A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese (ABC Chinese Dictionary Series)

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system represented by the script, comparing it with those of various later forms of Chinese that have been recorded in alphabetic sources.

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A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese will be of special interest to Chinese historical phonologists and scholars concerned with the history and culture of China and Central Asia during the Yuan period (1279–1368 A.D.).

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Edited by John S. Rohsenow W. South Coblin is professor of Chinese at the University of Iowa. His primary academic interests have centered on Chinese historical phonology, comparative and historical dialectology, and the history of Chinese koinés. In addition, he has worked actively in the fields of Old Tibetan and Sino-Tibetan comparative and historical linguistics. He is the author of six books and monographs and numerous articles on these subjects. His concern with 'Phags-pa Chinese arose directly from his interests in Tibetan and Chinese historical linguistics.

Coblin

(Continued from front flap)

A Handbook of

'PHAGS-PA CHINESE

W. South Coblin

Cover design by Santos Barbasa Jr.

University of Hawai‘i Press

'Phags-pa is of immense importance for the study of premodern Chinese phonology. However, the script is difficult to read and interpret, and secondary materials on it are scattered and not easily obtained. The present book is intended as a practical introduction to 'Phags-pa Chinese studies and a guide for reading and interpreting the script. It consists of two parts. The first part is an introductory section comprising four chapters. This is followed by a glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese forms and their corresponding Chinese characters, together with pı¯nyı¯n and stroke-order indexes to those characters. The first introductory chapter outlines the invention of the 'Phags-pa writing system, summarizes the major types of material preserved in it, and describes the historical and linguistic contexts in which this invention occurred. Following chapters detail the history of 'Phags-pa studies, the alphabet and its interpretation, and the salient features of the underlying sound

(Continued on back flap)

Honolulu, Hawai‘i 96822-1888

www.uhpress.hawaii.edu

jack mech.indd 1

'Phags-pa Chinese is the earliest form of the Chinese language to be written in a systematically devised alphabetic script. It is named after its creator, a brilliant thirteenth-century Tibetan scholar-monk who also served as political adviser to Kublai Khan. 'Phags-pa’s invention of an alphabet for the Mongolian language remains an extraordinarily important accomplishment, both conceptually and practically. With it he achieved nothing less than the creation of a unified script for all of the numerous peoples in the Mongolian empire, including the Central Asian Turks and Sinitic-speaking Chinese.

ABC Chinese Dictionary 10/27/06 11:40:40 AM

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

ABC CHINESE DICTIONARY SERIES Victor H. Mair, General Editor The ABC Chinese Dictionary Series aims to ptovide a complete set of convenient and reliable reference tools for all those who need to deal with Chinese words and characters. A unique feature of the series is the adoption of a strict alphabetical order, the fastest and most user-friendly way to look up words in a Chinese dictionary. Most volumes contain graphically oriented indices to assist in finding characters whose pronunciation is not known. The ABC dictionaries and compilations rely on the best expertise available in China and North America and are based on the application of radically new strategies for the study of Sinitic languages and the Chinese writing system, including the first clear distinction between the etymology of the words, on the one hand, and the evolution of shapes, sounds, and meanings of characters, on the other. While aiming for conciseness and accuracy, series volumes also strive to apply the highest standards of lexicography in all respects, including compatibility with computer technology for information processing.

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A Handbook of

'Phags-pa Chinese

w.

South Coblin

ABC Chinese Dictionary Series

University of Hawai'i Press Honolulu

© 2007 University of Hawai'i Press

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Coblin, W. South. A handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese / W. South Coblin p. cm. -

(ABC Chinese dictionary series)

Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8248-3000-7 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN-IO: 0-8248-3000-8 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Mongolian language-Alphabet-Handbooks, manuals, etc.

als, etc.

2. 'Phags-pa alphabet-Handbooks, manu-

3. Mongolian language-Phonology-Handbooks, manuals, etc.

I. Title.

II. Series

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Text prepared by the author.

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In Memory of

Fang-kuei Li

Contents

Preface

IX

Abbreviations Introduction

xi xiii

I. The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script: Its Invention, Textual Attestation, and Historical Background 1 II. A Brief Review of 'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

23

III. Analysis and Interpretation of the 'Phags-pa Alphabet

32

IV. A Structural and Historical Consideration of the 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System 69 Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

105

PInyIn Index to Chinese Characters in the Glossary

177

Stroke Order Index to Chinese Characters in the Glossary

213

Index of Transliterated 'Phags-pa Orthographic Forms in the Glossary References

299

Vll

287

Preface

During the compilation of this work I have received help and encouragement from many friends and colleagues. Particularly notable among these are David P. Branner, Victor Mair, Jerry L. Norman, and Axel Schuessler. I am also grateful to an anonymous reviewer for a number of suggestions and corrections. I am of course responsible for all remaining errors and weaknesses. Research for the project was supported in part by a Career Developmental Assignment from the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Iowa. Over a period of several years I was also afforded the services of two research assistants, Ms. Jungim Chang and Mr. John Schlitz, whose prodigious labors on the indexes to the text were invaluable to me. It is a pleasure to acknowledge their help and the generous support of my Department in assigning them to me.

ix

Abbreviations

s*fri

BJX

Baijiaxlng

GH

Guanhuit g~15

Inscr

Inscriptions

JY

Junast and Yang (1987)

LC

Luo and Citi (1959)

LR

Left Readings of Sin Sukchu

MGZY

Menggii ziyun ~tI~gffit

PR

Popular Readings of Sin Sukchu

QYS

Qieyun t}]~ System

RR

Right Readings of Ch'we Sejin

SR

Standard Readings of Sin Sukchu

Su

Sutras

xi

Introduction

China is blessed with one of the oldest continuously used writing systems in the world. But this unique script has been the bane of historical phonologists, because it is logographic rather than alphabetic. Due to this peculiarity, the script effectively conceals from phonologists the pronunciations that underlie it. This is not to say that there is no field of Chinese historical phonology. Quite to the contrary, there has been such a field for well over a century. But it is a curious and often vexatious discipline. To pursue it certain complex and idiosyncratic textual materials, such as fanqie &.tlJ collectanea, rime tables, versified texts, and sets of structurally related logographs, are juxtaposed, shuffled, and manipulated to construct abstract systems, whose phonetic reality is then postulated using formalized sets of assumptions and procedures. The products of these procedures are conventionally called "reconstructions," and they often differ considerably from one investigator to another. The result is that for any given period in the history of Chinese one may find a perplexingly broad choice of these "systems," all arising out of the same corpora of data. The fact that these systems are called "reconstructions" is in a sense potentially misleading. For the procedures underlying them are for the most part rather different from those applied by historical linguists who use the classical comparative method and the method of internal reconstruction to study the sound systems of earlier languages. In fact, the sinological approach probably has more in common with the techniques of textual analysis and phonetic interpretation familiar to students of ancient written languages like Latin, Greek, Old English, etc. The difference is of course that these languages are written alphabetically and the interpretation of their writing systems is simpler by many orders of magnitude than what is done in Chinese. This may in good part account for the existence of the multiple systems in the Chinese field. To wit, it may be that the available data simply cannot bear the weight sinologists place upon them. Put another way, while it may indeed be feasible to learn significant things about earlier Chinese phonology from the written sources in question, it may not be possible to reconstitute entire sound systems on that basis. In any case, it seems clear that the field of Chinese historical phonology as it is practiced today is so peculiar and exacting that it lies essentially beyond the reach both of sinologists who have not received specialized training in it and of the broad range of historical linguists who might wish to familiarize themselves with it. One may, if one wishes, consult handbooks and learn anything Xlll

Introduction

from a bit to a great deal about English, French, German, or Spanish historical phonology. But pre-modern Chinese phonology remains for most non-specialist readers a closed book. Interestingly, however, besides the abovementioned logographic sources, there exists for certain varieties of standard Chinese a corpus of systematic alphabetic records, commencing in the thirteenth century and continuing to the present day. (We exclude here the sizable corpus of Tibetan, Uyghur, and other transcriptional materials of Tang times, since these do not employ systematic orthographic systems.) This alphabetic material begins in 1269 with Chinese recorded in the 'Phags-pa alphabet. Then, from the mid-1400s, we have Korean transcriptions written in a specially modified version of the Han' gUl alphabet. These materials record both a reading pronunciation and a spoken pronunciation for the southern koine, sound system (i.e., the so-called Nfmyln) 1¥i~ of the Ming !jJ3/Qlng known in traditional times as Guanhua '§~§. Alphabetic materials for this same southern-based Guanhua pronunciation resume in the late sixteenth century in the orthographies developed by Western missionaries and continue until the demise of the Nfmyln in the nineteenth century. Starting in the sixteenth century we also have Korean records for the northern pronunciation (i.e., Beiyln ::!~~) of the Guanhua koine. And in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there are records of this type of speech in Manchu orthography. And again in the eighteenth century there are Western (mainly French) records of this type of speech. Then, in the nineteenth century we find a wide range of Western sources on the Beiyln, which ultimately feed directly into twentieth-century recordings of Gu6yu ~§:g/Putonghua tff~~§. It seems clear that this rich corpus of orthographic material, covering a span of over seven centuries, can and should form the basis of an alphabetically based history of standard Chinese pronunciation. For the period in question, at least, Chinese historical phonology can be described with the same rigor, clarity, and precision found in handbooks treating alphabetically recorded languages in other parts of the world. A history of the sort envisaged here should begin with the type of Chinese recorded in 'Phags-pa script. But with this there are a number of problems. For the 'Phags-pa sources have hitherto been difficult both of access and interpretation. They can be obtained, to be sure; but finding them requires considerable effort and an active familiarity with the field of 'Phags-pa studies. And once they have been acquired, there remains the question of how to locate things in them and how then to read and construe what one has found. The result is that 'Phags-pa data have seldom

m

xiv

Introduction

been taken into consideration by Chinese historical phonologists who were not themselves 'Phags-pa specialists. And, when such data have been cited by those specialists, they have been viewed warily by other linguists, for the quite understandable reason that these readers have had no way to assess for themselves the cited material. To overcome these obstacles, what is needed today is a source book which introduces the 'Phags-pa data in an easily understandable and accessible form. Such a work would allow all concerned readers to find what interests them and analyze it for themselves. The present handbook is intended as a reference source of this kind. The work consists of two main parts, an introductory section comprising four chapters, and a glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese forms and their corresponding Chinese characters, together with pInyIn and stroke order indexes to those characters. The first introductory chapter outlines the invention of the 'Phags-pa Chinese writing system, summarizes the major types of material preserved in it, and describes the historical and linguistic contexts in which its invention occurred. The second chapter is a brief history of 'Phags-pa studies. The third chapter deals specifically with the alphabet and its interpretation. The fourth and final chapter describes certain salient features of the underlying sound system represented by the script and compares it with those of various later forms of Chinese which have been recorded in alphabetic sources. The field of 'Phags-pa studies has justifiably been considered a complex and even arcane one. It is our hope that the present work will enable all readers to gain control of the 'Phags-pa material and use it to the fullest in their own research on the history of the Chinese language.

xv

I The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script Its Invention, Textual Attestation, and Historical Background

1.1 The Invention of the Script The 'Phags-pa script is named for its creator, the 'Phags-pa (lit., "excellent, glorious") Lama, a Tibetan who was active in the court of the Mongol emperor Qubilai (i.e., Kublai Khan, Yuan Shizu 7GtI:t*£L 1215-1294). The full name of the 'Phags-pa Lama (which epithet is actually a title rather than a name) was 'Gro-mgon 'Phags-pa Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan. There exists a surprisingly large corpus of biographical information on him in Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian sources. A discussion of these, with a digest of their contents and a comprehensive list of translations and related studies, is given by Nakano (1971: 24-41). For a very detailed recent study of the Tibetan bibliographical sources, see Wang Qllong (2001). The lama was born in Tibet in either 1235 or 1239, a scion of the noble Sa-skya clan. As a young man he accompanied his uncle, Sa-skya pal)Qita, on a trip to Mongolia, where he remained after his uncle's death. In 1253 he was summoned by Prince Qubilai, who received him in audience and was much impressed by him.! From that point on he became a member of Qubilai's retinue. In 1260 Qubilai ascended the throne and appointed the 'Phags-pa Lama National Preceptor (GuoshI ~ gjfi), charging him with the task of developing an alphabet. This alphabet was completed in 1269, whereupon it was promulgated in an imperial edict. The text of this edict is preserved in the Yufmshf 7G5t: and is reproduced by Luo and Cai (1959: 9-10) and Jlinast and Yfmg (1987: 1). It has been translated into Western languages a number of times. An English translation that includes part of the wider Yuansh f passage in which it occurs was made by Leon Hurvitz and included in Poppe (1957: 5). Another English translation is that of Cheng (1985: 148, n. 15). Parallel passages from other sources are translated by Nakano (1971: 35-36, n. 42).

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

We now reproduce part of the edict text, together with a translation adapted from those of Hurvitz and Cheng. Having discussed the general benefits of writing and the Mongols' previous lack of a practicable system, the edict continues as follows: 2 ~~m,~~&~~~~,~~~*o~~ffl~.'W*~~M'~

-~~m.~*m'~M$~mA~~~~.~~*'~~-W~*' M~m*~$WBo~~~tt~~.~~~~'~m~~~*'ill~ tX~~*MUZ

0

If we examine this matter with regard to the Liao and JIn, and to the countries of remote areas, as a rule each has its own script. Nowadays civilized polity has gradually come to flourish, and yet we lack a writing system. The institutions of our dynasty are in fact not yet complete. Wherefore, we specifically command the National Preceptor, 'Phags-pa, to create a new Mongolian script, in order to transcribe all writing systems, our expectation being simply to facilitate smooth communication. From this time forward, whatever documents are issued under the Imperial Seal are to use the new Mongolian script, with the national writing of each [other] country alongside. From this passage several significant points emerge. At the outset it becomes clear that the new writing was to be first and foremost a "Mongolian script," i.e., a national writing system for Mongolian, such as the Khitans and Jurchens, also non-Sinitic peoples who had conquered China, had possessed for their own languages. It therefore seems probable that the writing of Mongolian was the first problem the 'Phags-pa Lama had to address in his orthography project. However, the new script was also to be used to "transcribe" (ylxie ~~) other scripts. This did not simply mean that these materials were to be translated into 'Phags-pa Mongolian. Rather, it was specifically stipulated that the new forms should appear beside native written forms of languages other than Mongolian and should thus phonetically transcribe those languages in the new system. This might seem to imply that the script was intended to have a single, unified phonetic value, like today's International Phonetic Alphabet, so that readers of the Mongolian system could then pronounce forms written in other languages. But in actual practice this does not seem to have been the case. For we know, for instance, that Chinese 'Phags-pa had letters which Mongolian 'Phags-pa did not. And it appears, in fact, that each language had its own transcriptional conventions. For example, in the

2

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

Chinese 'Phags-pa system, the letter h in syllable internal position (concerning which see Chapter III, section 3.3.9 below) is generally thought to have been a diacritic governing a following vowel. 3 But in the Sanskrit 'Phags-pa system internal h was used to help transcribe Sanskrit voiced aspirated letters. For example, Sanskrit 'Phags-pa ba = Skt. ba, Sanskrit 'Phags-pa b + ha = Skt. bha, etc. Thus, it is not possible to take values known from a particular system and read them into one of the others without further ado. Each system must be dealt with on its own terms. Comparison between systems can at most give us hints regarding interpretation.

1.2 The Propagation and Use of the Script Virtually nothing is known about the progress of the 'Phags-pa Lama's work on the new script. As suggested above, we may suppose that the Mongolian system had primacy and was definitely ready in 1269, as the histories report. According to Lu6 and Cai (1959: 32), the first section (out of four) of the Chinese 'Phags-pa inscription on the Hnglu Ch6ngyfmg Wanshoug6ng shengzhl bei *~.m~M. '§~ §':P~ stele is reliably datable to 1269. Poppe (1957: 6) notes that in that same year 'Phags-pa script schools were established in all provinces and that in the following year positions for teachers in these schools were established. In the immediately following years further steps of various kinds were taken to promote the use of the script. In 1272, three years after it had been introduced, a report was submitted to the throne to the effect that "in spite of the establishment of a state school of Mongolian script, children and the younger brothers of Chinese officials were not being taught this script .... The upshot of this report was a decree according to which all edicts were to be written thenceforth with Mongolian (i.e., l).P'ags-pa) script, and that the children and younger brothers of Chinese officials were to be sent to school" (Poppe, loco cit.). We may be reasonably confident that what was required of the Chinese here was not the learning of the Mongolian language per se but rather mastery of the 'Phags-pa orthography for their own language. This suggests that that orthography was already complete in all its essentials by at least 1272, and in fact almost certainly by the time the schools were established in 1269. The final touch in the effort to establish and propagate the new writing was the establishment in 1275 of a special department of the Hanlinyuan !fi$! fHJG to deal with the script. The 'Phags-pa Chinese orthography was used throughout the Yuan period on

3

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

a number of written media. Surviving examples of it will be discussed in section 1.4 below. The script in all its forms was virtually abandoned at the fall of Yuan. The highly stylized seal version of it survived in the carving of seals in Tibet. Interest in it remained alive for some time in Korea, where is was still known by at least some individuals in the fifteenth century (Ledyard 1997).

1.3 The Form and Ordering of the Alphabet The earliest known description of the 'Phags-pa writing system is found in the same Yu{mshI section containing the edict mentioned above. We reproduce the pertinent passage here, substituting our own translation for that of Hurvitz.

Its syllables number only somewhat over a thousand, while its letters are forty-one. As to the way it forms syllables by linking components4 with each other, there is a method in which rimes are linked. And as for the way it forms syllables by combining two, three, or four elements,5 there is a method for making the rimes congruent. 6 But as to its essential concern, it takes making the initials congruent as its guiding principle. This account, while formulaic and couched in the language of the traditional Chinese philological discipline known as shengyunxue !I:~i'l~, does convey certain essentials about the 'Phags-pa system. It had forty-one letters, from which over a thousand separate syllables could be formed. The letters for the initials acted as the real foundation of the written syllable, to which further elements bearing on the finals might then be added. And, finally, there were letters which could be used to stand for the codas of syllables, exclusive of the rimes as a whole. 7 Like Indicderived scripts in general, it assumes an inherent vowel a in all syllables unmarked for other vowels, and those other vowels must then be indicated by special graphic devices. Thus, for example, if the letter b is written alone as a distinct syllable, it is read as ba, etc. 8 Not surprisingly, given its origin, the 'Phags-pa script is generally recognized as Tibetan-based. However, there are elements in it which are clearly not of Tibetan

4

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

origin; and the provenance of these constitutes a special area of inquiry within the field of 'Phags-pa studies. Full lists of the 'Phags-pa alphabet are given in three early sources. Two of these, the Fifshakifo 1t.~ of Sheng Xlming ~~~ EY3 (fl. Yuan Dynasty, 1206-1368) and the Shashf huiyilO. :t:tr~ (published 1376) of Tao Zongyi ~~*1i , contain essentially the same list. Facsimiles of the original texts containing the lists, together with translations by Hurvitz, are given in Poppe (1957: 10-15), and a useful numbered version of the list is provided by Nakano (1971: 39). A facsimile of another text version of the Shashf huiyilO passage is reproduced by Clauson (1959: 321), with a translation (ibid., pp. 302-303). We give the list below, with Nakano's numbering inserted: 1.

=m

7. E

~; 2. ICi 1!); 3.

a

~; 8.

~ '1'8; 10.

13. 2J 18. ~ 23. r2 28. ~I ~; 34.

~; 39.

rr=I 1)l; 9.

~A; 4. 2

*;

m; 5.

a 1t;

EI M; 11.:z:

6.

~; 12.

as 1fi; OJ

9j~;

U; 14. CJ ~; 15. 2J 16. O.j . ; 17. '\5l t~; 1* (> ~); 19. :5l ~; 20. f:zs: *:f; 21. ~ ;;fi; 22. ::3 iii; !ThJ; 24. \AI $; 25. I Ill; 26. [21 *I; 27. 51 ~; 19>; 29. ~ ~; 30. I§I U5i1; 31. C\I 1ft; 32. ~ J®~; 33. ~ A ~; 35. ~ ~ (~DSf);9 36. rEI D; 37. ~ it; 38. [:>l c: -ili; 40. <J 1%; 41. t:: $ (~DSf)

Both texts state that the list contains forty-three letters, but in fact neither has that number. The Shashf huiyilO version has forty-one, while the Fifshakifo has forty-two. The list above is that of the Shash f hu iyilO. Between numbers 37 and 38 of the list, the Fifshakifo has another letter which appears to be essentially the same as 38 and lacks a Chinese character equivalent. It is generally believed to be a copyist's error. Thus, the list represented in the two texts actually has forty-one members, in complete agreement with the number given in the Yufmshf account. Both texts also state that, when the alphabet is used to write Chinese, three letters are discarded, i.e., 25 :::r:, 35 ~,and 38 [:>l; and four new ones must be added, i.e., 42 ~,43 51,44
A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

to take special note of this point, because the Chinese equivalent characters in the list have sometimes been cited as evidence for or against certain phonetic interpretations of the 'Phags-pa letters. This approach is erroneous, for these character equivalents of course date from much earlier than the time of the framing of the 'Phags-pa script. They should not be used as ancillary evidence for the sound values of the 'Phags-pa letters. The basic order of this list is immediately recognizable as the traditional one of the Tibetan alphabet. We shall therefore refer to it here as the "Tibetan Ordering." The third early alphabetic list is found in the front matter of the famous syllabary Menggu ziyun ~tl*~ (published 1308; hereafter MGZY), about which we shall have more to say in section 1.4.3.2 below. Its list is as follows:

1. i3I

J!; 2.

7. ~

5E;

(2S r~;

8. c::]

rJB;

3.

=m M;

9. E

4. 2

:¥;

30. 51

:t';

::z:::

~#ij;

a

20. ~ {7\&; 21. :5l ~; 22. ~ ?,~; 27. CEi

31. ~ ~; 32.

f1:1

Ef;

6. EI

m; rn

~; 12.

~~;

~ ~F; 18. ~

31ft; 16. '0-1 f!J3; 17.

24. ~I IL,\; 25. ::3 !f~; 26. E

11;

5.

~D; 10. CEi 1~; 11.

13. 2J . ; 14. El 1~; 15. 2J ~; 19. ~

~;

m; 28.

23. '5l

a I*;

ii£; 29. 51

~; 32a. ~ [1:'1]1::; 33. r2 ~;

*; 36.

33a. W [1:'1]1::; 34. ~I Iljfu; 34a. W [1:'1]1::; 35. ['2.1 37. C\I; 38. ~; 39.::;a; 40. 7'\:; 41-42. ~; 43. t:::: 1ljfutiJ: )

~

B; (If:t-t*fMfi

This list too has Chinese equivalents, and these are identical with the famous "Thirty-Six Initials" (sanshiliu z'imu .=: ;\*tiJ:), which are integral to the structure of the Song rime tables and which first occur in materials found in the Dunhuang Cave Library. This arrangement is uniquely Chinese and will be called here the "Chinese Ordering." It is worth noting that numbers 32, 33, and 34 each have two 'Phags-pa letters for one and the same traditional Chinese initial. For numbers 37-43 we have the added note "These seven graphs are assigned to the yu Iljfu initial." Numbers 41 and 42 are joined together in the list but are counted separately in the added comment. The fact that this list has forty-three members is interesting, for we note that this is in fact the erroneous number given in both the Fashiikao and the Shiishf huiyao for their lists. It seems possible that their accounting has been tampered with in some way to bring their numbers into line with that of the MGZY. Pulleyblank (1970: 359) has remarked regarding the Tibetan ordering that is

+

6

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

"no doubt the original arrangement," but he does not elaborate on this. While we do not not disagree with his assessment, it seems worthwhile to give it some further consideration. The Tibetan Ordering is of course the expected arrangement for a Tibetan-based alphabet. If the 'Phags-pa Lama created the system in this sequence, that would hardly be surprising. The "Thirty-Six Initial" set, on the other hand, is a uniquely Chinese configuration, developed from Indic parallels but intended for use in Chinese philological materials. As we shall see below, it forms an integral part of the MGZY's organizational matrix, the purpose of which was surely to assist Chinese readers in accessing the data in that text. The Chinese Ordering of the 'Phags-pa alphabet is, therefore, an artifact of the compilation of the MGZY. Now, as we have noted above, the primary charge received by the 'Phags-pa Lama was the creation of a new Mongolian script, which was then to be made applicable to "all writing systems." This being the case, it seems unlikely that the ordering of the specifically Chinese "Thirty-Six Initials" would have provided the initial template for the Tibetan lama's work. The Tibetan Ordering would seem to be a much more likely starting point for that. Thus, Pulleyblank's view can be accepted. It seems probable that the Tibetan Ordering is the original one, and the Chinese one is secondary to it and specifically to be associated with the compilation of the MGZY.

1.4 The 'Phags-pa Chinese Textual Corpus Sources in Chinese 'Phags-pa orthography can be roughly divided into three types: 1. Paleographical Materials 2. Forms recorded in Buddhist Sutras 3. Normative Spelling Materials and Transcriptional Aids 1.4.1 Paleographical Materials. The 'Phags-pa Chinese paleographical materials which were generally known and available for study as of the 1950s are summarized and discussed by Luo and Cai (1959: 16-40) with plates and full references to sources, related studies, etc. The types of materials included in this category are: 1. Monumental inscriptions, mainly on steles 2. Official or governmental seals 3. Private or signature-type seals

7

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

4. 5. 6. 7.

Badges of rank or identification (paifu Paper currency Coins Steelyard weights

#*t4 or paizi #J1f!y)

An updated list of such sources, with more recent finds included, will be found in Jiinast and Yang (1987: 4-6). The monumental inscriptions, together with most of the other materials in the above list, are "dual script" texts, in that the 'Phags-pa and Chinese character versions are both given, in either parallel or interlinear fashion. This is in keeping with the wording of the edict quoted in section 1.1 above, where it was stipulated that one was "to use the new Mongolian script, with the national writing of each [other] country alongside." Thus, the majority of these inscriptions, when they are studied today, are not really "read" in the way the Mongolian 'Phags-pa texts treated in Poppe (1957) are. Instead, what one really does is read the Chinese character versions and compare the 'Phags-pa ones. 1.4.2 Forms from Buddhist Sutras. Material of this type is rather scant. It has been collected and tabulated together with data of other types in Hashimoto (1974: 100-112). This has been reprinted in Hashimoto (1978: 134-146). 1.4.3 Normative Spelling Materials and Transcriptional Aids. Two texts of this class survive today. As argued by Cai Meibiao in Luo and Cai (1959: 88-89) and Cheng (1985: 45-46), they were almost certainly compiled as aids to Chinese officials and other persons who were required to write Chinese in the new script. See also Ning (1997: 159) regarding this point. 1.4.3.1 The Baijiaxing s*~1 ("Surnames of the Myriad Households"). This is a 'Phags-pa version of the famous traditional list of Chinese surnames. The text is preserved in the Shilin guangji $**.~c, a rare work of Yuan times. Four versions are currently known. They are listed and briefly discussed by Jiinast and Yang (1987: 5). One of them, a Ming printing of 1418 (Jiinast and Yang: SD), was published by Ligeti (1956). Two more, a Yuan printing of 1340 (Jiinast and Yang: SB) and a Japanese version of 1699 (Jiinast and Yang: sC), were published in Luo and Cai (1959: 59-67 and 71-82). The fourth, a Yuan edition of 1330-1333 (Jiinast and Yang: SA), was published by Jiinast in 1980 (1980a). The

8

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

texts are in dual script fonnat. A new critical edition of them by Jiinast has recently appeared (2003). 1.4.3.2 The Menggii zlyun ~~~i~ ("Rimes in Mongol Script"; abbreviation: MGZY). This is unquestionably the most important textual source for the study of 'Phags-pa Chinese and has been the subject of intense scrutiny ever since it became known to the scholarly world. The MGZY survives in a single manuscript version, held by the British Library in London. The final two pages of the manuscript are missing. According to a cataloguing note attached to the item, it was purchased from one Mrs. Rushell on April 6, 1909 (Luo and Cai 1959: 84). Ozaki (1980: 168-169) and Ledyard (1997: 76, n. 24) suggest on the basis of internal evidence that the manuscript dates from the Qianlong ¥z~i period (1736-1796). There are two prefaces, both of which are dated 1308. The first is the invited or courtesy preface by a man named Li6 Geng IU~. The second is the main or author's preface by Zha Zongwen **)t. Li6 Geng states that Zha Boyan *1B~ (i.e., Zha Zongwen),12 who was Li6's own student, was an expert in Mongol studies ("tong y6 Menggu zhI xue" ~m-~~Z ~). Zha is said to have "supplemented the Menggii zlyun and corrected the errors in the Mongol rimes" ("zeng Menggu ziyun, zheng Menggu yun wu" ~~~~ ~ , lE~~~~). In this he is said to have perfonned a loyal service to the text, comparable to that rendered by an earlier editor of the works of the poet Du Fu Zha himself has the following to say about his editorial labors:

