Agrarian Change in Central Rainlands: Sudan

AGRARIAN CHANGE IN THE CEN SUDAN

L RAINLANDS:

A Socio-Economic Analysis

Edited by M.A. Mohamed Salih

Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala 1987

ISBN 91-7106-270-X Nordiska afrikainstitutet, 1987 Printed in Sweden by Uppsala University, 1987

TABLE OF CONTENTS Map of t h e Sudan Acknowledgements Introduction M.A. Mohamed Salih Tapping t h e Agrarian S e c t o r f o r Economic Growth: T h e Sudan Experience Ibrahim A. Elbadawi Economic S t r a t e g y and Household Viability in a Dry Savannah Agricultural Society: Berti of Darfur Ladislav Holy Agricultural Intensification and Resource Maintenance: Some C a s e s f r o m Western Sudan Leif 0. Manger Poverty Versus Affluence: T h e Fiasco of Rainfed Mechanized Agriculture in Renk District: Southern Sudan Paul Wani Gore T h e T r a c t o r and t h e Plough: T h e Sociological Dimension M.A. Mohamed Salih National Ambivalence and External Hegemony: The Negligence of P a s t o r a l Nomads in t h e Sudan Abdel Ghaffar M. Ahmed Implications of 1983-1 985 F a m i n e on t h e Rural Sahel of t h e Sudan Abdullahi Osman El Tom From Rural t o Urban Labour Markets: T h e Derivation of t h e Shadow Wage R a t e and t h e Social R a t e of Discount f o r t h e Sudan Eltingani S. Moharned

36

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C

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N

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G

O

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P

T

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I a m m o s t g r a t e f u l t o m y colleagues a t t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Social Anthropology a n d Sociology, University of Khartoum, Sudan f o r accommodating my l e a v e of absence t o work on this book.

T h e editing of t h e a r t i c l e s and

t h e writing of my own a r t i c l e and t h e introduction w a s f a c i l i t a t e d by t h e generous research g r a n t which I received f r o m t h e Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden.

I t a k e this opportunity t o express my

g r a t i t u d e t o all t h e s t a f f of t h e Institute f o r their gracious help and cooperation which contributed considerably t o t h e completion of this work. My thanks also go t o all t h o s e who c o m m e n t e d on t h e f i r s t d r a f t s of t h e a r t i c l e s f o r their suggestions and revisions.

In t h e l a s t s t a g e s of pro-

duction I a m thankful t o Mrs. P.A. P a l m e r f o r typing t h e final d r a f t and t o Dr. Margaret Mohamed Salih f o r reading a n d correcting t h e proofs.

All

shortcomings a r e nonetheless m y sole responsibility. A special d e b t of g r a t i t u d e is d u e t o Margaret, my wife, and our daughter Hyat, f o r their p a t i e n c e and encouragement during my long periods of absence.

INTRODUCTION M.A. Mohamed Salih

T h e c e n t r a l rainlands of t h e Sudan e m b r a c e t h e a r e a b e t w e e n Lat. 9" a n d 15" N o r t h a n d Long. 22" a n d 36" E a s t within t h e boundaries of t h e Republic of t h e Sudan.

This t e r r i t o r y r e p r e s e n t s a b o u t o n e t h i r d of t h e 2.5

million s q u a r e k i l o m e t r e s t o t a l a r e a of t h e c o u n t r y , a n d o v e r half of t h e 85.46

million a c r e s t o t a l a r a b l e land.

F u r t h e r m o r e , under half of t h e 22

million t o t a l population of t h e Sudan l i v e in t h i s a r e a . per c e n t of t h e population

Between 80 and 85

is e n g a g e d in a g r i c u l t u r a l production w i t h only

10 t o 15 per c e n t pursuing a p u r e n o m a d i c life.

about

However, agro-

pastoralism is t h e m o s t p r e v a l e n t e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands. Agrarian c h a n g e in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands h a s been a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e m a r k e t e c o n o m y via t h e introduction of c a s h c r o p s especially c o t t o n , s e s a m e , groundnuts and hibiscus, a n d t h e expansion of large- scale

m e c h a n i z e d schemes.'

However,

traditional agriculture

has

r e m a i n e d t h e main e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y and is p r a c t i s e d by t h e m a j o r i t y of the

rural

population.

One

of

the

striking

features

of

the

agrarian

s t r u c t u r e in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands is t h e obvious negligence of t h e smalls c a l e t r a d i t i o n a l p r o d u c e r s whose f a r m i n g t e c h n i q u e s a n d p r a c t i c e s have n o t b e e n improved d e s p i t e a n increasing p r e s s u r e on t h e m t o f e e d t h e mselves a n d t o produce a surplus f o r e x c h a n g e a n d f o r e x p o r t t o t h e i n t e r national m a r k e t .

C o n t r a r y t o this, t h e m o d e r n mechanized f a r m i n g s e c t o r

has been a c c o r d e d priority a n d provided with machinery, financial c r e d i t and b e t t e r m a r k e t i n g facilities.

Whereas t h e m e c h a n i z e d f a r m i n g s e c t o r

enjoys support in t e r m s of f a v o u r a b l e a g r i c u l t u r a l policies a n d provision of m o d e r n inputs, labour,

t h e traditional

f a r m i n g s e c t o r is still based on f a m i l y

small- scale production a n d l i m i t e d c a p i t a l input.

t h e r e h a s b e e n increasing c o m p e t i t i o n

Nevertheless,

b e t w e e n t h e t w o s e c t o r s of

the

a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e o v e r t h e land, labour, d e v e l o p m e n t a s s i s t a n c e a n d c a p i t a l i n v e s t m e n t in addition t o t h e i r unequal s t r u c t u r a l relationship in d e f o r m e d a n d f r a g m e n t e d local m a r k e t s . T h e ill-planned expansion of t h e m e c h a n i z e d f a r m i n g s e c t o r h a s had

disastrous i m p a c t s on t h e t r a d i t i o n a l producers mainly through t h e t r a n s f e r of much of t h e i r labour t o t h e m o d e r n s e c t o r in r e t u r n f o r very low paym e n t s which a r e n o t s u f f i c i e n t t o f i n a n c e t h e i r d e m a n d s f o r m a n u f a c t u r e d and o t h e r c o n s u m e r goods. large- scale

mechanized

I t is also obvious t h a t t h e labour migration t o

agr~cultural schemes

and

to

urban

c e n t r e s of

e m p l o y m e n t m e a n s t h a t t h e m i g r a n t s a r e increasingly unable t o c l e a r new plots f o r c u l t i v a t i o n in t h e i r h o m e a r e a s .

T h e c a r r y i n g c a p a c i t y of land

h a s t h e r e f o r e been e x c e e d e d by continuous cropping a t t h e e x p e n s e of t h e period t h a t i t should b e l e f t fallow. reduction

of

fallow

periods

has

Another c o n t r i b u t o r y f a c t o r t o r h e

been

t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t of

subsistence

c u l t i v a t o r s f r o m t h e i r f a r m s , especially in a r e a s w h e r e t h e old villages a r e surrounded by t h e s c h e m e s .

Shifting c u l t i v a t i o n which w a s traditionally

a d o p t e d in o r d e r t o r e g u l a t e land f e r t i l i t y by leaving t h e land fallow f o r a number of y e a r s in o r d e r t o r e g e n e r a t e is no longer possible.

The farmers

have had t o c h a n g e f r o m c u l t i v a t i n g s e v e r a l plots over long periods of t i m e t o fixed farming.

This in t u r n h a s t h e s a m e e f f e c t a s t h e reduction

of fallow periods a n d i t s a c c o m p a n y i n g n e g a t i v e i m p a c t on soil f e r t i l i t y 2

a n d h e n c e land productivity.

F u r t h e r m o r e , low productivity is coupled with a decline in t h e p r i c e s of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s r e l a t i v e t o m a n u f a c t u r e d goods.

I t is e s t i m a t e d

t h a t o v e r 40 per c e n t of f a m i l y labour in a g r i c u l t u r e is d i r e c t e d t o t h e production of c a s h c r o p s while 60 per c e n t of t h e c r o p s produced by t h e family,

including

food,

is

destined

t o b e exchanged

m a r k e t s , only t o b e e x p o r t e d a f t e r w a r d s .

on

t h e national

H e n c e t h e c l a s s i c c a s e of t h e

loss of household viability d u e t o t h e i n t e g r a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l producers i n t o t h e m a r k e t e c o n o m y prevails.3

When m e a s u r e d a g a i n s t a n annual

population g r o w t h of 2.8 per c e n t , t h i s is a c l e a r indication of a growing food

deficit.

The

1983-1985

f a m i n e r e v e a l e d t h a t o n e in e v e r y f i v e

i n h a b i t a n t s in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands of t h e Sudan w a s d e p e n d e n t on relief food.

A food d e f i c i t of o v e r 1.5 million t o n s in 1984 w a s only a m o d e s t

r e f l e c t i o n of t h e inability of

t h e s m a l l producers in this a r e a (which is

rich in n a t u r a l resources) t o f e e d t h e m s e l v e s a n d t h e f a i l u r e of t h e p r e s e n t agricultural

policies t o devise a p p r o p r i a t e

m e a s u r e s f o r addressing t h i s

growing crisis. Agrarian c h a n g e in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands h a s s o f a r been based on t h e h o r i z o n t a l expansion of m e c h a n i z e d f a r m i n g r a t h e r t h a n a v e r t i c a l improvem e n t in productivity. A d a p t i v e r e s e a r c h is lacking, high yielding c r o p

varieties have not been experimented with, soil management is poor, biotechnology has been directly or indirectly neglected, and t h e mechanization package has proved t o be inadequately conceived and hastily adopted a s t h e only means t o agricultural development.

Added t o t h e s e problems a r e

t h e classic restrictive f a c t o r s such a s excessive costs of mechanization in t e r m s of foreign exchange,

supply,

and under- utilization of machinery.

difficulties with maintenance, repair Moreover, t h e large- scale mechanized

agricultural schemes have particularly contributed t o t h e blight of t h e small producers both cultivators and pastoralists, especially those who w e r e displaced from t h e i r cultivable lands, Appropriate

planning could

water

points and animal

routes.

have eliminated such disasters which have

unnecessarily been inflicted upon t h e traditional producers of t h e c e n t r a l rainlands where t h e large- scale schemes a r e located.

The present agri-

cultural practices in t h e rainfed sector have led t o a n accelerating decline in soil fertility which makes t h e viability of t h e whole venture questionable.

Excessive cultivation, avoidance of rotation and soil erosion have

already resulted in low levels of productivity (see Mohamed Salih in this volume) which mean

t h a t t h e merchant f a r m e r s may soon s t a r t t o expand

their operations t o new a r e a s in order t o continue in business.

More

traditional f a r m e r s will eventually b e displaced and m o r e complex problems will e m e r g e following such a p a t t e r n of horizontal expansion.

What is a t

stake, therefore, is not only t h e degradation of t h e whole ecological zone, but also a f u t u r e strain in t h e ability of t h e population of t h e c e n t r a l lands t o f e e d itself. It has t o b e m a d e c l e a r a t this juncture t h a t I have not

argued t h a t

agricultural mechanization or technological change is incapable of achieving high productivity if i t has been properly planned and applied.

I have,

however, argued t h a t planned agrarian change in t h e rainlands has not taken into account t h e complexity of t h e ecosystem, t h e traditional agricultural and pastoral production systems and t h e likely i m p a c t s t h a t i t might have on society, economy and ecology.

As such, agrarian change in

the

an

central

rainlands

economic disaster Ecologically,

as the

their

can far

be as

regarded

of

natural

agricultural

malpractices.

ecological,

social

and

t h e traditional producers a r e concerned.

rainlands

degradation

as

have

resources Population

been due

a

drastic

t o traditional and

subjected

modern

concentration

to

adjacent

to

the

mechanized agricultural schemes has already led t o overcultivation and overgrazing, and both have contributed in t h e depletion of soil fertility and the

impoverishment of t h e vegetation cover, for example by t h e felling of

t r e e s t o provide firewood and charcoal.

Now t h a t t h e land has reached

and gone beyond i t s carrying capacity, t h e r e is increasing pressure t o fell m o r e large t r e e s in order t o f e e d small animals such a s calves, goats and sheep. This situation w a s aggravated by t h e t w o drought phases of 19711973 and 1983-1985 during which many human lives w e r e lost and herd holdings

were

reduced

by

death

and sale.

The

prices

of

livestock

decreased a s t h e m a r k e t mechanism worked against t h e steady supply and glutted markets. tragedy;

The ecological degradation has resulted in a human

i t is t h e pastoralists and t h e small cultivators of this climatically

unpredictable zone who have suffered most.

Much of t h e rural population

has l e f t their villages and their e m p t y animal camps t o move t o towns or adjacent t o t h e a r e a s w h e r e relief agencies operate. Socially, ecological degradation, drought and famine has m e a n t a n mostly from t h e c e n t r a l rainlands t o river-

accelerating r a t e of migration;

ain Sudan and t o t h e c a p i t a l towns in particular. 1986

indicated

Khartoum

that

the

population

of

the

The Economic Survey of Three

North and Omdurman) has increased

Towns

(Khartoum,

through migration from

500,000 in 1956 t o 1,802,000 in 1983 and over 2,000,000 in 1986, i.e., a f t e r t h e famine.

The population in t h e rainlands has nevertheless doubled

during t h e last 25 years, which indicates t h e e x t r a demands on land and predicates t h e migratory movement.

In i t s crudist but c o r r e c t sense,

migration means t h e loss of labour t o t h e urban c e n t r e s and t h e transformation of about 7 per c e n t of consumers.

t h e rural population every year t o food

Moreover, since most of t h e migrants a r e men, this increases

t h e work burden of

women in t h e sending villages.

More women a r e

engaged in wage labour working for t h e wealthy f a r m e r s and shopkeepers in t h e villages for very low r a t e s of payment relative t o men.

The

involvement of men and women in t h e production of cash crops and wage labour also means t h a t less t i m e is devoted t o home food production which in turn increases t h e

vulnerability

of traditional f a r m e r s t o ecological

change and fluctuations in t h e prices of manufactured goods which a r e t h e present

indicators

of

the

value

of

their

work

through

exchange.

Although i t is difficult t o s e p a r a t e t h e various impacts of agrarian

change,

economically, t h e population of

differentiated than e v e r before.

the central

rainlands is m o r e

The distinction between t h e traditional

f a r m e r who cultivates between 3 and 15 feddans with very rudimentary tools and

the

m e r c h a n t f a r m e r who acquires between 1,000

feddans and owns his own t r a c t o r or tractors, discs,

is a

distinction

t o 1,500

thresher, and combined

between absolute poverty and

ravishing wealth.

Furthermore, t h e integration of t h e whole region i n t o national and international

economic

structures

has been

accomplished

not

only

by

the

penetration of c o m m e r c i a l capital, but also by t h e creation of marketing boards mandated t o e x t r a c t surpluses from t h e small producers.

These

include t h e Oil Seeds Marketing Corporation, Livestock and Meat Marketing Corporation and t h e Gum Arabic Marketing Corporation. It is ironic t h a t despite t h e huge t r a n s f e r s of financial capital, technological machinery and know how, t h e food situation has not improved and t h e traditional economy.

sector

has lost i t s dynamism t o t h e dominant

Poverty has increased and f e w e r people c a n

now

market produce

sufficient grain t o f e e d themselves or s e c u r e a surplus t o sell in t h e m a r k e t t o m e e t a small fraction of t h e increasing demand f o r consumer goods. poor

The agrarian change has so f a r seemed unrewarding t o t h e rural who

should

ideally

be

the

beneficiaries

of

development.

4

The t h e m e s outlined above a r e well represented in most of t h e papers in this book.

However, Elbadawi holds t h e view t h a t t h e Sudanese agrarian

s e c t o r suffers from malformed incentive s t r u c t u r e s and policies which a r e t h e main reason behind t h e c u r r e n t decline in productivity. extracted

from

agriculture

is

not

The surplus

re- invested in improving

t h e infra-

s t r u c t u r e , innovative technology, and redressing t h e segmented m a r k e t in t h e traditional sub- sector. anization,

Elbadawi

technology,

C o n t r a r y t o my critique of agricultural mech-

maintains

research

and

t h a t a d e q u a t e investment in agricultural

associated shifters of

supply such a s human

resources and infrastructure a r e t h e crucial f a c t o r s needed t o m e e t t h e increasing demand for food and secure resource transfers f r o m agriculture t o o t h e r s e c t o r s of t h e economy. investment in considerable

surplus

mobilization

and

agriculture

This author also notes t h e lack of

t h e traditional sector which has customarily

is

of

export

transfer

neither

of

desirable

commodities, surplus

from

nor

feasible

but a

produced a

comments

that

technologically as a

long

term

'the

stagnant policy'.

Holy's paper gives weight t o t h e general findings of a l l t h e papers included in this book concerning t h e e m e r g e n c e of wage labour, t h e involve m e n t of traditional producers in t h e m a r k e t economy, and t h e mechanisms through which rich and poor households m a k e ends meet.

The s t r a t e g y

adopted by t h e Berti agro- pastoralists shows a g r e a t d e g r e e of sophistication

in

t h e allocation

resources - which economic

of

labour

and

capital

-

mainly

livestock

a r e conceived a s t h e c r i t i c a l f a c t o r s in household

performance

and

hence

viability.

The

association

between

poverty and t h e a c c e p t a n c e of work a s hired labourers in agriculture and pastoral production is a c l e a r indication of t h e growing commercialization of t h e s e i m p o r t a n t spheres of subsistence activities.

It is c l e a r t h a t t h e

Berti agricultural s y s t e m works within a s t a g n a n t technology without any modern inputs.

It is i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t this s y s t e m remains viable unless i t s

balance is s h a t t e r e d by ecological disasters o r excessive consumption of manufactured goods.

T h e internal dynamics of consumption and production

p a t t e r n s a r e convincingly d e m o n s t r a t e d by t h e manner in which t h e limited resources of t h e Berti a r e a c t i v a t e d t o o f f s e t t h e deficit in urgent requirements. Manger discusses t h e ability of traditional farming s y s t e m s t o respond t o e x t e r n a l pressures.

The c a s e s of Liri a n d Kheiran reveal t h a t small

producers a r e a w a r e of t h e i m p o r t a n c e of

resource m a i n t e n a n c e if t h e

intensive utilization of land i s t o b e practised.

Manuring and t e r r a c i n g a r e

among t h e measures a d o p t e d t o m e e t t h e c r i t e r i a of a c a r e f u l utilization of resources.

T h e development of irrigated agriculture in t h e Kheiran

oases r e f l e c t s t h e c a p a c i t y of rural communities t o t r a n s f e r technology and induce agrarian change.

Both t h e shadouf

and saqia technologies work

well and a r e relatively c h e a p and efficient. sequence of t h e penetration of

An all t o o familiar con-

t h e m a r k e t economy is t h a t t h e s e t w o

techniques have been rendered futile while t h e wealthy f a r m e r s have opted f o r t h e m o r e expensive and land exhausting pump schemes.

It is unfort-

u n a t e t h a t f o r socio- economic reasons t h e t w o societies a r e moving away from t h e intensive t o t h e e x t e n s i v e s y s t e m s of production a t a t i m e when resource

maintenance

i s a n issue of

a major concern in t h e

sahel

.

In c o n t r a s t t o t h e c a s e s of agricultural intensification and resource m a i n t e n a n c e in t h e traditional s e c t o r , G o r e analyses t h e a b s e n c e of this notion

in

the

financially

prosperous

and

technologically

developed

mechanized f a r m i n g sub- sector.

He explains how t h e expansion of large-

s c a l e mechanization in Dinkaland h a s c r e a t e d a r e s e r v e of agricultural labourers, many of whom having lost t h e i r land t o t h e p r i v a t e sector. While t h e mechanized s c h e m e s have c r e a t e d a f f l u e n c e on t h e o n e hand, t h e y h a v e c r e a t e d poverty on t h e other.

T h e contribution of this f o r m of

a g r a r i a n change t o t h e development of social services in t h e a r e a s where t h e s c h e m e s a r e l o c a t e d is negligible.

R a t h e r , i t has c r e a t e d a dependency

of t h e poor on t h e r i c h in t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e and a dominance of t h e rich over t h e poor.

T h e o u t c o m e of agricultural mechanization is t h e relegation

of t h e subsistence c u l t i v a t o r s a n d pastoralists t o e x t r e m e poverty a n d t h e reduction of t h e i r ability t o f e e d themselves while t h e i r labour is sold t o s e c u r e t h e production of millions of t o n s of grain. T h e breaking down of household v i a b i l i ~ y , t h e drive towards extensive s y s t e m s of agricultural production in t h e ecologically degraded sahel

,

and

t h e concentration of c a p i t a l intensive modern technologies in t h e hands of wealthy m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s h a v e culminated in t h e f a m i n e c r i s e s of 19831985.

El Tom highlights t h e unpredictability of t h e c l i m a t e of t h e sahelian

zone, and paints t h e t r a g i c p i c t u r e of f a m i n e and t h e way i t structurally p e n e t r a t e s e v e r y a s p e c t of t h e lives of t h e subsistence c u l t i v a t o r s and pastoralists.

Livestock e i t h e r died or w a s sold f o r very low prices, wells

dried up, and no harvest w a s collected f o r t h r e e consecutive years.

How-

e v e r , t h e population used t h e i r local knowledge about t h e i r ecology s o e f f e c t i v e l y , processing wild plants and s e e d s arduously into edible food. This in itself indicates t h e frequency of c r o p failures.

Nevertheless, t h e

question remained a s t o why drought e n d e d in such a n a c u t e f a m i n e crisis this time.

And o n e answer proposed i s t h a t t h e c u r r e n t agricultural

policies and t h e articulation of t h e peasants in t h e m a r k e t economy have led t o t h e i r marginalization. surplus i s e x t r a c t e d

A f t e r their produce is m a r k e t e d and t h e

by t h e p a r a s t a t a l s a n d t h e merchants,

t h e small

producers a r e l e f t with nothing but t h e i r poverty. Following t h e s a m e t h e m e but a t t h e national and international levels, Ahmed provides a thorough explanation of t h e dynamics of pastoral s y s t e m s of production a n d t h e i m p a c t of governmental intervention on t h e small producers, both c u l t i v a t o r s and agro- pastoralists.

It clearly e m e r g e s t h a t

national ambivalence coupled with t h e s t r u c t u r a l dependence of t h e s t a t e on externally m o t i v a t e d p r o j e c t s represent s o m e of t h e f a c t o r s behind t h e

d e m i s e of pastoralism in t h e Sudan.

Although f a m i n e c a n b e a t t r i b u t e d t o

ecological f a c t o r s , t h e ill-planned a g r i c u l t u r a l s c h e m e s which h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d t o ecological d e g r a d a t i o n a r e only o n e f o r m of i n t e r v e n t i o n f r o m t h e s t a t e a n d t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l a g e n c i e s i n t o t h e lives of local c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h o u t o f f e r i n g any s u i t a b l e ' d e v e l o p m e n t ' a l t e r n a t i v e .

While A h m e d is

n o t c r i t i c a l of i n t e r v e n t i o n per s e , h e d o e s f o c u s on t h e disastrousness of neglecting

particular

groups in s o c i e t y

when

development

projects

are

planned, when t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e national r e v e n u e is a s s u r e d w i t h o u t any i m p r o v e m e n t s in t h e i r social life. The

choice

of

technology

sociological dimension of elaborated

by Salih

who advocates

agricultural t h e use of

development rather

than

animal

and

the

another

traction

is

a s an

r e a c h i n g t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e f a r m e r s in t h e t r a d -

a p p r o p r i a t e m e a n s of itional s e c t o r .

for

using o n e technology

Given t h e p r e s e n t e v i d e n c e f r o m o t h e r A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s

a n d t h e l i m i t e d e x p e r i e n c e with a n i m a l t r a c t i o n in Sudan, t h e a u t h o r c a n not

credit

the

failure

to

appreciate

the

relevance

of

this

type

of

technology f o r t h e Sudanese e c o n o m y a n d s o c i e t y o n t h e p a r t of n a t i o n a l governments.

Nevertheless,

nology

be

should

t h i s labour saving a n d l e s s expensive t e c h -

preceded

by

favourable

prices

for

crops,

effective

training, t h e c r e a t i o n of r e p a i r f a c i l i t i e s , a n d t h e provision of a n a d e q u a t e infrastructure.

If

a

gradual

approach

is

commanded,

animal

draft

technology will c e r t a i n l y h a v e a positive e f f e c t on raising t h e s t a n d a r d s of living of

the

majority

of

mechanization programme

the

rural

poor

in

relation

to

the

present

which f a v o u r s t h e w e a l t h y m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s .

T h e m e s s a g e f r o m Salih's p a p e r is t h a t t h e r e is a need f o r assessing t h e e c o n o m i e s of f a r m s i z e a n d productivity in t h e Sudan w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e various

technological

perception

of

options

the tractor

as

available t h e only

r a t h e r than alternative

holding

to a

t o hoe

faulty

cultivation.

T h e issue of r u r a l / u r b a n migration h a s b e e n t o u c h e d upon by a l m o s t a l l t h e authors.

Mohamed d e a l s w i t h t h e e c o n o m i e s of t h e m o v e m e n t of

workers f r o m t h e r u r a l t o t h e urban labour m a r k e t s , a n d i t is obvious f r o m his analysis t h a t r u r a l / u r b a n m i g r a t i o n is a r e s u l t of e c o n o m i c deprivation in t h e r u r a l a r e a s .

What is m o r e i n t e r e s t i n g is t h e a u t h o r ' s i n s i s t e n c e on

c a l c u l a t i n g t h e shadow w a g e r a t e a s a disguised social b e n e f i t t h a t t h e m i g r a n t r e c e i v e s f r o m working in t h e r e l a t i v e l y privileged u r b a n c e n t r e s . Mohamed

also a t t r i b u t e s t h e a c c e l e r a t i n g

r a t e of

migration

from

the

agricultural t o t h e underdeveloped industrial sector t o t h e c u r r e n t disintegration of t h a t s e c t o r d u e t o lack of maintenance, and shortage of a d e q u a t e inputs.

The e f f e c t of this a t t h e macro level is t h e staggering

fall in public s e c t o r income relative t o t h e r a t e of change in t h e social valuation of public s e c t o r consumption.

This implies t h a t t h e public sector

would lose m o r e by depending on a decaying urban industrial s e c t o r and a disintegrating agrarian s e c t o r t h a t sends o u t thousands of labourers every year t o t h e f o r m e r sector.

If labour follows capital, t h e r o o t s of rural/

urban migration a r e t h e r e f o r e found in t h e uneven development between t h e sending regions and t h e receiving large- scale mechanized schemes and t h e semi- industrialized urban centres. Some conclusions c a n be drawn from t h e r e c e n t experience of agrarian change in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands.

The scholars have demonstrated t h a t t h e

rainfed s e c t o r is still largely disorganized. poor,

The s t r u c t u r e of incentives is

t h e local m a r k e t s a r e fragmented, e f f e c t i v e pricing policies a r e

lacking, t h e infrastructure is inappropriate, and t h e mechanization policies a r e f a r from adequate.

These negative f a c t o r s have contributed t o t h e

present agricultural depression which in t u r n has resulted in a general economic

recession.

Re- organizing

such

agrarian

doldrums

s t r u c t u r a l change and not simple sectoral improvements.

requires a

T h e recognition

of t h e s e problems and any a t t e m p t towards solving t h e m is unfortunately structurally related t o t h e international development institutions which a r e partially responsible f o r t h e present agrarian crisis. Most of t h e c u r r e n t agrarian problems in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands s t e m from t h e f a c t t h a t t h e traditional farming systems a r e largely neglected. They a r e still characterised by t h e lack of c a p i t a l and l i t t l e use of modern inputs o r bio-technology.

The answer t o t h e declining soil fertility and low

yield r a t e s per feddan lies with t h e modification of t h e traditional agricultural practices and techniques.

Since extension service has not been

accorded any significant value in t h e rainfed s e c t o r in general and t h e traditional farming s y s t e m in particular, i t is high t i m e t o develop human resources through t h e introduction of a viable extension service.

However,

such a n e f f o r t requires more research in t h e s e s a m e traditional systems of production if extension is t o disseminate t h e knowledge acquired by t h e research institutions t o t h e traditional farmers.

I t is unfortunate t h a t

most of t h e research t h a t has been carried o u t in t h e rainfed s e c t o r

is mainly directed t o t h e mechanized sector.

Very l i t t l e is known about

t h e social and economic structures, agronomical practices, farmers' motivation,

responses t o income opportunities, prices and incentives in t h e

traditional sector. equipment

Research on i n t e r m e d i a t e technology and animal drawn

is particularly

needed t o o f f e r some hope t o t h e t e n s of

thousands of traditional f a r m e r s who still use t h e hoe t o c o m p e t e with t r a c t o r s over t h e s a m e f r a g m e n t e d rural markets. Despite their contribution t o national development through t h e surplus e x t r a c t e d by t h e parastatals working in t h e marketing of their products, pastoralists a r e particularly neglected.

No plan has so f a r been devised

for improving their standards of living or providing t h e m with necessary services.

They a r e instead, subjected t o economic pressures through their

incorporation into t h e m a r k e t economy, and ecological misfit through t h e expansion of large- scale mechanized schemes.

Developments in this a r e a

a r e s c a r c e and d o not r e f l e c t t h e reality of pastoral systems of production today.

T h e question of how t o develop pastoralism in t h e Sudan c a n n o t be

answered within t h e limits of t h e available knowledge and existing research. More research is t h e r e f o r e required not only t o update our knowledge about pastoralists

but also t o explain such issues a s their response t o

famine and drought, t h e emerging socio- economic s t r u c t u r e s within which ecological adaptation is taking place, t h e contemporary shifts in migratory patterns, herd management and responses t o prices and marketing facilities and t h e possibility of introducing small- scale dairy industries.

All t h e

studies in this book point, t o t h e f a c t t h a t t h e 1983-1985 famine was a result of t h e negligence of pastoralists and traditional cultivators.

Food

security in i t s t r u e sense lies with improving t h e methods and techniques of

production

in

these

two

sectors

of

the

rural

Land t e n u r e problems a r e certainly gathering momentum, with t h e large- scale expansion of

mechanized farming.

economy. especially

The prevalent

agrarian transition has already led t o t h e relegation of thousands of small producers t o t h e c a t e g o r y of wage earners.

Thousands m o r e have been

displaced from their land which is now allocated t o t h e m e r c h a n t farmers. Prompt action is required before t h e system of land t e n u r e develops t o a n e x t e n t w h e r e governmental intervention becomes impossible owing t o t h e resistance of those who have a vested i n t e r e s t in t h e prevailing s y s t e m of land allocation.

The

areas

where

the

large- scale mechanized

located a r e largely underdeveloped.

schemes

have

been

The agrarian transition has passed

over t h e rural poor t o t h e benefit of those who a r e already wealthy.

This

malformed agricultural development has also contributed t o migration outside t h e farming communities t o towns and o t h e r c e n t r e s of employment. I t is obvious t h a t t h e problems of social and economic

policy making a r e

closely r e l a t e d t o t h e p a t t e r n of agricultural surplus allocation.

In t h e

c a s e of t h e c e n t r a l rainlands which produce over 75 per c e n t of t h e grain consumed in t h e country or exported during t h e good harvests,

schools,

health clinics, w a t e r supplies, roads and o t h e r social services a r e e x t r e m e l y lacking.

This in itself questions t h e very wisdom behind this p a t t e r n of

sectoral agrarian change and i t s relevance t o rural development, if

by

development w e mean t h e improvement of . t h e quality of t h e life of t h e rural population. more

attention

In developing t h e agrarian s e c t o r in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands should

be

given

to

the

relationship

between

surplus

extraction, regional inequalities and prospects of reaching t h e rural poor. The s e c t o r a l approach which has been adopted has, s o far, proved t o b e incapable of diffusing t h e benefits of development t o t h e majority of t h e rural population who still depend on a s t a g n a n t technology.

If agricultural

development r e f e r s t o increasing crop production by overcoming production constraints, t h e planned agrarian change in t h e c e n t r a l rainlands has barely succeeded in increasing production in t h e mechanized farming s e c t o r a t t h e expense of t h e masses of t h e traditional producers.

Nonetheless, t h e

technological package which has been deployed for t h e purpose of overcoming production constraints has c r e a t e d another s e t of constraints which a r e d e t r i m e n t a l t o t h e production capacity of t h e traditional f a r m e r s and pastoralists.

If technological change is conceived a s one of t h e means for

overcoming production constraints, i t follows t h a t a n i n t e r m e d i a t e technology, animal traction, bio-technology, seed improvement programme and t h e introduction of high yielding varieties m a y c o n s t i t u t e a b e t t e r avenue of

technological change.

