THEOCRITUS EDITED W I T H
A TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY BY
A. S. F. GOW M.A., F.B.A. FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
VOLUME I •
I N T R O D U C T I O N , TEXT, AND
TRANSLATION
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY
PRESS
PUBLISHED BY THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Bcntley House, 200 Euston Road, London N W I 2DB American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, N e w York, N.Y. 10022 I S H N : ο 52i ο66ιβ 6 two vols First published 1950 Second edition 1952 Reprinted 1965, 1973 First printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridge Reprinted in Great Britain by Kingprint Ltd., R i c h m o n d , Surrey
PARENTVM D.M. AMICIS ET ADIVTORIBVS I.D.B. D.S.R. A.F.S. DEDICATVM
CONTENTS VOLUME
I
Preface
page ix INTRODUCTION I. THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS
i. External Evidence
xv
2. Internal Evidence
xvii
3. Relations with Apollonius Rhodius and Callimachus
xxii
4. Lost Works
xxiv
5. Summary
xxv IL THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
1. Medieval and Renaissance manuscripts 2. Papyri and other early sources 3. The Relation of the Papyri to the later mss
xxx xlviii Η
4. The ms Tradition (i) Idylls 1-18
Hv
(ii) Idylls 19-30, Epigrams
lvi
5. The Early History of the Text
lix
6. Recension
lxii
7. The Order of the Poems
lxvi
8. The Titles of the Poems
lxix
9. Dialect (i) (ii) (in) (iv) (v)
lxxii
Genuine poems in Doric Dubious and spurious poems in Doric Epic poems with an admixture of Doric Poems in Epic and Ionic Poems in Aeolic
vii
lxxii lxxv lxxvi lxxvii lxxvii
CONTENTS
ίο. The Scholia
page lxxx lxxxi lxxxii
(i) The Families (ii) The Commentators
TEXT A N D TRANSLATION Sigla
page 2
Idylls
4
Fragments
238
Epigrams
240
The Syrinx
256
Addendum
257
VOLUME
II page 1
Commentary Appendix (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)
Abbreviations Texts Commentaries Papers in Periodicals, etc. Index to Books and Papers
56i 563 563 565 578
Addenda and Corrigenda
591
Indexes (i) Greek
597 623
(ii) English
Plates
639
vm
PREFACE The commentary on Theocritus contained in these volumes has occupied my not very extensive leisure for the last sixteen years. Much still remains to be done, but such a book can never be complete, and since time begins to press I have chosen, despite its deficiencies, to print the book now rather than to risk embarrassing others with a task which an author should, if possible, discharge for himself. I have used the word commentary advisedly, for to the text of Theocritus this edition contributes nothing of importance. My in formation as to the manuscripts is almost entirely derived from others, and my own innovations in the text are few and trifling; and if there had existed a readily accessible edition with an adequate apparatus criticus embodying reports of the papyri, I should have been tempted, at whatever inconvenience to the reader, to publish the commentary by itself. Except however for a few readings incorporated in the later editions of J. M. Edmonds's Bucolici Graeci the most extensive papyri were until 1946 unreported in any edition of the poet, and C. Gallavotti's text of that year, which was based on a fresh inspection of nearly all the mss, has enabled me to present a much tidier apparatus than that which I had compiled from the sources previously available. My own text differs a good deal from Gallavotti's, and the account of the mss contained in my Introduction embodies material drawn from other sources, but his reports of their readings, and the original publications of the papyri, are almost the only sources of my apparatus. The version which faces my text has no higher aim than to show in tolerable English what I understand to be the poet's meaning. The only translations I have regularly consulted are the English of J. M. Edmonds and the French of P. E. Legrand, and I have consulted those not for the style but for the interpretation. My own version should be similarly used; but though it is an adjunct to the commentary, not an essay in translation, it makes no attempt to reproduce the compost of artificial dialect, far-fetched vocabulary, and constant novelty of expression which constitutes Theocritus's style. I have done what I can in the commentary to trace the history of his language; to reproduce it would be both impossible and undesirable. My commentary is long, and would be so even if linguistic detail occupied less space than it does. Theocritus is not a difficult author in IX
PREFACE the sense that Pindar or Aeschylus is difficult. His thought is for the most part simple and straightforward, and in the genuine poems there are very few places where the corruption of the text has left the general sense in doubt. In most Greek poets however the precise sense of a word or phrase is often difficult to determine, and in Theocritus such difficulties are often increased by the liberties he allows himself to take with language. Moreover even where his meaning is quite clear, its implications have often been left un investigated and points have been missed which throw light on the context or on the poem as a whole. My commentary is longer than its predecessors because it discusses many questions untouched by them. It may well be that I have sometimes felt a doubt where there should be none, but if it is judged that most of my questions have been justifiably raised and that some have been satisfactorily answered I shall be satisfied. A new commentator on a familiar author should hope that it may be said of him, as Theocritus says of Ptolemy, that he is concerned to guard the treasure which he inherits and to make himself some addition to the store. I have certainly borrowed from my pre decessors everything of theirs which seemed to me of value, and it is for considerations of space and of the reader's convenience, not for lack of gratitude, that my debts are not acknowledged in detail on every page. A hst of the commentaries I have consulted will be found on pp. 563 f. of vol. n. My other obligations are, I hope, dis charged at least in part by the hst ofarticles in periodicals on pp. 565 ff. of vol. 11, and by the index to them and to certain books which follows. The latter is something of a novelty and requires a word of ex planation. Users of Wecklein and Vitelli's Aeschylus or of Prinz and Wecklein's Euripides will be familiar with their appendixes coniecturarum incertiorum, and have probably been exasperated by the constant difficulty of discovering where the conjectures were made and by what arguments they were supported. My index does not set out, but it directs the student to, attempts both at emendation and (what is not less important) at exegesis. It cannot be complete, and if, as I think, it records even so a great deal not worth recording, I am aware that judgment is fallible, and that what seems nonsense to me may seem sense to the next scholar who concerns himself with the passage in question. In constructing indexes to the commentary I have thought it best, even at the cost of including many trifling notes, to make the Greek index as full as possible. The English index is more selective. It is unusual, and in my opinion regrettably so, for a book of this χ
PREFACE kind to include plates. In Theocritus at any rate mere are a good many passages which are more easily intelligible with the aid of illustrations, and I have counted it part of an expositor's duty to provide the reader with the more important of them rather than send him to archaeological publications which may be unfamiliar to him, or inaccessible, or both. It remains to acknowledge my obligations, which are numerous. Sir J. D. Beazley and Professor D. S. Robertson found time to read the whole of the Introduction and Commentary in typescript, and Mr E. Harrison had read substantial portions of the Commentary before his death in 1943. Mr E. Lobel read those parts of the Intro duction and Commentary which are concerned with the Aeolic poems, and I have profited greatly from the notes and criticisms of these scholars. The proofs have been read by Mr Walter Hamilton and Mr A. F. Scholfield; those of the Commentary by Professor C. Trypanis; those of the Aeolic poems by Mr Lobel; those of the Appendix and Indexes by Mr J. C. T. Oates. They have detected many mistakes and oversights of mine, but it is, I fear, unlikely that even so large a body of helpers can have detected all. To Dr R. Pfeiffer I am indebted for allowing me to see the proofsheets of the first volume of his edition of Callimachus, which was being printed at the same time as this book. Though I have not been able to make as much use of his work as I should have wished, it has been possible by substituting his enumeration greatly to simplify my numerous references to the fragments, many of which were previously to be found only in publications of papyri. Sir J. D. Beazley has advised me throughout on archaeological matters, Mr Scholfield has given me much valuable help with the Indexes, and many scholars have answered particular questions which I have addressed to them. I must express here my thanks to Professor F. E. AJcock, Sir H. I. Bell, Mr H. Gilbert-Carter, Professor A. B. Cook, the late Mr J. D. Denniston, the late Sir Arthur Eddington, Professor C. Gallavotti, Professor S. R. K. Glanville, Mr S. W . Grose, Dr F. M. Heichelheim, Mr W . C. Helmbold, Dr P. Jacobsthal, Pro fessor P. E. Legrand, the late Miss Alice Lindsell, Dr P. Maas, the late Dr F. H. A. Marshall, Mr A. Mayor, Miss J. B. Mitchell, Mr J. E. Raven, Mr E. S. G. Robinson, Mr Walter Rose, Mr C. T. Seltman, Dr W . W . Tarn, Professor D. W. Thomas, Professor A. Tovar, and Mrs Ure for information of very various kinds; and if, as is possible, there are others who have done me similar services during the last sixteen years, I hope they will assign my silence here to forgetfulness and not to ingratitude. XI
PREFACE I am indebted to the Trustees of the British Museum, and to the authorities of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, the Glyptothek, Munich, and the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, for permission to publish objects in their keeping, and for photographs and for casts of coins and gems. The photographs reproduced on Plate II, which have been published by me before, were supplied by the late Dr R. Zahn of the Berlin Antiquarium in 1913. The map on Plate VI was drawn for me by Mr G. W . Puttick of the Cambridge Department of Geography. Finally I must thank the Syndics of the University Press for under taking the publication of so unremunerative a book, and the staff of the Press for the care they have expended on its production. Towards the end of the last century Professor A. B. Cook and the late Dr P. Giles made some progress towards a joint edition of Theocritus which was never completed. Since the materials collected by these scholars were recently advertised for sale by a Cambridge bookseller, it may be well to say here that I have not seen them. A.S.F.G. TRINITY COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE August 1949
PREFACE TO SECOND E D I T I O N The second edition of this book has been produced photographically, and it has therefore been impossible to make extensive alterations or additions to the text. I have introduced a few unimportant changes, and a number of small mistakes and misprints, few of which would trouble an attentive reader, have been corrected where thef occur. Other addenda and corrigenda I have collected at the end of vol. 11, and I have drawn attention to them in vol. 1 by a reference, in vol. π by an asterisk at the relevant place in the commentary. I am indebted to friends or reviewers for much of the information which they embody. A. S. F. G. February 1952
Xll
INTRODUCTION
1. THE LIFE OF T H E O C R I T U S 1 1. External Evidence A. Suidas Θεόκριτος* Χίος, £ήτωρ, μαθητής Μητροδώρου του Ίσοκρατικοϋ. έγραψε Χρείας* άντεπολιτευσατο δέ Θεοπόμπω τω Ιστορικω. φέρεται αυτού Ιστορία Λιβύης και έπιστολα! θαυμάσιαι [cf. epigr. 27η.]. έστι καΐ έτερος Θεόκριτος, Πραξαγόρου και Φιλίννης, οι δέ Σιμμίχου* Συρακούσιος, οι δέ φασι Κωον μετωκησε δέ έν Συρακούσαις. ούτος έγραψε τά καλούμενα Βουκολικά έττη Δωρίδι διαλέκτω. τινές δέ άναφέρουσιν είς αυτόν καΐ ταύτα * Προιτίδας, Ελπίδας, "Υμνους, Ήρωίνας, Επικήδεια, Μέλη, Ελεγείας καΐ Ίαμβους, Επι γράμματα. Ιστέον δέ ότι τρεις γεγόνασι βουκολικών έπων ποιηταί, Θεόκριτος ουτοσί, Μόσχος Σικελιώτης καΐ Βίων ό Σμυρναίος, εκ τίνος χωριδίου καλουμένου Φλώσσης. Β. Γένος Θεοκρίτου (Wendel Schoh in Theocr. p. 1): (a) Θεόκριτος ό των Βουκολικών ποιητής Συρακούσιος ήν το γένος, πατρός Σιμίχου,2 ώς αυτός φησι [7.21]· Σιμιχίδα, πςί: δή τό μεσαμέριον πόδας έλκεις; ένιοι δέ τό Σιμιχίδα έπώνυμον είναι λέγουσι—δοκεϊ γάρ σιμός είναι τήν πρόσοψιν—πατέρα δ' έσχηκέναι Πραξαγόραν καΐ μητέρα Φιλίναν. ακουστής δέ γέγονε Φιλητά καΐ Άσκληπιάδου, ών μνημονεύει [7. 4θ]· ήκμασε δέ κατά Πτολεμαϊον τον έπικληθέντα <Φιλάδελφον τον Πτολεμαίου του έπικληθέντος) 3 Λάγου. περί δέ τήν τών βουκολικών ποίησιν ευφυής γενόμενος πολλής δόξης επέτυχε, κατά γουν τινας Μόσχος καλούμενος Θεόκριτος ώνομάσθη. C. (b) Ιστέον ότι ό Θεόκριτος έγένετο Ισόχρονος του τε Άράτου καΐ του Καλλιμάχου καΐ του Νικάνδρου* έγένετο δέ επί τών χρόνων Πτολεμαίου του Φιλαδέλφου. 1 Wilamowitz Textgeschichte d. Gr. Bukoliker 151 and the editions of Cholmeley, Hiller, and Legrand (1 p. v): also Legrand Iztude sur Theocrite 29, Susemihl Gesch. Gr. LxtL in d. Alexandrinerzeit i. 196, Schmid-Stahlin Gesch. Gr. Litteratur 2.185, A. von Blumenthal in RE$A 2001. The extensive literature in journals and dis sertations is largely listed in the last four books, to which should be added papers by A. T. Murray in Matzke Memorial Vol. 139 (Leland Stanford Jun. Univ. Publ. 1911), Flilgel Memorial Vol 208 (ib. 1916) and G. Perrotta in Stud. It. Fil. Class. n.s. 4.114. Reforms in Ptolemaic chronology have antiquated the older dis cussions. 2 Σιμιχίδου, -δα, codd., corr. Ahrens. 3 κατά τον Πτ· τον (έτπ)κλ. Λαγωόν (Λάγων) codd., corr. Ahrens.
XV
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS
D. a. Schol. Id. 4 Arg.: ό Θεόκριτος δέ, ώσττερ έδείξαμεν,1 κατά την ρκδ' Όλυμπιάδα [284-281 B.C.] ήκμο^εν. b. Schol. Syrinx Arg.: ό yoOv Θεόκριτος τό γένος Συρηκόσιος ήκμασεν έττΐ Πτολεμαίου τοΟ Φιλαδέλφου. Ε. a. Schol. Id. 7 Arg.: τά δέ πράγματα διάκεινται έν Κω. έττιδημήσας γαρ ό Θεόκριτος τή νήσω καθ* όν χρόνον είς Άλεξάνδρειαν προς Πτολεμαΐον έπορεύετο, φίλος κατέστη Φρασιδάμω καΐ Άντιγένει Λνκωπέως υίοΐς. b. Schol. Id. 15 Arg.: διαγράφει δέ ό Θεόκριτος έπιδημήσας έν *Αλεξανδρεί<£ χαρι^όμενος τη βασιλίδι. F.
Anth. Pal. 9.^,4 = epigr. 27 (p. 254).
As to Theocritus*s parentage, there is no reason to doubt that his parents were named Praxagoras and Philinna,2 for the alternative Simichus for the father, proffered in A and B, is visibly derived from the name Σιμιχίδας by which Theocritus designates himself in Id. 7, and it appears again in the corrupt scholium on 7.21 discussed in vol. n p. 128. The view mentioned in A that the poet was Coan by birth, though less evidently so derived, may also come from Id. 7, and it may have been fostered by the fact that his father's name, Praxagoras, was that of a famous physician of the Coan school. It is not demonstrably untrue, but the names Praxagoras and Philinna, though they occur in Cos, are too common to be informa tive, and if true it is of no significance, for Theocritus himself treats Sicily and Syracuse as his native country and town (11.7, 28.16). 3 Epigr. 18 is an inscription for a statue of Epicharmus at Syracuse, and if genuine would prove Theocritus not to have been wholly without honour in his fatherland. Apart however from Sicilian themes in the bucolic Idylls the only other evidence 4 connecting him with Sicily is Id. 16, which must now be considered. 1
The reference is probably to Id. 3 Arg., where a date appears to be missing. On the names, and on the spelling Philinna, see epigr. 27 nn. 3 It may be noted that Epicharmus also was sometimes said to have been of Coan birth (epigr. 18.5η.). It is possible that Theocritus may have had family con nexions with the East, for Timoleon had invited large numbers of colonists to Syracuse from Greece and the Greek islands (Diod. 16.82, Plut. Tim. 23). He is consistently called a Sicilian or Syracusan by later writers; e.g. Mosch. 3-93* Virg. E. 6.1, Serv. ad loc, Catal. 9.20, Manil. 2.40, Ath. 1.5 A. 4 At Ov. lb. 549 utue Syracosio praestricta fauce poetae, | sic anitnae laqueo sit uia clausa tuae two scholiasts assert that Theocritus is meant, and that he was punished for abusing Hiero and his son. It is generally agreed however that they are romancing. 2
XVI
INTERNAL EVIDENCE 2. Internal Evidence Id. 16 is an appeal for patronage to Hiero the Second of Syracuse, and is probably to be dated 275/4 B-C·1 Apart from epigr. 18, a mere trifle, there is no evidence that the poet received any commissions from Syracuse, and in Id. 16 Theocritus loudly bewails the stinginess of modern patrons .in terms implying that he has had previous experience of it.2 In Id. 17 however, which is a panegyric of Ptolemy Philadelphus, that prince's generosity to poets is highly extolled (ii5ff.). Id. 17 is to be dated between 274 and July 270 B.C.—most probably in 273/2—and the most natural explanation of these facts is that the poet, failing in his application to Hiero, turned to Egypt with more success, or that Hiero's answer was forestalled by an invitation from Ptolemy. If that is correct, it will be natural to place at approximately the same date Id. 15, which shows Theocritus apparently familiar with Alexandria and writing for an Alexandrian audience at some date between 278 and the summer of 270 B.C., and the fragment of the Berenice (fr. 3), which appears to commemorate the mother of Philadelphus and Arsinoe, whose deification by her children is mentioned both in Id. 15 and in Id. 17. To this group of poems belongs also Id. 14, which contains a eulogy of Philadelphus (58fF.) but cannot be more precisely dated within his reign (283246 B.C.). More shadowy indications suggest the possibility that Idd. 18, 22, and 24 were intended for audiences in Egypt. 3 No poems other than Idd. 15, 16, 17 supply evidence for absolute dating,4 but a passage in one of the bucolic poems seems to provide a link between them and the Egyptian group. In Id. 7 Theocritus, there passing under the name Simichidas, looks back, apparently after some change in circumstances (7.1 n.), to a day spent in Cos, during which he exchanged songs with a goatherd named Lycidas. His own song is prefaced by the lines:5 πολλά μέν άλλα Νύμφαι κήμέ δίδαξαν άν' ώρεα βονκολέοντα έσθλά, τά που καΐ Ζηνός επί Θρόνον άγαγε φάμα, 1
For this date, which is now generally accepted, see vol. 11 pp. 305 flf. It is cardinal to all discussion of Theocritus's life, which those who dated Id. 16 five or six years later necessarily construed very differently. 2 16.13; see also 16.34 η. 3 The evidence for these statements will be found in the prefaces to Idd. 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 24, fr. 3, and the note on 24.11. 4 The notes on 2.115, 7.78, 12.5, 17.43 and the prefaces to Idd. 6 and 14 record some further attempts to infer dates. 5 91 ff.: see notes ad he.
xvii GT
2
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS which appear to mean that the poet's bucolic poetry had attracted the attention of Ptolemy. It does not, of course, follow that Id. η is earlier than Id. 17. Simichidas might be an established court-poet who mentions his bucolic poetry here because it is the field in which he approaches the goatherd Lycidas; and some have been inclined to date Id. 7 and other bucolic poems in the sixties of the third century. On the other hand the confidence with which in Id. 16, apparently before he had established his connexion with Ptolemy, Theocritus presents himself as a candidate for the post of court-poet to Hiero, the indication that he has applied for patronage before, and the accomplishment of the poem itself, imply that he is no novice. Sicily is the home of pastoral poetry, and to its chief Sicilian hero, Daphnis, Theocritus adds another, Polyphemus. In the works of a Sicilian poet who left his country for the East these Sicilian themes are likely to be among the first, and there is other reason to think that one of them (Id. 11) is so. W e cannot be sure, but the probability that the bucolic poems are early, and that it was at any rate in part with those that Theocritus made his name and attracted the attention of the Egyptian court, is strong.1 It may however be legitimate to infer that Id. 7 implies receipt of the patronage, the refusal of which is complained of in Id. 16—in ether words that Id. 7 was written later than 275/4 B.C.. the apparent date of U. 16. Apart from these not very secure inferences the bucolic Idylls naturally supply little indication either of absolute or of relative dates. Id. 7, whether written in Cos, Egypt, or elsewhere, must have been composed shortly after the event it commemorates, for Aratus's loveaffair, the subject of Simichidas's song, can have been a theme of only ephemeral interest; and Id. 6, addressed to Aratus himself and con veying a moral not dissimilar to that inculcated by Simichidas, may reasonably be assigned to approximately the same period.2 Id. 4 shows some signs of having been written when Theocritus had already left Sicily for the East,3 and it is natural to group with it Id. 5, which has 1
In Id. 7 the tone of the exchange between Simichidas and Lycidas suggests that Simichidas is the younger of the two, and the tone of his song (96 fF.) that he is still a youngish man. The song is highly erudite, but the erudition is not allowed to stifle the poetry. That however is no evidence of late date, for the same characteristics are observable in Id. 13, which there is reason to think fairly early (see below), and in Id. 16, which, as has been said, is probably to be dated 275/4 B.C. 2 See Id. 6 pref. Those who believe the Syrinx to be by Theocritus would group it with these poems since it shares the name Simichidas with Id. 7. It also shares Comatas and must therefore be later than Id. 7, not earlier as Blumenthal held (RE 5 A 2004): but it is almost certainly spurious; see vol. 11 p. 553· 3 See 23, 3inn. xviu
INTERNAL EVIDENCE a similar South Italian flavour, is nearer to Id. 4 in tone than any other Idyll, and is also under suspicion of borrowing a geographical name from Cos (5.123 η.). Wilamowitz's further conclusions that Id. 1 is earlier than Id. 6, Id. 4 slightly earlier than Id. 10, and Id. 3 to be grouped with Id. 7 are based on insufficient grounds.1 A little light would seem to be thrown on the poet's early life by Miss Alice LindselTs study of his botany.2 Miss Lindsell pointed out that there are references to far more plants and trees in the Idylls, most of them in the bucolic Idylls, than in the whole of Homer, and that Theocritus is remarkably accurate both as to the habit and to the habitat of those he mentions. This knowledge and interest must ultimately derive from Theophrastus, the father of the science, who lived into the third century, and they are Ukely to have been acquired in Cos, where the students of the famous medical school would be professionally interested in the subject. And certainly it seems probable that in the first half of the third century such knowledge, whether acquired in Cos or not,3 would have been more easily come by in the East than in Sicily. Further Miss Lindsell noted that there are marked differences between the flora of Greek lands and that of Sicily, and that Theocritus's landscapes are characteristically Greek and not Sicilian. She concluded, therefore, that he left Sicily at an early age, and it seems at least safe to say that he must have visited the eastern Mediterranean before most of the bucolic Idylls were written—a conclusion which accords with that already reached as to Idd. 4.-7.* The scenes of the dramatic Idylls have sometimes been used as evidence of the place in which they were written, but this probably rests on a misconception of the convention used by Theocritus.5 Idd. 7 and 15 are admittedly firmly sited in Cos and Alexandria respectively, but in any case these two stand apart from the other Idylls—Id. 7 because it introduces the poet himself, and both because they present pictures not only of a particular place but of a particular 1
Textgeschichte i62fF. Id. 1 earlier than 6 because Daphnis in the former is still a conventional figure: Id. 4 earlier than 10 because the name Milon, suitable in Id. 4 to Magna Graecia, must be borrowed thence in 10: Idd. 3 and 7 linked by the name Tityrus. 2 Greece and Rome 6.78. 3 For possible traces of medical vocabulary in Theocritus see 11.7, 71, 22.105, 112, 24.61, 26.22 ml.
4 The specifically Sicilian settings are for Polyphemus in Idd. 6 and 11, and for Daphnis in Idd. 1.65-142 and 7.73-77. Miss Lindsell was not prepared to condemn any details there, but regarded with suspicion the cypresses of 11.45 an
XIX
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS day. In the other poems of the class it seems better to suppose that geographical names are used, like those of persons, to give an air of precision and verisimilitude to the scene, but that the setting is no more strictly local than the dialect, and that debate whether, for example, Id. ι is staged in Sicily or in the East is misconceived.1 Still, though the geographical names may not be intended to fix with precision a geographical setting for the Idylls in which they occur, some inferences may nevertheless be drawn from the places from which they are chosen, and it is legitimate to argue that if Theocritus had not yet left Sicily, Delphis in Id. 2 would not be a Carian nor Philinus be named as a famous runner; a dark complexion would not, as in Id. 10, suggest Syria; nor would there be (as it appears there is) a casual reference to the ferry between Cos and Calymnos in Id. 1.57—in other words that in Idd. 1, 2, and 10, as in 4-7, there is evidence apart from botany to indicate acquaintance with the eastern Mediterranean. It also seems reasonable to infer that even if the scenes of Idd. 4 and 5 are, as is suggested above, not Magna Graecia but fairyland, their south-Italian colour implies that their author had some acquaintance with the district.2 Neither during the Ufetime of Agathocles nor for some years after his death can residence in Syracuse 1
The evidence for Idylls other than 7 and 15 is as follows: 1. Thyrsis is Sicilian (65), and the Libyan (24) also suggests the west. Καλυδνίφ, if rightly read in 57, points to Cos. 2. Delphis is Carian (29), Philinus, at least by association, Coan (115): the Assyrian stranger (162) and the supposedly Coan oath (160) also suggest Cos. Lipara (133) conflicts. 3. The Libyan goat (5) proves nothing (see n.). The name Amaryllis occurs again in Id. 4 and has been held to indicate a common scene. Tunny-fishing (26) has been thought to indicate Cos but is appropriate to any Mediterranean coast. 4 and 5. Croton and Thurii are superficially the scene, but Latymnus (4.19)» στομάλιμνον (4.23), Haleis (5.123), Himera (5.124) raise doubts. 6. The theme is Sicilian. [8. Sicily U6)] [9. Sicily (15), but cf. 26η.] ίο. 4 and 50 (where see nn.) have been thought to point to Sicily; Συραν (26) and Lityerses (41) to Cos. 11. The theme is Sicilian. 14. Contains an Athenian stranger (6), an Argive, and a Thessalian (12). Cholmeley absurdly said that Cos was 'the only reasonable meeting place* for such. Crusius (Unters. zu Hdas 174) also favoured Cos. lad. 8 and 9 need not be considered unless either is held to be genuine. Of the others 4 and 5 are more firmly located than the others as they are also more realistic in treatment than any except portions of 10. The greater local precision is appro priate to the greater realism but neither seems carried very far. 2 He may have borrowed thence some of his dialect forms also: see p. lxxiii n. 1. xx
INTERNAL EVIDENCE have been agreeable, and it is likely that many Sicilians, for political or other reasons, retired for a time from the island.1 Of the eight certainly genuine bucolic Idylls there are thus indica tions of varying strength that ι, 4-7, and ι ο wherever written, were not written until Theocritus had left, or had at any rate been away from, Sicily. Id. 3, unless Wilamowitz was right in coupling it with Id. 7, supplies no hints. Nor does Id. 11, unless the landscape be judged un-Sicilian.2 Wilamowitz, who held it on the ground of some metrical roughness to be an early work, assumed it to have been written in Sicily.3 Id. 11 however is linked by its prefatory address to Nicias with another group of poems. Idd. 11 and 13, also addressed to Nicias, both deal with love. In 11 Theocritus advised his friend that poetry is the only remedy for the lovesick; in 13 that better men than they had experienced the pangs before. Epigr. 8 shows Nicias established in medical practice at Miletus; Id. 28 accompanies to that town an ivory distaff given by Theocritus to the doctor's wife. It seems safe to assume that these two are later in date than Idd. 11 and 13, and it may be noted, since it is likely that Theocritus's four experiments in Aeolic lyric are not of widely separate date, that in another of them he speaks of himself as no longer a young man. 4 In Id. 11 Nicias, though already, as appears from the references to medicine, embarked on a medical career, would seem to be unmarried, and Id. 13 gives the same impression. Id. 11 may be, as Wilamowitz supposed, a very early work, but we cannot assume that the poet's acquaintance with Nicias was quite as early as the poem, for there are substantial grounds for thinking that The Cyclops in Love, which forms its kernel and presents almost all the characteristics on which Wilamowitz based his opinion, was not originally designed for its present position in a poetical epistle to Nicias,5 and it may therefore have been later adapted for its present purpose. Still, it does not seem likely that such an adapta tion, if it was made, long post-dated the original composition, and the tone of Id. 11 in its present form, and of Id. 13, suggests that both writer and recipient were comparatively young men. If Nicias studied in the medical school of Cos, Theocritus may have made his acquaintance there, but there is no evidence to show that he did so, and this is no more than plausible hypothesis.6 1
2 Cf. Legrand Utude 54. See p. xix n. 4. 3 But see 11.7 η. 30.13; c£. also 29.27. The reminiscences of Sappho in Id. 18 (see vol. 11 p. 348) suggest the possibility that this Idyll may date from about the same period as the Aeolic poems. 6 5 11.13 η. For Nicias see further vol. 11 p. 208. 4
XXI
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS
Two other poems perhaps throw light onTheocritus's life. Epigr. 17, an inscription for a statue of Anacreon in Teos, and epigr. 22, for a statue of Pisander at Camirus, form, with the similar epigram on Epicharmus for Syracuse already mentioned and epigr. 21 on Archilochus for an unnamed site, a group written for similar purposes in unusual metres. It cannot be regarded as certain that all or any are by Theocritus but it is not unlikely that all are his.1 Camirus in Rhodes and Teos on the coast of Asia Minor are not remote from Cos and Miletus, which Theocritus is known to have visited, but if the epigrams are his it may perhaps be argued that he would hardly have been commissioned by these towns to write inscriptions for statues of their eminent citizens until he was himself a poet of established reputation. If so, they will be among his later rather than his early works. 3. Relations with Apollonius Rhodius and CaUimachus2 If the chronology of other Alexandrian poets were better known this meagre record might be somewhat extended, for there are points of contact between Theocritus, Apollonius, and CaUimachus which establish comparative dates. The famous quarrel between Apollonius and CaUimachus, though no doubt exacerbated by some personal animosity, turned on the view of the latter that the day of fuU-scale epic poems on the Homeric model was over, and that what the times demanded was small-scale treatment and elaborate finish. In this controversy, as K. Ziegler has convincingly shown, 3 the rebel was CaUimachus, whose views were no doubt the subject of discussion in Alexandrian literary circles before tempers grew hot. They were expressed by CaUimachus in more than one place,4 and Theocritus ranged himself more briefly but quite firmly on the same side by the lines not very relevantly5 placed in the mouth of Lycidas at Id. 7.45: ώς μοι και τέκτων μέγ' άπέχθεται όστις έρεύνη Ισον δρενς κορυφα τελέσαι δόμον 'ύύρομέδοντος, καΐ Μοισαν δρνιχες δσοι ττοτι Χΐον άοιδόν άντία κοκιατξοντες έτώσια μοχθί^οντι. 1
See vol. 11 p. 527. The relations of the three poets were discussed by Gercke in Rhein. Mus. 42.592, 44.127, 137, and by Perrotta in Stud. It. Fit. Clas. n.s. 4.1, 85. 3 Das hellenistische Epos (Leipzig, 1934). Ziegler pointed out that CaUimachus seems to have had few followers, that numerous large-scale epics were written in Hellenistic times, and that except for a brief space in the first century B.C. when Catullus and others revived the practice of CaUimachus, Roman poets preferred the tradition of Homer and Apollonius. 4 H. 2.105 fF., Ep> 30, prologue to the Aetia (fr. 1). 5 There is nothing in the context to invite an opinion on epic poetry; see 7.47η. 2
xxn
RELATIONS WITH APOLLONIUS AND CALLIMACHUS And in Id. 13 and in the second part of Id. 22 he took episodes from the first and second books of the Argonautka and rehandled them in accordance with the principles of Callimachus.1 Plainly therefore Id. 13 and part of Id. 22 were written subsequently to the publication in some form or other of the corresponding parts of Apollonius's poem, and if dates for the latter are ever established some light will be thrown on the chronology of the two Idylls.2 The fact that Theocritus is ranged on the side of Callimachus in a dispute in which Callimachus led a crusade is no secure ground for assuming that the two men were friends or even acquaintances,3 but both worked in Alexandria and must in fact have been acquainted, and there is sufficient contact between their poetry to prove if not friendship at least professional respect, though the references un fortunately do little to elucidate the chronology of their poems. Id. 17 appears to have points of contact with the first and the fourth hymns of Callimachus and his fourth hymn perhaps borrows something from Id. 26.4 Hymn 4 must date from approximately the same time as Id. 17 (273/2 B.C.), and if the last point were secure it would establish that Id. 26 was written if not before Id. 17 at any rate not later than the seventies of the third century. Unfortunately it is not sufficiently so for safety. The same may be said of the connexion between Id. 17 and Hymn 1, but this, if secure, would help to date the hymn rather than the Idyll, which is already dated within narrow limits. A possible connexion between Id. 22 and Hymn 3 is also valueless, for the hymn has been assigned to widely differing dates, and it is not plain which poet is here the borrower.5 Finally in an epigram (47) written when he was, at any rate professedly, needy, love-lorn, and, therefore presumably, young, Callimachus seems to allude to Id. 11, and in another (52), written very much later, to borrow a phrase from Id. 17.6 Neither fact contributes anything to 1
See vol. π pp. 231, 382 [and 591]. The chronology of Apollonius, which is bound up with that of Arams and Callimachus and complicated by the alleged revision of the Argonautka after its initial failure in Alexandria, cannot be discussed here. Wilamowitz (Hell. Dicht. 2.168) dated the publication of the poem in the late sixties or early fifties of the third century but admitted that parts of it might have been known previously. Others have suggested substantially earlier dates (see Bursians Jaliresb. 255.90). 3 The views which Callimachus was prominent in defending need not have originated with him. He and Theocritus may have derived them independently from (for instance) Philctas; cf. 7.47 n. 4 See Idd. 17.65, 137, 26.30ml. 5 See Id. 22.116η., and for the dating of the hymn Bursians Jaliresb. 255.202. 6 See 11.7, 17.57 nn. The relation between Call. Ep. 53 and Id. 8.59f. (where see n.) is irrelevant here unless Id. 8 is a genuine poem. 2
xxni
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS
chronology, and all that can at present be inferred from evidence of this kind is, as has been said, that the two poets respected one another and may well have been friends.1 4. Lost Works The only citation in antiquity which plainly reveals the existence of a lost poem is Athenaeus's quotation from the Berenice (fr. 3). The Antinoe papyrus, so far as its make-up can be discerned, may have contained several poems unknown to us,2 but the extant leaves dis close only the loss of a short Aeolic lyric. There remains however the notice in Suidas (1A above), where we are told that in addition to the bucolic hexameters some ascribe to Theocritus other works, which it will be convenient to set out in tabular form. ΤΤροιτίδα$ Ελπίδας Ύμνους Ήρωίνας Επικήδεια
Birt suggested that Id. 21 might be meant (see vol. n p. 370). Id. 22, and perhaps 24 and 26. (?) Id. 26, (?) Mosch. 2 (Europa), 4 (Megara). (?) Bion ι (Άδώνιδος Επιτάφιος). (?) Mosch. 3 (ΒΙωνος Επιτάφιος). Idd. 28-31.
Μέλη 3 Ελεγείας Ίαμβους Επιγράμματα (Extant).
Europa, Megara, and the two Επιτάφιοι are ascribed to Theocritus by a greater or less weight of mss and they therefore deserve passing consideration, but their inclusion will go very little way to preserve the credit of this list. For not only does it include at least three items (Προιτίδας,4 Ελεγείας, Ίαμβους) which cannot be accounted for, but it leaves no place into which eight certainly genuine poems of various characters—non-bucolic mimes (Idd. 2, 14, 15), encomia (16, 17, unless these are included in the hymns), a hexameter love-poem (12), 1
The other parallels assembled by Gercke in Rhein. Mus. 42.592 are individually of litde weight since they might be accidental. Collectively they perhaps add something to the view that the two poets were in close relations. See also Legrand Utude 69, Cahen Callimaque 78. It may be noted that Callimachus had written on Arsinoe's marriage [fr. 392), the date of which was probably 278 B.C., and would therefore seem to have been in touch with court circles earlier than Theocritus can z See pp. xlixf. be shown to be so. 3 Adler treated έτπκήδεια μέλη as a single entry but this seems less probable. 4 Theophilus wrote a comedy with this title, but it does not seem very probable that his name was confused with Theocritus's. XXIV
LOST WORKS an epic narrative (13), an epithalamium (18)—can be fitted. Such a list firmly presented as describing Theocritus's range would com mand little confidence; and this is not so presented, for the entry in Suidas asserts only that 'some ascribe' such works to Theocritus. We cannot be certain that the enigmatic ascriptions were wrong, but the absence of citations in antiquity, and the negative evidence of the papyri, discourage the belief that they were right. 1 On the other hand it may be said that there is no evidence that Theocritus collected his own poems for publication, and it is therefore possible that a substantial number escaped the first collectors altogether and have consequently perished unrecorded. 5. Summary The evidence as to the poet's life and career derived from his own works is for the most part, it must be admitted, insecure. Such dates and events as can be established might be, and have been, combined in various ways. The inferences often depend upon subjective im pression and may be judged invalid by another reader of the poem on which they are based. If the arguments set out above are accepted, it would seem that Theocritus was by birth a Syracusan whose recoverable life is however connected rather with the eastern part of the Greek world than with Sicily. He appears to show some acquaintance with Magna Graecia, but what seem to be his earliest extant works, the bucolic Idylls, were none of them demonstrably written in Sicily, and most of them already betray acquaintance with the east. That he was attached to his native land is evident from his references to it, and his appeal for patronage to its ruler, made apparently in 275 or 274 B.C., is natural; but apart from one epigram not certainly his there is no evidence that he received commissions thence, nor even that after leaving it he ever returned. 2 Within five 1 The statement in Suidas s.v. Mccpiccvos that Marianus paraphrased Theocritus in 3150 iambic lines is really useless as evidence. Marianus's paraphrases of Apollonius and Aratus were apparently of about die length of the originals: that of Nicander's Tfieriaca nearly half as long again. The certainly genuine works of Theocritus including Id. 31 and the lost end of Id. 24, together with epigrs. 1-22 and Idd. 8 and 9 (which were plainly handed down as his), amount to about 2350 lines, but it is impossible to guess what spurious works Marianus in the fifth century may have found in his 'Theocritus'. See Birt Ant. Buchwesen 291, 400. 2 It would be probable if, as Vahlen (Phil. Schrifi. 2.224), Wilamowitz (Textgeschichte 159), and others supposed, Id. 16 was written in Sicily; probable also if the voyage to Miletus in Id. 28 was from Syracuse, for the friendship with Nicias is more likely to have been formed in the East than before Theocritus left Sicily. Neither question can be setded: Id. 16.107 a n < i M· 2% c a n be construed either way,
XXV
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS years at most of the appeal to Hiero he is found to be familiar with Alexandria (Id. 15) and writing a court poem for Ptolemy Philadelphus (Id. 17), whose attention he seems to have attracted by his bucolic poetry and perhaps by other early work. Whether this success was achieved in Egypt or from Cos does not appear, but Cos was the King's birthplace and stood high in his favour,1 it was the home of Philetas, the King's tutor and a founder of the Alexandrian school of poetry, 2 and Theocritus had, as appears from Id. 7, aristocratic friends in the island. A rising poet who worked there would not escape notice in Alexandria, and an earlier visit to Egypt, though perfectly possible, need not be assumed. It may be that some of his poems were written after 270 B.C. but, if so, we cannot tell which, though the Aeolic lyrics and, if his, some of the dedicatory epigrams, would seem to be later at any rate than the bucolic poems. Opinion would no doubt differ as to'which are his best poems, but Idd. 2, 7, 13, 15, 16 would be a reasonable selection, and of these Id. 15 was certainly, Id. 16 almost certainly, written before 270 B.C., and there is no reason which compels us to assign Id. 2, 7, or 13 to a later date. To the inferences thus drawn from internal evidence, the external adds nothing substantial beyond the name of his parents. The state ment in ι Ε (above), that he visited Cos on the way to Alexandria, may be true, but may equally well be a guess. The statement in ι Β that he was a pupil of Philetas and Asclepiades cannot be disproved but is probably an inference from Id. 7.40.3 The floruit Ol. 124, i.e. 284-281 B.C. (which suggests a birth-date about 320 B.C.), given in 1D a would seem from the internal evidence to be too early, though Theocritus may have begun writing at that date. It is not plain whence the date is derived, but Ol. 124 was the first to fall within the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus,4 under whom 1D b sets the poet's floruit, and with whom all the recognisable allusions in his works except those in Id. 16 are concerned, and it may have been chosen but both seem to me slightly to favour the view that they were not written from Sicily. Id. 11.7 does not, as has been said, show that that poem was sent to Nicias from Sicily, nor is there any basis for the conclusion that cpigr. 18 was written there. 1 Cf. Id. 17.66, Herzog Koischc Forsch. 8. 2 Philetas's dates are unknown, and the assumption that he was dead when Id. 7.40 was written (RE 19.2166) rests on the unjustifiable view that in the same line Asclepiades is called Sicelidas by way of disguise. 3 Choeroboscus (Gramm. Gr. 4.333) calls Phictas ό διδάσκαλο$ Θεόκριτου but does not add to the probability. 4 He became joint-king with his father in 285 B.C. and usually dated his reign from 285 rather than from 283 when he became sole king on his father's death (J. Eg. Arch. 26.65). XXVI
SUMMARY 1
for that reason. Beyond the name of the poet's parents, the external authorities make, in short, no statement which cannot be a deduction from the poems, and it will therefore be prudent to assume that their statements are in fact no more than inferences and to be judged as such. It would seem that by the time scholarship began to interest itself in the matter no memory or record of the poet's personal history survived, though we may wonder whence the author of epigr. 27 derived the name of his parents.2 The life of Theocritus, apart from his parents' names and the reasonably secure dating of Idd. 15-17, thus rests on a series of inferences, some of which are open to dispute. More subjective impressions can add little or nothing to the strength of such a struc ture, but familiarity with an author must needs engender them, and I record mine for what they are worth. And first I do not doubt that the bucolic Idylls (1, 3-7, 10, 11) form a unity and cannot be widely separate in date. The recurrent turns of phrase and idea, the similarity of atmosphere, seem die product of a single mood, and I should suppose the earliest separated from the last by a few years at most, perhaps by less. Two of the poems commonly classed as bucolic are however less conspicuously so than the rest. Id. 11 contains no human rustics, though the flouted Cyclops is a shepherd and has much in common with the lovesick peasants of Idd. 3 and 10. Wilamowitz regarded Id. 11 as the earliest of Theocritus's poems, and I agree that it is likely to be early and may well be first. At the other end of the series I incline to set Id. 7, which, though rustic in scene and partly so in content, is essentially a personal record of a poet's country outing. Accomplishment is a dangerous criterion of date in any Hellenistic poet, and in Theocritus Id. 16 seems much more accomplished than Id. 17, Id. 13 than Id. 11, though it is practically certain that Id. 17 is the later of the first pair, and quite likely that no more than a fewr years separate the second pair. I shall not therefore argue that the accomplishment and maturity of Id. 7 show it to be later than Id. 1, but I remark as at any rate consistent with that view that these are the most ambitious of the bucolic Idylls, and that, though both are full of artifice, in Id. 7 the artifice is mastered and concealed as in Id. 1 it is not. 3 Id. 7 confesses itself not to be Theocritus's 1
Cf. Wendel T.-Scholien 106. The scholia to Id. 7 contain information from some Coan source (see Id. 7 Pref., vol. 11 p. 128). Νικάνωρ ό Kcoos, whose υπομνήματα are cited on 7.6, was once thought, on the evidence of the Laurentian scholia, to have written a commentary on Theocritus. It is plain however from the Ambrosian version of the note that 3 the commentary cited was on Philetas. Cf. 7-49 n. 2
XXVll
THE LIFE OF THEOCRITUS
first venture in bucolic poetry (91 if.); I should guess that it may have been his last, though its apparent connexion with Id. 6 discourages the supposition that it is much later than the rest.1 In Id. 7, if I have rightly interpreted 9 iff., Theocritus claims that his bucolic poetry is already known at the Egyptian court. The claim tallies with the supposition that Id. 7 falls at any rate towards the end of the bucolic series; it does not however imply that only his bucolic poetry was known there, nor, though the bucolic poems seem plainly to be among the earliest Idylls, can we infer that Theocritus owed to them an invitation to Egypt or the favour of the Ptolemaic court. There is, as we have seen, no reason to think that any of them was written in Sicily, and considerable reason to think that most of them were written after Theocritus had left the island. The nostalgia for the simple life to which bucolic poetry makes its chief appeal is felt not in such places as Cos but in big towns, and some or all of the bucolic poems may well have been composed in Alexandria. 2 Id. n in its present form, whether that is original or not, is con nected with, and seemingly not widely separated in date from, Id. 13, which should therefore be a fairly early poem. Id. 13 is also connected with the second part of Id. 22, for both rehandle incidents already treated by Apollonius. Both Id. 13 and the second part of Id. 22 are thereby connected with Id. 7, which contains a profession of faith ranging its author against Apollonius and on the side of Calhmachus in the controversy as to the proper scope of Hellenistic epic.3 Id. 13 and the second part of Id. 22 are highly accomplished, but not more so than Id. 7, and the vignettes of rural scenery which they contain 4 are close akin to similar pictures in the bucolic Idylls. I cannot regard Id. 22 as a unity, but Part 2, written perhaps later than Part 1, seems to me to have conditioned the composition as a whole, 5 and though its community of purpose with Id. 13 does not necessarily involve a close relation in date, I should tentatively suppose both poems to have been written about the same time as Id. 7, perhaps later, but not much later, than the other bucolic Idylls. And since the controversy in which they play a part centred in Alexandria, it would not be surprising if they as well as the bucolic poems were known in high circles when Id. 7 was written. If so, I should place 1 Add perhaps that the light-hearted reference to his own love-affairs in 7.96 f. suggests that T. is still fairly young. 2 Cf. the anecdote of Ptolemy Philadelphus at Ath. 12.536E. Wilamowitz's view (Hell, Dicht. 2.135) that Theocritus was unsuccessful in Egypt and did his best work in Cos cannot be disproved but seems unlikely. 3 4 5 See p. xxii. I3.34f„ 39ff., 22.34ΓΓ. See vol. π p. 384.
XXVU1
SUMMARY them earlier than Idd. 15 and 17 and not remote in date from Id. 16, which contains another rustic vignette (90if.) not less fresh in vision, though if Apollonius's chronology is ever established it may require us to assign to Idd. 13 and 22 a date appreciably later than that here suggested.1 Of the remaining genuine poems Idd. 28-31 and possibly Id. 18 seem, for reasons already given, to be late. Id. 14 and possibly Idd. 18, 22, and 24 are connected with the Alexandrian series but do not seem datable within it. Id. 26 is possibly to be dated about 272 B.C.2 Idd. 2 and 12 do not seem to me to provide any basis for speculation, though the first is not likely to be a very early work. 3 That we do not possess all that Theocritus wrote is certain, and it is possible that we do not possess nearly all, but the evidence does not encourage the view that a great deal has been lost. The surviving poems do not require us by their bulk to postulate any long period of poetical activity, and though their themes are highly diverse, little change or development of poetical mood and temper is discernible in them. The epic poet is audible in the bucolic poems, the bucolic poet in the epic. The hey-day of Hellenistic poetry was the four decades from 300 to 260 B.C.4 and no poem of Theocritus is certainly later in date than the third of these. The hypothesis therefore that he was born about 300 B.C. and died 5 or ceased to write not later than 260 B.C., though not necessarily true, would fit the extant evidence satisfactorily. [See vol. π p. 591.] It is likely enough that busts with real or imaginary portraits of Theocritus may have decorated the hbraries of Roman admirers of Pastoral, but no ancient portrait professing to represent him survives.6 1
2 3 See p. xxiii n. 2 above. See p. xxiii above. See 2.115 η. Cf. Wilamowitz Textgeschichte 174. 5 The preface to Id. 17 in the scholia, after stating correctly that the poem con cerns Ptolemy Philadelphus, adds διό καΐ άμαρτάνει ό Mouvarios els τους χρόνου* του Θεόκριτου άναβιβά^ων τόν Φιλοπάτορα τοσούτου χρόνου μαχόμενος διαστήματι. Theocritus may conceivably have survived to the accession of Ptolemy Philopator (221 B.C.), but as it stands the note charges Munatius with a blunder in dating not the poet but the king. The Siculus senex of Stat. Silv. 5.3.151, sometimes adduced in this connexion, is no doubt Epicharmus rather than Theocritus (see Vollmer ad loc.) but would in any case be poor evidence for the poet's longevity. 6 See Bernoulli Gf. Ikonogr. 2.144, Schefold Bildn. d. Ant. Dicht. 170, 217. Studniczka suggested (Festgabe z. Winckelmannsfeier. Arch. Setnin., Leipzig 1922; cf. Jahrb. 38.63) that a shepherd on a silver plate of the fourth century or later from Perm was intended for him, but the suggestion is groundless and was righdy re jected by Schefold. Studniczka (Jahrb. 38.59) also suggested, very improbably, that a miniature in cod. Paris. 2832 (Tr) representing Theocritus giving a preposterously shaped syrinx to Pan went back to an ancient original. Cf. Phil. Woch. 44.1276. 4
XXIX
II. THE T E X T OF T H E POEMS 1. Medieval and Renaissance manuscripts The first extensive collations of the very numerous mss of the bucolic poets were made by and for I. Sanctamandus (James St Amand), who, after a year at Lincoln College, Oxford, travelled in Italy and France collating, and collecting collations of, mss of Theocritus and other Greek authors. These materials he bequeathed to the Bodleian Library in a will dated 9 Aug. 1749. His Theocritean collections were first used by Warton in his edition of 1770, and subsequently by Gaisford in 1816 and by Wordsworth in 1844. Some but not all were printed by Warton (vol. π pp. 365if.). Collections still larger than those of St Amand were made a few years later by I. P. Dorvillius (Jacques Philippe dOrville), Professor in Amsterdam, who died in 1751; and in 1809 these too came into the Bodleian by purchase and were used by Gaisford and Wordsworth. From these sources the collations of St Amand and dOrville were known to Ahrens. Further collations, particularly of mss in Paris, were given by Jean Baptiste Gail, Professor at the College de France, who published his last edition of Theocritus in 1828 and died in the following year. In 1844 Christoph Ziegler, Professor in Stuttgart, published an edition which contained collations of several mss in Rome, Florence, and Milan and, very absurdly, disregarded mss in other countries. Two years later Karl Fricdrich Ameis, Professor at Mulhouse, produced (for the Didot Poetae Bucolici et Didactici of 1851) a text for which he procured some new reports of mss, and he subsequently placed all his collations at the disposal of Ahrens. 1 In addition to these sources Gaisford, Warton, and many earlier editors had published collations of, or excerpts from, othfcr mss, and by the mid-nineteenth century there was ample material available for the construction of a critical edition, though it 1 This account is based on Ahrens, Buc. Gr. 1. pp. vff. On St Amand see also Warton 1. pp. iiff.; on St Amand and dOrville, Wordsworth, ed. 2, 1877, pp. xviiiff. St Amand's Theocritean papers are catalogued in Coxe's Cat. Cod. Man. Bill. Bodl.y 1853, pp. 8o8fF.; d'Orville's in Cod. Man. ohm D'Orvilliani, 1806, pp. 67fT. (by Gaisford). Ziegler issued revised editions in 1867 and 1879 but though praised by Hiller (Beitr. z. Textg. d. Gr. Bukoliker 5) he was already seen to be untrustworthy by Ahrens and has since been harshly but not unjustly judged by Wilamowitz (Textgeschichte 3) and by W. C. Helmbold (CI. Phil. 33.40); cf. Wendel Scholia Vet. vii.
xxx
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS was scattered, and, owing to the difficulty of identifying the mss which had been collated, it was in great confusion.1 Into this confusion order was imported by Heinrich Ludolf Ahrens. It was a task for which his important earlier work on Greek dialects particularly fitted him, and he had published in 1850 a small Teubner text of the Bucolici. In 1855 appeared the first volume of his Bucolicorum Graecorum Theocriti Bionis Moschi Reliquiae accedentibus incertorum idylliis, which contains text and apparatus criticus. A second volume containing the scholia was issued four years later. A third was to have discussed text, dialect, etc., and a fourth to have contained a commentary, but these never appeared. Ahrens's first volume begins with a long preface setting out his sources and enumerating a round hundred mss of Theocritus, to each of which a symbol is attached. Then follows the text with a long but lucid apparatus, testimonia, and imitations. The book is in convenient to use owing to the rearrangement of the Idylls after Id. 18,2 and in many poems by a renumbering of lines following on excisions or based on untenable theories of strophic responsion—a subject on which much time and ingenuity were wasted in the nineteenth century. 3 It records however the readings of many mss in more detail than can be found elsewhere.4 A critical account of the mss, promised for the second volume (vol. 1 p. lxxii), does not appear there, and this deficiency Ahrens attempted to supply in 1874 with two long articles of formidable complexity entitled Ueber einige alte Sammlungen d. theokritischen Gedichte and printed in Philologus 33.385 if., 5 77 if. The next important landmarks in the history of the text 5 are the appearance in 1905 of U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff's Bucolici Graeci in the Scriptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis,6 and in the following year of his Die Textgeschichte d. Griechischen Bukoliker (Philologische Untersuchungen, Heft 18, Berlin, Weidmann). 7 Between the two texts of Ahrens and Wilamowitz however Ziegler's second 1 Already in 1824 Johann August Jacobs had issued at Halle an edition of the Bucolici with a vast and confused apparatus in which, according to Ahrens, the reading of a single ms often appears two or three times under different sigla. 2 3 See p. lxvii. See vol. 11 p. 16. 4 Ahrens (p. lxxiv) aimed at recording integrum (quatenus quidem collati sunt) lectionem of A, D , H, K, L, M, O, P, Q, S, V, Tr, and of four other mss discarded by subsequent editors, and for certain poems he called in also C, E, U, W, X, and two more mss since discarded. 5 For commentaries, none of which contributes to the history of the transmission, see vol. 11 p. 563. 6 2nd ed. with corrections and brief addenda 1910. 7 I refer to this book hereafter as Textg.
xxxi
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS 1
edition (1867) had provided revised and augmented collations of some Italian mss, and Eduard Hiller in his Beitrdge z. Textgeschichte d. Griechischen Bukoliker (Leipzig, 1888) had printed, without however seriously attempting to make it intelligible or even metrical, a text of T. Idd. 22, 25, Mosch. 4 (Μεγάρα), Τ. 20, 21, 19, Bion ι (Επι τάφιος Άδώνιδος), the Anacreontic Els Νεκρόν "Αδωνιν, Τ. 23, Bion 2 (Έπιθαλάμιος 'Αχιλλέως), and had prefixed to his text of these poems an elaborate discussion of the mss which contain them. Wilamowitz's text (which included the pattern-poems, Technopaegnia) may be said to have formed the basis of all editions pubUshed between 1905 and 1946. J. M. Edmonds's Greek Bucolic Poets (Loeb Classical Library, 1912; ed. 6, 1938) and O. Konnecke's Bucolici Graeci (Brunswick, 1914) contain no more than a skeleton apparatus criticus; and P. E. Legrand's two volumes of Bucoliques grecs in the Bude series, though their apparatus is much fuller than Wilamowitz's, derive their additional matter not from fresh collations but from Ahrens and Ziegler. The same is true of V. Pisani's text and transla tion (Milan, 1946), though Pisani made use of the extensive and very important papyri which had not been available to earlier editors— Ox. 1618, 1806, 2064, Ant., and Berol. 5017. The publication of these papyri made it highly desirable that any future edition of Theocritus should contain more information about the mss than Wilamowitz supplied, but the task of an editor who attempted to amplify Wilamowitz's apparatus from information already pubUshed was far from enviable. Ahrens had used a large number of mss but he had coUated none himself, and the coUations made for him by others were only partial; Ziegler had coUated a number of ItaUan mss but in Idd. 1-17 he usuaUy cited only three, 2 and his reports aroused increasing mistrust in aU except HiUer who used them; HiUer was not concerned with Idd. 1-18, 24, 26-30 at all; Wilamowitz had collated two mss himself, but it was impossible to determine the source of his other information as to ItaUan mss.3 1
See p. xxx n. Ziegler's third edition (1879) contains no new information as to mss. M, P, K, and, where Μ is lost, E. 3 He collated Κ and Τ. Of the others he said (Textg. 4) Ich selbst habe die italienischen gepruft und die wichtigen kollationiert, wo ich nicht die Zuverlassigkeit der publizierten Kollationen erprobte. Anderes haben mir freundlichst Herr Professor L. Rademacher, Fraulein M. Vogel und namentlich Herr Dr F. Spiro verglichen. In addition to the sources mentioned elaborate collations of the mss for Id. 15 were pubUshed in Rev. Et. Gr. 31.344 by V. Magnien, who however did not say whence his information was derived. For the epigrams (except 17-19, 22) there was H. Stadtmuller's Anthologia Graeca (1894-1906), and for the Technopaegnia C. Haeberlin's Carmina Figurata Graeca (ed. 2, 1887). 2
XXX11
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS Legrand, who, even before the publication of the papyri, had judged Wilamowitz's apparatus inadequate, had used Wilamowitz's mss, but had enlarged from earlier sources his record of their readings; but though he discharged his task probably as well as it could be discharged, the result was not satisfactory, and it was plain that a tidy and lucid apparatus could not be constructed without a fresh exami nation of the mss. Owing to the great number of these, and the improbability that more than minor improvements would be effected in the text itself, the task was uninviting. It was however undertaken by C. Gallavotti, who printed a number of preparatory papers in Italian periodicals (see vol. π p. 568), summarised some of his conclusions in the Rendiconti of the Accademia dei Lincei for 1945, and in 1946 published in Rome, in a series sponsored by the Academy, a text of the Bucolici and of the Technopaegnia, with a long preface and appendix which explained and justified his apparatus. His Index Librorum enumerated 178 mss, of which he sua fere omnes meis oculis indagavi, plurimos in usum meum excerpsi, nonnullos etiam melioris notae primus diligenter agnovi.1 It is the great merit of his book that in it the reader has before his eyes for the first time an apparatus con structed by a scholar who had himself seen practically all the mss. The thirty poems and the epigrams preserved in bucolic mss fall into two groups. In Idd. 1-18 the mss are very numerous; the remainder survive in a much smaller number or even in one only. In dealing with the first group Wilamowitz made no attempt to divide the mss into families, but, treating separately (as Ahrens had done before him) Idd. 1, 3-13 and Idd. 2, 14-18, indicated in each sub group the affinities of the mss and their values as witnesses to the text. 2 In 1914 however C. Wendel in his Scholia in Theocritum Vetera (see p. lxxx) had distinguished three recensions of the scholia, the Ambrosian (represented only in K), the Laurentian, and the Vatican; and Gallavotti, following this clue, distinguished the same three families of witnesses to the text. 3 This classification is imperfect, since many mss change allegiance from one section to another and cannot be assigned wholly to either the second or the third family, but it seems to possess sufficient validity to make it a convenient means of introducing order into what had been chaos. The contents and order of Gallavotti's three families are as follows: Ambrosian (K)
Idd. 1, 7, 3-6, 8-13, 2, 14, 15, 17, 16, 29, Epigr., Wings, Axe.
1
2 P. vii. Texta. off. They had in fact been distinguished by Ahrens in his far more complex system of families and collections (Philol. 33-395» 4°°» 606). 3
ΧΧΧ111 GT
3
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS Laurentian
Vatican
Idd. i, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13; to which in some mss are added 2, 14-16, 25, Mosch. 4, 17, Mosch. 3, 22, 18, 20, 21, Mosch. 1, 19, Bion 1, Adonis, 23, Bion 2, Syrinx, Altar. Idd. 1-18 in that order.
In Idd. 19-30 and the epigrams, where the mss are scanty, Hiller, followed by Wilamowitz, distinguished two families. The first, which they called Φ,1 preserves, with other bucolic poems, Idd. 1723, 25; the second, ΓΤ, Idd. 22, 24-29, epigr., Mosch. 4 and Technopaegnia. Since the few mss which contain the first of these two groups of poems belong in Idd. 1-18 to his Laurentian family, Gallavotti continued to call them La in the later poems also. For reasons dis cussed below (p. lvii) Π in his apparatus is replaced by D or K. Something will be said later as to the validity of these classifications, but it will be convenient first to enumerate the mss and early editions used both by Wilamowitz and by Gallavotti (whose lists are not quite coincident),2 and to give some detailed account of each. There follows therefore a table in which are shown summarily the whereabouts of the mss, the sigla attached to them by Ziegler, Ahrens, Wilamowitz, and Gallavotti,3 which of the poems usually included in editions of Theocritus they contain, and the dates assigned to the mss by Galla votti.4 To this is appended a more detailed account of each ms, with information set out under the following heads: (1) All the bucolic matter contained in the ms, usually in the order in which it is presented.5 Where the ms is not homogeneous, the different sections into which it is divided by Gallavotti are distinguished by Roman numerals, and his assessment of its text as a whole or by sections is indicated in square brackets: [fam. Perus.] = 1
This group was distinguished by Wilamowitz also in Idd. 2, 14-18. Gallavotti abandoned one ms (O) used by Wilamowitz and introduced three new ones (GIN), one of which (G) had been used by Wendel for its scholia. 3 Hiller's sigla agree with Ahrens's, Legrand's with Wilamowitz's. The sigla of St Amand, d'Orville and Gail are given by Ahrens and Wilamowitz; and by Wendel in his Verzeichnis d. Buk. Handschriften (Ueberlieferung d. Theokrit-Scholien 170). They have ceased to be of any importance except as indicating which mss those scholars had inspected, and this information appears in the detailed accounts of the mss which follow. 4 These differ in some cases from Wendel's dates, which are given, if divergent, in the detailed accounts of the mss. 5 In Ρ and S Gallavotti's division into parts cuts across the order of the ms. Ahrens, and Wendel in his Verzeichnis, also divided some of the mss into sections, presumably, though they did not explain, based on external features. These divisions do not always agree with Gallavotti's, which depend on the character of the text. 2
xxxiv
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS familia Perusina (see p. xxxix), [gen. Vallian.] = genus ValUanum (p. xliv), [Laur.]=Laurentian, [Mosch.] =recensio Moschopuli (p. xliv), [Vat.] = Vatican. (2) Prol(egomena), hyp(otheses), scholia.1 (3) The other contents of the ms. (4) Collations or excerpts published previous to Ahrens's Bucolici Graeci, numbers in brackets indicating particular Idylls collated. (5) Collations made by or for Ahrens and subsequent editors previous to Gallavotti. (6) Any further notes on the ms. (7) References to Ahrens Buc. Gr. vol. 1 and his papers in Philologus vol. 33 [Ahr.], Ziegler Theocr. Carm. ed. 3 [Ziegl.], Hiller Beitrdge [Hill.], Wilamowitz Textgeschichte [Wil.], Wendel SchoL in Theocr. (Roman numerals) and Theokrit-Scholien (Arabic numerals) [Wend.], Gallavotti's appendix to his Theocritus and his papers in Rivista di Filologia and Studi Italiani [Gall.].2 In enumerating the contents of the mss I have used the following abbreviations, naturally however without implying endorsement of the ascriptions they involve. T. 1-30 Theocritus Idylls 1-30. Theocritus Epigrams. epigr. Bion ι Άδώνιδος Επιτάφιος* Β. ι Bion 2 Έπιθαλάμιος Άχιλλέως. B. 2 Moschus ι "Ερως Δραπέτης. Μ. ι Moschus 2 Ευρώπη. M. 2 Moschus 3 Βίωνος Επιτάφιος. M.3 M. 4 Moschus 4 Μεγάρα. N.A. Εις Νεκρόν "Αδωνιν. Te. 1 Σιμίου Πέλεκυς. Σιμίου Πτέρυγες. Te. 2 Σιμίου 'φόν. Te.3 Θεόκριτου ΣΟριγξ. Te.4 Δωσιάδου Βωμός. Te.5 Βησαντίνου Βωμός. Te. 6 *Β., *Μ., *Ν.Α., indicates that in the ms concerned the poem is ascribed to Theocritus. 1 These are recorded in detail in Wendel's Verzeichnis with references to his edition of the scholia. 2 Information from these sources has occasionally been supplemented from library catalogues and from editions of other authors included in the ms. Informa tion as to these is incomplete for Vatican mss.
XXXV
> Gallavotti
►> Wilamowitz
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
I
C
C
c
D
D
D
u
a
Ν a c
Ambros. 390 (G 32 sup.)
1-18
Date s. xiii ex.
Ambros. 104 (B 75 sup.)
1-30, epigr. Te.,Φ
s. xv-xvi
Paris. Gr. 2726
1-18,
s. xv ex.
22,
24-29,
epigr. Ε
Ε
5
G
. Η
q
Η I Κ
. Κ
6
e
h
12
k
k
Vatic. Gr. 42
1-18, Te. 4
s. xiv in.
Laurent. 32.52
1-15
Vatic. Gr. 913
1-15, 18, 28, 29
s. xiii ex. s. xiii-xiv
Vatic. Gr. 44
1-18
s. xiv
Ambros. 886
1-17, 29, epigr.
s. xiii ex.
Paris. Gr. 2831
5-17
s. xiii-xiv
Vatic. Gr. 915
2, 3, 5-13, 15- 17, 22, 25, Te. 4
s. xiii ex.
Athous Iberorum
1-15
s. xiii-xiv
(C 222 inf.)
L
L
L
Μ
Μ
9
m
Ν
161
. Ρ
Ο
Q
Q S Τ
Ρ
s τ υ υ ν ν w^ W χ
χ
8
Vatic. 40
4-8
c. 1300
Ρ Q
Ρ
Laurent. 32.37
1-17, 22, Te. 4
s. xiii-xiv
Paris. Gr. 2884
1, 3-13
1299
s
s
Laurent. 32.16
1-18
1280
3
Vatic. Gr. 38
1-14, 16, Te. 4
1322
4
Vatic. Gr. 1825
2-18, Te. 4
s. xiv
23
Vatic. Gr. 1824
1-16, 19, 22, 23 , 2 5
S. XV
Laurent. Conv.
1-17, 25
s. xiv
1-16,18-25,28, 29,
s. xv ex.
3
w
w
Soppr. 15 II
II
Vatic. Gr. 1311
Te.4 R Med Aid.
ΤΓ
Μ Med. Med.
. Aid. Aid. Boa . Iunt. Iunt. Iunt. Cal. Call. Call.. Call.
s. xiv
Paris. Gr. 2832
1-18, 20-23, Te.4
ed. Mediolanensis
1-18
1480
ed. Aldina ed. Iuntina
1-23, Te. 4 1-29, epigr. Te. 4
1495 1516
ed. Calliergiana
1-29, epigr. Te. 4
1516
XXXVI
25,
MEDIEVAL A N D RENAISSANCE MSS A (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Ambrosianus 390 (G 32 sup.)
T. 1-18 [Vat.] Prol., hyp., Vatican schol., glosses (coll. by Wend.). See p. lxxxi Hes. W.D. (L, Rzach) and, in a later hand, Scut. dOrville, Ziegler Ziegler (18), inspected by Wil. saec. xiv according to Wil. and Wend. Ahr. xxvii, Philol. 33.606, Ziegl. vii, Wil. 12, Wend, x, xii, 183, Gall. 245 C
(1)
(2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
(7)
saec. xiii ex.
Ambrosianus 104 (B 75 sup.)
saec. xv-xvi
(i) T. 1-3, 5, 4, 6-13 [Mosch.] (ii) T. 11 (again), 14-16, 25, *M. 4, T. 17, *M. 3, T. 22, 18, 20, 21, *B. 1, T. 23, *B. 2, Te. 4, 5 [Triclinian] (in) Commentary on Te. 1; Te. 3, T. 28-30 (iv) M. 2, N.A., T. 19 [from Aid.] (v) Epigr., T. 24, 26, 27 [from D] Hyp. to T. 28, 29 (coll. Wend.) Hes. W.D., Th.f Scut. dOrville, Ziegler (24, 26, 27) Ziegler (18-30, epigr.), Hiller (19-23, 25) Wil. dated the ms saec. xvi, Wend. saec. xv. According to Gall, (i) is in the hand of θετταλός ό Σκουταριώτη$, who wrote many mss between 1442 and 1494; a second hand wrote (ii) and (iii); a third (iv) and (v). Section (v) stands first in the ms as it is bound. The only bucolic ms containing Te. 3, and apart from $ 3 the only extant authority for T. 30. Ahr. xxvii, Philol. 33.396, 406, 577, 592, ZiegL vii, Hill. 2, 12, 19, Wil. 86, Wend, xxi, 183, Gall. 256, 287, 290 D
Parisinus Anc. Fonds gr. 2726
saec. xv
(1) (i) T. 1-3, 8-13, 4-7, 14, 16, 29, epigr., Te. 2 [fam. Perus.] (ii) T. 17, 18, 15 [gen. Vallian.] (iii) T. 24, [ ], 22.69-end, 26, 28, M. 4, 25.85-end, 1-84, *M. 3 (iv) T.27, [ ],Te. I 1 (2) (i) Prol. (ii) Vat. hyp. to Id. 15 (3) Aratus, Nicander (4) dOrville, Gail (5) Diibner for Ahr. (12, 14, 16, 22, 24-29, epigr.', corrections and seleaed passages) 1 So Ahr. and Gall.; Wend, said Te. 2 repeated. [ ] indicates a blank space in the ms.
xxxvii
THE T E X T
OF T H E
POEMS
(6) (i)' copied from Paris. 2721 in the same hand. The ms once belonged to Scaliger and contains corrections in three or four hands besides his, the latest agreeing with Iunt. (7) Ahr. xxxvii, Phil. 33.396,401,405, Hill. 3, 5, Wil. 39, 84, Wend. 189, Gall. 282, 284, 288, 311, R. Fil. 68.244
Ε
Vaticanus Graecus 42
saec. xiv in.
(1) T. 1-18, Te. 4 [Vat.] (2) ProL, hyp., Vatican schol., glosses (coll. Wend.). See p. lxxxi (3) Dion. Per., Pind. O., P. (4) St Amand, dOrville, Ziegler (18) (5) Freiburger for Ahr. (1, 8, 17.1-64, 18); inspected by Wil. (6) Saec. xiv, but prolegomena and T. 1.1-8 in a hand of saec. xvi (Wend.) (7) Ahr. xxxii, Philol. 33.606, Ziegl. iv, Wil. 12, Wend, ix, xiii, 197, Gall. 246, 250
G (1)
(i) (ii) (iii)
Laurentianus x x x i i . 5 2
saec. xiii ex.
T. 1, 5, 6, 2-4, 7.1-54 [Vat.] T. 7.55-13 [Laur.] T. 15, 14, Te. 2.
(2) ProL, Vatican and Laurentian schol. (coll. Wend.). See p. lxxxi (3) Pind. (D, Schroder), Lye. 1410-74, Byzantine matter (4) dOrville (6) Dated by Wend, at end of 14th cent. Theoc. and Lye. written by a scribe named θεόδωροζ ό Νεοκαστρίτης, and unconnected with Pind., having once formed part of a different ms. (7) Ahr. xxix, W e n d , viii, xii, 176, Gall. 246, 254, R. Fil. 62.358
Η (1)
(i) (ii)
Vaticanus Graecus 913
saec. xiii-xiv
T. 1-15, 18, M. 3 [derived from S] T. 28, 29.1-8
(2) ProL, hyp., glosses, and margin; scholia of Planudes. Following text, Moschopulus's scholia on T. 1-6 (coll. in part by Wend.) (4) St Amand, dOrville, Ziegler (5) Freiburger for Ahr. (12), Ziegler (18, 28, 29) (6) Wil. held that Η and S were independent witnesses to a particular strain of the tradition, but this view is disposed of by Gall.'s observation that S contains a section of alien origin but that Η agrees with it throughout and must therefore be a descendant. (7) Ahr. xxxii, Philol. 33-577, 601, Ziegl. iv, Wil. 10, Wend, xx, 198, Gall. 245, 265, R. Fil. 62.364, Stud. It. 11.296 xxxviii
M E D I E V A L A N D R E N A I S S A N C E MSS I
Vaticanus Graecus 44
saec. xiv
(1) T. 1-18.1-43 [Vat.]
(2) Prol., hyp., glosses. Inspected by Wend. (3) Soph. Ay, El., O.T., Hes. W.D.y Dion. Per. (4) St Amand, d'Orville (6) Dated 15th cent, by Wend. (7) Ahr. xxxiv, Wend. 197, Gall. 246, 248 Κ
Ambrosianus 886 (C 222 inf.)
saec. xiii
(1) T. 1, 7, 3-6, 8-13, 2, 14, 15, 17, 16, 29, epigr., Te. 2, 1 (2) ProL, hyp., Ambrosian schol. (coll. Wend.); see p. Ixxxi. The scholia were first published in extenso by Ziegler (Tubingen, 1867) (3) Aesch. Sept., Pers. (A, Wilamowitz), Ar. Plut., Nub., Ran. with comm. of Tzetzes, Lycbphron, Hes. Scut. (D, Rzach), Pind. O. (A, Schroder), Hes. W.D., Opp. Hal., Dion. Per., and much miscellaneous matter (4) d'Orville, Ziegler (5) Miiller for Ahr. (4), Ziegler, Wilamowitz (6) Cf. Rhein. Mus. 6.108, Jahrb. f. class. Phil., Suppl. 16.580, Philol. 54.277, R. Fil. 62.555, Studemund Anecdota 212. Schroder [Philol. I.e.) and Gall, said that the Theocritus and the Aristophanes are in an earlier hand than the rest of the ms. The Theocritus however is not next to the Aristophanes but after the Dionysius. Four mss in one hand, Perus. D 67, Taurin. Β ιπ.ιι, Paris, gr. 2721, 2726, of which Gall, made afamilia Perusina, follow this order of poems, and were regarded by him as copies of Κ (Paris. 2726 immediately copied from 2721) with an admixture of readings from Mosch. The last of the four is D(i), q.v. If so, it is odd that all should omit 15, the first 16, and the remaining three 17. A fifth ms, Patavin. Seminar. 305, on which see p. lviii n. 2, stops at Id. 15 and omits 2.28-14.12. K's confusions of α, δ, λ (see 15.68, 72, epigr. 11.4, 21.4) are evidence of descent from an uncial ms though not of course of immediate descent. (7) Ahr. xxviii, Philol. 33.401, 579, Ziegl. vi, Wil. 6, Wend, vi, x, 185, Gall. 243 L Parisinus Anc. Fonds gr. 2831
saec. xiii-xiv
(1) (i) T. 5.55-13 [Vat.] (ii) T. 14, 15, 17, M. 3, T. 16 [Laur.] (2) Hyp. to 6, 7, 9-15, glosses for 5-13, 15, Vatican schol. 5.53-7.124 (coll. Wend.). See p. Ixxxi (3) Various Christian poets (4) d'Orville, Gail, Brunck
xxxix
C2
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS (5) Diibner for Ahr. (14-17 and selected passages) (6) Assigned to 14th cent, by Wend. (7) Ahr. xxxix, Philol. 33.600, Wil. 39, Wend, ix, xiii, 192, Gall. 246, 250, 255
Μ (1)
(i) (ii) (iii)
Vaticanus Graecus 915
saec. xiii ex.
T . 2.5-3.6, 5.59-13.68, 15.71-17 [Vat.] T. 22, 25 Te. 4, M. 2
(2) Hyp. to 3, 6-13, 16; excerpts from Vatican scholia to 2, 3, 5-12, 15 added subsequently; old scholia to Te. 4 (inspected and partially collated by Wend.) (3) Homer, Hes. Th. (G, Rzach), Theognis (O, Bergk), Hes. W.D., Lycophron, Musaeus, gnomic matter, etc. (4) St Amand, d'Orville, Ziegler (5) Freiburger for Ahr. (2.5-40), Ziegler, Hill. inspected by Wil. (6) Dated by W e n d , early 14th cent. Badly Te. 1, 6, seen in it by St Amand, are (apparently wrongly) that it contains Te.
(22, 25 genauere Mitteilungen), damaged and pages disordered. no longer there: W i l . reported 2, 5.
(7) Ahr. xxxiii, Philol 33.396, 593, 607, Ziegl. iii, Hill. 3, Wil. 11, Wend, xx, 198, Gall. 245, 271, Stud. It. 11.300, R. Fit. 62.554
Ν (1)
Athous Iberorum 161
(i)
T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7 [Laur.]
(ii)
8, 9, 2, 10-12.22, 13.57-15, 3 [Vat.]
saec. xiii-xiv
(2) Prol., schol., and glosses (3) Eur. Phoen.t Med.y Aesch. Prom., Sept., Pers., Dion. Per., Pind. O. (5) Inspected by W . R. Paton for Wil. (7) Wil. Buc. Gr* 172, W e n d . 172, Gall. 247, 252, R. Fil. 67.43 Ο
Vaticanus Graecus 40
c. 1300
Ι
( ι ) Τ . 4·43 -8 [Mosch.] (2) Commentary of Moschopulus (inspected by Wend.) (3) Pind. O., Soph. Aj.9 El,
O.T.
(4) St Amand, d'Orville, Ziegler
(5) Coll. by Wil. 1 Ahrens and Wilamowitz stated that the ms begins at 5.62. Wendel said 5.26; and Wilamowitz in fact cited it on 32 and 57, Ahrens from 28 onwards. Gallavotti however identified a previous leaf bound at the end of Vat. gr. 1825 (U).
xl
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS (6) This ms, dated by d'Orville as n t h cent., and by Wil. as 12th, was considered the earliest Theocritean ms, and Wilamowitz used it, though without enthusiasm, on that ground. Wendel however pointed out that as it contains the commentary of Moschopulus it must be later, and that the Pindar is dated saec. xiv (T. Mommsen Pind. xxxi) and classed among the codd. Moschopulei. See p. xliv (7) Ahr. xxxiii, W i l . n , Wend. 196, Gall. 269, 273, 279, R. Fil. 62.351
Ρ (1)
(i) (ii) (in)
Laurentianus x x x i i . 3 7
saec. xiii-xiv
T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13 [Laur.] T. 15, 14, 2 M. 3, T . 16, Te. 4, T. 22.1-18, 17
(2) Prol., hyp. 1, 3-16, glosses and Laurentian schol. to 1, 3-10, Vatican to 11-15 (coll. Wend.). See p. lxxxi (3) Pind. O., P. (E, Schroder), Libanius Epist. (4) St Amand, d'Orville, Ziegler (5) Bethmann for Ahr. (paucos primi id. versus), Ziegler (6) Assigned to 14th cent, by Wend. (7) Ahr. xxix, Philol. 33.395, 403, 600, 607, Ziegl. v, Hill. 5, Wil. 8, Wend, x, xiii, 175, Gall. 244, 253, 270 Q
Parisinus A n c . Fonds gr. 2884
1299
(1) T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13 [Laur.] (2) Hyp., glosses, excerpts from ancient schol. mixed with Byzantine notes. Also in a later hand Triclinian notes to 8, 10, 11, 13 (coll. Wend.) (3) Soph. Aj., £/., Ο.Γ., Ant. Wilamowitz)
(E, Pearson), Aesch. Prom., Sept., Pers. (Q,
(4) St Amand, Gail (5) Excerpted by Dtibner for Ameis and Ahr.; coll. by Wend, for Wil. (6) Written by a scribe named 'Αθανάσιος ό Σττονδίλης. A page containing Te. 4 is lost, only Holobolus's gloss surviving (7) Ahr. xl, Philol. 33.395, Wil. 8, Wend. 194, Gall. 252 S (1)
(i) (ii) (iii)
Laurentianus x x x i i . 16
1280
T. 1,2, 15.55-18 [Vat.] T. 3, 5, 6, 4, 7-14, * M . 3, T. 15.1-54 [Planudean] M . 2, 1, 4
(2) Prol., hyp. to 2-14, glosses (from Moschopulus). (Coll. Wend.) (3) Nonnus (L, Ludwich), Ap. Rh. (L 16, Seaton), Hes. Th. (D), W.D. (I), Scut. (E, Rzach), O p p . (K, Mair), Nicander (M, Schneider), Tryphiodorus, Phocylides, Gregor. Naz., and prose extracts
xli
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS (4) d'Orville, Ziegler (16, 17, 18) (5) Ziegler (18, reliqua hie illic) (6) Bought in 1423 by Fr. Filelfo in Constantinople from his mother-in-law, the widow of J. Chrysoloras. The ms was dated sacc. xiv by Wil., xiii-xiv by W e n d . ; but according to Ludwich and Rzach it contains in more than one place the date 12 81, or according to Gall. 1280. A facsimile from the Oppian is given in Wattenbach and Velsen (Exempt, cod. minusc. T. 17): according to Wend, most of the Theocritus is in the same hand. See Byz. Ztschr. 1940.418. Section (ii) is inserted, and in a different hand, which Gall, identified with that of Planudes. This hand has also made corrections and additions in section (i). (7) Ahr. xxx, Philol. 33.600, Ziegl. vi, Hill. 5, Wil. 10, Wend. 174, Gall. 247, 249, 261. Stud. It. 11.289, # · FH. 62.361.
Τ (1)
(i) (ii)
Vaticanus Graecus 38
1322
T . 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13, Te. 4, 5 [Laur. and Vat.] T. 2, 14, 16 [Vat.]
(2) Prol., hyp., Vatican and Laurentian schol. (coll. Wend.). See p. lxxxi (3) Hes. W.D. (F, Rzach), O p p . Hal, Ar. Plut., Nub., Ran., Pythagoras Diet. aur. (4) St Amand, d'Orville, Ziegler (5) Wil. (6) (i) in the same hand as the bulk of the ms, which is dated 1322; (ii) in another hand (7) Ahr. xxxii, Philol. 33.395, Ziegl. viii, Wil. 8, Wend, x, xv, 196, Gall. 247, 250, 252, R. Fil. 62.355
U
Vaticanus Graecus 1825
saec. xiv
(1) T. 2.13-41, 74-end, 3, 4, 5.1-14, 80-105, 136-cnd, 6.1-38, 7.16-end, 8-18, Te. 4
[Vat.] (2) Hyp., glosses and Vatican schol.: in a later hand also in 3, 4, 8-13 excerpts from Moschopulus to end of 8, thenceforward from the anonymous continuation known from Cal. (coll. Wend.). See p. lxxxi (3) See 6 below, Hesiod (4) St Amand (5) Freiburger (11, 15) and Bethmann (18) for Ahr. Inspected in chosen passages by and for Wil. (6) The ms is much damaged and its binding is disorderly: the volume contains also (on if. 218-32) T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3.1-51 which belong to V, and a page belonging to O . Wilamowitz cited U on Id. 1, which it does not contain, and on the strength of passages in Idd. 1 and 17 noted for him by F. Spiro classed it with P Q T . N o doubt he confused U and V. (7) Ahr. xxxii, Philol. 33.606, Hill. 1, Wil. 12, Wend, ix, xiii, 200, Gall. 247, 250
xlii
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS V (1)
(i) (ii)
Vaticanus Graecus 1824
saec. xv
T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13 [Laur.] 2.1-4, 50-end, 14, 15.1-34, 80-126, 16.23-end, 25.1-6, 105-200, 247-cnd, M. 4.1-13, M . 3.35-end, T. 22.92-185, M. 1.18-end, T. 19, B. i, N.A., T. 23.1-55, end of Pediasimus on Te. 4, Te. 5 with comm.
(2) Hyp. to Τ. 1-10, 12-15; Moschopulus's commentary on 1 and 5 (coll. Wend.) (3) Euripides (in another hand) (4) St Amand (the portion bound with U only) (5) Freiburger (3, 16-end), Lorentz (2, 14), and Bethmann (15) for Ahr., Hill. (19, 22, 23, 25) (6) See U (6): d.Jahrb.f.
class. Phil. 125.826. Dated saec. xiv by W e n d .
(7) Ahr. xxxv, Philol 33.396, 590, 595, Hill. 1, Wil. 8, Wend. 17, 32, 200,Gall. 254, R. Fil. 62.355 W (1)
(i) (ii)
Laurentianus C o n v . Soppr. 15
saec. xiv
T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13, 2 [Laur.] T. 14-16, 25, M . 4, T. 17, M. 3.1-15
(2) Hyp. to 2-9, schol. (Moschopulus) to 1-9 (inspected by Wend.) (3) Hes. W.D. (4) St Amand, d'Orville (5) Bethmann (passages of 1) for Ahr., Ziegl. (25), Hill. (25 genauere Mittheilungen) (6) Treated by Hill, and Wil. as a copy of V with v.U. from other sources, but claimed by Gall, to be the earlier of the two. (7) Ahr. xxxi, Philol. 33.396, 590, 595, Ziegl. vi, Hill. 2, 10, Wil. 69, Wend. 176, Gall. 254, 260, R. Fil. 62.355
X (1)
(i) (ii) (in)
Vaticanus Graecus 1311
saec. xv
T. 1-15, i 8 , M. 3, T. 28, 29.1-8 [copy of H ] T. 16, 25, M. 4.1-13, M. 3.35-end, T. 22.1-44, 92-185, 18.51-end, 20, 21, M. 1, T. 19, Β. ι, Ν.Α., T. 23, B. 2 [copy of V] T. 24.1-87, Te. 4
(3) Pind. O., Tzetzes on Hesiod. (4) St Amand, Ziegler (5) Ziegler (18-25, 28, 29), Hill. (19-23, 25) (6) Bound with two other mss (7) Ahr. xxxiv, Philol. 33.591, 595, Ziegl. v, Hill. 2, Wil. 69, 96, W e n d . 199, Gall. 255, 268, Stud. It. n.s. 11.298
xliii
T H E T E X T OF T H E P O E M S Tr Parisinus Anc. Fonds gr. 2832
saec. xiv
(1) (i) T. 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3, 8-13 (ii) T. 2,14-16, 25, *M. 4, T. 17, *M. 3, T. 22,18, 20, 21, Β. ι, Τ. 23, *B. 2, Te. 4, 5, 4 (again) (2) Hyp. to 2-18, glosses and Triclinian schol. throughout (inspected by Wend.) (4) St Amand, Brunck, Gail (5) Dubner (18) for Ahr., Hill. (20-23, 25) (6) Contains the recension of Triclinius, but Wend, and Gall, agree, against the belief of Wil., that it is not autograph.1 The ms was bound in the 18th cent, with five other mss, all six having once been in the possession of Lascaris (see Ret;, de Phil. n.s. 28.189). According to Wend, it has lost a page of prolegomena at the beginning, and, if, as is generally held, C (ii) is a copy, Technopaegnia at the end. For a miniature in this ms see p. xxix n. 6 above. (7) Ahr. xxxix, Philol. 33.396, 592, 595, Hill. 1, Wil. 9, Wend. 17, 31, 192, Gall. 256, R. Fil. 62.355. Mosch. (codd. Moschopulei) (1) T. 1-8 (2) Schol. (6) Numerous mss (listed by Gallavotti p. 274) contain the edition of T. 1-8 prepared and equipped with a commentary by Moschopulus. The oldest of them is Vat. Gr. 40, called Ο (q.v.) by Wilamowitz. Other mss extend the collection, and of the many which have the same content (Idd. 1-18) as the Vatican family but a different text, Gallavotti distinguished a familii Parisina associated with the scholia which Wendel,* from cod. Paris. Gr. 2833, had assigned to an Anonymus Parisinus, and zgenus Vallianum without scholia and so called because cod. Ambros. 631 (P 84 sup.) has been judged to be in Valla's hand. Since the editio princeps was derived from a ms of this genus the recension has much influenced printed texts. (7) Gall. 273, R. Fil. 62.349, Stud. It. n.s. 13.45 Med. (Bonus Accursius).
Milan, c. 1480
(1) (3) (4) (5) (6)
T. 1-18 [gen. Vallian.] Hes. W.D. d'Orville Ahrcns B.M. Cat. of Books Printed in the xvth cent. 6.757. The editio princeps. For the source of the text see Mosch. above. (7) Ahrens xlix, Philol. 33.606, Gall. 307, Stud. It. n.s. 13.45 1 2
Cf. also F. Garin in R. Fil. 47.76. T.-Scholien 26.
xliv
MEDIEVAL AND
RENAISSANCE
A i d . , A i d . 2 (Aldus Manutius)
MSS
Venice, 1495
(1) T. 1-18, M . 3, 2, 1, T . 19, B. 1, T. 20, 21, M. 4.1-13, M . 3-35-end, T. 22.1-44, 92-185, 18.51-end, 23, Te. 4, N.A., Prol. In Aid. 2 fohos Z - F 1, 2 containing T. 19, B . 1 were corrected, and folios Ζ · F 5 to θ · G 6, containing all after T. 21.65, were replaced by leaves containing T. 2i.66f., M . 4, T. 22, 23, Te. 4, N . A . (3) Hesiod, Theognis, and gnomic matter (4) St Amand, dOrville, Reiske (5) Ahrens (6) On the two editions or issues see B.M. Cat. of Books Printed in the xvth cent. 5.554. Aldus followed the editio princeps adding to it from X : in the second edition he used Vatic. Gr. 1379, which is derived from Tr. Brunck (Analecta 3.81) claimed to possess Aldus's autograph copy of T . 24-26, 28, 29. (7) Ahr. xlix, Philol. 33.591, 593, 601, Hill. 8, Gall. 306
Iunt. Cal.
P. Giunta, Florence, 1516 Z . Callierges, 1 Rome, I S I O
(1) Iunt.: T. 1, 7, 3-6, 8-13, 2, 14-18, 22, 24, * M . 2, T. 29.1-25, 26, 27, 28, M. 4, T. 25, 21, 23, 20, * B . 1, *N.A., M. 3, Μ. ι, Τ. 19, epigr., Te. 4, 2, 1 Cal.: T . 1-18, M . 3, 2, 1, T. 19, B. 1, T. 20, 21, M. 4, T . 22, 23, N.A., Te. 4, T . 24, 25, 26, 28, 29.1-25, 27, epigr., Te. 1, 2, 5 (2) Iunt.: Prol. Cal.: Prol., hyp., schol. (cf. Wend, xxiii, 29)(4) dOrville (5) Ahrens (6) The editor of Iunt. was Eufrosyno Bonini. Prefixed to the text is a letter to him from Filippo Pandulfini saying that he is sending him to be printed an άντίγραφον of Theocritus which he acquired in Venice when attending the lectures of Musurus. Musurus had corrected and supplemented 2 its contents from an άρχαιότατον βιβλίον belonging to Παύλος ό Βουκεφάλας in Padua. Paulus Bucephalas, Bucarus, or Capivacius, is Paolo Capodivacca, a dis tinguished Paduan w h o died in 1553.3 His bucolic ms was conjectured to have been burnt in a fire which destroyed his instructissima villa* The copy 1 This Cretan printer is usually so called though he latinised his name in more than one way. The Agapetus of 1509 is apud Z. Calliergem, the Pindar of 1515 per Zachariam Calergi. 2 OO μόνον έπηνώρθου τ α πριν έ ν τ υ π ω θ έ ν τ α . . . αλλά καί τιν* άλλα τη μέν ττοιημάτια τι) 5έ επιγράμματα Θεόκριτου.. . προήγεν εις φως. 3 Some account of him is given in B. Scardeonius Hist, de urbis Patauii antiquitate (Basel, 1560) p. 313. Musurus had seen the ms in Padua, where he was professor from 1503 to 1509. He moved to Venice at some date previous to the publication of Chrysoloras's grammar (1512), and left it for Rome in 1516. 4 See however p. lviii n. 2.
xlv
T H E T E X T OF T H E P O E M S sent by Pandulfini to Bonini contained also, as Pandulfini expressly says, many emendations by Musurus; and Bonini, in a letter to Jacobus Diacetus prefixed to his Hesiod, claims to have made many improvements in Theocritus himself. Cal. contains no statement to that effect but is evidently based on the same source. The order of Idd. 1-17 in Iunt. is approximately that of K, to which its text is akin in Idd. 1-17, and presumably it follows the order of Pandulfini's άντίγραφον: Cal. agrees with the order of the Aldine. Wil. used Β as a symbol for the codex deperditus Bucari when he inferred its text from these two editions, but sometimes wrote Mus. when he judged the text to be an emendation of Musurus, and sometimes cited Iunt. or Cal. individually. Gall., whose view of the cod. Patavinus is considered below (p. lvii), cited them, when in agreement, as Editt.; and Iunt. (from its editor) as Bon. I have thought it simpler to retain Iunt. and Cal. throughout. Iunt. is the editio princeps of Idd. 24-29, epigr., since its colophon dates it 10 Jan. whereas Cal. is dated 15 Jan.1 With these two books the publication of all the poems known previous to the discovery of papyri was complete except for T. 29.26-end, first printed by Casaubon in his Notae ad Diog. Laert. of 1583; and for T. 30, first published by Bergk in 1865 (see vol. π p. 5 i i ) .
(7) Ahr. lii, Philol. 33.401, 406, 579, Hill. 4, Wil. 7, 85, Gall. 308
Non. (cod. Salmanticensis 295)
saec. xvi
Some further, though uncertain, light is thrown on the source behind Iunt. and Cal. by a ms at Salamanca (295), unknown to Gallavotti, on folios 46-56 of which are Emendationes in nonnulla loca Theocriti deprauata. Ex codice antiquissimo1 in the hand of the Spanish scholar Ferndn Nunez de Guzman (Fredenandus Nonius Pincianus). They cover Idd. 1-21, Mosch. 1-3, Bion 1, and consist for the most part of lemmata from the Aldine followed by the new lection, which in the great majority of cases occurs in Iunt. or Cal. or in both, and in a substantial number occurs there only. Professor A. Tovar, who published excerpts from them,3 and has kindly procured photographs of the pages for me, was inclined to think that Nunez drew direcdy from the cod. Patavinus, but this is hard to credit; for at Mosch. 3.92, where Iunt. has in the margin the word λείπει, Cal. has, between asterisks and preceded by the words Μάρκο$ ό μουσοϋρο$ §λεγε τοιαΟτά τινσ λείττειν, six lines of which the matter is borrowed from Id. 7. These lines are transcribed by Nunez, and unless 1 The colophon of Iunt. gives its date as die. x. ianuarii. M.D.XV.Leonis.X. pontifici (sic) maximi anno tertio. The third year of Leo's pontificate began in March 1515, and the date of the book is 1516, but since the Florentine year began on 25 March the preceding January is styled 1515. As the Theocritus is com monly bound with a volume containing Hesiod, Theognis, and gnomic matter, which is dated 20 Jan., it is possible that the two were published together. The Greek colophon of Cal. gives only the day of the month and the year (15 Jan. 1516). If this also is in the stylus Florentinus, the year would be 1517· 2 Filippo Pandulfini similarly spoke of Musurus άναλεξάμενος έττί τίνος αρχαιο τάτου βιβλίου. 3 Miscelanea Nebrija (= Emerita vol. xin) 41.
xlvi
MEDIEVAL AND RENAISSANCE MSS they are to be accepted as genuine, he can hardly have derived them from the codex itself. That he did not merely take his lections from Cal. is equally plain, since where Iunt. and Cal. differ he agrees nearly as often with Iunt. as with Cal., and in several places he gives more than one reading. Since Cal. occasionally records a variant it seems likely that its exemplar contained them, and Nunez's knowledge of cod. Pat. may have been derived from that or a similar source, perhaps (since he shows no acquaintance with poems not in Aid.) a corrected Aldine; and it is possible that all his variants come from the same source and should therefore be judged to be either readings of cod. Pat. or emendations of Musurus. The integrity of his list is however open to suspicion. It includes a number of notes, some of them in Latin, which plainly do not come ex codice antiquissimo; and since in one place (6.29) he prefaces a lection with the word emendetur, it is possible that his usual yp. sometimes introduces a conjecture of his own. In any case the profit to the text derived from these notes is small. I have, for one reason or another, recorded them (as Non.) in the apparatus at 2.118, 9.6, 11.14, 12.23, 28, 13.48, 14.4, 16.30, 95, 17.19; and since the ms is somewhat inaccessible I append in a footnote, lest it should be suspected of containing hidden treasures, such other lections as appear not to be recorded from elsewhere.1 Nothing that is known of Nunez's life explains how he came by these collations. He was in Bologna from 1490 to 1498 but is not known to have revisited Italy after his return to Spain in the latter year. The watermark however suggests that the paper on which the ms is written is Genoese of the early 16th century, and as Nunez's Castigationes of Seneca were published at Venice in 1536, a later visit to Italy is not improbable. [See also vol. π p. 591.]
The sources other than papyri which Gallavotti selected as repre sentative in the individual poems from 1-18 are as follows: Id.i 2
3 4 5 6 7 8-11 12, 13
14, 15 16, 17 18
Ambr. Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ Κ
κ
Laur. PQW W PQW PQW PQW PQW PQW PQW PQW LWTr LWTr X (51-8) Tr
Vat. AGS ANS AGNU AGU AGL (55-end) AGLU (1-38) ALU ALNU ALU ANU ASU ASU
1 1.2 ά, 2.67 τάν, 70 Θευμερίδα, 86 άμματα, $.46 ομάναισι, i n δήν, 6.41 πρήν, Ι0.ι8 τυχροί3εται, ιι.όοκόρινον, 13.15 έξέλκων, 15.36 καθαρώ μνά$, 15.146 γλυκύ φωνή, ι6.25 £>έξαι, 17-35 γινομένοισι, 18.43, 45 "πράτ?* 21.13 άτεϊλοι, 19 τον μέστον (?), 46 ταγκίστρω, 57 *Χ01 Υ^» 6 3 κο " ^ Υ 6 θαρβώ τρέσση (sic). At i.2t where Gallavotti has no note, Ahrens ascribed unaccented ά to Stephanus, but it is unlikely that his collations were reliable on such a point. Άτεϊλοι at 21.13 is meaningless, and therefore not likely to be a conjecture by Musurus; cf. p. lix n. 3.
xlvii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS From Id. 19 to Id. 30, epigr., his authorities are: Id. 19 20,21 22 23 24 25 26,27 28 29 30
V XTr X (1-44) V (1-55) X (1-87) WTr Μ D CHD CK 1 C
epigr.
V (92-185) T r M D (69-223) X (56-63) Tr Cod. Bodleian. Barocc. 50 (28-32) D (1-140) D
Κ
Of the other mss containing poems in this group C is excluded as derived from Aid. in 19, from Tr in 20-23, 25, from D in 24, 26, 27, epigr.; D from Κ in 29, epigr.; V from W in 25; X from V in 19, 25 and from Η in 28, 29. The 18 lines of Id. 22 preserved in Ρ contain only one lection worth record. 2. Papyri and other early sources When Wilamowitz wrote, the only authorities for the text earlier than Byzantine mss were citations in earlier writers and the trifling scraps described below as $4. and p.Ox. 694. Since then our know ledge of earlier conditions of the text has been notably increased. The papyri and early parchment fragments at present known 2 are set out below, first in a table showing the sigla attached to them in the only editions which have so far cited them,3 then in detail. Pisani
This ed.
S ψ
*5
Gallavotti Po Pu Pa
Fa
Pe
*4
Pi
4
J
Date (A.D.)
* i * 2
*3
Ϊ1
Py
p.Ox. 1806 p.Ox. 694
—
Perg
p.Ber. 5107
**
pap. Oxyrhynchi 2064 pap. Oxyrhynchi 1618 pap. Antinoae Γ perg. du Louvre 6678 \perg. Rainer pap. Oxyrhynchi 1806 pap. Oxyrhynchi 694 perg. Berolinensis 5017
saec. ii saec. ν c. 500 c. 500 saec. i saec. ii saec. vii (?)
1 I have added Η for the first 8 lines, which are all it contains, since its close agreement with C (which led Gallavotti to suppress it) is as conspicuous in Id. 28. 2 T w o papyri which have come to light since this was written are described on p. 257. 3 I have not thought it worth while to create sigla for papyri which appear only in one or two Idylls. In spite of the nuisance which results from the change of sigla I have not adopted Gallavotti's, which seem to me inconvenient, nor accommodated my own, which I have used since 1938 (J.H.S. 58.184), to Pisani's.
xlviii
PAPYRI AND OTHER EARLY SOURCES
φι
pap. Oxyrhynchi 2064
saec. ii
T . 1.132-51, 6.28 f., 34-40, 4.8-11, 56-end, 5.136-49, 7.1-18, 24-7, 44-57, 64-87, 90-2, 104-31, 134-46, 3.11-21, 34-46, 52-end, 8.1-6, 9-16, 29-32, 56-65, 70-85 This late-second-century papyrus roll was published with $ 3 in Hunt and Johnson Two Theocritus Papyri. It is very fragmentary, nowhere preserving anything like a complete line and in most places no more than a letter or two. There are glosses and notes in more than one hand. The order of the Idylls (1, 6, 4, 5, 7, 3, 8), which appears to be secure, resembles that of the Laurentian family of mss, which however places 5 before 6 (see p. lxviii).
$2
pap. Oxyrhynchi 1618
saec. ν
Τ . 5-53-65, 8 i - 9 3 , n o - 2 2 , 127-37, 139-end, 7.4-13, 6 8 - 1 1 7 . . . , 15-38-47, 51-7, 59-80, 84-100. Four leaves of a papyrus codex of which the first two are consecutive, the third separated from the second by one leaf. There is no clue to the original place in the codex of the fourth leaf. Oxyrhynchus Pap. 13.168.
$3
pap. Antinoae1
c. 500
Sixteen leaves of a papyrus codex, which fall into three sections: A . T . 1.1-3, 48-50, 59-65, 100-105, 125-41, 150-2, 5.19-28, 33-7, 88^96, 143-end. (The surviving letters of the following heading are suitable for Id. 7 or possibly for Id. 6.) Β . Τ . 10.53-end, 1 4 (all), 13.1-8, 46-52, 12.14, 22-end, 2 (all), 18 (all), 15 (all), 2 6 (all), 2 4 . 1 - 2 1 , 29-72, 79-end, and about 30 additional lines, 17.1-31, 42-75, 83-8, 101-103, 111-113. C . T . 28.7-end, 2 9 . 1 - 8 , 20-end, 30.1-6, 20-end, 31.1-12, 27-33 (?), 22.1-18, 44-59, 89-105. O f these three sections, Β is a gathering of 5 sheets, probably a complete quire. A consists of 3 much damaged leaves: if a blank leaf preceded and these are the first leaves of a 5-sheet quire like B, the missing 6 leaves would give suitable space for Idd. 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11. C consists of 3 imperfect but consecutive leaves. Since in Β (and presumably in A) verso precedes recto in the first five leaves of the gathering, and since in C 1 recto precedes verso, but verso precedes recto in the two remaining leaves, the three leaves of C, unless this principle was abandoned, must be the last leaf of one quire and the first two of the next. There will then, if C belongs also 1
The circumstances of the discovery are described in J . Egypt. Arch. 1.176.
xlix GT
4
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS to a quire of 5 leaves, be 9 leaves or 18 pages missing between the end of Β and C1. As in C1 there are about 40 lines to the page, this would imply the loss of some 700 lines. Since however we cannot be sure jhat the arrangement of the sheets in C was the same as in B, or that, if Ci is in fact the last leaf of a third quire, that quire contained 5 sheets, it is idle to speculate on what such a gap might have contained.1 The respective order of A, B, C is conjectural but seems probable. If they are correctly placed it will be seen that the order of the poems was 1, 5, 7(?)... 10, 14, 13, 12, 2, 18, 15, 26, 24, 17.. .28, 29, 30, 31, 22. If 7 is rightly placed, S3 agrees with ί 1 and $ 2 in putting it after 5, but the order is in other respects eccentric and has no close analogies elsewhere. It may also be noted that if Idd. 7, 3, 4» 6, 8, 9,11 are correctly inserted (in whatever order) between A and B, the only certainly genuine poems of T.'s which are omitted are Id. 16, epigrams, and, if it was still extant, the Berenice. But the papyrus is notable for having contained an otherwise unknown Aeolic lyric (Id. 31) and additional lines at the end of Id. 24, and it may therefore have contained other poems now lost. The papyrus contains many corrections and notes, some in the same hand as the text, others in that of one or more correctors, but the hands are all of approximately the same date and cannot be distinguished with certainty. It is very carelessly written and neither the scribe nor the correctors avoid metrical and linguistic blunders. It contains one note in Coptic (see vol. π p. 437), which, as the editors remarked, may be significant. Published with $1 (q.v.).
$4 T.
perg. du Louvre 6678 perg. Rainer
c. 500
1.14-19, 27-32, 46-52, 59-65, 4.34-8, 5.3-8, 50-6, 83-9, 13.53-66, 15.15-25, 48-59, 16.6-31, 40-64, 22.33-5, 65-8, 26.10-21.
This is 8 leaves of a parchment codex written on both sides but nowhere preserving more than a few letters. Seven of the leaves are in the Louvre and were published by K. Wessely in Wiener Studien 8.221 fF.: he there mentioned, and subsequently published in Mitt. Pap. Erzh. Rainer 2.78, an eighth leaf, now in Vienna, containing 4.34-8, 5.3-8. This leaf shows that Idd. 4 and 5 appeared in that 1
It is not certain that Β is a complete quire, and Gallavotti (p. 303: R. Fil. 58.500) proposed a reconstruction based on the hypothesis that the quires consisted of six sheets. C1 might then become Β12, and C2 and C3 (now renamed C1, C2) the first sheets of a third quire. The missing bottom of his Β12 and top of Ci would have contained the end of Id. 17 and the beginning of Id. 28, and these poems would have been consecutive. This hypothesis removes the gap of 700 lines between Β and C but increases that between A and Β ι (now Β 2) since both A and Β will have had an extra sheet. If Idd. 7, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11 stood here, there would still have been room for something over 200 verses. Gallavotti placed there Id. 16 and a lost poem, perhaps the Berenice. This solution is ingenious, and the order of the poems in the papyrus is in any case so odd that the position assigned to Id. 16 is hardly an argument against it; but if C2 (Hunt) is, as Hunt supposed, the beginning of a fourth quire or, as Gallavotti preferred, the beginning of a third, the remaining contents of that quire must still be enigmatic. See p. 257.
1
PAPYRI AND OTHER EARLY SOURCES order. Elsewhere the only evidence of order is that 26.10-21 is on the verso of 13-53-66. The order 13, 26 (or 26, 13) is elsewhere unknown. Wilamowitz overlooked these fragments in his first edition but described them in CI. Rev. 20.103, and in his second edition assigned to them the symbol R, which Ahrens had used for another purpose.
ρ .Ox. 1806
saec. 1 (late)
T. 22.8, 38-84. Remains of four consecutive columns of which only small scraps of the first two survive. In 3 and 4 are the ends of w . 40-69 and the beginnings of 70-84. Oxyrhynchus Pap. 15.180.
p.Ox. 694
saec. ii
T . 13.19-34. The beginnings of the lines only preserved. Oxyrhynchus Pap. 4.139.
p.Ber. 5017
saec. vii (?)
T . 11.21-5, 14.59-63. Fragment of a parchment codex containing a few letters from the middle of the lines. Id. 14 must almost certainly have followed 11. Published by Schubart and Wilamowitz in Berl. Klassikertexte 5.55.
To these papyri and parchment fragments of the poems may be added: p.Ber. 7506 s. ec. i—ii Commentary on T. 5.38-49. Remains, in two columns, of an elementary and jejune commentary without text, perhaps for school use, and having no resemblance to the existing scholia. Published by Schubart and Wilamowitz in Berl. Klassikertexte 5.56.
The table on p. lii shows how the poems are represented in the papyri, selected mss, and early editions without however indicating which contain only a portion of the poem in question. 3. Relation of the Papyri to the later mss1 Long before the recovery of any papyri it had been plain from the agreement or substantial agreement of the mss in many evidently corrupt readings 2 that all descend by a single line, and the evidence on this head has now been much increased by the papyri, which, besides 1 This question was considered (in reviews of Hunt and Johnson Two Theocritus Papyri) by P. Maas in Gnomon 6.561 and by Pohlenz in Gott. Anz. 193.361. 2 E.g. 1.56, 106, 2.3, 10, 60, 159, 5.25, 7.8, 8.4ofF.t 12.23, I3.68f., 14.4, 15.7, 50, 72, 98, 17.2, 18.25, 22.39f.
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RELATION OF THE PAPYRI TO THE LATER MSS confirming many conjectures, show that many readings of the mss which had not provoked suspicion are in fact false.1 It had also been apparent that Κ in the poems which it contains stood apart from the rest of the mss. On the other hand there are passages in which the text presented alike by the mss and by ^3 is unacceptable,2 and it follows therefore that there was an archetype of later date than the author's autograph from which descend on the one hand $ 3 and on the other the archetype of Κ and the other mss. A stemma codicutn, therefore, would, in skeleton, be of this nature:
m Κ
Vat.
Laur.
It has also long been recognised that the bewildering complication of the mss implies the presence of variants in their exemplars, and there is now evidence that these existed in the archetype of 5 3 and the mss. Thus, for instance, $ 3 has 14.53 ύποχάλκω altered to Γττιχάλκω, 15.ι ήνδοί altered to ένδοί, 15.62 κάλλισται altered to κάλλιστα, 18.55 εγρεσθε altered to §γρεσθαι, 26.14 δρέοντι altered to όρόοντι (cf. 2.107, 115, 152, 18.53, 24.88, 26.17), and in each case the variants are attested elsewhere.3 The same inference maybe drawn from some of the interlinear notes,4 from a marginal note at 14.45,5 and from the occasional occurrence in $ 3 of a reading known other wise only from the scholia.6 The other papyri provide too little evidence to be fitted into the framework with certainty, and the only substantial overlap is between 1
E.g. 2.20, 62, 165, 14.26, 41, 15.2, 17, 86, 99, 143, 18.7, 24.56. In the group of poems 1, 3-13, for which the ms evidence is at its best, the papyri contribute very little. See however 1.135, 3.12, 7.7, i n . 2 2.60, 67, 128, 12.23, H.4» 38, 43» Ι5·ΐ<5, ι8, 127, 128, 18.27, 24.125. 3 Though in some cases not in mss cited in my apparatus. 4 These are numerous to the end of Id. 15, but scarcer thereafter, and since their writers did not always cross out what they wished to correct, it is in some cases impossible to tell correction from gloss. Where the note supplies a Doric form (e.g. α written over the η of 2.13 έρχομένην, 164 υπέστη ν) it is presumably a correction; where, as more frequently, this proceeding is reversed glosses may be intended. It is easy to see how an exemplar of this kind may have contributed to the dialect confusion of our mss, and Wilamowitz (Textg. 4) remarked the same ambiguity in the later mss. For cases in which interlinear notes seem to imply variants in the exemplar see, e.g., 2.101, 15.25, 57, 67, 92. 5 Text δυο* και δύο: note yp. δυο και δέκα. The latter is the text of KW. 6 See 2.3, 60, 85, 15.1.
liii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS 3&2 and $ 3 in Id. 15. The two agree against the mss in 15.67, 70 (αΐθε or είθε), 72, 86, 92, 98, but in 67 and 92 the corrector of $ 3 was seemingly acquainted with the reading of the mss; they are divided at 15.38, 43 (?), 68, 70 (Γοργ<ρΐ, Γοργώ) and possibly also at 5.146. $ 2 seems therefore somewhat nearer akin to $ 3 than to β, but given the presence of variants in α the evidence is perhaps not con clusive. For ^ 1 it is still less so. This papyrus agrees substantially with $ 2 in a presumably false reading at 7.75; and with the mss in pre senting the probably spurious line 8.77.1 Since $ 1 dates from about A.D. 200, this evidence, if deemed adequate, would show α to have been of earlier date. If it is insufficient, all we can say of α is that it was older than ^ 3 , i.e. c. A.D. 500. The remaining papyri provide no evidence worth considering.2 The relations between the papyri and individual Byzantine and Renaissance mss (that is to say the descendants of β) call for little comment. As was to be expected the papyri distribute their favours among the families of mss, and if ^3 is often with Κ it is because that ms has often preserved the truth where others fail. $ 1 sides with the Laurentian family in 1.132, 134, 147, 8.73, but probably all four readings are true, and there is no reason to suppose that they did not all reach the mss through β; the order of the poems in the Laurentian mss, which resembles that in the papyrus, though it differs from that in Κ may have been the order in β. 3 , „ 4. The ms Tradition (i) Idylls 1-18 When we turn from the papyri and early parchment fragments to the mss it is first to be observed that no ms earlier than the 13 th century exists, and that in consequence none carries the ms tradition beyond the range of interference by scholars of the Byzantine Renaissance. Further, that Planudes, Moschopulus, and Triclinius all busied themselves with the text and left upon it marks still distinguishable, and that there is ground for thinking that Tzetzes 1
At 7.104 it appears to have had xeivoio with Ϊ 3 and all mss except H, which has τήνοιο. The latter is presumably right but due to conjecture in H, which is alone in some correct dialect forms elsewhere. 2 But see now p. 257. $4. shows in Id. 16 signs of kinship with the Laurentian family of mss, but at 16.16 shares a remarkable variant with the Vatican. Gallavotti proposed for the rest the stemma 9· 3
{Ox. 694. 1806)
See p. Ixviii.
Ψ / \
& S3
liv
THE MS TRADITION 1
also worked upon it. Secondly, some of the mss (e.g. KMS) reveal by their contents that they are scholars' collections of material, and therefore liable to improve upon their primary source by matter derived from elsewhere. Examination of the detailed accounts of the mss above shows also that a ms may belong in one group of poems to a family which it deserts in the next; examination of the apparatus criticus that the Laurentian and Vatican families are often divided against themselves. In short the ms tradition is thoroughly contaminated. 2 It will also be seen from a glance at the table on p. lii that even late in the Italian Renaissance valuable material could still be found, and as (not to mention poems ascribed to Bion and Moschus) HMP about A.D. 1300 garnered respectively Ida1. 28 and 29, Idd. 22 and 25, and 18 lines of Id. 22, so some two hundred years later C found the Aeolic poems, including Id. 30 unknown elsewhere 3 and the Egg of Simias unknown to other bucolic mss; D found Idd. 24, 26, 27; and X a fragment of Id. 24. It would be rash to assume that these mss derived from their unknown sources only new poems and no new readings in the old, and equally rash to assume that scribes who found ■ no source to increase their store of poems, found none to mend or mar the text of their primary source, and direct evidence to the contrary is not lacking. Thus S contains a number of readings, mostly false but not necessarily conjectures,4 not known from other sources, and HM, sometimes in company with S, unexpected agreements both in truth and error with K.5 Similarly Ρ in Idd. 2, 14, 15, G in Idd. 14, 15, show kinship with K.6 Gallavotti 7 laid down as his principle that, minutiis cxceptis, the unsupported readings of the Vatican family were not to be accounted bonaefidei. Even on his own premises the principle is unwarranted, 1
See p. lxxxiv. This general character of the tradition was emphasised both by Ahrens (Philol. 33.386) and by Wilamowitz (Textg. 4). 3 A ms seen by Janus Lascaris in the library of the Laura on Mt Athos contained Idd. 24, 26, 30, all great rarities. See Centralbl.f. Bibliothekswesen 1.398, Wilamowitz Buc. Gr. ed. 2, 171. 4 E.g. 1. 19, 25, 36, 82: and in the corrections (S2) due in Gallavotti's view to Planudes 1.11, 75, 90, 130. These examples are taken from Gallavotti (p. 263); more will be found in Wilamowitz's apparatus, in Id. 18 S2 has some notable agreements with 5 3 . 5 Gallavotti (p. 245) noted 1.24, 4.17, 7.39, 8.86, 10.5, 30, 13.33, 48. M, though its basis seems to be, as Gallavotti held, the Vatican recension, was judged by Wilamowitz (Textg. 11) in Idd. 1, 3-13 the second best surviving ms. It has other noteworthy readings at 10.41, 12.28, 13.40, 15.116. A curious example of a stray but evidently true lection will be found in the n. on epigr. 14.2. 6 7 E.g. 2.164, χ4·4» 36> S 8 , 70, 15.59, 60, 68. P. xxix. 2
lv
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS for the Vatican family, standing between the Ambrosian and Laurentian, may from the Ambrosian derive readings from which K, its only direct representative, has departed, and neither its occasional agreements with papyri against the other mss,1 nor its occasional presentation of a true reading need necessarily be assigned either to accident or to emendation. And similarly with individual mss. Gallavotti's chief service to editors lies in indicating which mss must be regarded with suspicion as reflecting the editing of Planudes and Moschopulus. His separation of the Laurentian and Vatican families, though highly convenient as a means of classifying the mss and tidying up the apparatus, does little to ease the problems of recension. An editor must often feel a doubt whether an aberrant reading other than a blunder, even in a ms which has been influenced by a Byzantine editor, can be dismissed as an interpolation. His task, as Wilamowitz both saw and practised it, is essentially eclectic. As regards the three families of mss the Vatican, as has already been said, stands between the Ambrosian and the Laurentian. The Ambrosian is represented only by K, from which Gallavotti in these poems^ regards D as descended, and by the influence already mentioned which it has exercised on parts of mss of other families. In Gallavotti's stemmata of the two other families in Idd. 1-17, which I append, the Roman numerals attached to some mss refer to the sections of the mss as set out in pp. xxxvii ff.
(ii) Idylls 19-30, Epigrams In the poems following Id. 18 the task is simplified by the reduction in the number of the authorities, and except in the epigrams (where the Anthology has affected the bucolic mss) by the absence of contami nation. The text of Idd. 20, 21, 23, 27 is however in much worse condition than that of any other poems in the collection. Of the Idylls, 22 and 25 are common to the two families which Hiller and Wilamowitz called Φ and Π; and though neither family is of pre ponderant authority, the choice between them is usually either easy 1
Sec 10.55,15.149,16.16.
lvi
THE MS TRADITION or of little moment. Idd. 19, 20, 21, 23 are known only from the first family:1 Idd. 24, 26 and 27 only from the second except for papyri in 24 and 26 and a fragment of 24 preserved in X. Of the two families mentioned, Φ, as has already been said, is called La by Gallavotti because the mss which contain it belong in their earlier part to the Laurentian family; and whereas Hiller and Wilamowitz used VTr as its representatives, calling in W only where V is defective, Gallavotti, holding V to be later than W and not its exemplar, where W is available (Id. 25) used W T r . Essentially however no change has befallen the family. With Π however the case is different. Here the representatives employed by the older editors were C, D, and the lost codex Patavinus as represented in the editions of Giunta and Callierges. Gallavotti however held that C in Idd. 24, 26, 27, epigr. is a copy of D ; and that in 17, 18, 22, 25, where C combines Triclinian readings with others agreeing with D, having sometimes the one sometimes the other in the margin, the D readings are derived from D itself. C therefore disappears from his apparatus except in Idd. 28-30; and in 28 and 29 C again has corrections which derive from D. 2 D he regarded as derived through Paris. 2721 from Κ in Id. 29, epigr., and valuable only in Idd. 22, 24-28. Iunt. and Cal. he held to descend from Κ and D, and he therefore regarded such unsupported readings as are found in those books as for the most part emendations of Musurus or, in Iunt., of Bonini. The cod. Patavinus however requires some further discussion. The statements in Iunt. as to the Paduan ms are set out above (p. xlv), and that such a ms really existed is proved, if proof is necessary, by a scholium on the Planudean Anthology quoted in my note on epigr. 14.3 Since in the early poems Iunt. and Cal. show some remarkable agreements with K, and Iunt. has the poems in virtually the same order as K, editors since Ahrens had held cod. Pat. to have been a ms akin to Κ of much more extensive content. 4 Musurus had copied from it the poems of the Π family and had entered readings from it elsewhere in his copy of Aid., whence the new material found its way into the editions of Giunta and Callierges, 1 Besides Theocritus and Pseudo-Theocritean poems die collection contains M. 1, 3, 4, N.A., B. 1, 2, and as the last poem breaks off in the middle of a line, the collection may once have been more extensive. 2 The evidence for these views must be sought in Gallavotti pp. 290 fF. or R. Fil. 68.244; they are summarised in Rend. Accad. Lincei 1945.21. } Stadtmuller (Anth. Gr. i.xi) thought the scholia concerned to be in the hand of Musurus himself. 4 It was held to have contained all that Iunt. and Cal. contain except Idd. 19, 20, 21, 23 which are absent from D.
lvii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
though more copiously into Iunt. than into Cal. 1 Gallavotti on the other hand held that Musurus had in his hands a copy of K,2 and made use in addition of D itself,3 contributing to it in return readings recorded in my apparatus as D 3 . Consequently it would follow that Musurus had access to no source better than those we possess. It is perhaps impossible, and in any case outside the scope of this edition, to settle these questions finally, nor does my apparatus, since it is based on Gallavotti's, contain sufficient report of CDIunt.Cal. to enable the reader to form an independent opinion for himself. From the point of view of recension, when these sources are agreed it is of no real moment whether KCDIunt.CaL and CDIunt.Cal. speak with four voices and three respectively or whether with only one. Where they disagree however it is of some importance to determine whether, supposing their descent to be that postulated by Gallavotti, the descent is pure, or whether some strains from outside have mingled with it. My own view is that in the epigrams the bucolic tradition is thoroughly contaminated with that of the Anthology;* that in Idd. 1-17, 29 there is not much in the published reports of D to suggest that its original scribe had access to a valuable source other than K; 5 that the blank spaces and disordered contents of the rest of the ms do not suggest the straightforward copying of a single exemplar; and that though C plainly derived Idd. 28-30 from another source, elsewhere neither its original text nor its second hand 1
Wilamowitz (Textg. 7) seems to have thought that both printers used the same copy; Ahrens (Philol. 33.408) thought not, and since the books may have appeared, one in Florence and one in Rome, in the same month, and Iunt. presents the poems in different order from Cal., his view seems more probable. One might guess that Musurus made a ms and that Giunta had it or a copy, while Callierges worked from a corrected Aldine (cf. p. xlvii above) plus a ms of the additional poems. It is perhaps worth notice that Callierges was printing in Venice in 1509 and may have acquired his information there. See however p. xlvi η. ι above. 2 He suggested a ms now no. 305 in the library of the Seminario at Padua. This ms, like D, is of the late 15th century, but Pandulfini had not seen Bucarus's ms and his άρχαιότατον βιβλίον cannot be pressed. Moreover Musurus may have known that the Paduan ms was copied from one much older. On the Paduan ms see Rend. Accad. Lincei 1945.21. 3 Not D's exemplar, since Iunt. Cal. contain readings which in D are from the hand of a corrector. 4 This is not surprising, for D is of the late 15th cent., portions of C probably even later, and Iunt. Cal. of 1516; and apart from mss the Planudean Anthology had been printed at Florence in 1494 and by Aldus at Venice in 1503 ; and it was printed again by Giunta three years after his Theocritus. 5 2.83, 15.23 (where see n.), might suggest it, but these readings are not peculiar to D (see Gallavotti 282,284). Gallavotti regarded the Perugian family (see p. xxxix) as borrowing from Mosch. and in Idd. 9-13 from the Laurentian.
lviii
THE MS TRADITION contain matter which need be independent of Tr and D. The possibility of lunt. Cal. (or cod. Patavinus) being derived from D was considered by Hiller,1 and rejected on the ground that lunt. Cal. do not contain Id. 29.26-40 though those verses are contained in both Κ and D. Their omission, which remains a serious obstacle to his theory, Gallavotti assigned to accident.2 However this may be, it appears to me that some other source or sources have at least contributed to the text of these books, 3 and I cannot accept Gallavotti's view that every lection in them not found in Κ or D or Aid. is necessarily an emenda tion of Musurus or of their respective editors. Even here however the question is of limited importance for recension, and an editor will accept lections from lunt. and Cal., whether tradition or emendation, provided they seem to him true. There are certainly passages in which he would dismiss their lections if he were sure that they were con jectures, but fortunately these are few.4 5. The Early History of the Text The early history of the text has already been touched upon in considering the relations of the papyri to the later mss, and for purposes of recension it is not of great importance. Gallavotti, on grounds which seem to me insecure, dated the archetype of the Byzantine mss for Idd. 1-18 in the third or fourth century, and the archetypes of their three families in the eighth to the tenth, the Ambrosian at the beginning, the Vatican at the end of that period. Wilamowitz however advanced a theory as to early editions of the poems which calls for mention here. Wilamowitz held that Theocritus never collected his own poems, 5 1
2 Beitrage 4. P. 312. For instance a glance at Hiller's apparatus to Id. 25 shows 'Mus.' (i.e. lunt. Cal. or one of the two books) in much more frequent agreement with the Φ family than can plausibly be ascribed to conjecture or accident. There are also places (e.g. 5-39, 14.33, 24.29) where there is so little invitation to emend that it is difficult to believe the text of lunt. or Cal. due to conjecture; and others (e.g. 27.23, 45, 28.9, 17) which would at least demand a high level of intelligence in the emendator. These conditions extend also to poems missing from KD and therefore derived by lunt. Cal. from Aid. It is not plain, for instance, why at 21.10 λήγα should be replaced by the equally meaningless λήδα (cf. p. xlvii n.), or that the lection at 20.39 and more than one in Id. 21 were within range of Musurus's conjecture. « See, e.g., 21.65, 23.43, 52. 5 Buc. Gr. iii: Theocritus cum carmina sua collecta non edidisset, singula et in manibus hominum versabantur et in bibliothecarum laterculis recensebantur, quamvis exigua, tamen suo quodque nomine instructa plerumque compluria uno volumine fuisse comprehensa, prout scribae libuerit, facile credimus, sed nee demonstrari hoc potest nee momentum facit. 3
lix
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS and whether this belief is well-founded or not, since the only collections known to us include one poem which seems spurious and one which must be so {lad. 8 and 9) and do not include the pre sumably genuine Berenice, of which a fragment is cited by Athenaeus, it is at any rate plain that our collections do not derive directly from the author. 1 Behind them lay, he thought, 2 an edition of Theocritus with a commentary, which included, in addition to the poems which still possess ancient scholia (1-18, 28, 29, Technopaegnia), 30, epigrams, and probably also 22 and 24 which are cited as Theocritean by grammarians. 3 The mss families Φ and Π (see p. lvi above) derive from a larger collection of bucolic poetry without commentary, though Π and possibly also Φ may have drawn on a ms of the collection with commentary. As regards the date of these two collections Wilamowitz pointed out that Virgil shows a wide know ledge of Theocritus, 4 but that there is little evidence of familiarity with him before that date, and that the epigrams were unknown to Meleager. Also that some of the spurious poems which appear to belong to late Hellenistic times would hardly have survived unless they had been preserved by incorporation in some collection fairly soon after they had been written. Since epigr. 26 ( = A.P. 9.205) is prefatory to a collection of bucolic poems once scattered but now united, and is by the grammarian Artemidorus, who lived in the first half of the first century B.C. (see n. on epigr. 26), Wilamowitz assigned to him the compilation of the comprehensive corpus. The edition of Theocritus alone with a commentary he ascribed to Artemidorus's son Theon, supposing the full commentary (which contained notes of second- and fourth-century scholars) to have grown upon a foundation laid by him, and the Technopaegnia to have been joined to the edition in the second century. Since epigr. 27 ( = A.P. 9.434) is prefatory to a book containing Theocritus alone, Wilamowitz attributed it to Theon. 5 Wilamowitz was here working in a field of which he had a unique mastery, and his argument was conducted with great abihty. It must 1
Cf. Textg. p. 123. His views are set out in the preface to the Bucolici, and in his Textgeschichte pp. 102 if. An earlier resume appeared in Adonis (1900) pp. 29 ff. 3 Presumably Wilamowitz would have added 26 after his objections to its authenticity had been overcome. 4 Outside the bucolic Idylls Eel. 8 is largely based on Id. 2; and Eel. 5.32, 7.65 seem to reflect Id. 18.29if., Eel. 8.102 f. Id. 24.93 if. Catullus is alleged to have imitated Id. 2 (Plin. N.H. 28.19) and perhaps betrays acquaintance with Id. 15.100 (see n. ad loc.). 5 He seems to have held that Theon merely excerpted the Theocritean matter from the larger corpus compiled by his father. 2
lx
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE TEXT be said however that his conclusions remain very insecure. It is highly probable that Artemidorus made a collection which was accessible to Virgil, but if it was, as the epigram professes, a collection of bucolic poetry, there is no reason why it should have included any poem of Theocritus other than i, 3-11, 1 or poems neither Theocritean nor bucolic whose presence is postulated in this comprehensive collection.2 And as to the annotated edition and epigr. 27 it cannot be shown that Theon produced an edition of Theocritus at all (see n. on epigr. 27). 3 The evidence to be drawn from the papyri, nearly all published since Wilamowitz wrote, is hardly sufficient either to prove or to disprove his hypotheses. There are at present no papyrus fragments of Idd. 9, 19-21, 23, 25, 27, epigrams, or of Bion and Moschus. The only dubious or spurious poems known in papyri are Idd. 8 and 26, but Wilamowitz admitted that his suspicions of the latter were unfounded,4 and Id. 8 (with 9), whether genuine or not, was plainly included in the earliest collections of Theocritus's poems known to us. On the other hand there is no admittedly genuine poem (apart from epigrams, of which there are no papyrus remains) which is not represented in papyri. In other words none of the papyri can be shown to represent the collected edition of poems by various hands ascribed by Wilamowitz to Artemidorus. 5 It may however be argued that this collection would seem, from the small number of mss containing matter supposedly drawn from it, to have been much less easily come by than collections of Theocritus's poems alone, and that the absence of papyri containing it does not disprove its existence. If we turn to the genuine poems we have from the late first and the 1
It may be noted that the authority represented in Suidas's life (p. xv) recognises only bucolic poems as certainly genuine. Presumably therefore they existed in a separate collection. 2 Wilamowitz held, plausibly enough, that the poems of Theocritus acquired the title Βουκολικά from the ten bucolic Idylls which headed the collection, and he also held that they were first collected by Artemidorus. But Artemidorus can hardly have referred to his work as Βουκολικά! Μοΐσαι if a great part of the poems was only to acquire the title Βουκολικά from its position in his own collection (see Wilamowitz Textg. 14, 127, Buc. Gr. in). That the title Βουκολικά was used to include poems other than the bucolic Idylls is shown by Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.1234 Θεόκριτος εν τοις Βουκολικοΐς έν τω "Υλα έπιγραφομένω, for Id. 13 is not bucolic. 3 For a criticism of Wilamowitz's theory see Reitzenstein in Berl. Phil. Woch. 27.1540. Wendel (T.-Scholien 68) has shown that there is no evidence for Wilamo witz's view (p. n o ) that Virgil used a commentary on Theocritus. 4 See Vol. 11 p. 476. 5 Since the full content of no papyrus is known, it is of course possible that one or all may have contained non-Theocritean matter, though considering how fully the genuine poems are represented it does not seem likely.
lxi
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS second centuries $ i , pp.Ox. 694, 1806, and from the fifth century and later $ 2 , $ 3 , $ 4 , p.Ber. 5107—two groups each dating from a period in which there is other evidence to prove a lively interest in Theocritus. 1 $ 3 discloses in the fifth century a book which contained at least one and probably more than one poem not preserved in the archetype of the mss, but in other respects much what we may suppose such an archetype to have been. The earlier oapyri are too fragmentary to invite inferences as to their original contents, but they suffice to show that the text had undergone no substantial depravation three centuries later. Wilamowitz, as has been said, held that the first edition of Theocritus alone was made by Theon, who equipped it with a commentary. If the papyri contained Theocritus alone (and there is no indication that any of them contained other matter) they might be expected to reflect that edition, but they do not. They suggest that there was no canonical order for the poems, and neither the scholia in $ 1 and $ 3 nor the scraps of commentary contained in p.Ber. 7506 bear more resemblance to the scholia of the mss than is inevitable where the same themes are handled. Therefore, if Theon in fact produced the supposed edition, it would appear not to have imposed itself even in Egypt where he is believed to have lived and worked. 2 In brief the evidence of the papyri, though inconclusive, seems definitely unfavourable to Wilamowitz's hypotheses. 6. Recension In compiling an apparatus criticus to accompany the commentary, I had in mind that five of the papyri, including the most extensive, were until 1946 unreported in any edition of Theocritus, and that they are so still (1949) in any edition published in this country. It was desirable therefore that their readings should be given in considerable detail so that the reader might be in a position to assess their general credibility. Reports of the mss, if they were not to be out of scale with those of the papyri, must go much beyond the apparatus vere criticus of Wilamowitz; and in any case the scope of the commentary seemed to call for an apparatus in which the reader could discover not only the relationships of each individual ms used but its defects as well as its merits, and could also envisage from a sufficient display of otherwise unimportant variants the insecurity of the evidence concerning dialect. Legrand in his Bucoliques grecs had constructed from the information then available an apparatus on the scale which seemed desirable, and I had compiled another from the same sources; 1
2
See pp. lxxxiif.
lxii
See ΛΕ5 A 2054.
RECENSION
but for the reasons already given (p. xxxii) I was much dissatisfied with the result, and when Gallavotti's text (1946) provided for the first time first-hand evidence of a sufficient number of mss it seemed the wisest course to begin again and to base my apparatus as far as possible on his. His work has made, I find, virtually no difference to my text, but in the apparatus it has enabled me to present such evidence as seemed relevant much more tidily than was possible before. The decision to base my apparatus on Gallavotti's carried with it the further decision to make as little use of earlier collations as possible in order that the reader might not be in doubt as to the source of my information. The principal exception is in the epigrams, where Gallavotti, holding D to be derived from K, and C and the cod. Patavinus (represented in Iunt. and Cal.) to be derived from D, reduced the evidence of the bucolic mss to K. Whether or not these conclusions are valid, the tradition of the bucolic mss is much con taminated with that of the Anthologia Palatina, and I have therefore reintroduced CDIunt. Cal. to the apparatus. I have used for D the collation made by Dubner for Ahrens and have checked it from a photostat; for Clunt.Cal. I have used, in addition to Ahrens, a collation of C kindly supplied to me by Mr W . C. Helmbold, 1 and when in doubt I have referred to copies of Iunt. and Cal. I have also verified a few points in the facsimile ofAnth. Pal edited by C. Preisendanz (Leyden, 1911). Apart from the epigrams I have in some places amplified from Ahrens the heading of the poems in the mss but I have only rarely added from earlier witnesses to the testimony of Gallavotti's apparatus.2 In the commentary however there will sometimes be found references to readings reported by other scholars, and to mss discarded by Gallavotti and me though included in the list on p. xxxvi. In making use of Gallavotti's apparatus I have discarded from Galla votti's list two mss, I and T. Gallavotti's account of them will be found on pp. xxxix and xlii,3 but since they were virtually never cited by him there seemed no point in retaining them; and I have added one source 1
C is full of blunders, most of which I have omitted. In one or two places (e.g. 1.6, 7) Gallavotti assigned to a scholar a dialect cor rection which Ahrens reported from a ms. I have substituted the ms since even if the report was false the scholar does not seem responsible. Queries at 5.57, 8.91, 10.32, 15.112 indicate reports of earlier collators. 3 The first part of Τ presents a contaminated text, the Laurentian source being akin to Q, the Vatican to E. I is close akin to E, and both are near relatives of A. Τ is, within the limits of Wilamowitz's apparatus, adequately reported there. E, cited by me for trifles at 1.27, 4.60, 13.62, might have been discarded with I. 2
lxiii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
of information unknown to him, Non. (see p. xlvi). I retain Wilamowitz's symbol Tr against Gallavotti's R1 since the ms, though not in the hand of Triclinius, admittedly contains his recension; the Iuntine edition I continue to call Iunt., and as already mentioned (p. xlviii n. 2) I have not adopted Gallavotti's sigla for the papyri. In the apparatus I have discarded a certain number of unimportant errors from single families and single mss,2 but here and there I have amplified the evidence in the apparatus from Gallavotti's own statements in his appendix and his earlier papers, and I have recorded more frequently than he variae lectiones mentioned in the scholia. My apparatus is appreciably shorter than his because emendations not promoted to the text are mentioned not there but in the commentary, and because I have often effected some economy in his methods of reporting the facts. On the other hand I have not used his symbols La and Va for the Laurentian and Vatican families, nor (from Id. 16 on) Wilamowitz's Φ and Π, since symbols whose content changes from poem to poem seem to me an inconvenience worth avoiding by the sacrifice of a little space. Thus at 1.29, for instance, Gallavotti writes περί La ττοτΐ KVa; and Ι, ποτι KAGS περί PQW, since in this poem his Laurentian family is represented by PQW and his Vatican by AGS. This method has the disadvantage that where Gallavotti has not recorded a minor aberration in one of his mss3 my statement may not be precisely true, but it leaves the affinities of the mss plain, saves the reader the labour of remembering what La and Va mean in each poem, and I think makes clearer what has happened when, as very often, a family is divided. Like Gallavotti, I have recorded at the beginning of each poem the families represented and the mss used (and from Id. 16 on Wilamowitz's families also), but whereas in Id. 1, for instance, he writes La ( = PQW), Va ( = AGS), I write PQW [Laur.], AGS [Vat.]. Again, I have not followed Gallavotti's practice of writing (e.g.) A 2 for interlinear or marginal corrections in the original hand, A corr. for se ipsum corrigentis librarii aut cor rectors altera scriptura, A b and A c for notes of second and third hands. Being somewhat sceptical of the accuracy with which such hands can be identified, I have used A2 throughout to indicate all corrections except in the much corrected D, where I have indicated as D 3 1
R had been assigned by Ahrens to cod. Paris. Reg. 2998 which contains excerpts from Theocritus; and by Wilamowitz in his second edition to iP4. 2 For instance I do not record 1.10 συ Κ, 14 and 16 τνρίσδεν AS, 17 κεκμηκώς KP. 3 He said (p. lxvii) manifestos et rtullius momenti et in singulis libris papyrisque adservatos errores praetermisi.
lxiv
RECENSION
the corrector whom Hiller and Gallavotti suppose to have derived readings from the same source as Iunt.1 Though my apparatus is essentially based on Gallavotti's it disagrees with his in a number of places. My reports of the papyri are derived not from him but (like his) from the original publications, and in some places they amplify or correct his. I have also had at hand copies of Iunt. and Cal. (which I cite rather oftener than he) and a photostat of K. I have not collated them, but I have consulted them when in doubt, and my reports sometimes differ from or amplify Gallavotti's.2 I have also assigned a good many emendations to scholars older than those named by him. In reporting the papyri I have, for the reason already given, shown much more hospitality to mere blunders than in the case of the mss, and my hospitality exceeds Gallavotti's, but it is not all-embracing. Nobody, for instance, needs to know that at I.IOI the scribe of 5 3 wrote κρυττρις for κυπρί and removed only the second of the redundant letters; or at 1.134 the scribe of $ 1 άναλγε and corrected his mistake. Where the reading of a papyrus stands alone in the apparatus I have printed it with or without accents or other embel lishments as it was written by the scribe; where it is followed by the sigla of mss in agreement, or by the name of a scholar who had anticipated the reading by conjecture, accents and breathings are added, and in these cases it is not to be assumed that more than the essential letters of the word are preserved in the papyrus. Similarly no inferences as to papyri are to be drawn from silence. Where the abbreviations codd. and cett. are used, or where the record of a variant implies cett. for the reading in the text, papyri are excluded from consideration (though in the last case cett. may in fact sometimes have papyrus support). Thus at 5.21, from the note ών Brunck, ouv ^3 codd.: εστί Ahrens, έντί codd., the reader will infer that Ϊ 3 does not preserve the end of the line. 1
This hand is called D c by Ahrens, Hiller, and Gallavotti. Excluding places where I have referred to corrections unreported by him, my account of Κ differs from or supplements his at 1.23, 87, 97, 3.28, 4.29, 5.22, 24, 66, 93, 7.81, 83, 106, 138, 146, 10.37, n.78, 12.25, 13.48, 14.17, 53, 54, 57, 15.25, 72, 16.52, 85, 29.20, epigr. 3.5, 6, 11.4, 18.5, 20.3, 4. These passages are mostly unimportant, and in one or two of them a doubt is possible, for Κ is not always easy to read. I record them here since Κ is not within the reader's reach, and as an indication that Gallavotti's collations cannot be trusted implicitly. Some of his mss have not been collated before, but where his reports of mss other than Κ conflict with those of earlier collators I have necessarily assumed that he is right except in a small number of places (such as 8.91, 15.119) where there is clearly a misprint in his apparatus. In a few (e.g. 8.18, 17.70) he is silent though his text is not that of his mss. 2
lxv GT
5
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
My apparatus disregards accents, breathings, and the presence or absence of iota subscript; and it very rarely notes the assignment of the speeches in the dramatic Idylls. Notes other than sigla refer to the ms whose siglum immediately precedes, and to that only.1 The text which I have printed is deliberately conservative, and I have often preferred to record in the commentary emendations which might quite suitably find a place in the text. The tradition of the genuine poems is however seldom so corrupt as to leave the general sense in doubt, and close acquaintance with Theocritus's style imposes restraint. The search for freshness of expression—the heightened synonym, the syntactical innovation, and the like—is no new thing in Greek poetry, but it was pursued as an end in itself and with a new energy by the self-conscious poets of Alexandria, and by none of them more whole-heartedly than by Theocritus.2 The student of language is constantly discovering in his poems that usages which to a modern reader seem natural enough are in fact novelties, to be paralleled, if at all, only from later writers; and when the language seems, as it sometimes does, strained near to the breaking-point, he is uneasily aware that no modern is really competent to decide where the inventiveness of such a poet may have ended. Hence he may hesitate to promote to the text an emendation, however plausible, where there is a risk of displacing what the poet may possibly have regarded as a daring and successful experiment in diction. In some of the spurious poems in which the text is gravely vitiated 3 1 have often, for want of satisfactory or even plausible conjecture, been compelled to print what the poet cannot have written, and to resort to the obelus. In the genuine poems there are few such places; but there are a good many in which, for the reason given, I have printed what he seems unlikely to have written, and have provided in the com mentary materials on which the reader may form his own judgment.
7. The Order of the Poems The order of the poems followed in this edition is due to Stephanus, who established it in his Poetae Graeci of 1566 except that Idd. 30 and 31 were of course unknown to him and his Id. 30 is the Anacreontic 1 Thus at 10.48 OTTVOS AL(?)N(?) indicates doubt as to LN but not as to A. This is one of the rare places where the information is not derived from Gallavotti, who is silent. 'YTTVOS is attested for A by Ahrens and Ziegler: Gallavotti's φεύγει Va seems to imply that it is also the text of LN. 2 Cf. Headlam Herodas p. xxix. 3 The worst, as has been said, are Idd. 20, 21, 23, 27.
lxvi
THE ORDER OF THE POEMS els Νεκρόν "Αδωνιν not included here. The order is unfortunate, for it places a later editor of Theocritus in a dilemma: either he must include Idd. 19, 20, 21, 23, 27 (not to mention 25) which have no claim to be considered as by Theocritus, or he must omit poems commonly cited under his name. I have preferred the former course, but there is an evident absurdity in including Idd. 19 and 23, the ascription of which to Theocritus is of no authority whatever, and excluding the Επιτάφιος Βίωνος ascribed to him in DTr. But if poems numbered 1-30 are to be printed together, the inconvenience to the reader introduced by printing them in any other order seems much to outweigh any advantage, logical or historical, which may be secured by rearrangement. In modern times three editors have departed from the order of Stephanus.1 Ahrens in 1855 retained the order of Idd. 1-18 but then printed 24, 22, 26, 28, 29 renumbered as 19-23. The missing Idylls (other than 30 and 31 which were unknown to him) he placed among Incertorum Idyllia at the end of the book. Similarly he printed first among the epigrams the nine which he considered genuine, and followed them by a group ofDubia et Spuria, arranging both sections not in the order of the bucolic mss but according to their grouping in the Anthology. Wilamowitz did not renumber the Idylls but printed them in the order 1, 7, 3-6, 8-13, 14, 2, 15, 17, 16, 18, 24, 22, 28-30, removing the remainder to an Appendix Aliorum Bucolicorum. Epigr. 1-22 he left in the order of the bucolic mss. Legrand, con signing to his second volume all pieces whose authenticity had been seriously contested, printed the remainder in his first in the order 7, 1, 3-6, 10-13, 2, 14-17,^. 3, 18, 24, 22, 28-30, and added to them the Syrinx (whose authenticity was by no means unquestioned), and all but one (12) of the epigrams selected as genuine by Ahrens, though unlike Ahrens he retained the order of the bucolic mss. Nobody who has used these three books will need to be reminded of the waste of time their disposition has occasioned. Apart from the desire shared by all these editors to segregate the spurious poems, Ahrens preserved Stephanus's order for the genuine Idylls except that he inverted 22 and 24 to follow the order of DIunt. Legrand's order was of his own devising, but Wilamowitz aimed at restoring what he supposed to be that of the archetype of Κ and the codex Patavinus (see p. lvii), and he seems to have thought that he would thereby recover the order of the edition which he ascribed to Theon in the first century B.C. Since Κ contains no poem 1
As Brunck had done in his Analecta of 1772.
lxvii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS between Idd. 17 and 29 his order was there conjectural, but the order in which he meant to print the earlier poems 1 —1, 7, 3-6, 8-13, 2, 14, 15, 17, 16, 18—may perhaps represent that of the Ambrosian archetype. 2 All three families of mss agree in placing Id. 1 first and in the order οι Idd. 8-13; and since Κ and such of the Laurentian family as contain 2, 14, 15 agree in placing those three poems in that order after 13, it is probable that the Vatican family is aberrant in placing 2 after 1, and that the archetype of the mss had 1, 3-7 in uncertain order, 8-13, 2, 14, 15, and therefore that it placed the ten bucolic Idylls first. And since our oldest witness (|ii) agrees with the Laurentian family in placing Id. 7 fifth, it may be that the order of that family (5, 6, 4, 7, 3 ) 3 or of the papyrus (6, 4, 5, 7, 3)4 and not K's 7, 3, 4, 5, 6, was followed in the archetype of the mss. It is now plain however that the order of that archetype, whatever it may have been, was in no sense canonical in the early centuries of 1 He intended to follow Κ but inadvertently placed Id. 2 after 14 and defended that order before he had discovered it to be accidental (Textg. 65, Buc. Gr.z 171). 2 If the cod. Patavinus was, as Gallavotti supposed, not an independent witness to the Ambrosian recension but derived from K, the conclusion is precarious, for many Theocritean mss vary the order of their exemplars. And in either case Κ and hint, disagree as to the order of Idd. 16 and 17. 3 Gallavotti (p. xvii) noted that in the arrangement 1, 5, 6, 4, 7, 3 the first words of the Idylls follow alphabetical order. 4 There is possibly some support for the order 1, 6 in the Argument to Id. 1, where occur the words Δάφνιν.. .δς διά τούτου μέν του είδυλλίου τέθνηκε, δια 5έ του έξης ώς ζώντος αύτου μνημονεύει. Του έξης might seem to imply είδυλλίου, and Daphnis appears next in Id. 6. Wilamowitz however translated im folgenden (Textg. 14), and as the Anecdoton Estense (Wendel Schol. p. 11) has in the same context έν τοις έξης είδυλλίοΐς this may be right, though if so Meineke's των έξης should probably be accepted (cf. Wendel T.-Scholien 86*). Wendel argued {SchoL xviii) that a note on Id. 6.4.6 preserved only in G cites Id. 7 as an earlier poem, but the ms has προσδέδεικται not ττροδέδεικται. He also argued (T.-Scholien 168) that as scholia regularly decrease in bulk from the beginning to the end of a text the length of those to Id. 7 suffices to show that that Idyll stood second in the collection; but though it is true that the scholia to Idd. 2, 15, 17 (poems of comparable length) show a marked decrease, those to Id. 5 are not much shorter than those to Id. 7 though the latter poem contains much more that invites comment. A note on Id. 5.6 preserved only in Ρ shows that Id. 4 stood earlier than Id. 5 though in Ρ itself the order is 5, 6, 4. Other indications of order in the scholia are that Id. 8 stood earlier than Id. 9, 11 than 13, and (probably) 3 than 4 (see Wendel Schol. xviii). Evidence of order from the scholia however cannot be relied upon to take us beyond the book on which the latest recension of the scholia was based, and possibly no further than the archetype of the scholia, which Wendel (SchoL xix) assigned conjecturally to the tenth or eleventh century.
lxviii
T H E ORDER OF T H E P O E M S
our era. The evidence from the papyri in which the order of the poems can be discerned is as follows: $ ι *2 $3
ι, 6, 4, 5, 7> 3, 8. 5, 7i, 5. 7 (?)··· I0> 14,13,12,2, 18,15,26,24,17, [ . . - ] , 1 28,29, 30, 3i, 22. $4 4, 5 · · . 13, 26 (or 26, 13). p.Ber. 5017 11, 14 (or 14, 11). Wilamowitz, who knew only the last two, dismissed their order as of no consequence (Cl.Rev. 20.103). The orders of $ 1 , $ 2 , and ^ 3 however cannot be so dismissed: they agree with the mss in grouping bucolic poems together, and with each other against all mss in placing 7 after 5; and $ 3 agrees with the mss as to the order of the Aeolic poems. That however is the extent of agreement, and it seems plain that the orders presented whether by papyri or by the archetype of the mss are due to chance or to the choice of a particular scribe or editor, and that there is no strong reason other than intrinsic merit for preferring one to another. It will be noted that Κ and the Laurentian family agree in placing the ten bucolic Idylls first, though they disagree as to their order, and that the papyri do not dissent; and though there is a visible reason for breaking the bucolic series by placing Id. 2 next to Id. 1 as in the Vatican family, since both poems have refrains, Id. 2 is better associated, as in Κ and the Laurentian family, with Idd. 14 and 15: better also to place the two Ptolemaic poems 15 and 17 next each other. But ^ 3 shows no regard for these affinities, and the position of 12 and 13 is anomalous both in $ 3 and the mss since the nearest kin of 12 are 29 and 30, and of 13, either the epic 22 and 24 or 11, another epistle with a mythological illustration; and a modern editor, if he started with a free hand, could improve upon any earlier arrange ment whether of papyri, mss, or printed books. The profit however would be very small and the inconvenience, as experience has shown, considerable. 8. The Titles of the Poems Wilamowitz held that in so far as Theocritus can be said to have published his. poems they were published separately each with its own title,2 and he thought that the titles which he attached to them in his 1 This gap disappears and 28 follows 17 if Gallavotti's reconstruction is preferred a to Hunt's (see p. 1 n.). Sec p. lix n. 5.
lxix
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
edition are, at any rate in some cases, the originals.1 The evidence of the mss however does not inspire much confidence in such a belief. In some cases (e.g. 2 Φαρμακεύτρια or -cci, 13 "Υλας, 28 Ήλακάτη) the name imposes itself, and would be likely to be chosen by anyone— the author or another—who wished to add a title to a nameless poem. In others alternative but equally appropriate titles are offered by the mss (e.g. 10 Έργατίναι ή Θερισταί, 15 Συρακόσιαι ή Άδωνιά^ουσαι). In others again the mss offer too many alternatives to inspire confidence that any of them is original (e.g. 3, 5, 2 18). There is, of course, nothing improbable in the supposition that T. prefixed a name to each poem, but it is difficult to see why he should have prefixed more than one,3 and in Id. 7 it seems plain that two of the many alternatives are not his. The poem might suitably be called Θαλύσια or Λυκίδας or Θερινοί Όδοπτόροι or Θερινή Όδοιπορία: Εαρινοί Όδοπτόροι and Εαρινή Όδοιπορία, which are presented by the mss, are mis descriptions, and unless they are first corrected cannot be assigned to the author. Λυκίδας is plausible, and conforms to the pattern of Id. ι Θύραις: but Λυκίδας is presented only in a citation and not by any ms. If therefore it is the author's title it shakes the reUabihty of the mss as to titles; and if it is not his it provokes some suspicion of the similar title to Id. 1. The known titles of mimes are mostly taken from the characters in them, and Gallavotti, wishing the Idylls to conform, preferred (e.g.) Κωμαστής to Κώμος for Id. 3, Λυκίδας to Θαλύσια for Id. 7. But Hdas 8 Ένύττνιον is an exception to this rule, and even if Theocritus's titles survive among the variants we cannot assume that he always followed it. That the titles are ancient is shown by their presence in the scholia, by the fact that they are sometimes used in citations by other writers,4 and by the fact that $ 1 had them before Idd. 7 and 8 (the only poems whose beginning is preserved in that papyrus), and $ 3 throughout. 1
Of Id. 7 he said (Hell Dick. 2.1352) der gelehrte Titel, aus Homer I 534, ist offenhar vom Dicker gegeben. But the word θαλύσια lies ready to hand in line 3 of the poem, and the equally learned heading for Id. 27 Όαριστύς, which is not derived from the poem itself, is not in the least likely to be original (see vol. n p. 485). 2 Wilamowitz admitted that the feeble ΑΙπολικόν καΐ ποιμενικόν could not be TVs tide (Hell. Dick. 2.1352); but Όδοιπόροι preferred by Gallavotti (R. Fil. 64.27) is plainly inappropriate. 3 In the Hippocratic corpus the existence of alternative titles has been held to prove that none is original (Littr£ 1.150), and where the author had supplied one name there would be litde temptation to add a second. It may however be noted that two of Herodas's Mimes have alternative tides (ι ττροκυκλί? ή μαστροπό?, 6 φιλιό^ουσαι ή Ιδιά^ουσαι) which present the same problem as the Idylls; also that a few Tragedies and Comedies and some prose works of later date were known by 4 alternative names. See Idd. 2 and 7, and cf. p. lxi n. 2 above. lxx
THE TITLES OF THE POEMS That any of them can safely be ascribed to the author seems open to grave doubt. I have however given each poem a title, and my choice, where there is a doubt, usually agrees with that of Wilamowitz. Though no problem of recension is involved it seems appropriate to add here a brief comment on the word είδύλλιον. This appears in Greek to be confined to Theocritus's scholia, where a number of unsatisfactory accounts of it are given.1 The younger Pliny (EpisL 4.14) says that he has chosen to entitle a collection of occasional verse Hendecasyllabi from their metre—proinde siue epigrammata siue idyllia siue eclogas siue, ut multi, poematia seu quod aliud uocare malueris, licebit uoces. It is plain, therefore, that in the first century the Latin word was in use for short poems of varied content and had no specifically bucolic implication, and in the fourth century Ausonius could still so use it of a similar collection of his own poems. It is however much less plain how the diminutive of είδος came by such a meaning. The Byzantine metrical scholia to Pindar (Abel Schol. rec. in Pind. Epinicia i.44ff.) have as sub-titles to the individual poems ττερι των κώλων.. .του α' [β', γ ' , etc.] είδους των 'Ολυμπίων, Πυθίων, etc., and Stephanus, in the first edition of his Thesaurus (1572), remarked είδη autem Pindari sunt qui dicta putent tanquam diversa odarum genera. Sic etiam Ειδύλλια Theocriti. Toup 2 revived this analogy, which has been generally accepted, though the origin of the use has not been satis factorily explained. Christ 3 thought that είδος meant the individual melody or motif of the separate poems, and hence a poem; Wilamo witz 4 that it meant tune or musical composition. Neither explanation is convincing, and the evidence that Pindar's poems were called είδη in Hellenistic times is highly unsatisfactory. It is derived from EL M. 295.52 s.v. είδογράφος, where we are told that the gram marian Apollonius, who is known from p.Ox. 1241 to have preceded Aristarchus as Librarian at Alexandria,5 received this sobriquet επειδή ευφυής ων έν τη βιβλιοθήκη τά είδη τοις είδεσιν έττένειμεν. τάο γαρ δοκούσας των φδών Δώριον μέλος εχειν έττΐ τό αυτό συνηΥε, 1 Wendel Schol. p. 5: (ι) είδύλλιον λέγεται τό μικρόν ποίημα άπό τοϋ είδος ή Θεωρία. (2) ότι είδος έστι λόγου. (3) άπό τοϋ εΐδω τό όμοιώ* έοικότες γαρ τοις προσώποις είσΐν ol λόγοι. (4) ουκ ήθελεν ό ποιητής θεΐναι άλλοίας καΐ άλλοίας ύπογραφάς, άλλα μίαν άρμό^ουσαν πασι τοις ποιήμασιν αυτού, είδος γάρ λόγου εστί και τό διηγηματικόν καΐ τό δραματικόν καΐ τό μικτόν και διά τοΰτο 2 υπεγράφησαν είδυλλια. Addend, in Theoa. in Warton's edition 2.409. 3 Verhandl. d. 26. Vers. d. Philol. u. Schulm. zu Wurzburg 1869.49, summarised, and in the main followed, by E. Bickel in Glotta 29.36. 4 Textg. 129: einen Ton fur sich bilden diese epischen Gedichte, weil sie ein jedes sein individuelles Wesen haben: and more briefly Buc. Gr. iii. 5 Cf. RESuppl. 3.133.
lxxi
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS καΐ Φρυγίας καΐ Λυδίας, μιξολυδιστί και Ιαστί. Apollonius, then, arranged the odes by their musical styles; but τα είδη τοις είδεσιν έπένειμεν is no Greek for such a process, and τα είδη is presumably a mistake for τάς φδάς. 1 If so, είδος has in this passage its natural meaning of sorts, types, styles,2 and throws no light on ειδύλλια unless we are to accept the least unacceptable explanation of the scholia (which approximates to that of Christ and Wilamowitz) that it means poems in different styles. However this may be, it may be noted that, if any of these explanations is correct, it would follow that though a collection of poems might be called είδη, εΙδύλλια, a single poem could hardly be called είδος or είδυλλιον except as a component of, or an excerpt from, such a collection; and therefore that the word cannot have been applied to the Idylls until they were collected— that is, according to received opinion, not by Theocritus himself.3 9. Dialect The poems here printed fall into different groups in the matter of dialect and present different problems in the constitution of the text. The groups are, or appear to be,4 as follows: (i) Genuine poems in Doric: Idd. 1-7, 10, 11, 14, 15, 18, 26. (ii) Dubious or spurious poems in Doric: Idd. 8, 9, 19-21, 23, 27. (iii) Poems prevailingly in Epic dialect with an admixture of Doric: Idd. 13, 16, 17, 24. (iv) Poems in Epic and Ionic: Idd. 12, 22, 25. (v) Poems in Aeolic: Idd. 28-31. The Doric in Groups 1-3 bristles with difficulties, and it must be plainly said that in these groups no modern text can hope to present with precise accuracy the dialect employed by the poets.5 (i) Genuine Poems in Doric In considering this group three important considerations must be borne in mind. First, Doric was not like Aeolic a strictly local 1 Or possibly τοις εΐδεσι for ταΐς ωδαΐς. It may be noted that three of the four mss have similarly written είδών for ωδών despite the feminine δοκούσας. 2 Similarly Suid. s.v. Σωτάδης: είσΐ δέ αύτοΟ είδη πλείστα* οίον εΙ$ "Αιδου κατάβαση * ΤΤρίηπος* είς Βελεστίχην 'Αμαθών καΐ έτερα: ci. Menand. Rhet. praef. (3.331 Walz). 3 Since the word is so obscure, the peculiar use of είδος in the sense of document (illustrated in Preisigke Worterb. d. Gr. Pap. s.v.), which goes back at any rate to papyri of the 2nd cent, A.D., seems to deserve mention. 4 Notes on Idd. 12, 22, 24 appear in the prefaces to those Idylls. 5 See on T.'s Doric Hiller-Fritzsche 299, Cholmeley 2 417, Wilamowitz Textg. 18, Gallavotti xliii.
lxxii
DIALECT dialect; it was one of the two broad divisions of the Greek language and spoken with pronounced local variations from one end of the Greek world to the other, and Theocritus uses concurrently Doric forms not found together in any variety of spoken Doric. 1 Secondly he uses forms which are not Doric at all, some Epic and attributable to the metre in which he writes, 2 and a few which seem on the evidence available to be rather Aeolic than Doric. 3 Thirdly, in the third century and for a learned audience, to write in Doric at all was something of a mannerism or conscious rusticity,4 and Theocritus himself, though no doubt familiar with the Doric of his native Syracuse and of Cos, presumably talked otherwise in conversation with his cultured and sophisticated friends in Alexandria. In short Theocritus's dialect is artificial, peculiar to himself, and not consistent even in his own usage. He is not writing his native Syracusan, nor is he imitating those who had written it before him (Epicharmus and Sophron, for instance) as in the Aeolic poems he imitates Sappho and Alcaeus, nor again is he trying to reproduce the dialect of a particular place as Aristophanes tries to reproduce the dialects of Laconia or Megara or Boeotia. As Burns modified his native Ayrshire dialect with words drawn both from other parts of Scotland and from literature, so Theocritus, but much more freely. There are, therefore, no external criteria by which his Doric can be tried. An editor can alter or reject Attic or κοινή forms in favour of Doric, and he can, though less confidently, eliminate pseudo-Doric forms as due to copyists, but where true but alternative Doric forms are offered he has only the mss and papyri to guide him, and since in both the dialect is hopelessly vitiated he will often be reduced to almost random choice. Two instances will indicate the kind of problem with which the editor of such a text is constantly confronted. 1 E.g. Id. 1.90 τάς παρθένος, 91 όφθαλμώς. The ace. plur. in -os, regular in Coan inscriptions (Bechtel Gr. Dial. 2.572), is guaranteed by metre in seven places and may well have been obliterated in others where it is not so. T. may also have used -ους (which is Syracusan), for ώμους has formidable authority at 7.107. -ως (and -ω in the gen. sing.) he may borrow from Magna Graecia (see p. xx n. 2 above). 2 E.g. genitives in -010 and unaugmented past tenses. At 4.57 κομόωντι (if that is what T. wrote) combines an Epic formation with a Doric termination. 3 E.g. 7.40 νίκημι: cf. 1.1, 36, 5.61, 15.126ml. It may be noted that the fern, participial termination -οισα, which was considered an Aeolism, is now known also from the inscriptions of Cyrene (1.26η.). It is possible therefore that seeming Aeolisms are derived from some local variety of Doric. Callimachus in Doric 'ambics has εμμι and άττύ (jr. 197.2, 42). 4 Cf. Probus on Virg. Eel. p. 326 Thilo: Graecis sermo sic uidetur diuisus ut Doris dialectos qua ilk [sc. Theocritus] scripsit rustica habeatur. opportunum fait ergo ei, qui pastores inferebat, ea lingua disputasse.
lxxiii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS Theocritus, if his mss are to be believed, often, but not consistently, wrote -σδ- for -3-: 1.1 άδύ τι τό ψιθύρισμα και α πίτυς... μελίσδεται, άδύ δέ καΐ τύ σνρίσδες. | ί ι , our oldest exemplar, always, in the passages it happens to conserve,1 writes -3-, though in all but two of them the mss are unanimous for -σδ-. It might there fore be thought that -σδ- should be banished from the text; but -σδis guaranteed in the passage quoted by notes in the scholia which may well be as old as or older than $ i , 2 and since they describe -σδ- as an Aeolism the -3- of 3βι may be due to a deliberate attempt to correct the dialect.3 But if in fact Theocritus used both -3- and -σδthe motive determining his choice in a given passage is undiscoverable, and where there is a substantial conflict of authorities4 an editor has no rational ground for taking sides. Again there are two possible alternatives to the infinitive termina tion -ειν in Doric, -ην and -εν. In Theocritus a short syllable is guaranteed by metre at 5.7, 36, 6.26; a long at 10.2, 51, 11.20, 59, 71, 15.26, 18.14. Where metre supplies no criterion the mss are apparently unanimous for -εν in six places,5 for -ειν in about twenty; nowhere so for -ην. Where they are divided, it appears from Ahrens's apparatus that sometimes all three forms appear,6 but that -ειν is more commonly varied by -ην than by -εν. The only papyri which contain relevant passages are $2 and ^ 3 . $2 twice confirms a unanimous -ειν, and at 7.94 favours -ειν against -εν. Where the mss are unanimous ^ 3 supports -εν at 10.58 and -ειν three times: but at 15.93 it has Δωρίσδειν where the mss agree on -εν, and in four places -ην against their -ειν: and at 15.60, where they have -ειν, it has -ην with suprascript ει. Where they are divided it supports -ειν three times, -ην once. Wilamowitz and modern editors exclude -ην altogether,7 and write -ειν except where the evidence is unanimous for -εν, and the text here printed follows them;8 but though this is a consistent principle there is no reason to suppose that it will 1
3.14, 7.16, 108, 124, 143, 8.11, 12. Cf. Et. M. 411.57, where the passage is cited with other examples to illustrate -σδ- as Doric. 3 Later papyri sometimes write -3- against the mss (e.g. 7.108, 15.88, 18.32), sometimes -σδ- where the mss have -3- (e.g. 5.111, 113, 15.122); cf. 15.28. 4 As, e.g., at 3.16; cf. 15.27η. 5 1.14, 16 (συρίσδ€ν: attested by the scholium to 1.3), 10.58, 11.38, 77, 15.93· 6 E.g. 10.56 άείδειν KH, -ην AL, -εν cett. 7 This is in accord with the statement in the Prolegomena to the scholia (p. 6 Wendel) ό Θεόκριτος Δωρίδι διαλέκτω κέχρηται τη νέα. δύο γάρ είσι, τταλαιά καΐ νέα· καΐ ή μεν τταλαιά τραχεία τίς έστι και ουκ ευνόητος* ή δέ νέα, ή καΐ Θεόκριτος χρήται, μαλθακωτέρα καΐ ενκολωτέρα. 8 And therefore introduces Δωρίσδειν at 15-93· 2
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DIALECT reproduce accurately what Theocritus wrote: he may sometimes or often have written -ην, and he may have written -εν much oftener than now appears. Problems of this kind however, though troublesome to an editor, are not so to a modern reader. The nuances which might decide Theocritus between μαστί3θΐεν and μαστίσδοιεν, between άείδειν and άείδην and άείδεν, are now too subtle to be grasped, and if we were sure, as we are not, which Theocritus chose, we could not appreciate the reasons for, or the effect of, his choice. Some similar problems are discussed in the notes, but a good many are passed over, and my apparatus records them sparingly except where the fiiller reporting of the papyri otherwise entails. And since to tinker with the text in such details is as likely to deprave as to improve it, I have in general been content to follow Wilamowitz. Of even less importance to the reader are the problems of Doric accentuation. The sparsely accented papyri1 and the mss both contain traces of unfamiliar accentual systems, but they are not consistendy employed and the mss disagree not seldom with the papyri and the precepts of grammarians. Thus, for instance, while ψι has 7.109 dAXcos, 141 κορυδοι, ^ 3 14.20 φωνεύντες, 02 μάλλον, and ^ 4 16.41 εύρέιαν, 26.12 Ιδοίσα, the mss (to judge from Ahrens) have the normal accents. They do not write τηνεΐ, τουτεϊ with Herodian, nor πάντως, τηνών with Apollonius Dyscolus, nor even (1.50) παίδιον, (1.83) φορήται with their own scholia. Conversely at 7.83 they have Κομάτα but |Ϊ2 Κομάτα. Ahrens and Wilamowitz were inclined to preserve the anomalous accents of the mss, and in a matter so obscure I have usually been content to follow them and to disregard the papyri. There is some consolation in the reflexion that Theocritus himself employed no accents, that even if the systems from which the anomalies proceed were known, we could not tell which, or whether any, represented his own pronunciation or that which he thought appropriate to his synthetic dialect, and that his pronunciation is no longer relevant to the understanding or appreciation of his poems.2 (ii) Dubious and spurious poems in Doric The problem of the second group resembles that of the first, but whereas Theocritus, being himself a Dorian, may be assumed with 1 The accents inp.Ox. 694, p.Ber. 5017 present no anomalies. P.Ox. 1806 contains only one accent, and that is on an unidentified word. 2 On accents see Wilamowitz Textg. 16, 251, Hunt and Johnson Two Theocritus Papyri 4,22; and on Doric accentuation generally Thumb-Kiekers Gr. Dial. 1.74 and literature there cited; also Kuhner-Blass Gr. Gramm. 1.324, Schwyzer Gr. Gramm. 1. 384, Postgate Gk Ace. 90, Vendryes Traitt a" Accent. 259, Mim. Soc. Lingu. 21.68.
lxxv
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS some, if not complete, confidence to have been protected by a natural feeling for his native idiom from employing hyperdorisms—forms, that is, which are Doric in appearance but incorrectly formed l —the same assumption cannot safely be made about anonymous poets. Wilamowitz therefore left such things uncorrected in the seven poems of this group. Against this it may be said that these poems no less than those of Theocritus himself have been exposed to the accidents of transmission, and there is some unfairness in denying to them the protection extended to him; and since most of the poems are imitations of Theocritus it is to be supposed that when their authors used words which occur in his poems they used the forms they found there. And so far as Idd. 8 and 9 are concerned this argument seems valid. The author of Id. 8 is a skilful poet and, if not Theocritus himself, not far removed from him in date. And the textual history of Idd. 8 and 9 is identical with that of the genuine bucolic Idylls. The author of 8 therefore should not be credited (as he was by Legrand) both with 3 ανάβω and with 93 σκρηβος: the two words should conform, and unless Wilamowitz was right in altering άναβον at 5.87 (where see n.) their central vowel should be a. Similarly if μαλον, sheep, is removed as a hyperdorism from 1.109, 3.46 and 4.10 it should be removed also from 8.2, 16, 56. The other poems in the group however have not the same ms tradition as 8 and 9, and moreover they are all, so far as can be seen, of considerably later date, and dialects were steadily yielding to the κοινή. Their authors may well have known Theocritus in texts where depravation of dialect had already made headway, and it may be that no injustice is done by crediting the author of 27.69 with μαλον.2 In these poems, therefore, I have followed Wilamowitz in leaving ill alone. (in) Epic poems with an admixture of Doric* In this group of poems it seems in varied degrees plain from the ms evidence that Theocritus modified the conventional epic dialect with Doric elements. The motive is obscure. The Dorisms can hardly be 1
The common case is of course the substitution of α for η as in ττοιμάν for ποιμήν presented by practically all the mss at 1.7,15. It should however be said that neither in this nor in the preceding group of poems are hyperdorisms on which the mss agree numerous. 2 See on the word Ahrens Dial. Dor. 153; μαλοκόμοζ occurs in the hymn to Isis from Andros (I.G. 12.5.739: 1. 164), which Wilamowitz thought not much later in date than Theocritus (Textg. 20). 3 See Wilamowitz Textg. 65, 98, Isyllos 25.
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DIALECT due to the fact that Theocritus was himself a Dorian, for Idd. 12 and probably 22 contained none, and, as has been said, the Doric of his other poems is not a vernacular. It may be that the admixture was felt to infuse a little freshness into a conventional form, and in Idd. 13 and 24 to suit the small-scale unheroic treatment of epic themes favoured by Theocritus and Callimachus. It may be noted that in his fifth and sixth hymns Callimachus employs, not indeed the sporadic Dorisms of these poems, but an artificial Doric resembling that of the poems in Group i. Whatever Theocritus's motive here, the same admixture of Doric is found in the poems of Isyllus of Epidaurus, approximately his contemporary. Since those poems are known only from the marble slab on which they were originally inscribed there is no question of the dialect having been vitiated in the process of transmission, though it is less plain that in Isyllus the mixture is a conscious artifice. The problem presented by this group of poems in Theocritus is how to choose where the mss are divided between Doric and nonDoric forms. An editor has no means of solving it and can have no confidence that his choices, even if they reproduce what was presented by the archetype of the mss, will be true to the poet's original text. In Id. 24 53> which heads the poem Δωρίδι, is, perhaps for that reason, more Doric than the one ms on which most of the poem depends, but neither authority is consistent, nor is the degree of inconsistency implied in Theocritus credible. Again I have in the main followed Wilamowitz rather than introduce Doric forms at the invitation of the papyrus. (iv) Poems in Epic and Ionic In this group also the mss present a certain number of Doric forms. That they are rightly removed from Id. 25 seems certain. It is less certain in Idd. 12 and 22, for the heading in some mss TTJ κοινή Ίάδι is not necessarily more authoritative than the Δωρίδι added to 25 in Tr and in one ms or another to all the poems in Group iii. Since however the hypothesis to Id. 12 (which is the only poem in the group to possess scholia) expressly asserts that it is in Ionic, I follow Ahrens and Wilamowitz in removing Dorisms from all these poems. (v) Poems in Aeolic Idd. 28, 29, 30, and the scanty remains of a fourth poem preserved in $ 3 are written in the Aeolic dialect of Lesbos and in metres used by Sappho and Alcaeus. They present, therefore, a different problem from those of the preceding groups, for Lesbian, unlike Doric, was lxxvii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS a strictly local dialect and Theocritus has here set himself the task of reproducing the poetical idiom of two seventh-century Aeolicspeaking poets. What qualifications he brought to his task we cannot be sure. He was no doubt thoroughly familiar with the texts of Sappho and Alcaeus current in his day, he may have visited Lesbos or the Aeolicspeaking parts of Asia Minor, and he shows elsewhere some interest of a more or less scholarly kind in dialects (see 2.156,12.13,18.48 nn.); but by the third century B.C. the Aeolic dialect was in full decay and its seventh-century idiom and vocabulary, except in so far as they were preserved in the poems, were gone beyond recall. Theocritus could hope to produce something which would strike his contem poraries as a plausible imitation of Alcaeus, and perhaps to please them here and there with some scrap of recondite knowledge. To produce something which would at all points have satisfied Alcaeus himself was plainly beyond his powers and probably beyond his ambition. Theocritus's Aeolic poems, like those of Sappho and Alcaeus, contain non-Aeolic elements, which Lobel* has shown to be unevenly distributed over the earlier poetry. There he distinguished three strata of linguistic usage, represented respectively in the 'normal' poems of Sappho, in the poems of Alcaeus, and in the 'abnormal* poems of Sappho. The 'normal* poems of Sappho appear to be written in the actual speech of Sappho and her contemporaries in Lesbos, and therefore not in a literary or artificial dialect. Alcaeus admits the use of words, forms, and metrical devices, mainly at any rate derived from Epic, which are absent from Sappho's 'normal' poems, while in her 'abnormal' poems similar departures from the spoken tongue of Lesbos are more marked than in Alcaeus.2 This trichotomy was no doubt unnoticed by Theocritus, but since his model in Idd. 29 and 30 at any rate is Alcaeus, he would, had he noticed it, have been under no obligation to confine himself to the limits of the 'normal' Sappho. In fact he allows himself the liberties of the 'abnormal' Sappho and admits usages which, so far as our evidence goes, Alcaeus would have excluded. For instance though 'Epic correption' is not uncommon in 'abnormal' Sappho, the only example so far known in Alcaeus is the correption of καί in the proverbial phrase which Theocritus quotes from him at the 1
ΣΑΠΦΟΥΣ ΜΕΛΗ χχν, ΑΛΚΑΙΟΥ ΜΕΛΗ ix. These two books are cited hereafter as Lobel S., and A. 2 Since it is plain that the * abnormal' poems must have been included in copies of Sappho current in the 3rd century B.C., the question whether their abnormalities are a ground for supposing them spurious has no relevance here.
lxxviii
DIALECT beginning of Id. 29 (Lobel S. lx), yet Theocritus (who has τέρψομ' ΐδων at 28.6 and εσσετ' έρωία at 30.6) writes at 29.13 άπίξετάΐ άγριον: again he several times leaves short vowels unlengthened before a following mute and liquid ('Attic correption'), a practice rare in the 'abnormal' poems and apparently excluded both from the 'normal' poems and from those of Alcaeus (Lobel S. xliii). How far Theocritus's choice of non-Lesbian vocabulary and word-forms exceeds what Alcaeus would have permitted might well be impossible to determine even if we had the whole of Alcaeus before us, and since Theocritus was plainly justified in the principle, such errors and excesses as he may have committed in its application are of little moment. And indeed, finding Epic forms in Alcaeus and in portions of Sappho, he might reasonably have concluded that they were admissible wherever* they were convenient, or even have inferred that they properly belonged to the Lesbian dialect. That Theocritus's Aeolic has been corrupted in transmission hardly requires proof. Even the scanty fragments of the poems in ^ 3 , which already contain a number of non-Aeolic forms, provide for the first time 30.26 νικάσην, and confirm in other places Aeolic forms restored by conjecture. Since in pastiches of this kind the easiest part of the poet's task is to reproduce the superficial appearance of his models, it seems a reasonable principle and guide to further restoration to assume that Theocritus did not use non-Aeolic forms where the Aeolic were known to him and metrically as convenient to his purpose as the non-Aeolic. For instance the Aeolic infinitive in -ην is attested at 29.30 συλλάβην, 30.6 έπιτύχην, 8 ποτίδην, 19 ποντοπόρην, 26 νικάσην, 27 ευρην, and it is difficult to believe the tradition which credits him with 29.4 φιλέειν, 19 ττνέειν, 20, 28 εχειν, 3ΐ πέλειν, 35 φέρειν, 3°· Ι 4 φρονέειν, 29 έλκειν. Similarly since we are presented with 28.4 Cm' άπάλω, 29.13 άττίξεται, 30.31 έττάμερον, we may assume psilosis throughout. This principle how ever, though it will enable us to introduce some uniformity into the text, will not carry us very much further. Where words used by Theocritus occur hi the remains of the Lesbian poets, we may perhaps be justified in assuming that he remembered them there, and that they were written in his texts in the form in which they are known to us: if so we shall write, e.g., 29.9 oviais for avfcas, and 29.15, 30.19 άτερος for έτερος. Again, though with much less confidence, we may perhaps trust grammarians and write 28.6, 30.17 ξέννον for ξεΐνον, though in the second place the quantity of the first syllable is in different and at 28.23 ξένω is certified by metre. Add to such doubts as these the numerous words of which we do not know the Lesbian
lxxix
T H E T E X T OF T H E P O E M S
forms nor whether Theocritus found them in his models or not, and it is plain that we cannot accurately reconstitute what he wrote. We are moreover bound to act throughout on the principle that texts of the Lesbian poets current in the third century B.C. did not differ greatly in orthography from the earliest known to us, none of which is older than the Christian era; for if in fact they differed we cannot guess in what way. If that necessary assumption is also true, a text of Theocritus's Aeolic poems which in general resembles our texts of Sappho and Alcaeus, though it may be wrong in many details, will not be seriously misleading; and even if seriously misleading it will produce on us much the effect which Theocritus sought to produce on the audience for whom he wrote. For these reasons the text printed below goes as far as any of its predecessors in restoring the dialect. It may be judged to go too far, and certainly to correct when possible is a dangerous principle where there is so much which is beyond correction. It is however worth remembering that though it would be of interest to know the exact form which Theocritus gave to these imitations, the information would be of much more interest to students of Sappho and Alcaeus than to students of Theocritus him self; and also that if we sometimes replace with a correct Lesbian form one which, though incorrect, was what Theocritus wrote, he himself would have been likely to wdcome the depravation of his text. How much Theocritus knew or cared about Aeolic pronunciation it is useless to enquire, and of course accents were no more written by him than by the poets he is imitating; but if his Aeolic poems should so far as possible conform in externals to their exemplars it seems necessary to accent them as printed texts of Sappho and Alcaeus are accented. $ 3 has no accents in the remains of these poems, but the mss provide a good many examples of Aeolic barytonesis.1 10. The Scholia For the purposes of this edition it is unnecessary to consider the history of the scholia at length. The edition which I have used is C. Wendel's Scholia in Theoaitum Vetera (Leipzig, 1914), and (i) below summarises very briefly his pages x-xx. Wendel followed his edition by a substantial work entitled Ueberlieferung una Entstehung 1
E.g. 28.1 ff. γλαύκας, γύναιξιν, ϊρον, χλώρον. On Aeolic accentuation see Kiihner-Blass Gr. Gramm. 1.323, Schwyzer Gr. Gramm. 1.383, Hoffmann Gr. Dialekte 2.526, Postgate Gk. Ace. 93, Vendryes Traite d* Accent. 256. I have followed Lobel in accepting some unexplained accents from the papyri of Sappho and Alcaeus. lxxx
THE SCHOLIA der Theokrit-Scholien (AbhandL d. Gott. Gesellsch. d. Wissenschaften 17.2: Berlin, 1920), which I have used in (ii) together with Ahrens Buc. Gr. 2. xxvi, Fritzsche de Poet. Gr. Buc. (Giessen, 1844), Wilamowitz Herakles1 1.187 ( = Einleitung in d. Gr. Trag. 188), Textg. 107. The editio princeps of the scholia is that appended by Callierges to his text of 1516 (see p. xlv); for the editions between Callierges and Wendel see Ahrens Buc. Gr. 2. v, and for a criticism of Ahrens's edition Wendel Scholia v. (i) The Families The ancient scholia, which survive only for Idd. 1-18, 28, 29, have reached us not complete but in three distinguishable forms of abbreviation, to which Wendel attached respectively the names Ambrosian, Vatican, and Laurentian. (1) Ambrosian version. This is preserved only in Κ and in two 15th-century copies, cod. Ambros. 52 (A 155 sup.) and cod. Vat. Barb. Gr. 214, of which the second is derived from the first, not direct from K. (2) Vatican version. The principal representatives of this version are LUEA. G belongs to this family in Idd. 1-7.37 and in 11-15, but from 7.40-10 to the Laurentian. Closely akin to it in Idd. 11-15 is P, which in Idd. 1, 3-10 is the chief representative of the Laurentian version. (3) Laurentian version. This version, though probably once more comprehensive, is now known only for Idd. 1, 3-10. In addition to the parts of Ρ and G above mentioned, it is contained in T, but Τ contains also the Vatican version and sometimes instead of setting down both substitutes a conflated note. Of the three versions of the commentary the Ambrosian is the most valuable. It contains much that the others omit, and presents many notes common to others in better form than they. Both the other versions however contain matter absent from the Ambrosian, but the Laurentian contains less than the Vatican, and differs more from the other two than they differ from each other. It appears to be an abbreviated version of a version closely akin to the Vatican, so that the descent of the scholia would seem to be in skeleton form α Ambr.
^β Vat.
Laur.
The archetype was apparently a composite work containing some times notes in two or three different forms, one of which may be Ixxxi GT
6
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
derived from the other; and since the extant versions and mss often present the same note but in a different place, it would seem that such notes formed in the archetype glosses or addenda and were not part of the main body of scholia. Wendel supposed the archetype to have been of the ioth or n t h century. (ii) The Commentators The scholars whose commentaries on Theocritus are known to have contributed to the surviving scholia seem to fall chronologically into three distinct groups, in the first of which must be placed Theon, whose υπομνήματα, composed apparently in the Augustan period, have already been mentioned (p. lx). The name of Theon does not indeed occur in the scholia to Theocritus as it does in those to Apollonius and Nicander, but since Theocritus was among the poets he studied it cannot be doubted that his commentary underlies many parts of the existing collection. To the first group belongs also Asclepiades of Myrlea, whom the scholia cite three or four times for explanations, and twice as supporting variants or proposing emendations.1 Asclepiades wrote before Strabo, who cites him,2 and he probably belongs to the first century B.C., but whether he preceded or followed Theon cannot be determined,3 nor is it plain how much of Theocritus his work embraced. In the second and following centuries A.D. the prose writers— Lucian, Longus, Alciphron, Aristaenetus—bear witness to a con tinued interest in bucolic poetry. To the late first and the second centuries belong the earliest Theocritean papyri, and to the second are assigned, though on somewhat insecure grounds, a second group of Theocritean commentators, Munatius, Theaetetus, and Amarantus. Munatius,4 identified with Munatius of Tralles who is mentioned as among the teachers of Herodes Atticus,5 is cited eight times in the scholia, and in three of the citations censured (with an asperity which suggests a near contemporary) for blunders as to characters mentioned in the Idylls.6 Two of the blunders are remarkable. In Id. η he named 1
2 1.118,5.94. 3.157. The long excerpt from Asclepiades on the Νέστορα in Ath. 11.488 Aff. contains references to Dionysius Thrax and to Promathidas, and supplies the only terminus post quern for his activities. Wendel (T.-Scholien 81) held Asclepiades to be earlier than Theon on the ground that his ΒιθΟνιακά are more than once cited in the scholia to Apollonius, the kernel of which goes back to Theon; the argument however is inconclusive. 4 The name sometimes appears as Mouvcrros or Μουνάτος in the mss. 6 5 Philostr. Vit. Soph. 564. lad. 3» 7, 173
lxxxii
THE SCHOLIA Phrasidamus and Antigenes as the poet's companions on his walk, in flat disregard both of the opening lines of the poem and of the Argument; and in Id. 17 he identified the Ptolemy of the poem with Pt. Philopator, though the correct identification with Pt. Philadelphus is repeatedly made in the scholia.1 From these facts Wendel drew the reasonable inference that Munatius's notes were no revision of an existing commentary but an independent work, composed without reference to those of his predecessors though subsequently conflated with them. Theaetetus, four times cited in the scholia to Id. i, 2 is a more enigmatic figure, and indeed it cannot be regarded as certain that the citations are from a commentary on Theocritus at all, though the dissimilarity of the subjects discussed makes it likely. Wendel's view that he belonged to the second century depends on the assumption that the note on 1.110, which names Theaetetus, Munatius, and Ptolemaeus the son of Aristonicus, enumerates them in reverse chronological order; for Ptolemaeus, whose father was a con temporary of Strabo,3 must belong to the first century A.D. Amarantus, the third commentator assigned to this group, is, like Theon, nowhere mentioned in the scholia, but his υπομνήματα on Theocritus are cited in the Etymologicum Genuinum s.vv. ασπάλαθος and διεκρανώσατε. He was identified by Warton with an Amarantus from whom Galen derived two prescriptions.4 A maintenance or revival of interest in Theocritus and Bucolic is apparent from the fourth to the sixth century and is evidenced not only in the poems of Quintus, Nonnus, Tryphiodorus, and the epigrammatists, Christian poets, and prose writers of the period, but also in the numerous Theocritean papyri of the fifth century; and it was to this period that Ahrens assigned two of the group of com mentators just considered, Munatius and Theaetetus. Theaetetus was identified by him 5 with the epigrammatist Theaetetus Scholasticus of the time of Justinian, and an Eratosthenes who appeared to have composed the Argument to Id. 12 was assumed to be the epigram matist of the same period. In Munatius (or Munatus) he declined to recognise the instructor of Herodes, and he assigned him to the fourth century on the ground that the apparently contemporary censure 1
2 See p. xxix n. 5. 50, no, 118, 147. 3 Strab. 1.38. 4 Gal. 13.84, 14.208. In the second place Amarantus is called γραμματικός, but the identification is insecure, nor is it plain that Galen's prescriptions are derived from a contemporary. An Amarantus whose work ττερί σκηνής is twice cited by Athenaeus (8.343 F, 10.414E) is called ό 'Αλεξανδρή. 5 Following Fritzsche.
lxxxiii
THE TEXT OF THE POEMS
passed on him probably dated from that period. The identifications of Theaetetus and Eratosthenes are plausible, for the epigrams of both contain Theocritean reminiscences,1 but Wilamowitz, who accepted Eratosthenes as an editor of the commentary, expressed doubt about the identification of Theaetetus,2 and Wendel would dispose alto gether of Eratosthenes's claim to have written the Argument.3 However this may be, it is probable that the scholia were rehandled at this period, though the absence of references to grammarians later than the second century makes it likely that they received no important additions after that date. The third group of Theocritean commentators belongs to the Byzantine renaissance and calls only for brief mention here. Of a commentary by Tzetzes only traces survive.4 Moschopulus com posed one on the first eight Idylls, to accompany similar selections from other Greek poets and connected with a somewhat ampler commentary by his master Planudes.5 The edition of Triclinius, represented in the ms Tr, contains, besides Moschopulus's com mentary on Idd. 1-8 and excerpts from the ancient scholia, many notes expressly ascribed to Triclinius himself. These Byzantine scholia derive all of importance that they contain from the ancient scholia, but it is worth notice that whereas traces of the ancient scholia in their original and fuller form survive elsewhere—for instance in the ancient commentaries on Virgil,6 and (as has already appeared from the references to Theon and Amarantus) in Lexica—the Byzantine commentators show ho sign of having known them in any fuller version than has come down to us. 1
See A.P. 10.16 (Theaetetus), 6.78 (Eratosthenes). Textg. 1071. 3 The words ύττόθεσις Ερατοσθένους are prefixed in Τ to the Argument com mon to all three versions of the scholia, but in LUEA to a final sentence found only in the Vatican version—άίτην τον έταΤρόν φησιν κ.τ.λ. Wendel wrote Ερατοσ θένης άίτην κ.τ.λ., making Eratosthenes responsible only for the explanation of the word άίτης. 4 See on them Wendel T.-Scholien 9. 5 Wendel supposed that Planudes enlarged his pupil's commentary; Gallavotti (Stud. It. n.s. 11.308) that the Planudean was the earlier of the two. 6 Cf. 1.106, n8nn. 2
lxxxiv
TEXT AND TRANSLATION
SIGLA f>i
Pap. Oxyrhynchi 2064.
s. ii
52
Pap. Oxyrhynchi 1618.
s. ν
^3
Pap. Antinoae.
c. A . D . 500
?4
Perg. Louvre 6678 et Rainer.
C. A.D. 500
p.Ox. 1806 Pap. Oxyrhynchi 1806.
s. i
p.Ox. 694 Pap. Oxyrhynchi 694.
s. ii
p.Ber. 5017 Perg. Berolinensis.
s. vii (?)
A
Cod. Ambrosianus 390 (G 32 sup.).
s. xiii
C
Cod. Ambrosianus 104 (B 75 sup.).
s. xv-xvi
D
Cod. Parisinus Graecus 2726.
S. XV
Ε
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 42.
s. xiv
G
Cod. Laurentianus xxxii. 52.
s. xiii
Η
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 913.
s. xiii-xiv
Κ Cod. Ambrosianus 886 (C 222 inf.).
s. xiii
L Cod. Parisinus Graecus 2831.
s. xiii-xiv
Μ
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 915.
s. xiii
Ν
Cod. Athous Iberorum 161.
s. xiii-xiv
Ρ
Cod. Laurentianus xxxii. 37.
s. xiii-xiv
Q
Cod. Parisinus Graecus 2884.
A.D.
1299
s υ
Cod. Laurentianus xxxii. 16.
A.D.
1280
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 1825.
s. xiv
2
V
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 1824.
s. xv
Cod. Laurentianus Conv. Soppr. 15.
s. xiv
X
Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 1311.
s. xv
Tr
Cod. Parisinus Graecus 2832.
s. xiv
Codd. Moschopulei.
ss. xiv, xv
Edit. Mediolanensis Boni Accursii.
A.D. 1480
Aid. Aid.2
Editiones Venetae Aldi Manutii.
A.D. 1495
Iunt.
Edit. Florentina Philippi Iuntae.
A.D. 1516
Cal.
Edit. Romana Zachariae Calliergis.
A.D. 1516
W
Mosch. Med.
L
Non.
Cod. Salmanticensis 295 F. Nonii Pinciani (vid. p. xlvi). s. xvi
codd.
Codices (ei tantum qui in capite Idyllii enumerantur).
cett.
Codices ceteri (inter eos tantum qui in capite Idyllii enumerantur).
Σ
Scholia (nonnunquam adiuncto codicis siglo, ut ΣΚ).
'j
Codicum familiae (vid. p. xxxiv).
rv
Notae ad siglum antecedens pertinentes. arg. corr. v.l.
Argumentum. Correctus vel correctura. Varia lectio.
3
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ωΐΔΗ ΘΥΡΣΙΣ
Άδύ τι το ψιθύρισμα και α πίτνς, αίπόλε, τήνα, α ποτΐ ταΐς παγαΐσι, μελίσδεται, άδύ δέ και τύ συρίσδες* μετά Πάνα το δεύτερον άθλον άποιση. αϊ κα τηνος ελη κεραόν τράγον, αίγα τύ λαψη · 5 αϊ κα δ* αίγα λάβη TTJVOS γέρας, ές τέ καταρρεΐ α χίμαρος* χιμάρω δέ καλόν κρέας, εστε κ5 άμέλξης. ΑΙΠΟΛΟΣ
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λής ποτΐ ταν Νυμφαν, λης, αίπόλε, τεΐδε καθίξας, ώς το κάταντες τούτο γεώλοφον αϊ τε μυρίκαι, συρίσδεν; τάς δ' αίγας εγών εν τωδε νομευσώ. ΑΙΠΟΛΟΣ
ΐ5 ού θέμις, ώ ττοιμήν, το μεσαμβρινόν ού θέμις άμμιν συρίσδεν. τον Πάνα δεδοίκαμες* ή γάρ air* άγρας τανίκα κεκμακώς άμπαύεταιΦ εστί δέ πικρός, καί οι αεί δριμεία χολά ποτι ρινί κάθηται. αλλά τύ γάρ δή, Θύρσι, τά Δάφνιδος άλγε* αεί δες 20 και τας βουκολικας έπι το πλέον ΐκεο μοίσας, δευρ' ύπό τάν πτελέαν έσδώμεθα τώ τε Πριήποο CODD. PRIMARII: Κ
P Q W [Laur.]
AGS [Vat.]
ΡΑΡΡ.: $ ι (132-51) $ 3 (ι~3, 48-50, 59-^5» 100-5, 125-41, 150-2) $4 (ΐ4-ΐ9> 27-32, 46-52, 59-65) TITULUS : θύραις ή φδή hyp. ct vulgo ποιμήν και αΐπόλος Κ Δωρίδι add. S 2 αδυ] τε 3β$ 6 κρέας V 2 κρής codd.: cf. 5·Η0 7 ττοιμήν Η 2 ττοιμάν 4
IDYLL I THYRSIS
Sweet is the whispered music of yonder pinetree by the springs, goatherd, and sweet too thy piping. Thou wilt take second prize to Pan. If he choose the horned goat, thou shalt have the she-goat, and if he has the she-goat for his prize, the kid falls to thee. And the flesh of a kid is sweet before one milks her. GOATHERD
Sweeter, shepherd, falls thy song than yonder stream that tumbles plashing from the rocks. If the Muses take the ewe for their gift, thou shalt have as prize the stall-fed lamb, and if it be their pleasure to have the lamb, thou shalt carry off the ewe after them. THYRSIS
In the Nymphs' name, goatherd, wilt thou sit down arid pipe, here, where is this sloping knoll and the tamarisks? and I meanwhile will tend thy goats. GOATHERD
Nay, shepherd, nay; at noontide pipe we may not, for fear of Pan. For then, of a surety, he is resting wearied from the chase. And he is quick of temper and bitter wrath sits ever on his nostril. But thou, Thyrsis, art wont to sing the woes of Daphnis and art come to mastery in pastoral song. Come hither then, and let us sit beneath the elm, facing Priapus and codd. (et in 15) 9 Μοϊσαι Κ AGS Μώσαι PQW, quae codd. variatio alibi non notatur II άξή S2 άξεΐ G άξή5 vel-eis cett. 12 τεϊδε Q(?) Ahrens τήδε codd. 13 cos KPQ £sWAGS | αϊ τε Valckenaer φτε codd. 15 άμϊν Κ2 17 εστί Stob. 3.20.23 εντι codd. | δέ AGS Stob. γε KPQW 19 δη ΚΑ ττοτε S om. P Q W G 20 βωκολικάς Κ et alii, quae variatio alibi non notatur
5
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
25
30
35
40
45
so
και ταν κρανίδων κατεναντίον, φπερ 6 θώκος τηνος ό ποιμενικός και ταΐ δρύες. αϊ δε κ' άείσης ως δκα τον Λιβύαθε ποτΐ Χρόμιν άσας έρίσδων, αίγα τέ τοι δωσώ διδυματόκον ές τρίς άμέλξαι, ά δύ' εχοισ' έρίφως ποταμέλγεται ές δύο πέλλας, και βαθύ κισσυβιον κεκλυσμένον άδει κηρω, άμφώες, νεοτευχές, έτι γλυφάνοιο ποτόσδον. τω ποτΐ μεν χείλη μαρύεται ύψόθι κισσός, κισσός έλιχρύσω κεκονιμένος· ά δέ κατ* αυτόν καρπω ελιξ ειλεΐται άγαλλομένα κροκόεντι. έντοσθεν δέ γυνά, τι θεών δαίδαλμα, τέτυκται, άσκητά πέπλω τε και άμπυκι · πάρ δέ οί άνδρες καλόν έθειρά^οντες άμοιβαδίς άλλοθεν άλλος νεικείουσ' έπέεσσι* τά δ* ου φρενός άπτεται αυτάς· αλλ' δκα μέν τηνον ποτιδέρκεται άνδρα γέλαισα, άλλοκα δ* αύ ποτι τον ρίπτει νόον * οι δ* υπ* έρωτος δηθά κυλοιδιόωντες έτώσια μοχθί^οντι. τοις δέ μετά γριπευς τε γέρων πέτρα τε τέτυκται λεπράς, έφ5 ά σπεύδων μέγα δίκτυον ές βόλον έλκει ό πρέσβυς, κάμνοντι το καρτερόν άνδρι έοικώς. φαίης κεν γυίων νιν δσον σθένος έλλοπιεύειν, ώδέ οί ωδήκαντι κατ' αυχένα πάντοθεν Ινες και πολιω περ έόντι* το δέ σθένος άξιον άβας. τυτθόν δ* δσσον άπωθεν άλιτρύτοιο γέροντος περκναΐσι σταφυλαΐσι καλόν βέβριθεν άλωά, τάν ολίγος τις κώρος έφ' αιμασιαΐσι φυλάσσει ήμενος* άμφι δέ νιν δύ' αλωπεκές, ά μέν άν' δρχως φοιτή σινομένα τάν τρώξιμον, ά δ' έπι πήρα πάντα δόλον τεύχοισα το παιδίον ου πριν άνησειν φατι πριν ή άκράτιστον έπι ξηροΐσι καθίξη. αυτάρ όγ' άνθερίκοισι καλάν πλέκει άκριδοθήραν σχοίνω έφαρμόσδων μέλεται δ.έ οί ούτε τι πήρας
22 ταν KQ των PWAGS 23 ποιμενικός Q W ΚΗ ττοκα cett. 25 τέ P Q W δέ KAG νύ S
6
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Ι. ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ωΐΔΗ
the springs, where is yon shepherds' seat and the oaks. And if thou sing as once thou sangest in thy match with Chromis from Libya, then will I let thee milk three times a goat that has borne twins, one that, for all she has two kids, yet yields two pails besides. And I will give thee a deep cup, washed over with sweet wax, two-handled, and newly fashioned, still fragrant from the knife. Along the lips above trails ivy, ivy dotted with its golden clusters, and along it winds the tendril glorying in its yellow fruit. And within is wrought a woman, such a thing as the gods might fashion, bedecked with cloak and circlet. And by her two men with long fair locks contend from either side in alternate speech. Yet these things touch not her heart, but now she looks on one and smiles, and now to the other she shifts her thought, while they, long holloweyed from love, labour to no purpose. By these is carved an old fisherman, and a rugged rock whereon the old man eagerly gathers up a great net for a cast as one that labours mightily. Thou wouldst say that he was fishing with all the strength of his limbs, so do the sinews stand out all about his neck, grey-haired though he is; yet his strength is as a youth's. And a little way from the sea-worn old man there is a vineyard with a fair load of reddening clusters, guarded by a little boy who sits upon its dry-stone wall. About him hang two foxes, and one goes to and fro among the vine-rows plundering the ripe grapes, while the other brings all her wit to bear upon his wallet, and vows she will not let the lad be until [she has raided his breakfast-bread]. But the boy is plaiting a pretty cricket-cage of bonded rush and asphodel, and has more joy -ξεται cett. 27 κηρω Ε καρφ codd.: cf. 8.19,22 29 ποτΐ KAGS περί P Q W 30 κεκονιμένος P W -ισμένος cett. 36 άλλ' όκα Heinsius άλλοκα codd.: cf. 4.17 | γέλαισα Wilamowitz -οΤσα KAGS 2 -άσα PQ a -ενσα Q W -ωσα S 41 το καρτερόν PQWA Z G*S τώ καρτερώ KAG 44 ήβας S 46 περκναϊσι Briggs πυρναίαις codd. In $ 4 secunda littera, quae una servatur, ε est. 47 κώρος KPQW κοΰρο$ AGS 48 vtv Ziegler μιν *P3 codd. 49 πήραν Q W 50 τε]νχουσα 5 3 κεύθοισα Σν.1. | άνάσσειν Κ 52 άνθερίκοισι Κ Eust. 1206.7 -κεσσι cett. | άκριδοθήραν KPAGS -θήκαν Q W
7
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ούτε φυτών τοσσηνον δσον περί πλέγματι γαθεΐ. 55 π ά ν τ α δ' άμφΐ δέπας περιπέπταται υγρός .άκανθος, αίττολικόν θάημα* τέρας κέ τ υ θυμόν άτύξαι. τ ώ μέν ε γ ώ πορθμήι Καλυδνίω α ί γ α τ* έδωκα ώνον και τυρόεντα μέγον λευκοΐο γάλακτος · ουδέ τί π ω π ο τ ί χείλος έμόν θίγεν, άλλ* ετι κείται 6ο άχραντον. τ ω κά τ υ μάλα πρόφρων άρεσαίμαν αϊ κά μοι τ υ , φίλος, τον έφίμερον υμνον άείσης. κουτί τ υ κερτομέω. π ό τ α γ 3 , ώγαθέ· τ ά ν γ ά ρ άοιδάν ου τί π α είς Ά ί δ α ν γ ε τον έκλελάθοντα φυλάξεις.
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Ι. ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ωΐΔΗ
in his plaiting than care for wallet or for vines. And every way about the cup is spread the pliant acanthus. A wondrous thing it is to goatherds' eyes, a marvel that will strike thy heart with amaze; for it I paid the ferryman of Calydna a goat arid a great cheese of white milk, but never yet has it touched my lips; it lies unsullied still. Gladly would I pleasure thee therewith, my friend, if thou wilt sing to me that lovely song. I do not mock thee; nay, come, sir, for of a surety thou canst not carry thy singing to Hades that brings forgetfulness of all things.
THYRSIS
Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. Thyrsis of Etna am I, and sweet is the voice of Thyrsis. Where were ye, Nymphs, where were ye, when Daphnis was wasting? In the fair vales of Peneius or of Pindus? for surely ye kept not the mighty stream of Anapus, nor the peak of Etna, nor the sacred rill of Acis. Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. For him the jackals howled, for him the wolves; for him dead even the Hon of the forest made lament. Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. Kine in plenty about his feet, and bulls, many a heifer and many a calf lamented. Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. First came Hermes from the hill, and said,'Who torments thee, Daphnis? of whom, friend, art thou so enamoured?' intercalari vid. comm. 65 αδε ά Ρ1 Q2 W 66 π $ . . πςί Winterton π α . . πα Mosch. πή,.πα Κ πή,.πή cett. | ήθ* QA2S ηι ώρΟσαντο PQWAGS ώδύραντο KG* 72 έκλαυσε KQWG άν ?κλ- PAG2S Σ ν.1. 74 παρά PAGS 75 δέ om. Q δ' αύ S2 77 &pe°S PQW ούρεο* KAGS 78 έρασσαι QW 9
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι φίλαι, άρχετ* άοιδας. 8ο ήνθον τοί βουται, τοί ποιμένες, ωπόλοι ήνθον πάντες άνηρώτευν τί πάθοι KOCKOV. ήνθ* ό Πρίηπος κήφα βΔάφνι τάλαν, τί τυ τάκεαι; ά δέ τυ κώρα πάσας άνά κράνας, πάντ* άλσεα ποσσί φορεΐται— άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι φίλαι, άρχετ* άοιδας— 85 ^άτεισ* · ά δύσερώς τις άγαν καΐ αμήχανος έσσί· βούτας μέν έλέγευ> νΟν δ' αίπόλω άνδρΐ 2οικας. φπόλος, δκκ' έσορή τάς μηκάδας οία βατεΟνται, τάκεται όφθαλμώς δτι ού τράγος αυτός έγεντο. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι φίλαι, άρχετ* άοιδας. 90 καΐ τυ δ* έπεί κ* έσορης τάς παρθένος οία γελαντι, τάκεαι όφθαλμώς δτι ου μετά ταΐσι χορεύεις/ τώς δ* ουδέν ποτελέξαθ* ό βουκόλος, άλλα τον αυτώ άνυε πικρόν έρωτα, καΐ ες τέλος άνυε μοίρας. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. 95 ήνθέ γε μάν άδεια καΐ ά Κύπρις γελάοισα, λάθρη μέν γελάοισα, βαρύν δ* άνά θυμόν εχοισα, κεΐπε *τύ Θην τον Έρωτα κατεύχεο, Δάφνι, λυγιξεΐν ή ρ' ουκ αυτός νΕρωτος υπ* άργαλέω έλυγιχθης;' άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, πάλιν άρχετ* άοιδας. ιοο τάν δ: άρα χ ω Δάφνις ποταμείβετο * c Κύπρι βαρεία, Κύπρι νεμεσσατά, Κύπρι θνατοΐσιν απεχθής, ήδη yocp φράσδη πάνθ' άλιον άμμι δεδύκειν; Δάφνις κήν Άίδα κακόν έσσεται άλγος Έρωτι. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, πάλιν άρχετ5 άοιδας. 8ο τοί (alterum) KPQ χοΐ W om. AGS 8ι Πρίηπο$ AGS -
Ι. ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ω ΐ Δ Η
Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. The neatherds came, the shepherds came, and goatherds, and all asked what ailed him. Priapus came, and said, 'Poor Daphnis, why art thou wasting? while for thee the maiden wanders by every fount and glade— Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song— searching. Ah, truly, cursed in love and helpless art thou. Neatherd wast thou called, but now thou art like the goatherd, for he, when he sees the nannies at their sport, weeps that he was not born a goat. Begin, dear Muses, begin the pastoral song. And thou, when thou seest the maidens how they laugh, weepest because thou art not dancing with them.' To these no answer made the neatherd, but bore his bitter love, bore it even to his appointed end. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. Aye and Cypris came too, with a sweet smile, craftily smiling but with heavy wrath held back, and said, 'Surely, Daphnis, thou didst vow that thou wouldst give Love a fall, but hast thou not thyself been thrown by cruel Love?' Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. And to her at length Daphnis made answer: 'Cypris, grievous to bear, wrathful Cypris, Cypris detested by mortals, thinkest thou, then, that all my suns are set already? Even in Hades shall Daphnis be a bitter grief to Love. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. 97 κεΐπε τν KAGS κήφα τί P Q W | λυγι^ήν IOO ποταμείψατο QA ΙΟΙ θνητοΐσι $ 3 S πα]ντ' $ 3 | άλιον $ 3 Κ1 -ος cett. | άμμε $ 3 "Ερωτι KPWG -TOS QAG 2 S 104 Μουσαι II
Κ 98 ή f>* KQ άρ* cett. 102 φράσδη K 2 G 2 -δει cett. I Ι<>3 κ ή ν WMosch. κείν cett. | φιλαι $ 3
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ιο5 ου λέγεται τάν Κύπριν ό βουκόλος; ερπε ττοτ' Ίδαν, ερπε ποτ* Ά γ χ ί σ α ν τηνει δρύες ήδέ κύπειρος, αϊ δέ καλόν βομβεϋντι ποτί σμάνεσσι μέλισσαι. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοϊσαι, πάλιν άρχετ* άοιδας. ωραίος χώδωνις, έπεί καΐ μήλα νομεύει no καΐ πτώκας βάλλει καΐ θηρία πάντα διώκει. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοϊσαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. aCrris δπω$ στασή Διομήδεος άσσον Ιοϊσα, και λέγε "τον βούταν νικώ Δάφνιν, άλλα μάχευ μοι" άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοισαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. 115 ώ λύκοι, ώ θώες, ώ άν' ώρεα φωλάδες άρκτοι, χαίρεθ' · ό βουκόλος ύμμιν έγώ Δάφνις ούκέτ5 άν* ύλαν, ούκέτ* άνά δρυμώς, ούκ άλσεα, χαΐρ', Άρέθοισα, καΐ ποταμοί τοί χεΐτε καλόν κατά θύβριδος ύδωρ. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοϊσαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. no Δάφνις έγών δδε τήνο$ ό τάς βόας ώδε νομεύοον, Δάφνις ό τώς ταύρος καΐ πόρτιας ώδε ποτίσδων. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοϊσαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. ώ Πάν Πάν, εΐτ* έσσι κατ* ώρεα μακρά Λυκαίω, είτε τύγ* άμφιπολεϊς μέγα Μαίναλον, ενθ' επί νασον ΐ25 τάν Σικελάν, Έλίκας δέ λίπε ρίον αίπύ τε σαμα τηνο Λυκαονίδαο, το και μακάρεσσιν άγητόν. λήγετε βουκολικας, Μοϊσαι, ΐτε λήγετ' άοιδας. ενθ', ώναξ, καΐ τάνδε φέρευ πακτοΐο μελίπνονν έκ κηρώ σύριγγα καλόν περί χείλος έλικτάν* ΐ3ο ή γάρ έγών υπ' "Ερωτος ες "Αιδαν έλκομαι ήδη. 105 ού Graefe oO codd. Σ ιοό κύττειρον Q W G ^ 1 | ήδέ Meineke e 107 at δέ Meineke ώδε codd. Plut. Quaest. Nat. 36 ώδε codd.: cf. 5.45 109 μήλα Ahrens μαλα codd. n o πάντα KQ2AS 108 om. K P Q W A ^ 1 ταλλα PQWG 113 μαχευμαι PG 114 post 115 habent PQW 12
Ι. ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ωΐΔΗ
Is it not told of Cypris how the neatherd—? Get thee to Ida, get thee to Anchises. There are oaks and galingale, and sweetly hum the bees about the hives. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. Adonis too is in his bloom; he herds his sheep, kills hares, and hunts all manner of beasts. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. Go set thyself again before Diomede and say, " I am the vanquisher of Daphnis, the neatherd; come, fight with m e " . Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. Farewell, ye wolves and jackals and bears in your mountain caves. No more to your woods, to your groves and thickets no more, fares the neatherd Daphnis. Farewell, Arethusa, and ye rivers that down Thybris pour your fair waters. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. I am that Daphnis that herded here his cows, and watered here his bulls and calves. Begin, Muses, begin again the pastoral song. Ο Pan, Pan, whether thou art on the high hills of Lycaeus, or rangest mighty Maenalus, come to the Sicilian isle and leave the mountain peak of Helice and that high tomb of Lycaon's son wherein even the Blessed Ones delight. Cease, Muses, come cease the pastoral song. Come, my lord, and take this pipe, fragrant of honey from its compacted wax, with binding about its handsome lip, for now to Hades am I haled by Love. 116 Ομϊν Κ ι ι 8 Θύβριδος P Q N Σν.Ι. θύμβρ- WAGS Σν.Ι. Δύβρ- Κ Σν.Ι. 126 aycrrovPQW 128 φέρευ πακτοΐοΣν.1. φέρ* ενπάκτ-codd. 129 καλόν Fritzsche καλάν codd. 130 "Αιδος S2 GT
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7
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
λήγετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, ΐτε λήγετ* άοιδας. νυν ία μέν φορέοιτε βάτοι, φορέοιτε δ* άκανθαι, ά δέ καλά νάρκισσος έπ' άρκεύθοισι κομάσαι, πάντα δ' άναλλα γένοιτο, καΐ ά πίτυς δχνας ένείκαι, ΐ35 Δάφνις έπεί θνάσκει, και τάς κύνας ώλαφος ελκοι, κήξ ορέων τοι σκώπες άηδόσι γαρύσαιντο.3 λήγετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, ΐτε λήγετ' άοιδας. χώ μέν τόσσ* είπών άπεπαύσατο · τόν δ' 'Αφροδίτα ήθελ* άνορθώσαι · τά γε μάν λίνα πάντα λελοίπει ΐ4ο έκ Μοιραν, χώ Δάφνις έβα ρόον. 2κλυσε δίνα τόν Μοίσαις φίλον άνδρα, τόν ού Νύμφαισιν απεχθή. λήγετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι, ίτε λήγετ* άοιδας. και τύ δίδου τάν αίγα τό τε σκύφος, ως κεν άμέλξας σπείσω ταΐς Μοίσαις. ώ χαίρετε πολλάκι, Μοΐσαι, ΐ45 χαίρετ' · έγώ δ' ύμμιν και ες ύστερον άδιον άσώ. ΑΙΠΟΛΟΣ
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Ι. ΘΥΡΣΙΣ Η ωΐΔΗ Cease, Muses, come cease the pastoral song.
Now violets bear, ye brambles, and, ye thorns, bear violets, and let the fair narcissus bloom on the juniper. Let all be changed, and let the pine bear pears since Daphnis is dying. Let the stag worry the hounds, and from the mountains let the owls cry to nightingales.' Cease, Muses, come cease the pastoral song.
So much he said, and ended; and Aphrodite would have raised him up again, but all the thread the Fates assigned was run, and Daphnis went to the stream. The waters closed over him whom the Muses loved, nor did the Nymphs mislike him Cease, Muses, come cease the pastoral song.
And do thou give me the goat and the bowl, that I may milk her and make libation to the Muses. Farewell, many times farewell, ye Muses. A sweeter song hereafter will I sing you. GOATHERD
Filled may thy fair mouth be with honey, Thyrsis, and with the honeycomb; and mayest thou eat the sweet figs of Aegilus, for thy singing outdoes the cicada. See, here is the cup; mark, friend, how sweet it smells; thou wilt think it has been dipped at the well of the Hours. Come hither, Cissaetha; and do thou milk her. And you she-goats be not so frisky lest the he-goat rouse himself. 143 κεν KAS μιν QW vtv PG 145 w [ v $ 1 147 δέ $ i P Q W τοι KAGS Gal. 8.971 148 τύγα KQ τύγε cett. 150 δοκησεϊ* Ϊ 3 Ahrcns -acrcis codd. 151 ΚιναίΟα Σν.1.: cf. 4.46, 5.102.
15
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PAP. : ψ 3 fere integra TITULUS: Φαρμακεύτρια $ 3 NGP Serv. ad Virg. E. 8.1 -ton KAS Ath. 11.475 Ε Eust. 1767.20 Δωρίδι add. $ 3 KAGP 3 βαρυν εύντα Stephanus βαρυνευντα codd. | φίλα Κ11 καταδήσομαι ^ 3 Toup e Σ καταθύσομαι codd. 4 τάλα$ KS* τάλαν f ^ W A N S | ποθίκει Meineke πο6*
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I D Y L L II Where are my bay-leaves ? Bring me them, Thestylis. And where my magic stuffs ? Wreathe the bowl with fine crimson wool that I may bind a spell upon my love, so hard to me. For eleven days now he has not even visited me, the wretch, and knows not so much as whether I am dead or alive. Nay, he has not once knocked at my door, so cruel is he. Of a surety Love and Aphrodite have carried elsewhither his fickle fancy. To-morrow I will go to Timagetus' wrestlingschool to see him, and will reproach him that he treats me so; but now I will bind him with fire-spells. Nay, shine bright, Ο Moon, for to thee, goddess, will I softly chant, and to Hecate of the world below, before whom even the dogs stand shivering, as she comes over the graves of the dead and the dark blood. Hail, grim Hecate, and to the end attend me, and make these drugs of mine as potent as those of Circe or Medea or golden-haired Perimede. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. First barley groats smoulder on the fire. Nay, strew them on, Thestylis. Poor fool, whither have thy wits taken wing? Am I become a mock, then, even to thee, wretch? Strew them on, and say the while, 'I strew the bones of
Delphis'. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Delphis brought trouble on me, and I for Delphis burn this bay. And as the bay-leaves crackle loud in the fire, and J ΐκει Κποθ* ήκει $Ϊ3 cett. 5 3°°i S 3 S 3 ω ο * c e t t · 9 ττοιή* ? 3 0 M[IV] εκ θυμού ^ 3 | καταδήσομαι φ 3 Toup κοτταθύσομαι codd. 14 όπάδει ΚΑ -ήδει ;Ρ3 N S 2 -αδοις W : cf. 166 15 τ α ν τ ' Κ ταυθ' φ 3 cett.: cf. 7.106 | Κίρκα? iP3 Valckenaer -ης codd. 18 πρατον $ 3 W πρώτον cett. | κάεται Σν.1. 19 ττη (ex πει ut vid.) $ 3 | έκπεπότασαι JP3W -ησαι cett. 20 θην ψ3 τοι codd. 21 όστία £ 3 K W -έα ANS 24 κως ψ} \ λακεΐKW -κή $ 3 A N S | καπ(π)υρίσασα codd. κακπνρ- Et.M. 250.37 κακκ.πυρ- <Ρ3
17
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
25 κήξαπίνας άφθη κουδέ σττοδόν εΐδομες αύτας, ούτω τοι και Δέλφις ένΐ φλογι σάρκ* άμαθύνοι. Ινγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ποτΙ δώμα τόν άνδρα. 33 νυν θυσώ τα πίτυρα. τυ δ \ "Αρτεμι, καΐ τόν έν "Αιδα κινήσαις αδάμαντα και ει τί περ ασφαλές άλλο— 35 Θεστυλί, ταΐ κύνες άμμιν ανά πτόλιν ώρύοντακ ά θεός έν τριόδοισιΦ το χαλκέον ως τάχος άχει. Ιυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ττοτΐ δώμα τόν άνδρα. ήνίδε σιγή μέν πόντος, σιγώντι δ' άηται · ά δ* έμά ου σιγή στέρνων εντοσθεν ανία, 4ο άλλ* επί τήνω πάσα καταίθομαι δς με τάλαιναν αντί γυναικός εθηκε κακάν και άπάρθενον ή μεν. ιυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ποτι δώμα τόν άνδρα. 28 29 3ο 3ΐ 32
ως τούτον τ ό ν κηρόν έ γ ώ συν δαίμονι τάκω, ως τάκοιθ' υ π ' έρωτος ό Μύνδιος αυτίκα Δέλφις. χώς δινεΐθ* δδε ρόμβος ό χάλκεος έξ 'Αφροδίτας, ως τηνος δινοΐτο π ο θ ' άμετέραισι θύραισιν. ΐνγξ, έλκε τ υ τηνον έμόν π ο τ ι δώμα τ ό ν άνδρα.
43 ές τρις ά π ο σ π έ ν δ ω και τρις τάδε, π ό τ ν ι α , φωνώ Φ
είτε γυνά τήνω παρακέκλιται είτε καΐ άνήρ, 45 τόσσον εχοι λάθας όσσον ποκά Θησέα φαντί έν Δία λασθημεν έυπλοκάμω Άριάδνας. Ιυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ποτι δώμα τόν άνδρα. ιππομανές φυτόν έστι παρ* Άρκάσι, τω δ' έπι πασαι και πώλοι μαίνονται άν3 ώρεα και θοαι ίπποι · so ως και Δέλφιν ΐδοιμι, καΐ ές τόδε δώμα περάσαι μαινομένω ΐκελος λιπαρας έκτοσθε παλαίστρας. ιυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ποτι δώμα τόν άνδρα. 25 εΐδομες $ 3 K S 2 8 D ^ J ^ V W A N S 26 άμαθύνοι Κ W -η A N S 28-32 post42 habent 3β$Κ 31 τήνος Κ κείνος W A N S | ποτ' φ$Μ. | άμετέραισι Ούραισι Brunck -ήσι, -αισι j£3 -Τ|ΟΊ, -ησι coda. 33 "Αδα Κ "Αδη W A N S Αιδηι ψ3 34 αδάμαντα Κ {>' άδάμ- W A N S 35 ωρύοντι Κ $6 χαλκίον Κ 18
II. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
catch of a sudden, and we see not even the ash of them, so may the flesh of Delphis waste in the flame. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Now will I burn the bran. And thou, Artemis, hast power to move Hell's adamant and aught else as stubborn—Thestylis, the dogs are howling in the town; the goddess is at the cross roads. Quick, clash the bronze. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Lo, still is the sea, the breezes still; yet not still the torment in my breast, but all on fire am I for him that has made me, alas, no wife but a wretched thing, no maiden now. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. As, with the goddess's aid, I melt this wax, so straight way may Delphis of Myndus waste with love. And as by Aphrodite's power turns this brazen rhomb, so may he turn about my door. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Thrice do I make libation, Lady, and thrice cry thus: whether it be woman that lies by him now, or whether man, may he as clean forget them as once, men say, Theseus forgot in Dia the fair-tressed Ariadne. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Coltsfoot is an Arcadian weed, and for it all the foals, all the swift mares run mad upon the hills. So may I see Delphis, and so like one maddened may he come to this house from the bright wrestling-school. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. 38 μήν<Ρ3 43 και es τρις $ 3 45 λάθος WGMP 46 λασβήμενΚΜοκοΙι. λάθη μεν Α -μες W λελαθήμεν NSM 50 ττεράσαι $$Κ -ήσαι WANS 51 ϊκελο* *3Κ -ον WANS 19
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
τουτ* άπό τας χλαίνας το κράσττεδον ώλεσε Δέλφις, ώγώ νυν τίλλοισα κατ* cScypicp έν πυρί βάλλω. 55 αίαΐ *Ερως ανιαρέ, τί μεν μέλαν έκ χροός αίμα έμφύς ώς λιμνατις άπαν έκ βδέλλα ττέπωκας; ΐυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ττοτί δώμα τον άνδρα. σαύραν τοι τρίψασα κακόν ποτόν αυριον οίσοο. θεστυλί, νΟν δέ λαβοΐσα τυ τά θρόνα ταϋθ* ύττόμαξον 6ο τας τήνω φλιας καθ* ύπέρτερον άς έτι και νυξ, [έκ θυμώ δέδεμαι · δ δε μευ λόγον ούδένα ποιεί] καΐ λέγ* έττιτρύ^οισα 'τά Δέλφιδος όστία μάσσω/ Τυγξ, έλκε τυ τηνον έμόν ποτ! δώμα τον άνδρα. Νυν δή μώνα έοΐσα πόθεν τον έρωτα δακρύσω; 65 έκ τίνος άρξωμαι; τίς μοι κακόν άγογε τούτο; ήνθ* ά τωύβούλοιο καναφόρος άμμιν Άναξώ άλσος ές 'Αρτέμιδος, τα δή τόκα πολλά μέν άλλα θηρία πομπευεσκε περισταδόν, έν δε λέαινα. φρά^εό μευ τόν έρωθ* όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. 70 καί μ* ά Θευμαρίδα Θρφσσα τροφός, ά μακαρΐτις, άγχίθυρος ναίοισα κατευξατο και λιτάνευσε τάν πομπάν θάσασθαι · εγώ δέ οι ά μεγάλοιτος ώμάρτευν βύσσοιο καλόν συροισα χιτώνα κάμφιστειλαμένα τάν ξυστίδα τάν Κλεαρίστας. 75
φρά^εό μευ τόν έρωθ* όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. ήδη δ* εύσα μέσαν κατ1 άμαξιτόν, ά τά Λύκωνος, εϊδον Δέλφιν όμου τε και Ευδάμιππον ιόντας· τοις δ* ής ξανθοτέρα μέν έλιχρύσοιο γενειάς,
54 ούτω in ouyco m u t . ' $ 3 55 ανιαρέ ψ3 A N S -ηρέ K W 57 om. $ 3 58 τριψαισα J 3 59 άπόμορξον Σν.1. 6θ φιλίας $ 3 ante c o m Σν.ϊ. | καθ* ύπέρτερον ψ^Κ καθνττέρτερον cett.(?) | νύξ Buecheler νυν $ 3 codd. 61 om. $ 3 Κ | έκ WGMosch. έν ANSMP | δέδεμαι NSMosch. -ομαι GP -ευμαι W V δαίδευμαι AM 2 62 ετπτρυ^οισα JP3, agnosc. Σ έτπφθν^οισα, -ούσα codd. | όστία $$K -έα W A N S | μάσσω Ahlwardt πάσσω codd. 20
II. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
This fringe from his cloak Delphis lost, which now I shred and cast into the cruel flames. Ah, torturing Love, why hast thou clung to me like some leech of the fen, and drained all the dark blood from my body? My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. I will bray a lizard, and bring him an ill draught to-morrow. But now, Thestylis, take these magic herbs, and knead them over his threshold while it is still dark, and whispering say, 4 1 knead the bones of Delphis'. My magic wheel, draw to my house the man I love. Now that I am alone, from what point shall I lament my love ? whence shall I begin ? who brought this curse upon me ? Eubulus' daughter, our Anaxo, went as basket-bearer to the grove of Artemis, and in honour of the goddess many wild beasts were paraded that day about her, and among them a lioness. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And Theumaridas' Thracian nurse, now dead and gone, that dwelt at my door, had begged and besought me to come and see the show. And I, unhappy wretch, went with her, wearing a fair long linen dress, and Clearista's fine wrap over it. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And when I was come already midway on the road, where Lycon's is, I saw Delphis and Eudamippus walking together. More golden than helichryse were their beards, and their καίω $ 3 64 μώνα f*3 Brunck μώνη K W μούνη K 2 ANS 65 τίνος S 3 W A N S τήνω δ* Κ | άρξωμαι $iS άρξομαι Ν Μ Ρ άρξομ' ίγώ W A G άρξω Κ 66 κανηφόρος $ 3 Κ 6η και ex τα $ 3 | τόκα Casaubon ποκα ψ} codd. 68 ενι δε λέαιναι-£3 7° θενχαρίλα Mosch. 72 θάσασθαι iP3NS a Mosch. θεάσ- K W A 74 άμφιστειλαμένα NS | τάν Κλ. K A U τά 5 Κλ. $3WA2NS 76 μέσον K W A 78 fa * 3 M e d . ήν codd. 21
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
στήθεα δέ στίλβοντα πολύ πλέον ή τύ, Σελάνα, 8ο ώς άπό γυμνασίοιο καλόν πόνον άρτι λιπόντων. φρά^εό μευ τόν Ιρωθ* όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. χώς ΐδον, ώς έμάνην, ώς μοι πυρί θυμός ίάφθη δειλαίας, τό δέ κάλλος έτάκετο. ούκέτι πομπας τήνας έφρασάμαν, ούδ' ώς πάλιν οΐκαδ* άπηνθον 85 2γνων, άλλα μέ τις καπυρά νόσος έξεσάλαξεν, κείμαν δ* εν κλιντηρι δέκ* άματα και δέκα νύκτας. φρά^εό μευ τόν ερωθ* όθεν ίκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. κα( μευ χρως μέν όμοιος έγίνετο πολλάκι θάψφ, ερρευν δ* έκ κεφάλας πασαι τρίχες, αυτά δέ λοιπά οο όστΓ ετ' ής και δέρμα, και ες τίνος ούκ έπέρασα, ή ποίας ελιπον γραίας δόμον άτις έπαδεν; άλλ' ής ουδέν έλαφρόν, ό δέ χρόνος άνυτο φεύγων. φρά^εό μευ τόν ερωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. χούτω τα δώλα τόν άλαθέα μυθον ελεξα* 95 *εί δ1 άγε, Θεστυλί, μοι χαλεπας νόσω εύρε τι μαχος. πασαν έχει με τάλαιναν ό Μύνδιος · άλλα μολοΐσα τήρησον ποτί τάν Τιμαγήτοιο παλαίστραν τηνει γάρ <ponfj, τηνεΐ δέ οί άδύ καθησθαι. φρά^εό μευ τόν έρωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. ιοο κήπεί κά νιν έόντα μάθης μόνον, άσυχα νεύσον, κεΐφ* ότι "Σιμαίθα τυ καλεί", και ύφαγέο τεΐδε/ ώς έφάμαν · ά δ' ήνθε καΐ άγαγε τόν λιπαρόχρων είς έμά δώματα Δέλφιν · έγώ δέ νιν ώς ένόησα άρτι θύρας υπέρ ούδόν άμειβόμενον ποδί κούφω— ιο5
φρά^εό μευ τόν ερωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα—
79 τν Σελάνα φ^Κ τό Σελάνα* W A N S 82 μοι KWAS μευ $ 3 Ν | ττυρί $ 3 Taylor ττερί codd. 83 δειλαίας ^ 3 | ουκετι $ 3 κούκετι D κούτε τι Mosch. κουδέ τι codd. 84 φρασσάμαν $$ &$ έξεσάλαξεν ^ 3 Σ ν.1. έξαλάτταξεν codd. 89 £ρρεν/ν δ* ANS δρρεον δ* W V §ρρεν δ* Κ ερ[ρ]εν τ* J 3 90 όστί* $ 3 K W A όστέ* NS 94 δώλα $ 3 Heinsius δούλο: codd.: 22
II. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
breasts brighter far than thou, Ο Moon, for they had lately left the manly labour of the wrestling-school. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. I saw, and madness seized me, and my hapless heart was aflame. My looks faded away. No eyes had I thereafter for that show, nor know how I came home again, but some parching fever shook me, and ten days and ten nights I lay upon my bed. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And oftentimes my colour would turn as pale as fustic, and all my hair was falling from my head, and bones alone were left of me, and skin. And to whose house did I not go, what hag's did I pass over, of those that had skill in charms ? But no light matter was it, and time was flying by, Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And so I told my maid the truth. 'Come, Thestylis, find me some remedy for this sore complaint. The Myndian, alas, possesses me altogether. Nay, go thou and keep watch by Timagetus' wrestling-school, for there is his resort and there he loves to sit. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And when thou art sure that he is alone, sign to him secretly, and say "Simaetha bids thee come", and lead him hither.' So did I say. And she went, and brought the sleek-skinned Delphis to my house, and I no sooner was aware of him stepping light-foot across the threshold of my door— Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love— cf. 5.5 Ι άληθέα $3NS 95 ειτ* $ 3 | εμοι $ 3 | μαχος * 3 μήχο* codd. 100 μάθτκ *3KAS 3 -ois WNS | ήσυχα $ 3 ιοί κεΤφ' $ 3 Κ κήφ* WANS | ύφαγέο Mosch. άφ- $ 3 codd. | τειδε φ$ τωδε ^ s u p r a N S τςίδε KWAU 103 νιν KANS μιν $ 3 W V 23
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
πάσα μέν έψύχθην xiovos πλέον, έκ δέ μετώπω ίδρώς μευ κοχύδεσκεν ίσον νοτίαισιν έέρσαις, ουδέ τι φωνήσαι δυνάμαν, ουδ* δσσον έν ύπνω κνυ^εϋνται φωνεΟντα φίλαν ποτί ματέρα τέκνα* no άλλ' έπάγην δαγϋδι καλόν χρόα πάντοθεν ίσα. φρά^εό μευ τον ερωθ' όθεν ϊκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. και μ5 έσιδών ώστοργος έπι χθονός όμματα πάξας ε^ετ5 έπι κλιντηρι και ε30μενος φάτο μυθον € ή ρά με, ΣιμαίΘα, τόσον έφθασας, δσσον εγώ θην ιΐ5 πραν ποκα τον χαρίεντα τράχων έφθασσα Φιλινον, ές το τεόν καλέσασα τόδε στέγος ή 'μέ παρήμεν. φρά^εό μευ τον ερωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. ήνθον yap κεν εγώ, ναι τον γλυκυν ήνθον Έρωτα, ή τρίτος ήέ τέταρτος έών φίλος αύτίκα νυκτός, ΐ2ο μαλα μέν έν κόλποισι Διωνύσοιο φυλάσσων, κρατί δ' έχων λεύκαν, Ήρακλέος Ιερόν έρνος, πάντοθι πορφυρέαισι περί ^ώστραισιν έλικτάν. φρά^εό μευ τον ερωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. καί κ', ει μέν μ' έδέχεσθε, τάδ 3 ής φίλα (και yap ελαφρός ΐ25 και καλός πάντεσσι μετ' ήιθέοισι καλευμαι), ευδόν τ', ει κε μόνον το καλόν στόμα τευς έφίλησα* ει δ* άλλα \ι ωθείτε και ά θύρα εΐχετο μοχλω, πάντως κα πελέκεις και λαμπάδες ήνθον έφ5 ύμέας. φρά^εό μευ τον ερωθ' όθεν ΐκετο, πότνα Σελάνα. ΐ3ο νυν δε χάριν μέν εφαν τφ Κύπριδι πρατον όφείλειν, και μετά τάν Κύπριν τύ με δευτέρα έκ πυρός εΐλευ, 10ό έκ $3WANS έν Κ 107 μευ $ 3 corr. KNS μέν $3WA | κοχύδεσκεν φ$Κ Eust. 1095-29 -νεσκεν WANS | ίσον 53KW ίσος Α όσον NS Ιθ8 ουδ' ετι $$ | φωνήσαι Η2 -ασαι ψ} codd. | δυνάμαν Κ -ην ^ 3 cett. 109 κνν^εΰνται $ 3 ΚΑΝ -ευντα WSU -ώνται S2: cf. 6.30 | μητέρα $ 3 112 ττάξας Paris. 2512 ττήξα* $ 3 codd. 115 ποτέ £ 3 | τράχων φ$ corr. τρέχων $ 3 codd.: cf. 147 | εφθασσα S -ασα $$Ν -αξα KWA ιι8 κεν 24
II. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
than chiller I turned than snow from head to foot, and from my brow, like the damp dews, started the sweat, nor could I speak a word, nay, not so much as babes that whimper in their sleep calling to their mother dear, but all my fair body grew stiff as it were a doll's. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And, with a glance at me, the lover untrue fixed his eyes upon the ground, and sat down upon the couch, and, sitting, spoke: 'Truly, Simaetha, with thy summons to this house thou didst outrun my coming by no more than I of late outran the charming Philinus. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. For I would have come, by sweet Love, I would, at early nightfall, with twofriendsor with three, bearing in my bosom apples of Dionysus, and on my brows the white poplar, the holy plant of Heracles, twined all about with crimson bands. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And if you would have received me, pleasant that would have been, for nimble and fair am I called among all the young men. And if only I had kissed thy fair lips, I should have slept. But had you tried to thrust me out elsewhither and the door been barred against me, then truly axes and torches had come against you. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. But as it is, my thanks are due to Cypris first, I say, and after her, lady, thou, second, hast caught me from the flame, έγώ Non.Ahrens και εγω iP3 κάγώ WA κήγώ NS κήγών Κ 122 πάντοθι S3NS -θε(ν) KWA | 3ώστραισιν φ$Κ -ρησι, -ρέησι, -ρεοισι cett. 124 κ* εϊ μεν μ' έδ. Ahrens ]μ εδ. φι Μ* d μεν κ" έδ. codd.Ι ή* codd. cos * 3 126 τ· εϊ KNS δ* εϊ WA | τεϋ* *3Κ τευ WANS| έφίλησα -β 3 HP -ασα codd. 128 κα Ahrens καΐ $ 3 codd. | Ομα* (ε supra) J3 1*9» 130 transp. $ 3 Ι30 οφειλην ^3 *3Ι ^ S3 25
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ώ γυναι, έσκαλέσασα τεόν ποτΐ τούτο μέλαθρον αυτως ήμίφλεκτον "Ερως δ* άρα και Λιπαραίω πολλάκις *Αφαίστοιο σέλας φλογερώτερον αΐθει · ΐ35 φρά^εό μεν τον ερωθ* όθεν ΐκετο, ττότνα Σελάνα. συν δέ κακαΐς μανίαις και παρθένον έκ θαλάμοιο και νυμφαν έφόβησ' ετι δέμνια θερμά λιττοΐσαν άνέρος/ ώς δ μέν είπε ν έγώ δέ νιν ά ταχυπειθής χειρός έφαψαμένα μαλακών έκλιν' έπι λέκτρων · ΐ4ο και ταχύ χρως έπι χρωτί ττεπαίνετο, και τά πρόσωπα θερμότερ' ής ή πρόσθε, και έψιθυρίσδομες άδύ. ώς καί τοι μη μακρά φίλα θρυλέοιμι Σελάνα, έπράχθη τά μέγιστα, και ες πόθον ήνθομες άμφω. κουτέ τι τηνος έμίν άπεμέμψατο μέσφα τό γ 9 εχθές, ΐ45 ούτ' έγώ αύ τήνω. άλλ3 ήνθέ μοι ά τε Φιλίστας μάτηρ τας άμας αυλητρίδος ά τε Μελιξους σάμερον, άνίκα πέρ τε ποτ' ώρανόν ετραχον ΐττποι *Αώ τάν ροδόεσσαν άπ' ώκεανοΐο φέροισαι, κεΐπέ μοι άλλα τε πολλά και ώς άρα Δέλφις εραται. ΐ5ο κεΐτε νιν αύτε γυναικός έχει πόθος είτε και ανδρός, ουκ εφατ' άτρεκες ΐδμεν, άτάρ τόσον# αιέν "Ερωτος άκράτω έπεχεΐτο καί ες τέλος ώχετο φεύγων, καί φάτο οί στεφάνοισι τά δώματα τηνα πυκαξεΐν. ταυτά μοι ά ξείνα μυθήσατο, εστί δ" άλαθής. 155 ή γάρ μοι καί τρις καί τετράκις άλλοκ* έφοίτη, καί παρ' έμίν έτίθει τάν Δωρίδα πολλάκις δλπαν# νυν δέ τε δωδεκαταϊος άφ5 ώτέ νιν ουδέ ποτεΐδον. ή ρ5 ουκ άλλο τι τερπνόν έχει, άμών δέ λέλασται; νυν μέν τοις φίλτροις καταδήσομαι · αί δ' ετι κά με 132 ]καλεσαισα 9 3 |ΤΓ. του μελ. 9 3 133 Λιπαραίω Valckenacr -ραίου codd. r -ρη[ 9 3 3 4 Άφαίστοιο K W Ή φ - A N S | φοβερωτερον $ 3 13** νιν scripsi μιν 9 3 ο\ codd. 139 έκλιν* codd. εκαθημ* 9 3 I4I εψιΘυρισδομε$ $ 3 "3ομ£5 W -σδομεν KANS | άδύ K W A S ηδη $ 3 <&ί Ν 142 cos 93KW χώ$ A N S | καί S κά K W A N κεν $ 3 | θρέοιμ* ω Σ. 9 3 J 143 ηλθομε^ 9 3 44 κοΟτε τι 9 3 Mosch. κούκέτι codd. | άττεμέμψατο a 93V άττεπέμ- K W A N έττεμέμ- SMosch. | τό γ · Paris. 2758 τ ν γ ' K W τόδ 9 3 τ ° ι A N S 146 άμάς 9 3 S έμδ$ K W A N 147 περ τοι 9 3 corr. 20
Π. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
all but consumed, by summoning me to this house of thine. And truly Love oft kindles a blaze hotter than Hephaestus on Lipara. Mark, Lady Moon, whence came my love. And with dire madness he scares a maiden from her bower, and a bride to quit her husband's bed ere it be cold.' So said he; and I, ever too easy won, took him by the hand and drew him down upon the soft couch. And quickly body warmed to body, and faces burned hotter than before, and sweetly we whispered. And, to tell thee no long tale, dear Moon, all was accomplished, and we twain came to our desire. And no fault had he to find with me till yesterday, nor I with him. But to-day, when the steeds of rosy Dawn were bearing her swiftly up the sky from Ocean, there came to me the mother of Philista, our flute-player, and of Melixo; and many another thing she told me, and how that Delphis was in love. Whether desire of woman now possesses him, or of man, she knew not certainly, she said, but only this—that ever he called for wine unmixed and his toast was Love, and, at the last, he went off hot-foot and said he would wreathe that dwelling with garlands. Such was the tale my gossip told me, and she is no liar. For truly at other times thrice a day and four times would he come to me, and often he would leave his Dorian oil-flask with me. But now eleven days are gone since I have so much as seen him. Must he not have some other delight, and have forgotten me? Now with my love-magic will I bind him, but if he vex τοι τε φ 3 Ι ώρανόν $ 3 Κ oup- W A N S | έτραχον φ$ corr. K W έτρεχον «P3ANS: cf. 115 *48 ροδοεσσαν ·Ρ3 £>οδότΓαχυν codd. | φέρουσαι $ 3 ante corr. Κ 149 ερατοτ 3§$ 150 νιν φ$ Ziegler μι ν codd. 152 ακρατως S 3 corr. Ι εττοιχετο (ε supra ο prior.) J 3 153 κηφάτ* ό ot |Ϊ3 | ττυκαξεϊν Edmonds -άσδεν codd. -ασθην J*3 154 άλαβής TrV 2 -ηβήζ $>3codd. 155 Ά (δη add. supr.) yap μοι τρις φ 3 | αλλοκ' ·β3 Brunck άλλοτ* codd. 157 δέ τε codd. μαν $ 3 15» ή f>* * 3 K W άρ' A N S 159 Μ*ν A N S μάν ψ}KW | καταδήσομαι ·β3 Toup -θύσομαι codd. | κα με $$ κήμέ codd.
27
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ι6ο λύπη, τάν 'Αίδαο πύλαν, val Μοίρας, άραξεϊ· τοΐά οί έν κίστα κακά φάρμακα φαμί φυλάσσειν, 'Ασσυρίω, δέσττοινα, παρά ξείνοιο μαθοΐσα. άλλα τν μέν χαίροισα ποτ* ώκεανόν τρέπε πώλως, πότνι* · έγώ δ* οίσώ τον έμόν πόθον ώσπερ νπέσταν. **5 Χ^Ρε> Σελαναία λιπαρόθρονε, χαίρετε δ' άλλοι αστέρες, ενκάλοιο κατ* άντνγα Νυκτός οπαδοί. ΐόο χυλαν in Θυραν mut. # 3 161 κίστα Κ -η iP3 cett. | φνλαξ[εΐ]ν ψ} 103 ττώλως Ahrens -ous ί 3 codd. 164 εγώ δ* codd. εγων $ 3 | ττό^ον
28
Π. ΦΑΡΜΑΚΕΥΤΡΙΑ
me still, so help me Fates, he shall beat upon the gate of Hades, such evil drugs, I vow, I keep for him in my box, lore that I learned, Queen, from an Assyrian stranger. But do thou farewell, Lady, and turn thy steeds towards the Ocean. And I will bear my longing as till now I have endured it. Moon on thy gleaming throne, farewell, and farewell ye other stars that follow the car of quiet Night. •P3KP πόνον cett.: cf. 22.187 l<*5 λιπαροθρονε ψ3 λιπαρόχροε codd. | χαιρ[ε]6* αλλ[ο]ι $ 3 i66 εύκάλοιο S εύκήλ- $ 3 cett.
GT
29
3
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΚωΜΟΣ
5
Κωμάσδω ποτΐ τάν 'Αμαρυλλίδα, ταΐ δέ μοι αίγες βόσκονται κατ* όρος, καΐ ό Τίτνρος αυτάς έλαύνει. Τίτνρ', έμίν τό καλόν πεφιλημένε, βόσκε Tas αίγας, καΐ ποτΐ τάν κράναν άγε, Τίτνρε · και τόν ένόρχαν, τόν Λιβυκόν κνάκωνα, φυλάσσεο μή τ ν κορύψη. Τ
(Α) χαρίεσσ* Άμαρυλλί, τί μ' ουκέτι τούτο κατ* άντρον παρκύπτοισα καλείς, τόν έρωτνλον; ή ρά με μισείς; ή (5>ά γέ τοι σιμός καταφαίνομαι έγγΟθεν ήμεν, νύμφα, και προγένειος; (5ατάγξασθαί με ποησεΐς. ίο ήνίδε τοι δέκα μαλα φέρω · τηνώθε καθεΐλον ώ μ* έκέλευ καθελεΐν τντ καΐ αυριον άλλα τοι οίσώ. Θασαι μάν. Θυμολγές έμίν άχος. αΐθε γενοίμαν ά βομβεϋσα μέλισσα καΐ ές τεόν άντρον ίκοίμαν, τόν κισσόν διαδύς και τάν τττέριν ά τ ν ττνκάσδει. νυν 2γνων τόν Έρωτα· βαρύς Θεός· ή ρα λέαινας ΐ5 μα^όν έθήλα^εν, δρυμω τέ νιν ετραφε μάτηρ, δς με κατασμύχων καΐ ές όστίον άχρις ίάπτει. ώ τό καλόν ποθορεϋσα, τό παν λίθος, ώ κυάνοφρυ νύμφα, πρόσπτνξαί με τόν αίπόλον, ως τ ν φιλήσω 20 εστί καΐ έν κενεοΐσι φιλήμασιν άδέα τέρψις. τόν στέφανον τϊλαί με κατ* αύτίκα λεπτά ποησεΐς, τόν τοι έγά>ν, ΆμαρυλλΙ φίλα, κισσοιο φυλάσσω, άμπλέξας καλύκεσσι καΐ εύόδμοισι σελίνοις. ώμοι έγ<ύν, τί πάθω, τί ζ> δύσσοος; ούχ ύπακούεις. CODD. PRIMARII: Κ PQW [Laur.] PAP.: $ I (11-21, 34~4<5, 52-fin.)
AGNU [Vat.]
TITULUS: Κώμος Α ΆμαρυλλΙς ή αΐπόλος ή κωμαστής PG praefixo κώμος US ΑΙπόλος f\ Άμαρυλλίς Σ Vat. Arg. ΑΙττολικόν ή Άμαρυλλίς Κ 3 πεφιλημένε GeU. 9-9 -αμένε codd. 4 ένόρχαν (ήμιτομίαν) Σν.1. 5 τυ codd. τι Σ lemma Favorin. s.v. κορύψη 9 ποησεΐς Q -σης Ν ποιή ΙΟ τηνώ δέ PQW 12 έμίν J i et codd. det. έμόν codd. σεις, -σης cett. 30
I D Y L L III I go to serenade Amaryllis, and my goats graze on the hill, and Tityrus herds them. Tityrus, sweet friend, graze the goats and take them to the spring; and mind the he-goat, the tawny Libyan, lest he butt thee. (The scene changes) Charming Amaryllis, why no more dost thou peep out of this thy cave and call me in—me, thy sweetheart? Dost hate me ? Am I, then, snub-nosed to thy eye on closer view, maiden ? And does my beard stick out? Thou'lt make me hang myself. See, ten apples I bring thee, gathered from the very place thou badest me; and to-morrow will I bring thee more. Nay look; my trouble cuts me to the heart. Would I might become yon buzzing bee, and come into thy cave through the ivy and the fern that hides thee. Now am I acquainted with Love, and a grievous god is he. Verily a lioness's was the dug he sucked, and in the wild woods his mother reared him. His slow fires torture me to the very bones. Ο maiden of the fair glances, all of stone, Ο dark-browed maiden, come to my arms, thy goatherd's arms, that I may kiss thee. Even in empty kisses is there sweet delight. Thou wilt make me shred my wreath to pieces, the wreath of ivy which I twined with rosebuds and fragrant celery, and wear for thee, dear Amaryllis. Alack, what is to become of me, poor wretch? thou hearkenest not. 14 πυκάσδει Q -δη cett. ττυκοτ^ φι 16 μο^όν Thorn. Mag. s.v. μαστό* μασδόν codd. μαστόν Stob. 4.20.60: cf. 48 | έθήλασδε K W -αξε Stob. | νιν Stob. μ ι ν α ^ . | i-Tpaq^jpiAStob. έτρεφε cett. 17 όστίον Bergk -iovcodd. | Ιάπτει ? i K A G N U Ικάνει P Q W 18 λίπος, Σπος Σ w.U. 19 φιλήσω Ahrens -άσω codd. 20 φιλήμασιν PWStob. -άμασιν cett. 21 ποησεΐς Q -σης KN ποιήσεις, -σης cett. 23 έμπλεξα* A N U 24 έγών ΚΡ έγώ cett. 31
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
25
τάν βαίταν OTTTOSOS es κύματα τηνώ άλευμαι, ώπερ TCOS θύννα^ σκοπιά^εται Όλπι$ ό γριπεύς * και κα δή 'ποθάνω, τό γε μέν τεόν άδύ τέτυκται.
εγνων πραν, δκα μοι, μεμναμένω εί φιλέε^ με, ουδέ τό τηλέφιλον ποτεμάξατο τό πλοτάγημα, 30 άλλ* αυτως άπαλω ποτΐ πάχεϊ έξεμαράνθη. είπε καΐ 3Αγροιώ τάλαθέα κοσκινόμαντ^, α πραν ποιολογεϋσα παραιβάτ^, ουνεκ5 εγώ μέν τιν oAos £γκειμαι, τύ δε μεν λόγον ουδένα ποιή. ή μάν τοι λευκάν διδυματόκον αίγα φυλάσσω, 35 τάν με καΐ ά Μέρμνωνος έριθακις ά μελανόχροο$ αιτεί· και δωσώ οι, έπει τύ μοι ένδιαθρύπτη. άλλεται οφθαλμός μευ ό δεξιός* δρά γ* ιδησώ αυτάν; άσεϋμαι ποτι τάν πίτυν ώδ* άποκλινθείς, καί κέ μ* ίσως ποτίδοι, έπει ουκ αδαμάντινα εστίν. 4ο
Ίππομένης, δκα δή τάν παρθένον ήθελε γαμαι, μαλ' έν χερσιν ελών δρόμον άνυεν · ά δ' "Ατάλαντα ως ΐδεν, ώς έμάνη, ώς ές βαθύν άλατ* έρωτα. τάν άγέλαν χ ώ μάντ^ απ 5 OOpuos άγε Μελάμπους ες ΤΤύλον · ά δέ Bioorros έν άγκοίναισιν έκλίνΟη 45 μάτηρ ά χαρίεσσα περίφρονος ,Αλφεσιβοία5. τάν δέ καλάν Κυθέρειαν έν ώρεσι μήλα νομεύων ουχ ovrrcos "(A)6COVIS έπι πλέον άγαγε λύσσας, ώστ5 ουδέ φθίμενόν νιν άτερ μα^οΐο τίθητι; ^αλωτός μέν έμίν ό τον άτροπον ϋπνον ιαύων 50 Ένδυμίων 3αλώ δέ, φίλα γύναι, Ίασίωνα, os τόσσων έκύρησεν, δα' ου πευσεΐσθε, βέβαλοι. Ά λ γ έ ω τάν κεφαλάν, τιν δ' ου μέλει, ουκέτ' άείδω, κεισευμαι δέ πεσών, και τοι λύκοι ώδέ μ' έδονται.
S μέλι τοι γλυκύ τούτο κατά βρόχθοιο γένοιτο. 25 τήνα A N U -νώθεν G 27 δή Graefe μή codd. | μέν Denniston μάν codd. (θάν Κ) 28 δκα μοι Greverus δκ* (δτ*) εμοιγε K Q W δκα μευ A G N U δτ* εμευ Ρ 30 ττάχει Mosch. -εο$ codd. 31 α Γροιώ'Σν.1. 32 πριν Κ | τταραιβατις· ή δνομα κύριον ή ή τταροδΐτις Σ 35 κ α λ α Μερμ. 5 1 32
III.
ΚωΜΟΣ
I will strip off my cloak and leap into the waves from the cliff whence Olpis, the fisherman, watches for the tunny; and if I kill myself, at least thy pleasure will have been done. I learnt the truth of late when I bethought me didst thou love me, and the smack caused not the love-in-absence to cling, but idly it shrivelled on my smooth forearm. And Agroeo too, that divines with her sieve—she that was lately cutting grass by my side, told me truth, how that my heart was wholly thine while thou madest no account of me. Truly I keep for thee a white nanny-goat with two kids which Mermnon's swarthy serving-girl begs of me. And I will give it her since thou art so haughty with me. My right eye twitches; shall I see her ? I will step aside under the pine here and sing, and maybe she will look on me, for her heart is not of adamant. (He sings.) Hippomenes, when he would wed the maid, took apples in his hand and ran his course; and Atalanta saw, and frenzy seized her and deep in love she plunged. The seer Melampus, too, from Othrys brought the herd to Pylus; and in Bias* arms was laid the gracious mother of wise Alphesiboea. And did not Adonis, as he fed his sheep upon the hills, drive the fair Cytherea to such frenzy that even in death she puts him not from her breast? Fortunate in my eyes Endymion, who sleeps the sleep unturning; and fortunate, dear lady, I account Iasion, whose lot was such as ye profane shall never know. My head aches, but thou carest not. No more I sing, but here will he where I have fallen, and here the wolves shall eat me. And sweet as honey in the throat may that be to thee. ante corr. | έριθακίς * μισθώτρια Οττοκοριστικώς ή δνομα κύριον Σ 39 αδαμάν τινος $ ι ante corr. Η2 | εστί $ ι corr. Ρ εσσι 3β ι έντί cett. 41 ένΐ Κ 42 άλατ' Hemsterhusius άλλατ' Κ Tzetz. Chil. 12.948 άλ(λ)ετ* cett. 44 άγκοίναισιν Winterton -ησιν codd. 46 ώρεσι Κ oOp- cett. | μήλα Ρ μαλα cett.· 48 νιν K P Q W μιν cett. | μασδοϊο Q W 51 τοσσην' Ρ 53 δέ om. P Q W | εδονται US Greg. Cor. 73 -οντι cett.
33
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΝΟΜΕΙΣ ΒΑΤΤΟΣ
Ειπέ μοι, ώ Κορύδων, τίνος αί βόες; ή ρα Φιλώνδα; ΚΟΡΥΔωΝ
ουκ, αλλ' Αΐγωνος- βόσκειν δέ μοι αυτάς εδωκεν. ΒΑ. ή πα ψε κρυβδαν τά ποθέσπερα πάσας άμέλγες,φ ΚΟ. αλλ" ό γέρων υφίητι τά μοσχία κήμέ φυλάσσει. 5 ΒΑ. αυτός δ* ες τίν* άφαντος ό βουκόλος ωχετο χώραν; ΚΟ. ουκ άκουσας; άγων νιν έπ5 Άλφεόν ωχετο Μίλων. ΒΑ. και πόκα τηνος ελαιον εν όφθαλμοΐσιν όπώπει; ΚΟ. φαντί νιν Ήρακλήι βίην και κάρτος έρίσδειν. ΒΑ. κήμ' εφαθ* ά μάτηρ ΤΤολυδευκεος ήμεν άμείνω. ίο ΚΟ. κωχετ' έχων σκαττάναν τε και εΐκατι τουτόθε μήλα. ΒΑ. πείσαι κα Μίλων και τώς λύκος αύτίκα λυσσην. ΚΟ. ται δαμάλαι δ* αυτόν μυκώμεναι αΐδε ποθεϋντι. ΒΑ. δείλαιαί γ' αύται, τον βουκόλον ως κακόν εύρον. ΚΟ. ή μάν δείλαιαί γε, και ουκέτι λώντι νέμεσβαι. ΐ5 ΒΑ. τήνας μεν δη τοι τας πόρτιος αυτά λέλειπται τώστία. μη ττρώκας σιτίζεται ώσπερ ό τέττιξ; C O D D . PRIMARII: Κ
P Q W [Laur.]
A G U [Vat.]
PAPP.: $ I ( 8 - ι ι , 56-fin.), # 4 (34-8) TITULUS: Νομείς Κ (supra schol.) G Βουκολιασται ή νομεΐ$ PS els Κορύδωνα ή νομείς ή φιλαλήθης ή Βάττος P(arg.)U Αΐγων Σ 3 . ι Κ in textu tit. Id. 5 hue translatum expunxit.
34
I D Y L L IV BATTUS
Tell me, Cory don, whose cows are these? Philondas's? CORYDON
No, Aegon's; he gave me them to graze. BA. And you, maybe, milk them all on the sly in the evening ? Co. Nay, the old man puts the calves beneath their dams and keeps his eye on me. BA. And to what country has the herdsman their master vanished ? Co. Haven't you heard? Milon has carried him off to the Alpheus. Β A. And when did he set eyes on olive-oil? Co. They say he vies with Heracles in strength and might. BA. Yes; and I am a better man than Poly deuces, so mother used to say. Co. And he's gone off with a pickaxe and twenty sheep from here. BA. Milon might as well persuade the very wolves to go mad at once. Co. And the heifers here miss their master; that's why they low. BA. Poor beasts, it's a sorry herdsman they found. Co. Poor beasts indeed; they don't care to feed any more. BA. Certainly there's nothing left of that calf yonder but the bones. She doesn't live on dewdrops, does she—hke the cicada ? Ι τίνε5 KWA 3 άμέλγει* PU 5 aCrros K 2 PQWU 2 ωύτό* AGU oCrros Κ | βουκόλος Ahrcns βωκ- codd. 7, 8 om. G 7 έν PAU έττ' QW om. Κ ΙΟ εΐκατι PQW -κοτι cett. | τουτόθε SMosch. -όθι codd. · MfiXaAhrens MaXacodd. UKaAhrens κε Κ τοι cett. 12 αίδε Κ ώδε cett. 13 y' PSTr δ' cett. 16 τώστία KPQW -έα AGU.
35
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΚΟ. ου Δαν, αλλ* δκα μεν νιν έπ* ΑΙσάροιο νομευω και μαλακώ χόρτοιο καλάν κώμυθα δίδωμι, άλλοκα δε σκαίρει το βαθυσκιον άμφί Λάτυμνον. ίο ΒΑ. λεπτός μάν χ ώ ταύρος ό πυρρίχος. αΐθε λάχοιεν τοι τώ Λαμπριάδα, τοι δαμόται δκκα θυωντι τα "Ηρα, τοιόνδε* κακοχράσμων yap ό δαμος. ΚΟ. και μάν ες στομάλιμνον έλαύνεται ες τε τά Φυσκω, και ποτ! τον Νήαιθον, όπα καλά πάντα φυοντι, 25
αιγίπυρος και κνύ^α και ευώδης μελίτεια. ΒΑ. φευ φευ βασεϋνται και ται βόες, ώ τ ά λ α ν Aiycov, εις Ά ί δ α ν , δκα και τ υ κακας ήράσσαο νίκας, χ α συριγξ ευρώτι παλυνεται, αν ποκ* έπάξα. ΚΟ. ο υ τ ή ν α γ ' , ο υ Νύμφας, έπεί ποτΐ Πΐσαν άφέρπων
30
δώρον εμοί νιν ελειπεν εγώ δε τις είμι μελικτάς, κεύ μεν τ ά Γλαύκας άγκρούομαι, ευ δε τ ά Πυρρω. αίνέωτάντε Κρότωνα—' Καλά π ό λ ι ς ά τ ε Ζάκυνθος.. .'— και τ ο π ο τ α ω ο ν τ ο Λακίνιον, άπερ ό πυκτας Αΐγων ό γ δ ώ κ ο ν τ α μόνος κατεδαίσατο μά^ας.
35
τηνεί και τ ο ν ταϋρον απ* ώρεος ά γ ε πιάξας τας όπλας κήδωκ' Άμαρυλλίδι, ταΐ δε γυναίκες μακρόν άνάυσαν, χ ώ βουκόλος έξεγέλασσεν. ΒΑ. ώ χαρίεσσ' Άμαρυλλί, μόνας σέθεν ουδέ θανοίσας λασευμεσθ'· δσον αίγες έμιν φίλαι, δσσον άπέσβης.
40
αίαΐ τ ώ σκληρώ μάλα δαίμονος δς με λελόγχει. ΚΟ. Θαρσεΐν χ ρ ή , φίλε Βάττε· τάχ* αυριον εσσετ* αμεινον. ελπίδες εν jcooiaiv, ανέλπιστοι δέ θανόντες, χ ώ Ζευς άλλοκα μέν πέλει αίθριος, άλλοκα δ3 υει.
17 yav KHM x Greg. Cor. 71: cf. 7-39 | Αλλ' δκα Reiske άλλοκα codd.: cf. 1.36 | νιν PG μιν cett. | νομεύων W A G 20 μέν PAGU | αΤΘε W είθε cett. 21 θυωντι Valckenaer -οντι codd. 22 ό ταύρος Σ ν.1. 23 ές στομάλιμνον KPW 2 έςτό
36
IV. ΝΟΜΕΙΣ
Co. Faith, no. Sometimes I pasture her by the Aesarus and give her a nice truss of soft hay, and sometimes it's on shady Latymnum that she frisks. BA. The bull's thin too—the ruddy one. I hope Lampriadas's folk may get such another when the demesmen sacrifice to Hera: they're [rascals] in that deme. Co. And yet the bull is driven to the saltings, and to Physcus's, and to the Neaethus, where all good things grow— restharrow, fleabane and fragrant balm. BA. Wretched Aegon, your cows too will come by their deaths because you, like others, have fallen in love with a cursed victory. And the pipe that once you made yourself is getting flecked with mildew. Co. Nay, by the Nymphs it is not, for as he was going off to Pisa he left it me for a present. I am something of a player myself, and can strike up Glauca's tunes, or Pyrrhus's, well enough. I sing the praise of Croton—'A bonny town Zacynthus is'—and of the Lacinian shrine that fronts the dawn—where boxer Aegon devoured eighty loaves all by himself. There it was, too, he seized the bull by the hoof and brought it down from the hill and gave it to Amaryllis. The women shrieked loudly, and the herdsman laughed. BA. Ah, lovely Amaryllis, we shan't forget you, dead though you are, and there's not another girl I'd say that of. Dear to me as my goats you were when you were taken. It's a cruel power indeed that rules my destiny. Co. My dear Battus, you mustn't be so downhearted. Things may be better to-morrow. While there's life there's hope, and only the dead have none. Clear sky one day, rain the next, as Zeus wills it. μαλ- cett. 24 δπη KP 28 έπάξω K2QW 32 ά τε Κρότ. PQZ 34 κ]ατan [αι]δάσσετο $4 *e corr. | μάσδας QAGU 37 έξεγέλασσεν PAU -ασεν cett. -αξε Tzetz. Chil. 2.585 39 δσσον KS τόσσον cett.
37
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΒΑ. θαρσέω. βάλλε κάτωθε τά μοσχίοτ TSS γαρ έλαίας 45
τ ο ν θαλλόν τρώγοντι, τ ά δύσσοα.
ΚΟ. σίτθ 5 , ό
Λέπαργος, σίτ6', ά Κυμαίθα, π ο τ ι τ ο ν λόφον. ουκ έσακούεις; ήξώ, ναΐ τ ο ν Πάνα, κακόν τέλος αντίκα δωσών, ε{ μή άπει τουτώθεν. ΐδ' αυ π ά λ ι ν άδε ποθέρπει. αΐθ* ής μοι £οικόν τι λ α γ ω β ό λ ο ν , ώς τ υ π ά τ α ξ α . 50 ΒΑ. θάσαί μ*, ώ Κορύδων, π ο τ τ ώ Διός* ά y a p άκανθα άρμοϊ μ" ώδ* έπάταξ' υ π ό τ ο σφυρόν. ώς δε βαθεΐαι τάτρακτυλλίδες έντί. κακώς ά πόρτις δλοιτο· eis τ α ύ τ α ν έτύπην χασμεύμενος. ή ρά γ ε λεύσσεις; ΚΟ. ναΐ ναι, τοις όνύχεσσιν εχω τέ νιν* άδε και αυτά. 55 ΒΑ. ό σ σ ί χ ο ν εστί τ ο τύμμα, και άλίκον άνδρα δαμάσδει. ΚΟ. εις όρος δκχ' ερπης, μή νήλιπος ερχεο, Βάττε · έν γ ά ρ δρει ράμνοι τε και ασπάλαθοι κομόωντι. ΒΑ. εΐπ' ά γ ε μ\ ώ Κορύδων, τ ο γερόντιον ή ρ' ετι μύλλει τήναν τ ά ν κυάνοφρυν ερωτίδα τας ποκ' έκνίσθη; 6ο ΚΟ. άκμάν γ*, ώ δείλαιε· π ρ ό α ν γ ε μέν αυτός έπενθών και π ο τ ι τ α μάνδρα κατελάμβανον άμος ένήργει. ΒΑ. εύ γ 5 , ώνθρωπε φιλοΐφα. τ ο τοι γένος ή Σατυρίσκοις έγγύθεν ή Πάνεσσι κακοκνάμοισιν έρίσδει. 46 σίτθ' ά GUMosch. σίτθ* ώ Α σίττ' ώ cett. | ΚιναίΘα PQW: cf. 1.151, 5·ΐ02 48 άδε AGU ήδε Κ ώδε PW om. Q 49 d»* W ειβ* cett. | ής Toup ήν codd. Ι τι Hermann τυ Ρ τό cett. | πάταξα Κ1 -ξω cett. 50 ττοτΐ τώ 2 Τσ ε KAGU 5 ^ άτρακ. codd. 53 ^ ed. Morel ές codd. | έτνατην Ahrens -αν codd. Ι χασμώμενος SMosch. | £ά γε Med. f>a τε KAGU άρα PQW
38
IV. ΝΟΜΕΙΣ
ΒΑ. I am not downhearted. Drive the calves up from below. They're nibbling the olive-shoots, the brutes. Co. Hey, Whitey, hey, Cymaetha, to the hill. Can't you hear me? If you don't clear out of that, by Pan, I'll come and be the death of you in a minute. Look at her there, coming back again. (To the cow) I wish I had a crooked club here to get you one with. BA. Look at me, Corydon, for heaven's sake. A thorn has just got me one here under the ankle. How thick those spindle-thorns grow. Plague take this heifer here; it was after her I was gaping when it pricked me. Do you see it? Co. Yes, and have it in my nails too; and here's the thorn itself. BA. What a little wound to master a man as big as me. Co. When you go on the hill, Battus, don't come barefoot. Thorns and brambles flourish on the hill. BA. Tell me now, Corydon, is the old boy still milling that dark-browed darling he used to be so smitten with ? Co. He is indeed, my dear man. The other day at any rate I came on him and caught him myself by the very byre, when he was hard at it. Β A. Well done, old lecher; that breed's a near match for the Satyrs and scrag-shanked Pans. 55 δαμάζει Ρ 56 όκχ' lunt. δκκ* KAGU οχ* PQW | νήλιπος Κ άνήλ-, άνάλ- cett. 57 £άμνοι codd. κάκτοι Σν.1. | κομέοντοα Q'Et.M.iso^l 6o y* om. Κ | πρόαν Ε πρώαν PQW πράν 58 μ' ώ KPQWG μοι AU 1 cett. 61 T^c μάνδρο: KPQ2 τάν μάνδραν cett. τάν μάκτραν Σ v.l. | ένήργει S ένάρ- codd. 63 έρίσδεις Κ1
39
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ ΚΟΜΑΤΑΣ
Αϊγες έμαί, τηνον τον ποιμένα, τον Συβαρίταν, φεύγετε, τον Λάκωνα · τό μευ VOCKOS εχθές εκλεψεν.
5
ίο
ΐ5
20
ΛΑκωΝ ούκ από τας κράνας; σίττ5, άμνίδες* ουκ έσορήτε τον μευ τάν σύριγγα πρόαν κλέψαντα Κομάταν; ΚΟ. τάν ποίαν σύριγγα; τυ γάρ ποκα, δώλε Σιβύρτα, έκτάσω σύριγγα; τί δ' ούκέτι συν Κορύδωνι αρκεί τοι καλάμας αύλόν ποππύσδεν εχοντι; ΛΑ. τάν μοι έδωκε Λύκων, ώλεύθερε. τίν δέ τό ποιον Λάκων άγκλέψας ποκ* εβα νάκο$; είπε, Κομάτα· ουδέ γάρ Εύμάρα τω δέσποτα f\s τοι ένεύδειν. ΚΟ. τό Κροκύλος μοι έδωκε, τό ποικίλον, άνίκ' εθυσε ταΐς Νύμφαις τάν αίγα* τύ δ', ώ κακέ, καΐ τόκ* έτάκευ βασκαίνων, και νυν με τά λοίσθια γυμνόν εθηκας. ΛΑ. ου μαυτόν τον Πάνα τον άκτιον, ου τέ γε Λάκων τάν βαίταν άπέδυσ* ό Καλαιθίδος * ή κατά τήνας τα$ πέτρας, ώνθρωπε, μανεις εις Κραθιν άλοίμαν. ΚΟ. ου μάν, ου ταύτας τάς λιμνάδας, ώγαθέ, Νύμφας, αΐτε μοι ΐλαοί τε και εύμενέες τελέθοιεν, ου τευ τάν σύριγγα λαθών έκλεψε Κομάτας. ΛΑ. αϊ τοι πιστεύσαιμι, τά Δάφνιδος άλγε3 άροίμαν. αλλ' ών αϊ κα λής εριφον θέμεν, εστί μέν ουδέν ιερόν, αλλά γέ τοι διαείσομαι εστε κ* άπείπης-
CODD. PRIMARH: Κ PQW [Laur.] AGL (55-fin.) [Vat.] PAPP.: 3βι (i36-49), $2 (53-65, 81-93, no-22, 127-37, 130-fin·)» $ 3 (19-28, 33-7, 88-96, 143-fin.), J 4 (3-8, 50-6, 83-9). Commentarium in w . 38-45 conservat p. Berol. 7506. TITULUS: ΑΙπολικόν (καΐ) ποιμενικόν Σ arg. et ad 7.21 praefixo Όδοιπόροι KG addito Βουκολιασταί Δωρίδι Κ praefixo Βουκολιασταί PQ(?) Όδοι πόροι Α ]ροι 5 3 . Όδοιπόροι ex Id. 7, Βουκολιασταί ex Id. o.vel 8 hue translata. 3 κράνος codd. α[κ]ρα[$ ut vid. $ 4 4 πρόαν Briggs πρώαν codd.: cf. 4. 60 40
IDYLL V COMATAS
Keep clear, my goats, of that shepherd there, the man of Sybaris, Lacon. He stole my goatskin yesterday. LACON
Away from the spring—hey up, my lambs; don't you see Comatas—the fellow that stole my pipe the other day? Co. What pipe was that? Have you, Sibyrtas's slave, ever come by a pipe? And why aren't you still content to toot upon an oaten whistle with Cory don? LA. The pipe that Lycon gave me, Sir Freeman. But what skin was that of yours that ever Lacon made off with?—Tell me that, Comatas. Why, your master Eumaras himself hadn't one to sleep in. Co. The skin Crocylus gave me, the dappled one, when he sacrificed the goat to the Nymphs.—And you, you black guard, were consumed with envy at the time, and now, in the end, you've left me bare. LA. Nay, by Pan of the shore himself, Lacon, Calaethis's son, never stripped you of your cloak; else, my good fellow, may I lose my wits and jump from yonder cliff into the Crathis. Co. Nay, my good man, by these Nymphs of the lake— and kind and propitious may they be to me—Comatas never filched your pipe. LA. The troubles of Daphnis fall on me if I believe you. But come, if you care to stake a kid—it is no great matter— why, I'll sing a match with you until you've had enough. 5 Σιβύρτα ΚΡ Σιβάρτα W Συβάρτα QA Συβαρίτα G: c£. 72, 74 8 τάν μιν Q W 14 τέ Kiessling σέ codd. 16 els ΚΑ ks cett. 17 ou TOCLTTOS Reiske OUT* vel ούδ' αυτάς codd. 18 απτέ μοι P Q W αΐτ* έμοι G α!τ* έμιν ΚΑ 19 έκλεψα PG 21 ών Brunck ouv $ 3 codd. | εστί Ahrens έντί codd. 22 αλλ* άγε K W 41
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΚΟ. us π ο τ ' Ά θ α ν α ί α ν έριν ήρισεν. ήνίδε κείται ώριφος · αλλ* άγε και τ ύ τιν 3 ευβοτον άμνόν έρειδε. 25 ΛΑ. και πώς, ώ κίναδος τ ύ , τ ά δ ' εσσεται εξ ΐσω άμμιν; τίς τρίχας άντ' έρίων έποκίξατο; τις δε παρεύσας αίγός πρατοτόκοιο κακάν κύνα δήλετ' άμέλγειν; ΚΟ. δστις νικασεΐν τ ο ν π λ α τ ί ο ν ώς τ υ πεποίθεις, σφάξ βομβέων τέττιγος εναντίον, ά λ λ α y a p ούτι 30
ώριφος ισόπαλης τοι, ΐδ' ο τ ρ ά γ ο ς ούτος· ερισδε. ΛΑ. μη σπεΰδ^ ου γ α ρ τοι πυρί θάλπεαι. άδιον άσή τεΐδ' υ π ό τ ά ν κότινον και τάλσεα τ α ύ τ α καθίξας. ψυχρόν ύδωρ τουτεί καταλείβεται * ώδε πεφυκει π ο ί α , χ ά στιβάς άδε, και ακρίδες ώδε λαλεΰντι.
35 ΚΟ. αλλ' ούτι σπεύδω · μέγα δ' άχθομαι ει τ ύ με τόλμης δμμασι τοις όρθοΐσι ποτιβλέπεν, δν ποκ' έόντα παΐδ* ετ' ε γ ώ ν έδίδασκον. ϊδ' ά χάρις ες τί π ο χ ' έρπει · θρέψαι και λυκιδεΐς, Θρέψαι κύνας, ώς τ υ φάγωντι. ΛΑ. και πόκ' έ γ ώ ν π α ρ ά τεϋς τι μαθών καλόν ή και άκουσας 40
μέμναμ', ώ φθονερόν τ υ και άπρεπες άνδρίον αυτως; ΚΟ. άνίκ' έπύγι^όν τυ, τ υ δ' άλγεες· αι δε χίμαιραι αΐδε κατεβληχώντο, και ό τ ρ ά γ ο ς αυτάς έτρυπη. ΛΑ. μή βάθιον τ ή ν ω ττυγίσματος, υβέ, ταφείης. ά λ λ α γ ά ρ ερφ', ώδ' έρπε, και ύ σ τ α τ α βουκολιαξη.
45 ΚΟ. ο υ χ έρψώ τηνεί. τουτεί δρύες, ώδε κυπειρος, ώδε καλόν βομβεϋντι π ο τ ί σμάνεσσι μέλισσαι, ενθ' ύδατος ψ υ χ ρ ώ κραναι δύο, ται δ' έπι δένδρει δρνιχες λαλαγεϋντι, και ά σκιά ουδέν όμοια τ α π α ρ ά τίν * βάλλει δέ και ά πίτυς υψόθε κώνοις. 23 ποτ* SMosch. ποκ' codd. 24 αλλ* a y [ J 3 <*λλά ye codd. | τίν* Fritzsche τόν codd. | Ιρισδε Κ1 25 κίναδος τυ (συ) Wordswordi κίναδ' εύ vel κιναδεΟ codd. | τάδ* Α τά γ* PG τάδε γ* K Q W | ϊσω Bnggs ίσου codd. Ι άμΐν Κ 27 προττοτόκοιο Ahrens πρωτ- # 3 codd. | βούλετ' PW 29 βομβέων Q W -ων Α -εύων KPG | ούτι S ούτοι codd. 30 τ ° ι Koehler τυ codd. 32 ™$' ΚΑ τηδ* G τεΐνδ* P Q W 33 τουτεί PQ*S τηνεί 42
V. ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ
Co. The pig once challenged Athena. There; the kid is staked, so, come, put up yourself some fat lamb. LA. YOU foxy fellow, and how will it be fair between us then? W h o shears hair for wool, or chooses to milk a filthy bitch when a goat with her first kid stands ready ? Co. Why, one as sure of beating his neighbour as you are—a wasp buzzing against a cicada. But since the kid is no fair stake for you, see, here's the billy-goat. Begin the match. LA. Not so much hurry; you're not on fire. You'll sing more pleasantly if you sit here beneath the wild olive and these trees. Here the water drips cool; here is grass and a couch for us, and here the grasshoppers chirp. Co. Nay, I'm in no hurry; but much it vexes me that you should dare to look me in the face, me that taught you when you were still a child. See what kindness comes to—keep puppies, nay, keep wolf-cubs to devour you. LA. And when can I remember learning or hearing any thing good from you? What an envious beastly fellow you are. Co. Vbi te paedicabam tuque dolebas; capellae autem hae balabant et a capro penetrabantur. LA. Paedicatione ilia utinam tu, incurue, nihil profundius sepeliaris. But here, come here, and you shall sing your last match. Co. I'll not come there. Here are oaks and galingale; here sweetly hum the bees about the hives. Here are two springs of cold water, and on the tree the birds twitter, and the shade's beyond comparison with that by you. And the pine, too, from overhead, pelts one with its cones. KQWAG 37 τταΐδ'frr'KW παΐδα (τ') cett. | ίδ' ά KQ2A2 ά δ'αΟ cett. | ΉΌχ' Ιρπει Meineke ποθέρπει codd. 38 και om.PA Stob.2.46.7 κα Σ ut vid. (έκθρέψειεν άν τις) 39 έγών Κ Ap.Oysc. pron.js.o έγώ cett. | TEVS Iunt. Ap.Dysc. τευ codd. 41 τυ om. Κ 44 βουκολιαξή S -ξεΐ$ codd. 45 κίτττειρον PQW 49 ύψοί)ε S -θι codd. | κώνοι/s WA 43
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
50 ΛΑ. ή μάν άρνακίδα$ τε καΐ εΐρια τεΐδε πατησεΐ$, αϊ κ' ενθτ|5# ύ π ν ω μαλακώτερα* ται δε τραγεϊαι ταΐ π α ρ ά τιν δσδοντι κακώτερον ή τ υ περ όσδεις. σ τ α σ ώ δέ κρατήρα μέγαν λευκοϊο γάλακτος ταϊς Νύμφαις, σ τ α σ ώ δέ και άδέος άλλον έλαίω. 55 ΚΟ. at δέ κε και τ υ μόλης, ά π α λ ά ν πτέριν ώδε πατήσεις καΐ γ λ ά χ ω ν * άνθευσαν· ύπεσσεΐται δέ χιμαιραν δέρματα τ α ν π α ρ ά τιν μαλακώτερα τετράκις άρναν. σ τ α σ ώ δ5 οκτώ μέν γ α υ λ ώ ς τ ω Πανί γάλακτος, οκτώ δέ σκαφίδας μέλιτος π λ έ α κηρΓ έχοίσας. 6ο ΛΑ. αΟτόθε μοι ποτέρισδε και αύτόθε βουκολιάσδευ · τ ά ν σ α υ τ ώ π α τ έ ω ν έχε τάς δρύας. ά λ λ α τίς άμμε, τις κρίνει; αΐθ' ένθοι π ο χ ' ό βουκόλος ώδε Λυκώπας. ΚΟ. ουδέν έ γ ώ τ ή ν ω ποτιδεύομαι * ά λ λ α τ ο ν άνδρα, at λής, τ ο ν δρυτόμον βωστρήσομες, os τάς έρείκας 65
τήνας τάς π α ρ ά τιν ξυλοχί^εται · έστι δέ Μόρσων. ΛΑ. βωστρέωμες. ΚΟ·
τ υ κάλει νιν.
ΛΑ.
ΐθ' ώ ξένε, μικκόν άκουσον 3
#
τεΐδ ένθών άμμες γ ά ρ έρίσδομες, όστις άρείων βουκολιαστάς έστι. τ υ δ', ώγοθέ, μήτ' έμέ, Μόρσων, έν χάριτι κρίνης, μήτ' ών τ ύ γ α τ ο ϋ τ ο ν άνάσης. 70 ΚΟ. ναι, ποτΐ τ α ν Νυμφάν, Μόρσων φίλε, μήτε Κομάτα τ ο π λ έ ο ν ίθυνης, μήτ' ών τ ύ γ α τώδε χαρίξη. άδε τοι ά ποίμνα τ ώ Θουρίω έστι Σιβύρτα, Εύμάρα δέ τάς αίγας όρής, φίλε, τ ώ Συβαρίτα. ΛΑ. μη τ υ τις ήρώτη, π ο τ τ ώ Διός, αΐτε Σιβύρτα 75
αΐτ* έμόν έστι, κάκιστε, τ ο ποίμνιον; ώς λάλος έσσί.
50 τεΐδε Ahrens τιδε aut ηδε |Ϊ4 τηδε codd. 52 χαλεττώτερον PQW 55 κε καΐ ΚΡ κα καΐ cett. 57 ταν Κ (QA?) των cett. | τετράκι* PQWL2 πολλάκι$ cett. et ut vid. ψ2 | άρναν Ahrens άρνών J 2 codd. 60 αύτόθε bis PAL -θε, -θι KG -θι bis QW 62 ποχ* Brunck ττοθ* codd. | ώδ* ό Λ. Κ
44
V. ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ
LA. Come over here, and you shall have lambskins beneath your feet, I promise you, and fleeces soft as sleep, while your goatskins there stink worse than you do yourself. And I will set for the Nymphs a great bowl of white milk, and another too of sweet oil. Co. But if you move over here, soft fern shall you have beneath your feet and flowering pennyroyal; and you shall He on goatskins four times as soft as the lambskins you have there. And eight pails of milk will I set for Pan, and eight bowls with combs full of honey. LA. Compete from there then, and sing your song from there. Tread your own beat and keep your oaks. But who shall judge between us? If only the oxherd Lycopas would pass this way. Co. I can do well without Lycopas, but, if you like, we'll shout to that fellow—the woodman—who is cutting the heather there near you—Morson it is. LA. Let's give him a shout. Co. You call him. LA. Here, friend, come over here and listen to us for a bit, for we have a match to decide which is the better singer of country songs. And, good Morson, do not judge me with favour, nor yet be too kind to this fellow. Co. Aye, in the Nymphs' name, friend Morson, be not partial to Comatas, nor yet favour him. This is the flock of Sibyrtas of Thurii, and here, friend, you see the goats of Eumaras of Sybaris. LA. Did anyone, in heaven's name, ask you whether the flock was Sibyrtas's or my own, confound you? What a windbag you are. 65 ξυλοχίσδεται QWAGL | έντι PQW 66 βωστρέομες KPQW 67 τεΐδ* Κ τήδ* AGL τεΐνδ* PQW 68 ώγαθέ PQW ώ φίλε cett. J1 Συβάρτα QW 72, 73 transp. Κ 74 ήρώτη Κ -τα cett. | Συβάρτα Q
GT
45
9
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΚΟ. βέντισθ' ούτος, εγώ μέν άλαθέα πάντ* αγορεύω κούδέν καυχέομαι · τύγα μάν φιλοκέρτομος έσσί. ΛΑ. εΐα λεγ\ ει τι λέγεις, και τον ξένον ες ιτόλιν αύθις ^ώντ9 άφες · ώ Παιάν, ή στωμύλος ήσθα, Κοματα. 8ο ΚΟ. ται Μοΐσαί με φιλεύντι πολύ πλέον ή τον άοιδόν Δάφνιν · εγώ δ' αύταΐς χιμάρως δύο ττραν ποκ5 εθυσα. ΛΑ. και γάρ έμ' 'Ούπόλλων φιλέει μέγα, και καλόν αύτω κριόν εγώ βόσκω* τά δε Κάρνεα και δη έφέρπει. ΚΟ. πλάν δύο τάς λοιπάς διδυματόκος αίγας άμέλγω, 85 καί μ' ά παις ποθορεΰσα 'τάλαν/ λέγει, c αυτός άμέλγεις; * ΛΑ. φευ φευ, Λάκων τοι ταλάρως σχεδόν εΐκατι πληροί τυρώ, και τ ο ν άναβον εν άνθεσι παΐδα μολύνει. ΚΟ. βάλλει και μάλοισι τον αιπόλον ά Κλεαρίστα τάς αίγας παρελαντα και άδύ τι ποππυλιάσδει. 90 ΛΑ. κήμέ γ α ρ ό Κροτίδας τ ο ν ποιμένα λείος ύ π α ν τ ώ ν έκμαίνει · λιπαρά δε παρ* αυχένα σείετ* εθειρα. ΚΟ. αλλ 5 ο ύ συμβλήτ' έστι κυνόσβατος ούδ* άνεμώνα προς ρόδα, τ ω ν άνδηρα παρ* αίμασιαΐσι πεφύκει. ΛΑ. ουδέ γ ά ρ ούδ' άκύλοις όρομαλίδες* αϊ μέν εχοντι 95 λεπτόν ά π ό πρίνοιο λεπύριον, αϊ δε μελιχραί. ΚΟ. κ ή γ ώ μέν δωσώ τ α παρθένω αύτίκα φάσσαν, έκ τας άρκεύθω καθελών* τηνει γ ά ρ έφίσδει. ΛΑ. άλλ' ε γ ώ ές χλαΐνάν μαλακόν πόκον, όππτόκα π έ ξ ω τ ά ν οίν τ ά ν πέλλαν, Κροτίδα δωρήσομαι αυτός, ιοο ΚΟ. σίττ' ά π ό τας κοτίνω, ται μηκάδες* ώδε νέμεσθε, ώς τ ο κάταντες τούτο γεώλοφον αϊ τε μυρΐκαι. ΛΑ. ούκ ά π ό τας δρυός, ούτος ύ Κώναρος ά τε Κιναίθα; τουτεί βοσκησεΐσθε π ο τ 5 άντολάς, ώς ό Φάλαρος. 76 αγορεύω P Q W -εύσω cett. 77 κανχώμαι S | γ α μάν Wilamowitz (Η pcrperam ascribcns) γε μάν P Q W δ' άγαν cett. 85 ττοΘέρεισ[ jp4 | άμέλγεις ΚΡ -ες cett.: cf. 4.3 86 εϊκοτπ P Q W -κοτι, -κοσι cctt. 89 τταρελαντα Q U V Gcll. 9-9 -λαϋντα PW -λώντα GL -λεΰντα ΚΑ: cf. 8.73 | ττατπτνλιάσδει 46
V. ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΓΤΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ
Co. My good fellow, all that I say is true, and I'm not bragging. It is you that's quarrelsome. LA. Come, if you have anything to say, out with it, and let our friend get back to town with his life. Mercy, Comatas, . .t . ν how you talk. /^; 7 [The contest begins) Co. The Muses love me much better than the minstrel Daphnis; and two goats I sacrificed to them the other day. LA. Aye, and me Apollo dearly loves. And a fine ram I feed for him, and already the Carnea are coming on. Co. The goats that I milk have all borne twins but two, and the maiden eyes me and cries,' Poor soul, dost milk alone ?' LA. H O ho, near twenty baskets Lacon fills with cheese, et puerum impuberem in floribus inquinat. Co. With apples too Clearista pelts the goatherd as he passes with his flock, and sweetly she whistles to him. LA. Yes, and when in gentle temper Cratidas runs to meet the shepherd, he maddens me; and bright waves the hair upon his neck. Co. But briar or anemone is not to compare with the roses whose beds bloom by the wall. LA. Nor yet wild apples with acorns. Thin rind the holmoak gives the acorns, but the apples are honey-sweet. Co. And I shall give my girl a ring-dove presently, catching it in the juniper, for there it roosts. LA. But I, when I shear the black ewe, shall give its soft fleece unasked to Cratidas for a cloak. Co. Hey there, away from the wild olive, my kids. Graze here by this sloping knoll and the tamarisks. LA. Leave the oak, Conarus there, and Cinaetha. Here feed, towards the east, where Phalarus is. v.l. ap. Eust.565.12 91 λ. ται κατ[αυχ. $ 3 παρ' αυτόθι Κ 93 φυλάσσει Κ: cf. 1.47 94 όρομαλίδε$ J ^ K P Q W όρυμ- AGL όμομ- Asclepiades in Σ 95 μελίχροι Σν.1. utvid. ΙΟΙ αϊ τε Xylander φτε codd. 102 Κυναίθα AGL 103 avToXasPQW άντλάί cett.
47
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ιο5
no
us
ΐ2ο
ΐ25
ΐ3ο
ΚΟ· εστί 5έ μοι γ αυλός κυπαρίσσινος, εστί δε κρατήρ, έργον ΤΤραξιτέλευς · τα παίδι δε ταύτα φυλάσσω. ΛΑ. χάμΐν έστι κυων φιλοποίμνιος δς λύκος άγχει, δν τω παίδι δίδωμι τά θηρία πάντα διώκειν. ΚΟ. ακρίδες, αϊ τον φραγμόν ύπερπαδήτε τον άμόν, μη μευ λωβάσησθε τάς άμπελος* εντι γάρ αύαι. ΛΑ. τοί τέττιγες, όρήτε τον αιπόλον ως ερεθίζω* ούτω κΟμμες θην ερεθίζετε τώς καλαμευτάς. ΚΟ. μισέω τάς δασυκέρκος άλώπεκας, αϊ τά Μίκωνος αιει φοιτώσαι τά ποθέσπερα ραγί^οντι. ΛΑ. και γάρ εγώ μισέω τώς κανθάρος, οι τά Φιλώνδα σύκα κατατρώγοντες υπανέμιοι φορέονται. ΚΟ. ή ου μέμνασ', δκ' εγώ τυ κατήλασα, και τυ σεσαρώς ευ ποτεκιγκλί^ευ και τας δρυός εϊχεο τήνας; ΛΑ. τοϋτο μεν ου μέμναμ5 * δκα μάν ποκα τεΐδέ τυ δήσας Ευμάρας έκάθηρε, καλώς μάλα τοΰτό y* ΐσαμι. ΚΟ. ήδη τις, Μόρσων, πικραίνεται· ή ουχί παρήσθευ; σκίλλας ιών γραίας από σάματος αυτίκα τίλλοις. ΛΑ. κήγώ μάν κνί^ω, Μόρσων, τινά* και τυ δε λεύσσεις. ένθών τάν κυκλάμινον δρυσσέ νυν ες τον "Αλεντα. ΚΟ. Ιμέρα άνθ* ύδατος ρείτω γάλα, και τυ δέ, Κραθι, οΐνω πορφύροις, τά δέ τοι σία καρπόν ένείκαι. ΛΑ. ρείτω χά Συβαρΐτις έμίν μέλι, και το πότορθρον ά παις άνθ' ύδατος τα κάλπιδι κηρία βάψαι. ΚΟ. ται μεν έμαί κυτισόν τε και αΐγιλον αίγες εδοντι, και σχΐνον πατέοντι και εν κομάροισι κέονται. ΛΑ. ταΐσι δ* εμαΐς όίεσσι πάρεστι μεν ά μελίτεια φέρβεσθαι, πολλός δέ και ώς ρόδα κισθός έπανθεΐ.
104 εντι bis P Q W 108 ύττερπαδήτε AG -άτε PL -είτε K Q W | άμόν P Q W έμόνοεπ:. ΙΟΟ αβαι Q W ά^αι, αύταί Σνν.11. I I I κυμμες SMosch. χύμμες P Q W A L χυμές $ 2 K G | ερεθισδετ[ $ 2 113 ]αγισδοντι #2 115 υπανέμιοι # 2 P Q W Οττην- cett. | φορέονται $2KAGL ττοτέονται P Q W Ιΐ6 ή οιιι. P Q W | μεμνησ ψζ μέμνα AGL (yp. ή f>a μέμνα Σ) | δκ' Τ Γ ότ' $ 2 codd. Ι έγών # 2 Q W 118 δκα μάν # 2 K P Q W δκκα μεν AGL | ττοκα
48
V. ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ
Co. A pail of cypress-wood I have, and a bowl, Praxiteles's work; and for my girl I keep them. LA. Aye, and we have a dog that loves the flock and throttles wolves, a present for my darling to hunt all manner of beasts. Co. Locusts that hop over our fence, hurt not my vines, for they are dry. LA. Cicadas, see how I provoke the goatherd; just so, surely, do you provoke the reapers. Co. I hate the foxes with their bushy tails that come ever at evening and plunder Micon's vineyard. LA. And I hate the beetles that nibble Philondas's figs and are borne upon the wind. Co. Nonne meministi cum ego te subigitaui tuque ringens et quercum illam tenens bene ceuebas ? LA. Of that I have no recollection, .but very well I know when once Eumaras tied you up here and dusted you. Co. Somebody's losing his temper already, Morson—or did you miss it? Go straight and gather squills from some hag's grave. LA. And I am galling someone too, as you see. Go to the Haleis, then, and dig up cyclamen. Co. Let Himera run milk instead of water, and Crathis redden with wine and its reeds bear fruit. LA. And for me let Sybaris flow with honey and at dawn my girl dip honeycomb for water in her pitcher. Co. Moon-clover and goatwort have my goats for pasture; on mastich they walk, and couch on arbutus. LA. Balm have my sheep to browse, and, like roses, in plenty flowers the cistus. om. KAGL | τεΐδε $2Κ τήδε AGL τεΐνδε PQW 120 ή Κ 121 τίλλειν ASMosch. 122 μάν KL μεν cett. 123 vw A2Tr 'ΑλεΟντα AGL 127 τάν κάλπιδα AGL 129 σχοϊνον J2AGL: κέονται PSMosch. κέοντι KAGL κέχννται Q W 131 κισθός κισσός codd. (^οδάκισσος Σν.1.)
49
om. cett. viv cett. | cf. 7.133 | MMosch.