*±

m.

~~~~~WWft'~~fizm.,~~zM~~o.~~*~~m ~~~'W$W~~.~,~~~~om~~.~m-~~Z~~~~

•• Zo~~~~~~~~ao~+A~m~m-M~,~m~W~ B txm~§$;fX~*~~ , )7Um-~~ , j;){~*h~~UE 0

0

In the Menggii zlyun graph and sound fit together. It is truly the pivotal instrument for pronunciation and the essential guide for the study of rimes. I earlier had occasion to use the Chinese rimes of the many authorities to verify its correctness, but they had all inherited errors and inconsistencies, and there was no way to know what to accept and what to discard. It was only the Giijrn yunhu 1 ["The Ancient and Modem Rime Assemblage"] which at the head of each character perforce uses the four tones to gloss it. Only from this did one know that (the initial of) the characters jian, jIng, and jian was [the 9

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

'Phags-pa letter] a. The Thirty-Six Initials being complete in the Yilllhul, it can assuredly be called definitive. Therefore, I have used this work in collating the erroneous characters in the various editions, and have arranged these at the head of the work, to await correction by my learned readership. Li6 Geng's remarks indicate with absolute certainty that Zhu Zongwen was not the author of the MGZY. Instead, his role was that of an editor, who supplemented and corrected an already existing text. Zhu himself tells us that his collation work encompassed various editions of the text; and he in fact mentions two of these, a H6beiben ~jt:;zjs: and a Zhedongben #fT*=:;zjs:, in the list of emendations he places at the beginning of his collated edition. In addition to his collation work, Zhu tells us that he has tried to verify the MGZY text using a number of traditionalstyle Chinese rime books, but that these proved difficult to use because they contained errors and inconsistencies of various kinds. However, he did find one work which was helpful to him. Its title, he tells us, was Gujln yilllhul. The Gujfn yilllhu 1 was a large lexicographical compendium compiled by Huang Gongsh~lO :J!:i}*t! (ob. 1297).13 It was never formally published and is believed never to have actually been completed (Cheng 1965: 21-24; 1985: 43). A preserved preface for it by Li6 Chenweng ~JJ:J:Z~ is dated 1292. What survives today is an abridgement of the text, entitled Gujln yunhul juyao 3.6J-Mir:$~, published in 1297 by Xiong Zhong f.I~J~\. Although it is remotely possible that Zhu Zongwen saw and used the Gujfn yunhul in his work on the MGZY, the likelihood of this is slight. Instead, what he almost certainly saw was the Gujfn yunhu 1jUyilO. His use of the title Gujln yunhu 1 in his preface is probably a shorthand reference to the 1297 abridgement, a practice also seen among later writers and bibliographers (Cheng 1965: 24-25). Hattori (1946, chapter 3) did a full comparison of the phonological systems inherent in the Gujfn yimhui juyao and the MGZY and concluded that the two were nearly identical, though differing in certain particulars. The differences and similarities led him to conclude that, while neither text could simply have been copied from the other, both must derive from a common source, which he supposed was the Gujfn yimhul. This theory has subsequently been called into serious question by Cheng (1965: 26-37; 1985: 43), but Hattori's comparative observations remain valid and of interest. 14 Ligeti (1956: 37, n. 25) averred that the MGZY is in fact based directly on the Gujln yunhul. He said, "Dans sa Preface, Tchou Tsong-wen, l'auteur du

**Jt

10

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

Mong kou tseu yun, nous dit clairement qu'il s'est appuye, en composant son oeuvre, sur Ie bien connu tl-::y{fjtf;r Kou kin yun houei." But as we have seen in the preface passages cited above, this is a misreading of ZhU's remarks. For Zhn did not write the MGZY. He merely edited the received text of it. Whether Ligeti knew of the difference between the Giijrn yunhul and the Giijln yunhul jiiyilO is unclear. In any case, the wording of the MGZY preface cannot be used to establish its derivation from either of these texts. There is in fact an emerging consensus among specialists in the history of the Giijrn yunhu 1 jiiyao that this work ultimately takes as its source the Llbu yunliie tI.g~~ma. We find this same view expressed in Cheng (1965: 76, n. 7, paragraph 2), Ning (1997: 41), and Wang Shuoquan (2002: 4-5). The Llbu yunliie ("Summary of the Rimes of the Ministry of Rites") was a rime book completed in 1037. It embodied the rime classes prescribed for the official examinations, which in the Song period were administered under the aegis of the Ministry of Rites. But the Giijrn yunhu 1 jiiyao (as an abridgement of the Giijln yunhu 1 ) was not simply a rote copy of the Llbu yunliie. It was on the contrary a complete recasting of the material in the earlier work. And apparently integral to this reworking was a book called the Menggii yunliie ~tl{fjtma ("Summary of the Mongol Rimes"). This title is mentioned in full several times in the Giijrn yunhul jiiyao. More common there, however, is another term: Menggu yun ~tl~, which literally means "Mongol rimes" and which very probably refers here to Menggii yunliie material. 15 No book having the title Menggii yunliie is extant today. Ning (1997: 195-207) believes it was identical with the MGZY. Cheng (1965, 1985) and Wang Shuoquan (2002: 44-46, 158) think the two were separate works. In a sense, these two views are not totally contradictory. Wang (loc. cit.), for instance, suggests that the Menggii yunliie was in fact one of the primary source texts used by Zhn Z6ngwen in the compilation of his version of the MGZY. In any case, it seems clear that 'Phags-pa lexica played a role in the formation of the Giijln yunhu 1 jiiyao. If anything, it was the latter which derived in some way from the former, rather than vice versa. Of considerable interest in this connection is yet another work, entitled Menggii yunlei ~tl~~J[ ("Mongol Rime Categories"), by a person named Lr Hongdao This book is no longer extant, but a preface for it has been preserved in the Jiacon leigao f*:f1~J[m of Wang Ylshan £;JJUJ(1214-1287).16 In this preface, Wang includes some descriptive notes. The book, he tells us, abandons the traditional 206 rime classes and substitutes a simpler system of fifteen categories. In the text, syllables in all four tones are arranged together (presumably

**ffi.

11

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

when they have the same syllabic shape); and yet it is still possible to discern which ones fall under which traditional tones. Similarly shaped characters are grouped is somehow woven into the together. And a system of thirty-two zimu structure of the text. Now, as we shall presently see, this description is strikingly reminiscent of the MGZY itself. As Ledyard remarks, "It is clear that the Menggu yunlei is the same book, or the same kind of book, as the Menggu ziyun" (1997: 77, n. 26). And, significantly, this work existed at least ten years before the publication of the GujTn yunhui juyilO. Let us now summarize what we have learned. The MGZY is directly derived from somewhat earlier 'Phags-pa handbooks, and is the fruit of the editorial efforts of Zhu Z5ngwen. At least two of his sources were simply different versions, i.e., the so-called Hubei and Zhed5ng editions, of the MGZY itself. But there may have been others as well. Perhaps works like the Menggu yunliie and the Menggu yunlei were also among the materials he consulted. These earlier works, though they cannot have been copied from the GujTn yunhui juyilO, which clearly postdated them, shared with the JuyilO a very similar, though not entirely identical, set of phonological categories. The JuyiLO in its tum was intimately and intricately interrelated with a constellation of Song-time rime books, all of which were in some way associated with the standard rime system used in the official examinations of the time and embodied in the Lfbu yunliie. The exact filiation of these texts, which has exercised specialists in their histories for decades, is not of paramount importance to us here. What is of direct concern is the nature of the connection between the MGZY and the underlying set of distinctions found, in one variation or another, in these rime books. Why does this connection exist? As noted earlier, works such as the 'Phags-pa Baijiaxing and the MGZY were apparently glossaries intended for the use of Chinese speakers who wished to learn how to spell Chinese syllables in the new writing system. They may have arisen in connection with the 'Phags-pa schools initially founded in 1269. Or, as suggested by Ledyard (loc. cit.), they may have been compiled by the Hanlin Academy's '''Phags-pa department," which had been established in 1275. In any case, they were at base compendia of data listing Chinese characters together with their corresponding 'Phags-pa orthographic forms. To use them, persons literate in Chinese would have first have needed ways to find particular Chinese characters in them. In the case of the B aij iax lng this would have posed no difficulty. All Chinese schoolchildren were taught to recite this text from memory. No literate person would have required an index to it. But a glossary like the MGZY was quite another matter.

*a

12

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

Without an accessing apparatus of some sort, finding things in such a work would have been prohibitively time-consuming. The solution to this was to take advantage of all educated readers' familiarity with the standard rime sets mandated in the official examinations. Mastery of these involved memorization of groups of characters which could rime in the poetry sections of the examinations. Licit rimes were determined not by ear but by co-occurrence in these inter-riming sets. Thus, every well-educated person had to memorize standardized lists of inter-riming characters. In principle, no particular ordering of these lists vis-a-vis each other was necessary to the fashioning of correct rimes. It was rather the membership of each list that was the crucial matter. However, in practice the lists were learned from rime books, and their ordering in these texts was determined by convention. In the formal or Qieyun tv§Jt System (QYS) there were 206 rimes, divided first among the four classical tones and then listed in a long-established order. By Southern Song times the number of these rimes had been reduced to 106 or 107, an inventory which has since become known as the Pingshulyun .3f*OO. The term Pingshulyun has also been used to refer to particular rime books. 17 One of these is the XTnkan yunliie *JT fUOO~ of Wang Wenyu '±')C~j5, published in 1227.18 Various features of this text, including the very order in which characters are listed in certain sections of it, have led Ning (1997: 161-165) to conclude that it, or something very like it, was actively used in the compilation of the MGZY urtext. 19 In any case, it seems clear that the MGZY was compiled with an eye to preserving enough of the traditional rime book structure that Chinese readers could capitalize on their familiarity with it in accessing the material in the MGZY. To begin, since the 'Phags-pa script does not indicate tone, segmentally identical syllables under different tones are spelled the same way. To accommodate this lapsus, the MGZY abandons the primary division by tone which forms the framework of all traditional rime books. Syllables spelled the same way are always placed in the same entry line of the MGZY, but with the contents of the entry divided according to the four classical tones, i.e., ping .3f, shang J:., qu .:::li;, and ru A. 20 The tonal division is therefore at the lowest level in the MGZY, rather than at the highest, as in the earlier rime texts. Next, in the MGZY the received 106- or 107-rime list is drastically reduced to fifteen units. These fifteen units are still called rimes (yun §~) in the text; but they in fact correspond more closely to the she 3lI (combinatory rime groups), which are inherent in the structure of the early rime tables and explicitly demarcated in the later ones. The names of the fifteen combinatory sets are chosen from those of the ping-tone rimes in the original longer list. 21 All traditional ru-tone

13

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

rimes are abolished, and their constituent syllables are redistributed among the fifteen MGZY rimes, though of course always still identified by tone in each individual MGZY entry.22 Within each MGZY "rime," entry lines are organized in groups according to the 'Phags-pa spellings of their finals. A commonly seen but by no means universal ordering of final types is the following, as illustrated in the Yfmg IWi Rime: 1. 2. 3. 4.

plain vowel: -ang y or y plus vowel: -yang w plus vowel: -wang other spelling types: _hang, -ong, -wyang

Where a particular traditional rime type falls under a MGZY rime that conflicts with the 'Phags-pa spelling in some way, the traditional ordering is nonetheless maintained, apparently because readers would be expected to follow the traditional order when looking up characters. For example, the graph xiong :tit is spelled Hyung but placed under the Geng ~ Rime (where finals in -ing, _hing, etc., would be expected). The principle here was clearly not phonetic or orthographic compatibility but convenient accessibility in terms of the received system. Within each orthographically determined common sub-set, a further refinement is introduced: the individual entry lines are organized according to the Thirty-Six Initials of the rime table tradition. This arrangement would have been familiar to some literate readers, but by no means to all of them, for knowledge of it was not required of candidates who sat for the official examinations. For this reason, a list of the initials is, as we have seen in section 1.3, provided at the beginning of the book. This, combined with a familiarity with the traditional arrangement of rime books as incorporated into the text, would have enabled readers to find entries in the book with relative ease. We can summarize the organizational hierarchy of the MGZY as follows, beginning with the highest level (1) and moving downward to the lowest one (4): (1) Rime group (yun ~). Explicitly identified in the text by a subtitle consisting of number and name. Example:

III.

IWi

~

yang.

(2) 'Phags-pa orthographic final group. Not explicitly demarcated in the text, but 14

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

identifiable by the orthographically identical spelling of finals. Example: seven adjacent entry lines ending in the orthographic final-ang within the Yfmgyim I~HfJi. (See entries 98-104 of the Glossary.) (3) Individual entry lines of the text. These are pseudo-homophone groups, in that they comprise syllables under different tones which share the same syllabic spelling forms. They are explicitly identified in the text by the 'Phags-pa orthographic forms at the head of each line. Example:

~

khang [k' al]]

11C '

:re.

ping

~,t:f' t:f ' shang

tlji , t'* ' qu

m' 00 ' ~JL '

(4) True homophone groups. Explicitly identified by tone designation. Example: ping ~,It, It. As mentioned earlier, the MGZY is by far the most important source for the study of 'Phags-pa Chinese. For this reason, we have adopted an abridged version of it as the nucleus of our Glossary of 'Phags-pa forms in the present work.

1.5 The Linguistic and Demographic Background of 'Phags-pa Chinese23

* *

1.5.1 The Northern Song and Liao Periods. The founding of the Song Dynasty in 960 ended a long period of disunion in China. The national capital, Dongjlng :g, was established at Kaifengfli 00;1;1 J& in the Central Plains. This area remained the political and cultural center of the dynasty for 166 years. The conventional view today is that the standard language of this period was a Central Plains-based lingua franca or koine, probably centered in the Kaifeng-Luoyang 1~~ area. Zhou Zum6 mfll.§l has characterized it as "Zhongzhou zhI hengyan" 9=' 1+1 zt~fg "the prevalent speech of (north) central China" (Zhou 1966: 582). This prevailing view of course deserves further study and verification, but at present there is at least no strong evidence against it. There is however, one further point which requires notice here. North of the Song lay the Khitan empire (907-1119), whose dynastic name in the Chinese histories was Lilio ~. For information on it we rely here primarily on Wittfogel (1949) and Twitchett and Tietze (1994). In 937, before the founding of Song, the short-lived nn 1J Dynasty had ceded to the Khitans an area known as the Sixteen 15

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

Prefectures (Yanyim shiliuzh5u ifM~+ /\1'['1), which corresponded roughly to the northern part of modem H6bei rEfit Province (Twitchett and Tietze 1994: 70-71). Despite a number of efforts, the Song were never able to retake this area, and it remained under Khitan control for approximately 200 years. The inhabitants of this territory were almost all Chinese, and the Liao placed them under a special form of governmental administration, differing from that by which they ruled the rest of their empire. At the town of Y5uzh5u ~ 1'['1 they built a new administrative center, called NanjIng f¥jJJ(, the southernmost ofthe five capitals oftheir state, to govern their new Chinese subjects. From this place, after many changes and vicissitudes, the modem city of Peking would ultimately evolve. Now it is of some interest here that the large Chinese population of this region, which the Liao called the Southern Capital Circuit (NanjIngdao f¥jJJ(lli), was cut off from the Central Plains dialect area to the south for two centuries. Although we have no proof for it, we may speculate that in this linguistic rupture lie at least some of the beginnings of the distinctive type of north Chinese dialect which would later come to be associated with the Peking area and points to the northeast. 1.5.2 JIn and Southern Song. We now shift farther east to the Jurchen, a Tungusic people who founded the JIn 1f2 Dynasty (1115-1234). Our information on them comes from Tao (1976) and Franke (1994). Their ancestral homeland was in eastern Manchuria, rather near the Pacific coast. They were originally subjects of the Liao, who were their western neighbors. In 1115, after consolidating their power, they established their own dynasty and began a war which resulted in the destruction of the Liao in 1122. It was in fact at the end of that year that they actually occupied the Liao city of NanjIng and first became overlords of a large population of Chinesespeaking subjects. They then very quickly pressed their attack against Song. Kaifeng fell in 1127, and the Chinese dynasty collapsed. In the course of this rather short five-year war the JIn made extensive use of Chinese subjects of the former Liao and also of a large number of turncoat Song civil and military officials. Later, they governed their Chinese holdings, which extended southward to the Huai it River, through a Chinese officialdom who had previously been Northern Song functionaries. At the site of the former NanjIng of the Liao, the JIn established their own Zh5ngdU r:p~~, whereupon they took the former Song capital, Kaifeng, as their NanjIng. It is interesting to note that, as of the year 1211 Kaifeng was still a bigger and more populous city than the central capital at Zh5ngdU. It was in fact the largest metropolitan area in the JIn empire (Franke 1994: 279). 16

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

After the fall of Northern Song a new Chinese state, called Southern Song (1127-1278), was founded in the south, with its capital at Lin'an gm;~ (modern Hfmgzh5u #Lv'I'/). It is probable that the standard language of the southern court was in fact merely a transplanted variety of the northern Song lingua franca, brought south by refugees from the fallen dynasty (Simmons 1992, chapter 7; cf. also Chao 1928: xiv). And, in the north, it seems likely that the large body of Chinese officials who remained behind and served the JIn continued to speak what they had spoken before, i.e., the same general Song standard. Here we should also note that diplomatic, trade, and other contacts between the JIn and the Southern Song remained frequent, even during times of active hostility, with representations on the JIn side conducted by Chinese-speaking officials. It seems probable that the two sides communicated with each other in, at most, variant forms of what had earlier been their common standard language. At present we have no way of assessing the linguistic input of the former Liao subjects from the NanjIngdao who came south with their new masters in 1127; but it seems unlikely that their influence on the general standard speech community of the Central Plains can have been inordinately great, in view of the relative population numbers involved. Finally, we may note that by the end of the JIn, which lasted for slightly longer than a century, even the Jurchen officials and nobility had come to prefer Chinese to their own language. One may guess that what they spoke was what their Chinese colleagues and social counterparts spoke. In summary, then, though we are sadly lacking in hard evidence on the matter, there do not seem to be any strong a priori grounds for assuming marked differences between the standard languages of north and south China during the JIn-Southern Song period. l.5.3. The Mongol Period. The Mongol period brings us at last to the crucial historical stage for the development of 'Phags-pa Chinese. Our principal sources for it are Rachewiltz (1966), Allsen (1994), and Rossabi (1994). For the history of the city of Dadu, we rely primarily on Lr (1981) and BeijIng daxue lishrxl (1985). The Mongol conquest of China began with a war against the JIn. In 1214 the JIn court abandoned Zh5ngdu and fled to Kaifeng. Zh5ngdu was subsequently sacked and partially burned. Information on the situation there at that time is supplied by Allsen (1994: 362-363): An envoy of the Khwarazmshah Muhammad who reached Chung-tu shortly after its surrender in 1215 encountered there a most grisly scene: The area around the former Chin capital for the distance of several days' march was 17

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

strewn, he reports, with the bones of uncounted dead, and disease, spread owing to the great number of unburied corpses, continued to claim new victims, including members of his own party. In their campaigns against the JIn and later against the Southern Song, the Mongols made large-scale use of defectors. In fact, after an initial period of wholesale slaughter and destruction, there was a change in approach to conquered areas and populations, and defection was actively encouraged. Military personnel, often comprising entire units who had surrendered peaceably, were treated leniently and accepted into the ranks of the conquerors. Civil officials who did not resist and remained at their posts were in many cases simply put back to work in the new administration. Throughout the JIn and later the Southern Song territories, the indigenous Chinese-speaking officialdom served as an important medium through which the Mongols prosecuted the war and administered the peace among the Chinese. Of special interest here is the person of Qubilai, grandson of Chinggis Khan and actual founder of the Yuan dynasty, who, as we have seen in section 1.1 above, commissioned the creation of the 'Phags-pa script. As a young man Qubilai held an appanage at Xingzhou 7f~ 1'1'[, in the southwest comer of modem Hebe i. Here he gathered around him a large coterie of Chinese scholars from various areas of the country, both north and south, who served him as advisors (Rossabi 1994: 415416). As his career advanced, he moved from place to place, either on campaign or performing administrative duties, and throughout this period he continued to maintain his Chinese retinue, which was also expanded to include advisors from other nationalities. One of these was the 'Phags-pa Lama. It was in 1260, the first year of his reign as emperor and the year when the 'Phags-pa Lama was appointed National Preceptor, that Qubilai took up residence in the area of the former JIn capital of Zhongdu. Because the city site itself was not suitable for occupancy, he chose as his residence a detached palace, the Da'ninggong *$'8, which had survived relatively undamaged (LI 1981: 194). It lay somewhat northeast of the ruined JIn city site. In 1267 work was begun on the construction of a new city, with the site of the detached palace as its center. The first formal court audience was held there in 1274. This city, named Dadu *il~, was officially completed in 1276. With these points in mind, let us now return to the topic with which we began this chapter, the creation of the 'Phags-pa script, and more specifically, to its

18

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

application to the writing of Chinese. We may suppose that the 'Phags-pa Lama's first and most important exposures to spoken Chinese occurred with his entry into Qubilai's retinue, where he rubbed shoulders with the Confucian advisors mentioned above. What form of Chinese would these men have spoken? They were highly educated literati from various parts of China. 24 It seems likely that they spoke to each other in whatever Chinese lingua franca was current at the time. And the probability is that this was some variety of the same general koine that had been in use in late JInflate Southern Song times. For a period of at least seven years, and before the Mongol court settled at the site of the future Dadl1, this would presumably have been the form of Chinese which the 'Phags-pa Lama regularly heard and with which he was most familiar. Then, in 1260, he received his charge to develop the new alphabet, one of the purposes of which was to write Chinese. He finished this task in 1269, seven years before the new city of Dadl1 was completed. What form of Chinese would he have taken as the object of his labors? Would he have drawn upon the general standard used by his educated colleagues in Qubilai's court, or would he have gone out and sought among the ruins and construction sites around the Da'ninggong for informants who spoke the local dialect of that region? In our view, it must have been the educated standard which served as his primary model. It would have in a sense been a composite, in that it would have reflected a linguistic consensus reached by those who wished to communicate in it. It is unlikely to have been the dialect of one particular place, if by "dialect" we mean a particular regional vernacular. Certainly it is very unlikely to have been the local vernacular of the Dadl1 area. And most significantly, as we have attempted to show in detail elsewhere (1999), it differed in fundamental ways from the system underlying the later Yuan-time rime book, Zhongyu{m yTnyun ~ ~~tfffii. The linguistic basis for this text is currently disputed. 25 But, whatever sort of sound system it represented, 'Phags-pa Chinese pronunciation must have differed from that reflected in the Zhongyu{m yfnyun.

Notes IThis point is particularly noteworthy when we consider that 'Phags-pa was merely in his teens at this time. 2For

the original text, see the Po-na edition, 202.1b-2a, or the Zhonghua shuju edition,

202.4518.

19

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

In the present study 'Phags-pa letters will be paleographically transliterated in boldface

3

type according to a system explained in detail in Chapter 3. The phonetic interpretation of the graphic elements is also discussed there. 4In the later technical terminology of traditional Chinese philology, the term niu

m

refers specifically to syllable initials. However, in pre-Qlng times it was less narrow and could denote both initials and finals. 5The terms erhe

=it, sanhe

=it, etc., refer to the traditional glossing practice used,

for example, by Chinese Buddhist transcribers of Indic texts, wherein two or more characters are read together as a single syllable to transcribe Indic syllables containing consonant clusters or other foreign sound concatenations. 6yuyun "imM is apparently a copyist's error for xieyun ~M "to harmonize rimes," a traditional philological term which parallels another such term, xiesheng ~W "to harmonize initials," in the following phrase. 7This was a genuine innovation in the analysis of the Chinese syllable, as has been noted by Ledyard (1997: 50-51). For a detailed discussion, see Chapter 3.

8

9pashakaohas

mOSf.

l~O such equivalents are given for the supplementary list, i.e., nos. 42-45. Il

For a convenient list of these, see Lua (1963, tables between 64 and 65).

12Bayfm is a transcription of Bayan, a Mongol name. 13Regarding this date, see Cheng (1965: 23). 14por a later study of the sound system of the Gujfn yunhui jUyilO, using the Karlgrenian "reconstructive" approach, see Zhli (1986). 15The following is a passage in which the two terms are actually used together: ~ilffj'l 1Bfi1l:~1I~£J:

0

ff1fIl~£J:

0

6]-~~ilMJ!:5E (Peking: Zhonghua, 2001, 2.4a [po 40]). In our

view, the correct translation of this line should be, "In the Menggu yunliie the character yi belongs under the yi

~

11:

initial. In the old phonological scheme (i.e., of certain earlier rime lexica)

it belonged under the yU ~ initial. Now we emend it on the basis of the Mongol rimes." The term

20

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Script

"Mongol rimes" is probably a general reference to Chinese forms written in 'Phags-pa script, as represented in handbooks, glossaries, etc. Here it of course refers specifically to forms quoted from the Menggii yimliie. But in our opinion it is not an abbreviation of that title. Likewise, when it (or its reduced form Mengyun ~i-l) appears in other works of this or later periods, it should be interpreted as meaning "'Phags-pa Chinese orthographic material" rather than a specific book. 160ur dates for this man come from the Zhonggubliditi renming ditcidiiin is*~~

r:p ~ !H{~A

(Shanghai:Guji, 1: 164). The Menggii yunlei is discussed by Cheng (1965: 20-21), who

mistakenly assigns to it the title Menggii yunbian

~~j'j~~

and states that it dates from a time

much later than the MGZY. In his preface, Wang Yishan at one point characterizes the Menggii

yunlei as a Menggu yunbian ~~i-l~ "compilation of Mongol rimes," but this clearly is not its formal title. Furthermore, it cannot date from as late as Cheng supposes, since Wang Ylshan had seen it before his death in 1287. The Yrnyunxue cidiiin y.i-l~~~ (Changsha: Hunan chubanshe, 1991, 121) correctly identifies U Hongdao

**m: as the author of the Menggii

yunlei, but then states that he was a person of the late sixteenth century. This error is due to confusion with U Hongdao *§Lm:, a classicist and historian of the Ming period and an entirely different individual from the U Hongdao

**m: of Yuan times. Ledyard (1997: 76-77, n. 26)

identifies the Menggii yunlei by its correct title and time frame in his discussion of the text. 17The name Pingshulyun itself is said to be connected with the RenzI xrnkan LIbU

yunliie ::fr~JTfUtrHmi-l~ of Liu Yuan ~uvm, published in 1252. It is variously said to derive from Pingshul ~* in ShanxI, where the printing blocks for the text were engraved, or, according to a different theory, to another Pingshul which was Liu Yuan's native place. 18This date is sometimes incorrectly given as 1223. See Ning (1997: 141). The last character of Wang's name is written ~ in one source. Alternate names for his book in later sources are Wang Wenyu PingshuIyun £:::x:11~~*~Jt, Xrnktin PingshuI yunliie ~JTfU~*i-l, and

PingshuI yunliie ~*it~. 19Ning used three different editions of the Xrnkan yunliie in his work. The version seen by us is that of the Shanghai Municipal Library, as reproduced in the Xuxia siku quansha *.{~1Z9 J!l[~ii

(Shanghai: Guji, 1995, 250, 209-387). 2
structure of this text as its organizational framework. 21Exactly how this was effected is laid out in detail by Ning (1997: 165). 22Regarding how this was done, see Ning (loc. cit.). 21

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

23Substantial portions of this section are taken from Coblin (1999: 87-91). 24The names and identities of many of these individuals are known. See Rachewiltz (1966). 25Some major published theories are that it represents: (1) the pronunciation of the Yuan-time city of Dada, (2) the pronunciation of the Kaifeng/Luoyfmg area, or (3) a general north Chinese koine pronunciation rather than the sound system of a particular place or region. For a summary of the various theories, see JIn (1999: 13, n. 1).

22

II

A Brief Review of 'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

The single most informative source on the history of 'Phags-pa studies in general and of the Chinese 'Phags-pa field in particular is the introduction to Nakano (1971), especially pages 8-23. Also of considerable interest are the bibliographical notes and annotations in Ligeti (1956; 1961), Hashimoto (1978; 1978-79: 70-120), and Cheng (1985). For Japanese studies in particular, see Hashimoto (1978: 2, notes 4 and 8). For work done in China since the 1970s, see the notes and references in the various articles and books by Jrinast ~.~U3~:ftFf[i, listed in the first section of the bibliography to the present work. The standard reference for Mongolian 'Phags-pa is Poppe (1957). To this may now be added Junast (1990-91), and a review of this work by HugjiIt (1992).1 The field of Chinese 'Phags-pa studies may be conveniently divided into four periods: (1) the early period of interest, beginning in the first decades of the nineteenth century and lasting until the 1920s; (2) the period of increasing focus on Chinese 'Phags-pa, from the 1920s through the 1940s, when Mongolian and Chinese 'Phags-pa became separate fields and 'Phags-pa Chinese was recognized as a branch of Chinese historical phonology; (3) the period of textual discovery and dissemination, beginning in the 1950s and lasting until the mid-1980s, during which the introduction of the Baijiaxing and, more important, the MGZY into the discussion revolutionized the field; and (4) the current period, representing developments since the late 1980s.

2.1 The Early Period of 'Phags-pa Studies Work in this period involved the study of epigraphical materials and was of an exploratory and pioneering nature. Incidental references to the 'Phags-pa script

23

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

began to appear in early nineteenth century sources (see Nakano 1971: 8, n. 4, and 19, n. 11, for examples). The first systematic contribution in the field was by von der Gabelentz (1839). A more general study was Pauthier (1862). The mid and later part of the century saw an increasing concern with the Juyongguan 5Mim wall inscriptions. An important early example is Wylie (1870), which also gives a summary of 'Phags-pa studies up until that time. This was followed by many more detailed works, as the inscriptions were analyzed, facsimiles were published, etc. 2 The latter part of this period is characterized by Nakano as one of discovery of materials, in which mongolists and sinologists collaborated in what was viewed as a common undertaking. Much of the grammatological work of this early period is now mainly of historiographical or antiquarian interest, having been in great part superseded by later developments. However, a number of the published facsimiles of inscriptions remain standard sources for epigraphical research.

2.2 The Period of Focus on 'Phags-pa Chinese Beginning in the 1920s, Paul Pelliot published a number of articles, short notes, comments, etc., dealing with or touching upon 'Phags-pa problems. These are in the main concerned with Mongolian 'Phags-pa, but they often raise points relevant to the Chinese side as well. For a convenient listing, see Poppe (1957: 139). Bernhard Karlgren included discussions of 'Phags-pa questions in his earlier studies on Chinese historical phonology (Karlgren 1915-26)? Following this, in 1930 Aleksandr Dragunov made extensive use of Karlgren's "Ancient Chinese" system to discuss the phonology of 'Phags-pa Chinese. In the same year, there appeared in Japan an article by Oshibuchi Hajime (1930) which is characterized by Nakano (1971: 17, n. 17) as parallel to Dragunov' s. Oshibuchi used not Karlgren' s system but the structure of the Zhongyuan yfnyim to study the 'Phags-pa material. His work is noteworthy for the fact that he also consulted a copy of the British MGZY manuscript. Somewhat later, Karlgren's system was again brought to bear on 'Phags-pa questions in a book by Lewicki (1949, chap. 3). Lewicki also used a copy of the MGZY manuscript (1949: 26, n. 2).4 Dragunov's paper is of particular interest because it takes issue with his predecessors' assumptions regarding the linguistic basis and dialectal identity of 'Phags-pa Chinese. Karlgren and Pelliot had assumed the existence of a unitary standard variety of Yuan-period Chinese to which not only the 'Phags-pa data but 24

'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

also other textually attested material of that time must belong. For them, all these things must somehow be reconcilable with each other from the standpoint of the putative Yuan standard system. A logical outgrowth of this approach was that, where the 'Phags-pa system has features which appear to be "archaic," "conservative," or in some other way not consonant with the systems reflected in the so-called "Old Mandarin" rime books, 'Phags-pa was assumed to have been intentionally archaized by its framers on the basis of older traditional-style rime books, rime tables, etc. It is with this view in particular that Dragunov took issue. He concluded (1930: 646): We have not sufficient reasons to consider the phonetic structure of the Ancient Mandarin language to have been homogeneous. On the contrary, our sources enable us to state that there existed two large dialects (or groups of dialects) widely divergent from the point of view of their consonantic system: one of them, let us call it type A, embodied in the hPhags-pa inscriptions, [Hung wu] Cheng yiin, Ch'ieh yiin chih nan, the other, let us call it type B-in various transcriptions of foreign names and in the Persian transcription. Moreover, it is very likely that the phonetic forms of the A dialect (i.e., of the hPhags-pa inscriptions) also served for political reasons as a certain official standard for some regions, where the spoken language belonged to the B type. These regions consequently had two parallel pronunciations of the characters-one of them official, registered by the hPhags-pa script, and the other a more modernized vernacular, registered, e.g., by the Persian transcription. In such cases the Ancient Mandarin pronunciation embodied in the hPhags-pa script may be actually archaic. Pelliot, while interested in Dragunov's idea, explicitly rejected it in a review (PelIiot 1932), and the KarlgreniPelIiot position probably remains the one more widely accepted today. But the discussion has remained an active one in 'Phags-pa studies. For example, a rather similar position to that of Dragunov was espoused by Hashimoto (1978-79). After considerable discussion he stated (1: 74), From these ... points we assume that the Chinese characters were actually pronounced in more or less the same way as they are spelled by hPhags-pa script. These pronunciations were used in official proclamations to the literate intellectuals; then the phonological system inferred from these transcriptions should reflect some formal speech which the great majority of the intellectuals of the period spoke or at least understood. And further, on page 76, 25

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

We may conclude that the language reflected in the hPhags-pa transcriptions is very likely a natural variant of Chinese at that time, though it may not be a stage in the linear development from Ancient Chinese to Mandarin. Reduced to its essentials, the earlier view admits the existence of only one linguistic entity underlying both the 'Phags-pa texts and other contemporary sources such as the Zhongyu{m ylnyun and certain transcriptional materials. Where the 'Phags-pa system varies in the direction of increased complexity, these variations are held to be archaizing and artificial. The second view finds at least two varieties of Chinese in the relevant sources. The 'Phags-pa texts would represent a more formal, "official" dialect, while the other sources reflect a vernacular idiom of some sort. 5 Dragunov's work is also noteworthy for the fact that he was aware of the Baij iax ing text and attempted to take account of the material there, though, as he himself conceded (1930: 629), he lacked access to a satisfactory version of the text. Finally, we may mention here Earl R. Hope, who published a monograph on Chinese 'Phags-pa in 1953. Hope was a colorful character, a polyglot, professional translator, and a close personal friend of the great mongolist, Nicholas Poppe. 6 In his study, which he printed privately, Hope issued strident challenges to the leading sinologists of his day, including Karlgren. His ideas are sometimes interesting but tend to be both unsystematically argued and lacking in supporting evidence. 7

2.3 The Period of Textual Discovery and Dissemination This period was marked by the publication of the Baij iax ing and MGZY texts. The general availability of these materials, particularly of the MGZY, has revolutionized the study of 'Phags-pa Chinese. An event of the utmost importance for the study of the Baij iax ing was the publication in 1956 of Louis Ligeti's article, "Le Po Kia sing en ecriture 'phagspa." This paper included a full facsimile of the text from which Ligeti worked, plus a transcription and editorial notes comparing material from the earlier works of Oshibuchi (1930), Dragunov (1930), and Lewicki (1949). Ligeti's article was soon followed by Luo and Cai's book-length study of 'Phags-pa Chinese, where two more full versions of the Baijiaxing were reproduced (1959: 57-82). It was now possible for all interested scholars to work with the Baijiaxing corpus, and Ligeti himself soon produced a new paper dealing with the material (Ligeti 1961). 26

'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

Work on the MGZY manuscript text actually began in the 1920s and 1930s, but publication of this research was delayed by the outbreak of the Second World War. A photostatic copy of the manuscript was acquired by Ishihama Juntaro in 1924-1925 during a trip to Europe,s and was consequently made available to Japanese scholars for study. As we have seen, Oshibuchi had access to it. By the outbreak of the war, a book by Hattori Shiro, containing a chapter dealing with the MGZY materials, was ready in manuscript; but much of this was destroyed before the end of hostilities (Nakano 1971: 18). It was finally published in 1946 but did not become generally known outside Japan and Taiwan until decades later. A facsimile of the the Ishihama text was published by Kansai University in 1956; but, again, this copy does not seem to have been readily available outside Japan. In the meantime, a photographic facsimile of the London text had reached China. This copy was made by YU Daoqufm Tm~ and then passed through several hands until it reached Luo Chfmgpei ~1t:f:if. Luo reported his impressions of it in 1939. Afterwards, he continued to study it together with his student, Cai Meibiao ~~~. Their joint work on it was published in 1959, a year after Luo's death (1959: 83-127). Included in their treatment was a tracing of the photographic facsimile of the MGZY text, minus two missing pages. 9 With this, the text became generally available to interested readers. As noted earlier, copies of the MGZY were in the hands of some Western scholars, such as Lewicki in Poland, by the 1940s. British scholars of course had continuous access to it, and Clauson (1959) included material from it in his discussion of the 'Phags-pa script. By the 1960s it had become the primary basis for the study of 'Phags-pa Chinese. Denlinger (1963) investigated the material in the MGZY from the standpoint of Chinese historical phonology. Pulleyblank (1970) interpreted the data in terms of his own views on the structure of the pre-modem Chinese syllable, particularly as represented in the rime tables. Cheng Tsai Fa wrote two monographs on 'Phags-pa studies, Cheng (1965) and (1985). Cheng (1965) dealt mainly with textual questions, in particular those concerning the relationship between the MGZY and the Song-time rime books. Of special interest in this work is a reconstructed supplement for the putative contents of the two missing final pages of the British MGZY manuscript (Cheng 1965: 102-103). This reconstruction is effected in the following way. The probable number and identity of the missing entry lines is determined by comparison with the corpus of parallel material in the GiijTn yimhu 1 jiiyao, and the characters which belong to each lost group are identified. Then, the 27

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

'Phags-pa inscriptions and the Baijia:xing are combed for any examples of the said missing characters. Using this method, at least one example can be found for each of the missing lines, though by no means necessarily for every homophonous tone set belonging to each line. Cheng's 1985 monograph is of a very different type. It offers a phonetic interpretation of the 'Phags-pa Chinese system from the standpoint of Chinese historical phonology. In addition to the two monographs, Cheng also wrote a long article in which he critically examined a large number of variant spellings from 'Phags-pa Chinese sources and arranged his results in the order of the MGZY (Cheng 1967). An important contribution of this period is Nakano (1971). This monograph provides a comprehensive summary of 'Phags-pa studies and a detailed phonetic interpretation of the 'Phags-pa Chinese orthography. Of particular significance is a synopsis of the contents of the MGZY (105-134). In this section, all entry lines of the MGZY text are numbered consecutively. Both a paleographic transcription of the original spelling forms and a phonetic interpretation are given for each entry. This is followed by the head character of each true homophone group in the line, marked by tone. The numbered entry lines are keyed to the page numbers of the Kansai University and Luo and Cai facsimiles. Thus, one can juxtapose this list with whichever facsimile one has in hand and match any particular line in both. At the end of the list (1971: 133-134), Cheng Tsai Fa's supplementary material is added. Nakano's consecutive numbering system is exceedingly useful and greatly facilitates access to the MGZY data. It is this system which has been adopted in the Glossary section of the present handbook. Mantaro J. Hashimoto dealt extensively with 'Phags-pa Chinese in his doctoral dissertation on Ancient Chinese, which was completed in 1965 but not published until much later (Hashimoto 1978-79). Throughout the late 1960s and on into the 1970s he wrote often on 'Phags-pa matters. Hashimoto (1967), (1968 [1978]), and (1971) dealt with specific problems in the phonetic interpretation of the script. Hashimoto (1974) is actually a work of monographic length and consists of two parts. The first is a table in which all syllable types in the MGZY are arranged according to the QYS, as represented in the Fangyfm diiLOChft zibiiio 7J§WEJ~* promulgated by the Chinese Academy of Sciences. The second part tabulates, according to the syllabic order of occurrence in the MGZY, all forms from the Baijia:xing, the 'Phags-pa inscriptions, and the Buddhist sutras. In preparing this compendium a critical edition of the Baijia:xing was compiled, based on all four known versions. But this collation has apparently not been separately published as

*

28

'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

such. Hashimoto (1975) tabulates the occurrence of QYS rimes in the MGZY. This table is thus in a sense the reverse of that found in the first part of Hashimoto (1974). All the articles mentioned here, from (1967) through (1975), have been reprinted together as a single monograph, Hashimoto (1978).

2.4 The Current Period Mainland Chinese scholars have played an increasingly prominent role in the field of 'Phags-pa Chinese studies since the advent of the 1980s. Three early contributions are lunast (1980b), Yang and Jiinast (1981), both of which are of a general or introductory nature, and Zhang (1983), which deals with a specific problem in the interpretation of the orthography. Of particular importance has been the publication of a complete photostatic copy of the MGZY manuscript by Jiinast and Yang (1987). This must now be viewed as the optimum source for consulting the original text. The book contains a brief but informative introduction. Then, after the facsimile of the manuscript, it gives a reconstruction of the final, lost section. This utilizes several more recently discovered inscriptional sources not available to Cheng (1965). But it also differs from Cheng's work in another way. Cheng's approach may be called "narrow reconstruction," in that he only includes characters actually found in 'Phags-pa written sources. lunast and Yang go beyond this by including in their restored homophone groups more characters from the parallel passages in the GujIn yunhui jUyilO. This can be thought of as a "broad reconstruction." Each approach is useful in its own way, and the two can be said to complement each other. An even "broader" reconstruction is offered by Ning (1997: 185-188). Jiinast and Yfmg also provide a syllabic index (150-157) for the MGZY text that is somewhat comparable to the synopsis given by Nakano. Their table is arranged by page number of the original manuscript and gives below this the 'Phags-pa orthographic head forms for each entry line, in romanized transcription. These forms are not numbered, but in subsequent references to them they are nonetheless denoted by number. Thus, the first entry line in the entire text would be identified as "L}\a 1", the second as "L}\a2", etc., but in the index itself one must count the romanized forms in order to locate a particular line. The numbering system is therefore somewhat less convenient than the consecutive one used by Nakano. The MGZY manuscript in its received version contains many scribal errors and infelicities. 29

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

Junast and Yang (159-178) provide an extensive list of suggested corrections and emendations. Another such list has been compiled by Ning (1997: 168-184). The two lists are by no means identical. The primary reason for this is that, while Jl1nast and Yang base their critical decisions on the text of the Gujrn yimhu i juyiw, Ning uses the Xrnkan yimliie as his guide. A new critical edition of he Baijiaxing has recently been published by Jl1nast (2003). This will now supplant his older critical versions (Jl1nast 1980a and 199091). Junast has been an indefatigable laborer in the field of 'Phags-pa studies throughout the past two decades. In addition to his work on Chinese 'Phags-pa, his contributions to many different aspects of Mongolian 'Phags-pa studies are legion. For the most part these lie beyond our purview here. Several, however, can be mentioned for their bearing on problems that involve both systems, i.e., Jl1nast (1987, 1988, 1989, 1999). There has recently been a renewal of interest in 'Phags-pa Chinese in North America. In particular we may note two newly published articles by Zhongwei Shen (2000, 2001). The first of these discusses a long-standing problem in the structure of the QYS from the standpoint of 'Phags-pa Chinese. The second attacks a particular orthographic problem in the 'Phags-pa system. To these may also be added two as yet unpublished contributions, i.e., Shen (in press) and Shen (Ms).l0 Finally, two recent papers by the present writer deal with the placement of 'Phags-pa Chinese vis-a-vis the development of competing standard forms of Chinese pronunciation as attested in alphabetic records of the past six centuries (Cob lin 1999,2001). These papers challenge the conventional stance that the sound system of 'Phags-pa Chinese should be viewed as an orthographically aberrant form of the system found in the Zhongyufm yrnyim, and they point out that many of the supposedly archaic features of the 'Phags-pa system were in fact still present in certain varieties of standard pronunciation of Ming times. It is suggested that there may have been competing varieties of standard pronunciation in the thirteenth century, as there were in later times, and that the 'Phags-pa system may have incorporated elements from such competing varieties. This view would be consonant with the probable historical and demographic background of the script, as outlined in section 1.5.3 of Chapter 1 above. Notes lWe know of Junast (1990-91) only through Hugjilt's review.

30

'Phags-pa Chinese Studies

Por a detailed listing of such works, see Nakano (1971: 10, esp. note 12).

2

3

See, for example, Karlgren (1915-26: 360).

~ewicki cites the text under the romanized title Mong-kou tseu-yin.

As indicated in the closing lines of Chapter I, our own findings in this matter (Coblin

5

1999) tend to support in principle the position of Dragunov and Hashimoto as against the older and more common view. See Poppe (1983: 232-233).

6

Por a list of Hope's sometimes lively exchanges with his critics and antagonists, see

7

Nakano (1971: 158). On Hope's scholarly approach, see Hashimoto (1978: 11, n. 23). Por some more recent comments on his work, especially as regards his use of Korean evidence, see Ledyard (1997: 56). We are grateful to an anonymous reviewer for this information.

8

9These missing portions are in addition to the two lost pages of the original manuscript. lOWe are grateful to Professor Shen for providing information on these unpublished works.

31

III

Analysis and Interpretation of the 'Phags-pa Alphabet

The analysis and interpretation of the 'Phags-pa alphabet involves four different but interrelated issues. Of these, the one about which there is the most agreement is the mechanical functioning of the script. The second area comprises the basic assumptions of the investigator about the historical and sociolinguistic nature of the underlying language. The third, concerning which there was in traditional times much discussion but about which there is now considerable agreement, is the paleographic origins of the individual graphemes. Fourth is the actual phonetic interpretation of the graphemes. This is the area of maximum disagreement among specialists, but even here there is consensus on many issues. 1 In the present chapter, we will begin by discussing the first and second of these four topics. The third and fourth ones will then be dealt with seriatim as we discuss the individual letters of the alphabet.

3.1 The Mechanical Functioning of the Alphabet The 'Phags-pa script is written vertically. The constituent elements of individual syllables are composed vertically, and the resulting syllables then proceed down the page from top to bottom. Lines most often progress from left to right. Graphically, there are two syllable types in the 'Phags-pa writing system. The first of these, which accounts for less than 1% of possible syllables, has no initial consonant at all. There are only three such syllable types, of which the following are examples: 2 284.

-::?5

u shang E.

32

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

763. A 437.

~

0

qu

on

qu

~

m

The second syllable type, which comprises over 99% of the syllables in the system, consists at the minimum of an initial consonant or semivowel, which serves as the "anchor" of the syllable. In the manner of Indic alphabets, if no other vocalic information is added, the initial consonant or semivowel embodies an inherent vowel a. For example, the letter ~ th-, when written alone, will yield:

S2. ~ tha

ru ~

The inherent a is overridden by the addition of a vowel sign, which is written below the anchoring consonant. An example is the following, where the vowel sign A 0 has been added:

734.

~ tho

ping

1m

A medial semivowel can be added between the consonant and any vowel letters or in the presence of inherent a. In the following, the semivowel ~ w has been added between th- and -0:

748.

~

thwo ping

~

Two diacritics or diacritic-like elements may also be added to certain of the vowels to further modify them. These will be discussed in section 3.3.9 below. Final consonants and semi vowels can be added at the end of a syllable. In the following example, the consonant 'OJ m has been added to the syllable tha:

653.

~

tham ping

~

The system lacks any form of tonal marking. As mentioned in Chapter 1, in the MGZY text characters are arranged in tonally identified homophone groups. But when the script is actually used, as for example in the inscriptions, it is completely toneless. 33

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

3.2 Assumptions Regarding the History and Nature of 'Phags-pa Chinese We must begin this section on a negative note. First, as outlined in section 1.5 of Chapter 1, there appears to be no historical basis for the common claim that 'Phags-pa Chinese was the language or dialect of the city of Dadu. No actual historical evidence has ever been offered for this claim; and, on close examination, there appears to be none. On the contrary, all available indications suggest that this language was already in existence before the formation of the imperial metropolis as it existed in Yuan times. Furthermore, no concrete linguistic or demographic evidence has ever been adduced that ties 'Phags-pa Chinese directly to the local vernaculars spoken in the area of the pre-Dadu JIn-time city of Zhongdu. If there is such evidence, no cogent or detailed presentation of it has ever appeared in print. Second, it is universally recognized that the sound system embodied in the Chinese 'Phags-pa orthography differs both in broad outline and in detail from the structural framework underlying the Zhongyuan ylnyun, whatever that text is assumed to represent. 3 Though opinions differ about the reasons for this divergence, its existence as such is incontrovertible and has in fact never been questioned. And, third, to our knowledge no historical, demographic, or linguistic evidence has ever been presented that 'Phags-pa Chinese is directly ancestral to any known later Chinese dialect or koine, either a textually attested pre-modem one or a currently spoken one. Any claim for such a tie would need to be rigorously demonstrated before it could be seriously entertained. Now, let us shift to a more positive tack. Though we have no direct historical statements regarding the linguistic basis of 'Phags-pa Chinese, there is a theoretical possibility, outlined in section 1.5 of Chapter 1 above, that it may have been a lingua franca of late JIn/late Southern Song times, and in particular one which was used in the personal entourage of Prince Qubilai (later Emperor Sh'izu of Yuan). Historical accounts indicate that the Chinese members of this retinue were educated persons from different parts of China (Rachewiltz 1966). And it flies in the face of all we know about polite discourse in late traditional and early modem China to assume, as is sometimes still done, that such persons would have attempted to talk to each other in the regional vernaculars of their several native areas. Instead, all evidence and precedent suggest that they would have conversed in some form of more generally intelligible koine or tOngyu W~. This observation leads us to review what is currently known about the phonological aspects of Chinese koines of the traditional period. The first point we may consider is that the pronunciation of traditional koines often comprised different sub-varieties. A good example is the Guanhua koine of

34

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

Ming and Qlng times. We know from native sources that there were at least two major regional ways of pronouncing this language. One, called Nfmyln 1¥i'§", or "Southern Pronunciation," was originally rooted in the J iang-Huai iI1l-type Mandarin pronunciation of the Yangtze watershed, though it was later used by officials from many parts of China and was in fact the preferred system until the nineteenth century. The other type was called Beiyln 3t'§", or "Northern Pronunciation," and reflected the speech patterns of north China. It gained increasing prominence in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and is directly ancestral to the pronunciation of the modem koine, Guoyu ~§g/putonghua ttf~§t5. It seems likely that such koine sub-varieties existed in late JIn/late Southern Song times, especially given the fact that the country had at that time been politically divided for a considerable period. And if this is true, then the variant pronunciation systems in question would almost certainly have been represented among the different speakers present in Qubilai's retinue. Indeed, we can reasonably assume that the type of sound system they used was a leveled or consensually adjusted amalgam of the variant pronunciation types current among them, the ultimate goal always being an optimal level of mutual intelligibility. A system of the type envisaged here is by definition a composite, in that it encompasses elements derived from different koine sUbtypes. But it is not "artificial" or "unnatural," as these terms are normally understood. For all of its constituent elements and configurations would have been native to someone among the body of speakers who used it. The survival of anyone of these traits for any length of time would have been contingent on an evolving consensus among those speakers. A feature which failed to gain or maintain for itself such a consensus would fall out of general use. That disparate elements and patterns existed in competition with each other in 'Phags-pa Chinese can be seen from cases such as that of the following word:

631.1

ng"iw shilng 1Jl

In the GujTn yunhu i jUYEW the syllable OU 1M is said to have been read with the initial ylng ~ in the Menggu yun, which term, as we have seen in section 1.4.3.2 of Chapter 1 above, almost certainly refers here to the Menggu yunliie. Now, from the Chinese Ordering of the alphabet presented in section 1.3 of Chapter 1, we see that the name ylng refers specifically to 'Phags-pa letter no. 33. (2 of the Chinese list. From

35

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

this we conclude that the Menggii yunliie must have had the following spelling for

~

1M:

"iw

What this tells us is that in the language we have chosen to call '''Phags-pa Chinese" there was internal variation. The two different 'Phags-pa lexica, i.e., the MGZY and the Menggii yunliie, have selected different variants for the reading of this syllable. Interestingly, if we look at the early Ming NanyIn pronunciation of Guanhua, we see that the same type of competition existed there. In the Standard Readings (i.e., ZhengyIn lEy) of the Korean sinologist Sin Sukchu $*~fB- (14171475), the word 1M is recorded as l]dW (1:), while in Sin's Popular Readings (i.e., SuyIn {~y) the spelling is dW (1:).4 Thus, in dealing with 'Phags-pa Chinese, we should not be surprised to encounter indications of a composite sound system of the type evinced by the later Guanhua koine, where disparate elements appear and are sometimes in competition with each other. Though the formation of the 'Phags-pa Chinese sound system may originally have been a matter of informal consensus, its reduction to writing was in effect a type of standardization. The compilation of works such as the MGZY and the Menggii yunliie can be considered formal acts of codification in which standards were being established by the 'Phags-pa schools and/or the Hanlin Academy. The existence of such standards always raises the problem of idealized systems versus linguistic reality. For example, modem standard Chinese, as codified in the zhuyIn fuhao tty t15JjE syllabary and in the pInyIn romanization, makes a strict distinction between dental and retroflex sibilants, and there are definitely speakers of the koine who can and do consistently make this distinction. But, by the same token, there are millions of speakers who do not. In fact, in some venues, such as Taiwan, there are almost no speakers who make it in ordinary conversation. It is probably true, however, that nearly 100% of speakers would consider the distinction in some sense a "valid" feature of the ideal and established standard system. Even those who never make it would not assert that it is artificial, archaizing, or in some other way illicit. Similarly, the early Ming NanyIn pronunciation of Guanhua, as codified in the H6ngwu zhengyun r~:lt\lEm:i, carefully distinguished a zhuo 1;) or murmured series of initials from voiceless plain and voiceless aspirated series. Sin Sukchu was able to find speakers from the Yangtze watershed who made this distinction. In fact, he left a

36

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

description of its phonetic characteristics. However, it seems virtually certain that at that time many speakers from various areas of north China did not make the distinction when speaking the koine. Again, the fit between an established standard pronunciation system and the spoken realization of that system can be imperfect for many, and in some cases perhaps even the majority, of speakers. But the speakers themselves do not recognize this as an inconsistency, and they do not view such imperfect fits as flaws in need of correction. This principle must be kept in mind when we interpret the 'Phags-pa script. To wit, we must at the outset try to determine what phonetic features the framers meant to convey in their particular orthographic forms. The question of who could or could not meet these standards is a separate problem and must be addressed only after the standards themselves are fully understood.

3.3 Transliteration and Interpretation of the Alphabet Since the 'Phags-pa alphabet is derived in great part from the Tibetan script, it is convenient to use a Tibetan-based romanization to transliterate it. The fundamental principle of an accurate transliteration is that any reader, having learned the system, will be able to reconstitute the original script forms from the transliterated ones without recourse to any other information. We are guided by this principle here, and our transliteration is wherever possible based on the Wylie system for transliterating Written Tibetan. Transliterations are given in bold type. Where appropriate, MGZY tone categories are identified along with the transliteration, using Chinese names romanized in the pInyIn system. Phonetic interpretations of the 'Phags-pa letters appear in IP A and are enclosed in square brackets. 3.3.1 The Velars g

[k]

kh

[k']

m,:rn

k

[9]

2

ng

37

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

The Tibetan letters k 7f"]' kh fz:J' g z:J'l' and ng ~ are the origin of the 'Phagspa fonns in this set. Their phonetic interpretation in Chinese 'Phags-pa is not controversial. The two fonns for 'Phags-pa k are graphic variants. A famous enigma in the script is the fact that Tibetan voiced stops and "clear" affricates are used to write Chinese voiceless plain initials, called qlng in the Chinese philological tradition. Conversely, Tibetan voiceless plain letters correspond to the initial class traditionally called zhu6~; "turbid." The reasons for this oddity have been widely discussed and remain controversial. In our view the most convincing solution is that suggested by Nakano (1971: 61-63) and Nonnan (1988: 51).5 Norman comments, "This situation, so startling at first sight, can be readily understood if only we remember that the 'Phags-pa script was devised for writing Mongolian and only secondarily applied to Chinese. Middle Mongolian had only a two-way contrast of stops, one of which was lenis and unaspirated, the other fortis and aspirated; the first of these series was written with the Tibetan letters representing b, d, g, while the second was transcribed with the Tibetan aspirates ph, th, kh." Thus, when it became necessary to render the Chinese zhu6 initials, only the Tibetan plain consonant letters p, t, and k remained available to the 'Phags-pa transcribers. It is generally agreed today that the two traditional sound classes, i.e., qlng (voiceless plain) and zhu6 (voiced or munnured), were clearly distinguished in the 'Phags-pa orthography. However, there has been doubt about whether this distinction actually existed in the real underlying fonn of Chinese represented by the script. In other words, it is sometimes assumed that the distinction is completely artificial and derives from earlier dictionaries, rime tables, etc. Two major arguments have been advanced in favor of this idea. One is that the distinction does not occur in the Zhongyuan ylnyun. If one believes that this text and the 'Phags-pa orthography represent one and the same underlying language, then one cannot accept the 'Phags-pa distinction at face value. But, as we have argued earlier, there is no valid reason to conflate these two systems. On the contrary, available evidence suggests that they were not based on the same underlying language. Here we may also mention again the early Mlng Nanyln fonn of Guanhua pronunciation, as observed and recorded by Sin Sukchu. In this system, we see that the zhuo series was still preserved in at least one variety of standard Chinese pronunciation at a time later than the creation of the 'Phags-pa script. There is therefore nothing implausible about finding it in another fonn of standard pronunciation from two centuries earlier. A different type of objection to the phonetic reality of a 'Phags-pa zhuo class has