However, this objective is difficult t o a t t a i n

unless t h e present agricultural policies a r e re- structured and t h e a g e n t s of change, both national and international, a r e willing t o m e e t t h e challenge of changing their a t t i t u d e s towards small producers.

(I)

For m o r e m a t e r i a l on t h e traditional s y s t e m s of production a n d their main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e f e r t o t h e Introduction in G. Haaland (ed) Problems of Savannah Development: The Sudan Case, Bergen Occasional P a p e r s in Social Anthropology, No. 19, 1982. Also r e f e r t o Tothill (ed) Agriculture in t h e Sudan, Oxford, 1948, F. Barth, 'Economic Spheres in Darfur' in R. F i r t h (ed) Themes in Economic Anthropology, Tavistock, 1967. For t h e i m p a c t of mechanized farming on traditional c u l t i v a t o r s and pastoralists r e f e r t o M.H. Saeed, Economic E f f e c t s of Agricultural Mechanization in Rural Sudan, in G. Haaland (ed) Problems of Savannah Development, Bergen, 1982, a n d F.H. Adam e t a1 : Mechanized Agriculture in t h e C e n t r a l Rainlands in P. Oesterdiekhoff e t a1 (eds) T h e Developm e n t P e r s p e c t i v e of t h e Republic of t h e Sudan, Munich, 1983.

(2)

The overall d e c r e a s e in land productivity for t h e traditional s e c t o r is e s t i m a t e d a s follows (kgtfeddan):

Sorghum Cotton Sesame Groundnuts E s t i m a t e s compiled f r o m various r e p o r t s by t h e Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Natural Resources f r o m 1960 t o 1985. (3)

T h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e political economy of agriculture in A f r i c a has c o n c e n t r a t e d on providing t h e o r e t i c a l frameworks r a t h e r t h a n policy oriented contributions. Most scholars have highlighted t h e problem of t h e impoverishment of t h e peasantry through their incorporation i n t o t h e capitalist mode of production, o t h e r s m o r e emphasized t h e i r s t r u c t u r a l dependence on t h e m a r k e t economy, or t h e unequal exchange processes t h a t h a v e been taking place between t h e producers of primary e x p o r t s on t h e one hand and t h e producers of t h e c a p i t a l goods on t h e other. This book transcends such conceptualizations t o analysing t h e a c t u a l p a t t e r n of relations between t h e agrarian s e c t o r and t h e internal a s well a s t h e e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s of change. For m o r e m a t e r i a l on t h e political economy of African a g r i c u l t u r e r e f e r t o R.H. Bates, Essays on t h e Political Economy of R u r a l Africa, Cambridge University Press, 1983, G. Arrighi and Saul, Essays on t h e Political Economy of Africa, E a s t A f r i c a Publishing House, 1973. C.Y. Thomas, Dependence and Transformation, New York, 1977. S. Amin, 'Accumulation on a World Scale,' Monthly Review, New York, 1974. C. Leys, C a p i t a l Accumulation, Class Formation and Dependency, Socialist Register, 1978.

(4)

For f u r t h e r explanations of t h e r e c e n t f a m i n e crisis which a f f e c t e d t h e Sudan a m o n g o t h e r African countries r e f e r to, Review of African Political Economy, special issue on World Recession and

t h e Food Crisis in Africa, edited by Peter Lawrence, 1986. Famine: A Man Made Disaster: A report by t h e Commission on Humanitarian Issues, London, 1985. Seeds of Famine by R.W. Franke and B. Chasin, Montdesir, 1980. C. Stevens, Food, Aid and t h e Developing World, London, 1979. J. Carlsson (ed) Recession in Africa, Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1983. A. Sen, Poverty and Famine, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1983.

TAPPING THE AGRARIAN SECTOR FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH: The Sudan Experience Ibrahirn A. Elbadawi T h e Sudan is endowed w i t h huge e c o n o m i c p o t e n t i a l in t e r m s of c u l t u r a l resources.

agri-

A r a t h e r impressive a r r a y of s t a t i s t i c s c a n b e c i t e d in

support of this claim.

Being t h e l a r g e s t c o u n t r y in Africa, t h e Sudan has

a t o t a l a r a b l e land of 85.46 million feddans.

Only 20 per c e n t of t h i s

potential

resources a r e

is

currently

utilized.

The

water

also

quite

s u b s t a n t i a l and vastly under- exploited with only 50 per c e n t of w a t e r p o t e n t i a l being utilized. Sudan's a g r i c u l t u r a l p o t e n t i a l a l s o lies in i t s s e c t o r a l diversity. broad a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r c o m p r i s e s t h r e e sub- sectors: m e c h a n i z e d rainfed a n d t h e irrigated.

The

t h e traditional, t h e

E a c h of t h e s e sub- sectors produces

food a n d c a s h c r o p s both f o r l o c a l consumption and export.

The irrigated

sub- sector includes s c h e m e s such a s t h e G e z i r a , t h e Rahad, Khashm El Girba, El Suki, and t h e Toker a n d Gash Deltas.

T h e s e a r e s p e c i a l i z e d in

t h e production of c o t t o n , groundnuts, a n d o t h e r food c r o p s s u c h a s w h e a t in G e z i r a and Khashm El Girba.

Sugar c a n e i s produced under t h e i r r i g a t e d

sub- sector of Kennana, Guneid, Assalya a n d Khashm El Girba.

While t h i s

s e c t o r c o v e r s 4 million a c r e s , t h e m e c h a n i z e d rainfed sub- sector c o v e r s 6 million a c r e s of

t h e c e n t r a l c l a y plains.

T h e t r a d i t i o n a l sub- sector on

which t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e population subsists c o v e r s over 9 million a c r e s a n d is considered t h e l a r g e s t sub- sector.

Besides being t h e m a i n s o u r c e of

t h e n a t i o n ' s livestock, t h i s sub- sector produces sorghum, millet, groundnuts, s e s a m e , gum a r a b i c a n d o t h e r minor crops. This a g g r e g a t i v e p o t e n t i a l has b e e n used t o r a t i o n a l i z e a m o d e of a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t based on e x t e n s i v e r e s o u r c e utilization.

Hence,

t h e o f f i c i a l view on a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t has s t a t e d t h a t , "with v a s t untapped

land

resources

in

the

country,

the

horizontal

expansion

of

a g r i c u l t u r a l production holds promise f o r a quick and e c o n o m i c a l i n c r e a s e in production" (Ministry of unqualified

National Planning, 1977).

This p l e a f o r a n

horizontal expansion has been e x e c u t e d with minimal infra-

s t r u c t u r a l services, a n i n a d e q u a t e i n c e n t i v e s t r u c t u r e , virtually no a d a p t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s e a r c h a n d a d e f o r m e d technological package.

This paper draws on l i t e r a t u r e a b o u t Sudan's agricultural development e f f o r t s in order t o e x a m i n e t h e potential r61e of technology and incentives in t h e process of agrarian transformation, and finally t o assess critically the

significance

of

pricing

policies

in

Sudan's Agricultural Development Efforts: Like

other

less

developed

promoting agricultural

growth.

An Overview

sub- saharan countries,

agriculture

i m p o r t a n t r61e in economic development in t h e Sudan.

plays a n

It contributes 40

per c e n t of t h e t o t a l GDP, 75 per c e n t of t h e GDP in t h e productive sectors, over 50 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l employment and 9 0 per c e n t of t h e country's foreign exchange earnings. productive c a p a c i t y

depends on

Also, most of t h e non- agricultural

agriculture

in s o m e

way

or

another.

Besides, of course, agriculture is t h e main source of food supply.

Never-

theless, this paper a r g u e s t h a t t h e agricultural s e c t o r remains backward and

deprived

of

the

necessary

essential f o r i t s development.

i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and

technological

inputs

Even when such investment has been made,

i t has usually been c h a r a c t e r i z e d by inadequate incentive structures, o f t e n d i c t a t e d by policies favourable t o t h e urban c e n t r e s and susceptible t o non- agrarian pressure groups and o t h e r financial constraints advocated by t h e international funding institutions. It is interesting t o mention a t this juncture, t h a t a review of t h e c u r r e n t l i t e r a t u r e on agricultural development would show t h a t t h e Sudan's agricultural s e c t o r exemplifies s o m e of t h e dominant t r e n d s in o t h e r LDC's. Consider f o r e x a m p l e t h e f a c t t h a t during t h e 1950's and t h e 1960's economic development w a s e q u a t e d with growth in per c a p i t a income. Also t h e s t r u c t u r a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of t h e economy w a s perceived a s a n achievement through a continuous squeeze on agriculture.

Thus t h e r6le of

economic development w a s seen t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e process of transformation by a f f e c t i n g a continuous decline in t h e agricultural s h a r e in t h e national product and t h e labour force.

In t h e words of L i t t l e (1982), " agriculture

w a s o f t e n t r e a t e d a s a black box f r o m which people and food and perhaps c a p i t a l c a n be released". Lewis's Development

(1954) influential with

and

widely c i t e d contribution,

Unlimited Supplies of

Labour',

'Economic

focuses on how

the

t r a n s f e r of labour f r o m t h e subsistence s e c t o r (when t h e marginal productivity i s assumed t o b e z e r o in t h e limit) t o t h e industrial s e c t o r f a c i l i t a t e d

c a p i t a l i s t e x p a n s i o n t h r o u g h t h e r e - i n v e s t m e n t of p r o f i t s .

Since t h e labour

supply c u r v e f a c i n g t h e c a p i t a l i s t s e c t o r i s a s s u m e d t o b e i n f i n i t e l y e l a s t i c at t h e r u l i n g w a g e , L e w i s ' s m o d e l p r e d i c t s t h a t e x p a n s i o n in t h e c a p i t a l i s t

s e c t o r will c o n t i n u e u n t i l e a r n i n g s in t h e t w o s e c t o r s a r e e q u a l ; point a dual sector model

is

no longer relevant.

o n e s e c t o r ( S t a a t z a n d E i c h e r , 1984).

a t which

G r o w t h p r o c e e d s a s in

T h e r e l e v a n c e of t h i s s t a t e m e n t

to

this paper, lies in t h e proposition inherent in Lewis's assumption which f i r s t l y n e g l e c t s t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r a n d s e c o n d l y m a k e s a provision of e x t r a c t i n g s u r p l u s f r o m a g r i c u l t u r e w i t h o u t i n v e s t i n g i n it.

T h i s h a s in

t u r n led t o m o r e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e p r o m o t i o n of t h e i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r a s a m e a n s of d e c l i n i n g t h e s h a r e of a g r i c u l t u r e in t h e d o m e s t i c e c o n o m y . J o r g e n s o n (1961) m a d e a p o i n t (which is a l s o r e l e v a n t t o t h e 1983-1985 f a m i n e ) t h a t t h e g r o w t h of t h e non- farm s e c t o r w i t h o u t a r e a s o n a b l e r a t e of g r o w t h in t h e f a r m s e c t o r m a y l e a d t o f o o d s h o r t a g e a n d d e c a y of t h e e x i s t i n g i n f r a s t r u c t u r e w h i c h c o u l d c h o k e o f f t h e g r o w t h of t h e n o n - f a r m s e c t o r by m a k i n g i t s l a b o u r supply l e s s t h a n i n f i n i t e l y e l a s t i c .

Therefore

s o m e i n v e s t m e n t in a g r i c u l t u r e t o a c c e l e r a t e t h e g r o w t h of i t s s u r p l u s is d e e m e d t o b e i m p o r t a n t in t h e e a r l y s t a g e s of e c o n o m i c g r o w t h .

Further-

m o r e , J o h n s t o n a n d Mellor (1961) a n d Nicholls (1964) w e r e m o r e a w a r e of s u c h d i f f i c u l t i e s a n d a r g u e d i n c o n t r a s t t o L e w i s t h a t a g r i c u l t u r e is t h e motive f o r c e in economic growth. I t h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e d i s a p p o i n t i n g r e c o r d s of r u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t d u r i n g t h e 1950's a n d 1 9 6 0 ' s c o u l d b e a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e w r o n g a s s u m p t i o n t h a t f a r m e r s c o u l d s u b s t a n t i a l l y i n c r e a s e t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y by a l l o c a t i n g e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s m o r e e f f i c i e n t l y a n d by a d o p t i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l practices and technologies from t h e industrial countries.

The huge invest-

m e n t i n a g r o - i n d u s t r i e s in t h e S u d a n d u r i n g t h e 1960's a n d t h e e a r l y 1970's i s o n l y a n e x a m p l e of t h e p r o m i n a n c e of s u c h i d e a s d u r i n g t h a t period. N o t only in t h e S u d a n b u t i n o t h e r L D C 1 s i t is e v i d e n t t h a t t h e d i f f u s i o n a p p r o a c h h a s f a i l e d m i s e r a b l y i n solving t h e p r o b l e m s of f o o d s h o r t a g e a n d has slowed agricultural growth. T h e diffusion m o d e l of a g r i c u l t u r a l g r o w t h h a s t r i g g e r e d off t w o m a j o r departures

in

the

literature

1970's a n d t h e 1980's.

on

agricultural

transformation

during

the

S c h u l t z a n d h i s a s s o c i a t e s w e r e i n t e r e s t e d in t h e

i d e a t h a t d e s p i t e low l e v e l s of p e r c a p i t a o u t p u t , t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r e is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a l l o c a t i v e e f f i c i e n c y .

S c h u l t z (1964) g o e s o n t o a r g u e

t h a t , " m a j o r i n c r e a s e s in p e r c a p i t a a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t in t h e T h i r d World

could c o m e about only if f a r m e r s a r e provided with new m o r e productive f a c t o r s of production".

F u r t h e r m o r e Schultz called f o r a major shift from

agricultural extension t o investment in agricultural research and human capital. Another a r e a of development in t h e l i t e r a t u r e is r e l a t e d t o t h e rapid growth of

radical political economy and dependency models of

development (Frank, 1966, Amin, 1973, 1974, 1976).

under-

This approach likewise

managed t o shed s o m e valuable light on t h e process of

linkages and

exchange arrangements t h a t t i e d t h e peasants t o t h e prevailing economic structures.

The basic assumption however remained t h e s a m e with s o m e

alterations, and one c a n t h e r e f o r e maintain with confidence t h a t t h e main lessons from t h e 1960's t o t h e early 1970's y e r e t h a t technological change must b e included a s a crucial component in both t h e theory and practice of rural development. change of heart. of development launched

by

The official policies however did n o t show any

The 1970's thus witnessed t h e flourishing of t h e concept with equity which was a d i r e c t result of t h e critique

radical and

humanitarian

approaches.

These

ideas

were

f u r t h e r advanced t o pave t h e way for s o m e important theoretical and policy d e b a t e s considering t h e interaction distribution,

between growth and income

employment output trade- off, rural employment and income

generating activities together with an implicit consideration of food and nutritional aspects in development planning. This new thrust in t h e d e b a t e has implied a g r e a t e r r81e f o r agric u l t u r e in economic development through t h e following important channels. Firstly, since incomes in both rural and urban a r e a s a r e determined by food prices, i t has been recognised t h a t low productivity in agriculture is t h e main cause of poverty and a s such agricultural productivity is deemed a top development priority.

Secondly, t h e failure of industries in LDC's

t o provide a d e q u a t e employment opportunities t o migrants has led t o more concern about expanding t h e rural employment base through developing t h e agricultural

sector.

Thirdly,

the

development of

bio- technologies has

provided higher agricultural productivity and hence a strong c a s e for a positive

r6le for agriculture in t h e process of economic development.

Such considerations have l e f t a considerable i m p a c t on t h e r e c e n t critique of Sudan's agricultural development planning during t h e 1970's and the

1980's.

Take, for example,

Ali (1984) who observes t h a t , "it is -1 7-

perhaps in recognition of t h e dominant r61e of agriculture in t h e economy growth - especially e x p o r t oriented

a n d i t s potential a s a n engine of growth

-

t h a t successive plans have given i t t o p priority in public s e c t o r

investment allocation".

This i s clearly shown in Table 1 which gives t h e

p e r c e n t a g e distribution of planned public investment over t h e period from 1970 t o 1983 on a s e c t o r a l basis.

This period also covers t h e Five Year

Plan 1970-1975 which w a s e x t e n d e d t o include 197611977 and t h e Six Year Plan 1977-1 98211 983 t o g e t h e r

with

t h e World

Bank Rolling Investment

Programmes. A c o m m e n t on agricultural i n v e s t m e n t policy is d e e m e d necessary since i t reveals t h e general t r e n d s in policy priorities which have a d i r e c t bearing on t h e growth of t h e agricultural sector.

It c a n b e observed t h a t

investment in t h e agricultural s e c t o r has been very lop-sided.

All invest-

m e n t has been a l l o c a t e d t o t h e modern sub- sector which encompasses t h e mechanized rainfed and t h e irrigated sub- sectors. threshers, combine h a r v e s t e r s t h e process of production.

Inputs such a s t r a c t o r s ,

a n d f e r t i l i z e r s a r e imported and included in Moreover, i n v e s t m e n t in services and infra-

s t r u c t u r e has been c o n c e n t r a t e d mainly in t h e modern s e c t o r while t h e traditional sub- sector has been l e f t out. nology,

animal

traction,

credit

Improvements in biological tech-

facilities,

promotion

of

marketing

and

institutional abilities and o t h e r viable inputs f o r small traditional f a r m e r s have n o t been positively thought of.

The result is obvious.

T h e trad-

itional s e c t o r which supports t h e majority of t h e Sudanese population has been neglected.

I t a p p e a r s t h a t Sudanese development plans manifest a n

application of t h e modernization approaches of t h e 1950's and t h e 1960's which I have reviewed earlier.

The modern s e c t o r enjoys a much b e t t e r -

although n o t a d e q u a t e - s y s t e m of infrastructure, marketing and services a s well a s s o m e a c c e s s t o t h e f r u i t s of a d a p t i v e research and technology. However, t h e rigidity of t h e s t r u c t u r e s within which t h e s y s t e m o p e r a t e s have

placated

t h e irrigated

sector

while weakening t h e incentives t o

farmers. The Structure of Incentives

F a c t o r s related t o inadequacies in transportation, c r e d i t and s t o r a g e have caused f a r m e r s t h e loss of t h e i r c o m m a n d over a substantial proportion of their produce.

As illustrated by Table 2, transportation, marketing and

TABLE I Agricultural Secror Policy Rating: Public Sector lnvesrmenr 1970- 1983

Original Five Year Plan

Amended Five Year Plan

Six Year

Plan

Rolling Programme 1979180-1981/82

Agriculture

38

23

27

28

32

Industry

17

25

16

Infrastructure

20

18

23

Services

20

15

9

6

13

20

Sector

Miscellaneous

I ,

T o t a l planned i n v e s t m e n t (Ls M ) of c u r r e n t prices

Y Source:

A.A. Ali (1984), Adapted f r o m World Bank (1983), Vol. 2.

Rolling Programme 1983184-1985186

TABLE 2 Transportation C o s t s f o r Agricultural Commodities a s a P e r c e n t a g e of Net Value of O u t p u t (Both a t Broader Prices) a

Source:

World Bank (1983), Vol. 3:

b

59)

a = Transportation c o s t f r o m fields t o P o r t Sudan a s a p e r c e n t a g e of FOB cost. b = Figures in b r a c k e t s give t o t a l marketing, distribution and transportation cost.

*

The ratios f o r both t h e traditional and modern sub- sector look comparable, basically because t h e y a r e based on n e t returns. Due t o t h e high c o s t of input in t h e modern sub- sector, r a t i o s based on gross r e t u r n s will be much higher for t h e traditional sub- sector compared t o t h e modern sub- sector.

distribution costs a r e q u i t e substantial.

Another significant point is t h a t

agricultural m a r k e t s a r e drastically segmented especially in t h e rural a r e a s where t h e lower levels of t h e m a r k e t s t r u c t u r e a r e dominated by p e t t y t r a d e r s and t h e absence of marketing boards.

As such t h e s e p e t t y t r a d e r s

and middlemen appropriate vital profits through their monopoly of t h e m a r k e t and their ability t o pay lower prices than t h e floor f a r m g a t e prices declared by t h e government.

The majority of smallholders in t h e

traditional sub- sector a r e entrapped by t h e f a r m e r s g e t less in t i m e s of

shail

system, by which small

need and pay more in t i m e s of plenty.

The modern s e c t o r is slightly b e t t e r d u e t o t h e relatively improved marketing and c r e d i t systems.

Nonetheless, even if w e assume t h a t all

f a r m e r s c a n benefit from a n improved incentive structure, t h e r e is still t h e possibility t h a t t h e s e prices may not align with t h e broader price equivalent,

t h e r e f o r e suggesting a negative

protection for

most crops

e x c e p t wheat and sorghum (Table 3). The World Bank (1983) reported t h a t , " the evidence clearly suggests t h e key r61e of price incentives is encouraging higher yields and output. Therefore, t h e combination of malformed incentives, s t r u c t u r e s and policies must

have

significantly

agricultural sector.

contributed

t o the

present

depression

in

the

The issue of incentives is broader than just considering

prices and t h e r a t e of protection for a given c r o p or crops.

In f a c t i t

r e l a t e s t o t h e macro- economic level of t h e management of t h e economy such a s foreign

t r a d e , exchange r a t e ,

and

monetary policies a s well.

These f a c t o r s have a serious i m p a c t on t h e incentive s t r u c t u r e in respect t o t h e development of t h e agricultural sector.

In order t o bring o u t this

point m o r e clearly, a t t e n t i o n c a n b e drawn t o Sudan's ambitious plan, during t h e 19701s, which c o n c e n t r a t e d on import substitution in agriculture and agro- based commodities such a s sugar,

wheat,

textiles, etc.

The

policies deployed t o achieve t h e s e goals have inflicted considerable damage on t h e economy. order

t o cover

The plan w a s dependent on 5 3 per c e n t foreign loans in the

period f r o m

197711978

component, expected t o be financed mounted

t o 38 per c e n t of

to

198211983.

The local

by c r e d i t from t h e c e n t r a l bank,

t h e t o t a l domestic finance of

t h e plan.

Excessive spending, heavy reliance on foreign borrowing and money printing as a

main source of

finance, a s well a s t h e decay of

t h e existing

TABLE 3 F a r m G a t e , Export (FOB) P r i c e s and Net Production R a t i o s f o r Some Selected Croos (in Ls M) f o r t h e Period from 1975-1 984

cotton Farm Gate Export (FOB) Protection Ratio

388.2 454.0 85.5

714.3 544.0 713.8 821.0 842.0 633.9 1080 1137.9 84.83 85.82 66.1 71.36

900.0 1200 1179.4 1346.5 76.31 89.12

Wheat Farm Gate Export (FOB) Protection Ratio

Farm Gate Export(F0B) Protection Ratio

65 71.6 90.78

65 75 75 85 118 68.5 61.9 49.3 65.9 117.7 94.89 121.16 152.13 128.89 105.64

160 132.7 120.57

71.0 54.0 138.0

51.3 45.8 112.1

48.5 41.5 116.6

80.4 51.3 156.6

84.3 74.3 113.4

180 101.9 176.8

175.3 134.1 130.6

223.19 361.12 209.01 356.55 106.8 101.3

59 159.5 30.1

63 144.2 43.7

60 160.7 37.3

70 206.6 33.9

131.0 300.3 43.6

78 341.4 22.8

263 565.2 46.5

208.03 529.20 39.31

202.03 199.81 254.99 279.91 356.16 422.94 613.16 895.40 1157.5 509.91 527.34 663.17 914.44 924.75 1519.9 1957.9 2735.8 3404.3 39.62 37.89 38.45 30.61 38.51 27.83 31.32 32.73 34.0

Romchts Farm Gate Export (FOB) Protection Ratio

G m Arabic Farm Gate Export (FOB) Protection Ratio

[Net protection ratios a r e c o m p u t e d by taking t h e p e r c e n t a g e of f a r m g a t e prices t o (FOB) export prices a f t e r converting t h e l a t t e r t o nationai c u r r e n c y using t h e official exchange rate].

Sources:

World Bank (1983) Sudan Pricing Policies and S t r u c t u r a l Balances, Vol. 3, Dept. of Agricultural Economics, Ministry of Agriculture: Agricultural P r i c e s in t h e Sudan: An Historical Review and Analysis, 1970-1 984.

i n f r a s t r u c t u r e in t h e modern irrigated s e c t o r led t h e country i n t o a crisis situation.

All t h e s e f a c t o r s h a v e had a negative i m p a c t on t h e country's

economic performance, especially in a situation of a soaring d e b t and high T h e high inflation r a t e t o g e t h e r with t h e over- valuation of

inflation rate.

t h e c u r r e n c y has caused t h e slim incentive s t r u c t u r e t o b e biased against t h e e x p o r t oriented s e c t o r (mainly agriculture) and in favour of t h e nonproductive t e r t i a r y services in t h e urban centres. A s a result of t h e ensuing economic difficulties, t h e government has been f o r c e d t o a c c e p t t h e a c t i v e involvement of multi- national institutions especially t h e IMF and t h e IBRD, in managing t h e economy in r e t u r n for concessionary

loans

and

debt

re- scheduling

arrangements

mediated

or

While t h e *Sudan has missed t h e 1970's

g r a n t e d by t h e s e institutions.

m a r k e t incentives by over - valuing i t s currency, t h e IMF package which c a m e during t h e l a t e 1970's a n d early 1980's has done just t h a t , but under t h e wrong banner.

It is worthwhile t o recall t h a t t h e IMF had t a k e n a

leading r61e by proposing a package f o r economic stabilization, based on c u r r e n c y devaluation.

What concerned t h e agricultural s e c t o r w a s t h a t i t s

very s t r u c t u r e would n o t have given t h e IMF policies a c h a n c e t o succeed (Ali, 1984):

first, improving t h e s t r u c t u r e of incentives t o f a r m e r s w a s a

precondition t o generating growth.

Hence, when t h e pound w a s devalued,

this w a s r e f l e c t e d in t h e floor prices which m e a n t t h a t a sizeable number of

t h e producers could n o t r e a p i t s fruits.

segmentation

of

This i s mainly d u e t o t h e

t h e m a r k e t in t h e traditional sub- sector.

Second, an

a d e q u a t e response on t h e supply side required both initial heavy investment in innovative

technology

and

infrastructure,

and s o m e t i m e b e f o r e an

a d e q u a t e response t o t h e incentives could b e felt.

In short, t h e economic

policies adopted by t h e government at t h a t t i m e have illustrated t h e twin shortcomings of a g g r e g a t e macro- economic measures:

firstly, t o cushion

basic needs, and secondly, t o p r o m o t e a n a d e q u a t e supply response o u t of technologically s t a g n a n t agriculture. Agricultural Technology Prices and Structural Transformation In t h e c a s e of Sudan, w h e r e agriculture is t h e dominant economic activity, t h e process of agricultural t r a n s f o r m a t i o n has t o be financed through t h e t r a n s f e r of agricultural surplus.

The point of contention, however, is w h a t

mechanisms have t o b e a d o p t e d in order t o a f f e c t such a t r a n s f e r and a t

w h a t s t a g e of e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t t h a t t r a n s f e r is m o s t useful.

Two

c l a s s i c views on t h i s issue c a n b e highlighted here: It is m o s t e s s e n t i a l t o t r a n s f e r c a p i t a l t o a g r i c u l t u r e t o m e e t

1.

a n increasing d e m a n d f o r food a s a r e s u l t of industrialization a n d t h e a c c e l e r a t i n g p r o c e s s of rural/urban migration ( r e f e r t o Eltigani S. Moharned in t h i s volume).

Moreover, i t is a r g u e d

t h a t d u e t o t h e r a t h e r high c a p i t a l o u t p u t r a t i o in a g r i c u l t u r e c a u s e d by t h e diminishing r e t u r n s perceived t o c h a r a c t e r i z e agricultural

production,

these

transfers

may

have

to

be

substantial.

A c o n t r a s t i n g a r g u m e n t c a l l s f o r a s q u e e z e on a g r i c u l t u r e and

2.

net

outflow

of

resources

agricultural sectors, same

diminishing

from

agriculture

to

non-

other

p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e industrial s e c t o r .

marginal

return

hypothesis

is

The

used

to

m a i n t a i n t h a t i n v e s t m e n t will b e relatively higher in t h e nona g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r s , which is m o r e favourable, e x i s t e n c e of (1984)

has

interesting

external pointed

due t o t h e Mellor

e c o n o m i e s in t h e s e s e c t o r s .

out

t h a t , "a

c a s e a r i s e s when

much

m o r e c o m p l e x and

technological

change

in

agri-

c u l t u r e sharply i n c r e a s e s r e t u r n s t o i n v e s t m e n t in a g r i c u l t u r e a n d sharply r e d u c e s c a p i t a l o u t p u t ratios". This second a r g u m e n t is based on t h r e e assumptions:

t h e hypothesis

of diminishing marginal productivity in a g r i c u l t u r e , t h e linkage principle, and t h e s e c u l a r decline h yp othesis.

Hirshrnan (1977) d e f i n e s t h e linkage

e f f e c t s of a given p r o d u c t l i n e a s t h e i n v e s t m e n t g e n e r a t i n g f o r c e s t h a t are

set

in

motion

through

input/output

relations.

This

is

so

when

p r o d u c t i v e f a c i l i t i e s t h a t supply i n p u t s t o t h a t line o r u t i l i z e i t s o u t p u t a r e i n a d e q u a t e or non- existent. inpu-t using facilities.

Poor linkages lead t o new i n v e s t m e n t in

Hirshman goes on t o a r g u e t h a t g o v e r n m e n t invest-

m e n t should b e c o n c e n t r a t e d in a c t i v i t i e s w h e r e t h e linkage e f f e c t s a r e greatest, industries.

since

this

would

maximize

indigenous

investment

in

related

I t is t h e n a r g u e d t h a t " agriculture c e r t a i n l y s t a n d s c o n v i c t e d on

t h e a c c o u n t of

i t s l a c k of

d i r e c t s t i m u l u s t o t h e s e t t i n g up of

new

a c t i v i t i e s through linkage e f f e c t s , t h e s u p e r i o r i t y of m a n u f a c t u r i n g in t h i s r e s p e c t is crushing"(Hirshman, 1958).

T h e t h i r d assumption holds t h e view

t h a t i t is t h e s e c u l a r t e n d e n c y f o r t e r m s of t r a d e t o run a g a i n s t c o u n t r i e s

t h a t e x p o r t primary products and import manufactured goods.

From this

i t is maintained t h a t growth through agricultural and o t h e r primary exports is very limited.

Thus t h e emphasis should be placed on t h e import

substitution manufactures. Both diminishing marginal productivity and linkage arguments failed t o t a k e account of t h e i m p a c t of modern technology on f a r m economies.

It

is now well known t h a t agricultural technology has provided g r e a t potential for substantial increases in f a r m productivity through t h e diminishing of capital- output substantial

ratios.

linkages

Also, within

high

and

yielding

outside

the

variety

crops

agricultural

can

create

sector.

For

example, a n enhanced demand for fertilizers and t h e provision of abundant c o s t e f f e c t i v e grains may trigger off investments in chemical and grainintensive livestock industries.

As for t h e secular decline hypothesis, i t is

mainly criticized on t h e grounds t h a t i t is extremely aggregative in nature. It is by no means c l e a r t h a t t h e real price of every tropical commodity has fallen and much of t h e empirical material backing up t h e thesis of t h e secular fall in t h e t e r m s of t r a d e is period specific. L e t us consider t h e c a s e of Sudan a s a n example. agricultural

t e r m s of

period of t i m e in r e c e n t history. 1985,

The a g g r e g a t e

t r a d e h a v e held their ground for a considerable Through t h e period from 1970 t o 19841

Sudan's t e r m s of t r a d e fluctuated around t h e 90 index with t h e

exception of

197511976 when i t fell t o 71 (Brown, 1986;

Bond, 1983).

During t h e period in question, price hikes in key export crops such a s oil seeds and gum a r a b i c mitigated t h e decline in c o t t o n lint prices.

It

follows t h a t a t early s t a g e s of economic growth, a d e q u a t e investment in agricultural technology, research and associated shifters of supply such a s irrigation, human capital and infrastructure, c a n permit resource transfers from agriculture without precipitating negative consequences on t h e sector.

The Record of Surplus Transfers from Sudanese Agriculture A massive extraction of surplus from Sudanese agriculture prevailed since t h e early period of t h e Anglo-Egyptian colonial rule (1898 continued through t h e post- Independence period However,

prior

to

1970,

the

private

until

export

the

capital

-

1956).

This

present dominated

day. the

mechanism of such transfers through i t s control on t h e exports of Sudan's major agricultural crops including t h e s t a t e owned c o t t o n crop.

By 1969,

m e r c h a n t c a p i t a l handled 99.8 per c e n t of Sudan's t o t a l e x p o r t s leaving t h e public s e c t o r with a m e a g r e 0.2

per c e n t of

t h e m a r k e t share.