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΚΟ. ουκ εραμ' Άλκίππας, δτι με πραν ουκ έφίλησε των ώτων καθελοϊσ', δκα οι τάν φάσσαν έδωκα. ΛΑ. αλλ' εγώ Ευμήδευς εραμαι μέγα» και γάρ δκ5 αύτω ΐ35 τάν σύριγγ* ώρεξα, καλόν τί με κάρτ' έφίλησεν. ΚΟ. ου θεμιτόν, Λάκων, ποτ' άηδόνα κίσσας έρίσδειν, ουδ5 εποπας κυκνοισι · τυ δ \ ώ τάλαν, έσσι φιλεχθής. ΜΟΡΣ03Ν
παυσασθαι κέλομαι τον ποιμένα, τίν δέ, Κοματα, δωρεΐται Μόρσων τάν άμνίδα* και τυ δε Ούσας ΐ4ο ταΐς Νυμφαις Μόρσωνι καλόν κρέας αυτίκα πέμψον. ΚΟ. πεμψώ, ναι τον Πάνα. φριμάσσεο, πάσα τραγίσκων νυν άγέλα* κήγών yap ΐδ' ώς μέγα τοΰτο καχαξώ καττώ Λάκωνος τω ποιμένος, δττι ποκ' ήδη άνυσάμαν τάν άμνόν ες ώρανόν ϋμμιν άλεϋμαι. ΐ45 αίγες έμαί, θαρσεΐτε, κερουχίδες* αυριον ϋμμε πάσας εγώ λουσώ Συβαρίτιδος ενδοθι λίμνας. ούτος ό λευκίτας ό κορυπτίλος, ει τιν* όχευσεΐς ταν αιγών, φλασσώ τυ, πριν ή έμέ καλλιερήσαι ταΐς Νυμφαις τάν άμνόν. δ δ' αΟ πάλιν, άλλα γενοίμαν, ΐ5ο αι μη τυ φλάσσαιμι, Μελάνθιος άντι Κομάτα. 135 ώρεξα KQ 2 AGL έδωκα P Q W 140 Νύμφαις KAGL Moiaais P Q W : cf. 149 142 κήγώ μέν ίδ* AGL 143 ώδε ΤΤΟΚ' Κ 144 τ α ν Κ2 τ ο ν $ 2 cett.: cf. 149 Ι α]μναν φ ι ante corr. | ώρανόν Κ ούρ- cett. 145 κερονχίδες $ 2 codd. κερουλίδες» κερουλκίδες Σ vv.ll. 146 λίμνας AGL Kpavas $ 3 cert, incertum
50
V. ΑΙΠΟΛΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΤΟΙΜΕΝΙΚΟΝ
Co. I love not Alcippa, for the other day she took me not by the ears and kissed me when I gave her the ringdove. LA. But dearly I love Eumedes, for when I gave him the pipe he kissed me very prettily. Co. Lacon, it is not right for jays to contend with nightingales, nor hoopoes with swans, but you, poor fool, are contentious. MORSON
I bid the shepherd desist, and to you, Comatas, Morson gives the lamb. And do you, when you sacrifice it to the Nymphs, send Morson straight a good piece. Co. By Pan, I will. Now snort, all my flock of kids, for see how great the laugh I shall have here over shepherd Lacon, that at the last I've won the lamb. Sky-high for you I'll leap. Take heart, my horned goats. To-morrow I'll wash you all in Sybaris lake. You there, the white, butting billy, if you touch one of the nannies before I've sacrificed the lamb to the Nymphs, I'll take my knife to you. There he is again! If I don't take the knife to you, may I be Melanthius instead of Comatas. utrum $2 148 octycov ASMosch. -αν cett. | φλασσώ $2(?)ΚΗ φλασώ cett.: cf. 150 Ι ή PQTr ή y* $ 2 cett.: cf. 7.88 149 τάν Κ τόν cett.: cf. 144 150 φλάσσαιμι Κ φλάσσιμι cett.: cf. 148
51
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ ΔΑΜΟΙΤΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΦΝΙΣ
5
Δαμοίτας και Δάφνις ό βουκόλος εις ενα χώρον τάν άγέλαν ποκ\ "Αρατε, σ υ ν ά γ α γ ο ν ής δ* δ μεν αυτών πυρρός, δ δ' ήμιγένειος· έπι κράναν δέ τιν* άμφω έσδόμενοι θέρεος μέσω άματι τοιάδ' άειδον. πρατος δ* άρξατο Δάφνις, έπει και πρατός ερισδεν. ΔΑΦΝΙΣ
βάλλει τοι, Πολύφαμε, το ποίμνιον ά Γαλάτεια μάλοισιν, δυσέρωτα και αίττόλον άνδρα καλευσα· και τύ νιν ου ποθόρησθα, τάλαν τάλαν, άλλα κάθησαι άδέα συρίσδων. πάλιν ά δ \ ϊδε, τάν κύνα βάλλει, ίο α τοι ταν οίων έπεται σκοπός · ά δε βαυσδει eis άλα δερκομένα, τά δε νιν καλρ κύματα φαίνει άσυχα καχλά3οντος έπ' αιγιαλοΐο θέοισαν. φρά^εο μη τας παιδός έπι κνάμαισιν όρούση έξ αλός έρχομένας, κατά δέ χρόα καλόν άμύξη. ΐ5 ά δέ και αύτόθε τοι διαθρύπτεται · ώς άπ' άκανθας ται καπυραι χαΐται, το καλόν θέρος άνίκα φρύγει, και φεύγει φιλέοντα και ου φιλέοντα διώκει, και τον άπό γραμμας κινεί λίθον · ή γάρ ερωτι πολλάκις, ώ Πολύφαμε, τά μη καλά καλά πέφανται. 20
Τω δ' έπι Δαμοίτας άνεβάλλετο και τάδ* άειδεν. ΔΑΜΟΙΤΑΣ
εΐδον, ναι τον Πάνα, το ποίμνιον άνίκ5 εβαλλε, κου μ* ελαθ', ού τον έμόν τον ενα γλυκύν, ώ ποθορωμι ές τέλος (αύτάρ ό μάντις ό Τήλεμος εχθρ' αγορεύων CODD. PRIMARII: Κ PQW [Laur.] AGLU (1-38) [Vat.] PAP.: J Ι (28f., 34-40) TITULUS: ΒονκολιασταΙ Δαμο(τα$ καΐ Δάφνις codd. Ι κσΐ PQAU χώ cett. 7 και Meineke τόν codd. 52
9 άδί τάν ΡΣν.1.
I D Y L L VI
Damoetas and Daphnis the neatherd once, Aratus, gathered the herd together to the same place. Golden was the chin of one; the other's beard half-grown. And at a spring the pair sat down, in summer at noonday, and thus they sang; and Daphnis first began, for he first proposed the match. DAPHNIS
Galatea pelts thy flock with apples, Polyphemus, and calls thee cursed in love and goatherd. And thou, poor fool, hast no eye for her but sittest piping sweetly. See, there again she pelts the dog that follows thee to watch thy sheep; and it looks to the sea and barks, and the fair waves mirror it as it runs on the gently murmuring strand. Mind that it does not spring at the maiden's legs as she comes from the sea and tear her lovely skin. Even from there she coquets with thee, and, wanton as the dry thistledown when the bright summer parches it, she flies the wooer, and when one woos not, follows and leaves no move untried. For, sooth, to love, Polyphemus, many a time has foul seemed fair. And thereon Damoetas piped a prelude and thus began to sing. DAMOETAS
By Pan, I saw her when she was pelting the flock, and she did not escape unseen—nay, by my one sweet eye, she did not, wherewith may I see to the end—let Telemus, the seer, carry 10 τάν P Q W των cett. II μιν P Q W | βαίνει Σν.1. 12 κοχλάζοντος SZ -οντά codd. 15 αύτόθε Ρ -Θι cett. 16 φρνγει S -γη K W A L U -ξη PG φλέγει Q 20 καλόν άείδε(ι)ν PQWZv.l. 22 κοΟτ* ?λ. Κ | τον alterum om. KL I ττοθορωμι Heinsius -ώμοα US -ημαι cett.
53
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
25
3ο
35
40
έχθρα φέροι ποτι οίκον, όπως τεκέεσσι φυλάσσοι) · άλλα και αυτός έγώ κνημών πάλιν ου ποθόρημι, άλλ' άλλαν τινά φαμι γυναϊκ' εχεν · α δ* άίοισα ^αλοΐ μ', ώ Παιάν, και τάκεται, έκ δε θάλασσας οιστρει ποπτταίνοισα ποτ' άντρα τε και ποτι ποίμνας. σίξα δ3 υλακτεΐν νιν καΐ τφ κυνί* και yap όκ' ήρων, αύτάς έκνυ^εΐτο ποτ' ισχία ρύγχος εχοισα. ταϋτα δ' ίσως έσορεΰσα ποεΟντά με πολλάκι πέμψει άγγελον. αυτάρ έγώ κλ^ξώ θύρας, έστε κ' όμόσση αυτά μοι στορεσεϊν καλά δέμνια τασδ' επί νάσω* και γάρ θην ούδ' είδος εχω κακόν ως με λέγοντι. ή γάρ πρδα; ές πόντον έσέβλεπον, ής δέ γαλάνα, καΐ καλά μεν τά γένεια, καλά δέ μεν ά μία κώρα, ως παρ' έμιν κέκριται, κατεφαίνετο, των δέ τ' οδόντων λευκοτέραν αύγάν Παρίας ύπέφαινε λίθοιο. ώς μη βασκανθώ δέ, τρις εις έμόν έπτυσα κόλπον · ταϋτα γάρ ά γραία με Κοτυτταρις έξεδίδαξε [α πραν άμάντεσσι παρ' Ίπποκίωνι ποταύλει].
Τόσσ' είπών τον Δάφνιν ό Δαμοίτας έφίλησε · χω μεν τω σύριγγ', ό δέ τω καλόν αύλόν εδωκεν· αύλει Δαμοίτας, σύρισδε δέ Δάφνις ό βούτας · 45 ώρχεΟντ' έν μαλάκα ται πόρτιες αύτίκα ποία. νίκη μεν ούδάλλος, άνήσσατοι δ' έγένοντο. 24 φέροι ποτΙ A?L2UMosch. φέρει (-η) ποτι KAL φέροιτο ποτ' PQWG | φυλάσσοι KQWG -σση Ρ -ξή ALU 25 ποθόρημι AMosch. -ημοα cett. (-ωμαι US) 29 σίξα Ruhnken σίγα, σίγα, σιγςτ codd. | ύλακτεϊ Κ'Σν.1. | νιν om. KPQW 30 έκνν^εϊτο Κ2Ρ -ατο cett. -οΐτο ΣΚ lemma
54
VI. ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ
home the bale he prophesies for me and keep it for his children. Nay, but I too myself, to tease her back, have no eye for her, but tell her I have another to wife. And she hears and is jealous of me, by Paean, and pines, and from the sea spies in frenzy on my caves and flocks. And I tarred on the dog, too, to bark at her. For when I courted her, it would lay its muzzle on her lap and whine. And may be, when she sees me do this often, she will send a messenger; but I shall bar my door until she swear that with her own hand she will make my fair bed upon this isle. For truly I am not even ill-favoured, as they say; for of late I looked into the sea, and there was a calm, and fair, as my judgment goes, showed my beard and my one eye, and it reflected the gleam of my teeth whiter than Parian marble. But to cheat the evil eye, thrice I spat into my bosom as the hag Cotyttaris taught me. With that Damoetas kissed Daphnis, and gave the other a pipe, and Daphnis gave Damoetas a pretty flute. Damoetas began to flute and neatherd Daphnis to pipe, and, straight, the calves to skip in the soft hay. Neither won the victory, but invincible they proved. -ήτο S Greg. Cor. 79 | ποτ' KAGLU παρ* PQW 31 ττοεΟντα KQ2 ποιcett. 34 ούτ' PQW 35 γαλήνα Κ 36 δέ μευ Ahrens δέ μοι KPQW δ* έμιν AGLU 37 ToTS δέ τ* όδουσι Σν.1. 41 (=ιο.ι6) om. Κ | πράν SMosch. πρΙν codd. | Ίτπτοκίωνι MxMosch. -κίωνα PQW -κόωντι AGL 42 έφίλησε Ρ -ασε cett. 46 μεν KPQW μάν AGL | άνήσσατοι Κ άνάσ- cett.
55
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ τ
5
ίο
ΐ5
20
25
Ης χρόνος άνίκ' έγών τε και Ευκριτος εις τον "Αλεντα εΐρπομες εκ πόλιος, συν και τρίτος άμμιν Αμύντας, τα Δηοΐ γάρ ετευχε θαλύσια και Φρασίδαμος κάντιγένης, δύο τέκνα Λυκωπέος, ει τί περ έσθλόν χαών των έπάνωθεν άπό Κλυτίας τε και αυτώ Χάλκωνος, Βούριναν δς εκ ποδός άνυε κράναν εύ ένερεισάμενος πέτρα γόνυ · ται δέ παρ* αυτάν αίγειροι πτελέαι τε έύσκιον άλσος ύφαινον χλωροΐσιν πετάλοισι κατηρεφέες κομόαχται. κουποο τάν μεσάταν όδόν άνυμες, ουδέ το σαμα άμΐν το Βρασίλα κατεφαίνετο, καί τιν' όδίταν έσθλόν συν Μοίσαισι Κυδωνικόν ευρομες άνδρα, ουνομα μέν Λυκίδαν, ής δ' αιπόλος, ουδέ κέ τις νιν ήγνοίησεν ιδών, έπει αίπόλω εξοχ' έώκει. έκ μέν γάρ λασίοιο δασύτριχος είχε τράγοιο κνακόν δέρμ' ώμοισι νέας ταμίσοιο ποτόσδον, άμφι δέ οι στήθεσσι γέρων έσφίγγετο πέπλος ^ωστηρι πλακερω, ροικάν δ' εχεν άγριελαίω δεξιτερα κορύναν. καί μ' άτρέμας είπε σεσαρώς δμματι μειδιόωντι, γέλως δέ οι εΐχετο χείλευς* 'Σιμιχίδα, π α δη τυ μεσαμέριον πόδας έλκεις, άνίκα δη και σαθρός εν αίμασιαΐσι καθεύδει, ούδ* έπιτυμβίδιοι κορυδαλλίδες ήλαίνοντι; ή μετά δαΐτ' άκλητος έπείγεαι, ή τίνος αστών λανόν επι θρώσκεις; ως τοι ποσι νισσομένοιο πάσα λίθος πταίοισα ποτ 5 άρβυλίδεσσιν αεί δει.3
C O D D . PRIMARII: K
P Q W [Laur.]
ALU [Vat.]
ΡΑΡΡ.: $ Ι ( Ι - Ι 8 , 24-7, 44-57, 64-87, 90-2, 104-31, 134-46), * 2 (4-13, 68-117) TITULUS: Θαλύσια Σ arg. et 3.8, 6. arg., 2 ]ια[ φι τά is Κομάταν Θαλ. Κ Λυκίδας ή Θαλ. Et.M. 273.42 ©αλ- ή εαρινοί οδοιπόροι PQV * Θαλ. ή εαρινή όδοιπορία A L U ι εγω]ν $ ι έγώ codd. 2 καί $ ι KALU δέ P Q W | άμΐν PG Ap.Dysc. pron. 42. 7, synt. 177· 11 5 έπάνωθεν Reiske IV άν- codd.: cf. Epigr. 22.3
56
IDYLL VII Time was when Eucritus and I were going from the town to the Haleis, and Amyntas made a third with us. For to Deo Phrasidamus and Antigenes were making harvest-offerings, the two sons of Lycopeus, illustrious, if aught such there be, among men noble from their lineage, from Clytia and Chalcon himself, who set his knee firm against the rock and made the spring Burina well beneath his foot; and hard by the spring, poplars and elms, with green foliage arched luxuriant above, wove a shady precinct. And not yet had we accomplished half the journey, nor had the tomb of Brasilas come in sight, when, by the Muses' grace, we fell in with a wayfarer, a man of Cydonia and a worthy. His name was Lycidas, and a goatherd he was; nor could one that saw him have mistaken him, for beyond all he looked the goatherd. On his shoulders he wore the tawny skin of a thick-haired shaggy goat reeking of fresh rennet, and round his breast an aged tunic was girt with a broad belt; in his right hand he grasped a crooked club of wild olive. And with a quiet smile and twinkling eye he spoke to me, and laughter hung about his Up: 'Whither now, Simichidas, art thou footing it in the noontide, when even the lizard sleeps in the wall and the tomb-crested larks fare not abroad? Art hastening unbidden to some banquet or speeding to some townsman's winepress, for as thou goest each pebble spins singing from thy shoes?' And I made answer, 'Friend 6, 7 transp. ip2 ante corr. 6 Βούρειαν Q W I | άννσε ΡΣ v.l. 7 εύ Hermann e t u t v i d . iPi εϋγ* codd. 8 Οφαινον Heinsius 2i 13 Λυκίδας P Q W | νιν Ziegler μιν ;βι J*2 (e viv) codd. 14 αγνοίησε[ 3βι ΐ6 π]οτ03ον jgi 18 ττλοκερω Σ ν.1. 21 τό μεσ. UGZ (in vita) 22 έφ' αίμ. ALU 23 αϊ δ* έττ. P Q W | έτπτνμβίδιαι ALU! lemma Gal. 12.3611 ήλαίνοντι lunt. Gal. -ται codd. 24 δαΐτ' άκλητο* lunt. Σ ν.1. δαϊτα κλητό* codd. Σ ν.1. 25 τεΟ Mosch. Tr | νεισομένοιο J i Cal.
57
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
30
35
40
45
50
τον δ' εγώ άμείφθην* 'Λυκίδα φίλε, φαντί τυ πάντες ήμεν συρικτάν μέγ5 υπείροχον εν τε νομευσιν εν τ* άματήρεσσι. το δη μάλα θυμόν ιαίνει άμέτερον · καίτοι κατ5 έμόν νόον ισοφαρί^ειν ελττομαι, α δ' οδός άδε θαλυσιάς* ή γάρ εταίροι άνέρες ευπέπλω Δαμάτερι δαΐτα τελεΟντι όλβω άπαρχόμενοι · μάλα γάρ σφισι πίονι μέτρω α δαίμων ευκριθον άνεπλήρωσεν άλωάν. αλλ* άγε δη, ξυνά γάρ οδός ξυνά δε και άώς, βουκολιασδώμεσθα* τάχ 5 ώτερος άλλον όνασεΐ. και γάρ εγώ Μοισαν καπυρόν στόμα, κήμέ λέγοντι πάντες άοιδόν άριστον · εγώ δε τις ου ταχυπειθής, ου Δαν * ου γάρ π ω κατ5 έμόν νόον ούτε τον έσθλόν Σικελίδαν νίκη μι τον εκ Σάμω ούτε Φιλίταν άείδων, βάτραχος δε ποτ 5 ακρίδας ως τις έρίσδω.5 ως έφάμαν έπίταδες · ό δ5 αιπόλος άδυ γελάσσας, 'τάν τοΓ, εφα, 'κορυναν δωρυττομαι, ουνεκεν έσσί παν έπ5 άλαθεία πεπλασμένον έκ Διός ερνος, ως μοι και τέκτων μέγ5 άπέχθεται όστις έρευνη ίσον όρευς κορυφα τελέσαι δόμον 'Ούρομέδοντος, και Μοισαν όρνιχες όσοι ποτι Χΐον άοιδόν άντία κοκκυ^οντες έτώσια μοχθί^οντκ άλλ5 άγε βουκολικας ταχέως άρξώμεθ5 άοιδας, Σιμιχίδα* κήγώ μέν—όρη, φίλος, ει τοι αρέσκει τουθ5 ότι πραν εν όρει το μελυδριον έξεπόνασα.
"Εσσεται 5Αγεάνακτι καλός πλόος ές Μιτυλήναν, χώταν έφ5 έσπερίοις Έρίφοις νότος υγρά διώκη κύματα, χωρίων ότ5 έπ5 ώκεανω πόδας ΐσχει, 55 αϊ κα τον Λυκίδαν όπτευμενον εξ 5Αφροδίτας ρύσηται · Θερμός γάρ έρως αύτώ με καταίθει. 28 ήμεν Wilamowitz 2μμεν KPQWL Ιμμεναι A U 29 άματήρεσσι Wila mowitz άμητ- codd. 3 0 Ισοφαρφιν Κ -^εν Ρ -σδεν cett. 34 άλωνα PQW 39 yov ΚΗΜ 1 : cf. 4·ΐ7 40 ουδέ KPW 1 | Φιλίταν Croenert -ήταν vario accentu codd. 42 γελάσσα$ SMosch. -άσα$ ΚΡΑ 1 -αξα$ cett.:
58
VII.
ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ
Lycidas, all men say that among the herdsmen and the reapers thou art by far the best of pipers, and much it glads my heart to hear; and yet, in my thought, I fancy myself thy equal. But this journey is to a harvest-festival, for comrades of mine are holding a feast for fair-robed Demeter, giving firstfruits of their abundance; for in full rich measure has the goddess piled their threshing-floor with barley. But come; the way and the day are thine and mine to share; let us make country song, and each, maybe, shall profit the other. For I too am a clear voice of the Muses, and all call me the best of singers; but I am slow to credit them, faith I am. For in my own esteem I am as yet no match in song either for the great Sicelidas from Samos or for Philetas, but vie with them like a frog against grasshoppers/ So, with a purpose, did I say; and with a pleasant laugh the goatherd answered me, Ί will give thee my stick, for thou art a sapling whom Zeus has fashioned all for truth. For much I hate the builder who seeks to raise his house as high as the peak of mount Oromedon, and much those cocks of the Muses who lose their toil with crowing against the bard of Chios. But come, let us straight begin our country song, Simichidas, and I—see, friend, if it please thee, this ditty I fashioned of late on the hill. Fair voyage to Mitylene shall Ageanax have when the Kids stand in the evening sky and the south wind speeds the wet waves, and when Orion stays his feet upon the Ocean, if he save Lycidas from the furnace of Aphrodite, for hot is the love of him which consumes me. And the halcyons shall cf. 128,156 43 δωρύττομαι K Q W -ρήσομαι cett. 44 κεκασμένος PQ 2 - o v W α 46 'ωρομέδοντο* $ I K P Q W L U Εύρυμ- Α ϋ Σ v.l. 47 όσοι TTOTI KALU οι ποτΐ τόν P Q W 49 άρχώμβθ* PALU $2 Μιτνλήναν Κ -άναν cett. ut in 61 54 ΐσχ« Q*S -η cett. 55 κ α Wilamowitz κεν codd. $6 £ύηται Κ 59
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
6ο
65
70
75
8ο
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χάλκυόνε$ στορεσεΟντι τά κύματα τάν τε θάλασσαν τόν τε νότον τόν τ' ευρον, ός έσχατα φυκία κινεί, αλκυόνες, γλαυκαΐς Νηρηίσι ταί τε μάλιστα όρνίχων έφίληθεν, όσοις τε περ εξ αλός άγρα. Άγεάνακτι πλόον 813η μένω ες Μιτνλήναν ώρια ττάντα γένοιτο, και ευπλοος δρμον ΐκοιτο. κήγώ τήνο κατ' άμαρ άνήτινον ή ροδόεντα ή και λευκοΐων στέφανον περί κρατι φυλάσσων τόν Πτελεατικόν οϊνον άπό κρατήρος άφυξώ πάρ πυρί κεκλιμένος, κύαμον δέ τις εν πυρι φρυξεΐ. χά στιβάς έσσεΐται πεπυκασμένα εστ* έπι παχυν κνύ^α τ* άσφοδέλω τε πολυγνάμπτω τε σελίνω. και πίομαι μαλάκα^ μεμναμένος Άγεάνακτος αύταϊς εν κυλίκεσσι και ες τρύγα χείλος έρείδων. αύλησευντι δέ μοι δύο ποιμένες, ε\ς μεν Άχαρνεύς, εις δέ Λυκοοπίτας * ό δέ Τίτυρος εγγύ^εν άσεΐ ώς ποκα τας Έενεας ήράσσατο Δάφνις ό βούτας, χώς όρος άμφεπονεΐτο και ώς δρύες αυτόν έθρήνευν Ιμέρα αΐτε φύοντι παρ' δχθαισιν ποταμοΐο, ευτε χιών ώς τις κατετάκετο μακρόν υφ' Αΐμον ή νΑθω ή Τοδόπαν ή Καύκασον έσχατόωντα. άσεΐ δ3 ώς ποκ' εδεκτο τόν αιπόλον ευρέα λάρναξ 3<Λ>όν έόντα κακαΐσιν άτασθαλίαισιν άνακτος, ώς τέ νιν αι σιμαι λειμωνόθε φέρβον ιοΐσαι κέδρον ες άδεϊαν μαλακοϊς άνθεσσι μέλισσαι, οϋνεκά οι γλυκύ Μοΐσα κατά στόματος χέε νέκταρ, ώ μακαριστέ Κοματα, τύ θην τάδε τερπνά πεπόνθεις' και τύ κατεκλάσθης ες λάρνακα, και τύ μελισσαν κηρία φερβόμενος έτος ώριον έξεπόνασας. αΐθ' έπ' έμεΰ ^coois έναρίθμιος ώφελες ή μεν,
6θ έφίληθεν G -αθεν codd. | oaots Greverus -ais codd. 62 ώρια Σ ν.1. ώρια codd. I εΰπλοο^ Schaefer -ov codd. 64 u a p a P Q 2 W A L 65 κ ρ α τ ή ρ ο ς ϊ ι Κ Ρ κρητ- cett. 68 πολυγνάμπτω Κ -yvciarrcp cett. 69 μεμναμένος W -η μένος cett. 70 avrrais έν Valckenaer (έν αυταΐς Σ) ανταΐσιν codd. ηζ Λυκωπίτας $ 2 codd. -ειτας J)i 73 τάς 5ενέα$ ^ i K Q W A L U τα$ Ιενίας ΡΣν.1. 60
VII.
ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ
lay to rest the waves and the deep, the south wind and the east, that stirs the seaweed in the lowest depths, the halcyons, birds most dear to the green Nereids and to them whose prey is from the sea. Ageanax seeks passage to Mitylene; may all things favour him, and fair weather attend him to his haven. And I on that day will wreathe my brows with anise, roses, or white stocks, and draw from the bowl the wine of Ptelea as I He by the fire; and one shall roast me beans on the hearth. And cubit-high shall my couch be strewn with fleabane and asphodel and curling celery, and I will drink at my ease, remembering Ageanax in the very cups and pressing my lip therein even to the dregs. And two shepherds shall pipe to me, one from Acharnae, and from Lycope one; and close at hand Tityrus shall sing how once Daphnis the neat herd loved Xenea, and how the hill was sorrowful about him and the oaktrees which grow upon the river Himeras> banks sang his dirge, when he was wasting like any snow under high Haemus or Athos or Rhodope or remotest Caucasus. And he shall sing how once a wide coffer received the goat herd alive by the impious presumption of a king; and how the blunt-faced bees came from the meadows to the fragrant chest of cedar and fed him on tender flowers because the Muse had poured sweet nectar on his lips. Ah, blessed Comatas, thine is this sweet lot; thou too wast closed within the coffer; thou too, on honeycomb fed, didst endure with toil the springtime of the year. Would thou hadst been numbered with the living in my day, that I might have herded τας ξανθας Σν.1. τα ξανές $Ϊ2 74 άμφεττονεΐτο $51 KPXG άμφ* έττονεϊτο jp2 η6 κατετάAhrens άμφεττολεϊτο cett. 75 αιτεφυοντο 3β ι αιτ* εφύοντο 3$2 κετο $12 K Q W A L U κατατ-Ρ κ α τ α τ [ 5 ι η% π ο τ $ ι 79 κακαϊσιν άτασθαλίαισιν £ ι corr. KP -αισιν, -ησιν $ ι $ 2 -ήσιν, -ησιν cett. 8 l άνθεσι $ 2 Κ 83 πεττόνθης Κ 85 έξεττόνασας KPQ 2 ALU εξε[π]ον[ 3βι -ησας $2 εξετέλεσσας Q W M 86 εμεΟ PG έμοί $2 cett. | ήμεν $ ι # 2 Mosch. -ες ALU είμεν Κ -ες P Q W 61 or
10
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ως τοι έγών ένόμευον άν' ώρεα τάς καλάς αίγας φωνας είσαΐων, τυ δ' υπό δρυσιν ή υπό πευκαις άδύ μελισδόμενος κατεκέκλισο, θειε Κοματα/ 9ο
Χώ μέν τόσσ' είπών άπεπαύσατο · τον δε μέτ* αύθις κήγών τοΓ έφάμαν Άυκίδα φίλε, πολλά μέν άλλα Νύμφαι κήμέ δίδαξαν άν5 ώρεα βουκολέοντα έσθλά, τά που και Ζηνός έπι θρόνον άγογε φάμα · άλλα τόγ* Ικ πάντων μέγ' ύπείροχον, φ τυ γεραίρειν 95 άρξευμ5 · αλλ* ύπάκουσον, έπει φίλος επλεο Μοίσαις. Σιμιχίδα μέν "Ερωτες έπέπταρον ή γάρ ό δειλός τόσσον έρα Μύρτους όσον εΐαρος αίγες ερανται. "Ούρατος δ5 ό τά πάντα φιλαίτατος άνέρι τήνω παιδός υπό σπλάγχνοισιν έχει πόθον. οίδεν "Αριστις, ιοο έσθλός άνήρ, μέγ' άριστος, δν ουδέ κεν αυτός άείδειν Φοίβος συν φόρμιγγι παρά τριπόδεσσι μεγαίροι, ως έκ παιδός "Αρατος υπ' όστίον αΐθετ* ερωτι. τόν μοι, Πάν, Όμόλας έρατόν πέδον δστε λέλογχας, άκλητον τήνοιο φίλας ές χείρας έρείσαις, ιο5 εΐτ5 εστ3 άρα Φιλΐνος ό μαλθακός είτε τις άλλος, κει μέν ταυτ' ερδοις, ώ Πάν φίλε, μήτι τυ παίδες 'Αρκαδικοί σκίλλαισιν υπό πλευράς τε και ώμως τανίκα μαστί^οιεν, δτε κρέα τυτθά παρείη · ει δ* άλλως νεύσαις, κατά μέν χρόα πάντ' όνύχεσσι no δακνόμενος κνάσαιο και εν κνίδαισι καθεύδοιςΦ εΐης δ* Ήδωνών μέν εν ώρεσι χείματι μέσσω "Εβρον πάρ ποταμόν τετραμμένος έγγυθεν "Αρκτω, εν δέ θέρει πυμάτοισι παρ' Αιθιόπεσσι νομευοις πέτρα υπο Βλεμύων, όθεν ούκέτι Νείλος ορατός. 88 η y* * 2 : ci. 5.148 89 κατεκέκλισο φ 2 K P Q W κστακ- Q 2 A L U 90 άνεπαύσατο Κ 92 κημ* εδιδ[αξα]ν εν ώ [ $2 94 δττι y ' άείδειν Mosch. et ut vid. 5 2 97 Ιραντι K P Q W 98 '(jupcrros SMosch. *Ap- Jp2 codd. ΙΟΙ ττερί P Q W 102 όστίον Fritzsche -έον $2 codd. 104 τήνοιο S κείνοιο P i ut vid. $ 2 codd. 105 ita $ i ^ 2 c o d d . είτε Φ. άρ' έστιν S 62
VII. ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ
thy fair goats upon the hills and listened to thy voice, while thou, divine Comatas, didst He and make sweet music under the oaks or pines.' Thus much he said and ceased, and after him I too followed with such words as these: friend Lycidas, many another thing the Nymphs have taught me too as I tended my herd upon the hills, fine songs, whose fame report, maybe, has carried even to the throne of Zeus; but of all is this the first by far, wherewith I will begin to do thee honour. Listen, then, for thou art dear to the Muses. For Simichidas the Loves sneezed, for he, poor soul, loves Myrto as dearly as goats love the spring. But Aratus, dearest friend in all to me, guards deep at heart desire of a boy. Aristis knows, a man of worth, the best of men, whom Phoebus himself would not grudge to stand and sing, lyre in hand, by his own tripods—knows how to the very marrow Aratus is aflame with love of a boy. Ah, Pan, to whom has fallen the lovely plain of Homole, lay him unsummoned in my friend's dear arms, whether it be the pampered Philinus or another. And if thou wilt, dear Pan, then never may Arcadian lads flog thee with squills about the flanks and shoulders when they find scanty meat. But if thou consent not so, then mayst thou be bitten and with thy nails scratch thyself from top to toe; mayst thou sleep in nettles, and in midwinter find thyself on the mountains of the Edonians, turned towards the river Hebrus, hard by the pole. And in summer mayst thou herd thy flock among the furthest Ethiopians beneath the rock of the Blemyes whence Nile 106 in margine a correctore additum $ ι | κεΙ ψζ W S κήν cett. | ταΟΘ* JtaQ: cf. 2.15 | μήτι τυ K P Q W μητι συ $ 2 μήτε τι ALU 107 ώμως Valckenaer -ους φ ι codd. 108 μαστί^οιεν ψιψζ μαστίσδ- codd. 109 νεύσαις ψιψζ P Q W A L U -etsK m a p e a i ^ Q L oup-cett. 112 Έ β ρ ο ν φ ι US εύρον cett. ]ρω ττα[ρ] ποταμω 3βζ corr. | κεκλιμένος K 2 PQ ! W | "Αρκτω S -ου codd.
63
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ 5
us ύμμες δ Ύετίδος και Βυβλίδος άδυ λιπόντες νάμα και Οίκοΰντα, ξανθας έδος αίττν Διώνας, ώ μάλοισιν Έρωτες έρευθομένοισιν όμοιοι, βάλλετε μοι τόξοισι τον ιμερόεντα Φιλΐνον, βάλλετ', έπεί τον ξεΐνον ό δύσμορος ουκ ελεεί μευ. ΐ2ο και δη μάν άττίοιο πεπαίτερος, αί δε γυναίκες, "αιαΐ", φαντί, "Φιλϊνε, το τοι καλόν άνθος άπορρεΐ". μηκέτι τοι φρουρέωμες έπι προθυροισιν, "Αρατε, μηδέ πόδας τρίβωμες· ό δ' δρθριος άλλον αλέκτωρ κοκκύσδων νάρκαισιν άνιαραΐσι διδοίη · ΐ25 εις δ' άπό τασδε, φέριστε, Μόλων άγχοιτο παλαίστρας, άμμιν δ' άσυχία τε μέλοι, γραία τε παρείη άτις έπιφθύ^οισα τά μη καλά νόσφιν έρύκοι/ Τόσσ* έφάμαν · δ δέ μοι το λαγωβόλον, άδυ γελάσσας ώς πάρος, εκ Μοισαν ξεινήιον ώπασεν ήμεν. ΐ3ο χ ώ μεν άποκλίνας έπ* αριστερά τάν έπι ΤΤύξας εΐρφ* όδόν · αυτάρ έγών τε και Ευκριτος ές Φρασιδάμω στραφθέντες χ ώ καλός Άμύντιχος εν τε βαθείαις άδειας σχοίνοιο χαμευνίσιν έκλίνθημες εν τε νεοτμάτοισι γεγαθότες οϊναρέοισι. ΐ35 πολλαι δ' άμμιν υπερθε κατά κράτος δονέοντο αίγειροι πτελέαι τε · το δ' έγγυθεν ιερόν ύδωρ Νυμφαν έξ άντροιο κατειβόμενον κελάρυ^ε. τοι δέ ποτι σκιαραΐς όροδαμνίσιν αιθαλίωνες τέττιγες λαλαγευντες έχον πόνον · ά δ5 όλολυγών ΐ4ο τηλόθεν έν πυκιναΐσι βάτων τρύ^εσκεν άκάνθαις* άειδον κόρυδοι και άκανθίδες, έ'στενε τρυγών, πωτώντο ξουθαι πΓρι πίδακας άμφί μέλισσαι. πάντ' ώσδεν Θέρεος μάλα πίονος, ώσδε δ5 όπώρας. ι ι ό Οίκοΰντα Hecker ]ντα $2 -ευντα SZ -εΟντες codd. 120 μάν ALU μάλ* cett. 124 κοκκύγων | ϊ ι Ρ | νάρκαισι S -ησιν codd. | άνιαραΐσι $ i P S 2 -ηραΐσι Κ -ηρήσι cett. 125 άττό j i K Q X lemma νττό A L U επί P Q W Z 127 έπιφθύσδοισα Q W 128 τόσα* $ i ut vid. K Q 2 A L U cos P Q W | γελάσσα5 U 2 SMosch. -άξας cett.: cf. 42, 156 129 ήμεν A L U είμεν cett.
64
VII. ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ
is no more seen. But do you leave the sweet stream of Hyetis and Byblis, and Oecus, that steep seat of golden-haired Dione, ye Loves as rosy as apples, and wound me with your bows the lovely Philinus, wound him, for,the wretch has no pity on my friend. And truly riper than a pear is he, and the women cry, " Alas, Philinus, thy fair bloom is falling from thee". No more, Aratus, let us mount guard by his porch, nor wear our feet away; but let the morning cock with his crowing deliver up another to the numbing pain, and one alone, Molon, be throttled in that school, my friend. On peace be our minds set, and let us have a crone to spit on us and keep unlovely things away.' So much I said; and Lycidas, laughing pleasantly as before, gave me his stick as friendship's token in the Muses. And he bent his way leftward and took the road to Pyxa, but I and Eucritus and the fair Amyntas turned towards Phrasydamus's farm and laid ourselves down rejoicing on deep couches of sweet rush and in the fresh-stripped vine-leaves. Many a poplar and elm murmured above our heads, and near at hand the sacred water «from the cave of the Nymphs fell plashing. On the shady boughs the dusky cicadas were busy with their chatter, and the tree-frog far off cried in the dense thornbrake. Larks and finches sang, the dove made moan, and bees flitted humming about the springs. All things were fragrant of rich harvest and of fruit-time. Pears at our feet and apples
130 Φυξας Σ v.l. ut vid. 131 ήρχ* Κ | έγώ ΚΡ 132 στραφθέντες Κ -φέντΕ$ χ 34 οίναρέαισι LMosch. cctt. 133 σχοίνοιο ΚΡ σχίν- cett.: cf. 5-J29 2 138 σκιεραΐς ALU 140 πνκιναΐσι Η -fjat codd. 143 136 τό τ' PQ ω ε ν 3 ] ί I ut vid.
65
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
δχναι μεν πάρ ττοσσί, τταρά ττλευραΐσι δε μαλα ΐ45 δαψιλέως άμΐν έκυλίνδετο, τοί δ' έκέχυντο όρπακες βραβίλοισι καταβρίθοντες ερα^ε · τετράενες δε πίθων άπελύετο κράτος άλειφαρ. Νύμφαι Κασταλίδες Παρνάσιον αΐιτος εχοισαι, άρά γέ π α τοιόνδε Φόλω κατά λάινον άντρον ΐ5ο κράτη ρ' Ήρακλήι γέρων έστάσατο Χίρων; άρά γέ πα τηνον τον ποιμένα τον ποτ* Άνάπω, τον κρατερον ΓΤολύφαμον, os ώρεσι vaas εβαλλε, τοΐον νέκταρ έπεισε κατ5 αυλια ποσσι χορεΟσαι, οίον δη τόκα πώμα διεκρανάσατε, Νυμφαι, ΐ55 βωμω πάρ Δάματρος άλωίδος; as επί σωρώ aims εγώ πάξαιμι μέγα πτύον, ά δε γελάσσαι δράγματα και μάκωνας εν άμφοτέραισιν εχοισα. 144 V&> τταρά PALU 145 άΜΐν Κ ά[ φι άμμιν cett. 146 βραβίλοισι KQ Ath. 2.50A βραβύλ- cett.: cf. 12.3 | Spc^e Ath. Et.M. 211.5 -ασδε codd.
66
VII. ΘΑΛΥΣΙΑ
at our side were rolling plentifully, and the branches hung down to the ground with their burden of sloes. And the four-year seal was loosened from the head of the wine-jars. Nymphs of Castalia that haunt the steep of Parnassus, was it such a bowl as this that old Chiron served to Heracles in Pholus's rocky cave? Was it such nectar that set that shepherd by the Anapus dancing among his sheepfolds, even the mighty Polyphemus, who pelted ships with mountains ?—such nectar as ye Nymphs mingled for us to drink that day by the altar of Demeter of the Threshing-floor. On her heap may I plant again the great winnowing-shovel while she smiles on us with sheaves and poppies in either hand. 147 έπτάενες Σ lemma 150 κροττήρ* ΚΡ κρητ- cett. Aaascodd. 154 διεκρανώσατε ALU Σ v.l.Et.M. 273.41 157 άμφοτέραισιν P2S -οισιν QWL -ησιν cett.
67
152 vaccs Heinsius 155 aAcoaSosALU
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ <β'> Δ Α Φ Ν Ι Σ ΚΑ! Μ Ε Ν Α Λ Κ Α Σ
5
ίο
Δάφνιδι τω χαρίεντι συνάντετο βουκολέοντι μήλα νέμων, cos φαντί, κατ* ώρεα μακρά Μενάλκας. άμφω τώγ' ήστην πυρροτρίχω, άμφω ανάβω, άμφω συρίσδεν δεδαημένω, άμφω άείδεν. πρατος δ' ών ποτι Δάφνιν ιδών αγόρευε Μενάλκας * 'μυκηταν έπίουρε βοών Δάφνι, Arjs μοι άεΐσαι; φαμί τυ νικασεΐν, όσσον θέλω αυτός άείδων/ τον δ' άρα χω Δάφνις τοιώδ' άπαμείβετο μυθω · 'ποιμήν ειροπόκων οίων, συρικτά Μενάλκα, ουποκα νικασεϊς μ', ουδ* ει τι πάθοις τύγ 5 άείδων.' ΜΕΝΑΛΚΑΣ
χρήσδεις ών εσιδεΐν; χρήσδεις καταθεΐναι άεθλον; ΔΑΦΝΙΣ
χ ρ ή σ δ ω τοϋτ' εσιδεΐν, χ ρ ή σ δ ω καταθεΐναι άεθλον. ΜΕ. και τί ν υ θησεύμεσθ' δ κεν άμΐν άρκιον εΐη; ΔΑ. μόσχον ε γ ώ θησώ, τ υ δε θες ισομάτορα άμνόν. ΐ5 ΜΕ. ου θησώ π ο κ α άμνόν, έπει χαλεπός ό π α τ ή ρ μευ χ ά μάτηρ, τ ά δε μήλα ποθέσπερα π ά ν τ ' άριθμευντι. ΔΑ. άλλα τί μάν θησεΐς; τί δε τ ο πλέον έξεΐ ό νικών; ΜΕ. συριγγ 5 αν έπόησα καλάν εχω έννεάφωνον, λευκόν κηρόν εχοισαν ίσον κάτω ίσον άνωθεν* 20
ταύταν κατθείην, τά δε τ ώ πατρός ου καταθησώ.
CODD. PRIMARII: Κ P Q W [Laur.] A L N U [Vat.] PAP.: $I ( I - 6 , 9-16, 29-32, 56-65, 70-85) TITULUS: Βουκολιασταί. Aa
68
I D Y L L VIII
As Menalcas herded his flocks on the high hills he fell in, so it is said, with the fair Daphnis, who pastured his cattle there. Ruddy of locks were they both, and striplings both; both skilled in piping, and in singing both. And seeing Daphnis, Menalcas first began: 'Daphnis, guardian of the lowing kine, wilt thou sing with me ? If the songs be of the length I choose, I say that I shall vanquish thee.' And thus to him did Daphnis in turn make answer: 'Piper Menalcas, shepherd of the fleecy sheep, never wilt thou vanquish me—not even if thou do thyself a mischief with thy singing.' MENALCAS
Wilt thou see then? wilt thou set a stake on it? DAPHNIS
I will see it and will set a stake on it. ME. What stake then shall we set that shall suffice us ? DA. I will stake a calf, and do thou stake a lamb as big as its dam. M E . Never will I stake a lamb, for stern my father is, and stern my mother, and at nightfall they count over all the flock. DA. Nay, what then wilt thou stake? And what shall be the victor's gain? M E . I have a panpipe which I made, a fair pipe of nine reeds, with white wax even at top and bottom—that will I stake; but what is my father's I will not. 12 xpris[co $ i primo loco 13 και τί vu Legrand και τίνα K P W L N U και τι Α erasa syllaba και[ $ ι άλλα τι Q in rasura HMosch. | δ κεν άμϊν Mosch. ]εν[ ψ ι όστις χ' άμΐν KALNU όστις άμϊν P Q W | άρκιον Η in rasura Mosch. -10s codd. 14 θές τ* P Q W θες y' UMosch. 16 μήλα Cholmeley μάλα codd. 18 έπόησα KQ -οίησα cctt. | εχω Warton εγώ codd.(?) 19 κηρόν Ρ καρόν cett.: item 22: cf. 1.27
69
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ΔΑ. ή μάν τοι κ ή γ ώ σύριγγ* ε χ ω έννεάφωνον, λευκόν κηρόν εχοισαν ίσον κάτω ίσον άνωθεν, π ρ ώ α ν νιν συνέπαξ* * ετι και τ ο ν δάκτυλον ά λ γ ώ τούτον, έπει κάλαμος με διασχισθεις διέτμαξεν. 25 ΜΕ. ά λ λ α τίς άμμε κρίνει; TIS έπάκοος εσσεται άμέων; ΔΑ. τηνόν π ω ς ενταύθα τον αίπόλον, ην, καλέσωμες, φ π ο τ ι ταΐς έρκροις ό κυων ό φάλαρος Ολακτεΐ. Χοι μεν παίδες άυσαν, ό δ' αιπόλος ήνθ 3 υπακουσας * χοί μεν παίδες άείδεν, ό δ* αιπόλος ήθελε κρίνειν. 30
π ρ α τ ο ς δ* ών άειδε λ α χ ώ ν ίυκτά Μενάλκας, είτα δ' άμοιβαίαν υπελάμβανε Δάφνις άοιδάν βουκολικάν · ο ύ τ ω δε Μενάλκας άρξατο πρατος. ΜΕ. άγκεα και ποταμοί, Θείον γένος, αϊ τι Μενάλκας π ή π ο χ ' ό συρικτάς προσφιλές άσε μέλος,
35
β ό σ κ ο ι τ ' έκ ψ υ χ α ς τ ά ς άμνάδας · η ν δέ π ο κ ' ενθη Δάφνις έ χ ω ν δαμάλας, μηδέν έ λ α σ σ ο ν εχοι. Δ Α . κραναι και β ο τ ά ν α ι , γ λ υ κ ε ρ ό ν φ υ τ ό ν , αΐπερ όμοΐον μουσίσδει Δάφνις ταΐσιν άηδονίσι, τ ο ύ τ ο τ ο βουκόλιον πιαίνετε · κήν τι Μενάλκας
40
τεΐδ* άγάγη, χαίρων άφθονα πάντα νέμοι.
45 ΜΕ. ενθ' δις, ενθ' αίγες διδυματόκοι, ένθα μέλισσαι 46 47 44
σ μ ή ν ε α π λ η ρ ο ϋ σ ι ν , και δρύες ύψίτεραι, ενθ* ό καλός Μίλων βαίνει π ο σ ί ν αι δ' άν άφέρπη, χ ω ποιμήν ξηρός τηνόθι χ α ι βοτάναι.
4ΐ Δ Α . π ά ν τ α εαρ, π ά ν τ α δέ νομοί, π ά ν τ α δέ γάλακτος 42 43 48
ο υ θ α τ α π ι δ ώ σ ι ν , και τ ά ν έ α τράφεται, ένθα κ α λ ά Ναΐς έπινίσσεται* αϊ δ' ά ν ά φ έ ρ π η , χ ω τ ά ς β ώ ς β ό σ κ ω ν χ α ί βόες αύότεραι.
24 με K P Q W ye A L N U 28 άεισαν Κ | υπακούσο^ Cobet έπακούσα$ PQ 2 W έπακοΟσαι cett. 29 άείδεν Gebauer άειδον codd. | κρΐναι A L N U 30 ών codd. ]uv γ ' jpi I Ιυκτά KU 2 SMosch. Ιυκτάς cett. 33 άγγεα PQW 34 σνριγκτάς KWL 38 μουσίσδει W A U -σδοι, -301 cett. 39 ποιμαίνετε A N U 40 τεΐδ' Κ τηδ' Q W A L N U τεΐνδ' PQ 2 | άγάγτι S
70
VIII. ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ <β'>
DA. Faith, I too have a pipe of nine reeds, with white wax even at top and bottom. Of late I made it, and this finger is still sore where the reed split and cut me. ME. But who shall judge us? Who will listen to our singing ? DA. Look, let us call yonder goatherd—him round whose kids the dog with the white patch is barking. And the boys shouted, and the goatherd heard them and came; and fain were the boys to sing and the goatherd to judge between them. First, then, clear-voiced Menalcas sang, for to him the lot had fallen, and then Daphnis took up the answering strain of pastoral song. And thus did Menalcas first begin: ME. Ye vales and rivers, race divine, if ever the piper Menalcas pleased you with a song, feed with a will his lambs; and if Daphnis ever bring his heifers, may he find no less welcome. DA. Ye springs and pastures, herbage sweet, if Daphnis makes music like the nightingales, fatten this herd of his; and if Menalcas bring here aught of his, welcome may he find, and pasture in abundance. ME. There does the sheep, there do the goats bear twins; and there the bees fill the hives with honey and the oaks grow taller, where the fair Milon steps. But if he depart, parched is the shepherd there and parched the pasture. DA. Everywhere is spring, and pastures everywhere, and everywhere udders gush with milk and younglings are fattened, where the fair Nais ranges. But if she depart, wasted the neatherd and his cattle wasted. -yoi codd. 41-3 et 45-7 trai. Bindemann 41 νομαί PQW 42 πιδώσιν Ahrens ττηδώσιν KQALNU πλήθουσιν PQ 2 W | τράφεται scripsi τρέφcodd.: cf. 3.16, 9.23, 11.40 43 ένθ' ά καλά παις codd. corr. Meineke 44 ποιμήν ΚΡ -άν cett.: cf. 9 46 σμήνεα ΚΡ σμάν- cett. | πλαρεΟνπ PQW | υψίτεραι ΚΡ -ότεραι cett. 71
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
50
ΜΕ. ώ τ ρ ά γ ε , τ α ν λευκαν α ι γ ώ ν άνερ, ες βάθος υλας μυρίον—αι σιμαι δεΰτ 5 εφ5 ϋ δ ω ρ έριφοι— εν τ ή ν ω γ ά ρ τηνος* ϊ θ \ ώ κόλε, και λέγε, c Μίλων, ό Πρωτευς φώκας και θεός ώ ν ενεμεν.' >
<ΔΑ
ΜΕ. μη μοι γ α ν Πέλοπος, μη μοι Κροίσεια τ ά λ α ν τ α εΐη εχειν, μηδέ πρόσθε θέειν ά ν ε μ ω ν άλλ' υ π ό τ α π έ τ ρ α ταδ' άσομαι άγκάς έχων τ υ , 55 σύννομα μήλ' έσορών Σικελικάν τ 5 ες ά λ α . Δ Α . δενδρεσι μεν χειμών φοβερόν κακόν, ϋδασι δ' αυχμός, δρνισιν δ' Οσπλαγξ, άγροτέροις δέ λίνα, άνδρι δέ τταρθενικας άπαλας πόθος, ώ πάτερ, ώ Ζεΰ, ο υ μόνος ή ρ ά σ θ η ν και τ υ γυναικοφίλας. 6ο Τ α ΰ τ α μέν ών δι5 αμοιβαίων οι παίδες άεισαν, τ ά ν π υ μ ά τ α ν δ' ωδάν ούτως έξάρχε Μενάλκας* ΜΕ. 65
70
φείδευ τ α ν έρίφων, φείδευ, λύκε, τ α ν τοκάδων μευ, μηδ' άδίκει μ3, ότι μικκός έών πολλαΐσιν όμαρτέω. ώ Λ ά μ π ο υ ρ ε κύον, ο ϋ τ ω βαθύς ύ π ν ο ς έχει τ υ ; ο υ χ ρ ή κοιμασθαι βαθέως σ υ ν π α ί δ ι νέμοντα. ται δ 5 όιες, μηδ' ϋμμες όκνεΐθ' ά π α λ α ς κορέσασθαι π ο ί α ς · ούτι καμεΐσθ' όκκα π ά λ ι ν άδε φυηται. σ ί τ τ α νέμεσθε νέμεσθε, τ ά δ* ο υ θ α τ α π λ ή σ α τ ε πασαι, ως τ ο μέν ώρνες εχωντι, τ ο δ' ές τ α λ ά ρ ω ς ά π ο θ ώ μ α ι . Δεύτερος α ύ Δάφνις λ ι γ ν ρ ώ ς άνεβάλλετ' άείδεν ·
ΔΑ.
κήμ' εκ τ ώ ά ν τ ρ ω σύνοφρυς κόρα εχθές ίδοΐσα τάς δαμάλας π α ρ ε λ α ν τ α καλόν καλόν ή μεν ε φ α σ κ ε ν
49 αίγών άνερ S αίγαν άν. KALNU άνερ alyav PQW | is Wilamowitz 51 καλέ Σ lemma | Μίλων Κ2ΡΝ ώ, ώ codd. 5° α1 Wilamowitz ώ codd. 52 ο Meineke ώ$ codd. | Post 52 lacunam Μίλωνι KWL Μίλω QAU Σ ν.1. statuit Wuestemann 53 Κροίσεια Jortin χρύσεια codd. 55 άδομαι Σ ut vid. 56 μήλ* Cholmeley μαλ' codd. | Σικελικάν τ' Valckenaer τάν 72
VIII.
ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ <β'>
M E . He-goat, husband of the white nannies, into the infinite depths of the forest (hither, ye blunt-nosed kids, to the water), for there is he. Go, stump-horn, and say, 'Milon, Proteus herded seals for all that he was a god.' DA
ME. Nor Pelops' land, nor Croesus' wealth be mine, nor to outrun the winds. Rather beneath this rock will I sit and sing with thee in my arms and watch my grazing flocks and the Sicilian sea. DA. Dread plague to trees is tempest, drought to the waters, the springe to birds, and nets to game; and to a man desire for a tender maiden. Ah Father Zeus, not I alone am love-sick; thou too lovest women. Thus in alternate strains sang the boys, and thus Menalcas led the last song: ME. Spare my kids, Ο wolf, and spare my mother-goats, nor harm me for that I am so little to tend so large a flock. Lampurus, my dog, dost sleep so sound? Sound sleep is not for him who herds with a boy. Nor should ye shrink, my ewes, to feed your fill upon the tender grass, for it will grow again before ye be weary. Hey on and feed, and fill your udders all, that some the lambs may have and other I may set by in the cheese-crates. And second Daphnis struck up his clear-voiced song: DA. Me too from out her cave a maid with meeting brows spied yesterday, as I drove past my heifers, and cried, 'How fair, how fair he i s \ Σικελικάν K Q W τάν Σικελάν cett. 58 υσττληγξ ΚΡ 59 drraXos Κ 03 φ.τ. άρνών, φ.λ.τ. έρίφων Stob.4.24.47 ^5 κν ^ ον Κ -ων cett. 67 όκνεϊθ' SMosch. -νήθ', -ναθ\ -νεΐσ6', -νήσθ* codd. 68 καμεΐσθ* Mosch. -μοΐσθ* Κ -μήσβ*, -μαθ* cett. 70 £χωντι Mosch. -οντι codd. ηΐ κήμ* HV 2 κάμ'codd: 73 "τταρελαντα | ϊ ι P Q W -λαΰντα A L N U -λευντα Κ: cf. 5.89 | ήμε* A L N U εΤμεν, -με$ P Q W
73
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
75
ου μάν ουδέ λ ό γ ο ν έκρίθην ά π ο τ ο ν ττικρόν αυτά, α λ λ ά κάτω βλέψας τάν άμετέραν όδόν εΐρπον. άδεΓ ά φωνά TSS πόρτιος, άδυ τ ο πνεύμα, [άδυ δε χ ώ μόσχος γαρυεται, άδυ δε χ α βώς,] άδυ δε τ ώ θέρεος παρ 5 ύδωρ ρέον αιθριοκοιτεΐν. τ α δρυι ταί βάλανοι κόσμος, τ α μαλίδι μαλα,
8ο
τ α βοΐ δ' ά μόσχος, τ ω βουκόλω αι βόες αυτακ °6ι)ς οι παίδες άεισαν, ό δ' αιπόλος ώδ' άγόρευεν* 'άδυ τι τ ο στόμα τοι και έφίμερος, ώ Δάφνι, φωνά* κρέσσον μελπομένω τευ άκουέμεν ή μέλι λείχειν. λάσδεο τάς σύριγγας, ένίκασας γ α ρ άείδων.
85
αϊ δέ τι λής με και αυτόν άμ' αίπολέοντα διδάξαι, τήναν τ ά ν μιτύλαν δωσώ τ ά δίδακτρα τοι α ϊ γ α , άτις υπέρ κεφάλας αιει τον άμολγέα π λ η ρ ο ί / ώς μέν ό παις έχάρη και άνάλατο και π λ α τ ά γ η σ ε νικάσας, ούτως έπι ματέρι νεβρός άλοιτο.
90
ώς δέ κατεσμυχθη και άνετράπετο φρένα λ ύ π α ώτερος, ο ύ τ ω και νυμφα δμαθεισ' άκάχοιτο. κήκ τ ο ύ τ ω πράτος π α ρ ά ποιμέσι Δάφνις έγεντο, και νύμφαν άκραβος έών έτι Ναΐδα γαμεν.
74 λόγον ^ i Q W A L N U -ων ΚΡ | τον KPALNU το Q W άτοπον πικρόν Σν.1. *]6 άδέα Κ | πόρτιδος Jii ante corr. 77 ( = 9·7) damn. Valckcnacr. Habet etiam φ ι 78 αίθριοκοιτεΐν Ρ -την Κ -ταν cett. 83 νιν OCK[ 3βτ ante corr. 84 ενίκάσα[ $ ι -κησας codd. 86 μιτάλαν KM μυτάλαν Σ ν.1.
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VIII. ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ <β'>
Yet gave I not back even the bitter answer, but bent my eyes upon the ground and went my way. Sweet is the heifer's voice and sweet her breath, and sweet in summer to couch beside a running stream. Acorns are the glory of the oak, apples of the apple-tree, calf of the cow, and of the neatherd his cows alone. So sang the boys, and thus the goatherd spoke: 'Sweet, Daphnis, are thy lips, and lovely thy voice: I had rather listen to thy minstrelsy than sip honey. Take thou the pipes, for thou art victorious in the singing. And if, as I herd my goats beside thee, thou wilt teach me myself, I will give thee for thy teaching yonder stump-horned goat that ever fills the milk-pail over the brim.' As joyed the lad in his victory and leapt for pleasure and clapped his hands, so might a fawn leap about its dam. And as the other was seared with sorrow and heart-stricken with grief, so would a maiden grieve when wedded. And from that day was Daphnis first among the herdsmen, and while yet a youth wedded the nymph Nais. 89 νικάσας Paris. 2512 -ήσας codd. | ματέρι Κ -ρα cett. 91 δμαθεΐσ' Ahrens γαμηθεΐσ* Κ (et codd.?) γαμεθεΐσ' STr(?) Greg.Cor. 92 92 τούτω LMosch. -του cett. | Δάφνις π. π. πρώτος ALNU 93 <5xpapos scripsi -ηβο$ codd.: cf. 3
75
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ Δ Α Φ Ν Ι Σ ΚΑΙ Μ Ε Ν Α Λ Κ Α Σ
5
Βουκολιά^εο, Δάφνι · τύ δ' ωδας άρχεο ττρατος, ωδάς αρχεο, Δάφνι, έφεψάσθω δέ Μενάλκας, μόσχως βουσιν ύφέντες, έπι στείραισι δε ταύρως. χοΐ μεν άμα βόσκοιντο και εν φύλλοισι πλανωντο μηδέν άτιμαγελεΟντες* έμιν δε τυ βουκολιά^ευ εκ τόθεν, άλλοθε δ' αύτις υποκρίνοιτο Μενάλκας. ΔΑΦΝΙΣ
άδύ μεν ά μόσχος γαρύετάι, άδύ δε χά βώς, άδύ δε χά σϋριγξ χώ βουκόλος, άδύ δε κήγών· εστί δε μοι τταρ' ύδωρ ψυχρόν στιβάς, εν δε νένασται ίο λευκαν εκ δαμαλαν καλά δέρματα, τάς μοι άττάσας λίψ κόμαρον τρωγοίσα$ άττό σκοπιάς έτίναξε. τω δέ θέρευς φρύγοντος εγώ τόσσον μελεδαίνω, δσσον έρών το πατρός μύθων και ματρός άκούειν. Ούτω Δάφνις άεισεν έμίν, ούτω δέ Μενάλκας* ΜΕΝΑΛΚΑΣ
ΐ5 Αίτνα ματερ έμά, κήγώ καλόν άντρον ένοικέω κοίλαις εν πέτραισιν εχω δέ τοι όσσ' εν όνείρω φαίνονται, πολλάς μέν δις, ττολλάς δέ χίμαιρας, ών μοι προς κεφάλα και προς ποσι κώεα κείται, εν ττυρί δέ δρυΐνω χόρια ;$εΐ, έν πυρι δ' αύαι 2ο φαγοι χειμαίνοντος * εχω δέ τοι ούδ* όσον ώραν χείματος ή νωδός καρύων άμύλοιο παρόντος. CODD. PRIMARII: Κ P Q W [Laur.] ALNU [Vat.] TITULUS: Βουκολιασταί. Δάφνις καΐ Μενάλκα? codd. προλογίζει νομείς τις ό και κριτής add. Q Ι βωκολιάσδεο Q W A L N U : item (-σδευ) 5 2 ωδάς αρχεο K A L N U πρατος άειδε P Q W j Δάφνι KPQW πράτος A L N U | έφεψάσθω A 2 USMosch. έφαψ- W A L N συναψ- KPQ συναρξάσθω Σ ν.1. 3 έπι M 2 Cal. υπό codd. 76
I D Y L L IX
Make rustic music, Daphnis, and do thou first begin the song—do thou begin, Daphnis, and let Menalcas follow, when ye have set the calves beneath the cows and the bulls to run with the barren heifers. Let them pasture with the herd and wander among the flowers and stray not, but thou make rustic music for me from thy place and let Menalcas answer from the other side. DAPHNIS
Sweet sounds the calf and sweet the cow, and sweet too the panpipe and the oxherd, and sweet sound I. By the cool stream is my couch, whereon are piled fair skins from my white heifers—the sou'wester tossed them all from the cliff as they browsed on the arbutus. And as much for summer when it scorches care I as a lover cares to heed his father's bidding or his mother's. Thus Daphnis sang to me, and Menalcas thus: MENALCAS
Etna, my mother, I too have a fair cave to dwell in among the hollow rocks, and mine is the wealth of dreamland— many a ewe and many a she-goat, and fleeces from them lying at my head and my feet. And on my fire of oak-logs puddings boil, and dry acorns roast there in wintry weather. No heed at all give I to winter—no more than the toothless man to nuts when spongecake is by. 4 ττλανωντο A L N U -οΐντο KQ -εΟντο PW 6 Ικ τόθεν Cholmeley εκττοθεν Non. v.l. εμττο(σ)θεν KPLNU έμπροσθεν QWAL 2 εν ττοθ' εν K 2 L 2 U 2 | άλλο(σ)θε(ν) codd. άλλωθεν Κ2 | δ* OCUTIS υττοκρίνοιτο LM δε ττοτικρ- cett. 7 ά S ό codd. ίο άττάσας KQ 2 ALNU άπ* άκρας P Q W 12 τω Winterton του codd. 13 έρών το Κ ALNU έρώντι P Q W A 2 | ή μορ-pos PQ 14 OVTCOS bis P Q W 18 κείνται ALNU
77
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
Τοις μέν έπεττλατάγησα και αύτίκα δώρον έδωκα, Δάφνιδι μεν κορύναν, τάν μοι πατρός ετραφεν αγρός, αυτοφυή, τάν ούδ' αν ίσως μωμάσατο τέκτων, 25 τήνω δε στρόμβω καλόν δστρακον, ώ κρέας αυτός σιτήθην ττέτραισιν εν Ίκαρίαισι δοκευσας, ττέντε ταμών ττέντ' ούσιν* ό δ* έγκαναχήσατο κόχλω. Βουκολικαι Μοΐσαι, μάλα χαίρετε, φαίνετε δ' φδάν τάν ιτοκ εγώ τήνοισι παρών άεισα νομεΰσι * 30 μηκέτ' έτπ γλώσσας άκρας όλοφυγγόνα φυσώ. 'τέττιξ μεν τέττιγι φίλος, μυρμακι δέ μύρμαξ, ΐρηκες δ' ΐρηξιν, έμιν δ' ά Μοΐσα καΐ ώδά. τας μοι πας εΐη ττλεΐος δόμος, ούτε γαρ ϋττνος ουτ' εαρ έξοατίνας γλυκερώτερον, ούτε μελίσσαις 35 άνθεα* τόσσον έμιν Μοΐσαι φίλαι. ους γ ά ρ όρεϋντι γαθευσαι. τώς δ5 ούτι ττοτω δαλήσατο Κίρκα/ 23 Ιτραφεν LMTr έτρεφ- cett. 24 μωμάσατο Κ -σαιτο cett. 25 ώ Brunck ου codd. 26 σιτήθην ΚΡΝ -άβην cett. | Ύκκαρίεσι Paris. 2722 28, 9 φδά$ τά$ PQ2W Ι τήνοισι PQ2N κείνοισι cett. 30 όλοφυγγόνα Κ Hesych. s.v.
78
IX. ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΑΣΤΑΙ <γ'>
I clapped my hands for them and forthwith gave them each a gift; to Daphnis a staff grown on my father's farm, self-shaped, yet even a craftsman, maybe, would have found no fault in it; and to the other a fine trumpet-shell I spied myself on the Icarian rocks and ate its meat, cutting five shares for five of us. And Menalcas blew a blast on his shell. Ye pastoral Muses, hail, and reveal the song that once I sang when I was with these herdsmen; let me no longer grow pimples on my tongue-tip. 'Cicada is dear to cicada, ant to ant, hawk to hawk; and to me the Muse and minstrelsy, whereof be all my house filled. For not more sweet is sleep, or spring's sudden coming, or flowers to the bees; so dear to me are the Muses. For whomso they regard with delight, Circe with her potions never harms.' -γδόνα cett. | φύσω Graefe -η$ codd. 32 δ* ά KPQWN δέ ALU δέ τε Q2 35 τόσσον KAL δσσον cett. | yap PGS2Mosch. μέν cett. Σ | όρευντι KPQW -ρή(ν)τε Κ2ALU -ώντι NS 36 γαθευσαι Brunck -€θσι(ν) codd.
79
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΝΑΙ Η ΘΕΡΙΣΤΑΙ ΜΙΛΟύΝ
Έργατίνα Βουκαΐε, τι νυν, ώ^υρέ, πεπόνθεις; ούτε τον όγμον άγειν ορθόν δύνα, ώς το πριν ουθ' άμα λαοτομεΐς τω πλατίον, αλλ5 άπολείπη, ώσπερ δις ποίμνας, άς τον πόδα κάκτος έτυψε. 5
ποιος τις δείλαν τυ και έκ μέσω άματος έσση, δς νυν αρχόμενος τας αύλακος ουκ άποτρώγεις; ΒΟΥΚΑΙΟΣ
Μίλων όψαματα, πέτρας άπόκομμ' άτεράμνω, ουδαμά τοι συνέβα ποθέσαι τινά των άπεόντων; ML ουδαμά. τίς δέ πόθος των εκτοθεν έργάτα άνδρί; ίο ΒΟ. ουδαμά νυν συνέβα τοι άγρυπνήσαι δΓ έρωτα; ΜΙ. μηδέ γε συμβαίη* χαλεπόν χορίω κυνα γεϋσαι. ΒΟ. άλλ* εγώ, ώ Μίλων, εραμαι σχεδόν ένδεκαταΐος. ΜΙ. έκ πίθω αντλείς δήλον εγώ δ* εχω ουδ5 άλις όξος. ΒΟ. τοιγάρ τά προ θυραν μοι άπό σπόρω ασκαλα πάντα. ΐ5 ΜΙ. τίς δέ τυ ταν παίδων λυμαίνεται; ΒΟ.
ά Πολυβώτα, ά πραν άμάντεσσι παρ' Ίπποκίωνι ποταυλει.
ΜΙ. εύρε θεός τον άλιτρόν έχεις πάλαι ών έπεθυμεις* μάντις τοι τάν νύκτα χροϊξεΐται καλαμαία. CODD. PRIMARII: Κ P Q W [Laur.] A L N U [Vat.] PAP.: $ 3 (53-*in.) TITULUS: Έργατίναι ή θερισταί codd. Ι 0131/ρέ A L N U 2 ούτε τον MTr ού τεόν Κ οΟΘ' έόν cett. 3 ύπολείπη PALNU 5 δείλαν τυ ΚΖΜ δ. τε K Q W A L N U δείλαιε Ρ | έκ KM έν K2cett. 8θ
IDYLL X MILON
Bucaeus my man, what's the matter with you, my poor fellow? You can't drive your swathe straight as you used, nor do you keep up with your neighbour in the reaping, but lag behind, as a ewe lags behind the flock when a thorn has pricked her in the foot. What will you be like in the evening, or afternoon even, if now at the start you can't get your teeth into your row? BUCAEUS
Milon, you that can reap till late, chip of the unyielding rock, did it never befall you to long for one that's absent? Mi. Never. What business has a labouring man with longing for what's outside his work? Bu. Did it never befall you to lie awake for love? Mi. N O ; and I hope it never will. It's ill to teach a dog the taste of leather. Bu. But I am in love, Milon, and have been near ten days now. Mi. Belike then you've the cask to draw from. My drink's sour, and scant at that. Bu. That's why the land before my door is all unhoed since the sowing. Mi. And which of the wenches is it that afflicts vou? Bu. Polybotas's girl—she that was piping to the reapers at Hippocion's the other day. Mi. God finds out the sinner. You have got what you've been asking for all this while. You'll have a grasshopper to cuddle you all night. 14 τοιγάρ τά PS τοιγάρτοι cett. 16 πράν S πριν codd. | άμάντεσσι Ahrens άμώντ- codd.: cf. 6.41 | Ίττττοκόωντι A L N U | ττοκ' ανλει K P Q W 2 18 τοι om. KALNU | χροιξεϊται ά Σ v.l. -ξετσι ά Q -ξήται ά Α -^εΐται, -^ετσι, -^ήται ά cett. ά del. Valckcnaer
8l
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
BO. μωμασθαί μ' άρχη τύ · τυφλός δ* ουκ αυτός ό Πλούτος, 20 α λ λ ά και ώφρόντιστος "Ερως. μη δη μέγα μυθευ. ΜΙ. ου μέγα μυθεΰμαι* τ υ μόνον κατάβαλλε τ ο λαον, και τι κόρας φιλικόν μέλος άμβάλευ. άδιον ούτως εργαξη. και μάν ττρότερόν ττοκα μουσικός ήσθα. ΒΟ. 25
3ο
Μοΐσαι Πιερίδες, συναείσατε τάν ραδινάν μοι τταΐδ' · ών γ ά ρ χ ' άψησθε, θεαί, καλά -πάντα ττοεΐτε. Βομβύκα χαρίεσσα, Σύραν καλέοντί τ υ ιτάντες, ίσχνάν, άλιόκαυστον, ε γ ώ δε μόνος μελίχλωρον. και τ ο ΐον μέλαν εστί, και ά γ ρ α π τ ά υάκινθος· αλλ 5 εμπας εν τοις στεφάνοις τ ά π ρ ά τ α λέγονται. ά αΐξ τ ά ν κύτισον, ό λύκος τάν α ί γ α διώκει,
ά γερανός τώροτρον εγώ δ' επί τιν μεμάνημαι. αΐθε μοι ής δσσα Κροΐσόν ποκα φαντι πεπασθαιΦ
35
χρύσεοι αμφότεροι κ' άνεκείμεθα τ α Ά φ ρ ο δ ί τ α , τώς αυλώς μεν εχοισα και ή ρόδον ή τ ύ γ ε μαλον, σ χ ή μ α δ* ε γ ώ και καινάς έπ' άμφοτέροισιν άμύκλας. Βομβύκα χαρίεσσ', οι μεν πόδες α σ τ ρ ά γ α λ ο ι τευς, ά φωνά δέ τρύχνος* τ ο ν μάν τ ρ ό π ο ν ουκ εχω ειπείν.
ΜΙ. ή καλάς άμμε π ο ώ ν Ιλελάθει Βοϋκος άοιδάς* ώς ευ τ ά ν ϊδέαν τας αρμονίας έμέτρησεν. 40 ώμοι τ ω π ώ γ ω ν ο ς , δν άλιθίως άνέφυσα. Θασαι δη και τ α ύ τ α τ ά τ ω θείω Λιτυέρσα.
45
Δάματερ πολύκαρπε, π ο λ ύ σ τ α χ υ , τ ο ύ τ ο τ ο λαον ευεργόν τ* εΐη και κάρπιμον δττι μάλιστα. σφίγγετ', άμαλλοδέται, τ ά δράγματα, μη π α ρ ι ώ ν τις εΐπη 'σύκινοι άνδρες* ά π ώ λ ε τ ο χούτος ό μισθός/
20 μή δη KM μηδέ (ν) cett. 23 έργοτ^ή K Q W 24 Μοΐσαι Meineke Μώσ- codd. 25 χ* om. Κ | ποεΐτε K Q W ποιείτε, -ήτε cett. 28 έντί P Q W 29 λέγοντι K 2 P Q W 30 τάν κ. KSH τον κ. cett. 31 τάροτρον Κ yi f\s δσσα K 2 Q f\s, ήσαν, εΐησαν όσα cett. | ττοκα Κ2 Ρ εχειν ττοκά KQW(?) Ιχειν AL om. N U 34 τύγε μαλ(λ)ον A L N U μαλ(λ)ον τύ cett. 82
Χ. ΕΡΓΑΤ1ΝΑΙ Η ΘΕΡΙΣΤΑΙ
Bu. You're beginning to scoff at me. But the god of riches isn't the only blind god; there's the heedless love-god too. Stop talking big. Mi. I'm not talking big. You just lay the crop on the ground, and strike up some love-song for the girl. You'll work happier so; and you used to be a singer too in old days. Bu. (sings). Pierian Muses, hymn with me the slender maiden, for all things that ye touch do ye make fair. Charming Bombyca, all call thee the Syrian, lean and sunscorched, and I alone, honey-hued. Dark is the violet and the lettered hyacinth, yet in garlands these are accounted first. Goat follows after the moon-clover, wolf after goat, crane after plough, and I for thee am mad. Would I had such wealth as Croesus, in the tales, once owned. Then should we both stand in gold as offerings to Aphrodite—thou with thy pipes, and a rosebud or an apple, and I with raiment new and new shoes of Amyclae on either foot. Charming Bombyca, like knuckle-bones thy feet, and thy voice a poppy, and thy ways—they pass my power to tell. Mi. Truly Bucaeus was a maker of lovely songs, and we never knew it. How well he measured out the pattern of his tune—beshrew the beard I've grown to so little profit. Come, consider too these verses of the hero Lityerses. (Sings.) Demeter, rich in fruit and rich in grain, grant this crop be easy harvested and fruitful exceedingly. Binders, bind up the sheaves, lest someone pass and say, 'Here be fig-wood fellows; here's more wages wasted.' 35 σχοΐμι δ* Σ lemma 36 τευ$ D2 Iunr. τευ codd. 37 τρύχνα A L N U | μάν KPGS μέν cett. 38 άμμε P Q W άμμι cett. | έλελάθει Wilamowitz έλελήθη, -θει codd. 40 άλιθίως PQ άληθ-, άλαθ- cett. | άνέφυσα K Q W -σας cett. 41 Λιτυέρσα KM Λυτι- cett. 45 εΐπη Ρ -οι cett.
83
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
so
55
ες βορέαν άνεμον TSS κόρθυος ά τομά νμμιν ή ^έφυρον βλεπέτω · πιαίνεται ό στάχυς οϋτως. σΐτον άλοιώντας φεύγειν το μεσαμβρινόν υ π ν ο ν εκ καλάμας άχυρον τελέθει τημόσδε μάλιστα* άρχεσθαι δ5 άμώντας έγειρομένω κορυδαλλώ και λήγειν εϋδοντος, έλινΰσαι δε το καύμα. εύκτός ό τω βατράχω, παίδες, βίος* ου μελεδαίνει τόν το πιεΐν εγχεϋντα* τταρεστι γάρ αφθονον αυτω. κάλλιον, ώ 'πιμελητά φιλάργυρε, τόν φακόν εψειν, μη 'πιτάμης τάν χείρα καταπρίων το κυμινον. ταϋτα χρή μοχθευντας εν άλίω άνδρας άείδειν, τόν δε τεόν, Βουκαΐε, πρέπει λιμηρόν έρωτα μυθίσδεν τα ματρί κατ5 ευνάν όρθρευοίσα.
46 βορέαν Neapol. 165 -ην codd. ALN τόν cett. | urrvos AL(?)N(?)
4$ άλοιώντες ALNU | φεύγει ALN1 | τό 50 δ* om. ALNU 53 πιήν #3LN |
84
Χ. ΕΡΓΑΤΙΝΑΙ Η ΘΕΡΙΣΤΑΙ
See the cut end of your swathe look towards the north wind or the west. Thus the ear waxes rich. When ye thresh the corn, shun sleep at midday, for then the ear parts easiest from the stalk; but when ye reap, set to when the lark awakens and stop when he goes to bed, but rest out the heat. A jolly life has the frog, my lads. No care has he for one to pour out his drink, for he has it by him unstinted. Boil the beans better, stingy steward, lest thou cut thy hand with cummin-splitting. That's the stuff for men that work in the sun to sing. And as for your starveling love, Bucaeus—tell it your mother when she stirs in bed of a morning. έγχευντα ^ 3 M S έκχ- codd. 55 μή 'τπτάμηζ J ^ A L N U Stob.3.16.10 τι τάμης cett. | τάν iP3Q την cett. | διαπρίων Stob. 56 μοχθεντας $ 3
85
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΚΥΚΛύύΨ Ουδέν ττοττόν έρωτα πεφύκει φαρμακον άλλο, Νικία, ουτ 5 εγχριστον, έμιν δοκεΐ, ούτ3 έπίπαστον, ή ταί Πιερίδες · κοϋφον δε τι τοΰτο καΐ άδύ γίνετ' έττ5 άνθρώττοις, εύρεΐν δ3 ου ράδιόν έστι. 5 γινώσκειν δ' οίμαί τυ καλώς ίατρόν έόντα και ταϊς εννέα δη πεφιλημένον έξοχα Μοίσαις. ούτω youv ράιστα διαγ 3 ό Κύκλωψ ό παρ* άμϊν, ώρχαΐος Πολύφαμος, δκ* ήρατο τας Γαλάτειας, άρτι γενειάσδων περί το στόμα τώς κροτάφως τε. ίο ήρατο δ' ου μάλοις ουδέ ρόδω ουδέ κικίννοις, αλλ' όρθαΐς μανίαις, άγεΐτο δέ πάντα πάρεργα, πολλάκι ταί διες ποτί τωΰλιον αυταί άπήνθον χλωρας εκ βοτάνας · δ δέ τάν Γαλάτειαν άείδων αυτός ειτ3 άιόνος κατετάκετο φυκιοέσσας ΐ5 εξ άοϋς, έχθιστον έχων υποκάρδιον έλκος, Κυπριδος εκ μεγάλας τό οι ήπατι παξε βέλεμνον. άλλα τό φαρμακον εύρε, καθε^όμενος δ' επί πέτρας υψηλάς ες πόντον όρων άειδε τοιαΰτα* Τ
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I D Y L L XI No other remedy is there for love, Nicias, neither unguent, methinks, nor salve, save only the Muses; and this remedy is painless for mortals and pleasant, but hard to find—as well, I trow, thou knowest, who art a physician, and loved exceedingly withal by all the nine Muses. So at least my countryman the Cyclops fared most easily—even Polyphemus of old, when, with the down new on his lips and temples, he was in love with Galatea. And he loved not with apples, or roses, or ringlets, but with downright frenzy, counting all else but trifles. Many a time would his sheep come of their own accord back from the green pastures to his fold, while he, alone upon the wrack-strewn shore, would waste away with love as he sang of Galatea from dawn of day, having deep beneath his breast an angry wound which the shaft of the mighty Cyprian goddess had planted in his heart. Yet the remedy he found, and seated on some high rock would gaze seaward and sing thus: Ο white Galatea, why dost thou repulse thy lover—whiter than curd to look on, softer than the lamb, more skittish than the calf, sleeker than the unripe grape—why thus, when sweet sleep holds me, dost thou straight approach, and when sweet sleep leaves me, art gone forthwith, flying, as the ewe flies when she sees the grey wolf? I fell in love with thee, maiden, when first thou earnest with my mother to gather II όρθαϊς Klunt. όλοαΐς cett. Σν.1. 12 τωύλιον A U τσΟλ- cett. 14 αυτός Q I W N o n . -τώ, -τοΟ cett. 16 ή ol P Q a W 20 άρνό* MS δ* άρνός codd. 21 σφ(ρ)ιγ(γ)αν(ε)ωτέρα Σν.1. ]ωτέρα p.Ber. 5017 22 όκα P Q W 25 τεοΰς ΚΑU 2 τεώς PQ 2 τεΰ Q W N U om. L | πράτον Q πρώτον cett.
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εξ όρεος δρέψασθαι, εγώ δ' όδόν άγεμόνευον. παυσασθαι δ' εσιδών τ υ και ύστερον ουδ 3 ετι π α νυν εκ τήνω δύναμαι* τιν δ5 ου μέλει, ου μά ΔΓ ουδέν. 3ο γινώσκω, χαρίεσσα κόρα, τίνος οϋνεκα φεύγεις * οϋνεκά μοι λασία μεν όφρυς επί παντί μετώπω εξ ώτός τέταται ποτι θώτερον ώς μία μακρά, εϊς δ5 οφθαλμός υπεστι, πλατεία δε ρις έπι χείλει. αλλ' ούτος τοιούτος έών βοτά χίλια βόσκω, 35 κήκ τούτων το κρατιστον άμελγόμενος γ ά λ α π ί ν ω * τυρός δ' ου λείπει μ5 οΰτ 5 εν θέρει ουτ 5 έν όπώρα, ου χειμώνος άκρω* ταρσοί δ5 υπεραχθέες αιεί. συρίσδεν δ3 ώς οϋτις έπίσταμαι ώδε Κυκλώπων, τίν, το φίλον γλυκύμαλον, άμα κήμαυτόν άείδων 4ο πολλάκι νυκτός άωρί. τράφω δέ τοι ένδεκα νεβρώς, πάσας μαννοφόρως, και σκύμνως τεσσάρας άρκτων. άλλ5 άφίκευσο ποθ 3 άμέ, και έξεις ουδέν έλασσον, τάν γλαυκάν δέ θάλασσαν εα ποτι χέρσον όρεχθεΐν · άδιον έν τ ώ ν τ ρ ω π α ρ ' έμίν τάν νύκτα διαξεϊς. 45 έντι δάφναι τηνεί, έντι ραδιναί κυπάρισσοι, εστί μέλας κισσός, εστ5 άμπελος ά γλυκυκαρπος, εστί ψυχρόν ύδωρ, τό μοι ά πολυδένδρεος Αίτνα λεύκας έκ χιόνος ποτόν άμβρόσιον προΐητι. τις κα τώνδε θάλασσαν εχειν και κυμαθ5 ελοιτο; 50 αι δέ τοι αυτός έγών δοκέω λασιώτερος ή μεν, έντι δρυός ξύλα μοι και υπό σποδω άκάματον πυρ* καιόμενος δ' υ π ό τεΰς και τάν ψυχάν άνεχοίμαν και τον εν5 όφθαλμόν, τ ω μοι γλυκερώτερον ουδέν, ώμοι, ότ' ουκ έ'τεκέν μ5 ά μάτηρ βράγχι 5 έχοντα, 55 ώς κατέδυν ποτι τιν και τάν χέρα τεΰς έφίλησα, αι μη τό στόμα λης, έφερον δέ τοι ή κρίνα λευκά ή μάκων* άπαλάν ερυθρά πλαταγώνΓ εχοισαν * 27 άγεμόνευον W M T r τ\γ- codd. 28 πα Κ π ω Α τα cctt. 30 yiyvooσκω Κ ! ώνεκα Κ 31 μοι λ. μεν P Q W A L N U μεν λ. Κ 32 θάτερον P Q W 33 ύττεστι Winscm επ- codd. 34 OUTOS Κ ούτως P Q W COUTOS A L N U 40 τράφω Paris. Suppl. Gr. 1024 τρέφω codd.: cf. 3.16 41 μαννοφόρως Σν.1. άμνοφ- codd. \Z άφίκευσο PGIunt.Z άφίκευ Q W άφίκευ τυ
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hyacinth-flowers on the hill, and I showed the way. And having seen thee, from that day forth even until now I cannot cease; but naught thou carest, nay, naught at all. I know, fair maid, why thou fliest. It is because a shaggy brow stretches over all my forehead—one long and single brow from ear to ear; and single is the eye beneath, and broad the nostril above my lip. Yet, though such I be, I tend a thousand head of cattle, and draw and drink from them the finest milk. Cheese I lack not, neither in summer, nor autumn, nor in the depth of winter, and my racks are ever heavy. And I can pipe as none other Cyclops here, as often in the depths of night I sing of thee, my sweet honey-apple, and of myself. And for thee I rear eleven fawns with collars all, and four bear-cubs. Nay, come to me, and thou shalt fare well enough. Leave the green sea to pulse upon the shore; thou wilt pass the night more pleasantly in the cave with me. There are bays and slender cypresses; there is dark ivy, and the sweet-fruited vine, and water cold, which wooded Etna puts forth for me from her white snowfields, a draught divine. Who would rather choose the sea and its waves than these? But if it is I myself that seem too shaggy to thee, oak-logs I have, and fire undying beneath the ash, and thou mayest burn my soul, and my one eye too, than which nothing is dearer to me. Alack that my mother bore me not with gills, that so I might have dived down to thee and kissed thy hand, if thou wilt not let me kiss thy mouth; and might have brought thee snowdrops white, or the soft poppy with its scarlet petals. cett. | εξής Σν.1. 43 όρεχϋεΐν KQ-LIP έρ- cett.Iv.l. 4 6 , 7 εστί, εστ\ εστί ΚΡ Ιντι, εντ\ έντι cett. 48 προίησι KW 1 49 κ α Brunck καν, αν, τάν codd. | και Ahrens ή codd. 51 άττο Κ $2 τεΰς Κ Iunt. τεΰ cett. Item 55 54 ότι ουκ ΚΡ | μ' ά K Q W με cett. 55 *πι Q 2 A L N U | έφίλασα K Q W
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But one in summer grows, the other in winter, so that both together I could not bring. Now, maiden, even now, will I learn at least to swim, if but some stranger sail hither in his ship, that I may know what pleasure it is to you to dwell in the depths. Come forth, Galatea; and coming, forget, as I do now sitting here, to go home again. Consent to shepherd with me, and to milk, and to set cheese with drops of acid rennet. My mother alone it is who wrongs me, and her I blame; for never once has she spoken a kindly word for me to thee, though she sees me growing thinner day by day. I will tell her my head throbs, and both my feet, that she may suffer since I too suffer. Ο Cyclops, Cyclops, whither have thy wits wandered? Thou wouldst show more sense if thou wouldst go and plait cheese-crates, and gather greenery for thy lambs. Milk the ewe that's by; why pursue him that flees? another and a fairer Galatea wilt thou find, maybe. Many a maiden bids me spend the night in sport with her, and they titter all when I give ear to them. 'Tis plain that on land I too am somebody. Thus did Polyphemus shepherd his love with minstrelsy, and fared easier than if he had spent gold. codd. 70 φλασώ KQ 2 71 σφυ^ην Q 2 A L N U 74 τοις A L N U | κα Ahrens κεν S και codd. | νών KQ νουν cett. 78 κιχλίσδοντι P Q W Ι υπακούσω K Q ' W L N έπ- cett. 79 ήμεν MS είναι codd. 81 εΐ ΚΣ om. cett.
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I D Y L L XII Thou art come, dear lad; after two nights and days thou art come, but they that yearn grow old in a day. As spring is sweeter than winter, as apple than sloe; as the ewe is deeper of fleece than her lamb; as maiden surpasses a woman thrice wed; as fawn is fleeter-footed than calf; as the clear-voiced nightingale sings sweetest of all winged things—so hast thou gladdened me with thy coming, and I haste to thee as the wayfarer hastes to the shady oak when the sun is scorching. Would that evenly on both of us the Loves might breathe, and we might be a song for all men yet to be—'Excellent were these two among the folk of olden days, the one Inspirer (so in the speech of Amyclae a man might say), the other Hearer, as the Thessalian would call him. Under an equal yoke they loved one another. Verily then again were men of gold when the loved one loved in his turn.' Would, Father Zeus and ye ageless immortals, would that this might be; and that when two hundred generations are gone then might one bring me word to Acheron whence is no return, and say, 'The love of thee and of thy gracious Hearer is on all men's lips, and most upon the young men's/ Yet truly of these matters the gods in heaven dispose; it will be as they choose. But I, when I praise thy merit, shall grow no pimples above my slender nose; for if sometimes thou painest me too, yet straightway thou dost heal the hurt and bring a double joy, and I depart with measure over flowing. Megarians of Nisaea, champions of the oar, prosperous may Taylor e Σ μετ' άμφοτέροισι codd. 13 σφών δ' δ Κ | εΐσττνηλος Κ εϊσττνιλος ALU ΐσττνιλος P Q W | χ' άμυκλαιάσδων Κ χώμυκλαίσδων cett. corr. Meinekc 22 αλλ' ηδη ^ 3 23 εσσεται Meineke εσσοντ[ jg3 Ισσονθ' codd. | cbs codd. δσσ* Νοη. 25 και om. Κ | τι Q 1 τύ cett.
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ye live since ye honoured exceedingly the Attic stranger, Diodes the lover. Ever about his tomb in early spring the lads gather and contend for the prize in kissing. And whoso most sweetly presses Up on lip turns homeward to his mother with garlands laden. Happy he who judges those kisses for the boys, and surely long he prays to radiant Ganymede that his lips may be as the Lydian touchstone whereby the money changers try true gold to see it be not false.
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PAPP.: $ 3 ( i - 8 , 46-52), # 4 (53-66), Ox. 694 (19-34) TITULUS: Ύλ(λ)α$ $ 3 codd. Δωρίδι add. j ^ K A L U I a r g . Dialectus autem incerta. Ι ετεκ* # 3 2 TTOKCC in ras. $ 3 5 'Ουμφιτρύωνος Κ η του alterum suprascr. τω $ 3 8 ε]διδασκε $ 3 _ α ξ ε codd. | υιον ^ 3 νΐέα Κ υία cett. το ούτ* Sauppe ουδ' codd. 11 ουθ* P Q W A L U ουδ* Κ | όπόχ' Graefe
96
I D Y L L XIII Not for us alone, Nicias, as once we thought, was Love begotten by whosoever of the gods begat him, nor does fair seem fair first to us, who are mortal and see not the morrow. Even Amphitryon's iron-hearted son—he who withstood the savage lion—loved a lad, sweet Hylas with his tresses still unshorn. And as a father teaches his beloved son, so did Heracles teach Hylas all the lore which had made him noble and renowned himself, and never parted from him, neither at noon's onset, nor when dawn with her white steeds sped upward to the halls of Zeus, nor when the chickens looked twittering to their roosting-place as on the smoke-stained perch their mother shook her wings—that so the lad might be fashioned to his mind and [in his comradeship] come to the true measure of a man. And so, when Aeson's son, Jason, sailed in quest of the golden fleece, and all the noblest of the princes went with him, a chosen band, the flower of every town, with them came also to rich Iolcus the man of many labours, even the son of Alcmena, queen of Midea; and by his side Hylas went down to the Argo of the strong thwarts, which touched not the dark clashing rocks but darted through them, and came speeding like an eagle into the great gulf of the deep Phasis; whence from that day the rocks stand fixed. And when the Pleiads rise, and, spring now turned to summer, the far uplands pasture the young lambs, then that δκα codd. | άνατρέχοι Schaefer -χει codd. 12 οΟΘ* P Q W A L U ούδ* Κ | όπόκ' S όττότ' codd. 13 ττεταύρω QALU 15 αύτώ (άντι του αντόθεν), αύτω Σνν.11. ιό Ιάσων Laur. Conv. Soppr. 158 Ίήσων codd.: cf. 67 19 κω ρ.Οχ.694 | άφνειόν Ίωλκόν Κ άφνειάν Ίαολκόν cett. (om. άνηρ QAU) 20 Άλκμήνας p.Ox. 694 P Q W A U -ης KL | ήρωίνας Med. -ης codd. 21 εύενδρον K W 22 άψστο Brunck ήψ- codd.
97
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
30
35
40
45
50
55
τάμος ναυτιλίας μιμνάσκετο θειος άωτος ηρώων, κοίλον δε καθιδρυθέντες ες 'Αργώ Έλλάσποντον ϊκοντο νότω τρίτον άμαρ άέντι, εΐσω δ3 δρμον έ'θεντο Προποντίδος, ένθα Κιανών αύλακας εύρύνοντι βόες τρίβοντες άροτρα, έκβάντες δ' επί θΐνα κατά £υγά δαΐτα πένοντο δειελινοί, πολλοί δε μίαν στορέσαντο χαμεύναν. λειμών γ ά ρ σφιν εκείτο μέγα στιβάδεσσιν όνειαρ, ένθεν βούτομον οξύ βαθύν τ 5 έτάμοντο κύπειρον. κωχεθ9 Ύλας ό ξανθός ύδωρ έπιδόρπιον οΐσων αυτω θ5 Ηρακλή ι και άστεμφεϊ Τελαμώνι, οι μίαν άμφω εταίροι άει δαίνυντο τράπε^αν, χάλκεον άγγος έχων. τ ά χ α δε κράναν ένόησεν ήμένω εν χώρω* περί δε θρύα πολλά πεφύκει, κυάνεόν τε χελιδόνιον χλωρόν τ ' άδίαντον και θάλλοντα σέλινα και είλιτενής άγρωστις. Οδατι δ5 εν μέσσω Νύμφαι χορόν άρτί^οντο, Νύμφαι ακοίμητοι, δειναι θεαι άγροιώταις, Εύνίκα και Μαλις εαρ θ5 όρόωσα Νύχεια. ήτοι ό κούρος έπεΐχε π ο τ ω πολυχανδέα κρωσσόν βάψαι έπειγόμενος* ται δ5 εν χέρι πασαι εφυσαν* πασάων γ ά ρ έρως άπαλάς φρένας έξεφόβησεν Ά ρ γ ε ί ω έπι παιδί, κατήριπε δ3 ες μέλαν ύδωρ αθρόος, ως δτε πυρσός απ 5 ουρανού ήριπεν αστήρ αθρόος εν πόντω, ναύτας δε τις είπεν έταίροις c κουφότερ5, ώ παίδες, ποιεισθ' δπλα * πλευστικός ούρος *. Νύμφαι μεν σφετέροις έπι γο\> jcai κουρον εχοισαι δακρυόεντ5 άγανοΐσι παρεψύχοντ 5 έπέεσσιν Άμφιτρυωνιάδας δε ταρασσόμενος περί παιδί ωχετο, Μαιωτιστι λαβών ευκαμπέα τόξα
28 καθιδρυθέντες L -ρυνθέντες cctt. 30 δρμον ικον[το p.Ox. 694 31 άροτρα KL -povectt. 33 δειελινοί p.Ox. 694 P Q W ALU -νήν KM 2 34 Υ^Ρ σ 9 ι ν εκ. codd. [σ]φ[ι]ν ττα[ρέκειτο p.Ox. 694 Ι μέγα Κ μέγας cctt. 35 δ* W A L U 39 ayyos Κ άγχος P Q : εγχος cctt. 40 χόρτω P Q W | θρύα Κ Ι Ρ Μ φρΟα W θρία, δρία cctt. (θρία Σ) 41 χλοερόν P Q W 45 Εύνίκα HTr
98
XIII. ΥΛΑΣ
noble band of heroes bethought them of their seafaring; and taking their places in the hollow Argo they came to the Hellespont with three days of fair wind from the south, and anchored within the Propontis, where the cattle of the folk of Cius plough broad furrows with the wearing share. And stepping out upon the beach they made ready their meal in the evening two by two, but one resting-place they laid for all, for there was a meadow with mighty store of litter for their couches, whence they cut sharp sedges and tall galingale. And Hylas of the golden hair was gone, carrying a brazen vessel to fetch water for the meal for Heracles and steadfast Telamon, since these two comrades ever shared one mess. Soon in a low-lying place he spied a spring, round which grew rushes thick, and dark celandine, green maiden-hair, and wild celery luxuriant, and creeping dog's-tooth. And in the water Nymphs were arraying the dance, the sleepless Nymphs, dread goddesses for countryfolk, Eunica, and Malis, and Nycheia with her eyes of May. Eagerly the boy reached down to dip his great pitcher in the fount, but they all clung to his hand, for love of the Argive lad had fluttered all their tender hearts; and headlong into the dark pool he fell as when some flaming star falls from the heavens headlong in the sea, and some sailor cries to his comrades, 'Make your tackle snug, my lads; it is a sailing breeze'. There in their laps the Nymphs sought to comfort the weeping lad with gentle words, but Amphitryon's son, troubled for the boy, was gone with his bow of Scythian -νείκα codd.: cf. 20.1, 42 48 έξεφόβησεν Μ 2 έξεφηβόβησεν Κ άμφεκάλυψεν cctt. (άμφεδόνησεν Non.v.l.) $0 πυρσός KL πυρρός cett. 51 ναύτας Brunck -ταις codd. ( # 3 in marp. ]ας να[υτ]αις) | έταίροις Κ -ρος cctt. 52 ποιεΐθ' P Q W | πνευστικός Κ 55 Άμφιτρυωνιάδας Κ -νίδας cctt.: cf. 25.113 | έπι παιδί Κ
99
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
6ο
65
70
75
και ρόπαλον, τό οι αιέν έχάνδανε δεξιτερά χείρ. τρις μέν Ύλαν άυσεν, δσον βαθύς ήρυγε λαιμός· τρις δ5 άρ* ό παις υπάκουσεν, αραιά δ5 ΐκετο φωνά εξ ύδατος, παρεών δέ μάλα σχεδόν εΐδετο πόρρω, [ώς δ' ό π ό τ ' ήυγένειος άπόπροθι λις έσακουσας] νεβροϋ φθεγξαμένας τις εν οϋρεσιν ώμοφάγος λίς εξ ευνας έσπευσεν έτοιμοτάταν έπί δαΐτα* Ήρακλέης τοιούτος εν άτρίπτοισιν άκάνθαις τταϊδα ποθών δεδόνητο, ττολυν δ' έπελάμβανε χοορον. σχέτλιοι οι φιλέοντες, άλώμενος δσσ 3 έμόγησεν ούρεα και δρυμούς, τ ά δ* Ιάσονος ύστερα ττάντ5 ής. ναϋς γέμεν άρμεν' έχοισα μετάρσια των παρεόντων, ιστία δ' ημίθεοι μεσονύκτιον αύτε καθαιρούν, Ήρακλήα μένοντες, ό δ' ά πόδες άγον έχώρει μαινόμενος · χαλεπός γ ά ρ έσω θεός ή π α ρ άμυσσεν. ούτω μέν κάλλιστος Ύλας μακάρων αριθμείται · Ήρακλέην δ* ήρωες έκερτόμεον λιποναυταν, ουνεκεν ήρώησε τριακοντά^υγον Α ρ γ ώ , πε^α δ' ές Κόλχους τε και άξενον ϊκετο Φασιν.
57 δεξιτερά codd. rccc. -ρή codd. $& βαρύς Κ 59 αραιή P Q W 6 l om. Φ4ΚΣ 62 νεβροΟ Ε -ρώ codd. | ώρεσι P Q W 63 έτοιμοτάταν Wintcrton -την codd. 65 δεδόνητο Κ -νατο cett. 66 ώς έμ. Κ 67 ώρεα P Q W | δρυμούς Zieglcr -μώς codd. 68 γέμεν Hermann μέν codd.
100
XIII. ΥΛΑΣ
curve and the club that his right hand ever clasped. 'Hylas' he shouted thrice with all the power of his deep throat, and thrice the boy replied, but faint came his answering cry from the water, and far off he seemed though very near at hand. The ravening Hon hears a fawn cry upon the mountains and hastens from his lair in search of the ready prey. So in the untrodden thorn-brake Heracles in his longing for the lad went raging, and much country did he cover. Reckless are lovers; so many were the toils that he endured as he wandered over the hills and thickets, all Jason's quest forgotten. The Argo, the others all aboard, lay ready with her tackle aloft, but at midnight the heroes as they waited for Heracles lowered the sails again, while he, wherever his footsteps led him, ranged madly, for a cruel god was rending his heart within him. Hence is the fair Hylas numbered among the immortals, but Heracles the heroes mocked for a deserter, for that he quitted the Argo of the thirty thwarts and came on foot to the Colchians and the inhospitable Phasis. 69 ημίθεοι Κ ήίθ- cett.: cf. 15.137 | αύτε καθαίρουν Wordsworth έξεκάθαιρον codd. 71 χαλεπά PAU | άμυσσεν Κ 2μ- cett. 73 Ήρακλέη Κ 74 TpiocKOVTOjuyov KPW 75 Κόλχως KL
ΙΟΙ
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΑΙΣΧΙΝΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΥύύΝΙΧΟΣ
ΑΙΣΧΙΝΑΣ
Χαίρειν πολλά τον άνδρα Θυώνιχον· ΘΥ0)ΝΙΧΟΣ
άλλα τοιαύτα Αίσχίνα. ως χρόνιος. ΑΙ. χρόνιος. Θ Υ. τί δε τοι τό μέλημα; ΑΙ. πράσσομες ούχ ώς λωστα, Θυώνιχε. Θ Υ. ταΰτ3. άρα λεπτός, χ ώ μύσταξ πολύς ούτος, άυσταλέοι δε κίκιννοι. 5 τοιούτος πρώαν τις άφίκετο Πυθαγορικτάς, ωχρός κάνυπόδητος· Άθαναΐος δ3 εφατ' ήμεν. AL ήρατο μάν και τηνος; ΘΥ· έμίν δοκεΐ, ό π τ ώ άλεύρω. 3 ΑΙ. παίσδεις, ώγάθ , έχων* έμέ δ3 ά χαρίεσσα Κυνίσκα ύβρίσδει · λασώ δε μανείς ποκα, θρίξ ανά μέσσον. ίο ΘΥ. τοιούτος μεν αεί τύ, φίλ3 Αισχίνα, άσυχα οξύς, πάντ 3 έθέλοον κατά καιρόν όμως δ3 εΐπον τί τό καινόν. ΑΙ. 'Ούργεΐος κήγών και ό Θεσσαλός ιπποδιώκτας Τ Αγις και Κλεύνικος έπίνομες ό στρατιώτας εν χ ώ ρ ω παρ 3 έμίν. δύο μεν κατέκοψα νεοσσώς is θηλάζοντα τε χοΐρον, άνωξα δε Βίβλινον αύτοϊς ευώδη τετόρων έτέων σχεδόν ώς ά π ό λανώ * βολβός τις, κοχλίας, έξαιρέθη · ης πότος άδύς. CODD. PRIM AMI: Κ LWTr [Laur.] A N U [Vat.] PAPP.: 93 (i-fm.)t ^er. 5 O I 7 (59-63) TITULUS: ΑΙσχίνας (-νης) καΐ (ή) Θυώνιχο$ ^3LVGP ΑΙσχίναζ Θυώνιχον Κ Δ[ωρίδι add. $ 3 Ι άλλα τοιαύτα Rciske άλλα τοι (Κ: τυ cett. ?) αυτά (-τό Τ Γ Α ) codd. 4 άυστα λέοι Non.v.l. Warton ανασταλεοι $ 3 άν αύαλέοι codd. (αύ.αλ- KGP cum ras.) Ι02
I D Y L L XIV
AESCHINAS
A very good day to Sir Thyonichus. THYONICHUS
The same to Aeschinas. It's long since we've seen you. AJE. It is long. T H . And what's your trouble? AE. Things aren't going too well with me, Thyonichus. T H . That's why you're so thin then, and wear all this moustache and these unkempt love-locks. In just such guise there turned up the other day a Pythagorist—pale and bare foot. An Athenian by his own account. AE. Then had he lost his heart too ? T H . Yes, to wheaten loaves by my reckoning. AE. YOU will have your joke, my friend. But as for me, the fair Cynisca flouts me, and some day I shall go off my head before I know it. I'm only a hair's breadth from it. T H . That's always your style, my dear Aeschinas—a trifle hasty, and wanting everything just to your liking. Still, tell us what's the matter now. AE. The Argive, and I, and Agis the Thessalian trainer, and Cleunicus the soldier-man were making merry at my place in the country. I had killed a brace of chickens and a sucking pig, and opened them some Bibline, as fragrant almost, at four years old, as the day it was pressed. I had got out an onion or so, and snails. It was a jolly drinking-party. 6 κάνυπόδητος $ 3 S -Sorros codd. | Άθαναΐος Gallavotti ΆΘην- $ 3 codd. I0 7 KOCKEIVOS $ 3 : cf- 2 6 M«v Κ | άσνχςϊ Ahrens ασνχα KLWTr -χος A N U : cf. 27 II πάντα θέλων $ 3 | καϊνον Κ v.l.Vv.l.I v.l. 12 κήγώ $ 3 W 13 TAyt$ 5 3 Meineke TATHS codd. | έπίνομεν P 3 L W 14 χώρα LWTr 15 δε χοιρ. 5 3 Ι Βίβλινον 5 3 K L W Βύβ- cett. 17 κοχλίας 5 3 K I ( ? ) W T r κολχίας cett. | έξαιρέθη Ahrens εξερ- 5 3 ^Vi?' codd. 103
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
20
25
ήδη δέ προϊόντος έδοξ' έπιχεΐσθαι άκρατον ώτινος ήθελ* έκαστος* έδει μόνον ώτινος ειπείν. άμές μεν φωνεΰντες έπίνομες, ως έδέδοκτο * ά δ' ουδέν παρεόντος έμεΰ. τίν 5 εχειν με δοκεΐς νών; c o u φθεγξή; λύκον είδες;' έπαιξε τις. 'ως σοφός' εϊπεν, κήφλέγετ' · εύμαρέως κεν α π 3 αύτας και λ ύ χ ν ο ν άψας. εστί Λύκος, Λύκος εστί, Λ ά β α τ ω γείτονος υιός, ευμάκης, απαλός, πολλοίς δοκέων καλός ή μ ε ν τ ο ύ τ ω τ ο ν κλύμενον κατεφρύγετο τήνον έρωτα,
χάμΐν τούτο δι* ώτός εγεντό ποχ* άσυχα ούτως* ού μάν έξήταξα, μάταν εις άνδρα γενειών. ήδη δ5 ών πόσιος τοι τέσσαρες έν βάθει ή μες, 3ο
χ ώ Λαρισαίος ' τ ο ν έμόν Λύκον 5 άδεν ά π ' άρχας, Θεσσαλικόν τι μέλισμα, κακαι φρένες· ά δέ Κυνίσκα εκλαεν έξαπίνας θαλερώτερον ή π α ρ ά ματρί παρθένος εξαετής κ ό λ π ω έπιθυμήσασα. ταμος έ γ ώ , τον ϊσαις τύ, Θυώνιχε, π ύ ξ έπι κόρρας
35
ήλασα, κάλλαν αύθις, άνειρύσασα δέ π έ π λ ω ς εξω ά π ο ί χ ε τ ο θασσον. 'έμόν κακόν, ου τοι αρέσκω; άλλος τοι γλυκίων ύποκόλπιος;
άλλον ίοΐσα
θάλπε φίλον. τ ή ν ω τεά δάκρυα; μαλα ρ ε ό ν τ ω / μάστακα δοΐσα τέκνοισιν υπωροφίοισι χελιδών 40
άψορρον τ α χ ι ν ά πέτεται βίον άλλον άγείρειν · ώκυτέρα μαλάκας ά π ό δίφρακος επτετο τ ή ν α Ιθύ δΓ άμφιθύρω καΐ δικλίδος, φ πόδες a y o v . αίνος θην λέγεται τις *έβα π ο κ ά ταύρος άν' ύ λ α ν \ εΐκατι · ται δ' οκτώ, ται δ3 εννέα, ται δέ δέκ' άλλαι *
20 άμέ$ φ$ Ρ άμμες codd. | δέ φων. LW 21 νών GP νουν codd.: cf. 57> 11-74 23 κήφλέγετ' $$Σ κήφατ' IV Κ κήφατ' cctt. 24 εστί bis J 3 KL έντί cett. 2 25 κάτταλό$ A N U | εΐμε[ν $ 3 <* κατεφρύγετο Pohlenz καταφ- J 3 κατετάκπΌ codd. | κεινον (suprascr. τηνον) $ 3 · cf. η τη ττοχ' S ττοκ' ψ3 "Π"0^ codd. Ι άσνχα Ahrcns άσυχα (ησ-) codd. ασυχ' $ 3 · cf. ίο 29 ών $ 3 Brunck ούν codd. J ειμεν (suprascr. s) $ 3 3^ εκλαεν j j ^ K T r A N U εκλα' LW 33 κόλπων PS | έττιθυμήνασα ψ} I un t· 34 T nn°S jp3 KLW | έγώ 104
XIV. ΑΙΣΧΙΝΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΥωΝΙΧΟΣ
When it was getting forward, we voted that each should toast his fancy in the neat; only he must say who his fancy was. But while we were calling the names and drinking, as agreed, she said nothing though I was there. How do you suppose I liked that? 'Can't you speak? Have you seen a wolf?' said somebody in jest. ' H o w clever you are', said she, and lit up— you could have lighted a taper at her cheeks, easily. There is a Wolf; a Wolf there is, neighbour Labes's boy. A tall, soft-skinned fellow that many think good-looking. It was for him, the precious passion that had Cynisca on the grill. The thing came to my ears one day, just on the quiet, but I never looked into it, so little good it's been to grow to shaving age. Anyhow, by now the four of us were deep in our cups, and the Larisa chap sang' My W o l f straight through —some Thessalian catch, the mischievous brute; and Cynisca suddenly began to cry, worse than a six-year-old that cries for her mother's lap. Then I—you know what I am like, Thyonichus—got her with my fist on the temple, and then one more; and she caught up her skirts and was off as fast as she could go. 'Plague that you are, I don't please you then?' said I; 'you prefer some other darling, do you? Go and cuddle your other friend. Your tears are for him, are they? Then let them flow as big as apples.' The swallow brings her nestlings beneath the eaves a morsel and is off again like a flash to gather a fresh supply, but quicker than the swallow Cynisca flew from her soft seat straight through the porch and house-door, wherever her feet carried her. ' The bull once went to the wood', so runs the tale. Twenty, eight, nine, $ 3 Κ έγών cett. 35 ανειρυσα[[. ]] (suprascr. σσσα) $ 3 άνείρυσα Σν.1. 36 άττοίχετο KGP άττώχ- cett. δ* αττοι[[ω]]χεο «Ρ3 37 άλλο? δη iP3: cf. 15.102 38 τ ε α Ahrens τα Κ τά σα cett. | μήλα <Ρ3 | £>εόντω Wilamowitz £έοντι $ 3 codd. 39 δοΐσα Wakker e Σ δ* οία codd. 41 ετττετοΗιιηί ]το ^ 3 έδραμε codd. 42 άμφιθΟρω Winterton -ρου codd. 43 ττοκά τ. Meineke καΐ τ. Τ Γ κεν τ. Κ κε τ. cett. κένταυρος 3β} (ut a glossa vid.) 105
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
45
σάμερον ενδέκατα* ποτίθες δυο, και δ υ ο μήνες εξ ώ ά π 5 ά λ λ ά λ ω ν · ουδ' ει Θρακιστι κέκαρμαι οίδε. Λύκος ν υ ν π ά ν τ α , Λύκω και νυκτός άνωκται * άμμες δ' ούτε λ ό γ ω τινός άξιοι ουτ 3 αριθμητοί, δ υ σ τ α ν ο ι Μεγαρήες α τ ι μ ό τ α τ α ένι μοίρα. κει μεν άττοστέρξαιμι, τ ά π ά ν τ α κεν ες δέον ερποι. 50 νυν δε πόθεν; μυς, φαντί, Θυώνιχε, γεύμεθα π ί σ σ α ς , χ ώ τ ι τ ο φάρμακόν έστιν ά μ η χ α ν έ ο ν τ ο ς έρωτος, ουκ οΐδα* π λ ά ν Σίμος, ό τ α ς έ π ι χ ά λ κ ω έρασθείς, έκπλεύσας υ γ ι ή ς έπανήνθ 5 , έμός άλικιώτας. 55 πλευσεϋμαι κ ή γ ώ ν διαπόντιος * οϋτε κάκιστος ούτε π ρ α τ ο ς ίσως, ομαλός δε τις ό σ τ ρ α τ ι ώ τ α ς . ΘΥ, ώφελε μεν χωρεΐν κατά ν ώ ν τεόν ώ ν έπεθύμεις, Α ι σ χ ί ν α . ει δ 5 ο ύ τ ω ς ά ρ α τοι δοκεΐ ώ σ τ 5 άποδαμεΐν, μισθοδότας Πτολεμαίος έλευθέρω οίος άριστος. 6ο ΑΙ. τ ά λ λ α δ* ά ν ή ρ ποΐός τις; ΘΥ. .. · τοισιν άριστος · ευγνώμων, φιλόμουσος, ερωτικός, εις άκρον άδύς, είδώς τ ο ν φιλέοντα, τ ο ν ο ύ φιλέοντ' ετι μάλλον, πολλοίς π ο λ λ ά διδούς, αιτεύμενος ούκ άνανεύων, οϊα χ ρ ή βασιλή* · αιτεΐν δε δει ούκ έπι π α ν τ ί , 65 Αισχίνα. ώ σ τ ' ει τοι κατά δεξιόν ώμον αρέσκει λ ώ π ο ς άκρον περονασθαι, έπ' άμφοτέροις δε βεβακώς τολμασείς έπιόντα μένειν Ορασύν άσπιδιώταν, φ τ ά χ ο ς εις Α ϊ γ υ π τ ο ν . ά π ό κροτάφων πελόμεσθα πάντες γηραλέοι, και έπισχερώ ες γένυν έρπει 70 λευκαίνων ό χρόνος · ποιεΐν τι δει άς γ ό ν υ χ λ ω ρ ό ν . 45 ποτίθες S -θει codd. ,]ι $ 3 | καΐ δύο ^ 3 L W 2 T r A N U και δ έ κ α $ 3 v.L K W | μήνες Κ μάνες ^ 3 cett. 46 ού KW | ούδ' εί KLW ουδέ cett. 47 ο 1 δ ε * Λύκος Κ ά (ή) δέ Λύκω cett. ( 5 3 in marg. λι(πει) ο[ι]δεν) | ανωκ[τ]αι (ε supra νω) ψ3 4^ αριθμητοί Η -ματοί $ 3 codd. 49 δυστανοι KTr -τηνοι cett. Ι ατιμότατα Valckenaer -τη codd. ] . ω τ . τ ' 3β} | μοίρα $ 3 Ν 1 -ρη cett. 50 ες £ 3 είς codd. | έρπει LW - π η ^ 3 5* ποθ* ώ ς Τ τ Α Ν υ 53 έττιχάλκω $ 3 in ras. L W T r A N U ύττοχ- $ 3 ante ras. Κ2 (in ras.) Σ v.L 54 θ* υγιής Κ |
Ιθ6
XIV. ΑΙΣΧΙΝΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΥ6ύΝΙΧ0Σ
another ten, to-day's the eleventh. Add two, and it's two months we've been apart, and if I'm barbered Thracian fashion she doesn't know it. Now Wolf is everything in her eyes, and her door's open to him even at night, while I am of no reckoning or account, like the wretched Megarians in the lowest place of all. If only I could fall out of love all would go as it should; but as it is, how can I? I'm like the mouse in the pitch-pot, as they say, Thyonichus, and what may be the cure for helpless love, I do not know. Except that Simus, who fell in love with that brazen girl, went abroad and came back heart-whole—a man of my age. I too will cross the sea. Your soldier is not the worst of men, nor yet the first, maybe, but as good as another. T H . I wish your desires had run to your liking, Aeschinas; but if you are really so minded as to leave the country, then Ptolemy is the best pay-master for a free man. AE. And what's he like in other ways ? T H . The very best—kindly, cultured, gallant, as pleasant as may be; knows his friend, and knows his enemy even better. As a king should be, he's generous to many, and doesn't refuse when asked; but you mustn't always be asking, Aeschinas. So if it's your fancy to clasp your cloak-end on the right shoulder, and if you can stand firm on both your feet to meet a stout man's charge, then off with you to Egypt. We're all growing gray from the temples, and the snows of time creep down the cheek-bone hair by hair. W e should be doing while there's sap still in the joints. έπανήνθ' Κ1 ut vid. -ήλθ' cett. πόλιν ήνβ' Κ in ras. ]υγιης εμος $ 3 | άλικιώτας $ 3 LWTr ήλ- cett. 55 πλευσευμοα WTr -οΰμαι cett. 57 μέν Vahlen μάν codd. | νών Ahrens νουν $ 3 codd.: cf. 21 58 τοι Ahrens σοι codd. | οπτοδάμήν $ 3 -δραμεϊν ΚΡ 6ο οΐός τ[ p. Ber. 5017 | ] . [ . ' ] . τοισιν άρ. ·β3 έλευθέρςο oTos άρ. codd. (om. Ρ) 66 λώττον T r A N U | ]ισι βεβηκως 3β$ 6η ασΊτ]πΊώτην $ 3 68 $ T r A N U & & W ή ή L ώ Κ 70 ποιήν $ 3 | *S $3KGPZ cbsK 2 LWTr ols A N U
107
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔύύΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ ΓΟΡΓ6) ΚΑΙ ΠΡΑ2ΙΝΟΑ
ΓΟΡΓΟ)
"Ενδοι Πραξινόα; ΓΓΡΑ2ΙΝΟΑ
Γοργώ φίλα, ώς χρόνω. ενδοι. θαΰμ' δτι και νυν ήνθες. δρη δρίφον, Ευνόα, αυτά· εμβαλε και ποτίκρανον. ΓΟ. έχει κάλλιστα.
ΠΡ.
καθφυ.
ΓΟ. ώ τας άλεμάτω ψυχας* μόλΐ5 ΰμμιν έσώθην, Πραξινόα, πολλώ μεν δχλω, ττολλών δε τεθρίππων · παντςί κρηπΐδες, πάντα χλαμυδηφόροι άνδρες* α δ' οδός άτρυτος· τυ δ* έκαστέρω αιέν αποικείς. ΠΡ. ταϋθ' ό πάραρος τηνος * έπ' έσχατα γας ελαβ5 ένθών ίλεόν, ουκ οΐκησιν, όπως μη γείτονες ώμες ίο άλλάλαις, ποτ 3 εριν, φθονερόν κακόν, αιέν όμοιος. ΓΟ. μη λέγε τον τεόν άνδρα, φίλα, Δίνωνα τοιαύτα τω μικκώ παρεόντος· δρη, γύναι, ως ποθορή τυ. θάρσει, Ζωπυρίων, γλυκερόν τέκος· ου λέγει άπφϋν. ΠΡ. αισθάνεται το βρέφος, ναι τον πότνιαν. ΓΟ. καλός άπφϋς. is ΠΡ. άπφΟς μάν τήνός γ α πρόαν—λέγομες δε πρόαν θην c π ά π π α , νίτρον και φΟκος άπό σκανας άγοράσδειν '— ϊκτο φέρων άλας άμμιν, άνήρ τρισκαιδεκάπαχυς. 5
CODD. PRIMARII: Κ LWTr [Laur.] A N U [Vat.] PAPP.: $ 2 (38-47» 51-7» 59-8o, 84-100), $ 3 fere integra, ^ 4 (15-25, 48-59) TITULUS: Συρακό(υ)σιαι ή Άδωνιά^ουσαι $ 3 codd. Γοργω κα[ι Πρ]αξινοα Δωριδι add. $ 3 Ι Γοργοί Κ | ενδοί (alterum) ex ηνδοί mut. $ 3 ήνδοΤ bis Σν.1. 2 ήλθες ;Ρ3 corr. Κ | δρη $$Κ δρα cett.: cf. 12 | δριφον ψ} δίφρον codd. | aCrrqc $ 3 Winterton -TTJ codd. 3 καθι^ου $ 3 4 άλεμάτω Scaliger ]τω Ιβ3 (suprascr. s) άδεμάτω KLWTrU 2 άδαμά(ν)του A N U 5 ττολλώ... δχλω Winterton -λοΟ, -λου codd. ]ω (suprascr. ν), -λων $ 3 7 ατρυγετο5 <β3 I 108
I D Y L L XV GORGO
Is Praxinoa at home ? PRAXINOA
Gorgo dear! she is at home. What a time it is since you've been—though I'm surprised you have got here even now. (To slave) Eunoa, see to a chair for her, and put a cushion on it. Go. It does very nicely as it is. PR. D O sit down. Go. What a helpless thing I am! I hardly got here with my life, Praxinoa, among all that crowd and the chariots— hob-nailed shoes and men in cloaks all over the place; and the road is endless—you live farther and farther away. PR. That's that lunatic of mine; he comes to the ends of the earth and buys a hovel, not a house, so that we mightn't be neighbours—out of spite, the mean brute; he's always the same. Go. Don't talk of your man Dinon like that, my dear, when the little one's by. See how he's looking at you, woman. (To the child) Never mind, Zopyrion, my pet; she doesn't mean
daddy. PR. Gracious! the child understands. Go. (to the child) Pretty daddy! PR. Still, that daddy the other day—it was only the other day I said to him, 'Pa, go and get some soda and ruddle at the stall', and he brought me back salt, and he a great giant of a man. έκαστέρω $ 3 Κ -τοτέρω cett. | αίέν $ 3 Koennecke έμ* codd. | αττοικής $ 3 8 εσχατιάς (γ supra ία) $ 3 9 ε]ίλεόν $ 3 Ahrens 10 αλληλαις $ 3 | φθονερός κακός $ 3 corr. | αιεν $ 3 (ν in ras.) αΐεί codd. 11 Δίνωνα WTr Δεινω-$3 Δίκω-, Δίχω-, Δίω-cett. 12 δρα LWTr: cf. 2 13 γλυκυρόν$3^ cf. 24.7 | λέγει I ^ K W 1 - γ ω cett. (v. Praxinoae tribuentes) 15 μσν KWTr μεν $ 3 cett. | γ α Maas γε $ 3 τ α codd. | δέ om. A U 16 ττάτητα Wilamowitz πάντα $ 3 codd. | άγοράσδειν Ahrens -δων $ 3 codd. 17 ικτο Ψ3 ήνθε, ήλθε codd. | ά μ ι ν $ 3 Ahrens | τρισκαιδεκάτταχυς Brunck -ττηχυς $ 3 codd. 109 GT
13
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΓΟ. χώμό$ ταύτα έχει* φθόρος άργυρίω Διοκλείδας* έπταδράχμω$ κυνάδας, ypaiav άποτίλματα πήραν, ττέντε 7TOKG0S ελαβ' εχθές, ά π α ν ρ ύ π ο ν , έργον έπ 5 έ ρ γ ω . αλλ 5 Ί'Θι, τ ώ μ π έ χ ο ν ο ν και τ ά ν π ε ρ ο ν α τ ρ ί δ α λά^ευ.
20
ΠΡ. 25 ΓΟ. ΠΡ.
3ο
ΓΟ. 35 ΠΡ. ΓΟ. ΠΡ. 4ο
βαμες τ ω βασιλήος ες άφνειώ Πτολεμαίω θασόμεναι τον "Αδωνιν* ακούω χρήμα καλόν τι κοσμεΐν τάν βασίλισσαν. εν όλβίω όλβια πάντα. ών ΐδες, ών εΐπαις κεν ιδοΐσα τ ύ τ ω μη ιδόντκ έ'ρπειν ώρα κ5 εΐη. άεργοΐς αίέν έορτά. Εύνόα, αϊρε το νήμα και ες μέσον, αίνόδρυπτε, θες π ά λ ι ν αί γαλέαι μαλακώς χ ρ τ | 3 ο ν τ ι καθεύδειν. κινεΰ δη · φέρε θασσον ύδωρ. ύδατος πρότερον δει, α δε σμαμα φέρει, δός δμως. μη δη πολύ, λαστρί. εγχει ύδωρ. δύστανε, τί μευ το χιτώνιον άρδεις; παϋέ π ο χ 5 · οία Θεοΐς έδόκει, τοιαύτα νένιμμαι. ά κλάξ τας μεγάλας πει λάρνακος; ώδε φέρ3 αύτάν. Πραξινόα, μάλα τοι το καταπτυχές έμπερόναμα τούτο πρέπει * λέγε μοι, π ό σ σ ω κατέβα τοι άφ5 ιστώ; μη μνάσης, Γοργοί · πλέον άργυρίω καθαρώ μναν ή δύο · τοις δ' εργοις και τάν ψυχάν ποτέθηκα. άλλα κατά γνώμαν άπέβα ΤΟΓ τοΰτό κεν εϊπαις. τώμπέχονον φέρε μοι και τάν θολίαν * κατά κόσμον άμφίθες. ούκ ά ξ ώ τ υ , τέκνον. Μορμώ, δάκνει ί π π ο ς . δάκρυ 3 δ σ σ α θέλεις, χ ω λ ό ν δ 3 ο ύ δει τ υ γενέσθαι, ερπωμες. Φ ρ υ γ ί α , τ ο ν μικκόν π α ΐ σ δ ε λ α β ο ΐ σ α , τ ά ν κύν 3 εσω κάλεσον, τ ά ν αύλείαν ά π ό κ λ α ξ ο ν .
ΐ 8 ταύτα Rciske TOUT* Κ ταΟτά γ ' $ 3 c e t t · | άργυρίω $ 3 $ 4 Wintcrton -ίου codd. 19 αποτα[ $ 4 20 πόκους KL | ρύπος A N U 23 Θασόμεναι K A N U -σόμεθα L W T r -σωμες $ 3 -σοΟμες D 24 την βασίλειαν $ 3 | 6. ττολλά J53 25 είδες Κ Τ Γ ( ? ) | εΐπαις $ 3 Toup -ποις ^ 3 corr. Tr 2 -πες K L W T r -πας A N U I κεν Brunck και codd. αν $ 3 ]τυ ιδ[οισα $ 4 | "™ c°dd. 2 τε $ 3 26 ερπωμες· ωρα $ 3 7 νήμα Kaerchcr νάμα codd.: cf. 24.76 | αίνόδρυπτε $ 3 K A N U αίνόθρυπτε L W T r N 2 28 χρήσδοντι $)3 supra Ρ 30 δε σμαμα Hermann (et fortasse $ 3 ) δ* ες νάμα codd, | δη ^ 3 Κ δέ cctt. | 110
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔωΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ
Go. Mine's that way too; money's nothing to Diocleidas. Yesterday for seven drachmas he bought—dogs' hair, pluckings of old wallets, nothing but dirt, work without end. Five fleeces it was. But come; get your dress on and your wrap. Let's go and see the Adonis in our rich King Ptolemy's palace. I'm told the Queen is giving a fine show. PR. Everything's grand in grand houses. Go. What you've seen you can talk about, when you've seen it and another hasn't. It'll be time to be going. PR. It's always holiday for those that have nothing to do. (To the slave) Eunoa, pick up that spinning, and let it lie about there again and I'll teach you. Cats like soft beds. Shift your self and bring me some water at once. I want water first and she brings soap. Still, let me have it. Not so much, you thief. Now the water. Idiot, you're slopping it on my smock. That'll do. I've washed as well as heaven allows me. Where's the key of the big chest ? Bring it here. Go. That full dress suits you very well, Praxinoa. What did it cost you off the loom? Tell me. PR. Don't remind me of it, Gorgo; more than two minas of good money, and as for the work, I put my very life into it. Go. Well, it's a great success, that you can say. PR. (to the slave) Bring me my wrap and my sun-hat; put them on properly. I shan't take you, baby. Boo, Bogey! horse bites. Cry as much as you like, but I can't have you lamed. Let's be going. Phrygia, take the little one and play with him. Call in the doo;, and lock the front door. (The scene changes to the street) λαστρί E.Schwartz άπληστε $ 3 codd. 32 παύε ποχ 1 οία Ahrcns παύε όκοΐα Κ παΰσε' όκοΐα L παύσεο κ' οία W παύσεο χ* οία Τ Γ π α υ σ ' όκοΐα ANU 33 TflS μεγάλης K L W | πει $ 3 Ahrens π ή Κ π α cctt. 36 Γοργοί PG - γ ώ $ 3 codd. I άργυρίω J ^ T r A N U -ίου K L W | καβαρώ $ΐΤτ -ρου Κ -ράν cctt. 37 ττοτέθηκα $ 3 Valckenacr προτέθεικα codd. 38 κεν εΐπαις Meinekc και (ι dclcto) είποις (οι in ras.) $ 3 κ α είπες K L W T r κατ* επτ[ $2 καλόν (Wv.l.) είπας A N U 41 δάκρυ* Χ δάκρυε $)2$33 codd. 42 τταϊδα Κ 43 άπόκλαξον codd. α[ φ 2 εττικλ[αξο]ν $ 3 III
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ώ θεοί, όσσος όχλος, πώς και ττόκα τούτο περασαι 45
χ ρ ή τ ο KCXKOV; μυρμακες άνάριθμοι και άμετροι,
so
πολλά τοι, ώ Πτολεμαίε, πεποίηται καλά έργα, εξ ώ εν άθανάτοις ό τεκών · ουδείς κακοεργός δαλεΐται τον ιόντα παρέρπων Αιγυπτιστί, οϊα πριν εξ άπάτας κεκροτημένοι άνδρες επαισδον, άλλάλοις ομαλοί, κακά παίχνια, πάντες άραϊοι. άδίστα Γοργώ, τί γενώμεθα; τοι ττολεμισταί ΐτπτοι τ ώ βασιλήος. άνερ φίλε, μη με πατήσης. ορθός άνέστα ό ττυρρός * ΐδ' ώς άγριος, κυνοθαρσής Ευνόα, ου φευξη; διαχρησεΐται τον άγοντα.
55
ώ ν ά θ η ν μεγάλους δτι μοι τ ο βρέφος μένει ένδον.
ΓΟ. θάρσει, Πραξινόα* και δη γεγενήμεθ' όπισθεν, τοι δ* εβαν ες χώραν. ΠΡ. καυτά συναγείρομαι ήδη. ΐππον και τον ψυχρόν όφιν τ ά μάλιστα δεδοίκω εκ παιδός. σπεύδωμες· όχλος πολύς άμμιν έπιρρεΐ. 6ο ΓΟ. εξ αυλας, ώ ματερ; ΓΡΑΥΣ
έγών, τέκνα. ΓΟ.
είτα παρενθεΐν ευμαρές;
ΓΡ.
ες Τροίαν πειρώμενοι ήνθον Αχαιοί, κάλλισται π α ί δ ω ν πείρα θην π ά ν τ α τελείται. ΓΟ. χρησμώς ά πρεσβυτις άπώχετο θεσπίξασα. ΠΡ. π ά ν τ α γυναίκες ΐσαντι, και ώς Ζευς άγάγεθ 5 "Ήραν. 65 ΓΟ. θάσαι, Πραξινόα, περί τάς θύρας όσσος όμιλος. 44» 5 Gorgoni trib. $ 3 48 δηλεΐται Κ 49 κεκροτημένοι KLW -ταμένοι $ 3 cett. Ι επαι^ον 3β} 50 ομαλοί $ 4 codd. γ ομα[ $ 3 | ττάιχνια $ 3 τταίγνια codd. | άραϊοι Warton αροιοι in άεργοι mut. $ 3 έρι°ί codd. 51 Γοργώ Σ -γοΐ codd. | γενώμεθα $ 3 Schaefer γενοίμεθα codd. | ττολεμισταί $ 3 Κ τττολ- cett. 52 ανηρ $ 3 57 α Ρ τ 1 (suprascr. ηδη) $ 3 59 όχλος πολύς $ 3 (ττολΟς add. man. sec.) KGP όσ(σ)ος δχλος cctt. | άμιν $ 3 Ahrens 112
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔωΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ
Heavens, what a crowd! How and when are we to get through this plague ? They're like ants—there's no numbering or counting them. You've done us many a good turn, Ptolemy, since your father was in heaven. Nowadays no ruffian slips up to you in the street Egyptian-fashion and does you a mischief—the trick those packets of rascality used to play, one as bad as another with their nasty tricks, a cursed lot. Dear Gorgo! what will become of us? the king's chargers! My dear sir, don't tread on me. The chestnut's reared; see how wild he is. Keep clear, Eunoa, you reckless girl. He'll do for the man that's leading him. It's lucky I left baby at home. Go. It's all right, Praxinoa; we've got behind them now, and they've gone to their place. PR. And now I'm collecting myself again too. A horse and the cold snake I've been afraid of more than anything else ever since I was a child. Let's hurry; we're being swamped in all this mob. Go. Are you from the palace, mother? AN OLD
WOMAN
I am, my children. Go. Is it easy to get in then? O.W. The Greeks got into Troy by trying, my pretties; everything's done by trying. Go. The old lady has pronounced her oracles and gone off. PR. Women know everything—even how Zeus married Hera. Go. Look, Praxinoa, what a crowd there is round the doors. 6ο έγών τέκνα είτα WTrS έγών ώ τ. είτα L A N U έγών ώ τέκνα KGP εγωγ' ω τέκνα $ 3 | τταρενθεΐν Ρ τταρηνθήν $ 3 -ηλθειν $ 3 con*, -ελθεΐν codd. 6 l eg 5 3 codd. εις 3β2 62 omissum in marg. habet $ 3 | καλ(λ)ισται $ 2 $ 3 -τα ^3Corr. codd. 63 άνδρί τινι attrib. $3 | χρησμώς $ 2 codd. -μου* $ 3 64 άγάγεθ' φ 3 Wilamowitz ήγ- codd.
113
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
Π Ρ, θεσπέσιος. Γοργοί, 60s τάν χέρα μοι · λάβε και τι), Ευνόα, Εύτυχίδος· πότεχ' αυτας μη άποπλαγχθής. πασαι άμ* είσένθωμες* άπριξ εχευ, Ευνόα, άμών. οίμοι δειλαία, δίχα μοι το θερίστριον ήδη 7ο εσχισται, Γοργοί, π ο τ τ ώ Διός, ει τι γένοιο ευδαίμων, άνθρωπε, φυλάσσεο τώμπέχονόν μευ. 2ΕΝ0Σ
ΠΡ. 5Ε· ΠΡ. 75
ΓΟ. 8ο ΠΡ.
85
ουκ έπ' έμίν μέν, όμως δε φυλάξομαι. όχλος άλαΟέωςΦ ώθεϋνθ' ώσπερ ϋες. θάρσει, γύναι* εν καλώ ειμές. κής ώρας κήπειτα, φίλ' ανδρών, εν καλώ εΐης, άμμε περιστέλλων. χρηστώ κοικτίρμονος ανδρός. φλίβεται Ευνόα άμμιν* άγ 5 , ώ δειλά τύ, βιά^ευ. κάλλιστ' · c ενδοι π α σ α ι \ ό τάν νυόν εΐπ' άποκλάξας. Πραξινόα, πόταγ* ώδε. τά ποικίλα πρατον άθρησον, λεπτά και ως χαρίεντα· θεών περονάματα φάσεις. πό-τνι' Άθαναία, ποΐαί σφ' έπόνασαν εριθοι, ποίοι ^ωογράφοι τάκριβέα γράμματ' έγραψαν. ως ετυμ' έστάκαντι και ως ετυμ' ένδινεΰντι, εμψυχ', ουκ ένυφαντά. σοφόν τι χρήμ' άνθρωπος. αυτός δ' ώς θαητός έπ' άργυρέας κατάκειται κλισμώ, πρατον ϊουλον ά π ό κροτάφων καταβάλλων, ό τριφίλητος "Αδωνις, ό κήν Άχέροντι φιληθείς. ΕΤΕΡΟΣ 5ΕΝΟΣ
παύσασθ', ώ δύστανοι, άνάνυτα κωτίλλοισαι, τρυγόνες· έκκναισευντι πλατειάσδοισαι άπαντα. 66 Γοργοί lime -γώ $ 3 codd. 6η αντας μη αποπλαγχθης $ 2 $ 3 (suprascr. που <πλα)νη<θης» αύτα μη τυ (τι) πλανηθής codd. 68 Ιχευ $ 2 L W T r A N U έχετ* f)3 εχε # 3 c o n \ K | άμών $2$} L W T r A N U δμωά Κ δμωίς GP 69 μοι $ 3 μευ codd. 70 Γοργοί $ 2 -γώ $ 3 codd. | ει τι codd. είθε vel αιθε Jpr."p3 Ί1 φυλάσσεο $ 3 codd. -σευ $ 2 J2 όχλος αλαθεως $ 2 $ 3 ό. άθέως Κ δ. αθρόως L A N U αθρόο? όχλος WTrS 73 ώσπερ θες ? 2 # 3 KL ώ. (?)ύες W A N U ώστε £ύες W : TrS | εΐμές ·β2Κ ήμεςcett.: cf. 89 75 ΧΡηστω ιΐ4
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔωΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑ!
PR. Terrific. Give me your hand, Gorgo, and Eunoa take Eutychis's, and mind you don't get separated from her. W e must all go in together. Eunoa, stick close to us. Oh dear, oh dear, my shawl is torn in two already, Gorgo. For heaven's sake, sir, mind my wrap as you hope for happiness. A MAN
I will—though I can't help myself. PR. It really is a mob; they jostle one another like pigs. MAN Cheer up, ma'am; we're all right. PR. And I hope you'll be all right for ever and a day, my dear sir, for looking after us. (To Gorgo) What a nice kind man! Our Eunoa's getting squashed. Come on, silly; push your way through. Good. 'All inside', as the man said when he turned the key on the bride. Go. Praxinoa, come here and look first at the tapestries, how fine they are and how lovely—fit for gods to wear, you'ld say. PR. Lady Athena, what workers they must have been that made them, and what artists that drew the lines so true! The figures stand and turn so naturally they're alive not woven. What a clever thing is man! And look at him; how marvellous he is, lying in his silver chair with the first down spreading from the temples, thrice-loved Adonis, loved even in death. A SECOND
MAN
My good women, do stop that ceaseless chattering—perfect turtle-doves, they'll bore one to death with all their broad vowels. ^ 3 Winterton -του codd. 76 φλίβεται KAU θλίβ- LWTrN | άμιν Κ 8θ Άθαναία Valckenacr Άθην- codd. 81 ^ωογράφοι S 2 V 2 Et.M. 412.52 3007- codd. | ταλσθέα γρ. $ 3 82 αντινεΰν[τι $ 3 83 τι $ 3 K W T r A N U τοι LISoph./4?rt.353 | άνθρωπος iJ^KISoph. ων- cett. 84 άργυρέα? •P3 KLWTr -έης N U -έου A 86 φιληθείς $2$$ φιλεϊται codd. Greg. Cor. 141 87 άνά νύκτα Κ 88 εκνωσε[υ]ντι πλατιά^οισοα $ 3
115
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΠΡ. μα, ττόθεν ώνθρωπος; τί δε τίν, ει κωτίλαι ειμές; πασάμενος έπιτασσε * Συρακοσίαις επιτάσσεις. ώς είδης και τοΰτο, Κορίνθιαι ειμές άνωθεν, ως και ό Βελλεροφών. Πελοποννασιστι λαλευμες, Δωρίσδειν δ' εξεστι, δοκώ, τοις Δωριέεσσι. μή φύη, Μελιτώδες, δς άμών καρτεράς εϊη, 95 πλάν ενός, ουκ άλέγω. μή μοι κενεάν άπομάξης. ΓΟ. σίγη, Πραξινόα* μέλλει τον "Αδωνιν άείδειν ά τας Άργείας θυγάτηρ, πολύιδρις αοιδός, orris και πέρυσιν τον ίάλεμον άρίστευσε. φθεγξεΐταί τι, σάφ5 οϊδα, καλόν* διαχρέμπτεται ήδη.
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ΓΥΝΗ ΑΟΙΔΟΣ
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us
Δ έ σ π ο ι ν ' , ά Γ ο λ γ ώ ς τε και Ί δ ά λ ι ο ν έφίλησας αιπεινάν τ 3 "Ερυκα, χ ρ υ σ ω π α ί ^ ο ι σ ' Ά φ ρ ο δ ί τ α , οΐόν τοι τ ο ν "Αδωνιν α π 3 άενάω Ά χ έ ρ ο ν τ ο ς μηνί δ υ ω δ ε κ ά τ ω μαλακαι π ό δ α ς a y a y o v '''Ούραι, β ά ρ δ ι σ τ α ι μακάρων Τ 6ύραι φίλαι* ά λ λ α ποθειναί έρχονται π ά ν τ ε σ σ ι βροτοΐς αίεί τι φέροισαι. Κυπρί Δ ι ω ν α ί α , τ υ μεν ά θ α ν ά τ α ν α π ό θνατάς, α ν θ ρ ώ π ω ν ως μύθος, έποίησας Βερενίκαν, άμβροσίαν ές στήθος ά π ο σ τ ά ξ α σ α γυναικός · τίν δέ χαρι^ομένα, πολυώνυμε και π ο λ ύ ν α ε , ά Βερενικεία θ υ γ ά τ η ρ Έλένα εικυΐα Ά ρ σ ι ν ό α π ά ν τ ε σ σ ι καλοΐς άτιτάλλει "Αδωνιν. π α ρ μεν οι ώ ρ ι α κείται, δ σ α δρυός άκρα φέροντι, π ά ρ δ 5 α π α λ ο ί καποι πεφυλαγμένοι έν ταλαρίσκοις άργυρέοις, Σ υ ρ ί ω δέ μυρω χρυσει' α λ ά β α σ τ ρ α ,
εΐδατά Θ' δσσα γυναίκες έπί πλαθάνω πονέονται
89 εϊμές $ 3 K L ή μες cctt.: cf. 73 90 ποτίτασσε $ 3 Et.M. 681.55 92 λαλεΰμε$ i)3corr.cod
ιιό
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔωΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ
PR. Gracious, where does this gentleman come from? And what business is it of yours if we do chatter? Give orders where you're master. It's Syracusans you're ordering about, and let me tell you we're Corinthians by descent like Bellerophon. W e talk Peloponnesian, and I suppose Dorians may talk Dorian. Persephone, don't let us have any master but the one. So there; don't level an empty pot for me. Go. Hush, Praxinoa; the Argive woman's daughter is going to sing the Adonis, that clever singer who did the best in the dirge last year. She'll give us something fine, I'll be bound. She's just clearing her throat. THE SINGER
Lady who lovest Golgi and Idalium and the steep of Eryx, Aphrodite of the golden toys, see how after a twelvemonth the Hours have brought thee back Adonis from Acheron's ever-flowing stream, the dear soft-footed Hours, tardiest of the Blessed Ones; yet ever longed for is their coming, and ever for all men do they bring some gift. Lady of Cyprus, Dione's child, thou, as men say, didst change Berenica from mortal to immortal, dropping ambrosia into her woman's breast. And for thy sake, Lady of many names and many shrines, Berenica's daughter Arsinoa, lovely as Helen, cossets Adonis with all things good. By him in their season are all that fruit-trees bear, and delicate gardens in silver baskets guarded, and golden flasks of Syrian perfume. And all the cates that women fashion on the kneading-tray, mingling cett. 105 φέροισαι $ 3 Hemsterhusius φοροΐσαι, -οΰσοπ codd. 106" θνατας $3 3 KWTr -τών cctt. 107 ανθρώπων $ 3 LWTr ών-cett. 108 στάθος 5 3 HO Βερενικεία $ 3 T r A N U Βερον- cctt. | Ελένη KLW 112 φέροντι PD(?) -ται codd. καλείται Jp3 114 Συρίω δε μυρω ^ T r A N U -ίου δέ -ρου cett. Ι αλάβαστα $53 115 θ* $33 K A N U δ* LWTr | ττλαθανοις (in -vou mut.) $ 3
117
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΐ2ο
ΐ25
ΐ3ο
Τ35
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άνθεα μίσγοισαι λευκώ παντοία μαλεύρω, δσσα τ* ά π ό γλυκερώ μέλιτος τ ά τ* εν υ γ ρ ω ελαίω. π ά ν τ ' αυτω πετεηνά και ερπετά τεΐδε πάρεστι · χλωραι δε σκιάδες μαλακώ βρίθοισαι άνήθω δέδμανθ5 # οι δε τε κώροι υπερπωτώνται "Ερωτες, οίοι άηδονιδήες άεξομεναν επί δένδρω πωτώνται πτερύγων πειρώμενοι δ^ον α π ' δ^ω. ώ έβενος, ώ χρυσός, ώ εκ λευκώ έλέφαντος αιετοι οινοχόον Κρονίδα Διι παΐδα φέροντες, πορφύρεοι δε τάπητες άνω μαλακώτεροι ϋπνω* ά Μίλατος έρεΐ χ ω τάν Σαμίαν καταβόσκων, 'εστρωται κλίνα τώδώνιδι τ ω καλώ άμμιν'. τον μέν Κύπρις έχει, τάν δ' ό ροδόπαχυς "Αδωνις. όκτωκαιδεκετής ή έννεακαίδεχ' ό γαμβρός* ου κεντεΐ το φίλημ3* ετι οι περί χείλεα πυρρά. νυν μέν Κύπρις εχοισα τον αυτας χαιρετώ άνδρα* άώθεν δ' άμμες νιν άμα δρόσω άθρόαι εξω οισευμες ποτι κυματ' έπ' άιόνι πτύοντα, λυσασαι δε κόμαν και έπι σφυρά κόλπον άνεΐσαι στήθεσι φαινομένοις λιγυρας άρξευμεθ* άοιδάς. έρπεις, ώ φίλ' "Αδωνι, και ένθάδε κής 'Αχέροντα ημιθέων, ως φαντί, μονώτατος. ουτ' Αγαμέμνων τοΰτ' έπαθ 5 ουτ' Αίας ό μέγας, βαρυμάνιος ήρως, ουθ' Έκτωρ, Έκάβας ό γεραίτατος εϊκατι παίδων, ου Πατροκλής, ου Πυρρός άπό Τροίας έπανενθών, οϋθ' οι ετι πρότεροι Λαπίθαι και Δευκαλίωνες, ου Γίελοπηιάδαι τε και "Αργεος άκρα Πελασγοί.
Ιΐό παντοία μαλεύρω Κ 2 Μ πολτοί* άμ' άλεύρω $ 3 cett. I l 8 πετεηνά 3β$ τι K A N U -εεινά L W T r | τεΐδε $ 3 Κ τηδε cctt. | τταρερττει $ 3 9 βρίθοισαι Brunck -θουσαι $ 3 -θοντε$ codd. | ανήΟου $ 3 120 δέ τε K A N U δ' ετι L W T r | υπερπωτώνται K W T r -πετώνται $ 3 -ποτώνται Κ 2 cett. 121 οιαι $ 3 °1α A N U | άηδονιδήες Valckenacr -νιήες A N U -νήε$ K L W T r | άεξο μεναν Ahrens -νων codd. | δένδρω Wilamowitz -ρων $ 3 codd. 122 όσδον α π οσδ[ jp3 | δ^ω Winterton -3ου codd. 124 αίετοι # 3 KL 2 W 2 Tr 2 -τώ cett. 126 κάτα βάσκων Σ v.l. 127 άμμιν scripsi άλλα $ 3 codd. 128 τόν μέν Rossbach τάν μέν $ 3 codd. | δ* ό $ 3 codd.dett. δ* ώ codd. | (ί)θδόπηχυ$ 118
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔΟύΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ
every hue with fine white wheat-flower, are there, and those they make of sweet honey and with smooth oil. All creatures of the earth and air are there beside. And green bowers have been built, laden with the tender dill, and boyish Loves flit overhead like young nightingales that flit upon the tree from spray to spray making trial of their fledgling wings. Ο ebony, Ο gold, Ο eagles of white ivory that bear to Zeus the son of Cronos a boy to pour his wine. And crimson coverlets above, as soft as sleep. Miletus will say, and he who pastures Samos with his flocks, 'Ours are the coverlets for the fair Adonis' couch'. In Adonis' rosy arms the Cyprian lies, and he in hers. Of eighteen years or nineteen is the groom; the golden down is still upon his lip; his kisses are not rough. And now farewell to Cypris as she clasps her lover. But all together, at daybreak, with the dew, will we bear him out to the waves that plash upon the shore; and there with ungirt hair, breasts bared and raiment falling to the ankle, will we begin our clear song. Thou, dear Adonis, alone of demigods, as they tell, dost visit both earth and Acheron. Such lot fell not to Agamemnon, nor mighty Aias, that hero of the heavy anger, nor Hector, eldest of Hecabe's twenty sons; no, nor to Patrocles, nor Pyrrhus when he came back from Troy, nor yet to the Lapiths of an earlier age, nor Deucalion and his kind. Not to the house of Pelops and the Pelasgian lords of Argos. Look on $ 3 ANU 129 όκτωκαιδεκετής S -κατής code! 130 φίλημ* $ 3 ANU φίλαμ* cett. | παρά χ. ANU 131 μεν $ 3 LWTrN μάν cett. | αύτάς ? 3 L αυτής cett. 132 άμμες $ 3 LWTrANU άμες Κ 133 οισουμες 5 3 ante corr. Ι αιόνα κλυ[ (πτ in κλ mut.) $ 3 135 άρξεύμεθ' G. Kiessling ]ξουμεθ* ex -ξωμεθ* iP3 lit vid. -ξώμεΟ' codd. 136 κής Valckenaer κείς ? 3 codd. 137 ηιθεων $ 3 ante corr.: cf. 13.69 | νεότατος ANU 139 ουχ* $} | γεραίτατος S in ras. -τερος cett.: cf. 145 140 έπανενθών D -ελθών codd. 141 πρότερον LWTr 142 τε om. 5 3 ANU 119
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ΐλαος, ώ φίλ* "Αδωνι, και ες νέωτ' · ευθυμεύσαις και νυν ήνθες, "Αδωνι, και, δκκ' άφίκτ), φίλος ήξεΐς145 ΓΟ. Πραξινόα, το χρήμα σοφώτατον ά θήλεια· ολβία δσσα ϊσατι, πανολβία ώς γλυκύ φωνεΐ. ώρα όμως κής οικον. άνάριστος Διοκλείδας · χώνήρ όξος άτταν, πειναντι δε μηδέ ττοτένθτ)ς. χαίρε, "Αδοον αγαπάτε, και ες χαίροντας άφικνεΰ. 143 ιλαο$ ω 3^3 Τλοεθ» νΟν codd. | νέωτ* jp3 LWTr AN U νέω Σ lemma Iunt. Cal. νέον Κ | εύθνμήσεις LWTr 145 σοφώτοττον $ 3 J· A. Hartung -τερον codd. 147 κή* ?3Cal. κείς codd. 148, 9 Praxinoae trib. $ 3 | ώξι>5 Ϊ 3 |
120
XV. ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΑΙ Η ΑΔωΝΙΑΖΟΥΣΑΙ
us with favour next year too, dear Adonis. Happy has thy coming found us now, Adonis, and when thou comest again, dear will be thy return. Go. Praxinoa, the woman's a marvel—happy to know so much, thrice happy to have so sweet a voice. Still, it's time for home. Diocleidas hasn't had his dinner, and the man's all vinegar; don't so much as go near him when he's hungry. Farewell, beloved Adon; and I hope you'll find us happy when you come again. άπαν ^ 3 W T r I M ayocv cett. | ποτένθη* $ 3 KLWTr ποθ* ήκοι* ANU 149 Αδωνι jp3 ante corr. | άγαπατέ S3 Tr -πητέ cett. | άφικνεΰ Α -ίκνευ ψ3 -ίκεν cett.
121
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΧΑΡΙΤΕΣ Η ΙΕΡύύΝ
5
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ΐ5
20
25
Αιει τοΰτο Διός κούρας μέλει, αιέν άοιδοΐς, ύμνεΐν αθανάτους, ύμνεΐν c3cyoc0cov κλέα ανδρών. Μοϊσαι μεν θεαι έντί, θεούς θεαι άείδοντι · άμμες δέ βροτοι οϊδε, βροτούς βρόχοι άείδωμεν. Tis y a p των όπόσοι γλαυκάν ναίουσιν υ π ' ηώ ημετέρας Χάριτας πετάσας υποδέξεται οίκω άσπασίως, ουδ' αύθις άδωρήτους αποπέμψει; αϊ δε σκυ^όμεναι γυμνοΐς ποσιν οϊκαδ* ϊασι, πολλά με τωθά^οισαι, ότ' άλιθίην όδόν ήλθον, όκνηραι δέ πάλιν κενεάς εν πυθμένι χηλοΟ ψυχροΐς εν γονάτεσσι κάρη μίμνοντι βαλοΐσαι, ενθ' αιεί σφισιν εδρη, έπήν άπρακτοι ϊκωνται. τίς τών νυν τοιόσδε; τις ευ ειπόντα φιλήσει; ουκ οΐδ* · ου y a p ετ' άνδρες έπ 5 εργμασιν ως πάρος έσθλοΐς αινεΐσθαι σπεύδοντι, νενίκηνται δ5 υπό κερδέων. πάς δ' υπό κόλπου χείρας έχων πόθεν οϊσεται άθρεΐ άργυρον, ουδέ κεν ιόν άποτρίψας τινί δοίη, άλλ5 ευθύς μυθεϊται * c άπωτέρω ή γόνυ κνάμα · αυτώ μοί τι γένοιτο. 5 /θεοί τιμώσιν αοιδούς/ 'τίς δέ κεν άλλου άκούσαι; άλις πάντεσσιν "Ομηρος/ 'ούτος αοιδών λώστος, δς εξ έμεΰ οϊσεται ουδέν/ Δαιμόνιοι, τί δέ κέρδος ό μυρίος ενδοθι χρυσός κείμενος; ουχ άδε πλούτου φρονέουσιν δνασις, άλλα το μεν ψυχα, το δέ π ο ύ τινι δούναι αοιδών # πολλούς ευ ερξαι πηών, πολλούς δέ και άλλων
CODD. PRIMARII: Κ LWTr [Laur.] ASU [Vat.] (Φ Wilamowitzii = LW (1-22) V (23-fin.) Tr Iunt. Cal.) PAP.: $ 4 (6-31» 40-64) TITULUS: Χάριτες ή Ίέρων codd. Hcrmog. 1.85 Rabe Χάριτες l a r g . Δωρίδι add. LTr. Dialectus autem inccrta. 3 Μοϊσαι Wilamowitz Μοΰσαι codd.: cf. 29, 58,69,107 4 βροτοι βροτους KL | άείδωμεν Cal. -δωμες Κ -δομές L -δοντες W 1 -δόντι cett. 5 ηώ ASU άώ cctt. 6 ημετέρας KASU άμ- LWTr 9 άλιθίην S2 άληθίην Κ -θείην 122
I D Y L L XVI It is ever the task of Zeus's daughters, ever that of bards, to hymn the immortals and the glorious deeds of heroes. The Muses are goddesses and hymn their fellow-gods, but we are mortals here below, and, being such, of mortals let us sing. Who, of all that dwell beneath the bright daylight, will gladly with open house receive our Graces, nor send them back without a guerdon ?—when they come bare-foot home complaining, and much upbraid me that their journey has been vain; and abashed they rest again, head bowed over chill knees, in the bottom of the empty coffer, where is ever their seat when they return with purpose unaccomplished. Where to-day is such an one? who will cherish one that has sung his praises? I know not. No more, as erstwhile, are men eager to win praise for glorious deeds, but are enslaved by gain; and each, his hand within his purse-fold, looks to see whence he may win money and will not rub the very rust therefrom to give another, straight answering rather, 'The knee is closer than the shank; may somewhat befall me myself\ or 'Heaven rewards the poet', 'And who would listen to another? Homer is enough for all', 'He is the best of poets who shall get naught of me'. Nay, Sirs, what gain is it, the gold that lies uncounted in your coffers? Herein is not, to thinking men, the profit of wealth, but rather to be generous to one's own desires, and to some poet too, maybe; to do kindness to many of one's A U άλαθίην S: cf. 10.40 άλλοτρίην LWTr | ήλθον L ήνθον cett. ΙΟ έν Κ έπι cett. 12 σφισιν LWTr σφιν cett. | εδρη KASU -pen LWTr j έπήν S2 επάν codd.: cf. 28 \ ΐκωντι KAU 15 σπεύδουσι L | νενίκανται LWTr 16 κόλπου A -πω cett. | οΐσεται KLWTr αυσεται $ 4 A S U 18 κνάμα L -μαι W -μας, -μης cett. 20 άλις άκ. άλλου A U 21 οισε]τε μηδέν $ 4 23 ουχ άδε Κ ουχί δέ LWTr ουχ ώδε A S U | όνησις LW 24 πού LWTr 2 καί cett. Ι αοιδώι $ 4 5 ε υ Kreussler δ' ευ codd. | πηών LWTr παών cett. I άλλους $ 4 123
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ανθρώπων, αιει δε θεοΐς έτπβώμια ρέ^ειν, μηδέ ξεινοδόκον κακόν εμμεναι αλλά τραπέ^η μειλίξαντ3 άποπέμψαι έπήν έθέλωντι νέεσθαι, Μοισάων δε μάλιστα τίειν ιερούς ύποφήτας, 30 δφρα και ειν Άίδαο κεκρυμμένος έσθλός ακούσης, μηδ3 άκλεής μυρηαι έπι ψ^χροΰ Άχέροντος, ώσεί τις μακέλα τετυλωμένος ενδοθι χείρας άχήν εκ ττατέρων ττενίην ακτήμονα κλαίων, πολλοί εν Άντιόχοιο δόμοις και άνακτος Άλεθα 35 άρμαλιήν εμμηνον έμετρήσαντο πενέσται · πολλοί δε Σκοπάδαισιν έλαυνόμενοι ποτι σάκους μόσχοι συν κεραήσιν έμυκήσαντο βόεσσι · μυρία δ' άμ πεδίον Κραννώνιον ένδιάασκον ποιμένες εκκριτα μήλα φιλοξείνοισι Κρεώνδαις* 40 αλλ' ου σφιν των ήδος, έπει γλυκυν έξεκένωσαν θυμόν ες ευρεΐαν σχεδίαν στυγνοϊο γέροντος· άμναστοι δέ τ α πολλά και δλβια τήνα λιπόντες δειλοΐς εν νεκυεσσι μάκρους αιώνας έ'κειντο, ει μή θειος αοιδός ό Κήιος αίόλα φωνέων 45 βάρβιτον ες πολυχορδον εν άνδράσι θήκ' ονομαστούς όπλοτέροις· τιμάς δε και ώκέες ελλαχον ίπποι, οι σφισιν εξ ιερών στεφανηφόροι ήλθον αγώνων, τις δ' αν άριστήας Λυκίων ποτέ, τις κομόωντας Πριαμίδας ή θήλυν ά π ό χροιάς Κυκνον εγνω, so ει μή φυλόπιδας προτέρων ύμνησαν αοιδοί; ουδ' Όδυσευς εκατόν τε και είκοσι μήνας άλαθείς πάντας έπ 5 ανθρώπους, Άίδαν τ 5 εις εσχατον έλθών ^ωός, και σ π ή λ υ γ γ α φυγών όλοοΐο Κυκλωπος, 28 έπήν S έπάν cett.: cf. 12 | έθέλωντι Iunt. -λοντι codd. 20 Μοισάων scripsi Μουσ- codd. 30 έσθλόν KSUNon. | άκούη LWTr ]φίχ[ # 4 32 μακέλη ASU | Οψόθι LW: cf. 95 33 εύχήν LWTr 34 δ' έν LW δ* ΤΓ 37 κεραοΐσιν ASU | έμυκάσαντο WTr 38 Κραννώνιον Κ Κρανώcett. 39 μαλα LWTr | Κρεώνδαις KS -δες W κλεωναΐς LW 2 TrAU 40 άλλα σφιν Κ 41 στυγνοϊο γέροντος Hemsterhusius στυγνού Άχέροντος 124.
XVI. ΧΑΡΙΤΕΣ Η ΙΕΡωΝ
kin, and to many too of other folk; and ever to sacrifice on the altars of the gods, nor play the churlish host, but to treat the stranger kindly at one's board and speed him when he would be gone; but most of all to honour the holy interpreters of the Muses, that even when thou art hidden in Hades thou may est be well spoken of and not mourn unhonoured on the chill shore of Acheron like one whose palms the mattock has made horny, some pauper son of pauper sires that wails his empty penury. Many were the serfs that drew their measured rations month by month in the halls of Antiochus and king Aleuas; many the calves that with the horned kine were driven bellowing to the byres of the Scopadae; countless the choice sheep that for the hospitable Creondae the shepherds pastured afield over the plain of Crannon. Yet of these no joy they had when once they had discharged their dear spirits into the capacious raft of the ferryman old and grim. And leaving that rich store, unremembered would they have lain long ages among the hapless dead had not a bard inspired, the man of Ceos, tuned his varied lays to the lyre of many strings and made them famous among the men of later days; and even the swift steeds lacked not their meed of glory that brought them from the holy games the crown of victory. W h o would have known ever the chieftains of the Lycians, or Priam's long-haired sons, or Cycnus, maidenlike of skin, if poets had not sung the battle-cries of men of old? Never had Odysseus won lasting fame, who wandered six score months through all the world, and came alive to farthest Hades, and escaped from the cave of the baleful Cyclops; never would the swineherd Eumaeus codd. 42 τάδε $ 4 . L W | κείνα LW 44 θείος Synanus ad Hermog. 1.85 Rabc ]εΐος $ 4 ό θείος LWTr κείνος cett. δεινός codd. dett. Hermog. Id, 2.9 46 τιμής L 47 ήλθον LWS ήνθον cett. 48 κομάοντας SM δε καμόντας LWTr 49 ή # 4 K A S U και LWTr | χροιής LW 51 είκοσι LAU -κοτι W S -κάτι KTr | έλαθείς Κ 52 τ' εις TrASU τ' Κ δ* είς LW | ένθών ASU 53 σπήλαια LW 125 GT
14
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
δηναιόν κλέος έ'σχεν, έσιγάθη δ' αν υφορβός 55 Εύμαιος και βουσί Φιλοίτιος άμφ5 άγελαίαις έργον έχων αυτός τε περίσπλαγχνος Λαέρτης, ει μή σφεας ώνασαν Ίάονος ανδρός άοιδαί. Έκ Μοισάν αγαθόν κλέος έρχεται άνθρώποισι, χρήματα δε ^ώοντες άμαλδυνουσι θανόντων. 6ο αλλ* Ισος γ ά ρ ό μόχθος έπ' ήόνι κύματα μετρεϊν όσα* άνεμος χέρσονδε μετά γλαύκας αλός ωθεί, ή υδατι νί^ειν θολεράν διαειδέι ττλίνθον, και φιλοκερδείτ] βεβλαμμένον άνδρα παρελθεΐν. χαιρετώ δστις τοΐος, άνήριθμος δέ οι εΐη 65 ά ρ γ υ ρ ο ς , αιεί δε ττλεόνων εχοι ίμερος αυτόν Φ
αυτάρ ε γ ώ τιμήν τε και ανθρώπων φιλότητα πολλών ήμιόνων τε και ϊ π π ω ν πρόσθεν έλοίμαν. δί^ημαι δ' δτινι θνατών κεχαρισμένος έλθω συν Μοίσαις· χαλεπαί γ ά ρ οδοί τελέθουσιν άοιδοΐς 70 κουράων άπάνευθε Διός μέγα βουλεύοντος. ο υ π ω μήνας ά γ ω ν εκαμ' ουρανός ουδ* ένιαυτους· πολλοί κινήσουσιν ετι τροχόν άματος ίπποι Φ εσσεται ούτος άνήρ δς έμεΰ κεχρήσετ' αοιδού, ρέξας ή Άχιλευς δσσον μέγας ή βαρύς Αίας 75 εν πεδίω Σιμόεντος, δθι Φρυγός ήρίον Ίλου. ήδη νυν Φοίνικες υπ 5 ήελίω δύνοντι οικευντες Λίβυας άκρον σφυρόν έρρίγασιν · ήδη βαστά^ουσι Συρακόσιοι μέσα δουρα, άχθόμενοι σακέεσσι βραχίονας ίτεΐνοισιν 8ο έν δ* αυτοΐς Ίέρων προτέροις ίσος ήρώεσσι ^ώννυται, ϊππειαι δέ κόρυν σκιάουσιν εθειραι. αϊ γ ά ρ , Ζευ κυδιστε πάτερ και πότνι 5 Άθάνα 54 δ' αν υφορβός KLU δ* &ν ό φορβός Α δ* ό συφορβός WTrS 57 σφ εα 5 Brunck σφείας L W a<pas cett. 59 άμαλδύνοντι LWTr 6o cjcovi K A U 6ΐ όσσ in ol mut. $ 4 ut vid. 62 ή Οδ. J^KTrASU Οδ. τε L W 63 φιλο κερδείς W T r
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XVI. ΧΑΡΙΤΕΣ Η ΙΕΡωΝ
have been named, nor Philoetius, busied with the cattle of the herd, nor the great-hearted Laertes himself, had not the minstrelsy of an Ionian bard profited them. From the Muses comes good report to men, but the possessions of the dead are wasted by the living. Yet no less toil it is to compute the waves upon the beach when wind and grey sea roll them landward, or in clear water to cleanse a brick of clay, than to persuade a man maimed by covetousness. Farewell to such as he; and countless silver may he have, and with desire of more be ever possessed. But I would fain choose fame and the friendship of men before wealth of mules and horses. And I am seeking to whom of mortals I may come as a welcome guest in company of the Muses; for hard are the ways to minstrels that go unaccompanied by the daughters of the great counsellor Zeus. Not yet are the heavens wearied of bringing round the months and years; often still shall her steeds set the wheel of Day in motion. That man shall be who shall have need of me for his poet when he has done such deeds as great Achilles wrought, or dread Aias, on the plain of Simois where stands the tomb of Phrygian Ilus. Even now beneath the setting sun the Phoeni cians that dwell in the outmost skirts of Libya tremble for fear; even now Syracusans grip their spears by the middle and charge their arms with shields of wicker, while Hiero, in their midst, girds himself like the heroes of old with crest of horsehair shadowing his helm. Ah Zeus, our father far renowned, and Lady Athena, and thou, Maiden, to whom, έλθω L ενθω cett. 69 τελέθοντι LWTr | doiSois LWTr -5ais Κ -δον ASU 70 κουράων LW Μουσάων cett. | μέγα D 2 Iunt. Cal. Eust.75.38 μεγάλου codd. Ι άττεόντος WTrS 72 κινησεΟντι LWTr | άματος Wilamowitz άρματοί codd. 73 έμευ LWTrS έμου cett. | άοιδή ASU 76 άελίω LWTr 77 οίκουντες LWTr | Λιβύης LWTrS | έρρίγαντι vel ήρρ- WTrSM 81 σκιάουσιν WTr -ά3ουσι L σκεπάουσι cett. σκεπάσασαι Eust. 421. 44 127
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
κουρη θ' ή συν μητρί πολυκλήρων Έφυραίων εΐληχας μέγα άστυ παρ* ϋδασι Λυσιμελείας, 85 εχθρούς εκ νάσοιο κακαί πέμψειαν άνάγκαι Σαρδόνιον κοττά κΰμα φίλων μόρον άγγέλλοντας τέκνοις ήδ' άλόχοισιν, αριθμητούς άττό πολλών· άστεα δε ττροτέροισι ττάλιν ναίοιτο πολίταις, δυσμενέων δσα χείρες έλωβήσαντο κατ' άκρας* 90 αγρούς δ5 έργά^οιντο τεθαλότας* αί δ* άνάριθμοι μήλοον χιλιάδες βοτάνα διαπιανθεΐσαι άμ πεδίον βληχωντο, βόες δ5 άγεληδόν ες αυλιν έρχόμεναι σκνιφαϊον επισπευδοιεν ό δ ί τ α ν νειοι δ' έκπονέοιντο ποτι σπόρον, άνίκα τέττιξ 95 ποιμένας ένδίους πεφυλαγμένος υψόθι δένδρων άχεΐ εν άκρεμόνεσσιν * άράχνια δ' εις δπλ 3 άράχναι λετττά διαστήσαιντο, βοάς δ' ετι μηδ' όνομ' εΐη. υψηλόν δ5 Ίέρωνι κλέος φορέοιεν αοιδοί και πόντου Σκυθικοΐο πέραν και όθι π λ α τ ύ τείχος ιοο άσφάλτω δήσασα Σεμίραμις εμβασίλευεν. εις μεν εγώ, πολλούς δε Διός φιλέοντι και άλλους θυγατέρες, τοις πάσι μέλοι Σικελήν Άρέθοισαν υμνεΐν συν λαοΐσι και αιχμητήν Ιέρωνα, ώ Έτεόκλειοι Χάριτες θεαί, ώ Μινυειον ιο5 Όρχομενόν φιλέοισαι άπεχθόμενόν ποτέ Θήβαις, άκλητος μεν εγωγε μένοιμί κεν, ες δε καλευντων θαρσήσας Μοίσαισι συν άμετέραισιν ΐοιμ5 άν. καλλείψω δ' ουδ 5 ϋμμε* τί γ ά ρ Χαρίτων ά γ α π η τ ό ν άνθρώποις άπάνευθεν; άεί Χαρίτεσσιν άμ5 εΐην. 83 κούρα θ' ά LWTr | μητρί S ματρί cett. | πολυκλάρων LWTr 85 κακά πέμπει έν ανάγκα Κ 86 φίλον Κ | άγγέλλοντας S άγγελο- cett. 87 αριθ μητούς Κ -ματούς cett. 88 δέ LW τε cett. | ναίοιτο W -οιτε L -οιντο cett. 90 αϊ δ' KL αϊ τ* cett. 92 βληχωντο S2 -χοΐντο KASU βλαχοϊντο LWTr Ι άγελαδόν LWTrS 93 σκνιφαϊον KWTr σκνιπ- W 2 cett. utrumque Σ 94 έκπνέοιντο W -πλέοιντο L -τελέοιντο W 2 Tr | ποτΙ K W A S U κατά LW 2 Tr 95 ένδίους Non. ed. Morel, -δείους KS -δείουσα W 1 -δεία cett. | υψόθι LWTr ένδόθι cett.: cf. 32 99 oQ\ KLWTr δπη ASU 100 έμβασίλευσεν LWTr
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XVI. ΧΑΡΙΤΕΣ Η ΙΕΡωΝ
with thy mother, has fallen the mighty city of the rich Ephyraeans by the waters of Lysimeleia, grant that ill con straints may drive our enemies from the island over the Sardinian sea with tidings of the death of dear ones to children and wives, messengers easy to number from out that host. Grant that towns which the hands of foes have wasted utterly be peopled again by their ancient masters. May these till fertile fields, while sheep in countless thousands grow fat upon the pastures and bleat over the plain, and cattle gathering in their herds to the homestead speed the twilight traveller on his way. May the fallows be worked for seed-time while the cicada overhead, watching the shepherds in the sun, makes music in the foliage of the trees. May spiders spin their delicate webs over armour, and the cry of onset be no more even named. And let minstrels bear the lofty fame of Hiero across the Scythian sea and where Semiramis cemented that broad wall with pitch to reign therein. I am but one, and the daughters of Zeus love many another beside; and may they all be fain to sing of Sicilian Arethusa with her warriors and the spearman Hiero. Ο Graces, goddesses whomEteocles adored, Ο ye that love Minyan Orchomenus hated by Thebes of old, when no man summons me I will abide at home, but to the houses of them that call I will take heart and go, together with our Muses. Nor will I leave you behind, for without the Graces what has man desirable? With them may I ever dwell. 102 πασι μέλοι KLS* -λει W 2 Tr ττασιν Τκοι W A S U | Άρέθουσαν LW 103 αίχματάν LWTr 104 Έτεόκλειοι KASU -i^fiosWTr -κληο L | Χάριτες WTr θυγατέρες cett. | θεαί ώ Κ Οεαι τον LTrASU ώ τον W 105 ττοκα LWTr 106 εγο^γε μένοιμι codd. der. Med. εγωγε γένοιμι Κ έγώ(ν) μένοιμι vel μίμνοιμι cett. 107 ίοιμ* άν Wilamowitz Ιοίμαν codd. Ικοίμαν Μ 1 108 καλ(λ)ύψω W T r S U | ύμέας LWTr | άγαττητόν LSM -πατόν cett.: cf. 17.64
129
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΕΓΚ63ΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΓΤΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΝ
5
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ΐ5
Έκ Διός άρχώμεσθα και ες Δία λήγετε Μοΐσαι, αθανάτων τον άριστον, έπήν f άείδωμεν άοιδαΐς* ανδρών δ* αύ Πτολεμαίος ένι πρώτοισι λεγέσθω και πύματος και μέσσος· δ γ ά ρ προφερέστατος ανδρών. ήρωες, το ι πρόσθεν άφ3 ημιθέων έγένοντο, ρέξαντες καλά έργα σοφών έκυρησαν αοιδών * αυτάρ εγώ ΤΤτολεμαΐον επισταμένος καλά ειπείν υμνήσαιμ' · ϋμνοι δε και αθανάτων γέρας αυτών. Ίδαν ες πολυδενδρον άνήρ υλοτόμος έλθών παπταίνει, παρεόντος άδην, πόθεν άρξεται έργου, τί πρώτον καταλέξω; έπεί πάρα μυρία ειπείν οΐσι θεοί τον άριστον έτίμησαν βασιλήων. Έκ πατέρων οίος μεν εην τελέσαι μέγα έργον Λαγείδας Πτολεμαίος, δτε φρεσιν έγκατάθοιτο βουλάν, αν ουκ άλλος άνήρ οΐός τε νοήσαι. τηνον και μακάρεσσι π α τ ή ρ όμότιμον εθηκεν άθανάτοις, και οι χρύσεος θρόνος εν Διός οίκω δέδμηται · π α ρ ά δ5 αυτόν 'Αλέξανδρος φίλα είδώς έδριάει, Πέρσαισι βαρύς θεός αιολομίτρας.
20
άντία δ' Ήρακλήος έδρα κενταυροφόνοιο ϊδρυται στερεοΐο τετυγμένα εξ αδάμαντος* ένθα συν άλλοισιν θαλίας έχει Ουρανίδησι, χαίρων υιωνών περιώσιον υιωνοΐσιν, όττι σφεων Κρονίδης μελέων έξείλετο γήρας,
25
αθάνατοι δε καλεΰνται έοί νέποδες γεγαώτες.
CODD. PRIMARII: Κ LWTr [Laur.] ASU [Vat.] (Φ Wilamowitzii = LWTr) PAP.: $ 3 ( i - 3 i . 4^-75» 83-8, 101-3, 111-113). Vide eriam p. 257. TITULUS: Έγκώμιον εις Πτολεμαΐον LWTrASU ]ei[s] Πτολεμαίο [ν] $ 3 "Επαινος Πτολεμαίου Κ Δωρίδι add. Tr Dialectus autem incerta. Ι Μ]ουσαι $13 2 ά(ε)ίδωμεν άοιδαΐς codd. ]εν αοιδης $ 3 4 ττροφερέστατος $ 3 KASU -τερος LWTr 5 α[μιθεων $ 3 ut vid. 9 ένθών Κ 130
I D Y L L XVII From Zeus let us begin, and with Zeus in our poems, Muses, let us make end, for of immortals he is best; but of men let Ptolemy be named, first, last, and in the midst, for of men he is most excellent. The heroes who of old were sprung from demigods, when they had accomplished noble deeds, found skilled poets to honour them, but I who know how to praise must sing of Ptolemy; and songs are the meed even of the immortals themselves. The woodman that conies to tree-clad Ida looks this way and that midst all that plenty to see where he shall begin his task. Of what am I to make mention first, for countless to tell are the blessings wherewith heaven has honoured the best of kings? By lineage what a man was Ptolemy son of Lagus to accomplish some mighty deed when in his heart he had laid up a plan which none other could have conceived. Him the father made of equal honour even with the blessed immortals, and for him is fixed in Zeus's halls a golden throne; and by his side in friendship sits Alexander, god of the gay diadem, the Persians' bane. Over against these, and wrought of stubborn adamant, is stablished the chair of Heracles who slew the Centaurs, and there with the other gods he keeps festival, rejoicing exceedingly in the sons of his sons, in that the son of Cronos has lifted age from their limbs, and that they, his offspring, are called immortals. For to both of these the I I πράτον L W T r 14 Λαγείδας Gcier -γίδας codd. | oTb Zicgler δκα codd.: cf. 59 17 θρόνος Bcrgk δόμος codd. 18 φιλ' αειδω[ Ρ 3 19 οπολομι]τρης $ 3 -τραις Ν ο η . 20 δ' KASU Θ' L W T r | κενταυροφόνοιο Τ Γ κεταυρ- K L W U τεταυρ- Α του ταυρ- S 24 Κρονίδας T r A S U 25 έοί Heinsius θεοί codd.
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
3ο
35
40
45
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άμφω yap Trpoyovos σφιν ό καρτερός Ήρακλείδας, αμφότεροι δ' άριθμεϋνται ες εσχατον Ήρακλήα. τω και έπεί δαίτηθεν ϊοι κεκορημένος ήδη νέκταρος ευόδμοιο φίλας ες δώμ5 άλόχοιο, τω μεν τόξον εδωκεν ύπωλένιόν τε φαρέτραν, τω δε σιδάρειον σκύταλον κεχαραγμένον ό^οις· οι δ' εις άμβρόσιον θάλαμον λευκοσφυρου Ήβας όπλα και αυτόν άγουσι γενειήταν Διός υιόν. Οία δ5 εν πινυταΐσι περικλειτά Βερενίκα έπρεπε Θηλυτέρης, όφελος μέγα γειναμένοισι. τα μέν Κυπρον εχοισα Διώνας πότνια κούρα κόλπον ες ευώδη ραδινάς έσεμάξατο χείρας* τω ουπω τινά φαντί άδεΐν τόσον άνδρι γυναικών όσσον περ Πτολεμαίος έήν έφίλησεν άκοιτιν. ή μάν άντεφιλεΐτο πολύ πλέον, ώδέ κε παισί θαρσήσας σφετέροισιν έπιτρέποι οίκον άπαντα, όππότε κεν φιλέων βαίνη λέχος ες φιλεούσης* άστοργου δε γυναικός έπ' άλλοτρίω νόος αιεί, ρηίδιοι δε γοναί, τέκνα δ* ου ποτεοικότα πατρί. κάλλει άριστεύουσα θεάων πότν' Άφροδίτα, σοι τήνα μεμέλητο* σέθεν δ' ένεκεν Βερενίκα ευειδής Αχέροντα πολυστονον ουκ έπέρασεν, άλλα μι ν άρπάξασα, πάροιθ' επί νήα κατελθεΐν κυανέαν και στυγνόν άει πορθμήα καμόντων, ες ναόν κατέθηκας, έας δ' άπεδάσσαο τιμάς. πασιν δ5 ήπιος ή δε βροτοΐς μαλακούς μέν έρωτας προσπνείει, κουφας δε διδοΐ ποθέοντι μέριμνας. Άργεία κυάνοφρυ, συ λαοφόνον Διομήδεα μισγομένα Τυδήι τέκες, Καλυδωνίω άνδρι, άλλα Θέτις βαθυκολπος άκοντιστάν Άχιλήα
20* aut hunc aut scqu. v. om. $ 3 28 Τη Cal. 30 φαρέτρην L W A U 34 περικλειτά ΚΑ 2 -κλυτά cett. 35 θηλυτέραις S 36 τη A S U | κούρη LWTr 39 έφίλασεν KAU 41 έπιτρέποι L -πει cett. 42 βαίνη hint, -νοι S -νει cett. 43 άλλοτρίων Κ | αΙεί Κ αΐέν cett. 44 φηίδιαι A S U 132
XVII. ΕΓΚωΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΝ
mighty son of Heracles was forbear, and both in the end trace back their birth to Heracles. Wherefore, when he has drunk his fill of fragrant nectar and leaves the feast for the abode of his dear wife, he hands to one the bow and quiver from beneath his arm, and to the other his knotted club of iron, and they to the ambrosial chamber of white-ankled Hebe escort, with his weapons, Zeus's bearded son. And renowned Berenice, how pre-eminent was she among the wise of womankind, a blessing indeed to her parents. On her the Queen of Cyprus, Dione's august daughter, laid her delicate hands, pressing them upon her fragrant bosom; wherefore men say that never yet has wife so pleased her man as Ptolemy's spouse her lord, yet dearer far was he to her. So might a man, going with love to the bed of his loving wife, entrust unfearingly his whole estate to his children. But if a woman know not conjugal love, her mind is ever set on others; easily she gives birth, but the children resemble not their sire. Aphrodite, queen of goddesses, pre-eminent in beauty, thy care was she, and thine the aid whereby the fair Berenice passed not Acheron, that bourn of tears, for ere she came to the dark ship and ever-grim ferryman of the dead thou didst catch her away and set her in thy temple, giving her a share of thine own prerogatives. And gentle is she to all mortals, and soft the loves that she inspires, and light she makes the cares of him that yearns. Dark-browed Lady of Argos, in union with Tydeus, that man of Calydon, thou didst bear him murderous Diomede, and to Peleus son of Aeacus deep-bosomed Thetis bore the spearman Achilles; and thee, warrior Ptolemy, to warrior 48 νήα Κ νάα L W T r S νάμα Α νάσα U | κατενθεΐν Κ 49 κυανέα L W A U 50 νηόν ;P3S: cf. 123 52 ποθέοντι K L W T r προπνέοντι A S U 53 Δ10μήδην L W T r 54 μ[ι]σ[γομ]ενη $ 3 | Καλυδωνίω άνδρί Hiller -ιον άνδρα codd.
133
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Αίακίδα Πηλήι· σε δ', αίχμητά Πτολεμαίε, αιχμητα Πτολεμαίω άρΐ3ηλος Βερενίκα. καί σε Κόως άτίταλλε βρέφος νεογιλλόν έόντα, δεξαμένα π α ρ ά ματρός δτε π ρ ώ τ ο ν ϊδες άώ. 6ο
65
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8ο
ένθα γ ά ρ Ειλείθυιαν έβώσατο λυσί^ωνον Άντιγόνας θυγάτηρ βεβαρημένα ώδίνεσσιν ή δέ οι εύμενέοισα παρίστατο, κάδ δ3 άρα πάντων νωδυνίαν κατέχευε μελών δ δέ πατρί έοικώς παις αγαπητός εγεντο. Κόως δ' όλόλυξεν ίδοΐσα, φα δέ καθαπτομένα βρέφεος χείρεσσι φίλησιν c δλβιε κοΰρε γένοιο, τίοις δέ με τόσσον δσον περ Δήλον έτίμησεν κυανάμπυκα Φοίβος ' Α π ό λ λ ω ν εν δέ μια τιμή Τρίοπον καταθεΐο κολώναν, ίσον Δωριέεσσι νέμοον γέρας έγγυς έοΰσιν · ίσον και Τήναιαν άναξ έφίλησεν Α π ό λ λ ω ν / ως άρα νασος έ'ειπεν ό δ5 υψόθεν εκλαγε φωνα ες τρις α π ό νεφέων μέγας αίετός, αίσιος όρνις. Ζηνός π ο υ τόδε σάμα· Διι Κρονίωνι μέλοντι αιδοΐοι βασιλήες, δ δ5 έξοχος δν κε φιλήση γεινομενον τ ά πρώτα* πολύς δέ οι δλβος όπαδει, πολλας δέ κρατέει γαίας, πολλάς δέ θάλασσας. Μυρίαι άπειροι τε καί έθνεα μυρία φωτών λήιον άλδήσκουσιν όφελλόμεναι Διός όμβρω, αλλ3 ουτις τόσα φύει δσα χθαμαλά Αίγυπτος, Νείλος αναβλύζων διεράν δτε βώλακα θρύπτει, ουδέ τις άστεα τόσσα βροτών έχει έργα δαέντων. τρεις μέν οι πολίων εκατοντάδες ένδέδμηνται, τρεις δ5 άρα χιλιάδες τρισσαΐς έπι μυριάδεσσι, δοιαί δέ τριάδες, μετά δέ σφισιν έννεάδες τρεις ·
57 άρί^αλος A S U 58 νεογιλλόν K W -ιλόν cett. 59 ττράταν LWTr 61 βεβαρημένα LASU -ρυμένα cett. 62 α δε $ 3 | εύμενέοισα KS -ούσα cett. 64 άγαπατός Τ Γ : cf. ιό.ιοδ | Ιδοΰσα LW 65 φη $ 3 | χείλεσσι φίλοισιν 134
XVII. ΕΓΚωΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑ10Ν
Ptolemy renowned Berenice bore. And Cos took thee from thy mother and fostered thee, a babe new-born, when thou sawest thy first light of day. For there the daughter of Antigone, heavy with travail, called on Eileithuia that looses the girdle; and she stood by her side, a present help, and eased the pain in every limb. And in his father's likeness was he born, a child beloved. At the sight Cos cried aloud for joy, and clasping the babe in loving hands, said, 'Blessings on thee, boy; and mayest thou honour me as Phoebus Apollo honoured Delos of the dark circlet. And in the same regard stablish the Triopian hill, assigning equal favour to my Dorian neigh bours; lord Apollo loved Rhenaea no less than Delos.' So spake the isle, and from aloft thrice a great eagle screamed from the clouds, a bird of fate. That sign methinks was from Zeus, for Zeus the son of Cronos has care over august kings, but he comes first whom Zeus loves from his very birth. Prosperity is his in plenty, and broad is the land he rules, broad the sea. Countless countries, and countless tribes of men therein, with the aid of rain from heaven, bring their crops to ripeness, but none is so prolific as are the plains of Egypt when the over-welling Nile soaks and breaks up the soil, nor has any so many towns of folk skilled to labour. Three hundreds of cities are builded therein, and three thousands and thrice ten thousand therewith, and twice three and three times nine LWTr 66 δλβιε £ 3 KLTrS -10s WAU | κούρε φ3 KLW κώρε cett. 6η Δήλον ^3 ASU Δαλον cett. | έτίμησεν $3 KLW -ασεν cett. 68 μιη Ϊ 3 | Τρίοπον ΚΤΓ τρίοπτον cett. Σ ν.1. | κατθεΐο Κ | κολωνόν LWTr 70 έφίλασεν TrASU 7 1 νήσος$3 ητ άπόΚ arrrcclLWTr altcrutrum J*3 vrrral AU CTTT* έκ S Ι μέγας om. AU | αίετός αίσιος Iunt. at. δσιος Κ αίσιος al. cett. 74 αΐδοΐοι 5 3 Casaubon -οίο KLW -οίου cett. | βασιλήες Κ1 -ήος cett. 75 όπαδεΐ Κ -ηδεΐ cett. η6 γαίας KS γαίης cett. | θάλασσας KAU -σης cett. 78 όφελλόμεν Κ -μενον D 84 έννεάδες KLW ενδεκάδες cett. 135
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
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των πάντων Πτολεμαίος άγήνωρ έμβασιλεύει. και μην Φοίνικας άποτέμνεται Άρραβίας τε και Συρίας Λίβυας τε κελαινών τ' Αιθιοπήων · Παμφύλοισι τε πασι και αίχμηταΐς Κιλίκεσσι σαμαίνει, Λυκίοις τε φιλοπτολέμοισί τε Καρσί και νάσοις Κυκλάδεσσιν, έπεί οι ναες άρισται πόντον έπιπλώοντι, θάλασσα δε πάσα και αΐα και ποταμοί κελάδοντες άνάσσονται Πτολεμαίω, πολλοί δ' ίππήες, πολλοί δε μιν άσπιδιώται χαλκώ μαρμαίροντι σεσαγμένοι άμφαγέρονται. Ό λ β ω μεν π ά ν τ α ς κε καταβρίθοι βασιλήαςτ ό σ σ ο ν έπ' άμαρ εκαστον ες άφνεόν έρχεται οίκον πάντοθε. λαοί δ* έργα περιστέλλουσιν εκηλοι · ου γ ά ρ τις δηίων πολυκήτεα Νεΐλον υπερβάς πε^ός εν άλλοτρίαισι βοάν έστάσατο κώμαις,
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θωρηχθεις επί βουσιν άνάρσιος Αιγυπτίησιν τοϊος άνήρ πλατέεσσιν ένίδρυται πεδίοισι ξανθοκόμας Πτολεμαίος, επισταμένος δόρυ πάλλειν, φ έπιπαγχυ μέλει πατρώια πάντα φυλάσσειν οΓ άγοθώ βασιλήι, τα δε κτεατί^εται αυτός, ου μάν άχρεΐός γε δόμω ένί πίονι χρυσός μυρμάκων άτε πλούτος άει κέχυται μογεόντων · αλλά πολύν μεν εχοντι Θεών έρικυδέες οίκοι, αίέν άπαρχομένοιο σύν άλλοισιν γεράεσσι, πολλόν δ' Ιφθίμοισι δεδώρηται βασιλευσι, πολλόν δε πτολίεσσι, πολύν δ* άγαθοΐσιν έταίροις. ουδέ Διωνύσου τις άνήρ ιερούς κατ5 αγώνας ΐκετ' επισταμένος λιγυράν άναμέλψαι άοιδάν, φ ού δωτίναν άντάξιον ώπασε τέχνας.
85 άγάνωρ TrASU 87 Συρίας KLW -ίης # 3 cett. | Λίβυας KLWTr -ύης $ 3 ASU 88 Παμφύλοισι Schrader -λίοισι codd. Παμφοιλ[^3 89 σημαίνει A S U | φιλοπτολέμοισί ΤΕ Καρσί Κ -οις ΤΕ Κάρεσσι cett. 9° άρισται
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XVII. ΕΓΚΟύΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΤΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΝ
beside; and of all Lord Ptolemy is king. Aye, and of Phoenicia he takes himself a part, and of Arabia, and Syria and Libya and of the swart Ethiopians. In all Pamphylia his word is law, and with the spearmen of Cilicia, the Lycians and the warHke Carians; in the Isles of the Cyclades also, for the best ships that sail the seas are his—aye, all the sea and the land and the roaring rivers admit the lordship of Ptolemy, and about him gather horsemen and shielded warriors in hosts, harnessed in flashing bronze. In riches he could outweigh all other kings, so much from every quarter comes daily to his wealthy halls, and in peace his people ply their trades. No foe by land crosses the teeming Nile to raise the cry of battle in villages not his own; none springs from his swift ship upon the shore to harry with armed violence the herds of Egypt. Too great a man sits throned in those broad plains, even golden-haired Ptolemy, a spearman skilled; and much at heart has he, as a good king should, to hold all his heritance, and something he adds thereto himself. Yet not useless in that rich house lie the piles of gold like the riches of the ever-toiling ants. Much the glorious temples of the gods receive, for firstfruits ever, and many another gift he sends them; much has he given to mighty kings, to cities, and to his trusty comrades. And never comes there for the sacred contests of Dionysus one skilled to raise his clear-voiced song but he receives the gift his art Stephanus -τοι codd. 92 άνάσσοντι L W T r 94 άμφαγέρονται KS 2 -οντι cett. 95 καταβρίθει ASU 97 περιστέλλονται Κ ΙΟΟ έξήλατο LWTr έξάλλ- cctt. I νηός Κ ΙΟΙ ΑΙγυπτίαισιν $ 3 S 103 ξανθοκόμας Κ -μος cett. 107 πλωτός L W T r 109 αΐέν S αΐεί cett. | άπαρχομένοιο KS -νος L W A U -νον T r III και νάσοις Κυκλάδεσσι πολύν δ* ά. έ. Κ | Praeter KS (et ut vid. $ 3 ) totum v. 90 post 110 rcpetunt codd. 112 Ιερούς W T r S -ρεύς KAU -pes L 113 αοι]δην $ 3 137
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
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ΐ3ο
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Μουσάων δ' ύποφήται άείδοντι Πτολεμαΐον άντ 3 εύεργεσίης. τί δε κάλλιον άνδρί κεν εϊη όλβίω ή κλέος έσθλόν εν άνθρώποισιν άρέσθαι; τοΰτο και 'Ατρεΐδαισι μένει · τ ά δε μυρία τήνα δσσα μέγον Πριάμοιο δόμον κτεάτισσαν έλόντες αέρι π α κέκρυπται, δθεν πάλιν ούκέτι νόστος. Μοΰνος δδε προτέρων τε και ών ετι θερμά κονία στειβομένα καθύπερθε ποδών έκμάσσεται ϊχνη, ματρι φίλα και πατρι θυώδεας εΐσατο ναούς · εν δ3 αυτούς χρνσω περικαλλέας ήδ' έλέφαντι ϊδρυται πάντεσσιν έπιχθονίοισιν αρωγούς, πολλά δε πιανθέντα βοών όγε μηρία καίει μησι περιπλομένοισιν έρευθομένων έπι βωμών, αυτός τ ' ίφθίμα τ 5 άλοχος, τας ούτις άρείων νυμφίον εν μεγάροισι γυνά περιβάλλετ' ά γ ο σ τ ώ , εκ θυμοΰ στέργοισα κασίγνητόν ι ε πόσιν τε. ώδε και αθανάτων ιερός γάμος έξετελέσθη οϋς τέκετο κρείουσα 'Ρέα βασιλήας Όλύμπου* εν δε λέχος στόρνυσιν ίαύειν Ζηνι και "Ηρη χείρας φοιβήσασα μύροις ετι παρθένος Ίρις. Χαίρε, άναξ Πτολεμαίε · σέθεν δ* εγώ ίσα και άλλων μνάσομαι ημιθέων, δοκέω δ5 έπος ούκ άπόβλητον φθέγξομαι έσσομένοις· άρετήν γε μεν εκ Διός αιτεϋ.
117 ή Tr om. cctt. I2I τε και ών Briggs τεκέων Κ τοκέων cett. | κονία Κ -ir|cett. 123 νηούς S -cos AU: cf. 50 126 δγε Tr2 δδε SM δτεcett.
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XVII. ΕΓΚ63ΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΤΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΝ
deserves, and those mouthpieces of the Muses sing of Ptolemy for his benefactions. And for a prosperous man what finer aim is there than to win him goodly fame on earth ? That is abiding even for the House of Atreus, while the countless treasure won when they took the great halls of Priam lies hidden somewhere in that darkness whence there is no return. Of men of old and of those the imprint of whose steps still warm the trodden dust holds beneath the foot, Ptolemy alone has founded fragrant shrines for his dear mother and his father, and there, resplendent in gold and ivory, he has set them to succour all mankind. And many fat thighs of oxen burns he on the reddening altars as the months come round, he and his noble wife, than whom none better clasps in her arms a husband in his halls, loving with all her heart her brother and her spouse. After this fashion was accom plished the sacred bridal also of the immortals whom Queen Rhea bore to rule Olympus; and single is the couch that Iris, virgin still, her hands made pure with perfumes, strews for the sleep of Zeus and Hera. Farewell, Prince Ptolemy, and of thee no less than of other demigods will I make mention, and I will utter, methinks, a word which men hereafter shall not reject; but for excellence pray thou to Zeus. 127 μησι Ahrens μασι codd. 128 άρείω LWASU 131 άθ. αυτών I. y. Κ 132 τέκε κρείοισα ASU | Όλύμττω LWTr 137 αίτεΰ KLWTr εξοις ASU
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΕΛΕΝΗΣ ΕΓΝΘΑΛΑΜΙΟΣ
5
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20
Έν ποκ' άρα Σπάρτα ξανθότριχι παρ Μενελάω παρθενικά! θάλλοντα κόμαις Οάκινθον εχοισαι πρόσθε νεογράπτω θαλάμω χορόν έστάσαντο, δώδεκα ταί πραται πόλιος, μέγα χρήμα Λακαινάν, άνίκα Τυνδαρίδα κατεκλάξατο τάν άγαπατάν μναστεύσας Έλέναν ό νεώτερος Άτρέος υιών. άειδον δ5 άμα πασαι ες εν μέλος έγκροτέοισαι ποσσί περιπλέκτοις, Οπό δ' ΐαχε δώμ' υμεναίω* Ούτω δη πρωινά κατέδραθες, ώ φίλε γαμβρέ; ή ρά τις έσσι λίαν βαρυγούνατος; ή ρα φίλυπνος; ή ρα πολύν τιν5 έπινες, δκ5 εις ευνάν κατεβάλλευ; ευδειν μάν σπεύδοντα καθ5 ώραν αυτόν έχρήν τυ, παΐδα δ' έαν συν παισι φιλοστόργω παρά ματρί παίσδειν ες βαθύν όρθρον, έπει και ένας και ες άώ κής έτος εξ ετεος, Μενέλαε, τεά νυός άδε. δλβιε γάμβρ', αγαθός τις έπέπταρεν έρχομένω τοι ες Σπάρταν άπερ ώλλοι άριστέες, ώς άνύσαιο · μώνος έν ήμιθέοις Κρονίδαν Δία πενθερόν έξεις. Ζανός τοι θυγάτηρ υπό τάν μίαν ΐκετο χλαϊναν, οία Άχαιιάδων γαΐαν πατεί ούδεμΓ άλλα*
CODD. PRIMARU: X ( 5 i - 8 ) T r [Laur.] A S U [Vat.] S2 (Φ Wilamowitzii = XTrIunt.Cal.) PAP.: $ 3 fere integra. Vide etiam p. 257. TITULUS: 'Ελένης έπιθαλάμιος 2arg. Ελένης επιθαλαμιοι $*3 Έπιθαλάμιος Ελένης καΐ Μενελάου S Έγκώμιον Ελένης Tr Δωρίδι add. $ 3 Tr 2 κόμαις Ϊ 3 S 2 D 2 Iunt.Cal. κόσμον cett. | Οάκινθον <£3 S2 Οακίνθινον cett. | έχουσαι $ 3 4 πραται Ϊ 3 Τ Γ πρώται A S U | Λακαινάν Tr -νών A S U 5 άνίκα A S U ήν- Tr | Τυνδαρίδα $ 3 A U -δη S -δαν Tr | κατεκλφξατο Iunt. - έ κ λ υ τ ο Cal. -εκλάγετο A U -εγλάγετο Tr -εκλίνετο S | άγαπατάν Tr -πητάν A S U 6 υΙών Tr υΙός ASU η αμα $ 3 ά Ρ α codd.: cf. 22.123, 142 Ι έγκροτέουσαι Tr 8 περιπλέκτοις ASU -πλίκτοις Tr -βλέπτοις $ 3 | ύπδ 5 3 ΤΓ περί A S U 9 πρωινά $ 3 ASU -3ε Tr 10 λίαν $ 3 TrD 2 Iunt. Cal. 140
I D Y L L XVIII Once, then, in Sparta, at the palace of golden-haired Menelaus, maidens with blooms of hyacinth in their hair arrayed the dance before the new-painted bridal chamber— twelve in number were they, the foremost in the town, fair flower of Laconian maidenhood—when Atreus' younger son had closed its doors on his loved Helen, Tyndareus' daughter, whom he had woo'd and won. And all in unison they sang, beating time with weaving feet to their song, while the house rang with the bridal hymn. ' So early hast thou fallen asleep, dear bridegroom? art thou then so heavy-limbed, so fond of slumber? or hadst thou been drinking overmuch when thou easiest thyself down on thy bed ? If thou wast eager to sleep so early thou should'st have slept alone, and should'st have left the maid with other maids at her loving mother's side to play till late toward the dawn, for to-morrow's morrow and its morrow, and all the years to be, Menelaus, she is thy bride. * Happy groom, some good man sneezed for thy success, when with the other princes thou earnest to Sparta, and of all the heroes thou alone shalt have Zeus, son of Cronos, as father of thy bride. His daughter has come beneath the one coverlet with thee, an Achaean maiden such as who none other walks the earth, and wondrous shall be the child she φίλε A U φίλος S II όκ* Wilamowitz δτ* codd. et ut vid. $ 3 | κατέ βαινες $ 3 12 μάν Tr μέν $ 3 ASU | σττεύδοντα $ 3 Tr χρή^οντα ASU | αυτόν έχρήν τν $ 3 Tr έχ. αύτ. τν ASU 13 συμ # 3 *4 τταισδην # 3 15 *ής $ 3 Valckenaer κείς codd. 16 τις $ 3 ASU τοι Tr 17 άριστέες ? 3 S -τηες TrAU 18 μώνος Wilamowitz μουνος # 3 codd.: c(. 2.64 | ήμιθέοις Ziegler άμ- $ 3 codd. 20 οία $ 3 ASU ήδε Tr | Άχαυάδων 9 3 TrS 2 D 2 -δα A S U | πατη # 3
GT
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ή μέγα κά τι τέκοιτ', ει ματέρι τίκτοι όμοΐον. άμμες δ* αί πασαι συνομάλικες, αΐς δρόμος ωυτός χρισαμέναις άνδριστι παρ' Ευρώταο λοετροΐς, τετράκις έξήκοντα κόραι, θήλυς νεολαία, 25
30
35
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45
ταν ούδ* orris άμωμος έπεί χ* Έλένα παρισωθη. Άώς άντέλλοισα καλόν διέφανε πρόσωπον, πότνια Νύξ, τό τε λευκόν εαρ χειμώνος άνέντος· ώδε και α χρυσέα Έλένα διεφαίνετ' έν άμΐν. πιείρα μεγάλα άτ' άνέδραμε κόσμος άρουρα ή κάπω κυπάρισσος, ή άρματι Θεσσαλός ϊππος, ώδε και ά ροδόχρως Έλένα Λακεδαίμονι κόσμος* ουδέ τις εκ ταλάρω πανίσδεται έργα τοιαύτα, ούδ* ένι δαιδαλέορ πυκινώτερον ότριον ιστω κερκίδι συμπλέξασα μακρών εταμ* εκ κελεόντων. ου μάν ουδέ λύραν τις έπίσταται ώδε κροτησαι "Αρτεμιν άείδοισα και ευρυστερνον Άθάναν ως Έλένα, τας πάντες έπ* δμμασιν ίμεροι έντί. ώ καλά, ώ χαρίεσσα κόρα, τυ μέν οίκέτις ήδη. άμμες δ5 ες Δρόμον ήρι και ες λειμώνια φύλλα έρψεΰμες στεφάνως δρεψευμεναι άδυ πνέοντας, πολλά τεους, Έλένα, μεμναμέναι ώς γαλαθηναί άρνες γειναμένας διος μαστόν ποθέοισαι. πραταί τοι στέφανον λωτώ χαμαι αυξομένοιο πλέξασαι σκιεράν καταθήσομεν ες πλατάνιστον· πραται δ' άργυρέας έξ δλπιδος υγρόν άλειφαρ λα^υμεναι σταξεΰμες υπό σκιεράν πλατάνιστον · γράμματα δ5 έν φλοιω γεγράψεται, ώς παριών τις άννείμη Δωριστί* 'σέβευ μ' · Έλένας φυτόν ειμί/
21 κά τι Ahrcns καί τι $ 3 Τ Γ καί τοι A U κέν τι S | ματέρι $ 3 Winterton μητ- codd. | τίκτοι Cal. -τει ^3TrS -τεν A U 22 αμες $ 3 : cf. 39 | δ' αϊ ΤΓ δε ^ 3 yap ASU 23 παρ* codd. κατ* ^ 3 | λοετροΐς A S U -ρω ΤΓ -ρά $ 3 25 τάν δ J93 | ούΒ' cms Ahrcns ουτ* cms $ 3 ούδ* αν τις codd. 26 διέφανε Ahrens -φαίνε £ 3 codd. 27 τό τε Kaibel άτε $ 3 codd. 28 χρνσεια<Ρ3 | διεφαίνετ' I ^ A U διαφ- TrS 29 τπεΐρα in -ραι mut. £ 3 | μεγάλα άτ* ;p3Tr
Η2
XVIII. ΕΛΕΝΗΣ ΕΠΙΘΑΛΑΜΙΟΣ
bears if it be like its mother. And we, the full tale of her coevals, together anoint ourselves in manly fashion by the bathing places in Eurotas and run there together, a girlish band of four times sixty maids, of whom, when matched with Helen, not one is faultless. 'Fair, Lady Night, is the face that rising Dawn discloses, or radiant spring when winter ends; and so amongst us did golden Helen shine. As some tall cypress adorns the fertile field or garden wherein it springs, or Thessalian steed the chariot it draws, so rosy Helen adorns Lacedaemon. None from her basket winds off such yarn as she, nor at her patterned loom weaves with her shuttle and cuts from the tall loom-beams a closer weft. Nor yet is any so skilled as Helen to strike the lyre and hymn Artemis and broad-bosomed Athene—as Helen, in whose eyes is all desire. 'Fair, gracious maiden, a housewife now art thou. But we, to-morrow early, will to the Course and flowery meads to gather fragrant garlands, filled with thoughts of thee, as tender lambs long for their mother's teat. W e first for thee will twine a wreath of the low-growing trefoil and set it on a shady plane; we first will draw from the silver flask and let drip smooth oil beneath that shady plane. And on its bark shall be inscribed, that passers-by may read in Dorian wise, "Adore me; I am Helen's tree". μεγάλη άτ* A S U | αρωραιν $ 3 ante corr. 32 ουδέ $Ϊ3 ούτε codd. | έκ $ 3 T r έν ASU Ι πσνισ^εται (σ deleto) $ 3 33 ουδ* j£3 OUT' codd. | ένί codd. έττΐ ?3Da 34 συμττλεξαισα $ 3 ante corr.: cf. 44 35 ουδέ Aupocv Tr ουδέ λυρην J 3 ου κιθάραν A S U 36 ευρηοτερνον Αθηναν $ 3 ' 37 ιμεροεντι ^ 3 38 ώ κ. ώ χ. $ 3 A S U ά κ. ά χ. ΤΓ | κόρα Τ Γ κόρη $ 3 A S U 39 &vm TrS άμμε A U αμες $ 3 · cf. 22 40 έρψεΰμες Wilamowitz -ψουμες 5 3 codd. | δρεψεύμενοα codd. rec. -ψούμεναι $ 3 codd. 41 τεοϋ* «P3U Iunt. τεοΰ TrS τεά Α | μεμναμέναι A S U μεμνη- $ 3 Τ Γ 42 γεινομένας Τ Γ 43 ττρατον ex -ται $ 3 44 πλεξαισαι $ 3 a n t e corr.: cf. 34 | σκιερον $ 3 : cf. ^6 45» 6 add. S2 in marg. habet U | καλτπδος $ 3 ante corr. 46 λα^ύμεναι S2 -^όμενοπ TrAU | Οπό codd. επι 5 3 | σκιεραν ex -ov $ 3 : cf. 44 48 σέβευ ^ 3 ante corr. Ahlwardt σέβου $ 3 corr. codd. 143
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
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55
Χαίροις, ώ νύμφα* χαίροις, εύπένθερε γαμβρέ, Λατώ μεν δοίη, Λατώ κουροτρόφος, ύμμιν εύτεκνίαν, Κύπρις δε, θεά Κύπρις, ίσον ερασθαι άλλάλων, Ζευς δε, Κρονίδας Ζευς, άφθιτον δλβον, ως έξ ευπατριδαν εις εύπατρίδας πάλιν ενθη. εύδετ* ες άλλάλων στέρνον φιλότατα πνέοντες και πόθον · έγρέσθαι δε προς άώ μη 'πιλάθησθε. νεύμεθα κάμμες ες δρθρον, έπεί κα πρατος αοιδός εξ εύνας κελαδήση άνασχών ευτριχα δειράν. Ύμήν ώ Ύμέναιε, γάμω επί τωδε χαρείης.
49 ευττενθερε in ευτταρθενε mut. 5 3 50 ύμμιν iP3TrSz άμμιν ASU 51 εύτεκνίαν Χ -ίην cett. 5 2 δ ε ° m - ASU 53 δ* eiS S3 | ελθτΊ m ~θο15 mut. ;Ρ3 54 φιλότοπα Brunck -τητα $$ codd. | πνεοντε $ 3 5<* κ σ
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XVIII. ΕΛΕΝΗΣ ΕΠΙΘΑΛΑΜΙΟΣ
'Farewell, bride; groom of the noble kin, farewell. Leto, nurse of children, grant you fair offspring, the Cyprian goddess mutual love, and Zeus, son of Cronos, prosperity without end, and that it may pass again from noble sires to noble sons. ' Sleep, breathing love and desire into each other's breasts, and forget not to wake at dawn. Ere day we too will come again when the first songster raises his gaily-feathered neck from sleep to crow. 'Hymen Ο Hymenaeus, rejoice in this bridal/ XTrAU K6 S και # 3 57 δειράν XTr -ρήν * 3ASU AU ήμϊν S ή μάν XTr | δ' rm * 3 corr.
145
58 Ύμήν S1 ΟμΤν
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΚΗΡΙΟΚΛΕΠΤΗΣ
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Τον κλέττταν ττοτ' Έ ρ ω τ α κακά κέντασε μέλισσα κηρίον εκ σίμβλων συλεύμενον, άκρα δε χειρών δάκτυλα πάνθ' ύπένυξεν. δ δ5 άλγεε και χέρ' εφύση και τάν γ α ν έπάταξε και άλατο, τ α δ5 Άφροδίτα δεϊξεν τάν οδύναν, και μέμφετο δττι γε τυτθόν θηρίον έντι μέλισσα και άλικα τραύματα ττοιεΐ. χ α μάτηρ γελάσασα* ' τ ύ δ5 ούκ ίσος εσσι μέλισσας, OS τυτθός μεν εεις τ ά δε τραύματα άλικα ποιεΐ$;'
Cob.: V TITULUS: Κηριοκλέτττης V
3 χέρ* Iunr.Cal. χεϊρ* V | έφύση Kiessling -σση Aid.2 -σει V
146
6 εστί Iunt.
I D Y L L XIX A cruel bee once stung the thievish Love-god as he was stealing honey from the hives, and pricked all his finger-tips. And he was hurt, and blew upon his hand, and stamped and danced. And to Aphrodite he showed the wound, and made complaint that so small a creature as a bee should deal so cruel a wound. And his mother answered laughing, 'Art not thou Hke the bees, that art so small yet dealest wounds so cruel?' 7 γελάσασα Aid.2 -άξασα V | τυ Stephanus τί V leisWilamowitz εης V
147
8 6s Valckenaer χώ V |
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΒΟΥΚΟΛΙΣΚΟΣ Ευνίκα μ* έγέλαξε θέλοντά μιν άδυ φιλασαι καί μ* έπικερτομέοισα τάδ' εννεπεν 'ερρ' άπ' έμεΐο. βουκόλος ών έθέλεις με κυσαι, τάλαν; ου μεμάθηκα άγροίκως φιλέειν, άλλ' αστικά χείλεα θλίβειν. 5
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μή τύγε μευ κύσσης τό καλόν στόμα μηδ* έν όνείροις. οία βλέπει, όπποΐα λαλείς, ώς άγρια παίσδεις. [ώς τρυφερόν καλέεις, ώς κωτίλα βήματα φράσδεις· ως μαλακόν τό γένειον έχεις, ώς άδέα χαίταν.] χείλεά τοι νοσέοντι, χέρες δέ τοι έντί μέλαιναι, καί κακόν έξόσδεις. (5πτ* έμεΟ φύγε μή με μολύνης/ τοιάδε μυθί^οισα τρίς είς έόν Ιπτυσε κόλπον, καί μ1 άπό τας κεφάλας ποτΐ τώ πόδε συνεχές εΤδεν χείλεσι μυχθί^οισα καί δμμασι λοξά βλέποισα, καί πολύ τφ μορφφ θηλύνετο, καί τι σεσαρός καί σοβαρόν μ* έγέλαξεν. έμοί δ* άφαρ 2^εσεν αίμα, καί χρόα φοινίχθην Οπό τώλγεος ώς £όδον i-paqc. χα μέν εβα με λιποΐσα, φέρω δ* υποκάρδιον όργάν, όττι με τόν χαρίεντα κακά μωμήσαθ' εταίρα, ποιμένες, εϊπατέ μοι τό κρήγυον ου καλός έμμί; άρά τις έξαπίνας με θεός βροτόν άλλον Ιτευξε; καί yap έμοί τό πάροιθεν έπάνθεεν άδύ τι κάλλος ώς κισσός ποτι πρέμνον, έμάν δ' έπυκα^εν υπήναν, χαΐται δ' οία σέλινα περί κροτάφοισι κέχυντο, και λευκόν τό μέτωπον έπ' όφρυσι λάμπε μελαίναις· όμματα μοι γλαύκας χαροπώτερα πολλόν Άθάνας,
CODD.: XTr [Laur. = Φ Wilamowitzii] Anth. (Anth. Pal. ix.136, quae w . 1-4 sine auctoris nomine conservat). TITULUS: Βουκολίσκος XTr Θεοκρίτου add. Χ Δωρίδι Tr Ι Ευνίκα XAnth. -νείκα Tr: cf. 42, 13.45 | έγέλαξε Χ -03ε Tr(?)Anth. 148
IDYLL XX Eunica mocked me when I would have sweetly kissed her, and, taunting me, thus said:' Begone from me. Wouldst thou kiss me, wretch, thou that art a neatherd? I have not learnt to kiss rustics but to press gentle lips; and as for thee, kiss not my fair lips even in thy dreams. What looks are thine, what talk, what rough sporting! [How softly thou callest, how winsome thy speech, how silky thy beard, how sweet thy locks!] Thy mouth is ailing, thy hands are black, and thy smell is foul. Away, lest thou defile me.' With such words as these she spat thrice into her bosom, and eyed me over from head to foot with angry glance and mouth of disgust, and with many a ladylike air, open-mouthed and insolent she mocked me. Straight my blood boiled, and at the smart I crimsoned as a rose with dew. And she went off and left me; but deep in my heart I nurse my wrath that this vile light-of-love should slight the pretty fellow that I am· Shepherds, tell me true; am I not fair? Has some god, then, changed me on a sudden from the man I was? For once sweetly flowered the beauty on m e . . . as ivy on a tree, and thickly clad my chin; and like celery, thick curled the hair about my temples, and white shone my forehead over the dark brows. My eyes were brighter far than grey-eyed 2 έπικερτομέουσα τόδ* Anth. | έμοΐο Tr 3 βουκόλος Anth. βωκ- XTr: cf. 32, 37, 38, 40, 42 Ι έθέλεις με XAnth. θέλεις Tr 4 άγροίκους Anth. 5 κύσης Χ | όνείρως Tr 6 όπποϊα lunt. όποια Χ σύγ* όποια Tr | λαλείς Stephanus λαλέεις XTr 7, 8 seel. J. Lucas 9 δέ τοι Stephanus δέ τι XTr | έντι lunt. είσι XTr 11 έόν Iunt.Cal. τεόν XTr 13 μυχθί^οισα Vat. 13 79 μνθ- XTr 15 μ* έγέλαξεν Iunt.Cal. μέγ* έλεξεν XTr 16 τώγεος Tr 21 post hunc v. lacunam stat. Hermann 149
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τό στόμα δ αύ ττακτας άτταλώτερον, εκ (ττομάτων δε ερρεέ μοι φωνά γλυκερωτέρα ή μέλι κηρώ. άδυ δε μοι τό μέλισμα, και ην σύριγγι μελίσδω, κήν αυλω λαλέοο, κήν δώνακι, κήν ττλαγιαύλω. και πασαι καλόν με κατ5 ώρεα φαντι γυναίκες, και ττασαί με φιλευντι · τά δ' αστικά μ* ουκ έφίλασεν, άλλ3 ότι βουκόλος έμμί παρέδραμε κούττοτ5 ακούει [χώ καλός Διόνυσος εν άγκεσι πόρτιν ελαύνει]. ουκ εγνω δ5 ότι Κύττρις έπ5 άνέρι μήνατο βούτα και Φρυγίοις ένόμευσεν εν ώρεσι, και τον "Αδωνιν έν δρυμοΐσι φίλασε και εν δρυμοΐσιν εκλαυσεν. Ένδυμίων δε τις ήν; ου βουκόλος; όν γε Σελάνα βουκολέοντα φίλασεν, άτΓ> Ουλύμττω δε μολοΐσα Λάτμιον αν νάττος ήλθε, και εις όμά παιδί κάθευδε. και τύ, 'Ρέα, κλαίεις τον βουκόλον. ουχί δε και τύ,^ ώ Κρονίδα, διά παΐδα βοηνόμον όρνις έττλάγχθης; Εύνίκα δε μόνα τον βουκόλον ούκ έφίλασεν, ά Κυβέλας κρέσσων και Κύπριδος ήδέ Σελάνας. μηκέτι μηδ5 ά, Κύπρι, τον άδέα μήτε κατ' άστυ μήτ5 έν όρει φιλέοι, μώνα δ' άνά νύκτα καΟεύδοι.
26 τό lunt.Cal. και XTr | δ' αύ πακτάς Tr ή καΐ ύπ* άκτδ$ Χ | άτταλώτερον Valckenaer γλυκερώτερον XTr 27 2ρρεε ed. Morel. Ιρρε Χ ερρει Tr 28 μέλισμα CVat. 1379 -ιδμα XTr 29 δονέω Tr a | κήν tertium TrAld. ή ν 2 XTr Ι ττλαγιαύλω Stephanus πλασι- Χ τταγι- Tr 32 βουκόλος Χ βωκ- Tr 33 seel. Meineke | χώ Χ 6 Tr ώς Iunt. 35 κα^ τ ο ν Wassenberg αυτόν XTr 37 βουκόλος Χ βωκ- Tr | γε Tr τε Χ 38 βουκολέοντα
150
XX.
Β0ΥΚ0Λ1ΣΚ0Σ
Athena's, softer than curd my lips, and from them sweeter flowed the voice than honey from the comb. Sweet is my music whether on the panpipe I play, or on the pipe discourse, or reed, or flute. And on the hills all women call me fair and kiss me, all of them; but this thing of the town kissed me not, but, because I am a neatherd, passed me quickly by and gives no heed. [The fair Dionysus herds the heifer in the vales.] Nor knows she that Cypris lost her wits for a neatherd and tended herds upon the hills of Phrygia, and loved Adonis in the thickets, and in the thickets mourned him. W h o was Endymion? was not he a neatherd—whom Selene loved as he tended his kine, and came from Olympus through the glades of Latmus to He with her darling ? And Rhea too mourns for her neat herd. And didst not thou, Zeus, for a herding lad take a wandering bird's shape? Yet Eunica alone would not kiss the neatherd, but is greater than Cybele and Cypris and Selene. Never may she either, Cypris, whether in the city or on the hill, kiss her darling, but let her sleep lonely all the night. Tr 2 βωκ- Χ Τ Γ | Ούλύμπω hint. Ό λ - Χ Τ Γ 39 Λάτμιον lunt.Cal. λάθριον Χ Τ Γ Ι και els όμά Vossius κείς έμά Χ και els έά ΤΓ 40 βουκόλον Ahrens βωκ- Χ Τ Γ 42 Εύνείκα ΤΓ 1 : cf. ι | μόνα Cal. μόνον Χ Τ Γ | βουκόλον Ahrens βωκ- Χ Τ Γ 43 ήδέ Τ Γ 2 άδέ Χ Τ Γ 44 Μηδ' ά Τ Γ μηδέ Χ | μήτε lunt.Cal. μηδέ Χ Τ Γ 45 Μητ* lunt.Cal. μηδ* Χ Τ Γ | φιλέοι Ahrens -ecis Χ Τ Γ Ι μώνα Brunck -νη Χ Τ Γ | καθεύδοι Ahrens -δοις Χ Τ Γ
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Ά πενία, Διόφαντε, μόνα τάς τέχνας εγείρει · αντα τώ μόχθοιο διδάσκαλος, ουδέ γάρ εϋδειν άνδράσιν έργατίναισι κακαι παρέχοντι μέριμναι · καν ολίγον νυκτός TIS έπιβρίσσησι, τον ϋπνον αίφνίδιον θορυβεϋντι έφιστάμεναι μελεδώναι. Ιχθύος άγρευτήρες όμως δύο κεΐντο γέροντες στρωσάμενοι βρύον αύον ύπό πλεκταΐς καλύβαισι, κεκλιμένοι τοίχω τψ φυλλίνφ · έγγύθι δ' αύτοΐν κεΐτο τά ταΐν χειροΐν αθλήματα, τοί καλαθίσκοι, τοί κάλαμοι, τάγκιστρα, τά φυκιόεντα δέλητα, όρμιαΐ κύρτοι τε καΐ έκ σχοίνων λαβύρινθοι, μήρινθοι κώπαί τε γέρων τ' έπ* έρείσμασι λέμβος* νέρθεν τας κεφάλας φορμός βραχύς, εΐματα, πίλοι, ούτος τοις άλιεΟσιν ό πδς πόρος, ούτος ό πλούτος · ού κλεΐδ\ ουχί θύραν έχον, ού κύνα· πάντα περισσά ταύτ' Ιδόκει τήνοις· ά γάρ πενία σφας έτήρει. ουδείς δ' έν μέσσφ γείτων πέλεν, ά δέ παρ* αύτφ θλιβομέναν καλύβα τραφεράν προσέναχε θάλασσα, κούπω τόν μέσατον δρόμον άνυεν άρμα Σελάνας, τους δ* άλιεϊς ήγειρε φίλος πόνος, έκ βλεφάρων δέ ύπνον άπωσάμενοι σφετέραις φρεσιν ήρεθον αύδάν. ΑΣΦΑΛίωΝ
ψεύδοντ', ώ φίλε, πάντες όσοι τάς νύκτας εφασκον τώ θέρεος μινύθειν, δκα τάματα μακρά φέροντι. CODD. : ΧΤΓ [Laur. = Φ Wilamowitzii] TITULUS: 'Αλιείς Tr Άλιεύς X Θεόκριτου add. Χ Δωρίδι ΤΓ Ι Διόφαντες Χ 2 αυτά Meineke αυτά X(?)Tr(?) 3 έργατίναισ(σ)ι lunt. Cal. -νεσι Tr -νεσσιν Χ 4 έτπβρίσσησι Reiske -βησέησι Tr -έεισι Χ 5 θορυβεϋντι Brunck -ευσι ΧΤΓ | έτπστάμεναι Χ 9 τ α ϊ ν χειροΐν Cal. τ. χεροΐν Χ ταϊ$ χείρεσσιν ΤΓ 10 τάγκιστρα Winterton τώγ~ ΧΤΓ | II όρμιαΐ Meineke όρμειαι δέλητα Briggs τε λήδα lunt.Cal. τε λή/α ΧΤΓ lunt.Cal. οΐμειαΐ ΧΤΓ | τε lunt. om. XTr 12 κώπαί Stroth κώά XTr I 152
I D Y L L XXI It is poverty alone, Diophantus, that awakes the crafts; she it is from whom men learn to toil, for carking cares forbid the labouring man even to sleep, and if for some fraction of the night he close his eyes, anxieties beset him on a sudden and disturb his rest. Two old fishermen had made themselves a couch of dried seaweed in their wattled cabin, and lay there together, leaning against the leafy wall. Near by them lay the instruments of their toilsome craft—baskets and rods, hooks and weedy baits, lines and weels and pots of woven rush, cords and oars and aged skiff upon its props, a bit of matting beneath the head, their clothes, their caps—such was their sole resource, such their wealth. No key they had, no door, no watch-dog; all these they counted superfluity, for poverty watched over them, no neighbour was near, and by their very cabin the sea confined and lapped the land. Not yet was the chariot of the Moon traversing her midmost course, yet their accustomed toil roused the fishermen, and, clearing their eyes of sleep, from thought they fell to speech. ASPHALION
They lied, my friend, all such as said the nights grew short in summer when the days they bring are long. Already τ* έπ' Brunck δ* έπ' XTr 13 πίλοι Iunt.Cal. ττύσοι XTr 14 πόρο* 15 ου κλεΐδ* Koehler πόνος XTr | πλούτος X2Tr2 πλωτός Tr πλάτος Χ Buecheler ουδείς δ* XTr | ούχΙ θύραν Briggs ού χυθραν Χ ού κύθραν Tr | έχον I 6 TOUT' Meineke πάντ' Kaibel είχ' XTr | κύνα lunt. κίνα ΤΓ 2 Χ λίνα Tr ΧΤΓ Ι ά γάρ Reiske άγρα XTr | σφας Cal. σφιν lunt. ή σφας XTr | έτήρει 17 πέλεν ά Reiske πενία XTr | αύτφ Campbell -τήν Ahrens έτέρη ΧΤΓ ΧΤΓ Ι 8 καλύβα Campbell -βαν XTr | τραφεράν Ahrens τρυφερόν Χ Τ Γ 21 αύδάν Vossius ώδάν Χ Τ Γ 19 ούπω τα Χ | μέσα ταν δρόμων Χ1 22 ψεύδοντ* ώ Briggs ψεύδοντο Χ -ται ΤΓ 23 δκα Brunck δτε ΧΤΓ ! φέροντι scripsi φέρονσι ΤΓ φέρει Χ φέρει Ζευς Χ2 Iunt.Cal. 153
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ήδη μυρΓ έσεϊδον όνείρατα, κούδέπω άώς. 25 *)*μή λαθόμην τί το χρήμα χρόνον δ' αι νύκτες εχοντι.·|· ΕΤΑΊΡΟς
Άσφαλίων, μέμφη το καλόν θέρος; ου γάρ ό καιρός αυτομάτως παρέβα τον έόν δρόμον, άλλα τον ύπνον ά φροντις κόπτοισα μακράν τάν νύκτα ποιεί τοι. ΑΣΦΑΛίωΝ 3
3ο
άρ έμαθες κρίνειν ποκ5 ενύπνια; χρηστά γάρ εΐδον. ου σε θέλω τώμώ φαντάσματος ή μεν άμοιρον. ηΓΑΙΡΟΣ
35
ως και τάν dypocv, τώνείρατα πάντα μερί^ευ. ει γάρ κεικάξω κατά τον νόον, ούτος άριστος έστιν όνειροκρίτας, ό διδάσκαλος έστι παρ' ω νου· άλλως και σχολά έστιΦ τί γάρ ποιεΐν αν εχοι τις κείμενος εν φύλλοις ποτι κύματι μηδέ καθεύδων; άλλ5 όνος εν ράμνω τό τε λύχνιον έν πρυτανείω · φαντι γάρ άγρυπνίαν τάδ' εχειν. f λέγεο ποτέ νυκτός όψιν τά τις εσσεο δε λέγει μάνυεν έταίρω.| ΑΣΦΑΛίωΝ
40
45
δειλινόν ως κατέδαρθον έπ* είναλίοισι πόνοισιν (ούκ ήν μάν πολύσιτος, επει δειπνευντες έν ώρα, ει μέμνη, τας γαστρός έφειδόμεθ5), εΐδον έμαυτόν έν πέτρα βεβαώτα, καθε^όμενος δ' έδόκευον ίχθύας, έκ καλάμω δέ πλάνον κατέσειον έδωδάν. και τις των τραφερών ώρέξατο * και γάρ έν υπνοις πάσα κύων f άρτον μαντεύεται, ίχθύσ κήγών. χω μέν τώγκίστρω ποτεφύετο, και ρέεν αίμα* τον κάλαμον δ' υπό τω κινήματος άγκύλον είχον.
27 έόν Iunt.Cal. 31 μερί^ον Χ
νέον ΧΤΓ 28 ποιεί τοι Hermann ττοιεΰντι ΧΤΓ 3 2 ^ Υ&Ρ κεΙκάξω Wilamowitz ου yap νικάξη ΧΤΓ 154
XXI.
ΑΛΙΕΙΣ
I have had a thousand dreams, and dawn is not yet. [How long the nights are.] THE
OTHER
Asphalion, do you blame the fair summertime? It is not that the season has unaccountably strayed from its own course, but that anxiety cuts short your sleep and makes the night seein long. ASPHALION
Have you ever learnt to interpret dreams? I have had fine ones, and I would not have you without your share in my vision. THE OTHER
W e share our catch, and so share all your dreams with me. For even if I must trust my native wit and guess, he is your best interpreter of dreams who learns from his own wits. Besides, there's time on hand, for what is there to do as one lies on one's leafy bed by the sea and cannot sleep ? The ass in the thorn-bush, the lamp in the town-hall—these, they say, are sleepless. [Come, tell me your dream.] ASPHALION
After our labours on the sea I fell asleep ere dark, and had not overeaten either, for we dined, you may remember, betimes and did not tax our stomachs. And I saw myself planted on a rock, and seated there watched for fish, dangling from my rod the treacherous bait. And a fat one nibbled at it—dogs in their sleep dream of [their quarry] and I offish. Then he was hooked, and bled; and in my hand the rod curved 34 άλλως Iunt.Cal. -λο$ XTr-| σχολά έστι Ahrens σχολή έστι Iunt. χολή έστι Cal. σχόλλονπ XTr 36 ί>άμνω Cal. £άμω XTr | τε Haupt δέ XTr 37 άγρνττνίαν Reiske άγραν XTr | τάδ' Ahrens τόδ* XTr | λέγεο Tr λέγω Χ 39 έττ' Wakefield έν XTr 42 βεβαώτα Stephanus μεμα- XTr 43 καλάμω Valckenaer -ων XTr 45 άρτον Tr2 -τω XTr -τως Iunt.Cal. 46 τ ω υ τ ω κίστρων Χ 47 Brunck τοΰ XTr 155
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
50
55
6ο
τώ χέρε τεινόμενοζ, περικλώμενο$, εύρον αγώνα πώς άνέλω μέγαν ίχθυν άφαυροτέροισι σιδάροις * εΐθ* ύττομιμνάσκων τώ τρώματος ήρεμα νύξα, και νύξα$ έχάλαξα, και ου φεύγοντο$ έτεινα. ήνυσα δ' ών τον άεθλον, άνείλκυσα χρύσεον ιχθυν, πάντα τοι χρνσώ πεπυκασμένον · εΐλέ με δεΐμα μήτι Γίοσειδάωνι πέλοι πεφιλημένο$ ιχθύς, ή τάχα τάς γλαύκας κειμήλιον Άμφιτρίτας. ήρεμα δ3 αυτόν έγών εκ τώγκίστρω απέλυσα, μή ποκα τώ στόματος τάγκίστρια χρυσόν εχοιεν. •{•και τον μεν πιστεύσασα καλά γζ τον ήπήρατον,| ώμοσα δ' ούκέτι λοιπόν υπέρ πελάγους πόδα θεΐναι, άλλα μενεΐν έπι yas και τώ χρυσώ βασιλεύσειν. ταυτά με κήξή γείρε, τυ δ \ ώ ξένε, λοιπόν ερειδε τάν γ ν ώ μ α ν δρκον yap εγώ τον έπώμοσα ταρβώ. ΕΤΑΊΡΟς
65
μή συγε, μή τρέσσης* ουκ ώμοσας* ουδέ yap ίχθυν χρύσεον ώς ΐδες εϊλες, ϊσα δ' ήν ψεύδεσιν δψις. ει δ' υπαρ ου κνώσσων τά πελώρια ταύτα ματεύσεις, έλπις τών ύπνων · 3άτει τον σάρκινον ιχθύν, μή συ θάνης λιμώ και τοις χρυσοΐσιν όνείροις.
48 τεινόμενος Cal. -ον XTr | περικλώμενος Hermann -ον XTr περί κνώδαλον Iunt.Cal. Ι εύρον Iunt.Cal. εύρυν XTr 49 άνέλω scrips! (άνελώ Wilamowitz) μέν §λω XTr 5<> ύπομιμνάσκω Tr | ήρεμα Eldik άρ' έμέ XTr | νύξα Kiessling -as XTr 5 1 νύξας έχάλαξα Hermann νύξαι χαλέξας XTr | φεύγοντος Iunt.Cal. -τες XTr $2 ήνυσα δ* ών Scaliger ήννσιδών XTr 53 πάντα Iunt.Cal. πάντα Χ πάντα τε Tr | τοι Χ τω Tr | εϊλε Legrand είχε XTr | με Cal. δέ Tr lunt. δέ σε Χ | δεΐμα Iunt.Cal. σήμα XTr 55 Άμφιτρίτα* Brunck -της XTr $6 έγών lunt. εγώ XTr | τώγκίστρων Χ 57 ττοκα Brunck ποτέ XTr | τώ Tr του Χ | τάγκίστρια Brunck τ ώ γ - XTr | εχοιεν lunt.
156
XXI.
ΑΛΙΕΙΣ
with his struggles. I bent over with outstretched arms and was hard put to it how to raise that great fish on my weak irons. Then I pricked him lightly to remind him of the wound, and thereat gave him slack, but tightened when he did not run. Anyhow I was successful in the struggle and landed a golden fish, a fish set thick with gold all over. Then terror seized me lest it should be some favourite fish of Poseidon or a treasure of sea-green Amphitrite; and gently I loosed him from the hook lest the barbs should tear the gold from his mouth.. . and swore never to set foot upon the sea again, but to stay ashore and lord it over my gold. That woke me; and now, my friend, apply your mind to the matter, for I am frightened at the oath I swore. THE
OTHER
Nay, never fear. You no more swore the oath than took the golden fish you saw. The vision was all lies. But if in your waking hours and not asleep you will search for these marvellous fish, then there's hope in your dreams; hunt the fish of flesh and blood, lest starvation and your golden dreams prove the death of you. Cal. -οισα Χ -οντι Tr 60 μενεΐν Meineke μένειν XTr | τω Cal. τοι XTr | βασιλεύσει X 6 l με Tr μέν Χ | κήξήγεφε scripsi κάξ- XTr 62 ταρβώ lunt. Cal. θαρρώ XTr 63 μη Haupt και XTr | σΟγε μη lunt.Cal. σΟγε XTr | 64 είλες Mcineke εύρες XTr | ή ν Ahrens έν τρέσσης Χ α τρέσ(σ)εις XTr XTr Ι όψις Ahrens όψεις XTr 65 δ' υπαρ ου Cal. y' υπαρ ως lunt. με yap XTr I τά πελώρια Headlam τυ τά χωρία lunt.Cal. τούτο χωρία XTr | ματεύσεις lunt.Cal. ματεύεις Tr μαντεύεις Χ 66 τον ΰπνον Χ | ;§άτει Stephanus -τεΐ XTr Ι σάρκιον Χ 6η τοις Scaliger τοι Χ Τ Γ
GT
1.57
ι6
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
5
ίο
ΐ5
ao
25
Ύμνέομεν Λήδας τε και αίγιόχου Διός υιώ, Κάστορα καΐ φοβερόν Πολυδεύκεα πυξ έρεθί^ειν χείρας έπ^εύξαντα μέσας βοέοισιν ίμασιν. ύμνέομεν και δις και το τρίτον άρσενα τέκνα κούρης Θεστιάδος, Λακεδαιμονίους δύ' αδελφούς, ανθρώπων σωτήρας έπι ξυροΰ ήδη έόντων, ΐτπτων θ5 αίματόεντα ταρασσομένων καθ' δμιλον, νηών θ' αϊ δύνοντα και ούρανόν είσανιόντα άστρα βια^όμεναι χαλεποΐς ένέκυρσαν άήταις. οι δέ σφεων κατά πρύμναν άείράντες μέγα κϋμα ήέ και εκ πρωρηθεν ή όππη θυμός εκάστου είς κοίλην έρριψαν, άνέρρηξαν δ* άρα τοίχους αμφότερους · κρέμαται δε συν ίστίω άρμενα πάντα εική άποκλασθέντα; πολύς δ5 εξ ουρανού δμβρος νυκτός έφερπουσης · παταγει δ' ευρεία Θάλασσα κοπτομένη πνοιαΐς τε και άρρήκτοισι χαλά^αις. άλλ* εμπης υμεΐς γε καΐ εκ βυθοΰ έλκετε νήας αυτοΐσιν ναυτησιν όιομένοις θανέεσθαι · αΐψα δ* άπολήγουσ' άνεμοι, λιπαρή δε γαλήνη άμ πέλαγος· νεφέλαι δέ διέδραμον άλλυδις άλλαι* έκ δ' "Αρκτοι τ' έφάνησαν Ό ν ω ν τ* άνά μέσσον άμαυρή Φάτνη, σημαίνουσα τά προς πλόον εϋδια πάντα, ώ άμφω θνητοΐσι βοηθόοι, ώ φίλοι άμφω, ιππήες κιθαρίστα! άεθλητηρες αοιδοί, Κάστορος ή πρώτου Γίολυδευκεος άρξομ* άείδειν; αμφότερους υμνέων Πολυδεύκεα πρώτον άείσω.
CODD.: X(i-44)V(92-i85)Tr [Laur.] Μ D (69-223) (Π Wilamowitzii = C2D lunt.Cal., sed ante 69 ignotum: 0 = MXVTrP (1-18)) Erroribus scatet Μ quos praetermisi. PAPP.: $ 3 (1-18, 44-59, 89-105), $ 4 (33-5. 65-8), Ox. 1806 (8, 38-84) TITULUS: Διόσκουροι codd. Θεοκρίτου add. TrMP κοινή Ίάδι XTrM Ύμνο* els Διόσκουροι Σ Ar. Pint. 210
158
I D Y L L XXII We hymn the two sons of Leda and of aegis-bearing Zeus, Castor and Polydeuces, grim to challenge in boxing when he has strapped his palms with the oxhide thongs. Twice we hymn, and a third time, the two brothers born in Lacedaemon to Thestius' daughter, who succour men already on the very brink of disaster, and steeds that panic in the bloody fray, and ships which, defying the constellations that set and rise into the heavens, encounter grievous tempests—blasts that raise a huge wave from astern, or from ahead, or where they will, and cast it into the hold, and breach the bulwarks on either side. And with the sail hangs all the tackle, torn and in disarray, and as the night comes on with heavy storms of rain, the wide sea roars beneath the blows of the blasts and of the iron hail. Yet even so from the very depths do ye recover ships with their crews, that thought to die. And forthwith the winds are stilled and oily calm lies on the deep. The clouds disperse this way and that; the Bears are seen again, and between the Asses the dim Crib, betokening that all is fair for voyaging. Ο succourers both of mortals, beloved pair, horsemen and harpers, athletes and singers, shall I with Castor or with Polydeuces first begin my song ? Both will I hymn, but sing of Polydeuces first. Ι ΰμνέομεν. .αίγιόχου ex dett. Ahrens -μες. .-χω codd. | υϊω suprascr. as $ 3 2 ε]ρε6ν$ειν iP3 (suprascr. ισδη) Ameis -^εν codd. 3 μέσας Reiske μέσοις codd. | ι]μασσιν J 3 4 ΰμνέομεν Meineke -μες codd. 5 Λ(χκεδαιμον]ιω$?3 8 νηών Anon, ναών codd.: cf. 79 | ούρανόν είσανιόντα Meineke ]σανιοντα ψ3 τ1 ουρανού έξανιόντα codd. 9 ε]ττεκυρ[σαν $ 3 ττρώρηθεν $ 3 Ahrens Ι2 -ραθεν codd. | ή όττττη codd. οπη πο[τε ^ 3 κοίλην Ahrens -λαν codd. 15 έφερπούσης Ahrens -ττυσας codd. εττ-]ερχομ[ενη$ $ 3 *7 Υε Reiske τε codd. Ι νήας Paris. 2512 ναας codd. 18 ναυτήσιν MP -ταισιν Χ Τ Γ 19 άπολήγουσ* Meineke -γοντ* codd. | λιτταρή.. γαλήνη Ahrens - ρ ά . . -λάνα codd. 22 σημαίνουσα Ahrens -νοισα codd. 23 βνητοίσι Ahrens θνατcodd. 26 άείδω Μ 159
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
Ή μεν άρα προφυγοϋσα πέτρας εις εν ξυνιούσας 'Αργώ και νιφόεντος άταρτηρόν στόμα Πόντου, Βέβρυκας εισαφίκανε θεών φίλα τέκνα φέρουσα. 30
ένθα μιας πολλοί κατά κλίμακος αμφοτέρων εξ τοίχων άνδρες εβαινον Ίησονίης α π ό νηός* έκβάντες δ3 έπι θϊνα βαθυν και υπήνεμον άκτήν ευνάς τ 5 έστόρνυντο πυρεϊά τε χερσιν ένώμων. Κάστωρ δ' αιολόπωλος ό τ 3 οίνωπός Πολυδεύκης
35
άμφω έρημά^εσκον άποπλαγχθέντες εταίρων, παντοίην εν δρει θηευμενοι άγριον ϋλην. ευρον δ' άέναον κρήνην υπό λισσάδι πέτρη, υδατι πεπληθυΐαν άκηράτω* αι δ' υπένερθε λάλλαι κρυστάλλω ήδ' άργυρω ινδάλλοντο
40
εκ βυθοΰ* υψηλαί δε πεφύκεσαν άγχόθι πευκαι λευκαί τε πλάτανοι τε και άκρόκομοι κυπάρισσοι άνθεά τ ' ευώδη, λασίαις φίλα έργα μελίσσαις, δσσ' έαρος λήγοντος έπιβρύει αν λειμώνας, ένθα δ5 άνήρ υπέροπλος ένήμένος ένδιάασκε,
45
δεινός ϊδεΐν, σκληρησι τεθλασμένος ουατα πυγμαϊςστήθεα δ' έσφαίρωτο πελώρια και π λ α τ ύ νώτον σαρκι σιδηρείη, σφυρήλατος οία κολοσσός· εν δε μύες στερεοΐσι βραχίοσιν άκρον υπ 5 ώμον εστασαν ήυτε πέτροι όλοίτροχοι ουστε κυλίνδων χείμαρρους ποταμός μεγάλαις περιέξεσε δίναις* αυτάρ υπέρ νώτοιο και αυχένος ήωρεΐτο άκρων δέρμα λέοντος άφημμένον εκ ποδεώνων. τον πρότερος προσέειπεν άεθλοφόρος Πολυδεύκης.
50
ΠΟΛΥΔΕΥΚΗΣ χαίρε, ξεΐν', δτις έσσί. τίνες βροτοί, ών δδε χώρος; 29 φέρουσα Ahrcns -οισα codd. 36 °* έν ΤΓ 37 δ* άέναον κρήνην Eust. ad Dion. Per. 1055 άένναον κράναν codd. 39 λάλλαι Ruhnken άλλαι codd. Τ 6θ
XXII.
ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
The Argo, then, had escaped the rocks that clash together and the grim mouth of the snowy Euxine, and bearing the dear sons of the gods came to the land of the Bebryces. There from either side of Jason's ship those many heroes landed by the one ladder, and stepping forth upon the broad beach of that sheltered shore made themselves couches and plied the firesticks in their hands. But together Castor of the swift steeds and swarthy Polydeuces wandered apart from their comrades and viewed the varied wild woodland on the hill. Beneath a smooth rock they found a perennial spring brimming with clearest water, the pebbles in its depths showing like crystal or like silver. Hard by tall pines were growing, poplars and planes and tufted cypresses, and fragrant flowers farmed gladly by the shaggy bees—all flowers that teem in the meadows as spring is on the wane. There a monstrous figure was seated in the sun. Terrible to look on was he; his ears were crushed by the blows of hard fists; his mighty chest and broad back rounded with iron flesh, as it were some colossus of forged metal, and beneath his shoulder-points the muscles in his brawny arms stood out like rounded boulders which some winter torrent has rolled and polished in its mighty eddies. A lion-skin fastened by the paws swung on his back and neck. The champion Polydeuces thus accosted him: POLYDEUCES
Good day, stranger, whosoe'er thou art. What folk are they that own this land? 40 πεφύκεσαν ρ.Οχ.ιΚοό cd.Morel, 45 σκληρήσι Ahrcns -ραϊσι Φ3 codd. Ahrcns -δαρε(ί)η Τ Γ Μ ]αρειαι $ 3 κυλινδε[ ρ.Οχ.ι8θ6 52 αφημεν[ον
-κασιν coda. 43 λειμώνα p.Ox.i8o6 | τε]θρανμενος p.Ox.i8o6 47 σιδηρείη 49 όλοίτροχοι Valckcnacr όλοοί-TrM I P3 54 δτις $ 3 Vossius όστις TrM T6I
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΑΜΥΚΟΣ
55
χαίρω πώς, δτε τ* άνδρας όρώ τους μή πριν δπωπα; ΠΟ. θάρσει* μήτ' αδίκους μήτ* εξ αδίκων φάθι λευσσειν. AM. θαρσέω, κουκ εκ σεϋ με διδάσκεσθαι τόδ·' εοικεν. ΠΟ. άγριος ει, προς πάντα παλίγκοτος ήδ5 υπερόπτης; AM. τοιόσδ' οίον όρας· της σης γε μεν ουκ επιβαίνω.
6ο ΠΟ. ελθοις, και ξενίων κε τυχών πάλιν οϊκαδ5 ικάνοις. AM. μήτε συ με ξείνι^ε, τά τ' εξ έμευ ουκ εν έτοίμω. ΠΟ. δαιμόνι5, ουδ' αν τοΰδε πιεΐν ύδατος οτυγε δοίης; AM. γνώσεαι, ει σευ δίψος άνειμένα χείλεα τερσει. ΠΟ. άργυρος ή τίς ό μισθός—έρεΐς;—φ κέν σε πίθοιμεν; 65 AM. είς ένί χείρας άειρον ενάντιος άνδρί καταστάς. ΠΟ. πυγμάχος ή και ποσσι θένων σκέλος, f όμματα δ3 ορθά; AM. πυξ διατεινάμενος σφετέρης μή φείδεο τέχνης. ΠΟ. τίς γάρ, ότω χείρας και έμους συνερείσω ιμάντας; AM. έγγυς όρας* ου γύννις έών κεκλήσεθ' ό πυκτης. 70 ΠΟ. ή και άεθλον έτοΐμον εφ* ώ δηρισόμεθ* άμφω; AM. σος μεν έγώ, συ δ* έμός κεκλήσεαι, αϊ κε κρατήσω. ΠΟ. ορνίθων φοινικολόφων τοιοίδε κυδοιμοί. AM. εΐτ5 ούν όρνίθεσσιν έοικότες είτε λέουσι γινόμεθ\ ουκ άλλω κε μαχεσσαίμεσθ' έπ3 άέθλω. 57 σε^ ? 3 Bruiick σου Τ Γ Μ : cf. 63 5 8 ή°' Hemsterhusius ή ΤΓΜ 59 τοιόσδ' Μ 2 τοιοΐδ* Τ Γ Μ | οίον Μ οίοι Τ Γ 6ο κε Ahrens γε Τ Γ Μ | Ικάνοις Τ Γ Μ οατελθοις (ex -ενθοις) ρ.Οχ.ιδοό 62 τοϋδε lunt. τοΟτε Μ τοΟγε Τ Γ 63 σευ Ahrens σου Τ Γ Μ : cf. 57 | άνοιμένα ΤΓ | τερσει in -σοι mut. ρ.Οχ.1806 64 ω Μ ώς Τ Γ 66 ορθά ΤΓ -θός Μ -θοι ρ.Οχ.ιδοό 69 ου yuvvis έών D ου συ ου yuvis έών Μ ου συ με; άμός ΤΓ | πύκτας ρ.Οχ. 162
XXII. ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ AMYCUS
How shall the day be good that brings me men I never saw before ? Po. Fear not. Those thou see'st are no wrong-doers, nor were their sires before them. AM. I do not fear. It is not for thee to teach me that lesson. Po. Art thou a savage, perverse and haughty always ? AM. I am such as thou see'st: but I am not trespassing in thy country. Po. Nay, come thither, and with gifts of friendship shalt thou return home again. AM. Gift me no gifts; I have none for thee. Po. Nay, Sir, wilt thou not even give us leave to drink of this water? AM. That shalt thou know when thirst shall parch thy blistered lips. Po. Is it silver, say, or what the price wherewith we may persuade thee ? AM. Put up thy fists and meet me, man to man and face to face. Po. In boxing ? or may we kick each other's legs too, and AM. With fists, and spare not thy skill but do thy utmost. Po. Who, then, is he with whom I shall join my thongbound hands in fight? AM. Thou see'st him before thee. He is no weakling and shall be called The Boxer. Po. Is there a prize, too, for which we shall contend? AM. Thine shall I be called, or, if I vanquish thee, thou mine. Po. On such terms brawl scarlet-crested gamecocks. AM. Whether, then, we show like gamecocks or like lions, we fight for no other prize than this. 1806 D a 70 fj MD ώ Tr 71 εϊκε Tr 72 ορνίθων ρ.Οχ.ιδοό D Σ Ar Αν. 7ΐ -ίχων ΤΓΜ 74 γινόμεθ* ρ.Οχ.ιδοό D γειν- ρ.Οχ.ιδοό supraTrM | κε Hermann γε TrD om. Μ | μαχησαίμεσβ' ΤΓΜ Ι63
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
75
8ο
85
90
95
ιοο
Τ
5
Η ρ "Αμυκος και κόχλον ελών μυκήσατο κοίλον, oi δε θοώς συνάγερθεν ύπό σκιεράς πλατανίστους κόχλου φυσηθέντος αεί Βέβρυκες κομόωντες. cos δ5 αυτως ήρωας ιών έκαλέσσατο πάντας Μαγνήσσης ά π ό νηός ύπείροχος εν δαΐ Κάστωρ. οι δ' έττει ουν σπείρησιν έκαρτύναντο βοείαις χείρας και ττερι γυΐα μακρούς εϊλιξαν ιμάντας, ες μέσσον σύναγον φόνον άλλήλοισι πνέοντες, ένθα πολύς σφισι μόχθος έπειγομένοισιν έτύχθη, όππότερος κατά νώτα λάβοι φάος ήελίοιο. ιδρείη μέγον άνδρα παρήλυθες, ώ Πολύδευκες, βάλλετο δ' άκτίνεσσιν άπαν Άμύκοιο πρόσωπον, αύτάρ δγ 5 εν θυμω κεχολωμένος ΐετο πρόσσω, χερσι τιτυσκόμενος. του δ5 άκρον τύψε γένειον Τυνδαρίδης έπιόντος* όρίνθη δε πλέον ή πρίν, σύν δε μάχην έτάραξε, πολύς δ' έπέκειτο νενευκώς ες γαΐαν. Βέβρυκες δ' έπαυτεον, oi δ' έτέρωθεν ήρωες κρατερόν Γίολυδεύκεα θαρσύνεσκον, δειδιότες μη πώς μιν έπιβρίσας δαμάσειε χ ώ ρ ω ένι στεινω Τιτυω έναλίγκιος άνήρ. ήτοι δγ 5 ένθα και ένθα παριστάμενος Διός υιός άμφοτέρησιν άμυσσεν άμοιβαδίς, εσχεθε δ' ορμής παΐδα Ποσειδάωνος ύπερφίαλόν περ έόντα. εστη δε πληγαΐς μεθύων, έκ δ' επτυσεν αίμα φοίνιον · οι δ5 άμα πάντες άριστήες κελάδησαν, ώς ϊδον ελκεα λυγρά περί στόμα τε γναθμούς τε · όμματα δ3 οιδήσαντος άπεστείνωτο προσώπου, τον μεν άναξ έτάρασσεν έτώσια χερσι προδεικνύς πάντοθεν άλλ 5 δτε δη μιν άμηχανέοντ' ένόησε, μέσσης ρινός ϋπερθε κατ' οφρύος ήλασε π υ γ μ ή ,
75 ελών TrM έχων D | κοίλον Μ -λην D -λαν Tr2 κοίταν Tr J6 πλατα νίστους D -TasTr 77 κονχου ρ.Οχ.ι8ο6 | φυσηθέντος ρ.Οχ.1806 D φυσαΟTrM 79 vr|6s ρ.Οχ.τ8ο6 D ναός TrM 8ο σττείρησιν Ahrens -ραισιν ρ.Οχ.1806 TrD(?) -ρεσιν Μ 82 άλλάλοισι TrM 84 λάβοι D -βη TrM 85 Ιδρείη D Ιδρίη Μ άλλ* Ιδρίη Tr 87 ΐετο D ΐκετο Tr ήγετο Μ 164
XXII.
ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
So said Amycus, and took and blew a hollow shell; and at the blast of the shell the Bebryces, whose hair is ever unshorn, swiftly gathered beneath the shady planes. And Castor, that mighty fighter, likewise went and summoned all the heroes from the Magnesian ship. Now when the two had fortified their hands with straps of oxhide and wound the long thongs about their arms, they stepped together in the midst breathing out slaughter against each other, and in their eagerness much toil they had to see who should get the light of the sun behind him, but Poly deuces by his skill outwitted the giant, and the rays fell full on Amycus's face. But he, wroth at heart, came on, making play with his fists, but as he attacked, the son of Tyndareus caught him on the chin-point and angered him yet more, so that he confused the fighting and, head down, fell on with all his force. The Bebryces cheered, and on the other side the heroes shouted encouragement to the mighty Polydeuces, fearing lest in the narrow space that Tityus-like creature should smother and vanquish him. But the son of Zeus, stepping in to him on this side and on that, and cutting the skin first with one then with the other hand, stayed from his onset Poseidon's son for all his confidence. Drunk with the blows, he came to a standstill and spat crimson blood, while all the heroes shouted to see the grievous wounds about his mouth and jaws; and as his face swelled the eyes were narrowed to slits. Then did the prince confound him with feints on every hand, but when he marked him at a loss drove with the fist down on the brow above the centre of the nose and skinned 88 έτυψε μέτωττονΟ 90 μάχαν TrM | έτάραξε D έτίναξεΤΓΜ 91 έςγαΐαν έπέκρυβες D | ol $ 3 D έκ TrM 93 ^1V D V1V cett. 95 περιστάμενος D 00 άμφοτέρησιν D -ραισιν VTr -ροισιν Μ | άμυσσεν VTrM έτυψε D Ι01 98 έκ codd. κατά $ 3 άπεστείνωτο $ 3 VTrM -στείχοντο D | Ι02 προσωπω in -που mut. Ρ 3 έτάραξεν Μ 104 μέσσης D -σας cctt. | ν cct πυγμή D -μάι $ 3 ~^ή t· 165
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ιο5
τταν δ' απέσυρε μέτωπον ες όστέον. αυτάρ δ πληγείς ύπτιος εν φύλλοισι τεθηλόσιν έξετανύσθη. ένθα μάχη δριμεία πάλιν γένετ' όρθωθέντος, αλλήλους δ' δλεκον στερεοΐς θείνοντες ίμασιν. άλλ' ό μεν ες στηθός τε και εξω χείρας ένώμα no αύχένος αρχηγός Βεβρύκων · ό δ' άεικέσι πληγαΐς παν συνέφυρε πρόσωπον ανίκητος Πολυδεύκης, σάρκες δ' ώ μεν ίδρώτι συνί javov, εκ μεγάλου δέ αΐψ' ολίγος γένετ' ανδρός * ό δ' αιει πάσσονα γυΐα αυξομένου φορέεσκε πόνου και χροιη άμείνω. ιΐ5 Πώς γάρ δη Διός υιός άδηφάγον άνδρα καθεϊλεν; είπε, θεά, συ γάρ οϊσθα* εγώ δ5 ετέρων υποφήτης φθέγξομαι δσσ' έθέλεις συ και δππως τοι φίλον αυτή. "Ητοι δγε ρέξαι τι λιλαιόμενος μέγα έργον σκαιή μεν σκαιήν Πολυδευκεος ελλαβε χείρα, ιιο δοχμός άπό προβολής κλινθείς, έτέρω δ5 επιβαίνων δεξιτερής ήνεγκεν άπό λαγόνος πλατύ γυΐον. και κε τυχών εβλαψεν Άμυκλαίων βασιλήα· άλλ3 όγ' υπεξανέδυ κεφαλή, στιβαρή δ* άμα χειρί πλήξεν υπό σκαιόν κρόταφον και έπέμπεσεν ώμω* ΐ25 εκ δ1 έχυθη μέλαν αίμα θοώς κροτάφοιο χανόντος· λαιή δε στόμα κόψε, πυκνοί δ* άράβησαν οδόντες· αιει δ3 όξυτέρω πιτυλω δηλεΐτο πρόσωπον, μέχρι συνηλοίησε παρήια. πας δ' έπι γαίη κεΐτ' άλλοφρονέων και άνέσχεθε νεΐκος άπαυδών no άμφοτέρας άμα χείρας, έπει θανάτου σχεδόν ήεν. τον μεν άρα κρατέων περ άτάσθαλον ουδέν ερεξας, ώ πυκτη Πολυδευκες· δμοσσε δέ τοι μέγαν δρκον, 105-10 πλαγείς, τεθαλόσιν, άλλάλους, άρχαγός VTrM ι ι ι σ υ ν έ φ υ ρ ε Μ -φέρε VTr -φυρσε D | πρόσωπον ανίκητος D μέτωπον άνίκατος cett. 112 cbReiske ol D al cett. 114 αυξομένου Mcincke άπτομένου codd. (-os Tr) | και χροιή D καΐ χρ. δέ τ* cett. | άμείνω Toup -νων codd. 117 όσσ* Μ cos cett. | συ VTrM τυ D | αύτη VTrM εστίν D n o ελλαχε VTr 120 δοχμός 166
XXII. ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
the whole forehead to the bone, and with the blow Amycus lay stretched on his back upon the flowery sward. Then, when he rose again, grim grew the fight as with blows of the tough thongs they sought each other's death. But the chief of the Bebryces plied his fists on the chest and off the neck of his opponent, while the invincible Poly deuces kept pounding all the other's face with disfiguring blows. Arid as he sweated the flesh of Amycus fell in, and from a giant in a little while he became small; but as the work waxed hotter the other's Hmbs grew ever stronger and of better hue. How, then, did the son of Zeus lay low that glutton? Tell me, goddess, for thou knowest, and I, interpreting to others, will utter what thou wiliest and as shall please thee. Verily Amycus, eager for a great coup, grasped in his left hand the left of Polydeuces, leaning slantwise forward from his guard, and stepping in on the right foot swung his mighty fist upward from the right flank. And had he landed the blow he would have done hurt to the king of Amyclae, but Polydeuces slipped his head aside and with his stout fist struck below the left temple and put his shoulder into the punch; and from the gaping temple swift flowed the dark blood. Then with his left he landed on the mouth so that the close-set teeth rattled, and with an ever faster rain of blows savaged the face until the cheeks were crushed and Amycus, dizzy, stretched his length on the ground and held up both his hands declining further fight, for he was near to death. Then, Ο boxer Polydeuces, for all thy victory, no grievous hurt didst thou do him; but a mighty oath he swore Tr 2 M δογμός cett. | έτέρω Toup -pt) D -pa cett. 121 άτταΐ D 122 om. VTrM 123 κεφαλή D -λήν cett. | άμα D άρα cett.: cf. 142 124 πλήξεν D ττλα- cett. 126 λαιή D άλλη Μ άλλο V άλλ' ό γε T r | κόψε D τύψε cett. 127 δηλεΐτο D δαλ- cett. 128 επί γαίη Ahrens επί γαΐαν V T r M ένΐ γαίτ) D 132 πύκτη Ahrens -τα codd. | σοι D
ιό7
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
δν πατέρ* εκ πόντοιο Ποσειδάωνα κικλήσκων, μήποτ5 ετι ξείνοισιν εκών άνιηρός εσεσθακ ΐ35
ΚαΙ συ μέν ϋμνησαί μοι, άναξ· σε δε, Κάστορ, άείσω, Τυνδαρίδη ταχύπωλε, δόρυ τόε, χαλκεοθώρηξ.
Τώ μέν άναρπάξαντε δυω φερέτην Διός υιώ δοιάς Λευκίπποιο κόρας * δισσώ δ* άρα τώγε έσσυμένως έδίωκον άδελφεώ υΓ Άφαρήος, ΐ4ο γαμβρ<ώ μελλογάμω, Λυγκευς και ό καρτερός Ίδας. άλλ* δτε τυμβον ΐκανον άποφθιμένου Άφαρήος, εκ δίφρων άμα πάντες έπ' άλλήλοισιν δρούσαν εγχεσι και κοίλοισι βαρυνόμενοι σακέεσσι. ΛυγκεΟς δ5 άρ μετέειπεν, υπέκ κόρυθος μέγ5 άυσας, ΐ45 'δαιμόνιοι, τί μάχης ιμείρετε; πώς δ' έπι νυμφαις άλλοτρίαις χαλεποί, γυμναι δ' εν χερσι μάχαιραι; ήμΐν τοι Λεύκιππος έάς έδνωσε 6ύγατρας τάσδε πολύ προτέροις· ήμΐν γάμος ούτος εν όρκω. υμεΐς δ3 ου κατά κόσμον έπ' άλλοτρίοισι λέχεσσι ιςο βουσι και ήμιόνοισι και άλλοισι κτεάτεσσιν άνδρα παρετρέψασθε, γάμον δ* έκλέψατε δώροις. ή μην πολλάκις υμμιν ενώπιον άμφοτέροισιν αυτός εγώ τάδ* εειπα και ου πολυμυθος έών περ · "ουχ ούτω, φίλοι άνδρες, άριστήεσσιν εοικε ΐ55 μνηστευειν άλόχους, αΐς νυμφίοι ήδη έτοιμοι, πολλή τοι Σπάρτη, πολλή δ' ίππήλατος τΗλις Άρκαδίη τ' εϋμηλος Αχαιών τε πτολίεθρα Μεσσήνη τε και νΑργος άπασά τε Σισυφις ακτή · ένθα κόραι τοκέεσσιν υπό σφετέροισι τρέφονται ι6ο μυρίαι οϋτε φυής έπιδευέες ούτε νόοιο, 134 ετι Stephanus έττΐ D τοι Tr om. VM 136 Τυνδαρίδα, χαλκεοθώραξ VTrM 138 δοιάς VTrM δοιώ D | δισσώ D δοιώ V T r M 139 δ(α?κον VTrM 140 ό om. D 142 άμα D άρα Μ δ* άρα VTr: cf. 123, 18.7 144 δ ' δ Ρ Μ δ* αυ VTr αυ D 145 δ* om. D 147 ήμΐν D άμϊν (suprascr. η) Tr 168
XXII.
ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
thee, calling on his father Poseidon from the sea, that never again would he willingly molest strangers. And now, Prince, thee have I hymned, and thee will I hymn, Castor, son of Tyndareus, master of the swift steeds, spearman of the brazen corslet. The two sons of Zeus had seized and were carrying off the two daughters of Leucippus, but the two brothers, sons of Aphareus, were in hot pursuit, Lynceus and mighty Idas, bridegrooms that had been about to wed. But when they came to the tomb of the dead Aphareus all together sprang from their chariots and leapt on each other, burdened with their spears and hollow shields. But Lynceus addressed them, shouting from beneath his helm: 'Nay, Sirs, why are ye eager for battle? and why so fro ward for the brides of other men? and why these naked blades in your hands ? To us Leucippus plighted these his daughters long before; to us this bridal was confirmed by oath. Unseemly is it that you, to steal the brides of others, should have turned him from his purpose with cattle and mules and other property and have cheated us of wedlock by bribes. I am no man of many words, yet verily I have often to your faces spoken thus: " N o t so, my friends, should heroes woo brides who have other grooms at hand. Sparta is wide, and wide horse-breeding Elis, and Arcadia rich in sheep, and the cities of Achaea, Messene, and Argos, and all the coast of Sisyphus. There in their parents' homes are nurtured countless maidens that lack nothing in ή άμϊν V κάμϊν Μ 148 Tats 6έ VTrM 149 άλλοτρίοις λεχέεσσι VTrM 150 άλλοτρίοις V T r M 151 έκλέτττετε D 152 μάν V T r M | Ομϊν IVCOTTIOS VTrM 153 τ ά δ ' D στάς cett. | ττολύθυμος VTr 1 155 μνηστεύειν D μναcett. 156-8 ττολλά bis, Σπάρτα, ΤΑλις, 'Αρκαδία, Μεσσάνα, άκτά V T r M 169
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ιό5
ΐ7ο
τάων εύμαρές ύμμιν όττυιέμεν as κ3 έθέλητε · ως άγαθοΐς πολέες βούλοιντό κε πενθεροι είναι, ύμεΐς δ' εν πάντεσσι διακριτοί ήρώεσσι, και πατέρες και άνωθεν άπαν πατρώιον αίμα. άλλα, φίλοι, τούτον μεν έάσατε προς τέλος έλθεΐν άμμι γάμον* σφων δ3 άλλον έπιφρα^ώμεθα πάντες/' ΐσκον τοιάδε πολλά, τα δ3 εις Ογρόν ωχετο κϋμα πνοιή εχουσ3 άνέμοιο, χάρις δ3 ουχ έσπετο μυθοις * σφώ yap άκηλήτω και άπηνέες. άλλ3 ετι και νυν πείθεσθ3· άμφω δ3 άμμιν άνεψιώ εκ πατρός έστον.3
(ΚΑ.) *εί δ3 υμΐν κραδίη πόλεμον ποθεί, αϊματι δε χρή νεΐκος άναρρήξαντας όμοίιον εγχεα λοΰσαι, Ίδας μεν καΐ δμαιμος έμός, κρατερός Πολυδεύκης, χείρας έρωήσουσιν άποσχομένω υσμίνης · ΐ75 νώι δ3, εγώ Λυγκεύς τε, διακρινώμεθ3 "Αρηι, όπλοτέρω γεγαοοτε. γονεΰσι δέ μη πολύ πένθος ήμετέροισι λίπωμεν. άλις νέκυς έξ ενός οίκου είς· άτάρ ώλλοι πάντας έυφρανέουσιν εταίρους, νυμφίοι άντι νεκρών, υμεναιώσουσι δε κούρας ι8ο τάσδ 3 . όλίγω τοι εοικε κακω μέγα νεΐκος άναιρεΐν.3 είπε, τα δ3 ουκ άρ3 έμελλε θεός μεταμώνια θήσειν. τω μέν yap ποτι yaiav άπ 3 ώμων τευχε3 εθεντο, ώ γενεή προφέρεσκον · ό δ3 εις μέσον ήλυθε Λυγκεύς, σείων καρτερόν εγχος ύπ 3 άσπιδος άντυγα πρώτην * ι85 ώς δ3 αυτως άκρας έτινάξατο δούρατος άκμάς Κάστωρ- άμφοτέροις δέ1 λόφων έπένευον εθειραι. εγχεσι μέν πρώτιστα τιτυσκόμενοι πόνον είχον αλλήλων, ει πού τι χροός γυμνωθέν ΐδοιεν. άλλ3 ήτοι τά μέν άκρα πάρος τινά δηλήσασθαι ΙΟΙ όττυιέμεν Wordsworth όττυ(ί)ειν codd. | έθέλητε lunt.Cal. -ληται VTr -λοιτε M D 102 κε D γε cett. 163 Ομμες VTrM 164 ατταν D άμα cett. Ι πατρώιον VTr μητρώιον D διάκριτον Μ ΐ66 άμμι D νώι (ν) cett. | σφων Iunt. σφώι(ν) codd. 170 post hunc v. lacunam stat. Wilamowitz 170
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beauty or in mind, and for you it were easy to wed whomso you wish of them, for gladly would many find good men for their daughters' husbands, and ye are pre-eminent among all heroes, ye and your sires, and all your father's stock of old. Nay, friends, let this wedding come to its accomplishment for us, and let us together seek out for you another." Much in such sort did I say, but the wind's breath bore my words away to the wet sea-waves and favour went not with the speech. For ye are hard and stubborn. Nay, even now hearken; ye both are our cousins on our father's side.' (Ca.) * But if your hearts are set on war and we must let loose this grievous quarrel and bathe our spears in blood, Idas and my brother, the mighty Polydeuces, shall hold their hands and abstain from conflict; but let the younger pair, Lynceus and me, submit it to the arbitrament of war and spare our parents great sorrow. Enough is one slain from one house. The rest shall glad all their comrades as bridegrooms and alive, and shall wed these maidens. It will be good to end a great strife with a little ill.' So he said, and his words the god was not to make of no account. For the two set the armour from off their shoulders on the ground—the elder pair—and into the midst stepped Lynceus shaking his stout spear beneath the outmost rim of his shield, and Castor likewise brandished his spearpoints, and on the crest of each nodded the plume of hair. First with their spears they laboured, tilting at one another wherever they espied a glimpse of skin exposed, but ere a wound was 171 ύμμιν D | κρσδίη D -ία cett. 172 εχθεα λΟσαι D 174 άττοσχομένω Μ -νοι Tr 3 άττεσχομένοις Tr 2 -νης Tr άττεχομένης V άττεχθομένης D 175 Λνγκενς VTrM Κάστωρ D | διακρ.—γεγαώτε om. VTr 176 δέ VTrM τε D 177 άμετέροισι VTrM 178 άλλοι VTrM | ττάντας Aid. 2 πάντες codd. 179 νεκρών M D χρόνων VTr 182 τώ M D τοι Tr τά V ι8 183 ώ Ahrens οϊ D τοί cett. | γενεφ VTrM 184, 5 o m · Μ 4 τφάταν VTr 185 άκρας D Κάστωρ VTr 186 Κάστωρ D καρτεράς Τ Γ Μ 187 ττόνον D πόθον Τ Γ Μ Ι 8 8 άλλάλων Τ Γ Μ Ι7ΐ
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
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δοΰρ* έάγη, σακέεσσιν ένί δεινοΐσι παγέντα. τώ δ' άορ εκ κολεοΐο έρυσσαμένω φόνον αυτις τευχον έπ' άλλήλοισκ μάχης δ' ου γίνετ 5 έρωή. πολλά μεν εις σάκος ευρύ και ιππόκομον τρυφάλειαν Κάστωρ, πολλά δ' ενυξεν ακριβής δμμασι Λυγκεύς
ΐ95
τοΐο σάκος, φοίνικα δ' όσον λόφον ΐκετ' άκωκή. του μεν άκρην έκόλουσεν έπι σκαιόν γόνυ χείρα φάσγανον οξύ φέροντος ύπεξαναβάς πόδι Κάστωρ σκαιώ * δ δε πληγείς ξίφος εκβαλεν, αίψα δε φεύγειν ώρμήθη ποτι σήμα πατρός, τόθι καρτεράς Ίδας 2οο κεκλιμένος Θηεϊτο μάχην έμφύλιον ανδρών, αλλά μεταΐξας πλατύ φάσγανον ώσε διαπρό Τυνδαρίδης λαγόνος τε και ομφαλού · έγκατα δ' εΐσω χαλκός άφαρ διέχευεν · ό δ5 ες στόμα κεΐτο νενευκώς Λυγκεύς, κάδ δ* άρα οι βλεφάρων βαρύς εδραμεν ύπνος. 205 ού μάν ουδέ τον άλλον εφ' έστίη είδε πατρώη παίδων Λαοκόωσα φίλον γάμον έκτελέσαντα. ή γάρ όγε στήλη ν Άφαρηίου έξανέχουσαν τύμβου άναρρήξας ταχέως Μεσσήνιος Ίδας μέλλε κασιγνήτοιο βαλεΐν σφετέροιο φονήα* 2ΐο άλλα Ζευς έπάμυνε, χερών δέ οι εκβαλε τυκτήν μάρμαρον, αυτόν δε φλογέω συνέφλεξε κεραυνώ.
2ΐ5
Ούτω Τυνδαρίδαις πολεμι^έμεν ούκ εν έλαφρώ · αυτοί τε κρατέουσι και εκ κρατέοντος εφυσαν. χαίρετε, Λήδας τέκνα, και ήμετέροις κλέος ύμνοις έσθλόν άει πέμποιτε. φίλοι δέ τε πάντες αοιδοί Τυνδαρίδαις Ελένη τε και άλλοις ήρώεσσιν,
191 κολεοΐιν D | auOis T r M 192 γίγνετ* D 193 ^S Μ 100-200 άκραν, πλαγεις, ώρμάθη, σάμα, Θαεϊτο Τ Γ Μ 202 Τυνδαρίδας Τ Γ Μ | εισω Τ Γ Μ εξω D 3 άξω D 203 elS T r | στόμα D χθόνα Τ Γ Μ 2θό Λαοκόοσσα Τ Γ Μ 207 °Υ* & τ α ν α ν Τ Γ Μ 2θ8 τύμβω Τ Γ Μ | ταχέω$ Τ Γ Μ θρασέω$ D | Μεσ172
XXII. ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
given the spearpoints were set fast and broken in the terrible shields. Then each drew sword from scabbard and sought again to slay the other, and no respite was there in the fight. Many a blow on the broad shield and crested helm dealt Castor, and many Lynceus of the unerring eye on his opponent's shield, and the point just touched his crimson crest. Then as Lynceus aimed his sharp blade at the left knee, Castor stepped back and severed his fingers, and, stricken, Lynceus dropped his sword and swiftly turned to flee to his father's grave where the stout Idas lay and watched this strife of kinsfolk. But the son of Tyndareus sped after him and thrust his broad sword through flank and navel, and straight the steel parted the bowels within, and Lynceus bowed him and fell on his face, and heavy the sleep that sped down upon his eyes. Yet Laocoosa saw not even her other son happily wedded at his father's hearth, for swiftly Idas of Messene tore up the gravestone that stood upon his father's tomb and would have flung it at his brother's slayer, but Zeus protected him, and struck the wrought stone from Idas' hand and consumed him with a fiery bolt. Thus no light thing it is to war with the sons of Tyndareus, for mighty are they and sons of a mighty sire. Farewell, ye sons of Leda, and send ever noble renown upon our hymns. All bards are dear to the sons of Tyndareus, to Helen, and to σάνιος TrM 210 δε ol D 5' TrM | τυκτάν TrM 212 έν M D έττ' Tr 213 κρατέουσι D -έοντες TrM | κρατέοντος Aid. 2 -τέοντες TrM -τεύοντος D 214 άμετέροις TrM 216 Έλένα TrM | άλλοας TrM 1 GT
173
17
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
Ίλιον οι διέπερσαν άρήγοντες Μενελάω, ύμΐν κΰδος, άνακτες, έμήσατο Χίος αοιδός, ύμνήσας Πριάμοιο πόλιν και νήας 'Αχαιών 220 Ίλιάδας τε μάχας Άχιλήά τε πυργον ocurfjs' υμϊν αυ και εγώ λιγεών μειλίγματα Μουσεοον, οΓ auTui τταρέχουσι και ώς έμός οίκος υπάρχει, τοΐα φέρω. γεράων δε θεοΐς κάλλιστον άοιδαί. 2ΐ8 Ομμιν D 220 αυτής DEust.621.57 ΤΓΜ 223 ά ο ι δή Τ Γ Μ
174
-τα* Τ Γ Μ
221 δ* αυ Μ | Μουσών
XXII. ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΙ
the other heroes that aided Menelaus to sack Ilium. Glory for you, Princes, the bard of Chios fashioned when he hymned the town of Priam and the ships of the Achaeans, the battles round Ilium, and Achilles, that tower of strength in fight; and to you I too bear the soothing strains of the clear-voiced Muses such as they give me and my own store provides; and for gods songs are the fairest meed.
175
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΕΡΑΣΤΗΣ
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is
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'Ανήρ τις πολύφιλτρος άπηνέος ήρατ> έφάβω, τάν μορφάν άγαθώ, τον δέ τρόπον ουκέθ* όμοίω* μίσει τον φιλέοντα και ουδέ εν άμερον είχε, κουκ ήδει τον "Ερωτα τις ήν θεός, άλίκα τόξα χερσι κρατεί, χώς πικρά βέλη ποτικάρδια βάλλει · πάντα δέ κάν μύθοισι και εν προσόδοισιν άτειρής. ουδέ τι των πυρσών παραμυθιον, ουκ άμόρυγμα χείλεος, ουκ όσσων λιπαρόν σέλας, ου ρόδα μάλων, ου λόγος, ουχί φίλαμα, το κουφί^ει τον έρωτα. οία δέ θήρ υλαΐος υποπτευησι κυναγώς, ούτως f πάντ 5 έποίει ποτι τον βροτόν| · άγρια δ' αυτώ χείλεα και κώραι δεινόν f βλέπον εΐχεν άνάγκαν| · τα δέ χολα το πρόσωπον άμείβετο, φεύγε δ5 άπό χρως υβριν |τας όργας| περικείμενον. άλλα και ούτως ήν καλός · εξ οργάς δ' έρεθί^ετο μάλλον έραστάς. λοίσθιον ουκ ήνεικε τόσαν φλόγα τας Κυθερείας, άλλ' ένθών έκλαιε ποτι στυγνοΐσι μελάθροις, και κυσε τάν φλιάν, ούτω δ' άντέλλετο φωνά* c άγριε παΐ και στυγνέ, κακας άνάθρεμμα λέαινας, λάινε παΐ και έρωτος ανάξιε, δώρα τοι ήνθον λοίσθια ταύτα φέρων, τον έμόν β ρ ό χ ο ν ουκέτι γάρ σε, κώρε, θέλω λυπεΐν ποχ' όρώμενος, άλλα βαδί3ω ένθα τυ μευ κατέκρινας, όπη λόγος ή μεν άτερπέων ξυνόν τοΐσιν έρώσι το φάρμακον, ένθα το λάθος. άλλα και ήν όλον αυτό λαβών ποτι χείλος άμέλξω,
CODD.: V(i-ss)X($6-6$)Tr [Laur.= Φ Wilamowitzii] Cod. Bodleian. Barocc. 50 [saec. x] (28-32) TITULUS: 'Εραστής XTr om. V Δωρίδι add. Tr Θεοκρίτου C Ι έφάβω Winterton -βον codd. 4 άλίκα Paris.2512 ήλ- codd. 5 χώς Warton πώς codd. | ττοτικάρδια Stephanus ποτΙ παιδία codd. 7 τι om. V 9 κουφί^ει Tr 8 £>όδα μάλων Ahrens |ί>οδομάλλον VTr -μάλλιον V 2 Tr 2 -$ειν V -30V Tr 2 10 δέ om. Tr | θήρ ΰλαΐος Aid. 2 θηβυλέος codd. II ούτω Tr | άγρια ed. Brubach. άρια codd. 14 ττερικείμενον Wakefield 176
I D Y L L XXIII A passionate lover longed for a cruel youth, whose form was goodly but his ways unlike thereto. He hated his lover, and had no tenderness for him at all, nor knew what a god is Love, what shafts are in his hands, nor how painful the arrows he plants in the heart. In speech and intercourse alike he would not bend. No solace was there for the fires of love, no quiver of the Up, no brightening of the eye, no roses in the cheeks— no word nor kiss to ease the passion. As a wild beast of the woods eyes the hunters, so [glared he at his lover]. Cruel were his lips, and dread the glance of his eye. And with the bitter humour his face was changed, and in his insolent mood the colour left him... .Yet fair he was even so, and by his wrath his lover was moved the more. At the last he could bear no more the fierce flame of Cytherea, but came and wept by that cruel dwelling, and kissed the doorpost, and thus uplifted his voice: 'Cruel boy, and pitiless, nursling of the savage lioness; stony-hearted boy, of love unworthy, I am come with these last gifts for thee, my halter. No more will I vex thee, lad, with the sight of me, but tread that path to which thou hast condemned me, where, men say, is the common cure for lovers' ills, oblivion. Yet if I set it to my lips and drain it to the dregs, not even so shall I quench my -os codd. 15 ήν Heinsius ή codd. | έξ opyas 5* Stephanus δ' έξόρττασ* codd. 16 ήνεικε Stephanus 2vt καΐ codd. | τόσαν φλόγα τα* Eldick τό σαμφαότατος codd. 17 ένθών Winterton έλθών codd. 18 άντέλλετο Edmonds -τέλοντο codd. I φωνά Legrand -ναί codd. 20 ήνθον Winterton ήλ- codd. 21 γαρ lunt. παρ codd. 22 λνττεΐν Fritzsche (-πήν lunt.) -πης codd. | ποχολωμένο* V^r 1 23 2νθα τΟ μεν Aid. ένθα τ' έτϋμε V ένθ* έτυμε Tr | άτερπέων Meineke άταρττών codd. 177
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
30
35
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ουδ* ούτως σβέσσω τον έμόν πόθον. άρτι δε χαίρειν τοΐσι τεοΐς ττροθύροις επιβάλλομαι, οΐδα το μέλλον, και το ρόδον καλόν έστι, και ό χρόνος αυτό μαραίνει * και το ΐον καλόν έστιν έν εϊαρι, και τ α χ ύ γ η per [λευκόν το κρίνον εστί, μαραίνεται άνίκα πίπτει * ά δε χιών λευκά, και τάκεται άνίκα | π α χ θ η ·] και κάλλος καλόν έστι το παιδικόν, άλλ* ολίγον jrj. ήξει καιρός εκείνος όπανίκα και τ υ φιλάσεις, άνίκα τάν κραδίαν όπτεύμενος αλμυρά κλαύσεις. άλλα τύ, παΐ, και τοϋτο πανυο ιατον άδυ τι ρέξον · όππόταν έξενθών άρταμένον έν προθύροισι τοΐσι τεοϊσιν ΐδης τον τλάμονα, μή με τταρένθης, σταθι δε και βραχύ κλαΰσον, έπισπείσας δε το δάκρυ λυσον τας σχοίνοα με και άμφίθες έκ ρεθέων σων εΐματα και κρύψον με, το δ' αυ πύματόν με φίλασον * καν νεκρω χάρισαι τεά χείλεα. μή με φοβαθης · ου δύναμαι | ε ϊ ν | σε· απαλλάξεις με φιλάσας. χώμα δέ μοι κοίλανον δ μευ κρύψει τον έρωτα, κήν άττίης, τόδε μοι τρις έ π ά υ σ ο ν " ώ φίλε, κεΐσαι*" ην δε θέλης, και τοΰτο* "καλός δέ μοι ώλεθ' εταίρος." γράψον και τόδε γράμμα το σοΐς τοίχοισι χαράσσω · 4 'τούτον έρως εκτεινεν* οδοιπόρε, μή παροδευσης, άλλα στάς τόδε λέξον άπηνέα εΐχεν έ τ α ϊ ρ ο ν / " Τ 6ύδ* ειπών λίθον εΐλεν f έρεισάμενος δ* έτπ τοίχω άχρι μέσων όόδων|, φοβερόν λίθον, άπτετ 5 άπ 5 αυτώ τάν λεπτάν σχοινΐδα, βρόχον δ' έπίαλλε τραχήλω, τάν εδραν δ* έκύλισεν υπέκ ποδός, ήδ' έκρεμάσθη νεκρός, ό δ9 αδτ' ώιξε θύρας και τον νεκρόν εΐδεν αυλείας ίδιας άρταμένον, ουδ' έλυγίχθη
20 ούδ' ούτως Briggs ουδέ τώς codd. | πόθον lunt.Cal. χόλον codd. 30,1 seel. Haupt 30 μαραίνεται Tr μ. δ' V καΐ μ. Barocc. | ήνίκα Barocc.| πίπτη Barocc. 31 τάκεται codd. μαραίνεται Barocc. 36 άρταμένον Piatt ήρτημ- codd.: cf. 54 37 τεοϊσιν Τδης Aid. τεοΐς είδης codd. 38 θαθι Tr | έπισπείρας Tr 39 τ ας Aid. τςί codd. 41 τ ε α Gallavotti τα V τά σά Tr 42 απαλλάξεις Meineke διαλλ- codd. 43 μ° ι κοίλανον δ lunt.Cal. μευ
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XXIII.
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longing. And now at last I find pleasure at thy door. I know what is to be. Fair is the rose also, yet time withers it; tair in spring is the stock and ages apace; [white is the lily but withers anon, and white the snow but wastes away on the ground] and fair the beauty of boyhood but brief-lived. That time shall come when thou too shalt love, and with heart on fire weep bitter tears. Yet, boy, do me this last courtesy. When, as thou comest forth, thou seest me, poor wretch, hanging in thy doorway, pass me not by, but stay, and weep a little, and with this offering of tears, loose me from the rope, and set clothes from thy body on me, and cover me. And give me a last kiss and grant at least to my corpse the grace of thy lips. Have no fear of me; I cannot harm thee, and with a kiss thou shalt be quit of me. And dig a grave for me to hide my love in, and ere thou go cry thrice over me, "Friend, thou liest dead", and, if thou wilt, " My fair comrade is no more". And write too this epitaph which I scratch on thy wall: "This man love slew; wayfarer, pass not by, but pause and say, He had a cruel friend".' This said, he took a stone [and set it in the doorway wherefrom he tied] his slender cord and cast the noose about his neck; kicked the support from beneath his foot and hung there dead. But the boy opened the door and saw the corpse hanging from his own portal, yet was not moved at heart nor wept κοίλον τι το codd. (τι om. Tr) 44 κήν Brunck κάν codd. | έπάυσον Aid. δπανσον codd. 45 θέλης Ahrens λής codd. 46 το σοΐς τοίχοισι Schaefer τόσοις (σ)τίχοισι codd. | χαράσσω Wilamowitz -άξω codd. 48 εΐχεν Aid. -χον codd. 5° άπτετ' Ahrens ήπτετ' Cal. ήπτεν Iunt. όπ(Ίτ)ότ> codd. | αύτώ Aid. -του codd. 51 έπίσλλε scripsi (ένί- Wilamowitz) εβαλλε codd. 52 Ικνλισεν Χ 2 έκοίλ- codd. | ίπτέκ Cal. αΤται codd. 53 °^Ύ' ώιξε Stcphanus αντόιξε codd. 54 αύλείας scripsi αύλσς εξ codd. | άρταμένον Wilamowitz ήρτημ- codd.: cf. 36 | έλυγίχθη Laur.32.43 marg. έτυλίχθη codd. 179
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
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τ ά ν ψυχάν, ου κλαϋσε νέον φόνον, άλλ' έτπ νεκρώ εϊμοττα ττάντ' έμίανεν έφαβικά, βαίνε δ5 ες άθλως γυμνασίων, και έκηλα φίλων έπεμαίετο λουτρών, και π ο τ ι τον θεόν ήνθε τον ύβρισε · λαϊνέας δε ΐιΐ'ΐαι' απτό κρηττΐδος ες ύδατα* τ ω δ' έφυττερθεν άλατο και τ ώ γ α λ μ α , κακόν δ' εκτεινεν εφαβον · νάμα δ' έφοινίχθη, παιδός δ' έπενάχετο φωνά* 'χαίρετε τοί φιλέοντες* ό γ ά ρ μισών έφονευθη. στέργετε δ' οί μισεΰντες* ό γ ά ρ θεός οίδε δικά^ειν/
56 άθλως Reiske -λω codd. 57 γυμνασίων Wordsworth -αστών codd. | εκηλα Wilamowitz λε codd. 59 ΐτττατ' Higt Τστατ' codd. | κρηττΐδος C -5as codd. | ύδατα τω Reiske Οδάτω codd. 6ι νάμα Sanctamandus άμα
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XXIII. ΕΡΑΣΤΗΣ
the new-done death, but sullied all his boy's garments on the body and went off to the contests of the wrestling-school and sought unmoved the bathing-place he loved. He came to the god whom he had dishonoured, and sprang from the stone pedestal into the water; and on him leapt too the statue and killed that cruel youth. The water was reddened with his blood, and over it floated the voice of the boy, which cried, 'Rejoice, ye lovers, for he that hated is slain; and ye that hate be kind, for the god knows how to do justice'. codd. 63 ol μισευντε$ Ahrens -άσ(σ)ειν codd.
οΙμεΐ$ (ύμεΐ$ Tr) εύητες codd. | δικά^ειν Cal.
I8l
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
5
ίο
ΐ5
20
25
Ήρακλέα δεκάμηνον έόντα π ο χ ' ά Μιδεατις Άλκμήνα και νυκτι νεώτερον Ίφικλήα, αμφότερους λουσασα και έμπλήσασα γάλακτος, χαλκείαν κατέθηκεν ες ασπίδα, τάν Πτερελάου Άμφιτρυων καλόν όπλον άπεσκύλευσε πεσόντος, άπτομένα δέ γυνά κεφάλας μυθήσατο παίδων · 'ευδετ 1 , έμά βρέφεα, γλυκερόν και έγέρσιμον ϋ π ν ο ν εϋδετ5, έμά ψυχά, δύ' άδελφεοί, εϋσοα τέκνα* όλβιοι εννά3θΐσθε και όλβιοι άώ ΐκοισθε/ ως φαμένα δίνησε σάκος μέγα* τους δ* ελεν ύπνος, άμος δέ στρέφεται μεσονύκτιον ες δύσιν "Αρκτος 'Ούρίωνα κατ' αυτόν, ό δ5 άμφαίνει μέγον ώμον, ταμος άρ' αινά πέλωρα δύω πολυμήχανος "Ηρα, κυανέαις φρίσσοντας Οπό σπείραισι δράκοντας, ώρσεν έπι πλατυν ουδόν, όθι σταθμά κοίλα θυράων οίκου, άπειλήσασα φαγεΐν βρέφος Ήρακλήα. τ ώ δ' έξειλυσθέντες έπι χθονι γαστέρας άμφω αιμοβόρους έκυλιον · άπ 5 οφθαλμών δέ κακόν πϋρ έρχομένοις λάμπεσκε, βαρυν δ5 έξέπτυον ιόν. αλλ* ότε δη παίδων λιχμώμενοι εγγύ^εν ήνθον, και τ ό τ ' άρ5 έξέγροντο, Διός νοέοντος άπαντα, Άλκμήνας φίλα τέκνα, φάος δ' ανά οΐκον έτύχθη. ήτοι όγ 5 ευθύς άυσεν, όπως κακά θηρΓ άνέγνω κοίλου υπέρ σάκεος και άναιδέας εΐδεν οδόντας, Ίφικλέης, ουλαν δέ ποσιν διελάκτισε χλαϊναν ψευγέμεν όρμαίνων * ό δ* ενάντιος ϊετο χερσίν
CODD.: D (1-140) Χ (1-87) [Π Wilamowitzii = CD Iunt.Cal.] PAP.: $ 3 (1-21, 29-72, 79-ΐ40· post 140 vv. 15 et, post lacunam circ. 12 vv.. complcctentem, alios 5) TITULUS : Ήρακλίσκος $ 3 D Ήρακλέης cod. Athous unde I. Lascaris titulum et duo prima verba descripsit om. Χ Δωρίδι add. $ 3 cod. Athous Dialectus autem incerta. 182
I D Y L L XXIV One night when Heracles was ten months old Alcmena, the lady of Midea, bathed him and his brother Iphicles, who was younger by one night, gave them their fill of milk, and laid them to rest in the bronze shield, that fair piece of armour of which Amphitryon had spoiled Pterelaus when he fell. And stroking the boys' heads she said,' Sleep, my babes; sleep sweetly and wake again. Sleep safe, children, brothers twain, your mother's soul. Happy be your rest, and happy come you to the dawn'. And with these words she rocked the great shield and sleep came over them. But when the Bear at midnight swings westward over against the great Orion, who shows his mighty shoulder, the crafty Hera launched against the broad threshold whereon were the timbered doors of the palace two dread and monstrous snakes with rippling steel-blue coils, and bade them devour the infant Heracles. And they, uncoiling, writhed their murderous bellies along the ground, and as they came baleful fire flashed from their eyes and they spat forth deadly venom. But when with flickering tongues they approached the boys, then Alcmena's dear babes awoke, for Zeus knew all, and there was light throughout the house. And Iphicles no sooner caught sight of the dread brutes over the rim of the hollow shield and spied their ruthless teeth, than he screamed and kicked off the woolly coverlet intent on flight. But Heracles 3 α]μφοτερω$ ^ 3 4 Π]τερελαω $ 3 6 γυνά $ 3 D "-νή Χ | παίδων ^ 3 D πάντων Χ η om. D 1 | γλυκυ[ρον $ 3 · cf. I5-I3 8 άδελφεώ D 2 | εΟσοα &} Ό άσσον Χ 9 ΐκοισθε D ΐδοιτε Χ incertum utrum # 3 ™ δίνησε Wilamowitz -νασε codd. | έλεν $ 3 ελαβ' codd. 12 εμφαίνει Χ 13 "Ηρα $ 3 Χ τ "Ηρη D 15 ωδο[ν suprascr. ου # 3 7 έξειλυσθέντες 3β}Ό -λυθέντες Χ ΐ8 αίμοβόρους Ziegler -pcos codd. incertum utrum $ 3 20 ηλθον # 3 corr. 26 ΐετο Mcineke εΐχετο D X εΐλετο D 2
183
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
30
35
40
45
50
55
Ήρακλέης, άμφω δέ βαρεί ένεδήσατο δεσμω, δραξάμενος φάρυγος, τόθι φάρμακα λνγρά τέτυκται ουλομένοις όφίεσσι, τά και Θεοί έχθαίροντι. τώ δ' αΟτε σπείραισιν έλισσέσθην περί τταΐδα ovyiyovov, γαλαθηνόν Οπό τροφω, αίέν άδακρυν άψ δέ πάλιν διέλυον, έπει μογέοιεν, άκανθας δεσμοϋ αναγκαίου πειρώμενοι έκλυσιν ευρεΐν. Άλκμήνα δ' άκουσε βοάς και έπέγρετο πράτα* € άνσταθ\ Άμφιτρυων έμέ γάρ δέος ΐσχει όκνηρόν* άνστα, μηδέ πόδεσσι τεοϊς Οπό σάνδαλα θείης. ούκ άίεις, παίδων ό νεώτερος δσσον άυτεΐ; ή ου νοέεις ότι νυκτός άωρί που, οι δέ τε τοίχοι πάντες άριφραδέες καθαρας άπερ ήριγενείας; εστί τι μοι κατά δώμα νεώτερον, εστί, φίλ' ανδρών/ ώς φάθ'Φ δ δ* εξ ευνας άλόχω κατέβαινε πιθήσας* δαιδάλεον δ' ώρμασε μετά ξίφος, δ οί ϋπερθεν κλιντήρος κέδρινου περί πασσάλω αιέν άωρτο. ήτοι δγ9 ώριγνατο νεοκλώστου τελαμώνος, κουφί^ων ετέρα κολεόν, μέγα λώτινον έργον. άμφιλαφής δ' άρα παστάς ένεπλήσθη πάλιν δρφνας. δμώας δη τότ' άυσεν υπνον βαρυν έκφυσώντας* 'οΐσετε πυρ δτι θάσσον άπ' έσχαρεώνος έλόντες, δμώες έμοί, στιβαρούς δέ θυραν άνακόψατ' όχήας.5 'άνστατε, δμώες ταλασίφρονες * αυτός άυτεϊ', ή ρα γυνά Φοίνισσα μυλαις επι κοΐτον έχουσα, oi δ' αΐψα προγένοντο λυχνοις άμα δαιομένοισι δμώες* ένεπλήσθη δέ δόμος σπεύδοντος έκαστου· ήτοι άρ* ώς εΐδονθ* υποτίτθιον Ηρακλή α θήρε δύω χείρεσσιν άπριξ άπαλαισιν έχοντα, έκπλήγ6ην ιάχησαν * δ δ5 ές πατέρ* 'Αμφιτρύωνα
28 φάρυ/ος D 2 -uyyos D δέ <papuyyos Χ | τέτυκται D κέκρυπται Χ 29 όφίεσσι τά S 3 lunt.Cal. -σιν ά codd. 30 αυτ]ου ^ 3 | σττείραλτιν Winterton -ρησιν S 3 codd. 31 αδακρυν Xylander -pu codd. 33 δεσμω αναγκαιω ψ3 34 άκουσε Ϊ 3 έσάκουσε codd. | έττέδραμε πρώτα Χ 35 ϊ σ Χ ε ι D* lunt.Cal. έχει D X $6 ante 35 habet $ 3 | α]νσταθ[ $ 3 πόδεσσι τεοΐ* 184
XXIV. ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
faced and attacked them with his hands and laid a heavy bond upon them both, gripping them by the throat, where hateful serpents carry the dread venom which even the gods abhor. Thereon about that young unweaned boy, the nursling, that never wept, the snakes wound their coils and again relaxed their spines in agony as they strove to find release from that remorseless grip. Alcmena heard the cry and was the first to wake. ' U p , Amphitryon; for terror holds and numbs me. Up, nor stay to put sandals on thy feet. Dost thou not hear how loud the younger boy is shrieking? Dost thou not mark that it is dead of night, yet the walls are all as plain to see as if it were clear dawn? There is, there must be, something amiss in the house, my dear lord.' So said she, and at his wife's bidding Amphitryon rose from his bed and quickly moved to take the splendid sword which ever hung on its peg above his couch of cedarwood. And as he lifted with one hand the sheath, a mighty work of lotus-wood, and reached for the new-woven baldric, the spacious chamber was filled again with darkness. Whereat he called his thralls as they lay breathing in slumber deep: 'Bring light, my thralls, light from the hearth at once, and thrust back the strong door-bolts.' 'Rouse up, stout thralls; the master is calling', cried a Phoenician woman who slept by the corn-mills; and forth they came as soon as their lamps were kindled, and the house was filled with speeding folk. Then when they saw the,nursling Heracles gripping tight those two beasts in his tender hands, they cried out in amaze; but he held out the reptiles for his father Amphitryon to see, and 5 3 D -σινέοΐςΧ 39 άττερ Briggs άτερ codd. δ* α[ $ 3 42 ώρμησε $ 3 Iunt.Cal. 43 κέδρινου Ziegler -νω Όζ et tanquam dativum ^ 3 δεδρίνω D δενδ-Χ 46 δρφνας D 2 X οίκος D 49 στιβαρούς $ 3 corr. D -ρως $ 3 -ραν Χ 51 ante 5° habuit D 1 | y w a D -νή # 3 X : cf. 6 | έχουσα D -οισιν Χ 52 τοι δ' $3 ante corr. | καιομένοισι Χ 53 δμώων Χ 54 ειδονθ' υττοτι[τθιον ip3 -οντ' έπιτ- codd. 56 έκττλήγδην $ 3 C. Hartung συμπ- codd. 185
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
6ο
65
ερπετά δεικανάασκεν, έπάλλετο δ' ύψόθι χαίρων κουροσύνα, γελάσας δέ πάρος κατέθηκε ποδοΐιν πατρός έοΰ θανάτω κεκαρωμένα δεινά πέλωρα. Άλκμήνα μεν έπειτα ποτι σφέτερον βάλε κόλπον ξηρόν Οπαι δείους άκράχολον Ίφικλήα· Άμφιτρύων δε τον άλλον ύπ' άμνείαν θέτο χλαΐναν παΐδα, πάλιν δ' ές λέκτρον ιών έμνάσατο κοίτου. Όρνιχες τρίτον άρτι τον εσχατον δρθρον άειδον, Τειρεσίαν τόκα μάντιν άλαθέα π ά ν τ α λ έ γ ο ν τ α Ά λ κ μ ή ν α καλέσασα χρέος κατέλεξε νεοχμόν, καί νιν ύποκρίνεσθαι όπως τελέεσθαι εμελλεν ήνώγει* 'μηδ' ει τι θεοί νοέοντι πονηρόν, αιδόμενός με κρυπτέ * και ως ουκ εστίν άλύξαι
70
άνθρώποις δ τι Μοϊρα κατά κλωστήρος επείγει, μάντι Εύηρείδα, μάλα τοι φρονέοντα διδάσκω/ τ ό σ σ ' ελεγεν βασίλεια· δ δ5 άνταμείβετο τοίοις* 'θάρσει, άριστοτόκεια γύναι, Περσήιον αϊμα, θάρσει* μελλόντων δέ τ ο λώιον εν φρεσΐ θέσθαι.