m

38

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

been raised by Cheng (1985: 50). He cites an interesting set of examples from the 'Phags-pa inscriptions where, when faced with the practical task of producing Chinese texts in the 'Phags-pa script, the writers failed to maintain the zhuo distinction consistently. This, he feels, indicates that the distinction was not a real one when the script was developed. In our opinion, what Cheng's examples show is that during the Yuan period there were indeed individuals who did not have the zhuo distinction in their speech. In effect, they could not spell correctly by ear. 6 However, it does not prove that the framers of the script had created a nonexistent distinction. To use a modem parallel, many speakers from central China and Taiwan are unable to maintain the retroflex/dental sibilant distinction in alphabetically transcribing modem standard Chinese, but this does not prove that the distinction is a artificial. On the contrary, choosing a different set of speakers as our transcribers, we would find the distinction clearly in place. In the end, we have no real reason to doubt the work of the script framers here. Like Sin Sukchu, they may very well have found speakers among their informants who could make the q Ing/zhuo distinction. Since this was also the authorized configuration found in native Chinese sources of the period, it must be included in the orthography. On the other hand, this does not constitute a blanket claim that the distinction existed in all spoken vernaculars, or even in the prevalent lingua francas of particular areas in Yuan times. There was almost certainly considerable variation in both speech types. In studying pre-modem Chinese language, we should on the one hand avoid conflating the issues of koine and regional vernacular pronunciation, and on the other set aside the older sinological view that koine pronunciation was homogeneous and free of layering and internal variation.

3.3.2 The Labials 2J

2.J

b

[p]

ph

[p']

p

[b]

m

[m]

39

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

These letters are direct borrowings of Tibetan p y, ph There is general agreement regarding their interpretation.

Lq,

b q, and m

O.j.

3.3.3 The Labiodentals

Hw

[f]

hw

[f]

Hw

[v] ?

w

[U-,-w]

The Tibetan alphabet having possessed no labiodental fricatives, the first three members of this set are specially created digraphs. They have been formed by combining the letters Hand h with the medial letter w (concerning all of which see section 3.3.7 below). In various texts and in the MGZY they are often simply written as juxtapositions of the two constituent elements, rather than as real digraphs. As we have seen in Chapter 1, section 1.3 above, the Tibetan Ordering of the alphabet has only one fricative letter here, corresponding to the one we transcribe as Hw. The Chinese Ordering in the MGZY lists three letters here, which are identified with the traditional zlmu names fei ~F, fo ~, and feng ¥. The first and third of the three are written in the same way in that list. In actual usage, including that of the MGZY itself, there is often no clear distinction between the three. However, certain authorities, such as Hashimoto (1978-79: 93), believe that the outlines of a distinction can be discerned. One of the consonants in question corresponds to the first two elements above and would be voiceless. The other would be voiced and correspond to the third. A distinction of this type did still exist in the Nfulyln Gurumua pronunciation of early Ming times, as represented in Korean transcription. Perhaps it was also present among certain Yangtze watershed speakers of 'Phags-pa Chinese two centuries earlier. We indicate it as a possibility in our interpretation. The fourth letter, which is an adaptation of the Tibetan letter w ~, occurs both initially and finally in 'Phags-pa Chinese syllables. In initial position we interpret it as

40

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

a voiced labiodental approximant. In final position, we take it as a voiced rounded labiovelar approximant.

3.3.4 The Dentals d

[t]

th

[t']

t

[d]

n

[n]

These letters are direct borrowings of Tibetan t interpretation is uncontroversial.

'?, th

gj,

d S' and n q. Their

3.3.5 The Retroflexes and the Palatal Nasal j

[~]

ch

[~']

a

c

[d~

51

sh

[~]

51

zh

[~

fi

[1). ]

E

These forms are based on the Tibetan palatals c :;;0, ch 05, j E\' sh '9' and ny ~. 'Phags-pa zh is a modified form of 'Phags-pa sh rather than a direct borrowing of a Tibetan letter. The nasal member of this set is universally interpreted as palatal. The

41

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

oral members are interpreted as palatals by nearly all authorities. Nakano (1971) takes them as retroflexes. Cheng (1985: 83) classes them as retroflexes but then refers to them in his subsequent discussion as "alveolar-palatals" (loc. cit.). It is therefore not clear how he really views them. In the absence of contemporary evidence, it is very difficult to make an objective choice between these alternatives. The palatal choice, which is usually not discussed at all by those who make it, seems to be based on the phonetic values of the Tibetan letters and the presumed values of the Mongolian 'Phags-pa counterparts. But neither of these points proves anything about the 'Phagspa Chinese values. The comparable initials in the Nfmyln pronunciation of early Ming times are described by Sin Sukchu as retroflexes (i.e., juansh6 dian'e :Off15~6 JllI!J¥ "one curls up the tongue and touches the palate"); but, again, this proves nothing about their 'Phags-pa Chinese values. In the end, we have little of a substantive nature to guide us here. This being the case, our own choice is to follow Nakano and view the sounds in question as retroflexes. 3.3.6 The Sibilants

:5l

dz

[ts]

:;s:j

tsh

[ts']

~

ts

[dz]

?\J

s

[s]

z

[z]

The fourth and fifth members of this set are the Tibetan letters s ~ and Z ::::;j, respectively. The first, second, and third are not Tibetan in origin. Hashimoto (1967: 162) has proposed that they ultimately derive from the Devanagari letters c :or, j 'Jf, and fi o:r, respectively. For a slightly different sorting of the Devanagari equivalents, cf. Nakano (1971: 54-55). There is general agreement among 'Phags-pa specialists regarding the phonetic interpretation of this group of letters.

42

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

3.3.7 The Laryngeals and Semivowels (31)

~

~

h

[x]

(32)

fZI

[!!

X

[v]

(32a) '? ~J:. (33) r2 ~ (33a) IN ~J:. (34)

~

u§tr

(34a) W ~J:.

H

,

-

[?]

y

[?j]

x

[fi]

y

[j]

Within the alphabet as a whole this set of letters has constituted the area of maximum disagreement among specialists in 'Phags-pa Chinese. Our list follows the Chinese Ordering of the MGZY. The individual letters are numbered for convenience of reference. In addition, we have added the MGZY's Thirty-Six Initial designations. To begin, we note that two of the letters are uncontroversial. Letter (31) is a borrowing of the Tibetan letter h ~ and is universally held to be a voiceless guttural fricative in 'Phags-pa Chinese. We interpret it as [x]. The 'Phags-pa letter 34a is an adaptation of the Tibetan letter y V-J and is generally recognized as a high front unrounded glide or semivowel [j]. It occurs both initially and finally. Letter (32) is non-Tibetan in origin and thus has no counterpart in the Wylie system. We transliterate it as capital X. Hope (1953: iii) and Poppe (1957: 22) suggest that it is a combination of the Mongolian 'Phags-pa letter q r<::J (not used in Chinesef and the medial semivowel letter w <::l (see section 3.3.10 below). Hashimoto (1967: 169-171) rejects Poppe's paleographical theory (without mentioning Hope) and instead suggests that the 'Phags-pa letter derives from Devanagari gh 'Ef.8 Among those who regard X as a validly distinct entity in the script, it is almost universally interpreted as a voiced velar fricative [y], i.e., the voiced or zhuo counterpart of h [xl Cheng is an exception here in that he sees it as a voiced

43

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

laryngeal fricative [fi]. The value of the comparable initial in the early Nanyln pronunciation of Guanhua, a system which also preserved a separate zhuo class of initials, was [v]. There has, however, been a different school of interpretation, represented early on by Hope (1953). This school rejects the existence of any voiced or zhuo initials in 'Phags-pa Chinese. A prominent later exponent of this view was Clauson (1959: 317), who felt there could be no real difference between Chinese 'Phags-pa h [x] and X [V] because "there is ample evidence to show that by the thirteenth century the sounds of the two tzu mu in question had converged, for example in the indiscriminate use of words with both initials in the transcription system of the 'Secret History' and the Hua-i i-yti." Another strong proponent of this view is Pulleyblank (1970: 368-372) who remarks (368): "The first point that must be made is that from the other evidence we have it is clear that these Chinese voiced, or 'muddy', initials had lost their voicing by the Mongol period. This is shown by the CYYY [i.e., Zhongyuan ylnyim], where the distribution is like that of Modem Mandarin, as well as by the Chinese transcriptions of foreign words at that period." Inherent in these arguments is the older sinological view, strongly espoused by Karlgren, that (1) in each particular period of Chinese history there was a single standard form of pronunciation which all written records must be seen to represent, and (2) that the standard pronunciation of one period must be viewed as the direct progenitor of that found in the next period, forming a unified chain of development from the distant past down to present day modem standard Chinese. But the fact is that research in recent decades on the history of traditional Chinese koines suggests that the picture has been far more complex than this. As regards the present problem, we have seen in Chapter 1, section 1.5.3 above, that 'Phags-pa Chinese was surely not identical with the forms of north Chinese which Clauson and Pulleyblank cite as guidelines for their judgments here. In particular, we may suppose that there were in Qubilai' s entourage persons who could and did distinguish the sounds written by 'Phags-pa hand X. We know that this distinction was made by Yangtze watershed speakers of Ming-time Guanhua, and we also know that two hundred years earlier there were natives of the Yangtze watershed present in the coterie of Chinese scholars in Qubilai's court. It is consequently reasonable to suppose that these persons could and did make the distinction in question here when they spoke their subtype(s) of standard Chinese, and that the 'Phags-pa orthography has recorded that distinction here. To assert this is by no means to claim that north Chinese speakers of the Yuan period made such a distinction when they spoke either their native dialects or their own varieties of the lingua franca. In all probability they 44

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

did not. But the system as a system almost certainly reflects the pronunciation of someone who could and did make the distinction. Finally, there is no reason to assume that 'Phags-pa Chinese is ancestral to the sound system of modem standard Chinese. No evidence has ever been offered for such a view, and the assumption is unwarranted in the absence of such evidence. Letter (32a) is a modified fonn of letter (31) h and/or Tibetan h. We transliterate it as capital H. In the MGZY alphabet list it is followed by the designation t6ngshang [qIJ:, which here simply means "ditto," i.e., that the traditional zimu designation for it is the same as that for the preceding letter. To wit, both letters (32) and (32a) fall under the traditional zimu known as xia [§!. In the 'Phags-pa orthography it is usually followed either by the medial elements y or y, or, rarely, by the combination -wy-, while the letter h does not occur in these environments. This has led to the general assumption that H is a fronted or palatalized allograph of h, or as Clauson (1959: 315) puts it, a "yodicized" variant of h. We have represented it as [Vi] in the chart above, but the raised j is redundant in transcribing full syllables and can be suppressed. Letter (33) has been adapted from the Tibetan letter '- (or 'a) R, often called 'a-chung in Western tibetological works. Disagreement over its phonetic interpretation in 'Phags-pa Chinese led to the famous exchanges between Hope and others working in the field. In Karlgren's "Ancient Chinese" system, syllables written with this 'Phags-pa letter were supposed to have a glottal stop initial. Modem Wu dialects still have such an initial in these cases today. North Chinese dialects, on the other hand, often have zero initials in these places, and a zero initial is also posited for such syllables in the Zhongyuan yfnyun system. The argument in 'Phags-pa studies concerns whether or not the glottal stop initial could have existed in standard pronunciation in 'Phags-pa times. In a way, the question is similar to that of the zhu6 initials mentioned above. The fact is that in the Zhengyln-type Nanyln pronunciation of Ming-time Guanhua, Sin Sukchu recorded a glottal stop at exactly the points where the 'Phags-pa letter '. occurs. If we assume that Yangtze watershed speakers of the 'Phags-pa koine also had this feature in their speech, it should not surprise us that it is preserved in the orthography. To reiterate what has been said above, this is in no way a claim that northern speakers of this koine would have had such a feature in their speech. In fact, it seems likely that they did not. But the 'Phags-pa system, as system, appears to have been like the Ming-time Nanyln here, in that there were persons who did have this feature in their speech. Accordingly, we interpret it as [?]. Letter (33a) is a modified fonn of (34a), which, as we have seen, is derived from 45

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

the Tibetan letter y. For this reason we transliterate 33a as capital Y. It is said to belong to the same z'imu as letter (33) '_, i.e., to the yrng ~ initial. It could therefore be characterized as a "y-like" or palatal allograph of '-. We represent it phonetically as [1'j]. There are places in the orthography where ,- [1'] and Y [1'j] contrast, and in such environments the element [j] must be included in the phonetic interpretations. The following pair illustrates this:

306.

~

'ay ping [1'aj] :$f

307.

~

Yay ping [1'jaj]

1£

Letter (34) is a borrowing of the Tibetan letter \3\J ,often called a-chen in the tibetologicalliterature and left untranscribed in the Wylie system. Since it is paleographically useful to have a symbol for it, we transliterate it here as x. It has an interesting distribution in that it appears almost exclusively before finals having high rounded onsets. The following are examples, where, in anticipation of the discussion in sections 3.3.9 and 3.3.10 below, our phonetic interpretations of the finals are added:

228.

~

xue [?-ue] ping fe;

280.

~

xyu [?-y] ping ~

793.

~ xwa [?-wa]

shang

Ii

Here we see that x occurs before [u], [y], and [w]. An exception to this is the following example:

S37. lS-1 xa

ping IWJ

But this syllable does not occur in the surviving text of the MGZY. It is, on the contrary, restored on the basis of three examples found in sutras. Whether or not it

46

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

ever really appeared in the MGZY text is questionable. The canonical MGZY reading for the word in question is found in the following entry:

743.

IX

'0

ping IWJ

Thus, the position of IWJ as an exception to the general occurrence pattern for x is problematic. To account for this more general pattern, Nakano (1971: 79-80) interprets x as a high front rounded semivowel [q], which she customarily writes as y. However, this solution has the disadvantage that in syllables like that in example 793 above it posits two adjacent rounded semi vowels , i.e., a [y] and a [w] (the latter written i:i by Nakano), at the head of a single syllable. It has in fact never been accepted by other scholars. Many authorities interpret the underlying entity represented by x as initial zero. Hope designates it as "muddy pitch null" (1953: i),9 while Denlinger (1963: 424) characterizes it as the "zero initial in a lower register." Hashimoto (1978-79: 100) states that it "can be interpreted simply as a character showing the absence of initial consonant." The problem with this solution is that it fails to account for examples of the following type, which we have in fact already seen in section 3.1:

437.

~

763. A

on 0

qu qu

m ~

284. ~ u shang Ii. Neither Hope nor Denlinger seems to have been aware of these examples. Hashimoto (1978: 75-160) includes them as syllable types in his tables but transcribes them with initial 0-, which is the same form he uses to render the letter x. Thus, a reader who did not have the original forms before him would have no way of detecting the presence or absence of x and would simply assume from Hashimoto's data that the written forms were *xu, *xo, and *xon, respectively. In the end, these examples vitiate the argument that x is simply a symbol for initial null in syllables which lack any other initial. From a graphic standpoint it is interesting that many syllables having initial x could not in fact be written without it. For example, IWJ xa, if 47

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

we remove the letter x-, disappears completely from the page, while xyu ~ and xwa ]i could not be written without x-, because -y- and -w- in these cases are medial elements and cannot stand on paper without an initial letter above them to serve as anchor. On the other hand, examples 284, 437, and 763 again indicate that, mechanically at least, a syllable beginning with a vowel can be written without an anchoring initial. Thus, for example, the word ~ xue could theoretically be written alone as *ue, if for some reason one chose to construct it that way. This is not a graphic impossibility. One cannot, then, remove x from consideration as a mere artifact of the graphic system. Cheng (1985: 80) has approached the problem from an entirely different angle. The Gujln yunhu1 jUyilO, which contains no 'Phags-pa writing as such, uses a system of formulas, made up of Chinese characters, to denote the letters of the 'Phags-pa alphabet. The formula for letter x is as follows:

Now, as Cheng points out, the elementjiao ftEJ here denotes the yayYn ?f1:f or velar class of consonants. And c'izhuo c iyln *1:f means "voiced fricative". 10 Thus, the letter is classed as a voiced velar fricative, and Cheng accordingly interprets

*111

it as [V]. What can be done with the information we have gathered here? The formula Cheng has cited from the GujTn yunhul juyao is intriguing and does seem to indicate the existence of some sort of underlying fricative-like guttural, at the phonetic level at least. We can represent this as [fi]. Since our task in the present study has been to arrive at a phonetic interpretation rather than a strictly phonemic one, we can consider the job done at this point and interpret x as [fi]. But it is worthwhile to go a step further and consider briefly the phonemic problem raised by the work of others who have addressed the problem of x. Can we combine initial [fi] and [0] as a single phoneme here? We can begin by assuming, as the data themselves suggest, that [fi] occurs exclusively before high rounded elements. This will account for its absence from the syllables represented by the written forms 0 and on in examples 437 and 763, respectively, which really do begin with phonetic [0]. Example 284 is a problem, for here we have an absence of [fi] before the vowel [u], which stands alone after [0]. Since there is no contrasting *xu [fiu] in the system, we could simply list the syllable type [u] as "special" for some unknown reason, and leave it at that. It is a solution, though not a particularly satisfying one. Some scholars would take a further step and 48

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

combine this "lower register zero" with "upper register" initial '. [7] to form a sort of "grand phoneme 10/." In order to do this, one should have a clear picture of the tonal system underlying the 'Phags-pa Chinese sound system as a whole. The script sheds no direct light on this, for tones are not indicated there. The MGZY arranges its data according to the four classical tones. The fact that the language distinguishes a zhuo series of initials suggests that there may have been phonetically distinct upper and lower register types for at least some of the tones. On this basis one might speculate that [7] (in upper register) and [fi] plus [0] (in lower register) formed a common phoneme 101 in the language. All depends on how much guessing one is willing to do about the tone system.

3.3.8 The Liquids

I

[1]

Zh

[r]

The first letter of this pair is adapted from Tibetan l RI. Its interpretation as Chinese [1] is uncontroversial. The second letter is a borrowing of Tibetan zh C9.' We transliterate it as Zh and interpret it as a voiced retroflex continuant, to be represented phonetically as [r]. Note that this sound contrasts with the voiced retroflex fricative 51 zh

3.3.9 The Vowels i

[i]

"A"

49

[~

in the system.

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

u

[u]

e

[e]

o

In absolute initial position, the vowel signs begin with a horizontal stroke or bar. Elsewhere in the syllable this bar is omitted. As we have seen in section 3.1 above, the vowel a [a] is not separately indicated by the script. Instead, it is inherent in syllables which are not marked in some way for other vowels. Because it is embedded in the system rather than specified by the script, some 'Phags-pa specialists enclose it in parentheses when transliterating it. This convention has not been adopted here. The letter
151.

!

tang ping

#±

Syllables of this type contrast in the system with others, such as the following:

105.

~

jang

[~alJ]

ping 5:&

The phonetic value of ha has been the subject of some discussion. At the outset 50

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

we may observe that the orthography itself suggests for ha a single underlying vowel, which was "a-like" but in some way different from [a]. Zhang (1983) in fact believes that in syllables such as zhuang itt, ha represented "[a] par excellence," and that the diacritic element had the effect of suppressing all medials. Thus, one would have underlying forms of the following type here:

These forms are quite similar to those actually attested in Sin Sukchu's Zhengyln forms for early Guanhua, i.e.,

The problem is, however, that the 'Phags-pa orthography clearly does not reflect a system of this type. On this point, 'Phags-pa Chinese and Sin's Guanhua were different. Ligeti (1956: 29) takes a very different tack. He suggests that ha is really an abbreviation of hi + a. Thus, a syllable like zhuang itt should be read as (t ang =) tiang, where hi is to be interpreted as the apical vowel, written by him as [1]. This theory is tacitly adopted by Hashimoto (1978-79: 109-110), clearly on the grounds that Hashimoto felt a 'Phags-pa -lal) (in his transcription) would better yield a -iial) in certain later forms of Chinese, such as that recorded by Nicolas Trigault in the Xlru ennuzI1ffi{m~ § ~ (1626), as well as modem standard Chinese. Hashimoto is followed here by Cheng (1985: 74). This interpretation is problematic on two grounds. First of all, there seems to be no basis for Ligeti's speculation. It is merely a conjecture for which there are no parallels elsewhere in the script. Second, as outlined in section 3.2, we have no grounds for assuming that 'Phags-pa Chinese was directly ancestral to modem standard Chinese or related varieties of north Chinese. On the contrary, if anything, it is structurally more similar to the type of Guanhua pronunciation reflected in Sin Sukchu's Zhengyln system at this particular point. We would do better to envisage a single vowel opposite ha here. This has in fact been the approach of Nakano (1971) and Shen (2001). If we assume that 'Phags-pa a had the cardinal value of this vowel, then it stands to reason that ha represented something else. Nakano and Shen both posit varieties of [a] here. Nakano (1971: 74), comparing modem standard Chinese and certain Wu dialects, chooses [0], an open back rounded vowel. Shen posits [0], an open back unrounded 51

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

vowel, on the basis of structural and acoustic arguments for a unified acoustic behavior of h as a diacritic. It is worth noting that these two investigators agree in proposing back vowels here. Neither has suggested a front variety of a. As to the question of rounding, we may say that nothing in the script itself suggests this feature, which would seem to tilt the scale in favor of Shen's interpretation. But we are dealing here with very fine phonetic detail, and such matters are inevitably conjectural in cases of this sort. Other possibilities exist, for example [u], a not quite fully open central unrounded vowel. Given the uncertainties here, our choice is to demur and represent the vowel in question abstractly, as "A," which is to be understood as some a-like vowel other than the cardinal vowel [a]. The letter:::§, u is derived from Tibetan u '-..::>. Its interpretation as [u] is uncontroversial. The letter ~ e is believed to be derived from Tibetan e .......... Shen (2000: 96) suggests that it is an inversion of the Tibetan letter. It is generally interpreted as a mid front vowel of some sort most often transcribed e, or e in the literature. We shall interpret it as [e]. The graphic form of the letter tends to vary in the texts, with one variant being -d. This form is unfortunately quite similar to one of the usual writings of medial w (see section 3.3.10). The two are consequently often confused, particularly in the MGZY, which makes no real distinction. In many cases distribution can be used to distinguish them. In others, comparison with text examples in inscriptional and other sources allows us to disentangle them. As a result, the forms in the MGZY can be normalized to indicate the distinction. In our Glossary and examples we use the variant A for this vowel. By contrast, medial w will be conventionally written -=:::::t to provide maximal differentiation between the two. The letter X 0 is derived by inversion of Tibetan 0 -v--'. X is the form used in absolute final position. Elsewhere a vertical bar is added in the center to link the vowel with a following element, thus: ,/f\:. The letter is thought to represent a mid back rounded vowel. We interpret it as [J].

e,

3.3.10 The Medial Semivowels Ll,

<],...q

w

[-w-]

y

[-j-]

52

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

r::::

[-j- + vowel fronting]

The first letter of this group is derived from the Tibetan medial letter w .d. It is written in several slightly different ways. In our glossary we conventionally represent it as ~ in order to differentiate it from the letter e A, concerning which see section 3.3.9 above. We interpret it as the rounded labiovelar approximant [w]. In keeping with the convention of the Wylie system, we transliterate medial w with the same Latin letter used for initial and final w ~ , concerning which see section 3.3.3 above. No confusion is possible between the two, since ~ does not occur medially. The medial y, written t:=: or ~, is a borrowing of the Tibetan medial y =! . The second form is an attempted replication of the Tibetan letter. The first is a restyled adapation which employs the typical angular or quadratic ductus of the 'Phags-pa script. We have adopted the first form in the present work. In keeping with the usage of the Wylie system, we romanize it with the same Latin letter used for the initial and final semivowel y W ,concerning which see section 3.3.7 above. There is no confusion between the two, since the medial occurs only syllable internally, while W does not appear in this position. In the MGZY, medial y is never clearly written as t:=: . Instead, it is consistently miswritten as r:::: . These anomalies can be normalized by comparing the correct writings of the affected syllables in other 'Phags-pa sources. Medial y is also sometimes written as ~ in the MGZY. This form is in tum sometimes corrupted into w or e, in their realizations as -
53

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

Societe Asiatique, he said,

Le 'phags-pa a ete tire de l'ecriture tibetaine adaptee ala phonetique particuliere du mongol. Cette adaptation elle-meme n'a rien d'original; elle s'est inspiree d'une notation ancienne du ouigour, consistant arendre les voyelles palatalisees au moyen de l'adjonction d'un i: par exemple, it est ecrit ui, etc. En 'phags-pa, cet element i, sous la forme y, est prefixe ala voyelle: ainsi 0, it s'ecrivent yo, yu; a apres consonne, ya (a initial e). Le meme procede est employe dans les textes ouigour en brahmI d'Asie centrale: ainsi kyork = kork; kenendya = kininda; a initial est rendu par e, comme en 'phags-pa. (Pelliot 1927: 372) The prefixed y mentioned here by Pelliot is in fact the 'Phags-pa letter c:::: . It is therefore clear that he thought of this letter as some form of Tibetan y and/or 'Phagspa y t= - ~. Hope (1953: 38) explicitly states that 'Phags-pa c:::: is derived from Tibetan medial y. Denlinger (1963: 411) and Pulleyblank (1970: 359) are of the same opinion. Nakano (1971: 57) notes the striking similarity between c:::: and 'Phags-pa y t= without commenting on the question of paleographic derivation. Hashimoto (1978: 69; 1978-79: 116) has a very different view. He believes that c:::: is derived from the vowel sign ~,which is the Devanagari writing for the diphthong ai and is also used in Tibetan to transcribe Sanskrit ai. To the best of our knowledge this idea has never been endorsed by anyone else. On purely structural grounds, at least, a link between c:::: and t= seems much more promising than an association of c:::: with ~. In addition to this, we must note that 'Phags-pa c:::: is not used to represent ai when Sanskrit is written in the 'Phags-pa script. Instead, this Sanskrit diphthong is rendered by the 'Phags-pa combination Ie. For example, Sanskrit 'Phags-pa dIe Sanskrit dai, etc. 1 2 In the end, then, the paleographic theory of Pelliot and others is the more convincing one. The question of c:::: 's position in the alphabet lists arises from the expectation that the ordering there will throw light on its function as a semivowel or a full vowel. In his discussion of c:::: ,Pulleyblank remarks regarding the letter (1970: 359),

=

In form it is clearly based on the subscript -y- and this association is confirmed by its position in both extant lists of the alphabet. In what is no doubt the original arrangement, following the usual Tibetan order, it occurs at the very end, after the normal subscript -y- and -w-. In the prefatory material to the MKTY [i.e., MGZY], where the alphabet is arranged to fit the standard Chinese list of 36 initials, it also occurs at the end, after the vowel signs and along with the other subscript semi vowels. More recently, Shen (2000: 96-97) has discussed the alphabetical ordering 54

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

question. However, whereas Pulleyblank mentioned both the Tibetan and Chinese Orderings, Shen limits his remarks to the Tibetan one. He says, The seven hP'ags-pa letters are listed below according to their original order as seen in the Fa Shu Kao ~!.~ by Sheng Xi-ming !l£~~ ~ of the Yuan dynasty and the Shu Hui Ju Yao .fr~~13 by Tao Zong-yi 1l*J*1i dated 1376. The corresponding Tibetan letters and their phonetic values are listed below also. [Here follows the promised table. We reduce it to its 'Phags-pa component, which suffices to establish the ordering to which Shen refers. In the third line, we add for reference our own paleographic transliterations in square brackets.] hP'ags-pa letters Phonetic values

-.!)~A.

( ) a

i

[ a

<

U

(e1)

0

(e2)

j

.-:::::l w

u

e

o

?

y

w

c:=;

[Here follows a lengthy discussion of letters and their values. Shen then continues:] ... The puzzle is the letter listed between the vowel letters and the medial letters [the letter identified as e2 by Shen]. This letter does not have its corresponding prototype in the Tibetan alphabet and is listed after [sic] two medial letters. From its order it is difficult to tell whether it represents a vowel, a medial, or something else. Pulleyblank and Shen agree in considering the Tibetan Ordering primary and of decisive value in assessing the nature of c:=; . But their characterizations of this ordering are strikingly different. Pulleyblank says that c:=; occurs at the end of the list, after the medials. Shen's chart places c:=; after the vowels and before the medials. His initial comments on his chart seem to accord with this tabulation. There then follows a remark that c:=; is listed after the medials. Perhaps the word "after" here is a mistake for "before." In any case, Pulleyblank's remarks and Shen's chart convey entirely different pictures of the Tibetan Ordering. If that ordering is as important as they think it is, then we have no choice but to reexamine the original Tibetan list here and clarify matters. The list has already been given in section 1.3 of Chapter 1 above. Let us now look at it again:

res

1.::m

~; 2.

~; 8.

fi=l 15G; 9.

y~; 3. 3]

;g;

20. ~

*';

*;

4.

2

m; 5.

a

~; 6. CEi ]fI; 7. E

EI t}i; 11.:z:: ~; 12. o::J Jj~; 13. 2J !lit; 16. '0.1 17. -\5l t~; 18. ~ 1* (> ~); 19. :5l

~ '['B; 10.

14. El ~; 15. 2J

Pft;

m;

21. ~ ;fi; 22. ::::3 55

iII;

23. r2

ifnJ;

24. W 1$; 25. ;::c;

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

~; 27. 51 ~; 28.

Ill; 26. 1ft; 32.

['2.J

37. ~

1:ft; 38. r:>I ~; 39.

<'I 1Y; 29.

~ ~; 30. lS-1 0.2; 31. ~

'ZOl I~~; 33. ~ !§!; 34. ::?'\: l§; 35.

c:: -tQ; 40.

r:q

~ (~n¥);14 36.


f£:l §;

41. t= Iff) ($~n¥)

In this ordering the vowels are found to be as follows: 31 i, 32 U, 33 e, and 34 o. Numbers 35 through 38 are consonants, two of which (i.e., 35 and 38) are not used in Chinese 'Phags-pa. Numbers 39 through 41 are medials. The internal ordering of these medials requires a digression here. Clauson (1959: 321-322) and Nakano (1971: 39) read the list as it is given above. To wit, 39. c:: -tQ; 40. ?

<:I 1%; -w-

41. t= Iff) -y-

Their reading is in agreement with the canonical Tibetan alphabetic order, where w should precede y and, by association, medial -w- should precede medial -y-. Pulleyblank, on the contrary, reverses this order, as follows: 39. t= -tQ; 40.
1%;

41. c:: Iff) ?

In fact, the actual written forms for t= and c:: in the published facsimiles of the Fashakao and the Shashf huiyilO are aberrant and somewhat difficult to assess. IS We are frankly not entirely certain which reading is correct here. But what is clear is that c:: is definitely classed with the medials in the Tibetan Ordering. It is nowhere near the vowels in that list and is separated from them by four consonants. Shen's table and discussion are clearly wrong here, and his table also errs in placing w at the absolute end of the list rather than between the other two medial letters. In this connection, we should also reexamine the Chinese Ordering of the MGZY: 1. C5l

IE;

J!; 2.

8. o:J

14. El

W; fW:;

[Cj 1~;

1m;

9. E

15. 2J

3.

=m M;

4. 2

~; 5.

~D; 10. C6 1~; 11.

:tIft; 16. 01

a

:z::

ftffij; 6.

~; 12.

rr=!

a

~; 7.

PIt

13. 2J . ;

1Yj; 17. ~ ~~; 18. ~ IQ:; 19. ~

m;

fl2

*;

20. ~ 21. :5] ;m; 22. ~ 23. -\51 {j£; 24. <'I Jl,'; 25. ::3 3f~; 26. E ?~; 27. C6 ~; 28. a J5T(; 29. 51 ~; 30. 51 mI; 31. ~ ~;

56

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

32. ~ [!!; 32a. ~ [I"IlJ:.; 33. r2 ~; 33a. W [I"IlJ:.; 34. W ~J:.; 35. [2J

37. "0:1; 38.

*; 36.

~; 39.~;

~

B

40. 7'\:; 41-42.

~;

43. t=

I§I

!!@I; 34a.

(lIt-t*~w !!@Ie)

In this list the vowels and medials form a separate subset at the end. The vowels (i.e., 37-40) come first, followed by c:::, ~,and t=, with c::: and -<::::J joined together by an apparent scribal infelicity. This ordering is identical to that in Shen's chart, except for the misplacement of -<::::J there. What has apparently happened is that he has mistaken the Chinese Ordering for the Tibetan one in his discussion. What may we conclude from all this? Both Pulleyblank and Shen accord primacy to the Tibetan Ordering in the discussion, and the placement of c::: in that ordering vis-a-vis the vowels and medials is unambiguous. c::: goes with the medials, not the vowels. In the Chinese Ordering, on the other hand, the placement is indeed ambiguous in that c::: falls between the vowels and medials. All else being equal, and if we had only the Chinese Ordering to go on, the formal status of c::: in the alphabet would be moot. But all else is definitely not equal. The Tibetan Ordering confirms beyond doubt that even in the Chinese Ordering c::: should be read with the medials that follow it, not with the vowels that precede it. Pulleyblank is unquestionably right here. In this connection it is interesting to take some note of the Chinese transcriptional characters which have been juxtaposed to initials 39 and 41 of the Tibetan Ordering. As mentioned in section 1.3 of Chapter 1, all of the equivalents in this list are taken from the medieval transcriptional character sets found in Buddhist sutras of earlier times. Nakano (1971: 39-40) believes that the set used here is that of Weijing 'Iiti*, as given in the Jfngyou Tianzhu zlyufm 1~'H;{jx~*1,@(1035). In Weijing's set, Sanskrit y is transcribed by the character ye Jm, a usage which Weijing had carried over from earlier sets. But there were also other characters used for this purpose in various early transcriptional texts. For example, !f~, tj, ili, and ~ are also utilized in one set or another to transcribe Indic y. 16 Now, what is of interest to us is that the compiler of our Tibetan Ordering has selected ye ili , another of these traditional y equivalents, to stand opposite initial 39 c::: . Regardless of how he pronounced this character himself in Chinese, his choice of it here suggests that he viewed number 39 as in some sense belonging with the Indic y class, in the same way that 41 t= Jm did. He has also added here the note qInghii ~O¥ "pronounce lightly" after Jm. This sort of gloss is common in the early Buddhist transcriptional

57

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

lists, and we have no way of knowing for certain whether our compiler framed it himself or took it from elsewhere. In any case, it is clear that he viewed both 39 and 41 as y-like entities. c: was not a vowel from his standpoint. With these points established, we can now transliterate c: . Paleographically it appears to be derived from y by a slight graphic modification, and systematically it is classed with y and w in the traditional alphabetical order as a medial semivowel. Consequently, we shall represent it as y, where the purpose of the umlaut is to suggest a graphic modification of y. Finally, there remains for us the task of determining how y operates in the orthography. We have already seen Pelliot's remarks on the function of this letter in Mongolian 'Phags-pa. The matter has also been discussed by Poppe (1957: 25-26), among others. Briefly, when the letter y is placed before another vowel in Mongolian 'Phags-pa, the result is fronting of the said vowel and concurrent disappearance of y itself. Thus, we have yu > ii, and yo > o. By the same token, ya will yield ii (or e). Thus, in Mongolian 'Phags-pa it is, as Shen (2000) points out, something like an umlaut. Now, since what we transliterate as ya will actually appear in the script as c: followed by nothing at all, there has been a tendency to think of y as if it were in fact simply an ii or e. This fact has led to a convention in Mongolian 'Phags-pa studies whereby the letter y c: itself is simply transliterated as ii or e. But if one chooses to write e for c: , then one must of course pick some other symbol for the 'Phags-pa vowel e ~. Poppe, for example, transliterates c: as e and n as e. Thus, for yu, yo, and ya he writes, eu, eo, and e, respectively. Others reverse this, writing for c:

e

and e for ~,etc., e.g., JUnast and Yfmg (1987). Another group of scholars uses entirely different letters to render the two 'Phags-pa graphemes. For example, some use e for nand e for c: , etc. What is of interest to us here is that the practice of rendering y with a vowel symbol has been transferred from mongolistics into the field of Chinese 'Phags-pa studies and has in fact become quite common there. We have not adopted this convention in the present study, for the reasons outlined above. But one must expect to find e, or e in place of our y when utilizing other sources on 'Phags-pa Chinese. For a useful comparative table of the varying usage, involved here as of ca. 1970, see Nakano (1971: 45-46). Among earlier students of Chinese 'Phags-pa, many of whom were in fact mongolists, it was assumed that the Chinese system should be interpreted in the same way as the Mongol one. An alternative opinion is that the conventions of the two systems were not necessarily the same. This is the view adopted in the present work, as outlined in Chapter 1, section 1.1 above. For a more discursive statement of it, see

e,

58

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

Denlinger (1963: 410-413). An instructive case is the following pair of examples: 43. 92.

~

;

ging [kil)] gying [k?il)]

ping

*

ping

*3£

These cases tell us several things: (1) Since y cannot occur before i in Mongolian 'Phags-pa, we can state categorically that the orthographic conventions of Mongolian 'Phags-pa and Chinese 'Phags-pa regarding y are not the same in all cases. (2) Since i is a front vowel, it cannot be further fronted. Consequently, y cannot be categorically described as having a fronting or "umlauting" effect on vowels in Chinese 'Phags-pa. A better graphological characterization might be that Chinese 'Phags-pa y is the y-type medial which can stand before any vowel, as opposed to y proper, which occurs only or mainly before a. In any case, Y's function here is unquestionably different from anything seen in Mongolian 'Phags-pa. (3) Since y is the distinguishing factor between the two syllable types in the above example, it cannot be viewed as having disappeared from the syllable jlng *3£. Instead it must have been retained there in some way. This too differs from y' s umlaut-like behavior in Mongolian 'Phags-pa. As regards the way in which y is realized phonetically in i-vowel syllables like jlng *3£, there is a fairly broad consensus today that it represented a high front medial semivowel there. For example, Hashimoto (1978: 47), Pulleyblank (1970: 362), Cheng (1985: 169), and Shen (in press) all interpret this gying as [kjiI]]/7 a view with which we concur (Cob lin 1999). Thus, we can interpret the combination yi as phonetic Ui] in 'Phags-pa Chinese. Let us now move to the combination ya. Pulleyblank (1970) and Cheng (1985) both believe that y represented a high front medial element here as well. Hashimoto (1978-79: 102-105), though he transliterates our ya as e, nonetheless interprets it as [Ie], thus agreeing with Pulleyblank and Cheng. I 8 Shen (2000: 110) writes our ya as e but expresses uncertainty about whether or not a medial was present. This is, he says, "still a question to be answered." In fact, the question here is whether or not ya 59

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

should be interpreted as medial [j] plus vowel, or as the vowel alone. The latter is the older interpretation of the mongolist students of Chinese 'Phags-pa. The former is a more recent view espoused mainly by sinologists. Ideally, we should find a way to disprove one view or the other, but the paucity of evidence makes this difficult. As matters stand, we have already seen in the preceding discussion that y can stand for [j] when it occurs in combination with the vowel i. There is then no general principle in Chinese 'Phags-pa for dropping it. As mentioned earlier, the idea that Chinese 'Phagspa must necessarily be read according to the rules of Mongolian 'Phags-pa is patently untenable. In the light of these points, we should require compelling evidence before deciding to drop medial [j] in the present case. Absent such evidence, it is more consistent to interpret ya in parallel with yi and read it as [je]. This is our solution here. The combination ye is a positional variant of ya which occurs exclusively after the letters X, h, and H in entry lines 519, 702, and 703 of the MGZY. It can be interpreted as [je]. Let us now consider the combination yo. This configuration is of very limited occurrence in Chinese 'Phags-pa, appearing exclusively in the final-yon, which is itself quite rare in the system. 1 9 Shen (in press) interprets it as [q'm], which is its Mongolian reading. Hashimoto (1978-79: 104) takes it as [Ion], and Cheng (1985: 175) similarly reads [jon]. Another possibility along these lines would presumably be [jq,n]. Pulleyblank (1970: 365) reads yo as medial [y] followed by an unrounded vowel, i.e., either [e] or [~], but he does not explain how he arrives at this reading. Taking the same line we did earlier, it seems most consistent to assume the presence of an underlying medial here. However, on the basis of the 'Phags-pa data alone it is difficult to decide between unrounded (i.e., [j]) and rounded (i.e., [y]) as the actual realization. Since we have assumed in the two preceding cases that [j] was the sound in question, it would perhaps be more consistent to retain [j] here. But the fact is that in those earlier cases the main vowels of the finals were themselves unrounded, while here the vowel is, as written at least, a rounded one. Thus, though Pulleyblank has not elaborated on his reasons for proposing medial [y] in this case, we cannot simply discard this interpretation without further ado. It remains a possibility. The matter being moot, it seems worth noting that in the Guanhua koine varieties of the Ming and QIng periods syllables of the sort written with 'Phags-pa -yon are usually found to have final [yen] or [yen]. Compare, for example, the following cases, where standard Guanhua forms are cited from Sin Sukchu and the Spanish missionary, Francisco Varo (1627-1687): 60

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

Sin Sukchu

516.

517.

~ ~

gyon shang ffl khyon qu

IJJ

Varo

kyen (j::)

kiuen [kyen]

k'yen (::Ji;)

k'iuen [k'yen]

However, in another type of "missionary Guarrhua," recorded in the Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary attributed to Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) and/or Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607),20 these syllables are represented as follows:

ffl chiuon [ky:)n] In these cases, we have a final which has medial [y] followed by [:)n]. This does not prove that the 'Phags-pa final-yon had this same shape, but it does give us as a possible model an alphabetically attested parallel from a pre-modem variety of standard Chinese pronunciation. Faute de mieux, it can serve us as a working possibility for further study; and it is in this spirit that we adopt it here. Perhaps we should assume that the actual form was [y¢m], but for the nonce we shall eschew this nicety and retain [y:)n] as our interpretation. The element yu is the last y combination with which we must deal. The Mongolian reading of it would be [y]. A reading which retained the medial semivowel would be Uy]. As Pulleyblank remarks (1970: 365), either interpretation would be theoretically possible. Hashimoto (1978-79: 103) and Pulleyblank (loc. cit.) write [til, and Shen (in press) joins them with [y]. Cheng (1985: 174) has Uu]. Early Guarrhua alphabetic sources, together with the pronunciation of the corresponding final in modem Mandarin dialects, all point to [y]. We consequently join Hashimoto, Pulleyblank, and Shen in choosing this value here. A special case is the final -yung. The Mongolian reading of this would be [yI)]. An alternative which included the medial would be UyI)]. Hashimoto (1978-79: 102) writes [ti~I)]. Cheng (1985: 173) has UUI)]. Pulleyblank gives the final in transliteration only, without a phonetic interpretation. It is in fact rather difficult to determine the exact phonetic nature of the underlying form here. By way of comparison, the corresponding final in modem standard Chinese, spelled -iong in pInyIn, is interpreted in a number of different ways by modem observers. For example, in a reading which is strikingly reminiscent of the Mongolian 'Phags-pa one mentioned above, Jiangsu sheng he Shanghai shi (1960: 61

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

573-575) writes the modem final as [yI]]. The common or "traditional" rendering of it is [jUI]]. Chao (1968: 24) writes it as [icuI]]. Norman (1988: 141, 143) transcribes it as [yCUN] and remarks that the medial element is actually rounded. Li (1999: 44) has the same view and writes [YuI]], etc. In fact, there is considerable variation in the pronunciation of this final among speakers of modem standard Chinese. For example, while rounded medial readings such as those mentioned by Norman and Li are indeed heard among Pekingese and other northern speakers, in Taiwan Mandarin today one definitely hears [jUI]] and [jOI]] as well. In a broader range of Mandarin dialects [jUI]], [yUI]], [yOI]], etc., all OCCUr. 21 All else being equal, an argument in favor of selecting a high rounded onset is the fact that this final takes the initial letter x, which, as we have seen in section 3.3.7, occurs almost exclusively before phonetic [u], [y], and [w]. For this reason, our solution here is to interpret -yung as [yUI]].

3.4 Some Residual Orthographic Issues 3.4.1 Matters involving y, etc. Where initial y- and medial-y- co-occur, it is assumed that they correspond to a single glide [j] in the underlying syllable. For example,

782.

~ yya [je]

riI

m

Likewise, where Y [?j] is followed by y, a single high front medial after [?] is assumed:

578.

~

Yyaw [?jew]

ping

!.lI

When Y is not followed by y, it nonetheless implies the existence of [j] in the syllable, and this must be indicated in the phonetic transcription. Compare the following pairs of examples:

306.

~

fay [raj] ping

307.

~

Yay [?jaj] ping

::a 11

62

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

355. 356.

~

lin [tin]

~

Yin [?jin]

ping ~)t: ping IZ§

The presence of y will of course often affect the reading of the main vowel of the syllable, as illustrated in the following pairs:

781.

~

670.

~

Yam [?jam]

697.

~

Yyam [?jem]

Yya [?je] rU~ S21. LN Ya [?ja] ru j:flJ Sh ang JIz: ",,8 V

shang

11

The medial combination ·wy· is now widely thought to represent an underlying medial semivocalic [y] (Hashimoto 1978-79, Cheng 1985, Shen in press). We concur with this view (Coblin 1999). Examples are:

499. 804.

~ ~

kwyan [gyen] swya [sye]

ping

fi

rU~

3.4.2 Functional Overlap of I. and Y. As we have seen in section 3.3.7 above, Y [?j] was a palatal allograph in the 'Phags-pa script whose purpose was to stand for the glottal stop before high front medials (i.e., UJ and [y] in medial position) or, in some instances, to specifically stand for the glottal stop plus UJ. The non-palatal counterpart whose function was to represent the glottal stop in other environments was I . [?]. The normal distribution of these two graphs in the orthography is therefore complementary. However, there are several exceptions to this. Four are the first members of the following pairs:22

63

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

37.

39.

495.

496.

511.

513.

! ~

'yung [?yu1]] ping ~ , ~ 'm''''jJ: +~ ~ , qu '5'1E ' {Bit' r7'fE

'yan [?jen]

~

Yyan [?jen]

ii ~

§ , O~ , ~fE

' jf ,

1~!

'

shang

30/1£ '

ping ~

Yyung [?YU1]]

~

fi ' II '

p ing ~ ,

qu ±II

1! '

f$.f; , ~~ , shang

ping ~ , ~ , O~ , ~1El '

qu

O~

'wYan [?yen1 ping.\i;· ~ , IHJg , 31t! ' qu ?~

n'

Y wyan [?yen]

ping

'm

780.

~

'ya [?je]

ru ""

781.

~

Yya [?je]

rU

1m '

e ' ~~ , ~ , ~i '

*' , ~

liI: • !if: • liIIi • 'ffi • ;W • shllng liIIi • !iIii • Jlj

rJ#! ' 1m '

iji\ , JJt[ ,

~I§ ,

tll§ ,

'I'~

'<=I {EI

Of,o~,~

In each pair, the 'Phags-pa heading of the second entry line (i.e., lines 39, 496, 513, and 781) is canonically spelled, while the fonn in the first entry line (i.e., 37, 495, 511, and 780) violates the orthographic canon by placing '. before y or wy. The pronunciations of the syllables in each pair were, so far as we can determine, homophonous,z3 Why, then, has the compiler of the text gone out of his way to separate the paired lines in these sets? The answer to this is that the separate lines belong to different homophone groups in the traditional rime books of the Song period. For example, in the Xfnkan yunliie, the character sets found in pairs 495/496 and 511/513 are quite far apart from each other,24 while those in pairs 37/39 and

64

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

7801781 occur under entirely different rimes. 25 Readers of the MGZY would have expected to find them separated, and the compilers took this into account. However, it is an implicit principle in the text that the 'Phags-pa headings of different lines in the same rime cannot be spelled the same way. In order to maintain that pattern here, it was apparently necessary to depart slightly from the spelling canons of the script and place '- before y or wy in lines 37, 495,511, and 780.

3.4.3 The Role of Final -e as Semivowel. The vowel e occurs as the second member of two graphically diphthongal finals, -ue [ue] and -yue [ye]. In diphthongal sequences of this type, we are of course curious about which vowel is the main one. This can be established by comparisons such as the following:

203.

~

gue [kue]

rU [@

815.

~

gwe [kwe]

rU Ji

205.

~

kue [gue]

ping ~

817.

~

kwe [gwe]

ping ~

These two syllable sets constitute minimal pairs, and in the second member of each pair the rounded segment of the final is unquestionably a glide. From this we can conclude, that in the first members, the segment u must represent a full vowel [u] in the final -ue. The situation is analogous in the following pair:

231. ;

798.

~

gyue [kye]

gwya [kye]

,

.:'t+r.

fUO;;::

We have noted in section 3.4.1 that the combination -wy- is to be read as medial or semivocalic [y]. This leads us to conclude that the element [y] in the syllable ju ~ 65

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

here is a full vowel. What all this suggests is that in the finals -ue [ue] and -yue [ye] the element e [e] is to be understood as a glide. Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996: 323) discuss a number of cases in languages of the world which have semi vowels that correspond to mid-vowels. There are also such cases in current forms of Chinese. For example, the city dialect of Nanking is said to have the diphthongs [ae] and [oJ] (corresponding to modem standard Chinese -ai and -ao), where the elements [e] and [J] appear to function as glides following the full vowels [a] and [0] (Liu 1995: 25). Similar cases are reported in other Yangtze watershed dialects. Ladefoged and Maddieson mark such glides by placing a breve over the vowel letter in question, and this convention can serve us here as well. Thus, we can transcribe our two finals as [ue] and [ye]. The finals -ue and -yue have been interpreted differently by different authorities. For example, Hashimoto (1978-79: 103) takes them as [ii~l] and [ibn Cheng (1985: 168) has [wej] and [yej], respectively. Similarly, Pulleyblank (1970: 365) writes [u~j] for -ue. Shen (2000: 99-101) takes a different tack, interpreting the sound we now transcribe with e as an allophone of the final semivowel [j] in finals such as -ay [aj] and -hiy [~j]. This is quite reasonable as a phonemic refinement of the phonetic data. However, in a phonetic interpretation of the script, such as we have attempted here, it seems advisable to retain our e as is. Just as field dialectologists have given us interesting phonetic information about Yangtze watershed dialects by reporting finals such as [ae], [are], etc., rather than normalizing them as lajl, at the present stage in our study of 'Phags-pa Chinese there are advantages to recovering as much phonetic detail as possible from the alphabetic record before proceeding to higher levels of analysis. Notes lFor a useful table comparing all interpretations current as of ca. 1970, see Nakano (1971: 43-46).

2The head numbers in the examples are those of the appropriate entry lines in the Glossary. Bold text transliterations of the 'Phags-pa letters will be discussed in section 3.3. 3As

indicated in Chapter 1, views on the linguistic basis of this text are far from

unanimous. 4Sin's forms are cited from Kim (1991). 5For

a summary of earlier discussions of this question, see Hashimoto (1967).

66

The 'Phags-pa Alphabet

6The

misspellings collected by Cheng (and also tabulated by Hashimoto 1978) also

occasion another observation. It is sometimes asserted, for example by Pulleyblank (1970: 369), that the writing of 'Phags-pa Chinese was a purely mechanical process in which forms were copied down from normative glossaries like the MGZY. However, irregular forms such as those under consideration here show that this was by no means always the case. Clearly, some writers were doing the job by ear, resulting in spelling errors that reflected features of their own pronunciation of Yuan period standard Chinese. 7Poppe (loc. cit.) describes this Mongolian sound as an "unvoiced deep velar stop." In modem handbooks it is characterized as a voiceless uvular plosive. 8The sound represented by this letter in north Indian languages today is characterized by Ladefoged and Maddieson (1996) as velar voiced aspirated (58) or velar breathy voiced aspirated (70). 9"Muddy" renders the traditional philological term zhuo. lOpor a full exposition of the formulas used in the Gujfn yunhu 1juyiw, see Cheng (1965: 35). Compare also Nakano (1971: 78) and Wang Shuoquan (2002: 111). IlPor a summary of earlier interpretations of hi, see Shen (2001: 462). 12Por an example of this, see the sample passage from a Sanskrit 'Phags-pa inscription reproduced in Hope (1953, insertion between 52 and 53), together with Hope's comments. 13[This is apparently an error for ShUshf hUlyiw if 5I::ir~.]

lSTwo of these facsimiles are found in Poppe (1957: 10-13). The third appears in Clauson (1959: 321). 16por a comparative list of these, see Luo (1963: tables between 64 and 65). 17Hashimoto actually writes not [kjil)] but [kjing] in such instances. 18Note that Hashimoto adopts slightly different transcriptional conventions for his phonetic interpretations in (1978) and (1978-79), but his basic view is the same in these two works. 19Por a discussion of this final in the context of the 'Phags-pa Chinese system as a whole, see Chapter 4, section 4.2.2.3 below.

67

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

200n the background and interpretation of this work, see P. Yang (1989) and Coblin (1997). 21Himyu fangyfn zihui (1989: 369).

22The other exceptions occur in lines 279, 596, and 810, the latter two involving rare graphs. 23It is interesting in this connection that the framers of the 'Phags-pa inscriptions did not adopt the non-canonical spelling 'yan for

~.

Instead, they wrote Yyan for this syllable. See

Hashimoto (1978: 141-142). For the other pairs, i.e., lines 37/39, 511/513, and 780-781 of the example, no data are available in the inscriptions or other epigraphical sources. 24In the Xuxia Siku qufmsha edition they occur on pages 263/260 and 261/262, respectively. 25Pages 9/24 and 368/372, respectively.

68

IV A Structural and Historical Consideration of the 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

4.1 Preliminary Matters 4.1.1 The Comparative and Historical Study of Standard Forms of Pronunciation. The types of language which serve as koines are invariably those which have some sort of wider application in an extended speech community. And of these, the ones which are reduced to writing and come to serve as standard written languages usually have not only broad currency but also social and/or political prestige of some sort. It is these traits of particular languages which have given rise to the majority of written records with which historical linguists deal. The extensive recording of specifically non-standard or regional vernaculars (i.e., "dialects") is a phenomenon of recent times. It was little known in the past. Furthermore, so far as we know, incontestably direct descent from some earlier standard form of language has not been a criterion for selecting and recording a current language as standard. Whether such direct descent has been present or not seems to have been a matter of happenstance rather than design. In this connection, it is interesting to consider briefly two sample cases from the histories of languages other than Chinese. 4.1.1.1 Old English and Middle English.l In the Old English period (mid-fifth century to mid-eleventh century) there were four major dialect types: Kentish, West Saxon, Mercian, and Northumbrian. In the ninth century, cultural ascendancy devolved upon the kingdom of Wessex; and during the time of King Alfred (849899) his capital, Winchester, became the chief center of learning in England. As a result, West Saxon was the language in which important texts of this period were written. In fact, it is the texts in this language, together with those transcribed into it from other dialects, which form the literary corpus of what is normally spoken of as "Old English." "Standard Old English" was, in other words, a West Saxon-based language. 69

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

Middle English (mid-eleventh century to ca. 1500) can actually be divided into two sub-periods, i.e., Early Middle English (mid-eleventh century to mid-fourteenth century) and Late Middle English (mid-fourteenth century to 1500). It is in fact to the latter period that the term Middle English is commonly applied. Late Middle English was rooted in the language of London. For example, Geoffrey Chaucer (1342/43-1400), author of The Canterbury Tales, Troilus and Criseyde, etc., which are often thought of as prototypical Middle English texts, was born and died in London. In the second half of the fourteenth century, London saw a massive immigration from the Midlands area, and as a result its speech contained numerous Midlands features. This language was not a "Midlands dialect" as such. It was instead a composite koine in which Midlands features were preponderant. Now, looking backward to the Old English period, we see that the Midlands dialects were derived not from West Saxon dialects but rather from Mercian ones. Thus, Middle English and its more or less direct descendant, Modem Standard English, are not the direct phonological descendants of Old English. As a convenient fiction they are sometimes spoken of as if they were, but this usage is imprecise and is not found in technical works on the history of English. 4.1.1.2 Middle High German and Modem Standard German. 2 The medieval period of German language history is usually said to date from 1050 to 1500. The term Middle High German conventionally refers to a written or literary language dating primarily from ca. 1170 to 1230 and called mittelhochdeutsche Dichtersprache ("Middle High German poetic language") by specialists. Textual evidence attests to a number of spoken dialect groups or types for the German Middle Ages. Three of these are of interest to us here. In a broad swath of the central part of Germanspeaking Europe was found Middle German. In the south was Upper German ("upper" referring to topographical altitude), of which there were two sub-types, a western one called Alemannic and an eastern one called Bavarian. In addition to the ordinary dialects as such, in the High Medieval period there began to form in the princely courts a polite, socially elevated chivalric language, sometimes referred to as the Rittersprache ("language of the knights"). Since many of the ancestral estates of the landed nobility were in Franconia and Swabia (the latter in the Alemannicspeaking area), the speech patterns of these regions played prominent roles in the formation of the courtly koine. A particularly elevated and refined literary adaptation of this koine was the language used in the writings of the great Middle High German poets. The works of these individuals were preserved in manuscripts, and 70

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

these were later collected, compared, and orthographically regularized or normalized in various ways by editors, among whom the legendary Karl K. F. W. Lachmann (1793-1851) is the most notable. The corpus of Middle High German literary texts we see today is the result of such text critical and normalizing efforts. Regarding the dialectal complexion of these texts, Wells (1985: 116) remarks, "The language of medieval German chivalric literature around 1200 was supra-regional in style, vocabulary, and ethos ... but it was regional in spelling, sounds, and form. The editors' texts and the grammars based upon them usually orientate themselves according to one regional type, namely U[pper] G[erman] of an essentially Alem[annic] bias, following the practice of Karl Lachmann, who had taken as exemplary a limited number of literary texts." From this we see that, phonetically speaking, Middle High German in its received and edited textual form is dialectally an Alemannic-based language. By the end of the medieval period, there had arisen in the recently settled East Middle German area a set of relatively uniform dialects which, due to the migration patterns of the settlers who spoke them, comprised elements from both West Middle German and Upper German. As time passed, certain of these dialects became the basis for chancellery languages (Kanzleisprachen) in the states of that area. The language of one of these, Saxony, became the basis for the Bible translation of Martin Luther (1483-1546). This translation was widely read in Protestant areas, its cadences were replicated in sermons and church services, and its grammar and orthography began to be recognized as authoritative by schoolmasters. This process was accentuated by the newly introduced technology of printing, for publishers felt that Luther's language would give their books the widest possible currency. In the end, this language became the springboard from which modem standard German evolved. What is of interest to us is that the sound system of modem standard German cannot be viewed as directly descended from that of Middle High German. It is not an Alemannic dialect or an Alemannic-based language. On the contrary, its direct ancestor was the chancellery language of Saxony, an East Middle Germanbased regional standard language. Although Middle High German and Modem High German are sometimes spoken of in common parlance as if they had a direct filiation, this characterization of their relationship is inaccurate and is not found in formal linguistic treatments of German language history. 4.1.1.3 Chinese Parallels. Let us now ask, what if we were to claim that the Old English of ca. 900 was the direct ancestor not only of the standard Middle English 71

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

of Chaucer's London but also of all the various fonns of English used elsewhere in England at that time and preserved in written sources?3 And what if we were then to go a step further and assert that all these different materials of Chaucer's time really represent not different fourteenth-century English language types but rather one unitary standard fonn of "Middle English," with all observable orthographic divergences to be explained as textual archaisms, blind reliance on old dictionaries, and scribal malfeasance of various types? We would of course be laughed out of the Anglicists' hall. But all of this is in fact reminiscent of the sorts of claims regularly made by those who have conflated the 'Phags-pa Chinese and the Zhongyu{m yfnyun systems and then proceeded to derive them directly from the QYS. What we as sinologists learn by examining the histories of other languages is that koines of successive eras are not necessarily related by linear filiation, and that it is fallacious to assume such a relationship as a given when we begin our work. Only when historical, demographic, and linguistic facts have been adduced to prove it can such an affiliation be considered established. We must remain mindful of this as we proceed to the next section. 4.1.2 The Study of 'Phags-pa Chinese Phonology. The comparative and historical study of 'Phags-pa Chinese phonology has been approached from a number of different angles. For example, the detailed treatment of Nakano (1971) brought the general structure of the QYS, the sound categories of the Zhongyuan yfnyun, alphabetic fonns from the Xfru ermuzf of Trigault, and data from the modem dialects to bear on the problem. Cheng (1985) used primarily the QYS and Zhongyuan yfnyun frameworks in his analysis. Hashimoto worked mainly from the perspective of the QYS but also considered the Xfr6 ermuzf. The recent articles of the present writer have involved comparison with the Zhongyuan yfnyun system and the later Guanhua alphabetic sources (1999; 2001). It is probably fair to say that comparison of the 'Phags-pa system with the QYS reached its apogee in the work of Hashimoto. His very detailed comparative study (1978-79), together with his indexes, reverse indexes, and tables (1978) now make it possible see at a glance how 'Phags-pa Chinese pronunciation relates to the sound classes of the QYS. In its presentational fonnat, this type of comparative work has taken the particular path found generally in Chinese historical linguistics. That is, the QYS has been assumed to represent the actual pronunciation of some standard fonn of Chinese, and the 'Phags-pa system has then been assumed to be directly derived from that earlier standard fonn. Depending on how the individual 72