The

control of t h e private s e c t o r was c o m p l e t e over t h e e n t i r e range of operations in t h e e x p o r t m a r k e t f r o m t h e f a r m g a t e t o t h e export delivery. The Government control w a s limited t o a variety of d i r e c t and indirect t a x e s on domestic and export t r a d e (Sultan, 1986). By 1970, t h e s t a t e sought t o e x e r c i s e m o r e control over t h e export market.

T h e mechanism f o r achieving such control w a s through

establishment boards.

of

an elaborate system

of

agricultural c r o p s

the

marketing

These included t h e Public Corporation for C o t t o n Production and

Marketing (PCPMC), t h e Oil Seeds Marketing Corporation (OMC) and t h e Arabic Company (GAC).

Gum

succeeded

in enhancing

Whether o r not t h e s e p a r a s t a t a l s have

governmental control over t h e e x p o r t of

cultural crops is debatable.

agri-

However, t h e y h a v e certainly succeeded in

providing a much m o r e e f f e c t i v e d e v i c e f o r e x t r a c t i n g agricultural surplus by s e t t i n g floor prices t h a t t u r n t o b e maximum prices for t h e producers. The process of resource t r a n s f e r f r o m agriculture a f f e c t e d through t h e s e p a r a s t a t a l s and

i t s consequences on

t h e economy

can

be analysed a s

follows: 1.

T h e declared objectives of

t h e p a r a s t a t a l s included, among

o t h e r things, a c o m m i t m e n t t o increase e x p o r t surplus through t h e provision of a t t r a c t i v e prices for farmers. practice

of

these

parastatals,

however,

has

The a c t u a l been

o n e of

revenue maximization r a t h e r t h a n of export promotion.

To

test

be

this

claim,

presented

in

the

order

following

empirical

e x a m p l e will

t o model t h e objective function of

a

typical p a r a s t a t a l by noting t h a t n e t revenues from export a r e given by: NR = Q (Pw - P f ) w h e r e NR stands f o r n e t revenues, Q for t h e quantity of exports, P f o r t h e d o m e s t i c o r f a r m g a t e prices, and !$ for

f

t h e e x p o r t (FOB) price.

A revenue maximizing p a r a s t a t a l

would choose P s o a s t o maximize i t s n e t revenue. f M NR = Q (pw solve t h e following problem: By simple

calculus w e g e t t h e first

maximization: -26-

Then t o -

pf]

order conditions for

Multiplying both sides by 'f yields:

Q

Simplifying and denoting t h e revenue maximizing solution by P r , w e get:

w h e r e e is t h e long run e l a s t i ~ i t yof supply with r e s p e c t t o t h e f a r m g a t e price. For a given p

W

and e, t h e p a r a s t a t a l c a n s e t p s o a s t o

maximize revenues since p is on a n increasing function of e ; r a s e g e t s smaller, t h e p a r a s t a t a l c a n reduce p further. f 0.6 f o r gum Assuming a reasonable long t e r m elasticity of arabic, s e s a m e and groundnuts, w e c a n t e s t t h e revenue maximization hypothesis f o r t h e (GAC) a n d (OMC) by comparing t h e hypothetical revenue maximizing prices p t o t h e a c t u a l price r' a t t h e f a r m g a t e - pf for e a c h of t h e above c r o p s (Table 4). Thus i t i s c l e a r t h a t t h e a c t u a l behaviour is closely approxi m a t e d by revenue maximizing behaviour, especially in t h e c a s e s of gum a r a b i c and groundnuts.

Even t h e a c t u a l revenue

t o t h e government from t h e p a r a s t a t a l a t t e s t t o t h e above assumption. 2.

F u r t h e r evidence t o t h e e x t e n t of agricultural surplus t r a n s f e r through t h e p a r a s t a t a l s c a n be judged from Table 3 which provides a profile of t h e d e g r e e of protection f o r s o m e key e x p o r t crops.

These indexes of protection c a n b e used t o

assess t h e e x t e n t and volume of t r a n s f e r s t o and from agriculture.

(a)

T h r e e modes of t r a n s f e r can, t h e r e f o r e , be identified

t h e r e is a massive t r a n s f e r of surplus outside agriculture in t h e c a s e of crops usually produced in t h e traditional sub- sector.

These transfers, in t h e c a s e of gum a r a b i c

TABLE 4 A Profile of Export (FOB) F a r m G a t e and Revenue Maximizing P r i c e s f o r Some P a r a s t a t a l Controlled C r o ~ s .1980- 1984"

Gum Arabic Export (FOB) price P

924.75

1519.9

1957.90

2735.8

3404.3

Actual F a r m G a t e price pf

356.16

422.94

61 3.26

895.40

1157.5

Revenue Maximizing prices p

314.42

51 6.77

665.69

930.17

1 157.46

34 1.4

565.2

-

-

975.0

78.0

263.0

-

-

331.5

1 16.08

192.17

- -

389.37

513.1

689.1

-

1040.0

526

737.14

W

Groundnuts Export (FOB) price p W

Actual F a r m G a t e price pf Revenue Maximizing prices p

Sesame Export (FOB) price p

750

W

Actual F a r m G a t e price p f Revenue Maximizing p r i c e p

260

300

174.45

234.29

*Pr is a derived price given by p run supply elasticity of own price. e

-

0.6

=

421.29 255.0

.

353.6

Pw e w h e r e e i s t h e long l + e T h e calculations a r e based on

and groundnuts,

amount t o about 60 per c e n t of t h e

value of t h e s e t w o crops since their n e t protection ratios a r e less t h a n 40 per c e n t (on average).

According t o

r e c e n t m a t e r i a l collected by t h e author (Elbadawi, 1986), o t h e r crops raised in t h e traditional sub- sector such a s hibiscus,

water

experienced

melon

seeds

and

sesame

would

have

a surplus t r a n s f e r of about 40 per cent.

Although t h e traditional cultivators could

have gained

from sorghum, this gain is likely t o b e very minimal due t o t h e f a c t t h a t most traditional f a r m e r s

in a frag-

m e n t e d m a r k e t d o not benefit from t h e f a r m g a t e prices s e t by t h e parastatal.

It is t h e r e f o r e obvious t h a t t h e

figures of n e t protection probably underscore t h e e x t e n t of

t r a n s f e r s from

this sub- sector.

This is normally

coupled with t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e a r e very small capital inflows coming t o this sub- sector in t e r m s of investment agricultural inputs. (b)

The high n e t protection r a t i o s for sorghum have induced t h e mechanized rainfed sub- sector t o experience inflows in t h e order of 28 per c e n t of t h e value of sorghum production during t h e period from 1975 t o 1983.

It can

hence b e a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e mechanized rainfed sub- sector is t h e main beneficiary f r o m t h e hikes in sorghum prices since t h e producers in this sub- sector have a c c e s s t o e x p o r t facilities and loans f r o m t h e Agricultural Bank of t h e Sudan (ABS) and o t h e r banks which g u a r a n t e e t h e floor price a s a minimum price. (c)

The irrigated sub- sector dominates t h e production of long staple cotton, sugar cane, w h e a t and o t h e r crops.

This

sub- sector experienced inflows t h a t exceeded 15 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l value of wheat produced during t h e period from 1975 t o 1981.

It also witnessed a substantial out-

flow in t h e groundnut economy which mounted t o 60 per c e n t of i t s value during t h e period from 1975 t o 1981. It is also observed t h a t about 20 per c e n t of t h e value

of

c o t t o n h a s been t r a n s f e r r e d o u t of

during t h e s a m e period.

t h e sub- s e c t o r

T r a n s f e r s o u t of

this sector

w e r e a l s o a f f e c t e d by expensive rehabilitation p r o g r a m m e s provided o r m e d i a t e d by t h e s t a t e . T w o main findings c a n b e gained f r o m t h e a b o v e discussion:

first,

d u e t o t h e s u b s t a n t i a l s h a r e of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s e c t o r in a g g r e g a t e agric u l t u r a l production (Table 5), n e t t r a n s f e r s o u t of a g r i c u l t u r e w e r e q u i t e s u b s t a n t i a l a n d probably e x c e e d e d 30 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l a g r i c u l t u r a l production in t h e country. of

high

prices

input

Second, c a p i t a l t r a n s f e r s t o a g r i c u l t u r e in t e r m s subsidies

may

not

necessarily

produce

new

T h e r a i n f e d m e c h a n i z e d sub- sector e x e m p l i f i e s t h i s idea.

technologies.

3.

and

T h e f i g u r e s shown in T a b l e 3 d o n o t disclose t h a t t h e surplus e x t r a c t i o n f r o m t h e technologically s t a g n a n t t r a d i t i o n a l subs e c t o r h a s a limit.

T h e l a c k of i n c e n t i v e a n d m o d e r n inputs

p r e c i p i t a t e d e x t r a c t i o n o u t of a g r i c u l t u r e a n d h a s r e s u l t e d in a

continuous d e c l i n e in a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t

period f r o m 1970 t o 1984. t o inadequacies of

throughout t h e

During t h e s a m e period a n d d u e

e x p o r t surplus, earnings o u t of

exports

h a v e declined s u b s t a n t i a l l y d e s p i t e virtually constant e x p o r t prices.

T h e c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r t h e e c o n o m y h a v e been q u i t e

grave.

Besides

the

difficult

macro- economic

problems

e x p e r i e n c e d by t h e c o u n t r y , d e c l i n e s in a g r i c u l t u r a l surplus g r e a t l y diminished t h e r e v e n u e t a p p e d by t h e g o v e r n m e n t and in f a c t f o r c e d t h e s t a t e t o incur c o s t s in subsidising t h e production

of

s t r a t e g i c food

crops

by

the

technologically

i n e f f i c i e n t rainfed m e c h a n i z e d sub- sector. T h e crisis of surplus e x t r a c t i o n e x p e r i e n c e d by t h e s t a t e h a s a l s o been explained by t h e f a i l u r e of t h e s t a t e t o m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l o v e r t h e agric u l t u r a l surplus.

This is mainly d u e t o t h e f a c t of manipulation of t h e

e x p o r t m a r k e t by p r i v a t e e x p o r t c a p i t a l a n d i t s ability t o r e a l i s e a sizea b l e proportion of t h e surplus (Sultan, 1986).

I t is c l e a r t h a t e v e n if t h e

s t a t e w a s a b l e t o r e a l i s e s u c h c o n t r o l o v e r t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l surplus, s o m e s o r t of a crisis could e n s u e unless t h e s t a t e used t h a t surplus t o i n v e s t in a g r i c u l t u r a l supply.

T h e c r u x of t h e discussion i s t h a t t h e mobilization and

t r a n s f e r of surplus f r o m a technologically s t a g n a n t a g r i c u l t u r e is n e i t h e r desirable nor f e a s i b l e a s a long- term policy.

TABLE 5 P e r c e n t a g e of Peasant Production in T o t a l Production of Export Crops, 1977-1 981

Crop -

Crop AV.

NA

Cotton Sorghum

35.81

Millet

100.0

Groundnuts

70.92

Sesame

61.66

Gum Arabic

100.0

Melson Seeds

100.0

Hibiscus

100.0

Average

81.2

Source:

Sultan (1986) compiled f r o m M.O.M. Table 2, p.43 and Table 4, p.45.

Suleiman (19841,

The Relative R6le of Technology and Prices in Agricultural Growth In r e a c t i o n t o t h e low p r i c e s in t h e LDC's, m a n y scholars t r a p p e d in s o m e s o r t of p r i c e ' f u n d a m e n t a l i s m ' .

tend

t h a t i t t a k e s only high p r i c e s in o r d e r t o a c h i e v e high

rates

(Krishna,

for

1984).

To

assure

commensurate

to

T h e impression prices

be

is of

given growth

farmers,

one

indispensible p r i c e s t r a t e g y a l o n e c a n n o t o f f e r a n o p t i m a l solution t o t h e problems of system

of

low a g r i c u l t u r a l growth. agricultural

production

in

For e x a m p l e , under t h e c u r r e n t the

Sudan,

a

long

term

supply

e l a s t i c i t y with r e s p e c t t o a g r i c u l t u r a l t e r m s of t r a d e , is shown as no m o r e t h a n 0.6.

This e s t i m a t e holds f o r highly d e m a n d e d e x p o r t c r o p s s u c h a s

oil seeds.

As such, a m o d e s t t a r g e t r a t e of g r o w t h in a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-

duction of 5 per c e n t would r e q u i r e a n annual i n c r e a s e in a g r i c u l t u r a l t e r m s of

t r a d e throughout t h e period f r o m 1970 t o 1985.

p r e c i p i t a t e serious m a c r o - e c o n o m i c difficulties.

This would

Extending t h i s a r g u m e n t

f u r t h e r , i t c a n b e n o t e d t h a t w i t h t h e c u r r e n t r a t e of population g r o w t h of a b o u t 2.8 per c e n t , a 3 per c e n t a n n u a l i n c r e a s e in food production barely m a i n t a i n s per c a p i t a consumption.

However t h e p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r s u c h a

r a t e t o b e a c h i e v e d under a p u r e p r i c e s e t g r o w t h s t r a t e g y is e i t h e r t h e production of a highly priced food which r e q u i r e s subsidy o r t h e supply of a n impossible food p r i c e f o r t h e urban poor a n d t h e landless a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers in t h e m o d e r n a g r i c u l t u r a l sub- sector.

However, t h e World Bank

(1983) p r o j e c t e d t h a t overall a g r i c u l t u r a l production should grow a t a n annual r a t e of around 5 per c e n t during t h e period f r o m 198211983 t o 198911990. is

very

In t h e light of t h e a b o v e discussion i t b e c o m e s c l e a r t h a t i t difficult

to

achieve

this

target

by

price

policy

alone.

T h e e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e of a g r i c u l t u r a l production s u g g e s t s t h a t supply e l a s t i c i t i e s with r e s p e c t t o s h i f t e r s of supply s u c h a s technology, irrigation, c h e m i c a l s , etc.,

t e n d t o b e m u c h higher t h a n p r i c e e l a s t i c i t y .

c a s e s t h e supply e l a s t i c i t y could elasticity

(Krishna, 1984).

In s o m e

be more than three times t h e price

Technological c h a n g e by definition i n c r e a s e s

t o t a l f a c t o r productivity of o t h e r c o n v e n t i o n a l inputs such a s land, labour, and c a p i t a l .

Even a t unchanged o u t p u t and input p r i c e s ( t e r m s of t r a d e ) ,

i t m u s t t h e r e f o r e i n c r e a s e t h e r e t u r n s per u n i t of cost. technological

innovation

(being absolute)

can

add

I t follows t h a t

significantly

to,

and

supplement, a n i n c r e a s e in t e r m s of t r a d e a n d t h u s b e c o m e a s t i m u l u s f o r e c o n o m i c g r o w t h a n d f a c i l i t a t e s t h e t r a n s f e r of a g r i c u l t u r a l surplus a t t h e

s a m e time.

In t h e Sudan t h e d e b a t e has currently focused on t h e r81e of

incentives in achieving agricultural growth.

I t is high t i m e now t h a t

investment in innovative technology and infrastructure equal

importance a s a

m e a n s of

achieving

be accorded a n

rapid agricultural

growth.

The main conclusion t o b e drawn from this paper is t h a t agricultural resources a r e y e t t o b e appropriately tapped in order t o play a leading r81e in promoting economic growth, a s well a s providing a surplus t h a t c a n be utilized t o finance t h e process of agrarian transformation.

Such a

move would eventually f a c i l i t a t e t h e building of a viable agro- industrial economy.

P r i c e incentives coupled

technological generate

innovation

and

other

with

a

associated

t h e agricultural growth necessary

substantial shifters

investment of

supply

in can

f o r a n economic recovery.

References Amin, S.

Transitional Phases in Sub- Saharan Africa, Monthly Review, Vol. 25, No. 5: 52-7, 1973. Accumulation in a World Scale: A Critique of t h e Theory of Development, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1974. Unequal Development: An Essay on t h e Social Formations of Peripheral Capitalism, New York, Monthly Review, 1976.

Ali, A.A.G.

Some Aspects of Sudan Economy, P G Teaching Material, No. 2, DSRC, University of Khartoum, 1984.

Bond, M.E.

Agricultural Responses t o P r i c e s in Sub- Saharan African Countries, IMF Staff Papers, Vol. 30, 1986.

Brown, R.

On t h e Rationale and E f f e c t s of t h e IMF Stabilization Programs, Development Association Conference, Developm e n t Studies, University of E a s t Anglia, Sept. 15th - 19th, 1986.

Eicher a t el (eds)

Agricultural Development in t h e Third World, John Hopkins University Press, 1984.

Elbadawi, I.A.

A n o t e on Pricing a n d Taxation Policies f o r S o m e of Sudan's Key Export C r o p s (in Arabic) A Memo. 1986. Ministry of Planning, Sudan.

Frank, A.G.

T h e Development of Underdevelopment, Monthly Review, 1966.

Hirshman, A.O.

T h e S t r a t e g y of Economic Development, New Havens Yale University Press, 1958. A Generalized Linkage Approach t o Development with Special R e f e r e n c e t o Staples, Economic Development and C u l t u r a l C h a n g e 2 5 (Supp.), 1977: 67-98.

Johnston, B.F. & Mellor, J.W.

The R81e of Agriculture in Economic Development, American Economic Review, Vol. 51, No. 4, 1961.

Jorgensen, D.W.

The Development of Dual Economy, Economic Journal, Vol. 71 (June), 1961 : 309-34.

Krishna, R.

P r i c e and Technology, in C a r l E. Eicher and J. S t a a t z (eds), Agricultural Development in t h e Third World, John Hopkins University Press, 1984.

Lewis, W.A.

Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labour, Manchester P a p e r s in Economic and Social Studies, Vol. 22, NO. 2: 139-91, 1954.

Mellor, J.W

Agricultural Development of Resources, in C a r l K. Agricultural Development Hopkins University Press,

and t h e Intersectoral Transfer Eicher and John M. S t a a t z (eds) in t h e Third World: John 1984.

Ministry of Planning

T h e Six Year Plan, 1977-1983.

Nicholls, W.H.

T h e P l a c e of Agriculture in Economic Development, in Agriculture in Economic Development Car1 K. Eicher (eds), New York, McCraw Hill, 1964.

Schultz, T.W.

Transforming Traditional Agriculture, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1964.

Sultan. P.H.

T h e S t a t e Agrarian Policies a n d P e a s a n t Production, 1970-198418s MA Thesis, University of East Anglia, UK, 1986.

World Bank

Pricing Policies a n d S t r u c t u r a l Balances Vol. 1-3, R e p o r t No. 4528 a-Su. 1983.

ECONOMIC STRATEGY AND HOUSEHOLD VIABILITY I N A D RY SAVANNAH AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY: Berti of Darfur Ladislav Holy According t o their own tradition, t h e original homeland of t h e Berti is t h e Tagabo Hills region in t h e Northern Darfur Province of t h e Republic of the

Sudan.

About 30,000 Berti inhabit this original tribal area.

their neighbours, they a r e Muslims;

Like all

originally they spoke their own lang-

uage which belonged t o t h e Middle Sahara language group and was closest t o t h e Zaghawa, but for several generations now they have spoken only their own dialect of Arabic. The country in which t h e Berti live is a n upland plateau lying at 700 t o 1,000m above s e a level with isolated sandstone and basalt hills rising above i t and culminating in t h e sandstone and volcanic mountains of t h e vast Tagabo Hills range, which reaches a n altitude of 1,500 m. Apart from t h e hills, t h e Berti a r e a consists mainly of s t a b l e old sand dunes with t h e natural vegetation of Acacia rnellifera, Species of

Aristida

thornbush and dry savannah:

A, raddiana, and

A. senegal

and

t h e main t r e e s a r e Boscia

senegalensis.

Eragrostis predominate among t h e grasses.

The

average rainfall during t h e t h r e e month rainy season, which s t a r t s a t t h e beginning of July and lasts until t h e end of September is 200 t o 300 mm. The Berti a r e fully sedentary in small villages, o f t e n consisting of less

than a hundred people.

The village is organised a s a cluster or,

more rarely, a n irregular c i r c l e of individual homesteads. e a c h village is formed by men

The c o r e of

who a r e members of t h e s a m e patrilineal

lineage and a r e usually genealogically close.

Most married couples reside

virilocally, but t h e incidence of uxorilocal residence is high (21.8 per c e n t ) and if husband and w i f e a r e of different lineages, a n uxorilocal marriage is t h e starting point of t h e growth of a new lineage within t h e village which eventually leads t o t h e fission of t h e village along lineage lines. The composition of t h e homestead is a f f e c t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e couple d o not establish their own homestead immediately a f t e r they have been married and s t a r t e d t o cohabit a s husband and wife but only a f t e r t h e husband has completed t h e transfer of parents have agreed t o their daughter

bridewealth and t h e wife's

establishing her own independent

household.

The bridewealth generally t a k e s several years t o pay and t h e

a v e r a g e t i m e between t h e wedding and t h e establishing of t h e couple's own homestead is four years.

During this time, both t h e husband and wife

continue t o live with their n a t a l families and t h e husband visits his wife regularly in her home.

O n e or m o r e children a r e born t o most couples

before t h e y establish their own homestead and a typical Berti household a t t h e t i m e of i t s inception comprises a married couple and their children. As t h e children grow older and s t a r t t o marry, t h e household grows t o comprise

t h e e l e m e n t a r y families of

daughter or daughters.

the

parents

and

those of

their

In t h e final s t a g e of i t s development, a f t e r t h e

married children leave t h e household of. their parents and s e t up their own households,

the

household

is

inhabited

by

a n elderly

married

couple.

The composition of a household which is determined by t h e s t a g e of development i t has reached, is always f u r t h e r modified by natural and social f a c t o r s of procreation o r non- procreation of descendants, by death and by divorce. a f f e c t e d by hold;

It is unusual t h a t relatives whose own household has been

decease or divorce become a t t a c h e d t o an established house-

i t is quite common for a household t o continue in existence a s an

independent unit even when reduced t o a single member and, f o r example, a household in t h e final s t a g e of i t s development typically consists of a widow living on her own.

It happens only rarely t h a t t h e elderly widowed

f a t h e r of e i t h e r t h e husband or wife lives with t h e m in their homestead and even r a r e r a r e t h e c a s e s of s o m e o t h e r of their kinsmen residing 1 permanently with them. Some men, a s t h e y grow older, marry addtional wives.

But t h e r a t e

of polygyny is not high and 80 per c e n t of men have only one wife.

17.6

per c e n t of men have t w o wives, 2.0 per c e n t have t h r e e and only 0.4 per c e n t have four.2 marriages and

A wife is usually opposed t o her husband's subsequent

t h e basically

continuation of this opposition.

hostile relationship between

CO -wives

is a

Open expressions of hostility between co-

wives a r e circumscribed when t h e

CO -wives

live in different villages.

is t h e common p a t t e r n particularly f o r younger men.

This

Only older m e n who

a r e no longer a b l e t o travel regularly between distant villages move t h e household of t h e second wife t o t h e village of t h e first.

Even when

established in t h e s a m e village, a compound family never inhabits a single homestead, e a c h wife having her own. -37-

The husband does not have his own

homestead, but dwells alternatively in those of his wives and i s t h u s a member of several households.

Regular s t a y s and equal participation in

t h e a c t i v i t i e s of e a c h household a r e o t h e r f a c t o r s which prevent t h e outbreak of open conflict between stay

in

his

respective

between them.

CO -wives.

homesteads

T h e duration of a husband's

depends

primarily

on

t h e distance

If t h e y a r e l o c a t e d in villages f a r a p a r t , h e m a y spend up

t o a week o r m o r e in e a c h a t a time.

If t h e y a r e in neighbouring villages

his s t a y in e a c h usually l a s t s t h r e e days;

if t h e y a r e in t h e s a m e village

h e m a y spend only o n e night in each. Each homestead, irrespective of i t s composition, c o n s t i t u t e s a household and a basic unit of production.

The Berti h a v e a mixed economy,

t h e main e l e m e n t of which is hoe cultivation practised on rainfed fields during t h e rainy season. also grown;

The s t a p l e c r o p is millet and a l i t t l e sorghum is

o t h e r cultivated

crops a r e sesame,

water

roselle, cucumbers, pumpkins and occasionally tomatoes.

melons,

okra,

Among utility

plants t h e y grow gourds and, t o a very limited e x t e n t , cotton.

In view of

t h e f a c t t h a t imported c o t t o n and s y n t h e t i c fabrics a r e available in all local m a r k e t s and a r e m o r e p r a c t i c a l and c h e a p t h a n home- woven c o t t o n cloth, c o t t o n cultivation is steadily declining.

Mostly i t is only spun into

t h r e a d used f o r sewing and repairing l e a t h e r bags. T h e second component of Berti economy is animal husbandry. keep c a t t l e , g o a t s a n d sheep;

a r e used f o r riding a n d carrying loads. dogs and poultry.

They

donkeys, c a m e l s and, less frequently, horses O t h e r d o m e s t i c animals include

T h e ' t h i r d i m p o r t a n t sphere of

production has been

traditionally -the collecting of wild growing gum a r a b i c which w a s t h e only r e a l c a s h crop.

Most of t h e g u m yielding t r e e s (Acacia senegal ) died in

t h e s e v e r e drought of t h e e a r l y 1970's;

this, t o g e t h e r with t h e drop in

t h e p r i c e of gum a r a b i c a t international m a r k e t s which led t o i t s low local price, has drasticaliy reduced i t s production which is no longer seen a s profitable by most people. T h e Berti a r e not self- sufficient in t h e i r production;

t h e y depend

heavily on t h e local m a r k e t s and c a s h plays a n i m p o r t a n t r61e in their economy.

It is needed f o r p a y m e n t s of brideweaith, d a m a g e s a n d govern-

m e n t t a x e s a s well a s t o s e c u r e t h e i m m e d i a t e m a t e r i a l existence.

The

Berti h a v e t o buy m a n y products which f o r m t h e basis of daily food and which t h e y d o not grow themselves: -38-

onions, r e d peppers, dried t o m a t o e s ,

salt, sugar and t e a which is consumed in l a r g e quantities, not t o mention dispensable luxury i t e m s like wheat flour, dates, biscuits and sweets, t h e consumption of

which is very low.

Besides footstuffs,

t h e y also buy

commodities produced outside t h e Berti a r e a like cloth, mats, saddles, glass beads,

matches,

and possibly kerosene

for lamps, soap, tobacco,

perfume and recently many m e t a l cooking pots and e n a m e l dishes. Berti also have t o buy local products of individual craftsmen:

Most

pottery,

iron tools and some wooden i t e m s which not everybody produces f o r himself, like stamp- mills, w a t e r troughs f o r livestock, etc. Cash thus plays a n i m p o r t a n t r61e. crops cultivated exclusively f o r cash.

Y e t t h e Berti h a v e no special

In consequence, all cultivated crops

function a s cash crops t o a g r e a t e r or lesser e x t e n t and all domestic animals a r e a source of cash income. T h e Berti pursue their agriculture in a n a r e a which lies well beyond t h e northern border of sufficient humidity for millet cultivation which on the

sandy

soil

is

considered

(Mensching and Ibrahim 1977:

t o correspond

31).

t o t h e 500

mm

isohyet

But t h e sandy soil on which they grow

their crops has t h e capability t o s t o r e almost a l l precipitation t o b e taken up by t h e plants and i t is not so much t h e annual amount of rainfall a s r a t h e r i t s distribution over t i m e which determines a good yield.

Very

heavy rainfalls a s well a s t o o l i t t l e rain c a n adversely a f f e c t t h e millet cultivation.

The annual rainfall c a n b e well above a v e r a g e and t h e crop

fail completely if t h e rainfall is badly distributed over time.

If t h e rains

arrive early in May or J u n e and a r e followed by a prolonged period of dry weather, t h e seeds die or t h e young sprouts wither away.

If t o o l i t t l e

rain falls in t h e period of growth in July and August, t h e millet ripens prematurely giving a small yield. about

Millet needs a cultivation period of

100 days and heavy rains following a t about t w o week intervals

during t h e cultivation period which i r r i g a t e t h e soil t o t h e depth of a t l e a s t 50 c m a r e ideal; of

not

much

light showers which merely irrigate t h e s u r f a c e a r e

use a s t h e soil quickly dries o u t without t h e moisture

penetrating t o t h e plant roots. The Berti a r e a is very sparsely populated.

No figures on population

density a r e available, but according t o t h e author's

rough e s t i m a t e i t

probably does not e x c e e d five or six persons per square kilometre.

In

consequence, t h e Berti do not suffer from any shortage of land.

The

tribal a r e a is divided into lineage territories (haw6kir sg. haklira)and rights over land a r e in t h e hands of sTd (pl. asy6d ) al-hakura

( t h e m a s t e r of t h e

lineage territory) whose office is hereditary and who is a d i r e c t descendant of t h e founder of t h e lineage or lineage s e g m e n t which f i r s t s e t t l e d t h e area.

The lineage t e r r i t o r y is divided into smaller a r e a s called fawiisa

(axes) in which t h e rights over land a r e vested in t h e owner of t h e axe;

sid al-flis

(the

t h e a x e is used for clearing undergrowth f o r new

fields), again a d i r e c t descendant of t h e man who f i r s t s e t t l e d t h e area. Although specific a r e a s a r e seen a s belonging t o specific lineages, lineages a r e not localised and most people live elsewhere than in their lineage territory;

a c c e s s t o land in t h e lineage t e r r i t o r y is open t o a l l irrespective

of their lineage membership a s long a s they give t h e s?d al-fcis

one t e n t h

of t h e harvest a s t i t h e (for a m o r e detailed discussion of rights over land cf. Holy 1974:

37-39, 94-1 05, 179-181).

Since t h e r e is only sparse growth of bushes and t r e e s in t h e savannah, founding a new field is not difficult and a married man by himself c a n c l e a r in a f e w days a large enough piece of land for his f u t u r e household. An established household which has m o r e labour available for t h e task, c a n even m o r e easily found a new field a n y t i m e i t needs it.

A field is

usually cultivated continuously for f i f t e e n t o twenty years but t h e highest yield from i t is e x p e c t e d f o r a f e w years following t h e third or fourth year of i t s establishment. fields of different age.

Heavy o r light rainfall has a different e f f e c t on If t h e rains a r e heavy, a newly established field

gives a b e t t e r yield t h a n a n old one; old field which gives a b e t t e r yield.

if t h e rains a r e only light, i t is an For this reason, new fields a r e

established long before t h e old ones a r e l e f t fallow and e a c h household sows

m o r e land t h a n i t c a n possibly weed and c o n c e n t r a t e s on weeding

t h a t field which, according t o t h e p a t t e r n of t h e rains in t h e given year, c a n b e expected t o give t h e best yield.

It is preferable t o have t h e fields

a s widely separated a s possible, r a t h e r than t o have all land in one block, because t h e rainfall is localised with t h e result t h a t while one field may s t a y dry, another one may g e t sufficiently irrigated.

Even so, a s t h e

rainfall p a t t e r n is only rarely ideal for successful cultivation, t h e r e is t o t a l c r o p failure in s o m e years and bad harvests in several successive years a r e not unusual. Like founding a new field, sowing and harvesting a r e easy tasks. -40-

All

t h e household's fields c a n b e sown by one person in about t w o weeks and in a f e w days if m o r e people d o t h e job;

harvesting is done by women

and again one woman alone is a b l e t o g a t h e r t h e whole harvest since t h e millet ripens gradually over about t w o months. hand, is very strenuous; work:

Weeding, on t h e other

i t is also t h e most important of all agricultural

provided t h a t t h e rains a r e favourable, t h e s i z e of t h e harvest does

not depend on t h e a r e a sown but on how much land has been successfully weeded. weeks.

Weeding begins about a month a f t e r sowing and l a s t s about six It is done by most m e n and women;

children above t h e a g e of

seven or eight also participate, with t h e exception of o n e child of t h a t a g e who s t a y s a t home, guards t h e house and, if a girl, s e e s t o t h e domestic tasks, especially t h e brewing of beer.

Those who weed d e p a r t

for t h e fields between eight and t e n o'clock in t h e morning;

in t h e a f t e r -

noon t h e y r e s t for t w o t o four hours, and t h e y r e t u r n f r o m t h e fields before sunset a t about six o'clock.

It is not possible t o influence t h e size

of t h e harvest by extending t h e weeding period a s any weeding carried o u t l a t e r t h a n about t w o and half months a f t e r sowing is useless.

By t h a t

t i m e t h e grass is so high and t h e millet competing with i t so stunted t h a t i t could not ripen even if t h e grass w e r e removed. The Berti e s t i m a t e t h a t a n adult person is a b l e t o weed about 4 h e c t a r e s (ha) of

land during t h e season.