75
val γ ά ρ έμών γλυκύ φέγγος άποιχόμενον π ά λ α ι δσσων,
8ο
85
πολλαί Άχαιιάδων μαλακόν περί γούνατι νήμα χειρι κατατρίψουσιν άκρέσπερον άείδοισαι Άλκμήναν όνομαστί, σέβας δ' εση Άργείαισι. τοΐος άνήρ δδε μέλλει ές ούρανόν άστρα φέροντα άμβαίνειν τεός υιός, άπό στέρνων πλατύς ήρως, ου και θηρία πάντα και άνέρες ήσσονες άλλοι, δώδεκα οί τελέσαντι πεπρωμένον έν Διός οίκεΐν μόχθους, θνητά δέ πάντα πυρά Τράχίνιος έξει * γαμβρός δ' αθανάτων κεκλήσεται, οι τάδ* έπώρσαν κνώδαλα φωλεύοντα βρέφος διαδηλήσασθαι.^
58 κουροσύναMeineke κωρ-codd. Ύηθοσύναι $ 3 6* άγνείανΧ 63 6* ές codd. eis^3 Ι κοίτα Χ 64 ορνιχεςΪ3 - ^ s c o d d . | άεισανΧ 65 ττόκα|Ϊ3 66 om. D 1 Ι χρέος Ό2 Iunt.Cal. τέρας ? 3 Χ <*7 καί—δπως om. Χ | μ [ι] ν $ 3 68 νοέοιντο Χ 69 αϊ δομένος—ως om. Χ | με $ 3 (suprascr. η et ut vid. eraso) έμέ D 71 Ευηρεΐτα $ 3 | τοι $ 3 σ ε D ηι Χ ηζ τόσα* Χ τώς D | τοίοις 186
XXIV.
ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
leapt high for joy in his boyish prowess, and laughed and laid at his father's feet those dread monsters in the sleep of death. Then did Alcmena catch Iphicles to her bosom, rigid with terror and in wild distress; but Amphitryon laid the other boy beneath his coverlet of lamb's wool, and going back to bed bethought him of his rest. The cocks were just heralding for the third time the break of dawn when Alcmena summoned Teiresias, the seer that spoke ever truth, and told him this strange thing, and bade him say what the outcome should be. 'Nor, if the gods purpose some mischief, hide it from regard for me. Even so no mortal can escape what Fate speeds from her distaff. Son of Eueres, thou art a seer and well thou knowest what I teach thee.' So spake the queen, and thus he answered her: 'Be of good cheer, thou mother of noble children, seed of Perseus, be of good cheer; and lay up in thy heart the better part of things to come. For by the sweet light that long since left these eyes of mine, many a woman in Greece, as with her hand she rubs the soft yarn over her knee, shall sing in the late evening of Alcmena by her name, and thou shalt be honoured among the Argive women, so great a man shall rise to the star-laden heaven, even this son of thine, a hero broad of chest, mightier than all beasts and than all men beside. Twelve toils shall he accomplish, and then, so it is fated, dwell in the house of Zeus, but all of him that is mortal a pyre at Trachis shall receive. And by his marriage he shall be called son of the immortals, even of those who sped these monsters from their lair to destroy the babe. [That day shall be when the Briggs τοίως Ό2 τοΐος D X | ταν δ Ευηρ[ειτ]ας τοιωδ' ατταμ[ειβετο μυθω $ 3 74 θέσθαι D 2 om. D X 75 ^ ω ν Edmonds εμόν codd. 76 νήμα Camerarius νάμα codd.: cf. 15.27 77 κατατρίψουσιν Wilamowitz -ψοντι codd. 82 οίκεΐν Cal. -κήν $ 3 Iunt. -κής codd. 83 μόχθοις Χ
187
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ 5
9ο
95
ιοο
ιο5
no
[εσται δη τουτ άμαρ όπηνίκα νεβρόν εν εύνα καρχαρόδων σίνεσθαι ιδών λύκος ουκ έθελήσει.] αλλά, γύναι, πυρ μεν τοι υπό σ π ο δ ω ευτυκον έστω, κάγκανα δ' ασπαλάθου ξύλ' έτοιμάσατ' ή παλιούρου ή βάτου ή άνέμω δεδονημένον αύον ά χ ε ρ δ ο ν καϊε δε τ ώ δ ' άγρίαισιν έπι σχί^αισι δράκοντε νυκτι μέσα, δκα παΐδα κανεϊν τεόν ήθελον αυτοί, ήρι δε συλλέξασςχ κόνιν πυρός άμφιπόλων τις ριψάτω, ευ μάλα πασαν υπέρ ποταμοϊο φέρουσα ρωγά5ας ές πέτρας, ύπερούριον, άψ δε νεέσθω άστρεπτος. καθαρω δε πυρώσατε δώμα θεείω πρατον, έπειτα δ3 άλεσσι μεμιγμένον, ώς νενόμισται, θαλλώ έπιρραίνειν έστεμμένω άβλαβες ύδωρ · Ζηνι δ5 έπιρρέξαι καθυπερτέρω άρσενα χοϊρον, δυσμενέοον αιει καθυπέρτεροι ώς τελέθοιτε/ φή, και έρωήσας έλεφάντινον ώχετο δίφρον Τειρεσίας πολλοΐσι βαρύς περ έών ένιαυτοΐς. Ήρακλέης δ' υπό ματρι νέον φυτόν ώς εν άλοοα έτρέφετ', Άργείου κεκλημένος Άμφιτρύωνος. γράμματα μεν τον παΐδα γέροον Λίνος έξεδίδαξεν, υίός 'Απόλλωνος μελεδωνεύς άγρυπνος ήρως· τόξον δ5 έντανύσαι και έπι σκοπόν είναι όιστόν Ευρυτος έκ πατέρων μεγάλαις άφνειός άρούραις, αυτάρ άοιδόν εθηκε και άμφω χείρας επλασσεν πυξίνα εν φόρμιγγι Φιλαμμονίδας Ευμολπος. δσσα δ' ά π ό σκελέων έδροστρόφοι Άργόθεν άνδρες άλλάλους σφάλλοντι παλαίσμασιν, δσσα τε πυκται δεινοί εν ιμάντεσσιν α τ3 ές γαΐαν προπεσόντες πάμμαχοι έξεύροντο σοφίσματα σύμφορα τέχνα,
86, 7 seel. Dahl | νεβρόν $ 3 Χ νεκρόν D νευρόν D 2 88 σποδώ $ 3 D 2 lunt. Cal. -δόν D | ευτυκον $ 3 ( e x -τυκτον) D2 -τέκνον D 89 'ασπαλάθου Ameis -θω D | παλιούρου Ameis -ρω $ 3 Ε> 90 βάτου Ameis -τω D 91 σχί^αισι Wintcrton ~3ησι $ 3 D | δράκοντε $ 3 D 2 -τες D 92 κανεϊν Zieglcr -νήν $ 3 D 94 φερεσθαι $ 3 95 ρωχάδας D 2 £ay- D | νεέσθω ^ 3 Hermann -θαι D $Κ> άστρεπτος D 2 άτρ- D | δώματα θειω $ 3 188
XXIV.
ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
jag-toothed wolf shall find the couching fawn and shrink from harming it.] But, Lady, thou must have ready fire beneath the ashes. And do ye get in dry sticks of camelthorn or of paliurus or of bramble, or wild pear wood, sapless and wind-beaten; and on that wild firewood do thou burn these serpents at midnight, the hour when they themselves would have killed thy child. And at dawn let one of thy handmaids gather up the ashes of the fire and bear them over the river to the rugged rocks and cast them all and utterly away beyond our boundaries; and then return without a backward glance. And first fumigate the house with pure sulphur; then, as is the custom, sprinkle there from a wool-bound spray clean water mixed with salt, and sacrifice to Zeus the Master a boar-pig that ye may ever be masters of your foes.' So said Teiresias, and quitting his seat of ivory departed for all his weight of years. But like some young sapling in an orchard was Heracles nurtured by his mother's side, and was called the son of Amphitryon, the Argive. Letters old Linus taught the boy, Apollo's heroic son, his watchful guardian. To bend a bow and loose an arrow at the mark Eurytus rich in wide ancestral acres taught him, but Philammon's son, Eumolpus, made him a bard and formed his two hands upon the lyre of boxwood. All the tricks whereby the hip-twisting men of Argos throw each other with their legs, all the devices which boxers skilled in their thongs of leather, all that pancratiasts who throw them selves to the ground have devised in furtherance of their art, 98 έστεμμένω Schaefer -vov D 104 κεκλη μένος D 2 βεβλ- D 107 είναι S 3 D είσαι ΙΪ3 corr. | όιστόν # 3 corr. C -των Ρ 3 D 109 εττλασσεν D -ασεν $ 3 εθηκεν D 2 113 γαϊαν # 3 corr. D ]αια $ 3 II4 ττάμμαχοι D 2 ct ut vid. JP3 π ά γ μ - D | σοφίσματα Ahrens παλαίσματα D | τεχνα in -νη mut. $ 3 GT
189 18
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
ιΐ5
πάντ* εμαθ* Έρμείαο διδασκόμενος παρά παιδί Άρπαλύκω Πανοπήι, τον ουδ* αν τηλόθε λευσσων θαρσαλέως τις εμεινεν άεθλεύοντ' έν άγώνι · τοΐον έπισκύνιον βλοσυρω έπέκειτο προσώπω. ίππους δ5 έξελάσασθαι ύφ' άρματι καΐ περί νύσσαν
ΐ2ο
άσφαλέως κάμπτοντα τροχού σύριγγα φυλάξαι 3 Αμφιτρύων δν παΐδα φίλα φρονέων έδίδαξεν αυτός, έπει μάλα πολλά θοών έξήρατ' αγώνων "Αργεί έν ιπποβότω κειμήλια, καί οι άαγεΐς δίφροι εφ3 ών επέβαινε χρόνω διέλυσαν ίμάντας.
ΐ25
δουρατι δε προβολαίω υπ' άσπίδι ώμον έχοντα ανδρός όρέξασθαι ξιφέων τ' άνέχεσθαι άμυχμόν, κοσμήσαί τε φάλαγγα λόχον τ' άναμετρήσασθαι δυσμενέων έπιόντα, και ίππήεσσι κελευσαι, Κάστωρ Ίππαλίδας δέδαεν, φυγάς "Αργεος ένθών,
ΐ3ο
ου ποκα κλαρον άπαντα και οινόπεδον μέγα Τυδευς ναιε παρ 5 Άδρήστοιο λαβών ιππήλατον "ΑργόςΚαστόρι δ5 ουτις όμοιος έν ήμιθέοις πολεμιστής άλλος ε'ην πριν γήρας άποτρίψαι νεότητα. Τ 6ύδε μεν Ηρακλή α φίλα παιδευσατο μάτηρ,
ΐ35
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Ιΐ6 Πανοπήι $ 3 (ut a Σ liquet) Kicssling Φανοπήι D -οτήι D 3 | τηλόθε Ahrens ct ut vid. P3 -θι D 120 τροχού Wilamowitz -χώ D 121 έδίδασκεν D 3 122 αυτός D αστός 5 3 125 δέ D τε £ 3 | ώμον Cholmcley νώτον ? 3 D 129 Ίππαλίδας D z ιπ[ $ 3 Ίσπ- D | Αργοθεν ^ 3 130 ού Wilamowitz ώ ί)3 (in ras., suprascr. 1) D 131 λαβών D et ut vid. $ 3 λαχών D 2 132 ημιθέου Ahrens άμ- D 135 τε η [ς] ex δ* η[ς] $ 3 137 δ έ Stephanus 190
XXIV. ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
he learnt in tutelage to Hermes* son, Harpalycus of Panopeus, whom, even on distant view, none would await with con fidence as an adversary in the lists, such was the scowling brow that overhung his grim visage. To drive forth his horses in the chariot and to guard the nave of the wheel as he steered them safely round the turning-post Amphitryon himself taught his son with loving care, for many a treasured prize had he brought back from the swift races in horse-grazing Argos, and the chariots wherein he mounted were ever un broken until their thongs grew slack with age. How with spear couched to keep his shoulder behind his shield and tilt at his man, how to abide the stroke of swords, to order the ranks of battle, to take the measure of a company of the foe as it advanced, to command a squadron of horse—all this he learnt from Castor, son of Hippalus, who came from Argos as an exile; for Tydeus once received from Adrastus his whole estate and his wide vineyard and dwelt in Argos, that land of steeds. And among the demigods none was Castor's equal as a warrior until age had blunted his youth. Such was the schooling his dear mother found for Heracles. And for his bed a lion-skin was set hard by his father, wherein he much delighted. His evening meal was roast flesh, and a great Dorian loaf in a basket, enough to satisfy for sure a delving hind; but through the day he would take but a small repast with nothing cooked. And his simple raiment reached but to below the knee.
τε $ 3 D 140 add. D 3 omissum a D, qui reliqua pagina, tribus subsequentiDus, et in quarta spatio fere vv. sex vacuis relictis, Id. 22.69-fin. subiungit. Iunt. post 140 ατελές addit: turn spatio relicto Moschi Id. 2. Cal. λείπει το τέλος του παρόντος εΙδυλλίου, και ή αρχή του επομένου· δπερ έξανύει έπιγράφεσθαι, ήρακλής λεοντοφόνος addit: turn post paginas duas vacuas Id. 25. 191
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XXIV. ΗΡΑΚΛΙΣΚΟΣ
193
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ] ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΑΓΡΟΪΚΟΝ
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Τόν δ* ό γέρων προσέειπε βοών έπίουρος άροτρεύς, παυσάμενος Ιργοιο τό οί μετά χερσίν εκείτο · € Ικ τοι, ξεΐνε, πρόφρων μυθήσομαι δσσ' έρεείνεις, Έρμέω αγόμενος δεινή ν δπιν είνοδίοιο* τόν yap φασι μέγιστον επουρανίων κεχολώσθαι, εϊ κεν όδοΟ ^σχρεΐον άνήνηταί τις όδίτην. ποΐμναι μέν βασιλήος έύτριχες Αύγείαο ου πασαι βόσκονται ΐαν βόσιν ούδ' ενα χώρον · άλλ* αϊ μέν |ί>α νέμονται έπ* δχθαις άμφ* Έλισοϋντος, αϊ δ* Ιερόν Θείοιο παρά ρόον Άλφειοΐο, αϊ δ5 επί Βουπρασίου πολυβότρυος, αϊ δέ καΐ ώδε · χωρίς δέ σηκοί σφι τετυγμένοι είσίν έκάσταις. αυτάρ βουκολίοισι περιπλήθουσί περ ε'μπης πάντεσσιν νομοί ώδε τεθηλότες αιέν εασι Μηνίου άμ μέγα τΐφος, έπει μελιηδέα ποίην λειμώνες θαλέθουσιν υπόδροσοι ειαμεναί τε εις άλις, ή ρα βόεσσι μένος κεραήσιν άέξει. αυλις δέ σφισιν ήδε τεής έπι δεξιά χειρός φαίνεται εϋ μάλα πάσι πέρην ττοταμοΐο ρέοντος κείνη, δθι πλατάνιστοι έπηεταναί πεφυασι χλωρή τ5 άγριέλαιος, Απόλλωνος νομίοιο ιερόν άγνόν, ξεΐνε, τελειοτάτοιο θεοΐο. ευθύς δέ σταθμοί περιμήκεες άγροιώταις δέδμηνθ5, οι βασιλήι πολύν και άθέσφατον όλβον ρυόμεθ5 ένδυκέως, τριπόλοις σττόρον εν νειοΐσιν
CODD.: WTr [Laur.] Μ D [Φ Wilamowitzii = Μ V W X T r : n = C 2 D lunt.CaL] TITULUS: 'Ηρακλής Λεοντοφόνος a Callierge fictus (vid. adn. crit. ad 24.140). Primae parti Ηρακλής προς άγροϊκον praefigunt VTr Θεοκρίτου et Δωρίδι add. Tr Dialectus autem cpica. Ι βοών TrD φυτών W M | έτπβουκόλος άνήρ D 3 δσσ* D 2 δσ' D ώς cctt. 6 όδίταν WTrM 7 έύτριχες D έύφρονος cett. 8 ou6' WTrM 194
IDYLL XXV H E R A C L E S A N D THE R U S T I C
And to him the old ploughman that guarded the cattle made answer, pausing in the task whereon his hands were busied: 'Willingly, stranger, will I tell thee all thou askest, for I reverence the awful power of Hermes of the Ways. Beyond other gods is he wroth, men say, if one refuse a traveller that craves direction. The fleecy flocks of King Augeas graze not all one pasture, nor in one place; some feed on the banks of the Helisous, others by divine Alpheus* holy stream; some in Buprasium, rich in grapes, and others again here. For each of these flocks are builded separate folds, but for all his herds, despite their thronging numbers, there are pastures here that never fail by the great mere of Menius; for the dewy meads and water-meadows put forth in plenty lush growth of sweet herbage whereon the strength of horned cattle thrives. Here on thy right stand plain to see the steadings of them all— beyond the flowing stream, there where the plane-trees grow abundant, and the green wild-olives, stranger, a hallowed shrine of Apollo of the Pastures, a god most puissant. Hard by are ranged at length the quarters for us labourers who keep sedulous ward over the great and marvellous possessions of the King, casting the seed on fallow now three times ploughed, 9 νέμονται WTrM νάοντος D | Έλινουντος D z 12 δέ Μ δή cett. 15 Πηνειού αν WTrM | ποίαν WTrM 16 θαλέθουσιν WTrM τε φέρουσιν D | ύπόδροσοι D ύττό δρόσον WTr -σω Μ ΐ8 σφιν D 19 ττασι Meineke πάσα TrD -σαν W om. Μ 21 τ' D δ' cctt. 23 δε D τε cett. I άγριώταις WTrM
195
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] 5
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35
40
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έσθ δτε βάλλοντες και τετραπόλοισιν ομοίως, ουρους μην ΐσασι φυτοσκάφοι οι πολύεργοι, ες ληνούς δ3 ίκνεΰνται έπη ν θέρος ώριον ελθη. πάν y a p δη ττεδίον τόδ' έπίφρονος Αύγείαο, ττυροφόροι τε γύαι και άλωαί δενδρήεσσαι, μέχρις έπ 5 εσχατιάς πολυπίδακος Άκρωρείης, ας ημείς εργοισιν έποιχόμεθα πρόπαν ήμαρ, ή δίκη οικήων οΐσιν βίος επλετ' έπ' άγροΰ. άλλα σύ ττέρ μοι ενισπε, τό τοι και κέρδιον αύτω εσσεται, ούτινος ώδε κεχρη μένος είλήλουθας. ήέ τι Αύγείην ή και δμώων τινά κείνου δί^εαι οι οι εασιν; εγώ δέ κέ τοι σάφα ειδώς ττάντα μάλ' έξείποιμ5, έπεί ού σέ γέ φημι κακών εξ εμμεναι ουδέ κακοΐσιν έοικότα φύμεναι αυτόν, οΐόν τοι μέγα είδος έττιπρέπει. ή ρά νυ παίδες αθανάτων τοιοίδε μετά θνητοΐσιν έ'ασι/ Τον δ' άπαμειβόμενος προσέφη Διός όλκιμος υιός* 'ναί, γέρον, Αύγείην έθέλοιμί κεν άρχόν Έπειών εισιδέειν του γ ά ρ με και ήγαγεν ένθάδε χρειώ. εί δ5 ό μεν άρ κατά άστυ μένει παρά οΤσι πολίταις δήμου κηδόμενος, διά δέ κρίνουσι θέμιστας, δμώων δή τίνα, πρέσβυ, σύ μοι φράσον ήγεμονεύσας, όστις έπ 5 αγρών τώνδε γεραίτατος αισυμνήτης, ω κε τό μεν εϊποιμι, τό δ' εκ φαμένοιο πυθοίμην. άλλου δ' άλλον εθηκε θεός έπιδευέα φ ω τ ώ ν / Τον δ3 ό γέρων έξαυτις άμείβετο δΐος άροτρεύς 'αθανάτων, ώ ξεΐνε, φραδή τινός ένθάδ5 ίκάνεις, ως τοι παν ό θέλεις αΐψα χρέος έκτετέλεσται. ώδε γ ά ρ Αύγείης, υιός φίλος Ήελίοιο, σφωιτέρω σύν παιδί, βίη Φυλήος άγαυοΰ,
27 μην T r D μιν W M | ΐσασι M D νίσσουσι W T r 28 είς W T r M 29 έύφρονος D 3° yuan Ι"ΠΓ· γυΐαι codd. 31 μέχρι δ* έπ* Μ μέχρι ιτρός D | άκρωρείας W T r M 33 έπ* M D ά π ' W T r | άγροΐ$ D 34 τό τοι D 196
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
now four. As for the boundaries of his domain they are known to the busy delving men that tend his trees but come in to the vats and cisterns in the harvest season. For all this plain belongs to the prudent Augeas, the acres of cornland and tree-planted garths even to the borderlands of Acrorea with its springs; and all day long we labour busily about them, for such is the life of country-dwelling thralls. But do thou tell me now (for to thine own profit will it be) in need of whom thou hast come hither. Is it Augeas whom thou seekest, or one of the servants that are his ? I have the knowledge and will tell thee all, for of no base-born stock art thou, methinks, nor thyself like to such, so powerful shows thy frame. Verily among mortal men the children of the immortals are like thee.' And the valiant son of Zeus thus answered him: 'Aye, old man; it is Augeas, lord of the Epeans, whom I would see, for it is need of him that brings me here. But if he abides in the town among his burghers caring for his people, and they are giving judgments there, then, Sir, lead the way and show me one of his servants, the highest in authority on these estates, that I may tell him my errand and hear his answer, for it is god's will that one man need another's aid.' Whereon the good old ploughman answered him again: 'Stranger, some immortal must have prompted thee to come hither, so swiftly has all thy desire come to pass; for Eelius' dear child Augeas, together with his son, the noble and puissant Phyleus, τό μοι cett. 36 τι Ahrens τοι codd. | ή και D και Μ ήέ WTr 38 άτρεκέως εΐποιμ* WTrM | ου σε γέ φημι κακών εξ M D σε γε ουφίλον κακόν δέ WTr (δέ om. Tr) 40 επιτρέπει WTr 43 Αυγείαν WTr 46 κηδόμενος D κρινόμενος cett. | τε κρίνησι D 48 τώνδε γεραίτατος Ziegler τώνδε γεραίτερος D τών γεραρώτατος WTr -τάτων Μ | αίσυήτης D 49 μέν γ* Τ Γ 50 δ' D κ' cett. | φωτών WTrM θνητών D 51 έξαύτις D προσαυτις cett. | άροτρεύς WTrM άγρώστης D 53 &S WTrM os D 55 Φν/λήος M D φυλή W φιλλήι Tr | άγαυώ WTr 197
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56 γ ' D δδ' cett. 58 βασιλεύειν Τ Γ Μ -εις W 59 αυτός WTrM 61 εφ* WTrM is D 62 δ' δγε D δέ τοι cett. | ττόλλ* εμ. WTrM πάντα μ. D 63 τε Θηρός άρών D δέ χειρός ελών cctt. (δέ om. Μ) 64 μεμόνει Buttmann μέμονε Μ μέμοινε WTr μέμαεν D | αΐέν ϊρεσβαι Brunck α(1)εΙ ερWTrM έξερέεσθαι D 65 όκνος WTr | μΟθον Ιόντα D μυθήσασθαι WTrM 66 om. WTrM 67 νόον om. W M 68 αίψα νόησαν D 69 άμφότερον D 198
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
came hither yesterday from the town to make inspection after many days of the wealth untold that is his in the country. For kings, methinks, like other folk, believe in their hearts that their estates are safer when they have eye to them them selves. But surely we will go to him. I will lead thee to our dwelling, for there we are like to find the King.' So saying he led the way, yet much he wondered in his heart, as he eyed the lion-skin and ponderous club, whence the stranger came. Time and again he was fain to ask him, yet hesitated and would catch the word back as it sprang to his lips lest in his companion's haste he should speak out of season—and hard it is to know another's mood. But as they approached, the dogs from afar were quickly ware of them both by reason of their scent and by the sound of their steps, and with furious barking they made from all sides at Heracles, Amphitryon's son; and on the one side they fawned with useless clamour on the old man. He scared them all off again with stones which he merely lifted from the ground, and with rough threats silenced their barking, pleased at heart that they should guard the dwelling in his absence. Then, ' Heavens!' said he, 'what a creature is this the gods that rule us have made to be man's compamon, and how hasty. Were but his wits as keen, and did he know with whom to quarrel and with whom not, no beast could vie with him for credit; but as it is he is too savage and too ill-tempered altogether.' With so much said, they stepped out briskly and came to the steading. -pov δ' W -ρόν γ* Tr -ρα Μ | όδμή Iunt.Cal. οσμή codd.: cf. 136 72 άχρεΐον D aypiov cett. | κλά3ον τε Reiskc κλά^οντε D άλσ^όν τε cett. Ι θ1 WTrM y ' D 73 άσσον WTrM 74 τρηχύ D πολλά cett. 75 πάσιν D -σαν cett. 76 αύλιν D αΐέν cett. 77 y* ού D δ' ου Μ που WTr 79 άνθρώποισιν ετ' εμμεναι WTrM | έπιμηθές D 3 Iunt.Cal. -θεύς cett. 80 ενδοθ' εασιν WTrM 81 ουχί D 82 ονκ D ούδ' cett. | ol W M y* ol Tr τοι D | θηρώντες εδήρισαν λΚ Tr 83 τε D τι cett. 84 Ιξον D 1 I30V cett. | Ιόντε WTr 199
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΕΠΙΠωΛΗΣΙΣ
85
Ήέλιος μεν έπειτα π ο τ ι ;§όφον ετραπεν ί π π ο υ ς
δείελον ήμαρ ά γ ω ν τά δ' έπήλυθε πίονα μήλα εκ βοτάνης ανιόντα μετ5 αυλιά τε σηκούς τε. αυτάρ έπειτα βόες μάλα μυρίαι άλλαι έπ* άλλαις έρχόμεναι φαίνονθ' ώσει νέφη ύδατόεντα, 90 άσσα τ' έν ούρανώ είσιν έλαυνόμενα προτέρωσε ήέ Νότοιο βίη ήέ Θρηκός Βορέαο* των μέν τ' ούτις αριθμός έν ήέρι γίνετ' ιόντων, ούδ' άνυσις# τόσα γάρ τε μετά προτέροισι κυλίνδει ΐς άνεμου, τά δέ τ* άλλα κορυσσεται αύτις έπ' άλλοις * 95 τόσσ* αίεί μετόπισθε βοών έπι βουκόλι' ήει. παν δ* άρ* ένεπλήσθη πεδίον, πασαι δε κέλευθοι ληίδος ερχόμενης, στείνοντο δε πίονες αγροί μυκηθμω, σηκοι δε βοών ρεΐα πλήσθησαν είλιπόδων, όιες δε κατ* αυλάς ηυλί^οντο. ιοο ένθα μέν ούτις εκηλος άπειρεσίων περ έόντων είστήκει παρά βουσιν άνηρ κεχρημένος έργου· άλλ' ό μέν άμφι πόδεσσιν έυτμήτοισιν ίμασι καλοπέδιλ5 άράρισκε περισταδόν έγγυς άμέλγειν# άλλος δ* αύ νέα τέκνα φίλας υπό μητέρας ϊει ιο5 πινέμεναι λιαροΐο μεμαότα π ά γ χ υ γάλακτος · άλλος άμόλγιον εΐχ\ άλλος τρέφε πίονα τυρόν, άλλος έσηγεν έσω ταύρους δίχα θηλειάων. Αυγείης δ' έπι πάντας ιών θηεΐτο βοαυλους, ήντινά οι κτεάνων κομιδήν έτίθεντο νομήες, no συν δ* υιός τε βίη τε βαρύφρονος Ήρακλήος ώμάρτευν βασιλήι διερχομένω μέγαν δλβον. ένθα και άρρηκτόν περ έχων έν στήθεσι θυμόν 'Αμφιτρυωνιάδης και άρηρότα νωλεμές αίεί Έπιττώλησις D om. cett. 92 τ* D y* Tr om. WM
85 ετραττεν Iunt.Cal. ετραφεν D ήγογεν cett. 93 πρώτοισι D 94 αύτις Bergk αύθις codd. 200
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ] THE I N S P E C T I O N
Then the sun turned his steeds westward bringing evening on, and the fat sheep came up from their pasture to seek farms and folds. Next cows in countless thousands, advancing herd on herd, showed like rain-charged clouds that roll onward across the sky driven by the force of the south wind, or of the north from Thrace. Without number, without end, they pass across the heavens, so many does the violence of the wind roll up to join the vanguard, crest following crest. Numberless like them came ever herds of kine behind, and all the plain was filled with the homing cattle, and all the paths, and the lush pastures were straitened with their bellowing. The stalls were quickly filled with the shambling kine, and the sheep were penning in their folds. Then no man in all that multitude lacked a task nor stood idle among the cattle. One would fit clogs tight on his feet with clean-cut thongs of leather, that he might stand close to milk; another set the young calves beneath their dams, all athirst to drink the warm milk. Here one would hold a milk-pail, another set the rich cheese, a third stable the bulls apart from the cows. And Augeas moved from stall to stall marking the care the herdsmen had of his possessions, and as the King passed among that great wealth with him went his son, and Heracles, the strong and resolute. Then did Amphitryon's son, though the spirit in his breast was unshakable and stablished ever firm, marvel beyond 102 έυτμήτοισιν D έυδμ- cett. 103 καλοπέδιλ' Iunt.Cal. κωλ- codd. | περισταδόν W T r M τταρισ- D | άμέργων D 104 φίλα τ. φίλαις 0. μητράσιν WTrM 105 AiccpotoTrD λ α ρ - Μ λπταρ- W | μεμαότα W T r M πέπληντο δέ D 106 στρέφε W T r M 107 Taupcos W T r M n o πολύφρονος D 113 Άμφιτρυωνιάδης T r D -νίδα$ W M : cf. 13.55 201
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ιΐ5
ΐ2ο
ΐ25
ΐ3ο
ΐ35
ΐ4ο
έκπάγλως θαύμαζε θεοΟ τόγε μυρίον εδνον είσορόων. ου γ ά ρ κεν έφασκέ TIS ουδέ έώλπει ανδρός ληίδ' ενός τόσσην εμεν ουδέ δέκ' άλλων οϊτε πολύρρηνες ττάντων εσαν εκ βασιλήων. Ήέλιος δ3 φ παιδί τόγ* εξοχον ώπασε δώρον, άφνειόν μήλοις ττερί πάντων εμμεναι ανδρών, καί ρά οι αυτός δφελλε διαμπερέως βοτά ττάντα ες τέλος, ου μέν γ ά ρ τις έπήλυθε νοΰσος εκείνου βουκολίοις, αϊτ 5 έργα καταφθείρουσι νομήων, αίει δέ πλέονες κερααι βόες, αιέν άμείνους εξ ετεος γίνοντο μάλ' εις έτος* ή γ ά ρ άττασαι ζωοτόκοι τ 3 ήσαν περιούσια θηλυτόκοι τε. ταΐς δέ τριηκόσιοι ταύροι συνάμ' έστιχόωντο κνήμαργοί θ3 έλικες τε, διηκόσιοί γε μέν άλλοι φοίνικες* πάντες δ' έπιβήτορες οϊγ 3 εσαν ήδη. άλλοι δ5 αΟ μετά τοΐσι δυώδεκα βουκολέοντο ιεροί Ήελίου* χροιήν δ5 εσαν ήυτε κύκνοι άργησταί, πασιν δέ μετέπρεπον ειλιπόδεσσιν · οϊ και άτιμαγέλαι βόσκοντ 3 έριθηλέα ποίην εν νομώ* ώδ 3 εκπαγλον επί σφίσι γαυριόωντο. καί ρ' όπότ 3 εκ λασίοιο θοοι προγενοίατο θήρες ες πεδίον δρυμοΐο βοών ενεκ3 άγροτεράων, πρώτοι τοίγε μάχηνδε κατά χροός ήισαν όδμήν, δεινόν δ3 έβρυχώντο φόνον λευσσοντε π ρ ο σ ώ π ω . τών μέν τε προφέρεσκε βίηφί τε και σθένεϊ φ ήδ 3 υπεροπλίτ) Φαέθων μέγας, δν ρα βοτήρες αστέρι πάντες εισκον, όθούνεκα πολλόν εν άλλοις βουσιν ιών λάμπεσκεν, άρί^ηλος δ' έτέτυκτο. δς δη τοι σκύλος αυον ιδών χαροποιό λέοντος αυτώ επειτ 3 έπόρουσεν έυσκόπω Ηρακλή ι
114 Θεοϋ Wilamowitz Θεών WTrM oni. D βοών D* lunt.Cal. | τόγε Cal. τότε codd. | εδνον WTr έργον Μ om. D ?6vos D 3 lunt.Cal. 116 εμεν D εμμεν WTr εμμεναι Μ 117 °ΐγ ε 1^ n 8 δ* om. D 119 -παρά WTr 121 έκείνοις D 122 αΐτ' M D άγ' WTr | καταφθίνουσι WTrM 123 αίέν Brunck αίει codd. 124 γείνοντο D 127 γε μέν WTrM τε μέν D 202
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
measure to see the god's tremendous gift, for none would say or fancy that cattle in such numbers could belong to a single man—nay nor to ten, not were they rich in flocks beyond all other kings. But Eelius had granted to his son this surpassing gift, that he should be rich in cattle beyond all other men, and made it his own care that all his stock should thrive and flourish without cease; for Augeas' herds were visited by no distempers such as waste the herdsmen's toil, but more in numbers and goodlier grew his horned kine from year to year, for beyond those of other men all his cows bore heifer-calves nor ever slipped their young. With the cows there went three hundred bulls black with white shanks, and two hundred beside that were red, and all these were already of an age to mate. In addition there were in the pastures other twelve that were sacred to Eelius; and these were gleaming white in colour, like swans, conspicuous among all the cattle, and they grazed the rich herbage on the range apart from the herds, so exceedingly did they exult in their own strength. And when from the rough woodlands swift beasts came out into the plain after the grazing kine, these twelve would scent them first and advance to combat with murderous looks and terrible bellowing. Far first of these in his strength and power and mettle was the mighty Phaethon, whom all the herdsmen likened to a star because he shone out bright and conspicuous to see as he moved among the other cattle. Now Phaethon saw the dry skin of the grim Hon, and launched himself thereat on the watchful Heracles to dash 130 ήελίου Iunt.Cal. -ioto codd. | χροήν Μ 133 γανριόωντο Kiessling -T6S D γυριόωντο WTr -τες Μ 135 ενεκ* άγροτ. Iunt.Cal. έν έή άγροτ. D ένεκα προτεράων cett. 136 ήισαν Meineke ήεσαν codd. | όδμήν Wilamowitz όσμήν codd.: cf. 69 137 δ> έβρυχώντο Brunck δέ βρ- D δ' έβρύχοντο cett. 142 σκύλος W D CJKUTOS TrM 203
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
χρίμψασθαι ποτι ττλευρά κάρη στιβαρόν τε μέτωπον. ΐ45 τοΰ μέν άναξ προσιόντος έδράξατο χειρι παχείη σκαιοΰ άφαρ κέραος, κοπτά ,δ3 αυχένα νέρθ3 έπι γαίης κλάσσε βαρύν ττερ έόντα, πάλιν δε μιν ώσεν όπίσσω ώμω έπιβρίσας* ό δέ οί περί νεΰρα τανυσθείς μυών εξ υπάτοιο βραχίονος ορθός ανέστη. ΐ5ο θοα^μα^ον δ3 αυτός τε άναξ υιός τε δαΐφρων Φυλευς οι τ 3 έπι βουσί κορωνίσι βουκόλοι άνδρες, Άμφιτρυοονιάδαο βίην υπέροπλον ίδόντες.
ΐ55
ι6ο
ι65
ΐ7ο
Τώ δ3 εις άστυ λιττόντε καταυτόθι ττίονας αγρούς έστιχέτην, Φυλεύς τε βίη θ' Ήρακληείη. λαοφόρου δ' έπέβησαν όθι π ρ ώ τ ι σ τ α κελευθου, λεπτήν καρπαλίμοισι τρίβον ποσιν έξανύσαντες ή ρα δι3 άμπελεώνος από σταθμών τετάνυστο ούτι λίην άρίσημος έν ϋλη χλωρή έουση, τη μέν άρα προσέειπε Διός γόνον υψίστοιο Αυγείω φίλος υίός έθεν μετόπισθεν ιόντα, ήκα παρακλίνας κεφαλήν κατά δεξιόν ώμον · c ξεΐνε, πάλαι τινά π ό γ χ υ σέθεν πέρι μΰθον άκουσας, ει περί σεΰ, σφετέρησιν ένι φρεσι βάλλομαι άρτι. ήλυθε γ ά ρ στείχοον τις άπ 3 3,Αργεος—ήν νέος άκμήν— ένθάδ3 'Αχαιός άνήρ Ελίκης έξ άγχιάλοιο, ός δή τοι μυθεΐτο και έν πλεόνεσσιν 3 Επειών ουνεκεν 3 Αργείων τις εθεν παρεόντος δλεσσε θηρίον, αίνολέοντα, κακόν τέρας άγροιώταις, <οίλην αυλιν έχοντα Διός Νεμέοιο παρ 3 άλσος. "ουκ οΐδ3 άτρεκέως ή 3,Αργεος έξ ιεροΐο αυτόθεν ή Τίρυνθα νέμων πόλιν ήέ Μυκήνην 3 3 ώς κείνος αγόρευε · γένος δέ μιν είναι εφασκεν, ει έτεόν περ έγώ μιμνήσκομαι, έκ ΓΤερσήος.
144 πρόσωπον Μ 145 έδέξατο D 146 κέρατος Μ 150 Θαύμα3εν M D 151 άνδρες TrM άνδρες ήσαν W ήσαν D 153 Partem tertiam, quae in codd. titulo caret, hinc incipere statuit Bindemann 155 δθι M D όρους WTr 156 τρίφον π . έξανύσσντε D 157 άμπελώνος WTrM 158 χλωρή scripsi 204
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
his mighty brow and front against his ribs; but as he came the prince straight grasped the left horn in his strong hand and bent the neck for all its mass down to the ground, and thrust the beast back with the weight of his shoulder; and all the muscle on his upper arm stood braced and bunched over the sinews. And the King himself, and Phyleus, his wise son, and the herdsmen that tended the horned kine, marvelled to see the tremendous strength of Amphitryon's son. Then Phyleus and the mighty Heracles had left the rich farmlands and were going to the town; and when with swift steps they had traversed the narrow footpath which ran from the steadings through a vineyard, by no means plain to see mid the green growth, at the point where first they set foot upon the highway the dear son of Augeas turned his head a little over his right shoulder and spoke to the son of Zeus All-high that walked behind him. * Friend, long since I heard a tale of thee (if indeed of thee it was) that now I am turning in my mind. When I was still a youth there came to these parts from Argos a man of Achaea from Helice on the coast. He told—and many an Epean heard him too—how in his presence some Argive had killed a wild beast, a monstrous lion that cursed the countryside and kept its hollow lair hard by the precinct of Nemean Zeus. " Whether he was of holy Argos itself, or dwelt in Tiryns town or in Mycenae, I do not rightly know", said he, but, if my memory serves me right, he told us that the man was by lineage of the stock of Perseus. -ρςί codd. 159 τη MD τον WTr | μεν D μιν cett. 160 Αύγειέω D | εθεν D ένθεν cett. | Ιόντα Μ έόντα cett. 163 εΐ περί σευ Wilamowitz ώσεί περ D ώς εΐττερ cett. 164 ήν Legrand ώς codd. | μέσος ακμής WTrM 169 Νεμίοιο WTrM*: cf. 182 171 Μυκήναν WTrM 205 GT
19
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ΐ75
ιβο
ι85
ΐ9ο
ΐ95
2οο
ελπομαι ουχ έτερον τόδε τλήμεναι Αίγιαλήων ήέ σε, δέρμα δε θηρός άριφραδέως αγορεύει χειρών καρτερόν έργον, δ τοι περί πλευρά καλύπτει, εΐπ' άγε νυν μοι πρώτον, ίνα γ ν ώ ω κατά θυμόν, ήρως, εΐτ' έτυμως μαντευομαι είτε και ουκί, ει συγ* εκείνος δν ήμιν άκουόντεσσιν εειπεν ουξ Έλίκηθεν Αχαιός, εγώ δε σε φράζομαι ορθώς είπε δ' όπως όλοόν τόδε θηρίον αυτός επεφνες, ό π π ω ς τ 5 ευυδρον Νεμέης εισήλυθε χ ώ ρ ο ν ου μεν γ ά ρ κε τοσόνδε κατ 5 Ά π ί δ α κνώδαλον εϋροις ιμείρων ίδέειν, έπει ου μάλα τηλίκα βόσκει, αλλ' άρκτους τε συας τε λύκων τ ' όλοφώιον έθνος, τ ω και θαυμά^εσκον άκουοντες τότε μΰθον * οι δε νυ και ψευδεσθαι όδοιπόρον άνέρ9 εφαντο γλώσσης μαψιδίοιο χαρι^όμενον παρεουσιν/ "ύύς ειπών μέσσης έξηρώησε κελεύθου Φυλεύς, δφρα κίουσιν άμα σφισιν άρκιος εΐη καί ρά τε ρηίτερον φαμένου κλύοι Ήρακλήος, δς μιν όμαρτήσας τοίω προσελέξατο μύθω* € ώ Αυγηιάδη, το μεν δττι με πρώτον άνήρευ, αυτός και μάλα ρεΐα κατά στάθμην ένόησας. άμφί δε σοι τ ά έκαστα λέγοιμί κε τοϋδε πελώρου δπποος έκράανθεν, έπει λελίησαι άκουειν, νόσφιν γ ' ή δθεν ήλθε* το γ ά ρ πολέων περ έόντων Άργείων ουδείς κεν εχοι σάφα μυθήσασθαι · οίον δ' αθανάτων τιν' έίσκομεν άνδράσι πήμα ίρών μηνίσαντα Φορωνήεσσιν έφεΐναι. πάντας γ ά ρ πισήας έπικλυ^ων ποταμός ως λις άμοτον κεράι^ε, μάλιστα δέ Βεμβιναίους, οι εθεν άγχόμοροι ναΐον άτλητα παθόντες.
176 δτου D ΐ8θ φράζομαι D φρί^- Μ φρίξ- W T r 182 όπως W M | τ* D δ* cctt. Ι ευύδρου D | Νεμίης W T r M : cf. 169 183 τόσονγε D τόσον Tr Ι κατά πίδακα W T r M 184 πηλίκα W T r M 185 τ ' T r D κ* W om. Μ | έθνος v. Lcnnep ερνος codd. 186 μύθων W T r M 193 Λυτη(τ)ιάδη W T r M I άνείρευ D 194 καταστασάμην D 197 ήλθες W T r | τταρεόντων D 206
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
None other of the Aegialeis, methinks, can have dared such a deed but thou, and the skin of the brute that covers thy sides declares full plainly the prowess of thy hands. Come, tell me then, Hero, first, that I may be sure whether my conjecture is right or not, if thou art he of whom the Achaean of Helice spoke in our hearing, and if I divine thee rightly. And tell me how thou didst slay that baleful brute unaided, and how it came to the well-watered country of Nemea. For no such monster couldst thou find in the Apian land, nay, not shouldst thou wish to see one, for none so great does it support, but only bears and boars and the destructive tribe of wolves. For which cause they that heard the tale were amazed at the time, and some too said the traveller lied to please his hearers with idle talk.' So speaking, Phyleus stepped aside from the middle of the road that there might be room on it for them to walk together and he might the more easily hear what Heracles should say. And Heracles stepped abreast of him and answered, ' Son of Augeas, as to thy first question, readily enough and rightly hast thou guessed the answer without aid. And since it is thy wish to hear, I will tell thee of this brute how all befell, save whence it came, for that none of the Argives, many though they be, could plainly say; we do but guess that some god, angered concerning sacrifices, loosed this plague upon the children of Phoroneus. For like a river in flood the Hon ravaged the lowland folk without mercy, and beyond others the people of Bembina, his neighbours, whose plight was 199 σήμα D 200 φέρω νήεσσιν WTr φόρων οΐναισιν Μ 201 ττεισήας WTrM 202 dtiOTos WTr I Βεμβιναίους WTr -vaiocv Μ -νιαίοις D 203 άγχόμοροι D άγχιστα cett. | ναΐον WM νέον D ττροσναΐον Tr | τταθέοντες D 207
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
τον μεν έμοί πρώτιστα τελεΐν έπέταξεν άεθλον 205
2ΐο
2ΐ5
220
225
230
Ευρυσθεύς, κτεΐναι δε μ5 έφίετο θηρίον αίνόν. αυτάρ εγώ κέρας υ γ ρ ό ν ελών κοίλην τε φαρέτρην ιών έμπλείην νεόμην, έτέρηφι δε βάκτρον εύπαγές αυτόφλοιον έπηρεφέος κοτίνοιο εμμητρον, τ ο μεν αυτός υ π ό 3αθέω Έλικώνι εύρων συν πυκινήσιν ολοσχερές έ σ π α σ α ρί^αις. αυτάρ έπεί τ ο ν χ ώ ρ ο ν όθι λίς ήεν ΐκανον, δη τότε τόξον ελών στρεπτή έπέλασσα κορώνη νευρειήν, περί δ5 ιόν έχέστονον εΐθαρ εβησα. π ά ν τ η δ' δσσε φέρων όλοόν τέρας έσκοπία^ον, ει μιν έσαθρήσαιμι πάρος γ* εμέ κεΐνον ίδέσθαι. ήματος ή ν τ ο μεσηγυ, και ούδέπω ΐχνια τοΐο φρασθήναι δυνάμην ουδ' ώρυθμοΐο πυθέσθαι. ουδέ μέν ανθρώπων τις έ'ην επί βουσί και έ'ργοις φαινόμενος σπορίμοιο δι* αύλακος όντιν' έροίμην, αλλά κατά σταθμούς χ λ ω ρ ό ν δέος εΐχεν εκαστον. ου μην πριν πόδας εσχον όρος τανυφυλλον ερευνών π ρ ι ν ίδέειν αλκής τε μεταυτίκα πειρηθήναι. ήτοι ό μέν σ ή ρ α γ γ α προδείελος εστιχεν εις ήν, βεβρωκώς κρειών τε και αίματος, άμφΐ δέ χαίτας αυχμηράς π ε π ά λ α κ τ ο φόνω χ α ρ ο π ό ν τε π ρ ό σ ω π ο ν στήθεά τε, γ λ ώ σ σ η δέ περιλιχματο γένειον. αυτάρ ε γ ώ θάμνοισιν άφαρ σκιεροΐσιν έκρύφθην έν τρίβω Ολήεντι δεδεγμένος ό π π ό θ ' ΐκοιτο, και βάλον άσσον ιόντος άριστερόν εις κενεώνα τηυσίως · ο υ γ ά ρ τι βέλος δια σαρκός όλισθεν όκριόεν, χ λ ω ρ ή δέ π α λ ί σ σ υ τ ο ν έ'μπεσε π ο ί η . αυτάρ ό κράτα δαφοινόν α π ό χθονός ώκ έπάειρε θαμβήσας, π ά ν τ η δέ διέδρακεν όφθαλμοΐσι σκεπτόμενος, λαμυρους δέ χ α ν ώ ν υπέδειξεν οδόντας.
206 φαρέτραν WTr 209 εΟμετρον D 210 ττυκινοϊσιν WTrM 1 | φί^ης D 213 τταρά WTrM | είθαρ εβησα D είσανέβησα WTr εύσέβησα Μ 215 Υ* έμέ κεΐνον D δέ μ' έκ- Tr τί μ* έκ- W M 2ΐ6 ούδέπω C. Hartung ούδ* όττη D 2θ8
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
beyond bearing. This was the first task laid on me by Eurystheus, who bade me slay the dread brute; and I set forth, taking my pliant bow, a hollow quiver filled with arrows, and in my other hand a club, made from a spreading wild olive, close-grained, with bark and pith intact, which I had found under holy Helicon and had pulled up entire with all its tangle of roots. When I had reached the place where the lion was, then did I take my bow, and slipping the string up to the curved notch, straightway set thereon an arrow fraught with mischief; and casting my glance in all directions I spied for the baleful monster in hopes to view him ere he should catch sight of me. The day was at the noon, nor yet had I been able to discern his track nor hear his roar; nor in all that tilth of cornland was there a soul to see busy with the cattle and the husbandry whom I might question, for pale fear kept one and all to their abodes. Yet I searched the leafy hill and rested not until I saw the beast and straightway put my prowess to the proof. Now towards evening the lion was going to his den after his meal of flesh and blood, his rough mane and grim visage and chest bespattered with gore; and he was licking his jaws with his tongue. And I quickly hid myself in the shady undergrowth upon the woodland track, lying in wait for his coming, and as he approached I struck him on the left flank; but to no purpose, for the sharp arrow pierced not the flesh but fell back on the green sward. At once he raised his gory head from the ground in amaze and glared about him in all directions in search of me, and opening his jaws displayed his ravenous teeth. Thereupon I sped a second arrow ούδενός cett. | τοΐα WTrM 217 ώρυθμοΐο D ώρι/γμ- cett. Tr Ι παρσυτίκσ WTrM 225 χαλεπόν D 226 δέ D τε cett. WTrM £icoD 231 παλίνσντονϋ 233 διέδραμεν W 1 ]^ 1 ξεν οδόντας D υπ* ό. έφαινε WTr 0. ό. Ιφηνε Μ 209
222 ττρίν y* 228 τρίβφ 234 ύπέδει-
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
235 τω δ' εγώ άλλον όιστόν από νευρής προιαλλον, άσχαλόων δ μοι ό πριν έτώσιος εκφυγε χειρός * μεσσηγνς δ* εβαλον στηθέων, δθι πνεύμονος εδρη. αλλ* ούδ* cos ύπό βύρσαν εδυ πολνώδυνος Ιός, άλλ' έπεσε προπάροιθε ποδών άνεμώλιος αυτως. 240 το τρίτον αύ μέλλεσκον άσώμενος εν φρεσιν alvcos αυερύειν · ό δε μ* είδε περιγληνώμενος όσσοις θήρ άμοτος, μακρήν δέ περ' lyvurjaiv έλιξε κέρκον, αφαρ δε μάχης έμνήσατο· πας δέ οί αυχήν θυμοϋ ένεπλήσθη, πυρσαι δ' έφριξαν έθειραι 245 σκυ^ομένω, κυρτή δέ ράχις γένετ* ήυτε τ ό ξ ο ν , π ά ν τ ο θ ε ν είλυθέντος ύ π ό λ α γ ό ν α ς τε και ϊξνν. ως δ 3 δ τ α ν ά ρ μ α τ ο π η γ ό ς άνήρ π ο λ έ ω ν ΐδρις έ ρ γ ω ν όρπηκας κάμπττ|σιν έρινεου εύκεάτοιο, θάλψας εν π υ ρ ι π ρ ώ τ ο ν , έ π α ξ ο ν ί ω κνκλα δίφρω · 250 τ ο υ μεν Οπέκ χειρών εφυγεν τανύφλοιος έρινός καμπτόμενος, τ η λ ο υ δέ μιή π ή δ η σ ε σ υ ν ορμή · ως έ π ' έμοί λίς αίνος ά π ό π ρ ο θ ε ν αθρόος δ λ τ ο μαιμώων χ ρ ο ό ς δσαι Φ εγώ δ' έτέρηφι βέλεμνα χειρι προεσχεθόμην καΐ άπ* ώμων δίπλακα λώπην, 255 τή δ5 έτέρη ρόπαλον κόρσης Οπερ αΟον άείρας ήλασα κάκ κεφαλής, δια δ* ανδιχα τρηχύν εαξα αυτοί) επί λασίοιο καρήατος άγριέλαιον θηρός άμαιμακέτοιο. πέσεν δ* δγε πριν εμ* ικέσθαι ύψόθεν έν γαίΐ) και έπ! τρομεροΐς ποσίν εστη 26ο νευστά^ων κεφαλή · περί yap σκότος δσσε οι άμφω ήλθε, βίη σεισθέντος έν όστέω έγκεφάλοιο. τον μέν εγών όδΟνησι παραφρονέοντα βαρείαις νωσάμενος, πριν αύτις Οπότροπον άμπνυνθήναι, ανχένος άρρήκτοιο παρ* ίνίον f ή λ α σ α | προφθάς, 235 onral ΤΓ 236 δ μοι ό Hermann ότι μοι D 6s μοι Μ ώ$ μοι WTr 237 πλεύμονος §δρα D 239 άνεμώλιον D 244 ττν/ρ(ρ)αΙ WTrM 246 είληθέντος CnralTr 247 άρμοττοπα/ός WTrM 248 ενκάμπτοιο WTrM 249 έναξονίω, έν άξ- WTrM 252 αθρόος D άλμενο$ cett. 254 ττροσ210
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
from the string, troubled that the first should have left my hand in vain; and I struck him full in the chest where the lung is seated, yet not even so did the cruel arrow pierce his hide but fell all futile before his feet. Grievously vexed at heart, I was at point to draw my bow a third time, when the pitiless brute, glaring about him, caught sight of me and coiled his long tail about his quarters, intent at once on doing battle. His whole neck was filled with anger, and in his passion his tawny mane bristled, and his back curved like a bow when he gathered all his body together to his flanks and loins. As when some chariot-builder, skilled to many tasks, first warms in the fire, then bends, the shoots of the wild fig, which is good to cleave, to form the felloes of a wheeled chariot; and as it bends the smooth-barked fig escapes his hands, and in a single spring leaps far away, so the dread Hon launched his whole body at me from a distance, eager to sate himself on my flesh. And I, holding in front of me with one hand my arrows andthe double cloak from my shoulders, with the other raised my seasoned club over my head and brought it down on his skull; and full on the shaggy head of that invincible brute I broke the tough olive clean in two. But the Hon, ere he could reach me, fell from mid-air to the ground and stood there on trembling feet with head unsteady, for that violent blow had shaken the brain within the skull and darkness had covered his two eyes. When I saw that the grievous pain had robbed him of his wits, I seized the chance before he should come to himself again, and [gripped] him by the nape of that iron neck, εσχεθόμην WTrM 259 έκ γαίης WTrM 263 ώσάμενος D | auOis D | άμπνυσθήναι WTrM cett. 211
262 παραιφρονέοντα D 264 ήλασα D έφθασα
14-2
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
265 ρίψας τόξον ερα^ε πολυρραπτόν τε φαρέτρην · ήγχον δ' έγκρατέως στιβαράς συν χείρας έρείσας έξόπιθεν, μη σάρκας άποδρυψη όνύχεσσι, προς δ' οϋδας πτέρνησι πόδας στερεοος έπίε^ον ουραίους έπιβάς, μηροϊσί τε ττλεύρ3 έφυλασσον, 270 μέχρι ου έξετάνυσσα βραχίοσιν ορθόν άείρας άπνευστον, ψυχήν δε πελώριος έλλαβεν "Αιδης. και τότε δη βουλευον όπως λασιαυχενα βυρσαν θηρός τεθνειώτος ά π ό μελέων έρυσαίμην, άργαλέον μάλα μόχθον, έπει ουκ εσκε σιδήρω 275 τμητή ουδέ λίθοις πειρωμένω ουδέ μέν | υ λ η . ένθα μοι αθανάτων τις έπι φρεσί θήκε νοήσαι αυτοϊς δέρμα λέοντος άνασχί^ειν όνύχεσσκ τοΐσι θοώς άπέδειρα, και άμφεθέμην μελέεσσιν ερκος ένυαλίου ταμεσίχροος ιωχμοΐο. 28ο ουτός τοι Νεμέου γένετ\ ώ φίλε, θηρός όλεθρος, πολλά πάρος μήλοις τε και άνδράσι κήδεα θέντος/ 207 έξότπσΟεν WTrM | σαρκός D | υττοδρύψη WTrM 268 στερεών D | έπιέ^ευον W T r 269 ουραίου WTr -αίη Μ | μηροϊσί τε ττλεύρ' Briggs ττλευροϊσί (-ήσί MD) τε μήρ' codd. 270 μέχρις D | ου J. Hartung ol W T r D om. Μ | έξετάνυσσα Iunt.Cal. -νυσα D -νυσ(σ)ε WTrM | βραχίοσιν Piatt
212
XXV. [ΗΡΑΚΛΗΣ ΛΕΟΝΤΟΦΟΝΟΣ]
dropping my bow and stitched quiver to the ground; and with all my force I throttled him in the clasp of my strong hands, from behind, lest he should tear me with his claws; and treading with my heels on his hind feet I kept them firm-fixed on the ground, while with my thighs I held his flanks in gage, until I could lift his lifeless body upright in my arms and stretch it on the ground, and vasty Hades received his spirit. The fight ended, I fell to pondering how I could strip the shaggy hide from the dead brute's limbs—a troublesome task indeed, for when I tried, I could not cut it either with iron or with stone or [otherhow]. But then some god put in my mind the thought to sever the lion's skin with his own claws; and with these I flayed it speedily and wrapped it about my body to guard me from the rents and hurts of war. Such, my friend, was the end of the brute of Nemea, which before that day had brought much bane both on beast and on man.' -ovos D -ova cett. 271 αμπνευστον D | πελώριον D | ελλαχεν WTrM 273 onral WTrM Ι έρύσαιμι D 276 ένθεν WTrM | μοι MD μιν WTr 279 ένναλ(ί)οιο WTrM | Ιωχμοϊο WTrM δφρα μοι είη D 281 μήλοισι καΐ D
213
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΛΗΝΑΙ Η ΒΑΚΧΑΙ
5
ίο
is
2ο
25
Ίνώ καύτονόα χά μαλοπάραυος Ά γ α ύ α τρεις θιάσως ες όρος τρεις άγαγον αύται έοΐσαι. χαΐ μεν άμερξάμεναι λασίας δρυός άγρια φύλλα, κισσόν τε ^ώοντα και άσφόδελον τον υπέρ γας, εν καθαρω λειμώνι κάμον δυοκαίδεκα βωμώς, τώς τρεις τα Σεμέλα, τώς εννέα τω Διονύσω. ιερά δ' εκ κίστας πεποναμένα χερσιν έλοΐσαι εύφάμως κατέθεντο νεοδρέπτων έπι βωμών, ως έδίδαξ5, ως αυτός έθυμάρει Διόνυσος. ΠενΟεύς δ3 άλιβάτω πέτρας άπο πάντ' έθεώρει, σχϊνον ες άρχαίαν καταδύς, έπιχώριον ερνος. Αύτονόα πράτα νιν άνέκραγε δεινόν ιδοΐσα, σύν δ' έτ άραξε ποσιν μανιώδεος όργια Βάκχω, έξαπίνας έπιοΐσα, τά τ* ούχ όρέοντι βέβαλοι. μαινετο μέν τ3 αυτά, μαινοντο δ' άρ* ευθύ και άλλαι. Πενθεύς μέν φεϋγεν πεφοβημένος, αϊ δ5 έδίωκον, πέπλως εκ ^ωστηρος ες ιγνύαν έρύσαισαι. Πενθεύς μέν τόδ' εειπε· 'τίνος κέχρησθε, γυναίκες; ' Αύτονόα τόδ* εειπε* 'τάχα γνώση πριν άκούσαι.5 μάτηρ μέν κεφαλάν μυκήσατο παιδός έλοΐσα, όσσον περ τοκάδος τελέθει μύκημα λέαινας* Ίνώ δ5 έξέρρηξε σύν ώμοπλάτα μέγαν ώμον, λάξ έπι γαστέρα βασα, και Αύτονόας ρυθμός ωύτός* αϊ δ* άλλαι τά περισσά κρεανομέοντο γυναίκες, ές Θήβας δ' άφίκοντο πεφυρμέναι αΐματι πασαι, έξ όρεος πένθημα καΐ ού Πενθήα φέροισαι.
COD.: D PAPP.: * 3 (ι-fin.), * 4 (ιο-2ΐ) TITULUS: Λήναι ή βάκχαι Δωρίδι J^3 et cod. Athous unde I. Lascaris titulum et v. primum descripsit item om. ή D θεοκρίτου add. lunt.Cal. 5 βωμώς Winterton -μού$ D 9 εδιδαξ* $ 3 -ασχ' D ΙΟ άλιβάτω Winterton -του S 3 D | έθεώρει ip4D -ρη ψ} ut vid. 12 πράτα νιν Scaliger πράταν tv D πρώτα νιν lunt.Cal. et ut vid. Ϊ 3 ante corr. πρωτόν νίν Ϊ 3 corr.
214
IDYLL XXVI Ino, Autonoa, and Agava of the white cheeks, three them selves, led to the mountain three companies, and cutting wild foliage from the leafy oaks, with living ivy and terrestrial asphodel, they fashioned in an open mead twelve altars, for Semele three, for Dionysus nine. And taking in their hands from the mystic chest the holy things tuiat had been fashioned, they laid them reverently on their new-gathered altars, for so Dionysus himself had taught them and such was his pleasure. But from a high rock, hidden in an ancient mastich-bush that grew near by, Pentheus watched all they did. Autonoa first spied him and uttered a terrible cry; and with her feet she scattered in her sudden onset the holy things of frenzied Bacchus, on which the profane look not. Frenzied was she herself, and frenzied forthwith the others too. Pentheus fled in terror, and they gave chase, pulling their kirtles through their belts to the knee. Pentheus cried, 'Women, what would ye?' and Autonoa, 'Thou shalt swiftly know before thou hearest i t \ His mother took her son's head and roared like a lioness with cubs; and Ino, setting her foot upon his stomach, tore off the great shoulder with the shoulder-blade, and in like fashion wrought Autonoa, while the other women parted among them piecemeal what was left of him: and to Thebes they came all blood-bedabbled, bringing from the hill not Pentheus but tribulation. 13 δργια D ιερά $ 3 | Βάκχω Jfy Winterton -χου Ϊ 3 D 14 τ* Meincke 6* S3 D Ι όρέοντι ψ3 ante corr. D όρόοντι $ 3 corr. Cal. 15 τ' αυτά Iunt. ]αντά $ 3 θ* αύτα D | άλλαι Ahrens άλλαι D 17 tyvuav Reiske iyw. [ $ 3 ante corr. lyvuiav ψ3 corr. D 19 om. Ϊ 4 20 μάτηρ μέν lunt.Cal. μήτηρ μέν τάν D 22 ωμοπλάτα* ψ3 *6 φέροισαι Winterton et ut vid. ί 3 -ουσαι D 215
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
30
35
Ουκ άλέγω * μηδ' άλλος άπεχθομένω Διονύσω φροντί^οι, μηδ' ει χαλεπώτερα τώνδε μογήσαι, εΐη δ9 ένναετής ή και δεκάτω έπιβαίνοι · αυτός δ* εύαγέοιμι καΐ εύαγέεσσιν άδοιμι. εκ Διός αιγιόχω τιμάν έχει αίετός ούτως, ευσεβέων παίδεσσι τα λώια, δυσσεβέων δ' ου. Χαίροι μεν Διόνυσος, δν εν Δρακάνω νιφόεντι Ζευς ύπατος μεγάλον έτπγουνίδα κάτθετο λυσας · χαίροι δ* ευειδής Σεμελα και άδελφεαι αυτας, Καδμεΐαι πρλλαΐς μεμελημέναι ήρωίναις, αϊ τόδε έργον ερεξαν όρίναντος Διονυσω ουκ έτπμωματόν. μηδείς τά Θεών όνόσαιτο.
27 άλλο* D OOTIS $ 3 | άπεχθομένω Ahrens -vos S3 _ ν α ι D μογήσαι S3 Ahrens τώνδ' έμόγησε D 29 έπιβαίνοι D
210
28 τώνδε δ'επιβαιην
XXVI. ΛΗΝΑΙ Η ΒΑΚΧΑΙ
I care not. And let not another care for an enemy of Dionysus—not though he suffer a fate more grievous than this and be in his ninth year or entering on his tenth. But for myself may I be pure and pleasing in the eyes of the pure. So has the eagle honour of aegis-bearing Zeus. To the children of the righteous, not of the unrighteous, comes the better fate. Farewell to Dionysus, whom Lord Zeus set down on snowy Dracanus when he had opened his mighty thigh. Farewell to comely Semela and her sisters, Cadmean dames honoured of many a heroine, who, at Dionysus' instigation, did this deed, wherein is no blame. At the acts of gods let no man cavil. (dcleto δ*) ί 3 31 ούτως D opvis $ 3 32 παίδεσσι D 34 επιγωνι[δσ $ 3 37 Διονύσω Winterton -σου ^ 3 D
217
]εν παισ[ $ 3
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΟΑΡΙΣΤΥΣ]
ΚΟΡΗ
τάν πινυτάν Έλέναν Πάρις ήρπασε βουκόλος άλλος. ΔΑΦΝΙΣ
μάλλον έκοΐσ' Έλένα τον βουκόλον έσχε φιλευσα. ΚΟ. μη καυχώ, σατυρίσκε · κενόν το φίλαμα λέγουσιν. ΔΑ. ?στι και εν κενεοΐσι φιλάμασιν άδέα τέρψις. 5 ΚΟ. το στόμα μευ πλύνω και άποπτύω το φίλαμα. ΔΑ. πλύνεις χείλεα σεΐο; δίδου πάλιν, δφρα φιλάσω. ΚΟ. καλόν σοι δαμάλας φιλέειν, ούκ a^uya κώραν. ΔΑ. μη καυχώ- τάχα γάρ σε παρέρχεται ως όναρ ήβη. ΚΟ. ει δε τι γηράσκω τόδε που μέλι και γάλα πίνω. ίο ΔΑ. ά σταφυλις σταφίς εσται · δ νυν ρόδον, αύον όλεϊται. ΐ9 ΚΟ. μη 'πιβάλης την χείρα, και εισέτι; χείλος άμύξω. ιι ΔΑ. δευρ' υπό τάς κότινους, ϊνα σοί τίνα μύθον ένίψω. ΚΟ. ούκ έθέλω · και πριν με παρήπαφες άδει μύθω. ΔΑ. δευρ* υπό τάς πτελέας ΐν' εμάς σύριγγος ακούσης. ΚΟ. την σαυτου φρένα τέρψον όι^ύον ουδέν αρέσκει. ΐ5 ΔΑ. φευ φευ, τας Παφίας χόλον ά^εο και σύγε, κώρα. D TITULUS: ΘεοκρΙτου Δάφνιδος καΐ Νηίδος (Iunt.: κόρης Cal.) όαριστνς lunt.Cal. D titulo caret, et rubricatione neglecta initium deesse indicat. Λείπει ή αρχή Iunt. Dialectus incerta. Codicis ionismos non mutavi. 2 έκοΐσ* Ahrens έδοΐς D | εσχε Hermann έστΙ D 3 μή D 3 lunt.Cal. om. D 9 om. lunt.Cal. | εΐ δέ Ό2 ή δέ D ΙΟ εσται · δ vuv Ribbeck έστι και οΟ D 19 post 17 D , post 18 habent lunt.Cal. Hue trai. Ribbeck. Interpunxit Legrand. COD.:
2l8
I D Y L L XXVII
GIRL
Another neatherd, Paris, bore off the prudent Helen. DAPHNIS
Rather did Helen, of her own free will, capture that neatherd with a kiss. Gi. Be not so confident, satyr-boy; kisses are empty things, they say. DA. Yet even in empty kisses is there sweet delight. (Kisses her) Gi. I wipe my mouth and spit out thy kiss. DA. Dost wipe thy mouth? Let me have it to kiss again. Gi. Thy kisses should be for thy calves, not for an unwedded maid. DA. Be not so confident; thy youth flies swiftly by thee like a dream. Gi. Grant I am growing older, yet now my cup is milk and honey. DA. The grape will become a raisin, and what is now a rose will wither and die. Gi. Hands off. What, again? I'll scratch thy lips. DA. Come with me under the wild olives that I may tell thee a tale. Gi. I will not come; with a pleasant tale thou beguiledst me once before. DA. Come with me under the elms and listen to my pipe. Gi. Pleasure thyself with piping; naught dismal pleases me. DA. Aha, thou too must mind the Paphian's anger, maiden. II ένίψω lunt.Cal. ένέψω D: cf. 39 12 άδει D 2 Hermann όί^υον D | αρέσκει Stephanus -κη D 219
ήδέι D
14 ό^ύον
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ΚΟ. χαιρετώ ά Παφίοτ μόνον ϊλαος "Αρτεμις εΐη. ΔΑ. μή λέγε, μη βάλλη σε και is λίνον άλλυτον ενθης. ι8 ΚΟ. βαλλέτω ώς έθέλει · πάλιν "Αρτεμη άμμιν άρήγει. 20 ΔΑ. ου φεύγει τον Έρωτα, τον ού φύγε παρθένος άλλη. ΚΟ. φεύγω ναΐ τον Πάνα· σύ δε ;§υγόν αιέν άείραις. ΔΑ. δειμαίνω μή δή σε κακωτέρω άνέρι δώσει. ΚΟ. πολλοί μ' έμνώοντο, νόω δ1 έμω ούτις εαδε. ΔΑ. εις και έγώ πολλών μνηστήρ τεός ένθάδ' ικάνω. 25 ΚΟ. και τι, φίλος, ρέξαιμι; γάμοι πλήθουσιν ανίας. ΔΑ. ουκ όδύνην, ουκ άλγος έχει γάμος, άλλα χορείην. ΚΟ. ναΐ μάν φασι γυναίκας έούς τρομέειν παρακοίτας. ΔΑ. μάλλον άει κρατέουσι. τίνα τρομέουσι γυναίκες; ΚΟ. ώδίνειν τρομέω* χαλεπόν βέλος Είληθυίης. 30 ΔΑ. άλλα τεή βασίλεια μογοστόκος "Αρτεμις έστιν. ΚΟ. άλλα τεκεΐν τρομέω, μή καΐ χρόα καλόν όλέσσω. ΔΑ· ην δέ τέκης φίλα τέκνα, νέον φάος δψεαι ήβας. ΚΟ* και τί μοι εδνον άγεις γάμου άξιον, ην έπινεύσω; ΔΑ. πασαν τήν άγέλαν, πάντ* άλσεα και νομόν έξεις. 35 ΚΟ. όμνυε μή μετά λέκτρα λιπών άέκουσαν άπενθεΐν. ΔΑ. ού μαύτόν τον Πάνα, καΐ ην έθέλης με διώξαι. 17 άλλυτον lunt. άκλιτον D ι8 έθέλει Valckenaer -λη$ D | άρήγει Schaefer -γη D 21 άείραις Ahrens -ρες D 22 δώσει Schaefer -σω D 23 μευ μνώοντο D z | νόφ δ* έμω Fritzsche νόον δ' έμόν D | έαδε lunt.Cal. άείδει D 220
XXVII. [0ΑΡ1ΣΤΥΣ]
Gi. A fig for the Paphian, so long as Artemis protect me. DA. Hush, lest she smite thee and thou fall into the toils without escape. Gi. Let her smite as she will; Artemis again is my defender. DA. Thou canst not escape the Love-God, nor has any maiden yet. Gi. By Pan, I shall escape him; but may'st thou ever endure his yoke. DA. I fear he may give thee to a worser man than me. Gi. Many have courted me, but none has pleased my heart. DA. I too am come here, one more of the many to court thee. Gi. What shall I do, my friend? Marriages are filled with vexation. DA. Marriage brings neither pain nor sorrow but rather dancing. Gi. Aye, and wives dread their husbands, so 'tis said. DA. They rule them rather. Whom have wives to dread ? Gi. I dread the pains of childbed. Sharp is the shaft of Eileithuia. DA. But Artemis, that queen of thine, lightens the pangs of bearing. Gi. Nay, but I fear to bear children lest I lose my fair looks. DA. But if thou bear dear children, thou wilt see thy youth dawn again. Gi. And if I consent, what gift dost thou bring worthy of my hand ? DA. All my herd, my glades, and pasture shalt thou have. Gi. Swear that once mated thou wilt not quit me against my will. DA. Nay, by Pan himself, not if thou wouldst drive me out would I quit thee. 27 έούς Ό2 lunt.Cal. om. D oyns D 34 έξεις lunt.Cal.
32 ήβας Ahrens εξες D 3 ε^ες D
υΐας D 33 άγεις lunt.Cal. 35 άπενθεϊν Zieglcr -θης D
221 GT
20
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ΚΟ. τεύχεις μοι θαλάμους, τεύχεις και δώμα και αυλάς; ΔΑ. τεύχω σοι θαλάμους* τά δε πώεα καλά νομεύω. ΚΟ. ττατρί δε γηραλέω τίνα μάν, τίνα μϋθον ένίψω; 40 ΔΑ. αινήσει σέο λέκτρον έπήν έμόν ουνομ' άκουση. ΚΟ. ουνομα σον λέγε τηνο* και ουνομα πολλάκι τέρπει. ΔΑ. Δάφνις εγώ, Λυκίδας δε πατήρ, μήτηρ δε Νομαίη. ΚΟ. εξ ευηγενέων· αλλ* ου σέθεν είμι χερείων. ΔΑ. οίδ'· Άκροτίμη έσσί, πατήρ δέ τοί έστι Μενάλκας. 45 ΚΟ. δεΐξον έμοί τεόν άλσος, δπη σέθεν ΐσταται αυλις. ΔΑ. δευρ5 ΐδε πώς άνθευσιν έμαι ραδιναι κυπάρισσοι. ΚΟ. αίγες έμαί, βόσκεσθε* τά βουκόλω έργα νοήσω. ΔΑ. ταύροι, καλά νέμεσθ', ίνα παρθένω άλσεα δείξω. ΚΟ. τί ρέβεις, σατυρίσκε; τι δ5 ενδοθεν άψαο μα^ών; 50 ΔΑ. μαλα τεά πράτιστα τάδε χνοάοντα διδάξω. ΚΟ. ναρκώ, ναι τον ΓΤανα. τεήν πάλιν εξελε χείρα. ΔΑ. Θάρσει, κώρα φίλα. τί μοι έτρεμες; ως μάλα δειλά. ΚΟ. βάλλεις εις άμάραν με και εΐματα καλά μιαίνεις. ΔΑ. άλλ* υπό σους πέπλους άπαλόν νάκος ήνίδε βάλλω. 55 ΚΟ. φευ φευ, καΐ τάν μίτραν άπέσχισας. ες τί δ* ελυσας; ΔΑ. τα Παφία πράτιστον εγώ τόδε δώρον όπά^ω. ΚΟ. μίμνε, τάλαν* τάχα τις τοι επέρχεται* ήχον άκουω. 38 σοι lunt.Cal. σου D 39 Μ°^ Ahrens μέν Cal. κεν D | ένίψω lunt.Cal. ένέψω D: cf. ιι 41 καΐ ουνομα lunt.Cal. κ. ών- D | πολλάκι lunt.Cal. πολλά κε D 42 Λυκίδας δέ lunt.Cal. Λυκάδας τέκε (τε D2) D 43 σέθεν Iunt. Cal. εθεν D 44 °ϊδ' Jacobs ουδ* D | Άκροτίμη Edmonds άκρα τιμή D 45 τεόν Wilamowitz εθον D εθεν D 2 lunt.Cal. | αυλις lunt.Cal. αια D 47 βουκόλω Ahrens βωκ- lunt.Cal. βωκόλα D 48 ίνα παρθένω ά. Stephanus 222
XXVII. [ΟΑΡΙΣΤΥΣ]
Gi. Wilt thou build me a bridal chamber? build a home and farm? D A . A bridal chamber will I build thee, and tend well thy flocks. Gi. What, what am I to tell my aged father? DA. He will commend thy wedlock when he hears my name. Gi. Tell me that name of thine; often there is pleasure even in a name. DA. I am Daphnis. Lycidas is my father, and my mother Nomaea. Gi. Of good stock art thou, but I am no worse than thou. DA. I know it. Acrotime art thou, and Menalcas is thy father. Gi. Show me thy glade, wherein stands thy steading. DA. Come, then, and see how grow my slender cypresses. Gi. Browse on, my goats. I go to see the neatherd's farm. DA. Feed well, my bulls, while I show my glades to the maiden. (The scene changes to the wood) Gi. What art thou doing, satyr-boy? W h y dost thou touch my breasts within my gown? DA. I would give those velvet apples of thine a lesson first. Gi. By Pan, I am fainting. Draw forth thy hand again. DA. Courage, dear maid. W h y trembling? How timid thou art. Gi. Thou throw'st me into the runlet and art soiling my fair dress. DA. Nay, look: I lay a soft skin beneath thy garments. Gi. Alack, thou hast torn my girdle too. W h y hast thou loosed it? DA. This is my first offering to the Paphian. Gi. Nay, stop. Someone is coming. I hear a sound. Iv' &. τταρθένι D 49 φέξεις Iunt.Cal. -3η* D 52 δειλά lunt.Cal. 55 μίτραν ed. Morel, μικράν D | άπέσχισας Scaliger άττέστιχε$ D 223
δία D
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
ΔΑ. άλλήλαις λαλέουσι τεόν γάμον αι κυπάρισσοι. ΚΟ. άμπεχόνην ποίησας έμήν ράκος· ειμί δε γυμνά. 6ο ΔΑ. άλλην άμπεχόνην της σης τοι μείζονα δώσω. ΚΟ. φής μοι πάντα δόμενΦ τ ά χ α δ5 ύστερον ουδ' ά λ α δοίης. ΔΑ. αΐθ' αυτάν δυνάμαν και τ ά ν ψ υ χ ά ν έπιβάλλειν. ΚΟ. "Αρτεμι, μή νεμέσα σέο ρήμασιν ουκέτι π ί σ τ η . ΔΑ. ρέξω πόρτιν Έρωτι και αυτά βοϋν Ά φ ρ ο δ ί τ α . 65 ΚΟ. παρθένος ένθα βέβηκα, γ υ ν ή δ5 εις οίκον άφέρπω. ΔΑ. άλλα γ υ ν ή μήτηρ τεκέων τροφός, ουκέτι κώρα. °ίλ)ς οι μεν χλοεροϊσιν ιαινόμενοι μελέεσσιν άλλήλοις ψιθυρι^ον. άνίστατο φώριος ευνή. χ ή μεν άνεγρομένη πάλιν εστιχε μαλα νομευειν 7ο
όμμασιν αιδομένοις, κραδίη δέ οι ένδον ίάνθη * δς δ' επί ταυρείας άγέλας κεχαρη μένος ευνας
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ήιεν. Δέχνυσο τάν σύριγγα τεάν πάλιν, όλβιε π ο ι μ ά ν των δ" αυ ποιμναγών έτέρην σκεψώμεθα μολπάν.
59 άμπεχόνην..έμήν Hermann τάμπέχονον. .έμόν D | (ίκχκος lunt. fiayos D 62 έπιβάλλειν Iunt.Cal. -λλω D 63 σέο Hermann ρήμασιν Ahrens συ (σοι D 2 ) έρημας D 64 ρέξω Iunt.Cal. -300 D | βοϋν lunt. βών D 65 βέβηκας D 1 | άφέρπω Ahrens -πη D -ψω Iunt.Cal. 68 άνίστατο lunt.
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XXVII. [ΟΑΡΙΣΤΥΣ]
DA. It is the cypresses that whisper together of thy wedding. Gi. Thou hast torn my wrap to rags, and I am naked. DA. Another will I give thee, and ampler than thine own. Gi. Thou promisest everything, yet presently, maybe, wilt refuse me even salt. DA. Would I could add my very soul also to the gifts. Gi. Artemis, forgive me that I follow thy teaching no longer. DA. A heifer I will sacrifice to the Love-god and a cow to Aphrodite herself. Gi. A maiden came I here, but go home a wife. DA. Wife, mother, and nurse of children, girl no more. So in the delight of their young bodies they whispered to one another and their stolen bridal was accomplished. And she rose up and went back to tend her sheep, with downcast eyes though her heart was glad within her. And he, happy in his wedlock, went to his herds of cattle. Take the pipe for thine own again, happy shepherd, and let us try another pastoral song. Cal. άνίστα D 69 ττάλιν ΙΌτιχε Wilamowitz γε διέστιχε D 70 αΐδομένοις Hermann -νη D 7*b f)ie(v) D lunt. (κιεν C) tanquam initium versus; item Cal. sed in media linea 72, 3 om. lunt.Cal. 72 τεάν Ahrens τεών D 73 δ* αύ Legrand καΐ D | ποιμναγών Edmonds ποιμαιγνίων D
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΑΛΑΚΑΤΑ
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Γλαύκας, ώ φιλέριθ' άλακάτα, δώρον 'Αθανάας γυναιξιν νόος οικωφελίας αΐσιν έπάβολος, θέρσεισ' άμμιν υμάρτη πόλιν ες Νείλεος άγλάον, δττττα Κύττριδος Tpov κcxλάμω χλώρον υττ* άπάλω. τυίδε yap ττλόον ευάνεμον αίτήμεθα ττάρ Δίος, δττττως ξέννον εμον τέρψομ* ΐδων κάντιφιληθέω, Νικίαν, Χαρίτων ίμεροφώνων ϊερον φυτον, και σε τάν έλέφαντος ττολυμόχθω γεγενημένον δώρον Νικιάας sis άλόχω χέρρας όπάσσομεν, συν τα πόλλα μεν Ipy' εκτέλεσης άνδρεΐοις ττέπλοις, ττόλλα δ' οία γυναίκες φορέοισ' υδάτινα βράκη. δις γάρ μάτερες άρνων μαλάκοις εν βοτάνα ττόκοις ττέξαιντ αυτοέτει, Θευγένιδός γ* εννεκ' έυσφυρω* ούτως άνυσίεργος, φιλέει δ' δσσα σαόφρονες. ου γάρ εις άκίρας ουδ' ες άέργω κεν έβολλόμαν δπασσαί σε δόμοις, άμμετέρας εσσαν άττυ χθόνος. και γάρ τοι ττάτρις αν ώξ Εφύρας κτίσσε ποτ 5 3Αρχίας, νάσω Τρινακρίας μύελον, ανδρών δοκίμων ττόλιν. νυν μάν οίκον εχοισ5 άνερος δς πόλλ* έδάη σόφα άνθρώττοισι νόσοις φάρμακα λυγραις άτταλάλκεμεν, οίκησης κατά Μίλλατον έράνναν πεδ' Ίαόνων, ως ευαλάκατος Θευγενις Ιν δαμότισιν πέλη, και οϊ μναστιν άει τώ φιλαοίδω παρέχης ξένω. κήνο γάρ τις ερει τώπος ΐδων σ' · c ή μεγάλα χάρις δώρω συν όλίγω · πάντα δε τίματα τά πάρ φίλων/
C O D D . : CH
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PAP.: $ 3 (7-fin.). Vide ctiam p. 257 TITULUS: Άλακάτα παιδικά αίολικά CD om. Η Hie et in Id. 29, sicubi ab uno vel altero codice servatur dialectus, depravationes plerumque neglexi; prosodiam et aspirationem ubique praetermisi. 3 θέρσεισ'Bergk -σοΐσ' C 2 θαρσεΐσ'D -aoia'CH | Νείλεος|. A.Hartung -εω D -εο CH 5 τυίδε Hermann τύ δέ codd. 6 ξέννον Ahrens ξεϊνον codd. | τέρφομ' D 2 -ψωμ* cett. | κάντιφιληθέω Lobel -λήσω codd. 7 Ιμεροφώνων D 2 220
I D Y L L XXVIII Distaff, friend of them that spin, grey-eyed Athena's gift to women who know the art of housewifery, attend me without fear to the splendid town of Neileus, where green amid its soft rushes lies the precinct of Cypris. Thither we sail, and ask fair passage of Zeus, that I may glad my eyes with sight of my friend and be welcomed in return—even Nicias, that sacred scion of the melodious Graces—and set thee, my gift created of wrought ivory, in the hands of his wife. With her thou wilt perfect much work for men's garments, and much for such flowing stuffs as women wear, for twice in the year for aught fair-ankled Theugenis would care might the mothers of the lambs be shorn of their soft fleeces in the pastures, so busy is she, so provident in her ways. I would not give thee into the home of any weak or idle wife, for of my own country thou comest and thy native town is that which Archias of Ephyra founded of old, the very marrow of the Trinacrian isle, whose citizens are of high renown. Now, in the home of one who is skilled in the use of many a drug potent to avert grievous maladies from men, thou shalt dwell with Ionian folk in fair Miletus, that Theugenis may be famed for her distaff among its housewives and that thou mayest ever recall to her her poet-friend. For seeing thee someone will say, 'Truly great love goes with a little gift, and all that comes from friends is precious.' -φόνων cett. 8 ττολυμέχθω CH 9 Νικιάας είς Ahrens -ιέας είς Iunt.Cal. Νικία άσεις codd. ΙΟ εκτέλεσης scripsi -εις codd. 12 δεις $ 3 13 τταιξεντ ip3 | αυτοέτει ^ 3 C D -έντει Η | y* Iunt.Cal. om. codd. 15 άκίρρας CH | ταε[ργω $$-\ έβολλόμαν ed. Commelin. -λλάμαν codd. 16 δπασσαι Ahrens δτπτ- CD ότπτάσασαι C 2 H 17 τοι Ahrens τι C σοι H D σε $ 3 | αν ώξ Εφύρας lunt. ανώξε φύρας codd. | κτίσσε C 2 D κτίσας CH 18 νασ]ου ^ 3 20 νούσοις CH 21 οίκησης scripsi -εις 19 εχου[σ ^ 3 u t vid. έχεις CH codd. Ι ττεδ' Ahrens μετ* codd. 23 τταρέχης D -χοισα CH 24 κήνο Ahrens κείνο codd. | τώττος ΐδων Wordsworth τώ ττοσείδων CH -σιδω D | σ* om. D 25 φίλω Η 227
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CODD.: K[D] CH (i-8) Port. (25-fin.: quos versus Casaubonus in notis ad Diog. Lacrt. exscripsit e codice Francisci Porti Cretensis. Ncglexit Gallavottius) PAP.: # 3 (1-8, 20-fin.) TITULUS: Παιδικά Αιολικά CH Παιδ[ $ 3 ΕΙδύλλιον Ιρώντος, et super scholiis παιδικά Δωριστί, ol δέ ΑΙολιστί Κ 2 κάμμε Brunck -μες codd. 3 Kayco Hoffmann κήγά> codd. 4 °ν* ο Λ α 5 Aincis ούχ δλας Κ άκόλας CH | φιλέην Hoffmann -έειν codd. | άπύ Hoffmann από codd. 5 τ ο Κ τύ CH | αΐμισυ $ 3 Hoffmann άμ- codd. | joias D2 228
IDYLL XXIX 'Wine and truth, dear lad', the saying goes, and in our cups we too must speak truth. And I shall tell thee what lies in the recesses of my mind: thou wilt not love me with all thy heart. I see it; for half my life is mine by reason of thy beauty, the rest is lost; and when thou wilt, the day I pass is that of the Blessed, but when thou wilt not, it is dark indeed. How can this be right, to plunge in troubles one that loves thee? Nay, thou art young and I thy elder: hearken then to me and thou shalt profit thereby thyself and thank me for it. Make thee thy single nest in a single tree whither no wild creeping thing can come. Now on one bough thou lodgest to-day, to-morrow on another, and from the one lookest ever for a new; and whoso sees and praises thy fair face, for him thou makest thyself forthwith a friend of three years' standing, while him that loved thee first thou settest among thy threeday friends. [Thou art too fickle, and shouldst cling ever to thy like.] If so thou dost thou shalt be of fair repute in the town and Love shall not deal hardly with thee—Love that lightly tames the hearts of men, and has robbed me, that once was iron, of all my strength. Nay, by thy soft lips, I bid Iunt.Cal. 3caias cett. 6 δέ $ 3 K om. CH 7 θέλης * 3 Κ θέλεις CH 8 δτα Bergk δκα codd. | σν Wilamowitz τύ codd. 9 oviais HofFmann άν- KC Ι δίδων C 2 D 2 δίδω* Κ ί ο αϊ Bergk ει KC | μοί τι C τί μοι Κ | πίθοιο Iunt.Cal. ττείθ- codd. II κε Hermann κεν lunt. και codd. | OUTCOS C 12 ττόησαι Gallavotti ποίησαι C Iunt.Cal. -σον Κ | ένν Wilamowitz είν codd. 13 δτπτυι Wilamowitz δππη C δπη Κ 14 f^OIS C -εις Κ 15 άτέρω δ* άτερον HofFmann έτ-, ετ- codd. | μάθης C ιό μέν Brunck κέν codd. μήν Cal. 18 φίλεντα HofFmann -εΰντα codd. | τρίτατον Κ | έθήκαο Camerarius -κας codd. 19 δοκέης scripsi -εεις codd. | ττνέην HofFmann ττνέειν C ττνείειν Κ 20 as lunt. als C cos Κ | 30ns C 2 3cons Κ τρόη5 C | Ομοιον D 2 δμ- C Ομιον Κ Ι εχην C 2 εχειν cett. 21 ακονσαι ^ 3 23 ύτταδάμναται HofF mann υποδάμναται $$ Κ -νεται C 24 κάμε HofFmann κήμέ codd. | μόλθακον Gallavotti μαλ- codd. | σιδαρίω φ$ Ahrens -ίου C -ιον Κ 229
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α λ λ ά πέρρ ά π ά λ ω στυματός σε πεδέρχομαι όμνάσθην δτι πέρρυσιν ήσθα νεώτερος, κώτι γηράλεοι πέλομεν πριν ά π υ π τ υ σ α ι και (5>ύσσοι, νεότατα δ5 εχην π α λ ι ν ά γ ρ ε τ ο ν ουκ εστί· πτέρυγας y a p έπωμαδίαις φόρει, κάμμες βαρδύτεροι τ ά ποτήμενα συλλαβή ν. τ α ϋ τ α χ ρ ή σε νόεντα πέλην ποτιμώτερον καί μοι τώραμένω συνέραν ά δ ο λ ο ς σέθεν, δ π π ω ς , άνικα τ ά ν γένυν άνδρεΐαν εχης, άλλάλοισι πελώμεθ' 'Αχίλλειοι φίλοι. at δε τ α ύ τ α φέρην άνέμοισιν έπιτρέπης* εν θ υ μ ω δε λ έ γ η ς € τί με, δαιμόνι 3 , έ ν ν ό χ λ η ς ; ' ν υ ν μέν κ ά π ι τ ά χ ρ ύ σ ι α μαλ 5 ένεκεν σέθεν β α ί η ν και φ ύ λ α κ ο ν νεκύοον π ε δ ά Κέρβερον, τ ό τ α δ* ουδέ κάλεντος έ π ' αυλεΐαις θύραις προμόλοιμί κε, παυσάμενος χαλέπω πόθω.
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XXIX. ΠΑΙΔΙΚΑ <α'>
thee call to mind that thou wast younger a twelvemonth since, and ere a man can spit we grow old and wrinkled. Youth once gone is past recovery, for on its shoulders it wears wings, and we are slow to capture things which fly. These thoughts should make thee kinder and teach thee to return my love which is without guile, that when the beard of manhood covers thy cheeks we may be to one another as Achilles and his friend. But if thou cast my words upon the winds to bear away and say in thy heart, * Nay, Sir, why must thou vex me ? \ though now for thy sake I would even go seek the golden apples or fetch Cerberus who wards the dead, then would my heavy longing be stayed nor would I even come to the house-door shouldest thou call me. codd. | Ιχης C Port. έχει* ψ3 Κ 34 άλλάλοισι Port, άλλήλ- cett. | 'Αχίλλειοι Schaefer -ιλήιοι codd. 35 ταύτα D* ταυτά ye cett. | φέρην Brunck -ρειν codd. | έτπτρέτττ)* Wilamowitz -τρέπει* ^3 Port, -τρόποι* Κ έττΐ τρόττι* C 36 έννόχλης Bergk ένό- C ενοχλεί* $3 (?) Κ 37 νυν KC val Port. | μέν C μέν δή Κ | κάττΐ τα Hoffmann κήττΐ τα Port, κήπειτα KC | χρύσια Hoffmann 3 -σεα codd. 38 ττέδα D Port. τταΐδα ψ 3 cett. 39 τότα Bergk τόκα codd. Ι κάλεντο* Hoffmann -ευντο* codd. | αυλια[ φ$ 40 προμήλοιμι C | πόθω Κ Port, μοννω C
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COD.: C Ε cod. quodam Athoo I. Lascaris titulum et tria prima verba descripsit. PAP.: $ 3 (1-6, 20-fin.) TITULUS: Παιδικά ΑΙολικά $ 3 C Παιδικά^Συρακούσια Ath. Ι ώαι Ath. και C 2 παΐδος $ 3 ( ? ) Bergk παΐδα C | ερος $*3 H. Fritzsche fpcos C Ι με Bergk om. C 3 ποδΙ Buecheler παιδί C | περρέχει Ahrens περιέχει C 4 hie ponunt ψ3 Th. Fritzsche post 5 C | παραυαις ? 3 Bergk -aOXais C | μειδίαι Bergk -ίαμα C 5 όνίησί με scripsi ού C 7 λεπτά μελιφρυγων C corr. Bergk 8 προσίδην Hoffmann ποτίδην C 9 κραδίας ώρος Bergk καρδία σωρός C 10 καΐνον έν ήπατι Kraushaar και τό C II είσκαλέσοας Hoffmann -σας p | έμαύτω Bergk -του C | διελεξάμαν Bergk διέλυξε C 12 δήτ' άντε πόης Kraushaar δή ταύτ' έπόης C | ϋσσεται 232
I D Y L L XXX Alack for this grievous and ill-starred sickness of mine! For two months now a quartan passion has held me for a lad no more than passing fair; yet clad he is with charm from head to foot, and sweet the smile upon his cheek. Till now some days the plague lies heavy on me, and other days abates, but soon no respite will there be—not even enough to compass sleep, for yesterday as he passed he gave me a quick glance from between his eyelids, too shy to look me in the face, and blushed. And love laid tighter grip upon my heart, and home I went fresh-wounded to the quick. And summoning my soul long converse held I with myself: 'What is this thou art at again? When will this folly cease? Hast thou forgotten that thou wearest white hairs upon thy temples ? The season for sense has come. No longer young in looks, thou must not act as those whose foot is new-set on the threshold of the years. Ay, and this too hast thou forgotten: better it is for him who is older to hold aloof from the painful love of lads. For one, life speeds on the hoof of the swift deer; to-morrow he will cast loose his tackle and set forth to sail another course, and the flower of his sweet prime abides among his peers. But the lover is a prey to memories, and desire feeds even on Bergk εσεται C 13 λεύκας Hoffmann -KOCS C | ονκέτ' ΐσαισβ* scripsi (ουκέτ* ϊσησθ' Schwabe) ουκ έπίσθησθ* C | δττι φόρης Bergk δτι φόροις C | τρίχας Th. Fritzsche τρία C 14 φρονέην Hoffmann -εσιν C(?) | ούτι νέος Bergk . . . ινέος C | πέλων Ahrens -λη C 15 άρτι Bergk άρτια C ιό άλλο σε λάθει το Ahrens δ* άρ* fjs Bergk άλλος έλάθειτο 5' άρης C 17 ξέννον Ahrens ξεϊνον C | ερώτων Η. Fritzsche προγενέστερο ν Wilamowitz (-pco Bergk) εραν C ΐ8 έρπει Bergk ερπερω C | yowois Buecheler yovois C | θοας Bergk θοαΐς C 19 χαλάσει Ahrens δλάσει C | άτέρα Hoffmann έτ- C | άρμενα Ahrens άμέραν C 20 το δ* Wilamowitz τω δ[ £ 3 ούδ* C | ύμαλίκων Bergk Ιμαλικώ C 21 μυελόν Bergk μιελόν C
233
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όμμιμνασκομένω, πόλλα δ' δραι νυκτός ενύπνια, παύσασθαι δ' ένίαυτος χαλέττας ουκ ΐ<κανος νόσω).' ταύτα κάτερα πόλλα ττρός εμον θϋμον έμεμψάμαν * δ δε τοΟτ' εφατ* · 'δττις δόκιμοι τον δολομάχανον νικάσην Έρον, ούτος δόκιμοι τοις υπέρ άμμέων ευρην βραϊδίως αστέρας ότητόσσακιν εννέα, καΐ νυν, εΐτ' έθέλω, χρή με μάκρον σχόντα τον άμφενα ελκην τον ^ύγον, εΐτ* ουκ έθέλω* ταύτα yap, ώγαθε, βάλλεται θέος os καΐ Δίος έσφαλε μέγαν νόον καυτας Κυπρογενήας* εμε μάν, φυλλον έπάμερον σμίκρας δεύμενον αύρας, όνέλων ώκα φόρει <ττνόα)/
22 δραι Lobel δρη C 23 χαλεττας ουκ ικανός νόσω Bergk ού (deletum) χαλεπαΐ οΟχΙ (κ supra χ add.) C 24 κάτερα Η. Fritzsche χά- C | προς Hoffmann ποτ· C 25 τοΟτ* C ταυ[ $$ | 2φατ' δττις δοκίμοι Bergk 2φτ* δτις δοκεϊ μοι C 26 νικασην $$ -σειν C | δοκίμοι τοις υπέρ άμμέων Bergk δοκεϊ μοι τας υπέρ αμμ' C 27 εΟρην Ϊ 3 H. Fritzsche -ρεϊν C | βραιδίως Bergk βραδ- C Ι όπττοσσάκιν §ννεα Buecheler όπττοσάκινν
234
XXX. ΠΑΙΔΙΚΑ <β'>
his inmost marrow: many are the dreams that beset him by night, nor is a year's space long enough for him to rid him of his heavy sickness.' Such plaints and many more I laid before my spirit, which thereto made answer, 'Whoso thinks to vanquish crafty Love thinks to find readily how many times nine in number are the stars overhead. And now, whether I choose or no, I must stretch forth my neck to all its length and drag my yoke, for such, friend, is the will of that god who brought low the great mind of Zeus and of the Cyprian-born herself. Me with a breath he lifts and swiftly bears away, like a leaf that lives but for a day and is the sport of lightest airs.' ινν εννέα C 28 σχόντα Ahrens έχοντα C 29 2λκην Hoffmann -κειν C -KOV $ 3 Ι ώγα6ε Th. Fritzsche ώ γα θέος C 30 βόλλεται ψ ι Hoffmann βούλεται C 31 κούτας C και τας 5 3 | φύλλον Th. Fritzsche φίλο ν C 32 δεΟμενον Bergk δευόμ- C | όνέλων Ahrens ό μέλλων C | ώκα Ahrens αίκα C | ττνόα suppl. Legrand.
235
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΑΠΟΣΠΑΣΜΑΤΑ Ι Eustathius p. 620.29: αδελφή δε έστιν "Αρεως ή "Ηβη, ως και Θεόκριτος μυθολογεΐ. II Etymologicum Magnum p. 290.52 s.v. δυσί: και αυτό δε το δύο εύρηται κλινόμενον. και παρά το δυο δυσιν άντιφέρεσθαι, ως παρά Θεοκρίτω. III Athenaeus vii ρ. 284Α: Θεόκριτος δ* ό Συρακόσιος εν τη έπιγραφομένη Βερενίκη τον λευκον όνομα30μενον ίχθυν ιερόν καλεί διά τούτων
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III And if a man whose livelihood is from the sea, whose nets are his ploughs, sacrifice to this goddess at nightfall the holy fish which men call Leukos, for it is holy beyond all other fish, and pray for luck in his fishing and for wealth, then might he set out his nets and draw them from the water filled.
239
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ Ι
5
Τά φόδα τά δροσόεντα και α κατάπυκνος εκείνα ερττυλλος κείται ταΐς Έλικωνιάσιν ται δε μελάμφυλλοι δάφναι τίν, Πύθιε Παιάν, Δελφις έπεί πέτρα τοΟτό τοι άγλάισεν · βωμόν δ' αιμάξει κεραός τράγος ούτος ό μαλός τερμίνθου τρώγων εσχατον άκρεμόνα. II Δάφνις ό λευκόχρως, ό καλά σύριγγι μελίσδων βουκολικούς ύμνους, άνθετο Πανί τάδε, τους τρητούς δόνακας, το λαγωβόλον, όξύν άκοντα, νεβρίδα, τάν πήραν φ ποκ* έμαλοφόρει. III
5
Εύδεις φυλλοστρώτι πέδω, Δάφνι, σώμα κεκμακός άμπαύων, στάλικες δ' άρτιπα/εΐς άν* όρη · άγρεύει δε τυ Πάν καΐ ό τον κροκόεντα Πρίηπος κισσόν έφ* ίμερτώ κρατί καθαπτόμενος, άντρον εσω στείχοντες όμόρροθοι. άλλα τύ φεύγε, φεύγε μεθεις ύπνου κώμα j-καταγρόμενον. IV Τήναν τάν λαύραν τόθι ται δρύες, αίττόλε, κάμψας σύκινον εύρήσεις άρτιγλυφές ξόανον άσκελές αύτόφλοιον άνούατον, άλλα φάλητι παιδογόνω δυνατόν Κύττριδος έργα τελεΐν.
CODD.: Anth. ( = Anthologia Palatina) K CD lunt. Cal. ( = Π Wilamowitz Ut a K derivatos neglexit Gallavottius) Ι (Λ.Ρ. 6. 336) ι ά Anth. ή cett. 2 Ιρπυλλος Anth. D 2 Cal. -uXos KC 4 έττεί lunt.Cal. έττι cett. | πέτραι Anth. | τοι Anth. D 2 in ras. lunt.Cal. ol 5 ό μαλος Anth. ομαλός C lunt.Cal. ό μανός KD 240
EPIGRAMS I The dew-drenched roses, and yonder clump of thyme, are for the goddesses of Helicon, but for thee, Pythian Healer, the dark-leaved bays; for with them the Delphian cliff is thickly clad. The white, horned he-goat here that nibbles the endmost spray of the terebinth shall crimson the altar with his blood. II Daphnis, the white of skin, who plays pastoral melodies on his fair pipes, has dedicated these gifts to Pan—his pierced reeds, his thro wing-stick, a sharp javelin, a fawn-skin, and the wallet wherein he was wont to carry apples. Ill Thou sleepest, Daphnis, on the leaf-strewn ground, resting thy wearied limbs, and thy stakes are lately set up on the hills; but Pan is on thy track, and Priapus, fastening the golden ivy on his comely brow. With like intent they come into thy cave. Nay fly; cast off the oblivion of sleep and fly. IV Follow yonder lane by the oaktrces, goatherd, and thou wilt find a new-carved image of figwood; the bark is still on it, and it has neither legs nor ears but is equipped with procreant member to do the works of Cypris. A sacred precinct II (A.P. 6.177) όξυν om. K D '
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σακός δ' εύίερος περιδέδρομεν, άέναον δέ ρεΐθρον ά π ό σττιλάδων πάντοσε τηλεθάει δάφναις και μύρτοισι και εύώδει κυπαρίσσω, ένθα πέριξ κέχυται βοτρυόπαις ελικι άμπελος, ειαρινοί δέ λιγυφθόγγοισιν άοιδαΐς κόσσυφοι άχεΰσιν ποικιλότραυλα μέλη. ξουθαί δ5 άδονίδες μινυρίσμασιν άνταχευσι μέλπουσαι στόμασιν τάν μελίγαρυν δττα. ε^εο δη τηνεί και τ ω χαρίεντι Πριήποο ευχε5 άποστέρξαι τους Δάφνιδός με πόθους, κευθυς έπιρρέξειν χίμαρον καλόν, ην δ5 άνανεύση, τοΰδε τυχών έθέλω τρισσά θύη τελέσαι · ρέξω y a p δαμάλαν, λάσιον τράγον, άρνα τον ϊσχοο σακίταν. άίοι δ' εύμενέως ό θεός. V
5
Λής ποτι ταν Νυμφαν διδυμοις αύλοΐσιν άεΐσαι άδύ τι μοι; κήγά> πακτίδ' άειράμενος άρξεΰμαί τι κρέκειν, ό δέ βουκόλος άμμιγα θέλξει Δάφνις κηροδέτω πνεύματι μελπόμενος. εγγύς δέ στάντες λασίας δρυός άντρου όπισθεν Γίανα τον αιγιβάταν όρφανίσωμες ύπνου. VI Τ
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Α δείλαιε τυ Θύρσι, τί το πλέον ει κατατάξεις δάκρυσι διγλήνους ώπας όδυρόμενος; οΐχεται ά χίμαρος, το καλόν τέκος, οϊχετ' ες "Αιδαν τραχύς γ ά ρ χαλαις άμφεπίαξε λύκος. αι δέ κυνες κλαγγεΰντι · τί το πλέον, άνίκα τήνας όστίον ουδέ τέφρα λείπεται οίχομένας;
5 σακός KD Cal. καττος C lunt.Cal. ν.Ι. ερκος Anth. | δ* ευίερος KCD Ca.. δ' ευθ* Ιερόν Anth. δέ σκιερός hint. | άέναον Anth. lunt.Cal. άένναον, -ος cctt. 7 κυτταρίττω KCD II δ' Anth. om. cett. | άδονίδες Mcincke άηδ- codd. | άνταχευσι Scaliger άντιαχ- codd. 12 μέλττουσι Anth. | μελ(γηρυν Anth. 242
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
surrounds it, and a spring that flows perennial from the rocks is thick-set about with bays and myrtles and aromatic cypress. Around the spot a vine spreads its tendrils and bears its clusters, and in the springtime blackbirds pour forth their gaily-fluted notes in clear-voiced minstrelsy, and tuneful nightingales raise their honeyed voices and warble in reply. There take thy seat and make petition to gracious Priapus that I may lose my longing for Daphnis, promising him thereon a fair kid for sacrifice. But if he consent not, then, if I win my love, three offerings will I make; for I will slay a heifer, and a shaggy he-goat, and a stall-fed lamb I have. And may the god give gracious ear to thee. V Wilt thou, by the Nymphs, make me sweet music on the double pipes, and I will lift my lyre and strike up with thee, while Daphnis, the neatherd, joins in and charms us with the breath of his wax-bedded reeds? Let us stand by the leafy oak behind the cave and rob Pan, the she-goats' mate, of his sleep. VI Ah, luckless Thyrsis, where is the profit to waste thy two eyes with weeping ? Gone is thy kid, the pretty nursling, gone to Hades; for a cruel wolf gripped her in its jaws. Thy dogs are barking, but where the profit now she is gone and neither bone nor ash of her is left? lunt.Cal. 13 Πριήττω lunt.Cal. Πριάττω cett. 14 ενχου άττοστρέψαι Anth. 15 άττορρέξαι χ. καλάν Anth. | άνανεύοι Anth. άρα νεύστ) D 17 τ* άρνσ Anth. 18 νεύοι Anth. V (Α.Ρ. 9-433) Ι Μοισαν Anth. 2 κήγών lunt.Cal. κάγώ(ν) KCD | άειρόμενος Anth. 3 ταξεΟμσι Anth. | ίγγύΰεν άσεΐ Anth. 5 λασιαύχενος έγγύθεν άντρου Anth. 6 όρφανίσωμεν lunt.Cal. -σομες Anth. VI {Α.Ρ. 9-432) Ι δ δείλαιε Anth. D 2 lunt.Cal. δειλέ Κ post spatium ώ δ. D Ι τί Τ01 Anth. | εΐ καταξείς KC 2 διγλήνως Anth. 4 χαλδς KCD | άμφί πίαξε Anth. 5 καλεϋντι τί τοι Anth. 6 όστέον C lunt.Cal. | λείττεται οίχομένας lunt.Cal. -η$ KCD λείπετ* άττοιχομένας Anth.
243
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
VII Νήττιον υίόν έλειπες, εν άλικία δε και αυτός, Εύρυμεδον, τύμβου τοΰδε θανών έτυχες, σοι μεν έδρα θείοισι μετ* άνδράσι · τον δε ττολϊται τιμασεΰντι πατρός μνώμενοι ώς αγαθού. VIII Τ
Ηλθε και ες Μίλητον ό του Παιήονος υιός, ίητήρι νόσων άνδρι συνοισόμενος
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Ήετίοονι χάριν γλαφυρας χερός άκρον Οποστάς μισθόν δ δ' εις έργον πασαν άφήκε τέχνην.
IX Ξεΐνε, Συρακόσιός τοι άνήρ τόδ' έφίεται Ό ρ θ ω ν χειμερίας μεθυων μηδαμά νυκτός ΐοις. και γ ά ρ εγώ τοιούτον εχω πότμον, άντι δε πολλας πατρίδος όθνείαν κεΐμαι έφεσσάμενος.
Χ Ύμΐν τοΰτο, θεαί, κεχαρισμένον εννέα ττάσαις τώΥαλμα 5ενοκλής Θήκε το μαρμάρινον, μουσικός* ουχ έτέροος τις έρεΐ. σοφίτ) δ5 εττι τηδε αΐνον εχοον Μουσέων ουκ έπιλανθότνεται. VII (Α.Ρ. 7-659) * *ν ήλικίη Anth. εναλίγκια Κ 3 2δρη θ. παρ' ά. Anth. 4 τιμησεϋντι Anth.
2 Εύρύμελον KD
VIII {Α.Ρ. 6.337) Ι ήνθε D | Μίλατον ό τώι Anth. 2 συνεσσόμενος hint. Cal. 3 &ΜαΡ Anth. 5 Άετίωνι D r 6 τέχναν Anth.
244
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
VII The son thou hast left is a babe, and thou thyself, Eurymedon, hast found this tomb, dead in thy prime. Thy place is now among the Blessed, but him thy fellow-citizens will honour, recalling his noble sire. VIII To Miletus too the Healer's son has come to consort with one that cures maladies, even with Nicias, who ever day by day makes supplication to him with burnt offerings and caused to be carved this figure of fragrant cedar-wood. By reason of his polished craftsmanship he promised Eetion high recompense, and Eetion lavished all his skill upon the work. IX Stranger, a Syracusan, Orthon, lays this behest upon thee: when in thy cups go not abroad at all on stormy nights. Hence my own fate, and in place of my great country I lie here clad in a robe of foreign soil. X This monument of marble, goddesses nine, Xenocles set up to please you one and all; for he is a musician, as none will deny, and having won renown for this accomplishment forgets not the Muses. IX (Λ.Ρ. 7.660) Ι Συρηκόσιος Iunt.Cal. | τοι Anth. Iunt.Cal. έφίετο KD 2 χειμερίας Anth. -ίης cett. -105 Paris. 2721 Anth. Ι πολλής Anth. 4 όθνείην C D Iunt.Cal. -είων KD 2 X (A.P. 6.338) Ι εννέα KCD Iunt.Cal. άνθετο Anth. Iunt.Cal. τούτο Anth. 3 σοφία 5* έτη τςίδε Anth. Μουσάων KD 245
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ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
XI
5
Ευσθένεος το μνήμα* φυσιγνώμων f ό σοφιστής δεινός cm* οφθαλμού και το νόημα μαθεΐν. ευ μιν έθαψαν εταίροι έπι ξείνης ξένον όντα, χύμνοθέτης αυτοις δαιμονίως φίλος ήν. πάντων ών έπέοικε λάχεν τεθνεώς ό σοφιστής * καίττερ άκικυς έών εΐχ' άρα κηδεμόνας. XII Δαμομένης ό χοραγός, ό τον τρίποδ 5 , ώ Διόνυσε, και σέ τον άδιστον θεών μακάρων άναθείς, μέτριος ήν εν πασι, χορώ δ' έκτάσατο νίκαν ανδρών, και το καλόν και το προσήκον όρων. XIII C
5
A Κυττρις ου ττάνδαμος. ιλάσκεο τάν Θεόν ειπών ουρανίαν, άγνας άνθεμα Χρυσογόνας οίκω εν Άμφικλέους, ώ και τέκνα και βίον είχε ξυνόν # άει δε σφιν λώιον εις έτος ήν εκ σέθεν άρχομένοις, ώ πότνια* κηδόμενοι γ α ρ αθανάτων αυτοί ττλεΐον εχουσι βροτοί. XIV Άστοΐς και ξείνοισιν ίσον νέμει ήδε τράπεζα* θεις άνελεΰ ψήφου ττρός λόγον έλκομένης. άλλος τις πρόφασιν λεγέτω· τ ά δ3 όθνεΐα Κάικος χρήματα και νυκτός βουλομένοις αριθμεί.
X I (Α.Ρ. 7.661) ι μναμα lunt.Cal. 3 έγραψαν KC 4 χύμνοθέτης lunt. Cal. -τας Anth. χώμνοθέτης KCD | αυτής KC | δαιμονίως C D 2 in ras. lunt.Cal. -ίοις Anth. άλίμων ώς Κ | ή ν KCD lunt. ής Cal. ών Anth. 5 έττέοικε λάχεν Legrand έπέοικεν έχει codd. | τεθναώς D 2 lunt.Cal. XII (Α,Ρ. 6.339) Ι Δαμομένης Anth. KC 2 D -μέλης Cal. -τέλης lunt. -γένης C Δημομέλης D a -μέδων Anth. lemma | χοραγός Anth. -ηγός cett. 246
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
XI This is the grave of Eusthenes, a physiognomer skilled to discern the character from the eye. His friends have given him proper burial, a foreigner in a foreign land; and the poet was much their friend. In death the Master had all that was fitting, and though he was helpless helpers were at hand. XII Damomenes, the choir-master, who has dedicated this tripod and this figure of the most gracious of the blessed gods, even of thyself, Dionysus, was wise in all his ways, and hence, looking to what was beautiful and seemly, he won the victory with his chorus of men. XIII This is not Cypris of the Populace. When thou prayest to the goddess name her the Celestial, set here by chaste Chrysogona in the house of Amphicles, whose children and whose Hfe she shared. And since with thee, Lady, they made beginning, they prospered ever more from year to year, for humans that care for the Immortals fare themselves the better. XIV This bank serves native and foreigner alike. Deposit, and then withdraw according to the reckoning when an account is made up. Others may make excuses, but Caicus, at need, transacts foreign business even after dark. 2 άδιστον Anth. ήδ- Anth. 2 cett. codd. Ι νίκαν KCD -κην cett.
3 τταισί Cal. | έκτάσατο Gallavotti
έκτήσ-
ΧΙΠ (A.P. 6.340) Ι ή . . .πάνδημος., .την KCD lunt.Cal. | Ιλάσκετο KCD3 2 ουρανίην KCD Cal. | άνβεα Κ 3 Άμφιλέους Anth. | έσχε Anth. Iunt. XTV (A.P. 9.435) om. lunt.Cal. ι άδε Anth. έλκομένης K 2 CD ερχόμενης Κ άρχ- Anth.
247
2 άνελεΟ Anth.
-λοΰ cett. |
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
XV Γνώσομαι ει τι νέμεις άγαθοϊς πλέον ή και ό δειλός εκ σέθεν ωσαύτως ίσον, όδοιπόρ', έχει. 'χαιρετώ ούτος ό τύμβος', έρεΐς, 'έπει Εύρυμέδοντος κείται της ιερής κουφός υπέρ κεφαλής/ XVI Ή παις ωχετ άωρος εν έβδόμω ήδ 5 ένιαυτω εις Άίδην πολλής ήλικίης πρότερη, δειλαίη, ποθέουσα τον είκοσάμηνον άδελφόν, νήπιον άστοργου γευσάμενον θανάτου. αίαΐ έλεινά παθοΰσα Περιστερή, ως εν έτοίμω άνθρώποις δαίμων θήκε τ ά λυγρότατα. 5
5
5
5
XVII Θάσαι τον ανδριάντα τούτον, ώ ξένε, σπουδα, και λέγ 3 έπήν ες οίκον ενθης* c 'Ανακρέοντος εικόν' είδον εν Τέω των πρόσθ' ει τι περισσόν ω δ ο π ο ι ώ ν / προσθείς δε χώτι τοις νέοισιν άδετο, έρεΐς άτρεκέως όλον τον άνδρα. XVIII "Α τε φωνά Δώριος χώνήρ ό τάν κωμωδίαν ευρών Επίχαρμος, ώ Βάκχε, χάλκεόν νιν άντ' άλαθινοΰ τιν ώ δ ' άνέθηκαν τοί Συρακούσσαις ένίδρυνται, πελωρίστα πόλει, οΓ άνδρα πολίταν.
X V (Α.Ρ. 7.658)
Ι νέμει5 CD 2 lunt.Cal.
νέμοις cett.
2 έχεις KD 1
1
X V I (Α.Ρ. 7.662) om. lunt.Cal. 2 πολλήσιν KD πολιής Planud. 3 ττοθέοισα KD 5 έλεινά Ahrcns ελεεινά KCD λυγρά Anth. | τταθοίσα KD | Πε ριστέρι Planud. 6 δεινότατα Anth. X V n (Α.Ρ. 9-599)
2 σττουδαϊε KCD 1 1 έττήν D 2 248
έπάν cett. | είς Κ | ελθης D Iunt.
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
XV Now, wayfarer, I shall learn whether thou honourest good men and true, or whether one who is base has like measure too from thee. Thou wilt say, 'A blessing on this tomb, for light it lies over the hallowed head of Eurymedon'. XVI This maiden went to Hades ere her time, in her seventh year when life was scarce begun: poor child, she sorrowed for her brother who tasted the cruelty of death, an infant of twenty months. Ah, hapless Peristere, how near at hand for mortals has God set grievous trouble. XVII Look well upon this statue, stranger, and when thou art come home again say Ί saw in Teos the likeness of Anacreon, pre-eminent among the singers of old'. Add that young men were his delight, and thou wilt describe the whole man exactly. XVIII Dorian is the speech and Dorian too the man—Epicharmus the inventor of Comedy. In thy honour, Bacchus, since he was their fellow-townsman, the folk that dwell in the splendid city of Syracuse have set him here, in bronze, not flesh and 4 ττροσβέντι Anth. | περισσών KD 1 | ώδοποιου Anth. και τοις Anth. | νέοις KD 1 | ήδετο Anth.
5 τοις K C D lunt.Cal.
X V I I I (A.P. 9.600) 5 TOI K C D 01 Anth. τον lunt.Cal. | Συρακούσαις K C D -κόσσαις lunt.Cal. | ττελωρις τη K C D 1 6 οϊ' K C D lunt.Cal. δσσ* Anth. | άνδρα Wordsworth -pi codd. | ττολίταν Wordsworth -τα Anth. Cal. -ται cctt. 249
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
σοφών εοικε ρημάτων μεμναμένους τελεΐν έπίχειρα· πολλά γ α ρ ποττάν ^όαν τοις παισίν είπε χρήσιμα, ίο
μεγάλα χάρις αύτω. XIX Ό μουσοποιός ένθάδ' Ί π π ώ ν α ξ κείται, ει μεν πονηρός, μή προσέρχευ τ ω τύμβω* ει δ5 έσσί κρήγυός τε και παρά χρηστών, βαρσέων καθί^ευ, κήν θέλης άπόβριξον. XX Ό μικκός τόδ* ετευξε τ α Θραΐσσα Μήδειος το μνάμ' έπι τ α όδώ κήπέγραψε Κλείτας. εξει τάν χάριν ά γυνά άντι τήνων ών τον κώρον έθρεψε* τί μάν; έτι χρήσιμα καλείται. XXI Άρχίλοχον και στάθι και εΐσιδε τον πάλαι ποιητάν τον τών ιάμβων, ου το μυρίον κλέος διήλθε κήπι νύκτα και π ο τ ' άώ. ή ρά νιν αί Μοϊσαι και ό Δάλιος ήγάπευν Απόλλων,
5
ως εμμελής τ 5 έγένετο κήπιδέξιος έπεά τε ποιεΐν προς λύραν τ ' άείδειν.
7 σοφών εοικε Kaibel σωρόν είχε Anth. σωρόν γάρ είχε cett. | χρη μάτων KCD Cal. χρημένων Iunt. | μεμναμένοι? Iunt.Cal. 9 πάσιν Anth. ΙΟ μεγάλη KCD X I X (Λ.Ρ. 13.3) o m · Cal. 2 κεί D | μή προσέρχευ Ahrcns μή προσέρχου KD Iunt. μήποτ* ερχευ Anth. μήποτ* εχου C 3 Χ Ρ η σ τ ω Anth. C 1 1 4 καθί^ου KCD | ην KD X X (Λ.Ρ. 7-663)
Ι θρά.σσαι Anth.
θρεΐσσα Iunt.Cal.
250
2 Μήδειο* Anth.
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
blood. Fitting it is that they who recall his words of wisdom should recompense him, for many precepts serviceable for the ordering of their lives did he utter to the young. Much thanks to him therefore. XIX Here lies the poet Hipponax; so if you are a knave, do not come near the tomb. But if you are honest and come of decent folk, sit down without hesitation, and, if you like, take a nap. XX Little Medeius built by the wayside this memorial for his Thracian nurse, and inscribed upon it 'Here lies Cleita\ She will have her recompense for her upbringing of the lad. How so? In that she will still be called 'faithful'.
XXI Stop and look upon Archilochus, the ancient, the iambic, poet, whose infinite fame has spread from the sun's risingplace to where he sets. Certain it is the Muses and Apollo of Delos favoured him, so filled was he with music and with skill to fashion verses and to sing them to the lyre. D 1 lunt.Cal. Μνή- cett. | κήττέγραψε Anth. D 2 Cal. κάπ- lunt. κήν- KC 3 τ ή ν . , . ή KCD lunt.Cal. | γυνή lunt.Cal. yuv' KCD | άντεκείνων Anth. 4 κώρον Anth. κοΟρον cett. | έθρεψε τι μαν Anth. εθρεψ* ετι μήν cett. | χρή σιμα Anth. -μη cett. | τελεντςτ Anth. X X I (Λ.Ρ. 7-664) Ι ττοιητήν C D lunt. 3 "Π"0"1"* Anth. προς cett. 4 νιν Anth. μιν cett. | ΜοΟσαι Anth. lunt.Cal. | Δόλιος Anth. lunt.Cal. λάλιος D in ras. λάιος cett. 5 κήπιδέξιος Anth. κάπ- cett.
251
ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ
5
XXII Τον του Ζανός δδ' υμιν υίόν ώνήρ τον λεοντομάχαν, τον όξυχειρα, πράτος των έπάνωθε μουσοποιών Πείσανδρος συνέγραψεν ουκ Κάμιρου, χώσσους έξεπόνασεν εϊττ' άέθλους. τούτον δ5 αυτόν ό δάμος, ως σάφ' eiSrjs» έ'στασ' ένθάδε χάλκεον ποήσας πολλοίς μησιν όττισθε κήνιαυτοΐς.
XXIII Αυδήσει το γράμμα, τι σαμά τε και τις υπ 5 αυτόρ. Γλαυκής ειμί τάφος της ονομαζόμενης.
5
XXIV 'Αρχαία τώττόλλωνι τάναθήματα υ π ή ρ χ ε ν ή βάσις δε τοις μεν είκοσι, τοις δ' επτά, τοις δε πέντε, τοις δε δώδεκα, τοις δε διηκοσίοισι νεώτερη ήδ' ένιαυτοΐς 4 τοσσόσδ 5 αριθμός έξέβη μετρούμενος.
[XXV] ΑΙΤωΛΟΥ
5
ΑΥΤΟΜΕΔΟΝΤΟΣ
"Ανθρωπε, 3ωής περιφείδεο μηδέ παρ 5 ώρην ναυτίλος ϊσθι · και ως ου πολύς άνδρι βίος. δείλαιε Κλεόνικε, συ δ' εις λιπαρήν Θάσον έλθεΐν ήπείγευ Κοίλης έμπορος εκ Συρίης, έμπορος, ώ Κλεόνικε* δύσιν δ3 υπό Πλειάδος αυτήν ποντοπόρων αυτή Πλειάδι συγκατέδυς.
X X I I (Α.Ρ. 9-598) Ι τωϊ Znvos Anth. | ήμΤν KD 2 | άνήρ Κ lunr.Cal. 2 λειοντομάχαν Iunt.Cal. | όξύχερα KC 3 ετ' άνωθεν Anth.: cf. Id. 7-5 4 ουκ Ahrens ώ(κ) codd. 5 χώσσους Ahrens χδσσ- Anth. χώσονς cctt. 7 ττοήσας Anth. ποιή-cett. 8 μησιν Anth. D 2 μασιν CD 1 Iunt.Cal. μισινΚ XXIII (Α.Ρ. 7.262) Ignorant codd. bucolici. 252
Ι αύδήσες suprascr. ει Anth.
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
XXII This man, Pisander of Camirus, was the first of the poets of old to record for you the son of Zeus, the lion-slayer prompt of hand, and all the Labours he accomplished. And now, that you may know the poet himself, the people, many a month and year later, have made his likeness in bronze and set it here. XXIII The inscription will tell what tomb this is and who lies beneath it. I am the grave of her whom men know as Glauce. XXIV The offerings were of old Apollo's, but for these this pedestal is younger by twenty years, for these by seven, for these by five, for these by twelve, for these by two hundred; for such the figure proved on reckoning.
[XXV] Mortal, be sparing of thy life and sail not the sea out of season; brief, as it is, is the life of man. Hapless Cleonicus, trafficking from Hollow Syria thou wast eager to reach fair Thasos— trafficking, Cleonicus, and as thou wast voyaging at the very setting of the Pleiads, with the Pleiads themselves thou didst sink beneath the waves. X X I V (A.P. 9.436, ubi epigr. 14 adiunctum est.) Ignorant codd. bucolici. ι τώι ττολλωνος τάναθήματα ταύτα Anth. corr. Wilamowitz 5 τοσσόσδε y a p νιν έ. Anth. corr. Wilamowitz X X V (A.P. 7.534) Ignorant codd. bucolici. Planudes distichon primum, quod solum conservat, Thcocrito ascribit. 2 και om. Plan. 5 ύττοττληάδων Anth. corr. Graevius 6 ττοντοττόρωι ναύτηι Anth. corr. Pierson 253
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ]
[XXVI] ΑΡΤΕΜΙΔωΡΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ έτη τη αθροίσει των βουκολικών ποιημάτων
Βουκολικαί Μοϊσαι σποράδες ποκά, νΰν δ5 άμα πασαι έντι μιας μάνδρας, έντι μιας άγέλας. [XXVII] ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΥ (sc. Θεόκριτου) είς εαυτόν, ότι Θεόκριτος Συρακούσιος ήν ν
Αλλος ό Χίος, εγώ δε Θεόκριτος ός τάδ' έγραψα εις άπό των πολλών είμι Συρακοσίων, υιός Πραξαγόραο περικλειτας τε Φιλίννας* ΜοΟσαν δ' όθνείαν ούτιν3 έφελκυσάμαν. XXVI (Λ.Ρ. 9-205) In codd. bucolicis (KAEGT) in prolegomcnis traditum. Ι ΜοΟσαι Anth. 2 αγέλης codd. buc.
254
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ
[XXVI] The Bucolic Muses were once scattered, but are now all united in one fold, in one flock. [XXVII] The Chian is another, but I, Theocritus, the author of these works, am a Syracusan, one among many, the son of Praxagoras and renowned Philinna, and I have taken to myself no alien muse. X X V I I (A.P. 9.434) Habent Cal. post epigr. xxii cum lemmate θεοκρίτου είς την έαυτοΟ βίβλον: codd. bucolici (KAET) in prolegomenis cum epigr. xxvi. Ι τόδ* Anth. 2 Συρηκ- ΚΑΤ Cal. 3 περικλειτας Stadtmueller -κλειτής Anth. Cal. -κλυτής cett. | Φιλίννας Jacobs -ίννης Anth. -ivns codd. buc. 4 όθνείην codd. buc. (-ών Κ) | έφελκυσάμην codd. buc.
255
[ΘΕΟΚΡΙΤΟΥ] ΣΥΡΙΓ5
5
ίο
ΐ5
20
Ούδενός εύνάτειρα Μακροτττολέμοιο δε μάτηρ μαίας άντιπέτροιο θοόν τέκεν ιθυντήρα, ουχί Κεράσταν δν ττοτε Ορέψατο ταυροπάτωρ, αλλ5 ου ττειλιττές αίθε πάρος φρένα τέρμα σάκους, ουνομ3 "Ολον, δί^ων, os TSS μέροπος ττόθον κούρας γηρυγόνας εχε τας άνεμώδεος, 6s μοίσα λιγύ τταξεν ίοστεφάνω έλκος, άγαλμα ττόθοιο 7τυρισμαράγου, δς σβέσεν άνορέαν ισαυδέα τταπποφόνου Tupias τ 5 έ(ξήλασεν). ω τόδε τυφλοφόρων έρατόν ττήμα Πάρις θέτο Σιμιχίδα5Φ ψυχάν ά, βροτοβάμων, στήτα5 οίστρε Σαέττας, κλωττοττάτωρ, άπάτωρ, λαρνακόγυιε, χαρεΐ5, άδυ μελίσδο^ ελλοττι κούρα, καλλιόπα νηλεύστω.
CODD.: Anth. ( = Anthologia Palatina 15.21) Buc. ( = codices bucolici EMPUXTr hint. Cal. accedentibus Ambros. 121 (B99 sup.) et Laurent. Ashburn. 1174 (FZ Wilamowitzii et Gallavottii)) TITULUS: ΣΟριγξ Anth. Buc. 1 Praefigunt Buc. σΟριγξ ούνομ* έχεις, άδει δε σε μέτρα σοφίης | μάτερ Buc. 2 άντιπάτροιο Buc. | τέκες Buc. 4 άλλ' άττέλ(ε)ιτΓε$ ou Buc. 5 δί^ων Ε Ambr. 121 Cal. δί^ωον cett. 6 εχε Anth. άθε Buc. | άνεμώκεος Anth. 8 m/ρισφαράγου Buc. ΙΟ τ* έξήλασεν Haeberlin τε Anth. τ' άφείλετο Buc. 12 πήμα (suprascr. α) Anth. τταμα Buc. 13 & Hecker άει Anth. ώ Buc. 14 δέτ(τ)α$ Buc. 16 χαρείς Hecker χαίροις (suprascr. ει) Anth. χα(ί)ροις Buc. 17 μελίσδεις Σ Anth.
256
ADDENDUM (pp. xlviii, In., livn. 2, 130, 140, 226) I owe to the courtesy of the Egypt Exploration Society permission to print here collations of two unpublished papyri from Oxyrhynchus. (i) Roll of 2nd cent, A.D., the verso blank. Id. 18.12-43; scraps from the first parts of the lines only are preserved, but they suggest a text about midway between those of 5 3 and of the mss. The following readings deserve mention: Id. 26 30 35
xviii: 12 μσν σπευδ[ 20 π [α] τη ι 2ΐ ματε[ρι 22 ε]ιμες y a p [πα] σαι acos εντελλοισα 27 ννξ ατ[ 28 δια[φαινετ 29 μεγαλαι[ καπό κυπρισ[ 3 2 ο υ ^ε 33 ε π ι δ[αιδ]αλκρ 34 σνμπ[[λ]]εξαισα ουδέ λυραν 38 ]s κ. ω χ. 39 δ ε$ δε δρομον 41 TCOU[S
(ϋ) Codex of 4th (?) cent. A.D. containing on recco Id. 17.94-107, ends of lines; and on verso Id. 28.1-13, beginnings of lines. The edge of the page seems to be preserved, and, if so, shows Id. 17 to have preceded Id. 28; and this was necessarily the order unless Id. 28 was here, as nowhere else, separated from Idd. 29 and 30. The conjunction lends some support to Gallavotti's proposed reconstruction of $ 3 (see p. In.). The following readings deserve mention: Id. xvii: 97 εκα[λ]οι 103 δόρυ] πάλαι Id. xxviii: Titulus ]ηλα[κατη 3 θάρσεισ'
257
5 τύϊδε
THEOCRITUS E D I T E D WITH
A TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY BY
A. S. F. GOW M.A., F.B.A. FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
VOLUME II •
•
COMMENTARY, APPENDIX, INDEXES, A N D PLATES
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY
PRESS
PUBLISHED BY THE SYNDICS OF THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Bcntlcy House, 200 Euston R o a d , London N W I 2DB American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, N e w York, N.Y.T0022 I S B N : ο 52i o66i6 6 two vols First published 1950 Second edition 1952 Reprinted 1965, 1973 First printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridge Reprinted in Great Britain by Kingprint Ltd., R i c h m o n d , Surrey
CONTENTS VOLUME Commentary
II page
ι
Appendix Abbreviations (i) Texts (ii) Commentaries fiii) Papers in Periodicals, etc. (iv) Index to Books and Papers
561 563 563 565 578
Addenda and Corrigenda
591
Indexes (i) Greek (ii) English
597 623
Plates
639
COMMENTARY
ABBREVIATIONS The following abbreviations used throughout the commentary may be mentioned: Classical Quarterly, Classical Review. C.Q., C.R. Gildersleeve Gk Synt. B. L. Gildersleeve Syntax of Classical Greek (New York 1900, 1911).
Goodwin Μ. T. K.B.G. P.G.M. Powell Coll. AL RE
Roscher van Leeuwen Ench. Wilamowitz Textg. *
W. W. Goodwin Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of tlie Greek Verb (London 1897). R. Kiihner, F. Blass, and B. Gerth Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache (Hanover 1890-1904). K. Preisendanz Papyri Graecae Magicae (Leipzig 1928, I93i). J. U. Powell Collectanea Alexandrina (Oxford 1925). Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der Classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, neue Bearbeitung herausgegeben von G. Wissowa (Stuttgart 1894- ). W. H. Roscher Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie (Leipzig 1884-1937). J. van Leeuwen Enchiridion Dictionis Epicae (Louvain 1894). U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff Die Textgeschichte d. Griechischen Bukoliker (Berlin 1906). Refers to Addenda (pp. 591 ff.)
The following are confined to particular Idylls: Id. 2: Abt A. Abt Die Apologie des Apuleius.. .und die Antike Zauberei (Giessen 1908). Idd. 28-31: Ahrens H. L. Ahrens De Dialectis Aeolicis (Gottingen 1839). Bechtel F. Bechtel Die Griechischen Dialekte vol. 1 (Berlin 1921).
Hoffmann Lobel A. Lobel S.
O. Hoffmann Die Griechisclten Dialekte vol. 11 (Gottingen 1893). E. Lobel ΑΛΚΑΙΟΥ ΜΕΛΗ (Oxford 1927). E. Lobel ΣΑΠΦΟΥΣ ΜΕΛΗ (Oxford 1925).
In citing Greek authors the abbreviations used are usually the same as, or more explicit than, those of Liddeil and Scott Greek-English Lexicon ed. 9, and where necessary the edition used is indicated. I differ from Liddeil and Scott in using for Bacchylides the text of B. Snell (Leipzig 1934)» for Menander that of C. Jensen (Berlin 1929), for the fragments of Hesiod A. Rzach's ed. maior (Leipzig 1902), and for those of the Lyric Poets not included in T. Bergk's Poetae Lyrici Graeci E. Diehl's Anthologia Lyrica Graeca, ed. 2 (Leipzig 1936), the addition of D 2 to the reference distinguishing Diehl's from Bergk's enumeration. Thj Hymns and Epigrams of Callimachus are cited from O. Schneider Callimachea (Leipzig 1870, 1873); the fragments, unless marked S. or adduced for Schneider's note, from R. Pfeiffer Callimachus vol. 1 (Oxford 1949). The Scholia to Apollonius and Theocritus are cited from the editions of C. Wendcl (Berlin 1935 and Leipzig 1914)·
IDYLL I PREFACE Subject. A shepherd named Thyrsis and an unnamed goatherd are in conversation. After an exchange of compliments, Thyrsis invites the goatherd to pipe to him. The goatherd declines, but asks Thyrsis to sing his celebrated song about Daphnis, promising him in return a cup, the decoration of which he describes in detail. Thyrsis consents, and, the song concluded, the Idyll ends with compliments from the goatherd and the gift of the cup. The Scene. The scene is sketched in the opening lines: water falling from a rock, a pine by a spring, a slope with tamarisks; a figure of Priapus and a seat, with oaks and some springs by them; facing them, an elm (cf. 5.32η.). Daphnis. Thyrsis's song deals with the death of Daphnis, and has caused a great deal of trouble owing to the fact that it is not certain what story lies behind the situation disclosed in the song. It will be necessary therefore to look at the known forms of the myth. (i) The best attested account of Daphnis, which comes to us indirectly from Timaeus, is that he was a Sicilian, the inventor of Bucolic song, and its principal hero. He was child of a N y m p h , w h o exposed him under a laurel bush from which he took his name. He became a herdsman and was loved by a N y m p h , to w h o m he vowed eternal fidelity. A princess made him drunk and seduced him, whereupon he was blinded (Diod. 4.84, Parthen. 29, Aelian V.H. 10.18, Serv. ad Eel. 5.20, 8.68, Philarg. ad Eel. 5.20; c£. Ov. Met. 4.276). There are variations of detail in this story, which is of a common type (see Rohde Gr. Rom.2 117) and closely resembles that of Rhoecus (106 n.). If Aelian is to be believed, it was handled by Stesichorus, and it may be called the vulgate; it was among the versions known to T.'s scholiasts, w h o sometimes struggle to accommodate T.'s story to it (Σ 1. 65 f, 82 e, 8.93 a). T w o of T.'s contemporaries however handle quite different themes. (ii) In Hermesianax the setting is Euboea, and Daphnis is apparently the lover of Menalcas, w h o threw himself from a cliff since his o w n love for a N y m p h was unrequited (Σ 8.53 d, 9. arg.). (iii) Sositheus, m a play entitled Δάφνις ή Λιτυέρσης, makes Daphnis love a N y m p h Thaleia or Pimplea w h o was carried off by pirates. She was discovered by Daphnis, after long search, in servitude at the court of the Phrygian king Lityerses (10.4m.), from w h o m he and she were rescued by Heracles (Serv. ad Eel. 8.68; cf. Σ 8. arg., 9 3 ; the conventionalised Daphnis of Longus owes something to this source). (iv) Versions (ii) and (iii) may be wholly or in part the invention of the authors named, as may that of Alexander Aetolus, of which we k n o w no more than that in it Marsyas was Daphnis's pupil in some accomplishment which the mss leave uncertain (Σ 8. arg.). TVs story, too, may be his own, and in favour of that view is the fact that it was no more intelligible to his scholiasts than to us. But recondite learning is more characteristic of Alexandrian poets than originality, and T., unlike Hermesianax and Sositheus, treats his tale so allusively that it seems more likely GT
11
Ι
χ
COMMENTARY ; ' \ \
j \
[ι
that the audience already possessed the clue than that they were invited to guess it. However that may be, the story appears to be as follows. Daphnis is dying of love, which, if Priapus may be beheved, he could gratify if he would. He has excited the anger of Aphrodite, who says that he boasted he was a match for Eros but must now admit defeat. Daphnis declines to do so, taunts Aphrodite, takes leave of his surroundings, gives his pipe to Pan, and dies. This scene is evidently no part of story (i), (ii), or (iii), nor is it anywhere set out at greater length. Its obvious interpretation is that Daphnis is here playing a Hippolytus-like part, has vowed himself to chastity, and rather than break his vow, prefers to die.1 Daphnis is mentioned elsewhere in T. and in non-Theocritean poems in the Bucolic corpus. Id. 5.20, 81, Idd. 6 and 9 (in both of which one of the interlocutors bears the name), epigrr. 2, 3, and 5 disclose nothing relevant. In Id. 8, where he is also an interlocutor, he is in love with a Nymph, Nais, whom he presently marries— an account at any rate compatible with the vulgate. There remains an allusion of more importance. (v) At 7.73 Daphnis is wasting with love of somebody named Xenea. W e are not told whether it is unrequited love, or a passion to which he refuses to yield; except therefore that the scene is transferred from Syracuse to Himera (perhaps with Stesichorus in view), 2 the allusion is quite compatible with the story assumed for Id. 1, and Σ identify the unnamed object of his love in Id. 1 with Xenea (1.65 d) or introduce the name into a variant of the vulgate (8.93). But if Id. 1 had been lost, it would never have occurred to any reader of Id. 7 to suppose that Daphnis was dying of anything but unrequited love, and unrequited love in fact appears in the myth. Ο ν. A. A. 1.732 pallidus in lenta Naide Daphnis erat implies it; at Nonnus D. 15.308 a maiden is depicted as shunning him; and epigr. 4.14 might, though probably wrongly, be so interpreted. It is possible that this version of the myth arises from interpretation of Id. 7 or Id. 1, or from both, and certainly some of the scholia (65 c, 82e) attempt to find this idea in Id. 1. They have been followed by some moderns, who have been obliged either to suppose that Priapus is administering encouragement which is without foundation, or to emend ^άτεισα in 1.85. Even so the attempt is doomed to failure since the tone of Daphnis's address to Aphrodite (especially 1. 103) is irreconcilable with such a cause for his plight; and, whatever may be the explana tion of the situation depicted in Id. 7, that set out above under (iv) seems the only available explanation of the present poem.
iff. The construction is ά ττίτν$ τήνα, ά ποτΐ ταΐ$ παγαΐσι, άδύ τι το ψιθύρισμα μελίσδεται, και τι/ άδύ συρίσδες, and was rightly understood by Terentianus Maurus 2129: duke tibi pinus summurmurat, en tibi [ubi ed. princ] pastor, I proxima fonticulis, et tu quoque dulcia pangis. Earlier editors mostly accepted ά . . .μελίσδεται as a relative clause, supplying συρίσδει from συρίσδες (cf. Norm. D. 40.340 δένδρεα συρι^ει), but μελίσδεται is then superfluous. For trees as subject of such a verb cf. Mosch. jr. 1.8 ήν πνεύση πολύς ώνεμος, ά ττίτυς άδει, Nonn. D. 41-49 μέλλεται έμττνοος Ολη. The connexion between the two clauses 1 Daphnis, like Hippolytus, is connected with Artemis (Diod. 4.84 μυθολογοΰσι δέ τόν Δάφνιν μετά της 'Αρτέμιδος κυνηγετεΐν υπηρετούντα τη θεώ κεχαρισμένως, καΐ δια της ovpiyyos καΐ βουκολικής μελωδίας τέρπειν αυτήν διαφερόντως), but if she plays any part in T / s story it is odd that Daphnis should not appeal to her. 1 Cf. Wilamowitz Sapph. u. Sim. 240.
2
5-8]
IDYLL I
is supplied by δέ and the anaphora, καΐ.,.καί being 'corresponsive'. Exactly similar are Thuc. 1.126 ήλασαν μέν ούν καΐ ol 'Αθηναίοι τους εναγείς τούτους ήλασε δέ καΐ Κλεομένης, Xen. Oec. 7.21; cf. Denniston Gk Part. 306, Τ. 26.15 η . μελίσδεται: the substitution of σδ for 3, here censured by Σ as Aeolic, is said by other ancient authorities to be Doric also (Et. M. 411.57, Σ Dion. Thrac. p. 35 Hilgard), but as it is not found either in Doric inscriptions or in Epicharmus and Sophron, the statement may be due to its use by Alcman or T., and T., from its use by Alcman, may have thought it Laconian Doric. In the Aeolic poets (it does not occur in inscriptions), if grammarians are to be believed, σδ was written both for initial and for medial 3 : T. agrees with the papyri of Sappho and Alcaeus in using it only for the latter, and he uses it there on no discernible principle (Introd. p. lxxiv): cf. 15.28η., Ahrens Dial. Dor. 94, Boisacq Dial. Dor. 96, Hoffmann Gr. Dial. 2.510, Thumb-Kiekers Gr. Dial. 1.224, K.B.G. 1.1.156.* συρίσδες: the Doric 2nd p. sing, termination -es is vouched for by Choeroboscus (in Theod. 2.25.30, 26.34 Hilg., citing this passage), Apollonius (de prott. 93.14 ποιες), and Eustathius (1872.46 λέχες, τύπτες, as Theraean), and glosses in Hesychius mention similar forms in the Cypriot dialect (Bechtel Gr. Dial. 1.430). It is presented by T.'s mss here, at 4.3, and probably at 19 below (see n.), and by some of them at 5.85, but unlike the corresponding inf. termination -εν (on which see Introd. p. lxxiv) it is nowhere certified by the metre. Eustathius's further assertion that the Theraeans used -ε for -ει is disproved by inscriptions, but these, naturally, throw no light on the 2nd p. O n the accentuation of such words see 83 n., Ahrens Dial. Dor. 30. Πάνα: the syrinx is one of the commonest attributes of Pan, w h o was sometimes said to have invented it (Virg. E. 8.24, Ov. Met. 1.690, Paus. 8.38.11). He will get the first prize, whatever it may be, you the second. If the sequel (12 fF.) is to be taken seriously, the opening lines do not mean that the goatherd has just been piping or Thyrsis singing; they are complimentary preliminaries to the invitations which follow. 5 τέ: this accusative is cited by Ap. Dysc. de pron. 83.4 from this line (and from Alcm.^r. 52). It appears in T r at 82 below, and has been restored at 5.14, but it may have been supplanted in other places in the mss by τυ. καταρρεΐ: the meaning is no more than τάν χίμαρον τ υ αίρήσει, as the (incom plete) chiasmus in the verbs shows. The metaphor therefore is imperfectly defended by Bion 1.55 το δέ παν καλόν ές σέ καταρρεΐ, Hor. C. 1.28.27 multaque merces | unde potest tibi defluat aequo | ah Ioue, where the idea is of outpoured abundance. Somewhat similar is Call.^r. 191.75 πάλιν το δώρον ές θ ά λ η τ ' άνώλισθεν. 6 £στ€ κ* ά μ . : Hes. W.D. 591 (cited by Σ) βοός υλοφάγοιο κρέας μή π ω τετοκυίης. 7 The construction is άδιον καταλείβεται το μέλος ή κ.τ.λ. The verb is common to both clauses, as at 17.106; cf. 7.76η. For καταλείβεται of sound cf. //. 1.249 ά π ό γλώσσης μέλιτος γλνκίων £έεν αυδή, Hes. Th. 84, 97, [Τ.] 20.27, Bion jr. 6.11, Eur. Suppl. 773 μολπάς έκχέω, Melanipp. Jr. 4, Aesch. Sept. 73, Tucker ad loc. An alternative which some have preferred is άδιόν (έστι) το μέλος ή το ύδωρ (δ) καταλείβεται. That would resemble the compendious construction common with καλώ and verbs of similar meaning; e.g. Soph. O.T. 1451 όρεσιν ένθα κλή^εται | ουμός Κιθαιρών ( = ενθα έστι Κ. δς κλίνεται), //. 11.757, Soph. Tr. 637, Αρ. Rh. ι.216, 237, 4-ΙΙ5*, hut it h plainly inferior. καταχές: the adj. does not occur elsewhere. 8 Hes. Th. 785 Οδωρ | ψυχρόν ό τ ' έκ πέτρης καταλείβεται ήλιβάτοιο | υψηλής, Od. 17.209. 3
COMMENTARY
[9-15
9 Μοΐσαι: the word is so presented here by Κ and the Vatican family, the Laurentian having Μώσαι. Μώσαι, which is the subject of a note in Σ, was ap parently the form used by Alcman, though the evidence depends on citations, not on papyri, and the Laconian Doric was Μώα (Ar. Lys. 1298, Bechtel Gr. Dial. 2.378). In the Doric Idylls, where the word is common, the mss are often unanimous, or nearly so, for Μοΐσα, and only so for Μώσα at 10.24; while of ΜοΟσα there is virtually no trace. Papyrus evidence is scanty; $ 2 confirms Μοΐσα at 7.82, but $ 1 , which rejects also -σδ- for - 3 - (see Introd. p. lxxiv), has Μοϋσαι at 1.137, 141, 144, and $ 3 has Μοϋσαι at 1.104. Μοΐσα is Aeolic and Pindaric; in Doric inscriptions it is known only on a sixth-cent. Corinthian vase-fragment (Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 43.18), but the evidence is strong that it was the form used by T., perhaps to conform to his participles in -οισα (26η.). Whatever the ex planation, it presumably applies also to Άρέθοισα at 117. οΐιδα is evidently the same as διν in 11, and the conditions of the imaginary contest are varied from those in 4-6. The victor here has first choice among prizes of approximately equal value. The form οΐιδα (or διδα) does not occur elsewhere, but may be compared with Callimachus's use of ypaOts, γραύιδι (fr. 513). For the variation of quantity in the first syllable cf. 6.19η. ΙΟ σακίταν: Σ: τον έν τ ω σήκω ήγουν τ ή μάνδρα τιτθι^όμενον ήτοι γαλαθηνόν: cf. 25.87η. The word appears elsewhere only at epigr. 4.18, Longus 3.18. 11 δ έ : apodotic δέ occurs elsewhere in the genuine poems only at 29.17, unless we accept it at 25 below (cf. 9.36), but epic mannerisms need not be regarded with suspicion even in T.'s bucolic Idylls. 12 τεϊδε: the evidence of Κ and other mss at 5.32, 118, 15.118, supported in the last two places by papyri, makes it probable that in the sense oihere T. employed the form τεϊδε used also by Epicharmus (fr. 99). Τεΐνδε, which sometimes appears as a variant, presumably arises from a suprascript η, and τήδε, favoured by the mss here and at 5.50, embodies that correction or variant. In the sense of hither τεϊδε is supported by 3β$ at 2.101 and by Κ at 5.67, 8.40, and I have accepted it on that evidence. 13 = 5.101. See on such repetitions 106n. γ ε ώ λ ο φ ο ν : the substantive appears to be masculine elsewhere except in Numenius ap. Ath. 7.305 A. μυρΐκαι: in Homer the penultimate is long only at II. 21.350, and Nicander prefers the commoner Homeric quantity (Th. 612). The adj. μι/ρίκινος however has the syll. long at It. 6.39, μυρικίνεος in A.P. 6.298 (Leonidas). 15 fF. O n the midday sleep of Pan see epigr. 5, Philostr. Itn. 357K., Nemes. 3.3. Midday is a time when men and animals naturally rest (cf. 5.110η., 7.21, 10.48, Od. 4.400, Call. H. 5.72, Nic. Th. 472, A.P. 7.196, Plat. Phaedr. 259A, Alciphr. 2.9 Sch., Paus. 9.30.10, Varro R.R. 2.2.11). Dangerous powers are then about (Psalm. 91.5 ού φ ο β η θ ή σ η . . . ά π ό πράγματος διαπορευομένου έν σκότει, ά π ό συμπτώματος καΐ δαιμονίου μεσημβρινού: cf. Σ ΑΓ. Ran. 29s» Luc. Philops. 22, Ο ν . F. 4.762, Lucan 3.423, Apul. Met. 6.12, and, for the same belief in modern times, N . Douglas Old Calabria ch. 40), which may be interrupted in their occupations, or, as here, disturbed in their siesta. Pan however is not always dangerous at that hour, for an epigram (Kaibel Ep. Gr. 802) ascribes a miraculous cure to a midday visitation by him. See further Roscher 2.2832, 3.1395. In the present case it seems that it will be safe to sing (19) though not to pipe. τό μεσαμβρινόν: for the ace. of such adjectives to denote time cf. 10.48, 5.126 το πότορθρον, Hdt. 3.104 τό έωθινόν, Luc. Lex. 2 (cf. Thuc. 3.74) τό δειλινόν,
4
i7-24]
IDYLL I
and see T. 1.41 n. The time reference is somewhat vague, but is rather at than during, as, e.g., Ap. Rh. 1.278 αΐθ* όφελον κεϊν' ή μ α ρ . . . | α π ό ψυχήν μεθέμεν, 3-417 δείελον ώρην | παύομαι άμήτοιο (cf. Τ. 10.5η.). T. has also the plur. τάποθέσπερα (4-3, 5.113); and the unarticulated adj. both sing. (7.2m.) and plur. (8.16η.). 17 έστι: see 19.6η. 18 jbivi: Hdas 6.37 μή δή, Κοριττοϊ, την χολήν έπι (?>ινός | εχ* ευθύς, Clem. ΑΙ. Paed. 270 Ρ. έπικροτοΰσι τ η φινί βατράχων δίκη ν καθάπερ ένοικον τοις μυκτήρσι την χολήν κεκτημένοι, Philostr. Im. 357» 358 Κ., Afranius 385 Ribb., Lucil. 574 Marx, Pers. 5.91. Other emotions unexpectedly located in the nose are distress (Od. 24.318, Anacreont. 29) and terror (Petron. 62). Contempt, which sits as naturally on modern noses as on ancient, was more specifically connected in Greek with the nostrils (μυκτηρισμός). 19 θ ύ ρ σ ι : the name occurs in epigr. 6 and, also derived from T., in A.P. 7.703: θύρσος is not uncommon, θύραις is perhaps chosen here for its vaguely Dionysiac suggestion. άείδες, in view of 3 and 7, is probably present rather than imperfect, and I have accented it accordingly (3 η.), as do the mss. The invitation to Thyrsis is perhaps modelled distantly upon Penelope's order to Phemius at Od. 1.337. 20 έπΙ τό π λ έ ο ν : cf. Hdt. 6.127 ε™ πλείστον δή χλιδής εις άνήρ άπίκετο, Λ.Ρ. 7-558 ές γ α ρ άκρον Μούσης τε και ήβης ήκον έλάσσας and, without a gen., Rhes. 946 κάπι πλείστον άνδρ' ενα Ι έλθόντα: and for the articulated comparative, Xen. Hell. 4.7.5 έπΙ τό πλέον Οπερβάλλειν έπειράτο. As at 3-47 ^ π ι ττλέον άγαγε λύσσας, there seems little idea of comparison or progression in. the comparative, and έπι πλέον is not uncommonly so used in Hellenistic Greek: Polyb. 4.16.2 έπΙ δέ τοις Οπό τών ΑΙτωλών πεπραγμένοις παραυτίκα μέν ήγανάκτησαν, ου μήν έπΙ πλεϊον έθαύμασαν δια τ ό μηδέν παράδοξον, τών είθισμένων δέ τι πεποιηκέναι τους ΑΙτωλούς* δι' όπερ ουκ ώργίσθησαν έπΙ πλεϊον, Arat. 1048. 21 Πριήπω: roughly carved figures of ithyphallic daemons had been common in the Greek countryside long before this time, but their identification with the god of Lampsacus was probably recent (see Herter de Priapo 9, Beazley Der Panmaler p. 10, Wilamowitz Hell. Dick. 1.87, GefFcken Leonidas 82). Priapus appears first in respectable company in Ptolemy Philadelphus's procession (Ath. 5.201 c), and as the familiar garden-god in T. epigr. 4. Here and in Mosch. 3.27 the mss are unanimous for Πρίηπος, and they are virtually so in epigr. 3 : at 1.81 and epigr. 4 they favour Πρίαπος, but Πρίηπος is usual in verse (see Roscher 3.2967). 22 κρανίδων: αντί τ ώ ν κρηνών, έκτος εΐ μή π ο υ τάς Νύμφας ούτω καλεί, Σ. A confusion with Κρανίδες (Mosch. 3-29) probably accounts for the reading Κρανιάδων which appears in Tr* and the early editions. T h e adj. κρηνιάς is nc doubt rightly restored at Aescri.^r. 168, and both Κρανιάδων and Ahrens's κραναιδα have found adherents here (cf. 5.17η.). Leonidas (A.P. 9.326) speaks of Νυμφέωι ποιμενικά ξόανα at a spring (cf. Alciphr. 4.13.4 Sch.), but κρανίδων is satisfactory in sense, and it seems a pity to introduce more statues than are necessary into thr rustic scene. $περ: since the remoter demonstrative τήνος is opposed to δευρο, and δρύες tc πτελέαν, it seems that the rustic seat and the oaks are by the springs and the figur< of Priapus, and opposite to the elm under which Thyrsis is invited to sing. θώκος: Colluth. 15 Πάριν οίοπόλοισιν έφεδριόωντα θοώκοις is probabl· a reminiscence of the phrase. Whether T. means a rustic bench or a natura feature—rock or tree-trunk—on which shepherds sit is hardly to be determined. 23 ποιμενικός: 8.92η. 24 τόν ΛιβύαΘε: the adv. in place of the adj. of origin is not uncommon eve
5
COMMENTARY
[25-29
when, as here, the idea of movement is remote: 24.111, A.P. 9.506 ('Plato') ήνίδε καί Σ α π φ ώ Λεσβόθεν ή δεκάτη, Plat. Gorg. 495 D Σωκράτης δέ γε ήμΐν ό Ά λ ω π ε κήθεν ούχ ομολογεί ταύτα. O n Libyan flocks see 3.5η. The pastoral reputation of Libya is sufficient to account for Chromis's origin (see Introd. p. xx), and it is idle to think of Cyrene and Callimachus; but if Chromis is a distinguished exponent of Greek pastoral song, he is presumably thought of as Greek. Χρόμιν: Chromis is the name of the Mysian chief at 77. 2.858, Χρομίος of several people mentioned in Homer, and of the eminent Syracusan victor of Pind. N. 1 and 9, Χρόμων is known from Thuc. 3.98, Χρόμης and Χρομύλος from inscriptions. If they are connected with the fish called χρόμις, we may compare Δέλφις in Id. 2, and such names as θύννος, Καρκίνος, Κήτων, Κωβιός, Σάλπις. 25 ές τρίς: cf. 2.43, 17.72, 25-I7· 26 έχοισα: the participial termination in -οισα is regular in Alcman, Pindar, and other lyric poets, and has usually been held to be one of T.'s unexplained Aeolisms (cf. 28.19η.). It occurs however in the Doric hymns of Callimachus (5 and 6) and in the inscriptions of Cyrene (Riv. Fil. 56.397, 60.181, 309) and may therefore be genuine local Doric, though it has been suggested that the inscriptions, which are not of early date,* may derive it from Callimachus, the poet of Cyrene. Cf. p n . ποταμέλγεται: i.e. after suckling her kids, she yields in addition (ποτ-) milk to the extent of (is) two pailfuls. 27 βαθύ κισσύβιον: the cup is called below σκύφος (143) and δέπας (149). The opinions of ancient scholars on κισσύβιον will be found at Ath. 11.476F, from which it seems likely that, as. Σ assert, any rustic drinking-vessel made of wood might have been so called. The word is as old as the Odyssey (9.346, al.), and may originally have meant a cup made of ivy-wood (cf. Eur. jr. 146 πας δέ ποιμένων ερρει λεώς, | δ μέν γάλακτος κίσσινον φέρων σκύφος, Cycl. 390» Timoth. jr. 5). It would probably be wrong therefore to infer from the word itself any particular shape of cup, but inferences may be drawn from T.'s description of this particular specimen as to the shape he had in mind. The figure-decoration consists of three scenes (32-8, 39-44, 45-54), the spatial relations of which are indicated somewhat vaguely (39 τοις μέτα, 45 τυτθόν δ* δσσον απωθεν) but in terms which suggest that all three are close together. The first is said to be inside the cup (32), and the natural inference that the other two are also on the interior is reinforced by the fact that that is the usual place for aquatic scenes (39-44) on Greek cups. If that is so, the cup must be a shallow bowl, and βαθύ must be understood in a comparative sense—it is deep as a saucer may be said to be deep, not as a tumbler. κεκλυσμένον ά. κ.: κλνΐ^ειν, which is the proper term for the washing of cups and other vessels (Ammon. de diff. 83), seems to be technical for coating or impregnating with wax. A Delian inscription records a payment τήν ήμίτειαν Δεξίω στεγνώσαντι καί κηρω κλύσαντι (I.G. 11.2.219: A40; cf. it. 154* Α 36). The purpose would be to make the cup impermeable, to prevent the liquid from disintegrating the surface of the wood, and perhaps to darken the colour. Ivy-wood was asserted to have the property of retaining water but allowing wine to percolate (Cato R.R. i n , Plin. N.H. 16.155), a n i if the κισσύβιον is to be thought of as of ivy, it might for the latter reason have specially needed waxing, but other wood was so treated too: Ov. Met. 8.669 jabricataquejago | pocula quae caua sunt flauentihus inlita ceris, and Theophrastus (H.P. 5.3.2) speaks of oiling (άλείφειν) cups o f terebinth-wood to improve their colour and appearance. 29 ποτί c.acc. of place where is uncommon in earlier Greek: II. 12.63 σκόλοπες γ α ρ έν αύτη Ι όξέες έστδσιν ποτί δ* αύτοι/s τείχος 'Αχαιών (with variant περί
6
3o]
IDYLL I
worse attested, as here), Soph. EL 931, Phil. 23 (both suspect). In later Greek however the use became common (see C.Q. 30.211): cf. 6.30η., [20] .22. There is litde to choose between it and περί, but ποτί seems a little choicer both in sense and diction, and it is T.'s favourite preposition. μαρύεται: μηρύεσθαι is elsewhere transitive, and is commonly used of winding up; cf. however Nic. Th. 265 δολιχφ μηρύγματι γαστρός of a serpent. 3of. These two lines present very serious difficulties. It should be observed, as conditioning the solution, that since there is no other feminine in the sentence to which ά can be referred, έ"λιξ must be a substantive, and ά ελιξ mean the fendril or a tendril. W h e n ό, ή, τό are used as preparatory demonstratives, they commonly refer to something previously mentioned or readily inferred, and the tendril is more probable. There are however exceptions, in T. and elsewhere (7.7, 136, 138, 16.90, 17.71; see Svensson Gebr. d. best. Artikels 141), and this point cannot be pressed. It has frequently been supposed that ά ελιξ denotes the kind of ivy so called (Theophr. H.P. 3.18.6), and that the description of a second band of decora tion opposite the first (κατ* αυτόν) begins at ά δέ. This is in general improbable, and a second band of ivy would leave no room for the acanthus (55). "Εντοσθεν (32) has also been supposed to mean between these two bands, but, even if it were capable of that sense, it is incredible that three scenes should be distributed over the two fields provided by the exterior of a two-handled cup: see 27 η. έλίχρυσος, or, as Theophrastus (H.P. 6.8.1, 9.19.3) calls it, έλειόχρυσος, is the plant known as gnaphalium stoechas, helichrysum stoechas, or h. siculum, which is common round the Mediterranean. It has upright stems crowned by yellow flower-clusters and was used for garlands (see Diosc. 4.57, Plin. N.H. 21.168, Ath. 15.680 F, Sibthorp Flora Gr. 9.857); and for that purpose may sometimes have been combined with a spray of some climbing plant (cf. 3.22). In a decorative motif such a combination seems less natural, but it cannot be called impossible (ci. O v . Met. 6.128). But, apart from the difficulty of κεκονιμένος, the introduc tion of a flower here is unsatisfactory: 3of. must mean the ivy-tendril winds along the helichryse exulting in its [own] yellow fruit, and the helichryse will then have been mentioned only to be dismissed. The word έλίχρυσος was however given two other interpretations in antiquity: (i) Hesych.: οι μέν άρρενικόν, ο! δέ τό άνθος της έλιχρύσου βοτάνης. Άρρενικόν is orpiment, and a reference to colouring material would not be out of place here, but there is no other evidence that έλίχρυσος had that sense, (ii) Suidas and Zonaras: τό του κισσοΰ άνθος* άνθει έλιχρύσω [or -ου] έναλίγκιος. This gloss is evidently not an inference from T. since it is supported by an illustration from another poet ( = Call.w/r. 274.2), and, though the illustration fails in its present form to establish the point, the gloss is not necessarily wrong for that reason. Either of these two interpretations has the advantage of getting rid of the second flower and making T.'s description correspond with what is about the commonest of all decorative patterns in his own day. This pattern came from Ionia in the sixth century and gradually supplanted an older and more formal ivy-motif; it varies in detail but consists essentially of a main tendril from which alternate leaf and fruit stalks proceed. An example from pottery is shown in the figure on p. 8; another, from silver-ware, in Pi. II. B. The general probability that this is the pattern meant by T. is so strong that it appears to justify us in accepting an interpretation of έλίχρυσος which will square with it, and of the two the second is preferable. The έλίχρυσος will then be the same as the καρπός κροκόεις. The dots in the pattern in fact represent fruit rather than flower, but in ivy the two may easily be confused. Both κεκονι μένος and κατ* αυτόν however present difficulties.
7
COMMENTARY
[32-33
κεκονιμένος is without real variants in the tradition, for-ισμένος is an inferior form of the same, and κεκολλη μένος, κεκαλυμμένος of Et. Mag., Et. Gen. s.v. έλίχρυσος are probably corruptions. Κεκονιμένος means dusty, bedusted] and the glosses in Σ συμπεπλεγμένος, κεχρισμένος are mere guesses. It seems quite possible that T., who continually strains his vocabulary, uses it here to mean dotted or spotted, and that it refers to the dots which represent the fruit of the ivy; and there may be a trace of that or of a similar use of the verb in Hesych. s.v. διακονίς* επί υφής Ιματίου άν(ω)μάλου δ φαμεν κονί^ειν και άνθρωπος ό μή πυκνός. 1 If correc tion is required, the least unsuitable, if this view of έλίχρυσος is right, are κεκομαμένος and κεκορυθμένος.
κατ' αυτόν, if we understand ελιξ to be the main tendril of the ivy marked A in the figure, and αυτόν to be τόν κισσόν, makes satisfactory sense—the tendril winds along the ivy exulting in the yellow fruit which springs from it on either side. If however it is thought unnatural to say that the tendril winds along the ivy of which it is itself a part, Meineke's κατ* ώτων down over the handles provides an easy alternative. είλεΐται, if κατ' αυτόν is rightly interpreted, will refer to the undulations of the central stem; cf. Nic. Th. 478 (of a swerving course) άεΐ σκολιήν τε καΐ ου μίαν άτραπόν ϊλλων. If εντοσθεν means, as is probable, within the cup (see 32η.), the band of ivypattern will be on the outside of the cup. It would however be suitable also on the inside edge, in which place bands of floral pattern are common on Attic cups and on South-Italian cups and plates (cf. Pi. III). It remains to add that the passage is imitated by Virgil (E. 3.38), w h o varies the pattern by entwining ivy and vine; and by Nonnus D. 19.129 άγκών [κώθων Ludwich] Ι του περί χείλεος άκρον έπ* άμπελόεντι καρήνω [ν.Ι. κορύμβω] | κισσός έλιξ χρυσέω δέ [ν.Ι. έλιχρύσοιο] πέριξ δαιδάλλετο κόσμω: but these obscure and corrupt lines do not seem to throw light on T. 32 £ντοσθ€ν: sc. του κισσυβίου, though incidentally the scenes are also within the band of ivy-pattern which runs round its rim. δαίδαλμα: cf. 15.79, Colluth. 310 (of the walls of Troy) αθανάτων δαιδάλματα κείνα. The treasures of Homeric heroes are commonly the work of Hephaestus, and T. is perhaps thinking of Od. 4.617, 15.117 (cf. 24.75, II. 2.101, 8.195). At 5.105 (see n. ad loc), where the conversation is much nearer realism, Praxiteles is substituted. 33 άσκητά is used elsewhere of the garment (e.g. 24.140) or the wool (18.32η.) rather than the wearer except in what seems a reminiscence of this passage by Antipater at A.P. 6.219, but TVs use arises naturally from that of the verb at, e.g., Aesch. Pers. 182 πέπλοισι Περσικοΐς ήσκημένη. 1 Latte, w h o adduced this gloss (Mnem. 3rd ser. 10.82), said that the ivy mit έλίχρυσος unregelmassig "durchwirkt" war, but apart from the difficulties involved by treating έλίχρυσος as a flower, Greek decorative patterns are not unregelmassig.
8
34-40]
IDYLL I
άμπυκι: a circlet binding the hair, sometimes of metal as the adjective χρυσάμπυξ suggests; cf. 17.67η. T h e noun, which is confined to verse, might no doubt be used of any band used to confine the hair or coif. 34 έθειράζοντες occurs nowhere else and is probably a coinage of TVs. Σ: κομώντες τάς τρίχας ού γενειώντες, ώς τίνες, εθειρα γ α ρ ή θριξ της κεφαλής, δθεν *Αρίσταρχος έν Ό μ ή ρ ω έγραψε · κυάνεαι δ* έγένοντο γενειάδες άμφΐ γένειον, ούκ έθειράδες. The beard is very commonly mentioned in such contexts (2.78, 6.3, 11.9, 15.130), and if έθειράδες was the pre-Aristarchean vulgate at Od. 16.176, it seems possible that T. meant γενειώντες rather than κομώντες. "Εθειρα is used of hair on the body in Call./r. 343. άμοιβαδίς: for the next three lines, more than anywhere else in his account of the bowl, T . is interpreting rather than describing, since a work of art can only suggest, not depict, successive action on the part of the figures. The circumstances of the quarrel-scene on the shield of Achilles (//. 18.497-508) are very different, but as that also slips into interpretation with the word άμοιβηδίς (506) it is probably in T.'s mind. 35 Απτεται: Ar. Equ. 1237 ως μου χρησμός άπτεται φρενών, Rhes. 916 της έμής ήψω φρενός, Virg. Aen. 1.462. 36 δκα μ έ ν . , . ά λ λ ο κ α δέ: ότέ μέν for άλλοτε μεν is Homeric (II. 11.64, 18.599); cf. Τ. 4·ΐ7» Call. Η. 3.192. Nicander favours άλλοτε μέν.. .ότέ (Γ/ι. 2ΐο, 26ι, 288). Schaefer here and at 4.17 wrcte όκά to accord with the precepts of Herodian (1.498.3) as to ότέ indefinite. γέλαισα, if that is what T. wrote, will be Aeolic, like ^άτεισα (85). The 1st p. pres. indie, of this verb in Aeolic is asserted by grammarians to be γέλαιμι (cf. 30. 4 η.), the masc. participle to be γέλαις (Hoffmann Gr. Dial. 2.220, 576), and the gen. fern. sing, γελαίσας is no doubt rightly restored in Sapph./r. 2.5. Alternatively T., w h o has γελάοισα at 95, may here have written γελοϊσα or γελφσα. 37 φιπτεΐ is heightened from τρέπει: see, e.g., Plat. Menex. 248c ένταΰθα τον νουντρέποντες, Soph. 250c, Eur. I.T. 1322, Trag. Adesp.fr. 296.3. Wilamowitz printed ρίπτει, but the mss appear to agree on the -έω form of the verb. Elsewhere T. has only the aor. and in non-Doric poems (22.12, 24.94; cf. 25.265). 38 κ υ λ ο ι δ ι ό ω ν τ ε ς : κυλοιδιάν τό τα κύλα οίδεϊν έκ μέθης* κύλα δέ λέγεται τα ύττοκάτω τοΰ κάτω βλεφάρου ά ήμεϊς ύπώτπα καλοΰμεν (Photius). The verb is used of a lover at Heliod. 4.7.7, and elsewhere of the results of a blow (Ar. Lys. 472), or of poison (Nic. Al. 478). Among the effects of love at A P . 5.87 (Rufinus) are κοΐλαι βλεφάρων Ιοτυττεΐς βάσιες. έτώσια μ.: cf. 7.48. 39-44 The scene resembles that on the Hesiodic Shield, 213 αύτάρ έπ' άκταΐς Ι ήστο άνήρ άλιεύς δεδοκημένος* είχε δέ χερσίν | Ιχθύσιν άμφίβληστρον άττορρίψοντι έοικώς. For its position on the cup see p. 14. 39 τ ο ΐ ς . , . μ έ τ α : μετά c. dat. is common in T. (11 examples), who uses it rather vaguely to mean with (1.91) or besides (17.84); c£. 27η. τέτυκται is presumably singular rather than plural (see K.B.G. 1.2.75), and man and rock are thought of as forming a single scene: //. 3.255 τ ω δέ KF νικήσαντι γυνή και κτήμαθ' εποιτο, and see Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §477. 40 λεπράς occurs elsewhere only at Opp. Hal. 1.129. It is no doubt an eccentric feminine of λεπρός, though Σ give υψηλή and λευκή as alternatives, and Eustathius (1246.29) says ή λεπράς πέτρα εφ* ής αϊ λεπάδες. ές βόλον: βόλος may be the cast of the net, as in Hdt. 1.62 ερριπται δ' ό βόλος, or a catch of fish, as Aesch. Pers. 424 θύννους ή τιν' Ιχθύων βόλον (cf. Headlam on Hdas 7.75). Hes. Scut. 215 (see 3 9 - 4 4 ^ ) favours the former. In either case ές means
9
COMMENTARY
[4I_47
with a view to, as Hdt. 1.6 κατεστρέψστο.. Λς φόρου ά π α γ ω γ ή ν , Xen. An. 1.9.23 όσα τ ω σώματι αυτού πέμποι τι$ ή ώ$ ets πόλεμον ή ώ$ είς καλλωπισμών: cf. 5.98n. 41 τό καρτερόν: Τ. is fond of the neuter adj. used adverbially (e.g. 1.34, 5.46, 135)· For the definite article in such cases cf. 3.3, 18, and, in the plural, 5.13, 7.98, 17-75· See Hdas 1.54 with Headlam's note, and on temporal adjectives in these usages Τ. 1.15 η. έοικώς: cf. Hes. Scut. 215 (see 3 9 - 4 4 ^ ) , Ap. Rh. 1.739 μογέοντι έοικώ*, 764, Arat. 63, Quint. S. 6.211. 42 φαίης xcv: cf. II. 3.220 (pains κε ^άκοτόν τέ τιν* Ιμμεναι. δσον σθένος: Αρ. Rh. 2.589, and, with the verb, 3.716 δσσον σθένος εστίν έμεΐο: cf. id. 2.1200. έλλοπιεύειν: Ιλλοψ, an adj. at Hes. Scut. 212 έ*λλοπα$ ΙχΘύ$, is used by Alexandrians as a noun = 1χθύ$ (Lye. 598, 796, 1375, Nic. Al. 481); see Jebb on Soph. Aj. 1297, Τ. 25.131η. The verb, which does not occur elsewhere, is pre sumably coined by T. on the analogy of θηρεύειν. 44 Λβος: 5.87η. T.'s half-line is perhaps unconsciously reminiscent of //. 11.561 βίη δέ τε νηπίη αυτών. 45 τ υ τ θ ό ν . . .δσσον: i.e. τυτθόν εστίν δσον απωθεν ούσα, the ellipse being of the same character as in θαν/μαστόν δσον: see K.B.G. 2.2.415, Blaydes on Ar. Vesp. 213. The phrase occurs again at O p p . Hal. 4.191; cf. A.P. 12.227 βαιόν δ σ θ ν παραβάς ευθύ μεταστρέφομαι. άλιτρύτοιο: cf. Plat. Legg. 761D πόνοι$ τετρυμένα γεωργικοΐς σώματα. The adj. is applied to a boat at A.P. 7.294 (Tull. Laur.). 46 The Shields of Achilles and of Heracles both contain vineyards, though the scene is of vintaging. This line however appears to owe something to II. 18.561 σταφυλήσι μέγα βρίθουσαν άλωήν | καλήν χρυσείην * μέλανες δ* άνά βότρυες ήσαν, Scut. 296 δρχος | χρύσεος ή ν . . . | βριθόμενος σταφυλησι · μελάνθησάν γε μέν αΐδε. These poets, since they are describing metal inlay, are more concerned with colour than T., but he does not avoid it (31), and it seems likely that Trvpvaiais conceals an adj. of colour. Briggs's περκναϊσι is suggested by X's gloss (περκα^ούσαις, ώριμος) and derives some slight support from the fact that ^ 4 , which preserves only the second letter of the line, gives it as ε. An alternative is Ribbeck's hypo thetical περκναίαις (cf. Lobeck Paral. 319). Περκνός denotes the rusty purple colour of ripening grapes (cf. 22.34η.) and suits well with τάν τρώξιμον (49, where see n.), which may imply that some of the grapes are already eatable, others not. Wilamowitz printed Πυρναίαις and connected the word with Pyrnus in Caria. The grapes of Pyrnus however are not otherwise known, and, unless they were celebrated, the geographical epithet seems out of place. 47 ολίγος: of a person again at 22.113, where see n. αίμασιαΐσι: αίμασιά is properly, as here, a wall composed of the loose stones cleared by the cultivator from the ground: Od. 18.359 αίμασιάς τε λέγων (οίκοδομών έκ συλλεκτών λίθων, Σ), Eustath. I959-43 τ α έ κ λεπτών [leg. λεκτών] λίθων έκτισμένα τοιχίδια, Suid. s.v. τό έκ χαλίκων ωκοδομημένον τειχίον άνευ π η λ ο ύ : cf. Theopomp. Com.fr. 73· The word is sometimes used of more formal structures (e.g. Hdt. 1.180), but the statements of Σ, Et. M. 35-12, Suid. s.v. αίμασιαΐς, and Eustathius {I.e. and 883.51) that it means a thorn hedge are probably based on a false connexion with αίμα or αίμός, though no doubt the stones might often, as Et. M. says, be topped with thorn-branches. T. has the plural again at 5.93, 7.22, though here at any rate one wall is meant, and so probably Od. 24.224 and certainly A. Plan. 236 (Leonidas). 10
48-5i]
I
D Y L L
1
48 ήμενος at the end of the sentence and beginning of line, as in It. 5-356, Od. 4.596, 15.392, 21.425, suggests sitting idle, and does not merely describe his posture. viv: the Ionic form μιν (Αρ. Dysc. Pron. 84.6) is presented here by S 3 and the mss. Following δέ $ 3 presents it also at 2.10,103,138, and it has some ms support at 6.11. Gallavotti was inclined to retain it in these places, and at 4.17, 7.13. I have preferred viv throughout the Doric poems, but there can be no certainty in such a matter. Pindar's mss show similar inconstancy. 49 τάν τρώξιμον: the ellipse is probably of σταφυλάν used as a collective singular (cf. 4.44η.). There are a number of similar ellipses in T . : 5.51, 61, 126, 11.75, 14-35» 15-95» 18.11, 22.59; see also 6.22, 10.3511η. The adj/τρώξιμος, edible, occurs in connexion with grapes in the Digest (50.16.205: uuas dumtaxat duracinas et purpureas et quae eius generis essent, quas non uini causa haberemus, quas Graeci τρωξίμους appellant), where it appears to mean grapes grown for the special purpose of eating. It might have that meaning here, but I should rather suppose T.'s fox to be directing its attention to choice clusters which the owner might select for that purpose, or to be picking out the ripe from the unripe. Nicander, w h o writes (Al. 185) πιοτέρην δτε βότρυν έσίνατο κηκάς άλώπηξ, seems to have T. in mind, and his adj. probably gives the general sense of T.'s correctly. For the damage done to vineyards by foxes see also 5.112, Ar. Equ. 1076, Aesop 33 Halm, Alciphr. 2.19 Sch., Opp. Cyn. 3.458, Varro R.R. 1.8.5, Pi· I. 3The foxes, the little foxes, that spoil the vineyards (Cant. 2.15) are familiar. πήρςι: the π ή ρ α is the mark of the rustic as of the beggar and the cynic: Ammon. de diff. 112 π ή ρ α . . .δέρμα τι άρτοφόρον δ επί τών ώμων φέρουσιν οί ποιμένες, Α. Plan. 200, Longus 1.13, 3·!5» Babr. 2, Aesop 31b Halm. It will contain, with other things, what provisions the boy has brought with him (Long. 1.10 τροφάς ας οίκοθεν εφερον, Τ . epigr. 2 τάν πήραν φ ποκ* έμαλοφόρει, ΑΓ. Plut. 298 πήραν έχοντα λαχανά τ* άγρια δροσερά, Babr. 86 αΐπόλου πήρη | άρτων εώλων πάσα καΐ κρεών πλήρης), possibly no more than bread: Gal. 6.573 o\ φυλάττοντες τον καρπόν τών αμπέλων, έσθίοντες.. . τ ά σύκα μετά τών σταφυλών ή π ο υ καΐ βραχύ τι παρεντιθέντες άρτου. 50 τεύχοισα seems plainly preferable to κεύθοισα since the boy is unaware of the fox's presence. Tryph. 221 (Dolon) κρυπτόν επί Τρώεσσι δόλον καΐ πήματα κεύθων perhaps shows that the variant was known to Tryphiodorus, but it is apposite in his context. The words κρυπτόν ετευχε δόλον occur in a fragment of Callimachus (Jr. 177.16), where δόλον might be either abstract, as here, or concrete. 51 άκρατίζεσθαι means to take the first breakfast, τ ό πρωινόν Ιμβρωμα δ ήμεΐς άκρατισμόν καλουμεν διά τό έν άκράτω βρέχειν καΐ προσίεσθαι ψωμούς (Ath. ι . l i e ; cf. Τ. Ι5·ΐ47 η ·)· The ms tradition is άκράτιστον, which, with a change of accent, will be the verbal adj., or, without it, might possibly be a noun (cf. δείπνηστος, -ιστός); but one note in Σ (see below) plainly explains some case of the noun άκρατισμός. The traditional interpretations of this extremely difficult line divide on this point. Those which accept the adj. translate until she sets him down to breakfast (or breakfasted) on dry food, which they suppose to mean poor food or none at all. Against this it may be said that ά π ό ξηρών might be expected rather than επί ξ. (cf. however Synes. Ep. 147: p. 286), and that if this is the sense, άκρατίσδον (Edmonds) would be an improvement upon the verbal adjective. 1 Also that the boy, if deprived of what is in his wallet, will haVe grapes to eat, which are certainly not ξηρά. Those which prefer the noun translate until she runs his breakfast aground, like a ship, and wrecks it for him or docks it for herself; or 1
The act. άκρατ^ω with intransitive sense is recognised by Suidas.
II
COMMENTARY
[ J2
until she lands it like a fish. But there is no evidence that τ α ξηρά can (like ή ξηρά) mean terra firma, and the metaphor is, in both cases, far-fetched and inappropriate. 1 do not think the problem finally soluble, but there are points in it which seem capable of elucidation, (i) The two foxes are carefully distinguished: one is stealing grapes, the other trying to steal something else—presumably the food in the boy's wallet, which, whatever else it includes, will include bread (see 49 η.). Since ξηρός is the word used to distinguish cereals from fruits, wine, etc., it seems almost certain that επί ξ. refers to this bread. (See especially Eur. Bacch. 275 Δημήτηρ θεά | . . .εν ξηροΐσιν εκτρέφει βροτούς, Pi. Crit. 115 Α τον ήμερον καρπόν τόν τε ξηρόν, Xen. Oec. s.20 υπέρ υγρών και ξηρών καρπών.) Foxes are omnivorous, and if they were not, this is the mischievous fox of fables and the point would hardly trouble T. (Babr. 86, Aesop 30 Halm, Hor. Ep. 1.7.29, where see Keller Epilegomena 629, Orelli on Hor. A.P. 437). (ii) Either fox or boy might be the subject of καθίξη, but the former is more likely since the active part is hers, (iii) καθί^ειν is elsewhere intransitive in T. (1.12, 5.32), and, if ξηρά are the boy's food which the fox will get, looks likely to be so here. A number of possible interpretations are open on these lines, none wholly satisfactory. Fritzsche, from the note in Σ, πρινή άκρατισμου ξηρόν ποιήσει αυτό, conjectured άκρατισμώ: if we accept this, the words may be translated until site has sat down to feast on the dry part of his meal, that is, on the bread as opposed to the wine or the grapes that go with it and contrasted also with the grapes which the other fox is eating; or, since έπί is then difficult, we might suppose that καθίξη came not from καθί3ω but καθίκω, until she has made a raid upon Καθίκειν is a rare compound but occurs in Call. fr. 191.38: τοις ξηροΐσι however would be easier than the bare adjective. It should be said, finally, that apart from the doubt as to άκράτιστο$, -σμόί, the text is open to some suspicion since ή is required neither by sense nor metre. T. uses πρίν ή, and he admits harsh crasis elsewhere (e.g. 2.66, 11.12); ή is common in erases; T . writes ή εΐ and ή ου as one syllable (16.62η.), and ή άκρ. is no harsher than ή ά π α γ ε (Eur. LA. 817), ή εύγένειαν (Eur. El. 1097), ή είδότος (Eur. I.T. 1048), ή οΐχόμεσθα (Soph. Tr. 85), or than δη αν, μη αΐδεΐσθαι which Pearson accepts at Soph. El. 314, O.C. 570.1 Still, it is odd that he should do so gratuitously, and ή may be the sign of some deeper corruption. O n the other hand ή may be a mere interpolation, possibly due to a mistaken belief that the second syllable of άκρατ. was short, though copyists sometimes add ή to πρίν without excuse (see Wyse Isaeus p. 252). 'Ακρατί^εσΘαι and its derivatives are elsewhere confined to comedy and prose, but that is scarcely ground for suspecting the word. 52 άνθερίκοισι: άνθέρικος is the stem of the asphodel (Theophr. H.P. 7.13.2, Eustath. 1206.7, Phn. N.H. 21.109; cf. Τ. 26.4 η.), άνθέριξ properly an ear of corn; the words are however confused (Σ Arat. 1060), and there are the same variants in Longus's imitation of this passage (1.10). The materials used by the boy are those of which the Nasamones build their portable huts: Hdt. 4·ΐ9° οικήματα δέ σύμπηκτα εξ άνθερίκων ένειρμένων περί σχοίνους εστί. άκριδοθήραν: ακρίδες (see 5.108 η.), like cicadas, were kept in cages for the pleasure their notes gave (A.P. 7.189, 190, 192-195, 197, 198) and it seems certain that what the boy is making is such a cage. They are also destructive of vines (5.108, where see n . ) ; but it seems unlikely that trapping them would be of much use, and this boy's attention is far away from his vines. It is possible therefore that άκριδοθήκαν, though of less authority, should be read here (the objections of 1 Herodas, who is very free with crasis (see Starkie on Ar. Vesp. 827), has ή in remarkable erases at 2.47, 53, 6.29, 7.125.
12
53-56]
IDYLL I
Lobeck Paral. 375 to the w o . d do not seem valid). I retain -θήραν however since γαλεάγρα, which might be expected on the analogy of μυάγρα to be a trap, acquired the m i n i n g cage (Ath. 14.616c, al.) and it is possible that άκριδοθήρα had also done so. The same variants occur in Longus 1.10. 53 σχοίνω: σχοΐνος is a rush, of which the variety called όλόσχοινος, scirpus holoschoenus, is προς τ α πλέγματα χρησιμώτερος (Theophr. Η.Ρ. 4.12.2). It is also twist or cord made from rushes, but the boy is no doubt using the rushes and asphodel he finds about him. Cf. 7.133 η. έφαρμόσδων: έφαρμ. means to fit, apply, accommodate one thing to another, as Hes. W.D. 76 χροΐ κόσμον εφήρμοσε. The woody asphodel stalks however are the thick members in the cage, the pliant rushes the thin, and it might be supposed that, as the singular suggests, σχοίνω is instrumental, and the meaning fitting the stalks to the cage with rush. Hdt. 4.190 (see 52η.) however makes this doubtful. μέλεται: for the impers. middle cf. oracle ap. Luc. Alex. 24 ou y a p έμοί μέλεται κτεάνων άγαν, Soph. El. 74. 54 τοσσηνον for τοσούτο is confined to this passage unless it should be read at 3.51; cf. however Lobeck Path. 191. περί: for περί c. dat. after a verb of rejoicing cf. Ap. Rh. 2.162 περί δε σφιν ίαίνετο νήνεμος ακτή | μελπομένοις, Quint. S. 11.51, Ο ρ ρ . Hal. 3.246, Tryph. 244· The regular preposition is έπί, but περί has analogies: 13.55 ταρασσόμενος περί παιδί, Η. Horn. 2.77 άχνυμένην περί παιδί, Pi. Phaed. 114D θαρρεΐν χρή περί τ η έαυτοΰ ψνχή άνδρα, and with verbs of fearing this preposition is common. 55 If the conclusions so far reached as to the decoration of the cup are correct (27, 3onn.), the acanthus will be on the outside, probably in the form of large leaves radiating from its base. This form of decoration is characteristic of' Megarian' bowls, which are a close imitation in pottery of metal-work and date back to the third century B.C. (cf. Winter and Pernice Hildesheimer Silherfund T. 6, Hesperia 3.451). Alternatively the acanthus might cover the body of the cup with arabesquelike scrolls and volutes as on several silver vessels from Hildesheim and Boscoreale (Winter and Pernice op. cit. T. 32, Mon. Piot 5, Pi. 32). This form of decoration however seems more suitable for tall vessels than for a flat cup. 56 αίπολικόν Θάημα: θάημα might be thought to require an adj. of quality, and αίολικόν, among the explanations of which in Σ are αίόλον, ποικίλον, may be an attempt to supply one. The noun however is sometimes used, like sight in English, to mean a remarkable sight (as in the 'Επτά θεάματα of Strabo 14.652, Plat. Com. fir. 130 ει τις όρχοϊτ* εύ, θέαμ* ήν: cf. Gal. 4 · 3 6 ι ) ; and αίπολικόν derives some slight support from A.P. 9.101 αίπολικόν μήνυμα, and Auson. Epist. 14.33 ρητορικόν θάημα, which appear to be echoes. Αίολικόν (and -ίχον in the Geneva Scholia printed by Ahrens) is explained as a variant of αίόλον but is other wise unknown in that sense, and αίόλος, which indicates a shift and play of light or colour, is an unsuitable word for a wooden cup. Αίολικόν might be explained (as it is alternatively by Σ and by Hesychius s.v.) as a reference to Calydon (57) since the district in which Calydon lies was called Aeolis (Thuc. 3.102). It is however very doubtful whether Καλυδωνίω should be read in that line (see n.). The superfluous τι of the mss is no doubt due to the quantity of the first syllable of θέαμα which has misled someone as to θάημα. It appears from 57 that αίπ. θάημα refers not merely to the acanthus ornament but to the cup as a whole. The meaning seems to be an object for a goatherd to marvel at. άτύξαι: Αρ. Rh. 1.465 τ ά ρ β ο ς . . . τ ό τ* άνάλκιδας άνδρας άτύ^ει. Unless ατυχεί is rightly read at Nic. Al. 193 these seem to be the only instances of the active of this verb until very much later Greek. 13
COMMENTARY
[27_57
27-56 T h e cup. From what has been said, it appears that the cup is a saucer like vessel with two handles, largely covered on the exterior with carved acanthus leaves. Round the edge, probably outside it, is a band of ivy-pattern. In the interior three scenes: in the centre an old man fishing, on one side a w o m a n between two men, on the other a boy between two foxes. These last two are fairly well balanced pendants and present also an agreeable contrast between urban and rustic life. The interior may be represented diagrammatically as follows:
The shape of the cup should probably be thought of as resembling a silver cup in the Hildesheim treasure (Pi. II. Α.), the interior of which contains a large medallion of Athena. T.'s cup must be conceived as substituting acanthus for myrtle leaves; and the foot should perhaps be omitted, the handles simplified. The interior may be reconstructed on the pattern of an Apulian dish (Pi. Ill) if we replace the rayed centre by the fishing scene, and leave in doubt the question h o w the two flanking scenes were separated from each other. That T. has an actual cup in mind is improbable. The description is over-elaborate for its context, and the suggestions of colour (31 and perhaps 46) and, more doubtfully, of relief (38, 43), unless they are embroidery by the poet, point rather to a piece of the silversmithery for which Alexandria was famous. The echoes of literary sources (34, 39-44, 46 nn.) suggest, further, that T. is inventing a work resembling in a general way silver-work with which he is acquainted, and that he has transferred his invention, which is a perfectly plausible product of Alexandrian art, to a rustic context in which, if we scrutinise it too closely, it is somewhat out of place. Descriptions of imaginary works of art are no new thing in Greek literature (see pp. 265 f.), and this one serves in the goatherd's mouth as something of a counterweight to his interlocutor's long solo. 1 57 πορθμήι Καλυδνίω: Calydna is the name of several Aegean islands (see RE 10.1762, 1768), among them apparently Calymnos, n o w called Kalimno. N . W . of Cos (Pi. VI). //. 2.677 mentions νήσους Καλύδνας in conjunction witn 1
Cf. P. FriecQander Joh. v. Gaza u. Paul. Silent. 13. 14-
58-64]
IDYLL I
Κών, Ευρυπύλοιο πόλιν. The choice between πορθμήι Καλυδνίω and πορθμεϊ Καλυδωνίω has usually been made by deciding whether the scene of the Idyll is Cos or Sicily, but I have given reasons for thinking this criterion inapplicable (Introd. p. xx). The word πορθμεύς is also indecisive since it may be used of long voyages (Hdt. 1.24); still, it is much more commonly used of short, and since Calydnian is the choicer of the two readings, it seems probable that T . means a man w h o conveys passengers between Cos and Calymnos (and perhaps other neighbouring islands), though not necessarily implying that the scene is Cos. See also 9.26 η. 58 τυρόεντα: Sophron/r. 14 speaks of άρτον τυρώντα and Hegemon ap. Ath. 15.698F of (άρτον) τυροΟντα, which are explained by Eustathius (975·5 2 ) as a kind of bread made with cheese. If that is so, some other meaning should probably be looked for here in view of γάλακτος, and the adj. used substantially has been generally understood to stand for τνρόν (cf. Lobeck Paral. 306). Hesychius has, probably from this passage, τυρόεντα· πλακούντα, but the genitive in T., if it is to mean made with rather than made of> presents difficulties. Nicander (Th. 697) speaks of στροφάλιγγα περιξήροιο γάλακτος, presumably a rounded mass of curd; possibly T. means something similar; cf. 11.20η. O n the form τυρόεντα see Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 239 (p. 153); but it seems more probable that the word is metrically trisyllabic than that the υ should be shortened, and as T., except in the combination εω, is sparing of synizesis, perhaps τυρώντα should be accepted from Heinsius. Cf. however 2.142. 59 ποτί: the analogy of Aesch. Ag. 432 πολλά γουν Θιγγάνει προς ή π α ρ is illusory since there is there an ellipse of αυτών or αύτου. Here the preposition must belong to the verb. ΓΤροσθιγγάνειν elsewhere governs a gen., and the ace. is very rare with the uncompounded verb: Archil, jr. 71 el γ ά ρ ώς έμοί γένοιτο χείρα Νεοβούλης θιγεϊν (where however Elmsley's χειρ{ may be right), Alcm. Jr. 38 ά μοι μη θίγης. It would be possible, as Jebb (on Soph. Ant. 546) suggested, to treat χείλος έμόν as subj. and to supply αυτού, but one would expect the subject of θίγεν to be the same as that of κείται. 6ι φίλος is presumably nom. for voc. (rather than in friendly wise), as, e.g., 149, Ap. Rh. 4.1073 val φίλος εΐ δ* άγε μοι See Headlam on Hdas 5.55. τόν έ φ . ΰ . ά.: Theogn. 993 έφίμερον υμνον άείδειν. Elsewhere rustic singers describe their songs as μέλη (1.7, 7.51, 8.34, I0.22, but cf. epigr. 2); Thyrsis's deals with a hero and describes an episode in his career much as do Idd. 13, 22, 24, 25, and it may be called ύμνος for that reason; cf. 144η. 62 κερτομέιυ: as Od. 13.326 σέ δέ κερτομέουσαν όίω | ταΰτ* άγορευέμεναι, ΐν* εμάς φρένας ήπεροπεύσης, Soph. Phil. 1235· πόταγ*: 15.78 η . 63 έκλελάθοντα: Τ. is thinking of II. 2.599 (Thamyris) αύτάρ άοιδήν | θεσπεσίην άφέλοντο και έκλέλαθον κιθαριστύν, and the sense requires a present participle, for the gnomic aor. is confined in the participle to reported speech (Goodwin M.T. §159)· T. is fond of presents formed from perfect stems (see 102n.) but έκλελάθοντα must be from the epic 2nd aor.—a formation paralleled by Apollonius's κέκλομαι (1.707, 716, 2.693, 3-85, 9θ8). Ahrens's otherwise attractive έκλαθοντα is improbable in view of the Homeric prototype. For Death the silencer cf. also Hes. Scut. 131 Θανάτοιο λαθιφθόγγοιο. 64-142 T h e S o n g o f Thyrsis. Thyrsis's masterpiece, which he n o w sings at the goatherd's invitation, is divided by refrains or intercalary verses into sections, of which the longest are of five, the shortest of two lines. Refrains occur at the following places: 64, 70, 73, 76, 79, 84, 89, 94, 99, 104,108, i n . 114, 119, 122, 127, 15
COMMENTARY
[64fT.
131, 137, 142. The mss show a remarkable unanimity as to their position and the tradition on this point appears to be quite firm. 1 The successive sections of the song therefore comprise the following numbers of lines: 5, 2, 2, 2, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 3, 2, 2, 4» 2, 4, 3, 5, 4. In Id. 2, T.'s other refrain poem, the sections are more regularly divided, nine sections of four lines being succeeded by twelve of five with a new refrain, and much ingenuity has been devoted to the task of detecting underlying design in the apparent irregularity of Id. 1, or, alternatively, in introducing it by transpositions, omissions, and assumptions of lacunae; but the refrains of the 'Επιτάφιος Bicovos and the semi-refrains of Bion's Επιτάφιος Άδώνιδος are also quite irregularly disposed, and these inquiries were long ago condemned by Bergk in an obiter dictum (Philol. 14.182). The question has since been discussed in detail by Wilamowitz (Textg. 137), who rightly emphasised the fact that the hexameter is a spoken verse, that the 'songs' which T. puts in the mouth of his characters can do no more than suggest in another medium the verses which they actually sang; and that anything in the nature of strophic responsion is not to be looked for.2 He argued plausibly that the short but irregular periods of this song, like the couplets of the two songs in Id. 10 and in 8.61-80 and the couplets and triplets of that in Id. 3, are a device for suggesting in epic verse the structure of sung verse. This view, which receives some support from the couplets and quatrains of the amoebaean songs in Idd. 5 and 8, should probably be accepted for Idd. 1,3,8 and 10, though it ought to be borne in mind that, on the one hand, there are songs in T. which show no such tendency, and that, on the other, the phenomena appear where there is no suggestion of song. The Adonis-song at 15.100 opens with two distinguishable sextets but has no further trace of περικοπαί, while the 'songs* in Idd. 6, 7, 11 appear to be quite without formal structure. The refrains at 2.64fF. articulate not a song but a narrative, and there are apparent series of couplets and triplets in contexts where, except that the poems might be called ' H y m n s ' , there is equally little suggestion of singing (16.1-4, 17.1-12, 22.2i8ff.). The refrains used to articulate the composition are three in number: Α. άρχετε βουκολικας, Μοΐσαι φίλαι, αρχετ' άοιδας. Β. άρχετε βουκολικά^, Μοΐσαι, πάλιν άρχετ' άοιδας. C. λήγετε βονκολικάς, Μοΐσαι, ΐτε λήγετ' άοιδας. Σ comment on C at 127, and the mss agree in introducing it at that point and using it from there on. At 123 Daphnis, w h o has taken leave of his native haunts, turns to address Pan, and 127 follows the first section of his address. It might seem therefore that if this position for C is correct, T. thought of his refrains as belonging to the section which precedes them, not to that which follows, and that the additional refrain thrown in to frame the whole composition is not the last at 142 but the first at 64. 1 The only variants worth recording are the omission of 108 in K P Q W , and the inversion of 114, 115 i n P Q W . a As I agree that the attempts to find 'strophic responsion' in TVs hexameters are based on unjustifiable premises, the subject will not be further mentioned in this book. I append however some references to works in which it is discussed: Adrian de locis aliquot primi Id. Theocr. (Ostern 1871); C. Freytag Coniecturarum in T. carmen I lusus otiosi (Meissen 1864); G. A. Gebauer de poet. Gr. Buc. carminibus (Leipzig s.a.; cf. Phil.-hist. Beitrdge C. Wachsmuth uberreicht 84); G. Hermann de arte poesis Gr. buc. (Leipzig i$49 = Opusc. 8.329); Η. Α. Τ. Koechly Carminum T. in strophas suas restitutorum specimen (Zurich 1858); P. E. Legrand Utude sur T. 386; A. Ludwich Homerischer Hymnenbau (Leipzig 1908); R. Steig de T. Idyll, composition (Berlin 1882); K. Witte Vergils vierte Ekloge {Wien. Stud. 42.63). See also Appendix iii nos. 28, 38, 57, 124, 157, 230, 231, 255, 319, 323, 338; Jahrb. class. Phil. 81.334.
I6
64-65]
IDYLL I
W i t h regard to refrains A and Β the evidence is less plain. Gallavotti (on 94) says merely πάλιν habent codd. inconstanter lam tf f. 73. According to Wilamowitz SHAE use refrain A to the exclusion of B ; the rest are inconsistent. Κ has refrain Β from 73 to 89 inclusive, but not elsewhere, while P Q T favour Β at the expense of A. 1 The only relevant papyrus evidence is from S 3 at 104, where it has refrain A. In this confusion we are reduced to the evidence of Σ, which comment on refrain B. The note in mss used by Ahrens is attached to 84, but that line is a highly im probable place for a change of refrain since it is in the middle of a sentence. In KGTAE it attaches to 94, which is more suitable but not wholly free from difficulty. At 91 Priapus's remarks are concluded, and there follows, without the interposition of a refrain, a couplet closing Daphnis's interview with the visitors w h o m he does not deign to answer and introducing the more momentous interview with Aphrodite. 94 is therefore a suitable position for a change of refrain. If however the refrains do not precede but follow the sections to which they belong, the change should come not at 94 but at 99. Id. 2, T.'s other refrain poem, does not show h o w T . thought of his refrains;2 but it may be suggested that the refrains beginning άρχετε were thought of as belonging to what follows, that beginning λήγετε to what precedes. That conclu sion is indicated by the content of the refrains themselves, and it is not itself incredible. Pindar's fifth Paean has prepositive refrains (cf. Aeschin. 2.163), and Σ, at 64, write τούτο λέγεται επωδός καΐ πρόασμα και έπι μελώδη μα, reflecting the fact that refrains may precede as well as follow, if not the opinion that they did so in this composition. If a series of periods with prepositive refrains is succeeded by one with postpositive, it is evident that where the latter system succeeds the former there will be a point where punctuation is needed and neither refrain available. That point is reached between 118 and 123, and it is perhaps not an accident that, though we find refrain Β both at 119 and 122, it frames a couplet (i2of.) which might belong as well to the preceding as to the following context and therefore serves to some extent to mask the transition, of which we are presently made aware by the occurrence of the postpositive refrain at 127. At 127 refrain C has, as the other refrains have not, a seeming relevance to the context in which it is embedded, for in the succeeding period Daphnis lays d o w n his pastoral pipe for the last time. The relevance is only apparent, for the song to which all the refrains refer is that of Thyrsis, not of Daphnis, but the unexpected appositeness might perhaps be thought to aid in disguising the awkwardness of the transition. O n the whole therefore it seems reasonable to suppose that T . thought of refrains A and Β as prepositive, C as postpositive, and that 94 is therefore the appropriate place to change from A to B. 64 άρχετε: αντί τοΰ αρχηγοί γίνεσθε, Σ. Alcm.^r. 45, Μώσ' άγε, Καλλιόπα, θύγατερ Διός, | άρχ' έρατών έπέων, Pind. Ν. 3·ΐο. Μοΐσαι φίλαι: cf. Alcx.fr. ι ό ι , Hdas 3.1. 65 Θύρσις: the poet 'signs' his work at the beginning, like Hecataeus (fr. 332M.), Herodotus, and Thucydides: cf. Cram. An. Ox. 3.336 άκούετε λεώ· Σουσαρίων λέγει τάδε, | utos Φιλίνου Μεγαρόθεν Τριποδίσκιος, Phocyl. frr. ι, 3-6. In poetry such 'signatures' may also be placed later in the poem: Hes. Th. 22, Eratosth. fr. 35 Powell; cf Alcm.fr. 25. 1 The precise details cannot be discovered from published collations. Ziegler asserts that Ρ has refrain A only at 70, 76, 108, i n , 119, but neither he nor Ahrens records any variant at 64, and Ρ omits 108. Wilamowitz's statement that AE disregard refrain Β disagrees with Ahrens as to A and with Ziegler as to E. 2 The first occurs both at the beginning and at the end of the incantation (cf. the Hymn of the Curetes, Powell Coll. Al. 160): on the second see 2.69, 142ml.
GT
11
17
2
COMMENTARY
[66-72
Αίτνας was probably understood by the author of 9.15, as by Σ, to be the mountain, but the 'signatures* mentioned above point rather to the town at its foot. άδέα: this form of fern. sing, is Ionic rather than Doric though it is not un exampled in Attic (K.B.G. 1.1.443). and even Epicharmus (fr. 63) has άδέα*. Homer has the repeated line-end ώκέα Ίρι$ (cf. Od. 12.374), and βαθέην, -η$ occur four times in the Iliad. T. has also 3.20 άδέα (cf. 27.4, 8.76η.), 7.78 ευρέα, 22.221 λιγεών, but άδεΐαν at 1.148 (see also 95η.). "Αδ* ά, which some editors have preferred, is improbable, for T., though fond of σττονδειά^οντεί, nowhere ends such a line with a disyllable; 1 it may however be doubted whether the meaning is sweet is the voice of Thyrsis, or, by supplying άδε, this is the sweet voice of Th. 66 f. The meaning is that the local Nymphs, had they been in their usual haunts, would have intervened to save Daphnis, w h o m they favoured (141); possibly therefore they were in Thessaly. Conversely at CaD. fr. 75.26 the un fortunate consequences of Cydippe's oath to Artemis are due to the fact that the goddess was at home in Delos when it was made there; cf. Pind. P. 4.5. Virgil's imitation of T. (E. 10.11 nam neque Parnasi uobis iugat nam neque Pindi | ulla moram fecere, neque Aonie Aganippe) either misses T / s point (for Gallus, at the time of his breach with Lycoris, cannot have been both in Thrace and Boeotia, and seems in fact to have been in Italy), or makes the different one that the Dryads were away from their posts of duty like Homeric gods when they visit the Ethiopians (//. 1.423, Od. 1.22), and were therefore out of touch with human affairs. At II. 16.514 Glaucus says that Apollo can hear his appeal whether he is in Lycia or the Troad; cf. Carm. Pop. 46.15 άλλοι μέν ή μακράν γ α ρ άπέχουσιν θεοί | ή ουκ 2χουσιν ώ τ α | ή ούκ είσίν ή ού προσέχουσιν ήμΐν ουδέ ε ν | σέ δέ παρόνθ' όρώμεν. 68 είχετ*: Od. 6.123 νυμφαων αϊ έχουσ* ορέων αίπεινά κάρηνα | και π η γ ά * ποταμών καΐ πίσεα ττοιήεντα, ΑΓ. Nub. 273 ή Μαιώτιν λίμνην εχετ' ή σκόπελον νιφόεντα Μίμαντο$. 69 "Ακίδος: Acis is apparently the Fiume di Jaci which rises under Etna and flows into the sea near Aci Reale. It was famed for the coldness of its water (Solin. 5.17) and is mentioned together with the Anapus again at O v . F. 4.468. It sprang, according to Ovid, from the blood of Acis, a son of Faunus, a rival for the hand of Galatea killed by Polyphemus (Met. 13.885), but even if T. knew this legend, the adjective Ιερόν is probably no more than an epitheton ornans; cf. 7.136, 8.33, //. 11.726, Od. 10.351, al. 71 Θώες: jackals are said not to be extinct in the wilder parts of Greece, and, unlike the lion of the next line, may have existed in Sicily in T.'s time; c£. 115. 72 χ ώ κ = κα! ό έκ as 109 χώδωνις (καΐ ό "Αδ.), 12.13 χώμυκλαϊά^ων,* 15.148 χώνήρ, epigr. 11 χυμνοθέτης (κ. ό. ύ.). The statement in Αρ. Dysc. Synt. 483.10 that Doric discarded the aspirate in erases is perhaps wrongly discredited (see Bergk on Lyr. Adesp. 34, Ahrens Dial. Dor. 38, Τ. 2.24 η.). H o w the double crasis should be written is uncertain, and καΐ ό 'Απόλλων in Hippon. fr. 31 is very variously treated by editors. In T. the only papyrus evidence is at 15.148, where ^ 3 has χωνηρ: in Herodas the papyrus has 2.97 χωσκληπιος, 4·3 χ ω π ο λ λ ω ν , but 4.66 χοαγων, 4.67 κω[αν]ασιμο$. I have preferred χ ώ - throughout. 2 λ έ ω ν : Σ comment on lions in Sicily and propose αν έκλαυσε (εΐ έν Σικελία λέων ήν), which has invaded some mss. The Sicilian Uons which form part of 1
The nearest parallels to 45* ά φωνά would be 11.58 έν χειμώνι, 15.145 ά Θήλεια. Wilamowitz printed χώκ, χώδωνις, χώνήρ, but χ* ώμυκλαΐά^ων. The use of the spiritus asper in such places instead of the coronis is in any case a solecism of modern editors; see K.B.G. 1.1.218, C.R. 39.80. 2
I8
75-84]
IDYLL I
Polyphemus's diet at Eur. Cycl 248 are no doubt humorously meant. Virgil (E. 5.27) writes Daphni, tuum Poenos etiam ingemuisse leones | interitum...loquuntur, and presumably T. also means that 'universal nature did lament* his loss besides the Sicilian mourners. Conversely the lions on Othrys (where they are less out of place) dance with the other animals for joy at Apollo's piping in Eur. Ale. 580. Cf. 7.74η. 75 δ έ : for the lengthening cf. 25.12, //. 23.198, Od. 9.293; T . 1.86, 18.5ml. 77 Hermes is frequently called Daphnis's father (e.g. Parthen. 29) or alter natively his lover (Ael. V.H. 10.18), but the words άττ' ώρεος suggest that he is named here rather as the god of flocks and herds (Roscher 1.2377). 78 κατατρύχει: Ar. Pax 987 ά π ό φ η ν ο ν . . . σ α υ τ ή ν | . . .τοΐσιν έρασταΐς | ήμΐν, οί σου τρυχόμεθ* ήδη | τρία καΐ δέκ* 2τη. J-ρασαι: the quantity of the penultimate of this word presents a serious difficulty which may be considered together with εράται at 2.149. Έράομαι, middle for active, appears at Plut. Mor. 753 A, Philostr. Gymn. 288 K., and T. might have referred to it II. 16.208 έράασθε and Sapph. Jr. 27.4D 2 Ιραται, though Pind. P . 4.92 shows that the latter may be subj. of 2ραμαι. If however we prefer έραται at 2.149 (so accented in $ 3 ) , this would then have to be altered to Doric έρήται, and it would not help to explain έρασαι (so accented in Palat. 330), since there is no evidence of such N e w Testament forms as καυχάσαι, όδυνάσαι in the 3rd century (Moulton Gr. ofN.T. Gk 2.198, Mayser Gr. d. gr. Pap. i 2 .2.9i). It would be possible to write ερασσαι here (with some mss; cf. 4.27), and έρήται at 2.149, but for the present it seems safer to regard both as eccentric forms of Ιραμαι. Wilamowitz thought them blunders on the part of T. 81 όνηρώτευν: 3.18η. It should perhaps be noted that Priapus, unless he is administering fictitious encouragement, knows with w h o m Daphnis is in love; Hermes knows that he is in love but not with w h o m ; his rustic comrades do not know what is the matter with him. These variations however are more likely to be embellishments of T. than of significance in the story, whatever that may have been. 82 τ ά λ α ν : 5.137η. τί τ ύ κ . τ . λ . : τ ύ seems preferable to vu since the pronoun points the contrast between Daphnis and the girl. At the end of the line the evidence points to τ υ rather than τε for the ace. form, and T. has seemingly no objection to τ ύ and τυ for nom. and ace. in the same line (5.41). 83 π ά σ α ς : despite the short final syllable the mss seem to favour the paroxytone accent, as also in Μοίρας (2.160), τρωγοίσας (9.11); see Ahrens Dial. Dor. 30. 84 f. The refrain breaks the sense once in T.'s other refrain poem (2.105) also, where it accentuates effectively a moment of suspense, and perhaps in Mosch. 3 (45; cf. C.R. 41.168), where the purpose is not obvious. Here it seems to have the effect of isolating, and therefore emphasising, the participle ^άτεισα. This word has been the subject of much conjecture, partly owing to its position and partly from the fact that if taken as true, it is fatal to the view that Daphnis is dying of unrequited love. But the analogy of 2.105 defends its position, and the view that Daphnis is dying of unrequited love would still be untenable if ^άτεισα were removed; see p. 2. For the Aeolic form of the participle see 1.36, 28.10 (p. 500) nn. δύσερως is applicable to anybody whose love is in any way perverse (e.g. Eur. Hipp. 193, Thuc. 6.13, Xen. Oec. 12.13, Powell Coll. Al. p. 185: Lyr. Adesp. 7.16, A.P. 12.81). Here it is obviously explained by αμήχανος and, as at 6.7, means gauche or backward in pressing a suit which, if pressed, will not be contested. 19
COMMENTARY
[86-88
τ ι ς : Τ. is fond of τις with adjectives ( I . I , 7.38, 10.5, 12.12, 14.56, 60, 18.10, 11; cf. 1.47, 4.30η.). The effect is to make the adjective slightly less blunt and direct: Od. 18.382 καί π ο ύ τις δοκέεις μέγας εμμεναι ήδέ κραταιός, Dem. 21.83 Στράτων Φαληρεύς, άνθρωπος πένης μεν τις και άπράγμων, άλλως δ* ού πονηρός, άλλα καί πάνυ χρηστός. έσσί: despite the express testimony of grammarians (Arcad. 142.18, Hdian 2.131.22, 553.9) editors of T. since Meineke have declined to treat έσσί as enclitic, and I have followed them, though without confidence. Ahrens is silent as to the mss, and I know only that in Κ it is enclitic at 5.77 but not here or at 7.43. The only papyrus evidence is at 18.10, where it is not enclitic in $ 3 . Editors appear to treat verbs elsewhere enclitic as non-enclitic in their distinc tively Doric forms, writing εστί, είσί, <ρασί enclitic, but έμμί, έντί, φαμί, φαντί as non-enclitic. 1 I know no evidence from grammarians, there is none from papyri, and little from K, which however accents φαμί, φαντί at 2.161, 6.26, 8.2, 15.137, but treats εστί as enclitic at 2.48, 5.75,14.52. I have no information from other mss. 86 βούτας: cf. 6.1, 44, 7.73. The meaning is probably you were called The Oxherd rather than you were said to be an oxherd: Diod. 4.84 Δ ά φ ν ι ν . . . βοών άγέλας παμπληθεΐς κεκτημένον τούτων ποιεϊσθαι πολλήν έπιμέλειαν αφ' ής αΙτίας βουκόλον αυτόν όνομασθήναι. μέν: here as at 6.46 the ms authority favours μέν rather than μάν, and with δε following the latter would be unusual (cf. Denniston Gk Part. 340). The same question arises at 2.159. F ° r t n e lengthening at the second arsis cf. 75, 15.90, 123, 16.62, 17.72, 22.19, 25.2, 12, 49, 69, 73, 172, 257. Μέν is lengthened in this position also at 25.49, II. 7.389. αίπόλω: it would seem from what follows, as from 6.7, where αΐπόλος and δύσερως arc again coupled, that goatherds were proverbially embarrassed in their relations with women (cf. Longus 3.18). Their reputation, sometimes shared with shepherds, for excess in various other forms of sexual indulgence (Dio Chrys. 6.20, Suid. s.v. Λυδός, A.P. 12.41; cf ib. 11.327) is perhaps rather a corollary than a contradiction. There is probably also the further point that to call Daphnis ό βούτας a goatherd is to depose him from the highest to the lowest grade of herdsmen: Donat. Vit. Verg. 49 (Wendel Schol. 17) tria genera pastorum sunt qui dignitatem in bucolicis habent, quorum minimi sunt qui αΐπόλοι dicuntur a Graecis, a nobis caprarii; paulo honoratiores qui μηλονόμοι ποιμένες, id est opiliones, dicuntur; honoratissimi et maximi qui βουκόλοι, quos bubulcos dicimus. T. has probably forgotten that the sole audience of Thyrsis's song is himself a goatherd. 87 έσορη = όρη as 90, 5.3, 6.31, 11.28, 13.4 and not infrequently in earlier Greek; cf. 6.22η. μηκάδας: 5.100. The adj. is Homeric; its substantival use perhaps as old as Soph. jr. 509 (with which see Antiphan./r. 1). Cf. 42η. 88 τάκεται ό φ θ . : epigr. 6 κατατάξεις | δάκρυσι διγλήνους ώ π α ς όδυρόμενος, Od. 19.208, Plut. Mor. ι ι ο ί Α λιπαίνειν τους οφθαλμούς και τήκεσθαι. δτι: for the hiatus cf 91, II. 24.593, a n d s e e 3·24» n . 5 4 n n . έγεντο: 13.2, 9, 14.27, 17.64. The syncopated form, which occurs first at Hes. Th. 199, 705, is used by Alexandrians both with and without the augment (Call. H. 1.50, 4.147, 5.59, Ap. Rh. T.I 141, 4.1427). The Homeric γέντο = εΙλε (Call. H. 6.44, Ap. Rh. 3.1321, 4.225) does not occur in T. 1 Ahrens however printed φυτόν είμΐ at 18.48. W h y at 22.170, in a non-Doric poem, all editors print άνεψιώ έκ πατρός έστόν Ι cannot guess. H o w Tr writes the words I do not k n o w : according to Ziegler Μ and X (and therefore probably V) have 2στον, an accent reported from one ms at II. 9.198 φίλτατοί έστον and disregarded by editors.
20
92-96]
IDYLL I
92 ποτελέξαθ': 25.192η. αύτώ: here, as at 15.131, Ahrens reported one or two mss as favouring ccCrrrather than αύτ-. Wilamowitz and Legrand preferred that form here, Wilamowitz at 15.131; and it is defensible both by Homeric and by later usage (Monro H.G. §252, K.B.G. 2.1.563). 93 όίνυε: accomplished, i.e. endured it to its predestined end. μοίρας: as the Homeric τέλος θανάτοιο (//. 3.309, al.)\ but there is something to be said for Wilamowitz's μοϊραν. 95 γ ε μάν: the force of the particles is not quite clear, (i) Elsewhere in T. (i39. 5-77). as most commonly in other authors, γε μάν (μην) is adversative, and since Daphnis's previous visitors have been friendly while Aphrodite proves to be hostile (96η.), that force is not impossible here. The particles however have other uses, (ii) They have also a progressive meaning, akin to denique, in enumeration. Xen. Mem. 1.4.5 οφθαλμούς μ έ ν . , . ώ τ α δ έ . . . ο σ μ ώ ν γε μήν, Polyb. 5-2.5 (see Denniston Gk Part. 349); and γε μεν, an epic alternative, is so used by Alexandrian poets (25.127, Call. H. 2.73, Ap. Rh. 4.1466, Arat. 1056). Since ήνθε is in sequence with ή ν θ \ . .ήνθον. . .ήνθ' in 77, 80f. that sense would be appropriate, (iii) γε μήν is sometimes used in earlier writers (e.g. Plat. Rep. 332E) to mark as it were a new paragraph or section of the theme, and Nicander frequently so uses both γε μήν (Th. 488, 738, 805) and γε μεν (Th. 80, 98, 458, 734, ΛΙ. 157, 567). That would not be unsuitable here, but the anaphora of the verb points to a climax, and perhaps makes (ii) the most probable explanation. Cf. 3.27, 4.60nn. άδεια, if feminine singular, must be part of the predicate, and the sense be ήνθε άδεια και γελάοισα, but the conjunction of adjective and participle is inelegant, for the participle, in view of what follows, cannot be regarded as quasi-adjectival. It seems probable therefore that άδεια is neut. plur. (as Σ assert), and that the sense is ήνθε και ά Κ., άδεια γελάοισα, as Λ.Ρ. 5.180 πικρά γέλα, 12.156 αβρά γελών. The form is u n c o m m o n : Hes. Scut. 348 όξεΐα χρέμισαν, Arat. 1068 θήλεια δε μήλα, Nic.fr. 71 δριμεία πέτηλα, Anton. Lib. 2.3 (probably from Nicander) τ ά ημίσεια, I.G. 12.3.330: 95 (Thera) τέκνα τ ά μέν θήλεια. 96 Opinion has been divided as to whether this means that Aphrodite was really smiling but pretending to be angry (as Norm. D. 34.303 είχε νόον γελόωντα, χόλον δ* άνέφηνε π ρ ο σ ώ π ω : cf. Aesch. Ch. 737, Eur. Or. 1122), or rather that she wore ? smile but was really angry (as //. 15.101 ή δ* έγέλασσε | χείλεσιν ουδέ μέτωττον έπ* όφρύσι κυανέησιν | Ιάνθη· πάσιν δέ νεμεσσηθεΐσα μετηύδα). Daphnis certainly treats her as hostile and says things calculated to anger her if she is not angered already, but at 138 Aphrodite makes a belated effort to save him, and it is not plain, a priori, that this indicates a change of mood. Λάθρη prima facie favours the first interpretation since it commonly means secretly. It is however capable of the meaning treacherously which is required by the second interpretation (Od. 17.79 ει κεν έμέ μνηστήρες άγήνορες εν μεγάροισι | λάθρη κτείναντες π α τ ρ ώ ι α π ά ν τ α δάσωνται), and this view of the phrase is almost necessitated by the participle, for ά ν ά . . . εχοισα is required by the upholders oi the first view to mean prae se ferens or, alternatively, keeping up, and no real parallels for either sense have been adduced. O n the second interpretation it will mean holding hack, suppressing. This sense is at least near akin to the use in sucr passages as //. 23.426 άφραδέως ίππά^εαι* αλλ* άνεχ' ίππους, Plut. Nic. 14 τά« μέν άλλας (ναΰς) άνεϊχον υπέρ του λι μένος εξω παρατάξαντες, δέκα δέ κατή· λαυνον εΤσω, Ant. 65, and of άνέχεσθαι in the sense oi forbear (Ar. Ach. 296 ci. Cleanthes^/r. 8 Powell), and it is defended more closely by Plut. Mor. 704Α τ( συστέλλειν καΐ άνέχειν τήν όρεξιν ετι παρούσης της άπολαύσεως. 21
COMMENTARY
[97-102
This interpretation, which seems forced upon us by ά ν ά . . . Ιχοισα, is on the whole the more probable on other grounds. In the first place άδεια.. .γελάοισα (95), however those words are taken, is most naturally understood as a description of manner rather than of mood, yet, if λάθρη means secretly, must describe mood not manner. In the second place Daphnis is dying of love and devotes eleven lines (100-113) to abuse of Aphrodite, and it is difficult to suppose that all this is due merely to a misunderstanding. If this view is correct, we should possibly accept Hermann's άδέα for λάθρη and regard the latter w o r d as an intrusive gloss. It follows also that 138 must indicate belated compunction on the part of the goddess, unless indeed we suppose her βαρυθυμία to be sorrow rather than anger. The words are capable of both meanings (e.g. Call. H. 4.215, 6.81), but in view of Daphnis's attitude anger seems considerably the more probable here. 97 κατεύχεο would most naturally be understood to mean prayed or bound yourself (as Ath. 13.573 Ε ol Ιδιώται δέ κατεύχονται TTJ Θεω.. .άπάξειν αυτή καΐ τας εταίρας), and the latter is satisfactory here. As good or better would be boasted, a meaning not found elsewhere in this compound. It is possible therefore that we should read, with C. F. Hermann, κατ' ευχεο, and attach the preposition to λυγιξεΐν, which would be none the worse for some intensification of meaning. The compound κ α τ α λ υ γ φ ι ν is attested by Hesychius. λυγιξεΐν: Auyi^iv, -εσθαι are used of the willowy or withe-like (λύγος) twists of wrestlers or athletic dancers (Luc. Anach. ι οϊ μεν αυτών περιπλεκόμενοι αλλήλους υποσκελί^ουσιν, οι δέ άγχουσι και λυγί^ουσι, 24 ώθισμούς και ττεριπλοκάς και λυγισμούς, Soph. Ichn. 362 στρέφου λν/γί^ου τε μύθοις, Α Γ . Vesp. 1487) and would seem to mean to get at a disadvantage, since the alternative to bind with withes, suggested by Σ, is improbable. If that is the meaning, the future is preferable to the present in sense. T h e word, if rightly conjectured there, is bor rowed from this passage by the author of 23.54. For Love as a wrestler see Pearson on Soph./r. 941.13. 98 ή jb' here and elsewhere (e.g. 2.6, 114, 158) should perhaps be written as one w o r d : see Denniston Gk Part. 284, Schroeder Pind. Carm. p. 23. έλυγίχθης: the form is unique in T.; cf. however άρμόχθη (Philolaus frr. 1, 2 Diels-Kranz), ποριχθέντα (Lysis: Hercher Epistol. Gr. p. 602), and similarly νενομίχθαι (Sthenis ap. Stob. 4.7.63); cf. Ahrens Dial. Dor. 92. 100 χ ώ : cf. 8.8. The force of καί is not clear but here it possibly emphasises the fact that at this interview, unlike those recorded in 77-91, Daphnis also spoke. If so however it is not quite logical, and καί occurs in similar epic contexts (e.g. II. 2.336, 3.96, al. τοΐσι δέ καί μετέειπε..., 5.632 τον καί Τληπόλεμος πρότερος προς μΟβον Ιειπε, Call. Η. 4.121 τήν δ* άρα και Πηνειός άμείβετο), in some, but not all, of which it might represent in his turn. Cf. 143 η . ποταμείβετο: the compound seems not to occur elsewhere. ΙΟΙ νεμεσσατά: the adj. is used of persons elsewhere only at II. 11.649 αΐδοΐος νεμεσητός, where the meaning is debated. T. would seem to have understood it as wrathful or vindictive. απεχθής is capable of meaning hostile (Onos. 37.3, 2 Mace. 5.23), but in view o f such passages as II. 5.890 έχθιστος δέ μοί έσσι θεών, 9·Ι59» and Μ· 6.140 άθανάτοισιν απήχθετο πασι θεοϊσιν, Od. 10.75» it is more likely to mean, as at 141, hated or
hateful. 102 γαρ looking back to 98. δεδύκειν: perfects with present terminations are said by various grammarians to be a feature of Syracusan Doric (see Epich. fr. 190, Ahrens Dial. Dor. 328). 22
103-106]
IDYLL I
Τ.has also δεδοίκω (15.58), πεττοίθω (5.28), πεττόνθω (ιο.ΐ),πεφύκω (5-33» 93, " . ι ) and probably others (see 4.7, 40, 7.83 nn.). 1 The phrase, apart from the form, seems to be proverbial since it was used in 185B.C. by Philip the Fifth of Macedon (who can hardly be supposed to have been quoting T.) when arraigned by the Thessalians for failing to surrender certain towns: Diod. 29.19 λοιδοροΟσι τους προγεγονότας κυρίους ούκ είδότες δτι ούττω πας αντοϊς ό ήλιος δέδυκεν, Liv. 39· 26 ·9 nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse. 103 άλγος: cf. Bion 2.10 Έλέναν...Οίνώνπ κακόν άλγος, Α.Ρ. 9-390 τέτρατον άλγος έτικτε, Η. Horn. 4.160, Hes. W.D. 804. The meaning seems to be that in the next world Daphnis will be as recalcitrant as in this, rather than that Eros will be plagued with the thought that he died sooner than yield. 105 ο ύ : mss and Σ agree in reading ou, but the Doric for where is $ or ως, and in any case the relative clause preceding its antecedent is flat. Graefe and Briggs were no doubt right in correcting to ού with a question-mark after βουκόλος. For the aposiopesis to avoid an indelicacy cf. 5.149, Ar. Vesp. 1178 ώς ό Καρδοπίων την μητέρα (where see Blaydes), Headlam on Hdas 1.84, L. Sternbach Anth. Plan. App. Barberino-Vaticana 17, C.R. 12.246. Very similar is Virg. E. 3.8 nouimus et qui te, transuersa tuentibus hircis, | et quo—sedfaciles nymphae risere—sacello. 6 βουκόλος: Anchises: H. Horn. 5.53 Ά γ χ ί σ ε ω δ* άρα ol γλνκΰν ΐμερον εμβαλε θυμω | δς τότ* έν άκροττόλοις όρεσιν ττολυτπδάκου Ίδης | βονκολέεσκεν βοϋς, II. 5-3!3. Longus 4·ΐ7·6> Prop. 2.32.35» Ο ν . Her. 16.201. ioof. The ms tradition in this difficult passage is ώδε κύπειρος, | ώδε καλόν κ.τ.λ., <± reading which contrasts the oaks on M t Ida with the bees and galingale in Sicily. There seems no point in such a contrast, for the explanation in Σ (ώστε σκέττειν σε σννερχομένην τ ω Ά γ χ ί σ η . ένταΟθα δέ ταπεινή βοτάνη και μή δυναμένη σκέττειν σε) is untrue in fact (see n6ff.) and would in any case be intolerable. The sentence is repeated at 5.45 in the form τουτεί δρύες, ώδε κύττειρος, ώδε κ.τ.λ. There are other echoes of this context in T. (109, cf. 3.46; n o , c£. 5.107), and the repetitions of 1.13 at 5.101 and of 1.138 at 7.90 seem plainly due to the poet, 2 so that the lines need not be suspected on that account, but it is likely that if they are genuine ώ δ ε . . . ώδε here may be derived from 5.45, for there is evidence that another reading was known in antiquity. Plutarch, in a passage of the Quaest. Nat. n o w sur viving only in the Latin version of Longolius (5 p. 399 Bern.), discusses the question cur apes citius pungunt qui stuprum dudum jecerunt?', and explains that such persons are immundiores et citius ah apibus deprehenduntur Unde apud Theocritum jocose Venus ad Anchisen a pastore ablegatur uti apum aculeis propter adulterium commissum pungatur. Te confer ad Idam, | confer ad Anchisen, ubi quercus atque cypirus | crescit, apum strepitatque domus melliflua bombis. Et Pindarus: Parvula favorum fabricatrix quae Rhoecum pupugisti aculeo, domans illius perfidiam. If Longolius can be trusted, Plutarch s text was plainly ήδέ κύπειρος | αϊ δέ καλόν, as Meineke pointed out (cf. 5.33 n.). The lines in this form are simple enough, and Plutarch's interpretation gives them a point which they sorely need. The succeeding couplets contain references, oblique but unmistakable, to the death of Adonis ( n o ) , and to Aphrodite's Ahrens and Ziegler wrote δεδυκεΐν, which appears to be the accentuation in P Q A and in a citation at Eust. 1266.47, and they were followed by Wilamowitz and Legrand. In Dial. Dor. 330 Ahrens wrote δεδύκειν, and also γεγάκειν (Pind. O. 6.49), ττεφύκειν (Epich.fr. 173), άλώκειν (Plut. Lys. 14), and the last three words are so accented by modern editors. I have therefore followed Κ here in writing the word paroxytone. 2 Cf. further 1.38 (7.48)» 1.58 (5-53). 2.19 (11.72), 3-6 (4-38), 6.17 (14-62), 13.32 (22.32), 18.46 (22.76), Legrand Etude 353. The mss however are not wholly reliable, for the repetitions at 6.41, 8.77 seem plainly false, as does 2.61 which echoes a phrase from 3.33.
23
COMMENTARY
[109-110
encounter with Diomede (112), and neither of these was calculated to afford the goddess any satisfaction. W e expect therefore a similar point in 105-7, and if her liaison with Anchises had the end which Plutarch suggests, the point is there. There is a story, seemingly as old as H. Horn. 5.286, that Anchises revealed his secret liaison with the goddess and was punished by Zeus with a lightning stroke which killed (Hygin. 94) or enfeebled (Virg. Aen. 2.649, Servius ad loc.) or blinded (Serv. ad Aen. 1.617, 2.35, 687) him. In the two last-named passages Servius ascribes the tale to T., probably because it was mentioned at this place in the fuller version of the Theocritean scholia available to h i m ; and it provides a point which Daphnis might legitimately make against Aphrodite here—the love-affairs of Anchises and Adonis had no happy ending, and that though they were with the goddess herself; but it does not, at any rate in the bald form known to us, explain the words τ η ν ε ΐ . . . μέλισσαι nor, if we omit 107 as a doublet from 5.46, the end of 106. This line and a half seems to presuppose a story, apparently known to Plutarch but otherwise unrecorded, that the instrument of punishment was not lightning but bees. Longolius's words would most naturally be taken to mean that Aphrodite herself was stung, and such a story would suit Daphnis as well as a misfortune to Anchises. Since however there is a legend, well attested but told with varying detail, that Anchises suffered for the liaison, it is perhaps better to suppose that Plutarch gave yet another version and that Anchises is the subject of pungatur in Longolius, or was the subject of the Greek verb he is translating. It may be added that Rhoecus, though Pindar as cited does not say so, was blinded by a bee after a quarrel with the Hamadryad with w h o m he had a liaison (Σ Αρ. Rh. 2.477) and that Daphnis himself was blinded according to the common story (p. 1) for unfaithfulness to
a Nymph. If this line of interpretation is correct, there remains the question whether Daphnis is referring to discreditable incidents in the goddess's past or predicting them in the future. O n the one hand 105 ff., 109 f. suggest, prima facie, that the adventures are still to come and that Adonis is still alive. They might however be explained by an ironical pretence of ignorance on the part of Daphnis. O n the other hand αύτις in 112 most naturally suggests that Aphrodite's encounter with Diomede at II. 5.330 is past history, and therefore a fortiori that her affair with Anchises, if not with Adonis, is so also. It is possible however to interpret ocCms otherwise (112η.), and there seems no decisive means of determining between the two possibilities, either of which satisfies the requirements of the context; and indeed it is perhaps unlikely that T. would have troubled over an inconsistency of this kind. κύπειρος, cyperus longus, galingale, grows to a height of two or three feet in dry soil (which the oaks might be thought to suggest) and to considerably more in swampy places. The neut. κύπειρον, well supported here and at 5.45, is Homeric (//. 21.351, Od. 4.603), but T. has the masc. at 13.35. σμάν€σσι = σίμβλοι$ as at 8.46, Hes. Th. 594, A.P. 6.239, Arist. H.A. 626a 13, al. 109 ωραίος: of marriageable age: Hes. W.D. 695 ωραίος δε γυναίκα τεόν ποτΐ οϊκον άγεσθαι, Enr.fr. 804, Xen. Symp. 8.21. χ ώ δ ω ν ι ς : 72 η. έπεί: the meaning can hardly be Adotiis must be in his prime since..., for shepherding, and even hunting, may be done by boys (cf. 5.107, 6.3, 8.3). The alternatives seem to be / mention him because he too is a rustic, and though lie is only a shepherd (Goodwin M.T. §719); and in the general obscurity of the context it is hard to decide between them. n o θηρία: the reference is plainly to the boar from w h o m Adorns met his death. This accident was due, in one account, to the wrath of Artemis (Apoll. 24
ιΐ2-ιι8]
IDYLL I
3.14.4), in another, to the vengeance of Ares (Serv. ad Aen. 5-72)· The first explana tion is apposite to what seems to be TVs conception of Daphnis (p. 2), the second not less suitable if Daphnis is merely taunting Aphrodite. 112 αύτις: the reference in this couplet is to //. 5-33orT., where Aphrodite is wounded and driven from the field by Diomede. Αύτις might naturally be sup posed to mean that Aphrodite, fresh from her victory over Daphnis, is to go and challenge Diomede to a second bout. This interpretation however involves some difficulties (see 106 n.), and αύθις, αύτις may mean hereafter or thereafter without implying a repetition of a preceding action; e.g. II. 1.140 αλλ 1 ή τοι μεν ταύτα μετάφρασαμεσθα και αύτις, | νυν δ' ά γ ε . . . , 3-439 ν υ ν V&v γ α ρ Μενέλαος ένίκησεν συν 'Αθήνη, | κεϊνον δ' αότις εγώ, Soph. Ο.Τ. 1403. O n the whole however the simpler explanation seems the more probable. δπως στάση: όπως and όπως μή c.fut. ind. in the sense of command or prohibition seems, apart from this passage (which the grammars overlook), to be an exclusively Attic idiom. The proposal to regard δπως στασή as a final clause dependent on έρπε in 106, and to treat what intervenes as parenthesis, gives unsatisfactory sense, and its gross clumsiness is accentuated by the imperative in 113. It appears inevitable that, if the passage is approximately as T. wrote it, δπως στασή should mean set yourself. It is perhaps surprising that T. should employ this idiom, but it is not his only borrowing from Attic (152η.), and it may be said that, whereas modern grammars treat it as purely Attic and occurring first at Aesch. Prom. 68, T. might suppose with some show of reason that it was to be found at //. 1.13 5 άλλ* εΐ μεν δώσουσι γέρας μεγάθυμοι 'Αχαιοί, | άρσαντες κατά θυμόν, δπως άντάξιον εσται. άσσον ιοΐσα: II. 22.92 άλλ* δ γε μίμν* 'Αχιλήα πελώριον άσσον ϊόντα, ib. 6.143· 115 Daphnis turns from Aphrodite and before dying takes leave of his surroundings much as Aias at Soph. Aj. 856. θώες, ώ : Τ. frequently lengthens a short syllable at the third arsis (18.5η.) or omits to shorten there a long vowel in hiatu (2.145 η.). The shortening of the interjection ώ, nowhere so treated in Homer, occurs again at 15.123; cf. Virg. E. 2.65. φωλάδες άρκτοι: the phrase recurs in a hymn to Isis [I.G. 12.5.739: 44). Daphnis's bears need no more be correct zoologically than Thyrsis's Sicilian lion (72), but see 11.41η. I l 6 f . The verb to be supplied seems to be έρχομαι, φοιτώ or the like. For the ellipse of a verb of motion cf. 5.3 η., 8.49, 14.68, 13.60, 147, Hdas 1.9 τί συ θεός προς ανθρώπους;, Blaydes on Ar. Ran. 1279. Ά ρ έ θ ο ι σ α : 9n. ι ι 8 θύβριδος: Σ (i) δύβρις κατά γλώσσαν ή θάλασσα, τινές δέ Σικελίας έφησαν ποταμόν θύμβριδα. (ϋ) θύβρις ποταμός Σικελίας, έφ' ώ μυθεύονται Ήρακλήν ( . . . ) τάς εκ της Έρυθείας βους έλαύνων ενταύθα άφίκετο· γενομένου δέ χειμώνος ανυπερβλήτου χώσαι τον ποταμόν και έπίπεδον ποιήσαι, εφ* οΟ οί Κεφαλοίδιοι δείκνυνται κατοικοΰντες. Θεαίτητος δέ φησι Συρακοσίους ά π ό της ύβρεως < . . . ) . Άσκληπιάδης δέ ό Μυρλεανός διά του δ γράφει καί φησι · δύβρις κατά γλώσσαν ή θάλασσα, γράφουσι δέ τίνες κατά Θύμβριδος* έστι δέ και ούτος ποταμός Σικελίας. Scrvius (ad Aen. 3·500)» discussing Virgil's Thybris for Tiberis, in a note perhaps derived in part from a fuller version of Σ than has survived (see Wendel T.-Scholien 59), asserts that Athenian prisoners were com pelled to dig a ditch round the fortifications of Syracuse and that this was converted into a moat by turning a river into it. Hanc igitur fossam, per hostium poenam et iniuriam factum, Thybrin [Thilo: Ybrin and Tibrin mss] uocauerunt από της ύβρεως... circa Syracusas autem esse fossam Thybrin [Thilo: Ybr-, Tybr-, Tibr- mss] 25
COMMENTARY
[120-126
nomine Theocritus meminit; cf. ad Aen. 8.330. The name remains unexplained. In addition to Thybris = Tiber (on which see K. Meister Lat.-Griech. Eigennamen 61), Thymbres, Tymbres or Timbrius is the name of a river in Phrygia which runs int the Sangarius; Thymbrius, of a tributary of the Scamander. The name therefore has a connexion with rivers, but T.'s Thybris (if that is what he wrote) would appear from the context to be a mountain, wide valley, or tract of country (cf. I/. 9.14, 16.3 κρήνη μελάνυδρος | ή τε κατ* αίγίλιπος πέτρη* δνοφερόν χέει Οδωρ). J. Schubring thought that the name survived in the modern Monte Crimiti near Syracuse (cf. ΛΕ4Α1503); Biicheler, that it was a local name for Etna, connecting it with toj\x\av,fumidus. Both conjectures would give satisfactory sense, but they are without external support. It may be added, since the name is so obscure, that by one account Pan's mother was named Thybris or Thymbris (Σ Pind. Pyth. hypoth.; cf. Apoll. 1.4.1). I20f. The purpose of this couplet is perhaps no more than to expand what has been said in 116, though it might also be a prelude to the following summons to Pan—an ambiguity which may have a purpose (see p. 17). In Virgil's imitation (E. 5.43) the announcement has become an inscription for Daphnis's tomb, but that cannot be read into the context here, nor is it plain to w h o m T.'s Daphnis should give funerary instructions. The participles represent imperfects, not presents, since Daphnis's pastoral days are now over (116). 123 ώρεα: Λύκαιον, properly so called, has two peaks, but the name is used also for the whole range west of Megalopolis (Paus. 8.41.3 έν δρει τ φ Κεραυσίω, του Λυκαίου δέ μοϊρά εστί). Either fact might account for the plural. The mountain was accounted the birthplace of Pan: Virg. G. 1.16 ipse, nemus linquens patrium saltusque Lycaei, | Pan, ouium custos, tua si tibi Maenala curae, | adsis, Serv. ad he. 124 άμφιπολείς: Pind. O. 12.2 Ίμέραν ευρυσθενέ' άμφιπόλει σώτειρα Τύχα. Μαίναλον : Paus. 8.36.8 τ ο δέ δρος το Μαινάλιον Ιερόν μάλιστα είναι Πανό* νομί^ουσιν, ώστε ol ττερί αυτό καΐ έπακροασθαι oupijovTos τοΰ Γίανός λέγουσι, Call. Η. 3.87, al. 125 'ΕλΙκας: Helice, or Callisto, according to Arcadian myth, was daughter of Lycaon and mother of Areas, who is here called by patronymic derived from his grandfather, as Achilles is called Aeacides and Heracles Alcides, but with the more reason since his father was Zeus and his mother unmarried. For the details of the story, which vary, see Roscher 2.931. T. is probably thinking of the myth, used by Epimenides, that Pan and Areas were her twin sons (Σ on 1.3; cf. Σ Rhes. 36). flov: according to Pausanias 8.35.8 the tomb of Callisto was a high wooded mound, crowned with a temple of Artemis, on the s.w. of Maenalus. cPiov is not a very suitable word for such a hill (Hesych.: jMov άκρα, κορυφή, opos χαλεττόν, κρημνός), and if a reference to Helice's tomb is required, it might be better to accept Bosius's λίττ' ήρίον. Lycaeus and Maenalus have however been mentioned in 123 f, and as Arcas's tomb was on the latter (126 η.), Έλίκας f>iov might be expected to mean Lycaeus. The myth of Helice does not seem very closely localised in Arcadia, and though her constellation is called Maenalia Arctos and Maenalis Vrsa, Σ 123 has Λύκαιον δρος.,.είς δ...έλθοΰσαν...Καλλιστώ υ π ό Έρμου τραφήναι άρκτον ουσαν, and connects the name of the mountain with Lycaon. For a different interpretation see 126 η. 120 Λυκαονίδαο: Areas (125η.). His tomb in historic times was by the altar of Hera in a place called 'Ηλίου βωμοί at Mantinea, but it had been moved to that place from M t Maenalus in consequence of an oracle (Paus. 8.9.3). μακάρεσσιν ά γ . : it is not plain w h y the gods should admire or delight in the tomb of Areas, and the phrase is perhaps no more than an indication of high 26
128-129]
IDYLL I
reverence, as at 24.29 τ α καΐ θεοί έχθαίροντι of detestation; but Maenalus, though a less holy mountain than Lycaeus, has associations with other gods besides Pan— Zeus (Pind. O. 9.58, Σ ad loc), Dionysus (Colum. 10.429), Hermes (Stat. Th. 7.65, 80). άγητόν: T.'s use of the Homeric form of this adjective (rather than άγαστόν) is confirmed by the echo of the phrase at O p p . Cyn. 1.364. Σ explain the allusions in these lines very differently. 'Piov they take for the promontory so named on the Corinthian Gulf, Helice for the Achaean town (on which see 25.164η.), and Lycaonides for Aepytus, a son of Areas, whose tomb is mentioned at II. 2.604. This interpretation was accepted by Wilamowitz and by Roscher (3.1355), w h o thought the reference to Aepytus supported by T.'s choice of the adjective αίπν. Helice seems however to have been much too far from Rhium for the names to have been thus connected (RE 7.2855), there is little evi dence to connect Pan with Achaea (Roscher 3.1358), and as Daphnis in 123f. has assumed Pan to be in one of his Arcadian haunts, his Achaean seats, if they existed, are irrelevant. 128 φ έ ρ ε υ : the middle is commonly used of carrying off a prize or a reward, but sometimes merely of accepting a gift (e.g. Od. 15.83, 21.349), as seemingly here. Pan is said to have taught Daphnis music (Serv. ad Eel. 5.20) and is perhaps bequeathed his syrinx for that reason, but cf. 3 n. μελίπνουν might mean sweet-voiced, as in μελίπνοον αύδάν (Limenius, Powell Coll. Al. p. 149.13), or sweet-scented, as in μελίπνοι/s λίβανος (A.P. 6.231), and commentators, from Σ on, have been doubtful whether the meaning is sweet-voiced and made of compacted wax or sweet-scented from the wax used in its construction. Prima facie the sound of the pipe might seem more important than its smell, but on this view έκ κηρώ presents a difficulty. Έκ is commonly used with the material of which a thing is made (cf. 15.49, 123, 17.21, 21.11), but the syrinx, though oddly called κηρόπλαστος δόναξ at Aesch. Prom. 575, is really made of reeds, and the wax, though important, is only an adjunct. Since therefore we may naturally expect a connexion between honey and wax, it seems probable that the meaning is smelling of honey from the wax. It may be noted that the goatherd is similarly insistent on the smell of his cup (28, 149). 129 κηρώ: the Greek syrinx was a rectangular instrument composed of reeds of equal length, the successive rises in pitch of the pipes being effected, not as in the Etruscan and Roman forms by cutting each reed shorter than the last, but by reducing its effective length with a stopping of wax (Arist. Prob. 919b8). W a x was also used both in the Greek and the Roman forms of the instrument to fasten the loose pipes together into a solid mass (4.28, 8.1911η., epigr. 5, Eur. I.T. 1125 ό κηροδέτας κάλαμος ουρείου Πανός, Ath. 4-184A, Page Lit. Pap. 1 p. 504, Tib. 2.5.32, O v . Met. 1.711, Calp. 3.26, Nemes. 1.58, Claud. Epith. 35). O n the Greek form of syrinx see p. 554, Furtwangler Kl. Schr. 1.157, J.H.S. 27.167, J.Ph. 33.135. The later form is described at Ach. Tat. 8.6 (cf. Σ Τ . 8.19). καλόν: see next note. περί χείλος έλ.: these words have been understood to mean (i) with curved lip, (ii) curved about the player's lip, (iii) to be moved along the lip. Against (i) and (ii) it must be said that there is no evidence that such curvature was either practised or practical: against (iii), which has the support of Σ (περί χείλος είλουμένην έν τ ω συρί^ειν), that the sense given both to the verbal adj. and to the preposition cannot really be defended. The natural meaning of π ε ρ ί . . . έλικτάν is wrapped round (2.121 λ ε ύ κ α ν . . . | πάντοθι πορφυρέαισι περί 3ώστραισιν έλικτάν: cf. 22.8ι, 24·3°» 2 5· 2 4 2 )» and that is satisfactory here. The reeds of the syrinx are united by 27
COMMENTARY
[130-133
the wax into a rectangular block, which is then made more secure with bands. These wrappings are regularly shown in representations of the instrument, usually as parallel strips two or more in number, sometimes as a sort of case covering all but the ends of the pipes, and Pollux (4.69) defines the instrument as καλάμων συνθήκη λίνω καΐ κηρω συνδεθεΐσα. (Norm. D. 1.436 ου πλεκτούς καλάμους καλάμοις στοιχηδόν ελίσσω is obscure and perhaps implies a misunderstanding of this passage.) Χείλος is ace. of respect and means the lip of the instrument: it does not seem to have that meaning elsewhere except in Σ here, but it is used of the edges of various other orifices, and as στόμα and γ λ ώ σ σ α are used of musical instruments (e.g. Theophr. H.P. 4.11.4) the figure of speech cannot be considered inappropriate. T.'s description of the pipe thus corresponds closely with that of Pollux (above) except that he more logically reverses the order in naming the wax and the binding. Between the attributes μελίττνουν έκ κηρώ and περί χείλος έλικτάν however, καλάν, his commonest and most conventional adjective, seems ill-placed; and it is probable that Fritzsche's καλόν should be preferred. Fritzsche, w h o accepted Z's view of περί χείλος έλικτάν, treated καλόν as adverbial; if the view here given is correct, it will agree with χείλος. The lip owes its elegance to the binding however and the resulting sense is much the same. 130 "Αιδαν is much better supported and on other grounds seems slightly preferable to "Αιδος since T., though he has 16.30 είν Άίδαο, uses the accusative of the name after είς (63, 4.27, 16.52, epigrr. 6, 16). He admits the disyllabic form of the word elsewhere (2.33; cf. 25.271, epigr. 6), and he does not use its 3rd decl. forms. The heavier rhythm with a spondee preceding the bucolic diaeresis resembles in the genuine bucolic poems 5.132, 10.38, 58, 11.1, 62, and might here be thought not inappropriate to the sense. 132-136 The drift of the following lines is not quite plain, but the figures are of a kind common especially in Latin poetry. Such reversals of nature as are there mentioned are predicted or prayed for in the event of something deemed im possible occurring (e.g. Virg. E. 1.59, Hor. C. 1.33.7, Epod. 5.79, 16.25, Prop. 1.15.29, 2.15.31, O v . Met. 13.324, 14.37, Trist. 5.13.21, e P. 4.5.41, 6.45, lb. 31, Nemes. 1.75) or after it has occurred (Archil, fr. 74, A.P. 5.19, Hdt. 5.92, Nic. Eugen. 4.304, Virg. E. 8.27, 52, Aen. 11.403, Hor. C. 1.29.10, O v . Tr. 1.8.1; c£. T. 5.i24-7n.). The two cases are seen together at Ov. Her. 5.25 popule uiue precor quae consita margine ripae | hoc in rugoso cortice carmen habes: | Cum Paris Oenone poterit spirare relicta, | adfontetn Xanthi uersa recurret aqua. | Xanthe retro propera, uersaeque recurrite lymphae. | sustinet Oenonen deseruisse Paris.1 Since Virgil in E. 8 and Nicetas are imitating T. they presumably understood Daphnis to mean that his death is so surprising that nothing should n o w seem impossible, and though Daphnis seemed at 103 to be contemplating the possibility this gives satisfactory sense. Alternatively, but in view of the parallels much less probably, we might suppose him to mean that if he is to die nothing that can happen thereafter can matter to him (cf. Tr. Gr. Fr. adesp. 513 έμοΰ θανόντος γαία μιχθήτω πυρί · | ουδέν μέλει μοι* τάμα y a p καλώς 2χει, with Nauck's note). 132 ϊ α : 7-64, 10.28nn. άκανθα ι: the w o r d is applied to many different prickly plants and trees from thistle (6.15) to acacia, and TVs precise meaning can hardly be determined. 133 νάρκισσος: the word is commonly masculine, but c£. A.P. 5.147 (Meleager), Kaibel Ep. Gr. 548. T . has, also exceptionally, ή κότινος (5.32, ioo, [27.11]), 1 For άνω ποταμών (χωροΟσι παγαΐ), which became proverbial from Eur. Med. 410, see Leutsch Paroem. Gr. 2.96.
28
134-136]
IDYLL I
ό άχερδος (24.90), and apparently ή κύτισος (10.30), ή κλισμός (15.84), ή "Ερνξ (15.101); cf. 15.119η. κομάσαι: the use of the verb is varied from the normal which would be ναρκίσσω δε κομάσαι ά άρκενθος: see 4-57 n For impossibilities illustrated from the vegetable kingdom as here cf. 5.125, Theogn. 536 ούτε γ α ρ έκ σκίλλης (ί>όδα φύεται ούδ* υάκινθο?, | ούτε π ο τ ' έκ δούλης τέκνον έλενθέριον, Virg. Ε. 8.53, Ο ν . Α. Α. ι.747· 134 Αναλλα: this adj., cited by L. and S. only from Eust. 1000.31 άναλλα τ α π ά ν τ α ποιεΐν, should perhaps be preferred to εναλλα. Eustathius elsewhere treats άναλλα πάντα, possibly from this passage, as proverbial (Opusc. 154.69; cf. 323.10, Rhet. Gr. 1.636.12 Walz). In favour of εναλλα, which is little commoner, are A.P. 5.299 (Agathias) πάντα δ' εναλλα γένοντο (where however the corrector has written άναλλα), and perhaps Nic. Eugen. 4.307 γένοιτο π ά ν τ α νύν εναλλάξ έν βίω. The suggestion, which apparently owes its currency to Elmsley (Class.· Journ. 5.179), that Virg. E. 8.58 omnia ttel medium fiat mare shows Virgil to have confused εναλλα with εναλα or ενάλια is unconvincing since Virgil's imitation departs in other particulars from T. If accepted however it would show Virgil's text to have been εναλλα. δχνας: 7.120η. 135 2λκοι: worry, tear to pieces: II. 22.335 σέ μέν κύνες ήδ' οίωνοί | έλκήσουσ' άικώς, 17-558, Eur. H.F. 568, Hdt. 1.140, Plat. Rep. 7-539»· For similar reversals of the natural order see Dirae 4 ante lupos rapient haedi, uituli ante leones, | delphini fugient piscist aquilae ante columbas, Virg. E. 8.52, Ov. A. A. 1.272, Val. Fl. 3.706. 136 Virgil writes (E. 8.55) certent et eyenis ululae, and an anonymous epigram matist at A.P. 9.380 εί κύκνω δύναται κόρυδος παραπλήσιον φδειν | τολμωεν δ' έρίσαι σκώπες άηδονίσιν, | εί κόκκυξ τέττιγος έρεΐ λιγυρώτερος είναι, | Ισα ποιεΐν και εγώ Παλλαδίω δύναμαι. These poets may have been influenced by 5.136 ού θεμιτόν.. .ποτ* άηδόνα κίσσας έρίσδειν, but it certainly seems that they under stood T. to mean let owls vie with nightingales. This view has been very generally taken also by modems, many of whom have accepted Scaligcr's δηρίσαιντο. As concerns the last point, γαρύσαιντο (which has the support of ψ ι ) is probably capable of the required meaning, and was so understood by some Σ (γαρύσαιντο άντι του els εριν φωνής έλθέτωσαν: cf. Pind. ΟΙ. 2.96 κόρακες ώς άκραντα γαρύετον | Διός προς όρνιχα θείον, and for the dat. 8.6 λής μοι άεϊσαι; | φαμί τ ν νικασείν κ.τ.λ., where see n.); that meaning however is unsuitable to the context. Σκώψ, ephialtes scops, the Little Horned, or Scops, Owl, is a mimic (Ath. 9.391 B ) : that it should challenge the nightingale is no doubt an impertinence (as at A.P. 9.380) and the action might stind as a symbol for labour wasted, as 5.29 σφάξ βομβέων τέττιγος εναντίον, 7-41 βάτραχος δέ ποτ* ακρίδας ώς τις έρίσδω (cf. 7-47), but the context and the neighbouring wishes require it to be a disturbance or reversal of the course of nature—that the owl should not merely challenge but should vanquish the nightingale—and this idea is not to be read into either γαρύσαιντο or δηρίσαιντο, though Calpurnius, who may borrow the birds from T., uses it (6.7 credibile est si uincat acanthida cornix, | uocalem superet si dims aedona bubo). Σκώψ, like the nightingale, is a bird of the woods (cf. Od. 5.63) not of the mountains, and the words έξ ορέων require explanation. It is, indeed, conceivable that they supply the required point and that the meaning is let owls and nightingales cry to one another on the mountains instead of in their usual haunts, but this, though contrary to nature, seems an absurd climax to the portents of the previous lines. Owls are night-birds, and nightingales, though they sing by day, are conspicuous among 29
COMMENTARY
[138-140
birds by doing so also by night. C. Hartung's κήξ όρθρου or R. E. Wedd's κήξ όρθρων would therefore supply a reversal of nature more striking than mere change of habitat, and perhaps deserve consideration. I have however printed the ms text, because even with όρθρου or -ων the line seems an anticlimax, and perhaps the true explanation is still to seek. In Virgil's imitation the words are equally inappropriate to the portents of their context, but this is not the only place where his imitations of T. are superficial; cf. 66n. 138 άπεπαύσατο: Theogn. ι ούποτε σεΐο | λήσομαι αρχόμενος ουδ' ά π ο π α υ ό μενος. The variant άνεπ. has weighty support both here and at 7.90 but is less probable, especially as it is used of death and would here be ambiguous. Ά φ ρ ο δ Ι τ α : 96 η. 139 άνορθώσαι: probably literally to set him on his feet (cf. Pind. P. 3.53). The word might however mean set him on the right path, as Eur. Suppl 1228 συ y a p μ* άνορθοΐς ώστε μη 'ξαμαρτάνειν (cf.fr. 239), Plat. Rep. 346Ε. λίνα π . λ . : Virg. Aen. 10.814 extremaque Lauso | Parcaefila legunt, Lucian Catapl 3 ώς έπιβιώναι δυνάμενος έπιλελοιπότος ήδη τοΰ έπικεκλωσμένου αυτω νήματος, Claud. Eutrop. 2.461. For λελοίπει, was ended, cf. Od. 14.213 νυν δ* ήδη π ά ν τ α λέλοιπεν. 140 έκ: of the agent from w h o m power, authority etc. proceeds, as 2.30, 7.44, 55, 102, 11.16, 16.58, 26.31, 29.22. έ'βα (boov: various meanings have been attached to these words, but considering how common in Greek from Homer downwards is the ace. after verbs of motion, I cannot believe them to mean anything except went to the (or a) streqm. Those who have taken this view have generally supposed the stream to be Acheron, and that still seems the most probable interpretation though it involves two difficulties, (i) There are plenty of parallels forgoing to Acheron in the sense of dying (in some of which the preposition is omitted, as here: Soph. Ant. 810 άλλα μ* ό παγκοίτας Ά ι δ α ς ;$ώσαν άγει τάν Άχέροντος άκτάν, Αρ. Rh. 1.644 άποιχομένου Άχέροντος | δ ίνας), but in all of them the river is named. If £όος means Acheron, it is a euphemism like Gyllis's ή σκιή τταρέστηκεν and κείνος ήν ελθη (Hdas 1.16, \ζ) which also lack parallels, and it does not seem less natural than they, (ii) The meaning of ίκλυσε. In the Latin poets the rivers of Hades are sometimes spoken of as closing over the heads of the dead (Prop. 2.9.26, 3.18.9, O v . Met. 10.696, Am. 3.9.27, Tr. 4.5.22), and this idea, or something like it, may have been known in esoteric circles in Greece (Plut. Mor. 1130D, citing Pind. fr. 130, 'ένθεν τόν άπειρον έρεύγονται σκότον βληχροί δνοφερας νυκτός ποταμοί', δεχόμενοι και άποκρύπτοντες αγνοία καΐ λήθη τους κολασμένους: cf. Plat. Phaed. 69 c, 113 c, Rep. 363 D and Adam ad loc.)> but it is not part of the common speech of poets, who regard Acheron as a river to be crossed by boat (cf. 16.40, 17-47)· "Εκλυσε might mean rolled over (as H. Horn. 3.74, έμέ μέν μέγα κύμα κατά κρατός άλις αίεί | κλύσσει), or wetted (cf. Cat. 65.5 Lethaeo gurgite fratris | pallidulum manans alluit unda pedem), or perhaps cleansed, but all these ideas are unfamiliar of Acheron. Δίνη and derivative adjectives (δινήεις, άργυροδίνης, βαθυδίνης) are common of rivers, and often in contexts where the idea of turbulence is little stressed or even inappropriate (e.g. Call. H. 5.20). The noun therefore does not help us. O f the two obstacles to regarding the stream as Acheron, the second seems the more serious. It is not insuperable, for T. or the legend he uses may be influenced by mystical ideas of Hades, and the Latin view of these rivers may well derive from Greek sources unknown to us. Still, T.'s version of the Daphnis legend is obscure in other ways, other stories connect Daphnis with springs and water-nymphs (the scene of his translation to heaven was marked by a spring, Serv. ad Eel. 5.20; he 30
I4I-H8]
IDYLL I
loved a N y m p h called Echenais or Nais, Parthen. 29, T . 8.93, Ο ν . A.A. 1.732), and though it is difficult to fit these into TVs framework, it is possible that if we knew more certainly the story which T. is using, the words εβα £όον might have an obvious meaning which n o w escapes us. It may be noted that the myths vary as to his death, and he is said to have fallen from a cliff (Σ 8.93), to have been translated to heaven (Serv. I.e.), and to have been turned to stone (Ov. Met. 4.276, Serv. ad Eel. 8.68). 141 Cf. 5.8 m . The end of the song with its reference to the Nymphs, as often in T., echoes the theme with which it began {66). 143 κοί: and now, marking a transition, as Ar. Ran. 164 καΐ χαίρε πόλλ' ώδελφέ, Dem. 18.53 κ α ^ Μοι λέγε τήν γραφή ν αυτήν λαβών (and often in such places); cf. 22.135η. 144 σπείσω: the libation is of milk because that is what shepherds themselves drink, not for ritual reasons: cf. 5.53n., Tib. 1.1.36, Eitrem Opferritus 458. χαίρετε κ.τ.λ.: in view of the solemn character of his song (61 n.) Thyrsis ends on a note like that of a Homeric H y m n (cf. 17.135η.) though the words, which would scarcely fit the structure of the song, are separated from it by the speech to the goatherd. 145 &διον: the short penultimate is regular in T. as in epic (5.31, 10.22, 11.44, 12.4; κάλλιον 10.54). 146 μέλιτος: Thyrsis is to be fed on honey, like Comatas (7.84) and Pindar (Paus. 9.23.2), since it is the proper food of honey-tongued poets; cf. AT. fr. 581, Philostr. Jun. Im. 415 K. 147 ΑΙγίλω: Ath. 14.652 Ε Φιλήμων δ* έν τ ω περί τ ω ν Α τ τ ι κ ώ ν ονομάτων Αίγιλίδας φησιν είναι τάς καλλίστας Ισχάδας* Αϊγιλα δ* είναι δήμον της 'Αττικής αϊτό ΑΙγίλου τινός ήρωος ώνομασμένον. The deme is commonly called Aegilia, and its eponymous hero is mentioned elsewhere only in Σ here, but Philemon's statement as to its figs is not likely to be due to a conjectural interpretation of this passage. Since therefore the dried figs of Aegilia were in high repute (and being Ισχάδες they may have been exported), we can hardly doubt that they are here meant by T., though he chooses either to name the hero rather than the deme or else to call the deme Αϊγιλος or -ov. Such a reference is perhaps not very appro priate in the mouth of a Dorian peasant, but it is not the only reference of which that might be said (cf. 4.31, 5.105), and T.'s convention does not require his rustic interlocutors to confine themselves to rustic themes. Wilamowitz wished to connect the name with the Coan deme ΑΙγήλιοι mentioned in two inscriptions (Paton and Hicks Lisa, of Cos 393, 394), but if the view I have expressed as to the scene of the Idylls is correct (see 57η., Introd. p. xx), such a reference would be out of place unless the figs of this deme also were celebrated. 148 τέττιγος: various species of cicada are found in southern Europe, the males of which produce a loud rasping sound by vibrating a pair of membranes in the thorax. The nature of this apparatus was understood in antiquity (Arist. H.A. 535t>7 ^/., Plin. N.H. 11.266), but άείδειν, άοιδή are as commonly used of the insect as the more appropriate ήχεΐν (e.g. Hes. W.D. 583, Sapph. Jr. 89D 2 , Ar. Nub. 1360); cf. 4.16, 5 . n o , 7.1381111. τ ύ γ α occurs again at 5.69, 71, and probably 5.77 (τΟγε at 10.34 but in a few mss only). ν Ε γ ω γ α has according to Ahrens weak support at 11.25: otherwise if T. used the Doric γ α it has left no trace except at 15.15, where see n. The particle unelided occurs some fifteen times elsewhere in the Doric poems without variant in the mss, and γε is confirmed at 1.139 by $1 and at 2.20 by $ 3 . 31
COMMENTARY
[149-152
149 θασαι, though the sense involved is that of smell; cf. Eur. Cycl. 153, Ar. Av. 1715, Ahx.fr. 222. Similarly T. has θάσαι and όρη of hearing (10.41, 7.50; cf. 8.1 i n . ) . See Lobeck Rhem. 336, Norden on Virg. Aen. 6.257. The impcr. θασαι occurs again, at 3.12, 4.50, 10.41, 15.65, epigr. 17 and in Epicharmus [jr. 114) and Sophron (frr. 26, 32). Similar forms in T. are 2.72 θασασθαι, 15.23 θασομεναι. φίλος: 6 i n . 150 Ώ ρ α ν : the Hours, as goddesses of Spring, are givers of charm and beauty: 15.104, Pind. Nem. 8.1 β6ύρα ττότνια, καρυξ Άφροδίτας άμβροσιάν φιλοτάτων, Αρ. Rh. jr. 7 Powell 'Ούκυρόην fj κάλλος άττείριτον ώπασαν τ&)ραι, Alex. jr. 261 παρετέθη | υπερηφάνως δέουσα των 'Ούρων λοττάς, Hermipp. jr. 5 καιροσττάθητον ανθέων ύφασμα καινόν 'ύύρών. They are associated with dew and rain but not elsewhere with springs, and the expression is probably figurative as are the verbs in A.P. 5.122 (Diodorus) κήν στίλβη Χαρίτεσσι λελουμένος (where the last two words go together), 12.38 (Rhianus) τ 6ύραί σοι Χάριτες τε χάριν κατά γλυκύ χεύαν ελαιον, Eunap. Vit. Soph. 458 Bois. είς ά φ ρ ο δ ί τ η ν . . . τ α λεγόμενα βέβαττται: cf. Headlam on Hdas 3·93· έπί must mean by, at, or near (as, e.g., 7.122, Od. 13.408, 15.442) but it may be wondered w h y T. did not write ένί, which Schaefer proposed. δοκησεΐς: for the fut. ind. where opt. c. αν would be more normal cf. 15.79, epigr. 10.3, Headlam on Hdas 4.56, 73. 151 Κισσαίθα: the name is no doubt connected with κισσός, on which goats feed; for the form cf 2.10m. αί: for the article with the vocative cf. 4.45, 46, 5.102, [8.50]. 152 ού μή σκ.: ού μή c. ind. jut. or subj. in prohibitions is cited in grammars only from the Attic dramatists; cf 112η. The subj. in this construction is com monly altered to ind. fut. in accordance with Dawes's canon, and Porson here proposed σκιρτασεϊτε: see however Goodwin M.T. §301. It is perhaps worth mention that there is a similarly unrecorded example ο ί ο υ μή c. subj. in denial at Polyb. 2.49.2; ci. also P.G.M. 36.157 quoted on 2.38. άναστη: cf. 5.i47ff The actual meaning is no doubt simply get up, whatever sequel may be implied. The closing lines key the poem, in which both the descrip tion of the cup and Thyrsis's song are some way above their rustic setting, down to the level of the beginning. In 1-23 the natural surroundings have been sketched; 151 f. complete the picture with the he-goat lying down, the flock frisking about him.
32
IDYLL II PREFACE Subject. Simaetha has had a liaison with a young man named Delphis, to whom she had made advances after seeing him at a public festival. For some time it had been his habit to visit her daily but n o w he has not been near her for eleven days. Her suspicions that he is unfaithful have been confirmed by a report received this morning, and, torn between hope and despair, she resorts to magic. W i t h the help of her maid Thestylis she makes the necessary preparations, performs an incanta tion, and sends Thestylis off on an errand connected with it. Left to herself she makes the moon her confidante and reconstructs the story of her amour. Setting. Simaetha is apparently living alone with a single slave, with w h o m she is on intimate terms (94; cf. 124η.). Her gossips have been the nurse in a neighbour's house (70) and the mother of a girl who plays the flute at symposia (145); for festal occasions she must borrow finery from a friend (74). She is poor therefore, perhaps an orphan, presumably bourgeoise; she is not a εταίρα (41). Her position appears to be that of several young women in the N e w Comedy. Her lover seems somewhat higher in the social scale. He is familiar with the κώμος (118, 153), a frequenter of palaestra and gymnasium (8, 80, 97, 156), something of a dandy (78), not unconscious of his athletic successes and his popularity (115, 124); he meets Simaetha's passionate advances with ready compliment and commonplace (ii4fF., 133). These points are touched in very lightly, but T . has made it plain that the liaison was likely to mean much more to the one than to the other. The scene is probably in the open air (10, 165); it is within sound of the sea (38) but in, or near, Simaetha's house (50) and a town (35) large enough to possess a gymnasium (80; cf. 8 n . ) ; perhaps the courtyard of the house (cf. Luc. Philops. 14) or an open upper room (cf. Ap. Met. 3.17). For the indications of locality see Introduction p. xx. Title. The mss are divided in the title between the singular and the plural, and most editors have preferred the latter, which has the support of Athenaeus and Eustathius. There is little to choose, but the singular, attested by Servius and by ? 3 , seems slightly preferable in view of the small and passive part which Thestylis plays in the proceedings. Sources. Σ Arg. τήν δέ θεστυλίδα ό Θεόκριτο* άττειροκάλως έκ τ ω ν Σώφρονος μετήνεγκε μίμων: Σ 6g τήν δέ των φαρμάκων υττόθεσιν έκ τ ώ ν Σώφρονος [Adert: εύφορίωνος codd.] μίμων μεταφέρει. O n the strength of these assertions it has been commonly supposed that T. is, in this Idyll, dependent to a greater or lesser extent upon a mime of Sophron, and to this mime are assigned a fragment relating to Hecate cited in Σ 11, and others from various sources, which refer, or may refer, to magic. It is also assumed that the mime in question was that entitled Ται γυναίκες αι τάν θεόν φαντι έξελαν, from which Athenaeus (11.480B) quotes a phrase apparently relating to magic. A good deal of ingenuity has been expended on this mime, 1 but even if all these suppositions are correct, the evidence is in sufficient to determine its subject or even the meaning of its title. 1 See R. Wiinsch Zu Sophrons Tal yuvorfias κ.τ.λ. (Jahrb. f. Class. Phil., Supplementband 27.111), R. Herzog Die Zauberinnen des Sophron (Hess. Blatt.f. Volkskunde 25.217).
GT II
33
3
COMMENTARY
[Preface
The question has been complicated by the subsequent discovery of the first substantial fragment of Sophron. This comes from Oxyrhynchus and was first published by M. Norsa and G. Vitelli in Stud. Ital. di Fil. Class. 10, pp. 119, 249.1 It runs as follows: τάν τρότπ^αν κάτθετε ώσττερ έχει * λά^εσθε δέ αλός χόνδρον ές τάν χήρα καΐ δάφναν πάρ το ώας. 5 ποτιβάντες νυν ποτ τάν Ιστίαν θωκεΐτε* δός μοι τυ τώμφακες** φέρ* ώ τάν σκύλακα· πει yap ά άσφαλτος; : ουτα. : εχε καΐ τό δάιδιον, καΐ τόν ίο λιβανωτόν άγετε δή ττεπτάσθων μοι ταΐ θύραι πάσαι * ύμές δέ ενταύθα όρήτε· καΐ τόν δαελόν σβητε ώσπερ έχει · εύκαμίαν 15 νυν παρέχεσθε άς κ* έγών π ο τ τανδε π[υ]κταλεύσω. ττότνια, δεί[πν]ου μέν τυ κα[1 [ξ]ενίων άμεμφέων άντα[ . . ν . . ν καικα. αμώνδέττ. [ The scene appears to be a purification sacrifice, probably to Hecate ;3 and, though it is not close, there is some general resemblance to T. 2.1-21. The adverb πει interested grammarians, and the phrase πεί γάρ ά άσφαλτος; (1. 8) is quoted three times by Apollonius Dyscolus (de Adv. 132.30, 207.17, 210.10) without the author's name. Ammonius (de diff. p. 122) has, as a citation from Sophron, πει γάρ ( ά ) άσφαλτος; ποίος είλισκοπεϊται. The last two words were ingeniously emended by Kaibel from T. 2.19, ποΐ [or πυς], θεστυλί, σκοπή τύ; and the whole appears as Sophron jr. 5, and is assigned to the mime Tai γυναίκες κ.τ.λ. It is now plain however that if ποϊος είλισκοπεϊται conceals a citation from Sophron, that citation is not from the immediate context of πει γάρ ά άσφαλτος; and should therefore contain a second example of πει. And, further, there is a serious difficulty in supposing that the papyrus fragment comes from the mime entitled ΤαΙ γυναίκες κ.τ.λ. Sophron's mimes were divided into 'Ανδρείοι and Γυναικείοι,* and this classification has naturally been taken to show that in them men and women did not appear together, and that ΤαΙ γυναίκες κ.τ.λ. was a μϊμος γυναικείος. Men however are plainly present in the papyrus fragment (5), and there is nothing to show that the speaker or the attendant addressed is a woman. At present therefore it seems prudent to abandon speculation both upon the title of the mime imitated by T. and upon the subject of ΤαΙ γυναίκες κ.τ.λ. ;5 nor 1 For subsequent discussions see Page Lit. Pap. 1.328, where the fragment is printed; add Symb. Osl. 21.48. a This word is written in the papyrus τώμφακες: in spite of the accent, I take it to be τό άμφήκε$, a sacrificial knife. 3 For salt in purification, see Τ. 24.97η.; for pitch, Geop. 14.11.4, 18.2.4; for dog-sacrifice, Τ. 2.12η.; for bay, Τ. 2.1η. 4 Ath. 7.281 E, p.Ox. 301; cf. Plat. Rep. 451 c. 5 If the papyrus fragment comes from this mime the subject was presumably an exorcism of Hecate, and the title will mean The Women who claim to be expelling the Goddess. TVs poem is on the contrary an evocation of her.
34
Preface]
I D Y L L II
can we determine the extent of T.'s debt to Sophron nor the grounds on which the borrowing of Thestylis is criticised. 1 If the papyrus fragment is in fact from the passage imitated, it would show that the debt is confined to details, and, whether it is so or not, that conclusion is in any case probable. That T.'s subject should, in the fifth century, have been handled as T. handles it seems inconceivable; nor is it possible, as is sometimes said, to distinguish between the two portions of the poem in this respect. The romance and pathos of Simaetha's monologue are essential elements also in T.'s treatment of the incantation scene, which without them would be a mere series of ritual acts and prayers. For this series, and for his preface (1-16), T. may have borrowed some hints from Sophron; it is unlikely that the debt goes much beyond that. Fragmentum Grenfellianum. The third book of the Argonautica and this Idyll are the chief surviving specimens of theintimate analytical handling of love themes which is agreed to have been the most important legacy of the Alexandrians to European poetry. From the Thebaid comes a papyrus fragment 2 which, though much beneath the Idyll both in merit and importance, deserves to be set beside it since it also deals with unhappy love, and in somewhat the same manner. The fragment consists of two columns (it was once of three), of which the first alone yields consecutive sense. It is written in prevailingly dochmiac rhythms, and contains the lament of a woman who goes at night to the house of an unfaithful lover and begs admittance. The papyrus is of the second century B.C.; the poem itself probably not much older. It is a work of much less artifice, whether of style or thought, than T.'s Idyll, but it achieves with its greater realism both dignity and pathos. In p. Teh. p. 8 3 is a scrap of another παρακλαυσίθυρον in which a woman, apparently attended by a slave, also seeks admittance at a lover's house, but too little remains for the work to be judged. Magic Papyri. The details of Simaetha's magic have every appearance of being true to contemporary practice, and the earlier part of the Idyll probably owes much of its power and its atmosphere to the skill with which T. has captured the spirit of his models. The most casual reader of such collections as Audollent's Defixionum Tahellae or Wunsch's Antike Fluchtafeln must be struck by the passion exhaling from these scrappy and frequently illiterate texts, some of which survives even in the ancient manuals of magic, where the names, to be inserted in the formulae by the individual practitioner, are represented by ό or ή δείνα. It has seemed worth while therefore to illustrate T.'s magic in some detail, and since our knowledge of ancient magic depends in large part upon the Magic Papyri a word or two should be said about these. They consist of recipes, or collections of recipes. O f the former, specimens of the second century A.D. are k n o w n ; the latter date from the third to the fifth. They contain elements from various sources—Greek, Egyptian, Jewish, Gnostic, and there is at present no ground for thinking that such collections were accessible to T. or even existed in early Ptolemaic times. O n the other hand their numerous points of agreement with T. and with the Latin poets from Virgil onward show 1 Since there is nothing in T.'s presentation of Thestylis which could possibly be called άττειρόκαλον, the point might merely be the borrowing of the name from a character in Sophron totally dissimilar. 1 First published in B. P. Grenfell An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment, 1896; see Powell Coll. Al. 177, where references to other literature will be found. 3 Printed also by O . Crusius in his Herondas (ed. 5, p. 135).
35
COMMENTARY
[1-2
that much of the material which they systematise is far older than themselves, and some of it must be of immemorial antiquity. The collections certainly contain matter which is younger than the third century B.C., but there is little risk of serious anachronism in using them here since coincidence between T. and the papyri is in itself evidence for the antiquity of the detail mentioned in the latter. 1 In the following notes the Magic Papyri are, for convenience, quoted from K. Preisendanz Papyri Graecae Magicae (P.G.M.). P.G.M. 4, the most frequently cited, is Bibl. Nat. suppl. gr. 574, sometimes called 'the great Paris papyrus', an early fourth-century book of 36 pages written on both sides and containing over 3000 lines, which was found, together with other magic papyri, at Thebes, and was first published by C. Wessely in Denkschrift Wien. Ak. 36.2.44fF. R. Wiinsch Aus einem Griechischen Zauberpapyms contains an excerpt from it with notes. A. Abt Die Apologie d. Apuleius u. die antike Zauberei, occasionally cited below as Abt, contains much information on ancient magic generally.
ι π $ : 15.33 η . τοί δάφναι: perhaps the δάφνη which is to be burnt at 23. Bay however is not otherwise associated with love charms except at Virg. E. 8.82, Prop. 2.28.36, and both passages seem dependent on T. In Virgil, as Servius remarks, the name Daphnis gives the bay an accidental relevance as a symbol, but it is far-fetched to see in the connexion between Delphi and bay (cf. epigr. 1) a similar explanation of its use to charm Delphis. It is not obvious w h y the δάφνη of 23 should be singled out here from the other φίλτρα, and, since bay has apotropaic qualities (Theophr. Ch. 16.2, Zenob. 3.12, Plin. N.H. 15.135), it may be required at least in part to pro tect Simaetha (see 2, 36 nn.). It is probably for that reason that the celebrants in Sophron (p. 34) are told to wear garlands of bay, and bay leaves, reinforced with a magic formula, are w o r n as a φυλσκτήριον (36η.) at P.G.M. 7.842, and, without the formula, carried for the same purpose at ib. 1.280. For other uses of the plant in magic see Abt 77, Fiedler Ant. Wetterzauber 85, Symb. Osl. 12.16; and for the apotropaic force of garlands and plants Arch.f. Religionswiss. 30.70. θεστυλί: the name, presumably borrowed from Sophron (see p. 33), is no doubt hypocoristic for θ έ σ τ η , which was the name of a sister of Dionysius I of Syracuse (Plut. Dion. 21). φίλτρα seems to mean the drugs and other substances used in love charms (τά προς φιλίαν ότρύνοντα φάρμακα, Σ), materia magica, as distinct from the spells and the implements employed: Xen. Mem. 3.11.17 ούκ άνευ πολλών φίλτρων τε καΐ επωδών καΐ Ιύγγων. 2 κελέβαν is regarded by Athenaeus (11.475 c) as a drinking vessel, and so also Σ, Hesych., Et. M. 502.14; "some of Athenaeus's citations however suggest rather a bowl or basin, and Suidas speaks of a vessel suitable for washing the feet in. In either case it is probably for the libation (43). φοινικέω ot. ά.: wool has a definite place in magic. T o dream of woollen garlands denotes φαρμακείας καΐ καταδέσμους (Artem. On. 1.77), and 2ρια πνρρά are among the apparatus of γοητεία (Clem. Al. Str. 843 P.); cf. O v . Am. 3.7.79 aut te 1 For further information on the Magic Papyri see J. Egypt. Arch. 15.219, RE 14.301. Merely verbal coincidences between T. and the hymns included in the papyri may of course be due to deliberate borrowing by the authors of the latter.
36
IDYLL II 3-6] traiectis Aeaea uenefica lanis \ deuouet, Virg. E. 8.73, Prop. 3.6.30. It may therefore symbolise here the κατάδεσις of Delphis, and the context (στέψον ώ$ καταδήσομαι) suggests that that is at least the primary intention; cf. P.G.M. 7.452. Both wool and crimson however have, like bay, apotropaic power (cf. 24.98 η.); garlands of white or crimson wool protect bee-hives from damage (Geop. 15.8), and crimson woollen fillets are worn, probably for that reason, by priests (e.g. Prop. 4·9·52)» mystics (Clem. Al. Protr. 9P.; ci. Plut. Phoc. 28), magicians (P.G.M. 2.70), and others (cf. 122), and altars are filleted with wool (Prop. 4.6.6), as are the κρατήρες used for libations at Soph. O.C. 475. Similarly initiates wear crimson (Max. Tyr. Diss. 8.2 Hobein) and objects used in magic are wrapped in it (17η., P.G.M. 4.2703, Petron. 131). The crimson wool therefore may also be a φυλακτήριον (36η.) for the bowl; and magic practice is not so logical that these two possibilities need be mutually exclusive. See Abt 74, L. Deubner de Incubatione 25, Wunderlich Bedeutung d. roten Farbe 21. 3 ώς.. .καταδήσομαι: the natural view that this is a final clause may be evaded, as at Eur. Bacch. 784, by regarding cbs as causal. In both places the sense suffers some detriment, and Soph. O.C. 1724, Dem. 24.146, 43.42 seem to make such scruples superfluous. See Goodwin M.T. §324, Headlam on Hdas 2.100. At 3.19 φιλήσω is probably subj. έμόν: Stephanus wrote έμοί, Valckenaer έμίν, and the dat. has often been ^preferred—perhaps rightly, though Ϊ 3 agrees with the mss. καταδήσομαι: the middle does not seem to occur elsewhere, but is suitable to this context. Κατάδεσμος is the regular expression for the constraint imposed by magic on its victims, and in literature means little more than bewitchment: Plat. Rep. 364c, Legg. 933 A, Harpocr. s.v. καταδεδέσθαι: cf. Aesch. Eum. 332. For καταδεΐν in curses see, e.g., Audollent Def. Tab. 49 (a defixio of hostile witnesses) καταδώ δέ καΐ Φερεκλέους γλώτταγ καΐ ψν/χήν καΐ μαρτυρίαν ήν Θεαγένει μαρτυρεί, καταδώ δέ και Σεύθου γλώτταγ καΐ ψν/χήν καΐ λόγον δμ μέλεται καΐ TTO6OS καΐ χείρα* οφθαλμούς καΐ στόμα. In the magic papyri love-spells are more commonly called άγωγαί, but the elaborate ritual of P.G.M. 4.296 is headed φιλτροκατάδεσμος θαυμαστός and is later (336) described as κατάδεσμος. The mss here, as at 10 and 159, have καταθύσομαι, which might seem appropriate to a rite conducted έκ θυέων: but the phrase έκ θυέων καταθύσομαι is inelegant, and the required meaning for the verb, bewitch or the like, cannot be defended by Aesch. Eum. 328.1 The corruption probably arises from an accidental repetition of θν- in 10. 4 τάλας: 5.137η. The final syllable, usually long, is short in Λ.Ρ. 9.378 (Palladas) and μέλας is probable in Rhianus/r. 58 Powell; ci. Ahrens Dial. Dor. 173. Τάλαν has strong support, but the voc. masc. is uninteUigible, and the exclamatory (ώ) τάλαν, which is used by and to women (Ar. Lys. 910, 914, Men. Epitr. 217, Perk. 305, Sam. 37), suggests self-pity, which seems alien to her mood at this point. ουδέ: on the negative in sentences of this type see Headlam on Hdas 1.10. 6 θύρας: the ace. pi. termination of the 1st decl., short in Doric, is regularly lengthened by T. in arsis: 5.89, 7.104; cf. Ahrens Dial. Dor. 172. The plural is used in earlier Greek, as at 15.65, 24.15, 29.39, of the double doors of palace, temple, or courtyard, θύρα being the door of a private house. T. however uses singular and plural indifferently of Simaetha's door (31, 104, 127; cf. 6.32, 14.42η.): Herodas does the same of Battarus's (2.35, 63) and Apollonius has the plural of the door of Medea's room (3.645, 822). Similarly at 160 T. writes πύλαν where ττύλας might be expected. 1 P. Warren 21.32 (Papyrol. Lugduno-Bat. 1.52: third cent, A.D.) καταθύων τόν παΐδο might provide a parallel, but the reading is highly uncertain; cf. C.R. 60.83.
37
COMMENTARY
[7-13
άραξεν, elsewhere of violent knocking (Eur. I.T. 1308, Ar. Eccl. 977; cf. Call. H. 2.3, Hdas 2.63), is here and at 160 plainly a mere synonym of κόπτειν, κρούειν, the common words. 7 ω χ ε τ ' έ'χων: ci. 4.6, 22.167. 8 Τιμαγήτοιο παλ.: the name is rare, but is that of the author of a περί λιμένων several times cited in Σ Αρ. Rh. (cf. Wilamowitz Hell. Dicht. 2.188). Palaestrae are frequently, as here, coupled with a name of the owner or occupier (the examples collected in Schneider Die gr. Gymnasien 30; cf. RE 7.2011), and were often, though not always, private establishments. The use of the name does not seem necessarily to imply that there was more than one palaestra in the town. Whether Timagetus's palaestra, where Delphis hangs about (98), is the same as the gymnasium in which he takes exercise (80) is doubtful. Schneider held that palaestrae were for boys, while gymnasia—establishments which included palaestrae but might contain much else besides—were for their elders; if so, 8 might be thought to carry on the suspicion expressed in the previous line. The distinction however is certainly not universally true, and in any case such an interpretation perhaps presses T. too hard. O n the distinction between palaestra and gymnasium see RE 7.2009, Ath. Mitt. 34.122. 9 οία = δτι τοΐα: cf. 13.66η. ί ο έκ: of the instrument, as at 21.43 a n ^ probably at 7.6; c(. Soph. Phil. 710 έξ ώκυβόλων. . .τόξων, Aj. 27 έκ χειρός, O.C. 848. θυέων: a colourless word applicable to any ritual in which burning is in volved. 11 φαίνε καλόν: Α.Ρ. 5.191 (Meleager) ή φιλέρωσι καλόν φαίνουσα Σελήνη. &συχα: incantations are pronounced in low or muttered tones: P.G.M. 4.744 τ α 5έ έξης ως μύστης λέγε αυτοϋ έττι της κεφαλής άτόνω φ θ ό γ γ ω !να μή άκούση, Luc. Men. ητήν έπωδήν έκείνην ύττοτονθορύσας, 9 ό δε μάγος...ούκέτ' ήρεμαία τη φωνή, Orph. Lith. 320, Ο ν . Met. η.ι$\> 14-57» Lucan 6.448, 686, Apul. Met. 1.3, 3.21, Αρ. 47» Justin. Inst. 4.18.5 uenenis uel susurris magicisy Cod. Theod. 9.38.6 diris immurmurata secretis uenena; cf. Soph. O.C. 489, Abt 212, C.R. 16.56, and see 62η. (ρ. 47). δαΐμον: the second vocative probably indicates that Selene is summoned not merely to light Simaetha but to obey her spells, for the word is common in incantations; e.g. P.C.M. 5.249 (addressed to Hermes) έλθέ μοι ό ύττό γήν, έγείρου μοι ό μέγας δαίμων, ό ΦνοΟν, ό χθόνιος, 7·239 (to Bes) ανάστα δαίμων...2γειρόν σου τήν νυκτερινήν μορφήν έν ή π ά ν τ α αναγορεύεις, ορκίζω σε, δαίμων, κατά των β' ονομάτων σου. Σ cite Pindar (Jr. 104) as evidence that male lovers address their prayers to the sun, female to the moon, but the moon may also be invoked as the celestial aspect of Hecate, whose infernal and terrestrial aspects are addressed in 12 and 33 respectively. See the elaborate address to the moon at P.G.M. 4.2785. 12 σκύλακες: Σ cite Aristophanes (jr. 204) and Sophron (jr. 8) for the sacrifice of dogs to Hecate (ci. p. 34 above, Plut. Mor. 280c, Paus. 3.14.9, Phot. s.v. άγαλμα Εκάτης, Ο ν . F. 1.389, Symb. Osl. 18.19), and in magic she is constantly associated with them: P.G.M. 4.1434 addressed as κύων μέλαινα, 2Ι22, 2883 one of her heads a dog's, 2252 Ισοττάρθενος κύων, 2722 σκυλακάγεια, 2810 ί-χεις σκυλακώδεα φωνήν (cf. 2549)· At P.G.M. 4.1878 and 2943 are love-spells which involve wax images of dogs, and Hecate is attended by a ghostly pack: Euseb. Pr. Ev. 4.23.7 γαία δ* έμών σκυλάκων δνοφερόν γένος ήνιοχευει. Cf. 35η·» Αρ. Rh. 3.1217, Luc. Philops. 14, Norm. D. 44.195, RE 8.2577. 13 II. 10.297 (Odysseus and Diomedes) βάν f>* ίμεν ως τε λέοντε δύω δια νν(κτα μέλαιναν | άμ φόνον, άν νέκυας, διά τ* έντεα καΐ μέλαν αίμα (cf. ib. 469,
38
H-I7]
I D Y L L II
23.806), Hippol. Ref. Haer. 4.35 χαίρουσα σκυλάκων ΰλακή [c£. 12] τε καΐ αίμοτπ φοινω | άν νέκυας στείχουσα κατ* ήρία τεθνηώτων. 14 δασπλητι: used at Od. 15.234, and thence at Orph. Arg. 869, of an Erinys: cf. Call. jr. 30, P.G.M. 4.2856 (Selene) ήσυχε καΐ δασπλητι τάφοι$ 2νι δαΐτα Ιχοισα (cf. Lye. 1452). Δασττλή*, applied by Simonides (Jr. 38) to Charybdis, by Euphorion (Jr. 94) to the Eumenides, and by Nicander (Ther. 609) to snakes, is with Nonnus a stock adj. appropriate to weapons (e.g. 28.126), armour (35.124), death (25.529), anger (30.201), etc. The derivation and original meaning are un certain (see Ebeling Lex. Horn. s.v.). Nicander, w h o has βαθυττλήξ of a scorpion (jr. 31), perhaps uses δασττλής in the same sense, but in most poets dread is probably sufficiently precise. ές τέλος: until the object of the rite is attained. ΤελεΤν is the regular word in the magic papyri for the execution of magic orders; e.g. P.G.M. 4.2094 τέλεσον, δαΐμον, τ α ένθάδε γεγραμμένα. τελέσαντι δε σοι θυσίαν α π ο δ ώ σ ω . . .καΐ διατέ λεσαν μοι τό δείνα πράγμα, ήδη, ήδη, ταχύ, τ α χ ύ . Ι 5 £ Cf. Hor. Epod. 5.61 quid accidit? cur dira barbarae minus | uenena Medeae ualent?, and for the prayer, e.g., P.G.M. 4.1650 δός δόξαν καΐ χάριν τ ω φυλακτηρίω τ ο ύ τ ω . . .δός Ισχύν και τιμήν τ ω φυλακτηρίω τούτω, 2938 συ δέ, Κυπρογένεια θεά, τέλει τελέαν έπαοιδήν (cf. Ar. jr. 29). Such petitions to secure the efficacy of the rite are common in magic: see RE Suppl. 4.337, J.H.S. 62.36. Circe and Medea are joined as arch-enchantresses at Tib. 2.4.55 quidquid hahet Circe, quidquid Medea ueneni, and in a charm against inflammation at Corp. Hippiatr. Gr. 2.40.22; Medea and Perimede at Prop. 2.4.7 n°n hie nocturna Cytaeis, [ non Perimedeae gramina coda manus. Whether the chorus madeia perimadeia in Petron. 52 has any relevance is doubtful. Several women named Perimede are known to mythology but none is otherwise associated with magic, and Σ here identify P. with the sorceress Agamede, daughter of Augeas, w h o is ξανθή at II. 11.740 also. There are some grounds however for thinking that Agamede is the Homeric name for Medea (see Leaf ad loc), and it seems possible that T. and Propertius have inadvertently mentioned Medea twice. A mutilated note in $ 3 appears to identify Perimede with Polydamna (Od. 4.228). 17-63 T h e Incantation. This composition, perhaps the most elaborately finished passage in T., deserves and repays consideration as a whole. It consists of nine quatrains—a number suitable in itself, for three is the magic number par excellence (cf. 6.39, 20.11), and particularly associated with the triple Hecate (43 η.), whose presence is successfully achieved with the third spell (36), and one mentioned elsewhere in similar connexions: Tib. 1.5.15, ipse ego uelatus filo tunicisque solutis | uota nouem Triuiae nocte silente dedi; cf. Ov. F. 5.439, Met. 7.261. The quatrains are separated from each other by the refrain or intercalary verse, which is introduced also a tenth time—at the beginning to set the theme, or at the end to close it, according as wc regard the recurrent verse as belonging to the quatrain which precedes it or to that which follows it. 1 The refrain consists of a prayer Bring me Delphis, and is to be thought of as accompanied by a turn of the iynx-wheel to which the command is addressed; it forms a running accompaniment to the quatrains, and follows their pattern in 1 See pp. 15 ff. Whether the use of a refrain is merely a poetical device for articulating the poem or also reflects magic practice may be doubted. Its presence here and in the 'Binding Song' of Aeschylus (Eutn. 307 ff.) suggests that it may have magical significance, but both Aeschylus and T. (in Id. 1) use refrains elsewhere in poems which have no such colour, and though refrains are found in the magic of other countries there is little trace of them in Greece. Α φιλτροκατάδεσμ©$ in P.G.M. 8.1 has recurrently έλθέ μοι κύριε Έρμη.
