 805

0 0 0 0 0 30 0 0 0 0 30

KGS

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1721 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730

YEAR

0 0 0 0 228 541 0 1339 617 2009 4734

0 786 447 395 1234 56 2170 447 0 0 5535

MARKS

0 0 0 0 1,938 4,599 0 11,382 5,245 17,077 40,239

0 6,681 3,800 3,358 10,489 476 18,445 3,800 0 0 47,048

PESOS

0 0 0 0 48 114 0 282 130 424 998

0 171 97 86 268 12 471 97 0 0 1,203

KGS

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

YEAR

269 638 61 81 242 356 685 167 965 299 3763

371 125 140 93 0 74 111 0 126 0 1040

MARKS

2,287 5,423 519 689 2,057 3,026 5,823 1,420 8,203 2,542 31,986

3,154 1,063 1,190 791 0 629 944 0 1,071 0 8,840

PESOS

57 135 13 17 51 75 144 35 203 63 794

78 26 30 20 0 16 23 0 27 0 219

KGS

new world mintage ii 293

MARKS

1173 2873 662 830 431 323 200 252 235 428 7407

1000 1300 550 450 150 350 0 550 150 1000 5500

YEAR

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

Table 6–3 (cont.)

8,500 11,050 4,675 3,825 1,275 2,975 0 4,675 1,275 8,500 46,750

10,642 26,988 11,254 13,209 3,664 2,746 1,700 2,142 1,998 3,638 77,979

PESOS

206 268 113 93 31 72 0 113 31 206 1,133

264 670 275 323 90 67 42 52 49 89 1,919

KGS

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

YEAR

1150 2300 0 2450 3900 3850 950 3250 3200 21050

343 227 451 776 125 120 363 221 92 162 2880

MARKS

9,775 19,550 0 20,825 33,150 32,725 8,075 27,625 27,200 178,925

2,916 1,930 5,848 8,611 1,063 1,020 3,086 1,879 782 1,377 28,509

PESOS

237 474 0 505 804 793 196 670 659 4,338

71 47 143 210 26 25 75 46 19 33 695

KGS

TOTAL

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

YEAR

59,368

248 1134 525 1060 500 2200 500 1350 1700 1000 10217

MARKS

3,318,757

2,108 9,639 4,463 9,010 4,250 32,725 4,250 11,475 14,450 8,500 100,870

PESOS

84,208

51 234 108 218 103 793 103 278 350 206 2,446

KGS

294 chapter six

MARKS

6,690 5,432 6,103 18,225

6,131 4,379 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10,510

6,607 7,426 7,426 7,426 8,204 7,909 6,456 6,973 6,887 6,925 72,239

YEAR

1758 1759 1760

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

898,552 1,009,936 1,009,936 1,009,936 1,115,744 1,075,624 878,016 948,328 936,632 941,800 9,824,504

833,816 595,544 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,429,360

909,840 738,752 830,008 2,478,600

PESOS

1,330 1,495 1,495 1,495 1,652 1,592 1,300 1,404 1,387 1,394 14,545

1,293 924 924 924 844 844 844 844 844 991 9,274

1,411 1,146 1,287 3,844

KGS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

YEAR

7,194 7,194 6,537 8,162 9,921 7,142 7,197 9,921 6,834 5,949 76,051

5,087 7,481 5,202 5,664 5,279 7,028 6,448 5,828 5,967 5,242 59,226

MARKS

978,384 978,384 889,032 1,110,032 1,349,256 971,312 978,792 1,349,256 929,424 809,064 10,342,936

691,832 1,017,416 707,472 770,304 717,944 955,808 876,928 792,608 811,512 712,912 8,054,736

PESOS

1,448 1,448 1,316 1,643 1,998 1,438 1,449 1,998 1,376 1,198 15,313

1,073 1,578 1,079 1,174 1,095 1,457 1,337 1,208 1,237 1,087 12,325

KGS

TOTAL

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

YEAR

303,903

6,150 6,848 6,699 6,699 6,424 6,423 7,125 7,124 6,212 7,958 67,662

MARKS

41,332,168

836,400 931,328 911,064 911,064 873,664 873,528 969,000 968,864 844,832 1,082,288 9,202,032

PESOS

144,924

1,275 1,420 1,389 1,389 1,332 1,332 1,435 1,434 1,251 1,602 13,859

KGS

Table 6–4. Popayan Gold Mintage 1758–1810 (in Marks, Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Gold).

new world mintage ii 295

0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 1,650 0 0 0 0 1,650

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

MARKS

1758 1759 1760

YEAR

0 0 0 0 0 14,025 0 0 0 0 14,025

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0

PESOS

0 0 0 0 0 340 0 0 0 0 340

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0

KILOS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

YEAR

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

79 302 662 724 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,767

MARKS

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

672 2,567 5,627 6,154 0 0 0 0 0 0 15,020

PESOS

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

17 64 137 150 0 0 0 0 0 0 368

KILOS

TOTAL

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

YEAR

3,891

0 0 237 237 0 0 0 0 0 0 474

MARKS

33,074

0 0 2,014 2,014 0 0 0 0 0 0 4,029

PESOS

807

0 0 49 49 0 0 0 0 0 0 98

KILOS

Table 6–5. Popayan Annual Silver Mintage 1758–1810 (in Marks, Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Silver).

296 chapter six

MARKS

11,661 5,918 11,306 29,037 33,369 32,757 40,292 24,445 188,785

25,320 35,498 23,047 25,292 30,720 19,575 19,575 26,820 21,910 17,251 245,008

17,292 17,292

YEAR

1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

1771 1772

146,982 146,982

215,217 301,734 195,900 214,984 261,117 166,388 166,388 227,970 186,235 146,634 2,082,566

99,117 50,300 96,100 246,817 283,634 278,434 342,484 207,784 1,604,670

PESOS

3,646 3,646

5,339 7,486 4,860 5,334 6,478 4,128 4,128 5,656 4,620 3,638 51,666

2,459 1,248 2,384 6,123 7,037 6,908 8,497 5,155 39,810

KGS

1781 1782

17,942 19,445

20,163 23,656 22,131 22,151 23,647 19,678 14,674 21,875 18,152 17,292 203,419

25,084 13,075 34,833 21,078 9,853 16,877 28,437 9,859 24,078 20,941 204,116

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

MARKS

YEAR

152,507 165,283

171,386 201,076 188,114 188,284 201,000 167,263 124,729 185,938 154,292 146,982 1,729,062

213,217 111,134 296,084 179,167 83,750 143,450 241,717 83,800 204,667 178,000 1,734,987

PESOS

3,726 4,038

4,252 4,988 4,667 4,671 4,987 4,150 3,094 4,613 3,828 3,646 42,896

5,290 2,757 7,346 4,445 2,078 3,559 5,997 2,079 5,078 4,416 43,043

KGS

Table 6–6. Guatemalan Silver Mintage 1733–1817 (in Marks, Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Silver).

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MARKS

16,432 16,432 15,900 15,368 21,999 14,963 14,963 17,942 168,583

44,869 12,706 12,706 20,039 20,039 21,301 27,352 19,913 15,830 19,940 214,695

24,382 12,130 12,130

YEAR

1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

1811 1812 1813

Table 6–6 (cont.)

207,247 103,105 103,105

381,387 108,001 108,001 170,332 170,332 181,059 232,492 169,261 134,555 169,490 1,824,908

139,672 139,672 135,150 130,628 186,992 127,186 127,186 152,507 1,432,956

PESOS

5,025 2,500 2,500

9,247 2,618 2,618 4,130 4,130 4,390 5,637 4,104 3,262 4,109 44,245

3,413 3,413 3,302 3,192 4,569 3,108 3,108 3,726 35,122

KGS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

YEAR

19,940 9,159 9,159 18,109 18,109 14,944 14,944 16,364 16,364 24,382 161,474

18,960 11,658 11,658 11,944 14,943 2,288 21,154 44,869 174,861

MARKS

169,490 77,852 77,852 153,927 153,927 127,024 127,024 139,094 139,094 207,247 1,372,529

161,160 99,093 99,093 101,524 127,016 19,448 179,809 381,387 1,486,319

PESOS

4,109 1,888 1,888 3,732 3,732 3,080 3,080 3,372 3,372 5,025 33,277

3,938 2,421 2,421 2,481 3,079 472 4,359 9,247 36,182

KGS

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26,413 19,406 20,187 20,968 135,616

1814 1815 1816 1817

224,511 164,951 171,590 178,228 1,152,736

PESOS 5,443 3,999 4,160 4,321 27,948

KGS

TOTAL

YEAR

1,696,557

MARKS

14,420,731

PESOS

354,190

KGS

MARKS

0 0 0 0 0 0 173 164 337

0 0 0

YEAR

1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740

1761 1762 1763

0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 23,528 22,304 45,832

PESOS

0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

KGS

0 0 0

75 0 182 5 332 0 0 0 0 0 594

1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1771 1772 1773

MARKS

YEAR

0 0 0

10,200 0 24,752 680 45,152 0 0 0 0 0 80,784

PESOS

0 0 0

36 35 16 0 38 1 70 0 0 0 196

KGS

1781 1782 1783

1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

YEAR

108 487 128

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0

MARKS

14,688 66,232 17,408

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

PESOS

29 22 22

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

KGS

Table 6–7. Guatemalan Gold Mintage 1733–1817 (in Marks, Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms Of Fine Gold).

MARKS

YEAR

Table 6–6 (cont.)

new world mintage ii 299

110 139 140 51 52 75 232 59 93 0 951

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

14,960 18,904 19,040 6,936 7,072 10,200 31,552 8,024 12,648 0 129,336

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

PESOS

* For sources, see Table 6–6.