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

investigator conceives of or "reconstructs" the pronunciation of the QYS, the 'Phags-pa sounds are then viewed as direct reflexes of the QYS sounds. The matter of the Zhongyu{m ylnyun comparisons is different. To be sure, the system found in the Zhongyufm ylnyun tends to be treated as directly descended from the QYS. But the relationship of the 'Phags-pa system to that of the Zhongyuan ylnyun is, as mentioned in Chapters 1 and 2 above, not a matter of consensus. One school holds that the Zhongyufm ylnyun and 'Phags-pa systems represent the pronunciation of the same underlying language. Where the 'Phags-pa system does not accord with that of the Zhongyuan ylnyun, incongruences are viewed as archaisms, artificialities, or other such anomalies. Once these embarrassments are removed, the remaining 'Phags-pa orthographic elements are freely drawn upon to aid in "reconstructing" the Zhongyuan ylnyun system. A hallmark of such reconstructions is that, not surprisingly, they have a strongly '''Phags-pa-like'' appearance wherever the categories of the two systems agree. On the other hand, investigators of the Zhongyuan ylnyun who do not accept the 'Phags-pa link, and pursue their work without considering the 'Phags-pa material, tend to produce Zhongyufm ylnyun reconstructions which might be characterized as "Karlgrenian" rather than 'Phags-pa-like, in that they resemble the reconstructive work of Karlgren and those who have adopted his ideas about the shape of early Chinese syllables. There are various gradations and hybridizations of these two prototypes. Our own earlier comparison of the Zhongyuan ylnyun and 'Phags-pa systems differed from other studies in that our primary purpose was to highlight the differences between the two systems and to demonstrate that they could not have been based on the same underlying language (1999). Older comparisons with Guanhua, as embodied in the Xlru ermuzI (Nakano 1971; Hashimoto 1978-79), assumed that the 'Phags-pa system should be treated as ancestral to Guanhua pronunciation. In our 1999 study, we pointed out similarities between the 'Phags-pa system and those of several later Guanhua varieties. And in a later paper (2001) we tested the hypothesis that the 'Phags-pa system might be ancestral to the Standard Reading system of Sin Sukchu, with which it clearly shares many common features. Our conclusion there was that there could be no direct filiation between the two, their similarities notwithstanding. In the present work, we shall draw on the QYS whenever its categories and attendant terminology aid in reference and presentation. Those who desire a full comparison of the QYS with 'Phags-pa Chinese should refer to Hashimoto's tables, as mentioned above. We shall not concern ourselves with the Zhongyuan ylnyun 73

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

here. For comparisons with that system, one can consult Cheng (1985: 159-176), Yfmg (1981), and our 1999 study. Our concern here will be comparison of the 'Phags-pa system with later systems preserved in alphabetic form. The comparisons are intended to be typological rather than historical, in that we make no claims about direct historical filiation. In fact, we doubt that such filiation exists, for, on the one hand, the alphabetic data themselves do not support a direct connection and, on the other, we know of no historical or demographic reasons for assuming one. The situation is in fact similar to those described for English and German in sections 4.1.1.1 and 4.1.1.2 above. Our hope is nonetheless that this sort of typological comparison can throw light on the nature and origins of the 'Phags-pa system. 4.1.3 Source Materials for Guanhua. As mentioned in Chapter 3, the pronunciation of Ming/Qlng Guanhua (hereafter GR) can be divided into two types, i.e., a southern one, traditionally called Nfmyln, and a northern one called Beiyln. Alphabetic records are available for both types. Those to be used in this chapter are described below. 4.1.3.1 Nfmyln Materials. The earliest Nfmyln sources date from the fifteenth century. They are in Ran'gUl transcription and are attributed to the Korean linguist and sinologist Sin Sukchu $,}0ZFr(1417-1475): (1) Standard Readings (zhengyln .IE-tr, abbreviated here as SR), as preserved in the Hongmu chong'un yokhun #tj\.IEM~wl[, completed in 1455, and the Sasong t'onggo [g~~~ (completed ca. 1450), a lost work whose spellings are preserved in the Sasong t'onghae [g~~~~ (completed 1517) of Ch'we Sejin ~ (1467-1542).

*m

(2) Popular Readings (suyln Yokhun and the T'onghae.

{.fr-tr, abbreviated as PR), as preserved in the

(3) The so-called Left Readings (zu5yln lr:-tr, abbreviated as LR) in the Ponyok No Go[tae jffl~~z.:* and the Ponyok Pak Tongsa jffl~if~~$ of Ch'we Sejin. The LR in these works are believed to derive from Sin Sukchu and, like the PR, to reflect spoken GR pronunciation (Kim 1991). They can be taken together with the PR as representing a common system.

74

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Sin's orthographic forms will be cited from Kim (1991) and will be supplemented with materials from Endo (1990). The transcription of the Korean spellings follows Kim, except that his phonemicized IjuJ is here interpreted as [y] in most environments and his Iii is read as [~]. Tonal side-dot designations for the LR are: no dot =pingsheng .:lfZV, one dot =qusheng $:V and rusheng AV, two dots = shangsheng J:V. For later Ming and Qlng Nfmyln pronunciation we must tum to Western alphabetic sources. The materials cited here are as follows: A. Late Ming Period (1) Romanized Chinese essays of Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), written during the decade before his death. The material survives today in a collection known as the Xfzi qijf@*~jij{ (see WenZl gaige chl1banshe [1957]). (2) The Xfru ermuzf@1$1} § ~ , a GR syllabary compiled by Nicolas Trigault (1577-1628) and printed in 1626. B. Early Qlng Period (1) Francisco Varo, Arte de la Lengua Mandarina, Canton 1703; actually completed in Fuzhou in 1684. This text is a grammar of early Qlng GR. It is cited here after Coblin and Levi (2000). The Arte forms are supplemented with material from Varo' s manuscript lexicon of GR, entitled "Vocabulario de la Lengua Mandarina." Versions of this text are held by the German State Library in Berlin and the British Library in London. Items taken from it will be identified with the bracketed insert "Voc." (2) Joseph Premare, Notitia Linguae Sinicae, a grammar of GR completed ca. 1730. Data are derived primarily from a printed version of 1893 and secondarily from an earlier printing of 1831.

75

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

C. Mid-QIng Period

(1) Robert Morrison, Dictionary o/the Chinese Language, in Three Parts (Macao and London, 1815-22), Part II, vol. II, Chinese and English, Arranged Alphabetically (1820). (2) S. Wells Williams, English and Chinese Vocabulary in the Court Dialect (Macao, 1844). 4.1.3.2 Beiyln Materials. The oldest Beiyln forms were recorded by Ch'we Sejin in the early decades of the sixteenth century. Ch'we' s forms are called youyln ti1f ("Right Readings," hereafter: RR). Ch'we gathered material in Peking, and also in Liaodong ~!BR, the part of China which lay closest to Korea and to which Koreans had relatively free access in Ming times. The material he recorded was different from that of Sin's Standard, Popular, and Left Readings, and it is generally believed to be of northern provenance. In our opinion, it represents north Chinese koine pronunciation, i.e., the Beiyln system. Tonal side dot designations for the RR are: no dot shang 1:, one dot = ylnping ~.IjZ or qu -$;, two dots = yangping ~.IjZ. For the later Beiyln of the nineteenth century many alphabetic materials are available. In the following discussion we will cite data from Wade (1867).

=

In the examples given below, QYS forms are added for reference to the traditional phonological inventory. The QYS spellings are those of Bernhard Karlgren, as emended by F. K. Li. Superscript numbers 3 and 4 in these spellings forms. OR orthographic forms are identify Division III and IV ch6ngniu followed, when necessary, by phonetic interpretations in square brackets.

mm

4.2 The Sound System of 'Phags-pa Chinese Among OR pronunciation systems preserved in alphabetic form, it is the southern or Nanyln systems which most resemble that of 'Phags-pa Chinese. The highest degree of similarity is found with Sin Sukchu's SR system. But there are also points of similarity with other systems, both northern and southern. A full, point-by-point comparison of the 'Phags-pa Chinese system with Sin's SR is found in Coblin (2001). Wider comparisons with other types of OR are included in

76

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Coblin (1999). In the following sections, we will focus on some features of the 'Phags-pa system which are of special comparative interest. 4.2.1 Syllable Initials. The 'Phags-pa Chinese sound system, as we have interpreted it in Chapter 3, had the following initial consonants: p

p'

b

m

f

v

t

t'

d

n

1).

1

ts

ts'

dz

s

z

t~

t~'

d~

~

~

r

k

k'

9

x

y

fi

?

1)

u

0 With this inventory we can now compare that of Sin's SR initials, as follows:

p

p'

b

m

f

t

l'

d

n

1

ts

ts'

dz

t~

t~'

d~

k

k'

9

v

u

s

z ~

1)

?

x

r

y

o The two sets are grossly quite similar, the only difference being that 'Phags-pa has two consonants, [1).] and [fi], which are not found in the SR system. However, there are at certain points significant differences in the distribution of the shared elements. Our discussion will focus on the dissimilarities between the two systems.

77

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

4.2.1.1 'Phags-pa w- [v]. This initial generally corresponds well to its OH counterpart. For example: wang 111 QYS mjwang'Phags-pa 149 wang ("*") [val)] Sin Sukchu SR val) ( "*"); PR - ; LR .val) However, there is a significant set of cases where this is not so, as the following examples illustrate: meng ~ QYS mjung'Phags-pa 16 wung ("*") [vul)] Sin Sukchu SR mUl) ("*"); PR - ; LR mou ~ QYS mj;;)u 'Phags-pa 628 wuw (-¥) [vuw] Sin Sukchu SR m;;)w (-¥); PR - ; LR mti § QYS mjuk 'Phags-pa 254 wu C\) [vu] Sin Sukchu SR mu (A); PR - ; LR .mu? mti tJ( QYS mjuk 'Phags-pa 254 wu (A) [vu] Sin Sukchu SR mu (A); PR - ; LR In these cases, 'Phags-pa has initial w [v] where all later OR materials show initial m. The QYS finals -j;;)U, -juk, and -jung in these forms normally gave rise to dentilabialization of labial initials in north Chinese dialects, but this process failed to occur where these particular finals followed QYS m-. Now it would seem that in 'Phags-pa Chinese the expected dentilabiaIization did indeed take place, yielding labiodental v- where the OR varieties have m-. Other examples of this phenomenon are unknown in modem north Chinese dialects. A striking parallel, however, occurs in at least one ancient form of Chinese, which is attested on the verso side of the London Long Scroll (Takata 1993). The Long Scroll is a large Tibeto-Chinese transcriptional document from Dunhuang, and it comprises a number of separate 78

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

texts. On the recto of the scroll, the word mu EI (QYS mjuk) is found in the expected Tibetan transcriptional form 'bug, probably representing a well-attested medieval northwest Chinese [mbuk]. But on the verso side, line 156, it is transcribed as 'wug, which may reflect something like [mvuk] or [vuk]. (It should be noted that EI is also spelled once as 'bug in verso line 122.) A similar case in the Long Scroll corpus is the word mou.$ (QYS mj~u). This syllable occurs many times in the Scroll texts. On the recto it is always spelled as Tibetan 'bu [mbu], while the verso equally consistently renders it as 'wu [mvu] or [vu]. The corresponding 'Phags-pa form is 628 wuw (3f) [uuw]. It would therefore seem that certain materials on the verso side of the Long Scroll reflect a language sub-type which, like the 'Phags-pa system, underwent dentilabialization in syllables of the type in question here. On the other hand, the historical GH varieties followed the path taken by all known modem northern dialects, where dentilabialization was blocked. 4.2.1.2 'Phags-pa n- [1).]. The 'Phags-pa system has two nasals at the coronal position, a dental n- [n] and a palatal n- [1).]. These are in full phonemic contrast, as the following examples illustrate: •

6 nung (.:5:fL) [nu1]]

II 10 nung (.:5:fL) [1).u1]]

If 104 nang (.:5:fL) [na1]]

~~

1m 164 ni (.:5:fL) [nil

Ft:. 168 ni (.:5:fL) [1).i]

108 nang (.:5:fL) [1).a1)]

In the earlier GH varieties, pairs of this sort always have n- in both members. However, in the later GH period, the Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary (Port-Chin Dict in examples) sometimes has either a palatal nasal or palatal and dental nasal variant readings in competition in such cases. Compare the following examples: niang ~N QYS l).jang 'Phags-pa 109 nang (.:5:fL) [1).a1]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR nja1] (.:5:fL); PR - ; LR nja1] Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault nifun [nia1]] Port-Chin Diet nia' [nia1]]; Dialogues-

79

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

nang ~. QYS I)jwong, (nung) 'Phags-pa 10 fiung (~) [1).UI]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR nUI] (~); PR - ; LR Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault num [nuI]] Port-Chin Diet gnium, gniu [l).iUI]]; Dialoguesnu 1x QYS I)jwo: 'Phags-pa 270 fiyu (1:.) [1).y] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ny ( 1:.); PR - ; LR :ny Late Ming: Ricci niu [ny]; Trigault niV [ny] Port-Chin Diet nu, gnu [ny -1).Y]; DialoguesIn general, 'Phags-pa fi- [1).] corresponds to the QYS niang ft~ initial, 1)-, as can be seen in the cases above. This might lead to the suspicion that fi is an artificial entity based solely on the traditional rime books. However, the following example, where fi does not correspond to the traditional niang initial, would seem to rule against this possibility: nl 1fJ\ QYS nY: 'Phags-pa MGZY iii (1:.) [1).i] Sin Sukchu: SR njej ( 1:.); PR ni; LR :ni In closing this section we may note that in traditional Division II-type syllables the niang initial is consistently realized as n- rather than fi- in 'Phags-pa Chinese, e.g., ~ (QYS I)an:) 414 nan ct) [nan], rrm (QYS I)am) 655 nam (~) [nam]. 4.2.1.3 'Phags-paj [d~. In most cases, this initial corresponds directly to Sin Sukchu's SR d~-, e.g., cheng fj QYS <;ljang 'Phags-pa MGZY cing (~) [d~iI]] Sin Sukchu: SR d~iI] (~); PR -; LR d~iI]

80

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

However, there is a significant set of exceptions to this, where the correspondence is with SR ~-, as illustrated in the following: shen :t$ QYS dijen 'Phags-pa 342 cio (.lfL) [d~in] Sin Sukchu: SR ~in (.lfL); PR -; LR shi it QYS dijdk 'Phags-pa 167 ci (A) [d~i] Sin Sukchu: SR ~i (A); PR -; LR

~in

.~i?

sheng #.1111 QYS dijdng 'Phags-pa 53 ciog (.lfL) [d~iI]] Sin Sukchu: SR ~iI] (.lfL); PR -; LR

~iI]

shi 7J\ QYS dii'Phags-pa 167 ci (*) [d~i] Sin Sukchu: SR ~i ( *); PR ~l; LR shu ~ QYS dijuet 'Phags-pa 269 cyu (A) [d~] Sin Sukchu: SR ~ (A); PR -; LR shun JII& QYS dijuen'Phags-pa 386 cyuo (*) [d~n] Sin Sukchu: SR ~n ( *); PR -; LR

.~n

sh i ~ QYS d~'i'Phags-pa 191 chi (*) [d~l] Sin Sukchu: SR ~i ( *); PR ~l; LR .~l sh i ± QYS d~'i: 'Phags-pa 191 chi (1:) [d~l] Sin Sukchu: SR ~i ( 1: *); PR ~l; LR -

81

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

Many of these cases involve the QYS initial dz- (chuangsanmu W--=:. fE: ). Several others have QYS d~- (chuangermu W fE:). In the 'Phags-pa orthography these are combined with QYS z- (shanmu :t¥fE:) to form a common 'Phags-pa initial, [d~J. In the SR system they are not so combined and have instead become part of SR '4-. Later forms of GH resemble the SR system in that they all have fricative initials here. An early medieval language which resembled 'Phags-pa Chinese in this regard is the late sixth-century language of the Nanking area as reflected in the MahamayilrI transcriptions of Sanghabhara. In this form of Chinese, QYS dz- and z- had merged into a common voiced affricate initial which was used to transcribe Sanskritj (Coblin 1990: 206-207). QYS d~- does not occur in the Mahamayilrlmaterial at all, so we cannot be certain if the parallel is perfect. But it seems clear that on this point the 'Phags-pa configuration reflects some ancient sound system similar to that manifested in the Sanghabhara transcriptions. The SR system and the later GH forms were on the contrary quite different here.

=

4.2.1.4 'Phags-pa zh [z..]. This 'Phags-pa initial for the most part corresponds to Sin's SR '4-, e.g., shan ~ QYS zjan:, zjan'Phags-pa 480 zhen C1:.) ['4en] Sin Sukchu: SR ~en ( .1: -$:); PR ~en ( -$:); LR :~en (.1:) However, there are exceptions: chang 1%' QYS zjang 'Phags-pa 121 zhang (1jZ) ['4al)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR d~al) (1jZ); PR - ; LR d~al) Late Ming: Ricci ch'am [t§'al)]; Trigault c'ham, xam [t§'al) - ~al)] Port-Chin Diet ciam, cHi [t§' al)]; Dialogues cia' [t§' al)] Early Qlng: Varo ch'ang [t§'al)]; Premare t'chang, tch'ang [t~'al)] chang 1r QYS Zjang 'Phags-pa 121 zhang (1jZ) ['4al)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR d~al) (1jZ); PR - ; LR d~al) Late Ming: 82

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Ricci xarn [~al)]; Trigault c 'harn, xarn [~' al) ~ ~al)] Port-Chin Diet sciarn [~al)]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo ch'ang (Voc.) [t~'al)]; Prernarechang, shang ~ QYS zjang 'Phags-pa 121 zhang (3fL) [z.al)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR dzjal) (3fL); PR zjal); LR zjal) Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault xfun, c'hfun [~al) ~ t~'al)] Port-Chin Dict -; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo ch'ang (Voc.) [t~'al)]; Prernarecheng PX QYS zjang 'Phags-pa 64 zhing (3fL) [z.il)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR dz.il) (3fL); PR -; LR dz.il) Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault c'hIrn, xirn [~'i1) ~ ~i1)] Port-Chin Dict -; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo ch'lng [~'i1)]; Prernare t'chIng, tch'lng [~'i1)] cheng :fJ£ QYS zjang 'Phags-pa 64 zhing (3fL) [z.il)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR dz.il) (3fL); PR -; LR dz.il) Late Ming: Ricci c'hirn [~'i1)]; Trigault c'hIrn, Xlrn [~'i1) ~ ~i1)] Port-Chin Dict cin [~'in]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo ch'lng, Fr. tch'fne [~'i1)]; Prernarecheng ~ QYS zjang 'Phags-pa 64 zhing (3fL) [z.il)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR dz.il) (3fL); PR -; LR dz.il) Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault c'hfrn, xfrn [~'i1) ~ ~i1)] Port-Chin Dict - ; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo -; Prernare-

83

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

cheng ~ QYS zjgng 'Phags-pa 64 zhing (~) [~iI)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR d~iI) (~); PR - ; LR Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault c'him, xim [~'iI] - ~iI]] Port-Chin Dict sin [sin]; Dialogues cin [~'in] Early Qlng: Varo ching' (Voc.) [~'iI]]; Premare tch'ing [~'ing] These examples all involve ping tone syllables with the 'Phags-pa main vowels a [a] and i [i]. The Sin forms have initial d~- rather than ~-, and most of the GH forms have initial ~' -. However, it is significant that in these cases Trigault' s forms always show variant readings in ~-, which corresponds well to the 'Phags-pa fricative initial forms here. It would seem that later Nfmyln GH pronunciation represents several different strains, and 'Phags-pa Chinese is in agreement with the "~- strain" here. 4.2.1.5 'Phags-pa ng [I)]. When this initial occurs before the 'Phags-pa vowels a [a] and 0 [::>], the corresponding forms in the SR system and the later GH varieties usually also have I)-: ai ~i QYS ng~i'Phags-pa 287 ngay (-$:) [I)aj] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR I)aj ( -$:); PR - ; LR .I)aj Late Ming: Ricci ngai [I)ai]; Trigault gai [I)ai] Port-Chin Dict - ; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo gay (Voc.) [I)ai]; Premare ngai [I)ai] WQ

flt QYS nga:

'Phags-pa 732 ngo (1:) [I)::>] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR I)::> ( 1:); PR ::>; LR :::> Late Ming: Ricci ngo [I)::>]; Trigault go [I)::>] Port-Chin Dict ngo [I)::>]; Dialogues ngo [I)::>] Early Qlng: Varo go [I)::>]; Premare ngo [I)::>]

84

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

In syllables having the 'Phags-pa vowels i [i] and e [e], the OR forms tend to show some variation in their realizations: yl ~ QYS ngje-3 'Phags-pa 160 ngi (~) [1)i] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR i ( ~); PR -; LR .i Late Ming: Ricci nhf [l).i]; Trigault ni, i [ni - i] Port-Chin Dict gni, i, y [I).i - i]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo y [i]; Premare f [i] yi 1L QYS ngje3 'Phags-pa 160 ngi (3fL) [1)i] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR i, (1)i) * (3fL); PR - ; LR 1)i, i *Following the Menggu yun ~ r:!:l lfJt . Late Ming: Ricci nhi' [I).i]; Trigault ni', i' [ni - i] Port-Chin Dict gni, i, y [I).i - i]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo y [i]; Premare i' [i] yi ~ QYS ngji' 'Phags-pa 160 ngi (3fL) [1)i] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR i, (1)i) * (1f); PR -; LR 1)i *Following the Menggu yun ~ r:!:l lfJt . Late Ming: Ricci nhi' [I).i]; Trigault ni', i' [ni - i] Port-Chin Diet gni, i, y [I).i - i]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo y [i]; Premare i' [i] ye ~ QYS ngjBp 'Phags-pa S35 nge (A) [1)e] ) Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR I]je (A); PR -; LR Late Ming: Ricci nhie [I).ie?]; Trigault nie, ie [nie? - ie?] Port-Chin Dict gnie', ie' [I).ie? - ie?]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo nie (Voc.) [nie?]; Premare85

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

yan 1§ QYS ngjBn 'Phags-pa 469 ngen (3fL) [1)en] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR jen (3fL); PR - ; LR jen Late Ming: Ricci yen [ien]; Trigault ien [ien] Port-Chin Dict yen [ien]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo ien [ien]; Premare ien [ien] yan ~ QYS ngjBm 'Phags-pa 676 ngem (3fL) [1)em] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR jem (3fL); PR jen; LR jen Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault nien, ien [nien - ien] Port-Chin Dict gnie' [IJ.ien]; Dialogues gnien [I).ien] Early QIng: Varo ien, nien (Voc.) [ien - nien]; PremareIn these cases, the SR will nearly always have a zero initial. Sometimes there is also an 1)- initial variant, and this is often identified as having been copied from 'Phags-pa sources of some sort. Thus, in the SR system the zero initial is the "real" SR reading. In the LR system, though, there are sometimes valid readings or variant forms in 1)-. In the later OR varieties, there are often variant readings with initial zero and a nasal initial. Some varieties, such as those of Trigault and Varo, have n- here. Others, such as those of Ricci and the Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary, have a palatal nasal, which is a distinct phoneme in these languages. 4 In all of these cases, the QYS initial of the syllable in question is ng-, the so-called yimu ~EJ. A related example is the following: niu 4- QYS ngj;:m 'Phags-pa 602 ngiw (3fL) [1)iw] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR 1)iw, iw (3fL); PR niw; LR niw Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault nieu, ieu [nieu - ieu] Port-Chin Dict neu, gneu, gnieu, yeu [neu - IJ.eu - I).ieu - ieu]; Dialogues neu [neu] Early QIng: Varo nieu (Voc.) [nieu]; Premare nieou [nieu]

86

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Mid-Qlng: Morrison new (common reading), yew (dictionary reading) [niu - iu]; Williams nit12 [niu] In this example, the common word for "bovine," readings in n- were already present in Sin's PR and LR systems and became dominant during the later history of southern OR. Interestingly, the zero initial forms also persisted into the nineteenth century as literary readings. There is another class of curious 'Phags-pa ng- initial examples which do not have the QYS yimu: you :fi' QYS j;~m: 'Phags-pa 602 ngiw (J:.) [l)iw] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR iw ( J:.); PR - ; LR :iw Late Ming: Ricci ieu [ieu]; Trigault ieu [ieu] Port-Chin Dict yeu [ieu]; Dialogues hieu, yeu', hyeu, ye [xieu(?), ieu] Early Qlng: Varo ieu [ku]; Premare ieou [ieu] you ::x. QYS jgU'Phags-pa 602 ngiw (-A-) [l)iw] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR iw ( -A-); PR -; LR .iw Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault i6u [ieu] Port-Chin Dict - ; Dialogues yeu [ieu] Early Qlng: Varo i6u [ieu]; Premare ieou [ieu] you :ti QYS jgU'Phags-pa 602 ngiw (J: -A-) [l)iw] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR iw (J:. -A-); PR - ; LR :iw Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault i6u [ieu] Port-Chin Dict - ; Dialogues yeu, yen [ieu] Early Qlng: Varo i6u [ieu]; Premare ieou [ieu] In these examples the traditional initial is the yusanmu DifrJ =: £1:, and all syllables take the QYS shape jgu. 'Phags-pa Chinese is perhaps unique among 87

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

known Sinitic languages in showing an initial velar nasal in such words. There are no n- or 1).- variants in the later OR varieties in such cases. 4.2.1.6 'Phags-pa x [fi]. If we put aside the final set of examples in the preceding section, the 'Phags-pa initial which corresponds most regularly to the traditional yusanmu is x [fi]. As we would expect from our discussion of the distribution of this initial in section 3.3.7, it occurs before finals with rounded onsets, e.g., wang .=E QYS jwang 'Phags-pa 149 xwang (~) [fiwal]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR wal] (~); PR - ; LR wal] Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault vam, uam [val] ~ ual]] Port -Chin Dict guam [yual]]; Dialogues gua' [yual]] Early QIng: Varo vang [val]], vuang (Voc.) [vual]]; Premare ouang, vang [ual] val]] wang tt QYS jwang: 'Phags-pa 149 xwang ct) [fiwal]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR wal] ( 1:); PR - ; LR :wal] Late Ming: Ricci vam [val]]; Trigault uam [ual]] Port-Chin Dict uam [ual]]; Dia10guesEarly QIng: Varo vang [val]], vuang (Voc.) [vual]]; Premare v~mg, ouang [val] ual]] wei ~ QYS jwe 'Phags-pa 228 xue (~) [fiue] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR uj (~); PR - ; LR uj Late Ming: Ricci guey, guei [yuei]; Trigault goei, uei [yuei ~ uei] Port-Chin Dict guei [yuei]; Dialogues guei [yuei] Early QIng: Varo goei [yuei]; Premare ouei [uei] yong 7k QYS jwung: 'Phags-pa 38 xyung (1:) [fiyul]] 88

~

~

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR jujl) (1:); PR jUl); LR :jUl) Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault ium [iUl)] Port-Chin Diet - ; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo iung [iul)]; Premareyu ffi QYS ju: 'Phags-pa 280 xyu (1:) [fiy] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR y ( 1:); PR - ; LR :y Late Ming: Ricci yu [y]; Trigault iV [y] Port-Chin Diet yu [y]; Dialogues iu, iii [y] Early QIng: Varo iiI [y]; Premare iu [y] In these examples, the initial in Sin's forms is always zero. But in the later OR varieties the situation is more complex. Where the 'Phags-pa final begins with [u] or [w], the later OR forms sometimes show a velar or laryngeal initial of some sort, spelled g in the missionary sources and interpreted in the above examples as [y]. This feature appears to correspond to 'Phags-pa x [fi] here. In another set of examples the QYS initial type is ng-: wa EL QYS ngwa: 'Phags-pa 793 xwa (1:) [fiwa] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR l)wa ( 1:); PR wa; LR :wa Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault ua [ua] Port-Chin Diet gua [yua]; Dialogues gua [yua] Early QIng: Varo va [va]; Premare oua [ua] wai j} QYS ngwai'Phags-pa 228 xue ("*) [fiue] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR l)waj ( "*); PR l)waj, waj; LR .waj Late Ming: Ricci vfti [vail; Trigault vfti, ufti [vai - uai] Port-Chin Diet guai [yuai]; Dialogues guai [yuai] Early QIng: Varo vfti [vail; Premare ou
A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

yu ~ QYS ngjwo 'Phags-pa 280 xyu (.3:fL) [fiy] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR lJY (1fL); PR -; LR lJY Late Ming: Rieci -; Trigault ii) [y] Port-Chin Diet - ; Dialogues iu [y] Early QIng: Varo ill [y]; Premare ifi [y] yuan 7C QYS ngjwBn 'Phags-pa 512 xwyan (.3:fL) [fiyen] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR lJyen ( .3:fL); PR -; LR yen Late Ming: Ricci iw8n [yen]; Trigault iuen [yen] Port-Chin Dict - ; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo iuen (Voc.) [yen]; Premare iuen [yen] yue J"3 QYS ngjwBt 'Phags-pa 811 xwya C\) [fiye] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR lJye (A); PR -; LR lJye? Late Ming: Ricci iue [yet]; Trigault iue [yet] Port-Chin Diet iuo [yJ?]; Dialogues Juo' [yJ?] Early QIng: Varo iue [yet]; Premare iue [yet] In cases such as this, the SR will invariably have initiallJ-. The LR forms sometimes have this initial if the final begins in [y]. The later OR varieties will never have initiallJ- in such examples. An interesting curiosity is the following case: yue B QYS jWBt 'Phags-pa 811 xwya (A) [fiye] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR lJye (A); PR -; LR Late Ming: Ricci iue [yet]; Trigault iue [yet] Port-Chin Diet - ; Dialogues iuo, iuo', yuo, yuo' [yJ?] Early QIng: Varo - ; Premare iue [yet] 90

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Here, though the traditional initial is yusan, the SR fonn surprisingly has 1)-. Since the word in question is entirely literary, one might suspect that this was a fluke or a misspelling of some sort. But the case is not so simple. In the Tibeto-Chinese transcriptional corpus from Dunhuang, the word yue B is usually transcribed ywar, ywa[r], 'war, etc. (Takata 1988: 372-373, no. 0735). All of these correspond to the QYS fonn for the word. But in addition there is another variant spelling in one text: 'gwar. And initial 'g- here is the nonnal rendering for QYS ng- in the Tibeto-Chinese transcriptions. Thus, it would appear that there already existed in the Late TanglFive Dynasties period a variant reading in 1)- or I)g_ for the word yue B. 4.2.1.7 'Phags-pa Zero. True initial zero occurs in 'Phags-pa Chinese only in the syllables 0 [::>], on [::>n], and u [u]. The following are examples: WQ ~ QYS nguft-

'Phags-pa 763 0 ("*") [::>] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR 1)::> ("*"); PR ::>; LR .::> Late Ming: Ricci guo [1)u::>]; Trigault go [1)::>] Port-Chin Dict guo [1)u::>]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo go (Voc.) [1)::>]; Premare-

m

wan QYS nguan'Phags-pa 453 on ("*") [::>n] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR 1)w::>n ("*"); PR w::>n; LR Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault uon, uon, uan [u::>n - uan] Port-Chin Diet cuon, cuoa, guan [xu::>n - xuan - yuan]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo UlID (Voc.) [uan]; Premare ouan, oUlin [uan] wu 1i QYS nguo: 'Phags-pa 284 u (1:) [u] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR 1)u (1:); PR - ; LR :1)u Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault u [u] Port-Chin Dict u [u]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo il [u]; gil (Voc.) [1)u]; Premare ou [u] 91

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

The SR system invariably has initial l)- in such cases, while the LR system has this initial only in examples of the third type. In the later southern GR varieties, such as those represented in these examples, syllables such as wo 1M normally have initial do not. In cases like wu 1i there is much variation l)-, while those like wan among the later varieties. For example, Varo knew variant readings in both [u] and [l)u]. In the northern (i.e., Beiyln) pronunciation of GR, there was no initial l)- at all, and all syllables such as these had initial zero. 'Phags-pa Chinese seems to have sided with this type of language here.

m

4.2.2 Syllable Finals. We have found the following syllable finals in the 'Phags-pa Chinese sound system: 1

1

i

ji

yl

il)

jil)

in

jin

win

u

ue

ye

Ul)

wUl)

YUl)

un

uw

y

yn

aj

jaj waJ waw* jaw

al) am

jal) jam

wal) a

yal) ja

an wa

iw

jiw

jan

wan

im

jim

aw

AI] en

Jen ye*

yen

ew

jew

yew* em

:Jl)

:In

Y:Jn

:JW

:J

W:J

gj*

gl)

gn

gW

gm

jem

e

je

we*

(Finals followed by stars occur exclusively in the rusheng tone category in the MGZY.)

92

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

The vowel system inherent in these finals is as follows: u

1, U

a

A

The vowel represented by the letter "A" here is interpreted as [0] by Nakano (1971) and as [0] by Shen (2001). Syllable codas are -j, -w, -E, -n, -1), and -m. No final glottal stop is indicated in the orthography. The possible existence of such a coda is taken up in section 4.2.3 below. It is assumed that prevocalic [y] joins [j] and [w] as a medial semivowel. When the 'Phags-pa final system is compared with that of Sin's SR system, and also with later forms of GH, a number of differences obtain, involving individual syllables or small sets of syllables. These have been discussed in some detail in our two earlier articles (1999; 2001), and will not be dealt with again here. Instead, we shall concentrate on several points of wider comparative interest. 4.2.2.1 Medial [j]. Medial [j] occurs before the vowels [a], [e], and [i]. It is not found before [}], [1], [A], or [g]. Medial [y] occurs before the back rounded vowels [u] and [:)] in our analysis. Certain other investigators interpret our medial [y] as [j] here (see 3.3.10). 'Phags-pa Chinese is decidedly unusual in contrasting the syllable nuclei [i] and [ji]. To the best of our knowledge, no other form of alphabetically recorded or modem spoken Chinese shows a contrast of this type. The following are some examples:

m

jI QYS kiei 'Phags-pa 198 gyi (:ljZ) [kji] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR kjej (:ljZ); PR ki; LR ki jI ~ QYS kj'i 'Phags-pa 157 gi (:ljZ) [ki] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR kjej (:ljZ); PR ki; LR ki

93

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

jIng #£ QYS kieng 'Phags-pa 92 gying (.IfL) [kjiI]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR kil) (.IfL); PR - ; LR kil) jIng :;; QYS kjung 'Phags-pa 43 ging (~) [kil)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR kiI] (~); PR - ; LR However, within the 'Phags-pa system as a whole, the configuration [ji] is no more unusual than are [je] and [ja]. It is worth noting here that one never finds such contrasts as [-ja-] versus Ha-] or [-ja-] versus [-jia-], etc., in 'Phags-pa Chinese, or in any other alphabetically recorded form of pre-modem Chinese, for that matter. The interaction between forms with and without medial [j] in 'Phags-pa Chinese has been of some interest to Chinese historical phonologists because in certain cases it is found to replicate the so-called s Ideng IJ] ~ ("four level" or "four division") arrangement of finals found in the Song rime tables. Examples: 'Phags-pa I.

T

Sin SR

Varo

kan (~)

kan [kan]

[kjan] (.IfL)

kjan (~)

kien [kjen]

(~)

kjen (~)

kien [kjenJ

484 gyan [kjenJ (~)

kjen (~)

kien [kjen]

409 gan

II. Fs9 463 gyan III.

Jt 466 gen

IV.

J!

[kan]

[ken]

(~)

Here we see that 'Phags-pa Chinese shows distinctions not found either in Sin's SR system or in later forms of GH, as represented by the Varo data. In the 'Phags-pa forms all rime table categories are indeed distinguished. If a speaker of 'Phags-pa Chinese had chosen to read this set of rime table syllables aloud, this is what he would have heard in the mid-thirteenth century. But are we then justified in projecting the distinguishing features seen here back to the time when the earliest prototypes of the tables were produced, whenever that was, and claiming that this very configuration is what the table-makers heard and tried to incorporate into their charts? Of course not. No evidence for such an idea has ever been adduced. We do 94

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

not know who the table-makers were, when or where they worked, or how their language or languages may have been related to 'Phags-pa Chinese. All we can say, until these questions have been addressed and convincingly answered, is that in the thirteenth century this particular set of finals was distinguished in this way. 4.2.2.2 The 'Phags-pa vowel e [e]. The 'Phags-pa vowel e [e] is interesting in that it corresponds almost exclusively to the combination [je] or [je] in the SR system and various later forms of alphabetically attested Chinese. This is illustrated in the following examples:

m

bian QYS bjan:3 'Phags-pa 476 pen Cr.) [ben] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR bjen (J::.); PR - ; LR :bjen Late Ming: Ricci picn [pien]; Trigault pien, picn [pien] Port-Chin Dict - ; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo pien [pien]; Prcmarelifm ~ QYS ljan 'Phags-pa 482 len (3:JL) [len] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR Ijen (3:JL); PR - ; LR Ijen Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault lien [lien] Port-Chin Dict - ; Dialogues lien, lie' [lien] Early QIng: Varo lien [lien]; Prcmare lien [lien] In some cases of this type there is no significant contrast involved. For example, there is no 'Phags-pa syllable *lyan [ljen] opposite ~ len (3:JL) [len]. But in others there is a definite contrast. The syllables j ian Jt (gen [ken] ) and j ian ~ (gyan [kjen]) in the preceding section illustrate this. The philological significance of the contrast found in the following pair is of a different sort:

zhan it QYS .tjan 'Phags-pa 474 jen [t§en] (3:JL) Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR

t~jen

( $;); PR - ; LR 95

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

zhan 1m QYS tsjan 'Phags-pa 486 jyan [~jen] (.IfL) Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ~jen ( $:); PR - ; LR In 'Phags-pa Chinese the QYS shesh~mg E 1: (i.e.,,t-, etc.) and zhengchr IE~ (i.e., ts-, etc.) initials are not distinguished. However, in the present pair of syllables, the traditional distinction survives in the 'Phags-pa finals. It is not preserved in the SR system, where the two syllables are homophones. 4.2.2.3 'Phags-pa Final -yon [-y::m]. This final has a very limited distribution. The entry lines of the Glossary in which it appears are the following: shang;ff' t~

516. gyon [ky;)n] 517. khyon [k'y;)n] 518. lyon [ly;)n]

ping

~

, qu

~ ,

1m ' ;ff

, ;ffi , shang f.fg , qu

'ff ' If]

ping.' shang ~ , ~ , qu ~~

As mentioned in 3.3.10, syllables of this type belong to a larger group whose finals tend to be realized as [yen] or [yen] in many of the known GH types and as [y;)n] in certain others. Mixture of the two types in a single language variety is not characteristic of the GH materials. The following examples illustrate this: quan 7:. QYS khiwen: 'Phags-pa 498 khwyan (1:) [k'yen] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR k'yen (1:); PR - ; LR Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault k'iuen [k'yen] Port-Chin Diet chiuon [k'y;)n]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo k'iuen [k'yen]; Premare k'uen [k'yen]

l'

chuan QYS Qjwan 'Phags-pa 502 cwyan (.IfL) [d~en] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR d~en (.IfL); PR - ; LR d~en

96

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

Late Ming: Ricci c'huen [t{;'uen]; Trigault c'huen [t{;'uen] Port-Chin Dict - ; Dialogues ciuo [t{;'u::>n] Early Qlng: Varo chuen' (Voc.) [t~'uen]; Premare tch'ouen [t{;'uen] quan it QYS dzjwan 'Phags-pa 505 tswyan (1jZ) [dzyen] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (1jZ); PR - ; LR dzyen Late Ming: Ricci <;'iuen [ts'yen]; Trigault '<;iuen [ts'yen] Port-Chin Dict <;iuon [ts'y::>n]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo <;h'iuen, Fr. ts'iuen [ts'yen]; Premare t'suen [ts'yen] yuan ~ QYS ?jwtm 'Phags-pa 511 'wyan (1jZ) [?yen] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ?yen (1jZ); PR - ; LR Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault iuen [yen] Port-Chin Dict yuon [y::>n]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo iuen (Voc.) [yen]; Premare iuen [yen] yuan j)] QYS jwan 'Phags-pa 512 xwyan (1jZ) [fiyen] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR yen (1jZ); PR - ; LR yen Late Ming: Ricci yuen [yen]; Trigault iuen [yen] Port-Chin Dict yuon [y::>n]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo iuen (Voc.) [yen]; Premare iuen [yen] Here we see that it is only in the regional GH varieties of the PortugueseChinese Dictionary and the Dialogue texts that [y::>n] occurs. 'Phags-pa Chinese seems to represent a mixture of the two types. Perhaps this is not that surprising, if we are correct in viewing the 'Phags-pa system as a composite one. However, the fact is that the mixture here is not random, for the syllables having final-yon [y::>n] invariably occur in syllables belonging to the third level (or "division") of the rime tables. Syllables which contrast with them in the system and have final -wyan [yen] 97

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

appear in the fourth division of the tables. The following are the pertinent contrasting fourth division-type entry lines, which constrast with lines 516 and 517 above: 497. gwyan [kyen]

ping

1A '

§~ , ~,I@

, ~ , shang I!jj\ , qu §~ , ~ , *~

,

1~

498. khwyan [k'yen]

ping5

7:.

Now, it defies credence to suppose that this is an accident. How has it come about? The answer may be as follows. In the rime books of the Song period, such as the Xlnkan yimliie, the characters in lines 497/516 and 498/517 are in separate, non-contiguous homophone groups. Consequently, the inclination of the MGZY compilers would have been to separate them. However, such a separation would require that their 'Phags-pa head forms differ in spelling. It seems likely that none of the speech types on which the 'Phags-pa system was based actually made such a distinction, and the script did not readily lend itself to an artificial or purely orthographic differentiation at this point. 6 Consequently, different pronunciation types from different koine sub-varieties were chosen to represent the distinction. Our assumption is, then, that no single "real" koine sub-variety made the distinction seen here. But both realizations of the finals in question, i.e., [yen] and [y::m], were actually found among speakers of the various koine sub-types. 4.2.2.4 'Phags-pa _hang [Al)] and -wang [ual)]. In 3.3.9 we noted that the 'Phagspa equivalent of final [al)] in Sin Sukchu's SR system is sometimes _hang [Al)]. However, there is another interesting equivalence, which the following examples illustrate: shuang ~ QYS ~ang 'Phags-pa 146 shwang (.3:fL) [~wal)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ~al) (.3:fL); PR ~wal); LR ~wal) Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault xoam, xuam [~ual)] Port-Chin Diet sa', san, xan [san - ~an]; DialoguesEarly Qlng: Varo xoang [~ual)]; Premare choang, chouang [~ual)]

98

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

zhuang :fj QYS <;iang'Phags-pa 145 cwang (~) [d~wal)] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ~al) ( ~); PR t~wal); LR .t~wal) Late Ming: Ricci - ; Trigault chofun, chufun [~ual)] Port-Chin Dict zam, cia', ciam, zan, can [tsal) - ~al) - tsan - ~an]; Early QIng: Varo choang [~ual)]; Premare-

Dialogues-

In these cases the 'Phags-pa equivalent to the SR final is -wang [ual)], in agreement with the other forms of GH, except that of the Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary. Now it is notable that these examples involve the QYS final-ang, while those cases where 'Phags-pa _hang [Al)] obtains are invariably syllables having QYS -jal) after QYS retroflex initials: zhuang M± QYS t~jang­ 'Phags-pa 151 tang (~) [~A1]] Early Ming: Sin Sukchu SR ~al) (~); PR t~wal); LR .t~wal) Late Ming: Ricci -; Trigault chofun, chufun [~ual)] Port-Chin Dict za' [tsal)]; DialoguesEarly QIng: Varo choang, ~hiang (Voc.) [~ual) - tsial)]; Premare tchming, tchouang [~ual)] Thus, 'Phags-pa Chinese preserves here a distinction which has been lost in all alphabetically recorded forms of GH, for these will invariably represent the two QYS finals the same way, whether as [al)] or as [ual)].

4.2.3 Rusheng Tones and Finals. The MGZY arranges syllables according to the four traditional tone categories, i.e., ping, shang, qu, and ru. This was ostensibly the ideal or "standard" tone system of the language underlying the script. However, because the received four-tone classification is in fact the traditional one of the QYS, one must wonder how well it accorded with reality. For example, comparison of modem Mandarin dialects of both north China and the Yangtze watershed suggests that these languages developed from a seven-tone prototype in which lower register shang had merged with lower register qu (Baxter [2000]: 106-108). It seems likely 99

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

that most speakers of 'Phags-pa Chinese would have had, at the least, a tonal reduction of this type in their speech. But we are hard put to say anything beyond this. The nature of the rusheng in 'Phags-pa Chinese is a complex question. In OR of later times the Nfulyln pronunciation had a checked or glottal-stop ru tone, while the Beiyln had no ru tone at all. It seems likely that Yangtze watershed speakers of 'Phags-pa Chinese would have had checked finals in traditional ru tone syllables. But it is equally possible that northerners did not have this feature in such syllables when they spoke the koine. Of particular interest here are rusheng syllables which have 'Phags-pa diphthongal finals. The following are examples of these: 'Phags-pa

Ch'we (1510)

Trigault (1626)

S

295 bay [paj]

-/:p'J

pe [pet]

pai 3/p02

it

214 bue [pue]

:pgj/:p'J

pe [pet]

pei3/p04

-/-

me [me?]

mai 1.4/m04

m 217 mue [mue]

:m;:}j/:m'J

me [me?]

mei 4/m0 4

~ 294 cay

:tt;aj/:t~'J

ge [tse?]

chai 2/tse2

:ts;:}jI-

ge [tse?]

tsef /tse 2,4

~ 298

may [maj]

~

~ 330

[d~aj]

tshiy [dZdj]

Wade (1867)

In this table, 'Phags-pa forms are accompanied by early Beiyln RR forms of Ch'we Sejin, mid-period Nfulyln forms of Trigault, and late Beiyln forms of Thomas Wade (1867). In the two Beiyln columns, right-hand forms are formal or authorized Beiyln readings, which are in fact northern attempts to replicate contemporaneous Nfulyln pronunciation. The left-hand forms are vernacular northern pronunciations of the etyma in question which have forced their way into the formal Beiyln reading system. It is noteworthy that in the early vernacular Beiyln forms two different finals are in play, i.e., -;:}j and -aj, while in the N~myln forms there is only a single final, -e? The late Beiyln vernacular forms of Wade match the early ones of Ch'we. The late formal Beiyln forms show what is historically one final, whose two different forms, -0 and -e, are determined by 100

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

syllable-initial types. Now, what is of interest to us here is that the 'Phags-pa forms match the Beiyln vernacular ones, not only in the distinction made by the latter, but, to a considerable extent, also in the actual phonetic shapes which manifest the distinction. The 'Phags-pa forms are, in other words, much more like the northern vernacular ones than like those found in the Nimyln system of traditional times. This suggests that at this point the framers of the 'Phags-pa script may have based their orthography directly on northern usage. The situation here is therefore the opposite of that which we have seen for the initial consonants, where, in preserving the zhuo series of initials, the framers hewed to southern usage. If this observation is correct, what implications does it have for the way the script was actually read? In the case of the syllables in the table above, a northerner could perhaps have simply read the orthographic forms letter by letter. But what would a southerner have done? To begin, he would presumably have added the glottal stop automatically to any rusheng word he encountered. 7 But how would he have handled the diphthongs, if, for example, he spoke a variety of the Nanyln like those of Trigault, Varo, etc., which had monophthongs here? In fact, the problem may not have been that difficult to deal with. It would be a fairly easy matter for such a person to internalize a "reading rule" that -ay and _hiy were to be read as [e] when occurring before his inserted final [?]. A similar rule could reduce -ue rue] to [e] under the same circumstances. Conventions of this sort would be no more difficult to learn and implement than those needed by northerners when faced with the tripartite initial system embodied in the script. To add a further example involving a different syllable type, consider the following:

¥i

'Phags-pa 532 paw [bawl

Ch'we (1510) -/:pwJ

Trigault (1626) po [pJ?]

Wade (1867) pa02/p02

Here the northerner would read the 'Phags-pa final as spelled. The southerner would need to add the glottal stop and substitute the vowel [J] for -aw [awl before this consonant. Let us now consider what these speculations suggest regarding the nature of the 'Phags-pa Chinese language on the one hand and the Chinese 'Phags-pa orthography on the other. We have envisaged the spoken koine as composite and multifaceted, comprising several different sub-types. In this respect it may have resembled Taiwan Guoyu .~~~ of the 1950s and 1960s. At that time one heard a number of different sub-types of this koine in the city of Taipei. These 101

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

included, for example, (1) a northern sub-type usually close in pronunciation to the recommended "textbook" sound system and spoken by a fairly small number of mainland immigrants, (2) several closely related central or Yangtze watershed varieties spoken by a rather large number of mainland immigrants, (3) several closely related "southernized" varieties used by native Taiwanese speakers of Min and Hakka dialects, (4) other assorted varieties spoken by individuals of various origins. 'Phags-pa Chinese may have been similar to Taiwan Gu6yu in certain respects as regards its typological complexity. The 'Phags-pa Chinese orthography that was meant to write this composite language may have been a "pan-koine diasystem," in that it could be read and pronounced by speakers of the different koine sub-types included under the rubric "'Phags-pa Chinese." In writing a particular syllable, such a system would need to make the maximum number of orthographic distinctions necessary to enable any particular user of the koine to pronounce it in his own sub-variety. Consider, for example, the following cases: 532. paw [bawl ping #I Northern reader: paw [bawl Southern reader: paw [bawl

~

[p'aw]

532. paw [bawl ru ¥I Northern reader: paw [bawl Southern reader: paw [bawl

~

[paw] [bawl]

~

~

[bJ?]

For the first syllable in this pair, a ping tone word, the northerner must be prepared to read the initial b- as voiceless aspirated. The southerner required no changes. For the second syllable, both readers would need to make adjustments. The northerner must select his plain voiceless initial. He could then read the final as spelled. The southerner would, as mentioned earlier, add the glottal stop and then select the appropriate "pre-glottal-stop" monophthong [J] in place of the orthographic diphthong. Conventions of this sort are found in most known alphabetic writing systems that are meant to encompass more than a single type of underlying pronunciation, and it is our suggestion that they were also inherent in the 'Phags-pa Chinese orthography. This hypothesis must now be tested by comparing the received orthographic corpus with our steadily growing body of information on

102

The 'Phags-pa Chinese Sound System

early koine pronunciation types. If it proves to be correct, what would it mean for the field of 'Phags-pa Chinese studies as a branch of Chinese historical phonology? Essentially, it would force us to set aside efforts to restore a unitary 'Phags-pa Chinese sound system as such. Instead, we must begin thinking in terms of the different koine sub-types which are encompassed by the orthography. It is these and only these which will have had historical reality as varieties of early Chinese pronunciation. Finally, to what extent does the linguistic nature of 'Phags-pa Chinese parallel those of earlier koines, such as, for example, the ones which existed in Tang times, in Qieyim times, or earlier? These are questions which the study of 'Phags-pa Chinese will enable us to address with greater realism and precision.

Notes lReferences for this section are Baugh (1935), Goriach (1997), and Fennell (2001). 2References are Lockwood (1965), Waterman (19765), and Wells (1985). 3There is in fact a considerable corpus of such sources.
3.4.2 we have seen cases where such an orthographic distinction was made by

exploiting the fact that two different letters, '- [7] and Y [7j], were used to write the glottal stop in the system. But no such strategy serves in the present case. 7

We must remember here that the script would be tonally unreadable to anyone who did

not have access to the corresponding written Chinese forms, whence came the need for parallel 'Phags-pa and Chinese character texts. A reader would automatically know the correct tone once he had seen the character.

103

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

This Glossary contains a selection of Chinese characters from the MGZY, arranged according to the format of that text. The material is not intended as an actual edition of the MGZY. The facsimile editions already published by Lua and Cai (1959) and Jiinast and Yang (1987) should be used in formal textual studies. We have excluded certain characters for two reasons. The first is that many of the excluded items are rare or unusual characters which are mainly of philological or antiquarian rather than linguistic interest. The second is that the rare graphs do not occur in the Chinese font used to print the glossary. However, where a particular entry line of the MGZY is represented exclusively by such rare graphs, one or more have been specially created to serve as exemplars of the sound classes represented by the lines in question. Furthermore, wherever the MGZY uses variant or unusual forms of common graphs, the current modem forms have been substituted here. There are many scribal errors among the characters found in the original MGZY manuscript. Corrections of these have been suggested by Cheng (1967), Jiinast and Yang (1987), and Ning (1997, Chapter 5). In cases where their emendations are obviously valid we have substituted the correct characters for the erroneous ones. In all other cases we have left the material as it stands. This does not mean that we reject the unadopted emendations, but only that we reserve judgment regarding them. Entry lines of the MGZY are numbered consecutively from 1 to 818, following Nakano (1971: 105-134). Nakano's arrangement of the reconstructed material from the lost final two pages of the text is also adopted, with the entries numbered S I-S37 and placed at the end of the Glossary. Her data have been supplemented at certain points with forms taken from the notes of Jiinast and Yang (1987: 140-144). See 2.3 and 2.4 for further discussion of this material. Each entry line of the Glossary begins with the MGZY 'Phags-pa script form. This is followed by a paleographical transliteration in bold type and a phonetic interpretation in IPA, enclosed in square brackets. For full discussion of the transliterations and interpretations, see Chapter 3. Characters in each entry line are divided by traditional tone category as in the MGZY, i.e., ping .IfZ, shang 1:, qu 1i;, and ru J\, with the tone names given in pInyIn romanization. A number of the 'Phags-pa entry forms in the MGZY are

105

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

generally believed to be erroneous. In some cases, the errors are simple misspellings. Entries of this type take the form below:

~

35. ;

;

cyung > zyung

The first 'Phags-pa form here is the one actually found in the MGZY. This is followed by an arrow pointing to the presumed correct form. Both forms are then transliterated and are separated by a derivational symbol. In other cases, the original form in the MGZY is corrupt in that it is in some way at variance with the known letters of the 'Phags-pa script. Anomalies of this type are illustrated in the following:

77. In this example, the first letter of the MGZY form is unknown but is presumably a corruption of the 'Phags-pa letter CD ch. The correct form is given after the arrow. In cases of this type, only the correct form is transliterated. In a third type of example, one finds in 'Phags-pa sources other than the MGZY, such as the inscriptions or the Baijia:xing, forms which regularly and systematically differ from their MGZY counterparts. The following is one such instance: 128.

~

(-

~)

khyang (- khyang)

In this case the MGZY form comes first, followed by the alternate form in parentheses. In examples of this type, we transliterate both forms, bracketing the second one. Justification for emendations of the above type is found in the textual notes of Nakano (1971) and Jiinast and Yfmg (1987) among others and is not repeated here. For the source materials from which the variant forms are derived, see Hashimoto (1978: 134-146). In addition to the material from the MGZY, we have added, for comparison, forms from the inscriptions, the sutras, and the Baijia:xing. These have been taken from Hashimoto (1978: 134-146). Our selection includes only cases where forms in these other sources differ from the canonical ones found in the MGZY. For the far more numerous cases where there is complete agreement with the MGZY material, 106

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

see the tables in Hashimoto (op. cit.). The forms we cite are arranged under the pertinent MGZY entry lines and are identified using the following abbreviations: Inscr:

Inscriptions

Su:

Sutras

BJX:

Bftijiaxing

Cross-references to the page numbers of the Luo and Cai (1959) and JUnast and Yang (1987) editions of the MGZY are inserted throughout the Glossary on the right-hand side of each page, in bold type. The abbreviations used in these crossreferences are:

LC

Luo and Cai (1959)

JY

JUnast and Yang (1987)

There are three indexes to the Glossary. The first is a pInyIn index to the Chinese characters in the material, the second a stroke order index to the same characters, and the third an index to the transliterations of the 'Phags-pa forms into the Latin alphabet.

107

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 99; JY 27] I.

*~

dung [tUl]]

ping £- ' Jj; , I

2.

3.

~ ~

khung [k'ul]] +.it , {1ft , 'lc , :Ix I. = dung [tul]]

ping ~ , ~, UI~ , t~

~

thung [t' ul]]

6.

~

nung [nul]]

~

,

gt, shang. ' qu ~ ,

, 1~ , shang JL '

1~

, t~ , qu

~

'l".::e

ping

1*

4.

' Jjz: ,

* ' <* '

ping

3m '

",~

~

, _,

shang]l, _ '

, 11PJ ' shang 1m '

tm

tl' qu

<* '

'qu ;1m, #JE

ping. '

[LC 99; JY 28] 7.

8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~

jung [~ul]] ~

, !JI '

ping ~ , ~ , )~, ' ~ , ~l fit ' & 'qu ~ , ~ , fit ' ~

chung [~'Ul]]

ping

cung [d~ul]] ping Jij. •• I nscr: ffi cyung

' !R't '

~

, :Iii ' shang

'1'$ , JE ' liE' %' 1'* ' 1IJ' .. ' 'I'l '

~

shang

* ~

Dung [IJ.ul]]

ping.' 1,1 ,

bung [pul]]

shang ~'$

pung [bul]]

ping ~ , ~ , ~ , •

108

,•

'

1t '

~~,

shang 0$ , qu 0$

,

ft

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

13.

~

*' ,

p ing ~ , ~ ,IZ , g%Z ' '3f. ' $%Z ' ;t , ~ , ~ , ~,~,m'@'~'ili~g.'M'.'~'M'~.'~'

mung [mul]]

M,;t, 'It 14.

~

hwung [fufj] ping)li\' iJl! ' i'I' ' III ' ZII. ' ~ , 1! ' shang ~ , $ , qu W!\ ' JOO. ' ~~ ,

M ' f,J , j;j; ,

m

~ , '*' '

[LC 99; JY 29] 15.

~

~ 17.~

16.

Hwung [VUl]]

ping

~~

, 1)j1 ,

~

, ~ ,

:$: , shang

~

,

qu Ji\. '

{~

,

~

wung [uul]]

ping

If '

~

, 'It, qu

~'If

dzung [tSUl]] ping,~, ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , ft.ez il@ , qu'fez $, {i21 JCJ.\' )1VJ\

~ tshung [ts'Ul]] ping "0 ' lJ& ' :@: , Jl! ' fez 19. ~ tsung [dzul]] ping 20. ~ sung [sul]] ping ~ , qu * ' ~ 21. ~ shung ping fi ' ;g , iU 22. ~ zhung ping 'Ill 18.

~ ~mr, :Z';qA

,~,~

Jf' 'I'~ 1]\' ¥-~ /F'

1* '

*'

shang *'~

, i!& '

, qu §,!&

W

[~Ul]]

[~ul]]

[LC 23; JY 30] 23.

~

hung [XUl]]

24.

~

Xung [YUl]]

~

'ung [?Ul]]

25.

~~ , 31§! , ;tjt , ~ ,

ping.' ~ , ~

* ' #JL ' 11

ping

, !Ill ' ~ , ;u , ;tjt , m: ' 11 ' II ' , 1l~ , ~ , 5b ' ,jb ' 00 ' shang 1r~ , qu ~ ,

m ' §I , fo.[ ~

ping ~ , shang ~ ,

109

1i ' qu

m' ~ , •

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

26.

~

lung [lUI)] ping f~~' qu W

Ii '

gjj~ , V ' U ' Ofj~ , m~ , BIl~ , T~~ , shang Ii '

27. ;

gyung [kyul)] ping '7 ' !B ' ~ , '§ , jjt , :E~ , ~~ , [tlJ , ~ , qu 1~

28. ;

khyung [k'yul)]

29.

~

30. ;

31. 32. 33.

34.

; i !

37.

! !

ping

't3 ' 1§

Ping ~ ,

kyung [gyUl)]

cyung [d~ul)] ping Inscr: m jyung

:Ii '

A'

~rp

~

, 11 '

, ~, shang 1~ :c~, ]=13

':M , qu

* ' m' frp ,

,

,

1~

, qu

~,

shang

~ , 1~

~

shang

m' qu

1rp , m

[LC 100; JY 31]

,

dzyung [tsyul)]

ping

tshyung [ts'yUl)] tsyung [dzyul)]

~ syung

35. ;

36.

*'

~

;

[sYUDl

~

ill'

m

,

qu'/ft. i

~

'ill

ping Tiif ping

1;£ , qu 1;£

p ing ~ , ~ , ~ , T§ , ,~ , r$ , shang t~

cyung> zyung [zyul)] BJX: fl syung.

ping

ping JIWJ • N • 1]''\ • li!iJ

hyung [xyuDl

M'

qu 0][ ,

• 'fiji • qu

110

~

~m ' j§0

jI

ping~·.· II · tii · U" · flIIt • Ji' B, '•

'yung [?YUlJl ~ , qu *i ' 1~t

, iL* '

shang fliI' '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

38.

~

39.

~

~,~,

xyung [fiyuIJ] ping JJ&j , Inscr: ~ yyung

shang

:7k ' qu §7k ' 17k '

~ ,§

ping ~

Yyung [?YUIJ]

[LC 100; JY 32] 40.

~

ping ~~ , Jj~ , 1~~

yyung [jyuIJ]

, ~ , i~ , • ' :tI '

, ., , I~ ,

~~

.'~,rn,~,~,m'~~g~'~'~'M,.,.,m,

qu m 41.

~ lyung

42. ;

~

ging [kiIJ]

IX ' qu i!J: '

46.

~ ~ ~

nging [IJiIJ]

47.

~

ding [tiIJ]

44. 45.

khing [k'iIJ] king [giIJ]

jJi , fl~

ping 7:X; , ~ , ,~:X

Zhyung [ryuIJ]

~

II.

43.

' M'

ping ~i

[lYUIJ]

ping Ii :jt , ~

ping

~J'JE,!u,n

T '

, if '

' !I

shang

JL '

m

WrJ '

3m ' # '

shang

If '

11;& , ~ , ;lj[ ,

, qu !l

wt ' J¥jJ

ping jill ,

~

~I

gying [kjiIJ]

*'

'

ping g~~ ping

;

'

, shang

, f~

{m ' qu

~J

, !~ , ~ , qu 3m ' 1J¥, jill ,

' ;EJ , 11 '

111

{m shang ~T

'

J~

,

~§~

,

lU ' qu WE '

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 100; JY 33] 48. 49.

~ thing [t'il)] ping 1T ' l~ , Ja ' shang m ' 1M ' ~ , qu l~ ~ ting [dil)] ping ffii ' 1~ , H ' ~ , ¥ ' ~ , 1¥ ' f.,ff , 9M ' m' ~ , shang m' 1m ' m' n ' qu JE ' ~ , tE

50.

~

51.

~

ning [nil)]

~'qu

ping $: 'shang

* ' 0: ,

t~ t~

jing [t§il)] ping ffi[ , , , itt ' JJJ ' shang ~ , ~ , i71<' qu iE)z: , IE ' IDE ' ~ Inscr: ffi[ cing; Ll& cing, ing

~~

~iE ' IE ' ~ , IIi: ' ~ ,

t

52.

~

53.

~

54.

~

ching [t§'il)] ~fl}

,

~

ping

,

ff

bing [pil)]

m' m' mt

m' m' 1,Eij. , shang ~ , ,~ , qu ~ , 1~ ,

ping:%' fr ' {Jj( , tEE ' shang ' ~ , qu ffl ' 'l'l73 ' 1M ' fr

m'

pg , p;j~

,

m' * ' mt '

[LC 100; JY 34]

56.

~ ~

57.

~

55.

58.

59.

~ ~

phing [p'il)] ping

1~ , ~* ' qu ~ , yJiJ

ping [bil)] ping."Sf' ~-f ' ~ , fSJE ' shang :ill[ , qu ."Sf ' ~-f ' ~~

m'

ming [mil)] ping B~ , shang illl ' ;;g dzing [tsil)]

# ' qu

~

, I'J)j ,

ping ~~ ,

ffl '

~li

tshing [ts'il)]

M'

, ~ , qu tiP '

ping ~~,

~~

nIL ' l!i!t '

m' ~ , m' {,~ , ~~ ,

, i1 ' 1t '

~

, ~ , ~~ , ~ , ~ ,

B~

-= ' N,~ , ~ , m' ~li ' ~ , 1% ' shang

m' -ff ' shang 112

~~ ,

qu

f~

, m' ~

, t~

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

60.

~

tsing [dzi1)]

ping

{',m,u,§~

'I'~ , 8~ , *¥1l ' ¥1l~ , w¥1l ' shang 1!¥ ' ft~ , m' qu [LC 101; JY 35]

61.

62.

~

sing [si1)]

~

zing [zi1)]

66.

~ ~ ~ ~

67.

~

68.

~

63. 64. 65.

ping £ ' ~i ' ~ ,

ti ' shang

~ , ~ ,

ti ' qu

~ ,

frl '

t1

shing

[~iI]]

zhing

[~i1)]

ping ~ ping ~ ,

~

ping RIG ' ~ , ~ ,

Xing [yi1)] ling [?i1)]

Jt ' R- '

ping

Wi '

m~

~ ,

Mf '

~

, ;ifk , 7R ' qu

Wi '

~

t!:i

~

ping

, Mf ' qu

,

~

,

~

,

~

,

~

,

II ' shang V

li!/ ~

, qu'~~ ',,",'

Ying [?ji1)] ping B'M'.'~'.'.'~'~'~'.' shang qu ~ , ~ , 1~

m'

ying Ui1)] ~~

ping

, qu ~ , ~~ , Zf!.

??:I ' Ai ' " ' iI ' TIk ' .I! '

(qu =) shang ~~ , ~ ,

[LC 101; JY 36] 69.

~

ling [li1)]

ping

71. 72.

~

~ ~

~

,

~

, ~~ , ~ , %~ , III ' • '

~

, {~ ,

~'~'~'~'*'~'~'~'~'~'~'~'.'~~g ~j,~,~,

70.

47 ' II '

qu47

~~

Zhing [ri1)]

ping 1)] ,

ghing [kg1)]

ping *1'iI ' qu

khh ing [k' g1)]

Ii ' t!:i

shang ~

113

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

73.

74. 75.

76.

77.

78. 79.

80. 8l. 82.

83. 84.

85.

86.

i

~

!JI ' g* '

~

,

ping

jh ing

->

ping j'$ ,

[~dl)]

*'

ping

phhing [P'dl)]

~

M ' 00 '

#J¥1 '

, ~ , ~~

ti3

f'r1 '¥

z ' -7

' tf

ping

ping Ji3 ' ffig , J3Jj , :rAg , IDJ~ , jAg , shang JI'~

,

~

,~ ,

tshing [dZdl)]

ping Jij ,

~

,

qu

~~

ping ping

~

1~

ping

:m

~ '''Ea' ~f,!f 7.f

'If

:tJJ ' #Jt ' iff ' qu ill

,

lhing [ldl)]

1~

*' m

ping

shhing [~dl)]

~,m

*T ' qu

If'

dzhing [tSdl)]

shing [Sdl)]

m' ~il ' ®:

qu U&: '

JJI ' qu

shang

, Etj 'If' ~ pIng

ping

bhing [Pdl)]

Z Z

,

[LC 101; JY 37]

ch'ing [1ll'aD]

phing [bdl)]

fjI ,

~

i$ , ij~

T '¥ '

ping

ching [d1;.dl)]

i i

, shang

thing [ddl)] nhing [ml)]

~

~

ping ~ , ~It

I Z ZZ !

! I !

'

dhing [tgl)]

~

iff ' qu iff

, t~

, ti

.±. ' ~ , tt ' ~1 ' ~ , j~

1E '

~

, ~ , shang 114

{~

, shang ~ ,

1!f

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 101; JY 38] 87. ;

(-

88. ;

(-

89. 90. 91.

!)

I)

[gyuI)]

~ (-~) Hyung (- Hyung) ~

, t~ ,

,

ping

[YyUI)]

ftt '

, 'If

~

ft~

, $k , fk ' 1if '

ill ' 1fiiJ ' 1fi!J

,

*# '

ping ~J1

' :% '

~, ~~, ~

, ~~ , ,~ , shang

~

,

fIa =

=

hying [xjiI)]

-->

JI ' 'If '

ping ~ , 11!® ' ]e! , *~ JJt ' • ' #& ' 1~ , shang #l ' ffi£ ' Jfk ' ~U ' I[ , gu ]e! , 1~ , t.~ , ~ , f~ , -gfu

khying [k'jiI)] ~

~][

shang Mil]

gying [kjiI)]

94.1 i 1 95.

ping

hyung (- hyung) [xyUI)]

shang

93.

tfiiJ ' shang

,

~,~

I (- i) ~

,~[ilJ

ping {);) , l::J[ , shang l::J[ , {);) ,

khyung (- khyung) [k' yUI)]

~ (- ~) kyung (- kyung)

92. ;

ping fr§J ,

gyung (- gyung) [kyuI)]

ping

JW '

¥ '

Hying> hying [l\iiq]

~

,

~

,

gu

~

ping £

[LC 102; JY 39] 96.

97.

~

'wung [?WUI)]

i (- i)

ping

15L

ping 17 ' 1~J ' £iT ' JJ ' M ' ~ , , 17f~ , fjflJ ' ?JQ ' shang ~ , ~ , ft ' ¥ ' f¥ ' gu 17

Hying (- Hying) [yjiI)] ~

~*

, tfU '

tf~

' ~17, hwu; iti Xwung

Inscr:

115

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

~ ~

III.

9S. 99.

~ ~

ping ImJ ' Itlfj , :liE '

gang [kal)] khang [k' al)]

ping

*, *',

ping

m' .m

100.

~

ngang [l)al)]

101.

~

dang [tal)]

~

thang [t'al)]

102.

~

103. 2

yang [jal)]

ping

'& '

~Ni

IMJU '

idJ '

, mr

~

~IMJ

m' ~ , 1J1; , 1JL ' JG

'Ijj , qu

shang

' it '

JG ' qu

tilMJ '

' ~ , shang

;I; , R: ' §'J; ,

qutfi:,~,~ p"" I3=! :riE

Ili' 1. ' :m- 'qu 1.,

ping ~ , ~ 'shang

~

,~

m' 1m ' ;ft , l j , 91 ' ~ , :f:j , 1m ' *m ' 1lt '

tang [dal)] ping ~ , shang ;W; , ~ , •

' qu :if '

~ ,

1® '

~

[LC 102; JY 40] 104. 105.

~ ~

106.

~

107.

~

lOS.

109. 110.

~ ~ ~

nang [nal)] jang [t§al)] shang :R ' -?

~

cang

ping

Ii '

ping iJ.& '

1t ' iJl ' qu

shang

:II

'qu if(

*' '

*~ , ~ , W: ' :E~ , ~ , III ' JlJ ' m-~ , r~ , ~ , ;!:!J , ~ , $: , III

chang [t§'al)] ping 0~ , iffi: ' § , i~ , til ' ~ , shang 7W ' ~'~'.'~~'~'M'~'~'@'~ Inscr: § cang [d~al)]

:R

ping

:R '

* ' !m '

;I:~ , shang ;t ,

frJ ' qu Il

nang [l).al)]

ping ~~ ,

bang [pal)]

ping. ' fr$ , ~ , *~

phang [p' al)]

ft ' it ' qu 1t '

ping rJj , wj ,

~

,

, shang

~ , ~ , ~

ffl~

[LC 102; JY 41] 111.

~

pang [bal)]

qu

1~

, i~

ping 1~

, in

' m ' '¥f 116

' Jli '

~

, shang

1$ ,

!!If ' :f$ ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

112.

~ ~~

113.

~

114.