39
COMMENTARY
[i7«
consisting of a magic act together with a prayer or (21, 62) a statement equivalent to a prayer. The series may be set out as follows: ACT
i ii iii iv V
18-21 23-26 33-36 38-41 28-31 (a)
vi 43-46 vii 48-51 viii 53-56 ix 58-62
Φ)
PRAYER
Barley burnt Laurel burnt Husks burnt
I burn Delphis's bones. So may D.'s flesh perish.
—
Wax melted Rhombus whirled Triple libation
—
Fringe of cloak burnt θρόνα kneaded
So may So may May D . May D.
— —
D.'s heart melt. D . turn about m y door. forget my rivals. come to my house.
—
I knead the bones of D .
The pattern of magic act plus prayer or statement is given in quatrains i, ii, vi and ix, where, as in i, the act is Thestylis's and not Simaetha's, and the whole composition is rounded off with a verbal echo—πάσσε καΐ λέγε τά Δέλφιδος όστία π ά σ σ ω . . .ύπόμαξον καΐ λέγε τά Δέλφιδος όστία μάσσω. In the remaining five quatrains Τ. has avoided monotony by ingeniously artistic variations of his theme. In iii and viii the prayer is missing. In iii it may be conjectured: thou who canst move HeWs adamant, move the stubborn heart of Delphis \ in viii, where alone the magic act involves a personal relic of Delphis, the prayer breaks down into a groan. In vii the act is missing but again can easily be inferred; the plant hippomanes is cast on the fire. There remain iv and v. In iv the ritual has slowed down for a moment at the approach of the goddess and there is neither act nor prayer either stated or implied; in compensation, the next quatrain, which is also the central quatrain of the poem, contains two acts and two prayers.1 And the pattern having been thus broken, the next quatrain reminds us of it in its simplest form. The magic acts are almost all of the 'sympathetic' kind in which the object to be affected is represented by a symbol—as χ is affected by my act, so may y be affected. This form, which is common in ancient magic (see Audollent Def. Tab. p. 491), appears in i, ii, ν a and b> viii and ix; vi is merely libation and prayer, iii, if the supplement is correct, is θύος and prayer, vii differs in that the substance burnt produces, in other circumstances, the effect which it is desired to produce on Delphis. Except vbt vi and ix, the acts are all θύη. The prayers seem at first sight a little inconsistent, iii?, να and b> vi and vii are prayers for Delphis's love; i, ii, viii and ix look as though they aimed at doing him bodily harm. Love and desire for revenge (160 and possibly 58, where see n.) are both present in Simaetha's mind, and 23 sounds vindictive; but the refrain sets the tone and purpose of the whole poem and makes the idea of personal injury somewhat out ot place here. Love is a fire (133) which rages in the breast and consumes the very marrow of the bones (see 3.17η.); and no doubt these spells too aim not at injuring Delphis but at reawakening a consuming passion. A very precise parallel is provided by an αγωγή έττΐ 3μύρνη$ έτπθυομένης at P.G.M. 4.1496, where ή ^μύρνα.. .ή φρύγουσα καΐ αναγκαίουσα, φιλεϊν τους μή προσποιούμενους τον Ιρωτα is ordered: Ιμμεινον ocCrrfjs έν TTJ καρδία και καυσον αύτης τά σπλάγχνα, το στήθος, το ήπαρ, το ττνεϋμα, τά όστα, τους μυελούς, Ιως Ιλθη προς έμέ, τον δείνα, φιλούσα με, καΐ ποιήση ττάντα τά θελήματα μου: cf. ib. 2930, P.G.M. ιό, Audollent Def. Tab. 270 (written in Greek letters) non dormiat Sextilius, Dionysiaefilius, uratur furensy non dormiat neque sedeat neque loquatur 1
It seems certain from this analysis that $ 3 and Κ are right in placing 27-31 after 41.
40
17-19]
I D Y L L II
sed in mentem habeat me Septimam, Amoenaefiliam; uratur furens amore et desiderio tneo, Septitnes, Amoenaefiliae...hums spiritus et cor comburatur, omnia membra totius corporis. See Symb. Osl. 12.37. 17 τ Ι υ γ ξ is in mythology a nymph who, by her spells, captured the affections of Zeus either for Io or for herself and was turned by Hera to stone or into the bird Ιυγξ, the wryneck, torquilla (Σ, Phot, s.v., Σ Pind. N . 4.35 (56)). The use of the bird in magic is perhaps due to the curious writhing movements of the neck in the pairing season, which may have been thought to attract the bird's mate. In magic the bird was spreadeagled on a wheel, and the wheel made to revolve, thereby drawing the person w h o m it was desired to attract. This invention is ascribed by Pindar to Aphrodite: P. 4.214 ποικίλαν luyycc τετράκναμον Ούλυμπόθεν | έν άλύτω ^ενξαισα κύκλω | μαινάδ' δρνιν Κυπρογένεια φέρεν | π ρ ώ τ ο ν άνθρώποισι. The word is used also for a magic wheel with no bird attached to it (as probably here) and, as early as Pindar (N. 4.35) and Aeschylus (Pers. 987), metaphorically for desire; see Hesych., Suid. s.v., Σ Pind. P. 4.214 (381). An anonymous Alexandrian epigram contains the dedication of such a magic wheel: A.P. 5.205 Ί υ γ ξ ή NIKOOS ή καΐ διαττόντιον ελκειν | άνδρα και έκ Θαλάμων τταϊδας επισταμένη, | χρυσω ποικιλθεΐσα, διαυγέος έξ αμέθυστου | γ λ υ π τ ή , σοι κείται, Κύπρι, φίλον κτέανον, | πορφυρέης άμνου μαλακή τριχι μέσσα δεθεΐσα [cf. Τ. 2], | της Λαρισαίης ξείνια φαρμακίδος. It is curious that in the very numerous love-spells of the papyri the ίυγξ is nowhere mentioned, and since there is no plain reference to it in Latin it may have passed out of use (ct.J.H.S. 54.9). W i t h this information it is easy to identify the object, for though no actual specimens seem to have survived, it is frequently represented on vases and other monuments. It is a spoked wheel, or a disk, with two holes on either side of the centre. A cord is parsed through one hole and back through the other; if the loop on one side of the instrument is held in one hand, the two ends (which it is con venient to join) in the other, and the tension alternately increased and relaxed, the twisting and untwisting of the cords will cause the instrument to revolve rapidly first in one direction and then in the other. This instrument is frequently carried by Eros; on a vase by the Meidias Painter, Himeros operates it under the nose of Adonis, w h o lies in Aphrodite's lap (PL I V . A ) ; and it is sometimes carried also by women. Pi. V. 3 shows a specimen made for me from ply-wood; further illustrations will be found mJ.H.S. 54. i. 1 18 άίλφιτα: barley-groats are an essential element in Greek sacrifice including offerings to the dead (Od. 10.520, 11.28). They were sometimes used in divination (άλφιτόμαντις Poll. 7.188, al.)t and, like δάφνη, they are among the ingredients of a δεινόν θυμίασμα at P.G.M. 4.2574. Probably however, like the δάφνα in 23, they are here a mere symbol for the person of Delphis. τάκεται: on a surface such as that of a charcoal fire barley grains char slowly and become indistinguishable from their surroundings. The verb therefore, though it has been attacked, is appropriate. The present tense was understood by Legrand to mean that the burning of άλφιτα is regularly the first element in such a rite. Better, I think, to suppose that Thestylis has already thrown some on but has stopped in terror. Simaetha orders her to go on feeding the fire. 19 δειλαία: 4.60η. π § : Ι5.33Π. έκπεπότασαι: cf. 11.72, Ar. Av. 1445, Vesp. 93. 1 A terracotta wheel with birds round the rim, intended for suspension, has been taken for a votive ϊυγξ. It is geometric in style and therefore of a much earlier date; and in any case the interpretation is far from certain (Am. J. Arch. 44.443).
41
COMMENTARY
[20-33
20 θην: the much rarer epic and Doric particle, used 8 times by T., is likely to be right here. It seems not to occur elsewhere in a question, but some in antiquity so regarded //. 8.448 (see Σ) and ib. 13.620 might easily be so regarded. At T. 3.8 ή (>ά γέ τοι the last word is presumably the pronoun. καί τίν: as well as to Delphis. The scholium in Κ άρα γε καί σοί,νβδελυρά, εττέστη της πεπρωμένης τό τέρμα; seems to imply, as Geel suggested, some corruption like καί τίν έττι τέρμα τέτυκται. 21 Δ έ λ φ ι δ ο ς : cf. 1.24η. The name is not common but occurs in Coan inscriptions (Paton and Hicks 10. c. 35, ib. 137). Masculine names in -ις are mostly shortened forms, this perhaps for Δελφίων (Xen. Hell. 5.3.22). Δελφίς, oxytone, occurs as a female name (Diog. Laert. 8.88). όστία: the Doric form of the word, preserved by the best mss in this Idyll and at 4.16, epigr. 6, is probably rightly restored at 3.17 and 7.102. 23 £πί: Soph. Tr. 584 φίλτροις.. .καί θέλκτροισι τοις έφ' Ήρακλεΐ. δάφναν: ι η . 24 χ ώ ς : on the variant κώς see 1.72 η. The other examples in ^ 3 of an unaspirated consonant preceding an aspirate in crasis or elision are 1.102 π α ν τ ' αλιον, 2.31 ποτ* αμετερήσι, 13.ι ετεκ* ως (where κ may be a correction), 14.27 ποκ' ασυχ', and two blunders (2.153 κηφατ' ό, 18.25 OUT* άτις): p.Ox. 694 has 13.19 κω. At 4.56 Κ and some other mss have δκκ1 ερπης but this seems to be the only trace in the mss, and the papyri much more often aspirate than not. W h a t T. himself may have done it is useless to guess. καππυρίσασα: the last word in the line must mean in the fire. Its form is un certain. Κάκπυρίσασα, which some have accepted from Et. M. 250.37 (it may also have been the reading of S 3 ) , involves the omission of καί at the beginning of the next line. It seems plain however not only that the participle should belong to what precedes, but that it did so in the text before the author of the gloss, which runs Δάφνη. . .ή έν τ ω δαίεσθαι φωνουσα* ηχεί γ α ρ καιομένη. μαρτυρεί θ . χώς αύτα κ.τ.λ. The text of Et. Μ. must therefore be corrupt. Καταττυρ^ω does not occur elsewhere (the adjective κατάπυρος serves in Suidas as a gloss for εμπυρος), and might be expected to be transitive as are the other known compounds of ττυρί^ω (e.g. aTTOTr.,Epicharm./r. 124).* Verbs in -ί^ω however fluctuate a good deal in this respect (see Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 268), and it seems best provisionally to accept καππυρίσασα as intransitive. For the sense cf. Tib. 2.5.81 succensa sacris crepitet bene laurea fiammis, from which it appears that in Italy omens were drawn from the sound; cf. Prop. 2.28.36, Ncmes. 4.65. 33f. πίτυρα: the youthful Aeschines is alleged by Demosthenes (18.259) to have been employed to smear initiates (in apparently Dionysiac mysteries) with mud and bran, and among the ingredients of the δεινόν θυμίασμα at P.G.M. 4.2574 (see i8n.) are λεπτά πίτυρα των πυρών. τόν έν "Αιδα...αδάμαντα: the gates of Hell: [Plat.] Ax. 371Β τ α δέ πρόπυλα της είς Πλούτωνος όδου σιδηροΐς κλείθροις και κλεισιν ώχύρωται, P.G.M. 4.2719 (Hecate) κλυθι δια^εύξασα πυλας άλυτου αδάμαντος (cf. ib. 2534)» Orph. Arg. 1142 άρρηκτοι Άίδαο πύλαι, Prop. 4· Ι Ι ·3 cum semel infernas intramnt junera leges I non exorato stant adamante uiae, Virg. Aen. 6.552 porta aduersa ingens solidoque adamante columnae, Ov. Met. 4.453 fores ciausas adamante; cf. //. 8.15, Theogn. 709. Hecate sometimes carries the key of these gates: P.G.M. 4.2334 σημεΐον έρώ* χάλκεον τό σάνδαλον της ταρταρούχου, στέμμα, κλεΐς, κηρύκιον, φόμβος σίδηρους 1 Έκπ. is used intransitively in a thirteenth-century sermon cited by Stephanus (Gretserus Op. 2.119); Herodian Phil. p. 332 (Pierson 1831) asserts that έκττυρήσαι (-(σαι Pierson) is Doric for άττανθρακίσαι.
42
35-38]
IDYLL U
καΐ κύων κυάνεος, κλεϊθρον τρίχωρον, Wiinsch Ant. Zaubergerat aus Pergamon 24 and Taf. 1, Roscher 2.1215, Genethliakon W. Schmid dargebr. 436; cf. P.G.M. 4.1404, Procl. in Kemp. 2.121 Kroll. O n the meaning of the w o r d άδάμας see RE 5.322. κινήσαις: the potential opt. without άν is used more than once by T. (11.52, 16.67, 28.13, 29.38), and J. H. Vossius's κ' αδάμαντα is unnecessary. See 8.20η., Schneider on Call. H. 5.103, Headlam on Hdas 3.75. 35 κύνες: 12η., Virg. Aen. 6.257 uisaeque canes ululareper urbem | aduentante dea, Stat. Th. 4.429. Sophron fr. 6 κύων προ μεγαρέων μέγα ύλακτέων is, on very slender grounds, associated with this line. 36 τριόδοισι: crossroads are sacred to Hecate, w h o is thence called Ένοδία, Τριοδΐτις, Triuia, and was worshipped at them; see Σ. τό χ α λ κ έ ο ν : the word is so written and accented in $ 3 , and according to Ahrens some mss also have the paroxytone accent. If that is right it would seem to be Doric for χαλκίον, for the adj. has the normal accent at 30, 13.39, as has χρύσεος at 10.33. The object has been taken by some to be the βόμβος of 30, but that is certainly wrong. The clash of metal is well known to have apotropaic force and is used for that purpose at eclipses to drive off the evil powers which are causing the eclipse: Plat. Mor. 944Β κροτεΐν έν ταΐς έκλείψεσιν εΐώθασιν οί πλείστοι χαλκώματα, και ψόφον ττοιεΐν και π ά τ α γ ο ν έπι τάς ψυχάς, Alex. [Aphr.] prob. 2.46 (Ideler Phys. Gr. Min. 1.65) κινοΰσι χαλκόν και σίδηρον άνθρωποι πάντες ώς τους δαίμονας άπελαύνοντες, Luc. Philops. 15 εκείνα μεν γ ά ρ (τά φάσματα), ην ψόφον άκούση χαλκού ή σιδήρου, ττίψευγε. See further Friedlander on Juv. 6.441, J.H.S. 22.14. That is the explanation here; the magician w h o has raised an evil power is in danger unless he averts it from himself: P.G.M. 4.2110 φύλασσε δε σεαυτόν οϊω βούλει φυλάγματι, 2507 εΐωθεν ή θεός τους αφύλακτη ρ ι άστους τούτο πράσσοντας άερο(ρι)φεϊς ποιεΐν και α π ό του ύψους έπι την γ η ν £ΐψαι (cf. 3094)1 and various φυλακτήρια are given in the papyri (e.g. 4.2877, 2897, 7.311, 11 a. 37). €Ρόμβος and χαλκέον are in fact used for exactly opposite purposes, as at P.G.M. 4.2296 |ί>όμβον στρέφω σοι, κυμβάλων ούχ άπτομαι—that is, I use attractive and refrain from apotropaic magic. Simaetha, warned by the barking of dogs that her spells have raised the goddess, immediately takes personal precautions against her: Orph. Arg. 965 (in similar circumstances) δρφνινά θ* έσσάμενος φάρη και άπεχθέα χαλκόν | κρούων έλλισάμην. Τό χαλκέον may be a cymbal, as L. and S. (s.v. ήχέω) assume, or a bell, as a gloss in $ 3 asserts, but any resonant piece of metal will serve the purpose, nor indeed is metal necessary (see 38η.). άχει does not occur elsewhere with the ace. of the sound-producing object, but cf. κτυπεϊν, παταγεϊν, ψοφεΐν. 38 σιγή: silence is frequently mentioned in descriptions of ancient magic: Ap. Rhod. 3.1196, Hor. Epod. 5.51 nox et Diana quae silentium regis | arcana cum fiunt sacra, Tib. 1.2.61, 8.18, Ov. F. 5.429, Met. 7.184, Sen. Med. 6. It was both a regular concomitant of theophanies (see Dodds on Eur. Bacch. 1084) and also a necessary condition for the successful outcome of an incantation because the spirits invoked might be driven away by noise (36η.): P.G.M. 7.320 ήρεμείτω γαία και άήρ ήρεμείτω και θάλασσα ήρεμείτω* ήρεμείτω και οί άνεμοι [sic] και μη μου Ιμποδί^εσθε είς τήν μαντείαν μου ταύτην, μη φωνή, μή όλολυγμός, μή συριγμός, 36.156 δέδεσαι, ή δείνα,. . .ϊνα φίλης διόλου τον δείνα και ού μή σε λύση ού κύων βαυβύ3ων, ούκ όνος όγκώμενος, ού γάλλος, ού περικαθαρτής, ούκ ήχος κυμβάλου, ού βόμβος αυλού, αλλ' ουδέν έξ ουρανού φυλακτήριον περί παν, αλλά κρατείσθω τ ω πνεύματι: cf. ib. 3-198, 13-680. Simaetha means that all the circumstances are favourable, but T. has transmuted the mere statement to poetry.
43
40 έπί: 13-49η. τάλαιναν: 72 η. 41 γυναικός: the state for which Simaetha had once hoped to exchange her maidenhood; cf. 27.65, Soph. Tr. 148 εως τις αντί παρθένου γυνή | κληθη. κακάν : appears to mean wretched, accursed as at 5.27, Hdas 3.42 τί μεν δοκεϊς τ ά σ7τλάγχνα της KocKfjs ττάσχειν; The sense infamis or impudica seems inapposite, unless indeed Simaetha is seeing herself as others will see her. There is probably some reminiscence of Od. 10.301 μη σ* άττογυμνωθέντα κακόν και άνήνορα θήη, where however κακόν means weak or soft. 27-31 O n the position of these lines see p. 40. 28 κηρόν: wax images of various kinds play a large part in magic, and the melting of such images appears from a fourth-century inscription at Cyrene (Arch.f. Religionswiss. 24.172) to have been used sometimes on more formal and public occasions. The founders of Cyrene before leaving Thera κηρίνος πλάσσαντες κολοσός κατέκαιον έτταρεώμενοι π ά ν τ ε ς . . . τ ό ν μή εμμένοντα τοϊς όρκίοις άλλα παρβεώντα καταλείβεσθαί νιν και κατάρρεν ώσπερ τός κολοσσός καΐ αυτόν καΐ yovov καΐ χρήματα: cf. Soph./r. 536 κόρον άιστώσας ττυρί, Pearson ad loc. In lovemagic wax images are more commonly pierced with needles (Ov. Her. 6.91, Am. 3.7.29) or inscribed (e.g. Cat. cod. astr. 3.44.7), though they may also be burnt afterwards (ib. 45.1). It is however possible that the wax is, in Simaetha's rite, not an image at all but a symbol, like the bay and the barley-groats; cf. O v . Met. 3.487, and see Abt 82. συν δαίμονι: c(. 7.12η., II. 15.403 τίς δ' οίδ' εί κέν ol συν δαίμονι θυμόν όρίνω | παρειπών;, Αρ. Rh. 3·539· 29 Μύνδιος: Myndus is the small fortified town on the coast of Caria before which Alexander was repulsed (Arrian An. 1.20). 30 βόμβος is identified by Σ with the Ιυγξ and commentaries have mostly taken this view. It is however highly improbable that the Ιυγξ of the refrain should appear among the spells which the refrain serves to divide and articulate (see p. 39), and, whereas it is very doubtful whether βόμβος or rhombus ever means a magic wheel, it is certain that it is the name of another magical implement. The βόμβος is defined by Σ Clem. Al. Protr. p. 15 P. on the authority of Diogenianus as ξυλάριον ου έξήπται τό σπαρτίον, και έν ταϊς τελεταΐς έδονεΐτο ίνα jioi^TJ, and there are similar glosses in Hesych. and at Et. M. 706.25; they must describe the turndun of Australian aboriginals and the bull-roarer of anthropologists. This is an oblong or diamond-shaped piece of wood or metal such as those shown in PL V. 1 and 2, 1 to the point of which a cord is attached. W h e n swung in a circle, the instrument emits a muttering roar which rises in pitch as the speed increases: Archytas, DielsKranz Vors. 1.435 (φόμβοι) άσυχφ μέν κινούμενοι βαρυν άφίεντι άχον, Ισχυρώς δέ όξύν. The performance is apdy described at Eur. Hel. 1361: βόμβου είλισσομενα | κύκλιος Ινοσις αίθερία. The βόμβος is used in Dionysiac mysteries (A.P. 6.165) and also, like the ivy ξ, as an instrument of attractive magic (cf. Luc. Dial. Mer. 4.5) as here. For its occurrence in magic papyri see 34, 3611η. έξ Ά φ ρ ο δ ί τ α ς : for έκ see 1.140η. The meaning can hardly here be more than συν Άφροδίτα (cf. 28), by the will or with consent oj\ as in έκ θεού, θεών (see Headlam On Editing Aesch. 106). 31 τηνος: 7.104η. 1 The example shown was made for me and is of tin. Though small it is not much less effective than the much larger and heavier wooden instrument from Australia. The identifica tion of φόμβο$ and bull-roarer was first made (though without reference to T.) by Andrew Lang in his paper on the bull-roarer {Custom and Myth, ed. 1898, 29).
44
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I D Y L L II
43 τρίς: see p. 39. The number three is common in ritual of all kinds (see Rh. Mus. 58.1, 161, 321) and is particularly appropriate to Hecate, ή και τ α τρία έπιθυεται (L. Cohn Zu d. Paroem. 71). Selene is addressed in a hymn in P.GM. 4.2524 as τρίκτυπε, τρίφθογγε, τρικάρανε Σελήνη, | τρινακία, τριπρόσωπε, τριαύχενε, και τριοδΐτι, | ή τρισσοΐς ταλάροισιν έχεις φλογός άκάματον ττϋρ | και τρίοδον μεθέπεις τρισσών δεκάδων τε άνάσσεις | καΐ τρισΐ μορφαϊσι καΐ φλέγμασι και σκυλάκεσσι. Cf. Ath. 7·325Α» Τ. 6.39 η., 2 0 . i l . The number is even a subject for jesting: Ar. Ran. 1176, Hor. Ep. 1.1.36. See also 17.82, 30.2711η.
44fF. Prayers of the kind are not uncommon in magic: P.GM. 4-274-0 d δε τιν' άλλον έχουσ* έν κόλποις κοττάκειται | κεΐνον άπωσάσθω, έμέ δ* έν φρεσιν ένκαταθέσθω | καΐ προλιττουσα τάχιστα έπ' έμοΐς ττροθύροισι τταρέστω | δαμνομένη ψυχή έπ' έμή φιλότητι και ευνή, ib. 1511, 2757» 2960, Audollent Def. Tab. 38, 68, 198. Even the mythological or mythical parallel in 45 finds an occasional analogy: P.GM. 4.2905 φρουρήσας σφίγξοο Ίξιόνιον τροχόν άλλον, 3037 ορκίζω σε, παν ττνεΟμα δαιμόνιον, λαλήσαι, όττοϊον και άν ής, δτι ορκίζω σε κατά τής σφραγΐδος ής έθετο Σολομών επί τήν γλώσσον του Ίηρεμίου καΐ έλάλησεν, 36.288 φιλίτω με ή δείνα είς τον άπαντα αυτής χρόνον ώς έφίλησεν ή Ίσις τον *Οσιριν, καΐ μινάτω μοι αγνή ώς ή Πηνελόπη τ ω Όδυσσϊ, Jahrb. f. kl. Phil., Suppl. 19.564 scribes...ut cito pariat mulier, Sicut Adam clamavit ad Euam: aduena exi foras: Adam exspectat, age ergo. Cf.J.H.S. 62.37. τόσσον: context and Theocritean analogies (150, 8.65, 11.22, 16.65, 25.220, 30.2, 5) suggest that τόσσον is nominative rather than accusative, though λήθην έχω τινός (Plat. Phaedr. 250A) is as good Greek as λήθη με έχει (cf. //. 2.33). Θησέα: for the short final syllable see 8.87η. ΔΙφ: Σ enumerate six islands of the name. Δίη, the scene of the Homeric version of the Ariadne story (Od. 11.325), is usually held to be the small island off the N. coast of Crete (see RE 5.298, Palmer, Ov. Her. p. 373). T. alludes to the later version of which the scene is Naxos, and the name Dia is attached to Naxos by Callimachus (fr. 601) and various later writers. έυπλοκάμω: thinking of//. 18.592 καλλιπλοκάμω Αριάδνη. 48 Ιππομανές is usually described either as a growth on the forehead of new born foals or as a discharge from the mare (Arist. H.A. 572a 19, 577a9). Σ cite Crateuas as saying that the plant so called has a fruit like that of the squirting cucumber (σίκνος άγριος) but a darker leaf. Dioscorides (2.173) states that it is another name for the caper (κάππαρις), Pseudo-Diosc. (4.80) for άπόκυνον, Theophr. (H.P. 9.15.6), if the word is there right, that it is prepared from spurge (τιθύμαλλος). It would seem to be connected with some plant having a more or less milky juice, but that is perhaps as far as the evidence permits us to go. 50 ώ ς belongs to περάσαι μαινομένω Τκελος, the wish nearer to Simaetha's heart taking illogical precedence. Σ understand the meaning to be ώς ΐδοιμι μαινόμενον, which seems plainly inferior. 51 λιπαράς: from the άλειφόμενοι (4.7η.) w h o frequent it: [Luc] Am. 3 λιπαραι παλαϊστραι, Call. fr. 261 καλόν αεί λιπόωντα κατά δρόμον Απόλλωνος. So in Latin they are nitidae and unctae (Ov. Her. 16.151, 19.11, Mart. 4.8.5). 53 κράσπεδον: hitherto the θύη have been symbols; now, by the common magic rule that the whole can be affected by the part, a personal relic of Delphis is burnt. So a witch in Luc. Dial. Mer. 4.4 says δεήσει δέ τι αύτοΰ τοΟ ανδρός είναι, οίον Ιμάτια ή κρηπΐδας ή ολίγας τ ω ν τριχών ή τι τών τοιούτων, and operates with a pair of shoes; and the nurse at Eur. Hipp. 513 δει δ* έξ εκείνου δή τι του ποθούμενου | ση μείον, ή λόγον [πλόκον Reiske] τι ν* ή π έ π λ ω ν ά π ο | λαβείν: cf.
45
COMMENTARY
[54-59
P.G.M. 4.448. T o this belief is due the importance attaching to the hair and nails; see Abt 105. 54 έν: έν ττυρί βάλλ- is familiar from Homer (//. 9.220, 18.474, Od. 3.341, 446, 14.422, 429) but the so-called pregnant use of this preposition occurs elsewhere in T. (13.51, 16.11, 25.25, 259). 55 μέλαν, like κελαινόν, κελαινεφές, is already in Homer an epitheton ornarts of blood which darkens as it coagulates in flowing from a wound; cf. 13, Soph. Aj. 918 φυσώντ' άνω ττρός frfvas 2κ τε φοινίας | π λ η γ ή ς μελανθέν αΐμ' άπ* οίκείας σφαγής. It occurs again in reference to blood sucked by leeches (to which it is not very appropriate) at O p p . Hal. 2.6οι. Τ. may be thinking of Soph. Tr. 1055 έκ δέ χλωρόν αΐμά μου | πέπωκεν, where χλωρόν, as at Eur. Hec. 127, presumably means fresh, vigorous and has no reference to colour (see 14.70η.). Cf. Powell Coll. Al. p. 71 μέλαν αίμα πίον (of Actaeon's hounds), Theogn. 349, Eur. Jr. 687, Call. Jr. 522, L. Sternbach Anth. Plan. Appendix 10. 58 σαύραν: 7.22 η. Κακόν ποτόν suggests that this draught is designed to harm Delphis rather than to win him back (see p. 40), and we learn from Nic. Al. 537 that a potion made from the σαύρα φαρμακίς called σαλαμάνδρα burns the tongue, causes trembling in the joints, and produces further unpleasant results; cf. Plin. N.H. 2 9 . 7 3 ^ . . .ex stellionibus malum medicamentum. nam cum immortuus est uino faciem corum qui biberint lentigine obducit. A dangerous unguent may also be made by cooking a two-tailed or other lizard ihv oil (Griffith-Thompson Demotic Magic Papyri 1.97). Simaetha is capable of a desperate act, and at 159 says so, but the object of the spell is to recover Delphis and here she is probably thinking not of murder but of a dangerous love-philtre (cf. Antiph. 1.9 οΰκ επί θανάτω φάσκουσαν διδόναι άλλ* έτη φίλτροις, Arist. Μ. Mor. 1188 b 31, Plut. Luc. 43» Mor. 139A, Alciphr. 4.10.5 Sch., Juv. 6.610, Suet. Cal. 50, Apul. Met. 9.29.3), for lizards have a place also in love-magic: Μέ\γ Lapid. grecs 60 έάν δέ μιγνυμένας δυο [sc. σαύρας] άρσενόθηλυ άγρεύσας, καΐ κόψης το μόριον καΐ ξηράνας καΐ ποτίσας, γυναικί γίνεται φιλία άλυτος, ib. 169 λίθος σαυρίτης έκ σαύρας ^ώσης λαμβάνεται* . . .προς aycoyas δέ χρήσιμος ε σ τ ί ν άξεις γ ά ρ ήν βούλει έπευξάμενος αύτω τήν άρρ[ητον έπίκλη]σιν. Apul. Αρ. 30 quotes from Laevius a list of philtra including saurae inlices bicodulae;1 c£. Plin. N.H. 30.141. For other magic uses of lizards see Euseb. Pr. Ev. 5.12, P.G.M. 7.186, 628, and generally Abt 109, Proc. Brit. Acad. 17.42, Trans. Amer. Phil. Soc. 63.37. τρίψασα: for the seemingly Aeolic form in -αισα presented by $ 3 see 1.26 η. ^ 3 has similar forms at 132, 18.34, 44, but in Id. 18 they have been corrected (cf. 26.17). Elsewhere JP3 has -ασα (e.g. 116, 15.134) and I have preferred in so uncertain a matter to keep the ms text.* αΰριον: when she visits him in the palaestra (8). Meanwhile there is a task for Thestylis. 59-fo This passage has given as much trouble as any in T., and is perhaps beyond the reach of final solution. It will be convenient to begin with the meanings of certain of the words which are open to doubt. θρόνα occurs several times in Lycophron and in Nicander in the sense of φάρμακα, which is s.'d by Σ, on the authority of Clitarchus, to be an Aetolian use of the word. There is nothing to show what they consist of, but as all the substances hitherto mentioned (with the possible exception of the hippomanes) have been 1 The two-tailed lizard seems to be a lizard whose tail has grown again double after an injury (Abt 267). Σ here: 2στι δέ αύτη δύσκερκος. άττοκτανθεΤσα δέ και ξηρανθεϊσα καΐ τριβεΐσα συν άλφίτω έν ποτω δίδοτα·. Abt ( i n ) would read δίσκερκος, which should rather be δίκερκος.
Φ
59-62]
IDYLL Π
burnt, we may suppose them to be something which has not yet been employed, or possibly the ash resulting from the previous operations. ύπόμαξον: μάσσειν means to knead, to work with the hands, and that sense is retained by its δια-, άνα-, έμ- compounds: the last two have also senses like those of the άττο-, έκ-, έπι-, περί-, προσ- compounds, in which the root idea is of wiping or of impression (cf. 3.29 η.). Ύπομάσσειν occurs elsewhere only in an anonymous citation in Suidas s.v. ή του τ ό π ο υ θέσις ΰπομεμαγμένη ταΐς ττέτραις κ.τ.λ.—a curious phrase perhaps due to the same careless reading of Ar. Equ. 815 of which Plutarch (Them. 19) is guilty. It is inconsistent with Suidas's gloss άναττεφυρμένος, which must be derived from some other passage. φ λ ι α ς : φλιά is commonly the door-post, παραστάς. At Ap. Rh. 3.278 and in the LXX ztExod. 12.7,22,23 however, it means lintel; it is used at I/. 23.202 (Schol. Gen. H) and in Et. M. to gloss βηλός, and by Suidas to gloss ουδός, and that must be its meaning at Artem. On. 4.42; and at Pallad. Hist. Laus. 12.3 αϊ φλιαΐ της Θύρας και at παραστάδες are respectively the horizontal and the vertical members of a door-frame. 1 Seemingly therefore any of its four components might be called φλιά. Doors are a favourite place for magic of various kinds (see A.J.P. 32.251), and all parts of them are used. N o a priori conclusions can therefore be drawn as to the meaning of φλιά here. καθ* ύπέρτερον appears to be rsed adverbially in the sense of καθυπερθε. It is possible, rather than probable, that it should be written as one w o r d ; cf. Arat. 498 (of the tropic of Cancer) πέντε μέν Ινδία στρέφεται καθ* υπέρτερα γαίης, | τά τρία δ' έν περάτη. έπιτρύζοισα is plainly what Τ. wrote, and though it appears in no ms it is to this word rather than to έπιφθυ^οισα that the gloss in Σ έπφδουσα ήσυχως must refer. The verb is used of sinister muttering also by Callimachus (fr. 1.1), and of ghosts, apparently, by Euphorion (fr. 134 Powell); ΰποτρύ^ειν of a spell at Nonn. D- 39-359» ^ d of a corpse magically vocal at Heliod. 6.15.1. For τρύ^ω cf. 7.139, 141 nn. Muttered tones are appropriate to spells (see 11 n.). Έπιφθυ^οισα is in itself equally apposite to the context but it is an intrusion from 7.127; see 6.39 η. The text. 61, which is omitted by Ϊ 3 Κ and ignored by Σ, makes the last term of the incantation a line longer than the rest, and looks like an attempt to give a meaning to the last four words of 60. The sense intended is probably while I am still bound heart and soul to Delphis, though some have wished to connect έκ with άς and the line has been variously altered. The last six words are borrowed, with an unsuitable change of mood, from 3.33: the first three are possibly connected with 10, where έκ θυμοΟ καταδήσομαι is the reading of ί 3 though not of the ms tradition. In 62 Ahlwardt's μάσσω is a certain correction. The verbs ύπομάσσειν and πάσσειν have in sense no common element and πάσσειν is therefore excluded from this context; it comes from 21. The καίω of $ 3 is probably due to the καί just above. Consideration of 60 must start from I's paraphrase of the last four words, εως ετι ενδέχεται καταδεθήναι αυτόν. That is perfectly appropriate sense which is not at present to be elicited from our texts. 2 W e must assume therefore that άς is the 1 Palladius has elsewhere both the singular (18.23) and the plural (39.2) with the meaning threshold, and the plural is perhaps so used at Quint. S. 7.338. 2 Wilamowitz, though his text obelises the relevant words, has twice defended them, and once (Textg. 258) by extracting this meaning from them. He translates streiche diese Zaubermittel unten an seine Twr, so lange es noch mdchtiger ist\ and explains εω$ έτι καθνττέρτερόν έστιν ύπομάξαι to mean εω$ *τι ώφεΛεΤ ύττ. Καθυττέρτερον however is incapable of this meaning, and, if it were capable, και νυν would be superfluous. His later and quite different defence (Herm. 63.375) is» streiche sie unter seine Schwelle, oberhalb von der sie jetzt noch sind; but at the moment the θρόνα are evidently still in Simaetha's hand.
47
COMMENTARY
[65
Doric (and Aeolic) form of εως (14.70, 29.20); solutions which treat it as a relative pronoun, besides discarding the evidence of Σ, leave φλιδς without a construction. The simplest method of accounting for the paraphrase is to accept Buecheler's νυξ for νυν, for ετι καί vOv is a common combination from Homer down and its familiarity may be the cause of its presence in our texts. To άς ετι και νυξ it has been objected that καί (no longer defensible by 159) is meaningless. If pressed it might mean while darkness, as well as other favourable circumstances, is present; but the fact is that there are a good many places in Greek where καί adds no more than a note of emphasis to the visible meaning: see 1.100, 8.23nn., Ap. Rh. 1.171, Denniston GkPart. 3i6ff. It remains to consider ΰπόμαξον τδς τήνω φλιδς καθ* ύπέρτερον, which is usually supposed to mean smear them on his φλιά. Unless we accept Valckenaer's καθ' ύπέρθυρον (on the underside of the lintel) it will then be necessary to suppose that UTTO- means seaetly (or more probably gently) since a local sense would conflict with καθ* Οττέρτερον. It should be observed however that in the previous rites the effect on Delphis is to be produced sympathetically by something done to the magic materials, not by something done with them to some other object; and, further, that on this supposition τα Δέλφιδος όστία μάσσω, as the sentence is phrased, will mean not / smear the bones of Delphis with θρόνα but J smear the φλιά with Delphis* s bones. In view of these objections it seems preferable to suppose that ύττομάσσειν means, as Suidas says, άναφυραν—to knead and not to smear—and that the first five words of 60 relate to the position to be taken up by Thestylis, before the door with hands held over the threshold: OTTO- will presumably mean gently, softly as in ΰττοκινεΐν and perhaps in υττοργά^ειν (Hippon. fr. 84); cf. Wilamowitz on Ar. Lys. 567. One possible source of light on this difficult passage has not so far been mentioned. A note attached in Σ to 69 or 70 runs προς τήν Σελήνην καί τήν Έκάτην φησί. ταύτας yap συνέργου? είς τήν περί του ερωμένου φαρμακείαν παραλαμβάνει, τήν δέ των φαρμάκων ΰπόθεσιν έκ των Σώφρονος Μίμων μεταφέρει υττο τε τ ο . . . όφιγγα όρρο.. ποτέ βληθέν. They were transferred by Wendel to the Argument, but the first sentence fits 69 moderately well 1 and the second may possibly belong to the present passage. The mutilated words at the end seem to be a quotation from Sophron and were restored by Herzog υπό τε τον στρόφιγγα όρροβήλω ποτεβλήθεν (όρρόβηλος* οδός. Ίταλιώται Hesych.: οδός Herwerden). This is plausible, but even if the quotation proved that in Sophron the magic materials were buried beneath the threshold (cf. Sophron fr. 3), that would prove nothing for T., whose imitation is not elsewhere precise. Herzog's further view that ύπόθεσιν means not argument or story but depositing or burial seems highly improbable; the word possibly has that sense in an amulet (Arch, f Religipnswiss. 12.25), hut it has it nowhere else and it is the scholiasts' regular term in the former senses. Nor can any weight be attached to the fact that at Virg. E. 8.92 exuuiae of Daphnis are so buried, for burial at the threshold, though well known, is only one among many magic and superstitious practices connected with doors, and Virgil's magic does not follow T.'s at all closely. On the whole therefore this light seems likely to be a will o' the wisp. 2 65 έκ τίνος ά.: the text is not quite certain and Wilamowitz printed τηνώθ' άρξευμαι, τίς μ. κ. ά. τ. But the triple question is more forcible than a single question immediately followed by its answer, and the reading of Κ probably arises from the easy corruption of τίνος to τήνος. Propertius perhaps has the passage 1 2
It would fit 10 ff. better. For criticisms of Herzog's view see Herm. 63.376, Philol. 88.263.
48
I D Y L L II
66-69]
in mind at 1.18.5: wide tuos primum repetam, tnea Cynthia, fastus? | quod mihi das flendi, Cynthia, priricipium? Tivos is presumably neuter rather than masculine, and repeats in other terms the first question: Hyper. 6.6 vu]v δέ πόθεν άρξωμα[ι λέγων] ή TI'VOS π ρ ώ τ ο υ μνησθώ;, Luc. Iud. Voc. 6 δθεν δέ και α π ό τίνων άρξάμενον, ώρα λέγειν, Cic. Rose. Am. 29 quid primum querar? aut unde potissimum, iudices, ordiar? Cf. Aesch. Ch. 855, Eur. LA. 442. 66 Simaetha decides to date her misfortunes from the suggestion that she should attend a festival of Artemis. The goddess therefore, who is summoned to execute her magic behests (10, 14, 33) and to whom she is now confiding her story, is in some sense the authoress of her ruin. Festivals, if not the only, were the chief, occasions on which women appeared in public. Ίδών σε καθόδω της Μ ίσης έκύμηνε |, τά σ π λ ά γ χ ν α says the go-between at Hdas 1.56, and encounters at festivals are a common motif in the N e w Comedy. Most often the intrigue starts with a seduction at a παννυχίς, but there are exceptions; e.g. Pi. Cist. 89 ( = Menander/r. 558) per Dionysia | mater pompam me spectatum duxit. dum redeo domum, | conspicillo consecutust clanculum me usque adfores. | inde in amicitiam insinuauit cum matre et mecum simul I blanditiis, muneribus, donis. In the Κιθαριστής of Menander (93) the festival is that of Artemis at Ephesus, as it is in Xen. Eph. 1.3, where Anthea is seen by Habrocomas after taking part in the procession. See generally Rohde Gr. Rom.2 155, Headlam on Hdas 1.56, Legrand Daos 242. T. has enlivened this hackneyed theme with a striking variant, for it is usually the man, not the woman, who falls a victim to such love at first sight; cf. Alciphr. 1.11 Sch. ήνθ*: Τ., perhaps to emphasise the responsibility of the goddess, begins with the festival: ίέναι έμελλε would present the facts in more strictly logical order. καναφόρος: κ. are girls who carry in baskets (κανδ) requisites for the sacrifice; they occur in various cults, including that of Artemis at Brauron (Philochorus fr. 6, F.H.G. 1.385; cf. Ar. Lys. 646). άμμιν has been taken as a dative of motion towards, as μοι in 65, 145. That is plainly wrong, but the ethic dative explains Simaetha's special interest in the procession, and does not mean to my woe. Ά ν α ξ ώ : the name, though not as common as Ευβουλος, is not rare; e.g. Plut. Thcs. 29, l.G. 12.9.987. 67 τα: sc. Άρτέμιδι. τόκα: on this particular occasion. Ποκα, though supported by $ 3 , seems indefensible. 68 θηρία are especially appropriate to Artemis as πότνια θηρών (cf. Paus. 7.18.12) but are not confined to her. Ptolemy Philadelphus's Dionysiac procession included large numbers (Ath. 5.200 F), among which were twenty-four λέοντες παμμεγέθεις (201F). The lion is especially connected with Selene: Roscher 2.3176; cf. 25.197η. περισταδόν is used as a mere equivalent of περί, since the second half of the word is strictly incompatible with a verb of motion such as πομπεύεσκε: cf. Ap. Rh. 2.206 περισταδόν ήγερέθοντο, 4.942 (ί>ώοντ* ένθα και ένθα διασταδόν άλλήλησιν, Τ. 25.103 η. 69 φ ρ ά ζ ε ο : the refrain which divides the earlier stages of Simaetha's narrative into 5-hne sections is formal in tone, and opens like an oracle: Hdt. 8.20, Plut. Ages. 3, Σ Eur. Ph. 638, Ar. Equ. 1015, 1030, Pax 1099. In view of its content it would appropriately introduce the narrative from 64 on, but T. may have shrunk from placing it in juxtaposition with the refrain of Part 1. Cf. i.64-i42n. Simaetha regards Delphis as the guilty party (23), and the narrative confided to Selene is perhaps intended to secure her assistance more readily. An AttiG GT
11
49
4
COMMENTARY
[70-76
κατάδεσμος, I.G. 3.3.98, ends φίλη Γη βοήθει μοι, αδικούμενος y a p υ π ό Ευρυπτολέμου και Ξενοφώντος καταδώ αυτούς. 70 θευμαρίδα has not unnaturally been suspected. Μάρης, Μάρων (cf. Hdas 3.24), Άμφίμαρος, Έτοιμαρίδας, Εύμάρης, -ων, -είδης exist, but, if they are rightly referred to μάρη = χείρ, hardly account for Theumaridas. Reiske wrote θευχαρίδα: Gallavotti τωυμαρίδα (cf. 66). S 3 and the ms tradition however agree on the name, and as Greek names are not always intelligible it is not plain that alteration is needed; cf. 77, 5.10, 7.1 i n n . θρφσσα: on ethnics attached to slaves see Neil Ar. Equ. p. 6, Headlam on Hdas 1.1. It is sometimes hard to be sure h o w far they are names and h o w far descriptive adjectives; here the disposition of the words points to the latter; cf. Ar. Ach. 273 τήν Στρυμοδώρου θρςττταν. Thracian women were in demand, especially as nurses (cf. epigr. 20), and are sometimes identifiable on vases by their tattooing; e.g. on a skyphos by the Pistoxenos Painter, Jahrb. 27. T. 8, and on an Italiote kraterfragment, Brit. Mus. Vase Cat. 3, Ε 509. μακαριτις: Σ Aesch. Pers. 633 μακαρίτης ό τεθνεώς, μακάριος ό 3ων. T. probably means us to infer that the fatal encounter took place some time ago and that Simaetha's liaison is of some standing; cf. 91η. 72 ά μεγάλοιτος: the adj. does not occur elsewhere.* The definite article, though regular in phrases of this type (138, 3.24), is not invariable; cf. 40, 96, Soph. TV. 997 ε γ ώ . . . ό τάλας) (O.C. 747 έγώ τάλας, Headlam on Hdas 3.5, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. § 606. 73 βύσσοιο I have translated linen, though the word has been taken to mean both silk and cotton and was sometimes understood in antiquity to denote the colour rather than the fabric of a dress; see R E 3.1108, Diels Poet. Phil. Frag. p. 141. σύροισα probably implies a long and full garment, though Babrius 10.4 some what obscurely writes σύρουσα λεπτή ν πορφυρή ν επί κνήμης. Apollon. Soph, ρ. 50· 2 7 φαίνεται έκ τ ώ ν τοιούτων επιθέτων. . . τό σεμνόν της περιστολής · φαίνονται y a p μέχρι τ ώ ν σφυρών καλυπτόμενοι όθεν. ..έλκεσίπεπλοι λέγονται. χ ι τ ώ ν α : see 15.21η. 74 ξυστίδα is variously defined in antiquity and possibly indicates a choice material rather than a particular garment. It was worn by men in royal or festal attire (Ar. Nub. 70, Ath. 12.535 E» Plut. Ale. 32; cf. Plat. Rep. 4.420E) as well as by women (Ar. Lys. 1190), and at Eubulus frr. 90, 134 ξυστίδες appear to be used for covering a bed; they may however still be garments (18.18η.). Simaetha's ξυστίς is the garment worn over her χιτών, no doubt that called άμπέχονον by Gorgo at 15.21, where see n. Κλεαρίστας: the name, which occurs again at 5.88 and is not uncommon in inscriptions, is no doubt that of a friend from w h o m she borrowed finery to complete her festal attire: Juv. 6.352 ut spectet ludos conducit Ogulnia uestem. Parti cipants in processions and the like seem commonly to have drawn on their friends' wardrobes: Eur. El. 190, Ar. Lys. 1189, Aristid. 2. 549 Dind., Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 55. 76 μέσαν: the meaning is plainly midway on the road between her home and the precinct to which the procession with attendant crowds was going: similarly 7.10 κούπω τάν μεσάταν όδόν άνυμες, 21.19, Parthen. 13.3 rapl μέσην όδόν αυτών ήδη όντων, Virg. Ε. 9-59 hinc adeo media est nobis uia. The same sense has been extracted from μέσον, which would have to be regarded as an adverb (cf. Od. 14.300, Eur. Or. 983); this however seems much less probable. τά Λύκιονος: the neuter article with the genitive is vague and the ellipse hardly to be defined—Lycons or Lycons place: 4.23, Hdas 5.52 τ ά Μικκάλης, where see Headlam. At 5.112 τ ά Μίκωνος is shown by the context to be, or at least to include, 50
77-82]
IDYLL II
a vineyard. The singular is much less common and the ellipse seems to be nearly always of Ιερόν: Ar. Lys. 835, 911, Dem. 19.249. The name Lycon is common in Greek, and of a common type (4.1, 2nn.); it occurs again at 5.8, and T. has also Lycus (14.24), Lycidas (7.13), Lycopas (5.62). 77 όμοΰ τ€ καί: the order of words is unusual: Strab. 11.512 προς αλλήλους άμα τε και τάς συμπινούσας γυναίκας, 12.561 πόλεως άμα τε και φρουρίου, Ορρ. Cyn. 3.7 1 γλαυκιόωσιν όμου τε και ενδοθι φοινίσσονται. Here however όμου presumably goes with Ιόντας: Simaetha saw Delphis and adds the detail that Eudamippus was with him. The anomalous position of τε may be explained on the supposition that the addition is an afterthought; cf. Soph. O.T. 759 κράτη | σέ τ ' είδ' έχοντα Λάιόν τ* όλωλότα, Denniston Gk Part. 519· Εύδάμιππον: the name is peculiar. It would be natural to connect it with Ίπποδαμας (//. 20.401) and the like, and Neil regarded Ίππόδάμος at Ar. Equ. 327 as a case of metrical vowel-lengthening before a liquid. This explanation however is untenable, for inscriptions present Δήμιππος and Ίππόδημος: and Εύδήμιππος Εύδήμου occurs in an inscription from Eretria (I.G. 12.9.249: A. 91); see Fick Gr. Pcrsonennamen 2 90. 78 έλιχρύσοιο: 1.3011. 79 στίλβων is used of the natural gloss of the skin, as Od. 6.237 κάλλει και χάρισι στίλβων, of Odysseus after Athena had adorned him. Ath. 10.414 c και ό Αχαιός δέ ό Έρετριευς (jr. 4) ττερι της ευεξίας τών αθλητών διηγούμενός φησι* γυμνοί γ ά ρ | ώθουν f φαιδίμους βραχίονας | ήβη σφριγώντες εμπορεύονται, νέω | στίλβοντες άνθει καρτεράς έπωμίδας, Charit. 1.1 ά π ό των γυμνασίων έβάδι^εν οΤκαδε στίλβων ώσπερ αστήρ· έπήνθει γάρ αυτού τ ω λαμπρω του προσώπου το ερύθημα της παλαίστρας ώσπερ άργύρω χρυσός: cf. 3·ΐ8η. 8ο άπό: the preposition probably belongs to λιπόντων, γυμνασίοιο depending upon πόνον. If so, άπολείπειν implies that they had broken off their exercise in order to take part in the festival. For the gen. abs. following the dat. τοις, see 7.25η. 82 χ ώ ς ΐδον, ώς έμάνην: this line, and 3.42 ώς ΐδεν, ως έμάνη, ως είς βαθύν άλατ' έρωτα, are modelled on II. 14.293 ΐ ° ε δέ νεφέληγερέτα Ζευς. | ώς δ* Τδεν, ώς μιν έρως πυκινάς φρένας άμφεκάλυψεν, and opinion is divided as to whether the second (and third) ώς is exclamatory (when he saw, how...) or demonstrative (as he saw, so . . . ) . In the Iliad the latter appears much more probable. In the first place exclamatory ώς in Homer seems to be confined to speeches. In the second, though it would yield reasonable sense at II. 14.294, it is not very suitable at 19.16 ώς εΐδ', ώς μιν μάλλον έδυ χόλος, έν δέ ol όσσε | δεινόν ύ π ό βλεφάρων ώς εί σέλας έξεφάανθεν, and quite unsuitable at 20.424 ώς εϊδ\ ώς άνεπάλτο, και ευχόμενος έπος ηύδα. All three passages seem to go with such constructions as 1.512 Θέτις δ' ώς ήψατο γούνων, | ώς έχετ* έμπεφυυϊα, και εΐρετο κ.τ.λ. which no one considers exclamatory. Those who regard ώς in these sentences as demonstrative, have compared it with ούτω and ούτω δή used by Thucydides (e.g. 2.12.4, 4.75.1) and others after participles and temporal clauses. That use however seems to be resumptive or inferential; here the effect is rather to emphasise the close temporal relation of the two events recorded—I saw, and, seeing, loved. When T. imitates Homer, the question is less what Homer meant than what T. supposed him to mean, but there is no reason here to think that T. regarded the second ώς as exclamatory, and there is some ground for thinking that he did not. T. 15.25 ών Τδες ών εΐπαις κεν is perhaps not necessarily connected with the ώς. . . ώς sentences, but it is natural to connect them, and ός is incapable of an exclamatory meaning; see the note on that line, and on 4.39. That the authors 51
COMMENTARY
[83-88
or author of Ciris 430 = Virg. E. 8.41 should write ut uidi, ut peril, ut mc mains abstulit error', substituting a word capable of exclamatory but not of demonstrative meaning, shows at most that they misunderstood T., and it is legitimate to set against that line Ov. Met. 8.324 hanc pariter uidit, pariter Calydonius heros | optauit. The construction is imitated by other Greek poets: Bion 1.40, Mosch. 2.74, Opp. Hal. 4.97, Colluth. 257; cf. C2W.fr. 260.2. In all these places the second cos seems demonstrative. It is in accordance with ancient precept that cos demonstrative should be accented, and modern practice writes it oxytone. The construction has given rise to a good deal of discussion; see C.R. 14.394, Class. Phil. 25.38, 33.306, Glotta 14.64. πυρί seems preferable to ττερί since love is constantly referred to as a fire (see 3.17η.) and the compound ττερηάτττω is not otherwise known. It derives some support also from έτάκετο in 83. 83 τό κάλλος έτάκετο might be supposed to mean my beauty wasted away. That however is impossible, for Simaetha is describing the instant and immediate result of seeing Delphis, and, apart from the absurdity of ascribing so sudden an effect to his appearance, she would be anticipating what is described at 88ff. in its proper place. There is some temptation to translate all the beauty faded and to understand her to mean—what she is about to say in other words—that after seeing Delphis she had no eyes for the pageant. This sense is suitable, and there are passages which might lend it some general support (e.g. Archil./r. 103, Aesch. Ag. 416), but even with π ο μ π ^ near at hand it can hardly be extracted from the Greek, and it is safer to suppose that she refers to the loss of the more transitory elements in her good looks--colour, vivacity, brightness of eye, and so forth. T. probably has in mind the effect of Odysseus's narrative upon Penelope, Od. 19.204 τή$ δ* άρ* άκουούστ^ £έε δάκρυα, τήκετο δέ xpcos. | cos δέ χιών κατατήκετ' έν άκροττόλοισιν όρεσσιν | . . . cos TTJS τήκετο καλά παρήια—a passage of which there is also a reminiscence at 7.76. Cf. Eur. Ale. 173 ουδέ τούτπόν | κακόν μεθίστη χρωτό$ ευειδή φύσιν, Ον. Met. 2.601 et pariter uoltusque deo plectrumque colorque I excidit, Sapph. fr. 2.14. ούκέτι the reading of S 3 seems slightly preferable to that of the mss and more likely to have produced their readings than to proceed from them. For hiatus at the bucolic diaeresis cf. 1.67, 2.154, 3-30» ΐ5·6ο, 19.5, 22.42, 23.48, 24.22, 125, 25.45: in the genuine poems the hiatus is usually accompanied, as here, by a sensepause except where it precedes an originally digammated word. 84 έφρασάμαν: for φρά^εσΟαι c. gen. cf. Arat. 744. 85 έξεσάλαξεν: the choice between this and έξαλάτταξεν is not easy, and both figures of speech occur elsewhere: Plat. Legg. 923 Β εν voaois ή γήρ
89-92]
IDYLL II
at 15.10, but a properispomenon here and at 7.117, 8.37, and Ϊ 3 has the latter at 15.10, 18.21, 24.132. πολλάκι has been suspected here and at 1.144, 27.41 (to which Call. H. 6.96 might be added) of meaning no more than πάνυ. It is capable however of its ordinary sense in all these places. If it has it here, the meaning is that her colour came and went, like Medea's at Ap. Rh. 3.297 άπαλάς δέ μετετρωπάτο παρειάς | ές χλόον, άλλοτ' έρευθος, άκηδείτισι νόοιο. But this phenomenon certainly seems more appropriate to the first sight of Delphis than to the illness which followed it. Cf. 5.57η., Meineke on Call. I.e. θάψω is a shrub, rhus cotinus, from the wood of which the yellow dye-stuff known as Zante fustic is prepared. Nic. Ther. 529 calls it Sicilian, and Σ there say that it was used by malingerers for yellowing their complexions: Σ here mention its use for hair-dye. Cf. Ar. Vesp. 1413 γυναικι.. .εοικας θαψίνπ, Plut. Phoc. 28 θάψινον. . .χρώμα και νεκρώδες, Nic. Al. SJO. See RE 5 A 1281. 89 έρρευν: Hes. jr. 29 έκ δέ νυ χαϊται | ερρεον έκ κεφαλέων, Od. I0.393 ϊ an< ^ so άπορρεϊν (Arist. H.A. 518A14; cf. Τ. 7·ΐ2ΐη.) and in Latin defluere, e.g. Ο ν . Met. 6.141, Plin. N.H. 11.154. Cf. 7. 1 2 m . αυτά: alone as at 4.15, 5.85, al. 90 όστία καΐ δέρμα, as we say, skin and hones and Latin ossa atque pellis (Plain. Aul. 564, Capt. 135, Lucr. 6.1270, Hor. Epod. 17.22) or cutis (Prop. 4.5.64, Ov. Tr. 4.6.42). Greek idiom is more various: Call. H. 6.94 Ινες τε και όστέα, Ερ. 32 όστέα και τρίχες, Αρ. Rh. 2.201 fbivoi δέ συν όστέα μούνον εεργον, Quint. S. 9-371; cf. Τ. 4·ΐ6η., Od. 16.145 φθινύθει δ* άμφ* όστεόφι χρως. 91 ποίας is mere poetical variation for the τίνος of the preceding line: Eur. Andr. 299 τίν' ούκ επήλθε, ποίον ούκ έλίσσετο | δαμογερόντων;, Phoen. 878 τί ού δρών, ποία δ 1 ού λέγων έ π η ; , Pind. P. 9-33» Soph. Aj. ι ο ί 2 , Rhes. 401, Call. H. 3.183, Colluth. 376» Luc. Dial. Mer. 4.2; cf. Headlam on Hdas 6.74. ελιπον must mean omitted (to visit), not quitted. In this sense έλλείπειν or παραλείπειν would be more usual; somewhat similar is [Dem.] 59.60 έλιπεν ό Φράστωρ τόν δρκον και ούκ ώμοσεν: cf. Xen. Cyr. 3-I-34·* έ π α δ ε ν : the present tense might be expected, and was proposed by Hartmann. Σ also have the present—ήτις έπωδάς ποιεϊν οΐδεν. The imperfect however has the effect of throwing the events further back—she consulted the crones then practising (whether they are still so or not)—and helps, like 70, to date the liaison. The purpose of these consultations is not quite clear, but I understand T. to mean that Simaetha tried to rid herself by magic means of her infatuation, and, failing, decided to take the only other course open to her; cf. 7.127η. It may be however that, like Dido, she has sought either of two solutions (Aen. 4.478 inueni, germana, uiam... I quae mihi reddat eum uel eo me soluat amantem)t and that maybe the purpose of similar consultations in Prop. 2.4.15 (probably an imitation of this passage; cf. 15 η.), though again the meaning is not quite evident. 92 έλαφρόν, like κούφον at 11.3, has been suspected of a transitive sense— no alleviation was to be jound. It is so understood by Σ, and we are told that a love charm in modern Greek magic is called το αλαφρό (Dossius Aberglaube bet d. heutigen Gr. 12). This sense has not been found elsewhere (Bacch. jr. 12.1 certainly does not support it), and such passages as 17.52 κούφος δέ διδοΐ ποθέοντι μέριμνας, 77. 22.287 κ α ^ κ ε ν ελαφρότερος πόλεμος Τρώεσσι γένοιτο | σεΐο καταφθιμένοιο, Bion jr. 15.4 φθινόπωρον ότ* άνδράσι λιμός ελαφρά, Quint. S. 1.556, 3.118, 13.366, Hdt. 1.118 ούκ έν έλαφρω έποιεύμην, show that the meaning is more probably it was no light matter; cf. 5.21 έστι μέν ουδέν | Ιερόν. άνυτο: ήνυτο at Od. 5-243 was altered by Cobet (Misc. Cr. 304) to ήνετο:
53
COMMENTARY
[94-109
Mcineke would write άνετο here and άνομες for άνυμες at 7.10; Hermann άνεται for ανυται at O p p . Hal. 3.427, and for ανυται at Nic. Al. 599. At Quint. S. 9.1 ήνυτο seems to have escaped attack. "Ανυμι is rare in comparison with άνύω (-ύτω) and άνω, but there seems insufficient reason for denying its existence. "Ανεσθαι and άνύεσθαι are fairly common with subjects denoting finite periods of time (e.g. //. 10.251 νύξ άνεται, Αρ. Rh. 2.494, ^/., Quint. S. 7.621, 9.1, Hdt. 7.20, Polyb. 9.15.10) but Simaetha can have no such period in view and ό χρόνος means time generally, to which the verb is less appropriate. It seems probable therefore that T. is using ήνυτο as Attic commonly uses the participle άνύσας and sometimes other parts of άνύειν, άνύτειν (e.g. Ar. Av. 241 άνύσατε πετόμενα, PhcrccT.fr. 40 άνυσόν ποτ* έξελθών), and that he means merely was speeding swiftly by. The alternative is to suppose that άνυτο is employed somewhat loosely to suggest the irrevocability of the flight of time. 94 χ ο υ τ ω : inferential (itaque); cf. Soph. Ant. 677, Xen. Cyr. 1.6.46, Pearson on Soph.fr. 682. 95 cL δ' άγε, which does not occur elsewhere in T., seems curiously epic for such a context, and it is possible that εϊ* όγε reported by Wilamowitz from PT 2 should be preferred; cf. 5.78. μαχος: Ϊ7. 2.342 ουδέ τι μήχος | εύρέμεναι δυνάμεσθα, 9· 2 49· 96 €χει is here used with a personal subject in the same sense as with έρως, πόθος and similar nouns (cf. 45 n.). The passive was used somewhat similarly by Aristippus in his well-known reply to his critics (Diog. Laert. 2.75, al.) εχω Λαίδα άλλ* ουκ εχομαι, where the active has the much commoner sense of physical possession. ΙΟΙ Σιμαίθα: the name, which may have some erotic suggestion (cf. Headlam on Hdas 1.89), is that of the Megarian harlot at Ar. Ach. 524, where Σ describe it as Δωρικώτερον. In form it resembles Κισσαίθα (1.151), Κυμαίθα (4.46), Κιναίθα (5.102) (all animal-names), Καλαιθίς (5.15: see note), Σαβαιθίς (Α.Ρ. 6.354), and various masculine names in -αιθος, among them Σίμαιθος (7.G. 9.1.446: n). τεΐδε: i . i 2 n . 104 άρτι: the general sense is as soon as I was aware Temporal adverbs of this kind tend to attach themselves to participles even when they belong more strictly to the verb: Call. H. 5.2 τάν πιττών άρτι φρυασσομεναν | τάν Ιεράν έσάκουσα, Demianzuck Suppl. Com., adesp. 19 ( = Page Lit. Pap. 1.312) τ ά ττόλλ' άκήκοα | τούτου λέγοντος άρτι προς τον δεσπότην, Ar. Nub. 853; cf. Goodwin Μ.Τ. §858. It is hard to be sure therefore whether άρτι means just, or whether ως άρτι means as soon as; for the latter cf. Arat. 606 Παρθένος ήμος άττασα ττεραιόθεν άρτι γένηται, and perhaps Theogn. 997· υ π έ ρ : αμείβομαι in the sense of transeo is elsewhere transitive (e.g. Hes. Th. 749 άμειβόμεναι μέγαν ουδόν, Eur. Ale. 752), and the preposition should perhaps be regarded as belonging έν τμήσει to the verb though the compound does not occur elsewhere in classical Greek. ποδί κ ο ύ φ ω : i.e. like the athlete he is. Cf. Denniston on Eur. El. 549. 105 Cf. 1.84 η. ι ο ό - ι ο Cf. Sappho jr. 2.7, Ap. Rh. 3.962. 107 κοχύδεσκεν: κοχυδεΐν occurs again at Pherecr. fr. 130 π ο τ α μ ο ί . . . κοχυδουντες έπιβλύξ | άττό των π η γ ώ ν . . . φεύσονται, a passage which confirms έκ μετώπου against έν μετώπω in 106. Κοχυδεΐ* ρεϊ Ισχυρώς και μετά ψόφου και λάβρως: κοχυδεΐν ΰπερχέειν (Hesych.); c(. Α.Ρ. 9·3 2 ^ (Leonidas) έκ δε μετώπου | Ιδρώς πιδύων, Strattis/r. 61. 109 κνυζεΟνται: the word is properly used of dogs, as at 6.30, but Hdt. 2.2 has τών άσημων κνυ^ημάτων of children not yet able to speak. O n the form of the
54
II0-II5]
IDYLL II
verb see 6.30 n. T. uses plural verbs with neuter plural subjects not only, as here, where the subjects are animate agents (c£. 24.21) but in other cases also (4.24, [8.42, 9.17], 11.51,15.82, 112). See K.B.G. 2.1.64, Monro Horn. Gr. §172, Porson on Eur. Hec. 1141. I i o δαγύς, a doll, occurs elsewhere in literature only in the Άλακάτα of Erinna (jr. ι Β 21 D 2 ) . The images of 106 and n o are reversed in Call. H. 6.92, quoted on 7.76. It seems plain from Simaetha's phrasing that 5ayus, like TrXayy ών, is a waxen doll. 112 ώστοργος, incapable of lasting affection though not of passion, as at 17.43. Helen uses the word of Menelaus in a lyric fragment from Tebtunis (p. Teb. p. 3 = P o w e l l Coll. Al. p. 185). επί χθονός δ. π . borrowed, with substitution of έπί for κατά, from the picture of Odysseus in thought at //. 3.217; cf. Ap. Rh. 1.784, 3.22, 422, Quint. S. 5.328, Colluth. 305, Musae. 160. Delphis glances at Simaetha (whom, unless we choose to believe his own story, he has not seen before), and then averts his eyes in assumed modesty. 113 έζόμενος: the verse is shaped like 11.63, and, the aor. of this verb being practically out of use (cf. Soph. O.C. 195), the participle no doubt means, as often in Homer, when seated rather than as he sat down. 115 Φιλΐνον: Philinus, son of Hegepolis, was a celebrated runner of Cos. The name is common at Cos, 1 and the Philinus of T.'s Coan Idyll (7.105 η.) need not be the runner. It is plain however that if T., at any date after the son of Hegepolis had come to the front, selects the name for a runner, whether he is making his fictitious hero allude to the real Philinus or whether he is merely selecting a name which will suggest to the hearer athletic prowess (cf. 4.6 η.), the celebrated runner must be in his mind. The allusion has been used to date the Idyll. At most it could supply evidence for the dramatic date and could tell us nothing as to the date of composition; and in fact it is useless even for the former purpose. The record of the Coan runner is supplied by Paus. 6.17.2 in connexion with a statue erected to him at Olympia by the Coans: έν μεν γε 'Ολυμπία δρόμου γεγόνασιν αυτω νϊκαι πέντε, τέσσαρες δε Πυθοϊ και Τσάι Νεμείων, έν δέ Ίσθμω μία έτη ταΐς δέκα. The running events at the Isthmia were apparently stadion, diaulos and dolichos (and possibly a race in armour) for men, and stadia for boys and youths (RE 9.2251). Granted that Philinus, like Callistratus of Sicyon (I.G. 4.428), may have w o n in the same year in more than one class, and that he may have w o n all the men's events at one festival, eleven Isthmian victories cannot well be crowded into less than nine years (three Isthmian festivals), and they are much more likely to have taken thirteen 2 or seventeen. T w o of the five Olympian victories (in the stadion) belong to 264 and 260B.C. (Euseb. Chron. 1.208 Schoene), but these may fall anywhere in his known athletic career, and obviously he may have been locally celebrated as a runner before he had any panhellenic victories to his credit. In short, the evidence is compatible with the runner Philinus having been young enough to be called χαρίεις at any time between 280-260 B.C., and those limits are too wide to be of any value even if they were limits for the composition and not for the dramatic date of the poem. They may suffice to show that it is not a very early work, and that might perhaps have been inferred from its accomplishment. 1
Paton and Hicksinsa. of Cos i o . c . 3 5 Δέλφις Φιλίνου (third century) is suggestive. A comparable career is that of Leoriidas of Rhodes (Paus. 6.13.4), who, έπί τεσσάρας 'Ολυμπιάδας άκμά3ων, won twelve victories in running events. Cf. generally Jebb Bacchyl. p. 451. 2
55
COMMENTARY
[116-119
116 τόδε: for the position of the demonstrative see K.B.G. 2.1.628. It is not rare, but the precise parallel of Soph. El. 1165 δέξαι μ' ές τό σόν τόδε στέγος is curious. ή : cf. Hdt. 6.108 φθαίητε y a p αν πολλάκις έξανδραποδισθέντες ή τίνα πυθέσθαι ήμέων, Xen. Cyr. 1.6.39· 118-28 The condition?I sentences which follow are, in the ms tradition, eccentric. The apodoses are 118 ήνθον, 124 ής, 126 εύδον, 128 ήνθον, all lacking κε or κα: the protases, 124 ει κε έδέχεσθε, 126 ει κε έφίλησα, 127 ει ωθείτε και εΐχετο. ί 3 n a s in 124 μ* έδέχεσθ£ with the preceding letters missing, but otherwise agrees except that in 124 it has ώς for ής. In this series 118 ήνθον stands somewhat apart, since without the modal adverb there is nothing to show until 124 that it is conditional at all. Καί is constantly confused with κα, κε, κεν in T.'s mss and, if not unintelligible, it is here superfluous. Κεν, perhaps the reading of the cod. Patavinus or conjectured by Musurus, seems certain unless we suppose (with Legrand) that T. used κα where metre requires a short syllable before a following vowel. 1 The remaining irregularities are mostly not hard to emend: 124 καί κ* εϊ μεν μ' Ahrens (with n o w the support of $ 3 ) , 126 εϊ μώνον Wilamowitz, 128 κα Ahrens. With these alterations the series is reduced to order, for the missing κε in 126 can be supplied from 124. O n the other hand the ms text of 124-128 can be defended. The omission of αν or κεν in the apodoses of unfulfilled conditional sentences is a rare phenomenon except with modal verbs (see K.B.G. 2.1.215) and examples are usually emended. T. has a specimen at 16.43 (which seems to have escaped notice), and in favour of the three examples in this passage it may be said that they stand in series with ήνθόν κεν of 118, and that in two cases the protasis appears to be introduced by ει κε instead of εϊ: and both circumstances make the omission of κε in the apodosis easier. As to ει κε, it enjoys in Homer more freedom than έάν though it is used only once with an aorist (77. 23.526). There are however two examples of the use in Ap. Rh. (1.196, 3.377), and the first also omits the modal adverb in the apodosis: του δ' ούτιν' υπέρτερον άλλον όίω, | νόσφιν y* Ήρακλήος, έπελθέμεν, ει κ' ετι μοΟνον | αύθι μένων λυκάβαντα μετετράφη Αίτωλοϊσι. This sentence, except that it is in oratio obliqua, is precisely parallel to those presented by the ms tradition in 124-128 and might be used to defend that whole series. Since however J 3 lends support to Ahrcns's conjecture in 124,1 have with considerable hesitation admitted it, together with his κα in 128, where the protasis is introduced by εϊ and not ει κε. W i t h these alterations 126 alone remains irregular; it is closely similar to Ap. Rh. 1.196, but less harsh, since εύδον is n o w flanked on either hand by κε ής and κα ήνθον. There is a further possibility that ει κε is influenced by a dialect usage; see 11.73 η. 119 ή τρίτος κ.τ.λ.: with two or three friends. The omission of αυτός is unusual: Polyb. 5.81.2 είσπορεύεται TpiTOS γενόμενος. . .εϊς τον των πολεμίων χάρακα, Plut. Pel. 13 είς οίκίαν δωδέκατος κατελθών, Charit. 2.3.4 ΐττπω έπέβη, πέμπτος δε. Somewhat similar are Hor. Ep. 1.5.30 tu quotus esse uelis rescribe, Mart. 14.217. αύτίκα νυκτός: the words are generally taken together, the gen. depending on the temporal adverb as, e.g. 11.40 νυκτός άωρί, Ar. Pax 1171 τηνικαΟτα του θέρους. Αύτίκα e.gen. is cited only from Phot. Bibl. 101.32 αύτίκα του άνακύψαι της νόσου, 1 In Epic, where the alternative κα is excluded, the confusion between κεν and καί is not, so far as m y observation goes, very common, but it occurs. Legrand similarly wrote κα at 15-25, 38. This is plausible so far as the tradition in those places goes, but if T. was prepared so to treat the word it is hard to sec why he should so frequently use κεν.
56
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and genitives with adverbs of similar meaning seem rare: Theophr. HP. 6.8.1 εύθυς τοϋ χειμώνος, Dio Chrys. 7.69 εύθυς τής θερείας, 11.130 παραχρήμα της ευεργεσίας, ib. 145· The use may however be helped by the association of such adverbs with genitives absolute (&£. Dem. 7.19 παραχρήμα τ ω ν λ ό γ ω ν είρημένων και εύθυς του ψηφίσματος 'έπα^αγιγνωσκομένου), and it seems better to accept it here than to regard νυκτός as a'gen. of time not dependent upon αυτίκα. 120 μαλα: apples are love-tokens; see 5.88η. Διωνύσοιο: Dionysus is the patron not only of the vine but of fruit and vegeta tion generally (see Roscher 1.1059); Philetas/r. 18 Powell (cited by Σ here) τ ά οι ποτέ Κύπρις έλουσα | μάλα Διωνύσου δώκεν ά π ό κροτάφων. 121 κρατί: 7.16η. λεύκαν, the white poplar, was said to have been brought to Greece by Heracles from Thesprotis (Paus. 5.14.2). It is no doubt chosen by Delphis (as Σ say) because Heracles is pre-eminently the patron of athletics (see RE Suppl. 3.1007); similarly Teucer in a heroic mood chooses it at Hor. C. 1.7.23. 122 πάντοθι receives some slight support from 1.55 π ά ν τ α . . .περιπέπταται but is otherwise no better than πάντοθε: ci. 1.43. π :ρί: it seems best, with Σ (περιειλημένον), to regard περί as belonging to the verbal adjective (cf. 1.129η.), and editors have usually printed it so, though έλικτός may be constructed with a dative (Chaeremon fr. 7) and ^ώστρα does not occur elsewhere. Περι^ώστρα is cited by Pollux (2.166; cf. 7.65) from Anaxandrides (fr. 69) in the sense of belt. έλικτάν: the wreath described is of the type in which a spray of foliage has bands of wool or other material wound spirally about it in such a manner that wool and foliage alternate in transverse strips round the head. The Chiaramonti Heracles wears such a wreath (Furtwaengler Masterpieces fig. 147, Brunn-Bruckmann 609), and so do most replicas of the Lansdowne (Brunn-Bruckmann 365, and text to 691). It is also found on small bronzes of the god (e.g. Walters B.M. Bronzes 1291, 1293, 1306) and may, like the poplar, be specially connected with him. Its relation to the lemniscatae coronae, quae sunt de frondibus et discoloribus fasciis et, sicut Varro dicit, magni honoris sunt (Serv. ad Aen. 5.269) is obscure. Athenaeus (15.679E) distinguishes a class of στέφανοι έλικτοί, but the fragment of Chaeremon (7) which he cites provides no warrant for so doing. 124 έδέχεσθε: this and the following plurals refer to Simaetha and her household (cf. 15.4η.), which consists, so far as appears, only of Thestylis (cf. 94). Perhaps we should understand Delphis to be deliberately ignoring her humble circumstances for courtesy's sake. φίλα might mean my friends would have been pleased', since they admire me. The alternative clause (i27f.) suggests however that he means you and I would have been pleased, and that the explanatory clause gives his reason for assuming that she would have shared his feeling, which, without explanation, might seem lacking in modesty. ελαφρός, used in a good sense, of moral or mental qualities, seems to mean genial or the like (Isocr. 12.31, Plat. Epist. 13.360c), and $ 3 has a marginal gloss αστείος, but it is more probable that Delphis is advancing only his physical attractions. 125 καλός has the first syllable long in thesis here only in T / s genuine poems (cf. [20].30, 33). Callimachus (H. 2.36, 3.181,/r. 253.10) is somewhat, Apoflonius much, freer in the matter; c£. Bion/r. 7.8, Mosch. 3.61. μετά: 1.39 η. ήιθέοισι: Wilamowitz wrote άιθ-, perhaps rightly, for Cercidas (fr. 9.11 Powell) has άθεος: ήιθ- however appears in Sapph./r. 55 a 18 D \ *
57
COMMENTARY
[126-141
126 εύδον: for the syntax see on 118 fF. Attempts have been made to show that εύδειν can mean to be content, and also to correct it (εΟαδε L. Schmidt), but unnecessarily. He means that he would not have lain awake unsatisfied; εΟδειν is the opposite of άγρυπνήσαι δΓ έρωτα (ίο.ίο). Not dissimilar is Juv. 3.282 somnum rixafacit. τεϋς: this form, cited by Apoll. Dysc. de pron. 75.3 from T. 5.39, Epicharmus (Jr. 85) and Corinna (Jr. 24), is precariously preserved also at 11.55 (where, as here, it has metrical confirmation), 10.36 (where see n.), 11.52, and it may have disappeared from other places. 127 εΐχετο is passive: II. 12.455 δικλίδα*. . .όχήες | εϊχον. 128 πελέκεις καΐ λαμπάδες: for the implements and procedure of the κώμος see p. 64. The torches, after lighting the κώμος to the house, will be used for burning away the lintel in which the pivot (στρόφιγξ) of the door is set: Hdas 2.63 ή θύρη κατήρακται | της οΐκίης μ ε υ , . . . | τ α ύπέρθυρ* ότττά, Α.Ρ. 12.252 έμπρήσω σε, θύρη, τ η λαμπάδι, Ο ν . Α.Α. 3-5^7 nee franget postes, nee saeuis ignibus uret. 130 £cpav: it is improbable that the past tense is meant to refer to Delphis's receipt of Simaetha's message. In reference to present time the use is hardly covered by such aorists as Soph. El. 668 έδεξάμην το |ί>ηθέν, which are almost confined to the opening sentence of speech or answer, but there are Homeric examples where the present result, as contrasted with what was believed or desired, is, as here, given by νϋν δέ and a past tense: 77. 17.171 ή τ* έφάμην σε περί φρένας έμμεναι άλλων | . . .νυν δέ σευ ώνοσάμην π ά γ χ υ φρένας οίον έειπες, ib. 1.415 α ^ ' όφελες.. .άπήμων ή σ θ α ι . . .νϋν δ έ . . ,όι^υρός.. .έττλεο. 132 ποτί: for προς following είσ- cf. Soph. Ant. 1204 π ρ ο ς . . .νυμφεΐον. . . είσεβαίνομεν. 133 αϋτως = ώς εΐχον: cf. 3-30. Λιπαραίω: for the connexion of Hephaestus with the Lipari islands see RE 8.322. He is associated not only with Lipara (cf. Call. H. 3.47) but also with Hiera and Strongyle, and the whole group was sometimes called Hephaestiades (Plin. N.H. 3.92). For the comparison between love and volcanoes see O v . Met. 13.868 cited on Τ. 11.51. 136 σ υ ν . . . μανίαις: μανία in the plural is fairly c o m m o n in poetry (cf. 11.11), but the parallel of Eur. Bacch. 32 τοιγάρ νιν αύτάς έκ δόμων ώστρησ* έγώ | μανίαις is close enough to be noted. For σύν, where an instrumental dative might be expected (as in Euripides), see II. 4.161 σύν τε μεγάλω άπέτισαν, | σύν σφησιν κεφαλήσι γυναιξί τε και τεκέεσσιν, Hes. W.D. 497'» cf. Τ. 25.251. 137 έφόβησε: ci. 13.48. The phrasing here perhaps owes something to Eur. Or. 312 το ταρβούν κάκφοβοΰν σ* έκ δεμνίων: cf. also Bacch. 11.43· έ τ ι . . . θ ε ρ μ ά : Τ. not infrequently intrudes a word between an adverb and the adjective or participle which it qualifies: 13.56, 17.107, 22.77, I 0 7 · Similarly Call. H. 3.133, 4.86 ταϊς μέν ετ* 'Απόλλων ύποκόλπιος αΐνά χολώθη: see Schneider on Call. H. 4.205. 138 ταχυπειθής: credulous, as at 7.38. At Nonn. D. 22.79, Par. Io. 10.96, Try ph. 528 it means obedient. 140 πεπαίνετο: cf. 14.38. 141 ή πρόσθε seems flat, but Piatt's correction θερμότερον πυρός ήθε is not wholly satisfactory, for αΐθειν is transitive in T. (24, 134, 7.102) and rarely intransitive elsewhere. T. probably means even hotter than before; cf. Od. 1.321 ΰπέμνησέν τέ έ πατρός | μάλλον IV ή τό πάροιθεν, where however έτι makes the meaning plainer.
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142-143]
I D Y L L II
142 The text of the line is uncertain. The clause is apparently of the type of Aesch. Ch. 439 έμασχαλίσθη δέ y', ώς τόδ' είδης, Aeschin. 2.22 ίνα δέ μή μακρολ ο γ ώ . . .συνετάξαμεν κ.τ.λ., and perhaps epigr. 22.6, where there is added to a narrative in historic time a final clause in primary time dependent not on the neighbouring verbs but on a verb in primary time, λέγω or the like, which is not expressed. c 6ύς with the opt. in primary time is a Homeric construction admitted by T. (24.100; cf. 10.45η.), and since Homer has such clauses with the addition of a modal adverb (Goodwin M.T. §32oa), T. might perhaps have written cos κα Θρυλέοιμι in primary time; but it is very difficult to believe that he would have used the optative, either with or without a modal adverb, where the primary time essential to the meaning derives from a verb which is not expressed. It was no doubt to meet this difficulty that Hermann proposed κσΐ.. .θρυλέωμι: τ Meineke, w h o at first accepted the change, subsequently preferred θρυλέω τι on the ground that T. does not use this form of the 1st pers. sing, subj., which seems unknown in Alexandrian poetry. 2 The Homeric examples are however so regularly corrupted to the optative that this objection is perhaps not fatal (see van Leeuwen Erich. 289). There is also a doubt about the first two words in the line, where Wilamowitz (who made no comment on the optative), accepting ω% from Κ (now confirmed by S 3 ) and καί from the second hands of SM, 3 understood καί to be the postponed copula. Copulative καί is seemingly nowhere so postponed in earlier Greek (Denniston Gk Part. 325) nor elsewhere in T., but other Alexandrians allow it (8.23 η.); and since a copula is desirable, the evidence favours ώ$ rather than χώς, and κα adds nothing perceptible to the final clause whichever mood is chosen for the verb, I have followed him, though κα is more commonly corrupted to καί than vice versa. The elimination of κα opens up another possibility. W e might regard the clause not as final but as causal, the optative being a pure optative of wish used in a dependent clause as the equivalent of βούλομαι θρυλεΐν (see 15.70η.). The meaning would then be and since I do not wish to make a long story of it. This explanation however does not seem probable, and though I retain θρυλέοιμι on the chance that T. might have written it here in a final or causal clause, θρυλέωμι offers considerable temptation. The synizesis -εοι- does not occur elsewhere in T. but cf. 77. 4.18 οΐκέοιτο, and Ap. Rh. 2.676 χρύσεοι (cf. 4.978), 3.499 χαλκέοις, which follow Homeric precedents. ^ 3 ' s θρέοιμι possibly points to a variant θροέοιμι. Line 142 replaces, a line after it is due, the intercalary verse, which does not occur after 135, no doubt because the question whence came my love? is answered, at latest, by 143, and what follows is the sequel, to which the intercalary verse is inappropriate. 143 ές πόθον ήνθομ€ς: the phrase is copied by Nic. Eugen. 3.284. It has been suspected, on the grounds that, by the analogy of έλθεΐν ές ελπίδα (Thuc. 2.56), έττιθυμίαν (Plat. Criti. 113 D), έρωτα (Anaxilas Jr. 21), etc., it might be expected to mean, not we attained our desires, but we became desirous, and that is in fact its meaning at Musae. 29. These three nouns however may be used not only for an emotion but for its object, and, with a similar extension of sense, is πόθον έλθεΐν should be capable of the same meaning as Eur. Ph. 194 πόθου i% τέρψιν 1
Soph. ed. Schaefer, 1810, p. xiii. I have not seen his note. Hermann similarly wrote Οέλωμι in Mosch. 2.156. He had earlier recommended άγάγωμι at //. 24.717 and was on the look out for such forms elsewhere (de emend, rat. 263). 3 Gallavotti assigns it to the first hand of S. 1
59
COMMENTARY
[144-152
ήλθες. If correction is necessary, Bergk's έκ ττόθον άνομες seems preferable to Hemsterhusius's ες κόρον. 144 ά π ε μ έ μ ψ α τ ο : this compound occurs in earlier Greek only at Rhes. 900 and is nowhere common. It is constructed with a dat., as here, at Job 3 3.27, Joseph. Β J. ί .24.2, Euseb. Pr. Ev. 5.20, and does not differ perceptibly in meaning from έτπμέμφεσθαι. μέσφα with the accusative occurs again at Call. H. 6.129 μ έ σ φ α τ ά . . .ττρυτανήια. τό γ ' εχθές: 13.1η. The word raises a chronological difficulty. Delphis used to visit Simaetha several times a day (155), but it is now eleven days since he has been near her (4, 157), and this unwonted absence she seems to regard as evidence in itself of infidelity (6, 158) and ground for resorting to magic (3 if.). H o w then can she say that all was well between them until yesterday? There are places where T. is careless in the details of his poems (see notes on 5.139, 10.14, H-i3» 50» 13-68, 22.146, 177, 218, 24.46, 49,28.24, and in Id. 25, if it is his, 157,167, 255), and it may be that this is one, though the Idyll is unusually highly finished, and the indications of time are both numerous and precise. W e should perhaps assume therefore that I44f., however phrased, mean that, though she has been chafing at his absence, there was nothing more definite to go upon until yesterday. Even so, to be logical, I44f. will have to mean something like he showed no signs of wearying of mc and I had no (other) grounds of complaint against him. It must be added also that if Simaetha accepts, as she seems to do (154; cf. 44), the definite report which has reached her, her debate whether his mere absence proves infidelity (6,158) can only be explained by the supposition that she is hoping against hope. O n the whole these incon sistencies seem to be real, but it is possible to regard them as a deliberate attempt to depict the doubts and uncertainties of a woman distracted rather than as examples of the poet's own indifference to detail. 145 For the long vowel unshortened in hiatus at the strong caesura see 3.39, 42, 11.45, 18.28, 29, 22.39, 25·7Ι> 9 1 ; cf. 1.115η. SL τε ΦιλΙστας κ.τ,λ.: one person is meant—the mother of two girls, of w h o m one, Philista, had played the flute when Delphis and Simaetha were together, and has now, presumably, told her mother what occurred at another symposium, where she was playing and Delphis was of the party. For the repeated article ά τε ΜελιξοΟς (where Μελιξοΰς τε would be normal) see K.B.G. 2.1.612. The name Philiste is fairly common (e.g. Ar. Thesm. 568); Melixo appears to be unknown, though Μελιστώ and Μελιττώ occur (I.G. 2.3.2434, 12.2.554). Gyllis, who at Hdas. 1.5 announces herself as ή Φιλαινίδος (or -ίου) μήτηρ and is maintained by the earnings of two other girls (89), is a μαστροπός, and Simaetha's informant is not likely to be much more respectable. 148 £οδόεσσαν, though not elsewhere used of a person, seems a somewhat choicer lection than (ί>οδότταχυν, which is attached to D a w n (as an alternative to ροδοδάκτυλος) at H. Horn. 31.6 and used also of other immortals (cf. 15.128). 149 έραται: see 1.78 η. 151 ϊδμεν: for the form see //. 11.719, Od. 8.146, 213, Hes.fr. 161.2. 152 άκράτω: for unmixed wine in lovers' toasts see 14.18, Call. Ep. 31, 43, A.P. 5.136, 137. The gen. is apparently partitive, "Ερωτος (which might stand alone as the so-called genitive of the toast) depending upon it. The variant άκράτως (sc. κυάθως) might also be defended: Alexis^r. 255 τους ακράτους πίνομεν. For the subject of the toast cf. Alex. fr. 111 την μεγόλην δός ύττοχέας | φιλίας κυάθους μέν των παρόντων τέτταρας, | τους τρεις δ* έρωτος ιτροσαττοδώσεις ύστερον. έπεχεϊτοζ έτπχεϊσθαι is to have one's cup filled in order that one may drain it, whether in honour of mortal or immortal: the corresponding command is more commonly εγχει, though έττίχει also occurs (A.P. 12.168).
60
153-156]
IDYLL II
153 ol must be the unnamed object of Delphis's new passion, and its meaning is probably to be inferred from 150. The alternative is to suppose that Έρωτος in 151 means his beloved, but this, seems inferior. There is some force in the objection that either ol or τήνα is superfluous, but Meineke's ols (the garlands Delphis was wearing at the symposium), though satisfactory in sense, introduces a possessive adjective,which occurs only in the epic Idylls 22, 24, and 25. πυκαξεΐν: the correction seems necessary, for the pres. inf. in a future sense after a pure verb of saying is not to be defended by the rare instances of the aor. inf. so used (e.g. Od. 22.35, Ap. Rh. 2.1223, [T.] 27.61; see Goodwin M.T. §127). A similar pres. inf. at Ap. Rh. 3.548 δοκέω δε μιν ουκ άθερφιν is not very plausibly defended as prophetic. To hang the garlands he is wearing on the door is one of the alternatives open to the κωμαστής excluded by the object of his attentions; e.g., A.P. 5.92, 118, 145, 191, 281, Lucr. 4.1177, Cat. 63.66, Tib. 1.2.14, Ov. Met. 14.708. See p. 64. 154 άλαθής, truthful, occurs again at 29.2 but is not common of persons: Hes. Th. 233 Νηρέα δ' άψευδέα και άληθέα, Arist. E.N. n o 8 a 2 0 ό μεν μέσος αληθής τις, Tryph. 641 άληθέος 'Απόλλωνος, Eur. Ion 1537· The strict meaning is, of course, she is a truthful person, but the implied meaning what she said is true is required to explain the following y a p . 155 τρις και τετράκις no doubt means frequently, like terque quaterque (cf. //. 3.363, Od. 9.71 τριχθά τε καΐ τετραχθά),οηί the omission of the time within which is peculiar. It must be της ημέρας, and though these words can hardly be inferred from the context, δωδεκαταΐος in 157 helps to make the meaning clear; cf. 15.129η. 156. τάν Δωρίδα. . . δ λ π α ν : so in a dialogue inscribed in a tomb at Marissa (Powell Coll. Al. 184) the woman says μέγα τι χαίρω | δττι <τοί) σου θοΐμάτιον ενέχυρα κείται. W h a t Delphis used to leave with Simaetha was evidently the small receptacle for oil carried, together with stlengis and sponge, by athletes and others on their way to and from the gymnasium,1 and at 18.45 όλτης is similarly used. The word δλττη also means a wine-jug (Ion Trag. fr. 10)—to a particular shape of which it is conventionally applied by. archaeologists. An Athenian would have called the athlete's oil-flask λήκυθος or ληκύθιον: some Dorians, apparently the Spartans, called it άρυβαλίς (Hesych. s.v., and s.v. άρβυνδα: cf. Et. M. 150.54); Corinthians, Byzantines, and Cypriots όλττη (Ath. 11.495 c), and Syracusans pre sumably followed Corinthian usage (cf. 15.91 ff.). T. shows elsewhere an interest (sometimes too insistent) in peculiarities of dialect (12.13 f, 18.48; cf. 15.88), and these variations of vocabulary are probably responsible for his choice of adjective here. He means όλττα as Dorians call it, and the adj. is as it were an aside, addressed not by Simaetha to the Moon but by T. to a literary audience. The alternative is to suppose that some special type of λήκυθος was so called, but, though geographical names sometimes attached themselves to vessels as indication of shape or type, 2 it is improbable that so wide a term as Dorian can have done so, 3 nor is so much precision .appropriate to the context. Σ assert that όλττη is properly a leather λήκυθος (this receives some support from Nic. Th. 80 ές τεΰχος κεραμήιον ήέ και όλττην, which suggests that δλττη connotes material), and that Dorian here means 1 Sec PI. XIV, where the boy attending Polydeuces has, in addition to his master's Ιμάτιον and sandals, stlengis, oil-bottle, and mattock (on which see 4.1011.). 1 E.g. Hdt. 4.152 κρητήροξ 'Αργολικού, Ath. 5.199Ε κρητήρας Λακωνικού* τέτταρας... Κορινθιουργεΐς δύο, Michel Recueil d'Inscr. 833.121 στάμνος Βοιωτιακός... κρατήρες Τυρρη νικοί . . . κρατήρες Λακωνικοί: cf. ib. 811.i. 19, iii.19» Theophr. Ch. 5.9, Pollux 6.97, and see Payne Necrocorinthia 210, 400, A.J. Arch. 31.350, 45.597, Rom. Mitt. 46.150. 3 Ath. 6.255 Ε ττροσκεφάλαια ύσγινοβαφή των Δωρικών καλουμένων is the only parallel known to me unless T . 24.138 should be added.
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COMMENTARY
[157-163
Corinthian, i.e. brazen, but this seems incredible. Delphis of Myndus was no doubt a Dorian, and Dorians were pre-eminent in athletic exercises, but neither of these facts will really explain the epithet. O n λήκυθοι see especially Ann. Br. Sch. at Ath. 29.193. πολλάκις: for the belated position of this adverb c{. Call. H. 6.96, Ep. 18. 157 hi τ ε : I retain, though with hesitation, the traditional text since T. uses δε τε even in non-epic contexts (1.74, 6.37, 15.120) and the words are capable of the adversative force here required (e.g. //. 3.11, 9.635). Ahrens's δέ τί with Lcgrand's punctuation νΰν δέ τί; might be defended by 14.51 but seems somewhat staccato, and though T. uses δυωδεκ- (15.103; cf. 25.129) Wilamowitz's δέ δυωδεκαταΐος is dubious here in view of 4 above. 5 3 ' s μάν probably comes from 159, for the scribe was very careless hereabouts. 158 τερπνόν: for the neuter cf. Ar. Eccl. 952 φίλον έμόν, Τ. 14.36 έμόν κακόν, but the effect here is vaguer, as Ov. A.A. 1.91 inuenies quod antes, quod ludere possis, | quodque semel tangas, quodque tenere uelis. 159 μ έ ν : there is little to choose between contrasting μεν and emphasising μάν. Editors have mostly preferred μάν, but cf. 15.131, i.86n. καταδήσομαι: the future has been suspected (κατέθυσά νιν Meineke) since the incantation is over. But Simaetha does not know whether Thestylis's task is complete (59), and she herself has a potion to prepare for the morrow (58). κα: Ahrens's correction is plainly demanded by the sense and should have been more generally accepted by editors without the confirmation of $ 3 . The Doric modal adverb may stand later in its clause than άν, though, in inscriptions, con junctions and the indefinite pronoun seem to be all that precede it; e.g. I.G. 14.645. 119 αϊ δέ τινά κα. . .έκπέτωντι, αύτοι εξοντι, ib. 128 (see Ahrens Dial. Dor. 383 and cf. T. n . 6 i n . ) . 160 val Μοίρας is a rare oath. It is appropriate to this context, but has no special relevance to the three places in Herodas where it occurs (1.11, 66t 4.30) and may therefore be supposed to be particularly Coan; see Headlam on Hdas 1.11, where other examples are collected. αράξει: he shall beat on Hell's gate, since he will not on mine (6). This echo of the opening, together with the echoes of 4 and 6f. in i57f. and of 10 in 159, warns the hearer that the poem is ending, just as the echoes of 18-21 in 58-62 have warned him of the end of the incantation. 161 τοΐα: cf. Rhes. 978 ού £ύσεταί νιν Παλλάς*. . . |τοΐον φαρέτρα Λοξίου σω3ει βέλος. κίστα: Pollux 10.180 κίσται δ* ου μόνον όψοφόροι, ουδ' άλλως αγγεία εις έσθήτων άπόθεσιν, άλλα και αϊ των φαρμακοπωλών άν καλοΐντο ως. . .Θεόπομπος έν Άλθαία [jr. 2] * τήν οΐκίαν γ α ρ εύρον είσίλθών όλην | κίστην γεγονυΐαν φαρμακοπώλου ΜεγαρικοΟ. Similarly Medea keeps her φάρμακα in a φωριαμό<: (Αρ. Rh. 3.802); cf. Soph. jr. 534, Apul. Met. 3.21. 162 Ά σ σ υ ρ Ι ω : after Egypt, Babylonia is the principal home of magic: Apul. Ap. 38 iam me clamabis tnagica nomina Aegyptio uel Babylotiico ritu percensere, Mcly Lapid. Gr. 171.28 τους έν Αίγύτττω και Βαβυλώνι μάγους, Luc. PJiilops. 11, Hesych. Χαλδαΐοι · γένος μάγων π ά ν τ α γιγνωσκόντων, probably with reference to Daniel 2.2 τους επαοιδους και τους μάγους και τους φαρμάκους και τους Χαλδαίους. In Roman times Chaldaei are notorious, though more commonly in connexion with astrology and soothsaying than with necromancy; see RE 3.2057, Abt 152. it is perhaps worth mention that Berosus, whose Χαλδαϊκά were dedicated to Antiochus Soter, seems to have had a school at Cos (Vitruv. 9.6). 163-6 The quiet ending of the poem conforms to necromantic practice, for spells not infrequently end with an άπόλυσις by which the power summoned is 62
164-166]
IDYLL II
dismissed after performing the service required; e.g. P.G.M. 4.1061 χωρεί, χωρεί, κύριε, είς Ιδίους ουρανούς, είς τ α ίδια βασίλεια, είς Ιδιον δρόμημα, 7-333 άπόλυσις. λέγε* χ ώ ρ ^ ε , "Ανουβι, έττΐ υγεία και σωτηρία μου είς τους Ιδίους σου θρόνους, ib. 4.920, RE Ι4.3 6 5· 164 ύπέσταν: sc. τόν πόθον as Eur. TV. 414 τήσδ* Ι ρ ω τ α . . .ύττέστη. The meaning however seems to be rather as I have borne it hitherto than as I incurred it, and resembles 1.93 ανυε ττικρόν fρωτά καΐ ές τέλος άνυε μοίρας. 105 Σελαναία: the form is mentioned by Plato (Crat. 409 B) and, together with Σεληναίη, occurs in Attic: Eur. Phoen. 176, Ar. Nub. 614, where see Starkie. λιπαρόθρονε: this adjective occurs as an epithet of Dike and Eirene in a poet cited at Stob. 1.5.12 ( = Lyr. Adesp. 140; cf. Aesch. Eum. 806, Aristonous 2.16 Powell) and is there no doubt a poetical variation on χρυσόθρονε. Its suggestion of remote majesty accords well with the tone of tht απολύσεις quoted above (163 n.), and it seems plainly superior to λιπαρόχροε, which probably comes from 102. 166 αστέρες: Eur. Ion 1150 μελάμπεττλος δέ νύξ άσείρωτον ^υγοΐς | όχημ* επαλλεν, άστρα δ* ώμάρτει θεφ,ΤΛ. 2.1.87 iam nox iungit equos, currumque sequuntur \ matris lasciuo siderafulua choro. εύκάλοιο is rather tranquillae than securae: so Ap. Rb. 2.935 (of a soaring hawk) εύκήλοισιν ένευδιόων πτερύγεσσι. At Arat. 100, where the adj. is applied to a constellation, it is glossed ήσυχος, ευμενής. άντυγα: the word is not Homeric for the whole chariot, but see, e.g., Eur. Hipp. 1231, Rhes. 237, and in the plural Soph. El. 746, Call. H. 3.140.
63
I D Y L L III PREFACE Subject. An unnamed goatherd announces that he has committed his flock to the care of Tityrus and is going to serenade the object of his affections, a certain Amaryllis. After he has given brief injunctions to Tityrus, the scene shifts to the outside of the cave in which Amaryllis appears to be living. The goatherd delivers a serenade, which starts on a personal, but closes on a mythological, note. It is punctuated with asides in which the singer bewails the obduracy of Amaryllis, and ends with the announcement that he proposes to lie down and die at the cave-mouth. Κώμος. The word has various meanings and shades of meaning in Greek (see RE 11.1286), but here means the sequel to a symposium, when the drinkers, garlanded from the feast, sallied forth into the streets with torches (and sometimes music) to visit friends (2.118 if.). The common objective of such expeditions was the house of a mistress, before which the lover, accompanied or unaccompanied by his friends, would sing a serenade begging for admission, and beat upon the doors and shutters to attract attention. The serenade was called τταρακλαυσίθυρον, and also, from the accompaniment mentioned, θυροκοτπκόν and κρουσίθυρον. If he failed to obtain admission by these means, the lover might attempt to break in by using his torch upon the door-pivots or employing tools brought with him for the purpose (2.128η.); or he might leave at the door his garland (2.153 η.) or his torch (Prop. 1.16.8); or he might spend the night there himself in the hopes of attracting attention or compassion (θυραυλεϊν: cf. 7.122). The procedure is fully illustrated by Headlam on Hdas 2.34; see also T. 2.128, 153, 3.6, 22, 53, 23-i6nn., and on παρακλαυσίθυρα^Μ. J. Phil. 41.355, 60.333, Tr. Am. Phil. Ass. 71.52, 73.96. In the present poem the goatherd sings a τταρακλαυσίθυρον which extends, \vith asides, from 6 to 51, and, failing to obtain any response, announces a θυραυλία (53). Purpose o f the Idyll. It should be noted that the κώμος—such scenes as are adumbrated, for instance, in the second mime of Hcrodas or in Horace C. 1.25— belongs essentially to town life, that urban sparks in their cups may assail their mistresses' doors by methods ridiculously inapposite when applied by goatherds to Amaryllises w h o live in caves, and that this goatherd is aping the gentry, seemingly without the excuse of a symposium to explain, or of darkness to encourage, his proceedings. The essence of the Idyll is, in fact, the transference of the custom to a rustic setting in which it is evidently absurd, and the poem has a point and piquancy not found elsewhere in T. It is possible even that the intention is deliberately satirical, for the κώμος, whatever it may have been for the performers, must have been an unmitigated nuisance for the neighbours and for sober citizens generally; and though their opinions have not been widely preserved, enough of them remain to show that it was so (see, e.g., Isae. 3.13, Apul. Ap. 75). However that may be, the proceedings of the goatherd imply an unusual degree of naivete, and this quality is reflected in what he says and sings. His opening words are suitably cited by Hermogencs (Id. 2.3) as an example of αφέλεια.
64
I D Y L L III
ι-5]
ι κωμάσδω: for the meaning see above, p. 64. The present has future meaning, as regularly with είμι and not infrequently with other verbs of motion; e.g. //. 18.101, 23.150 νυν δ* έπει ου νέομαί γε φίλην ές ποττρίδα yaiav. Ά μ α ρ υ λ λ ί δ α : the name, which is diminutive in form and probably connected with άμαρύσσειν, occurs again at 4.36, but it is absurd to suppose (with Σ and others) that the speaker here is Battus of Id. 4. In real life LG. 3.2.1557 (Attic of Roman date) seems to be the only instance of the name. 2 Τίτυρος: Σ: τινές δε φασιν δτι "J· τις Σειληνός ού Σικελιώτης "f άλλοι δέ τους τράγους, έτεροι δέ τους Σατύρους, Serv. Virg. E. Proem. (Thilo and Hagen 3 p. 4, 1. 7) Laconum lingua tityrus dicitur aries maior qui gregem anteire consueuit (cf. C.R. 46.53). As a man's name it is no doubt originally a nickname like Σάτυρος, Σατυρίσκος, Τραγίσκος, appropriate to a rustic setting, and in the Laconian sense particularly appropriate to its bearer's occupation here. Outside Bucolic, it occurs by implication in an inscription from Larisa, LG. 9.2.638 Τιτυρεία γυνή, and, with Χίμαρος, among the reported names of Epicharmus's father (Suidas s.v. Έ π ί χ . ) . Those w h o believe in the mascarade bucolique (see Id. 7 Pref. p. 129) have naturally identified this Tityrus with that of 7.72 and have tried to penetrate the supposed disguise. The mascarade is a delusion, but the elaborate address here to a κωφόν πρόσωπον inessential to the subject of the Idyll is somewhat odd, and it should perhaps be considered whether the goatherd is addressing not a friend but the he-goat who leads his flock and is cautioned in 4 against a rival. 1 If so, τίτυρος should probably be treated not as a name but as a common noun. έλαύνει: the flock is apparently feeding on the mountain-side, and Tityrus is to let them graze and then water them (4). If so, έλαύνειν has not its ordinary sense of driving herds (e.g. 4.23, 16.36, Soph. O.T. 1139) but means no more than νομεύειν: cf. 20.33. Similarly ελάτης at Eur. jr. 773.28, actor at O v . Her. 1.95, F. 1.547, mean no more than herdsman. 3 τό καλόν π ε φ . : cf. 1.4m. The neut. adj. as adverb is by origin an internal accusative and is therefore not very common with passive verbs: Eur. Ion 1371 κρυφαϊα νυμφευθεΐσα, Plat. Symp. 192B θαυμαστά εκπλήττονται, Λ.Ρ. 12.105 (Asclepiades) αδήλωτα φιληθείς. Gellius (9.9) comments on Virgil's omission of the phrase in his imitation at E. 9.23: quo enim pacto diceret τό καλόν πεφιλημένε, uerba hercle non translaticia sed cuiusdam natiuae dulcedinis? The words may mean something like καλή φιλία πεφ., but καλώς is sometimes used to mean little more than πάνυ (5.119, Pearson on Soph. Jr. 934), and so Hdas 1.54 πλουτέων τό καλόν. Philosophical distinctions between τον καλόν τε και αίσχρόν έρωτα (Plat. Symp. 186 c) are plainly out of place, but there is perhaps a distant reminiscence of the proverbial ότι καλόν, φίλον (Theogn. 17, Eur. Bacch. 881, Plat. Lys. 216c). For the tense cf. 11.6; Pind. P. 1.13, N. 4.45 seem to be the earliest examples of the so-called intensive perfect in this verb. 5 Λιβυκόν: the flocks of Libya had been famous from early times (Od. 4.85, Hdt. 4.189; cf. Virg. G. 3.339) and it is likely enough that in T.'s time Libyan goats were to be found in Egypt if not in Sicily and the Aegean islands. Cf. 1.24 η. κνάκωνα: cf. 5.147 ό λευκίτας. It is hard to be sure whether these words are names or descriptions and they should perhaps be written with a capital. Κνακίας is the name of a horse at Paus. 6.10.7, ° κνηκίης the nickname of a wolf at Babr. 122.12. The colour-adjective κνηκός is variously defined as λευκός καΐ πυρρός and (-όν) τό κροκί^ον χρώμα (Hesych.) and seems to indicate a lightish yellow. 1
GT II
Cf. 8.49, where the leading goat is (nominally) entrusted with a message.
65
5
COMMENTARY
[6-9
It is much more commonly applied to goats than to anything else: 7.16, Thespis jr. 4 (Nauck p. 833), Kaibel Ep. Gr. 1034.23, Λ.Ρ. 6.32; cf. Soph. Ichn. 358. κορυφή: Σ Lye. 558 (citing this passage) ol δέ κριοί εΐώθασιν έν τ ω μάχεσθαι τοις κερασί πλήττει ν καΐ τοΟτο κυρίως εστί το κορύπτειν: cf. 5 Ή 7 ° κορυπτίλος, and n. 6 The scene changes to the outside of Amaryllis's cave. The bucolic Idylls require elsewhere rather movements of the interlocutors about the stage than changes of scene (1.21, 4.44ff.; cf. 5.44if); here the opening lines suggest an intended absence of some time and distance. That this is within TVs conception of the dramatic Idyll is shown by Id. 15, where the scene changes from Praxinoa's house to the street, and again from the street to the Palace. The subject matter of off. resembles that of other τταρακλαυσίθυρα: Alc.^r. 56 δέξοα με κωμάσδοντα, δέξοπ, λίσσομαί σε λίσσομαι, Α Γ . Eccl. 960, Hor. C. 3.10 (for both of which see 53 η.), ib. 1.25.7 me tuo longas pereunte noctesy | Lydia, dermis?, Plaut. Cure. 147. Cf. Λ.Ρ. 5.103 (Rufinus) μέχρι τίνος, Προδίκη, παρακλαύσομαι; άχρι τίνος σε | γουνάσομαι, στερεή, μηδέν άκουόμενος;, Ο ν . Λ. Α. 3.581 ante fores iaceat, Crudelis ianua, dicat, | multaque summisse, multa minanter agat. It is evident therefore chat the serenade begins at 6 and that Z's note at 40 έντεΰθεν άρχεται της ωδής is a mistake due to φσεϋμαι in 38 and to the change of tone at 40. ούκέτι: it appears therefore that the goatherd has in the past been an accepted lover (8n.). κατ* άντρον: with παρκύπτοισα as //. 12.469 οι δε κατ' αύτάς | ποιητάς έσέχυντο ττύλας, Thuc. 4.67 ές το τείχος κατά τάς πύλας έσήγον. The approxima tion in meaning of κατά c. ace. to διά may be seen, e.g., at Ap. Rh. 4.1002 01 Πόντοιο κατά στόμα και διά πέτρας | Κυανέας. . .έπέρησαν: cf. id. 1.2. 7 παρκύπτοισα: the word is common in similar contexts: Ar. Pax 982, Thesm. 797, Eccl. 884, 924, Plut. Mor. 76OD, p. Teb. 2 d 9 ; cf. Cant. 2.9. Ιρωτύλον appears to be a diminutive of έρως in the sense of darling. "Ερως, Έρωτύλλε is the beginning of an invocation at P.M.G. 7.478. Έρωτύλος however is treated by Bion (Jr. 7.13) as an adjective and might be one here; cf. 4.59η. The ace. has been taken with μισείς, but it is better attached to the preceding sentence, not as predicate to καλείς but in apposition to με. 8 έγγύθεν: on close inspection (as, e.g., Eur. Ion 586, Plat. Pol. 289D), but the blemishes, if they exist, must be fairly conspicuous. The word perhaps need not be pressed (cf. Mosch. 2.155 αυτός T O l ZEU5 B\^t κ α 1 έγγύθεν ειδομαι είναι | ταύρος), but in conjunction with καταφαίνομαι, which should mean am I plainly? rather than do I secm?y it suggests that he is not imagining possible objections but that Amaryllis has made these criticisms, and, read in conjunction with 6, that she has yielded once to his suit, and found once enough. 9 προγένειος has been taken to mean with projecting chin but was understood by Σ (and perhaps by Virgil at E. 8.34) to mean πολλάς καθειμένας τρίχας έχων τοΟ πώγωνος, and Longus (ι.16) has αγένειος είμι.. .ούτος. . .δέ προγένειος ως τράγος.. . .κάν δέη σε φιλεΐν, έμοΰ μέν φιλεΐς το στόμα, τούτου δέ τάς επί τοΟ γενείου τρίχας. It seems likely that the adj. refers, like αγένειος and εύγένειος, to the beard, 1 and probably, from the analogy of ττρογάστωρ, προόδους, πρόχειλος, to a projecting beard, not, as Σ say, to a long hanging beard. A projecting beard is not, indeed, characteristic of goats, whose beards are pendent from the lower jaw, but neither is a goat-like beard an impediment to kissing, and it is Longus's simile rather than his vocabulary which is at fault. In Calp. 2.84 ttum, precort informis 1 But cf. the description of an absconding slave in Wilcken Urkund. 121 αγένειος ευκνημος κοιλογένειος, where the first adj. refers to beard, the third to chin.
66
ιο-ΐ7]
IDYLL ΠΙ
uideor tibi? num grams annis?, if the last phrase is a translation of ττρογένειος, which is doubtful, it cannot be right. ποησεΐς: Τ. in his Doric poems treats the first syllable of this verb indifferently as short (21, 6.31, [8.18], 10.25, 38, epigr. 22.7) or long (2.9, 3.33, 14.70, 15-4-6, 107). Doric inscriptions sometimes omit the ι (Ahrens Dial. Dor. 188); where the syllable is short T / s mss are unanimous in doing so at 10.38, but elsewhere divided. ΙΟ μάλα: love-tokens; see 5.88η. τηνώθε occurs again at Ar. Ach. 754, A.P. 6.354 (Nossis) and is attested here by Theognostus (Cramer An. Ox. 2.157); cf. 4.10 η. The variant τηνώ δέ is defensible in itself; cf. 25. 11 τ ύ : where the nom. of the 2nd pers. Doric pronoun carries, as here, little emphasis, it has sometimes been treated as enclitic, and Wilamowitz so treated it here and at 10.19, 15-25, 76. There is no ancient authority for the practice, and Ap. Dysc. de pron. 54.7 distinguishes ace. τ υ from the nom. by the fact that the former is enclitic, the latter not. I have therefore followed Ahrens. 12 θασαι μ. θ. έ. ά.: it would be possible to regard θυμαλγές έμίν άχος as vocative addressed to Amaryllis (c(. 1.103, 14.3611η.), and θασαι as an invitation to look at the apples, picking up ήνίδε in 10. The goatherd's opening address however seems to fall into three couplets followed by four triplets otherwise self-contained, and it is better not to connect the words with what precedes. Whether θ. έ. ά. is the object of θασαι (as Σ) or a separate clause is more doubtful, but if the dative έμίν is rightly preferred to έμόν, the latter is slightly more probable, and it suits the staccato tone of the passage. The final syllable of έμίν is long by nature; the lengthening of the ο in έμόν at this point in the verse would lack exact parallel in T., but cf. [8].14, [25].50, 203. Μήν (μάν) with imperatives seems Doric, though not exclusively so (Denniston Gk Part. 331); θασαι μάν occurs in Sophr.^r. 26. 14 & τ υ [ace] πυκάσδει: there is little to choose between this and ά τ ύ ττυκάσδει (middle), but both seem preferable to ά τ υ ττυκάσδεις (sc. το αντρον), and to & τ υ πνκάσδεις or -δει where τ υ is required to be reflexive. The last derives no real support from II. 17.551 πορφυρέη νεφέλη πυκάσασα ε αυτήν (cf. Od. 12.225), though Τ. may have that line in mind. The mss are reported by Ahrens to have ά. 15 ε γ ν ω ν : know to my cost, as, e.g., //. 18.270, Eur. Bacch. 859. 16 έθήλαζεν: θηλά^ειν το τρέφειν τ ω γαλακτι ol αρχαίοι (Phot.), and Lucian (Pseudosoph. 4) treats its use for to suck as a solecism; cf. however 14.15, Arist. H.A. 577b 16, and, of children, Orph.fr. 49.87 Kern, Plut. Rom. 6. For the figure cf. [23.] 19, Virg. Aen. 4.367, Tib. 3.4.90, Ov. Met. 7.32, 8.121, 9.615 (quoted on 39), Tr. 1.8.43. 17 κ α τ α σ μ ύ χ ω ν : the word is properly used of a smouldering fire (Eustath. 781.36, Artemid. 2.10 οίκοι δέ καόμενοι καθαρω ττυρί...οΙ δέ σμυχόμενοι μή καθαρω ττυρί), and the distinction, though not always observed, is suitable here. For the metaphorical use cf. 8.90, Ap. Rh. 3.446, 762, Mosch. jr. 2.4. Love in T. is a wound (11.15, 3°-io), or a fire (2.40, 82, 133, 7.55, 102, 11.51, 14.26); that the fire is that of fever is suggested only at 2.85, 30.2, where see n. See on these figures A. S. Pease on Virg. Aen. 4.if. ές όστίον έίχρις: the phrase recurs at Quint. S. 9.376. For the position of the adverb after the prepositional phrase c£. Mosch. 1.19 ές αΙθέρα δ* άχρι φορεΐται, Call. Η. 6.130, Αρ. Rh. 3.763 (below), Quint. S. 2.617; an<3 so μέχρι Call. H. 3.11. For the bones as the seat of love-sickness cf. 7.102, 30.21, Archil.^r. 84, A.P. 7.31, Virg. G. 3.258 magnum cui uersat in ossibus ignem | durus amory Ov. Her. 4.70, and in Latin the idea is common. Apollonius (3.761) localises the complaint more precisely: ενδοθι δ* αίεί | τεΐρ* οδύνη σμύχουσα δια χροό$, άμφί τ* άραιάς | Ivas
67
COMMENTARY
[ι 8-21
καΐ κεφαλής Οπό νείατον Ινίον άχρις, | ενθ* άλεγεινότατον δύνει άχος, όππότ* ανίας | ακάματοι πραπίδεσσιν ένισκίμψωσιν "Ερωτες. For the form όστίον see 2.21 n. Ιάπτει: cf. 2.82, Mosch. 4.39. 18 ποθορεΰσα: beside fonns from όράω (e.g. 13.12) and δρημι (6.25η.) T. has apparently this and others (5.85, [9.35], 11.69, 26.14) from όρέω, which is Herodotean but occurs also in Alcman (jr. 87). A similar change from -άω to -έω appears in 1.81 άνηρώτευν, 4.53 χασμεύμενος, 5.77 καυχέομαι, 7.55 όπτεύμενον, and elsewhere (6.28, 30, I9.2nn.) if the forms are sound, and there is some evidence of similar forms in Doric inscriptions. * τό π α ν : as, e.g., 15.20 άπαν |?>ύπον, 148 δξος άπαν, Soph. Phil. 927 ώ πυρ συ και παν δεϊμα, Luc. Dial. Deor. 20.4 τό πάν βουκόλος. In spite of Soph. Phil. 622 κείνος ή π ά σ α βλάβη (c£. El. 301) it seems probable that πάν even with neuter nouns was felt to be adverbial, as with nouns of other gender and adjectives (e.g. Aesch. Suppl. 781) it must be. λίθος: όλη λευκή οίον άγαλμα μαρμάρινον ή σκληρά καΐ άτεγκτε, Σ. The first explanation would be acceptable in sense and resemble 6.38, but λίθος without qualification can hardly be understood to mean white marble. Λίθος, πέτρος, lapis, saxum, etc. are proverbial for insensibility to emotions of various kinds: 23.20, Hdas 6.4 μα, λίθος τις, ου δούλη | έν τ η οΐκίη εις, Aesch. Prom. 242, Plaut. Poen. 290 ilia mulier lapidem silicem subigere ut se amet potest (see 10.7 η., Headlam on Hdas I.e. and 7.108, C.Q. 25.49). It has been objected to this explanation that the complaint is incongruous between two adjectives of commendation, and the variant λίπος has sometimes been preferred. The objection seems invalid (cf. 2.3), but τό πάν λίπος = λιπαρωτάτη is defensible in sense (cf. 2.102, Call. jr. 7.13 quoted on 17.37) and in this context hardly over-naive in phrasing. κ υ ά ν ο φ ρ υ : 4.59, 17.53; cf. II. 1.528, 15.102, 17.209. The adj. does not occur outside T. 19 με τόν αίπόλον: cf. 5.88, 90. It is hard to decide whether the apposition is concessive in force—goatherd though I am—as apparently in 7, or whether he is using his full style, formally and with a touch of pride. The article is, in any case, regular; cf. 2.72η. φ ι λ ή σ ω : 2.3 η . 20 The line is borrowed at [27] .4 but is not open to suspicion here: the goatherd is saying in other words what Delphis, another comast, says at 2.126. &δέα: 1.65 η. 21 τΐλαι κ. αύ. λ.: the words have been taken in three ways, (i) κατά λεπτά αύ. τ., κατά being distributive, as at //. 2.362 κρΤν* άνδρας κατά φΰλα κατά φρήτρας. There is however no real distribution involved, the intrusion of αυτίκα between the prep, and the word it governs is hard to parallel, and this view seems im probable, (ii) κατ* αυτίκα or καταυτίκα. Κατά is not elsewhere combined with αυτίκα but it may be compared with καταυτόθι (25.153 η.), καθάπαξ, κατόπισθεν. Such prepositional additions are commoner with local than with temporal adverbs, but αυτίκα is joined with άπό, and, commonly, with παρά. (iii) κατατΐλαι λεπτά with anastrophic tmesis as Od. 3.161 §ριν ώρσε κακήν επι (cf. Τ. 28.21, Call. Η. 1.44, Arat. 327, 334, 661, 940, 984, Αρ. Rh. 1.9, Mosch. 2.4, and on the Homeric examples see C.Q. 27.200). Since the sense requires κατατίλλειν rather than τίλλειν, this view (which is that of Σ) seems the most probable. For the predi cative neut. plur. in such phrases ci. Od. 12.174 τυτθά διατμήξας, 388 τ υ τ θ ά . . . κεάσαιμι, and, with similar anastrophic tmesis, Quint. S. 14.533 εμβαλε νηι κεραυνόν άφαρ δέ μιν άλλυδις άλλη | έσκέδασεν διά τυτθά: cf. 9-27η.
68
22-27]
IDYLL III
22 φ υ λ ά σ σ ω : this might be supposed, on the analogy of 34, to mean that he has made, and put by for Amaryllis, a garland which he n o w proposes to destroy. A garland however is perishable, αντίκα points to his having it with him, and, apart from φυλάσσω, one would naturally interpret his words to mean that he is going to destroy the garland which he has donned himself in her honour (TOI) as part of a comast's equipment, even though he is not, as is usual with comasts, coming from the symposium (Ar. Plut. 1040 ΓΡ. εοικε δ* έτη κώμον βαδί^ειν. ΧΡ. φαίνεται* | στεφάνους γέ τοι καΐ δφδ* έχων πορεύεται, Blaydes ad loc, Α.Ρ. Ι 2 . ι ι 6 κωμάσομαι* μεθύω γ ά ρ όλος μέγα. τταΐ, λάβε τούτον | τον στέφανον). Since therefore the verb is used at 7.64 of a garland certainly worn, we may assume that the goatherd is wearing his, though φυλάσσω perhaps means rather more than wear\ see 7.64η. 23 καλύκεσσι: roses, as A.P. 12.204 (Strato) τίς κάλυκας συνέκρινε βάτω; The gen. κισσοΐο has sometimes been attached to this word, but that is plainly inferior. σελίνοις: properly celery, apium graueolens. It is associated not only with the Nemean and Isthmian victors but also with other festal garlands (Anacr. jr. 54). Apium is mentioned with ivy by Horace (C. 4.11.3); garlands o£apium, roses, lilies, and perhaps ivy are implied by him at C. 1.36.15. 24 The vocative in 22 echoes that in 6 and marks the close of one section of the serenade (7.89 η.), and this line appears to be a spoken aside breaking the triplets which represent the song. If so, it is possible that, in view of the 3rd pers. in 37-9, Hermann's υπακούει is right; cf. however 52-4. τ ι : for the hiatus after this word cf. 25.36, //. 5.465, Od. 15.83, Hes. Th. 182, Arat. 686. Similarly after δτι (i.88, 91); cf. 11.54, 30.i2nn. δνσσοος: cf. 4.45. Elsewhere the word occurs only in a defixio of the fifth century B.C. from Camarina (Riv. Indo-greco-ital. 8.266); ευσοος (24.8) is even rarer. 25 βαίταν: cf. 5.15. Poll. 10.175 βαίτας δέ τάς τ ω ν άγροίκων διφθέρας, Σ ΑΓ. Vesp. 1133 η ά π ° δερμάτων συρρατττομένη χλανίς. It is commonly the only garment worn by rustics. His proposal to strip before drowning himself is no doubt intentionally naive. 2ό Θύννως axon.: O p p . Hal. 3.637 §νθ* ήτοι π ρ ώ τ ο ν μέν έπ* όρθιον ύψι κολωνόν | ϊδρις έπαμβαίνει θυννοσκόπος, δστε κιούσας | παντοίας άγέλας τεκμαίρεται, αϊ τε και δσσαι, | πιφαύσκει δ* έτάροισι* τ α δ* αύτίκα δίκτυα πάντα | ώστε πόλις προβέβηκεν έν οΐδμασι. See Mair ad loc, Neil on Ar. Equ. 313, Thompson Gloss. Gk Fishes 87, Cumont UUgypte des Astrologues i n . In Cornwall a 'hooer' is similarly employed to watch for the shoals of pilchards and indicate their whereabouts to the fishermen. A hexameter fragment cited in 'Longin.' 23 seems to describe the location of the tunny-shoals by a crowd on the shore. O n σκοπιά3εται see 25.214η. "Ολπις: the name is otherwise unknown, but, if connected with δλπη, may be compared with Χυτρίς, Δίνων, Κώθων and other names derived from household gear, of which not all belong to slaves. 27 δ ή : I accept, with some hesitation, Graefe's emendation for the μή of the mss, since, though her suitor's suicide may afford Amaryllis pleasure, it is less easy to see what satisfaction she will derive from an abortive attempt at suicide. γ€ μ έ ν : γε μάν, nevertheless, unlike άλλα, αύτάρ (//. 3·2θΌ, 22.390)» δμώς, does not occur έν άποδόσει, and earlier editors w h o retain it may have been right in punctuating to indicate an aposiopesis if I kill myself (it will be unpleasant for me), hut I have preferred a suggestion made to me by M r J. D . Denniston to read γι μέν in the sense of γούν (4.60 η.), which γε μήν (μάν) does not share with it. Μέ\
69
COMMENTARY
[28-29
and μάν are constantly confused (ci. 1.86, 2.15911η., 4.20, 5.118, 122, 6.46, 10.37, 11.60, 15.15, 131, 18.12). τό τ€Ον άδύ: the possessive adj. in phrases of this type commonly represents a subjective, not an objective gen., and τ . τ . ά. might be expected to mean what is pleasant in [not to] you. Examples to the contrary can however be found: Eur. Hec. 120 τ ό σον αγαθόν, Aeschin. 3.80 τοϋ υμετέρου συμφέροντος, Plat. Phaedr. 240 Α τό αύτοΰ γλυκύ: Τ. 14.36 έμόν κακόν is not quite parallel. Alternatively τό τεόν might mean, as Σ suppose, so far as you are concerned, as Pind. P. 11.41 Μοΐσα, τό δέ τεόν, εΐ μισθοΐο συνέθευ κ.τ.λ. τέτυκται: for τετεύξεται, as, e.g., Xen. An. 1.8.12 κάν τοϋτ', εφη, νικώμεν, •π-άνθ* ήμϊν πεποίηται, Thuc. 4-23, Eur. Or. 941 · 28 έ γ ν ω ν : sc. that you did not love me. μοι μ ε μ ν α μ έ ν ω : the text is open to suspicion but none of the emendations proposed is satisfactory. The dative seems plainly preferable to the genitive, and if μεμναμένορ is right, it must be understood to mean when I thought of you [and wondered] whether— The ellipse is of a common type (17.10, 25.228, see Blaydes on Ar. Nub. 1392), and is pretty closely paralleled by Ap. Rh. 3.534 της μεν άττό μεγάροιο κατά στίβον ένθάδ* Ιόντες | μνησάμεθ* ει κε δ ύ ν α ι τ ο . . .πετπθεΐν, which might point to σευ μεμναμένω. Since however the oracle is presumably worked for the express purpose of finding out whether Amaryllis loves him, the meaning required of the participle is no more than ττυνθανομένω, or as Agathias writes, probably with T. in mind (A.P. 5.287), σττεύδων εϊ φιλέει με μαθεΐν. 29 f. These lines plainly refer to some form of rustic divination, and have given much trouble, partly owing to the statements in Σ concerning the nature of the divination, partly because 29 contains two nouns of uncertain meaning and case, and a verb which might be either transitive or intransitive. It will be convenient to begin with these. προσμάσσειν means to press one thing upon another (cf. 12.32, 2.59η.), and the middle aor. of μάσσω and its compounds is, at any rate in Alexandrian Greek, much more commonly transitive than intransitive: Nic. Th. 180 ότ* άντομένοισιν όδουρός Ι άιδα ττροσμάξηται, 77 2 ττυρσος... τφοσεμάξατο καϋσον | άνδράσι: άττομ. Call. Ep. 29, Α. Plan. 120; cf. Eratosth./r. 30 Powell: έμμ. Nic. Th. 767: έσμ. Τ. 17-37· I ^ ° n o t k n ° w a n y intransitive instances, and there is therefore some a priori ground for supposing one of the nouns in the sentence to be nom. and the other ace. τηλέφιλον, love-in-absence, is a plant, or that part of a plant, used in the divination which is being described, and it evidently derives its name therefrom. Σ either identify it as a poppy-leaf (or petal) or describe a shrub-like plant with a twisted seed-pod. 1 πλατάγημα occurs elsewhere only at A.P. 5.296 (see below). Πλαταγεΐν means to clap, smack, or beat (cf. 8.88, 9.22), and π λ ο τ ά γ η μ α might be expected to stand to the verb as π λ ή γ μ α and τύμμα to ττλήσσειν and τύπτειν and to denote the result of such action—a smack therefore. As to the use of the plant in divination, Σ assert that it was laid on various parts of the arm and struck with the other hand, omens being drawn either from the sound produced or from the mark left upon the skin. According to Pollux (9.127) leaves or petals of the τηλέφιλον were laid over the ring formed by thumb and finger of the left hand and struck with the right palm, inferences being drawn 1 Konnecke suggested bladder-senna, but the description of this plant at Theophr. H.P. 3.14.4 does not much resemble that in Σ. According to Hesychius some identified it with acije^ov drypiov.
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from the sound. Both accounts seem based on more than guesswork, and Pollux enumerates other oracles of a similar kind; it is therefore likely enough that divination was practised both by the sound of such a test and by the resulting mark and possibly also in other ways not recorded. 1 So far as T. is concerned, it may be said that έξεμαράνθη points to petal rather than seed-pod, and that ποτεμάξατο hardly suggests that the object was to produce a sound—for which also the fingers, as mentioned by Pollux, seem better suited than the forearm. The commonest interpretation of the lines treats το π λ α τ ά γ η μ α as nom. and in apposition to τηλέφιλον—the love-in-absence, the poppy-petal, clung not— That is in accordance with X's note π λ α τ ά γ η μ α · το πλαταγώνιον· εστί δε το της μήκωνος φύλλον. It can hardly be disproved, but the intransitive sense given to the verb is against it, and it seems more likely that the poppy-petal owes the name πλαταγώνιον ( I I . 5 7 , Nic.jr. 74.43), as it or some other plant owes the name τηλέφιλον, to its use in this test than that it was really called πλατάγημα. Others have regarded τηλέφιλον as nom., π λ α τ ά γ η μ α as ace, but their translations are rather impossible than improbable (did not stick on at the slapping-test, gab beim Drucken nicht den erwarteten Knall von sich). In view of what has been said, it seems better to regard το πλατάγημα as nom., and to translate the smack did not cause the petal to adhere·, but it shrivelled uselessly T.'s wording, as was said above, makes it difficult to suppose that the omen from sound is in his mind: the omen from the mark is not excluded and is somewhat favoured by άπαλω, but it is perhaps more likely that in this case the test is simply whether the τηλέφιλον did or did not adhere. The passage is borrowed by Agathias (Λ.Ρ. 5.296): έξότε τηλεφίλου πλαταγήματος ήχέτα βόμβος | γαστέρα μαντώου μάξατο κισσνβίου, | εγνων ώς φιλέεις με. I should hesitate to draw any inference from the imitation except that he took πλατάγημα to be in apposition to τηλέφιλον or the latter for an adjective. It is possible that he is thinking of a form of divination from the sound of the λάταξ at cottabos (mentioned by Pollux, I.e.), but it is difficult to see what meaning can be attached to μάξατο. It must be admitted that 29 remains a somewhat inelegant sentence. The attempts to emend it however (of which the best is Schneider's ποτιμαξαμένω πλατάγησεν) base themselves on the lemma of the later scholia, ποτιμαξάμενον έπλατάγησεν, which seems itself an emendation, and are also open to other objections as well. άπαλω ποτΐ π ά χ ε ϊ : I accept the dative from inferior mss, since the gen., though often printed, has never been defended and seems indefensible. Moreover though ποτί (προς) is T.'s favourite preposition, like Callimachus and Apollonius, he uses ir c. gen. only in attestation (cf. C.Q. 30.211). For hiatus at the bucolic diaeresis see 2.83 η. The adjective suggests that the plant is placed on the smooth inner surface of the forearm. 31 Ά γ ρ ο ι ώ : neither Agroeo nor Groeo is otherwise known as a name, but a nominative proper name seems required (see 32η.) and the definite article presents a difficulty in the collocation ά Γ ρ ο ι ώ . . . κοσκινόμαντις, which can scarcely be defended by such Homeric examples as J/. 1.11, 340. κοσκινόμαντις: Philostr. Vit. Ap. 6.11 γράες άνημμέναι κόσκινα φοιτώσιν έπί ποιμένας, ότέ δέ καΐ βουκόλους, ίώμεναι τ α νοσουντα τών θρεμμάτων μαντική, ως φασιν, άξιοΰσι δέ σοφαΐ όνομά^εσθαι και σοφώτεραι ή οί άτεχνώς μάντεις. The methods of ancient coscinomancy are not recorded, but its practitioners are spoken of with some contempt both by Lucian (Alex. 9) and by Artemidorus (2.69). 32 α πράν π . π . : παραιβάτις has frequently been taken for a proper name, and is not incredible as such since the masculine Παραιβά-^ης occurs more than once 1 Robert thought that he had detected such a test in the representation on a squat lekythos (Arch. Zeit. 37.83), but this seems highly doubtful.
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[33-37
(Hdt. 5.46, Diog. Laert.2.86,I.G. 7.1888 b 12, S.G.D.I. 4833; cf. ib. 4859). Those who take this view, which is mentioned in Σ, either read χ ά πράν, making two wise-women, or alter 31—ά γραία (cf. 6.40), ά Γροίω (the name Tpoiosis unknown), άγροιώτις, άλαθέα. Those w h o reject it understand the words to mean who was gleaning behind the reapers (Σ rec. επομένη και παρακολουθούσα τοις θερισταΐς). Against the latter view it must be said that παραι- cannot mean behind and that ποιολογοΟσα, in spite of Σ, cannot mean σταχυολογούσα: against both views, that we expect to be told when the speaker received this news from the wise-woman, and that παραιβάτις is therefore likely to mean by my side. The noun occurs elsewhere only at Ap. Rh. 1.754, where it is used of Hippodameia in the chariot of Pelops, as παραιβάτης, commonly, of the fighter in a chariot. The word might presumably mean either standing, or walking, beside. Ποιολογευσα does not naturally suggest the harvest-field (in which, moreover, a goatherd would be out of place), nor can it well mean gathering magic herbs (for which the Greek is rather ρι^οτομοϋσα) since ποία does not seem to be used of the magician's pubentes herbae (Virg. Aen. 4.514) or gramina (Ov. Met. 7.137). l Aristotle (Jr. 274) calls a peacock ποιολόγος, and of a human being the natural meaning would be either weeding ( = ποά3ουσα: cf. Theophr. C.P. 3.20) or cutting grass, and the latter seems more probable. 1 understand T. to mean that Agroeo and the goatherd have strolled together, he shepherding his flock, she gathering grass or hay, perhaps for her στίβος (cf. 5.33 ώδε πεφύκει | ποία, χ ά στιβάς άδε, j.6jn., 13-34» Hesych. s.v. α π ό ράβδων καΐ χλωρών χόρτων στρώση και φύλλων, ή χαμαικοίτη). 33 δλος: Xen. Mem. 2.6.28 όλος ώρμημαι έπί τ ο φιλών αυτούς άντιφιλεΐσθαι ύ π ' αυτών, Polyb. 3-94· 1 0 ττρός τ ω . . .διακινδυνεύειν δλος και πας ήν, id. 3-58.I, Α.Ρ. Ι 2 . ι ι 6 (see 22η.). έγκειμαι: for the personal dat. with this verb cf. Hdas 5.3 Άμφυταίη τ η Μένωνος εγκεισαι, Parthen. 23 π ά σ α ένέκειτο Άκροτάτω, Gen. 34· Ι 9 ένέκειτο τη θυγατρι Ιακώβ. It is a not unnatural extension of such usages as Archil, fr. 84 δύστηνος εγκειμαι πόθω. The form of the phrase is perhaps influenced by the more familiar πολύς έγκεΐσθαι, to be insistent (e.g. Hdt. 7.158, Thuc. 4.22, Plut. Fab. 9). 35 Μέρμνωνος: the name is that of one of Hippodameia's suitors, called also Μέρμνης (Σ Pind. Ο. 1.127), but is otherwise unknown. Μερμνάδαι is the name of a Lydian dynasty (Hdt. 1.7). έριθακίς: μισθώτρια υποκοριστικώς* ή όνομα κύριον, Σ. The first explanation seems more probable, though the diminutive form is unparalleled (Epich. fr. 42 τηθυνάκια is corrupt; Ar. Equ. 823 Δημακίδιον has ά). μελανόχρως is probably disparaging; cf. io.26ff. 36 ένδιαθρύπτη: διαθρύπτεσθαι of a man means to behave effeminately, of a woman to be arch or coquettish (6.1511.; cf. 15.99η.). Ένδ. does not occur elsewhere but seems to mean since you are so prudish, stand-offish, with me, έν- having the same force as in έγγελα:ν. The basic idea is no doubt that of affectation, which may cover both a too backward and a too forward manner, and θρυπτεσθαι may mean to be coy (Plut. Mor. 990 c). 37 &λλεται ό. μ. ό δ.: Suidas s.v. παλμικόν οίώνισμα· δπερ Ποσειδώνιος συνεγράψατο· οίον, Ιάν πάλλη ό δεξιός οφθαλμός, τόδε σημαίνει, Isid. Etym. 8.9.29 salisatores uocati sunt quia dum eis membrorum quaecumque partes salierint aliquid sibi exinde prosper um seu triste significare praedicunt. A long list of such Signs' is given by Melampus περί παλμών μαντική, a work ostensibly addressed to one of the 1 The nearest example known to mc is έδόκει ο! ό θεός ποίαν τρίψα* έγχεΐν els τόν όφθαλμόν (R. Herzog Wunderheilungcn 24), and the word is similarly used of the healing herb used by one snake upon another and by Polyidus upon Glaucus in Apoll. 1.3.1.*
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Ptolemies, which states οφθαλμός δεξιός έάν άλληται, κατά Φημονόην καΐ ΑΙγυπτίους και 'Αντιφώντα, εχθρούς ύττοχειρίους έξει, άγει δε και αποδήμους (Abh. Bed. Ak. 1907.4 Ρ· 22"> c ^ Ρ· 4ΐ)· Cf. Eumath. Macr. 9.4 επί δ έ τούτοις πάσιν οφθαλμός ήλατό μου ό δεξιός και ή ν μοι το ση μείον αγαθόν, και το προμάντευμα δεξιώτατον. "Αλλεσθαι is a vox propria in this connexion. O n the general subject of omens drawn from involuntary movements of parts of the body, see Abh. Berl. Ak. 1907.4, 1908.6, Rev. Ph. 32.137, A.J. Ph. 31.203, p.ily/. 1.28, Halliday Gk Divination 172. The belief is not often mentioned in classical literature; cf. however Plaut. Pseud. 107. ίδησώ: the form is unparalleled, and roundly abused by Cobet (V.L. 42) as an invention of T.'s; but it is more likely to be a genuine dialect form. 38 αύτάν: the fact that in 37-9 Amaryllis is spoken of in the third person marks the triplet as an aside, like 24, and not part of the παρακλαυσίθυρον. άποκλινθείς: for the form cf. //. 3.360, Hes. Th. 711. The word has generally been understood to mean leaning against: the verb has that sense at Call. H. 4.209 άπό δ' έκλίθη έμπαλιν ώμοις | φοίνικος π ο τ ! πρέμνον, and was perhaps so under stood here by Virgil (E. 8.16 incumbens tereti Damon sic coepit oliuae). It more commonly means to turn aside (7.130),.and we may equally well suppose here that the goatherd decides to abandon his strict siege of die cave and steps aside to a neighbouring tree, where however he can still see and be seen. The rest of his song is in a more exalted style (see 6ff. n.) and, though of an erotic character, has only an indirect reference to his own suit; it enumerates various lovers who have attained desires beyond their legitimate hope or expectation, and is inspired by the hope expressed in 39. 39 αδαμάντινα: Pind./r. 123 δς μη πόθω κυμαίνεται, εξ αδάμαντος ή σιδάρου κεχάλκευται μέλαιναν καρδίαν | ψυχρά φλογί, Ο ν . Her. 2.137; cf. 2.34η. There is no real inconsistency with 18: Amaryllis may be hard-hearted, but her heart is not impenetrable. Ov. Met. 9.613 neque enim de tigride natusy I nee rigidas silices solidumue in pectore ferrum | aut adamanta gerit, nee lac bibit ille leaenae. 40 Ί π π ο μ έ ν η ς : Τ. takes what seems to be the Boeotian version of the Atalanta myth, and to go back to Hesiod (jrr. 21,22). It is inextricably confused with the Arcadian myth, but so far as can be seen, presents Atalanta as daughter of Schoeneus, her successful suitor as Hippomcncs of Onchestus, son either of Ares or of Megareus. Atalanta races with her suitors and kills those she overtakes. Hippomenes defeats her by dropping golden apples, provided by Aphrodite, which Atalanta stops to pick up. See RE 2.1890, 8.1887, Roscher 1.2688, Robert Gr. Heldensage 83, 93, Frazer Apollodorus 1. p. 398, Wilamowitz Hell. Dicht. 2.59, Rh. Mus. 53-357- The dropping of the apples in the race is however inapposite to the goatherd's purpose, and he speaks of them as though they were mere loveofferings like his own (10). Herein he seems to follow Philetas (Σ 2.120 τ ά υπό 'Αφροδίτης διδόμενα τ ω Ίππομένει μήλα εκ των Διονύσου, ταύτα δέ είς έρωτα την Άταλάντην έκίνησεν, ως φησιν ό Φιλητας [jr. 18 Powell, quoted on 2.120]), and it may be that the dropping of the apples in the race is a later addition to the myth. See Harv. Stud. 10.41. 42 ώς i6cv, ώς κ.τ.λ.: 2.82η. βαθύν: Nonn. D . 15.209 είς βαθυν ήλθεν έρωτα. αλατ*: for the metaphorical use cf. Eur. Tr. 67 τί δ' ώδε πηδάς άλλοτ* είς άλλους τρόπους; The 2nd aor. of this verb, condemned by Cobet (V.L. 206, N.L. 454), occurs at 5.16, 8.89; the 1st again only in spurious poems (19.4, 23.60). 43 Μελάμπους: the story, which, in essentials, is as old as Od. 11.28 iff, is that Bias was in love with Pero or Peiro, daughter of Neleus of Pylos, w h o refused her hand except to the suitor who recovered from Phylacus (or from his son, Iphiclus)
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[44-5i
at Phylace on Othrys the herds which had been his mother's. His brother, the seer Melampus, undertook the task, and was caught and imprisoned by Phylacus; overhearing the conversation of woodworms in the roof, he predicted the fall of the building and attracted the attention of Phylacus, w h o consulted him as to his son's childlessness. Melampus cured Iphiclus and, receiving the herds as a reward, gave them to Bias, who thus married Pero. (Apoll. 1.9.12 and Σ Od. 11.287 = Pherecydes /r. 75 M. are the chief authorities; sec also Frazer Apollodorus 2. p. 350.) 44 άγκοΐναισιν: II. 14.213 Ζηνός.,.έν άγκοίνησιν Ιαύεις, Od. 11.261; cf. Η. Horn. 2.264. 45 Ά λ φ ε σ ι β ο ί α ς , as a daughter of Bias and Pero, is known only from this passage and from Pherecydes (43 η.), who calls her brothers Pcrialces and Aretus. The name is clearly derived from the story of her modier's marriage. 47 επί π λ έ ο ν : ι.20η. λύσσας: cf. 4·ΐ ι η. For λύσσα, λυσσαν used of love cf. Plat. Legg. 839 A, PseudoPhoc. 214, Diod. 5.32. 48 Cf. Bion i.4ofF. A gloss in T r is ούτω y a p εν γραφή τινί ή ν £3 coy ραφή μένη, and it is more likely that T. is thinking of a picture or tapestry (15.86η.) than of the legend that after death Adonis was allowed to rejoin Aphrodite for part of the year (Σ, H. Orph. 56.10, Hygin. 251). okcp μαζοΐο τ . : του Ιδίου αυτής μαστοί) χωρίζει, Σ. The use of άτερ with a verb of movement in the sense of αττό seems unparalleled. Possibly άττό should be substituted for άτερ; the phrase would resemble metrically 22.190 ένι δεινοϊσι at the same point in the verse. Examples where the following consonant is λ (22.121) or ρ (ι.ΐ25, 11.10, 45, 15.128) should no doubt be excluded from consideration. The noun is hardly less surprising than the preposition, for its associations are maternal rather than erotic; cf. however Eur. Andr. 629.* 49 τον άτροπον ϋ π ν ο ν : Mosch. 3.104 εύ μάλα μακρόν ατέρμονα νήγρετον ύττνον. "Ατροττος does not occur elsewhere in this connexion but is equivalent to νήγρετον which is used both of deep natural sleep (H. Horn. 5.177 τί vu νήγρετον ύττνον Ιαυεις;, Od. 13.74, 80) and by later writers of death (Mosch. I.e., A.P. 7-305). The sleep of Endymion is proverbial: Hdas 8.10 Λάτμιον κνώσσεις, with Headlam's note. 50 Έ ν δ υ μ Ι ω ν : see Σ Αρ. Rh. 4.57, from which it appears that Selene's love for Endymion was first handled by Sappho. The cause of his sleep is variously given, but T. is thinking of that named by Cic. Tusc. 1.92: Endymion uero, sifabulas audire uolumus, ut nescio qtumdo in Latmo obdormiuit qui est mons Cariaet nondum, opinor, est expenectus. num igitur eum curare censes cum Luna laboret, a qua consopitus putatur ut eum dormientem oscularetur? The goatherd however is not altogether happy in his choice of this myth, for Endymion profited litde from the infatuation of the goddess; cf. A.P. 5.165. γύναι: cf. 2.132. O n the omission of ώ with vocatives see Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 1154, Gilderslceve Gk Synt. §20. T. seems to add or omit it indifferently. Ί α σ ί ω ν α : the Cretan lover of Demcter (Od. 5.125, Hcs. Th. 969, al.). This example also is not altogether fortunate since in the Odyssey (I.e.) Iasion is instanced by Circe as one of the mortals who paid with his life for the love of an immortal, Zeus having killed him with a thunderbolt. Endymion and Iasion appear also in a list of rustic lovers of deities at Norm. D. 48.665 fF. 51 τόσσων is much better attested than τοσσήν' (cf. 1.54η.) and seems more probable on other grounds also, since, with the exception of Opp. Hal. 1.34, κύρειν or κυρεΐν c. ace. is confined to the Tragedians. Sec however Schneider on Call. H. 2.14.
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β έ β α λ ο ι : 26.13 όργια. . . τ ά τ ' ούχ όρέοντι βέβαλοι, Orph.fr. 245 Κ. φθέγξομαι οΐς θέμις εστί· θύρας δ* έπίθεσθε βέβηλοι, Η. Horn. 2.478, Cat. 64.260 (see 26.14η.), Pearson on Soph. Jr. 570. The suggestion is plainly that the loves of Demeter and Iasion were depicted or described in mysteries. Iasion's part in mysteries is obscure, but he is connected with those of Samothrace (Diod. 5.49) and according to Eustathius (1528.14, citing Arrian) travelled widely, to Sicily among other places, introducing the mysteries of Demeter. If there is any substance in this account, T. may here be alluding to Sicilian rites of which we know nothing. See RE 9.755. 52 The song ceases and the goatherd announces a θυραυλία (see p. 64). 53 κεισεΰμαι 8c π ε σ ώ ν : so in another serenade Ar. Eccl. 960 δεύρο δη δεΟρο δή, Ι και σύ μοι καταδραμοΰ|σα τήν θύραν άνοιξον | τήνδ'· εΐ δέ μη, καταττεσών κείσομαι. The figure is drawn from the defeated competitor in the palaestra (Aesch. Eutn. 589 XO. εν μέν τόδ* ήδη των τριών παλαισμάτων. | ΟΡ. ου κειμένω π ω τόνδε κομπά^εις λόγον, Ar. Nub. 125 ΦΕ. σοΟ δ* ου φροντιώ. | ΣΤ. άλλ* ούδ* έγώ μέντοι πεσών γε κείσομαι), and is therefore an appeal to compassion as well as an announcement of his physical position. Cf. Hor. C. 3.10.1 extremum Tanain si biberes, Lycei | saeuo nupta uiro, me tamen asperas I porrectum ante fores obicere incolis I plorares Aquilonibus, A.P. 5.189, Call. Ep. 64, Tib. 2.4.22. 54 ώ ς μέλι κ . τ . λ . : i.e. ούτω γλυκύ γένοιτο ώς μέλι βροχθι^όμενον. Κατά βρόχθοιο is applicable to the honey, not to the goatherd's fate, but the simile is of that type in which there is used of the object compared language appropriate only to that with which it is compared, as, e.g., Theogn. 458 ού γ ά ρ πηδαλίω πείθεται ώς άκατος, Pind. P. 11.39 ή μέ τις άνεμος εξω πλόου | εβαλεν ώς ότ* άκατον έναλίαν;, Aesch. Ag. 1178 καΐ μην ό χρησμός ούκέτ* έκ καλυμμάτων | εσται δεδορκώς νεογάμου νύμφης δίκην, | λαμπρός δ* εοικεν ηλίου προς άντολάς | πνέων έσάξειν, ώστε κύματος δίκην | κλύ^ειν προς αύγάς τούδε πήματος πολύ | μείζον: cf. Τ. 12.8, 25.201 nn., Vahlen Opusc. 1.297, 2.185, Housman on Manil. 1.704. For the sentiment cf. II. 18.108 καΐ χ ό λ ο ς . . .| ός τε πολύ γλυκίων μέλιτος καταλειβομένοιο | ανδρών έν στήθεσσιν άέξεται, Plaut. Cas. 4 5 8 we/ mihi uideor lingere, Hor. Serm. 2.6^32 hoc iuuat et melli est. κατά βρόχθοιο: the preposition is used as at //. 19.38 άμβροσίην καΐ νέκταρ έρυθρόν Ι στάξε κατά £ινών: cf. Τ. 7.82. The noun does not occur elsewhere in the sense of gullet.
75
IDYLL IV PREFACE Subject. Cory don, who is tending a herd of cattle, is questioned by Battus as to their ownership. They belong to Aegon, who has gone off to Olympia by persuasion of Milon with the intention of competing in the boxing competitions there. Aegon has left Corydon in charge, under the supervision of Aegon's father. Conversation passes by easy transition from Aegon to the poor condition of the herd, Corydon's piping, Aegon's exploits, and the death of Amaryllis, a former flame of Battus, but it is interrupted by the calves straying into an olive-grove. While engaged in driving them out Battus runs a thorn into his foot, which Corydon extracts. The conversation is resumed, and the amorous exploits of Aegon's father are briefly discussed before the Idyll comes to a somewhat abrupt close. The circumstances of the interlocutors are only vaguely defined. Since Battus does not know whose herd Corydon is tending, the latter is presumably a friend of Aegon's (cf. 30), or at most a hired labourer, not a slave. Battus appears to be a goatherd (39) but his flock is not mentioned as present. He knows the local people (1, 7, 11, 21, 28, 38, 58) but he is not up-to-date in recent gossip (5, 58). The dialogue suggests that Battus has recently returned to the district after an absence, but as in Id. 5 T. leaves the situation to be inferred by the reader (5.15η.). Relation to other bucolic Idylls. The fourth and fifth Idylls are poetically on a lower plane than T.'s other bucolic Idylls and the conversations which they contain, owing to the reduction of the poetical element, approach more nearly to the possible speech of rustics than anything else in T. except the remarks of Milon in Id. 10. Even so they are very far still from the realism of Herodas or of Id. 15. Id. 4 differs also from the other bucolic Idylls in another respect. All the other bucolic Idylls contain songs, whether singing competitions as in 5, 6, 8, or quasi-competitive songs as in 7, 9, 10, or solos as in 1, 3, 11; and the songs, even where they occupy a comparatively small part of the Idyll (as in 7 and 10), are the kernel of the poem and condition the conversation in which they are embodied. Id. 4 contains no song (see 32η.), and the conversation, free in consequence to take what turn it may, passes easily from theme to theme. It is not in fact more realistic than the conditioned dialogues of 5 and 10, but the absence of restriction in the subject matter gives it a liveliness and verisimilitude nearer akin than any other in the bucolic Idylls to the vivacity of Id. 15. The Scene. The scene of the Idyll is, at any rate prima facie, the neighbourhood of Croton. I have expressed elsewhere (Introd. p. xx) a doubt as to the weight which can be attached to such names in T., but since Croton is mentioned a word is required as to the history of the town. In the last twenty years of the fourth century Croton had had trouble with the Bruttians (Diod. 19.3) and, on this difference being composed, with its own exiles (id. 10). Menedemus, one of the generals appointed to command against the latter, seems to have made himself tyrant, but in the opening years of the third century the town was seized and sacked by Agathocles, who left a Syracusan garrison there (Diod. 21.4). Agathocles died in
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289 B.C., and in 280 Pyrrhus landed in Italy: his presence there and in Sicily for the next six years was of momentous importance for the cities of Magna Graecia. The history of Croton at this period cannot be discerned in detail. The town contained factions favourable both to Rome and to Pyrrhus, and seems to have been at first in alliance with Rome. By 277 it was on the other side, and succeeded, with the help of Milon, Pyrrhus's lieutenant at Tarentum, 1 in inflicting a reverse on the consul Rufinus w h o was sent to recover it. Shortly afterwards however Rufinus surprised and occupied the town (Zon. 8.6, Frontin. 3.6.4). Subsequently it was betrayed to the Rhegians, w h o sacked it and killed the Roman garrison (Zon. 8.6). It is unlikely that these recorded vicissitudes exhaust the adventures of Croton in the Pyrrhic wars, the disastrous effect of which was still visible at the end of the century and is vividly described by Livy (24.3.1): urbs Croto murum in circuitu patentem duodecim milia passuum habuit ante Pyrrhi in Italiam aduentum; post uastitatem eo bello factam uix pars dimidia habitabatur; flumen, quod medio oppido fluxerat, extra frequentia tectis loca praeterfluebat, (erat) et arx procul eis quae habitabantur. Too little is known both of the history of Croton and of the chronology of T.'s poems to base an argument on these facts, and it would be imprudent to assume that the Idyll must have been written before the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. But it is certainly remarkable that in the first half of the third century T. should select Croton as at any rate the nominal scene of tranquil pastoral life; and since there is some ground for thinking that the Idyll was written after T. had reached the eastern Mediterranean (23, 3inn.), it may be that his acquaintance with the district dated from more tranquil times. A similar problem is presented by Id. 5; see p. 94. Title. The mss give a variety of titles—Βουκολιασταί (from Id. 5); τά είς TOV Κορύδωνα, Βάττος, Φιλαλήθης. The origin of the last is not apparent.
Ι Κορύδων: cf. 5.6. The name is borrowed by Ericius at A.P. 6.96, and in real life Κορυδαλλός (Hdt. 7.214), Κορυδεύς (Hesych. s.v.), Κορυδός (I.G. 12.9.56: 201) occur. All are examples of the common borrowing of names from birds and beasts (c(. 1.24η.): others derived from birds are, e.g., Ίέραξ, Κόττνφος, Κύκνος, "Ορτυξ, Στρουθός: cf. epigr. 16.5η. Φιλώνδα occurs again at 5.114· The termination -ώνδας for -ωνίδης is commonly Boeotian, but Philondas is the name of a Megarian resident at Athens ([Dem.] 49.26). 2 Αΐγων is of the same type as Κορύδων, Λύκων (2.76) and is found outside Bucolic as the name of a king of Argos (Plut. Mor. 340 c) and also as that of one of Pythagoras^ Crotoniate disciples (Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 267). Since the colour of this Idyll is also Crotoniate, T. may conceivably have derived the name from those parts, but it is in any case very suitable for a rustic. 3 ψ€ = σφε. The form, together with ψιν, is said to be Syracusan and both are attested for Sophron (frr. 93, 94): ψεων is dubious (Apoll. Dysc. de pron. 96.11). T. uses none of them elsewhere. τά ποθέσπερα: cf. 1.15 η. όμέλγες: ι. ι. η. Cf. Virg.E. 3.5 hicalienus ouis custos bis mulget in hora, | etsucus pecori et lac subducitur agnis. 4 ό γ έ ρ ω ν : ό δέ γέρων ούτος τ ά χ α άν εΐη ό π α τ ή ρ του Αΐγωνος (Σ, no doubt rightly). 1 It is a curious coincidence, though it can hardly b ; more than a coincidence, that both a Pyrrhus and a Milon are mentioned in the Idyll; see 31 n.
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[5-8
ύφίητι: sc. ταΐς βουσί: Od. 9-309, 342 CTTT' έμβρυον ήκεν έκαστη, £ur. Phoen. 31; c(. 9.3η, 25.104. The calves are presumably the younger calves kept in the stalls (cf. 25.104, Od. 10.410): others are already running with the herd (44). 5 άφαντος: Aesch. Ag. 657 ωχοντ* άφαντοι, Soph. Ο.Τ. $6ο άφαντος έρρει, Od. 1.242 οΐχετ* άιστος άττυστος. Battus's tone is playfully magniloquent. 6 Ά λ φ ε ό ν : the name of the river is used for Olympia, as at Pind. N. 6.18 ερνεα πρώτος ενεικεν άπ* Άλφεοϋ and often in Pindar; cf. Ar. Av. 1121 αλλ* ούτοσι τρέχει τις Άλφειόν πνέων, Virg. G. 3.180. Μίλων: in connexion with athletics and Croton the name naturally suggests the son of Diotimus, whose thirty-one victories at panhellenic meetings made him the most celebrated of Greek athletes. The historic Milo however belongs to the sixth century, for one of his Olympian victories was in Ol. 62 = 532B.C, and numerous authorities connect him with the Pythagorean circle at Croton. The chronological difficulty was noted by Σ (arg.), and it seems certain that T. cannot mean to date this Idyll in the sixth century. None of the dramatic idylls suggest a date other than the present, and this contains a reference to Τ Λ contemporaries (31η.); and the sug gestion that Μίλων here means the fame of Milo is improbable in itself and disproved by 11. Milo moreover was a wrestler while Aegon seems to be a boxer (33). The name is not rare, and it is used in other bucolic contexts (8.47, 51,10.7): presumably T. has selected it here because of its athletic associations without intending any further identification (see 2.115η.). It is possible that in his choice of theme T. had in mind the βουκόλος Titormus who was said to have defeated the historic Milo in feats of strength (Ael. V.H. 12.22), for one of their competitions at least ^was handled by Alexander Aetolus (fr. 11 Powell = Ath. 10.412F): see 34η., and, on Milon, RE 15.1672. 7 τηνος: Aegon, not Milon, as 11 shows. £λαιον: of the athlete: Cat. 63.64 ego gymnast fui flos, ego exam decus olei, Hor. C. 1.8.9. cur oliuom | sanguine uiperino | cautius uitat?, Cic. de or. 1.81. So άλείφειν means to train or to put into training (p. Cair. Zen, 59060 έ[γραψάς] μοι περί Πύρρον, εΐ [μέ]ν άκρει[βώ]ς έπιστάμεθα, άλείφειν αυτόν, εί δέ μέ, μή σννβή[ι άνήλω]μά τε μάταιον προσπεσεϊν και [ά]πό των γραμμάτων άποσσπαβήναι), άλείπτης a trainer (Diog. Laert. 8.13, al.)y άλείφεσθαι to frequent a gymnasium (Plut. Them. 1, Arr. Epict. 1.2.26); cf. 2.5 m . έν όφθαλμοΐσιν followed by a part of όράω is a common line-ending in Homer (e.g. II. 1.587, 3.306, 18.135, 19°)· Q W ' s έπ', whether the preposition governs the noun or belongs to the verb, could be defended by Call. fr. 63.9 έπ* όθμασιν... Ιδέσ6αι, but it has no visible advantage, έπ' may come from έπ* Άλφεόν overhead, and the omission of the word in Κ is probably mere haplography after the -ov of ελαιον. όπώπει is rather one of T.'s perfects with present terminations than pluperfect (1.102 η.). The meaning is probably when has he so much as seen the inside of a gymnasium? Προσβλέπειν is so used in Plut. Ale. 23 άπιστεΐν και διαπορεΐν εϊ ποτέ μάγειρον επί της οΙκίας ούτος άνήρ έσχεν ή προσέβλεψε μι/ρεψόν: and Archil, fr. 25 μεγάλης δ* ονκ έρέω τυραννίδος* | άπόπροθεν γ α ρ εστίν οφθαλμών έμών is somewhat similar. Alternatively the words might mean when has he regarded with favour...? ; cf. 9.35 n., Himer. Or. 14.23 ου την μέν είδε της δέ ήμέλησε, Hdas*"4.74 °^Χ ^ ν ^ ν ε ^ ε ν εν δ* άττηρνήθη (with Headlam's note). This however seems less forcible, and where verbs of seeing are used with this colour the object is commonly a person, the subject a god or supernatural power. 8 Ή ρ α κ λ ή ι : so Milo, on seeing the strength of Titormus (6n.), ες τον ούρανόν τάς χείρας τείνας έφατο· ώ ΖεΟ, μή τούτον 'Ηρακλή ήμΐν έτερον έσπειρας; (Acl. V.H. 12.22); c£. Ephipp./r. 17.
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βίην καΐ κάρτος: Od. 4.415 ύμΐν μελέτω κάρτος τε βίη τε, Ι3-Η3» Ι8.Ι39 β 4 και κάρτεϊ εΐκων. The phrase is intentionally magniloquent, and the Ionic form, if correct, may be deliberately retained to mark it as quotation. Cory don however appears to believe in Aegon (33if.), and there is no reason to think him ironical here. έρίσδ€ΐν: c. ace. et dat. as at II. 9.389 ούδ* εί χρυσείη 'Αφροδίτη κάλλος έρί^οι, Od. 5.213, Hes. Th. 534, Ορρ. Hal. 5.29. 9 Πολυδεύκβος: sc. πυξ άγαθοΰ (II. 3.237, Od. 11.300). That is also Aegon's forte (33). In this and the preceding line T. possibly remembers Simon. Jr. 8 ουδέ Πολυδεύκεος βία | χείρας άντείναιτ* άν εναντίον αύτω | ουδέ σιδάρεον Άλκμήνας τέκος. ΙΟ σκαπάναν: according to Σ digging was practised by athletes as part of their training, and that is the point of the anecdote in Ath. 12.518D έν Κρότωνι δέ σκάπτοντί τινι τήν των άθλούντων κόνιν έπιστάντες τινές Συβαριτών έθαύμα^ον λέγοντες, εί τηλικαύτην έχοντες πόλιν οΐκέτας μη κέκτηνται τους σκάψοντας έαυτοΐς τήν τταλαίστραν. So Epictctus (3.15-4) enumerates among the duties of the athlete τ ω άγώνι παρορύσσεσθαι: cf. Plut. Mor. 793 Β δτε μή δυνάμεθα σκαφείοις μηδ* άλτήρσι χρήσθαι μηδέ δισκεύειν μηδ' όπλομαχεΐν, Arat. 3 (below), Festus, p. 320L.: rutrutn tenentis iuuenis est effigies in Capitolio ephebi more Graecorum harenam mentis exercitationis gratia, quodsignum Pompeit4S Bithynicus ex Bithynia supellectilis regiae Romam deportauit, Diog. Laert. 6.27. Σκαττάνη might be any implement for turning the soil; that which hes about palaestrae (e.g. Arch. Zeit. 1878, T. 11, Pfuhl Malerei fig. 375) and is seen in the hands of athletes on Attic vases (e.g. Pi. IV. B, Pfuhl 452, C.V.A. Brussels in. 1 c. PL 1.1) is a T-shaped pickaxe. This is carried also by Atalanta (Encycl. photogr. 3 p. 8 b) and may be accompanied by a large basket into which the earth is gathered (C.V.A. Brussels in. 1 c. Pi. 4.1). The boy who holds Polydeuccs's gear on the Ficoroni cista (Pi. XIV) has among it a mattock, and this appears also on Etruscan vases (Beazley Etr. Vase-Painters 59, 80: Pll. 14 and 19). T. might mean either, but the pick seems the more likely. τουτόθε(ν) is mentioned by grammarians (Apoll. Dysc. Adv. 163.24, 190.20) and is plausibly restored to Erinna/r. 3: τουτώθεν (48) does not occur elsewhere in literature; cf. 3.10η. μήλα: the twenty sheep are his rations while training at Elis for thirty days previous to the Olympian festival (Paus. 6.23.1, Philostr. Vit. Ap. 5.43, Jo. Chrys., ed. Paris 1835, 3 P· 7i)· Gluttony and the pickaxe stand for athletics again at Plut. Arat. 3: έτηφαίνεται δ* άμέλει και ταΐς εΐκόσιν αθλητική τις Ιδέα, και το συνετον του π ρ ο σ ώ π ο υ καΐ βασιλικόν ου παντάπασιν αρνείται τήν άδηφαγίαν και το σκαφεϊον: cf. 22.115 η. ι ι Neither text nor meaning is certain, but the drift seems to be that Aegon's athletic ambitions are madness, and have incidentally inflicted as much damage on his father's flocks (namely the loss of twenty sheep) as if the wolves in the neighbour hood had been seized with rabies and run amok among them. If κα is right (and it seems preferable to τοι on this view of the meaning), Battus says that Milon's persuasion has produced the one effect and would be capable of producing the other. The line has been variously emended (e.g. κατ τ ώ λύκω άμνίδα Auratus), but with less satisfactory sense than that given. There is however some force in the argument that Milon's persuasion might be expected to produce in the wolves some effect outside the ordinary course of nature. λυσσήν is properly used of dogs afflicted with rabies (e.g. Ar. Lys. 298, Arist. H.A. 604a4), a complaint to which wolves are also subject; and metaphorically of various human passions (cf. 3.47η.). Battus presumably uses it literally of the wolves, with the implication that it applies metaphorically to Aegon.
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[13-20
13 τόν βουκόλον is ambiguous, since it might refer to Aegon or to Corydon himself, and it has been presumed that the ambiguity is intentional and that Battus is amusing himself at Corydon's expense, the criticisms of the herd which follow being really directed at him though not so understood. This interpretation is possible, but Battus's comments on the condition of the animals arise naturally enough from Corydon's own remark, and their conclusion (26) does not suggest that he means to reflect on Corydon. κακόν: Od. 17.246 μήλα κακοί φθείρονσι νομήες. 14 Mosch. 3.24 ουκ έθέλοντι νέμεσθαι. 16 τώστία: cf. 2.90η., ΑΓ. Αν. 901 τα γ α ρ παρόντα θύματ* ουδέν άλλο πλην | γένειόν τ 1 έστι και κέρατα. πρώκας: dew-drops. The noun is used elsewhere only at Call. H. 2.41 (of the distillation from Apollo's hair), but Callimachus (fr. 1.34) speaks of the cicada's πρώκιονείδαρ.* The beliefthat the cicada (1.148, 5.110, 7.138 nn.) lived exclusively on dew is as old as Hes. Scut. 393 τέττιξ | . . ,ώτε πόσις και βρώσις θήλυς έέρση, and was accepted by Aristotle (Η.Λ. 532b 13, 556b 16, 682a25); c(. Anacreont. 32.3, Plut. Mor. 66OF, Ael. N.A. 1.20, Aesop 337 Halm, Virg. E. 5.77. Pliny (N.H. 11.94) shows signs of scepticism, and in fact the cicada's diet is vegetable. 17 ου Δ α ν : the omission of μα (which T. has only at 5.14, 11.29) is the Doric idiom: ci. 29, 5.17, 6.22, 7.39. See Cobet N.L. 651, Headlam on Hdas 5.77, van Leeuwen on Ar. Lys. 986. The phrase occurs again at 7.39 and in both places δαν is explained by Σ as Doric for γήν, and yav has found its way into some mss. The tragic exclamation δά is similarly explained by Σ Aesch. Prom. 568, Eum. 842; cf. Et. M. 60.8, Hesych. s.v. δή, Σ Hes. W.D. 32, Eustath. 436.41. It seems more probable however that Δαν = Δία: see Ahrens Dial. Dor. 80, Philol. 23.206. δκα: 1.36η. Αίσάροιο: the river Aesarus, still called Esaro, which Ovid calls Aesar (Met. 15.23 lapidosas Aesaris undas) is named by Strabo (6.262) with the Neaethus (24) as a river of Croton, and seems, as Σ assert, to be that which flowed through the town (Ov. Met. 15.54, Dion. Per. 370, Liv. 24.3: p. 77 above). The second syllable is short at Lye. 911, long at Dion. Per. I.e. 18 κώμυθα: the word is explained by lexicographers, presumably from T., to mean δέσμη χόρτου but is used also for trusses of other vegetation (Agath. Hist. 5.21, Hesych. s.v.) and, technically, of a thicket of reeds (Theophr. H.P. 4.11.1). In Cratin. fr. 299 the meaning is not apparent. 19 βαθύσκιον: Η. Horn. 4.229 πέτρης είς κευθμώνα βαθύσκιον. Λ ά τ υ μ ν ο ν : τής Λακωνικής όρος περί Κρότωνα, Σ. Wendel inserted ή after όρος, Ahrens more plausibly proposed Λενκανίας, and Λακινίας is also possible. The mountain is not mentioned elsewhere, and if T.'s geographical names are mere ornament (see Introd. p. xx), may belong to quite a different part of the world (cf. 23 η.). 20 πυρρίχος: the termination is diminutive, as in Άμύντιχος (7.132), όρτάλιχος (13.12), but is otherwise confined to nouns except for όσσίχος (55) and τεσσίχος (Hesych.). The mss write πύρριχος (which would be the normal accent) but όσσίχος, and editors have mostly favoured πυρρίχος, which is men tioned as a v.I. in Σ. See Chandler Gk Accent. §334. 20-22 The reference in these lines is unexplained, but the meaning of the words, except for the adjective in 22, can hardly be doubted. That adjective, whatever its correct form and meaning, is evidently derogatory and explains the unfriendly wish for τοι τ ώ Λαμπριάδα, who must therefore be a δήμος. To! τ ω Λ. τοι δαμόται cannot mean τοι τ ώ Λ. δαμόται, and the repeated article marks τοι δαμόται as 8θ
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22-23]
either an apposition or a new subject for θύωντι. The former view, though it has been held, seems excluded by the consideration that if τοί δαμότοα and ό δάμος are uncircumscribed, the words would mean either my demesmen or all the common people and cannot mean (for instance) the townsfolk or some other body of which Battus is not a member. Since therefore he cannot be supposed to be cursing himself, we must conclude that τοί δαμόται is subject of θύωντι, and hence that the wish is that when all the demes offer sacrifice together at the temple of Hera Lacinia, the deme here called τοί τ ώ Λ. shall have a skinny victim to offer, and either incur the displeasure of the goddess, or, more probably (Σ give both explanations), fare badly at the communal meal which follows the sacrifice (cf. 7.108η.). The natural conclusion from these premises is that Lampriadas is the eponymous hero of a Crotoniate deme. The name is not Otherwise known (though Lamprias is common), nor is it possible to decide whether some real point, n o w irrecoverable, is being made, or whether T. is heightening the verisimilitude of the conversation by some imaginary local colour. T w o suggested explanations however require a word of comment, (i) J. M. Edmonds thought that Lampriadas is Milon's father (and, incidentally, that Milon has ousted Battus in the affections of Amaryllis). If so, T. is taxing his hearers' intelligence unreasonably, and in any case Milon and his brothers can hardly constitute a δήμος. It is open to anyone w h o wishes to suppose that Milon belongs to the deme, but I do not see that the poem is improved by the supposition or that hostility between Battus and Milon is anywhere implied, (ii) Pataeciscus or Pataecion, w h o was proverbial for various forms of rascality (see Leutsch Paroem. Gr. 2.607), is called by Herodas (4.63) Παταικίσκος | ό Λαμπρίωνος. P. Giles therefore suggested that Lampriadas may be Pataeciscus, and translated may the sonsyof Belial, the Demesmen This explanation seems to break down on the difficulty which the apposition involves. Little is known of the festivals of Hera Lacinia, but one of them was a πανήγυρις της "Ηρας είς ην συμπορεύονται πάντες Ίταλιώται ([Arist.] de mirab. 838a 17), and if T. is inventing this festival, he is inventing nothing improbable; cf. Plut. Thes. 14 εθυον y a p Έκαλήσιον ol πέριξ δήμοι σννιόντες Έκάλω Διί, Hesych. s.v. δημοτελή Ιερά. It is perhaps worth observing that the statement reported by Aristotle (Poet. 1448 a 36) that the Dorians used the word κώμη for δήμος is not universally true even of the Peloponnese of which it was made (for there were δήμοι in Elis), and δήμοι are known from various Dorian districts*, including half a dozen from Cos; see RE 5.34. The victim commonly offered to Hera was a cow (RE 8.386), and Hannibal dedicated a golden heifer there (Cic. de div. 1.48), but we need not suppose that the wished-for victim is to have the sex as well as the condition of Corydon's bull. 22 κακοχράσμων is variously explained by Σ—δύσχρηστος (which would fit -χρήμων), πονηρός, δύστροπος, δυσάρεστος. The word is presumably corrupt. Κακοφράσμων, reported from a Harleian ms and admitted to the text by Meineke, should perhaps be rather κακοφράδμων, 1 but would provide, so far as can be judged in so obscure a context, a suitable sense. The adjective does not occur; ci. however Democritus fr. 273 γυνή πολλά ανδρός όξυτέρη προς κακοφραδμοσύνην, Orph. fr. 285.41 Κ. Κακοχρήσμων, from χρη3 ω > has also been suggested, but should mean needy, beggarly,—a reason why the deme might provide a poor victim rather than for wishing them to do so. 23 καΐ μάν refers back to 20. στομάλιμνον: στομαλίμνη was the name for marshes or lagoons at the mouths of the Rhone and the Scamander (Strab. 4.184, 13.595; cf. Σ II. 6.4); the neut. 1
G T TI
See Kretschmer Gr. Vaseninschr. 148.
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[24-25
(or masc.) does not occur elsewhere but no doubt it has the same meaning. It mayrefer to some part of the low land on the coast between Croton and the mouth of the Neto (24 η.), but it seems as likely to be borrowed from the Troad or from Στομαλίμνη, the name of a κώμη in Cos (Strab. 14.657). This last should no doubt be written as a proper name; the other cases it seems better to regard as common nouns. τα Φύσκω: cf. 2.76η. The name is no doubt that of a man, not, as Σ suppose, of a mountain. It appears from Steph. Byz. s.v. ( = Rhianusyr. 61 Powell), Arist. fr. 519, and Eustath. 277.19 (cf. Plut. Mor. 294E) that Φύσκεις and Φύσκοι were ancient names for Locrians. Since therefore Locri Epizephyrii was Croton's neighbour on the south-west, some have preferred to read Φύσκων here in reference to it. 1 Locri however is some eighty miles from Croton, the Neaethus apparently ten miles to the north, so that Corydon's range would thus seem unduly large, though in view of T.'s practice with geographical names (Introd. p. xx) this argument has little weight. Since however there is nothing to show that the Epizephyrian Locrians were, like the Ozolian, called Φύσκοι, and since the name Φύσκος occurs elsewhere (Ditt. Syll} 499.2; Φυσκίδας Ath. 13.605Β, Φυσκίων S.G.D.I. 2509), we had better adhere to the singular. It is possible, though not very probable, that the Locrian association influenced T. in his choice of the name. 24 Νήαιθον: 17η. If rightly identified with the Neto or Nieto, this is the principal river of the district and runs into the sea some ten miles north of Croton. H. Swinburne Travels in the Two Sicilies in 1777, 1778, 1779, 1780, ed. 2, vol. 2. p. 182 We passed the Nieto in a boat. The air is unwholesome on the banks of this river\ which divides the two Calabrias; but the herbage must be incomparable, if I may judge from the delicacy and sweetness of the milk and cream cheeses for which this canton is renowned, N . Douglas Old Calabria ch. 28 The very names of these streams—Neto, Arvo, Lese, Ampollina,—are redolent ofpastoral life. All of them are stocked with trout; they meander in their upper reaches through valleys grazed by far-tinkling flocks of sheep and goats and grey cattle... and their banks are brilliant with blossoms. The name is spelt also Νέαιθος (Strab. 6.262) and Ναύαιθος (Lye. 921, Euphorion/r. 46 Powell), perhaps under the influence of the legend according to which Trojan captives burnt their captors' ships there (Strab. I.e., Σ Lye. 921). φ ύ ο ν τ ι : for φύειν intrans. cf. 7.75, //. 6.149 &ς ανδρών γενεή ή μέν φύει f| δ* απολήγει, Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 40. For the plural verb see 2.109η. 25 αίγίπυρος: Α.Β. 360.19 αίγ{πνρος· π ό α πυρρά, ην αίγες νέμονται, Σ Α Γ . Ran. 3 1 0 · It is usually identified with a restharrow, of which there are many species. In Kaibel Ep. Gr. 548 μη βάτος αυχμηρή, μη κακόν alyftrupov, unless the neuter denotes a different plant, it is spoken of with less respect. The second element in the name, despite the short υ, is held to be πυρός (Hehn Kulturpflanzen6 537). Cf. 5.128 η. κνύζα: 7.68 n. The word is commonly written KOvuja and denotes various species of fleabane, inula (Theophr. H.P. 6.2.6, Diosc. 3.121). μελίτεια: the word occurs elsewhere only at 5.130. Σ assert that it has a broad leaf like a lentil, and (in another note) that it resembles σισύμβριον, mentha aquatica; also (in a third note) that it is commonly called μελισσοβότανον—a name which does not occur elsewhere. Nicandcr (Th. 554) writes, of πράσιος (identified with horehound) την ήτοι μελίφυλλον έπικλείουσι βοτήρες, | οι δέ μελίκταιναν· της y a p περί φύλλα μέλισσαι | όδμη θελγόμεναι μέλιτος ροι^ηδόν Τενται (cf. ΑΙ. 47)» and possibly T.'s μελίτεια is what Theophrastus calls μελισσόφυλλον, since this is mentioned (H.P. 6.1.4) next to πράσιον and κόνυ^α in a list of spineless 1
In cod. Pal. 330 Φύσκω is a correction of Φύσκων, but this cannot be considered material.
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plants της φρυγανικής φύσεως, and according to Diosc. 3.104 was sometimes called μελίτταιον, μελίτταινα, and μελίφυλλον. Μελισσόφυλλον is identified with tnelissa officinalis, which shares the name Balm with other fragrant plants. Nicander's plant, if different, would also be appropriate to this context, since he says it promotes a flow of milk in cows. He has also (Th. 677) μελισσόφυτον, probably an alternate name for one or other of the plants already mentioned. 26 και τοί βόες: i.e. as well as the sheep ( i o f ) . τάλαν: 5.137η. 27 Ά ί δ α ν : cf. epigr. 6.3 η. δκα (ότε) is not elsewhere causal in T . : Od. 13.128 ούκέτ* εγώ γε μετ' άθανάτοισι θεοΐσι | τιμήεις εσομαι, ότε με βροτοί ου τι τίουσι, //. 1.244» 5*8, 8.2i6, ah* 28 εύρώτι: mildew: Suid. s.v.εύρώς* ύγρότηςσεσηπνΐα· Καλλίμαχος (Jr. 236.3) Πέδιλα τ ά μή πύσε νήχυτος εύρώς, Eur. Ion 1393· The w o r d is however used also for rust (Bacch./r. 4.34) and other forms of decay. παλύνεται: the verb is properly used of something sprinkled on from an external source (as, e.g., Od. 14.429 παλύνας άλφίτου άκτη); cf. however Dion. Per. 1049 κάρην Ιδρώτι τταλΟναι. έπάξα: i.e. έττήξω, though at 5.6 the great majority of the mss present έκτάσω not -a. The word presumably denotes the setting of the reeds in the w a x : 1.129η. 30 έλειπεν: the imperfect is like II. 2.107 ° α^τε θν/έστ' Άγαμέμνονι λείπε φορήναι, where λείπε is indistinguishable in meaning from §λιπεν in the previous line. Imperfects of the kind are variously,and not very convincingly explained in the grammars (K.B.G. 2.1.143, Goodwin M.T. §57, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §212). Other examples in T. are 61, and perhaps 18.11, where see n. τις might perhaps mean a singer of importance, as 11.79, ^ u r - El. 939 fl^X^S Tl S είναι τοΐσι χρήμασι σθένων, al. (see Headlam on Hdas 6.54), but the addition of noun or adj. to τις in that sense would be unusual, and it is here more likely to be depreciatory—something of a singer; cf. Od. 21.397 ή τις Οηητήρ καΐ έπίκλοπος επλετο τόξων, Τ. 1.85, I4-I7nn. 31 Γλαύκας: Glauce of Chios is said by Σ to be a κρουματοποιός and to have lived in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Her compositions are mentioned by Hedylus in an epitaph on Theon, a piper (Ath. 4.176D ηΟλει δή Γλαυκής μεμεθυσμενα παίγνια Μουσέων). She is otherwise known chiefly for the passion she inspired in a ram or a dog and a goose (Plut. Mor. 972F, Ael. N.A: 1.6, 5.29, 8.11, V.H. 9.39, Plin. N.H. 10.51), but Ael. N.A. 8.11 presents Ptolemy Philadelphus as a rival of the ram, and a casual mention of her at Plut. Mor. 3 97 A suggests that she had a considerable reputation as a citharode. See also epigr. 23 η. Since Theophrastus is cited by Σ for the infatuation of the ram, 1 Wilamowitz [Hell. Dicht. 1.169) thought her wrongly connected with Ptolemy Philadelphus. A Ptolemy however appears also in Pliny's reference to her. άγκρούομαι: to strike up: A.P. 7.29 (Antipater) φ συ μελίσδων, | βάρβιτ*, άνεκρούου νέκταρ έναρμόνιον, Plat. Phil. 13 D πάλιν ούν αντόν [sc. τόν λόγον] ανακρουώμεθα. Πύρρω: ΈρνΘραΐος ή Λεσβίος, μελών ποιητής, Σ. Another note asserts, on the authority of Lynceus, that he was of Erythrae. He was identified by Meineke (An. Al. 245; cf. Sommerbrodt de phlyac. Gr. 26) with Pyrrhus or Pyres, a Milesian κιναιδολόγος mentioned by Athenaeus (14.620E) and Suidas (s.v. Σωτάδης). However this may be, his association with Glauce points to his being a more or less contemporary poet or musician. It has sometimes been supposed that τ ά Πύρρω 1 Σ in fact say that Glauce loved the ram, but Hemsterhusius was no doubt right in correcting the text.
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COMMENTARY
[32-33
means the exploits of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, but in conjunction with τ ά Γλαύκος that is plainly impossible. The mention of what would seem to be popular compositions in Alexandria is somewhat out of place in the mouth of a south-Italian rustic. T. however is not very scrupulous about such proprieties (cf. 1.147 η.) and it is rash to infer that he has gone out of his way to pay a compliment to friends; it is less so to infer (with Wilamowitz Textg. 166) that T. is more likely to have heard of these people in Alexandria or Cos than in Sicily, but see next n. 32f. These lines appear to contain a snatch of song, but it is not plain where the words of the song begin. The first τε in 32 can hardly be a sentence-connexion, and must therefore connect Croton with what follows. Since the Lacinian temple is close to Croton, the interposition of Zacynthus is remarkable, and it has some times been supposed that Zacynthus is a part of Croton otherwise unknown. 1 The meaning will then be καλά πόλις ά τε Κρότων, ά τε Ζ. (καλά) κ.τ.λ., but in default of evidence as to Zacynthus this is unsatisfactory. The alternative is to suppose that καλά πόλις ά τε Ζ. represents a snatch of song (ci. Virg. E. 5.86), the subject of which was the praise of Croton. The beauty of Zacynthus was celebrated in antiquity (Plin. N.H. 4.54 cum oppido magnified et fertilitate praecipua Zacynthus; cf. Strabo 10.458), and Zante is still known as 'the flower of the Levant'. The beauty of Croton might therefore be appropriately commended by setting it beside, or extolling it above, that of Zacynthus. I take it therefore that the opening words of the song concerned Zacynthus but that it went on to praise Croton and in particular the temple of Hera, mention of which diverts Cory don's thoughts to the previous theme. The actual words of the song are no doubt adapted by T. to his metre, but it is worth notice that καλά πόλις Ζάκυνθος is an iambic dimeter, and that κ. ττ. ά Ζ. is in the metre of μακραι δρύες ώ Μέναλκα (Ath. 14.619D quoted on 8.1; cf. Sapph. fr. 52). The absence in 32 of connexion with the previous sentence is a little surprising and might perhaps be thought to indicate that the line does not amplify but only illustrates what has been said before—in other words, that the song alluded to was by Pyrrhus or Glauce, though nothing known of either would account for a panegyric of Croton. Edmonds proposed καλάν πόλιν άτε Ζάκυνθον, and there is evidence for ατε = ως in Laconian Doric (I.G. 5.1.213, Ar. Lys. i3o8;see 18.22η.). If this were accepted, αΙνέω-Λακίνιον would represent the citation, but this seems little improvement. Edmonds himself (following Reitzenstein) regarded 32-7 as a song of Corydon's own composition, and, if so much is song, the theme certainly marks it as Corydon's. It seems improbable however that such a song would be so abruptly introduced, or that Aegon's exploits would take so prominent a place in what sets out to be a panegyric on Croton. τ ε : the short vowel unlengthened before Ζάκυνθος follows Homeric precedent (II. 2.634, al). τό ποταωον τό Λ.: commentators have been much troubled by the repeated article, as though it resembled ό αγαθός ό άνήρ, and have found only a line cited by Σ here ( = Com. Adesp. 1270) as parallel (μάταια τάλλα παρά Κρότωνα τάστεα—εστ* άστεα Duebner). But τό Λακίνιον is like τό Διδυμαΐον, Έρέχθειον, Όλυμπιεΐον, etc. (sc. Ιερόν) and as much an adjective as ποταωον. The repeated 1 H o l m (Hist, of Greece 3.49) connected this passage with relations between Zacynthus and Croton which their common coin-types show to have existed in the fourth century (see p. 418 and PI. I. 5); but an alliance, however close, would not explain the intrusion of Zacynthus between Croton and its chief temple, and hardly lends colour to the supposition that part of Croton was called Zacynthus.
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article, therefore, is no more irregular than at 6.22 τον έμόν τον ενα γλυκύν, Hdt. 2.182 το Ιρόν τ ο έν Λίνδω το της Άθηναίης, Plat. Rep. 565 D, τό έν 'Αρκαδία τό τοΰ Διός του Λυκαίου Ιερόν: see Gildersleeve, Gk Synt. §670. ποταωον: it may be doubted whether the adjective refers to the position of the temple in relation to Croton, or to its orientation, but the latter seems more probable. Diodorus (5.55) implies that the δαίμονες προσεωοι in Rhodes were so called because they inhabited the eastern parts of the island, but the δαίμονες and θεοί αντήλιοι (Aesch. Ag. 519, Eur. jr. 538), and "Αρτεμις Προσεωα in Euboea (Plut. Them. 8), 'Απόλλων Έωος in Thynias (Σ Αρ. Rh. 2.684), suggest a less accidental reason for the name. Like most Greek temples, that at Croton was orientated E. and W . , and it had a double row of columns in its eastern porch (Am.J.Arch. 3.182). τό Λακίνιον: Liv. 24.3.3 sex milia aberat in(de) [urbe nobili] templum, ipsa urbe [erat] nobilius, Laciniae lunonis, sanctum omnibus circa populis. lucus ibi frequenti silua et proceris abietis arboribus saeptus laeta in medio pascua habuit, ubi omnis generis sacrum deae pecus pascebatur sine ullo pastore; separatimque greges sui cuiusque generis nocte remeabant ad stabula, nunquam insidiis ferarum, nonfraude uiolati hominum. magni igitur fructus ex eo pecore captit columnaque inde aurea solida facta et sacrata est; inclitumque templum diuitiis etiam, non tantum sanctitate fuit. The Lacinian promontory S.E. of Croton is n o w called Capo Nau from the temple, or C. Colonna from the one column which still stands; see Randall-Maclver Gk Cities in Italy and Sicily 55, Gissing By the Ionian Seay ch. 7. 34-7 Σ tax T. with borrowing the feat of strength from Astyanax of Miletus, who seized the largest bull in his own herd by the hoof and held it so firmly that the animal left the hoof in his hand. The resemblance however is not close, and similar exploits are recorded of Titormus (Ael. V.H. 12.22; see 6n.) and Milo. These two are also credited with feats of voracity: Ath. 10.412 Ε Μίλων δ' ό Κροτωνιάτης, ώς φησιν ό Ίεραττολίτης Θεόδωρος έν τοΐς ττερι αγώνων, ήσθιε μνας κρεών είκοσι και τοσαύτας άρτων οίνου τε τρεις χοάς ετπνεν. έν δέ Όλυμττία ταυρον αναθεμένος τοΐς ώμοις τετραετή και τοϋτον ττεριενέγκας τό στάδιον μετά ταύτα δαιτρεύσας μόνος αυτόν κατέφαγεν έν μιςί: ήμερα. Τίτορμός τε ό ΑΙτωλός διηριστήσατο αυτω βοΰν, ως Ιστορεί ό ΑΙτωλός Αλέξανδρος. Athenaeus records other feats of the same kind; cf. Cic. de Sen. 33, Tzetz. Chil. 2.569, Georg. Syncell. p. 521 Dind. 34 Αΐγων: Halbertsma's proposal to read Μίλων has met with some acceptance on the ground that Aegon's athletic pretensions are absurd. That however is Battus's view, which Corydon, w h o is Aegon's friend (30), does not appear to share (8); and ό βουκόλος in 37 must be Aegon not Miion. κατεδαίσατο: the reading of ^ 4 is probably a mere blunder, possibly encouraged by untimely reminiscence of some passage in which καταδατεϊσθαι is used as at II. 22.354 κύνες τε και οίωνοί κατά πάντα δάσονται (Hesych. καταδέδασται · καταβέβρωται, καταμεμέρισται). The verb is evidently unsuitable for a single feaster. Καταδαίνυμαι is rare and seemingly known only in the aor., which however occurs in serious poetry in Phryn. Trag.^r. 6. It is presumably borrowed from T. in an epigram on Milo by Dorieus quoted at Ath. 10.412F. μάζας, properly anything kneaded, means, in general use, the commoner kind of barley cake (Ath. 14.663 B) made with water and oil (Hesych. s.u.)t milk (Suidas s.v.), or other ingredients (Erotian s.v.; cf. Poll. 6.76), but unbaked and inferior to άρτος (Ath. 4.137E; cf. 14.7η., Pearson on Soph./r. 563). There is no evidence as to its size, though Aegon's feat implies a more or less standard size for the μά3α of ordinary use.
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[35-41
35 πιάξας: cf. epigr. 6.4. Πισ^ειν is the Doric form of the verb, used by Alcman and Alcaeus (Hdian 2.949.21), but it is also the c o m m o n form in N.T. The meaning is grasping firmly (Polyb. 32.10.9 λαβόμενος άμφοτέραις χερσί της δεξιάς αΰτοΟ καΐ πιέσας έμπαθώς), but it is here hardly more than a heightened synonym of λαβόμενος: see next n. 36 τας όπλας: the gen. is like 5.133, //. 1.591 £>ΐψε ποδός τεταγών, and no doubt goes with πιάξας rather than aye: Act. Ap. 3.7 πιάσας αυτόν της δεξιάς χειρός ήγειρεν αυτόν, Norm. D . 25.186 ώρεγε μητέρι 'Ρείη | αύχενίου πλοκάμοιο κεχηνότα θήρα πιέ^ων. 37 άνάυσαν: 11. 3.81 αύτάρ δ μακρόν άυσεν, al. The compound is rare (Αρ. Rh. 4.75) and here means screamed: Aegon laughs at their alarm. 38 Cf. 3.6. The mention of Amaryllis strikes a more sentimental note in Battus. σέθεν: the form does not occur elsewhere in the genuine bucolic Idylls and is perhaps an indication of the more serious tone. 39 λασεύμεσθ': it is not apparent whether the plural relates to himself alone, or to Corydon and himself, or to the inhabitants of Croton in general. δσον αίγες κ.τ.λ.: cf. 2.82 η. If the text is sound, Σ must be right in explaining the meaning to be όσον αίγες φίλαι μοι [sc. είσι], τοσούτον καΐ συ ούσα προσφιλής άπέσβης—όσσον being demonstrative. "Οσος is not elsewhere demonstrative, and the use is hardly to be defended by the converse relative use of τόσος and other demonstratives illustrated on 22.199; but Callimachus (H. 3.18) so uses όστις: εΐως and όφρα (//. 15.547) are sometimes demonstrative in Homer; ώς had replaced τώς; Τ. seems to use ός as a demonstrative (15.25η.), and the use does not seem im possible on the analogy of ώ ς . . .ώς: cf. 19.6η. The ellipse of the adjective in the apodosis is at any rate partially defended by Longus 3.21 ή έκ τής γής φωνή τοσούτον έπαύετο βράδιον όσον [sc. βράδιον] ήρξατο. It must however be admitted that the resulting sense, as dear to me as my goats were you when you died, is not altogether convincing and seems over-naive for the ironical Battus. The proposed corrections are not very satisfactory, but Fritzsche's όσον άλγος έμίν, φίλα, όσσον άπέσβης, where ό σ ο ν . . .όσσον are both exclamatory, deserves mention. Apart from this line there is nothing to show that Battus is a goatherd, but that is not a valid argument against the traditional text; cf. 56η. άπέσβης: Eur.fr. 971 ό δ' άρτι θάλλων σάρκα διοπετής ό π ω ς | αστήρ άπέσβη, Arist. de resp. 479 b25 ώστ* ενίοτε άποσβέννυσθαι τ ά 3α και άποθνήσκειν δια φόβον, Diog. Laert. 2.144· The metaphor, to judge from Leonidas and Antipater (A.P. 7.295, 303, 422), was not much faded in T.'s day. 40 σ κ λ η ρ ώ . . . δ α ί μ ο ν ο ς : Men. jr. 550 (=/r. 16 Demian.) άπαντι δαίμων άνδρι συμπαρίσταται | ευθύς γενομένω, μυσταγωγός του βίου | αγαθός, but the word is almost a synonym of τύχη (see Pearson on Soph./r. 653); cf. Eur. Ale. 499 καΐ τόνδε τουμου δαίμονος πόνον λέγεις* | σκληρός γ ά ρ αΐεί, Antipho 3·3·4 τ ή δέ σκληρότητι του δαίμονος άπιστων, Ar. Nub. 1264. λ€λόγχ€ΐ: Plat. Phaed. 107 D ό έκαστου δαίμων όσπερ ^ώντα είλήχει, Trag. Adesp. 17 ώ δαΐμον δς μ' εϊληχας ώς πονηρός εϊ, Blaydes on Ar. Eccl. 999. The context in T. points rather to a primary than a historic tense, and λελόγχει is probably one of T.'s perfects with present terminations rather than pluperfect; see 1.102 η .
41 . θαρσεΐν: there seems to be a distant reminiscence in these lines of Soph. El. 916 αλλ', ώ φίλη, θάρσυνε. τοις αύτοΐσί τοι | ουχ αυτός αεί δαιμόνων π α ρ α στατεΐ. | νων ήν τ ά πρόσθεν στυγνός' ή δέ νυν ίσως | πολλών υπάρξει κϋρος ήμερα καλών.
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42-49]
IDYLL IV
Βάττ€: the name means stammerer and is associated with Cyrene both from the four kings w h o bore it, and from Callimachus's use of the name Battiades (see 7.40η.). It occurs however in other connexions (e.g. Thuc. 4.43), and at Anton. Lib. 23, Ov. Met. 2.688, is the name of a rustic who observed Hermes stealing the oxen of Apollo, and was turned into a rock for his subsequent duplicity. The story is as old as Hesiod (jr. 153), and according to Antoninus was used also by Apollonius and Nicander; T. may derive the name from it. τάχ* αϋριον L· ά.: Tib. 2.6.19 credula uitam | spes fouet et fore eras semper ait melius, Plut. Caes. 43. 42 Lycurg. 60 άνθρώπω 3ώντι μεν έλπίς εκ του κακώς πράξαι μετοπτεσεϊν, τελευτήσαντι δε συναναιρεΐται πάντα δΓ ών άν τις εύδαιμονήσειεν, Theogn. 1143» Eur. Tr. 632, Nic. Eugen. 5.202. 43 Hor. C. 2.10.15 informis hiemes reducit | Iuppiter, idem | summouet. non> si male nunc, et olim | sic eritf Soph. jr. 524, Headlam on Hdas 7.46. 44f. βάλλε, drive or possibly heat or stone: the use seems not unnatural though an exact parallel is lacking. Somewhat similar is //. 23.572 (ίππους) τους σους πρόσθε βαλών, ib. 639, but if cattle were normally driven by missiles (see 49 η.) βάλλειν seems a reasonable verb to use. κάτωθε: i.e. ποτι τον λόφον (46). Battus notices that some of Corydon's calves have strayed down into the olive-groves. τας έλαίας | τόν θαλλόν: since θαλλός commonly means a small branch or shoot and more than one calf is involved, both singulars are probably collective— θαλλόν as at 11.73 (where see n.), Od. 17.224 σηκοκόρον τ ' έμεναι θαλλόν τ ' έρίφοισι φορήναι: έλαίας as Soph. O.C. 16 χ ώ ρ ο ς . . .βρύων | δάφνης, έλαίας, αμπέλου. Similar are Τ. 1.49, 7-66, 10.54» n . i o , I4-I7» ^ d of animals 13.26 and fish [21.]6. δύσσοα: 3.24η. σίτθ': 5.3, ioo, 8.69. Σίττα* επιφώνημα αίξίν Hesych., but his limitation is shown by this passage and 5.3 to be false. Υύττα (Eur. Cycl. 49), ψίττα, and perhaps φίττα (Eustath. 855.26, 1963.42, Poll. 9.122, 127) are alternatives; cf. Hesych. s.vv. σήκα, χύρρα, and 5.89η. ό Λέπαργος seems here to be a proper name since Κυμαίθα must be one. The meaning is with gleaming coat. The word is used as an adjective by Aeschylus (jr. 304, of a kite), and as a noun by Nicander (Th. 349, of a donkey). That it was a common name for an ox or cow is suggested by Suidas (A. 2090 Adler) άνά σοι τάδε πάντα, λέπαργε· έπί τών ουδέ μετά τόν κάματον άνιεμένων, έκ μεταφοράς τών βοών. έπειδάν y a p άπολυθώσι του έργου, εΐώθασιν ot γεωργοί τ ώ δυνατωτέρω έπιτιθέναι τόν ^νγόν και τ ά σκεύη: cf. also Hesych. s.v. λεπάργου βοός, Eustath. 1430.59, 1676.5. The definite article with a proper name where the name is in the vocative or nominative standing for vocative is no doubt unusual (Ameips./r. 2 ή Μανία, φέρ* όξύβαφα, Luc. Dial. Deor. 20.12 συ δέ πρόσιθι ή 'Αθηνά are not quite parallel). It may however be argued that the cry σίττα, in so far as it represents an imperative, may represent in Corydon's mind σούσθω, ά π ί τ ω rather than σου, άπιθι: also that ό Λέπαργος, though a name, is still conscious of its function as a descriptive adjective. 46 α Κυμαίθα: 2 . i o m . The name has been connected with κΰμα = κύημα. 47 κακόν τ έ λ ο ς . . . δ ω σ ώ ν : presumably to kill: Od. 24.124 θανάτοιο κακόν τέλος, 17. 9-57 1 παιδί δόμεν θάνατον, Men. Per. 208 μέγα τί σοι κακόν | δώσω. 48 τουτώθεν: i o n . 49 £οικόν τι λ α γ ω β ό λ ο ν : the λαγωβόλον given by Lycidas to Simichidas at 7.128 is previously described (18) as ροικάν. . . ά γ ρ ι ε λ α ί ω . . .κορύναν (cf. A.P.
87
COMMENTARY
[50-51
6.37): Dion. Hal. 14.2 ^ότταλον έκ θοττέρου τών άκρων έτπκάμτπον, οία φέρουσι βουκόλοι και νομείς, οϊ μέν καλαύροττας οι δέ λαγωβόλα καλούντες. Another name would seem to be χαΐον: Αρ. Rh. 4.972 and Σ, Call. Jr. 292, Et. M. 807.46. It was a thro wing-stick (cf. II. 23.845 δσσον τίς τ ' ερριψε καλαύροπα βουκόλος άνήρ, | ή δέ θ* έλισσομένη πέτεται δια βοΰς άγελαίας, Α.Ρ. ό.ιοό), carried by Pan (A. Plan. 258) and sometimes dedicated to him (epigr. 2, A.P. 6.188), arid carried also as a distinguishing mark by rustics in the N e w Comedy (Poll. 4.120). The monuments show Pan equipped with a short knotted stick, the curvature of which varies from a slight bend at the end (e.g. B.M. Coins, Pelop. 32.10) to a shape like that of a boomerang (e.g. J.H.S. 49 Pi. 14, Mon. Piot 5 Pi. 15). The relation of this weapon to the straight knotted club carried by hunters (e.g. Bulle D. schoene Mensch 267, Beazley Panmaler 24.1) is not plain, but Furtwaengler (Kl. Schrift. 1.156) thought the bent weapon a later development. The throwing-stick sometimes used by poachers in this country, and said to be very effective in a skilled hand, has a knob at the end, which is grasped by the thrower (B. Vesey-Fitzgerald It's My Delight 66). Since λαγωβόλα are naturally crooked, the adjective must be attribute and not predicate, and the mss reading τό can hardly be defended. 1 In such Homeric examples as Od. 9.378 ό μοχλός έλάινος the article (which may be demonstrative) and the noun always precede the attribute, nor are Soph. Λ/. 573 μήθ* ό λυμεών έμός (μήτε Schacfer), Eur. Hipp. 683 Ζευς σ* ό γεννήτωρ έμός (σε γ. Wolff) really parallel. In the Anacreontic ΕΙς νεκρόν "Αδωνιν (Wilamowitz Buc. Gr. p. 126) 9 στυγνόν τον Ον άνεΰρον the order is easily corrigible, and the parallel is in any case too late to serve. See also 5.90, 27.5911η., Gildcrsleeve Gk Synt. §613. ώ ς final with a past tense of the indicative, where the main sentence expresses a state unattained or unattainable, occurs again at 7.87, 11.55; c^· Soph. O.T. 1392, Eur. Hipp. 1079, Astydamas, Bergk P.L.G. 2.326, A.P. 7.283 (Leonidas). The commonest conjunction in such sentences is ίνα. The subj. π α τ ά ξ ω is however perfectly grammatical (Goodwin M.T. §336, K.B.G. 2.2.390) and should perhaps be preferred. 50 π ο τ τ ώ : 5.74, I I . I , 15.70, epigr. 18.9; cf. Ahrens Dial. Dor. 353. T. however, if his mss are trustworthy, is inconstant in the matter of apocope; e.g. 24, 46, 61, 1.12, 3 . 1 .
51 άρμοΐ = άρτίως. According to Et. M. 144.50 άρμοΐ is the Syracusan form of άρμω (cf. 15.1η.). It occurs not only in Aeschylus (Prom. 615) and Pindar (jr. 10), who might have acquired it in Sicily, but with some frequency also in Hippocrates, so that the word, however it should be spelt, is not exclusively Doric; cf. Call./rr. 274, 383.4, Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.972, Lye. 106. έπάταξ*: the verb commonly used, at any rate by Alexandrians, of accidental wounds of this kind is τύτττειν (cf. 10.4, Call. Jr. 24.1, Nic. Th. 836, Philet. fr. 16 Powell). Alexandrians do not share Attic prejudices against its aor., and, as 53,55 show, Battus would normally have said έτυψε: but he is echoing Cory don's ττάταξα from 49. βαθεΐαι: άντι του ώς μετέωροι και υπερμεγέθεις, Σ, and that is presumably the meaning of the adjective at 13.35. But a thorn need not be tall to prick one in the ankle, and the meaning here is probably thick or close-set as in Ολη βαθεΐα (//. 5-555, */.)■ 1 Corydon presumably thinks of throwing his stick, not of beating the heifer with it, and the curve of the λαγωβόλον was no doubt essential to a throwing-stick. If the word, despite its derivation, was sometimes applied to straight sticks not intended for throwing τό might stand and the meaning be Ί wish my stick were suitable for t h r o w i n g ' .
88
52-58]
IDYLL IV
52 τάτρακτυλλίδες = ταΙ άτρ. The crasis of -αι and α- is common with καί but not with other words: Ar. Nub. 1197 άρχαί, Lys. 116 δοϋνοα αν, Ach. 325, Thesm. 248, Ran. 509. The plant is described by Theophrastus (H.P. 6.4.6), who says that it is also called φόνος (cf. ib. 9.1.1) from the fact that its juice turns blood-red on contact with the skin. It is identified with the distaff-thistle, carthamus lanatus (Sibthorp Flora Gr. 9.841), and owes its name to its use as a spindle (Diosc. 3-93)· 53 ταύταν: Battus has apparently been assisting Corydon in rounding up his cows and points to the one on which his attention has been fixed. Hence the demonstrative in place of the bare pronoun. χασμεύμενος: 3.18η. O n the analogy of χάσκειν (of which χασμεΐσΟαι is here a heightened synonym) the preposition might be expected to be προς rather than els (Anacr./r. 14, Ar. Equ. 651, 804, 1118, Nub. 996), but εις is natural with verbs of looking (e.g. 6.11, 8.56, 11.18), to which χ. is here virtually equivalent. λεύσσεις would more naturally mean are you looking at? than can you see? though Cory don's reply points to the latter; λεύσσειν however has this sense at 5.122 and approximates to it elsewhere (cf., e.g., Od. 10.30, Ar. Ran. 992, Ditt. Syll.l 533.10, A3. 1096 Κλειτορίων.. .λεύσει όρςί:). In 50 θασαί μ* seems merely to draw Cory don's attention to Battus's situation-^/W look at me: between that point and 53 Corydon has come to his assistance and is administering first aid. 54 ναι ναι in an answer occurs at A.P. 9.341. At Call. H. 6.64, A.P. 12.45, 166 the words introduce an eager imperative. τε: Τ. rarely postpones τε even to the third place, and that only when the definite article occupies one of the first two (2.12, 11.9). That it should stand fourth in the sentence is unusual though not unparalleled (e.g. Aesch. Prom. 138, Eur. H.F. 1266), but its position here is due to Corydon's excited preoccupation which makes him incoherent. He means λεύσσω τέ νιν καί δη τοις όν. εχω. C f 6.39 n. 55 δσσίχον: cf. 2on., Boisson. An. 2.423 (St Aninas ridding a lion of a thorn) άγε, εγχείρισαν μοι τον πόδα, δεϊξον όσίχον το τύμμα και λέοντα δαμά^ον ήλίκον φαίη γ' αν Θεόκριτος. 56 νήλιπος: on the form of the word see C.Q. 24.160, Mnem. 28.364, Mooney on Ap. Rh. 3.646. The injunction suggests that Battus is not in the habit of walking the hill-sides, though if he is a goatherd (39) his business might be expected to take him there (3.2). Longus 1.30 ανυπόδητος ώς Ιν πεδίω νέμων, which seems to illustrate the line, is probably no more than an echo of it. 57 βάμνοι: buckthorn. Theophr. H.P. 3.18.2 £>άμνος τε y a p έστιν ή μεν μέλαινα ή δε λευκή, και ό καρπός διάφορος, άκανθοφόροι δέ άμφω. ασπάλαθοι: the word seems to denote more than one kind of thorny plant or shrub (see RE 2.1710, J.H.S. 56.7) not easily identifiable. At 24.89 it is mentioned with other bushes as fuel, and the conjunction with ράμνος here (and at Arist. Prob. 906b 11) suggests a plant of some size, possibly genista acanthoclada. κομόωντι: the verb is commonly used of plants with a dat. of the leaves, flowers etc. (e.g. 7.9, and Ap. Rh. 3.928 there quoted), or of the ground with a dat. of the plant (H. Horn. 2.454, Call. H. 3.41 όρος κεκομημένον Ολη) and it may be doubted whether T. means grow luxuriantly or merely grow. Cf. 1.133η. The middle seems confined to Call. I.e. and is presumably a mere blunder here, though the combination of the epic assimilation -οω- with the Doric termination -ντι is remarkable. 58 μ' = μοι as at 7.19. Εΐπ* άγε μ1 ώ . . . comes from //. 9.673, 10.544. See further van Leeuwen Ench. 68, K.B.G. 1.1.239.
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COMMENTARY
[59-^3
γερόντιον: presumably Aegon's father as in 4. μύλλει: the word, which no doubt means to mill (see however Lobeck Rhem. 114), occurs only here. Eustath. 1885.22 το μύλλειν π α ρ ά θεοκρίτω ελέχθη επί μίξεως ού σεμνής: cf. Phot., Suid., s.v. μυλ<λ)άς and perhaps Ath. 14.647k. Άλήθειν is used (at least by implication) in the same sense at Hdas 2.20; molere at Lucil. 278 Marx, Petron. 23, Auson. epigr. 7 1 ; permolere at Hor. Serm. 1.2.35; batuere at Cic. Fam. 9.22.4. 59 κ υ ά ν ο φ ρ υ ν : 3.18η. έ ρ ω τ ί δ α : the word no doubt means darling, though it is elsewhere an adjective (Nonn. D. 32.28) unless at A.P. 7.628 (νήσοι...κληθείητε.. .έρωτίδες) it should be considered a noun. Cf. 3.7η. As a proper name it is not uncommon. έκνίσθη: the verb is not uncommonly used of love (e.g. Hdt. 6.62 τον δε Άρίστωνα έκνιζε άρα τής γυναικός ταύτης έρως, Bacch. 17.8) and thus takes in the passive the construction of εραν: Luc. Dial. Mer. 10.4 κέκνισται γ ά ρ κάκεΐνος τής Νεβρίδος. Similarly Hcrmesian./r. 7.37 Powell καίετο μεν Ναννοϋς. 60 άκμάν is glossed ετι by Suidas, and Moeris (p. 191.23 Bekk.) has άκμήν ουδείς των Αττικών αντί τοΰ ετι, ή μόνος Ξενοφών έν τ η Άναβάσει [cf. An. 4.3.26]· "Ελληνες δέ χρώνται: cf. Lob. Phryn. p. 123, Rutherford New Phryn. 203. It is not uncommon in Hellenistic Greek (cf. 25.164), and Polybius uses it frequently both alone (e.g. 1.25.2 τους μεν άκμήν έμβαίνοντας, τους δ' αναγόμενους, 1.13.12, 78.5) and reinforced by έτι (e.g. 15.6.6 ους μέν κεκινδυνευκέναι τους δ* άκμήν ετι και νυν κινδυνεύειν). Here it echoes affirmatively Battus's interrogative ετι in 58 and means yes, he docs. δείλαιε: the vocative must, in view of the following 3rd person, be addressed to Battus and is compassionate (c£. epigr 6.25, Soph. O.T. 1347) but, as at 2.19, with a touch of impatience or conterript, presumably at the ignorance which prompts such a question; cf. Headlam on Hdas 8.10. γ ε μέν, like γε μην, is commonly adversative (17.137, 25.127; //. 2.703, 11.813, al.)t but sometimes equivalent to youv as at Od. 8.133 τ ο ν ξεΐνον έρώμεθα ει τιν* άεθλον | οΐδέ τε και δεδάηκε* φυήν γε μέν ού κακός έστι (ci. II. 18.386, 425» Od. 5.88,'Τ. 1.95» 3·27> 22.59nn.). Here it introduces an illustration or 'part p r o o f of a previous proposition. 61 και: the force of καί is not quite plain, but presumably και ποτι TCJC μάνδρα means ττοτΐ αύτρ: τφ μ. (as 3.17 &S με κατασμυχων καί ές όστίον άχρις Ιάτττει) and the choice of trysting-place shows how open the amour is and how ill-informed Battus's question. //. 22.247 &ς φαμένη και κερδοσύνη ήγήσατ* Άθήνη (where see Leaf), which has been cited to show that καί may be disregarded, is not parallel since in T. the verb is a mere expansion of the participle. μάνδρα: Hesych. s.v.: ερκη, φραγμοί, αύλαί, σηκοί βοών καί ΐττττων. Cory don, the oxherd, going about his daily business on the old man's farm, has surprised his master. The variant τάν μάκτραν has been defended, but has no real plausibility; nor is the ace. easy to understand. The word is probably due to somebody who misunderstood μύλλει in 58 and thought the bakehouse a more suitable setting for the scene. κ α τ ε λ ά μ β α ν ο ν : 30 η. ένήργει: Alciphr. 3.19-9» 4-H-4 Sch. 62 γ έ ν ο ς : apparently that stock. The implication is perhaps that Aegon too shares his father's proclivities; and there is some appropriateness in the conversation reverting even indirectly to the person with w h o m it is opened. Σατυρίσκοις: 27.3η. ^3 έ γ γ ύ θ ε ν : is little behind. The expression is not unnatural since έρί^ειν 90
63]
IDYLL IV
approximates in meaning to λείπεσθαι, έλασσοΟσθαι, but exact parallels are lacking. Not quite similar is Plat. Rep, 548 D εγγύς τι αυτόν Γλαύκωνος τουτουΐ τείνειν ενεκά γε φιλονικίας. Πάνεσσι: the earliest appearance in extant literature of Pans as a class of rustic deities akin to satyrs is at Ar. Eccl. 1069, but according to Σ they go back to Aeschylus and Sophocles; see Pearson on Soph.fr. 136. In Hellenistic art boy Pans and even female Pans appear (see Roscher 3.1436). Cf. Plat. Legg. 815 c, A.P. 6.108, Diod. 1.88 τους Πάνας καΐ τους Σατύρους. κακοκνάμοισιν: Call./r. 486. The word refers to the skinny calfless shin of the goatlegged god: conversely Strongylion's Amazon ab excellentia crurum eucnemon appellant (Phn. N.H. 34.82; cf. Wilcken Urkund. 121, quoted on p. 66 n. 1). If Nonnus (at 18.60, where the text is uncertain) used of dancing Pans the words ττοσσίν έυκνήμοισι, he was thinking of their agility rather than their appearance. έρίσδει: the variant έρίσδεις with γένος as ace. of respect is defensible grammatically (8n.) but the resulting meaning you rival them in birth seems inappropriate. Lobel has suggested έρείδεις, you are closely related to.... Έρίσδει with γένος as subject, which I have preferred, has the advantage that by impli cation it brings the conversation back to Aegon, from whom it started. The coarse ending of this and of the next Idyll are no doubt calculated touches of realism.
91
IDYLL V PREFACE Subject. A goatherd, Comatas, and a shepherd, Lacon, encounter each other while pasturing their flocks. Each accuses the other of stealing his property. After some acrimonious exchanges on this theme, Lacon challenges Comatas to a singing match. This suggestion leads to further bickering over the value of the stakes, the alleged ingratitude of Lacon, w h o m Comatas claims to have taught all that he knows, and the place of the contest. Presently Morson, w h o is cutting heather near by, is summoned to act as judge, and, after another display of ill-temper by Lacon, the contest begins. Comatas leads with a couplet, Lacon following with another on a similar theme. After an opening invocation on either side, the couplets deal with the singers' affairs of the heart, pass to insect and animal pests (108), personalities (116), and back to affairs of the heart (132). Comatas's last couplet (136) comments on the futility of Lacon's rivalry, and Morson intervenes, awarding to Comatas the lamb staked by Lacon. The victor announces his intention of sacrificing it to the Nymphs. As in Id. 4 T. leaves the reader to discover that Battus's ignorance of local events is due to his having lately returned after absence, so here he leaves him to infer why the two slaves are on bad terms with each other. It is suggested below (ι, 1511η.) that Lacon is a home-born slave w h o enjoys the privileges and gives himself the airs of a uerna, and that Comatas, the older of the two (36) and not so privileged, resents it. It may be noted that these two are the only rustics in T. whose servile status is plainly visible. Bucolic singing contests. Since the grounds for Morson's decision are not apparent, it will be well to consider here the other similar competitions in T. The balanced songs in Idd. 7, 9, and 10 are not formally in competition and may be disregarded, but in Idd. 6 and 8 there are competitions similar to that in Id. 5 though differing in detail. In Id. 6, Daphnis, who has challenged Damoetas, begins with 14 lines addressed to Polyphemus and twitting him with his apparent indifference to the advances of Galatea; Damoetas replies with 20 lines in the form of Polyphemus's answer, and the poet announces that between the two no decision is possible. In this competition it is to be noted that there is no third person present to judge the contest, and that Damoetas's song corresponds only in theme but not in length to that which it answers. In Id. 8 Menalcas challenges Daphnis to a competition, which is judged by an unnamed goatherd. The songs consist of four elegiac quatrains and a set of eight hexameters on either side, and the prize is then awarded to Daphnis. In this example the elegiacs (though this is for the present purpose immaterial) are unique; it may also be noted that Daphnis's final hexameters have little connexion in theme with Menalcas's. The conditions of the contests are nowhere described. 1 In Id. 5 Lacon says (22) *I will sing a match with you until you cry Enough', and might be supposed to mean Ί will cap couplets with you until you can think of no m o r e ' ; and in fact the decision, though Morson does not say so, has been thought to turn on Lacon's 1 In Virgil the form of the contest is dictated by the umpire at E. 3.59 and more enigmatically accounted for at 7.19 (alternos Musae meminisse uolebant).
92
IDYLL V hesitating with his answer to Comatas's final couplet. The same condition might seem to be implied in Id. 8, where Menalcas says he will beat Daphnis if he can prescribe the length of the singing (7 n.) and Daphnis replies that Menalcas will not win even if he sings until he bursts (10). In that poem however the decision is pretty plainly given on other grounds, for the final exchanges are announced beforehand as the last (62), and though it would be possible to explain the announce ment as due to the historian of the contest, the decision is given after an equal number of exchanges on either side; there is no suggestion that either competitor is at a loss, nor, since the last exchanges are, as has been noted, scarcely con nected in theme, any apparent reason why either competitor should stop until his whole repertory is exhausted. Here therefore it seems plain that the award is made on the intrinsic merits of the songs, and we should probably assume that it is so also in Id. 5, for, in the first place, Comatas's last couplet (i36f.), delivered before Lacon has had an opportunity to default, seems to assume the victory,1 and, in the second, a competition in which the decision turns on B's ability to match sentiments propounded by A is open to the obvious objection that Β starts with a prohibitive handicap. Not only can A select themes to suit his own style, but he can produce verses made beforehand while Β must needs improvise; and even if A relies on improvisation, he has for reflection the additional time provided by B's answer. It would indeed be possible to imagine a contest in which A's second venture must pursue a theme introduced in B's first response, when A's advantage would be confined to the first exchange. It is worth remarking therefore that nowhere in Id. 8 and only twice in Id. 5 (92, 120) is A's subject suggested by his opponent's last response. In view of these considerations it seems pretty certain that the point of the competition cannot be merely the readiness with which Β improvises on a succes sion of themes set by A, but even if the point is the intrinsic merit of the songs rather than their relation to each other, B, except in the last exchange in Id. 8, in fact accepts the themes set by A; and since the beginner thereby has a definite, if more limited advantage, one would suppose that the question who was to begin would be settled by lot. At 8.30, where the challenger opens, we are expressly told that this is so; at 6.5 however Daphnis opens not for this reason but because he is the challenger, while at 5.78, Lacon, the challenger, invites his opponent to start as though this were the natural order, though he has previously (30) been invited to start himself.2 These facts may perhaps encourage a doubt whether the poet may not have been more anxious to introduce a singing-contest into his poem than careful to define its exact terms, but since the contests are there and in two of the three decisions are reached, it is legitimate to observe that there is little or no visible difference between the performances of victor and vanquished.3 This however is not very surprising. 1 Gallavotti tacitly closes the contest at 135 and assigns the couplet to the umpire, but if 136 were his one would expect τυ rather than τόν ποιμένα in 138. a In Virgil the challenger begins in E. 3. The preliminaries to the contests in E. 7 and 8 are not given; and in 5 the songs are hardly competitive. In Calpurn. E. 2 a preliminary game of morra decides the order. 3 In Id. 5 Lacon's responses seem a little lame on perhaps two occasions ( n o , 118), but in view of his handicap he does remarkably well. He is no doubt a little tedious, but a competition of this length with these rules is necessarily tedious, and the apparent honours will lie with the man who has the initiative. In his last response he counters Comatas's negative with a positive, and his defeat has been ascribed to this. There is however no reason why this should be outside the rules, and, if it were, to break the rule would be merely foolish. He has moreover at 111 countered a prohibition with a command. In Id. 8 it might be maintained that the loser's final octet is better rounded than the winner's.
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COMMENTARY
[Preface
In the first place, the poet, unless his aim is farce (as for instance in the Meistersinger), is bound to make the match a close thing and to do his best, or near it, for both sides alike. In the second, these are singing-competitions and though the verses are part of them they are not the whole.1 The poet tells us the words of the songs but not the music; the decision must turn on a combination of the two, and if we complain that we cannot understand the verdict, the poet may reasonably reply that we have heard only half the evidence and that we must take on trust the judgment of those who have heard the whole.2 In the competitions of these three Idylls the songs are apparently all improvised, and, with perhaps one exception, the second singer accepts the theme set by the first. Improvisation of the same kind was probably common in scolia, and we should perhaps infer from T. that it was characteristic of rustic singing-matches. There is however no external evidence to support the inference. The authority to whom our various accounts of the origin of bucolic poetry go back3 mentions three sources; two, which he rejects, are hymns, the third, which he accepts, singingcompetitions at Syracuse, in honour of Artemis. In the first two it is mentioned that the songs are original but nothing is anywhere said of their being improvised, nor would one naturally infer it, for there is plenty of rustic singing in T. which does not involve improvisation. Corydon in Id. 4 is apparently prepared to sing the compositions of professional musicians (31), Milon in Id. 10 sings a traditional country song (41) in answer to Bucaeus's love-song, and the latter, though original, need not be thought of as improvised. The same may be said of the serenade in Id. 3. The songs sung by Simichidas and the goatherd Lycidas in Id. 7 are both expressly stated to have been previously composed (51, 91), and, finally, in Id. 1 the Daphnis-hymn sung by Thyrsis resembles, or is a repetition of, what he once sang in a competition (23), but we can hardly be invited to believe that this elaborate composition of nearly 80 lines was improvised, or that, if improvised, its repetition could be called for.4 That improvised capping of verses was characteristic and common in rustic singing-matches remains probable, and it certainly suits the agon-form assumed by these three Idylls. That form however, patent here, is latent also in Idd. 7 and 10, where the singing is of another kind, and it is possible that if the origins of Bucolic were less enigmatic and the tendency to agon-form less mysterious another explanation of the shape taken by these three Idylls might suggest itself. The Scene. The scene of the Idyll, like that of Id. 4, is ostensibly southern Italy, and the chief interlocutors are described as belonging to Sybaris (1, 73). For the details of the setting see 14, 17, 3211η. The town of Sybaris, lying between the rivers Sybaris and Crathis, was destroyed by Croton in 510 B.C., and the river Crathis was diverted to cover the site (Strab. 6.263).5 Fifty-eight years later it was refounded by the old inhabitants on approxi mately the same site, flourished for five years, and was then again destroyed by Croton (Diod. 11.90, 12.10). The third foundation in 443 B.C., in which Athens took part, was also close to the ancient site, and it appears both from literary (Plut. Mor. 835 D) and from numismatic evidence that the new town was called at first not Thurii but Sybaris. In consequence however of their arrogance, the natives were driven out by the colonists (Thuc. 7.33, Arist. Pol. 1303a3i, Diod. 1 a 3 4 5
Cf. 8.82η. O n the grounds for the derision in Virg. E. 7 see C.R. 47.216. They are printed in Wendel's edition of the scholia pp. 2fF.; cf. Ahrens Buc. Gr. 2.4. In Virgil Mopsus's Daphnis-song is of previous composition (5.13). This detail is discredited by Beloch (1.11.383) but receives some support from Hdt. 5.45.
94
ι]
IDYLL V
I 2 . I I , Strab. 6.263). The history of a fourth Sybaris some distance to the south-east on the river Traeis is obscure, but it seems to have been of little importance and to have fallen a prey to the Bruttians in the middle of the fourth century B.C. (Diod. 12.22). Of a Sybaris alleged by Pausanias (6.19.9) to have existed between Brundisium and Hydruntum nothing is known.1 T.'s mention of a spring named Sybaris and of the Crathis (124,126) would make it plain that the town envisaged by him (78) is Thurii even if this name were not mentioned as it is (72), but it is less plain why its inhabitants or any people from that neighbourhood should be called Sybarites. That Herodotus, though he may have described himself as a Thurian (RE Suppl. 2.205), should still speak of the inhabitants of Thurii as Sybarites (5.44), is intelligible, for the date of the schism is uncertain, and Thurii had certainly been called Sybaris in his lifetime and quite probably while he himself lived there. If 72 f. are as T. wrote them (see 1, 73 nn.), he perhaps envisaged Thurii and Sybaris as neighbouring towns, or as town and neighbouring village. Thurii. The history of Thurii at this period is as obscure as that of Croton, but what is known of it makes T.'s choice of a source of local colour for a pastoral as remarkable in this as in the preceding Idyll (see p. 77). The rise of the Lucanians and Bruttians in the fourth century threatened the existence of the Thurians; about 390 B.C. they were disastrously defeated by the Lucanians (Diod. 14.101), and in 356 B.C. the town seems to have fallen into the hands of the Bruttians (Diod. 16.15). Its subsequent insignificance is perhaps suggested by the fact that Alexander of Epirus built a stronghold in Thurian territory for the league of Heraclea (Strab. 6.280), and later we find it appealing to Rdtne for help against the Lucanians (Dion. Hal. 19.13, Liv. epit. 11, Val. Max. 1.8.6,
Ι τόν ΣυβαρΙταν: Comatas, the speaker, is according to 73 goatherd to Eumaras ό Συβαρίτης, while Lacon is shepherd to Sibyrtas of Thurii (72). It is therefore surprising that Comatas should particularise Lacon by a description applicable to his own master and, if applicable to a slave at all, presumably also to himself. The meaning of * Sybarite' at this date (or in T.'s mind) is uncertain (see above), but if it implies citizenship, as it seems to do in 73, it can only be attached ironically to Lacon, who is a slave. The meaning would then be this shepherd with the airs of a burgess, the point being made clear by the contemptuous δώλε Σιβύρτα in 5. This would give very satisfactory sense (cf. 15η.). Hermann's τόνδε Σιβύρτα has been widely accepted, but τήνον.. .τόνδε is highly improbable and not to be defended by 1.120. Wilamowitz proposed to delete 73 (where see n.), but though this would remove some of the difficulty, it would still remain obscure how a slave could be called ό Συβαρίτης. Legrand thought the last two words in the line a mis taken intrusion from some note on 2 which distinguished Λάκων from Λακων. 1 Much of the detailed history of these towns is uncertain: see on it RE 4 A1008if., Hill Hist. Gk Coins 49, Hermes 53.180, J.H.S. 58.206, Am. J. Phil. 69.149, and other literature cited in these places.
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COMMENTARY
U-7
2 Λ ά κ ω ν α : the name Λήκων does not occur; Λάκων is not uncommon (e.g. Thuc. 3.52), but the first syllable, nowhere visibly long, is more likely to be short, as the woman's name Λάκαινα shows. Λα-, in such names as Λάκριτος, Λάμαχος, is for Λαο-, Λεω-: and Λάκων may therefore be compared with Λαοκόων, Λεωκών, Λάοκος. Such a name seems high-sounding for a slave but it may be an indication of his privileged position; cf. 15η. Gallavotti would substitute throughout Λάμων from Long. 1.2 (cf. A.P. 6.102). τό μ€υ νάκος: for the order of the words see K.B.G. 2.1.619, Havers Untersuch. z. Kasussynt. 153, Headlam on Hdas 6.41. Νάκος or νάκη is a skin with the hair at tached and, as appears from 12, in this case a goatskin, though the ruling that the word should be used only of goatskins (Et. M. 597.14, where Simonides is reprehended for applying it to the Golden Fleece) is too narrow (cf. Pind. P. 4.68, Paus. 4.11.3). 3 ούκ άπό τ . κ . ; cf. 102, Ar. Ach. 864 ol σφήκες ουκ άττό των θυρών;, Nub. 871, al.y ουκ ες κόρακας;, Soph. Ο.Τ. 43°» 1ιϊ6 ο υ κ e^S όλεθρον;, Α.Ρ. 7-79» (Meleager) ουκ άττ' ΙμεΟ;, Τ. ι . ι ι ό η . The punctuation is Meineke's; earlier editors placed the query after άμνίδες, and Wilamowitz reverted to this. But σίττα (4.44η.) is an exclamation and cannot be either negative or interrogative. άμνίδες: 144 η. 4 Κομάταν: the name is that of the mythical goatherd celebrated at 7.78 ff., but it occurs also in real life (S.G.D.I. 4154.30). 5 τάν ποίαν σ.: cf. 8. Interrogatives are not infrequently articulated (e.g. Aesch. Prom. 249 τ ό ττοΐον ευρών τήσδε φάρμακον νόσου;), but the phrase here seems to have the same touch of contempt or incredulity as at Ar. Nub. 1267 —τα χρήματα | τόν υΐόν άποδοϋναι κέλευσον άλαβεν | . . . — τ α ποία ταϋτα χρήματα;, ib. 1233» Ach. 963 ό ποίος ούτος Λάμαχος την εγχελυν;, and hardly to differ from the colloquial anarthrous ποίος; of indignation or contempt, on which see Starkie on Ar. Vesp. 1202. δώλε Σιβύρτα: Hdas 8.1 άστηθι, δούλη Υύλλα. Here at any rate the address is contemptuous, as Lacon's angry retort shows (8)—how should a slave like you come by such a thing? The name Σιβύρτας is otherwise unknown, unless Σιβύρτου at Polyb. 21.26.7 is its genitive. 1 Σιβύρτιος (Ar. Ach. 118, al.) and Σιβυρτιάδης (Ditt. Syll.l 107.5) occur however, and have been connected with the Cretan town Σίβυρτος. Here the name at least suggests Sybaris. 6 έκτάσω: 4.28 η. Κορύδωνι: 4.1η. 7 καλάμας α ύ λ ό ν : Virg. Ε. 3.25 umquam tibi fistula cera | iunctafuit? non tu in triuiis, indocte, solebas | stridenti miserum stipula disperdere carmen? Αυλός is used loosely of various wind-instruments. Comatas naturally does not mean the αυλός proper, a clarinet-like instrument with mouthpiece and reed commonly played in pairs (epigr. 5.1) with the aid of the φορβειά: he is thinking of the συριγξ μονοκάλαμος (Ath. 4.184A: probably the same as αυλός ό άγλωττος, Poll. 2.100,108; cf. Σ Pind. P. 12 praef.), a single reed with holes for fingering but no mouthpiece, which is held vertically and played by blowing across the open end. Pipes of barley-straw were k n o w n in Egypt (Poll. 4.77), but straw would be a very poor substitute for reed (the c o m m o n material), wood, bone, etc. π ο π π ύ σ δ ε ν : the word, which is onomatopoeic (cf. Hesych. s.v. β α τ τ α ρ φ ι ν ) , is used of a sound made to animals (Pearson on Soph.^r. 878, Plut. Mor. 713 B), of kissing (A.P. 5.245, 285), and similar explosive noises (Mart. 7.18.11, Blaydes on Ar. Vesp. 626); cf. 89η. 1 ΣΑΤΡΥΒΣ on a r.-f. cup in WUrzburg has been so read retrograde, but erroneously (C. Frankel Satyrnamen 35, Langlotz Gr. Vas. in WUrzburg 92).
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8-ι5]
IDYLL V
8 Λ ύ κ ω ν : 2.76η. ώλ€ύθερ€: the ironical retort to Comatas's δώλε (5); Comatas is no more free than himself (10). τό ποίον: 5η. 9 α γ κ λ έ ψ α ς : the compound, unless it should be read at H. Horn. 4.515, does not occur elsewhere in literature; cf. however S.G.D.L 1586, Hesych. s.v. άνακλέπτεσΟαι. Λ ά χ ων : the use of the name for the pronoun (cf. i. 103, 8.33, 38) here and at 14 implies that the speaker's character and reputation should protect him from such charges; see Headlam on Hdas 1.76. ΙΟ Εύμάρα: 73,119; cf. 2.70η. The quantity of the penultimate is puzzling and Meineke proposed to substitute Εύμαρίδας in all three places. At A.P. 7.284 Εύμάρεω is inconclusive. Gallavotti accepted the alternative view proferred by Σ that εύμάρα δέρμα τί έστι και ουκ όνομα, but this seems plainly a guess, and un tenable unless 73 is spurious. It is possible however that τι should be accepted from three inferior mss in place of τοι (cf. 3.24η.). ένβύδειν: Od. 3.349 φ ou τι χλαΐναι καΐ £>ήγεα πόλλ' ένί οίκω, | ουτ' αύτω μαλακώς οϋτε ξείνοισιν ένεύδειν. 11 Κροκύλος: Κρόκος and Κρόκων are known both from literature and from inscriptions. N o doubt all are connected with κρόκος, for names derived from plants are not uncommon (Bechtel Personennamen 592, Headlam on Hdas 2.76). 12 έτάκευ: 6.27. 13 βασκαίνων = φθόνων, as, e.g., Dem. 20.24 εΐ μέν γ ά ρ τις έχει πολλά μηδέν ύμας άδικων, ουχί δει δήπου τοΟτο βασκαίνειν. The primary meaning is to cast the evil eye upon, as is shown in the absurd etymology of βάσκανος· ό τοϊς φάεσι καίνων [Et. Μ. 190.26), and T. so uses the word at 6.39 (where see n . ) ; but the two senses are not far apart: Plut. Mor. 68IF, A m m o n . de diff. p. 65 φθόνος δέ βασκανία τις τ ω ν άλλοις μέν προσόντων ήμΐν δ' οΟ: cf. Pearson on Soph. jr. 1034. τα λοίσθια: finally; Eur. H.F. 22 τους μέν άλλους έξεμόχθησεν πόνους, | τό λοίσθιον δέ Ταινάρου δια στόμα | βέβηκ' ές "Αιδου: cf. 1.15 n. γ υ μ ν ό ν : since the skin is his βαίτα (15; cf. 3.25η.), γυμνόν probably means literally naked, not merely cloakless. 14 μαύτόν: 4.17 n. The words should presumably be written with crasis rather than elision, though there is no decisive evidence, nor, apart from the imitation of this line at 27.36, do I k n o w any other verse in which μά precedes a vowel unless the Aristophanic μάλλά is rightly so explained (K.B.G. 1.1.219). Valckenaer's ou μάν ou is suggested by 17, but the text is protected by 27.36. #κτιον: presumably not a cult-title, though it is one of Apollo's (Ap. Rh. 1.404, RE 1.1215; cf. Pearson on Soph. jr. 751), but a reference to a particular statue or shrine of Pan k n o w n to the interlocutors and probably thought of as within their view (i5f., 58). O n Pan. as a god of fisherfolk see Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 694, Roscher 3.1384; but a shrine on the shore does not necessarily imply such a con nexion here. Σ cite the Alexandrian geographer Philostephanus as stating that there was a shrine of Pan near the river Crathis, but this is not necessarily independent evidence. 15 βαίταν: 3.25 n. ΚαλαιΘίδος: (2.ιοί η.) was corrected to Κυλ- by Bechtel from Hdas 6.50, but unnecessarily for one name is as good as the other. The matronymic is peculiar. Lacon, w h o is a slave, has officially no parents (Ar. Av. 764 εΐ δέ δοϋλός έστι καΐ Κάρ.. .|φυσάτω π ά π π ο υ ς παρ* ήμΐν, Philostr. Vit. Αρ. 8.7 [ι. ρ. 3*9 Kays.] τίς ό GT II
97
7
COMMENTARY
[16-21
'Αρκάς ούτος; εΐ y a p μη ανώνυμος τ ά πατέρων μηδ' άνδραποδώδης τό είδ&ς, ώρα σοι έρωταν τί μέν όνομα τοις γειναμένοις αυτόν τίνος δέ οΙκίας ούτος: cf. Menand./r. 533» Plaut. Capt. 574, Mart. 4.83, 11.12, αϊ.). If however he was either οίκογενής or sold with his mother in childhood—and Comatas has known him from boyhood (37)—he would at least know his mother's name and could use it if he wished to ape the solemn style of his betters. It seems probable therefore that T. is indicating that Lacon is a uerna. The position of such must always have been superior to that of slaves acquired later in life, and at Rome was notoriously so (see H . Blumner Privataltert. 288); in Greece the majority of slaves manumitted were οΙκογενεΐς (Calderini Manomissione 199). If Lacon enjoys such advantages and Comatas does not, the latter's resentment at the challenge (35), Lacon's touchiness on the subject of his servile status (5 η0., 74), and the general tenseness of their relations would be satisfactorily explained. As in Id. 4 the reader is left to discover the situation, though there is here perhaps another hint in 1, where see n. ή = εΙ δέ μή, else. Eur. Cycl. 266 άπώμοσ*.. . | . . .μή τ ά σ * έξοδάν ίγώ | ξένοισι χρήματ', ή κακώς ούτοι κακοί | ο\ παίδες άπόλοινθ', Α Γ . Equ. 410, 413, 833, Hdas 7-34 with Headlam's note. 16 μανείς: presumably, as Σ say, by the intervention of Pan, the inspirer of panic terrors, whose name (14) will have been taken in vain. Eur. Hipp. 141 ή συ γ* ίίνθεος, ώ κούρα, | είτ* έκ Πάνος εΐθ' Έκάτας, Roscher Selene 157. Κραθιν: see p. 94» Ν . Douglas Old Calabria ch. 22. The river, which is said to have been named by the Achaean founders of Sybaris after the Crathis which flows into the Corinthian gulf near Aegae (Hdt. 1.145, Paus. 7.25.11, Strab. 8.386), was principally famous for the golden tint which its waters were said to impart to the hair (Eur. Tr. 227, O v . Met. 15.315, αϊ). τη λιμνάδας: the adj. occurs at Babr. 115.1 (λ. αίθυίαις), and at Paus. 3.7.4 (έν τ ω Ιερώ της Λιμνάδος, where Λιμνάτιδος should perhaps be read but the reference must in any case be to Artemis). As a title of the Nymphs it is parallel with Ναϊάδες, Κρηνίδες (1.22η.; cf. Od. 17.240), Κρουνίτιδες: Orph. Arg. 645 έν δέ σπέος ήλυθε νυμφών | λιμναίων, Σ Αρ. Rh. 4 · Η 1 2 τ ω ν νυμφών α! μέν είσιν ούράνιαι, α! δ' επίγειοι, αϊ δ* έπιποτάμιοι, αϊ δέ λιμναΐαι, αϊ δέ θαλάσσιαι. The lake concerned is probably mentioned in 146 (where however see n.), and the demonstrative indicates that the shrine is in view (cf. 54). 18 Ιλαοι: Choerobosc. in Theod. 252.26 δτι y a p εκτείνει τό ά έδήλωσε Παρθένιος έν τ ω Βίαντι [fr. 4 Martini], εΙπών Ίλαος ταύτη ν δέχνυσο π υ ρ κ α ΐ η ν . . . καΐ έν τ φ Εύφορίωνος Δημοσθένει [fr. 12 Powell] ομοίως έκτεταμένον ευρίσκεται, οίον Δαίμονος Ιλάοιο. In the Iliad the penultimate is twice short and once long (1.583) and the latter quantity is elsewhere also the rarer. If rightly read at 15.143 it is there short. The adjective is frequently coupled with ευμενής elsewhere: Plat. Phaedr. 257A, Rep. 496E, Legg. 712B, 736c, 792E, 923B, Xen. Cyr. 1.6.2, 2.1.1, 3.3.21, Alciphr. 4.11 Sch.; cf. Pind. P. 12.4. 20 τά Δ ά φ ν ι δ ο ς άλγεα: ρ. ι. άροίμαν: Τ . has this aor. (which, in spite of//. 20.247, is n o w usually referred to άρνυμαι) again at 17.117, where it is used of winning an advantage; and that, rather than incurring a penalty (as here), is much the commoner sense of άρνυσθαι. Cf. however Eur. Hec. 1074. 21 f. θέμεν: the proposal is that each shall put up something which will be forfeit if he loses the contest, and θέμεν means in effect to stake, or wager. ΤιΘέναι however does not seem to have this sense elsewhere, and as it is c o m m o n in the sense of offering a prize for competition, it may reach the same meaning by that route since the t w o stakes are the victor's prize. Cf. 139η.
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23-25]
IDYLL V
έστι μέν ουδέν Ι Ιερόν: Σ: παροιμία έττΐ τών μηδενός αξίων, φησι δέ Κλέαρχος έν δευτέρω τ ώ ν Παροιμιών ότι Ηρακλής Ιδών ίδρυμένον τόν "Αδωνιν έφη, ουδέν Ιρόν · ού γ α ρ αυτόν άξιον τιμής καΐ Ιδρύσεως εκρινεν. Ουδέν σεμνόν is similarly used; see Neil on, Ar. Equ. 777. The implied subject is rather Ιριφον θέμεν than έριφος. διαείσομαι: compete in song: Arist. Poet. 1462a7. For δια- in such compounds cf. Stob. 3.4.111 Διογένης 2λεγε διαπαλαίοντας μέν πολλούς όραν καΐ διατρέ χοντας, διακαλοκάγαθι^ομένους δέ ού. The apodosis to αϊ κ α . . .θέμεν is plainly διαείσομαι. I take it that άλλα answers the μέν of 21 in lieu of δέ (Denniston Gk Part. 5), and that 2στι μέν ουδέν Ιερόν, though expressed paratactically, is in effect a concessive clause—if you will put up a kid, though your stake is trifling, yet I will sing a match with you. Similar (but with δέ for άλλα) is 29-37ff., where see n. The alternative is to regard ε σ τ ί . . .Ιερόν as parenthetic, but μέν is then difficult. As elsewhere, the choice between άλλ* αγε and άλλα γε is hard. 'Αλλ' άγε, which seems plainly right in 24, might be thought to favour the same words here, and άλλ* αγε with 1st pers. fut. indie, is apparently Homeric (e.g. II. 20.257, 351), though άλλα γε is a usual variant, and fut. indie, is hard to distinguish from aor. subj. T. however has αγε elsewhere only with imperatives and subjunctives, and if the view here taken of the sentence is correct, αγε seems over-emotional. O n άλλα γε see K.B.G. 2.2.177, Denniston Gk Part. 23, Neil Ar. Equ. p. 193, Adam on Plat. Rep. 33IB, Headlam on Hdas 6.90. 23 ύ ς ποτ' 'Αθαναίαν: έπι τών τοϊς κρείττοσι φιλονεικούντων (Σ and Apostol. 17-73)» N o n n . D. 13.124 γαϊαν Ύάμπολιν, ήνπερ ακούω | Άονίης ύός ούδας έπώνυμον, ή περί μορφής | αυχένα γαΰρον άειρε καΐ ήρισε Τριτογενείη, Festus p. 4θ8 L. sus Mineruam in prouerbio est ubi quis docet alterum cuius ipse inscius est. quam rem, in medio quod aiunt positam, Varro et Euhemerus ineptis mythis inuoluere maluerunt quam simpliciter referre. The other occurrences of the proverb bear out Festus's interpretation, for it is used, not as here and by Nonnus, of those who challenge their betters, but of those who teach their grandmothers: Plut. Mor. 803 D (cf. Dem. 11) Δημάδην βοώντα, Δημοσθένης έμέ βούλεται διορθοϋν, ή ύς την Άθηνάν, Cic.fam. 9.18, de or. 2.233, ^cad. 1.18. 24 τιν*: I accept Fritzsche's correction of the mss τόν since there seems no reason w h y Comatas, any more than Lacon, should pick a particular animal from his rival's flock and since the lamb presently proves to be female (139, 144)— though the latter fact might be due to an oversight on T.'s part. εϋβοτον: the adj., used elsewhere of pasture, is only here passive in meaning. έρειδε: the verb is used of strenuous action, including contests of various kinds (II. 23.735 μηκέτ' έρείδεσθον, Ar. Nub. 1375 έπος προς έπος ήρειδόμεσθα, Ael. Ν.Α. 15.24), and in these places, as here, έρί^ειν provides v.II. They do not however defend the active έρειδε, and the ace. of the stake seems incredible with any verb meaning to contend. The required sense is τίθει, or κατατίθει (21, 8.nff.), and since Alexandrian poets use έρείδειν in somewhat extended senses not remote from (κατα)τιθέναι (7.70, 104nn., Call. H. 4.234, Ap. Rh. 1.1010, 1234, al.) it seems probable that the word, if correct here, is serving as a heightened synonym for that verb. 25 κίναδος τ ύ : since κιναδεύς is unknown, Wordsworth's correction seems preferable to κιναδευ τάδε γ*. The word κίναδος is said by Σ here, and Σ D e m . 18.242, to be Sicilian for fox, though it does not occur in that sense. It is however not rare as a term of abuse in Attic: Dem. 18.162 ούς σύ ζώντας μέν ώ κίναδος κολακεύων παρηκολούθεις, ib. 242, Andoc. 1.99 ώ σνκοφάντα καΐ έπίτριπτον κίναδος, Aeschin. 3·ΐ67, Soph. Aj. 103, Ar. Nub. 448, Αν. 430, Men. Epitr. (Petr.) 29. For the pronoun cf. 40, 15.76, epigr. 6, Soph. Phil. 927, Ar. Ran. 465, al.
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COMMENTARY
[26-33
26 f. Lacon apparently answers with two proverbs, of which the first is specially, the second only generally, relevant—why should I stake a lamb against a goat? who would choose [goat's] hair instead of wool', or milk a bitch when he might a goat?—but the αΐξ of 27 is not Comatas's. τρίχας: cf. 15.19, Blaydes on Ar. Ran. 186 όνου πόκας. 27 κακάν: cursed: Hdas 2.17, 3.4, 80, Neil on Ar. Equ. 1. δ ή λ ε τ ' : βουλεται* ούτως y a p ot Δωριείς φασι, Σ, Plut. Mor. 219D (Brasidas) άσσα δήλομαι π ρ ά ξ ω κατά πόλεμον ή τεθναξοϋμαι, αϊ. 28 τόν πλατίον: 10.3, Theogn. 221 όστις τοι δοκέει τόν πλησίον ΐδμεναι ουδέν | . . .κείνος γ ' άφρων εστί, ib. 611, Plat. Theaet. I 7 4 B ° Μεν πλησίον καΐ ό γείτων, Aeschin. 3.174 τ σ τ ω ν ττλησίον αίσχρά. It would appear therefore that πλατίον is an adverb, as at 10.3 it must be. πεποίθεις: on the form see 1.102 η. The verb in the main clause, πεποίθει, is to be supplied from that in the subordinate as at Thuc. 1.82 όσοι ώσπερ καΐ ημείς ύπ* 'Αθηναίων έπιβουλενόμεθα, Xen. Cyr. 4·*·3 ° ^ α °1°S ί ν * τ α MEV y a p άλλα όσαπερ οΐμαι καΐ πάντες ύμεΐς έποιεΐτε, Eur. jr. 417 νΦ' ώς κακός ναύκληρος εύ πράξας ποτέ | ^Ήτοον τ ά πλείον* είτα πάντ* άπώλεσεν, Or. 1037, Call. Η. 3-153 βάλλε κακούς επί θήρας ίνα θνητοί σε βοηθόν | ως έμέ κικλήσκουσι (y.l. -ωσι), Theogn. 541» Mosch. 4-45 ί cf· Τ. 7.76η. Comatas means that anyone so confident in victory as Lacon's challenge shows him to be need not w o r r y about the value of his stake since he believes himself in no danger of losing it. 29 σ φ ά ξ κ.τ.λ.: cf. 1.136* 7.41, 47. αλλά γ ά ρ : the meaning is άλλ', ούτι γ ά ρ κ.τ.λ. For the order of the words see Denniston Gk Part. 99. 30 Ισόπαλης: sc. τ η άμνω. £ρισδε: Comatas presumably means begin the contest by singing a verse which I will cap. Somewhat similar is Ar. Ran. 1105 δτι Trep ούν εχετον έρί^ειν, | λέγετον επιτον. 31 ού πυρί θάλπεαι: you re not on fire. The phrase lacks exact parallels but has many analogies; e.g. II. 11.596 μάρναντο δέμας πυρός αίθομένοιο, Aesch. Prom. 877 ύ π ό μ* αύ σφάκελος καΐ φρενοπληγεΐς | μανίαι θάλπουσ', A m p h i s / r . 33 609: τι και νεανικόν | καΐ θερμόν: see Blaydes on Ar. Equ. 382, Vesp. 918. Πυρ is used not only of haste and anger but of other emotions, and at Soph. El. 887 είς τί μοι Ι βλέψασα θάλπει τφδ* άνηκέστω πυρί;, which is nearer to T. in phrasing, it means mad hope. It may be however that here π υ ρ is meant Hterally—Ne sois pas sipressa. Tu η as pas lefeu apres toiy as Legrand translated. 32 The scene is sketched much as at the beginning of Id. τ. In Lacon's vicinity are grass, with grasshoppers chirping in it, heather (64), a wild olive, openings in the wood, a waterfall. Against these Comatas sets ferns and herbs (55), bees and birds, oaks and pines, two springs and galingale (45; cf. 3). He is in deeper shade than Lacon (48), w h o seems to be on the edge of Comatas's wood, where trees give place to grass and heather. κότινον: 25.208η. The w o r d is fern, at 5.100, 27.11 but commonly m a s c : cf. 1.133η. τ&λσεα: άλσεα*.. .ol κάθυδροι και σύμφυτοι λειμώνες, και τόποι κατάδενδροι (Hesych.). I take Τ. to mean places where spurs of the w o o d run into the more open country leaving glades and recesses between them, or perhaps where taller trees and grass replace scrub. 33 TOUTCI: the variant τηνεί has been defended in different ways, (i) Wilamowitz thought that Lacon is referring to the springs mentioned by Comatas (47) and affecting to disparage them: but it is not credible that any Greek, and least of all in IOO
34-38]
IDYLL V
Pastoral, should speak of a cool stream as a disadvantage, (ii) Lacon might mean over there, not where either of us is but visible from here: this however seems unnecessarily complicated, and TVs scribes have introduced, or so it seems, just such another inapposite contrast of place at 1.106 (see n.). The two men are quite close together since their singing-competition is conducted without change of place, and nothing forbids us to suppose Lacon's waterfall the outflow of Comatas's two springs, but that is perhaps to press the analysis too far and the two springs may be a counterblast to Lacon's one. The relations of a waterfall and springs are similarly undefined at 1.7, 22. I follow Wilamowitz and other editors in writing τουτεί though Ap. Dysc. Synt. 337.10 prefers τουτεί. The evidence as to the mss here is conflicting, but τουτεί seems to be the commoner accentuation, and Gallavotti was mistaken in crediting Κ with τηνεΐ. 34 στιβάς: 3.32η. The definite article presumably means the couch on which we will lie. ακρίδες: ιο8η. λαλεΰντι: cf. 7.139. Λαλεΐν is similarly used of the τέττιξ in Aristophon/r. 10 (see lion.); cf. Alexis fr. 92 (see 136η.): so also of birds Mosch. 3.47. 36 δμμασι τοις όρθοΐσι: Soph. Ο.Τ. 1384 τοιάνδ' έγώ κηλίδα μηνυσας έμήν | όρθοΐς εμελλον όμμασιν τούτους όράν;, Eur. LA. 851, Xen. Hell. 7.1.30, Stob. 3.4.121, Eur. Hec. 972 όρθαΐς κόραις. The meaning is to look one in the face (άντοφθαλμεΐν, as Polybius likes to say) unembarrassed by fear, shame, or modesty; see Bentley on Hor. C. 1.3.18, Porson on Eur. Hec. 958. Comatas presumably means that from a former pupil 2if. are insolent. The article is generally omitted with this and similar datives denoting expression of face, but if inserted.might be expected to place the adj. in predicative not attribu tive position (Arr. Epict. 3.26.35 τά άντιβλέπειν ποιουντα όρθοϊς τοις όφθαλμοϊς προς τους πλουσίους, Aristid. 2.243 Dind., Xen. Hell. 3.4.11 μάλα φαιδρω τφ προσώπω, Alciphr. 4*11*6 Sch. φαιδροίς τοις όμμασιν: at Stob. 3*4*121 some mss insert the article). Hermann therefore proposed τοϊσδ*, which receives some support from Aesch. Ag. 520 ει που πάλαι, φαιδροΐσι τοισίδ' δμμασι | δέξασθε: on this however see Headlam. Other more violent changes have been proposed, but it does not seem certain that the text cannot stand. The colour should then be with your habitually shameless expression rather than so shamelessly. 37 ά χάρις ές τ. π. 'έ.ι presumably what is the outcome of my kindness rather than what your gratitude amounts to. Not dissimilar in expression is Soph. O.T. 952 σκόπει κλύων | τά σέμν* ίν* ήκει του Θεού μαντευματα. "Ερπειν, which is in Τ., except perhaps at 14.69, a quite colourless verb of motion, is similarly used at 14.50 τά πάντα κεν είς δέον §ρποι. 38 λυκιδεΐς: for the form see 15.12m. Since wolfcubs are more likely than puppies to turn on their masters, the addition of the latter has the air of an anti climax. In itself Θρέψαι κυνας ώς τυ φάγωντι is quite a plausible proverb, though a note in Σ, παροιμία άπό του Άκταίωνος του Οπό των ίδίων κυνών βρωθέντος· τάσσεται δέ επί των άχαριστούντων τοις εύεργέταις is not otherwise confirmed and may perhaps be no more than inference. If we may assume this, or something like it, to be the familiar form of the saying, Comatas's sentence seems reasonable: he is improving on the proverb and means talk ofrearing puppies—it's rearing wolfcubs, to show kindness to you. Λυκιδεΐς carries the emphasis and therefore precedes κυνας, which is no longer significant except as giving the pattern on which Comatas improves. Καί (for which Hermann's τοι has often been substituted), if this view of the sentence is correct, is desirable and even necessary to emphasise λυκιδεΐς: see ΙΟΙ
COMMENTARY
[39-43
Denniston Gk Part. 320. Very similar is Soph. Ant. 296 τούτο καΐ πόλεις | πορθεί, τόδ* άνδρας έξανίστησιν δόμων, also with an apparent anticlimax. It may perhaps be held (as it was by Ahrens) that the existence of fables dealing with the dangers of rearing wolfcubs shows that the original content of the proverb was Θρέψαι λυκιδεΐς ώς τ υ φάγωντι. In these fables (Aesop 373-5 Halm) 1 however the wolf damages not the shepherd but the sheep, and though ingratitude is not excluded from their moral (cf. Aesch. Ag. 728, A.P. 9.47) the point is rather that φύσις πονηρά χρηστόν ήθος ού τρέφει. That point can be made here if we suppose the thought to be ' T o show kindness to you is like rearing wolf-cubs—they are sure to turn savage. W h y , you are as bad as a puppy which does so, for in him the ingratitude is more odious.' This eliminates the apparent anticlimax and necessitates the alteration of καί with Hermann. The other explanation however seems prefer able, and a proverb θρέψαι κύνας ώς τ υ φάγωντι or to that effect would reflect the fact that in Greece the danger of being killed by dogs was by no means remote: Od. 21.363 τάχ* αύ σ' έφ* Οεσσι κύνες ταχέες κατέδονται | οίον άπ* ανθρώπων ous έτρεφες, Call. jr. 664, Diod. 13.103 (death of Euripides), Xen. Ages. 1.22, A.P. 9.245; cf. Varr. R.R. 2.9.9, Apul. Met. 9.36.4. The sentence θρέψαι κύνας ώς τ υ φάγωντι is one of a number of proverbial or gnomic sentiments in T. which form paroemiacs (10.11, 14.70, 15.62, 95, 26.38). Since many proverbial sayings of this form are known, and the paroemiac takes its name from its use in proverbs (Hephaest. 26.17), 2 Meineke argued that all these line-ends incorporated current proverbs in their original form. This conclusion cannot be disproved, but none of T.'s proverbs is otherwise attested in the same form, and T. has also as many similar sayings in which the paroemiac begins with a short syllable (4.41, 11.75, 14-43» 15-24, 26, 16.18, 20)—a form not unknown in proverbs from other sources but by no means so common. It seems more probable therefore that T., adapting the sententious speech of rustics and others to hexameter verse, has naturally a certain tendency to end his hexameters with γνώμαι, which are therefore perfect or imperfect paroemiacs according as the verse has a strong or weak caesura. 39 άκουσας: the meaning in this context might be supposed to be when have you taught me to sing, or even sung to me yourself, anything worth hearing? but the two verbs are found together elsewhere (Plat. Ap. 33 Β εΐ δέ τίς φησι παρ* έμου π ώ π ο τ έ τι μαθεΐν ή άκοΟσαι) and it is more probable that άκοϋσαι is used of information more casually imparted. 40 άνδρίον τό ύποκοριστικόν. Ευριπίδης ΑΟτολύκω· μηδέν τ ω πατρί | μέμφεσθ* άωρον άποκαλοΟντες άνδρίον (Photius), Eupol./r. 316 ώ δαιμόνι' ανδρών, μή φθονερόν ΐσθ' άνδρίον: cf. Ar. Pax 51. αίίτως: 2.133, 3-30, 25.83, 239, H· 24.726 παις δ* Ιτι νήπιος αΰτως, Od. 20.37°ούτως άχθος άρούρης. The last instance makes it probable that the adverb (which is very popular with Apollonius and Nicander) here qualifies the whole phrase and not the adjective alone. 41 I.e. τό γοϋν πυγί^εσθαι π α ρ ' έμοΟ Ιμαθες. 42 Cf. A.P. 9-317, Virg. E. 3.8. έτρύπη: Call. jr. 689, Α. Plan. 243, Plaut. Cure. 402, Priap. 76. 43 ύ β έ : Gal. 18.1.74 ύβούς καί κυφονς εΐωθεν όνομά^ειν ό Ιπποκράτης, ους άπαντες ol νυν άνθρωποι προσαγορεύουσι κυρτούς* καί γ ά ρ καί όντως ή £>άχις. αυτοΐς είς τ ο ύ π ί σ ω γίνεται κυρτή, τ φ μέν ουν κυρτω τό κοίλον άντικειμένως λέγεται, τ φ δ' υβω τε και κνφω τό λορδόν. The adj. seems to be a tu quoque retort 1 Some Oriental parallels are collected by Noldeke in Studies presented to E. G. Browne 371^ * But see Wilamowitz Verskunst 382.
102
44-56]
IDYLL V
to Comatas's last remark; see Blaydes on Ar. Thesm. 489, Mart. 11.43.5, Juv. 9- 2 6, 10.224. I do not k n o w why Ahrens substituted a properispomenon accent for the oxytone of the mss. Lacon's prayer that Comatas's corpse shall remain unburied resembles A.P. 11.226 (Ammianus) εΐη σοι κατά yfjs κουφή κόνις, οίκτρέ Νέαρχε, | δφρα σε (ί>ηιδίως έξερύσωσι κύνες. For Greek opinion on this subject see, e.g., Soph. Aj. 1332, Ant. 1064, Paus. 9.32.9. 44 ύστατα βουκολιαξη: Od. 22.78, 134 τ ω κε τάχ* ούτος άνήρ νϋν ύστατα τοξάσσαιτο, ib. 4*685, 20.13, Ι Ι 0 > Λ τ·232, 2.242. Virg. Ε. 3.51 efficiam posthac ne quemquam uoce lacessas no doubt gives the meaning, and the idea of challenge or competition seems on the whole to be inherent in the verb βουκολιά^εσθαι (cf. 60, 67, 9.1, 5). See 7.36η. 45 f. 1.106 η. 48 δρνιχες: 7.47, 6o, Ath. 9.374D °l °έ Δωριείς λέγοντες δρνιξ τήν γενικήν δια του χ λέγουσι ν όρνιχος. ουδέν όμοια: i.e. superior: Isocr. 8.ιοί έκτώντο y a p δύναμιν ουδέν όμοίαν τη πρότερον υτταρχούση: ci. Theophr. Ch. 28.4. 49 κώνοις, the kernels of which are edible (see Ath. 2.57B, Plin. N.H. 15.35). Even so a shower of pine-cones might be thought a disadvantage: Mart. 13.25 (Nuces pineae) Poma sutnus Cybeles: procul hinc discede uiator | ne cadat in miserum nostra ruina caput. 50 εϊρια: fleeces as opposed to skins with the wool attached: Plut. Mor. 646Ε ol βάρβαροι των θρεμμάτων τοις δέρμασιν άντι τ ω ν έρίων άμφιέννυνται. 51 ΰ π ν ω μαλακώτερα: 7.69 η., 15.125, Hdas 6.71 ή μαλακότης ύπνος, Clem. ΑΙ. Paed. 216 Ρ. τάς ύπνου μαλακωτέρας εύνάς, Α.Ρ. 9.567, Virg. Ε. 7·45· As Headlam pointed out, the figure is derived from μαλακός as a Homeric epithet of sleep. τραγεΐαι: sc. δοραί. The ellipse is of a familiar type (Herodian Philet. p. 445 παρδαλή το του παρδάλεως δέρμα, ως λεοντή, καΐ Ιξαλή τό τής αίγας, καΐ μοσχή· άρνέα δέ καΐ λυκέα), but elsewhere τραγέα or τ ρ α γ ή is used; e.g. Plut. Mor. 294F (see 52 η.), Σ Ar. Ach. 146; cf. 57η. 52 δσδεις: Ar. Ach. 852 03ων κακόν των μασχαλών, | πατρός Τραγασαίου (Σ: Τραγασαίου δέ δια τήν των τ ρ ά γ ω ν δυσωδίαν είπε), Pax 811, Hor. Epod. 12.5, Serm. 1.2.27, Λ/.: Plut. Mor. 294F τινές δέ [sc. λέγουσι] κώδια και τραγέας τους ανθρώπους φοροϋντας καΐ τ α πλείστα συνόντας αίπολίοις γενέσθαι δυσώδεις, Luc. Dial. Mer. 7.3» Longus 1.16, Plaut. Most. 40. 53 Milk (as at 1.144, where see n.) and oil are no doubt the natural offerings of a countryman, like the milk and honey which Comatas will offer to Pan (58), though N y m p h s are among the divinities to w h o m νηφάλια were ordinarily offered (Σ Soph. O.C. 100). It may be noted that Lacon swore by Pan in 14, Comatas by the Nymphs in 17 and that they n o w exchange allegiance. Comatas reverts to the Nymphs at 70, but at 74 Lacon's indignation drives him to a higher power. At 141 Comatas swears by Pan again. The recurrence of Pan and the Nymphs helps to keep the stage-setting in view. 55 καΐ τ ύ : if you come here (instead of m y joining y o u ) : Plat. Phil. 25 Β—τό μεικτόν. . .τίνα ίδέαν φήσομεν εχειν; —συ καΐ έμοί φράσεις ως οΐμαι. μόλης: sc. ώδε. The adverb is easily supplied from the apodosis though there it means not δευρο but ένθάδε. 56 γ λ ά χ ω ν α : pennyroyal, mentha pulegium, a plant much valued for various medicinal purposes (Diosc. 3.31). The Attic form of the w o r d is βΛήχων (Σ Ar. Pax 711, A.B. 30.15, ah). 103
COMMENTARY
[57-*>
57 τ&ν παρά τ ί ν . . . ά ρ ν α ν : comparatio compendiaria occurs in Τ. (2.15, 29.7) and is a common and familiar figure, but though δέρματα μαλακώτερα τάν άρνών may stand for μ. τ ώ ν δερμάτων τάν άρνών, it is difficult to believe that τάν παρά τίν άρνών can represent τ ώ ν π α ρ ά τίν δερμάτων [τάν] άρνών, and the qualification π α ρ ά τίν attach not to the noun expressed but to that omitted. I have therefore accepted Ahrens's άρνάν. Dissyllabic apvfj, for άρνέα and equivalent in meaning to apvocxis, does not occur, but corresponds to similar formations (see 51η.). If this is accepted, the phrase will be closely parallel to ταί τραγεΐαι ταΐ π α ρ ά τίν (5ΐ). τετράκις: I do not k n o w in Greek another example of a numerical adverb with a comparative adjective of quality, but cf. Plat. Epist. 3 32 Α Δαρείου έπταπλασίω φαυλότερος. The use resembles that of numerals in place of πολύ or σφόδρα (e.g. Ar. Plut. 851 τρισκακοδαίμων καΐ τετράκις καΐ πεντάκις | καΐ δωδεκάκις καΐ μυριάκις, Equ. 1154» Men. Sam. 131 ούδ* εΐ δεκάκις ποιητός έστι, μή γ ό ν ω | έμός υΙός, Call. Ep. 53 τετράκι μισοίης). N o t dissimilar is the use of μυρίω with comparatives (Eur. Andr. 701, Plat.Rep. 520c, Tim. 33 B) ; cf. Headlam on Hdas 5.75. Πολλάκις has been defended, but unless it can be used as a synonym of π ά ν υ (see 2.88 n.) it is no easier than τετράκις, of which it is probably an explanation. In Latin such phrases as Plaut. Pers. 153 ter tanto peior ipsa est quam Mam tu esse uis are commoner. £9 σκαφίδας: TVs choice of vessels is probably due to Od. 9.222 ναΐον δ' όρφ ά γ γ ε α πάντα, | γαυλοί τε σκαφίδες τε, τετυγμένα, τοις ένάμελγεν (cf. Ath. 11.499 Ε ). though in later use neither γανλός nor σκαφίς is confined to the dairy; see, e.g., Antiphan./r. 224, Anaxip./r. 6. 60 αύτόθε: from where you are: Soph. O.C. 1137 <™ 0> αΰτόθεν μοι χαίρε, II. 19.77. 61 τάν σ α υ τ ώ : sc. y a v : cf. 22.59, Thuc. 5.26 φεύγειν τήν έμαυτου, Hdt. 8.3 περί της εκείνου, Plut. Philop. 1 τήν έαυτου φυγών, and the ellipse is common. Cf. Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §33. άμμει this form of the ace. plur. occurs also at 8.25, 10.38, 15.75; υμμε at 5.145, 16.108. Both are attested as Aeolic at Ap. Dysc. Pron. 100.5 with citations from Sappho and Alcaeus. Άμμες, άμμι(ν), υμμες, υμμιν, are common in Τ. and all must at present be classed as Aeolisms though T. in hexameters may derive them rather from Homer; cf. Introd. p. lxxiii, 15.126 n. 62 Λυκώπας: Λυκωπεύς (7.4), -ώπης (Hdt. 3.55), -ωπος (Polyb. 21.25.11) are all known, the two last also from inscriptions. Calpurnius (6.26, 7.4) has Lycotas, which is equally plausible (cf. Prop. 4.3.1) and may, as Wilamowitz thought (Textg. 134), derive from a variant in the text of T. For the article inserted before the name in Κ see 6.1 n. 64 έρείκας: heath, erica arborea. He is probably cutting it for fuel (Aesch. Ag. 295 γραίας έρείκης Θωμόν άψαντες πυρί), though goats are alleged to eat it (Eupol. jr. 14). For the orthography of the word see L. and S.9 s.v., Meisterhans Gr. Att. Inschr.l 53, n. 437 b, Hdian 1.317.6, 2.511.1. The mss are hdre unanimous. 65 ξυλοχίζεται apparently = ξυλί3εται. The form is not found elsewhere. Μόρσων: the name seems not to occur elsewhere but resembles Μόρσιμος. Μύρσων in Bion 2.4, Jr. 15.1 may, as Wilamowitz suggested (Textg. 134), derive from a variant here. Like Μύρσος and Μύρσιλος it is k n o w n from inscriptions (LG. 7.2435:12). 66 ώ ξένε can hardly be held to indicate that Lacon's acquaintance with Morson is more distant than Comatas's who calls him φίλε (70; see 73 η.), for φίλος and ξένος are often used of the same persons (e.g. Dem. 18.51 εΐ μή καΐ τους θεριστάς 104
67-73]
IDYLL V
και τους άλλο τι μισθού πράττοντας φίλους καΐ ξένους δει καλεΐν τ ω ν μισθωσαμένων) and, though they are often also distinguished, ξένοι may sometimes come before φίλοι (ib. 284 ξένος ή φίλος ή γνώριμος). Τ0ύ ξένε is the regular address to one coming from outside the speaker's o w n setting, whether friend or stranger. Morson is a townsman (78) and therefore ξένος to the two rustics; sirnilarly rustics are ξένοι to townsmen, as the common antithesis between ξένοι and αστοί or πολΐται shows. Cf. epigr. 14.1η. μικκόν: προς τ ω ν θέων, | βέλτιστε, μικρόν άν σχολάσαις ήμϊν χρόνον says a slave asking a similar service at Men. Epitr. 7. 67 έρίσδομες, δστις κ.τ.λ.: for the construction cf. Ap. Rh. 1.1153 ενθ' 2ρις άνδρα εκαστον άριστήων όρόθυνεν | δστις άπολλήξειε πανυστατος, Α^Ί^Ί δήριν άμεμφέα δηρίσαντο | ός κεν άφυσσάμενος φθαίη μετά νηαδ' Ικέσθαι, Plat. Lys. 207 c όπότερος γενναιότερος, έρ^οιτ' άν. 68 ώγαθέ seems shghtly preferable to the variant ώ φίλε (which may come from 70) since Lacon's relations with Morson are already adequately defined in 66 (where see I L ) . 69 έν χάριτι: as a kindness, i.e. with partiality: Plat. Phaed. 115Β ότι άν σοι ποιοΟντες ημείς έν χάριτι μάλιστα ποιοΐμεν, Xen. Oec. 8.10 έάν τι αΙτώ έν χάριτι διδόναι, Polyb. 3ΐ·7·6· The phrase comes to mean little more than gratis (Polyb. 34.8.10 τ ά δέ των αγρίων 3 Φ ω ν κ ρ έ α σχεδόν ουδέ κατηξιουτο τιμής, άλλα έν έπιδόσει καΐ χάριτι τήν άλλαγήν ποιούνται τούτων, id. 1.31.6, 3-28.3), and, in connexion with κρίνειν, προς χάριν might seem more natural: Isocr. 2.18 τάς κρίσεις ποιου...μη προς χάριν μηδ* εναντίας άλλήλαις, Luc. Herm. 36 πάντων ομοίως άκουστέον ή είδέναι δτι προς χάριν δικά3ειν δόξομεν: cf. also PseudoPhoc. 9 ττάντα δίκαια νέμειν μηδέ κρίσιν ές χάριν ελκειν. 71 τό πλέον Ιθύνης corresponds roughly to τούτον όνάσης as χαρίξη to έν χάριτι κρίνης, the varied chiasmus resembling that in 1.3 if. It appears to mean direct the advantage towards. For τό πλέον cf. epigr. 15.1 γνώσομαι ει τι νέμεις άγαθοΐς πλέον, and see 8.17 η . N o such use of Ιθύνει ν (or of εύθυνειν, reported from Ρ though not by Gallavotti) occurs elsewhere. 72 Θουρίω: see p. 94. 73 The removal of this line would in part resolve a difficulty in 1 (where see n.), but the arguments by which Wilamowitz supports it are not strong. They are as follows: (i) Comatas knows Morson (65) and, even if Morson does not k n o w him, has already introduced himself in 70. [But 73 amplifies and does not repeat 70.] (ii) Lacon's objection to being described as a slave or servant is pointless if Comatas introduces himself in the same way. [But Lacon is already sore on this point (5, 8}.] (iii) Morson probably does not know Lacon and the introduction is necessary. [The drift of 63-9 possibly suggests that Comatas knows Morson better than Lacon knows him, but if Morson does not k n o w Lacon at all, the injunctions not to favour Lacon at his friend Comatas's expense are unnecessary. Also the quarrel some Lacon (25if.) might be expected to reject an u n k n o w n friend of Comatas forjudge.] The line was k n o w n to Σ (on 1) and the accidents which have befallen it in some mss 1 are fully accounted for by the homoeoteleuton both with 72 and with 74. In its favour may be said that without it 72 is so abrupt that we shall be obliged to suppose (with Wilamowitz) that Comatas's speech is interrupted by Lacon. Also perhaps that the speeches in this poem show a marked tendency to equal length and Lacon's was nearer four lines than three. But if the explanation offered for the difficulties in 1 is accepted, there remains no substantial ground for excising this line. 1 According to Wilamowitz {Textg. 235) it is supplied in the margins of AEO. 105
COMMENTARY
[76-85
76 βέντισθ' ούτος: the combination of the exclamatory ούτος with a vocative in this order appears to be unique, though it does not seem very remarkable that where a name or adjective is added to such direct addresses as ούτος άνήρ (Plat. Rep. 506Β), ώ ούτος (Sophron/r. 57), the vocative should sometimes replace the nominative. At Soph. Aj. 89 ώ ούτος ATas, Alocv has considerable authority, but there a comma is usually printed after ούτος, and so Ar. Vesp. 1364 ώ ούτος ούτος, τυφεδανέ καΐ χοιρόθλιψ: c£. ib. 1. 77 καυχέομαι: on the form see 3.18 η. Comatas means that his indication of Lacon's status is not in order to contrast it unfavourably with his own. τ ύ γ α μάν adversative, answering the μέν of 76 (Denniston Gk Part. 348), is plainly preferable to the weak and superfluous άγαν of Κ, which may come from 1.85. φιλοκέρτομος: φιλών σκώτττειν Hesych., and that is the natural meaning (Od. 22.287, A. Plan. 247). Here it must mean rather quarrelsome, contentious (as in a late epigram at A. Plan. 366), but the idea of anger or abuse is often more prominent than that of mockery in the root (e.g. II. 1.539), and φιλοκέρτομος in a poet cited at Plut. Mor. 90 D means abusive, as at Musae. 183 it means censorious. 78 λέγ*, €Ϊ τι λ έ γ ε ι ς : Eur. LA. 817 δρα y* ει τι δράσει, Hdas 7-47 φ φ ' ^ φέρεις τι, where see Headlam. 79 ζώντ*: Plaut. Mil. 1084 iam iam sat, amaboy est. sinite abeam, si possum, uiua a uobis. ώ Παιάν: a prayer for protection and deliverance from the plague of Comatas's garrulity: Diog. Laert. 10.5 Παιάν άναξ, φίλον Λεοντάριον, οίου κροτοθορύβου ημάς ένέπλησεν άναγνόντας σοΰ το έτπστόλιον, Aesch. Ag. 147» Soph. Ο.Τ. 154» Eur. Ale. 92, 220, H.F. 820, Ar. Ach. 1212; cf. Τ. 6.27η. ήσθα: the imperfect of fact only just recognised is much more commonly combined with άρα: but see 23.4η., Ar. Av. 1051 καΐ συ y a p ένταΰθ' ήσθ* ετι, Plat. Phaedr. 227 Β άτάρ Λυσίας ήν ώς Ιοικεν έν άστει, Eur. Ion 184, Goodwin Μ.Τ. §39, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §220. 80 The contest starts. Comatas begins: Lacon caps each couplet with another on a similar theme. 81 Δ ά φ ν ι ν : 1.141 τον Μοίσαις φίλον άνδρα, Sil. 14.466 Daphnin amarunt | Sicelides Musae, dexter donauit auena | Phoebus Castalia\ cf. Virg. E. 3.6ofF., Calp. 2.28 ff. 82 καΐ γ α ρ : yes, and so does...; cf. 90, 114, Ar. Equ. 1086if.—άλλα y a p έστιν έμοί χρησμός. ..—καΐ y a p έμοί*...—άλλ' έyώ εΐδον ό ν α ρ . . . — ν ή Δία καΐ y a p iyco-, Denniston Gk Part. 109. 83 Κάρνεα or Κάρνεια is the autumn festival of Apollo Karneios held in the Dorian month of that name ( = August-September), apparently at the full moon (Eur. Ale. 449). The only other evidence for it in Magna Graecia is a S.-Italian vase in Taranto (Rev. Arch. 1933.2.9), but it was celebrated in Cos, Sicily, Cyrene and other places besides the Peloponnese, and according to Pausanias (3.13.4) was common to all Dorian states. Lacon*s ram, though suitable for a shepherd, may well be the canonical offering; a dedication to Apollo Karneios (Ann. Br. Sch. Ath. 15.81, I.G. 5.1.222) is surmounted by a relief of what seem to be ram's horns, and a herm from Gythion with a ram's head has been identified not unplausibly with the god (Ath. Mitt. 29.21; cf. Rh. Mus. 53.360). For the Κάρνεια see further RE 10.1986, Nilsson Gr. Feste 118, Farnell Cults 4.259. xol δή = ήδη, as often: 15.56, Call. H. 2.3, 3.195, Ap. Rh. 1.1161, 2.1030, Starkie on Ar. Vesp. 492. 85 ποθορεΰσα: 3.18n. αυτός: 2.89 η. < Ιθ6
86-oo]
IDYLL V
86 φ ε υ φ € θ : an exclamation of compassion at Comatas's inferior lot does not seem appropriate, and Lacon is rather exclaiming in admiration of his own. Φευ is, of course, common of surprise or delight, and the following sentence is sometimes exclamatory, as at Soph. Ph. 234 φευ το καΐ λαβείν | πρόσφθεγμα τοιοΟδ* ανδρός. τ α λ ά ρ ω ς : the w o r d is used for various receptacles, commonly of basket-work (11.73), for wool (18.32η.), grapes (//. 18.568, Hes. Scut. 293), plants (15.113, Theophr. C.P. 5.6.6; cf. Arist. Prob. 924b 10), etc. Here, as at 8.70, it is the vessel in which the milk intended for cheese-making is put in order that the whey may drain off. Colum. 7.8.3 mulctra, cum est repleta lactet...haudprocul igne constituenda, et confestim cum concreuit liquor, infiscellas aut in calathos uelformas transferendus est. nam maxime refert primo quoque tempore serum percolari et a concreta materia separari, Poll. 7.175 τόν τάλαρον ώ ό χλωρός τυρός έμπήγνυται, Od. 9.246 (quoted on 11.35)» ΑΓ. Ran. 559 τ ο ν τυρόν γε τόν χλωρόν, τάλαν, | δν ούτος αύτοΐς τοις ταλάροις κατήσθιε, Tib. 2.3.15 tuncfiscella leui detexta est uimine iunci, | raraque per nexus est uia facta sero, Ο v. F. 4-770» Nemes. 2.33. W h a t Lacon fills the crates with is curd, which will become in them χλωρός τυρός. It could be eaten and was sometimes marketed in that form as Lys. 23.6 έλθόντα εις τόν χλωρόν τυρόν shows (cf. Τ.ι 1.3 5 η.), though for keeping it was taken from the crates, salted, and dried. 87 ά ν α β ο ν : the mss present this form here and at 8.3, άβα at 30.20 (Aeolic), and, except S, at 1.44, but άκρηβος at 8.93. I have left the α forms though they are probably hyperdorisms: see Bezzenbergers Beitrage 3.126, Buck Gr Dial.2 160. μολύνει: incestare, inquinaret polluere, uitiare are similarly used; it is odd that Lacon should employ such a figure of his own love-affairs, and is perhaps intended as an indication of coarseness or brutality. 88 μάλοισι: the apple is a love-token (2.120, 3.10, 6.7, 10.34, 11.10, Artem. 1.73, Luc. Tox. 13, Ath. 12.553Β quoted on 10.34, Colluth. 67, Prop. 1.3.24), and to throw it at anyone is to make an overture: 6.6, Ar. Nub. 997 μήλω βληθείς υπό πορνιδίου, Hes. Jr. 85, Λ.Ρ. 5.79, 8o, Luc. Dial. Mer. 12.1, Aristaen. 1.10, Anton. Lib. 1, Heliod. 3.3.8, Hesych. s.v. μήλω βαλεΐν, Virg. Ε. 3.64, O v . Tr. 3.10.73; see 3.40η., Harv. Stud. 10.39. Κλεαρίστα: 2.74η. 89 παρελαντα: for the form see 8.73, 10.16 άμάντεσσι, 15.148 πειναντι. ποππυλιάσδει: cf. 7η. The meaning appears to be to make sounds to attract attention: Timocles jr. 21 καΐ παριόντα Φείδιππον πάνυ | τόν Χσιρεφίλου πόρρωθεν άπιδών τόν παχύν | έττόππυσ', εΐτ' έκέλευσε πέμπειν σαργάνας, and so apparently ποππυσμός as a stage direction following the words ΐθι δε [Ορο in Aesch. Diet., p.Ox. 2161.2.5; cf. Plut. Mor. 713 Β (9.25 η.). The sound is the explosive hiss written by the Greeks σίττα, ψίττα or ψύττα (see 4.44 η.), ψό (Soph. Jr. 521), and ψ (Soph. Ichn. 170), in Latin st, in English pst. Possibly relevant are the tides of a play or plays by Alexis, Δορκις f\ Ποππύ^ουσα and 'Ρόδιον f\ ΤΤοππύ^ουσα, but the fragments do not illuminate the titles. 90 Κρατίδας: both Κροτίδας and Κρατιάδας are known from inscriptions, and Κράτης is very common. τόν ποιμένα: cf. 3.19η. λείος ύ π α ν τ ώ ν : the verb is commonly, and no doubt here, used of intentional encounters. The adjective is understood to mean smooth-skinned, and was possibly so understood by Rufinus, w h o seems, at A.P. 5.28 (cf. 91η.), to have this passage in mind. But it is incredible that ό Κρ. λείος should mean smooth-cheeked C. (see 4.49η.), and since Cratidas's cheeks are always smooth, it is as hard to believe that the adj. in that sense would be combined predicatively with a verb of motion. Λείος is not elsewhere used figuratively of persons, but its opposite, τραχύς, is 107
COMMENTARY
[91-94
common, and the adverb appears in an appropriate sense in Solon (ap. Arist. Ath. Pol. 12.3 =/r. 23 Diehl) καί με κωτίλλοντα λείως τραχύν έκφανεΐν νόον (cf. Aesch. Prom. 647)· I understand T. to mean therefore when in gentle temper he comes to mhet me. Σ take the two words together and give as explanation ή 80s, which maypoint in this direction; and so Virg. E. 3.66 at mihi sese offert ultro meus ignis Amyntas. Comatas boasts of the advances of Clearista; it is appropriate that Lacon should reply with the complaisance as well as the beauty of Cratidas. 91 έκμαίνει: cf. 2.82, 3.42, 10.31. For the active cf. A.P. 7.99, ώ έμόν έκμήνας θυμόν ερωτι Δίων, Ar. Eccl. 966. α υ χ έ ν α : cf. Eur. Bacch. 455 ττλόκαμόξ τε y a p σ ο υ τ α ν α ό $ . . .| γένυν π α ρ ' αυτήν κεχυμένος πόθου πλέω*. Α.Ρ. 5.28 τάς τ ρ ί χ α ί . . .| τά$ επί TOIS σοβαροί* αυχέσι πλί^ομένας. 92-5 The comparisons which follow refer to Cratidas and Clearista, to w h o m the verses openly revert at 96. Each singer depreciates his rival's taste in love. In view of the far-fetched obscene interpretations proffered by Σ at 112, 114, 119, 121 it may be wondered w h y they have refrained at 93, where one lay ready to hand in £όδα. 92 κυνόσβατος: apparently the wild rose, rosa semperuirens (Sibthorp Flora Gr. 5.483), which differs from the English briar by its more creeping habit. The word is commonly fern, but at Ath. 2.70D masc, though Athenaeus is quoting Theophr. H.P. 3.18.4, where the name is το κυνόσβατον: at H.P. 9.8.5 it is either masc. or neut. ά ν ε μ ώ ν α : various species of anemone are known in Greece, and the flowers are sufficiently rose-like to explain the proverb ρόδον ανεμώνη συγκρίνεις* έπι τ ω ν τ α ανόμοια συμβαλλόντων (Diogen. 8.1, al.\ cf. Luc. Apol. 11). Compared with roses the anemone lacks scent, and it is short-lived (Norm. D. 8.210 καί £όδα τίς μετάμειψεν ks ώκυμόρους άνεμώνα*;, Ο ν . Met. 10.737)· Whether Τ . regards κυνόσβατος as masc. or fern., the neut. plur. adjectival predicate is not unusual (see K.B.G. 2.1.78). The singular verb is commoner than the plural when singular subjects are connected by a disjunctive particle (Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §479), but its combination here with a plural predicate must be due to the fact that that predicate is neut. This attraction is c o m m o n enough (e.g. Hdt. 2.142 γενεαΐ y a p τρεις ανδρών εκατόν ετεά έστι, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §124), but I do not k n o w another case where it is due to a neut. plur. predicate of this nature. 1 93 £όδα: the cultivation of roses in Greek lands appears to be of great antiquity (see JR-E 7.774). Nicander (Jr. 74.9) gives instructions for planting, and recommends four varieties; and beds of cultivated roses had been k n o w n at Athens long before ([Dem.] 53.16), though it is possible, as here, that they were grown for sale rather than to ornament the garden. O n Greek gardens see E. C. Semple Geography of Mediterranean Region 485; on the varieties of rose k n o w n in Greece, Bunyard Old Garden Roses 10, Antiquity 14.250. έίνδηρα: the word, which is commonly used, as here, in the plural, occurs first in Hyperides (fr. 113) of the banks of a stream, but it is used of a garden-bed or border by Theophrastus (C.P. 3.15.4; cf. Nic. Th. 576, A.P. 12.197). π ε φ ύ κ ε ι : for άνδηρα π . cf. Od. 7.127 ένθα δε κοσμηταΐ πρασιά! τταρά νείατον όρχον | τταντοΐαι πεφύασι: for ττεφύκω ι . ΐ 0 2 η . 94 £ άκύλοις: properly the acorns of the evergreen oak, sometimes called βάλανοι ττρίνιναι or πρίνιναι, those of the deciduous oak being called simply βάλανοι, 1 The mss apparently write σύμβλητ* εστί, and editors follow them, but the accent is anomalous and unexplained (see Lobeck Paral. 486). I08
96-99]
IDYLL V
though Nicander (Al. 261) uses ακυλος of the fruit of δρυς and φηγός, and βάλανος has also other meanings (Theophr. H.P. 3.16.3, Gal. 6.778, Λ.Β. 22.6, 373.25, al.; see RE 5.2065). "Ακυλοι are food for pigs (Od. 10.242, Arist. H.A. 595 a29, A.B. 22.6) and may, like βάλανοι, have been eaten in times of scarcity (cf. Gal. 6.621), but they are disagreeable to the taste, astringent, and indigestible (ib. 778, Diosc. 1.106). όρομαλίδες: both the form of the word and its meaning are uncertain. Athenaeus (14.650 c) writes άμαμηλίδες ουκ είσιν ατποι, ως τίνες οΐονται, άλλ* Ιτερόν τι καΐ ήδιον καΐ άττυρηνον, and he adds, inter alia, that Aethlius called them όμομηλίδες and that Pamphilus wrote έτπμηλίς* άττίου γένος. Dioscorides (1.118) says that the έτπμηλίς is an edible form of medlar (μέσπιλον) which grows on a tree resembling an apple, and Galen (19.99), citing him, adds Ινιοι δέ τά μήλα τά σμικρά αγρία άττερ καΐ άμαμηλίδες ονομάζονται. According to Σ (as corrected with some certainty by Ahrens) Asclepiades of Myrlea wrote όμομαλίδες here, and he (or Σ) took them for figs, so called because they ripened at the same time as apples. Whatever the fruit, if we may assume it to be the same in all these places, there is something to be said for the correction. The form όρομαλίδες (δρεια μήλα Σ) however can hardly be ruled out, especially in view of Galen's statement involving wild apples. The second sentence is obscure since it is not plain in what points the two fruits are compared, nor is the text quite certain. Since however Lacon counters Comatas's flowers with fruit, it is probable that he is also countering appearance with taste, and therefore that μελιχραί sweet is preferable to μελίχροι honeycoloured. If so, sense can be extracted from the text—acorns derive a thin rind from the holm oak and therefore have one quality of a good fruit: they are however harsh and unpleasant to the taste, whereas the όρομαλίδες are honey-sweet—in other words Clearista has nothing but her looks to show compared with Cratidas. Some doubt has not unnaturally been felt both about the adj. λετττόν and about the construction of άττό ττρίνοιο, but no more satisfactory correction or explanation has been offered and it is not plain that any is needed. The preposition will denote the source from which the quality is derived, as at Od. 6.18 Χαρίτων όπτο κάλλος έχουσαι, ib. 12 θεών άττο μήδεα είδώς. 96 φάσσαν: the woodpigeon or ringdove. They were considered difficult to take (Dionys. Ornith. 3.12) but the flesh was esteemed (Ar. Ach. 1104) and they seem to have been kept in captivity (Arist. H.A. 613 a 20), as Clearista is no doubt intended to keep this one. 97 άρκεύθω: the word is used of several species of juniper. έφίσδει: perches. It is doubtful if the word could be used of sitting on a nest, and the season, if these singers are attentive to the truth in their songs, is late summer (83). 98 tqifor, with a view to: Hdt. 2.98 ήμέν "Ανθυλλα.. .ές υποδήματα εξαίρετος δίδοται, Xen. An. 3-4-Ϊ7 μόλυβδος ώστε χρήσθαι είς τάς σφενδόνας, Plut. Mor. 820F τους δέ Δημάδου (ανδριάντας) κατεχώνευσαν είς άμίδας: cf. 1.40η. 99 πέλλαν: the adj., which seems to be used exclusively of wool, hides, feathers, is defined by Hesych. as φαιόν χρώμα έμφερές τω ττελιδνώ, at Et. M. 6$g.g (where it is written ττέλον) as μέλαν, and by Zenodotus (ap. Gal. 19.129) as Sicyonian for κιρρός—perhaps a rusty black or grey. See Pearson on Soph.^r. 509. αυτός: presumably unasked, ultro. It may be enquired how Lacon, a slave, is in the position to make such a present. It does not seem impossible that slaves employed by farmers may have been allowed an animal or two, or a plot of ground of their own (cf. Biichsenschutz Besitz u. Erwerb 163), but the true answer may be that the rules of the game the two are playing allow them to romance as they will. 109
COMMENTARY
[100-108
100-3 These two couplets addressed by the competitors to their respective flocks interrupt the exchanges dealing with Clearista and Cratidas, which are resumed from 104-7, after which Comatas opens another theme. If 100-3 a r ^ in place, we may regard both couplets as asides unconnected with the competition, and Σ so treat 100-1; but since they follow the pattern of the other couplets, it is perhaps better to suppose that Comatas's attention is drawn for the moment to his. flock and that he frames his injunction to it in the form of a couplet for competition, Lacon necessarily following with a similar couplet whether his goats have provoked it or not. 100 Cf. 4.44 if. μηκάδες: 1.87η. ιοί = ι . ΐ 3 . 102 Κώναρος: ό κριός δια το τ ά κέρατα έχειν κωνοειδή, Σ. Κιναίθα: 2.ιοί η. Κιναίθων, the name of a Spartan in Paus. 2.3.9, is connected by Bechtel (Hist. Personennamen 505) with κναίειν, but it is difficult to separate Κιναίθα here from Κισσαίθα (1.151) and Κυμαίθα (4.46). 103 Φάλαρος occurs again as a descriptive adj. of a dog at 8.27 and means with a white crest or patch. So φαληρίς (a coot, from the white crest), κύματα φαληριόωντα (II. 13.799), όρη χιόνεσσι φάληρα (Nic. Th. 461). Φάλαρος is k n o w n also as a man's name (I.G. 5.2.40: 39) though the penultimate may there be short, as in Phalaris. A m o n g Actaeon's hounds at Ο v. Met. 3.221 is nigram medio jrontem distinctus ah albo | Harpalos. 104 hi: reverting, after the interruption of 100-3, to Comatas's last couplet on the theme of Clearista, which also related to a present for her. κυπαρίσσινος: the wood does not decay, resists worms, and takes a fine polish (Theophr. H.P. 5.4.2, Plin. N.H. 16.212, 223; cf. Mart. 6.49, 73, Hehn Kulturpflanzen6 277). 105 Πραξιτέλ€υς: according to Σ the reference is to a younger Praxiteles w h o lived επί Δημητρίου βασιλέως. Another note however adds, no doubt truly, αντί 5έ τοΰ είπεΐν θαυμαστόν λέγει τό όνομα του τεχνίτου ως Ιξάκουστον. Since therefore Comatas's bowl, if it exists at all outside his o w n imagination, can hardly be the w o r k of a professional sculptor, and though there were in fact younger sculptors of the name, it seems certain that Comatas is referring to the famous Athenian, and I have suggested (1.32η.) that Praxiteles is his substitute for Hephaestus, to w h o m Homeric heroes ascribe their treasures. He means that it is a very splendid piece, and therefore assigns it to the most eminent artist he has ever heard of, much like Martial's rich collector (4.39) or Phaedrus's artists (5 prol.) qui pretium operibus tnaius inueniunt nouis | si marmori adscripserunt Praxitelen suo, | trito Myronem argento, tabulae Zeuxidem. That the real Praxiteles never made such an object in his life is both probable and, except as heightening the naivete of the boast, irrelevant. 106 φιλοποίμνιος: the adj. does not occur elsewhere. ά γ χ ε ι : i.e. seizes by the throat, as 25.266, Od. 19.230 (κύων) λάε νεβρόν άττάΥχων, Ar. Ran. 467 τόν Κέρβερον | άττηξας αγχών, Hippon. jr. ι Έρμη κυνάγχα, Call. Ερ. 36, Arr. Ind. 15.2. Similarly Babr. 27 (of a γαλή) πάσας | έττνιγες όρνεις. 107 Cf. ι.ι 10. ιο8 ακρίδες: the word is most commonly used for the chirping insects which were kept, like cicadas, in cages (1.52 η.), commonly no doubt crickets, but some times, it may be supposed, grasshoppers. It may however be doubted whether either crickets or grasshoppers would damage vines, and still more whether they would hop over fences in order to do so, and άκρίς, the word readiest to hand for HO
ιοο-ιιο]
IDYLL V
any orthopterous insect, was certainly also used, as in modern Greek, for locust: Quint. S. 2.197 άκρίσι πυροβόροισιν άλίγκιον, αϊ τε φέρονται, | ώς νέφος ή πολύς όμβρος υπέρ χθονός εύρυπέδοιο | άττλητοι μερόπεσσιν άεικέα λιμόν άγουσαι, Α.Ρ. 11.365 εύ δ* αποκόψεις |. τους στάχυας· μούνας δείδιθι τάς ακρίδας, Orph. Lith. 603, Diod. 3-29. Probably therefore άκρίς here also means locust, for these really are a danger to vineyards: Ar. Av. 588 τάς οΐνάνθας ol πάρνοπες ού κατέδονται. C.V.A. Oxford 11D Pi. 10 and text p. 88 (fragment of East Greek vase with a boy catching an enormous locust on a vine), Pfuhl Malerei fig. 212 (locust in vineyard: also East Greek). If this is so,~T. must be thinking of the immature 'hoppers' or 'voetgangers' before the wings have developed. The more specific name for these is βροϋχος (βρούκος) or άττέλεβος, of which the first is glossed άκρίς in Et. M , the second in Suidas: Nahum 3.17 έξήλατο ώς άττέλεβος ό συμμικτός σου, ώς άκρίς έπιβεβηκυΤα επί φραγμόν έν ήμερα πάγους· ό ήλιος άνέτειλεν καΐ άφήλατο, Jerome ad loc. (Migne P.L. 25.1325) attelabus.. .parua locusta est inter locustam et bruchum, et modicis pennis reptans potius quam uolans semperque subsiliens: et ob hanc causam ubicunque orta fuerit usque ad puluerem cuncta consumit quia donee crescant pennae abire non potest: cf. ib. 1330, Theophr.^r. 174, Plin. N.H. 29.92, and generally Keller Ant. Tierwelt 2.455, & £ 8.1382, N . Douglas Birds and Beasts of the Gk Anthology 185. φ ρ α γ μ ό ν : Εν. Marc. 12.ι αμπελώνα έφύτευσεν άνθρωπος και περιέθηκε φραγμόν καΐ ώρυξεν ΰπολήνιον καΐ ωκοδόμησε πύργον, Clem. Al. Strom, τ,ηη Ρ. φιλο σοφία ή 'Ελληνική.. .φραγμός οίκεΐος εΐρηται καΐ θριγκός είναι του άμπελώνος. Geop. 5-44 gives, among precepts for vineyards, a number of ways for con structing thorn hedges, but if Comatas's circumstances, real or imagined, form a connected picture in TVs mind he may be thinking of the αίμασιαί of 93. άμόν unless Comatas is romancing presumably means Eumaras's. 109 λωβάσησθε: Pseudo-Phoc. 38 μηδέ τιν* αύξόμενον καρπόν λωβήση άρούρης. αύαι: the word has caused much difficulty but needlessly. Αύος is the opposite of χλωρός: Theophr. H.P. 4.12.3 αύτη δέ (ή f>ija) αύαίνεται καθ' εκαστον ένιαυτόν, είθ* έτερα πάλιν ά π ό της κεφαλής του σχοίνου καθίεται* τοϋτο δέ και έν τ η όψει φανερόν ίδεΐν τάς μέν αυας τάς δέ χλωράς καθιεμένας, Paus. 7Ί8.11 περί μέν τον βωμόν έν κύκλω ξύλα ίστασιν έτι χ λ ω ρ ά . . . εντός δέ έπί του βωμού τ ά αύότατά σφισι τών ξύλων κείται, Hes. W.D. 743· Comatas may therefore appropriately say to the ακρίδες leave my vines alone; they are dried up, for the normal food of locusts is the green part of various plants and when they damage trees it is by nibbling the leaf-stalks in search of moisture (Uvarov Locusts and Grasshoppers 73). Comatas might also say spare my vinesfor they are green, or choice, or the like, giving a reason, not w h y the ακρίδες should avoid them, but w h y they might be expected to attack them; and attempts have been made to defend the variant άβαι on these lines. Άβός has been taken for an adjective meaning young (Od. 5.69 ήμερίς ήβώωσα, τεθήλει δέ σταφυλήσι: cf. Simon.fr. 183, Cratin./r. 183, Norm. D. 42.296, Longus 4.5), and άβα for a noun denoting a choice species of grape (Hesych. ήβη* άμπελος,—probably an inference from this passage). A reason of this kind however, though not impossible, would seem more appropriately addressed to the guardian than to the thief, as at Cant. 2.15 πιάσατε ήμΐν άλώπεκας μικρούς αφανίζοντας αμπελώνας* καΐ αϊ άμπελοι ημών κυπρί^ουσαι, and the confusion of β and υ is so common that άβαι is probably a mere misreading as the meaningless ά^αι and αύταί must be; cf. Nic. Th. 368 αύήνησι, v.l. ά^ήνησι: 506 αύαλέην, v.ll. ά^αλέην, άβαλέην. n o f. This couplet is commonly supposed to mean see how I provoke Comatas: so do you provoke the reapers, but it is not plain h o w the τέττιξ, whose note was III
COMMENTARY
[112-115
almost universally admired (cf. 1.148), should provoke the reapers, nor that any thing which Lacon has lately said is particularly calculated to provoke his rival. Such a sense moreover unsuitably anticipates 120, 122. One aspect of the cicada which attracted the attention of poets is that it sings throughout the heat of the day when men and animals rest (1.15 η . ) : 16.94, Hes. W.D. 584 θέρεος καματώδεος ώρη, Scut. 396 πανημέριός τε καΐ ήφος χέει σύδήν | ΐδει έν αΐνοτάτω, δτε τε χροα Σείριος ά^61» Α Γ . Αν. 1095 ήνίκ' άν ό θεσπέσιος όξύ μέλος άχέτας | θάλπεσι μεσημβρινοΐς ήλιομανής βοφ, Aristophon jr. 10 πνίγος ύπομεϊναι καΐ μεσημβρίας λαλεΐν | τέττιξ, Ale. fr. 39; cf Acl. Ν. Α. 1.20. I take it therefore that Lacon thinks of labourers and cicadas vying with one another in the heat, much as Dionysus vies with the frogs at Ar. Ran. 209 ff., each side refusing to be beaten; and that he means see howfor every couplet ofComatas I have another ready. 'Ερεθίζει means therefore provoke, not to anger, but to further exertions, put him on his mettle, as at 23.15, 2 Cor. 9.2 ό υμών ^ήλος ήρέθισε τους πλείονας: and so Σ. There is a distinct resemblance to Plat. Phaedr. 258Ε: καΐ άμα μοι δοκοΟσιν ώς έν τ φ πνίγει υπέρ κεφαλής ημών ol τέττιγες φδοντες καΐ άλλήλοις διαλεγόμενοι καθοραν καΐ ημάς. εΐ ούν ΐδοιεν καΐ νώ καθάπερ τους πολλούς έν μεσημβρία μή διαλεγομένους άλλα νυστά^οντας καΐ κηλονμένους ύφ' αυτών δΓ apyiav της διανοίας, δικαίως άν κοταγελώεν, ηγούμενοι άνδράποδ' άττα σφίσιν έλθόντα είς τ ό καταγώγιον ώσπερ προβάτια μεσημβρισ^οντα περί τήν κρήνην εύδειν έάν δέ όρώσι διαλεγομένους καΐ παραπλέοντας σφας ώσπερ Σειρήνας άκηλήτους, δ γέρας π α ρ ά θεών εχουσιν άνθρώποις διδόναι τ ά χ ' άν δοΐεν άγασθέντες. Lacon perhaps means that his persistent success in capping Comatas's couplets has obliged the latter to embark in 108 on a new theme. όρήτ€, in view of the prohibition in Comatas's couplet, is no doubt imperative rather than indicative, though Lacon's answer is here remoter in subject-matter from its pattern than elsewhere in the contest. καλαμευτάς is glossed θεριστάς in Σ. The word elsewhere means angler (A.P. 6.167, 3°4» 7-5°4» 10.8), and καλαμάσθαι normally means to glean, which may give the meaning here. It seems possible however that T . means τους άλοιώντας, for these are equally concerned with καλάμη and have a special reason for emulating the cicada and dispensing with a siesta; see 10.48 f. 112 άλώπεκας: 1.49 n. τ ά Μίκώνος: 2.76 n. As the verb shows, Micon's here at least includes a vineyard. The name is very common. 113 φ ο ι τ ώ σ α ι : this verb is rarely followed by the bare ace. of motion, but it is so at Call. H. 3.193 δ δ* εννέα μήνας έφοίτα | π α ί π α λ ά τε κνημούς τε (cf. fr. 489, Τ. 13.67 n.) and it is possible that this is the construction here. It is however a litde awkward with τ ά ποθέσπερα, which plainly goes with φοιτώσαι, and it seems better to regard τ ά Μίκωνος as the object of ^αγί^οντι. τ ά ποθέσπερα: 1.15 n. ^αγίζοντι = τάς φαγάς τρώγουσι. The verb does not occur elsewhere. 114 κανθάρος: the specific pest of fig-trees is the κνίψ (Ar. Av. 590), which however does not seem to be a flying beetle (Theophr. H.P. 2.8.3, 4.14.10). If T. is thinking of any particular insects, they are possibly the κανθάρίδες έκ τ ώ ν προς ταΐς σνκαΐς καμπών (Arist. Η.Α. 552b ι ; cf. Geop. 5·4 0 )· Φιλώνδα: 4.1 η. 115 κατατρώγοντας: the gravamen of the charge lies more in the participle than in the verb. He means κατατρώγονσι καΐ φοροϋνται, and the tense of the participle (where an aor. might seem more natural) is probably to be explained 112
Ιΐ6-Ι2θ]
IDYLL V
as indicating habitual action. Similar in both respects is Plat. Gorg. 486 c τόν δέ τοιούτον.. .εξεστιν επί κόρρης τυπτοντα μη διδόναι δίκην. ύ π α ν έ μ ι ο ι , commonly windy, must mean wind-borne, or possibly, like υπήνεμος at A. Plan. 54, wind-swift. That seems to be the meaning in Nonnus, who uses the adj. not only of air-borne things (D. 42.2, 43.220) but also (45.139) of a snake; and so perhaps Plut. Sert. 12. 116 ή ο υ : cf. 120,24.38,1.5 m . T. is presumably thinking of the Homeric ή ου μέμνη δ τ ε . . . (J/. 15.18, 20.188, 21.396, Od. 24.115), and he may possibly, for that reason, have written μέμνα (cf. 8.72 η.). O n the elliptical construction μέμνημαι (οίδα) δτε, memini cum, see K.B.G. 2.2.368. κατήλασα: subigitaui as at Ar. Pax 711, Eccl. 1082; in the first passage however it governs, and in the second may govern, a gen. The uncompounded verb has this sense at Ar. Eccl. 39, Plat. Com. Jr. 3. σεσαρώς: if Comatas is reverting to the occasion mentioned in 41, this is presumably an expression of discomfort, but cf. 7.19 η. 117 ποτεκιγκλίζευ: ceuebas, άττό τοΰ κίγκλου ούτως καλουμένου όρνέου δ νυν σεισοττυγίδα καλουσιν [the wagtail, motacilla].. .κιγκλί^ειν δε το κινεϊν την όσφϋν φασιν, Σ, ΑΓ. β. 29, 140, Autocrates β. ι ; cf. Mart. 3-9S^3y J u v · 2.21, Priap. 83.23, C.I.L. 4.4977 Quintio hicfutuit ccuentes et uidit qui doluit. τας δρυός εΐχεο: Ar. Thesm. 489, Ant. Denk. 2 Hiilfst. 41.3, Licht Sittengesch. 3-63, 74118 μ ά ν answering a preceding μεν seems to be a novelty in verse; see Denniston Gk Part. 335. πόκα following δκα is defended by A.P. 12.44 (Glaucus) ή ν δτε παϊδας έπειθε πάλαι ποτέ δώρα φιλευντας, but the text is here not quite certain, and Wilamowitz, regarding πόκα as a conjectural stopgap, proposed τοι.* 119 έ κ ά θ η ρ ε : άντι του ετυπτε και έξέδερε. και 'Αριστοφάνης· πέδει τάς πλευράς έκάθηρε, Σ. The obscene alternative offered by Σ might derive faint support from Ar. Eccl. 847, but in view of δήσας it seems less probable. Apart from the corrupt citation from Aristophanes in Σ (on which see Kock C.A.F. 3.726) the only other trace of καθαίρειν = τυπτειν is apparently Hesych. καθαρθήναι* μαστιγωθήναι, for the gloss κάθαιρε attached to Ar. Ran. 662 τάς λαγόνας σπόδει is, as the context shows, meant in the ordinary sense. Somewhat similar is Ter. Heaut. 950 sed Syrum quidem egone si uiuo adeo exornatum dabo, | adeo depexum, ut dum uiuat meminerit semper met; ci. Plaut. Rud. 730. Ahrens wrote έκάθαρε from cod. Paris. 2781, and whether Doric or not, from the third century B.C. this is the commoner form. $ 2 however supports the mss, as does Greg. Cor. D. Dor. 95. καλώς μ ά λ α can hardly be separated, but it is open to doubt to which verb they belong. For the meaning see 3.3 η. ΐσαμι: the 1st pers.·sing, of this verb occurs also at Pind. P. 4.248, and is no doubt rightly restored in Epich. β. 254; the 2nd pers. ΐσαις at 14.34 and perhaps in A.P. 7.718 (Nossis); the 3rd pers. ϊσατι at 15.146 and S.G.D.L 1658. T. has the Doric 3rd pers. plur. ΐσαντι at 15.64, and so also Epich. fi. 53. Cf. 25.27, 30.13 nn., Choerob. Can. 2.362.26. 120 τις: cf. Ar. Ran. 552, 554, 606, 664. πικραίνεται: Dem. Epist. 1.6 μήτε πικραίνεσθαι μήτε μνησικακεΐν, Plat. Legg. 731 D. παρήσθευ: the compound is uncommon, and the preposition at Xen. Cyr. 4.2.30 (the only other place where the meaning is not to misperceive) seems to add nothing to the meaning. Here it perhaps means did you catch the tone as well as the words ? GT II
113
8
COMMENTARY
[121-126
121 σκίλλας: squills. The plant is purgative (Diosc. 2.171.3, Artemid. 3.50) and might be thought useful for purging bile, but the place of gathering points rather to a magical use, and it derives from its medical properties apotropaic powers also (Diosc. 2.171.4 έστι δέ καΐ άλεξιφάρμακον όλη πρό των θυρών κρεμάμενη, Theophr. Η.Ρ. 7-Ι3-4» Pun. Ν.Η. 2θ.ιοι; cf. ΑΓ. jr. 255, Theophr. Ch. 16.14, Τ. 7.107η.). The injunction, then, like that in the next couplet, is addressed to Morson, and means collect something to protect us from the venom which my opponent is beginning to show. γραίας άπό σάματος: graves are the common scene of magic practice (see Abt Apol. d. Apuleius 194), and herbs plucked from the grave of a wisewoman will presumably have additional power; cf. Hor. Epod. 5.17 (Canidia aduri) iubet sepulchris caprificos erutas, | iubet cupressus junebris, Serm. 1.8.22, Prop. 3.6.29. 122 κνίζω: Pind. N. 5.32 του δέ opyocv κνί^ον αίπεινοί λόγοι, Ρ. 8.32, 11.23, •Hdian (Hist.) 4.9.2 των μέν yap τοιούτων (σκωμμάτων) κνίζει μάλιστα όσα ελέγχει τών αμαρτημάτων τήν άλήθειαν. The word is more commonly used of softer emotions, as at 4.59 (cf. 6.25). λεύσσεις: 4.53 η. 123 κυκλάμινον: Plin. Ν.Η 25.115 in omnibus serenda domibus (cyclaminos) si uerum est ubi sata sit nihil nocere mala medicamenta. It is also used in love-magic (Theophr. HP. 9.9.3, Diosc. 2.164.4). "Αλεντα: there is a deme and perhaps a river of this name in Cos (7.1η.), and a river Hales or Ales in Lucania and also near Colophon (Paus. 8.28.3 > cf. Lye. 425). There may also therefore have been one near Thurii, but T. may have made a mistake about the position of the Lucanian river or, more probably, have trans ferred the name from Cos. See 4.23 n. and Introd. p. xx. 124-7 In 120-3 each has taunted the other with losing his temper. The meaning and relevance of the following exchanges is presumably that if the taunts are true then the age of miracles has arrived. See 1.132 n. 124 * Ιμέρα: nom., not gen. of Ιμέρας, as 126 shows. The names of rivers are masculine, and Ιμέρα must therefore be not a river but a spring. It is otherwise unknown, but there are two rivers in Sicily named Himeras and the conjunction of Ιμέρα here with Συβαρΐτις (126) implies either that T. placed another near Thurii, or that he borrowed the name from Sicily. γάλα: for the ace. cf. 126, Η Horn. 3.380 προρέειν καλλίροον ύδωρ, Themist. Or. 27.335 Α ψήγματος δ £εΰσαι τόν Πακτωλόν έττΐ Κροίσου φασί: cf. 25.15η. ΚραΘι: see p. 94· 125 πορφύροις: the word is apparently used by Homer of the darkening of the sea in a swell (I/. 14.16 ώς δ* δτε πορφυρή πέλαγος μέγα κύματι κωφω: cf. II. 1.482, Od. 2.428) and so also by Aratus (158, 296) and Apollonius (1.935), but later writers use it also, as here, of more positive colour: Bion 2.19 τόσον άνθος | χιονέαις πορφυρέ παρηίσι, Quint. S. 14.47, Λ··Ρ· 9·249» α^ σία: a marsh plant, according to Speusippus σελίνω έλείω τό φύλλον έοικός (Ath. 2.61 c); cf. Diosc. 2.127 (quoted on 7.133), Plin. N.H. 22.84. PseudoDiosc. 2.128 asserts that σισύμβριον, mentha aquatica, was also sometimes so called. Ptolemy Euergetes proposed to introduce the word by conjecture into Od. 5.72 (Ath. I.e.). 126 ά Συβαρΐτις, like Ιμέρα (124 n.), must be a spring, presumably that from which the river takes its origin. It is otherwise unknown, though Thurii took its name from a κρήνη named Θουρία (Diod. 12.10, Strab. 6.263). τό πότορθρον: 1.15 η. 114
127-135]
IDYLL V
127 β ά ψ α ι = άντλήσαι: Ap.Rh. 4-157 βάπτουσ' έκ κυκεώνος ακήρατα φάρμακα, Nic. Al. 5ΐ6 (cf. Ι 7 ΐ ) αυτήν άλα βάπτε, Eratosthenes αρ. Ath. 11.482Β τον νεοκράτα βάπτοντες τ ω κυμβίω. O n earlier examples of this use see Rutherford Babrius p. 68. 128 κύτισον: tree-medick or moon-trefoil, medicago arborea, mentioned by Theophrastus (H.P. 4.16.5) as destructive of other vegetation. It is described by Dioscorides (4.112), and is mentioned elsewhere as food for goats (10.30, Eupolis fr. 14, Virg. E. 1.78, 2.64) and according to Aristode (H.A. 522b27) it increases the supply of milk. See Atchley Wild Flowers of Attica 14, Hehn Kulturpflanzen6 399. αΐγιλον: the w o r d occurs elsewhere only at Babr. 3.2 (atyos) τρώγουσας | κόμην γλυκεϊαν αίγίλου τε καΐ σχίνου: cf. the plant-names αίγίλωψ, αίγίπνρος (4.25), αίγόλεθρος. 129 σχΐνον: the mastich, lentiscus, also mentioned by Eupolis and Babrius (lie. in 128 n.) as browsed by goats; cf. 26.11 n. κομάροισι: the arbutus: 9.11, Eupolis l.c.y Virg. E. 3.82, G. 3.300, Culex 52, Hor. C. 1.17.5. κέονται: for the form cf. II. 22.510 ένί μεγάροισι κέονται, Od. 16.232, Hippocr. Aer. 5, 6: 2.22, 24 L. 130 μελίτεια: 4.25 n. 131 κισθός: the rock-rose, cistus, of various species. Theophrastus (H.P. 6.2.1) distinguishes two, άμφω δέ δμοια τοις aypiois (ϊόδοις, πλην έλάττω καΐ άοσμα, Eupol./r. 14, Diosc. 1.97» Phn. N.H. 24.81. See Atchley Wild Flowers of Attica 8. έπανθεΐ: the verb is similarly used without a dat. expressed or implied at Job 14.7; cf. Babr. 118.5. 132-5 These two couplets have been suspected, and it must be admitted that they revert a little awkwardly to the themes handled in 88fF., though Clearista and Cratidas give place to Alcippa and Eumedes. There is however no real ground for rejecting them, and the recurrence to the early theme is perhaps, as elsewhere in T. f an indication that the contest is near to its end. Comatas (who shows a limited imagination in his presents) will give his girl, presumably Clearista (88), a ring-dove (96) and has given one to Alcippa (133), whose reception of it has cooled his passion. Lacon will give Cratidas a fleece (99) and has given Eumedes a pipe (135) and is apparently carrying on with both. But again a doubt arises as to the amount of imagination allowed or expected in such competitions. 132 Ά λ κ ί π π α ς : the name belongs to half-a-dozen mythological characters, including one of Helen's maids at Sparta (Od. 4.124), but it occurs also in real life (I.G. 2.3.1532). 133 τ ω ν ώ τ ω ν καθελοϊσ': Pollux 10.100 εΐδέναι δέ ου φανλον ότι χύτρα καΐ φιλήματος είδος ήν, οπότε τ α παιδία φιλοίη τ ω ν ώτων έπιλαμβανόμενα* ύποδηλοΐ δέ Εθνικός έν'Ανταία [fr. 1 ]· Λαβοΰσα των ώτων φίλησον τήν χύτραν, Plut. Mor. 3 8 Β οι τε πολλοί τ ά μικρά παιδία καταφιλουντες αυτοί τε των ώτων άπτονται κάκεϊνα τούτο ποιεϊν κελεύουσιν, Clem. Al. Strom. 5.652 P., Tib. 2.5.91 natusque parenti | oscula comprensis auribus eripiet. Such kisses however were not confined to the nursery (Luc. Dial. Mer. 3.2, Plaut. As. 668, Poen. 375), and, in view of έραμαι, it is plain that Alcippa is not a child. Cum uxorem paulo θερμότερον amplector, eo genere (osculorum) utor remarks Reiske. φ ά σ σ α ν : 96 η. 134 Εύμήδευς: the name is quite common. 135 top εξ α: gave, not passed, as Pind. P. 3.110 εΐ δέ μοι πλοϋτον θεός άβρόν όρέξαι, Nic. fr. 74-5» Lye. 894» 138ι. In Homer the word has this sense only with abstracts—κΟδος, εύχο$, τάχος, and it is far more commonly used of the gifts of 115
COMMENTARY
[136-144
immortals than of mortals. O n Lacon's lips it seems extremely pompous, but in view of T.'s habitually high-coloured vocabulary this effect may be unintentional. 136 f. O n the assignment of this couplet see p. 93 n. 1. κίσσας: jays, which are still so called in modern Greece. They are coupled with nightingales for garrulity (Alex.fr. 92, quoted on 15.88; cf. Lye. 1319), and they are mimics (Plut. Mor. 973c, Porph. de abst. 3.4, a/.), so that the contest is not absurd in conception. See further 1.136 η. κύκνοισι: on the swan's song see Thompson Gloss. of Gk Birds2 180. Comatas is here giving imagination more rein and comparing a bird whose note he knows to be somewhat harsh with one whose song he has only heard of; cf. Lucr. 3.6 quid enim contendat hirundo | cycnis?, Virg. E. 8.55 certent et cycnis ululae. The variation of number and construction in π ο τ ' άηδόνα and κύκνοισι is hardly ground for suspecting the text. ώ τ ά λ α ν : of remonstrance, as at 20.3, 27.57, an
145-150]
IDYLL V
it was no doubt a mere slip, for the short -αν cannot be defended by μίτραν at 27.55, or ύλάν in the anacreontic είς Νεκρόν "Αδωνιν 44); άμνίς at 5·3> 1395 άμνάς at 8.35, in various Jewish and Christian writers, and regularly in the LXX. 145 κερουχίδες: I retain the ms reading, which seems a defensible feminine form of κεροϋχος (Babr. 45.5 aiyas κερούχους αγρίας), and resembles σαμβαλουχίς (Hdas 7.53), δελεουχίς (probable in an epic fragment, Powell Coll. Ah 251.8), though it should perhaps be written κερωχίδες. Editors have mostly preferred Ahrens's κεροντιδες (formed hypothetically from κερουτιάν: Ar. Equ. 1344 άνωρτάλι^ες κάκεροντίας, Hesych. κεροντιςί· yaupiqr μετενήνεκται δέ ά π ό τ ω ν ύψαυχενούντων ταύρων), but κερουχίδες provides the better contrast between the adult goats and the τραγίσκοι of 141. ϋμμε : 6ι n. 146 2νδοθι = έν. Somewhat similar are Call. H. 4.222 Ινδοθι νήσου, Αρ. Rh. 4.508 ενδοθι πάσης | . . . Κρανίης αλός. λίμνας: there is little to choose between λίμνας and κρανας, and there have been references to both lake (17) and spring (126; seen.). The former is perhaps a litde more suitable for washing goats and is slightly favoured by T / s choice of preposition, but Virgil seems to have had κράνας before him: E. 3.96 pascentis a flumine reice capellas: | ipse, ubi tempus erity omnis infonte lauabo. On the meaning of κρήνη see C.R. 51.2. 147 λευκίτας: ως άττό του μέσος μεσίτης, Σ: cf. 3-5 η · κορυπτίλος: 3-5 n., Et. Μ. 53 2 ·9 κορύπτης· ό κριός. The word does not occur elsewhere, but c£. Hesych. s.vv. κορυπτόλης, κορίττολος. 148 φ λ α σ σ ώ , in view of the context and the reference to Melanthios (see 150 n.), was no doubt rightly understood by Σ of emasculation. The verb, though I have not so translated it, means to bruise expound, and this method of castration was known and practised (Arist. H.A. 510 b 2, ah> Colum. 6.26, Pallad. 6.7). O n φλαν for Ολαν see 15.76η. πρίν ή έμέ: for the vowel unshortened in hiatus at the fourth arsis cf. 1.127, 2.158, 14.33, 1^-13, 17-106, 18.58, 22.94, 24.27, 118, 25.274. For T / s treatment of ή cf. 16.62η. Since the pronoun is in the ace, it follows that the temporal clause belongs to the protasis; for the hyperbaton cf. epigr. 21.1 n. καλλιερησαι: to sacrifice with favourable outcome: Plat. Legg. 791Α οίς &ν καλλιεροΟντες έκαστοι θύωσι, Plut. Aem. 17 τ ω Ήρακλεΐ βουθυτών ουκ έκαλλιέρει, Polyb. 3-H-5» ah, and, with an ace. of the victim, as here, Plut. Alex. 69; cf. Dem. 21.53. In order that the sacrifice may be well received, the congregation must be καθαροί καΐ αγνοί, and since Comatas's flock will be there, they are to be bathed (like the Greek army at Troy, Ih 1.314) and the he-goat is to be chaste (cf. Hdt. 2.64, Dem. 22.78, Tib. 2.1.11). There is no doubt a touch of comedy in these precautions. 149 δ δ' α ύ π ά λ ι ν : cf. 4 4 8 . The ellipse or aposiopesis implies rather an indelicate word as at 1.105 than a verb of motion as at 1.116. 150 φ λ ά σ σ α ι μ ι for the assimilated optative; which is regular in such sentences, see 7.106ff, 127, 15.94, Goodwin M.T. §§531, 558, K.B.G. 2.1.255. Μ ε λ ά ν θ ι ο ς : a goatherd, like himself, whose fate is recorded at Od. 22.475 τ ο ^ δ' άττό μεν ρΐνάς τε και ουατα νηλέι χαλκω | τάμνον, μήδεά τ ' έξέρυσαν κυσίν ωμό δάσασθαι, | χείρας τ* ήδέ πόδας κότττον κεκοτηότι θυμω. Comatas is principall) thinking of the second line and means αυτός φλασθείην. Cf. 4.63η.