T o weed t h a t much is also

essential for securing t h e long t e r m subsistence needs of t h e household, for t h e Berti e s t i m a t e t h a t a couple with t h r e e or four small children must weed about 7.6 h a e a c h year t o avoid buying grain f r o m t h e m a r k e t in years of poor harvest or t o t a l c r o p failure;

this e s t i m a t e corresponds

exactly t o my own calculation based on recording household consumption and production over f i v e years.3 180 hours;

To weed 4 ha t a k e s on a v e r a g e about

this means t h a t i t c a n be achieved by weeding approximately

five hours e a c h working day during t h e weeding season, on t h e f a c e of i t not a n impossible task t o achieve considering t h a t people spend on a v e r a g e about eight hours in t h e field on a n ordinary working day and about t h r e e hours

on

Mondays.

But

most

people

Not all Berti weed equally intensively.

weed

less

than

that.

How much weeding a person

does during a cultivation season depends not only on his or her age, ability and e f f o r t but also on how many days h e or s h e will lose through searching for s t r a y and stolen animals, through observation of mourning following t h e

d e a t h of a close kinsman or through attending indispensible rituals. intensity of weeding also varies between good and bad rainy

The

reason^.^

If

t h e rainy season has been progressing well, more weeding is done in anticipation of a good harvest.

If t h e rains a r e poor and a good harvest

not expected t h e n people a r e inclined t o consider weeding a futile effort. How any given rainy season is perceived, of course, differs f r o m person t o person and this results in s o m e considerable variation in t h e e f f o r t with which different households a t t e n d t o t h e weeding of their fields.

Taking

into consideration all t h e s e f a c t o r s which in o n e way or another a f f e c t t h e decision on how much land is weeded, t h e figures concerning t h e average amount of land weeded by o n e producer have t o b e t r e a t e d a s nothing more t h a n approximations which level o u t all existing individual variability. Even so, they nevertheless indicate t h e different emphasis put on agric u l t u r e by wealthy and poor households. Over

the

five

years (1975-1979)

for

which

t h e author

collected

necessary quantitative d a t a 5 , t h e a v e r a g e a m o u n t of land weeded by one producer w a s 2.07

ha, i.e.,

reasonably b e weeded.

about half of what t h e Berti e s t i m a t e c a n

An individual producer from a

Imabsct) weeded on a v e r a g e 1.36 h a

6

,

rich household

a producer from a comfortable house-

hold ( shabaho) 2.32 ha and a producer from a poor household (rniskin) 2.17ha. More detailed d a t a about t h e a v e r a g e amount of land weeded by one producer a r e given in Table 1.

TABLE 1 The Average Amount of t h e Householdls Own Land Weeded by O n e Producer (Measured in Hectares) Average

1975

1976

1977

1978

1979

1.77

1.26

0.91

1.51

1.46

1.36

2.82

1.97

1.82

2.52

2.42

2.32

Poor households

2.52

1.92

1.61

2.12

2.12

2.07

All households

2.52

1 .X2

1.56

2.22

2.17

2.07

Rich households Shabaha households

*

shabaha

means comfortably off households -42-

Considering t h a t m o s t Berti weed much less than what is perceived a s t h e minimum a m o u n t of land t o be weeded t o achieve t h e household's viability and w h a t is considered t o b e t h e amount of land which can reasonably b e weeded by a n able- bodied producer, i t is not surprising t h a t about half of all households fail t o produce grain sufficient for t h e i r own subsistence.

Only half of t h e households produce enough grain in t h e

years of good harvests t o t i d e t h e m over t h e years of poor or disastrous harvests and, over t h e f i v e y e a r s during which production and consumption had been recorded, produced enough grain for their own subsistence.

The

29 households in t h e a u t h o r ' s sample a r e arranged in Table 2 according t o

overall

agricultural

performance

over

the

five

years.

This

varied

enormously from household t o household and while a t o n e end of t h e scale t h e r e is a household which in t h e five years taken together produced less than half t h e amount of grain which i t consumed, a t t h e o t h e r end of t h e s c a l e t h e r e is a household which over t h e s a m e period had a surplus of grain of 53 per c e n t over i t s consumption requirements. Productive efficiency c o r r e l a t e s with t h e ratio of household consumers t o producers (C/W ratio; of workers:

t h e number of consumers divided by t h e number 7 Chayanov 1966) although t h e c h a n c e t h a t a household with a

C/W r a t i o between 1 and 2 will underproduce o r m e e t i t s consumption requirements is approximately equal.

A high C/W r a t i o r e f l e c t s a high

relative proportion of consumers, typically many children, and i t is chara c t e r i s t i c of most households during t h e f i r s t s t a g e in their developmental cycle.

Of t h e 14 households which w e r e self sufficient in grain in t h e

long run or produced a surplus, four had a C/W r a t i o of 1 , nine had a n average C/W r a t i o between 1 and 2 during t h e five years, and only one had a n a v e r a g e r a t i o of 2.

Of t h e 15 households which regularly under-

produced, only one (No. 15) had a C/W r a t i o of 1;

this household was

a b l e t o produce almost a s much a s i t consumed over t h e f i v e years.

Six

households had a n a v e r a g e r a t i o higher than 2 during t h e f i v e years (some in f a c t a s high a s 4.3) and t h e remaining 8 all had a n a v e r a g e C/W ratio between 1 and 2. The Berti a r e well a w a r e of t h e hazards of rainfall and a prudent household aims a t having a supply of grain a d e q u a t e for a t l e a s t t w o years;

s o m e households have a supply of grain t o last t h e m up t o four

years o r even longer.

The grain is stored in underground pits in which i t

Sample Households

No.

status1)

~nirnal') Wealth

~~ricultural~) Production

c/w4'

I

P

2.64

-53%

2.7

2

P

1.21

-40%

2.6

28

S

6.34

+33%

1.0

29

S

3.43

+53%

2.0

I) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

weedlngS'

erd din^^)

Ratio

+

P - poor, S -shataha, R = r ~ c h The flgure ~ndlcatesthe average slze of the household's anfmal holdings durlng the census p e r ~ o d expressed In l~vestockunits. The rate by which the household has fallen short of or exceeded its millet consumption needs over the census per~od. The household's average C/W rat10 durlng the census per~od. + employs labour for weeding; - = weeds for cash. + - employs herdsmen; - = prov~desherdsmen for other households.

c a n b e k e p t f o r a s long a s f i v e years without any loss t o insects and without d e t r i m e n t t o i t s quality.

T h e s t r a t e g y of most households is t o

consume t h e old grain and t o s t o r e t h e new, whenever possible, keeping t h e grain pits perpetually full.

The regular turnover of grain i s also

achieved by lending i t in small quantities t o neighbours own and who r e t u r n fresh grain a f t e r t h e harvest.

who lack their

No i n t e r e s t i s charged

on such loans a s t h e freshness of t h e returned grain i s considered a s sufficient payment.

It is, however, only a minority of households which

m a n a g e t o maintain a n a d e q u a t e supply of grain in their s t o r a g e pits over t h e years.

These a r e households which succeed in producing a reasonable

a m o u n t of grain in good y e a r s t o t i d e t h e m over t h e bad ones.

Of t h e

29 census households, only nine (Nos. 21-29) f a l l i n t o this category.

All

of t h e m h a v e a low C/W r a t i o averaging 1.k f o r t h e c a t e g o r y a s a whole and varying between 1 and 2 among individual households.

Two of t h e s e

nine households a r e poor in t e r m s of livestock, t h e remaining seven a r e considered e i t h e r shabaha (comfortable) o r rich, although typically none of t h e richest households falls i n t o this category:

of t h e six households in

t h e s a m p l e classified a s rich, i t is only t h e t w o least rich o n e s which over t h e f i v e years h a v e produced a surplus over t h e i r subsistence needs. significant t h a t a l l t h e seven

shabaha

It is

o r rich households employ wage

labour t o produce t h e i r agricultural surplus.

They pursue w h a t t h e Berti

generally consider t o b e t h e best economic strategy:

this is t o build up a

reasonable supply of grain, investing available cash i n t o hiring labour f o r weeding and with a n a d e q u a t e supply of grain t o l a s t f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s t o invest t h e surplus c a s h into livestock.

T h e t w o poor households in this

c a t e g o r y d o n o t have enough s p a r e c a s h t o employ hired labour but they a r e also not in such a d e s p e r a t e need f o r c a s h a s t o b e f o r c e d t o weed themselves f o r p a y m e n t a s m o s t poor households a r e (four o u t of seven poor households in t h e sample).

T h e r e l a t i v e prosperity of t h e households

in this c a t e g o r y is indicated by t h e f a c t t h a t of t h e seven m a l e household heads (households No. 22 and 28 a r e headed by women), f i v e a r e polygynists (Nos. 21, 23, 24, 26 and 29). Most households in this c a t e g o r y regularly m a r k e t their livestock and usually sell grain in small quantities t o c o v e r their c u r r e n t household expenses.

Although s o m e of

t h e m a r e forced

t o buy grain a f t e r a

succession of bad y e a r s when t h e i r own supply has run low, they d o not depend on regular purchases of grain f r o m t h e market. -45-

This enables t h e m

t o m a r k e t t h e i r animals advisedly a t a r a t e which does not jeopardise t h e growth of t h e i r animal wealth, or, depending on their m o m e n t a r y supply of grain, e v e n t o sell a g r e a t e r quantity of i t a f t e r a successful harvest t o reduce t h e i r o f f t a k e of livestock in a n e f f o r t t o increase t h e growth r a t e of t h e i r herds.8

T h e differences in t h e volume of a c t u a l o f f t a k e between 9 rich and poor a r e , of course, considerable. In t e r m s of livestock units ,

t h e a v e r a g e annual o f f t a k e f r o m t h e t w o rich households r e p r e s e n t s 15.2 per c e n t .

In r e a l t e r m s i t m e a n s a n a v e r a g e s a l e of 2.75 head

of c a t t l e

(worth LS 550 a t t h e a v e r a g e 1980 prices10) per household f r o m a h e r d of 13.5 c a t t l e ( o f f t a k e of 20.4 per cent), of 1.5 g o a t s (worth LS 18.75) per household f r o m a herd of 17.5 g o a t s ( o f f t a k e of 8.6 per c e n t ) and of 0.75 sheep (worth LS 37.50) per household f r o m a herd of l I s h e e p ( o f f t a k e of T h e a v e r a g e annual o f f t a k e f r o m t h e herds of t h e five

6.8 per cent).

s h a b a h a households r e p r e s e n t s 14.7 in t e r m s of livestock units. t e r m s i t means a n a v e r a g e s a l e of 1.1 head

In real

of c a t t l e (worth LS 220) per

household from a herd of 5.8 c a t t l e ( o f f t a k e of 19 per cent), of 3.4 g o a t s (worth LS 42.50) per household f r o m a herd of 20 g o a t s ( o f f t a k e of 17 per c e n t ) a n d of 1.1

sheep (worth LS 55) per house from a herd of 13.6 sheep

( o f f t a k e of 8.1 per cent).

In t e r m s of livestock units, t h e a v e r a g e annual

o f f t a k e f r o m t h e t w o poor households i s only 2.1 per cent.

In r e a l t e r m s

i t r e p r e s e n t s a s a l e of o n e g o a t (worth LS 12.50) f r o m 2 per household ( o f f t a k e of 50 per cent). T h e agricultural production of households Nos. 14-20 is m o r e o r less a d e q u a t e f o r their subsistence needs.

This c a t e g o r y includes households

which h a v e achieved a surplus n o t exceeding 10 per c e n t a b o v e their subsistence requirements over t h e five years, a s well a s households whose overall agricultural production does n o t fall below 90 per c e n t of their subsistence needs.

T h e l a t t e r households f a l l short of t h e i r ideal sub-

sistence requirements s o slightly t h a t a possible s h o r t a g e of millet c a n be easily compensated f o r by slightly reduced consumption o r c a r e f u l household m a n a g e m e n t without a f f e c t i n g t h e i r consumption profile in any conside r a b l e way.

Virtually all t h e s e households depend on regular purchase of

grain in years of c r o p failure; s o m e grain in

years of

covering

necessary expenditure.

their

good

on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e y a r e a b l e t o m a r k e t harvest

t o realise t h e c a s h needed for In

consequence,

their d o m e s t i c

economy varies considerably f r o m y e a r s of good harvests t o years of c r o p failure.

The less successful agricultural performance of t h e households in this c a t e g o r y c o r r e l a t e s postively with their higher C/W r a t i o which averages 1.5 f o r t h e category a s a whole and varies between individual households. rich, t h r e e a r e shabaha

1 and 1.9 among

Two of t h e seven households in this c a t e g o r y a r e and t w o a r e poor.

Both rich households employ

wage labour for weeding their fields in addition t o their own labour, one of t h e poor households (No. 15) uses i t s labour t o weed others' fields for cash. The differences in t h e o f f t a k e from t h e herds of rich and poor households a r e again considerable.

In t e r m s of livestock units, t h e average

annual o f f t a k e from t h e t w o rich households is 11.6 per cent. t e r m s i t represents a n a v e r a g e s a l e of 2.75 head

In real

of c a t t l e (worth LS 550)

per household from a herd of 20 c a t t l e ( o f f t a k e of 13.75 per c e n t ) and of 11.5 g o a t s (worth LS 143.75) per household from a herd of 96 goats (offt a k e of 12 per cent). three

shabaha

units.

The a v e r a g e annual o f f t a k e from t h e herds of t h e

households represents 18.1 per c e n t in t e r m s of livestock

In real t e r m s i t means a n average s a l e of 1.3 head

of c a t t l e

(worth LS 260) per household f r o m a herd of 6.5 (offtake of 20.5 per cent) of 3.2 g o a t s (worth LS 40) f r o m a herd of 15.3 goats (offtake of 20.6 per c e n t ) and of 0.7 sheep (worth LS 33) from 1 per household (offtake of 70 per cent).

In t e r m s of livestock units, t h e average annual o f f t a k e from

t h e t w o poor households is 14 per cent.

In real t e r m s i t represents an

average s a l e of 0.25 cows (worth LS 50) from 1.75 per household (offtake of 14.3 per c e n t ) and of 1.5 g o a t s (worth LS 18.75) per household from a herd of 9 (offtake of 16.7 per cent). Households 1-13 consistently fail t o produce enough millet for their subsistence needs.

Not only d o they not have any millet t o m a r k e t , but

they have t o buy millet regularly, o f t e n in considerable quantities, in years of

poor harvests.

Their domestic economy hardly changes from

years of good harvests t o those of bad ones:

they do not sell grain in

bulk in either of t h e s e years and a t most sell grain in small quantities in good y e a r s t o realise c a s h for t h e purchase of o t h e r commodities from t h e m a r k e t (typically food which t h e Berti do not produce themselves).

Their

poor agricultural performance again positively c o r r e l a t e s with their shorta g e of labour for weeding: a whole is 2.15;

t h e average C / W r a t i o for t h e category a s

i t varies f r o m 1.2 t o 4.3 among individual households.

Moreover, six of t h e 13 households in this c a t e g o r y use t h e i r labour t o weed f o r cash (fourof t h e six households weeding f o r cash a r e poor ones, only t w o households employ hired labour for weeding

t w o a r e shabaha ); (one

of

them

is

a

rich

one,

the

other

one

is shabaha).

In t e r m s of livestock units, t h e a v e r a g e annual o f f t a k e f r o m t h e herds of t h e t w o rich households in this c a t e g o r y i s 9.9 per cent. i t r e p r e s e n t s a n a v e r a g e sale of 3.5 head

In real t e r m s

of c a t t l e (worth LS 700) per

household f r o m a herd of 42 heads of c a t t l e ( o f f t a k e of 8.3 per cent), of 17.5 g o a t s (worth LS 219) per household f r o m a herd of 49 g o a t s ( o f f t a k e of 35.7 per c e n t ) and of 4.5 sheep (worth LS 225) per household f r o m a herd of 5 5 ( o f f t a k e of 8.2 per cent). herds of t h e eight stock units.

shabaha

T h e a v e r a g e annual o f f t a k e f r o m t h e

households is 22.3 per c e n t in t e r m s of live-

In r e a l t e r m s i t r e p r e s e n t s on a v e r a g e a s a l e of 1 head of

c a t t l e (worth LS 200) f r o m 5.4 per household ( o f f t a k e of 19.5 per c e n t ) , of g o a t s (worth LS 125) per household f r o m a herd of 33.3 ( o f f t a k e of 30.6 per c e n t ) and of 0.2 sheep (worth LS 10) f r o m 3.7 sheep per household ( o f f t a k e of 4.9 per cent).

In t e r m s of livestock units t h e annual o f f t a k e

f r o m t h e herds of t h e t h r e e poor households represents 20.6 per c e n t . r e a l t e r m s i t means on a v e r a g e a s a l e of 0.3

head

In

of c a t t l e (worth

LS 66) f r o m 1.2 head. of c a t t l e per household ( o i f t a k e of 28.4 per c e n t ) and of 3.8 g o a t s (worth LS 47.50) per household from a herd of 14.3 g o a t s ( o f f t a k e of 26.7 per cent). T h e information a b o u t a n i m a l o f f t a k e of t h e d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of households and their a v e r a z e income f r o m t h e s a l e of livestock is summarised in Table 3. O f f t a k e r a t e s of

t h e poor and

shabaha

households consistently

c o r r e l a t e negatively with t h e d e g r e e of a household's success in agricultural production:

t h e less grain a household produces, t h e higher is i t s

expenditure over a n d a b o v e t h a t on o t h e r necessary commodities.

I t also

has t o purchase grain f r o m t h e m a r k e t and t h e necessary c a s h has t o be realised through t h e s a l e of livestock.

As f a r a s t h e o f f t a k e r a t e s a r e

concerned t h e rich households s e e m t o d e v i a t e from t h e p a t t e r n displayed by poor and and

shabaha

shabaha

households.

Although t h e o f f t a k e r a t e of t h e poor

households is higher t h a n t h a t of t h e rich ones, a s h a b a h a

household m a r k e t s only about a third of animals brought t o m a r k e t by a rich household and only a f e w animals a r e actually m a r k e t e d by poor

households b e c a u s e of t h e s m a l l s i z e of t h e i r herds.

T h e bigger t h e herd,

t h e s m a l l e r n e e d s t o b e t h e o f f t a k e t o r e a l i s e a s p e c i f i c s u m of money. For

this

reason,

e f f e c t of

the actual

income from

livestock s a l e s i n d i c a t e s t h e

t h e d e g r e e of a g r i c u l t u r a l s u c c e s s on a n i m a l w e a l t h probably

better than t h e offtake rate.

T h e c a s h i n c o m e of t h e t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s of

households consistently c o r r e l a t e s negatively w i t h t h e d e g r e e of t h e household's s u c c e s s in a g r i c u l t u r a l production.

I t is, n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e o f f t a k e r a t e which a f f e c t s t h e g r o w t h of t h e Given t h a t t h e r e is a l w a y s a n a t u r a l w a s t e of a n i m a l s through

herd.

disease, loss o r t h e f t , a herd of c a t t l e is likely t o grow if t h e annual offt a k e d o e s n o t e x c e e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 20-25 p e r c e n t a n d a h e r d of g o a t s and s h e e p if t h e o f f t a k e d o e s n o t e x c e e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 30-35 per c e n t . D u e t o t h e l a r g e s i z e of t h e i r herds, t h e a n i m a l o f f t a k e of rich households i s well below t h e s e c r i t i c a l levels:

of

t h e six rich households in t h e

sample, only o n e had a c r i t i c a l l y high o f f t a k e f r o m i t s herd of c a t t l e and a n o t h e r o n e f r o m i t s h e r d of goats.

Of t h e 16 shabaha

households, nine

had a n o f f t a k e a b o v e t h e c r i t i c a l l e v e l (in f o u r households t h e o f f t a k e of c a t t l e e x c e e d e d t h e c r i t i c a l level, in t h r e e households t h e o f f t a k e of g o a t s a n d in t w o households both t h e o f f t a k e of c a t t l e and goats).

Of t h e seven

poor households, f i v e m a r k e t e d a n i m a l s and t h e o f f t a k e f r o m g o a t s a s well a s c o w s of all t h e s e f i v e households w a s a b o v e t h e c r i t i c a l level.

The

r e s u l t of t h e c o m p a r a t i v e l y s m a l l o f f t a k e f r o m t h e h e r d s of rich households is t h a t t h e i r a n i m a l w e a l t h c o n t r a s t , t h e a n i m a l w e a l t h of remained t h e same;

h a s been perpetually increasing.

shabaha

In

households t a k e n t o g e t h e r has

hidden behind t h i s s t a b i l i t y of t h e c a t e g o r y a s a

whole is, however, a n upward a n d downward m o v e m e n t of individual households.

In s p i t e of

t h e l a r g e a n i m a l o f f t a k e of

poor households, t h e i r

o v e r a l l a n i m a l w e a l t h h a s been slightly increasing;

t h i s is mainly d u e t o

t h e redistribution of a n i m a l s f r o m rich t o poor households (cf. p 60 While

it

is

the

level

of

the

household's

success

in

).

agricultural

production which d e t e r m i n e s w h e t h e r i t s a n i m a l w e a l t h will grow, r e m a i n c o n s t a n t o r d e c r e a s e , i t is, on t h e o t h e r hand, t h i s a n i m a l w e a l t h itself t h a t c r i t i c a l l y d e t e r m i n e s t h e household's o v e r a l l e c o n o m i c p e r f o r m a n c e . T h e a v e r a g e annual i n c o m e of a rich household f r o m t h e s a l e of livestock is LS 814;

such i n c o m e is s u f f i c i e n t f o r c o v e r i n g a l l expenses, including

t h e h i r e of w a g e labour f o r weeding. -50-

It is a l s o high enough t o e n a b l e t h e

rich household t o purchase a n y grain i t needs from t h e market.

Because

t h e rich households h a v e enough animals t o b e a b l e t o realise a l l t h e necessary cash through t h e s a l e of

livestock without d e t r i m e n t t o t h e

growth of their herds, t h e level of their agricultural performance is basically irrelevant t o their viability. The average annual income from livestock sales of shabaha households is only about 40 per c e n t of t h a t of rich households (LS 332) and t h e income of poor households is on a v e r a g e only LS 72. and most

For poor households

shabaha households, t h e s a l e of livestock does n o t realise all t h e

cash t h e y need t o cover their expenses and t h e y depend o n o t h e r sources of cash income t o sustain their viability. The most widespread method of earning cash is t h e s a l e of grass for animal fodder.

The grass is c u t in t h e dry season when t h e r e is no work

t o be done in t h e fields and i t is transported on c a m e l s t o l a r g e m a r k e t c e n t r e s around which t h e r e is no grazing.

I t is sold in bulk t o middlemen

who re-sell i t with profit in small quantities. holds, 22 were participating in t h e grass trade.

Of t h e 29 census houseC u t t i n g t h e grass does

not t a k e long but i t is t h e journey t o t h e m a r k e t which is t i m e consuming: i t c a n t a k e four days or even longer t o c o m p l e t e t h e return journey t o t h e market.

In consequence, i t is not worthwhile travelling with just one

c a m e l load and those who intend t o sell grass hire additional c a m e l s for t h e journey.

They c u t t h e grass themselves and they divide between them-

selves and t h e owner of t h e c a m e l t h e money for which t h e grass had been sold.

As a rule, i t is men and women from poor and

shabaha

households who travel with grass t o t h e market, hiring additional c a m e l s from rich or shabaha households.

Poor householders who d o n o t have their

own c a m e l s use only hired ones.

As t h e price of grass has risen sharply

in r e c e n t years, i t s s a l e has been seen a s a m o r e lucrative source of cash income

than any o t h e r and several household heads who did not own

c a m e l s before, bought t h e m during t h e past t w o years mainly t o be a b l e t o use t h e m t o transport grass

11

.

The purchase of c a m e l s is one of t h e

reasons for t h e high o f f t a k e from t h e herds of cows mentioned before: most men who lately bought c a m e l s sold t w o heads of c a t t l e t o raise t h e necessary money. Of t h e seven poor households only t w o d o not sell grass (neither of the s e t w o households has a camel).

All t h e remaining five d o ( t w o use only -51-

hired

camels

and

three

hired

camels

in

addition

to

Of t h e 16 shabaha households s e v e n d o n o t sell grass;

their

own).

t h r e e of t h e s e

seven, however, p a r t i c i p a t e in t h e g r a s s t r a d e by lending t h e i r c a m e l s t o others.

Three

shabaha

households sell grass using only t h e i r own c a m e l s

for transporting i t t o t h e m a r k e t , six use both t h e i r own c a m e l s a s well a s hired ones. Of

t h e six rich households, o n e sells g r a s s (No. 17 - c f . N o t e 6) Four o t h e r rich households lend t h e i r

besides lending i t s c a m e l s t o others.

c a m e l s t o o t h e r s and only o n e d o e s not p a r t i c i p a t e in t h e g r a s s t r a d e a t all. T h e highest annual income f r o m t h e s a l e of t h e g r a s s achieved by a household using i t s own and hired c a m e l s w a s LS 429.75 (i.e., t h e p r i c e of t w o cows);

more than

t h e highest income a household had f r o m lending

i t s c a m e l w a s LS 196 (approximately e q u a t i n g t h e p r i c e of a cow). a v e r a g e income figures a r e , of annual income of

a

course, lower t h a n t h a t :

the average

rich household participating in t h e g r a s s t r a d e is

shabaha household

LS 68.45, of a

The

LS 115.85 and of a poor household

LS 105.05. Another c a s h e a r n i n g a c t i v i t y similar t o t h e s a l e of g r a s s is t h e s a l e of rock s a l t e x c a v a t e d in t h e d e s e r t .

The m e n d e p a r t f o r t h e rock s a l t

deposits in winter o r i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e rainy season when t h e c a m e l s are fittest

f o r t h e journey which t a k e s a b o u t a month t o c o m p l e t e .

again m e n f r o m poor o r

I t is

shabaha households who e n g a g e in t h i s e n t e r p r i s e .

Each m a n t r a v e l s usually with 10 c a m e l s , of which o n e is his own, if he has one, and t h e remaining nine hired.

I t is t h e responsibility of t h e

owner of t h e c a m e l t o supply t h e l e a t h e r bags in which t h e rock s a l t will b e brought and t o fill t h e m with g r a s s with which t h e c a m e l will b e fed on t h e journey.

A c a m e l , depending on i t s a g e , c a r r i e s f r o m 180 t o 230kg

of rock s a l t w o r t h f r o m LS 30 t o LS 100 depending on t h e t i m e and place of i t s marketing. pays f r o m LS 4.50

T h e rock s a l t belongs t o t h e owner of t h e c a m e l who t o LS 6.00 (depending on t h e s i z e of t h e load t h e

c a m e l c a r r i e s ) t o t h e m a n who brought t h e s a l t .

This m e a n s t h a t a man

without his own c a m e l e a r n s b e t w e e n LS 45 and LS 60 f r o m a t r l p t o t h e rock s a l t deposits;

a m a n travelling with his own c a m e l e a r n s f r o m LS 70

t o LS 130, depending on t h e . a g e of t h e o t h e r nine c a m e l s h e is leading and on t h e t i m e and p l a c e of m a r k e t i n g his salt. -52-

This is approximately

equal t o what c a n b e earned from selling grass. t o t h e m a r k e t usually with t w o camels.

The grass seller travels

If both a r e hired, h e earns from

LS 35 t o LS 90 in a month, depending on t h e t i m e of t h e year;

a man

travelling with his own and o n e hired c a m e l e a r n s between LS 50 and LS 135.

Selling grass is, however, f a r less arduous t h a n a winter t r i p into

t h e d e s e r t which is t h e reason why many m o r e people prefer selling grass t o selling rock salt. A f e w men e a r n cash by hunting gazelle and selling i t s dried m e a t , by drawing w a t e r for local schools or working a s school caretakers.

An

occasional source of c a s h income is short - term wage employment in large m a r k e t c e n t r e s or short- term labour migration t o Eastern Darfur, usually t o harvest peanuts.

A f e w m e n who have a t t e n d e d Koranic schools and

reputedly have learnt t h e Koran by heart, a r e recognised a s fugara (sg. holyman) (households Nos. 1 1 and 12 in t h e sample).

faki, income

from

writing

amulets,

performing

divination

They obtain and

healing.

The money earned from t h e sale of livestock, surplus millet, o r other cash eaning activities mentioned, is used by t h e household head t o buy clothing for a l l members of his family and t o buy sugar and tea.

The

cash a t his disposal is f u r t h e r used t o pay hired labourers, if t h e r e a r e any, t o buy grain in bulk if t h e household has a shortage, possibly t o buy additional animals, and t o pay government taxes, damages, his sons' bridewealth a s well a s bridewealth

for his own additional marriages.

Apart

from buying sugar and t e a , a household head has nothing t o d o with t h e day-to-day management of t h e household which is t h e responsibility of his wife.

She herself has t o provide t h e cash which she needs f o r t h e day- to-

day running of t h e household, in particular f o r t h e purchase of foodstuffs which t h e Berti e i t h e r d o not produce themselves or which t h e household may not have produced in sufficient quantity (like dried m e a t , butter, oil or okra).

To make t h e necessary purchases in t h e market, t h e woman who

is in c h a r g e of t h e domestic management of t h e household, usually sells a small amount of millet in t h e form of grain, flour or millet beer, okra, sesame, melons, pumpkins, eggs or any other produce of which she has a surplus in t h e marker. In Table 4, a household's a v e r a g e income from t h e s a l e of livestock is compared

with i t s

income

from

all o t h e r

-53-

sources

mentioned.

A

household's income f r o m t h e woman's s a l e of surplus produce has not been considered a s i t w a s technically impossible t o record all women's p e t t y transactions which go on csntinuously.

In poor households with little

income f r o m t h e s a l e of livestock o r o t h e r sources, i t is basically t h e woman's income on which t h e household economy depends in i t s day- to- day management.

While

the

woman's

income

may

be a d e q u a t e

for

the

purchase of food f r o m t h e m a r k e t , i t is, however, never sufficient f o r t h e purchase of

clothing,

sugar,

tea,

grain, tools and implements a n d for

payment of t a x e s and bridewealth, which in t h e i r t o t a l r e p r e s e n t t h e major expenditure of e v e r y household.

In this respect, leaving o u t t h e house-

hold's income f r o m t h e woman's p e t t y m a r k e t transactions d i s t o r t s only slightly

t h e p i c t u r e of

the

household's

overall economic

performance.

The t a b l e indicates t h a t t h e majority of income of most Berti households c o m e s f r o m t h e s a l e of livestock and t h a t in s p i t e of considerable involvement in various o t h e r c a s h earning activities, i t is t h e s a l e of livestock

on

which

most

households

rely

to

realise

the

necessary

cash.

Although households which h a v e surplus grain sell s o m e of i t , t h e surplus of grain i s never such a s t o realise a l l t h e c a s h t h e household needs and, in consequence,

t h e s a l e of livestock remains t h e main s o u r c e of cash

income irrespective of whether t h e household fails t o produce enough grain f o r i t s subsistence, produces just about a s m u c h grain a s i t consumes or h a s a surplus in years of good harvest t o t i d e i t over t h e years of c r o p failure.

As c a n b e e x p e c t e d , t h e s i z e of t h e household's income from

o t h e r sources t h a n t h e qale of livestock c o r r e l a t e s negatively w i t h i t s animal wealth.

While a l m o s t 90 per c e n t of a rich household's t o t a l

income derives f r o m t h e s a l e of livestock, t h e s a l e of livestock of a shabaha

household r e p r e s e n t s only a b o u t t w o thirds of i t s t o t a l income.

A significant exception t o this overall picture a r e poor households with small herds who a r e f o r c e d t o realise t h e necessary c a s h through o t h e r m e a n s t h a n m a r k e t i n g t h e i r animals.

They t o o have only a limited

supply of grain, if any, and n o t being a b l e t o sell enough animals, t h e y rely m o r e t h a n t h e

shabaha o r rich households on t h e a l t e r n a t i v e sources

of cash income mentioned above. cash,

Even with a l l o t h e r m e a n s of earning

t h e i r income i s o f t e n n o t sufficient t o cover all t h e necessary

expenses:

while t h e a v e r a g e annual income of a rich household is LS 910

and of a

shabaha household LS 484, t h e a v e r a g e annual income of a poor

household is only LS 188.

To realise additional cash, some households with

low t o t a l cash income resort t o weeding t h e fields of m o r e prosperous households for payment. From

t h e point of

view of

t h e employment of

household labour,

weeding for cash presents problems which d o not arise from any other method of earning cash.

Unlike weeding, all o t h e r cash earning activities

t a k e place in t h e dry season of t h e year when t h e r e is not a heavy if they w e r e not pursued, t h e t i m e spent on t h e m

demand on labour;

would b e more likely spent in leisure.