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

MARKS

1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

YEAR

Table 6–7 (cont.)

35 22 22 28 28 10 10 15 47 12 229

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

KGS

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

YEAR

149 0 0 31 31 62 0 44 44 0 361

0 0 111 112 142 142 108 615

MARKS

20,264 0 0 4,216 4,216 8,432 0 5,984 5,984 0 49,096

0 0 15,096 15,232 19,312 19,312 14,688 83,640

PESOS

19 0 30 0 0 6 6 12 0 9 83

0 0 0 0 23 23 29 76

KGS

0 57 56 0 0 0 0 113 4,595

TOTAL

85 85 97 180 173 172 109 1,624

MARKS

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817

1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

YEAR

624,920

0 7,752 7,616 0 0 0 0 15,368

11,560 11,560 13,192 24,480 23,528 23,392 14,824 220,864

PESOS

944

9 0 0 11 11 0 0 32

101 27 18 18 20 36 35 328

KGS

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Table 6–8. Santiago de Chile Gold Mintage 1756–1820 (in Marks, Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Gold). YEAR

MARKS

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

MARKS

PESOS

KGS

1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

2,324 3,501 975 2,841 4,069 13,710

316,064 476,136 132,600 386,376 553,384 1,864,560

490 738 206 599 858 2,892

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

3,004 3,004 3,004 3,131 3,131 3,131 3,131 3,259 3,612 3,226 31,633

408,544 408,544 408,544 425,816 425,816 425,816 425,816 443,224 491,232 438,736 4,302,088

634 634 634 660 660 660 660 687 762 680 6,673

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

3,226 3,226 3,226 3,226 4,774 4,774 5,191 5,191 5,299 5,299 43,432

438,736 438,736 438,736 438,736 649,264 649,264 705,976 705,976 720,664 720,664 5,906,752

680 680 669 669 990 990 1,076 1,076 1,099 1,099 9,029

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

5,015 5,015 4,320 4,320 3,144 3,144 4,840 4,840 5,160 5,160 44,958

682,040 682,040 587,520 587,520 427,584 427,584 658,240 658,240 701,760 701,760 6,114,288

1,040 1,040 896 896 652 652 975 975 1,039 1,039 9,202

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

5,512 5,512 5,279 5,279 6,159 6,159 5,972 5,972 5,835 5,835 57,514

749,632 749,632 717,944 717,944 837,624 837,624 812,192 812,192 793,560 793,560 7,821,904

1,110 1,110 1,063 1,063 1,240 1,240 1,202 1,202 1,175 1,175 11,580

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

5,279 5,279 4,718 4,718 4,969 4,969 4,634 4,634 3,705 0 42,905

717,944 717,944 641,648 641,648 675,784 675,784 630,224 630,224 503,880 363,564 6,198,644

1,063 1,063 950 950 1,000 1,000 933 933 746 538 9,177

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820

5,230 5,631 4,574 3,455 4,778 4,719 4,398 3,702 4,603 4,290 45,380 287,639

711,280 765,816 622,064 469,880 649,808 641,784 598,128 503,472 626,008 583,440 6,171,680 39,118,904

1,053 1,134 921 696 962 950 886 745 927 864 9,138 58,782

TOTAL

* Both gold and silver mintage for Santiago de Chile for the years 1756–1771, 1782–1788, and 1801–1804 have been taken from AGI, Chile, Legajos 174–176, 381, and 384–185. For the other years they are from Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna, La edad del oro, 107, 110. The years 1764–1767, and 1810–1813 are averages.

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Table 6–9. Santiago de Chile Silver Mintage 1756–1815 (in Marks, Pesos of 272 Maravedís, and Kilograms of Fine Silver). YEAR

MARKS

PESOS

KGS

YEAR

MARKS

PESOS

KGS

1756 1757 1758 1759 1760

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770

0 972 972 1,570 1,570 1,570 1,570 2,167 1,833 1,231 13,455

0 8,262 8,262 13,345 13,345 13,345 13,345 18,420 15,581 10,464 114,368

0 205 205 331 331 331 331 457 387 260 2,837

1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780

628 1,281 1,282 1,282 2,955 2,955 9,021 9,021 12,931 12,931 54,287

5,338 10,889 10,897 10,897 25,118 25,118 76,679 76,679 109,914 109,914 461,440

132 270 266 266 614 614 1,873 1,873 2,686 2,686 11,280

1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790

12,432 12,432 15,409 15,409 6,328 6,328 24,337 24,337 25,708 25,708 168,428

105,672 105,672 130,977 130,977 53,788 53,788 206,865 206,865 218,518 218,518 1,431,638

2,582 2,582 3,200 3,200 1,314 1,304 5,015 5,015 5,298 5,298 34,809

1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800

22,603 22,603 27,030 27,030 28,619 28,619 25,282 25,282 23,700 23,700 254,468

192,126 192,126 229,755 229,755 243,262 243,262 214,897 214,897 201,450 201,450 2,162,978

4,658 4,658 5,570 5,570 5,898 5,898 5,210 5,210 4,884 4,884 52,441

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810

23,598 23,598 16,224 16,224 21,595 21,595 12,915 12,915 15,762 30,203 194,629

200,583 200,583 137,904 137,904 183,558 183,558 109,778 109,778 133,977 256,726 1,654,347

4,863 4,863 3,343 3,343 4,450 4,450 2,662 2,662 3,248 6,224 40,110

1811 1812 1813 1814 1815

30,203 30,203 30,203 44,644 48,421 183,674

256,726 256,726 256,726 379,474 411,579 1,561,229

6,224 6,224 6,224 9,200 9,979 37,852

TOTAL

868,941

7,385,999

179,330

* 1764–1767, 1810–1813 are averages. See Table 6–8 for sources.

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Table 6–10. Brazilian Mintage Estimates by Decade 1703–1806 (in Spanish Silver Pesos of 272 Maravedís and Kilograms of Fine Gold). DECADE 1703–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1800–1806 TOTAL

RIO DE JANEIRO PESOS KGS 5,399,531 17,244,725 28,574,544 39,065,693 37,375,186 41,888,034 45,575,725 23,506,527 24,771,900 20,587,518 6,001,770 289,991,155

8,375 26,747 44,319 60,591 57,969 64,968 70,688 35,838 37,767 30,480 8,886 446,627

Michel Morineau, Gazettes et métaux, pp. 144–145.

VILA RICA PESOS KGS

14,940,709 11,879,038 6,517,085 2,664,097 2,636,563 1,382,819 40,020,310

23,173 18,424 9,936 4,062 3,903 2,047 61,546

CHAPTER SEVEN

CONCLUSION

Precious metals from the Indies literally found their way to the ends of the earth, but this book does not deal with global dispersion of New World gold and silver. Even though the major portion of American bullion exports went first to Sevilla (and after 1717 to Cádiz), much of the treasure was subsequently shipped to other destinations.1 Ships of the Dutch East India Company, for example, carried American silver around the Cape of Good Hope to India and the Dutch East Indies. There they traded American bullion for tea, jade, damask, spices, and other commodities. British, French, and Flemish vessels plied the North Sea to the Baltic to Russia where American ingots and pesos were exchanged for furs and lumber. Genoese and Venetian traders carried gold and silver from Sevilla and Cádiz to the eastern end of the Mediterranean.2 Some of this wealth remained in Turkey where it purchased luxury goods; the rest was shipped farther east to India and beyond. In addition, precious metals of the New World made their way westward to the Far East on the Manila galleons wending their way from Acapulco to the Philippines, a major entrepôt for silver and the oriental luxury goods for the mining barons of Mexico. Adventurous Peruvian sea captains (peruleros) did the same for the miners and silver producers in the southern hemisphere. The quantity and ultimate destination of gold and silver exported from the New World has become a much debated issue, particularly with the publication in 1985 of the book by the French economic historian Michel Morineau, Incroyables gazettes et faubleaux métaux. Based on European commercial newsletters or gazettes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Morineau’s book put forward new estimates 1 On European world trade patterns and American bullion, see Attman, American Bullion. 2 An excellent description of how this trade operated can be found in the volumes by Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Silver, Trade and War: Spain and America in the Making of Early Modern Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000); and Apogee of Empire: Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759– 1789 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003).

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of exportation of American treasure to Europe. His work challenged long-standing conventional wisdom on this issue and sought to disprove historians’ assumption that the import of American bullion caused European inflation. Earlier in the twentieth century, a number of scholars made serious efforts to document bullion exports from the Indies (see Table 7–1). In the early 1930s, for example, Earl J. Hamilton published his groundbreaking work, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650. He relied on the documents of the Contratación (trade) section of the Archive of the Indies in Seville for his shipment data and on hospital records throughout Spain for price information, a process that took Hamilton and his wife 30,750 hours with another 12,500 hours contributed by assistants. As mentioned in Chapter 1, his original intent was to disprove the quantity theory of money by analyzing the effect of the influx of American treasure on prices in Spain. The theory held that imports of gold and silver should lead to higher prices, a view that Hamilton resisted. In the end, however, his research seemed to show that inflation beset Spain along with the arrival of American bullion, and he became a proponent of the quantity theory. For historians of the New World, one of Hamilton’s major contributions was authentication of the flow of treasure from the Indies to Spain 1501–1660. Hamilton meticulously documented the cargoes of precious metals officially carried to Spain on the galleons (galeones) from Peru via Tierra Firme (Panama) and the fleets (flotas) from New Spain (Mexico). The Contratación accounts typically listed the quantity of bullion on each ship in maravedís, both on royal3 and private account (particulares). He ended his analysis in 1660 for good reason. Accounting methods for remissions changed markedly, and he believed the later ledgers could not be used safely along with the pre1660 accounts. Following World War II, the research on bullion exports continued. French historians Pierre Chaunu and Huguette Chaunu undertook the monumental task of documenting all the ships making their

3 The sums remitted were from surpluses generated by the royal treasuries in the Indies (real hacienda) and those revenues reserved for the crown only (ramos remisibles), such as income from stamped legal paper (papel sellado), sales of indulgences (bulas de santa cruzada), the wealth of those dying intestate (bienes de difuntos) and the sale of offices (oficios vendibles y renunciables).