~~~

115.

~

mang [rna!]]

Hwang [fa!]] ping TE ' 1J ' :tJj , JjE ' 17] , fJ}j , 1JjJ , 1tx ' iJj , iJj , kifj , ~ , qu 1tx ' J[1j , Wi

*' ,

tI ' qu

117.

~ ~

tshang [ts' a!]]

118.

~

tsang [dza!]]

dzang [tsa!]]

shang 8Jj ,

:r: ' ~ , ~ , %t: ' fg , shang

ping L '

wang [va!]]

1!f '

m' IW ' :tJj , f!,fJj , qu

ping

hang> hwang [va!]]

7W ' 'l'ftJ ' 116.

~ , 'l't ' t~ , 11 ' ~ , Dt~ , ~ , shang

ping

~

ping

f.i!¥l '

~ , ~~

,

fg , ~

ping JJ@Z , •

Wf ' AA '

'

it ' if '

ping

IW

iZ ' shang

, m-

~~

shang ,~.§.

' shang

* ' qu iZ '

'1m' qu

~

if

)31

[LC 102; JY 42]

~ ~

shang [I?a!]]

~

zhang [2;.a!)]

122.

~

Xang [ya!]]

123.

~

'ang [la!)]

124.

~

yang [ja!)]

119. 120.

121.

125.

126.

~

~

sang [sa!)] ~~

* ' , shang I1i ' ~

ping ping

1m '

1~

~

, ~j , qu

~

, ~ , ~ , ~ , t~ , shang ,. , III ' qu

, rPJ , ~ pmg f% '

;>lL.

I>lJ '

~ :& '

,....,.

~

,

f~

,

lM'f.

h sang V

J1i,j§f ,

L i.. '

qu';>lL. I>lJ

'

J:: ping

~JL ' 1T ' ~ , 1JL ' shang m: ' i1L ' qu

shang t3:!:

'13k:' qu

ping ~ , ~ , f~ , $ , shang • ' $ , 1tf

i-¥ ' 1-¥ ' f*,.,¥i

ITJt ' 1T

:§t

m' • ' ~ , m~ , ~ , -* ' i-¥ ' ' ¥i ' qu

1~

,~ ,

*' , , ~

~

~ .B!~ , :f.fl~ , TN ' f~ , 1M ' ~~ , ~N ' 1~ , !RN ' :EN '

lang [Ia!)] ping , j'N ' shang J5!J3 ' qu ~J Zhang [ra!]] §I

ping

'

11,

1~

, :tN '

~

f~ , :tJ ' 11 ' M ' shang J!l ' 11 ' f~ , qu 117

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 103; JY 43] 127 .

~

(-

~) gyang (- gyang) [kjaI]J m' qu

~

(-

129.

~

(-

130.

~ (-~)

131.

~

128.

~

51 '

,I ' 7Ii ' 1iI ' 11 '

, !Ill

~) khyang (- khyang) [k'jaI]J

ping ~ ,

!1m '

g~

, t~ , it '

shang ~ Inscr: ~ gyang

(-

~) ~)

132.

~ (- ~)

133.

~

(-

~

(-

134.

ping]l,.,

.,~,u,u,n'U,rr'ili~g,m,m,m,~,

~)

~)

kyang (- kyang) [gjaI]J

ping

7$ , 51 '

ngyang (- ngyang) [IJjaI]J

ping fCD

dzyang (- dzyang) [tsjaI]J

ping

~

ping

JEJI~

Wr ' Tit

tsyang (- tsyang) [dzjaI]J

ping

itt ' #i ' qu 1ft

fCD

,

Tit '

~

,~ ,~ ,

#1 ' JrI' frl' 11 ' 'iI '

syang (- syang) [sjaI]J ping t.I ' a:!lli h ;;t§ '+R m ' ,9~ , sang JD' ' qu '1'1=1

hk

51

#~ , ~fi ' ~ , m' shang

, ~ , ~ , ~ , qu • ' #~

tshyang (- tshyang) [ts' jaI]J

'qu

shang

~ , Jf§ , ~f§ , t§ , i,;f§ ,

V

[LC 103; JY 44] 135.

136.

137.

~

(-

~

(-

~)

zyang (- zyang) [zjaI]J

ping

f*, 1*

M ' ff '

rn ' ~ , shang

~ ,

~) hyang (- hyang) [xjaI]J ping W ' ~ , ~~~ , gr ' shang. ' ~ , m' tI ' ~ , • ' qu rPJ ' tI ~ (-~) Hyang (- Hyang) [yjaI]J ping ~ , ~ , iff[ , ffi ' ffifp , shang Jj , ffifp ,

qu

~

118

, I~

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

138.

139.

~

(-

~)

'yang (- 'yang) [?jaI]] , shang ~

ping:f2:'

~

~ (-~)

lyang (-lyang) [ljaIJ] ping ~ , i~ , ~~ , shang fAPj , \Ii '

~ , 731: ' £~ , f!R: ' ~ ,

~ , * ' ~ ,• ' ~~ ,• ' qu

% ' ~ ,

*m ' fAPj , tN ' ~ ,

~, i~

142.

~ gwang [kwaIJ] ping :YC ' iYC ' ~ khwang [k' waIJ] ping g: , ~ kwang [gwaIJ] ping 51

143.

~

140. 141.

f17IC '

~

jwang

[t~waI]]

ti ' qu

ping

JJi ' qu §3'I

shang

, t[ , §[ , qu !II ' f!I '

~

, #1

j!

[LC 103; JY 45] 144.

~ chwang [t~'waIJ]

145.

~

cwang

146.

~

shwang

147. 148. 149.

150. 151. 152.

ping $ ,

tfft

[d~waIJ]

ping

tl ' ti ' i* ' qu ti

[~waIJ]

ping

~

~

hwang [xwaIJ]

ping

Jft '

~

'wang [?waIJ]

~----"~

2

~

! !

----r

2

11: ' tr! '

shang

tshwang > xwang [fiwaI]] 8]:' .=:E

Iwang [lwaIJ] jh ang

ping

~ , shang 'I'm ' 11l

[~AI]]

ch'ang [t,<;' AI]J

ping ping

1.1 ' qu 11:

ping.=:E' shang

11 '

~

, qu ff '

m~ m: ' !± ' ~ , #:9; , qu

ping ,ilIJ ' jjlf , shang III 119

#±

' qu JPlI ' 1'iIJ ' 'tI1r ' lffir

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

ping

W ' qu

flj\

[LC 103; JY 46] 154.

~ sb aug [1ArJl

155.

~

156.

h

ping ;Ii ,

~

, PI ' shang

~

,

~

,

:I:~

ping 1~ , ,~, :It' ~ , it ' 'r~ , ;t~ , ~ , ~~ , ~.!i ' , ~~ , 1~ , ~ , ~ , fi ' ~ , ~ , shang :% ' ~~ , 1~ , qu 11 ' 11 ' fff.t

Xong [Y:)I)] 1~

i ~i

'qu

shang t7l

Hwyang > hwyang [xyaI]]

~SC' 1Jt

N. 3t ji [t§i] 157.

~

ping fi '

gi [id]

~ , ~ , til ' M ' ~~ , & ' ;tt , ~ , ~ , ~ ,

a'.'.'.'~'.'~~g~'~'a'~,.,~*, .'~'~'W,.,.,~,~,~~,~,ti,m,~,~,

~'1&,*&,jj,~,.,~

158.

~

ping!lffi]-,;Itt, shang *iIT '

khi [k'i]

~'~'?J"~':f~'

ru

~ , fe ' We ' B ' 11 ' qu ~ ,

L'~*'~P'N'm,a~

[LC 104; JY 47] 159. ~ ki [gil

ping ~ , ~ , ,~iIT ' ~iIT ' ;tt , M ' 1Jl ' !1m ' ~ ,

:Jt ' ;ijt

,

.,m,m,m,~,@,.,!lffi]-'*'~'~~g~'~'.' ~g

, ~ , ~ , 113 , ,i5; , frfi' 16 ' {~

, qu

,~

~

,

,g~

, if '

1~

,~

j~

, JJz.. ' ;&: ,

i1fj , Inscr: JJz..' {~ khi 160.

~ ngi [I]i] ping 1r ' {~ , ,~ , 1!I ' ~ , • ' 1fT ' ~ , shang ~ , .. ' !lIft ' • ' • ' 1tE ,1M, J1f ' ~ , ~j , qu ~ , ~ .~ ~ )(U '

m' , , ,

4Z'~'.'& Inscr: lr, 1fT 'i; ~ yi

X'x'ru 161.

~

di [til

ping {E£ ' .ffj , 11-'- ' 1l& ' 120

~~,

shang

~~ , ~ , ~[£

, :f:l& '

t~ ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 104; JY 48]

162. 163.

~

thi [t'i] ~

,

~

~ ti [di]

ping

~,~

, {)!J , jfI ,

ping

~Jj

,

, shang 'I~

fI ' 1* ' qu ~ , ~iJ ' 1* ' JW: ' rU

,~ ,~

om, JI ' J® ' tfT ' ~ , tm ' ~ , W ' M ' ~, ~~,

*'* '

~ , #Jf: ' ,~J!' shang $ , ~~ , t~ , JI ' qu $ , ~ , ~ , ~ , m,~,w,~,~,~,tm'J1'~'~'rU~'~'M'~' ~,ft'*'~'W*,JFt~,~

164.

~

ping 1fB '

ni [nil

~ , shang tm ' 15m ' qu 1fB ' ~ , ru t~ , ~~~ [LC 104; JY 49]

165.

~

ji

[~i]

ping

~D

' jQ ,

~~ , t~ , m' 5Z ' JB '

rFs ' ifi ' ~x ' ~ ,

g , 11& ' 7,~ , m' m~ , z ' z ' shang m' ~ , Q ' :1:1& ' $~ , F8 ' tR ' t~ , §( , t~ , ~ , It. ' ffi~ , 111: ' ~K ' ;l:l1: ' 1t: ' ~K ' qu 9§l ,

m'

~,m,~,m,.,ft'.'fi'.'~'~'.'~'~'

~'~'~'W'.'.'rU~,m'.'$'~'~'~'M' B'~'fi'~'~'@'~'.'.'~'.'.'~'~' r~

rr' 166.

~

m' ~I '

chi [~'i] ping ~ , ;/ffJi ' t~ , Jf£ ' ~ , ~ , fr,~ , §3r ' shang If,G ' tK ' {3r ' ~ , ~ qu §i1' 1~ , ~i ' ~ , W '

2¥ ' fflt '

rUt~'OI'}i&' jJj'.'Dt'R'~'~R'Jf

[LC 104; JY 50]

167.

~

ci

[d~i]

ping

qu #,~ , ~f

*'

~

m' NJo ' ±~ , ;l:1& ' 1~ , ~ , 1-E! ' t~ ,

' III '

~

1i1 ' fll ' r1 ' fflt ' m' jf\ , 11 ' ,. , ~1 ' it ' j!i!

lnser: 1-E! ji; 168.

,Wl' 1m'

ili~g$,.,~,m'.'~'~'~,~,m,m,~,~,

t~

, ~, ru *~

, f,&( , ~~ , ~ ,

chi; jf\ zhi

iii [I).i] ping J't:, , 'I~ , shang 'I~' ~ lnser: J't:, ni; Su: J't:, ni

121

r~

, {f]I , nm ' qu

!1m ' rU

am ' 8M '

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

169.

170.

171.

~

bi [pi]

i. ' qu

ping

~

y, '

~ phi

173.

~'~l' ~ ,

~ pi

'

~

shang frlt ' ftt ' It ' , rU £, , __ ' • ' ~, '

~~ , It ' ilt ' qu " ' frl ' yw. ' rU

m'

[p'i] ping tIt, shang ~'1~¥,g$'.'.'~'nl¥

[LC 105; JY 151]

*' '

[bi] ping ~ , ~ , t!lp , t$ , It ' Wlt .l:t shang fr~ , ~~ r~ N ' qu .. ' .l:t ' ~'.'M'~'rU~'~'~'~'~'~

m'

;ttt,

172.

r. ' .'

,

, ~ , W ' J!E ' I¥J ' ~ , • t,;f , ~ , fib ' g$ , ~ , 1]1 , ~ Inser: .l:t bue ~

~ mi

ping 5j , 1~ , ~ qu i!* ' ~ , R'

*' ,

[mi] ~ 18' ~

~ -7 ~

, ,

' ,~~,

~c

rU

* ' m' m '

*'

' 3:t} , 1~ , t£, , ~, ~'Jffi' ~ ,

~F ~~ , ,~3F ' ~F ' ~ ,

ping f.0IF ' ' shang ~ , 1fg , ~ , 11 ' 'm ' ~ , ~F ' If! ' If ' Hm

hi > hwi [fi] qu 1!J1j ,

shang r5lf ~ ,~ ,~

, fJ '

' :EE ' ~~ , ~m ' ~lt ' m ' ;tlt ' 31li ' g$ ,

m'

m'

* ' Bill '

t~f

'

Hi> Hwi [vi]

174. 175.

~

176.

~ dzi

wi [vi]

~

ping 17\& ' iY.& ' shang

[tsi]

ping

, ~~ , ~ , ru

If ' ~

jlf ,

ffi ' jI , qu

* ' '*

ii ' p}Jf , m, ~'shang i'M ' qu . ' i'M' jj!rJ)l, m, ilP , Ii ' JW ' t!P ,

, nH~ , fj , if ' Nw '

~,f:*,$

1A

))~9

1*

[LC 105; JY 52] 177.

~ tshi [ts'i]

ping

~ , ~ , i~ , {~ , 'II ' a ' shang y~t ' J~~ , qu

~'W'~'rUt'~'~'~'d,~,.,m'.,m,~

178.

~

tsi [dzi]

'11£f'ru

ping

'/!ff: ' ~f4' ' t74' '

shang

*,~,~,~,m,;rs:,

f!f ' qu ffl' ' ~ , ~J ' ~ , '/!ff: ' tff' m'iliZ'~'~'!liIt,

~

179.

~

si [si]

rU

ping iZ§ ,

rJ ' ;trB ' ~ , Illt'T '

shang

17t ' yiZS ' qu ~m ' ~ ,

~'~'.'fi,m'~'~,.,~,~,~,~,m,m

122

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

180. ~ zi [zi] 181.

~

rU frt ' 57 ' 3T ' !if ' ~ , ~ , ~ , iii ' fI

shi [~i] ping iii[ , 1Jili ' F ' B~ , WE ' • ' ~ , shang ~fu ' ~ , ~ , yf1 ' qu Y?B ' 1Ji!i ' '&' ~'fil'~:rI:' tit ' W ' • ' ru ~ , ~ , ~ ,

.,~,.,~,~,~,~,~,.,m'M

ji

Inscr: •

[LC 105; JY 53] 182.

183.

~

~

[~i]

zhi

ping

S~

, JWj ,

m' ~ , tll! ' ~ , shang

~ , .B:; , ~ , HJ ' , W ' 1fi ' ~ , rU E ' ~J[ ,

'I=if '

,

hi [xi]

ping!ll'."~' WI' HI ' fl ' {~~ , frl ' :ti ' • ' # ' ~ , m ' ~ , ~ , qu ,~ , • ' ~, ~,

*~ qu ER ' rI! ' f~ , M ' ~ , ~ ~'~'~'~'~'m'm,m,m,tt,~,+

am ' ~ , ~ , ffff ' shang

.'rU~'M,~,~,a'~'E'~'~'~'~'~'~

184.

r;:]

ping ~~ , 3~ , T~ , t¥ ' Ii ' ~ , ot ' f1:( , ~ , shang f* ' , 1~ , qu It ' §f ' ~ , m ' ~ 'rU Z ' ,~l ' t~ , {-t ' ijj , M '

'i [?i] ~

;i: ,

tm ' §. , 'I'B ' 1B

[LC 105; JY 54] 185.

~

ping 1ft ' OW ' K -'~'~'t~'tB'~

186.

~

;fJJiH' ~t ' @fu , ffii ' !llt ' fr~ , ~ , ~ , ill~ , M'~'~'~'~'~'ffl'ffi'~'OO,~,~,m'fi' Il ' $Je ' 37G ' ft ' ~ , ~ , shang ~ , ffii ' :Effi ' .DJ ' B ' qu ~'~'~'~'~'~'.'~'~'~'~'fi'~'~'

Yi [?ji]

yi Ui]

ping

' ~ , • ' qu ~ , ~ , HI ' 71 ' rU ~ ,

~ , ~,

m,

~'~'.'M'~'rU~,~,m,~,~,~,~,~,~, ~'~'~'~'.'.,~,~,~,m,~,~,~,~, ~,~,~,*,~,~,~,~,~,~,~,~,~,~,

)t,~

[LC 106; JY 55] 187.

';:Iii [Ii]

ping

~ , IiI ' M ' fM ' 1M ' 111 ' WJ ' ii, ~, ~,~,

.'.,.,.,~,.,~,m,.,w'.,.,.,m,

I~

,

shang •

' ~ , !Ii '

JfI ' ~" ' tf '

*'

l!. ' fr!. '

f-'. ' :tl ' • '

m'.'.'~W'~'~'~'~'.'~,m,.,.,., ~'~'~'~'.'~'.'.'rU~,~,.,~,.,., ~'~'~'~'~'~'.'.,.,~,m,~,~,.,

123

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

~,~,~,~,i'JI

Su: 188.

~

tlJ

Zhi [ri] ,~ , qu

Zhi pIng

5l '

rm ' ~)fij , ~rm ' ~ffij , jffi~ , 1ffii ' shang m' B

= ' ,m' ll} , O£j: , ~

~U

'~,

' rU B ' ,®8 ' A

[LC 106; JY 56] 189.

190. 191. 192.

~

ti [1$\.]

pIng ii'~'~

m' ~ , 1~ , ,ffi ' r~ , shang ~ , J3$ , qu ~ ,

~ ~ ~ chhj [~'1] pIng E£ ' !lJ£ ' qu )]frj ~ chi [d~l] pIng shang ± ' {± ' , FB ' , , qu ~ dzhi [tSl] pIng ~ , ~ , i~ , ~ , B ' ~ , ~ , • ' ~S ' ~ , ti ' ~,

~ , 15z ' ~1t ' ~ , {T tf ' qu {Sf , ;{§

193.

194.

ru

~ ~

tshhj [ts'1]

pIng

{~

~$

' shang ~ , ~llt

JHi '

shang

'

tt ' {ret'

~

{~

1~

~

, ~JlJ ' fJlJ ' T ' *t ' f=r '

lret '

1llt '

qu

wU ' wU '

*'

~ :on ' :I ' ti ' )JZ , ~ , ~ , f.rfE ' mJ:t ' iii ' qu

tshj [dzt] ping , ::f:'N'~'§'iI Inscr: ~ tshhj

195.

[LC 106; JY 57] 196.

~

~P]

~,

zhi [zt] ping , tPJ ' shang qu :B= ' ifflllJ ' ~~ , jt Inscr: tB chi, shi; ~ shi; ifflllJ chi

124

3G '

{~ , tB ' "9tJ '

8 '

*8 ' 18 '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

197.

~

198.

~

199.

~

200.

~

~ , 9: ' iJe'

ping gffi ' shang ~'Jtt'1FE

Shhi [R]

gyi [kji] ping rU~'W!J:'. Inscr: ;fg gi, khi

qu

,~ , ~ , iJe ' ri:t

r0 '

~ , ;fg , tH ' H ' qu ~t ' 1* ' ~ , frJ ' ~ , *~

khyi [k'ji] JE.x ' qu ~

~ , 1~ , ~ , 118 ' shang ~ , ~ , ~ , if: ' JE.x ' ~ , ~ , 3¥ ' ru Ojg , ~

kyi [gji]

ping flX '

ping

~ ,

7f\ ' ili.x ' ll:.x '

,

, ;fg , if: '

, iT

,1£ ' V ' *~

[LC 106; JY 58]

201. 202.

~ ~

203.

~

204.

~

205.

206. 207.

~

~ ~

hyi [xji]

* ' fjg ,

Hyi [yji]

qu

~ ping ~ , {~, ~, tit ' ~, ~, 1* ' shang {~, ~,

ping

~

, ru

~

ax

, ~! '

A ' &w' it':Et' shang ~ , :tm ' !ft ' ,)L , qu tM ' tlib ' it ' it ' Ht ' M ' ifWl ' 1tf ' lWG Jii ' lWU ' Wr ' §it ' tit ' :bii ' 'II ' ~~ , IR ' ru ~

gue [kue] ping fJ1J ' 1i ' ~ , 91: ' [f1i ,

*'

khue [k'ue]

ping Jt'iJ ' 'I::tk '

~

kue [gue] ~,

thue [t'ue]

f@: , shang lEfe; ,

~ , ~ , ~ , ,~~ , ~J[ , shang

ping

i'!I,.,&w

due [tue]

* ' ~ ,'1:' '

ping

:Lt'

ping

ji[ ,

lEfe; ,

qu

o~ ,

qu II ' If '

w.. ' qu Jt ' 1M ' t)t:

m' it ' shang g~ , qu

,~~, ~

[LC 107; JY 59]

208. 209.

~ ~

tue [due]

p ,lng

Due [nue]

shang

'*§ J~/,

'

~

~ ' J.r¥!

, qu

IF , • ~

[7g

125

,

qu 5t '

~,,~,IJ(,j¥,~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

210.

~

214.

~ ~ ~ ~

215.

~

211. 212. 213.

jue [t§ue]

ping

lli '

:a= chue [t§'ue]

ping

8X ' 1):. , 3t ' qu 8X '

tf '

cue (t§ue]

ping

nue [l}.ue]

qu ~

m ' 1£ ' ,~ , ,~i ' shang

~

, ~Ji! ' 1t ' qu

'!'1M ' ~ ,

,1M,

~

, ji!

t~ , ifu: ' shang

1Bt. ' iID~ , iE\ , • ' 'W ' Ii ' ru ~ ,

bue (pue] ping , , , Yffl ' 1l ' qu • ' ~, ~~, t!E\ , W ' ~ , [7z~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , {j , $M ' :It Inscr: ~f!jl. bung; ~ pue

t~ ~ , I~ , ::f '

phue [p'ue] ping , shang t~ , f~, qu ~~ , iJ Inscr: ::f, Me pue

¥ ' qu

tfj , ~

~

~~ ~ ~f!jl.

~ ,

,IH ' M '

iff'

' Me ' ~c ' rU

J:j , 'l~

JB~ , :tf ' {f '

, m ' MU

[LC 107; JY 60] 216.

~

pue [bue]

ping

=6 ' :l:c' qu

rU 5B5'W' 217.

§I

EZ '

~ , 1m ' I~ , ~ , 1~~ , fg: , ~~ , shang

, fN ' ~ , fi, ~, 1m'i]' 'lj, ~g ~

mue [mue] ping ~ , fJJJ ' :£3( , 1*'

M'

~

, :it~,

~, ~ ,1ft,

m;,

fN ' 'W ' 15m,

~,

)§~ ~ , tz ' ' a ' qu

J§ , um ' iffiJ ' ;tFgj , , fij , ~, shang 1ft, ~, fJY& ' 00

~,.,~,~,~,a'.'~'~'rUW,~,~,m,~

218. 219.

220.

~ ~ ~

ping 1lflJ ' shang

dzue (tsue] tshue [ts'ue]

ping ~ ,

it '

~ , qu

M ' a$'

m ' shang

~

~,:rr,

qu ~ , ~ , JW: '

$)t'14S'i4S tsue [dzue]

ping

11 '

~ , shang ~,

qu

¥' '1$'

~ , :Ii

[LC 107; JY 61] 221.

~

sue [sue]

ping Ilt '

*$; , Ell ' §l , ~,

n,*,g$'~' ~~'1i$

126

shang

~,

qu

~ , W'

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

222.

~

zue [zue]

~,~

ping

~~'~¥!'~'g

~ , § , ~ , f~ , J~ , ~

qu

,

,M '

~,

Inscr: ~ cue 223. 224. 225. 226.

227.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~

shue [~ue]

shang

zhue [~ue]

*, qu f5? ' g5? '

mt ' 11 ' shang M ' qu IW ' JiM

ping ~ , ~ ,

1ik ' shang Jm,

hue [xue]

ping

Xue [vue]

ping

~

, @] ,

qu 11, 11' t.I ' IVJ '

~

~@

~

,

~

JI~'

, ;fl ,

qu

tj1 , ~Ej , JI~

1@l , ~ , @

, ailJ

, shang

M' IrI '

~ , ~ , ~

, rU

* ' qu

'ue [?ue] ping ~ , shang ~ , itA ' :fit '

, ~)t

~

,

Ill!!' ~~ , ~ , 1N ' t~ , ' fIB ' ~ , II ' m ' ~ , ¥~, if,

~

~1

rU~'~'~'~'{~

,

~,

[LC 107; JY 62]

228.

~

JTI:,

xue [fiue]

Wfe: ' rjJff ,

~,~,~,¥

'

[I] , IVJ '

~ , 1$ ' t~ ,

*'~'ili~g~,a,~,.,.,m,.,m,.,~,~,

¥ ' • ' 5ii ' ~ , qu ¥~,

1~

, {fz: '

~

, Wl '

~

, g~ , • ' • '

!Il~

,

WJ'§'J},1ji

229.

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230.

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231.

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*11 ''11'. lue [lue]

ping

~ , -. ' f.:~ , II ' qu ~Ji ' ¥~ , ~ , ~ , *J[ , mI ' ' shang ~ , ~ , i'm' :!:, & ' §* ' ~ ,

M ' • ' g , m' •

Zhue [rue]

ping

~, ~, shang

* ' qu pg , NJ ' M ' ~Fg ~, J1 ' !~ , 00 ' ~,

gyue (- gyue) [kye] ping j(J[, shang ~ , qu 11 ' ru ~iaj , Jt~

*'

[LC 108; JY 63]

232. ;

233.

(-

~)

khyue (- khyue) [k'ye] ping shang ~i ' J1 ' ~Ji ' rU Iil kyue (- kyue) [gye]

ping 127

~,

~jj , m' ~ , ~ , !U ' shang

f~'

qu

JI~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

234. 235.

~ (- ~) ~ (-~)

hyue (- hyue) [xye]

qu og

Hyue (- Hyue) [yye]

ping

Hl1' qu '1\1 '

~

236.

~ ~ ~ syue> hyue [xye]

237.

~

, m' J! '

~ , m' tl'

~!

!Ill'.'

' rU

Jj%

~

J' ' 1:, '

~I '

*' '~ ,

ping.' , If ' ~ , t$' shang ~ , ~ , ~, M3' ER ' ff ' qu ~ , ff ' ~ , ru 1lf1l ' 1lf1l ' ~ Inscr: J' Hyue

'wi [?wi]

, :*

qu ,"'"

238.

[LC 108; JY 64]

v.

239.

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1* '

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241.

~

242.

~

xyu [fiy]

gu [ku] ping:ml' 1J.[' M ' ~ , & ' ii~ , !15 ' am ' fMl ' $ , fJIl ' m'ili~g~'fi'V'~'~'.'~'B'~'~'~'.' ~,~

240.

m~

~

~,~,~,&,g,~,.,~,rU

,E '

~

khu [k'u] ping W][ , ~ , Jffi ' liZ: du [tu] ~,~

thu [t'u] ~

ping

, il ' 18 ' 'Iil

M' ~U ' shang E 'qu J!l[' E~ , rU

W' ~

shang

~,ti,~,

'shang lijf'

± ' a± ' f*

~

' qu ~ ,

128

, :!:1lf '

!jg ,

W! '

qu f].p , II ' ¥J ' rU

* ' a± ' t~ , rU ~ , 7i~ ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 108; JY 65] 243.

~

tu [du]

g± ' ± '

m' m' ~ , ~ , 1%'

ping:fIE' qu ~ , ¥X

, ~ , Jjf , ~,.

ill'.' 1',41, 244.

~

245.

nu [nu] , -"-m ru prJ

p ing

~

ju [t:§u]

ping

246.

~

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247.

~

eu

248.

~

bu [pu]

rU

~

ping ping

'

~

,

~

,

IiII ' ~, shang H ' rU 1; , MI ' If ' ~ , D ' 71 ' ;fJ ,

:m ' j j , shang

m ' shang ~], , *~ , qu

~

,

~

-g , qu

,

~

,

ill ' ~],

fJJ ' ~ , shang ~ , W'! ' m ' ru Ii

ping

[d~u]

~~ , ~WJ ' lit ' $,~ W' M '

, shang

Hm' shang

fffi '

~,~,~,tI'/f

lII. ' qu

~! '

J1}]

11m ' qu

W'

11m '

{til '

~ pu

lnser: 249.

~J.

~,

phu [p'u]

ping

mm ' ~ , shang ff ' 1W ' 1m ' qu

J[1!J '

mm ' rU =i+ '

~,~

[LC 108; JY 66] 250. 251.

~ ~

pu [bu]

ping

~m '1m' iff, ¥Ii ' M'

shang

fi ' ~~ , qu

&'rU.,.,tI,~,m,~,~,~,~,~,~

mu [mu]

ping;f~' ~ , ~ , f~ , shang ~£ ' ~ ,

tiff) , qu

fm ' rrjij , W' ~ ,

.'.,m,rU*'~'~'.,~,~,&,~

252 .

~

~j(

~ ~

~~

Hwu [fu] ping Nft ' , 11 ' mj(' x':fj(, fZ ' , , -'¥ ' , • '~'¥,n,~,n'~'iliangm'M'%'M'~'~' 11 ' Iff ' m=' )(, ~ , sf1 ' qu {1 ' Jm\: ' fW ' J!1 ' §J ' 1[" , rU :flii '

m'.'~'~'.'.'~'m,m'~'*'~'m,~,

~'~'~'~'m'~'/f'~'~ lnser: bu

m

253.

*' ff1''t1 ' ,

~ , X ' Wi ' shang ~ ~ ,~M ' ~m ru {t , ii[ , m,~,w'.'.'.'~'~'~,m,~,~,~, ~

hwu> Hwu [vu]

ping:fj(, ~ qu [)f1

)( , m' " ' , ,

Su: {t hwou (sic!)

129

'

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 109; JY 67] 254.

~

wu [uu]

rutt '

, !!1m '

~

~'ill'.' ~&

ping Jtt~

, ~M ' qu ?JJ '

~

' z;Jl , shang

,~ ,

~

~

, rit

, • ' ~ , 11iJ ' ir~ § , ~ , f~ , ~~ ,

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255.

~

256.

~ tshu [ts'u]

dzu [tsu]

fB' il: ' shang tB ' :f.§. , #B ' qu {t ' ru ~ , --¥-

ping ping

"$

257.

~

258.

~I su [su]

tsu [dzu]

II ' 1m ' !ffIJ ' qu m ' ~~ , ~ , rit

m. ' m ' shang fB ' t'F ' ifF ' WF ' rit 1ffi( , W i.* ' ~,f , ~ , qu ~H ' ~ , ~fF ' 1~ , ~ , m ' ru

ping ping

~ , ~ , ~$ ,

*'

w'~'~'i*X'~*'¥

[LC 109; JY 68] 259.

~

--7

~ zhu > shu [~u]

ping

Mt ' tm ' m ' !iii ' M:f ' iltu '

IJ ' qu Mt ' IJ ' i@ , If ' 260.

~

261.

~

hu [xu]

ping ru~'f0,'ttz

Xu [yu]

a¥ ' Jli '

ping J!iij ,

~l

IE1S '

*'

fiff '

§r/J ' "

~ , shang

' iJ$ ,

shang

JJE '

:m ' ~§f , qu iii '

~ , ~J1l ' !~ , Jiifl ' ~ , ~~,~ , M! ' *~ , 5Jn ' f

'

~ , ~ , shang P , II ' tt ' ~ , M ' 8F ' UJii ' Ji ' M ' qu ~ , ~'.'li,~,~,~,rit.'.'M'.'.'~'~'~'

1Jili ' ~ Inscr:

f hu;

~

hwu

262.

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263.

~

Iu [Iu] ping ill ' ~ , J;Ii: , Jif. ' 0 ' • ' • ' U ' ~J!. ' ~4 ' shang W ' it ' 1~ , • ' ~ , qu ~ , B ' ~IE8 ' ~ , • ' lJE& ' g,rit.'~'~'.'~'.'.'~'~'H'~

'U

[?u]

m ' t'5 ' 1R" ' ~ , shang ,~~

,

qu ~ , 1f '

~,

Jm '

[LC 109; JY 69] 264.

~

gyu [ky] ping 5 shang ~ , § , ~E '

' fJiS ' :tJiS ' lJi!f

g , :tE ' qu

'

~

Ji5,~ , * ' :t1:iJ ' ,fiij , :t'* ' {~ , ,~ ,@

,

Ji!JiS ' ~ ,

HI '

~,m,rit.,.,~,.,~,~,.,~,~,OO

130

Ia] ,

,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

265.

266.

~

~

khyu [k' y]

r! ' ;fm ' ~! ' ]!I , ,~rni ' ~ , !It ' m~ , shang

pIng:J;W,

*'M'~',~rnii'ril~'

ffB

*' ' J~' tE~' ffi '

~ ~l

pIng , ' ~ , ~,~ , #,1i] , ~}§ , shang E gil • ' ~E ' 'II ' Jt ' ril ill Inser: ~ kew; gyu

kyu [gy]

m

267.

~

jyu [t§y] shang ~9

ping

'

,FtB,~tfj

,

'

,•

'

00 '

~£

jffi ,

~

, JfM ' Wi ' Il '

m' .M ' ~ , tiJJJ '

1E ' 3£ ' m; , W ' =rftll

~ , mi ' ~ , ~ , ;f* ' *~ , * ' ~ ,#* ' ~ ,

;f1!:f ' ~ , [It' ,

m' ± ' ~ , tt ' gil

~ , ~ ,

a ' ~± '

n,~,tt,.,~,tt,~,~n,~,m,.,~,m,~,

*,.,m,~,~,m,.,.,.

[LC 109; JY 70] 268.

~

269.

~

270.

~

m' ~ , i1£ ' fr-* ' shang ;f1!:f ' W ' ~ , ;ff '

ehyu [t§'y] ping:tll' , gil ~ , ril 1*]( , ~ , i:\1lli '

~

t±!