Even t h e women's s a l e of surplus

produce in small quantities in t h e local m a r k e t is not a n exception t o this; women a t t e n d t h e m a r k e t only when their labour is not required for agricultural tasks;

typically, they s t o p attending t h e m a r k e t a t t h e height

of t h e rainy season when t h e y d e v o t e all their t i m e t o weeding their fields. The importance a t t r i b u t e d by m o s t Berti t o t h e employment of all available labour in weeding ( t o which only t h e rich household heads a r e a n exception) is signified not only by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e m a r k e t s a r e deserted during

the

weeding

season

and

the

t r a d e is

reduced t o t h e

barest

minimum, but also by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e weeding season is t h e t i m e when social interaction of a n y kind is a t i t s lowest ebb. As weeding for payment d e f l e c t s labour from weeding t h e household's own fields, i t has obviously quite different repercussions for t h e houseold's

overall

economic

performance

t h a n any o t h e r

cash earning

activity. It has been mentioned before t h a t most Berti weed considerably less land than t h a t which is considered t o b e t h e minimum a m o u n t which can reasonably b e weeded by a n able- bodied producer.

When considering t h e

average amount of land weeded by one producer, only t h e weeding of t h e household's own land w a s taken into account in Table 1.

The Berti weed

in f a c t m o r e than t h a t if weeding f o r cash is taken into consideration. The a v e r a g e t o t a l amount of land weeded by one producer (including his or her household's own land a s well a s t h e land of o t h e r households weeded for cash) is shown in Table 5.

A comparison of Tables 1 and 5 indicates

t h e amount of labour involved in weeding for cash.

TABLE 5

T h e Average Amount of All Land Weeded by O n e Producer

As already indicated, those who weed fbr cash obviously d o i t a t t h e expense of weeding their own fields.

A producer from a

shabaha house-

hold which weeds only i t s own fields, weeds on average 2.5 h a a year; t h e o t h e r hand a producer f r o m a

shabaha

on

household which employs i t s

labour for weeding f o r cash, weeds on average only 1.8 ha of his household's land.

Similarly, a producer from a poor household which does not

weed f o r others, weeds on a v e r a g e 2.25 h a a year; producer

on t h e o t h e r hand, a

from a poor household which weeds for o t h e r s f o r payment,

weeds on a v e r a g e only 1.9 ha of his or her household's land a year (figures for t h e f i v e year survey period a r e given in Table 6 ) . TABLE 6

The Average Amount of t h e Household's Own Land Weeded by O n e Producer from Households Weeding and Households Not Weeding for Cash

*The figure in t h e f i r s t column for e a c h year is t h e average amount of household land (in hectares) weeded by one producer from households which do not weed for cash. The figure in t h e second column is t h e a v e r a g e amount of household land weeded by one producer from households which weed for cash. Rich households a r e not included a s their m e m b e r s do not weed for cash.

If t h e y employed all available labour for weeding their own fields only, t h e agricultural production of households which weed for cash would improve by 13-48 per c e n t , depending on t h e amount of wage weeding they do.

The household weeding for cash suffers not only t h e s e productive

losses but also losses in i t s potential income:

t h e money which i t earns

from weeding compares unfavourably with t h e cash value of grain which i t could produce if i t used all i t s labour for weeding i t s own fields instead, in spite of t h e f a c t t h a t due t o perpetual shortage, t h e c o s t of wage labour has risen more sharply over t h e years than t h e price of millet or animals.

As Table 7 shows, weeding for c a s h is profitable in t e r m s of

investment returns only in years of almost t o t a l c r o p failure (for example 1977). - - -- - -

.

Investment Returns on Wage Weeding

Given t h e obvious economic disadvantages of hiring one's labour t o weed f o r cash, i t is only those with a d e s p e r a t e need of i m m e d i a t e cash who do so and of t h e 29 census households only seven resort t o this strategy.

Four of t h e s e a r e poor households (in f a c t t h e t h r e e poorest

households in t h e sample all weeded for cash) and t h r e e a r e

shabaha

.

Obviously most pressed for cash a r e households which fail t o produce enough millet for their subsistence and t h e r e f o r e do not have any grain t o m a r k e t and which d o not own enough livestock t o realise t h e cash they need for i t s sale.

All poor households which weed for payment a r e in -58-

this position.

A s i t is partly their high C/W r a t i o which prevents t h e m

f r o m producing enough grain f o r their subsistence needs, t h e deflection of t h e i r labour f r o m t h e i r own agricultural production only a g g r a v a t e s their predicament and t h e y a r e t r a p p e d in a vicious circle:

t h e y do n o t weed

enough land for their subsistence requirements and h a v e t o buy grain from t h e market;

t o b e a b l e t o realise t h e necessary cash, t h e y h a v e t o weed

f o r payment;

in consequence, they c a n n o t employ all t h e i r labour for

weeding their own fields and consistently f a i l t o m e e t t h e i r subsistence needs,

T h e t w o households with t h e lowest overall agricultural production

(Nos. 1 and 2) f a l l i n t o this category. The

households which weed f o r c a s h do i t f o r d i f f e r e n t

shabaha

reasons.

They a r e households whose animal wealth has been constantly

decreasing:

t o avoid depleting their herds y e t further through a n excessive

s a l e of livestock, t h e y weed f o r cash instead.

Like t h e poor households,

however, t h e y a r e a l s o trapped in a vicious circle;

weeding f o r cash

prevents t h e m f r o m producing enough grain f o r their subsistence and they h a v e t o buy grain f r o m t h e m a r k e t ; necessary cash,

they

a s weeding alone does n o t realise t h e

h a v e t o resort

t o selling livestock

thus further

decreasing t h e i r herds. T h e Berti a r e a w a r e of t h e consequences of weeding f o r cash a n d this s t r a t e g y is generally considered t o be t h e worst possible one.

I t is t h e

general feeling t h a t people who resort t o i t a r e doomed t o remain poor forever. On t h e contrary, t h e best s t r a t e g y is t o hire labour f o r weeding even a t t h e c o s t of selling a n a n i m a l t o raise t h e necessary c a s h because t h e s a l e of grain produced by hired labour enables one not only t o replace t h e animal sold but leaves a profit a s well. resort t o this strategy.

Of t h e 29 census households, 1 1

They a r e households of t w o types:

firstly, shabaha

households which produce a surplus of grain over their subsistence needs in good years and which have enough animals t o m a r k e t (Nos. 22, 24, 25, 25, 291,

and,

market

secondly, and

depend

rich

households which

primarily

on

its

have sufficient sale

for

its

livestock cash

to

income.

Because all rich households a r e a b l e t o realise necessary c a s h from t h e s a l e of livestock, t h e a m o u n t of grain which t h e y m a n a g e t o produce is basically irrelevant t o t h e i r overall economic viability.

The economic

s t r a t e g y of t h e

shabaha households hinges on a successful c o m b i n a t i o n of

a g r i c u l t u r e a n d a n i m a l husbandry.

T h e successful

joint pursuit of

both

t h e s e s p h e r e s of production l e a v e s t h e m with enough surplus c a s h t o hire labour;

but hiring labour is a t t h e s a m e t i m e e s s e n t i a l f o r a n y successful

combination of a g r i c u l t u r e a n d a n i m a l husbandry.

T h e h e r d s of s h e e p a r e

a t p a s t u r e outside t h e village t h e whole y e a r a n d t h e y h a v e t o b e herded c o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h t h e weeding of t h e fields.

Although t h e h e r d s of c a t t l e

and g o a t s a r e k e p t in t h e village in t h e rainy season a n d , unlike in t h e dry season, d o n o t h a v e t o b e w a t e r e d , t h e y h a v e t o b e occasionally h e r d e d t o p r e v e n t t h e m f r o m e n t e r i n g f i e l d s a n d causing d a m a g e t o crops.

This p u t s

a heavy d e m a n d on labour a n d o f t e n r e q u i r e s m o r e hands t h a n t h e household c a n provide. In s p i t e of shabaha

n o t relying t o t h e s a m e e x t e n t on a g r i c u l t u r e a s t h e

households do, rich households, too, typically f a c e t h e problem of

labour s h o r t a g e d u e primarily t o t h e i r own s m a l l labour o u t p u t .

Weeding

is considered by t h e B e r t i t h e m o s t s t r e n u o u s work of all a n d a l l prosperous household h e a d s e m u l a t e t h e behaviour of m e r c h a n t s a n d e i t h e r d o n o t w e e d a t a l l (Nos. 7, 14 a n d 23) o r d o only a l i t t l e weeding t h e m s e l v e s (Nos. 12 a n d 26). A p a r t f r o m hiring labour f o r weeding, s o m e of t h e rich a n d shabaha households which pursue w h a t t h e B e r t i consider t o b e t h e i d e a l e c o n o m i c s t r a t e g y , e m p l o y labour a l s o f o r herding t h e i r animals. young u n m a r r i e d m e n f r o m p o o r e r households.

The herdsmen a r e

T h e young m e n f r o m four

poor households (of t h e t o t a l of seven) a n d f r o m four shabaha households (of t h e t o t a l of prosperous Berti.

16 in t h e census) herd s h e e p a n d c a t t l e of t h e m o r e T h e h e r d e r s a r e paid in kind:

a m a n herding c o w s

r e c e i v e s a calf e v e r y y e a r a n d a m a n herding s h e e p r e c e i v e s six s h e e p e v e r y y e a r f r o m e v e r y hundred h e looks a f t e r . effective

re- distribution of

h e r d s of

t h e poor

I t is mainly through t h i s

a n i m a l s f r o m t h e h e r d s of

t h a t t h e a n i m a l s of

t h e rich t o t h e

t h e poor households h a v e been

increasing in s p i t e of a c o m p a r a t i v e l y high o f f t a k e . T h e households whose m e m b e r s w e e d f o r c a s h a n d l o r work a s herdsmen, pursue, in f a c t , a s t r a t e g y which is virtually t h e r e v e r s e of t h a t which depends on hired labour.

Of t h e 29 c e n s u s households, 1 1 r e s o r t t o

i t (Nos. 1 , 2, 4, 5 , 6, 8 , 9, 13, 15, 18, 211.'

All f i v e shabaha households

pursuing t h i s s t r a t e g y f a i l t o produce enough grain f o r t h e i r subsistence; -60-

of t h e six poor households, t h r e e fail in t h e i r agricultural production, two m a n a g e t o produce a b o u t enough grain for t h e i r subsistence in y e a r s of good harvests and only one h a s a

m o d e r a t e surplus of grain over i t s

subsistence needs. The remaining seven households (Nos. 3 , 10, 1 1 , 16, 19, 20 and 27) neither hire labour, nor d o t h e i r m e m b e r s work a s herdsmen o r weed for c a s h (household No. 3 i s included h e r e although i t employs hired labour for weeding;

a young m a n from t h i s household is away a s a herdsman a n d t h e

hired labour basically c o m p e n s a t e s for his loss). and o n e is poor.

Six of t h e m a r e shabaha

Their economic viability depends, in differing degrees, on

a combination of all t h r e e sources of c a s h income:

t h e s a l e of livestock,

t h e s a l e of any surplus of grain and t h e pursuit of various c a s h earning a c t i v i t i e s in t h e dry season of t h e year.

All t h e six shabaha households

in this c a t e g o r y e i t h e r do n o t produce enough grain f o r their own subsistence o r have only a m o d e r a t e surplus in years of good harvests and depend mainly on t h e s a l e of livestock and o t h e r c a s h earning activities. T h e poor household produces enough grain f o r i t s own subsistence s o t h a t i t c a n a f f o r d t o m a r k e t only a couple of g o a t s e a c h year, depending on o t h e r c a s h earning a c t i v i t i e s f o r i t s income. As no Berti household is self- sufficient in i t s production, depending on a regular purchase of many commodities f r o m t h e market, i t i s basically t h e success of i t s agricultural production which d e t e r m i n e s t h e growth or d e c r e a s e of i t s animal wealth.

The m o r e grain t h e household is a b l e t o

m a r k e t t o realise t h e necessary cash, t h e smaller needs t o be t h e o f f t a k e from i t s herds and t h e b e t t e r their growth r a t e .

T h e d e g r e e of success in

agricultural production c o r r e l a t e s positively with t h e C / W ratio;

house-

holds which fail t o produce enough grain t o m e e t their subsistence needs have on t h e whole higher C / W r a t i o s than those which e i t h e r m a n a g e t o produce a surplus of grain over t h e years o r whose agricultural production is about a d e q u a t e f o r their needs.

The e f f e c t of t h e C/W r a t i o on t h e

d e g r e e of success of t h e household's agricultural production is, however, t o a g r e a t e x t e n t modified by t h e s t r a t e g y employed;

households which weed

f o r cash regularly underproduce in s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t many of them have a

m o r e favourable C / W

r a t i o t h a n households which m a n a g e t o

produce enough grain for t h e i r subsistence labour in weeding only t h e i r own fields. -61-

through employing all their

In spite. of t h e e f f e c t which t h e household's agricultural production has on i t s overall economic performance, in t h e ecological conditions in which t h e Berti live no household would be viable if i t depended solely on agriculture a s t h e yield is o f t e n well below t h e household's subsistence needs a n d years of

t o t a l or a l m o s t t o t a l c r o p failure a r e not unusual.

While t h e r e a r e y e a r s when most households c a n m a r k e t a t l e a s t s o m e millet, t h e y a r e years when virtually all households, e x c e p t a f e w who have managed t o build up a supply of grain over t h e years, h a v e t o purchase millet f r o m t h e m a r k e t , o f t e n in g r e a t a m o u n t s t o survive.

It is

thus t h e m a r k e t which g u a r a n t e e s t h e household's subsistence security. Under t h e s e conditions, i t is t h e household's animal wealth which critically d e t e r m i n e s i t s overall economic performance. T h e rich households depend a l m o s t exclusively on t h e s a l e on livestock for t h e i r c a s h income;

t h e y have only a limited income f r o m o t h e r cash

earning a c t i v i t i e s without employing t h e i r own labour in pursuit of them. And because of their overall animal wealth, their d e g r e e of success in agricultural production is t o a g r e a t e x t e n t irrelevant t o t h e i r overall economic performance.

T h e economy of rich households clearly indicates

t h a t pastoralism would b e a viable a l t e r n a t i v e f o r t h e Berti.

But t h e

herds of m o s t households a r e t o o small t o m a k e t h e household viable. Hence all households depend on combining, in various degrees, agriculture with animal husbandry and on earning additional cash through t h e s a l e of grass, rock s a l t and through p e r m a n e n t o r occasional wage employment or short - term labour migration.

T h e household's viability ultimately depends

on t h e d e g r e e of i t s success jn t h e joint pursuit of a g r i c u l t u r e and animal husbandry.

But combining t h e s e t w o e c o n o m i c pursuits puts a heavy

demand on labour and, in consequence, i t i s t h e management of t h e household's labour which lies a t t h e root of t h e differences in t h e economic s t r a t e g i e s employed. Only a minority of households m a n a g e t h e i r economy by employing all t h e i r available labour s t r i c t l y within t h e household's economic sphere and without recruiting any additional labour f r o m t h e outside.

The two

e x t r e m e economic s t r a t e g i e s which t h e Berti consider t o b e t h e best and t h e worst respectively, and which a r e resorted t o by most Berti households, depend, on t h e o t h e r hand, on t h e rnovement of labour between households.

Within t h e economy a s a whole, t h e s e t w o s t r a t e g i e s a r e

complementary and interdependent:

t h e rich households c a n pursue agri-

c u l t u r e and animal husbandry because of t h e recruitment of labour from poor households;

t h e poor households a r e a b l e t o e a r n badly needed cash

and/or increase their animal holdings by providing labour f o r t h e rich.

Notes

(I)

In my sample of 201 households, t h e a v e r a g e number of inhabitants per household w a s 4.25. The a c t u a l number of household inhabita n t s varies considerably and ranges f r o m one t o twelve. For a more detailed discussion of t h e household composition and developm e n t a l cycle cf. Holy 1974: 1-15.

(2)

These figures r e f l e c t t h e present number of wives among married men. The occurrence is higher if past marriages of living men a r e taken into account: 71 per c e n t of men never had m o r e t h a n one wife during their lives, 24.7 per c e n t had t w o wives during at l e a s t one s t a g e of their lives and 0.4 per c e n t had four. The proportion of polygynous unions is g r e a t e r among older t h a n among younger men; 41.5 per c e n t of men with married sons and daughters of t h e i r own a r e polygynists and 59.7 per c e n t of this category had m o r e t h a n o n e wife a t l e a s t during one s t a g e of their life. For a m o r e detailed discussion of polygyny cf. Holy 1974: 12-17.

(3)

Various anthropologists have used slightly different formulae for assessing household consumption requirements (cf. Bailey 1957: 277; Salisbury 1962: 79; Epstein 1967; 160; Sahlins 1972: 103; Donham 1981: 523). I worked with t h e coefficients presented by Epstein. I recorded t h e consumption of millet in t h r e e s e l e c t e d households during four different months of t h e year t o account for t h e seasonal variation in food. When t h e coefficients w e r e used against this recorded consumption, t h e y needed t o be slightly modified t o f i t and in t h e end, taking t h e adult male a s standard (1.0), t h e m a l e and f e m a l e consumers of different a g e s w e r e computed a s follows:

!!.E

Male

70c 14-69 10-13 6-9 2-5

0.8 1 .O 0.8 0.5 0.3

Female 0.65 0.8 0.65 0.4 0.3

As a result, my e s t i m a t e is t h a t a m a l e over 14 years of a g e consumes on a v e r a g e 325kg of millet per year, a boy of 10-13 years, a woman over 14 years and a n old man over about 70 years

of a g e on a v e r a g e about 174kg, a girl of 10-13 years and a n old woman over about 70 years of a g e on average 140kg, a boy of 6-9 years of a g e lO8kg and a girl of t h e s a m e a g e about 87kg, and a child between t h e a g e of 2 and 5 on average about 65kg. These e s t i m a t e s correspond t o t h e recorded consumption a s well a s t o t h e informants' own reports of consumption in their households. (4)

C o m p a r e t h e figures in Table l for 1976, 1977 and 1979 which had below a v e r a g e rains with ensuing bad harvests with those for 1975 and 1978 which w e r e t h e years of good rainy seasons and a v e r a g e yields of 215kg/ha and 240kg/ha respectively.

(5)

I was in t h e field in August and September 1977, from July 1978 t o January 1979 and f r o m J u n e t o October 1980. During my absence t h e quantitative d a t a w e r e collected for m e by Adam Abakar and his son Abdulahi Adam t o whom I wish t o express my sincere gratitude. My visit t o t h e Sudan in 1977 w a s financed by t h e Queen's University of Belfast and my subsequent research was sponsored by t h e Social Science Research Council. I a m g r a t e f u l t o t h e s e bodies for t h e i r generous assistance.

(6)

This figure would be much lower if i t w e r e yielded from a bigger sample. T h e r e w e r e only six rich households in t h e village in which t h e census was t a k e n and t h e m e m b e r s of one of t h e s e (No. 17) weeded a considerable amount of land in s p i t e of their animal wealth: on a v e r a g e 2.6 h a per producer over t h e five years. They w e r e hard workers who did not leave any economic opportunity unexploited; t h e y were, f o r example, actively involved in in selling grass during t h e dry season which is something not generally done by wealthy households. There was a similarly enterprising household (No. 29) among those classified a s shabaha : t h e members weeded on a v e r a g e 4.1 ha per producer over t h e five years. As t h e r e a r e altogether 16 shabaha households in t h e sample, this exceptional performance does not a f f e c t t h e figure of t h e average amount of land weeded by shabaha households t o t h e s a m e e x t e n t t o which t h e exceptional performance of household No. 17 a f f e c t s t h e figure for rich households.

(7)

In calculating t h e C/W ratio, m e n and women over t h e a g e of 14 w e r e computed a s 1.0 worker units and t h e children who weeded but w e r e younger than 14 years a s 0.5 worker units. This r e f l e c t s reasonably a c c u r a t e l y t h e relative work output of children and adults. Each member of t h e household was computed a s 1.0 consumer unit. As a c t u a l consumption varies with a g e and sex (cf. Note 3), this crude method of computing consumer units does not r e f l e c t t h e household's a c t u a l level of consumption. But a s t h e C/W r a t i o is used h e r e merely t o indicate t h e relative amount of labour which t h e household has a t i t s disposal in relation t o t h e amount of labour available t o o t h e r households, and not t h e absolute amount of labour in t h e household and t h e absolute level of t h e household's consumption, t h e adopted method of calculating C / W r a t i o s e e m s a d e q u a t e for this purpose, although i t would not b e for o t h e r s (cf. Donham 1981).

(8)

Given t h a t t h e Berti measure t h e household's wealth in t e r m s of t h e s i z e of i t s herd, a n obvious way of determining whether t h e household's wealth is increasing or decreasing would b e t o consider whether i t s herd grows or is decreasing in size. However, a considerable number of livestock succumbs every year t o disease and from t i m e t o t i m e t o epidemics. Diseases and epidemics do not s t r i k e all herds equally; s o m e herds survive a n epidemic virtually unscathed, o t h e r s a r e drastically decimated. The d e g r e e t o which a herd suffers from outbreaks of disease is beyond human control and only t o a small d e g r e e depends on husbanding skills. Should t h e e s t i m a t e of t h e growth or decline of t h e household's wealth b e measured in t e r m s of t h e increase or d e c r e a s e in size of i t s herd, t h e e l e m e n t s of c h a n c e and luck beyond human control would b e analytically fused with economic performance which is fully controlled. To s e p a r a t e good or bad luck which can equally s t r i k e a good a s well a s a bad husbandman, I c o n c e n t r a t e in t h e following analysis on t h e s i z e of t h e o f f t a k e f r o m existing herds rather t h a n on their a c t u a l growth or decrease. The average annual o f f t a k e from t h e Berti herds is about 14.6 per c e n t and a t this r a t e of o f f t a k e t h e i r herds grow by about 5.9 per c e n t a year.

(9)

Livestock units (LSU) a r e used t o indicate t h e s i z e of t h e household's overall livestock holding consisting of different animals and a r e computed a s follows: c a m e l 1.0; head of c a t t l e : 0.72; sheep 0.1; g o a t 0.06.

(10)

LS 1.00 (one Sudanese pound) was worth 5 5 new pence in 1980.

(1 1)

I took animal censuses in l978 and 1980. All six rich households had a c a m e l a t both times. Of t h e 16 shabaha households, 12 had a c a m e l in 1978 and 1 3 in 1980. Of t h e seven poor households, only one had a c a m e l in 1978 but t h r e e in 1980.

(12)

Apart f r o m t h e seven households which hire o u t their labour f o r weeding, four o t h e r households which provide herders f o r t h e more prosperous households a r e included h e r e (Nos. 4, 16, 18, 21).

AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION AND RESOURCE MAINTENANCE: 1 Some Cases from Western Sudan

Leif 0. Manger

Although t h e l i t e r a t u r e on agricultural intensification is q u i t e substantial (Geertz,

Boserup, 1965;

1963;

Barlett, 1980;

Burnham, 1980;

Netting, 1968, 1974;

Brookfield, 1972;

Burton and White, 1984;

and Dow, 1985)

t h e r e is no common definition of w h a t intensification means.

However,

intensification has been used t o d e n o t e t h e production s y s t e m s using plough or irrigation techniques.

It has also been r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e s y s t e m s in

which methods like terracing, green manuring, animal manuring, transplanting and t h e use of a n i m a l t r a c t i o n h a v e been utilized.

Boserup ( op. cit. )

uses t h e c o n c e p t t o d e n o t e t h e shortening of fallow periods by any method, (

op. cit. ) used i t t o m e a n any process t h a t

increases yield per h e c t a r e .

I shall n o t dwell on any of t h e s e definitions

while Burton and White

since t h e y a l l have something t o o f f e r with regard t o t h e development of intensive production s y s t e m s and a s such t h e y a r e all of s o m e relevance t o this study.

In c o m m o n with Burton and White, therefore, if w e hold land

a s a c o n s t a n t variable, agricultural intensification is a result of labour intensification, c a p i t a l intensification o r technological change. Another i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t of agricultural intensification is t h e use of animals in such s y s t e m s (Allan, 1965;

e t a1

1979;

Ruthenberg, 1980;

Morgan and Pough, 1969;

Vincze, 1980;

Jahnke, 1982).

MacCown We know

t h a t in traditional savannah a d a p t a t i o n s t h e r e is a low d e g r e e of integration

between

crop

f a r m i n g and

animal

raising.

Furthermore,

the

relationship between t h e t w o i s a c c i d e n t a l r a t h e r t h a n socially planned. Thus pastoral nomads m i g r a t e in a r e a s with cultivation but only in f e w c a s e s is t h e r e any conscious a t t e m p t t o r e g u l a t e their m o v e m e n t s t o maximize f a r m fertility.

Similarly, animals a r e k e p t by c u l t i v a t o r s but

rarely used t o improve c r o p production.

In m o r e intensive s y s t e m s this

link h a s developed f u r t h e r and animals a r e used for traction, m a n u r e may systematically be applied and fodder m a y b e grown.

In such systems,

animals a r e used in a purposeful way t o c r e a t e a m o r e complex s y s t e m of a n i m a l l f a r m relationship

than

w h a t is commonly found in t h e African -66-

savannah. herd. for

T h e r e is t h u s a c o m p l e m e n t a r y relationship b e t w e e n field and

However, t h e relationship m a y also b e o n e of competition. example t h e case

when

traditional

Take

pasture is t a k e n over

by t h e

expansion of cultivation, or when t h e keeping of animals and agricultural work

put

strains

on

the

labour

force

within

the

household.

O n e point of special i m p o r t a n c e in t h e l i t e r a t u r e on agricultural H e r e I shall c o n c e n t r a t e

intensification i s how such s y s t e m s c o m e about.

on t h e African experience w h e r e s e v e r a l c a s e s of such a d a p t a t i o n s a r e found.

Consider

Cameroon

for

Highlands

example

(Allan,

the

Ukara

1965;

Island

Burnham,

1968),

(Ludwig,

198O), t h e

Jos

(Netting, 1968) and t h e Kano Closed S e t t l e d Zone (Hill, 1977).

the

Plateau

In addition

t o t h e s e t h e r e a r e t h e Sudanese c a s e s of Kheiran (Manger, 1981), t h e Nuba Mountains (Nadel, 1942;

Roden, 1972) a n d 'Jebel Mara (Allan

op. cit. ).

A c e n t r a l position in this d e b a t e is t h a t of Boserup (1965) who argues that

people in extensive

s y s t e m s of

production

will

intensive methods without s o m e kind of pressure. related t o t h e use of labour.

not

adapt

more

Their r e l u c t a n c e is

The extensive system is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a

high r e t u r n of labour and low r e t u r n of land.

Any intensification process

t h a t increases productivity f r o m land is paid f o r by decreasing marginal returns of labour.

However, people will n o t e n t e r i n t o such a situation

without being exposed t o s o m e kind of pressure. t h e demographic pressure t h a t growth

and

the

absence

of

Boserup a r g u e s t h a t i t is

brings such change about. possibilities

for

Population

out- migration

develop

a

situation in which people have t o give priority t o increasing land productivity and t a k e less n o t i c e of labour productivity. Although

this a r g u m e n t

empirical situation in Africa.

is valid, i t c a n n o t by itself

explain

the

T h e r e t h e general situation is c h a r a c t e r i z e d

by a r a t h e r low population density and people, t o a large e x t e n t , have a c c e s s t o new f a r m lands. higher

population

densities

T h e f a c t t h a t c e r t a i n a r e a s h a v e developed cannot

be explained

by

natural

growth, but has t o be seen in a politico- historical context.

population

The a r e a s of

agricultural intensification which I have mentioned s o f a r w e r e all, e x c e p t t h e Kano Closed S e t t l e d Zone, r e f u g e a r e a s f o r a population t h r e a t e n e d by slave raids a f t e r living in general insecurity d u e t o stronger predators and neighbours.

I t is t h u s specific historical developments t h a t have brought

about t h e s e adaptations, involving relationships between groups of unequal -67-

military strength a s well a s t h e position of t h e various groups within t h e pre-colonial savannah states.

O n e example t h a t indicates t h e significance

of t h e above f a c t o r s is t h a t of t h e Kofyar and t h e Tiv in Nigeria's c e n t r a l belt.

The t w o groups a r e neighbours and w e r e exposed t o similar external

influences and pressures.

Whereas t h e Kofyar r e a c t e d t o pressure on t h e

resources by adopting a system of agricultural intensification, t h e Tiv, due t o their segmentary organization and military strength, solved t h e problem by expanding their t e r r i t o r y and thus continued their traditional extensive system of agricultural production (Burnham, 1980). To elucidate t h e general points raised above I shall present t w o cases of agricultural intensification from Western Sudan.

They a r e both found in

Kordofan Region, which is divided into North and South Kordofan Provinces. The

first

case

is f r o m

t h e Kheiran

oases in

irrigated orchard cultivation has developed. consisted f i r s t of t h e saqia

North Kordofan,

where

The irrigation methods here

and t h e shadouf both common along t h e Nile,

and mechanical pump schemes which b e c a m e more dominant in r e c e n t years.

The second c a s e is f r o m South Kordofan.

This is Liri, which is

found in t h e southern p a r t s of t h e Nuba Mountains.

The Nuba groups

inhabiting t h a t a r e a have developed intensive forms of hill cultivation, building terraces, applying manure t o c e r t a i n plots and collecting fodder for

their animals in order t o b e able t o maintain themselves in t h e

mountain habitat. The purpose of

this presentation is t o explain how s o m e African

communities have developkd systems of adaptation t h a t a r e ecologically more viable t h a n t h e extensive systems common in t h e African savannah and which a r e in a s e v e r e crisis a t present. lies in t w o positive achievements;

The value of such systems

first, increasing production and land

productivity, and second, preserving t h e soil by avoiding ecological degradation.

Ploughing and manuring in Kheiran and terracing t o control soil

erosion in Liri, represent examples of how intensive cropping has been operated.

Moreover, t h e study of how such intensive systems of production

emerged and how they have been maintained provide a n insight into some major problems facing students of rural development and planners alike in their dealing with

t h e contemporary African crisis.

This is t h e problem

of how t o develop ecologically viable intensive mixed farming systems in Africa. -68-

The Setting T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n t o follow is s t r u c t u r e d around c e r t a i n basic t h e m e s .

The

h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t within which t h e Kheiran a n d Liri i n t e n s i v e s y s t e m s of c r o p production e m e r g e d a n d t h e key f a c t o r s in t h e i r m a i n t e n a n c e and c h a n g e will b e explained.

F u r t h e r m o r e , both Kheiran a n d Liri a r e under-

going significant c h a n g e s in t h e m o d e r n c o n t e x t of e c o n o m i c a n d political development. the

way

I t is, t h e r e f o r e , i m p o r t a n t t o i s o l a t e t h e f a c t o r s t h a t d e f i n e

in which

t e m p o r a r y situation.

people d e v e l o p s y s t e m s of

adaptation

in

t h e con-

Since b o t h c a s e s a r e s i t u a t e d within t h e s a m e region

a n d w e r e s u b j e c t e d t o c e r t a i n i n t e r - r e l a t e d historical processes I shall s t a r t by introducing t h e Kordofan region in s p a c e a n d time. Kordofan is a v a s t open plain, l o c a t e d w e s t of t h e White Nile. major ecological z o n e s d o m i n a t e t h i s country:

Three

semi- desert in t h e north, a

c e n t r a l goz (or s t a b i l i z e d sand dunes) a n d t h e Nuba Mountains in t h e south west.

T h e Nuba Mountains z o n e is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s e r i e s of hills with

s t r e t c h e s of c l a y plains b e t w e e n t h e hills.

T h e m e a n annual rainfall v a r i e s

f r o m lOOmm in t h e f a r n o r t h t o s o m e 600-800mm per annum in t h e south. S y s t e m s of a d a p t a t i o n vary f r o m c a m e l a n d s h e e p nomadism in t h e f a r north, mixed hoe c u l t i v a t i o n a n d pastoralism in t h e c e n t r a l z o n e t o mixed f a r m i n g a n d c a t t l e pastoralism in t h e south.

A c o m m o n f e a t u r e of t h e s e

t h r e e s y s t e m s of a d a p t a t i o n is t h a t t h e y a l l r e p r e s e n t p a r t of t h e e x t e n s i v e savannah

system

of

production.

p r a c t i s e d with long fallow

In

this system,

cultivation has

been

periods a n d a n i m a l s a n d human beings h a v e

a d o p t e d a t r a n s h u m a n t w a y of life, moving f r o m south t o n o r t h c o v e r i n g t h e t h r e e ecological z o n e s in response t o v a r i a t i o n s in p a s t u r e and rainfall. A m o r e intensive s y s t e m of a g r i c u l t u r a l production is found in Kheiran a n d

B a r a in t h e n o r t h w h e r e i r r i g a t e d o r c h a r d s a r e c u l t i v a t e d , and in t h e south in t h e Nuba Mountains w h e r e i n t e n s i v e mixed t e r r a c e d f a r m i n g s y s t e m s a r e practised. T h e history of Kordofan i s t i e d t o t h e Funj and D a r f u r Kingdoms (O'Fahey, 1980;

Spaulding, 1985).