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way between Spain and the Indies–commanders, port and dates of departure and arrival, size of the vessels, and cargoes. They also compiled data on shipments of gold, silver, and mercury. Like Hamilton they carried on their research in the Contratación and Contaduría (accounting) sections of the Archive of the Indies. For the early period to 1660, surprisingly, their findings on bullion shipments to Spain did not agree with those of Hamilton. (Table 7–2 documents the shipments from Peru and Mexico to Castile for the epoch from 1584 to 1650 generated by the Chaunus.) As already pointed out, Hamilton’s data on gold and silver remissions ended in 1660, leaving a gap in the data until the end of the colonial epoch. Into this breach stepped two Spanish historians from Sevilla, Lutgardo García Fuentes for the last half of the seventeenth century and Antonio García-Baquero for the years from 1717 to 1778. García Fuentes put forward quantitative data on Spanish colonial trade with America based on research in the Contratación, Consulado, Contaduría, Indiferente General, and Juzgado de Arribadas sections of the Archive of the Indies.4 His task was more difficult than Hamilton’s because in some cases he had to document the voyages of lone ships (sueltos or azogues) which began sailing to and from the Indies in addition to the long-standing convoys of flotas from New Spain and galeones from Tierra Firme. On balance this work constitutes a well-documented picture from Spanish records of official commerce between Spain and America for the last half of the seventeenth century. Emulating the Chaunus but focusing on the eighteenth century, García-Baquero documented the ships coming and going between Castile and the Indies.5 He ended his analysis when the era of Spanish imperial free trade began in 1778. Like Lutgardo García he had to cope with the increasing numbers of single ships (registros) going to and from the Indies and could not, like Hamilton and the Chaunus, deal solely with the flotas and galeones. In fact the last convoy of galleons left Panama in 1739 and the last fleet departed Veracruz in 1778. By

4 García Fuentes, El comercio español con América, 1650–1700 (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1980). 5 Antonio García Baquero, Cádiz y el Atlántico (1717–1778): el comercio colonial español bajo el monopolio gaditano 2 vols. (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios HispanoAmericanos, C. S. I. C., 1976).

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these dates the sueltos and registros had gradually replaced the convoy system. For the remainder of the colonial period through independence, English historian John R. Fisher provided benchmarks on bullion shipments, although in somewhat less detail than his predecessors. In two books he followed the course of treasure shipments to Cádiz, Barcelona, and other Spanish ports opened to the Indies trade in 1778. Fisher also examined commercial patterns in the Indies trade during the Napoleonic wars and wars of independence in Spanish America.6 What characterized the work of all these analysts—Hamilton, the Chaunus, García, García-Baquero, and Fisher—is that they relied exclusively on Spanish sources, particularly the records of the House of Trade set up in 1503 to regulate all matters relating to commerce with the Indies. This obviously presents the historian with the question of how accurate those records are. Regarding the late Habsburg period, Stanley Stein and Barbara Stein write: Nothing exemplifies better the incapacity, even the outright complicity of the seventeenth-century Spanish state apparatus as well as the ingenuity and rapacity of Spanish mine owners, merchants, bureaucrats, religious and naval personnel, and merchant vessel operators than the massive, indeed extraordinary hemorrhage of silver bullion and coin past the state’s mechanisms of surveillance.7

The Steins estimate that during the second half of the seventeenth century, half of the silver arriving in Spain was unregistered and thus smuggled.8 For the Spanish bureaucracy, there had to have been massive collusion by officials both in Spain and the Indies from the time the gold and silver was placed on board the treasure vessels until they arrived at the House of Trade in Sevilla or Cádiz—collusion of viceregal officials in Lima and Mexico City, of port officials at Callao and Veracruz, of sea captains transporting treasure back to Castile, and of officials who supervised and checked the bullion upon arrival in Spain. That there

6 John R. Fisher, Commercial Relations between Spain and Spanish America in the Era of Free Trade, 1778–1796 (Liverpool: Centre for Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1985); and El comercio entre España e Hispanoamérica, 1797–1820 (Madrid: Banco de España, 1993). Barcelona and Cádiz were the principal recipients of American gold and silver. 7 Stein and Stein, Silver, Trade, and War, 23. 8 Stein and Stein, Silver, Trade, and War, 92.

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was fraud, cheating, and misreporting cannot be denied, but at the same time there were always those earnest royal officials anxious to expose the cheaters and thereby attain a higher post for themselves in so doing. During the late Habsburg period, Spain was in clear decline in Europe and its control over the colonies seems to have waned also. Its reign over the Andes was so tenuous by the time Charles II died in 1700 that fiscal officials in Spain had little information about the state of the Peruvian economy or the viceroyalty’s finances.9 Yet the final decades of Habsburg rule were probably an anomaly, and Spain’s fiscal control was likely stronger before that period and during the eighteenth-century when the Bourbon government managed to reassert control once again. Controversy over the amount of fraud in Spanish governmental reporting led historians to search for non-official sources that could illuminate the volume of the bullion flowing into Europe from the Americas. This was Morineau’s great innovation: his Incroyables gazettes et fabuleaux métaux tapped other sources to challenge the data generated by the Spanish bureaucracy. Morineau studied the commercial newsletters or gazettes circulating throughout Western Europe concerning exchange rates, commodity prices, arrivals and departures of vessels at various European ports, cargoes and other commercial data of great benefit to the ever-growing number of trading companies and commercial agents.10 Dutch gazettes yielded rich data, and he consulted French and German publications as well.11 In compiling his data, Morineau scrupulously recorded reports in the gazettes concerning gold and silver shipments from the Indies arriving on the treasure fleets in Sevilla before 1717 and in Cádiz after that. He found that bullion shipments were much larger in the late seventeenth century than previously believed. According to the quantity theory of money,

9

Brown, “Crisis financiera,” 350. On this type of publication, see John J. McCusker and Cora Gravesteijn, The Beginnings of Commercial and Financial Journalism: The Commodity Price Currents, Exchange Rate Currents and Money Currents of Early Modern Europe (Amsterdam: NEHA, 1991); and John J. McCusker, European Bills of Entry and Marine Lists: Early Commerical Publications and the Origins of the Business Press (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Library, 1985). 11 Morineau, Incroyable gazettes et fabuleaux métaux, 656–660, contains a list of the gazettes which the author consulted. (I have personally consulted the gazettes in the Dutch archives as well.) 10

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such large bullion imports should have caused but apparently did not produce inflation in the late 1600s. Indeed, Morineau had undertaken his research largely to challenge the widely held belief in the quantity theory. Of course, just as there were questions regarding the accuracy of data found in official records, historians also raised questions about the gazettes. Particularly crucial was the question of who provided the shipment data to the editors of the gazettes. Were the informants reliable? Did they get their information on bullion deliveries by personal inspection and/or insider knowledge? John Lynch indicates that the Morineau figures coincide with the reports of British consular officials at Spanish ports, but were these consular officials the same ones providing the data to the gazettes? Surely the arrival of treasure ships generated a great deal of speculation and many rumors on how much they carried. Table 7–1 has been included to highlight the differences between the data in the gazettes and the estimates drawn from the Spanish ledgers. Clearly the amounts of precious metals that Morineau found listed in the gazettes are far greater than those from the Spanish records used by Hamilton, the Chaunus, García Fuentes, García-Baquero, and Fisher, although at the beginning of the eighteenth century the gap begins to narrow a bit. Using another approach, I have included Figure 7–1 and Table 7–2 juxtaposing registered silver output in the Spanish Indies with the shipment figures from in the gazettes. The results are provocative. From the 1580s to 1660, silver output outstripped remissions quoted in the gazettes, but wide discrepancies appeared in the last half of the seventeenth century. In this period shipments noted in the gazettes became far greater than registered silver production—over 67 million more in the 1660s, 36 million in the 1670s, 27 million in the 1680s, 35 million in the 1690s, but only 8 million in the first decade of the eighteenth century—in Morineau’s words “incroyables.” Furthermore, sizeable quantities of bullion left the Americas directly for Asia aboard the Manila Galleons.12 This made the difference between registered production and exports even more “unbelievable.” 12

Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez estimate that the Manila Galleons carried an average of 50 tons (2 million pesos) per year over the course of the seventeenth century. See their “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century,” Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (2002), 398.