~

i~

~

eyu [dzy] P ing , 1&1 ' 1M! ' f?* ' , 1M ' JJJ , , shang 1T ' #'9 ' ;ff ' ff ' T ' #'f ' 1f ' ;f± ' gil ~ , ~ , 1.t ' ril ~ffi ' ~ , m' ;fm ' f(q , ~ , j!Jf , JfI ' Jft ' Vlt ' 1f{rJ Inser: 1.t jyu nyu [I).Y]

ping

ftlIl ' Wi '

~

, shang -g , gil -g , ril

~jfj , JrJJ '

tEl: '

Jfr!tI:

271.

~

dzyu [tsy]

ping

B. '

Wf,~m:'~'JE

Inser:

1],

!H~ , 1[ , ~ , ~ , gil t§. , m. ' JE ' ~ §

,

tsu [LC 110; JY 71]

272.

~

273.

~

UI~

tshyu [ts'y] pIng ill ' , u.§. , shang £I'3( , gil ;~ , ~ , ~ , ril 1}t tsyu [dzy]

shang

~li

' 1], , ~.§.

131

~ , 1[ , 1], , 1£ ' !Jl ' m ' J!:& '

, ~ , gil

~

,

~

.¥ ' Jf$

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

274.

275.

~

276.

~

277.

~

ping

zyu [zy]

f* ' shang

*;:Z , ~ , }j; , ~ , ru

shyu [~y] ping:w' ~ , #-f ffR'B(;'ru tR'fR,;mz'5R BJX: 5R su zhyu [zy] ping tll ' qu ~ , ~ ,

'• '

shang ~ , JW~

%-. ' 1i)- , )( , ~ , M ' qu

~tB

~ , 13K ' ~ , 1* ' * ' 9: ' shang ~ , ~ , W '

W'

W:j , ru

1A '

~A '

trJR '

~

, )=1 ' MSZ ' IJ ' • '

1M [LC 110; JY 72] 278.

279.

~ ~

hyu [xy] t~

~ , H ' Of ' t1JX ' shang fff ' ~ , O'f. ' , rU if ' if ' 'Ii ' fig , fj , liJj , ;J?X ping 1R- ' ~ , #-f ' ft ' shang 1~ , qu ~* ' ~ , fr~ , ~~ , ping J.!![ , !$}: , 8t1j , rJ~ , ?\~

, ~ , ~ qu

'yu [?y]

rUm,~,.,.,~,~,~,~,.,.,~,m,~,~

Inscr:

1R- 'u, xyu, yyu;

BJX:

1R-

'u

~

280. ~ xyu [fiy] ping ~ '1m' J1i ' ~ , ~~ , :f:~ , Wf.!l\ ' ~ , :bli ' ~ , ¥ ' ~~g~'.'~'~'~'M'~'.'~'~'M,m,*, fjlj , qu ~ , ,~ , ~fi ' ~ , • ' ¥ ' 5m ' ru ~ , 3W\ ' Ulft!l ' ffi[ ,

m'

18 Inscr, BJX:

281.

T yyu. This graph is not included in the MGZY proper.

~

132

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 110; JY 73] 282.

~ ~~

=- ' shang

IS ' 00 ' .. ' ,~' ' if ' lIgJj , , ~ , 18 ' f,I , it ' fJ ' qu Ii '

lyu [ly]

ping

1* ' • '

t~

~

g ,

, rU /\ '

~,~,m'~'w'~'~'~'$'~'~'~'M' ~'MZ,,~,~

283.

~

ping"tzO' '$ ,

Zhyu [ry]

*ft ' '$ , ~L ' qu

¥tIo ' '$ , 11

284. ~ u [u] ping:g., ~ , ~ , qu @! , 'IN ' Ji: ' 'It ' fr ' JTf&: '

~ , trIff ' 'I'W ' Um ' ~ , shang 1;( , & '

flU

'rU ~ , ~ , ~ ,

W'

~~

, #Ji ' ¥fi

Jg , ~ , m' shang 11. ' iIi ' q:. , it ' Bt:f ' 'IN ' m' rU 7L ' fJI ' :tTl: ' iliJ[ , ~J[

,

[LC 110; JY 74]

~

VI. 285.

~

gay [kaj]

ping

gyay [kjaj]

~ , :f:~ , ~ , ~ , ili~ , ~

, shang cj( ,

qu

}f ,

j~Jt

'

f~

286.

287. 288. 289.

Ea

53 ~ ~

00 '

khay [k'aj] 'I~ , 'I~> ~X

'

ngay [ IJaJ.]

p >mg "'''' P.R '

day [taj]

#-i:! ' §EI ' 291.

03

292.

EZJ jay [~aj]

shang

1Wt

flX. '

tMt ' 1m ' :f:i ' ~i ' rWI ' qu ~ , 'I~ ,

qu,-++X.

--7 ' qu m' ~

shang

thay [t'aj]

~ 290. W tay [daj]

ping ~i

ping

Ml ' EI '

i:!~

r~7

' lfJJE

,~

, qu

* ' tk ' t

' jf

, ~

*-

til ' fa ' 1§ , ,~i:I ' shang 7'i:! ' g , ~ , ' 1* ' ii ' 11i ' it ' ~ , ~ , ~ , ~

ij~

, shang

ping"'.' 1~

, qu

nay [naj] ping ~'ruti ping

7J ' ~ , ~ , ~ , fr/j\ , qu ~ ,

~ , qu 11 ' ~ , ~ , rU

tt,~,m:,m,~,~

133

•

'

* ' ffij ,

Di ' ~J ' • ' aF '

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 111; JY 75]

293.

~

chay [t$'aj] ping

iJZ ' X ' ~ , shang

TIffi,m'~':f:JF

[d~aj]

BJ

cay

295.

~

bay [paj]

296.

53

phay [p'aj]

297.

VJ

pay [baj]

294.

~ , ~ , ~ , 1J!f '

ping

m' qu ~ , ~ , •

' rU

~,~

~,~

shang

, qu

fffi ' , ru

]£f'i:8,m,~¥,~

shang:tflli' j:J$ , qu

s,fs'.'ill

rU

B'

BJX:

ping

~

B

qu

, ~a

ff ' j:/\ ' 5& '

~

, 1$ , jJ! ' rU fs '

~* ' ffif ' ~ , 1$ , rU :ftl ' m' ~ #* ' 13F ' f~F ' shang ~ , fig , qu ** ' W ' f! ' ~s: '

bay [LC 111; JY 76]

298.

~

299.

~

dzay [tsaj]

~

tshay [ts'aj]

300. 301.

~

ping ill[ , ~ , R: ' shang ~ , qu -. ' ~ , fM ' t;t , ~ rU [58 , ~% ' ~* , ?It ' ~s ~ JW ' ID! ' §)R *This item appears to have been rniscopied here from the following entry.

may [maj]

, 1* '

' ,

ping 15< '

#,¥

~~ , 1i~, ' shang

ping

*,:1:* tsay [dzaj]

ping

~ , ~ , m' shang

*'

~ , iI ' ~t ' ::t ' ;ft

*'

j:* '

#,¥ ,

1.* '

, shang

~

, qu ¥} ,

* '~ ,

:tE '

qu

qu

~,

~ , :tE '

~,ttt

302.


vJ say [saj]

303.

~~~

304.

~

305. 306.

~ ~

ping §!t( , qu •

zhay > shay M'~

[~aj]

oil '

' ~ shang 1,1 , qu 6,1 ,

ping

Xay [yaj]

ping ~ , ~J[ , shang ping $. ,

, tif '

shang $I: , I[

hay [xaj]

'ay [?aj]

~® ' ~ , rU ~

:1:-* ' if/x'

~

134

*- '

qu

i!i '

qu ~':!:i'

~}j

R ' ?Jt ' fff '

~f

' nff '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 111; JY 77]

~

Yay [?jaj]

308.

~

yay Uaj]

ping

309.

~

lay [laj]

ping 31<: '

310.

~

307.

ping

~1 ' ~1 ' o:l '

shang

~ , qu ~ , ~m ' om ' oj ,

m,~,~,rU n2'JfI'~'tffi'$~;'~m

~,&'

~,~

fU

* ' ,~ ,qu *~ , ~ , • ' • ' i~ , * 'rU~{&j ~ ,~19J ' qu '1'£ ' f~ !~ , i1 ' j1f

gway [kwaj] ping t!~'~i'~'~'3t'

, *{&j ,

,

,

WE,e'~'~~'M

313.

~ khway [k'waj] qu '[1( , Off ' ,~ , I~ , • ' Q~ ~ chway [~'waj] shang tffff ' qu Oi ~ ~ ~ zhway > shway [~waj] ping , , qu

314.

~

311. 312.

~

f~

grjJ , $

hwaj [xwaj] [LC 111; JY 78]

315.

316. 317. 318.

~

~

Xway [ywaj]

. ' I~ 'way [?waj]

ping t~

, t! ' 1* ' ?! ' qu • '

* ' §E '

fU

JI '

!ltE ' rU it

ping

~ ~ ~ tshway > xway [fiwaj] qu §I ~ ~ ~ gyay [kjaj] ping 1~ , ffi ' ~ , 1!§" , w& ' W~~ , ~!§" , ~, t~, shang ~~ ,

qu

t~~

, ~~ , ~ ., JM '

~

, it\(; , W ' ft ' :Iff ' fir '

~'*'@'~'~'~'rU~'~'H'~'~'¥' ~

InSCf: 1~ gue

319.

khyay [k'jaj]

320.

hyay [xjaj]

ping

f& ' shang

rU mw ' Iffi 135

1~

, iil~ , qu r;JJ ' f& ' fU ~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

321.

~~~

Hyay [yjaj] ping tt ' ~ , ~ , shang M ' ~~ , 3m ' iiJ ' ru~¥ ' ,~ , qu ~ , ~~ , ~ , M ' ~ , ru ~ , II ' ~ , ~ , #t.

[LC 112; JY 81] I"i:5

322. 323.

324.

325.

326.

327. 328. 329.

330.

331.

~

~ ~ ~

dhiy [tdj]

-->

~

rU1~'1~ ru'rt Jt:\

~ 'J~".;;-..

tE£

thiy [d;:}j] rU~,)ji Inscr: ~ dhiy, thhiy

j'iy

chhiy [t$';:}j]

i

' :R: ' JW.

zhiy > thhiy [t'oil

~ [~il ~ ~ ~

~

ru ~U

khhiy [k';:}j]

l7!: ' fA '

ru

ru 1~U ' tltU ' ~

chiy [d~;:}j]

ru j1U

,

..........

dzhiy [ts;:}j]

rU

fliJ

tshiy [dZdj]

ru

~,m

shiy [s;:}j]

f~1j

rU~

[LC 112; JY 82] 332.

~ ~ -->

zhhiy > shhiy [!Oi]

ru, 136

1S

m ztz:. T '[:§:!' Ill!

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

333. 334. 335.

~

lhiy

[l~j]

~ hiy [xij] ~ Xiy [yij]

ru

if] ,

;j:n '

ru'm JI"

rU

~U

VII. 336.

337.

338.

339. 340.

~ ~ ~

~ ~

gin [kin]

ijJ , r~fJ

ijjJ ,

ping

~ ~

rtJ ' IT ' ij9J '

:Ei ' qu IT ' 1iW kin [gin]

ping Jj] ,

:Ei,S,:I:i ping

nin [nin]

ping f.iJJ

jin [!liin]

ping

, ft ' W '

~ , shang §I , 1'1 ' * ' 'Iii ' ~ ,

~ , 'Iii, shang lli ' qu lli ' il ' ft ' Jl '

m' 00 ' ~ , tN ' #r ' lIT ' M ' shang

ngin [I) in] ~'J4I

~

JF '

jin [!liin]

OfT '

qu

3t ' ~ , Ii ' :j:J,N , Blt ' shang !It ' Blt ' §t , #.'& ' :ri ' f~ , qu • ' :j:J,N , ~~ , ~~ , t~ , ~ [LC 113; JY 83]

341. 342.

343.

344.

~ ~

chin [!li'in]

-7 ;

[d~in]

cin Inser:

ping

ping 1$ ,

t$ zhin, zhim

~

bin [pin]

~

phin [p'in]

~

p ing ~ ,

-l:* ~, J~

B~

,

~

,

~

, shang

~

,

qu

:jj( ,

~

~-* ' ~ , shang #'~I ' ~ , qu ~-* ' ~ m' • ' it ' tit ' [Ij , 5Jj) , il ' qu il ' JJ: '

ping f,1J

137

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

345.

~

346. ;

pin [bin]

ping

min [min]

~ , 1Jt ' B±S ' • ' ~ , Jf ' shang tr. ' ijl ~ , 1lI~ , t1~ , me, , ~ , shang ~ , '1'00 ' 00 ' ~y: '

g;j , Jj!

ping

~'1~'{;

347.

~

348. ; 349.

~

3'1 'qu

ping $ , 1* ' shang

dzin [tsin] tshin [ts'in] tsin [dzin]

,

~ ,

m' iii ' ~ ,

ping ~ 'qu ~

* ' _'

ping

shang

3'1 [LC 113; JY 84]

350.

~

sin [sin]

ping :$ ,

35l.

~

zin [zin]

ping .. ' 1.1 ' ~ , ~,!

352.

~

shin

353.

354. 355. 356.

357. 358.

~

[~in]

zhin [:zin] 'I~;'

m

fJT '

ping $ , ping

~

,

qu

11f '

1$ , t1$ , ~

,

I~

,

ill ' 1n

§T\ '

~$

,~ ,

~

@ , shang ~ ,

~ Xin [yin] ping * ' shang jN ' qu t& , Eft h sang .",.' qu .",. ~ 'in [lin] pmg ~ quYinfp[?jin] ping IZ9 ' e ' , Ii! ' , ::x. ,

,ij~ "0.' '

V

~

~ yin [jin] lin [lin] ~ shang

~

~

~51

'

M ' fiN '

~ifS

~

, qu

'~

,~

ping j[ , ji[ , shang ij I ' ~51 ping ~~ , ~ , ~ , ~\\ ' ~ , , qu ~ , 1§= , rif ' ~ , !lm

138

, shang

1~

'• '

,

~

qu

, t113l ' frlN '

JiL '

W~

;t~ ,

¥J '

, '51

m' ~ , • ' M ' ~ , I~~

,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

[LC 113; JY 85] 359.

360.

~ ~

gun [gun] ' Jlim

ping :1:$ , ~ , shang rnm '

[k'un]

ping

366. 367. 368.

t!JJ '

qu

bun [pun]

ping

phun [p'un]

tm ' 'I'm

~ , ~ , ~ft

'

' 00 ' i[ , qu 12§

iii]

shang 1M

, ~ , 3li

nun [nun]

pun [bun]

B¥!J: '

ping ~ , )j8Z ,

[dun] ~

qu

ping WY.. ' '1$ , :It/( ,

[t'un]

~ ~ ~ ~

re ' t&! ' m' l~ , ~JE ' ~ft ' shang

ping

~JE

[tun]

365.

~!72, , 1'J] , Jli3J '

~i)]

~ khun 362. ~ dun 363. ~ thun 364. ~ tun 3li ' qu

361.

?J ' qu IJJ '

ping A ' 1- , shang

Zhin [rin]

ff '

m' shang

~'WY..'~'~4!'~'

~

:n ' jt , shang * ' tIf

ping ping

m' ~ , qu

:fJJ. ' qu

~

~

[LC 113; JY 86] 369.

~

mun [mun]

ping

F5 '

tr~

, ~ , • ' shang

'I:~

, r~ , qu

370.

Hun> Hwun [fun] ping 7t ' 1M ' 5} , ~,B , Jf!. ' shang ~ , ;% , qu 1ft ' ;% , • ' rl ' '1'1 ' If

371.

hun> hwun [vun]

ping 1}j ,

it. '

~

~t~ , r~

~

, $[ , ;f)J , !I!S' '

, it. '

*'

#'B,jt,~,m'.'ili~gm,m,m,~,~,jt,

qu 7t ' :1:51

139

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

khun > wun [uun] ping)(' [il:j , ~ , 3.t ' !I& ' shang rI?o ' mU ' :j)( , ~ , qu r~~ , 1)( , 11 ' ill ' [il:j , :j)(

372.

373. 374. 375.

~

ping. ' ~t

dzun [tsun]

*'

*' ' ,

'

~

shang

:t, ' ~ , qu

1~

~ tshun [ts'un] ping t1 ' shang '1'1 ' qu ':t ~ tsun [dzun] ping ff ' ~ , shang ~t ' ffI!I [LC 114; JY 87]

Sl

376. ~ sun [sun] 377. 378. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383. 384.

385.

~ ~ ~ ~

; ;

~

; i

hun [xun]

ping .I§' ,

'l'W '

~~

,

t;j

Xun [yun] 'un [?un]

ping 1If1r ' shang

Iun [lun]

, pmg

gyun [kyn] khyun [k'yn] kyun [gyn] jyun

[~yn]

*

"-A

it

~

§I!ll ' 11'1'- , '11ffl '

ping

;g , 1j[

ping ping

qu'''-A §I!ll

, ~ , ±>j , ~5j ,

r>J '

~

, qu

III ' W

f:f ' f! '

shang §g ,

W'

ping ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , shang

m' qu tt~ i'f '
{~

chyun

[~'yn]

ping

:m ' ~

7€f '

*if ' :II ' *~ , shang

140

Z ' j)!if

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Fonus

[LC -; JY 88] 386. ;

387. ; 388. 389.

~ ~

390. ;

cyun Inscr:

[d~n] !I~

~ , 1M ' shang J§ , :j:}§ , ~!§ , qu II~ , tJ§

ping chyun

dzyun [tsyn]

ping j l ,

1fJ '

syun [syn]

ping

, qu

, 1f ' i$t

~

zyun [zyn]

'@~ , ~ ,

ping 1§] , ~ , ,~JII

1m

391.1

shyun [1yn]

392.

zhyun

393.

I

395.

, ~~ , ffi~

, ,~

qu

wa; , :Effi '

'11V ' shang ~ , ~ , if, ,

' #JII ' 1J§ , ~ , ~!§ , tJ§ , qu 1m ' 7BJ '

~,~, ~

[~n]

~ hyun [xyn] gl ' qu

394.

1~

ping ~ , ~~

tshyun [ts'yn]

~

1Jl ' qu

~JII

~ --> ~ Yyun > yyun

~ ~ -->

Iyun [lyn]

Uyn]

ping Is] •

~

ping iIfl; • iIiifii • 1TIl! •

• shang j't • :It • Jft

~

• J!ili [LC -; JY 89]

~

396. ~ Zhyun [ryn]

397.

398.

~ ~

ping ~$ , shang ~~ ,

ping ~R

shang

' Ji!R ' qu N ~,~

141

qu

~

, WMJ

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

399.

400.

401.

402.

403.

~

I I i i

404. ; 405.

i

th'in [t'gn] j'in

[~n]

"in [1,n]

~

ping

,

?i ' 1* ' 1*

qu tI ' 1:1 ' ~ , ilt

ch'in [1{;'gn]

sh'in [1'>n]

B: ' qu fl

ping

ping $ , ,~ , ,

tt ' %t ' ~JfG ' f5t ' !$

\ZSI

pmg

J~'

gyin [kjin] hyin [xjin]

ping

Stf ' ~tf '

JV\ ' tFf '

rtf ' qu • ' 1JfX ' rff [LC 114; JY 90]

406.

407.

~ Hyin [yin]

~

ping

'win [twin] ping If ' j:~ , , '1'131 , 1([1 , tIlJ , ,.131 qu' il!i[l r::urrt ..rm flIIJ. JllilU

408.

til

~ xwin [fiwin] shang 7ffi! '

~

ping ~j , ,. ,

~qu , ~ ,, iJf ,'JI~i ' ' •fi ' j1§ ,

f~

ff~

~

~ ~

,M '

ping

142

-:E. '

,~ ,'~

~

,

li. '

Xan [yan]

T ' U ' :¥ ' , qu Sf ' ¥f: ' ~ , H

gan [kan]

~

jl[[Il

VIII.

409.

i£ ' tEa. ' shang 'I!fit ' IK ' 1i. '

~f ' ff ' ff ' shang

'jgJ ,

** ' ~f '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

410. 411.

~ ~

khan [k'an] ngan [IJan]

ping ~ • tU p ing ~f

• shang 1frL • 1fT • qu 1fri • ~ • iff

· ~f · qu J¥ • ~ • ~f · Offi [LC 115; JY 91]

412.

~

414.

~ ~

415.

~

413.

418.

~ ~ ~

419.

~

420.

~

416. 417.

dan [tan]

p~g~'~'B'~'.'~~gI'.'~'~

E!. than [t'an]

it ·

ping

o~

· ol · It · shang is · qu

• 5~ • ,w.

tan [dan] ping :l:ll • ff · ;J:' , 5'''' I'''' • ,~ qu .!f!.' {S _ • 1-' • {• • 'Ej'! nan [nan] jan

[~an]

chan can

[~'an]

[d~an]

ban [pan] ~'fi phan [p' an]

ping shang

It · shang

· ,m · shang

~ • ~j • qu

~ •

Jx · ol

{S • i.E!. • ~ •

It

"9 · ~ · ii

shang it ping ~ •

· qu it

m· 1M • shang ~ • :8 · qu ~ • ~ • #JE

ping:PJI' ili[ • b'1® • ping

IXl • m~

· ~ · ;J:R • shang ~EZ • ;fEZ •

~ • ;J:R • WZ • qu ~ • !l)j- • !r5 [LC 115; JY 92]

421.

~

pan [ban]

422.

~

man [man]

423.

~~~

424.

~~~

qu ¥iff • •

ping]l· qu

~~~

t~ · ~I · ~ · #~

han> hwan [fan] ping B · Mi ,& • shang,& • ~R · ~ · qu ~

* ·JJI

wan [van]

• 11 · $I •

* ·~ ·• ·

f.;i •

~ ~ m· ~ · fJ · ~ ·

ping lEI • • • • fji • # · f* · shang ~EZ

Han> Hwan [van]

fW • 11 • 425.

• fJ¥

shang Bjc • iJfJG • 143

fi · J!lt£ • qu

• qu ~EZ

~ • Jj • !I · ~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

426. 427. 428.

~ ~ ~

dzan [tsan]

ping ~

tshan [ts'an]

ping

tsan [dzan]

7~

'qu

~ ,~, ~

, ~ , shang fl [LC 115; JY 93]

429. 430.

431. 432.

~ san [san] ping ~fffi ' fOO ' frlffi ' shang fl. ' *f£ ' $: , qu fl. ~ --7 ~ zhan > shan [~an] ping fffi~ , ~W ' r! ' LlJ ' shang r! ' J£ '

~ ~

~

, 1£ ' qu

han [xan]

shang

Xan ryan]

ff ' 1f '

ping

'I~

,~ ,

~w

' 1W

¥ ' 8l ' 1i ' qu 11 ' 8l ' 1i

* ', ~ ,f$J , i:fl3 ' 1f ' qu ~ , * ~

shang

,~!J!

434.

~ ~

Van [rjan]

435.

~

yan Uan]

ping

~ , shang ~ , qu Hi ' ]I

436.

~

Ian [Ian]

ping

Xi'1 ' M ' il '

~

on [In]

433.

437.

~ , qu

f$J , :tf '

ping tJ;i: , f:l( ,

'an [ran]

ping]g)l'

qu 11 ' •

qu ~ , ~

ping rIl7G ' ffU '

~ , ill ' tr'1 ' ~I ' shang ~ , 'I~ ,

tlG ' !Rn ' in ' Jiffi ' qu m ' Yn ' Jlm [LC 115; JY 94]

438.

~ gon [kJn] ~ , l'§ ,

Su:

439. 440.

E ' fg , fEr ' shang :g , % ' m' , fI ' 111 ' -. ' 1:1 ' m' m' fi

ping 1§' , % ' fi '

m' qu

~

fi khyu

, f* '

~g

~ khon [k'Jn] ping J[ , ' shang ff,x , m ~ don [tJn] ping , shang m ' qu $ , if ~t

~ffij

144

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

441. 442. 443.

~ thon ~ ton

~

[t'::m]

frM '

ping

shang

Wi ' qu -% '

[d::m]

ping ~ , '[$ ,

fJ. ' yt '

non [n::m]

shang 8~ , 1:~

, ]!~

~ bon 445. ~ phon 446. ~ pon !II ' :#- ' 444.

ping ffl~

[p::m] [p'::m]

[b::m]

ping

shang

t~

1M ' qu .f&

, qu #- ' i.ff YI ' W ' qu *U ' yf ' yft

~' qu!Bi ' ttIIF¥' '*if' 11 ' fi¥f ' ~ , g* ' M ' • ' ~ ,

ping shang 1*

,

f'}j ,

[LC 116; JY 95] 447.

~ mon

[m::>n]

~ dzon

[ts::>n]

ping §fiJi ,

$1'y~,tI,~

448.

ping

It '

~-' ' ~-' ' ~~ , ~ , shang •

'

shang

*I ' 11 '

~

y~ , i~ , qu ~ ,

, qu It

~

449.

~

450.

~ tson [dz::>n]

tshon [ts' ::>n]

qu it ' • ping

fI ' UI ' liX ' qu fI

<'I 451.

~

son [s::>n] ping Inscr: • swan

~

452. 0) hon [x::>n] 453.

~

Xon [yonJ

shang ~ ,

M ' j3( , shang.

ping IJ( ,

'[I ' ,fi '

ping fg • 7'G • 1L

m ' yj{; 'qu

'

~

145

~

' •

'

qu # '

, 11 ' qu

• JJIi: • ,m

~

~

~

, 1~ , ~ , ~

• It\ • 10; •

m· fIJt • @' •

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

454.

~

'on [?::m]

~U

ping

'

, ~ , shang

~

~

,

qu

JI~

, Wi! [LC 116; JY 96]

r2.J

455.

~

456.

~

457. 458. 459. 460.

Ion [bnJ

ping

gwan [kwan]

~ , JIlt ping

$

462. 463.

~ , ~ , m' shang .w~ , qu

~ , fflI ' :J:I ' ~~ , ~ , #

' qu

iJJL

t~ , y~ , m'

~ jwan [t~wan] ping ~ chwan [~w' an] qu. ~ cwan [d~wanJ shang m' jJi ' ~ , {~ , qu jJi ~ Xwan [ywan] ping ~ , $ , ~ , ![ , iJ ' lliil ' ffi! ' ~ , ~ , ~i

shang ~% ' §1¥ ' % '

461.

' ffi '

~

'wan [?wan]

qu

}itl '

ping.'

:J:I '

~ , shang #,§

~ ~ tshwan > xwan [fiwan] ~ (-~) gyan (- gyan) [kjan]

ping jj

--7

M'

* '1* ' qu

'§[ , ~ , ~ , i.J

m~

ping

Fa' , ~R ' M ' ££ ' rg , shang

, Fa' , 1FEl5 ' ~

[LC 116; JY 97]

464.

~ (- ~) khyan (-

465.

~ (- ~)

khyan) [k'jan]

p ing ~f

Hyan (- Hyan) [yjan] ping shang {OO ' ~N ' qu J[ , iH

146

'

'i:§?:

M ' Fa' ,

~M ' 100 ' M,~ ,

'l'1JJ, ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

IX.

~

7t

syan [sjen]

467.

~ ~

468.

~

ken [gen]

ping ~ , ~ , shang

469.

~

ngen [I)en]

ping ~ , ~ , 7.% ' shang

466.

470. 471.

W ' qu Jt

ping.' shang jI ,

gen [ken]

khen [k' en] ping)(j'!t'.' qu ~I ' ~ Inscr: • khen. This graph does not occur in the MGZY proper.

it ' • ' 11 ' it ' qu il!I ' • ' iFi ' qu

1~ ~

, n§

,

q~, ~

~ den [ten] ping M ' Ii; , , ~ then [1' en] ping::R.' shang ~

~~

~

,

,

{~

~

, shang $ ,

, jlijJ[ ,

qu

qu

~

Jffi;

[LC 116; JY 98]

~

472. ~ ten [den]

ping E8 '

iff! '

ffij( ,

iffi '

;l:~ ,

IVJ ' shang ~ , ~ , ~ , i~ ,

~,1B]'1ffi'iffi'lVJ

473.

~ nen [nen]

ping

474.

~

P,mg "jji ,

475. 476.

jen [t§en]

~ cen [d~en] ~ ben [pen] shang

477.

478.

if. ' shang '~1B~

ping •

t~

, t~ , qu gJl ' fi '

''';! ,

qu'I!!i§i ,,&iJJ.

' •

'

ping m '

!II '

~

a ' *I

,* ',~ ,~#

' ;ErG '

~ , 1W ' ~ , -'f '

m' ~ , m' fflf ' ~ , qu -t ' ;J:t ' 'l't ' 00 ' #- ' 1~

~

men [men]

ping

it '

~

~

tsen [dzen]

~

, qu

~ , *fB ' shang *lID ' {rg , {lID ' s.g , *i2 ' :92, , ~ ,

, U~ , gi9 '

ping

M'

~

jlijJ[ ,

00 '

, ~i1 ' 147

{OO

$j , 1~

, qu W ' 11¥ ' tff ' H '

$j

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 117; JY 99]

479.

~

480.

~

zhen [~en]

~

yen [jen]

481.

ping ~

zen [zen]

~

~r

'qu

~

ping ju; , "- ' ~ ,

, ~~ , qu

*g , it" ' ~ , :t-' ' ~

p ing

' ~ , qu

n ' W ' ifIf ' 1'fJ ' shang

~r

~

,

~

~

,

,

~

' ~ , ~ , ~J!

,

~

,

~

, ju; ,

vlf ' 1iJf '

;g , j;~

shang

~~

,

,

482.

483.

484.

ping

Zhen [ren]

~

485.

~

486.

~

gyan [kjen]

~

, shang

ping ~ , ~ , ~lf

qu J! khyan [k'jen] jyan jJ[

[~jen]

ping

* ' m' ' fl$j

ping ~I

,

~

' it '

, JJi ' shang

m~

U!Jf ' shang

lElf '

~J!

' lIJ '

J! ' qu 1Jl

m' IE ' J~ , shang ,m , fi ' qu ~-x ' [LC 117; JY 100]

487. 488.

489.

~ ~ ~

chyan

[~'jen]

byan [pjen]

p ing ping

~

~

, shang IVJ '

, Jj! , jji ,

~

~

,

~

,

~~

, ~ , shang

,

~

*i! ' ti '

~

, qu

~,~

phyan [p'jen]

,iii

Inscr: •

ping. ' {!1M ' I~

pyan

148

, ~ , shang

~ , ~ ,

qu Jt '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Fonns

490.

~

dzyan [tsjen] ~

491.

~

492.

~

493.

~~~

494.

~

ping

~ , ~~ , ~ , ~ , AA ' ~ , shang ~ , ti '

, ~& ' qu !.I ' frJ ' !m '

tshyan [ts'jen] S' 1~

zhyan > shyan ~

~f ' ::f:= ' ~ , 'I ' shang ~ , qu 11 '

-=f '

ping

syan [sjen] ping 7'G jj , ~ , #.I ' ~ '#.I

~

~ ~

' J1I ' 1ill ' , , shang JiJt ' 'fi' qu It ' 7'G ' f:t,~

[~jen]

ping

W\ '

hyan [xjen] ping $f ' Inscr: ~J[ H wyan

fI ' tM; , :tJ[ , ~

~ , shang

rpJ ,

~Jt ' ~JG ' ~ ,

,~

'qu

,

~

~J[ , qu IX ' )I [LC 117; JY 101]

495.

~

496.

~

497.

498. 499.

500. 501.

II I i i I

'yan [{jen] ping qu :t[l Inscr: 7% Yyan Yyan [{jen]

7% '

~

, f$g

, ~~ , shang

ping ~ , ~ , ~~ , ~~ ,

gwYan [kyen]

ping

1~

,

§~

qu

1Il '

I!~

, ~~ , HI '

* ' ,• ' H ' ~

, ~,~ , ~ , shang

Iltk ' qu

§~

fr~

~I

'

,

~~

, ~ , *~

j~

khwyan [k'yen]

ping

*-

kwj'an [gyen] ping lill ' ¥i ' l!Il ' !# ' TI ' shllng I!!I ' qu ji/< ' Inscr: 'I~ gwyan. This graph does not occur in the MGZY proper. jwyan

[~yen] [~'yen]

chwj'an

ping 1!J.

' ill ' 'J!i- '

shiing iI$ ,

ping ~ , j[ I ' shang 74 ' 149

'J ' qu

O-Iffi '

qu

I!!I

II1II ' P!!- ' iI$

mJI! ' ~

,

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

502. 503. 504.

~

i

c,ryan [d'l)'en1 ping

, i$ , shang

f~

~

, f~ ,

qu i$

ping ~ , ~~

dzwyan [tsyen]

~ tshwyan

Btl- '

[ts'yen]

ping

~

,

{~

,

if: '

jl , ~ , ~ , ~ ,

1'i '

,!~

[LC 117; JY 102] 505. 506. 507. 508. 509.

i ~

;

;

511.

512.

* ' ti '

swyan [syen]

ping '§ , f§ ,

zwyan [zyen]

ping 1fJE '

zhwyan

f1f '

~ ,

shang ~ , qft

shang

fME ' ~ ,

~

qu

,

qu

~

1fJE

ping ~, ~

[~en]

~ hwyan '

[xyen] ping ~ , 1:1 §1[ , shang $ , 1.§ , Ol[ ,

~t

510.

ping ~ ,

tswyan [dzyen]

' ~ , frft ' ,~~ , B'§ , 11'§ , '!If ' qu f.iirr ' ,~~ , 11 ' ill

~

,

t~

,

~

i m'

'wyan [?yen]

~

~

xwyan [fiyen] ~ m ~ -R ' R ' .J-E. ' qu,

ping g , ~ , ~% ' ~ , , % ' qu 1&

, ~ , fJ[f

% ' 1& ' shang

ping 7C ' ~ , ~ , i~ , p~ , ,~!* ' ~ ~ ~ = ~ ~ ~ ~ , liZ ' 'J.!5l.. ' m ' .R ' Id£I ' lBl ' ?!5l.. ~

Ii!ii'i "'" '±. ~ ~ -t~ Iff~ , ~{£" ' ~ , W}J\ , ..vL5Z ' :1,bt ,

150

-h~

'}/5t.. '

{Z-

1m

~

ii: ' 1JG '

,

rrt '

~5t

h r sang 1% V

'

'

' 8: ' ~

ffi '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Fonus

[LC 118; JY 103] 513.

~ Ywyan

514.

~

515.

516.

517.

518.

519.

i ~ ~

~ ~

[(yen]

ywyan Oyen]

fJ ' ;I); ,

ping

~il ' m' :It ' ~ j(j: ,

1ft ' tJt ' qu t]Z'

~

Zhwyan [ryen]

ping JJJi! ' shang

shang 1l; ,

gyon [kyon]

khyon [k'yon]

lyon [ly;:m]

Xyen [yjen] ~ , J;!

!;;a" 'i!j'£

,

tl '

qu :ff '

shang ~ ,

If]

""'" ' qu''''~''' shVang """ '~' , '3'i:: ;1t~

'Ii '

ping

~

m' qu ~ , II\l ' 1l;

ping ~ ,

p ,mg

lIX '

, shang YI; ,

x. II

~z

' ~ , ~ , tt ' shang

~

syaw [sjew]

m~

, 15%

'

8~ ,

qu

[LC 118; JY 104] 520.

~

522.

~ ~

523.

~

521.

gaw [kaw] shang ~ ,

ping

i% ' • '

=* ' tjWj ,

khaw [k'aw] ngaw [I)aw]

daw [taw]

¥U ' • ' {iU

#,liWj ,

shang ping

qu

~ , ~ , tjWj , • §f5 ' 1!¥~

, 15 '

'

::g: , 7!z • 115 ' tjWj , :t! '

m: ' ~ , fi ' ~ · •

ping)]'

'

~J] , t7J ' ~)] , shang 151

~,~,

#,liWj , •

~

~

'

* 'W '

fU ~ , ~

, qu

~jWj , rU

, ~ , Ii '

{iU '

'i:fr

iI} , $J. ,

~ , f~ , Jl% ' qu

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

524.

525.

[LC 118; JY 105] 526.

~

~

qu

, 1!J1 '

~

rmJ '

ru

530.

~

baw [paw]

qu

¥~

~

ping

ping

531.

~

, shang

~ , 1:g , §

, ~"J ' • ' 1:1 '

~J' J~"~ BJX: 1:g paw

phaw [p'aw]

,

§if

529.

528.

jaw

[t~aw]

~~ , ofrJ ' ~ , ttzJ ' HI ' shang ~~ , JI'~

ping j'* ' j'! '

m ' m' j]t , fi ' qu ~ , tJR ~ chaw [t~'aw] ping tY , shang PJ> ' qu tY , ~J> ~ caw [d~aw] ping =* ' qu W ' ~I

527.

~

naw [naw]

, shang. '

*' ' rU tw ' 1:1 ' 11 '

ping JffiZ '

~,~

~¥ ' ttill ' m ' qu

1* ' ~ , :fI* ' ~ , ~ ,

~j , •

' fj , t~

:mJ ' uEz ' rU

,~ ,

1~ , ;f~ ,

[LC 118; JY 106] 532.

~

~

,

~ , 1§ , 1Ji§ , ~ , !Ii ' ~ , shang .gp , , ~ , 1§ , ~t ' J~ , '@ , 1Ji§ , ~ , ru ~ , ~ , ~ ~'.'~'~'tl'1~,m

,

paw [baw]

ping @ , rJliZ '

, tBz ' qu ¥t'lit

~fJ

~

'

~

~ , m' m' J@ , ~ , ~

, ~ , HI ' if ' fi ' ru

~

, shang

, ~ , 18 ' rEi ' '1'8 '

BJX: ~ baw

533.

~

maw [maw]

:gp , ~ , qu Inser:

~

ping =§ ,

~g[

mwo

152

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

534.

~

535.

~

536.

~

tshaw [ts'aw]

~

tsaw [dzaw]

537.

fU ~, '

Hwaw [yaw]

'II

dzaw [tsaw] ping;m, qu ~ , fU it ' fg

** '

ping

~,~

fI ' shang !P , ~*

' ~ , m ' ~ , • ' ~* '

t* ' shang ¥ ' '1* ' qu t* ' ~ , '1m ' *~ , fU

ping if ' 11 ' 01 ' !Ill ' 1m ' 11 ' shang ¥ ' 11'fu B'F'fF'YF,fg'ff'W

~

, qu

[LC 119; JY 107] 538.

~

539.

~

shaw

540.

fi

haw [xaw]

541.

542.

~

~

* ' 0*ti' ' ~ tw, **' 1*' ~*' rU' ~%" ,

saw [saw] ping J:§i , , '1'11 ' qu

tw ' :I:~

[~aw]

ping

ffi5fl ' shang

:I:~ ,

~.! ' 1* '

f~ , t~ , 5~ , ti ' 1m ' ~ , !I!~ , qu f~

ping "Ii; ,

~ , m' shang

iff ' qu f£ ' ft ' iff '

Wi~

,

0iWj

Xaw [yaw]

ping

~ , ~JJt ' ~ , ~ , 1:f ' ~ , shang

~*,.,~,~,~~

law [raw]

ping.' shang

rm':l:l'~'~~'rU ~,~

~ , t~ , ~ , fr.I#r ' ~

,

qu

SiS' '

* '~ ,

~ , 'rl '

[LC 119; JY 108] 543. 544.

545.

~

~ ~

Yaw [?jaw]

ping:J:l4J' shang

$i,o~,*fj

yaw Uaw]

ping

~,~

law [law]

qu

ping ,

H~ , iJff; , ~~ ~i' ~,.

~ , qu

~ , 'ff ' shang ~ ~

,

, ¢ , ~ , t~ ~ , i~ , rU

153

fijJ ,

OX ' qu

WJ ' rU ~i: ' t~ , ii: '

~ , ~~ , :I:~ , rU ~ , -fir

, ~ , shang ~

,

*l ' ~ , *~ ,

m. ' *fr ' /~ , :E~ , ~ , ~ , ;~ ,

'

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

546.

548.

~ ~

549.

~

550.

~

547.

khew [k'ew]

kew [gew] ping Inscr: 1i¥ kya ngew [IJew]

1i¥ '

ping

, ri:t

j'~

ping @i ,

:§P

, 11 ' 1i' ' qu • ' ri:t 01 ' M ' M

~

~ , ru ~ , WI

{~ ~

tew [dew] ping ill ' , , Sjg , shang ?Jg , j:lj[ , j:jE ' qu l j , j:lj[ , W!J '

W~ , • ' 1~~ , E ~

, l!I ' WJ5

'

*JWJ '

{Il '

[LC 119; JY 109] 551.

~ jew [~ew] ping~)j, 8B ' m' ~U ' ~ , shang 1t3 ' qu ?~ , fB ' ~,ri:t~,~,~,~,~,~,~,.,~,~,~

[t~'ew] ~ cew [d~ew]

552. ; 553.

chew

B'

554.

555. 556.

557. 558.

~

~ ~

~ ~

ping jB '

ru

1,;£j[ ,

ping §[ , ~)j , ~~ , shang •

' ~1S

' fEl1 '

:fjJg , :tjE '

qu

ru~

,

bew [pew] tJ' ~

ping. ' ~I

'

~

, ~ , 1'1 ' ~ , tJ '

pew [bew]

ping Il\ ' ~iJ

'

~

, shang j'J ' ffiI: ' 7fJ. ' J¥ ' qu

mew [mew] frj/ , ~ shew

[~ew]

zhew

[~ew]

ping

ping

*~

shang

S3 ' fs!i ' fe!i ' shang Itt' ' Wy , ~ , tv

m' shang :Y ' qu m' :Y ' ru

ping 00 ' ~ ,

qu 1,;13 ' 13G ' B '

154

~

fl ' ,~

' ~ , qu

,~

?3JJ ' ri:t ~ ,

¥J ' k'j

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

559.

~

hew [xew]

ping •

'

m ' (!ff( , ru

W! [LC 119; JY 110]

560.

~

56l.

g

562.

563.

~ ~

yew Uew] ping ~ , 'j,£ ' ~ , ~1iJJ ' rU~,

lEI' 11'

Inscr:

~

~

565.

~

~* ' 7::. ' shang 7::. ' 7;k , ru *1

:tJ( ,

~ , W~ , ~ , {it ' ,* '~ ,~ ,~j5 ' tIE ' m' Jit '

shang

~, ~,

Yyaw; BJX:

lfJ ~

tIE

~'~'rU

!Il&'m

Zhew [rew]

ping

~, ~~ ~

II! '

1~

, qu

*,11

~ ,

*1 ' ~ , 1:1 ' BI '

yyaw

~ , t~ , ~ , *4 ' ~ , if* ' ~ , {* ' ~ ,

lew [lew] ping , 1f ' ~ , ~ , ~ , shang 7 ' ~

Inscr:

564.

ping iff. '

few [lew]

,

~

, ~ , ~ , '~ , {]t

, qu

*4 '

~

,

~ , m' ~ , shang :tf ' ~ , ~ , rU ~ , ~~ ,

Zhiw

ping,~,., m' 'liZ ' ~ , shang EX ' 6!~ , qu i!Z '

gyaw [kjew] fIJJ. khyaw [k'jew]

ping Kit ' qu

ill: [LC 120; JY 111]

566.

~

567.

~

568.

569.

~

j

~ , I& ' @

kyaw [gjew]

ping

dyaw [tjew] qu ffi ' 93 '

ping m:? ' :::; , l}!J ,

j"J ' It

thyaw [t'jew] ~m, ~

<m '

mJ,~ , • ' ~ , shang J~

,

It '

ping :fj~ , {~~ , t~E ' 'I~t ' shang M~ , 3 ' qu Jm ' !!3E '

nyaw [njew] 155

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

570. ; 571.

~

572.

~

573.

574.

~ ~

chyaw

[~'jew]

P 'lng

pyaw [bjew] dzyaw [tsjew]

qu

~

':i@ , 1~

ping

~ :aY!1t~

,

m' ~

'1@1,i!§;J;J , shaVng )~VF f:"@,Q'qu'i!'iIJ"I@ 7rt ~ s.,.~ 7J"' 1~

~ , ~ , JlI.t ' 1~ , 1r1N ' ~,

, ~ , ~ , aj , 11 ' ru f,J , ~ , il

tshyaw [ts'jew] i,~'

Jm ' 'I'B ' rU

ping

ping

m, ~

tsyaw [dzjew]

ping

m'

shang 'l'J!§ ,

shang

'Irk, qu {J!§ ,

~,~,~,~,

qu

"§j:lj , rU

*n ' *U '

oi!§ , tlli!3 ' rU

om

[LC 120; JY 112] 575.

~

576.

~

hyaw [xjew]

ping Ojt ,

577.

~

Hyaw [yjew]

shang ~

578.

~

Yyaw [?jew]

m'

1l ' '!E ' qu Inscr:

~

ping ~

~

,

'~

580.

581.

~ nwaw [nwaw]

582.

~ jwaw [t~waw]

~[J fl~

'1m '

gwaw [kwaw] khwaw [k'waw] Inscr: gwaw

m

156

~

' , , .. ' W3 ' , ill ' f.ii!3 ' , ~ , IJ\ , qu ~ , iJI ' f:i:j , :fI!J '

, shang

ngaw

~ ~

579.

~Ii

syaw [sjew] ping:l{' '• ui!3 ' oi!§ , ii!3 ' ~i!3 ' shang 1r~ rU i!3U

~

~ , ~ , ~~ , ~ , ~ , shang ~ ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

583.

J

chwaw

[t~'waw]

ril

3! '

~

, IW ' frJE ' ilE ' til '

m [LC 120; JY 113]

584. 585.

586.

~

cwaw

[d~waw]

j shwaw ~ hwaw

~I ' ~ , ~; , fi ' al ' w ' ~,; ril ifi,lj , ~ IZ

ill 1JE '

[shwaw]

ilJ/iX '

ill

[xwaw]

~ ,•

,

' 5'1 ' tI

~ Xwaw [ywaw] ill:ft, it ' it 588. ~ 'waw [?waw] ril B ' !Ii ' *I 589. ~ Iwaw [lwaw] ril ~ 590. ~ (- ~) gyaw (- gyaw) [kjaw] ping 3t ' !lrx: ' U5( , 5<'~ , ~ , rz '

587.

~ , ~ , ~ , shang fr()z ,

jx ' 1x '

~

, fr-x ' m ' qil

~ , ~ ,

~'~'~'.'ill.'~'~'~'~'ff,~,m,

m, it, m 591.

~ (-~)

~ E~ , :I:~ , shang J7j ,

khyaw (- khyaw) [k'jaw] ping , qil 1ij , ril ~ , ~ , 'fit ' 1it ' ~ , #§

[LC 120; JY 114] 592.

hyaw (- hyaw) [xjaw]

ping ftJJG '

3m '

f~

,

u;Wj ,

ott ' 1::t '

~ 'qil~

Hyaw (- Hyaw) [yjaw] ping ~ , 1iW ' ~ , $: , shang 1x ' qil ~'J. ' ~ , tx ' 1~~ , ril ~ , ~jlj , Ii Inser: Hyaw; ~ hyaw

593.

i'x

594.

J

gwyaw [kyew1

157

5t '

m'

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

595. 596.

.i! Ii

kh,.yaw [k'yew]

riI!fI riI~

'wyaw [?yew]

~

597. ~ xwyaw [fiyew] 598.

~

~

ba'o [pao] • (This form is a variant spelling of baw [paw] • listed under no. 530 above. It was reserved for imperial use.)

XI. 599.

j

.&

:1t

giw [kiw] ping M!; , {f<'$'~'~

ngiw [l)iw]

i* ' shang 11 ' !A. '

~ , {f< , li ' qu #3z ' [LC 121; JY 115]

600.

i ~ .&

601.

.&

602.

khiw [k'iw]

ping Ji~

, shang

*~

~ in ' ::fr ' ~ , t! ' * ' ** ' ~ ,it ' *dt ' ft '

kiw [giw] ping , :f3jt , i* ' shang ~ , 8

'

~

, qu Ii '

.& 'W ' :x ' i;b , ttl ' 4- ' :1t ' re ' ngiw [l)iw]

ping

*~

[it , !EI) , shang ~ ,

::b ' 1ii. ' qu

ffi) , i~

603 .

604.

.&

I

jiw [q;iw] shang ~t

ping

chiw [q;'iw]

qu tf' Inser:

,*«' '

' ffl ' qu

ping

*' ~

if,} , ~*

ffi ' mJ '

' U; , tJt

iff! ' '11tl '

v'I'1 '

~,~ , ~jJ , ~. ' ~ , •

' 11+1 '

m' MI ' ~ , shang :B: ' HI: ' 1'5 ' M '

tf giw

158

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

606.

&

607.

~

fiiw [n.iw]

shang

till ' &If ' ffi '

m ' qu

~

biw [piw] [LC 121; JY 116]

608.

@I

609.

j

miw [miw] ping fj) , Inscr: fj) muw

611. 612.

rg

~I

613. 614.

ping Ofk ' ~ ,

dziw [tsiw]

& &

610.

siw [siw]

j ziw [ziw] ~ shiw [~iw]

¥fk ' shang 11m ' qu

shang f;k' ~ , •

tshiw [ts'iw] tsiw [dziw]

qu ~ , fj)

ping @ ,

'

{gt

Ik ' ffk

m' qu gt , •

ping {Ii ' {I~ ,

If ' shang mf ' qu

*'

l3'§ , #,I ,

m

III ' qu fffi ' dlffi

ping

ping ~)z: , shang § , ~ ,

-'tr ' qu

j~ ,

i* ' -'tr ' § ,

W£

615.

~

zhiw [z}w]

616.

~

hiw [xiw1 shang II/L • qu ltIi • 1;;;

617.

~

Xiw [yiw] §~

,

qu

~

ping

ping

m' ~HI ' shang

~ , •

' #!ff. ' i§:

{~ , ~ , ~ , jf* ' ~ , r~ , shang W ' {~ , J§ ,

, {~ , {I~ , i1* '

J§ ,

~

[LC 121; JY 117] 618.

i

'iw [?iw]

619.

~

Yiw [?jiw]

ping

~

,

{~

,

~

,

*I

ping [£Ig , rl@ , shang If]

159

,11m ' qu

m

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

620.

~

yiw [jiw] ~

ping

~ , Jtt ' 1~ , nE ' {I)( , EI3 ' ~ , mgg , !l;iJf , 1ff. ' {1fj. ,

, ' shang @ , ~*

~ ,

Iii ' Eft '

, ~ , ~ , M ' qu JJ\ '

T~

;fffi ,

Jtt,~'!lt'~'T~

621.

.& liw [liw] ~~

622.