Kordofan w a s never a n independent

s t a t e , but f o r m e d p a r t of t h e t w o kingdoms a t various times.

Common t o

both kingdoms w a s t h a t t h e y did n o t i n t e r v e n e d i r e c t l y with t h e Kordofani people, but w e r e mainly i n t e r e s t e d in t r a d e .

Major c a r a v a n r o u t e s w e n t

through t h e c e n t r a l goz belt t o t h e t r a d i n g t o w n s of B a r a a n d El Obeid. T h e i m p o r t a n t t r a d e i t e m s w e r e slaves, gold a n d g u m arabic. -69-

The slaves

were captured from

t h e south (the

Nuba

Mountains),

t o be exported,

employed a s soldiers, or put i n t o c u l t i v a t i o n o r p a s t o r a l a c t i v i t i e s by t h e i r owners.

Gum a r a b i c w a s c o l l e c t e d in t h e goz belt a n d w a s considered a

major s o u r c e of i n c o m e f o r t h e s t a t e a s well a s t h e local i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e region.

T h e e x p l o i t a t i o n of Kordofan a n d o t h e r p a r t s of t h e Sudan

w a s intensified during t h e Turco- Egyptian r u l e (1821-1881) (e.g., Spaulding, 1982).

More slaves w e r e c a p t u r e d a n d t h e t a x burden increased.

growing d i s c o n t e n t with t h i s r u l e c u l m i n a t e d

The

in t h e Mahdist revolution

(1881-1898) which t u r n e d Kordofan i n t o a b a t t l e f i e l d with n e g a t i v e cons e q u e n c e s f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l production.

I t a l s o brought serious implications

f o r t h e c a s e s under consideration. T h e 20th c e n t u r y , on t h e o t h e r hand, h a s s e e n a n increasing d e g r e e of c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l production.

C a s h c r o p s such a s c o t t o n and

groundnuts w e r e introduced, labour migration t o o t h e r p a r t s of t h e Sudan a c c e l e r a t e d , and new e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t i e s in t h e urban c e n t r e s m a d e people m o r e d e p e n d e n t on t h e m a r k e t economy.

G o v e r n m e n t i n t e r v e n t i o n through

t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a g r i c u l t u r a l m o d e r n i z a t i o n and large- scale m e c h a n i z e d agricultural

schemes

have changed

t h e traditional context.

Population

g r o w t h a n d t h e expansion of t h e c u l t i v a t e d a r e a , a s well a s t h e i n c r e a s e in livestock numbers, h a v e led t o t h e d e t e r i o r a t i o n of soil quality.

This

h a s been followed by a serious p r o c e s s of d e s e r t i f i c a t i o n which is p a r t icularly e v i d e n t in t h e sand g r a z i n g and

deforestation

belt.

F u r t h e r m o r e , o v e r - c u l t i v a t i o n , over-

h a v e brought a b o u t a n ecological crisis,

the

e f f e c t of which w a s m a d e d r a m a t i c a l l y c l e a r during t h e r e c e n t drought. Such ecological d e g r a d a t i o n i s m o r e visible around population s e t t l e m e n t s and within t h e a r e a s w h e r e m e c h a n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e w a s introduced w h e r e t h e soil w a s r e g a r d e d a s less vulnerable. T h e t w o c a s e s of Kheiran, which lies in t h e n o r t h e r n in

the

Nuba

cultivation The

in

Mountains areas

characteristics

in

that of

both

the are

south, facing

ecological

represent severe

of

intensive

environmental

problems.

zones emerged

d i f f e r e n t historical d e v e l o p m e n t s in Western Sudan. cases

themselves

to

see

how

they -70-

islands

stand

in

goz, a n d Liri

as a

result

of

Now I t u r n t o t h e this

general

picture.

2

Kheiran

The Kheiran a r e a consists of a series of oases located within large sand dunes and situated

just west of Bara town in northern Kordofan.

The

oases a r e depressions with c l a y soils and have a shallow w a t e r table, mostly within 10 m e t r e s from t h e surface.

This makes i t possible for t h e

inhabitants t o c u l t i v a t e vegetables and f r u i t t r e e s in irrigated orchards. There

a r e t w o methods of irrigation: a hand operated lever ( t h e 3 4 shadouf ) and mechanical pumps. The ox drawn waterwheels ( s a q i a )

w e r e previously used but disappeared r a t h e r quickly a f t e r t h e introduction of

mechanical

occur:

pumps during t h e early 1960's.

Two cropping systems

first, t h e irrigated cultivation which t a k e s place during winter and

summer, and second, t h e rainfed cultivation valleys ( wadis) during t h e rainy season.

which t a k e s place in t h e

Vegetables and f r u i t a r e t h e main

crops cultivated in t h e irrigated plots, while sorghum, millet, sesame, and w a t e r melon a r e mostly cultivated in t h e rainfed cropping system. inhabitants also keep a number of animals. minor

d e g r e e camels, c a t t l e and sheep.

important

watering

centre

for

the

The

They raise goats and t o a Furthermore,

pastoralists

Kheiran is a n

in

the

region.

T h e Kheiran oases may b e divided into southern and northern parts. This distinction is valid on several points.

The south e m b r a c e s t h e biggest

oases, with villages on t h e s t r e t c h of land between t h e orchards and t h e sand dunes. village

The northern oases a r e smaller and people f r o m t h e s a m e

m a y c u l t i v a t e in

different

areas.

The sand dunes a r e more

stabilized in t h e north which enabled people t o build their houses on them and live in dispersed s e t t l e m e n t s r a t h e r t h a n distinct villages a s in t h e south. The m a r k e t links a r e also different. south depends on El Obeid market. markets. south: green

According t o i t s location, t h e

The north relies on smaller, local

This has led t o a higher d e g r e e of commercialization in t h e a wide variety of vegetables - tomatoes, egg plants, red peppers,

peppers,

onions,

lettuces,

turnips,

radishes

-

and

others,

are

cultivated and transported by lorries t o El Obeid every day during t h e harvesting season.

Onion cultivation is m o r e important in t h e north since

t h e vegetable can travel for long distances or b e preserved f o r a long t i m e without being spoiled.

There a r e f e w e r mechanical pumps, fewer wage

labourers and a less developed transport system (camels a r e still being used. -71-

saqia

Finally, most of t h e migrant groups who brought in t h e

shadouf

methods of irrigation a r e found in t h e south.

northerners from Dongola. over their farms.

and

They a r e nlainly

Their long stay in Kheiran gave them rights

T h e north on t h e other hand is dominated by groups

from Dar Hamid federation, t h e largest group of t h e m is t h e Ferahna. These a r e pastoralists and agro- pastoralists by tradition. of

However, some

t h e m took up t h e new agricultural innovations and b e c a m e orchard

cultivators. The system of

land use which I have described s o f a r , m a d e i t

possible for people t o live in o n e locality and c u l t i v a t e a l m o s t bounded orchards

for

generations.

The

main

techniques

of

land

preservation

adopted by t h e s e people a r e t h e application of a rotation system, which involves one year of cultivation and one or t w o years fallow for e a c h plot.

Land fertility is kept by t h e application of fertilizers o r t h e use of

ploughing and hoeing.

The a r e a under cultivation is usually fenced with

branches of thorn t r e e s while t h e fallow land is l e f t for grazing.

It is

observed t h a t t h e use of fertilizers is increasing and t h e f a r m e r s who use intensive cultivation c a n purchase t h e m at a n expensive r a t e .

With t h e

opening up of new f a r m land o r with t h e shift from one c r o p t o another on c e r t a i n plots, t h e soil is turned and prepared.

Land productivity has

t h e r e f o r e been maintained

by applying such soil preservation practices.

The

productivity

maintenance

of

land

in

Kheiran

comparing t h e values produced per feddan (i.e., 1976 (Manger, 1980:

123-4).

can

be

judged

by

1.04 acres) in 1928 and

The t w o values a r e not different in absolute

terms. The s t a t e of a f f a i r s is dramatically different from t h a t within t h e s a m e savannah zone around Kheiran.

The savannah extensive s y s t e m of

5 years cultivation and s o m e 15-20 years fallow has been changed t o one of 5 years fallow in t h e a r e a s around Kheiran and this has triggered off serious

ecological

degradation.

d e c r e a s e in land productivity.

This

development

has

resulted

in

a

It is interesting, therefore, t o look into t h e

Kheiran c a s e in order t o e x a m i n e how i t succeeded in maintaining i t s intensive

cultivation

system

without -72-

degrading

the

environment.

The Emergence of Irrigated Cultivation T h e i n t e n s i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l production s y s t e m in Kheiran is r e l a t e d t o t h e migration of t h e Danagla a n d t h e Jaliyyin groups i n t o t h e region during t h e 18th and 19th c e n t u r i e s ( B j ~ r k e l o ,1983). t r a d e r s and religious m e n ( f a q i s ) .

T h e s e m i g r a n t s w e r e mainly

They s e t t l e d in t h e f r o n t i e r regions of

Muslim a r e a s t o e n g a g e in t r a d i n g in slaves, gold a n d gum a r a b i c . historical

context

s o m e of

t h e riverain

groups s e t t l e d

In this

in or c l o s e t o

Kheiran a n d t h e y w e r e a b l e t o i n t r o d u c e t h e t w o irrigation t e c h n i q u e s which t h e y brought f r o m home.

A n e x a m p l e t o i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p r o c e s s is

q u o t e d in John P e t h e r i c k , who w a s a t r a v e l l e r a n d t r a d e r in Kordofan in t h e 1840's.

H e noted in o n e of his journeys t h a t h e w a s i n v i t e d t o spend

t h e night in t h e compound of: "a n a t i v e f r o m Dongola, n a m e d Mackaui (Makkawi), a shrewd welli n f o r m e d m a n of f i f t y y e a r s of a g e , who when a boy with his f a t h e r a n d f a m i l y had m i g r a t e d t o t h e province of Kordofan a n d w a s p r e s e n t a t t h e c o n q u e s t of t h e province by t h e D e f t e r d a r . Mackaui possessed a f e w s l a v e s a n d l i k e m o s t of t h e o c c u p i e r s of t h e rich o a s e s ( n e a r Bara), supported himself by t h e produce of his garden, which w a s w a t e r e d f r o m a well of t w e l v e f e e t in d e p t h by his s l a v e s by m e a n s of a l e v e r ( s h a d o u f ) i r r i g a t e d during t h e w i n t e r a n d s u m m e r months. In t h e rainy season, t h e g a r d e n which w a s n o t m o r e t h a n a n a c r e in e x t e n t , w a s abandoned a n d with his s l a v e s and e v e r y m e m b e r of his f a m i l y c a p a b l e of labour, h e c u l t i v a t e d on t h e sandy slopes in t h e neighbourhood of his village s u f f i c i e n t dukhn, o r millet f o r t h e i r consumption." ( P e t h e r i c k , 186 1: 259, q u o t e d in Bj$kelo, 1983: 282). T h e n o r t h e r n m i g r a n t s a p p r o p r i a t e d land mainly by establishing links with t h e p a s t o r a l i s t s who d o m i n a t e d t h e a r e a a n d used t h e Kheiran o a s e s for watering

t h e i r animals.

They w e r e t h e r e f o r e n o t a f f e c t e d by t h e

cultivators.

T h e m i g r a n t s a l s o a c q u i r e d permission t o use t h e land by

paying a nominal r e n t of four hods of onion a n d a bag of chillies ( s h a t l a ) , (MacMichael, 1919:

236).

This s m a l l p a y m e n t i n d i c a t e s t h a t i t w a s n o t a

r e a l r e n t but a t o k e n of friendship, a symbol of good will t o t h e p a s t o r a l l e a d e r s f o r allowing t h e m t o live a m o n g s t t h e m .

T h e d o m i n a n t f o r m of

labour w a s s l a v e labour which w a s used t o o p e r a t e t h e shadouf

.

production,

saqia

and t h e

In f a c t , s l a v e s w e r e of p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e t o all t y p e s of not

only

in

Kheiran,

but

also

outside

among

Dar

p a s t o r a l i s t s who used t h e m a s h e r d e r s or in rainfed cultivation.

Hamid The

m i g r a n t n o r t h e r n e r s produced w h e a t which w a s sold in t h e m a r k e t s in t h e area;

especially B a r a and El Obeid which w e r e t h e main m a r k e t p l a c e s a s

well a s being a d m i n i s t r a t i v e

and

m i l i t a r y c e n t r e s f r e q u e n t l y visited by -73-

5

t r a d e caravans. This s y s t e m developed d i f f e r e n t l y a m o n g t h e various groups in Kheiran. T h e pioneer leading groups a m o n g t h e m i g r a n t s w e r e used by t h e Turks a s t a x c o l l e c t o r s a n d t h e y a l s o s u c c e e d e d in a u g m e n t i n g t h e i r i n c o m e f r o m t h e commissions t h e y r e c e i v e d f r o m t h e t a x e s . engaged

in t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s

besides o p e r a t i n g

Such groups w e r e also t h e i r l a r g e o r c h a r d s in

Kheiran. T h e s e leading groups w e r e a t t a c k e d

by t h e Mahdist f o r c e s in t h e

1880's a n d had t o f l e e t h e a r e a a n d r e t u r n e d only a f t e r t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of

the

Anglo-Egyptian

Condominium

r u l e (1 898-1 956).

Many

of

them

a c t u a l l y r e t u r n e d t o t h e i r s e t t l e m e n t s in t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of Kheiran o n c e peace and order were restored.

T h e reason f o r this w a s t h a t f o r ordinary

m i g r a n t s like Mackaui, Kheiran w a s a p l a c e w i t h o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r deploying t h e irrigation t e c h n i q u e s t h a t t h e y brought with t h e m f r o m home.

I t is a l s o probable t h a t D a r Hamid groups took up t h e s a m e t y p e of c u l t i v a t i o n p r a c t i s e d by t h e migrants.

Thus t h e l e a d e r s of t h e p a s t o r a l i s t s

w e r e a b l e t o u t i l i z e s o m e of t h e i r s l a v e s in i n t e n s i v e i r r i g a t e d cultivation. I t is a l s o e v i d e n t t h a t s o m e of t h e p a s t o r a l i s t s who w e r e impoverished by t h e loss of t h e i r h e r d s joined in a n d c u l t i v a t e d land in Kheiran in o r d e r t o gain t h e i r s u s t e n a n c e a n d re-build t h e i r herds.

Changes in the 20th Century Kheiran

has witnessed s e v e r a l c h a n g e s during t h i s century:

f i r s t , land

ownership w a s s e t t l e d by t h e British a f t e r t h e Danagla r e t u r n e d f r o m t h e i r r e f u g e f r o m t h e Mahdist troops.

The Ferahna cultivators also obtained

t i t l e t o t h e i r individual plots.

Thus t h e land s e t t l e m e n t c r e a t e d a rough

division

a

of

the

Kheiran

into

d o m i n a t e d by o n e of t h e groups.

southern

and

a

northern

part,

each

F u r t h e r m o r e , t w o t y p e s of land e m e r g e d :

t h a t which w a s considered p r i v a t e l y owned a n d could b e i n h e r i t e d by t h e Danagla and F e r a h n a descendants.

T h e o t h e r w a s t h e land o u t s i d e t h e

oases, w h e r e c o m m u n a l ownership prevailed.

T h e c o n t r o l of t h e pastoralist

l e a d e r s o v e r t h e f e r t i l e lands of t h e Kheiran o a s e s w a s t h e r e f o r e broken. T h e British also prohibited s l a v e r y a n d t h e big f a r m e r s had t o depend on f a m i l y labour o r hired labour.

T h e r e s u l t w a s t h a t w a g e labour gained

m o r e i m p o r t a n c e a s a s u b s t i t u t e f o r s l a v e labour.

T h e main products have a l s o changed f r o m w h e a t t o onions since t h e price of

t h e imported w h e a t w a s c h e a p e r t h a n t h a t produced locally.

Recently, t h e cultivation of o t h e r types of vegetable crops b e c a m e m o r e i m p o r t a n t in t h e south due t o t h e expansion of El Obeid urban market. Although t h e saqia

and shadouf

w e r e t h e main technologies, mech-

anical pumps w e r e introduced during t h e 1960's and t h e y replaced t h e

saqia r a t h e r quickly.

Thus in El Bashiri, t h e biggest village and oasis in

t h e south, t h e r e w e r e t w o

saqia

in 191 1 , six in 1940 and only t h r e e by

1960 when t h e f i r s t pump w a s installed. 1976 t h e r e w e r e no

saqia

During my s t a y in t h e village in

l e f t while t h e number of pumps had risen t o

five with t w o m o r e being installed in t h e s a m e year.

F o r t h e whole of

Kheiran t h e r e w e r e 25 pumps in t h e south, and 7 pumps in t h e north in 1976.

l e f t in 1976. than

saqia in 1957 but none of t h e s e w e r e The decline in shadouf numbers which w e r e m o r e numerous

Born (1965) registered 1 3

saqia

w a s gradual and those who g a v e up using i t usually took up While t h e r e w e r e 14 shadouf

o t h e r activities, especially w a g e labour.

El Bashiri in 191 1 , t h e r e w a s n o shadouf by t h e year 1976. c u l t i v a t o r s of leaving t h e shadouf

in

This t r e n d of

s e c t o r t o t h e pumps is m o r e visible in

t h e south t h a n in t h e north w h e r e m o r e f a r m e r s tended t o c a r r y on with t h e shadouf.

In t h e following seciion I e x a m i n e t h e general t r e n d of such

developments and t h e i r i m p a c t on Kheiran.

Development Trends in Kheiran It is obvious s o f a r t h a t rich f a r m e r s w e r e a b l e t o change over f r o m t h e

saqia

and t h e

shadouf

t o invest in mechanical pumps.

T a x collectors

f r o m Azhaf in t h e south s e t t l e d in El Bashiri a f t e r t h e collapse of t h e Mahdist s t a t e and invested in t h e new technology.

They also owned

animals and o p e r a t e d a s t r a d e r s in t h e a r e a which enabled t h e m t o invest their surplus in mechanical pumps.

T h e tribal leaders of t h e F e r a h n a w e r e

also able t o invest in pumps by selling s o m e of their animals and using t h e cash for

t h e purchase of

t h e machinery needed f o r irrigation.

This

explains why four o u t of seven pumps in t h e north belong t o t h e leading Farahna family.

An i m p o r t a n t a d v a n t a g e of t h e new pump technology is

t h a t i t i s m o r e e f f i c i e n t than t h e saqia of t h e wooden wheels of t h e saqia among i t s disadvantages.

.

Constraints such a s t h e friction

and t h e loss of w a t e r in irrigation a r e

More important, however, is t h e use of oxen a s

t r a c t i o n animals and their need t o be f e d on fodder which should b e grown Tothill (1948) reported t h a t a s much a s 50 per c e n t of t h e

on t h e plots.

saqia

c u l t i v a t e d land under t h e

t h e oxen drawing t h e wheel.

might b e used for producing fodder for Compared with t h e g r e a t e r c a p a c i t y of

mechanical pumping a n d i t s closed pipes which eliminate w a t e r loss, t h e modern

system

can

be

regarded

as

more

efficient.

Even

if

fuel

consumption is substantial and has t o b e purchased, t h e 1976 figures reveal t h a t only about an equivalent of 30 per c e n t of t h e c r o p value w a s spent on

fuel.

The mechanical

development f o r

Kheiran

pumps h a v e t h u s represented a n i m p o r t a n t

innovative

rich f a r m e r s who could a f f o r d t o

obtain this t y p e of technology. More land and labour w e r e needed in o r d e r t o m a k e t h e full use of t h e pump c a p a c i t y t h a n w a s t h e c a s e with t h e saqia

.

MacMichael's l a ~ d

distribution ordinance e a r l y in this c e n t u r y w a s based on t h e t h e n existing technology, and small polots of about t h r e e feddans w e r e allocated

saqia

e a c h saqia.

T h a t f a r m s i z e w a s sufficient and i t was possible t o c u l t i v a t e

o n e feddan and thus t o keep t h e rotation s y s t e m operational.

The diesel

pump c a n i r r i g a t e m o r e land (about 3-5 feddans) and such a f a r m c a n b e viable only if t h e f a r m e r has a b o u t a t l e a s t t e n feddans t o be a b l e t o observe t h e rotation system.

T h e major problem for pump owners today

is, therefore, how t o a c q u i r e m o r e land. T h e answer t o t h e land question i s found in t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e

shadouf

economy which has been in decline, a s I described earlier.

use of t h e

shadouf

The

f o r 'irrigation i s seasonal because t h e f a r m e r s under

this s y s t e m usually r e t r e a t t o rainfed cultivation during t h e rainy season. In addition t h e y k e e p s o m e animals and m a y work a s wage labourers for t h e m e r c h a n t farmers.

In a n analysis of this s e c t o r (Manger, 1980, 1981)

I a r g u e t h a t t h e decline of t h e

shadouf

s y s t e m c a n be r e l a t e d t o t h e

increasing demand f o r labour in o r d e r t o b e able t o s e c u r e t h e annual income needed by t h e family t o m a k e ends meet.

This is r e l a t e d t o t h e

d e c r e a s e in t h e income f r o m rainfed cultivation due t o desertification.

As

their income declines, family m e m b e r s have t o compensate this by putting m o r e e f f o r t s into t h e shadouf cultivation.

Carrying on this t y p e of work

f o r a long t i m e m a y lead t o f r u s t r a t i o n and discontent and t h e f a r m e r s m a y t r y t o seek a n a l t e r n a t i v e source of income, especially w a g e labour. The

shadouf

land i s t h u s abandoned by t h e smallholders who t h e n r e n t

t h e i r f a r m lands t o t h e pump owners. Again, t h e r e a r e d i f f e r e n c e s between northern and southern Kheiran. In t h e north m o r e people maintained shadouf cultivation while in t h e south t h e f a r m e r s began t o r e n t t h e i r several factors

such

as

the

land. This c a n b e r e l a t e d t o

shadouf

commercialization

in

t h e south

involving

numerous c r o p v a r i e t i e s which need intensive agricultural operations, such a s watering, transplanting, a n d making new vegetable beds.

O t h e r socio-

cultural f a c t o r s such a s women's m o r e a c t i v e participation in agricultural production in t h e north helped t o r e d u c e pressure on t h e m e n t o increase t h e i r e f f o r t s in t h e shadouf. Furthermore,

t h e population in t h e north still

keep a

significant

number of animals, e i t h e r by themselves o r , w i t h pastoral relatives.

They

c a n t h e r e f o r e g e n e r a t e m o r e income f r o m t h e herds t h a n in t h e south. Finally, t h e population of t h e south belong t o t h e group of m i g r a n t s who settled

throughout

Kordofan

and

c o n t a c t s with t h e urban population. a l t e r n a t i v e jobs in towns.

have

long- standing

relationships

and

They c a n , therefore, m o r e easily find

All t h e s e f a c t o r s indicate t h a t t h e f a r m e r s in

t h e north c a n o p e r a t e a t a lower level of

labour intensity with t h e

shadouf t h a n t h e f a r m e r s in t h e south.

This

process

does

not

bring c o n s t r a i n t s on

s c h e m e owners in t h e north a s in t h e south.

t h e mechanical

pump

T h e tribal leaders have

a c c u m u l a t e d m o r e land t h a n in any o t h e r place.

They c o n t r o l several

oases which c a n be put under cultivation and s e c u r e high production levels. T h e pumps in t h e north a r e constrained m o r e by t h e n a t u r e of t h e fragm e n t e d m a r k e t s within which t h e y a r e found and t h e long d i s t a n c e s from o n e m a r k e t place t o a n o t h e r and f r o m t h e urban markets.

Onions a r e

still produced and a r e regarded t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t cash c r o p because they c a n t r a v e l for long d i s t a n c e without being damaged.

I t is a l s o t r u e t h a t

t h e r e is n o t any rapid expansion of commercialization in t h e north.

The

northern p a r t of Kheiran a p p e a r s t o be m o r e traditional d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t diesel pumps w e r e introduced about 25 y e a r s ago. Wage labourers a r e recruited from migrant or displaced people from outside Kheiran t o work in t h e pump schemes.

They usually d r i f t from

drought stricken a r e a s o r a f t e r t h e y have confronted environmental crises. These workers mostly belong t o t h e Dar Hamid group of agro- pastoralists who

normally have s o m e a n i m a l s a n d c u l t i v a t e m i l l e t , sorghum a n d o t h e r minor crops

during

the

rainy

season.

The summer and

winter

agricultural

a c t i v i t i e s f i t v e r y well w i t h t h e i r s e a s o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l c y c l e a n d i n s t e a d of m i g r a t i n g t o t h e d i s t a n t i r r i g a t e d m e c h a n i z e d s c h e m e s in t h e Nile valley or t h e m e c h a n i z e d r a i n f e d s c h e m e s in t h e c e n t r a l c l a y plain, t h e y c a n work c l o s e t o sector

home. In t h i s r e s p e c t Kheiran a p p e a r s a s a s m a l l modern

in a n a r e a of

t r a d i t i o n a l p a s t o r a l and agro- pastoral adaptations.

6 Liri Liri is a m o u n t a i n a r e a in t h e very s o u t h of t h e Nuba Mountains, a l m o s t on t h e border of Southern Sudan. massif

T h e a r e a is d o m i n a t e d by a l a r g e hill

which h a s given t h e a r e a i t s name.

T h e land surrounding t h e

mountain i s sandy, w h e r e a s f u r t h e r a w a y a r e t h e c l a y plains s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o u t h e r n Kordofan. t h e f o o t of t h e mountain. t h e mountain itself.

Most of t h e i n h a b i t a n t s live in villages around However, t w o villages a r e still found on t o p of

T h e i n h a b i t a n t s of Liri a r e H a w a z m a a n d Kawahla

A r a b s a n d a l s o Liri, L a f o f a a n d T a l a s a Nuba.

In addition t h e r e a r e s o m e

J e l l a b a t r a d i n g f a m i l i e s in t h e m a i n m a r k e t s , West A f r i c a n F e l l a t a and Southerners, mainly Dinka, Nuer a n d Shilluk. T h e a d a p t i v e s y s t e m in t h e a r e a is based on agriculture.

P e o p l e living

both on t h e mountain a n d in t h e plain c u l t i v a t e d i f f e r e n t t y p e s of field calle d house fields, a d j a c e n t fields a n d d i s t a n t fields.' T h e f i r s t t w o t y p e s a r e in o r around t h e villages on t h e sandy soil.

Quick m a t u r i n g v a r i e t i e s of

sorghum, m a i z e a n d bean5 a r e planted h e r e t o g e t h e r with peanuts.

For

t h e m a j o r i t y of people, however, t h e d i s t a n t fields a r e t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o n e s economically. plains.

T h e y a r e found a w a y f r o m t h e mountain on t h e c l a y

They a r e p l a n t e d with slow m a t u r i n g sorghum in J u n e a n d h a r v e s t -

e d in J a n u a r y and February.

A p a r t frorn rainfed c u l t i v a t i o n people k e e p

s o m e animals, especially c a t t l e and g o a t s .

In addition, t h e i n h a b i t a n t s

exploit possibilities t o e a r n m o n e y in t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s c h e m e s in t h e region both

t h e cotton schemes and

sorghum.8

t h e bigger,

m e c h a n i z e d s c h e m e s growing

Many people also l e a v e t h e a r e a f o r w a g e labour, especially in

K h a r t o u m a n d o t h e r big c i t i e s in t h e S u d a ~ . T h e L a f o f a Nuba a l s o follow t h i s g e n e r a l p a t t e r n of a d a p t a t i o n , but s o m e d e c a d e s a g o t h e y w e r e m u c h m o r e confined t o o n e of t h e villages on the

mountain,

also called

Lafofa.

My

main

f o c u s shall

be on

this

mountain village and t h e development of

mixed farming there.

Today

t h e r e a r e s o m e 400 inhabitants in t h e village, living on a plateau s o m e 200m a b o v e t h e plain.

Most of t h e L a f o f a have, however, moved down

f r o m t h e mountain and a r e t o d a y found in t h e villages a t t h e f o o t of t h e mountain or in s o m e regional town c e n t r e s . situation w a s different.

But s o m e d e c a d e s a g o t h e

Many m o r e people lived on t h e mountain, depend-

ing on a system of intensive cultivation.

This system w a s based on t h e

building of t e r r a c e s t o control w a t e r flow a n d erosion, t h e manuring of house fields and t o s o m e e x t e n t t h e near fields, and t h e collection of fodder f o r t h e i r animals. aspects

of

this

The following section will describe t h e i m p o r t a n t

system,

both

its

emergence

and

maintenance.

The Lafofa in Liri T h e L a f o f a a r e not original inhabitants of t h e Liri a r e a . live in a n a r e a e a s t of t h e Liri mountain, in Tikeim.

They used t o

In t h e 19th c e n t u r y

this was p a r t of t h e Tegale kingdom, a pre- colonial s t a t e in t h e e a s t e r n Nuba Mountains (Ewald, 1983).

This southern p a r t w a s under t h e admin-

istration of t h e mek of Gedir who collected t r i b u t e from his people and who maintained links with t h e king in Tegale.

The system a t t h a t t i m e

w a s dominated by general insecurisy d u e t o f r e q u e n t slave raids, both by t h e rulers themselves, by t r a d e r s and by pastoralist groups.

Thus s o m e

pastoralists had fixed a g r e e m e n t s with t h e rulers t o raid c e r t a i n mountains paying f o r this by leaving p a r t of t h e booty f o r t h e rulers.

During t h e

Turkish period t h e situation w a s particularly bad because of t h e increasing demand f o r slaves a t t h a t time.

Also, during t h e Mahdia

t h e region

experienced g r e a t unrest, particularly in t h e t i m e of Khalifa Abdull'ahi who s e n t one of his amirs , Abu Anja, on a punitive expedition t o Tegale because t h e rulers t h e r e refused t o support t h e Mahdist regime.

This

punitive expedition w a s very brutal and people fled f r o m their homes areas.9

This t h e n w a s t h e background t o t h e Lafofa m o v e m e n t i n t o Liri

a r e a , and their s e t t l e m e n t in t h e mountains. o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s in Liri a s well.

A t the time there were

The Liri a n d Talasa Nuba w e r e t h e r e a s

w e r e t h e s e t t l e m e n t s of t h e H a w a z m a and Kawahla groups.

Some of t h e s e

groups also consisted of fugitive slaves, and on their arrival in Liri t h e y took on t h e tribal identities of their f o r m e r masters.

The Nuba lived on

t h e hills where they c u l t i v a t e d t h e i r f a r m s on t h e t e r r a c e s in order t o

As f o r t h e plains t h e r e w e r e no

p r o t e c t themselves from slave raiding. villages a s is t h e situation today.

People clustered together according t o

social links, but mostly for d e f e n c e purposes.

Slave t r a d e w a s going on

and t h e r e was a small c e n t r e a t t h e e a s t e r n side of t h e mountains from where this type of t r a d e was conducted. This s t a t e of a f f a i r s continued into t h e 20th century.

The f i r s t task

f o r t h e British colonialists was t o control t h e source a r e a s of slaves and t o c r e a t e t h e means for a peaceful

CO - existence

of t h e various groups.

The f i r s t 20 years of t h e Anglo-Egyptian rule (1898-1956) w e r e c h a r a c t e r ized by frequent punitive controls and a t t e m p t s t o build a n administrative s t r u c t u r e t h a t could c r e a t e such a peaceful

CO - existence.

The last British

expedition was a s l a t e a s 1920 when they a t t a c k e d Lafofa village on t o p of t h e mountain. t o pay taxes.

The official reason w a s t h a t t h e inhabitants had refused

Consequently, t h e Lafofa w e r e forced t o m i g r a t e down from

t h e tops of t h e hills and t o s e t t l e a t t h e f o o t of t h e hill slopes where they could easily be controlled.

However, t h e regulations banning living on

t h e tops of hills w e r e abolished s o m e years later.

Some of those who

lived on t h e plains have undergone a process of change a s a consequence of their c o n t a c t s with o t h e r e t h n i c groups in Liri a r e a , and from having a c c e s s t o education, dispensaries, and markets.

At t h e s a m e t i m e Islam

and t h e Arabic language began t o p e n e t r a t e and t h e matrilineal Lafofa society

was profoundly a f f e c t e d by

t h e s e changes.

From

the

1930's

onwards, t h e r e was t h u s a gradual process of integrating t h e Lafofa into larger political and econqmic structures.