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400 350 300 250 200 Gazettes

150

Output

100 50 51

61 16 71 16 81 16 91 17 01 17 11 17 21 17 31 17 41 17 51 17 61 17 71 17 81 17 91 18 01

16

16

31

41

16

16

11

01

21 16

16

16

81 15

91

0 15

Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís

450

By Decade 1601 = 1601–1610

Figure 7–1. Gazette Bullion Shipments and Registered Silver Output, 1581–1805

After 1710 this trend reversed, and silver production was always greater than shipments reported in the gazettes. In the second decade of the century, output surpassed gazette remittances by almost 40 million and in the next 50 million. As the century wore on, the gap grew increasingly wider. In the 1780s it was 90 million pesos, and after that output was always greater than 100 million pesos. Unlike the seventeenth century, production and shipments in the 1700s seemed more rooted in reality, more consonant with the silver actually coming out of the mines of the New World. Perhaps, too, Bourbon reforms led to more rigid surveillance of silver remissions by colonial and metropolitan authorities in addition to more precise reporting on fiscal matters and bullion production in the Indies. On balance the remissions presented in the gazettes offer valuable insights into the condition of late Habsburg fiscal control, and the stark contrast between shipments and registered silver production in the seventeenth century shows that the data for those decades must be used with the utmost caution. What, then, do Morineau’s data and other estimates about bullion exports reveal about New World bullion production, particularly in light of what Humboldt and others have speculated about the level of smuggling and other illicit production of gold and silver? First, that even without correcting the official output figures to include estimated illicit production, the colonial mines generally yielded sufficient legal bullion to meet the levels uncovered by Morineau. Only during the second half of the seventeenth century is that not true. During those years, when shipping fraud was rampant, it is also likely that a higher percentage of bullion also went unregistered at the mines, reflecting a general weakening of imperial fiscal controls. Second, if

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the official figures for bullion output are increased to include illicit production, it significantly narrows the difference between output and Morineau’s data. Using Humboldt’s estimate that illicit output in Spanish America was 16.8 percent of the total reduces the difference somewhat. If a modestly higher fraud figure of 25 percent is used for the 1651–1700 period, it essentially removes the deficit between output and Morineau’s remission figures altogether except for the decade of 1651–1660. A third point also requires consideration: although official shipping registers of bullion may be wildly off for the late seventeenth century, the estimates contained in the gazettes may also be inaccurate. It is not clear who provided the information for the publishers of the gazettes or how accurate their sources were. Fourth, the amount of fraud and smuggling, both in terms of bullion production and shipping, undoubtedly varied over time and from place to place. Humboldt himself recognized this and attempted to account for it in his estimates of illicit output. He reckoned, for example, that the chief period of fraud at Potosí, amounting to perhaps 25 percent of output, occurred during the site’s early years.13 It seems clear that there must have been considerably high rates of fraud during the late seventeenth century, but to ascribe those same percentages of 25 or even 50 percent to the remainder of the colonial period would be a mistake. And fifth, fraud in silver production was probably most common among refiners using smelting rather than amalgamation. This is important when considering the massive amounts of unregistered silver reaching Spain in the second half of the seventeenth century. During those decades, production at Almadén, the chief source of mercury for Mexican amalgamators, had fallen off, forcing many Mexican refiners to depend heavily on smelting. This meant, however, that treasury officials could not use the correspondencia to verify the amount of silver being produced. In the Andes smelting was never as important as in Mexico, although even at Potosí the trapiche owners, who did smelt ores, produced significant amounts of silver.14

13 Humboldt, Political Essay, 3:417–418. Refer also to Ward Barrett, “World Bullion Flows, 1450–1800,” in The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long Distance Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750, ed. James D. Tracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 224–254. 14 Tandeter, Coercion & Market, 90–93, estimates that in the eighteenth century, the trapiches may have at times generated a quarter of Potosí output.

conclusion

313

Of course, royal treasury data are unable to account for fraudulent production of gold and silver, the registers, along with the mintage records, provide a clear view of the trends in bullion output and the quantities available to lubricate the wheels of the newly emergent world economy. Indeed, students of the flow of American bullion trace the establishment of the world economy to 1571, when the Spaniards founded Manila in the Philippines as a commercial entrepôt where New World silver could be traded for the silks, spices, and other luxuries of East Asia.15 That trade, so dependent upon Chinese hunger for American silver, could not have flourished without the mining, refining, assaying, and mintage revealed in the treasury and mint records.

15 Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez, “Born with a ‘Silver Spoon’: The Origin of World Trade in 1571,” Journal of World History 6, no. 2 (1995): 201.

314

chapter seven Tables

Table 7–1. Estimates of Bullion Shipments From the Indies to Europe 1503–1805 (by Decade in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís). DECADE 1501–1510 1511–1520 1521–1530 1531–1540 1541–1550 1551–1560 1561–1570 1571–1580 1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1805 TOTAL

HAMILTON CHAUNUS (1503–1660) (1584–1653) 2.0 3.6 1.9 9.2 17.3 29.6 41.9 48.2 88.0 115.2 92.3 90.4 86.0 55.3 42.2 17.7

740.8

2.8 33.7 50.5 91.9 27.8 30.6 7.7 1.1

246.1

GAZETTES (1581–1805)

87.9 121.0 92.2 92.9 101.1 89.2 95.8 80.1 156.9 141.0 142.5 135.8 119.4 90.0 129.5 94.7 118.5 145.2 154.2 135.7 249.2 170.4 147.8 2,891.0

GARCIA F. A G-BAQUERO (1651–1700) (1717–1777)

17.4 11.2 8.2 4.2 2.7 22.1 93.7 74.9 82.7 157.0 188.8 121.1

43.7

740.3

conclusion

315

Table 7–2. Gazette Bullion Shipments and Registered Silver Output 1581–1805 (by Decade in Millions of Pesos of 272 Maravedís). DECADE

GAZETTES

OUTPUT

1581–1590 1591–1600 1601–1610 1611–1620 1621–1630 1631–1640 1641–1650 1651–1660 1661–1670 1671–1680 1681–1690 1691–1700 1701–1710 1711–1720 1721–1730 1731–1740 1741–1750 1751–1760 1761–1770 1771–1780 1781–1790 1791–1800 1801–1805 TOTAL

88 121 92 93 101 89 96 80 157 141 143 136 119 90 130 95 119 145 154 136 249 170 148 2,892

110 125 135 135 134 134 110 99 90 105 116 101 111 130 187 230 257 265 262 321 344 393 362 4,256

GLOSSARY

acordonador

tool for putting ridged or milled edge on coins acuñador mint employee acuñadores mint workmen administración de azogues mercury administration alcabala sales tax almojarifazgo import-export tariff altiplano Andean high plain or plateau, which lies at an altitude of around 12,000 feet apartado separation of traces of gold from silver bars submitted for mintage apiri ore carrier in the Andean mines arroba measure of 15 kilograms or 25 pounds audiencia high court balanzario mint worker responsible for weights and scales banco de rescate mining bank where silver and gold could be exchanged for coins barretero mining pickman batea bowl used for panning gold blanquecedor worker who cleaned coins blanquición cleansing process that used an alkaline solution to remove residues from newly minted silver coins braceaje fee collected when minting coins in Spanish America to pay mint officials and workers buen oro good or fine gold cabildo city council caja royal treasury office capataz lleva mint crew supervisor carta cuenta summary report of a royal treasury office that specified revenues collected and spent casa da moeda Portuguese mint

318 casa de afinación Casa de Contratación casa de fundición casa de moneda ceca cédula Cerro Rico

cizalla cobos

contador correspondencia

cospeles cruzado cuartillo diezmo dineral de ensaye dineros, granos, milésimos doblón dobrão (pl. dobrões) ducado el camino real emboadas

encomendero

glossary smelter; refinery House of Trade smelter and assay office mint mint royal decree the ‘Rich Hill’ of fabulously wealthy silver lodes, which lies just to the south of the city of Potosí tailings revenue from a mining tax awarded to his secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, by Charles V, which amounted to 1 or 1.5 percent on bullion presented to the royal treasury for registration and payment of other taxes. The monarchy later collected the cobos for its own use. accountant or comptroller of a treasury office relationship between the amount of mercury purchased by the refiner and the quantity of silver registered with the treasury; usually expected to be around one mark of silver per pound of mercury blanks of silver or gold for minting coins a coin worth one-quarter escudo one-quarter real coin tithe or tenth on mining output weights used in assaying

an eight-escudo gold coin doubloon; sometimes also called a dobra ducat, a gold coin Royal Road or King’s Highway ‘outsider’; derisive term used by Paulistas to designate the Portuguese who migrated to the gold fields holder of an encomienda, which was a protectorate over indigenous villages and which conferred upon the holder the right to receive indigenous tribute

glossary

319

ensaiador (Port.), ensayador (Sp.) assayer entrada privately financed expedition of exploration and conquest escobilla tailings escribano (Sp.), escrivão (Port.) scribe escudo a Spanish gold coin whose value varied from 400 to 550 maravedís, depending in part on the value of gold relative to silver febles coins of less than standard fineness fiel chief inspector and supervisor of the mint flete transportation; shipping cost flota fleet, particularly the fleet between Spain and Veracruz fundador smelter; foundryman fundidor smelter or foundryman galeones galleons; the fleet that serviced northern Cartagena and Portobelo gremio guild guaquería plundering Andean huacas (tombs and shrines) guarda guard guayra indigenous Andean smelting oven Ingenio mill, often a stamp mill; at Potosí the mill and other infrastructure used for amalgamation juiz da balança Brazilian mint official in charge of weights and scales kajcha worker at Potosí who invaded mines on the weekend and took ore for his own profit laminador laminating equipment used to roll sheet of silver or gold for coins libro de remache account book that recorded information about bars of bullion brought to the mint libros mayores treasury daybook