,m '

~J ' WI ' ,11 ' ~ , M ' ~ , ~ , ~1E ' ~ , Wrt ' £~ ,

ping shang iPD

' Ii '

JI~1

' qu rW? ' • '

~!¥§ ,

M ' WI ' $I]

&

Zhiw [riw] ~'1*,;ft

623.

iI--7 iI cuw > buw

624.

iI

phuw [p'uw]

[puw]

shang

m

qu 11, , lffl

shang:g.U,

[LC 121; JY 118] 625.

iI

626.

~ muw [muw]

puw [buw]

ping -R '

if '

shang $: ,

m' shang

t± '

~

, 1m: '

:g~

, ;l::g , %13

~

, ~ , qu

~

, fi ' T# '

;j(;,~,~

627.

~ ~ qu ;U ' 11' , N ' -->

628.

Hwuw> hwuw [fuw]

ping I; , $j ping

khuw> wuw [vuw]

or ' jlf , shang

~

,

§~

,

ffi ' i'i' '

-$ , {$ , ::y ,

~

or ' ,~ ,

~

Inscr: -$ mo

629.

I

g"iw [kow]

ping jjfy , j;IJ ,

:lfIi ' lifE ' • ' ffjJ , 1] ,

'iii) , shilng

~'~'~'~'qum,~'.,~,m,~,~,~,~

Inscr:

10

giw

160

1fi '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

630.

631.

632.

633.

J

to ' op , ~D ' qu Jt& ' to '

kh'iw [k'ow] ping S!@ , f[@ , shang 0 ' W§ Inscr: Jt& khiw

J

shang ~ , ~ ,

ng"iw [rpw]

~

ping SJ32 ' shang

I

ping

{tu ' Mtr '

m' ~ -4- ' t4 ' !i!4 '

~!E

II ' qu

~

shang

' qu

r~

[LC 122; JY 119]

634.

635.

636.

637.

638.

639.

640.

~ 1--> J

t"iw [dow]

ping !Ii[ , ~ ,

c'iw > nhiw [now]

I J

jhiw [t:;ow]

ping

chhiw [t:;'ow]

1--> 1 j *

shang

liII ' lI1Il '

ping

i

tshhlw [ts'ow]

~

R ' .. '

qu

m; , ~ , li ' tIl

;/Jil

, shang

J!Ii ' qu lW!i '

~

,

till

m' w ' 1* ' qu m

zhiw > chiw [dzJw]

dzhiw [tsow] ping Inscr: thhiw

fit: ' qu

l!Iit '

ping

Ji& ' qu

~ , J!Ii ' J!Ii '

shang MI3 '

!f;z , qu

161

~

~ ,~

shang ;<E ,

qu

, ~ , ~ , )j~

'* '

;<E

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

641.

642.

j j

, fHllir pmg ",,'lJ-

ts'iw [dzow]

shiw [sow]

shang

!!l ' Ii ' mz '

zhhiw > Shhiw

643.

qu

[~dW]

~

, qu

0JfX ' ~ , *~

B ' JJ: ' :i: ' shang

ping t~,

1~

,

~

[LC 122; JY 120]

644.

j

ping ~~ , ~ , lID[ , ~ , I!i~ , shang ~ , u~ , ~ ,

Ihiw [fdW]

r; 645.

646.

647.

648.

649.

qu

~

I !

J ~

, ~1j

gyiw [kjiw]

ping 1~

, shang

kyiw [gjiw]

ping ~4

' ~ , ~ , shang

hyiw [xjiw] ping {* ' Inscr: {* hiw

, ~ , {~

~ft

, Ifg

ping

Inscr: ~ Hwow; ~ hwu

162

~

' R* ' shang ;f7J ' qu

r-'¥ ' 1¥ ' @ , -!J ' , qu ii ' 1* ' tI ' ~

Hwow [vJw] ~

Uft '

T~

§F ,

u~

Wi ' !R¥ ' shang frfff '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

XII. Jf{f

650.

~

gam [kam]

651.

~

kham [k'am]

~

tam [dam]

tt ' # ' m' ~tt ' shang ~

ping

ping

Ii ' :l:ft ' ri '

shang :l:jz ,

,

:Ef:Q: '

~:E& ' qu • '

m' III ' ~

qu

[LC 122; JY 121] 652.

653.

654.

~

~

dam [tam] #':X ' qu tt

ping

tham [t'am] ~~

, IJik '

~~~

n ' 1ft ' m' tt ' !t ' tt ' {l , shang !t ' Jlli '

' tIt ' 1Jt ' 15 ping

n

tam [dam]

~ , n,

JfM' shang

ping Jf{f ,

~. ' •

~ , OJ: , N ' ~ , qu • '

~ , 1:l ' ~JJ? ' iR~ , 'Ilk ' ~~ ,

'

~'~'~'~~g.,g,~,~,~,.,~,~,~,

~

655. 656. 657.

~ ~ ~

, ~~ , t~ , 'Ilk ' qu

nam [nam] jam

[~am]

cham

ping

WI '

~

shang !WT ' qu

[~'am]

ping

t~

, 'Ilk '

~~

,

D~ , ~ , •

' iR~

, t-I4 ' ;fflJ , W¥i ' rJi¥j

ft '

y~

it ' shang it ' IU ' qu

t~

[LC 122; JY 122] 658. 659. 660.

~

cam

[d~am]

ping

~ , ~ , ~ , ilit ' shang

111t '

qu ~,l

~ ~ ~ hwam [fam] ~ Hwam [vam] ping fL ' $JL ' :tB ' *fL ' shang m' m' i8 ' ~8 ' qu ;t , $JL

662.

~ ~

dzam [tsam]

663.

~

tsham [ts'am]

661.

warn [vam]

shang ~ ping

~

,

£,; , shang

~

,

ping ~ , ,~ , shang 'I~

163

it , '1'1 '

~

,~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

665.

~ ~

666.

~

667.

~

664.

tsam [dzam] sam [sam] sham [~am] qu, ~/ 19 ham [xam]

ping ping

~~

ping

p ing

II ' ,

~

ii ' ~

j;i ,

'I$T , If '

~

,

, shang

,1;; , 1;;

*~

IZ '

shang ~

qu

fl ' I[ , If

~

, qu

(duplicate) , ~ ,

::£ ' shang

~ ,

u~

, shang

[LC 123; JY 123] 668.

~

669.

~

Xam [yam] 'I~'~ 'am [lam]

~

Yam [?jam]

671.

~

yam Uam]

672.

~

674. 675. 676.

~ ~ ~ ~

ping §1f ,

~

Ml ' ill ' rut '

, ~ , ~ ,

lFll '

shang ~J[ , f~ ,

shang

at '

~

lID '

qu

, m ' qu

Bif ' M

670.

673.

ping ~ , ~ ,

h 11# sang ""R '""s V

ping ffi ' ~ , .. ' shang )W,~

lam [lam] ping ~ , tJ;fb , ,@l , qu ~m *I '

'

gem [kern] khem [k'em] kern [gem] ngem [IJem]

om

m ' ~ , shang

:f:l ' • ' M ' ;fI ,

shang ~ , qu ~IJ qu ping

'J\. 1tf '

m' $~ , ~ , ~~ , ~ , shang fiR ' 7f.

ping ~ , shang' {il ' qu

IW '

,~

[LC 123; JY 124] 677. 678. 679.

~ dem [tern] shang , lti ' qu r;g , ttl ' 15 ' ~ them [t'em] p ing , shang ~ tern [dem] ping W ' '115 , shang • ' ifj )W,~

~

164

~

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

680.

681. 682. 683.

~

nem [nem] ping Inser: ;@: oem

tti · qu

;@:

~ jem [~em] ping:m' rdi • fi · !li · t=i • shang !M • qu t=i ~ chern [~'em] ping ~~ • tt · r& • shang 815 • ~~ • qu tt · ~~

~

oem [I)£m] ping ~~ • *~

684.

~~~

bern [pem]

685.

~~~

dzem [tsem]

686.

~

tshem [ts' em]

ping 1Q • shang ~ • qu ~

ping

ping ~ • )iI • ~$T • 11

:ft · ~ · shang

t~

· qu f:f§'

· ,[~ · qu !I · ~ [LC 123; JY 125]

687.

<sl 3J

688.

~

689.

~

690.

~

sem [sem]

ping ~i5

• ~ • ~ • f.~ • t~

shem [~em] ping -;5 • shang ~ • ~Jk loser: ~ sem zhem

[~em]

ping ~ • •

• shang ~U

'em [?em]

ping ~ • ~ • [iJ • M

lem [lem]

ping!t:·.·

It · qu

~. {~

• 00 • qu 00 • t~ · -;5 • qu Wi

· shang ~ • ~ • ;f# • at · ffl: •

691.

692.

~'$ .j~

693.

~~~

694.

~

'em> Zhem [rem]

gyam [kjemJ

ping

1* · 1& • • • m· shang ping

~. shang flj. • ¥} • ~ • qu ~

~ • ~ • a · ~ · lit 165

~ • ~ • qu

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 123; JY 126] 695.

~

khyam [k'jem]

696.

~

tsyam [dzjem]

697. 698. 699. 700. 701.

~ ~ ~

703.

'

shang

' JB '

gyam [kjam]

ping #~

, Ei ' 1!l '

khyam [k'jam]

qu

, {l , qu

~

{l , ~

1$1

ping ~A

~ hyam [xjam] ~ Hyam [yjam]

~ ~

p ing ~I

tl '

, shang

Yyam [?jem]

Il: ' qu

702.

~

ping

shang

II '

m' qu m' ~A ' JB

shang 1~ ,

qu

~I:

'

~

, Ei

~

shang OflX ping

AA '

~

, ~ , {jij

, shang Fj ,

:til: ' iii ' 1m '

~@

hyem [xjem] Hyem [yjem]

ping

fX ' shang

~ , ~ , ~

ping ~

XIII.

1~ ~

tshim [ts' im] [LC 124; JY 127]

704.

705. 706.

707.

~

~ ~ ~

gim [kim] khim [k'im] kim [gim] ~

ngim [I)im]

ping

3i: ' -5;- , f:i '

ping

~

ping ~ ,

,

m ' ~ , shang

~f!1

' qu

~

~

m' ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , shang

ping r!0J ' ~

166

~

,

qu r!0J '

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

708. 709. 710. 711. 712. 713.

~

ping ijt , 1-i~ ,

jim [t§im]

i!W '

~t

' ~~ , ~ , shang tt ' qu tt

~ chin [t§'im] ping , , m' shang III ' ping m' shang M* ' qu ~ , g ~ cim ~ fiim [l).im] qu'w ~ bim [pim] shang ~ ~ ~ phim [p'im] shang ~

~~

~

, qu MJ

[d~im]

~~

~

p

r:!r:!

[LC 124; JY 128] 714. 715.

~ dzim [tsim] ~ tshim [ts'im]

ping

i'3! '

ping

qu

~

13! '

1i: ' f.& '

,~

, 15t

, shang ill '

~

, :i~ , qu

~~\

~I 716.

a:l

sim [sim]

717.

~

zim [zim]

ping ~ ,

718.

~

shim [~im]

P ing 1~

719. 720.

721. 722. 723.

g:j ~

:i' '

~

,

='

~

, shang if[ , 'If ' III '

t~

, :ti ' tll

Inscr: 1~ shin

zhim

[~im]

'im [tim] Inscr:

g

ping ping

Wt ' tt ' 1:ft '

W'

~

shang

, m' shang

ft '

qu

ix ' qu

g

~ ,

it ' g , ix

in

~ Yim [?jim] ping J'~ ~ yim [jim] ping i¥ ' ~ , fr¥ ' • ~ ~ ~ lim [lim] ping ** ' Iff ' m' ~ , !@; , shang 167

JJj ,

t~ , {~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

[LC 124; JY 129] 724.

725.

726.

727.

728. 729.

~

! ! I I !

Zhim [rim]

if: ' :f ' M '

pIng

shang

1£ '

~f

' ii- ' qu

~f

' #'f '

if:

m

pIng ~'qu

j'im [t!'lm] chhim [~'gm]

pIng ~ 'qu ~

1-*

chim [dz.gm]

pIng

'?4 '

shhim [~gm]

pIng

** ' , ,qu

hyim [xjim]

pIng

W\

~

XIV.

730.

S(I

731.

~ kho [k'::>]

~

*x

S(I

1~

, 'I'~

go [k::>]

go [k::>] !U' ~ pIng

~ , shang

ru ' ~ , tPJ ' qu

tPJ ' rU 11 ' ~ , $ ,

ii'~

[LC 124; JY 130] 732.

~

ngo [1p] pIng ~ , Oft ' qu ~'rU ~,~

733. ~ do [t::>] 734.

~

tho [t'::>]

ping:g" pIng

~fX ' ~ , ~~ , 1ft ' ~ , shang iZ '

shang ~ , qu $:

it ' 1m ' 't ' !I!t ' qu fffi 168

m'

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Fonus

735.

~

to [d;:,] shang

,~t ' II ' i.tt: ' ~t: '

ping

re ' mt ' qu

736. ~ no [n;:,]

,~ ,

ping jj~ , •

737.

XI

dzo [ts;:,]

738.

~

tsho [ts';:,]

739.

~ tso [dz;:,]

ping

' shang

tq]~ , jj~ , qu ~ , jj~

tr. ' qu 16: ' tr.

shang ping

n: ' lEt ' ~ , ~t ' ng , ,~ , 1t '

*-

~ , 3i ' 1& ' M: ' shang :£1 M'~,~,~ [LC 125; JY 131]

740. ~I so [s;:,] 741.

~ ~~

ping ~ , 19-> ' Ti9i '

ho [x;:,]

742. ~ Xo [y;:,]

ping

ping

~

IiI* ' ~) , qu

®

, QPJ ' shang ru

16]' , iij]' , ro ' ~

~,~,~

, '11j , shang ro ' qu

~ , rU ~ ,

m'~'H'~'.'~'~'$'~

743.

IX

'0

744.

~

10 [b]

745.

~

gwo [kw;:,]

ping!friJ' WIT ' ru Su: !friJ xa [?;:,]

ping

is ' iftf ' *15 746.

747.

~ ~

*I ' Jf ' it ' ifI ' ~I ' }I

ping j(; , ' ~i5 ' ffi '

khwo [k'w;:,]

~ , ~ , :f;~ , ~

ping

~

,

, •

'

:'ii; , Q/5

m' shang

it

~ , ~Pril ' shang ~ , ~ , j* ' qu ~ , ru

13 '

13

f4 '

m' m' Sff4 ' shang '1 'qu ~'ru ~ ,

dwo [tw;:,] shang:tj,,,, Inscr: :tj da

*'

rU

~ , ~~ [LC 125; JY 132]

748.

~

thwo [t'w;:,]

ping ~ , shang if: '

[!3

749. );:! two [dw;:,] 750.

~

nwo [nw;:,]

shang

frlli ' TIli ' qu

oj , rU *~

m ' :t>R ' ~ , 'fw ' qu m ' 'fw ' rU

ping ~ , qu f1m ' 'f1m ' ~

169

•

, Jill.

' ~ , ~5?,

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

751.

~

752.

~

bwo [pw:)] ping iiSl. ' iI §i'fU R'1i'Wf,g phwo [p'w:)]

' 11 ' shang

~ , t&: ' JEt ' shang

ping

ii

i€ ' §"I ' qu 11 ' i€ '

1fEl '

[[ ,

~ , qu

l1BZ ' ru

ti '

Inser: l1BZ phYo. This form is clearly a scribal error fOf phwo. 753. 754.

~ pwo [bwo] ~ rnwo [mw:)]

~ , SI ' M ' rU JW: ' gft ' ~ , 1ft ' IW: ' R ' tft ping.' II ' M ' I~ , shang ~ , qu M ' ru * '

ping

87K'1*'T*'?5K M rnue; Su:

Inser: 755. 756. 757.

~

~ ~

dzwo [tsw:)]

rna

t~ , ~ , rU

qil

tshwo [ts'w:)]

•

1'1 '

~

~~ , qil :*U ' ~ , ~ , fil 1'1 ~ , ~ , shang ~ , qu ~ ,

shang

tswo [dzw:)]

ping

'* [LC 125; JY 133]

~

ii: '

~

swo [sw:)]

ping ~ ,

759.

~

hwo [xw:)]

shang!k' qil

760.

~

Xwo [yw:)]

761.

~

'wo [?w::>]

762.

~ lwo [lw::>]

758.

ping

~

, rU

~

,

~~

, ~

y~

fD ' %: ' M ' shang t/iU '

~

ping ping

0

[::>]

ping §1~

'

, ~* qil fD ' rU

{rs,m,~

tm'rUt~

763. A

n* ' 1~ , shang

1~ , #ib ' 1\% ' ~ , qil m' ru ~ ,~~ , ~~ , 11 ' •

, a1t ' qil fV-.

170

' shang ff

,~, if ' •

'

qil

~,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

xv. • 0-1 764.

~

gya [kje]

765.

!§

khya [k'je]

rna [rna]

~ , ffi ' ~ , fa ' ~J[ , j~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , ~

rU

rU

fi ' ~ , JI~ , ~ [LC 125; JY 134]

766. ~ dya [tje] 767.

~ thya [t'je]

768.

~

769.

2

rU ~ , ~ , ~J!i

~ , ,~ , tti ' ~J!i ' ~~ , ~~

fU.'

7i ' ~ , ~I ' • ' fdJ. ' ~ ~ , shang fl ' 1ffl ' qu fn ' J!t,~ , ~ , m ' rU rg- ,

nya [nje]

rU ilE '

jya [t:§je]

ping

m'.'M,m,~,m,~,m,.,.,~,.,m

Su: ~ je 770. ~ chya [t:§'je] 771.

~

772.

~ phya [p'je]

773.

~ mya [rnje] Su:

774.

~

-?

-YT

L::;

~

fU.':fI

shang i2 ' rU ft! ' me, mI,• II'

~ , ~ , 1iJj , ~~ , ~

ping III ' fi ' shang

dzya [tsje] ~

m' 11tZ ' ~

It ' ~ , 55U

fU 5j , M '

bya [pje]

' shang ~ , rU

ping 1$[ , •

, :t~ , f:& '

, ~i '

f~

~

~~ , :t~ , qu

{i ' rU

ti1J '

, i!K [LC 126; JY 135]

775.

~ tshya [ts'je]

776.

~ -? ~

shang

sya [sje]

B. ' fU fJJ ' ~ , ~ , #~

ping

@ ,

shang

'm '

~~ , qu

rEP ,

~~ , fU ~ , ~ ,

~

* ' qu * '

~'m'~'~'~'~'~'~'~

777.

~

-?

~

zhya> shya

[~je]

ping

~,~

, shang

W<:'~'rU ~,~,~,.,~

778.

~ hya [xje]

779. ~ Hya [yje] 780.

~ -?!;§

fU

~ , J~ 11 ,

fU ~j ,

'ya [?je]

rU

tI '

i!fj , ~ , ~~ , t~

~,~

, JJtit '

171

iE3

, {;K

,

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

781.

~ Yya [?je] rU flI ' nit! ' IJC

782. ~ yya [je]

fU

It '

*'

§¥ , ~ , ~M ' ~ , ~ , ~ [LC 126; JY 136]

783.

~ lya [lje]

fU

Zh··ya [.] 784 . RX ~ fJe

37U ' jl!l ,

h ;(5' sang J"" ' V

785.

~

gwa [kwa]

786.

~

khwa [k'wa]

787.

~

nwa [nwa]

788.

~

jwa

789.

~~~

790.

~

hwa [xwa]

ping

791.

~

Xwa [ywa]

ping

[t~wa]

?fa ' {5~

fU

fiPnJ '

~

' )jil , 3M ' "

~

' Nit

n,g

, p~J1. ' HJ1l1.

, PI&1 '

, :;f!j ,

~ , {~

M ' ~ , fU

m' ~

ping

~

ru'5l;-h t.{~

--H:;;Et ,

JJl ' ~f,% ,

ping

, ~ , ru

shang

, shang

~ , /!IJ~ , rU i5iJ

H ' qu ~ , ~

~j7g

ping

zhwa > shwa

[~wa]

shang

1i ' {~ , rU imU

* ' 1t ' ~ , qu 1t * ' ,W ' ~* ' • '

shang

JE* ' qu

¥'~'rU~~,m

m' ;f1i , 11 '

[LC 126; JY 137] 792.

~

793.

~ ~ ~ xwa [fiwa]

794.

~~~

'wa [?wa]

ping

m' ~1 ' n ' m' 01 shang]i'

JjU

*'

gya (- gya) [kja] ping ~ , 110 ' mIT ' tva ' shang 11 ' ~1lZ ' 1~ , I( , ~ ,

~ , mJ ' " ' ~ , ~ , qu ?#!: ' 1* ' fJiJ. ' ?#!: '

~,&,I('rU.'ffl'~,~,n,~,~,~,~,

:tftI ' ~f¥ ' ;*'£ ' 1jtf 795. 796.

~

(-I§) khya (- khya) [k'ja]

~

(-

shang

~'WJ

~)

hya (- hya) [xja]

ping

'1m ' qu f~ , rU 1~ , 'fir,

m '

pllZ ' o;f , qu IJ ' iWJ ' ~~ , fU ~ ,

OftI 797. ~ (- ~) Hya (- Hya) [yja] shang T ' 1:: ' JJl

ping ~ ,

pllZ ' ~13l ' § , ~ , ,~13l ' EIlZ ' ' qu HIlZ ' T ' 1:: ' T ' rU ~5 ' ~

~'~'~'~'~'W,~,~,~,~

172

*' ,

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

798.

~

ril

gwya [kye]

:£j( ,

1fm ' gf{ij , §R

, ~~ , ,~ ,

AA '

,~

, 1* '

f§i

[LC 126; JY 138] 799.

~

800.

~~~

801.

~

802. 803. 804.

~ ~ ~

jwya

[~ye]

ru

[~'ye]

rillX

dzwya [tsye]

ru'~ ,,,

tswya [dzye]

ru,

chwya

zwya [zye]

ril iiIT

shwya

807.

~

zhwya [zye]

808.

~

hwya [xye]

[~ye]

'I~

,

, ttl:! '

;f)t

~~

ril§:

806.

~

)11

swya [sye]

~ ~

805.

~,~

ru

khwya [k'ye]

'm

ru

='

ru rJi ru Ita. [LC 127; JY 139]

809.

~

Hwya [yye]

810.

~

'wya [lye]

811.

~~~

812.

~

813. 814.

~ ~

ril'/\ ril~

xwya [fiye]

ywya [jye] ru Inscr: r-uJ xwya lwya [lye] Zhwya [rye]

t~

ril A ' ,FlU '

, §)t

, r-uJ

ru, !j; ' ~ '" ru~'m'~i7'J

173

$)[ , ~ , ~ , ~~ ,

tfJ! '

~B

' B

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

815.

~

816.

~ khwe [k'we]

gwe [kwe] rU Inser: JWX khwe

~ ,• ' ~ ,~

rU fifJ;J

Inser: ~ khwya

817. 818

~

kwe [gwe]

~ Hwe [ywe]

ping ~ , rU " ping [no examples]

[End of Received MGZY Text]

Supplement S 1.

~ da [tal

shang:tT' rU

S2.

~ tha [t'a]

S3.

~ ta fda]

rU Jfi rU ~ , ~

S4. S5. S6. S7. S8. S9.

01 E

C6

a 2J

a

S1O. ~ SI1. 0-1

rm '

f~

,m

na rna] pIng ~ , rU 3* ' %Vg ja [1:§a] ping ~1! ' ~ , shang ifF 'qu Of; , tH:; , rU 0jJf , %1] cha [1:§'a] ping:sz.' shang ~:t ' qu tE ' YX ' ru ~ , 5tH ' E8 ca [d~a] ping;m;, f:t ' shang ;m; , qu "F ' ru lJ ' ~ ba [pal ping t3 ' shang :tB ' qu ~ , rU J\ pha [p'a] ping B§ , qu $t:l ' rU 1/\ pa [ba] ping:f1:l' qu ~1:l ' 1m ' rU :tP rna [rna] ping.' shang ,~ , qu t~

S 12. ~ hwa [fa]

ru ~ , ~ , ~*

S13. ~ Hwa [va] S14. ~ wa [va]

"\5l tsa [dza]

S 18. ~ sa [sa]

ru

{Jt ' 1m

rU ~

SIS. :51 dza [tsa] S16. ~ tsha [ts'a] S17.

'

t§. , ~

rU:t~,

[Iff ,

m' [Z

ru ~ ru ~ , 5\$

rU., fi!&

174

Glossary of 'Phags-pa Chinese Forms

S19. 51 sha

[~a]

~j> ,

ping

~K

shang

' qu

~,

rit

~

S20. ~ ha [xa] shang ~ S21. LN Va [?ja] ping ~ , shang u.§ , qu Q ' rit :$L ' S22. W ya [ja] ping ;f , shang qu ~ S23. ~ la [la] fU*iJ'r®:,~j

m'

S24.

~

ge [ke]

S25.

~

khe [k'e]

S26.

~ ke [gel

S27.

~

nge [1)e]

S28.

~

te [de]

S29. S30.

~ ~

ce

[d~e]

pe [be]

S31.

~

tse [dze]

S32.

21

ze [ze]

S33.

~

zhe

S34.

~

he [xe]

S35.

~

S36. S37.

~ l§1

[~e]

ping ~ , rit ~f ~

ping

t~

, rit

t~

, .:r-

,&

ping fiJa ' rit !I~ , lEa' ' 1~

rit Hf'*'~'1J\ ~~

rit

,

~f

ping ~ ,

rit

qu

' fU

~1

•

'

J5

, JjU

~

qu fi ping 3f~

'fU ~

, shang 1:ih ' qu @t ' tf

shang ~ ,

qu U ' fU

~

,

1Jf

rit~

ye [je] shang i:f1 ' Inscr. ~ yaw

me [me] xa [fia]

' ffl '

If ' qu

{~

rit-J2 ping

IfriJ

175

, rit

~

, itt

,

E&1\

tft!

PInyIn Index to Chinese Characters in the Glossary This index is arranged according to the pInyIn spellings of the Chinese characters in the Glossary. Numbers refer to the entry lines in the Glossary text.

a al ai ai ai an an an ang ang

JWJ 743 ' S37; Jmt 780 ~ , fjJ 306

R'

s}t ,

~

287

m306; ~ 307; B 743 x: ' ~j~ 287; tj , B ' ~ , {~ , If ' ~ , f1f 306; m307 !Ji: '

at '

~f

'

mr '

780

~

,.cD

' om ' OJ ,

m:

, ,

~ 433; ~ ~ M ' 669 ~ 669; {tit 690 J$ 411; ~f 411 ' 464; ~ , ~ 433; B§- ,

Jmt

~ , ~ffi

M 669;

~g 670' 671

100

~mg

~ 123

ao

1JJ. '

ao ao

~ , ~ , ~1il ' 542; :t~ 543 ~ 279; ~ , ~ , • ' W 522;

m' ~ , ~ , • ' ~ , ~ , Ii ' m' $. , III 522;

if 544

*-

Jl '

t~

~ 542; ~ ,

, ~ , ~ , ~ , i~

542; :J:1j]

543

ba ba ba ba

bai bai

bai ban ban ban bang bang bang bao bao bao bao

E}' J\ S8

zz 751 '

753;

Eft '

~

, ~ , ~ 753; tft 753 ' S10

f~ S8

fill

297 ' SlO; ~ S8 B 297 jilf , 13 ' tEl 295 ff ' f/\ 295; J[!z 295 ' 297; FJI ' $[ , b'J@ , ~1 ' ~ , t& 419; B~ 419 ' 444 ' 446 ~& ' t& ' ~& ' fi 419; ~R 423 ¥iJ¥ ' If 421; ~ , J~ 444; 1* 446 . ' MJ ' tm ' *~ 109 tm 109 ' ffl' ' #f ' tm 109 ~$ , f$ , {'# ' 1'# 111 ~ , -§ , § 530; Jm 531 ~ , rI 532 If 530' 598; {~ , :§i:1: , ff* ' ~ , ~ 530 ¥~ , ~"J ' 1~ , ~ , ti ' ~ 530; i@.' ff2 ' ~m ~ ~ 532

m'

fs '

*. '1'.

*',

'

177

, , ffJ

'

i" ' m

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

~

, tJ!f.' l1iI 169;

~El' 1i~.

,

:It 214 '¥ 214; 'W 214' 216; tEl ' ben ben beng beng beng bI bi bI

bl

bian bian bi~m

biao biao biao bie bie bIn bin bIng bIng bIng bo b6

~~

,

1fEZ. '

T~

m ' itJ) , gf , 1J'rP 216; ~ , jJ!

295; f§ , 1! 297 366 ~ 366 M ' ~ , #J¥J ' to ' #Jf ' 1* 79 ~ , • 11; 1$ 12 ill 79 E$ , ~l 169; 1i ' $ilWi 214 .. 171 lt ' frlt ' rrt ' {J!f. 169; fEz: ' ®~ , ~ 214 ~'~'~'~'~'l1iI'~'~'.'.'~'~'.'.'~' Z¥ ' ~ , 1]1 , ~ 169; M 169 ' 771; ~ 169, 171; lt 171 ' 214; fr!lf ' ~~ , t~ , M ' trt ' 3i ' Z¥ ' ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , Jt ' f&;, , ~15 171; ~ , • ' ~El ' 1~ , f~ , f& ' !&~ , 1!b ' • ' ~ , J:t 214; ~ , 'I'M ' MU 215; ~ , ~, 5fB 216; M ' ,It 771 ~ 476 ' 488; jf , rf ' #vffii ' ~ 488; fiZ 684 ~ 476 ' 488;:fi 488; #!® 489; ~ , ~ 684 rft 421 ' 476; -t ' tt ' 'I't ' 00 ' #- ' {~ 476; ~ , ~ 488

:n ' -.

*'

m'

m'

m ' m'

.'.'.'~'.'R'.'~5~;~'~~7

tJ ' *1~ , ffj fi: ' • 5jU 771

554 555 771 ' S30; ~ S30

.'M'.'W'~'.'$'M3~;a3M

fl ' 7J: ~ , it pg , pg~ ffl ' 'I'fj

' W ' jjl 343; JJt 345 ' pJ< ' 1~~ 54 , ffl ' ~ , m ' ~Jt ' M ' m ' :M 54; i.t 488; ~ 712 , :tm ' m' it 54; irft ' m 56; 1* 81 ~U 530; 1Bl ' 11 751; :tit ' 1£* ' ff.i 751; :EEl 752 ~g: 216; m' ~ , \W ' '1$ , f# ' ~ , 1'¥ 250; fs ' fB 295; FB ' 297; iW ' ~I ' ff ' ~ , ,~ , ,~ 530; l@i , 'I's ' ¥i ' fit 532

b6

~ 751 ' 753; ~ 751 • 295; 11 ' ~ , ~I 751

bu bli

W' M' am 248 :fffi' r-- 248 m ' [IJ , f1J] , l' 248; '1m 249; 7f '

bo btl

625

ca

, 1ftE 214

~ S16

178

if~

, 1m

'

*'

:!l% 250;

if~

~B

, %11

PInyIn Index

Cal dli

cai di can dm

can dm cang cfmg

cang cao dio

cao

do ce cen cen ceng cha cha cha chai chai chai chai chan chan chan chan chang chang chang

jF!f ' ~

1J~, 300 ' ~:J

' ;t , ;f:J t* ' *IE ' ~

, •

* ', * ' j:* * ' ~

301 300

300 427; ~ , ,~ 663 Jjj , ~ 428; K ' j{¥ , '1l/iJT 664 'I~ , '1'1 ' ~ , ~ 663; '1'1 686; 'I~ 728 ~ , 1~ , ~ 427 ~ , if ' ~~ , ~ 117 ~ 118 if 117 t* 536 fJ ' fl ' 01 ' !Ill ' 1m ' 537 1j![ , 't* 536 1* ' ~ , 'I~ , r3f! 536; m 537 mrr 190; fffi ' fffiJ ' m ' !if. 293; t~U 326; 1~U ' 'I:~W ' ~ 327; $I 583 ~ 726 Zf- ' 1-* 727 ili~ 60; ~ , W 83 3£ 293; JZ.. 293 ' S6; ~ S6 ~ S6; 1& ' lE S7 3£ 293; ~i' ~'1)(' *U S6 ~)( , JZ.. ' 3£ 293 ~ , ~ , M ' fM 294 293 3£ ' ~ , iii 293 fI 657; ~~ , :ft 682 ~ , ~ , i@ 418; JFI ' • ' B ' #1 475; j[ , '&i ' ~ , ~ 1Wi 480; IU 657; ~ , • ' ~ , UJI 658; 9\1i 689 Wi 417; ~ , £ ' Yff 430; III ' ~ , rPfl! ' o~ , ~ 487; 85 682 t~ 657 j~, {;R , ~ , {~ , ~ , ~ 106 ~'*' JWj , :f:~ 107; ~ , ~ , 'I" ' 11 ' ~ 121 J]<§' ~ , Ii\iQ: ' Jl$( 106 ~

m

-m

:w ' ,

~~g

m,~,u,~,~,m'.1~

chao chao chao che che che

t9;' , tJ>

528 ' 740; ~R 552; 1m ' 'I§ 570 ~ 527; ~ 529; Ij!Jj , ~ 553 1'J> 528 • ' 1i$ 770 • 770 :f;JT 293; 769; 769, S29; f/lV: ' 11 769 ' 770; ~ 770

:n '

mz

m

179

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

chen chen chen cheng cheng

341; ~ , ~3!t ' m ~* 342; ~ , ,i: , ~~ , t2 if)( , ~ 341; • ' t¥J! ' Vi] , tmt ~ , ~, f~' 1~ 52; ~ , ~

cheng cheng chI

~

m' 1~ , f~ , ff

chi

,~,

chi chi

~G ' 1~ , ~ , R '!l1R 166; ER 182 ~,.,g'~'~'~'~'~'~'.'~'~'~1~;

chong chong chong chou chou

'l'q:r , Jt: ' lft ' 3'6 ' iii ' {iI ' If ' 9; ffR' ~* 11 ' frp 30

g~

,

~

'•

~

,

709 353; ilL 710; WI; , tt ' 11 719 401; rwJ 709; ~ 726 , ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , ~I ' 77

m

¥'~'B'~'B,m'~'*53;~,~,~,g,~,~, 7}:.

64; H 76; 52

, ,!¥J

t:& ' ti 52

~Z; 157 ' 158; ~ 199;

166;

R

~

1m'

tff! '

#-m ' fff][ ,

191

:l:g;,

1~

, JII ' mJ '

, §$ , 1M ' frl

)g , g,~

m' frEll ' ~ 604; 1'1 '

, JJI '

1~

, t~ 167;

~

,

if

182;

m'

'

'I~ 604;

t~

776

m' ~ , :t~,

*li: ' Yn 181

*'R8

78

~

ti

8;

ff '

~ , ~ 637 #,iff! ' #%J '

, WI ' • ' r%J '

~

, m21

f%J 605; it '

~j+1 615; 1~

638

chou chou chii chu

it ' ffi ' IDt; 604 ~'yl604

tB

211; fJJ 246; ~ , ~ , ~lli ' tB 268 ~ 246; ~£l ' ~WJ ' lit ' ;,~ 247; ~ , ~ , ~ , f?* ' i~ 269; !I!* 277 chu ~ , ~ , ttl! 246; 1if 267, 268; ftf ' tt ' ~ 268 chu A 246; lilSZ ' f,;tfj 267; J1L ' iIT'R ' M 268; tf 604 chuai fffij 312 chuai DI 312 chuan ~ , JlI 501 chufm f.J'd ' ~ , l' 502; ~ , lITID 508 chuan 74 ' u-;m 501 chuan &1[1 , ~ 501 chuang iB ' rtit 144; ;§!J ' ~ 152 chuang ti ' W ' ~* 145; W 153 chuang if;} , ;§IJ ' tt ' ~ 152 chuI 8'lZ ' 1)\ 211 chui ~m 206; ~ , ~ 210; ~ , ~~ , it 212; ~ , ~ , 13i ' chiin ~ , 1i ' Wi!! ' 385 chun W ' ~M 386; M ' f,;lH , • ' ~ , ~¥ ' 1$ 392

*tl

180

, JfJ ' lIT '

iI 224

~

PInYIn Index

chun chuo chuo cI

ci cl

cl cong cong cong cou cou cu cu

Z' Jm ~

, *!j[,

fr¥

385 583 552;

801;

~

JilEIi:

i¥: ' ~ 190 Jltl 193; ~ ,

m' ~ 570;

~ ,

frfE ' IE ' til 583;

~,t~ 800;

m' :it ' n ' >5Z ' ~ , ~ , ~ , JEt

194; ~Pj ,

:tPJ '

JOO 640 ~

'l'B ' 1§= Sl; 31 S3 tT Sl 735 y 288 fW1 ' ~ 288; it 289;

m

cUI cui cun

*1

ctm

dan dan dan

,

~~

d£t da da dai dai

cuI

,

~

cun cun cuo cuo cuo

CUM

~

196 1J1± ' IJ1± 177' 193; lI:t, {~t 193 WU ' WU ' Yx. ' {;'l\ 193; ~ 195 ~, I,I!( , ~ , \I!( , ,~!!t 18; f1fE 32 ~'~~':F7%' '1* ' 1* ' 'I: 19; f;£ 33 ~I!( 18 640 II ' Iffi ' ~ 256; *~ 257 ~g , ~ , J$ , ~ 256; ~ 256 ' 640; § , IS 271; {,IE 272 tI, tl$l , i1X 450 it' II 449; ~ 458 219; 1M ' {1M 219' 220 ~ , It 219 ~ 211 ' 219; ~ , JW; , W ' 1$ 219; ¥' '1$ , W 220 374; ~lit 388 t¥ ' itt 375 '1'1 374 --t 374 ~ , I& ' t& 738; ~ 738 ' 756; ~* tl 756 M ' ~ , ~ , ~ 739; ~ , ~ 757 ill 256; ~ 256, 536; ~ 536; ~ 755; ~U ' ~ 756 ' 788

cu{m

IX

807

'

"*

m' JtI ' ;@, , m' *tI ' gtl ' i~ , "* ' 1* ' 1i: . m' Ji ' ~ , »! ' ~ , m290 '&i ' ~ , H ' 7-' ' .. 412; lft ' 11 ' Itt ' it ' {t 652; l1t4 653 ~ , • 412; It ' m~ , #x 652; *' ' g 654

g 412;

~ , {B ' ~ , 5~

, {B ' 1ff1 ' 181

t~

,~

414;

rtt ' it ' ilL ' {~ ,

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

dang dang dfmg dao dao dao de deng deng deng dI di dI di

dian dian dian diao diao die dIng dIng ding dong dong dong dou dou dou du

du du du duan

E 652; Vl ' 8 ' ~ , § , O. ' UIf~ , ~ , 1& ' tt ' t~ , O~ , • 654; 1$: 733 ~'%I' tm ' ~ , f~ , 31lt 101 'Ii,}t, ~ 101; 11 155 ~,&", ~ 101; Y!i ' fa ' 11 ' 7Et ' m ' 1i~ , ~ 103 7J ' ~)] , '17J ' ~)] 523 fiG ' fI ' t~ , ~ , ~ 523 jU ' fiG 523; ~§ , fi' ~'In' II ' '1$ , Jf§ , Et ' Ji ' ~~ , ~1fiJ 525 1~ , 1~ 323 ~'~!f' ~ 73 ~ 73 ~ 53; !lJ!f ' m ' ~! ' 11! 73; W ' ~! 74 {E& ' g , f~ , fE; , ~~ , ~iilfj 161 8~ , ~ , ~ , Jf~ , 161; ~jlij 161' 181; 3* ' ~ , ~ , II ' M ' ft ' 83 ' ~ , W~ , &tR ' 3m 163 f&~ , )g; , §~ , :f:E; , 1~ , t~ , ~E; , M ' ~ , ~E; 'g 161 1~ , ~ , • ' B~ , iiL ' ,~ , 93 ' ~ 161; frA5 ' 'I#] , 31 ' ~ ~ tW ' ~ , 1* ' Jf~ , M'[ , 31 ' ~ , :i:-[g 163 M';Ii' ~ , JW: ' 1~ 470; IS 677 ~ 470; lWi~ 677 ~ 470 ' 472; ~ , ~ , ~I: ' f;J: , 1iV ' 1m ' ~ffi ' rI1 472; IS, r;5 , j:S ' 16 ,~ 677; .. ,~ 679 ~~':;:;';EJ!J' {~ , mJ.~ , IE ' mB 567 :j:lj!' :j:~t ' 'Ii. ' ~J!j , 1Il ' PI ' jfrJt 550; tft ' 93 ' ikJ 567 O.i 166; ~ , ~ , ~r5 766; ff~ S28 T' ~J ' ;EJ ' 47 1T' J~. rnL ' ID 47 1ifE' ~J ' in 47; "§J ' 5E 47 ' 49; if ' }f , ~ 49 ~ 3 11, _ ' 'Iii 3 {*' 1* 3; Ih' tfilJ ' 'I'IPJ ' 'IIV 5 ~G 241; !JIG 632 -4- ' 14 ' !!!4 ' ~tE 632 F~ 632; R ' .. ' m; · ~ , R ' tE 634 ~G ' ~ , ~ 241 m ' §j , B ' J§ , R ' Jj , fI ' ill ' Q • ~jf , 41 ' "$ , II 243; Q 277 1m ' :f:~ , ~ 241 frp , It 241; ¥X 241 ' 243; H ' §± ' ± ' 7li • ~ , Ii 243 ftflij 440

m: '

m

* ' §*, ' , m' ** '

m'

n

*' {* ' , _

mr '

182

PInyIn Index

duan

~}i

du~m

$ 440;

dUI

tl ' fl. 206 f-t ' ME. ' t)[ 206; >t ' ~ , ~ , • ' ~~ , ~ 208 fl. ' '1$ , :WJ 362; ~J. 364 ilij 362; lIm ' fl. ' Jl§ , 14! ' ~ , m' ~ 364; @" , ;tJ§

du 1 dUn dun

duo duo duo duo

e

440

:g,

~ 440' 442;

.®: 442

386

733; ~!J 747 525; ~ 747; ~ , }& 749 212; .. 733; tj , • ' ~ 747 525; tt ' ~t 735; t~ , ;fj , ,[~ 749

~

•

m'

1l

!rnJ '

~ 743

e

~

~

m'~'~'fi'~3m;~'~'~'~,_,~,.,.,., t~ 522; ~ , ¥ 542; ~ 732; ;l:~ , ~ , OB 743

en

J~' 403 ~ ffiJ 'm ' ~

er er er

fa fa fa fan ~

, !l#; , ~~

, d@ , 1!t!® ' {fJ( ,

,

~

='

' flffi ' ~mi ' §ffif ' iIiiI® ' 1ffii 188 , £t: ' ,~ , ~ , 3lj: 188 m; , I1.ij 'IfU 188

~ 1~

732;

~

743;

~lt

' oft 763

~

S12

,

1*

S13 S12 ' m ' $I , :m: ' ~ , $I ,

~ , il~ , :bii f.I ' & 423; tl 751 .,.,.,m,~,.,m,m'.,:m:'.'~'~'#~4;

~ 423 ~ 423; ~ 424; ~fL

753

&'

t-n ' 1J '

,

~8 659; m '

fJ}j

tot ' til. '

114 {jj , {jj ,

#5 '

fang fang fe i

1b. 113

*'

~~

mJ' W '

m' IVJ ' j:jj 'jJj Bjj ,

'

:tJj'

ffmg

fei fei fei fen fen

,

mz '

fL ' $A ' fA 660; • fan fan fang

~

m ' ~ , ~F

'

~~

$Jl '

Ifr"B ' J~

'7f 113 ~

, fJD ' Wi

, W~ , l~jF ' §JF '

~

113

, ~c

' ~~ 173

m:s ' §jF ' 1!JB 174 ~ , m ' fl ' 'lfff: ' ~ , ~tJj , t#p 173; ~~ ffi ' §JF ' JJl ' ~ , It ' nw 173; j~ , m. ' uj\ 5t ' ~l ' 5} , W ' ~ , M 370; ffi 370, 371; 17t ' ffi ' ~ , 7E'[ , fJ1 ' !ll5f ' fi ' • ' fit ' m ' ~

1* '

*'

, Jt '

*' 183

, II 174 174 371 371

*

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A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

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~ 112' 251 ' 626

mao

fs!j 533 ' 556

mao mao

.gp , J)p , HP

::§ , ~ , E§ , 1J:t 533

'

"* ' !Ji 533; :T ' 192

~ 628

112

' ¥t ' ;l:J. '

~

PInyIn Index

w' m'

,

mil

217 ' 533; ~1§1 , ~ , ~ , ~=E ' '§1 , n~ Mt. 533; a; , 626 J§ , IIffl ' 1~ , ;fJI§ , }§~ , ;f)( , ~ , ~l ' J5<: ' 11 ' 1l ' ?f1j , w~ 217 ~ , fJI ' ~ , Ei 217 i!* ' :fR 172; ~ , Jtt ' ft7K ' #iJ ' ~ 217; 87K ' 1* 217 ' 298; l* 298 F~ , tr~ , ~ , ~ 369 'It ' r~ f,f,~ 369 ~ , ~ ~ §~ , ;'J , ~ , !lIt, ;~, Jj;, Eiij, Blt ' 3 13; if ' ~ , 'It 16; M 57; tr2; 112 ~ , 'It, ~,1ifu' B~ 13 jfu , M ' 'It 13; ~ , if 16 15; , ~ , g 172; ~ , ~ , fI.t ' ~ 217; 5m 172 ' 771 i5li ' j.E} , 15; , ;&, 11* 172; fI.t 217 ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , ~, ~ , ~ , • ' 18 ' t~ 172; ~ , !.0 217 ~ , *113 477 *00 ' 1WJ ' 100 ' El], , 9'r!2 ' :92. ' iJfJJ ' it ' ~ , 100 ' jl 477; fi 489 ~ , §~ , ~ig , 00 477 ffi ' filE 556 gI}; , 1!l3> ' ~ , tJ> ' ~ 556 ~jt , ~ 556 t:1 773 ' S36 ~ , .. ' ~ , iI ' ~~ , ~ 773 ~ , ill,a; , *~ R 346 lIIl 57; fMi ' ~ , '1'00 ' 00 ' 'iIt'y: , ~ , 1R: ' 1; 346 ~ , Eij3 , q~ , is ' 141 ' ~ , ~ , ?~ , t~ , ~ , 8~ , 1S ' ~ 57 1f[J 57 ?l?I ~ 608 P'~ , Jl~ t~ 533 t~ , 11m ' ~ , 1~ 251; J1l 533; • ' JJl ' M ' I~ , 754 ~ , #~ , ~ 217; ~9. ' 7J9. 251; !)B , ~:fr ' • ' ~jj , IDR ' §IN 298; ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , ~ , 1~ , ~ 533; M ' 87K ' 1* ' 1* 754 ~ , §$ , .$ , 1$ , ~ , ~ 628 626 ~~ , tzHJ 251; -BJ: ' ~± ' 1m: ' ~ 626

mu

. ' ~,~,

mao

J~

~,~

mei mei mei men men meng meng meng mi mI mI mifm mian mian miao miao miao m1e mie min mIn ming mIng m l' u'

mo

mo mo mou mou

na

,

*'

*' , ,

*'

*'

*'

,

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f~

~

~,t~,

m f* '

*' W, ~'R' ft' ~ 251;

, ~ , ~ 254; ¥ 533

S4 193

§, ~,

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

na nai nai nai nan nan nan nang nang nang nao nao nao ne nei nei nen neng ni ni nt nian nian nian niang niang niao nie ning ning n tng niu niu niu nang nong nOll nu nu nu

*' n ' ill ' im ' tIl ' *it ' * m' ,

~~ 736; ~P3 787;

§~

oils 814; 1* ' iiils S4

291

frf]l 291

291 ' 736; mIT ' im 291 415; ~ @ , ift¥j , ~ , of¥j 655 ~ , ~ 415 It 415 It 104 • 104 it 104 j'* ' j'! ' j~ , oy~ , ~ , '[31~ , JlOO 526 ~f:§} , '['f:£l 526 1!j! , ImJ 526 §ils 244; oils 814 ~ 209 pq 209 • 365 j$ , 1$ 75; §~ 75 ' 291 1m ' f!! 164; ~ , ,[~ 168; {)l , ~ , Il ' ,JG ' j'x ' ft ' ffiJt ' ~ 186 J~ , 1~ , ~ 160; tI ' 15m 164; t~ , 1fJ\ ' Dffi 168 ~ 160; 1m ' W ' t~ ,~~~ 164; • ' 8~ , 8~ , ~ 168; §5G 186 !if 473; tS 680; J~ , 683 t~ , 1,'g , fi ' ~ 473; :;: 482 ~ 680

*ti

y~,

fjJ 108

@I 108 ,~ , J,; 567; fr~~ , ~ 569 ~ 186; 1~ , 7i ' iI ' NI ' • ' f;!J. , • 768; [lJ;l , ~ , W:lJ! 782; ~ , 0:1 784; !Ji ' Mi\ S27 {~ 46; $: 50 1$ 50 Wl ' 1i ' 1$ 50 4 602 t.iB: ' m ' HI: ' j'H 606 ~ 606 JI: ' {~ , ill 6; 14 ' 1~ , tl ' 11 10 # 26 *~ 635 f)J. ' ~ , Yi ' jj. 244 ~ , -g 244 ~ 244

m'

194

W'

=* ' 8¥ ' WB ' ~M

PInyIn Index

nil, nil nuan nile nuo nua

tx. 270 tx. ' E~ , RJJ.