117
IDYLL VI PREFACE Subject. T w o young herdsmen, Damoetas and Daphnis, meet at a spring, and Daphnis suggests a singing-match. He begins with fourteen lines, which are addressed to Polyphemus and twit him with his indifference to the advances of Galatea. Damoetas replies with twenty lines sung in persona Polyphemi. His indifference, he says, is assumed in order to cure Galatea of her airs and graces and induce a complete surrender; there is nothing in his personal appearance which need put him at a disadvantage. Galatea. Galatea is a Nereid (//. 18.45, Hes. Th. 250) and was probably the object of a cult in Sicily, since, according to Duris (Jr. 43 Μ . : Σ Arg. Id. 6), Polyphemus built a shrine to her διά τήν εύβοσίαν των θρεμμάτων κσΐ τοΰ γάλακτος ττολυττλήθειαν. According to the same authority Philoxenus of Cythera misunderstood the reason of this foundation, and, supposing the Cyclops to have been in love, composed his famous dithyramb under that misapprehension. It seems possible however that he was deliberately inventing, for the dithyramb had a satirical intention. Philo xenus had intrigued with Galatea, the mistress of Dionysius of Syracuse, and, being detected, was imprisoned in the stone-quarries. His dithyramb, entitled Κύκλωψ or Γαλάτεια, presented Galatea, the king's mistress, as the sea-nymph, Dionysius as Polyphemus, and the poet himself as Odysseus (Σ Ar. Plut. 290, Ath. i.6F = Phanias /r. 1 3).* However this may be, the theme of the Cyclops in love owes to Philoxenus its introduction to literature and its subsequent popularity. The details of Philoxenus's version cannot now be discerned (see Bergk P.L.G. 3.609), nor can those of comedies—the Γαλάτεια of Nicochares and of Alexis, and the Κύκλωψ of Antiphanes. The theme however, with its combination of the pathetic and the grotesque, naturally commended itself to Hellenistic taste. Hermesianax (Jr. 7.73 Powell), Callimachus (Ep. 47), Bion (2.2), and the author of the Lament for Bion (58), allude to it, T. handles it again in Id. 11, and numerous representations of the subject no doubt go back to Alexandrian models. O n these see JRJE 7.518, Roscher 1.1588. In T. Odysseus has receded into the background (cf. 6.22), but Polyphemus remains a Caliban as in Philoxenus (cf. the parody at Ar. Plut. 290), and there is nothing in the allusions mentioned above to indicate any departure from this treatment. In some of the representations however (e.g. the fresco from the 'House of Livia* on the Palatine: Pfuhl Malereifig. 730) Polyphemus is no longer monstrous. T w o literary variants also deserve mention. In O v . Met. 13.750 a rival lover, Acis, appears (cf. 1.69η.); and in Prop. 3.2.5 (cf. Luc. Dial. Mar. 1, Nonn. D. 6.303) Galatea is captivated by the Cyclops, by w h o m she is elsewhere said to have had three sons (App. Illyr. 2). Aratus. The poem is addressed (2) to Aratus, the friend with whose love-affairs Simichidas's song at 7.98 deals, and Σ both in the Argument and on 1. 2 suggest, though tentatively, that he is Aratus of Soli, son of Athenodorus and author of the 1 If Phanias may be believed, a poem on Galatea was begun before the intrigue was discovered.
Il8
IDYLL VI 1
Phaenomena. The identification, though plainly no more than an inference in Σ, is a natural one, and was generally accepted until Wilamowitz 2 pointed out the weak ness of the evidence in its favour, (i) The Coan setting of Id. η makes it plain that T.'s friend Aratus, w h o m at 7.119 he calls τον ξεΐνόν μευ, must have been either a resident or a visitor in the island, and the poet Aratus is nowhere connected with Cos, neither is T. known to have visited Athens, Macedonia, or Syria, in which most of Aratus's life was spent. O n the other hand a list of Coan names apparently of the third century contains an "Αρατος Κλευφάντον and an "Αρατος Μακα[ρίνου (Paton and Hicks Inscr. of Cos 10 c 58, 81), the same inscription contains an Άρατίδας, another of about the same date (ib. 368) Άράτιον (twice) and Άρατίων (twice or three times), Άράτιον Γοργού appears in an inscription of about 200 B.C. and "Aporros Άριστίττττου in one to which no date is assigned (Herzog Koisch. Forsch. 12, 220); and Ά ρ α τ ο ς occurs as a magistrate's name on Coan coins. T h e name and its congeners were therefore common in Cos, and nothing in T. suggests that his friend is a poet (contrast 11.6). (ii) Neither poet shows familiarity with the work of the other and, with the possible exception of T. 17.1 (where see n.), there are no borrowings. 3 ' It is hardly credible that this should be so if they were on the intimate terms disclosed in Id. 7. (iii) Callimachus (Ep. 29) and Leonidas (A.P. 9.25), the only contemporary poets w h o name the author of the Phaenomena, treat the first syllable of his name as long. This argument however cannot be regarded as decisive since Meleager (A.P. 4.1.49) and other later poets have the syllable short, (iv) O n the other side it has been argued that the address to Pan at 7.103 is connected with Aratus's hymn to Pan, written apparently to celebrate Antigonus's defeat of the Celts at Lysimacheia in 277 B.C. Homole (7.103) is in Thessaly and is not elsewhere connected with Pan. Nothing however is known of the contents of Aratus's hymn, and Pan, who is not said to be in any special relation with T.'s friend, is a suitable deity of w h o m to demand the service asked in Id. 7. (v) It has also been argued that in certain passages (7.53, 13.25, 50, 22.8, 24.11) T. shows a more professional interest in astronomy than is common among poets, and particularly in the stars as signs of the season or the weather. Aratus's poem treats astronomy from that point of view, and these allusions, it is argued, are all in poems written subsequently to the publication of the Phaenomena, which cannot be later than 274 B.C.4 Against this it must be said that the dating of all T.'s poems involved is quite uncertain, 5 that none of the passages is reminiscent of the Phaeno mena, and that the interest taken by educated people in such matters may have been the cause rather than the effect of Aratus's poem. O n the whole therefore, though the possibility that T.'s friend was the poet cannot be absolutely excluded, it is much more probable that he was an Aratus who, unless he is one of those mentioned in Coan inscriptions, is otherwise unknown. Relation to Id. 7. In Id. 7 Simichidas's song deals with the love-affairs of his dear friend Aratus. Aratus, it seems, is infatuated with a boy—Philinus or another as Simichidas asserts at first, Philinus as he later assumes (105, 118, 121). Pan is invited to assist Aratus in the attainment of his desires, and is wished good or evil according 1 δύναται δέ ούτος eivai 6 τα Φαινόμενα γράψας. σνγκεχρόνικε γαρ τ ω Θεοκρίτω και εΙκός <φίλου$> αλλήλων γενέσθαι. (2) ττρός τον "Α. τον ποιητή ν τον τα Φαινόμενα γράψαντα· Ισόχρο νος γαρ ήν θεοκρίτω. άλλοι δέ φασι προς τίνα ούτω καλούμενον. : Aratos von Kost Gott. Nachr. 1894.182. For further literature see Appendix iv (on 1. 2). 3 E. Maass (Aratea 259) could cite only Id. 22.19 ff., where however there is no real resemblance. 4 Wilamowitz (Hell. Diclit. 2.276) however dated it in the sixties. 5 Id. 13 and part of Id. 22 are presumably later than the Phaenomena since they rehandle themes of Apollonius, w h o is generally held to have k n o w n Aratus's poem.
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[ι-3
as he complies or not. The Loves are asked to punish Philinus for his resistance, and then the tone changes. Philinus is getting on in years, and Aratus is advised to abandon the siege to his rival and to live in quiet content. In Id. 6 Polyphemus is in love with Galatea, but he has learnt to value himself (35fF.), feigns indifference to her, and will provoke her thereby to complete surrender (32). The advice to be drawn from Id. 6 is not the same as that offered to Aratus at 7.126, but it is a suitable alternative to, or explanation of, that advice, and it seems unlikely to be by accident that the poem is addressed to Aratus, even though all direct reference to him is confined to the vocative in 1. 2. The poem thus resembles Id. 11, T.'s other Cyclops poem, where advice to another friend in love is illustrated by the same example of Polyphemus and Galatea. T h e Scene and D a t e . The poem has no scene or setting except a spring in summer time at midday (3 fF.). The songs therefore are imagined, like Thyrsis's song in Id. 1, as the recreation of the singers during the heat of the day. The connexion with Id. 7 however marks the two poems as of much the same date, and the dedication to Aratus links Id. 6 with T.'s residence in Cos, though the theme of the songs is Sicilian. Ι Δαμοίτας: the name occurs in Thessalian inscriptions (LG. 9.2.32, 549,1060). The second element in it is connected by Bechtel (Gr. Personennamen 346) with οΐσειν. καΐ: χ ώ of Κ and other mss may come from 1.100,140, and Κ inserts superfluous articles at 5.62, 13.5 (cf. 15.83). It should be said however that T. has the article with the second only of two names (or third of three) elsewhere (cf. 22.34η.) and that 23 ό μάν-ns ό Τήλεμος would defend ό βουκόλος ό Λυκώπας at 5.62 and possibly ό Δάφνις ό βουκόλος here. ό βουκόλος (cf. 44) is the formal title of the mythical Daphnis (i.86n., 7.73) and he, rather than a rustic named after him, is presumably meant here. 2 τ ά ν ά γ έ λ α ν : Damoetas and Daphnis are both herdsmen, though we are nowhere told what animals are in the former's charge. Since however heifers alone appear at 45 we may.assume that Damoetas also is a cowherd. Most translators and (where their opinion appears) commentators suppose the situation to be as in Idd. 5 and 8, where herdsmen pasturing their respective flocks in one neighbourhood meet together for conversation or song. That is no doubt the most natural inter pretation, and it is supported by the apparent imitation at Virg. E. 7.2 compulerantque greges Corydon et Thyrsis in unum, but it requires the singular τάν άγέλαν to be distributive and to mean their respective herds. The use is not to be defended by the common distributive singular with such words as είδος, parts of the body, garments, weapons etc. (22.191; cf. K.B.G. 2.1.14). Somewhat similar is Ap. Rh. 1.529 ώς έδάσαντο πάροιθεν έρέσσεμεν ω ένι χώρω, but the singular here is the more remarkable since ενα invites a plural, and if T. means brought their two herds it may be wondered why he did not write τάς- άγέλας. In view of this difficulty it seems slightly preferable to suppose that the two boys arc in charge of one herd, which has been scattered and is n o w gathered together again. It may be relevant to remark that in Idd. 5 and 8 and E. 7 the herds temporarily united are of different species whereas here apparently cows only are involved. 3 πυρρός is the colour of the first down upon the chin or body: 15.130, Eur. Ph. 32 ήδη δε πυρσαΐς γένυσιν έξανδρούμενος, Arist. de col. 797b 30 ομοίως δε και περί την ήβην και το γένειον, όταν άρχωνται το πρώτον ήβάν και γενειάν, και αύται (αϊ τρίχες) γίγνονται κατ' αρχάς μεν πυρραί. . .της τροφής δε πλέον 120
4-12]
IDYLL VI
έπι τον τόπον έπιφερομένης μελαίνονται πάλιν, Gal. ι.619. As a colour πυρρός is near in meaning to ξανθός (see 8.3η.), but T. uses the adjective as a mark of age; one of the boys is πρώτον ύπηνήτης τοΟ περ χαριεστάτη ήβη (//. 24.348, Od. 10.279', cf. Aesch. Sept. 534> Headlam on Hdas 1.52), the other a little older—άρτι γένεια | περκά^ων (Call. Η. 5.75). Similar, if rightly restored, is a corrupt verse cited in Σ from Παρμενίσκος ( = Parmeno jr. 8 Powell) π α ϊ δ ' ούτε γένυσιν πυρρόν ούθ' ύπηνήτην. επί κράναν: επί c. ace. seems to be used in the so-called pregnant sense as at Od. 6.212 κάδ δ' άρ* Όδυσσή* είσαν έπι σκέπας, unless we are to suppose that the rocks or masonry of the spring provided a seat. 4 θέρεος is no doubt gen. of time as at 8.78, 11.58, and not dependent on άματι. 5 έρισδεν: the imperfect is conative—Daphnis first desired a competition, i.e. issued a challenge. It is used however where English would employ a pluperfect, as, e.g., Thuc. 2.23 απέστειλαν τάς εκατόν ν α υ ς . . . άσπερ παρεσκευά^οντο: see K.B.G. 2.1.1457 μάλοισιν: 5.88 n. Galatea, more delicately, pelts not the shepherd but his dog and his flock. δυσέρωτα καΐ αΐπόλον: Polyphemus, like Daphnis in Id. 1, is backward in responding to the addresses of a young woman. Both are called δύσερως (1.85) and Daphnis, an oxherd, is said to resemble a goatherd (86) in his love-affairs. It seems certain therefore that αΐπόλον here refers to Polyphemus, though he is a shepherd (6.10, 11.12), and has the same connotation as at 1.85 of a laggard in love. The ms reading δυσέρωτα τον αΐπόλον άνδρα can just be translated in the required sense—calling the goatherd fellow [i.e. yourself] a backward lover. The natural object of καλεΟσα however is τ υ supplied from τοι: αΐπόλον, being approximately a synonym of δυσέρωτα, might expect to have the same status in the sentence and to form part of the predicate; and Meineke's καί appears almost necessary. For the addition of άνδρα, here contemptuous, see 7.32 η. 8 ποθόρησθα: 25 η. τ ά λ α ν τ ά λ α ν : 5·ΐ37η ·> Call. Ερ. 32 Θεσσαλικέ Κλεόνικε, τάλαν, τάλαν, ού μά τον όξύν | ήλιον, ουκ έ γ ν ω ν σχέτλιε, π ο υ γέγονας;, Machon αρ. Ath. 13.580B τάλαν, τάλαν | άνερ, πόθεν έχεις τ α υ τ \ εφη, τ ά τραύματα; For the doubling of a word at this point in the verse cf. 8.73, Call. H. 2.2,4.204, 6.64, Ep. 30,/r. 75.4, A.P. 12.130. 9 τ ά ν κύνα: if Philippus at A.P. 11.321 is to be taken seriously, grammarians, w h o m he calls Ζηνοδότου σκύλακες, | Καλλιμάχου στρατιώται, debated whether Polyphemus had dogs. 10 σκοπός: i.e. επίσκοπος. The word is used in this sense, and as feminine, also at Od. 22.395 ΥΡηύ παλαιγενές, ή τε γυναικών | δμωάων σκοπός έσσι, and there is perhaps some memory also of//. 18.523 δύω σκοποί ήατο λαών | δέγμενοι όππότε μήλα Ιδοίατο και έλικας βους, though there σκοπός has its ordinary meaning. 11 ν ι ν : the dog rather than Galatea, as the drift of 10-13 suggests. Galatea is making towards the land (14), the dog running up and down on the wet sand to protect the flock from its assailant (6). φαίνει, if νιν is the dog, is required to mean reflects. The verb has that sense at A.P. 5.266 (Paul. Silent.) σήν γ ά ρ έμοι και πόντος έπήρατον είκόνα φαίνει, and ύποφαίνειν may have it at 38 below, but the objects, είκόνα and aOyav, make both considerably easier. Έμφασις and έμφαίνεσθαι however are common of reflexion (e.g. Theophr./r. 1.36). The variant ραίνει is plainly inferior. 12 κ α χ λ ά ζ ο ν τ ο ς : the verb may be used both of the liquid (e.g. Ap. Rh. 2.570 λευκή κοχλάζοντος άνέπτυε κύματος άχνη) and of the object on which it impinges 121
COMMENTARY
[15-18
(Pind. Ο. 7.1 φιάλαν.. .Ινδον αμπέλου καχλά^οισαν δρόσω). T h e n o m . κοχλάζοντα is metrically defensible (7.8 η.), but the gen. improves the sentence and receives some support from Dion. Per. 837 Ινθα Καϋστρου | ήσυχα κοχλάζοντος έπιρρέει άγλαόν ύδωρ. 15 και αύτόθε: even before she reaches the shore. διαθρύπτ€ται: 3.36, Ι5·99ηη. The airs which Galatea assumes seem here to be rather provocative than (as at 3.36) coy: Charit. 5.3.6 αβρά καΐ θρυπτομένη καΐ ώς προκαλούμενη. άκανθας: 1.132η. The meaning here is plainly some plant of the thistle kind which Σ choose to identify with κινάρα, an artichoke. 16 χαΐτοι: ol π ά π π ο ι της κινάρας, Σ, Eubul. fr. 107.19 π ά π π ο ς ά π ' άκάνθης*...| νέος μέν ών έστηκεν έν τ ω σπέρματι* | δταν δ' άποβάλη τούτο, πέτεται κουφός ών | δήπουθεν, υπό των παιδίων φυσώμενος, Od. 5.32.8 ώς δ* δτ* όπωρινός Βορέης φορέησιν άκανθας | άμ πεδίον, πυκιναί δέ προς άλλήλησιν εχονται, Soph. fr. 868, Arat. 9 2I > Nic. Αϊ. 126. The word χαίτη is uncommon of plants except in Nicander, w h o so uses it frequently: Call. H. 4.81, Strab. 17.799. The simile is loosely attached to its context; Galatea is light and inconsequent as thistledown, but her inconsequence is described in terms inapplicable to the thistledown. 17 11.75, 14-62, Norm. D. 16.297 κτείνεις γ ά ρ ποθέοντα, και ου γαμέοντα διώκεις. The line is borrowed by Macedonius at Λ.Ρ. S-ΜΊ and its content is probably proverbial (cf. Sapph. fr. 1.21), though in this application of it φιλέοντα will mean lover rather than friend, for T. elsewhere (3.28, 12.15, Ϊ7-39) u s ? s φιλεΐν in senses indistinguishable from έραν. The first clause, though describing Galatea's levity, is not relevant to the immediate situation; her present behaviour is described in the second and in what follows. The sense is logically inconsistent as thistledown, though when you sought she shunned, now you seek her not she hunts you and leaves no move untried. Alternately 17 might be regarded as an expansion of διαθρύπτεται. Cf. Ter. Eun. 812 noui ingeniutn tnulierum: | nolunt ubi uelis, ubi nolis cupiunt ultro. 18 τόν από γραμμας κ.τ.λ.: Poll. 9-97 Τ Ο δέ πεττεύειν.. .έπεί δέ ψήφοι μέν είσιν ο\ πεττοί, πέντε δ' έκάτερος των παιζόντων εϊχεν επί πέντε γραμμών, εΐκότως εΤρηται Σοφοκλεϊ [fr. 429» where see Pearson] Και πεσσά πεντέγραμμα και κύβων βολαί. των δέ πέντε των εκατέρωθεν γραμμών μέση τις ήν ίερά καλούμενη γραμμή* και ό τόν εκείθεν κινών πεττόν παροιμίαν 'κινεί τ ό ν ά φ * Ιεράς', Eustath. 633.59 · · .oi κυβεύοντες, ών μία τις μέση γραμμή ώνομά^ετο Ιερά, επειδή ό ήττώμενος έπ' έσχάτην αυτήν ΐετο* όθεν και παροιμία κινεΐν τόν άφ' Ιεράς, έπι τών έν άπογνώσει δεομένων βοηθείας έσχατης, χρήσις δέ ταύτης και παρά Σώφρονι [fr. 127; cf Epich.^r. 225] έν τ ω Κινήσω δ* ήδη και τόν άφ* Ιεράς* Ινθα λείπει το πεσσόν ή λίθον. Αλκαίος [fr. 82] ούν έκ πλήρους εφη το Κινήσας τόν πήρας πυκινόν [άπ* ΐρας πύματον Bk] λίθον, κωμικευσάμενος εκείνος και άντι τοΰ Ιεράς ώς έν παρόδω γράψας το πήρας. Θεόκριτος δέ έν τ ω Κ. τ . ά. γ . κ. λ. Ιδίως τ η ελλείψει χρήται, παραπέμψας, φασίν, ήγουν σιωπήσας τήν Ιεράν, id. Ι397· 2 9. Μ. Ε. Miller Melanges lit. gr. 435 . . .ή παροιμία το κινήσω τόν άφ* ιεράς, έπι τών απεγνωσμένων και έσχατης βοηθείας δεομένων* παρετείνετο γ ά ρ διά τών πεσσών μέση γραμμή ή ν ίεράν ώνόμα^ον, επειδή ό ήττώμενος έπ* έσχάτην αυτήν Τεται. According to Σ (who however mention 3ατρίκιον, chess, and may be confusing the two games), the piece on the central or * sacred' line was called βασιλεύς, and to Σ Plat. Lcgg. 739A it was οίον Ιερά και ακίνητος, θεών νομι^ομένη, but the rules, and even the object, of the game are unknown, and the circumstances in which this piece was moved cannot be further determined. (See RE 13.1970, Smith Diet. Ant. 2.11, Antiquity 14.267.) Besides Alcaeus and Sophron, Menander (jr. 269) and 122
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Plutarch (Mor. 783B, 975A, I I I O E ) employ the proverb, and it is alluded to by Plato (I.e.). The common form is τον άφ* Ιεράς (κινεΐν), and the explanation επί των τ ά έσχατα κινδυνευόντων or των τήν έσχάτην βοήθειαν κινουντων: see Leutsch Paroem. 1.259· T.'s version implies that the Ιερά γραμμή was sometimes called γραμμή alone. έρωτι: i.e. τ ω έρώντι, the state or emotion being substituted for the person who experiences it. The development of such figures may be illustrated by Antiphan. jr. 259 ό δέ πλούτος ή μας, καθάπερ Ιατρός κακός, | πάντας βλέποντας παραλαβών τυφλούς ποιεί, Men. jr. 83 τυφλόν ό πλούτος καΐ τυφλούς | τους έμβλέποντας είς εαυτόν δεικνύει. Cf. Eur. Jr. 55 άδικον ό πλούτος, πολλά δ* ούκ ορθώς ποεΐ, Men. Jr. 59 φύσει γ ά ρ έστ* έρως | τοϋ νουθετούντος κωφόν, 587 ύπερήφανόν π ο υ γίνεθ' ή λίαν τρυφή, ι Ερ. Cor. 13.4 ή α γ ά π η μακροθυμεΐ, χρηστεύεται· ή α γ ά π η ού 3ηλοΐ κ.τ.λ., Soph. Ph. 847· O n the blindness of lovers see 10.20, 27 nn. 19 Π ο λ ύ φ α μ ε : 7.89 η. καλά καλά: on the quantity see 2.125η. For the two quantities close together cf. Call. H. 1.55 καλά μεν ήέξευ, καλά δ' έτραφες, Ερ. 31 καλός ό παις, Άχελωε, λίην καλός, Α.Ρ. 6.278 (Rhianus), Hdas 7-U5 τ α καλά π ά ν τ α της καλήσιν αρμόζει, Powell Coll. Al. 186.9 παίσαι καλά εμματ* έχοίσαι | καλά μέν εμματ' έχοίσαι, and see Schneider on Call. Η. 1.54, Headlam on Hdas I.e. Similar variations are 8.5f. (Δάφνις), 19 (ίσος), 18.51 (Κύπρις); cf. 1.9η. As Headlam pointed out, Alexandrians deliberately affected the device. The classical prototype is of course II. 5.31, 455 ΤΑρες "Αρες cited by Lucilius (355 Marx) and Martial (9.11.15). 20 ά ν ε β ά λ λ ε τ ο κ . τ . λ . : the ms alternatives presumably come from Od. 1.155, 8.266 άνεβάλλετο καλόν άείδειν, which Τ. has preferred to vary; cf. 8.71, Od. 17.262. 22 ού τόν έμόν τ . 2. γ . : the ellipse is of όφθαλμόν (cf. 11.53 τ ο ν εν* όφθαλμόν τ ω μοι γλυκερώτερον ουδέν) as at Hdas 6.23 μά τούτους τους γλυκέος, and the ace, though it has sometimes been constructed with έλαθε, is plainly an oath with the Doric omission of μά (4.17η.). For the oath by the eyes of the speaker cf. 24.75, Aeschin. 2.153, Plaut. Men. 1060, Tib. 3.6.47, and next n. It is also common to swear by those of the person addressed (e.g. A.P. 5.9, 12.159, Plaut. Poen. 418, Ov. Am. 2.16.44), a n d a t Ov. Am. 3.3.13 a woman swears by both together. The ellipse here and inHerodas is no doubt explained by a gesture (Petron. 133 tetigitpuer oculos suos conceptissimisque iurauit uerbis), and so at Hdas 5.59 σέ, μά, τούτοις | τοις δύο Κύδιλλ* έπόψεθ': but this explanation is no longer possible at Call. Ep. 32 καΐ συ γ α ρ έλθών Ι τόν καλόν, ώ μοχθήρ', έβλεπες άμφοτέροις. Cf. 10.35η. O n the eye or eyes of the Cyclops see 11.3 m . ποθορωμι: the optative form restored by Heinsius is plainly preferable to the pres. ind. in sense since it is part of the oath—as I hope not to lose my sight: Prop. 1.15.33 tarn tibi tie uiles isti uideantur oeelli, | per quos saepe mihi credita perfidia est. \ hos tu iurabas, si quid mentitafuisses, | ut tibi suppositis exciderent manibus. The prayer however reminds him of Telemus's prediction. O n the optative form see K.B.G. 1.2.72, Jcbb on Soph. Phil. 895 (δρωμι). The compound verb, if correct, is a mere synonym of the uncompounded, and is not perfectly defended in that sense by 3.18 ώ το καλόν ποθορεύσα: there is therefore something to be said for Fritzsche's ώπερ όρ., since the similar line-end at 25 may have caught the copyist's eye. Cf. however 1.87 η. 23 α ύ τ ά ρ : strongly adversative, contrasting the prayer for himself with the curse for Telemus. ό Τήλεμος is the somewhat mysterious prophet, son of Eurymus, who resided among the Cyclopes and predicted the blinding of Polyphemus by Odysseus 123
COMMENTARY
[24-30
(Od. 9.509, Ο ν . Met. 13.770, Hygin. 125.3). T. is thinking also of Eurymachus's address to Halitherses at Od. 2.178: ώ γέρον, εΐ δ* άγε δη μαντεύεο σοΐσι τέκεσσιν | οΐκαδ' ιών, μή π ο ύ τι κακόν πάσχωσιν όπίσσω. 24 ποτί οίκον: for the hiatus cf. 24.22, Od. 4.717, 24.358. φ υ λ ά σ σ ο ι : Virg. Aen. 8.484 di capiti ipsius generique reseruant; cf. Eur. Hec. 1276. 25 κνίζω ν : 5.122 η. ποθόρημι: the form -όρημαι may conceivably be right, for Hesych. has δρημαι* όρώ, and δρηαι occurs at Od. 14.343 and is expressly attested from the ΟΙχαλίας Άλωσις in Cramer An. Ox. 1.327; -ορώμαι probably comes from 22. For δρημι cf. 8 ποθόρησθα, 7.40 νίκημι. So far as is at present k n o w n these forms are Aeolic not Doric. See also 1.36, 3.181m., Introd. p . lxxiii. 27 ώ Παιάν: it may be debated whether the invocation is a cry of triumph (as, e.g., at Soph. Tr. 221) or an appeal for protection from the effects of Galatea's jealousy (see 5.13, 79nn.), for ^ηλουν has here the sense of φθονεΐν or 3ηλοτυττεΐν which is not uncommon in 3ήλος (e.g. Hes. W.D. 195; cf. A m m o n . de diff. 65), though rare in the verb: Xen. Symp. 4.45, Act.Ap. 17.5,1 Ep. Cor. 13.4 (quoted on 18), Ep.Jac. 4.2. τάκεται: of jealousy, as at 5.12. 28 οίστρεΐ: of love, as M e n . / r . 312 (of Sappho) οίστρώντι ττόθω, Lye. 612, A. Plan. 80, Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 195. In the not very numerous places where the form of the verb is determinable, -άω is a good deal commoner than -έω. Forms of the latter occur however in Luc. Asm. 33, Ach. Tat. 2.37, and οίστρεΐ transitive is glossed in Hesych.; cf. 3.18η. 29 σίξα: Ruhnken's correction is irresistible; cf. Ar. Vesp. 704 όταν ούτό$ y* έπισίξτ) Ι έπι τ ω ν εχθρών τιν' έπιρρύξαζ, aypicos aCrrois έπιπηδας (Σ: Λυκόφρων και ol περί 'Ερατοσθένη το έπαφιέναι τάς KUvas έ π ι σ φ ι ν ) , Α.Β. 252.23, Et. Μ. 363.54· The uncompounded verb is used of persons elsewhere only at Epich./r. 21 σί^ει δε -τα\$ ρίνεσσι (of Heracles at his meals). Here it will mean to whistle or to cry σίττα (4.44η.), the following dat. resembling Eur. Hipp. 219 εραμαι κνσι θωύξαι, and the inf. //. 1.22 επευφήμησαν 'Αχαιοί | αίδεΐσθαί θ* ίερήα καΐ ά γ λ α ά δέχθαι άποινα, and dat. and inf. together Eur. Hec. 545 νεανίαις ενευσε παρθένον λαβείν. Attempts to defend σίγα with Ολακτεΐν or ύλακτεΐ fail completely. The aor. σίξα goes with είδον in 21, and both answer what Daphnis has said in 8 and 10—I saw her well enough, and the dog is barking by my orders. viv: for the ace. after ύλακτεΐν cf. Ar. Vesp. 1401 Α ΐ σ ω π ο ν . . . | . . .TIS Ολακτεΐ κύων, Isocr. 1.29, Polyb. 16.24.6, and so with υλαν Od. 16.5. ήρων: apparently when he used to make love to her. At present, though he is still in love, he has mastered his passion sufficiently to dissemble it, and his dog follows suit. 30 έκνυζεΐτο: the ms evidence favours -άομαι in this verb here, -έομαι at 2.109; a n d -άομαι, which is supported by the analogy of βληχάομαι, μηκάομαι and similar verbs, seems to exist (Poll. 5.86, Phot. s.v. κνυ^ώμενον). The -έομαι form however is favoured by the mss at Soph. O.C. 1571 (cf.fr. 722), and presented without variant at Ar. Vesp. 977. Wilamowitz defended the -άομαι forms in T., but removed them from his 2nd edition, and κνυ^ευνται at 2.109 has n o w the further support of S 3 . It may well however be imprudent to impose consistency; see 3.18, 7.85nn. Cf. 24.10η. ποτ' ισχία: for the ace. cf. 1.29η., but the preposition may here be explained as having pregnant force. ρ ύ γ χ ο ς : according to Ath. 3.95D, Σ Ar. Ach. 744, A\>. 347 the w o r d is properly used of pigs, but it is applied also to other animals and to birds; of dogs, Theophr. Char. 4.10. See Headlam on Hdas 5.41. 124
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32 θύρας: 2.6η. 33 στορεσεΐν κ. δ.: apparently he means until she is completely domesticated. T. is perhaps thinking of Chryseis at II. 1.31 Ιστόν έποιχομένην και έμόν λέχος άντιόωσαν, for άντιόωσα is glossed ευτρεττ^ουσα by Hesychius, and πορσύνουσα by Eustathius (30.28), w h o cites this passage (saying that Τ. σαφέστερον μέν είπε, καθεΐλε δε την ηρωική ν εμφασιν και σεμνότητα) and also Eur. Hel. 58 γνόντος ως ές "'λιον | ουκ ήλθον, ίνα μη λέκτρ* υποστρώσω τινί: cf. Η. Horn. 2.143, Norm. D. 2.326, 16.94, Musae. 279. Similar is Eur. Suppl. 54 έτεκες.. .κουρον | φίλα ττοιησαμένα λέ|κτρα πόσει σω. ν ά σ ω : Sicily; cf. 11.7. 34 καΐ γάρ θην: II. 21.568. ούδ* είδος: not even my looks. The implied contrast is with his wealth, which is admittedly an attraction. The theme is developed at length at 11.3off., where Polyphemus sets his wealth against his appearance; here he retracts admissions on the latter count. ώς με λ έ γ ο ν τ ι : sc. εχειν. 35-8 Cf. Virg. Ε. 2.25, Ov. Met. 13.840, Calp. 2.88, Nemes. 2.74. Lucian (Dial. Mar. 1.3), whose Galatea is based on Idd. 6 and 11, gives the passage another turn. There is some force in the objection, recorded by Servius against Virgil, that the sea is never still enough to provide a mirror, but a rocky pool would serve. 36 γ έ ν ε ι α : the plural occurs at Call. H. 5.75, and is not infrequent in later Greek; cf. K.B.G. 2.1.18. μευ: Ahrens's correction seems desirable since μοι makes ως π α ρ ' έμιν κέκριται tautologous, but cf. 7.30 η. 37 παρ' έμίν: for the superfluous preposition cf. Soph. Tr. 589 δοκεϊς π α ρ ' ήμΐν ou βεβουλεΰσθαι κακώς, Eur. Med. 763, Hyperid. 4.12. 38 Παρίας: on Parian marble see RE 3 A2261. The best quality, known as lychnites, is snow-white in colour (cf. Virg. Aen. 3.126 niueamque Parum). Pind. N. 4.80 κελεύεις | στάλαν θέμεν Παρ ίου λίθοι; λευκοτέραν, Hor. C. 1.19.5 ur^ me Glycerae nitor | splendentis Pario marmore purius, Petron. 126 iatn mentum, iam cemix, iam manus, iam pedum candor intra ami gracile uinculum positus: Parium marmor extinxeraty Ov. Am. 1.7.52, Anth. hat. 130 Riese. ύ π έ φ α ι ν ε : if correct, the subject must be πόντος (from 35) and the meaning reflected (11 n.). It must be admitted that this is somewhat inelegant with κατεφαίνετο overhead, and that word may have caught the copyist's eye. N o n e of the alterations suggested however is satisfactory. 39 β α σ κ α ν θ ώ : 5.13η., Plut. Mor. 682Β τί δ', ώ προς του Διός, έρεΐς περί των εαυτούς καταβασκαίνειν λεγομένων; και y a p τ ο ΰ τ ' άκήκοας* εί δέ μη, πάντως τοΰτ* άνέγνωκας [Euphorion jr. 175 Powell]· Καλαι μέν ποτ* εσαν, καλαΐ φόβαι Εύτελίδαο* | άλλ' αυτόν βάσκαινεν Ιδών όλοφώιος άνήρ | δίνη έν ποταμού* τόν δ' αύτίκα νουσος άεικής. . . ό y a p Εύτελίδας λέγεται καλός έαυτω φανείς καΐ παθών τι προς την όψιν, έκ τούτου νοσησαι και την εύεξίαν μετά της ώρας άποβαλεΐν: cf. Ο ν . Met. 3407 (Narcissus). The danger of seeing your own image in water is perhaps implied in Artemid. On. 2.7 το έν Οδατι κατοπτρί^εσθαι θάνατον προαγορεύει αύτω τ ω ίδόντι ή τινι των οίκειοτάτων αυτω, and even animals may suffer for it (Colum. 6.35; see generally Frazer Taboo 93), but the danger here feared is rather the conceit engendered by the admiration his reflexion evokes: Plat. Phaed. 95Β μη μέγα λέγε, μη τις ημών βασκανία περιτρέψη τόν λόγον, Aristaen. 1.1, and see next n. τρίς εις έ. 2. κ.: 2.43, 7· Ι 2 7· Spitting into the bosom averts many different dangers (e.g. 20.11, Theophr. Ch. 16.15), but particularly, as here, Nemesis 125
COMMENTARY
[40-46
(A.P. 12.229 ώς αγαθή Θεός έστι, δ Γ ην ύπό κόλπον, "Αλεξι, | πτύομεν, ύστερόπουν αγόμενοι Νέμεσιν, Α. Plan. 251, Call. fr. 687, Luc. Apol. 6), w h o is provoked by excessive claims of various kinds: Luc. Nauig. 15 ύπερμο^ας γ ά ρ , ώ Άδείμαντε, και ές τον κόλπον ού πτύεις, Diogen. 4-82 εις κόλπον ου πτύει* επί τ ω ν μεγαλαυχων, Liban. Epist. 804 ου μην τάς γε ελπίδας άνεΐλεν, αλλ* είσΐ και λαμπραί · π τ ύ ω δέ είς κόλπον τ η παροιμία πειθόμενος, Plin. Ν.Η. 28.36 ueniam quoque a deis spei alicuius audacioris petimus in sinum spuendoy]uv. 7.112, Petron. 74. And so in modern Greek, φτύσ* τό να μή τό βασκάνης (Sittl Gebdrden d. Gr. u. Rom. 118). Similarly the hag at 7.127 spits, though not necessarily into her bosom, to avert τ α μη καλά, and those engaged in incantations do so as a φυλακτήριον (see 2.36η.: Tib. 1.2.54 ter cane, ter dictis despue carminibus, Ciris 372 ter in gremium mecum, inquity despue uirgo; | despue ter, uirgo: numero deus imparegaudet, Petron. 131). Sec 2.59η. (p-47), Jahn Persius p. 126, Ber. Sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 7.83, Harv. Stud. 8.23. δέ does not occur in the fourth place elsewhere in T., and in the third only in the combination και τ ύ δέ (1.90, 5.122, 124, 139). For postponement to follow a subordinate clause of three words see, e.g., Soph. O.T. 486, Ph. 618. Cf. 4.54η. 40 γραία with long final α occurs again at 7.126 and is there said by Σ to be Doric. ΚοτυτταρΙς: the name, as Σ say, seems connected with the Thracian goddess Κότυς or Κοτυτώ, whose cult was introduced into various parts of the Greek world including Sicily (Leutsch Paroem. Gr. 1.333). At A.P. 11.72 it is a variant for Κυτώταρις. 41 is plainly an interpolation, as its treatment in Κ shows. According to Ahrens Μ has it after 42. 43 α ύ λ ό ν : 5.7η. 45 ώρχεΟντ*: Ath. ι.21Α εταττον γ ά ρ τό όρχεϊσθαι επί του κινεΐσβαι και έρεθί^εσθαι. 'Ανακρέων [jr. 69]· Καλλίκομοι κοϋραι Διός ώρχήσαντ' ελαφρώς. "Ιων [fr. 50]· Έκ τ ώ ν άέλπτων μάλλον ώρχησεν φρένας, Call. Η. 4-Π9 φόβω δ' όρχήσατο π ά σ α | θεσσαλίη, Theophyl. Epist. 32 ό ποταμός άνεσκίρτησε καΐ κακόν ήμϊν ώρχήσατο σκίρτημα. Τ. however is nearer to the ordinary meaning of the word than any of these except Anacreon; cf. Hor. C. 3.18.9 ludit herboso pecus omne campo. 46 μ έ ν : Ι.86, 3.2711η. ούδάλλος: ουδέτερος. The word does not occur elsewhere, but άλλος for έτερος is not uncommon; see 7.36η.
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I D Y L L VII PREFACE Subject. Simichidas, the narrator, in company with Eucritus and Amyntas, is going from the town to take part in a harvest festival to Demeter celebrated on the farm of Phrasidamus and Antigenes, two brothers of distinguished Coan descent. On the way they fall in with one Lycidas, whose dress marks him as a goatherd. Lycidas, who is going in the same direction, banters Simichidas (with whom he is apparently acquainted) upon his haste in the midday heat, and enquires his errand. Simichidas says that they are going to a harvest festival. He has heard of Lycidas's reputation as a singer, but counts himself Lycidas's equal; since their way lies together, they may profitably beguile it with song. He too has some reputation, but hardly yet deserves what is said of him. Lycidas compliments him on his modesty and sings a song which he has recently composed. The song wishes Ageanax a prosperous voyage to Mitylene on condition that he grants his favours to Lycidas, who is in love with him. If he does so, Lycidas will feast his safe arrival with rustic cheer, and Tityrus, as they drink, shall sing to him of Daphnis and Comatas. Simichidas makes no comment on Lycidas's song but caps it with his own masterpiece, which deals with the love-affair of his friend Aratus. Philinus flouts Aratus; may Pan, under threat of penalties, change Philinus's heart, or the Loves punish his cruelty. Yet Philinus is past his prime and Aratus will do well to abandon the pursuit and dismiss such troubles from his mind. Lycidas says no more of his friend's song than Simichidas had said of his own, but gives Simichidas his stick (as he had previously promised) as a pledge from bard to bard. Their ways part. Lycidas turns to the left; Simichidas and his friends join the harvest-party and feast happily in the shade by the threshing-floor, where Demeter presides over the heap of newly winnowed barley. The Scene and Season. The scene, unlike that of the other bucolic Idylls, is firmly localised. Phrasidamus and Antigenes are natives of Cos, some of the places mentioned in the Idyll can be securely identified in the island (see i, 6, 13011η.), and other allusions no longer intelligible to us would no doubt be so if we had more detailed knowledge of Cos in antiquity (11, 46nn.; cf. 12, 65, 7111η.). The occasion of the festival to which the three friends are going is the winnowing of the barley, which in Cos at the present day is normally cut and carried by the end of April. According to ancient practice however, the ears will have been allowed to ripen for some time on the threshing-floor (see 10.47 η.), and the Idyll is to be dated from the statements that the fruit is ripe (144) and that the leaves have been stripped from the vines (134). The first supplies no very precise season, but the second makes it reasonably certain that the month is August or possibly July (see 134η.). Simichidas. The first person in literature may cover anything from real identity with the writer to wholly imaginative identification with a fictitious character. *Γ in Id. 28 means Theocritus, the Syracusan friend of Nicias; Τ in Id. 3 means a love-sick and preposterous goatherd; 'Γ in 6.2iff. means Polyphemus, though the speaker is Damoetas. This poem however has a personal tone quite absent 127
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from the other bucolic Idylls; Aratus, with whose affairs the narrator's song deals, must be the personal friend of T., to whom he addressed Id. 6; and the idyllic scene at the end of the poem (131-57) has every air of depicting a personal experience. It is therefore natural to assume, and it has universally been assumed, apart from a view mentioned in the scholium now to be considered, that the identity between Simichidas and T. is complete; 1 and the poet's use of the name Simichidas has given rise to much conjecture. It will be convenient to number the different explanations in the scholium on 7.21, which is unfortunately both obscure and corrupt. It runs as follows: Σιμιχίδα: (i) οι μεν αυτόν φασι Θεόκριτον καθό Σιμίχου ήν υίός, (η) ή καθό σιμός ήν. (iii) οι δε έτερον τίνα των συν αντω και ου θεόκριτον δια το Σιμιχίδα μέν "Ερωτες έττέπταρον [96]. φασι δέ τον τοιούτον άττό πατρίου κληθήναι, άπό Σιμιχίδου του Περικλέους των Όρχομενίων οΐτινες πολιτείας παρά Κώοις τετυχήκασιν. Of the reasons here suggested, the first is reinforced in a second note which states that T.'s father was named not Simichus but Simichidas, and defends the use of the patronymic by the son of a father whose own name was patronymic in form. T.'s father however was named neither Simichus nor Simichidas but Praxagoras, and this tradition, given in Σ vita, Suidas, and A.P. 9-434 { = epigr- 27*> see p. 550), is not to be upset by what is plainly a guess from Id. η? The second explanation may be due to Munatius, who (as appears from the argument to Id. 3 in the scholia) identified T. with the snubnosed goatherd who speaks in the first person in Id. 3. It is rightly rejected by Σ in Id. 3 arg. and on 3.8; and they might have added that as T. describes his nose as αραιός (12.24) he is unlikely to have been σιμός. The third explanation is both obscure and corrupt. Those who maintained that Simichidas was not T. but one of T.'s companions possibly thought that Ευκριτος (ι) is a more likely disguise for his name; but the alleged ground for their view, that Simichidas is referred to in the third person, is frivolous and would show that they had not read the earlier part of the poem. The remainder of the note is corrupt and its emendation is precarious.3 Migration from Orchomenus is in itself likely enough, for the town had twice been sacked in the fourth century (see 16.105η.), and Simichidas, the son of Pericles, of Orchomenus, a settler in Cos, is probably a historical character derived from some well-informed Coan source. Modern attempts to fit him into T.'s pedigree are however misplaced, for the author of this explanation, though he believed that the Simichidas of the poem derived his name from the son of Pericles, held that he was not T. at all; and unless the note in Σ is radically rewritten it provides no link between T. and Simichidas of Orchomenus. Since there are details in the poem which cannot now be understood, it may be well to bear in mind that somebody with access to Coan information thought that though T. was included in the poem he was not Simichidas: also that Εύκριτος, one of the narrator's party, has a name oddly like θεύκριτος, a form the poet's name would probably have assumed in Cos. And, further, that even if Simichidas is so far identified with T. that he is made the narrator of events which in fact befell T., it does not follow with complete certainty that Simichidas is another 1 It may be noted that the contrast drawn by Simichidas between his love-affairs and those of Aratus (96 if.) is somewhat unexpected from the author of Ida. 12, 29, 30; but Simichidas's reference to himself is too slight to be pressed. 3 According to Servius, some said that Stimichon at Virg. E. 5.55 was T.'s father. This seems to be an improvement on Simichus made to suit the requirements of Virgil. 3 For τον τοιούτον Paton proposed αυτόν τοιούτως: for πατρίου (KG: πατρωιοΰ L πατραλοιοΟ U E A ) , πατρώου (Hauler), πατριώτου (Hiller), πατρός θετοϋ (Meineke) have been suggested. Wendel, referring to the second note above-mentioned, wished to write άπαραλλάκτως κληθήναι άπό <(πατρό£> Σιμιχίδου.
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name for T. These reservations are however probably unduly cautious: there is another which must be made with more emphasis. Supposing that the identity of Simichidas and T. is complete and that T. in this poem has chosen to call himself Simichidas, it does not in any way follow that the name is a disguise. Callimachus and Asclepiades among T.'s contemporaries passed also by other names (both patronymics like Simichidas) and in so doing they followed earlier precedent (see 40η.). The significance of the name Simichidas escapes us, as does that of Sicelidas, Asclepiades's alias, but it is plain that Sicelidas was not, to Asclepiades's contem poraries, a disguise, and we have no right to assume that Simichidas was less familiar to them than Sicelidas. Indeed the poem itself supplies plain evidence to the contrary, for the name appears first in line 21, and if the uninitiated were not to recognise it they could not have been left for twenty lines in the belief that the speaker was T. Lycidas and the 'Mascarade bucolique'. Closely connected with the apparent equation Simichidas = Theocritus is the belief, general though held in different degrees, that in T.'s rustics lie concealed various contemporary poets. The extreme form of this belief is that of Reitzenstein, w h o supposed that there was at Cos a confraternity of βουκόλοι in the religious sense of the word to which the members of a Coan literary circle belonged, and that the bucolic songs echo the poetic competitions held originally at festive meetings of the confraternity but subse quently with less formality. 1 The arguments by which this view is supported will not stand examination, and it has not found acceptance, but many scholars have thought that the bucolic Idylls contain recondite allusions to T.'s contemporaries, and everybody believes Lycidas in this poem to be a literary man in disguise. The poem certainly leaves upon the mind some sense of mystery. One has the impression that in more than one place some point is made to which the clue is lost, and that as a whole the Idyll had more meaning for T.'s contemporaries than it has for us; and the goatherd Lycidas is certainly a puzzling figure. The belief that T.'s rustics are really brother-poets derives however little support from Simichidas, whose rusticity is almost negligible. Like Lycidas (51), he says that his songs were composed while shepherding (92), he invites Lycidas to 'bucolic song* (36), and his own song contains a rustic image (97) and an appeal to Pan (103); but the first of these passages is the only one to which weight can be attached, even that can be otherwise explained (see 92 η., Introd. p. xvii), and there is much to be said on the other side. Simichidas is going from the town to the farm of a distinguished Coan family to attend a festival which is certainly rustic but is in no sense bucolic. He dresses as a townsman (26, where see n.); Lycidas's reputation in rustic circles is apparently known to him only by repute (27); his own reputation is confined to no such limits (93), and the poets with w h o m he compares himself are not rustics but Philetas and Asclepiades (40); and the infatuation with which his song deals is an urban affair, handled with the most elaborate display of Alexandrian erudition to be found anywhere in the Idylls. Apart from the phrase άν1 ώρεα βουκολέοντα one would suppose him to be a city-bred poet spending a day in the country, and adapting by two superficial touches the song he sings to the rustic in whose honour it is sung. Lycidas cuts a very different figure. His dress is unmistakably that of a goatherd (13); his instrument is the σΰριγξ, and reputation paints him pre eminent among herdsmen and harvesters (28); his song, though not primarily rustic in subject, is much occupied with two bucolic heroes, Daphnis and Comatas, 1 R. Reitzenstein Epigramm 11. Skolion 226. For criticisms of these views see Litt. Centralbl. 1894.727, Jahrb. Phil. 153.457, Wendel \Tom. Buc. 21, Lcgrand Etude 141.
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and it ends (86ff.) on a purely bucolic note; and his one departure from strict rusticity, a passing reference to a Hterary topic of the day (47 η.), can be paralleled from purely bucolic Idylls (4.31). T.'s insistence that nobody could mistake Lycidas for anything but a goatherd sounds perhaps more emphatic to us than to those who recognised immediately the Homeric phrasing (14η.), but it is not unnatural that it should have provoked curiosity. It has been universally understood in modern times to mean that Lycidas is not a goatherd at all,1 and no doubt such an interpre tation is possible; so however are others,* and there has been a marked tendency to forget that T. says not only that Lycidas was conspicuously like a goatherd, but also that he was a goatherd (13 f)s δ* αίττόλο*). A theory based upon the assumption that he means the reverse of what he says starts at some initial dis advantage. Since it has been generally assumed that Lycidas is a poet in disguise many guesses have been made as to his identity. The candidates include Aratus (Bergk), Astacides (Ribbeck),3 Callimachus (Gercke), Dosiadas (Wilamowitz), Leonidas (Legrand), and Rhianus (Legrand). It is unnecessary to discuss their rival claims, but there is one observation which may be made upon them. Lycidas is said to be a native of Cydonia, usually located in Crete but possibly to be placed in Cos (12 n.); and unless we are to suppose that T. has lied about his nationality, it will be necessary to select either a Cretan, or a Coah, or somebody of unknown nationality. Aratus, Callimachus, and Leonidas4 will then be out of court; the other three are Cretans. It may also be salutary to remember that even if Lycidas is a poet disguised as a rustic it does not follow that he is a poet whose name has come down to us; and further that the name is on exactly the same footing as those of Simichidas, Sicelidas, and Battiades.5 Both interlocutors employ it (13, 27, 55, 91) as both employ Simichidas (21, 96); and therefore though it may be an alias there is no ground for thinking it a disguise. The mascarade bucolique is a hypothesis to which the treatment of Bion as a βουκόλος in the Έτητάφιοί Bicovos,^ and the allusions to contemporary events in Virgil's Eclogues, lend some support, though it is worthy of remark that Σ show no knowledge of it in T. As applied to T., it offers a possible explanation of the rather puzzling atmosphere of this poem; but I do not think the case should be put more strongly than that, and the highly diversified attempts to identify its supposed central figure, Lycidas, suggest that if the bucolic Idylls contain poets under unfamiliar names, their aliases are now beyond penetration. And in fact in none of the other Idylls docs the hypothesis seem at all probable.7 1 E.g. un pastore non it benchi gli rassomigli a puntino (Bignone Teocrito 34), masquerading as a goatherd (Cholmeley p. 12), un quidam que T. s* amuse a depeindre comme un chcvrier (Legrand Buc. Gr. 1.2), non esse re vera caprarium ex ipsis Theocriti verbis elucet (Wendel Norn. Buc. 16); cf. Wilamowitz Textg. 162. Legrand however subsequently withdrew his assent {Rev. it. anc. 47.214). 1 T. might, for instance, be contrasting three townsmen on a country outing with a genuine rustic, or a bucolic poet and his friends with a character from bucolic poetry; or he might mean merely that here at last was the beau ide'al^of a goatherd. See 14η. 3 Call. Ep. 24 ΆστακΙδην τόν Κρήτα τόν αίττόλον. According to Cholmeley Astacides is another alias for Leonidas. 4 Since A.P. 6.188, 262, 7.448, 449 have been used to establish a connexion between Leonidas and Crete, Leonidas*s opinion of Cretans should be added from A.P. 7.654 aUl ληισταΐ καΐ άλιφθόροι ουδέ δίκαιοι | Κρήτες* τί$ Κρητών οΐδε δικαιοσύνην; 5 Wendel (Norn. Buc. 16) took Lycidas to be the real name of an otherwise unknown poet. T. himself is cited as ό βουκόλο* at Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.1289. 7 In Longus (2.3) Philetas is the name of a rustic minstrel, and this fact, together with Hermesian.yr. 7.75, Philet.^r. 14 Powell, has been used not very plausibly to show that Philetas aped the countryman.
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Other n a m e s in the Idyll. Since the Idyll contains two persons with supposedly disguised names, Simichidas and Lycidas, it may be well to add that certain people are mentioned in it without disguise. In addition to Philetas and Sicelidas (40), Aratus (98) must be the man's real name since T. would not select as a pseudonym the name of the personal friend to w h o m he had addressed Id. 6. Aratus carries with him Aristis (99), a name evidently genuine on other grounds also (see n.), and possibly, though less plainly, the other names in Simichidas's song—Philinus (105, al.) and Molon (125). Whatever view be taken of Simichidas, there seems no reason to doubt that Eucritus, Amyntas, Phrasidamus, and Antigenes (iff.) are also real names. Ageanax (52) and Tityrus (72) in Lycidas's song are open to more question, and the latter at any rate seems unlikely to be real. N o support for the mascarade bucolique can however be deduced from this name 1 since it is by no means evident that T. (or Lycidas) is thinking of a real person. The Title. O n the title, for which the mss offer many alternatives, see Introd. p. lxx
Ι ής χ ρ ό ν ο ς άνίκ*: phrases of this type occur where we might say once upon a time with an implication of remoteness (e.g. Critias jr. 1 Nauck ήν χρόνος ότ* ήν άτακτος άνθρώττων βίος | και θηριώδης, Plat. Prot. 320C ήν y a p ποτέ χρόνος ότε θεοί μεν ήσαν, θνητά δέ γένη ουκ ήν), but the Greek implies only that the epoch referred to is closed, or the state of affairs no longer existing, not that it belongs to the distant past: Plat. Ale. ι, ΙΟ6Ε α άρα νυν τυγχάνεις επισταμένος, ήν χρόνος ότε ουχ ήγου εΐδέναι;, and so, in epitaphs or inscriptions, of the life of people now dead: A. Plan. 270 ήν χρόνος ήνίκα γαία βροτους δια σεΐο, Γαληνέ, | δέχνυτο μέν θνητούς, έτρεφε δ* αθανάτους, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 254 ή ν χρόνος ήνίκα τόνδε σοφώτατον "Ελλάς εκλεγέν | Ιατρόν (cf. Headlam on Hdas 4-5°)· The love-affair of Aratus (98 ff.) must have been of ephemeral interest and only for a short time a suitable theme for poetry, but the opening of the Idyll suggests that TVs circumstances have changed in some way—for instance, that he or his friends are no longer in Cos. Ε ϋ κ ρ ι τ ο ς : the name is quite common. It is not known from Cos: EUK[ ]οκρίτου in a third-century Coan decree (Paton and Hicks 10 c 91) may have contained it but cannot be completed Ευκριτος Θεόκριτου for the gap is too large. " Α λ ε ν τ α : Σ are in doubt whether this is the name of a τόπος or a deme in Cos, and it may have been both. It is certainly the name of a deme (Paton and Hicks 31.10, 344.4 τοι κατοικευντες έν τ ω δάμω των Ά λ ε ν τ ί ω ν . . ,καΐ το Ι γεωργευντες εν "Αλεντι και Πέλη) which Paton and Hicks locate as a section of the island towards the centre and connect with the salt-marsh n o w called Alike (ib. p. 213; see 130η., PL VI, and R. Herzog Koische Forsch. 165). The name is elsewhere associated with rivers (5.123 η.), and Musurus, no doubt from this passage, introduced a Coan river Haleis into the lacuna after Mosch. 3.92; and it is likely enough that T. means one of the streams in the deme and not the deme itself, for Coan inscriptions, like Attic (Meisterhans Gr. Att. Inschr} 227), do not admit the article with deme-names and that is also the common literary usage. 2 1 Tityrus has been identified with Alexander Aetolus and Hermesianax. It has also been suggested that 3.3 (where sec n.) constitutes a dedication of that poem to the poet here disguised as Tityrus. Other names however occur in more than one Idyll; nowhere is it plain that the same person is meant, and in some cases it is clearly not so. The doubled names are: Amaryllis (3.6, 4.38), Clearista (2.74, 5.88), Corydon (4.1, 5.6), Lycon (2.76, 5.8), Milon (4.6, [8.47], 10.7), Philondas (4.1, 5.114); ct 7.105 η. 2 O n ό Πειραιεύς see Gildersleevc Gk Synt. §557. Peiraeus however was a t o w n and harbour as well as a deme.
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2 εΐρπομες: 5.37η. πόλιος: no doubt the town of Cos on a small harbour near the N . E . corner of the island (Pi. VI). It replaced the former capital Astypalaea (which was apparently on or near Camara Bay in the S.W.) after a μετοικισμός in 366 B.C. and increased rapidly in importance (Diod. 15.76). Strabo (14.657) calls it ού μεγάλη, κάλλιστα δέ π α σ ώ ν σννωκισμένη και Ιδέσθαι τοις καταπλέουσιν ήδίστη. See Paton and Hicks pp. xxvii, xlix, R. Herzog Koische Forsch. 155, RE 11.1475. συν καΐ τρίτος: //. 2.565 τοΐσι δ 1 σμ' Εύρύαλος τρίτατος κίεν, Αρ. Rh. 1.74 σύν και τρίτος ήεν Όιλεύς. 'Αμύντας: the name is particularly associated with Macedon but occurs in other places also (e.g. Lycurg. 22, Paus. 6.4.5) and resembles Άμυνάδας, Άμυνίας, Άμύντωρ. Horace's Cous Amyntas (Epod. 12.18) and the Άμύντιχος w h o is coupled with Lycidas, Thyrsis, and Daphnis in a Greek bucolic fragment (Page Lit. Pap. 1. p. 502) are presumably borrowed from this poem. The diminutive Άμύντιχος, which T. substitutes at 132, occurs also in an inscription from Spalauthra (I.G. 9.2.1111:7) and is not uncommon (A.P. 6.30, 38, 7.321). The phrasing here and at 132 suggests that Simichidas and Eucritus are more closely united to each other than to Amyntas. 3f. ϋτενχε θαλύσια: θαλύσια are the offering of firstfruits following the harvest, and Demeter is their most natural recipient (cf. N o n n . D. 42.299), though it is conceivable that in this case there was also a special reason for choosing her (4η.). They were however offered to other gods also. Artemis's anger with Oeneus was due to the fact that she alone did not receive them (II. 9.534): Et. M. 442.13 τάς υπέρ εύθαλίας καΐ ευφορίας των καρπών διδομένας θυσίας μετά την συγκομιδήν τών καρπών τοις τε άλλοις θεοϊς και τη Δήμητρα, Menand. Rhet. 3 9 1 · 1 ^ Spengel τών λόγων τάς άπαρχάς άνατίθης τη πατρίδι και τοις πολίταις, ήπερ Δήμητρι και τ ω Διονύσω ol γεωργοί τ ά θαλύσια. θαλύσιος is the name for the first loaf baked after the harvest, which in Attica was called θάργηλος (Ath. 3.114A; cf. Stud. It. Fit. Class. 14.126), and θαλύσια is sometimes used also as a mere synonym of άπαρχαί (Nonn. D. 47.493, 48.224). Since θαλύσια seems to mean the offerings, not the festival, the verb is used as at Pind. P. 4.129 ξείνι' αρμόζοντα τεύχων, Soph. Tr. 756 πολυθύτους τεύχειν σφαγάς: cC Od. 8.544. For the sing, verb preceding more than one subject see K.B.G. 2.1.79. Φρασίδαμος, Ά ν τ ι γ έ ν η ς , Λ υ κ ω π ε ύ ς : presumably these names are those of a family in Cos and there is no reason to suppose them disguised. All occur elsewhere, though not in Coan inscriptions, and the last only in a mythological connexion (Apoll. 1.8.6); see however 5.62η. 4f. €Ϊ τί π€ρ έ. χ . τ . £.: the phrase resembles epigr. 17.3 'Ανακρέοντος.. .| τών πρόσθ* ει τι περισσόν ωδοποιών [ν.Ι. ωδοποιού), Αρ. Rh. 3-347 ένεγειράμενος Παναχαιίδος εί τι φέριστον | ηρώων, and άπό Κλυτίας καΐ Χάλκωνος appears to expand and explain έπάνωθεν, which will therefore mean by descent, as άνωθεν at 15.91, where see n. The sense will then be noblest of those illustrious by descent from Clytia and Chaleon, ancient royalties of Cos, ει τί περ έσθλόν representing έσθλότατοι and referring to Phrasidamus and Antigenes. The meaning of the Doric adjective χαός or χάιος is not quite certain. Σ here offer αγαθός, ευγενής, αρχαίος, and at Aesch. Suppl. 858 βαθυχαΐος is glossed ή μεγάλως ευγενής· χάοι γ ά ρ οί ευγενείς. The word occurs at Ar. Lys. 90f (see Wilamowitz's note), 1157, where it is trisyllabic and is glossed αγαθός, as in Hesych. For Aristophanes this meaning seems correct; in Aeschylus neither the meaning nor the prosody can be determined from the context. At Alex. Aet.fr. 7 Powell, if rightly restored there, it is a disyllable, but again the meaning is not precisely definable. Π2
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The interpretation given assumes that χαός is at any rate capable of the meaning ευγενής. An alternative which has been proposed is to regard ει τί περ έσθλόν as standing not for έσθλότατοι but for έσθλοτάτων and as referring to Clytia and Chalcon. Χαών may then mean αγαθών, and έπάνωθεν simply of old, as at epigr. 22 πράτος τών έττάνωθε μουσοττοιών. This view gives a more strongly attested meaning to χαός, and a commoner one to (έπ)άνωθε (e.g. 22.164, Plat. Tim. 18 D τους έμπρο σθεν και άνωθεν γονέας), but these advantages are outweighed by the difficulties of supposing that ει τί περ έσθλόν refers forward to Clytia and Chalcon, and of attaching the prepositional phrase to δύο τέκνα Λυκωπέος. Κλυτία: Εύρύπυλος ό Ποσειδώνος υίός, Κωων βασιλεύων, γήμας Κλυτίαν την Μέροπος Χάλκωνα και Άνταγόραν έτεκεν, άφ* ων ol έν Κω ευγενείς, ούτοι δε είσιν ol Ιπι της Ηρακλέους πολιορκίας την Κώ κατοικήσαντες και ύποδεδεγμένοι την Δημήτραν καθ* δν καιρόν περιήει την Κόρην ^ητοΰσα, Σ. This Clytia is not mentioned elsewhere. It seems possible, from what Σ say of her, that the cult of Demeter (3 η.) was hereditary in the family of Phrasidamus and Antigenes. α ύ τ ώ : the addition of αυτός with the second of two persons enumerated is not uncommon: Od. 22.425 ουτ* εμέ τίουσαι ουτ* αυτήν Γίηνελόπειαν, Soph. O.C. 793 Φοίβου τε καύτοΰ Ζηνός δς κείνου πατήρ, Τ. 3°·3° κ ο " Διός έσφαλε μέγαν νόον | κούτας Κυπρογενήας, and so to emphasise a single name 13.37, 24.12, 25.143; cf. Arat. 644. The emphasis thus laid on the son as compared to the mother is probably due to the lasting memorial which keeps him prominent in the minds of Coans. This seems preferable to supplying αύτας with Κλυτίας (10.35 η.). 6f. Χ ά λ κ ω ν ο ς : presumably the same as Chalcodon, son of Eurypylus, by whom Heracles was wounded when attacking Cos (Apoll. 2.7.1); according to Σ II. 14.255 Eurypylus's sons were killed on this occasion. The creation of springs is suitably ascribed to him since Poseidon was his grandfather. Βούριναν: the spring is mentioned by Philetas (jr. 24 Powell) in a line which appears in Σ in the form δάσαντο δ* έν προχοήσι σελαμπέτροιο Βουρίνης and has been variously corrected; and by Andromachus (ap. Gal. 14.42) Ιλήκοις δς τήνδε μάκαρ τεκτήναο Παιών, | είτε σε Τρικκαϊοι, δαΐμον, εχουσι λόφοι, | ή 'Ρόδος ή Βούριννα και άγχιάλη Επίδαυρος. Σ (quoting from Nicanor of Cos) Βούρινα π η γ ή έν τη νήσω εστίν, ής τό πρόσωπον βοός fbivi παραπλήσιον (cf. Eustath. 309.2, ad Dion. Per. 507). The spring is no doubt rightly identified with one now called Vourina, though it is not certain whether the name is a genuine survival or an archaeological revival. It lies at about an hour's distance S.W. of the town of Cos (see Pi. VI) and rises in a remarkable well-house apparently of Mycenaean date. Ludwig Ross, who visited the site in 1843, described it in his Reisen a.d. Gr. Inseln (3.131) and amplified his account a few years later after a second visit (Arch. Aufsatze 2.389). A passage 35 metres in length led into a beehive-shaped chamber in the hillside something under 3 m. in diameter at floor-level and 7 m. high. A second shorter passage above the first led to a chamber of uncertain purpose, from which a window opened into the well-house; and from the apex of the latter a vertical shaft opened higher on the hillside. The water issuing from a natural cleft in the rock entered the well-house through an arched opening, and was conveyed to the open air by a channel in the floor of the entrance passage and thence by an aqueduct of Turkish date to the town of Cos. Access was by a low and narrow opening which seemed to Ross to be modern. The existing well-head shown in Pi. VII. Β embodies a spout and a watering-trough, and presumably conceals the entrance to the passage. The two higher shafts may still be seen. See further Herzog Koische Forsch. 159, RE 3.1067, 11.1477. 133
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[8
δς έκ ποδός κ.τ.λ.: the description of Chalcon's proceedings is puzzling. In Greece, as elsewhere (cf. Frazer Pausan. 3. p. 32), springs, when produced miracu lously, commonly proceed from a blow, whether of the foot (Ap. Rh. 4.1446 λάξ πόδι τύψεν ενερθε* το δ' άθρόον Ιβλυσεν ύδωρ: cf. Amhn.fr. 84 Wyss, Α.Ρ. 9.225), hoof (Arat. 220, Norm. D. 44.6), staff (Call. H. 1.30, Paus. 4.36.7), or trident (Apollod. 3.14.1), and it is more natural to regard έκ as instrumental (2.10η.) than to suppose that the spring was produced by pressure of the knee and flowed from beneath Chalcon's foot, or from the foot of a statue. The last interpretation is suggested by Z's note ό Χάλκων ούτος ΐσταται εν Κω άνδριάς και έκ του ποδός αυτοΟ έκρέει π η γ ή (cf. Paus. 2.3.5 Θέας δε μάλιστα αξία ή παρά το άγαλμα της 'Αρτέμιδος (κρήνη), καί οί Βελλεροφόντης επεστι και το ύδωρ ol δι' οπλής ί π π ο υ ρεϊ του Πήγασου). Nicanor (who, as a Coan, may be supposed to have known) asserted however, and the name Βούρινα suggests, that the water flowed from a bull's muzzle 1 or from a rock-formation resembling one, and not from Chalcon's foot; and presumably this scholiast is guessing. O n the other hand the careful parti cularity of the description, and the imperfect άνυε, which, whether it should be classed, with such passages as II. 5.365 π ά ρ δέ ol Ίρις έβαινε και ηνία λά^ετο χερσί | μάστιξεν δ' έλάαν, as a descriptive imperfect (K.B.G. 2.1.143, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §207), or whether we regard it as an imperfect of endeavour (Gildersleeve §213), is a vivid tense, certainly lend colour to the supposition that T. has a repre sentation of the scene in mind. Against it, it must be said that though a rock-face so inclined that it would be convenient to kneel on one knee while kicking with the other foot is easily imagined, a heroic statue in such a position is hardly credible, and the subject seems unpromising even for a relief such as might adorn a foun tain. A figure kneeling on one knee, as an ornament over the orifice, would present less difficulty, but the verb and the adverb make it plain that Chalcon's attitude is connected with the creation of the spring. The difficulty was felt by Σ, who provide many different meanings for έκ ποδός, but in company with yovu it is incredible that this should not refer to Chalcon's foot; the conjectures έκ πέδου and άνυσε have no great plausibility. Possibly the puzzling vividness of the description might be accounted for if there was a mark in the rock traditionally said to be the imprint of Chalcon's knee (cf. Paus. 1.26.5), though the exact sense of έκ ποδός remains obscure. Any such mark must necessarily have been inside the well-house where the water actually breaks out. If sculpture is involved it might have been at the external entrance to the passage, or even, if an ancient aqueduct preceded the Turkish, at a fountain-head in the town of Cos. ταΐ δέ: see 1.30η. (ρ. 7). 8 αίγειροι: (cf. 136) the black poplar, which likes damp places (Theophr. H.P. 4.1.1; cf. II. 4.482, O v . Rem. 141). So of the spring in Ithaca Od. 17.208 άμφΐ δ* άρ' αίγείρων ύδατοτρεφέων ην άλσος | πάντοσε κυκλοτερές. The tree growing by the spring in Pi. VII. Β is a plane, and Ross (Reisen 3.132) found there eine Gruppe machtiger Platanen. τ£ έύσκιον: for hiatus at the weak caesura cf. 13.24, 22.116, 191, 24.72, 25.150,. Od. 2.120 Tupco τ* 'Αλκμήνη τε έυστέφανός τε Μυκήνη, 15.291, al. ΰ φ α ι ν ο ν : Heinsius's emendation, which seems certain, is based on Virg. E. 9.41 hie Candida populus antro \ imminet et lentae texunt umhracula uites; cf. Philo 4.175 C W . ώς έκ τ ω ν προπόδων άχρι τών κορυφών όλα των ορών τ ά κλίματα δένδρεσι κατασκίοις συνυφάνθαι, Mart. 12.31 hoc nemus, hi fontes, haec textilis umbra supini \ 1 The c o m m o n Greek fountain-spout is a lion's head; other animals are rare (see Ann. Br. Sch. Ath. 36.197), but an unusual spout might the more easily give a name to the fountain.
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palmitis, Lucan 3.400, Sil. 3.675. The description is no doubt drawn from Burina as T. knew it, though his tense refers it back to the time of Chalcon's exploit. 9 Ap. Rh. 3.928 αίγειρος φύλλοισιν άπειρεσίοις κομόωσα. ίο μεσάταν: 2.76η. The form of the adj. (which occurs again at 21.19) is Attic (Ar. Vesp. 1502, Mcn.fr. 267), but is used in later epic (e.g. O p p . Cyn. 1.112, Norm. D. 37.46, 39.304). Homer (//. 8.223, n . 6 ) has μέσσατος, Callimachus (H. 3.78) and Nicander (Th. 104) μεσσάτιος. άνυμες: 2.92 η . 11 Βρασίλα: the name does not occur elsewhere, though -λαός, -λεως, -λας are extremely c o m m o n name-endings. Brasidas, from w h o m Σ are at pains to distinguish him on historical grounds, is distinguished also by the quantity of his first syllable (Ar. Vesp. 475, Pax 640). There is nothing to show whether Brasilas is a hero or a mere mortal, and K. TumpeFs attempt to identify him with Poseidon (Rkein. Mus. 46.528; cf. Philol. 50.621) is quite unconvincing (cf. Gott. Anz. 1891.983, Roscher 3.2636). The name is obscure. Tiimpel connected it with βράσσειν and thought it meant Stone-thrower. Bechtel (Gr. Personennamen 561) connected the equally obscure Brasidas with a Rhodian demotic Βράσιος (S.G.D.L 4154.9; cf. Am. J. Phil. 29.462). It may be remarked however that the quantity of the α in this adj. is unknown, and that Cos is a good deal nearer than Sparta to Rhodes. καί: for καί replacing δτε in a temporal clause expressed paratactically see Denniston Gk Part. 293. 12 έσθλόν: the adj. occurs in 4, 39, 93, 100 but in no other purely Doric poem. Except in ϊ ι here there is no trace of the Pindaric and lyric form έσλός, and at 4 and 100 ? 2 has έσθλός. συν Μοίσαισι: with εύρομες. The common phrase συν θεφ (cf. 2.28η.) is particularised in a form which indicates that the meeting is to result in music; c£. Pind. O. 14.5 συν y a p υμμιν (Χάρισι) τά τερπνά καί | τ ά γλυκέ' άνετοι πάντα βροτοΐς, Plat. Legg. 682 Α πολλών των κατ* άλήθειαν γιγνομένων σύν τισι Χάρισιν και Μούσαις εφάπτεται εκάστοτε. Κυδωνικόν: Steph. Byz. Κυδωνία, πόλις Κρήτης, ή πρότερον ' Α π ο λ λ ω ν ί α , . . . δευτέρα πόλις Σικελίας, τρίτη* Λιβύης, ό πολίτης Κυδωνιάτης καί Κυδων καί Κυδώνιος και Κυδωναΐος.. .και Κυδωνικός άνήρ. There was also an island so named near Lesbos (Plin. N.H. 5.140), but the town on the north coast of Crete is by far the most important of these and is generally supposed to be meant here. In this very personal poem it may well be that geographical adjectives are not, as they seem to be in the other bucolic Idylls (Introd. p. xx), mere ornament, and those at 65 and 71 f. (where see nn.) have been referred to otherwise unknown localities in Cos. If that is right, it is possible that a Coan Cydonia should be added to the list. 13 Λυκίδαν: 2.76η., andseep. 129. The name is fairly common outside Bucolic; e.g. Hdt. 9.5, Dem. 20.131. 14 ήγνοίησεν: Od. s.jy ουδέ μιν άντην | ήγνοίησεν Ιδοΰσα Καλυψώ, II. 1.536. έξοχ*: normally and regularly this adv. involves a term of comparison expressed or implied, and means prae ceteris rather than maxime (c£. 17.74, 25.118), though at 11.6 this distinction is not perhaps (in view of Nicias's modest poetical attain ments) to be pressed. If pressed here, it would possibly lend a little colour to the universal view that Lycidas is not a goatherd at all. For the theories to which this and the following lines have given rise see p. 129. The passage seems adequately explained by the assumption that Simichidas is striking in advance the amused and quizzical tone which Lycidas assumes in his opening speech. 135
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15 έκ: the prepositional phrase goes with δέρμα as at 9. ι ο λευκάν εκ δαμαλάν καλά δέρματα, Αρ. Rh. 3.1028 Ιξ όφιος γ ε ν ύ ω ν . . .όδόνπ-as: cf. 15.123, 2 i . i i , where pre positional phrases are similarly attached but denote not the source but the material. λασίοιο δασύτριχος: the two adjectives are really indistinguishable in meaning, for δασύς is used to gloss λάσιος. The juxtaposition in asyndeton of two practically synonymous epithets is however not rare in Greek poetry; e.g. Od. 7.34 νηυσί θοησιν.. .ώκείησι, Soph. Aj. 710 θοάν ώκυάλων νεών, where see Lobeck (cf. Leaf on II. 8.527). Kaibel proposed to write έκ λαιοΐο (already proposed by Graefe) ώμοιο, but this proposal is unnecessary in itself and complicates the sentence with another gen. and another -010 termination. The garment is no doubt the έξωμίς, which hangs over the left shoulder, but it is suspended from both, and the plural ώμοισι is quite suitable (see next n.). 16 κνακόν: 3.5η. ώμοισι: for the dat. cf. 2.121,18.2, II. 3.17 παρδαλέην ώμοισιν έχων και καμπύλα τόξα | καΐ ξίφος, ib. 1.45 τόξ' ώμοισιν έχων άμφηρεφέα τε φαρέτρην, 14-376 έχει δ' ολίγον σάκος ώμω. ταμίσοιο: Σ Ν ι α Τ//. 577 τάμισον την ττυτίαν λέγει, ήτις έπι των ήδη γαλακτοτροφουμένων 3ωων ευρίσκεται, χρώνται δε αύτη προς πήξιν των τυρών, καΐ Νικόων [variously altered] δέ εν ταΐς δυνάμεσιν αρίστη ν την πυτίαν είναί φησι την του νεβρού, δευτέραν δέ την του λαγωοΰ, και τρίτην την του έρίφου, ής μέμνηται ό Θεόκριτος. Modern dairies set their cheese with rennet, a substance extracted from the inner lining of the stomach in sucking calves and other animals. Aristotle however speaks of πυτία as a form of milk or curd (Met. 381 a 6 τά μεν παχύνεσθαι, τ ά δέ λεπτύνεσθαι, ώσπερ το γάλα είς όρρόν και πυτίαν, Η.Α. 522 b 5; see Ogle on P.Α. 676a6if.), and it is plain that the Greeks used, not the actual stomach of the young animal, but curdled milk from the stomach, in which the enzyme would still be active. By some moderns τάμισος has been taken for beestings, colostra, the first milk given by an animal after parturition. This however is a mistake; beestings have no coagulant property of their own, and clot with difficulty, and τάμισος must be ordinary milk partially digested. The Greek names are τάμισος, πυετία, πυτία, or, as it is often written in mss, π ι τ ύ α : the Latin, coagulum (C. Gloss. Lat. 3.315.14 ταμίσιον, quagulum). It was derived, as Σ Nic. say, from various animals. Columella (7.8.1) recommends lamb or kid, the Geopotiica (18.19) kids; c(. Plin. N.H. 11.239, Arist. H.A. 522b8. Its use, according to O p p . Cyn. 4.271, was introduced by Aristaeus. Vegetable coagulants were also used, especially the sap of the fig-tree (οπός, i7. 5.902, Arist. H.A. 522b2), and cheeses were sometimes distinguished by this criterion; e.g. Eur. Cycl. 136 τυρός όπίας, Diodes αρ. Orib. 1.99 Raeder τυρός αΐγειος ταμισίνης. Σ are no doubt right in explaining that Lycidas has been making cheese and has wiped his hands on his goatskin—an additional reason for thinking that his costume is genuine and not that of a poet in disguise. 17 γέρων as an adj. is fairly common; e.g. 21.12, Od. 22.184 σάκος ευρύ γέρον, Aesch. Ag. 750, S o p h . / r . 794, Alex./r. 167; and so γραία 15.19, Aesch. Ag. 295, Soph./r. 868, Eur. Ion 1213, al. π έ π λ ο ς : the word, applicable to any garment, no doubt means here a χιτών as, e.g., at Soph. Tr. 758 (cf. 769); ci. 14.35 η. i 8 ζωστηρι: the word is used of Eumaeus's belt worn over a χιτών at Od. 14.72, and of women's girdles at T. 26.17 a n d elsewhere in later Greek. In the Iliad it is worn only with armour: Σ II. 10.77 3ώμα καλεί το συναπτόμενον τη μίτρα ύπό τον στατόν θώρακα, τό δέ έξωθεν συνδέον πάντα φωστήρα.
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πλακερω: neither this adj. nor the v.L πλοκερός, plaited, occurs elsewhere, noi on the score of sense is there anything to choose between them. (boiKciv: 4.49 η. άγριελαίω: 25.21, 257. Sec 25.208η. 19 κορύναν: the penultimate is short in Homer and at T. 7.43, [9.23], Ap. Rh. 2.99, 115; long at T. 25.63, Arat. 639, Nic. Al. 409, Eur. Suppl. 715. μ' = μοι: cf. 4.58 η. άτρέμας: placidly, quietly, as, e.g., Plat. Gorg. 503 D ούτωσι άτρέμα σκοπούμενοι: or slightly, as, e.g., Alcx.fr. 124 ούκ άπεξηραμμένα | *;/χυλα δ* άτρεμεί. Cf. C.R. 16.284, 3*9- The adv. presumably qualifies σεσαρώς and the meaning is correctly given by Σ: ήρεμα έγέλα διεστηκώς τά χείλη και μειδιών. σεσαρώς, when used of laughter, commonly implies malice, contempt, or mockery (e.g. 20.14, Λ.Ρ. 5.179 (Meleager) τί μάταια γελάς και σιμά σεσηρώς | μυχθί^εις;, Luc. Am. 13 υπερήφανον και σεσηρότι γέλωτι μικρόν υπομειδιώσα, Plut. Mor. 223 c). Lycidas is amused at the eagerness of the party and addresses them with friendly mockery. 20 δμματι μειδιόωντι: tor the sociative dat. cf. 15.135, //. 11.555 τετιηότι θυμω, al. γ έ λ ω ς δε ol εϊ. χ . : the meaning must be that his expression of amusement persisted as he spoke, but I know no close parallel for such a use of εχεσθαι. The lips are elsewhere associated with forced or insincere laughter: //. 15.101 (see 1.96 η.), Aristaen. 1.17 ό δε γέλοος αυτής, ει ποτέ συμβαίη, έπ* άκρων κάθηται των χειλέων. 21 Σιμιχίδα: ρ. 127. The name does not occur elsewhere, but Σιμ- names are very common, among them Σιμίχη and Σίμιχος (e.g. Ael. V.H. 12.43, Porph. Vit.Pyth. 21). τ ύ : I accept, though with some hesitation, τ υ rather than τό (see next 11.). The emphatic pronoun has point since Lycidas is himself also abroad in the heat. μεσαμέριον: 1.15 η. The definite article is usual with temporal adjectives so used, but 24.11 στρέφεται μεσονύκτιον ες δύσιι> άρκτος (where see n.), 77 άκρέσπερον, [21.] 39 δειλινόν ως κατέδαρθον provide parallels for its omission (cf. Call. jr. 291, Nic. Th. 401); μεσονύκτιον at 13.69 is in a corrupt context and cannot be so certainly relied on. Cf. 8.1611. Μεσαμέριος has been proposed here, and similar changes in the four other passages (cf. 16.9311.), and no doubt either τ υ μεσαμέριος or τό μεσαμέριον would be more regular; τ υ μεσαμέριον however is plainly defensible. πόδας έλκεις: che words might be expected to refer to slow and painful walking, as Eur. Phocn. 302 ynpaiov π ό δ ' έλκω, τρομεράν βάσιν (ρ./, ynpaicp ποδί), 1 Soph. Phil. 291 (of Philoctetes) δύστηνον έξέλκων πόδα. It appears however from 24 ff. that the party has surprised Lycidas by its briskness. The verb is used of violent dancing (Ar. Nub. 540 ουδέ κόρδαχ* εΐλκυσεν, Pax 328, Poll. 4.105) and exercise (Plat. Partn. 135 D ελκυσον δε σαυτόν και γύμνασαι), and must here denote vigorous rather than laboured movement, possibly a lengthened step. 22 σαθρός or σαύρα (2.58) is used of all the numerous species of lizard found in the eastern Mediterranean, but T.'s reference shows him to mean here that commonest in Greece and the islands—Liccrta muralis. εν α'ιμασιαϊσι: 1.47η. The day is so hot that even the sun-loving lizards retire to the crannies of the wall where they live: Hdt. 2.69 κροκοδείλους δε Ίωνες ώνόμασαν, εΐκά^οντες αυτών τ ά εΐδεα τοΐσι παρά σφίσι γινομένοισι κροκοδείλοισι τοΐσι εν τήσι αίμασιήσι. Similar is Copa 28 nunc uepris in gclida sede laccrta latet. 1
At Med. 1181 άνέλκων κώλον text and meaning are alike uncertain.
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COMMENTARY 23 έπιτυμβίδιοι κορυδαλλίδες: κόρυδος (141η.), κορυδών (Arise Η.Α. 6o9a7), κορυδαλλός (10.50), κορυδαλλή (Epich. jr. 45)» κορυδαλλίς, κορύδαλος (Arist. Η.Α. 617b 19) are no doubt all the same bird, the lark, of which Aristotle (H.A. 617b 19) distinguishes two species, the crested lark, alauda cristata, and the common lark, a. arvetisis. T. must mean the former, for the latter is a winter migrant in Greece (Thompson Gl. of Gk Birds2 166; cf. Simon. Jr. 68) and the date is high summer (see p. 127). Moreover T.'s epithet seems to refer to the story, told also of the hoopoe (Ael. Ν.Λ. 16.5), that the lark buried its father in its own head (Ar. Av. 475), which no doubt depends on the resemblance of the lark's crest to the anthemion ornament common on grave-stelae. Babrius 72.21 has, in a quatrain condemned by Rutherford, κορυδαλλός οΟν τάφοις παίδων, but the line is perhaps not independent of T. Tomb-haunting may be explained here if we suppose that the road on which the travellers are walking has tombs beside it (cf. 10); tomb-headed or tomb-crested is however not unsuited to the playful tone. 1 The adj. elsewhere is applied only to funeral rites and offerings (Aesch. Ch. 342, I.G. 14.1409), and so επιτύμβιος except that Alciph. 3.26.3 Sch., by a similar perversion, uses it of an old woman ripe for the grave. ήλαίνοντι = άλαίν-. The form occurs also at Call. H. 3.251 in the sense of wandering in mind. The analogy of άλάομαι may possibly defend the -middle form presented by the mss. 24 μετά δαϊτα: the prep, means in search of, not necessarily to fetch; c£. 25.87, 77. 19.346 οϊχονται μετά δεΐπνον, Od. 4.701, c . έβη μετά πατρός άκουήν, Call. fr. 43-82 έρχέσθω μετά δαϊτα. At //. 1.424 X^3°S εβη μετά δαϊτα, κατά is commonly read; cf. Luc. Iup. Tr. 37. άκλητος: Σ know both άκλητος and κλητός, and explain that the uninvited hurry because, if late, they may find nothing to eat, and the invited in reference to the proverb όστις επί δεΐπνον όψέ κληθείς έρχεται, | ή χωλός έστιν ή ου δίδωσι συμβολάς (Com. Adesp. 155'» cf. Lcutsch Par. Gr. 2.577). Κλητός is metrically defensible (17.75, 25.81; cf. 24.69) and might be unemphatic—have you been asked to.a feast?—άκλητος however seems more in keeping with the note of banter. 25 λανόν: the time is summer, and the grapes are ripening (13411.: see p. 127). Since it is too early for the vintage, Wilamowitz proposed λαον: but λαον suggests standing crops, and on Phrasidamus's farm the barley has long been cut. Ληνός is used without special reference to the vintage at H. Horn. 4.103 ΐκανον ες αύλιον ύψιμέλαθρον | και ληνούς προπάροιθεν άριπρεπέος λειμώνος, and probably at Τ. 25.28 (where see n.), no doubt because the presses were a conspicuous part of the farm buildings. The press may often also have been the most solidly constructed part, for it must usually have been made of stone (cf. Geop. 6.1), and. in this particular case, where the owner is a townsman and presumably thought of as living in Cos, the λανός might well be the only structure on his farm or vineyard. θρώσκεις: the verb is used of rapid walking or running at Soph. Tr. 58 έγγν/ς δ* όδ' αυτός άρτίπους θρώσκει δόμους (cf. Hesych. θρωσκει.. .τρέχει). It is also common of aggression (e.g. //. 20.381, Od. 22.303, Eur. Or. 257, Ap. Rh. 1.1296) against living creatures. If this sense can be extended to an attack on property (cf. Ap. Rh. 4.485 Κόλχον δ* δλεκον στόλον, ήύτε κίρκοι | φΟλα πελειάων, ήέ μέγα π ώ υ λέοντες | άγρότεροι κλονέουσιν ένι σταθμοϊσι θορόντες), this gives preferable sense, since, whereas μετά δαϊτα expresses a purpose as well as a destination, θρώσκειν understood only of rapid movement does not. I take it to mean are you raiding some townsman s vineyard? 1 So Gal. 12.361 and a Syriac commentary on Zosimus (Bcrthelot La Chimie an ttwyen age 2.306). Both explanations are given by Σ.
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τοι: for the dat. pronoun followed by a participle in the gen. see, e.g., 2.80, 25.67, //. 14.25, Od. 9.256, Ap. Rh. 3.371, Arat. 822, 840, 847, Quint. S. 3.139; O. Schneider on Nic. Al. 378, Lofstedt Syntactica1 1.236. νισσομένοιο: Hcs. Th. 70 έρατός δέ ποδών υπο δούπος όρώρει | νισομένων ποπέρα δν. 26 λίθος: on the gender sec Hcadlam on Hdas 4.21. άρβυλίδεσσιν: the form occurs again at A. Plan. 253, 306, the commoner being άρβύλη, which is described by Galen (18A680) as κοίλον υπόδημα και περιεσφιγμένον ακριβώς όλω τ ω πόδι μέχρι των σφυρών. It is commonly worn, as here, by travellers (e.g. Aesch. Ag. 944, Eur. Hipp. 1189) but also by women (Eur. Or. 140). Lycidas himself is presumably bare-footed (cf. 4.56), and there is no doubt some faint mockery in the reference to Simichidas's boots. άείδει: Eustath. 746.3 αϊ παρά Θεοκρίτω άείδουσαι λ ί θ ο ι . . . βουκολικήν εχουσιν άφέλειαν (cf id. 1236.4). The verb is used of a bowstring at Od. 21.411, and of a tree in the wind at Mosch./r. 1.8, and Zenodotus supposed it to be used of the string of a phorminx at II. 18.570. Cf. Pcpys's Diary, July 14, 1667 We took notice... of his shoes shod with iron shoes, both at the toe and heels, and with great nails in the soles of his feet, which was mighty pretty: and taking notice of them,' Why? says the poor man, 'the downes, you see, are full of stones, and we arefaine to shoe ourselves thus; and these\ says he, 'will make the stones fly till they sing before me\ 27 άμείφθην: on the passive aor. see 8.74η., Rutherford New Phryn. 187, and on Babr. 12.19. In earlier writers άμείφθη occurs at Pind. P. 4.102, άπημείφθη at Xen. An. 2.5.15. Simichidas's desire for song intervenes, and Lycidas's question is not answered until 31. 28 ή μ ε ν : if T. was consistent as to the inf. of είμί he is more likely to have written ήμεν, which Wilamowitz preferred, than είμεν which Ahrens substituted in several places. Both forms were current in Cos, but the mss (whose variants I have not thought worth recording) are often unanimous for ήμεν and nowhere so for είμεν except at 2.116 παρεΐμεν where $ 3 has παρημεν: and though JP3 supports είμεν against the mss at 14.25, the other form has papyrus support at 7.86. σ υ ρ ι κ τ ά ν : see 11.39η. 29 άματήρεσσι: reaping is at most a seasonal employment as compared with herding, but the harvest provided an opportunity of judging performers since operations of the kind were often accompanied by music, and Lycidas may be called in to help with the harvest (25.28 η.). In Id. 10 the two songs are sung by reapers (cf. Long. 4.38 δ μέν ήδεν οία αδουσι Θερί^οντες), and the second, the Lityerses-song, purports to be traditional on such occasions (10.4m.). Instru mental music is also mentioned: 10.15 ά Πολυβώτα, | ά πράν άμάντεσσι παρ* Ίπποκίωνι ποταύλει. O n the Shield of Achilles the vintage is accompanied by cithara-players (//. 18.569), and we possess a piper's contract of A.D. 322 agreeing υ[πηρετήσ]ασ6αι τοις ληνοβάταις και τοις άλλοις έν τη αύλήσει και [μη] άπολειφθήναι τών ληνοβατών μέχρι τάξεως αυτής τής τρΟγης (Hunt and Edgar Sel. Pap. 1.22). θυμόν Ιαίνει: Η. Horn. 2.64 ει ποτέ δή σευ | ή επει ή ipyep κραδίην καΐ θυμόν ϊηνα, 435» H· 23.600, 24·ΐΐ9> Η7» 176, 19^, 32Ι> Pind. Ο. 7-43» Αρ. Rh. 2.306, 4.9Η· 30 κατ* έμόν νόον: cf. 39· The words are strictly superfluous since ελπομαι follows, but Ισοφαρί^ειν ελπομαι may be regarded as a courteous afterthought for Ισοφαρίζω. At Plat. Soph. 225D, where δοκώ is resumed by κατά γνά>μην την έμήν, the length of the sentence provides an excuse, but similar tautologies occur where
139
COMMENTARY
[31-37
there is none: Ar. Pint. 826 δήλον ότι των χρηστών τις, ώς εοικας, εί, Stallbaum on Plat. Phaed. 60 c. Somewhat similar is Arat, 848 οϊον τηκομένω έναλίγκιος. ίσοφαρίζειν: sc. σοί. 31 θαλυσιάς: cf. Call. Η. 2.87 Καρνειάδες ώραι, 15.110η. The adj. occurs again at Nonn. D. 12.103 θαλυσιάς κούρη, 40.347 Θ, Δηώ. 32 άνέρες: the addition of the noun is complimentary, as at epigr. 8.2, 18.6 and perhaps Id. 25.247. At 1.86,6.7,10.9,20.34,21.3,25.187 and perhaps 17.9,25.151 it is compassionate or disparaging. Both colours are common, and at Ar. Ach. 707 άνδρα πρεσβύτην υ π ' ανδρός τοξότου κυκώμενον and elsewhere they are placed in juxtaposition. See Neil on Ar. Equ. 257, Pearson on Soph. fir. 93, 909, and cL Τ. 14.1η. ε ύ π έ π λ ω : the adj. is used by Homer only of mortals, by Hesiod of one of the Γραΐαι (Th. 273), by Pindar (Pae. 7 b . i ) and Bacchylides (15.49) of gods. 33 άπαρχόμενοι: 17.109η. πίονι μέτρω: the figure is somewhat obscure. Possibly the threshing-floor is regarded as the measure of the harvest which has on this occasion been filled to overflowing. Alternatively, since μέτρον and μετρεΐν are words which naturally present themselves to the mind in connexion with grain (cf. Ar. Av. 580 κάπειτ* αύτοΐς ή Δημήτηρ πύρους πεινώσι μετρείτω), ΤΓ. μ. may mean no more than άφθόνω χερί (Rhes. 771 ττώλοισι χόρτον. . . | . . .άφθόνω μετρώ χερί). In either case this use of ττίων with such a noun, though intelligible, lacks exact parallels. 34 εϋκριθον: Α.Ρ. 6.258 (see 155η.). The adj. is predicative and means κριθών εύπορία. άλωάν, called also δΐνος, is the rounded threshing-floor. Oxen or other animals were driven round the floor to tread the grain from the ear, while the έπαλωσταί levelled the heap and threw the untrodden ears in their way (see Xen. Oec. 18.3, Blumner Techn.2 1.3, Τ. 10.49η.). Though named from its use for threshing, the άλωή was used also for winnowing, and its position was dictated by this use (Hes. W.D. 599 χ ώ ρ ω εν εύαεϊ και έυτροχάλω έν άλωή, //. 13.588). O n Phrasidamus's farm the completion of the winnowing (157η.) is the occasion of the festival to which the party is going. 35 ξ υ ν ά : for the anaphora of this adj. cf. Hes. jr. 82, Ap. Rh. 1.336, 3.173, O p p . Cyn. 4.43. άώς: the time is midday (21) and άώς must mean, as often (12.1, 16.5 nn., 17.59), not morning but day. Even so the phrase cannot, in plain prose, mean much more than since we are going the same way at the same time, for Lycidas has not disclosed his errand and in the event leaves the party before it has reached its destination (130). 36 βουκολιασδώμεσθα: 5.44 η. O f the songs resulting from this challenge that of Lycidas may be called bucolic in view of its end (63 if.), but Simichidas's is hardly even tinctured with rusticity (see p. 129). ώτερος ά λ λ ο ν : άλλος is used as correlative to έτερος as early as //. 9.313 (and conversely II. 13.731). For the omission of the article with one of the correlatives cf. Soph. El. 739 τότ* άλλος, άλλοθ' άτερος (and with reservations II. 21.164, Od. 5.266). Hellenistic poets interchange the two adjectives with some freedom. T. has άλλος for έτερος at 22.205, 24.62, and ούδάλλος for ουδέτερος at 6.46. So Ap. Rh. 1.250 άλλη δ' είς έτέρην όλοφύρετο, 4·ΐ4ΐ> Arat. 240 έτερος προφερέστερος άλλου. Similarly έτερος is used for άλλος at 25.174» Call. Η. 1.73 άλλα μέλει ν έτέροισι where see Schneider; ci. Kuiper Stud. Call. 37. 37 καπυρόν: this is the earliest example of the word as applied to sound unless A.P. 7.414 (Nossis) καπυρόν γελάσας is earlier. The precise meaning is hardly to 140
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be determined; it appears to mean loud of laughter at Long. 2.5, Alciph. 3.12 Sch.; cf. Walz Rhet. Gr. 3.526; here, and at Luc. Dial. Deor. 22.3 (Pan) μουσικός τε γ ά ρ εΙμι και συρί^ω πάνυ καττυρόν, clear or melodious seems more suitable. The sufferer from kidney-trouble w h o spoke of his fingers ώσττερ καττυρόν ψοφούντων (Gal. 6.434) perhaps meant that the joints sounded dry; at Ath. 15.697Β where the word, applied to ώδαί, is contrasted with έσπουδασμένος, it refers rather to style than to sound. See Rev. et.gr. 19.383, 20.10. στόμα: Mosch. 3.71 "Ομηρος | τήνο τ ο Καλλιόπας γλυκερόν στόμα, A.P. 7-75 (Antipater) Στασίχορον ^απληθές αμέτρητου στόμα Μούσης, 9.184 Πίνδαρε Μουσάων Ιερόν στόμα, ib. 7.4» 6. 38 τ α χ υ π ε ι θ ή ς : 2.138η. 39 ού Δ α ν : 4 · ΐ 7 η · 40 Σικελίδαν: the poet meant is the epigrammatist more commonly called Asclepiades. O n the reference to him in this context see p. 144 n. 1. The origin of the name Sicelidas is unknown. Σ here say that the poet's father was named Sicelus or Sicelidas, and this, though probably a guess, cannot be disproved since nothing is known of his life.1 It has also been suggested that Sicelidas is a pseudonym based on the fact that the consonants of the name occur in that order in Asclepiades; or that the name indicates a connexion with Sicilian poetry (Philol. 49.653). Neither view has any probability, and it must be remembered that there is no real evidence which of the two is the by-name; for anything we k n o w to the contrary, Sicelidas may have been called Asclepiades from some connexion with an Asclepiad community. However that may be, Sicelidas is in no sense a disguised name. If it were, it would not be coupled here with the undisguised Philetas, or by Meleager at A.P. 4.1.46 with Poseidippus and Hedylus in a catalogue of the poets included in his anthology; and the same inference might be drawn, though less conclusively, from its use by Hedylus (Ath. 11.473A). Apart from the apparent equation Simichidas = Theocritus (see p. 127), Asclepiades is not the only poet of this period passing under two names, for Callimachus, whether in reference to his father or to the founder of Cyrene (see RE Suppl. 5.386), certainly called himself Battiades (A.P. 7.415 = Schneider Ep. 23, there improbably combined with A.P. 7.525), and it is reasonable to infer from the popularity of the name in later times (A.P. 7.42, Cat. 65.16, 116.2, O v . Am. 1.15.13, al.) that he did so in more places than the single distich which has survived. It is possible that he consciously followed the example of an earlier age, for Mimnermus is addressed as Ligyastades by Solon (jr. 20; ci. Suid. s.v. Μίμν.), and Simonidcs is said by Suidas to have been called also Mclicertes. It may be noted that all these names except the last are patronymic in shape, that Battiades is possibly so in meaning, 2 but that Ligyastades is said to be formed from λιγυς and, if so, refers like Melicertes to the writer's poetical quality. νίκημι: 6.25η. τόν έκ Σ ά μ ω : cf. 1.24, 65. The words do not imply that Asclepiades is in Cos, nor is there evidence to show that he ever resided there though it is likely enough. Φιλίταν: son of Telephus, the Coan poet and scholar w h o had been tutor to the young Ptolemy Philadelphia. T.'s mss, like those of Stobaeus and most authorities, write the name Φιλήτας (or -ητας) and that form (which I retain in English as being familiar) is used by Latin poets. Cod. A of Athcnaeus and those of one or two 1 A scholium on Call. fr. 1.5 (Pfeiffer p. 3), if rightly restored Άσκλη[τπάδτ) τ ω Σικ£]λ(δη, may also imply that Sicebdas is a patronymic. : If Simonides, w h o is called Leoprepidcs by Ovid (Ib. 512), used that name himself it was a genuine patronymic, but there is no evidence that he did so (cf.frr. 146, 147).
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COMMENTARY
[4ΐ-^Φ4
other authors favour Φιλίτας, which should presumably be restored here since Paton and Hicks Inscr. Cos i o b 3 7 and 54 show that at Cos in the third century B.C. the name was written with an ι.1 See Herm. 37.212, Powell Coll. AL 90. The scene being Cos, Philetas, a native of the island, is given no ethnic. 41 άείδων: Τ. lengthens the unaugmented first syllable of this verb at 16.3, 18.36, 24.77 also, always in arsis. Homer does so only at Od. 17.519, Apollonius at 4.1399, Callimachus rather more freely ( frr. 26.8, 75.5, 260.66, 485). βάτραχος δέ ποτ* ακρίδας: 1.136, 5.108nn. The croaking of frogs is usually condemned in antiquity rather for its persistence (Ar. Ran. 226ff.) and for its interference with sleep (Batrachom. 190, Acl. N.A. 3.37, Hor. Serm. 1.5.14; cf. Geop. 13.18) than for any inherently disagreeable quality, and T. seems to regard the note of the tree-frog as agreeable, at any rate in the distance (139η.); ci. however Mosch. 3.106, Ov. Met. 6.374, Dirae 74. 42 έπίτάδες: de industria, not spontaneously but with a particular design: Eur. I.A. 473 κατόμνυμ'. . . | ή μην ερεΐν σοι τάττό καρδίας σαφώς | και μη 'πίτηδες μηδέν αλλ* δσον φρονώ. He seems to mean that his modesty was calculated to induce Lycidas to take part in the friendly exchange of songs suggested at 36. γελάσσας: the form γελάξος presented by some mss here and by most at 128, and read by Tzetzes at 4.37, seems to have been used by the author of Id. 20 (1,15) and may possibly be right, for according to Hcracleides (ap. Eustath. 1654.18) Sicilian Doric tended to such forms as σιγάζω, άνιά^ω in place o f - ά ω . More probably however, like εφθαξα at 2.115, it is due to copyists. See Ahrens Dial. Dor. 91, K.B.G. 1.1.158. At 21.51 έχάλαξα, if correct, is no more evidence for T.'s usage than the examples from Id. 20. 43 κορύναν: the wild-olive stick (18), called at 128 λαγωβόλον: see 4.49η. The stick as a present from one poet to another is probably intended to recall the σκήπτρον.. .δάφνης εριθηλέος 030V given to Hesiod by the Muses (Th. 30) as a symbol of his poetic vocation. δωρύττομαι, which does not occur elsewhere, appears to be Doric for δωρουμαι. 44 παν έπ* άλαθεία π . έ. Δ*, έ.: the phrase has been suspected, and if taken at its face value is certainly odd. If allowance is made however for Lycidas's playful mood and the faded character of both metaphors, it does not seem improbable. Πλάσσειν is extremely common in language of a mildly philosophical cast for educative processes; e.g. Callicratidas ap. Stob. 4.28.18 εύπλαστοι και εύάγωγοι τυγχάνοντι πρωτονύμφευτοι, Plat. Rep. 377C ττλάττειν τάς ψυχάς αυτών τοις μύθοις πολύ μάλλον ή τ ά σώματα ταΐς χερσί, Legg. 671C παιδεύει ν τε και πλάττειν, Plut. Mor. 3 Ε ευπλαστον y a p και υγρόν ή νεότης: cf. Τ. 24.109. "Ερνος is even commoner of human (or divine) 'sprigs' (e.g. Soph. O.C. 1108 ώ φίλτατ' ερνη, Pind. Ν. 6.37, Ι· 4-45, Bacch. 5.87, Aesch. Ag. 1525, Bum. 661, 666, Eur. Tr. 766, Phoen. 191, LA. T I 6 ) and, as a simile, is as old as 77. τ8.56, 437 (sec 24.103η.), Od. 14.175 (cf. ib. 6.163 ff.); similarly φυτόν (Τ. 28.7), Θάλος' (Od. 6.157, "'·)» κλάδος (Thcophr. Cli. 21.9), 03ος (Eur. Hec. 123, al.)y δρπηξ (Opp. Hal. 2.683, Orph. Arg. 215); cf. 28.711. It seems probable that Lycidas's choice of words is connected with his gift, and that he means I give you my staff, a piece of wood as unblemished as yourself. έπ' άλαθεία: the words might mean no more than really and truly (Ar. Plut. 891 ώς δη ' π ' άληθεία συ μετά του μάρτυρος | διαρραγείης), in which sense the gen. is common; but Lycidas's compliment seems to turn on the candour with which Simichidas has admitted his inferiority to Asclcpiades and Philetas, and it is better A doctor of the same name is so spelled in the mss of Gal. 6.473 (Corp. Med. Gr. 5.4.2.212).
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to take the phrase more closely with πεπλασμένον as expressing cither attendant circumstances or aim. The phrase has the former colour in Charondas ap. Stob. 4.2.24 (4.150 W . ) μιμούμενους έπ' άληθεία and probably at Acsch. Suppl. 628, and it is no doubt capable of the latter, but it is perhaps unnecessary to distinguish sharply between them. έκ: 1.140η. 45 τέκτων is properly speaking a worker in wood (e.g. Ar. Av. 113 3 ουκ AtyUTTTios Ι πλινθοφόρος, ου λιθουργός, ου τέκτων τταρήν, Eur. jr. 988, Thuc. 6.44» Plat. Rep. 2.370D), but in buildings of unbaked brick the carpenter plays a leading part and the word is used elsewhere for builder (e.g. //. 6.315, Eur. Or. 1570). T. is thinking of private houses, not of temples, and is no doubt influenced in his choice of word by the frequent use of τέκτων in connexion with poetry (Pind. P. 3.113, N. 3.4, Ar. Equ. 530, Soph./r. 159), for he is criticising poets and not architects, and in 45 f. saying allusively what is said expressly in 47 f. έρευντ): heightened for 3ητεϊ, as ματεύειν at Pind. O. 5.24, Soph. O.T. 1052. The word is not elsewhere so used. 46 τελέσαι: the verb is unusual with a concrete object, but cf. A.P. 13.20 (Simonides) χαρίεντας αυλούς | τούσδε συν Ήφαίστω τελέσας άνέθηκ* 'Αφροδίτη. Ώ ρ ο μ έ δ ο ν τ ο ς : όρος έν Κω άττό 'Ούρομέδοντος τοΰ της Κω βασιλεύσαντος (Σ, with other explanations). Σ may be guessing, but it is natural to look for Oromedon in the range which flanks the south coast of Cos and is visible to Simichidas and his friend on their left. This range contains no outstanding or isolated peaks but rises gradually to a complex of summits over 800 m., of which the highest is now called Dikeo. Probably this massif is meant (see Pll. VI, VII. A). The only other mountainname known from Cos is Prion (Plin. N.H. 5.134), and this may well denote the whole range, which has a sierra-like outline (cf. Polyb. 1.85.7, of another Prion, τον τόττον τον Πρίονα καλούμενον, δν συμβαίνει δια την ομοιότητα τοΰ σχήματος προς το νυν είρημένον όργανον ταύτης τετευχέναι της προσηγορίας). Oromedon, according to Σ, is a name of Pan. It is also known from Cilicia (Hdt. 7.98). The variant ευρυμέδοντος has been defended. A proper name is plainly preferable, and though Pindar uses ύψιμέδων of Parnassus (N. 2.19), it is not clear that εύρυμέδων, used of people and, by Empedoclcs (jr. 135), of αίθήρ, is appropriate to a mountain even as a proper name; cf. however Hor. Ep. 1.11.26 locus effusi late tnaris arbiter. It perhaps deserves mention that the giant Eurymedon (Od. 7.58) appears in the mss of Propertius (3.9.48) as Oromedon. 47 f. δρνιχες: άλεκτρυόνες as at 24.64 and often. The resemblance to Ar. Ran. 93 χελιδόνων μουσεία, λωβηταί τέχνης is only superficial, for the crowing of cocks docs not seem to have been disliked for its own sake (cf. Simon, jr. 80B). The point is given by Zenob. 6.34 Φιλίππου Άλεκτρυών αύτη τάττεται επί των εν μικροΐς κατορθώμασιν άλα^ονευομένων (sec Kock C.A.F. 2.435» RE ΐ·34 Γ )· At Call. Η. 4.252 (see 12.7η.) swans are called Μουσάων όρνιθες in a different and compli mentary sense. For poets as song-birds see Bacch. 3.97 μελιγλώσσου.. .χάριν Κηίας άηδόνος, A.P. 7-4T4 (Nossis) Μουσάων όλίγη τις άηδονίς, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 330 (quoted on 12.7), Hor. C. 1.6.2. Xtov άοιδόν: i.e. Homer, as at 22.218; cf 16.5711. Homer is called Χίος άνήρ by Simonides (jr. 85 = Semonidcs fr. 29 D 2 ), and his Chian origin was attested by Anaximcncs, Damastes, and Pindar (Vit. Horn. 6, Plut. Vit. Horn. 2). The claim is no doubt based on H. Horn. 3.172, where it is said of the poet οίκεϊ δε Χίω Ινι παιπαλοέσση, and it was fostered by Chios, which claimed his descendants as citizens (Strab. 14.645, Certatn. 13). He was also said to have been a schoolmaster in the island (Pseudo-Hdt. Vit. Horn. 25). 143
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It is plain that in this couplet Lycidas is ranging himself on the same side as Callimachus in that difference of literary opinion of which the outstanding episode was the quarrel between Callimachus and Apollonius. The details of this quarrel are obscure (see RE 2.127, Suppl. 5.392, Bursiansjahresb. 255.90) and its date unknown, so that it is useless to enquire whether it is here in T.'s mind, though T.'s implied criticisms of Apollonius in Idd. 13 and 22 (see pp. 231, 382) make it probable if the dates allow; and the resemblances in 2 and 9 above (see nn.) suggest that they may. Moreover, though Callimachus and his .fpends may have held the field for some part of the third century, they were the heretics, not Apollonius (see Introd. p. xxii), whose repulse marks the triumph, not the defeat, of unorthodoxy. The originator of the movement in favour of small scale and high finish is not now to be discerned —possibly the Hermes of Philetas led the way; it is evident however that when first this style of epic composition had been recommended by precept or example, literary opinion must have been divided and the subject have been topical for a long time, and Callimachus is known to have had other opponents besides Apollonius. 1 * Without attempting to connect these lines with any particular episode in the quarrel, we may conjecture that when T. wrote them the dispute was running high, for they do not arise naturally from their context. Lycidas commends the modesty with which Simichidas declines to compare himself with Sicelidas or Philetas, and he pays a high compliment to these two by suggesting that if Simichidas did so compare himself, he would resemble an architect whose buildings competed with a mountain, or a Hellenistic epic poet vying with H o m e r ; but the latter analogy is at once too near in subject and too different in scale to be apposite unless the matter was in the public eye and the opportunity to strike a blow for his side tempting. Lycidas expresses the view to which T.'s own epics {Idd. 13, 22, 24) bear witness. Callimachus's opinions are expressed at H. 2.105, Ep. 3°, and in the prologue to the Aetia [Jr. 1): they were exemplified in the Hecale. See further p. 440. κοκκύζοντες: Poll. 5.89 άλεκτρυόνας αδειν και κόκκυγας κοκκύ^ειν Ύττερείδης δέ και Δημοσθένης έπ* άλεκτρυόνων το κοκκύ^ειν εΐπον. In fact however the word is commonly so used; e.g. 124 below, Cratin./r. 311, Arist. Η.Λ. 631 b 9 . See Pearson on Soph. Jr. 791. For the figure cf. Pind. O. 2.94 σοφός ό πολλά είδώς φυςτ | μαθόντες δε λάβροι | π α γ γ λ ω σ σ ί α κόρακες ώς ακραντα γαρυετον | Διός προς όρνιχα Θείον. 49 β ο υ κ ο λ ι κ α ς . , . ά ρ ξ ώ μ ε θ · άοιδάς: if this poem is later than Id. 1 (see Introd. p. xxvii) it is tempting to suppose that Lycidas is half-quoting the refrain from Simichidas's most ambitious bucolic piece (1.64), and it may be noted that the preceding half-line is found also at 1.38. 50 κήγώ μ έ ν : sc. άρξομαι, but Lycidas breaks off in favour of a less selfassertive expression of his intention. δρη: ci. 1.149 and n. 51 έν 8pei: Pind. P. 3.90 μελπομεναν έν δρει Μοισάν. τό μελύδριον: the sentence differs from the common type in which the antecedent is placed in the relative clause (e.g. II. 17.640 ειη δ* όστις εταίρος άπαγγείλειε τάχιστα | Πηλείδη) in that the substantive is accompanied by a definite article which is appropriate to it only when outside the clause. Closely similar are Soph. Ant. 404 ταύτη ν y* Ιδών θάπτουσαν όν συ τον νεκρόν | άπεΐπας, O.C. goy νυν δ' 1 Some of them are enumerated in a fragmentary scholium on the Aetia (p. 141 n. 1 above). They include Asclepiades, whose laudatory epigram on the Lydc of Antimachus (A.P. 9.63) is certainly in marked contrast with Callimachus's judgment of that poem (Jr. 398). If Asclepiades had at this date shown his disagreement, the laudatory reference to him in this context (40) deserves remark, and would confirm the impression left by Idd. 13 and 22 that T.'s partisanship was without rancour. Asclepiades is not known to have written epic himself.
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ούσπερ αυτός τους νόμους είσήλθ' 2χων, | τουτοισι κούκ αλλοισιν άρμοσθήσεται, Cratin./r. 292; cf. K.B.G. 2.2.420. The diminutive μελύδριον occurs at Ar. Eccl. 883, Bion/r. 5.1 and, in the sense of limb, at M. Anton. 7.68; cf. Lobeck Path., prol. 401. έξεπόνασα: the verb is somewhat favoured by T. (85, 16.94, epigr. 22.5) but may well be selected here to indicate the high finish in poetry demanded by Callimachus and his party as opposed to the Μοισάν όρνιχες. So Philetas (fr. 10 Powell) describes a poet as έπέων είδώς κόσμον καΐ πολλά μογήσας | μύθων παντοίων οίμον επισταμένος, and Callimachus's Hecale is called by Crinagoras το τορευτόν έπος τόδε (A.P. 9.545). On the form of the verb see 85 η. 52-89 Lycidas's song is commonly described as a propetnptikon, and it deserves to be set beside Hor. C 1.3, Stat. Silu. 3.2 as practically the only Greek example of that species of composition (cf. Theogn. 691, Erinnajfr. 1, CalJ.^r. 400, Eur. Hel. 1451), though Sapph. fr. 25 D 2 , a prayer for safe return, is in similar vein. But though it is not untrue to describe the song as a propemptikon, the description is incomplete, for the good wishes for Ageanax's voyage are conditional upon his granting his favours to Lycidas (55), and the latter's rejoicings (63 if.), it is hinted not ambiguously, will be as much for Ageanax's complaisance as for his safety. The time is July or August (p. 127 above). Ageanax appears to be contemplating a voyage in some two months' time, unless Lycidas should be construed to wish him fair voyage even if he imprudently sailed in the stormy season. 52 Άγεάνακτι: 'Ayfjvcc£ Δαμοκό^μου 'Ρόδιος occurs in a Coan inscription (Paton and Hicks 49), Ήγήναξ at Smyrna (S.G.D.I. 5616.14), Ήγησιάναξ and Άρχεάναξ at Miletus (Ergeb. 1.3. no. 122, 1 and 11). The poet Hegesianax was a native of the Troad. Μιτυλήναν: on the spelling of the name see RE 16.1411. 53f. χώταν: άν occurs at 8.43, 47, 9.24, but only here in the genuine bucolic poems. έ φ ' : of close temporal sequence, as, e.g., Hdt. 2.22 έπ! δέ χιόνι πεσούση πάσα ανάγκη εστί υσαι έν πέντε ήμέρησι, Xen. Hell. 4-4-9 τ ή ν ^ τ? νυκτΐ ή είσηλθον ήμέραν, Polyb. 18.2.5 ^ δέ τοις 'Ροδίοις ' Αχαιοί Κόρινθον άπήτουν. Similarly in a jest, Machon αρ. Ath. 13.580Ε Στρατοκλής έπ' έρίφοις, φησί, χειμώνας ποιεί. έσπερίοις Έρίφοις: "Εριφοι, Haedi, are stars close to Capella, itself a star in the constellation Auriga (cf. Arat. 166 and Σ 156). The Kids are frequently spoken of as a stormy constellation (Arat. 158, Virg. Aen. 9.668, Ov. Tr. 1.11.13, Manil. 1.365, Plin. N.H. 18.278, and see last note), and bad weather is associated both with their rising (Hor. C. 3.1.28) and with their setting (Call. Ep. 20, A.P. 7.502, 640, 11.336, Ov. Met. 14.711). Ageanax's voyage to Mitylene takes place in autumn or winter (66) when Orion 'stays his feet upon the Ocean*. The matutinal setting of Orion from his 1. foot (Rigel) to his r. shoulder (Betelgeuse) occupies a month, from about 7 Nov. onward, and he too is associated with storms (e.g. Arat. 309, Ap. Rh. 1.1202, A.P. 7.273, Quint. S. 7.303, Hor. C. 1.28.21, Epod. 10.10): the period when he * stays his feet upon the Ocean' is that preceding the month in which he sets, when the last hours of darkness show his lowest stars close to, but not yet hidden by, the horizon. This will be towards the end of October and in the first days of November. The former month is connected also with the Kids, to whose vespertinal (or acronychal) rising Columella (11.2.66, 73) assigns two dates, 27 Sept. and 4 Oct., either because he follows discrepant authorities or in reference GT
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to the true and the apparent rising respectively. 1 It seems reasonably plain that it is the vespertinal rising of the constellation to which T. also refers, and that έσττερίοις is used as at Arat. 1065 έσττερίων προπάροιθεν | Πληιάδων, where Σ rightly explain it to mean των οπτό εσπέρας άνατελλουσών. Ageanax's voyage is to take place, then, at the season when autumn gales may be expected, sometimes indicated by the matutinal setting of the Pleiads (c£. epigr. 25.5 n.), which occurs about the same time that Orion begins to set. Astronomical phenomena however fix an exact date only for a given year and a given latitude—a fact frequently forgotten by ancient poets (cf. Smith Diet. Ant. 1.224, Housman Manil. v. p. xxxix)—and in any case these phenomena are not intended to fix an exact date. There is therefore room for doubt whether Lycidas is giving the evening and morning signs for the same period, or whether he means to indicate two periods early and late in October. The former view is favoured by concinnity and seems on the whole more probable; the latter is perhaps favoured by χ ώ τ α ν . . .και δτε: but κ α ι . . .καί is often in Τ. quite a light copula (e.g. 2.49, 7.3, 29.37, ePlgr· 2 I )» a n ^ n e r e t n e ^ r s t K0 " m a v mean even (see 52-89 n.). Έσττερίοις has usually been understood to mean /// the tvest, and it is true that when Orion sets the Kids are in the western sky before dawn. T o mention them as there however adds nothing to the precision of the statement about Orion. To their setting it can hardly refer, even if the adjective were capable of such a reference, for they set after Orion (Arat. 679), and to allude to their setting here would be to put the later date before the earlier, the more dangerous period before the less.2 υ γ ρ ά : 22.167, Eur. LA. 948 6Γ υγρών κυμάτων, jr. 636; cf. Hel. 1209, Pind. O. 7.69, P. 4.40, al. διώκη: the verb is used of wind driving a ship (Od. 5.330 ώς την άμ πέλαγος άνεμοι φέρον ένθα και ένθα* | άλλοτε μέν τε Νότος Βορέη ττροβάλεσκε φέρεσθαι, | άλλοτε δ* α ν τ ' Εύρος Ζεφύρω ειξασκε διώκειν), and of oarsmen doing the same (Od. 12.182, 13.162). T.'s use here can hardly be detached from these, nor these from the use of διώκειν with άρμα (Acsch. Pers. 84, Hdt. 7.140) and π ό δ α (Aesch. Eum. 403, Sept. 371); the meaning must therefore be rather propel than pursue. 55 όπτεύμ€νον: 3.18η., 23.34, Soph. jr. 474 άστραπήν τιν* ομμάτων έχει, | ?j θάλπεται μέν αυτός έξοπτα δ* έμέ, Ar. Lys. 839 σ ο ν έργον ήδη τοΟτον όπτάν, Call. Ερ. 44· Similarly κατεφρΟγετο 14.26, and, in Latin, torrere (e.g. Hor. C. 1.33.6, Prop. 3.24.13, O v . Am. 3.2.40). Cf. 3.7η. 57 αλκυόνες: the passages relating to these half-mythical birds are collected and discussed in Thompson Gioss. Gk Birds s.v. (cf. Mnemos. 3rd ser. 7.142). The most important is Arist. H.A. 542 b4, where we are told that for seven days before the winter solstice the halcyon makes its nest, and for seven days after rears its young, and that this fortnight, when calm, as was commonly the case in the Sicilian sea, was known as the Halcyon days. The nest, which was supposed to float on the sea, is described at some length by Aristotle (ib. 6 i 6 a i 9 ) , Plutarch (Mor. 983 c), and Aelian (N.A. 9.17). The number of the days was variously given by different authorities (Suid. s.v. 'Αλκυονίδες ήμέραι), and some place them not at the winter solstice but in February (Lydus de est. ed. Wachsmuth pp. 124,191, Colum. 11.2.21). The Halcyon days are mentioned in Greek poetry at Simon, fr. 12 (quoted by Aristotle), Ar. Av. 1594, A.P. 9.271; cf. Call. Ep. 6. In Latin poetry the principal reference is Ov. Met. 11.745 perque dies placidos hiberno tempore septem \ incubat 1 Other ancient dates for their rising (see Lydus de ost. ed. Wachsmuth pp. 147, 149, 184, 291, 297) range from 26 Sept. to 9 Oct. and usually associate it with bad weather. 3 Σ Arat. 679 describe the vespertinal setting of the Kids as stormy; it occurred about the beginning of Mav and this mav be a mistake; c(. however Lydus de ost. 132.8 W .
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Alcyone pendentibus aequore nidis. \ tunc iacet unda maris; uentos custodit et arcet | Aeolus egressu praestatque nepotibus aequor; cf. Sil. 14.275. It may be noted that if Ageanax's voyage is to take place in October (53 η.), there is no direct reference to the period known as the Halcyon days. Similarly at Ap. Rh. 1.1084, after twelve days of storm, a halcyon hovers over Jason's head and perches on the Argo as a sign of fair weather. Lycidas means that the birds can control the weather, and will aid Ageanax by their intervention. τ α κύματα τ ά ν τ€ θάλασσαν: Eur. Hel. 226 έν αλί κύμασί τε λέλοιττε βίοτον. In both these places the meaning seems to be merely the stormy sea, and the figure to be εν διά δυοΐν. This is less familiar in Greek than in Latin, but see Ar. Plut. 334 τη βαδίσει και τ ω τάχει, Equ. 1310 έκ πεύκης και ξύλων, Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 145. At 11.49 τ ί$ κ α τώνδε θάλασσαν εχειν και κύμαθ* ελοιτο;, if καί is rightly read there, it is possible, though perhaps unnecessary, to draw a distinction, for the Cyclops might mean the sea with its storms; cf. 16.61, 17.78nn. 58 τόν τ€ νότον τον τ ' eupov: 17. 2.144 κινήθη δ* αγορή φή κύματα μακρά θαλάσσης, | πόντου Ίκαρίοιο, τ α μεν τ* Εύρος τε Νότος τε | ώρορ' έπαΐξας, Virg. Aen. 1.84 incubuere mart totumque a sedibus imis \ una Eurusque Notusque ruunt, aeberque procellis \ Africus, Prop. 3.15.31 magnos cum ponunt aequora motus, | Eurusubi aduerso desinit ire Noto. βσχατα: probably in the lowest depths rather than highest on the shore above high-water mark. Disturbance of the sea-bottom is frequently mentioned in ancient descriptions of storm; e.g. A.P. 13.27 βίη Νότου ττρήσαντος Ισχάτην άλα, Soph. Ant. 586 πόντιον | οίδμα δυσττνόοις όταν | Θρήσσπσιν έρεβος ύφαλον έτπδράμτ) πνοαΐς, | κυλίνδει βυσσόθεν κελαινάν | θΐνα, Solon fr. 13.19» Ar. Vesp. 696, A.P. 9.290, Quint. S. 14.495, Musae. 295, Virg. Aen. 1.84 (above), 7.530, G. 3.240 una exaestuat unda \ uerticibus nigramque alte subiectat harenam. Sand rather than seaweed is commonly mentioned in such passages; cf. however II. 9.6 άμυδις δε τε κύμα κελαινόν | κορθυεται, πολλόν δέ τταρέξ άλα φύκος εχευεν, Hor. C. 3.17.10. 59 γ λ α υ κ α ί ς : the Nereids take the colour of the element in which they live: Eur. Hel. 1457 γλαυκά δε Πόντου θυγάτηρ Γαλάνεια, Τ. 21.55» Ο ν . Tr. 1.2.59 uiridesque dei quibus aequora curae, Her. 5.57 uirides Nereidas, Stat. Silu. 1.5.15 deae uirides. Horace (C. 3.28.10) speaks of uirides Nereidum comas, and so O v . Met. 2.12 and, of Glaucus, 13.960 uiridem ferrugine barbam \ caesariemque meam...\ ...et caerula bracchia, cf. ib. 5.432, F. 1.365, Prop. 2.9.15, 3.7.62, Apul. Met. 4.31. Similarly Nonn. D. 42.108 (of a Naiad) έδύσατο σύγχροον ύδωρ. 60 έ φ ί λ η θ ε ν : the aor. is common in this verb where a prcs. might be expected: 15.86, 100, 17.70, H. Horn. 4.508, Hcs.fr. 134, Pind. N. 5.44, 7.88, Lye. 274, 518, Call. fr. 1.30, A.P. 5.4, 31, 170; and so with other words expressing affection: Ar. Ran. 229 έμέ γ ά ρ εστερξαν. . . Μούσαι, A.P. 7.715. Similarly in place of an imperfect 17.39 έή ν εφίλησεν άκοιτιν. | ή μάν άντεφιλεΐτο, 12.15 f., H. Horn. 4.508, Pind. P. 2.16, 9.18, and so perhaps 7.73 ήράσσατο, Hdas 6.94 ήγάττησε, A.P. 7.715 (Leonidas) εστερξαν. δσοις τ έ περ: Ι accept Greverus's correction, which was made on the ground that if a relative is qualified by both τε and ττερ, the particles must be in the order ττερ τε. This is a mistake (Od. 21.142, Ap. Rh. 1.84, Arat. 557), but the ms reading όσαις will mean dearest of sea-birds to the Nereids, whereas the halcyon is presumably dearest to them of all birds without qualification, and dearer still to mortals concerned with the sea, whom we may expect to find mentioned here. "Οσοις will mean to fishermen, τε being a copula, as elsewhere in T. where it follows όσος (15.117, 24.112), and ττερ being separated from its relative as at 147
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COMMENTARY
[61-64
2.34, 7.4. The phrase closely resembles Jr. 3.1 ά ν ή ρ . . .| έξ αλός φ 3ωή, τ α δέ δίκτυα κείνω άροτρα, Mos'ch. Jr. 1.9 ή κακόν ό γριπεύς ;$ώει βίον φ δόμος ά ναϋς, | καΐ πόνος έντι θάλασσα, καΐ Ιχθύες ά πλάνος ά γ ρ α : cf. Quint. S. 7*569 άλιευς κατά πόντον άνήρ λελιημένος άγρης, Soph. Aj. 879, Aesop 24, 26 Halm, Mart. 10.87 piscator Jerat aequorum rapinas, Manil. 5.194. 61 ές Μιτυλήναν: the prepositional phrase is attached to the noun of motion as, e.g., I/. 9.622 έκ κλισίης νόστοιο μεδοίατο, Η. Horn. 4·57 2 Ε·5 Ά ί δ η ν . . ,άγγελον είναι, Αρ. Rh. 4 . 1 5 1 0 & ν Αιδα γίνεται οϊμος. 62 ώρια: the meaning is plainly JaustatJavourabley but it is hard to see h o w this can be extracted from the ms reading ώρια, for Ageanax's voyage is to be made at a season when storms, άωρα in the summer (cf. Aesch. Pers. 496), are to be expected (53 n.) and are therefore ώρια. If ώρια is right, it must mean suitable Jor sailing and be connected with ώρα in the sense of the right season, but the adj. to be expected is ούρια (e.g. Soph. Phil. 779 γένοιτο δέ | πλους ούριος τε κευσταλής, Λ.Ρ. 7-264 εΐη ποντοπόρω πλόος ούριος), and Σ, though the lemma is ώρια, explain ώρια, which I have preferred; it may however be a hyperdorism, for ω does not seem to be found in this root; cf. 13.52. γένοιτο: the change from prediction in 52 to prayer is perhaps to be taken as an indication that the condition laid down in 55 f. has been complied with. Certainly the festivities in the following lines are designed to celebrate more than the mere arrival of Ageanax in Mitylene. εΰπλοος: Schaefer's correction is demanded by the sense, the wish being that Ageanax shall reach Mitylene safely, not that he shall fmd good anchorage when he gets there. The word is similarly applied to the traveller in a letter of the first century A.D. (B.G.U. 665.U.7), and apparently in a Cretan inscription (B.C.H. 59.377). 63 τηνο κατ' ά μ α ρ : nominally, no doubt, the day on which Ageanax may be supposed to have completed his voyage of some 50 miles. άνήτινον: άνηθον, anethum graveolens, dilly seems to have been a garden plant (Mosch. 3.100), and was largely used in cooking (see RE 5.639) as it still is in Greece; it is fragrant however, and was employed for perfume (Theophr. H.P. 9.7.3; cf. C.P. 6.9.3). Ath. 15.674DE cites Alcaeus (Jr. 36) and Sappho (Jr. 78) for its use in garlands; cf. Virg. E. 2.48, Gal. 11.832. It appears at 15.119 among the decorations of Adonis's bower. 64 λευκοΐων = ϊον το λευκόν, seems to have been used by the Greeks of at least two plants, identified respectively as the snowdrop, and the hoary stock, matthiola incana. In one or other sense it is mentioned by Theophrastus (H.P. 6.8.1) as the first flower available for garlands, and as flowering in mild climates ευθύς του χειμώνος. It is therefore more appropriate than the other flowers to the season which is in Lycidas's mind, and it should be remembered that in Greece the flowering season begins not in spring but after the autumn rains; cf. 11.56η. φ υ λ ά σ σ ω ν : 3.22 η. It seems possible that the garlands, though a regular con comitant of symposia, are intended to indicate the successful outcome of Lycidas's suit to Ageanax: see Ath. 15.670A, where, in a discussion of the question δια τί, των έστεφανωμένων έάν λύηται ό στέφανος, έραν λέγονται; (cf. Call. Ep. 44, Α.Ρ. 12.135)» one answer is εΐ μη άρα ή φ ύ σ ι ς . . . οΐεται δεϊν τους Ιρώντας μη στεφανουσθαι ττριν κρατήσωσιν τοΰ έρωτος· τούτο δ' εστίν όταν κατεργασάμενοι τόν έρώμενον άτταλλαγώσιν της έττιθυμίας. την άφαίρεσιν ουν του στεφάνου σημεΐον τοϋ έτι έν τ ω διαγωνί^εσθαι είναι ποιούμεθα. The symbolism is obscure, and Athenaeus is discussing in the main accidental loss of the garland. Its preserva tion however seems to have had some connexion with successful love, and it may 148
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not be an accident that here and at 3.22 (where an unsuccessful lover threatens to tear his garland to pieces) the verb chosen should be φυλάσσειν. 65 τόν Πτελεατικόν olvov is not mentioned elsewhere and the meaning of the adj. is uncertain. Various places named Πτελέα and Πτελεόν are known, and according to Σ one of the former was in Cos. If this statement is more than a conjecture, the place should possibly be connected with Πέλη (Paton and Hicks Inscr. of Cos 344.7), apparently the ancient name of Pyli (130η.), for πελέα appears in an Epidaurian inscription for πτελέα (S.G.D.I. 3325.45; cf. Hesych. s.v. Πελεός) and may well therefore have been the Coan form of the word. Other explanations in Σ are (i) τόν υγείας και £ώμης παρασκευαστικόν. (ii) τον εξ άναδενδράδων, τταρόσον τα!ς παρακειμέναις πτελέαις εμπλέκονται. W i n e doctored with elmwood has also been suggested, though this does not appear among the numerous substances so employed (see, e.g., Diosc. 5-24ff, Pallad. 11.14) and Coan wine was among those mixed with sea-water (Ath. 1.33 B). Moreover epithets describing flavourings of this kind commonly end in -ίτης or -ινος (e.g. μυρτίτης, τερμίνθινος). None of these suggestions is plausible, and I have printed the adj. with a capital letter on the assumption that it refers to a place. If it does so, a place in Cos is quite probable since the wine of the island was of some celebrity (see Paton and Hicks p. xliii), though it should perhaps be borne in mind that Lycidas is not certainly a native (12 n.). 66 κύαμον: for the collective singular cf. 4.44η. Κύαμος, some variety of the common bean, uicia faba, though less frequently mentioned than the chickpea, έρέβινθος, appears elsewhere among τραγήματα: Ath. 2.54 F, Ephipp. Jr. 13 και μετά δεϊπνον κόκκος. . .| έρέβινθος. . .κύαμος, Plat. Rep. 3 7 2 C κ α * τραγήματα π ο υ παραθήσομεν αύτοΐς των τε σύκων και έρεβίνθων και κυάμων, και μύρτα και φηγούς σποδιουσιν προς τ 6 π υ ρ μετρίως ύποπίνοντες. Similar pictures are drawn at Ar. Pax 1131 αλλά προς π υ ρ διέλ|κων μετ* ανδρών εταίρων φίλων | . . .κάνθρακί^ων τούρεβίνθου | την τε φηγόν έμπυρεύων, Xenoph.^r. 22 π ά ρ πυρι χρή τοιαύτα λέγειν χειμώνος έν ώρη | εν κλίνη μαλακή κατακείμενον, εμπλεον όντα, | πίνοντα γλυκύν οίνον, ύποτρώγοντ* έρεβίνθους. 67 π ε π υ κ α σ μ έ ν α : the verb normally means to cover or beset with (2.153, 3Ί4» 21.53, Xenoph./r. 1.11 βωμός δ* άνθεσιν αν το μέσον π ά ν τ η πεπύκασται, al.)> and it might therefore be thought that it is here used in an extended sense, since the plants mentioned in 68 actually constitute the στιβάς. Probably however T. means that the couch of hay or grass or rushes (3.32 η.) will have for the occasion a deep layer of fresh herbs strewn over it. So probably Plat. Rep. 3 72 Β κατακλινέντες έπι στιβάδων έστρωμένων μίλακί τε και μυρρίναις εύωχήσονται. έστ* επί π α χ υ ν : εστ' έπί means usque ad (Call. Η. 6.ίο, Αρ. Rh. 2.789, 4 · Ι 6 ι ι , al.)\ πάχυν must therefore mean cubit not forearm, though εστ 1 έπ* αγκώνα, elbowdeep, would have given much the same sense. 68 κνύζςι: 4.25η. Diosc. 3.121 δύναται δέ ό θάμνος σύν τοις φύλλοις ύποστρωννύμενος και θυμιώμενος θηρία διώκειν και κώνωπας άπελαύνειν κτείνει δε και ψύλλους. It is mentioned together with asphodel for these proper ties at Nic. Th. 70, Geop. 18.2; cf. ib. 13.11, 15. According to Σ 4.25 it was used for στιβάδες by w o m e n at the Thcsmophoria; δοκεΐ γ ά ρ . . .ψυκτική ούσα έπέχειν τάς προς συνουσίαν ορέξεις: but that is not likely to be T.'s point. ό σ φ ο δ έ λ ι ρ : see preceding n. π ο λ υ γ ν ά μ π τ ω = ουλω. The adj. is used elsewhere of valleys and rivers (Pind. O. 3.27, Quint. S. 1.286), of the gait of a camel (Nonn. D . 14.373), and of a con torted style (A.P. 9.191). At Nonn. D. 12.299 άγριας (ήμερις) ήβώουσα π ο λ υ γ νάμπτοισι σελίνοις the noun appears to mean tendrils. 149
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[69-71
σελίνω: 3.23 n. The plant does not seem to be mentioned elsewhere in connexion with στιβάδες. 69 μ α λ α κ ώ ς : i.e. luxuriously. The adverb is common in connexion with sleeping, sitting, or lying (e.g. 15.28, Od. 24.255 εύδέμεναι μαλακώς, ib. 3.350, Ar. Equ. 785 καθί^ου μαλακώς, Eubul.fr. 90 υποστορεΐτε μαλακώς τω κυνί: cf. Τ. 2.139, 5·5 ι η., 15.125). Lycidas however is probably thinking not only of the soft couch just described but of other comforts as well; cf. Thcophr. Ch. 2.10 και τών έστιωμένων πρώτος έπαινέσαι τόν οΐνον. και παρακείμενος εΙπεΐν "60s μαλακώς έσθίεις. 70 The meaning of this line seems to be remembering Ageanax in the very act of drinking, and draining the cup as passionately as if I were kissing him. The analogy between drinking and kissing, and the idea of the kiss within the cup, which Ben Jonson borrowed from Philostr. Epist. 33 (ct. ib. 32, 60, Apul. Met. 2.16), arc common in later Greek erotic literature (A.P. 5.171, 261, 295, 305, 12.133, Bion 1.49, [Luc] Luc. 8; c(. Apul. Met. 3.14); and though it is not necessary on this view to show that ερείδειν could be used of kissing, it is in fact so used at A.P. 5.255.11, Nonn. D. 11.109, and perhaps at A.P. 5.14.3, and similarly of lipping a musical instrument at Mosch. 3.55. If this is correct, the opening words of 70 will go with μεμναμένος, and it seems necessary to accept Valckenacr's correction. Lycidas will toast Ageanax, but the participle perhaps suggests that, as in Delphis's toasts at 2.151, the name will not be mentioned or that the toast will be only in Lycidas's thoughts as he drinks. 71 f. ε ΐ ς . , . ε ί ς for ό έτερος. . .ό έτερος or είς. . .ό έτερος is fairly common in Ν.Τ. (Εν. Matt. 24.4° τ ο τ ε δύο έσονται εν τ ω άγρώ- είς παραλαμβάνεται και είς άφίεται, ib. 20.21, 27.38, Εν. Jo. 20.12, al.) and is not uniiatural in view of the use of είς.. .είς.. .είς in distributing numbers larger than two, e.g. Soph. El. 701, Xcn. Hell. 7.4.27, Arat. 144, A.P. 12.34, Ev. Matt. 17.4. The only known place to which the ethnic Άχαρνευς can be referred is the Attic deme Acharnac. Λυκωπίτας is referred by Σ to Lycopc in Aetolia, a town not otherwise known, though the names Λύκωπος and Λυκωπεύς occur in those parts (e.g. Polyb. 21.25.11, Apoll. 1.8.6). 1 have suggested elsewhere (Introd. p. xx) that T. uses ethnics to give colour and verisimilitude to purely imaginary characters, but these two seem strangely remote for such a purpose and the personal clement in the Idyll makes so random a choice of localities less acceptable here than for instance at 14.12. N o r again does it seem probable that T. is thinking of two real pipers from these places resident or visiting in Cos (in which case the ethnics would resemble that at 15.97), for an Athenian in Cos would hardly be described by his deme. Nor, finally, docs the connexion of the deme with pipes (Nonn. D. 47.23 δόναξ έλίγαινεν Άχαρνεύς) and ivy-crowns (A.P. 7.21, 9.186; cf. Soph. O.C. 674» Paus. 1.31.6) seem illuminating. It is not unnatural therefore to suspect a Coan origin for the two names. For Άχαρνεύς the most that can be said is that the name of the Coan deme Halasarna (near Cardamina on the S. coast; Pi. VI) shows a formation similar to that of Acharnac. Λυκωπίτας however recalls Lycopeus (4), a connexion suggested also in Σ, and though no similar place-name is known from Cos, it is not unlikely that one may have existed. P i ' s Λυκωπείτας was anticipated by Wilamowitz, who conjectured a Λυκώπεια called after Lycopeus. Whether T. is thinking of real people or using ethnics for the sake of vividness, the view that these two arc Coan is not unattractive. J3i however writes ει for ι in other places, and Lycopc is as plausible as Lycopcia whether in Cos or elsewhere. Τίτυρος: 3.2η., p. 131. 150
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έ γ γ ύ θ ε ν : cf. 5.60. The meaning must be close by, not my neighbour Tityrus. The implied gen., if it need be determined, is perhaps των ποιμένων rather than μου or ημών: Theogn. 943 έγγυ6εν αύλητήρος άείσομαι ώδε καταστάς | δεξιός. 73 Ξενέας is otherwise unknown, nor, apparently, does the name occur in real life. 5ενο- however is a common element in Greek names, and the masculines Ξενέας and Ξενίας are both known. ήράσσατο: 6on. Δ ά φ ν ι ς ό βούτας: see p. 1, 1.8611. 74 ά μ φ ε π ο ν ε ί τ ο : this verb, which usually means to be busy with (//. 23.159, 681, Od. 20.307, Archil, jr. 12, Ap. Rh. 3.251), seems here to mean was troubled around or concerning him. Somewhat similar is the use at Hippocr. Mul. 2.135 (8.306 L.) of τ α άμφιττονεόμενα for neighbouring parts affected by a disease. If this meaning is permissible, it is, in view of what follows, plainly preferable in sense to the variant άμφεπολεΐτο, tended, the voice of which would moreover be unusual. It is possible however that we should write άμφ' έπονεϊτο with Ahrens. $ 2 also divides the word, but its evidence is inconclusive since it thus separates prepositions from their verb elsewhere. For the 'pathetic fallacy' involved in the line cf. 1.71, Bion 1.31, Mosch. 3.1, Ath. 14.619c (cited on 8.1), Nonn. D. 46.265. Similar and much earlier are Aesch. jr. 58 ενθουσιά δη δώμα, βακχεύει στέγη, and Eur. Bacch. 726 (where see Dodds) παν δε συνεβάκχευ' όρος | και θήρες, both criticised by 'Longinus' (15.6). 75 Ι μ έ ρ α : ρ. 2. φ ύ ο ν τ ι : the pres. seems preferable to the imp. presented by the papyri; for φύοντι intrans. see 4.24; φύεσθαι occurs only at 8.68. 76 τις is regular and idiomatic in similes (41, 12.9, 13.62 and, e.g., ll. 17.4, 61, 133» 542, 657). It is not however indispensable, χιών is a noun which might be thought incapable of sustaining an indefinite pronoun, and there is none in the similes nearest in sense to this: Od. 19.205 ώς δέ χιών κατατήκετ' έν άκροπόλοισιν όρεσσιν | . . . | ως της τήκετο καλά παρήια, Call. Η. 6.92 ώς δέ Μίμαντι χιών, ώς άελίω ενι π λ α γ γ ώ ν , | και τούτων ετι μείζον έτάκετο, Quint. S. 7· 22 9· It is similarly inserted however at Eur. Tr. 1298 πτέρυγι δέ καττνός ώς τις ού|ρανία πεσουσα δορι καταφθίνει γ α . κατετάκετο: i.e. εύτε κατετάκετο ώς χιών κατατάκεται. The simile is of that kind in which the verb common to the two clauses is expressed only in the subordinate. Three varieties may here be distinguished: (i) where the verb implied in the main clause is in the same person and tense as in the subordinate, as at 1.7, 17.106; (ii) where the verb is accommodated to the subordinate clause, as at Ap. Rh. 3.1293 αύτάρ ό τούσγε | εύ διαβάς έπιόντας, άτε σττιλάς είν άλί πέτρη | μίμνει άττειρεσίησι δονεύμενα κύματ' άέλλαις: cf. Τ. 5.28η.; (iii) where the verb, though in the subordinate clause, has the person and tense appropriate to the main clause, as here, 12.8, Od. 17.397 ή μευ καλά π α τ ή ρ ώς κήδεαι υϊος, Αρ. Rh. 3-I39I αϊ μάτι δ' ολκοί | ήύτε κρηναϊαι άμάραι πλήθοντο £οήσιν: cf. Τ. 11.38. This variety might be classed as a special form of hyperbaton. μακρόν: the epitheton constans of Olympus (ll. 1.402, al.)\ cf. //. 13.18, H. Horn. 3.17, 19.12, T. 1.123, 8.2. ύ φ ' ΑΙμον: the prep. c. ace. is used of extent as at 16.5 where see n., 22.48, 184, Xcn. An. J.4.S ταϊς υπό το όρος κώμαις, Polyb. 3·34·2 της υ π ό τάς"Αλπεις χώρας, Αρ. Rh. 1.50 μίμνεν υπό σκοπιήν όρεος Χαλκωδονίοιο (cf. C.Q. 30.206), but T.'s choice of it is somewhat surprising since, as at Od. 19.205, Call. H. 6.92 (see above), the snow on, not under, the mountains seems to be meant. Probably he thinks of the names as attaching to the summits or skyline; below these lie the snowfields, 151
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[77-80
the lower edges of which melt first. Alternatively the mountains might indicate regions in which snow lies even in the plains, but this, though suitable for the Thracian ranges Haemus and Rhodope and for the Caucasus, fits Athos less well. 77 Virg. G. 1.332 aut Athon aut Rhodopen aut alta Ceraunia, E. 8.44, aut Ttnaros aut Rhodope aut extremi Garamantes, Ο v. Her. 2.113 qua patet umbrosum Rhodope glacialis ad Haemum. έ σ χ α τ ό ω ν τ α : Call. H. 4.174 Αφ* έσττέρου έσχατόωντος. As applied to places in Homer (II. 2.508, 616) the participle denotes oudying position rather than extreme distance; cf. Arat. 207. 78 έδεκτο: the form occurs at Pind. O. 2.54, and without augment at //. 15.88, Od. 9.353. τόν αΐπόλον: Comatas (83, 89). The description makes it plain that a new theme begins, since Daphnis is an oxherd. The story, according to Σ, comes from Lycus of Rhegium (Λυκίου mss, Λύκου Toup), w h o located it on a M t Thalamus in the neighbourhood of Thurii. A herdsman was in the habit of sacrificing animals from his master's flocks to the Muses at a cave-sanctuary of the Nymphs on the mountain. His master, said to be a king, shut him up in a chest, and two months later found him alive and the chest full of honeycomb. It must be observed that in this story the herdsman is not named, is perhaps imprisoned for less time than T.'s Comatas (see 85η.), and, though a devotee of the Muses, is not expressly said to be a poet. And though it is quite suitable that bees should nurture poets (1.146η.), this fate befell others, from Zeus (Call. H. 1.49, Virg. G. 4.152, Colum. 9.2.3) to.Hiero the Second of Syracuse (Justin 23.4.7). T h o u g h therefore the story as outlined by Σ has marked points of contact with T., it is not obvious that the relation is as described. The mystery is further deepened by the fact that Σ on 78 and 83 assert that T.'s story is his own invention and that he has borrowed it from the Daphnis legend, a statement to which T.'s language lends some colour (83 η.). In fact T.'s whole treatment here leads one to suspect a point n o w lost. The love-pangs of Daphnis serve well enough, by contrast, for entertainment at the symposium where Lycidas celebrates the safe arrival of Ageanax and the happy outcome of his own suit. The story of Comatas as here outlined has no such relevance; and if we regard the two themes as no more than suitable subjects for a rustic Tityrus with no special relevance to the occasion on which they are to be sung, the enthusiasm for Comatas and indirectly for bucolic song manifested by Lycidas at the end of his own song (83-9) is no less puzzling, for the sentiment, appropriate enough to the character of Lycidas, seems irrelevant to Ageanax and his affairs. The Idyll has a basis of personal experience and allusion not found else where except in the lyrics, and it seems more probable that these lines have a point now irrecoverable than that Lycidas's song, which begins with some of T.'s finest and most finished verse, should end as feebly and as pointlcssly as it now seems to do. It has been argued that the story of Comatas could not have been told with prudence after the death of Sotadcs, who is said to have been drowned in a μολυβή κεραμίς for his insulting reference to the incestuous marriage of Ptolemy Philadclphus (Ath. 14.621 A). The date of Sotades's death is not k n o w n (see RE 3 A 1207) and the inference, if valid, would be of little assistance in dating the Idyll; but even if, as is not certain (cf. Plut. Mor. 11 A), he was killed in the manner described, his fate bears little resemblance to that of Comatas. ευρέα: 1.65 η. 79 κακαΐσιν ατασθαλίαισιν: cf. Od. 12.300, 24.458. 80 σιμαί: so in a lyric from Tebtunis (Powell Coll. Al. 185) σιμοπρόσωποι | ξουθόπτΕροι μέλισσαι. 152
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λ ε ι μ ω ν ό θ ε : //. 24.451 δροφον λειμωνόθεν άμήσαντες. 8ΐ κέδρον: i.e. την λάρνακα: cf. epigr. 8.4η. άίνθεσσι: Aristotle (H.A. 625 b 19) uses the verb άνθοφορεΐν of bees, and Latin writers useflores in similar contexts (e.g. Virg. G. 4.39, 250, Tib. 2.1.49, Ο v. Met. 13.928). Comatas was presumably fed on honey; what bees collect from flowers is nectar, pollen, and propolis, and they were erroneously supposed to derive their wax from the same source (e.g. Arist. H.A. 553^27, Varr. Men. 432). The nectar is swallowed and its transport cannot be observed; the pollen is carried con spicuously but is not used for making honey. The processes of manufacture inside the hive were however not .understood (Arist. H.A. 624b 7), and the inference that the visible loads were used for honey-making was natural. T.'s adj. is consistent with the supposition that he uses άνθος in the specific sense of pollen, but it is equally appropriate to flowers (cf. 4.18, 6.45, 15.119, //. 14-348 υάκινθον | πυκνόν και μαλακόν), and the language used by other writers shows that they believed the bees to bring flowers to the hive (Virg. G. 4.181 crura thymo plenae, Colum. 9.14.18 idoneos ad fetum decerpunt flores, Plin. N.H. 11.20, 58, Sen. Epist. 84.3). The belief may perhaps have been fostered by the leaf-cutter bee, which carries disks cut from leaves to line the nest. 82 Hes. Th. 81 δντινα τιμήσωσι Διός κοΰραι μεγάλοιο | γεινόμενόν τε ΐδωσι διοτρεφέων βασιλήων, | τ ω μέν επί γλώσση Υλυκερήν χείουσιν έέρσην, | του δ* έπε' εκ στόματος £εϊ μείλιχα, Pind. Ο. 7-7 έ γ ω νέκταρ χυτόν, Μοισάν δόσιν, άεθλοφόροις | άνδράσιν πέμπων, ΑΓ. 3·77· The thought seems to be that the bees feed Comatas because he is, like themselves, a source of sweetness, and poets are not infrequently compared to bees elsewhere; see Jebb on Bacch. 10(9).10. 83f. τ ύ θ η ν : the emphasis on the pronoun is carried into the next line, where και τ ύ . . . και τ ύ must surely mean thou too and cannot merely couple the clauses together. For some reason T. (or Lycidas) seems to be insisting that the adventure described really befell Comatas, and it is natural to connect this insistence with statements in Σ: (78) φασιν δτι Θεόκριτος τ ά του Δάφνιδος είς τον Κομάταν <μετήνεγκεν). τοΰτον γ ά ρ ή μήτηρ έξέθηκε τον πατέρα "Ανακτά ευλαβουμένη, είδυΐα δτι ου πείσει υ π ό του Χρύσου διακορηθήναι λέγουσα. (83) πέπλασται τά περί του Κομάτα υ π ό Θεόκριτου* παρά ( γ ά ρ ) τοις άρχαίοις ου παραλαμβάνομεν Οπό μελισσών τρεφόμενον τον Κομάταν, καθάπερ ό Δάφνις ιστορείται. That Daphnis was exposed as a baby is part of the ordinary myth (see p. 1); that he was nurtured by bees we are not told elsewhere. It should also be observed that Σ do not say that Daphnis was shut up in a chest, and that it is not easy to guess w h y his mother should have adopted so unusual a method of exposure. The statement that T. has here borrowed part of the Daphnis-myth and assigned it to another protagonist must therefore be regarded with suspicion, and it may well be due to someone who noticed the emphatic και τ ύ and assumed that as Daphnis was the last person mentioned he must have been the other victim; but T.'s phrasing at this point seems inexplicable unless there is something unusual or contentious in his presentation of the Comatas-story, which might be intelligible if we knew more about the person in whose mouth T. puts the words. See note on 78 ff. π ε π ό ν θ ε ι ς is commonly regarded as pluperfect, and the variant -ης has some times been accepted, though the evidence favours ει rather than η in tins tense (1.139, 7.14, 10.38, 13.40). If this is right, the meaning (as compared with ρπασχες) will be these were your past experiences. It seems however more likely that the tense is one of Τ Λ perfects with present endings as at 10.1 (see 1.102η.), the primary tense being accounted for by the vocative, and Comatas thought of as present or 153
COMMENTARY
[85-90
immortal though no longer on earth (86). Alternatively the perfect may possibly be used for the imperfect (see 25.64η.). However this may be, Comatas's fate as described in the following lines can hardly be considered τερπνόν, and T. himself implies that it was a πόνος. Τάδε τερπνά, which earn for Comatas the epithet μακαριστέ, must therefore be the favour of the Muses (82) and perhaps the feeding by bees consequent upon it, though the predicament which necessitated this was unpleasant; and it is upon Comatas's skill in music that the remainder of Lycidas's song turns. 85 έτος ώριον perhaps means the year with all its seasons, but at Philetas Jr. 3 Powell έκ Διός ωραίων ερχομένων έτέων, cited as parallel, neither text nor meaning is certain. In view of the statement in Σ that Comatas was shut up for two months (see n. on 78 ff.) I have preferred to suppose that έτος ώριον may mean the spring, as pomifero...anno means autumn at Hor. C. 3.23.8 and annus hibemus, winter at Epod. 2.29 (see Orelli on these, Housman Lucan p. 327, C.Q. 12.30). Other examples in Greek of a noun so restricted in content by an epithet are δείελον ήμαρ (25.86 η.), σταθερόν ήμαρ (Αρ. Rh. 1.450; cf· Antim. β. 30 Wyss), κοίλη ναυς (hold; cf. 22.12η.); //. 5-539» 6ιο\ 16.465 νείαιρα γαστήρ, Nic. Th. 133» Ο ρ ρ . Hal. 1.480 αραιή γ α σ τ ή ρ , and Τ. 17-79 χθαμαλά Αίγυπτος are not dissimilar. Both explanations are offered by Σ. If the second is right, the adj. will repre sent ώρα in the sense of spring or youth (as, e.g., //. 2.468, Ar. Av. 705). έξεπόνασας: it is more probable that the variant έξετέλεσσας is a gloss than that έξεπόνασας is due to untimely reminiscence of 51. The verb however is somewhat oddly used, since Comatas's experience was strictly passive. Έκπονεΐν may be used intransitively (Eur. Or. 653, Suppl. 319) and the ace. might be temporal, as at Eur. Or. 656 μίαν πονήσας ήμέραν. More probably however it is the object, Comatas's sojourn in the chest being thought of as a ' l a b o u r ' ; epigr. 22.5 χώσσους έξεπόνασεν εϊπ' άέθλους, Pind. P. 4.236 έξεπόνησ* έ π ί τ α κ τ ο ν . . . | μέτρον, Aesch. Suppl. 367 έκπονεΐν άκη. From π ο ν ώ and compounds T. has, in Doric poems, 74 άμφεπονεΐτο, 15.115 πονέονται, but elsewhere (7.51, 13.14, 15.80, 26.7, epigr. 22.5) his mss are virtually unanimous in prescribing forms from πονάω, which have strong ms support in other Doric contexts also (e.g. Pind. P. 9.93, Eur. LA. 209). Sec Ahrens Dial. Dor. 148, K.B.G. 1.1.124. 86 έναρίθμιος: the adj., which in Homer means of account (I/. 2.202) and to make up the number (Od. 12.65), is found in T.'s sense in Ap. Rh. 1.143, 647, 3.518, 4.1412, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 502.16, Nonn. D. 21.157. Μεταρίθμιος occurs in the same sense at H. Horn. 26.6, Ap. Rh. 1.205; c^· Rhianus/r. 1.16 Powell. 87 ώ ς : 4 4 9 n. τοι: the ethic dative is in place of a possessive pronominal adj., and does double duty since both the goats and the voice are Comatas's. While Comatas was singing Lycidas would have minded his flock, as Thyrsis proposes to do for the goatherd at 1.14. 88 Call. jr. anon. 287 S. παρά δρυσί και παρά πεύκαις, quoted by Choeroboscus for the prosody of δρυσί, is perhaps no more than an inaccurate memory of this line. 89 κατεκέκλισο: the plup., like the imp. ένόμευον, depends on s in 87. θείε Κοματα: the adj. marks Comatas as an inspired minstrel: cf. 10.41, 16.44, Od. 1.336 θείον άοιδόν, aL, Call. Ep. 7. The repetition of the vocative from 83 warns the reader that the song is at an end; cf. 2.19-59 (p. 40), 3.6-22 (3.24η.), 6.6-19, 10.26-36. 90 τ ό σ σ ' : followed by τοϊα as at 24.72; cf. Arat. 139. 154
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άπεπαύσατο: 1.138 η. 92 Ν ύ μ φ α ι : it would be going too far to say that T. means the Muses, but the relationship of Muse and N y m p h is close and not precisely definable (see Roscher 3.519, RE 16.692). Daphnis is dear to bothalike (1.141), and the Nymphs are invoked in a musical connexion elsewhere in T. (1.12, 4.29, 5.149)· κήμέ κ . τ . λ . : Lycidas's song was composed έν όρει (51; cf. 87) and Hesiod learnt to be a poet άρνας ποιμαίνονθ* Ελικώνος Οπο ^αθέοιο (Γ//. 23), but Simichidas is not a countryman (p. 129) and the remainder of this line is somewhat unexpected. Simichidas however has invited Lycidas to βουκολιασμός (36), and though the song he is about to sing as his contribution is very superficially tinctured with rusticity he is, though not a rustic, a bucolic poet (sec next note). I understand the καί to attach not only to the pronoun but also to the participial phrase—not J am a shepherd and I too have inspiration, but J too have bucolic inspiration. 93 Ζηνός ίτά Θρόνον: cf. Od. 9.20 καί μευ κλέος ούρανόν ΐκει, Ar. Αν. 2ΐ6, Α. Plan. 6. There is a reminiscence of the line in the bucolic fragment cited in 2n., where Pan is asked π η μελέων κλέος ευρύ το και Διός ουατ' ία[ίνει; Simichidas however evidently means that his reputation as a singer has reached the ear ot some great person, and in Cos the person can hardly be other than Ptolemy Philadelphia (cf. 17.58 η.). Elsewhere T. docs not hesitate to compare Ptolemy to Zeus (17.131), Callimachus calls him openly θεός (Η. 4.165) and hints the resemblance to Zeus (H. 1.55ff.), and Meleager (A.P. 7.418) speaks of ά και Δία θρεψαμένα Κως [cf. Hor. Ep. 1.19.43» with Orclli's note). Whatever may be thought of the taste displayed at 17.131, it is unreasonable to tax T. here with sycophancy, for Simichidas's reference to the Egyptian court must almost necessarily be indirect, and though T. might not have shrunk from the equation Ptolemy = Zeus, his language here is merely figurative. The line is sometimes held to prove that T. had, when it was written, already visited Alexandria and found favour there. It is compatible with that view, but might equally well have been written by a rising poet in Cos w h o had received, but not yet accepted, an invitation to Egypt, or even by one who hoped for recogni tion at court from a king who was notoriously interested in Cos. In view however ot the preceding lines it seems plain that, among the poems which had been favourably received, some at least were bucolic in character; sec Introd. pp. xviif. 94f. τ ό γ ' : demonstrative 0 followed by γε commonly refers to what precedes, and seems to be used only twice in Homer prospectively as here: Od. 1.403 μή γ α ρ δ γ ' έλθοι άνήρ δς τις σ* άέκοντα βίηφι | κτήματ' άπορραίσειε, //. 5^ι84· ω τυ γερ. άρξ.: the meaning is somewhat compendiously expressed since Simichidas means / will begin tny sotig, and, in your honour, it shall be my masterpiece. ώ τυ γεραίρων άρξευμαι would have much the same meaning, but the phrasing chosen makes it plainer that the choice as well as the performance of the song is in honour of Lycidas. ύπάκουσον: Cobct, perhaps rightly, wrote έπάκουσον in accordance with the rule laid down by him at N.L. 521: έπακούειν τινός dicitur is qui diligetiter aliquid et lubcuter audit Contra ύπακούειν τινί is dicitur qui ad vocantis voccm rcspondct obtemperatque (cf. Starkie on Ar. Nub. 263). Probably however the distinction is too rigid, tor ύπακούειν sometimes encroaches on the sense assigned to έπακούειν, as, e.g., at II. 8.4 αυτός δέ σφ* αγόρευε θεοί δ' ύπό πάντες άκουον, where the meaning is listen, not obey. In T. cither compound would be satisfactory in sense at 3.24 and 11.78, but at 3.24 υπακουεις is without variant, and at 11.78 the variant έπακούω, less well supported, is excluded by the attached dative of the person. At 13-59 ύπάκουσεν means answered. On 8.28 sec n. 155
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[96-101
96 έπβπταρον: 18.16. The belief in the ominous power of a sneeze is as old as Homer (Od. Ι7·54ΐ> Η- Horn. 4-297)· These passages apparently imply that a sneeze is always a favourable omen, for though Σ are in doubt, the view that Simichidas is, like Aratus, unhappy in love is not plausible. Similarly Xen. An. 3.2.8, Nonn. D. 7.107, Prop. 2.3.24, Pctron. 98, and, of the sputtering or 'sneezing' of a light, A.P. 6.333, O v . Her. Ι9·ΐ5ΐ· Elsewhere it is implied that the omen may in some circumstances be unfavourable: Arist. Prob. 962b 19, Diog. Laert. 6.48, Plut. Them. 13, Mor. 581 B ; cf. Ar. Av. 720, Philem./r. 100, Cic. Diu. 2.84. O n Cat. 45.8 see Friedrich ad loc.,Jahrb.f. Phil. 30.182, Class. Studies presented to E. Capps 268. δειλός: because love is γλυκύπικρον άμάχανον δρπετον (Sapph./r. 40; cf. A.P. 5.134, 12.109), and the lot even of the successful is not wholly enviable. So Septimius is called misellus at Cat. 45.21, Maecenas miser at Hor. Epod. 14.13, though, like Simichidas, they are prosperous lovers. 97 Μύρτους: I.G. 2.3.2341, 12.9.686. The name is not necessarily that of a εταίρα, but flower-names in general, and those connected with myrtle in particular, are common in that connexion, and that is probably the suggestion here; see Headlam on Hdas 1.89, 2.76. έ'ρανται following έρα as conversely συνέραν follows τώραμένω at 29.32; see Schneider on Call. H. 1.81. The term of comparison is oddly chosen: Simichidas perhaps means that in the spring 'the young man's fancy lightly turns to thoughts of love', and that his flirtation with Myrto, unlike Aratus's love-affair, is as light-hearted as the mating of animals in the spring. Σ regard eiapos as gen. of time, but after Μύρτους that can hardly be right. 98 "Ωρατος: ρ. 118. τ α π ά ν τ α : ι.41 η. For the use with a superlative adj. c£. Hdt. 1.134 ανθρώπων μακρω τ ά π ά ν τ α αρίστους, Cratin. Jr. 1 πάντ* άρίστω, Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 1415. 99 σ π λ ά γ χ ν ο ι σ ι : for σ π λ ά γ χ ν α as the seat of love cf. Hdas 1.56 έκύμηνε | τ α σπλάγχν', ερωτι καρδίην άνοιστρηθείς (where see Headlam), A.P. 5.56, 6.260, 12.80. In connexion with other emotions the word appears earlier, e.g. Aesch. Ag. 995, Ch. 413, Ar. Rati. 844; cf. Τ. 16.56η. "Αριστις: an Aristis son of Aristomcncs occurs in a Delphian inscription, S.G.D.I. 2725.4; cf. Suid. s.v. 'Ερατοσθένης. The name is presumably a shortened form of some other ' Αριστ- name, and names which begin in this way are particu larly common in Cos. Since T. chooses to play upon it in 1. 100, it is clear that the name is not fictitious. Its owner, from what is subsequently said of him, would seem to have been a singer of some reputation in Cos. Apparently he is an intimate friend of Aratus and knows his secrets, but, though T.'s language implies no more, the mention of Aristis, even for the purpose of complimenting him, seems at this place somewhat odd, and it is probable that, if we knew more of the affair referred to, Aristis might be found more intimately concerned in it than n o w appears. The most obvious inference from T.'s words would be that Aratus's love-affair formed the subject of a poem by Aristis. For "Αριστις.. .άριστος cf. Thuc. 7.39 'Αρίστων ό Πυρρίχου Κορίνθιος άριστος ων κυβερνήτης, Ar. Ran. 83 ' Α γ α θ ώ ν . . .αγαθός ποιητής, Diog. Laert. 8.65, and see Eust. 125.28, C.R. 51.104. ΙΟΙ φ ό ρ μ ι γ γ ι : Suid. φόρμιγξ* κιθάρα, ah, II. 18.569 παις φόρμιγγι λιγείη | Ιμερόεν κιθάρι^ε, Η. Horn. 3·5 Ι 5· The word is apparently the old poetical name for the stringed instrument differentiated, probably in post-Homeric times, into lyre and cithara. Aristis, being a virtuoso, will naturally use the latter. 156
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παρά τριπόδεσσι: in his sanctuary: Call. H. 4.182 ήδη δέ π α ρ ά τριπόδεσσιν έμεΐο | φάσγανα καΐ 3ωστήρας άναιδέας έχθομένας τε | ασπίδας. . .| στήσονται: cf. Η. Horn. 3.443, Bacch. 3.18, At. Equ. 1016, Aristonous Pae. 9.8 (Powell Coll Al. 163). The words would no doubt be appropriate to many shrines of Apollo (cf. Pind. P. 11.4), but unless they are further defined, they must, as in Callimachus, refer to Delphi, where the musical contests, held apparently in the theatre (Luc. adu. indoct. 9), were an important, and perhaps the oldest, part of the Pythian festival (Strab. 9.421 ά γ ω ν δε ό μέν αρχαίος έν Δελφοϊς κιθαρωδών έγενήθη παιάνα άδόντων είς τόν Θεόν, Paus. 10.7.2). In plain prose, then, Aristis is a citharist w h o might compete without discredit at the premier musical festival in Greece. 102 έ κ : 1.140 η. όστίον: 3.17η. 103 Ό μ ό λ α ς is elsewhere the name of a mountain on the north of the Ossa range and of a town in the same parts, called also Homolion. T. probably (in view of πέδον) means the town, but in any case the place must be the valley of the Peneus between its exit from the pass of Tempe and the sea (cf. Strab. 9-443)· It is not otherwise associated with Pan, but the god is connected with Othrys in Thessaly (Ant. Lib. 22), and was popular in Macedonia (see Roscher 3.1366), nor is this the only erudite allusion to Pan-cult in Simichidas's song; cf. i n , 11411η. Meineke's Μαλέας was suggested by Πάν ό Μαλειήτης in Call./r. 689 cited by Σ here, but the meaning of the adj. is obscure (see RE 14.869) and Malea, whether in Laconia or Arcadia, has no more relevance than Homole to what is here said of Pan. O n a supposed connexion with Aratus's H y m n to Pan see p. 119. λ β λ ο γ χ α ς : 16.84, H. Horn. 6.2, 19.6, at. 104 τήνοιο: the weight of evidence in favour of κείνοιο is formidable. T. has (έ)κεϊνος at 12.34 (Ionic) a n d / r . 3.2, and it occurs in Id. 25 and epigr. ι ; κήνος at 28.24 (Aeolic). Τήνος, which is very common, is the subject of notes in Σ (at 1.1), but, if it was glossed, the gloss has seldom intruded upon the text. S 3 has (έ) κείνος at 14.7, 26 corrected in the latter place, L W have it at 16.42, Cal. at 17.118 (neither strictly Doric poems), and it appears in the ionicised version of epigr. 20. In two other places however, 2.31 and 9.29, the majority of mss favour it. The latter is in a spurious poem; at 2.31 τήνος seems again to depend on one ms but in this case it is the best, K. The possibility that here and at 2.31 T. abandoned τήνος for κείνος (which perhaps occurs in Epich./r. 170.12; cf.fr. 71) can hardly be excluded, but it does not seem probable. See Ahrens Dial. Dor. 270. έρβίσαις: 5.24η. The verb is similarly used at Eur. H.F. 1362 προς στέρν' έρείσας μητρι δούς τ ' ές άγκόλας. 105 4ρα: the particle is not common in Alexandrian poets. T. has it in questions at 3-37» 7-149» 151, [20.20, 21.29]. Here however, as often in earlier poetry (Denniston Gk Part. 44), it is used as an equivalent of άρα, as at A.P. 7.478 (Leonidas) τίς π ο τ ' άρ' εί; τίνος άρα. . . , Call. Ep. 55 ή ν δ> δρα λάθη, Arat. 268. The sentence resembles, e.g., //. 1.65 εΐτ* άρ* δ γ* ευχωλής έπιμέμφεται εΐθ' εκατόμβης, where the particle means something like if the truth be known. Simichidas's professed doubt on this head is however no more than a pretence, which is abandoned at 118. Φιλΐνος: 2.115n. The adj. here attached to Philinus makes it somewhat im probable that he is the celebrated athlete. μαλθακός: it is conceivable rather than probable that the epithet refers merely to Philinus's personal appearance (Eur. Med. 1075 ώ μαλθακός χρως πνεΟμά θ' ήδιστον τέκνων, 1403). Commonly μαλθακός and μαλακός, when applied to persons, indicate various deficiencies of manly temper—cowardice (e.g. II. 17.588), irre-
157
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[107-110
solution (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 714), and so on. The colour of the word here is probably best explained by Arist. Eth. H 5 o b i ό δ' ελλείπων προς ά οί πολλοί και άντιτείνουσι και δύνανται, ούτος μαλακός και τρυφών και γ α ρ ή τρυφή μαλακία τίς έστιν δς έλκει το Ιμάτιον, ίνα μη πονήση την άπό τοΟ αΐρειν λύπην, και μιμούμενος τον κάμνοντα ούκ οΐεται άθλιος είναι άθλίω όμοιος ών. The words have often (like mollis) a sinister implication (e.g. Poll. 6.126), but it is unnecessary to find one here, and unless it is implied in Cratinus's Μαλθακοί, or Arist. Prob. 88oa5 is of this date, there is no evidence that it is as old as the third century. 107 σκίλλαισιν: squills are among the materials used for scourging the φαρμακοί at the Thargclia: Hippon. jr. 5 βάλλοντες έν λειμώνι καΐ ^απί^οντες | κράδησι και σκίλλησιν ώσπερ φαρμακόν (cf. Tzetz. Chil. 5-734)· W i t h these two passages it is natural to connect other places in which plants are used for scourging (Ar. Ran. 621, where see Radermacher, Luc. adu. hid. 3, Fug. 33, Ver. Hist. 2.26, Plut. Mor. 693 E), to suppose that in all the victim is in some sense a φαρμακός, and to trace the employment of squills to their use for apotropaic purposes (5.12m.) and in purifications: Diphil. jr. 126 (quoted on 24.97), Theophr. Ch. 16.14, ai; cf. RE 3 A524, Gruppe Gr. Myth. 2.889, Farnell Cults 5.433, Frazer Scapegoat 256. T.'s point however is the pain caused by the beating, not its ritual significance, though squills, one would suppose, would not form a very efficient scourge. πλευράς τ€ και ώ μ ω ς : II. 23.716. 108 μ α σ τ ί ζ ο ι ε ν : οί Άρκάδες επί θήραν έξιόντες, αν μέν εύτνχήσωσι, τιμώσι τον Πάνα, εΐ δέ το εναντίον, σκίλλαις εμπαροινοϋσι. . . Μουνάτιος δε φησιν έορτήν Άρκαδικήν είναι έν ή οί παίδες [Jacobs: παίονες codd.] τον Πάνα σκίλλαις βάλλουσι, Χΐοι δέ όταν οί χορηγοί λεπτόν Ιερεΐον θύσωσι και μη Ικανόν ή τοις έσθίουσι (Σ: Χΐοι δέ del. Bucchclcr). In modern times the maltreatment of cult images by indignant worshippers is not unknown (see N . Douglas Old Calabria ch. 31, R. Gallop Portugal 134, Frazer Kingship 98 flf.), and there is some evidence of a like temper in antiquity. At Nonn. D. 48.690 Aura, w h o has been ravished by Dionysus, flogs a statue of Aphrodite and throws it into a river; at the death of Germanicus temples were stoned, altars overturned, and Lares thrown into the street (Suet. Cal. 5; cf. 22, Aug. 16); cf. Cumont L'Egypte des Astrologues 136. The use of squills however points rather to a ritual than to a spontaneous outburst of feeling, and the statement of Munatius may be more than an inference from T. The nearest parallel is the βουλίμου έξέλασις at Chaeronea (Plut. Mor. 693 E), at which των οίκετών ενα τύπτοντες άγνίναις (ί>άβδοις δια θυρών έξελαύνουσιν έπιλέγοντες- "Εξω βούλιμον εσω δέ πλοΰτον και ύγίειαν, but since in T. Pan is the victim, it is perhaps relevant to remember the man dressed in goatskins who was beaten with wands at the Mamuralia (Lyd. de Mens. 4.49; cf. Wien. Stud. 34.328). These rites however, like the expulsion of the φαρμακοί at the Thargelia, were annual; T.'s ritual, if such it is, would seem to have been performed only in times of scarcity. κρέα: 5.140η. T. seems to mean the pieces distributed to each individual as his share in the bag or in the sacrificial victim. 109 άλλως νεύσαις: I retain the optative in view of the neighbouring optatives (5.150η.), but there is something to be said for the 'minatory and monitory' future presented by Κ (see Goodwin M.T. §447). It is hard to determine whether the verb means incline, as at A. Plan. 136 (Antiphilus) ήθεα. . .| ών το μέν είς όργάν νευε το δ' εις έλεον, or consent, the adverb being used in the sense of μη ούτως. HO δακνόμενος: presumably by insects (cf, e.g., //. 17.572, Ar. Nub. 12, 710). The two wishes arc not disconnected; Pan's rest is to be disturbed both by the uncomfortable nature of his bed and by its other occupants. 158
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χνάσαιο: Hdas 4.51 το βρέγμα τοΟτο το άσυρές κνήση, Plut. Pomp. 48 τίς ένί δακτύλω κνάται την κεφαλήν;, αϊ Κατά no doubt belongs by tmesis to the verb though κατακνάσθαι is not found elsewhere in this sense. κνίδαισι: nettles. Άκαλήφη 'Αττικοί, κνίδη "Ελληνες (Moeris); but the word is used by Aristotle (H.A. 522a 8). 111-15 Mortal shepherds take their flocks up into the mountains in summer and bring them down into the plains for the winter (13.25η., Dio Chr. 7.13 του μεν y a p χειμώνος έν TOTS πεδίον ένέμομεν, νομήν Ικανήν έχοντες και πολύν χιλόν άττοκείμενον του δε θέρους άττηλαύνομεν είς τ ά όρη, Soph. Ο.Τ. 1133ff-)■ ^ a n seems to be thought of as the universal shepherd (νομεύοις 113), and the prayer is that winter and summer shall find him in the most inclement parts of his range at those seasons. Normally he would be in Thrace in summer, in Egypt in winter; cf. Pind. I. 2.41 αλλ' έπέρα ποτι μεν Φάσιν θερείαις, | έν δε χειμώνι πλέων Νείλου προς άκτάν. i l l Ή δ ω ν ώ ν : the Ήδωνοί or "Ηδωνες were a Thracian tribe living on the south of the range of Rhodope, to the north of which runs the upper course of the Hebrus (Maritza) before it turns southward to its mouth at Aenus. The connexion of Pan with these parts is attested by his appearance on the coins of various Thracian towns, among them Abdera and Aenus (Roscher 3.1367), but there is no other literary evidence. Somewhat similarly Archilochus (jr. 79 D 2 ) wishes to see his enemy shivering with cold at Salmydessus. In the following line the meaning seems to be that Pan, who is on the mountains of the Edoni, i.e. Rhodope, is not only to be in that exposed position but also turned to the north. The language however is difficult. Τετραμμένος has been suspected, but no satisfactory substitute has been suggested and the word is in itself plausible. Those w h o defend it punctuate with a comma after ποταμόν, so that Έβρον π α ρ ποταμόν will mean by the Hebrus. This presents no difficulty, for παρά c. ace. to denote position with no idea either of movement or of extension is common enough (see 8.78, Wyse on Is. 8.16); τ . έyyύθεv "Αρκτω however is extremely difficult, and Arat. 575 έξόπιθεν τετραμμένος (of the posture in which Engonasin rises), adduced in support, seems irrelevant. It is easier, therefore, to take έyyύθεv "Αρκτω with εΐης as, e.g., Arat. 181 έπει Διός έγγνθεν ήσαν, id. 141, 247, 48ο, Αρ. Rh. 2.137; "Εβρον π α ρ ποταμόν will then go with τετραμμένος. The common pre position in such a context is προς, but ανά, αντί, έπί, ές all occur (e.g. II. 19.212, Hes. W.D. 727, Polyb. 2.15.8, Od. 12.81) and παρά does not seem difficult: προς (for ποτί) is found in bucolic Idylls (5.93, [9]. 18) and could if necessary be substituted. The unmetrical variant κεκλιμένος (dwelling or situated) appears to be a mistaken gloss. 113 πυμάτοισι: Od. 1.23 ΑΙΘίοπας τοί διχθά δεδαίαται έσχατοι ανδρών. But whereas Homer's Ethiopians live on the Ocean (//. 1.423, 23.205), T. means Αιθίοπες oi υπέρ AiyvWrrou οικημένοι (Hdt. 7.69; cf. id. 2.146). 114 Β λ ε μ ύ ω ν : this tribe, mentioned here for the first time, according to Eratosthenes (Strab. 17.786) occupied the eastern bank of the Nile on the southern frontiers of Egypt and was subject to the Ethiopians (see further RE 3.566, L. P. Kirwan Oxford Univ. Excav. at Firka 46). It was therefore to the north of Meroe, at which the worship of Pan (together with Heracles and Isis) is expressly attested (Strab. 17.822). According to Diod. 1.18 every Egyptian temple contained a statue of this god, and no doubt various goat-like Egyptian deities were equated with him besides Mendes, concerning whom there is direct evidence (Hdt. 2.46). Elephantine, north of the Blcmyes, was the centre of the worship of Chnubis, a goat-god, who, if Egyptian cults extended so far south, may be the ' P a n ' of Meroe. T.'s reference 159
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to the Blemyes here can hardly be taken as evidence that he knew of a 'Pan'-cult at Meroe, but it shows at least that he knew ' P a n ' to be worshipped in Upper Egypt and beyond. Exploration of the upper Nile went on in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Diod. 1. 37, Plin. N.H. 6.183), and T. may be showing that he was abreast of its results, but what geographical conception underlies his phrase it is perhaps useless to enquire. From its junction with the Astaboras (Atbara) north of Meroe to Elephantine the Nile is in the region of cataracts and rapids. Dionysius, w h o writes (220) αίθαλέων Βλεμύων άνέχουσι κολώναι | ένθεν τποτάτοιο κατέρχεται ύδατα Νείλου [c£. Call. Η. 4.208), is said by Eustathius ad be. to be describing the cataracts, and it is possible that T. confuses some account of the higher cataracts with the sources of the river. It is also possible that he assigns to the country of the Blemyes some vague report of the Nile much farther south—the sources of the Blue Nile or the Atbara in the mountains of Abyssinia, or the duas petras ex quibus ingens uisfluminis excidebat described to Seneca (Qw. Nat. 6.8) by Nero's exploring party in the Nilipaludes, which were probably on the W h i t e Nile. The marshes were known to Aristotle, w h o gives to the migration of cranes much the limits here assigned to P a n — H . A . 597 a 4 μεταβάλλουσι γ ά ρ έκ τ ω ν Σκυθικών πεδίων είς τ α ελη τ ά άνω της Αίγνπττω δθεν ό Νείλος (ϊ>εϊ. However this may be, the Nile is no more seen only by the observer w h o faces south, and this phrase balances 1. 112. In each case Pan is to make the worst of his uncomfortable situation. O n Rhodope he will face north and see the Hebrus at his feet; in Ethiopia he will face south, and he will be so far south that the river which might be expected to match the Hebrus is no longer visible since he has ascended beyond its source, or reached swamps in which it is lost to view. 115 ΎετΙς καΐ Βυβλίς κρήναι Μιλήτου ένθα καΐ Ιερόν 'Αφροδίτης, Σ. According to m y t h Caunus and Byblis were children of Miletus and Areia; Byblis met her death, in circumstances variously related, as the result of an incestuous passion entertained for her brother or by him for her: O v . Met. 9.664 sic lacrimis consumpta suis Phoebeia Byblis \ uertitur infontcm, qui nunc quoque uallibus illis \ notnen habet dominae nigraque sub ilice manat, Σ here, Parthen. 11, Ant. Lib. 30, al. This spring at Miletus is twice mentioned by Pausanias (7.5.10, 24.5; see RE 15.1654); Hyetis is not elsewhere mentioned, and the statement of Σ that it also was at Miletus must therefore be received with some reserve, though T., if he had when this Idyll was written already visited Nicias in Miletus (Id. 28), may well have had local knowledge. T h e context points only to Ionia or Caria. The Milesian cult of Aphrodite is mentioned again at 28.4; at Λ.Ρ. 12.131 Posidippus mentions Miletus together with Cyprus and Cythera in connexion with the goddess; and a perhaps imaginary temple of Aphrodite τταρ' αυτήν τήν λεωφόρον at Miletus appears in Charit. 2.2.7. Neither the inscriptions nor the architectural remains of the town have so far thrown any light on these points. 116 Οίκοΰντα: οίκεϋντες is intolerable after λιττόντες and Hecker's Οίκουντα is no doubt right. This Carian town probably owes its position here to its connexion with the story of Byblis, whose father founded it and built a temple of Aphrodite there (Parthen. 11, Σ Dion. Per. 825); if T. had been looking merely for a seat on the mainland more famous than those in Cos from which to summon the Loves, Cnidus was the nearest, and, after Praxiteles, the most conspicuous; see u 8 n . Δ ι ώ ν α ς : at 15.106 (where see n.), 17.36 Dione is the mother of Aphrodite. Here she seems to be Aphrodite herself (see previous n . ) ; it should however be observed that this use of the name, common enough in Latin poets, is now usually removed from Bion 1.93, the only other place in Greek where it occurred. 160
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117 A. Plan. 210 (Plato) πορφυρέοις μήλοισιν έοικότα παΐδα Κυθήρης, Ο ν . Met. 3.482 pectora traxerunt roseum percussa ruborem, \ non aliter quam poma solent, quae Candida parte \ parte rubent, 4.331, Tib. 3·4·34· The simile has an appropriateness in Plato's context which is lacking here. Both in Plato and in T. the meaning may be rosy-cheeked (26.1η., Long. 1.24 είκασε.. .μήλω τό πρόσωπον αυτής δτι λευκόν και ένερευθές ήν: cf. Αρ. Rh. 3· Ι 2 Ι )> but έρεύθεσθαι seems to be used also more generally of the glow of healthy skin: Ap. Rh. 1.1230 κάλλει και γλυκερήσιν έρευθόμενον χαρίτεσσι: cf. Call. Η. $.2j. 118 β ά λ λ ε τ ε : the meaning is no doubt make Philinus himself the victim of an unrequited passion, not make him love Aratus. In the Golden Age άντεφίλησ* ό φιληθείς (ΐ2.ι6); between Aratus and Philinus the passion cannot well be reciprocal, and the idea of ό ερωμένος becoming in his turn ό έρών is common (e.g. 23.33, A.P. 12.12, 16, 109, 193; cf. Plan. 251, T. 29.22). This interpretation is confirmed by what precedes, for Byblis and Oecus, from which the Loves are summoned, are connected only with an unhappy love-affair, and the choice of those seats would be infelicitous if the object were merely to unite Philinus and Aratus. W h a t follows points in the same direction; see 120η. Ιμερόεντα: the adj. is not common of persons: Oedipodeafr. 2, Theogn. 1365, Ap. Rh. 4.40, Mosch. 3.2, Colluth. 293, A.P. 5.278.* 119 δύσμορος: the adj. is used in reproach also at Soph. Aj. 1203, Men. Sam. 40. The meaning is probably perverse, for τάλας frequently has that sense (5.137η.), and it is occasionally found also in άθλιος, δύστηνος (cf. 15.31, 87), δυστυχής, οχυρός ( ί ο . ι ) : Dem. 19-173 ο υ Υ^Ρ εγωγ' ούτως άθλιος ούδ* άφρων ώστε χρήματα μέν διδόναι λαμβάνοντας όρων έτερους, Soph. Aj. 1290 δύστηνε ποΐ βλέπων ποτ* αυτά και θροεϊς;, D e m . 14.3 2 Tfe ούν ούτω δυστυχής δστις εαυτόν, γονέας, τάφους, πατρίδα, εΐνεκα κέρδους βραχέος προέσθαι βουλήσεται; 120 καΐ δή μ ά ν : I do not know another instance of these particles in conjunction. They have sometimes been understood to mean and yet, and that would give satis factory sense—and yet Philinus is past his prime and not worth your pains. It is im probable however that, while καΐ δή and και μήν have in most uses much the same force (Denniston Gk Part. 351), καΐ δή μήν should be used in the adversative sense which belongs only to the latter. Moreover and indeed yields as good or better sense—inspire Philinus himself with an unhappy passion ( n 8 n . ) ; and indeed he is fully of an age for one, for girls are already commenting on his waning looks. He is well past the age of Lycidas at Hor. C. 1.4.19 quo calet iuuentus \ nunc omnis, et mox uirgincs tepebunt. The inference that he is therefore also beneath Aratus's notice is drawn, but not until 122.* άπίοιο πεπαίτερος: άπιον is the cultivated pear, άχράς the wild; δ ( γ ) χ ν η (i.i34, 7.144) may be either (see R E 3.492). Pears may be ripe or unripe, and the point of the comparison, which may have been subconsciously suggested by the apples of 117, is not immediately apparent. T. is perhaps thinking of the rapidity with which ripeness passes into rottenness in this fruit. The same doubt arises in Aesch. fr. 264 άνήρ δ' εκείνος ή ν πεπαίτερος μόρων. Πέπων has other meanings when applied to persons (cf. Eustath. 211.9) but is here clearly used of age and physical development; cf. Xenarch. fr. 4 νέα, πάλαια, μεσοκόπω, πεπαιτέρα. 121 όπορρεΐ: the verb is used with some freedom of losses of various kinds (e.g. Eur./r. 395 πλούτου δ' άπορρυέντος), but it is the proper term for the falling of fruit, leaves etc. (e.g. Hdt. 1.193, Dem. 22.70, Theophr. C.P. 1.20.3) and appro priate to άνθος and the somewhat inconsistent flower and fruit imagery of the whole passage. Cf. 2.89η. GTII
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122-7 Simichidas represents Aratus as practising θυραυλίαι (ρ. 64) at Philinus's door and advises him to abandon the siege to his rival. The plurals (φρουρέωμες, τρίβωμες, άμμιν) apparently indicate that he is attended on these vigils by Simichidas. But it seems improbable that the friends who accompany the lover on the κώμος (2.119) would carry complaisance so far as to spend the night on the doorstep with him, or, if they did, that Simichidas, after his feigned doubt as to the object of Aratus's affections (105), should here remind him of such experiences. The language of 122-4, though it has been otherwise understood, seems to indicate quite literally a sleepless night spent pacing to and fro before the locked door. It is possible however that the θυραυλία, literally described, is metaphorically meant, and that Simichidas is indicating rather the mental than the physical distress caused to Aratus by his passion. If that be so, the plural, which will indicate his friend's sympathetic participation in the trouble, is easier to understand. 122 επί προθύροισιν: Od. 1.103 στη δ* 'Ιθάκης ένι δήμω έπι προθύροις Όδυσήος | ούδοΟ έπ* αύλείου, //. 18.496, Plat. Phil. 64c, Call. Ep. 26; cf. Τ. 1.150 η. The common preposition is έν. 123 πόδας τρίβωμες: cf. 13.31. The words (which occur in a more literal sense at Antiphan./rr. 102, 154, Eubul./r. 108, Plut. Ant. 58) seem to be a variation on the commoner use of τρίβειν with nouns denoting the path traversed (e.g. Ar. Ran. 123, Arat. 231, A.P. 9.34). δρθριος: i.e. όρθριον κοκκύγων: cf. 18.56, 24.64, A.P. 12.24 τ ο ν όρθροβόην.. .| όρνιν, ib. 137. For the meaning of όρθρος see 18.14η. ά λ λ ο ν : Molon (125). 124 νάρκαισιν: the word has generally been understood to mean αΐθρος, the chill of dawn (Prop. 1.16.23 me mediae noctes, me sidera prona iacentem, \ frigidaque Eoo me dolet auragelu, 2.9.41 sidera sunt testes et matutina pruina | etfurtim misero ianua aperta mihi), and the word is used of cold (Plut. Mor. 128F μηδέ θερμασίας μηδέ νάρκας, 947 C ήττωμένω δέ τ ω θερμω το πήγνυσθαι και ναρκάν έπιγίγνεται). It is also, and more commonly, used of physical and mental torpor (e.g. 27.51, Plat. Men. 80 Β την ψυχήν και τό στόμα ναρκώ), and it seems better to suppose that T. means the exhaustion and disappointment ensuing when the approach of dawn shows that hope is vain and that the watch will be unrewarded. διδοΐη: 29.9, II. 5.397, Od. 17.567 όδύνησιν εδωκεν, 19.167 ή μέν μ' άχέεσσί γε δώσεις, Plat. Phaedr. 254Ε οδύναις εδωκεν, Pind. P. 5·6ο. 125 €Ϊς = ΐη effect μόνος: cf. 22.65, Aesch. Eum. 199 αυτός συ τούτων ου μεταίτιος ττέλη, | άλλ' εις τό παν επραξας, Sept. 6, ΑΓ. Equ. 861, Men. Per. 281, α\. Μ ό λ ω ν : the name is quite common (e.g. Ar. Kan. 55) and is presumably the real name of Aratus's rival. In Σ, Μόλων ή Σίμων Ά ρ ά τ ο υ αντεραστής, Wilamowitz (Herm. 40.141) was probably right in correcting to ως Σ., and under standing the note to mean no more than that Molon is a proper name and to be accented as such. άπό τ α σ δ € . . . # γ χ ο ι τ ο παλαίστρας: παλαίστραν δέ λέγει τον έρωτα του τταιδός, Σ. The metaphorical use of παλαίειν, which is very common, is as old as Hes. W.D. 413 άάτησι παλαίει: its application to love as old as Soph. Jr. 941 (Κύπρις) τίν* ου παλαίουσ* ές τρις έκβάλλει θεών; Eros is indifferently a wrestler (1.97) or a boxer (Anacr./r. 62, Soph. Tr. 442). "Αγχειν is a recognised manoeuvre in the pancratium (Philostr. Im. 348 Κ. δει δέ αύτοΐς καΐ τέχνης ές τό άλλοτε άλλως άγχειν, Paus. 8.40.2; see Headlam on Hdas 1.18); and άγχειν, αγχόνη, common of anger and indignation, are used also of other mental constraints (e.g. Archil. Jr. 67, Aesch. Eum. 746). The expression ά π ό παλαίστρας άγχεσθαι, though intelligible, is 162
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difficult to parallel. 'Από presumably denotes somewhat vaguely the means or cause, as, e.g., II. 24.605 ττέφνεν άττ' άργυρέοιο βιοΐο, Εν. Luc. 19.3 ο υ κ ήδύνατο ά π ό τοΰ όχλου (cf. Τ . 13.24η.); παλαίστρα is strictly the place in which wrestling takes place (viz. Philinus's doorstep) but includes, at least by implication, the wrestling, as, e.g., Eur. Andr. 599 δρόμους παλαίστρας τ* ουκ άνασχετους έμοί | κοινάς εχουσι. As an equivalent to έν τ η δε τ η π ά λ η , which must be the meaning, the phrase is certainly odd, but this is not the only place where T.'s use of ά π ό presents difficulties (see 16.49, 24.80, i n nn.) and neither έπί nor υ π ό is appreciably easier. A possible, but I think less satisfactory, alternative would be to take the pre positional phrase closely with εϊς—a single athlete from this school, i.e. only one of Philinus's admirers. The preposition would then be used as at Plut. Dem. 12 παρεθήκαμεν τ ω ά π ό του βήματος τόν ά π ό της θυμέλης and in the common ol ά π ό του Περιπάτου, της Στοάς, et sim. 126 Αρ. Rh. 3-640 άμμι δέ παρθενίη τε μέλοι καΐ δώμα τοκήων. Seeing that Medea is there giving herself much the advice that Simichidas here gives Aratus, the resemblance may perhaps not be accidental. άσυχία: tranquillity, both physical and mental. 127 έ π ι φ θ ύ ζ ό ι σ ο : 6.39η. τα μή καλά: the words are used in a different sense at 6.19. Here they seem to mean any βασκανία which may threaten our tranquillity, but Simichidas is thinking of Aratus's infatuation. The wise woman is to do for him what she fails to do for Simaetha at 2.91 (n.). The phrase is borrowed at A.P. 1.30. έρύκοι: for the opt. cf. 5.150η. 128 λ α γ ω β ό λ ο ν : 4.49η. It is the olive-wood cudgel mentioned in i8f., 43. 129 ως πάρος: 19, 42. έκ Μοισαν: the prepositional phrase presumably attaches to ξεινήιον ή μεν. Lycidas and Simichidas, as a result of this exchange of songs, are ξένοι έκ Μουσών as Telemachus and Peisistratus are ξείνοι.. .| έκ πατέρων φιλότητος (OJ. 15.196), and the λαγωβόλον is a token of the alliance. ξεινήιον- ώ . ή . : //. 10.269, 11.20 δώκε ξεινήιον είναι. 130 τ ά ν έπί Πύξας: έπί c. gen. in such phrases indicates the direction or ultimate destination of the road without implying that it is also the destination of the traveller: Thuc. 3.24 έώρων τους Πελοποννησίους τήν προς Κιθαιρώνα και Δρυός κεφάλας τήν έπ' Αθηνών φέρουσαν μετά λαμπάδων διώκοντας, και έπί μέν έξ ή επτά σταδίους ο! Πλαταιής τήν έπί τών Θηβών έχώρησαν, Xen. Hell. 5.1.26 έδίωκον αυτόν τήν έπί Πρακοννήσου, Cyr. 5-2.37, Hdt. 7-31· Α δάμος ό Φυξιωτάν, no doubt the place alluded to here, is mentioned in three Coan inscriptions (Paton and Hicks Inscr. of Cos 327, 328, Herzog Koische Forsch. 197), all found 'near a ruined church of St Paul, just where the main road to Pyli (Haleis)1 crosses the second river to the east of Alike or salt-marsh' (Patori and Hicks 212)—that is to say on the edge of the northern plain some four miles south west of the town of Cos (Pi. VI). The stones are not in their original position, but it is reasonable to place the town or village of Phyxa not far away, and Paton suggested Asphendiu to the south (cf. Herzog Koische Forsch. 164). Lycidas, at the parting of the ways, forks to the south; Simichidas and his friends apparently turn northward. For the site of Phrasidamus's estate or farm Paton (C.R. 2.265) suggested tentatively a spring to the N . W . of the hill marked 680 ft. in the map (PI." VI). 1 I.e. in the demc Haleis. Paton and Hicks (213) identified Pyli with the ancient Πέλη (65 η.) which is coupled with Haleis in an inscription (Paton and Hicks 344) still at Pyli (see i n . ) .
163
11-2
COMMENTARY
[132-138
Σ connect the name Πύξα with a φύξις of Heracles and Apollo Φύξιος, and possibly Φυξας should be read, but another note speaks of Apollo Πύξιος, and the unaspirated form may also be ancient. 132 στραφθέντες seems to denote a sharper change of direction than άποκλίνας. Ά μ ύ ν τ ι χ ο ς : 4.20, 7.211η. Similarly Ίσμηνίας, Ίσμήνιχος (Ar. Ach. 861, 954; see Blaydes on 954, Headlam on Hdas 1.6). 133 αδείας σχοίνοιο: the adj. presumably means fragrant. Theophrastus (H.P. 4.12; cf. Τ. 1.53 η.) distinguishes various rushes, but the only kind to which he attributes fragrance grows between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon (9.7.1); cf however Diosc. 2.127 σ ^ ο ν τ ο εν ύ δ α σ ι ν . , . ο ΐ δε σχοΐνος αρωματική (see 5.125η.). χ α μ ε υ ν ί σ ι ν : the form, for χαμεύνη (ι3-33)» does not occur elsewhere. 134 οίναρέοισι: vine-leaves. Neither this word nor the fern, form presented by L occurs elsewhere (cf οίναρίς, οΐναρον). The leaves have been stripped from the vines to enable the grapes to ripen properly: Geop. 5.28 όταν δε ή θερμότης του ηλίου άρχηται άμβλύνεσθαι, άφαιρεΤν τα φύλλα χρή, ίνα πάντες ol βότρυες υπό του ηλίου θερμαινόμενοι πεπαίνωνται, ib. 29, Colum. 5·5·Ι4> n . 2 . 6 i , Pallad. 9-3· The technical term is οίναρί^ειν (Ar. Pax 1147). A bed of leaves in a vineyard is Laertes's summer couch at Od. 11.193. According to Columella (11.2.61) and Palladius (I.e.) the stripping of the vines should be done in August, and this month, or possibly July, is the probable date of the winnowing. Hesiod ( W . D . 598) threshes ευτ 1 αν π ρ ώ τ α φανη σθένος 'Ουαρίωνος, that is in July, but according to Geop. 3.6.8, 11.9 threshing and winnowing may go on from June 23 to August 24, and two poems on the Roman calendar assign the processes to August (A.P. 9.384, P.L.M. 5.236 Vollmer; cf C.Q. 34.117). 135 κατά κρατός: overhead, with no implication of movement down or over: so often κατά ν ώ τ ο υ : Polyb. 10.31.3 τους υπερδεξίους και κατά νώτου τόπους, ι.34·6"> 3·90·2» 5·73·12» Thuc. 4.32, al. In view of 144^· there is perhaps some reminiscence of Od. 11.588 δένδρεα δ 1 υψιπέτηλα κατά κρήθεν χέε καρπόν, | όγχναι και ροιαι και μηλέαι άγλαόκαρποι | συκέαι τε γλυκεραι και έλαΤαι τηλεθόωσαι, though the usage of the preposition is there normal. W i t h the description which follows, cf. Call. H. 6.28 εν πίτυς, έν μεγάλαι πτελέαι εσαν, έν δε και δχναι, | έν δε καλά γλυκύμαλα- το δ* ώστ* άλέκτρινον ΰδωρ | έξ άμαραν άνέθυε, and, more generally, Ar. Nub. 1005, Plat. Phaedr. 230B, Powell Coll. Al. p. 185, Orpli. Litlt. 159, Alciphr. 4.13 Sch. δονέοντο: 24.90, //. 17.55 (ερνος έλαίης) τ ο δε τε πνοιαΐ δονέουσι | παντοίων άνεμων. 136 αίγειροι: 8η. έγγύθεν: ι ι ι η . Ιερόν: 1.69 η. 137 Μ- 21.261 το δε τ ' ώκα κατειβόμενον κελαρύ^ει. 138 σκιαραΐς: from the cicada's point of view the adj. is not very well chosen, kv γ ά ρ τοις ψυχροΐς ού γίνονται τέττιγες, διό ουδ* έν τοις συσκίοις άλσεσι (Arist. H.A. 556a24); but T. is thinking both of the shade and of the cicadas as among the attractions of Phrasidamus's party. On the form of the word see 18.44η. όροδαμνίσιν: the word docs not occur elsewhere. Όρόδαμνοι* κλώνες, κλάδοι, βλαστήματα, δρπηκες (Hesych.), and this form is used by Callimachus (Jr. 655), Nicandcr (Th. 863, Al. 603), and even in prose (Thcophr. H.P. 9.16.3). 164
139-Hi]
IDYLL Vll
αίθαλίωνες: π α ρ ά τ ο αΐθεσθαι υ π ό τοΟ ηλίου, Σ. Αΐθαλος however means smoke or soot, and this adj., which does not occur elsewhere, is more likely to be equivalent to αίθαλόεις which Nicander uses freely of colour (77/. 174, 420, 716). The adult insects are called μέλανες by Aristotle (H.A. 556b 10); cf. A.P. 7.196 (Meleager of a cicada) αίθίοπι.. .χρωτί. 139 λ α λ α γ ε ΰ ν τ ε ς : 5.34η. έχον π ό ν ο ν : 22.187, H- Ι5·4·ΐ6 τ ώ δέ μιής περί νηός έχον πόνον, Hes. Scut. 305 ίππήες έχον πόνον, άμφΐ δ* άέθλω | δήριν έχον και μόχθον, ib. 310, Paus. 4 Ί 6 . 3 . These places relate to contests, but the phrase need mean no more than έπόνουν: Αρ. Rh. 2.649 εϊρεσίη δ' άλίαστον έχον πόνον, Hdt. 2.14 ούτε άρότρω όναρρηγνύντες αύλακας έχουσι πόνους, ούτε σκάλλοντες ούτε άλλο εργαζόμενοι ουδέν των ώλλοι άνθρωποι περί λήιον πονέουσι: and so, with a different sense of πόνος, //. 13.2 πόνον τ* έχέμεν και 013UV, ib. 5-667, Od. Ι3·4 2 3· ό λ ο λ υ γ ώ ν : είδος όρνέου. οι δέ 3ωόν τι εν βορβορώδεσι τόποις μάλιστα διάγον. ή ή αηδών, Σ. The name is appropriate to any creature which ολολύζει, and may have been applied to more than one. Ό λ ο λ υ γ ώ ν at Arist. H.A. 536a 11, Plut. Mor. 982 E, Ael. N.A. 6.19, 9.13 is the note of the male frog, which, according to Pliny X.H. 11.172, is itself called oiolygon. Three passages mention the morning crying of the όλολυγών as a sign of bad weathe::—Theophr. Jr. 6.42, Arat. 948, Geop. 1.3.11 (from Aratus or his source). Since Aratus places this sign between frogs (πατέρες γυρίνων) and crows, the context is indecisive as to the nature of όλολυγών, and his scholia arc in the same doubt as T.'s. In the Theophrastean fragment however, from which Aratus may derive his information, there is an indication that the όλολυγών is at any rate not a bird; for the chapter dealing with χειμώνος σημεία collects the numerous bird-signs together, and the όλολυγών comes later, among more miscellaneous prophets and between dogs and worms. Since the word is connected with frogs, and the όλολυγών in Aratus is mentioned next to them, it is reasonable to guess that it is some kind of frog which predicts storms; and if T. means the same creature, then the habitat he mentions points to the tree-frog, hyla arborea. Aratus's verb is τρύ^ει, with which T.'s τρύ^εσκεν agrees (cf. A.P. 5.292), and in Theophr. jr. 6.15 (a section dealing with ύδατος σημεία, some of which are the same as χειμώνος σημεία) there is mention of χλωρός βάτραχος έπί δένδρου αδων. The remaining passages are Eubul. jr. 104 κισσός όπως καλάμω περιφύεται | |αύξόμενος έαρος "\ όλολυγόνος | έρωτι κατατετηκώς, and Nicaenet. jr. 1 Powell (of Byblis; see 115η.) όλολυγόνος οίτον έχουσα (ώδύρατο). These may be compatible with the meaning tree-frog, but it can hardly be said that they suggest it; and if in fact όλολυγών was the name both of a bird and of a frog, Aratus may have mistaken frog for bird in his authority, and T., Eubulus, and Nicaenetus may mean a bird. Still, the case for frog is strong, while that for bird is not, and it seems best to suppose with reservations that T. means the former. Frogs appear at Calex 151 in a passage which seems to owe something to this. The tree-frog is mentioned also by Pliny (N.H. 32.92 rana parua arborem scandetis atque ex ea uocijerans, 122 rana quam Graeci calamiten uocant quoniam inter harundines fruticesque uiuat, minima omnium et uiridissima); cf. Gal. 12.262. 141 κόρυδοι: 23 η. The song of the crested lark is said to be inconspicuous (C.&. 42.5), and it is elsewhere spoken of with contempt: A.P. 9.380 (quoted on 1.136), 11.195 (Dioscorides) έν γ ά ρ άμούσοις | και κόρυδος κύκνου <ρθέγξετ' άοιδότερον. Centuries later Marcellus Empiricus (29.30) wrote corydolus auis, id est quae alauda uocatur quae animos hominum dulcedine uocis oblectat, but in any case he was probably speaking of the song-lark. The author of epigr. 4 commends the blackbird's song,
165
COMMENTARY
[142-146
which is seldom praised elsewhere, and T. may be doing the like for the κόρυδος here. There is however no evidence that the note of the όλολυγών was admired for itself, and 135-42 may merely describe the concert of a fine summer day without implying that its components are individually agreeable. It is also possible that the conjunction of κόρυδος and άκανθίς here is due less to observation of nature than to literary associations, for in the Ornitlwgonia of Boeus (Ant. Lib. 7) Άκανθ[υλλ]ίς is a daughter of Hippodameia, who, when the family were transformed to birds, became κόρυδος. According to Ael. N.A. 4.5 κορυδαλλός άκανθυλλίδι νοεί πολέμια, but this relationship is unexplained. όκανθίδες: a small singing bird tentatively identified with the linnet, siskin, or goldfinch. Arist. H.A. 6 i 6 b 3 0 ai δ* άκανθίδες κακόβιοι και κακόχροοι, φωνήν μέντοι λιγυράν έχουσιν: cf. Α.Ρ. 5.292. Aristotle's second adj. should exclude the goldfinch. εστενε: the verb, common of the sea from Homer on (II. 23.230), is used jokingly of a donkey at Ar. Vesp. 180 but not elsewhere of birds. The proper verb is τρύ^ειν (Poll. 5.89), from which τρύγων is no doubt derived (Σ 139). Cf. Virg. E. 1.58 nee gemere atria cessabit turtur ab uhno, Plin. N.H. 10.106 catitus omnibus (palumbibus) similis atque idem trino conficitur uersu praeterque in clausula gemitu. τ ρ υ γ ώ ν : the turtle-dove. Its moaning was proverbial for persistency (15.88η.), but is not praised for beauty. 142 ξουθαί: the adj. is applied to bees at Soph. jr. 398, Eur. I.T. 165, 635, Antiph./r. 52, Arat. 1028, A.P. 9.226, A. Plan. 210. O n its meaning see Rutherford on Babr. 118, Wilamowitz on Eur. H.F. 487, Pearson on Eur. Hel. m i . It has been variously understood of colour, movement, and sound. So tar as bees are concerned the first seems to be ruled out by ξουθόπτερος, which is also applied to them (see 80n., Eur. H.F. 487, Jr. 467), and the context here points strongly to sound. The adj. is certainly capable of the meaning loud, shrill or the like (A.P. 9.373 ξουθά λαλεΰντα), and some such sense is most suitable here; cf. epigr. 4.1m. περί πίδακας ά μ φ ί : άμφί and περί often reinforce each other both in Homer and in post-Homeric epic; e.g. //. 2.305 άμφί περί κρήνην, 17.760 περί τ* άμφί τε τάφρον. Later examples are collected by Schneider on Call. Η. 4-3°° ( a dd Call. Jr. 260.13), but I do not know another in which περί precedes and άμφί follows the noun governed. 143 θέρεος.. .όπώρας: sec p. 127. The words denote, not summer and autumn as at Od. 14.384 ή ές θέρος ή ές όπώρην, but the corn-harvest and the fruit-crop as at Dem. 53.21 οπότε y a p ol άνθρωποι ούτοι ή όπώραν πρίαιντο ή θέρος μισθοϊντο έκθερίσαι. πίονος: fruitful or abundant, as often of land (18.29, 25.97, 153) though, as at 33, T.'s use of the adj. appears to lack an exact parallel. 144 δχναι: ΐ2θ, 135nn. 145 δαψιλέως: δαψιλός occurs in E m p e d . / r . 39 and not elsewhere; δαψιλής apparently owes its introduction to serious poetry to the Alexandrians (Call. H. 4.125, Lye. 779, 957), w h o use it as a synonym of πολύς or μίγας (c(. Hdas 7.84). έκυλίνδετο: //. 14.410 χερμαδίω, τά (χχ πολλά, θοάων έχματα νηών, | π ά ρ ποσι μαρναμένων έκυλίνδετο. έ κ έ χ υ ν τ ο : hung down, as Eur. Bacch. 455 πλόκαμος.. .|γένυν π α ρ ' αυτήν κεχυμένος: and χεΐν is used transitively of the tree in this sense at Od. 11.588 (see 135η. above), a passage which is here in T.'s mind. 146 βραβίλοισι: Ath. 2.49 F Κλέαρχος δ' ό περιπατητικός φησι 'Ροδίους και Σικελιώτας βράβυλα καλεϊν τ ά κοκκυμηλα, ως καΐ Θεόκριτος ό Συρακούσιος·
ι66
H7]
IDYLL VII
δρπηκες β. κ. ε., και πάλιν [12.3] όσον μήλον βραβίλοιο ήδιον. εστί δε τοΰτο το άκρόδρυον μικρότερον μεν τη περιφορά των κοκκυμήλων, τη δ* έδωδή το αυτό πλην ολίγον δριμύτερον. Σέλευκος δ' έν Γλώσσας βράβιλά φησιν ήλα κοκκυμηλα μάδρυα τά αυτά είναι. Et. Μ. 211.4 (s.v. βράβηλα) glosses Δαμασκηνά, and Σ give both Δαμασκηνά and κοκκυμηλα. The former are damsons, the latter plums; ήλα and μάδρυα do not occur elsewhere. Athenaeus, since he has just discussed damsons, seems to mean sloes, and if T.'s fruit is wild, as his pears may be, this is probably his meaning also. See RE 19.1458, Hehn Kukurpflanzen6 370. The form βραβιλ- is favoured by Κ and some other mss here and at 12.3; and, except in the citation from Clearchus, in the mss of Athenaeus; also at Λ.Ρ. 9.377, Geop. 10.39. Elsewhere βραβυλ- is usual. 147 τ€τρά€ν€ς: Et. M. 177.54 εστίν ενός ό ένιαυτός· Καλλίμαχος [fr. 33]' τετράενον Δαμάσου παϊδα Τελεστορίδην (cf. Lyd. Mens. 4·ι). Δίενος and τρίενος occur (Theophr. Η.P. 7-S-S) and Hesychius has έπτάενον, but apparently no -ης forms are found elsewhere.* Cf. 28.12η. The choice wine at 14.16 is also four years old, though according to Pliny (N.H. 14.79) Greek wines require seven to reach vetustas media. Similarly Horace drinks his Sabine at four years, and offers two-year-old wine to Venus (C. 1.9.7, I9-I5) though Italian wines were held to need much greater age (Ath. 1.26 c). N o doubt for simple folk or at fresco entertainments four-year-old wine, whether Greek or Roman, counted as old, though connoisseurs might not have approved it. More over though Horace's Sabine comes from the diota ( = amphora), that provided by Phrasidamus is from the πίθος ( = dolium\ cf. T. 10.13), and at rustic feasts wine is drunk from the dolium even in its first year (Hor. Epod. 2.47). In Homer Nestor drinks wine ten years old (Od. 3.391), and wine apparently matured in the πίθος (Od. 2.340). In Italy the practice of transferring it to smaller vessels was at least as old as 121 B.C. (Plin. N.H. 14.94), and at Cic. Brut. 288 de dolio haurire means to drink your wine new. In Greece in historic times, though there is little literary evidence as to details, it is plain that the finer and stronger wines, especially those exported, were transferred from the πίθος to amphorae (cf. Geop. 7.6) and acquired what we should call 'bottle-age*. It is of such wines that the authorities w h o write on the ages of wine are thinking, and their standards are inapplicable to such occasions as this. The lemma in Σ here is έπτάενες, but in view of these considerations, and of 14.16, there is no reason to prefer it to τετράενες. π ί θ ω ν : πίθοι are vessels without handles, usually of earthenware, often too large to be made upon the wheel (Geop. 6.3.4; cf. Poll. 7.164), often used for burials, and sometimes, as by Diogenes, for habitations (see Neil on Ar. Equ. 792). They have wide mouths with an offset rim (c{. Geop. 6.3.8 below), and commonly a flat lid with a handle. κρατός: κάρα is used of a mixing-bowl at Soph. O.C. 473, and of a cup at Eubul. fr. 56; κεφαλή of a milk-pail (T. 8.87) and of aστάμvoς (Ar. Plut. 5 4 5 ) : ! Ar. Plut. 545 εΐ δέ στάμνου κεφαλήν λέγει, εΐη άν αυτό σύμφωνον τ ω πίθου κρήδεμνον παρά τ ω ποιητή (Od. 3.392, where however the vessel is not named)* κεφαλής γ α ρ φόρημα το κρήδεμνον. As all these vessels have wide mouths and either little or no neck, the figure is somewhat surprising. ά λ ε ι φ α ρ : the substance smeared over the lid or stopper of the πίθος to keep it air-tight. The Geoponica apparently speak of ashes used for this purpose (6.3.8 τ ά δέ χείλη τών πίθων ποιητέον έξω έπινεύοντα, ίνα όταν τη τέφρα έπιχρίωμεν αυτούς μή έμπίπτη τι είς τόν πίθον άνοιξάντων ημών); some adhesive however would be required—probably the pitch which was used for coating the inside of the πίθος (cf. Cato R.R. 120, Hor. C. 3.8.10). 167
COMMENTARY
[148-154
The noun is used elsewhere only of fats and unguents, but the verb άλείφειν is not uncommon of daubing and plastering processes. 148 Ν ύ μ φ α ι Κασταλίδες: the intrusion of Castaha at this point is puzzling, for the Nymphs whose water was mixed with the wine were presumably those of 137, but it is very difficult to suppose that Νύμφαι in 154 refers to these and not to the Castalides of 148. If the spring on Phrasidamus's farm was called Castalia, or dedicated specifically to the nymphs of Castalia, the allusion would present no difficulty, and T., especially in view of the question to be asked of them (see below), might without inappropriateness refer to their native seat on Parnassus. Alter natively the nymphs or Castalia may be regarded as the fountain-nymphs par excellence, and therefore tutelary deities of this as of other springs vaguely dedicated to nymphs. The first hypothesis may be thought to derive a faint support from the fact that a spring at Daphne in Syria seems to have been called Castaha (Migne P.G. 36.1045, 1070); m support of the second a hymn to Apollo in Porph. Ant. Nymph. 8 (which connects the god with Naiads) has been not very plausibly adduced. In Latin poetry Castalia is associated with the Muses (e.g. Mart. 4.14 5ι7ι, Castalidnm decus sororum), and it has been suggested that T. means, or hints, that the rustic banquet was accompanied by song. This seems far-fetched, and Castalian tor Parnassian in Latin poetry hardly entitles us to assume the same equivalence in Greek. It may however be observed that enquiries as to the nature of the wine served by Chiron to Heracles and by Odysseus to Polyphemus arc suitably addressed to those in touch with the omniscience of the Delphian Apollo, and that the Nymphs of a Coan spring, unless they arc closely connected with Castalia, can hardly be expected to throw light on the matter. 149 Φ ό λ ω : the story of the entertainment of Heracles by Pholus and of the opening oi the wine given by Dionysus to Pholus or to the Centaurs, which led to Heracles's fight with them, is told with some variations (see Roscher 3.2416), but Chiron is not elsewhere named as having been present. He is however connected with the story, since according to one account he was accidentally shot by Heracles, who had pursued the Centaurs to his cave on Malea (Apoll. 2.5.4). The phrase oivos και Κένταυρον (from Od. 21.295) was apparently proverbial in this connexion (A.P. 11.1) and is combined, as here, with a reference to the Cyclops by Alcaeus of Messene at A.P. 11.12. Ηρακλής ό π α ρ ά Φόλω was the title of a comedy of Epicharmus. 151 Ά ν ά π ω : at 11.7 T. speaks of ό Κύκλωψ ό παρ* άμϊν which need mean no more than Sicilian, though it may also mean Syracusan. Commonly Etna is the home of the Cyclops, but T. is probably thinking of Philoxenus; see p. 118. 152 ώρεσι νάας ε β α λ λ ε : Hcinsius's correction is evidently right; T. is humorously exaggerating Od. 9.481 ήκε δ' άττορρήξας κορυφήν όρεος μεγάλοιο: cf. Eur. Cycl. 704, Nonn. D. 39.219, Ο ν . Met. 14.181. 153 νέκταρ: the wine provided by Odysseus is described by him as ήδύν, άκηράσιον, θείον ποτόν {Od. 9—05) and by Polyphemus (ib. 359) as άμβροσίης και νέκταρος... άττορρώξ. Τ. is no doubt thinking of the latter passage, though νέκταρ is used oi wine in other contexts: Call./r. 399, Nic. Th. 667, Al. 44; ci. Hermippus_/r. 82, Pind. /. 6.37, A.P. 6.248, Prop. 2.33.28. χορεϋσαι: Eur. Cycl. 156 (Silenus) βαβαί* χορεΰσαι παρακαλεί μ* ό Βάκχιος. It would appear from Ar. Pint. 290 that Polyphemus danced in Philoxenus s dithyramb. 154 διεκρανάσατε: the meaning seems to be mixed with water from your spring, or, as one gloss in Σ says, διεκεράσατε. The v.l. διεκρανώσατε is explained at Et. M. 273.38 to mean άνεωξατε (δοκεΐ yap των πίθων ή αλοιφή κάρα είναι), but 168
155-157]
I D Y L L VII
neither this sense, nor perficere (preferred by Hermann) describes the part here played by the Nymphs. Neither verb occurs elsewhere. 155 άλωίδος: Σ recognise both this form and άλωάς, and άλωιάς at Nonn. D. 30.68 perhaps points to άλωάς: άλωαίη occurs at Orph. H. 40.5. O n άλωά see 34η. A similar celebration is described at Λ.Ρ. 6.258 (Addaeus): τάν όιν, ώ Δάματερ έπόγμιε, τάν τ ' άκέρωτον | μόσχο ν, καΐ τροχιάν εν κανέω φθοΐδα, | σοι ταύτας έφ* άλωος, εφ* φ πολύν εβρασεν άντλον | Κρήθων καΐ λιπαράν είδε γεωμορίαν, | ίρεύει, πολύσωρε* συ δέ Κρήθωνος άρουραν | παν έτος ευκριθον και πολύπυρον άγοις. At Athens, the ' Αλωα, in which Dionysus is associated with Demeter and Persephone, was, or had become, a more formal festival (see RE 7.2278). σωρω: the heap of winnowed grain on the threshing-floor (cf. Hes. W.D. 778, Hdt. 1.22, Poll. 1.51). Hence Demeter is called σωρΐτις (Orph. H. 40.5) and πολύσωρος (see preceding note). 156 πτύον, written also πτέον, is a winnowing-shovel, uentilabrum or pala: II. 13.588 (where see Σ) ως δ* ότ* ά π ό πλατέος πτυόφιν μεγάλην κατ* άλωήν | θρώσκωσιν κύαμοι μελανόχροες ή έρέβινθοι | πνοιτ) Οττο λιγνρή και λικμητήρος έρωή: cf. ib. 5·499· Ο ρ ρ . Hal. 4-497 έργατίναι Δηοϋς πόνον έκτελέσαντες | πνοιής χερσαίοις τε διακρίναντες έρετμοϊς | καρπόν shows that the instrument used was shaped like an oar and explains the άθηρηλοιγός of Teiresias's prophecy to Odysseus (Od. 11.128, 23.275). The verb λικμάν, to winnow, comes from another instrument employed for the same purpose, λικμός, λικμάς, λίκνον, uannus, uallus, a scoop or basket of wicker, called, for that reason, also πλόκανον (seeJ.H.S. 23.292, 24.241). All are used in the same way; the threshed corn is thrown into the air against the wind, which carries off the chaff while the heavier grain falls back on to the threshing-floor. A pronged fork, θρΐναξ or θρινάκη, is glossed πτύον in Hesychius and was similarly used in winnowing (see Ar. Pax 567 with Sharpley's note, Nic. Tli. 114 and Σ ) ; it was perhaps substituted for πτύον or λίκνον when there was much straw to be dealt with. See in general Blumner Technol. i 2 . 7 . 157 δράγματα καΐ μάκωνας: corn-ears and poppies are the commonest attributes of the goddess. A Boeotian plate from Corinth (Pi. VIII. B), for instance, shows her with them and enthroned in front of what seems to be a rustic altar with a fruit on it. TVs concluding words make it plain that by Phrasidamus's threshingfloor is a figure of Demeter so equipped, and that the festivities mark the end of the winnowing, when the shovels are stuck in the heap of winnowed corn and the labourers take their ease. Δράγματα are offered as firstfruits (Λ.Ρ. 6.225 δέξασθε Φιλήτιδος ίερά ταΰτα | δράγματα και χλωρούς έκ καλάμης στεφάνους, | άσσ' άπό λικμητου δεκατεύεται, ib. 44, Levit. 23.10, Suid. s.v.). Poppies in Cos flower in April (cf. //. 8.307) and it is n o w some months later (134η.). Phrasidamus's Demeter will therefore be holding, as in PL VIII. B, stalks with the capsules attached, and δράγματα of barley saved from the threshing for this purpose. That it was the capsule (called κώδεια in Nic. Jr. 74.44, 47, κωδύα in Theophr. H.P. 9.12.4 and elsewhere), not the flower of the poppy, which was regularly dedicated to Demeter is plain from Cornut. 28, where it is said to symbolise the globe. άμφοτέραισιν: sc. χερσί, 10.35 η.
169
IDYLL VIII PREFACE Subject. Daphnis and Menalcas encounter one another while herding their flocks on the mountains, and Menalcas challenges Daphnis to a singing-match. After some discussion as to the stake, a neighbouring goatherd is summoned to act as judge and the contest begins. Menalcas leads in a series of exchanges of elegiac quatrains, of which one is, and more may be, now missing. Menalcas sings of Milon, Daphnis of Nais. The contest is concluded with eight hexameters from each. Menalcas sings of a herdsman's life, Daphnis of the advances made to him by a girl. The goatherd awards the victory to Daphnis, who, from that day on, was accounted chief of herdsmen, and subsequendy married Nais. On the grounds for the decision see pp. 93 f. Authenticity. Since the time of Valckenaer the Idyll has lain under suspicion and many critics have held it wholly or pardy spurious. Those who have condemned part have not been in agreement as to what was by T. and what was not,1 and there seems no sufficient reason for distinguishing one part of the poem from another. The arguments against the poem are of various cogency. (i) Details of language, prosody, and metre. These are discussed in their place;2 some of the alleged objections are of litde moment, some of none, and none is decisive, but collectively they are of substantial weight. At the same time it must be said that T.'s language and dialect are not uniform in the admittedly genuine poems, and such criteria must be applied with caution to a writer using, like T., an artificial medium. (ii) Imitations of T. The opening lines, 1-8, bear a marked resemblance to 6.1-5 *» the challenge, discussion of the stake, summons to the judge and triumph of the victor to the corresponding incidents in Id. 5. Neither here nor elsewhere in the poem are the verbal reminiscences remarkable, nor, if they were, would that be fatal to T.'s authorship (see 1.106η.), but the setting of the songs certainly has the air of being modelled on Idd. 5 and 6, and if all are by T., he has shown some poverty of invention. (iii) Daphnis and Menalcas are children (3, 28, 61, 64, 66, 93) and Daphnis in 72 ff. plays the ingenu, yet their earlier songs (33-60) seem to be those of experienced lovers. The maturity of the elegiac songs or the naivete* of the hexameter may be assumed, but the result is a little incongruous and unlike the dramatic consistency which T. displays markedly elsewhere. In Id. 6 Polyphemus is, in contrast, the projection of his boyish and comparatively innocent impersonator. (iv) Menalcas is announced as a shepherd (9, 14, 35, 67) but figures in his songs also as a goatherd (45, 49, 63). In T. the two professions are distinct (e.g. 1.1, 7, 80, 5.24), and though the distinction may be to some extent the poet's convention (for 1 Valckenaer (ep. ad Roverum xv) said that the poem was much interpolated, and recorded in a ms note the opinion that it was wholly spurious (Hermann Opusc. 5.85). Hermann (Opusc. 5.86) condemned, though with some hesitation, 31-62. Ahrens thought 1-60 spurious but that they embodied scraps of T. Legrand (Utude 17) once thought 53-60, 63-70, 72-80 scraps of T. embodied in a spurious poem, but was subsequently (Buc. Gr. 2.13) inclined to accept also 33-52. Others have dismembered the poem in yet other ways. 1 See 3, 6, 9, 10, 13, 14, 31, 35, 39, 41, 51, 62, 66, 68, 921m.
170
IDYLL VIII
ι]
Polyphemus, at any rate, at Od. 9.239, herds both sheep and goats),1 its neglect here is not without a certain weight. See however 92 η. Other arguments which have been urged against T.'s authorship of the poem have litde force. (v) The use of elegiacs. This is in any case unique and has been judged un fortunate, but the author of the poem, if not T., cannot be very much younger than he, and the possibility that T. may have done what some Alexandrian certainly did cannot reasonably be excluded. As an innovation it is hardly more startling than stichomythia in epic narrative (22.55). (vi) The language of 11-24 with its frequent repetitions has been adversely criticised, as has the stake of a pipe on either side. A contest which leaves Daphnis with two pipes and Menalcas with none certainly seems odd, but T. is not very careful of the details of his singing-contests (see pp. 92 f). The language of 11-24 is jejune, but so is that of 26.15-19; and here the poet might plead a calculated naivete\ (vii) Daphnis's marriage with Nais (93) is inconsistent with the story of Daphnis in Id. 1. Supposing however (as is probable; see in.) the Daphnis of this poem to be the bucolic hero, T.'s reference to him at 7.73 If. is discrepant with Id. 1 at least in the scene (see p. 2), and as various stories of Daphnis were current, there is no reason why T. should have confined himself to one. (viii) Wilamowitz (Textg. 122) compared the poem with T.'s Παιδικά, and argued that it shows a truer understanding of boyhood than they. But the boys to whom Idd. 12, 29 and 30 are addressed are not dramatically set before us, and there is really nothing in T. with which this sketch can be compared. (ix) It has also been argued2 that Id. 6 is entitled Βουκολιασταί and that as T. would not have given the same title to two idylls, Idd. 8 and 9, also so entitled, must be by another hand. The inference seems very insecure, and it is in any case doubtful whether the titles are those given to the poems by their authors (see Introd. p. lxix). Externally there is nothing to be said against the poem. Neither mss nor scholia breathe a word of doubt against its authenticity, and it is much imitated by Virgil. These things are however true also of Id. 9, which it is impossible to accept as T.'s, and they cannot be regarded as authenticating Id. 8. That it passed for T.'s in early times is shown not only by its inclusion in the commented collection but by its presence in $ 1 , a papyrus of the second century A.D. The evidence against it cannot be considered conclusive, and there is no impropriety in regarding it as T.'s— perhaps an early work. But in such a matter it is impossible to exclude subjective impressions entirely, and I cannot believe that the Idyll is by the same hand as T.'s genuine bucolic poems. If not by him, it is by an imitator, but by an imitator of considerable independent talent.
1-4 Cf. 6.1 ff. Ι Δάφνιδι: since this Daphnis marries a Nymph and is chief of herdsmen (93 f.) the poet presumably means the mythical herdsman, not a fictitious character bearing the name (as Daphnis and Menalcas in Id. 27 or as Comatas in Id. 5 bear the names of rustic heroes). The same conclusion is suggested by ώ$ φαντί. It does not follow that a singing-match between Daphnis and Menalcas formed part of the legend. According to Σ however Sositheus recorded such a match in which Pan awarded the victory to Daphnis. 1 a
Cf. Donat. Vit. Verg. 49 (cited on 1.86). In a dissertation on Idd. 8 and 9 by C. Kattein, and by Wilamowitz Gott. Nachr. 1894.182. 171
COMMENTARY
[2-7
2 μήλα: prima facie the word means sheep but it may include goats (Od. 9.184, 14.105) and conceivably does so at 16.91, 25.86, 281. In a still wider sense it may mean cattle in general (25.119η.). Wilamowitz left the hyperav_. : sm μάλα, but see Introd. p. lxxvi. κατ* ώρεα μακρά: 1.123, Mosch. 3.39· Μενάλκας: see above. As a legendary figure of Bucolic, Menalcas is extremely shadowy. For the Euboean story in Hermesianax see p. 1. Ath. 14.619 c Κλέαρχος δ* εν π ρ ώ τ ω 'Ερωτικών νόμιον καλεΐσθαί τινά φησιν ωδήν απ* Ήριφανίδος, γράφων ούτως* ΊΗριφανίς ή μελοποιός Μενάλκου κυνηγετοΰντος έρασθεϊσα έθήρευεν μεταθέουσα ταΐς έπιθυμίαις. φοιτώσα γ α ρ και πλανωμένη πάντας τους όρείους έπεξήει δρυμούς, ως μϋθον είναι τους λεγόμενους Ίοΰς δρόμους* ώστε μή μόνον τών ανθρώπων τους αστοργία διαφέροντας αλλά και των θηρών τους άνημερωτάτους συνδακρΰσαι τ ω ττάθει λαβόντας αΐσθησιν ερωτικής ελπίδος, όθεν έποίησέ τε και ποιήσασα περιήει κατά την έρημίαν, ώς φασιν, άναβοώσα και αδουσα το καλούμενον νόμιον, εν ώ εστίν ΜακραΙ δρύες ώ Μενάλκα: see RE 6.459· The name occurs in other mythological connexions (e.g. Apoll. 2.1.5) a n d also in real life (Paus. 6.16.5). 3 ά μ φ ω : apart from this word (2.143,6.3) the genuine Doric poems contain no duals though they occur in the certainly spurious (20.12, 21.8f, 48). The couplet is therefore some evidence against T.'s authorship. πυρροτρίχω: the resemblance to 6.2f. is obvious, but though the adj. here presumably refers to hair not beard (the absence of which is implied in ανάβω), it is unreasonable to argue that the author supposed πυρρός at 6.3 to refer to the hair rather than the beard and to use the line as evidence against T.'s authorship; cf. Bacch. 18.51 (of Theseus w h o is πρώθηβος) κράτος πέρι πυρσοχαίτου. Πυρρόθριξ for -τριχος) is near in meaning to ξανθόθριξ ( ι 8 . ι ) : Plat. Tim. 6 8 c πυρρόν δε ξανθού τε και φαιού κράσει γίγνεται, Gal. 9-599 έ γ γ υ τ ά τ ω την φύσιν έστι το πυρρόν χρώμα τ ω ξανθώ· διαφέρει δ' αλλήλων τ ω το μεν λευκότερον είναι το δε στιλπνότερον (cf. Housman on Manil. 4-7*6); and ξανθόν was a colour admired in hair and produced artificially (e.g. 13.36,17· Ι 0 3, I 8 . I , Eur.fr. 322 κόμης ξανθίσματα, A.B. 284 ξανθί^εσθαι το κοσμεϊσθαι τάς τρίχας, Λάκωνες). O n the form of the adj. see Schneider on Call. H. 3.76. T. uses forms in -θριξ (7.15, I 8 . I , 57), and that is elsewhere the form of this compound (Eur. LA. 225, Arise Prob. 9 6 6 b 3 3 ; cf. Solon fr. 22). J h ' s πυρρότριχι hardly points to -τριχε here, though the sentence may be thought to have an excess of -ω terminations. * α ν ά β ω : 5.87η. 4 δεδαημένω: this participle, commonly constructed with gen. or ace. of nouns, seems not to occur with an inf. elsewhere, but T. so uses δέδαεν (24.129; cf. Od. 20.72), and Apollonius (1.76) δεδαώς. 5 δ' ών resumes the narrative interrupted by the description of Daphnis and Menalcas; cf. 14.29, 21.52, (22.80), Denniston Gk Part. 463. 6 μυκητάν: the word, here substituted for the Homeric έριμύκων, is applied by Cornutus (Nat. D. 22) to Poseidon. έπίουρε: 25.1η. μοι άεΐσαι: i.e. διαεϊσαι (5.22). The text has been suspected, and the con struction has been alleged against T.'s authorship, but the extension of the dative regular with verbs indicating competition to verbs in which that idea is not implicit does not seem unnatural and is possibly supported by 1.136 (where see n.). Very similar is Od. 8.188 Φαίηκες έδίσκεον άλλήλοισι.* 7 δσσον θ έ λ ω : it would be natural to take these words with νικασεΐν as Ar. Equ. 713 εγώ δ' εκείνου καταγελώ γ ' όσον θέλω, Plut. Artax. 9 o'i μεν γ ά ρ "Ελληνες 172
8-n]
IDYLL VIII
όσον έβούλοντο τους βαρβάρους ένίκων, but αυτός is then meaningless and it is plain that in Daphnis's reply the words ει τι πάθοις τύγ* άείδων are a rejoinder to δσσον Θέλω αυτός άείδων. Menalcas must mean I shall win if I am allowed to go on as long as I want, and Daphnis sing till you burst and I shall outlast you in invention. The form Θέλειν for έθέλειν seems reasonably secure in T.'s Doric at 11.26, 15.41 and in his Aeolic at 29.7, where see n.; and the mss present it several times in spurious poems (20.1, 21.30, 23.22, 45); cf. 25.53η. 8 τόν δ* άρα χ ω Δ . : ι . ι ο ο η . 9 ποιμήν είροπόκων οίων: the words have been alleged among the proofs of spuriousness, on the ground that ποιμήν is not followed by a gen. in T. The gen. is however legitimate in itself (e.g. //. 1.263, Eur. Suppl. 674, Phoen. 1140), and its presence here is plainly due to the desire to balance μυκητάν έπίουρε βοών in 6. είροπόκων: II. 5.137, Od. 9-443, Hes. Th. 446, W.D. 234. 10 ούδ* €Ϊ τι πάθοις τύγ' άείδων: the trochaic caesura in the fourth foot has been urged against the Theocritean authorship of the poem, but the line exactly resembles 24.102 βαρύς περ έών ένιαυτοΐς, where the second syllable of the dactyl is a monosyllabic enclitic, and 10.27 έγώ δέ μόνος μελίχλωρον, where δε, though not enclitic, is a retrospective particle. Considerably harsher is 18.15 Μενέλαε, τεά νυός άδε, where emendations have been proposed, but as all these lines can be paralleled from Homer (e.g. Od. 15.277 έττεί τε φυγών Ικέτευσα, ih. 127 τήος δέ φίλη παρά μητρί, //. 6.2 ΐθυσε μάχη πεδίοιο) and the first two have analogies in Callimachus, a much stricter metrist than T. (H. 1.21 'Ρέη δ τ ' έλύσατο μίτρην, 4.215 ουκ άρ' έμελλες άπυστος), it is not plain that Τ. would not have written any of them. The remaining lines in the Theocritean corpus with a break after a trochee in the fourth foot fall into three classes: (i) Lines in which the second and third syllables of the dactyl are both mono syllables, one or both often enclitic (e.g. 1.56, 3.16, 36, 4.2, 30, 54, 60). (ii) Lines in which the second syllable is a monosyllable connected in sense with what follows, as 14.21 τίν* εχειν με δοκεϊς νών;, 21.62, epigr. 9 . 1 ; commonly the monosyllable is either καί (e.g. 2.41, 101, 16.99, 18.14, 22.32, 124) or the definite article (e.g. 2.64, 8.86, 87, 10.48, 11.7, 15.31, 55, 58, 69, 96) or a preposition (13.19, 21.12).
(iii) Lines in which the third syllable is either retrospective (e.g. 25.97 στείνοντο δέ, 26.15 μαίνοντο δ' άρ') or coherent in sense with what precedes (e.g. 15.25 Ιδοϊσα τύ, 23.3 ουδέ εν) or enclitic (e.g. 1.151, 25.43, 115, 138, 193). In all three classes the trochaic break is apparent rather to the eye than to the ear, and is offset by the strong caesura in the fourth foot or by the bucolic diaeresis or by both. (See Hermann Orphica 694, van Leeuwen Ench. 18, Gott. Nachr. 1926.203, Sikes and Allen on H. Horn. 2.17.) τ ι πάθοις: see Blaydes on Ar. Eccl. 1105. The euphemism is as old as Homer (//. 5.567, */.)■ 11 έσι,δεΐν: 1.149 n. For the use of this compound of mental vision cf. Soph. El. 584, 611, 997, Phil. 501, Trach. 1112, Eur. H.F. 144. καταθεΐναι άεθλον: the meaning is plainly to put down a stake. Κατατιθέναι άεθλα in Homer (Od. 24.91; cf. II. 23.267, 884) means to offer prizes, but the extension of meaning here is very slight since each competitor's stake is in effect the prize offered to the other if he is victorious. If τίνα in 13 (see n.) is correct, άεθλον must here be masc.; and the meaning έπαθλον, which is allowed to άθλος by lexicographers (Suid., A.B. 210.14, 349-21), in view of the converse άθλα = άθλοι cannot be considered impossible. It. does not however occur elsewhere, and at
173
COMMENTARY
[13-17
Od. 19.572 κοΓΓοττιθένσι άεθλον, where ά. is shown by 576 to be m a s c , the meaning is to propose a contest. 13 The text is uncertain and the mss waver between και τίνα θησεύμεσθ' ocms Χ* (όσ-ns, ότις) άμΐν άρκιο$ εΤη; and άλλα τί θησεύμεσθ1 δ κεν άμΐν άρκιον είη;, while $ 1 w: h καί and κεν apparently presented some intermediate form. There is some slight presumption in favour of the neuter (see 11 n.), and Legrand's καί τί νυ (which may have been the reading of $ 1 ) , if corrupted to καί τίνα, would account for the ms readings as alternative attempts to reconcile the conflict of gender between the interrogative and the relative pronoun. Nu, unless τί w should be read at 1.82, occurs only at 25.40, 187 but is commonly joined to the interrogative pronoun in Homer; cf. Call. H. 3.183, Ap. Rh. 2.245, 880, 3.711. The middle voice in θησεύμεσθα between καταθεΐναι, καταθεΐναι, and θησώ, θές, θησώ, θησεϊς, is appropriate to the two competitors together, while the active is appropriate to them individually—what shall we stake on our competition? what will you stake against me? The rhythm has been called un-Theocritean, but see 1.130 n. I4f. The metrical peculiarities of these lines, which have so far resisted plausible emendation, have been alleged against Τ Λ authorship of the poem, and, if they are as written, they certainly suggest a conception of the hexameter different from that in T.'s known poems. Θές: for artificial lengthening in this position see 3.12, 5.148, 25.1011η., but the lengthening of such a monosyllable is unparalleled in T. at any point in the line. N o r can the original digamma of ΐσο$ be reasonably invoked, for though T. seems to recognise this letter in certain words, ΐσο$ is not among them, nor (apart from ot) is the recognition at all common in the bucolic poems (1.41, 86, 6.24, 10.28; ci. 15.46, 146). ίσομάτορα αμνό ν and ποκα άμνόν: αμνός never had a digamma, and to suppose that the author has transferred to it the digamma of άρνες is frivolous. All the instances of hiatus at the end of second and fifth feet in T. are before originally digammated words except (if it be an exception) 1 the Homeric κλέα ανδρών at 16.2, nor are any of them in bucolic poems except ποτί οίκον at 6.24. In Homer neither hiatus is common and neither unexampled (e.g. II. 2.87, 90; cf. Leaf on 87). Apart however from words incapable of elision, T. is strict in admitting hiatus of short vowels except before originally digammated words: he allows it at the trochaic caesura (7.8η.), and at the bucolic diaeresis (2.83η.), in both of which places it is common in Homer (see van Leeuwen Ench. 77), though except at 7.8, 22.191 it is eased by a sense-pause. He has also 15.149 χαίρε "Αδων and possibly 15.32 τταΟε όκοΐα (see nn. ad loc.)\ and κλέα ανδρών mentioned above. These two examples are therefore without parallel. Ισομάτορα: as large as its dam: Virg. Aen. 9.627 iuuencum \ candentem pariterque caput cum matre ferentem. Ίσομάτωρ* ό τη μητρί [Δήμητρι cod.] ίσος. Κρήτες (Hesych.). The word does not occur elsewhere. χ α λ ε π ό ς : artificial lengthening in the fifth arsis is less common than in the fourth. Apart from an example in Id. 25 (87), it occurs at 15.100 and 24.42. 16 ποθέσπερα is probably adverbial: see 1.15, 7.21 nn. άριθμεΰντι: Od. 4.411, Virg. E. 3.34, 6.85, Tib. 1.5.25, O v . Met, 13.824, Calp. 3.64. 17 τό π λ έ ο ν : sc. του νικωμένου, in what respect is the victor to be better off than the vanquished? what is to be the profit of victory? Τί τό πλέον; (e.g. epigr. 6, A.P. 5.176, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 306a) or τί πλέον; (e.g. A.P. 5.10, 85, 9.218, 390) means quid 1 Since Ap. Rh. (1.1) has κλέα φωτών (cf. Η. Horn. 32.18) Alexandrians may have regarded κλέα as a pyrrhic, in which case κλέα ανδρών would involve hiatus.
T74
18-25]
I D Y L L VIII
prodest? (see Blaydes on Ar. Plut. 531): πλέον Ιχειν (Theog. 606, Hdt. 9.70, Plat. Gorg. 483 D, Rep. 343 D, 349B, Xen. Ag. 2.24, al.) and, less commonly, τό πλέον εχειν (Α.Ρ. 12.245 ol λογικοί δέ | των άλλων ^ώων τουτ* Ιχομεν τό πλέον, Thuc. 1.42, Xen. Cyr. 1.3.18) means to have, or to get, the advantage (cf. 11.42η.), but it is somewhat oddly used here since the advantage contemplated is not a general superiority but a single material object, the antagonist's stake; cf. Eur. Ale. 490 τί δ' άν κρατήσας δεσπότην πλέον λάβοις;—πώλους άπάξω κοιρανω Τιρννθίω. For the definite article in such sentences cf. Eur. Batch. 492 τί με τό δεινόν έργάση;, H.F. ΐ5ΐ, Soph. O.C. 598, 1488. See also 5-71» ε$'ψ- i3-6nn. and, for a different sense of τό πλέον, i.20n. 18 £ χ ω : with the ms reading έγώ the sentence has been punctuated with a heavy stop after άνωθεν, when σύριγγα will be governed by έξεϊ ό νικών: and with a comma, when it will be governed by κατθείην. The objection to the first is that it implies that Menalcas expects to lose; to the second, thatTaurav is superfluous and έγώ attached to the wrong verb. Warton's έχω seems therefore a marked improvement. έ ν ν ε ά φ ω ν ο ν : the common number of reeds in the panpipe was seven, but the monuments show all numbers from four to twelve, and there are nine, for instance, in the instrument played by Calliope on the Francois vase (Furtwangler-Reichhold Gr. Vasen T. 1) and in that on certain Arcadian coins (J3.M. Cat. pi. xxxii.17). It is possible that the number is intended to indicate an unusually fine instrument, but this cannot be assumed. 19 ί σ ο ν . . . Ι σ ο ν : for the variation in quantity see 6.19η., Nic. fir. 70.14 Ισον ΐσω. Τ., like Callimachus, commonly shortens the first syllable of this adj. in thesis, but 16.60 is an exception. The meaning seems to be that the wax which unites one reed to another (see 1.129 η.) is equally distributed throughout the length of the rectangular instrument, not abundant at one end and scanty at the other. A possible alternative is to suppose that ίσος means level and refers to the surface of the wax, but this meaning of the adj., though implied in Ισόπεδον, is very ill-attested. 20 κατθείην: Ahrens's κα θείην is easy, but the potential optative without a modal adverb occurs at 89 and 91 and is not worth removing here (see 2.34η.); and as Menalcas reverts to the compound verb at the end of the line κατθείην seems in itself slighdy preferable to Θείην. 23 πρώαν: 14.5 η. (ίτι καί: 2.6οη. (ρ. 48). It is possible that καί is here a copula, for Callimachus, unlike earlier poets, seems to postpone copulative καί (Η. 1.4, 4.12, fir. 178.3; cf T. 21.34, 45nn.), and T. apparently does so at 2.142, where see n. It may however give no more than general emphasis—J have actually a sore finger; cf. 25.44η. 24 διέτμοξεν: I have left the ms reading since the verb seems to mean no more than wound at Ap. Rh. 3.1047 2νΘ* ούκ άν σε διατμήξειαν άκωκαί | γηγενέων ανδρών ούδ* άσχετος άίσσουσα | φλόξ όλοών ταύρων, and so διακόπτειν Men. Georg. 48. Meineke's νιν ετμαξε however is not implausible: for the double ace. καθ' όλον και μέρος see K.B.G. 2.1.289. 25fF. Cf. 5.61 if ένταΰθα (for ώδε) does not occur elsewhere in the Theocritean corpus, though Epicharmus (Jr. 221) seems to have used it. ήν was no doubt rightly understood by one scholiast to mean ΙδοΟ, and Virgil's imitation is (JB. 3.50) uel qui uenit ecce Palaemon. T. does not use the bare ήν but has ήνίδε four times (1.149. 2.38, 3.10, 5.23 (cf. [27.]54)). The other interpretation, which takes the line to mean έκεϊνο$ ό αΐπόλος κρίνει έάν καλέσωμεν, is however defensible, for this poem admits ήν = εί κε (35, 39) and the inverse attraction of the 175
COMMENTARY
[28-35
subject is not uncommon (K.B.G. 2.2.413) though the omission of the verb would here make it somewhat harsh. φάλαρος: 5.103 n. 28 ύπακούσας: I accept Cobet's correction, since έπακονσας, hearing tlieir shout, would be disconcerting after έπάκοος, our audience, in 25. Modern editors have mostly printed έπακοϋσαι, to listen to them, but this anticipates ήθελε κρίνειν, and the elaborate balance of the two lines seems to require in 28 some action which contrasts with άυσαν as κρίνειν contrasts with άείδεν in 29. Cf. 7.94η. 29 άείδεν: the proper contrast to αειδον would be εκρινεν not ήθελε κρίνειν, and Gebauer's inf. άείδεν puts the two verbs on the same footing. It also removes the contrasting quantities αειδον, έειδε in the same tense, which seem no ornament whether assigned to the variable α in this verb (7.41 n.) or to absence and presence of an augment. 30 δ* ών marking, in the description of the preliminaries to the contest, the detail essential to the understanding of what follows: Denniston Gk Part. 463. λ α χ ώ ν : i.e. κληρωσάμενος. See p. 93. ίυκτά: the noun, which does not occur elsewhere, is formed from Ιύ^ειν on the analogy of such nominatives as ή π ν τ α , ήχέτα (see Lobeck Paral. 183), and seems intended to commend Menalcas's voice. It should properly mean shouter or shrieker, but was perhaps suggested by II. 18.571 τοί δέ £ήσσοντες άμαρτή | μολπή τ ' Ινγμω τε ποσΐ σκαίροντες έποντο, where the root is at least associated with singing, though it may denote a shout emitted at intervals by the dancers. Σ paraphrase κράκτσ, and cite without context Call./r. 690 ίύ^ων δ* άν' 6pos. Perhaps yodeller is meant, for Calp. 1.29 nihil armentale resultant, \ nee montana sacros distinguunt iubila uersus, Sil. 14.475 (of Daphnis) laetus scopulis audiuit iubila Cyclops, and possibly Call. jr. 719 άλάλαγμα νομαΐον, suggest that rustic songs were some times punctuated with a shout or cry (cf. C.R. 61.48). If so, Ιυκτάς, like συρικτάς at 7.28, will imply singing; cf. 11.39η. 31 f. These two lines could be dispensed with, as could 22, and all have been condemned (22 by Kochly, 3if. by Wordsworth). Though superfluous however, they are not necessarily spurious, and these two are in $ 1 and were apparently known to Virgil (E. 7.18). άμοιβαίαν: II. 1.604 αειδον αμειβόμενα! όττί καλή. Τ. does not use άμείβεσθαι or the adj. of alternate song, but it is frivolous to regard the words as evidence of spuriousness. 33 θείον γ έ ν ο ς : the apposition belongs only to ποταμοί, as in Daphnis's answer, where water and pasture are named in chiastic order, γλυκερόν φυτόν belongs only to βοτάναι. Menalcas may be thinking of Xanthus δν αθάνατος τέκετο Ζευς (II. 14-434)» kpol ποταμοί (cf. 1.69η.), and perhaps of 'Ούκεανόν τε θεών γένεσιν (//. 14.201, 302). Meineke's γόνος however, though not necessary, would bring the appositional phrase into closer correspondence with that in 37. For the rhythm cf. Call. H. 4.109, A.P. 9.329. 35 βόσκοιτ* has been taken for 3rd pers. sing, and the voice criticised. It is of course 2nd pers. plur., as τπαίνετε in 39 shows. έκ ψ υ χ α ς : heartily, with a will. Xenophon (An. 7.7.43) has σοι έκ της ψυχής φίλος ήν (c£. Theophr. Ch. 17.3)» and without the article the phrase is common in later Greek (e.g. Ep. Col. 3.23 δ Ιάν ποιήτε έκ ψυχής εργάζεσθε, Α.Ρ. 11.7; cf. Τ. 15-37 n ·)· This however seems to be its first appearance, and it is a little odd that άγκεα και ποταμοί, even personified, should be credited with ψυχαί. τάς: Τ. in his Doric poems lengthens the ace. plur. of the 1st decl. only in arsis (2.6, 7.104), and τάς is no exception to the rule (5.89: 3.3). There is however
176
36-4i]
I D Y L L VIII
something to be said for Fritzsche's τάσδ' since Daphnis counters with a demon strative in 39. ά μ ν ά δ α ς : 5.144η. ή ν : 26η., 39· "Ην occurs in T. only at 12.25, and, if that is genuine, epigr. 19 (Ionic). It appears in epigr. 4.15 and several times in certainly spurious poems (20.28f., 21.4, 23.25, 44f., 27.32f., 36). At 47, 43 below at δ' άν is preferred. T. has άν in non-Doric poems (16.48, 54, 22.62, 24.116), and so long as χώταν remains in the Doric of 7.53 ήν and άν cannot be regarded as conclusive evidence against his authorship of this poem. 36 έ χ ω ν : Ahlwardt's ά γ ω ν is not unplausible, for there is some inelegance in έ χ ω ν . . .εχοι and άγειν is the verb used by Daphnis in 40. μηδέν έλασσον: perhaps than I, but the words may mean no more than fare well; cf. 11.42 η . 37 γλυκερόν φ υ τ ό ν : 33 η. 38 μουσίσδει: Ι Ι . 8 Ι . Elsewhere the verb occurs only at Eur. Cycl. 489 άχαριν κέλαδον μουσι^όμενος, but Hcsychius records μουσικτάς. 39 β ο υ χ ό λ ι ο ν : 25.13, 95, 122. The word does not occur in T.'s bucolic Idylls. κ ή ν : 35η. τ ι : sc. βουκόλιον. 40 άφθονα πάντα νέμοι: νέμειν is used of the herdsman, commonly wTith an ace. of the flock, less commonly with an ace. of the land pastured (Xen. Cyr. 3.2.20 έπεί όρη αγαθά έχετε, έθέλοιτ' άν έαν νέμειν ταϋτα TOWS 'Αρμενίους εΐ ΰμΐν μέλλοιεν ol νέμοντες τ ά δίκαια άποτελεΐν;, cf. An. 4-6.17, Hdt. 1.110). It seems impossible to reconcile άφθονα with the first use, and difficult to reconcile it with the second, for though the adj. is capable of the meaning bountiful (cf. Plat. Soph. 222 A πλούτου και νεότητος οίον λειμώνας άφθονους), it commonly means unstinted (10.53), ar*d άφθονα π ά ν τ α would naturally mean all abundance: H. Horn. 30.8 τ ω τ* άφθονα π ά ν τ α πάρεστι, ΑΓ. Eccl. 690 πάσι γ ά ρ άφθονα ττάντα παρέξομεν, Xen. An. 4·5·29 έκοιμήθησαν έν πάσιν άφθόνοις, Luc. Peregr. 16, Conuiu. 11. Apparently therefore νέμειν is used by extension with an a c e , not of the land, but of the herbage, the meaning being equivalent to έν άφθόνοις πάσι το βουκόλιον νέμοι. 41-8 The transposition of 41-3 a n d 45~7 is unavoidable. Daphnis is an oxherd (6, 36, 73) and presently marries Nais (93); 43 and 48 must therefore be his. Mcnalcas is a shepherd (9, 35) and goatherd (63), and he sings of Milon (51); 45 f, 47 and 44 therefore belong to him. 46 σμήνεα: 1.107η. (p. 24). ύψίτεραι: the form docs not occur elsewhere; cf. however όψίτερος, πρωίτερος. Pindar (fr. 213) has Οψιον which is also unique. 47 « v : 3 5 n. 44 ξ η ρ ό ς : Eur. El. 239 ΗΛ. OUKOOV όρςίς μου πρώτον ώς ξηρόν δέμας; | ΟΡ. λύπαις γε συντετηκός, and so of sunken eyes Or. 389. The word is used of the more transitory effects of fear at 24.61, and αυος, the adj. substituted by Daphnis in 48, often has that significance {?ee 24.6m.), but the context here points to a more literal meaning for both adjectives. τηνόθι: the word does not occur elsewhere. 41 The structure of this verse has, very arbitrarily, been pronounced unTheocritean because there is none precisely similar in T. The triple παντφ answers the triple ένθα of 45, and the articulation of the verse resembles 20.6, II. 6.181 πρόσθε λέων, δπιθεν δε δράκων, μέσση δε χίμαιρα, Timon fr. 59 Wachsmuth ώρη έράν, ώρη δέ γαμεϊν, ώρη δε πεπαυσθαι, Α.Ρ. 7-348 (Simonides) πολλά πιών και πολλά φαγών καΐ πολλά κάκ* είπών, ib. 349» 10.124 (Glycon) π ά ν τ α γέλως και πάντα GT
rf
I77
12
COMMENTARY
[42-51
Kovts Kcri πάντα τό μηδέν, Call. Η. 6.123, Colluth. 96, Orac. αρ. Σ Ar. Equ. 1010: there is no conceivable reason why T. should not have written such a line. Cf. 7-35, 15.5. 42 πιδώσιν: Ahrens's conjecture seems highly probable in view of the ms evidence, though πλήθουσιν gives reasonable sense. ΤΤιδαν is used transitively of a source at Arist. Meteor. 349 b 34 πιδώση* els έν τη* yfjs τα* άρχά$ τών ποταμών: πιδύειν more commonly of the liquid than of the source. The plural verb following the neut. plur. noun occurs in T. even with inanimate subjects (2.109η.), and οϋθατα has a plur. verb at Od. 9.440; the change to the sing, τράφεται with an animate subject seems however inelegant. τά νέα: the calves. If the ellipse is to be defined θρέμματα is perhaps the most suitable noun. τράφεται: the Doric form of the verb has papyrus support at 3.16, and some ms support at 9.23 and I have therefore restored it here. At 11.40 Ahrens introduced it from one inferior ms. 43 Ναΐς: 93. In view of Μίλων in 47 a proper name is indispensable (at 5.96 the name is already known to the audience). For the lengthening of the second syllable see 18.5 η. 49 <Sv€p: mate. Fioais (A.P. 9.99, Plan. 17), uir (Virg. E. 7.7; see below), maritus (Hor. C. ι.ΐ7·7)> are similarly used. ές: Virgil, who writes (E. 7.6) hue mihi... | uirgregis ipse caper deerrauerat, perhaps understood τηνο* to be the he-goat, and ω . . . μυρίον as an exclamation, but it seems reasonably plain that TTJVOS is Milon, who, for some unexplained reason, is in the wood, where the goat is told to deliver his message. T(A) on any view of the passage can hardly stand, and ώ implied in the note όπου εστίν υψηλή δασυτης, means whence (3.11); and though this might be put down to an error in Doric by the author of this poem, or (as Reiske proposed) altered to obs, the ellipse of the verb of motion makes the relative obscure and a preposition desirable. For the ellipse see 1.116, 5.3 nn. It is possible to regard Τβι in 51 as the verb, but more natural to consider it as resuming after two parentheses the verb implied in 49. βάθος Ολος: Α Ρ . 6.ι68. 50 μυρίον: epigr. 21 τό μυρίον κλέος: cf. II. 18.88 (πένθος), 20.282 (άχος), Eur. Ale. 544 (X^pis), Α. Plan. 40 (ευφροσύνη), αϊ. αϊ σιμαί: the he-goat is dispatched with a message to Milon, and έν τήνω in 51 means not έν τω ύδατι but έν βαθει Ολας: αϊ σιμαί.. Jpupoi must therefore be parenthetic. Wilamowitz's al is not absolutely essential, but it distinguishes the parenthesis from the main clause (which began ώ τράγε) and seems probable. For animal messengers cf. A.P. 5.152, 163, but the poet is thinking of Od. 9.447. 51 f. The sentence ϊθ* ώ κόλε καΐ λέγε Μίλω d>s Πρωτεύ* κ.τ.λ. is quite satis factory in sense, but Μίλω for Μίλωνι is unexampled. The analogous accusatives Άπόλλω, Ποσειδώ, αΐώ, κυκεώ (K.B.G. 1.1.425) might be thought to lend it some support, but such forms as μεί^φ for μεί^ονι are unknown, though here the -ω, -cos forms are at some times and places much commoner than the uncontracted. I do not think therefore that on the available evidence Μίλω can be defended, and Graefe's τήνω, which would serve as well, can hardly stand after έν τήνω yap τηνος. The acceptance of the voc. Μίλων seems therefore unavoidable, and will involve the alteration of ώ* in 52 to ό (for the lengthening before a mute and liquid in the first arsis cf. 1.41, 5.11, 71, 15.86, 17.11, 25.240). For the name see 4.6η. For κόλε (glossed κολοβέ by the rest) ΣΚ have καλέ, but they understand it as an address to the goat, and it is probably a mere mistake. Καλέ was conjectured independently by S. Petit, and it must be admitted that the voc. Μίλων in the present
178
53-55]
IDYLL VIII
text is extremely abrupt. Apart however from the improbability of the rarer κόλ£ replacing so common an adjective, a further voc. addressed to the goat seems desirable after the parenthetic address to the kids. The message conveyed to Milon means in effect that Milon must not despise a goatherd-lover, for Proteus herded animals more offensive than goats (cf. 5.51, Od. 4.441, Ar. Vesp. 1035). Milon therefore is not himself a goatherd; what he is doing in the w o o d w e are left to conjecture. For the sentiment cf. H. Horn, 19.32, Virg. E. 10.17, Tib. 2.3.11, Ο ν . Λ.Λ. 2.239. ώ ν for έών is otherwise confined to the certainly spurious Idd. 9 (21, 27, 29) and 20 (3), and to epigr. 11, which is not in Doric; cf. Bion 1.71. 53-60 The last quatrain is shown by its subject to belong to Daphnis and was expelled by Hermann, who assigned 53-6 to Daphnis, thus reducing the exchange of elegiac quatrains to three on each side. He asserted also that 57-60 resembled an epigram rather than part of a song, and that is no doubt true; but it is hardly surprising that an elegiac quatrain by a Hellenistic poet, for whatever purpose composed, should resemble an epigram, the verses are in S i and were imitated by Virgil (E. 3.80; see 57 η.), and there is a further reason for thinking them an integral part of the poem. In the first two exchanges (33-48) Daphnis followed Menalcas closely in theme; 53-6, devoted to the pleasures of love, are suitably answered by 57-60, which deal with its pains, whereas between 49-52 and 53-6 there is no point of contact. It seems plain therefore that 53-60 belong together, and, since 57-60 are shown by their subject to be Daphnis's, that 53-6 belong to Menalcas; and, since 49-52 are shown by their content to be his also, that after 52 a stanza by Daphnis has been lost. Presumably it contained an invitation to Nais resembling Menalcas's invitation to Milon. 53 f. Imitated from Tyrtaeus^r. 12.3 ούδ' εΐ Κυκλώπων μέν έχοι μέγεθος τε βίην τε, | νικφη δέ θέων Θρηίκιον Βορέην, | ούδ' εΐ ΤιθωνοΤο φυήν χαριέστερος εΐη, | πλουτοίη δέ Μίδεω καΐ Κινύρεω μάλιον, | ούδ* εΐ Τανταλίδεω Πέλοπος βασιλεύτερος εΐη, κ.τ.λ.: cf. Call. fr. 75-44 ο υ σ* δοκέω τημουτος, Άκόντιε, νυκτός εκείνης | αντί κε τ η μίτρης ήψαο παρθενίης | οΰ σφυρόν Ίφίκλειον έπιτρέχον άσταχύεσσιν | ούδ' ά Κελαινίτης έκτεάτιστο Μίδης Ι δέξασθαι, Eur. Med. 542, Hor. C. 2.12.21, Prop. 1.8.35. For the wealth of Pelops cf. Thuc. 1.9 Πέλοπα τε π ρ ώ τ ο ν πλήθει χρημάτων ά ήλθεν έκ της 'Ασίας Ιχων ές ανθρώπους άπορους, δύναμιν περιποιησάμενον την έπωνυμίαν της χώρας έττηλυν δντα όμως σχεΐν: for that of Croesus, 10.32, Luc. Tim. 23 πλουσιώτερον δέ συνάμα Κροίσων έκκαίδεκα, Philem. fr. 189, Ον. e. P. 4·3·37 diuitis audita est cui non opulentia Croesi?, Cat. 115.3, Prop. 2.26.23, 3-5-I7» Mart. 11.5.4. The ms reading χρύσεια is not to be defended by Od. 4.129 χρυσοϊο τάλαντα, for to this poet τάλαντον meant τάλαντον αργυρίου, no more valuable in gold than in silver or bronze. The adj. Κροίσεια seems not to occur elsewhere, but to be slightly preferable to Pierson's Κροίσοιο, in spite of the preceding Πέλοπος. πρόσθ€ θέειν: the figure is of a race with the winds in which Menalcas leads: II. 23.571 βλάψας δέ μοι ίππους | τους σους πρόσθε βαλών, ib. 5.56, 80, 20.402 πρόσθεν εθεν φεύγοντα, 22.158. 5 5 ^ ά γ χ ο ς ί χ ω ν : II. 14-353 ?χε δ' άγκάς άκοιτιν, Αρ. Rh. 1.276, Α.Ρ. 12.95. τ υ can hardly be anybody but Milon, and as Milon was addressed in the vocative in Menalcas's last verse the absence of a definition is somewhat eased. The proposal to read σύννομε (Graefe) κάλ' (Meineke) provides a definition, but Milon is not a herdsman (52 η.) and τ υ would then have to be Daphnis. This seems quite out of keeping both with the immediate context and with the poem as a whole, where the relations of the two boys are confined strictly to the business of the contest. Σ refer
179
12-2
COMMENTARY
[57-59
to Hermesianax, in w h o m Daphnis was the lover of Menalcas (see p. 1); but the quatrain belongs to Menalcas not to Daphnis, and the latter in this poem is γυναικοφίλας. σύννομα μηλ', since Milon is not a herdsman, will apparently mean Menalcas's sheep and his goats together (see p. 170). The ace, if τε is rightly added, may be governed by έσορών, the construction of which is then varied, or ές may be taken ά π ό κοινού with the two nouns (K.B.G. 2.1.550). Σικελικάν τε: Σικελικάν seems slightly preferable to τάν Σικελάν. The first syllable is lengthened in Mosch. 3.8, al.y and by later poets, and T . himself so scans Σικελίδαν (7.40)· If σύννομα μήλ* is right, τε is necessary, since ασομαι ές άλα, though the words have been taken together, is meaningless. The picture of the herdsman sitting in the shade of a rock and, as he sings, looking, across a foreground of grassy cliff browsed by his flocks, to the sea, is pretty. But it is difficult to stifle a suspicion that it owes something to 11.18 ές πόντον όρων άειδε, where Polyphemus contemplates the sea not for its beauty but because it contains Galatea. Cf. Hor. Epod. 2.11. 57-60 O n the authenticity of this stanza, see 53-6on. Virg. E. 3.80 triste lupus stabulis, maturis frugibus imbres, \ arboribus uetiti, nobis Amaryllidis irae. 58 ΰ σ π λ α γ ξ : ύ σ π λ η γ ξ or -ηξ has various meanings, of which the commonest is the starting apparatus on a racecourse. Dionys. de auibus$.iS describes, somewhat obscurely, a method of snaring jackdaws and jays in which a ύσττληγξ, by releasing a rod, tightens a noose round their necks. It would seem therefore to be strictly the catch of the snare rather than the snare as a whole. άγροτέροις: the word is used substantially again at A.P. 6.11 π τ η ν ά καΐ άγροτέρων κέρδεα και νεττόδων. λίνα: hunting nets into which the animals are driven: 27.17η., ρ. Cair. Zen. 524 λίνα δορκάδεια, Xen. Cyn. 2.4. The word however is not very happily chosen, for λίνα are perilous also to birds (A.P. 9.343) and the poet's distinction breaks down. 59f. This couplet is plainly connected with Call. Ep. 53 τόν το καλόν μελανεϋντα θεόκριτον, εί μεν εμ* εχθει, | τετράκι μισοίης· εΐ δε φιλεΐ, φιλέοις* | ναίχι ττρός εύχαίτεω Γανυμήδεος, ουράνιε ΖεΟ, | καΐ σύ π ο τ ' ήράσΟης. ούκέτι μακρά λέγω. The epigram is usually thought to refer to the poet Theocritus, and may well do so, though Bacchylides's refrain (jr. 18) ή καλός Θεόκριτος* | ού μοϋνος ανθρώπων όρφς [έρας Ursinus] might explain otherwise Callimachus's choice of the name. If Callimachus, in an epigram dealing with Theocritus, imitated Id. 8, he would supply an argument of some weight in favour of the Idyll's authenticity. The imitation however is at least as likely to be the other way, and, if so, it throws no light on the authorship of the Idyll though it might possibly suggest that the author took Callimachus's Theocritus for the poet. The sentiment is as old as Theognis (696 των δε καλών ούτι σύ μούνος έρας: cf. Τ. 13-3)» w h o makes similar reference to Zeus (1345 τταιδοφιλεΐν δε τι τερπνόν, έπεί ποτέ και Γανυμήδους | ήρατο καΐ Κρονίδης); so also Eur. jr. 431, and in erotic epigram this reference is a common place: A.P. 5.167 (Asclcpiades) άχρι τίνος, ΖεΟ; | ΖεΟ φίλε, σιγήσω* καυτός έράν έμαθες, ib. 64, 100, 109, 12.65, ι ο ί , 117; cf. Ar. Nub. 1080, Ter. Eun. 590, Prop. 2.2.4, 2.30.28. άνδρί has been considered inconsistent with the tender age of the two boys (3); it means however not to me but to the male sex in general. γυναικοφίλας: the compound is cited from the comic poet Polyzelus by Pollux (6.168), w h o calls it ού πάνυ άνεκτόν. It occurs again at A.P. 6.78 (Eratosthenes) Δαφνί γνναικοφίλα. Presumably therefore in Eratosthenes's text this quatrain was rightly attributed to Daphnis; see n. on 53-60. 180
6ι-72]
IDYLL VIII
61 Verses with hephthemimeral caesura alone are unusual but not unTheocritean: 13.41, 22.72; cf. 10.29. δι' αμοιβαίων: cf. 31. The phrase is apparently adverbial as δι' απορρήτων (Lycurg. 85, Polyb. 2.48.4, 4.16.5, al.), διά ταχέων (Thuc. 1.80, 3.13, al), and commonly διά βραχέων, μακρών, πλειόνων, but since ώδάν is at hand Graefe's δι* άμοιβαιάν may deserve consideration. 62 ώδάν for άοιδ- occurs only in the spurious 9.1, 2, 28, though T. admits φδ-, ασ-, beside άειδ-, άεισ- (ι.ΐ45, 148, 3-38, 5·3ΐ, Η·3θ). 63-80 The final songs consist of hexameters, which fall into couplets and so resemble the two songs in Id. 10. 64 μικκός: 15.12 η. όμαρτέω: Aesch. Prom. 677 βουκόλος δε γηγενής | άκρατος οργή ν "Αργός ώμαρτει. Similarly Η. Horn. $.jS οι δ' άμα βουσίν εποντο, Soph. Ο.Τ. 1125, ποίμναις.. .σννειπόμην, Tib. 1.10.41 ipse suas sectatur oues. 65 Λάμπουρε: ά π ό τοΰ λαμπράν εχειν την ούράν (Σ, with other explanations). So λάμπουρις = άλώπηξ (Aesch. jr. 433, Lye. 344, 1393), and λάμπουρος of foxes (apparently) in an epic fragment (Powell Coll. Al. p. 73.13). * κύον: for the lengthening at the penthemimerai caesura cf. 43, 74, 18.5 n.; but κύων should perhaps be preferred. ύπνος c. τ . : cf. 11.22. 66 IL 2.24, 61 ού χρή παννύχιον εύδειν βουληφόρον άνδρα. νέμοντα is not used absolutely in Τ. but the use is Homeric (Od. 9.233). T. does not hesitate so to use νομευειν (7.113) and ποιμαίνειν (11.65), and it is absurd to allege this as evidence of spuriousness. It has not been alleged against the poem, perhaps because it has not been observed, that T. has no example of the active νέμειν at all in a pastoral connexion. 68 The meaning is apparently that the grass will grow again before the sheep are tired of grazing: Virg. G. 2.201 et quantum longis carpent armenta diebus \exigua tantum gelidus ros node reponet. Others treat δκκα as causal—you will not suffer for it since the grass will grow again—but this seems less satisfactory in sense. δκκα has the last syllable long by nature here only. The quantity at 11.22, Epich./r. 165 is ambiguous; at 4.21, A.P. 6.353 (Nossis) it is a trochee, and the last syllable is elided both by T. (1.87, 4.56, 15.144) and by others (e.g. Epich./r. 216, Ar. Ach. 762). Seeing that κα is long, the trochaic scansion and the elision are remarkable (see Ahrens Dial. Dor. 382, Starkie on Ar. Ach. 732), but, however they are to be explained, δκκα here is a deviation from T.'s practice. It can be avoided by accepting δκκ' αυ from Meineke, but the poet, if not T., may conceivably have been misled by 11.22 δκκα γλυκύς ύπνος εχη με, in a context of which 65 may be another reminiscence.* 69 σίττα: 4.45 n. 70 ώρνες: ol άρνες, as ώλλοι 18.17, 22.178. ταλάρως: 5.86η. 72 κήμ': as Menalcas has made no similar claim (cf. 5.82, 90, 106, 114, 122), Daphnis must be supposed to mean that he is in the class of persons to w h o m young ladies make advances (cf. 11.79). His experiences closely resemble those of Comatas at 5.88, but Lacon's κήμέ at 5.90 has a point which Daphnis's has not. τ ώ άντρω: for the long vowel unshortened in hiatus at the second arsis cf. 2.51, 152, 11.12, 13.(15), 49, 16.25, 74, 24.90, 92, 25.197; cf. 10.50, epigr. 20.2 nn. σύνοφρυς: the word is used of brows contracted in a scowl (Dio Chrys. 33.54; cf. Eur. Ale. ηηη> Blaydes on Ar. Nub. 582), but Daphnis no doubt means eyebrows nearly joined over the nose—an admired trait: Anacreont. 15.15 έχέτω δ', δπως l8l
COMMENTARY
[73-82
εκείνη, | τ ό λεληθότως συνοφρυ, | βλεφάρων ΐτυν κελαινήν, Petron. 126 supercilia usque ad malarum saipturam currentia et rursus confinio luminum paene permixta, Brandt on Ο ν . A.A. 3.201. Μ(ε)ίξοφρυς was used by Cratinus (Jr. 430) and Pherecrates (fr. 21 Demian.), apparently in this sense. 73 καλόν κ α λ ό ν : 6.8 n., Euphorion/r. 175 (see 6.39 η.), Α.Ρ. 12.62 καλά μέν καλά τέκνα τέκεσθε, ib. 130, Bion 1.71. 74 ού μάν ουδέ is here plainly adversative: see Denniston Gk Part. 339. λ ό γ ο ν έ. ά. τ . π . : for the metre see 65η. Έκρίθην ά π ο = άττεκρίθην: for the anastrophic tmesis see 3 . 2 m . The passive aor. in place of άπεκρινάμην, though condemned by Phrynichus (see Rutherford New Phryn. 187), occurs three times in Machon (ap. Ath. 8.349D, 13.577 D, 5 8 2 D ) , and several times in Polybius (e.g. 4·3°·7» 31·!» Ι 5·5· 2 )» and it is regular in the L X X ; it is no more shocking in a nonAttic author 1 than TVs άμείφθην (7.27η.), and the 1st pers. sing, of the middle aor. in both verbs is debarred to writers of dactylic hexameters. The meaning, if the text is sound, will be But I gave her not even the bitter answer {let alone a complaisant one) but went on my way, and λόγων τον πικρόν would have the same meaning (cf. Hdt. 7.104, 233). Σ however have the unmetrical τ ό πικρόν (τό μή άποκριθηναί με πικρόν ή ν avrrrj), and it must be admitted that λόγον τον πικρόν is not very convincing though no conjecture of any plausibility has been suggested. Daphnis might be expected to say merely that he made no answer at all. 75 κάτω β λ έ ψ α ς : in modesty or embarrassment (Eur. Cycl. 211). So κάτω νευουσα (Α.Ρ. 5.253), είς γ ή ν βλέπειν (Julian Misop. 3 5 I A ) · Κάτω βλέπειν more commonly means to look downcast (see Headlam on Hdas 7.79). 76 fF. The meaning seems to be that Daphnis's pleasures are found elsewhere, and that a herdsman's business lies with his herd, not with young w o m e n in caves. άδ€ΐ* ά : K's άδέα possibly points, as Kaibel suggested, to άδέα ά (cf. 1.65 n.). T. himself does not favour hiatus at this place (26.37 before έργον). π ν ε ΰ μ α has been taken to mean the cow's breath and the wind, and the choice is not easy. The phrasing seems slightly to favour the former; and whereas the mooing of cows and sleeping by a stream in summer may be accounted universally pleasant, the pleasure of a breeze depends upon the weather's being hot enough to make it welcome. 77 interrupts the couplets in which the song is composed, and in spite of its presence in $ 1 must be a marginal citation from 9.7 which has been incorporated in the text. παρ* Οδωρ: 7.11in. αίθριοκοιτείν: the verb is used by Eustathius (725.46) and perhaps by Antyllus [ap. Stob. 4.37.30; but c£. Orib. 9.3.8). Cf. generally Virg. G. 2.469 speluncae uiuique lacus et frigida Tempe, | mugitusque bourn mollesque sub arbore somni, Hor. Epod. 2.23. 79f. Cf. 18.29. μαλίδι: μηλίς for the commoner μηλέα seems otherwise confined to Ibycus
Jr. 1. αύται: presumably alone; cf. 2.89η. 82 άδύ τ ι : 1.1; cf. also 1.61, 146. στόμα, in so far as it is distinguishable from φωνά, refers to the verses, φωνά to the singing voice in which they are delivered. N o doubt either w o r d might be used alone of the whole performance; cf. however Arist. H.A. 535 a28 φωνεϊ μέν οΰν ούδενΐ τ ω ν άλλων μορίων ουδέν πλην τ φ φ ά ρ ν γ γ ι * . . . διάλεκτος δ' ή της φωνής έστι τ η γλώτττ) διάρθρωση. Heralds and actors are naturally, if not inevitably, 1 There are examples even in Attic: Pherecr./r. 51, Plat. (?) Alcib. 2.149A. l82
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I D Y L L VIII
εύφωνοι and καλλίφωνοι, orators χρυσόστομοι, the emphasis being in the one case on the manner, in the other on the matter. The distinction is suitable here since the umpire is judging both elements in the performance; and his commendation resembles Gorgo's praise of the singer at 15.146 ολβία δσσα ίσατι, πανολβία ώς γλυκύ φωνεϊ (see p. 94)· 83 κρέσσον: 20.43» B i ° n ΐ-55· The form is regular in Pindar. λ ε ί χ ε ι ν : the w o r d is used, at any rate in comedy, of relishes or delicacies consumed only in small quantities: Ar. Vesp. 738 (χόνδρον), Pax 854 (άμβροσίαν), Equ. 103,1089 (έπίπαστα); cf. Plaut. Cos. 458 ut quia te tango mel mihi uideor lingere, Juv. 9.5, Calp. 4.151. 84 τάς σύριγγας: the two instruments, Menalcas's and his own, staked on the contest. Scaliger's τάς σύριγγος (Menalcas's syrinx, n o w forfeit) is no improve ment in sense, and though λά^εσθαι (-υσθαι) governs a gen. at Ar. Lys. 209 (where it means lay hold of) the uncompounded forms of the verb are commonly followed by the a c e , as at 15.21, 18.46 (where see n.). 85 τι probably =Jorte and goes with λής rather than διδάξαι: cf. 12.25, 15.70, 29.10. 86 μ ι τ ύ λ α ν : both the form and the meaning of the w o r d are uncertain. Σ (i) οι μέν χρώματος είδος τήν μντάλην, οι δε δνομα ήκουσαν, οι δε τελευταίαν· Καλλίμαχος (jr. 691)· Θήκατο | μ ή ε Ι ς | αίμα πιεΐν μύταλον. (ϋ) μιτύλαν αίγα φησι τήν μη ϋχουσαν κέρατα. Hesych. Μίτυλον εσχατον. νήτπον. Λακεδαίμονες. Μντιλον Ι σ χ α τ ο ν άφ' οΟ καΐ τόν νεώτατον. οϊ δέ καΐ τ ο άττοβαΐνον και ό νήπιος και ό νέος. Hdian 1.162.15 μύτιλος ό έσχατος. The second explanation in Σ seems to be derived from the Latin mutilus. τα δίδακτρα: the word does not occur elsewhere (Poll. 6.186 τ ω δέ παιδεύοντι διδασκαλεία). The definite article, common enough with predicates following verbs used copulatively (Gildersleeve Gk Synt. §668), is here somewhat unusual; cf. 17η. 87 κ ε φ ά λ α ς : 7.147η. άμολγέα: άγγεϊον δεκτικόν γάλακτος, Σ: and similarly Σ Α.Ρ. 9.224, though there the word might be taken to mean milker; cf. 25.106η. For the termination -εύς denoting a vessel cf. άμφορεύς, βδαλεύς, ψυγεύς. For the quantity of the last syllable cf. 2.45 Θησέα, Eur. El. 599, 763 φονέά, Theophil. jr. ι τροφέά, Euphron jr. 3 ψυγέά, Call.^r. 178.24 Πηλέά, 628 πορθμέά. Moeris (5, 192) asserts of other words in -ευς that the short α is Hellenic, the long Attic, and in Latin they commonly have the a short, as in porthmM (Juv. 3.266; cf. Mueller de Re Metr.1 496). See Kock on Philem./r. 80, K.B.G. 1.1.448, and cf. 12.29η. 88 It may be noted that this and the following simile are inverted, the behaviour of the boys being presented not as the matter compared but as the term of comparison; somewhat similar are 13.62, 14.39, *7·9· έχάρη καΐ άνάλατο: cf. 24.57· πλατάγησε: τάς χείρας έκρότησε, Σ. The uncompounded verb is not so used elsewhere, but cf. 9.22, //. 23.102 χερσί τε συμπλατάγησε, Τ. 3-29Π. 89 έπΙ ματέρι: the dat. seems slightly preferable to the ace. as emphasising the cause of the fawn's pleasure and so balancing νικάσας: cf., e.g., Ap. Rh. 4.996 επί δέ σφισι καγχαλάασκεν | π ά σ α πόλις· φαίης κεν έοΐς επί παισι γάνυσθαι. The simile somewhat resembles Od. 10.410 if. αλοιτο: 20n. 90 κατ€σμύχθη: 3.17η. άνετράπετο: Polyb. 21.25.8 ανετράπησαν ταϊς ψυχαΐς, Dion. Hal. 6.51 ούδεις γοΟν έστιν ούτως ωμός τόν τρόπον δς ούκ ανατρέπεται την ψνχήν όρων ταύτα, αϊ. The middle aor. however seems to be unusual.