320 magistral

glossary

copper sulphate added to the mixture of silver ore and mercury to speed the process of amalgamation maravedí unit of account for Spanish money marca real royal mark, stamped into a bar of silver or gold and which attested to its fineness and its owner having paid the appropriate taxes marcador craftsman who put mint mark on the coin mercaderes de plata silver merchant mingado voluntary wage laborer at Potosí and other Andean mines mita colonial Andean system of forced labor, especially at Potosí and Huancavelica mines moclones fraudulent coins minted at Potosí moeda coin; also, as a moeda nacional, a gold coin worth 4,400 réis and later worth 4,400 réis; and as a moeda do Brasil, a gold coin worth 4,800 réis moeda do Brasil coins minted for circulation only in Brazil moedas nacionais coins minted for circulation in both Brazil and Portugal molino equipment to roll sheet of silver or gold for coins moneda de la cruz coin with an engraved cross of Jerusalem on one side moneda de martillo a hammered coin, stamped with a die and hammer moneda feble coin of less than standard finess moneda fuerte coin of better than standard fineness moneda macuquina hand-hammered, cob coin moneda mayor money in silver and gold bars moneda menor money in coins montón a heap of silver ore to which mercury and other ingredients were mixed in the process of amalgamation navio de azogues a ship carrying mercury to the Americas navio suelto a ship sailing by itself to or from the Americas rather than part of a fleet negrillos silver sulphide ores oro bajo low-grade gold

glossary oro de sepultura de indios oro guanines oro limpio oro muy malo pallacos Pataca peça perulero peso peso cordoncillo

peso de vellón peso ensayado peso of ocho reales

pesos de bustos peso fuerte

piedra de toque piña

plata corriente plata negra provedor da moeda

321

gold plunder from indigenous tombs gold-copper alloy clean, washed ore very low-grade gold bits of silver ore taken by workers at Huantajaya as part of wage a silver Brazilian coin worth 3,200 réis Portuguese gold coin worth 4 escudos or 6,400 réis someone from Peru; especially a merchant trading with Peru weight; also a Spanish coin peso with a milled edge minted beginning in 1728 (peso de plata corriente, plata corriente, plata ensayada, peso de plata enayada y marcada, and pesos ensayados) a peso made in Spain of silver and copper, of substandard fineness monetary unit used at Spanish American mines, equivalent to 450 maravedís piece of eight; a peso of eight reales; coin equivalent to 272 maravedís; also called a peso de a ocho peso minted after 1761 which featured a portrait of the monarch on one side ‘strong peso’; a peso of eight reales minted in the New World, in contrast to the weaker peso de vellón coined in Spain touchstone, used to determine the purity of gold or silver pineapple; in mining the lump of silver after the amalgam had been heated to remove the mercury unassayed silver of undetermined fineness ‘dirty’ silver coins awaiting cleansing in the blanquición process superintendant or director of a Portuguese mint

322

glossary

proyectista

term used to describe Spanish political thinkers and economists who designed reforms for the empire, especially in the eighteenth century dies, hammers, and punches for stamping coins colored needles designed to determine through comparison with gold or silver its purity karat hundredweight; for mercury a hundred pounds royal fifth on mining output and plunder a Spanish monetary unit of 34 maravedís; unit of account for Portuguese money (plural is réis) royal treasury royal mining tribunal a mining town, especially in Mexico a ship permitted to sail by itself to the Americas after registering its cargo and passengers with the Casa de Contratación plural of Portuguese real the distribution of plunder by the Spaniards in 1534 after they had occupied Cuzco mint room in which newly made coins were turned over to the individual who had brought the silver or gold to the ceca seigniorage; the revenue collected by the treasury as the difference between the value of gold or silver presented for mintage and the face value of the coins stamped. mining adit or horizontal tunnel mercury superintendancy engraver ore carrier in the Mexican mines

punzonería punzones

quilate quintal quinto real

real hacienda real tribunal de minería reales de minas registro

réis reparto del Cuzco

sala de libranzas

señoreaje

socavón superintendencia de azogue tallador tenatero

glossary tesorero tesorero particular tesorero proprietario

323

treasurer in a treasury office treasurer of a mint treasurer of a private mint authorized by the monarchy tesorillo de la fundición strongbox in the smelter tesoureiro mint treasurer tostão a silver coin worth 100 réis trapiche small mill to grind ore troquel tool for cutting blanks for coins trozo silver bar vintém a coin worth 20 réis volante tool for stamping coins

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INDEX

Numbers in italics refer to maps, figures, and tables Acapulco: 79, 305 administración de azogues: 177, 317 Alamos: xii, 36, 83, 90, 103–104, 119, 136 Alba de Liste, count of (viceroy): 236 Almadén: 43, 72, 77, 82, 106–107, 138, 146, 149–150, 174–177, 312 Almagro, Diego de: 40, 44, 165 amalgamation: 25, 71–72, 75–76, 81, 99–100, 105, 110, 144, 151, 154, 178, 213, 312, 319, 320 Amatepec: 85 Andacollo: 45 Anori: 26 Anserma: 37, 71 Anserma, Mariquita, New Granada: 37–38, 71, 261 Antioquia: 23, 26, 37, 38, 39, 40 apartado charges: 228, 286, 317 apartador, position: 228 Arana, Tomás: 272 Araucanians: 44 Archivo General de Indias (Archive of the Indies): 10–12, 79–80, 108, 306–307 Areche, José Antonio de: 174 Arequipa: xxii, 44, 62, 63, 148, 155–158, 159, 171, 179, 182, 184, 195, 241 Arequipa—caja of: 157–158 Arica: xxii, 44, 45, 62, 63, 69, 148, 158, 166, 170–171, 172, 182, 184, 209 Arica—caja of: 170–171 Armada del Sur: 51, 271 Arrachea, Martín: 268 Atahualpa: 42, 141–143, 149, 165, 169 Aymaras (Aymara): 159 Azúa, Tomás: 275

bancos de rescate (silver exchange banks): 83, 147 Bank of San Carlos (Potosí): 152, 247 barbacoas: 37, 39–40 Barcelona: 1, 17, 308 Barona B., Guido: 10 barreteros: 70, 171 Barriga Villalba, A. M.: 10, 270 Benalcázar, Sebastián: 37, 40 Benavides, Julio: 244 Bibanco, Antonio (Viscount of Bolaños): 101–102 Bogotá: xxii, 8, 10, 26, 32, 37, 39–40, 213, 215, 219, 261, 263–269, 273, 286, 288, 291 Bogotá—mint—8, 10, 26, 39–40, 213, 215, 219, 261–268, 262, 267, 268–269, 273, 286, 288–294 Bolaños: xxi, 8, 77, 79, 82, 83–84, 90, 97, 101, 102, 109, 111, 116, 135 Bolaños—caja of: 101–102 Bolívar, Simón: 146 Borda, José de la: 89 Boxer, Charles: 14, 47 braceaje: 214, 235, 246, 286, 317 Brading, David: 7–8, 89, 100 Braga de Macedo, Jorge: 15 Brazil: 2, 4, 12–17, 17, 21, 23, 25, 27–29, 28, 36, 40, 46–49, 47, 48, 53, 54, 55, 56, 65, 66, 70, 78, 214, 261, 279–285, 284, 286, 303, 319–321 Brazil—gold production: 14, 46–49, 47, 48, 49 Brown, Kendall: 24, 107–108, 154, 180 Bucaramanga (New Granada): 38, 262 bullionism—1–2 Buriticá—gold mines: 37–38

Bahia, Brazil: xxii, 14, 47, 48, 66, 213, 261, 279, 281–283, 285–286 Bajío: 94, 109 Bakewell, Peter: 6–7, 53, 72, 79, 98–99, 177–179, 211 Baltic Sea: 305 Banco de San Carlos (see Bank of San Carlos)

Cáceres: 37 Cadereita: 100 Cádiz: 275, 305, 307–309 Cailloma: xxii, 141, 144, 146–147, 148, 155–158, 157, 162–163, 166, 182, 184, 194 Cailloma—caja of: 156–157 Cajamarca: 42, 142–143, 149, 165

334

index

Cajatambo: 144 California gold rush, 1849: 24 Callao: 51, 148, 308 Calógeras, João Pandiá: 14–15 Camagüey: 32 Camaná: 144, 158 camino real (royal road): 87, 91, 318 Caparra: 31 Cape of Good Hope: 305 Carabaya: 23, 43, 62, 63, 143 Carangas: xxii, 141, 143, 146–147, 148, 158–161, 161, 166, 171, 182, 184 Carangas—caja of: 160–161 Carlos V (see Charles V) Cartagena (New Granada): 10, 263, 319 cartas cuentas: 15, 79, 94 casa de afinación: 73, 318 casa de fundición: 31, 73, 84, 227, 243, 270, 318 Casa de la Contratación (House of Trade): 5, 286, 306–307, 318, 322 casa de moneda (mint): 9–11, 214–215, 226–231, 233, 235–237, 239, 241, 243, 247, 249, 250, 261–270, 272–274, 276, 291, 318 Casafuerte, marqués de (viceroy): 228 Castilla del Oro (Golden Castille): 32 Castrovirreyna: xxii, 144, 148, 155–156, 161, 163, 182, 184, 193 Castrovirreyna—caja of: 155–156 Catorce mines: 69, 93–94, 109 Ceará: 14, 47–48, 48, 66 cédula—of 10 May 1531: 233; of 1535: 213–214; of 21 August 1565, regarding establishment of the mint in Lima: 235; of 1567: 214; of 15 February 1567, limiting Lima coinage: 236; of 1 March 1708, establishing Santiago mint: 264; of 9 June 1728, establishing requirements for new colonial mints: 222; cédula—of 1 October 1743, regarding Santiago mint: 275; of 23 August 1766, reopening the mint of Pedro Agustín de Valencia: 268; of 12 September 1770, establishing royal mint at Popayán: 269 Central America: xxi, 17, 21, 27, 29, 74, 78, 112, 113, 270–272, 274 Cerro de Pasco: 69, 144, 146, 163–164 Cerro Rico (Rich Hill) of Potosi: 75, 143, 318 César, Francisco: 37 Chacabuco, Puerto Rico: 278 Charcas: 87, 94, 120, 241–242, 244