' fH ' ID!H 270

BI ' 11 ' ~~ 443 ~

, g 549;

jj~ , •

fi

~

559

' tr!1~ 736

291 ' 581; §t 526;

Tm ' 'I'W ' 11

au

§;,~,lID['l!I'~~

au au

~

pa pa pa pal pai pai pan pan

S9 SlO 'I's 532; ~f:l ' 1)\ S9 1B 296 1~F 216; ~.$':J3F' 1~F 297 iff 296 • ' iR ' ~,& 420; 11 ' it 445

pan pang pang pang pao pao pao pel pei pei pen pen pen peng peng peng pI pi

, ~ , 100; 644

~

,

~

750

644

631;

o~

,

~

644

BB

tB

1* '

, !!m: ' tt ' $ , nI ' ~ , ~ , ~~ , • ' lID 420; *U ' 1* ' 1ft 445; fR ' Bf¥ 446

~

*

r1f ' ~~ , % ' 110 1~ , 1)] , 50/ ' Jft '

Jjt

m'

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, 91 ' #-

446

~

446 )@ , Jf¥ ' ftt1J 531 fel: ' rtf:g , ~ , 1§ , ~ , N§ , f§ , ~ 532 i'P2 ' mI ' ~§ 531 tI ' Mq , Jjf ' :Ef 215 I~ , ;1:if ' M 216 ~ 214; ~lZ ' @B ' P2 215; 1Jl!R ' wt 216; 1m 295 ' 296; ~ 296 11, ~ 367 1JJ. 368; 370 ~ 367; ?l 368 ~ , 7 ' =tf 80 l j 11; ~ , ~ , ~ , If ' 11 ' ~* 12; ~ , tM ' JjJj , j:~~ , HH,~ , 5EE 81 =t~ 14 #Jt ' =tit' ~ 170; fEz ' ~ , I~ , /G ' ,\[E , {:f ' fI 215 ~ , ~ , ;1:.$ , f$ , tllf. ' g , it, ffi ' ~l ' HI ' ~it ' tit 171; mlt 171 ' 194; Jm 214; E!. ' ml ' ~ 216

*'

m

195

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

pi pi

plan pian pian PlaO piao piao piao

PIe pin pin

pin pIng ping po po po po pou pou pou pou pu

pu pu pu qI

, it ' i1t ' 121 ' @ , ~ 170; ~ , :Fe 216 'WI ' frl ' 1:W ' ffl¥ ' Z¥ ' iIl¥ 170; yJ 215 ~ , ~ , mm ' ~ 489 m' !II ' ,!§]t , ~# ' i!! ' ;fff ' ~ , 3f 476 J:!r ' ,~; 489 ~~

~~,

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•

t" ' ,~

, 11

~ ~ , jJ ~Q 713 ~ , frIlg

55; 55

, 11*

3f '

~

~~

fez

345; :fit 476

752;

m' m' ff: ' m' {,\§ , ~~

wi ' ~

56;

752

,*

476

, Ei 753 [[ , ~ 752 ill 295; ~ 296; ~ 752 if~ 624 ~, if' 625 623; ifU 624; :!::g. 625 ~ff 624 wm ' :J+ 249; ~ 249' 252; 11" 252, 624' 627; ;f~ 531; ~ 249 ' 531 ' 532 iJ' 'lJ 216; ~ , ~ 248; ~ 249; ~jij , 1m' :g, $ , M ' 1~ 250; ;f~ , ;fl 531 ~ , 11m 248; ~ , ~, ' 249 y~ 248 ' 250; wm 249; Hi 250 ~

m' m

m

im

Uff;J , ~ 158; ~,~, ~ , {~ , ~

,

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,

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199

y* ' JllG ' JW ' ~

~,~,.,.,~,~,~,.,.,~,~,.,m,m,

m' tJT ' frJ[ , ~ , Uff;J , ;l:ff , m 159; 199; tEE ' jf\ ,

qi qi

Jt

345

, ~ , ff ' ftFi '

~~ 531; ~ ,

177;

qi

571 , ~ 555 555; #!fi: ' 571 555; 'I~ , ~IJ ' ~~ 571 772 , f$ , :flt ' !ill ' .. ' WHi '

e

Y¥ ' Jf.

i~

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wiZ ' ilit '

~

, ,H;

, , te ' We ' B ' W ' z:

*~ ~ ~z: 157; ~ ,

1l '

~i

765 ill 795

7{If' H~

, " ' :t~ , if

158;

, tJlf 178;

~iZ

' !iBZ

200

m' ~ , ~ , m' it:

199

, t~ , YiL ' Fs 158; 111:)] , 1iJf ' wU ' #i ' ' :&: 177; m' '1'2: ' i~ 183; ~ , it: ' ~iZ ' ~ , ~ 199; ~ tiffi '

~

, ffj ,

'I~

196

PInyIn Index

qia qlan qifm qian qian qlang qifmg qiang qlao qiflO qiao qiao qle

qie qie qie qln qin

~i§: , 'Ii'! ' r!Ji?i 795 'I~ 464; ~'*467;. 467, 494; $' WJf 485; ¥ ' ~ , M 491; W't ' ~fj 514; ~ , ri 686; ~ 695 $Z , m 468; M ' iJ@ 478; fir ' W ' ~t!i ' !i ' ~~ , ~ 675;

fa'

!i

iI

706;

m:

~ 467;

m,

717 467 ' 485; ~ 491; 'It ' lS ' f~ 491; 7Z 675;

' ~ 695 !fI ' ~ 686; if

{J[ 485; 699

fi

5E ' !Il5t '

, 'I~ , fit ,~ 128; ffll~ , i'! ' ~ , ~ , ~ 'MiT 129; MI ' Jfi ' ~i ' 1'1 ' tI ' ~~ , J!i 133

~s

11

'~

T' 1Yf' 11 696;

695; ~ 695 '

E~

132

127; t~ 152 ~* 535; ~~ , ~ 544' 591; ;m , t~ 547; 565; jfk 573; ~ 591 ~ , 1l ' 11 ' ~ , !l!~ 548; 1& 566; ~ , ~ , §! , ~ 574 'I'~ , 'Itk 573; Vj 591 iI 565; ~ 566; {~ , ~~ , U!i1:l 573; ~fi 574; :/Wi 575; ~ , i~ 591 fJJ 775 150 794; ilJa S26 £L 775 fJJ 177 ' 775; ~ , ~ , 'I'~ , ~ 765; ~ , #~ 775; t~ S25 348; ~J\ ' ~ 705; t~ 714; 1~ , ~ , ,~ 715

m

*'

m

~'~'~'~3TI;.'.3@;~,a'~'.'.W6;.

717

qin qln qlng qing qing qlng qlong qi6ng qlU

qiu qiu qu

qu qu qu quan qufm

~ ,~ ,~~

715 ~C\ 715 ' 716 gNP 44; !~ , Wi ' ~ 59; 1);]{ , tj 88; $~ 93 WI- ' WJJ ' JW~, ffi.~, ~ 45; 'Ii ' 8~ 60 ~i 59; J::j 88 JJ: 44; 1~ , Wi ' 1m ' t~ 59; ~ 88; ~, ~ , W 93; 348 ~,1§, ~ 28 ~ , fit ' r~, ;tf3' ~ 29; ~j , 'If ' B: ' 'If 89 JJ~ 600; f:k' ~'I;' I): , tfk 610 t.t 599, 601; ~ , {n ' ~ , n ' ~ , i# ' ~ , 11 ' ~dt ' tt ' 601; gg , ill 611; III 613; ~4 ' ~* ~ 647 *$! 600, 646 Jffi 264' 265; ~ , r! ' ~! ' 1iI ' "rm; , ~ , 11 ' !l!~ , "rm; , ~ , §tfj 265; arB ' m ' ~ 272; a! S25 ~ ~* ~ ;f~ , ¥i ' • ' iIJ ' M ' M ' ~ , 1lj}] , frij , tgJ® ' *121 266 1M ' fffi 265; ]f3Z 272' 640 00 232; 265; • ' ~ , m 272 Ei1 499; 'I'~ 504; ~ , ti! 517 Ii!£: 457; il ' ¥ ' IDi ' ~ , :ff ' t'g 499; ~ , {:i ' ~ , 1i ' :¥ ' ~ , ~ 504; ~ , ~:i 505

m

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.f*

, ' ,

*

*'

197

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

quan quan que que que qiin qun

8jjt 497;

7:.

~,WJ

517

498; ~ 517

fIi;R: 799; ~ 816

'*

j\f 817 tiP 158' 547; 'I~ 521; 572; W® ' iW& ' 'fJt?; , 1it ' ~ , #fj 591; lifl£J 593; ~ , M 382; ~ 388 f=f ' 383

m' i!1Z 573; m' it ' :ft 590; IiJ

799

:m

rong

483; ~ 693 483; -14 ' ¥} , ~ 693 • ' t~ , tl ' ii{ , JJl 126 t~ 126 §l 126 ~ 563 jJ: , ~ , ~ , ~!! 563 ;g , ;:.fi 784 ~ 784; ~ 814 A ' 1- 359; f:f ' :E 724 Hif, 359; if 724 #ZJJ 339; TJJ ' ~!B ' fJ] , ~I1 ' "§I1 359; ~1 ' ffI7, , ~1 ' #,1 ' i:f 724 1Jj , ~ 70 B ' ,~B ' A 188 ~ 38; ~!R ' ~~ , 11 ' ~ , i@ , ~ , ?It ' ~ 40; tJ(; , ~ , ,~ , i,\t~ , If 42 7L ' IE 42

rau rou rou

j,* ' 622 ~ 283

rfm ran rang rang rang rao rao re re ren ren ren reng

r1 rang

~ ~

,

~

m' rl ' m' m'

m'

'** '

~*

ru ru ru

ftIO ' Wi ' ¥j. !x. ' & ' *ft:

ruan ruan rut rut rut rua ruo

:!:W

A

~~

' '* ' f* ' '* ' if*

622

270; ~D ' fri ' 11 ' iI ' 'II ' ~ , 283 188; itIO ' ~ , :00 ' *~ 1Ji 283 515 396' 515; we 512; ~ 515 ~ 230 230 224; pg , ¥r7'J ' ~FJ 230; ~3t ' ~ 238; 750 , ~~ , ~ 563; ~ 814

' ~L

m

' U]I ,

m ' ri'm

,

n'

*

Jffij

~

;:.fi

198

m 230'

814

283

PInyIn Index

run run

~* 396

sa

1,1 303; Ji '

Sal

sai san san san sang sang sang sao sao sao se sen seng sha sha sha shai shan shan shan shang shang shang shao shao shao shao she she she she shei

M'

~~ 396

~& S18;

1,1 303, S19

[W 302; ~ 331 {~ 181; • ' ~ 302 ~t ' .=:. ' ~ 665 fl: ' ~f( , $: 429; ~ 665 fl: 429 ~ , ~ 119 ~ , ~ , ~ 119 ~ 119 ~i ~i:

' 11 ' ~ , #~ , ~~ , ft ' 'II ' iff} , tff} 538

538

* ' 0* ' tw ' iff}1lliE , 1*

538 , ~ , 3;N , 197; ~ 331; 5 ' Tit ' Ti 332 ~ 666; ~ 728 1~ , fi 84 19;- , ~ S 19 1l 789 III 307 ' S19; ~ S19 8.1 ' ~ 303 gOO ' f!!!T ' frfffi 429; ffiFJ ' M ' W 430; fl ' tM; , iJll ' ~ , ~ 493; ~ , ~,~ ,~, ~J 666; -;5' 688 ~ 653; ~ , 00 688 "§W ' 1W 430; ~ , ~ , Ifl ' E!) , #,~ , i~ , Hi ' mr 480; ~ 493; ~ , -;5' 688; • 689 p,}j' ~ , 1J ' ~ , M ' ~ , *~ 120 • 120; L 121 ~

t, '

~'L 121

fF§ , tF§ , 5F§ , ~ , 1m ' 1l'f ' ~F§ 539; m 557 19 161 ' 558; 00 ' kJ 558; *~ 558 ' 561 & 557 & 557; ~B ' B~ , B 558; Btl 558 ' 566 ~ , ~ 777; 1t S5 E 734' S29; E S29; 1il S33 ~

, <@r 777 ~J 167; 'II ' 'I'~ 769; <@r , iJf!x ' $: , S29; ~ S33

ME 224

*± '

199

tl '

~

, 'Ix ' U ' -g9:

777; ~J

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

shen

$ , 1$ , *$ , Q$ , Mf ' J1r 352;

shen shen shen sheng sheng sheng sheng shy shi

f$ 342

~,,~, ~1

' %t ' gyt , 15t

402; t~

666; ?~ 718; ~ , ~ 728

shl sht

~51 ~ ~

*,1ffi

'

Qj§ 352;

, ft- ' ~ , ' 111 53

shu shu shu shua shuai shuai shuan shuang shuang shui shul shut shun shun shuo shuo sy sl

,

)jJlZ , t~ 353;

* ' *u ' F ' B!!& ' ~,~

85 )jI , @: , iE) , ~ 53; ~ ,

f.;fli , flffi '

WE '

~

,

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1m '

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~ 63; ~ , Jil 64 181; @ffl' ~ 197;

lB 259

.'~'M'~l~;~'~'~'E,m,~,~,~,~,~,

it ' :tE- ' + 182 5fu ' ~ ~f1 181; 9:: '

*' ,

1~ ,,~ 197; ~ 202 ~'~'~1~;~'~'~'.'~'.'.'~'.'~'~'

$\ , fr!J '

shou shou shou shu

m' • '

709; WJ 709 ' 718; ~~ 1~ , ~ 718 ¥ 710' 719; it: 719; 1~ 728 ~1it ' 1m 63; ~ , ~ , tt ' ~ , ~~ , j~ 85

iff

, M ' :filZ '

m' ~

~ , &j , O~ , if ~)( 614 § '-¥ ,~ 614 j~ , !* ' ~ 614;

181; ~ ,

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182;

, rtf ' II~ , f~ , Ex ± ' 1± ' t$ , FE ' ~

~

' ~ , 1~ , 191

'X ' • ' f§. , t§: 615; 1!ll 643 iEfrt ' ;fJrt , lEi ' Mt 259; j)j , ~ , fr* 268; tf 269; 269, 276; W ~T ' fgtr , t;z , ~ , ;f& 276; )i# ' 9:: ' 1rm 277 Jtt 269; ~~ , !1A ' ~ , JJl ' ~-Jjz 277 ~ 259; ~ , EF~ , ~ , mt 276; i!f ' Bi ' :;] , M 277 ~ 259; :pfq , £tt ' V!t ' 1i1l 269; ?ZtB ' ffl: ' jj(; , 276; ~ , ~ , ~j , fE ' ¥It 277 frllU 789 :iR ' t¥ 313 $ , @rjJ 259' 313; • 259 :t3: 504 ~ 146; ~ , M ' • 154 ~, M ' t~ 154 ME 224 7]<. 223 $)l 219' 223; §)l , ~)l 223; §lE 224 J§ 386; :tJ§ , ifj§ 386, 390; lift 505 )Iif[ 386; ~ , J!t ' ~ 391 806 ~"J 551; ~ , ~ 557; tfiJ3 ' 0JfJ: ' ~ , ~ 585; 5t!j\ 642 rOOf 179; ,IGl ' R] , M ' *,~, ' fk ' OOT ' JJJc: ' ~Wf ' ti ' Pj~ , 1}~!, 195 7E 195

*f

m'

*

m'

m

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wr '

200

'

PInyIn Index

sl

{* ' ~ 191; [9 B ' f§ , 1B '

m' {i'i] , ,E(!;l

, ~ , 1[J] , ,~11!l ' ~ , ~l1J ' ~l1J '

suan suan

196 ~ 20; ~ , ~, ~,T§ 34; t~ 35 '1*, ftt ' ~ 34 ~ 20; 1}Ji ' ~m ~ 35 m5'l 538; ft, H ' @l , :i: 643 5ll ' fi ' IIM1 642; if 643 ~ , iiIiX ' W}( 642 JM( , ~'* W* 258 {% 275 ~fi ' 1Jf ' 1* ' ~ , ~ ~ ~ 303; ~* 258 ' 274; ~'W' Jmi 259; tt, ~,~ 303 ~'1~ 451 g 451

suan

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Wf; 451

~

~$

n ' *- ' g$ , ~ , ~~ , 1i$

song song song sou sou sou

sU

su su

SUI

sUI sUI su 1

*'

sun

suo suo suo

ta ta tai Hii tai tan tfm tan tan tang

*'

m' , , , m' ¥ 258; W 258 ' !f ' m' m' WI. ' ~ 274;

!Ii ' ~ , M ' :!* 221; mE 221 ' 272 Jlf! ' ~ 222 Ii 221 ,

1* '

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195; ~ ,

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376 ~ , flY' PH 259; ~ 740

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m' H* ' Jtt

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221;

l* 740; 19> '

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389

0i ' t~ 758 ' ~ 758; :m:

789

1fu ' '2: 734

III ' jI M:r 289

13 '

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il~ 289; ,;: ,

*1Ji '' '1* ', -x.It ' ~~

J:l ' 1.1 ' 5lf. 654 413;

m

1M ' ~

fJ( ,

II ' fi=l ' 11: ' 1ii '

~J 289 413; ffit ' ~ 653 414; .. ' 1l ' f!:

'

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~ , N ' fig 653 413; ~ 480; ~ 652' 653; ~ , ~~ 653; •

rEI. 414;

o.l

688 , it 102 201

654; ~~

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

~~ tang tang tao tao tao te teng tI ti t'i ti tian tian tian tian tiao tiao tiao tiao

tie tie tie tIng ting t'ing ting tong tong

~'.'.'~'M'~'~'~'.'~'~lm !Ii ' 11 ' -m- 102 11 ' l$j , ~ 102 W ' ~ , '1'5 ' OJ] , {I* ' :j:jt ' #JEJ ' j'it ' 15 524; ;J:{tf] 525 1Jt 524; ~{irJ , f,;1JH ' ~ , DJt ' 1Jt ' fg , ,~ , r$) , rID ' ~ , III 525; ~Jt 550 ~"1 524 rt ' ~ , ~ 324; ~ , 1m 325 JJI ' E~ , ~ , jJi , JJt 74 ;f~ , ~ , ~Ij 162 rPrlf ' ~ , ~W ' :fff ' #~ , W ' M ' t7t' *~, ~ #Jl! ' ,~}! 163 ffI 162 ~ 161; 1!f ' ~iJ ' ~ , Jf!tt, ~,~, 1JEJ ' lEI ' ~iJ ' t~ , ~ 162 471; ~ 678 EE ' 1ff! ' ffij( , ~Hl ' t~ , IiJ 472; mt ' i[i5 679 MI! ' ~ , jJ1. 471; 1% 678 ~ 471 tit ' 1Jt ' :j:j~ , i[~t 568 ill ' {I* ' ~ , tllR ' !W!J ' 1J~ , ':B ' ~ , {~ 550 1iS 550; J±jt ' ~ 568 R ' gJt ' ~m JI1t 568 '['r!i ' ~J!i ' ~J!i ' ~J!i 767 • ' ' . ' ~J!i 767 ~ , ~J!i 767 1T ' ~~ , • 48 rg , 1~ , }i , ~ , "'F ' ~ , 1~ , fr~' g 49 ~ , 1M ' mi 48; Jru; 49 • 48 W4 i['~ 4; ~ 4 ' 5; [PJ , ~ , :it ' 11 ' ~1nJ ' i~ , 1m ' JJl ' 81 ' 11 ' .'.'~'~'~,m'~'¥'~5

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tit

m,

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m'

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tong tong tou tou tou

,

m: ' rm '

m4

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633 iIJ[ , ~ , 'rot: 634 l± 633 633 7.i<::: , *~ , /'m 242 :JL.; /Ji;iJ ~ 242; {~ , ~ 242 !J[ , if1 ' j,~ 242

m

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m' m' , ~ , j1}~ , ~ , III ' !J[

o± '

202

243

PInyIn Index

tufm tuan tuan tuI tui tUl tUI tun tun tun

frffl 441; ~ , 'I' ' i9: ' ffii 441 ~ , t%z 441 ¥i 207; 11 207 ' 211 7tJ[ , 7iI ' ~j: , Wi 208

JM

207' 363

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1~ 442

tf 399 4::!: '

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364

III 363; :fJl& 399

tu5

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tuo tUQ tUQ

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wa wa wa wa wai wan wan

1~ ~i

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wt '

*' , ~

,

~ 524; ft: ' 1if1. ' B ' fill 734; *~ ~ 748; ~~ 748 ' 749 414; ,~t ' II ' ~ , 1t: ' ~t ' WE ' it ' tfu ' ,~ , it 735 ~ illti 748 , :j:{j , • ' fe ' ~ , Wl 524; I!j 748

, u.! 307' 792; !I!t 316 ' 792;

.%% ' frf9J 785; )J;\ , ~ 792

307 EL 793 ~ S14 1'i- 228

' :wg , ~ 454; ., , ~ 461 WJG ' 5rU ' tlt ' ~JG ' tJG ' m' ~ 437;

~U

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A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

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PInyIn Index

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A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

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437;

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za

ill S 15

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zao zao zao zao ze ze zei

zen zeng zeng zha zha zha zha

m S17 1». ' *Z ' ~ , mS15;

* ' iX

299

299 298 ' 300; ~ • 299; J1X • 1± ' ~ 301 662; ~ 662 ' 725 fl 448; ~ , JI 662 • ' ~ • I'~ 426; :EJ 428; tJf 450; If ' ;X , IT ' J[ 664 ~ , .: ' ~f ' jj:l(;, ~~ 116 ,~El. ,~~ 116 ~ 116; ~ 111 118 fI ' 1f!. ' i%! ' ~ , 11" ' ~ , 535 ~ 535 ' 537 1f!. ' i%! • ~ • 11" • ~ , 535 ~ 535; !fi ' ~ 537; t~ 538; i!i 637 • ' ~ , ~J ' 'if ' rtF ' ffF ' ~ 292; [Ill • :t¥ ' 294; ~U 329 f:t!:. ' IX 326; 328 ~ • 330 725 *~ ~~ 60; t~ , 'I'~ , W ' Jfi • Il ' f~ 82 ~FL 58; ~~ 83 tB 774; fJ! S5 D1JT ' ~u S5; 11 ' ~ S7 fF S5; !lZ S 15 u:t ' ~ S5; -'F S7

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208

r¥

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PInyIn Index

zhai zhfli zhai zhai zhan zhan zhan zhang zhang ~ang

zhao zhao zhao

m

~

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m 167; ~~ 292; rg- , !if ' $[ , fg , 1JT ' V ' 'II ' ~ , '!'~ 769' S29; 1JT S33 m 182; ;fr , ~ 769

769; •

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m'

w'~'m,~'m,.,ft'.'fi'.'~'.'.'~'~ ~,~,.,m,.,~,~,~,.,~,~,g,ft,.,

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~ 167' 189;

g 181;

~ 167 ' 294; ~ 165 ' 769

209

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

zhong zhong zhong zhou zhou zhou zhou zhii zhu

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500' 502;

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PInyIn Index

zfi

zu zu

zuan zuan zu~m

zUl zul zfin

zun zun zuo ZUQ ZUQ

ril. ' it 255 ~ 255; ~H ' ~il. '

Ii

-+ 255 ' 271; 11* 257; Nit ' JE 271; ¥ -m 245; t§. ' Jil. ' #.!§. 255; m 257; f.§.

448 ' • ' ~ 448 Ii 448 'Iff 218 M ' B$ 218; liI 220; ~ 218 ' 220 ~ , f' ' • 373; ~~ 373 ' 375; :t, ' rI# 373 :t~ 373; ffi-JI. 375 :j$ 257; at ' W 537 tr. ' 1tc 737; :tl 755 1t 255 ' 535; :tf ' ifF ' Wf 257; WF 757

' ~$ 273 257 ' 272

•

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m' i~

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537; :t~ 755; ~ , J*

Stroke Order Index to Chinese Characters in the Glossary This index is arranged by stroke order and then by KangxI radical. Numbers refer to entry lines in the glossary.

One Stroke

Z

185 184

Two Strokes

T -t Y... l'J tJ 1L T

A A /\ 7J ~

11

+ r-

Y..

76 177 160 291 773,S36 599 562 188 359 188 S8 523 567 187 182 248 602

Three Strokes

lJ --

T

425 665 797

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Twenty-Three Strokes

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405 561 530 306 263 658 121 544 439 783 24 735

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Index of Transliterated 'Phags-pa Orthographic Forms in the Glossary This index is arranged according to the order of the Latin alphabet. Forms in '. are placed first. Phonetic interpretations are added for reference. Numbers refer to entry lines in the Glossary. 'am [lam] 'an [?an] 'ang [?al)] 'aw [law] 'ay [?aj] 'em [?em] 'ew [lew] 'hin [?~m] 'hiw [?gw] 'i [?i] 'im [lim] 'in [lin] 'ing [?il)] 'iw [?iw] '0 [?;)] 'on [?;)n] 'u [?u] 'ue [?ue] 'un [?un] 'ung [?Ul)] 'wa [?wa] 'wan [?wan] 'wang [?wal)] 'waw [?waw] 'way [?waj] 'wi [?wi] 'win [?win] 'wo [?W;)] 'wung [?WUl)] 'wya [lye] 'wyan [?yen] 'wyaw [?yew] 'ya [?je]

669 433 123 542 306 690 560 403 644 184 720 355 66 618 743 454 262 227 379 25 792 461 148 588 316 237 407 761 96 810 511 596 780 287

'yan [?jen] 'yang [?jal)] 'yu [?y] 'yung [?YUl)]

495 138 279 37

ba [pal ba'o [paw] ban [pan] bang [pal)] baw [paw] bay [paj] bern [pem] ben [pen] bew [pew] bhing [pgl)] bi [pi] bim [pim] bin [pin] bing [pil)] biw [piw] bon [p;)n] bu [pu] bue [pue] bun [pun] bung [pul)] buw [puw] bwo [pW;)] bya [pje] byan [pjen]

S8 598 419 109 530 295 684 476 554 79 169 712 343 54 607 444 248 214 366 11 623 751 771 488

ca [dz;.a] cam [dz;.am] can [dz;.an] cang [dz;.al)] caw [dz;.aw]

S7 658 418 107 529

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

cay [d~aj] ce [d~E] cen [d~En] cew [d~EW] cha [t~'a] cham [t~' am] chan [t~' an] chang [d~AIJ] chang [t~' aIJ] chaw [t~'aw] chay [t~' aj] chern [t~' Em] chew [t~' EW] chhang [t~' AIJ] chhi [t~'l] chhim [t~'~m] chhin [t~'~n] chhing [t~' ~IJ] chhiw [t~'~w] chhiy [t~'~j] chi [d~l] chi [t~' i] chim [d~~m] chin [t~'im] chin [t~'in] ching [d~~IJ] ching [t~' iIJ] chiw [t~'iw] chiw [t~~w chiy [d~~j] chu [t~'u] chue [t~'ue] chung [t~' uIJ] chwan [t~w'an] chwang [t~'waIJ] chwaw [t~'waw] chway [t~'waj] chwya [t~'YE] chwyan [t~'YEn] chya [t~'jE] chyan [t~'jEn] chyaw [t~'jEW]

294 S29 475 553 S6 657 417 153 106 528 293 682 552 152 190 726 401 77 637 327 191 166 727 709 341 78 52 604 638 328 246 211 8 458 144 583 312 801 501 770 487 570 288

chyu [t~'y] chyun [t~'yn] ci [d~i] cim [d~im] cin [d~in] cing [d~iIJ] ciw [d~iw] cu [d~u] cue [t~ue] cung [d~uIJ] cwan [d~wan] cwang [d~waIJ] cwaw [d~waw] cwyan [d~En] cyu [d~] cyun [d~n] cyung [d~uIJ]

268 385 167 710 342 53 605 247 212 9 459 145 584 502 269 386 30

da [tal dam [tam] dan [tan] dang [taIJ] daw [taw] day [taj] dem [tErn] den [tEn] dhing [t~IJ] dhiw [t~w] dhiy [t~j] di [til ding [tiIJ] do [t;)] don [t;)n] du [tu] due [tue] dun [tun] dung [tuIJ] dwo [tW;)] dya [tjE] dyaw [tjEW] dza [tsa]

Sl 652 412 101 523 288 677 470 73 632 323 161 47 733 440 241 206 62 3 747 766 567 S15

Index of 'Phags-pa Forms

dzam [tsam] dzan [tsan] dzang [tsalJ] dzaw [tsaw] dzay [tsaj] dzem [tsem] dzhi [tSl] dzhing [ts~lJ] dzhiw [ts~w] dzhiy [ts~j] dzi [tsi] dzim [tsim] dzin [tsin] dzing [tsilJ] dziw [tsiw] dzo [ts~] dzon [ts~n] dzu [tsu] dzue [tsut] dzun [tsun] dzung [tsulJ] dzwo [tsw~] dzwya [tsye] dzwyan [tsyen] dzya [tsje] dzyan [tsjen] dzyang [tsjalJ] dzyaw [tsjew] dzyu [tsy] dzyun [tsyn] dzyung [tsyulJ]

662 426 116 535 299 685 192 82 639 329 176 714 347 58 609 737 448 255 218 373 17 755 802 503 774 490 131 572 271 387 31

gam [kam] gan [kan] gang [kalJ] gaw [kaw] gay [kaj] ge [ke] gem [kern] gen [ken] gew [kew]

650 409 98 520 285 S24 673 466 546

ghin [k;;m] 397 ghing [k~H]] 71 ghiw [k~w] 629 gi [ki] 157 704 gim [kim] gin [kin] 336 giw [kiw] 599 go [k~] 730 438 gon [k~n] gu [ku] 239 203 gue [kut] gun [gun] 360 1 gung [kulJ] gwa [kwa] 785 gwan [kwan] 456 140 gwang [kwalJ] 579 gwaw [kwaw] gway [kwaj] 310 gwe [kwe] 815 gwo [kw~] 745 gwya [kye] 798 gwyan [kyen] 497 gwyaw [kyew] 594 gya (- gya) [kja] 794 764 gya [kje] gyam [kjam] 698 694 gyam [kjem] gyan (- gyan) [kjan] 463 gyan [kjen] 484 127 gyang [kjalJ] 564,590 gyaw [kjew] gyay [kjaj] 318 gyi [kji] 198 404 gyin [kjin] 92 gying [kjilJ] gyiw [kjiw] 646 516 gyon [ky~n] gyu [ky] 264 gyue (- gyue) [kye] 231 gyun [kyn] 381 27,87 gyung [kyul]]

289

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

ha [xa] ham [xam] Han> Hwan [van] han [xan] haw [xaw] hay [xaj] he [xe] hew [xew] hi [xi] hiw [xiw] hiy [xij] ho [X;)] hon [x;)n] hu [xu] hue[xue] Hun> Hwun [fun] hun> hwun [vun] hun [xun] hung [XUl)] hwa [fa] Hwa [va] hwa [xwa] hwaj [xwaj] hwam [fam] Hwam [yam] hwan [fan] Hwang [fal)] hwang [val)] hwang [xwal)] Hwaw [yaw] hwaw [xwaw] Hwe [ywe] hwi [fi] Hwi [vi] hwo [Xw;)] Hwow [V;)w] Hwu [fu] hwu> Hwu [vu] hwung [ful)] Hwung [VUl)] Hwuw [fuw]

S20 667 424 431 540 304 S34 559 183 616 334 741 452 260 225 370 371 377 23 S12 S13 790 314 659 660 423 113 114 147 534 586 818 173 174 759 649 252 253 14 15 627

Hwya [yye] hwya [xye] Hwyan [yyen] hwyan [xyen] Hwyang [xyal)] Hya (- Hya) [yja] hya (- hya) [xja] Hya [yje] hya [xje] Hyam [yjam] hyam [xjam] Hyan [yjan] hyan [xjen] Hyang [yjal)] hyang [xjal)] Hyaw [yjaw] hyaw [xjaw] Hyaw [yjew] hyaw [xjew] Hyay [yjaj] hyay [xjaj] Hyem [yjem] hyem [xjem] Hyi [yji] hyi [xji] hyim [xjim] Hyin [yin] hyin [xjin] Hying [yjil)] Hying [xjil)] hying [xjil)] hyiw [xjiw] hyu [xy] Hyue [yye] hyue [xye] hyue [xye] hyun [xyn] Hyung [yyul)] hyung [xyul)]

290

809 808 510 509 156 797 796 779 778 701 700 465 494 137 136 593 592 577 576 321 320 703 702 202 201 729 406 405 97 95 94 648 278 235 234 236 393 91 36,90

Index of 'Phags-pa Forms

ja [t~a] jam [t~am] jan [t~an] jang [t~al)] jaw [t~aw] jay [t~aj] jem [t~em] jen [t~en] jew [t~ew] jhang [t~Al)] ti [tal jhim [t~gm] tin [t~gn] ting [t~gl)] tiw [t~gw] tiy [t~gj] ji [t~i] jim [t~im] jin [t~in] jing [t~il)] jiw [t~iw] ju [t~u] jue [t~ue] jung [t~Ul)] jwa [t~wa] jwan [t~wan] jwang [t~wal)] jwaw [t~waw] jwya [t~ye] jwyan [t~yen] jya [t~je] jyan [t~jen] jyu [t~y] jyun [t~yn]

S5 656 416 105 527 292 681 474 551 151 189 725 400 76 636 326 165 708 340 51 603 245 210 7 788 457 143 582 800 500 769 486 267 384

ke [gel kern [gem] ken [gen] kew [gew] kham [k'am] khan [k'an]

S26 675 468 548 651 410

khang [k' al)] khaw [k'aw] khay[k'aj] khe [k'e] khem [k'em] khen [k'en] khew [k'ew] khhin [k'gn] khhing [k' gl)] khhiw [k' gw] khhiy [k' gj] khi [k'i] khim [k'im] khing [k'iI]] khiw [k'iw] kho [k'::>] khon [k':Jn] khu [k'u] khue [k'ue] khun [k'un] khung [k'ul)] khwa [k'wa] khwang [k' wal)] khwaw [k'waw] khway [k'waj] khwe [k'we] khwo [k'w::>] khwya [k'ye] khwyan [k'yen] khwyaw [k' yew] khya (- khya) [k' ja] khya [k'je] khyam [k'jam] khyam [k'jem] khyan [k' jan] khyang [k' jal)] khyaw [k' jew] khyay [k' jaj] khyi [k'ji] khying [k' jil)] khyon [k'y::>n] khyu [k'y] 291

99 521 286 S25 674 467 547 398 72 630 322 158 705 44 600 731 439 240 204 361 2 786 141 580 311 816 746 799 498 595 795 765 699 695 464,485 128 565,591 319 199 93 517 265

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

khyue [k'ye] khyun [k'yn] khyung [k' yUl)] ki [gil kim [gim] kin [gin] king [gil)] kiw [giw] kue [gue] kwang [gwal)] kwe [gwe] kwyan [gyen] kyang [gjal)] kyaw [gjew] kyi [gji] kyiw [gjiw] kyu [gy] kyue [gye] kyun [gyn] kyung [gyUl)]

232 382 28,88 159 706 337 45 601 205 142 817 499 129 566 200 647 266 233 383 29,89

la ria] lam [lam] Ian [lan] lang [lal)] law [law] lay [laj] lem [lem] len [len] lew [lew] Ihing [lgl)] lhiw [lgw] lhiy [lgj] li [li] lim [lim] lin [lin] ling [lil)] liw [liw] 10 [b] Ion [bn] lu [lu]

S23 672 436 125 545 309 692 482 562 86 645 333 187 723 358 69 621 744 455 263 292

lue [lue] lun [lun] lung [lUl)] lwang [lwal)] lwaw [lwaw] lwo [lw~] lwya [lye] lya [lje] lyang [ljal)] lyon [ly~n] lyu [ly] lyun [lyn] lyung [lyul)]

229 380 26 150 589 762 813 783 139 518 282 395 41

rna [rna] man [man] mang [mal)] maw [maw] may [maj] me [me] men [men] mew [mew] mi [mil min [min] ming [mil)] miw [miw] mon [m~n] mu [mu] mue [mue] mun [mun] mung [mul)] muw [muw] mwo [mw~] mya [mje]

Sl1 422 112 533 298 S36 477 556 172 346 57 608 447 251 217 369 13 626 754 773

na rna] nam [nam] nan [nan] nang [nal)]

S4 655 415 104

Index of 'Phags-pa Forms

fiang [I).a1)] naw [naw] nay [naj] nem [nem] fiem [I).em] nen [nen] ngan [1)an] ngang [1)a1)] ngaw [1)aw] ngay [1)aj] nge [1)e] ngem [1)em] ngen [1)en] ngew [1)ew] ng'iw [1)~w] ngi [1)i] ngim [1)im] ngin [1)in] nging [1)i1)] ngiw [1)iw] ngo [1)J] ngyang [l)ja1)] nhing [n~1)] nhiw [n~w] ni [nil fii [I).i] fiim [I).im] nin [nin] ning [ni1)] fiiw [I).iw] no [nJ] non [nJn] nu [nul nue [nue] fiue [I).Ue] nun [nun] nung [nu1)] fiung [I).u1)] nwa [nwa] nwaw [nwaw] nwo [nwJ] nya [nje]

108 526 291 680 683 473 411 100 522 287 S29 676 469 549 631 160 707 338 46 602 732 130 75 635 164 168 711 339 50 606 736 443 244 209 213 365 6 10 787 581 750 768 293

nyaw [njew] fiyu [I).y]

569 270

o [J] on [In]

763 437

pa [ba] pan [ban] pang [ba1)] paw [bawl pay [baj] pe [be] pew [bew] pha [p'a] phan [p'an] phang [p' a1)] phaw [p'aw] phay [p'aj] phhing [p' ~1)] phi [p'i] phim [p'im] phin [p'in] phing [b~1)] phing [p'i1]] phon [p'Jn] phu [p'u] phue [p'ue] phun [p'un] phuw [p'uw] phwo [p'wJ] phya [p'je] phyan [p'jen] pi [bi] pin [bin] ping [bi1)] pon [bJn] pu [bu] pue [bue] pun [bun]

SlO 421 111 532 297 S30 555 S9 420 110 531 296 80 170 713 344 81 55 445 249 215 367 624 752 772 489 171 345 56 446 250 216 368

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

pung [bul)] puw [buw] pwo [bwo] pyaw [bjew]

12 625 753 571

sa [sa] sam [sam] san [san] sang [sal)] saw [saw] say [saj] sem [sem] sha [~a] sham [~am] shan [~an] shang [~al)] shaw [~aw] shay [~aj] shem [~em] shew [~ew] shhang [~Al)] Shhi [~l] shhim [~gm] shhin [~gn] shhing [~gl)] Shhiw [~gw] shhiy [~gj] shi [S}] shi [~i] shim [~im] shin [~in] shing [Sgl)] shing [~i1]] shiw [Sgw] shiw [~iw] shiy [Sgj] shu [~u] shue [~ue] shung [~ul)] shwa [~wa] shwang [~wal)]

S18 665 429 119 538 302 687 S19 666 430 120 539 303 688 557 154 197 728 402 85 643 332 195 181 718 352 84 63 642 614 331 259 223 21 789 146 294

shwaw [shwaw] shway [~waj] shwya [~ye] shya [~je] shyan [~jen] shyu [~y] shyun [~yn] si [si] sim [sim] sin [sin] sing[sil)] siw [siw] so [s;:,] son [sJn] su [su] sue [sue] sun [sun] sung [sul)] swo [swJ] swya [sye] swyan [syen] sya [sje] syan [sjen] syang [sjal)] syaw [sjew] sYu [sy] syun [syn] syung [sYUl)]

585 313 806 777 493 276 391 179 716 350 61 612 740 451 258 221 376 20 758 804 506 776 492 134 575 274 389 34

ta [da] tam [dam] tan [dan] tang [dal)] taw [daw] tay [daj] te [de] tern [dem] ten [den] tew [dew] tha [t'a] tham [t'am]

S3 654 414 103 525 290 S28 679 472 550 S2 653

Index of 'Phags-pa Forms

than [t' an] thang [t' aIJ] thaw [t'aw] thay [t'aj] them [t'em] then [t' en] thhin [t' gn] thhiw [t'gw] thiw [dgw] thhiy[t'gj] thi [t'i] thing [dgl]] thing [t' i1]] thiy [dgj] tho [t' J] thon [t'Jn] thu [t'u] thue [t'ue] thun [t'un] thung [t' Ul]] thwo [t'wJ] thya [t'je] thyaw [t'jew] ti [di] ting [dil]] to [dJ]e ton [dJn] tsa [dza] tsam [dzam] tsan [dzan] tsang [dzal]] tsaw [dzaw] tsay [dzaj] tse [dze] tsen [dzen] tsha [ts'a] tsham [ts' am] tshan [ts' an] tshang [ts' al]] tshaw [ts'aw] tshay [ts' aj] tshem [ts' em]

413 102 524 289 678 471 399 633 634 324 162 74 48 325 734 441 242 207 363 4 748 767 568 163 49 735 442 S17 664 428 118 537 301 S31 478 S16 663 427 117 536 300 686

tshhi [ts'1] tshhiw [ts' gW ] tshi [dZ}] tshi [ts'i] tshim [ts'im] tshin [ts'in] tshing [dzgl]] tshing [ts' il]] tshiw [dzgw] tshiw [ts'iw] tshiy [dzgj] tsho [ts'J] tshon [ts'Jn] tshu [ts'u] tshue [ts'ue] tshun [ts'un] tshung [ts'Ul]] tshwo [ts'wJ] tshwyan [ts'yen] tshya [ts'je] tshyan [ts'jen] tshyang [ts'jal]] tshyaw [ts'jew] tshyu [ts'y] tshyun [ts'yn] tshyung [ts'yUl]] tsi [dzi] tsin [dzin] tsing [dzil]] tsiw [dziw] tso [dzJ] tson [dzJn] tsu [dzu] tsue [dzue] tsun [dzun] tsung [dzul]] tswo [dzwJ] tswya [dzye] tswyan [dzyen] tsyam [dzjem] tsyang [dzjal]] tsyaw [dzjew] 295

193 640 194 177 715 348 83 59 641 610 330 738 449 256 219 374 18 756 504 775 491 132 573 272 388 32 178 349 60 611 739 450 257 220 375 19 757 803 505 696 133 574

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

tsyu [dzy] tsyung [dzyuI]] tu [du] tue [due] tun [dun] tung [duI]] two [dw::>]

273 33 243 208 364 5 749

u [u]

284

wa [va] warn [vam] wan [van] wang [vaI]] wi [vi] wu [vu] wun [vun] wung [VUI]] wuw [vuw]

S14 661 425 115 175 254 372 16 628

xa [fia] Xam [yam] Xan [yan] Xang [yaI]] Xaw [yaw] Xay [yaj] Xin [yin] Xing [yiI]] Xiw [yiw] Xiy [yij] Xo [y::>] Xon [y::>n] Xong [Y::>I]] Xu [yu] xue [fiue] Xue [yue] Xun [yun] Xung [YUI]]

S37 668 432 122 541 305 354 65 617 335 742 453 155 261 228 226 378 24 296

xwa [fiwa] Xwa [ywa] xwan [fiwan] Xwan [ywan] xwang [fiwaI]] Xwaw [ywaw] xway [fiwaj] Xway [ywaj] xwin [fiwin] Xwo [yw::>] xwya [fiye] xwyan [fiyen] xwyaw [fiyew] Xyen [yjen] xyu [fiy] xyung [fiYUI]]

793 791 462 460 149 587 317 315 408 760 811 512 597 519 280 38

Ya [?ja] ya [ja] Yam [?jam] yam [jam] Yan [?jan] yan [jan] yang [jaI]] Yaw [?jaw] yaw [jaw] Yay [?jaj] yay [jaj] ye [je] yem [jem] yen [jen] yew [jew] yi [ji] Yi [?ji] Yim [?jim] yim [jim] Yin [?jin] yin [jin] Ying [?jiI]] ying [jiI]]

S21 S22 670 671 434 435 124 543 544 307 308 S35 691 481 561 186 185 721 722 356 357 67 68

Index of 'Phags-pa Forms

Yiw [?jiw] yiw [jiw] ywi [yi] ywya [ye] Ywyan [?yen] ywyan [jyen] Yya [?je] yya [je] Yyam [?jem] Yyan [?jen] Yyaw [?jew] yyu [jy] Yyun> yyun [jyn] Yyung [?yUI]] yyung [jyuI]]

619 620 238 812 513 514 81 782 697 496 578 281 394 39 40

ze [ze] zen [zen] Zhang [raI]] zhang [z;.aI]] zhe [z;.e] Zhem [rem] zhem [z;.em] Zhen [ren] zhen [z;.en] Zhew [rew] zhew [z;.ew] zhi [Z}] Zhi [ri] zhi [z;.i] Zhim [rim] zhim [z;.im]

S32 479 126 121 S33 693 689 483 480 563 558 196 188 182 724 719

Zhin [rin] zhin [z;.in] Zhing [riI]] zhing [z;.iI]] Zhiw [riw] zhiw [z;.iw] Zhue [rue] zhue [z;.ue] zhung [z;.uI]] Zhwya [rye] zhwya [z;ye] Zhwyan [ryen] zhwyan [z;yen] Zhya [rje] Zhyu [ry] zhyu [zy] Zhyun [ryn] zhyun [z;yn] Zhyung [ryuI]] zi [zi] zim [zim] zin [zin] zing [ziI]] ziw [ziw] zue [zue] zwya [zye] zwyan [zyen] zyang [zjaI]] zyu [zy] zyun [zyn] zyung [zyUI]]

297

359 353 70 64 622 615 230 224 22 814 807 515 508 784 283 277 396 392 42 180 717 351 62 613 222 805 507 135 275 390 35

References

'Phags-pa Related Works Cheng Tsai Fa ~~:j3}~. 1965. Menggii ziyun gen gen Baslba zi you guan de yunshii ~ti*MJEJULV\J@ES*:ff~s"JM •. History and Chinese Literature Series No. 15. Taipei: Taiwan National University. - - . 1967. "Baslba zl biaozhu Hanyu dliliao jiaokanjl j\JGJ,ES*1~§±1l~~ ;f:t*41XlIJ~a. "In Qingzhu Lf Ji xiansheng qIshi sui ]unwenji ~*5L*~7t ~-t;+~§fflJX~, 933-1003. Taipei: Qinghua xuebaoshe, 1965-67. - - . 1985. Ancient Chinese and Early Mandarin. Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series No.2. Berkeley: Journal of Chinese Linguistics. Clauson, Gerard. 1959. "The HP'ags-pa Alphabet." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 22: 300-323. Coblin, W. South. 1999. "Thoughts on the Identity of the Chinese 'Phagspa Dialect." In Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series No. 15: Issues in Chinese Dialect Description and Classification, ed. Richard V. Simmons, 84-144 Berkeley: Journal of Chinese Linguistics. - - . 2001. "'Phags-pa Chinese and the Standard Reading Pronunciation of Early Ming: A Comparative Study." Language and Linguistics 2.2: 1-62. Denlinger, Paul. 1963. "Chinese in hP'ags-pa Script." Monumenta Serica 22.2: 407-433. Dragunov, Aleksandr A. 1930. "The hPhags-pa Script and Ancient Mandarin." Izvestija Akademii Nauk SSSR, Otdelenie gumanitarnyx nauk,9:627-647,11:775-797. Gabelentz, Hans Conon von der. 1839. "Versuch tiber eine alte mongolische Inschrift." Zeitschriftfiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes 2.1: 1-21. Hashimoto, Mantaro J. 1967. "The hP'ags-pa Transcription of Chinese Plosives." Monumenta Serica 26: 149-174.

299

A Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese

- - . 1968 [1978]. "The hP'ags-pa Transcription of a Medieval Chinese Vowel." Original version included in a festschrift for Wataru Masuda, published as a volume of Jimmon kenkyu AXWf~ in 1968. Later revised and republished in Hashimoto (1978), 65-73. - - . 1971. "The hP'ags-pa Transcription of the Geng-she Syllables." Journal of Asian and African Studies 4: 1-37. - - . 1974. "Medieval Chinese in hP'ags-pa Script: Part 1." Journal of Asian and African Studies 9: 51-112. - - . 1975. "Medieval Chinese in hP'ags-pa Script: Part 2." Journal of Asian and African Studies 10: 165-182. - - . 1978. bP'ags-pa Chinese. Writing and Reference Materials, 1. Tokyo: National Inter-University Research Institute of Asian & African Languages and Cultures. Hope, Earl R. 1953. Karlgren's Glottal Stop Initial in Ancient Chinese, with Particular Reference to the hPhags-pa Alphabet and to Certain Points of Linguistic Psychology. Ottawa: privately published. Hugjilt, W. :Itt . n-¥if~51gf]1II. 1992. "Baslba z'i he Mengguyu wenxian' pingjie" «/\J!!.ES**D~-S~gX!l*)) ~-ffl-. Minzuyuwen R~~X 2: 25-33. Junast ?~~~wrlll. 1980a. "Baslba z'i Baijiax'ingjiflOkan" /\J~lES*s *~l;f5(WJ. In Minzu yuwen lunwenji R~~X§JfHX~, 267-269. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue. [Note: Junast is an ethnic Mongolian. When writing in Chinese, he uses the Chinese form of his name as given here.] - - . 1980b. "Lun Baslba z'i" ~1fB/\J~ ES::f:. Minzu yuwen R~~X 1: 37-43. - - . 1987. "Baslbawen yuffi1yln z'imu z'ixing wentishang de liangzh6ng tlxi" /\J!'l ESX7G1f::f:m::f:7f:1F~5:mJ::i¥Jmfifl~. Minzu yuwen R~~gX 4: 1-6. --.1988. "Y6uguanBaslbazimuedejlgewenti" 1§~/U~lES::f:m e s"J~{~F~5:m. Minzu yuwen R~~X 1: 1-7. - - . 1989. "Baslba z'i zhong de ling shengmu fuhflO" ~.-at1~fft Minzu yuwen R~~X 2: 29-36.

300

/\J=&.ES::f:r:f:1s"J

References

- - . 1990-91. Basfba zi he Menggiiyii wenxiim J\Jl~H:g*5fD~il)Z:lK. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. - - . 1999. "Mengguwen he Baslba zi yufmyln zimu de zlsu fenxI" ~il)Z:5fDJ\J~U:::*J1:1f*-eB"J**:5ttJT. Minzu yiiwen ~~*§:g)z: 3: 6-11.

*

--.2003. Xfnbian Yuandill· Basfba zi Baljiaxing ~JT~IJ\JGle:r=jq3 ~!. Beijing: Wenwu. JUnast and Yfmg NaisI f~lffitJl~¥\. 1987. Menggii ziyunjiilOben ~il* mHjc:$:. Beijing: Minzu. Lewicki, Marian. 1949. La Langue mongole des transcriptions chinoises du XIV siecie. Warsaw: Drukarnia Uniwersytetu i Politechniki we Wroclawin. Ligeti, L. 1956. "Le Po Kia sing en ecriture 'phags-pa." Acta Orientalia (Budapest) 6: 1-52. - - . 1961. "Trois notes sur l'ecriture 'phags-pa." Acta Orientalia (Budapest) 13: 200-237. Lua Changpei ~'m':r:g:. 1939. "Menggu ziyun ba" ~il*Mrut. Beijfng tushuguan tushujikan jt~i1.Wiil.~fU, n.s. 1.3. Reprinted in Lua and Cai (1959: 83-87). Lua Changpei and Cai Meibiao ~~~. 1959. Basfba zi yu Yuandili ' \83lIJ27£B.-f~'I;!J!;'>'li IianyuJ J!.J\u7-/,,7C ,,1~i'h:::t. B··· eIJIng: Kexue. v

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307

About the Author

w. South Coblin is Professor of Chinese Language and Linguistics at the University of Iowa. His special areas of research are Chinese historical phonology, comparative and historical dialectology, and Sino-Tibetan linguistics. He has a particular interest in early forms of Chinese recorded in alphabetic scripts. He is the author of six books and monographs and numerous articles in these and related areas.