183
COMMENTARY
[91-93
91 δμαθεϊσ': the meaning is probably given by the ms reading γαμηθεΐσ', but the passive aor. in this verb is late and the form γαμεθεϊσα, which looks like a metrical correction, is unexampled (cf. however Eustath. 758.53). άκάχοιτο: for this view of marriage cf. Soph. Jr. 583, Eur. Med. 230, Cat. 61.80, Tib. 3.4.31; for the opposite, e.g., Ap. Rh. 1.778. It may be observed however that the simile, which seems in any case incongruous, is also inept, for the bride's emotions are in no sense due to disappointment. 92 ποιμέσι: since Daphnis is an oxherd, π α ρ ά π . seems to mean έν νομεϋσι (7.28), and ποιμήν is perhaps so used in Homer (Od. 10.82if.) and at 20.19 in a spurious poem. T . is particular in this matter (see p. 170), but ποιμενικός at 1.23 implies a wider use of ποιμήν for herdsmen generally: Dio Chrys. 56.2 είσί τίνες ανθρώπων άρχοντες; ώσπερ έτεροι μέν αΙγών, έτεροι δέ ύών, οι δε τίνες ί π π ω ν , οι δέ και βοών, ξύμπαντες ούτοι οί καλούμενοι κοινή ποιμένες· ή ούκ ονέγνωκας τοϋτο το έπος Κρατίνου [fr. 281]· ποιμήν καθέστηκ', αίπολώ και βονκολώ; 93 όίκραβος: 5.87η. Et. Μ. 53· 2 όηφήβης* ό άρτι ακμάζων, and that is the form used elsewhere ( A P . 6.71, 12.124). For the meaning of άκρος in such compounds see 11.35 n. Ναΐδα: pp. 2, 31.
184
IDYLL IX PREFACE Subject. In the first six lines the poet, without introduction, twice invites Daphnis to sing to him, twice insists that Daphnis shall begin, and twice that Menalcas shall sing second; meanwhile their cattle are to graze untended. Daphnis in a song of seven lines extols his life as an oxherd and his resources for ensuring comfort in the hot weather. Menalcas replies with seven lines commending the comforts of his cave in the winter. The poet rewards Daphnis with a shepherd's staff and Menalcas with a conch shell. Then, invoking the Muses, he repeats (if the view here taken of 28-36 is correct) a song which he himself once sang to Daphnis and Menalcas. It consists of six lines in praise of minstrelsy. The poet gives no indication of his own calling, but since he converses with Daphnis and Menalcas these cannot be as in Id. 8 (8.in.) the mythical herdsmen of those names. Authenticity. Since Valckenaer it has been generally agreed that the poem cannot as a whole be ascribed to T., and, like Id. 8, it has sometimes been dismembered. The beginning (1-6) and the end (either from 28 or from 22) have generally been regarded as spurious, and 28-36 have sometimes been regarded as a kind of epilogue to a collection of T.'s bucolic idylls. This last opinion however has little to recom mend it,1 nor does it seem possible to accept any part of the poem as T.'s. The external evidence in its favour is virtually the same as that for Id. 8. The existence of ancient scholia shows that it passed in antiquity for T.'s, and therefore no weight can be attached to the fact that no papyrus fragments of it have so far been found. Like Id. 8, it is imitated by Virgil,2 but, again, this fact is less significant than the existence of scholia. Its peculiarities are less marked than those of Id. 8, though it shares with that Idyll αν for κα (24), ων for έών (21, 27, 29) and ώδά for άοιδά (ι, 2, 28, 32), and here, as there, Menalcas combines the occupations of shepherd and goatherd. The case against the poem however reposes rather on its inherent badness than upon details (see 10, 13, 16, 21, 3 inn.). The poet of Id. 8, if he is not T., is an imitator of taste and of some originality; this poem is hackwork, and one cannot imagine T. committing its absurdities at any period of his career. It seems plain therefore that the whole poem is spurious; it is less plain that it is a unity. The preface (1-6) is inconsistent with 7-21, for whereas Daphnis and Menalcas are both oxherds in 3, and Daphnis is so in 7 and 10, in 17 Menalcas is, by contrast, shepherd and goatherd; and whereas 1-6 introduce the poet as one speaker in a dramatic setting, 14 and 22-36 present him as the narrator. Moreover the relation of 28-36 to the rest of the poem is obscure (see 28η.). It is possible there fore that 1-6 and 28-36 should be separated from the rest, as has been suggested by 1 The contents of the lines arc not particularly suitable for such a purpose (they would indeed be more suitable to a proem), and τήνοισι νομπΰσι (29), even if Bucheler's άκουσα (28 n.) be accepted, would be unintelligible. Moreover it is not apparent why such an epilogue, if it existed, should be placed here, for there is no evidence of a collection containing Idd. 1-9 before Byzantine times or that the eclogae merae rusticae decent ascribed by Servius {proem, in buc. p. 3 Thilo) to T. ended with Id. 9. 2 Ε. η.si (20) and probably E. 3.58 (2): 7.20 (14) is less certain. There may be reminiscences of 9-20 also at O p p . Cyn. 2.34fF., and of 24 (where see n.) at Dion. Per. 340.
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[ι-5
those w h o thought 7-27 genuine. The absurdities of 7-21 are however such that their author may well be responsible for the difficulties and inconsistencies to be found elsewhere, and it seems best to regard the whole poem as a unity though a very poor one.
1 For the spondee preceding the bucolic diaeresis see 1.130η. There is no verse in T. in which the opening word ends with the end of the second foot; cf. however //. 1.388, 2.436, 18.123, Od. 16.338. ώδας: 8.62 n. 2 The epanalepsis resembles II. 20.371 τ ω δ' έγώ άντίος ειμί, και εΐ πυρί χείρας εοικεν, | εΐ πυρι χείρας εοικε μένος δ' αιθωνι σιδήρω, 22.127 α τ ε παρθένος ήίθεός τε, | παρθένος ήίθεός τ ' ό α ρ φ τ ο ν άλλήλοιιν, 23.641 δ μέν εμπεδον ήνιόχευεν, | εμπεδον ήνιόχεν/, δ δ' άρα μάστιγι κέλευεν, Call. Η. 5·4°· έ φ ε ψ ά σ θ ω : Virg. £.3.58 incipe Damoeta; tu deinde seauere Menalca. Of the three verbs offered by the mss συναψάσθω, which would presumably mean lend his aid (συνεργάτης ί-στω, Σ: Aesch. Pers. 724, 742), and έφαψάσθω, which is supposed to mean join in, follow, are unsuitable. For the hiatus see 7.8η.; but Gallavotti's σννεψάσθω should perhaps be preferred. The weak aor. of έπομαι does not occur elsewhere before Byzantine times though Hesych. has εψατο* ήκολούθησεν (cf. Lobeck Phryn. 719), nor is the compound verb used in this figurative sense. Μενάλκας: 8.in. 3 ύ φ έ ν τ ε ς : 4.4η. Daphnis and Menalcas both appear here to be regarded as oxherds, though the songs, by implication, contrast Menalcas as shepherd and goatherd (17) with the oxherd Daphnis (10). έ π ί : i.e. έφέντες. The meaning must be mating the bulls with the barren cows, and if the ms υ π ό is to have that sense, the two nouns should, for obvious reasons, change cases (cf. Palaeph. 39), and it is frivolous to suspect the poet of ignorance of so elementary a fact. Submittere is used in the sense here required for ύφιέναι at Nemes. Cyn. 114 huic parilem submitte marem, but this may arise from a misunder standing of Virg. E. 1.45, G. 3.73, where it appears to have another meaning, and will hardly serve as a defence; nor indeed does the use of ύφιέναι in two senses so markedly different seem probable even if the second is defensible. Έ π ί , which has slight authority, gives suitable sense but might be thought to involve also Legrand's έφέντες. For έφιέναι in this sense ci. Hdt. 3.85, Arist. H.A. 630b 8. It may be observed that if calves and cows, cows and bulls are to be united, they must first be separated (cf, e.g., 2 5 . 9 8 ^ , Od. 10.410), and the scene, unlike that of the other bucolic idylls, must be a steading with stalls and enclosures, not the open countryside. N o b o d y would infer this from the rest of the setting, and it is probable that the poet in this line has merely put down what he knows to be a herdsman's duties without considering whether they are here appropriate. στείραισι: sc. βουσί: Od. 10.522, 11.30, 20.186. 4 ά μ $ : 11.39, Pind. Ο. 3.21, P. 3.36, N . 5.11, 7.78; cf. Ar. Lys. 1259,1318. O n the orthography see Hdian 1.489.18, Schneider on Call. H. 5.75. βόσκοιντο: we might expect βοσκέσθων.. .πλανάσθων. φ ύ λ λ ο ι σ ι : the meaning seems to be among the flowers, for φύλλον must have that sense at 11.26, 18.39 and may have it at 22.106; cf. epigr. 3.1 n. Over the fallen leaves is unsuitable in sense, and in the woodland can hardly be extracted from the words. 5 άτιμαγελευντες: 14.43η., 25.132, Arist. H.A. 572b 16 ό δέ ταύρος, όταν ώρα της όχείας ή, τότε γίνεται σύννομος και μάχεται τοις άλλοις, τον δέ πρότερον χρόνον μετ' αλλήλων είσίν, δ καλείται άτιμαγελαν· πολλάκις y a p οι
ι86
6-Il]
IDYLL IX
γ ' έν τ η Ήπείρορ ου φαίνονται τριών μηνών, 6 ι ΐ a 2 άπόλλυνται 5έ καΐ ol ταύροι, δταν άτιμαγελήσαντες άποπλανηθώσιν, ύττό θηρίων, Α.Ρ. 6.2$5, O p p . Cyn. 2.50, Pearson on Soph./r. 1026. Since the w o r d is used only of bulls, οι will be ol ταΟροι, not all the animals mentioned in the preceding line. 6 The line is superfluous and its apparent contents are foolish. It was ejected by Meineke, but the poet may have thought that the position of the singers should be defined as at 5.44ΓΓ. It is also seriously corrupt and the reading printed is no more than provisional. For εμποθεν Briggs proposed εκποθεν, alicunde (Ap. Rh. 2.224, 824, 3.262, 1289). Since this w o r d is recorded in N o n . it may have been the reading of cod. Patavinus, but the sense is unsatisfactory, and though Quintus uses the word freely both with (e.g. 3-696, 8.343, 9-257) and without (e.g. 8.61, 9.242, 11.230) a genitive, Apollonius has only the former use. Outside these two authors it hardly occurs. Cholmeley's έκ τόθεν provides a contrast (of a kind) with άλλοθε: έκ τόθεν is temporal at Ap. Rh. 1.1078, 2.531 but may possibly be local at 4.627, and τόθεν is so at Hes. Scut. 32, Aesch. Pers. 99, Call. H. 3.114, Ap. Rh. 4.639. "Αλλοθε δ' αύτις ύποκρίνοιτο may be a conjecture, but the verb is suitable, whereas no k n o w n sense of προσκρίνεσθαι fits this context. jf, γαρύεται: for the long υ in the present stem of this verb cf. Hesych. ό π α γηρύοντες, Aesch. Prom. 78, A.P. 7.201, Orph. Arg. 432. This somewhat fatuous couplet seems to be inspired by 8.76. κ ή γ ώ ν : the poet appears to have forgotten that Daphnis is himself a βονκόλος. 9 παρ' ύ δ ω ρ : 7.11m. στιβάς: 3.32η. 10 έκ: η.τ$τι. δέρματα: perhaps suggested by 5·50» 56, but hides, though used for such purposes by Homeric heroes (//. 10.155, Od. 1.108), would not, like fleeces, provide a soft bed, nor, in hot weather, an agreeable one. άπάσας: the word seems pointless, whether it means that all Daphnis's heifers were blown off the cliff or that the hides on his couch come from heifers so killed and from no others, but the variant άπ* άκρας, which imports a redundant pre position, appears to be only a gloss on άττό σκοπιάς, and Meineke's άπώσας is not very attractive with έτίναξε, though Plat. Phaedr. 229 c πνεύμα Βορέου κατά τών πλησίον π ε τ ρ ώ ν . . . ώσαι, Phoenix Jr. 1.10 κατά πετρών ώθει, lend it some support. 11 λΐψ: Sen. Nat. Qu. 5-16.5 ab occidente hiberno Africus furibundus et mens apud Graecos λίψ dicitur, Isid. Nat. Rer. 37 Africus, qui dicitur Lips, ex Zephyri dextro latere intonans, generat tempestates et pluuias, Jacit nubium collisiones et sonitus tonitruomm et crebrescentium fulgorum uisus et fulminum impulsus. The identification of λίψ with Africus is made also at Plin. N.H. 2.119, Gell. 2.22.12, and elsewhere, and the name is derived from Libya (Arist. fr. 238) or that of Libya from the wind (Isid. Or. 14.5.1). Theophrastus (fr. 5.51) implies that λίψ is specially prevalent in the neighbourhood of Cnidus and Rhodes, and he cites the line λίψ άνεμος τ α χ ύ μέν νεφέλας τ α χ ύ δ 1 αίθρια ποιεί. The reputation of Africus as a stormy wind is familiar from Latin poets (e.g. Virg. Aen. 1.85 aeber procellis, Hor. C. 1.3.12 praeceps, Epod. 16.22 protemus), and both in the eastern and in the western Mediter ranean the S.W. wind in winter is accompanied by violent gusts (Mediterr. Pilot 1 (1937).14, 4(1929).7). The accident here mentioned is therefore perhaps not incredible, though it is surprising that it should be so casually mentioned. The animals moreover seem to have been behaving more like goats than cows. κόμαρον: 5.129 η . έτίναξε: the verb is commonly used of imparting motion to a stationary object, e.g. of a wind stirring a tree (Ap. Rh. 2.1100, 4.1685), or cordage {id. 2.726),
187
COMMENTARY
[12-20
or the surface of the sea (id. 1.521). With the help of the preposition it here means dislodge. Similar is Nic. 77/. 193 (ώεα) έξ υμένων έτίναξε, and Αρ. Rh. 1.1196 δαπέδοιο τινάξας dispenses with that aid. 12 μβλεδαίνω: Τ. uses the verb c. ace. (10.52), but cf. Theog. 1129 πενίης θυμοφθόρου οΰ μελεδαίνων | ούδ' ανδρών έχθρων. φ ρ ύ γ ο ν τ ο ς : ό.ιό, 12.9. 13 The text is uncertain. The definite article τό is prosy and, unless the construction is wantonly varied from the previous line, in the wrong case; μύθων, though it can be defended (e.g. by Od. 12.340, Aesch. Prom. 40), is superfluous. Σ (λείπει τό παίδες) took έρώντι for the indie, and Hermann, despite the note, wrote όσσον παίδες έρώντι πατρός και μ. ά.: but children are not universally or even generally disobedient to their parents, and better sense is given by έρών γ ε . . . ακούει (Kiessling) or έρώντι πατρός μέλεται και μ. άκούειν (Bucheler). The comparison is not well chosen, for Daphnis disregards the heat because he is protected against it, whereas those who disregard their parents* injunctions do so because inclination points another way; cf. 2 i n . 15 Αϊτνα μάτερ έμά: 1.65, Pind. /. 1.1 μάτερ έ μ ά . . .χρύσασπι Θήβα, Ρ. 8.98, A.P.6.SI. κ ή γ ώ : Menalcas means, not that he has a cave like Daphnis, for Daphnis has not laid claim to one, but that he too has comforts to boast of (cf. 8.72η.). ιό ev όνείρω: Menalcas's dreamland compares unfavourably with that of T / s rustics, whose thoughts run on statues of gold (10.33). 17 φαίνονται: 8.42η. 18 προς: 7.111η. 19 δρυΐνω: of oak logs, as Theogn. 1360 κληματίνω πυρί, Soph. Ant. 123 πευκάενθ' Ήφαιστον, Tryph. 214 πευκήεντος.. .πυρός, Virg. Aen. 11.786 pineus ardor. χ ό ρ ι α : βρώματα δια μέλιτος και γάλακτος γιγνόμενα (Ath. 14.646E; cf. Hesych. s.v.). Σ: (i) χόρια δέ τ ά τών εμβρύων αγγεία, εΐώθασι γ α ρ έν γάλακτι [Wendel: έν γ η mss] καταπλάσσοντες και ξηραίνοντες όπτάν, εΐτα έσθίειν ταύτα. . . . χ ό ρ ι α δε καλουσι τους υμένας ους πληρούσι του άμελχθέντος γάλακτος, έσβίουσι δε θέντες ύ π ό τ ό πύρ. (ii) χόρια τ ά αγγεία τ ώ ν εμβρύων ή αϊ ά π ό τών εντέρων πλεκόμεναι χορδαί. The word χόριον is used primarily of the afterbirth and other similar integuments (cf. i o . n n . ) , which might be used to contain various forms of food. In Comedy however, where χόρια are mentioned in several lists of comestibles, their association with beestings (πυός: Ar.frr. 318, 569, Eubul. n o ) , with cheese (Anaxandr. fr. 41.44), or with both (Alex. fr. 172), suggests a dish predominantly of milk rather than of meat. Probably therefore they are rightly described by Athenaeus, w h o enumerates them among πέμματα, πλακούντες, and similar confections. O n the other hand it would appear from Ar. fr. 569 that in Attica χόρια are out of season or unobtainable in winter, and if this poet could be trusted in such a matter, he might be supposed to be thinking of some other dish. Fritzsche's attempt (Ar. Thesm. p. 594) to distinguish the meanings of χόρια and χόριον is plainly unjustified. ζει: Brunck's ^έει may be right, but cf. II. 21.362 ως δέ λέβης ^εϊ ένδον, Η. Horn. 5-237 τ ο ^ δ' ή τοι φωνή ρεΐ άσπετος, and, for the long syll. unshortened before a vowel at the end of the 4th foot, Od. 21.51 ή δ' άρ' έφ' υψηλής σανίδος βή· ένθα δέ χηλοί. Τ . however has no such instance. Cf. also 1.130, 15.1121m. 20 φ α γ ο ί : the fruit of the φηγός is said to be sweeter than that of other δρύες (Theophr. H.P. 3.8.2), it is mentioned as the food of poor (Alex. fr. 162, Dio Chrys. 6.62) or primitive (Ap. Rh. 4.265, Lye. 482, al.) people, and its dietetic
188
21-23]
IDYLL IX
qualities when raw and when cooked are discussed (Hippocr. Vict. 2.55: 6.564L.; cf. Ath. 2.54c). Twice elsewhere roasted φηγοί are mentioned as τραγήματα (Ar. Pax 1137, Plat. Rep. 372c; see 7.66η.). The identification of the tree, which is mentioned by T. at 12.8, has been the subject of much discussion, but it seems reasonably plain that it is neither beech nor chestnut, but a species of oak (see RE 3.972, 5.2030); Menalcas's φαγοί will therefore be acorns; cf. 5.94η. χειμαίνοντος: so ύοντος Ar. Vesp. 774 (where see Blaydes), Xen. Hell. 1.1.16, συσκοτά^οντος Lys. Jr. 75, Plut. Caes. 32. The noun to be supplied is Ζηνός (4.43, Hes. W.D. 415 όμβρήσαντος | Ζηνός) or του θεοΟ (Polyb. 31.21.9 συσκοτά^οντος άρτι του θεοϋ). See K.B.G. 2.1.33, 2.81, Headlam on Hdas 2.85. ουδ' δσον: not at all, nothing. Call. H. 2.36 ούποτε Φοίβου | θηλείαις ούδ* δσσον έπι χνόος ήλθε παρειαΐς, Αρ. Rh. 1.482 οίς ούδ' δσον Ισοφαρίζεις | ήνορέην, 2.189 έλείπετο δ' άλλοτε φορβής | ουδ* δσον, άλλοτε τυτθόν, id. 1.290, 2.181, 3.519» 4-1700, Α.Ρ. 5.188, 212, 9-224, 291, Maneth. 3.22, Philet. jr. 7 Powell γαληναίη δ* έπιμίσγεαι ούδ* δσον δσσον, Phryn. Pr. Soph. 3.3 apyupiov έχει ουδ* δ σ ο ν οίον ουδέ τ ο βραχύτατον, Maneth. 6.66, ηι$ μηδ* δσσον. Similarly with ουδέ or μηδέ serving also as a copula, Maneth. 2.159, 3-371· The idiom no doubt arises from the use of δσον in the sense of a little, just: 22.195, 25.73, Ap. Rh. 1.183 δσον άκροις | ΐχνεσι τεγγόμενος, ib. 1.938, 2.112, 1129, 4.1271, Α.Ρ. 5.255. See Headlam on Hdas 7.33. 21 ή as though ουδ' δσον had been ουδέν μάλλον or ούδεμίαν άλλην: Aeschin. ι.51 ούκ άν ώκνησα αυτόν ουδέν αϊτιάσ6αι ή δπερ ό νομοθέτης παρρησιά^εται, Plut. Τ. Gracch. 6 ουδέν ή τον λιβανωτόν.. .λαβών, K.B.G. 2.2.304. The comparison, like the simile in 13, is imperfect, for to Menalcas the cold weather is an evil against which he is protected, whereas to the toothless nuts are a pleasure which they are obliged to forgo. καρύων: Ath. 2.52A ol Αττικοί και οί άλλοι συγγραφείς κοινώς πάντα τα άκρόδρυα κάρυα λέγουσιν Επίχαρμος δε κατ* εξοχήν ώς ημείς* Καπυρά τ ρ ώ γ ω ν κάρυ\ άμυγδάλας [Jr. 150). Where the word is used specifically, as in Epicharmus, it appears to mean walnuts, κάρυα βασιλικά, but the general sense suffices here. More precise is Phryn. C o m . Jr. 68 τους δέ γομφίους | απαντάς έξέκοψεν, ώστ* | ούκ άν δυναίμην Ναξίαν | άμυγδάλην κατάξαι. ά μ ύ λ ο ι ο : άμυλος δέ ό άρτος ό άνευ μύλου γενόμενος* άποβρέχοντες γ α ρ τον πυρόν άποθλίβουσι, Σ. "Αμυλον is included by Athenaeus (14.647 F) among πλακούντων γένη: άμυλος by Pollux (6.72) among άρτων είδη. The gender of the comestible, where visible elsewhere (e.g. Ar. Ach. 1092, Pax 1195, Plat. Com. Jr. 174), is masculine (cf. Phot, s.v.), but a dozen allusions in Old and Middle Comedy show only that meat was sometimes served on it (Tclecl./r. 32, Pherecr./r. 108). Plutarch (Mor. 466D) mentions άμύλια as delicate or invalid fare, and the dithyrambic description in Philox./r. 3.9 implies that milk and honey were among its ingredients. Presumably therefore it is some form of soft, sweet cake or bread. The neuter άμυλον commonly means starch, which is extracted from the unmilled grain by soaking it in water (Diosc. 2.101, Plin. N.H. 18.76). παρόντος: cf. 27, 29; 8.51 n. 22 μ ε ν : there is no formally answering δέ, but the particle appears to contem plate by way of contrast the speaker's own song. If so, it looks forward to 28 and is an argument against separating 28-36 from 22-7. έπεπλατάγησα: i.e. επεκράτησα. The word occurs elsewhere only in an Alexandrian epic fragment (Powell Coll. Al. 75), where the ace. χείρας is added; cf. 3.29, 8.88nn. 23 κορύναν: 7.19 η.
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COMMENTARY
[24-28
24 α υ τ ο φ υ ή : of natural growth. Polyb. 9.27.4 πέτρας περιρρώγος ή μέν αυτοφυούς ή δέ χειροποίητου: contrast Hdt. 1.195 σκήπτρον χειροποίητον. The κορυνη, like that at j.19 (from which it is no doubt borrowed), is probably a λαγωβόλον (4.49 n.) whose curvature is not due to artificial bending by a τέκτων (7-45 n.). #v: 8.35 η. μωμάσατο: Dion. Per. 340 δρος άνδιχα τέμνει | ορθόν, άτ* έκ στάθμης Ιθυμμένον ουκ άν εκείνο | ίδρις μωμήσαιτο σοφής υποεργός Άθήνης. 25 στρόμβω and κ ό χ λ ω (27) seem both to be used of any spiral shell and the creature which inhabits it (see RE 2 A 595, 613). This specimen must be large if the meat is to be divided into five portions, and the poet is perhaps thinking of tritonium nodosum, the shell of which is still sometimes converted into a trumpet by cutting off the tip. For στρόμβος as a trumpet, cf. Lye. 250 στρόμβω τον αίματηρόν [άρμόττειον Μ. Schmidt] έξάρχων νόμον (Σ: στρόμβω δέ τω κόχλω), Plut. Mor. 713 Β τ α θρέμματα.. .σιγμο!ς δέ καΐ ποππυσμοϊς άμελέσιν ή σύριγξι καΐ στρόμβοις έγείρουσι καΐ κατευνά^ουσι πάλιν ol νέμοντες, Σ Nic. Al. 393 τ ο ν δέ στρόμβον, δν 2λεγον ol αρχαίοι δστρακον των κογχυλίων, οίς καΐ έχρώντο αντί σάλπιγγος, Sext. Emp. 753 ·ΐ ι Bekk., Hesych. σ ά λ π ι γ ξ · . . .παρ' Άρχιλόχω δέ τόν στρόμβον. For κόχλος, cf. 22.75» Eur. I.T. 303, Mosch. 2.124, Stob. 4·3 Ι ·7 0 \ Ath. 10.457 Β · m Latin concha, though not rare in this sense, is usually wielded by a sea-god; cf. however Virg. Aen. 6.171. αυτός presumably goes primarily with δοκεύσας rather than with σιτήθην. 26 Ίκαρίαισι: the adj. must refer to the island of Icaros or Icaria some 70 miles N . W . of Cos, or possibly more generally to the Icarian sea (Strabo 10.488) between Naxos and Caria. The variant Ύκκαρίεσι, pointing to Ύκ(κ)αρίαισι (Ziegler), or -ικαΐσι (Bergk), transfers the scene to the N. coast of Sicily and the town of Hyccara sacked by Nicias in 415 B.C. (Thuc. 6.62) and the birth-place of Lais (Steph. Byz. s.v.). Σ wish to relate the adj. Ίκαρίαισι to Sicily, perhaps in reference to Hyccara, δ γάρ λέγων άγροΐκος Σικελός. The speaker is the poet, who need not be a Sicilian even if Menalcas (15) is one; and I have argued elsewhere that geographical adjectives need not be taken seriously in Bucolic (Introd. p. xx). Moreover if Hyccara is rightly identified with Carini, some 12 or 13 miles N.w. of Palermo, it is a very long way from Etna. δοκεύσας: the verb is used of sharp observation employed in fighting (e.g. ll. Γ 3·545)» ambushing (Pind. O. 10.30), guarding (e.g. Ap. Rh. 2.1269), spying (Eur. Bacch. 984), and so on. It is suitably used therefore of a dog hunting (77. 8.340), a snake seeking its prey (Nic. Th. 471), or even a man killing a hedgehog (A.P. 6.45), but not very suitably where, as here, the victim has merely to be seen to be secured (cf. 21.42η.). In later Greek (e.g. Norm. D. 2.51) it means no more than to see, and it is difficult to give it much more meaning here. 27 πέντε τ α μ ώ ν : i.e. είς πέντε μέρη. Aeschin. 3-197 e^S τρία μέρη διαιρείται ή ήμερα, Dem. 10.51 είς δύο ταϋτα διήρητο τά των 'Ελλήνων, Εν. Marc. 15-38 έσχίσβη είς δύο. For the omission of the preposition cf. H. Horn. 4.128 εσχισε δώδεκα μοίρας, Plut. Per. 27 οκτώ μέρη διελών το παν πλήθος, and see 3.2m. ούσιν: 8.5 m . έ γ κ α ν α χ ή σ α τ ο : the verb does not occur elsewhere. Καναχεΐν and καναχή are used of a cock crowing (Cratin.^r. 259), and of various musical instruments (e.g. Pind. P. 10.39, Ap. Rh. 4.907). 28 ff. These three lines appear to be an invocation of the bucolic Muses as a prelude to the poet's own song, modelled distantly on the shorter Homeric Hymns—e.g. 13 Δήμητρ* ήύκομον σεμνήν 6εόν άρχομ* άείδειν, | αυτήν και κούρην, 190
I D Y L L IX
3i]
περικαλλέα Περσεφόνειαν. | χαίρε θεά καΐ τήνδε σάω πόλιν, άρχε δ* άοιδής, or 7.58 χαίρε τέκος Σεμέλης εύώπιδος· ουδέ π η Ιστι | σεΐό γ ε ληθόμενον γλυκερή ν κοσμήσαι άοιδήν (cf. 1.144 η.). As however all that is said about the Muses does not precede but follows, it may be doubted whether χαίρετε means farewell or hail. The last six lines are not altogether satisfactory as a song since the enthusiasm for the Muses, which is their only content, pursues the theme of 28-30, and one might expect them, if intended for a song, to be marked off from 28-30 by an introductory line disclosing their nature more clearly. Bucheler, w h o regarded 1-6 as spurious and 28-30 as a fragment not of the epilogue but of the prelude, accepted ωδάς | τάς and wrote άκουσα for άεισα: and this text has been adopted by others who leave the lines in their present position. The further correction τόκ' for ποκ' in 29 (Meineke) then seems inevitable. If this be accepted, the songs are those of Daphnis and Menalcas, and 28-36 will form an epilogue to 1-27. For that purpose however they are over elaborate, and, as the injunction in 28, where φαίνετε must mean utter or disclose (Od. 8.499 δ δ' ορμηθείς θεοϋ ήρχετο, φαίνε δ* άοιδήν: cf. Aesch. Eum. 569), is more naturally understood of a disclosure still to come than of one already made, it is probably better to accept 31-6 as a third song. In favour of this view it may be argued that the intellectual pleasures which they depict form a not unsuitable pendant to the more material pleasures described by the herdsmen. If ποκ' in 29 be retained, it seems to imply that the poet's performance was on some other occasion than that on which the two preceding pieces were sung. This is not obviously unsuitable, though Meineke's τόκ' has some attractions. For another view of 28-36 see p. 185. τήνοισι: 7.104 η. ό λ ο φ υ γ γ ό ν α : ή έττΐ της Υλώττης φλύκταινα. λέγουσι δέ αυτήν ol 'Αττικοί όλοφυκτίδα. όταν αύτη γένηται επί τ η Υλώττη, εΐώθασι λέγειν at γυναίκες ώς άττοτεθεΐσάν σοι μερίδα ουκ άπέδωκας, Σ. The explanation is repeated by Photius (s.v. όλοφυκτίς), w h o adds that the same penalty is incurred by speaking ill of an absent beauty; 1 another note in Σ imposes it on τοις μηδέν π ρ ά γ μ α ευλόγως κρίνουσιν. In the two last explanations the punishment fits the offence, but the offence has no relevance to this context. In the first, the exact nature of the offence is not plain but it appears to involve secret hoarding. If so, the poet's song (or, if the other view be taken of 27 and 28, the songs of the rustics) may be regarded as a trust which he must no longer (μηκέτι) keep to himself. For similar beliefs cf. 12.24 η., Hor. C. 2.8.3. Σ explain the 2nd pers. φύσης as addressed to one of the Muses or, still more absurdly, to Daphnis or Menalcas. Graefe's φύσω, on the analogy of φύειν ττώγωνα, οδόντας, πτερά, etc. provides the most natural construction, though J. H. Voss's φύση (with ωδά for subject), which is a somewhat easier correction, could be defended by Od. 10.393 τ Ρ^χ £ 5· · ·&5 ττριν εφυσε | φάρμακον ούλόμενον. 31-5 T h e poet twice essays a figure of which examples may be found at 8.79 f., 10.30 f., 12.3 ff. Schematically it is: As A is to B, as C to D , as Ε to F, . . . so is X to Y. His first attempt (3if.) takes the form: as A to A, B to B, C to C, so is X to Y, and is, even so, inept since the mutual devotion of cicadas and of hawks is not remark able, and the devotion of the ant is rather to the community than to the individual. The poet is no doubt thinking vaguely of proverbial phrases of this kind: Arist. Rhet. 1371b 15 όθεν καΐ αϊ παροιμίαι είρηνται, ώς ήλιξ ήλικα τέρπει, και ως αΐεΐ τόν δμοιον, καΐ έγνω δέ θήρ θήρα, και άεΐ κολοιός π α ρ ά κολοιόν, και όσα άλλα τοιαύτα, Epich. Jr. 173 και γ ά ρ ά κύων κυνί | κάλλιστον είμεν φαίνεται, και βώς βοΐ, | όνος δ' δνω κάλλιστον ύς δέ θην ύί: cf. Democr. fr. 164, Com. Adesp. 1206, x
Υπέρ απόντος καλοΟ ή καλής. Ahrens proposed ύ. ά. φίλου μή καλώς.
Ι9ΐ
COMMENTARY
[32-36
Xen. Econ. 10.7. His second attempt (33-5), owing to the omission of datives in the first two terms, is, if the text is sound: as At as C, as Ε to F, so is X to Y. The missing datives can be accounted for by supposing with Wordsworth a line lost after 33 (which would make this song equal in length to the two others), and by emendation in 34 (έργατίναις for έξαπίνας Heinsius), but sleep and spring are so universally welcome that suitable particularising datives are not easily found; and indeed their omission, indispensable as they are to the sense, is probably due to that cause. Whether these six lines are a song to be set beside 7-13 and 15-21 or an epilogue, they are the work of an incompetent imitator of bucolic poetry and show the same kind of ineptitude as 13, 21, and perhaps 3, where see nn. 32 ΐ ρ η κ ε ς : the w o r d is used generally of small hawks and falcons, of which Callimachus (Jr. 420) appears to have distinguished six or eight species, and Aristotle (H.A. 620322) ten or more. 33 δόμος: cf. 22.222η. ύ π ν ο ς : this somewhat surprising comparison might be suggested by Aristotle's hymn to αρετή (Diog. Laert. 5.1.7): τοΐον έπί φρένα βάλλεις | καρπόν τ* άθάνατον χρνσοΟ τε κρείσσω | και γονέων μαλακαυγήτοιό Θ* ύπνου, but γλυκύς is a common epithet of sleep (11.24 η.). 34 έ ξ α π ί ν α ς : the adv. appears to be used adjectivally = έξαπίνας φανέν. Somewhat similar are 24.111 (where see n.), Arat. 1094 ήττειρόθεν άνήρ, II. 6.450 αλλ* ου μοι Τρώων τόσσον μέλει άλγος όπίσσω (sc. έσόμενον); cf. Tyrt.fr. 11.13. In most of the instances cited the adv. is either articulated or may be taken with the verb (see Starkie on Ar. Nub. 1120); a border-line case is Dem. 19.141 πρώτον μεν τοίνυν ε!ρήνη γ έ γ ο ν ' αύτοΐς. . . είτα των έχθρων Φωκέων άρδην όλεθρος και όλων τ ω ν τειχών και τών πόλεων άναίρεσις. In favour of έξαπίνας it may perhaps be urged that the sentence το εαρ έξαπίνας γλυκύ έστιν would hardly excite surprise, but the use is sufficiently odd to leave the text under some suspicion. 35 τόσσον is illogical, since the turn of the sentence requires ή, and it is not made notably easier if, as has been suggested, it is regarded as a relative (cf. 4.39 n.). It may well be due to 12.8, where a similar figure is so turned that τόσσον is correct. όρεΟντι: view with favour, 4.7η., Call. Ep. 23 Μοΰσαι γ α ρ όσους ίδον όμματι παϊδας | άρχιβίους, πολιούς ούκ άπέθεντο φίλους, Hes. 77/. 82 (see 7.82η.); cf. Call. β. 1-4736 γαθεΟσαι: I accept, with some hesitation, Brunck's correction, which (unless wc write τ ώ σ δ ' ) makes δε apodotic (1.1m.)—a circumstance which may explain the substitution of γαθεύσιν. If γαθευσιν be kept, the meaning will be those whom they regard rejoice, but those whom they do not, Circe bewitches, i.e. they are beasts. This interpretation is given by Σ and by Eustathius (10.18, 1656.54), and the negative ou for μή can be defended (K.B.G. 2.2.192), but the sense required of π ο τ ώ δαλήσατο Κίρκα seems over-emphatic, and γαθευσιν should be γαθεϋντι. It should be said however that if a verb of seeing used with this colour is to be further defined, one would expect it to be with a phrase denoting favour to the person viewed (e.g. Call. H. 3.129 οίς δέ κεν εύμειδής τε καΐ ΐλαος αύγάσσηαι), whereas γαθεϋσαι should denote pleasure to the viewer. Κίρκα: Tib. 3.7.61 solum nee doctae uerterunt pocula Circes.
192
IDYLL X PREFACE Subject. The scene is a harvest-field. One of the reapers, Bucaeus, is lagging behind the rest and is taken to task by Milon, who is perhaps the foreman of the gang. His rough but not unfriendly questions elicit the fact that Bucaeus has fallen in love with Bombyca, a flute-girl whom he has encountered while harvesting on another farm. Milon rallies him on his plight and tells him to strike up a love-song in praise of the girl. Thus encouraged Bucaeus delivers himself of an encomium in seven couplets. Milon receives it with mocking commendation, and in his turn sings seven couplets of rustic maxims, gibes, and exhortations, which he ascribes to the Phrygian hero Lityerses (see 41η.). That, he says, is the sort of song for a labourer, not Bucaeus's sentimental ditty. The two songs are probably to be thought of as the musical accompaniment to the work of the harvesting gang (7.29 η.). On the couplets into which they fall see p. 16. Relation to other Idylls. Id. 10 differs from the other bucolic Idylls in that its setting is agricultural, not pastoral. It differs also in that it provides a sharp contrast of character between the two interlocutors. Bucaeus's nearest of kin is the love-sick and poetical goatherd in Id. 3: Milon is the most realistically drawn of all T/s rustic characters, surpassing in this respect Battus and Cory don of Id. 4, Comatas and Lacon of Id. 5. The juxtaposition gives the Idyll a piquancy somewhat resembling that provided by the implied comparison with urban manners in Id. 3 (see p. 64). Models. The main theme—the repining lover rallied by his heart-whole friend— had no doubt been handled frequently before, but the resemblance to the dialogue between two slaves with which Menander's Heros opens deserves mention. Names. The mss name the interlocutors Battus and Milon. The first name is due to the fact that Βουκαΐε in 1.1 was not recognised as a proper noun, and Battus was therefore supplied from Id. 4, where it occurs .in conjunction with Milon.
Ι Βουκαΐε: at Nic. Th. 5 and Jr. 90 βουκαΐος is a substantive, apparendy = βουκόλος, and the word was so understood here by Σ and others. The person addressed is however a harvester, who is not, at any rate at present, concerned with cattle, and the chiastic correspondence of Μίλων όψαμάτα makes it clear that BOUKCUOS here and at 57 is a name. At 38 ΒοΟκος, which seems to be a shortened form, is shown by the absence of the article to be a name, and is so acknowledged by Σ. Βονκόλος and Βούτας are known as names, and, according to Σ, Diphilus of Laodicea either so understood βονκαϊος at Nic. Ther. 5 (where he cannot have been right), or recognised it as a name in Τ. Βουκαΐε is a v.I. for the reproachful βονγάιε (quadrisyllable) of//. 13.824, Od. 18.79, which in the former place was explained by Nicander (fr. 131) to be the term for milk-drinkers in Dulichium and Samos. This however does not appear to help. GT
11
193
13
COMMENTARY
[2-7
φ ζ υ ρ έ : 7.119η. For the crasis ( = ώ οΐ^υρέ) see Ar. Nub. 655, Vesp. 1504, 1514, Lys. 948. The trisyllabic forms of the adj. have the υ short in Attic; cf. however A P . 7.283, 336, 738, 9.335. πεπόνθεις: ι . ΐ 0 2 η . 2 τ ό ν : the definite article seems preferable to the possessive adj. though έος (or δς) for σός occurs at 17.50, Call. H. 3.103, Αρ. Rh. 2.634, 3.140, a\.\ cf. 12.4η. δ γ μ ο ν : II. 11.67 &S τ ' άμητηρες έναντίοι άλλήλοισιν | δγμον έλαύνωσιν ανδρός μάκαρος κατ* άρουραν | πυρών ή κριθέων τ α δέ δράγμοττσ ταρφέα πίπτει. There, as in Τ., the word means the line cut in the standing crop by the reaper. Besides other meanings covered by the English swathe (II. 18.552, 557, H. Horn. 2.455, Sositheus j r . 2.10), it is used of the furrow cut by the plough (II. 18.546) and, later, in more extended senses of lines or courses. The word is discussed by T. Kalen in Apophoreta Gotoburg. V. Lundstrom Oblata 394. ayciv: for έλαύνειν (II. n . 6 8 above, Arat. 749, Nic. Th. 571) as άγειν τείχος (Thuc. 6.99), τάφρον (Plut. Ages. 39). Suva: on the form see Rutherford New Phryn. 463, Lobeck Phryn. 359, K.B.G. 1.2.68. 3 λαοτομεΐς: the word does not occur elsewhere, τ ω π λ α τ ί ο ν : 5.28 η. 4 ποίμνας: for the gen. cf., e.g., Xen. Mem. 4.2.40 ουκ άπελείπετο έτι αύτοϋ, Od. 9·448 ου τι πάρος γε λελειμμένος ερχεαι οίων. The reapers advancing across the field are regarded not (as 3 alone might suggest) as competitors in a race but as a band from which Bucaeus has become separated. κάκτος: according to Theophr. H.P. 6.4.10 the plant is confined to Sicily, and the statement has been used to fix the scene of the Idyll. It is however improbable that T., if he knew the fact, would be disturbed by it, and the plant was known to Philetas (Jr. 16 Powell νεβρδς άττό ψυχήν όλέσασα | όξείης κάκτου τύμμα φυλαξαμένη), from w h o m Τ. may well here be borrowing, and also to Nicander (Al. 126), and neither has any known connexion with Sicily. The passages collected at Ath. 2.70 D provide most of the examples of the word, which seems to denote some form of thistle or artichoke; cf. RE 2.1455, Greece and Rome 6.85. Ι τ υ ψ ε : 4.51η. 5 δείλαν: II. 21.111 ή ήώ$ ή δείλη ή μέσον ήμαρ. The meaning is rather at evening than during the evening; cf. 1.15 η. καί: or even: Thuc. 7.68 ώς δέ εχθροί καΐ εχθιστοι, πάντες ΐστε, Plat. Tim. 75Β βίον αν διπλούν καί π ο λ λ α π λ ο υ ν . . .του νυν κατεκτήσατο, Denniston Gk Part. 291. 6 αύλακος: sc. του δγμου. The word is not elsewhere used in the sense of swathe. άποτρώγεις: get your teeth into. Somewhat similar are Ar. Ran. 462 ου μή διατρίψεις άλλα γεύσει της θύρας, Cat. 35-7 M*dw uorabit. η Μίλων: 4 6 n . ό ψ α μ α τ α : coined presumably on the analogy of Hes. W.D. 490 όψαρότης, though in that compound όψέ means late in the season, not as here late in the day. πέτρας ά π . ά τ . : the figure is used of physical firmness (Od. 17.463 δ δ* έστάθη ήύτε πέτρη | εμπεδον) but it is very much commoner of mental insensibility (e.g. Aesch. Prom. 242 σιδηρόφρων τε κάκ πέτρας είργασμένος, Eur. H.F. 1397 γενοίμην πέτρος άμνήμων κακών, Med. 1279; cf. 3.18 η.), and άτέραμνος is the adj. applied by Odysseus to Penelope (Od. 23.167). Bucaeus may not exclude from view Milon's prowess in the harvest-field, but he is rather anticipating the negative answer to his question. 194
8-14]
IDYLL X
8 Pind. P. 3.20 ήρατο των άπεόντων, οία καΐ πολλοί πάθον. 9 τ ω ν εκτοθεν must be neut., matters unconnected with his work. In 8 τινά looks to be masc. sing., but Milon, w h o is as yet unacquainted with Bucaeus's trouble, might take it for neut. plur., and even if he recognised it for m a s c , it is being in love, not the particular object of Bucaeus's love (whom he does not yet know) that is εκτοθεν. ΟΙ εκτοθεν would mean strangers or foreigners (Eur. Andr. 974 φίλων μεν άν | γήμαιμ* ά π ' ανδρών, εκτοθεν δ' ου £αδίως, Plat. Tim. 17 D είτε τις ΙξωΘεν ή και τ ώ ν ένδοθεν ΐοι κακουργήσων), and Bucaeus's love presently proves to be neither. The conversation has some general resemblance to that between Heracles and Dionysus at Ar. Ran. 52 if. II χ α λ ε π ό ν χ . κ. γ . : the meaning is once you acquire the habit you cannot cure yourself of it: Luc. adu. Ind. 25 ουδέ y a p κύων άπαξ π α ύ σ α ι τ ' άν σκυτοτραγεϊν μαθοΰσα, Alciph. 3-H Sch. ουδέ y a p κύων σκυτοτραγεϊν μαθοϋσα της τέχνης έπιλήσεται, Apostol. i5-53a» Leutsch Par. Gr. 1.376, Hor. Serm. 2.5.83 ut canis a corio mmquam absterrebitur uncto. The proverbial connexion between dogs and leather is much older than Lucian (Hdas 7.62 ώς άν αϊσθοισθε | σκύτεα γυναίκες και κύνες τί βρά^ουσιν, where see Headlam), and since χόριον means any integument and is the same w o r d as corium, it is quite possible that it here means skin or leather, though perhaps guts would represent it more fairly. F. Seiler, who pursued the subsequent history of the proverb (N.Jahrb.f. kl. Alt. 43.435), thought that χόριον here meant afterbirth, but this seems unduly narrow. For this meaning of the w o r d see 9.19 η . ; for γεΟσαί τινά τίνος cf, e.g., Anaxipp. fr. ι γεύσω δ* έάν βουλή σέ τ ω ν εύρημένων, Plat. Legg. 634A; for the paroemiac form of the phrase see 5.38 η. 13 έκ π ί θ ω αντλείς: ή παροιμία άπό τ ώ ν άφθονα εχόντων, Σ. For the πίθος as a symbol of plenty cf. Men. Monos. 240 θέλω τύχης σταλαγμόν ή φρενών πίθον, Iambi, αρ. Stob. 4-5-75 ^ν ταΐς τών ανθρώπων ευεργεσίαις, όταν μήτε άκριβολογώνται μήτε φείδωνταί τίνος έν ταΐς δόσεσι μήτε ώσπερ έν π λ ά σ τ ι γ γ ι juyoO Τσα αντί ίσων άντικαταλλάττωνται, ευγενώς δέ τάς χάριτος όρέγωσι, μή μόνον έκ πίθου αύτάς προχέοντες, ώς ol ποιηταΐ λέγουσιν κ.τ.λ., and the pro verbial τετρημένος πίθος (Arist. Oec. 1344^25, al.). Milon develops the figure. The wine, as the πίθος is progressively emptied, turns sour from exposure and becomes vinegar (Et. M. 626.51 όξος, τουτέστιν ό είς όξυ μεταβεβληκώς οίνος, Antiphan. fr. 240 σφόδρ* έστιν ημών ό βίος οΐνω προσφερής* | όταν rj τό λοιπόν μικρόν, όξος γίνεται). Bucaeus can tipple good wine at his ease; Milon's drink is both sour and scanty, like uitfaex rubentis aceti of the poor man in Mart. 11.56; cf. Plaut. Mil. 836 alii ebrii sunt, alii poscam potitant. In other words you are lucky to be able to allow yourself the luxury of being in love for I cannot—ΰπερδειπνεΐς ίσως, says Getas to Daos in similar circumstances at Men. Her. 17; cf. Eur.^r. 895 (where see Nauck) έν πλησμονή τοι Κύπρις, έν πεινώντι δ* ου, Men. fr. 345» and, more generally, the excuse for a modest offering at Hdas 4.14—ου γ α ρ τι πολλήν ουδ' έτοΐμον άντλευμεν. For wine drunk from the πίθος see 7.147 η . δήλον = δήλον ότι: Soph. Aj. 906 αυτός προς αύτου, δήλον,^τ. 585 αλγεινά, Πρόκνη, δήλον. See Pearson on Soph.fr. 63. ούδ* &λις δξος: as, e.g., Αρ. Rh. 3.329 έπεί καΐ βρώσιν άλις καΐ είματ* έδωκαν The quasi-adjectival use of άλις is already common in Homer. 14 The meaning must be it is for that reason that the land before my door is all unhoed since the sowing. The strongly inferential τοιγάρ (which seems not to occur elsewhere in Alexandrian poetry) apparently refers back to Ιραμαι in 12, but see below (iv). 195
COMMENTARY
Us
The line creates a serious difficulty. The scene is a harvest-field and the date therefore probably May (RE 6.473); the corn n o w being cut was sown long before, and if sown at the normal time has probably been in the ground seven or eight months (Plat. Phaedr. 276Β ; ci. RE 6.474), yet Bucaeus has been in love only for ten days. His plight therefore will not account for his long neglect of duty. Four explanations have been given: (i) that the sowing meant is the spring sowing. But the interval between spring sowing and harvest is still about three months (Theophr. H.P. 8.1.4), and w e can hardly be expected to think of such crops as millet and sesame, which were actually sown in the summer (Hes. Scut. 399, Theophr. I.e.). Moreover to neglect hoeing for ten days after sowing would not in any case seem a matter of importance, (ii) Mahly proposed ένδεκάμηνος in 12. But eleven months is too long an interval; and we are probably meant to understand that Bucaeus's passion dates from the occasion mentioned in 16. (iii) The phrase is taken to be proverbial and to mean no more than that Bucaeus, like Polyphemus at 11.11, ήγεϊται π ά ν τ α πάρεργα. There is however no trace of such a proverb elsewhere, and though, if it existed, it might well be used by a rustic, it would nevertheless be perverse of T. to introduce it casually into a context otherwise concerned with agricultural operations, (iv) Wilamowitz (Red. u. Vortr. i 4 .288) supposed Bucaeus to take seriously the suggestion that he is well-to-do, and to reply that he has been unable to take a day off work as a hireling to attend to his o w n affairs. This inter pretation however ignores τοιγάρ. Bucaeus might perhaps say, in answer to Milon's ' Y o u must be rich', ' N o , not even well enough off to be able to look after m y property', but it would be quite out of character for him to say with bitter irony 'Yes, that is w h y I am u n a b l e . . . V and τοιγάρ seems plainly to look back to his own speech not to Milon's. N o n e of these explanations therefore is convincing, and though there are over sights of detail elsewhere in T. (see 2.144 n.) such an inconsistency within the space of three lines would be a very gross example, and it may be hoped that some more satisfactory solution will be found. πρό θυράν or π ρ ο τ ω ν θυρών means in front of the house. The phrase is so far stereotyped that the plural occurs in other places (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 273) where θύρας might be expected from authors more particular in this matter than Τ. (2.6 η.), but it does not seem to be used figuratively. Bucaeus, unless Milon is speaking in terms of general contempt, lives with his mother (58) and would seem from this line to have a plot of his own. He helps in the harvest on at least one other farm (16), and should perhaps be thought of as a free but poor man eking out his livelihood by θητεία (cf, e.g., Plat. Euthyphr. 4 c ) ; see 45η. Milon is perhaps the leader of the harvesting gang rather than the bailiff or owner of the farm, since his song criticises the former (54). d σ κ ά λ α : the crop is hoed to loosen the soil round the young plants, to cover up any which are unduly exposed, and to uproot weeds. See Xen. Oec. 17.12, Geop. 2.24. 15 λυμαίνεται seems to mean inspires you with this tormenting passion rather than treats you seurvily: Soph. O.C. 855 opyf).. .ή σ* άεί λυμαίνεται, Ar. Ran. 59 ίμερος με διαλυμαίνεται, 66 με δάρδαπτει πόθος. ά Π ο λ υ β ώ τ α : the name is elsewhere that of a giant killed by Poseidon, who overwhelmed him with the island of Nisyrus, which he broke off from Cos for a missile. Others said that Cos itself lay over him (Strab. 10.489, ah). It is perhaps borrowed by T. from Coan legend as suitable for one πολλούς έχων βούς. Σ are in doubt whether the girl is Polybbtas's daughter or his slave, and the point can hardly be determined. The gen. is capable of denoting the master (2.70, n. 1
Wilamowitz's rendering Xcin, icli habc.. .kciticn Tag noch jatett gckonnt omits τοιγάρ.
196
IDYLL X
ι6-ι8]
ad loc, Andoc. ι.ΐ7Λυδός ό Φερεκλέους: cf. Hdt. 2.134), but the relationship implied in such phrases has to be determined from the context. The girl's employment as flute-player in the harvest-field may have made it plain to T.'s audience that she must be a slave; otherwise the words would naturally imply that she was Polybotas's daughter. See 26 n. 16 Ί π π ο κ ί ω ν ι : the name does not occur elsewhere but is probably a familiar form of Ίπποκλής, Ιπποκράτης, or some similar name. The variant Ίπποκόωντι belongs to various mythological characters (e.g. //. 10.518) and is presumably borrowed from one of them. ποταύλει: for musical accompaniment to agricultural work see 7.29 η. 17 εύρε θ. τ . ά.: δοκεΐ και τοΰτο παροιμιώδες έπι τ ώ ν διδόντων δίκην της αμαρτίας, ό δε νους· άμαρτωλόν σε όντα δικαίως μετήλθε το θείον περιπεπτωκότα οίς έπεθύμεις κακοϊς, Σ. Leonidas seems to allude to the same proverb at Λ.Ρ. 5.188: ουκ άδικέω τόν "Ερωτα, γλυκύς* μαρτύρομεν αυτήν | Κύπριν. βέβλημαι δ* εκ δολίου κέραος | και πάς τεφροϋμαι* θερμόν δ' επί θερμω Ιάλλει | άτρακτον, λωφα δ1 ουδ* όσον Ιοβόλων. | χ ω θνητός τόν άλιτρόν "j-εσωκει θνητός ό δαίμων j-1 τίσομαι· έγκλήμων δ* εσσομ* άλεξόμενος, on which see Geffcken Leonidas p. 57. If Σ are right, the meaning will be the punishment follows (or fits) the crime; now youve got what you were asking for—to fall in love with such a girl is a proper penalty for allowing your thoughts to run on such matters at all (9). The proverb will resemble Solon Jr. 13.27 αίει δ* οΰ έ (Ζήνα) λέληθε διαμπερές όστις άλιτρόν | θυμόν έχη, πάντως δ' ές τέλος έξεφάνη, and the second clause will be ironical, somewhat as Ar. Nub. 1312 οΐμαι γ α ρ αυτόν αύτίχ* εύρήσειν όσον | πάλαι ποτ* έπε3ήτει* with what there follows. This interpretation requires that the next line shall explain the punishment, and since it seems on the whole the most probable, I have accepted in 18 (see n.) a correction which fits it. A possible alternative is to suppose that έχεις πάλαι ών έπεθύμεις means no more than what youve been wanting has all this while been yours—you can have for the asking the girl w h o m you have been worshipping from a distance. This would fit with Milon's tone, which up to this point seems contemptuous rather than unfriendly, but leaves εύρε θεός τόν άλιτρόν to mean no more than truth will out or the like. If this second alternative is preferred, πάλαι may go, as its position slightly suggests, with έχεις. I suppose it rather to qualify έπεθύμεις, as on the first view of the line it must; cf. Plat. Symp. 192 Ε οΤοιτ* αν άκηκοέναι τούτο ό πάλαι άρα έπεθύμει, Xen. An. 7·6·37 ττλεΐτε ένθα δή έπεθυμεΐτε πάλαι, ΑΓ. Nub. 1312 (above). In either case it does not necessarily imply any long period (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 317). 18 μάντις: (i) TO καλαμαία αντί του άρουραία. έστι δέ άκρίς έν τ η καλάμη γινομένη και καλείται μάντις. νυν ουν τήν Ισχνήν φησι καΐ διεφθινηκυΐαν ή την επιβλαβές και χαλεπόν όρώσαν. (ϋ) Άρίσταρχος έν υπομνήσει Λυκούργου ΑΙσχύλου φησί τήν ακρίδα ταύτην, ει τινι έμβλέφειε 3φω, τ ο ύ τ ω κακόν τι γενέσθαι, (iii) έστι δε χλωρά και περιμήκεις τους έμπροσθίους πόδας έχουσα και λεπτούς, και συνεχώς αυτούς κινούσα, Σ, Suidas Γραυς σέριφος· ή έν παρθενία γεγηρακυΐα· ά π ό μεταφοράς της άρουραίας άκρίδος, ην καλοΰσι γραυν σερίφην και μάντιν (cf. Hesych. s.v.y Zenob. 2.94» Sopbr. fr. 170), ib. Άρουραία μάντις* έπί τών νωθρών και άπρακτων, έστι δέ άκρίς δυσκίνητος, χλωρά, καλούμενη μάντις, ής τίνες προσέχοντες ταϊς κινήσεσι μαντεύονται. For similar terms of disparagement see Headlam on Hdas 2.73. The insect is the praying mantis, mantis religiosa, which is represented on a corn-ear upon certain coins of Metapontum (Pi. I. 9). Milon's metaphor is appropriate to the cornfield in which he is speaking, and 1
The verb is uncertain for metrical reasons, but the sense is plain.
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COMMENTARY
[19-20
presumably refers rather to the girl's skinny figure (27), as ypccus σέριφο* suggests, than to her menacing appearance or her immobility. It is the habit of the female mantis to devour the male, often in the very act of mating (see Biological Bulletin 69.203, J. H . Fabre Life of the Grasshopper (1917) 99), but though this would give a very suitable point, there is no evidence that the fact was known in antiquity. Toi is perhaps rather particle than pronoun, used (where y a p or youv might also have stood) in a sentence explanatory of what precedes; cf. 22.147, 156. χροιξεϊται: the verb χροΪ3ω, χ ρ φ ^ ω (χρώννυμι) has t w o meanings, corre sponding to the meanings colour and skin belonging to χροιά, χρως. (i) Commonly, to colour or stain, which is irrelevant to this context, (ii) to embrace or clasp: Pind. fr. 139 Ύμέναιον έν γάμοισι χροΐ^όμενον (the text of the fragment is damaged but the reference to Hymenaeus's death on his wedding day, mentioned by Serv. ad Aen. 1.651, seems plain), Eur. Phoen. 1625 γόνατα μή χρώ^ειν έμά, Med. 496 φεΟ δεξιά χειρ ή$ συ π ό λ λ ' έλαμβάνου, | καΐ τώνδε γονάτων, ώς μάτην κεχρωσμεθα | κακοΟ προς ανδρός, Call./r. 21.4, Pap. Grenf. 1.36 Powell. At Eur. Heracl. 915 "Ηβας τ* έρατόν χροΪ3ει | λέχος, the verb seems to have the same sense as in Pindar, "Hpas λέχο$ being a periphrasis for "Ηβην γεγαμημένην (cf. Soph. Aj. 211, Ant. 1224). Χροϊξεΐται is therefore rightly glossed συνευνασθήσεται and συγκοιμηθήσεται in Σ; as in Pindar's χροι^όμενον, the voice is uncertain but the meaning will be embrace or submit to embraces, and the implied object or agent is necessarily Bucaeus. The meaning of μάντις χροΐξεται (or χροϊξεΐθ') ά καλαμαία, the reading pre sented by the mss, must be that mantis of a girl will cuddle you all night—that is to say, it expresses Milon's unfavourable opinion of Bombyca but predicts for Bucaeus, w h o does not share that opinion, nothing that he will not welcome; whereas if the view taken of 17 is correct the line should contain a menace or warning. It seems necessary therefore to drop ά (with Valckenaer) in order that μάν-ns καλαμαία may represent not Milon's opinion of Bombyca but a description of what Bucaeus will find her—in Fawkes's words Then for your sins you will be finely sped; \ Each night a grizzle grasshopper in bed. The absence of the article seems to be implied in ΣΚ, where the explanation is άκρίς σοι άντι γυναικός χρηματισθήσεται. Somewhat similar is the disparagement in Alciphr. 4.12. Sch. μετά φρύνου καθεύδειν άν εΐλόμην. 19 μωμασθαι: the colour of the word is rather mock or slight than blame, as at 20.18, Call. H. 3.222, Ap. Rh. 3.794; cf. Od. 6.274. αυτός: 2.89η. Πλούτος: on this conception of the god, which is as old as H i p p o n . / r . 20, see Roscher 3.2583. 20 ώφρόντιστος Έ ρ ω ς : the allegorical conception of Love as a blind god, familiar from the Renaissance, 1 is highly unusual in antiquity. It occurs in the Orphic verse ττοιμαίνων ττραττίδεσσιν άνόμματον ώκυν "Ερωτα (Orph.fr. 82 K.) and may conceivably be borrowed thence, for T. (11.80) has also έποίμαινεν τόν έρωτα. Elsewhere I k n o w it only at P.L.M. 4. p. 160 aurata delegit cuspide telutn \ caecus Amor, and in an imitation of T. at Nic. Eugen. 5.219. Though however the god himself is seldom spoken of, and never represented, in antiquity as blind, the blindness of the lover is a commonplace (27 η., 6.i8, Plat. Legg. 731 Ε τνφλοΟται γ ά ρ ττερί τό φιλούμενον ό φιλών, Hor. Serm. 1.3.38 amatorem quod amicae \ turpia decipiunt caecum, Lucr. 4.1153, Prop. 2.14.17, al.)\ and as Ipcos the passion acquires at 6.18 (where see n.) the qualities of the lover, it is not surprising that the god himself should sometimes do so. In Ceb. Tab. 7, 30 Tyche is similarly and un1 The development of the conception is elaborately traced in E. Panofsky Studies in Iconology 95.
198
21-27]
IDYLL X
usually represented as blind and deaf. Bucaeus presumably means, not that Eros, being blind, may wound Milon by mistake, but that when Milon falls in love it may be with someone as unattractive as he now represents Bombyca to be. μέγα μυθεϋ: Od. 22.287 φϊλοκέρτομε, μή ποτέ πάμπαν | εϊκων άφραδίης μέγα είπεΐν, άλλα Οεοϊσι | μϋθον έπιτρέψαι, Eur. H.F. 1244 i°~X6 στόμ', ως μή μέγα λέγων μείζον πάθης, Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 386, Headlam on Hdas 6.34. Milon's contempt for Bucaeus's plight may land him in a similar misfortune himself by provoking Nemesis. 21 μόνον: just, reverting to a theme more prominent in the speaker's mind: Aesch. Suppl. i o n εύττετή τάδε* | μόνον φύλαξαι τ ά σ δ ' έπιστολάς πατρός, Plat. Phaedr. 262 D έστω ώς λέγεις* μόνον δήλωσον δ φής, Gorg. 494 D συ δέ ου μή έκπλαγης ουδέ μή αίσχυνθης* ανδρείος γ α ρ ει. άλλ' άποκρίνου μόνον. For the somewhat different use introducing a condition or reservation see Headlam on Hdas 2.89. κατά(3αλλ€: bring it to the ground, down it. The agricultural associations of the verb are however with sowing (Poll. 2.6) rather than reaping, and it is no doubt chosen with some consciousness of άμβάλευ to follow. 22 κόρας: the gen. is objective as at Pind. O. 3.3 Θήρωνος Όλυμπιονίκαν Ομνον, J. 1.16 Ι ο λ ά ο υ . . .ύμνω, Σ Ar. Vesp. 1246 Κλειταγόρας μέλος λέγουσι τ ό είς αυτήν Κλειταγόραν,. . .'Αρμοδίου μέλος τό είς Άρμόδιον, και 'Αδμήτου τό είς "Αδμητον: cf. Cratin./r. 236. 24 Μοΐσαι: most editors retain Μώσαι, but see 1.9 η. συναείσατε ι join in celebrating, i.e. inspire my song: I.G. (ed. min.) 4.1.131 κ]όραι | δεΰρ' ί-λθετ' ά π ' ώρανώ | καί μοι συναείσατε | τάν Ματέρα τ ώ ν θεών, Schubart Pap. Gr. Berol. T. ij ( = Page Lit. Pap. 1.472: Posidippus) Μοϋσαι.. .Ποσειδίππω στυγερόν συναείσατε γήρας, Musae. 14. βαδινάν: Sapph. jr. 90 βραδίναν δι' Άφροδίταν, Lucr. 4.1167 (quoted in 27η.). It is commoner of parts of the body: 17.37, H. Horn. 2.183, Hes. Th. 195, Ap. Rh. 3.106, A.P. 5.132. 26 Βομβύκα: the name, which does not occur elsewhere, is evidently derived from the type of flute called βόμβυξ (Poll. 4.82, al.) and connected with the girl's occupation (16, 34). It resembles Κυμβάλιον, Λύρα (Luc. Dial. Mer. 12.1, 6.2) and, from inscriptions, Λύριον, Μάγαδις, Πηκτίς. Similar men's names are Αύλίσκος (Paus. 2.31.6) and, from inscriptions, Αύλίων and Κύμβαλος. Female names of this type are commonly those of slaves or έταίραι (Bechtel Att. Frauennamen 124), and one might infer that Polybotas has named his slave from her accomplishment. They are however not unknown among the free-born, and it is equally possible that T. has merely selected it as appropriate to what he has just said of the girl. See next n. Σύραν: the explanation of the nickname is provided by the two adj. which follow (cf. Synes. Epist. 61 ουδέ γένοιτο αν έν τ ω χρόνω Σύρος τό γένος, μέλας τό χρώμα, τό πρόσωπον Ισχνός, τό μέγεθος μέτριος). Ethnics are the commonest type of slave name (2.70 η.) and Σύρα is among them (e.g. Ar. Pax 1146). The fact that a name which is prima facie that of a slave should be used as a nickname is possibly some slight reason for thinking that Bombyca, w h o is presumably not in fact a Syrian, is not a slave either. 27 μ ε λ ί χ λ ω ρ ο ν : Plat. Rep. 474 D ή ούχ ούτω ποιείτε προς τους καλούς; ό μεν, ότι σιμός, έπίχαρις κληθείς έπαινεθήσεται ύφ' υμών, του δέ τό γ ρ υ π ό ν βασιλικόν φάτε είναι, τον δέ δή διά μέσου τούτων έμμετρώτατα 2χειν, μέλανας δέ ανδρικούς Ιδεΐν, λευκούς δέ θεών παΐδας είναι* μελιχλώρους δέ και τούνομα οΐει τινός άλλου ποίημα είναι ή έραστοΟ ύποκορι^ομένου τε καί ευχερώς φέροντος τήν
199
COMMENTARY
[28 1
ωχρότητα έάν έπί ώρα ή ; Plut. Mor. 45 A, paraphrasing Plato, writes τον 5' ώχρόν CnroKopijouevos μελίχρουν άσττό^εται (cf. Aristaen. 1.18), and μελίχλωρος is used as a synonym of μελίχρως at Arist. Physiogn. 8 i 2 a i 9 , Philostr. Her. 19.9. The latter is the regular w o r d for fair-skinned in Egyptian legal documents (e.g. Hunt and Edgar Set. Pap. 1.27, 28, 29; cf. Mayser Gr. gr. Pap. 1.296). Since others call Bombyca not ωχρός but άλιόκαυστος, it might seem from these passages that Bucaeus's love causes him not, as in Plato, to apply a flattering synonym to her defects but to think her the opposite of what she is. O n the other hand the point usually made is that made by Plato, and at Lucr. 4.1153if., Hor. Serm. 1.3.38ff., O v . A.A. 2.657 fF. t n e lover flatters but does not transform his mistress (Ov. I.e., nominibus mollire licet mala) and, in the complementary passage O v . Rem. 327, he may by similar means belitde a virtue. Lucretius has two of T.'s adjectives at 1166 ischnon eromenion turn fit cum uiuere non quit \ prae made; rhadine uerost iam mortua tussi and at 1160 nigra melichrus est, so that he would seem to have T. in mind, and to understand μελίχλωρον as a flattering synonym not of ωχρός but of άλιόκαυστος. That is no doubt the more probable interpretation; and it is favoured by A.P. 12.165 (Meleager) λευκανθής Κλεόβουλος, ό δ* άντία τοΰδε μελίχρους | Σώπολις, and by the fact that in 28f. Bucaeus seems to admit and palliate her dark skin, though that couplet is loosely attached to what precedes and might be understood to mean supposing you are dark as they say, yet.... In view however of the regular legal use of μελίχρως tor pale-skinned and of Plato's express evidence that μελίχλωρος is a politer name for ωχρός, it is certainly odd that here (and in Meleager and Lucretius above) it should apparendy mean brunette. In view of the confusion it may be added that at A.P. 12.5 Strato names, apparently in gradation of colour, Λευκούς, μελιχρώδεις, ξανθούς, μέλανας. 28 τ ό ΐον: τ ό μέλαν (cf. 7.64 η.) is the purple violet, viola odorata; c£ Ath. 15.681 D. For the hiatus cf. 23.29, 15.149η. ά γ ρ α π τ ά υάκινθος: these flowers (for more than one seems to have borne the name), after long discussion, have not been satisfactorily identified. The most favoured candidates are squill (scilla bifolia), iris, corn-flag (gladiolus segetum), martagon lily, red lily (/. bulbiferum), hyacinth, larkspur (delphinium Ajacis), and perhaps fritillary: see RE 9.4, Sargeaunt Trees, Shrubs, and Plants of Virgil 56, C.R. 35.146. Theophrastus (H.P. 6.8.2) speaks of two kinds, ή αγρία and ή στταρτή, and in the preceding section classes υάκινθος among the mountain plants, which squares with T. 11.26. Miss Lindsell suggested (Greece and Rome 6.82) that T. there meant ή αγρία, to be identified with scilla bifolia, but here ή σ π α ρ τ ή , to be identified with delphinium Ajacis. The colour-adjective attaching to the flower in Greek is commonly πορφυρέα (Sapph./r. 94, Euphor. ^r. 40 Powell, A.P. 5.147, Ath. 15.677 F, Diosc. 4.62) and, later, κυανέα (Norm. D . 16.81, 32.27), but Hesych. s.v. describes it, as here, as μέλαν άνθος. The markings on the petals were usually interpreted as Al, standing either for Αίας or as an exclamation of woe (Euphor. I.e., Nic.fr. 74.31, Paus. 2.35.5, O v . Met. 10.206, 13.394, Plin. N.H. 21.66, Philarg. ad Virg. E. 3.106, Claud. Rapt. Pros. 2.131), though in Philarg. ad Virg. E. 3.63 they are said to bear the name of Hyacinthus—that is perhaps Y. The earliest literary evidence for the supposed inscription is Euphor. I.e. ττορφυρέη υάκινθε, σέ μέν μία φήμις αοιδών | 'Ροιτείης άμάβοισι δεδουττότος ΑΙακίδαο 2 1 εΐαρος άντέλλειν γεγραμμένα κωκύουσαν, but it is plain from the fragment that earlier poets had treated the theme, and 1
And confirming μελίχλωρος against the variant μΕλάγχλωρο*. I.e. Aias, Telamon being by some post-Homeric genealogies brother to Peleus; cf. Strab. 9.394. 2
200
29-33]
IDYLL X
there is monumental evidence older than Euphorion. An Etruscan stamnos of the early fourth century (PL VIII. A) shows Aias about to commit suicide in the presence of Tecmessa; at his feet grows a plant, on the stem of which is written A IF A M (Aivas). This representation, which was unknown to the botanists w h o have tried to identify υάκινθος, is not very helpful. The plant has leaves growing from the flower-stem, and should not therefore be a hyacinth or squill, though the sheath of leaves from which the flower-spike emerges might, before these plants are fully out, mislead a careless observer. 1 M r J. E. Raven tells me that the representation suggests an orchis to him, and he has drawn m y attention to orchis quadripunctata (Atchley Wild Flowers of Attica 41 and PL I 8 D ) . Atchley describes this as having lance-shaped leaves and purple flowers varying in intensity of colour with two to four small spots of darker purple on the lip of the flower; and there is a white variety (cf. Colum. 10.100 uel niueos uel caeruleos hyacinthos). In Attica it is very common on the hills and grows up to an altitude of about 3,500 ft. It would seem therefore to answer a good many of the requirements for one form of υάκινθος, though not perhaps for that described as μέλας. 29 The meaning appears to be yet among garlands these are said to hold the first place, τ ά π ρ ά τ α being used as at Eur. Med. 916 οίμαι γ α ρ υμάς τήσδε γης Κορινθίας | τ α π ρ ώ τ ' εσεσθαι, Or. 1246 Μυκηνίδες ώ φίλαι, | τ ά π ρ ώ τ α κατά Πελασγόν εδος Άργείων, Bacch. 274 δύο γ ά ρ ώ νεανία | τ ά π ρ ώ τ ' έν άνθρώποισι (see 15.142 η., Blaydes on Ar. Ran. 421); cf. Pind. N. 2.17 δσσα δ* άμφ* άέθλοις | Τιμοδημίδαι έξοχώτατοι προλέγονται, Call. Η. ^.ΐβ αλλά ol ου νεμεσητόν ένι πρώτησι λέγεσθαι. A possible alternative is they are first chosen, τ ά π ρ ά τ α being adverbial as at 17.75, i/. 1.6, and often. Έν τοις στεφάνοις in Comedy would be understood to mean in the garlandmarket, as at Antiphan. Jr. 83 περιπατεί | έν τοις στεφάνοις, Ar. Eccl. 302 καθήντο λαλοϋντες | έν τοις στεφανώμασιν, Pherecr. Jr. 2 έν τοις στεφανώμασιν, ο! δ' έν τ ω μύρω | λαλείτε (see Blaydes on Ar. Vesp. 789), but this, though somewhat simpler, is hardly suitable to the tone of the passage and the idiom seems con fined to Attica. Virgil's alba ligustra cadunt, uaccinia nigra leguntur (E. 2.18) scarcely proves that he understood λέγονται to mean are gathered, and that sense is, in any case, hardly compatible with έν τοις στεφάνοις. 30 κύτισον: 5.128 η. The gender, there invisible, is usually masc, but fern, in Gal. 14.23. The fern, is not secure here but would not be surprising in T.; see 1.133 η. 31 γερανός: the common crane passes over Greece on its southward migration in autumn and gives the signal for the autumn ploughing and sowing (Hes. W.D. 448, Ar. Av. 710). It had, at any rate in later times, a reputation for stealing the seed (A.P. 7.172, Babr. 13, 26, Theophyl. Epist. 5, Et. M. 227.56), but its interest in ploughing was no doubt, like that of seagulls, due to the worms and insects un covered in the process. έπί: 13.49η. 32 Κροΐσον: 8.53η. πεπασθαι: Ι5-9033 άνεκείμεθα: for this verb with the person represented in the statue as subject cf. Aeschin. 1.25 έν τη άγορςχ τη Σαλαμινίων άνάκειται ό Σόλων εντός την χεΤρ' έχων (c£. Dem. 19.251), Lycurg. 51 εύρήσετε δέ π α ρ ά μέν τοις άλλοις έν ταΐς άγοραϊς άθλητάς άνακειμένους παρ* ΰμΐν δέ στρατηγούς αγαθούς καΐ τους τον τύραννον άποκτείναντας. Similarly Plat. Phaedr: 236 Β σφυρήλατος έν Ό λ υ μ π ί α 1 O f the plants mentioned it is perhaps least unlike a gladiolus, but ξίφιον seems securely identified as a· gladiolus and Theophrastus (at any rate) distinguishes ξίφιον and υάκινθος. Palladius (1.37-2) confusingly writes hyacinthus qui iris uel gladiolus dicitur similitudine foliorum.
201
COMMENTARY
[34-36
στάθητι, Luc. Tim. 51 χρυσοΟν άναστήσαι τόν Τίμωνα π α ρ ά τήν Άθηναν έν τη Άκροπόλει, Paras. 48, Hdt. 2.141; cf. Ο ν . Her. 2.67, Palmer ad loc. Gorgias dedicated a gold statue of himself at Delphi (Ath. 11.505D), and there was also one of Phryne there (Ath. 13.591 B, Plut. Mor. 336c), but probably these were of gilt bronze; cf. 17.124. 34 βόδον: mentioned again with apples (see 5.88η.) as a love-token at 11.10. Flowers in general are associated with lovers (Ath. 12.553 Ε Κλέαρχος δ' ό Σολεύς έν τοις Έρωτικοΐς 'δια τΓ, φησί, 'μετά χείρας άνθη καΐ μήλα καΐ τ ά τοιαΟτα φέρομεν; πότερον δτι καΐ δια τής τούτων άγαπήσεως ή φύσις μηνύει τους τής ώρας έχοντας τήν έπιθυμίαν;'); if roses have any special significance it may be because, together with myrtle, they were sacred to Aphrodite (Paus. 6.24.7) and were said, at any rate in later legend, to be sprung from the blood of Adonis (Bion 1.66) or turned red by her o w n (Σ Lye. 831, Geop. 11.17.3; ci. Philostr. Epist. 1, Clementi on Perv. Vert. 33). ή τ ύ γ ε : Eur. Or. 1528 ούτε y a p γυνή πέφυκας, ούτ' έν άνδράσιν σύ γ* εϊ, Α.Ρ. 7.286 (Antip. Thess.) κεΐσαι δή ξείνη γυμνός έπ* ήιόνι | ή σύ γε προς πέτρησι, Jebb on Soph. Ο.Τ. ι ι ο ί . T.'s example differs from these in that his pronoun is emphatic in contrast with εγώ in 35. 35 crX*)PLa: it is c l e a r t n a t the word means not, as Σ say, σχήμα όρχηστοΰ but clothes, and that the adj. καινάς is ά π ό κοινοΰ with the two nouns. Plain instances, such as Porph. de ahst. 4.6 άεΐ δέ εντός τοΟ σχήματος α! χείρες, Luc. Pise. 33 ΤΦν περικείμενον αυτών τ ά προσωπεία και τό σχήμα ένδεδυκότα, where σχήμα must mean garments as distinct from the appearance to which they contribute, are late, but the word had passed into Latin in this sense as early as Plautus (e.g. Amph. 117), and is at least close to it much before; e.g. Ar. Ran. 463 καθ* Ήρακλέα τ ό σχήμα καΐ τ ό λήμ' έχων, Ach. 64, Soph. Phil. 223. ϊΓαινάς: for the linking of the attribute common to two or more nouns with the last c(. 22.68, Soph. O.C. 1399 οΐμοι κελεύθου τής τ ' έμής δυσπραξίας, Α.Ρ. 7-31 κώμου καΐ πάσης κοίρανε παννυχίδος, Andoc. 1.6 μετά δέους καΐ κινδύνου καΐ διαβολής τής μεγίστης. Similar is 15-79 λεπτά και ως χαρίεντα (i.e. ώς λεπτά). άμφοτέροισιν: sc. ποσί: 14.66, Parthen./r. 9 άμφοτέροις έπιβάς, Luc. Asin. 28 (of horses) έδίωκον άμφοτέροις είς έμέ άπολακτί^οντες, and similarly 22.120 έτέρω. For similar ellipses of χείρ see 7-157» 22.96, 24.45, 25.207: of οφθαλμός 6.22 n.: έπ' αμφότερα [sc. ώ τ α ] καθεύδειν is dubious in Men. jr. 402. άμύκλας: shoes. Phot. Άμυκλςίδες· υποδημάτων είδος.. .κέκληται δέ ά π ό τών έν Λακεδαίμονι 'Αμυκλών, ώς έκεϊ κατασκευαζόμενου του τοιούτου υποδήματος, ούτως Αριστοφάνης καΐ Φρύνιχος, Hesych. Άμυκλαίδες· είδος υποδήματος πολυτελούς Λακωνικού, Poll. 7-88 Άμυκλφδες δέ έλευθεριώτερον μέν υπόδημα, δηλοΐ δέ κλήσει τόν τόπον, Suid. Άμύκλαι · κόσμιόν τι δπερ έν ποσίν είχεν 'Εμπεδοκλής, είχε y a p χρυσοΟν στέμμα επί τής κεφαλής καΐ άμύκλας έν τοις ποσί χαλκάς. Bronze cannot have been a normal material for shoes, and the name άμύκλαι no doubt indicates only the shape. Shoes are often called from their place of origin (see Hdas 7.57 ff., Headlam on 5.61) by ethnic adjectives (agreeing with έμβάδες, υποδήματα, and similar nouns); άμύκλαι is presumably therefore equivalent to άμυκλαΐαι. 36 Βομβύκα χ., echoing the first couplet of that portion of the song devoted to Bombyca, warns the audience that the song is ending (cf. 57, 7.89 nn.). The final flight of fancy is highly obscure and probably intended, like Polyphemus's pro testations at n . 5 o f f , to be somewhat grotesque. αστράγαλοι: Σ: (i) διά τήν ύπερβολήν τής εύμορφίας τους πόδας σου ώς άστράγαλον γεγλύφθαι. τούτο δέ είπε παρόσον οί αστράγαλοι ορθοί είσι και 202
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IDYLL X
λεπτοί και εύρυθμοι, (ii) οϊον εύρυθμοι καΐ ορθοί καΐ λευκοί ώς ο\ αστράγαλοι των κυβευόντων. The w o r d is not elsewhere used in any metaphorical sense. Knuckle-bones are not conspicuously white, and, if they were, they would not resemble Bombyca's feet (27), so that the Latin use ofeburneus in compliment cannot well be relevant. They may be λιπαροί, polished by use and handling (Hdas 3.19 αϊ δορκαλϊδες δέ λιπαρώτεραι πολλόν f της ληκύθου ήμέων); or possibly he means that her feet are small and well-turned, showing the bony structure; or, since flute-girls dance as well as pipe, that they move as rapidly as knuckle-bones tossed and caught. 'Αστράγαλο* is also, like τρύχνος, the name of a plant (Diosc. 4.61) but this does not seem to help. τευς: 2.126 n. I accept this form from Iunt. here since its testimony on the point agrees at 11.52, 55 with Κ and at 5.39 with Apollonius Dyscolus. 37 τ Ρ ύ χ ν ο ς : Theophr. H.P. 7.15.4 (cf. 9.11.5), Diosc. 4.70, Plin. N.H. 21.177 distinguish three plants called στρύχνος or τρύχνος. One of these is edible, one induces sleep, and the third insanity or, if taken in sufficient quantity, death; and Apostol. 15.81 h cites the proverb στρύχνον επινεν· αντί του μανιώδης έγένετο. Possibly therefore Bucaeus means either that her voice lulls him to sleep or that it drives him distracted. Phot, s.v. τρύχνον has however π α ρ ά τήν παροιμίαν τήν άπαλώτερος τρύχνου παρωδών ό κωμικός φησι* Ή δ η γ ά ρ είμι μουσικώτερος τρυχνου. If άπαλώτερος τρυχνου is really the proverb, the meaning of the parody is obscure and we cannot infer that τρύχνος here implies musical; απαλός however is applicable to sound (Ael. V.H. 12.1 φώνημα δέ είχεν ήδυ καΐ άπαλόν: cf. Od. Ι4·4<>5 άπαλόν γελάσαι), and Τ., with the proverb in mind, might use τρύχνος as equiva lent to ά π α λ ω τ ά τ η . This interpretation would approximate to that of Σ (τάσσεται δέ επί τρυφερότητος* τρύχνος γ α ρ λάχανον Ικανώς μαλακόν). There is however nothing in the botanists' descriptions of the three kinds of στρύχνος, which have been identified with solanum nigrum (deadly nightshade), nithania somniferay and datura stramonium respectively, to explain the proverb. In comparing voice and plant it seems just possible that T. is prompted by the not less mysterious όπα λειριόεσσαν of II. 3*152 (where see Leaf). According to Bignone the flower of the nightshade is used as a love-philtre, but unless this line is evidence, there is nothing to show that the use was known in antiquity. Lobeck (Path. 1.131, Rhern. 343) thought τρύχνος might mean stridula; Kock (C.G.F. 3.517) that it was aviculae aliusve bestiohe notnen. τον μάν τρόπον ούκ ί. cL: opinion is divided as to whether this means what your disposition may be I cannot say, or words fail me to desaibe your disposition. The Greek might presumably mean, and the adversative μάν is suitable to, either. The first however seems altogether too naive, and it is inappropriate that the encomium, which is not unskilful, should end on a note of doubt and bathos. Moreover, though τρόπον can hardly be exactly defined, Bucaeus's χαρίεσσα commits him to an opinion as to one aspect of it. The meaning, then, will be άφατον ώς καλός (Ar. Lys. 1148). 38 Βοΰκος: i n . Milon speaks of, not to, him, addressing the company of harvesters. 39 Luc. Im. 14 τ ό γ α ρ της τε αρμονίας τ ό άκριβέστατον διαφυλάττειν ώς μη παραβαίνειν τι του φυθμου άλλ' εύκαίρω τ η άρσει καΐ θέσει διαμεμετρήσθαι τό φσμα. Τάν Ιδέαν seems to mean form or style—that is to say (at any rate as the song is presented to us) dactylic. So at Ar. Ran. 384 the chorus, passing from anapaests to iambics, say άγε νυν έτέραν ύμνων Ιδέαν... | . . . κελαδεΐτε. Μετρεϊν will mean to divide into μέτρα and the whole phrase have much the same sense as Lucian's. Milon is gibing, and his quasi-technical language is in mockery of Bucaeus's sophisticated style. 203
COMMENTARY
[40-44
40 14.28 μάταν είς άνδρα γενειών, Long. 2.6 εί δέ μη μάτην ταύτας τάς πολιάς έφυσα μηδέ γηράσας ματαιότερος τάς φρένας έκτησάμην: cf. Soph. Jr. 564, Philonid./r. 10. Milon affects shame at being so far outstripped in skill by a younger man; he will sing something however, though not a composition of his own. άλιθίως: to no purpose rather than foolishly: 16.9, Pind. P. 3.11, Aesch. Ag. 366. 41 θάσαι: 1.149 η. Λιτυέρσα: Poll. 4.54 βώριμος δέ Μαριανδύνων γεωργών φσμα, ώς Αιγυπτίων μανέρως, και λιτυέρσας Φρυγών. αλλ* Αίγυπτίοις μέν ό Μανέρως γεωργίας ευρετής, Μουσών μαθητής, Λιτυέρσας δέ Φρυξίν οι δέ αυτόν Μίδου παϊδα είναι λέγουσιν, είς εριν δ' άμητου προκαλούμενον μαστιγώσαι τους ενδίδοντας, βιαιοτέρω δ* άμητή περιπεσόντα αυτόν Θάνατον παθεΐν. οι δέ Ήρακλέα γεγενήσθαι τον άποκτείναντα αυτόν λέγουσιν. ή δετό δ' ό Θρήνος περί τάς άλως κατά το Θ?οος έπι Μίδου παραμυθία, Apollod.^r. 37 (F.H.G. 1.434» from Σ) καθάπερ έν μέν θρήνοις Ίάλεμος, έν δέ ύμνοις Ίουλος άφ* ών καΐ τάς ωδάς αύτάς καλοΰσιν, ούτω και τών θεριστών ωδή Λιτυέρσας, Phot, and Suid. s.v.: είδος ωδής. Μένανδρος Χαλκηδονίων [fr. 264] · φδοντα Λιτυέρσην άπ' αρίστου τέως. οι δέ αύλήσεως γένος. Μίδου δέ ήν ό Λιτυέρσης νόθος υΙός, κάτοικων δέ έν ΚελαιναΤς τους παριόντας υποδεχόμενος ήνάγκα3ε μεθ' αυτού θερί^ειν είτα άποκόπτων τάς κεφάλας τό άλλο σώμα συνείλει έν τοις δράγμασιν. απέθανε δέ υπό Ηρακλέους* είς τιμήν δέ του Μίδου θεριστικός ύμνος έπ' αύτω συνετέθη. Σ contain similar mythological matter. On Sositheus's play Δάφνις ή Λιτυέρσης see p. 1. On the significance of this story see Mannhardt Myth. Forsch. 1, Frazer Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, 1.216; on the meaning of the name, Glotta 14.33. The songs called βώριμος, λιτυέρσας, μανέρως would appear to be traditional songs connected with a particular occupation (cf. Ath. 14.619 Β 'Αριστοφάνης δ' έν Άττικαΐς, φησί, Λέξεσιν ίμαϊος ωδή μυλωθρών έν δέ γάμοις ύμέναιος* έν δέ πένθεσιν Ιάλεμος. λίνος δέ καΐ αϊλινος ού μόνον έν πένθεσιν άλλα και *έπ* ευτυχεί μολπφ:' κατά τόν Εύριπίδην, Poll. 1.38, Eustath. 1164.10) and resembling the song called ΐουλος, of which a fragment is preserved at Ath. 14.61 8E; it is also not unlikely that the mythological characters with those names were begotten of the songs, as Linos, apparently, from the Semitic lament ax lanu (RE 13.716; cf. T. 15.98 n.). These songs however are unlikely to have been in hexameters, and Milon's cannot at most do more than paraphrase the λιτυέρσας. Partly perhaps for that reason, his song at first sight suggests Hesiod rather than folk-song, but the first couplet might in fact pass for an expansion of the ΐουλος fragment (πλείστον ούλον ούλον ΐει, ΐουλον ΐει), and there is a similar gnomic quality in the rusticum actus canticum quoted in Macrob. 5.20.18: hiberno puluere uerno luto grandia farra, eatnille, metes. Milon introduces his song as the composition of Lityerses, not as the song bearing his name, and the plural ταΰτα perhaps suggests that he thinks of each couplet separately as derived from Lityerses. 44 άμαλλοδέται: the first decl. form of the noun occurs again at A.P. 10.16 (Theaetet. Schol.); the Homeric (//. 18.553) is άμαλλοδετήρες. Τ. however would seem to have no great liking for 3rd decl. forms in -ήρ denoting agents. In the genuine poems 7.29 άματήρεσσι, 22.24 άεθλητήρες, epigr. 8 Ιητήρι -all have Homeric precedent, and of the first no alternative form is known. On the practice of later hexameter-poets see Oppian ed. Lehrs (Didot) p. vi, Ernst Fraenkel Nomina Agentis 1.123. The corn, in Homer, is cut by δράγματα with sickles and falls on the ground; the δράγματα are then gathered by boys, who hand them to άμαλλοδετήρες to be tied up with έλλεδανοί. This seems to be the only detailed description of the proceedings that survives, but cf. Hes. Scut. 288. 204
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IDYLL X
45 €Ϊπη: the subjunctive seems probable. The optative in final clauses after primary tenses has a long history from Od. 17.250 άξω τήλ* Ιθάκης ίνα μοι βίοτον πολύν άλφοι to Lucian, in whom it is common (see Goodwin M.T. §322, Jebb on Soph. O.C. 11, Madvig Adv. 1.682); T. has it at 24.100 (cf. 2.142η.), Αρ. Rh. at 1-659,797» 1005,4.365,400. These examples are all however after final conjunctions, and it is not plain that the liberty may be extended to clauses introduced by μή. σύκινοι άνδρες: the words, if correct, seem to be nom. rather than voc. addressed to the harvesters. Edmonds not implausibly wrote ώνδρες, and punctua tion with a colon after the word seems in any case preferable. Theophr. H.P. 5.6.1 Ισχυρόν δέ και το της συκής πλην είς ορθόν, meaning apparently that the wood of the cultivated fig will not stand a vertical strain. Its weakness gave rise to various proverbs: Macar. 7.82 σνκίνη μάχαιρα, 83 συκίνη βακτηρία και συκίνη επικουρία, 88 σύκινος νους, Zenob. 3-44 συκίνη ναυς (see Leutsch Par. Gr. 2.210, Blaydes on Ar. Plut. 946). Cf. Antiphan. jr. 122 μετά σοφιστών, νή Δία, | λεπτών άσίτων συκίνων, Hor. Serm. τ.8.1 olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum (Comm. Cruq: materia eius arhoris propter fragilitatem nullis fabricis est idonea); cf. T. epigr. 4.2. The wood of the wild fig (έρινός) is, on the other hand, tough and easy to bend (Theophr. H.P. 5.6.2) and is used at 25.250 for a chariot-wheel. άπώλετο χ . ό. μ.: Theophr. Ch. 15.7 και φίλω δε ερανον κελεύσαντι είσενεγκεΐν, εΙπών δτι ουκ άν δοίη, ύστερον ήκειν φέρων καΐ λέγειν ότι άπόλλυσι και τούτο το άργύριον. If Milon's couplet refers particularly to the field in which he is at work, it is further evidence that Bucaeus and his fellows are hired labourers, working for a μισθός, not slaves; see 14η. 46 f. βορέαν: Geop. 2.27.1 καλώς αποκλείεται σίτος έν άνωγέοις τό φώς άπό ανατολής έχουσι* προσπνείσθω δέ ό τόπος μετρίως άπό βορρά και ζέφυρου και άπεστράφθω νότου καΐ τών τοιούτων άνεμων: cf Theophr. C.P. 4-I3-4-* κόρθυος: κόρθυας* τά κατ' ολίγον δράγματα (Hesych.), κόρθυς* τό είς υψος ανάστημα (Suidas, citing a passage in which it is used of sand). The word does not occur elsewhere, but Suidas's definition is supported by the uses of κορθύειν. Corn was cut near the ground only when the straw was short; otherwise in the middle of the stem, in order to save trouble both to the reaper working with a sickle and to the threshers (Xen. Oec. 18.2; cf. Hes. W.D. 480). Consequently when gathered it formed heaps rather than the sheaves and stooks familiar to us. ά τομά: the cut end of the corn as opposed to the ear. The word more commonly means the stump left in the ground (e.g. //. 1.235), but cf. Thuc. 2.76 δοκούς... άρτήσαντες.. .άπό της τομής εκατέρωθεν, Theophr. H.P. 4.11.7· β λ ε π έ τ ω : Arist. Η.Α. 502 a ι κάτω γαρ οί οδόντες βλέπουσι, Xen. Mem. 3.8.9 ταΐς προς μεσημβρίαν βλεπούσαις οΐκίαις, αϊ. πιαίνεται: wheat and some kinds of barley were harvested before they were fully ripe because they were then considered to produce better meal, and they were said to ripen after gathering (Theophr. H.P. 8.11.3, C.P. 4.13.6). Columella (2.20.1) explains that the crop is less liable to damage if cut early, and says recrastinari non debet, sedt aequaliterflauentibus iam satis, antequam ex totogratia indurescant, cum rubicundum colorem traxerunt messis facienda est, ut potius in area et in aceruo quam in agro grandescant frumenta; cf. Plin. N.H. 18.298, Pallad. 7.2.1. In Cos threshing and winnowing of barley seems not to have been completed until July or August (7.134 η.), though at the present day it is cut in April (see p. 127). 48 άλοιώντας: 7.34, 156 nn. The ace. here and in 50 is much better supported than the nom. though similar maxims in Hesiod commonly exhibit the nom. (e.g. W.D. 422, 459, 467). The ace. and infin. is of course common in commands 205
COMMENTARY
[49-54
(14. ι η.) and is perhaps suggested here by W.D. 391 γνμνόν σπείρει ν γνμνόν δέ βοωτεϊν | γνμνόν δ* άμάειν (cf. 593) though die ace. there may be otherwise explained. τό μεσαμβρινόν: 1.15 η. 49 The purpose of threshing is to separate grain and chaff from the straw; grain and chaff will be presently separated from each other by winnowing (7.34, 15611η.; cf. 5.11m.). The drier the corn, the more easily it disintegrates (Virg. G. 1.298 et medio tostas aestu tetit areafruges). *Αχνρον therefore means here not, as commonly, the chaff, which will presently be separated from the grain by winnowing, but the whole residue of chaff and grain together which results from the threshing. The word is used in the same sense at Xen. Oec. 18.8 έπειδάν δέ καθαρής, 2φη? τον σϊτον μέχρι τοΟ ήμίσεος της άλω, πότερον ενθνς ούτω κεχνμένον του σίτου λικμήσεις τα άχυρα τα λοιπά;, ib. 18.2; cf. Α.Ρ. 6.104 τριβόλονς όξεϊς άχνρότριβας of the threshing instrument. If καλάμα has here its usual meaning straw; as at 5.7, the meaning must be the άχυρον is easiest parted from the straw. The verb however is oddly used and there is some temptation to suppose that καλάμα means straw and ear together (i.e. the corn as reaped), as it may do at II. 19.222, Call. H. 4.283, 6.20 (cf. Ap. Rh. 4.987). If so, τελέθει.. .έκ will have the easier sense is produced from. 50 δ': the adversative is intelligible since the couplet is contrasted with what precedes, and once in Bucaeus's song two couplets are connected (32-5). The omission of the particle in the Vatican family of mss however leaves it under some suspicion and its absence would not involve alteration; cf. 8.72 η. κορυδαλλώ: it has been argued that, as the lark's song is conspicuous in Sicily and inconspicuous in Greece, where the song-lark is only a winter migrant (7.23 n.), the scene of the Idyll must be Sicily. T. however is little likely to have bothered about such a detail (cf. 4 n.), and in any case he speaks of the singing of larks in Cos (7.141). Hesiod W.D. 574 also recommends an early start for reapers, but his point is different. 51 τό καύμα: the ace. is presumably temporal as at Dem. 21.53 έλινύειν μίαν ήμέραν, Αρ. Rh. 1.588 διπλόα δ' άκταϊς | ή ματ* έλινύεσκον. For the midday siesta see 1.15, 5.norm. 52 β α τ ρ ά χ ω : somewhat differently Pherecr./r. 70 ερρ* ές κόρακας* βατράχοισιν οίνοχοεϊν σε δει (where the complaint is that there is too much water in the wine), Aristophon/r. 10 ύδωρ δέ πίνειν βάτραχος. παίδες: 13.52, Ar. Equ. 419· The tone here is hearty, but the use of this noun in address is capable of other shades of meaning, as at II. 7.279, Soph. O.T. 58. 53 τό πιεϊν: Α.Ρ. 12.34 εις έφερεν τό φαγεΐν, είς δέ τπεΐν έδίδον. In both places the article has been corrected, and the bare infinitive πιεϊν is certainly the regular use (see Headlam on Hdas 1.81, 6.77). The epexegetic infinitive however may, like others, be articulated (e.g. Soph. O.T. 1416 πάρεσθ' δδε | Κρέων τό ττράσσειν καΐ τό βονλενειν, Goodwin M.T. §795). and τό πιεϊν is scarcely to be dis tinguished from τό ποτόν (Xen. Cyr. 4.5.1 δψον δέ μή πέμπετε μηδέ πιεϊν, Gram. Lat. 4.503 Graeci uerbo et articulos iungunt, dicentes δός τό πιεϊν). Here τό πιεϊν seems to be also the subject of πάρεστι with the sense of τό ποτόν. This couplet may be, like the next, a criticism of the επιμελητής implying that he has been stingy with the drink, but if Milon and Bucaeus are still reaping, the last four lines of the song, unlike the rest, are not relevant to their immediate occupation. If necessary we may suppose that Milon turns his attention to the midday meal, preparations for which are being made in the background. 54 κάλλιον: 1.145η. Καλλίον' has been proposed, but the lentils are presum ably grown on the farm and their quality beyond the overseer's control. His 206
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IDYLL X
niggardliness consists in being too sparing with the other ingredients. Elaborate flavouring was proverbially out of place (Strattis^r. 45 όταν φακήν έψητε μή 'πιχεΐν μύρον, Gell. 13.29.5)» but the dish could be spoilt by carelessness. So the αναίσθητος at Theophr. Ch. 14.11 έν ά γ ρ φ αυτός φακήν έψων δίς άλας είς τήν χύτραν έμβαλών άβρωτον ττοιήσαι. ώ 'πιμέλητά: bailiff. The qualities required in such a man are discussed at Xen. Oec. 12 ff., where επίτροπος is the commoner word. φ α κ ό ν : lentils used in making the common φακή, lentil-porridge, on which see Ath. 4.156 F, Blaydes on Ar. Vesp. 811, Plut. 1004 έπειτα πλούτων ονκέθ' ήδεται φακή. 55 έπιτάμης: properly to make a superficial incision: Hdt. 3.8, 4.70. καταπρίων: i.e. dont be α κυμινοπρίστης. Arist. Eth. 1121 b 26 τούτων δέ καΐ ό κνμινοττρίστης καΐ πας ό τοιούτος* ώνόμασται δ' ά π ό τής υπερβολής του μηδέν άν δοϋναι, Magn. Mor. 1192 a 9, Poll. 3112. The word occurs at Alex. jr. 251, Posidipp. jr. 26; cf. Ar. Vesp. 1357 κυμινοπριστοκαρδαμογλύφον (where see Blaydes), Com. Adesp. 1055 κυμινοκίμβιξ, Sophr.^r. n o . The proverb arises from the small size of the seed, but it is appropriate to this context since cummin was a favourite seasoning (Plin. N.H. 19.160, al.). 56 μοχθεΰντας: Gallavotti defended iP3*s μόχθεντας as an Aeolic form like 3άτεισα at 1.85, but the accuracy of the papyrus is hardly to be trusted so far. έν &λίω: the suggestion is that Bucaeus's song befits άνδράριόν τι θαλαμηπόλον σκιατραφές τε καΐ άβροδίαιτον (Agath. 1.7). 57 Βουκαΐε: the voc. echoes 1 as Βομβύκα in 36 echoes 26; cf. 7.89 η . λιμηρόν: the w o r d is used of states or professions which threaten starvation (e.g. A.P. 6.47, 285, 7.546, Maneth. 2.456), and Milon seems to be contrasting Bucaeus's present inefficiency (1) with the μοχθευντας έν άλίω άνδρας and predicting that it will bring him to want. 58 μυθίσδεν: the verb occurs at 20.11, at A.P. 12.18J (Strato), in late epic (Orph. Arg. 191, Maneth. 1.238, Nonn. Par. Io. 13.65), and in Ionic prose at Stob. 4.28.19, but Aristophanes seems to have felt the Laconian μυσίδδην characteristic in more than the mere Laconian form (Lys. 94, 981, 1076). κατ* ε ύ ν ά ν : A.P. 9.321 ά τε κατ* εννάν | τέρψις, Αρ. Rh. 2.992 άλσεος Άκμονίοιο κατά π τ ύ χ α ς εννηθεΐσα. Κατά c.acc. is similarly used at 1.67, 2.76, 7.149, 25.45,183, 28.21 with little idea either of motion or of distribution in a sense hardly distinguishable from έν: cf, e.g., II. 22.478. όρθρευοίσςι: έν κοίτη κατά τόν όρθρον κειμένη ή άνισταμένη όρθρου, Σ: cf. Et. Μ. 368.1, Phryn. Pr. Soph. 93.16. Other lexicographers (e.g. Moeris) equate όρθρεύω with όρθρί^ω, which is common in the L X X in these senses. The uncompounded verb is elsewhere confined to Euripidean lyrics (Tr. 182, Suppl. 977, Jr. 773.25), where it is used in the middle or passive, and so έπορθρευόμενος Luc. Gall. 1, Dio Chrys. 12.3. In view of κατ* εύνάν, Σ are presumably right in supposing that the act. is here intransitive and means when she stirs (rather than when she rouses you) in the morning. In either case the suggestion is perhaps that Bucaeus's loveaffair belongs to dreamland, and that he is like a Httle boy w h o sleeps with his mother and tells her his dreams in the morning.
207
IDYLL XI PREFACE Subject. There is no remedy for love, says T., save song—so at least Polyphemus found when he was in love with Galatea. He was quite distraught until he learnt to sing of her, and, when he had found that remedy, it served him better than any doctor. The greater part of the idyll (19-79) is occupied with an example of Polyphemus's songs in which he pleads with Galatea, holds out to attract her his own wealth and devotion, and finally upbraids himself for wasting his time upon one so wayward. The poem is addressed to Nicias, who, says T., being himself both physician and poet, will endorse the maxim it contains. Genre. Polyphemus differs little from one of T.'s ordinary rustics except by exaggerating the grotesque element seen in some of them, and this poem is closely related to the bucolic series and especially to Id. 3. Another link binds it to Idd. 6 and 13 since the introductory address, more elaborate here than in the other two poems, makes these Idylls into a form of poetical epistle. Nicias. Three other of T.'s poems are concerned with Nicias. Id. 13 is addressed to him; ep'xgr. 8 is a dedication for a figure of Asclepius set up by Nicias, apparently in a private shrine; Id. 28 accompanies an ivory distaff which T. is bringing as a present for Nicias's wife Theugenis. The two last depict him as living in Miletus, which, if Σ may be trusted, was his birthplace. This note runs, ττροσδιαλέγεται δέ ό Θεόκριτος Ιατρω Νικίο:, Μιλησίω το γένος, δς συμφοιτητής γέγονεν 'Ερασιστράτου Ιατροΰ όντος καΐ αύτοΟ. It raises certain chronological problems, but these concern Erasistratus rather than Nicias and need not be discussed here (see RE 6.333) since it is plain from T.'s references, and particularly from Id. 13, that he and Nicias must have been close contemporaries. It may however be observed (since συμφοιτητής most naturally means fellow-student) that Erasistratus is said to have been a pupil of Metrodorus, w h o married Aristotle's daughter (Sext. E m p . 657.23 Bekk.; see RE 15.1482), and perhaps also of Theophrastus (Diog. Laert. 5.57). Oi Nicias as a doctor nothing more is known, but since T. speaks of him as a poet (11.6, 28.7) and Σ assert that he wrote epigrams, he is plausibly identified as the Nicias of Meleager's garland (Λ.Ρ. 4.1.19 χλοερόν τε σίσνμβρον | Νικίου), eight l of whose epigrams have survived. These, though not inelegant, show no great distinction or originality, but nothing particularly Theocritean appears in them, unless A. Plan. 188 δρος Κυλλήνιον αΐπυ λελογχώς is to be regarded as an echo of 7.103; cf. 2 8 . 1 m . (p. 501). Where or h o w T . made his acquaintance does not appear, though the guess that Nicias may have frequented the medical school in Cos is not unplausible. There is no ground for connecting T.'s father Praxagoras with the celebrated Coan physician of that name, but his familiarity with the island is established by Id. η? Occasion. Id. 28 and epigr. 8 show Nicias established, and married, apparently happily, at Miletus. Idd. 11 and 13 both deal with love. In Id. 11, as has been said, 1 A.P. 6.122, 127, 270, 7.200, 9.315, 564, Plan. 188, 189, A.P. 11.398, ascribed to him in the lemma, is generally assigned to Nicarchus. 2 For possible traces of medical vocabulary in T. see Introd. p. xix n. 3.
208
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IDYLL XI
Τ. tells Nicias that love is a complaint against which salves and unguents avail nothing; poetry is the only help. In Id. 13 he says that he and Nicias are not, as once they thought, Love's only victims; even Heracles was distracted for the loss of Hylas. The two poems are not necessarily or evidently connected in theme though there is nothing in their content to show that they are not. If Nicias was taking an unfortunate love-affair too much to heart, Id. 11 might be T.'s advice to seek consolation by writing poetry (cf. 10.22), Id. 13 a consoling intimation t h a t ' m u c h finer fellows have fared much worse before*. However this may be, it is reasonably plain in Id. 11 that it is Nicias, not T. himself, w h o is in love, for in the first place there is some ground for thinking that the moral addressed to Nicias was not originally planned by T. as part of his poem, or, in other words, that he has adapted a poem on the Cyclops to serve a hortatory purpose (13η.); and in the second, the poem drew a reply—a fact which suggests that T.'s poem was not an answer to something that Nicias had said but a demarche on T.'s part. The first two lines of Nicias's answer, given in Σ, are ήν άρ* αληθές τοΟτο, Θεόκριτε* ot γ ά ρ "Ερωτες | ποιητάς πολλούς έδίδαξσν τους πρΙν άμούσους. The argument runs therefore 'Poetry is the only cure for l o v e \ ' T r u e ; many would never have written poetry if they had not been in love.' Nicias's answer may have proceeded with a countering consideration, but his opening couplet has no very logical bearing on T.'s proposi tion and does nothing to elucidate the situation which evoked the exchange. It is, in fact, no more than a paraphrase of a famous fragment of the Sthenoboea of Euripides [jr. 663 ποιητήν δ' άρα | "Ερως διδάσκει καν άμονσος fj τ ο πρίν). It should be said that Id. 11, on the ground of a certain roughness of dialect and metre, 1 has been judged to be an early poem; Id. 13 is very highly finished and plainly written after at least the first draft of Book 1 of the Argonautka (see p. 231); and it has, perhaps too hastily, been accounted late. 2 If these opinions are valid, it would indicate that the two poems were suggested by different events. In Id. 11 however the roughnesses are confined to the Cyclops's song, and they might be explained as a deliberate attempt to suit the dialect to a Caliban. O r again if a poem on Polyphemus has been adapted to suit an exhortation to Nicias, it may have been composed earlier than the occasion for which it is n o w employed. Galatea. T . used the story of Polyphemus and Galatea on another occasion, and there too the moral seems to be that disappointment in love should be borne philosophically. See Id. 6 Preface. Idyll 11 seems to have been popular in anti quity and was much imitated. In particular it provided Ovid {Met. 13.778 ff.) with material for a long paraphrase, and Philostratus (Im. 2.18) with details for his picture.
Ι π ε φ ύ κ ε ι : 1.102η. For the rhythm see 1.130η. φάρμακον: Ο ν . Her. 5.149 me miseram quod amor non est medicabilis herbis, Met. 1.523, Prop. 2.4.7, Long. 2.7.7 έρωτος γ ά ρ ουδέν φάρμακον, ού πινόμιενον, ούκ έσθιόμενον, ούκ έν ωδαΐς λεγόμενον, δτι μη φίλημα, Heliod. 4·7·4· 2 Νικία: see p. 2θ8. οΰτ' Ι γ χ ρ ι σ τ ο ν . ..οΰτ" έπίπαστον: Aesch. Prom. 479 °^fK ί ν άλέξημ* ουδέν, ούτε βρώσιμον, | ού χριστόν, ουδέ πιστόν, Eur. Hipp. 516 πότερα δέ χριστόν ή ποτόν το φάρμακον;, S.G.D.1.3 545 φάρμ[ακον] ή ποτόν ή κατάχριστον ή έπακτόν, (c(. Hesperia 13.36), Long. 2.7.7 (see 1 n.), ΣII. 4.191, Σ Ar. Plut. 717. Τ. speaks only of remedies for external application because he is thinking of love as a wound 1 See nn. on 25, 39, 42, 54, 60, 73. The supposed metrical roughness is a matter of general impression rather than of peculiarities not occurring elsewhere; see Wilamowitz Textg. 159. 1 See Introd. p. xxiii.
209
14
COMMENTARY
[3-8
(15, where see n.). The difference between the two words is that χρίειν is com monly and properly used of anointing with oil or similar substances (e.g. 18.23), πάσσειν of dusting or sprinkling (e.g. 2.18). The latter verb is regular in Homer of dressings for wounds (II. 4-219, 5-401, H-5I5, 830, 15.394); φαρμάκω χρίεσθαι only of poisoned arrows (Od. 1.262). 3 κ ο ϋ φ ο ν : mitts, painless; cf. 17.52, Isocr. 9.51 ηγούμενοι κουφοτέραν καΐ νομιμωτέραν είναι Εύαγόρου βασιλείαν. Like έλαφρόν at 2.92 (see n.), the word has been suspected of an active meaning, but this impairs rather than improves the sense. Applied to a remedy it should mean gentle in its action. 4 έπ* άνθρώποις: apparently among men, as Bacch. 7.8 φ δέ συ πρεσβύτατον νείμης γέρας | νίκας, έπ* άνθρώποισιν ευδοξος κέκληται (where Jebb compares Soph. Tr. 356), Semon. 1.3 voOs ούκ έπ' άνθρώποισιν. At Od. 13.59 είς δ κε γήρας I Ιλθη καΐ θάνατος, τ ά τ* έπ* άνθρώποισι πέλονται the preposition is in tmesis as Od. 15.408 sho'ws, and similarly Quint. S. 1.418. εύρεΐν: here and at 17 T . probably means, not that it was hard to realise that the cure consists in song, but that song, which is the cure, is not readily at hand. Nicias seems to have understood him in the latter sense since his reply (p. 209) speaks of love inspiring with poetry those unpoetical before. * 5 γ ι ν ώ σ κ ε ι ν : know by observation or experience (30, 29.5) that poetry is a cure for love, and perhaps also that poetry is difficult. 6 ε ν ν έ α : the division of functions among the Muses is late (see RE 16.684,724), and T. is thinking of them as all alike concerned with minstrelsy, as at Od. 24.60 Μουσαι 6* εννέα πασαι άμειβόμεναι όπΐ καλή | θρήνεον, Η. Horn. 4-45°, Trag. adesp. 546; similarly in epigr. 10 a μουσικός dedicates a statue to all nine Muses. Nicias is beloved by them all not because his accomplishments are various but because he is μουσικώτατος. 7 γ ο ΰ ν : introducing a 'part p r o o f (Denniston Gk Part. 451). Polyphemus is an instance tending to confirm the general proposition that song is the cure for love. T. follows Philoxenus in making the love-lorn Polyphemus a singer: Σ ι, ταύταις [sc. ταΐς Μούσαις] y a p ό Κύκλωψ προς δ ι α γ ω γ ή ν του έρωτος της Γαλατείας έχρήτο. καΐ Φιλόξενος τόν Κύκλωπα ποιεί παραμυθούμενον εαυτόν έπΙ τ ω της Γαλατείας ϋρωτι καΐ έντελλόμενον τοις δελφΐσιν όπως άπαγγείλωσιν αύτη ότι ταϊς Μούσαις τόν Ιρωτα άκεΐται, Plut. Mor. 622 c καΐ τόν Κύκλωπα β μούσαις εύφώνοις Ιασθαι*, φησί, β τόν 2ρωτα* Φιλόξενος, it. 762 F (Philox.^r. 7)· Whether Call. Ep. 47 ώς αγαθόν Πολύφαμος άνεύρατο τάν έπαοιδάν | τώραμένω alludes to Τ. or to Philoxenus or to some other source cannot be determined, but the Doric dialect may point to T . ; see RE Suppl. 5.393. £άιστα δι&γ*: Xen. Mem. 2.1.9 έμαντόν Υε μέντοι τ ά τ τ ω είς τους βουλομένους ή £ςίστά τε καΐ ήδιστα βιοτεύειν, Symp. 7.5 πολύ άν οΐμαι αυτούς γε f>$ov διάγειν, Men. Monos. 468 f^ov βίον 2W &ν γνναΐκα μή τρέφης, Dio Chrys. 6.31. 'Ρ^ων είναι, γενέσθαι is used of invalids recovering (e.g. Theopomp. C o m . Jr. 62, Hipp. hoc. Horn. 34: 6.326L.), and some medical colour would be appropriate in this context, and at 81. ό παρ* άμΐν: my countryman. Xen. Hell. 3.4.5 (of mainland Greece opposed to Asia Minor) έν τ η παρ* ήμΐν 'Ελλάδι, Polyb. 4*38.5 έν τοις παρ* ήμΐν τόποις. The words confirm the tradition of T.'s Sicilian origin but are no evidence that the poem was written in Sicily; the story is Sicily's contribution towards the solution of Nicias's problem. 8 ώρχαΐος: Soph. Aj. 1292 άρχαΐον.. .Πέλοπα,Call. Ep. 60 ώρχαϊος Όρέστας, Nic. Th. 487 άρχαίη Μετάνειρα. The adj. puts the story back to the heroic age. See Schneider on Call. H. 4.308 210
9-15]
IDYLL XI
9 ίίρτι γενειάσδων: Xen. Cyr. 4.6.5, A.P. 12.12, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 100, 345. κροτάφως: 15.84η. (p. 289). 10 ού μάλοις ουδέ ^όδω: love-tokens (see 5.88,10.34nn.). For the collective singular see 4.44η.; for the combination of singular and plural 45 f., 25.2m., Thuc. 4.90 άμττελον κότττοντες τήν περί το Ιερόν έσέβαλλον καΐ λίθους άμα καΐ πλίνθον, id. 2.4 λίθοις τε καΐ κεράμω, Call. Η. 6.28 έν πίτυς, έν μεγάλαι πτελέαι εσαν, έν δε και δχναι. In Latin the combination is not uncommon; e.g. Ο v. Met. 3.155 uallis erat piceis et acuta densa cupressu. κικίννοις: the w o r d has no known meaning other than lock or curl of hair (cf. 14.4 η.). It has been taken here to mean by curling his hair but it is hard to extract this from the Greek and more natural to understand it, like the two preceding datives, of a lock given as a love-token. It should however be observed that lovers do not seem to exchange locks of hair elsewhere in antiquity, and that the use of hair in various rituals, and the danger from its use in magic (cf. 2.53 n.), may have made such an exchange less natural than it appears to moderns. 11 όρθαΐς μανίαις: Ael. N.A. 11.32 έκφρων γενόμενος εις τε όρθήν μανίαν και ώς τ α μάλιστα Ισχυράν έκφοιτςί. The adj. seems to mean no more than true or genuine, as, e.g., Plat. Phaed. 67Β πάντας τους ορθώς φιλομαθείς. 12 αύταί: if A.P. 7.173 (ascribed to Diotimus or Leonidas) αυτόματοι δείλη ποτι ταΟλιον at βόες ήλθον | έξ δρεος πολλή νιφόμεναι χιόνι is a reminiscence, the author understood αύταί to mean ultroy as, e.g., II. 17.254 άλλα τις αυτός ίτω, and this is probably right, though alone (2.89 η.) is little less appropriate. τωύλιον = τ ό αυλιον, but unless ωύτός should be read in 34 there seems to be no evidence as to h o w the crasis should be written in Doric. 6ύϋτός is epic (//. 5.396)1 and will defend τωυλιον at 25.84, where again the mss are divided. The Attic would be ταυλιον which appears in A.P. 7.173 (see above), though a corrector has there written τ ' ώύλιον. 13 άείδων: the word raises a difficult problem. Song, says T., is the only cure for love, as Polyphemus found when in love with Galatea. He was distraught with passion and neglected all his affairs, but he discovered the remedy (17) and thus would hymn his love. T. is here describing the symptoms of Polyphemus's affliction, and if one of them was singing, his whole paragraph, which asserts that it is not a symptom but a cure, falls to pieces. The difficulty is localised in the word άείδων, but this word is difficult to emend, and the picture of the Cyclops neglecting his flocks to sing of Galatea is plausible and appropriate but for the use to which T. here puts the story. O m i t 1-7,17 f, 80 f, and there is nothing in 13 to provoke suspicion. In its present shape the poem has some controversial purpose(see pp. 208 f ) , and it does not seem unlikely that T. may have adapted to that purpose a Cyclops originally written with no thought of Nicias and his troubles, overlooking the fact that this line is disastrous in its new context. His second reference to singing, in 39 (where see n.), can be reconciled to that context though it may be thought more consistent with another; and indeed the whole content of the song, which shows Polyphemus very far from cured, is odd if it was originally written to point the moral n o w attached to it. See also 50 η. 14 αυτός: 2.89 η . Αυτός rather than αύτώ is implied by Virg. G. 4.465 te, dulcis coniunx, te solo in litore secum, | te ueniente die, te decedente canebat. φυκιοέσσας: 17. 23.693 θίν' έν φυκιόεντι. 15 έλκος: Ν ο η η . D . 15.244, 42.184 υττοκάρδιον έλκος ερώτων, Bion 1.17 ττοτικάρδιον έλκος. See 3·ι7η1
Zenodotus favoured also such forms as ίμων/τάν, έωντήν (sec van Leeuwen Ench. 51). 211
COMMENTARY
[16-21
16 The construction appears to be δ [sc. έλκος] βέλεμνον έκ Κύπριδος πάξέ ol ήπατι. For the relative fourth word in the clause cf. 7.103, 25.155: for παξεν έλκος cf. Pind. P. 2.91 ένέπαξαν έλκος όδυναρόν έα πρόσθε καρδία: for the liver as seat of desire cf. 13.71, Hor. C. 1.25.15, 4.1.12, a\. Έκ may denote the agent, as at 7.44, or, less directly, the source, as at 1.140; for Aphrodite is ττότνια οξυτάτων βελέων (Pind. P. 4.213; cf Mosch. 2.75), which she discharges herself (Eur. Med. 632) or supplies to Eros (Eur. Hipp. 531). The prepositional phrase is probably best taken in close connexion with βέλεμνον as at 7.15 έκ τράγοιο δέρμα. The variant ή for τό is metrically irregular (15.112 η.) and is no doubt an accommodation to the nearer noun encouraged by the fact that βέλεμνον might be expected to be the object rather than the subject of ττάξε (cf. Od. 22.83 & δέ ol ήπατι πήξε θοόν βέλος). Τό receives confirmation from Syrinx 7, where παξεν έλκος is a reminiscence. O n the shafts of love see C.R. 23.256. 17 cSpc: 4 η. 18 ές π ό ν τ ο ν ο ρ ώ ν : because it is the home of Galatea, but T. is probably conscious also of Odysseus on Calypso's island—Od. 5.156 ήματα δ* άμ πέτρησι καΐ ήιόνεσσι καθί^ων | πόντον έπ* άτρύγετον δερκέσκετο: cf. 8.55 η . τοιαύτα: the first syll. of τοιαΟτα is short also at 14.1, 15.11, 18.32, long only at 15.32; but in τοιούτος always long (34, 13.64, 14.5, 10, epigr. 9). .. 19 ά π ο β ά λ λ η : since Galatea does not seem ever to have accepted the Cyclops as a lover the word must mean repel, not, as commonly, cast off; so perhaps Plat. Rep. 475 Α πάσας φωνάς άφίετε ώστε μηδένα άποβάλλειν των άνθούντων έν ώρα. 20 πακτας: ήγουν τυροΰ πεπηγότος* δ ol 'Αττικοί τροφαλίδα καλουσι, Σ. This equivalence is plausible since in cheese-making τρέφειν and πηγνύναι have much the same sense (cf. Eur. Cycl. 190 πηκτοϋ γάλακτος.. .τυρευματα). Τροφαλίς is however often qualified by the gen. τυρού and seems to mean a 'shape' or ' l o a f of cheese, whereas the context here suggests the substance rather than any particular amount or shape of it. Πακτά occurs in literature only in an imitation of this passage at 20.26, and as a rustic offering in A.P. 6.55 (Barbocallus). If πηκτών at p.Ox. 1923 (c. A.D. 500) σφυρίδιν έχον πηκτών [κύ]θρας is the same substance, the fact that it is carried in pots might suggest that it was less solid than cheese; x but none of these passages, nor Ovid's imitation (Met. 13.796 mollior et cycni plumis et lacte coacto), supplies an exact indication of its nature (curds, cream, cream cheese, cheese) nor is it easy to guess what feminine noun the adj. implies. For a supposed survival of the word in Bruttium see G. Rohlfs Scavi lingu. n. Magna Grecia 155. For milk and cheese as emblems of whiteness cf. J. Phil. 30.316, Pearson on Soph./r. 648. 21 φιαρωτέρα: this Alexandrian adj. is commonly glossed λαμπρός, or (Σ here and Hesych.) καθαρός, either of which suits three passages in which it is applied to light (Call. Jr. 539 of dawn, Maximus 443, 594 of stars). At Σ Nic. Al. 387 it is glossed λιπαρός, which suits Nic. Al 91 (scum on milk), 387 (όρνιθος φιαρής πυρι τηκομένη σαρξ), Th. 946 (μήκωνος φιαρής όπόν); cf. Τ. Jr. 3.4η. These six passages are the only other appearances of the word. None of the explanations is obviously suitable to όμφακος ώμας, which suggests prima facie either sour temper (Macar. 6.30 όμφακας βλέπει' έπι τών δριμύ βλεπόντων και όργι^ομένων, Blaydes on Ar. Ach. 351) or unripe physical forms (e.g. Tryph. 34 άθηλέος όμφακα μοτ^οΰ, Nonn. D. 48.365; cf. Τ . 27.10 η.). The variant in Σ σφριγανωτέρα and the gloss στρυφνότερα seem to be unsuccessful attempts to introduce this last idea; Philostr. Im. 370.9 K. (Κύκλωψ) absurdly writes έρα γ ά ρ τής Γαλάτειας.. .εστί δ* αύτώ ποιμενικόν άσμα ως λευκή τε είη και γαύρος και ήδίων όμφακος: and Ο ν . Met. I3-795 itwtura dulcior uua cuts the knot. 1
Cf. perhaps Philox./r. 2.36 γάλα σύμπακτον, τό κε τνρόν OTTOS τις | ήμεν Ιφασχ* άπαλόν. 212
22-27]
IDYLL XI
O n the whole the meaning bright or glossy seems to be established for the adj., and if the word is sound here T. may be thinking of the tight shining skin of the unripe grape before it is covered with bloom. The proverb recorded by Photius υγιέστερος όμφακος* παροιμία, ώσπερ και υγιέστερος Κρότωνος· πολλοί γ α ρ Κροτωνιάται άσκηταί* και υγιέστερος κολοκύντης (cf. ib. κρότωνος· τούτο δει έπί τοΟ 3φου δέχεσθαι* το γ ά ρ είναι πάντοθεν δμοιον και μηδεμίαν εχειν διακοπήν αλλ* είναι ομαλός* δια τούτο απ* αυτού λέγουσιν υγιέστερος κρότωνος) shows at least that όμφαξ might also suggest good qualities. It should however be observed that the distribution of the attributes in 20 f. would lead one to expect here some description of her temper rather than of her appearance. 22-4 These three lines expand τί τον φιλέοντ' άποβάλλη ;, δέ being continuative in 22 and adversative in 23—'your rejection of me is made plain by the fact that you come ashore while I am asleep but go away when I wake up.'* Logically 19-24 require only one question-mark (at the end of 24), though I have put a second at the end of 21 for the sake of clarity. The difficulty of 22-4 centres upon αύθ', since, if this is αυτέ, its proper place is the second not the first of the parallel clauses. This difficulty Hermann met by placing 24 before 22, but the resulting sequence (go—come—go) is unsatisfactory and it is better to transpose, with Wassenbergh, αύθ* ούτως and ευθύς ίοΐσ*. This correction is not improbable in view of the long homoeoteleuton of the two lines (which, if Ahrens can be trusted, has led Ρ to transpose 22 and 23), and if αύθ* = αύτε, seems unavoidable. Ευθύς however is more necessary to οΐχη than to φοιτάς, and it is possible that αύθ' is not αύτε but αύθι (for the elision cf. //. 11.48). This adverb does not occur elsewhere in T. but is used with some freedom by Callimachus both in the new sense of αύθις (see Schneider on H. 3.46 and/r. 286) and in the Homeric senses of ένθάδε or εκεί (jr. 260.10; cf. Arat. 663, Ap. Rh. 1.11, 315, al.) and αύτίκα (Η. Ι.72, 3.46). Αύθι = αύθις is open to the same objection as αύτε, but either ένθάδε or αύτίκα provides suitable sense. Since αύθι however, unlike ένθάδε, does not seem to be used in the sense of δεύρο, and since T. elsewhere omits the local adverb which might be expected with φοιτάν (2.155, 5.113), it seems best to suppose that αύθι, if that is really the word, means αύτίκα. Ούτως presumably means like this, as you do, as, e.g., Ar. Vesp. 286 άνίστασο μηδ* ούτω σεαυτόν | έσθιε μηδ* αγανακτεί, ib. 439» 1398. It is commonly understood to mean temere, ohne dich urn mich zu kiimmern (see Palmer on Ov. Her. 13.137); but Galatea's visits are calculated, and fall while he is asleep, so that this meaning is inappropriate. γ λ υ κ ύ ς ΰ π ν ο ς : Od. 7.289 καί με γλυκύς ύπνος άνήκεν, 9-333 (Polyphemus) ότε τον γλυκύς ύπνος Ικάνοι, J7. ι.όιο, 23.232, al. πολιόν: //. 10.334 ρινόν πολιοΐο λύκοιο. 25 βγωγε: Ahrens reported from PM the variant 2γωγα, which should perhaps be accepted in the somewhat rough Doric of this Idyll; see 1.148 n. τ€οΰς: 18.4i. The form is cited by Ap. Dysc. (de pron. 74.24) from Sophron and Corinna; cf. 2.126 η. 26 ματρί: Polyphemus's parents were Poseidon and the sea-nymph Thoosa, daughter of Phorcys (Od. 1.71); the Nereid Galatea might naturally find herself in Thoosa's company. ύακινθινα: 10.28 n. φύλλα: 94η. 27 όδόν άγ.: Od. 24.225 αύτάρ ό τοΐσι γέρων όδόν ηγεμόνευε, ib. 6.261, 7.30. 10.501. 1 The phrasing of 24, as also Galatea's actions in 26 (and Id. 6.6), show that he does not mean that he sees her only in his dreams.
213
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[28-35
28 παύσασβαι: sc. έρών, δέ being correlative to μεν in 25. ουδέ: i.e. ουθ' ύστερον οΟτ* έτι πα νυν: see epigr. 6.6η. There is however some superfluity in the temporal expressions since έκ τήνω, thereafter, adds litde or nothing to the detail of the previous line. Between ούδ* έτι and ουδέ τι (written by Kiessling and others: cf. II. 21.219 °ύ°έ τί πη δύναμαι) there is htde to choose, for the negative, which might be thought adverse to ετι νυν, belongs in effect to the verb. 29 τίν δ* ού μ.: 3.52. μα Δί': in spite of the Cyclops* traditional contempt for Zeus (Od. 9.275, Eur. Cycl. 320). At Epich.^r. 82 χορδαί τε άδύ, ναι μά Δία, χώ κωλεός also the speaker is possibly Polyphemus, who however, in/r. 81, swears more appropriately by his father Poseidon. On μά in T. see 4.17 η. 30 γινώσκω: 5 η. 31 flf. Serv. ad Aen. 3.636 multi Polyphemum dicunt unum habuisse oculum, alii duos, alii tres. In, representations of the Galatea story the single eye is unusual (Roscher 1.1588, 2.1685), no doubt because the grotesque is yielding ground to the pathetic (cf. p. 118). T. however is consistent (6.22). ΰπεστι: sc. τη όφρύι. The ms έπεστι (sc. τω μετώπω) is defensible but improbably clumsy. 34 ούτος = έγώ but implies an invitation to look at him: Od. 2.40 ώ γέρον, ούχ έκάς ούτος άνήρ, τάχα δ' είσεαι αυτός, ·| δς λαόν ήγειρα. 35 ff- Τ. is thinking in what follows of Polyphemus at Od. 9.246 αΰτίκα δ* ήμισυ μέν Θρέψας λευκοΐο γάλακτος | πλεκτοΐς έν ταλάροισιν άμησάμενος κατέθηκεν, | ήμισυ δ' αυτ' έστησεν έν άγγεσιν, δφρα ol εϊη | πίνειν αΐνυμένω καί ol ποτιδόρπιον εϊη, and perhaps of the Libyans at Od. 4.87 ένθα μέν ούτε άναξ έπιδευής ούτε τ ποιμήν | τυρού και κρειών ουδέ γλυκεροΐο γάλακτος, | άλλ* αΐεΐ παρέχουσιν έπηετανόν γάλα θήσβαι, but ουτ' έν θέρει ουτ* έν όπώρα is from Od. 12.76. κβάτιστον = άριστον, apparently without suggestion of strength or richness, as Amphis fr. 36 οίνου πολίτης ών κρατίστου στρυφνός εί;, Dexicrates Com. fr. 1 μύρον | έπίσταμ' δτι κράτιστον Αίγυπτος ποιεϊ. ού: for the asyndeton after ούτε.. .ούτε see 15.137ff·»Denniston Gk Part. 510. χειμώνος &κρω: the context suggests that the meaning is in midwinter. If so, T. is thinking of cheese eaten comparatively fresh (Col. 7.8.6 is qui recens intra paucos dies absumi debet; cf. Τ. 5.86 η.), which will be scarcest in the depth of winter when the milk supply is shortest. Calpurnius, with T. in mind, writes (2.70) per totum niueus premitur mihi caseus annum (Ί am never without milk to spare for cheesemaking'). Milk is most plentiful in the spring (cf. //. 2.471, 16.643, Nic. Al. 77); and the chief time for cheese-making is spring, which Polyphemus omits for that reason, or summer (see RE 10.1492), and stored cheese would be shortest not in mid-winter, but at winter's end. And since άκρος qualifying a period of time usually denotes, not the middle, but either the beginning or the end, the words άκρω χειμώνος may mean at the end of the winter (Arat. 321 άροτήσιον ώρην | τριπλόα μείρονται μέσσην καΓέπ* άμφότερ' άκρα, Strab. 9·4χ5 ψυχρότατα γαρ τά άκρα της ημέρας εστί, τούτων δέ το δειλινόν του έωθινοϋ ψυχρότερον, Arat. 308 άκρόθι νυκτός =just before dawn; see Lobeck and Jebb on Soph. Aj. 285). It is perhaps slighdy in favour of this interpretation that άκρέσπερον at 24.77 means as evening ends, and άκρόνυχος in/r. 3.3 (where see n.) apparently at nightfall. In either case the comment of Servius (on Virg. E. 2.23) caseus seruari potest nee mirum est si quouis tempore quis habeat caseum is hypercritical. In Anriphan. fr. 133 the Cyclops apparendy boasts the variety of cheeses available to him—χλωρός, ξηρός, κοπτός, ξυστός, τμητός, πηκτός. 214
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ταρσοί: wicker trays or racks which keep the cheeses from coming into contact with one another. Od. 9.219 (Odysseus describing Polyphemus's cave) ταρσοί μέν τυρών βρϊθον, Hesych. ταρρός* πλέγμα καλάμινον έφ* ού τους τυρού* ξηραίνουσιν, ενιοι ταρσούς κρεμαστούς, Copa 17 caseoli quos iuncea fiscina siceat, Colum. 7.8.5 aqua dulci eluitur et sub umbra cratihus in hocfactis ita ordinatur ne alter alterum caseus contingat et ut modice siccetury Pallad. 6.9.2 post aliquot dies solidatae iam formulae per crates ita statuantur ne inuicem se unaquaeque contingat. sit autem loco clauso et a uentis remoto ut teneritudinem seruet atque pinguedinem. They must be distinguished from the τάλαροι used at an earlier stage in the cheese-making (5.86 η.). ύπεραχθέες: probably heavy rather than heavy-ladeny the trays with the cheeses on them being considered as units. So Nic. Th. 342 ύπεραχθέα φόρτον. Elsewhere the w o r d seems to occur only at O p p . Hal. 5.263 πτερύγων ύπεραχθέι f>rnfj. 38 I.e. συρίσδειν έπίσταμαι ώς ούτις ώδε Κ. έπίσταται. For the hyperbaton see 7.76 η. The Cyclopes use their pipes for calling or quieting their sheep; see Plut. Mor. 713Β (quoted on 9.25), Aesch. Prom. 574 (Σ ad loc.)y Soph. Phil. 213, Eur. Ale. 575, Hel. 1483, fr. 773.27, Rhes. 552, Ap. Rh; 1.577, Aesop. 17 Halm. He is however thinking rather of musical performances; see on 39. 39 τίν: 55, 68. This form of the ace. is used by T. only in this Idyll. Ap. Dysc. de pron. 82.7 cites it from Corinna, it occurs at Cercid. fr. 7.6 Powell, and these seem to be the only certain examples. γ λ υ κ ύ μ α λ ο ν : Sapph./r. 93, Call. H. 6.29. According to Diosc. 1.115 it is another name for μελίμηλον, which was produced by grafting on a quince (Geop. 10.20.1, 76.3). If these are the Latin melimela, their original Latin name was mustea (Varro R.R. 1.59, Plin. N.H. 15.51, al). άμςί: 9.4 η. άείδων: as if συρίσδω, and not συρίσδεν έτΗσταμαι, had preceded. Piping and singing cannot be conducted simultaneously, but presumably he thinks of the performance as song interspersed or punctuated with instrumental interludes. Similarly at 7.28 Lycidas is commended as a συρικτάς though Simichidas is thinking primarily of his singing; and although the syrinx is not an invariable concomitant of rustic song (1.15 fF.), the mention of one at 4.28 leads immediately to talk of singing.* The reference to singing is not strictly inconsistent with the purpose to which T. puts this Idyll (13 η.) since the Cyclops' song is not alleged to be his first effort (άειδε ι8) and may be regarded as an example of his style after he had taken to minstrelsy as a cure for love, άείδων referring to earlier efforts. It may however be thought that the allusion lends some colour to the theory advanced on 1. 13. 40 νυκτός άωρί: 24.38. For the gen., regular with this adv., cf. 2.119 η. τ ρ ά φ ω : cf. 8.42 η. νεβρώς: where the gender is discernible the noun is always fern, in T. (12.6, 13.62). Elsewhere it is more commonly masc. 41 μ α ν ν ο φ ό ρ ω ς : Pollux 5.99 (τα περί τ ω τραχήλω) ώνομά^ετο δέ τι καΐ μάννος ή μόννος, μάλιστα π α ρ ά τοις Δωριευσιν. Μάννος occurs nowhere else but is no doubt connected with μανιακής and monile. T.'s adj. was understood by Calpurnius (6.38), w h o writes, of a tame stag, tereti radiant redimicula collo (cf. O v . Met. 10.113), though T. was perhaps thinking of the natural marking of the fawns' necks (cf. Virg. E. 2.41 capreoli sparsis etiam nunc pellibus albo; \ bina die siccant ouis ubera: quos tibi seruo). The ms reading άμνοφόρως is unmetrical (since πάσας, with the last syllable έν θέσει, is a trochee, and T. does not lengthen short syllables in this position), and it would mean, absurdly, pregnant with lambs. Fritzsche's μηνοφόρως has been widely 215
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[42-49
accepted, and thought to refer to forehead-markings; but the moon is not constant in shape, and the passages cited in support (//. 23.455, Hor. C. 4.2.57) refer explicitly to full and crescent moons. άρκτων: the plural is zoologically suitable, for bears rarely have more than two cubs at a litter, but it may be doubted whether T. knew or cared about this, and Aristotle (H.A. 579 a 20) mistakenly gives five as the common number. Ovid's imitation (Met. 13.834 inueni geminos. . . | uillosae catulos in summis montibus ursae) may however show superior zoological knowledge. Bears existed in Sicily in prehistoric times, but I know no evidence as to the date of their survival there (cf. 1.115 η.). They were found in Lucania (Mart. Sped. 8, cf. Varro L.L. 5.100, Keller Ant. Tierwelt 1.175) after T.'s time, and are apparently still not quite extinct in Italy (Norman Douglas Alone (1921) 159); and Pliny's express statements that there were none in Crete and Africa (N.H. 8.131, 228) are some ground for thinking that in his time Sicily was not so favoured. 42 άφίκευσο: ούτω Συρακούσιοι την σο ττλεονά^ουσι συλλαβήν, ήπερ κάθουσο στεφάνουσο άντι τοΟ κάθου στεφάνου, Σ. There is no other trace of such forms (on which see Glotta 15.56), though τίθευσο has been conjectured in an epigram of the Nicias (A.P. 9.564) to w h o m this poem is addressed (C.R. 50.60). If however the forms are really Syracusan, it is hard to see why, in a poem not otherwise reminiscent of T., he should have used one. έξβΐς ουδέν έλασσον: cf. 8.36. Possibly no less than you enjoy at present, but Ιλ. εχ. is not infrequently used in the sense of come off badly, get less than your due, with the term of comparison, as in πλέον έχειν (8.17 η.), left vague (Xen. Hell. 3.4.8 τοις συμπράξαί τι δεομένοις σαφώς ελεγεν ότι ελαττον εξοιεν εΐ αυτός παρείη, Dem. 45-77 ^9* °1$ Υ&Ρ ουδέν ωφελούμενος λ υ π ώ τινας ελαττον εχω πολλαχοΰ, id. 18.124, Isocr. 17-54)» and as Galatea's present situation is not mentioned until the next line, this sense seems more probable. Cf. epigr. 13.6. 43 όρεχθεΐν: this puzzling verb appears first at II. 23.30 πολλοί μεν βόες αργοί όρέχθεον άμφί σιδήρω, where ancient authority is in the main divided between (i) ίστενον, έβρύχοντο and the like (connecting it with (ί>οχθεΐν), and (ii) άπετείνοντο (connecting with όρέγειν). The meaning roar is appropriate here, and is perhaps found in Aristias jr. 6 μυκαΐσι δ' ώρέχθει το λάινον πέδον, a line cited by Athenaeus and Eustathius in connexion with mushrooms (μύκαισι), though in view of Acsch.fr. 158 (see C.R. 16.435) it seems probable that this is due to a muddle in somebody's card-index. The objection to roar is that later poets otherwise use the word of the throbbing or swelling of the heart in anger (Ar. Nub. 1368, Ap. Rh. 2.49) or sorrow (Ap. Rh. 1.275) or pain (Opp. H. 2.583 ; similarly Nic. Al. 340 of the bladder). This use is hard to reconcile with Homer's, but since rhythmical beating is common to hearts and the sea, T. may have given the verb the sense assigned to it by his contemporaries. 45 f. Od. 9.182 (of the Cyclops' cave) ένθα δ' έττ* έσχατιή σττέος εΐδομεν άγχι θαλάσσης | υψηλόν δάφνησι κατηρεφές, ib. 109 (of the island) άστταρτα και άνήροτα π ά ν τ α φύονται | ττυροι καΐ κριθαι ήδ* άμπελοι, αϊ τε φέρουσιν | οίνον έριστάφυλον: cf. Strab. 11.502. The volcanic soil of Etna and the neighbourhood is in fact favourable for vines (Strab. 6.269). For the long syllable unshortened in hiatu at the strong caesura see 2.145 n. 48 άμβρόσιον: the adj. is applied to water also at Pind. / r / 1 9 8 , Horn. Ep. 1; c{. Eur. Hipp. 748. 49 τ ώ ν δ ε : gen. of comparison with αίρεΐσθαι. This construction is recognised by one ancient grammarian (Hermann de emend, rat. p. 354 αίρεΐσθαι το προκρίνειν, καΐ συντάσσεται ά π ό αΙτιατικής είς γενικήν, οίον αίροΰμαι τόδε τούδε) and is 2l6
50-54]
IDYLL XI
analogous to that of other verbs implying superiority (K.B.G. 2.1.393), but in the other examples cited (Soph. Phil. 1100, Ael. V.H. 3.10) the text is not secure. καί: Ahrens's correction (for the mss ή) is hardly proved by Σ (κύματα και θάλασσαν) but it is favoured by 7.57 (where see n.); and whether he means simply the stormy sea or the sea—nay, storms at sea (with a climax: 10.5 η.), καί seems the natural connexion. 50 λασιώτερος: Ο ν . Met. 13.843 (Polyphemus) coma plurima toruos \ promitiet in'uoltuSy umerosque ut Incus obumbrat. | nee mea quod rigidis horrent densissima saetis | corpora turpe puta. T.'s Cyclops has a bushy brow (31), a trait not uncommon among young southerners, but the adj. here is presumably not confined to his eyebrow, and he was said in the preface (9) to have only just reached puberty. The inconsistency, if there is one, is slight and can be paralleled elsewhere in T. (see 2.144 η.), but it may perhaps lend some colour to the suggestion (13η.) that the prelude is not of one piece with the rest of the poem. 51 ff. The fire is generally understood to be in the cave, and Polyphemus is supposed to be inviting Galatea to singe his superfluous hair (so Nic. Eugen. 6.511), but the attractions of the cave were complete at 49, καίειν does not mean to singe, and, if it did, Polyphemus might reasonably be expected to singe himself. In 50 Polyphemus turns from the material advantages which this match offers to Galatea and considers the objections to his person, of which he has already shown himselt conscious in 30 ff.; and we expect not a means for improving his appearance but a reason for tolerating it. He means that though he is ugly, he is devoted; the fires of love are stoked and kindled in his heart, and if Galatea will only fan them to a flame he does not care what they consume. The fires of love are treated with grotesque litcralness because he is a grotesque creature and is about to give further examples of his naivete. He mentions oak-logs because they produce the hottest fire he knows (cf. 9.19); Ovid, with his eye on T., chooses and exaggerates to grotesqueness another figure: Met. 13.867 uror enim, laesusque exaestuat acrius ignis, | cumque suis uideor translatam uiribus Aetnam \ pectoreferre meo (cf. Her. 15.12 and Palmer ad loc). The fires of love are common in T. (see 3.17η.) as elsewhere, but the following examples approach Polyphemus's in literabess:/r^w. Grenfell. 15 (Powell Coll. Al. 177) συνοδηγόν εχω το πολύ ττύρ | τούν τη ψνχτ\ μου καιόμενον, Α.Ρ. 9·Ι5 δεύρ* απ* έμής ψυχής άψον σέλας· ενδοθι γ ά ρ μου | καιόμενον ττολλήν έξανίησι φλόγα, ib. 5209, 211, Plan. 209, Apul. Met. 2.7. For the dormant fire of love see Call. Ep. 45 εστί τι, ναι τον Πάνα, κεκρυμμένον, εστί τι ταύτη, | ναι μά Διώνυσον, ττύρ ύπό τη σποδιή, Α.Ρ. 12.8ο μη προς Διός ώ φιλάβουλε | κίνησης τέφρη π υ ρ ύπολαμπόμενον, ib. 5.122, Headlam on Hdas 1.38: for the fire waiting to be fanned to brighmess 24.88 η. ύπό σ π ο δ ω : Κ omits the iota, and the gen. may be right. There is a similar doubt at 24.88; at 16.16 Ahrens corrected gen. to dat. on the ground that elsewhere T. uses ύπό e.gen. only of the cause or agent. άνεχοΐμαν: for the potential opt. see 2.34 η. ό φ θ α λ μ ό ν : 6.22. There is some dramatic irony, for T. is thinking of the burning of the eye in Od. 9. 54 δ τ ' : the conjunction meaning that or because suffers elision also at 79, 16.9. In Homer the elided vowel is commonly believed to be ε not ι (Munro Horn. Gr.z § 270, van Leeuwen Ench. 274). That T. shared this opinion is probably indicated by the fact that he writes ότι ού with hiatus (1.88, 91); cf. 3.24η. βράγχι*: the word is apparently capable of the meanings/ins (Anon fr. 1.4, Ael. N.A. 16.12), but it commonly means gills, and these are the more essential organs lacked by Polyphemus. 217
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55 ώς :4.49 η . τ ά ν χ έ ρ α : for kissing on the hand see Bion 2.23 (Achilles and Deidamia), RE Suppl. 5.516. 56 λης: the natural consecution would be the imperfect indie, (as Dem. 55.5 έξη v . . .λέγειν.. .'έμπεσεΐται το ύδωρ εί$ τ ο χωρίον τ ο ήμέτερον', ΐν* εΐ μέν έβούλετο τταύσασθαι, μηδέν ήμΐν ήν δυσχερές ττρό$ αλλήλους, εΐ δ' ώλΐγώρησε καΐ συνέβη τι τοιούτον, μάρτυσιν είχες τοις τότε παραγενομένοις χρήσασθαι, id. 23.48); the present speculates upon Galatea's disposition at the moment rather than on what it might have been in the unrealised contingency. κρίνα: the word seems to have been used of more than one kind of lily (RE 7.792), but Theophrastus (H.P. 6.8.3) classes them as summer-flowering plants, Longus (2.3.4) with roses as spring-flowering. T.'s flower in winter, and are perhaps snowdrops. This however is not a common flower in Greece, and since κρίνον = λείριον (Nic.fr. 74.27), T. perhaps means the narcissus, called by Theophrastus λείριον, which begins to flower in late autumn (Theophr. H.P. 6.6.9, 6.8.3). Propertius (1.20.37) has lilia and papauera flowering together on the scene of Hylas's rape. 57 μ α κ ω ν ' : on the varieties of poppy known in antiquity see RE 15.2434. πλαταγώνι*: this name for the petals of the poppy (and apparently of the anemone) is no doubt derived from their use in the lovers' oracle discussed at 3.29. It occurs again at Nic.fr. 74.43, Jos. A.J. 3.7.6. 58 f. He has envisaged himself bringing some early flower or (not and) poppies, and the couplet is not a reflexion that he could not bring them both but an apology for what may seem stinginess. It is deUberately naive, but in Polyphemus's defence it may be said that Galatea, though she sometimes comes ashore (22) and even gathers flowers herself (26), cannot be assumed to be familiar with their seasons since she lives in the sea. 60 νυν μ ά ν : looking back to 54. Something may still be done in spite of his mother's oversight. κόριον: on the diminutives of κόρη see Poll. 2.17, Lobeck Phrytt. 73. Κόριον, though approved by grammarians, seems to occur elsewhere only at Eupol./r. 422, Lys.fr. 1, and perhaps Ar. Ach. 731 (where the form is uncertain). The text in the second half of the line is insecure, but αύτίκα reinforcing the repeated vuv is plausible, and the limitative γε is appropriate. I will at any rate learn to swim, though I shall not be able to consort with you as I should if I had gills. μαθεϋμαι, if correct, must be for μαθήσομαι. The form is unknown, but Epicharmus (fr. 120) has δεούμεθα for δεη(θη)σόμεθα, and a rougher Doric form would not be surprising in this Idyll. 61 αϊ κά τ ι ς : K's είτε κα suggests that Τ. may have written αϊ τίς κα, which is a legitimate Doric order of words (2.159 η.), and was conjectured by Ahrens. T. is again thinking, with irony, of Odysseus, but Polyphemus himself has no reason to expect visitors, and the hne in effect postpones indefinitely the imprudent promise of 60. 62 ΰ μ μ ι ν : sea-nymphs generally. 63 έξένθοις.. .έξενθοΐσα: cf. 2.113. 64 ά7Γ€νθ€Ϊν: the construction of λαθέσθαι c.inf is not noticed in the lexica and this example seems to be unique. The inf. is found with έτπλαθέσθαι (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 853). The construction of Plut. Pel. 11 Ελαβε δέ αυτόν καταβαλεΐν τ α λύχνα (he forgot to. . . ) , found elsewhere in Plutarch, occurs as early as Pind. P. 5.23. 65 ποιμαίνειν: absolute, as at Plat. Legg. 805 E, al.; and so νομεύειν 7.113,
M-35. 2l8
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66 τυρόν παξαι: 18.40, 25.106nn. τάμισον: 7 · ΐ 6 η . 67 μόνα: i.e. it is all her fault. There is some compression of language, for he means something like αδικεί με ουδέν φίλον είποϋσα και οΟτω μόνη αΙτία εστί της νυν συμφοράς. 69 δμαρ έπ* άμαρ: the phrase, which is hard to analyse, recurs at A.P. 9.499, O p p . Hal. 5.472 and resembles έπ' άμαρ εκαστον (17.96) or έπ* ήμαρ άεί (epigr. 8) though these mean every day, while the first two examples of ά. έπ' ά. mean rather continuously, from one day to another, like ήμέραν έξ ημέρας (Henioch. Jr. 5, Rhes. 445, al). Somewhat similar is έτος είς έτος (Soph. Ant. 340) meaning much the same as είς. έτος (epigr. 13) or είς έτος έξ ετεος (18.15, 25.124). Cf. for similar adverbial phrases 15.122, 18.15 nn. λ ε π τ ύ ν ο ν τ α : unless άμαρ έπ* άμαρ is taken with όρεϋσα, which impairs the sense, the correction must be right since a process, not a state, is to be indicated. Λεπτύνειν, like most verbs in -ύνειν, is elsewhere transitive, but the intransitive use is analogous to that of βραδύνειν, ταχύνειν. 71 σφύσδειν: the word has a medical colour and occurs in verse elsewhere perhaps only in a fragment of Georgius Pisidas cited by Suidas s.v. Gal. 5.716 όταν άναγνώμεν εν τινι τ ω ν παλαιών Ιατρών βιβλίω σφύ^ειν τ ο φλεγμαΐνον μόνον μόριον, ή την επί φλεγμονή κίνησιν τών αρτηριών σφυγμόν ονομάζοντας μ ό ν η ν . . . λογι^όμεθα μή πάσαν αρτηριών κίνησιν άλλ' ήτοι την μεγάλην καΐ σφοδράν ή την αίσΟητήν α ύ τ φ τ ω κάμνοντι προσαγορεύεσθαι σφυγμόν. ούτω δέ δοκεΐ τη προσηγορία του σφυγμοϋ κεχρήσθαι καΐ ό 'Ερασίστρατος: see Susemihl Gr. Lit. d. Alexandr. 1.808. άνιαθη: sc. ή μήτηρ. Τ. lengthens the ι of this verb at 2.23, and both in the verb and the noun the epic scansion prevails with his contemporaries (Call. Ep. 17, Ap. Rh. 1.1340, ah, Arat. 1098). Call. mfrr. 263, 553 however has 1, and T. in Aeolic at 29.9. 72 ώ Κ ύ κ λ ω ψ : he addresses himself, as commonly in monologue from Od. 20.17 on (cf. T. 30.11), using his own name, as, e.g., Eur. Med. 402, Men. Sam. i n , 134. έκπεπότασαι: 2.19. 73 αϊ κ ' : there are several examples of ε! κε and the opt. in protases of conditional sentences in Homer (Munro Horn. Gr. §313, Goodwin M.T. §460), and the possibility that T . is imitating these cannot be regarded as remote, though it is perhaps more probable that his syntax comes from Sicily. Epich. jr. 21 ττράτον μεν αϊ κ* εσθοντ* ϊδοις νιν άττοθάνοις, and more doubtfully Sophr./r. 25 αϊ y a μάν κόγχαι ώσττερ αϊ κ* έξ ενός κελεύματος, κεχάναντι άμϊν ττάσαι, Α Γ . Lys. 1098 δεινά γ ' αυ ττεττόνθαμες | αϊ κ* είδον άμε τώνδρες, show, if the text is sound, a freedom in the use of κα or κε which is also found in certain Doric inscriptions; and in this Idyll, where the dialect is rougher, T. may be allowing himself the same liberty. Here and in the three other passages it has been proposed to introduce a form αϊκ, related to at as ούκ to ou. Its existence is inferred from ε1κ=εί, a form recognised with some probability in Arcadian inscriptions (see Bechtel Gr. Dial. 1.372) and conjecturally introduced a t H d t . 1.174 (oracle) and Bacch. 13.228. But Epich. jr. 219 αϊ κά τ υ βλείης σφενδόνα seems to show the same construction as in jr. 21 and T., and favours the view that at any rate in these two passages κ* is the modal adverb.1 See Rhein. Mus. 63.333, Berl. Phil. Woch. 1890.1502, Gott. Anz. 1898.134 (cf. Wackernagel Vorlesungen 1.223), Wilamowitz on Ar. Lys. 1098, and, for a possibly similar use of εϊ κε, Τ. 2 . n 8 n . 1
Epicharmus has κ* with elision (whether of ε or α ) in fr. 35 and perhaps in 265.
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ταλάρως: 5.86 η. θαλλόν: 4-44 η· Soph. fr. 502 θαλλόν χίμαιρας προσφέρων νεοσττάδσ (where see Pearson), Babr. 45.7, Cat. R.R. 30 ouibus frondem tiiridem usquedum habebis praebeto, Hor. Ep. 1.14.28. Θαλλός, as Timaeus s.u. says, commonly means an olive branch. άμάσας: the initial α is long at 10.16, 50 (cf 7.29), and in Apollonius more often long than short. In Callimachus and Nicander always short, as in Homer at Od. 9.247, and in compounds. 74 έίρνεσσι: the form is found also at II. 16.352; άρνασι at Arat. 1104. £χοις ν ώ ν : Ar. Vesp. 1438 αϊ ναι τάν κόραν | . . . έπίδεσμον έπρίω, νουν αν είχες πλείονα. For other meanings of the phrase see 14.21 n. 75 παρεοΐσαν: sc. αίγα or όιν. φ ε ύ γ ο ν τ α : the masc. is presumably to be explained by the proverbial nature of the phrase, though in other similar passages the neuter appears (Call. Ep. 33 τ α μεν φεύγοντα διώκειν | οΐδε, τ ά δ' εν μέσσω κείμενα παρπέταται, Hes.fr. 2ig νήπιος os τ ά έτοιμα λιπών ανέτοιμα διώκει, Bacch. 1.176 αΐεΐ τ ά φεύγοντα δί^ηνται κιχείν, Pind. Ρ. 3.22, Hor. S. 1.2.108 transuolat in medio posita et fugientia capiat, O v . Am. 2.9.9 sequitur fugientia, capta relinquit, 19.36), and the masc. in T.'s kindred expressions at 6.17, 14.62 is required by the context. 76 Od. 21.250 ου τι γάμου τοσσουτον οδύρομαι, άχνύμενός περ* | είσι και άλλαι πολλαι Άχαιίδες, Α.Ρ. 5.245» Virg. Ε. 2.73: cf. Τ. 22.156 ff. 77 κόραι: if T. troubled to consider who these might be, he may have thought of them as the daughters of other Cyclopes: Od. 9.114 θεμιστεύει δέ έκαστος j παίδων ήδ* άλόχων, ούδ' αλλήλων άλέγουσι. 78 κιχλίζοντι: of wanton or lascivious laughter. Clem. Al. Paed. 196 P. ή δέ έκμελής του π ρ ο σ ώ π ο υ εκλυσις εί μέν έπί γυναικών γίνοιτο κιχλισμός προσαγορεύεται, γέλως δέ έστι πορνικός, Α.Β. 271.30 κιχλισμός· πορνικός γέλως πολύς και άκοσμος, Α.Ρ. 5·245 κιχλΐ3εις χρεμέτισμα γάμου προκέλευθον ίεϊσα. See Blaydes on Ar. Nub. 983, Headlam on Hdas 7.123. υπακούσω: 7.9411. 79 δ τ · : 5 4 ΐ ι . έν xqt yqt: the words might mean either in this country or on land (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 22), and the second meaning is the more appropriate to the context. τις: 4.30η. 80 έποίμαινεν: Orph.fr. 82 Κ. ποιμαίνων πραπίδεσσιν άνόμματον ώκύν "Ερωτα (cf. 10.20 η.), Α.Ρ. 12.99 ήγρεΟθην υπ* έρωτος ό μηδ* όναρ ουδέ μαθών π ω | άρσενα ποιμαίνειν Θεσμόν ύπό κραδίας. The verb in these two places however seems to mean no more than harbour or entertain, whereas some idea of alleviation is here required. Like βουκολεΐν, it may approach the meaning cheat, beguile (Luc. Am. 54 σεμνών ονομάτων κομψεύμασι τους αμαθείς ποιμαινέτωσαν), but the fundamental idea is perhaps keep under control, guide in the right way. A similar doubt attaches to Babr. 19.7 βουκολουσα τ ή ν λ ύ π η ν , 140.1. βουκόλημα της λύπης). Τ. is no doubt conscious of Polyphemus's proper occupations and of his neglected sheep (12, 74). 81 jbqtov: 7 η. Τ. reverts to the moral from which he started, and ends with a hit at Nicias's profession, already criticised for avarice by Pindar (P. 3-54)'» for it is plain from 1-6 that χρυσόν εδωκεν means χ. ε. τοις Ιατροΐς. η εί: c£. ι.51, 16.62 nn. The crasis occurs also at Ariphron/r. 1.6, and perhaps at Alex./r. 201: ή είς already at //. 5.466.
220
IDYLL XII PREFACE Subject. The Idyll is a monologue addressed by the poet to a boy whose two days' absence has seemed all too long. After depicting, in a series of images, his delight at the reunion, T. expresses the wish that their love might be equal on either side and run so smooth a course as to win them renown in future ages. Such was the renown of the Megarian hero Diodes who gave his life for his friend, so that at his annual festival the boys compete in a kissing-contest, the judge in which must have an enviable and difficult task. Dialect. Σ in the Argument have γέγραττται δέ Ίάδι δισλέκτω, and the Idyll is similarly headed in several mss. There can therefore be little doubt that the Doric forms which have infected it in most or all mss are due to scribes, and that Heinsius was right in correcting them. This conclusion is supported by ί 3, which, except for aponds in 24, is free from Dorisms in the lines it preserves. Genre. Prima facie the poem is to be classed not with T.'s other hexameter poems but with the Aeolic lyrics 29, 30 and probably 31 (and especially with 29), which deal with similar themes in similarly emotional terms. Wilamowitz however (Textg. 179) cast doubts upon its seriousness and thought that T. is writing at least partly in jest. The points which he emphasised are these: (i) The elaborate series of figures in which T. expresses his joy at the reunion (3-9). These he thought bucolic in tone (comparing 4.39 and 10.30f.) and therefore not to be taken quite seriously when applied by the poet to himself.1 (ii) The glossographical matter in 131". (iii) The contrast between the high-flown prayers of 10-23 a n ^ the bathos of 23 f. (iv) The kissing-contest at the Dioclea, which, he held, must have struck T. ! s contemporaries as quaint or comic (see 29 η.). And certainly if it is taken at its face value the poem is much inferior to Id. 29 and offends by its apparent lack of emotional restraint, by its untimely display of learning, and by the incongruous juxtaposition of the two. In short, if it is wholly serious, it displays more con spicuous deficiencies of tact and taste than are to be found elsewhere in T. On the other hand it might be argued that these are faults of which no Alexandrian poet can be acquitted on a priori grounds, and that the poetical level both of the opening couplet and of some other passages does not favour the view that it is intended to be even in part burlesque. The Idyll presents also another problem since it is impossible to guess why a piece of such content should be written in Ionic hexameters; and it may be that if we knew the models which dictated this choice we should understand also what at present seem to be incongruities in the poem. In the present state of our ignorance it must be said that it is both obscure and unsatisfactory. Authenticity. The poem is cited by Athenaeus (2.50A) and Julian (Epist. 374c; cf. Misop. 338D) as T.'s, but this testimony adds nothing to its presence in the edition equipped with ancient scholia. In modern times some of the older critics, 1
The similar scries at Id. 18.26 if. is however neither bucolic nor playful. 221
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such as Heinsius and Blomfield (on Aesch. Pers. 694), regarded it as spurious, mainly on the ground of the Ionic dialect. This, as has been said, awaits explanation, but is not against the authorship of a poet who wrote in any case Doric, Aeolic, and Epic. On the title see 13 η.
ι f. Editors have punctuated these lines variously, the problems being whether τρίτη συν νυκτί καΐ ήοΐ is to be attached to the first or to the second ήλυθες, and whether both or either sentences are interrogative. Certainty is hardly to be attained, but since τρίτη συν νυκτί is contrasted with έν ή μάτι I have preferred to place it in the second and adjacent sentence; and, as the following δέ seems some what against that sentence being interrogative, to treat the first similarly. The words seem to have been so taken by Σ except that they connect also ώ φίλε κοϋρε with the second ήλυθες. Cat. 9.3 uenistine domum ad tuos penates \ fratresque unanimos anumque matrem? \ uenisti provides a defence for those who treat the first ήλυθες as a question, but the effect seems unduly staccato for the tone of this poem. The opening lines are apparently a reminiscence of Sapph./r. 48 D 2 ήλθες, κάλ' έπόησας, εγω δε σ* έμαόμαν | αν δ* έφλυξας ίίμαν φρένα καιομέναν πόθω if that fragment is rightly restored, though there too the punctuation of ήλθες is doubtful; cf. also Od. 16.23, Theogn. 511, Soph. O.C. 327, Ar. Pax 824, Ran. 503, Ter. Haut. 407. συν: in temporal expressions of this kind άμα is regular (15.132, Ap. Rh. 3.1172 άμ' ήοΐ Ι πέμπον ες ΑΙήτην, al.)y σύν extremely rare: Pind. P. 11.9 δφρα θέμιν.. .| κελαδήσετ* άκρα συν εσπέρα, ib. 4·ΐο έβδομα καΐ συν δέκατα γενεφ, and so perhaps Αρ. Rh. 4.1007 (see Jebb on Bacch. n(io).23). T.'s example is eased by the fact that the verb is appropriate also to νύξ and ήώς, and, as boy and day arrive together, the preposition is nearer to the purely sociative sense. νυκτί καΐ ήοΐ: unless Τ. means άμ* ήοΐ φαινομένηφι (II. 9.682, al.) and men tions night for that reason, ήώς means day (16.5 n.) and day and night are named together to mean the full twenty-four hours, as at 2.86, Od. 10.28 έννήμαρ μέν όμως πλέομεν νύκτας τε και ήμαρ, Η. Horn. 3.91 έννήμάρ τε και εννέα νύκτας άέλπτοις | ώδίνεσσι πέπαρτο, Aeschin. 3.108 ττάντ' ήματα και πάσας νύκτας, Αρ. Rh. 4.1234, *'· ποθεΰντες: 17.52. Ammon. de diff. 59 έραν γάρ έστι των έν όψει, ποθεΐν δέ τους άπόντας (cf. Τ. ιο.8,13.65). The prose phrases in the letters of Procopius converted by Kock into Com. Adesp. 263, 264 are more likely to be derived from this line, which is cited elsewhere in late antiquity (e.g. Auson. Epist. 12.4). For the sentiment cf. A.P. 12.171 (Dioscor.) ό μικρός | μυριετής κέκριται τω φιλέοντι χρόνος. 3 βραβίλοιο: 7.146η. Hehn (Kulturpflanzen6 370) suggested that μήλον here stood for'κοκκύμήλον, but though sloes might suitably be contrasted with plums, a contrast with apples is also quite appropriate. 4 σφετέρης: Τ. has this adj. for the 3rd pers. sing, at 17.41, 22.209, 24.60, for the 2nd at 22.67; and at 25.163 it stands for έμός. Similarly έός is for σός at 17.50 and possibly at 10.2 (where see n.). See Schneider on Call. H. 3.103, 229, Mooney on Ap. Rh. 1.1113, 3.186, and cf. T. 25.55, 1621m. 5 τριγάμοιο γυναικός: when, in 278 B.C. (see p. 265), Arsinoe II married her brother Ptolemy Philadelphus, she had been previously married to Lysimachus and to Ptolemy Keraunos and was therefore γυνή τρίγαμος. The line has therefore been taken as a studied insult indicating a breach between T. and the Alexandrian court. The inference is ridiculous, for T. elsewhere speaks of Arsinoe with high respect, and she appears to have been extremely popular. It is less absurd to argue that T. 222
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was writing before the marriage, but a reasonable interval of time or space would remove all cause for offence. T. is probably thinking of taunts levelled at Helen, who is called τρίγαμος by Stesichorus {Jr. 26), and τριάνωρ by Lycophron (851). 7 άοιδοτάτη π ε τ ε η ν ώ ν : Call. Η. 4.252 Μουσάων όρνιθες άοιδότατοι πετεηνών (cf. Τ. 7-47)» Kaibel Ερ. Gr. 330 'Ελλήνων πάντων όρνις άοιδότατος. The superlative of the adj. occurs also at Eur. Hel. 1109 (of the nightingale), and in the passive sense at Phanocles/r. 1.22 Powell. The expression is varied from that in the preceding terms of comparison, but άοιδοτάτη πετεηνών implies άοιδοτέρη άλλων and a comparison parallel to that in the other clauses. 8 f. τόσσον: Τ. has expressed the degree of his pleasure by comparison not with absolute amounts but with measures of difference. The sentence is oddly phrased, but the underlying thought is perhaps of the difference to his happiness caused by the absence or presence of the beloved. In the simile which follows the meaning is I find as much solace in your company as a sun-scorched traveller finds in the shade, or the like. For the form in which it is expressed see 3.54η. The simile differs from those there quoted in that the fusion of the two clauses here leaves more obscure what the lover is doing. The thought is presumably your presence alleviates the fires of love as shade alleviates the suns rays. Somewhat similar Aesch. Ch. 505 παίδες yap άνδρΐ κλήδονες [-όνος Lobel] σωτήριοι | θανόντι· φελλοί δ' ως άγουσι δίκτυον | τόν έκ βυθού κλωστήρσ σώζοντες λίνου—they keep his memory from oblivion as floats keep a net from sinking. For T.'s figure cf. Aesch. Ag. 966, Anacreont. 17.10. φ η γ ό ν : 9.20 η. ίο ομαλοί :15.5ο. In this relationship the affections of the man are usually more deeply engaged than those of the boy. T. prays that the two may here love ΐσω 3υγώ (15), but it is not plain whether he asks that "Ερωτες of equal potency shall inspire each of the pair, or that the same "Ερωτες shall inspire both with equal force. nvcuociav: the figure is chosen to lead up to είσπνηλος in 13 (see n.): Ap. Rh. 3.937 έπιπνείουσιν "Ερωτες, 972 Οπό πνοιήσιν "Ερωτος, Eur. LA. 69, Trag. Adesp. 187 (cf. Cercid./r. 5 Powell, Luc. Am. 37), Plut. Mor. 759 F, 767 D ; cf. Τ. Ι7-52, 18.54. 11 άοιδή: II. 6.357 ώς καΐ όπίσσω | άνθρώποισι πελώμεθ* άοίδιμοι έσσομένοισι, Od. 8.580 ίνα ήσι και έσσομένοισιν άοιδή, ib. 3.204, 24.200, Eur. Suppl. 1225. In view of the context T. is probably thinking rather of Theogn. 251 πασι δ' όσοισι μέμηλε και έσσομένοισιν άοιδή | έσση. 12 δίω: Et. Μ. 278.14: σημαίνει δέ τρία* τόν ενδοξον, ώς τό δΐος Άχιλλεύς, και δΐος 'Οδυσσεύς* και τόν μέγαν, ώς τό είς άλα δΐαν, αντί του είς θάλασσαν Οείαν ή Θαυμαστήν. σημαίνει δέ καΐ τόν αγαθόν, ώς έν Όδυσσεία δΐος συβώτης. Τ. has borrowed the adj. from its common complimentary use in Homer of human beings, and probably means ένδοξος or something of the sort. He uses it not as an attribute but as a predicate; and the use is softened here and at Plat. Phaedr. 252 Ε by the addition of τις, as (in a different sense of the adj.) at Aesch. Prom. 619 βούλευμα μέν τό Δίον by the article. These are probably not the only places where it is used predicatively, but I know no others, θείω, proposed by Ahrens, is little less suitable and is similarly used. The phrase seems to echo Od. 4.26 ξείνω δή τινε τώδε. 13 f. εϊσπνηλος: Ael. V.H. 3.12 ol έν Λακεδαίμονι κάλοι... δέονται τών εραστών είσπνεΐν αυτοΐς* Λακεδαιμονίων δέ έστιν αύτη ή φωνή, έραν λέγουσα, Plut. Cleom. 3 έραστου γεγονότος (τούτο δέ έμπνεΐσθαι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καλουσιν), Et. Μ. 43-31 άίτης· ό ερωμένος παρά τό άειν δ έστι πνέειν ό είσπνέων τόν έρωτα τω έραστη. φασί γάρ γίνεσθαι τόν έρωτα έκ του είσπνεϊσθαι έκ της μορφής του ερωμένου· όθεν καΐ είσπνήλας καλοϋσι τους έραστάς παρά Λάκωσιν, ib. 306.22, 223
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[15
Et. Gen. s.v. είσπνήλης* ό ερωμένος. Καλλίμαχος [jr. 68]· μέμβλετο δ* είσπνήλαις όππότε κοί/ρος ΐοι | φωλεόν ήέ λόετρον. ό ύπό του έρωτος είσττνεόμενος· Λακε δαιμόνιοι γ ά ρ είσπνεΐν φασι τ ό έράν. It is clear from these passages, in spite of their inconsistencies, and from the similar matter in Σ, that είσπνήλας and, if T.'s mss are trustworthy, εΐσπνηλος were Dorian words for lover, whether they mean inspiredor, as the form of the word rather suggests, inspirer (see Rhein. Mus. 62.454,4^o) .* χ ώ μ υ κ λ α ϊ ά ζ ω ν : i.e. και ό Ά μ . * : cf. 1.72η. The verb is perhaps no more than an ornamental alternative for Λακωνί^ων (cf. Serv. ad Virg. G. 3.345), for Amyclae is not otherwise mentioned in connexion with the word εΐσπνηλος, and its dialect is not likely to have differed appreciably from that of Sparta, from which it is only 20 stades distant (Polyb. 5.19.2). For -ιά3ω)(-ί3ω see Lobeck Path. prol. 481. Verbs of this type formed from the names of places and peoples are common in various senses. T. has Δωρίσδειν (15.93; cf. ib. 88) with reference to dialect, and so Άττικί^ειν, Έ λ λ η ν φ ι ν . π ά λ ι ν : contra, as, e.g., Polyb. 10.16.3 ποτέ μεν έκτος της πόλεως, ποτέ δέ πάλιν εντός. ώ ς xcv: if the mss are right, the parenthesis ώ ς . . .εΐποι has affected the structure of the sentence, which should be either ό έτερος... ώς είποι or else τόν έτερον... εΐποι. Such anomalies are not uncommon (e.g. Aesch. Pers. 188 τούτω στάσιν τ ι ν \ ώς εγώ 'δόκονν όραν, | τεύχειν έν άλλήλαισι, see Jebb on Soph. Tr. 1238, Stein on Hdt. 1.65 and, in Latin, Lofstedt Verm. Stud. 154), though in the other instances cited the presence of an infinitive in place of the expected indicative makes the construction less misleading. Wilamowitz, w h o assumed άίτας to be Laconian, followed Briggs and wrote πάλιν, ώς και ό Θ., εΐποι, the Laconian-speaker, as also the Thessalian, would call him.... There is no evidence apart from Alcman's use of the feminine άΐτις (see below) that the word is Laconian, but assuming it to be so, this solution eases the construction only by making the couplet even more prosaic than before. It must however be admitted that T. is yielding more openly here than elsewhere to the Alexandrian passion for γλώσσαι (see 2.156 η.), and this solution cannot be excluded on the ground of its oddity. The whole poem however is so peculiar that I have preferred to print the ms reading provisionally, άίτην: τόν έρώμενον. A.B. 348.2 Άείταν τόν έταΐρον. 'Αριστοφάνης δέ τον έρώμενον, Σ Arg. Αλκμάν [fr. 125] τάς έπεράστους κόρας λέγει αίτιας. Outside this poem the word occurs at Dosiad. Ara 5, and probably in a choliambic fragment assigned to Cercidas (Powell Coll. Al. p. 214.27) and at Lye. 461, in the last of which places the 1st syll. is long (see however Holzinger ad loc). The reference to Aristophanes (above), though included in the fragments of the poet (738), is more likely to pertain to the grammarian. The word is not elsewhere con nected with Thessaly nor indeed with any other dialect; m y translation implies a derivation from άίειν, but this is uncertain. 15 ί φ ί λ η σ α ν : 7.60η. too) ζ υ γ ω : cf. 13.15η. The figure is probably from yoked cattle (Od. 18.371 βόες.. .Ισοφόροι: cf. //. 13.703). Hor. C. 1.35.28 (where see Orelli) amid \ ferre iugum pariter dolosit Prop. 3.25.8 tu bene cotiueniens non sinis ire iugum, Plin. Epist. 3.9.8 nobis tamen. . .nulla contentio cum uterque pari iugo non pro se sed pro causa niteretur, Julian Or. 8.244c φιληθείς τό λεγόμενον ΐσω ;$νγΦ, and in connexion with marriage the figure of the yoke is common (see A. von Salis in Corolla L. Curtius 163); cf. 13.15, 27.21, 30.28 nn. It should however be mentioned that in 1σο3υγεϊν (Nic. Th. 908) and perhaps in Ισο3\/γής (Α.Ρ. 10.16) the ^υγόν concerned is the beam of a pair of scales, and Legrand so interpreted T.'s figure (sans que penchat la balance). 224
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16 χρύσειοι π ά λ ι ν : i.e. the Golden Age had returned. Diog.Laert. 4.21 Κράτης... ή ν . . .ακροατής άμα και ερωμένος Πολέμωνος.. .και ούτως άλλήλω έφιλείτην ώστε και 3ωντε ού μόνον των αυτών ήστην επιτηδευμάτων αλλά και μέχρι σχεδόν αναπνοής έξωμοιώσθην άλλήλοιν και θανόντε τής αυτής ταφής έκοινωνείτην... ένθεν και 'Αρκεσίλαον. . . προς αυτούς λέγειν ώς εϊεν θεοί τίνες ή λείψανα τών έκ τού χρυσού γένους. This particular aspect of the Golden Age does not seem to be mentioned elsewhere, and as Crates was a near contemporary of T. (see RE 11.1632) it is possible that the resemblance between the two passages is not accidental. The proposition όλβιοι ot φιλέοντες έπήν ίσον άντεραωνται is illustrated by Bion (fr. 9) not from the Golden but from the Heroic Age. The occurrence of πάλιν in different senses in the same position of the verse twice in three lines may be avoided by accepting the early conjecture πάλαι from Med., or χρύσεοι ol πάλαι (Wassenberg), but with τότε preceding neither is attractive. 17 Cf. 16.82. τ ο ΰ τ ο . . . π έ λ ο ι : sc. έπεσσομένοις γενοίμεθα πασιν άοιδή ( ι ι ) . άγήρω: the adj. in Homer is always coupled with αθάνατος. Τ. varies the familiar phrase by making them substantive and attribute. 18 γ€ν€ης: the dat. denotes the measure of difference, as though έπειτα were ύστερον. I do not know another instance with έπειτα, but Herodotus so uses μετέπειτα with χρόνω or χρόνω πολλώ (2. ι ίο, 7-7» 2 33)* and the extension is not unnatural. 19 άγγ€ίλ€ΐ€ν: Pind. O. 14.20 μελανοτειχέα νυν δόμον | Φερσεφόνας §λθ', Άχοΐ, πατρι κλυτάν φέροισ* άγγελίαν, ib. 8.81, Virg. Aen. 4.387» Sil. 11.255. άνέξοδον: 17.120, Aesch. Pers. 688 εστί δ' ουκ εύέξοδον, Eur. fr. 868 θεοί χθόνιοι | 3°? ε ράν άδίαυλον έχοντες | εδραν, H.F. 43J» Philet. fr. 6 Powell άτραπόν είς Άίδαο | ήνυσα, την ούπω τις εναντίον ήλθεν όδίτης, Α.Ρ. 7-4^7 άνόστητον χώρον...ένέρων, Quint. S. 3·ΐ5> Orph. Η. SJ.I Κωκυτού...άνυπόστροφον οΐμον ανάγκης, Nic. Αϊ. Ι4· The adj. is used by Rhianus (A.P. 12.93 λαβύρινθος) and, later, in prose. 'Αχέροντα: for Άχέρων as a synonym of Άίδης as a place, see 15.86, Call. fr. 191.35, Mosch. 1.14, A.P. 7.25, 420, 648, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 559; as a person, Soph. Ant. 816, A.P. 7.30, 399, 568, 732. 20 f. vOv: with πάσι δια στόματος. δια στόματος: Αρ. Rh. 3-793 α ε ο ι α στόματος φορέουσαι, Xen. Cyr. 1.4.25, Plut. Mor. 10&Ε, Luc. Per. 18, α/., and so Eur. Andr. 95 άνά στόμ* άεί καΐ διά γλώσσης έχειν and, commonly, δια χειρός: see Blaydes on Ar. Lys. 855. For δι* ώτός see 14.27 η. 22 f. The general sense is plainly that is as heaven wills, the text uncertain. Those who retain υπέρτεροι Ούρανίωνες εσσονται assume υπέρτεροι τούτων to mean κύριοι, potentes. When not purely local, the common meaning of υπέρτερος with a gen. is victorious over (cf. 24.100), but the required sense is at any rate approached in such passages as Aesch. fr. 266 ημών γε μέντοι Νέμεσίς έσθ* υπέρτερα, Αρ. Rh. 3.988 ού γαρ άνευθεν | ύμείων στονόεντος υπέρτερος εσσομ' άέθλου. If that is right however, there is no place in the sentence for ώς έθέλουσι, and εσσονται should rather be present. Provisionally therefore I have accepted Graefe's punctua tion and Meineke's εσσεται. It is possible however that Piccolos's τούτων μέν ύπερ θεοί Ούρ. | θήσονθ* is nearer the truth. άλλ* ήτοι: 22.189, H- ΐ·ΐ40> 2ΐι, al., Αρ. Rh. 4-164523 f. Σ: (i) τους έπι τής ρινός φυομένους Ιόνθους Σικελιώται ψεύστας [ψευστάς Bucheler, ψεύδεα Ahrens, ψεύσματα Wendel] ελεγον <ώς) τους ψεύστας διελέγCT II
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χοντας* TOUTOUS δέ φύεσθαι τοις φιλοψεύσταις των (ανθρώπων, (η) εΐώθασι y a p ένιοι τ α επάνω της £>ινός κείμενα καΐ φυόμενα ψυδράκια καλεΐν ψευσματα, και είναι ταΟτα της περί τόν έχοντα άνθρωπον αυτά ψευδολογίας ση μείον. For a similar belief see 9.28 n. A mole or wart on the lips was also accounted a Sign of a liar (Script. Physiogn. 2.228.10 Foerster). If ψευσματα or ψευδεα is right, the pimples are called after what they denote, as at [Alex. Aphr.] Prob. 4.58 white marks on the nails are called έρασταί or ψευδεα. Σ differ as to whether they are on the nose or above it, i.e. on the forehead. Either interpretation of T. is possible (see Nic. Th. 241 below, Ap. Rh. 1.1088), but fbivos Οπερθε at 22.104 plainly means above the nose. αραιής: the adj. is odd, but there is no reason to suppose that it means άκρης. It is not uncommon of parts of the body: II. 5.425 (hand), 18.411, 20.37 (legs), Ap. Rh. 3.762 (Τνες), II. ι ό . ι ό ι (tongues of wolves), and of other parts of animals, Nic. Th. 133, 336, 557, Al. 470. In these places it probably means λεπτός, and that is its meaning at 13.59, where T. uses it of the voice. T., if the text is sound, appears to be alluding playfully to his o w n personal appearance. A suitable point would be made if we might assume that a nose so shaped was accounted by physiognomers a sign of veracity; cf. Script. Physiogn. 2.227.17 Foerster £>1ς όξεΐα άπλου καΐ εύθέος σημεΐον, and conversely ib. 2.204.5 5Ι nasus latus est in medio ad simitatetn inclinans, gloriosus et mendax est. If T. may be credited with such beliefs, he will mean Ί carry a guarantee of honesty which I would not wish belied'.* Nic. Th. 239 αϊ δέ χαμηλαί | πομφόλυγες ώς ει τε περί φλύκταιναι άραιαί | οία πυρικμήτοιο χροός πλαδόωσιν Οπερθεν led Bucheler to write ψ ε υ σ τ ά ς . . . άραιάς, postulating an unknown ψευστή. The passage certainly has some points of resemblance to this, but if T. is to be so strangely particular, it seems, whether the explanation suggested above is right or not, more natural to be so about the nose than about the pimples. 25 γάρ: the connexion is Ί am justified in commending you since your occasional unkindness is always more than atoned for', and 25 f. show that καλός in 23 has not been used merely of physical beauty; cf. A. P. 12.154. δ ά κ η ς : the verb is in common metaphorical use of such stimulants as anger, sorrow, love (e.g. Hes. Th. 567, Soph. Phil. 1358, Eur. Hipp. 1303), but not very common with a personal subject; cf. however Eur. Bacch. 351, Ar. Ran. 861, A.P. 5.107. τό μ έ ν : sc. τ ό δήγμα. 20 έπίμετρον: i.e. pleasure greater in amount than the pain previously in flicted. The word appears first in Theophrastus, and is elsewhere confined to prose. 27 Νισαΐοι: Nisaea is the port of Megara on the Saronic gulf, and the adj. is used to distinguish the Megarians of the Isthmus from the Μεγαρείς Ύβλαΐοι (e.g. Call./r. 43.52, Ap. Rh. 2.747, Nic.fr. 74.14); similarly Paus. 6.19.12 Μεγαρείς ol προς τή 'Αττική. έρετμοΐς: μαρτυρεί δέ αύτοΐς (καΐ) Σιμωνίδης ( τ ή ν ) ναυτικήν (Σ: cf. Simon. frr. 107, 199)· For the Megarian fleet in the Persian wars see Hdt. 8.1, 45. 28 δλβιοι: these good wishes were timely, for Megara, after being plundered by the troops of Demetrius in 307 B.C., experienced very chequered fortunes for half a century; see RE 15.194. περίαλλα: Pind. P. 11.5 δν περίαλλ* έτίμασε Λοξίας, Pae. 9.47 ό πόντιος Όρσοτρίαινά νιν | περίαλλα βροτών τίεν. The adv. is used by Apollonius (2.217, 3.529) and Nicander (Th. 620). 29 Διοκλέα: according to Σ Diodes fled from Attica to Megara and sub sequently met his death in battle while defending his ερωμένος. He is elsewhere 226
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said to have been a ruler of Eleusis (H. Horn. 2.153, 474)» driven out by Theseus (Plut. Thes. 10), and he was evidently of some account at Megara since the Megarian swears by him at Ar. Ach. 774. The games in his honour at Megara, mentioned also in S^Pind. O. 7.157, 13.156, are said by Σ Ar. Ach. to have been founded by Alcathous son of Pelops. The connexion of thought is no doubt that Diocles's devotion to his friend has earned him the immortality for which T. prayed in nfF. No mention is made elsewhere of the kissing-competition which T. pro ceeds to describe. Beauty-competitions were not unknown in antiquity (Ale. p.Ox. 2165.25, Ath. 13.565 F, 609F, Σ ll. 9.129), and the αϊτιον providedliere by Σ is presumably evidence for the existence at some time of a kissing-competition at Megara.1 Another may possibly have existed at Didyma (Varro ap. Schol. Stat. Th. 8.198 Apollini et jilio pariter conseaata sunt templa quae ah osculo Branchi siue certatnine puerorum Philesia nuncupantur),2 but it is difficult to disagree with Wilamowitz that T.'s contemporaries could hardly have regarded such a competition seriously. And if they could not do so, the latter part of this poem cannot have been seriously meant by T. For Διοκλέά cf. A.P. 9.391 *Ηρακλέά, and perhaps Soph. O.T. 161 εύκλέδ: cf. 8.87 η. 31 έριδμαίνουσι: the following inf. is unique with this verb. It occurs with έρί^ειν, but to denote the nature of the contest, not, as here, the victory. άκρα φέρεσθαι: A.P. 6.118 ά δέ φέροιτο | όχρα λύρας, δ δ* 2χοι πρώτα κυναγεσίας, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 224 ή πάσης άκρα φέρουσ* άρετης. 32 προσμάξη: 3.29n. γλυκ£ρώτερα: for the comparative in such sentences (where the superlative might be expected) see Od. 7.156 δς δή Φαιήκων ανδρών προγενέστερος ήεν, K.B.G. 2.1.22. The comp. and superl. terminations are very liable to be confused (see 15.139, 145, 17.4, Cobet N.L. 119), but the mss are here supported by the citation at Jul. Misop. 338 D. 33 μητέρ': so of defeated competitors Pind. P. 8.85 ουδέ μολόντων πάρ μοτέρ* άμφΐ γέλως γλυκύς | ώρσεν χάριν. 34 διαιτφ: neither διαιτητής nor the verb seem to be used elsewhere of judging contests, and T. is substituting for κρίνειν the less common word. If pressed, it would imply that each competitor claims the prize and the umpire decides between the claims; cf. Plut. Mor. 616 F. For the use with the ace. cf. Plut. MOT. 742A (άντινομίαν), Dion. Hal. 7.52 (νείκη); these are however differentiated by the nature of the nouns. 35 χαροπόν: it is impossible to determine the meaning attached by T. to this baffling adj., which Hesych. glosses περιχαρής, γλαυκός, ξανθός, φοβερός and Suid. περιχαρής, εύόφθαλμος. All these meanings can be exemplified and all except φοβερός are suitable here. The meaning περιχαρής is probably dependent on a supposed connexion with χαίρειν and is hardly demanded except possibly at Mesomed. H. Nem. 8, where the noun is τύχη: but a brightening of the eye is a sign of pleasure, and περιχαρής or εύόφθαλμος is a not unsuitable explanation in such passages as A.P. 5.153 (Asclepiades) αϊ χαροπαΐ... | . . . γλυκερού βλέμματος άστεροπαί, ih. 156, Opp. Cyn. 4.234 ού θήρες βλοσνραΐ χαροπαί δ* έπέλοντο γυναίκες, Philostr. Im. 334 Κ· 1 Nilsson's conjecture (Gr. Fest. 459) that the boys kissed the grave-stele as a gesture of farewell is in direct conflict with what T. says on the subject. 2 Possibly relevant is the kissing-game, κυνητίνδα, mentioned by Crates C o m . (Jr. 23), but nothing is known of its rules.
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μειδιφ: και χαροπόν βλέπει. It may be noted that T.'s more important contem poraries use the word of dawn (Ap. Rh. 1.1280; c£. Quint. S. 12.118), the moon (Arat. 1152; cf. Quint. S. 10.337), and stars (Arat. 394, 594), and that the natural interpretation bright, confirmed by the context in Ap. Rh., if suitable to all these passages except Arat. 394 χαροποί καΐ άναλδέες, where γλαυκός seems nearer the truth (cf. Plut. Mor. 934c (ή σελήνη) προς εω λαμβάνει χρόαν κυανοειδή καΐ χαροπήν, άφ' ής δή καΐ μάλιστα γλαυκώπιν αυτήν ot ποιηταΐ και 'Εμπεδοκλής άνακαλοΟνται). Χαροπός is used also not of a naturally bright, but of a flashing or glaring eye both in human beings (Luc. Dial. Deor. 19.1 φοβερά γάρ έστι καΐ χαροπή καΐ δεινώς ανδρική, Philostr. Int. 327Κ.) and in animals (Opp. Cyn. 4.162 δερκόμενος χαροποΐσιν ύπ* όμμασιν αίθόμενον πϋρ, Geop. 19.2.ι). It is probably in this sense that earlier poets commonly use the word of animals, as, e.g., at Od. 11.611 (λέοντες), Η. Horn. 4.194 (κύνες), Soph. Phil. 1146 (θήρες), but as an epitheton constans in later poets it is adequately represented by the φοβερός of Hesychius.1 Homer (II. 20.172) seems to use γλαυκιόων in the same sense, and the reference may be to the greenish glow of light reflected from the pupil of the eye. Like γλαυκός (16.5 η.), χαροπός is used not only of light but of colour, and at Od. 11.611 Galen (17.1.724) understood it to refer, not to the light, but to the colour of the lions' eyes. He was probably wrong, but the adj. is often so used elsewhere; e.g. Arist. H.A. 492 a 2 (του οφθαλμού τό καλούμενον μέλαν) τοις μεν γάρ έστι μέλαν, τοις δέ σφόδρα γλαυκόν, τοις δέ χαροπόν, ένίοις δέ αίγωπόν, Gen. An. 779*35 γλαυκοί καΐ χαροποί καΐ μελανόφθαλμοί τινές είσιν: cf. Sext. Emp. 234-12 Bekk., Philostr. Im. 294Κ. It is used to describe a physical characteristic in legal papyri from the third cent. B.C. (e.g. p.Petr. 3.6. a45, 11.4,36), and since Aristode distinguishes it from γλαυκός, presumably means blue (cf. Plut. Mar. 11, of the Celts, τη χαροπότητι των ομμάτων), 2 a sense which fits its common use of the sea (e.g. Soph. jr. 1126, A.P. 5.154,9.36,12.53), though there it may be equivalent to γλαυκός. In animals however blue eyes are very uncommon, and when χαροπός is used of an animal's eye in passages of a veterinary character (e.g. Xen. Cyn. 3.3, Arr. Cyn. 4.5) greenish yellow or yellowish green seems to be meant—γλαυκός or perhaps ξανθός a,s Hesychius says—and so at Cael. Aurel. Tard. Pass. 5.3, where it is used of urine arid coupled with subalbidus. The adj. does not occur elsewhere in the genuine poems. At 20.25 it is applied to Athena's eyes either in the sense of bright or of colour as a near equivalent to γλαυκός. At 25.142 and 225 it is applied to the Nemean lion, where it may be used conventionally and mean no more than φοβερός: glaring it should not mean in the earlier passage, for the reference is not to the live lion but to its eyeless skin, but it may perhaps mean tawny, ξανθός, for the iris of a lion's eye is much the colour of its skin, and LG. 4 . i \ i 3 i (P. Maas Epid. Hymn. p. 135) χαροποί λέοντες ή πολιοί λύκοι suggests that of lions χαροπός was sometimes so understood. A. Plan. 124 δέρμα.. . χ α ρ ο π ο ΰ . . .λέοντος arouses the same doubts. If this sense is legitimate it would be quite suitable here, for Ganymede is called ξανθός at H. Horn. 5.202, flauus at Hor. C. 4.4.4 and ευχαίτης in Call. Ep. 53, but the evidence seems slightly in favour of bright-eyed or joyous rather than blue-eyed or golden-haired. The adj. is much affected by some later writers (e.g. Philostratus the elder and the Oppian of the Cynegetica). Its etymology, which is uncertain, is discussed in Boisacq Diet. Et. 1051, the meaning in Veckenstedt Gr. Farbenlehre 146; but 1
So for instance Nonnus (D. 4.360, 5.363) applies it to the jaws of snakes and bears. Plut. Mor. 352 D compares the blue flower of flax τη ττΕριεχούση τόν κόσμον αίθερίω χαροπότητι. 1
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Veckenstedt's conclusion that when applied to eyes the reference is not to the colour of the iris but to a blue reflexion from the pupil seems very improbable. έπιβώται = -βοάται: cf. 17.60 έβώσατο, Alex. Act.fr. 3.6 Powell έπιβωσάμενος. So εβωσε (Hippon./r. ι ) , βώση (Hdas 3.23), βώσον (ib. 4.41, 45). Such forms of this verb appear already in Homer (II. 12.337, Od. 1.378, 2.143) and are even found in Attic (Cratin./r. 396, Ar. Pax 1155), where Aeschylus, if his text is sound, appears to treat κάιτιβόα as a cretic (Pers. 1054). The similar contraction of -οη- to -co in νοεϊν, as νωσάμενος (Τ. 25.263, Theogn. 1298, CalL^r. 353), νώσατο (Αρ. Rh. 4.1409), is found in Herodotus but also at Anacr./r. 10, and Soph./r. 182, where see Pearson; Empedocles (Jr. 110.10) has νώμα: cf. Bechtel Gr. Dial. 3.62, Dawes Misc. Grit? 165, Lobeck Path,. 2.113, Schneider on Call. H. 1.87. The following inf. represents not a command (as at Thuc. 8.92) but a wish, since έπιβώται is heightened for έπεύχεται. The variant έτπβωστρςί is probably derived from 5.64 ff. 36f. Λυδίη πέτρη: the touchstone, βάσανος: Bacch. Jr. 14 Λυδία μέν γ α ρ λίθος μανύει χρυσόν, Theophr. Jr. 2.4 οι δέ (λίθοι λέγονται) βασανί^ειν τον χρυσόν και τόν άργυρον ώσπερ ή τε καλούμενη λίθος Ήρακλεία καΐ ή Λυδή (thence Plin. Ν.Η. 33·ΐ 2 6). The name Lydian stone occurs also at Poll. 7.102, Hesych. s.vv. βασανίτης λίθος, χρυσΐτις λίθος: Ήρακλεία λ. is elsewhere the loadstone, and in Soph. jr. 800 that is the meaning of Λυδία λίθος. The method of assaying by touchstone in more recent times was to * compare the appearance of a streak made with the metal on a hard basaltic stone of dark colour with those produced by certain touch-needles, the composition of which is known, after all the streaks have been subjected to the action of nitric acid* (Chambers s Encyclopaedia, 1904, s.v. Assaying). The ancient method is nowhere precisely described, and nowhere is the use of acid mentioned, but Hdt. 7.10 α τόν χρυσόν τόν άκήρατον αυτόν μέν έπ 1 έωυτοΰ ού διαγινώσκομεν, έττεάν δέ παρατρίψωμεν άλλω χρυσω διαγινώσκομεν τόν άμείνω, Theogn. 417 ^S βάσανον δ* έλθών παρατρίβομαι ώστε μολύβδω | χρυσός (cf. Theogn. 450, 1105, Arist. de col. 793 a 34» Diog. Laert. 1.71 ( = Scol. Anon. 33 Diehl), Theophr. jr. 2.45, Harpocr. s.v. βάσανος) imply a similar procedure. According to Theophrastus (Jr. 2.47) the best kind of βάσανοι are certain smooth, flat pebbles from Tmolus (which he apparendy takes for a river); Σ similarly mention the Pactolus and take it for a mountain. Theophrastus asserts that even slight impurities could be detected by these means, but other and more accurate means of assaying were known in antiquity; see generally Bliimner Techn. 4.136, RE 7.1569, C.R. 59.52. χρυσόν όποίη κ.τ .λ.: if this text is correct, πεύθονται is followed by an ace. of the subject of enquiry, as Ar. Thesm. 619 τόν έμόν άνδρα ττυνθάνει: or the ace. may be regarded as the anticipated subject of the subordinate clause, as Aesch. Ag. 617 Μενέλεων δέ ττεύθομαι | εΐ νόστιμος.. .ήξει. Μή φαύλος [sc. έστι] will then resemble Eur. Heracl. 481 τώνδε κάμαυτής πέρι | θέλω ττυθέσθαι μή *πι τοις πάλαι κακοΐς J προσκείμενόν τι ττήμα ση ν δάκνει φρένα, Plat. Gorg. 458 c σκοττεΐν ουν χρή και το τούτων, μή τινας αυτών κατέχομεν βουλομένους τι και άλλο πράττειν, and, with the verb similarly omitted, Soph. Ant. 277 έμοί τοι, μή τι καΐ θεήλατον | τουργον τ ό δ \ ή ξύννοια βουλεύει πάλαι, Eur. I.T. 6η\ see Goodwin Μ.Τ. §369. Φαύλος will then mean κίβδηλος, and έτήτυμον will mean άκήρατον—and though neither adj. has precisely this sense elsewhere, the use of both seems reasonable. The instrumental dat. is hardly surprising seeing that πεύθεσθαι is doing duty for βασανί^ειν. Against the sense so resulting—wherewith the money-changers test fine gold to see it be not base—it is reasonably objected that the only gold which it is needless to assay 229
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is that already known to be fine. Various conjectures have been proposed, of which the best seem to be π. φαΟλον καΐ έτ. (J. A. Hartung), π. τρίβοντες έτ. (Bucheler), μή φαΰλοί έτήτνμοι (Meineke); and Briggs (followed by Vahlen) was driven to the improbable conclusion that έτήτυμον was an adverb qualifying φαύλος. If alteration is required, I should be inclined to postulate a verb άργυραμοιβεΐν and write μή φαΟλον έτητυμου άρτυραμοιβή,1 lest he give good coin for base, i.e. award the prize to an impostor, the simile being of the type illustrated at 3.54 n. The agreement of Ϊ 3 and Κ in φαύλος is however a serious reason against alteration, and Wilamowitz's defence is perhaps sufficient. The money-changer assays all gold, the fine among the rest, since he cannot otherwise distinguish it; the φιλότταις, to whom all such kisses similarly seem true gold, will need divine help in making his award, and naturally turns to Ganymede, who, in such a competition as that described, would be hors concours. The invocation is however somewhat unusual since Ganymede was not a god or even, so far as is known, anywhere the object of a cult. 1 The gen. was proposed by Cholmeley, who understood the construction to be πεύθονται μή φαΟλον έτητυμου, sc. άμεφονσι.
230
I D Y L L XIII PREFACE Subject. Like Id. n , the Idyll is addressed to Nicias (see p. 208). ' W e are not', says T., 'as we used to think, Love's only victims. Even the valiant Heracles once felt his power.' And he goes on to narrate the story of Heracles and Hylas. Heracles was schooling Hylas in all knightly accomplishments, and, as they were inseparable, Hylas, with Heracles, joined the Argonauts at Iolcus. In due course the Argo sailed and reached Cius on the Propontis, where the crew landed. Hylas went to draw water for the evening meal of Heracles and Telamon, and found a spring, the Nymphs of which fell in love with him and pulled him in. Heracles, who had gone in search of him, heard his cry and wandered far afield in distracted pursuit while his comrades postponed their departure. This is h o w Hylas became immortal, and w h y Heracles, when he rejoined the Argonauts ar Phasis, was twitted by them as a deserter. Purpose. As in Id. 11 the general subject is love, and it is possible to imagine one set of circumstances in which both poems might be addressed to Nicias (see pp. 208 f ) . It is however not certain that they are connected by theme, though the tone suggests that they are not widely separate in date (see Introd. p. xxi). For Wilamowitz's view of Id. 13 see 75 η. Hylas. Hylas belongs to the local mythology of the Ciani, a people living on the southern shore of the Propontis, and there is little evidence for the story in earlier Greek. Hylas was apparently mentioned by Hellanicus (Jr. 39 Μ . : Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.131), but the fifth-century evidence connecting him with Heracles is all open to dispute (see RE 9.110), and the story would seem to have formed no part of Antimachus's account of the Argonauts' expedition (Σ Ap. Rh. 1.1289 = Antim./r. 58 Wyss). It was apparently treated by Callimachus (fir. 410 S., 596), and it was handled at length by Nicander (ap. Ant. Lib. 26) and in the first book of Apollonius Rhodius (1207 ff.), whose narrative, as Casaubon already recognised, is connected with T.'s. T . and A p o l l o n i u s . That the two narratives are connected is shown not only by the remarkable similarity in their general outlines but by verbal similarities too close and too numerous to be attributable to accident. 1 Opinion has differed as to which poet was influenced by the other, but the view, apparently first put forward by Wilamowitz, that T. writes with his eye on Α., seems undoubtedly correct. The strongest argument in its favour is the inferiority of the story in A. There Hylas, who, for anything we are told, is no more than a page or soldier-servant (132, 1209), goes to fetch water and comes upon an assemblage of Nymphs who gather nightly from the surrounding hills and woods to dance to Artemis. The N y m p h of the spring is just emerging to join them when she catches sight of Hylas, falls in love, and, retiring to the water, pulls him in after her. His shout is heard by Polyphemus son of Eilatus (introduced here by Apollonius because he wishes at 1 Cf. especially in Apollonius the bivouac scenes (453, 1182), Hylas's errand (1232), the dancing Nymphs (1222), the capture of Hylas (1232), the wild-beast simile (1243). For verbal and other similarities see 16, 23, 36, 39, 43, 46, 48, 50, 59, 61, 65, 70, 73 nn.
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[ι
1346 to explain his importance in Mysia), 1 w h o rushes towards the sound. He meets Heracles and tells him the news, whereupon Heracles ranges the country in distraction. Their absence is not remarked by the other Argonauts, w h o set sail before dawn, only discovering at daybreak that they have left the trio behind. A dispute arises whether they shall return, which is settled by Glaucus, w h o rises from the sea to tell them that it is the will of Zeus that Heracles shall not accompany them. That T . should impart to the story atmosphere and charm, totally lacking in Apollonius, is natural, and proves little as to priority. Nor, given the latter's aetiological interests, is his clumsy introduction of Polyphemus surprising. The other clumsinesses however—notably the omission of any tender relation between Heracles and Hylas to account for the former's dismay, the awkward handling of the episode with the Nymphs, and the improbable departure of the ship—serve no purpose in the narrative, and it is incredible that Apofionius should have written so ill with T.'s finished pattern before him. There are also details in T.'s account which seem to be suggested by A.'s language or narrative but are not explicable by the reverse supposition. 2 W h a t purpose, if any, T.'s poem served in the dispute of which the most famous incident was Callimachus's quarrel with Apollonius, cannot be determined. That T. was ranged on Callimachus's side is shown not only by his o w n practice but by the profession of faith put into the mouth of Lycidas at 7.47 (where see n.)^This poem together with 22.27-134, which also traverses an incident of the Argonauticay shows T. at least inviting comparison between A. and himself at a date after the publication in some form or other of that poem or of its first two books. T h e story as told by T. differs in certain details from A.'s version, 3 but to modern eyes at least the differences do not seem very important. The Hecale, we are told (Σ Call. H. 2.106), was Callimachus's practical demonstration of h o w epic should be written, and this poem may have been T.'s. If so, the implied criticism would seem to be somewhat softened by the fact that T.'s narrative is addressed to Nicias and serves the ostensible purpose of proving a proposition about love, though if it also implied some propositions about epic poetry, Nicias, w h o was a poet, no doubt understood them.*
I ff. The sentiment resembles 8.59 f. (where see n.), Theogn. 696 των δέ καλών ούτι συ [sc. θυμέ] μοϋνος έρφς. Conversely Call. Ερ. 31 καλός ό παις, 'Αχελώε, λίην καλός* εΐ δέ τις ουχί | φησίν, έτπσταίμην μουνος εγώ τ α καλά: cf. Eur.^r. 136. W h e n we were younger we thought that love meant more for us than it had ever meant for others, but even the iron heart of Heracles once proved as susceptible as ours. Νικία: ρ. 208. ωτινι: αμφιβάλλει τίνος ulov εΐπη τόν "Ερωτα. Ησίοδος μέν γ α ρ Χάους και Γης, Σιμωνίδης "Αρεος καΐ 'Αφροδίτης, Άκουσίλαος Νυκτός καί ΑΙΘέρος, 'Αλκαίος "Ιριδος καί Ζέφυρου, Σαπφώ Γης και Ουρανού, καί άλλοι άλλων, Σ: cf. Σ Αρ. Rh. 3.26, Serv. ad Aen. 1.664, Paus. 9.27.2. Τ. may possibly be thinking of the similar doubts expressed by Antagoras (Jr. 1 Powell) but the relative dates are'unknown. See also A.P. 5.177, Plat. Symp. 178 B, Bury ad he. In Apollonius his mother is Aphrodite. 1 In Nicander (fr. 48: Ant. Lib. 26) Heracles rejoined the Argo leaving Polyphemus to continue the search alone. 1 3 See 23, 50, 65nn. See 22, 66, 75 nn., and cf. 46η.
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^γεντο: 1.88 η. τό δ* αΰριον: Atmcreont. η το σήμερον μέλει μοι, | το δ* αυριον τίς οίδεν;, C. Hist. Βγζ. 4-382 (Menander Protector) ές τό αυριον: I do not know other examples of the neut., and Soph. fr. 593 τό ές αυριον differs. Ή αυριον (sc. ήμερα) is the established idiom common both in literary and in colloquial speech. T. has also (2.144) τ ο εχ^ς, which seems to be unique, but ή (έ)χθές, like ή σήμερον, though not unexampled, is much less familiar than ή αυριον. 5 Ά μ φ ι τ ρ ύ ω ν ο ς : K's 'Ούμφιτρύωνος is defensible (see 4.33 n.), but Κ inserts superfluous articles at 5.62, 6.1, and it is probable that all three are due to the scribe. χαλκ€οκάρδιος = σιδηρόφρων, having an ήτορ χάλκεον (//. 2.490), The adj. does not occur elsewhere. 6 λΐν: this ace. occurs at 17. 11.480. The accentuation of the word is discussed in Hdian 2.73.30, 77.3, Chandler Gk Ace. 162. Ιστορείται λέοντος ύφ' Ηρακλέους διαφθαρήναι τον Έλικώνιον, τον Λέσβιον, τον Νεμεαΐον, Σ; but the lion is necessarily the Nemean, of the canonical Labours. O n the others see RE Suppl. 3.1032. 7 "Υλα: Hylas, according to Apollonius (1.1213), was the son of Theiodamas, king of the Dryopes, w h o m Heracles had killed. His father's name was given as Theiomenes by Hellanicus (Σ Ap. Rh. 1.131, 1207), and as Ceyx by Nicander (fr. 48: Ant. Lib. 26). τ ά ν πλοκαμΐδα: Σ are puzzled by the phrase and reduced to the suggestion that Hylas was bald and wore a wig. The general sense is plainly that Hylas, who according to Ap. Rh. was νηπίαχος when carried off by Heracles and ττρωθήβης at the time of his loss (Ap. Rh. 1.132, 1212; cf. Orph. Arg. 227), was still a boy, like Apollo at Ap. Rh. 2.707 Koupos έών έτι γυμνός, έτι πλοκάμοισι γεγηθώς. Πλοκαμίς is commonly used of women's hair (Σ Ar. Thesm. 574), but appears again in a similar context in Euphorion, A.P. 6.279 ττρώτας ότητότ* έττεξε καλάς Εύδοξος έβείρας, | Φοίβω τταιδείην ώττασεν άγλαΐην. | αντί δε ol ττλοκαμΐδος, Έκηβόλε, κάλλος έττείη | 'Ούχαρνήθεν αεί κισσός άεξομένω. Whether T. (and Euphorion) are using it collectively of all the hair (cf. Call./r. 361), and perhaps commending its beauty (Ath. 6.259 D κόμας τε ετρεφον και πλοκαμΐδας εχειν ήσκουν: cf. Dion. Hal. 7-9)» or rnean a particular lock such as the σκόλλυς (Ath. 11.494 F) reserved for dedication on enrolment among έφηβοι or entering manhood, can hardly be determined. See RE 7.2118, 2125, Cook Zeus 1.236. 8f. Valckenaer's wish to place these verses after 13 is natural, for the desire that Hylas ές άλαθινόν άνδρ* άττοβαίη is the cause rather of Heracles's instruction than of his constant attendance. If alteration is needed it would seem better to place 14 f. after 9 so that 16 might follow closer on 10-13; it cannot however be said that the traditional order is impossible, and αύτω in 14 makes it somewhat improbable that αυτός (9) was in the preceding line. έδίδασκε: the imp. seems preferable to the aor. since Hylas's education was evidently still incomplete at the time of his disappearance. υΐόν: I have accepted this form from ^ 3 because it is that used at 17.33, eVigr** 7,22, though that raises no strong presumption in its favour. The other oblique cases found in T. are υΐώ (22.1, 137), υΙέ (22.139), [υΐας? 27.32], ulcov? (ι8.6): of the ace. Callimachus has υΐέα (Η. 6.8ο, Ερ. 12) and υϊα (Η. 4.58, 3 ί ο ) ; Αρ. Rh. υΐέα (2.803, 4-1493), υ ί α (ι.69, ^·)> υ 1 ό ν (3-357, 4-H94), Nicander only υΐήα (fr. n o ) , Euphorion (fr. 58 Powell) υΐα. O n Apollonius's forms of the word see Rzach Gram. Stud. 93. δσσα μαθών: see 24.i03rF. It was traditionally the duty of the Dorian lover tp instruct the ερωμένος in αρετή (see Rhein. Mus. 62.444).
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[10-14
10 χωρίς: Call. Η. 5.59 oO ποκα χωρίς εγεντο. ούδέποκ*: the Doric form is inconsistent with δτε in 16, and the same incon sistency is displayed in the tradition at 24.20, 21, 47, 65, 92. οΰτ*: the triple ουδέ of K, though printed by Wilamowitz, seems quite inde fensible; see K.B.G. 2.2.294, Denniston Gk Part. 193. δροιτο: the verb is used, though sparingly, of nightfall (Od. 5.294, 9.69, 12.315 όρώρει δ' ούρανόθεν νύξ: cf. Αρ. Rh. 4.1698) and daybreak (Αρ. Rh. 2.473; cf. Pind.^r. 142), but is strange of noon, which is rather a culmination than an inception. Γένοιτο would supply adequate sense, and the use of όροιτο to mean no more receives some support from Apollonius's use of δρωρε, -ει = εστί, ήν noted by the lexicons. It is possible however to regard μεσημβρία as a point midway between §ως and νύξ on a revolving circle, and to apply to it language more suitable to them; and Polyb. 3.93.7 άμα δέ τ ω κλϊναι τό τρίτον μέρος της νυκτός appears to imply a similar conception. Ap. Rh. 1.450 ήέλιος σταθερόν παραμείβεται ήμαρ seems conversely to treat midday as the central point of the sun's daily track. 11 ό π ό χ · . . . ά ν α τ ρ έ χ ο ι : I have accepted Graefe's and Schaefer's corrections. Wilamowitz's alternative δκχ*... άνατρέχη imports an awkward consecution, and in view of the influence commonly exerted by the opt. over neighbouring moods (cf. 5.150 η.) neither indie, nor subj. seems probable between δροιτο and όρωεν. λεύκιππος: the adj. Λεύκιππος had already been applied to Ά ώ ς by Bacchylides (Jr. 20 C22): so λευκόπωλος ήμερα (Aesch. Pers. 386, Soph. Aj. 673; cf. Eur. Tr. 847 λευκόπτερος ήμ.), but in Latin poets croceis equis (Consol. Liu. 282), roseis equis (Tib. 1.3.94), bigis (Virg. Aen. 7.26), quadrigis [ib. 6.535), puniceis rotis (ib. 12.77). The horses of Dawn are called Λάμπος and Φαέθων at Od. 23.246. ές Δ ι ό ς : i.e. ές ούρανόν: c(. 2.147. So Aratus has έν Διός (224), έκ Διός (259)» and even έν Διί (253)· 12 όρτάλιχοι: the use of the word specifically of domestic chickens (like δρνις) was considered in Attica to be Boeotian: Ar. Ach. 871, Σ ad loc.y Strattis/r. 47. Nicander so uses both όρταλίς and όρτάλιχος (Al. 165, 294). Cf. 14.14η. μινυροί: the adj. and its cognates are commonly used of human beings, but also of the nightingale (epigr. 4.11, Soph. O.C. 671). κοΐτον: of birds Od. 22.470; d. 18.57 η. 13 π€τεύρο>: Phot. s.v. πάν τό μακρόν και ύ π ό π λ α τ υ και μετέωρον ξνλον, Poll. 10.156 πέτενρον, ου τάς ένοικιδίας όρνιθας έγκαθεύδειν συμβέβηκεν, 'Αριστο φάνης [fr. 839] λέγει, Σ Α Γ . Rati. 566 κατήλιφα· σανίδα...είς ήν άναβαίνοντες ol κατοικίδιοι δρνις έκεΐ κοιμώνται. See Headlam on Hdas 4.11. So Nic. Th. 196 Τκτιδος ή τ ' δρνισι κατοικιδίησιν δλεθρον | μαίεται, έξ ύπνοιο συναρπά^ονσα πετευρων, | ΙνΘα λέχος τεύχονται έπίκριοι. It is either a rafter, or a specially designed perch among the rafters or on the wall (Geop. 14.7), stained with the smoke which eddies round the roof on its way out. The homely picture of the hen settling for the night and the chickens about to follow her to roost has charm, but it consorts somewhat oddly both with its heroic setting and with the chariot of Dawn in the preceding line. 14 f. O n the position of these lines see 8 n. κατά θυμόν: cf. 14-57» 15.38. πεποναμένος: Eur. LA. 208 (of Achilles) Χείρων έξεπόνησεν is cited, but this use of the verb is more at home in prose (Arist. Eth. 1101 b 35 τοΐς περί τ ά εγκώμια πεπονημένοις, ι ΐ 0 2 a 8, Pol. 1335 b 8,^. Cair. Zen. 59378.16 πεπονημένος ύ π ό μου), and Xenophon had previously used the perf. pass, of έκπονεΐν in a similar sense (Cyr. 3.3.57, Hell. 6.4.28, Hipp. 8.2, 3, 4). O n the form of the verb see 7.85 η. αύτα> δ* cu έ λ κ ω ν : Σ have the following notes: (Κ) [αύτω] έαντω δ* εύ
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βίων, έπ* ευδοξία τη έαυτοΰ ^ών. ή ψιλώς το αύτω, ΐν' ή τα> Ήρακλεΐ. (UEAGPT) [σύτώ] αντί του αύτόθεν 6 s παραυτόΟεν έκ νεότητος καλώς ελκών και κατά μηδέν ελαττούμενος μηδέ ελλείπων άνήρ γένοιτο, εΐρηται δέ μεταφορικώς άττό των βοών των έκ νέου είθισμένων καλώς έλκειν. These doubts have not been satisfactorily resolved. Figures drawn from yoked oxen are not uncommon, of comrades who pull together (12.15 n.), of those under the constraint of necessity (30.28), and with both ideas combined (Hdas 6.12 ταυτ* έμοι ^υγόν τρίβεις, Headlam ad loc.)\ but the noun ^υγόν is not elsewhere omitted and seems important. Moreover Hylas at the best cannot hope to be Ισο3υγής, Ισοφόρος, with Heracles until his education is complete and he is grown up. Σ (2) seems to suggest a meaning like pulling his weighty doing his best, with implied reference not to companionship with Heracles but to Hylas's own capacity; but I do not know this figure in Greek. Various emendations have been proposed, some aiming at making the yoke-metaphor plainer (e.g. συν δέ ol Brunck), some at the sense in his own likeness (e.g. αύτω δ* εύ είκώς Sitzler); and Valckenaer, following Heinsius, suggested αυτώ δ* εύ ήκων from Hdt. 1.102; but none of these is very satisfactory. The interpretation in ΣΚ, έπ* ευδοξία τη εαυτού 3ων, cannot be an interpretation of the ms text, and points rather to κλε- than to έλκ- (Hesych. εύκλέα· ένδοξα: εύκλεια* ευδοξία, ένδοξότης), and the error is of a common type (sec J. Phil. 16.261, 20.40). I suggest therefore that this is an attempt to explain αυτώ δ* εύκλειώς: but neither αύτω nor αυτώ nor αυτώ is very satisfactory after αυτώ in 14, and I suspect that T. wrote οϋτω δ* εύκλειώς and that ούτω was corrupted from αύτω overhead. The meaning would then be and thus with fair repute might come It was εύκλεια which Heracles, at Eur. H.F. 1370, had hoped to win for his own children. 16 ά λ λ ' : the connexion of thought is: Heracles never left Hylas (10) but when he joined the Argo brought the boy with him (21). μετά κ ώας: 7.24 η., 29.38. (Χρύσειον) μετά κώας is recurrent in Apollonius (1.4, 2.211, 871, 3.58), who does not otherwise use μετά in this sense but perhaps borrowed it from Pind. P. 4.68. T. however does so use it, and by itself the phrase hardly proves him to be thinking of Apollonius. 17 άριστη ες: the word is very often used of the^Argonauts by Ap. Rh.; e.g. 1.640, 911, 1082. 18 προλελεγμένοι: cf. II. 13.689, and perhaps Pind. N. 2.18. The verb is rare in this sense. δ φ ε λ ο ς : Ar. Eccl. 53 γυναίκας, δ τι πέρ έστ* όφελος έν τη πόλει (see Blaydes ad loc), Xen. Hell. 5.3.6 ότι ττερ όφελος ήν τού στρατεύματος, Plat. Rep. 505 Ε αποτυγχάνει και τών άλλων ει τι όφελος ή ν, and negatively Hdt. 8.68 τών ουδέν όφελος, ib. 5·9 2 η · The phrase belongs to prose, but Aratus (463) has τών κε μάλιστα ποθή όφελος τε γένοιτο. Τ. is perhaps thinking of the individual accom plishments which earned each Argonaut his place—e.g. Polydeuces's boxing. 19 χ ώ : on κώ presented by p.Ox. 694 and tentatively approved by Wilamowitz, see 1.72 η. ταλαεργός: in early epic used only of mules (e.g. II. 23.654, Hes. W.D. 46), but at Ap. Rh. 4.1062 of a slave-woman. ά φ ν ε ι ό ν : earlier poets had called Iolcus έυκτιμένη (//. 2.712), εύρύχορος (Od. 11.256), κλειτή (Hes. Scut. 380), ττολύβοτρυς (Simon. Jr. 53). The άφνειάν of most mss is apparently an accommodation to the gender of Ίωλκός. Τ. does not elsewhere use the fern, of this adj., which is however more commonly of two than of three terminations. Pape Gr. Eigennamen asserts that Ίωλκός is masc. in Σ Pind. N. 3.55, and Stahlin in RE 9.1850 writes Ίωλκός (ή, selten ό), but the first statement is erroneous and I can find no evidence for ό Ίωλκός as the place-name.
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[20-23
20 Μιδεάτιδος: 24.1. T. follows the common tradition which makes Alcmena daughter of Electryon and, with Paus. 2.25.9 (cf. E u p h o r . / r . 51 Powell), regards Electryon as king of Midea in Argolis, a Mycenaean citadel close to the village of Dendra. For the history of the town see A. W . Persson Royal Tombs at Dendra 3. 21 κατέβαινεν: to the harbour, as Plat. Rep. 327A κατέβην χθες εΙ$ Πειραιά. The Argo traditionally set sail from Pagasae (e.g. Ap. Rh. 1.238), which, according to Strab. 9.436, was twenty stades from Iolcus. εϋεδρον: εύέδρων competes with εύσδύγων for a place in Alc.^r. 78 D 2 (quoted on 22.17),* and would seem to be a variation on that adj. (for which see Od. 13.116, 17.288, Ap. Rh. 1.4) or on the commoner εΟσελμος. "Εδρα is not elsewhere used of a rowing-bench, but σέλμα is used for έδρα at Aesch. Ag. 183 and εύσελμος is glossed εύκάθεδρος in Et. M. 398.14 and elsewhere. The alternative ευανδρον (reported by Ahrens from H D marg.), which has sometimes been preferred here, is unsuitable to the Argo before she was manned, and it is the ship itself which T. is describing, not the crew, w h o have been dealt with above. 22 κ υ α ν ε α ν . . .συνδρομάδων: Eur. Med. 2 κυανέας συμπληγάδας, 1263, LT. 241, ib. 421 πέτρας τά$ συνδρομάδας. Συνδρομάδε* does not occur elsewhere in this connexion, but Simonides (jr. 22) called them Συνορμάδες. The rocks are frequently called simply Κυάνεαι and Συμπληγάδες (sc. πέτραι: cf. Strab. 1.21, 3.149) but in the combination κυάνεαι συμπληγάδες or κ. συνδρομάδες there seems no case for promoting one of the descriptive adjectives to the status of a proper name. The rocks are on the Bosporus, whereas Hylas disappeared in the land of the Ciani in Bithynia (30, Ap. Rh. 1.1177), that is to say on the Propontis before the Argo reached the Bosporus. T. therefore, in introducing the Argo, mentions its most celebrated exploit (perhaps in order to correct Apollonius: see next n.) though it has no bearing on the story he is about to tell. ο ύ χ έίψατο: according to Apollonius (2.601) the end of the stern-post was nipped off, and so Val. Fl. 4.691, Apoll. 1.9.22, Eustath. 1712.22. 23 f. In these lines the fixation of the Symplegades is somewhat awkwardly separated from the passage of the Argo which caused it, and Jacobs's transposition of άφ* οΟ τότε χοιράδες εσταν with βαθυν δ' είσέδραμε Φάσιν has been widely accepted. The result is either to make μέγα λαΐτμα refer to the strait of the Symple gades, or, what is much the same, to compare the ship's passage of the strait to an eagle passing over μέγα λαΐτμα. Ancient authorities were uncertain as to the exact meaning of λαΐτμα (see Hesych. s.v.)y which occurs eleven times in early epic, in an epigram on Coronea cited by Diodorus (13.41) from Ephorus, three times in Apollonius (1.1299, 4.980, 1694), in an epigram of Leonidas (A.P. 7.264), and then disappears again until the times of Oppian (Hal. 2.75, 4.531), Quintus (7.307, 397, 14.590), and the Orphic Argonautica (681, 735). 1 It is commonly used in connexion with the perils of the sea, and these contexts suggest a connotation of breadth or depth, so that the English gulj, capable of either meaning, probably represents it not unfairly. But if that was T.'s idea of the word, it cannot be applied either directly or in a comparison to the Symplegades, a notoriously narrow passage, the perils of which did not in any way depend on its depth. T o the mouth of the Phasis however, which T. here calls βαθύς, Αρ. Rh. 2.1261 ευρυρέων (cf. 2.401), Val. Fl. 3.501 (cf. C.R. 16.344) alius, it is quite appropriate; and Lobeck's argument (on Soph. Aj. 475) that it is not used of a river before Nonnus would exclude it from this context altogether (for neither is it used of a narrow strait) unless w e accept Legrand's διεισάιξεν, in which case it will describe the Euxine. It seems more 1 At Ar. Av. 1563 it is a false reading.
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25-29]
IDYLL XIII
probable however that the traditional order of the words, which is confirmed by p.Ox. 694, is correct, that \χίγ<χ λαϊτμα is in apposition to βαθυν Φάσιν, and that αίετός ώς describes the smooth and swift arrival of the Argo at its destination. The parenthetic position of βαθυν.. .λαϊτμα is illustrated by Lobeck I.e. For the hiatus at the weak caesura in 24 see 7.8 n. αίετός: sails and oars are often compared to wings, and wings to oars (C.Q. 11.117), but a ship is not very like an eagle, and T. is perhaps influenced in his choice of simile by the fact that in Apollonius, as the Argonauts enter this same bay of Phasis, the eagle which passes them on its way to torment Prometheus is strangely described in the words (2.1254) ού y a p ό γ ' αίθερίοιο φυήν i-χεν οίωνοϊο | Ισα δ' ευξέστοις ώκύπτερα πάλλεν έρετμοϊς. ά φ · ού τότε: if the text is correct, άφ' ou would seem to be causal, not temporal, as, e.g., Hdt. 2.42 άττό τούτου κριοπρόσωπον του Διός τ ώ γ α λ μ α ποιεΟσι: ci. Τ. 7.125 n. A causal clause is suitable since it was fated that the rocks should lose their mobility if a ship passed them (Pind. P. 4.210, Ap. Rh. 2.604, Orph. Arg. 710), but it is perhaps more natural to take άφ' ου in a temporal sense, and τόθι (Edmonds) or άφνω δέ τε (Meineke) may deserve consideration. χοιράδες: ττέτραι λεϊαι έν Θαλασσή, ή έξοχαί, ή όχθαι πετρών (Suidas). They are contrasted with σκόπελοι (Hdt. 2.29), and Strabo (7.319) describes the Κυάνεαι as δύο νησίδια. T h e name Kyani n o w attaches to the largest of twelve rocks on the European shore (How and Wells on Hdt. 4.85). The noun is no doubt predicative— the rocks became fixed as χοιράδες. 25 f. Πελειάδες: on the form of the name see Ath. 11.490E. The matutinal rising of the Pleiads marks the beginning of summer, as their setting (epigr. 25.5 n.) marks the beginning of winter (Hes. W.D. 383, Hippocr. diaet. 3.68: 6.594L., Theophr.^r. 6.1.6, Arat. 265). For the various dates in April and early May assigned to it in ancient calendars see Lydus de ost.y ed. Wachsmuth, p. 350. έσχατιαί: 25.31. The word means no more than outskirts, but it had, when used without a gen., a quasi-technical sense of the distant or outlying parts of a holding (A.B. 256 τ α χωρία λέγουσιν εσχατιάς τα προς τοις όροις της χώρας ή τ ά προς τη θαλασσή). So in D e m . 42.5 Phaenippus has an εσχατιά on Cithaeron from which he derives timber, and it is on one that Eumaeus and other herdsmen tend the goats in Ithaca (Od. 14.104). Here the word is used of the sheep-walks on the hills, where the young lambs are n o w turned out with the flock (7.111 n., RE 2 A 390). So Eur. Cycl. 27 παίδες μέν ουν μοι κλιτύων έν έσχάτοις | νέμουσι μήλα νέα, Polyb. 4-3 · 1 0 τ ά περί τάς εσχατιάς ποίμνια. άρνα : for the collective sing, see 4.44 n. τετραμμένου: Hes. Th. 58 περί δ' έτραπον ώραι | μηνών φθινόντων, Arist. H.A. 628 b 26 τραπείσης της ώρας. Εαρινή τροπή means the spring equinox (Sext. Emp. 730.17 Bekk.), but there the τ ρ ο π ή , as the context shows, is of the sun rather than of the season. T. means when spring had given place to summer. At 22.43 the adventure of the Argonauts which in Apollonius immediately follows the loss of Hylas takes place when the meadows are bright with flowers which bloom έαρος λήγοντος, and the two passages are consistent. 27 άωτος: Callimachus and Apollonius use the neuter form and T. 2.2 is ambiguous. The masc. is probably suggested by Pind. P. 4.188 ές δ.' Ίαολκόν έπεί κατέβα ναυταν άωτος. 28 καθιδρυθέντες: heightened from επόμενοι or the like. 29 ν ό τ ω : for the dat. cf, e.g., Ap. Rh. 2.721 άκραεϊ Ζεφύρω νήσον λίπον, 4.1623 λαίφεσι πεπταμένοις. . . | . . .πνοιή Ζεφύροιο θέεσκον, Od. 14.253· It is perhaps sociative, as at 15.135, rather than instrumental; see K.B.G. 2.1.435.
237
COMMENTARY
[30-36
30 δρμον έθεντο: δ. ποιεϊσβαι Hdt. 7Ί93» Polyb. 16.8.2. Τίθεσθαι resembles τίθεσθαι οΙκία, αύλιν, δώμα (II. 2.750, 9-232, Od. 15.241), and τίθεσθαι is a common poetic equivalent of ποιεϊσθαι (Pearson on Soph. jr. 909). The phrase is oddly borrowed at Dion. Per. 516 Σηστός όπη καΐ "Αβυδος εναντίον όρμον εθεντο. The variant ΐκοντο plainly comes from the line above. Κ ι α ν ώ ν : that is on the κόλπος Κιανός on the south coast of the Propontis with the town of Kios at its eastern extremity. 31 εύρύνοντι: i.e. ευρείας αύλακας τέμνουσι. The verb is used as μηκύνειν in Soph. O.C. 489 βοήν, Arat. 253 ΐχνια, A.P. 6.171 κολοσσόν. 32 έκβάντες δ* έ. θ.: 22.32. κατά ζ υ γ ά : Τ Λ Argo has thirty 3υγά (74), presumably with two men to each (Ap. Rh. 1.396), and κατά ^υγά is usually understood to mean that these pairs messed together when on shore. If that were so however, T. might be expected in 38 to tell us, as Valerius (1.353) does, that Heracles and Telamon shared a 3υγόν rather than that they always ate together; and κατά £υγά is probably righdy understood by Σ to mean merely in pairs, as at Arist. H.A. 544 a 5, without reference to the 3υγά of the Argo. In Ap. Rh. 1.397 Heracles is paired for rowing with Ancaeus and there is no mention of messing by pairs (cf. 1.455, H85) though it is Telamon w h o quarrels with Jason for abandoning Heracles (1.1289). In T. Hylas is acting as attendant to the two heroes, and according to Apollonius (1.1211), w h o makes no mention of his training in heroic accomplishments, it was for such services that Heracles kept him. 33 δειελινοί: fcr the temporal adj. so used cf. 16.93 η., 25.223, jr. 3.3, Call. jr. 75.12 δειελινήν την δ* είλε κακός χλόος: but there is little to choose between this and δειελινήν. πολλοί...μίαν: 22.30. χαμεύναν and στιβάδες may be used for an entertainment (5.34, 7.133), but if that is their only purpose here the insistence on the common couch but separate messes would be odd and the preparations excessive for heroes w h o have cloaks to sit or recline on while they eat. In the parallel bivouac-scenes at Ap. Rh. 1-454» 1182 (cf. 3.1193, 4.883) the preparation of στιβάδες precedes a night on shore, and that is the natural meaning here; but see 68 n. At 22.33, where the noun is εύνάς, the purpose is likely to be the same. 34 εκείτο: κεΐσθαι is common enough of tracts or places, but usually of their geographical position, which is not here in point. The verb seems rather to be selected to indicate a store or deposit, and όνειαρ should be regarded as a predicate rather than as in apposition to λειμών. στιβάδεσσιν: 3.32η. The dat. is combined with σφιν much as Eur. Med. 992 παισιν ου κατειδώς | όλεθρον βιοτςτ προσάγεις, Plat. Legg. 918 C ττάσιν έπικουρίαν ταΐς χρείαις έξευπορεΐν και ομαλότητα ταΐς ούσίαις. 35 βούτομον ό ξ ύ : βούτομον (or -ος), sedge or rush (see J.H.S. 56.5), is classed by Theophrastus (H.P. 1.10.5) with κάλαμος and κύπειρος among the marshplants—λιμνώδη (cf. Job 8.11), but all grow on land as well as in the water (H.P. 4.10.6). The derivation of the name is suggested by Σ Ar. Av. 662 φυτάριον παραπλήσιον καλάμω ό έσθίουσιν οί βόες, and the proparoxytone accent, which seems certain, points to a passive meaning. T.'s όξύ might suggest an active, but may refer only to the pointed and angular leaves. βαθύν: 4·5ΐ n. κύπειρον: i . i o 6 n . 36 έπιδόρπιον: the adj. is used by Nicander (Al. 21 τεύχεος.. .επιδορπίου, of the stomach) and Lycophron (607 κάπιδόρπιον τρύφος | μά^ης, 661 τούπιδόρπιον
238
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I D Y L L XIII
ποτόν). In the last of these passages it might mean postprandial as at Ath. 4 Ί 3 0 c, but the meaning for supper is also suitable and more appropriate to the other three. So also O p p . Cyn. 2.7 έπιδόρπιον.. .θήρην. Αρ. Rh. 1.1208 describes Hylas's errand with marked resemblance of language—ώς κέ ol ύδωρ | φθαίη άφυσσάμενος ποτιδόρπιον. At Val. Fl. 3.545, Orph. Arg. 643 the story is very differently told. 37 α ύ τ ω : 7.4 η . άστεμφεϊ: the adj. is first used here of a person. Τ ε λ α μ ώ ν ι : see 32 η . He was particularly associated with Heracles in the expeditions against the Amazons and against Troy; cf. Pind. N. 4.25, I. 6.27, Isocr. 9.16. 38 τ ρ ά π ε ζ α ν means, no doubt, the fare rather than the table on which it is placed, as, e.g., at Hdt. 1.162 "Αρπαγος. . .τον ό Μήδων βασιλεύς 'Αστυάγης άνόμω τραττέ^η εδαισε, and the ace. resembles therefore δαίνυσθαι δαϊτα (7/. 24.802), κρέα άσττετα (Od. 10.184), rather than δ.τάφον {Od. 3.309), γάμον (Η. Horn. 5.141)Similar are Norm. D. 36.285, 48.975 μιής έψαυσε τραπέζης. 39 χ ά λ κ ε ο ν Αγγος: so Αρ. Rh. 1.1207 χαλκέτ) συν κάλτπδι: cf. 4 6 η . 40 ή μ έ ν ω : low-lying: Ael. Ν. Α. 16.12 έν τοις καθημένοις χωρίοις, V.H. }.ΐ. The uncompounded verb does not seem to be so used elsewhere. 41 χ ε λ ι δ ό ν ι ο ν : Diosc. 2 . i 8 o f distinguishes χ. μέγα, identified as the greater celandine, and χ. μικρόν which grows π α ρ ' ύδασι και τέλμασιν, and so A.P. 11.130 έκ ποταμών χλωρά χελιδόνια. This is doubtfully identified as the lesser celandine, but there is no obvious reason why either should be called κυάνεον. See also Ath. 15.683Ε ( = N i c . / r . 74.32), 684E. άδίαντον: maiden-hair, so called because moisture does not rest on its leaves (Nic. Th. 846, Theophr. H.P. 7.14.1). Theophrastus distinguishes τ ο λευκόν and το μέλαν and adds that both grow μάλιστα προς τ ά υδρηλά. 42 σέλινα: 3.23 n. είλιτενής άίγρωστις: άγρωστις is said to be dog's tooth grass, cynodon dactylon, which grew ποταμόν π ά ρ α δινήεντα at Od. 6.89, and conferred immortality on Glaucus in a fragment of Aeschrion cited at Ath. 7.296 E. The adj., which occurs nowhere else and is connected with εϊλειν by Σ, is thought to mean spreading through tnarshes (έλος, τείνειν) and to refer to the creeping habit of the plant (Theophr. H.P. 4.10.6; cf. 4.6.6), which is called σκολιή in a hexameter cited at Geop. 15.1.19 (cf. Greece and Rome 6.80). The previous noun, σέλινον, is έλεόθρεπτον at //. 2.776, Nic. Th. 597. For the three consecutive σπονδειά^οντες cf. 25.29, 77. 2.717, 11.49, Call. H. 3.222, Arat. 419, 953, Ap. Rh. 4.1191, Euphorion/r. 34 Powell, O p p . Cyn. 1.76, 201, 3.403, Orph. Lith. 546. Eratosth./r. 16.14 Powell and O p p . Cyn. 1.50 have four in succession. There are two together in T. at 15.82, 16.3, 76, 17.26, 60, 24.77, [2 5 ]. 9 8. 43f. Ap. Rh. 1.1222 ol δέ π ο υ άρτι | νυμφάων Τσταντο χοροί* μέλε γ ά ρ σφισι πάσαις, | όσσαι κεΐσ' έρατόν νύμφαι £ίον άμφενέμοντο, | 'Αρτεμιν έννυχίησιν άει μελπεσθαι άοιδαΐς. It will be noted that in both poets there is a dance by night (ακοίμητοι Τ., perhaps suggested by the scene in Ap. Rh.), in T. of Waternymphs, in Apollonius of all Nymphs from the neighbourhood. Apollonius's N y m p h has to retire to the spring to make the sequel possible, and her devotion to Artemis would not seem to be excessive. άρτίζοντο: a refinement on the usual verbs (Ιστάναι, ποιεϊσθαι, etc.); cf. H. Horn. 27.15 χορόν άρτυνέουσα. δειναί: the N y m p h s are not commonly so represented, though the state of nympholepsy (to which Σ refer) is sometimes regarded as a misfortune. Festus 239
COMMENTARY
[45-48
s.v. Nympfae: uulgo autem memoriae proditum est quicunque speciem quandam e fonte, id est ejjgiem nympkae, uiderint, jurendi non jecisse finem; quos Graeci νυμφολήπτους uocant. Nymphs sometimes bring misfortune on those they love, as, e.g., in the case of Hylas or Daphnis (p. 1); or, like Pan (1.15η.), they may resent intrusion (Ov. F. 4.751 i f ) . Particular Nymphs may be dangerous for special reasons, and T. is perhaps conscious of the verse-end (Od. 10.136) δεινή θεός αυδήεσσα of Circe. 45 Εύνίκα is a Nereid at Hes. Tk. 246, where the mss, like most of T.'s, write -νείκ-: but ci. Apoll. 1.2.7; Μαλίς is one of Omphale's slaves in Steph. Byz. s.v, Άκέλης: Νύχεια the N y m p h of a spring so named on Taphos (A.P. 9.684); and the first two occur in private life. T. has no doubt chosen the names, as he chose the plants in 40 ff., partly for the pleasure of the ear, but it is likely that he had somewhere encountered Μαλίς as a water-nymph, perhaps in connexion with the Μηλίδα λίμναν of Soph. TV. 636. έαρ όράιοσα: for internal accusatives of this type with verbs of seeing see K.B.G. 2.1.309, Blaydes on Ar. Ach. 95, Headlam on Hdas 3.17, 4.68 and, more generally, Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 40; c£. Τ. 25.137η. Έ α ρ is much more imaginative than the nouns elsewhere so used ("Αρη, άστραπάς, πυρ, etc.), for at A.P. 12.159 χεΐμα δέδορκα the ace. is not internal. Cf. T. 3.18. 46 ήτοι: marking a transition as at //. 1.68; Denniston Gk Part. 554. π ο τ ω : the word is not infrequently used of streams and springs (Aesch. Pers. 487, Ag. 1157, Soph. Phil. 21, 1461; cf. Track. 14), and so also Ap. Rh. 1.1149, which is possibly in T.'s mind. For the dat. cf. Pind. O. 2.98 (89) επεχε νυν σκοπώ τόξον, Eur. And. 224 μ α σ τ ό ν . . . νόθοισι σοΐς | έπέσχον, αϊ. κρωσσόν: ή υδρία, άγγεΐον ΰδροφορικόν (Suid.), and it is commonly, though not exclusively, in this connexion that the word is used; e.g., Odysseus's watering-party at Eur. Cycl. 89 carry κρωσσούς υδρηλους. The w o r d is however not common, and it may be worth remark that it occurs in a version of the Hylasstory very different from TVs at Ant. Lib. 26 ( = Nic.^r. 48). In Apollonius Hylas carries a κάλπις (1.1207; cf. Norm. D. 11.333), of which his scholiasts disapprove, saying that it is άπρεπες for a man to carry a υδρία, and that Hylas should have been armed with an amphora. It has therefore been argued that this is one of the places in which T. is correcting Apollonius. If however the κάλπις was a solecism, T. must in any case have used another w o r d ; and since κρωσσός is glossed υδρία in Hesych. and Et. M. it is not plain that he really differs from Apollonius. But the criticism is groundless. Echoeax carried a hydria in the Iliupersis of Polygnotus (Paus. 10.25.3); m e n carry them on the Parthenon frieze and often on vases; bronze hydriae (called κάλπιδες at Call. jr. 384.36) were regularly given as prizes in games (see Beazley Gr. Vases in Poland 20, 79), and silver hydriae were dedicated in the gymnasium at Rhodes by Hiero and Gelo (Polyb. 5.88.5). 48 άπαλάς: Archil, jr. 103 τοΐος γ α ρ φιλότητος έρως υ π ό καρδίην ελυσβείς | πολλήν κατ* άχλυν ομμάτων Ιχευεν | κλεψας έκ στηθέων άπαλάς φρένας. So of poetry Plat. Phaedr. 245 Α λαβοϋσα άπαλήν καΐ άβατον ψυχήν, but the word is specially applicable to those in love, for "Ερως himself is reputed απαλός: see Plat. Symp. I95 D » 203c. έ ξ ε φ ό β η σ ε ν : the choice of verb is odd, and not completely defended by the use of φοβεΐν of love at 2.137, where, as here, Jacobs wished to substitute σοβεΐν. Emotions however move the heart from its seat (cf. 2.19, 11.72, Archil, jr. 103 above), and έκφοβεϊν may be an embellishment of έκπλήσσειν, which is quite common of tender emotions (e.g. Eur. Med. 8 ερωτι θυμόν έκπλαΥεΐσ* Ιάσονος, 639» Hipp. 38, Soph. Track. 629 έκπλαγήναι τουμόν ηδονή κέαρ, Xen. Symp. 4.23, 240
49-52]
IDYLL ΧΠ1
Plat. Erast. 133A, Protag. 355A). Apollonius's phrase here (1.1232) is της δέ φρένα* έπτοίησεν | Κύπρις. The variant άμφεκάλυψεν is from II. 14.294 2ρως πυκινάς φρένα* άμφεκάλυψεν: cf. ib. 3·442· 49 ΆργεΙω: none of the genealogies of Hylas (7η.) make him an Argive, though there were settlements of Dryopes in Argolis—Asine, Hermione, Dryope, Nemea (see RE 5.1748). It is possible that T. placed the capture of Hylas there rather than in the neighbourhood of Oeta, but more likely that Hylas has the nationality of his adoptive father, whose mother (20 η.) and putative father were both Argives. Hyg. 14.46 Hylas. .. ex Oechalia, alii aiunt ex Argis may derive from an account otherwise unknown but is more probably due to this passage. έπί: so, of love, with καταίθομαι 2.40, μαίνομαι 10.31, 20.34 (cf. 2.48). It is no doubt causal, as with γελάν (II. 2.270), άχεϊσθαι (Αρ. Rh. 3.643), γάνυσθαι (id. 4-997), et sim. 50 αθρόος: apparently headlong, plump, in a heap. So Ap. Rh. 1.428 (of an ox) δ δ* αθρόος αύθι πεσών ένερείσατο yairj, and apparendy 1.1007 (of the γηγενείς killed by Heracles) άλλοι μέν ές άλμυρόν αθρόοι ύδωρ | δύπτοντες κεφάλας καΐ στήθεα, Τ. 25.252 (of a Hon) αθρόος άλτο. Aratus's use of the adj. of therisingand setting of constellations (310, 609), if this interpretation is correct, cannot be compared with T.'s application of it to a shooting star, since the constellations· are assemblages of individual stars, but its use of a gush of water or other liquid is not dissimilar (Ap. Rh. 4.34,1446, Arat. 219, Nic. Al. 438; cf. Th. 922): cf. also Ap. Rh. 2.97, A.P. 7.210, Opp. Hal 3.142 (of hooked fish) αθρόοι έμβαρύθουσι. The meaning sudden, found in later Greek, would suit most of these passages, which at any rate show how that meaning arose. T.'s use may well have been suggested by the passages of Apollonius first cited. πυρσός: this form of the adj. occurs at 25.244, but in poems certainly T.'s πυρρός seems secure elsewhere (6.3,15.53,130)» and the -ρσ- form is perhaps chosen for the association with the noun πυρσός. 51 έν πόντω: as, e.g., //. 11.743 ήριπε δ* έν κονίησιν, Αρ. Rh. 4-77* δυ δ* ένΐ πόντω. The so-called pregnant construction (2.54,25.259 n.) is apparendy employed after ές μέλαν ύδωρ merely for the sake of variety. ναύτας: the text is not quite certain, but έταΐροις is plainly preferable to έταϊρος (cf. H. Horn. 7.15 κυβερνήτης δέ νοήσας | αύτίκα οίς έτάροισιν έκέκλετο), and with it τις needs definition. 52 Shooting stars were considered a sign of impending wind: Theophr.^r. 6.1.13 αστέρες πολλοί διάττοντες ύδατος f\ πνεύματος [sc. σημεία], καΐ όθεν αν διφττωσιν εντεύθεν τό πνεύμα ή τό ύδωρ, ib. 34» 37» Arat. 926, Virg. G. 1.365 saepe etiam Stellas uento impendente uidebis | praecipites caelo labi, Plin. N.H. 2.100, 18.351, Geop. 1.11.9; cf. J/. 4.75. It has been doubted whether the crew is becalmed and ordered to get ready to sail, or sailing and ordered to prepare for a storm. The general sense is really determined by the fact that ούρος, though used of strong winds (e.g. Od. 15.292), virtually always denotes one favourable for sailing, not a storm. The variant πνευστικός (which is supposed to mean squally, though it does not occur in that sense) is hardly compatible with the noun, and πλευστικός is plainly preferable. This adj., though not elsewhere used of a wind, is applied to a ship at Arist. Meteor. 359 a 10 (πλευστικως ίχειν), and πλευστικός ούρος must mean the breezeL·fair for sailing. The exact sense of κουφότερα ποιεϊσθε όπλα is harder to b^ermine since there is only one passage which throws light on the use of the adj. This is in Aratus, who says that sailors should heed the warnings of the night sky: (420) ο! δ* εΐ μέν κε πίθωνται έναίσιμα σημαινούση | αΐψά τε κουφά τε πάντα καΐ άρτια ποιήσωνται, | CT II
241
ι6
COMMENTARY
[53-58
αυτίκ' ελαφρότερος πέλεται πόνος, whereas if the storm strikes them unprepared they will be lucky to escape with their lives: Σ ad be. λέγει δέ κουφά προς το ΰποχαλάσαι τοις τοΟ άρμενου ποσΐ καΐ μή φιλονεικεΐν εναντίον πνεύμασι. Σ here explain εύλυτα καΐ ευτρεπή ποιείτε τά Ιστία. "Οπλα are ropes and tackle rather than sails, but ευτρεπής or εύκοσμοςx is perhaps a fair representation of this curious use of κούφος, which may be derived from sailors. The situation I take to be that of //. 7.4 ώς δέ θεός ναύτησιν έελδομένοισιν ίδωκεν | ούρον, έπεί κε κάμωσιν έυξέστης έλάτησι | πόντον έλαύνοντες: the captain sees a breeze springing up and tells his crew to ship their oars, step the mast, and get the cordage ready for sailing (ci. Od. 2.420 ff., Ap. Rh. 1.563 if.), or to trim the sails if they are hanging idle; as the helmsman says at H. Horn, 7.26, δαιμόνΓ, ούρον δρα, άμα δ' Ιστίον ελκεο νηός | σύμπανθ* δπλα λαβών. The contingency which confronts the sailors in Aratus is a θύελλα, not a favourable breeze, but the sense of κούφος is the same. The simile, which, despite its intrinsic merit, does not seem very appropriate, is perhaps suggested by //. 4.75, where Athena's descent from Olympus to earth is compared to a shooting star sent ή ναύτησι τέρας ήέ στρατώ εύρέι λαών. It may be compared with T.'s other sea-piece in Id. 22.8 ff. 53 //. 21.506 δακρυόεσσα δέ πατρός έφέ^ετο γούνασι κούρη. 54 άγανοΐσι: //. 2.ι8ο, 189, 24.772 άγανοΐς έπέεσσιν: cf. Od: 15-53· παρεψύχοντ*: παραψυχή, consolation, is not uncommon; the verb does not occur elsewhere in that sense, and its existence is even denied by Pollux (3.100 παραψυχή, άφ* ού |!>ήμα ούκ εστίν). At Call. Η. 6.\6 the active παραψυχοισα, if sound, is re quired to mean pacifying. 55 περί παιδί: 1.54η. 56 Μαιωτιστί = Σκυθιστί. The adv., which does not occur elsewhere, qualifies εύκαμπέα: for the order of words sec 2.137 η. The reference is to the composite Scythian or Asiatic bow ('Cupid's bow') with the double curve, to which an illiterate in Agathon/r. 4 compares the letter Σ. This is commonly carried by Heracles in ancient art, while Apollo more usually carries the simple Cretan bow (sec Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd ser., 32.156). According to Σ Heracles learnt archery from a Scythian named Teutarus, and they cite Herodorus (fr. 5 M.) and Callimachus (fr. 692) for the statement that his bow was Scythian (cf. Lye. 56, 458 and Σ). The story in Hdt. 4.10 implies the contrary view that the Scythians derived their bows from Heracles, and at T. 24.108 (where see n.) Heracles learns his archery from Eurytus. According to Megara at Mosch. 4.13 his bow was Apollo's gift. 57 έχάνδανε: the verb should mean contained within its grasp but is used as a mere equivalent of κατείχε, έβάστα^ε. No parallels are adduced, but χαδών at Nic. Al. 145, 307, if rightly read in those places, may be equivalent to λαβών. See next note, and 25.63η. 58 άυσεν: for the ace. with this verb see 24.47, Λ 11.461 (below), 13.477, Od. 9.65; on έ'ρχομαι· τί μ' αύεις; cited from a Niobe by Suid. s.v. αύεις, Diog. Laert. 7.28, see Nauck Trag. Gr. Fr. p. 51. T. is thinking of Odysseus at //. 11.461 αύε δ' εταίρους· | τρίς μέν έττεντ' ήυσεν όσον κεφαλή χάδε φωτός, | τρίς δ' άιεν Ιάχοντος άρηίφιλος Μενέλαος, and possibly also, since he substitutes throat for head, of Ar. Ran. 258 κεκραξόμεσθά y* j όπόσον ή φάρυξ &ν ημών | χανδάνη: and the presence of χανδάνειν in these passages2 may have suggested, consciously or unconsciously, the catachresis in 57. 1 a
Cf. Solon fr. 4.33 εΟκοσμα καΐ Λρτια. With which cf. A.P. 7.644, Quint. S. 7.421. 242
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The triple cry seems to have been part of the Hylas-cult, and T. is-perhaps supplying an αίτιον: Ant. Lib. 26 ( = N i c . / r . 48) Ύ λ α δέ θύουσιν άχρι νυν π α ρ ά τήν κρήνην ol έπιχώριοι Kod αυτόν έξ ονόματος els τρίς ά Ιερεύς φωνεΐ καΐ είς τρίς αμείβεται προς αυτόν ή χ ώ : but cf. Αρ. Rh. 4·75· λαιμός is more commonly connected with food than with speech: cf. however Lye. 6 δαφνηφάγων φοίβα^εν έκ λαιμών όπα. 59 ύπάκουσεν: 7-94 η · αραιά = ασθενής. Apparently not elsewhere of sound except in a scientific passage at Arist. de aud. 803 b 28. Ap. Rh. 1.1249 has μελέη δέ ol έπλετο φωνή, but of Polyphemus not Hylas. 60 €ΐδ€το πόρρω: sc. είναι, as, e.g., Od. 19.283 ol τό γε κέρδιον εΐσατο θυμω. 6lf. Apart from the ms evidence, line 61 is condemned by the resulting awkwardness of the belated τις and of the repeated λίς. It was presumably fabricated to smooth the abruptness of the paratactic simile (which however exactly resembles 14.39, 17.9), and perhaps because the gen. abs. νεβρου φθεγξαμένας, on which Σ appear to comment, was not understood. Ήυγένειος is' from J7. 15.275, 17.109, 18.318 λίς ήυγένειος: ώμοφάγος from //. 5.782, 7.256, 15.592 λείουσιν έοικότες ώμοφάγοισι. In Αρ. Rh. 1.1243 the simile is of a wild beast which hears the bleating of sheep in the fold, and it is applied not to Heracles but to Polyphemus, w h o has heard Hylas's call for aid. Polyphemus goes in search of him, drawing his sword lest he should fall a prey to beasts, or robbers find him ληίδ' έτοίμην (1252; cf. Τ. 63). 64 άτρίπτοισιν = άτριβέσι: so of paths Λ.Ρ. 7.409, O p p . Hal. 4.68. 65 δεδόνητο: so of love Ar. Eccl. 954, B i o n / r . 6.5, fear Pind. P. 6.36, hope Nonn. D. 18.169; but T. is probably thinking of Od. 22.300, where it is used in a simile of the gadfly driving cattle wild. At Ap. Rh. 1.1265 Heracles on discovering his loss is compared to a bull tormented by the fly, and T. would remember the source of the simile. έπ€λάμβαν€: apparently an extension of the sense to occupy (space) (e.g. Arist. de cael. 305 b 19), the meaning perhaps being rather to cover in his search than merely to traverse. 66 σ χ έ τ λ ι ο ι : Σ II. 18.13 σχέτλιος* ό έαντώ κακών αίτιος, ό τλήμων (cf. Τ. 5.136 η.). In Αρ. Rh. 1.1302 it is the sons of Boreas w h o are σχέτλιοι since they intervened to prevent Jason from returning to look for Heracles and were sub sequently killed by Heracles for doing so. T. does not use the w o r d elsewhere, and is perhaps deliberately laying on Heracles the blame he escapes in Apollonius. δσσ* = δτι τόσα: The idiom is familiar (2.9, 15.146, 25.40: K.B.G. 2.2.370), but here somewhat irregularly used since the proposition σχέτλιος ό 'Ηρακλής is replaced by a generalisation. Somewhat similar, in that the subject of the causal clause appears there only, are Od. 5.302 τ ά δέ δή νϋν π ά ν τ α τελείται, | οΤοισιν νεφέεσσι περιστέφει ουρανόν εύρύν | Ζευς, 18.73 ή τ ά χ α Ίρος "Αιρος έπισπαστόν κακόν εξει, | οίην έκ ^ακέων ό γέρων έπιγουνίδα φαίνει, Eur. H.F. 816. 67 οϋρεα: for the ace. with άλασθαι see Soph. O.C. 1686, Eur. Hel. 532; cf. ib. 598. ύστερα: Thuc. 8.41 νομίσας πάντα ύστερα είναι τάλλα προς τό ν α υ ς . . . ξυμπαρακομίσαι, Plut. Fab. 24 ύστερον αυτόν τοΟ νόμου καΐ τ ο ύ άρχοντος τίθησιν, Soph. O.C. 351 δεύτερ' ηγείται τ ά της | οίκοι διαίτης, εΐ π α τ ή ρ τροφήν Ιχοι, Jr. 354» Τ. 11.11 άγεΐτο δέ π ά ν τ α πάρεργα. 68 f. The ms reading ναϋς μέν ά. is unmetrical, the verb is missing, and τών παρεόντων, unless τ ώ ν is to be regarded as demonstrative, wants a construction. It seems however reasonably plain that the sense of the line is that the Argo was ready
243
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[70-74
for sea. Hermann's γέμεν therefore repairs the damage, and, if not a certain correc tion, at least gives the right sense. It has been objected to it that γέμειν is elsewhere used only of freight, but this, though true, cannot be accounted of much moment in a writer so fond as T. of extending and enlarging the uses and meanings of words. Moreover Ρο1νο.4.73.6τήν των Ηλείων χώραν.. .γέμειν σωμάτων και κατασκευής shows that a γόμος need not exclude persons. In the following line the meaning is less plain, but the pres. part, μένοντες shows that it describes some activity of the Argonauts before setting sail. Έξεκάθαιρον has been defended both in the sense of cleared away and of cleaned, but the first seems much too remote from its usual meaning and the second too trivial an occupation for a night of anxious waiting. I have therefore accepted Wordsworth's αυτέ καθαίρουν (καθήρουν already Cobet and J. A. Hartung); cf. Od. 9.149 καθείλομεν Ιστία πάντα. The imperfect, if it is what T. wrote, is descriptive (7.6 η.) and seems to correlate the scene with the following έχώρει—while they were lowering the sails, he was wandering far afield. "Αρμενα is used as a gloss for Ιστίον and λαΐφος (Hesych. and Suid.) but is the wider word, as may be seen from 22.13, Ap. Rh. 4.889. The meaning will be that they lowered the sail, presumably with the yard (έπίκριον), leaving mast, stays, etc. up. The departure was not abandoned but postponed. μεσονύκτιον: for the ace. see 7.2m. The night must be that on which the Argonauts have landed, and if 33 f. are righdy interpreted as preparations for a night on shore (see n.), their preparations for departure are unexplained. The text here cannot be regarded as certain, and corruption may extend to μεσονύκτιον, but some indication of time seems required and it is possible that this is one of the places where T. has not fully thought out the implications of his scene; see 2.144 η. 70 $ πόδες άγον: 14.42, Ap. Rh. 1.1263 (Heracles on this occasion) ές δέ κέλευθον Ι τήν θέεν ή πόδες αυτόν υπέκφερον άίσσοντα, Phoen. fr. 2.15 Powell όκοι πόδες φέρωσιν, Luc. Herm. 28 ουδέ τούτο δή τό του λόγου (ποιήσομεν), Ινθα άν ήμας ol πόδες φέρωσιν, έκεΐσε απιμεν: cf. Αρ. Rh. 3-651 τηύσιοι δέ πόδες φέρον ένθα καΐ ένθα, 1152, Hor. C. 3-ΙΜ9» Epod. 16.21. 71 Λμυσσβν: Bacch. 17.18 καρδίαν τέ ol σχέτλιον αμυξεν άλγος, 18.11, Aesch. Pers. 161; cf. II. 1.243, Call. fr. 75.1 o. 72 μακάρων: for the partitive gen. with άριθμεΐν c£. Eur. Bacch. 1317 των φιλτάτων ίμοιγ' αριθμήσει. 73 Ήροκλέην: this form of the ace, indicated by the mss, acquires support from its appearance at Ap. Rh. 2.76ο Κίον θ* όθι κάλλιπον ήρω | Ήρακλέην. It occurs also in an anonymous epigram at A. Plan. 97, and perhaps in an oracle at Eustath. 989.44 (but cf. 561.42), but apparently not elsewhere, and the statement of Choeroboscus (Gramm. Gr. 4.1.189) that it is particularly Attic is evidently untrue. The form Ήρακλήν, also falsely called Attic by Choeroboscus but censured by Phrynichus (p. 156 Lobeck), is commoner but late. See RE 8.522. λιπονούταν: λειποναύτης is cited by Suidas from a prose writer; λιπόναυς occurs at Aesch. Ag. 212, λιπόνεως at Dem. 50.65, al. For the omission of ώς cf. Soph. O.T. 412 τυφλόν μ' ώνείδισας. 74 ήρώησ€: for the ace. (in place of the gen.) with this verb in the sense to quit, cf. 24.101; these are apparently the only examples. The assonance ήρωες.. .ήρώησε can hardly be accidental, but it is difficult to see what purpose it serves. For similar apparent puns in prose see C.R. 51.103. τριακοντάζυγον: that is, as Σ say, for sixty oars. The number is elsewhere said to have been fifty (Apoll. 1.9.16 πεντηκόντορον ναυν, Orph. Arg. 300 πεντήκοντ* έρέτησιν). On the number of the Argonauts, also variously given, see RE 2.751? 244
IDYLL XIII
75]
in Apollonius (1.22 ff.) there are fifty-five, and no extant account makes them as many as sixty. It is unnecessary to extort consistency, but no doubt a vessel with thirty thwarts could be rowed by fewer than sixty oarsmen. 75 Αξενον: the Euxine had once been so called δια το δνσχείμερον καΐ την αγριότητα των ττεριοικούντων εθνών (Strab. 7*298; cf. Scymn. 735)» and Pindar (P. 4.203), as T. perhaps remembers, had used the old name in connexion with the Argonauts' expedition. It is suitably transferred to the Phasis, where the inhospitality of Aeetes is a conspicuous example of local manners. "Αξεινος is similarly applied by Apollonius to the Θυνηίς ακτή in the Euxine (2.548) and the Symplegades (Jr. 5). According to Σ, Τ. is alone in bringing Heracles to Phasis overland. Those who, unlike Dionysius of Mitylene and Demaretes,1 held that Heracles abandoned the Argo before it reached Phasis, gave various accounts of the circumstances, and these versions are summarily enumerated at Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.1289. Wilamowitz, who punctuated with a colon at the end of 74, argued (Textg. 177) that the last line supplies the explanation of the whole poem, which he regarded as an apology for the παιδεραστής. Nicias, he thought, had advised T. to abandon such adventures, and T. replied that Heracles, in spite of the distress caused by the loss of Hylas, reached Phasis no less than the rest. This view however seems to read a great deal too much into the single line, and the argument which T. is alleged to employ is open to the obvious retort that according to the usual accounts (including that of Apollonius, whom T. may be correcting) Heracles did not reach Phasis at all. Moreover if T. intended so to stress 1. 75, or even if he intended it for a new sentence, an emphasising pronoun seems required (e.g. Trejqc δ δ* έ$), and I have therefore treated it as part of the causal clause. If this is right, ττε^ςί bears, as its position indicates, a slight emphasis, and looks back to λιττοναύταν. When Heracles rejoined the party at Phasis, it was a matter of comment that he had come by land and not by sea. In favour of this view it may perhaps be added that κερτομεΐν is at least most commonly used of criticism addressed direcdy to the person criticised; if 75 merely records the fact that Heracles reached Phasis, έκερτόμεον will refer to what was said about him in his absence. The colour of the verb in the other place in which T. employs it (1.62) is not unfriendly. Moreover if these criticisms are marked as having been made after Heracles rejoined his friends at Phasis (as they are if 75 is part of the causal clause), the poem reaches a more satisfactory conclusion since the arrival of the ship at its destination is included. If 75 is a mere statement of fact, the poem leaves the other Argonauts waiting for Heracles in the Propontis. This punctuation still leaves Wilamowitz's explanation open, and in fact makes it easier, since the statement that Heracles reached Phasis is no longer due to T. but is put into the mouths of the other Argonauts. 1
And apparently Nicander (fr. 48).
245
IDYLL XIV PREFACE Subject. Aeschinas and Thyonichus meet after an interval and Thyonichus remarks on Aeschinas's ill-kempt appearance. Aeschinas explains that he has fallen out with Cynisca. He and three friends were enjoying a symposium in his house, toasts were being drunk, and Cynisca did not name the man of her choice. A jest revealed to Aeschinas that her favourite was not himself but a neighbour, by name Lycus. Aeschinas lost his temper and struck the girl, who fled from the house and has since openly devoted herself to his rival. Aeschinas, who, two months later, is not cured of his infatuation, is thinking of enlisting as a mercenary overseas. Thyonichus condoles with his friend and recommends service with Ptolemy, on whom he bestows a warm encomium. Sources. Σ, who, no doubt too hastily, name Sophron as the inspiration of T.'s other urban Idylls 2 and 15, are here silent, and there is nothing to suggest Sophron in the poem. Though however the design may be assumed to be original, there seem to be in details some slight reminiscences of the Middle Comedy; see 5, 7, 1711η.*
Date· It has been argued by Vollgraff (Mnem. 47.347) that the ethnics in 12 f. supply an indication of date for the Idyll, which contains (59 η0.) a commendation of mercenary service under Ptolemy Philadelphus. Owing to Ptolemy's relations with Argos and Thessaly, an Argive and a Thessalian could not, he suggested, appear in a poem of such content except at a time when their relations with Egypt were friendly. The dates for Argos are 278-272 B.C. and for Thessaly 286-276 and 274-272 B.C. and the possible dates for the Idyll therefore 278-276 or 274-272 B.C. Since Egypt was at peace in the first period and engaged during the second in the Syrian war he decided for the second. T.'s other poems concerned with Ptolemy [Ida. 15 and 17) can be dated between 278 and 270 B.C. (see pp. 265, 326), since they mention Arsinoe as queen. She is not mentioned here, but though it would therefore be possible to ascribe Id. 14 to any date between 283 B.C. when Ptolemy Philadelphus became sole king and his death in 246, it is natural to guess that it was written at approximately the same period as Ida. 15 and 17. It may also be said that at the time of the Syrian war an encourage ment to recruiting might be welcome to the authorities in Egypt. Nevertheless VollgrafF's conclusions rest on very insecure foundations. In the first place, though enlistment under Ptolemy is recommended as a cure for Aeschinas's troubles, the panegyric of Ptolemy has little relevance to his qualities as a commander of troops in the field, and it occupies only a small and incidental place, so that if the poem is intended as a recruiting manifesto it is a half-hearted performance. In the second, it seems very doubtful whether the nationalities cf Aeschinas's friends throw any light upon the matter. T. uses such adjectives freely for the sake of imparting vividness to his narrative (see Introd. p. xx), but even if" he did not, it would be venturesome to infer that because Aeschinas is presently to be advised to take service in Egypt, he could not be depicted as consorting in some unspecified place with natives of Argos and Thessaly unless those states were on friendly terms with 246
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his prospective employer. In short these arguments add nothing to the already known likelihood that the poem belongs to the years 278-270 B.C. It has also been argued, by Legrand, that the adjective ερωτικός (61) would be an unwelcome commendation in the life-time of Arsinoe, and that the poem should be dated after her death in 270 B.C. But Ptolemy's love affairs were notorious, and as Alexandria was sprinkled with monuments to his mistresses (see 61 n.) he can hardly have been touchy about them.
ι χαίρειν: so at the beginning of Plat. Ion (530 Α) τον Ί ω ν α χαίρειν. πόθεν τ α νΟν ήμΐν έπιδεδήμηκας;: cf. Sapph./r. 86 πόλλα μοι τάν Πωλυανάκτιδα παΐδα χαίρην. The verb implied may be εύχομαι (as Eur. Suppl. ι Δήμητερ.. ,ευδαιμο\*εΐν με Θησέα τε) or κελεύω (as Ar. Au. 1581 τον άνδρα χαίρειν ol Θεοί κελεύομεν, Aclt. 172 τους Θράκας άτπέναι); see K.B.G. 2.2.22. τόν άνδρα Θ υ ώ ν ι χ ο ν : the addition of άνήρ (or φως) to proper names is discussed by Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 817 and by Jebb and Kaibel on Soph. El. 45. Except at Hdt. 8.82, where, if the text is accepted, it can be no more than equivalent to τις, the instances cited by them (add Kaibel Ep. Gr. 445) seem to show, as with nouns and quasi-nouns (7.32 n.), some emotional colour, and to imply pity or respect; and here the tone is probably of jocular deference. This seems to accord also with the formal infinitive, and it may be noted that the passages cited above from Plato and Sappho are said by Maximus Tyrius, who quotes them together (18.9), to exhibit είρωνεία. The def. art. does not occur in such phrases elsewhere, but its presence here is due to the fact that Aeschinas is addressing the person named. The name Θυώνιχος occurs with a reminiscence of this line at A. Plan. 51 but is otherwise unknown. Θυίων and Θυιωνίδας occur in inscriptions from Orchomenus and Stratus (I.G. 7.3181, 9.1.446), and the latter is a cult-name of Dionysus in Rhodes (Hesych. s.v.). It is perhaps implied by 59ff. that Thyonichus has seen service as a mercenary in Egypt. άλλα τοιαύτα: sc. εύχομαι or κελεύω as in Aeschinas's speech. The text is not absolutely certain, but Reiske's interpretation of the mss seems the best, and the meaning is in any case plain. Similar is Hdt. 1.120 αυτοί τε θαρσέομεν και σοΙ έτερα τοιαύτα τταρακελευόμεθα, and έτερα τοιαύτα occurs in other contexts at Hdt. 1.191, 3.79. For άλλος and έτερος in Τ. see 7.36 η. In Italian altretanto is used as άλλα τ . here. 2 ώς χρόνιος: sc. ήκεις, as 15.1 ώς χρόνω, Od. 17.112 έλθόντα χρόνιον, Soph. Phil. 1446, Eur. Ι.Τ. 258, Ion 403, Cratin./r. 222, Alcx.fr. 297, al.\ cf. Men./r. 329, Ap. Rh. 3.53. μέλημα: the word does not necessarily imply any opinion as to the nature of Aeschinas's preoccupation, but it is not infrequently used in the sense of darling (e.g. Men. Per. 214) and the meaning to whom have you lost your heart? (suggested by Σ) would, as the event proves and Thyonichus possibly suspects, fit the case. The distribution of parts in this line is Koehler's. Aeschinas calls on or meets Thyonichus after a long interval, which he explains as due to his love-affair mis carrying. The older distribution (which Σ paraphrase) was: ΑΙ. ώς χρόνιος. ΘΥ. χρόνιος* τί δε κ.τ.λ., which makes Thyonichus call on Aeschinas after an interval the length of which he admits but leaves unexplained. There is however no point in mentioning the interval at all unless it is connected with Aeschinas's misfortunes. $ 3 seems to record both distributions in the impossible combination —ώς χρόνιος. —χρόνιος. —τί δε κ.τ.λ.
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COMMENTARY
[3-7
3 ταϋτ* άρα: Α Γ . Pax 617 τ α ύ τ ' άρ* ευπρόσωπος ή ν, Blaydes on Ar. Ach. 90, Nub. 319, K.B.G. 2.1.310. λ ε π τ ό ς : sc. el. For the ellipse of the second person copula cf. 22, D e m . 19.250 εΐτ' ού συ σοφιστής; καΐ πονηρός ye. ου σύ λογογράφος; καΐ θεοΐς εχθρός ye: cf. Gildersleeve Gk Synt. § 85. The omission not only of the third person but of other parts of the copula (11,46 nn.) and of other verbs (2, 21, 51, 68) is characteristic of this conversation. 4 μ ύ σ τ α ξ : the fashion of shaving the beard was introduced into Greece by Alexander (Plut. Thes. 5, Polyaen. 4.3.2, Ath. 13.565 A). Aeschinas, w h o seems to be a farmer (14), may not follow the fashion, and γενειών (28) probably implies that he does n o t ; but if he does, Thyonichus is twitting him with an ill-shaven upper Up, not an unkempt moustache, for moustache without beard was not worn by Greeks. Cf. 69 n. άυσταλέοι: squalidi, of hair also at A. Plan. 72, 113. xbavvoi: the w o r d is used of women (A.P. 5.197) or soft young men (Ar. Vesp. 1069; cf. T. 11.10), and if rightly equated with παρωτίδες (Poll. 2.28; cf. Var. Men. 375) would seem to be particularly curls falling over the ears. In normal times Aeschinas would presumably wear no such appendages, and Thyonichus is criticising jocularly the length as well as the disorder of his hair. 5 π ρ ώ α ν : Τ. has πρόαν (4.60, 5.4,15.15)—which the mss tend to write πρώαν— and, in eight places, πράν. Callimachus (fr. 219) and Herodas (5.62) have πρών. 1 The spondaic form of $ 3 and the mss occurs at 8.23, Mosch. 3.69, and can hardly be denied to T . Legrand's τ α πρόαν depends on 15.15 but the text is there uncertain. Πυθαγορικτάς: Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 18.80 τους μέν Πυθαγορείους καλέσας, τους δέ Πυθαγοριστάς, ώσπερ Αττικούς τινας όνομσ^ομεν έτερους δέ Άττικιστάς, διελών ούτω πρεπόντως τ ά ονόματα τους μέν γνησίους είναι ένεστήσατο, τους δέ 3ηλωτάς τούτων δηλούσθαι ένομοθέτησε. The w o r d is elsewhere confined to the Middle Comedy, where Πυθαγορισταί are ridiculed for the ascetic squalor in which they lived (Antiphan. fr. 160, Aristophon frr. 9, 12; cf Mnesim.^r. 1): similarly Πυθαγορί^ειν (Antiphan. frr. 135, 226, Ahx.fr. 220). Πυθαγόρειοι (Alex. frr. 196, 220) however, and Pythagoras himself (Antiphan./r. 168; cf. Alex.^r. 199, Crat. Jun. fr. 6), are spoken of in similar terms, and it is hardly plain that Πυθαγοριστής is in itself more contemptuous than Πυθαγόρειος. Σ here write διαφέρουσι δέ Πυθαγορικοί των Πυθαγοριστών ότι ol μέν Πυθαγορικοι πάσαν φροντίδα ποιούνται τού σώματος, ol δέ ΠυθαγορισταΙ περιεσταλμένη και αύχμηρςί διαίτη χρώνται, and this distinction appears at Ath. 4.163 Ε Πυθαγορικός δέ δόξας είναι υμών των κυνικών τρόπον ijr\, κομών καΐ £υπών και ανυπόδητων: cf. Diels-Kranz Vorsokr. 1.478. According to Sosicrates (Ath. 4.163F), Diodorus of Aspendus introduced squalid raiment to the Pythagorean practice, but it is a matter of some doubt whether there was a real Pythagorean school at this date, and Πυθαγορισταί is perhaps a general name for miscellaneous ascetics, or beggars professing philosophy. 6 ωχρός κ ανυπόδητος: both are characteristic of the ascetic philosopher: Ar. Nub. 103 τους ωχριώντας, τους ανυπόδητους λέγεις, 120, ι ι ΐ 2 , Alciphr. 1.3 Sch. τών έν τ η Ποικίλη διατριβόντων ανυπόδητων καΐ ένεροχρώτων, 2.38, Luc. Jup. Trag. ι ωχρός περίπατων, φιλοσόφου τό χρώμ* έχων, Icarom. 5, 31» Bis Ace. 16, A.P. 11.153. 7 Hdas 2.79 έρςίς συ μέν ίσως Μυρτάλης* ουδέν δεινόν | έ γ ώ δέ πυρών, Timocl. fr. 10 οίμοι κακοδαίμων, ώς έρώ. μά τους θεούς, | Τιθύμαλλος ούδεπώποτ' ήράσθη φαγεϊν | ούτω σφόδρ*, ουδέ Κόρμος Ιμάτιον λαβείν, | ού Νείλος άλφιτ', ού Κόρυδος άσύμβολος | κινεΐν οδόντας, Ar. Ran. 62. 1
O r πρων.