Charcas—audiencia of: 242 Charles III: 223–224, 228, 231, 243, 268, 273, 276, 305 Charles IV: 2 Charles V: 25, 50, 213–215, 226, 234–235, 318 Chaucalla: 143 Chaunu, Huguette: xvii, 6, 180, 306–308, 310, 314 Chaunu, Pierre: xvii, 6, 180, 306–308, 310, 314 Chayanta: 143 Chihuahua: xxi, 35, 36, 58, 59, 77, 82, 83–84, 92, 104–105, 105, 107, 114, 116, 119, 137 Chihuahua—caja of: 36, 104–105 Chile: xxii, 2, 4, 5, 8–9, 11–12, 16, 17, 21, 23, 28, 28–29, 30, 34, 40, 44–46, 45, 49, 54, 55, 56, 64, 78, 112, 113, 149, 170, 173, 213, 219, 262, 271, 274–275, 277–278, 278, 286, 301, 302 Chile—Norte Chico: 45 Chile—Norte Grande: 45 Chilleo: 143 Chocaya: 143 Chocó: 23, 37–40 Chontalpa: 85, 120 Chucuito: xxii, 44, 50, 62, 63, 69, 141, 144, 146–148, 158–159, 161–162 Chucuito—caja of: 161–162 Cibao: 31 cinnabar (mercuric sulphide): 146, 171, 174 Citará: 37, 39 Ciudad Real, province: 106 cobos: 50–51, 80, 179, 215, 318 Cobos, Francisco de los: 50, 215, 318 Cocina: 101 coins—Brazilian: 281, 321; copper coins, beginning of mintage at Mexico City mint: 227, 235; copper, introduction and failure in Española: 233–235, 270; cuartillo: 216, 225–226, 265, 267, 318; doblón: 26, 215–216, 282, 318; escudo: 1, 26, 31, 213, 215–216, 223–234, 236, 240, 263, 265, 272, 276, 282–283, 285, 318–319, 321; moneda macuquina: 217, 218, 220, 223, 231, 239, 273, 320; money of the cross (moneda de la cruz): 217, 320; peseta: 225; peso de plata corriente: 72, 321; peso de plata enayada y marcada: 73, 321; pesos cordoncillos: 217, 222–223, 227, 231, 237, 240, 243,

index 265, 273, 275; pesos de bustos: 223–224, 231, 239, 243, 269, 273, 321; pesos de ocho: 51; pesos de vellón: 225; pesos ensayados: 11 51, 73, 246, 321; pesos fuertes: 225; silver pesos de ocho as monetary standard: 51 Colmenares, Germán: 10, 38–39 Columbus: 1, 27, 30, 31 Comanja: 95, 120 Comaygua: 270 Compostela: 85 Comuneros revolt, 1780s: 265 Concepción (Chile): 44 Concepción de La Vega, Española: 31, 71, 234 Condesuyos: 144, 158 contador: 50, 71, 318 Cook, Noble David: 141–142 Copiapó: 45 Coquimbo: 45 Córdoba: 106 Cosalá: 36, 83, 92, 103–104, 119, 136 Count of Regla: 97, 100 Coxipó river: 46 Craig, Alan K.: 242 Cross, Harry: 7 Cuba: 27, 30, 32, 33, 33, 57 Cuba—caja of: 32 Cuenca: 40, 92 Cuiabá River: 46 cupellation: 71, 106, 220, 264 Cuzco: xxii, 42, 43, 44, 62, 63, 141–143, 148, 149, 166–168, 167, 182, 184, 205, 214, 322 Cuzco—caja of: 167–169 Díaz López, Zamira: 10 Durango: xxi, 34, 35, 36, 58, 59, 81, 82, 83–84, 86, 91–93, 93, 104, 106–107, 109, 109, 114, 116, 119, 125, 213 Durango—caja of: 36, 91–93 Dutch East Indies: 306 Ecuador: 2, 16, 17, 21, 23, 26–27, 28, 29, 30, 40–42, 44, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 61, 142, 264, 269, 330 Ecuador—gold production: 40–42; textile industry: 40–42 Elhuyar, Fausto: 111 emboadas: 46, 318 Emoraca: 143 Encino: 97 Escanela: 100 Eschwege, Wilhelm Ludwig von: 12, 13, 15

335

Española (see Hispaniola) Espinal: 26 Eustaquio de León, José: 272 Ferdinand VI: 222, 237, 243, 268, 276 Fernández Madrid, Pedro: 266 Fernández Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo: 23 Fernández Veitia Linage, Joseph: 227 Ferreira da Silva, Alvero: 15 Figuerido Murta, Domicio de: 13 fineness standard, gold: 24–26, 50–53, 215, 217, 219, 220–221, 264, 273, 281, 283, 319–321 Fisher, John R.: 163, 308, 310 fraud rate, gold economy: 3, 12–13, 15, 23, 25, 52–53 fraud rate, New Granada—40, 53 fraud rate, silver economy: 3, 52–53 fraud, Brazil: 3, 12, 15, 23 Fresnillo: 87–88, 120 functional currency, shortage: 226 García Fuentes, Lutgardo: 307, 310 García-Baquero, Antonio: 307–308, 310 Garner, Richard: 7, 89 Goiás: 13–15, 23, 46–48, 48, 66, 279, 325 gold—oro bajo: 25, 320; oro de sepultura de indios: 26, 321; oro guanines: 25, 234, 321; oro limpio: 26, 321; oro muy malo: 26, 321 gold mining methods, Native American: 23–24, 30–31, 37, 69 gold mining methods, Portuguese: 24 gold mining methods, Spanish: 24, 27, 30, 31, 37, 69 gold mintage: 10, 26, 50 gold smelting: 15, 25, 31–32, 34, 37–38, 40, 45–46, 50–51, 213, 220–221 227, 233, 237, 263, 264, 318, 319, 323 gold strikes in Brazil, 1690s: 17, 27–29, 28, 46–48, 47, 48 gold, world output: 4, 19, 41, 42, 48–51, 75, 76, 77, 78, 78, 110, 151, 155, 177, 178, 178 Gómez de la Rocha, Francisco: 242, 271 gremio (guild): 173–174, 176–177, 319 Grito de Dolores: 229 ground sluicing: 24, 69 Guadalajara—audiencia of: 90 Guadalajara, Mexico: xxi, 35, 36, 58, 59, 79, 82, 83–84, 86, 90–91, 91, 98, 101, 103, 106–107, 109, 109, 114, 116, 119, 123, 213 Guadalcázar: 94, 120

336

index

Guallpa: 150 Guanajuato: xxi, 8, 35, 36, 50, 52, 58, 59, 69, 79, 81, 82, 83–86, 90, 94–96, 96, 97–98, 100, 106–109, 109, 111, 114, 116, 120, 130 Guanajuato—caja of: 36, 94–96 Guanca: 150 Guaporé: 46 Guatemala—audiencia of: 12, 272 Guatemala City: 8, 219, 272 Guatemala mint: 270–274, 271, 274, 297–300 guayras: 70–71, 151 Haina River: 31 Hamilton, Earl J.: 5, 6, 17, 25, 306–308, 310, 314 Haring, Clarence: 5, 80 Hausberger, Bernd: 8 Heredia, Antonia: 107–108, 109 Hernández Palomo, José: xviii, 79 Hernández Palomo, Mari Luz: xviii, 79 Hidalgo revolt, 1810: 91, 104 Hispaniola (Española): 9, 27, 30–33, 33, 57, 71, 213, 227, 233–235, 270, 286, 325 House of Trade (see Casa de la Contratación) Howe, Walter: 229 Hualgayoc: 7, 69, 77, 144, 147, 165, 171, 175 Huallanca: 69, 144, 165 Huamachuco: 144, 165 Huamanga—caja of: xxii, 148, 166, 166, 168–169, 169, 182, 184, 208 Huancavelica: xxii, 44, 62, 63, 72, 76–77, 106, 146, 148, 149, 154–155, 166, 168, 171–177, 179–180, 182, 184, 207, 210, 211, 320 Huancavelica—caja of: 168–169 Huantajaya: 7, 69, 77, 144, 147, 158, 160, 170–171, 175, 321 Huarochirí: 144, 147 Huáscar: 141, 142 Huayna Capac: 141 Humboldt, Alexander von: xix, xx, 2–5, 9–10, 12–13, 15, 52, 141, 228–229, 233, 311–312; estimate of fraud factor—xx, 3–4, 4, 12, 12–13, 52, 310–312 Ibagué: 38, Idria, Slovenia: xii, 72, 77, 82, 106–107, 138