This in turn had a significant

i m p a c t on their socio- cultural life and their system of ecological a d a p t a t i o n

Mixing Farming among t h e Lafof a From

their

t i m e in

the

mountain

village,

t h e Lafofa

had

developed

intensive production techniques in order t o maintain a dense population within a marginal mountain environment.

O n e method was t h e building of

t e r r a c e s t o reduce w a t e r run-off and thus t o limit soil erosion.

These

t e r r a c e s a r e no longer being maintained in t h e village, only remnants can be seen on t h e mountain slopes.

R e m n a n t s of old s e t t l e m e n t s in more

r e m o t e places, away from t h e plain w h e r e people a r e today living, indicate a past period with m o r e people and more pressure on land.

A second

technique is t h e more close integration between livestock and field.

The

Lafofa kept their animals in kraals during t h e night, and t h e dung was collected and spread on t h e house fields and those of t h e adjacent fields t h a t w e r e close enough.

This technique is t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t c a r r i e d on,

and people still put s o m e e f f o r t into it.

But t h e animal numbers a r e

smaller although interestingly, t h e mountain Lafofa keep animals belonging t o their relatives in t h e plains villages during t h e cultivation season.

This

is t o avoid c a t t l e entering t h e fields and t h u s spoiling t h e grain.

The

e f f e c t of this is t h a t numbers of animals on t h e mountain increase at c e r t a i n periods and t h e fields g e t m o r e manure.

This link between field

and manure is common also elsewhere in t h e savannah, and people a r e a w a r e of i t s implications.

O n e example of this is from Darfur where

informants in t h e Gidad a r e a s t a t e t h a t a herd of 30 cows produce enough manure t o keep one makhammas(about 314 of a feddan) of goz permanently f e r t i l e if they a r e k e p t for 18 nights on t h e fields (Haaland, 1980:

84).

The Lafofa a r e unable t o give such precise information but t h e y a r e fully a w a r e of t h e benefits. among t h e Lafofa.

There is also s o m e fodder collection going on

A f t e r t h e introduction of peanuts a s a cash crop, t h e

f a r m e r s began t o utilise t h e leaves of t h e plant;

they a r e collected, made

into bundles and put into big t r e e s o u t of reach of animals until summer when

pasture

will

be

scarce,

or

given

to

a

sick

animal.

Apart from t h e problems of developing a viable cultivation technique t o keep a dense population on a limited a r e a of land, t h e t r a n s f e r and redivisions of land becomes a n important bottleneck in maintaining such systems.

The plots become smaller and smaller and have t o b e cultivated

more intensively.

Another problem is t h a t of securing land f o r those who

actually need it.

Land among t h e Lafofa is transferred through t h e m a t r i -

lineal line of descent.

The members of t h e s a m e matrilineage live near

e a c h o t h e r within a specific boundary known by land marks, a w a t e r course, a hill or some stones.

House fields a r e inherited by matrikin, usually a

sister's son who has been brought up in t h a t house.

Such a system based

on land transfers within unilineal groups could develop imbalances between t h e land controlled by t h e group, and population growth (and other demographic developments) within t h e s a m e group.

This problem is also pointed

out by Goodenough (1955) in a n a r t i c l e on Malayo-Polynesian social organization.

The solution t h e r e is t h a t people can t a k e land from a wider range

of relatives and not only t h e members of t h e s a m e descent group.

The

Lafofa have in common with t h e Malayo-Polynesians, a similar t y p e of

land t r a n s f e r e n c e of

t h e a d j a c e n t fields.

Such fields c a n be acquired

through both t h e matrilineal and t h e patrilineal lines of descent during t h e owner's

life time.

T h e flexibility of t h e system allows for p r a g m a t i c

solutions t o t h e land problem a s has also been reported by Nadel (1947) among t h e Mesakin and Korongo m a t r i l ~ n e a lgroups of t h e southern p a r t of t h e Nuba mountains. Today, with less pressure on t h e mountains and t e r r a c e d cultivation, such e l e m e n t s of social organization a r e of less i m p o r t a n c e than in t h e past, a n d people h a v e a wider choice of fields.

The m o s t important

a l t e r n a t i v e now is t h e opening up of d i s t a n t f a r m s on t h e plain clays. H e r e land is not s c a r c e and a person m a y c l e a r a plot without asking t h e permission of anyone.

A son m a y t h e r e f o r e c l e a r his own plot a w a y from

t h a t of his f a t h e r s o t h e question of land t r a n s f e r becomes less problematic.

In t h e c e n t r a l Nuba Mountains, however, where population density is

higher, all land has been confined t o c e r t a i n owners and t h e t r a n s f e r of land

including

t h e distant

farms

is of

g r e a t importance.

There,

in

c o m m o n with Liri, t h e t r a n s f e r of distant f a r m s is from f a t h e r t o son following a patrilineal principle of descent which is also d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of t h e mountain's residents. Another problem r e l a t e d t o intensive s y s t e m s of production is t h e mobilization operations.

of

sufficient

labour

power

t o s e c u r e all labour intensive

A p a r t f r o m household labour a very prominent f e a t u r e among

t h e L a f o f a is t h e extensive use of communal labour.

The common t y p e of

communal work groups o r beer parties, known in Sudan a s c o m m o n all over Africa.

nafir

,

However, t h e r e a r e also t w o m o r e e l a b o r a t e

f o r m s of communal labour, namely, hakurna (government) and rnaliki malik o r king).

(from

These t w o f o r m s of labour mobilization institutions

m o r e formal, with fixed membership, work e a c h

are

are

t h e y h a v e rules about how much

participant should c a r r y o u t a n d how much beer and food

should b e provided t o g e t h e r with a s y s t e m of sanctions t h a t k e e p t h e m e m b e r s of t h e group abiding by i t s rules. system

of

ranks

administration,

with

etc..

titles I

have

borrowed provided

e l a b o r a t e analysis of such work groups.

T h e groups have a n e l a b o r a t e from

the

elsewhere

army, (Manger,

the

police,

1987)

an

H e r e I shall only point o u t a f e w

f e a t u r e s of such s y s t e m s of labour mobilization. Without reducing a l l t h e i n t r i c a t e labour organizations found among

t h e L a f o f a into a m e r e functional f i t within a n intensive production s y s t e m , o n e significant implication

i s surely t h a t t h e making a n d repairing of

t e r r a c e s , weeding, and harvesting t o g e t h e r with house building and o t h e r tasks a r e m a d e easier by mobilizing such groups.

The development of

t h e s e work groups and t h e i r deterioration in t h e contemporary c o n t e x t a r e m i t i g a t e d by t h e increase in t h e cost involved in their mobilization. price of

The

grain a s well a s of o t h e r consumption goods provided t o t h e

participants

a r e getting

m o r e expensive

and

less

people a r e a b l e t o

mobilize t h e work groups of which t h e y a r e members.

Those who c a n

mobilize t h e communal groups a t t h e present a r e t h e migrants and t h e shopkeepers who h a v e sufficient cash.

The migrants who h a v e sufficient

land in t h e mountains use work groups which a r e m o r e e f f e c t i v e t h a n wage labour.

T h e s h o r t a g e of cultivable lands on t h e hill slopes is t h e major

c o n s t r a i n t t o mobilizing attractive

for

such groups while t h e d i s t a n t f a r m s a r e not

work group participants.

In c a s e t h a t a

migrant

has

acquired sufficient land in a distant f a r m , h e has t o work by himself or h i r e agricultural labourers. t h e r e f o r e marks t h e

T h e movement f r o m t h e hills t o t h e plains

disintegration of t h e old traditional s y s t e m of mobil-

ization of labour. Another i m p o r t a n t reason f o r this disintegration is t h e general decline in t h e use of beer a m o n g t h e young Lafofa, especially t h e migrants.

This

is r e l a t e d t o t h e increasing involvement into t h e wider society t h a t t h e s e migrants experience.

In this wider c o n t e x t t h e y stand, a s Nuba, in an

inferior position t o many o t h e r groups d u e t o t h e s t i g m a of having been slaves, using beer in such a n extensive way, not dressing properly, etc.. T o b e c o m e able t o p a r t i c i p a t e in a wider s y s t e m t h e young L a f o f a a r e today going through

processes of assimilation, in which t h e y renounce

i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t s of t h e i r traditional cultural background and t a k e on a 'Sudanese' identity.

O n e a s p e c t of this c h a n g e is t h e stopping of using

beer a n d this f u r t h e r a c c e l e r a t e s t h e disintegrating process of communal work groups. Conclusions: The

main

Agricultural Intensification and Resource Maintenance focus of

this paper

has been on t w o s y s t e m s of

cultivation in Western Sudan;

Kheiran and Liri.

vary

both qualify a s examples of

in

many

respects they

intensive

Although t h e t w o cases

intensification a s i t w a s defined in t h e introduction.

agricultural

T o end this paper i t

is n e c e s s a r y t o d r a w s o m e of

t h e main e m p i r i c a l conclusions f r o m t h e

e x a m p l e s a n d a l s o t o d r a w s o m e lessons which a r e of r e l e v a n c e t o t h e applied

problems

mentioned

in

the

introduction,

i.e.,

how

to

develop

intensive mixed f a r m i n g s y s t e m s in A f r i c a t h a t allow people t o m a k e a living f r o m t h e i r land w i t h o u t d e s t r o y i n g t h e r e s o u r c e base o n which t h e y depend. F i r s t of

all, t h e c a s e s show t h a t t h e a d a p t a t i o n s developed had a

p o t e n t i a l f o r sound c u l t i v a t i o n p r a c t i c e s t h a t helped m a i n t a i n t h e productivity of land a s well a s avoiding e n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation. r o t a t i o n s y s t e m , ploughing a n d t h e a p p l i c a t i o n of f e r t i l i z e r s w e r e t h e t e c h n i q u e s used in Kheiran; t h e o n e s in Liri.

A flexible

manure and chemical t e r r a c i n g and manuring

T h e s e t e c h n i q u e s f o r preserving t h e soil a r e still p r e s e n t

in t h e a r e a s , but a s w e h a v e s e e n , t h e y a r e n o t used by a l l people any longer.

This is r e l a t e d t o t h e changing c o n t e x t t h a t people within t h e s e

s y s t e m s find t h e m s e l v e s in.

T o understand t h e human response t o t h i s

c h a n g e w e h a v e t o g o back t o t h e conditions under which t h e s e agric u l t u r a l s y s t e m s developed. T h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n t e x t of t h e K h e i r a n m a k e s i t a s p e c i a l c a s e . T h e availability of w a t e r c l o s e t o t h e s u r f a c e is uncommon in t h e region. T h e introduction of n e w technologies i s p a r t of a long historical developm e n t in which migration f r o m t h e Nile w a s a m a j o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . m i g r a n t s brought t h e i r knowledge a b o u t saqia

The

and shadouf technology, but

t h e rapid expansion of i t in t h e K h e i r a n w a s d e p e n d e n t on t h e availability As peopl'e b e g a n t o depend on t h e i r own labour t h e whole

of s l a v e labour.

v e n t u r e b e c a m e less c o n d u c i v e a n d t h e y l e f t t h e i r g a r d e n s u n a t t e n d e d t o work a s hired l a b o u r e r s in t h e p u m p s c h e m e s a n d elsewhere.

Only in

a r e a s w h e r e t h e socio- cultural c o n t e x t w a s of a kind t h a t r e d u c e d dependence

on

the

continued.

gardens The

in

only

the

total

beneficiaries

economy, from

the

has

orchard

existing

cultivation

opportunities

in

Kheiran a r e t h e rich f a r m e r s w h o c a n a f f o r d t o purchase t h e f u e l pumps. F o r t h e l e s s f o r t u n a t e f a r m e r s i r r i g a t e d c u l t i v a t i o n is of l e s s i m p o r t a n c e t h a n in t h e past. T h e L a f o f a c a s e r e v e a l s t h a t t h e willingness t o develop m o r e i n t e n s i v e mixing

farming

was

a

function

of

hostility,

slave

raiding

c o n s e q u e n t isolation of t h e Nuba groups in a mountain h a b i t a t . -84-

and

the

With t h e

intervention of t h e modern s t a t e , p e a c e w a s guaranteed and a c c e s s t o t h e productive

resources

was

regulated.

However,

the

incentives for t h e intensive system have disappeared.

most

important

The move now is

towards t h e distant fields w h e r e t h e extensive system of

production is

practised and wage labour is in demand. What is important h e r e is t h a t t h e developments in t h e t w o places a r e not identical for a l l units involved.

In Kheiran, t h e commercialized

units continue t o expand whereas those based on household labour tend t o

shadouf

leave t h e

sector.

This is clearly related t o t h e increased

drudgery of t h e work and t h e difficulty in gaining a livelihood from t h e traditional adaptation. labour.

The a l t e r n a t i v e is t o base their incomes on wage

In Liri t h e situation is different.

who control suitable

land

in

It is t r u e t h a t s o m e migrants

t h e mountains a r e still maintaining hill

cultivation, using traditional work groups, but they do not maintain t h e old t e r r a c e s any more and

t h e general trend is for people t o leave t h e

mountain altogether t o s e t t l e on t h e plain and t a k e p a r t in cultivation there.

This trend cannot b e explained by people's subjective evaluation of

t h e drudgery of

work a s was t h e c a s e in Kheiran.

Rather, t h e new

adaptation implies a higher level of work input than t h e traditional one in t h e mountain where t h e work groups helped keep t h e individual's labour input down. m o r e on Labour

To understand why this change is occurring w e have t o focus

t h e general integration of migration,

education

and

t h e Lafofa into society a t large.

other

factors

have

brought

about a

process of assimilation through which s o m e Lafofa adopt a 'Sudanese' way of life.

Down- migration from t h e mountain is a s t r a t e g y t h a t makes i t

easier f o r them t o t a k e p a r t in a new way of life t h a t t h e y now prefer. What t h e c a s e s show is t h a t people, in their a t t e m p t s t o m a k e a living, follow a variety of s t r a t e g i e s t h a t imply different allocations of t i m e , resources and o t h e r assets.

When changes occur, t h e new f a c t o r s

t h a t a f f e c t an adaptation also a f f e c t t h e s e allocations and may produce new social realities.

To r e t u r n t o our t w o examples again i t now becomes

c l e a r t h a t t h e adaptive techniques t h a t w e r e intensive in n a t u r e w e r e not developed because they w e r e ecologically sound, but because they w e r e responses t o a specific c o n t e x t a s it existed a t t h e t i m e of their development.

The overall a i m of t h e people was rather t o make a living for

themselves and their dependents within such a context.. -85-

Today, people

respond t o a new t y p e of c o n t e x t in which many of favoured

t h e intensive adaptation a r e

removed.

the factors that

Relations with other

groups h a v e changed, a c c e s s t o land a n d c a p i t a l has changed a s well a s t h e relationships t o t h e ruling groups and power holders and t h e position in the market.

T h e r e s u l t is a n e w t y p e of a d a p t a t i o n which f r o m t h e point

of view of n a t u r e is m o r e h a r m f u l b u t which a p p e a r s a s a r a t i o n a l w a y of making a living. T h e implications of

t h i s paper a r e r e l e v a n t f o r ongoing e f f o r t s in

A f r i c a t o i n t r o d u c e n e w technologies and t o develop m o r e i n t e n s i v e mixed f a r m i n g systems.

A t t e m p t s t o i n t r o d u c e G r e e n Revoiution m e a s u r e s have

o f t e n f a i l e d b e c a u s e of t h e under- estimation of local responses t o w a r d s t h e i n c r e a s e d labour d e m a n d built i n t o such s y s t e m s c o m p a r e d with t h e existing ones.

s e c t o r a l a p p r o a c h e s h a v e c r e a t e d o b s t a c l e s s i n c e only

Similarly,

w h a t has been labelled a s a n e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y has been valued, e.g., c u l t i v a t i o n p r a c t i c e s , i s o l a t e d f r o m t h e o t h e r r e s o u r c e s m a n a g e d by t h e farmers

within

a

project

area

-

socio- cultural

factors and

influence e c o n o m i c l i f e a r e r a r e l y t a k e n i n t o consideration.

how

they

Both t h e

Kheiran and Liri c a s e s show t h a t such f a c t o r s a r e of i m p o r t a n c e a n d t h a t t h e y play a decisive rBle in p e o p l e ' s a d a p t i v e choices.

T h e bringing in of

new technologies or n e w production m e t h o d s c a n t h e r e f o r e only s u c c e e d if such new s y s t e m s a r e based o n a n understanding t h a t t a k e s such c o m p l e x relationships i n t o consideration.

NOTES (1)

An e a r l i e r version of t h i s p a p e r w a s p r e s e n t e d a t a workshop in Oxford o n ' S o c i e t y a n d Ecological C h a n g e in North E a s t Africa: C a s e Studies a n d H i s t o r i c a l Perspective.' (1 1- 1 2 Juiy, 1986).

(2)

T h e m a t e r i a l used in t h i s s e c t i o n w a s c o l l e c t e d during 1976. T h e s t u d y w a s f i n a n c e d by t h e Norwegian Agency f o r I n t e r n a t i o n a l Development (NORAD) a s p a r t of t h e Savannah P r o j e c t , a n i n t e r diciplinary r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t based a t t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Social Anthropology, University of Bergen. A m o r e d e t a i l e d analysis of t h e s i t u a t i o n in Kheiran is f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t e d in Manger, 1978, 1980, 1981.

(3)

Shadouf is a hand o p e r a t e d l e v e r which is c o m m o n alongside t h e Nile in N o r t h e r n Sudan.

(4)

Saqia is a wooden w a t e r wheel, usually o p e r a t e d by oxen, also c o m m o n along t h e Nile.

(5)

Hod is a v e g e t a b l e bed and chillies h e r e r e f e r t o shatta or r e d peppers.

(6)

hily fieldwork in Liri w a s undertaken in various periods f r o m 1979 t o 1982. This r e s e a r c h w a s also financed by NORAD a s p a r t of t h e Savannah P r o j e c t . For m o r e d e t a i l s s e e Manger 1984 and 1987.

(7)

Adjacent fields and d i s t a n t fields a r e r e f e r r e d t o in Nadel (1947) a s n e a r fields a n d f a r fields, respectively.

(8)

T h e Mechanized F a r m i n g Corporation of t h e Sudan (MFC) began t o open up large- scale m e c h a n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r a l s c h e m e s f o r p r i v a t e owners in t h e Nuba Mountains s i n c e 1968. Towards t h e l a t e 1970's t h e y introduced such s c h e m e s in t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n mountains in Talodi and El Beida. Thousands of t h e local i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e Nuba Mountains b e c a m e regular seasonal w a g e e a r n e r s working f o r t h e owners of such schemes.

(9)

Vicars-Miles, a British a d m i n i s t r a t o r n o t e s t h a t , 'during t h e Mahdia, t h e people of Gedir w e r e r e p e a t e d l y a t t a c k e d and overcome. Many of t h e i r Nuba s u p p o r t e r s w e r e c a p t u r e d o r killed and most of t h e r e m a i n d e r flyd t o Talodi o r Liri.' (1930)

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T r a d e and T r a d e r s in t h e Nuba Mountains: Jellaba Family F i r m s in t h e Liri A r e a in Manger (ed) T r a d e and T r a d e r s in t h e Sudan. Bergen, 1984.

Manger, L.

Communal Labour a m o n g t h e Lafofa. Vehicle of Economic and Social C h a n g e in Manger (ed) Communal Labour in t h e Sudan (in press), Bergen, 1987.

forthcoming

Mountaineers a n d Plainsmen. Down- migration, C o m m ercialization a n d Socio- Cultural Change a m o n g t h e L a f o f a in t h e Southern Nuba Mountains of t h e Sudan.

Morgan, W., and Pough, J.

West Africa.

Nadel, S.

T h e Nuba. An Anthropological Study of t h e Hill Tribes of Kordofan. London, 1947.

Netting, R.

Hill F a r m e r s of Nigeria. C u l t u r a l Ecology of t h e Kofyar of t h e J o s Plateau. S e a t t l e , 1968.

Netting, R.

Agrarian Ecology in Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 3 , 1974.

O I F a h e y , R.

S t a t e and Society in Darfur, London, 1980.

.

London, 1969.

O'Fahey, R., and Kingdoms of t h e Sudan, London, 1974. Spaulding, 3. Roden, D.

Down- Migration in t h e Moro Hills of Southern Kordofan in Sudan Notes and Records, LIII, 1972.

Ruthenberg, H.

Farming Systems in t h e Tropics.

Spaulding, J.

Slavery, Land Tenure and Social Classes in Northern Turkish Sudan in International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 15, No. 1 , 1982.

Oxford, 1976.

Spaulding, J.

T h e Heroic A g e in Sinnar, Ethiopian Series Monograph No. 15. African Studies C e n t r e , Michigan S t a t e Univsity. 1985.

Thomas, F.C.

T h e R61e of A r a b Tribal Authorities in Local Administration between t h e Nile and L a k e Chad. PhD Thesis, University of London, 1956.

Tothill, J. (ed)

Agriculture in t h e Sudan.

Vicars-Miles.

T h e Kawahla of Kalogi. Rural Council. 1930.

Vincze, L.

P e a s a n t Animal Husbandry: A Dialectical Model of Techno- Environmental Integration in Agro- Pastoral Societies. Ethnology, ixix, 4, 1980.

London, 1948. Government Report in Talodi

POVERTY VERSUS AFFLUENCE: The Fiasco of Rainfed Mechanized Agriculture, The Case of Renk District, Southern Sudan Paul Wani Gore One of t h e most striking f e a t u r e s of t h e Sudanese economy in t h e l a s t 25 years o r so, has been t h e growth of mechanized rainfed farming, propelled largely by m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s a n d t o s o m e e x t e n t by t h e government. r81e

of

the

government

in

mechanized

farming

has

The

diminished

very

considerably during t h e l a s t f e w years a s m o s t government f a r m s have been sold t o m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s o r t o t h e oil- rich countries in t h e Gulf. The range of operation of

t h e s e m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s has increased from

production t o t h e marketing of crops grown in t h e mechanized rainfed schemes. ability

Their control of marketing information i s enormous and their to

operate

in

all

parts

of

However, another striking f e a t u r e of

the

country

is

great.

t h e Sudanese economy is t h e

e v e r widening g a p b e t w e e n t h e rich and t h e poor a r e a s of t h e country, and between t h e rich urban c e n t r e s and t h e poor rural areas.

While i t i s t r u e

t h a t t h e g a p between t h e rich and t h e poor countries of t h e world is widening, i t i s also t r u e t h a t t h e g a p b e t w e e n t h e rich a n d t h e poor in developing countries is widening a t a f a s t e r rate.

In f a c t , a s o t h e r

scholars have observed, t h e level of income of t h e majority of t h e poorest people in t h e developing countries, especially t h e poorest ones, has declined absolutely (Griffin, K. 1978). Ibrahim Kursany has rightly reported t h a t o n e of t h e most "serious effects

of

the

-

-

by

the

in t h e rainfed a r e a s is t h e appropriation of

the

private,

merchant farmers)

capitalist

production

(monopolized

economic surplus and i t s t r a n s f e r e n c e o u t of t h e a r e a s of i t s original generation.

Since m o s t of t h e s c h e m e s a r e owned by m e r c h a n t s who w e r e

a t t r a c t e d t o rainfed f a r m i n g through i t s quick and high r a t e of r e t u r n on investment, t h e y used t o utilize most of t h e surplus g e n e r a t e d h e r e outside these (I.

areas

and

Kursany, 1981).

more

significantly

in

non- productive

expenditure."

H e goes on t o s t a t e t h a t a n investigation of

the

destination of surplus (by geographic a r e a and field of economic activity), 'Levealed urban bias coupled w i t h accumulation of m e r c a n t i l e c a p i t a l (by m e r c h a n t s who c o n s t i t u t e t h e largest groups of f a r m owners)".

Thus, he

concludes, "The efficiency of mechanized f a r m i n g in raising funds f o r rural

development

programmes

In a similar

is

very

doubtful."

(I.

Kursany,

1982).

vein Griffin s t a t e s t h a t in o n e way t h e s e m e r c h a n t

f a r m e r s c a n be regarded a s instruments f o r improving t h e distribution of resources in t h e country.

But on t h e whole t h e y a r e o f t e n t h e means by

which exploitation is e x t e n d e d t o t h e rural population, t h u s perpetuating t h e subordination of t h e poor by t h e rich.

If one c a n c o m p a r e t h e s e

f a r m e r s t o t h e multi- nationals, " they c a n be regarded a s a n invisible black box which merely combines labour and m a t e r i a l inputs and t r a n s f o r m s t h e m into i n t e r m e d i a t e and final products.

In t h e process of doing so, value

added i s g e n e r a t e d and t h e result i s higher income f o r t h o s e who pay labour and t h e m e a n s of production and for governments which t a x t h e s e (Griffin, K. 1978).

incomes." There

a r e t w o disturbing a s p e c t s of

mechanized rainfed farming.

First, t h e land under t h e mechanized rainfed farming sub- sector is usually expropriated f r o m t h e rural population who usually used i t f o r t h e i r subsistence

economy

either

tiirough

cultivation or a s grazing land.

the

traditional

system

of

shifting

And since private mechanized rainfed

farming has been found t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e destruction of t h e natural resources of t h e s e rural a r e a s , making t h e land practically unusable f o r t h e rural population, vast eroded and exhausted wastelands a r e l e f t , which a r e useless even t o t h e m o r e

s u s t a i n a b l e traditional f o r m s of agriculture.

The

have

traditional

cultivators

been

displaced

by

the

extension

of

mechanized farming, and t h e y a r e pushed t o marginal unproductive lands. (Caroline d e Jong, B. 1984). T h e second a s p e c t is t h a t t h e government in t h e s e a r e a s a c t s like t h e merchants.

T h e t a x e s collected from t h e m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s a r e used else-

w h e r e instead of improving t h e rural poor f r o m whom this wealth had been e x t r a c t e d , whether directly or indirectly. It i s interesting t o t a k e a c c o u n t of Griffin's s t a t e m e n t t h a t "International integration h a s led t o National disintegration and dependence on t h e Third World countries."

By extension o n e could say t h a t national

integration in t h e Sudan has led t o local disintegration and dependence of t h e poor on t h e rich.

This is clearly r e f l e c t e d in t h e growing regional

inequality and t h e widening social differentiation amongst population.

he country's

I t is q u i t e a p p a r e n t t h a t while t h e r e is a growing harmony of

i n t e r e s t among t h e e l i t e s in t h e country, t h e r e is a process of conflict

emerging between t h e e l i t e s a n d t h e masses who a r e largely poor.

This

conflict has o f t e n e r u p t e d i n t o violent civil strife. While this paper will t r y t o t r a c e t h e process of impoverishment in Renk District, i t should b e k e p t in mind t h a t t h e a r e a is only used a s a c a s e study.

Renk has f o r a long t i m e been regarded a s t h e bread basket

of Southern Sudan.

However, like most p a r t s of Southern Sudan, Renk has

not benefited from t h e presence of mechanized agricultural schemes.

This

paper will a t t e m p t t o t r e a t t h e problem of poverty in Renk within t h e wider c o n t e x t of rural poverty in t h e Sudan in general. T h e m a t e r i a l used in t h i s paper was collected in Renk during t w o field research trips in 1983 and 1984. igated

in

Renk

(a)

during

the

T h e following a s p e c t s w e r e invest-

research,

in

addition

T h e traditional

subsistence economy

introduction

a

of

scheme

and

the

to

other

issues:

before

and a f t e r

the

labour

supply

the

to

scheme. (b)

T h e p a t t e r n s of population s e t t l e m e n t in t h e D i s t r i c t and t h e influence of t h e s c h e m e on this pattern. T h e development of mechanized f a r m i n g in Renk, t h e partici-

(c)

pation of t h e local population, and t h e utilization and t r a n s f e r of income g e n e r a t e d f r o m farming. T h e development of services in t h e District.

(d)

It has t o be noted t h a t s e v e r a l i m p o r t a n t changes have t a k e n place in Renk since t h e author last visited t h e a r e a .

T h e civil w a r now being

fought in Southern Sudan has a f f e c t e d Renk in one i m p o r t a n t respect, namely food.

Grain no longer reaches m o s t p a r t s of Southern Sudan.

Also, because of t h e s e c u r i t y situation, t h e control of rinderpest, birds and locusts has b e c o m e difficult and a f f e c t s sorghum production.

Rural Development and the Dimensions of Rural Poverty Throughout human history " poverty" and i t s elimination has been of major concern.

However, poverty a s a social problem has t a k e n on a

dimension f r o m t h e old standard.

new

Although t h e r e have been increased

development e f f o r t s in agriculture and industry, i t has been observed t h a t t h e s e e f f o r t s a r e proving

inefficient

in

m e e t i n g t h e demands of

the

millions of rural poor in t h e Third World. launched

a

development

poverty by 1985.

programme

which

In 1965, t h e United Nations was

intended

t o eradicate

This p r o g r a m m e was reviewed by t h e ILO in 1975, and

i t would found t h a t in most of t h e Third World countries, t h e r e had been T h e r e w a s also no sign of a n a l t e r -

no c o n c e r t e d a t t a c k on rural poverty.

native s t r a t e g y which would o v e r c o m e t h e deeply entrenched s t r u c t u r e of power

and inequality

of

income,

which a r e inherently inimical t o t h e

p a t t e r n of development in which growth and equity become complementary. T h e main objective of any rural development programme, a s i t is often

stated,

is t o

reduce

poverty,

and

they

are,

therefore,

usually

designed t o i n c r e a s e production and r a i s e t h e productivity of labour f o r c e s in t h e rural areas. supply

and

As is s t a t e d in a World Bank Report, "improved food

nutrition,

together

with

basic services such a s health and

education c a n n o t only directly improve t h e physical well-being and quality of t h e rural poor, but c a n a l s o indirectly e n h a n c e their productivity and their ability t o c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e national economy."

(World Bank, 1975).

However, M c N a m a r a has put i t rightly in his foreword t o t h e World Bank Development R e p o r t in 1978 when h e s t a t e d : "The past q u a r t e r c e n t u r y has been a period of unprecedented change and progress in t h e developing world.

And y e t despite t h i s impressive

record, s o m e 800 million individuals continue t o be trapped in which I have t e r m e d absolute poverty:

a condition of life s o c h a r a c t e r i z e d by mal-

nutrition, illiteracy, disease, squalid surroundings, high infant mortality, and low l i f e e x p e c t a n c y s o a s t o belie any reasonable definition of

human

decency." C h a m b e r s concluded similarly t h a t , " the e x t r e m e s of r u r a l poverty in

...

t h e Third World a r e a n o u t r a g e

T h e o u t r a g e is not just t h a t avoidable

deprivation, suffering and d e a t h a r e intolerable; coexist with affluence." It

is implied in

i t is also t h a t t h e s e

(Chambers, R. 1983). these statements

t h a t a s t h e p a c e of

economic

development is a c c e l e r a t e d and productivity increased, poverty c e a s e s t o be an i m p o r t a n t issue.

I t is a l s o implied t h a t poverty is t h e result of social

injustice which could a n d should be eliminated because i t c a n b e c o m e a problem which endangers t h e social s y s t e m by producing national upheavals and divisions, o f t e n ending in revolutions.

T h e word "poverty" itself has been used t o m e a n s e v e r a l things.

It

is, however, i m p o r t a n t t o g i v e broad definitions of w h a t p o v e r t y m e a n s According t o Wedderburn, " Poverty c a n b e d e f i n e d objectively

generally. and

applied

consistently

deprivation ...

only

in

terms

of

the

concepts

of

relative

Individual f a m i l i e s a n d groups in t h e population c a n b e said

t o b e in p o v e r t y when t h e y lack t h e r e s o u r c e s t o o b t a i n t h e t y p e s of diets,

p a r t i c i p a t e in

t h e activities and

h a v e t h e living conditions and

a m e n i t i e s which a r e c u s t o m a r i l y , o r a r e a t l e a s t widely e n c o u r a g e d o r approved,

in

societies

t o which

they

belong.

Their r e s o u r c e s a r e s o

seriously below t h o s e c o m m a n d e d by t h e a v e r a g e individual o r f a m i l y t h a t t h e y a r e , in e f f e c t , excluded f r o m ordinary living p a t t e r n s , c u s t o m s and activities."

(Wedderburn, 1974).

T h e a b o v e definition would include a l l t y p e s of poverty. (1978)

others

appropriate

have

for

provided

today's

a

definition

underdeveloped

which,

countries.

O s t e r and

in

my

In

t h e i r definition,

opinion,

is

p o v e r t y is s e e n t o r e f e r g e n e r a l l y to a c o m p l e x s e t of e c o n o m i c , social and

psychological conditions.