248
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μάν: for the emphasising μάν in questions see Denniston Gk Part. 332. It com monly follows an interrogative pronoun or adverb, as at 8.17, [27] .39, epigr. 20.4, but that is insufficient reason for refusing Doederlein's division of the line into question and answer. The older punctuation, following the mss, assigned the whole to Thyonichus with a comma after τηνος—with much inferior sense; for though Thyonichus may suspect (2 η.) he does not k n o w (11) that Aeschinas is in love. ό π τ ώ ά λ ε ύ ρ ω : Plat. Rep. 3 72 Β θρέφονται δέ έκ μεν τ ω ν κριθών άλφιτα σκευα30μενοι, έκ δέ τ ω ν πυρών άλευρα, τ α μέν πέψαντες, τ ά δέ μάξαντες, μά^ας γενναίας και άρτους επί κάλαμόν τίνα παραβαλλόμενοι. ' Ο π τ ά ν and πέσσειν seem to be used indifFerendy of baking bread (Poll. 7.22, Hdt. 1.200 άρτου τρόπον όπτήσας, Ar. Jr. 103 άρτον όπτών), and ό. ά. therefore means wheaten loaves. In connexion with 'Pythagorasis* we hear of a daily ration of άρτος καθαρός εις έκατέρω, ποτήριον | ύδατος, but those w h o enjoy it τ ρ υ φ ω σ ι ν . . . προς έτερους... οι δι' ημέρας | δειπνοϋσι πέμπτης άλφίτων κοτύλην μίαν (Alcx.fr. 221), and barley, still at this date the cereal of the poor (cf. R E 7.1282), would naturally be that of the ascetic also. Barley meal was occasionally used to make άρτοι (e.g. Poll. 6.73, Ath. 3.115 c), but it was regularly and commonly made into μα^αι (cf. Antiphan. jr. 135 ώσπερ nuOayopijcov έσθίει | έμψυχον ουδέν, της δέ πλείστης τούβολου | μά3ης μελαγχρή μερίδα λαμβάνων λέπει), which, though prepared in various ways, consisted essentially of the meal kneaded with water and oil but unbaked (see 4.34η.). There is point therefore in both T.'s words; the ascetic not only wants superior flour but wants it more elaborately prepared. 8 Ι χ ω ν : Luc. Icarom. 24 παίζεις έχων, έφη, Ar. Ran. 202 ου μή φλυαρήσεις έχων;, Blaydes on Ar. Nub. 131, K.B.G. 2.2.62. Κυνίσκα: the name was that of Archidamus's daughter (Plut. Ages. 20) and Κυνίσχος is not uncommon. Κύννα is defined by Hesychius as όνομα πόρνης (see Headlam on Hdas 4.20), and T. has perhaps selected Κυνίσκα with some thought of her profession, which appears later (see 21 n.). 9 θρίξ άνά μέσσον: sc. έστιν έμοΟ καΐ μανίας. Xen. Symp. 6.2 μεταξύ του ,υμάς λέγειν ούδ' άν τρίχα μή ότι λόγον άν τις παρείρειε. The commoner figure is έκ τριχός κρέμαται, on which see Leutsch Par. Gr. 1.69. For άνά (τό) μέσσον = έν μέσω, μεταξύ see 22.21, Ale. jr. 18.3, Theogn. 839, A n t i p h a n . / · . 13, al; cf. Nic. Th. 167, and Abh. Sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 30.2.19: for the ellipse of the verb, Aeschin. 3.71 νύξ έν μέσω καΐ παρήμεν τη ύστεραία είς τήν έκκλησίαν. 10 μ έ ν : the adversative is όμως δέ. 'This is probably a storm in a teacup: still let us hear what it is all about.' άσυχςί: somewhat, more or less. Men. Her. 20 —δούλη *στίν; —ούτως, ήσυχη, τρόπον τινά: and so with adjectives and participles, ξηρός Hippocr. Epid. 4.27: 5.172 L., κεκλιμένος Plut. Alex. 4, al. It is common in papyri in descriptions of physical characteristics. 11 κατά καιρόν: 25.66, Hdt. 1.30 ώς ol κατά καιρόν ήν. The phrase has been suspected owing to the ellipse of the inf. είναι, but in this staccato conversation the ellipse does not seem surprising (3 n.; cf. 15.147), and it has analogies in more serious poetry; e.g. II. 15.51 καΐ el μάλα βούλεται άλλη. Somewhat similar is Eur. El. 76 ήδύ τάνδον εύρίσκειν καλώς (sc. έχοντα). εΐπον: on the accentuation of this imper. see Chandler Gk Accent. § 775. 12 "Ωργεΐος: Άργεΐος is not rare as a proper name (e.g. Ar. Eccl. 201, Xen. Hell. 7.1.33), but though this man is the only member of the party whose name" is not given, the definite article makes it reasonably certain that the word is here an adj.; cf. 15.97η. 249
COMMENTARY
[13-15
Ιπποδιώκτας: the word is glossed Ιππικός by Σ, and ηνίοχος by Hesych. It occurs elsewhere only as the name of a kind of gladiator (I.G. Rom. 4.1455, from Smyrna), presumably one who pursues and attacks his opponent from horseback. Διώκειν in poetry comes near in meaning to έλαύνειν (7.53 n.), and the word might be a heightened synonym for Ιππελάτης. This however does not seem suitable to the conversational style of the passage. In itself the word might denote some kind of light-cavalryman, but, if so, Agis would not be differentiated from Cleunicus ό στρατιώτας, and I have therefore assumed that he is connected with the horse-trade for which Thessaly was famous (18.30 η.). 13 ΤΑγις, a shortened form of some Ήγ-, 'Ay-, name, was borne by a number of historical characters including a Ptolemaic general of the late third century (Diod. 19.79). Κλεύνικος: Κλεόνικος is also common; e.g. epigr. 25, Pind. J. 5.55, Call. Ep. 32, A.P. 12.121, 201.
6 στρατιώτας: the word no doubt denotes, as at 56, a professional mercenary. Wilamowitz, following Meineke, wrote Στρατιώτας, a native of Stration in Acarnania, but this remote ethnic consorts ill with Άργεΐος and Θεσσαλός. The descriptions of the three men seem to show a calculated asymmetry, and where A has nationality only, Β nationality and profession, C may suitably have profession only. 14 έν χ ώ ρ ω : in the country, on the farm: Xen. Oec. 5.4 εν τ φ χώρω καΐ έν τφ άστει, 5-9» ιι.ιβ, Cyr. 7.4*6 μεσταΐ δέ αϊ οδοί πορει/ομένων παρ' αλλήλους, μεστοί δέ ol χώροι εργαζομένων. The word approaches this sense in Hdt. 9.15, and χωρίον is frequently so used, especially in papyri. κατέκοψα: the word is fairly common of butchering animals (e.g. Hdt. 1.207, 2.42, Thuc. 4.128), and so elsewhere of birds Ar. Au. 1688, Heraclid. Com. C.A.F. 2.435. νεοσσώς: chickens, specifically of domestic fowls. Cf. Σ Ar. Au. 836 νεοττοί τίνες άλεκτρυόνες λέγονται, but I do not know the word so used elsewhere; cf. 13.12 n. 15 θηλάζοντα: 3.16n. Βίβλινον: sc. oivov, as commonly with adjectives descriptive of the brand. This puzzling name is discussed at Ath. 1.31 A, where the following explanations are given on various authorities: (i) That it came from Βιβλία in Thrace, (ii) That βιβλία was another name for a kind of vine called είλεός. This vine was imported into Sicily from Italy by Pollis, Tyrant of Syracuse, and 'Bibline' might be identified with the sweet wine called in Sicily Πόλλιος οίνος (cf. Poll. 6.16). (iii) That according to Epicharmus it was called από τίνων ορών Βιβλίνων. Steph. Byz. s.v. Βιβλίνη also connects it with Thrace, but adds an alternative explanation (iv), connecting it with a river Βίβλος in Naxos. These explanations are repeated at Et. M. 197.32 (where we are told that Epicharmus's mountains were in Thrace), and they appear in part in Σ here and Σ Hes. W.D. 589, where Tzetzes conjectures that it means watery and derives its name from Βίβλος in Assyria, where the inhabitants are water-drinkers. In a fragment of Philyllius (24) cited by Athenaeus, the name is ranged between Thasos and Mende (in Thrace) in a geographical list of wines (cf. Ach. Tat. 2.2), and, if a geographical origin is to be looked for, Thrace is suitable, for it was a seat of Dionysiac cult and some at least of its wines were renowned for strength and fragrance (Plin. N.H. 14.53). On the other hand imported Thracian wine, not perhaps very suitable on Aeschinas's farm, seems out of the question on that of Hesiod, who recommends βίβλινος οίνος for the dog days (W.D. 589). This dilemma can be resolved by supposing that the adj. was attached not only to wine 250
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IDYLL XIV
grown at Biblia (if that is the place of origin), but also to that made from vines imported thence (Ath. and Et. M. speak in this connexion of vines imported into Sicily and Greece) or made by some method devised there. Here and in Hesiod the mss, as was to be expected, vary between β ι βλ- and βυβλ-: at Eur. Ion 1195 they agree on βιβλ- though Blomfield wrote βυβλ-. In these three passages, and in Athenaeus, βιβλ- is presumably right; there was however a Βύβλινος οίνος which may have contributed something to the con fusion. This came from Byblus in Phoenicia and is subjected to a detailed criticism by Archestratus (Jr. 59), who may be supposed sufficient of an expert in such matters not to have blundered. Where in this series belong the Βυβλία σταφυλή of Poll. 6.82, the βυβλινον τουμόν μέθυ* παροιμία προς τους διαφθείροντας τίνα ί-ργα (Leutsch Par. Gr. 1.389), and the βυβλία and βυβλίνα μασχάλα of a fourthcentury inscription from Heraclea in Lucania (LG. 14.645:58, 92) I will not attempt to determine. I spell the adjective with a capital B, though if it means wine grown locally from a special kind of grape this is perhaps misleading. And if that is the true explanation, it is useless to speculate as to the quality of the wine, which (as the history of the Riesling and other modern vines shows) depends principally on the soil. It may however be said that the name visibly denotes a high-quality wine. 16 τετόρων έτέων: see 7.147 η. For the gen. cf. Xen. An. 7.4.16 Σιλανός Μακίστιος ετών ώς όκτωκαίδεκα σημαίνει τη σάλτπγγι, Ath. 13.584 Β έπιδόντος δέ TIVOS οΐνον.,.καΐ είπόντος δτι έκκαιδεκετής, Μικρός γε ; εφη (ΓνάΘαινα), ώς τοσούτων ετών, Plut. Mor. 791 Ε· The meaning is presumably καίπερ τ. έ. δντα ευώδη ώς άττό λανώ. T o describe the wine simply as ώς ά π ό λανώ would be no commendation. 17 β ο λ β ό ς : which, for simplicity's sake, I have translated onion, is used of more than one bulbous plant, but in its most common use is identified with the feather hyacinth, muscari comosum. Βολβοί were grown as cultivated plants (Geop. 12.36) though also common in the wild state, and they were esteemed as vegetables and also, like κοχλίαι, for their supposed aphrodisiac properties (Heraclides, below). See Ath. 2.63 D, Mayor on Juv. 7.120, RE 3.669. τις: in such contexts the indefinite pronoun imparts a vagueness to the state ment, implying that the speaker will not commit himself as to the precise number or the precise nature of the objects but is giving a general impression: Eubul./r. 110 σηπίδι' f) τευθίδια, | ττλεκτάνια μικρά πουλύττοδος, νήστίν τίνα, | μήτραν κ.τ.λ., Amiph.fr. 129 θαλάττιον μέν ούτος ουδέν έσθίει | πλην τ ώ ν π α ρ ά γτ\ν, yoyypov τιν* ή νάρκην τινά κ.τ.λ., 226 τό δεΐπνόν έστι μα^α κεχαρακωμένη | άχύροις, προς ευτέλειαν έξωπλισμένη, ] καΐ βολβός είς τις καΐ παροψίδες τινές, | σόγχος τις ή μύκης τις ή κ.τ.λ., Aesop 414 Halm ότω άρα φίλον δρέπεσβαι ανθέων και κρίνων ή και £όδον τι, Headlam on Aesch. Ag. 55; cf. Τ . 4.30η. The substantial part of the meal was chicken and sucking pig. Aeschinas aims only at an indication of the rest. These two were probably hors d'eeuvre rather than τ ρ α γ ή ματα to be eaten with the wine. κοχλίας: edible snails are mentioned in company with βολβοί by Alexis {jr. 279), and by Heraclides of Tarentum as aphrodisiacs (Ath. 64 A). They are found in the same company in Latin also (Mart. 4.46.1, Petron. 130, Apic. 4.5.1). Snails were, at any rate at a later date, a very common food (Gal. 6.669 κοχλίας όσημέραι πάντες "Ελληνες έσθίουσι) and were bred by the Romans, w h o have left traces of their taste in various parts of Europe including Britain. Instructions for making a cochlearium are given by Varro, R.R. 3.14.1. See RE 2 A 589, Thompson Gloss. Gk Fishes 130. For the collective singulars see 4.44 η. 251
COMMENTARY
[18-26
έξαιρέβη: out of the box or store r o o m : Ar. Pax 1145 τ ω ν τε σύκων ίξελε: cf. Thesm. 284, Eur. El. 496, Call.^r. 251, Hdas 7.51. 18f. προϊόντος: sc. τοΟ π ό τ ο υ : Hdt. 6.129 προϊούσης της πόσιος, Alciphr. 3.19 Sch. προϊόντος του συμποσίου, Xen. An. 74.26 προυχώρει ό πότος, Mnesim. fr. 4·ΐ8 πρόποσις χωρεί, Luc. Dial. Met. 15.2. έπιχεϊσθαι Ακρατον ώ . ή . £.: 2.152η. ώτινος είπείν: sc. ώτινος έθέλει or έτηχεΐται. The custom of naming your toast (προκαλεΐσθαι | έξονομακλήδην φ προπιεϊν έθέλτ)) according to Critias {eleg.fr. 2) was not practised at Sparta, and he appears (though the text is in some confusion) to assign to it a Lydian origin. It was not invariable, as this passage and 2.i5off. show, but there was nothing unusual in it. 20 φ ω ν ε ΰ ν τ ε ς : calling out names: Soph. Aj. 73 Αΐαντα φωνώ, 4 Mace. 15.21 τέκνων φωναΐ.. .μητέρα φωνούντων, Εν. Matt. 20.37 Ήλίαν φωνεΐ ούτος. 21 & δ' ουδέν: sc. Κυνίσκα ουδέν εΐπεν: cf. Rhes. 778 οι δ' ουδέν* ου μήν ουδ' έγώ τ ά πλείονα. Cynisca's presence at the symposium marks her as a εταίρα: Dem. 59.24 συνέπινε καΐ συνεδείπνει εναντίον πολλών Νέαιρα αΰτηΐ ως αν εταίρα ούσα, ib. 33» 48, Is. 3.14 °ύδέ αϊ γαμεταΐ γυναίκες άρχονται μετά τ ω ν ανδρών επί τ ά δείπνα, ουδέ συνδειπνεΐν άξιοΟσι μετά τών άλλοτρίων, Cic. Verr. 1.66 negauit moris esse Graecorum ut in conuiuio uirorum accumberent mulieres. ν ώ ν : what were my emotions? The common meaning is what is your purpose or intention?, as, e.g., Ar. Pax 104, Soph. Ant. 1228. Cf. 11.74η. 22 λύκον είδες: Geop. 15.1.8 ά λύκος προορών τόν άνθρωπον άσθενέστερον αυτόν καΐ άφωνον π ο ι ε ί . . . όφθείς δέ πρότερος ό λύκος αυτός ασθενέστερος γίνεται, Virg. Ε. 9-53 uox quoque Moerim \ iamfugit ipsa: lupi Moerim uidere priores, Serv. ad loc.t Donat. ad Ter. Ad. 537 (lupus infabula) silentii indictio est in hoc pro*· uerbby atque eiusmodi silentii ut in ipso uerbo uel ipsa syllaba conticescat, quia lupum uidisse homines dicimus qui repente obmutuerunt; quod fere his euenit quos prior uiderit lupus ut cum cogitatione in quafuerint etiam uerbis et uoce careanty Themist. Or. 21.253 c, Suid. s.v. λύκον είδες, Leutsch Par. Gr. 2.511, Plin. N.H. 8.80, Solin. 2.35. The belief is alluded to at Plat. Rep. 336 D. According to Corp. Hippiatr. Gr. 2.94 the correct procedure on meeting a wolf is to say ούκ έλαβες· λύκος εΐ. Theophi. H.P. 9.8.6 records a somewhat similar superstition as to being seen by a woodpecker while cutting peonies, and Aristarchus in Σ 10.18 (quoted in n.) the danger of being eyed by a praying mantis. The speaker, alluding to Cynisca's silence, leaves implied the condition that the wolf shall have seen her first (as in Donatus, above), and Cynisca, whose thoughts are on Λύκος,, takes λύκον for a proper name. It would be possible, though less probable, to suppose that the speaker knows of Cynisca's affair and names Lycus with a joking reference to the silencing power of the animal from which the name is borrowed. 23 κ ή φ λ έ γ ε τ ' : the verb, 'common of emotions, here plainly denotes their visible symbol, the blush, which Ap. Rh. calls θερμός and φλογ! εϊκελος (3.963, 4.173). 24 Λύκος: the name and its congeners are c o m m o n : see 2.76η. Λ ά β α : I.G. 2.2.864:2.14-and, as a dog's name, Ar. Vesp. 895, 899, al. The gen. in these places is Λάβητος. For the variation see K.B.G. 1.1.512, Headlam on Hdas 2.50. 25 εύμάκης: of people also Plat. Parm. 127 Β, Α.Ρ. 5.76. 26 κ λ ύ μ ε ν ο ν : apparently ironical, as praeclarus in Latin. The word is commonly a proper name and occurs as an adj. only at Antim.yr. 85 Wyss, if indeed it is an adj. there. 252
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IDYLL XIV
κατεφρύγετο is plainly preferable to the mss κατετάκετο (which probably comes from 11.14 or 7.76) as resuming the image of 23. Neither the simple nor the compound verb is elsewhere used of love, but T. has όπτεΐν at 7.55, where see n. He uses unaugmented verb forms very freely, sometimes, if his mss can be trusted, without invitation from the metre (e.g. 2.71), but he does not appear to sacrifice the syllabic augment to the α or ο of a preposition (cf. 7.76, 89, 18.28), and Pohlenz presumably restored it rightly here. έρωτα: the dat. might be expected; the ace. is however intelligible if it is remembered that καταφρύγεσθαι is no more than a heightened synonym for έράν. 27 δι* ώτός: Eur. Med. 1139 δι' ώτων ευθύς ήν πολύς λόγος: cf. Soph. Ant. 1188, El. 737, 1437, jr. 858, Rhes. 294. Cf. 12.20η. ούτως: just, as, e.g., J/. 2.120 μάψ ούτω, Plat. Gorg. 503D ϊδωμεν δή ούτωσΐ άτρέμα σκοπούμενοι. 28 μάταν €ΐς &. γ.: 10.40η. The preposition is used as at 13.15 ές άλαΟινόν άνδρ' άποβαίη, γενειών implying τελειούμενος or the like. Els άνδρας έγγράφεσ6αι, συντελεϊν are normal uses (cf. Lobeck Phryn. 212). 29 τέσσαρες: Aeschinas himself, Agis, Cleunicus, and the Argive. έν βάθει: the idea is probably of intensity as, e.g., in κακών, πλούτου βάθος (Aesch. Pers. 465, Soph. Aj. 130; cf. Luc. Alex. 25 ώσττερ έκ μέθης βαθείας, Call. Ερ. 37 τον βαθύν οίνοπότην), but it recalls also the use of βαθύς of time as at 18.14, Ar. Nub. 514 ές βαθύ της ηλικίας, al. 30£ Λαρισαίος: Agis, the Thessalian. τόν έμόν Λύκον: apparently the opening words of a song (cf. 4.32 η.). Τ. has not given his sketch enough detail to enable us to decide how far Agis understands the situation, but κακαΐ φρένες at least credits him with the intention of making mischief. Nor can we be certain whether, in the song, Λύκον is a common noun or a proper name; I print it as the latter chiefly because τόν έμόν λύκον (or ό έμός λύκος) seems an improbable beginning to a song. άπ* αρχάς has been taken for part of the song, but Aeschinas speaks as though the song was unfamiliar to him, and the addition of άπ* αρχάς would not help Thyonichus to gather its subject. More probably it goes with φδεν and implies that Agis was not content with a snatch but sang it άπ' αρχής μέχρι τέλους. Θεσσαλικόν τι μ.: cf. Plat. Com. jr. 69 αυλούς δ* έχουσα τις κορίσκη Καρικόν μέλος τι | μελί^εται τοις συμπόταις, κάλλη ν τρίγωνον είδον | έχουσαν, είτ' ή δεν προς αυτό μέλος Ίωνικόν τι. The words θ . τ. μ. are in apposition to τόν έμόν Λύκον, κακαΐ φρένες in apposition to ό Λαρισαίος. For the latter apposition cf. Call. Ep. 4 μή χαίρειν εϊπης με, κακόν κέαρ, Aeschrion jr. 8 Πολυκράτης δέ... | λόγων τι παιπάλημα καΐ κακή γλώσσα, Headlam on Hdas 6.16. 32 έκλαεν: if this is imperfect, the scansion is unparalleled except at Or. Sib. 1.181 where κλαίετ* or κλάετ* is a pyrrhic, for έκλαε can hardly be right at Hermesianax^r. 7.33 Powell, ψ3 however supports the majority of the mss against the obvious alternative εκλα' (or έκλαΓ), and Zenodotus was prepared to read δς νάε (for ναΐε δέ) at II. 6.34, 13.172. The imperf. must be of the kind classed as descriptive (7.6 η.), but the aor. would seem to be the natural tense and Veitch suggested that Ικλάεν might be a 2nd aor. θαλερώτερον: 77. 2.266 θαλερόν δέ ol Ικπεσε δάκρυ, 6.496» 24-794» Od. 4·556» J/., Od. 10.457 Θαλερόν γόον, Mosch. 4.56 (quoted on 38). 33 έπιθυμήσασα: the variant -θυμήνασα, though suitable to Cynisca, leaves κόλττω without construction, and έπιθυμήσασα is guaranteed by T.'s original, which is //. 16.7 τίτττε δεδάκρυσαι, Πατρόκλεες, ήύτε κούρη | νητΗη, ή Θ* άμα μητρί Οέουσ' άνελέσθαι άνώγει, | εΐανου άπτομένη, καί τ* έσσυμένην κατερύκει, | 253
COMMENTARY
[34-39
δακρυόεσσα δέ μιν ποτιδέρκεται δφρ' άνέληται; There is some force in the criticism that εξαετής is old for such behaviour. 34 ΐσαις: 5.119 η. πυξ έπί κόρρας: κόρρη or κόρση (25.255) is not to be distinguished in meaning from κρόταφος (Poll. 2.40 τους δέ κροτάφους i*viot καΐ κόρρας όνομά^ουσι, Ruf. Eph. Onom. 13 τά δέ εκατέρωθεν του βρέγματος κόρσαι καΐ κρόταφοι, and see II. 4·5°ι> Ορρ. Cyn. 3-475)» a n d to strike somebody έπί κόρρης commonly means to box his ears with the flat of the hand. Demosthenes (21.72) distinguishes among various assaults όταν κονδύλοις, όταν έπί κόρρης, and πύξ means the same as κονδύλοις. The word πύξ is not open to suspicion, for obviously the fist as well as the flat of the hand can be applied to the temple, but the former is a brutal remedy for a wayward mistress. 35 ήλασα: struck, as, e.g., 22.104, 25.256, 77. 5.584 ξίφει ήλασε κόρσην, Call. Η. 6.82. κ&λλαν: sc. πληγήν, the ace. as Od. 21.219 ουλήν τήν ποτέ με συς ήλασε, the ellipse as Aesch. Ag. 1385 πεπτωκότι | τρίτην έπενδίδωμι, Soph. El. 1415 παΐσον εΐ σθένεις διπλήν, and often; see Headlam on Hdas 3.77, Tucker on Aesch. Ch. 638. άνειρύσασα: Buttmann (Lexil.S 307) asserted that the u of έρύειν to draw was always short, and that where metre required it to be long in the aor. the σ should be doubled, as it is here by Meineke and most modern editors. The precept however has not been universally followed. πέπλως :7.17η. She was presumably wearing an Ionic chiton, the regular indoor dress of Greek women. 36 έμόν κακόν: Αρ. Rh. 3.129 τίπτ' έπιμειδιάας, άφατον κακόν;, Luc. As. 39 ή γυνή, κακόν έξαίσιον έμόν, είπεν: cf. Τ. 15.10, //. 5-831» al*d for a somewhat different use Τ. 15.45 η. 37 ύποκόλπιος: Α.Ρ. 5.130 μή τόν έραστήν εΐδες Ιχονθ* ΰποκόλπιον άλλην;, ib. 25, 275, but in Τ. the word is near to being a substantive = εραστής. 38 θάλπε: so commonly fouere: Tib. 1.6.5 ww Delia furtim \ nescioquem tacita callida noctefouet, Virg. E. 3.4, Prop. 2.22.37, <*!· τήνω κ.τ .λ.: the ms reading τήνω τά σά δάκρυα μαλα βέοντι: it is for him that your tearsflowlike apples, though apart from σός not impossible, is extremely flat, and Wilamowitz greatly improved it by punctuating with a question-mark after δάκρυα and substituting the imperative £>εόντω. The question followed by the imperative thus carries on the series in 36ff. C. Hartung had earlier proposed φεόντων, which should perhaps be preferred, for the plur. verb with neut. plur. noun is no objection and the Doric 3 rd pers. sing, imperative in -όντω seems otherwise confined to inscriptions (see K.B.G. 1.2.50, Ahrens Dial. Dor. 296). Wilamowitz suggested άλλα £εόντω, but μαλα is defended by Mosch. 4.56 τά δέ ol θαλερώτερα δάκρυα μήλων | κόλπον ές Ιμερόεντα κατά βλεφάρων έχέοντο, which also shows that tears are compared to apples in shape and size and disposes of I's explanation μήλα.. .τουτέστιν 2ρως καΐ επιθυμία, which has found some modern adherents. The meaning therefore will be if your tears are for him, they mayflowas big as apples. For the omission of ώς before μάλα see 51η. 39f. For the paratactic simile cf. 13.62 f, 17.9f. μάστακα: II. 9.323 ώς όρνις άπτησι νεοσσοϊσι προφέρησι | μάστακ', έπεί κε λάβησι, κακώς δ' άρα ol πέλει αυττ), where Σ Ven. explain μάσταξ as μάσημα καΐ βρώμα, adding that others took it to mean a locust and others for a dat. = στόματι. Τ., no doubt rightly, understood it to mean μάσημα, and Callimachus (fr. 194.75) also uses it in that sense. Elsewhere it has one of the two other meanings mentioned by Σ Ven. For the swallow cf. also Virg. Aen. 12.473.
254
IDYLL XIV
41-43]
ύπωροφίοισι: similarly of spiders Ar. Ran. 1313. aycipciv: Od. 3.301 βίοτον καΐ χρυσόν άγείρων. The inf. of purpose after πέτεται is as with such verbs as άίσσω, σεύομαι, απέρχομαι (//. 21.247, I7-463» 19-317). 41 δίφρακος: the words καλής επί δίφρακος once stood at Ap. Rh. 1.789 but were altered by the author (Σ ad loc.)y and δίφρακα is a variant for διφράδα at Pseudo-Hdt. Vit. Horn. 473. Δίφραξ is otherwise unknown to literature. Δίφρος, which Eustath. 1482.6 (cf. Ath. 5.192F) distinguishes as εύτελέστερον than θρόνος and κλισμος, is the rectangular backless seat common to all ranks of Greek society (see RE 4 A 411, Richter Anc. Furniture 30), which could only be called μαλακός by virtue of cushions placed upon it (cf. 15.3 n.). Hesychius defines δίφραξ as κλιντήρ, θρόνος γυναικείος: that is probably no more than an inference from this passage, and there is nothing to show whether δίφραξ is the same as δίφρος or whether it denotes the more luxurious κλισμός (see 15.84η.). The men are probably on couches, Cynisca on a chair or stool because women, unlike men, commonly sat at table (see Luc. Symp. 13, RE 14.526). ϊπτετο: the Ιδραμεν of all mss seems to be a gloss on the missing verb, and Hunt's επτετο is much more appropriate to the preceding simile than his alternative φχετο, which is the verb used in Σ. Whether Ιπτετο or Ιιττατο should be written is less plain; see K.B.G. 1.2.515. 42 δι' άμφιθύρω καΐ δικλίδος: άμφίθυρος is an adj. attached to οίκος (Soph. Phil. 159, Plut. Lye. et Num. Comp. 41), οΙκία (Lys. 12.15), νεώς (Luc. Amor. 13), πάστας (Σ II 24.323) and, according to Photius (s.v. from Phrynichus), attachable to τρίκλινον, δωμάτιον and the like: άμφίθυρον in late Greek means a door-curtain, and ό άμφίθυρος, said by Pollux (1.76) to be what Homer calls όρσοθύρη, occurs as άμφιθίουρον in an inscription from Coronea (I.G. 7.2876), where it is contrasted with το προθίουρον. Δικλίς with (Arat. 193) or without (A.P. 5.242) θύρα, or more commonly δικλίδες with or without such nouns as θύραι, πύλαι, σανίδες, means a double or folding door. There is nothing in the passages which use the singular δικλίς to suggest that the singular differs in meaning from the plural (cf. 2.6 n.), and δικλίδες may be used of any door internal or external. I take δικλίς here to be the main outer door of the house, as δικλίδες at Ap. Rh. 1.786, A.P. 5.145, 7.182. Άμφιθύρω, if it is masc, may, as the evidence already given shows, mean some other door, and Σ, who say άμφίθυρον καΐ δικλίς ταύτόν έστι, at least took it for a door. It might also, as the adjectival examples (and seemingly έπ' άμφιπύλου at Eur. Med. 135) prove, be used of some part of the house, and would in that case presumably be neuter. There is, moreover, one part of the house which would fit very well: Vitruv. 6.7 atriis Graeci quia non utuntur, neque aedificant; sed ah ianua introeuntibus itinera faciunt latitudinibus non spatiosis et ex una parte equilia ex altera ostiariis cellas, statimque ianuae interioresfiniuntur.hie autem locus inter duas ianuas graece θυρωρεΐον appellatur. There is no need to credit Aeschinas with stables and doorkeepers, for a lobby or short passage between the door and the peristyle is a common feature of Hellenistic houses (Rider The Greek House 241, Robertson Gk and Roman Arch. 297), and this, if terminated at the inner end with a door or doorway, might very suitably be called άμφίθυρον. On the whole this meaning seems most probable. $ πόδες 4γον: 13.70η. 43 οίνος: of beast-fables, Hes. W.D. 202, Archil, frr. 86, 89; cf. Call. Jr. 194.6, Ammon. de diff. 6: of proverbial sayings, Eur. jr. 508, Call. jr. 178.9, A.P. 9.17. x
Of the Temple ofJanus, which he calls νεώ* δίθυρα at Num. 20.
255
COMMENTARY
[44-46
Ιβα ποκά ταύρος: Soph. Ο.Τ. 477 (of the unknown murderer of Laius) φοιτφ yap ϋπ' άγρίαν | Ολαν άνά τ ' άντρα καί | πετραϊος ό ταύρος. The fable or proverb plainly relates to the bull which deserts the herd (άτιμαγελεϊ: see 9.5 η.) and cannot be found; cf., though the point is there different, Babr. 23 βοηλάτης άνθρωπος els μακρήν Ολην | ταΟρον κεράστην άπολέσας άνε3ήτει. The ν.Ι. κένταυρος is therefore out of court. There remain εβα καί and 2βα κεν. Wilamowitz printed and (on Aesch. Ch. 275) defended καί, which he said resembles κάτθανε καί Πάτροκλος: but καί there (J/. 21.107) means also, and neither that nor any other use of καί seems appropriate to a phrase which purports either to give the opening of a fable or to cite a proverb. The same objection applies to κεν, which would be potential—the bull may or must have taken to the woods, and it should be added that such a use of the modal adverb with past tenses of the indicative is at least extremely rare.1 Fables most commonly plunge in medias res, as, e.g., Aesop 7 Halm αετός λαγωόν έδίωκεν, but ποτέ is a not uncommon addition, as, e.g., id. 6 αετός ποτέ έάλω, 19, 30, 42b, 64, al.y Babr. 3, 29, 31, 32, al.y Ar. Vesp. 1446. I have therefore accepted Meineke's ποκα since it seems the only addition of which T.'s phrase is capable, and the change is slight. 44 f. If this is what T. wrote, Aeschinas reckons by events (which he does not mention), of which the first occurred 20 days after the symposium, others at intervals successively of 8, 9 and 10 days, and the last 11 days before the imagined date of the Idyll. Thus 20+ 8+9+10+11 = 58: 58+2 = 60 days = two months. The missing noun ήμέραι is readily inferred from the following μήνες (cf. 30.5), and with ordinals such as ενδέκατα the ellipse is not rare (e.g. II. 1.425, Od. 2.374, 4.588, 747). Attempts have been made (by Edmonds and Legrand) to treat the series 8, 9, 10,11 as a sequence, in which Aeschinas, counting day by day, reaches eleven; but if that were so, ordinals would be used (cf. Ar. Nub. 1131 πέμπτη, τετράς, τρίτη, μετά ταύτην δευτέρα), and, apart from the cardinals, άλλοα makes it plain that the series is a sum, not an enumeration. That Aeschinas, reckoning up the 60 days, should not set out the events by which he counts does not seem unnatural: that they should have occurred at intervals which form an arithmetical progression is odder, but it is well to remember that, the events being imaginary, T. is free to choose any series of numbers, and the easiest choice is an arithmetical series. The variant δέκα in 45 no doubt comes from the line above. ποτίθες: ποτίθει was presumably the reading of the archetype, but the form is unexampled and it may be due to the fact that the -τι- of the preposition gives the word a fictitious resemblance to the pres. imper. 46f. άπ* άλλαλων: sc. έσμέν. For the ellipse of the 1st person copula cf. 48, Plat. Rep. 499 D περί τούτου έτοιμοι τ φ λόγφ διαμάχεσβαι: cf. 3 η. Άπό, apart from, as at II. 2.292 μένων άπό ής άλόχοιο, Aesch. Suppl. 684» Αρ. Rh. 1.60. ούδ' d . . .o!8c: the reading is not quite certain. $ 3 preserves only the end of the lines, but the note λι(πει) οίδεν would seem to imply that in 47 it sided with the majority of the mss against K. The ellipse of οίδε (Κυνίσκα) is incredible, and ούδ' εΐ θρ. κέκαρμαι would presumably have to mean J am not barbered even Thracian-style though I cannot supply any parallel for such a use of el. The accept ance of this lection would moreover necessitate the substitution of τςί δέ Λύκος for ά δέ Λυκω, for, as the context and the following sentences prove, the relevant con sideration is the position Lycus holds in Cynisca's affections, not what she holds in his. θρακιστί κέκαρμαι: if the reading is correct, the meaning is: she has not seen me, and therefore does not know that my appearance is as described in 4. $ 3 has 1 See on it K.B.G. 2.1.212, Goodwin M.T. §244, Gildersleeve Ck Synt. §430, Jebb on Soph. O.C. p. 285, Wyse on Is. 1.27, and especially Pearson on Eur. HeU 587.
256
48-51]
IDYLL XIV
the note διαβάλλονται ot θρφ<ες ώς έν βάθει κείρονται, and Σ assert that T. really means Illyrians since the Thracians did cut their hair δια τ ο μή έν πολέμοις δια τριχών άλουσθαι ή κενόν εχειν βάρος αύτάς. This sounds like genuine learning (cf. Σ II. 2.542), and in Homer the Thracians are άκρόκομοι (II. 4.533; c£. Archil. jr. 79 D 2 ), the Abantes (a Thracian tribe) δπιθεν κομόωντες (//. 2.542), which suggests at any rate that their hair was not neglected. Attic vase-painters distinguish Thracians rather by their characteristic caps, cloaks, and boots than by any pecu liarity of their hair, and Aeschinas perhaps selects them rather as northern, and therefore vaguely hairy, barbarians than for any special knowledge of their tonsorial customs. Alternatively it seems possible that θρακιστί is an alternative for Σκυθιστί, since (άπο)σκυΘί3εσΘαι (Eur. El. 241, Tr. 1026, al.) means to shave the head. This use however is connected with the Scythian custom of scalping their enemies (Hdt. 4.64), which is not attributed to Thracians. If that is the sense, Aeschinas will mean Ί might have shaved my head (instead of not even getting my hair cut) for all she knows*. πάντα: Hdt. 3.157 π ά ν τ α δή ήν έν τοίσι Βαβυλωνίοισι Ζώπυρος, id. 1.122, 7.156, Thuc. 8.95 Εύβοια γ ά ρ αύτοΐς.. . π ά ν τ α ή ν, Dem. 18.43 π ά ν τ ' εκείνος ή ν αύτοΐς, Quint. S. 3·567» P a g e Lit. Pap. 1 p. 140 (FAesch.) ούκ εί]μ' εγώ τ ά π ά ν τ ' Ά χ α ι ι κ φ σ τ ρ α τ ω ; Similarly in Latin, Lucan 3.108 omnia Caesar eratt Liv. 40.11.3; cf. Petron. 37 Trimakhionis topanta est. άνωκται: sc. ή Θύρα. Plat. Prot. 310 Β επειδή α ύ τ φ άνέωξέ τις, 3H D > Ev> Matt. 7.7» 25.11, Luc. 13.25, Ioh. 10.3, Act. Αρ. Ι2.ι6, but in some of these passages the noun occurs near at hand; cf. 16.6h. 48 ούτ' αριθμητοί: Eur. fr. 519 δειλοί γ α ρ άνδρες ούκ εχονσιν έν μάχη | αριθμόν, άλλ' άπεισι κάν π α ρ ώ σ ' δμως, Εί. 1054, Λ 2.202 ούτε ποτ* έν πολέμω έναρίθμιος ούτ' ένι βουλή. 'Αριθμητός is not elsewhere used with this colour. 49 01 Μεγαρείς, φρονηματισθέντες ποτέ ότι κράτιστοι των 'Ελλήνων είσίν, έπύθοντο τού θεού τίνες κρείττονες τνγχάνοιεν. δ δέ εφη* Γαίης μέν πάσης το Πελασγικόν "Αργός άμεινον, | ίπποι θρηίκιαι, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ γυναίκες, | ανδρών δ' οι πίνουσιν ύδωρ καλής Άρεθούσης* | άλλ' έτι και τ ω ν είσιν άμείνονες οι τ ά μεσηγύ | Τίρυνθος ναίουσι και Άρκαδίης πολυμήλου, | Άργεΐοι λινοθώρηκες, κέντρα πτολέμοιο. | υμεΐς δ', ώ Μεγαρείς, ούτε τρίτοι ούτε τέταρτοι | ούτε δυωδέκατοι ούτ' έν λ ό γ ω ούτ' έν άριθμω ( I = Dinias/r. 7 Μ.), Call. Ep. ιη της δέ ταλαίνης | νύμφης ως Μεγαρέων ού λόγος ούδ' αριθμός, Α.Ρ. 5.280 (cf. Phot. s.v. υμεΐς ώ Μεγαρείς, Apostol. 1.59, I7-53C, Η. W . Parke Delphic Oracle 424). The Ionic forms δυστηνοι, ατιμότατη, μοίρη have strong support, and recent editors except Gallavotti accept them. They might be justified if T. were citing an oracle direct (cf. 4.8 η.), but his words are not from the oracle as known to us and apparently to Callimachus. μοίρα: for this sense of the word see, e.g., Hdt. 2.172 έν ούδεμιή μοίρη μεγάλη ήγον, Aesch. Prom. 291 ούκ εστίν δ τ ω | μείζονα μοΐραν νείμαιμ* ή σοί. 50 όποστέρξαιμι: epigr. \.\\. ές δέον: opportunely\ to my liking, as, e.g., Soph. O.T. 1416, Eur. Ale. 1101. 51 π ό θ ε ν ; : sc. άποστέργειν δύναμαι; For the elliptical use of πόθεν see, e.g., Eur. Andr. 83, Ar. Ran. 1455, Dem. 24.157. μ ΰ ς . , . γ ε ύ μ ε θ α πίσσας: Dem. 50.26 άρτι μϋς πίττης γεύεται, Diogen. 2.64 άρτι μυς πίσσης γεύεται * έπ! των νεωστί πεϊραν των κακών λαμβανόντων, τ ό γ ά ρ 3<£ov ε!ς ττίσσαν ττίπτον δεινά πάσχει, Hdas 2.62 πέπονθα προς θάλητος όσσα κήμ πίσση | μυς: see Headlam ad loc, Leutsch Par. Gr. 1.206, 2.11. T., unlike Herodas, retains the form of the proverb. For the compendious expression μυς γεύμεθα = είμΙ ώσπερ μυς γευόμενος, cf. Theogn. 347 κύων έπέρησα χαράδρην, GT II
257
17
COMMENTARY
[52-56
1361 vocus πέτρη προσέκυρσας, Hdas 6.14 κύων ύλακτέω ταΐς ανωνύμου τ α ύ τ α ς , Headlam ad loc, Pearson on Soph./rr. 800, 1122. The k n o w n form of the proverb makes it pretty certain that γεύμεθα is for γευόμεθα (and not, as has been suggested, aor. or perf.). The nearest parallels, unless γεύμενοι should be read at 30.15, are 30.32 δεύμενον (if rightly interpreted as δευόμ-), and σεύμενος cited from Parthenius at Et. M. 117.42, but T. shows elsewhere some readiness to employ syncopated forms; see 11.60, 12.35nn. 52 άμηχανέοντος: Τ. is perhaps thinking of Sapph.^/r. 40 2ρος.. .άμάχανον δρπετον and the passive use of αμήχανος with such nouns as άλγος, κήδεα, etc. Elsewhere however the verb represents the active sense of the adj., and in this affair Aeschinas, as he has just said (51), άμηχανεΐ: and if the meanings are to be distinguished άμ. Ιρωτος perhaps means rather love which cannot attain its object. 53 π λ ά ν : except that, as, e.g., Ar. Lys. 5 ουδεμία πάρεστιν ένταυθί γυνή, | πλην ή y* έμή κωμήτις ή δ ' εξέρχεται. Σΐμος: the name and its derivatives are extremely c o m m o n ; cf. 2.101 n. τας έ π ι χ ά λ κ ω : ή έπίχαλκος is slang for a shield (Amips. jr. 17, Hesych. s.v.\ cf. Callias/r. 32, S o p h r . ^ . 145, Hdt. 4.200, Ar. Vesp. 18), and Σ, taking the adj. here in that sense, understood it to mean soldiering. That however makes nonsense of the passage, for Aeschinas will be made to say / do not know what to do about my passion for Cytiisca. Simus, who was in love with soldiering, turned mercenary and came back cured of his passion for it; perhaps I had better turn mercenary too. Evidently Simus's complaint must be the same as his own, and the adj. refer to the object of his passion, either as a nickname or, more probably, as a descriptive adj. (so note in ? 3 At. πόρνης). The choice here between έπιχάλκω and ύποχάλκω is not easy. Έπίχαλκος means, as when applied to a shield, plated with bronze (cf. 16.79 n . ) ; it is not elsewhere used of persons, but it seems appropriate to anyone of brazen appearance or demeanour. Ύπόχαλκος is primarily applied to base coin, and is defined by Herodian: 1 ΰπόχαλκον νόμισμα* τό μη δόκιμον και κίβδηλον. έρεϊς δε καΐ τόν πονηρόν ούτως· κίβδηλος άνθρωπος και ΰπόχαλκος (cf. Plut. Mor. 65 Α ό δέ ψευδής καΐ νόθος και ύπόχαλκος, ifc. ι Β) ; and κατάχρυσος, which denotes the same quality from the opposite aspect, is somewhat similarly used (Philod. de poem. 15.16). I have preferred έπιχάλκω not only because it is better attested but also because a brazen nature is more likely to drive a lover abroad than one which is proved by testing to be base coin and therefore not worth further wooing. It should perhaps be observed however that at Men. Ep. 171 ϋπόχρυσος seems to mean the same as επίχρυσος—gilt or plated, but compounds in έπι- and υπο- are frequently confused: see 7.94η., Cobet N.L. 379, Madvig Adv. Cr. 1.516. It has been suggested that τας έπιχάλκω might mean τας έπι χαλκω, or that this should be read, in the sense o£mulier quadrantaria (cf. Cerc.fr. 5.31 Powell). Simus's trouble however was presumably, like that of Aeschinas, a passion he could not gratify. It is perhaps worth adding that in an anonymous epigram at A.P. 11.425 έγχαλκος γραία means an old and wealthy woman. 54 υγιής: heart-whole, love being regarded as a wound or a fever: 11.15η. 55 διαπόντιος: Alex.fr. 2io ήδη γ α ρ πέτεται διαπόντιος. 56 ομαλός, which properly means even or level, plainly here denotes the mean between κάκιστος and πρώτος—a man who does not catch the eye by outstripping or falling behind his fellows. The word is not so used elsewhere, though it it used of the even tenor of life as, e.g., Moschion/r. 10 κείνος δ* απάντων έστι μακα ριότατος, | δς διά τέλους ^ών όμαλόν ήσκησεν βίον. 1 Ρ. 447 Pierson.
258
57-6i]
I D Y L L XIV
ό σ τ ρ α τ ι ώ τ α ς : the article has caused trouble, but unnecessarily. It is plainly generic, as in δις παίδες ol γέροντες (Ar. Nub, 1417), πονηρόν ό συκοφάντης (Dem. 18.242), ol διδάσκαλοι τους μαθητάς μιμητάς εαυτών άποδεικνυασιν (Xen. Mem. 1.6.3). Aeschinas is characterising the whole profession which he thinks of adopting. O n the pay and prospects of mercenary soldiers at this period see G. T. Griffith Mercenaries of the Hell. World 277, on mercenaries in Egypt Lesquier Institute milit. sous les Lagides 16. 57 χωρ€ΐν κατά ν ώ ν : Ar. Pax 939 ώς πάνθ* δσ' άν θεός θέλη χή τύχη κατορθοΟν | χωρεί κατά νουν, Polyb. 10.35-4 τ α ΰ τ α μεν ουν καλώς κατά νουν έχώρει τ ω Ποπλίω, ib. ι.36.ι. . 58 δοκεΐ ώ σ τ ε : Thuc. 8.79 δόξαν αύτοϊς ά π ό ξυνόδου ώστε διαναυμαχεΐν, K.B.G. 2.2.8. The strict effect of ώστε following such verbs as έθέλειν, δοκεϊν, et sim. is to express not the actual wish or decision but a consequence arising from it— if you are in such a state about this affair that you are thinking of leaving the country, not if you have decided. 59 οίος άριστος: as, e.g., Xen. An. 7.1.24 χωρίον οίον κάλλιστον έκτάξασθαί έστι. The nature of the ellipse appears at Mem. 4.8.11 έδόκει τοιούτος είναι οίος αν ειη άριστος τε άνήρ καΐ ευδαιμονέστατος. 6ο It has long been recognised that the ms reading έλευθέρω οίος άριστος came from the preceding line. 5 3 has ] . [!].τοισιν άριστος: before the τ is a broken letter for which ε, α, σ, are suggested as possibilities. The missing dat. is not very likely to have been another dat. commodi, and Hunt suggested ένΐ πράτοισιν. This use of πρώτος however requires more defence than I can supply, though Aesch. Pers. 442 έκπρεπεϊς.. .πίστιν έν πρώτοις is somewhat similar (cf. 10.29,18.4nn.). P. Ber. 5017 has ]ανήροιοστ[. Οίος is not obviously superior to ποίος, but if it is right the whole line will belong to Thyonichus, w h o will continue and in all other respects as good as..., and Gallavotti, accepting οίος, completes the line τις έν άνθρώποισιν άριστος. But if Thyonichus is to repeat άριστος it seems more likely that he should do so in response to a further enquiry. It may be remarked that the panegyric which follows, though it answers Aeschinas's question, does not provide much information likely to profit him when he enlists as a private soldier. 61 ε υ γ ν ώ μ ω ν : the word means primarily discerning (e.g. Aeschin. 1.137, 3.170, Arist. M. Mor. 119932), but Aeschines (1.137) couples it with φιλάνθρωπος and Aristotle (I.e.) with επιεικής, and it is contrasted with απαίδευτος (Aeschin. l.c.)t φιλαίτιος (Xen. Mem. 2.8.6), βίαιος (Dion. Hal. 7.36), and in some places it means rather considerate, kindly (e.g. Xen., Dion. Hal. lie, Plut. Thes. 1). The latter sense seems a little more appropriate to the present passage, and consorts better with ερωτικός, both adjectives indicating an open or warm heart—a matter of importance to a poet requiring patronage if not to a mercenary soldier. φιλόμουσος: see 17.112 η. ερωτικός: cf. 17.38ff. and p. 247. Similarly Hipparchus is called παιδιώδης και ερωτικός και φιλόμουσος at Arist. Ath. Pol. 18.1. A long list of Ptolemy Phila delphia's mistresses and the monuments which commemorated them is given by Athenaeus (13.576ε; cf. Plut. Mor. 753 E). εις άκρον: consummately. The use is no doubt derived from είς or έττ* άκρον with verbs of motion, as, e.g., Simon, fr. 58 ϊκηταί τ ' ές άκρον ανδρείας, Trag. Adesp. 547-5, Plat. Tim. 20A; cf. Plut. Mor. 682 Ε (citing Hippocrates) ή έπ* άκρον ευεξία, *Longin/ 44· τ τπθαναί έπ* άκρον. ά δ ύ ς : when used of persons the word may mean (i) acceptus, welcome, expressing the effect of the person on others rather than any positive quality of his own (e.g. 259
COMMENTARY
[62-68
epigr. 12, Soph. El. 929, Call. Ep. 18; cf. T. 15.51); (ii) simple; (in) in later prose, glad. O f these (i), the only possible meaning here, is not wholly suitable, for the context seems to require a more definite personal quality such as the English agreeable is capable of suggesting. 62 είδώς τόν φ ι λ έ ο ν τ α : A.P. 10.117 (Phocylides), γνήσιος είμι φίλος καΐ τόν φίλον ως φίλον οΐδα, | τους δέ κακούς διόλου πάντας αποστρέφομαι. τόν ού φιλέοντ*: the generic negative μή might be expected, but ου φιλέοντα = μισουντα, the negative adhering closely to the verb (see 29.8, K.B.G. 2.2.188). The phrase is however probably influenced by the proverbial usage, on which see 6.17 η. T o k n o w one's enemies better than one's friends is not in itself a very agreeable quality, and it is possible that T. is alluding to some particular conjuncture not n o w to be discerned. T o know and requite them as they deserve is however by ancient standards no less important than doing good to one's friends. So Solon (Jr. 13.5) prays είναι δέ γλυκυν ώδε φίλοις, έχΟροΐσι δέ πικρόν, | τοΐσι μέν αΐδοΐον, τοΐσι δέ δεινόν Ιδεΐν: cf. Pind. P. 2.83, Petron. 37 quern amat, amat; quern non amat, non amat, Jebb Soph. Aj. xxxix. 63 πολλοίς π . δ.: Ptolemy's generosity is set out in more detail at i7.iiofF. 64 οία: probably adverbial (as at 17.105, 22.47) rather than defining πολλά. βασιλη*: for the elision cf. Ά χ ι λ λ ή ' (J7. 20.139, 174), Όδυσσή* (Od. 5.336, 6.212, αϊ), Πηλή* (//. 16.574). επί παντί: on every occasion. Theogn. 325 ει τις άμαρτωλήσι φίλων έπι παντί χολφτο, Headlam on Hdas 3.20. 65 f. λ ώ π ο ς : λωποδυτεϊν, -της are familiar, but λώπος itself is uncommon and practically confined to verse ([Luc] Philopatr. 22). It means generally any sort of cloak, but Thyonichus is thinking of the χλαμύς, the soldier's cloak (15.6 η . ; c£. Plut. Philop. 9) of Thessalian (Poll. 7.46, 10.124), or Macedonian (Ammon. s.v.), origin, which, as worn by Macedonians (though not by Greeks), had the lower edge cut on a curve: Ptol. Ascal. s.v. (printed in Hermes 22.39^5) Μακεδόνων έστιν εύρημα και έχει κυκλοτερή τ ά κάτω. It was fastened with a pin or brooch on the right shoulder so that it left the right arm or, if thrown back, both arms free. See Valckenaer on Ammon. I.e., RE 3.2342, Class. Phil. 1.283. T o fasten the cloak on the right shoulder, therefore, means in this context to put on uniform. The χλαμύς however was widely worn by young men (e.g. on the Parthenon frieze), and at Antidot. jr. 2 έγγραφήναι και λαβείν το χλαμύδιον means rather to be enrolled among έφηβοι: cf. Philem./r. 34, Stob. 4.33.31: p. 815 W . έπ' άμφοτέροις: sc. ποσί: 10.35η. T. is thinking of T y r t . / r . 10.31 (=11.21) άλλα τις εύ διαβάς μενέτω ποσίν άμφοτέροισιν | στηριχθείς επί γης, χείλος όδουσι δακών (where ευ διαβάς comes from II. 12.458; cf. Theogn. 1006, Αρ. Rh. 1.1199» 3.1294) and 12.16 όστις άνήρ διαβάς έν προμάχοισι μένη | νωλεμέως. Perhaps also of Archilochus's general (Jr. 58) περί κνήμας Ιδεί ν | £οικός, άσφαλέως βεβηκώς ποσσί, καρδίης πλέος. 68 ά τάχος = ώς τάχος (2.36); Pind. Ο. 6.22 ^ευξον ήδη μοι σθένος ήμιόνων | φ τάχος, Plut. Cic. 20. For the ellipse of the verb of motion cf. 1.116, 5.3 nn., 15.147. Α ϊ γ υ π τ ο ν : Egypt at this date was where one made one's fortune. So Gyllis at Hdas 1.23 fF. suggests to Metriche that her husband, w h o is there, has forgotten her amid its delights, and the Cynic Teles says (Stob. 4.33.31: p. 813 W ) εΐ βούλει τόν υίόν σου της ένδείας και σπάνεως παυσαι, μή προς τόν Πτολεμαϊον πέμπε δπως χρήματα κτήσεται, but rather have him schooled in philosophy. άπό κ ρ ο τ ά φ ω ν : the prep, denotes the starting point, as in 30 ά π ' άρχας, 15.85 ά π ό κροτάφων (of whiskers), Arat. 350 άπό πρφρης. The hair tends to turn grey first on the temples (Arist. H.A. 518 a 16 πρώτον δέ πολιουνται ot κρόταφοι των 200
69-70]
I D Y L L XIV
ανθρώπων, και τ ά πρόσθια πρότερα των οπισθίων); hence //. 8.518 πολιοκροτάφους τε γέροντας (cf. Hes. W.D. 181, Alex./r. 260), Bacch./r. 25 πολιοκρόταφον γήρας, Τ. 3°·Ι3> Α.Ρ. 6.198 πολιήν λευκών κεΐραι α π ό κροτάφων, 12.240, Virg. Aett. 5.415 ciemula necdum | temporibusgeminis canebat sparsa senectus. 69 έ π ι σ χ ε ρ ώ : the word is somewhat affected by Apollonius (1.330, 528, 3.170, 1269, 4.451; cf. Arat. 243). Since its proper sense is of single events occurring one after another, it probably qualifies λευκαίνων rather than έρπει—'whitening hair by hair*. ές γ έ ν υ ν : so Ar. Equ. 520 άμα ταϊς πολιαϊς κατιούσας. Aristophanes is thinking of bearded men: cf. T. 29.33. If Aeschinas and Thyonichus are, or should be, clean-shaven (4 η.), they have hair only a short way down the cheekbone. 70 γ ό ν υ : as T. is conscious of Tyrtaeus hereabouts (65 η.), he may possibly r e m e m b e r / ' . 10.19 παλαιοτέρους ων ούκέτι γούνατ' ελαφρά [c£. Theogn. 977), but in any case it is of the knee rather than of other joints that the Greek thinks in such contexts; e.g. II. 4.313 ώ γέρον εΐθ\ ώς θυμός ένΐ στήθεσσι φίλοισι, | ώς τοι γούναθ* εποιτο, βίη δέ τοι έμπεδος εΤη, Od. 18.133» Hes. W.D. 587, Eur. Phoeti. 843, Ar. Rail. 345, Call. Η. 6.133. χ λ ω ρ ό ν : so perhaps Bacch. 5.172 λίπον χλωραύχενα | έν δώμασι Δαϊάνειραν (where see Jebb: the adj. is used also of a nightingale, Simon, jr. 73), χλωρόν αίμα (Soph. Tr. 1055, Eur. Hec. 127), and χλωρόν τε και βλέποντα cited by Hesychius. The sense of supple or vigorous, in so far as it is figurative, is probably derived from vegetation (ci. 5.109η.). In Latin uirere, uiridis are often so used: Hor. Epod. 13.4 dum uirentgenua, C. 1.9.17, Virg. Aett. 6.304 cruda deo uiridisque senectus, Cic. de am. 11, Tusc. 3.75, Plin. Epist. 1.12.5, Stat. Silu. 1.2.276, Laberius 116 cum uigebam membris praeuiridantibus. Similarly Prop. 4.5.59 dum uernat sanguis.
261
IDYLL XV PREFACE Subject. Gorgo and Praxinoa are Syracusan women, married and resident in Alexandria. Gorgo attended by her maid Eutychis comes to call upon her friend, who lives in a distant part of the town. Praxinoa makes her welcome, and after Gorgo has commented on the crowds in the streets and the distance, the pair gossip together on the shortcomings of their husbands. Gorgo however has not come for so trivial an object. Queen Arsinoe is celebrating the Adonia with regal magnificence, and Gorgo proposes that Praxinoa shall dress herself and come with her to see the show. Praxinoa, after some pretence of being too busy, washes, puts on her outdoor dress, leaves the baby and the house in charge of a slave, and goes out with her friend. Their walk from Praxinoa's house to the Palace, where the celebration is taking place, is punctuated by several incidents in the crowded streets. They meet horses from the cavalry stables going to the races; enquire of an old woman who has come from the Palace how easy it is to get in; get crushed in the crowd at the doors and are assisted by a stranger; and finally find themselves inside. There they are engaged in adrniring the tapestry when Praxinoa's too voluble enthusiasm evokes a protest from a man in the crowd, upon whom she retorts with spirit. She is hushed by Gorgo's announcement that a woman is about to sing the Adonis-song. The hymn which follows indicates by allusion the nature of the tableau they have come to see. It represents Aphrodite and Adonis together on a couch; by them are dainties of every kind, and over them bowers of greenery (see p. 265 below). To-day is sacred to the union of the two; on the morrow the women will carry Adonis out to the shore and lament his death, for he alone of demigods divides his time between the upper and the lower world. Gorgo commends the singer but says it is time for her to be going home; and with a farewell word to Adonis the scene closes. The Adonia. The display staged by Arsinoe is without parallel in other literary references to the Adonia, but some light seems to be thrown upon it by p. Petr. 3.142, which was connected by G. Glotz with the Adonia and provided with an illuminating commentary in Rev. £t. Gr. 33.169. The papyrus, which is from the Fayum, is dated not later than 250 B.C. and is therefore nearly contemporary with the Idyll. It contains accounts for four days of an unnamed month. I transcribe it here, substituting English equivalents for numbers and symbols and adding accents and brief notes. ι dr. if λοιπόν (cash in hand) δψον ώα olvos ξύλα ίίλαιον els βαλανεΐον κουρεΤ λοιπόν ΉγησΙλα*
iI 2
i i i
ή
ι*
202
IDYLL XV 7th
κάρυα βαλιδικων 4 Ποντικών 6 E[IS] ελαίου [πέλ]ανον α7 Ισχάδων ττρ8 όρνιθες σΰκα στεφάνια τω 'Αδώνει
2 choinikes Χαλκίδα 2 choinikes ι choinix
Ν5 3*
3 (measures)
9th
15
2
3
3
Ι
Si
εργάτη
8th
10, I I
2
ΜΙ 5
χορδαί /(total) els βαλανεΐον λάχανα ύδωρ είς δεικτήριον στέφανοι
Ι
Η
19, 20
ί }
25
i i i2
25
I
4i ι. The expenditure for the day is s j ob., leaving i £ ob. from the ι dr. ι j ob. in hand on the 5th. 2. It is not obvious in what capacity Hegesilas receives payment. Glotz took him for a nutmerchant. 3. The editors suggested κάρυα Ευβοϊκά (Theophr. H.P. 1.11.3, Λ/.). 4. U n k n o w n . Βασιλικά (Diosc. 1.125, al), walnuts, cannot be read in the papyrus but must surely be intended. The other nuts are probably chestnuts and hazel-nuts, but the Greek names for nuts are hard to disentangle; see RE 7.2487, 9.2508, 10.2339, Hehn Kulturpflanzen6 379· 5. Since the other items total 12 dr. 1 ob., 2 dr. 1 ob. are required to make up the day's total of 14 dr. 2 0 b . Glotz's distribution is based on Hesych. s.v. -niXavos ...καΐ ό τω μάντει διδόμενοξ όβολός, but is uncertain; see below. 6. Κάρυα Ποντικά (Ath. 2.53 Β, al.). 7. Glotz suggested θυμίαμα. 8. The editors suggested προκνίδες, a kind of dried fig.
At first sight the papyrus is a mere scrap of household accounts, and the signi ficance of στεφάνια τω ' Αδώνει in 1.19 was first pointed out by Glotz. He showed, by comparison with other recorded prices, that the expenditure on provisions on the 6th was about normal, but that 1 \ obols to the barber was six times the ordinary fee; and he conjectured that it was for a ritual toilet, including shaving of the head.1 On the 7th expenditure on provisions has risen from 3 J ob. (including oil) to about twenty times that sum, and is enormously in excess of one person's needs ;2 the large provision of figs and nuts recalls T. 112 δσα δρυός άκρα φέροντι: the ελαίου πέλανος, 117 τά τ' έν Ογρω έλαίω. The \ ob. to the εργάτης Glotz took for a gratuity to some underling, and he compared similar payments in lists of offerings at Delos: 3 for the χορδαί, which he took to be the ritual meal, he cited Ar. Aclu 1119, Ran. 339. He also called attention to the absence of wine, common to the accounts and to T. 110-30, though the man had bought some on the previous day. The various items purchased on this day are offerings which will be consumed by 1
Ci. [Luc] de dea Syr. 6. Glotz compared particularly p. Petr. 3.136, where fifteen people pay 1 dr. 1 ob. for nuts, and 1 ob. for dried figs. 3 B.C.H. 29.524, 34-128 (B. 72). 1
263
COMMENTARY
[Preface
the priests, notables, and such generous donors as may be invited: the same destination is to be presumed for those provided by Arsinoe in T. 1 On the 8th the expenses for food have dropped to J ob. for vegetables. It is the day following the festival, when the death of Adonis will be lamented as in T. 132-5 and his worshippers will purify themselves and fast. The 9th presents more difficulties, since in T. two days only of celebrations are contemplated, whilst the expenses for στέφανοι and δεικτήριον in the papyrus there suggest a third. Glotz supposed that the payment els δεικτήριον is for admission to a δράμα μυστικόν at which the στέφανοι will be worn, and that the water is holy water for sprinkling on the worshipper—a practice which he illustrated from Egyptian sources. The δράμα μυστικόν, he thought, will represent the resurrection of Adonis, and he pointed out that at Byblus the death of Adonis was followed by a resurrection.2 Here however we must call a halt. T. describes a Union of Adonis and Aphrodite followed by a lamentation over the dead Adonis; the de dea Syria and other late authorities speak of a lamentation followed by a resurrection. But no authority combines these three elements, and T. has said as plainly as he can be expected to say that in Alexandria after the day of mourning nothing will be heard of Adonis for another year (see 103, 143, 149). There is also another difficulty untouched by Glotz. The owner of the account-book was presumably a man,3 but the Adonia in Greece was essentially a women's festival (143η.), and at Alexandria it is still so depicted by T. Why, then, was this man so busy in the matter? In short, the pieces of this puzzle do not quite fit. The cult at Byblus does not tally with that in Greece; the cult in the Fayum may have differed from that in Alexandria—in particular, it may have taken an Egyptian tinge and borrowed from its surroundings some of the Egyptian colour which provided Glotz with numerous illustrations to the papyrus.4 The accounts for the 7th and 8th are suggestive. In particular they seem to furnish, for the first time, some parallel for the first day of Arsinoe's celebrations, which shares with Greek Adonia hitherto known to us the offering of κήποι Άδώνιδος (and possibly of fruits),5 but shares nothing else. Here, for the first time, we have an independent indication of a day of festivity preceding that of lamentation, and we are entitled to use it, though with caution, to illustrate the Idyll. Beyond that it is at present safer not to go. Arsinoe's Festival. The details of what Gorgo and Praxinoa see in the Palace at Alexandria must be inferred from what they say themselves and from the hymn to which they listen.6 The inferences to be drawn are discussed in the 1 An inscription of imperial date from Loryma in Caria (B.C.H. 10.259) mentions έρανισταϊ συναδωνιά^οντες. a [Luc] de dea Syr. 6 πρώτα μέν Kcrrayijouoi τω Άδώνιδι όκως έόντι νέκυι μετά δέ τη έτέρη ήμερη ^ώειν τέ μιν μυθολογέουσι καΐ ές τόν ήέρα πέμπουσι. Jerome (Migne P.L. 25.86) and Origen (P.G. 13.800) also speak of a resurrection following the death, and Cyril (P.G. 70.441) indicates that this was the Alexandrian ritual in his day. 3 Bath and barber hardly fit a woman. * 4 Syncretism is characteristic of religious development in Egypt, and the cult of AphroditeAdonis is close to that of Isis-Osiris (see Glotz 173 if.), but I do not think we ought to postulate syncretism in a festival held by Arsinoe at Alexandria. 5 Hesych. s.v. Άδώνιδος κήποι· έν τοις Άδωνίοις είδωλα έξάγουσιν καΐ κήπους έπ' οστράκου καΐ παντοδαπήν όπώραν κ.τ.λ. O n Attic vases of the late fifth and the fourth century women carry flower-pots up to the roofs (see Richter and Hall Metrop. Mus.: R.F. Atheti. Vases 219 and literature there cited), and a fragment which shows a woman with a plate of grapes about to mount a ladder has been connected with the Adonia (Deubner Att. Feste 221, Taf. 25.2); but the ladder is the only point of contact, and the όπώρα, mentioned only by Hesychius, may derive not from Attic usage but from T. 6 Somewhat similarly from the 6th Hymn of Callimachus the reader is invited to form a picture of the procession during the advance of which it is ostensibly sung.
264
Prctace]
I D Y L L XV
1
notes. Some of them are uncertain, but it will be convenient to piece together here the elements of the scene which they suggest. The stage is a room, a marquee, or more probably a garden, inside the Palace precincts, hung with a tapestry representing Adonis in a silver chair, dead or dying, with Aphrodite and other figures in attendance. In unspecified relation to the tapestry are arbours of greenery, in which are hung bunches of tragrant herbs; above them are suspended flying figures of Erotes. In the central arbour is a couch of ebony and gold, the legs of which are formed of ivory groups of Ganymede carried off by an eagle. O n it recline on purple coverlets figures of Adonis and Aphrodite, who embrace or kiss. In front of the couch are tables bearing a lavish display of food. Other arbours are similarly furnished, but the couches are un occupied and will remain so until the spectators depart and those invited to the feast arrive and take their places on them. The populace w h o come to view the show arc entertained at intervals by singers, who are perhaps taking part in a singing competition. Some idea of the details can be formed from archaeological evidence (see Pll. XII, XIII a n d J . H . S . 58.193 if.), and a Hellenistic relief in Munich (Pi. XIII), which represents two women with attendants watching an offering to an enthroned god, is a suitable illustration for the second part of the Idyll. The Date. The Idyll speaks of Arsinoe II as queen (24). The date of Ptolemy's marriage to his sister is not quite~certain but was probably 278 B.C.,2 and she died in July 270. The date could be further circumscribed if that of the deification of Berenice were known, since Arsinoe's display is connected with that event and probably took place shortly after it (109η.); but at present this date is uncertain. If the poem is later than Id. 16 a date late in these years would be indicated, but again the inference is not quite certain (see p. 326). The season is shown by the offering of fruit (112; cf. the nuts in the papyrus) to be late summer or early autumn. The scene, then, is staged in August or September, probably about 272 B.C. It is fairly early in the morning, for Gorgo will get back after her expedition to give her husband his midday meal (147 n.). It is hot, and Praxinoa will need her sun-hat (21η.), but at this season the temperate and salubrious climate of Alexandria was the envy of other Greeks (Strabo 5.214, 17.793). The subject of the Idyll is topical, and the date of composition cannot well be much later than the dramatic date. Sources. Παρέττλασε δέ το ττοιημάτιον έκ των παρά Σώφρονι Ίσθμια θεμένων (Σ Arg.: θεωμένων Valckenaer, θαμένων Blomfield). Nothing is known of Sophron's mime, and the only fragment referred to it owes the ascription to a resemblance to T. (see 2 n . ) . It is however evident that, since T.'s Idyll relates to a particular celebration by Arsinoe in. Alexandria, he cannot have derived from a mime about the Isthmia more than the general idea for such a treatment of the theme. It has already appeared from Id. 2 (see pp. 33 ff.) that X's assertions of depen dence on Sophron must be taken with reserve, and if a prototype in Doric comedy is to be sought Epicharmus provided an older one, for his Θεαροί introduced ο Ι θεωροί καθορώντε$ τ ά έν Πυθοΐ αναθήματα καΐ περί έκαστου λέγοντες (Ath. 8.362Β). Descriptions of works of art (εκφράσεις)^ however have a long history in Greek literature from the Shields of Achilles and Heracles onwards, and the 1
See on 78, 84, 86, 96, 98, 119, 123-130. A Phoenician inscription from Cyprus discussed in J. Eg. Arch. 26.65 appears to belong to the year 279/8 B.C. and to refer to Ptolemy's 'wives', thereby indicating that he married his sister immediately on her arrival in Egypt without divorcing Arsinoe I. If this evidence is not valid the probable date of the marriage would be 276 (J.H.S. 46.161).* 3 On εκφράσεις see P. Friedlander Joh. v. Gaza u. Paul. Silent. 1, Headlam Herodas xliii. 1
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precinct at Delphi provided the material not only for Epicharmus but for Euripides, whose chorus in the Ion (184 ff.) unexpectedly point out details in a sculptured gigantomachy. 1 The direct descendant in Alexandrian literature of the two epic examples is the description of Jason's cloak at Ap. Rh. i.72iff., but akin are TVs description of the cup in Id. 1.27 ff., and that of Europa's τάλαρος in Mosch. 2.37 ff., for the works of art described, though no doubt suggested by what the poets had seen, existed only in their imagination. In Id. 15 the details of Arsinoe's tableau are presumably drawn from life, as they probably were in Epicharmus, Euripides, and perhaps Sophron, and certainly are in Herodas's Visit to the Temple oj Asclepius (Mime 4), a work which seems connected, if not very closely, with this Idyll. The Άδωνιό^ουσαι of Philippides was probably as remote in theme as the Lysistrata, which according to Σ Ar. Lys. 390 was sometimes (very inappropriately) called by that name.
Ι Ινδοί: 77, but at 55 ^ 3 supports the mss in ένδον. The belief that Ινδοί and εξοι are Syracusan or Sicilian {Et. M. 663.28, Eustath. 722.62, al.) may derive from T.'s use of the former and is not exclusively true, for ενδοι occurs at Epidaurus (I.G. 4.1484.66) and is used by Callimachus (H. 6.77); and εξοι, unknown to literature, is found in Crete; cf. 4.5111. O n the accent see Ap. Dysc. de adu. 197.8. Gorgo's question is addressed to the slave Eunoa, w h o has opened the door, as at Ar. Ach. 395, but the mistress of the house intervenes before Eunoa has time to reply; or possibly the question is asked before the door is opened, as at Aesch. Ch. 654, and Praxinoa opens it in person like Heracles at Ar. Ran. 38. For more elaborate front-door scenes see Plat. Prot. 3140, Eur. Hel. 435, Hdas 1.1. The last is closely similar to T.'s except that muddy streets as well as distance have kept the visitor away (13). Cf. also Eur. Phoen. 1067, Bacch. 170. Πραξινόα: Πραξ- and Πρηξ- are a common first element in names, and Πραξινοίη Άλικαρνασσίς appears at I.G. 12.1.397 in a Rhodian inscription. If the name suggests self-willed, it is here appropriate to its bearer. Γοργώ: the name is not uncommon (e.g. Simon, jr. 116, Hdt. 5.48). Gorgo is again addressed by name at 36, 51, 66, 70. ip2, missing in the first four places, has Γοργοί at 70: ^ 3 , missing at 51, has -ώ in the remaining four: the mss agree on -01 at 51 and -ώ at 66 and 70 and arc elsewhere divided: Κ has -οι here and at 51, but -ώ in the three remaining places. At 1 and 51 Σ favour -ώ, and are elsewhere silent. The regular voc. termination is -οι as in Λητοΐ, Πειθοΐ, Σαττφοϊ, but Herodian (2.756.5) recognises -ώ as an alternative, and cites Ε ρ α τ ώ from Ap. Rh. 3.1. It is also relevant to remember that T. uses nom. for voc. (1.61 n.). Here and at 51 the word is nearer to an exclamation than a voc. (see Headlam on Hdas 5.55), and in both places Σ provide support for the nom., which is at any rate logical. In the others I have printed Γοργοί but with no conviction that it is right. ώς χ ρ ό ν ω : 14.2 ώς χρόνιος, Pind. O. 10.85 χρόνω μεν φανέν, Eur. El. 578 ώ χρόνω φανείς, Heracl. 941 £1λέ σ* ή δίκη χρόνω, Phoen. 305, Plat. Hipp. Ma. 28ΐΑ ώς δια χρόνου ήμΐν κατήρας είς τάς 'Αθήνας.* 2 ΘαΟμ' δτι: Plat. Rep. 498 D τό μέντοι μή πείθεσθαι... θαύμα ουδέν, Pind. JV. 10.50; and parenthetically ου or ουδέν θαύμα, Soph. O.T. 1132, Eur. Hec. 976, Ar. Vesp. 1139» Plut. 99» α^· Praxinoa is aware that Gorgo's long absence is due to the remoteness of her o w n house, and anticipates Gorgo's complaint in 7. 1 Sophron's Isthmian mime may have had a Tragic precursor in Aeschylus's Θεωροί ή Ίσ$μιασταί: cf. p.Ox. 18.14.
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δρη: look for, provide: Soph. Aj. 1165 σπεΰσον κοίλην κάττετόν τιν* Ιδεΐν | τ ώ δ \ Gen. 22.8 ό θεός όψεται έαυτώ πρόβατον. At Od. 8.443 (cf- H· 2.384) the verb means attend tot which would also suit here. Latin similarly uses uidere in the sense of prouidere as, e.g., Ter. Haut. 459 aliud lenius sodes uide. Cf. epigr. 12.4. δρίφον: Et. M. 287.50 δρίφος Συρακόσιοι· Φέρ* ώ τον δρίφον, Hesych. δρίφον τον δίφρον Δωριείς. The quotation in Et. Μ. was plausibly referred by Valckenaer to Sophron (who however is also credited with δίφρος, jr. 92), and in view of its resemblance to this line it has been assigned {jr. 10) to Ται θάμεναι τ ά Ίσθμια, Τ Λ alleged source. Again the inference, though plausible, is not inevitable. I have accepted the form from S 3 because it seems more likely that T.'s Doric has been softened in the ms tradition than that misplaced learning has introduced, from Sophron or elsewhere, the unfamiliar form. For the same reason I accept from ^ 3 πει at 33. T.'s dialect can never have been consistent, and in this poem at least there is an appropriateness in such forms since the chief characters are Syracusans whose dialect excites comment in the Alexandrian crowd (88 ff.). It may therefore be worth remark that metre shows T. to have written δίφρακος, not δρίφακος, at 14.41. At 22.142, 24.101,124, (25.249), also δίφρος is certified by metre, but in these epic Idylls δρίφος was in any case unsuitable. For the meaning of the word δίφρος see 14.41 n. The light stools are moved into suitable positions as required and do not occupy fixed places in the r o o m : Od. 19.97 Ευρυνόμη, φέρε δή δίφρον καΐ κώας έπ* αυτού, | όφρα καθε^όμενος εΐπη έπος ήδ' έπακούση | ό ξεΐνος έμέθεν, Hdas 6.1 τη γυναικί θές δίφρον, ApoUod. Com. jr. 14 είς οΐκίαν όταν τις είσίη φίλου | . . .υπαντήσας δε τις | δίφρον ευθέως εθηκε καν μηδεις λέγη | μηδέν. Εύνόα: the name, which occurs in history (Suet. Caes. 52), is of a common type, and is presumably intended to suggest that Praxinoa's slave is a good-natured girl. 3 ποτίκρανον: Poll. 6.9 ol κωμικοί το προσκεφάλαιον ή το ΰττηρέσιον, id. 2.42, Phot., Hesych. s.v. The word does not occur elsewhere and its Doric form lends colour to the view that ol κωμικοί are Dorian. Hermippus (jr. 63.23) mentions ποικίλα προσκεφάλαια from Carthage, and on Attic vases the cushions are often of striped pattern; and the rugs and cushions are so painted on a stone couch at Vathia (Ath. Mitt. 26, T. 17). In Homer the seat is covered with fleece or rug rather than cushion: Od. 19.97 (above), 20.150, H. Horn. 2.196. Ιχει κάλλιστα: a formula of polite refusal: Plut. Mor. 22 F αυτω δέ τ ω έπαινεΐν άντι του παραιτεϊσθαι νυν κέχρηται, καθάπερ εν τη συνηθεία καλώς φαμεν εχειν και χαίρειν κελεύομεν όταν μη δεώμεθα μηδέ λαμβάνωμεν. So Clearch. jr. 4. Λάβ* ύδωρ κατά χειρός. —Μηδαμώς* καλώς έχει. |—Λάβ', ώ γ ά θ ' · ουδέν χείρον, Antiphan. jr. 165, Men. Per. 266, and, without the verb, καλώς (Ar. Ran. 888), πάνυ καλώς (ib. 512), κάλλιστ', επαινώ (ib. 508). The words probably mean I am content (as it is): Lys. 1.39 συνεδείπνει και επειδή καλώς είχεν αύτω άπιών ωχετο, ib. 23. W e need not however suppose that Praxinoa allows her guest to sit down until Eunoa has done what she is told. For a similar exchange of courtesies see Plaut. Stick. 93 —ego sedero in subsellio. | —mane puluinum. —bene procuras. milti sati* sicjultumst. 4 άλ€μάτω: this adj., glossed μάταιος by Hesych. and Suid., and known in earlier Greek only from Sapph./r. 37 D \ Alc./r. 43 D 2 , is relatively common in the 3rd cent. (Call. H. 6.91, Ap. Rh. 4.1206, Sotad./r. 2 Powell, T i m o n / r . 34). It is very plausibly restored here in the sense oijoolish, helpless, though it does not plainly account for Z's επιπόνου nor is it evident why ^ 3 , which has ]τω, should have a suprascript final ς. Μάταιος, when used in the v o c , combines pity and reproach in varied proportions (Aesch. Prom. 999, Soph. Tr. 887, Eur. Med. 152, 333, 959, 267
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Suppi 549, Ar. Vesp. 338, Philiscus/r. 4), and, if άλεμάτω is right, I understand Gorgo to be exclaiming with similar colour on her helplessness in a crowd. ϋμμιν: the plural apparently takes Eunoa, Phrygia (42), and the whole household into view; cf. 2.12411. 5 π ο λ λ ώ κ.τ .λ.: the genitives depend on έσώθην, as Eur. Or. 779 έλπίς έστι σωθήναι κακών, Soph. Ant. 1162, Phil. 919. τεθρίππων: it would appear from 51 (see n.) that races form part of the day's proceedings, and these chariots are no doubt on their way to take part in them. For the οδοί άρματήλατοι of Alexandria see 51η. The τέθριπποι can hardly be war chariots for these were regularly bigae, and it is moreover very doubtful if Ptolemy possessed any (see J.H.S. 58.189); nor is there any good reason for supposing that troops are about. See next n. 6 χ λ α μ ύ ς is the Macedonian or Thessalian and military cloak (14.66 η.); κρηπίς a shoe consisting of a sole with nails (Plin. N.H. 36.127, Plut. Alex. 40, al.) and loops by which it was laced to the foot (Plin. N.H. 35.85, Gell. 13.22.5). Pollux (7.85) calls the shoe φόρημα στρατιωτικό ν, and Gorgo might mean, as Σ say, that the streets are full of troops. Both χλαμύς and κρηπίς are however national as well as military dress, and they were worn at court both in Macedon and in Egypt: Plut. Mor. 760 Β Ο Φάυλλος ύποδήσας την γυναίκα κρηπϊσι και χλαμύδα ττεριθεις και καυσίαν Μακεδονικήν, ως ενα των βασιλικών νεανίσκων παρεισέπεμψε λαθοΟσαν (to Philip), Ant. 54 προήγαγε των παίδων Άλέξανδρον μέν εσθήτι Μηδική τιάραν και κίταριν όρθήν έχούση, Πτολεμαΐον δέ κρηπϊσι καΐ χλαμύδι και καυσία διαδηματοφόρω κεκοσμημένον. αύτη γ α ρ ήν σκευή των ά π ' 'Αλεξάνδρου βασιλέων, εκείνη δε Μήδων και 'Αρμενίων: and so of the κρηπίς alone, Aem. Paul. 34, Herodian (Hist.) 4.8.2. The Sileni in Ptolemy's procession (Ath. 5.198 A) dressed έν πορφυραΐς χλαμύσι και κρηπϊσι λευκαϊς carried the attributes not of soldiers but of heralds, 1 nor is it evident why troops should be about in unusual numbers on a public holiday. An Alexandrian crowd no doubt included both discharged veterans, and κληροϋχοι, who held their land with a liability to service in the army when needed. Both classes might well wear χλαμύς and κρηπϊδες but appear unarmed and without feeling themselves to be in any sense in uniform, and soldiers would wear them off duty as well as on. More probably therefore Gorgo means merely that the Greek or Macedonian element in the population is con spicuous in the streets wearing its national clothes, which it perhaps reserved for ceremonial occasions; they will be going to the races. W h e n Umbricius, at Juv. 3.248, says in digito clauus tnilii militis haeret he is talking of an urban crowd, not of marching troops; and if Gorgo had meant soldiers on duty she would have mentioned not their clothes but their arms (cf. Dio Chrys. 12.19). 7 άτρυτος: endless, as Plut. Cues. 17 ταϊς άτρύτοις όδοιπορίαις. J ^ ' s άτρύγετος is no doubt a Homeric reminiscence, though according to Et. M. 167.29 Herodian regarded the two adj. as identical in meaning. έκαστέρω αίέν: there can be no serious doubt that this reading is correct, αΐέν being used with the comparative in the sense of progressively as at 22.113, 127, 25.123, epigr. 13. Her present unsatisfactory residence is not the first move which Dinon has made; or perhaps Gorgo means that the walk seems longer every time she takes it. Έκαστοτέρω of most mss is a uox nihili and due merely to dittography. 8 ταΰθ*: the nearest parallels seem to be Soph. Trach. 1279 κουδέν τούτων δτι μή Ζευς, and perhaps Alex. jr. 94 TOUT* εστίν Άκαδήμεια, τούτο Ξενοκράτης; (where the exact meaning is not clear), for at Soph. O.T. 1329 'Απόλλων τ ά δ ' 1 Cf. in a much later procession Apul. Met. 11.8.2 ilium succincttm ch Iamide aeptdes et uenabula uenatorem fecerant.
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ή ν . . . Ι ό κακά κακά τελών έμά τάδ* έμά πάθεα it is possible to regard the first τάδε as merely anticipating the second. Σ Trach. 1279 can hardly be right in there supplying επραξεν, and the missing verb is no doubt the copula. The meaning seems to be herein we see, this is a case of, and, if so, we may add to the parallels some examples with a negative: Eur. Cycl. 204 τί βακχιά^ε^; ουχί Διόνυσος τάδε, ib. 63, Andr. 168 ού y a p έσθ* "Εκτωρ τάδε, | ού Πρίαμος ουδέ χρυσός, άλλ* Ελλάς πόλις, 7V. 99, Thuc. 6.77· A possible alternative is that's the sort of man he is, as at Dem. 57.34 τούτο y a p έστιν ό συκοφάντης, αΐτιασβαι μέν π ά ν τ α έξελέγξαι δε μηδέν and perhaps Alex./r. 94 (above). The older editors omitted the stop at τήνος and understood ταύτα to mean for that reason, as at 14.3 (where see n.). This however is less satisfactory in sense, and ταύτα so used seems always to introduce not a cause but a consequence, and to mean that accounts for the fact that, not it was with that intention. πάραρος: //. 23.603 ου τι παρήορος ουδ* άεσίφρων | ήσ6α ττάρος, Archil, fr. $6 νόου παρήορος. The word seems strangely placed in Praxinoa's mouth. έσχατα γας: Hes. Th. 731 έσχατα γαίης, Hdt. 7.140, Dem. Epist. 4.7 έπ* έσχατα γης. Praxinoa no doubt means αϊ έπ* έσχατα του άστεως οίκίαι (Thuc. 8.95) but calls them hyperbolically the ends of the earth. The variant εσχατιάς in $ 3 perhaps comes from 13.25, where see n. Ι λ α β ' : apparently bought (20 η.) since there is no secure evidence that the word can mean hired or rented. Σ however have έμισθώσατο, and Photius λαβών · κυρίως και άγοράσας και μισθωσάμενος. 9 ίλεόν: a den or lair. The word does not occur elsewhere in this sense, for which Call. H. 1.25, Ap. Rh. 1.1144, Nic. Th. 143 have ίλϋός, and the last (Th. 285) perhaps also είλυθμός. O n the forms (Ιλ-, είλ-) see Schneider on Call. I.e., Pearson on Soph. fr. 158. For the expression Ιλεόν, ουκ οΐκησιν cf. 83, Eur. Med. 1342 λέαιναν ού γυναίκα, Hdas 6.4 with Headlam's note. ΙΟ ποτ* έριν seems to mean for the pleasure of quarrelling with we, in order to be disobliging, somewhat as Plat. Soph. 237 Β μη τοίνυν έριδος ένεκα μηδέ παιδιάς, αλλ* εΐ σ π ο υ δ ή . . . . The phrase is equivalent to έριστικώς as, e.g., προς βίαν to βιαίως. κακόν: 14.36 η. όμοιος: sc. έαυτω: Plat. Symp. 173 D α ε ι όμοιος ει, ώ Απολλόδωρε, Hes. W.D. 114, and, with the reflexive, Plat. Tim. 33 Β πάντων τελεώτατον όμοιότατόν τε αυτό έαυτω σχημάτων. 11 λ έ γ ε : for the double ace. cf. Ar. Ach. 593 ταυτι λέγεις συ τον στρατηγόν π τ ω χ ό ς ων;, Eccl. 435» Ε"Γ· Phoen. 201, Hdt. 8.61, al. Δ ί ν ω ν α : the name is so spelled at Plut. Mor. 301 c, I.G. 12.8.188:1. Δείνων is common, and should perhaps be preferred though the mss are unanimous against
a diphthong. 12 τ ω μ ι κ κ ώ : 42, epigr. 20, A.P. 7.481 (Philetas). Ό μικός, ή μική arc so used in papyri (p.Fay. 127, Ox. 2153), φώνει μοι, μικός occurs in an inscription from Cos (C.R. 43.121, Schumacher-Festschr. 207). Ή μικρά is also found in papyri (p.Ox. 931, 933), ό μικρός at Men. Sam. 39, perhaps the only Attic instance, for though the form is used in other dialects, ό μικκός in Aesch. Diet. (p.Ox. 2161.1.23 and 2.15) is rather Doric than Attic. In Call. Ep. 51 (see epigr. 20n.) the adj. is promoted to the status of a proper name. 13 Ζωπυρίων: the name, though less common than Ζώπυρος, is not infre quent; e.g. Plut. Mor. 738 F, I.G. 2.3.2406. Buchclcr's Ζωπύριον, diminutive for Ζώπυρε, is suitable for a child but hardly necessary. γλυκερόν: Od. 16.23, 17.41 ήλθες Τηλέμαχε, γλυκερόν φάος, Η. Horn. 2.66 κούρην την ετεκον, γλυκερόν θάλος.
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COMMENTARY
[u-15
ά π φ ΰ ν : for the accentuation see Hdian 2.936.27. The word does not occur elsewhere in literature, but άπφάριον is a term of endearment at Xenarch/r. 4.15 (and apparently at C.I.G. 3277), and άττφά, άπφίον, άττφίδιον are cited as such by grammarians. They are not mentioned as being used by children to parents, and Eustathius (565.28) comments on T.'s application of άπφϋς, but at Call. H. 3.6 Artemis addresses Zeus as άττττα (ν.Ι. άττα), and πάτπτα represents πάτερ only. See on such hypocoristics Headlam on Hdas 1.60. 14 τ ά ν π ό τ ν ι α ν : Σ: ναι μα τήν Κόρην. εύ δέ τ ο τάς Συρακοσίας ταύτην όμνύναι * φασι γ ά ρ τόν Δία τη Περσεφόνη τήν Σικελίαν δωρήσασθαι, Σ ΑΓ. Vesp. 1438; cf. 94» Headlam on Hdas 1.32. 15 f. γ α : the variants point to the Doric y a , which I have accepted in view of what was said on 2 f (δρίφον). The scanty traces of this particle elsewhere in T. (1.148 n.) are however all connected with personal pronouns. The traditional reading in the remainder of the sentence is λέγομες δέ πρόαν θην Ι π ά ν τ α . . .άγοράσδων, without variants except that A U , and according to Ahrens PSHD, omit δέ and (also according to Ahrens) the last four mss write πρώαν (14.5 n.). Those w h o accept this text understand the words λέγομες δέ πρόαν θην πάντα (which Σ ignore) to be a parenthesis commenting on the excessive frequency of the adverb πρόαν in common speech. C o m m o n it certainly is in T . (14.5η.), but even if the words can mean we call everything 'the other day' the parenthesis would be strangely irrelevant. $ 3 has a δ suprascript and cancelled over the ν of δέ πρόαν and writes Θ* ήν (the accent in a later hand) but in other respects agrees with the mss except for the mistake φϋγος for φυκος. It contains however the paraphrase π ρ ο ήμερων εΐπον αυτω ότι αγόρασαν μοι νίτρα κ^αΐ) ήνεγ(κέ) μοι άλας άντ* αΰτοϋ. This bears no resemblance to Σ (ότε ή γ ό ρ ο ^ ε . . . άλας άγοράσας ήνεγκεν), represents άγοράσδ- in construction with λέγομες, and seems quite incompatible with the participle άγοράσδων. Long before the emergence of this evidence Ahrens had written (following a correction in cod. Par. 2834) β ά ν τ α . . .άγοράσδειν (where λέγομες will mean order, as, e.g., Soph. Ph. ιοί λέγω σ* εγώ δόλω Φιλοκτήτην λαβείν), and Wilamowitz π ά π π α . . .άγοράσδειν (where the infinitive will be used for the imperative). Either provides satisfactory sense; I have preferred the second since the note in ? 3 seems to indicate direct speech in the text paraphrased, and Et. M. 651.6 π ά π π α * . . . οΟτω λέγεται παρά Συρακουσίοις ό π α τ ή ρ perhaps preserves a trace of π ά π π α in this context. The inf. for imper. may, like π ά π π α , be baby-talk: Theophr. Ch. 7.10 σκωπτόμενος υπομεΐναι και υ π ό των αυτοΰ παιδιών, όταν αυτόν ήδη καθεύδειν βουλόμενα κελεύη λέγοντα ταύτα [ π ά π π α Sylburg]* λαλεϊν τι ήμΐν, where however λάλει has been proposed. If this is correct, δέ is used for γ ά ρ to introduce an explanatory parenthesis which is necessary if Gorgo is to understand the story: similarly Plat. Charm. 153Β ώ Σώκρατες, ή δ* ός, π ώ ς έσώθης έκ της μάχης;—ολίγον δέ πριν ή μας άπιέναι μάχη έγεγόνει έν τη ΓΤοτειδαία, ήν άρτι ήσαν οί τήδε πεπυσμένοι—και έγώ προς αυτόν άποκρινόμενος. . .: see Dcnniston Gk Part. 169. Πρόαν θην resumes the previous πρόαν and indicates that the grievance is recent, but the emphasis added by θην is slight; δή is commonly appended to temporal and local adverbs (Dcnniston 206), and the much rarer θην is so used at Epich./r. 34. νίτρον: carbonate of soda, on the qualities and uses of which in antiquity see Plin. N.H. 31.106, RE 17.776. Praxinoa no doubt uses it chiefly for soap (cf. Plat. Rep. 430A, Alciphr. 3.25 Sch.). The best came from Calastra on the Thermaic Gulf, but a coarser variety was plentifully produced in Egypt (Plin. /.£., Strab. 17-H03).
270
17-19]
I D Y L L XV
φ ϋ κ ο ς : the word is later used for rouge (e.g. Ditt. Sy//.3 736.23 μη έχέτω μηδεμία χρυσίσ μηδέ φΰκος μηδέ ψιμίθιον, Λ.Ρ. 11.408, Poll. 5.102: φυκοΰσθαι Plut. Mor. 142Α, 693 Β)· Primarily it means seaweed from which a red or purple dye was prepared: Theophr. H.P. 4.6.5 καΐ έν Κρήτη δέ φύεται προς τη γ η έπι των πετρών πλείστον και κάλλιστον φ βάτττουσιν ου μόνον τάς ταινίας άλλα καΐ έρια και Ιμάτια· και εως αν fj πρόσφατος ή βαφή πολύ καλλίων ή χρόα της πορφύρας, ib. 8 χρήσιμον δέ ή δρυς [a variety of seaweed] είς βαφή ν έρίων ταΐς γυναιξίν, Arist. ΚΑ. 568 a 5, Plin. Ν.Η. 13.136, 26.103, 32.66, and see RE 7.193· Praxinoa was probably thinking rather of household stores than of cosmetics though νίτρον was sometimes an ingredient in these (Ov. Med. Fac. 85). Some have supposed that Dinon was imposed upon by the seller, others that he deliberately substituted a household necessity for cosmetics, but it is much more natural to understand him as having simply forgotten his instructions. σκανας: παρόσον έν ταΐς πανηγύρισι σκηνάς έποίουν ol πωλοΟντες, Σ: cf. Ditt. Sy//.3 344-3 σκηνοΟν δέ τούτον και πανηγυρα3ειν. At ib. 422.11, Ar. Pax 731, Thesm. 658, the circumstances are not clear, but Dem. 18.169 T °^S έκ των σκηνών τών κατά την άγοράν έξεΐργον και τ ά γέρρα ένεπίμπρασαν suggests that the word means stall or booth without necessarily implying a πανήγυρις, and it should probably be so understood here. 17 ΐκτο: the form occurs at Hes. Th. 481, Euphor. jr. 2 Powell, Λ.Ρ. 6.217, Orph. Arg. 757, 1006, 1019, 1182. In Euphorion ίκτο μεν is followed by ΐκετο δέ, and in all places the sense suggests that ΐκτο is a non-thematic aor. rather than pluperf. ΤΗνθε (or ήλθε L W ) is plainly a gloss, and is found as such at Hes. I.e. τρισκαιδεκάπαχυς: that is, far beyond the height of άνδρες μεγάλοι και τετραπήχεις (Ar. Vesp. 553; cf. Rati. 1014), and beyond even the heroic stature of Achilles, w h o is εΐνάπηχυς at Lye. 860. Thirteen is used as an indefinite number both in Greek and Latin (e.g. Ar. Plut. 846, Juv. 14.28; see C.R. 19.436,437, 20.443) and the meaning is endless giant of a man. T. is probably conscious of δυωκαιεικοσίπ η χ υ as a line-end at //. 15.678. 18 χ ω μ ό ς : sc. άνήρ. The noun is readily understood from 15 ff. though άνήρ in 17 has not the same sense. At Ar. Lys. I04ff. ό έμός.. .ό έμός immediately follow άνήρ in the sense of husband. ταύτα: I accept Reiske's correction 1 since neither ταύτα γε nor ταύτα γε seems capable of the required meaning; cf. Soph. Phil. 1336 οΐδα ταύτα τ η δ ' εχοντ'. The Doric form of the adverb, ταύτα, is otherwise known only from inscriptions;· the perispomcnon accent follows the prescription of grammarians for άλλα and πάντα but may be incorrect; see Ahrens Dial Dor. 34, Chandler Gk Accent. 238. φθόρος άργυρίω: φθόρος is used, like όλεθρος, πήμα, and similar words, of people (Ar. Equ. 1151, Thesm. 535, Dem. 13.24) but not elsewhere with an objective gen., which is commoner in such phrases in Latin than in Greek. Eur. Tr. 591 ώ λύμ* 'Αχαιών, Cercid. jr. 4.13 Powell τόν κτεάνων όλε6ρον, Ter. Eun. 79 nostri fundi calamitas, Cic. de dotn. 137 procella patriae, turba ac tempestas pads atque otiy Hor. Ep. 1.15.31 pemicies et tempestas barathrumque macelli, Sen. H.F. 362 nostri generis exitium ac lues. Διοκλείδας: the name is not uncommon; e.g. Andoc. 1.37, Call. Ep. 19. I9f. Gorgo's exasperation slightly confuses the order of the words. Diocleidas has paid seven drachmas for five fleeces which prove to be no better than κννάδας κ.τ.λ. 1 Reiske paraphrased επί τη αύτη όδω and perhaps meant ταύτα, which some editors have printed. In view of the preceding καί however it would be somewhat tautologous.
271
COMMENTARY
[19
έπταδράχμως: the adj. represents a gen. of price, as, e.g., Arist. Oee. 1353 a 15 τον μόλυβδον τον έκ των Τυρίων παραλαμβάνειν παρά των Ιδιωτών την πάλιν, ώσπερ έπώλουν, δίδραχμον, Hdt. 6.89, ΑΓ. Pax 1202. W o o l was commonly sold by weight 1 and the Zenon archives in this century provide the following prices: 340 drachmae for 510 minae of wool (p.Cair. Zen. 59784)» 30 dr. for 15 mn. (p.Zen. Mich. 61), 68 dr. for 30 mn. (p.Cair. Zen. 59398). Another Zenon fragment (Annal. Serv. Ant. de VUgypte 24.43) gives the weights of 41, 31, and 10 fleeces as respectively 81, 60, and 21 minae, so that the average weight of a fleece would seem to have been 2 minae. If we take the average weight and the first and lowest price (which is apparently a wholesale price), five fleeces would cost 6 dr. 4 ob. N o doubt the weight was sometimes lower and the quality worse than these, but it does not look as though Diocleidas's improvidence was a very serious matter. It is plain from these figures that έπταδράχμως gives the sum paid for the five fleeces together, not, as the words would most naturally suggest, the price per fleece. κυνάδας: the word is used as an adj. with ήμέραι at Plut. Mor. 380D. The noun to be supplied here, if Gorgo is consistent, is τρίχας rather than the more natural δοράς (5.51 n.), for πόκοι are fleeces, not sheepskins, and άποτίλματα hair, not hide. The ellipse of τρίχες is common in πολιαί (cf. 130 η.) but not elsewhere; its difficulty here is somewhat eased by the following phrase, which makes it plain that Gorgo is complaining of the bad quality and presumably of the shortness of the wool fibres. Κννάς is elsewhere used substantivally in the senses άπομαγδαλία (Poll. 6.93, Hesych. s.v.), a kind of nail (Eustath. 1570.48), and apparently the plant κυνόσβατος (Hesych. s.v. κυνάδας), but none of these offers a reasonable explanation. The use is odd, and it seems possible that T. is drawing rather on a current colloquialism than on his own imagination. γραιαν άποτ. πηράν: for γραία used adjectivally see 7.17 n.: for πήρα, wallet, see 1.49 n. The hair on a wallet made of skin would grow thin and patchy with use (like the hide from a shield in Anacr./r. 21), and Gorgo is perhaps thinking of the appearance of the sheep from which her fleeces must have come. They were as bald and tattered as an old pouch. Σ have ποκάρια γεγηρακότων προβάτων, but it would be rash to infer (with VollgrafF) that π ή ρ α was slang for an old sheep. The compound άπότιλμα does not occur elsewhere. Sheep whose wool was so choice that it was protected by skins (ύποδίφθερα, ones pellitae) were plucked, not shorn (Annal. Serv. Ant. de Vhgypte 24.42), apparently in the belief that the sub sequent growth was softer in consequence (Arist. Prob. 893 a 17), and in some districts plucking was the regular practice (Varro R.R. 2.11.9, Plin. N.H. 8.191). Gorgo however is not thinking of such facts as these and chooses her contemptuous noun άποτίλματα in reference to πήραι, not to sheep; it probably implies a short ness of quantity as well as of quality. A conceivable alternative is to suppose that the hair she is thinking of is not animal but human (Mart. 10.90 quid uellis uetulum, Ligeia, cunnutn?; cf. C.R. 36.109), and that πήρα has the same sense as bulga in Lucil. 73, 623 Marx (cf. Apul. Met. 5.14.4). One might hesitate to credit Gorgo with such an expression, but women in Herodas are free-spoken enough, and T. admits obscenity to Idd. 4 and 5. A. Y. Campbell (Proc. Cambr. Phil. Soc. 1948.6) proposed σηραν (the noun is attested as Doric for σειρά), ropes, and thought of oakum. There is however no evidence that Greeks (or Egyptians) used the fibre of old ropes, and, even 1 Wool-merchants might purchase fleeces when still on the sheep: see Gueraud Έντεύξεις 2, where in 218 B.C. one pays nearly 5 dr. per sheep.
272
IDYLL XV
21]
if they did, it may be thought that hair or wool is better suited to Gorgo's comparison and would present itself more readily to her mind. £λαβ': purchased (8n.), as Ar. Nub. 1395, Pax 1263, Ran. 1236, Phryn. Jr. 51 (where see Kock). It is plain from these passages that the verb itself contains no implication that what Diocleidas was given was not what he asked for. &παν £ύπον: for άπαν see 3.18 n. O n the gender of £ύπος see Lobeck Phryn. 150. Before the raw wool can be used it has to be washed in hot water (Ar. Eccl. 215) to remove the natural impurities which it contains (οίσττώτη), spread out to dry, and beaten and picked over to clear it of foreign substances which have survived the washing (Ar. Lys. 574 πρώτον μέν έχρήν, ώσττερ πάκου έν βαλανείω | έκπλύναντας την οίσπώτην, έκ της πόλεως επί κλίνης | έκραβδί^ειν τους μοχθηρούς και τους τριβόλους άπολέξαι: see Bliimner Techn.2 1.106). The condition of Gorgo's fleeces means extra work before she can begin her spinning,—δια το δις αυτά πλύνεσθαι, Σ. £ργον έπ* Ι ρ γ ω : Hes. W.D. 382 έργον έπ' έργω έργά^εσθαι. The ace. may be grammatically in apposition to πόκως rather than to the whole sentence, though its relation to πόκως is looser than that of the three preceding appositional phrases. Phrases of this shape however are often not easily assigned to a strict grammatical function in the sentence (ci. 11.69 η.). 21 τ ώ μ π έ χ ο ν ο ν και τ ά ν περονατρίδα: Praxinoa, when Gorgo arrives, is wearing an Ionic chiton (31 τό χιτώνιον), the regular indoor dress of Greek women, and presently gets out of the clothes-chest (34) an Ιμπερόναμα, which is no doubt the same as the περονατρίς here mentioned, and puts on an άμπέχονον (39) which is subsequently in danger (71) and must be the same garment as the θερίστριον (69) which has been torn in the crowd. Her costume is completed with a θολία (39). Of these words άμπέχονον (from άμπέχειν) is suitable for any sort of wrap, and άμπεχόνη is not uncommon for clothing in general. Άμπεχόναι τρίχαπτοι are mentioned as smart female garments at Pherecr./r. 108.28; άμπεχόνη as a woman's garment at 27.59 f.; άμπέχονον at Ar.fr. 320.7, I.G. 2.2.754:18, 50, at. There is nothing to disclose its nature in these passages, but Praxinoa's, if rightly identified with the θερίστριον, is a light summer garment: Harpocrat. s.v. σείρινα* σείριον έκάλουν λεπτόν Ιμάτιον άσπάθητον, οίον θέριστρον. An embroidered θερίστριον is worn by a young man at Aristaen. 1.27, Eubulus [jr. 103) mentions ευχρων τι κιλλόν. . .θερίστριον, and θέριστρον is fairly common (e.g. in Zenon's wardrobe, p.Cair. Zen. 59092; and worn by Rcbckah, Gen. 24.65). Its winter counterpart, χείμαστρον, is called by Pollux (7.61) χειμερινόν Ιμάτιον. PraxinoaV άμπέχονον must be the wrap regularly worn by women at this period, which resembles an ample Ιμάτιον but is often made of very thin and clinging materials which allow the heavier folds of what is worn beneath to show through. Simaetha's ξυστίς (2.74, where see n.) is presumably the same garment. It can be draped about the figure in a great variety of ways, but when worn out of doors most usually envelops both arms and also hoods the head. It is so worn by the woman in PL IX. B, and by the two spectators on the left in Pl.SX.III; Pi. IX. A shows an alternative style. Praxinoa uses the diminutive form, but we can hardly infer that she is wearing one less ample than usual. Έμπερόναμα and περόναμα (79) as the name of a garment do not occur else where; περονατρίς only, if rightly restored, as an adj. at A.P. 7.413 άμπεχόναι περονητρίδες (-ητίδες ms), but Hesych. has έμπερονατρίς* Ιμάτιον διπλούν, which, if not a conflation of the two words in T., would seem to come from some other Doric writer. The nature of this garment is disclosed by the name; it is fastened by a περόνη and is therefore not a Ιμάτιον in the narrower archaeological sense of that word. The name would be appropriate to the Doric χιτών or peplos, GT
11
273
18
COMMENTARY
[21
which was fastened by a περόνη on one or both shoulders, but here probably denotes the simpler garment which largely superseded it in the Hellenistic period. This was pinned on both shoulders, was girt below the breasts rather than at the waist, and was without overhang either from the shoulders or at the girdle. It was most com monly made of wool (as opposed to the linen of the under-chiton), and fell in long folds from the high girdle, so that it is well suited by Gorgo's adj. κατοΓΤΓτνχής (34, where see n.), and by Simaetha's σύροισα at 2.73 (where see n.) if, as is probable, this is the garment there called χιτών. Simaetha's was made of βύσσος: Praxinoa's was woven on the loom (35), but there is nothing to indicate its material unless the price (36 n.) indicates a fabric more costly than wool. Θολίαν is glossed by Σ σκιάδειον: Hesych. supplies as an alternative πέτασος είς όξυ σννηγμένος (c£. Eustath. 1934.9), and, s.v. σαλία, πλέγμα καλάθω όμοιον, δ επί της κεφαλής φοροΟσιν αϊ Λάκαιναι · οι δέ θολία, and Pollux (7.174 θολία έκαλεΐτο πλέγμα τι θολοειδές ώ αντί σκιαδίου Ιχρώντο αϊ γυναίκες, 10.127 θολία πλέγμα τι Θολοειδές έπι σκιά) seems to have in mind a straw hat. At Poll. 10.138 Θολία is defined as κίστην 2χουσαν Θολοειδές το πώμα, and since the word means essentially no more than a Θόλος-shaped object, it may well have had all these meanings. Σ write καΐ το σκιάδειον ενκόσμως έπίθες, but άμφίθες, if it belongs closely to θολίαν, precludes the meaning parasol, and it is possible that σκιάδειον as a gloss to θολία means sun-hat, not parasol. With the punctuation which I have preferred, κατά κόσμον άμφίθες could be referred to τώμπέχονον only, but it is more likely that it refers also to θολίαν, and the balance favours hat rather than parasol. A parasol moreover would be awkward to carry when the arms are enveloped in the άμπέχονον, and Praxinoa would have entrusted it to the slave. If this is correct, her headgear will be the round hat with straight or concave sides rising to a point, which resembles the roof of a θόλος and is not uncommonly worn by women in Greek terracottas (Pi. IX. B) and occasionally elsewhere (PL XIII).1 It is worn even when the head is hooded in a cloak, and its object is probably to protect the face rather than the head. The monumental evidence shows that these hats have inside them a cap or handeau which rests on the head. There is no indication of strings or other attachment and if one was required it probably took the form of a pin passing through handeau, wrap, and hair. If so, it is natural that Praxinoa should need assistance in putting it on. On the monuments it is difficult to see whether women dressed in the περονατρίς and άμπέχονον wear an undergarment or not, but in cases where a decision is possible, though three garments are not unknown two are much more usual. Praxinoa's χιτώνιον is wet and the weather is warm (p. 265). Probably therefore she discards it, and between 32 and 34 strips naked. Praxinoa, then, would seem to be dressed in her έμπερόναμα, a light wrap probably thrown over the head, and the θολία. Gorgo is not necessarily wearing a hat but she must be attired in the same way, for her language (get your cloak and wrap) does not suggest that any choice of costume is open. The costume of the maidservants is also left to our imagination, but on Hellenistic monuments they attend their mistresses wearing a pcplos with a rather long overfall at the waist (e.g. Pfuhl Mai. u. Zeichn. fig. 685) and we may suppose Eunoa and Eutychis so dressed. On the subject of Hellenistic dress, see Bieber Entwickelungsgesch. d. griech. Tracht 35 and R. Horn Stehende weihl. Gewandstat., passim: on the dresses in this Idyll, J.H.S. 58.184. 1 Sec also a fresco from the Casa dei Dioscuri at Pompeii (L. Curtiiis Wntidmal. Pomp. fig. 181). Such hats are sometimes represented on carved tombstones (Horn Stehende weihl. Gewandstat. T. 25.2; cf. Jahrb. 20. pp. 56, 64, 145).
274
22-26]
IDYLL XV
22 βαμβς = βώμεν. The form does not appear elsewhere. άφνειώ: cf. 17.95 and n. 23 θασόμεναι: the θάσωμες of ί 3 can hardly be right and seems due to the influence of βάμες above, though since D has ΟασοΟμες and some other mss θασοΟμαι, -μες,1 it may be an ancient variant. S3 similarly writes ερπωμες at 26 (perhaps from 42), where it is incompatible both with sense and metre, θάσωμες is inferior in coherency, and the active forms of θεασθαι, θαεΐσθαι, θάεσθαι are all late. T. apparently has the non-Doric fut. φυλάξομοα at 72 beside 54 διαχρησεΐται, 99 φθεγξεϊτοη, 133 οίσεύμες, 135 άρξεύμε6α, and he shows the same impartiality in the other Doric poems. τόν "Αδωνιν: the tableau: see p. 265. ακούω: the pres. (as in English) is common with ακούω and verbs of similar meaning; e.g. II. 24.543 καΐ σε, γέρον, το πρίν μέν άκούομεν δλβιον είναι, Od. 2.118, Ar. Ran. 426, Norm. D. 13.124 (quoted on 5.23), Xen. An. 2.5.13 ακούω δέ και άλλα Ιβνη πολλά τοιαύτα είναι, Mem. 2.4.1, 3·5·26, Plat. Rep. 583 D: K.B.G. 2.1.135; cf. C.Q. 34.118. χρήμα: 83 η. 24 κοσμεΐν: as κ. δεΐττνον, δόρπον, τράτΓε3αν (Pind. Ν. 1.22, Od. 7.13» Ath. 14.639 F, Λ/.). βασίλισσαν: Arsinoe (see p. 265). The form βασίλισσα is later than βασίλεια (ψ3) and does not occur in serious poetry. It is said to be Attic (Ael. Dionys./r. 91; cf. Lobeck Phryn. 225) but it is found in papyri (where βασίλεια seems unknown), is the form regularly used in Ptolemaic inscriptions (e.g. Ditt. Or. Gr. Inscr. 14), and seems to have been the Macedonian word for queen [Am. J. Phil. 49.280). No doubt it is correct here, though at 24.72 T. naturally uses βασίλεια. έν όλβίω 6. π . : Praxinoa's reply is detached and rather depreciatory—'no doubt it will be a fine show, but I shan't go to it*. Cf. 16.42 n. 25 ών ΐδες, ών εΐπαις xcv: the second ών is apparently demonstrative and dependent on εϊπαις κεν, as Od. 11.174 είπε δέ μοι πατρός τε καΐ υΐέος (see K.B.G. 2.1.363), the first attracted into the same case, as Dem. 39.34 ών πράττεις πάντων παύσαι (see K.B.G. 2.2.407). For the demonstrative use of the rel. pronoun see 4.39, 25.142 nn.: in Homer δς is held to be demonstrative only in the nom. sing, and plur., but there are at least seeming exceptions to this limitation (e.g. Od. 5.481). It is possible that ως.. .ως (on which see 2.82 n.) has exercised some influence upon the sentence. The ms reading είπες καί gives tolerable sense as a gnomic aor., but the potential opt. several times conjectured and since confirmed by S3 is plainly preferable. Foj its form see 38η.; on the choice between κεν and κα 2.118-28 n. Gorgo means that the show will be something to talk about for years to come. 26 ώρα: 147, 30.14, Ar. fr. 464 ώρα βαδί^ειν μούστίν επί τόν δεσπότην, Αρ. Rh. 3.1143 ώρη άποβλώσκειν, 3·5°6> 4-838, Hdas 6.97 λαιμάσσει, χώρη | ήμΐν άφέρπειν εστί, where see Headlam. The use with an inf. is as old as Od. 11.330, 373, 21.428. άεργοΐς αίέν έορτά: perhaps proverbial. For εορτή = holiday cf. Thuc. 1.70 μήτε έορτήν άλλο τι ήγεΐσθαι ή το τά δέοντα πραξαι, Antiphon Soph. fr. 57 Diels-Kranz νόσος δειλοΐσιν εορτή, Hdas 6.15 εκποδών ήμΐν | φθείρεσθε, νώβυστρ', ώτα μοϋνον καί γλάσσαι | τά δ' άλλ* εορτή. Headlam there took the view (shared by some others) that Praxinoa is addressing Eunoa; I understand her rather to mean that folk as busy as herself have little time for such expeditions, but to accept somewhat grudgingly Gorgo's proposal. She then turns to the slave and 1
Sec Stud, ital.fil. class, n.s. 13.54, Gallavotti p. 282.
275
COMMENTARY
[27-30
tells her, still rather tartly, to put away the spinning which has been laid aside on Gorgo's arrival, this being one of the steps to be taken before she can go out. 27f. νήμα: νάμα has been understood by some in reference to the water for washing (29), but it is an unsuitable word and is no doubt a hyperdorism for νήμα. If I understand the situation, Eunoa has left the spinning lying about in some place where the γαλέαι can get at it and use it for a bed. The imperative is ironical— 4 put it there again if you dare', 'if you do so, you will be sorry for it'—as 5.38, //. 4.29, 16.443, 22.181 ερδ*· άτάρ ου τοι πάντες έπαινέομεν θεοί άλλοι, Eur. H.F.. 238 σύ μεν λέγ' ή μας οΐς πεπύργωσαι λόγοις, | έγώ δέ δράσω σ* αντί τών λόγων κακώς, ΑΓ. Vesp. 1441 ΰβρ ι 3* ^ως α ν τ ι Ί ν δίκην άρχων καλή, Hdas 8.8 (also to a slave) τόνθρυ^ε και κνώ μέχρις ου παραστάς σοι | το βρέγμα τ ω σκίπωνι μαλθακόν θώμαι (cf. Headlam on Hdas 1.19)· The threat is suppressed but sufficiently indicated by the vocative. ές μέσον: lying about, exposed to view as Xcn. Cyr. 2.1.14 καταθείς τ α όπλα είς το μέσον, ΑΓ. Pax 1118 άλλ* άρπάσομαι σφών αυτά* κείται δ' έν μέσω (cf. Τ. 21.17), Plut. Mor. 5 1 9 D καθάπερ όψον, γαλής παραδραμούσης, αΐρουσιν έκ μέσου και άποκρύπτουσιν, αϊ. αΐνόδρυπτε: neither this adj. nor αίνόθρυπτος occurs elsewhere. The latter, which is less well supported and less suitable in sense, will mean pert, giving yourself airs. ΑΙνόδρυπτος = αΙνοδρυφής, which occurs (Antim. fr. 156 Wyss = Call. fr. anon. 262 S.) of a mourner with torn cheeks (as άμφιδρυφής, -ος). Praxinoa no doubt means that if Eunoa repeats her offence she will get her cheeks scratched again; cf. Plaut. Trin. 463 (to a slave) oculum ego ecfodiam tibi \ si uerbum addideris. γαλέαι: weasels or martens, the domestic mousers of antiquity, on which see Keller Ant. Thierwelt 1.164. In Greece and Rome the cat was slow in gaining a footing (see Keller 1.75), and Praxinoa has not succumbed to their charm even in Egypt; Callimachus, a native of Cyrene, was so familiar with them as to introduce them to the Greek heroic age (H. 6.111). μ α λ α κ ώ ς : 7.69 η. χρήζοντι: $ 3 may be right in correcting to -σδοντι, but it agrees with the mss in 3 κ α θ φ υ , 2ΐ λά^ευ. In the hymn (100-144), where 3 might be thought less open to question, $ 3 has όσδος (122) and σδ written over παί^οισα ( ι ο ί ) but χαρι^ομένα (109). See 1.2 η., Introd. p. lxxiv. The phrase αϊ γαλέαι μαλακώς χρτ^οντι καθεύδειν was understood by Triclinius to be proverbial, and used here not in reference to Praxinoa's weasels but to the idleness of slaves in general and of Eunoa in particular. The sleepiness of slaves is a not uncommon ground of complaint (see Headlam on Hdas 7.5), and the domestic weasel, like the domestic cat, might provide a handy illustration, but Eunoa's immediate misdemeanour is idleness or carelessness rather than sleepiness, and the more obvious interpretation given above seems better suited to the situation. Γαλέαι are malodorous creatures (cf. AT. Ach. 255, Plut. 693) and would be un welcome in the wool-basket apart from any damage they might do there. 29 xivcO: Hdas 7.9 εία δή, κέρκωψ, | κίνει ταχέως τ ά γοϋνα, Ter. Euti. 912 ntoue te oro ocius, Andr. 731. 30 σμαμα: Hermann's conjecture, which must be right, is apparently confirmed by the note in the margin of $ 3 (where the beginning of the line is missing), σμήμο δός. O n the form of the word see Lobeck Phryn. 253. Σμήμα or σμήγμα is a paste used for soap, perhaps made of the νίτρον mentioned in 16; Antiphan. fr. 136 —κέλευσαν μοί τίνα | φέρειν άπονίψασβαι. —δότω τις δευρ* ύδωρ | και σμήμα, Philox.^r. 2.39 εττειτα δε παίδες νίπτρ* εδοσαν κατά χειρών | σμήμασιν Ιρινομίκτοις
276
31-34]
IDYLL XV
χλιεροθαλπέ* Οδωρ έπεγχέοντες | τόσσον όσον (τι*) εχρι^εν. It would seem that the hands were first moistened and then smeared with the soap, which was washed off by pouring water over them. Eunoa, who has by now some excuse for being flustered, brings the materials in the wrong order, puts too much soap on her mistress's hands, and slops the water on her dress when washing it off. λοιστρί: the word is used in general abuse of an idle slave at Hdas 6.10, and so latro in Latin (Petron. 98, Ulpian Dig. 28.2.3 /""·) *> CI~· A.P. 5.181 (Asclepiades) ληστήν ού θεράποντ* εχομεν. The reading of $ 3 and the mss άττληστε has been defended, but the crasis or elision involved is without parallel in T. or elsewhere. It may also be said that Eunoa's immediate fault is extravagance rather than rapacity, and unless άπληστε was used, like λαστρί, as a term of general abuse it is not very apposite. 31 δύστανε: 87, 7.119 η. τό χ ι τ ώ ν ι ο ν : 21 η. 32 παΟέ ποχ*: I accept without much conviction Ahrens's παΰέ ποχ* · οία. In the ms παύε* όκοΐα, the hiatus is eased by the sense-pause; cf. Λ.Ρ. 9.70 (Mnasalcas) παύε, επεί σε μένει και κατόπιν δάκρυα (where however παύε* has been introduced from II. 9.260), and see also 149, 24.71 nn. "Οποίο* is a relative in T. at 12.36 (and so όπόσος 16.5, 30.3). But the variants of the mss and their virtual agreement in the Ionic form όκοΐα suggest corruption. 33 κλφξ: the form is otherwise known only from inscriptions; e.g. Ditt. SyllJ 736.92. πει: since Theocritean Doric for here seems to be τεΐδε ( i . i 2 n . ) f and since T. uses also the demonstratives τηνεί and τουτεί, his Doric for where might be expected to be πει, which Ahrens restored here and at 1.66, and wished to restore at 2.1. He also wrote όπεΐ at 4.24. $^3 now supports him here, but the only other trace of πει in the tradition is at 2.19, where ί 3 has apparently altered πει (in the sense of whither) to π ή . All mss have there π α as also twice in 2.1 (in the sense of where) where $ 3 agrees, though the phrase is imitated from Sophron who wrote πεΤ. Wilamowitz (Textg. 24) favoured π ή where, π φ whither, perversely translating π α wohin at 2.1. I have left π α whither at 2.Γ9,7.21,11.72, where ψ3 at 2.19 provides the only variant; and I have accepted π α where at 2.1, preferred it at 1.66 and pre ferred όπα at 4.24. In this poem the dialect of the Syracusan women is perhaps a little more realistic than that of the characters in other Idylls (see 2 n.) and on that very insecure ground I print πει here. This however is one of the many dialect problems in T. which admit of no logical or satisfactory solution. λάρνακος: clothes were commonly kept in low oblong chests, often standing on short legs formed by prolongation of the corner posts. O n vases they have flat lids, but gabled or rounded tops are known from Egypt (see Richter Anc. Furniture 89). They seem usually to have been secured by cords (c(. Od. 8.447), but there is in Berlin a wooden chest of Roman date from Egypt which is fitted with a lock (Richter 96, fig. 342); cf. Theophr. Ch. 18.4 την γυναίκα την αυτού έρωτάν ε! κέκλεικε την κιβωτόν και εΐ σεσήμανται τό κυλιούχιον. 34 καταπτυχές έμπερόναμα: 2 i n . Neither the adj. nor καταπτύσσειν οι derivatives occur elsewhere. I take it to refer to the long vertical folds of the garment from breasts to feet, but will not attempt to determine whether κατά· refers to the direction of the folds (cf. καταρράκτη*) or has intensifying forct (cf. κάτοπτος, κατάφρακτο*). A possible alternative is to suppose that Praxinoa i: wearing not the simpler garment suggested in 21 n. but a Doric χιτών, and tha Gorgo's adj. distinguishes this form of έμπερόναμα from the simpler. There i however little evidence for the Doric χιτών at this date, though it should be saic
277
COMMENTARY
[35-36
that where w o m e n are enveloped in cloaks it is impossible to tell which of the two garments they wear underneath. 35 π ό σ σ ω : gen. of price. Gorgo's question assumes that Praxinoa has bought the material from the weaver (choosing apparently while it is still on the loom). Praxinoa does her o w n spinning (27) and might be expected to do her own weaving if wool was the material, and the question together with the seemingly high price (see next n.) may well be an indication that her dress is of some finer material; but we do not know enough of the textile-monopoly to be sure that she was at liberty to do her o w n weaving (see RE 16.179). 36 f. The construction is not clear but seems to be κατέβα μοι μνάν κ. ά. πλέον ή δύο, the gen. again of price and πλέον adverbial, as, e.g., Thuc. 6.95 έπράθη ταλάντων ούκ έλασσον πέντε και είκοσι. Δύο will be gen., the indeclinable form being used, as very frequently with a gen. plur. noun (K.B.G. 1.1.633). A possible alternative would seem to be κατέβα άργυρίω πλέον ή δύο μνάν. The price, more than 200 drachmae, seems enormous and is hard to compare with known prices of stuffs and garments, for which see Segre Circolazione monetaria c prezzi nel mondo antico 160, 162, 170. In the 3rd cent. B.C. we find in Egypt χιτώνες (probably men's) costing from 6 to 16 dr. and Ιμάτια from 6 to 40 dr.; a new Οέριστρον (21 n.) at 32 dr.; in Delos a χιτών at 10 dr. and (sometimes second hand) Ιμάτια at 20, 22 and 24 dr. Elaborate garments naturally might be much more valuable. In Herodas Battarus, who no doubt exaggerates, taxes Thales with wearing a χλαίνα worth three Attic minae (2.21), and at 7.79 one mina is named as the price of a pair of shoes. The second has been taken for a joke (see Headlam ad loc.) but both seem comparable with Praxinoa's two minae. She moreover is giving the price not of the finished garment but of the material which she will presently make up and embellish. P.Hib. 6jy 68 give payments to weavers for όθόνια of various kinds, but the items are not very intelligible and it is not plain whether they arc paid for the fabrics or merely for the work done upon them. καθαρώ: probably refined, utidcbased, as Hdt. 4.166 Δαρείος μέν γ α ρ χρυσίον καθαρώτατον άπεψήσας ές τ ο δυνατώτατον νόμισμα έκόψατο, Άρυάνδης δε άρχων ΑΙγύπτου τ ώ υ τ ό τοΟτο έποίεε · καΐ νυν έστι άργύριον καθαρώτατον τ ο Άρυανδικον, Arist. Meteor. 383 b 1, and the word is so used at a later date in documents (e.g. Ostr. Strass. 280); but Praxinoa uses it colloquially for hard cash or good money. For a somewhat different colloquial use sec Ar. An. 1549 Τίμων καθαρός, Blaydes ad loc. £ργοις: like nearly all Greek clothes Praxinoa's έμπερόναμα is essentially a rectangular piece of stuff draped on the body, not tailored to fit it. The simple cutting and stitching required cannot call for such extravagant language. If the garment is of wool, which is doubtful (35 n.), it is probably dyed, but dyeing was usually done before the wool was spun (see Bliimner Techn. ι 2 .23θ), and though an elaborate process for dyeing stuffs was used in Egypt (Plin. N.H. 35-15°) it is not likely, even if known at this date, to have been practised in private houses. Praxinoa must mean that the garment is embroidered: it has probably a decorated border and is perhaps also seme with stars, flowers, or some similar motif; cf. Bieber Gr. Kleidung 10. The plural is suitable, each piece of embroidery being regarded as a separate 2pyov, though the plur. is sometimes (e.g. Ar. Ran. 1346) hardly distinguishable in meaning from the sing. ψ υ χ ά ν : Bion^r. 5.11 ψυχάν δ' άχρι τίνος ποτι κέρδεα και ποτι τέχνας | βάλλομες; The exact colour of the word is hard to discern, but I understand her to mean that she has worked έκ ψυχής (8.35 n.), όλη τη ψυχή (Xen. Mem. 3.11.10); ci. W i l a m o witz Heimkehr d. Odyss. 195.
278
38-4i]
38
I D Y L L XV κατά γ ν ώ μ α ν : Dem. 1.16 έάν τι μη κατά γνώμην έκβή, Eur. And. 737*,
cf. 13.14, 14-57. κεν εΐπαις: # 3 wrote καί and crossed out the ι, εΐπαις or είπας and corrected to -οις. Whether here and at 25 T. wrote κα or κεν is doubtful: see 2.118-28n. At 25 S 3 has similarly corrected the first to the second aor. form of this verb; the first is very rare in the opt., but in both places the indie, of the mss is more likely to have arisen from it than from εΐποις. The 2nd aor. opt. occurs without variant at 12.14, 25.38, 49: the only other traces of the 1st aor. in T. are 22.153 εειπα, [2θ].ιο είπατε, but it is found in Doric inscriptions; e.g. Ditt. Sy//. 3 1107.6 (Cos). ? 3 , like the mss, marks a change of speaker after τοι, and Meineke, who had tentatively conjectured τοΰτό κεν εΐπαις, assigned the words to Praxinoa in the sense hoc recte dixeris. But it is hardly for Praxinoa to endorse Gorgo's praise of her own work, and I give them to Gorgo, who replies to Praxinoa's complaints of the expense and labour her garment has cost well at any rate you can claim that it is a success.
39f. τ ώ μ π έ χ ο ν ο ν . . . θ ο λ ί α ν : 21 n. Praxinoa has finished adjusting her έμπερόναμα and is ready to complete her costume with wrap and hat. I have preferred to punctuate, with Wuestemann, after θολίαν since the staccato style suits Praxinoa's remarks to Eunoa (27-33) anc ^ s i n c e s n e 1S a t l e a s t a s hkely to need help with the άμπέχονον as with the θολία. Άμφιτιθέναι (and περιτ.) is suitably used of a hat (//. 10.261, 271), but it is also used of a garment covering the body (25.278, Od. 13.431) or head (Eur. Hec. 432), and Praxinoa has probably hooded her head in the άμπέχονον before putting on the θολία over it (21 n.). If so, άμφίθες will cover the adjustment necessary to fix both in place. ά ξ ώ : i.e. συνάξω as, e.g., 4.6, Od. 10.405, Aesch. Ch. 769, Ar. Ran. 1421. Μορμώ: M o r m o is a bogey-name used for frightening children: Xen.fie//. 4.4.17 ot μεν Λακεδαιμόνιοι και έπισκώπτειν έτόλμων ως ot σύμμαχοι φοβοΐντο τους πελταστάς ώσπερ μορμόνας παιδάρια, Luc. Philops. 2 π α ί δ ω ν . . .ετι την Μορμώ καί την Λαμίαν δεδιότων, Σ Aristid. p. 42 Dind. ή δέ Μορμώ Κορινθία ήν, ή καταφαγοϋσα αυτής τά παιδία έν εσπέρα άνέπτη κατά τίνα πρόνοιαν* και τοίνυν ότε βούλονται τά σφών παιδία at γυναίκες φοβήσαι, έπιβοώσι Μορμώ, Erinna [jr. I B25D 2 ) 1 αϊ μικραΐς τ[όκα νώιν όσο]ν φόβον άγαγε Μο[ρμ]ώ, | [τά]ς έν μέν κο[ρυφςϊ μεγάλ' ώ]ατα· ποσσι δ* έφοίτη | τέ]τρ[α]σιν έκ δ* [ετέρας έτέραν] μετεβάλλετ* όπωπάν (ci. Ar. Ran. 289 if). Similar bugbears are Άκκώ and Άλφιτώ, but Μορμώ out stripped them in popularity and in the form μορμών became generic (Ar. Ach. 582, Pax 474, Xen. I.e.); hence μορμύσσομαι, μορμολύττομαι, μορμολυκεϊον and in Sophron {Jr. 9) Μορμολύκα, nurse of Acheron. Μορμώ is an interjection also at Ar. Equ. 693 μορμώ του Θράσους. However it should be written there, Praxinoa invites Zopyrion to think of a bogey-woman and the word should have an initial capital. O n such bogies in antiquity see Rohde Psyche6 2.407; on Mammone, a modern Italian counterpart, see Norman Douglas Siren Land ch. 6. δάκνει ϊππος: she is thinking of the horses implied in 5 and mentioned at 52. Theod. Hyrtac. Epist. 28 (Not. et extr. des mss de la Bibl. Nat. 5.743) μορμώ δάκνει, φησιν ή παροιμία* έγώ δε μικρόν Οπαλλάξας φαίην αν* "Ιππος δάκνει. καίτοι βοΐ μέν φύσις κερατί^ειν, ΐ π π ω δέ λακτί^ειν, ώσπερ άρα μορμοΐ δάκνειν is presumably an echo of this passage, which Σ Aristid. I.e., expressly citing T., give in the form μορμώ δάκνε με. If δάκνειν was in fact the appropriate verb for M o r m o , Praxinoa, using the name as an exclamation, transfers the verb to the more substantial menace. 41 δάκρυ': the u of the verb is short only in much later writers (A.P. 8.64, 1
I print Page's text (Gr. Lit. Pap. 1.486).
279
COMMENTARY
[42-48
9.148: Porson on Eur. Med. 1218), and in spite of the consensus of mss and papyri it is incredible that T . should have shortened it in order to introduce a hiatus. 42 Φρυγία: 2.70η. τόν μικκόν: 12 n. 43 αύλείαν: sc. θυραν. The ellipse ή αύλεία (or αύλειος) is c o m m o n : Ar. Pax 982,/r. 255, Polyb. 5-76-4, Plut. Pomp. 46, al. Suid. αυλειος· ή άττό της οδού π ρ ώ τ η θύρα της οικίας, Plut. Mor. 671 Α δέδια μη δοκώμεν τή αύλείω τόν τϋφον άποκλείοντες είσάγειν τη παραθύρω. It is the door which leads, often with a short passage, from the street into the peristyle: see 14.42η. 44 The scene changes to the street. At 65 they come in sight of the Palace doors, and at 77 they are within. $ 3 assigns 44 f. to Gorgo, but we have already heard Gorgo on this theme (4ff.) and they come better from Praxinoa, who has so far spent the day indoors. π ώ ς καΐ πόκα: J. Wordsworth's καί ποκα found a good deal of favour with I9th-cent. editors and is unobjectionable in itself (Eur. fr. 403 π ο ϋ καί ποτ* οίκεϊ;), but the double question is perfectly suited to the position of the two women. Cf. Polyb. 1.12.7, 20.8, 2.71.7, 3.1.4, 5.105.9. 45 τό κακόν: Ar. Au. 294 ουχ opcts όσον συνείλεκται κακόν | όρνέων;, Acli. 156 —τουτι τί έστι το κακόν;—Όδομάντων στρατός, and often of single persons or objects; e.g. Vesp. 1136, Pax 181, Au. 992. μύρμακες: Aeschrion/r. 2 στενόν καθ* Έλλήσποντον, έμπορων χώρην, | ναύται Θαλάσσης έστρέφοντο μύρμηκες (where the figure would seem to be, as here, of a busy multitude), Call. fr. 753. Similarly Cratin. fr. 2 σοφιστών σμήνος, Ar. Lys. 353 εσμός γυναικών, and see Blaydes on Ar. Nub. 297. Ct. 17.107η. άνάριθμοι καί άμετροι: the words are nearly synonymous (see 16.60n.), but if they are to be distinguished may mean that the crowd can neither be counted as individuals nor estimated as a mass; cf. A.P. 11.146 vuv μεν. . .τούτους αριθμώ σοι έπεμψα | του λοίπου δέ μέτρω, Hor. Serm. 1.1.96, Orelli ad loc. Τ. has άνάριθμος with the second syll. short at 16.90, and the Tragedians had treated the word with similar freedom (e.g. Aesch. Pers. 40, Prom. 90). 47 εξ ώ έν άθ. ό τ . : Ptolemy Soter died in 283 B.C. and T. no doubt means, 'since Ptolemy Philadclphus was in sole authority*. The date of Ptolemy Soter's deification is not precisely known (17.125 n.), and is here immaterial, since T., writing after the deification, would inevitably regard him as taking his seat in Olympus at death, not at the time when his deification was officially announced. 48 τόν ιόντα: i.e. έν ταΐς όδοΐς. Eur. Ion 830 τούνομ' άνά χρόνον πεπλασμένον | "Ιων, ίόντι δήθεν ότι συνήντετο, Hdt. ι.41 Μή τίνες κατ* όδόν κλώπες κακούργοι έπί δηλήσι φανέωσι ύμΐν. ΑΙγυπτιστί: the Egyptians had by long tradition a bad reputation in such matters: Aesch. fr. 373 δεινοί πλέκειν τοι μηχανάς Αϊγύπτιοι, Eustath. 1484.26 πονηροί ol Αιγύπτιοι, όθεν ΑΙγυπτιάσαι και ΑΙγυπτιά^ειν. . .τό πανουργεΐν και κακοτροπεύε,τΟαι, ώς ό κωμικός, φασί, Κρατίνος δήλο! (fr. 378; ci. Ar. Thesm. 922), Plat. Legg. 747 c εΐ δέ μη, την καλουμένην αν τις πανουργίαν άντι σοφίας άπεργασάμενος λάθοι, καθάπερ Αιγυπτίους και Φοίνικας και πολλά έτερα άπειργασμένα γένη νυν εστίν Ιδεϊν υπό τής τών άλλων επιτηδευμάτων και κτημάτων άνελευθερίας, Diogen. 6.24 ( = Com. Adesp. 387) Λυδοι πονηροί δεύτεροι δ* Αϊγύπτιοι | τρίτοι δέ πάντων Κάρες έξωλέστατοι. Starkie on Ar. Nub. 1130, Prop. 3.11.33, Mart. 4.42, Cic. Rab. Post. 34, Bell. Alex. 7, Ammian. 22.16.23. There is no reason to doubt the truth of Praxinoa's encomium upon the improvements in law and order in Ptolemaic Egypt, and the evidence that the scales of justice were weighted against the Egyptians does not amount to much 280
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(cf. J.H.S. 53.320). Praxinoa's adverb however possibly reflects not only the familiar Greek contempt for foreigners but also some tension which necessarily underlay the relations between the dominant Greeks and Macedonians and the under-privileged native population. For the grievances of the latter see Rev. Beige de Phil. 12.1005, and for a general estimate of the relations between the two classes, Amer. Hist. Rev. 43.270; for crimes of violence in Ptolemaic Egypt, Cumont UEgypte des Astrologies 66. 49 κεκροτημένοι: welded, compacted, apparently a heightened synonym for πεπλασμένοι, on which see 7.44 η. Odysseus is called αίμυλώτατον | κρότημα (Rhes. 498) and ττάνσοφον κρότημα (Soph. jr. 913, where see Pearson), but it is not quite certain that the figure is there the same. επαισδον: for τταί^ειν in a bad sense cf. 20.6, Euphron jr. 10, A.P. 14.140, Mosch. 1.11; and so παιδιαί Luc. Catapl. 4 ; cf. Hor. C. 3.29.50. 50 ομαλοί: Ι2.ΙΟ, and with a dat. A.P. 6.352 (Erinna) εντι και άνθρωποι τιν ομαλοί σοφίαν. The word is here little more than a synonym of όμοιοι, and Plutarch often so uses the adv.; e.g. Tim. 31 των μέν όπλων άπαντες όμαλώς έστερήθησαν. κακά παίχνια: the words are no doubt not an internal ace. to επαισδον (so Σ) but a description of the Egyptians, and the line will in general resemble Hes. Th. 26 ποιμένες άγραυλοι, ΚΟΚ* έλέγχεα, γαστέρες οίον, Epimcnides jr. ι Κρήτες αεί ψευσται, κακά θηρία, γαστέρες άργαί, //. 5-787» Timon Jr. 10 Diels. Παίγνιον is a term of abuse at A.P. 11.275 Καλλίμαχος, το κάθαρμα, το παίγνιον, ό ξύλινος νους. Neither here nor there is the colour plain, but here it can hardly be dissociated from επαισδον and seems to mean tricksters. I accept the form παίχνια with some hesitation. It occurs in the Ionic of Call. jr. 202.28, 33 and ερχμα is said to be Ionic at Et. M. 151.41. άραΐοι: I have accepted Warton's άραΐοι on the assumption that άεργοί written by J33 over αροιοι is an emendation (perhaps suggested by 26), not the genuine tradition. Άεργοί had been conjectured by Toup from Epimenides (above), and is, it is true, not far from the ms tradition έριοί, but the loss of the initial α is not easily accounted for, and though the idle may naturally be credited with some inclination to mischief (cf. Hes. W.D. 303), the adj. seems a very feeble climax to the preceding invective. Έριοί, like αροιοι, is a vox nihili, not to be explained by Hcsych. εριοι· καινοί, for there εριοι seems to be a ghost-word (see Schmidt ad loc), and even if it were not, καινός, new-jangled, is exactly what, according to Praxinoa, footpads in Egypt are not. The discovery of $ 3 has robbed Spohn's έρινοί of a good deal or its attraction, and its attraction was never very great. It cannot be equated with σύκινοι (10.45) for the wood of the wild fig is not useless (25.250, Theophr. H.P. 5.6.2), and though έρινός may also mean the fruit of the wild fig (commonly έρινόν), this is proverbial for fertilising the cultivated fig, though inedible itself; see Phoenix jr. 6.6 Powell, Com. Adesp. 272, Pearson on Soph./r. 181. Άραϊος may mean either dangerous or accursed (see Pearson on Soph. jr. n o ) , but Praxinoa, it she used the word, probably did so as a substitute for κατάρατος. 51 γ ε ν ώ μ ε θ α : γενοίμεθα of the mss is probably indefensible in any case, but sec 27.25 n. πολεμισταί: Phot, πολεμιστής ίππος- ουχ ώς άν τις οίηθείη ό είς τους πολέ μους επιτήδειος, αλλ' ό εν τοις άγώσι σχήμα φέρων ώς είς πόλεμον ευτρεπισμένος· ήν γ ά ρ τοιούτον αγώνισμα, and similarly Α.Β. 289, Hesych. s.v. πολεμιστήρια. This evidence is confirmed by inscriptions of the next century which show that ίπποι πολεμισταί (like the άρματα πολεμιστήρια at Ar. Nub. 28) raced at games at 28l
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Athens and Delphi (I.G. 2.1.444-6, 2.968, Ditt. Syll* 697 H ) . Here the horses, like the τέθριππα of 5 (see n.), are no doubt on their way to the hippodrome from the king's stables or cavalry barracks; and (since there is no evidence that άγειν can mean ride) they are being taken there by grooms. The Palace at Alexandria occupied and extended from the promontory called Λοχίας (see Pi. X ) which enclosed the harbour on the N . E . (Strab. 17.794), and with the buildings connected with it occupied a fifth and subsequently even larger fractions of the town (Plin. N.H. 5.62, Strab. 17.793). The barracks, as might be expected, were σύνεγγυς της αυλής (Polyb. 15.28.4, 29.1). The town, laid out by Deinocratcs in rectangular blocks, άττασα μέν όδοϊς κατατέτμηται Ιππηλάτοις και άρματηλάτοις, δυσι δέ πλατυτάταις επί πλέον ή ττλέθρον άναττεπταμέναις, αϊ δη δίχα και προς όρθάς τέμνουσιν άλλήλας (Strabo I.e.). O f these two main streets that which divided the town laterally from S.W. to N . E . ended on the N . E . at the Canopic Gate, outside which was the hippodrome (ib. 795). If these horses were proceeding from the palace or barracks to the hippodrome they would go down one of the streets leading from the Palace to the main street, turn to the left, and leave the town by the Canopic Gate. Gorgo and Praxinoa, who are walking in the opposite direction towards the Palace, meet them in one of the two streets or possibly in at περί την αύλήν εύρυχωρίαι (Polyb. 15.304)· The party is still some way from its destination, for at 60 Gorgo is not sure that the woman she questions has emerged from the Palace, the doors of which only come into sight at 65. 52 &vcp φίλε: τούτο προς τίνα των έπιβεβηκότων τοις ΐπποις, Σ: but the horses are not being ridden (see previous note) and the words may as well be addressed to any member of the crowd, for πατεΐν is used indifferently of both men and horses (e.g. Soph. Aj. 1146, Plat. Phaedr. 248A). 53 ορθός άνέστα: reared. Hdt. 5.111 ΐ π π ο ν . . . δεδιδαγμένον προς οπλίτη ν ΐστασθαι ορθόν, 7.88 στάς ορθός, 9.22; cf. Virg. Aen. 10.892, 11.638. κυνοθαρσής: αναιδής Hesychius, who also records κυναίδης (cf. Σ Genev. //. 21.394). Aesch. Suppl. 758 has the form κυνοθρασής. 54 Εύνόα: 2, 27. διαχρησεΐται: kill, as, e.g., Hdt. 1.24, Thuc. 3.36, Plut. Alex. 70. 55 ώ ν ά θ η ν . . .δτι: Call. Jr. 75.6 ώναο κάρτ' ενεκ* ου τι θεής ΐδες Ιερά φρικτής, Luc. Prom. 20 ώνησο δίοτι μη και ό Ζευς ταύτα έπήκουσέ σου, Α Γ . Equ. ι ο ί ώς ευτυχώς δτι ούκ έλήφθην. 56 και δή: 583 n. ϋπισθεν: sc. των ί π π ω ν . They have met and passed; sec 51η. 57 χ ώ ρ α ν : post, station as, e.g., Xen. Cyr. 1.2.4 εις τάς εαυτών χώρας έκαστοι τούτων πάρεισι, and often. Their χώρα, if Gorgo envisages it precisely, is presumably the starting-post in the hippodrome, or the place where competitors waited their turn. συναγείρομαι: Αρ. Rh. 1.1233 μόλις συναγείρατο θυμόν, Plat. Prot. 328 D μόγις π ω ς έμαυτόν ώσπερει συναγείρας, Aristid. 1.476 κατά μικρόν ούτω συνηγειρόμην μόλις τε και χαλεπώς: ci. Plat. Charm. 156 D. So θυμόν άγείρειν (//. 4.152, Od. 24.349; d. Od. 7.283), έσαγείρεσθαι (//. 21.417, Ap. Rh. 3.634). Neither χώρα nor συναγείρειν is necessarily military in implication, but both are common of troops and Praxinoa's choice of phrase is perhaps suggested by Gorgo's. 58 τόν ψ υ χ ρ ό ν δ φ ι ν : the articulated substantive is generic, as at 14.56 (where see n.), Xcn. Cyr. 8.1 Ιχνεύεσθαι δε τον λ α γ ώ όταν νίφη ό θεός, and is combined with an unarticulatcd generic substantive as at Pind. O. 1.1 άριστον μέν Οδωρ, ό δέ χ ρ υ σ ό ς . . . , Phocyl. fr. 6 χρή τοι τόν έταΐρον έταίρω | φροντί^ειν. The adj. does 282
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not distinguish one class of snakes from another but attaches to the whole race (as, e.g., Plat. Phaedr. 239 Β τούτο δέ ή θεία φιλοσοφία τυγχάνει δν); for ψ^ΧΡ^ in this connexion cf. Theogn. 602 ψυχρόν δν έν κόλπω ποικίλον εΐχον δφιν, Virg. Ε. 3-93, 8.71. δεδοίκω: 1.102η. 5<Η>5 The distribution of parts between Gorgo and Praxinoa is somewhat uncertain from σπεύδωμες to the emergence of Gorgo in 65; see 63 n. In 60 f. an unnamed passer-by responds to questions. 59 έπιρρεΐ: Plat. Phaedr. 229 D έπιρρεΐ δέ όχλος τοιούτων Γοργόνων, Xen. Cyr. 7·5·39 ° δέ όχλος ττλείων και ττλείων έπέρρει, II. 11.724. 6ο έξ αύλας: the Palace; see 51 η., and on this use of the word Ath. 5.189 E, where Diphilus and Menander are cited. For the ellipse cf. Plat. Men. 234 Α εξ αγοράς ή ττόθεν Μενέξενος;: see ι . ι ι ό η . ματερ: μήτηρ* ή πρεσβυτάτη π ά σ α Hesych., but in Homer the respectful πάτερ is balanced by μαία, and this seems to be the earliest example of μήτερ thus used of anyone below the rank of Queen-mother (Aesch. Pers. 215, Diod. 17.37). είτα: inferential 'in that case, since you (an old woman) got in, is it easy?'—as, e.g., Plat. Crit. 43 B, Dem. 6.25. The text is not quite certain but είτα seems idiomatic and its loss by homoeoteleuton after τέκνα, or the hiatus after τέκνα, may have led to interpolation. For hiatus at this point in the verse sec 2.83 η. ΣΚ have λέγε ήμΐν, ώ ματερ, εύμαρές είσελθεϊν, perhaps implying a v.I. είπε. 62 κάλλισται: the plur. is slightly preferable to the sing, in view of τέκνα above, for κάλλιστα is not likely to be dual (8.3 n.). πείρα: Hdt. 7.9 αύτόματον γ α ρ ουδέν αλλ* από πείρης π ά ν τ α άνθρώποισι φιλέει γίνεσθαι: cf. Theogn. 571» Pind. Ν . 3·7°· <>3 χ ρ η σ μ ώ ς : the answer is oracular because it is άσημος δυσκρίτως τ ' είρημένος (Aesch. Prom. 662) and leaves them no wiser than before. $3*s ascription of this line to an unknown man and L's of the next to Gorgo are not obviously wrong but they do not seem an improvement. $ 3 is probably wrong in giving 44 f. to Gorgo, and certainly so in giving 148 f. to Praxinoa. 64 Plaut. Trin. 207 sciunt id quod in aurem rex regime dixcrit, | sciunt quod Iutio fabulatast cum loue. Σ record how Zeus in the form of a cuckoo wooed Hera on Mt Thornax or Thronax (sec Cook Zeus 2.893), but T. is presumably thinking of J7. 14.295 δτε πρώτον περ έμισγέσθην φιλότητι | είς ευνήν φοιτώντε φίλους λήθοντε τοκήας, for of this clandestine association no details arc recorded. ϊσαντι: 5.119η. 65 τάς Θύρας: 51η. The doors are the Palace gates, or perhaps the doors of that part of the precincts in which the display is staged. By 77 the party has got through them. 66 Θεσπέσιος: in conjunction with such nouns as βοή, δμαδος, φύ^α the word in Homer does not mean much more than ingens, and it is glossed, inter alia, θαυμαστός (Suid., Et. M. 447-51) and αξιόλογος (Hesych.). Though not unknown to prose, it is prevailingly epic and seems in Praxinoa's mouth a considerable concession to the metre employed by her creator, unless, like δαιμόνιος (epigr. 11.4), it was used colloquially, as in English such words as stupendous, terrific, awful. 67 Εύτυχίδος: είκός την Ευτυχίδα Γοργοϋς είναι Θεράπαιναν, Σ: λι. της χειρός ($3)—both rightly. The Greek reader would not have been surprised at Eutychis's appearance since he would have assumed at 1. 1 that Gorgo had not come abroad without an attendant, and Syracusan practice was strict: Phylarchus (Jr. 45 M.) ap. Ath. 12.521 B, a free woman έκωλύετο και ημέρας έξιέναι άνευ των 283
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γυναικονόμων ακολουθούσης αυτή μιάς'^Θερατταινίδος. For bourgeoises such as these one no doubt sufficed (cf. Philem./r. 124), though it was accounted a sign of σωφροσύνη and αφέλεια in Phocion's wife that she regularly appeared in public μετά μιας Θερατταινίδος (Plut. Phoc. 19), and at Ath. 13.582 Β Gnathaenion goes to an assignation with four servants. See generally Buchsenschutz Besitz u. Erwerb 187. The name Εύτυχίς is common in inscriptions; e.g. I.G. 2.3.3286, 3724-6. πότεχ* αύτάς μ ή ά π . : I have accepted the reading of the two papyri, which gives satisfactory sense. For the gen. ci. 22.35, Od. 12.285,15-382, Ap. Rh. 1.1220, 2.774, 957. ΠλανηΘης, which appears as a correction in $ 3 and has replaced πλαγχθής in the mss, may derive from a gloss (ττλαγχθέντες · πλανηθέντες Hesych.; cf. Et. M. 674.16, Σ Od. 1.1). Μή in hiatus without correption might be thought open to some suspicion in view of 25, 1.152, 4.48 where the vowel is shortened, and 10.55, 18.55, where it produces prodelision. T. however leaves a long vowel or diphthong unshortened oftener in the 5th arsis than elsewhere; ή is unaffected by hiatus at 7.77, 88, 15.129, 16.62, 74, 24.90, and long monosyllabic forms of the article and rel. pronoun are unaffected by hiatus at 4.22, 10.30, 33, 11.12, 17.38, 104, 114; and T. is not consistent in such matters, for the exclamation ω, five times unaffected by hiatus, at 123 below and 1.115 suffers correption contrary to the normal use; cf. 112 η. 68 άπρίξ: ττροσττεφυκότως, Ισχυρώς, σφοδρώς* δ ούχ οίον ΤΕ ττρΐσαι δια την σύμφυσιν (Hesych.). Cf. 24.55» Sophr.fr. 89 ύμέων y a p άπριξ εχονται, Soph. Aj. 310 κόμην άττριξ όνυξι συλλαβών χερί, Arat. 440» */· For the derivation of the word see Pearson on Soph.^r. 354. The four women make their way through the crowd in two pairs hand in hand, the slaves close behind their mistresses. 69 δ ί χ ο : so δ. ττρίειν (Thuc. 4.100), διαττρίειν (Ar. Pax 1262), τέμνειν (Isocr. 4.179, Plat. Soph. 265 E, al.)y διατέμνειν (Plat. Symp. 190 D). θερίστριον: 2 i n . 70 f. γένοιο: the opt. of wish, γενοίμην, is equivalent in meaning to βούλομαι or εύχομαι γενέσθαι and may be used with that equivalence in a subordinate clause, as in οϊσθ' ούν δ δράσον and similar sentences the imperative is used as an equivalent for δει c. inf. (K.B.G. 2.1.238): Hdas 3.79 ει τί σοι ^ώην [ = 3ήν βούλομαι], | φέρειν δσας αν ή κακή σθένη βύρσα, ib. 56 εί τί σοι, Λαμπρίσκε, και βίου πρήξιν | έσθλήν τελοΐεν αΐδε [ = τάσδε τελεΐν βούλει] καγαΟών κύρσαις [ = κύρσαι βούλει], Αρ. Rh. 4 Ή 8 7 αύλίτης, δ σ* έών μήλων πέρι, τόφρ' έτάροισιν | δευομένοις κομίσειας [ = κομίσαι έβούλου], άλεξόμενος κατέττεφνεν. Similarly in a direct question Eur. Med. 754 τί δ* δρκω τωδε μή 'μμένων πάθοις;: cf. 2.142 η. The rarity of the use probably accounts for the αϊθε of the papvri, which, though intelligible, is inferior in sense. φ υ λ ά σ σ ε ο : take precautions on behalf of not, as commonly, against. So (in an oracle) Hdt. 7.148 κεφαλήν πεφύλαξο, and c. gen. Thuc. 4.11 φυλασσόμενους τών νεών μή ξυντρίψωσι. 72 άλαθέως: really and truly—an όχλος which deserves the name, as, e.g., Ar. Nub. 341 είπερ νεφέλαι y ' είσιν αληθώς, and with ως or with the adv. in attributive position as Plat. Crit. 46 D ήν δέ παιδιά και φλυαρία ώς αληθώς, Rep. 400 D τών αληθώς φιλοσόφων, Polyb. 4.20.4 την yε αληθώς μουσικήν, Ahtiphan. fr. 209.6. Praxinoa (if she speaks these words) may be conscious of the meaning molestia, though, as 5 and 44 show, Ammonius's distinction πλήθος μέν έστι σύστημα τίνων* όχλος δέ κυρίως ή όχλησις is not universally true. I understand her to be addressing the stranger rather than Gorgo, and to mean that she understands his plea that he cannot help himself.
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The reading of Κ άθέως makes it plain that the interpolations of the mss arise in the first instance from a simpfe haplography. 1 73 ώ θ ε ΰ ν θ ' : jostle, as Xen. Cyr. 7.5.38 ωθουμένων περί του προσελθεΐν μηχανή [ταραχή Cobet] τε πολλή και μάχη ήν, ib. 3.3-64 (cf. Hdas 4-54» Charit. 5·5·8) a n ( l· more commonly, ώ σ τ φ σ θ α ι (e.g. Ar. Ach. 24, where see Blaydes). 'Ούθεΐσθαι is used of swine at Plat. Euthyd. 294 D, Arist. H.A. 572 b 25, where however it means charge; Praxinoa is thinking of pigs round a feeding-trough or the like. έν κ α λ ώ : Ar.Thesm. 292 π ο ΰ π ο υ καθί^ωμ* έν καλώ;, Plat. Com.fr. 183 τύμβος εν καλώ κεχωσμένος, Plut. Caes. 39 Καίσαρ προυκαλεϊτο Πομπήιον ίδρυμένον έν καλώ, Polyb. 2.22.10, 3·92·4, d-\ and with a gen. Xen. Hell. 6.2.9 κεϊσθαι τήν Κέρκυραν έν καλώ μέν τοΰ Κορινθιακού κόλπου. .. έν καλώ δε του τήν Λακωνικήν χώραν βλάπτειν, έν καλλίστω δέ της τε άντιπέρας 'Ηπείρου και τοΰ εις Πελοπόννησον ά π ό Σικελίας παραπλου. The phrase is commoner in a temporal than in a local sense, as, e.g., Soph. El. 384 νΰν γ α ρ έν καλώ φρονεΐν, Thuc. 5-5974 «ίς ώρας:/>Γ ever. Philem./r. 116 είς ώρας εγώ | πλεύσω, φυτεύσω, τοΐχον άρας κτήσομαι, ΑΓ. Thesm. 950 έκ τ ώ ν ωρών ές τάς ώρας ξυνεπευχόμενος, Ran. 381 τήν χώραν σώσειν φήσ' ές τάς ώρας, Nub. $62 (where see Starkie), Plut. Lye. 6 (on which see C.Q. 37.67), p.Ox. 41.29. The words mean from season to season (e.g. Od. 9.135, Plut. Mar. 21) but are extended to acts or states which have no seasonal incidence, as here. Similarly είς έτος (epigr. 13.4); cf. 18.15 η. κήπ€ΐτα = καΙ έτι ύστερον. φίλ* ανδρών: 24.40, Eur. Ale. 460 ώ φίλα γυναικών. Similarly Soph. jr. 185 όλόμενε παίδων, Eur. Hec. 716 ώ κατάρατ' ανδρών, Heraclid. 567 ω τάλαινα παρθένων, Ar. Ran. 835, Hdt. \.\26, 7.48 δαιμόνιε ανδρών, al.t K.B.G. 2.1.339· 75 π ε ρ ι σ τ έ λ λ ω ν : protect, as Hdt. 9.60, Polyb. 2.60.4, 5·67·ΐ3· The part, gives the reason (as, e.g., Soph. Ph. 1035 όλεΐσθε δ* ήδικηκότες | τόν άνδρα τόνδε), and is pres. rather than aor. presumably because the women, though through the worst of the crush, feel themselves to be still under his protection. The slaves depend for protection on their mistresses, and Praxinoa, freed from anxiety on her own account, has time to think of them in the next line. Cf. 17.97 η. χρηστώ κ . τ . λ . : for the absence of the definite article in the exclamation ct. Hdas 4.20 μά καλών, φίλη Κυννοΐ, | αγαλμάτων, Headlam ad loc.y and, in a context resembling this, Call. fr. 191.28 ώ Εκάτη πλήθευς* | ό ψιλοκόρσης τήν πνοήν αναλώσει | φύσεων όκως μή τόν τρίβωνα γύμνωση. οίκτίρμονος: Gorgias/r. 11 a. 32 τών δυστυχούντων οίκτίρμων, Α.Ρ. 7-3 59· In Biblical Greek the word is common, and it was probably not above Praxinoa's style. 76 φ λ ί β ε τ α ι : Eust. 102. ι Ιστέον δέ δτι ή τού θ μετάληψις είς το φ και 'Αττικής ποτέ διαλέκτου εστίν, εκείνοι γ α ρ το θλάν φλάν λεγουσι. το μέντοι φλίψεται το έν Όδυσσεία [17.221] και το παρά θεοκρίτω έν Άδωνια^ούσαις ΑΙολικόν και αυτό. Φλίβειν was removed from Od. I.e. by Zenodotus, but it occurs in Hippocrates (Loc. Horn. 9, 13: 6.292, 300L) and like φλάν (5.148, 150) seems c o m m o | to many dialects. β ι ά ζ ε υ : Thuc. 1.63 βιάσασθαι ές τήν Ποτείδαιαν, 7.69, Xen. Cyr. 3.3.69 εί βιάσαιντο εΐσω, Polyb. ι.74-5» 5·4·9· 77 £νδοι π ά σ α ι κ.τ.λ.: ώς παροιμίας ούσης, άποκλείσας τήν νύμφη ν τις, Καλώς τ ά γε ένδον ήμϊν έχει, φησί* διό και ή Γοργώ [sic] ούτως έπεφώνησεν, Σ. At a Greek wedding, after the bride had been escorted to her new home and entertained there, she was taken to the bridal chamber with her husband. Outside 1 Ziegler reported Κ to have άθέως or άθρέω* and (p. 190) favoured the latter. Gallavotti's silence implies that it has αθρόως. But the ligature is the same as that used, e.g., in 79 θεών, 137 ημιθέων, and often elsewhere. I cannot from the photostat be sure of the accent.
285
COMMENTARY
[78
it the bride's friends sang an epithalamium (of which Id. 18 is an example) while one of the bridegroom's friends kept guard at the door: Poll. 3.42 καλείται δέ τις των τοΰ νυμφίου φίλων καΐ θυρωρός, δς ταΐς θύραις έφεστηκώς εΐργει τάς γυναίκας τη νύμφη βοώση βοηθεΐν, Hesych. θυρωρός· ό παράνυμφος, ό τήν θύραν του θαλάμου κλείων. If Z's general line of interpretation is correct νυός will mean bride, as at 18.15. That passage establishes the use, which, though not certainly found elsewhere, is recognised by Hesych. s.v. vuoi (cf. Phot, s.v. νυός) and corresponds to the use of nurus in Latin and to that of γαμβρός for bridegroom (129 η.). Praxinoa's turn of phrase resembles Ar. Vesp. 1183 ώ σκαιέ κάπαίδευτε, θεογένης εφη | τ ω κοπρολόγω και ταύτα λοιδορούμενος, Plat. Theaet. 200 Ε ό τόν ποταμόν καθηγούμενος, ώ Θεαίτητε, §φη άρα δείξειν αυτό, Plut. Mor. 467 c (cf. 147 c) ώσπερ ά της κυνός άμαρτών τ ω λίθω και τήν μητρυιάν πατάξας Ουδ* ούτως, εφη, κακώς, Cratin. jr. 252, Apostol. 12.441 ι8.8, Petron. 45 modo sic, modo sic, inquit rusticus, Festus 3 56 L. rideo, inquit Galba canterio. In such passages a phrase suitable to the speaker's purpose is cited more or less proverbially from a story in which its application may be quite different; and where the story is assumed to be familiar to the audience the details of it are not necessarily recoverable from the excerpt provided. Opinion here differs as to whether the bride is shut into the bridal chamber and the bridesmaids shut out, or whether, as Σ suppose, π α ρ ά προσδοκίαν, the bride herself is shut out and the bridegroom locked up either alone or with some of the bridesmaids. This question cannot be resolved by considering the verb άποκλάξας, for άποκλείειν, when it does not simply mean shut (as at 43), may mean either shut in (e.g. Ar. Vesp. 719) or shut out (e.g. Ar. Eccl. 420) and takes its colour from the gen. expressed or, as here, implied; whether that is των νυμφευτριών or εαυτού (του νυμφίου) cannot really be determined, and the fact that at 18.5 T. uses another compound κατεκλάξατο is irrelevant. The speaker, if (as Hesych. s.v. θυρωρός implies and T. 18.5 can hardly be held to contradict) the door of the bridalchamber was locked from outside (cf. Xen. Eph. 1.8.3), m * y perhaps be the παράνυμφος rather than the bridegroom; and in either case πασαι would seem to mean πασαι ας ένδον είναι χρή whether that is the bride or some of the bridesmaids or no woman at all. Beyond that it seems impossible to proceed. It may however be added that the words την τ ' έναύλιον | ώθών τις έξέκλαξε σύγκοιτον φίλην in a corrupt and obscure fragment cited at Plut. Mor. 1098c ( = Com. Adesp. 1203) refer to a drunken slave and, whatever may be the explanation of the Doric verb, have no visible relevance here;* also that the assumption that this scene is staged at the door of the bridal chamber rests on the assertion of a scholiast that νυός here = νύμφη. That is a plausible setting, but the story might also relate to a daughterin-law shut out by her husband's father. For ενδοι πασαι cf. ένδον εστε πάντες; in a mime (p.Ox. 413.104: Powell Coll. Al. 181), where ένδον however apparently means aboard. 78 πόταγ' ώδε: προσάγειν with an ellipse of στρατόν (Xen. Hell. 3.5.22) or, as here, of the reflexive pronoun (e.g. 1 Ki. 9.18 προσήγαγεν Σαούλ προς Σαμουήλ είς μέσον της πόλεως, Plut. Mor. 587 Ε άπό της θύρας ήσυχη προσήγε) is not un common, but at 1.62 πάταγε is a mere summons to attention or action like ΐθι or άγε, and Gorgo perhaps means no more than look! ποικίλα: patterned or figured stuffs whether woven or embroidered: Aesch. Ag. 926, 936, Mancth. 2.320 αΐόλ* ύπό χροιή ποικίλματα δαιδάλλοντας | παντοίοις ' Ε. Bignone (L* Aristotele perduto 2.235) assumed that the verb referred to a Doric proverb, and that the speaker in T. was uu lihertino avvinazzato, che, chiusa fuori di casa la sposa per gozzovigliare, esclomava 'tutto ora sta bene*', but this seems neither probable nor helpful.
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3φοισιν έοικότα, τους μέν έφ* Ιστών | κερκίσιν ήδέ χερών τεχνήμασιν. T.'s adj. ένυφαντά (83) makes it plain that these are woven. The art of weaving scenes, at any rate on a small scale, had long existed in Greece (see e.g. //. 3· Ι2 5» Aesch. Ch. 231) though large tapestries were beyond the capacity of the early Greek loom (cf. Bliimner Techn. i 2 .i68) and had to be imported from the east (cf. Eur. Ion 1141 ff., Theophr. Ch. 5.9, and see generally Rom. Mitt. 52.198). Weaving had however been elaborated at Alexandria (Plin. N.H. 8.196 plurimis uero liciis texere quae polymita appellant Alexandria instituit: for πολύμιτα secp.Petr. 3.120.4, Maneth. 5.168 and generally Cumont L'Egypte des Astrol. 88), and the passages cited below make it plain that large tapestries were familiar. I understand Gorgo to be calling Praxinoa's attention to the hangings which decorate that part of the Palace in which the tableau is staged. The only apparent alternatives are that she should be referring either to the clothes worn by Aphrodite and Adonis or to the στρώματα of the couch. Of these, the first is excluded by 79, for if the ποικίλα are worn by Aphrodite and Adonis they are actually θεών περονάματα and not merely comparable to them; the second is improbable since the στρώματα seem to be merely of purple dye (125); and in any case if the main tableau is already in view insistence on a detail of this kind seems inappropriate. As the women enter the place in which the display is staged the tapestries meet the eye before they have pushed their way to the front and are in a position to appreciate what they have principally come to see. O n the subject represented sec 84 η. Τ. has given no indication of the place in the Palace where the show is staged, but hangings draped along the walls or suspended from branches are often repre sented in Hellenistic reliefs even when the scene is out of doors: see Pll. XII, XIII, Schrciber Hellen. Relief bild. 38-40, 60, 62, 70, 86, 96, relief from Teos (Abh. Sachs. Ges. 30.2.130). W h e n Ptolemy Philadelphia celebrated the symposium described by Callixenus (Ath. 5.i96Aff.) he erected a σκηνή for the purpose, and Arsinoe may have done the same for an exhibition to which, it seems, all Alexandria was welcome. In temporary structures of this kind hangings were regular; in Ptolemy's σκηνή, hanging between the supporting posts, were χιτώνες χρυσοϋφεϊς έφαπτίδες τε κάλλισται, τινές μεν είκόνας εχουσαι τών βασιλέων ένυφασμένας, α! δε μυθικάς διαθέσεις (Ath. 5-196 Ε ). A similar σκηνή erected at Susa by Alexander had εν τ ω περιβάλω πολυτελείς αύλαΐαι 3ωωτοί καΐ διάχρυσοι (Ath. 12.538 D), and the tapestries adorning Xuthus's σκηνή at Delphi are elaborately described at Eur. Ion 1141 ff.; cf. Xcn. Eph. 1.8.2. The subject and the season however would favour an alfresco setting, and perhaps we should rather think of a courtyard or garden in the Palace precincts (which according to Strab. 17.794 included άλση) hung with tapestry for the occasion. 79 λ ε π τ ά και ώ ς χ α ρ . : i.e. ως λεπτά και χαρ., the adv. belonging to both adj. being placed before the second. For an adj. similarly placed see 10.35 n., for a genitive 16.66, tor prepositions K.B.G. 2.1.550. T. is thinking of Od. 10.222 (Circe) ίστόν έποιχομένης μέγαν άμβροτον, οία θεάων ! λεπτά τε και χαρίεντα και άγλαά έργα πέλονται, but the two adj., which refer respectively to the texture and the design of the stuff, are applied to garments at //. 22.511, Od. 5.231, 10.554 also. περονάματα: 21 n. The rectangular pieces of tapestry are so splendid that they would serve gods for Ιμάτια. There is no implication that they arc in fact being w o r n : see 18.18n. φάσεις: Hdas 4.57 oV έργα κεΐν*· ήν, ταυτ* έρεϊς Άθηναίην | γλύψαι τά καλά. For the fut. cf. 1.150η. 287
COMMENTARY
[80-84
80 Ά θ α ν α ί α : invoked as the goddess of handicrafts in general and of spinning and weaving in particular; ci 28.1, Hdas 4.57 (above), 7.116. Ιριθοι: the w o r d is not outside Praxinoa's range for it was by n o w admitted to daily use: Dem. 57.45, p.Hib. 121.34 (250B.C.) έρίθοις έρίων. 81 ζ ω ο γ ρ ά φ ο ι , if distinguished from εριθοι, will be artists w h o made the designs to which the weavers of the tapestry worked, though γράμμα is used of a woven line also (Eur. Ion 1146). The form of the word (for 3ωγράφος) does not occur elsewhere. τάκριβέα: so of the carpets in Ptolemy's σκηνή (78 η.) Ath. 5.197 Β ψιλαι δέ Περσικαί. . .ακριβή τήν ευγραμμίαν των ένυφασμένων εχουσαι 3φδίων, and similarly άττακριβοΰν {Α.Ρ. 9.778, Plan. 172, 342, Luc. Im. 16), άκριβουν (Philostr. Im. 318.11, 373.10K.). 82 £τυμα: of verisimilitude in works of art Λ.Ρ. 6.352 and, if rightly corrected by Jacobs, A. Plan. 117 (cf. Hdas 4.38); and so έτήτυμος Α.Ρ. 9.593. έστάκαντι: Plat. Phaedr. 275 D τ α εκείνης (τής γραφής) Ικγονα εστηκε μεν ώς ^ώντα, Α.Ρ. 9.605 (of a picture) ώς άγανώς εστακεν, 777» Headlam on Hdas 4-36. ένδινεΰντι: δινεϊν (intrans.), δινεΐσθαι, δινεύειν, δινεύεσθαι may mean no more than wander, as, e.g., at Od. 9.153, Ap. Rh. 2.695, 4-1456, but they more commonly denote rhythmical or circular movements, as of dancers (//. 18.494, Ap. Rh. 1.215; ci. Eur. Ph. 792, Ar. Thestn. 122), tumblers (//. 18.606, Xen. An. 6.1.9, Plat. Euthyd. 294 E), constellations (e.g. Arat. 162, 455), and the like (cf. 2.30 f, 24.10 η.). It is possible that T. uses the verb merely to imply movement in contrast with έστάκαντι, but it is more natural to suppose that some of the figures are dancing. That this interpretation is not incompatible with the view that the tapestry represents the tnourning for Adonis (see 84 η.) is shown by Ar. Lys. 392 ή γυνή δ' όρχουμένη, | Αίαΐ "Αδωνιν, φησίν: cf. Cratih. fr. 15. In.either case the dat. implied by the preposition έν would seem to be τη γραφή or τ ω υφάσματι. 83 έμψυχ", ούκ έ ν υ φ α ν τ ά : on the form of expression see 9 η. For the idea, A.P. 9.774 ένεψύχωσε δ* ό γ λ ύ π τ α ς | τον λίθον, 826 ττνευμα βαλουσα λίθω, Plan. 97, 182, 327, Hdas 4-34, Virg. Aen. 6.847, Prop. 3.9.9. TL has much better authority than τοι and seems quite suitable though editors have usually preferred τοι. χρήμ*: see Suidas s.v.y Plat. Ion 534 Β κοϋφον γ α ρ χρήμα ποιητής έστιν καΐ πτηνόν και Ιερόν, Eur. Or. 70 άπορον χρήμα δυστυχών δόμος: cf. 18.4η. 84 f. In the tableau sketched by the singer, Adonis is placed not on a silver κλισμός but on a κλίνη of which ebony, gold, and ivory are the conspicuous constituents (123); and there are other reasons also for supposing that Praxinoa is here continuing her survey of the tapestry and has not turned to view the tableau. In the first place one might expect a sharper mark of transition if the subject of these two lines was a different work of art; in the second, we should be left with little indication of what the tapestries represented; and in the third, Praxinoa's allusion to Adonis's death seems out of place if she is now looking at a tableau of his union with Aphrodite. I think it certain therefore that these lines continue the description of the tapestry, and that the words ό κήν Άχέροντι φιληθείς indicate its central subject, which is the dead Adonis, round w h o m are mourners standing or dancing (82, 86 nn.). θαητός: the word, of which Pindar is fond, means remarkable (e.g. Hes. Th. 31, Pind. P. 7.12) or conspicuous (e.g. Pind. /. 4.24, Call. H. 3.141), but probably has the former colour here. άργυρέας: the agreement of $ 3 and the mss as to the gender can hardly be disregarded, for there was no temptation to a scribe to substitute the feminine. 288
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I D Y L L XV
There is no other trace of κλισμός fern., but there are numerous aberrations of gender in this declension, some of them due to dialect as, e.g., the Doric ά λιμός and the Syracusan ά τταλός, both attested by Phrynichus and the second known only from him (see K.B.G. 1.1.409), and T. himself has some other aberrant genders (1.133 η.). See also 101, 119, 17.9011η. κ λ ι σ μ ώ : from the description in Ath. 5.192 E, where the κλισμός is said to be superior to the δίφρος (14.41 n.) and to have a back, it is generally, and no doubt rightly, identified with the only known form of Greek chair with a back, that in which the back legs are continued upwards, often in an elegant ogival curve, and joined by a crosspiece at about the shoulder-level of the person seated. See Richter Arte. Furniture 45. It might be thought that a κλίνη would be more suitable for a dead or dying Adonis, but he is commonly represented as sitting, on a κλισμός in the well-known painting from Pompeii (Pi. XI), 1 or where, as on Roman sarco phagi, the scene is closely associated with the boar-hunt, on a rock or the ground (Robert Ant. Sarkophag-Rel. 3, T. 2-5). πρ&τον ϊουλον κ.τ.λ.: 6.3 η., 11.9, Od. 11.319 π ρ ί ν σφωιν νττό κροτάφοισιν ίούλους Ι άνθήσαι, Call. β. 274 άρμοΐ που κάκείνω έττέτρεχε λεπτός ΐουλος, Α.Ρ. 6.198 ώριον άνθήσαντας υττό κροτάφοισιν Ιούλους | κειράμενος, γενύων άρσενας αγγελίας, Plan. 381 ϊουλον ανθών πρώτον, Poll. 2.10 ίούλω νέον υττανθών παρά τ α ώτα καβέρποντι ή περί την ΰπήνην άνέρποντι, Headlam on Hdas 1.52. For καταβάλλων c{. Diod. 33.17 τον μέν ϊουλον κατάγοντα τον δέ υπογραφή ν άρτι λαμβάνοντα ταύτης της ακμής, Philostr. Jun. Im. 400.14 Κ. άρτίχνουν μέν έκβάλλων ϊουλον έτπρρέοντα τ η παρειά. 86 According to the m y t h related in Apoll. 3.14.4 and alluded to by Σ 3.48, Orph. H. 56.8, Aphrodite and Persephone were rivals for the favours of Adonis, who divided his time between them. Σ supply Zeus as a third competitor, but presum ably τρι- in τριφίλητος has intensive not numerical force, as, e.g., in τριπόθητος, τρισκατάρατος. The implications of the second phrase are less plain, and it is conceivable that Persephone is included in the scene at which Praxinoa is looking; much more probable however that it represents Adonis dead or dying in the embrace of Aphrodite, w h o (3.48) ουδέ φθίμενόν vtv άτερ μα^οΐο τίθητι. Similarly Bion 1.13 Κύπριδι μέν το φίλημα και ου ^ώοντος αρέσκει, Mosch. 3.69. If the interpretations of 80-86 here suggested are correct, some idea of the tapestry may be gathered from the fresco from the Casa di Adone in Pompeii (Pi. XI). There Adonis, closely attended by Aphrodite, is dying on a κλισμός. Erotes, one of w h o m bandages his wound, are busy about him, and there are other spectators. If Τ Λ scene includes Erotes, Bion 1.79 ff., which also seem to reflect a picture, may supply further hints for their occupations. δ . . . φ ι λ η θ ε ί ς : I accept the reading of the papyri. Reiske had already con jectured φιλητός, which Meineke approved on the ground that the line then resembled 1.126, 141, 13.7; no exception however can be taken to the ms reading except perhaps that T. does not elsewhere use the masc. sing, δ as a relative, and it should be said that the line is expressly cited for relative δ at Greg. Cor. 141. For the tense of φιληθείς see 7.60 n. κήν "Αχέροντι: 12.19 n · If the scene is as suggested above the meaning is merely when dead. 87 A neighbour in the crowd interrupts to protest against Praxinoa's garrulous enthusiasm and diverts her attention from the show. δύστανοι: 7.119 η. 1 So unexpectedly also Thcogn. 1191 ούκ 2ραμαι κλισμω βασιληίω εγκατακεΐσθαι | τεΟνηώς. In normal Greek practice the corpse was exposed at the πρόθεση on a κλίνη.
GT II
289
19
COMMENTARY
[88-91
κωτίλλοισαι: elsewhere the verb seems always to suggest smooth or deceitful speech, but this is probably an accident since κωτίλος (89) is used of mere garrulity in men (Theogn. 295), and of swallows (Anacr./r. 154, Simon, jr. 243); and so κ ω τ ι λ φ ι ν , C a l l e r . 194.81 φευ των άτρύτων οία κωτιλί^ουσκ | λαιδρή κορώνη, κώς το χείλος ούκ άλγεϊς; It is hard to determine whether the part, is constructed with παύσασθε, or whether the verb is absolute and the part, an attribute of τρυγόνες. I have preferred the former view and punctuated accordingly, supposing that κωτίλλοισαι suggests a bird to the speaker, as apparently κ ω τ ι λ φ ι ν in Callimachus. 88 τρυγόνες: 7.14m., Alex. jr. 92 σου δ* έγώ λαλιστέραν | ούπώποτ* εϊδον ούτε κερκώπην, γύναι, | ου κίτταν, ούκ άηδόν' ούτε τρυγόν', ου | τέττιγα, and τρυγόνος λαλίστερος was a proverbial phrase (Men. jr. 416, Alciphr. 2.26 Sch., Ael. N.A. 12.10, Zenob. 6.8, where see Leutsch). έκκναισεΰντι: the compound does not occur elsewhere but άποκναίειν is not uncommon in this sense: Ar. Vesp. 681 άλλ* αυτήν μοι την δουλείαν ούκ άποφαίνων άποκναίεις, Men.^r. 341» Dem. 21.153 άποκναίει y a p αηδία δήπου και αναισθησία καθ* έκάστην τήν έκκλησίαν ταύτα λέγων, αϊ. πλατειάσδοισαι: ότι πλατυστομουσιν ol Δωριείς το ά πλεονάζοντες, Σ, Hermog. de Id. 1.6 λέξις δέ σεμνή π ά σ α μέν ή πλατεία και διογκοϋσα τ ο στόμα κατά τήν προφοράν. . . ό γ α ρ Θεόκριτος άχθόμενόν τίνα πεποίηκε Δωρι^ούσαις γυναιξί δια τ ό πλατύνειν τήν φωνήν τ ω ά τ α πλείστα χρωμέναις, Demetr. de Eloc. 177 πλατέα λαλουσι γ ά ρ π ά ν τ α ο\ Δωριείς: cf. Quint. Inst. I.5-3 2 - The verb is suitably formed to indicate a dialect (see 12.13 n.) though it has not this meaning elsewhere. It may be noted that the dialect of the complainant, like that of the singer in 100 fF., is not appreciably less broad than that of Praxinoa, though we are plainly invited to suppose that he is not a Dorian. 89 μα: the exclamation is confined to women and is understood to mean mother. O n Praxinoa's lips the mother will be Demeter, though that need not prevent her being Cyhele (as has been suggested) elsewhere; see Headlam on Hdas 1.85, C.Q. 17.33^ τι δέ τίν: Ar. Equ. 1198 τί δέ σοι τ ο υ τ ' ; , Headlam on Hdas 2.18. κωτίλαι: 87 η. 90 π α σ ά μ ε ν ο ς : i.e. your slaves, not me. Similarly Soph. Aj. 1107 ώνπερ άρχεις άρχε, O.C. 839 μή 'πίτασσ* ά μή κρατείς, Plaut. Pers. 273 emere oportet quern tibi oboedire uelis, Trin. 1061 emere meliust quoi imperes, Liv. 28.27.14; cf. Eur. Ale. 675. T o the slave his mistress is ή κεκτημένη (e.g. Men. Per. 61, 67, 331, Epit. 350); ό κεκτημένος is rarer (Ar. Plut. 4, Phryn. C o m . / r . 48) and proscribed at A.B. 102.20; see Pearson on Soph./r. 762. επίτασσε: the variant ποτίτασσε imports a seemingly wanton change of compound at the end of the line, and though equally good in itself may be a metrical interpolation. For the lengthening of the final syllable of πασάμενος see 1.86 n. 91 Κορίνθιαι: the founder of Syracuse was Archias of Corinth (Strab. 6.269, αϊ.) or, as T. (28.17) prefers to say, of Ephyra, and the city is πολυκλήρων Έφυραίων μέγα άστυ (16.83). άνωθεν: by birth or descent: Dem. 45.80 πονηρός.ούτος άνωθεν έκ του Άνακείου και άδικος, Call. jr. 75·3 2 Κοδρείδης συ γ ' άνωθεν, Paus. S.I.II, al. So ανέκαθεν Hdt. 5-65 Κόντες δέ και ούτοι ανέκαθεν Πύλιοι καΐ Νηλεϊδαι, al.t Luc. Iud. Voc. 7 Βοιώτιος μέν, ως έφαίνετο, τ ό γένος ανέκαθεν, and probably Ιπάνωθεν Τ. 7-4 η · Praxinoa is naturally not claiming Corinthian citizenship but establishing the right of Syracusans to speak Doric. For a similar tracing of genealogy through the 290
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mother-city of a colony cf. Thuc. 7.57 Κερκυραίοι δέ ού μόνον Δωριής άλλα καΐ Κορίνθιοι σαφώς έττΐ Κορινθίους τε καΐ Συρακοσίους, των μέν άττοικοι δντες των δέ ξυγγενεϊς,.. .εϊττοντο, and for a similar claim by a Syracusan, id. 6.77 ούκ Ίωνες τάδε είσιν ουδ' Έλλησττόντιοι καΐ νησιώται, οϊ δεσττότην ή Μήδον ή ένα γέ τίνα αίει μεταβάλλοντες δουλοϋνται, άλλα Δωριής ελεύθεροι άπ' αυτονόμου της Πελοποννήσου τήν Σικελίαν οίκουντες. 92 Β ε λ λ ε ρ ο φ ώ ν : according to 77. 6.15 5 Bellerophon was son of Glaucus, whose father Sisyphus ruled at Ephyra, and his cult is associated with the Isthmus of Corinth (Paus. 2.1.9, 2-4-)· His name in Greek literature appears to be always elsewhere Βελλεροφόντης, though the shortened form is recognised by grammarians (Hdian 2.915.6, Eust. 632.6). On the Latin forms see J. Phil. 31.252. Πελοποννασιστί: similarly of language or dialect ΑΙγυτττιστί, ΑΙολιστί, Άττικιστί, Βοιωτιστί, Ίαστί, Σκυθιστί, al. though, like the verbs in -ί^ειν or -ά^ειν from which they derive, such adverbs are not confined to this sense; cf. 13.56, 14.46; 15.48, and 18.48 η., Pearson on Soph./r. 462. 93 C f Posidip. Jr. 28 ol δ' "Ελληνες Έλληνί3ομεν. For the inf. in -ειν see Introd. p. lxxiv. 94 φ ύ η : aor. opt. (for φυίη), as δύη Od. 9.377, 18.348, 20.286 and even έκδϋμεν 77. 16.99. On the tendency for ui to become υ before another vowel see K.B.G. 1.1.136, 181, Meisterhans Gr. Att. Inschr) 59. The aor. opt. of φυειν seems not to occur elsewhere. Μελιτώδες: Persephone, according to Σ here, Porph. Antr. Nymph. 18 and perhaps Boissonade Anec. 3.292, where the ms has Μελιτώνην. The meaning of the name is uncertain, but the first two authorities connect it with the priestesses of Demeter called μέλισσαι: see RE 15.552, Cook Zeus 2.1113. χαρτερός c. gen. = εγκρατής, as, e.g., Archil, fr. 26 ό δ' Άσίης καρτεράς μηλοτρόφου, Theogn. 480, Suid. s.v. εΐη: 5·ΐ5°η. 95 ενός: the king, rather than her husband, for whom in any case she has scant respect (8 ff.). Somewhat similar are Eur. Hel. 276 τά βαρβάρων yap δούλα πάντα ττλήν ενός, Thuc. 6.77 (see on 91 above). ούκ ά λ έ γ ω : 26.27. The ellipse here, as at Od. 17.390 and perhaps II. 11.389, is of σου: she means σέθεν δ' εγώ ούκ άλεγί^ω | ουδ* όθομαι κοτέοντος (7/. ι.ιδο). μή μοι κ. ά.: μή μοι κενόν το μέτρον άττοψήσης, Σ. Άττομάσσειν and άττοψαν are used of levelling grain with the top of a measure by passing a strickle (άττόμακτρον, άπόψηστρον Hesych.) over it, and the noun to be supplied seems to be χοίνικα. A stingy or irate householder, when measuring out the rations, could contrive to scrape off more than was just: Theophr. Ch. 30.11 (αίσχροκερδείας) μετρεΐν αυτός τοις ένδον τά έτπτήδεια σφόδρα άττοψών, Luc. Nauig. 25 Λυκίνω δέ χοίνικα, άττομεμαγμένην και ταύτην ότι λάλος εστί (c{. Mayor on Juv. 14.126). The words have therefore been understood by some to mean do not level the pot empty for me (as you no doubt do for your slaves), κενεάν being proleptic (so apparently Σ). This however would seem to require an emphatic έμοί, and in any case the resulting prohibition is not very suitable to the context; better therefore to suppose that it means merely do not level an empty pot—that is waste your time—by issuing orders to one who has no intention of heeding them. The phrase will then be proverbial for fruitless labour, like είς τόν τετρημένον πίθον άντλεΐν (Xen. Oec. 7-4°) and many others (16.60 ff.), and it follows logically upon ούκ άλέγω. 96 Praxinoa's copious rejoinder is checked by Gorgo with the announcement that the performance is about to begin. It would seem therefore that the entertain ment provided by Arsinoe consists of a musical performance given in the presence 291
COMMENTARY
[97-100
of a tableau. Gorgo spoke as though they had to be at the Palace at a particular time (26), but she may have been thinking of her husband's dinner (147) rather than the song, and the old woman at 6o, if it was performed only once, has come away before it. The evidence therefore suggests that the tableau was on view all day and the h y m n sung at intervals; or alternatively, since the following day seems to have included a musical competition (98 n.), that the singer we are about to hear is one of a series of competitors in solo singing. This would fit well with 96 ff., where Gorgo announces the singer rather as an artiste she recognises than as the singer she was expecting; and in view of Ptolemy's interest in such matters (17.112 n.) a singing competition is likely enough at his sister's fete. σίγη: σίγη of $ 3 appears to be defensible as an injunction (Od. 15.440), but in Doric the η would require alteration. τόν "Αδωνιν: the Adonis-hymn, as ό Λίνος, ό Λιτυέρσης, etc. (10.4m.). This seems preferable to supposing that άείδειν means to sing of, though it involves the assumption that such a hymn was a regular feature of the ritual. It is plain from what follows that the content of the hymn except perhaps in general outline was not prescribed by custom. 97 ά τ . Ά ρ γ . θ υ γ . : άδηλον τίς ή ποιήτρια αυτή* ενιοι δε Άργείας αυτήν φασιν είναι θυγατέρα όμώνυμον τ η μητρί, είναι δ* έκείνην Σικυωνίαν, Σ. The name Άργεία is known (cf. 17.53 n.), a n d this note would seem to be evidence of a Sicyonian woman so called, but in T. the word is presumably an ethnic (cf. 14.12 n.). And since T. must be assumed to be depicting a real entertainment given by Arsinoe, he is probably indicating here a real person, and the designation by matronymic perhaps indicates that the mother also was, or had been, a noted singer. πολύιδρις: it appears from 146 that the composition as well as the performance of the piece is due to the singer, and Gorgo is complimenting her in both places on the mythological learning which she commands. 98 ίάλεμον: Eur. Tr. 1304 ίαλέμω τους Θανόντας άπύεις, Aristoph. Byz. αρ. Ath. 14.619 Β έν δε γάμοις υμέναιος, έν δε ττένθεσιν ίάλεμος. The word no doubt means simply dirge or lament, though, like other such words, it begot a mytho logical Ialemus. Σ Eur. Or. 1390 identify him with Linus, whose parentage was the same (see 10.41 n., RE 9.624). The word is used of any lament, and it is natural here, since Gorgo gives no further indication of the occasion, to connect it with the lamentation for Adonis on the next day of the Άδώνια, to which the singer refers at 135. It may even be the vox propria, for Callimachus (fr. 193.37) uses Ιηλεμί^ειν in connexion with Adonis. W e may suppose, further, that the proceedings on that day included, at any rate in the preceding year, a musical competition or at least a succession of solo singers. For the ace. after άρίστευσε cf. Pind. O. 10.64 στάδιον μέν άρίστευσεν. $ 3 has an interlinear ω over the o, apparently implying the gen., but this would be hard to defend. 99 διαχρέμπτεται: Ar. Thesm. 382 σίγα, σιώπα, πρόσεχε τον ν ο υ ν | χρέμπτεται γ α ρ ήδη, | δπερ ποιοΰσ* οί ρήτορες, μακράν εοικε λέξειν, Luc. pro imag. 20 Κύναιθος ό Δημητρίου του ΠολιορκητοΟ κόλαξ. . .έπήνει ύ π ό βηχός ένοχλούμενον τόν Δημήτριον δτι έμμελώς έχρέμπτετο, αί. The compound διαχ. is recognised by Phryn. Praep. soph. 126.2 de B. The ms reading διαβρύπτεται was understood to mean is making her bow, basia iactat (Mart. 1.3.7), but it is plainly inferior and presumably comes from 6.15, where see 11. 100f. Golgi and Idalium, Cyprian scats of Aphrodite, are mentioned together at Cat. 64.96 quaeque regis Golgos quae que Idalium frondosum, and, with others, at id. 36.12. At Lye. 589 Aphrodite is Γολγών άνασσα, and according to Paus. 8.5.2 this cult was older than that at Paphos, which goes back to Homeric times (Od. 292
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8.363). The site, not certainly identified, is probably near Idalium; see RE 7.1579. 12.96, Hill Hist, of Cyprus 1.67. Idalium, the modern Dali, in the centre of the island, between Larnaka and Nikosia, is frequently mentioned by the Latin poets. Both places are named here first in this connexion, no doubt because until Alexander's conquest Cyprus had been for long in Persian control. The prominence here given to the island may depend upon the fact that since 294 B.C. it had been in the hands of the Ptolemies (cf. 17.36), but there are grounds for thinking that the cult of Adonis may have reached Greece from Cyprus (see Mannhardt Wald- u. Feldkulte2 2.273, Frazer Adonis etc} 31, Gnomon 10.291, Hesperia 4.573). M t Eryx, near Drepanum on the west coast of Sicily, is perhaps chosen as the opposite extremity of the goddess's domain. The foundation of this shrine was ascribed to one of Aphrodite's own sons, either Eryx or Aeneas (Serv. ad Aen. 1.570); its treasure, mentioned at Thuc. 6.46, was accounted the richest in Sicily (Polyb. 1.55.8). έφίλησας: 7.60 n. For artificial lengthening at the 5th arsis see 8.14 η . αίπεινάν τ* Έ ρ υ κ α : the mountain is the highest in Sicily after Etna (Polyb. I.e.) and is coupled by Virgil (Aen. 12.701) with Athos. " Ε ρ υ ξ ^ η . is n o w known from Callimachus (fr. 43.53), and neither αίπεινόν (Winterton) nor K's Έρύκαν need be considered. Eryca moreover would seem to be another place (RE 6.565). χ ρ υ σ ω παίζοισ*: χρυσέη is an epitheton constans of Aphrodite (cf. A.P. 5.30), and if the text is sound T. is perhaps attempting to improve upon it with a phrase which might suggest χρυσοπαίγνιος on the analogy of similar epithets applied to other gods, χρυσάορος, χρυσήνιος, χρυσοπέδιλος, χρυσόρραπις, et sim. Leto is called χρυσώπις at Ar. Thesm. 321, which has suggested χρυσωπίσδοισ' Scaliger (on the analogy of κ α λ λ ω π φ ι ν however the verb might be expected to be transitive), χρυσώπις δι* Bergk. Other suggestions are not more attractive, and since Aphrodite was called χρυσή in Egypt έκ παλαιάς παραδόσεως, and there was a πεδίον χρυσής 'Αφροδίτης at Momemphis in the western Delta (Diod. 1.97), it seems possible that T. is referring to some local cult or statue of the goddess. 102 άενάω: cf. Ar. Ran. 146. 103fF. μαλακαΐ πόδας: owing to their imperceptible passage, as tacito passu labentibus annis (Ov. Tr. 4.10.27), and tacito pede of mors (Tib. 1.10.34), senecta (Ον. Α.Α. 2.670), uetustas (Tr. 4.6.17); μαλακόπους is used of horses (Corp. Hippiatr. 1.360) in a more literal sense opposed to εϋπους: cf. Hor. Serm. 1.2.88. At Norm. D. 38.131, 331 εύποδες TGupai probably means swift. Ώ ρ α ι : the Hours are pre-eminently the bringers of spring, flowers, and fruits (Orph. H. 43.3 είαριναι λειμωνιάδες πολυάνθεμοι: cf. Cypriafr. 4 Allen, Pind. O. 13.17,/rr. 30.6, 75.14, Call. H. 2.81, Nic. Al. 232, A.P. 5.70, al.)y and the thought is not so much that with the mere lapse of a year the Adonia have come round again as that the fruitful season has returned and with it Adonis. There is some general resemblance to a dithyrambic fragment, Page Lit. Pap, 1.390 Διόνυσον άύσομεν | Ιεραΐς εν άμέραις | δώδεκα μήνας απόντα. | πάρα δ* ώρα, π ά ν τ α δ* άνθη. In Ptolemy's procession (Ath. 5.198 Β) four τ6ύραι (in the sense of Seasons) attended Πεντετηρίς, έκαστη φέρουσα τους Ιδίους καρπούς. βάρδισται: the form occurs also at J/. 23.310,530 and occasionally in later Greek. a i d τι φέροισαι: unlike the days which are μετάδουποι, άκήριοι, ου τι φέρουσα! at Hes. W.D. 823. 106 Διωναία: 7.116η. Δ. 'Αφροδίτη Dion. Per. 509, Orph. Arg. 1323, and Δ. alone Dion. Per. 853. The Cyprian Aphrodite is associated elsewhere w i t h D i o n e (17.36, Eur. Hel. 1098, Dion. Per. I.e.), and the double title is probably chosen for the same reason as Golgi and Idalium above (100 n.). 293
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[107-112
107 ανθρώπων ώς μύθος: phrases of the kind are a c o m m o n qualification of statements concerning matters outside the speaker's personal knowledge (e.g. Soph. Ant. 829, Eur. Ion 265, LA. 72, Plat. Legg. 683D, Epin. 975 A, Epist. 359D) and contain no implication of disbelief. Βερενίκαν: ρ. 265. 108 ά μ β ρ ο σ ί α ν . . .άποστάξασα: Pind. P. 9.63 νέκταρ έν χείλεσσι και άμβροσίαν στάξοισι, θήσονταί τέ νιν άθάνατον, Αρ. Rh. 4*871 (copying Η. Horn. 2.237) άμβροσίη χρίεσκε τέρεν δέμας δφρα ττέλοιτο | αθάνατος, Ο ν . Met. 14.606 ambrosia cum dulci nectare mixta | contigit os fecitque deum. On ambrosia as a liquid see C.R. 31.5. 109 χ α ρ ι ζ ο μ έ ν α : as Od. 1.61 χαρί^ετο Ιερά f^cov, Hes. Th. 580 χαρι$όμενος Διί, Call. Η. 4.246. The verb does not imply gratitude for favours received, but since Arsinoe's entertainment is connected by the singer with the deification of Berenice we may perhaps infer that it took place shortly afterwards. π ο λ υ ώ ν υ μ ε : Eur. Hipp. 1 πολλή μέν έν βροτοϊσι κούκ ανώνυμος | θεά κέκλημαι Κύπρις, ουρανού τ ' εσω, Pind. Ι. 5·ΐ μοτέρ Άλίου πολυώνυμε Θεία. Numerous attributes and cult-titles increase prestige, and Artemis at Call. H. 3.7 asks for ττολυωνυμίην, ίνα μη μοι Φοίβος έρί^η (cf. ib. 2.69). At Soph. jr. 941 and Ar. Plut. 1164 the idea is given a different turn. π ο λ ύ ν α ε : the adj. does not occur elsewhere, but Artemis at Call. H. 3.225 is πουλυμέλαθρε in the same sense. 110 Βερενικεία: for the adj. representing the gen. of a proper name cf. 22.5, 31, 207, 28.9, //. 2.20 Νηληίω υίι, 5.108 Καττανήιον υΐόν, Eur. Hel. 133 θεστιάς κόρη, Or. 1154 ή Τυνδαρις παις, Call. Η. 3.83 και y a p έγώ Λητωιάς, al. See also 7.31η., K.B.G. 2.1.2οι, Lofstedt Syntactica2 1.108. The adj. appears to be formed from Βερενίκεια (for which see Steph. Byz. s.v. Ά γ ά θ η ) , since Βερενίκη should produce Βερενίκαιος (see J . Phil. 33.63); it was however apparently the form used by Callimachus (fr. 110.62). 111 άτιτάλλει: the verb is commonly, as at 17.58, a near synonym of τρέφειν, with which it is often coupled, and is most often used of children (17.58) and domestic animals. Hipponax (fr. 86) seems to use it with a suggestion of coaxing or cajoling, and so Pind. fr. 214 άτάλλειν. Here the meaning is rather pamper. 112 παρ μέν οί: elsewhere, unless 11.16 is an exception (sec n.), and in more than 40 places, T. follows the usual practice of post-Homeric poets and treats ot as beginning with a digamma, leaving open long vowels and diphthongs and closed short vowels long before it (e.g. 3.36, 1.18, 17.82) and open short vowels unelided (e.g. 1.43) or even lengthened (24.42). The exceptions were collected and emended by Hermann (Orphica 773), but they are too numerous for emendation to be plausible, and μέν, which is short before ol in Od. 13.430, seems, like y a p , to enjoy some privilege in this position (see Ap. Rh. 3.1205, Arat. 485, 707)- Μέν though suitable is superfluous, and Edmonds proposed to omit it, but T. does not leave a long vowel or diphthong unshortened by hiatus in thesis except ή (129, [25.170]), which he seldom shortens anywhere (16.62 n . ) ; cf. 9.19,25.275 nn. Other proposals are no more attractive, and on the whole the text seems sound. O n post-Homeric treatment of ol see Sitz. Wien. Akad. 100.366, Gerke u. Norden Einleitung 1.7, §133, Pfeiffer on Call. fr. 2.3. It is possible that ol is sometimes elided in Homer (see Monro Horn. Gr2. §391), but it is hardly credible that an Alexandrian poet should so treat it. δρυός #κρα = άκρόδρυα. The word means properly fruits, and in particular those with shell or rind (Geop. 10.74 άκρόδρυα δέ καλείται όσα έξωθεν κέλυφος έχει, οίον £>οιά, πιατάκια, κάστανα, και όσα ξυλώδη τον καρπόν έξωθεν έχει); it is used
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also of the trees, including vine and olive (Theophr. H.P. 4-4· 11 )· T. no doubt means all trees bearing fruit of whatever kind. The resolution of the word into its component parts resembles σταθμά κοίλα at 24.15 (apparently for κοιλόσταθμα), and παιδός έρωτες at Nic. jr. 74.55 for the plant παιδέρως. These resolutions are peculiar in that the meaning of the compound noun cannot be inferred from its components (as, e.g., in νήσος Πέλοπος it can), and the resolution might therefore seem illegitimate. Nicander's is imposed by metrical necessity; T.'s are not. If the v.Ι. καλείται is preferred to φέροντι, δρυός άκρα will be the fruit, not the trees; and καλείται might perhaps be intended to palliate the resolution of the word. It would not however do so satisfactorily, for fruit and tree alike are called not δρυός άκρα but άκρόδρυα, a common enough prose word. 113 καπό ι: εΐώθασι γ ά ρ έν τοίς Άδωνίοις πύρους και κριθάς σπείρειν εν τισιν όστρακίοις [Diimmler: προαστείοις codd.] και τους φυτευΟέντας κήπους Ά δ ω νείους προσαγορεύειν, Σ, Plat. Phaedr. 276 Β ό νουν έχων γεωργός, ών σπερμάτων κήδοιτο καΐ έγκαρπα βουλοιτο γενέσθαι, πότερα σπουδή άν Θέρους είς Άδώνιδος κήπους άρών χαίροι θεωρών κάλους έν ήμέραισιν οκτώ γιγνομένους, ή ταύτα μεν δη παιδιάς τε καΐ εορτής χάριν δρώη άν ότε και ποιοι;, Suid. Άδώνιδος κήποι* έκ θριδάκων και μαράθρων άπερ κατέσπειρον έν όστράκοις. χρώνται δ* έπί των επιπόλαιων και κούφων τ ή παροιμία, Hesych. s.v., Diogen. 1.14 Άδώνιδος κήποι* έπι των άωρων και μή έρρι^ωμένων. επειδή γ ά ρ Άδωνις ερωμένος ών, ώς ό μΰθος, τής 'Αφροδίτης προήβης τελευτα, οί ταύτη όργιό^οντες κήπους είς άγγέΙά τίνα φυτεύοντες ή φυτεύουσαι, ταχέως εκείνων διά τό μή έρρ^ώσθαι μαραινομένων, Άδώνιδος αυτούς έκάλουν, Leutsch ad loc. (1.183; cf. 2.3, 1.19)1 Philostr. Vit. Αρ. 7.32, Julian Caes. 329 c, Simplic. Arist. Phys. 911.14, 1212.18 Diels, al. The brief life of the pot-grown plants corresponded with that of Adonis himself, and when he was carried out for burial they were thrown into wells or into the sea (Zenob. 1.49, Eustath. 1701.46). Those here mentioned will, unless Alexandrian custom differed from Attic, be thrown into the sea (133) on the following day. ταλαρίσκοις: the passages cited speak of pots, and on Attic vases plausibly interpreted as representing the Adonia women are seen carrying up to the housetops plants growing in ornamental vases (see p. 264 η. 5), but τάλαροι and ταλαρίσκοι are equally suitable and are mentioned elsewhere as used for forcing plants; see 5.86 η. These are of silver as befits a royal show. 114 Συρίω μ ύ ρ ω : μύρον is any form of perfume or unguent and is often dis tinguished by an adjective denoting its composition, as άμαράκινον, έρπύλλινον, σισύμβρινον (Antiphan. jr. 106), or by a geographical adj., as here: so ΑΙγύπτιον (Antiphan. I.e., al.; cf. 11.35η.), Βαβυλώνιον (Ath. 15.692c). Since different places excelled in μύρον made from different materials (ib. 688 E), the meaning conveyed by the two types of epithet must sometimes have been the same. The perfumes of Syria had long been celebrated (Aesch. Ag. 1312, Eur. Bacch. 144, Hermipp. jr. 63.13, Antiphan. jr. 202, Anaxandr. jr. 41.36, Mnesim. jr. 4.59, Bion 1.77), and according to Apollonius of Herophila (Ath. 15.689 A), w h o wrote in the 1st cent. B.C., the country, which had by then lost its reputation, was once famous for μύρα of all kinds, especially that made of fenugreek (τήλινον). Ptolemy laid some claim to dominion in Syria (17.87), and Arsinoe's perfumes may have come thence; but the adj. probably indicates high quality rather than particular ingredients or place of origin. For the meaning of Syrius and Assyrius applied to perfumes in Latin poets see Orelli on Hor. C. 2.7.8 and excursus on 2.11.16. Μύρον was used to anoint the bride at weddings (e.g. Anaxandr. jr. 46, Xen. Symp. 2.3), but it is so regular a concomitant of festivities of all sorts that no inference can be drawn from its presence here.
295
COMMENTARY
[115-118
αλάβαστρα: Suid. s.v. dyyos μύρου μή έχον λαβάς λίθινον ή λίθινος μυροθήκη. The name is probably derived from the alabaster of which the vessels were often made, not from their lack of handles, but it had long ceased to convey any connota tion of material, and besides more elaborate specimens there are many of clay or glass. There is nothing to choose between the forms αλάβαστρα and άλάβαστα: see Ael. Dion./r. 31, Schwabe ad loc, Mcn.fr. 6 Demiaii. 115 π λ α θ ά ν ω : a kneading board or tray, κύκλον έφ* our πλάττουσιν άρτους και πλακούντας (Hesych.). Poll. 6.74 ένθα δ* έπλάττοντο οί άρτοι π λ ά θ α ν ο ν ομοίως και 5Γ ου έπλάττοντο, ι ο . ι ΐ 2 φ τε και έφ* ώ τους άρτους έπλαττον suggest that the word was also used for instruments used in conjunction with the board— rolling-pin and perhaps forms for shaping the paste, but the preposition shows the meaning here to be board. 116 άνθεα: at Od. 9.84 άνθινον εϊδαρ is the food of the Lotophagi, at Orph. Lith. 735 μελίσσης άνθινον εΐδαρ is honey (cf. 7.81 n.), but neither phrase throws light on Τ. "Ανθεα is commonly understood to mean suciflorum, but λευκώ suggests that it may rather mean colours. In later writers this sense is fairly common; e.g. Luc. Am. 40 ξανθω μεταβάπτουσιν ανθεί, 41 το πορφυροΰν άνθος, Dion. Hal. 7·7 2 περιβόλαια έκ παντός άνθους, Ο ρ ρ . Cyn. 3.39» 95* 338, 347» Maneth. 2.324. So also άνθί^ειν, ανθηρός, άνθινος, ευανθής, αϊ. (cf. C.Q. 32.110), of which the earliest examples are Hdt. 1.98 προμαχεώνες ήνθισμένοι φαρμάκοισι and Hipp. Coac. 621: 5.728 L. ευανθεΐς θρόμβοι αίματος, though the noun is at least verynear this sense at Theogn. 452, Aesch. Prom. 23 (cf. Cypriafr. 4 Allen, Pherecr. Jr. 46). If this interpretation is correct, 116 will refer to ornamental breads, 117 to cakes and pastries; if άνθεα means vegetable flavourings, both will describe cakes. μαλεύρω: the word is an alternative form of άλευρον (Et. M. 573.41), wheatflour (14.7 η.), and is cited by Photius from Αχαιός, w h o is variously identified as the Tragic poet (fr. 51) or ^Icaeus (Jr. 70).* 117 Honey and oil are common ingredients in Greek cakes. Thus of the numerous varieties recorded by Athenaeus (14.643 Fff.) βασυνίαι, σταιτΐται, ΐτρια, άμόραι, χόρια, μυλλοί, πυραμουντες contain honey, γλυκίναι, νάνοι, and ταγηνΐται contain, oil, and έγκρίδες and σησαμίδες contain both. τ α τ* = δ σ σ α τε. Cf. 24.112, Housman on Μ?nil. 3-68, 103. 118 This line has commonly been taken W conjunction with 117 and under stood to refer to cakes moulded into the shapes of animals and birds. Shaped loaves or cakes are well k n o w n (see 26.7η., Lobcck Ag\. 1067, Hase Palaeologus 161); and the έλαφος (Ath. 14.646 ε) baked at the Ebphebolia, and the έχΐνος (ib. 647 A) may be supposed to have had the shapes of animals. 1 If this is so however the enumeration will confine itself entirely to the δεύτεραι τράπε3αι. These, being more ornamental, offer a more congenial theme for song, but one would expect some mention of the pieces de resistance, and this line, if detached from 117, will provide it; and I have accordingly transferred the strong stop from 118 to 117. The Petrie papyrus (p. 263) includes chickens and χορδαί, and there is no ground for thinking that meat was excluded from the offerings. ερπετά is coupled elsewhere with πετεινά (Hdt. 1.140) and π ο τ η τ ά (Αρ. Rh. 4.1240), and is used of animals generally (e.g. Od. 4.418, Xen. Mem. 1.4.11, Call. H. 1.13), not only of those that crawl and creep (cf. 5.37η.), though its common use of these has perhaps contributed to the belief that the line refers to cakes. 1 Shaped cakes as offerings were sometimes at any rate merely cheap substitutes for the animals they represented (Hdt. 2.47, Suid. s.v. βοΰς έβδομος), and these would find no place in Arsinoe's celebrations.
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119 σκιάδες: the word denotes a canopy, whether of gold or tapestry such as those used by Xerxes and Cleopatra (Plut. Them. 16, Ant. 26), or, as here, rustic arbours. So in Ptolemy's procession Dionysus has (Ath. 5.198 D) σκιάς εκ κισσού και αμπέλου και της λοιπής όπώρας κεκοσμημένη, προσήρτηντο δε και στέφανοι και ταινίαι και θύρσοι και τύμπανα και μίτραι, π ρ ό σ ω π α τε σατυρικά και κωμικά και τραγικά, and the equipment both for Ptolemy's symposium and Hiero's ship includes arbours, though the word σκιάς is not there used (ib. 196 D, 207 D). In the latter case, the arrangement being permanent, the ivy and vines grew in πίθοι. Here for a one-day festival cut greenery would suffice, but it the scene is a court yard or garden (78 n.) arbours would be formed in part at any rate of growing trees. Σκιάδες are commonly so represented on vases, and it such are meant here T.'s silence as to their materials is natural. The σκιάς for Dionysus has an obvious appropriateness to the god, and it may well be that Adonis, who is closely connected with vegetation, has one tor that reason, but greenery is very commonly represented in Greek banqueting scenes even if it is no more than a few sprays hanging on the walls (e.g. Langlotz Gr. Vasen in Wiirzburg T . 247); cf. Cat. 64.288. It docs not seem probable that the plural σκιάδες is a mere equivalent for the singular (K.B.G. 2.1.18), and unless we suppose Aphrodite and Adonis to have separate κλΐναι (123-30 n.), in which case they might have separate arbours, the plural requires explanation. It is suggested below (on 123-30) that they are to receive the guests at a subsequent stage in the proceedings. βρίθοισαι: the fern, form is under suspicion of being a conjecture in $ 3 . I print it with much hesitation, for though it is hard to understand why T. should have written βρίθοντες without metrical temptation, it is as hard to see why, if he wrote βρίθουσαι (or -οισαι), the masc. form should have replaced it in the ms tradition. There are numerous examples in Tragedy ot participles in -ων treated as having two terminations only and sporadic examples of other participles so treated, as Hes. fr. 248 δαϊ^ομένοιο πόληος, Nic. Th. 329 καταψηχθέντος άκάνθης, Αρ. Rh. 3.1393 τετρηχότα βώλον (cf. Rzach Gramm. Stud. 95); see Lobeck Agl. 216, Wilamowitz on Eur. Hipp. 1103, Acsch.: Intcrpr. 195, Herm. 75.127.* If βρίθοντες is right it must be defended on these lines. άνήθω: 7.63 n. Dill is a herb and cannot constitute the fabric of the σκιάδες, which are presumably hung or intertwined with bunches of it for the sake of the pertume. 120 Έ ρ ω τ ε ς : these will be figures of Eros suspended as though in flight above the σκιάδες. If the scene is a garden it will be natural to think of them hanging from higher branches of trees of which the lower branches have been utilised for the arbours. It is vain to guess of what material Arsinoe's Erotes were made, but Έρωτες of gaily painted terracotta meant to be suspended are known; see D. Burr Terra-cottas from Myrina in the Mus. of Fine Arts, Boston 48 if., J.H.S. 58, PL 17. I have translated κώροι boyish, but the word is not very distinctive since it is used of all ages from the unborn babe to the man of fighting age, and it may be that T. is influenced by the meaning puppet. Κόρος occurs with this meaning at Soph.fr. 536 (cf. Suid. κοροπλάθοι* ol τους κόρους πλάττοντες κηρω ή γύψορ) and the fern, κόρη, commoner in this sense, is obviously unsuitable to the male Έρωτες ot this context. 121 άηδονιδήες: the form does not occur elsewhere but is presumably correct, though the fern, οΐαι raises a doubt as to what $ 3 presented: Eust. 753.56 ώσπερ χηνιδεΐς λέγονται και περδικιδεΐς και κορωνιδεΐς και Ιερακιδεΐς και περιστεριδεΐς ol χηνών και περδίκων και των έξης γόνοι. Τ. has λυκιδεϊς (5.38); Aelian (N.A. 297
COMMENTARY
[122-123
7.47) records also λεοντιδεΐς, πιθηκιδεϊς, λαγιδεΐς, άλωπεκιδεΐς, άλεκτοριδεΐς, χηναλωττεκιδεΐς: γαλιδευς is cited from Cratinus (Jr. 265), and άετιδεύς from Aehan (Jr. 128). Cf. Cobet N.L. 151. Άλωπεκιδεΐς occurs in an anonymous epic fragment (Powell Coll. AL p. 73.9), and outside T. this is the only example of such words in serious poetry. 122 δζον άπ* δζω: A.P. 9.209 πωτωμένη 6jov άττ* 63ου. Similarly Aesch. Prom. 682 ynv προ γης έλαύνομαι (cf. Ar. Ach. 235, Blaydes ad loc), Norm. D. 39.352 αφ* όλκάδος όλκάδα βαίνων: cf. 11.69, 18.15 nn. 123-130 The singer turns to the centre-piece of the show, which consists of figures of Aphrodite and Adonis disposed on a couch or couches, but it is difficult to discover from her allusions the exact nature of the tableau. On the following day the figure of Adonis will be taken down to the sea-shore and Adonis mourned as dead (132 if.); and there the ritual will follow, though no doubt on a more magni ficent scale, regular Greek practice, in which funeral rites were held over images of Adonis: Σ arg., Plut.. Ale. 18 Άδωνίων yap els τάς ημέρας εκείνα* καθηκόντων εϊδωλα πολλαχοΟ νεκροί* έκκομι^ομένοι* δμοια προΟκειντο ταΐς γυναιξί, και ταφάς έμιμουντο κοπτόμεναι καΐ Θρήνους ήδον, NU. 13, Hesych. s.v. Άδώνιδος κήποι. Of this day's entertainment however there are no hints in references to the Adonia in other places, nor is any light thrown upon it by the litde we know of the Δαίδαλα at Plataea (where an image of Hera was carried out apparently to a Ιερός γάμος), the marriage of the βασίλιννα to the image at the Anthesteria at Athens, and Θεογάμια in various places. That the tableau represents, in some sense, the union of Aphrodite and Adonis is plain from 128-31, but if the scene were their θάλαμος and bridal couch one might expect the singer to adopt a more hymeneal tone, and I take it rather to be their bridal feast. This accords with the quasi-open-air setting (119) and the profusion of viands (112, 115 if.), which resemble, though perhaps accidentally, the καταχύσματα with which a bride (and others) were greeted (Σ Ar. Plut. 768 σύγκειται δέ τά καταχυσματα άττό φοινίκων, κολλύβων, τρωγαλίων, Ισχάδων καΐ καρύων). If that is so, the marriage of Peleus and Thetis in Cat. 64 provides analogies. There the puluinar geniale of ivory with crimson coverlet is set out (47), and viewed by spectators, succeeded presently by guests (267), who take their places at the banquet (303). The Parcae sing, but allude to the actual union of the bridal pair as still to come (328). In T. nothing is said of guests, but the offerings mentioned in 112 ff. are not meant to be wasted, and it is reasonable to conjecture, with Glotz (pp. 262 if.), that they will furnish a meal for a distinguished company when the spectators have departed. If so, they too will need couches, tables, and arbours; and it is perhaps for that reason that at 119 T. uses the plural σκιάδες. All is ready for the feast but as yet Aphrodite and Adonis are alone, and the magnificence with which they are surrounded leaves the singer and spectators with no eyes for the simpler accom modation destined for the human guests. In 127f. however the ms readings άλλα.. .τάν μεν.. .τάν δ' present Aphrodite and Adonis as occupying separate couches. This is incredible if the scene is the bridal bed, and though at a Greek wedding-feast men and women sat apart (Euangelus jr. 1, Luc. Symp. 8) the analogy is hardly relevant to a feast where the bride is a goddess. Moreover 130 seems to imply that Adonis is kissing the goddess and is therefore on the same couch with her. "Αλλα is open also to objections of another sort, for the line is oddly phrased in a picture the centre of which is occupied not by Aphrodite but by Adonis,1 nor is it very satisfactory to restrict (with Σ, and as άλλα compels) the comment of Miletus and the Samian shepherd to the words 1
T o suppose that Λλλα means this year as well as last is a desperate expedient.
298
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IDYLL XV
μαλακώτεροι ύπνω. Ι take it therefore that there is only one couch, as is probable on a priori grounds whatever the exact scene represented, and that 127 f. are corrupt (see nn. ad loc). In 123 f. some part of the decor is alluded to, and since the words are immediately followed by ττορφύρεοι δέ τάπητες άνω this must needs be the κλίνη, which is adorned with ebony, gold, and representations in ivory of Ganymede being carried up to heaven by an eagle. A similar couch is sketched at Cat. 64.47 puluinar uero diuae geniale locatur \ sedibus in mediis, Indo quod dente politum \ tincta tegit roseo conchyli purpura fuco. In T. the coverlets add a fourth colour-note to the ensemble, and they lead conveniently to the figures upon them. The plural αίετοί makes it fairly plain that a group of Ganymede and the eagle occurs at least twice, and the emphasis laid on it suggests that it occupies a conspicuous part of the tableau. We must therefore enquire where it is placed. Greek couches have rectangular or turned legs (the former going out in Hellenistic times) and, rising above the legs, a rest at one or either end. The rectangular classical type of rest is giving way in the 3rd cent, to the curved form familiar on Roman couches. Either shape of rest may be decorated with figures. A terra cotta couch from Tanagra (C. L. Ransom Couches and Beds, frontisp.) shows figures in relief on the rectangular type: the curved type had commonly, at least in Roman times, an animal's head at the top, orren a bust in relief at the bottom, and sometimes engraved scenes in the intervening space (ib. Pll. 8-17). The head-rest however hardly forms a field sufficiently conspicuous to merit the attention here devoted to Ganymede, and the curved head-rest, which is on the whole probable, provides a field into which it would be very hard to fit Ganymede in the grip of an eagle. This last objection rules out also the long lateral members of the couch, which were sometimes decorated. I conclude therefore that Ganymede and the eagle formed, or formed part of, the legs. At Ptolemy's sympodum the guests had κλΐναι χρυσαΐ σφιγγόττοδες (Ath. 5.197 A), and couches are often represented with a sphinx interpolated in a turned leg. I cannot provide a closer Hellenistic parallel, but sculptured supports for furniture of various kinds are very common in the Roman period (e.g. Richter Anc. Furniture figs. 325-36) and there is evidence to show that they had Hellenistic prototypes; note, for instance, the table legs in Pi. XII, and the throne-support in Pi. XIII. It may also be observed that Ganymede in the grip of an eagle, if conceived after the manner of the well-known group in the Vatican (J.H.S. 58.197). forms a T-shaped composition very suitable for a support.1 The group will naturally be viewed from the long side of the couch, and I envisage Ganymede and the eagle either forming, or applied to, the two visible legs, the spread wings of the bird supporting or covering the angle between the horizontal and vertical members. If the groups are set not frontally but at the corners, the wings may be folded back, one on the front the other on the end of the couch. On Greek couches see Ransom op. cit. 20, Richter op. cit. 54, RE 11.846: this, made of ebony and gilt, must, if the above analysis is correct, have presented a markedly Empire effect. The food mentioned in 112-18 will be set out on low round tables as in PL XII, and these too, though not described, may be as ornamental as the couch. The figures of Aphrodite and Adonis on the couch were presumably of light construction, and that of Adonis is to be carried down to the shore on the morrow 1 The marble group seems to have served some such purpose itself (see Rom. Mitt. 38.276), as did a small bronze of similar design in the Cabinet des Midailles (Babelon and Blanchet Cat. des Bronzes 17). A similar group occurs as an ear-ring pendant (Bull. Metrop. Mus. 32.293). For a much later couch supported on the heads of Νίκαι with spread wings see P. Fricdlander Spdtantiker Gemdldezyklus in Gaza (Studi e Testi 89) 26.
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[123-126
(132). W e need not speculate on the materials of which they were made (130 can hardly be assumed to imply colour), but Alexandrian coroplasts were expert at this sort of work, as the long catalogue of figures carried in Ptolemy's procession shows (Ath. 5.198 c, F, 200 D, 201 c, D, F, 202 c ; cf. Cumont VUgypte dcsAstrol. 101). Similarly the σκηνή for his symposium contained, besides innumerable statues (ib. 195 Α), άντρα in which were συμπόσια άντία αλλήλων έν αύτοϊς τραγικών τε και κωμικών και σατυρικών ^ώων άληθινόν εχόντων Ιματισμόν, ols τταρέκειτο και ποτήρια χρυσά (ib. 196 F ) ; and these, mutatis mutandis, probably convey the correct impression of Arsinoe's not dissimilar display. 123 f. έβενος: the black wood of more than one kind of tree, which came according to Hdt. 3.97, 114 from Acthiopia, according to Theophr. H.P. 4.4.6 from India. Ptolemy's supplies came from the former source, for in his pro cession were ΑΙΘίοπες δωροφόροι ων οι μεν εφερον οδόντας εξακόσιους, έτεροι δε εβένου κορμούς δισχιλίους (Ath. 5·20ΐΑ; see RE 5-1893, Blumner Techn. 2.258). For its use in furniture see C.I.G. 3071 έβένινος δίφρος, Ο ν . Met. 11.610, Clem. Al. Paed. 2.188 P. For the lengthening of the final syllable see i.86n. ώ έκ λευκώ έ λ έ φ α ν τ ο ς : for ώ shortened see 1.115 η . ; for the long vowel unshortened in hiatus in the 5th foot 22.174; for έκ of material 1.128 η. The prepositional phrase is attached to αίετοί as, e.g., 7.15, 9.10. One would naturally have supposed that in a polychrome work of this character Ganymede was of ivory, the eagle of other material. It is hardly conceivable that the flesh of the boy should have been gilt against ivory eagles, and it seems therefore that the gold and ebony represent the decorated frame of the κλίνη which contrasts with the plastic decoration in ivory. 125 τάπητες are rugs or coverlets regularly used on beds or seats. They are called ούλοι by Homer (//. 16.224) but are distinguished by Ammonius (s.v.) from άμφιτάπητες by having the nap on one side only. For purple τάπητες cf. //. 9.200, Bacch. jr. 21, A.P. 6.250, Anacreont. 35.2. Στρώματα περιπόρφυρα are mentioned in Westcrmann and Hasenoehrl Zenon Pap. 15, and the combination of ivory beds with purple blankets is not uncommon: Plat. Cora./r. 208, Varro Men.fr. 447, Cat. 64.48 (see p. 299), Hor. Serm. 2.6.102, Ciris 440. μαλακώτεροι ΰ π ν ω : 5.51η. 126 f. For reasons given in the n. on 123-130 I reject the άλλα presented both by $ 3 and mss. Miletus was famous for its wool throughout antiquity (Ar. Ran. 542, Σ ad loc.y Lys. 729, E u b u l . / r . 90, Plut. Ale. 23, Strab. 12.578, Ezech. 27.18, Cic. Verr. 1.86, Virg. G. 3.306, 4.334, Colum. 7.2.3, Plin. N.H. 8.190) and Milesian sheep and wool are mentioned in the Zenon papyri (p.Cair. Zen. 59195, Zen. Mich. 107). Samian wool does not seem to be mentioned elsewhere, but Poly crates is alleged to have imported sheep from Miletus to improve the breed (Ath. 12.540 D ) . It seems therefore that 127 is the comment of these two places on their contribution to the show, and since this consists not of the κλίνη but of the στρώματα it is better to write for άλλα the dat. of the agent άμμιν than Ahrens's άμά. 1 1 *Αμΐν would be slightly easier, and, whether or no it should be accepted, may account for the error. T.'s 1st and 2nd pers. plur. pronouns are troublesome. In this poem άμών is the reading of $ 3 and mss at 68 and 94, supported at 68 by ^ 2 . The only other gen. in a genuine Doric poem is at 2.158, where $ 3 and mss again agree on άμών; there is therefore no evidence that in the gen. T. admitted the apparently Aeolic forms. In the other cases the evidence is less clear. In this poem the mss agree on 4 Ομμιν, 17 άμμιν, 59 άμμιν, j$ άμμε, 76 άμμιν, 132 άμμε$ except that K has ηβ άμιν, 132 άμε$: $ 3 . absent at 75 and 76, supports them at 4 and 132, but at 17 and 59 dissents. Wilamowitz, w h o m I follow, writes -μμ- throughout; Ahrens preferred
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I D Y L L XV
It is just possible that Miletus supplies the couch, Samos the coverlets, for Critias jr. 35 Diels (Ath. 11.486 Ε; cf. jr. 2.7) mentions κλίνη Μιλησιουργής και δίφρος Μιλησιουργής, and the former occurs in an inventory apparently of Alcibiades's effects (I.G. 1.2.330). If this is so, άμα will be required, Miletus and Samos combining to provide the couch and its coverings. At first sight the variation in TVs phrasing (ά Μίλατος. . .ό τ . Σ. καταβόσκων) lends some colour to this inter pretation, but the celebrity of Milesian wool is a strong argument in favour of the other. The nature of κλΐναι Μιλησιουργεΐς is unknown (cf. Watzinger Gr. Holzsarkophage 91), and the adj. may denote shape or style rather than place of actual manufacture (2.156 η.), though that would not preclude T. from using the name as it is here used. τήν Σαμίαν: sc. γ ή ν , as Hdt. 1.70 κατά την Σαμίην, Strab. 14.636. καταβόσκων: the compound occurs at Call. H. 3.125, Nic. 77/. 244, Exod. 22.5 έάν δε καταβοσκήση τις άγρόν, and more than once in 3rd-ccnt. papyri (e.g. p.Soc. It. 346, 372), and Σ are plainly mistaken in wishing to read Σαμίαν κάτα though ξύλοχον κάτα βοσκομενάων is no doubt right at II. 5.162. 128 If we are right in rejecting τάν μ έ ν . , . τ ά ν δέ (i23~3on.), the simplest correction is to write τον μεν and to attach the line to what follows. *Εχειν will then have the same sense as in 131, where Ιχοισα will resume it. £οδόπαχυς: 2.148 η. The adj. is not used elsewhere of a male person. 129 έννεακαΐδεχ*: sc. ετών. The noun is to be gathered from the adj. as at 26.29 ε "Ί δ' ένναετής ή και δεκάτω έπιβαίνοι, Οά. 3·3°4 επταετές δ' ήνασσε.. . τ ω δέ ol ό γ δ ο ά τ ω : cf. II. 1.53 έννήμαρ μέν.. .τη δεκάτη δε, 24.610, 664, Od. 5-IC7, 10.81, 14.241, 252. Similarly II. 22.349 δεκάκις τε και είκοσινήριτ' άττοινα. Cf. 2.155 n. At Call. Η. 6.131 αΐτινες έξήκοντα κατώτεραι the ellipse of ετών is not helped by neighbouring words. γαμβρός: bridegroom as 18.9, 16, 49, 22.140, Sapph. frr. 99, 103-6, Pind. P. 9.116 {cf. jr. 65), Arat. 248; cf. 77 η. 130 κ€ντ€ΐ: Mart. 11.39.3 xam mihi nigrescunt tonsa sudaria barba | et qucritur labrisputicta puella meis, Tib. 1.8.31, Longus 1.16.5 (see 3.9η.). πυρρά: 6.3 n. The word is probably fern. sing. (sc. θρίξ) rather than ncut. plur. For the ellipse cf. 19 η. 132 O n the rites here mentioned sec 113, 123-30nn. &μα δρόσω: she means while the dew is still on the ground, but speaks as though the formation of dew occurred only in the early morning: άντι τοΰ άμα ήμερα, τότε y a p πίπτει ή δρόσος εν τ η yfj, Σ. As this is manifestly contrary to fact and conflicts with the common view that dew was connected with the moon (see Housman on Manil. 4.501, C.Q. 41.90), the expression is perhaps merely careless. The ritual agrees with Greek custom, by which funerals took place before sunrise (Dcm. 43.62, Plat. Legg. 960A). 133 π τ ύ ο ν τ α : the word is not elsewhere used absolutely of the sea, but cf. //. 4.426 (κύμα) άποπτύει δ* αλός άχνην. The verb occurs of jetsam cast up, both uncompounded (A.P. 7.283, O p p . Hal. 5.596) and in compounds (Empcd. Jr. 115, A.P. 6.224, Orph. Lith. 523, Alciphr. 1.10 Sch., Long. 3.27.4). $ 3 has presumably altered the word to the more obvious κλύ^οντα. the other forms. For the same uncertainty in other poems sec 1.15, 116, 145, 5.25, i n , 7.2, 145, 14.20, 18.22, 39, 22.171, 218. If my choice of variants in the Doric poems is correct, the -μ- form of the dat. is a trochee only at epigr. 22.1. Elsewhere I have, with Wilamowitz, written the forms άμΐν and Ομϊν. Apollonius Dyscolus however apparently held that they should be oxytonc or, if enclitic, propcrispomena. There arc traces of this doctrine in the tradition, and Ahrcns and Gallavotti may have been right in enforcing it.
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134 κ ό λ π ο ν : presumably they unfasten the ττερόναι on their shoulders so that the upper part of their χιτώνες falls from the girdle before and behind, leaving the upper part of the body bare, though if, as is usual at this period, the girdle is worn below the breast rather than round the waist, the falling drapery will hardly reach their ankles (cf. 21 n., p. 274). For the baring of the breast in lamentation see //. 22.79 όδύρετο δάκρυ χέουσα | κόλπον άνιεμένη, έτέρηφι δέ μοτ^όν άνέσχε, Polyb. 2.56.7 κόμας διερριμμένας και μαστών έκβολάς, προς δέ τούτοις δάκρυα καΐ θρήνους, Ο ν . Met. 13.688 effusaeque cotnas et apertaepectora mattes \ significant luctum, Petron. i n non contenta uulgari more funus passis prosequi ainibus aut nudatum pectus in conspectu frequentiae plangere, Cat. 64.64, O v . Met. 3.481, F. 4.454. At II. I.e. the exhibition of her breasts by a bereaved mother has a special point (cf. Ov. Met. 10.391, Sen. Here. Oet. 929); it seems in general connected with the beating of the breasts, and so with specific reference to the Adonia A.P. 5.53, 193 (Dioscorides). 135 στήθεσι: for the dat. c{. 7.20 η. άοιδας: 98 η. Bion's 'Επιτάφιος Άδώνιδος, which refers (98) to next year's lamentations, was perhaps composed for such a ceremony. 136 ένθάδε: on earth: Ar. Ran. 82, Blaydes ad loc. 137 ημιθέων: Adonis may be distinguished from Persephone (who also spends part of her time in Hades) because she is a goddess, from the Dioscuri because when absent from earth they are not in Hades but in Olympus (Pind. P. 11.64), and from Sisyphus because Sisyphus escaped only once; but he is a ημίθεος of a very different kind from the desultory catalogue of heroes which follows. μονώτατος: the superlative occurs at Ar. Equ. 352, Plut. 182, and occasionally in prose; e.g. Lycurg. 88, 89, Philod. Rhet. 1.350 Sudhaus, [Hdt.] Vit. Horn. 37, 2 Ki. 13.32, 17.2. 138 6 μ έ γ α ς : //. 16.358; cf. ib. 9.169, 11.563, 23.811, Soph. Aj. 205. He is also called πελώριος (e.g. II. 17.360). βαρυμάνιος: the adj. is elsewhere βαρύμηνις. The reference is, as Σ observe, to the anger of Aias over the arms of Achilles (Od. 11.543). 139 εΐκατι: τ ω άρτίω αριθμώ άποκέχρηται ώς καΐ Σιμωνίδης (fr. 49)· "Ομηρος έννεακαίδεκα λέγει (//. 24.496), Σ; see Roscher 3-2937140 Πατροκλής: suggested perhaps by II. 23.65 if. The 3rd-decl. form of the nom. does not occur in Homer, where however the oblique cases are sometimes used (e.g. II. I.e., 16.125 f., Od. 11.468). 141 Λαπίθαι: Τ . is thinking, no doubt, of Nestor's encomium at II. 1.262. Δευκαλίωνες: the plur. can hardly, in the presence of the other plurals, denote people like Deucalion (as Luc. Tim. 4 Φαέθοντες ή Δευκαλίωνες), and is probably, as Σ say, used as a patronymic (cf. Lobeck Par. 303). Deucalion stands elsewhere for a figure of remotest antiquity (Plat. Tim. 22 A, A.P. 11.67, 7*> [Plut.] pro Nob. 3), and I understand Δευκαλίωνες not of his reputed sons or, as Σ, of the Thessalians or Locrians, but more generally of the first generation after the flood. It will then follow the chronological suggestion of ol έτι πρότεροι. 142 Πελοπηιάδαι: an unfortunate choice, since one of them, Agamemnon, has already been separately mentioned. The form -ηιάδαι occurs also at Pind. N. 8.12. "Αργεος: possibly ΤΤελασγικόν "Αργός in Thessaly (//. 2.681) the άκρα of which were the Aeacidae. These balance the Pelopidae suitably, but one of them, Pyrrhus, has again been mentioned separately. The Peloponnesian Argos is called Πελασγόν (Eur. Or. 692, 1247, 1296), the country Πελασγία (ib. 960, LA. 1498), the in habitants Πελασγοί (Eur. Or. 857; cf. Call. H. 5.4), and its king Πελασγός (Aesch. 302
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Suppl. 251), but here the άκρα were the Pelopidae, and Pelasgus, compared with them, is of small account. άκρα: for the neut. cf. 10.29η., Aesch. Eum. 487 αστών τ ω ν έμών τ α βέλτατα, Soph. Ph. 434 °S σου πατρός ήν τ ά φίλτατα, Phryn. p. 421 Lob. καΐ τ ά άκρα των 'Ελλήνων ττταίοντα όραται. The omission of the article is unusual, but cf. Eur. Hec. 794. For άκρος = elite see Adam on Plat. Rep. 366 B, Blaydes on Soph. El. 1499. 143 ΐλαος, ώ : I have preferred the reading of $ 3 since there is some awkward ness in the repeated vuv which, in this line, may have come from 144. O n the quantity of the α see 5.18 n. For ΐλαος (sc. εΐης or ΐσθι), cf. Soph. O.C. 1480 ΐλαος, ώ δαίμων, ΐλαος, Parthen./r. 32 Martini ΐλαος ώ Ύμέναιε. The form ΐλαθι offered by the mss occurs first at Simon, jr. 49 and is regular in the Alexandrian poets (Call. H. 6.139, jr. 638, Ap. Rh. 4.1014, 1600; ΐλατε id. 4.984, 1333, 1411, 1773; Ιληθι only id. 2.693). ές νέωτ* is the ordinary phrase for next year. Ές νέον, which Wilamowitz preferred, cannot be supported by such forms as έσαΟΘις, εσαεί since the adverb νέον means lately, not hereafter, and would involve an ellipse of έτος. Ές νέω has been defended from Leg. Sacr. Cyren. Β 44 (4th cent. B.C.) and Berl. Urk. 3-95SC (3rd A.D.), but the reading is uncertain in both places. For the synizesis of-εω- cf., e.g., 7.122 φρουρέωμες. ε ύ θ υ μ ε ύ σ α ι ς : fern., like άθρόαι at 132, because the festival is essentially a women's affair though it seems that Arsinoe's show has attracted some male spectators (71, 74, 89). The singer speaks for the assembled company; Gorgo at 149, thinking of the general welfare, uses the masc. 145 There is probably some reminiscence of Eur. And. 181 έπίφθονόν τι χρήμα θηλειών εφυ (ι/./, θηλείας φρενός), Phoen. 198 φιλόψογον δέ χρήμα θηλειών εφυ, but ά Θήλεια, as appears from what follows, means not the sex in general but the particular singer. I do not know ή θ. elsewhere so used, nor the adj. at all where there is so little perceptible emphasis on the sex, but cf. 17.35 n. χ ρ ή μ α : 83, 18.4nn. σ ο φ ώ τ α τ ο ν : the comp. of the mss should mean rather or too σοφός (K.B.G. 2.2.305) and is less suitable. For the confusion of the terminations see 12.32 η. 146 The commendation resembles 8.82 (where see n.) and probably implies that the composition as well as the performance is the singer's own. The knowledge commended by Gorgo may include the rules of verse, but she seems to be admiring the mythological erudition of 137-42. ό λ β ι α : as Hes. W.D. 826 ευδαίμων τε και όλβιος δς τάδε π ά ν τ α | είδώς έργά3ηται, Th. 954, Α.Ρ. 9.189 όλβιαι όρχηΘμοΟ πολυγηθέος. For ό σ σ α . . .ώς = δτι τόσα, ότι οΟτως see 13.66η. ϊσατι: 5.119 η. 147 ώρα: 2 6 η . κής οίκον: for the ellipse of the verb of motion see i . n 6 n . άνάριστος: Hor. Ep. 1.15.29 impransus non qui ciuem dinosceret hoste. "Αριστον, in Homer the first meal of the day, had been replaced as such by άκρατισμός, -μα ( ι . 5 i n . ) and had taken the place of the Homeric δεϊττνον as the midday meal, while δεϊττνον had become the evening meal, the Homeric δόρπον disappearing (Ath. 1 . H E ) . The rime therefore will be towards midday. The resemblance of Hdas 6.97 (quoted on 26 above) can hardly be mere coincidence. 148 χ ώ ν ή ρ : 1.72 η. δ ξ ο ς : ιο.ΐ3 η · The figurative use is commoner in Latin than in Greek: Ar. Equ. 1304, Vesp. 1082, Com. Adesp. 698, Σ Ar. Plut. 720, Plaut. Pseud. 739 ecquid is homo habet aceti in pectore?, Bacch. 405, True. 179, Hor. Serm. 1.7.32, al.
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[i49
&παν: 3.18η.* 149 Χ«φ€> "Αδιυν: for the hiatus cf. 17.135 χαίρε αναξ, a common formula in Homeric hymns (15.9, 16.5, 19.48, 21.5, 31.17), where the digamma explains it. Χαίρε, "Αδων is perhaps on that analogy, for T.'s other examples of hiatus at this place (32, 24.71 nn., 10.28 και τ ο Τον) are hardly parallel. The form Ά δ ω ν is used by Nossis (A.P. 6.275), and Hesych. has "Αδωνα* τόν "Αδωνιν, perhaps from her. "Αδων is also cited, apparently as the name of a Phrygian slave, from Alcman fr. 112 (Ath. 14.624 B). ocpiKvcO: the choice between the imperative άφικνεΟ and the indicative άφίκευ depends on whether Gorgo should end with a prayer, in which case she will echo 143 TXaos.. .καΐ is νέωτα, or with an expression of present satisfaction, in which case she will echo εύθυμεύσαις και νυν ήνθες. The prayer seems more appropriate; cf. Hdas 4.86 (at the close of a similar scene) κυγίτ) πολλή | 2λθοιμεν OVTIS μέ3ον* ΐρ' αγινεΟσαι, Call./r. 112.7 χαίρε, συν ευεστοΐ δ' 2ρχεο λωιτέρη.
304
IDYLL XVI PREFACE Subject. In t w o introductory couplets T. asserts that it is the duty of mortal minstrels to sing the praises of fellow mortals, and he goes on to complain that in these close-fisted days it is hard for a poet to find a patron. The proper use of wealth is not to hoard it but to spend it with discrimination, and there is no better way of employing it than upon poetry, which will in return bestow immortality upon the patron. The ears of the miserly are closed to reason, but in Sicily a patron is arising w h o will need T. to celebrate his exploits. Syracuse, with Hiero at its head, is arming for war, and with the help of heaven the Carthaginians will be driven from Sicily and the island restored to peace and prosperity. T. needs only an invitation to place his services at the victor's disposal. The poem, which has not always been estimated at its proper worth, is among T.'s most remarkable achievements. As will be seen from the notes it is inspired almost throughout by the choral lyrics of Pindar and Simonides, and its sentiments are largely commonplaces, but the materials are assimilated to their new form and purpose with consummate artifice, and the two main themes—the importance of employing poets (22-57) a n d t n e prayer for Syracuse (71-100)—are handled in passages of sustained beauty not surpassed elsewhere by T. The task of begging a powerful patron for a commission, in any case difficult, presents special difficulties for poets as artificial and self-conscious as the Alexandrians, and the stiffness of T.'s opening and close and of his transitions (66, i o i n n . ) shows him not quite to have mastered them. Nevertheless the poem as a whole is strikingly and unexpectedly successful and makes not only the court poetry of Callimachus but T.'s own Id. 17 sound frigid and sycophantic. It would seem however to have elicited no response from Hiero (see Introd. pp. xvii, xxv), whose only recorded benefaction to litera ture is a reward for an epigram by the Athenian Archimelus (Ath. 5.209B). The troubled state of Sicily in the early part of Hiero's reign left him however with little leisure for the elegant occupations of some Hellenistic princes (see RE 8.1509). D a t e . Hiero II rose to power after Pyrrhus's departure from Sicily in 276/5 B.C.: Justin 23.4 post profectioriem a Sicilia Pyrri magistratus Hiero creatur, cuius tanta moderatio fuit ut consentiente omnium ciuitatium fauore dux aduersus Karthaginienses primum, mox rex creareturf Zonar. 8.6 ό δε γε Ίέρων ούτε πατρόθεν έττιφάνειαν έχων τινά, μητρόθεν δέ καΐ δουλεία προσήκων, Σικελίας άπάσης ήρξε μικροΟ, καΐ φίλος 'Ρωμαίοις ένομίσθη και σύμμαχος, ούτος ούν των Συρακούσιων κρατήσας μετά την του Πυρρού φυγή ν και τους Καρχηδονίους εύλαβηθείς έγκει μένους τη · Σικελία προς τους * Ρωμαίους άπέκλινε. These authorities do not say that Hiero came into power immediately after the departure of Pyrrhus, but as, according to Justin, he had distinguished himself under Pyrrhus (multis militaribus donis donatus est), it is probable; and if w e accept the statement of Paus. 6.12.2 that he became ruler (την αρχήν εσχεν) in O l y m p . 126.2 (275/4 B.C.), it is certain. The common source of all three authors is thought to be Timaeus. The question when Hiero took the title of king has some relevance both direct and indirect to the problem of dating the IdylL T. nowhere so speaks ot him, though if, at 74, he is compared to Achilles and Aias rather than to Agamemnon, the GT
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fact is sufficiently accounted for by their superior prowess in battle, since it is as a warrior that Hiero is there commended. If he was in fact king at the time, the absence of the title is perhaps surprising; but it is not in itself conclusive, for as he seems to have been king in all but name for some years, the assumption of the title hardly increased his eligibility as a patron, and in the similar poem to Ptolemy (Id. 17), whose throne was established, the title, though not absent, is little stressed (85, 92, 105; cf. 74). It is legitimate however to observe that the whole tone of Id. 17 is such that even were the title absent nobody would doubt that it was addressed to a ruling prince. No such note is struck in T.'s references to Hiero. The date of Hiero's assuming the crown is also indirectly relevant because our information about it introduces a difficulty into the chronology set out above. Polybius (7.8.4) speaks of Hiero as έτη πεντήκοντα καΐ τέτταρα βασιλεύσας, and as he died in 215 B.C. this would be explained by the assumption that he took the title of βασιλεύς in 269 when he had already governed Syracuse as στρατηγός for some six years. Polybius (1.9.8) however also states that he became king after defeating the Mamertines on the river Λόγγανος, which is usually identified with the Λοίτανος, mentioned as the scene of a Mamertine defeat at Diod. 22.24. The battle mentioned by Polybius should, according to the previous argument, fall in 269 B.C., but since it is connected by Polybius with a Mamertine embassy to Rome, and since an alliance between these powers led to the First Punic War, some have dated it in 264 B.C., and the battle described by Diodorus would certainly seem to have occurred about that date. It is then necessary to suppose that the 54 years of Polyb. 7.8.4 include five in which Hiero was στρατηγός not βασιλεύς, and that he came into power not in 275/4 B.C. but in 269, and became king only in 264. Lucian, who states (Macrob. 10) on the authority of Demetrius of Callatis that Hiero died at the age of ninety-two βασιλεύσας έβδομήκοντα ετη, is evidentlywrong in the last particular and his mss might be corrected to suit either hypothesis.1 It does not seem possible to resolve these difficulties entirely, but certain con siderations indicate that Hiero is more likely to have become king in 269 than in 264. In the first place it seems somewhat improbable that he would have called his son Gelo if he was not already king, and Gelo, who died before his father aged over fifty (Polyb. 7.8.9, Liv. 23.30.12), must have been born before 264. In the second place, Hiero was over ninety at his death in 215 B.C. (Polyb. 7.8.7, Liv. 24.4.4), ^ d if Lucian correctly states his age as ninety-two he was born in 307 B.C. He was at any rate old enough to earn distinction under Pyrrhus; and Polybius (1.8.3) describes him as νέον μέν όντα κομιδή when he rose to power—an indication favouring the early rather than the later date. It may be added that Diodorus speaks of Hiero as king at the battle on the Loitanus, and it seems possible therefore either that this should not be identified with the battle on the Longanus or that Polybius was mistaken in supposing that Hiero was made king on that occasion. Hiero, then, rose to power at Syracuse in 275 B.C. or, less probably, in 269. All that can be gathered from T. is that at the date of the poem he is contemplating a campaign against the Carthaginians. The only known occasions when Hiero was so engaged are on his first rise to power, when according to Justin (above) he was made dux aduersus Karthaginienses, and as an ally of Rome in the First Punic War. It is possible that there were other occasions of which we know nothing (for the history of Hiero's reign is fragmentary), and also possible that T., who may well not have been writing in Sicily (see 107 η.), was not abreast of Sicilian affairs; but if we are to choose between the first and second of these two occasions there are 1 The simplest correction would be to read έξήκοντα and to suppose that Demetrius is counting from Hiero's rise to power rather than from his assumption of the royal tide.
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good reasons for preferring the earlier. The fact that Hiero is not called king is, as has been said, of no weight, but the tone of the poem is markedly one of expectation only. In 263 B.C. Hiero had been ruler for some time and had to his credit successes against the Mamertines; and though direct reference to these might have been difficult (since the Mamertines were n o w allies) an allusion to previous military prowess would have been easy and apposite. It may also be doubted whether at that date the expectation, even in a panegyric, would have been quite so confident, for Hiero had lately been in alliance with Carthage, and the circumstances in which he deserted her for Rome were neither glorious nor encouraging. It would thus seem that the poem is to be dated immediately after Hiero's accession to power, and that that event is to be dated in 275/4 B -C rather than in 269. That conclusion is reinforced by the contents of the poem—the stinginess of the times and the difficulty of finding a patron. In Id. 17, which seems to have been written in 273/2 B . C , T. loudly commends the generosity of Ptolemy Philadelphus in such matters (i7.H2ff.), and unless he had quarrelled with Ptolemy (of which there is no evidence) it is difficult to believe that he would have written Id. 16 with these commendations so fresh in his mind. In other words Id. 16 seems to have been written before 273/2 B.C. If, then, this Idyll is correctly dated to 275/4 B.C. it follows that it falls within the limits in which fall also Idd. 15 and 17—that is to say between Ptolemy's marriage to Arsinoc, probably in 278, and her death in July 270 (see p. 265). The implications of this dating will be more conveniently discussed in connexion with Id. 17 (sec p. 326). Title. The title Χάριτες, whether due to T. or not, suggests the encomiastic and epinician tone of the poem. O n its significance see 6, 107 nn. T. ostensibly points to Simonides as a poet w h o has conferred immortality on his patrons, and the scanty remains of Simonides's lyrics do not allow us to judge what part the Graces played in them. In Pindar their part is large, and though Pindar is not named, the almost continuous echo of his phrases and sentiments may help to set him beside Simonides and to remind Hiero of his services to Hiero I.
ι Διός κούραις: i.e. Μούσας, as //. 2.491, Hes. Th. 76 and regularly, though other poetical fancies as to their parentage are recorded by Tzctzes on Hes. W.D. 1. 2 κλέα ανδρών: //. 9.189, 524, Od. 8.73; cf. 8.14η. 4 οΐδε: here present, as Od. 1.76 ημείς οΐδε περιφρα^ώμεθα ττάντες | νοστον, and here meaning in effect on earth. This distinction between the function of the Muse and of the mortal poet is not drawn elsewhere and seems dictated by the stiff and antithetical form in which T. has chosen to cast his introductory quatrain, but at Hes. Th. 3 off. the gods are at least the first and principal theme of the Muses* song. 5 γ α ρ : 1-4 assert that mortal bards should sing of mortal men, 5-21 that they are prevented from doing so by the stinginess of possible patrons, and the natural connexion would seem to be adversative. Hence δ* άρ(α) and τ ' άρ (cf. //. 1.8) were not unplausibly proposed by Warton and others. If y a p is right we may perhaps suppose that it introduces a reason for dissent or an objection urged by the poet against himself (cf. Denniston Gk Part. 77) and has approximately the force of αλλά γ ά ρ . γλαυκάν ύπ' ή ώ : 'beneath the blue of day', ηώς being used generally for day or daylight, as //. 5.267 πτττων όσσοι εασιν υττ' ή ώ τ* ήέλιόν τε and often (7-35»
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[6-10
Ι 2 . ι η η . , 17.59, Call. H. 3.249, Quint. S. 13.341, Musae. n o , 287). Prose-writers say ΰ π ό τον ήλιον (Dem. 18.270, Aeschin. 2.41) or υ π ό τον ούρανόν (Plat. Tim. 23 c, Epist. 326c). For ύττό c. ace. of extent see 7.76η. Γλαυκάν would seem to mean bright. T., w h o employs the adj. more freely than other Alexandrian poets, uses it elsewhere of the sea (7.59, n . 4 3 , 16.61, [21.55]) as does Ap. Rh. 1.182, and of Athena (28.1, [20.25]); Arat. 369 has it of a star, presumably in the sense of bright, which is confirmed by the use of ΰπογλαύσσειν at Call. H. 3.54, Mosch. 2.86 and of διαγλαύσσειν at Ap. Rh. 1.1281. The belief that ϋ π ' ή ώ means in the east is plainly mistaken, and it is unnecessary to discuss the inferences as to T.'s life which have been drawn from it. 6 Χάριτας: in Pindar the Χάριτες, in addition to their duties in Olympus, dispense honour and glory to mortals (O. 2.55,7.11, P. 5.45, 8.21, N. 10.38, I. 6.63), are patronesses of epinician songs (O. 4.9, N. 6.37), inspire their writers (O. 9.27, P. 6.2, 9.3, 89, N. 4.7, 9.54, J. 8.16) and attend their performance (N. 5.54, /. 5.21). From the last t w o passages however, and particularly from /. 5.21 συν Χάρισιν δ* εμολον Λάμπωνος υΐοΐς | τάνδ* ές εΰνομον πόλιν, it is a short step to treating Χάριτες as personifications of the poems, and T. so treats them here (10; cf. Σ 6 τ α οίκεΐα ποιήματα). W h e n his laudatory poems meet with no reward they return grumbling to their chest. It is possible that the prominence of the Χάριτες in Pindar is partly due to the immemorial cult at Orchomenus (104 η.), and they are naturally prominent in O. 14 written for a native of that town, but they appear in the same role in Simonides (fr. 148) and Bacchylides (1.151, 5.9, 9.1, 19.6), and it is primarily Simonides rather than Pindar of w h o m T. is thinking (44). πετάσας: the object most naturally supplied would be θύρας, θύρετρα (Od. 21.50), πύλας (77. 21.531), and the ellipse is not difficult (cf. 14.42η.). The presence of οίκω however perhaps invites us to supply οίκον: cf. Ath. 1.3 c άναπεπταμένην εχοντι τοις φίλοις την οΐκίαν. Whichever the noun, the sentiment may be suggested by Pind. JV. 9.2 ενβ* άναπεπταμέναι ξείνων νενίκανται θύραι (of a Sicilian patron). 8 σ χ υ ζ ό μ ε ν α ι : 25.245—apparently the only appearances of the verb between Homer and Quintus (3.133, 5.338). 9 τωθάζοισαι: the word, unknown elsewhere to serious poetry, is commonly used of rough jesting or mockery; e.g. Alex. Aet. fr. 7 Powell (of Euripides) μισόγελως και τωθά^ειν ουδέ παρ* οϊνον μεμαθηκώς, Ar. Vesp. 1362, 1368, Hdt. 2.60, Plat. Hipp. Ma. 290A, Suidas s.v. "Ακρων. Here it suggests rather scorn or abuse than jesting, as perhaps at Hdas 7.103 την γυναίκα τωθά^ει | κακοΐσι δέννοις. δ τ ' : 11.54η. άλιθίην: 10.40η. iofF. The figure, as Σ arg. say, seems to be suggested by an anecdote of Simonides told most lucidly at Stob. 3.10.38: Σιμωνίδην, παρακαλουντός τίνος έγκώμιον ποιήσαι και χάριν έξειν λέγοντος άργύριον δέ μη δίδοντος, Δύο, εϊπεν ούτος, έχω κιβωτούς, την μέν χαρίτων τήν δέ αργυρίου* και προς τάς χρείας την μέν τών χαρίτων κενή ν ευρίσκω δταν ανοίξω, τήν δέ χρήσιμη ν μόνην: ct. Plut. Mor. 520A, 555F, Σ Ar. Pax 696, Tzctz. Chil. 8.814. In the anecdote χάριτες means thanks; in T., w h o is using χάριτες in another sense, the symbolism is less clear. His χηλός is apparently a receptacle for books and money alike, and it is empty of the latter (but only of the latter) because the χάριτες have returned άδώρητοι. There is no impropriety in the same chest being used for both, for the round boxin which rolls stood on end seems not to occur before late Hellenistic times, and before then books had been kept in the oblong chests used for clothes and other valuables (Birt Buchrolle in d. Kunst 248). O n the anecdote of Simonides see also
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Wcndel T.-scholien 104, Wilamowitz Sappho u. Sim. 149, and for the miserliness of the poet p.Hib. 17, Pfeiffer on Call./r. 222. εν π υ θ μ έ ν ι : there is, at any rate to a modern ear, some inelegance in the repetition of the preposition with different force in the next line and έπί should perhaps be preferred; cf. however Mosch. 4.96 έλάχαινε δεδεγμένοί ως έπί μισθω | τάφρον τηλεθάοντος έπ* έσχατιή τίνος άγροΰ. At 2.ii2f. the repetition of έπί is eased by the change of case. χ η λ ο ΰ : the w o r d is not distinguishable in meaning from κιβωτό*, κίστη, λάρναξ (15.33 η.), and is regularly glossed with the first of these words. The state ment of Eustathius (1056.45) that it is Laconian seems improbable, for it occurs several times in H o m e r as a receptacle for clothes and other valuables (e.g. //. 16.254, Ol 13.10). γονάτεσσι: the form occurs again in Kaibel Ep. Gr. 782, and similarly Quint. S. 6.363 δοράτεσσι. The attitude, head on knees, denotes sorrow (Ceb. Tab. 10 καλείται.. .ή την κεφαλήν έν τοις γόνασιν έχουσα Λύπη, Charit. 1.8.3 ένθεϊσα τοις γόνασι τήν κεφαλήν έθρήνει, Aristaen. 2.5, Apul. 4.24.1; ci. Αρ. Rh. 3.706), but there may be also some suggestion of the Charites sitting cramped in the chest; cf. Hor. Serin. 2.7.59 turpi clausus in area | . . .contractumgenibus tangas caput. 13 τοιόσδε: sc. οϊος ημετέρας χάριτας υποδέξεται. φιλήσει: probably in the Homeric sense of entertain (28.6η.). ιό ύπό κ ό λ π ο υ : on the gen. see 11.51 η. Κόλπος is the fold in the chiton made by pulling the garment up through the belt and creating a bag-like fold which overhangs the belt and may be used as a pocket for holding or secreting things. So Alcmeon entered the treasury of Croesus ένδύς κιθώνα μέγον και κόλπον βαθυν καταλιπόμενος του κιθώνος which he filled with gold-dust (Hdt. 6.125); cf. Eur. Ion 888, Ap. Rh. 4.24, Polyb. 3.33.2, Plut. Sull. 29, Luc. Conu. 46, Dial. Mer. 4.5. Lucian uses υ π ό κόλπου of objects inside the fold (Hes. 2 ύ π ό κόλπου φυλάττεις τήν δωρεάν ου μεταδιδους αυτής τοις δεομένοις, Herm. 37» 81, Merc. cona. 27, adu. hid. 12), and T. probably invites us to picture the miser clutching not the outside of the fold but the money within it. οϊσεται: for the hyperbaton see 29.3 η. The variant αυσεται is plainly old, and should be accepted if there is really a verb α ύ ω = λ α μ β ά ν ω , δέχομαι (see Sitzungsb. Berl. Ak. 1918.770, Glotta 19.207, Pfeiffer on Call./r. 193.25). This verb however will not become plausible until it appears in more contexts unconnected with fire. 17 ιόν: the word is used generally of deterioration and corrosion in metals (Plat. Rep. 609Α χαλκω δέ και σιδήρω Ιόν.. .κακόν τε και νόσημα, Theogn. 45ι)· In so far as apyupov means silver (rather than money), it may cover discoloration, to which, rather than to corrosion, silver is subject, for T. is thinking not only of the stinginess of the patron but also of the money which is allowed to tarnish from lack of use. 18ff. ευθύς: when approached by a petitioner. In what follows a variety of excuses is offered by individuals from the number envisaged by πάς in 16; in 22 they are answered together with the plural δαιμόνιοι. It is however not plain how many separate speeches are intended. Since αύτω μοί τι γένοιτο expresses in plainer language the content of the proverb which precedes (see next n.), I have joined the two phrases together, but the second might belong to a separate speaker, or be attached to θεοί τιμώσιν αοιδούς. The speakers are thought of as assembled together, for δέ in 20 seems to represent one reinforcing the argument of another, and the thought in 21 ('a good poet is one who costs me nothing') is suggested by the mention of Homer who is beyond the reach of reward.
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άπωτέρω ή γ ό ν υ κνάμα: charity begins at home (Eur. Med. 86 πας τις αυτόν του πέλας μάλλον φιλεϊ): Arist. Eth. 1168b6και αίπαροιμίαι δέ ττάσαι όμογνωμονοΰσιν οίον τ ό Μία ψνχή» κ α ι Κοινά τ ά φίλων, καΐ Ίσότη5 φιλότης, και Γόνυ κνήμης έγγιον, Ath. 9-3^3 Β· The proverb is elsewhere cited in Aristotle's form except that Σ here say that it should be πορρωτέρω κνήμη γόνυος, and that Cicero (ad Jam. 16.23) abbreviates it to γόνυ κνήμης. Zenob. 3.2 ascribes it to a man w h o chose, at the battle of Chaeronea, to assist a brother rather than a cousin. The explanation given is έπ! τ ω ν εαυτούς μάλλον έτερων ά γ α π ώ ν τ ω ν or the like. The parallel Latin proverb is Plaut. Trin. 1154 tunica propior palliost. 6col τιμώσιν αοιδούς: since Τ. has Simonides much in mind in this poem (10, 44) he may be thinking of the anecdote told at Cic. de or. 2.352 dicunt enim, cum cenaret Crannone in Thessalia Simonides apud Scopamy fortunatum hominem et nobilem, cecinissetque id carmen quod in eum scripsisset in quo multa ornandi causa poetarum more in Castorem scripta et Pollucemfuissent, nimis ilium sordide Simonidi dixisse se dimidium eius ei quod pactus esset pro illo carmine daturum; reliquum a suis Tyndaridis quos aeque laudasset peteret si ei uideretur. paulo post esse ferunt nuntiatum Simonidi ut prodiret; iuuenis stare ad ianuam duo quosdam qui eum magno opere euocarent; surrexisse ilium, prodisset uidisse neminem: hoc interim spatio conclaue illud ubi epularetur Scopas concidisse; ea ruina ipsum cum cognatis oppressum suis interisse (Call. jr. 64.11, Quint. 11.2.12, Val. Max. 1.8. ext. 7). The fate of this patron points a useful lesson to those w h o m T. is addressing, though in view of the part here played by the Scopadae(36) it should be said that there was some dispute in antiquity as to his identity and as to the scene of the accident (Quint. I.e.; ci. 34η.). Simonides himself is alleged not to have written hymns, έκκλίνων τ ό άνάργυρον (Tzetz. Chil. 8.832). έξ έμ€θ: 22.6ι τ ά τ ' έξ έμεϋ: cf. 1.140 η . οΐσεται: οΐσεσθαι μέλλει, but the fut. perhaps conveys a M o n i t o r y and minatory' suggestion. 22 δ έ : for δέ in impatient questions see Denniston Gk Part. 173. For the pre cepts on the proper employment of wealth which follow cf. Pind. N. 1.31 ουκ έραμαι πολύν έν μεγάρω πλοϋτον κατακρυψαις Εχειν, | άλλ* έόντων εΰ τε παθεϊν καΐ άκουσαι φίλοις έξαρκέων, Ι. 1.67 (quoted on 30), Bacch. 3·ΐ3· 2 4 Ψ υ Χ Ϊ : Simon, jr. 85.13 άλλα συ ταύτα μαθών βιότου π ο τ ! τέρμα Ι ψυχή των αγαθών τλήθι χαρούμενος, Aesch. Pers. 840 χαίρετ' έν κακοϊς όμως | ψυχή δίδοντες ήδονήν καθ* ήμέραν, Eur. Cycl. 340 τ ή ν ^ ή ν ψ ν χ ή ν ^Υ ω | ο υ τταύσομαι δρών ευ, [Epich.]/r. 297· Latin uses animus in this sense (e.g. Plaut. Amph. 131 pater nunc intus suo animo moremgerity Cas. 784, Hor. C. 4.7.19). Enjoyment comes first for the reason given by Simonides Jr. 71 τίς γ α ρ άδονάς άτερ | θνατών βίος ποθεινός ή ποία τυραννίς; | τας δ* άτερ ουδέ θεών ^αλωτός αίών. αοιδών has been suspected as anticipating 29, but see n. there. 25 O n the omission of δέ see 29 n. π η ώ ν : Σ Nic. Th. 3 ό y a p πηός σημαίνει τρία, τον τε φίλον και τον συγγενή, έτι δέ και τον κατ' έπιγαμίαν οίκεΐον. The last is the strict meaning, but the rich man's benefactions cannot be restricted to his kinsfolk by marriage and ττηοί has already the wider sense of συγγενείς at Od. 23.120 φεύγει ττηούς τε ττρολιπών και πατρίδα γαΐαν, Hes. W.D. 345» if indeed it does not in those places include φίλοι also. So apparently also Nic. Th. 3, Call./r. 59.20; and in the corresponding passage in Id. 17 T. has ( i n ) αγαθοΐσιν έταίροις. 26 έ π ι β ώ μ ι α : the adj. is not elsewhere used substantially and is most common with π υ ρ and similar nouns; of victims Ap. Rh. 4. n 29, A.P. 9.453, where however it means respectively to and at, not on, the altar. 310
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27f. The duty of a ξεινοδόκος is laid down by Menelaus at Od. 15.68 Τηλέμαχ', ου τί σ' έγώ γε πολύν χρόνον ένθάδ* έρύξω | Ιέμενον νόστοιο · νεμεσσώμαι δε και άλλω | άνδρί ξεινοδόκω δς κ* έξοχα μέν φιλέησιν | έξοχα δ' έχθαίρπσιν άμείνω δ 1 αΐσιμα πάντα. | Ισον τοι κακόν έσθ* δς τ ' ούκ έθέλοντα νέεσθαι | ξεϊνον έποτρυνει και os έσσύμενον κατερύκει. | χρή ξεϊνον παρεόντα φιλεΐν, έθέλοντα δε πέμπει ν : ci. Quint. S. 2.158, and in a dissimilar context Theognis 467 (in a poem addressed to Simonides—the poet or another, and referring to briefer hospitality) μηδένα τ ώ ν δ ' άέκοντα μένειν κατέρυκε παρ 1 ήμϊν, | μηδέ Θύρατ^ε κέλευ* ούκ έθέλοντ' Ιέναι (c£. Pherecr. jr. 153)· T.'s emphasis seems rather oddly laid on the duty of letting your guest go when he wants, and though this is traditionally part ot a host's duty there is perhaps some special point in a poem addressed to a ruler of Syracuse. Literary men (Simonides and Aeschylus) had fared well at the court of Hiero I but they had been less fortunate with Dionysius I, w h o had imprison ed Philoxenus, put Plato (who in Epist. 350 c charges him with ξεναπατία) in peril of his life, and quoted to Aristippus or Plato the famous fragment of Sophocles (873) δστις δε προς τύραννον εμπορεύεται | κείνου 'στι δούλος καν ελεύθερος μόλτ) (Diog. Laert. 2.82). Τ. is perhaps discreetly hinting that if Hicro II is to entertain poets he will do well to revert to the example of his great namesake. τραπέζη: Τ. is thinking of the ξενία τ ρ σ π ^ α (e.g. Od. 14.158, al.t Pind. O. 3.40, N . 11.8, J. 2.39, Acsch. Ag. 401) and, as often, it is hardly to be determined whether the word means food (see 13.38η.) or literally the table for strangers, which, in Crete, was the third on the right (Ath. 4.143F). μειλίξαντ* = χαρισάμενον. The verb has commonly a suggestion of supplica tion or appeasement, but cf. Aesch. SuppL 1029. Μείλια however is used with no such colour; e.g. II. 9.147, Ap. Rh. 3.146. 29 Μοισάων. . . ύ π ο φ ή τ α ς : i.e. αοιδούς: 17.115, 22.116, Pind.fr. ΐ5θμαντεύεο Μοΐσα προφατεύσω δ* έγώ, Plat. Ion 534 Ε °ί δέ ποιηται ουδέν αλλ* ή έρμηνής είσιν των θεών. Ύποφήτης is used of one who speaks under inspiration from another (Arat. 164, Ap. Rh. 1.1311) and is no doubt borrowed by Alexandrian poets from //. 16.235 (of the Σελλοί). So ύποφήτις A.P. 6.46, Hypereid. fr. 178 and ύποφήτωρ A.P. 14.1; but Ap. Rh. 1.22 Μοΰσαι δ* ύποφήτορες εϊεν άοιδής (inspirers), and similarly Maneth. 2.295, 3.326; cf. 22.116η. Ll. 24-8 set out the whole duty of the wealthy man, whose first obligation, after his own pleasure, is to reward poets: 25-8 fill in the other more obvious duties, and lead back, in connexion with the hospitality for which they too often ask in vain (5 if.), to the poets, the emphasis on w h o m in 24 is then explained. The immortality they alone can confer makes munificence to them a real πλούτου δνασις (23: 57 ώνασαν). The thought is approximately Enjoy yourself and patronise poets, for though charity, piety, hospitality, all claim your bounty, their claim comes first; it is made much clearer by Kreussler's omission of the first δε in 25, which I have adopted for that reason. 30 f. Od. 11.211 δφρα και είν Ά ί δ α ο . . . . For the ambition to leave a name see 12.10if. a n d n . on 11,17.116if., Bacch. 1.181; for the opportunity of doing so which the miser loses Pind. /. 1.67 εΐ δέ τις ένδον νέμει πλουτον κρυφαΐον, | άλλοισι δ' εμπίπτων γελά, ψυχάν Ά ί δ α τελέων ου φράζεται δόξας άνευθεν, and for the power of poetry to confer immortality, 17.118, Sapph. jr. 68 κατθάνοισα δέ κείσεαι πότα, κωύ μναμοσύνα σέθεν | εσσετ* ούτε τ ό τ ' ούτ* ύστερον ού γ ά ρ πεδέχεις βρόδων | των Ικ Πιερίας, αλλ* άφάνης κήν Ά ί δ α δόμοις | φοιτάσεις πεδ' άμαύρων νεκύων έκπεποταμένα, Pind. Ο. 10.91, Ρ. 3·ΐ 12, Ν. 7.12, 9-6, Bacch. 9.82, Soph.fr. 568, Hor. C. 4.8.22, 9.26, Prop. 3.1.25, 311
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Tib. 1.4.63, Lucan 9.980. Sappho would seem to have been in T.'s mind, though her point may have been ditferent. 1 χεκρυμμένος: 17.120, Hes. 77». 729 Trrfjves Οπό 30φω ήβρόεντι | κεκρυφαται. The verb is c o m m o n of the body in the grave, and its extension to the soul surviving is not surprising. έπί: on the banks of as, e.g., Ap. Rh. 4.516 έπ' Ίλλυρικοϊο μελαμβαθέος ποταμοΐο | . . . π ύ ρ γ ο ν εδειμαν, Polyb. 1.46.8 έπί του λιμένος έστώς, 47-2 τον έπι TTJS θαλάι ins πύργον. 32 μακέλφ: an implement for digging and breaking up the soil (e.g. //. 21.259, Aesch. Ag. 526). The tbrm with one λ occurs also at Hes. W.D. 470, Arat. 8, Ap. Rh· 4-1533» Dion. Per. 1115, and that with two seems absent from Alexandrian poetry. τετυλωμένος: callosus. Luc. Somn. 6 ήν δ* ή μέν εργατική και ανδρική και αυχμηρά τήν κόμην τ ώ χεϊρε τύλων άνάπλεω$, Poll. 7·Χ33 τύλη δ* έκαλεϊτο ή έπι TOIS τραχήλοι$ αυτών ύ π ό των αχθών γινομένη τριβή, Alciphr. 2.2, 16 Sch. 33 ά χ ή ν : Hesych. άχήνε$· πένητες: ήχήνε$* κενοί, π τ ω χ ο ί : κτεανηχής* πένης. Suid. ήχάνω* π τ ω χ ε ύ ω . Κτεανηχής and ήχάνειν are otherwise unknown, and άχήν occurs elsewhere only in an inscription in poor elegiacs from Lagina (B.C.H. 11.161). In the inscription the adj. has, as here, the α long: the noun ά χ η ν ί α η ^ ά at Aesch. Ag. 418; at Ch. 301, hi.frr. 20 and 1 Demian. the quantity does not appear. έκ π α τ έ ρ ω ν : probably with άχήν, as 17.13 έκ πατέρων οίος μεν εην, 24.108 εκ πατέρων μεγάλαις άφνειός άρούραις, Call. fr. 254 ού γ ά ρ μοι πενίη πατρώιος, ούδ* α π ό π ά π π ω ν | είμι λιπερνήτις: cf. Tucker on Aesch. Ch. 421. 34-39 In these lines T. surveys the Thessalian patrons of Simonides. 2 (i) Antiochus. Σ: Έχεκρατίδου καΐ Σύριδος ulos ή ν ώ$ φησι Σιμωνίδης (Jr. 34)W i t h this is no doubt connected Aristid. 1.127 ποίος τ α ύ τ α Σιμωνίδης θρηνήσει; τίς Πίνδαρος;.. . π ο ί α δε Δύσηρις Θετταλή τοσούτο πένθος έπένθησεν έπ* Ά ν τ ι ό χ ω τελευτήσαντι;, from which his m o t h e r s name has been corrected in Σ. Antiochus is described as βασιλεύων πάντων Θετταλών (Aesch. Socr. αρ. Philostr. Epist. 73), and the inference that his death was the subject of a θρήνος by Simonides or Pindar is plausible. The name of Echecratidas as άρχος of Thessaly occurs in a dedicatory inscription ascribed to Anacreon (A.P. 6.142), and as Scopas's mother was named Echecrateia (Σ 36) the two families would seem to have intermarried. (ii) Aleuas. The Aleuadae are principally known from their part in the Persian wars (Hdt. 7.6, 172), and as Mardonius addresses the brothers Thorax, Eurypylus, and Thrasydeius as ώ παίδες 'Αλεύεω (9.58; cf. 7.130) it is likely that their father, like the founder of the line, was called Aleuas. According to Aristotle (Jr. 455) Thessaly was divided into a tetrarchy έπι Άλεύα του πυρρού (cf. Ael. N.Α. 8.11), and Aleuas's rise to power is described at Plut. Mor. 492 A. Their headquarters were Larisa (Hdt. 9.58, O v . lb. 323, Suid. s.v. Άλευάδαι), on the coins of which appears a head of Aleuas. Thorax appears again in Pind. P. 10, an ode of 498 B.C. com memorating the victory of Hippocleas, in which Pindar speaks, perhaps tendentiously, of the Aleuadae as kings of Thessaly. Simonides is elsewhere connected with the family only at Ov. lb. 511 lapsuramque domum subeas ut sanguis Aleuae | Stella Leoprepidae cutnfuit aequa uiro (Iouis Housman), where the reference is to Scopas and the story told by Cic. de or. 2.352 (see 1911.). 1 Plut. Mor. 146 Α πρ05 τίνα πλουσίαν: but ib. 646 Ε πρό$ τίνα των άμούσων καΐ άμαθων, and Stob. ζ.^.12 πρό% άπαΐδεντον γνναϊκα, suggest that it was lack of culture which she was criticising. a The fragmentary history of the Thessalian ταγοί is discussed by E. Meyer Theopomps Hellenika 237, and by J. S. Morrison in C.Q. 36.59.*
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(iii) The Scopadae (36) and Creondae (39). The father of the Scopas for w h o m Simonides wrote the famous ode (Jr. 5) was named Creon (Plat. Prot. 339A» Ath.10.438 c), and the fragment of a θρήνος εΙςΣκοπάδας (jr. 32) commemorates την τών Σκοπαδών άθρόαν άπώλειαν (Favorin. ad Stob. 4.41.9) caused by the accident recorded by Cicero (see 19η.). The scene of the accident is given either as Pharsalus (Quint. 11.2.14) or as Crannon (so Csll.fr. 64.13), which is elsewhere also associated with the Scopadae (Hdt. 6.127) but here (38) with the Creondae. It would seem therefore that Scopadae and Creondae are the same family (so Σ), and that if Ovid rightly describes Scopas as sanguis Aleuae (see above), they were a branch of the Aleuadae. Ovid has been suspected of confusing Scopas and Aleuas, but even so there is some redundancy in T.'s list (cf. 15.142η.). Since T. is addressing his appeal for patronage to Hiero II of Syracuse, it is legitimate to ask w h y he points his moral with these Thessalian princes. Simonides had been hospitably entertained at the court of Hiero I (Ath. 14.656D, al.) and presumably (though there is no direct evidence) wrote for him, or if he did not, might have been replaced in T.'s poem by Pindar or Bacchylides; and Hiero I might seem a more cogent example to bring to the notice of his namesake. 1 The question admits of n o certain answer, though it is possible to think of reasons which would make reference to Hiero I indiscreet—for instance T. might have shrunk from putting himself quite so plainly on a par with the poets w h o frequented Hiero I, or the position of Hiero II in Syracuse may at the time have been such as to make a public comparison with the tyrant unwelcome. It is certainly the case that T.'s particular point—that these patrons would never have been remembered but for the poets—is approximately true of the Thessalians, whereas of Hiero I it could not have been said with either truth or tact, but the complete absence in such a poem of any reference to Sicily's great tradition of patronage remains somewhat surprising. It is also permissible to wonder whether T., in search of patronage and directing his eyes to the north of Greece, was conscious that beyond the borders of Thessaly was a court from which more was really to be hoped than from his native country. Antigonus Gonatas showed indeed more inclination to entertain scientists and philosophers than poets, but besides Aratus, Alexander Aetolus and Antagoras were received in Macedon. 34 The line recalls II. 11.132 πολλά δ* έν Άντιμάχοιο δόμοις κειμήλια κείται, but Τ. is so familiar with H o m e r that it is, as often, impossible to guess whether the echo is conscious or unconscious. 35 άρμαλιήν: supplies, rations: Hes. W.D. 560, 767, Ap. Rh. 1.393, Λ.Ρ. 6.302. The word occurs also in papyri; e.g. p. Soc. It. 601.7 (3 r ( l cent. B.C.). Monthly distri bution is indicated also by Hesiod (W.D. 767), w h o recommends the thirtieth as the best day for inspecting w o r k and serving out rations, and so έπιμήνια (papyri; cf. Polyb. 31.20.13, 22.13, Λ-Β. 254.12) and epimenia (Juv. 7.120). For the rations of domestic slaves, which were probably distributed daily (Hor. Ep. 1.14.40, Mart. 11.108), see 15.95η. Hesych. σιτομνημονεΐν αντί τοΰ τ α σΐτα μετρεΐν, παρόσον άττεγράφοντο οί λαμβάνοντες π α ρ ά τ ώ ν δεσποτών τ ά τεταγμένα μέτρα. έμετρήσαντο: had measured out to them: Dem. 34.37 οί μέν έν τ ώ άστει οίκοϋντες διεμετροϋντο τ ά άλφιτα έν τ ώ ώδείω, οί δ* έν τ ώ Πειραιεϊ έν τ ώ νεωρίω έλάμβανον κατ' όβολόν τους άρτους και έπι της μακράς στοάς τ ά άλφιτα, καθ* ήμίεκτον μετρούμενοι καΐ καταπατούμενοι, Hes. W.D. 349» Hdas 6.5 (where see Headlam), Ditt. Sy//. 3 976.61. 1 On Hiero's relations with poets see Jebb Bacchylides 8.
313
COMMENTARY
[36-43
πενέσται: the subject population of Thessaly, w h o are often compared to the Helots of Sparta. See on them Ath. 6.264A, RE 19.494, Buchsenschiitz Besitz u. Erwerb 129. 36 Σκοπάδαισιν: 34η. For their wealth ct. Critias Jr. 5 Bk. πλουτον μέν Σκοπαδών, μεγαλοφροσυνών δέ Κίμωνος, | νίκας δ* Άρκεσίλα του Λακεδαιμονίου, Plut. Cat. Μα. 18. 37 κεραησιν: 25.17» i^3» Α.Ρ. η.\η\ (Ericius). The adj. is not common of bovine animals. 38 πεδίον Κραννώνιον: Call. Η. 4.138. ένδιάασκον: the verb is intrans. at 22.44 a n d in the few other places where it occurs, which are all much later. The suggested corrections are unsatisfactory (έμμενές for ποιμένες Biicheler, making μήλα subject), and the intrans. use of the middle or passive—H. Horn. 32.6 (in another sense), Hesych. ένδιώνται· μεσημβρίό^ουσιν—may have contributed to the trans, use of the act. O n the quantity of the 1 see 95 η . The shepherds w h o watch the sheep in the open are contrasted with the neatherds who bring their herds in (36 f.). 39 Κρεώνδαις: the patronymic should be the metrically intractable Κρεοντίδαι (cf. 17.14η.). Κρεώνδαι is apparently formed on the analogy of such proper names as 'Επαμεινώνδας, Φρυνώνδας, etc., on which see 4.1η. 40f. ήδος: //. ι8.8ο αλλά τί μοι των ήδος έπε! φίλος ώλεθ' εταίρος;: cf. Od. 24.95» Αρ. Rh. 1.1294» 3-314έξεκένωσαν: the verb is no doubt a heightening of άποπνεΐν (//. 4.524, 13.654) or the like, but though the loss of one's θυμός may sometimes be partial (//. 1.593 ολίγος δ' έτι θυμός ένήεν), the figure implied in έκκενοϋν is obscure. Possibly T. thinks of numerous containers discharging into one which is capacious enough (εύρεΐαν) to receive them all. For the latter idea cf. Λ.Ρ. 7.67 (Leonidas) δέξαι μ* εΐ καί σοι μέγα βρίθεται όκρυόεσσα | βάρις άποφθιμένων. γέροντος: Hemsterhusius's emendation, based on Prop. 3.18.24 scandenda est toruipublica cymba senis, is not essential, but it is a plain improvement, and Άχέροντος is likely to have come from 31; cf. 17.49. 42 άμναστοι: the adj. is passive in meaning at Lye. 1230, Joseph, c. Ap. 1.2, active at Nonn. Par. Io. 20.100; and these seem to be its only other appearances in literature. τα π ο λ λ ά κ . τ . λ . : apparently borrowed from the famous epitaph on Sardanapallus, connected with Chocrilus and cited with slight variations in numerous places, A.P. 7.325 τόσα' έχω όσα* έφαγαν τε και "("έπιον και έφύβρισα")· και μετ* ερώτων | τέρπν* έ δ ά η ν τ α δέ πολλά και όλβια π ά ν τ α λέλειπται, for Biicheler's view (Rhein. Mus. 30.53) that the epigram is later than T. is not convincing. The use of όλβιος of things is mainly Odyssean (e.g. 8.413 θεοί δέ τοι όλβια δοΐεν) and Herodotean (e.g. 1.31 εΐπας πολλά τε και όλβια), for the use with such nouns as δόμος, σκήπτρον, φρόνημα (Eur. Or. 1674, Ion 578, And. 164) is but a slight extension from that with persons and places. It occurs at 15.24, and, in a context resembling this, at Phoenix Jr. 1.20 Powell: τ ά δ* δλβΓ ήμέων δήιοι συνελθόντες | φέρουσιν ώσπερ ώμόν έριφον αϊ Βάκχαι · | έγώ δ* ές "Αιδην ούτε χρυσόν ου6* ΐ π π ο ν | ούτ* άργυρήν άμαξαν ωχόμην έλκων, | σποδός δέ πελλή χ ώ μιτρηφόρος κεϊμαι, where the speaker is Ninus and the preceding lines seem plainly inspired by the Sardanapallus epigram; c(. Crates jr. 8 Diels. For the sentiment generally see Theogn. 725 τά γ ά ρ περιώσια π ά ν τ α | χρήματ' έχων ουδείς έρχεται είς Άίδεω. 43 αιώνας: είς τους αΙώνας and similar phrases are familiar in L X X and later Greek but the only other example of the plural in earlier literature seems to be 314
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Emped.^r. 129 καί τε δέκ' ανθρώπων καί τ ' εΐκοσιν αΐώνεσσιν, where it means strictly lifetimes, generations; and so probably here. £κειντο: for the omission of the modal adverb see K.B.G. 2.1.215, to which this passage and Ap. Rh. 4.916 should be added. Like most of the examples, these may readily be emended, though ί-κειντ* άν seems not to have been proposed (for the elision cf. 13.67). It is perhaps relevant to observe however that the term of the condition unfulfilled is given not by the verb but by the adjective. They are dead and they would have been forgotten. 44 θείος and δεινός are both plainly preferable to κείνος (7.104 η.), and there is litde to choose between them, θείος is an epitheton constans of αοιδός in the Odyssey (cf. 7.89 η.) and might have been introduced by reminiscence, while δεινός might be due to δειλοΐς overhead. The former however seems slighdy preferable in sense as sustaining the tone of 29 Μουσάων Ιερούς ύποφήτας. The line was cited with δεινός by Hermogenes in the second century, and in the fifth Syrianus, commenting on Hermogenes, says έν τοις νυν φερομένοις θεοκριτείοις εΐ μη θείος αοιδός γέγραπτα?, and if this be held to prove that θείος is a corruption subsequent to the time of Hermogenes, naturally δεινός should be preferred (as by Wilamowitz, Legrand, and Gallavotti it was). The evidence however seems to show only that θείος stood in such texts as Syrianus had seen, not that as a variant it is subsequent to Hermogenes. 6 Κήιος: Simonides. So Call. jr. 64.9 (in a passage also concerned with the Scopadae) Κήιον άνδρα, Hor. C. 4.9.7 Ceae.. .camenae. He was a native of Iulis in Ceos (Strab. 10.486, al). αΐόλα would seem, from Ath. 14.622 c ( = Carm. Pop. 8) άπλοΰν £>υθμόν χέοντες αίόλφ μέλει, to mean varied. It is applied to song again at Lye. 671, Nonn. D . 19.100, to a nightingale at O p p . Hal. 1.728 (αίολόφωνος), to lyre-music at A.P. 9.584 (c£. Nonn. D. 8.233), to wind-instruments at Eur. Ion 499, Telest. jr. 2, Pae. Delph. 12 (Powell Coll. Al. 141). Of speech it means enigmatic (Aesch. Prom. 661, Lye. 4). Ποικίλος is similarly used of poetry at Pind. O. 6.87, N. 4.14, 5.42, and so O. 4.2 ποικιλοφόρμιγγος άοιδάς. 45 βάρ β ιτον: Ath. 14.63 5 D (citing Pind. jr. 125) τόν Τέρπανδρον αντίφθογγον εύρεϊν τη π α ρ ά Λυδοΐς πηκτίδι τόν βάρβιτον. This perhaps implies a difference in pitch between the βάρβιτος and the πηκτίς, which Pindar, in the passage cited, calls υψηλή, and Telestes (jr. 5) όξύφωνος. The βάρβιτος is mentioned by Sappho and Anacreon (Ath. 4.182 F), and according to Neanthes (Ath. 4.175 E) was the discovery of the latter, not of Terpander. The word itself is Asiatic (cf. Strab. 10. 471). It may however be doubted whether in T. it is more than a poetical synonym for κιθάρα. ές: cf. 18.7. So in Latin, e.g., ad tibicinem, ad tibiam canere (Cic. Tusc. 1.3, 4.3). 46 όπλοτέροις: postgenitis. In earlier use the adj. is confined to the comparison in age of people alive at the same time, but Euphorion (jr. 80 Powell) has όπλοτέρου Άχιλήος, a later Achilles, and the word is used as here by Philippus at A.P. 4.2.6 (cf. ib. 2.362). ϊπποι: as Hiero's Φερένικος, celebrated at Pind. O. 1.18, P. 3.74, Bacch. 5.37 (cf. ib. 184 ήλθ]εν Φερένικος (Ις) εΟπύργους Συρακόσσας Ίέρωνι φέρων | εύδ]αιμονίας πέταλον). T.'s adj. στεφανηφόρος may possibly be a reminder of his name. It would however seem that victorious horses were actually garlanded: Plut. Mor. 63 9 Ε, των ^ώων μόνω τ ω ι π π ω μετουσία στεφάνου καί αγώνος εστίν, and reliefs of earlier date show Nike or a goddess putting the garland on the horse (Walter Beschr. d. Rel. im klein. Akropolmus. 244, 253, and, from Crannon, A. H. Smith B.M. Sculpt. 1.374, no. 816). Cf. Hor. C. 4.2.17 (Pindarus) siue quos Elea 315
COMMENTARY
[47-56
domum reducit | palma caelestis pugilemue equumue \ dicit et centum potiore signis \ munere donat (Bentley ad he), id. A.P. 84.* The popular punctuation with a comma after όπλοτέροις makes τ ι μ ά ς . . . αγώνων part of the protasis, and hence the fame of the Thessalians dependent as much on their racing stables as on their employment of Simonides—a consideration wholly irrelevant to the purpose of the poem. 47 Ι ε ρ ώ ν . . . α γ ώ ν ω ν : 17.112, Pind. Ν. 2.4, 6.59; and similarly t. άεθλοι Pind. O. 8.64, 13.15. 48 άριστήας Λ υ κ ί ω ν : Glaucus and Sarpedon (//. 2.876), and perhaps Pandarus, w h o came from Zeleia in the Troad (ib. 824) but was Lycian in origin and became the object of a cult at Pinara in Lycia (Strab. 14.665). T. is thinking of Pind. P. 3.112 (addressed to Hiero) Νέστορα και Λύκιον Σαρπηδόν', ανθρώπων φάτις, | έξ έπέων κελαδεννών, τέκτονες οία σοφοί | άρμοσαν, γινώσκομεν, and Ν. 7-20 εγώ δέ πλέον* ελπομαι | λόγον Όδυσσέος ή πάθαν δια τον άδυεπή γενέσθ* Όμηρον, /. 4-37, 8.47· κομόωντας: the adj. belongs in Homer to the Achaeans not to the Trojans. 49 θήλυν άπό χροιάς: the prepositional phrase attaches to θήλυν and denotes the criterion, as at Polyb. 11.18.1 έπιγνοι/ςτόν Μαχανίδαν ά π ό τε της πορφυρίδος και του περί τον ΐ π π ο ν κόσμου, Plut. Mor. 419 Β γνώριμος άπ* ονόματος, Phoc. 5 ά π ό του π ρ ο σ ώ π ο υ δυσξύμβολος έφαίνετο και σκυθρωπός, Alex. 12, Xen. Cyn. 4.4» Ages. 1.6. In these passages a w o r d denoting recognition is present; in T.'s sentence εγνω has another function but has possibly exercised some influence on the phrase. O n Cycnus's complexion Σ say λευκός γ α ρ ήν την χροιάν έκ γενετής, ως φησιν Ελλάνικος (fr. 31 Μ . ) . . . 'Ησίοδος δέ (fr. ι19) τήν κεφαλήν έχειν αυτόν φησι λευκήν · διό και ταύτης της κλήσεως ετυχεν—i.e. he was called Κύκνος from his white hair. T. takes the other account, and it was for whiteness of complexion that Cycnus became proverbial (cf. Juv. 8.33). Hegesianax (fr. 3 M . : Ath. 9.393 D) andLycophron (237 with Σ) derive the name from his having been nurtured by swans. For the swan's proverbial whiteness see 25.130η. Cycnus was a son of Poseidon, killed by Achilles when the Greeks first landed at Troy. His story was popular in Greek literature (see Pearson Frr. of Soph. 2. p. 148) and probably came from the Cypria. T.'s other instances in 48-57 are taken from the Iliad and the Odyssey, in which Cycnus is not named. Doubts as to the Homeric authorship of the Cypria are as old as Hdt. 2.117, and T.'s plural αοιδοί (50) suggests that he did not accept it, for he uses the sing, in 57 where the examples are all from the Odyssey. 52 £σχατον: probably farthest rather than lowest, for Odysseus's interview with the ghosts took place in the country of the Κιμμέριοι at the πείρατα 'ύύκεανοϊο (θ/ιι.Τ3). 53 σ π ή λ υ γ γ α : the word appears first in Dionys. Trag. fr. 1 (cf. Arist. H.A. 6 i 6 b 2 6 , Ap. Rh. 2.568); in Od. 9 the cave is called άντρον or σπέος. 55 βουσΐ: Philoetius is regularly called βουκόλος and βοών έπιβουκόλος (e.g. Od. 21.189, !99)> a n d distinguished from the goatherd Mclanthius, though his duties include the conveyance of both cattle and goats to the palace and waiting at table (Od. 20.185, 254). The scene particularly in T.'s mind is perhaps that at Od. 23.367 where after the Mnestcrophonia Odysseus and Telemachus, attended by Eumaeus and Philoetius, go to visit Laertes. άγελαίαις: Σ Od. 20.251 ετι έν άγέλαις ουσαν και μήπω ύ π ό juyov οϋσαν. The adj. is not otiose but marks Philoetius as a herdsman, not a labourer concerned with draught-cattle. 56 ί ρ γ ο ν : business, duty, as, e.g., Hdt. 1.114, Xen. Cyr. 4.5.36. 316
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π ε ρ ί σ π λ α γ χ ν ο ς : the adj. does not occur elsewhere but probably represents μεγαλήτωρ, applied to Laertes at Od. 24.365. Μεγαλόσπλαγχνος, used of Medea at Eur. Med. 109, seems to mean rather proud or passionate\ but the σ π λ ά γ χ ν α are the seat of various emotions; c(. 7.99η. 57 ώνασαν: 29 η. Ί ά ο ν ο ς ανδρός: Homer, as Χΐον άοιδόν (7.47 n ·)· I ° m a would include also Colophon and possibly Smyrna, other claimants to this honour, but we need not suppose that T . is wavering in his allegiance to Chios. 58 f. Money used to reward poets buys renown, whereas that amassed in the family coffers will be dissipated by the miser's heirs to their profit not to his (ci. Theogn. 915, Hor. C. 2.14.25). There is perhaps the further thought that fame, unlike riches, is not subject to this hazard; cf. 17.118. έκ: ι.ΐ4οη. άμαλδύνουσι: άφανί^ουσι. The meaning, for which Et. M. 76.20 supplies some absurd etymologies, is Homeric (17. 7.463, 12.18, 32); ci. Ap. Rh. 1.834, 4.112, Arat. 864. 60 κύματα μετρεΐν: waves are proverbially countless (Ap. Rh. 4.214 δσσα δε πόντου | κύματα χειμερίοιο κορύσσεται έξ άνέμοιο | . . .τίς άντάδετεκμήραιτο;, Phrynich. Trag. αρ. Plut. Mor. 7 3 2 F ) . and the attempt to count them futile (Anaaeont. 13.3, Ael. V.H. 13.15, Luc. Amor. 2, Hermot. 84, Dio Chrys. 20.12, Diogen. 5.56, Virg. G. 2.108, O v . Tr. 5.2.28, Mart. 6.34). Μετρεΐν perhaps means to compute (cf. epigr. 24.5 η.) rather than precisely to count, though αμέτρητος, used in later Greek for άνάριθμος (Norm. D . 13.120, A.P. 1.10.31, 5.233, 301, 15.48; cf. ib. 7.601), may have that sense at Eur. El. 433, and άμετρος is so used by Xenophon (Cyr. 5.2.7; cf. Poll. 4.167); cf. 15.45η., Phot. s.v. μετρήσαι, Polyb. 2.47.5. Warton's άριθμεΐν, improved by Meineke to άμιθρεΐν, was supported by Schneider (on Call. H. 6.87) from Et. Flor. s.v. άμιθρήσαι: οίον κύματ' άμιθρόν (sic), but this is presumably from Simonides, there cited for the noun άμιθρός, and μετρεΐν is protected by κύματα μετρεΐς in a list of proverbs περί τ ω ν αδυνάτων at Boissonade Anec. 1.395 (=Leutsch Par. Gr. 1.345) and by Macar. 5.43 κύματα μετρεΐ* έπί τ ω ν άνωφελώς τι διαπραττομένων. Similar is Hor. C. 1.28.ι maris et terrae numeroque carentis harenae \ mensorem, but at A.P. 12.156 κύματα μέτρων the verb means to traverse. 61 χέρσονδε: II. 21.238, H. Horn. 3.28. μ ε τ ά : Τ. has 7.57 (where see note) τα κύματα τάν τε θάλασσαν, 11.49 θάλασσαν και κύματα, and the phrases, even regarded as εν δια δυοΐν, suggest that waves and sea represent at least two aspects of one object. I have therefore retained the ms reading against Bucheler's κατά. The sea may naturally be thought of as causing the waves (as, e.g., Aesch. Sept. 758, Ap. Rh. 1.365, Alciphr. 1.1.1 Sch.; cf. Strab. 1.53), and here as joint agent with the wind in their production; or if μετά couples αλός rather with όσσ* (as 7.57, 11.49 perhaps suggest) w e might think of waves and rising tide, though in the Mediterranean, where tides are slight, this seems less probable. Μετά c. gen. is not common in poetry but cf. 28.21, Arat. 672, Nic. Al. 98, 204, Bion 1.73 and probably Call. jr. 178.32; and see T. Mommsen Gr. Prap. 190. Sea, waves, and wind, combined but somewhat differently, appear at A.P. 10.1 (Leonidas) θάλασσα | κύμασι και τρηχεϊ πνεύματι βρασσομένη, Ο ν . Her. 2.35 mare quod totum uentis agitatur et undis. 62 The proverb πλίνθον πλύνεις · έπί τών αδυνάτων is recorded by various paroemiographers (e.g. Apost. 14.34) but does not appear elsewhere in literature. The Latin is laterem lauare (Ter. PJwrm. 186). Πλίνθος and later, unless qualified, usually mean the sun-dried bricks, made of mud and chopped straw, in almost 317
COMMENTARY
[63-66
universal use in Greece and Italy (Blumner Teclm. 2.10). The impossibility therefore consists not in removing a stain which is baked into the substance of the brick, but in cleaning something which is made of dirt and disintegrates on contact with water. Hence probably T.'s choice of θολερός, an adj. commonly applied to liquids rather than solids; he is thinking of the mud, πηλός, from which the brick was made and to which it will revert if washed. His other adj. διαειδής, perspicuus occurs elsewhere only in the form διειδής; its function in the sentence is merely to balance θολεράν, for the proverb is as true of dirty water as of clean. For ή ι» hiatu see 15.67η.; the word surfers correption at T8.30, 22.11; crasis at 5.116, 120, 11.81, 24.38 and apparently 1.51 (where see n.). For lengthening at the second arsis sec i.86n.; T. no doubt remembered //. 7.425 άλλ* Οδατι νί^οντες, 11.830, 846 νί^' ύδατι λιαρώ. 63 β ε β λ α μ μ έ ν ο ν : the verb is used of mental disablement already in Homer, as II. 15.724 βλάπτε φρένας εύρύοπα Ζευς, Od. 14.178, 21.293 οίνος σε τρώει μελιηδής δς τε και άλλους | βλάπτει: and so Thcogn. 223 νόου βεβλαμμένος έσθλού, 705, Euphor./r. 14 Powell βλαψίφρονα φάρμακα, Hdt. 2.120 φρενοβλαβής. Τ. is thinking of Pind. N. J.IS ούδ' υπό κέρδει βλάβεν, where the theme is the same. παρελθεΐν: the unattainable object is to persuade the miser of the truth of the facts mentioned, and the verb has been suspected, since in its metaphorical use it commonly implies craft or deceit, as at Od. 13.291 κερδαλέος κ* εΐη και έπίκλοπος δς σε παρέλθοι | έν πάντεσσι δόλοισι, Theogn. 1285 ου γ ά ρ τοί με δόλω παρελεύσεαι ούδ* απατήσεις. Παρειπεΐν (cited by Ahrens from S2 and two deteriores) gives satisfactory sense but it has no real authority, and the use of παρέρχεσθαι is perhaps due to a certain tendency in Greek to emphasise the dexterity ot an argument rather than its intrinsic value. The verb is similarly used at Dem. 18.7 όρων δτι τάς αίτιας και τάς διαβολάς αΐς έκ του πρότερος λέγειν ό διώκων Ισχύει ούκ ενι τ ω φεύγοντι παρελθεΐν. 64 χ α ι ρ ε τ ώ : Hdas 6.31 χαιρετώ, φίλη, πολλά, | έούσα τοίη, Luc. Dial. Mer. 4.1.4 επειδή τοιαύτη εκείνη,. . .περί βάλλω μεν. . .αλλήλους. . .Φιληματιον δέ πολλά χαιρετώ, Eur. Hipp. 1058 τους δ* υπέρ κάρα | φοιτώντας δρνις πόλλ* εγώ χαίρειν λέγω, Starkie on Ar. Vcsp. 584. 65 The sentiment that avarice is insatiable is a commonplace: Solon Jr. 13.71 (repeated with slight variants at Theogn. 227) πλούτου δ* ουδέν τέρμα πεφασμένον άνδράσι κείται* | οι γ ά ρ νύν ήμέων πλείστον εχουσι βίον | διπλασίως σπεύδουσιτίς αν κορέσειεν απαντάς; | κέρδεά τοι θνητοΐς ώπασαν αθάνατοι* | άτη δ' έξ αυτών αναφαίνεται, ην οπόταν Ζευς | πέμψη τισομένην, άλλοτε άλλος έχει (a passage referred to at Arist. Pol. I256b33, Plut. Mor. 524ε), Theogn. 1157, Stob. 4.31.84 (5 p. 762W.) κόρον δέ ούκ έχει τοις κτησαμένοις (ό πλούτος), άει δ' ανία τις αύτω πάρεστιν, όπόσ* άν γένηται. και ώσπερ ή ύδεριώντων νόσος αύξεται προς το μάλλον ποθεΐν άφ* ών πίμπλαται, Bacch. 1.175, ΑΓ. Pint. 193» Lyr. Alex. Adcsp. 37.22 Powell, Hor. C. 2.2.13, 3.16.17, Ep. 1.2.56, Juv. 14.139 crcscit amor nunimi quantum ipsa peeunia crcuit, where see Mayor. Juvenal probably has this context in mind at 12.129, possideat quantum rapuit Nero, moutibus ourum \ exaequet, nee amct quemquem nee ametur ab ullo. 66 f. α ν θ ρ ώ π ω ν : the gen. is subjective and probably felt to depend α π ό κοινού on τιμήν as well as on φιλότητα. The sentiment has some resemblance to Pind. N. 8.37 χρυσόν εύχονται πεδίον δ* έτεροι | άπέραντον έγώ δ* άστοΐς άδών και χθονι γυΐα καλυψαι, | αΐνέων αΐνητά μομφάν δ* έπισπείρων άλιτροΐς. έλοίμαν, in view of εϊη and έχοι in 64f, is presumably not potential but an opt. of wish. The thought however is somewhat obscure and suggests that
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Τ. found himself in some difficulty in his attempt to identify generosity in general with generosity to poets. 22-57 state the importance of being open-handed, and emphasise the special importance of rewarding poets since they can confer im mortality (see 29 η.); 58 f. assert that such rewards are well expended while miserli ness is unprofitable. But 60-5 condemn not merely the man w h o will not assist the poet but miserliness in general, and the transition to the theme with which the poem opened and a direct application of it to Hiero are not very adroitly effected by these two lines, in which T. expresses a preference for the benefits which poetry can confer over wealth in mules and horses. For possessions of the latter kind are not the mark of a man φιλοκερδείη βεβλαμμένον nor do they interfere with the obligation to maintain poets; and indeed in so far as the fame of Simonides's Thessalian patrons and of Hiero I was due to epinician odes it was conditioned by wealth of just this kind (cf. 46 η.). As a commendation of friendship the lines, apart from the particular context, are natural enough and resemble that in Xen. Mem. 2.4—particularly προς ποίον κτήμα των άλλων παράβαλλα μένος φίλος αγαθός ουκ αν π ο λ λ ω κρείττων φάνε (η; ποίος γ α ρ ί π π ο ς ή ποίον 3ευγος ούτω χρήσιμον ώσπερ ό χρηστός φίλος; For mules and horses in this connexion see Solon jr. 24.3 ( = Theogn. 721). 68 δτινι: this form of the dat. seems certain but is elsewhere confined to inscriptions: Ditt. Sylll 145.25 (Delphi); cf. S.G.D.L 1.4991.7.51 (Gortyn). Θνατών: reverting lightly to the theme of 4, that a mortal poet needs a mortal patron. κεχαρισμένος: Od. 2,54 δοίη δ* ώ κ' έθέλοι καί ol κεχαρισμένος ελθοι, 4·7ΐ» //. 5·243ι <*1· έμω κεχαρισμένε θυμω. Here however the w o r d also reminds the hearer of ημετέρας Χάριτας and the theme of 5 if., to which T. now reverts. 69 f. συν Μοίσαις: the prep, seems, in view of άπάνενθε, to mean in company with rather than (as at 7.12) by javour oj. In either case the following sentence explains the reason for this reservation, though in plain prose it appears to mean no more than that it is useless for a poet to travel unless he carries his inspiration with him. μέγα β ο υ λ ε ύ ο ν τ ο ς : perhaps suggested by μητίετα Ζευς and similar Homeric epithets. 71 ουρανός: meaning in effect the zodiac. Arat. 550 έν τοις ήέλιος φέρεται δυοκαίδεκα πάσι | π ά ν τ ' ένιαντόν άγων, καί ο! περί τούτον Ιόντι | κύκλον άέξονται πάσαι έπικάρπιοι ώραι. In the following clause the ms reading άρματος plainly cannot (pace Σ) without qualification refer to the chariot of the sun and would mean chariots for racing or war; and of these the first are irrelevant to the context and the second would anticipate unsuitably what is to be said of Hiero's activities. Moreover war-chariots are not mentioned in what follows and it is doubtful if Hiero possessed them (see 15.5η.). I accept therefore Wilamowitz's άματος, with which πολλοί will be equivalent in meaning to πολλάκις, as at Call. H. 3.27 πολλάς δε μάτην έτανύσσατο χείρας, Arat. 1045 π ά ν τ η δε τε πολλός άλωεύς | αίεΐ παπταίνει μή ο Ι Θέρος έκ χερός ερρη, Ο ρ ρ . Cyn. 4.83 άταρπιτόν ή ενι πολλός. . .οδεύει, and similarly Eur. I. Τ. 362 όσας γενείου χείρας έξηκόντισα. Piatt, accepting άματος, removed the stop after Ινιαυτούς and wrote πολλούς (the sun will not traverse the heavens jor many years), citing Soph. Ant. 1064 άλλ* εύ γέ τοι κάτισθι μή πολλούς ετι | τροχούς [τροχούς mss] άμιλλητήρας ηλίου τελών, but this, though at first sight attractive, fits less well with the abrupt εσσεται which follows, and would seem to require a πρίν-clause. 319
COMMENTARY
[73-81
73 Ισσεται: in emphatic prophecy, as II. 4.164, 6.448 Ισσεται ήμαρ δ τ ' άν ποτ* όλώλη Ίλιος Ιρή, Soph.^r. 1128 έσται y a p Ιστοί κείνος αΙώνος χρόνος | δταν κ.τ.λ., Headlam on Hdas 4.50, Τ. 24.86; cf. [23]·33· 74 μ^γας · · · β α ρ ύ ς : of the two adj. μέγας in Homer belongs to Aias (15.138η.) and βαρύς is not used of persons; cf. however T. 1.100, 2.3, 3.15, 17.19. 75 The t o m b of Ilus, son of Dardanus, τταλαιου δημογέροντος, was a mound surmounted by a stele (//. 11.3 71) in the plain before Troy. It is mentioned several times in the Iliad (10.415, 11.166, 24.349), but nowhere in connexion with an exploit of Achilles or Aias. 76 Φοίνικες: the Carthaginians. Carthage is west both of Syracuse and of any place from which T . can be writing, but the function of the following phrase, though it is probably more closely attached to the verb than to οΙκεΟντες, is, as Σ say, to distinguish these Phoenicians from their kinsfolk in Tyre. It would be possible also to read a symbolic meaning into the setting sun of Carthage; see 1.102 η.