India: 305 ingenio (see stamp mill) inquisition: 147, 286 Isaquandé: 37 Izatlán: 90, 119 Jacala: 100 Jalpán: 100 Jamaica: 30 Jara, Alvaro: 5, 178–179 Jaramillo Uribe, Jaime: 10, 38 Jauja: xxii, 148, 166, 169–170, 170, 182, 184, 209 Jauja—caja of: 169–170 Jiménez de Quesada, Gonzalo: 37 Kajchas: 70 Karasch, Mary: 15 La Paz: xxii, 11, 43, 44, 62, 63, 86, 120, 143, 148, 158–159, 161, 172, 182, 184, 197, 243, 244 La Paz—caja of: 158–159 La Plata (also called Chuquisaca or Charcas, present-day Sucre): 213, 236, 241, 242, 257 La Serena: 23, 45 Lambayeque: 165 Lazo García, Carlos: 221, 246 León: 217 Lexis, Wilhelm: 4 libros de remache: 221 libros mayors: 179, 319 Lima: xxii, 2, 9, 11, 43, 44, 52, 62, 63, 77, 147, 148, 148–150, 155, 159, 163, 165, 169–173, 182, 184, 185, 187, 213, 217, 219, 220–223, 226, 235–244, 238, 239, 240, 251, 253, 254, 255, 261, 265, 273, 278, 308 Lima—earthquake: 237 Lima—audiencia of: 2, 235 Lima—caja of: 148–150 Lima mint—213, 219, 221–222, 226, 235–237, 238–239, 239–241, 251–255; transition to royal ownership: 219, 222, 237, 240–241 Lisbon: 14, 15, 275, 276, 280, 283, 284 Lohmann Villena, Guillermo: 180 Loja: 40 Lozano Machuca, Juan: 242 Lucanas—144, 147 Lynch, John: 310 Magdalena River: 37

index Manila: 7, 224, 305, 310, 313 Manila galleons: 224, 305, 310 Mariquita (New Granada): 38, 71, 261 Mato Grosso: 13, 14, 23, 46–48, 48, 66 Maule River: 45 Mazapil: 87, 88, 94, 120 Medina, Mateo: 26 Melo, Jorge Orlando: 10, 39 Mendoza: 28, 29, 55, 56 Mendoza, Antonio de (viceroy): 215, 227, 329 mercury—sources of: 6, 7, 25, 43–44, 76, 77, 80, 82, 89, 105–110, 108, 109, 111, 138, 139, 146, 149–150, 154–155, 168, 170–177, 176, 180, 210, 211, 219, 276, 307, 312, 318 mercury—use in amalgamation: 50, 72–73, 99, 320–321 methodology for calculating mining output: xix, 2–7, 12–14, 50–53, 80, 179 Mexico: xxi, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 17, 17, 21–37, 50, 52, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61–68, 69–140, 78, 141–142, 144, 146, 153, 173, 175–177, 179–180, 213–215, 217, 219, 220–224, 226–229, 231, 235, 237, 239, 240, 241, 243 Mexico—caja of: 8, 34, 36, 84–87 Mexico City (México), xxii, 8, 34, 52, 77, 79, 84–87, 90, 93–95, 97, 106, 111, 213, 215, 219, 226, 228–229, 233, 243, 265, 272, 285 Mexico City mint—first Spanish colonial mint: 34, 213–214, 220, 226–227; annual average: 228–229, 230, 231, 232, 248–251, 285; expansion: 227–228, 285; governing regulations: 215, 226–227; home of Hernán Cortés: 226–227 Michoacán: 227 Minas Gerais: 12–14, 23, 46–48, 48, 66, 279 mintage—process: 214–217 mintage—prohibition of in Indies: 215, 233–235, 263 mintage reform, Ferdinand VI: 222–223, 237, 243, 268; Philip V: 222–223 mints—colonial Brazil: 213, 279–285, 284, 303; Concepción de la Vega, Española: 233–235; concessionairerun: 214–217, 286; improvised: 213; laws: 214, 217, 231; Luso-America: 279–280; positions: 214–215; procedures before state control: 214–217, 233, 286; procedures, state-controlled:

337

220–225, 286; salaries of officials: 215, 219, 221, 223, 226, 228, 234, 237, 243, 265, 269, 276; state-run or royal: 219, 220–223, 286 mita: 70, 144, 146, 151, 154, 171, 172, 273, 320 moclones: 271, 320 Morales, Andrés: 237, 240 Morales, Lorenzo: 266 Morcillo, Jalisco: 85 Moreyra Paz Soldán, Manuel: 11, 25, 142–143 Morineau, Michel: xx, 14–15, 284, 305, 309–312 Nambija: 40 Napo River: 40 Napoleonic wars: 308 Necker, Jacques: 2–3 negrillos (silver sulphide ores): 154, 320 New Galicia (Nueva Galicia): 90 New Granada: xxii, 2, 4, 8, 10, 16, 17, 21, 23–29, 28, 30, 32, 37–40, 39, 42, 45, 53, 54, 55, 56, 60, 69–71, 78, 78, 112, 113, 213, 217, 223, 261–270, 262, 267, 285–286, 287 New Ordinances (Nuevas Ordenanzas): 222, 265 New Spain, silver production: 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 16, 36–37, 40, 79, 80–111, 81, 82, 87, 88, 91, 93, 95–96, 98–99, 101–105, 108–109, 111–140 New Vizcaya (Nueva Vizcaya, Pánuco): 91–92, 104, 119 Nordenflicht, Thaddeus von: 174 Normano, João F.: 13 Noticias secretas (Discourse): 173 Nóvita: 37, 39 Ojasanchas: 26 Omiste, Modesto: 243–244 Orozco y Berra, Manuel: 9, 229 Oruro: xxii, 6, 44, 62, 63, 69, 141, 143–144, 146–148, 148, 148, 152, 153–155, 154, 158, 160–161, 163, 166, 182, 184, 191 Oruro—caja of: 153–155 Osorno River: 45 Ostotipaquillo: 90, 119 Otavalo: 40 Ozumatlán: 86, 120 Pachuca: xxi, 35, 36, 58, 59, 79, 81, 82, 83–86, 90, 96–98, 98, 100, 106–109, 109, 111, 114, 116, 120, 153

338

index

Pachuca—caja of: 96–98 Pachuca—mines pallacos: 171, 321 Palo Blanco: 90, 119 Pamplona: 38 Panama: 32–33, 51, 306–307 Panama, Isthmus of: 32–33, 271 Pánuco (Nueva Vizcaya): 87, 90, 92, 119 Paracatú: 46 Parral: 69, 92, 119 Pasco: xxii, 7, 52, 69, 141, 144, 146–148, 148, 163–166, 164, 171, 175–176, 182, 184, 202 Pasco—caja of: 163–164 paulistas: 46, 318 Pernambuco, Brazil: 213, 279 Peru: xxii, 4–5, 7–8, 11, 16–17, 21, 23, 25, 27–29, 28, 30, 34, 39–40, 42–44, 50–51, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 69–78, 93, 105–106, 110–113, 138, 141–212, 213, 236, 244, 245, 246–247, 251–255, 258–259, 306, 307, 309 Peru—civil war: 44 Peru—gold output: 42–44, 43–44, 240, 245, 247, 255, 238 Peru, Lower: 42–44, 51, 69, 77–78, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150, 155–158, 163–179, 181–187, 192–197, 202–211, 213, 236–240, 246, 251–255 Peru, Upper: xxii, 42–44, 51, 69–71, 76–78, 93, 111, 141–143, 147–149, 151–154, 158–162, 166, 171, 173, 175, 177–179, 181–183, 188–193, 197–202, 236, 241–247, 255, 258–259, 271, 281, 285 Pez, Andrés: 106 Philip II: 25, 73, 151, 213, 214, 235 Philip III: 215, 263 Philip IV: 93, 264 Philippines: 106, 205, 313, 330 piedra de toque (touchstone): 25, 264, 321 Pinto, Virgilio Noya: 14 Pizarro, Francisco: 42, 44, 141, 148, 165 placer mining: 23, 24, 37, 70, 261 plata corriente: 73, 241, 321 plata ensayada: 73, 321 Ponce de León, Juan: 31 Popayán: xxii, 9, 10, 11, 26, 37, 39, 40, 213, 219, 261, 268–270, 269, 271, 273, 275, 286, 295, 296, 325 Popayán—mint: 39–40, 268–270, 269, 295–296 Porco: 143, 144, 151

Portugal: 1, 15, 279, 280, 320, 330 Potosí: xxi, xxii, 4, 6, 9, 11, 23, 34, 35, 36, 43, 44, 50, 52–53, 58, 59, 62, 63, 69–73, 75, 81, 82, 83–86, 93–94, 95, 100, 106–107, 109, 109, 114, 116, 120, 127, 142–144, 146–155, 148, 159, 163–164, 166, 171–172, 175–176, 179, 182, 184, 188, 190, 213–214, 216–217, 219–223, 226, 228, 235–237, 241–247, 245, 246, 247, 255, 258, 259, 262, 271, 273, 278, 284, 286, 312, 318–320 Potosí—caja of: 150–153 Potosí—mint, construction of first mint: 213, 241–243; lifting of gold mintage ban: 243; reconstruction: 243; mint, transition to royal control: 219, 223, 243–247 Potosí—school of metallurgy: 147, 152 Prieto de Salazar, José: 268 Prieto de Salazar, Tomás: 263–264 Prieto, Carlos: 150 Puebla: 107, 108, 109, 110 Puerto Rico: 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 33, 57, 71 Puno: 44, 62, 63, 144, 148, 161, 162, 182, 184 punzones: 26, 264, 322 quantity theory of money: 5, 306, 309–310 Quillota: 45 Quito: 37, 40, 142, 165, 268 Ramírez Arellano, Felipe: 242, 271 Ramírez, Sebastián: 234 Raynal, Guillaume François Thomas (Abbé Raynal): 2, 3 Real de las Plomosas: 90, 98 Real del Monte: 69, 96, 97, 120 Real Tribunal de Minería (see Royal Mining Tribunal) Restrepo, Vicente: 10 Rio das Mortes: 46 Rio das Velhas: 46 Rio de Janeiro: xxii, 213, 261, 279–280, 287, 303 Río de la Plata: 17, 21, 28, 29, 55, 56, 78, 78, 112, 113, 148 Rio Doce: 46 Rio São Francisco: 46 Riobamba: 40 Robertson, William: 3 Rosario: xxi, 35, 36, 58, 59, 77, 82, 83–84, 90–91, 103–104, 104, 109, 114, 116, 119, 136

index Rosario/Alamos/Cosalá—caja of: 36, 103–104 Royal Mining Tribunal: 82, 107, 322 royal order of 17 November 1639—264 royal pragmatic of 13 September 1687—264 royal pragmatic of 1537—25 Russia: 305 Sabará: 46 Sabarábussú, “the shining mountain”: 78 Salinas, Antonio de: 154 Saliquet y Negrete, Antonio: 265 Saltillo: 94, 104, 120 San Antonio del Nuevo Mundo: 143 San José del Oro: 100, 120 San Juan de Matucana: 169, 209 San Luis Potosí: xxi, 23, 34, 35, 36, 58, 59, 72, 81, 82, 83–86, 93–94, 95, 100, 106–107, 109, 109, 114, 116, 120, 127, 228 San Luis Potosí—caja of: 36, 93–94 Sánchez Reziente, Tomás: 265 Santa Ana mines (New Granada): 90, 119, 261 Santa Fe de Antioquia: 37–38 Santelices, Ventura—first superintendent, Potosí mint: 243 Santiago: 31–32 Santiago (Chile): xxii, 5, 9, 23, 44, 149, 213, 219, 261, 271 Santiago (Chile)—mint: 12, 271, 274–278, 277–278, 286, 301–302 Santiago de Guatemala: 261, xxi, 213, 219, 261, 273–278, 277, 278, 286, 301, 302 Santiago de Guatemala—mint: 274–278, 277, 278, 286, 301, 302 Santisteban, Miguel de (lt. colonel): 265 Santo Domingo: xxi, 26, 31, 213, 234, 261 Santos, Juan: 169 São João del Rei: 46 São Paulo: 13, 14, 46, 48, 48, 66, 279 Saravia, Nicolás de: 174 Sarratea y Goyeneche, Juan Martín de: 265 seigniorage charges: 246, 275, 286 Serro Frio: 46 Sevilla: 5, 11, 30, 79, 80, 107, 286, 305, 307–309 Sevilla de Oro: 40 Sicasica: 143 Sierra de Pinos: 87, 94, 120 Sierra Uruñela, Juan: 101–102

339

silver—fineness standard: 51 silver output: 1–8, 4, 6, 7, 15–18, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 27, 30, 34, 36, 37, 40, 43–44, 50–51, 52, 53, 69–212 silver refiners (azogueros): 70–71 silver smelting: 70–72, 84, 99, 100, 110, 151, 213, 220–221, 227, 237, 241, 263, 312, 318, 319, 323 silver traders (mercaderes de plata): 71, 103, 216, 222, 320 Simonsen, Roberto: 14 Sinaloa: 90, 103, 119 Slaves: 38, 241 Sluiter, Engel: 8, 30–32 Soetbeer, Adolf: x, 4–5, 13, 19, 140 Solórzano Pereira, Juan: 2 Sombrerete: xxi, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 97, 98–100, 99, 106, 109, 110, 114, 116, 120, 133 Sombrerete—caja of: 98–100 Sonora: 92, 119 Soria Murillo, Victoria Manuel: 9–10 stamp mill (ingenio): 70, 319 Sultepec: 85, 120 superintendencia de azogue: 106, 322 Szasdi, Adam: 7, 80 Tacna: 171 Tahuantinsuyu (Inca Empire): 141 Taxco: 85, 89, 120 Temascaltepec: 85, 120 Tenochtitlán, Aztec capital: 84 Tepeyac: 95 tesorero: 50, 71, 213, 214, 215, 216, 219, 220, 228, 237, 242, 263, 264, 266, 268, 275, 276, 286, 323 tesorero particular: 214, 215, 219, 220, 228, 237, 242, 263, 264, 266, 268, 275, 276, 286, 323 tesorero proprietario: 263, 323 textile production: 40, 41 Toledo, Francisco de (viceroy): 146, 171 Toribio Medina, José: 9, 12, 233, 235, 261, 271–272, 276, 278 trapiches: 71, 312 treasury tax multipliers: 50–52, 80, 179 Trujillo: xxii, 43, 44, 62, 63, 69, 141, 147, 148, 165–166, 166, 179, 182, 184, 204 Trujillo—caja of: 165 Túpac Catari revolt: 154, 159 Turillo de Yerba, Captain Alfonso: 263 Twinam, Ann: 26 Ulloa, Antonio de: 173, 177

340

index

Urabá: 32, 37 Uztáriz, Gerónimo: 3 Vadillo, Juan de: 37 Valdivia: 44–45 Valdivia, Pedro de: 44 Valencia, Pedro Agustín de: 268 Veitia Linage, Juan José: 106, 227 Velásquez, Diego: 32 vellón currency: 225, 227, 233–235, 263, 270, 321 Veracruz: 51, 82, 83, 102–103, 103, 106, 136, 307–308, 319 Veracruz—caja of: 102–103 Vicuña Mackenna, Benjamín: 12, 44–45 Vila do Principe: 46 Villa Rica de Ouro Preto: 213 Villa Rica de Oropesa: 171

wars of independence—Mexico, effect upon coinage: 36, 89, 213, 229–231; Spanish America: 10, 213, 237, 247, 266, 277, 308 West, Robert C.: 79–80, 261 Zacatecas: xxii, 6–8, 35, 36, 50, 52, 58, 59, 69, 73–74, 77, 79–84, 82, 86–91, 88, 93–95, 97–100, 106–109, 109, 111, 114, 116, 120, 121, 144, 153, 174, 213 Zacatecas, caja of: 87–89 Zamora: 40 Zaruma: 23, 40 Zimapán: xxi, 35, 36, 58, 59, 77, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 90, 97, 100–101, 101, 110, 114, 116, 120, 134 Zimapán—caja of: 36, 100–101

The Atlantic World ISSN 1570–0542

1. Postma, J. & V. Enthoven (eds.). Riches from Atlantic Commerce. Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12562 0 2. Curto, J.C. Enslaving Spirits. The Portuguese-Brazilian Alcohol Trade at Luanda and its Hinterland, c. 1550-1830. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13175 2 3. Jacobs, J. New Netherland. A Dutch Colony in Seventeenth-Century America. 2004. ISBN 90 04 12906 5 4. Goodfriend, J.D. (ed.). Revisiting New Netherland. Perspectives on Early Dutch America. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14507 9 5. Macinnes, A.I. & A.H. Williamson (eds.). Shaping the Stuart World, 16031714. The Atlantic Connection. 2006. ISBN 90 04 14711 X 6. Haggerty, S. The British-Atlantic Trading Community, 1760-1810. Men, Women, and the Distribution of Goods. 2006. ISBN 90 04 15018 8 7. Kleijwegt, M. (ed.). The Faces of Freedom. The Manumission and Emancipation of Slaves in Old World and New World Slavery. 2006. ISBN 90 04 15082 X 8. Emmer, P.C., O. Pétré-Grenouilleau & J. Roitman (eds.). A Deus ex Machina Revisited. Atlantic Colonial Trade and European Economic Development. 2006. ISBN 90 04 15102 8 9. Fur, G. Colonialism in the Margins. Cultural Encounters in New Sweden and Lapland. 2006. ISBN 978 90 04 15316 5 10. McIntyre, K.K. & R.E. Phillips (eds.). Woman and Art in Early Modern Latin America. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 15392 9 11. Roper, L.H. & B. Van Ruymbeke (eds.). Constructing Early Modern Empires. Proprietary Ventures in the Atlantic World, 1500-1750. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 15676 0 12. Newson, L.A. & S. Minchin. From Capture to Sale. The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish South America in the Early Seventeenth Century. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 15679 1 13. Evans, C. & G. Rydén. Baltic Iron in the Atlantic World in the Eighteenth Cen-tury. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16153 5 14. Frijhoff, W. Transl. by M. Heerspink Scholz. Fulfilling God’s Mission: The Two Worlds of Dominie Everardus Bogardus, 1607-1647. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16211 2 15. Goodfriend J.D., B. Schmidt & A. Stott (eds.). Going Dutch: The Dutch Presence in America 1609-2009. 2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16368 3 16. Ebert, C. Between Empires: Brazilian Sugar in the Early Atlantic Economy, 1550-1630. 2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16768 1

17. Schorsch, J. Swimming the Christian Atlantic. Judeoconversos, Afroiberians and Amerindians in the Seventeenth Century. 2009. ISBN 978 90 04 17040 7 18. Huigen, S. Knowledge and Colonialism. Eighteenth-century Travellers in South Africa. 2009. ISBN 978 90 04 17743 7 19. Costigan, L.H. Through Cracks in the Wall. Modern Inquisitions and New Christian Letrados in the Iberian Atlantic World. 2010. ISBN 978 90 04 17920 2 20. Belaubre, C., Dym, J. & J. Savage (eds.). Napoleon’s Atlantic. The Impact of Napoleonic Empire in the Atlantic World. 2010. ISBN 978 90 04 18154 0 21. TePaske, J.J. (Brown, K.W. ed.). A New World of Gold and Silver. 2010. ISBN 978 90 04 18891 4