77 Λ ί β υ α ς : Kuiper's Λιλύβας (the promontory at the west end of the island, to which the Carthaginians had been confined by Pyrrhus: Dion. Hal. 20.8) is ingenious but unnecessary, since 85fF. show Carthage and not merely the Carthaginians in Sicily to be within T.'s view. σ φ υ ρ ό ν : the w o r d is used of the skirts of mountains (Pind. P. 2.46, A.P. 6.114, N o n n . D . 1.165, 10.310, 48.241) and woods (Nonn. D . 2.1, 6.270), of outlying islands (Musae. 45), and simply of the shore (A.P. 7.501 Λέσβοιο π α ρ ά σφυρόν: c(. Norm. D. 2.76, 8.146, 39.26, 43.297, 48.192). These passages seem to show that it is applied metaphorically to position rather than configuration, and that it means here the coast. Otherwise there would be some temptation to refer it to the peninsula on which Carthage stood (γλώσσα Αρρ. Pun. 121, αύχήν it. 95). έρρίγασιν: for the form see II. 7.114, and c£. ib. 3.353, Ap. Rh. 3.438, Od. 23.216. 78 f. βαστάζουσι: so of weapons Eur. El. 696 and, as here, of war-like preparations, Rhes. 274 μάχας π ρ ο χειρών καΐ δόρη βαστά^ομεν. Τ . may be thinking of the prelude to the Mnesterophonia where Odysseus μέγα τόξον έβάστασε (OJ. 21.405). The spears are gripped by the middle whether in battle or on the march. The shield however would not be assumed until it was needed (ci. Xen. Hell. 4.8.39), and the picture is of troops arming for immediate action—presumably the citizen-hoplites of Syracuse. βραχίονας: the shield was wielded by means of a strap or band on the interior, through which the arm passed, and of a hold for the left hand inside the rim. Βραχίονας means the whole, rather than the upper, arm (its more precise meaning) for the strap rested below the elbow. ίτεΐνοισιν: wicker-work was a common foundation for the metal front of the shield (Eur. Heracl. 376 Ιτέα κατάχαλκος, Tr. 1193 χαλκόνωτον Ιτέαν, Suppl. 695, Cycl. 7, Ar. Jr. 65, Virg. Aen. 7.632), and T. would not seem to be indicating a peculiarity of Syracusan or Sicilian shields. 81 ζ ώ ν ν υ τ α ι : Et. M. 413.52 scovvuoOat · το κ α θ ο π λ φ σ θ α ι · συνεκδοχικώς ά π ό μέρους, as, e.g., //. 11.15. σκιάουσιν: Nic. Th. 29 π-οίη | π ρ ώ τ α κυισκομένη σκιάει χλοάοντας Ιάμνους, Arat. 600, 864, Αρ. Rh. 1.604. The verb occurs elsewhere only in the Odyssean δύσετό τ* ήέλιος σκιόωντό τε πασαι άγυιαί (2.388, al.). It seems preferable here to σκεπάουσι, which commonly conveys a further suggestion of protection. έθειραι: Τ. perhaps remembers Achilles at II. 22.315 (see 22.186η.). His general picture of Hiero arming among his troops recalls, though not verbally, Achilles arming with the Greeks at //. 19.364. 320
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82 II. 2.371, al. αϊ y a p Ζευ τε πάτερ καΐ Άθηναίη και "Απολλον. The prayer which follows resembles Pindar's prayer for Hiero I (P. 1.67), Ζεϋ τέλεΓ, αίει δέ τοιαύταν Άμένα παρ* ύδωρ | αίσαν άστοΐς καΐ βασιλεϋσιν διακρίνειν ί-τυμον λόγον ανθρώπων. | σύν τοι τίν κεν ά γ η τ ή ρ άνήρ, | υΐώ τ* έπιτελλόμενος, δαμον γεραίρων τράποι σύμφωνον ές ήσυχίαν. | λίσσομαι νευσον, Κρονίων, άμερον | δφρα κατ' οίκον ό Φοίνιξ ό Τυρσανών τ* άλαλατός εχη, ναυσίστονον ύβριν Ιδών τάν π ρ ό Κύμας, | οία Συρακοσίων άρχω δαμασθέντες πάθον, | ώκυπόρων ά π ό ναών δ σφιν έν π ό ν τ ω βάλεθ* άλικίαν, | Έλλάδ' έξέλκων βαρείας δουλίας. 83 κούρη: Persephone. Pind. Ο. 6.93 Ί έ ρ ω ν . . . | . . . φοινικόπε^αν | άμφέπει Δάματρα λευκίππου τε θυγατρός έορτάν, | καΐ Ζηνός ΑΙτναίου κράτος, Bacch. 3.1, Jebb ad he, RE 4.2740, 19.965; cf. 15.14η. π ο λ υ κ λ ή ρ ω ν : elsewhere only at Od. 14.211. The wealth of Syracuse was proverbial; see Steph. Byz. s.v. Συράκουσαι. Έ φ υ ρ α ί ω ν : 15.91η. 84 βΐληχας: 7.103 η. Λυσιμελείας: τήν λίμνην τήν Λυσιμέλειαν καλουμένην is mentioned at Thuc. 7.53, where a party of Syracusans, approaching the Athenian lines on the harbour, are attacked and driven into it. It is probably a lake or swamp between Epipolae and the Great Harbour (cf. Thuc. 6.101)—possibly another name for the λίμνη ήτις καλείται Συρακώ (Steph. Byz.) from which Syracuse took its name. 85 κακαΐ άνάγκαι: orac. αρ. Hdt. 7.140 κακότητος άνάγκας. 86 Σαρδόνιον: the term, which is as old as Hdt. 1.166, is somewhat loosely used, for the Σαρδόνιον or Σαρδωον πέλαγος is properly the sea to the west and south of Sardinia (Ptol. 3.3.1, Plin. N.H. 3.75), whereas that which the retiring Carthaginians will traverse is the Λιβυκόν, the division between the two being marked by the western extremity of Sicily (Polyb. 1.42.6; cf. Strab. 2.122, Diod. 5.39, Dion. Per. 82). Ap. Rh. 4.633 appears conversely to extend the Σαρδόνιον πέλαγος into the Gulf of Lions; and though his geography is there fanciful he is in agreement with Polybius's regular use of the term (e.g. 2.14.6, 8, 3.37.8, 41.7, 47.2). ά γ γ έ λ λ ο ν τ α ς : //. 12.73 ούκέτ' επειτ* όίω ουδ* άγγελον άπονέεσθαι | άψορρον προτι άστυ (cf. ib. 4·397)> Diod. 11.23 τους μετασχόντας του πολέμου κατάκοπη ναι, και το δή λεγόμενον μηδέ άγγελον είς τήν Καρχηδόνα διασωθήναι, 13.21, 14-6787 αριθμητούς: i.e. ολίγους, as, e.g., Thuc. 1.110 ολίγοι ά π ό π ο λ λ ώ ν . . . έσώθησαν, 3.112, 7· 8 7; so ευαρίθμητος, Plat. Αρ. 40D, Symp. 179c, al. 89 έ λ ω β ή σ α ν τ ο : Polyb. 4·54· 2 Τ ή ν ττόλιν έμπρήσαντες και κατασκάψαντες και λωβησάμενοι κατά π ά ν τ α τρόπον, ib. 4.18.9; cf. Lys. 26.9. κ α τ ' ά κ ρ α ς : utterly\ as //. 24.728 πριν γ ά ρ πόλις ήδε κατ' άκρης | πέρσεται, Soph. Ant. 199 Υή ν π α τ ρ ώ α ν . . . | . . .ηθέλησε μέν πυρί | πρήσαι κατ* άκρας, αϊ. 91 διαπιανθβΐσαι: the compound occurs again at Theophr. C.P. 6.11.7. 92 α ύ λ ι ν : with particular reference to cattle-stalls, as at 25.18, H. Horn. 4.71, 5.168, Call. H. 6.106, though as at 25.61, 76 the word may include other farmbuildings. 93 σκνιφαΐον: in the twilight. Hesych. σκνΐφ(ος)· άκρα ημέρας και εσπέρας (Ή)λεΐοι [so Musurus]: σκνιφόν άμυδρόν βλέπων. 'Αττικοί γ ά ρ και το σκότος σκνΐφος λέγουσι. The adj. in -αΐος does not occur elsewhere and it can hardly be determined whether T. wrote σκνιπ- or σκνιφ-. Σκνιπός short-sighted occurs at Semon. 19, but 3rd cent, papyri have both υπόσκνιπος and υπόσκνιφος in the same sense. For the temporal adj. cf. 13.33,/r. 31m., Hippon./r. 63 κνεφαΐος έλθών, Xen. An. 4.1.10 κατέβαινον είς τάς κώμας. . .ήδη σκοταΐοι, Αρ. Rh. 3·4χ7» 9Τ5» K.B.G. 2.1.274 (cf. 7 · 2 Ι η . ) ; commonly it is used predicatively. GT
11
321
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COMMENTARY
[94-100
The home-coming herds will speed the traveller on his way by reminding him that it is getting late, and the presence of the traveller, like that of the herds, will be evidence of peaceful conditions. 94 veioi: T. is presumably thinking in the main of land left uncultivated perforce in the disturbed state of Sicily. έχπονέοιντο: of agriculture Ditt. Sy//.3 22.9 τήν έμήν εκπονείς γήν, but in view of the variants Edmonds's έκπολέοιντο may well be right, though the compound does not occur. τέττιξ: for the persistence with which the cicada keeps up its music through the midday heat see 5.110η. and particularly Plat. Phaedr. 258Ε there quoted. 95 ένδίους: the 1 is long at II. 11.726, Od. 4.450, Call. ^/ΓΓ. 238.15, 304, Arat. 498, 954, Ap. Rh. 1.603, A.P. 10.12; short at Call. H. 6.39, fr. 260.55, Ap. Rh. 4.1312; and εΰδιος in Aratus is used indifferently with either quantity (22.22η.). Τ. has 38, 22.44, ένδΤάασκ-, 22.22 ευδία, and Antiphilus in a reminiscence of this passage at A.P. 9.71 (οϊκία τεττίγων ?νδιοι άκρεμόνες) reverses the quantity. 96 άχεΐ: so ήχέτα τέττιξ Hes. W.D. 582, A.P. 7.201, 213, and άχέτας used substantially (Ar. Pax 1159, Au. 1095, d)άράχνια: Bacch. fr. 4.31 έν δέ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αίθάν | άραχναν Ιστοί πέλονται | 2γχεά τε λ ο γ χ ω τ ά ξίφεά τ* άμφάκεα δάμνατσι εύρώς, | χαλκεάν δ' ούκ έΌτι σ α λ π ί γ γ ω ν κτύπος, Eur.fr. 369 κείσθω δόρυ μοι μίτον άμφιπλέκειν άράχναις, Nonn. D. 38.13; cf. Soph./r. 286, Tib. 1.10.49. 97 διαστήσαιντο: apparently stretch from one point to another, though an exact parallel for this use of the verb is not available. At Plat. Phaedr. 268 Α εΐ άρα και σοι φαίνεται διεστηκός αυτών τ ο ήτριον the meaning seems to be a web with intervals or gaps between the threads; possibly therefore διαστήσαιντο means rather spin their wide-meshed webs. μηδ' ονομ': Od. 4.710 ίνα μηδ* όνομ' αυτοΰ έν άνθρώποισι λίπηται, Αρ. Rh. 3.679 έπι γαί"Π5 | πείρασι ναιετάειν ίνα μηδέ περ ουνομα Κόλχων, 1092 ΐν* ουδέ περ ουνομ' άκοΰσαι | ΑΙαίης νήσου, Α.Ρ. 12.39 Χαρίτων λοιπόν ετ* ούδ* όνομα, Cic. ad fam. 7.30.1. Cf. Pind. P. 1.71, quoted on 82. 98 ύ ψ η λ ό ν : Pind. P. 3.111 έλπίδ' έχω κλέος ευρέσθαι κεν ΰψηλόν π ρ ό σ ω . The adj. is probably attributive, rather than predicative with φορέοιεν. 99 πόντου Σκυθικοΐο: the Euxine (so Σ) or perhaps the λίμνη Μαιώτις, though apparently neither is so called elsewhere. Scythicus is attached to words meaning sea by Ovid exiled in those parts (Tr. 5.2.62, 10.14) and by Silver Latin poets (e.g. Sen. Med. 212, Lucan 2.580, Mart. 7.19), but there is no indication that it was a current geographical term. Syracuse being near the western extremity of the Greek world, Hiero's fame must spread eastwards; Scythia and Babylon represent the northern and southern extremities of the eastern frontiers. Pindar, more centrally placed, extends the fame of the Aeacidae (/. 6.23) καΐ πέραν Νείλοιο π α γ ά ν καΐ δι' Ύπερβορέους. ΙΟΟ ά σ φ ά λ τ ω : the walls of Babylon were built of baked brick made of clay from a ditch dug for the purpose, and were cemented with bitumen (Hdt. 1.179). They were one of the wonders of the ancient world, but it is the baked brick rather than the bitumen which elsewhere excites comment; e.g. Ar. Au. 552 περιτειχίζει ν μεγάλαις πλίνθοις όπταΐς ώσπερ Βαβυλώνα, Ο ν . Met. 4-57 dicitur altam | coctilibus muris citixisse Semiramis urbem, Lucan 6.49 fragili circumdata testa | moenia mirentur refugi Babylonia Parthiy Mayor on Juv. 10.171. The neighbourhood of Babylon was however famed for bitumen (Diod. 2.12, Strab. 16.743, Vitruv. 8.3.8, al.) and according to Herodotus (I.e.) that used at Babylon came from the river Ίς, eight days' journey away, which θρόμβους ασφάλτου άναδιδοΐ πολλούς. 322
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Herodotus makes Semiramis merely a queen of Babylon, not its builder (1.184). The story that she built it belongs to the more mythical account of the queen which goes back to Ctesias (Diod. 2.7); see RE 2.2670. 101-107 T . returns, a little awkwardly, to the theme from which he started. It is the task of poets to celebrate Hiero (98). T. is only one among many and will not act unbidden, but an invitation will bring him to Sicily or to Syracuse in company with the Χάριτες whose advances have too often been repelled by stingy patrons in the past (5ff.). 103 λαοΐσι: sc. Σικελοϊς or Άρεθοίσας. The meaning is evidently the Syracusans rather than Sicilians generally, and as T. contemplates warlike exploits (71 if.) he presumably uses it in the Homeric sense of the rank and file of the army. In this sense the plural is also common in Homer, as, e.g., Od. 9.263 λαοί δ* Άτρείδεω 'Αγαμέμνονος εύχόμεθ* εΤναι. αίχμητήν: so of Ptolemy 17.$6. Whatever Hiero's position at the time (see pp. 305 ff.), the w o r d is suitable to a ruler engaged in martial enterprises (//. 3.178 Άτρείδης εύρυκρείων 'Αγαμέμνων | άμφότερον βασιλεύς τ ' αγαθός κρατερός τ ' αΐχμη-τής) and has an appropriately heroic ring; cf., e.g., Pind. P. 4.12 'Ιάσονος αίχματαο, Ν. $.j ήρωας α ί χ μ α τ ά ς . . . ΑΙακίδας, Scol. 17 (Ath. 15.695 c) παϊ Τελαμώνος ΑΤαν αίχμητά. 104 Έ τ ε ό κ λ ε ι ο ι : Eteocles, king of Orchomenus and son of Cephisus (the river on which Orchomenus stands), first established the cult of the Χάριτες (Σ, Hes. fr. 39, Strab. 9.414, Paus. 9.35.1; cf. Euphor.^r. 87 Powell). T. is visibly thinking of Pind. O. 14.3 ώ λιτταράς άοίδιμοι βασίλειαι | Χάριτες 'Ορχομενού, παλαιγόνων Μινυαν έττίσκοττοι, | κλυτ' έττεί εύχομαι* συν γ α ρ ύμμιν τ ά τερπνά καί | τ ά γλυκέ* ανεται π ά ν τ α βροτοΐς, | εΐ σοφός, εΐ καλός, ει τις άγλαός άνήρ. | ουδέ γ α ρ θεοί σεμναν Χαρίτων άτερ | κοιρανέοντι χορούς ούτε δαΐτας (c£. P. 12.26). Whether he wrote Θύγατρες (so Med.) or Χάριτες is less certain since Χάριτες might be a gloss on Έτεόκλειοι (or -ήος) θύγατρες, or θυγατέρες an expansion of the adj. or an accidental memory of 102. Since however the mss present the unmetrical form θυγατέρες, and since θύγατρες would be somewhat inelegant after 102, I assume this w o r d to be the intruder. Geop. 11.4, recording a legend connecting the Χάριτες with cypress-trees, states that they were in fact daughters of Eteocles. Their lineage is variously described elsewhere (see RE 3.2150), but if T. wrote Χάριτες and not θύγατρες, the adj. Έτεόκλειοι is sufficiently explained by Eteocles's share in their cult, and T., like most other poets, probably thought of Zeus as their father. Μ ι ν ύ ε ι ο ν : //. 2.511, Od. IT.284, Hes. fr. 144, Thuc. 4.76; cf. Paus. 9.36.4, 38.2. 105 Θήβαις: Τ. looks back to the early glories of Orchomenus, when it and not Thebes was the dominant town in Boeotia (on the early rivalry of the two and the defeat of the Minyae by Heracles see RE 6.433, Busolt Gr. Gesch. i 2 .256); it is likely enough however that he remembers also the bitter hostility between the two towns in the 4th century, for the Thebans had sacked Orchomenus and killed or enslaved the inhabitants in 364 B.C. (Diod. 15.79) a n ^ again after the Sacred W a r (Dem. 19.112, al.). It had indeed been rebuilt under the protection of Philip or Alexander (Paus. 9.37.8, Arr. An. 1.9.10), but its importance was at an end. The reference to Orchomenus in these lines has sometimes been taken as con necting T. himself with the town and has been combined with the reference to Simichidas of Orchomenus in Σ 7.21, for which see p. 128. It is plain however that Orchomenus is mentioned here as the primeval home of the Χάριτες and that there is no valid reason for inferring also a personal interest in the place; cf. 7.115if.
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[106-107
106 μένοιμι=ούκ ϊοιμι, as, e.g., I/. 16.838 μάλα πολλά μένων έπετέλλετ* ίόντι, Soph. Ant. 229. 107 ff. The exact meaning of these lines, and the difference in such a context between Muses and Graces, are hard to discern and were perhaps not meant to be analysed. On Χάριτες see 6η. There T., in so far as he is precise, seems to speak of the poet sending out his poems but remaining at home himself. Here the suggestion is pretty plainly that Hiero should summon him in person, and that, if summoned, he will bring with him his poetical capacities. The association of Muses and Graces is close both in cult (e.g. Paus. 5.14.10) and in literature (Eur. H.F. 674 ού παύσομαι τάς Χάριτος | Μούσαις σνγκαταμειγνύς, | άδίσταν συ^υγίαν. | μή 3Φ"Πν \χεΎ' άμουσίας, | αΐεΐ δ' έν στεφάνοισιν εΐην, Sapph.^r. 60, Bacch. Ι0·3» Theogn. 15, Ar. Au. 781, a/.), and a reference to both is essential here to round off the poem with a return to its opening theme (1, 6) which has been resumed at 68. If the Graces add anything to the idea, it is perhaps that the poems composed for Hiero will be of an epinician or encomiastic character. ΐοιμ* #v: see Introd. p. xxv. It is impossible to decide whether T. is or is not writing in Sicily: the general tone of the paragraph seems to me to favour, though very slightly, the view that he is not, though the opposite view has usually been taken (e.g. by Wilamowitz Textg. 159). ϋμμε: sc. τάς Χάριτας. On the form of the pronoun see 5.6m. άπάνβυθεν: in Homer άνενθεν and άπάνευθεν when separated from the noun precede it (//. 18.412, 20.41, 21.78, 22.88), but cf. Ap. Rh. 4.371. The separation is here considerable, but Bergk's proposal to transpose the word with άγοατητόν seems unnecessary.
324
IDYLL XVII PREFACE Subject. As Zeus is first of gods, so is Ptolemy (Philadelphus) first of men and he shall be T.'s theme, though on such a theme it is hard to know where to begin. Ptolemy's high merits are what might be expected in his parents' son. His father, now deified, consorts in heaven with Alexander and with Heracles his ancestor; his mother, now deified also, was a devoted wife to Ptolemy Soter and bore him a son like himself. Cos, the birthplace, greeted the child with enthusiasm and Zeus confirmed the omen. The second Ptolemy is lord of Egypt, most fertile of countries, and of much else beside. He surpasses all other kings in wealth, and his country is secure and prosperous by reason of his prowess; like a good king he adds to his inheritance, yet makes proper use of his wealth, and is a generous patron of poets. He alone has established a cult of his parents, and in this he is associated with Arsinoe, his devoted wife and sister. This marriage recalls that of Zeus and Hera. The poem ends with a promise of further encomia which will secure the King's immortality, but bids him look to heaven for αρετή. Style and Affinities. The Idyll stands in T.'s work much closer to Id. 16 than to anything else. There are however marked differences. Id. 16 contains some of T.'s most finished and felicitous writing, and in comparison with it Id. 17, though hot devoid of merit in some details, seems stiff, conventional, and sycophantic; and where the two poems handle kindred themes (16.22-57, 17.106-20: 16.90-97, 17.95-101) the inferiority of Id. 17 is very marked. Id. 16 follows no known pattern in its composition, but the note struck throughout is that of Pindar and Simonides (see p. 307); Id. 17 is framed on the pattern of a Homeric Hymn and its audible echoes come from epic, not from the writers of epinician odes. Id. 16 is a definite appeal for patronage; Id. 17 also may be so, but it extols Ptolemy's generosity and reads more like a formal tribute from a poet already recognised at court. Id. 17 in fact resembles the Hymns of Callimachus more closely than it resembles Id. 16, and with two of these, that to Zeus (H. 1) and that to Delos (H. 4), it has re semblances which cannot be wholly accidental. The Hymn to Zeus describes the birth of Zeus and his upbringing in Crete (10-63) a s T. (58-70) describes those of Ptolemy in Cos: Zeus's eagle, and his patronage of kings, appear in both poems and in the same order (Call. 68-86; T. 71-6): T.'s panegyric of Ptolemy (77η0.) is matched by a prediction of Ptolemy's greatness (Call. 85-90): and both poems end with a triplet concerning αρετή. The Hymn to Delos follows other lines, but it contains a description of Ptolemy's empire (166ff.), and Delos addresses the new born Apollo (265) just as in T. (66) Cos addresses Ptolemy. These resemblance: are of matter and thought rather than verbal, and the dating of Callimachus': Hymns is too precarious to establish with certainty which poet is influenced by th< other. See nn. on 65, 137. The two Idylls 16 and 17 stand together and alone in T.'s work and they wer< written within a few years of one another (see below). The disparity of their men is remarkable, and if there were no evidence as to their dates, would have justifie» a suggestion that they were separated by a long interval of time. 325
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[Preface
Date. Like Id. 15, this poem speaks of Arsinoe II as queen (128), and its date there fore falls between her marriage to Ptolemy Philadelphus, probably in 278 B.C. (see p. 265), and her death in July 270; like Id. 15 it may have been written shortly after the deification of Berenice (see 123 η.), but as that date is unknown the hypothesis does not help to date either poem. Id. 17 can however be placed rather more exactly between 278 and 270 B.C., for the catalogue of Ptolemy's possessions cannot have been written until after 274 (see 86ff, 137 nn.), and a plausible date for the poem would seem to be 273/2 B.C.1 Since Id. 16, T.'s address to Hiero, was in all probability written in 275 or 274 B.C. (see pp. 305 ff.) this will be the most convenient place to consider the relations of that poem to the Ptolemaic poems and the light they throw on T.'s life. In addition to Idd. 15 and 17 there are to be considered Id. 14 which contains a panegyric of Ptolemy (59f£), a probable allusion to him at 7.93 (where see n.), and the fragment (3) of the Berenice. It is possible that the choice of Heracles for a theme in Idd. 24* and (if genuine) 25 may be connected with the fact that Heracles was the founder of the house (see 17.26η.), but neither of these poems contributes anything to the enquiry. Of the others, Id. 15, as has been said, belongs to the years 278-270 B.C.; the Berenice, if the Berenice to whom it refers is (as is probable) the wife of Ptolemy Soter and mother of Philadelphus and Arsinoe, presumably falls within the same dates and is connected with her deification; Id. 14 contains no reference to a queen and might have been composed at any time in Ptolemy's reign (285-245 B.C.). Idd. 15 and 17 pretty plainly imply an Alexandrian audience, and therefore that T. was already established in Egypt or had at least been there when they were written, and Id. 15 could hardly have been written at all if T. were not familiar with Alexandria. That is less evidently true of Id. 14, but the characteri sation of the King which it contains suggests personal observation if not contact. The allusion at 7.93, if accepted as such, suggests that T. was receiving or hoped to receive patronage from Ptolemy. The Ptolemaic poems therefore form a fairly homogeneous whole, and since one of them, Id. 17, was written after the address to Hiero, it is generally assumed that T., having addressed a fruitless appeal for patronage to Hiero, turned with more success to Ptolemy; it is then natural to suppose that not only Id. 17 but also Idd. 14, 15, Berenice, and perhaps Id. 7 were written after Id. 16, that is to say after 275/4 B.C.3 This hypothesis fits the facts, explains them more simply than any other, and may be accounted probable; but in human affairs the simplest explanation is not always true, and it seems necessary to add that probability here falls some way short of certainty. It is always possible that T. was already in Egypt when Id. 16 was written and that for some reason he wished to leave it. Syracuse was after all his native town, and if further possible reasons for such a desire need be suggested, he may have disliked Egypt, or have failed at first to find favour at court, or have been anxious as to the outcome of the Syrian war, which began badly for Ptolemy and may well at first have left him little leisure to attend to the arts. It is worth notice that 16.5 if. indicate that T. has already made vain appeals to patrons other than Hiero; we cannot guess who they were or assume that Ptolemy was not among them. These are however no more than hypotheses, and it may well be that all the Ptolemaic poems were written after Id. 16; but the only one of which this can be said with certainty is Id. 17. 1 Wilcken (Arch. J. Papyrus/. 6.390) thought it was composed for the Πτολεμαίεια of 271/0 a but gave no reasons.* See 24.1m. 3 For slight indications that Idd. 18, 22, which contain no visible reference to the Ptolemies, may have been written for an Egyptian audience see pp. 348, 385.
326
ι-3]
IDYLL XVII
if. έκ Διός ό ρ χ ώ μ ε σ θ α : these are the opening words of Aratus's Plmenomcna, from which they are frequently cited in antiquity (A.P. 12.1 έκ Διός άρχώμεσθα, καθώς εΐρηκεν "Αρατος, Quint. Inst, ι ο. ι.46, Macrob. 1.18.15, Serv. and Philarg. ad Virg. Ε. 3.6ο, al). The two poems are nearly contemporary, for T.'s must fall between 274 and 270 B.C. (see p. 326 above), while the Phaenomena, if, as is alleged, it was written at the request of Antigonus Gonatas (see RE 2.393), w a s probably written in the same decade and after 277 B.C. Aratus's poem was the subject of compliments from Callimachus (Ep. 29) and Leonidas (A.P. 9.25), and though there are no other points of verbal contact between Aratus and T . and it is im probable that the Aratus of Idd. 6 and 7 is the poet (see pp. 118 f ) , it is possible that one poet is here paying the other the compliment of citation, as is perhaps, though not certainly, implied in the scholium here, Άρατεία κέχρηται είσβολη. 1 O n the other hand the view that poems should begin with Zeus is old (Pind. N. 2.1 δθεν περ και Όμηρίδαι | ^ατττών έπέων τ α ττόλλ' αοιδοί | άρχονται, Διός έκ προοιμίου, A l c m a n / r . 2 έ γ ώ δ' άείσομαι | έκ Διός αρχόμενα: cf. also Pind. N. 5.25, Soph. αρ. Clem. Al. Strom. 5.726P., Ion Eleg./r. 2.6, Cleanthes/r. 1 Powell, Virg. E. 3.60, Ov. F. 5.111, Met. 10.148, Calp. 4.82). T.'s further propositions that Zeus should occupy the end of the poem (Arat. 14 τ ω μι ν άεΐ π ρ ώ τ ο ν τε και υστατον Ιλάσκονται) and Ptolemy the middle and end recall also J7. 9.96 Άτρείδη κύδιστε, άναξ ανδρών Άγάμεμνον, | έν σοι μεν λήξω, σέο δ' άρξομαι, οΟνεκα πολλών | λαών έσσί άναξ κ.τ.λ., Hes. Th. 47 δεύτερον αύτε Ζήνα, θεών πατέρ' ήδέ και ανδρών, | άρχόμεναί θ* υμνευσι θεαι "j* λήγουσαί τ ' άοιδής, | δσσον φέρτατός έστι θεών κρατεί τε μέγιστος, Theogn. ι ώ άνα, Λητοΰς υΙέ, Διός τέκος, οΟποτε σεΐο | λήσομαι αρχόμενος ούδ' άποπαυόμενος, | άλλ' αΐεΐ π ρ ώ τ ο ν τε και Οστατον έν τε μέσοισιν | άείσω. Similarly elsewhere both &( gods (Η. Horn. 21.3, Soph. jr. 1129, Orph.fr. 168 K.) and men (Dio Chrys. 18.8, Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2.26, Virg. E. 8.11, Hor. Ep. 1.1.1; see 4 n.). T h e phrase with which T. and Aratus open is adequately accounted for by such passages, and though the two may be more directly connected, the wording is too simple to establish the point. ές Δία λ ή γ ε τ ε : λήγειν ές elsewhere means to stop at (i.e. short of): Hdt. 4.39 λήγει δέ αύτη (ή α κ τ ή ) . . .ές τον κόλπον τόν Άράβιον, Paus. 8.52.1 ές ανδρών αγαθών φοράν έληξεν ή Ελλάς, and similarly Thuc. 3-7$ ή ν α υ μ α χ ί α . . .έτελεύτα ές ηλίου δυσιν, id. 1.51. Here it plainly means end with mention of and the injunction is fulfilled in 13iff., 137. έπήν f άείδωμεν όοιδαΐς: the proposition that poems should begin (and end) with Zeus is general, and applies to all poems whatever their subject, as for example Aratus's manual of astronomy and this encomium on Ptolemy. It is plain therefore that the sense of the last three words in the line is correctly given by Σ as π ά ν ποίημα δταν γράφωμεν, and that any emendation (such as Schaefer's κλείωμεν) which separates αθανάτων τον άριστον from the previous line and makes it the object of a new verb fails, since it linuts the proposition to poems about the best of the immortals. 'Αθανάτων τον άριστον, in apposition to Δία, explains the reason for the prominence of Zeus, as δ γ ά ρ προφερέστατος ανδρών in the next couplet explains the prominence of Ptolemy. Άείδωμεν, which appears to be an accidental anticipation of the following word, has not been satisfactorily emended. The required sense would be given by μεμνώμεθ* άοιδάς or κοσμώμεν άοιδάς (Η. Horn. 7-59)· It is to be noted that $ 3 has αοιδης though this may be for -ης.* 3 Call. H. 4.16 (of Delos) αλλά ol ού νεμεσητόν έν! πρώτησι λέγεσθαι. 1 Wilamowitz {Hell. Dicht. 2.276) dated the Phaenomena in the sixties. If that is right, the citation, if it occurred, would be from T., not by him.
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[4-H
4 There is perhaps an echo of the line in an epitaph from Ostia (I.G. 14.935) άνήρ προφερέστατος ανδρών. 5 ημιθέων: the status of heroes, between heaven and earth, is not very consistently defined in Greek (see RE 8.1111), but they are not elsewhere said to be sons of demigods, with w h o m Homer and Hesiod identify them (W.D. 159 ανδρών ηρώων θείον γένος, οι καλέονται | ημίθεοι, πρότερη γενεή κατ* άπείρονα γαϊαν, //. 12.23). At 136 and 18.18 Τ. seems to make the same identification, and at 22.29 heroes are θεών τέκνα. Here he is perhaps somewhat embarrassed in adapting (at least in implication) the term to Ptolemy Philadelphus. His father had been deified and is μακάρεσσι όμότιμον άθανάτοις (i6) and έν αθάνατοι* (15.47), but Τ. does not equate him precisely with the older gods and may not have wished to imply that Philadelphus had quite the standing of their human children. Hiero, whose case is not complicated by a deification, can be described more simply as πρότεροι* ίσος ήρώεσσι (ιό.δο). 8 Cf. 22.223 yepacov δέ θεοί* κάλλιστον άοιδαί. 9f. For the paratactic simile see 13.62, 14.39. The meaning is J am as much at a loss where to begin as a woodcutter on Ida. πολύδενδρον: II. 21.449 Ί δ η ς . . . π ο λ υ π τ ύ χ ο υ υληέσσης, Suid. Ί δ η * π ά ν σύμφυτον όρος. Τ. is probably thinking of the woodcutting scene at //. 23.114ff. ύλατόμος: elsewhere υλοτόμος: cf. Lobeck Phryn. 636. παπταίνει: for the dependent question following this verb see II. I4-507» 16.283, Od. 22.43; cf. II. 12.333, Od. 22.381. παρεόντος: sc. έργου. II κατάλεξα): Od. 9.14 τί πρώτον τοι έπειτα, τί δ* ύστάτιον καταλέξω; 13 έκ π α τ έ ρ ω ν : 16.33 n. The words have been taken with what precedes and connected with έτίμησαν, or regarded as an answer to the question where shall I begin ? Neither view is satisfactory, and it seems highly unlikely that when, after the stitf opening couplets, T. embarks on his theme, the first words should be so retrospective. I understand the thought to be: it is hard to know where to start enumerating the boons bestowed by lieaven on Philadelphus: I begin with his father y whose capacities I might trace, if need be> further back. Έκ πατέρων goes with οίος and is explained by the references to Heracles and the Heraclids which follow. There is a similar glance at Berenice's parents in 35. οίος μ ε ν : Od. 2.270 Τηλέμαχ', ούδ* δπιθεν κακός έσσεαι ούδ' άνοήμων | εί δη τοι σου πατρός ένέστακται μένος ήύ, | οίος κείνος εην τελέσαι έργον τε έπος τε (cf. Od. 14.49O· The similarity of context and phrasing shows the passage to have been in T.'s mind (cf. 40η.), and the corresponsive οία δέ (34) suggests that οίος is exclamatory and means what a man he was to... not he was capable of..., though it is not plain that that is the right interpretation of Od. 2.272. 14 Λαγείδας: the patronymic should be Λαγ(δας (as in the mss) with the penultimate short, but Λαγειδας is found at CAl.fr. 384.40, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 255, and T., lengthening the syllable tor metrical purposes, presumably so wrote it also. Priscian (1.67 Hertz) cites- Lagties with Codrides, Bcltdcs, Lycurgtics and Lycomedties as having irregularly a diphthong in the penultimate syllable in Greek and a long i in Latin. Bolides and Lycurgidcs occur in extant Latin poetry, Κοδρείδης at Call.^r. 75.32 (quoted on 15.91). This last form, unlike the others, is not forced upon the poet by metrical considerations. For similar licence with an intractable patronymic sec 16.39η. έγκατάθοιτο: Od. 23.223 άτην. . .έώ έγκάτθετο θυμώ, Hes. W.D. 27, Simon. fr. 85.5. The sentiment bears some resemblance to the peculiar commendation of Ptol. Philadelphus at Call. H. 1.87 έσπέριος κείνος γΕ τελεί τ ά κεν ήρι νοήση* | έσπέριος τ ά μέγιστα, τ ά μείονα δ* ευτε νοήση.
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IDYLL XVII
16 πατήρ: Zeus. T . is perhaps leaving open a claim to divine descent for Ptolemy Soter. όμότιμον: at J/. 15.186 Poseidon claims to be ομότιμος with Zeus. There may however be some local colour in the word, for in the next century at any rate the ομότιμοι τοις σνγγενέσι were a class at the Ptolemaic court (p.Teb. 254, Gren. 2.23.1, al.) and possibly also at the Seleucid (Klio 9.418), and the title seems to have been borrowed from Persia (Xen. Cyr. 2.1.9, 7.5.85). The lesser gods are the συγγενείς of Zeus, and T. may suggest that it is to this rank in heaven that Ptolemy is introduced. 17 θρόνος: the ms δόμος is in itself defensible, for though δόμος and οίκος are practically interchangeable, and sometimes appear in one context with no appreciable difference of meaning (e.g. Soph. Aj. 63 ές δ ό μ ο υ ς . . . κατ' οίκους, Aesch. Ag. 961, quoted on 22.222), δόμος is strictly the building, οίκος the home or dwelling in a wider sense; so Soph. Tr. 689 κατ' οίκον έν δόμοις. And it has been defended on the assumption that T. is depicting residences in Olympus resembling the θάλαμοι of Priam's family in his palace (27. 6.244). In that case έδριάει (19) and έδρα (20) will also refer to residences; the gods will be feasting in Heracles's (22), and δώμα (29, where see n.) will perhaps mean apartment. But έδριάει and έδρα are no more natural in such a context than seat in English, nor is it apparent w h y the gods should banquet in Heracles's residence; and it seems reasonably plain that the whole passage relates not to the residences of these deities but to their seats at table, and that Bergk's θρόνος is right. Objection has been taken to θρόνος δέδμηται, but this verb may mean little more than set up (cf. 15.120), and T. seems to be thinking not of pieces of furniture moved into position as required (cf. Pind. O. 14.10) but of permanent arrangements for an immortally recurrent symposium. It can hardly be counted against this view that the gods are sitting, not reclining, for that was the heroic custom (e.g. Od. 1.144, 8.469), prevailing even in heaven (//. 1.534) and sometimes copied by Alexander during his lifetime (Ath. 1.17F). 18 'Αλέξανδρος: the body of Alexander had been arrested by Ptolemy Soter on its way to the oasis of Siwah, and either by him or his successor it was conveyed from Memphis to Alexandria and its golden sarcophagus placed in the building known as the Σήμα, round which, it seems, were presently grouped the tombs of Ptolemies (Strab. 17.794). The priest of Alexander became an eponymous priest for the dating of documents (Bevan Egypt under the Ptolemaic Dynasty 18, 93, Visser Gotter u. Kulte 8, 70). Alexander and the more recently deified Ptolemy Soter, together with Heracles from w h o m both claimed descent (26η.), are therefore tutelary deities of Alexandria; cf. 123 η. φ ί λ α είδώς: Od. 3.277 (Nestor and Agamemnon) φίλα είδότες άλλήλοισιν. O n Alexander's friendship with Ptolemy Soter see Curt. 9.33. 19 έδριάει: intrans., as also at Ap. Rh. 3.170. αίολομίτρας: elsewhere the adj. occurs only at //. 5.707, of Oresbius, a Boeotian killed bv Hector. The word μίτρα is ambiguous. In Homer it is certainly some form of protective girdle (//. 4-137, 187, 216, 5-857, 16.419; see 7.18η., Leaf Iliad 1. p. 579), but in later Greek it is applied to various bands. Alexandrians use it most commonlv as a synonym for a woman's ^ώνη (27.55 η.), but also of the baldric which carries a quiver (Ap. Rh. 3.156); it may mean also a headdress worn by oriental men (Hdt. 1.195, 7.62, 90), or by Dionysus (Diod. 4.4, al.)> by Bacchants (Eur. Biicch. 833, 929, 1115), and by other women (Eur. Hec. 924, Ar. Thesm. 257, al.)', fillets worn by victors (Pind. O. 9.84, N. 8.15, I. 5.62, Bacch. 13.196, Eur. EL 162, A.P. 13.28); or merely a bandage (Hdt. 2.122, Quint. S. 4.213; cf. Justin 329
COMMENTARY
[20-26
15.3.13). The w o r d may be of oriental origin, and as a headdress at any rate the μίτρα usually retained an oriental suggestion (see, e.g., Alcm. fr. 23.68, Pind. N . 8.15, Diog. A t h e n . / r . i = Nauck Tr. Gr. Fr. p. 776, Juv. 3.66; but Copa 1 Graeca...mitella). The v.I. or conjecture αίολομίτραις has naturally theretore found some favour, but the nom. is protected by Call. H. 4.166 (of Ptolemy Philadelphus) φ ύττό μίτρην | ΐξεται ουκ άέκουσα Μακηδόνι κοιρανέεσθαι | άμφοτέρη μεσόγεια και αϊ πελάγεσσι κάθηνται | μέχρις όπου περάτη τε και ότπτόθεν ώκέες ΐττττοι | ήέλιον φορέουσιν (cf. 86ff.n.), where μίτρη must be an emblem of Hellenistic royalty. Its nature is disclosed by Ath. 12.536A ( = D u r i s fr. 3 1 M . : of Demetrius Poliorcetcs) μίτρα δέ χρυσόπαστος ήν ή καυσίαν άλουργή ουσαν εσφιγγεν επί τ ο νώτον φέρουσα τα τελευταία καταβλήματα τ ω ν υφασμά των, Plut. Detn. 41 διαδούμενον περιττούς καυσίαις διμίτροις καΐ χρυσοπαρύφοις άλουργίσιν. It will be the διάδημα, which was thought by some to be derived from the μίτρα of Dionysus (Diod. 4.4). Persian kings wore it round the τιάρα (Xen. Cyr. 8.3.13), and it was assumed by Alexander (Curt. 6.6.4 purpureum diadema distinctutn albo, quale Dareius habuerat, capiti circutndedit, Justin 12.3.8), who wore it on the Macedonian καυσία (Ath. 12.537E), the καυσία διαδηματοφόρος becoming a distinguishing mark of Macedonian princes (Plut. Ant. 54, quoted in n. on 15.6; on the καυσία see RE 11.89). The διάδημα, as depicted both on Persian and on Hellenistic coins, is a narrow ribbon or fillet tied with some elaboration at the back of the head, the loose ends falling on the nape of the neck; and on the coins the Ptolemies, Hiero, and other Hellenistic princes commonly wear it on the bare head (see Pi. I. 6, 7, 8). The first element in the adj. αίολομίτρας, whatever it may mean at //. 5.707, probably refers here to the varied colours of the διάδημα (cf. Ath. 12.536A, Curt. 6.6.4 above); it should however be said that according to some authorities the διάδημα was white (Luc. Dial. Mort. 13.4; cf. Ael. Ν.Λ. 15.2). For μίτρα= διάδημα see, in addition to the passages already cited, Phoen./r. 1.24 Powell (quoted on 16.42). 20 άντία: adverbial as often, both in Homer and in later Greek. The mention of Alexander has possibly reminded T. of//. 3.424 δ ί φ ρ ο ν . . . | αντί* Άλεξάνδροιο θεά κατέβηκε φέρουσα. κενταυροφόνοιο: 7·ΐ49η. 21 αδάμαντος: the material, as compared with the golden throne of Ptolemy (17), is no doubt chosen as appropriate to the character of Heracles. 22 Od. 11.602 (Heracles) μετ' άθανάτοισι θεοΐσι | τέρπεται έν θαλίης και έχει καλλίσφυρον "Ηβην. Ιχ€ΐ: Pind. Ο. 7-93 έχει θαλίας. 23 77. 2.666 υΐέες υΐωνοί τε βίης Ήρακληείης. 24 έξείλετο: as Od. 11.201 μελέων έξείλετο Ουμόν, ib. 6.140 έκ δέος εΐλετο γυίων. Alexander died young, Ptolemy at an advanced age (cf. Luc. Macrob. 12); but the phrase probably implies merely immortality without any additional suggestion of rejuvenation. For γήρας in such connexions see Soph. O.C. 607 μόνοι* ou yiyvrron | θεοΐσι" γήρας, Αρ. Rh. 4.871 άμβροσίη χρίεσκε τέρεν δέμας δφρα πέλοιτο | αθάνατος καί ol στυγερόν χροΐ γήρας άλάλκοι. 25 νέποδες: the word is borrowed by Alexandrians from Od. 4.404 νέποδες καλής άλοσύδνης (of seals), and, whatever its meaning there, it is sometimes, as here, used to mean offspring (Call./r. 222, Ap. Rh. 4.1745, Cleon Sic. ap. Et. M. 389.28), but also sometimes offish (e.g. Nic. Al. 468, 485) as though meaning footless\ cf. Call._/r. 533, Pfeiffer ad loc. 26 ό ί μ φ ω : Alexander and Ptolemy. For άμφω indeclinable see H. Horn. 2.15, Ap. Rh. 1.165, 1169, Quint. S. 1.261, 2.460, 5.140, 14.171. Άμφοΐν (given here in
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inferior mss) does not occur in Homer and is absent also from T., Callimachus, Apollonius, and Aratus. Ή ρ α κ λ ε ί δ α ς : later genealogists traced the foundation of the royal house of Macedon beyond the Perdiccas of Hdt. 8.137 to Caranus, w h o was tenth in descent from Heracles (Theopomp./r. 30M., Porphyr. T y r . / r . 1 M., Justin 7.1). Ptolemy Soter claimed the same lineage not through his father Lagus but through his mother Arsinoe (Satyr, jr. 21), whose line of descent as given by Satyrus, like that of Alexander given by Porphyrius, includes Amyntas I. T.'s Ήρακλείδας is applic able to any member of the royal house, but presumably he means its founder, and presumably also thought of him as Caranus not Perdiccas (Plut. Alex. 2 τ ω γένει προς πατρός μέν ή ν Ηρακλείδης α π ό Καράνου). O n Caranus see RE 10.1928.
Since the descent from Heracles was traced through Hyllus, whose mother, Deianeira, was, according to some, a daughter of Dionysus, Dionysus also was counted an ancestor (Satyr. I.e.), and Ptol. Euergetes in the lost inscription from Adulis copied by Cosmas Indicopleustes (Ditt. Orient. Gr. Inscr. 54) calls himself τ ά μέν ά π ό πατρός 'Ηρακλέους τοΰ Διός, τ α δέ ά π ό μητρός Διονύσου τοΰ Διός. H o w far Ptol. Philadelphus's interest in Dionysiac matters (112η.) was due to this relationship and h o w much to natural taste may be doubted, but the absence of Dionysus from T.'s celestial party perhaps indicates that Philadelphus did not emphasise this side of his ancestry. It may however be remarked that Dionysus figured largely in Ptol. Philadelphus's procession, and that Heracles is curiously absent from it; the figures of Alexander and Ptolemy are there attended by Priapus and the town of Corinth (Ath. 5.201 D). Ptol. Philopator on the other hand in some sense identified himself with Dionysus (see Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 233), and Satyrus (I.e.) seems to imply that it was he, not a predecessor, w h o named the first tribe at Alexandria after the god. Ptol. Soter had been known at the court of Philip before Alexander's death (Plut. Alex. 10), and the story that he rose ex gregario mi lite by merit alone (Justin 13.4.10) cannot be strictly true, but his father, Lagus, was not of the highest birth (Plut. Mor. 458 A). 1 This fact may have produced the exalted pedigree for Arsinoe, which cannot however be shown to be fictitious, and it pretty certainly accounts for the tale that Philip, whose mistress Arsinoe had been, was Ptolemy's real father (Paus. 1.6.2, Curt. 9.8.22). This story is generally discredited, and it receives no support from T. Philip cannot be the Heraclid mentioned, for he was father, not πρόγονος, of Alexander, and if T. had thought of Alexander and Ptolemy as halfbrothers he must have mentioned their father, not a remoter ancestor. 27 άριθμευνται ές Ι . *Η.: the meaning is plainly are traceable back to Heracles but the expression seems to lack close parallels. For άριθμεΐν of tracing pedigrees ci. Hdt. 2.143, Men. jr. 533, and similarly numerare O v . Her. 8.48, Juv. 8.131: for ές, Hdt. I.e. γενεηλογίσαντι έωυτόν και άναδήσαντι την πατριήν ές έκκαιδέκατον θεόν: for εσχατον, Virg. Aen. 7.49 tu sanguinis ultimus auctor. T. perhaps remembers Pindar's congratulations to Sparta and Thessaly on being ruled by Heraclids (N. 10.1). 28 δαίτηθεν: Od. 10.216 α ν α κ τ ά . . .δαίτηθεν Ιόντα. The word does not occur elsewhere. 1 The name is for Λάαγος (so written, e.g., in Call./r. 734, p.Elephant. 2.1), and Wila1110witz (Hell. Dicht. 2.320) discredited the anecdote in Plutarch on the ground that a child of humble birth would not have been so called. But names of similar content (e.g. Agelaus, Archidamus, Archelaus, Demarchus, Demonax; cf. 7-52n.) are too common to warrant such an inference.
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[29-34
ϊοι: since εδωκεν is the gnomic or empiric aor., the regular consecution would be IT) (K.B.G. 2.1.160), and this was proposed by J. A. Hartung and Piatt, and presumably conjectured by Callierges long before them. The rule however is perhaps less absolute than the grammars imply: 29.16 (where see n.), Call. H. 3.166 υττοληνίδας έττλήσαντο [gnomic] | ύδατος όφρ* έλάφοισι ττοτόν θυμάρμενον εΐη, Nic. Th. 46 εσβεσε δ* αυγήν | τυτθόν δτ* όδμήσαιτο [ν.Ι. -σηται] έπιρρανθέντος ελαίου, Od. 5.490 (where the text is not secure); cf. O p p . Cyn. 2.192, 3.206. 29 δ ώ μ α : Hebe has apparently a separate residence, for though δώμα may mean room, it seems to be used of the principal, room (e.g. II. 6.316 θάλαμον και δώμα και αύλήν) and is not likely to be a synonym of θάλαμος. 30 ύ π ω λ έ ν ι ο ν : the word occurs elsewhere only as a false reading (for έπωλ-) at H. Horn. 4.510. Perhaps Heracles slings his quiver by the baldric on his forearm as he gathers up his weapons after the feast, but even in action it was sometimes so described (Pind. O. 2.91 πολλά μοι Crrr' άγκώνος ώκέα βέλη | ένδον έντι φαρέτρας), and the adj. here may merely describe its normal position slung over the right shoulder and hanging below the elbow on the left hip. For the attendants w h o relieve the god of his weapons cf. generally H. Horn. 3.5, Call. H. 3.142. 31 δζοις: on a wooden club there would be protuberances where branches or roots had been cut off (Virg. E. 5.88 pedum.. .formosum paribus nodis atque aere). Here they are similar irregularities but produced by cutting away (χαράσσειν) the metal surface. For an iron club see //. 7.141. Less probably the club might be of wood and σιδάρειον be used metaphorically, as at 22.47, 29.24. Pisander, w h o is said to have been the first to arm Heracles with a club (epigr. 22 n.), apparently gave him one of bronze (Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.1195); cf. 25.209η. 32 λ ε υ κ ο σ φ ύ ρ ο υ : the adj. does not occur elsewhere but is suggested by Od. 11.603 (quoted on 22) or H. Horn. 15.8 έχει καλλίσφυρον "Ηβην. 33 γενειήταν: Call. Η. 3-9° (of Pan). 34 οία: 13η. πινυταΐσι: the adj. is no doubt chosen for its association with Penelope (Od. 11.445, 20.131, 21.103, 23.361). περικλειτά: epigr. 27.3η. Βερενίκα: according to Σ 6ι Berenice was daughter of Antigone, a great-niece of Antipater; at Σ 34 she is called τήν β ά γ α [Κ, γαμάου cett.] θυγατέρα, where Bucheler's Μάγα seems probable. By her first husband, an unknown Macedonian named Philip, she was the mother of Magas, king of Cyrene (Paus. 1.6.8, 7.1), and of Antigone w h o married Pyrrhus (Plut. Pyrrh. 4). After the death of Philip she accompanied her aunt Eurydice to Egypt (Paus. 1.6.8), where Eurydice married Ptolemy. Ptolemy, w h o had previously married a Persian, Artacp ma, at Alexander's orders (Arr. Anah. 7.4.6), had several children by Eurydice (among them Ptolemy Kcraunos, and Ptolemais, w h o subsequently married Demetrius Poliorcetes), but about 317 B.C. abandoned her for Berenice or perhaps married Berenice in addition. 1 Berenice's daughter Arsinoe was born about 316 B.C., Ptolemy Philadelphus in 308, and there was a second daughter, Philotera, of w h o m little is known (see Pfeiffer Kallimachosstud. 14). 2 Pyrrhus, according to Plutarch (Pyrrh. 4), found Berenice μέγιστον δυναμένη ν και πρωτεύουσαν αρετή και φρονήσει τ ώ ν Πτολεμαίου γυναικών. 1 It appears from a Phoenician inscription (see p. 265 n. 2) which refers to the wives of Ptolemy Philadelphus that Arsinoe I, daughter of Lysimachus, remained his wife after his marriage to his sister, Arsinoe II. This was not contrary to the custom of Macedonian kings, some of w h o m are known to have been polygamous (Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 52). a She died before the deification of Arsinoe, and in Callimachus's poem on that subject is called θεός (fr. 228.52) and converses with Charis.*
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35 θηλυτέρης: the Homeric comparative seems, like ά θήλεια at 15.145, to be used substantially for γυνή. The usage is not uncommon (A.P. 5.271, 278, 290, 6.71, 7-557, 9-621, Plan. 130), but all these examples are of much later date. όφελος: Τ. is perhaps thinking of the general Greek opinion that daughters were a liability; e.g. Mcn.fr. 18 χαλεπόν γε θυγάτηρ κτήμα καΐ δυσδιάθετον, 6ο θυγάτηρ κτήμ' Ιστιν εργώδες πατρί. For Berenice's parentage see 34η. 36 For the Cyprian Aphrodite and Dione see 15.100, ιοόηη. For Aphrodite's part in the deification of Berenice see 15.106 if.; cf. 17.50η. 37 So at A. Plan. 273 (Crinagoras) Asclepius, inspiring a doctor, λαθικηδέα τέχνης | Ιδμοσύνην ττανάκη χείρα λιττηνάμενος | . . .στέρνοις ένεμάξατο: cf. Call. fr. 7.13 (to the Χάριτες) έλέγοισι δ' ένιψήσασθε λιπώσας | χείρας έμοΐς ϊνα μοι πουλύ μένωσιν έτος. βαδινάς: 10.24η. έσεμάξατο: impressed, 3· 2 9η. The resemblance of Αρ. Rh. 3·ΐο6 την δ* β Ηρη ^αδινής έπεμάσσατο χειρός is deceptive, for the verb there seems to belong to μαίεσθαι, and if the Homeric έσεμάσσατο (J/. 17.564, 20.425) is rightly referred to the same, this compound of μάσσειν appears only here, for the medical έσμάττεσβαι, in spite of appearances, is assigned to ματεΐσ6αι. 38 f. Od. 7.66 (Arete) τήν δ* 'Αλκίνοος ποιήσατ* άκοιτιν, | καί μιν ετισ' ώς ου τις έπί χθονί τίεται άλλη, | δσσαι νυν γε γυναίκες ύ π ' άνδράσιν οίκον εχουσιν, Hes. Scut. 5 (Alcmene) νόον γε μέν ου τις ί-ρι^ε | τάων ας θνηταΐ θνητοΐς τέκον εύνηθεΐσαι. | της και ά π ό κρήθεν βλεφάρων τ* άττο κυανεάων | τοϊον άηθ* οΐόν τε πολυχρύσου Αφροδίτης. | ή δε καί ώς κατά θυμόν έόν τίεσκεν άκοίτην | ώς ου π ώ τις ετισε γυναικών θηλυτεράων. έ φ ί λ η σ ε ν : for the aor. see 7.60η. The expression is inverted since 38 would logically be followed by a clause of which Berenice was the subject. There is a somewhat similar incoherence at 12.8. 40ff. The sense, as the hypothetical form suggests, is no doubt general: when a man is happily married (42) he can rest assured that his children are legitimate, and since they inherit his own qualities he need have no anxiety as to their conduct when they stand in his shoes; cf. Call. H. 4.170 (of Ptol. Philadelphus) δ δ* εισεται ήθεα πατρός. The subject of έπιτρέποι is indefinite (as, e.g., II. 22.199 ώς δ' έν όνείρω ου δύναται φεύγοντα διώκειν: K.B.G. 2.1.35)» a n d t n e v e r r j is used primarily with the idea of bequeathing on death, as at Od. 7.148 τοΐσιν θεοί όλβια δοϊεν Ι ^ωέμεναι, και παισιν έπιτρέψειεν έκαστος | κτήματ* ένί μεγάροισι. Τ. h o w ever is echoing Od. 2.226 (of Odysseus and Mentor) καί οί !ών έν νηυσίν έπέτρεπεν οίκον άπαντα, which is concerned not with an heir but with a deputy; and T.'s readers would remember that Ptolemy Soter, in 285 B.C., had shared the throne with his son. Similarly, though the plural παισί is general, it is appropriate to Ptolemy's two children, Ptolemy Philadelphus and Arsinoe, w h o were n o w ruling together. Throughout the passage on heredity which follows there is some memory of Athena's remarks to Telemachus at Od. 2.270, where he is told that sons rarely equal their fathers but that if he is a true son of Odysseus and Penelope he will be successful. The passage was already in T.'s mind at 13 (where see n.). σφετέροισιν: 12.4η. 43f. άστοργου: 2 . ι ΐ 2 η . άλλοτρίω: opposed to τ ώ οίκείω, as often (e.g. Thuc. 1.70). The word does not imply that he is another woman's husband. νόος: 1.37, Lycophronides fr. 2 έπεί μοι νόος άλλα κέχυται | έπί τάν Χάρισιν φίλαν παΐδα και καλάν. For έπί c. dat. in such a context cf. Ap. Rh. 1.1140 ή δε π ο υ εύαγέεσσιν έπί φρένα θήκε θυηλαϊς.
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[46-50
£ηίδιοι: perhaps careless or reckless rather than physically easy. T. may have a particular case in view, but it is not true, nor elsewhere asserted, that unchaste wives are necessarily prolific. The adj. is regularly of three terminations and £>ηίδιαι should perhaps be preferred, but at Eur. Med. 1375 £>φδιοι δ* άτταλλαγαί is better supported than the v.I. £φδιον. τέκνα κ.τ .λ.: Hes. W.D. 182 ουδέ πατήρ παίδεσσιν όμοίιος ουδέ τι παίδες, 235 (the blessings of righteous government) τίκτουσιν δέ γυναίκες έοικότα τέκνα γονεΰσι, Pseudo-Phoc. 178 ου γαρ τίκτει παΐδας ομοίους μοιχικά λέκτρα, Aeschin. 3.111 έπεύχεται αύτοϊς μήτε γήν καρπούς φέρειν, μήτε γυναίκας τέκνα τίκτειν γονευσιν έοικότα άλλα τέρατα, Α.Ρ. 6.353» Menand. Rhet. pp. 404» 407 Spengel, Charit. 2.11.2, Hor. C. 4.5.23 laudantur simili prole puerperae, Ter. Haut. 1018, Cat. 61.221, Mart. 6.27; cf. Aesch. Ag. 758, 771. T. is thinking more of mental and moral than of physical likeness (see 40 η.). Scholars have attempted to find an unfaithful wife to w h o m allusion may here be made. Eurydice, first wife of Ptol. Soter (34η.), Arsinoe I, first wife of Ptol. Philadelphus, and Apama, daughter of Antiochus I and wife of Ptolemy's halfbrother Magas (Droysen Gesch. d. Hell.2 3.346), have been suggested, but nothing in the known career of Apama supports the last hypothesis, for she was not yet 20 and the exploits of her daughter Berenice cannot be in view; and the suggestion that T. would think it tactful to criticise a wife of either Ptolemy or hint that the children of Arsinoe I, who were adopted by Arsinoe II (Σ 128), were illegitimate or lacked their father's qualities refutes itself. If T. had any particular scandal in mind it is likely to have been much farther from the royal house than these, and there is no reason to presume that it has come down to us; but in fact, unless the puzzling (ί>ηίδιοι is a reference to some special case, it is unnecessary to suppose any direct allusion intended. Regarded as a general proposition the lines reinforce 40 ff., and they are required to explain why the children of a happy marriage can be trusted with the inheritance. T.'s readers might perhaps recall that Ptol. Soter had preferred the children of Berenice to those of Eurydice, and that whereas Arsinoe I had borne children to Ptol. Philadelphus, Arsinoe II had none; but T.'s context does not require them to supply these, or any, illustrations of his propositions. 46 μεμέλητο: the perfect and pluperfect perhaps occur first in T.; cf. 26.36, A.P. 10.17 (Antiphilus), CAl.fr. anon. 119S. 48 άρπάξασα: Call. Dieg. 10.10 Έκθέωσις 'Αρσινόης [fr. 228] * φησίν δέ αυτήν άνηρπάσθαι ύπό των Διοσκούρων καΐ βωμόν και τέμενος αυτής καθιδρΰσθαι προς τω Έμπορίω. The machinery is borrowed from the apotheoses of more mythical figures; e.g. H. Horn. 5.203, Pind. O. 1.40. πάροιθβ c. inf. = πρίν seems to be unique, but πάρος is freely so used; e.g. 22.189, 25.215, It. 6.348. 49 κυανέαν: the hue of death: A.P. 7.646 (Anyte) κυάνεος θάνατος, Kaibcl Ep. Gr. 1046.84 κυανέου "Αιδος, Theogn. 709 κυανέας τε πύλας παραμείψεται αϊ τε Θανόντων | ψυχάς εΐργουσιν, Hes. Scut. 249. So of Charon, A.P. 7.67 (Leonidas) TOUT' Άχέροντος | ύδωρ δς πλώεις πορθμίδι κυανέη, Virg. Aen. 6.303 ferruginca subuectat corpora cymba. But ships may be κυάνεαι (Eur. Tr. 1094), κυανέμβολοι, κυανόπρωροι, κυανώπιδες with no such sinister suggestion. σ τ υ γ ν ό ν : 16.40η. 50 έας: io.2n. Recent editors except Lcgrand write έάς. . .τιμάς, and Σ have τάς σαυτής τιμάς άπένειμας αύτη: but presumably Aphrodite does not resign her functions but shares them with Berenice, and as the noun denotes not what is allotted but what is partitioned, the gen. is the proper case. Cf. Call. H. 4.9 Δήλω νΟν οιμης άποδάσσομαι.
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The line indicates that Berenice either shared a temple as σύνναος with Aphrodite, as, for instance, 'Αφροδίτη Βερενίκη shares with ή Συρία θεός in a papyrus of 222 B.C. (Wilcken Chrest. ι ο ί ) , or that she was identified with Aphrodite, like Arsinoe, w h o on deification had cults as 'Αρσινόη 'Αφροδίτη or Κύπρις (Strab. 17.800, Ath. 7 - 3 I 8 D ) , or Belestiche (Plut. Mor. 753E), or Cleopatra (p.Ox. 1628, ah). The 'Αφροδίτη Βερενίκη (above) after w h o m a town was named (p.Petr. 2.28, col. 6.32, al.) may well be this Berenice rather than the wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, but identification with the goddess in one cult would not preclude partnership with her in another. See on these subjects Harv. Stud. 41.1. 51 ή δ ε : Berenice. She acts as assistant to Aphrodite, but her offices, unlike those of the other goddess, are exclusively kindly. μαλακούς: predicative—the passions with which she inspires men are anodyne. Cf. Tib. 2.1.79 <* rttiseri quos hie grauiter dens urget, at ille \ felix cui placidus leniter afflat Amor. 52 προσπνε(€ΐ: i 2 . i o n . διδοΐ: sc. κούφας είναι τάς μερίμνας. ποθέοντι: I 2 . i n . 53-57 Having dealt successively with Ptolemy Soter and Berenice, T. turns with rather abrupt transition to Ptolemy Philadelphus, his real theme, and reverts to the point of 40ff. that children inherit their parents' qualities. Diomede resembled Tydeus, Achilles resembled Peleus, and Ptolemy Philadelphus too is his father's son (cf. 63). The qualities each has inherited are indicated in the somewhat artificially disposed epithets, the doubled αίχμητά...αίχμητςχ (s6f.) showing that datives λαοφόνω and ακοντιστή are implied in the preceding clauses. In fact Ptol. Phila delphus did not inherit his father's military qualities, and it is generally agreed that his success in the First Syrian W a r was due to Arsinoe; nor in its literal sense is αίχμητά (cf. 103) more appropriate, for he was physically feeble (Strab. 17.789). Callimachus (H. 4.187) gives him the credit for the destruction of his o w n revolted Gaulish mercenaries, but this was in any case no feat of arms (Paus. 1.7.2). 53 Ά ρ γ ε Ι α : Deipyle, daughter of Adrastus, king of Argos, w h o betrothed her to Tydeus (24.129η.). I assume Άργεία to be an adj., but Deipyle had a sister of that name w h o married Polynices (Apoll. 3.6.1), and it should perhaps be con sidered whether T. confuses the two, or follows an otherwise unknown tradition as to their marriages. κ υ ά ν ο φ ρ υ : 3.18η. λ α ο φ ό ν ο ν : the adj. is used elsewhere only of weapons (Bacch. 13.120, Kaibel Ep. Gr. 1079) and probably suggests savagery as well as warlike prowess, for Tydeus at any rate had a murderous reputation (see Roscher 5.1397)» ar *d Diomede is called (77. 6.97) αγριον αίχμητήν, κρατερόν μήστωρα φόβοιο. In selecting this pair to illustrate his point T. no doubt remembered II. 5.800, where Athena rouses Diomede to battle with a speech beginning ή ολίγον ο! παϊδα έοικότα γείνατο Τυδεύς. 54 Καλ. όνδρΐ: the dat. proposed by Hiller seems more natural than the a c e , and it is favoured by the dat. Αίακίδα in 56. 55 α λ λ ά : seems to be used with little adversative force as an alternative for δε or for μ ε ν . . . δ ε : Pind. I 5.34, Ν . 10.45, a n d with ^ v preceding N . 2.20; cf. Denniston Gk Part. 21. Full adversative force can be allowed to the particle if we suppose that the chivalry of Achilles is contrasted with the brutality of Diomede. The sense will then be that sons inherit their fathers' qualities good or bad (cf. Eur. fr. 75); but this seems less apposite, and though λαοφόνον may imply dis approval (53 η.) άκοντιστάν hardly points a contrast.
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[57-65
βαθύκολπος: Η. Horn. 2.5 κούρησι σύν 'Ούκεανοΰ βαθυκόλποις. άκοντιστάν: IL 16.328, Οά. 18.262. The word is not applied to an individual hero in Homer and is perhaps here a variation on 'Αχιλλεύς... δουρικλυτός (//. 21.233). 57 άρίζηλος: the adj. is attached to Berenice by Callimachus in an epigram (52) which commemorates the setting up of a statue of Berenice with those of the Χάριτες. If, as is probable, this is the wife of Ptol. Euergetes, Callimachus no doubt borrows from T., as the Doric of the epigram perhaps suggests; d. also Call./r. 734 Λαάγου φίλος υΙός, άρί^ηλος Πτολεμαίος. 58 Κ ό ω ς : for the form see 64, II. 14.255, 15.28, Η. Horn. 3.42, a\. and cL Hdian 1.403.24. Ptol. Philadelphus was born, in 308 B.C., in Cos, which Callimachus (H. 4.160) represents as reserved for him by Apollo, when, from the w o m b , he declined to be born in an island destined for θεός άλλος: cf. Λ.Ρ. 7.418 quoted on 7.93. άτίταλλε: 15.11m. ν€ογιλλόν: Οά. 12.86 σκύλακος νεογιλής, and βρέφος νεογιλλόν condemned in Isaeus (jr. 12) by Pollux (2.8), are the earlier instances of the word, the etymology and spelling of which are uncertain. It is explained by Hesych. as νεωστί γεννηθείς and by Σ Οά. as γάλακτι τρεφόμενος. 59 ά ώ : 7-35» Ι 2 · ! * 16.5nn. 60 έ β ώ σ α τ ο : 12.35 η. λ υ σ ί ζ ω ν ο ν : Σ Αρ. Rh. 1.288 λύουσι γ ά ρ τάς 3ωνας αϊ π ρ ώ τ ω ς τίκτουσαι και άνατιθέασιν Άρτέμιδι* όθεν καΐ Λυσι^ώνου 'Αρτέμιδος Ιερόν έν 'Αθήναις. For 'loosing the girdle' in this sense see Pind. O. 6.39, Ap. Rh. 1.288, Call. H. 1.21, 4.209, 222, O p p . Cyn. 3.56. 61 Ά ν τ ι γ ό ν α ς : 34 η. βεβαρημένα: Call. Η. 4.202 ύ π ' ώδίνεσσι βαρυνομένην. 63 ν ω δ υ ν ί α ν : Pind. Ρ. 3.6 τέκτονα νωδυνίας άμερον γυιαρκέος Άσκλατπόν. κ α τ έ χ ε υ ε : as Οά. 7.286, 11.245 ύττνον κ., 2.12 χάριν. 64 αγαπητός: Poll. 3.19 καλοΐτο δ* αν υΙός άγαττητός ό μόνος ών πατρί ή μητρί, ώσττερ και α γ α π η τ ή θυγάτηρ ή μονογενής καθ' Ήσίοδον [ fr. 225] και κατά τους πολλούς ττοιητάς τηλύγετος είτε ό άγαττητός είτε ό όψίγόνος οπότε τινι προς τ ω γ ή ρ α παις γένοιτο. Μονογενής is one of the regular glosses for the word, which is used in Homer only of Astyanax (//. 6.401) and Telemachus (Οά. 2.365, 4.727, 817, 5.18). Ptol. Philadelphus had, besides Arsinoe, a sister named Philotera, but no full brother, though both his parents had other sons (34η.). 65 φ α δέ καθαπτομένα: so in Call. Η. 4.264, of the birth of Apollo, αυτή [Delos] δέ χρυσέοιο ά π ' ουδεος εΐλεο παΐδα, | έν δ' έβάλευ κόλποισιν, έπος δ' έφθέγξαο τοΐον· κ.τ.λ. It is plain that these passages are related; less plain in what way. The j o y of Delos at the birth of Apollo is an old theme which Calli machus is embroidering (H. Horn. 3.61 ff, Theogn. 5), and the prayer of Cos in T. that she shall be honoured by Ptolemy as Delos is honoured by Apollo, might possibly be suggested by H. Horn. 3.88 (Leto to Delos) τίσει δέ σέ γ ' έξοχα πάντων. It resembles more closely however the expansion in Call. H. 4.269 ουδέ τις άλλη | γαιάων τοσσόνδε θεω πεφιλήσεται άλλω· | ού Κερχνις κρείοντι Ποσειδάωνι Λεχαίω, | ού π ά γ ο ς Έρμείη Κυλλήνιος, ού ΔΓι Κρήτη, | ώς έγώ Άπόλλωνι, but the imitation might be either way. Callimachus's h y m n is commonly dated after the close of the First Syrian W a r (RE Suppl. 5.441, Mair Callim. p. 28), but like this Idyll it might, so far as the historical references go, as well have been written when victory was in sight. Callimachus calls Ptolemy θεός (165) and T. does not, but this is not very strong evidence for the view that the cult of the Θεοί 'Αδελφοί,
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which apparently dates from before Arsinoe's death in 270 B.C. (Bevan Egypt under the PtoL 129), was established after the Idyll and before the H y m n was written. 66 ΰ λ β ΐ € : i.e. όλβιος γένοιο. For the attraction see Call. fr. 599 αντί y a p εκλήθης Ίμβρασε Παρθενίου, K.B.G. 2.1.50, Gildersleeve Gk Synt. § 25, Lofstedt Syntactica2 1.103. 67 κ υ α ν ά μ π υ κ α : 1.33 n. The adj. might seem suitable to an island encircled by the sea (as λιπαράμπυξ of an oily sauce at Ar. Ach. 671), but as Pindar (fr. 29) attaches it to Thebe it is perhaps a merely ornamental epithet of the personified Delos, as χρυσάμττυξ of Athens in Plat. Com. fr. 20 Demian. 68 έν δέ μιφ τ ι μ ή : i.e. in equal honour: 77. 9.319 έν δέ tfj τιμή ήμέν κακός ήδέ και έσθλός. κ α τ α θ ε ΐ ο : perhaps set down, record, but the precise meaning is obscure. Τ ρ ί ο π ο ν . , . κ ο λ ώ ν α ν : Steph. Byz. Τριόττιον πόλις Καρίας, άττό Τριόπου του ττατρός Έρυσίχθονος. λέγεται και Τριοπία. 'Ελλάνικος δέ και Τρίοττά φησιν αυτόν α π ό τοΰ Τρίοψ. το έθνικόν Τριόπιος και Τριοττΐτις το θηλυκόν και Τριοπηίς, ώς άττό του Τριοπεύς. καΐ το κτητικόν Τριοπικός. An adj. Τρίοττος does not occur elsewhere and Stephanus may have been right in substituting the gen. Τρίοπος. The place meant is the modern Cape Crio (Pi. VI), the extreme S.W. headland of Asia Minor, on which stood a temple of the Triopian Apollo, the centre of the Dorian pentapolis of Cos, Lindus, Ialysus, Camirus, and Cnidus (Hdt. 1.144), which, according to Σ, associated Poseidon and the Nymphs with Apollo in their cult. There is probably some special point in the reference here, and Σ appear to say that Ptolemy was interested in the cult; this however may be merely an inference from T. 69 Δωριέεσσι: the four other towns belonging to the pentapolis (68 n.). 70 Ισον: sc. Δήλω. 1 As Apollo's favour extended to the neighbouring island of Rheneia so may Ptolemy's embrace the whole pentapolis. Rheneia is the closely adjacent island, some three times the size of Delos (RE 4.2462), to which Delian graves were removed when the island was purified (Thuc. 3.104). At H. Horn. 3.44 it is among the islands subject to the god, and according to Thucydides (1.13, 3.104; cf. Zenob. 6.15) it was dedicated to the Delian Apollo by Polycrates, w h o tied the t w o islands together. It is probably this dedication which suggests the comparison. T.'s mss write the name 'Ρήναια as do those of H. Horn. 3.44 (vario accentu), those of Thucydides -εια, which is probably the better form (Lobeck Paral. 302). Both occur in inscriptions and 'Ρηναία appears in Steph. Byz. and Herodian (1.283.18, 330.13). If the accent there can be trusted, the last syllable of this form is long, but the evidence is hardly sufficient to establish Lobeck's 'Ρήνειαν here. έ φ ί λ η σ ε ν : 7.60 n. 71 2κλαγ€: for the form see H. Horn. 19.14, Bacch. 17.127, 18.3, Eur. LA. 1062, A.P. 9.571. For κλά^ειν of an eagle, II. 12.207, Soph. Ant. 112, Lye. 263, and often of other birds. T. is probably thinking of the eagle which appears after the prophecy of Aias's birth at Pind. i". 6.49, but the omen is appropriate here; see 72 η. 72 άπό ν ε φ έ ω ν : for the lengthening of the ο ci. II. 23.874 ΰψι δ' ΰττό νεφέων. αίετός: the eagle, besides being the bird of Zeus, seems to have been in some sense an emblem of the Ptolemies. An eagle on a thunderbolt commonly appears on their coins, and confronted gilt eagles fifteen cubits high surmounted the σκηνή in which Ptol. Philadelphus held his symposium (Ath. 5.197A). This symbol is 1 Gallavotri printed έοΟσιν, όσσον and has no note, but J 3 K have Ισον, and δσσον is cited by Ahrens only from deteriores.
CTii
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[74-82
more likely to explain than to be explained by the story (Acl.fr. 285) that Ptol. Soter, when exposed in infancy, was protected by an eagle (cf. Svoronos Νομ. Κράτ. Πτολ. ι. ρξη'). 74 αιδοίο ι: //. 4.4ο 2 βασιλήος.. .αΐδοίοιο, Hes. Th. 80, 434»^· 272. 75 γεινόμβνον: Hdian 2.486.25 γίνεται το άττοτελεϊται δια τοΰ ΐ, γείνεται το επί τοΰ γεννάται δια διφθόγγου: see Schneider on Call. Η. 3.21. T. has the transitive aor. part, γεινάμενος at 17.35, 18.42; γειν- is a variant for γιν- at 22.74, 25.124, no doubt mistaken in both places. For the view that a man's fortune is determined at birth, see Hes. Th. 81 (quoted on 7.82), Men.fr. 550 (quoted on 4.40), Philem./r. 10, //. 6.489, Quint. S. 11.275; cf. Pind. O. 6.42, N. 7.1. όπαδ€ΐ: Η. Horn. 30.7 (to Γη) δ δ* όλβιος δν κε συ θυμω.| πρόφρων τ ί μ η σ η ς . . . | ( ΐ 2 ) . . .όλβος δέ πολύς καΐ πλούτος όπηδεΐ, Hes. W.D. 326; cf. Pind. O. 6.72. 77 Απειροι: land as opposed to sea, not to islands. T h e plural is somewhat similarly used at Nic. Th. 827, where ήπείροισι means on land. 78 άλδήσκουσιν=άλδαίνουσιν, as at Kaibel Ep. Gr. 511. Eustathius (1318.33) has άλδήσχειν δέ κυρίως το έκ ποτισμού αυξειν, ώς α π ο του άρδω, but he is commenting on II. 23.599 ληίου άλδήσκοντος where the verb is intransitive, as at O p p . Cyn. 1.318, and αυξειν must be so intended in his gloss. ό φ ε λ λ ό μ ε ν α ι : the better attested nom. is preferable to όφελλόμενον (printed by Wilamowitz, Legrand, and Gallavotti) since it sharpens the contrast between the rain-fed countries and Egypt dependent on the Nile. Loss of ON after EN and of Al before ΔI are equally easy, but a scribe confronted with K's όφελλόμεν would accommodate it most readily to the nearer λήιον. That the concord should disregard εθνεα is natural, for, as the verbs show, the countries are the true subject, not their inhabitants, and άπειροί τε καΐ εθνεα is near to a hendiadys=/>o/?w/(W5 lands (c£. 7.57η.). Δ ι ό ς : ci. 4.43. Ίκμαΐος, "Ομβριος and Ύέτιος are among the cult-titles of Zeus. 79 φ ϋ ε ι and [2ΐ]·46 ποτεφύετο, but φύοντι 4.24, 7.75, φύηται [8].68. The latter is the Homeric quantity in the present stem; Attic poets, like T., admit both (see Pearson on Soph./r. 910), and so also Nicander (Al. 14, 506, 569). χθαμαλά Αΐγ.: i.e. the Delta and Nile valley; see 7.85η. O n the mountains of Egypt see Hdt. 2.8. The fertility of Egypt had long been proverbial (Od. 14.263, Ar.fr. 569); cf. 95 η. For the panegyric which follows see Hdas 1.26 τ α γ α ρ π ά ν τ α | όσσ' εστί κου και γίνετ* εστ' έν Α Ι γ ύ π τ ω κ.τ.λ., Headlam on 27, Τ. 14-68 η . 8ο α ν α β λ ύ ζ ω ν : i.e. rising or overflowing. So Αρ. Rh. 4.923 αναβλύζουσα Χάρυβδις: (άνα)βλύ3ειν is more commonly used of the gush from a spring, wound, etc. β ώ λ α κ α : the form, which appears first at Pind. P. 4.37, is not rare in Alexandrian poetry: Ap. Rh. 3.1334» 4-156*2, 1734, 1750, Nic. Al. 514. 81 £ργα δ α έ ν τ ω ν : accomplished, civilised: H. Horn. 20 "Ηφαιστον κλυτόμητιν άείδεο, Μούσα λίγεια, | δς μετ' Άθηναίης γλαυκώπιδος ά γ λ α ά έργα | ανθρώπους έδίδαξεν έπ! χθονός, οι τό πάρος περ | άντροις ναιετάασκον έν ούρεσιν ήύτε θήρες. | νύν δέ δΓ "Ηφαιστον κλυτοτέχνην έργα δαέντες | ^ηιδίως αΙώνα τελεσφόρον είς ένιαυτόν | εύκηλοι διάγουσιν ένι σφετέροισι δόμοισιν, Solon fr. 13.49 άλλος Άθηναίης τε καΐ 'Ηφαίστου πολυτέχνεω | έργα δαεις χειροΐν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον. Here what precedes, as at 97 what follows, suggests that έργα has its primary meaning of husbandry. 82fF. 3 0 0 + 3 0 0 0 + 3 0 , 0 0 0 4 - 6 + 2 7 = 3 3 , 3 3 3 . Diod. 1.31 gives the number of πόλεις in Egypt as more than 18,000 in older times and more than 30,000 under Ptol. Soter. At Σ //. 9.383 ώς δέ Κάτων Ιστορεί ή Διόσπολις ή μεγάλη [Egyptian
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Thebes] προ του Οπό Περσών άφανισθηναι κώμας μέν είχε τρισμυρίας ,γλ' [33»°3°]» Wilamowitz (Herm. 33·5 2 ο) would read ώς δ' 'Εκαταίος and suggested that τ'[300] had fallen from the number and 3 been dropped by the epitomiser; he thought that 18,000 was derived from Egyptian sources, the higher number from Ptolemaic, and that Hecataeus had transferred it to pre-Persian times to show that under the Ptolemies Egypt had recovered its ancient glory. Hecataeus ό 'Αβδηρίτης lived in the time of Ptol. Soter and wrote ΑΙγυπτιακά, and the restoration of his name is very plausible. Whatever may be thought of the remainder of Wilamowitz's suggestion, it is plain that a current estimate, no doubt of κώμαι rather than of πόλεις or άστεα, set the number at over 30,000, and that T. or another rounded it into an elaborate multiple of 3. For this mystic number in such contexts see 30.27, Plut. Fab. Max. 4 (cf. Liv. 22.10.7) θέας δέ μουσικάς καΐ θυμελικάς άξειν άπό σηστερτίων τριακοσίων τριάκοντα τριών καΐ δηναρίων τριακοσίων τριάκοντα τριών ετι τριτημορίου προσόντος.. .λόγον δέ της είς τούτο τοΟ πλήθους ακριβείας και διανομής χαλεπόν έστιν είπεΐν εί μή τις άρα βούλοιτο της τριάδος υμνείν την δύναμιν, δτι καΐ φύσει τέλειος καΐ πρώτος τών περιττών αρχή τε πλήθους έν αύτω τάς τε -πρώτας διαφοράς καΐ τά παντός αριθμού στοιχεία μίξας και συναρμόσας είς ταυτόν άνείληφε. Cf. 2.43, 30.27 nn. 85 π ά ν τ ω ν : neut. summarising 81-4. άγήνωρ: Σ //. 9-^99 ενίοτε μέν επί επαίνου ό ογήνωρ, ά άγαν τη ήνορέη καΐ τη ανδρεία χρώμενος, νυν δέ επί ψόγου, and in Homer, when used of people, the epithet is commonly uncomplimentary, as at Ap. Rh. 2.2, its only other occurrence in Alexandrian epic. έμβασιλεύει: c. gen. as though the verb were uncompounded. At Od. 15.413 Ctesius is said έμβασιλεύειν in two cities, but the local dat. would be less suitable to so large a number, and the preposition seems to distinguish Ptolemy's possessions at home from those abroad, which are now to be enumerated. 86-90 The following lines are plainly connected with the First Syrian War, but the history of the war, pieced together from inscriptions, is so imperfectly known that it throws little light on T., who is himself an authority for it. The outbreak of hostilities cannot be precisely dated, but in 276 B.C. the Egyptian army was in Syria, where it was defeated by Antiochus. T / s description of the Egyptian empire must post-date the failure of the attempt on Egypt which Antiochus intended to make in 274 with the assistance of Magas (cf. 98). It is uncertain whether the war ended in 273 or 272, but at its end Ptolemy's foreign possessions included Phoenicia and parts of Syria, the western half of Cilicia, and substantial parts of Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, and Ionia, Samos and Samothrace, Thera and the Cyclades (C.A.H. 7.704; on the war generally and on the extent of the Ptolemaic empire see ib. 699, Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 6i,J.H.S. 46.155, Beloch in Arch.f. Papyrusforsch. 2.229). It cannot be inferred from T. whether the war is over or not. At first sight the tense of άποτέμνεται (86), and less cogently of κτεατί^εται (105), which need not refer to territorial acquisitions, suggests that it is not; and there is perhaps some sup port for this view in 137 (where see n.). Άποτέμνεσθαι is regularly used of hostile encroachments and annexations (e.g. Ap. Rh. 2.794, Isocr. 3.34, 6.88, Polyb. 31.13.2) and would be suitable to the advance of a victorious army; but it would be quite in keeping also that after the peace T. should regard Ptolemy's acquisitions in the war as a step to further conquests, and the verb perhaps may not imply even so much as that (cf. Strab. 8.388 'Αρκαδία.. .πλείστην.. .χώραν όρεινήν άποτέμνεται). Consequently, though the passage must be dated later than 274, and the closing months of the war (273-2 B.C.) would seem most probable, a date between the end of the war and Arsinoe's death in July 270 cannot be excluded.*
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[86-92
Τ. enumerates among Ptolemy's possessions Phoenicia, Arabia, Syria, Libya, Ethiopia, Pamphylia, Cilicia, Lycia, Caria and the Cyclades. Ptol. Euergetes in the Adulis inscription (26 η.) asserted that he inherited from his father Egypt, Libya, Syria, Phoenicia, Cyprus, Lycia, Caria and the Cyclades—that is to say he subtracts Arabia, Ethiopia, Pamphylia and Cilicia from T.'s list but adds Cyprus. Pamphylia and Cilicia may have been lost in the Second Syrian W a r , and in Arabia and Ethiopia it is unlikely that Ptol. Philadelphus ever had much power, though as concerns Arabia it may be observed that the hieroglyphic inscription erected at Sais to record the end of the First Syrian W a r (Rhein. Mus. 38.391) mentions among the hostile forces 'horses and chariots more than the princes of Arabia and Phoenicia possessed', and that the Pithom stele (Steindorff and Sethe Urkunden 2. p. 94: trs. Navillc Pithom* 20) shows that Ptolemy and Arsinoe were at Heroopolis on the Isthmus of Suez in 273 B.C. taking steps to 'protect Egypt against foreign lands'; and as concerns Ethiopia, that Ptolemy, at some unknown date, made a military expedition there (Diod. 1.37; cf. Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 77). T.'s omission of Cyprus has been connected with a seditious movement which led to Ptolemy's execution of an unnamed son of Eurydice (Paus. 1.7. ι Κυπρίους άφιστάντα αίσθόμενος). The date is unknown and the revolt seems to have been merely planned not executed, but in any case T. cannot have meant to deny Cyprus to the king. His list omits also Thcra, Samos, and Samothrace; and probably the Cyclades do duty for all the subject islands in a list which is already tediously long. For Callimachus's more compendious account (H. 4.166) see 19η. 86 Ά ρ ρ α β ί α ς : for the long first syll., of which this is the earliest example, see Kaibel Ep. Gr. 569, Dion. Per. 925, and in Nonnus it is common. The mss here are practically unanimous in doubling the p, though according to Ahrens Ρ dissents. 87 κ ε λ α ι ν ώ ν : so of the Ethiopians Aesch. Prom. 808. Cf. 7.113 η. 88 Π α μ φ ύ λ ο ι σ ι : the ms -ίοισι can hardly be right, for the second element in the word was understood to be φΰλον (cf. Strab. 14.668), and the υ of Πάμφυλοι, nowhere visibly short, is long at Aesch. Suppl. 552; cf. Pind. P. 1.62, A.P. 12.157 (Meleager), al. αίχμηταΐς: so of various peoples in the Iliad (e.g. 2.543, 846, 8.472). The Cilicians had a bad reputation for piracy and savagery (see Pherecr./r. 166 with Kock's note). 89 σαμαίνει: imperat, as, e.g., 77. 1.289, Ap. Rh. 1.343, Quint. S. 12.342. φ ι λ ο π τ ο λ έ μ ο ι σ ι : ότι μισθοφόροι ήσαν διηνεκώς, Σ: but T . aims rather at painting the Ptolemaic empire in flattering colours. The adj. is attached to various peoples in the Iliad, but with the trochaic dat. T. is probably thinking of//. 16.90, 835, 17.194 Τρωσί φιλοπτολέμοισι (ν). 90 ναες άρισται: on the composition of Ptolemy's fleet see Ath. 5.203 c and cf. Ditt. Or. Gr. Inscr. 39; on the part it played in the Syrian war under Callicrates, J.H.S. 46.159. The mss agree in άριστοι, which Wilamowitz retained with a ref. to 15.84 (see 1.133η.). But mss are capable of corrupting the gender even of words where there would seem to be no temptation, and it is hardly conceivable that vecus should ever or anywhere have been masc. Perhaps the preceding ol may have contributed to the mistake. Gallavotti suggested νήας άριστοι, but this does not seem an improvement. 91 πόντον έ π ι π λ ώ ο ν τ ι : II. 3.47, 6.291, Od. 3.15, 5.284, Hes. W.D. 650, Ap. Rh. 1.549, 2.152. 92 π ο τ α μ ο ί : for the triple division of the earth into land, sea, and rivers see Hes. Th. 108 Θεοί καΐ γαία γένοντο | και ποταμοί και πόντος άπείριτος, Hdt.
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5.49, Eur. H.F. 1296, Ar. Nub. 282, Dion. Per. 1; cf. II. 3.278, Polyb. 7.9.2, Virg. Aen. 12.181, Liv. 29.27.2. κελάδοντες: //. 18.576 ποταμόν κελάδοντα, Ar. Nub. 283 ποταμών 3αθέων κελαδήματα, Αρ. Rh. 3-532 π ο τ α μ ο ύ ς . . .κελαδεινά ζέοντας. άνάσσονται Π τ . : Od. 4·Ι77 άνάσσονται δ' έμοί αύτώ. Menelaus is there speaking of some town in Argos which he would have sacked in order to settle Odysseus in the Peloponnese, and the phrases may imply sovereignty less than Menelaus exercises in Sparta or Ptolemy in Egypt. Even so the hyperbole in T. is remarkable. 94 χ α λ κ ω μαρμαίροντι: II. 16.663 εντε' ελοντο | χάλκεα μαρμαίροντα, ib. 13.800 Τρώες.. .| χ α λ κ φ μαρμαίροντες. σεσαγμένοι: equipped, a use of the verb elsewhere apparently confined to έσεσάχατο in Herodotus (7.62, 70, 73, 86). ά μ φ α γ έ ρ ο ν τ α ι : Homer has J/.18.245, Od. 20.277 άγέροντο, Od. 2.385 άγέρεσθαι or -έσθαι and 11. 18.37 άμφαγέροντο, which are usually considered to be aor. though Σ treat the last as an imperfect (σννηθροί^οντο). Αρ. Rh. 3.895 άγέρονται shows the shortened pres. stem, άγέροντο at 1.261, 4.214 looks to be imperfect, and άμφαγέροντο at 4.1527 might be so. T. however has άγείρειν at 14.40 (cf. 15.57) and Apollonius at 1.124, 2.186. 95 δ λ β ω : the annual revenue of Ptolemy from Egypt alone is put by Jerome (Migne P.L. 25.585) at 14,800 silver talents and i £ million artabae of grain. For a brief account of its sources see Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 145; cf. also RostovtzefF Soc. and Econ. Hist. 1.407. καταβρίθοι: outweigh. The use is illogical, for in the scales Ptolemy's wealth would cause the opposing scale to rise, not to sink. Καβέλκειν is similarly used by Callimachus Jr. 1.9 κα6έλ[κει | δρυν πο]λύ την μακρήν όμπνια θεσμοφόρο[ς], and, in Latin, deducere, deprimere, grauare; see C.Q. 28.128. 96 έπ* άμαρ: 11.69 η. ά φ ν ε ό ν : 15.22 is άφνειώ Πτολεμαίω. Τ . elsewhere (like Call, and Αρ. Rh.) uses the form in -ειός (13.19, 24.108, [25].119) which is the only one k n o w n in early epic. 97 έργα: 8 i n . περιστέλλουσιν: the regular meanings of the verb are given by Hesych.: καλύπτει, συστέλλει, κοσμεί, σκέπει, φυλάττει, περιβάλλει: cf. Ι5·75 η · Here it can mean no more than attend to, as probably at Eur. H.F. 1129 την θεόν έάσας τ α σα περιστέλλου κακά. K's περιστέλλονται may be right, but it receives little support from Eur. I.e. where the middle is in any case appropriate to the context. 98 δη ί ω ν : it is not quite plain whether this word is to be regarded as an anapaest or a spondee. In Homer the verb δηιοΟν is frequently used in positions which require synizesis of the first two syllables (e.g. II. 5.452, 22.218), and it is reasonable to assume synizesis in the Homeric cases of δηίοιο, δηίω. Τ . has neither verb nor adjective elsewhere, and Apollonius's instances of both are ambiguous. Since Anyte (A.P. 6.123) apparently allows δαίων (or δηίων) at the end of a pentameter, it is possible that in Alexandrian poetry the ambiguous examples should be regarded as beginning with two short syllables. πολυκήτεα: the adj. does not occur elsewhere, but cf. βαθυκήτης (Theogn. 175), μεγακήτης (//. 8.222, 11.5, 600, 21.22, Od. 3.158). These are obscure, but μεγακήτεα πόντον at Od. 3.158 was plainly understood by T. to mean abounding in κήτεα. Κήτος is used of large fish (e.g. the tunny), and the Nile is prolific in fish (see Hdt. 2.93, Diod. 1.36, Strab. 17.823), some of which are large (the Nile Perch, Lates Niloticus, attains a length of five or six feet, and a weight of 280 pounds). 1 1 Boulenger Fishes of the Nile 1.452, Thompson Gloss. Gk Fishes 144. 341
COMMENTARY
[99-107
W e need not therefore assume T. to be thinking of hippopotami or crocodiles, though, like Herodotus, he no doubt knew of their existence even if he had not seen them; 1 cf. Sen. Qu. Nat. 4.2.12 (Nilus) beluas marinis uel magnitudine uel tioxa pares educat, A.P. 11.348, Alciphr. 4.18.16 Sch. The Nile is πολυβρέμμων at Aesch. Pers. 33, but presumably in reference to human rather than piscine population. 99 έστάσατο: Ar. Thesm. 696 ou πολλήν βοή ν | στήσεσθε;, where, as here, βοή is the battle-cry (cf. 16.97). l n other connexions the active is the regular use (Aesch. Ch. 885, Eur. Heracl. 128, 656,I.T. 1307, Antiphan./r. 196, Luc. V.H. 2.26), and Luc. V.H. 2.46 has βοήν Ιστάναι of the battle-cry. For the context generally cf. Bacch. 18.3 τί νέον έκλαγε χαλκοκώδων σάλπιγξ πολεμηίαν άοιδάν; | ή τις άμετέρας χθονός δυσμενής όρι* αμφιβάλλει στραταγέτας άνήρ; | ή λησται κακομάχανοι | ποιμένων άέκατι μήλων σεύοντ* ογέλας βία; 100 αίγιαλόνδε: as χέρσονδε (ιό.όιη.), ήπειρόνδε (Od. 5.56, 18.84). ι ο ί έπί: of the object aimed at, as 1.49, 22.145, 149, Ap. Rh. 1.425 έπι βουσί Ι 3ωσάσθην, ib. 3.403, 591, al. The prepositional phrase seems to belong more closely to θωρηχθείς άνάρσιος than to the verb. ΑΙγυπτίησιν: for ΑΙγύπτιος trisyllabic (with consonantal 1) see II. 9.382, Od. 4.83, 127, 229, 14.263, 286, 17.432. 102 ένίδρυται: epigr. 18.5; c£. I7.i24f. 103 ξανθοκόμας: cf. Pind. N. 9.17, Pisand. αρ. ΣΤ //. 4.147, O p p . Cyn. 2.165, 3.24. The form in -ης is approved by Pollux (2.24) and is presumably better than that in -ος: the same variants are found in the commoner χρυσοκόμης, -ος. Golden hair is appropriate to a hero (cf. 18.1, Baehrens on Cat. 64.63), but Ptolemy would hardly be called ξανθοκόμης if he were not really so; and light hair is natural in a Macedonian. The coma Berenices is called by Catullus (66.62), presumably following Callimachus, flaui uerticis exuuiae. Its owner was daughter of Philadelphus's half-brother Magas. επισταμένος δ. π . : Τ. is perhaps thinking distantly of the spear of Achilles, //. 16.141 τό μέν ου δύνατ* άλλος 'Αχαιών | πάλλει ν, άλλα μιν οίος έπίστατο πήλαι Άχιλλεύς, but the phrase is mere flattery as applied to Ptol. Philadelphus (see n. on 53-7). 104 έ π ί π α γ χ υ : as Ap. Rh. 3.511 έτ) έπι π ά γ χ υ πέποιθεν | ήνορέη and perhaps Maiistas 13 (LG. 11.4.1299= Powell Coll. Al. p. 69) φ έπι π ά γ χ υ | γήθησαν where έπί may be otherwise accounted for. Similarly επί δήν (Αρ. Rh. 1.516, 4.740), έπι σχεδόν (Η. Horn. 3.3» Αρ. Rh. 2.426, 490, 604, 1283, 4-948, 1110, 1187, ΐ35θ); έ π ί π α γ χ ν was proposed by Meineke (following Reiske) at Call. H. 3.215. See on such formations Rutherford New Phryn. 117. I write έ π ί π α γ χ ν not έπί π ά γ χ υ on the analogy of επάνω, σύνεγγυς, et sim., and would write έπιδήν: έπισχεδόν is commonly so written. The ms evidence is divided and valueless (for it is also divided at Hes. W.D. 264 δικέων έπι π ά γ χ υ λάθεσθε, where έπί does not belong to π ά γ χ υ ) . Αρ. Rh. 2.426 has έπι δέ σχεδόν but this may be a case of tmesis, as in έκ δ' όνομακλήδην, διά δ' άμπερές, διά δ* άνδιχα (25.256 n.). 106-20 O n the proper use of wealth see the corresponding but much finer passage, 16.22-57. 107 μ υ ρ μ ά κ ω ν : Crates Jr. 10.6 Diels χρήματα δ' ούκ έθέλω συνάγειν κλυτά, κανθάρου όλβον | μύρμηκός τ* άφενος χρήματα μαιόμενος, and without this sug1 Nicander in the next century speaks of hippopotami which frequent the Nile and damage the crops ίπτέρ Σάιν (Τ/1.566), which is well within the Delta; and crocodiles, which were molested by few and counted sacred by many (Diod. 1.35), are not likely to have had a more restricted range.
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gestion of miserliness, Zenob. I . I I αγαθών μυρμηκιά* έπι πλήθους ευδαιμονίας, Hor. Serm. 1.1.33 · F ° r a n t s in another proverbial connexion see 15.45η. a c i : with μογεόντων. For the order of words see 2.137η. κ έ χ υ τ α ι : is gathered ot heaped, as, e.g., Od. 17.297 κόπρω ή οι προπάροιθε θυράων | . . .άλις κέχυτ', Hdt. 1.22 σωρόν μέγον σίτου κεχυμένον. The sense is χρυσός ου κέχυται άτε κέχυται πλούτος: for the form of the simile see 7.76η. io8 θ ε ώ ν : Ptol. Soter had begun temples to Egyptian gods at Dendera, Edfu, and other places (Tarn Hellen. Civil. 145), and Ptol. Philadelphus had adorned the native temples at Naucratis (RE 16.1958), but T., who is unlikely to have taken much stock of these, is more probably thinking of benefactions to Greek temples in Alexandria, of which not much is k n o w n ; cf. however Eratosthenes ap. Ath. 7.276 Β τοΰ Πτολεμαίου κτί^οντος εορτών και θυσιών π α ν τ ο δ α π ώ ν γένη και μάλιστα περί τον Διόνυσον (cf. 112 below). έρικυδέες: II. 3-^5» 20.265 θεών έρικυδέα δώρα. 109 άπαρχομένοιο: sc. Πτολεμαίου. The meaning is απαρχάς και άλλα γέρα δίδοντος. Ά π α ρ χ α ί are primitiae, first fruits, of possessions or acquisitions (by conquest, inheritance, harvest, etc.), which may take the form of sacrifice or offerings in kind (cf. 7.33), or of more permanent dedications. So Alexander I of Macedon τών αΙχμαλώτων Μήδων άπαρχήν ανδριάντα χρυσούν άνέστησεν είς Δελφούς (Dem. 12.21), and of Croesus's many dedications τ ά μεν νυν ες τε Δελφούς και ές του Άμφιάρεω άνέθηκε οίκήιά τε έόντα και τών πατρωίων χρημάτων άπαρχήν, τά δέ άλλα αναθήματα έξ ανδρός έγένετο ούσίης εχθρού (Hdt. 1.92; c(. 4-88); cf. Is. 5.42 ετι δ* έν άκροπόλει άπαρχάς τών όντων άναθέντες πολλοίς, ως α π ό ίδιας κτήσεως, άγάλμασι χαλκοΐς και λιθίνοις κεκοσμήκασι το Ιερόν, and see Wyse ad loc.
110 ί φ θ Ι μ ο ι σ ι . . . β α σ ι λ ε υ σ ι : Hcs.fr. 33 ΐφθιμοι βασιλήες: cf. Od. 16.332. Τ. is talking of Ptolemy's administration of his own empire rather than of his relations with other potentates, and the phrase suggests an array of subject kings, but it is difficult to see w h o they should be. Philocles, one of Ptolemy's officers, was king of Sidon (see RE 2 A 2224), but in general Egyptian territories abroad were administered by στρατηγοί, ναύαρχοι, and νησίαρχοι (on w h o m seeJ.H.S. 31.251), and the βασιλείς, if there were any, can have been of no account. i n π ο λ λ ό ν . . . π ο λ ύ ν : the two stems are indifferently used, as in Homer (see van Leeuwen Ench. 239). In the gen. Homer and Apollonius have only πολέος, Τ. only πολλώ, but T.'s context (15.5) favours a non-epic form. 112 Δ ι ω ν ύ σ ο υ : on the connexion of Dionysus with the royal house see 26η. For Ptol. Philadelphus's devotion to Dionysiac celebrations see 108 n.; for the leading part played by Dionysus in his procession see Ath. 5.197 E, 198 c, 201c. It included (198 Β) Φιλίσκος ό ποιητής Ιερεύς ων Διονύσου και πάντες ol περί τον Διόνυσον τεχνΐται, and a guild of τεχνΐται περί τόν Διόνυσον και θεούς Αδελφούς at Ptolemais (Ditt. Or. Gr. Inscr. 50, 51) suggests that Philadelphia's patronage of the arts was not confined to Alexandria. At 14.61 he is called in more general terms φιλόμουσος (cf. 15.96η.), and the second inscription from Ptolemais shows that the τεχνΐται περί τόν Διόνυσον included, besides tragic and comic dramatists, epic poets and musicians of various kinds. Ιερούς κατ* α γ ώ ν α ς : for κατά c. ace. of purpose cf., e.g., Od. 3.72, 9.253 κατά πρήξιν άλάλησθε, 3.106 πλα^όμενοι κατά ληίδ', 11.479» Thuc. 6.31 κατά θέαν ήκεν, Polyb. 3-22.8 κατ' έμπορίαν παραγινομένοις. The adj. belongs properly to Pan-Hellenic meetings (16.47η.), and if not purely stereotyped here is perhaps an attempt to equate Ptolemy's celebrations with them.
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COMMENTARY
[113-123
113 λ ι γ υ ρ ά ν : of poetry Hes. W.D. 659 λιγνρής έπέβησαν άοιδής, Diog. Laert. 5.94 επιγραμμάτων ποιητής λιγυρός, but, as his verb shows, T. is thinking as much of the singing as of the poetry and the word is used as at 8.71, 15.135. 114 δ ω τ ί ν α ν : II. 9.155, 297, Od. 9.268, 11.352, Ap. Rh. 1.89,Lye. 959. The word is also used by Herodotus (1.61, 69, 6.62). άντάξιον: a heightened synonym for άξιον. The proper meaning of the compound is of equal value. 115 ύ π ο φ ή τ α ι : 16.29 η. 116 fF. Cf. 16.29if. and note on 30. T. is perhaps thinking of Pind. P. 1.99 το δε παθεΤν εύ π ρ ώ τ ο ν άθλων · εύ δ* ακούει ν δευτέρα μοΐρ* · άμφοτέροισι δ* άνήρ | δς άν έγκύρση και ελη, στέφανον νψιστον δέδεκται. Ptolemy is both όλβιος (75» 95) and praised by poets so that he satisfies both Pindar's criteria. 120 αέρι nq. κέκρυπται: 16.30η. and Hes. Th. 729 there quoted. The associa tions of ήερόεις in early poetry are with Tartarus (to which it is often attached) and the lower world, as //. 15.191, 21.56, H. Horn. 2.337, 402 30905 ή., Od. 20.64 ή. κέλευθα, and the Nekyia takes place in the land of the Cimmerii, w h o are ήέρι καΐ νεφέλη κεκαλυμμένοι (Od. 11.15). The mist or darkness whence there is no return is therefore most naturally understood to mean Hades. T.'s phrasing, no doubt intentionally, leaves some latitude in interpretation, but from the point of view of the living the vanished splendours of the house of Atreus may be thought to be in Hades even though in other contexts the dead may be said to leave their wealth on earth (16.42, 58 nn.). The limiting relative clause δθεν πάλιν ούκέτι νόστος (see 12.19η.) also suggests Hades and makes very improbable the view that άήρ has its later sense, and that T. means that the treasure has gone with the wind. 121 προτέρων τε καΐ ώ ν κ . τ , λ . : των εκπαλαι θανόντων και τ ω ν π ρ ό μικρού, Σ, but the relative clause plainly means the living. θ€ρμά: fresh, as Plut. Mor. 517 F μή χαίρειν έώλοις κακοϊς άλλα θερμοΐς και προσφάτου, 7 ° 8 F , but in both passages the idea of physical warmth is still present; cf. Erinna, ι Β19D 2 (Page's restorations) μοι έν κρα[δία τεϋς ω κό]ρα ΐχνια κείται | Θέρμ' ετι, Ον. Met. 7-775 pedum calidus uestigia puluis habebat. At A.P. 9.371 λαγωόν | σευε κύων θερμοΐς ϊχνεσι, the ίχνη seem to be the dog's, and the meaning to be hot-foot. 122 στειβομένα: for the passive cf. Xen. An. 1.9.13 π α ρ ά τάς στειβομένας οδούς. έκμάσσεται: moulds, holds the imprint of Eur. El. 534 πώς δ* άν γένοιτ* άν έν κραταιλέω πέδω | γαίας ποδών εκμακτρον; 123 ματρί: Berenice is put first perhaps because her deification was subsequent to that of Ptol. Soter and may have been recent (see p. 265), but it is the cult of the mother or of both parents together for which uniqueness is claimed, tor Antiochus also had established a cult of his father (App. Syr. 6 3 ; cf. RE 2 A1231). Alexander had intended to deify Olympias on her death (Curt. 9.6.26, 10.5.30), but died before her. θυώδεας: of temples also H. Horn. 2.355, 385, 5.58, Ap. Rh. 1.307; cf. Pind. O. 7.32, Plut. Mor. 437c. ν α ο ύ ς : the site of the cult of the Θεοί Σωτήρες, Ptolemy I and Berenice, in Alexandria is unknown, but as the Ptolemies were anxious to emphasise their connexion with Alexander, and as the Ιερεύς 'Αλεξάνδρου was priest also of the deified Ptolemies (for refs. see Prcisigke Wbrterb. 3.375), their τεμένη (Hdas 1.30) are not likely to have been far from his. Whether the cult of Alexander centred on his tomb (1811.) is uncertain; see Visser Gotter u. Kulte 9, 17.
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125-130]
T.'s plural no doubt indicates the establishment of the cult in other places besides Alexandria, where an author whose name is corrupted in Σ speaks of παμμεγέθη ναόν. 125 αρωγούς: i.e. Σωτήρας. This title had been given to Ptolemy I in his lifetime by the Rhodians, w h o had been advised by A m m o n to worship him as a god in return for his assistance against Demetrius in 304 B.C. (Paus. 1.8.6, Diod. 20.100). The Cycladic confederation claimed to have been the first to worship him with divine honours (Ισοθέοις τιμαϊς: Ditt. Sy//. 3 390.26), but these isolated cults are distinct from that officially established in Egypt, though that also may have preceded his death (see Bevan Egypt under the Ptol. 49if.). O n the deification of Berenice see p. 265. 126 πιανθέντα: for τπανθέντων, as, e.g., Soph. Ant. 793 νεΐκος ανδρών | ξύναιμον. See Lobeck on Soph. Aj. 7, K.B.G. 2.1.263. 127 μησί π ε ρ ι π λ . : the dat. in such phrases as περιτελλομέναις ώραι$ (Soph. O.T. 156, Ar. Au. 696), περιιόντι τ ω ένιαυτω (Xen. Hell. 3.2.25), τ ω θέρει (Thuc. 1.30), is indistinguishable from the gen., and the meaning is as the seasons etc. revolve or proceed', and similarly περιπλομένου ένιαντοΰ (Od. 11.248, Hes. W.D. 386), ττεριπλ. ένιαυτών [Od. 1.16, Η. Horn. 2.265), the aor. participle περιπλόμενος being virtually treated as present in meaning. So general a sense seems however unsuitable to this context, and it is probable that T. is referring to monthly sacrifices such as were offered to the θεοί Ευεργέται (Ditt. Or. Gr. Inscr. 56.33), Ptol. Epiphanes (ib. 90.48), Attalus II (ib. 339.35), and Antiochus I (ib. 383.133). If so, the meaning would seem to be at the months* ends, the part, here having aoristic force, and the dat. indicating time at, not during the course of, which the offerings were made. At II. 2.551 περιτελλομένων ένιαυτών refers to annual sacrifices to Erechtheus. 128 ίφθίμα # λ ο Α ο ς : //. 5 415, 19.116, Od. 12.452; cL Od. 23.92. 129 ν υ μ φ ί ο ν και νύμφην π ά ν τ α τον γ ί γ α ν τ α και τταιδοττοιησάμενον κάν πολυχρόνιος ή (Hesych.; cf. Soph. O.T. 1358), but even if the word had its ordinary sense, the sentence would not necessarily imply that Arsinoe's marriage was recent; and in fact it took place five or six years before the date of this poem. ά γ ο σ τ ώ : in the Homeric έλε γαϊαν ά γ ο σ τ ώ (//. 11.425, 13.508, 520, 14.452, 17.315) the word seems to mean palm, and so Ap. Rh. 3.120 χειρός ayoonrov.1 Σ //. 14.452 however explain τ ω εως του άγκώνος περί την σ υ ν α γ ω γ ή ν και έπίκαμψιν του άγκώνος (i.e. τ η αγκάλη), and that is T.'s meaning; cf. A.P. 7.464 (Antipater) οίχόμενον βρέφος άρτι νέω φορέουσαν ά γ ο σ τ ώ . Simonidcs, who uses it metaphorically (fr. 150 Άκαδήμειαν.. .της έν ά γ ο σ τ ώ ) , seems also to have understood it in this sense. 130 έκ θ υ μ ο ύ : II. 9.343, 486; cf. Τ. 8.35η. Similarly 29.4 ά π υ καρδίας. The adv. έκθύμως is a favourite of Polybius (e.g. 1.27.8, 2.67.7, 3-95-5)t w h o has also the noun έκθυμία (3.115.6). κασίγνητόν τε πόσιν τ ε : //. 16.432, 18.356 "Ηρην προσέειπε κασιγνήτην άλοχόν τε, Η. Horn. 5.40» 12.3. The reminiscence prepares the way for what follows. The incestuous marriage of Arsinoe with her full brother cannot have caused any surprise to their Egyptian subjects, for in Egypt such marriages were common both inside and outside the royal family (cf. Paus. 1.7.1), and, in it, had the advantage of securing for the children a double share of the royal blood. Ptolemy was probably moved less by the custom of the country than by the necessity of securing Arsinoe's able assistance in his government, but, as Sotades's coarse comment (Ath. 14.620 F, Plut. Mor. 11 A) shows, he offended Greek sentiment. 1
In Ap. Rh. 3.1394, 4.1734 the meaning is not clear.
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COMMENTARY
[133-136
TVs lines supply a precedent and a defence for which Ptolemy may have been grateful, for the savage punishment alleged to have been meted out to Sotadcs suggests that he was touchy on the subject. O n the other hand the comparison of the Ptolemies to Zeus and Hera seems both blasphemous and sycophantic, though not much more so than the language used at approximately this date by Callimachus in Hymn 4 (i62fF.). Possibly both are to be explained by the institution of the cult of the θεοί Αδελφοί. The date of the institution is unknown, but the cult was in existence in 270 B.C. before Arsinoe's death (65 η.) and the poems are not much earlier (86 n.). If the cult had been established or was in prospect when they were written it might account for the poets* hyperboles. 133 Ιαύειν: ένιαυειν would be more natural (cf. 5.10), but the relation between the inf. of purpose and the other words in the sentence is sometimes left undefined, as, e.g., Od. 1.136, al. χέρνιβα δ* άμφίττολος π ρ ο χ ό ω έττέχευε φέρουσα | . . .νίψασθαι, 7-Ι5 1 ^ ° 1 π ο μ π ή ν ότρύνετε π α τ ρ ί δ ' Ικέσθαι. 134 φ ο ι β ή σ ο σ α : having cleansed. The verb occurs also at Call. H . 5.11, Ap. Rh. 2.302 (cf. Deut. 14.1), and Lycophron (6,731,875,1166) used φοιβό^ειν in this sense. μύροις: 15.114 η. Unguents are a constant concomitant of washing (e.g. Ephip. Jr. 26, Call. Η 5.13) and we need not look for any special ritual significance. Iris purifies herself by washing and is chaste. ί τ ι παρθένος: that the bridal bed should be prepared by a virgin presumably adds sanctity to the marriage, and Iris is commonly spoken of as such (e.g. Virg. Aen. 5.610, O v . Met. 14.845, Stat. Silu. 5.1.103). The addition of έτι has been felt to be awkward but the attempts to remove it are not attractive (εύπάρθενος Meineke, άιπ. Edmonds, έπιδέμνιον Porson, μυρίσματι Sitzler). It has often been explained as an allusion to a marriage of Iris and Zephyrus, of which, according to some, Eros was the child (Alc.fr. 13, N o n n . D . 3 1 . n o , 47.341; cf. Τ. 13.1η.). If so, T. is asserting that such a marriage never occurred, for though ετι is capable of meaning still in those days as well as even now, the present στόρνυσιν following έξετελέσθη here pins it to the latter meaning. It is Iris's daily task to make the bed. T h e reference to Iris may in itself be a display of Alexandrian erudition, for she does not elsewhere appear in connexion with this marriage (cf. 15.64η.) except perhaps in a fresco (Annali 36.270, Helbig Wandgem. Campan. 114) which depicts her conducting Hera to it. It is therefore not inconceivable that T. is correcting the mythology of some other writer (cf. 13.22η.), but it does not seem very probable, and perhaps ετι may merely emphasise the persistence of Iris's virginity in a context devoted to marriage—Iris, a virgin to this day, prepares the bridal bed. 135 χαίρε: the poem ends as though it were a h y m n : c£. 15.149η., 22.214, Call. H. 1.94 (see n. on 137), 2.113, 3.268, 5.141, 6.135. Ισα: the adverbial plural is common from Homer (//. 5.71, 13.176, 15.439, al.) onwards; cf. Call. Ep. 59, A.P. 9.107 (Leonidas), T. 30.18. 136 η μ ι θ έ ω ν : at 5 (where see n.) Ptol. Philadelphus was by implication a hero and son of a demigod; here, unless hero and demigod are equated (18.18η.), he seems to be promoted to the rank of demigod. The close of the poem however resembles H. Horn. 31.18 έκ σέο δ* άρξάμενος κλήσω μερόπων γένος ανδρών | ημιθέων, 32.18 σέο δ* αρχόμενος κλέα φωτών | φσομαι ημιθέων, and as these hymns are addressed respectively to Helios and Selene w h o are hardly demigods them selves, possibly we need not infer that Ptolemy is so thought of here. δοκέω: the verb, in view of its position, can hardly be called parenthetic but it has no effect on the construction; c£. Plat. Theag. 121D δοκώ y a p μοι τ ώ ν ήλικιωτών τίνες α ύ τ ο Ο . . . διαταράττουσιν αυτόν, Hipp. Μα. 290Α είτα, φήσει, οΐει τον/το τό καλόν.. .αγνοεί Φειδίας;
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ά π ό β λ η τ ο ν : this is the only place in T. where βλ or γ λ fails to make position, for 20.6 οία βλέπεις, 13 λοξά βλέποισα are in a spurious poem, and epigr. 4.2 άρτΐγλυφές is in one of very doubtful authenticity. Lconidas has Λ.Ρ. 5.188 "Ερωτα γλυκύς: Mosch. 3.110KOUK έγλυκάνθη: B i o n / r . 13.3 τάς δέ γλυκείας, 15.17 α ^έα βλάστει. In Τ. the licence is the more surprising since he is borrowing from I/. 2.361 ού τοι άπόβλητον έπος εσσεται δττι κεν εΐπω. 137 άρετήν κ.τ.λ.: Η. Horn. 15 and 20 end with the words δίδου δ* άρετήν τε και δλβον (cf. the Boeotian inscription, Buck Gk Dial2 197 τός τ ύ f-άναχς φεφύλαχσο δίδοι δ' άρετάν [τε και όλβον]), and this traditional formula is expanded at the end of Callimachus's h y m n to Zeus (1.94) χαίρε πάτερ, χαΐρ' αύθι, δίδου δ* άρετήν τ* αφενός τε. | ουτ' αρετής άτερ όλβος έπίσταται άνδρας άέξειν, | ούτ* αρετή άφένοιο. δίδου δ* άρετήν τε και όλβον (cf. Eur. jr. 163 ανδρός | φίλου \ δε χρυσός άμαθίας μέτα | άχρηστος, εΐ μή κάρετήν έχων τύχοι, Pind. Ο. 2.58). Callimachus also is concerned with Ptol. Philadelphus. Zeus, he says (73), is the patron of kings, on w h o m he bestows ^υηφενίη and όλβος, but not in equal measure on all; Ptolemy has far surpassed the rest. The date of the Hymn is un certain, some placing it after the close of the First Syrian War, others (from the absence of any reference to Arsinoe) before Ptolemy married his sister (see RE Suppl. 5.438); it cannot therefore be regarded as certain, though it is not improbable, that T.'has Callimachus in mind. The sentiment that αρετή is bestowed by heaven is old (Simon, jr. 61 ουτις άνευ θεών Ι άρετάν λάβεν, ου πόλις, ου βροτός, Pind. P. 1.41 έκ θεών γ ά ρ μαχαναί πάσαι βροτέαις άρεταϊς, | και σοφοί και χερσί βιαταί περίγλωσσοί τ* εφυν, /. 3-4'» ci.fr. ιο8, Diagoras/r. ι ) . Τ. does not elsewhere use the word but seems here to mean by it something like glory or victorious achievement, and it was probably with a similar implication that a figure of Αρετή in an olive-wreath stood by that of Ptol. Sotcr in his son's procession (Ath. 5.201 D). If SO, the sense will be 'Ptolemy already has όλβος beyond other kings (75, 95), and I shall have a tale to tell of him which posterity will admit to be true; but for the αρετή, which (as Callimachus says) is necessary as well as όλβος to earn him his immortality, he must look to heaven'. The suggestion will then be that Ptolemy's exploits still lie mainly in the future, and this will be a further reason for dating the poem before the close of the Syrian war (see 86n.). So far as the sense is concerned there is not much to choose between the imper. αίτευ and the fut. έξεις (M's correction of εξοις), but in expression the former is very much choicer.
347
IDYLL XVIII PREFACE Subject. The scene is laid before the bridal chamber of Menelaus and Helen at Sparta. Twelve chosen maidens are assembled to dance and to sing anepithalamium. They begin with some badinage addressed to Menelaus, and go on to congratu late him on the success which has attended his errand to Sparta. Helen is without peer among the Spartan maidens for beauty and for skill in handicrafts and music. She is n o w a wife, and no longer free to join them in their maidenly activities. O n the morrow they will go without her to their exercising grounds, and gathering garlands will dedicate them, with libations of oil, at a plane-tree, in the bark of which will be inscribed an injunction to venerate the tree as Helen's. They bid the married couple farewell with good wishes for their married life, announcing their intention of returning at dawn to sing a διεγερτικόν (56η.); and the poem closes with a ritual appeal to Hymen. Purpose. The purpose and occasion of the poem remain unknown, and are rendered enigmatic by the apparently connective particle άρα in 1. ι (where see n.). In 39-48 we are given what is plainly an aetiological explanation of an otherwise unknown tree-cult of Helen, and Kaibel (Herm. 27.249) argued that this passage supplies the raison d'etre of the whole poem. This theory can hardly be disproved, but in view of the comparatively small space devoted to the αίτιον it cannot be considered very attractive. There is no indication of the audience which T. is addressing and there is nothing which directly suggests Egypt (see 43 η.). It is worth noting however that Herodotus identified the ξείνη 'Αφροδίτη whose shrine he saw at Memphis with Helen, that, according to the story related by him (2.112; see Cook Zeus 3.77), Helen never went to Troy but was detained at Memphis, and that Plutarch, commenting on a detail of that story discreditable to Menelaus (Mor. 857B), says τούτον δέ τον λόγον ουκ οΐδ' δστις Αιγυπτίων ειρηκεν αλλά τάναντία πολλαί μέν Έλένη$ πολλαΐ δε Μενελάου τιμαΐ διαφυλάττονται π α ρ ' αυτοΐς, and as regards Helen the statement has some external confirmation (see Visser Gott. u. Kulte 19, 84). It is not unlikely therefore that the poem may belong to T.'s Alexandrian period. Sources. According to Σ arg. έν αύτω τίνα εΐληπται έκ του π ρ ώ τ ο υ Στησιχόρου Έλένη$, but the statement cannot be amplified, for the only certain fragment of the poem (Stesich./r. 29) appears to describe the wedding cortege. The notes will be found to contain a good many parallels from Sappho, and the number might be increased if it were certain, as Mesk (Wicn. Stud. 44.160) believed, that coincidence of phrase between T. and the Έπιθαλάμιος εΙ$ Σεβήρον of Himerius indicated independent borrowing from Sappho. Since however Himerius is as likely to have borrowed direct from T. it has seemed better to disregard these resemblances (cf. 38 η.). In addition to the epithalamia for contemporaries, there is some ground, apart from the poem on the nuptials of Hector and Andromache (fr. 55 D 2 ), the authenticity of which has been disputed, for thinking that Sappho wrote epithalamia of a more narrative kind, 1 and it is not unlikely that, whatever details T. may have 1
See RE 1 A 2371 and particularly Sapph./r. 51.
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borrowed from Stesichorus in his handling of the nuptials of Helen, he owes a larger general debt to Sappho. The poem is imitated in one by Nicetas Eugenianus entitled Έπιθαλάμιοι, published by Gallavotti in Stud. Biz. e Neoellen. 4.23 a.
1 fv ποκ*: Call. H. 5.57 εν ποκα Θήβαις, Schneider ad loc.yfrr. 194.6, 230. The opening has a marked resemblance to Bacchylides's poem on the nuptials of Idas and Marpessa: 20.1 (Wilamowitz's supplements) Σπάρτα π ο τ ' έν ε[ύρυχόρω | ξανθαΐ Λακεδαιμονίων | τοιόνδε μέλος κ[όρσι φδον | κ.τ.λ. There is also some likeness to the lyric fragment of uncertain date, Powell Coll. Al. p. 186.9, Diehl Anth. Lyr. 2. p. 158, ήνθομεν Is μεγάλος Δαμάτερος έννέ* έάσσαι, | παίσαι παρθενικαί, παίσαι καλά εμματ* έχοίσαι κ.τ.λ. άρα: the particle is puzzling and has been explained as marking the transition from a proem lost or never written, in which case the use would resemble that at 22.27, H- Horn. 3.19, Hes. W.D. 11; or as indicating that the poem is written in consequence of some request or other preceding circumstance unknown, in which case it would resemble that in Nicias's reply to Id. 11 (see p. 209) or in Timocreon fr. 3 ουκ άρα Τιμοκρέων μοΟνος | Μήδοισιν ώρκιατόμει κ.τ.λ. (where the reference is to the Medism of Themistocles). The second explanation is the more plausible, and in the two passages cited the force of the particle would be obscure if the occasion of the poem were, as here, unknown. It is possible however that we need not look beyond the use of άρα in Homer, where its primary use expresses only 'a lively feeling of interest* (Denniston Gk Part. 33), as, e.g., //. 7.472 ένθεν άρ* οίνί^οντο κάρη κομόωντες 'Αχαιοί, or Od. 8.1 ήμος δ* ήριγένεια φάνη (ί>οδοδάκτυλος ηώς, | ώρνυτ* άρ' έξ ευνής Ιερόν μένος Άλκινόοιο, | άν δ* άρα διογενής ώρτο πτολίπορθος 'Οδυσσεύς, where the particle is repeated. At 7 below άμα seems preferable to a second άρα. ξανθότριχι: 17.103η., Solon fr. 22 Κριτίη ξανθότριχι (u.l. πυρρό-): the adj., which is rare, is not used elsewhere of persons. It is here an expansion of ξανθός, which is constantly attached to Menelaus in Homer (//. 3.284, 4.183, 210, al; d. Pind. N. 7.28). 2 κόμαις: for the dat. see 7.16 η. ύάκινθον: ιο.28η. 3 ν ε ο γ ρ ά π τ ω : the adj. does not occur elsewhere. For the fresh decoration of the bridal chamber c(. Menand. Rhet. p. 404 Spengel, θάλαμος δέ πεποίκιλται άνθεσι και -/ραφαΐς παντοίαις. Often it was newly built or specially adapted for the wedded pair (II. 17.36, Od. 23.192, Nonn. D. 3.134, Xen. Eph. 1.8.2; cf. Aeschylus's Θαλαμοποιοί and Ap. Rh. 1.775), and T. probably so conceives it here. θ α λ ά μ ω : for the ceremonies of the wedding-night see 15.77 n. This party will be singing their epithalamium outside the closed door of the bridal chamber: Pind. P. 3.17 παμφώνων Ιαχάν υμεναίων, άλικες | οία παρθένοι φιλέοισιν έταΐραι | έσπερίαις 0ποκουρί3εσθ* άοιδαϊς, Aesch. Prom. $56, Eur. I.T. 366, Cat. 61.36, Smyth Gk Melic Poets cxv. They will return to the same spot on the following morning to sing the διεγερτικόν (56η.). χ ο ρ ό ν : for dancing in connexion with hymeneal song see Hes. Scut. 277, Ar. Pax 1319, Cat. 61.14. These passages relate to the procession which escorts the bride to the house, not, as this, to what takes place after her arrival; at Od. 23.133 however the sound of dance-music in the palace will be interpreted by passers-by to indicate a wedding. See also Menand. Rhet. p. 409 Spengel. Ιως αυτοί τελουσι τ ά opyia του γάμου και τελούνται, ήμεΐς £όδοις και ίοις στεφάνωσαμενοι καΐ λαμπάδας
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COMMENTARY
[4-8
άνάψαντες περί τον θάλαμον παίξωμεν και χορείαν στησώμεθα, και τον ύμέναιον έπιβοώμεθα, τό δάπεδον πλήττοντες τοις ποσίν, έπικροτουντες τ ώ χεΐρε, έστεφανωμένοι πάντες, Himer. 1.1, and perhaps Eur. LA. 1056 πεντήκοντα κόραι γάμους | Νηρέως έχόρευσαν: c(. 27.26. An oenochoe of about 400 B.C. in Tubingen (E 174: Watzinger Gr. Vcis. in Tub. T. 38) depicts dancing at the wedding of Menelaus and Helen. 4 ταΐ πραται: in birth or position, as Od. 6.60 μετά πρώτοισι, Thuc. 6.28 νομίσαντες εΐ αυτόν έξελάσειαν πρώτοι αν είναι, Polyb. 3·8·3· μέγα χ ρ . Λακ. would most naturally mean a mighty host of Spartan girls, as Hdt. 6 4 3 χρήμα πολλόν νεών, Ar. Plut. 894 πολύ χρήμα τεμαχών καΐ κρεών, or perhaps great Spartan girls, as Telecl. Jr. 1 ol δ* άνθρωποι πίονες ήσαν τότε καΐ μέγα χρήμα γ ι γ ά ν τ ω ν . The second may be intended, but one would expect an expression of admiration for their quality rather than for their number or size. The effect of this periphrasis and of χρήμα in appositions or predicates is to indicate wonder or admiration, the cause of which is usually defined by the adjective. Most commonly the cause is size or number and the adj. is quantitative, as in the above examples, or with a singular noun, e.g. Hdt. 3.130 χρήμα πολλόν τι χρυσού, Soph. fr. 401 συός μέγιστον χρήμα, Ar. Lys. 1031 μέγ', ώ Ζευ, χρήμ' Ιδεϊν τής έμπίδος. Sometimes however the adj. is qualitative as at T. 15.83 (where see n.), 145, Xen. Cyr. 1.4.8 τήν ελαφον, καλόν τι χρήμα καΐ μέγα, Eur. Andr. 957 σοφόν τι χρήμα του διδάξαντος, Ar. Jr. 67 ώ Ζευ τό χρήμα τής νεολαίας ώς καλόν: and sometimes again it does not define but emphasises the wonder or admiration, as Polyb. 12.15.8 άρ* ουκ ανάγκη μέγα τι γεγονέναι χρήμα καΐ θαυμάσιον τον Άγαθοκλέα;, id. 8.9.7, Phit. Ant. 31 την άδελφήν, χρήμα θαυμαστόν.. .γυναικός γενομένην, Strab. 13.617 ή Σαπφώ, θαυμαστόν τι χρήμα. In Polyb. I.e. μέγα, like θαυμάσιον, emphasises without defining the admiration, and I should suppose it to discharge the same function here. N o t dissimilar is Eubul. fr. 117 εΐ δ* έγένετο | κακή γυνή Μήδεια, Πηνελόπη δε γε | μέγα πράγμα. See for this idiom Starkie on Ar. Vesp. 933, Blaydes on Ach. 150, Lys. 1031, and cf. T. 15.23. It is not common in serious poetry, but in addition to the tragic passages quoted cf. Eur. Suppl. 953, Andr. 181, Or. 70, Phoen. 198. 5 ΤυνδαρΙδα: for the lengthening of the short syllable at the caesura cf. 1.115, 7.85, 8.43, 65, 74, 10.30, 11.46, 25.57. This is the only example of an open vowel followed by a w o r d beginning with a consonant so lengthened, but there are a good many such in Homer (e.g. Od. 10.42, 141; cf. van Leeuwen Ench. 90), and T. follows Homeric precedent in the matter at other parts of the verse—e.g. 1.75, 16.62, 17.72. κατεκλφξατο: 15-77 n. The aor. seems somewhat preferable to the imperf. if this is the correct verb, but there is some doubt about the text and the traces of the w o r d in ψ3 do not accord well with any of the ms readings. T:'has from κλφ^ω also 6.32 κλαξώ, 7.84 κατεκλφσθης, 15.43 άπόκλαξον, 77 άποκλφξας, but no forms from κλείω or κλφω. 7 αμα: see i n . Nicetas in his imitation (see p. 349) has άδετε δ* άμα πάντες ές εν μέλος έγκροτέοντες. ές: 16.45 η. έγκροτέοισαι: dancing, as Ar. Ran. 374 έγκρούων and, more fully, ib. 330 έγκατακρούων ποδί τάν άκόλαστον φιλοπαίγμονα τιμάν, |...1εράν | όσίοις μυσταις χορείαν: cf. Timoth. Pers. 213, Αρ. Rh. 4-H95· 8 περιπλέκτοις: the choice between this adj. and περιπλίκτοις is difficult, and even in antiquity there is some confusion between πλέκειν and πλίσσειν (Hesych. περιπεπλιγμένα · περιπεπλεγμένα τοις σκέλεσιν), which some etymo350
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IDYLL XVIII
logists regard as connected. The latter verb is discussed by Pollux 2.172 το δια βαίνει ν ol ποιηταΐ άμφιπλίσσειν λέγουσι, και το περί βάδην άμφιπλίξ, φ καΐ Σοφοκλής κατεχρήσατο έπΙ δρακόντων εΙπών, 'θαιρόν άμφιπλίξ είληφότες* (β. 59^), οίον περιβεβηκότες. καΐ Στράττις, *τά θυγάτρια | περί τήν λεκάνην άπαντα περιπεπλιγμένα* (β. 63), τουτέστι διηχότα τ α σκέλη, καΐ παρ* Ό μ ή ρ ω δέ (Od. 6.318) το διέβαινον ' α ! δ* εύ μέν τ ρ ώ χ ω ν εύ δέ πλίσσοντο πόδεσσιν*. Similarly Eustath. 1564.45» Et. Μ. 395·11» Hesych. s.vv. πλίγμα, περιπεπλίχθαι, al. It would seem therefore that the root denotes stepping out, striding, or, when compounded with άμφί or περί, bestriding or bestraddling (see also Cobet V.L. 135, Blaydes and Starkie on Ar. Ach. 217). Περιπλίκτοις was understood here by Heyne (Horn. vol. 8 p. 383) in the sense oifirmiter utrinque impacti, insistentes, by Wilamowitz of the masculine stride of Spartan girls, and by Pearson (on Soph./r. 596) of 'the maze of interlacing feet'; but the first two interpretations disregard the preposition, and the last the meaning of the verb. I have therefore retained περιπλέκτοις, which seems more capable of the meaning assigned to περιπλίκτοις by Pearson. The figure is somewhat violent, for the adj. should mean literally intertwined, but πλέκειν is used with some freedom to denote complication in applied senses, as, e.g., Eur. Phoen. 494 περιπλοκάς λόγων, Strato fr. 1.35 περίπλοκος λέγεις. The idea of twining or enlacing in the dance is natural (cf. the use of έλίσσειν in such contexts, and the dance called όρμος described by Luc. Salt. 12), and the extension to the feet of the dancers does not seem unnatural. $ 3 ' s περιβλέπτοις is plainly inferior. υπό δ' ϊ α χ ε : echoed: A.P. 7.194 παν μέλαθρον μολπας Ταχ' υ π ' εύχελάδου, but in Τ. the prep, presumably belongs rather to the verb than to the noun, as Od. 9.395 περί δ* ΐαχε πέτρη, Hes. Th. 835 υ π ό δ* ήχεεν ούρεα μακρά. Similarly at the marriage of Hector and Andromache in Sapph. fr. 55D 2 πάρ[Θενοι] | άειδον μέλος άγν[ον, ικα]νε δ* ές αΐθ[ερα] | ά χ ω Θεσπεσία. 9 The epithalamium proper opens with a discreet suggestion of the obscene jokes which were no doubt as regular a feature of Greek marriage ritual as of Roman; cf. Hes. Scut. 283, Ar. Pax 1336,1349, and for Latin usage R E 6.2222, Ellis on Cat. 61.114. π ρ ω ι ζ ά : the adv. occurs at //. 2.303 χ θ ^ ά τε και πρωινά, but will here have tht meaning early. The voc. πρωινέ which many editors have preferred (cf. 17.66 η.) seems improbable in a question. O n the accentuation of the word see Hdian 1.144.6. κατέδραθες: the only Homeric form of the aor. γ α μ β ρ έ : 15.129η. The use of the word for bridegroom is regular in Sappho's epithalamia (frr. 99,103-6) and, if not already traditional, no doubt comes from her. 10 βαρυγούνατος: not elsewhere. Call. H. 4.78 has βαρύγουνος, and so Coluth. 120, Nonn. D. 4.306, 5.140, al. φ ί λ υ π ν ο ς : Arist. de somn. 457 a 22, Poll. 6.167. 11 π ο λ ύ ν τ ι ν ' : the ellipse is generally understood to be of olvov: cf. 2.152, 14.15, 18, Eur. Cycl. 569 όστις άν πίνη πολύν, Ar. Equ. 1187, Alex.^r. 172.14. For the addition of τινά to πολύν see Soph. El. 217 πολύ γ α ρ τι κακών ύπερεκτήσω, Jebb ad loc. So with the same ellipse Hdas 6.77 γλυκύν πιεΤν έγχευσα. A possible alternative is χρόνον, though this ellipse, unless it is to be found in πρό πολλού and similar phrases, is less easy to parallel. έ'πινες: the impcrf. is peculiar since the time indicated is antecedent to that of κατεβάλλευ. Such imperfects are found in place of the pluperf. where there is some emphasis on the duration of the action described, as Xen. An. 3.4.7 ενταύθα πόλις ήν έρημη μεγάλη. . .φκουν δ' αυτήν τό παλαιόν Μήδοι, Hdt. 8.42 συνελέχθησάν
35ΐ
COMMENTARY
[12-15
τε δη ττολλώ πλεΰνες νέες ή έπ* Άρτεμισίω έναυμάχεον (had been in the battle); see K.B.G. 2.1.145, Stein on Hdt. 1.66. If that is the force here, the meaning will be had you been drinking? The second imperf. κοττεβάλλευ would seem to be influenced by the first, for the aor. would be the natural tense. Cf. 4.30η. κ α τ ε β ά λ λ ε υ : Plut. Caes. 38 καταβολών ε α υ τ ό ν . . . ήσνχο^ε, Luc. Symp. 47 καταβαλών εαυτόν επί της κλίνης πλαγίως έκάθευδε (c(. Page Gr. Lit. Pap. 1. p. 426.18). The verb seems here merely a heightened synonym for κοττακεϊσθαι regarded as the pass, of κατατιθέναι.* 12 σπεύδοντα: i.e. εΐ καθ' ώραν ευδειν έσπευδες, αυτόν ευδειν έχρήν. Between σττεύδοντα and χρή^οντα there is little to choose, but the sentence seems some what awkwardly phrased since, though ευδειν belongs equally to the participle and to έχρήν, it carries in its relation with the part, the qualification καθ* ώραν, but in relation with έχρήν the different qualification αυτόν. καθ' ώραν: early, betimes: Polyb. 14.3.5 παρήγγειλε δειπνοποιησαμένους καθ' ώραν έξάγειν τ α στρατόπεδα, id. ι.45-4» 3·93·6, 9·8-3· m later Greek it means at the proper or natural time, as B.G.U. 1119.20 καθ' ώραν και κατά καιρόν, Plut. Mor. 137Β» 832A; CL Hesych. s.v. α υ τ ό ν : alone, 2.89η. 13 Cf. Erinna jr. I B 2 8 D 2 άνίκα δ' ές [λ]έχος [ανδρός εβας τ]όκα π ά ν τ ' έλέλασο | άσσ' ετι νηπιάσα[σα] τ[εάς παρά] ματρός άκουσας, Hes. W.D. 520. 14 βαθύν ϋρθρον: Phryn. p. 275 Lob. όρθρος νυν ακούω των πολλών τιθέντων έπί του π ρ ο ηλίου άνίσχοντος χρόνου, οί δε αρχαίοι όρθρον και όρθρεύεσθαι το προ αρχομένης ημέρας, έν φ ετι λύχνω δύναται τις χρήσθαι. δ τοίνυν άμαρτάνοντες οί πολλοί λέγουσιν όρθρον, τοϋθ* οί αρχαίοι εω λέγουσιν, Pr. Soph. 93· χ 4 (cf. 7.123 η.). "Ορθρος, then, is a period of darkness between midnight and dawn, and βαθύς (late) όρθρος is mentioned elsewhere as a time at which only the very earliest risers are abroad (Ar. Vesp. 216, Plat. Crit. 43 A, Prot. 310 A, Ev. Luc. 24.1; cf 14.2911.). The maidens and their mother should have been asleep long ago, but T. is apparently thinking less of them than of the hour to which the newly wedded couple might be expected to keep awake. έ ν α ς : on the day after tomorrow, as Ar. Eccl. 796 καν ενης έλθης, Hes. W.D. 410 ες τ ' αυριον ες τ ' έννηφιν, Antiphon 6.21 αυριον <καί) ένη, Hesych. ένας* είς τρίτην. εναρ* είς τρίτην, Λάκωνες: cf. Ar. Ach. 172. ές ά ώ : sc. την έπιοϋσαν εω, as at Xen. An. 1.7.1. Commonly, where the noun is used with an implication of date as well as of time (as 15.132 άώθεν, 77. 8.470, 525 ήοΰς), the meaning is naturally tomorrow. Here in the sequence ενας.,.ές ά ώ . . .κής έτος έξ ετεος it will as easily mean on the day after that, i.e. three days hence.
15 κής έτος έξ έτεος: the phrase recurs at 25.124, Ap. Rh. 4.1774, and similarly Hdt. 9.8 έξ ήμερης ές ήμέρην, Ar. Thesm. 950 έκ τ ώ ν ωρών είς τάς ώρας. Often the preposition is omitted with one of the nouns in such phrases, as at 11.69 άμαρ έπ* άμαρ, 15.122 ό^ον άπ* ό^ω. 15-74 els ώρας, epigr. 13.4 £ls έτος, omit one of the phrases altogether. See 11.69, 15-74, 122 nn., Headlam on Hdas 5.85. Μενέλαε, τεά: on the trochaic caesura in the 4th foot see 8.ion. The ms reading is supported by $ 3 , and Meineke's Μενέλα τεά ά is inferior in sense—this bride is thine as against she is thy bride. On the Doric form Μενέλας (which occurs in Pindar and Euripidean lyrics), 1 see Et. M. 579.19, Ahrens Dial. Dor. 199; it would not be out of place here though Μενελάω in 1 is no encouragement to introduce it. 1 It occurs also on a proto-Attic stand in Berlin (A 42: C.V.A. a Rhodian plate in the British Museum (Pfuhl Malerei fig. 117).
352
Berlin T. 31-3), and on
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16 Sappb.^r. 99 όλβιε γάμβρε, σοι μεν δη γάμος, ώς άραο, | έκτετέλεστ', εχης δέ πάρθενον άν άραο. αγαθός: probably of good omen. Call. Η. 5.123 γνωσεΐται δ' όρνιθας δς αίσιος οι τε πέτονται | ήλιθα καΐ ποίων ουκ άγαθαι πτέρυγες, Plut. Num. 7 προύφάνησαν όρνιθες αγαθοί καΐ δεξιοί. έπέπταρεν: j.g6 n. έ ρ χ ο μ έ ν ω : from Argos or Mycenae. 17 ές Σ π ά ρ τ α ν : Sparta, rather than Amyclae, is commonly named as the seat of Tyndareos (see Roscher 5.1415), though his sons are connected with Amyclae (22.122η.). If the text is sound (it is confirmed by $ 3 ) , the most natural interpretation of the words would be έρχομένω ές Σπάρταν ως άνύσαιο εκείνα άπερ ώλλοι άριστέες— on the same errand as the rest, but the verb seems very oddly chosen when their errand was to decide which should marry Helen, and on the whole it is better to regard άπερ as meaning ώσπερ, καθάπερ (cf. 24.39, Aesch. Eum. 131, 660, Soph. O.T. 175, Euphor.^r. 63 Powell, al.) and to construct ως άνύσαιο with έπέπταρεν— that you might be successful when, like the other chieftains, you came to Sparta. Άνύειν is commonly used absolutely of accomplishing journeys. I do not k n o w the middle used absolutely elsewhere in the sense of achieving an object; ci. however Ar. Plut. 196 καν τ α υ τ ' άνύσηται, Blaydes ad he. O n the assembly of suitors for the hand of Helen see Hes./rr. 94-6, Apoll. 3.10.8, Hygin. 81, where diversified lists are given. According to Stesichorus (fr. 28) and Apollodorus the choice was made by Tyndareos; according to Eur. LA. 68 and Hygin. 78 it was left to Helen herself. 18 f. T. remembers that Proteus prophesies a happy end for Menelaus (Od. 4.569) ούνεκ' έχεις Έλένην καί σφιν γαμβρός Διός έσσι (ci. Arist. PepL 3 Diehl). It might be supposed that Menelaus was already Zcus's son-in-law, but the fut. perhaps looks forward to the consummation of the marriage which the singers choose to fancy delayed (9). ήμιθέοις apparently = ή ρ ω σ ι (17.5, I36nn.). Heracles, w h o on earth was more ημίθεος than Menelaus, had Hebe to wife, but since he was by then translated he is perhaps irrelevant. Buchclcr's ήιθέοις disposes of these difficulties but is not in itself very attractive. υ π ό τ ά ν μ ί α ν χ λ α ΐ ν α ν : Soph. Tr. 539 και νυν δύ* ουσαι μίμνομεν μιας υπό | χλαίνης ύπαγκάλισμα, Eur. fr. 603 όταν δ* υ π ' ανδρός χλαΐναν ευγενούς πέσης, Α.Ρ. 5·ΐ69 (Asclepiades) οπόταν κρυψη μία τους φιλέοντας | χλαίνα, Pearson on Soph./r. 483. Greek garments, being mostly rectangular pieces of stuff, can be used indifferently for bed-clothes or hangings. The χλαίνα, which is a thick ίμάτιον (see RE 3.2335), is often so employed (e.g. //. 24.646, Poll. 7.46), and similarly ίμάτιον (Ael. V.H. 8.7), τρίβων (Plat. Symp. 219Β), φάρος (Soph. Tr. 916), χλανίς (Luc. Amor. 49, Alciphr. 4.11.4 Sen.), al.\ ci. 2.74, 15.79 nn., Poll. 10.123. For articulated εις see Call. H. 4.75 τον ενα δρόμον, Schneider ad loc, Xcn. Mem. 3.14.6, and cf. T. 6.22. 20 Suggested by Od. 21.107 (of Penelope) οΐη νυν ούκ εστί γυνή κατ' Ά χ α ι ί δ α γαΐαν. The bride is beyond compare, as in an epithalamium of Sappho (fr. 106) ού γ α ρ ήν άτέρα παις ώ γάμβρε τοιαύτα. π α τ ε ί : inhabit, frequent, as Soph. Phil. 1060 χαίρε την Λήμνον π α τ ώ ν , Lye. 200, Α.Ρ. 6.3, 7-532. The meaning is presumably exists on earth rather than Hues in this country, cf. Rhian. fr. 1.10 έπιλήθεται ούνεκα γαΐαν | ποσσιν ετπστείβει θνητοί δε οί είσί τοκήες. GTII
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2
3
COMMENTARY
[22-26
22fF. συνομάλικες: A.P. 7.203, Bion 2.29, al.; commoner however are όμήλιξ and συνήλιξ. I take at πδσαι to belong to συνομάλικες and the meaning to be either we are the full number of her coevals who share her sports, twelve score maidens, or we, the full number of her coevals, are twelve score, not all of us are coevals, where the article would be both unnecessary and misleading. Σ however, who paraphrase ήμεΐς πάσαι καλαί Ισμεν, εΐ μή παραβληθείημεν τή Ελένη seem (unless their text was different) to treat the sentence as anacoluthic and to disregard the relative in 25. The number 240 remains mysterious. Diels (Herm. 31.370) thought of choruses of 20 headed each by one of the 12 singers (4), but there is no suggestion that the 240 are organised as choruses or that they are mentioned for any purpose other than as a foil to Helen's merits; and if they are organised, T.'s phrase suggests four groups of sixty rather than twelve of twenty. More plausibly Kuiper (Mnem. 49.231) thought of some organisation of girls at Sparta corresponding to the άγέλαι etc. of the boys. No such organisation is otherwise known, and it is therefore hardly worth speculating upon the number 240, but T. is picturing Spartan institutions of the heroic age in terms of the institutions ascribed to Lycurgus, and he would not have hesitated to introduce, or perhaps even to invent, a picturesquely archaeological detail. δρόμος: cf. 39η. Presumably the word here denotes the exercise rather than its scene: Plut. Lycurg. 14 τα μέν γε σώματα των παρθένων δρόμοις καΐ πάλαις καΐ βολαΐς δίσκων καΐ ακοντίων διεττόνησεν, ΑΓ. Lys. 1308 άτε ττώλοι ταί κόραι παρ τόν Εύρώταν | άμπάλλοντι πυκνά ποδοΐν άγκονίωαι, Eur. Andr. 599» Xen. Rep. Lac. 1.4, Cic. Tusc. 2.36, Prop. 3.14.1, ah άνδριστί: Ar. Eccl. 149, Crates fr. 3 Demian. θήλυς: fern., as II. 19.97, Ap. Rh. 3.1199, and often in poetry; cf. 20.7 η. νεολαία: iuuentus: hi.fr. 67 ώ Ζευ τό χρήμα της νεολαίας ως καλόν. Apart from these two verses the word is not found outside tragedy and late prose (e.g. Alciphr. 1.6.2 Sch.). 25 ούδ* &τις = ούδ' ήτισοΟν. Xen. Hell. 1.5.9 σκοπεϊν όπως των 'Ελλήνων μηδέ οίτινες Ισχυροί ώσιν, Dem. 29.7 °ύδ* ήτινι των ψευδομαρτυριών έπεσκήψατο, Plat. Legg. 674 c» 0 I 9D, Polyb. 9.14.6; and without the negative Plat. Hipp. Ma. 282D, [Arist.] Physiogn. 806 a 17. Cf. 26.27 η. (ρ. 481). παρισωθη: is matched with: Hdt. 4.166, 8.140 a. 26 fF. A conspectus of the older emendations of these much-vexed lines will be found in Zetsche Quaest. Theocr. iii (Altenburg 1851) and in Kiessling's edition, but emendation receives no encouragement from $1, which presents them entire, and, except for some doubt as to the verb in 28, in agreement with the mss. It seems however essential to alter at least the imperf. διέφαινε in 26 to the gnomic aor. It is reasonably plain from 25, from έν άμΐν in 28, and from the juxtaposition of lap and χειμώνος in 27, that the comparison in 26 f. is not with Helen's beauty per se but with its pre-eminence over that of her peers, and that the general sense resembles, e.g., Ov. Met. 2.722 quanto splendidior quam cetera siderafulget \ Lucifer et quanto quam Lucifer aurea Phoebe, \ tanto uirginibus praestantior omnibus Herse j that eratque decus pompae comitumque suarum. The great majority of emendations, by removing νύξ or άώς, blur or ruin this effect; for if νύξ is removed we are obliged to supply it mentally, and if άώς is removed and νυκτός πρόσωπον understood to mean the moon or the starry sky we are called on either to supply the stars for comparison with the moon or else to do without the term of comparison altogether. Cholmeley (who improbably supposed Helen compared in succession to dawn and
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IDYLL XVIII
to the starry night), Wilamowitz (who read άώς gen. and fantastically supposed the wedding-night to dawn like spring after winter), and others w h o keep the two nouns, also fail since they do not supply a relation with which that of Helen to her friends can be compared. In a sentence of which the second term is spring after winter and the third Helen among her friends it can hardly be doubted that the first should be dawn after night, and the problem is not to remove either άώς or νύξ but to relate them to one another. The only emendation worth considering which makes the attempt is π ό τ τάν νύκθ' once proposed by Hermann and adopted with variations by Kiessling and Graefe, but it is not very convincing, and provisionally I think it better to retain πότνια Νύξ as a vocative and to suppose its function to be to remind the hearer of that with which dawn is c o m p a r e d - ^ n r , Ο night, is the face of dawn, for fairer than night. If this general view of the meaning is correct the pre-eminence of Helen over her friends resembles that of dawn over night, and that in turn resembles the pre eminence of spring over winter. But there is some inelegance in this second comparison, and I have accepted in place of άτε Kaibel's τ ο τε, which sets spring on the same footing in the sentence as άώς. άντέλλοισα: so of dawn Ap. Rh. 2.1007, 3.1224. The word is used by Ap. Rh. in various extended senses, including that of mountains appearing over the horizon (1.601, 2.1247), but the extension from sun to dawn is slight. δ ι έ φ α ν ε : the verb is used intrans. of dawn at Hdt. 7.217, 219, 8.83, 9.47. Neither verb nor participle offers any encouragement to emendations which leave νύξ as subject to the sentence. πότνια: Eur. Or. 174 πότνια πότνια νύξ, Frag. Grenf (Powell Coll. Al. 177) 11 άστρα φίλα και πότνια νύξ. The adj., if the passage is sound, perhaps indicates that night, though comparing unfavourably with dawn in appearance, has other qualities to commend it—a point worth emphasising on the wedding-night. λευκόν: the adj. is applied to εαρ also at Call. H. 6.123, where it is glossed λαμπρόν. It may well, in this context, have been suggested by Aesch. Pers. 301 λευκόν ήμαρ νυκτός εκ μελαγχίμου, though with ήμαρ or ήμερα the adj. tends to mean faustus; see Pearson on Soph./r. 6. άνέντος: παυσαμένου (gloss in $ 3 ) as, e.g., Soph. Phil. 639 έπειδάν πνεύμα τούκ πρώρας άνή. χ ρ υ σ έ α : the adj. is used of Aphrodite (15.100η.) and others, mortal and immortal (e.g. Pind. N. 5.7, A.P. 12.91), and is appropriate as pointing the re semblance between Helen and D a w n : Soph. Ant. 103 εφάνθης π ο τ ' ώ χρυσέας | άμέρας βλέφαρον: cf. Horn. Od. 10.541, <*/· χρνσόθρονος 'Ηώς, Sapph. fr. 18 χρυσοπέδιλλος Αυως. διεφαίνετ': the imperf. is more appropriate than the pres. since Helen no longer belongs to the band of virgins (3 8 f ) . Her beauty and accomplishments mentioned in 29-37 remain, as before, a glory to her native town. $ 3 omitted a syllabic, and is tentatively reported as having διεφαινεν with τε suprascript (i.e. διεφαίνετ'εν). This is uncertain, but it is unlikely that T. wrote διεφαινεν intrans. after the trans, διέφανε in 26. 29 I retain the ms reading, which is also that of S 3 . For the long vowel unshortened in hiatus at the strong caesura (as in 28) see 2.145 η . ; for ά τ ε = ώ ς in T. see 17.107. The sentence is to this extent unbalanced that the first f) connects the two nouns άρούρα and κάπω, the second two clauses.* Eichstaedt's μέγα λςίον, which has often been preferred, provides three clauses (as against two, apparently, in 26f.) and makes the similes paratactic, as at 13.62, 14.39, 17.9—corn adorns the
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COMMENTARY
[30-32
field, cypress the garden, Thessalian colt the chariot; so does Helen adorn Sparta. It re ceives substantial support from Virg. E. 5.32 uitis ut arboribus decor χ est, ut uitibus uuae, I ut gregibus tauri, segetes ut pinguibus amis, \ tu decus omne tuis, but Virgil's other examples are not translated from T „ and άτε seems necessary, since if the similes are advanced paratactically (i.e. as independent assertions) they should be connected with καί rather than ή or else be in asyndeton (cf. 10.30). π ι ε ί ρ φ . . . ά ρ ο ύ ρ φ : //. 18.541, Od. 2.328, 23.311. άνέδραμε: II. 18.56 (the babe Achilles) άνέδραμεν §ρνεϊ Ισος, Hdt. 8.55 βλαστόν έκ του στελέχεος δσον τε πηχυαΤον άναδεδρομηκότα, Call. jr. 284, Α. Plan. 115, Ath. 15.682D, Hesych. άναδρομαί· αυξήσει*, βλαστήσεις. Ευριπίδης (fir. 766, 855)· Similarly Ael. Ν.Α. 2.36 δένδρον τεθηλός καί εύ μάλα άναθέον. There is a similar comparison for the bridegroom in Sapph. jr. 104 τ ί ω σ', ώ φίλε γαμβρέ, κάλως έικάσδω; | δρπακι βραδίνω σε μάλιστ* έικάσδω. 30 κυπάρισσος: 11.45» 22.41, epigr. 4·7· Κήπος is any cultivated or fertile place, but when contrasted with άρουρα it will mean a pleasance: Geop. 11.5.4 Δημόκριτος δέ φησιν ώς ΙνδοΘεν του θριγγοΟ τήν κυπάρισσον δεΤ φυτεύεσθαι ίνα κατ* αμφότερα είς τέρψιν καί περιφραγήν γένηται. O n the artificial cultivation of cypresses see also Cato R.R. 151, and for conifers in gardens, Virg. E. j.6$jraxinus in siluispulcherrimatpinus in hortis; on the cypress in antiquity, Hehn Kulturpflatizen6 276. Θεσσαλός: Thessalian horses were the most famous breed in Greece (see the oracle quoted at 14.49η., A.P. 9.21, Varro R.R. 2.7.6, Lucan 6.397, Jebb on Soph. El. 703, Ridgeway Thoroughbred Horse 300), and Alexander's Bucephalas was of that breed (Plin. N.H. 8.154, Plut. Alex. 6). It is possible that, like the Thracian horses of Rhesus (//. 10.437), they may often have been white (cf. Pind. P. 4.117, Soph. El. 706), but their general reputation accounts sufficiently for T.'s reference. For the figure cf. Alcm. jr. 23.45 δοκέει γ α ρ ήμεν αύτα | έμπρεπής τώς ωπερ αϊ τις | έν βοτοϊς στάσειεν ΐ π π ο ν | π α γ ό ν άεθλοφόρον καναχάποδα. 31 ^οδόχρως: elsewhere -χροος, -χρους. So of Aphrodite Anacreont. 53.22, of Apollo A.P. 9.525; cf. 7.117η. 32-36 Cf. Sapph. jr. 69 ούδ' ΐαν δοκίμοιμι προσίδοισαν φάος άλίω | εσσεσθαι σοφίαν πάρθενον είς ούδένα π ω χρόνον | τοιαύταν. The accomplishments of the newly-wedded pair were, or became, a τόπος in rhetorical έπιθαλάμια, and Menander Rhet. (3.403 Spengel) suggests for such that the bride shall be said to be άρί^ηλος. . .έν Ιστουργίαις και 'Αθήνας καί Χαρίτων έργοις. 32 τ α λ ά ρ ω : 5·86η. The spinning-basket, called also κάλαθος, is frequently represented on vases and elsewhere, and one containing round objects, perhaps fruits, may be seen in Pi. III. It was shaped like a truncated funnel, and commonly made of wickerwork though Helen has one of silver and gold at Od. 4.132. It is used to contain the wool both before and after spinning (A.P. 6.160 φιληλάκατον καλαθίσκον | στάμονος άσκητοΟ καί τολύπας φύλακα). As έργα shows, T. is thinking of the spun yarn, and probably, since he is writing of Helen, of her τάλαρος mentioned above, which was νήματος άσκητοΐο βεβυσμένον. πανίσδεται: π ή ν η , πηνίον, though its relation to κερκίς is obscure, is the spool or bobbin holding the thread of the woof which will be passed between the threads of the w a r p : πηνίον * άτρακτος είς δν είλεΐται ή κρόκη, Hesych.; see J. G. Schneider Script. Rei Rust. 4.366, Blumner Techn. i 2 .i52, Leaf on //. 23.760. Πηνί^εσθαι (cited also from Philyll. jr. 33), άναπηνί^εσθαι (Arist. H.A. 551 b 14), and apparently έκπηνί^εσθαι (Ar. Ran. 578) are to wind the spun wool on the spool as a preliminary to weaving. Έκ (not έν) therefore seems essential. Helen is unequalled both for the wool she has spun and for the use she subsequently makes of it at the loom.
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33-36]
IDYLL XVIII
33 f. On the technical terms of weaving see Bliimner Team. ι2.13 5ff.,Ann. Br. Sch. Ath. 37.36: Ιστός is the loom as a whole: κελέοντες are the lateral uprights, called also Ιστόποδες, supporting the warp-beam to which the threads of the warp are attached. άτριον seems to be used of woven stuffs in reference to their mesh-like fabric (cf. Plat. Phaedr. 268 A quoted on 16.97, Timaeus ήτριον · το τοϋ ύφάσματο$ πλέγμα). The adj. εύήτριος, used by Aeschylus of nets (fr. 47), appears to denote a close or even weaving. At A.P. 6.288 (below) άτρια may mean the warp-threads (στήμονες). κερκίς is commonly understood to be the shuttle or other implement by means of which the ττηνίον containing the woof-thread is passed alternately behind and in front of the warp-threads, woof and warp being thus intertwined (συμπλέξασα). This process may also be said to separate the warp-threads: hence A.P. 6.174 (Antipater) κερκίδα... | . . .$ διέκρινε μίτους, 288 (Leonidas) τάν άτρια κριναμέναν | κερκίδα. Κερκίς has also been understood (B.S.A. 37.44) to mean a pin-beater— an instrument used in conjunction with the σπάθη to secure the close packing of the woof. This suits συμπλέξασα less well but πυκινώτερον better, since the closeness of the texture depends on the use of the σπάθη rather than on that of the shuttle; see below. ένί: I retain this prep, against έπί in view of Eur. I.T. 222 Ιστοΐς έν καλλιφθόγγοις Ι.. .ποικίλλουσα. δαιδαλέω: the adj. is used in Homer only of wooden and metal objects (cf. 24.42) and may here refer to the ornamental loom used by Helen. Elsewhere however it is applied to stuffs (e.g. Hes. Th. 575, Eur. Hec. 470), and it is possibly here transferred to the loom on which they are made. T. may remember Hes. W.D. 64 πολυδαίδαλον Ιστόν ύφαίνειν, but Ιστόν is there the fabric woven. πυκινώτερον: the closeness of the texture will depend partly on the number of threads in a given length ofthe warp, closer texture being πολυστημος or κατάστημος, more porous άραιόστημος or μανόστημος (Bliimner I.e. 144); partly on the com pacting of the woof by means of the σπάθη, a stroke of which, after each passage of the shuttle, presses the thread into contact with its precursor: hence πολυσπαθή* close-woven in the woof (A.P. 6.39), 'άσπάθητος,' λεπτοσπάθητος loose-woven (Bliimner I.e. 154). έταμ·: when the stuff is complete it is removed from the loom by severing tht warp-threads from the crossbar to which they are attached; cf. 15.35, Dion. Per ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. Δαρσανία: πέπλα γυναίκες Άθηναίης Ιότητι | αΰτημαρ κροκόωσιν έφ* Ιστοπόδων τανύουσαι, | αυτημαρ δ* έτάμοντο.. 35 κροτήσαι: the only other appearance of the verb in connexion witr stringed instruments seems to be Soph. fr. 241 κροτητά πηκτίδων μέλη, when see Pearson. Here it will be a heightened synonym for the commoner κρούει ν πλήσσειν (Poll. 4.58). 36 Artemis and Athena are appropriate deities for an athletic maiden skilled ii handiwork, but T. is displaying also some erudition, for both were worshipped a many shrines and under many cult-titles at Sparta (see Wide Lakon. Kulte 48, 97) and the most important cults of the town were those of Athena Χαλκίοικος and ο Artemis Όρθεία. Both are apt here, for the temple of Athena Χαλκίοικος was sai< to have been begun by Tyndareos (Paus. 3.17.2), while that of Όρθεία wa connected with Orestes and Iphigenia (Paus. 3.16.7). εύρύστερνον: metaphorically of Γαία at Hes. Th. 117 and in the same sense c Poseidon (Cornut. N.D. 43.13 Lang), and ουρανό* ( A Plan. 303, Orph. Lith. 645) of Athena again at Orph. Lith. 548, no doubt in reference to her manly bearing though Hesych. glosses it συνετός, probably with reference to T.
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COMMENTARY
[37-43
37 έπ' ΰμμασιν: for έπί in such contexts cf. Proc. Brit. Ac. 28.253. ΐμ€ροι: similarly of the Χάριτες Hes. Th. 910 τ ω ν καΐ ά π ό βλεφάρων έρος εΐβετο δερκομενάων | λυσιμελής* καλόν δέ θ' ύπ* όφρύσι δερκιόωνται. See Soph. Ant. 795 εναργής βλεφάρων ίμερος εύλέκτρου | νύμφας, Jebb ad loc, Sapph. jr. 100, Pearson at C.R. 23.256 and on Soph. Jr. 474. The plur. seems modelled on the common έρωτες: it occurs, in a quite different sense, at Aesch. Ch. 299. 38 ώ καλά, ώ χαρίεσσα: the words are cited from Sappho by Himerius (1.19), and may be borrowed from her by T., though it is perhaps as likely that Himerius's memory is at fault (see p. 348). οΐκέτις: i.e. a housewife, no longer free to join in the pursuits of the unmarried girls. Both οΐκέτης and the fern, (which is rare) are commonly used of servants, but cf. Suid. οΐκέται · ου μόνον ol Θεράποντες άλλα καΐ πάντες ol κατά την οΐκίαν. 39 Δ ρ ό μ ο ν : Paus. 3· Ι 4·6 καλοΟσι δέ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Δρόμον ένθα τοις νέοις καΐ έφ' ημών έτι δρόμου μελέτη καθέστηκεν.. .πεποίηται δέ καΐ γυμνάσια έν τ ω Δρόμω, Liv. 34· 2 7·4 eductis in campum omnibus copiis—Dromon ipsi uocant, Hesych. ένδριώνας* δρόμος παρθένων έν Λακεδαίμονι (which may however refer to a competition, not a place). 1 For δρόμοι elsewhere cf. Cul.fr. 715, Suid. s.v. δρόμοις. Τ. is unlikely to have had detailed knowledge of Sparta and we need not here discuss the topographical problems involved, on which see RE 3 A1367; 22 f. suggest that T. supposed the Dromos to be open ground near the Eurotas, and presumably, since the w o r d was so used at Sparta, thought of it as a proper name, though it is not so at Od. 4.605, where Telemachus implies the existence there of δρόμοι εύρέες. ήρι: 24.93. The adv. occurs three times in Homer, always with μάλα (J7. 9.360, Od. 19.320, 20.156), but is common in Apollonius (e.g. 1.601, 929); cf. Arat. 265, 766. φ ύ λ λ α : 9.4n. 40 έρψεΰμες: $ 3 has, like the mss, έρψοΟμες, but a marginal gloss πορευσώμεθα seems derived from a v.Ι. ερψωμες: cf. 15.23 η. σ τ ε φ ά ν ω ς : i.e. flowers which will presently be made into garlands, as Eur. El. 778 δρέπων τερείνης μυρσίνης κάρα πλοκούς, Chaeremon Jr. 6 στεφάνους τεμόντες. Similarly δροφον άμήσαντες (//. 24-45 Χ)> αίμασιάς λέξοντες (Od. 24.224), κάμπτειν Ττυν (//. 4-486), άσκόν δείρειν (ΑΓ. Nub. 442, <*/.), θυλακον δ. (Equ. 370)» πελανούς έπαλέτρευειν (Αρ. Rh. 1.1077); cf 25.106η., Blaydes on Ar. Ach. 300. 41 τεοΰς: 11.25 η. The simile which follows is not particularly apt for a band of maidens mourning the loss of a compeer. 43-48 These lines plainly account aetiologically for a cult of Helen at Sparta in which she is associated or identified with a plane-tree. T h e maidens will be the first celebrants (43, 45) of the rites, and founders of the cult. Nothing is directly known of such a cult, but there is evidence enough to make its existence plausible. Paus. 3.14.8 (Sparta) καΐ χωρίον Πλατανιστας έστιν ά π ό τ ω ν δένδρων, αϊ δη ύψηλαΐ καΐ συνεχείς περί αυτό αϊ πλάτανοι πεφύκασιν. αυτό δέ τ ό χωρίον, ένθα τοις έφήβοις μάχεσθαι καθέστηκε, κύκλω μέν ευριπος περιέχει κατά τ α υ τ ά καΐ εΐ νησον θάλασσα, έφοδοι δέ έπί γεφυρών είσι: in the neighbourhood of this island was a Ιερόν of Helen (3.15.3). As to the tree-cult, Paus. 3.19.10 mentions a Ιερόν of 'Ελένη Δενδρΐτις in Rhodes (with the aetiological explanation that she had been hanged on a tree), and at Caphyae in Arcadia was a πλάτανος μεγάλη καΐ εύειδής called Μενελαίς and said to have been planted by Menelaus (8.23.4), though Pausanias does not mention a cult and according to Theophr. H.P. 4.13.2 it was planted by Agamemnon, with w h o m planes are associated also at Delphi 1
Meineke proposed έν Bpicovcts and interpreted els δενδρωνα*.
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IDYLL XVIII
(Theophr. I.e.) and at Aulis (Paus. 9.19.7). At Therapnae sacrifice was offered to Menelaus and Helen ούχ ώς ήρωσιν αλλ* ώς θεοΐς άμφοτέροις ούσιν (Isocr. 10.63) cf. Eur. Hel. 1667), and there was a Laconian festival called 'EAeveioc^Hesych. s.v. and s.v. κάνναθρα). See RE 7.2824, 3 A 1481, Botticher Baumkultus 42, Wide Lakon. Kulte 343, Chapouthier Les Dioscures 143. On certain Laconian reliefs of the 2nd cent. B.C. a pillar or tree-like object between the Dioscuri has been interpreted as representing Helen (Cook Zeus 1.768). 43 λωτώ: Τ. no doubt remembers Od. 4.602 (Telemachus to Menelaus) πεδίοιο άνάσσεις | ευρέος ώ ίν\ μέν λωτός πολύς. The word has various botanical meanings (see 24.45 η., Hesych. s.v.), but, low-growing and gathered at Sparta, will be a trefoil. Many varieties are recognised by Theophrastus (H.P. 7.15.2); T. perhaps means that called μελίλωτος, which had a fragrant yellow flower (Diosc. 3.40). For garlands made of it see Cratin./r. 98, Alex./r. 114; cf. Nic. Th. 897, Plin. N.H. 21.53, RE 13.1530. If this poem was written for an Alexandrian audience (see p. 348), it is possible that the words χαμαί αύξομένοιο are a reminder that he is not thinking of the water-lily, which was also called λωτός and was used for garlands in Egypt (Ath; 3.73 A). 44 σκιεράν: in the other Doric poem in which the adj. occurs (7.138) T. seems to have written σκιαρός, and that torm should perhaps be restored here and in 46. καταθήσομεν: apparently expose, as Plat. Legg. 946D els τήν άγοράν γράμματα καταθέντες, Ditt. Sy//.3 64.60, 1122.9; cf. //. 23.267, Od. 24.91. The verb however may also mean to dedicate, as in Schwyzer Dial. Gr. Exempl. 647 A (Naucratis), 682 (Cyprus). πλατάνιστον: the earlier name (I/. 2.307, 310) appears again at 22.76, 25.20; πλάτανος at 22.41. The latter first occurs at Ar. Equ. 528. For the popularity of the tree in antiquity see Mayor on Juv. 1.12. 45 δλπιδος: 2.156η. The word is not distinguishable in meaning from δλπη, and will denote the oil-flask they carry to their athletic exercises (23). 46 λαζύμεναι: λά^υμαι, unless λά^υτο should be read at II. 8.389, appears first at H. Horn. 4.316. T. has λά^ευ at 15.21 (8.84 λάσδεο), and -ομαι is used by Apollonius (1.911, 3.1365, 1394) and Nicander (λά^εο Th. 108, 610, al.), but both forms are well established. Hesych. λαζύμεναι* λαμβάνουσαι probably refers to this line. 47 The dedication of a tree by an inscription on the bark is not recorded elsewhere. For lovers' inscriptions in such places see Call. jr. 73, Λ.Ρ. 9.341, 12.130, Luc. Amor. 16, Virg. E. 10.53, Prop. 1.18.22, Ov. Her. 5.21, al. 48 άννείμη: άναγνοίη, a gloss which has invaded Cal. At Pind. I. 2.47 (68) a corrupt schol., interpreting άπόνειμον as άνάγνωθι, cites άνανέμειν from this passage and from Parthenius, and the uncompounded verb (apparently) from Soph. jr. 144 (where see Pearson). Hesych. glosses άννέμειν, έπινειμάτω, νέμει, νέμεις, νέμω with άναγιγνωσκ-, and Suidas cites άνανέμειν from Epich. [jr. 224); cf. Σ Ar. Au. 1289. At Hdt. 1.173 άνανεμέεται must mean recount, recite. These uses of (άνα)νέμω are obscure, but it is plain from the lexicographers that many more examples were known to them than to us. Δωριστί: έπιγράψεται δε τφ φλοιω αύτης γράμματα Δώρια* Δώρια δε έπει καΐ αύται αϊ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Λωρίδες, Σ, but this, the most natural interpretation of the words, is generally agreed to be absurd, for an inscription at Sparta must needs be in Doric, and (though here 15.88 imposes caution) the words are no more Doric than the rest of the poem; and if, with Hermann, we alter them to Laconian Doric— Έλέναρ... the adv. is not sufficiently precise, nor is there any evidence for such
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COMMENTARY
[49-56
rhotacism in Laconian before the 2nd cent. A.D. (Bechtel Gr. Dial. 2.329). The inscription is not particularly 'Laconic', for the one word Έλένας would serve; and if T. thought the abruptness of σέβευ με so, he might be expected to say Laconian rather than Doric. The adv. need not refer to language (15.92η.), but it is impossible to guess which feature (if any) of the cult T. might regard as specifically Dorian. Tree-cults are not, but the dedication of a tree to a hero by an inscription cut upon it might be; or the adv. might be part of the inscription and enjoin on the wayfarer a Dorian form of cult. In any case the adv., as probably the adj. Δωρίδα at 2.156 (see n.), is superfluous to the context and really represents a comment by the learned poet; and it may even be that he is commenting not on the cult but on the use of άνανέμειν for άναγιγνώσκειν—άννείμη as (we) Dorians say—for though this sense of the verb cannot be shown to be exclusively Doric it is cited from Epicharmus. The adv. has naturally been suspected (δώροισι Meineke, ώριστε Haupt.) but probably needs explanation rather than emendation. $ 3 preserves only the last letter, which seems to be 1. 49 Sapph. Jr. 103 χαίροισα νύμφα, χαιρετώ δ 1 ό γαμβρός, 105 χαίρε νύμφα, χαίρε τίμιε γαμβρέ ττόλλα, Cat. 61.232 at boni | coniuges bene uiuite. εύπένθερε: the adj., which does not occur elsewhere, echoes 18. J ^ ' s ευπάρθενε, to which εύπένθερε has been corrected, is plainly inferior though it might just be defended (Nonn. D. 16.311 εύπάρθενον εύνήν). 50 if*. The repeated epanalepsis Λ α τ ώ . . . Λ α τ ώ κουροτρόφος, Κύπρις.,.θεά Κύπρις, Ζ ε υ ς . . . Κρονίδας Ζευς seems singularly frigid, and neither θεά nor Κρονίδας adds anything material to the sense. κουροτρόφος: the adj. is attached to various deities, including Artemis (Diod. 5.73), but not elsewhere to her mother. Leto is sometimes associated withEileithyia, and at Phaestus had the cult-name Φυτίη (see Roscher 2.1968), but T. is probably thinking of her as a pattern for mothers in the matter of bearing noble children. For the prayer for εύτεκνία c£. Eur. Ion 468. Ζευς: for Zeus as giver of δλβος cf. 17.73 if., Od. 4.207 £εΐα δ* άρίγνωτος γόνος άνέρος φ τε Κρονίων | όλβον έπικλώση γαμέοντί τε γεινομένω τε, 6.188. For εύπατρίδαι cf. Eur. Ale. 918 (Admetus's wedding) πολυάχητος δ' εΐπετο κώμο5 | τήν τε ΘανοΟσαν κάμ* όλβί^ων, | ώς εύττατρίδαι καΐ απ* αμφοτέρων | όντες αρίστων συζυγές είμεν. The prayer is that a line of descendants as nobly born as their forebears shall preserve intact their rich inheritance; cf. 17.104. Μενελάου δέ καΐ Ελένης αναγράφονται παίδες Σωσιφάνης Νικόστρατος και (ΑΙΘ)ιόλας, οι δέ Θρόνιον, και θυγατέρες Μελίτη καΐ "Ερμιόνη, Σ; but this is not the only respect in which the maidens' high hopes for the marriage were doomed to disappointment. 54 Cf. Sapph. Jr. 83 δαύοις άπάλας εταίρας | έν στήθεσιν. 55 έγρέσθαι: the form, which some accent proparoxytone, occurs at Od. 13.124; έξεγρέσθαι at Plat. Symp. 223 c, Rep. 534c. The sleep they are n o w bidden to take is to be έγέρσιμος (24.7), not like that of death, which is νήγρετος (Mosch. 3.104, Λ.Ρ. 7.305; cf. Τ. 3.49η.). Έγέρσιμος ύπνος is used by Nonnus of Christ's three days in the tomb (Par. Io. 20.42, 21.78). έπιλάθησθε: for this verb c. inf. seeHdas 4.93, Headlam ad loc. 56 Like the singer at 15.132 they announce their programme for the next day. Των δέ έπιθαλαμίων τινά μέν φδεται εσπέρας, ά λέγεται κατακοιμητικά, άτινα έως μέσης νυκτός άδουσι* τινά δέ όρθρια, ά καΐ προσαγορεύεται διεγερτικά, Σ arg. The morning epithalamium is not specifically mentioned elsewhere but it seems clearly referred to in a corrupt fragment of the Danaids of Aeschylus (jr. 43) and is perhaps intended at Ap. Rh. 4.1193, where, at dawn after Medea's wedding, the Nymphs sing and dance to the music of Orpheus; cf. Sapph. Jr. 39D 2 . 360
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IDYLL XVIII
νεύμεθα: with fut. sense, as commonly except in the inf. (16.28; cf. 24.95); but 25.207 νεόμην, where the sense is ibam, not redibam. Cf. 3.1η. ές ϋρθρον: 14η. Ές of time for which an engagement is made, as Od. 14.384 φάτ' έλεύσεσθαι ή ές θέρος ή ές όπώρην, Xen. Cyr. 3·ΐ·42 π ρ ο ε ϊ π ε . . .είς τρίτην ήμέραν παρεϊναι, and often; it is however also used of the time at which an event occurs, as Ap. Rh. 4.1690 νέον φαέθουσαν ές ή ώ | Ιρόν.. .Ιδρύσαντο, id. 1.1151» 4.1622, Polyb. 5.13.8 είς τήν ύστεραίαν.. .προήγε, al., and this sense also would be appropriate here. αοιδός: i.e. άλεκτρυών. The word is not so used elsewhere, but the cock is called κήρυξ at Hdas 4.13 (where see Headlam), Ar. Eccl. 30 ό κήρυξ άρτίως | ημών προσιουσών δεύτερον κεκόκκυκεν. This passage and Luc. Dial. Met. 11.3 ήδη τρίτον τοΟτο ήσεν άλεκτρυών lend some colour to Meineke's πρατον, but it matters little whether they say at first cockcrow or at the crowing of the first cocky and the masc. receives some support from 7.123 ό δ : όρθριος.. .αλέκτωρ | κοκκύσδων, Α.Ρ. 5-3 ήώος αλέκτωρ | κηρύσσων. O n the triple crow see 24.64, Plin. N.H. 10.46 hi nostri uigiles iiocturni.. .norunt sidera et ternas distinguunt horas interdiu cantu. cum sole eunt cubitum, quartaque castrensi uigilia ad curas laboremque reuocanty nee solis ortum incautis patiuntur obrepere, diemque uenientem nuntiant cantu, ipsum uero cantum plausu laterum. 57 ε ύ ν ά ς : of birds Soph. Ant. 424 ως όταν κενής | εύνής νεοσσών όρφανόν βλέψη λέχος: and so Od. 5.65 εύνσ^εσθαι. So also κοΐτος 13.12, λέχος Aesch. Ag. 51, Nic. Th. 198 (quoted on 13.13). Of animals εύνή is c o m m o n ; e.g. 13.63, 24.86, Od. 14.14. κελαδήση: of swallows Ar. Pax 801, Ran. 684, of swallows and nightingales [Luc] Philopatr. 3, and similarly of bird-song in an anonymous lyric, Powell Coll. Al. p. 185 (7.6) κέλαδον παντομιγή, but the meaning is chirp or twittery and Eustath. 1710.64 distinguishes the verb in this sense from φδειν, which is commonly used of crowing and is implied in αοιδός: ως δέ και του κελαδεΐν του τε άλλως καΐ του κατ* όρνιθας διαφέρει τό φδειν δηλοϊ ό γράψας ούτω · ΚαΙ τάς άλεκτορίδας άπέκτεινε του μη κελαδούσας καΐ φδούσας Ιπι τοις ωοϊς μηνΰσαι τόν μοιχόν. Since however the word is used of wind instruments (Eur. El. 716, A.P. 6.350) it cannot be considered a catachresis here. εϋτριχα: so Bacch. 5.28 (of an eagle) λεπτότριχα. . .εθειραν, poet. αρ. Plut. Mor. 1067 D τττερά ποικιλοτρίχων οίωνών (y.l. -θρόων), Gal. 12.361 (of a lark's crest) άνάστασις τ ώ ν τριχών. 58 Ύ μ ή ν ώ Ύ μ έ ν α ι ε : on the ritual cry see Philol. 66.590, 69.447. In the poets at any rate it takes various forms, sometimes no doubt imposed by their metres, but it most often closely resembles this: (i) Sapph./r. 91 ύμήναον (refrain); (ii) Eur./r. 781.14 Ύμήν Ύμήν (cf. Bion 1.88); (iii) Eur. Tr. 310, 314 l Ύμήν, ώ ΎμέναΓ άναξ; (iv) 3 3 1 1 Ύμήν, ώ ΎμέναΓ Ύμήν; (ν) Ar. Pax Ι334ΓΤ· Ύμήν ΎμέναΓ ώ ; (vi) Ar. Au. 1736"ff. Ύμήν ώ ΎμέναΓ ώ ; (vii) Plaut. Cas. 800, 808 Hymen Hymenaee 0 Hymen; (viii) Cat. 61.4ΓΓ.x 0 Hymenaee Hymen | 0 Hymen Hymenaee; (ix) Cat. 62.5ff. Hymen 0 Hymenaee, Hymen ades 0 Hymenaee; (χ) Ο ν . Her. 12.143, 14.27 Hymen Hymenaee, Nonn. D. 16.290, 24.271 (cf. A P . 7.407, O p p . Cyn. 1.341); (xi) Ov. A. A. 1.563 Hymenaee. Usually the words are repeated or used as a refrain, but (ii) stands at the beginning, as this at the end, of the song. For the long vowel unshortened in hiatus in the 4th foot see 5.148 η. 1
Text not secure.
361
IDYLL XIX PREFACE Subject. Eros, while robbing a beehive, is stung on the hand and complains to Aphrodite of the pain caused by so small a creature. She retorts that his own victims might make the same complaint. Authorship. The poem is contained, with other miscellaneous bucolic matter, in a very few mss, of which V is alone of value, and in the Aldine and other early editions. It is apparently ascribed to T. only in one I5th-cent. ms (Laur. xxxii.43), and its position in these collections after the "Ερως Δραπέτη* of Moschus makes it plain that it owes its place to the similarity of theme between these poems. It is generally agreed that it cannot be by T. It has been ascribed to Moschus, and more commonly, after Valckenaer, to Bion (cf./rr. 7, 10), among whose works it was included by Hermann. It is however inferior in quality to the similar poems of these poets, and, though that is not decisive, Wilamowitz (Textg. 80) may well be right in dating it in the neighbourhood of the Anacreontica, of which 33 deals with the same theme. There Eros is stung by a bee lurking in a rose, and Aphrodite replies to his complaint with the words el το κέντρον | πονεΐ το τα$ μελίττας, | πόσον δοκεΐς πονοΟσιν, | "Epcos, όσους συ βάλλεις; Imitation by one or other is possible but hardly certain. The Anacreontic poem is imitated by Nic. Eug. 4.313.
Ι κέντασε: Ar. Vesp. 225 ί-χονσι γαρ καΐ κέντρον έκ της όσφύος | όξύτατον, φ κεντοΟσι, Nub. 947» α^ The form is probably merely a hyperdorism, though there are -έω verbs with parallel -άω forms (see 3.18, 6.30,24.101m.) and κεντάσθαι with a v.Ι. -εΐσΒαι appears in Gal. 6.192. 2 συλεύμενον: σύλεον occurs at Quint. S. 1.717, συλοϋσι, less securely, in Xanthus/r. 1 {F.H.G. 1.26), and the -έω form of the verb may be correct here; cf. 3.18η. 3 δάκτυλα: the heteroclite plur. occurs at [Arist.] Physiogn. 810 a 22, which is thought to be of Hadrianic date, and it is not uncommon in later poets, as A.P. 9.365 (Julian), Plan. 283 (Leontius), Nonn. D. 8.43, al. Though consistent with a late date for the poem the form affords little proof of it, for Callimachus, who has such apparent novelties as δίφρα, μνχά, τράχηλα, and Apollonius, who has χαλινά, might seemingly have used it. The author does not know, or has forgotten, that a bee leaves its sting in the wound and can therefore sting only once (cf. Arist. H.A. 519 a 28, 626 a 20, Nic. Th. 810, Lyr. Alex. Adesp. 7.15 Powell). ύπένυξεν: so of stinging fishes Ael. N.A. 2.50 ύπονύξαντες Ιόν άφιάσιν. χέρ* έφύση: apparently blew upon his hand, the ace. as of wind instruments (see, e.g., 22.77 and n.). This seems a curious reaction to a bee-sting, and Legrand suggested that it meant his hand swelled up. It is difficult to see however how this can be extracted from the words. 4 άλατο: so, less naturally, of sorrow A.P. 5.287 (Agathias) μέγα στονάχησε και ήλατο. 362
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IDYLL XIX
5 τάν όδύναν: wound, painful place, as Solon fr. 13.59 πολλάκι δ* έξ όλίγης οδύνης μέγα γίγνεται άλγος, Soph. fr. 152 δίπτυχοι yap όδύνσι μιν ήρικον | Άχιλληίον δόρατος. Wilamowitz wrote έάν for τάν, but with little advantage. δττι yc: apparently as δτ(τ)ι f>a in Homer, whether δττι means that or because.
6 έντί for the 3rd pers. sing, is late and solecistic (Ahrens Dial. Dor. 319), and though defended by Gallavotti (and Thumb-Kiekers Gr. Dial. 1.213) seems rightly banished from T., in whom it is sometimes strongly supported by mss (e.g. 1.17). This poet hardly deserves the same protection. άλίκα presents difficulties here and in 8. Έμέμφετο άλίκα τραύματα ποιεί would resemble 2.9 μέμφομαι οίά με ποιεί, and άλίκα would mean δτι ταλίκα (13.66η.). The sentence however would then be somewhat irregular, since for δττι τντθόν we might expect όσσίχον: and in 8 άλίκα cannot be so explained. The author is presumably thinking of 4.55 όσσίχον έστι τό τύμμα και άλίκον άνδρα δαμάζει, where όσσίχον and άλίκον are exclamatory; but άλίκα cannot here be so regarded in either line without considerable incoherence, and in both places the simplest sense is provided by regarding it as demonstrative. For relative pronouns and adverbs used in place of demonstrative see 4.39 η. If that is impossible, it is probably best to accept Porson's ταλίκα in 8 and to explain άλίκα in 6 as δτι ταλίκα, for Wilamowitz's explanation of 8 as vulnera sunt qualia en facts (i.e. the bee-sting is like the wound of love) is very unsatisfactory. 7 τύ: I accept τύ δ* from Stephanus for τί δ'; since the emphatic pronoun, if not strictly necessary, improves the sentence. 8 €εις: the form εης does not occur elsewhere but would naturally be taken for an imperfect. That tense however is inappropriate, and since a present seems essential I have accepted from Wilamowitz the equally unknown present form εεις. άλίκα: see 6n., and for the hiatus 5. Whether άλίκα or ταλίκα be read, the variation from τραύματα in 6 to τα τ. seems wanton or incompetent.
363
IDYLL XX PREFACE Subject. An unnamed oxherd complains that he has made advances to Eunica, a town-dwelling light-of-love, who has rejected them with contumely. He calls his rustic friends to witness that he is both handsome and accomplished; Eunica cannot be aware of the Olympian precedents for loving a countryman, and deserves to have no lover at all. Authorship. According to Ahrens and Ziegler (Gallavotti is silent) the poem is ascribed to T. in X, and in C (which is here derived from Tr). The first four lines appear in A.P. 9.136l following six hexameters by Cyrus of Panopolis, who was ύπαρχος της αυλής at Constantinople and consul in A.D. 441 (see RE 12.188); the lemmatist however added the note τοϋτο ονκ έτπδεικτνκόν άλλ' έρωτικόν κακώς ούν ενταύθα κείται. The ascription to T. has been generally rejected. Meineke's arguments against it are (i) that the poem shows a dulcicula quaedam mollities alien to T.'s poems; (ii) its numerous and close imitations of T.; (iii) the form έμμ{ in 19 and 32; (iv) neglect of position in 6 and 13; (v) mention of the πλαγίαυλος in 29; (vi) the use of κρήγνος in 19 and of σεσαρός in 14; (vii) the triple division of 6 (but see 8.41 n.). Arguments (iii)-(vii) are of no great weight, but the number of words and forms not found in T.'s bucolic poems could be considerably increased,2 and it may be added that the verse is considerably more dactylic than in T. These arguments are not in themselves conclusive, and (i) and (ii) are somewhat subjective, but it is impossible to believe that the almost slavish imitation of other poems proceeds from T. himself. The poem must be by an imitator familiar with T. but basing himself primarily on Id. 3. In that poem T. makes fun of a goatherd who applies urban methods of courtship to a girl who lives in a cave (see p. 64). Here the girl is herself of the town and treats her rustic lover to a display of urban hauteur, to which he replies on lines borrowed from the lover in Jo. 3 and the slighted Polyphemus in lad. 6 and 11. Ahrens (Philol. 33.598) ascribed the poem to Cyrus, assuming that in some collection of Cyrus's poems it followed the six lines preserved at A.P. 9.136, in the first three of which3 he saw an imitation of T. 7.86fF. The imitation of T. is possible, but there are no other resemblances to T. in Cyrus's epigrams, and Hiller (Beitrage 71) further objected that the existence of a collection in which these poems stood together was improbable, that, if it did exist, the behaviour of the excerptor in introducing four lines of the longer poem to the Anthology was inexplicable, and that whereas Cyrus in his hexameters appears to belong to the school of Nonnus, this poet disregards the practice of that school. This criticism is effective, and though the occurrence of the four lines in A.P. is puzzling, it seems to throw no light on the 1
And in a I5th-cent. ms of A. Plan., cod. Laur. 31.28. 2 έμείο; 3, 5 κυνεΐν; 4 άγροικο*, άστικό$(3ΐ); ί ο έξόσδειν; 12 συνεχέ*; 14 μορφά; 15 <5φαρ; 18 εταίρα; 28 μελίσδω; 29 ανλω λαλέω, δώναξ; 39 νάττο*; 41 βοηνόμο$; 43 κρέσσων (8.83); 45 άνά» temporal, are the more important examples. 3 αίθε πατήρ μ* έδίδαξε δασύτριχα μήλα νομεύειν | ώ% κεν Οπό πτελέησι καθήμενο* ή Οπό πέτρη* | συρίσδων καλάμοισιν έμά$ τέρπεσκον ανία*: c£. however Norm. D. 16.321, 20.372. 1
364
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IDYLL XX
date or authorship of the piece, which remain quite uncertain. Meineke thought of Bion or Moschus; Wilamowitz and Legrand favoured a contemporary or follower of Bion, mainly on the ground that the reference to Cybele (40) suggests an Asiatic origin. The question cannot be determined, and in a poem so imitative and of so little merit is of slight importance.
ι Εύνίκα: from 13.45. έγέλαξε: for the form see 15 below, 7.42η. The ace. of the person with this verb is very rare and apparently late ([Luc] Ocyp. 5 γελώ δε τους πληγέντας Οττ* εμού) though the passive is classical (e.g. Soph. Ant. 839). 2 έπικερτομέοισα: 5.77η. The author is probably thinking of//. 16.744, 24.649, Od. 22.194 τ ο ν δ* έτηκερτομέων προσέφη(ς). 3 ώ ν : 8.5ΐη. τάλαν: 5.136η. 4 άγροίκως is of course ace. plur., not (as L. and S. s.v. αστικός suppose) an adverb. θλίβειν: press rather than rub (as, e.g., Plat. Tim. 60c). The author may be thinking of 12.32. 5 τό καλόν στόμα: 2.126; cf. 1.146. 6 οία β λ έ π ε ι ς : for the failure of βλ to make position here and in 13 see 17.136η. όπποΐα: όποιος is presented by the mss as exclamatory atLys. 30.4, but it is open to grave suspicion, and the use seems to be a solecism. άγρια: rough, or possibly intemperate, as Plat. Phaed. 81Α αγρίων ερώτων, Plut. Mor. 972 D. T h e w o r d is often used of homosexual love (Ar. Nub. 349, Blaydes and Starkie ad loc). T h e adj. however may serve here as a synonym of άγροικος. At Mosch. 1.11 άγρια παίσδοον has quite a different meaning. παίσδεις: 15.49 η. 7f. These t w o lines, if genuine, must be ironical, and they consort so ill with the angry exclamation in 6 and the plain statement in 9 that even this author may be given the benefit of the doubt. Various excisions have been proposed in the context—this apparently first by J. Lucas (Stud. Theognid. 72). T h e omission of 7 in C (which derives the poem from Tr) however must be an accident due to homoearchon with 8 or homoeoteleuton with 6. τ ρ υ φ ε ρ ό ν : apparently in what cultured tones you address me, or name me. The adj. is possibly used of sound again at 21.18, where however see n. άδέα: this form appears for the ace. masc. at 44, for the ace. fern, at Mosch. 3.82. The ace. form is paralleled by ευρέα (//. 6.291, 9.72, 18.140, 21.125); the treatment of the adj. as of two terminations by ηδύς άυτμή (Od. 12.369) and the similar use of βαθύς, ευρύς, Θήλυς; cf. 18.22, 25.256ml. The precise meaning of the adj. when applied to the hair is obscure, but perhaps fragrant is meant; cf. 7.81. 9 νοσέοντι: Sauppe's νοτέοντι is not unplausible, but νοσεΐν seems possible of the cracked and peeling lips of a herdsman exposed to the sun, which has also tanned his hands (cf. 10.26ff.); or he may have sores on them. 10 έξόσδεις: 5.52. T h e compound, which seems elsewhere confined to prose, is used without a following gen. as a synonym of 03ειν in Theophr.^r. 4.54, 57. 11 μυθίζοισα: 10.58 η. τρίς εις k. e\ κ . : 6.39· 12 σ υ ν ε χ έ ς : the long first syll. is Homeric and borrowed by Alexandrians (Call. H. 2.60, Ap. Rh. 2.738, Arat. 20, Nic. A\. 571). T h e word is apparently used
365
COMMENTARY
[13-21
in its spatial not its temporal sense—she ran her eye straight from head to foot; cf. Virg. Aen. 4.363 totumque pererrat \ luminibus tacitis. 13 μυχθίζοισα: Polyb. 15.26.8 ούδενΐ ττροσεΐχον τ ω ν λεγομένων μυχθί^οντες δέ καΐ διαψιθυρί3οντες έξελήρησαν, Α.Ρ. 5-179 (Meleager; quoted on 7· 1 0 )· The word is used also to denote sounds of sorrow or pain (Aesch. Prom. 743, Rhes. 789). λοξά β λ έ π ο ι σ α : 6n. Λοξός is used, both of an angry glance (Solon fr. 34.16 νυν δέ μοι χολούμενοι | λοξόν όφθαλμοίς όρώσι πάντες ώστε δήιοι, Αρ. Rh. 2.665, Α.Ρ. 7-53 ί» Plan. 95) as here, and of a shy or suspicious one (knzcT.fr. 75, Ap. Rh. 3.445). 14 τ $ μορφφ θηλύνετο: apparently assumed a coy or ladylike attitude, though the expression seems to lack parallels both for noun and for verb. σεσαρός: 7.19 f., where see n., Babr. 50.14 σεσηρός αίκάλλουσα. 15 σοβαρόν: Α.Ρ. 6.1 (Plato) ή σοβαρόν γελάσασα καθ* Ε λ λ ά δ ο ς . . .Λαΐς. εγέλαξεν: i n . &<ραρ: 22.203, 25.146, 227, 243; but the word seems over-epic for this context. έζεσεν: of emotion Soph. O.C. 434 Ι^ει θυμός, Αρ. Rh. 4.391 άνσ^είουσα βαρυν χόλον, Plat. Rep. 440c, al.y but at A.P. 7.208 (Anyte) α ί μ α . . .^έσσε the meaning is overflowed. Photius has Άνέ^εσεν αίμα* επί οργισμένου σφόδρα Θείης αν την φωνήν. Φερεκράτης [fr. 18 Demian.; cf. Phryn. Pr. Soph. 48.8 de B.), but the use of αίμα in any sense akin to θυμός is very rare (Aeschin. 3.160 είδώς ότι αίματος έστιν ή αρετή ώνία, αυτός ουκ έχων αίμα), and the reference may be only to the purely physical effect here further described in the next phrase. 16 «ροινίχθην: Αρ. Rh. 3.725 φοινίχθη δ* άμυδις καλόν χρόα. ερσφ: according to Arist. de color. 796 a 21 rose-petals, like the pomegranate-fruit white to begin with, χρω^ομένων έν αύτοΐς τ ω ν χυλών υ π ό της πέψεως άττοχραίνεται και μεταβάλλει πάλιν είς τ ό του άλουργου χρώμα καΐ τ ό φοινικιοΰν. W h y this change should be ascribed to dew is obscure, but Callimachus (H. 5.27) writes τό δ* ερευθος άνέδραμε, ττρώιον οίαν | ή £όδον ή σίβδας κόκκος έχει χροΐαν, and it seems possible that ερσα is an interpretation of ττρώιον, which is itself obscure. 17 ύποχάρδιον: 11.15, where see n. 18 μωμήσαθ': 10.19, where see n. 19 ποιμένες: 8.92η. τό κρήγυον: the proper meaning is said to be αγαθόν, not as here αληθές, which may have arisen from false interpretation of//. 1.106 μάντι κακών ou π ω ποτέ μοι τό κρήγυον είπας. The mistake is however as old as Leonidas (A.P. 7.648; cf. ib. 5.58). T., tfepigr. 19 is genuine, there uses the adj. in the sense of αγαθός, but the fact is little evidence for the spuriousness of this poem, for Leonidas seems to use it in that sense also (A.P. 9.335). See Headlam on Hdas 6.39. έμμί: 32. T h e form is not known to be Doric and is not used by T., though it occurs at Bion 1.53. Cf. Introd. p. lxxiii n. 3. 21-27 6.34 ff. 21 f. These lines can hardly be right. Κάλλος, though no doubt it may be said, like χάρις (Luc. Im. 9), έπανθεϊν τινι, is not external to its possessor as is ivy to a tree, nor is κάλλος έπύκα^εν υττήναν convincing. The simplest remedy, which I have adopted, is probably Hermann's assumption of a lacuna after 21 in which a reference to his beard has been lost, but Graefe's άδυς ΐουλος deserves considera tion. Alternatively Graefe transposed 22 and 23 and wrote έττύκα^ον, but χαΐται is unsuitable of hair on the face. Wilamowitz once punctuated at the end of 21 and wrote ως κισσόν π . π ρ . έμάν έπύκα^ον υττ., (where the asyndeton and the first person are both unattractive), but he subsequently withdrew this suggestion.
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ποτΐ πρέμνον: 1.29 η. έπύκαζεν ύ π ή ν α ν : ττυκά^ειν elsewhere means to covery not to make thick (e.g. 2.153, 3.14, Od. 11.319 ττρίν σφωιν Οπό κροτάφοισιν Ιούλου? | άνθήσαι πνκάσαι τε γένυς ευανθέι λάχνη, Luc. Amor. 26 ττυκασθέν Ιούλοις τ ό γένειον), but unless it has the latter meaning here ύττήναν must mean lips or chin, not the hair on them. In favour of the latter solution is that γένειον has both meanings, and that the author's use of πυκά^ειν may well be due to the Odyssean passage quoted, where it has its ordinary sense. Ύ π ή ν η is elsewhere so used only by Christodorus (A.P. 2.136, 194). 23 σέλινα: 3.23η. A.P. 5.121 μικκή καΐ μελανεϋσα Φιλαίνιον άλλα σελίνων | ούλοτέρη, Luc. pro Imag. 5 π ο ι η τ ώ ν . . .ούλους τινά? πλοκάμους άναπλεκόντων καΐ σελίνοις... είκσ^όντων, Amor. 26. 25 γ λ α ύ κ α ς : 28.ι, Eur. Heracl. 754· N o doubt it is equivalent to γλαυκώπιδος. χ α ρ ο π ώ τ ε ρ α : 12.3 5 n. The comparison is probably inspired by 2.79, but whereas Simaetha's is apposite and suggested by the moon, w h o m she is addressing, the oxherd has no information as to the quality of Athena's eyes. 26 πακτάς: n . 2 0 n . άπαλώτερον: the adj. is uncertain, for γλυκερώτερον plainly comes from 27. At 11.20 πακτά is a standard of whiteness, which is inappropriate to lips, and though the oxherd is no doubt answering the criticism of 9, the criticism is too vague to help us to his answer; cf. however O v . Met. 13.796 mollior.. Aacte coacto. Wilamowitz preferred γλαφυρώτερον. στομάτων: for the plur. cf. Eur. Ale. 403, Ap. Rh. 4.1607, Mosch. 2.96, al.; for the conjunction of plur. and sing. Call. H. 3.8 δός 5' Ιούς και τόξα—έα, πάτερ, ου σε φαρέτρην, | ούδ* αίτέω μέγα τόξον, Schneider ad loc. 27 Cf. II. 1.249, quoted on 1.7. The gen. κηρώ is probably dependent on έκ supplied from the previous phrase rather than possessive. For the omission of the preposition with a second noun following r\ = than cf. Thuc. 7.77 ήδη τινές καΐ έκ δεινότερων ή τοιώνδε έσώθησαν, but this is much harsher. See K.B.G. 2.1.549. 28 μέλισμα: ι . ι , 14.31. ήν: 8.35n. σύριγγι μελίσδω: epigr. 2. The act. occurs also at Syrinx 17, the middle at 1.2, 7.89. 29 Of the three instruments mentioned πλαγίαυλος or πλάγιος αυλός is the cross flute, held transversely and played by blowing across the open end or, as in modern flutes, across a hole cut in the side (Apul. Met. 11.9.6 oblicum calamum ad aurem porrectum dexteram). Its invention is ascribed to Pan at Bipn/r. 7.7, but the instrument is not mentioned by T. The difference between αυλός and δώναξ is not plain since αυλοί were, or might be, made of reeds. Probably by δώναξ the author means the συριγξ μονοκάλαμος, on which see 5.7η.; by αυλός the more elaborate instrument with reed and mouthpiece. Usually two αυλοί were played simulta neously, as by Bombyca (who is an expert) at 10.34; and the plural is used of a rustic in the dubious epigr. 5, but T. uses the singular (5.7, 6.43) and his herdsmen are no doubt content with one. And at 5.7 at any rate he probably means the συριγξ μονοκάλαμος. Cf. epigr. 2.3 n., and on the various forms of pipe see Harv. Stud. 4.12. λ α λ έ ω : unless it is so used in Anaxandr./r. 35 the verb is apparently not applied elsewhere to musical instruments, but cf. 5.34η. The v.Ι. δονέω is imperfectly defended by Pind. P. 10.39 λυράν τε βοαΐ καναχαί τ ' αυλών δονέονται. δώνακι: on the form δοϋναξ used by Leonidas (A.P. 6.296, 7.504) and other epigrammatists see Geffcken Leonidas p. i n . Δώναξ appears to be an adaptation in Doric. 30 cf. 2.125,8.73, n . 7 7 .
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[31-44
31 τα 8* αστικά: i.e. Eunica. The neut. plur. is apparently contemptuous but the analogy of τ α παιδικά is not very close. 32 κούποτ' ακούει seems preferable to κού ποτακ. since προσακούειν else where either serves as the passive of προσαγορεύειν or means hear in addition. 'Ακούει will mean υπακούει (3.24). 33 If this line is to be retained it will be necessary to write at least κούποτ' άκουσεν cbs <ό> κ. Δ., when it will be an answer to the taunt δτι βουκόλος έμμί. That taunt however is adequately answered by the enumeration of gods who have fallen in love with rustics, the mention of one god w h o played the rustic (apparently without a lover) impairs the rhetoric, and the sequence παρέδραμε κούποτ' άκουσεν ώς κ.τ.λ. is so clumsy that Legrand has not unnaturally written παρέδραμεν. ούποτ* κ.τ.λ., making the two following sentences interrogative. More probably therefore the line is an adscript from some other source adding another to the list of gods w h o have had rustic adventures. The reference is mysterious. If the pres. έλαύνει is correct, Dionysus is in explicably credited with herding (cf. 3.2η.) as a regular occupation, but as he is not even known to have undertaken such duties (like Apollo) on a particular occasion, 1 there is no point in altering it to the imperfect. W i t h a bull he is connected (Eur. Bacch. 920, al.t Roscher 1.1055, Cook Zeus 1.715) but this hardly helps. It seems possible, rather than probable, that, as Reitzenstein (Epigr. u. Skol. 204) suggested, some representation of Dionysus with cattle has been misunderstood; or that Dionysus has been confused with Apollo, w h o m Briggs proposed to substitute by writing Διός ulos for Διόνυσος. 34-41 i.iosfF., 3.46ff. Cf. Longus 4.17.6. 34 βούτςι: Anchises: 1.106η. 36 φ ί λ α σ ε : loved rather than kissed, as also in 38 (6.17η.), though the latter meaning seems more probable in 31, 42, 45. The hyperdorism may well be the author's. 39 εις ό μ ά : the reading is uncertain but Vossius's εϊς όμά resembles Parmenid. Jr. 8.47 είς όμόν, Hes. Scut. 50 καθ' όμά, and is appropriate in sense: //. 8.291 γυναϊχ' ή κέν τοι όμόν λέχος είσαναβαίνοι, Hes. Th. 508. Wilamowitz preferred είς έά παιδικά νευσε. 40 ' Ρ έ α : i.e. Cybele (43)· O n the identification of the two goddesses see Roscher 2.1659. The βουκόλος in this case is Attis, on whose m y t h see RE 2.2249. The author seems to envisage that form of it in which Attis, like Adonis, was killed by a boar. 41 β ο η ν ό μ ο ν : i.e. Ganymede. The form βοηνόμος does not occur elsewhere, and βουνόμος is elsewhere used only of pastures, not of the herdsman. δρνις: for the version of the myth in which Zeus himself, in the form of an eagle, carried off Ganymede see Λ.Ρ. 12.64 (Alcaeus Messen.), Nonn. D. 15.282, Prop. 2.30.30, O v . Met. 10.155. The version differs from that presented at 15.124 and cannot be shown to be as early as T. 42 έ φ ί λ α σ ε ν : 36η. 44 μη κ έτι μηδ*: for a reinforcing negative so placed cf. Call. H. 4.89 μήπω μη μ' άέκοντα βιά^εο, Α.Ρ. 12.237 (Strato) όμόσας μηκέτι μη διδόναι, K.B.G. 2.2.205. τόν άδέα: apparently as τον έρωτύλον (3.7)· For the form see 7 η . 45 άνά ν ύ κ τ α : Bion 1.73 ^ ε τ α τ ε υ 5 άνά νύκτα τόν Ιερόν υπνον έμόχθει, //. 14.80. The preposition is not used in a temporal sense by T., CalHmachus, ApoUonius, or Aratus. 1 At Nonn. D. 42.280ff. he courts Beroc (unsuccessfully) in the guise of a rustic, but this does not seem genuine mythology.
368
IDYLL XXI PREFACE Subject. Poverty, says the poet, addressing an unknown Diophantus, is man's instructress in handicrafts and keeps the labourer from sleeping soundly at night. This proposition is illustrated with a narrative of two poor fishermen—Asphalion and an unnamed friend. They are sleeping in .their lonely hut on the shore amid the implements of their trade, but wake long before dawn. Asphalion complains of the length of the night, and, reassured that it is worry only that makes it seem so long, asks his friend whether he has ever learnt to interpret dreams. The friend replies that common sense is the chief requisite, and, as they have nothing better to do, Asphalion may as well tell him the dream. The dream, he is told, was that the fisherman hooked, and after some play landed, a golden fish; believing his fortune made he swore he would go no more to sea, and he is now alarmed about his oath. His friend assures him that the oath is as unreal as the golden fish and that unremitting labour is his only hope of making a livelihood. Sources. The Idyll chances to be the principal surviving monument of the Poor Fisherman as a literary theme, but its popularity is sufficiently attested by numerous epigrams in Bk 7 of the Anthology and goes back at least to the New Comedy. Menander wrote a 'Αλιείς, and the Rudens, which is from an original by Diphilus, has marked points of resemblance to this poem (see especially Plaut. Rud. 290 f£, 906 ff.). Whether Sophron's 'Ούλιεύς τον άγροιώταν or his Θυννοθήρας had any resemblance does not appear. T. has touched on the theme at 1.39, 3.26 and/r. 3. On the dream in Greek literature see Headlam Herodas lii. Authorship. The poem is ascribed to T. in X,1 but so also is Id. 20, and the ascription has little weight. It has been very generally regarded with suspicion on linguistic and metrical grounds as also on others more subjective. The metrical objections amount to nothing (see 33, 47nn.), and linguistic tests, difficult in any case to apply to a poet so venturesome in vocabulary as T., are here quite unreliable owing to the grossly corrupt condition of the text. The author uses άν more freely than T. (4, 34; see 8.35η.) and some of his apparent usages lack 3rd-cent. authority (see, e.g., 49, 59nn.), but there is nothing approaching decisive evidence in this. More weighty though less capable of decisive demonstration is, I think, a difference of quality in the language. The author, like T. and other Alexandrians, frequently strains his vocabulary, but fundamentally it seems to me bald and undistinguished where T.'s is rich and full of associations. I miss also the continual reminiscence of earlier writers, in particular of Homer, which is characteristic of T. Here there are no plain reminiscences of Homer (but cf. 5, 8, 43 nn.) nor of any other writer except T. himself (19) and perhaps Leonidas (7, 21). There is also the moralising tendency, on which Wilamowitz laid stress (Textg. 82). Superficially the poem resembles Idd. 11 and 13, which begin with an address to a friend and end with a moral apparently relevant to the particular predicament of the friend, the body of the poem being taken up with mythological matter which provides an illustration of the moral. There however the morals are of a very 1
GT II
According to Ahrens and Ziegler. Gallavotti is silent.
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[ι
different character—'poetry is the cure for love*.'others besides ourselves have been in love'—and the mythological core of the poems is not so framed as to keep the moral in view throughout. Here the moral that poverty is the fosterer of industry is unlikely to have any special relevance to Diophantus, and the story is constructed (with a certain clumsiness) to illustrate it. A. Y. Campbell compared the poem rather to Idd. 10 and 14, but these are addressed to nobody in particular and contain no moral. It may be added that the pathetic description of the scene in 6-21 is wholly unlike T.'s usual handling of his setting. Elsewhere his labourers speak wholly for themselves, and except in Id. 6 (where a line and a half is devoted to the setting) the scene, though clearly given (see especially Idd. 1 and 5), must be gathered by the reader from what they say. In recent times the ascription to T. has been defended only by A. Y. Campbell, who has also drastically rewritten the poem (Ann. Arch, and Antkr. 25.24, i n ) , but his arguments seem to me wholly ineffectual. Birt's attempt (Elpides) to connect the poem with the 'Ελπίδες mentioned in Suidas's notice of T. is highly uncertain in itself and if admitted would not prove its authenticity, since the Ελπίδες are only said to be ascribed by some to T. (see Introd. p. xxiv). An ascription to Leonidas was favoured by Brinker (de T. vita etc. 50) and Cholmeley, but its only grounds are an occasional resemblance of phrase (see above), and that Leonidas, among others, wrote catalogues of gear such as that presented in off. Leonidas however is not known to have written anything except epigrams, and the elaborately ornamented language of these is remotely unlike the style of this poem (cf. 9η.). Legrand dated the Idyll tentatively in the second half of the 3rd century B.C., Wilamowitz in the generation of Bion and his followers, Blumenthal (RE 5 A 2019) in the 1st cent. A.D.
1-5 The Idyll begins, like 11 and 13, with a proposition addressed to a particular person. In this case the person is an unknown bearer of the very common name Diophantus; the proposition, that poverty is the inspirer of the arts. The proposition is a commonplace set out at length by Πενία at Ar. Plut. 510 εί yap ό ΓΓλοϋτος βλέψειε πάλιν διανείμειέν τ* ίσον αυτόν, | ούτε τέχνην άν των ανθρώπων οΰτ' αν σοφίαν μελετφη | ουδείς* άμφοΐν δ' υμΐν τούτοιν άφανισθέντοιν έθελήσει | τίς χαλκεύει ν ή ναυπηγεΐν ή ράπτει ν ή τροχοποιεΤν | ή σκυτοτομεΐν ή πλινθουργεΐν ή πλύνειν ή σκυλοδεψεϊν | ή γης άρότροις £>ήξας δάπεδον καρπόν Δηους θερίσασθαι, Ι ήν έξη 3ήν άργοϊς υμΐν τούτων πάντων άμελοΟσι;, cf 53 2 · Euripides (jr. 641) expressed it, in a much-quoted line, πενία δέ σοφίαν έλαχε διά τό συγγενές: cf. Anaximenes (of Lampsacus: Stob. 4.33.22) ή γάρ πενία καΐ προς τάς τέχνας δεινότερους καΐ προς τον βίον τεχνικωτέρους τους ανθρώπους καθίστησι, Plaut. Stick. 178 ilia (paupertas) artis omnis perdocet ubi quern attigit, Pers. prol. 10, Luc. Tim. 32. The meaning of these passages is quite plain; it is that poverty sharpens the wits and stimulates industry, and the emphasis of this story falls on the second of these qualities. Asphalion tells his friend (65 ff.) that if his fortune is to be made it is hard work, not idle dreams, that will make it. The opening is however unfortunate, for τάς τέχνας εγείρει suggests the stimulation of invention (which, though the commoner point, is here irrelevant) rather than of industry; and though the words μόχθόίο διδάσκαλος introduce the second point, the choice of the verb εγείρει, which is followed by εύδειν, έπιβρίσσησι, ύπνον, directs the author to quite a different proposition, namely that the cares of the poor prevent them from sleeping at night. This theme is then pursued (20 f, 27), and it is only because the
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wakefulness of the pair leads to the narration of the dream that w e ultimately reach a moral appropriate to the proposition from which w e started. ι Δ ιό φ α ν τ ε : the name is extremely c o m m o n ; the person is unknown but presumably (as in Ida. n and 13) a friend (real or imaginary) of the author is addressed. 2 α ΰ τ α : the vulgate reading αυτά will mean alone, but poverty is hardly the only impulse to industry and Meineke's correction 1 helps also to emphasise what is the real moral of the poem (see 1-5 n.). μόχθοιο: labour rather than hardship, as, e.g., 16.60, Arat. 761. 3 άνδράσιν έργατίναισι: 10.9 έργάτα άνδρί. Έργατ{νης appears first either at Τ. ιο.ι or in Apollonius (2.376, 663, 3.1323, 1342). παρέχοντι: i.e. έώσι, as Soph. Tr. 1114 έπεί παρέσχες άντιφωνήσαι, and, more commonly, παρέχει impersonally. 4 The meaning is clearly if they do fall asleep, the text uncertain. I accept Reiske's έπιβρίσσησι, which should perhaps be rather -βρίξησι (c(. Od. 9.151, Rlies. 826). Έ π ι β ρ φ ι ν does not occur, but the prep, may imply ταϊς μερίμναις. Έπιμύσσησι (Ahrens) is little less probable; the lengthening of the ι might be thought unduly epic for the context (cf. 22.19, O p p . Hal. 2.110) but so might the termination -ησι, which seems certain. Meineke suggested νυστακτύς or νύσταξις έπιβρίσησι (from βρίθειν). 5 There is perhaps some reminiscence of Od. 19.516 κεΐμαι ένΐ λέκτρω ττυκιναί δε μοι άμφ* άδινόν κήρ | όξεΐαι μελεδώναι όδυρομένην έρέθουσιν. αίφνίδιον: adverbial, as often in later prose; e.g. Plut. Num. 15, Aetn. Paul 17, Charit. 5.3.9. θορυβεΟντι: for the hiatus see 7.8 η. It is perhaps doubtful however h o w far strict Doric should be restored to this poem. έφιστάμεναι: the verb is common of dreams and visions, as, e.g., i7. 10.496 δναρ κεφαλήφιν επέστη, Hdt. 1.34, 38, 2.139. 6 ιχθύος: the sing, is collective as at 45, Xen. Cyr. 8.2.6, p.Ox. 2234.23, Λ.Ρ. 7.504 (Leonidas) κίχλης καΐ σκάρου Ιχθυβολεύς: cf. 4-44Π. άγρευτηρες: 7.60n. ό μ ω ς : hardly distinguishable from όμου (which Meineke suggested), as often in Homer (e.g. //. 11.708, Od. 23.332). 7 β ρ ύ ο ν : the w o r d has various botanical meanings, but this is plainly βρύον θαλάσσιον δ έττί τους Ιχθύας έπιβάλλουσι (Hipp. Mul. 1.53* 8.112 L.). It is coupled by Aristotle (Η.Λ. 591b 12) and Theophrastus (H.P. 4.6.2) with φΟκος, and is described by the latter (ih. 4.6.6): φύλλον μέν έχει ποώδες τη χρόα, π λ α τ ύ δέ και ουκ άνόμοιον ταΐς θριδακίναις πλην ^υτιδωδέστερον καΐ ώσπερ συνεσπασμένον. καυλόν δε ουκ έχει άλλ* ά π ό μιας αρχής πλείω τ ά τοιαύτα και πάλιν άπ* άλλης· φύεται δέ έπι τ ω ν λίθων τ ά τοιαύτα προς τη γ η καΐ τ ω ν όστρακων (cf. Diosc. 4.98). It is identified with the seaweed known as oyster-green or sea-lettuce (ulva lactuca). πλεκταΐς: Aesch. Prom, jog πλεκτάς στέγας, and Leonidas, of a fisherman, (A.P. 7.295) έθαν* έν καλύβη σχοινίτιδι. It will be a cabin with the wattled walls described in 8. 8 τ ο ί χ ω τ ω φ.: the phrase seems suggested by Od. 17.340 κλινάμενος σταθμω κυπαρισσίνω, and the bare dative, which occurs elsewhere in Homer, may therefore be right. The article however is no ornament, and Kaibel's π ο τ ί is plausible (προς Hermann). The adj., applied elsewhere to garlands and to αγώνες (Poll. 3.153), will mean that the branches of which the hut is made still have the leaves 1 Gallavotti printed αΰτα without note.
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COMMENTARY
[9-10
attached. It should however be observed that 13 suggests that they are lying at full length and not leaning against the wall of the cabin, and Graefe's κοίτω τω φ. (c{. 35 η.) deserves consideration. έγγύθι: the form is Homeric (e.g. II. 6.317) though T. has only εγγύς and ίγγύΟεν. 9 τα τοΐν χ . ά.: the text, which must be considered very doubtful, is taken to mean the implements of their toilsome trade. The verb άθλεύειν is used of a fisherman's work at Opp. Hal. 3.40 (cf. 52 below), but άθλημα has no such meaning elsewhere; if it is correct it will stand to άθλεΐν as άθυρμα to άθνρειν. It would perhaps give a more natural meaning to άθλημα and more point to the gen. if we understood it of the implements they have laboriously fashioned. No emendation suggested deserves mention, but τδς θήρας, which Wilamowitz printed (for ταΐν χειροΐν) as though it were the ms reading, is Ahrens's. The list of apparatus which follows bears some resemblance to lists in the dedicatory epigrams of the Anthology—e.g. dedications of fishing-gear at A.P. 6.4 (Leonidas), 5 (Philippus). Commonly however the items in the Anthology lists are equipped with elaborate epithets and all those by Leonidas are so (6.4, 35, 204, 205, 211, 288, 289, 293, 296, 300). It does not follow that Leonidas would have thought these attributes suitable to a longer poem, but they accord with his style elsewhere, and the bald list here given is quite unlike any known poem of his. It may be observed that in the list of gear which follows, as in the two epigrams mentioned, nets are omitted: so are fish-spears, which occur in A.P. 6.4. Possibly nets belong only to more prosperous exponents of the art. The chorus of the Rudens also consists of rod-and-line men (294; quoted on 14). καλαθίσκοι: any open-mouthed basket might be so called. They are probably for carrying bait, or catch, or both. 10 τοί κάλαμοι: there is no evidence that jointed fishing-rods were known in antiquity, and anglers on monuments are represented with rods of their own height or less. This might be an artistic convention (for a long rod embarrasses the com position), but Aelian, describing a Macedonian method of fishing with an artificial fly, says (N.A. 15.1) όργνιδς δέ ό κάλαμος έστι καΐ ή όρμιά δε τοσούτον έχει τό μήκος. Plutarch (Mor. gj6 E) recommends a thin rod which will cast no heavy shadow on the water. There is no evidence that a reel or running line was used; the line was attached to the end of the rod and was of no great length—sometimes, as in Macedon, no longer than the rod (Radcliffe Fishingfrom the Earliest Times 10). τάγκιστρα: on ancient fish-hooks see Radcliffe op. cit. 237. φυκιόεντα: 11.14. δέλητα: i.e. δελέατα. The dat. δέλητι is recorded in Hesych., δελήτιον in Et. M. 254.52, from Sophocles, or, more probably, Sophron (fr. 118); see Ahrens Dial. Dor. 193. The objection that the adj. would be more appropriate to tackle than bait is hardly met by Oppian's evidence (Hal. 3.414; cf. Babr. 6.10) that seaweed was used to bait pots set for σάλπαι, but the objection does not seem valid. A single bait might not have weed on it, but a bucket or net of shellfish, or sandeels, or a heap of artificial lures, might well have weed in them or even be deliberately kept moist by that means; cf. Hipp. Mul. 1.53 quoted on 7 above. Wilamowitz thought that λήγο might be a corruption of λίνα (suggested by Reiske). The word is appropriate (see, e.g., II. 16.408, Opp. Hal. 3.76), and though the noun nowhere has the penultimate long, the quantity has been defended elsewhere and is probably defensible (see J.Phil. 30.316). The drift of the sentence however suggests that the asyndeton should continue to the end of 10 and give way to connexions in 11, where the series of anarthrous nouns begins. If so, τε is out of place. 372
ιι-ΐ3]
IDYLL XXI
It should perhaps be added that unless δέλητα at least includes artificial lures its presence in this list is slightly at variance with the interpretation of αθλήματα suggested above. 11 όρμιαί: see i o n . The material most commonly mentioned is horsehair: Opp. Hal. 3.74 δονάκεσσιν άναψάμενοι δολιχοΐσιν | όρμιήν Ιτπτειον έύπλοκον, 469, A.P. 6.23, 192. Plut. Mor. 977A recommends hair from a stallion's tail; cf. Ael. N.A. 12.43. κύρτοι: weebt traps made on the principle of a lobster-pot or eel-basket with a funnel-shaped entrance. Tim. κύρτος * πάν πλέγμα τό είς Ιχθύων άγραν πεποιημένον. The shape is described at Opp. Hal. 3.341: κύρτον δέ πλέξαιο περίδρομον όττι μέγιστον, | τεύχων ή σπάρτοισιν Ίβηρίσιν ήέ λύγοισι, | £>άβδους αμφίβολων λευρή δέ ol είσοδος έστω | γαοτήρ τ' εύρυχανής· δέλεαρ δέ ol ένδον ένείης: c£. A.P. 6.23 περιδινέα κύρτον, Nic. Al. 62$ σχοινίδι κύρτη. Since it is left in the sea to do its work in the owner's absence it appears in the proverb εύδοντι κύρτος αίρει (Diogen. 4.65, where see Leutsch; cf. Plat. Legg. 823E, Opp. Hal. 3.86). It is made of rushes, and έκ σχοίνων probably therefore belongs to both nouns. λαβύρινθοι: the word is not elsewhere used of fishing apparatus but plainly denotes some form of trap like the κύρτος, the exit from which is hard to find. 12 μήρινθοι: of fishing Ar. Thesm. 928 αύτη μεν ή μήρινθος ουδέν έσπασεν (see Leutsch on Diogen. 3.35). It is used of a light cord or string such as might serve to tether a pigeon (//. 23.854) or work a puppet (Arist. de mund. 398b 17), and will denote a hand-line as opposed to the όρμιαί, which are attached to rods (Opp. Hal. 3.533). It may include cords or ropes for hauling up pots and, if these fishermen possess them (9η.), nets (cf. Opp. Hal. 4.585, 588). κ ώ π α ι : no doubt the right noun, but the dual κώπα (Kiessling) is perhaps preferable. γ έ ρ ω ν : 7.17η. έρείσμασι: the Homeric word is έρμα (//. 1.486 ύπό δ* έρματα μακρά τάνυσσαν, 2.154)· They will be poles or other supports keeping the boat upright. λ έ μ β ο ς : the word apparently denotes a sharp-bowed (Arist. de incess. an. 710 a 31), undecked (Diod. 20.85) vessel, which may be of any size from a ship's boat (Anaxandr._/r. 34) to a considerable warship. It is used by a fisherman setting nets in Accius's Deiphobus (128). See RE 12.1894. 13 φ ο ρ μ ό ς : at Paus. 10.29.8 (Ελπήνωρ άμπέχεται φορμόν άντι έσθητος, σύνηθες TOIS ναύταις φόρημα) the word means some coarsely woven stuff, and it may have that meaning here. Since however this would be part of their εΐματα, it more probably means a rush mat: A.B. 70.5 (Com. Adesp. 1191) φορμοκοιτεΐν τό έπι φορμού καθεύδειν. φορμός δέ έστι πλέγμα τι έκ φλέω [cf. Ar. fr. 172, Theophr. H.P. 2.6.11]· τάττεται έπι λυπρώς καΐ κακώς κοιμωμένων ούκ εχόντων κνάφαλλον, Mart. 11.32.2 de bibula sarta palude teges. The whole picture bears a considerable resemblance to Ar. Plut. 540 άντι δέ κλίνης | στιβάδα σχοίνων κόρεων μεστήν ή τους εύδοντας εγείρει* | και φορμόν έχειν άντι τάπητος σαπρόν, αντί δέ προσκεφαλαίου | λίθον ευμεγέθη προς τη κεφαλή. εΐματα, πίλοι: the reading is uncertain and πίλοι may be a conjecture, but it receives support from A.P. 6.90 (Phil. Thess.), where a fisherman's dedication includes πΐλον άμφίκρηνον ύδασιστεγή. It will be the close-fitting felt cap recom mended at Hes. W.D. 545 κεφαλήφι δ' ύπερθεν | πΐλον έχειν άσκητόν, ΐν* ούατο μη καταδεύη. The reading εΐματα πύσοι led Ahrens to write είμα τάπης ήν anc Hermann τάπης σφι, but the distinction between clothes and bed-clothes hardh existed in antiquity (see 18.19η.) and no one would expect these poorfishermen"tc e have coverlets. Moreover, whatever the first noun in 14, their πλούτος mus'
373
COMMENTARY
[14-17
include their fishing-gear; it follows therefore that 13 should continue the enumera tion begun in 11 and not contain two independent statements. This consideration suggests that νέρθεν τάς κεφάλας belongs only to φορμός; a construction is hardly required, but κεΐτο can if necessary be supplied from 9. 14 πόρος: the ms reading πόνος is unintelligible, and if the general drift of the following lines is rightly deciphered πόρος, resource, seems slightly preferable to Ahrens's στόλος, equipment, as leading more directly to the theme of poverty. Similarly of fishermen Plaut. Rud. 294 hisce hami atque haec harundines nobis sunt quaestu et cultu, Ov. Met. 3.588 ars illi sua census erat; cf.fr. 3.2, Mosch.^r. 1.9, A.P. 6.25. 15-18 The drift of these desperately corrupt lines appears to be that they had no protection against theft because they owned nothing worth stealing and there was nobody to steal it: it depends on the assumption that κύνα is correct in 15 (since a dog must here be a watchdog) and on Ahrens's consequential έτήρει in 16. Three safeguards appear to be enumerated and three reasons w h y they are un necessary, but the first safeguard and the third reason are very uncertain. 15 I accept provisionally ού κλεΐδ', ουχί θύραν έχον, of which κλεΐδ* is not wholly satisfactory. Biicheler, w h o proposed it, retained εΐχ' with ούτος ό πλοϋτος as subject. This is plainly inferior, but in any case κλείδα is open to the objection that if there is no door it has, a fortiori, no bolt or key. The three nouns may however represent three possible precautions proceeding from the inside of the hut to the outside; if so, the order will resemble A.P. 5.30 (Antipater) ούτε θυρωρός | έν ποσίν, ούτε κύων έν προθύροις δέδεται, and κλεΐδ* may perhaps stand for any means of putting things under lock and key—such as, e.g., Praxinoa's clotheschest (15.33)— a n ( l as a wattled καλύβη, even if it had a door, would be unlikely to have one which could lock, this does not seem impossible. Κύθραν receives a little support from Mart. 11.32 nee sera nee clauis nee canis atque calix, but that is in a more comprehensive list of a pauper's deficiencies, and if the next clauses here are rightly interpreted above, mention of a cup is out of place. The form κυθρα for χύτρα is Ionic but credited also to Sicily in Greg. Cor. 151. 16 A.P. 9.654 (Julian. Aeg.) κερδαλέους δ φ σ θ ε δόμους ληίστορες άλλους* | τοϊσδε y a p έστι φύλαξ εμπεδος ή πενίη: cf. Mayor on Juv. 10.22. ΐηί. έν μ έ σ σ ω : near at hand: see 15.27 n., Headlam on Hdas 6.81. The final term in this scries is presented by the mss in the form γείτων πενία δέ παρ* αυτήν | θλιβομέναν καλύβαν τρυφερόν προσέναχε θάλασσα. For πενία Reiske's πέλεν, ά is preferable to Voss's πολιά. The remainder of the sentence has been supposed to mean ever against their narrow cabin gently floated up the sea (Lang), and Legrand tentatively explained θλιβομέναν as a qui elle faisait la place etroite. Reiske wrote θλιβομένα, and the word is certainly used of water fretted in a narrow channel (Antiphilus A.P. 7.641 θλιβομένοιο π ο τ ί στενόν ύδατος, Procop. de aedif. 6.4.15), but this is inconsistent with τρυφερόν προσέναχε and, whatever view be taken of θλιβομέναν, τρυφερόν is inconsistent with the picture of hardship and discomfort which is being drawn. The verb προσέναχε has also been attacked, on the ground that it is improperly used of water; παρανήχεται is however used of a river by Marianus Scholasticus ( A P . 9.668), and the verb seems sufficiently defended by Latin analogies: Virg. Aen. 6.705 Lethaeumque domos placidas qui praenatat amnem, where Servius cites fluctusque natantes from Enn. Ann. (570 Vahlen), Hor. C. 3.17.7 innantem Maricae | litoribus.. .Lirim, Ov. F. 4.292, Manil. 1.155, 3-52. The act. of the compound does not occur elsewhere, but both νήχω and νήχομαι are Homeric, and though προσνήχομαι is constructed either with the dat. or a preposition, the ace. is common with other verbs of motion compounded with προς.
374
19-25]
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The simplest solution appears to be Ahrens's τραφεράν, land (//. 14.308 έπι τραφερήν τε και υγρήν, Αρ. Rh. 4.281, α/.), with which θλιβομέναν will probably mean straitened or confined (as Plat. Tim. 6 0 c ό δέ ( ά ή ρ ) . . .περιχυθείς τ φ τής γής όγκω σφόδρα εθλιψεν συνέωσέν τε αυτόν είς τάς έδρας), but might mean also fretted, worn away. The introduction of the new ace. to the sentence seems to make παρ* αυτφ:.. .καλύβα (Campbell) desirable for the sake of lucidity. The general sense I take to be that the hut stood close to the sea, perhaps on a spit of land, and that the absence of neighbours is partly at any rate natural in such circumstances. 19 τόν μέσατον δρόμον: from 7.10 κούπω τάν μεσάταν όδόν ανυμες (where see n . ) ; cf. 3.41 δρόμον άνυεν. It appears from 22rF. that the author means that it was not yet midnight; but the expression is ridiculous, for the visibility of the moon does not coincide with the hours of darkness. Prop. 1.10.7 quamuis...\ . . .mediis luna ruberet equis, and Ο v. Tr. 1.3.18 lunaque nocturnos alta regebat equos, which are intended to indicate respectively midnight and an advanced hour of the night, show the same neghgence in assuming that the relation of the m o o n to night is the same as that of the sun to day. 20 φ ί λ ο ς π ό ν ο ς : what roused the fishermen was anxiety (3, 28), and it is possible, though it hardly appears from what he says, that Asphahon's complaint that the nights are long is prompted by a desire to get to work again. The words, which are open to grave suspicion, would more naturally suggest that they woke because it was time to go to work (which in fact it was not). And the epic φίλος in the sense of proprius seems very inappropriate. 21 ό π ω σ ά μ ε ν ο ι : Plat. Rep. 571c άπωσάμενον τόν ύπνον, Α.Ρ. 7.726 (Leonidas) έσπέριον κήωον ά π ώ σ α τ ο πολλάκις ύπνον | ή Υρηύς πενίην Πλατθις αμυνομένη, ib. 5-237; cf. Headlam on Hdas 7.7. σφετέραις φ ρ ε σ ί ν : the words are hardly intelligible. Most naturally they would suggest silent mental debate (//. 16.530 εγνω ήσιν ένι φρεσί), or perhaps unaided ability (//. 17.260 τίς κεν ήσι φρεσίν ουνόματ' εΐποι;), and neither meaning is relevant. If the text is sound, the meaning would seem to be that the conversation arose from their reflexions, though in fact it arises from Asphalion's alone. ήρεθον αύδάν: somewhat as Plat. Polit. 272D τόν μΟΟον ήγε(ραμεν. The whole phrase however is open to serious suspicion and it would perhaps be better to read σφετέρας φρένας ήρεθον αυδα—they opened their eyes and roused themselves by conversation—as Graefe proposed though he retained ώδφ. Campbell's attempt by extensive alteration of 20 f. to make Asphalion rouse his companion is misconceived, for since both are equally poor the moral requires them to be equally sleepless, and the second fisherman implies in 35 that he is so. 23 τ ώ θέρεος: probably temporal rather than possessive. φέροντι: if this is what the author wrote the subj. seems to be νύκτες, and δκα is perhaps causal rather than temporal (cf. 4.27)—they assert that because the nights leave longer days they must themselves be shorter. Kaibel's φορεϊται is no improvement, and φέρει Ζευς looks like a conjecture. 24 έσεΐδον: cf. 8.1 i n . 25 The ms reading means surely I have not forgotten what is the matter? but the nights are long, or surely I have not forgotten? what etc., but the irrelevance of δε, and the resemblance of Ar. Nub. 2 ώ ΖεΟ βασιλεύ το χρήμα των νυκτών όσον, support Ahrens's χρόνου ταί which brings χρήμα into the same clause as νύκτες. Without punctuation the line will then mean Surely I have not forgotten what the monstrous length of the nights is?, or, with a question mark after λαθόμην, surely I have not forgotten? what is this monstrous length of the nights? Neither makes sense, and
3,75
COMMENTARY
[26-31
though όσον χρήμα χρόνου ται νύκτες έχοντι would be a reasonable paraphrase of the Aristophanic line, τί χρήμα substitutes a question where an exclamation seems necessary. N o proposal so far made has any probability. The narrator of the dream in Herodas (8.5) also mentions the length of the night—αϊ δέ νύκτες έννέωροι: cf. Luc. Sotnn. 17. For χρήμα see 18.4η. 20 f. * Α σ φ α λ ί ω ν : the name is that of Menelaus's attendant at Od. 4.216 and of a labourer at Alciphr. 3.27 Sch.; Άσφάλιος is fairly common. Since Άσφάλειος ('Ασφαλής, Άσφαλίων) is a c o m m o n cult-title of Poseidon (see Farnell Cults 4.7), the name is suitable to a fisherman. τό καλόν θέρος: ό.ιό. The remainder of the sentence presents difficulties, for if the first five words are a statement, μέμφη requires an adverb to make the following y a p intelligible. Stephanus therefore wrote άττφα λίαν (άττφ' αδίκως would be better) for Άσφαλίων, but Άσφαλίων is not at all likely to be a corruption. D . Heinsius transposed Άσφαλίων and αυτομάτως, and Meineke with this transposition improved αυτο μάτως to άλεμάτως μέμφη. This is preferable, but the voc. seems more naturally placed in the first sentence. It is probably better therefore to treat μέμφη as a question, when y a p will be elliptical—[you are wrong to do so) for; see Denniston Gk Part. 61. καιρός: probably = ώρα, the season. Moeris: ώρα έτους, Άττικώς. καιρός έτους 'Ελληνικώς, Gen. 1.14 είς καιρούς και είς ημέρας και είς ένιαυτούς. αυτομάτως: the word is used of phenomena for which there is no visible cause, as Plat. Soph. 265 c άττό τίνος αΙτίας αυτόματης καΐ άνευ διανοίας φυούσης ή μετά λόγου τε καΐ επιστήμης θείας;, Thuc. 6.36; and τό αύτόματον is frequently coupled with τύχη, as Plut. Mor. 398 Β τύχη σοι δοκεΐ και αύτομάτω τ ω ν τοιούτων εκαστον έοικέναι; The word has been suspected here, but in the sense, or with the colour, of unaccountably\ inexplicably it is not inappropriate. τόν έόν δρόμον: the figure seems to be of racers running or driving side by side, as in Ar. Nub. 25 έλαυνε τόν σαυτου δρόμον. If the nights in summer are un naturally long, that season is trespassing on the course marked out for one of the others. In the more familiar εξω δρόμου φέρεσθαι (Aesch. Prom. 883) et sim. the figure is of a chariot or runner leaving the course altogether (cf. Luc. Dial. Deor. 10.1). 28 κόπτοισα: cut off, cut short. The verb is used with the same force as in δένδρα κόπτειν (Thuc. 2.75, ah). For the sentiment cf. Apollod. C o m . jr. 3 τοις y a p μεριμνώσίν τε και λυττουμένοις | άττασα νύξ εοικε φαίνεσθαι μακρά. 29 κρίνειν: to interpret as in όνειροκρίτας (33). He has already decided for himself that the dreams are χρηστά. 30 σε: as in 63, 67 σύ: but in 61 τύ. The inconsistency seems hardly credible and Doric forms should probably be substituted here and for σύ. 31 ff. The words ούτος άριστος j εστίν όνειροκρίτας, ό διδάσκαλος έστι τταρ' φ νους are a commonplace for which a famous line of Euripides became the proverbial expression: Jr. 973 ( = M e n . jr. 852) μάντις δ' άριστος όστις εΙκά^ει καλώς (cf. Hel. 757 γνώμη δ* αρίστη μάντις ή τ ' ευβουλία, Men. jr. 225 ό πλείστον νουν έχων | μάντις τ ' άριστος έστι σύμβουλος θ' άμα, Page Lit. Pap. 1. p. 476 (moral maxims) ό νους έν ήμϊν μαντικώτατος θεός, and more distantly Od. 1.200, 15.172, Ο ν . Tr. 1.9.49); and they provide the clue to the meaning and distribution of these much vexed lines. 32f. must be the answer given by the second speaker (whose sceptical c o m m o n sense appears again in 63 if.) to the question in 29. It follows therefore that there is a change of speaker between 29 and 32; and, since the y a p of 32 (if sound) carries 31 with it, that the change is after 30. (Editors have sometimes continued Asphalion's speech to Ιχειν in 37 or to the end of 38.)
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34-36]
I D Y L L XXI
The ms reading ou y a p νικάξη is unintelligible, and from Stephanus onwards many have substituted the verb είκότ^ειν, which the Euripidean proverb suggests. The 2nd pers. is excluded if the speech is not Asphalion's, and the ist seems prefer able to such attempts as ός y a p αν εΐκάξπ (Hermann). Wilamowitz's εΐ y a p κείκάξω κατά τον νόον, though uncertain, provides satisfactory sense: Have you ever been taught oneiromancy?—Let me hear your dream, for even if I have not been taught but am to guess its meaning in the light of common sense, common sense is the best instructor in this matter. It is w o r t h notice that even Artemidorus leaves r o o m for c o m m o n sense in oneiromancy: 1.12 φημι δεΐν οίκοθεν παρεσκευάσθαι και οϊκεία συνέσει χρήσθαι τον όνειροκρίτην καΐ μη μόνον τοις βιβλίοις έπανέχειν. Exception has been taken to νόον followed by vous, but the variation is not more remarkable than, e.g., ο ΐ ι δ α . . .όιν in 1.9&. (cf. 49η. below); and to the enclitic εστίν at the beginning of the line. The latter has epic (e.g. 17. 6.272, 11.669) ^ d tragic (Aesch. Ag. 1232, Soph. Ο . Γ . 89, O.C. 1168; cf. Eur. Bacch. 1257,/r. 382.10) parallels, and as the present is necessary in this generalising statement, Campbell's Ισται is quite unacceptable. όνειροκρίτας: the word occurs first in Theophr. Char. 16.11 (cf. Diog. Laert. 6.24). 34 ά λ λ ω ς και: i.e. καΐ άλλως, and besides, as II. 9.698 μή δφελες λίσσεσθαι άμύμονα Πηλείωνα | μυρία δώρα διδούς* δ δ' άγήνωρ έστι καΐ άλλως. For the postponement of καί see 8.23 η . σ χ ο λ ά έστι: the ms σχόλλοντι points to Reiske's σχολά έντι, which, though a solecism, should perhaps be preferred here (see 19.6η.). For the sentiment c{. Bion/r. 15.8 λαλέειν y a p έττέτραττεν ά σχολά άμμιν, Aesch. Prom. 818. 35 φ ύ λ λ ο ι ς : presumably the βρύον αυον of 7 rather than the τοίχος φύλλινος of 8. The w o r d is freely used of the fronds of seaweed (see, e.g., 7 n.). μηδέ: i.e. εΐ μή καθεύδοι. 36flf. T h e Prytaneum is the seat of Hestia, on whose hearth burns an undying fire (Poll. 1.7, Paus. 5.15.9, RE 8.1288), but the only other trace of the fire being in the form of a lamp seems to be the lamp-stand dedicated by the younger Dionysius in the Prytaneum at Tarentum (Ath. 1*5.700D λυχνεΐον δυνάμενον καίειν τοσούτους λύχνους δσος ό των ήμερων έστιν αριθμός είς τον ένιαυτόν). Λύχνιον means lamp in a papyrus of the 3rd cent. A.D. [Teb. 406.12) but elsewhere, like λυχνεΐον, lamp-stand, and Reiske's aypuTrviav, though plausible, falls short of certainty for these reasons. Assuming the lamp in the Prytaneum to be a proverbial instance of sleeplessness,1 the first half of 36 most probably contains another. Άλλ* όνος έν^άμνω, a donkey in a thorn-bush, might be such, though this proverb is no more k n o w n than the other: άδών (Ahrens) or άδόνες (Meineke) έν (ί>άμνω or θάμνω (Palmerius) or δρυμω (Wordsworth) provides a more obvious example (cf. Paroem. Gr. 1.443, 2.589 Leutsch), and the obscurity of the connexion between this line and the context makes it impossible to say whether άλλα is relevant or not. For the form άδών see epigr. 4.11 n. If the two terms of this sentence are similar and not con trasted, Haupt's τε for δε seems necessary. The remainder of the sentence is in hopeless condition, and it is not plain whether the end of 37 is connected with what precedes or not. If it is not, and if 36 contains proverbial instances of insomnia, the general sense would appear to be—why, we are like the.. .and the lamp in the Prytaneum that never sleep; one might wish however that they were more closely connected with the question τί ττοιεΐν άν 2χοι τις; 1 It may be noted that (κατα)κοιμί2Εΐν is used of extinguishing lamps (Phryn. C o m . Jr. 24, Nicophon^r. 7).
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COMMENTARY
[39-44
Whatever may be the case with 37, the speech appears to end with a further injunction to disclose the dream. Numerous conjectures will be found in Fritzsche's note, but none are more than guesses. Legrand printed άγε δή (Eldik) φίλε (Sitzler) νυκτός | όψιν τάν ?σιδες συ (Fritzsche) τεω (Legrand) μάνυσον (Iunt.) έταίρω. Sitzler wrote άλλ* ώ φίλε ν. | 6. τάν έσιδεΐν έλεγες μάνυσον έ. Wilamowitz re corded in his apparatus τάν ϊδες (Haupt) έσθλά δ' έγώ μανυσομ* (Kaibel: μαντεύσομ' Campbell) έταίρω. Haupt completed the line είγε Θέλεις μανυεν έτ.; W i l a m o witz's choice of conjectures implies λέγε in 37. A. D . Knox (Headlam Herodas liii), on the ground that dreams must be recounted to a second party, suggested λέγε δή ποτέ νυκτός | όψιν · τ α υ τ ' άκος ΙσσεΘ* έω μανυεν έταίρω, but ποτέ can hardly be sound. 39 δειλινόν: 7 . 2 m . έπί: after; see 7.53η. The mss έν is contradicted by the context, for the day's work was over. είναλίοισι πόνοισιν: ci. Pind. P. 2.79 (of fishing-tackle) έννάλιον πόνον έχοίσας βαθυν | σκευάς. 40 πολύσιτος: elsewhere the adj. means rich in corn, but πολυσιτεϊν is used of heavy feeding at Pallad. in Hippocr. 2 p. 95 Dietz, and πολυσιτία at Luc. Par. 16. The detail is relevant, for dreams resulting from excess were held to have no significance: Artemid. 1.7 . . .έάν συμμέτρως τις ?χων τροφής καθεύδη· έπει αϊ γε άμετροι τροφαι ουδέ προς αυτή τή 2ω παρέχουσιν Ιδεΐν τ ό αληθές, Cic. Diu. 1.60, Apul. Met. 1.18, al.\ cf. Plat. Rep. 571c. έν ώρςι: betimes: Od. 17.176 έν ώρη δεΐπνον έλέσθαι, Α Γ . Vesp. 242, Eccl. 395, Polyb. 1.12.2, 18.9.3, 19-4» Λ/. 41 έφειδόμεθ': probably showed compassion for our stomachs rather than used our appetites sparingly, which would involve a difficult use of γ α σ τ ή ρ . 42 β ε β α ώ τ α might seem to conflict with καθε^όμενος, but the perf. is sometimes used without precise reference to posture (as, e.g., Soph. O.C. 52 ό χ ώ ρ ο ς . . .έν ω βεβήκαμεν); and so, as here, of sitting, Od. 5.130 περί τρόπιος βεβαώτα. The ms reading μεμαώτα has been taken as corresponding to σπευδων at 1.39 γριπεύς τε γέρων πέτρα τ ε . . . | . . . έ φ * φ σπευδων μέγα δίκτυον ές βόλον έλκει, but the prepositional phrase έφ* φ does not there go with the participle. έδόκευον: 9.26η. As there, the verb does not seem very suitable, for an angler (unless he is using the dry fly) does not usually wait until he sees a fish and then present his bait to it. 43 έ χ : instrumental as at 2.10, where see n. π λ ά ν ο ν : treacherous, as Mosch. 1.29 πλάνα δώρα. The adj. occurs in fishing con texts at A.P. 7.702, which is obscure; and at Mosch. fr. 1.10 Ιχθυες ά πλάνος άγρα where it means rather wandering. κατέσειον: probably moved the bait up and down by raising and lowering the point of the rod. If that is the rneaning the verb will be used with the same force as in κατασείειν τ ή χειρί (Polyb. 1.78.3, Act. Αρ. 13.16) or τήν χείρα (Act. Αρ. 19.33). There is perhaps some reminiscence of Od. 12.252 Ιχθυσι τοις όλίγοισι δόλον κατά εΐδατα βάλλων, where καταβάλλων presumably means letting down, but κατασείειν can hardly have that sense. 44 τ ρ α φ ε ρ ώ ν : Hesych. τραφερήν ξηράν. τ ό γ ά ρ πήξαι θρέψαι λέγουσιν. τραφερόν πηκτόν, τρόφιμον, λευκόν, ξηρόν, πεπηγμένον: ci. Eustath. 987-59» Σ Ο ρ ρ . Hal. 1.204. Except perhaps at Arat. 1027, where that meaning is not plain, the adj. means dry, of dry land, and τραφερά (18 η.) occurs substantially in the latter sense already in Homer. Here it is understood to mean ευτραφών (sc. Ιχθύων), or τροφίμων (i.e. the bait); and since the word was, rightly or wrongly, connected
378
45-48]
IDYLL XXI
in antiquity with τρέφειν neither seems impossible. O f the two the former is preferable since TIS is the better for definition whereas the object of ώρέξατο is easily supplied from the previous line. It may however well be doubted whether the text is sound. Οπνοις: the plur. is often used in prepositional phrases, as at Plat. Rep. 330 Ε έκ των ύπνων, Eubul.^r. 13 ττερί πρώτους ύπνους. But the plur. means dreams at 66 below and at Philodem. de Deis 1.22.39, and it can hardly be denied that sense at Plat. Rep. 572 Β τούτο δέ άρα έν τοις ύπνοις γίγνεται ί-νδηλον and elsewhere. 45 Λρτον is absurd, for though Greek dogs kept about the house no doubt, like their masters, fed largely on bread (Diphil.^r. 91, Alciphr. 3.8 Sch.; cf. Neil on Ar. Equ. 415, Friedlander on Mart. 4.53.6, Royds Birds and Beasts of Virgil 19), and Varro (R.R. 2.9.10) allows sheepdogs panis hordeacius in their diet, the context requires something for which they hunt, and it is of their quarry that dogs are supposed to dream (Aesch. Eum. 131, Lucr. 4.991, Petron. fr. 30.15). "Αρκτον (Ahrens), and κάπρον (J. A. Hartung) are open to the objection that not all dogs can dream of either animal, and J. A. Hartung's alternative τε λ α γ ώ ν improves the animal to the detriment of the syntax; άγραν might be considered, but is not altogether satisfactory since fish also are άγρα. μαντεύεται: apparently discerns—these themes are the subject of the dreams. The verb is used somewhat similarly at Norm. D . 5.232 θηρός άσημάντοιο κύων μαντεύεται όδμήν. Ahrens proposed μαστεύεται, and for the middle might have cited Aesaras ap. Stob. 1.49.27 ϊχνια γ α ρ έν αυτω στιβοτ^όμενος εύροιτό κά τις καΐ μαστευόμενος. ΙχΘύα: the form occurs at A.P. 9.227 (Bianor); όσφύα at A.P. 12.213 (Strato); βότρυα in Euphorion/r. 149 Powell. Herodian (2.763.8) instances such forms as νηδύα (Quint. S. 1.616), όφρύα (A.P. 12.186 Strato, al.), δρύα (Quint. S. 3.280) as rare. κ ή γ ώ ν : if this is correct καί appears to be a postponed copula; see 8.23 η. The proposition that the labourer dreams of his work is elaborated by Nonnus at D. 42.325 ff. 46 π ο τ ε φ ύ ε τ ο : the word is more naturally used of a voluntary attachment, as for instance of snail (Hdas/r. 11) or leech (Gal. 8.265; cf. T . 2.56). £έεν αίμα: a fish hooked in the mouth certainly does not bleed sumciendy for the angler to observe the fact until the fish is landed, and if the words are sound the author is betraying ignorance. More probably however they are corrupt, for it is apparently not until the fish is landed (52) that he sees it to be golden, and that fact should be visible long before any blood can be seen. Campbell proposed £>έπε νήμα the line sank, but neither noun nor verb is very satisfactory. 47 For the caesura between article and noun only see 3.1, and cf. 2.8, 10.29. 48 Since the line is attached to the end of the rod (ion.), the angler cannot let the fish run as with a reel but depends upon the rod and on his o w n reach for the reserve necessary to play it. The text is highly uncertain, but if the participles are masculine the meaning will be that he stretches out his arms and bends over the water in order to increase the effective length of the rod. The position might be illustrated from a well-known cup by the Ambrosios Painter (Hartwig Meistersch. T. 5). The verb is uncertain, but εύρον (Musurus) seems very improbable; Campbell's ήρον is unsuitable in meaning, Meineke's Εσχον (είχον would be preferable) suitable but inelegant after είχον in 47. The word εύρύν is possibly an untimely reminiscence of//. 23.258, where εύρύν αγώνα seems to mean the large assembly (cf. Ap. Rh. 4.1604).
379
COMMENTARY
[49-59
49 άνέλω: the verb is uncertain. Wilamowitz wrote άνελώ, and the fut. έλώ is not uncommon in the 1st cent. B.C. The deliberative subj. however seems on other grounds preferable. The fisherman's difficulty at this point I take to be not how to land the fish but how to shift it from the bottom where it is 'sulking*. The tactics employed are described (rather perfunctorily) in the next two lines. μέγαν ίχθύν: Ιχθύν with short u is cited from Pindar by Herodian (1.416.1) and, though unusual, has other early analogies (K.B.G. 1.1.439). For the variation Ιχθύα (45) Ιχθύν cf. 31η. Exception has been taken to the words and with some justice; they seem required however to explain άφαυροτέροισι σιδάροις. σιδάροις: the plur. σίδηρα is used of various iron implements (e.g. Aret. p. 168 Kuhn, Hesych. s.vv. κέαρνα, £ήγλαι), but is elsewhere late. 50 £ He raises the rod in order to prick the fish and then somewhat reduces the strain in expectation of a rush. As it does not follow he tightens again. The object of έχάλαξα and έτεινα is την όρμιάν or the like. On the form έχάλαξα see 7.42 η. Briggs, perhaps righdy, proposed έχάλασσα. 52 #€θλον: cf. 9η.; again of a fight with a fish at Opp. Hal. 3.304. 53 €ΐλε με δεΐμα: είχε δε σήμα (followed by a colon and πέλει as a question) is understood to mean that the fish bore a distinguishing mark. But this seems very improbable and one would expect the mark to be described. 54 Ιχθύς: the word occurs too frequently in this context (43, 45, 49, 52) and Campbell's οΐκεν/s deserves mention, though Poseidon's οίκεΐς might be expected to be Tritons and Nymphs rather than fish. 55 γλαύκας: 7.59η. κειμήλιον is odd of a living thing. It is less unnaturally used by Paris of Athena at Rhes. 654, but perhaps Asphalion thinks of a magical golden fish like the automata made by Hephaestus. 57 The meaning is fairly plainly that he was afraid lest the gold should be damaged in detaching the hook. The diminutive τάγκίστρια may perhaps mean barbs, and if so may stand, though it is under suspicion of coming from τώγκίστρω above. Ahrens's τώγχίνια has no great advantage over it. For εχοιεν or εχοντι Campbell's άττό στόματος.. .χρυσώ §λοι τι deserves consideration. 58 The text is quite uncertain. Editors have tended to see, with Hermann, ήπειρώτ- at the end of the line, but the numerous restorations which make this word agree with the fish are unattractive (e.g. πίστευσα καλώς εχεν ήπειρώταν Ziegler): somewhat better are τότε μέν πίστευσα καλόν βίον ήπειρώταν (Ahrens), τον Ιχων πίστευσα καλώς αγεν ήπειρώτας (Β. Η. Streeter), but neither is very convincing Greek for J decided for a landsman s life.
59 ούκέτι: Brunck wrote μηκέτι for δ' ούκέτι, but the copula is probably wanted. Madvig wrote θήσειν for θεΐναι, which brings this verb into line with μενεΐν and βασιλεύσειν. In other examples where ou follows a verb of swearing the infin. is either fut. (e.g. Plat. Ap. 35 c) or else aor. with αν (e.g. Hdas 6.93), and they are probably to be regarded as in pure orat. obi. Campbell's ούτι τα λοίπ' άν, or ou κε το λοιπόν, would also satisfy this condition, and though this poet uses αν at 4 and 34, κε can hardly be denied him. Polybius writes τό λοιπόν and λοιπόν (e.g. 4.28.4) indifFerendy, so that λοιπόν in 61 is not necessarily against τό λοιπόν or τα λοιπά here; but though these emendations are somewhat less rough than θήσειν, it may be thought that the change from the aor. with άν to the fut. in 60 is wanton. υπέρ: on, though beyond, the commoner meaning with nouns meaning sea, might be suggested by πόδα θεΐναι. 38ο
60-67]
IDYLL XXI
πόδα θεΐναι: Α.Ρ. 5-4° (Nicarchus) ήν γάρ απέλθω | και θώ άπαξ εξω τόν πόδα της πόλεως, ΑΓ. Thesm. 1100, Blaydes ad loc. 60 τώ χρυσώ: Ahrens's τ φ χρνσφ is generally accepted and understood to be instrumental, but the gen., lord it over my gold, seems as good in sense. Similarly at Plaut. Rud. 931 Gripus, who believes himself to have landed a treasure, says apud reges rex perhibebor. 61 κήξήγειρε: for καί marking the climax see Denniston Gk Part. 320 (6). ξένε: 5.66η. If the text is sound the author appears to have forgotten that the two fishermen live together. λοιπόν: now, as Ev. Matt. 26.45 καθεύδετε τό λοιπόν, 2 Ep. Tim. 4.8. έρειδε: Plut. Mor. 392Β αν δέ τήν διάνοιαν έττερείσης λαβέσθαι βουλόμενος, Luc. Nigr. 7., Heliod. 1.21.3 *rfj yfj τό βλέμμα προσερείσασα, Α.Ρ. 5.232. It is plain from such passages that the meaning is apply your mind to my dream, not, as has sometimes been supposed, support my mind. 64 ΐδες: if this is right the meaning will be ώς έν τη δψει έδόκει. είλες: I accept Meineke's correction since ευρες seems an improbable verb to describe the occurrences of 44-57. ίσα: 19.7, no better than, as Ar. Au. 1167 ίσα γάρ αληθώς φαίνεταί μοι ψενδεσιν, and the adj. is common in the sense of όμοιος (e.g. II. 18.56 άνέδραμβν έ'ρνεϊ loos); εν ψευδ., which many editors retain, I cannot construe. 65 οπαρ: as, e.g., Polyb. 10.5.5 μή μόνον κατά τόν Οπνον έτι δέ μάλλον Οπαρ καί καθ* ήμέραν: and the neg. is ου rather than μή because it attaches only to κνώσσων (14.62η.). The text however is far from certain. τα πελώρια: these portentousfish.The noun πέλωρον and the adj. πέλωρος are used of animals without necessarily implying more than that they are large; e.g. Od. 10.168,15.161. I prefer this to the ms τυ τα χωρία since it is not apparent what places should be meant, and χωρία ματενειν would be an odd expression of one angling with a rod. ματεύσεις: if this is the right tense, the fut. ind. will mean if you are going to.., as, e.g., Thuc. 1.80 εΐ δέ μελετήσομεν καί άντιπαρασκευασόμεθα, χρόνος ένεσται (Goodwin Μ.Τ. § 447). 66 ΰπνων: 44 n. The gen. represents the ground on which the hope is based, as Thuc. 5.14.ι ούκ έχοντες τήν ελπίδα της (ί>ώμης πιστήν ετι, Soph. El. 1460, al. τόν σάρκινον Ιχθύν: if this means substantial as opposed to imaginary, the adj. is not so used elsewhere, and the common word would be αληθινός. Probably therefore he means offleshand blood, not ofgold. The articulated singular, if generic (14.56η.), seems curiously prosy, and more probably the speaker has in his mind two fishes, one real the other imaginary, and advocates pursuit of the former. Otherwise his friend's fate will resemble that of the dog who drops her piece of meat to pursue its reflexion: Aesop 233 Halm συνέβη δ' αύτη αμφοτέρων στερηθηναι, τοΟ μέν μή έφικομένη διότι μηδέ ήν, του δ* ότι Οπό τοΟ ποταμού παρεσύρη. 67 καί τοις: if this is right the meaning will be lest hunger and your dreams in conjunction prove the death of you, but we should perhaps accept Ahrens's καπί (κήπί Gallavotti),yor all your dreams.
381
IDYLL XXII PREFACE Subject. The Hymn to the Dioscuri falls into four parts, which must be considered separately. (i) Prelude to the Dioscuri (1-26)
This is a version in the Alexandrian style of the thirty-third Homeric Hymn, a poem which has been variously dated but seems as old as the sixth century at least.1 Both poems present the Dioscuri as the guardians of sailors. T. suppresses the theophany of the Dioscuri described in the Hymn and substitutes a sketch of a ship labouring in a heavy sea during a tempestuous night, and saved by a miraculous calm which parts the clouds and brings the constellations into view again. It is a slight but accomplished poem, and the seascape makes a worthy counterpart to the numerous landscapes in this and other Idylls, and to the briefer nautical vignette in Id. I3.50ff. (ii) Polydeuces and Amycus (27-134)
Deciding to celebrate Polydeuces before Castor (25 f), T. tells the story of his boxing match with Amycus king of the Bebryces. The Argonauts have put in to the country of the Bebryces and are about to camp. The Dioscuri, wandering off alone, find a spring, and by it Amycus, who refuses them leave to drink unless they box with him. The vanquished will be the victor's slave. Argonauts and Bebryces assemble; Polydeuces knocks Amycus out in the second bout, and makes him swear to be more hospitable in future. This incident in the Argonaut saga is handled by Apollonius (2.1-97) and forms the episode immediately succeeding the Rape of Hylas, which T/s 13 th Idyll is plainly meant to criticise and improve (see pp. 231 f). T/s handling of the Amycus story closely resembles his treatment of the Rape of Hylas, and the general design of the boxing-match in two bouts, though differing materially in detail, is too like that in the Argonautica for the resemblance to be accidental. As in the two versions of the Hylas myth, there are also similarities of detail in the two versions of the Amycus myth,2 and though they are less numerous and cogent than in the parallel Hylas stories, they cannot all be put down to the common subject matter. No such similarities are to be found elsewhere in the Idyll,3 and it is reasonably plain that, as in Id. 13, so here T/s narrative is related to that of Apollonius. If that is so, then T. is writing second, for Apollonius, if he had had T/s much superior narrative before him must either have written better or, if he could not, have taken pains to avoid provoking comparison. In Apollonius Amycus with the Bebryces meets the Argonauts on the shore and tells them they cannot depart until their best boxer has fought with him. There is no setting, no atmosphere, nothing to prevent the Argonauts from falling on the Bebryces at once, nothing but the king's threat to prevent them from putting to sea again. T/s introduction to the incident is much more artistic, his sketch of the spring and its monstrous warden admirably 1 2
See Wilamowitz Textg. 184, Allen, Halliday, and Sikes Horn. Hymns p. 436. See 44, 54, 65, 85, 94, 104, I26nn. Resemblances to other parts of the Argonautica are noted at 27 f., 33, 115, 116. 3 Unless that noted at 167 should be counted.
382
IDYLL XXII picturesque, and his contrast between the friendly and courteous Polydeuces and the boorish and uncouth opponent whom he presently overcomes, matching brute strength by agility and skill, highly effective. His narrative excels Apollonius's (from which, no doubt deliberately, it differs in some particulars)1 in precisely the same manner as Id. 13 excels Apollonius's narrative of the Rape of Hylas.2* (iii) Castor and Lynceus (13 7-211)
After two lines of rather bald transition (13 5 f) T. turns to the other twin. The Dioscuri have carried off the daughters of Leucippus and are in their chariots, in flight but hotly pursued by the sons of Aphareus, Lynceus and Idas, who overtake them near the tomb of Aphareus. All four leap from their chariots ready to fight, but Lynceus first tries argument. The Leucippides, he says, were duly affianced to him and his brother, but the Dioscuri have bribed their father. There are plenty of other suitable brides for them; they can take their choice and the Apharidae will help them to a match. The behaviour of the Dioscuri is unworthy of heroes. He reminds them that the Apharidae are their cousins. The beginning of Castor's reply is lost in a lacuna after 1. 170. When the lacuna ends he is found suggesting that if there must be a fight, the elder pair, Polydeuces and Idas, shall stand out and leave it to their younger brothers. Castor and Lynceus then fall to; after some tilting with spears, they draw swords; Castor severs the fingers of Lynceus's sword-hand and kills him as he is in flight to his father's tomb. Idas tears up his father's tomb stone intending to throw it at Castor, but is blasted by a thunderbolt. Unlike Part ii, this narrative has no atmosphere or setting or characterisation. The speeches are not ineffective—that of Lynceus is indeed much too effective, for it shows the Dioscuri as wantonly aggressive—and the duel serves its purpose; but, as will be seen from the notes, it is largely a pastiche from the Iliady which can have cost T., familiar as he was with Homer, but Utile pains. Part iii is not in itself a very satisfactory poem, and in two places (see 146,177 nn.) it seems to bear traces of considerable carelessness in writing. It is open to another grave objection to be mentioned presently. (iv) Epilogue (212-23) So it appears, says T., that it is better not to come to blows with the Dioscuri, and he winds up the poem in the manner of a Homeric Hymn. The Epilogue also appears to show traces of hasty writing (see 212, 2i8nn.). The Dioscuri and the Apharidae. The story of this quarrel was told in the Cypria, the contents of which, pieced together from Pind. Nem. 10 and other sources, seem to have been as follows. The Apharidae had taunted the Dioscuri with paying no bride-price for their brides, the Leucippides; whereon the Dioscuri stole the cattle of the Apharidae and gave them to Leucippus. In the ensuing fray Idas killed Castor (with whom Polydeuces subsequently shared his own im mortality), Polydeuces killed Lynceus, and Zeus struck Idas with a thunderbolt. It will be noted that here the Leucippides are not betrothed to the Apharidae, that the quarrel is about the cattle, and that Castor is killed.3 In another version told by Apollodorus (3.11.2) the Leucippides do not appear. The quarrel is over the division of spoils after a combined cattle-raid into Arcadia, and again Castor is killed. In literature the betrothal between the Apharidae and 1
See 29, 37, 13inn. For representations of Amycus in ancient art see Beazley Etr. Vase-painting 56, 78, 295. 3 O n the version of the story in the Cypria see Wentzel 'Επικλήσεις 5.18, Holzinger on Lye. 546, Wilamowitz Textg. 188, Robert Heldensage 314, RE 5.1113, Roscher 2.2208, C.R. 56.13. s
383
COMMENTARY
[Preface
the Leucippides appears at Ov. F. 6.693, and Hygin. 80 (c£. Σ Pind. N. 10.112), and these versions, since they differ a little from T.'s, are probably not derived from him. T. is the earliest authority for this form of the story and it cannot be shown that he did not invent it; but it seems more probable that he did not, for, like the version of the Daphnis myth used in Id. 1, the allusive way in which it is told suggests that he expected some at least of his audience to have the facts in their minds.1 The problem of the Idyll. This poem sets out to glorify the Dioscuri, and it is extremely hard to see why T. should choose this story to recommend Castor. It is true that having decided, somewhat imprudently one may think, to celebrate these almost inseparable twins individually, there is no exploit for Castor to balance the solo part played by Polydeuces in the Amycus story, and T. must, at best, magnify his part in some episode not usually so told. Hence, it is reasonable to guess, Castor's proposal of a duel which is mentioned by no other writer. But the choice of this story seems most unfortunate, for all other versions of it except that of Hyginus record that Castor was killed—a fact which T.'s audience, who were no doubt sufficiently familiar with the Cypria and with Pindar, would remember. Moreover T. seems to go out of his way to place the Dioscuri in an unfavourable light. He insists that they were cousins to the Apharidae (170, 200) though not all authorities made them so (138η.); 2 he makes the Leucippides the cause of the quarrel, so securing that the Dioscuri shall appear as aggressors, whereas in a quarrel over cattle it would have been easy at least to lessen their offence; he needlessly makes the Leucippides the affianced brides of the Apharidae; he states, as does no other authority, that the Dioscuri have used fraud as well as force in abducting them. Finally it needs to be explained why such finished work as Parts i and ii consorts in this Idyll with such careless writing as the remaining parts display. The solution of these problems must remain guesswork, but my suggestion is that Part i was originally a separate poem, modified by the substitution of the last two lines for a conclusion such as the last two lines of the Homeric Hymn which it copies, and possibly by some other slight alterations. Part ii, as I have said, seems clearly to be a criticism of Apollonius, and though the view that Id. 22 is composite does not depend on that belief, it would explain why Part ii was combined with Part i. Published by itself it would seem a direct attack; incorporated with other matter the criticism is more urbane and not less effective. Id. 13, T.'s other criticism of Apollonius, is appended to some remarks addressed to Nicias, and these too may have been a pretext rather than a reason. Part i is also a rehandling of another man's work and the idea of combining them may have been eased by that fact. And if the conception of the Idyll arose in this way it would explain why T. was obliged to celebrate the two brothers separately though there was no solo part available for Castor. Part iii is more puzzling. It is not a good poem, but its chief demerit consists not in its intrinsic faults but in its unsuitability to its present position. It is 1 The Apharidae nowhere appear in representations of the Rape of the Leucippides on vases. Two horsemen in this scene on a relief from the Heroum at Golba§i (of about 400 B.C.) were identified with the Apharidae by Benndorf, but on inadequate grounds (Benndorf Heroonw. Gjolbaschi-Trysa 159, T. 16; cf.Jahrb. 31.265). For representations of the scene see Riv. Indo-greco-ital. 7.99. a The conjunction of this story with one from the Argonaut-legend might well have reminded some of T.'s audience that the cousins had also been shipmates on the Argo (Ap. Rh.
1.151, al.).
384
2-8]
IDYLL XXII
difficult, therefore, to suppose that it was composed in toto for its present place. I think it more likely that its earlier parts were already in existence as part of a poem on the Dioscuri and Apharidae, and that T. added Castor's speech, hastily wrote a duel from the Iliad, and rounded the whole into a poem by the addition of the epilogue, which, brief as it is, seems to contain an extraordinary care lessness. That would explain why the speech of Lynceus is at once the most effective passage in Part iii and the most damaging to the cause it now professes to advance. These hypotheses are of course quite uncertain. W h a t is certain is that Id. 22, though in Parts i and ii it contains work as highly finished and successful as any in T., is as a whole a very unsatisfactory poem. Place and D a t e . There is no sort of indication when and where Id. 22 or any part of it was composed, but, as in the case of Id. 18, Alexandria would be a reasonable guess, for the Dioscuri were popular in Egypt. Callimachus began a poem, probably his Pannychis (jr. 227), with a prelude in which they were joined with Helen (Dieg. 10.6), and employed them to transport Arsinoe to heaven (see 17.48 n.). Evidence of their cult in Egypt is collected by Visser Gotter u. Kulte 17, 83. As, moreover, Ptolemy Sorer and Berenice were deified as θεοί Σωτήρες, praise of the Dioscuri in that capacity (as they are praised in Part i) would add some lustre to the title. Dialect. I follow all recent editors in trusting the superscription κοινή Ίάδι, but it must be admitted that this involves the removal of many Doric forms unani mously presented by the mss.
I P R E L U D E (1-26)
2 έρεθίζειν: depending on φοβερόν, as Dem. 2.22 φοβερόν ττροστΓολεμήσαι, Aesch. Pers. 27, 48, Eur. Ph. 127, Xen. An. 3.4.5. 3 έ π ι ζ ε ύ ξ α ν τ α : the verb is somewhat oddly used, apparently in the sense of binding, the dat. being instrumental. More natural would be χερσιν Ιμάντας έ. as Pind. Ο. 3.6 χαίταισι μέν 3ενχθέντες έΊπ στέφ,ανοι. A similar inversion of the normal construction is Pind. N . 10.44 έτπεσσάμενοι ν ώ τ ο ν . . .κρόκαις, with which contrast Ap. Rh. 3.45 κόμας έτπειμένη ώμοις. The reference is to the thongs wound by boxers round hand and arm, on which see 80 n. T.'s μέσας χείρας throws no light on the form of thong which he has in mind since all Greek forms leave the fingers free, but the fact that they do so confirms Reiske's correction. 5 θ ε σ τ ι ά δ ο ς : Eur. LA. 49 Λήδα Θεστιάδι. Leda was daughter of Thestius, king of Aetolia (Apoll. 1.7.10, al.)y and so sister of Althaea, w h o is called ά τάλαινα Θεστιάς at Aesch. Ch. 604. For the adj. cf. 15.110 η. 6 σ ω τ ή ρ α ς : on this function of the Dioscuri see RE 5.1094. ini ξ υ ρ ο ΰ : //. 10.173 vuv y a p δή ττάντεσσιν έπί ξυροΟ ΐσταται ακμής | ή μάλα λνγρός όλεθρος Άχαιοΐς ήέ βιώναι, Theogn. 557» Simon. jr. 97» Hdt. 6.11; and, as here, omitting ακμής, Aesch. Ch. 883 (?), Soph. Ant. 996 (έπί ξ. τύχης), Eur. H.F. 630, al.; cf. Paroem. Gr. 1.238, 2.28 Leutsch. It appears from the Homeric passage that the figure is of one balanced on the thinnest of divisions between contrary fates; see Wilamowitz on Eur. I.e. 8 είσαν ιόντα: of the sun //. 7.423, Hes. Th. 761; cf. Ap. Rh. 1.1100, 2.938. GT II
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COMMENTARY
[9-19
9 βιαζόμεναι: wilfully disregarding the prognostics of the heavens. The verb is used with the same force as in τους νόμους β. (Thuc. 8.53), τά θεία β. (Paus. 2.1.5). At Hdt. 9.41 (commonly cited here) τά σφάγια.. .έαν χαίρειν καΐ μή βιά^εσθσι the meaning is different. ένέκυρσαν: there is nothing to choose between έν- and έπ- which are identical in meaning. 10 κατά πρύμναν: from astern: Soph. Ph. 1451, Thuc. 2.97, Polyb. 1.23.9, Ath. 5.205 A, al. 11 έκ πρψρηθεν: 25.180η., Αρ. Rh. 2.586 έκ.. .πρύμνηθεν. δππγ) θυμός: Od. 15-339 πέμψει δ* όππη σε κραδίη θυμός τε κελεύει, Xen. Cyr. 3·ΐ·37 άπελαύνετε δποι υμΐν θυμός, al. Though such phrases are familiar, the use of θυμός in reference to an inanimate object seems to imply some degree of personification; cf. 8.35 η. Animus is somewhat more freely used (Virg. G. 2.350, Stat. Th. 5.468). The reading δπη ποτέ of ? 3 connects the relative clause with έρριψαν and seems somewhat weaker. 12 €ίς: before a consonant the mss in this poem are apparendy unanimous for ε!ς here and at 183, but for ές at 82, 91, 109; at 193 and 203 they are divided. Brunck wrote ές here, Ziegler at 183, and they are followed by Wilamowitz, Legrand, and Gallavotti. The view that in Homer ές is correct before a consonant is stated (with some hesitation) in Cramer An. Ox. 1.172. Its validity is open to dispute (see van Leeuwen Ench. 533), and as in the Homeric Hymns είς frequently appears in that position (e.g. 2.450, 3.9, 470, 4.12, 34) there seems no good reason to impose uniformity on T. κοίλην: sc. vauv, the hold or bilge (as, e.g., Hdt. 8.119, Dem. 32.5); cf. 7.85η. For the omission of the noun cf. Ath. 5.206 c (Callixenus). τοίχους: the sides, bulwarks: 31, //. 15.382, Od. 12.420, Theogn. 674, al. 13 άρμενα: 13.68η. The choice of verb suggests that T. is thinking rather of spars than ropes (Poll. 1.114 του Ιστού άποκλασθέντος, περικλασθέντος). 14 cbtfj: in confusion: Ar. Equ. 431 όμου ταράττων τήν τε yfjv και τήν θάλατταν elxfj (ώς έτυχε, Σ), where, as here, the disorder is produced by a gale. ϋμβρος: heavy rain or hail added seriously to the danger of undecked and halfdecked ships in a storm; cf. Aesch. Ag. 656, Suppl. 36, Eur. Tr. 78, Quint. S. 14.637, Hdt. 8.12. 15 ποταγεΐ: Α.Ρ. 7.8 (Antipater) παταγεϋσαν άλα, and πάταγος is used both of water (Dion. Hal. Comp. Verb. 99, Plut. Pyrrh. 2), and of bodies falling into it (//. 21.9, Pind. P. 1.24). 16 άρρήκτοισι, if sound, will mean hard as iron or the like, but Naber's άλλήκτοισι deserves consideration. 17 Ix βυθού: Hor. C. 4.8.31 clarum Tyndaridae sidus ah infimis \ quassas eripiunt aequoribus rates, Ale. fr. 78 D 2 £ήα δ* άνθρώποις θανάτω 0ύεσθε | ^ακρυόεντος | ευσδυγων θρώσκοντες όν άκρα νάων | πήλοθεν. ΐ8 //. 4-12 καΐ νυν έξεσάωσεν όιόμενον θανέεσθαι. 19 άπολήγουσ*: the λ should perhaps be doubled as at Od. 19.166 ουκέτ* άττολλήξεις. Cf. generally Hor. C. 1.12.27 (of the Dioscuri) quorum simul alba nautis \ Stella refuhit, \ defluit saxis agitatus umor, \ concidunt uenti fugiuntque nubes, \ et minax, quod sic uolueret ponto \ unda recumbit. λιπαρή: Call. Ep, 6 Γαληναίη, λιπαρή θεός, Luc. Amor. 11 της θεού λιπαρή γαλήνη πομποστολουσης τό σκάφος. The adj. is applied to streams at Aesch. Suppl. 1028 and seems to refer to the light-reflecting, oily* surface of unbroken water.
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IDYLL ΧΧΠ
21 f. "Ονων άνά μέσσον Φάτνη: Theophr.^r. 6.23 έν τ φ Καρκίνω δύο αστέρες είσΐν ol καλούμενοι "Ονοι, ών το μεταξύ τό νεφέλιον ή Φάτνη καλούμενη. τοΟτο έάν ^οφώδες γένηται ύδατικόν, Arat. 892 σκέπτεο καΐ Φάτνην. ή μέν τ* όλίγη είκυΐα | άχλύι βορραίη ύπό Καρκίνφ ήγηλά^ει, | άμφΐ δέ μιν δύο λετττά φαεινόμενοι φορέονται | αστέρες ούτε τι πολλόν άττήοροι ούτε μάλ' εγγύς· | άλλ* όσσον τε μάλιστα ττνγούσιον οΐίσασβαι | (εις μέν πάρ βορέαο, νότω δ* έτπκέκλιται άλλος). | καί τοί μέν καλέονται 'Ονοι, μέσση δέ τε Φάτνη. | ή τε καΐ έξαττίνης πάντη Διός εύδιόωντος | γίνετ* άφαντος όλη, τοί δ' άμφοτέρωθεν έόντες | αστέρες αλλήλων αύτοσχεδόν Ινδάλλονται, ib. 995» Nonn. D . 1.459» Ptol. Tetrab. 2.102, Housman on Manil. 4.530-4. The stars are often called νεφέλιον, nubes, nubecula, nebula, etc., and so here άμανρή. άνά μέσσον: 14.9 η. 22 εΰδια: the word is a favourite of Arams, who uses it a dozen times with the penultimate indifferently long or short; cf. 16.95η. 24 On these attributes see RE 5.1091. Ιππηες: see, e.g., Alcm. jr. 9 Κάστωρ τε πώλων ώκέων δματηρες, Ιππόται σοφοί, | καί ΤΤωλνδεύκης κυδρός, Η. Horn. 33· Ι 8, Eur. Hel. 1495· Where their quahties are differentiated, horsemanship is the forte of Castor (e.g. Od. 11.300, Ap. Rh. 1.147). κιθαρισταί: they are not elsewhere so described, nor represented with κιθάραι, though they are associated with dancing and with the flute-tune called Καστόρειον (Σ Pind. P. 2.127, <*ί·)· Τ. may perhaps have in mind some incident recorded in the Cypria (see p. 3 83) or elsewhere; more probably he calls them αοιδοί and κιθαρισταί because both singing and harping were knightly accomplishments (cf. 24.109) and because he intends to appeal to diem to patronise his poetry (215ΓΓ.). άεθλητήρες: for the form in -ήρ see Od. 8.164, Τ. 10.44 η. Apart from the prowess of Castor with horses and of Polydeuces in boxing, the Dioscuri are patrons of athletics generally (Pind. N. 10.51; cf. Paus. 2.34.10, 5.8.4). 25 At the end of his prelude T. varies, to suit the content of his poem, the formula for a Homeric Hymn (5.293, 18.11 σευ δ* έγώ άρξάμενος μεταβήσομαι άλλον ές ύμνον, 32.18 σέο δ* αρχόμενος κλέα φωτών | φσομοη ημιθέων, 25.1) and adds an infin. to the gen., both depending on άρξομαι: cf. H. Horn. 9.8 αύτάρ έγώ σε πρώτα καί έκ σέθεν άρχομ' άείδειν, | σευ δ' έγώ άρξάμενος μεταβήσομαι άλλον ές ύμνον. II P O L Y D E U C E S A N D A M Y C U S (27-134)
27 άρα: then, marking the narrative which follows as depending on the decision to celebrate Polydeuces first. προφυγοΟσα: 13.22 η. εις Ιν ξ υ ν . : Αρ. Rh. 2.321 (the Symplegades) Θαμά ξυνίασιν έναντίοπ άλλήλησιν | είς έν. For είς έν see Αρ. Rh. 1.39, Arat. 243» 3^5» Headlam on Hdas 8.43. 28 άταρτηρόν: the adj., which is applied to Mentor at Od. 2.243»and to a speech of Achilles at II. 1.223 (cf. Hes. Th. 610), is glossed σκληρός, χαλεπός (Et. Μ.), βλαβερός, άτηρός (Hesych.), and Hesych. has άταρταται* βλάπτει, ττονεΤ, λυττεϊ. The etymology is uncertain. στόμα Π ό ν τ ο υ : the Bosporus. So Ap. Rh. 1.2, 4.1002 (quoted on 3.6), and the phrase is common; e.g. Thuc. 4.75, Polyb. 4-38.2, 39.1, 43.1, Opp. Hal 1.618. Pindar and Aeschylus had already respectively called the Bosporus Άξείνου στόμα (P. 4.203) and στόμωμα Πόντου (Pers. 877). Cf. Housman on Manil. 4.616. Πόντος Ιδικώς ό Εύξεινος (Steph. Byz.; cf. Phot, s.v.), but Aesch. I.e. is its earliest appearance in this absolute sense.
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COMMENTARY
[29-34
29 Βέβρυκας: these people, w h o are not mentioned by any extant early authority, were reported to have been of Thracian origin (Strabo 7.295,12.541, al.). Apollonius (whom T. may be consciously correcting) places this adventure of the Argonauts before the passage of the Symplegades, and this agrees with Strabo's statement (13.586) that Bebryces and Dryopes preceded the Phrygians and Thracians in the parts about Cyzicus and Abydus. They had however ceased to exist before the time of Eratosthenes (Plin. N.H 5.127),1 and there may well have been different accounts of their precise geographical position. It may be noted that Apollonius, except at 2.98 (and 2.136 Βεβρυκίη), treats the second syll. of the name as long. In Euphorion (fr. 77 Powell) and Lycophron (516, 1305, 1474) it is short, as here and in 77, 91, n o below. θεών τέκνα: i.e. ήρωας (cf. 17.5η.). Plat. Rep. 391D θεού παΐδά τε καΐ ήρω, Polyb. 3·47·8 (cf. ib. 9. 48.9)» Plut. Cleom. 39 ήρωα τον Κλεομένη καΐ θεών παΐδα προσαγορεύοντες: cf. Αρ. Rh. 3-402. Pindar (P. 4*13) calls the Argonauts παίδες υπερθύμων τε φωτών καΐ θεών. 30 μιας π ο λ λ ο ί : 13-33 (cf ib. 38). The antithesis is here more artificial, but suggests the crowd waiting to descend the ladder. κλίμακος: Eur. I.T. 13 51, 1382, Orph. Arg. 359, 374, αϊ. This is the ladder, called κλιμακίς (Amips./r. 12, and in inscriptions), and more specifically αποβάθρα (Soph./r. 415, Thuc. 4.12), placed at the stern or bow of the ship when beached or stranded. It is seen against the Argo both on the Talos vase (Pfuhl Mai. u. Zeichn. fig. 574) and on the Ficoroni cista (Pi. XV), which depicts this very incident of the Argonauts landing among the Bebryces; cf. Paus. 10.25.3. €ξ: the line is cited at Et. M. 324.21 as an example of Ιξ used for euphony before a consonant, and it seems to be the only example. Παρέξ and διέξ however are sometimes so used (K.B.G. 1.1.297). T. apparently means that the oarsmen from the port and starboard thwarts all descended by a single ladder on one side, rather than that there was one ladder on each side and that the crew used both to disembark. 31 ΊησονΙης: 15.110 η. Ίασόνιος occurs elsewhere of shrines and placenames (e.g. S