Accordingly, " poverty is f r e q u e n t l y c h a r -

...

acterized a s an inadequate command over resources relative t o needs The

lack

of

resources

is

highly

correlated

with

other,

less

easily

quantified, c o n c o m i t a n t s of poverty, t h u s r e s o u r c e inadequacy is viewed a s a reasonable proxy f o r t h e full s e t of p o v e r t y attributes" .

I t is i m p o r t a n t

t o include w e a l t h a n d a s s e t s t o g e t h e r w i t h i n c o m e in t h e c a t e g o r y of c o m m a n d o v e r resources; subsistence, i.e.,

while n e e d s should

b e d e f i n e d in t e r m s of

t h e minimum r e s o u r c e s r e q u i r e d f o r food, clothing, and

shelter. In c o n f o r m i t y w i t h t h i s s t a t e m e n t , G r i f f i n (1978) h a s observed t h a t t h e p o o r e s t people in m o s t underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s a r e a l m o s t t o t a l l y lacking in both e c o n o m i c a n d political power. less w e a l t h .

H e continues:

They possess f e w skills and

" Politically, t h e y a r e t o o h e t e r o g e n e o u s in

e v e r y t h i n g e x c e p t t h e i r poverty, a n d f o r t h e m o s t t o o i s o l a t e d and subm e r g e d a t t h e b o t t o m of t h e r u r a l power s t r u c t u r e s , t o b e a b l e t o unite o t h e r t h a n locally and e p h e m e r a l l y t o i m p r o v e t h e i r lot... poor

because

economy.

of

the

way

they a r e integrated

into

their

T h e poor a r e society

and

They will n o t c e a s e t o b e poor until t h e e c o n o m y a n d t h e

polity a r e re- organized a n d t h e rules by which t h e f r u i t s of t h e e a r t h a r e d i s t r i b u t e d a r e altered" .

Rural development policies h a v e n o t only been unsuccessful, but i t has also been observed t h a t government administrators who control rural a r e a s and development s c h e m e s o f t e n collaborate with local notables who turn state

resources t o t h e i r

excluded

from

access

p r i v a t e advantage.

to

local

resources

The poorer and

farmers are

government

decisions.

Government policies rarely improve r u r a l incomes or agricultural output, o f t e n such policies t e n d t o worsen inequalities. Renk District:

Its People and Economy

Renk District is t h e northernmost p a r t of Upper Nile Region bordering t h e Blue and t h e White Nile Provinces.

It lies between 9'3'N

occupying a n a r e a of about 32,000 sq.km.

and 1Z015'E,

It is p a r t of t h e c e n t r a l clay

plain of t h e Sudan, with a n a v e r a g e annual rainfall of between 400 and 600 m m , falling mainly b e t w e e n t h e months of July and October.

The

plain is criss- crossed by sandy ridges which a r e used a s a r e a s f o r perma n e n t s e t t l e m e n t by t h e local population.

Although t h e c l a y plain is

generally fertile, t h e sandy ridges, w h e r e t h e population is c o n c e n t r a t e d , h a v e soils of poorer f e r t i l i t y which a r e less i m p o r t a n t subsistence crops. with

bushy

thickets

of

acacia

used f o r t h e production of t h e

T h e vegetation is mainly open grassland trees,

t h e density

of

which

increases

southwards. T h e present population of Renk District is e s t i m a t e d a t about 130,000 people.

It grew f r o m a population of about 59,000 in 1956.

The e t h n i c

composition of t h e District reveais t h a t t h e C e n t r a l Southerners c o n s t i t u t e t h e largest group.

T h e Dinka f o r m m o r e t h a n 70 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l

population of t h e District.

T h e r e s t being m a d e up of Shilluk, Burum, and

t h e Ta'aisha group of Khalifa Abdullahi.

In r e c e n t years i t has been

observed t h a t o t h e r nomadic t r i b e s f r o m t h e southern p a r t of t h e Blue N ~ l e Province h a v e been s e t t l i n g in Renk District in large numbers; been

pushed a w a y f r o m

t h e y have

t h e i r original a r e a s by t h e expansion of

the

mechanized s c h e m e s in D a m a z i n e area. Travellers, during t h e e a r l y p a r t of t h e 19th century, have reported t h a t t h e Dinka inhabited t h e land a s f a r a s Gebelein.

During t h e slave

t r a d e and a s t h e A r a b t r i b e s expanded southwards, t h e Dinka w e r e reduced in numbers and w e r e pushed southwards t o be c o n c e n t r a t e d largely in t h e a r e a s presently occupied by them.

Renk District is predominantly rural, w i t h f e w s e t t l e m e n t s which c a n hardly be c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s urban centres, such a s Renk, Geiger and Melut. However, t h e most i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e of Renk District is t h a t t h e population tends t o b e c o n c e n t r a t e d into l a r g e villages on t h e sandy ridges which a r e usually dry during t h e rainy season in c o n t r a s t t o t h e w a t e r It is not c l e a r whether this is a r e c e n t f e a t u r e , a

logged clay plain.

result of t h e expansion of t h e mechanized f a r m i n g schemes, o r whether i t has been t h e traditional p a t t e r n of t h e Dinka settlements.

If o n e looks a t

t h e villages f u r t h e r a w a y f r o m t h e schemes, t h e y a r e much smaller and s c a t t e r e d t h a n those near t h e s c h e m e s and s o i t is possible t h a t t h e s c h e m e s h a v e influenced t h e p a t t e r n of population c o n c e n t r a t i o n in t h e District. T h e population in Renk District, a s in o t h e r p a r t s of Region, depend upon a n i m a l rearing, agriculture,

Upper Nile

fishing a n d hunting.

The

Dinka of this a r e a (Abialang, a s t h e y a r e known) have been r e p u t e d t o possess f e w e r c a t t l e t h a n o t h e r Dinka t r i b e s in t h e o t h e r p a r t s of t h e country.

However, like t h e o t h e r Dinka, t h o s e in Renk who k e e p c a t t l e

practise

a transhumant p a t t e r n of movement d i c t a t e d by t h e rainy season.

During t h e rainy p a r t of t h e year t h e animals a r e moved t o t h e sandy ridges w h e r e t h e p e r m a n e n t s e t t l e m e n t s a r e found.

During t h e dry season,

t h e animals t o g e t h e r with m o s t of t h e village population m o v e t o t h e banks of t h e River Nile f o r grazing and water. Subsistence f a r m i n g is t h e most i m p o r t a n t economic a c t i v i t y of t h e population in t h e D i s t r i c t during t h e rainy season.

A local v a r i e t y of

sorghum and millet a r e grown on t h e c l a y plain mainly f o r household consumption.

In t h e past, e a c h household had t h e right of usufruct t o a plot

of t h e communal land in t h e village.

Although t h e m e m b e r s of t h e house-

hold

labour,

provided

the

main s o u r c e of

communal

labour could

be

utilized by organising beer parties. Besides growing t h e local variety of sorghum and millet f o r d o m e s t i c consumption, t h e local population also grow groundnuts in small quantities t o be sold for cash.

T r a d e r s from Renk used t o t r a v e l t o t h e villages

during t h e dry season buying t h e groundnuts f r o m t h e individual households who g r e w them. Ls 5.00,

In t h e l a t e 1970's a s a c k of groundnuts w a s worth

but by 1982 t h e c o s t of a sack had risen t o L s 20.00.

The

t r a d e r s had stopped going t o t h e villages t o collect t h e groundnuts, and

consequently t h e villages had stopped growing t h e m . discouraged

the

traders

from

buying

groundnuts

O n e f a c t o r which

was t h e

heavy

taxes

imposed by t h e Southern Sudan Regional G o v e r n m e n t in t h e l a s t y e a r s of t h e 1970's.

For

every sack

collected from t h e trader.

of

groundnuts, a levy of

L s 10.00

was

Although t h e g o v e r n m e n t had b e n e f i t e d f r o m

t h e t a x , u l t i m a t e l y both t h e people a n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t w e r e t h e losers. T h e intensity of production in R e n k w a s limited by t h e t r a d i t i o n a l methods

of

cultivation

using

manual

labour

and

i m p l e m e n t s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t being t h e hoe.

a

limited

range

of

Although s o m e p a r t s of

Southern Sudan had e x p e r i e n c e d s o m e c h a n g e s in t h e use of n e w agric u l t u r a l i m p l e m e n t s which w e r e i n t r o d u c e d a f t e r 1972, Renk population had n o t b e n e f i t e d f r o m this.

T h e number of f e d d a n s c u l t i v a t e d by t h e house-

t o b e 3 feddans.

hold w a s e s t i m a t e d

In t h e past, plots of

land f o r

c u l t i v a t i o n w e r e s h i f t e d f r e q u e n t l y f r o m o n e a r e a t o a n o t h e r within t h e c o m m u n a l land owned by t h e village. because In

of recent

the

expansion

years

i m p o r t a n t f e a t u r e of

the

of

Today t h i s is no longer possible

the

mechanized

R e n k District.

s c h e m e s along t h e White Nile.

rainfed

mechanized

schemes have

schemes.

become t h e

most

C o t t o n w a s o n c e grown in public

A f e w of t h e s e pump s c h e m e s a r e still

found mainly

in t h e n o r t h e r n m o s t p a r t of t h e D i s t r i c t a n d on t h e e a s t e r n

part

Nile.

of The

the

The

Sudanese

rest

government

h a v e been became

allowed

interested

t o fall in

i n t o disuse.

developing

grain

c u l t i v a t i o n in Renk during t h e 1950's when a d i s t r i c t a g r i c u l t u r a l o f f i c e w a s established a n d w a s assigned t h e t a s k of supervising t h e l o c a l f a r m e r s in t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e cultivation. vast agricultural

potential

of

T h e g o v e r n m e n t w a s soon t o r e a l i z e t h e t h e District,

and i t

desired

t o increase

production n o t only t o m e e t l o c a l d e m a n d f o r grain, but a l s o t h e d e m a n d s of o t h e r a r e a s including t h o s e in o t h e r p a r t s of Southern Sudan.

The

D e p a r t m e n t of A g r i c u l t u r e t o o k t h e responsibility of supervising t h e local production in land p r e p a r a t i o n f o r c u l t i v a t i o n a n d advising f a r m e r s on t h e a m o u n t of land t o b e l e f t fallow and f o r how long. B e c a u s e of t h e high d e m a n d f o r sorghum and t h e growing need f o r suitable

land

for cultivation,

t h e local administrative

authorities

were

asked t o t a k e t h e i n i t i a t i v e of distributing land t o households, a n d stopping t h e annual burning of g r a s s a s i t w a s traditionally done.

Instead, land

ear- marked for cultivation in a particular year w a s l e f t unburnt until t h e year for cultivation when i t w a s eventually burnt.

The six major a r e a s of

Urn Dilwis, Kolong, Shamadic, Oboyot, Joug, and Melut w e r e a f f e c t e d by this control. By t h e l a t e 1950's t h e agricultural authorities s t a r t e d a series of experiments on their own land t o investigate t h e possibility of producing sorghum on a large scale.

Five schemes of

1,000 feddans e a c h w e r e

cultivated by 1959, and they proved very successful.

This success laid t h e

basis for t h e f u t u r e expansion of mechanized rainfed cultivation in Renk District

at

t h e expense of

the

local

farmers.

Although

a massive

expansion did not t a k e place immediately a f t e r 1959, i t w a s obvious t h a t t h e expansion would t a k e place at t h e expense of t h e local population. From t h e early period of t h e development of mechanized farming in Renk,

it

was c l e a r

that

t h e tendency

w a s towards t h e allocation of

schemes t o individuals who w e r e mainly m e r c h a n t s living in t h e a r e a or in Kosti.

In 1964, 60 s c h e m e s occupying a n a r e a of about 120,000 feddans

w e r e distributed for cultivation in Renk, mainly in Goz Roum and Akon areas.

Ninety per c e n t of t h e s e schemes w e r e given t o individuals, seven

per c e n t w e r e given t o village co- operatives and t w o per c e n t designated public schemes, controlled by t h e government. In 1968, t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation was c r e a t e d t o supervise t h e expansion of

rainfed

mechanized farming in t h e Sudan, and Renk

b e c a m e p a r t of i t s empire. under mechanization,

It continued t o survey and expand t h e land

and by t h e 1969170 season, 209,000 feddans w e r e

allocated, 60.2 per c e n t of which went t o individuals, 14.1 per c e n t w e r e given t o village co- operatives and 9.3 per c e n t remained a s public schemes i.e.,

under t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation.

schemes was boosted Southern

Region.

The expansion in these

by t h e now defunct Regional Government of t h e

In 1983 t h e Regional Ministry of Agriculture in Juba

had distributed 448 schemes of project s t a r t e d in 1976.

1,500 feddans e a c h t o individuals, in a

90.8 per c e n t of t h e s e schemes w e r e given t o

individuals most of whom already had schemes in a r e a s controlled by t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation. Who was eligible

t o receive t h e schemes in t h e initial s t a g e s of

expansion of mechanization in Renk? c e n t of

According t o s t a t e d policy, 60 per

t h e schemes w e r e t o be given t o individuals who w e r e legal -99-

However, t h e r e w e r e o t h e r c r i t e r i a for eligibility

residents of t h e District.

f o r g e t t i n g t h e schemes, namely financial ability, e x p e r i e n c e in agricultural work

and

ownership

of

at

least

During t h e e a r l y period of

a

tractor

and

Dinka

villages

disk

harrow.

t h e distribution of t h e s c h e m e s i t was

found t h a t t h e policy w a s upheld, up t o a c e r t a i n point. a l l recorded

a

and

those

I t w a s found t h a t

belonging t o o t h e r groups w e r e

organized i n t o co- operatives, a n d e a c h co- operative received a scheme. w a s assumed t h a t e a c h village w a s occupied by r e l a t e d families.

It

In order

t o be a m e m b e r of t h e village co- operative, e a c h family head had t o pay Ls 10.00, s o t h a t a village of a b o u t 100 households could pay f o r a s c h e m e of 1,000 feddans.

Individuals f r o m t h e a r e a who applied f o r t h e s c h e m e s

w e r e usually not p r e f e r r e d ; t w o o r t h r e e per s c h e m e .

i n s t e a d t h e y w e r e given s c h e m e s in groups of J o i n t ownership w a s p r e f e r r e d by t h e a u t h o r i t i e s

because i t was thought t h a t t w o or m o r e individuals could a f f o r d t o pay t h e c o s t of obtaining o n e s c h e m e . How could t h e l o c a l Dinka population pay f o r t h e s c h e m e s ?

I t must

b e m a d e c l e a r t h a t t h e Dinka did n o t have a n y m e a n s t o e a r n cash money o t h e r t h a n through t h e s a l e of c a t t l e . t h e m t o pay t h e land fees.

Those who had c a t t l e sold s o m e of

I t w a s a l s o c l e a r t h a t in order t o r e t a i n t h e

ownership of t h e s c h e m e , one had t o be a b l e t o pay t h e annual land f e e s , which by 1976 stood a t Ls 0.25 per feddan. raised t o Ls 0.58 per feddan, i.e.,

In 1977 t h e s e land f e e s w e r e

Ls 870 pounds per s c h e m e of

1,500

feddans. In f a c t , i t could be said t h a t t h e process of impoverishment among t h e majority of t h e Dinka of Renk s t a r t e d with t h e establishment of t h e mechanized s c h e m e s in t h e District.

While t h e Dinka did not possess

t r a c t o r s and disk harrows, t h e y did not have a n y m e a n s of obtaining them. T h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e Agricultural Bank of Sudan s i n c e 1959 did n o t m a k e any

difference

functions

for

to

the

Dinka

t h e establishment

f a r m e r s t o cover t h e c o s t of

population. of

Although one of

main

t h e Bank was t o e x t e n d c r e d i t t o

a g r i c u l t u r a l production, t h e conditions of

eligibility for t h i s c r e d i t w e r e a g a i n s t t h e non- merchant f a r m e r . gives t w o t y p e s of loans;

the

The Bank

long- term loans, repayable over t h r e e t o four

years, and seasonal loans repayable within 18 months.

In order t o be

eligible for a long- term loan (which is usually m o r e substantial t h a n a seasonal loan) o n e m u s t , of course, own a scheme.

T h e f a r m e r must also

house t o b e mortgaged or produce a document

own a s s e t s such a s a

guaranteeing repayment of t h e loan a t t h e prescribed time. at

least

85

per

cent

of

the

scheme

should

have

In addition, been

cleared.

These conditions eliminated t h e traditional f a r m e r s and t h e village co- operatives from competing for credits.

The traditional f a r m e r s who

w e r e given schemes w e r e considered ineligible for t h e loans because they w e r e regarded a s mobile people who moved from o n e a r e a t o another. The co- operatives w e r e considered unstable,

They did not have any assets.

very poorly organized and were, therefore, unviable recipients of t h e loans. The village co- operatives and t h e Dinka individuals who w e r e allocated schemes by t h e MFC (The Mechanized Farming Corporation) e n t e r e d into arrangements with t h e m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s in t h e clearing and cultivation of A m e r c h a n t f a r m e r would l e a s e a cleared

t h e land allotted t o them.

s c h e m e f r o m t h e co- operative o r t h e Dinka a t a n annual c o s t of between Ls 300 - LS 400 when t h e s c h e m e b e c a m e operational.

This arrangement

still l e f t t h e co- operative or t h e Dinka with t h e job of finding additional money t o pay for t h e annual land fees. unsuccessful,

and

by

the

early

1970's

This arrangement o f t e n proved many co- operatives and

Dinka

individuals s t a r t e d t o sell their schemes t o t h e merchant farmers, although t h e s a l e of schemes w a s considered illegal by t h e MFC.

While in 1975176

t h e Dinka in Renk owned 22.8 per c e n t of t h e schemes there, by 1983 this figure fell t o 0.5 per c e n t s i n c e many had sold their schemes t o merchant farmers.

There was o n e basic reason why t h e y sold their schemes, and

t h a t w a s t h a t many of them had sold their c a t t l e t o pay t h e land f e e s during

the

period

when

they

were

still

keeping

the

schemes.

Some indication of how t h e schemes a f f e c t e d t h e Dinka of Renk with r e f e r e n c e t o c a t t l e ownership was shown when 115 households w e r e asked in 1984 a s t o how many head

of c a t t l e they had.

Seventy seven per c e n t

of t h e s e households had no c a t t l e , 84 per c e n t had no sheep and 66 per c e n t had no goats.

For those who owned s o m e animals 90 per c e n t had

less than 20 head.

When this number is compared t o t h e number of

animals usually owned by Dinka living in o t h e r districts, Renk District Dinka appear t o be r a t h e r poor. The introduction of serious effects.

mechanized farming into Renk had o t h e r more

O n e of t h e s e e f f e c t s was t h e development of a small

Dinka e l i t e based in t h e c e n t r e s like Renk, Melut and Geiger. e f f e c t w a s t h e restriction of

T h e second

m o v e m e n t on t h e local population in t h e

District in a r e a s now occupied by t h e permanent villages;

t h e y w e r e no

longer a b l e t o move i n t o a r e a s of t h e s c h e m e s which used t o b e traditional cultivation land. T h e small group of Dinka who have grown t o b e relatively wealthy in Renk a r e those who had s o m e influence in t h e local administration because of being a chief o r sub- chief, o r o n e of t h e i r sons.

These people usually

have political power a t t h e village level, a n d t h e y a r e responsible f o r t h e collection of

government

t a x e s (poll tax).

They have acquired s o m e

r e s p e c t from t h e local m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s who a r e willing t o provide t h e m with c r e d i t f o r agriculture.

This group still own s c h e m e s acquired from

t h e MFC, a p a r t from those given by t h e f o r m e r Regional Government of Southern Sudan and f r o m t h e Regional Government of Upper Nile Region. While t h e SSU (The Sudan Socialist Union) w a s still in existence, t h e y w e r e a l s o t h e most i m p o r t a n t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of government.

t h e local population t o t h e

Although t h e s e people s o m e t i m e s identify themselves with

their own local population, t h e y o f t e n a c t against t h e i n t e r e s t s of t h e local population.

And this is o f t e n clearly shown in disputes connected

with land. T h e expansion of large- scale mechanized farming w a s typically into a r e a s traditionally used by t h e Dinka f o r cultivation.

According t o MFC

policy, t h e s c h e m e s w e r e planned t o be a t least 5 km a w a y f r o m t h e n e a r e s t village;

a z o n e a r e a known a s

haram el Hila.

T h e surrounding

land within t h e 5 km radius could b e used f o r cultivation by t h e local village population.

In reality, i t w a s observed t h a t most of t h e villages

w e r e barely o n e k i l o m e t r e f r o m t h e schemes.

It w a s c l e a r t h a t t h e only

available land w a s on t h e sandy ridges on which t h e villages w e r e situated, and which w e r e generally of poor soil quality and not suitable f o r sorghum cultivation.

The villagers

h a v e t o c u l t i v a t e this land, usually with poor

results in t e r m s of production levels. O n e reason why t h e s e s c h e m e s w e r e closed t o t h e villages was t h a t t h e s c h e m e owners w e r e o f t e n illegally expanding t h e f a r m land i n t o a r e a s considered a s village land.

S o m e t i m e s i t w a s t h e local Dinka e l i t e s who

c o m e from t h e s e villages who would c u l t i v a t e this land, arguing t h a t if t h e y did not c u l t i v a t e

this land

m e r c h a n t s would appropriate

it.

In

practice, local populations have been squeezed on both sides by t h e s c h e m e owners and t h e village e l i t e s who usually h a v e t h e i r bases in t h e urban areas. O n e i m p o r t a n t a s p e c t of t h e Renk traditional s y s t e m of cultivation was t h e communal ownership of land which provided t h e basis for shifting cultivation.

Since t h e s c h e m e s e x t e n d a c r o s s and o v e r traditional Dinka

agricultural land, t h e p r a c t i c e of shifting cultivation has been curtailed. In relative t e r m s this s y s t e m was b e t t e r f o r t h e fertility of t h e soil than t h e s t r i p mechanized farming.

The older s c h e m e s in R e n k which have

now been abandoned in p r e f e r e n c e t o t h e new more f e r t i l e ones, can b e described simply a s useless land, unsuitable for agricultural production. What a r e t h e options l e f t t o t h e Dinka in t h e rural a r e a of Renk a s they a r e unable t o utilize t h e land t h a t traditionally belonged t o them? O n e would a r g u e t h a t t h e process of mechanized farming expansion has tended t o c r e a t e labour reserves for t h e schemes.

In t h e traditional

subsistence economy, t w o types of labour f o r c e w e r e distinguished, i.e., t h e regular labour f o r c e engaged in agriculture and livestock herding, composed of young men and women, and grown up children;

t h e second

is t h e i n t e r m i t t e n t labour force, composed of old men, women and young children, who c o m e t o assist t h e regular labour f o r c e during t h e critical period of

harvesting, or b e c o m e a s u b s t i t u t e during illness.

Because

land and c a t t l e w e r e becoming s c a r c e , t h e larger p a r t of t h e regular labour f o r c e b e c a m e under- utilized during most of t h e year.

These people

had t h r e e options f r o m which t o choose: (a)

Migrate t o R e n k town which is a growing c e n t r e of t r a d e and t h e headquarters of t h e District;

(b)

Migrate t o o t h e r p a r t s of t h e country, mainly t o Kosti or Khartoum;

(C)

R e m a i n in t h e village a s a subsistence cultivator or b e c o m e a seasonal wage- labourer in t h e schemes.

Although i t is not possible t o measure t h e r a t e of migration of people from R e n k t o o t h e r p a r t s of t h e Sudan, what is clearly visible is t h e growing number of Dinka s e t t l e m e n t s in R e n k town.

This was already

a p p a r e n t even before t h e present civil war had reached R e n k District early

in 1985.

Renk town does not have much t o o f f e r in t e r m s of employment,

but being near t h e River Nile, those living t h e r e have become engaged in fishing, while their

womenfolk

have become engaged in beer brewing.

Those Dinka who remain in t h e villages have become seasonal wage labourers, and although they a r e less preferred a s seasonal labourers (for being antagonistic)

t o t h e Shilluk or t h e Nuer, i t is not

in c o n t r a s t

uncommon t o find Dinka men and women working in t h e schemes during weeding,

harvesting and t h e cleaning of sorghum.

The money earned

through wage labour is used t o buy grain f r o m t h e m e r c h a n t s who have established supply points in most of t h e large villages.

The Dinka have

become dependent not only on t h e schemes, but also on t h e merchant f a r m e r s who c u l t i v a t e their land. Renk District and the Southern Sudan Administration

In spite of i t s composite c h a r a c t e r , being a n a r e a bordering a mixture of both southern

and

northern

politically and geographically.

groups,

Renk

is a

southern

district

both

It is p a r t of t h e Southern Sudan in t h e

development planning and administrative processes.

Since 1972, Renk was

regarded a s a s t r a t e g i c district by t h e Southern Sudan Regional Government, even a f t e r i t b e c a m e p a r t of Upper Nile Region. f o r several reasons,

t h e m o s t important

It was s t r a t e g i c

being t h a t i t w a s t h e

important single supplier of sorghum t o Southern Sudan.

most

Moreover, t h e

revenue collected from t a x e s in Renk was extremely large, and i t was a very important source of money for t h e regional government.

When t h e

regional government decided t o i n i t i a t e i t s own development schemes in Renk in 1976 i t had t w o main objectives; uction

for

the

growing

population

f i r s t t o boost sorghum prod-

in Southern Sudan,

and second,

to

increase regional government revenue. The

regional government imposed

produce of Renk.

i t s own t a x e s on land and t h e

Whereas t h e MFC levied a n annual land t a x of Ls 225

per s c h e m e t o be collected by t h e MFC, t h e regional government imposed a

t a x of

Ls

l 0 per sack of sorghum and Ls 14 per sack of sesame

produced in Renk, besides a levy of Ls 500 for any s c h e m e in Renk. E s t i m a t e s given by t h e commercial bank in Renk showed t h a t t h e money r e m i t t a n c e s t o Juba, for t h e Ministry of Finance and Planning (Regional), averaged Ls 500,000 monthly,

between t h e months of October and July

e a c h year since 1972. of

salaries

and

P a r t of this money c a m e back t o Renk in t h e form

wages

for

government

employees

in

the

District.

Besides t h e money from t h e schemes, t h e regional government also collected a poll t a x f r o m e a c h household with a n adult male, t h e value of which stood a t Ls 8.25 in 1984.

This money was collected by t h e local

government in Renk through t h e local chiefs. Who benefited f r o m this money?

When you ask a m a n f r o m t h e

village, "When did you s e e t h e district officer this year?"

The reply would

b e "Last year in March, when h e c a m e t o t a k e our taxes."

And if you

ask him another question, "When did you l a s t s e e a health worker this year?"

H e would reply, "We heard t h a t one would be coming soon, and w e T h e r e is one visible thing in t h e rural

have been hearing this since 1972."

a r e a s of Renk District, and t h a t is t h e absence of any schools or health centres

in all

villages occupied

by

the

Dinka.

Another conspicuous

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e District is t h e absence of Abialang Dinka in any political or

administrative

post;

t h e f i r s t Dinka administrators w e r e

recruited in 1982. Since 1972 t h e SouthernSudan Regional Government had several s t a t e d objectives regarding rural development in t h e Southern Region, t h e most important being t o improve t h e agricultural systems in t h e rural a r e a s in order t o increase production.

Self- sufficiency in food crops was a major

a i m in t h e development policies.

Several e f f o r t s w e r e m a d e t o improve

food production in t h e Southern Sudan through t h e traditional f a r m e r with t h e provision of improved seeds, f r e e or a t a reduced c o s t ,

t h e supply of

improved agricultural implements, and t h e provision of small c r e d i t s t o enterprising

individuals engaged in agriculture.

Assistance from Inter-

national Organizations, both governmental and non- governmental, was given t o t h e regional government a f t e r t h e end of t h e civil war in 1972, for reconstruction

and

development

purposes.

In

addition,

the

Sudanese

government g a v e special assistance through t h e regional development fund. Although this assistance did not boost food production in all regions of Southern Sudan,

most

a r e a s had

their educational and

restored t o t h e pre-civil war situation, and expanded. t h e s a m e thing about Renk. centres

of

population

health services

O n e could not say

While Renk town and t h e o t h e r f e w large

concentration

had

some

educational and

health

facilities, t h e rural population of Renk w a s barely touched by any e f f o r t ,

both

f r o m t h e regional o r

agencies.

national

government, and t h e

international

Development w a s n o t simply reaching t h e s e people.

T h e lives

of t h e people w e r e n o t only s t a g n a t i n g in human t e r m s but declining in t h e s a m e t e r m s (McNamara, R.S.,

1975).

As Sinha has s t a t e d , " recent experience in several countries suggests t h a t t h e s e l e c t i v e approach t o agricultural development, in which s c a r c e resources a r e c o n c e n t r a t e d on t h e people, f a r m s and regions best a b l e t o t a k e a d v a n t a g e of modern technology, rarely works t o t h e a d v a n t a g e of t h e

...

poor

Policies whose e f f e c t is t o favour t h e rich a t t h e expense of t h e

poor a r e not only manifestly unjust, but in t h e end a r e economically selfdefeating. economic

They push advance

f r u s t r a t i o n t o t h e point of

into

a

costly

collapse

of

violence,

and turn

social

stability."

Conclusion I t is usually s t a t e d t h a t globally, t h e p a t t e r n of world poverty r e f l e c t s a gradient f r o m e x t r e m e s of w e a l t h t o e x t r e m e s of poverty. there

CO -exist

rich,

urban,

A t o n e end

industralized, high s t a t u s cores, and on t h e

other, poor, rural, agricultural, and low s t a t u s peripheries.

Thus, poverty

is t o be understood primarily in t e r m s of economic forces, social relations, property rights, and power.

It c a n also b e viewed n o t only a s r e l a t i v e

deprivation, but also deprivation f o r t h e many and a f f l u e n c e f o r t h e few. Poverty should b e regarded a s " the socio- economic phenomena whereby t h e resources available t o a s o c i e t y a r e used t o satisfy t h e w a n t s of t h e f e w while t h e many do n o t h a v e e v e n t h e i r basic needs met."

(Chambers,

1983).

T h e poor in Renk a r e t h e victims of a n economic and social system over whichthey have l i t t l e o r n o control.

As their conditions d e t e r i o r a t e

in t e r m s of a n absolute fall in t h e i r income, t h e rural and urban rich continue t o c o n c e n t r a t e t h e existing resources in their own hands.

This

unequal development m e a n s t h a t t h e rural poor a r e becoming m o r e and m o r e dependent on t h e rich f o r a c c e s s t o t h e resources necessary for their survival, f o r example, employment a s wage labourers.

T h e dependency/

dominance relationship not only f a c i l i t a t e s t h e exploitation of t h e poor by t h e rich but undermines t h e development of t h e productive c a p a c i t i e s of t h e poor.

References Allen, C., and Williams, G.

Sociology of Developing Societies. MacMillan Press, 1982.

Boer, L., Buijs, D. and Galjort, B. (eds)

Poverty and Internationals: Cases from Developing Countries. Leiden Development Studies, No. 6, 1985.

d e Jong, Caroline Boon

Modernising Agriculture in t h e Third World: Some Ecological Consequences and Alternatives, DSRC Seminar Series, 1984, University of Khartoum.

Cole, John

The Poor of t h e Earth.

Chambers, Robert

Rural Development: Longrnan, 1983.

Griffin, K.

International Inequality and National Poverty. MacMillan Press, 1978.

Ibrahim Kursany

The Dynamics and Limits of Capitalist Development in Sudanese Agriculture, P a r t 2: Mechanized Rainfed Farming: Dura Production and t h e Limits t o Private Capitalism, DSRC Seminar, 1982. University of Khartoum.

Myrdal, Gunnar

The Challenge of World Poverty. Press, 1970.

Oster, Sharron,

The Definition and Measurement of Poverty Vol. 1: A Review. 'Westview Press, 1978.

Sinha, R.

Food and Poverty: The Political Economy of Confrontation. Croom Helm, 1976.

Wedderburn, D. (ed)

Poverty, Inequality and Class Structure. Cambridge University Press, 1974.

World Bank

Annual Report.

The MacMillan Press, 1976.

Putting t h e Last First,

New York, 1975.

Kingsport

THE TRACTOR AND THE PLOUGH: The Sociological Dimension M.A. Moharned-Salih A common denominator in agricultural policies of post- Independence Sudan

is t h e quest f o r agricultural tractors

with

threshers

and

their

related

combined

discs

modernization through t h e introduction of technologies in

such

rainfed

the

as

combine

sector.

harvesters,

However,

the

transition f r o m traditional t o modern technology has been very limited and has reached only a very small proportion of farming communities.

It is

e s t i m a t e d t h a t t h e r e w e r e a b o u t 3,000 operational t r a c t o r s in t h e rainfed s e c t o r in 1985, most in good working condition.

T h e t o t a l number of

t r a c t o r owners is not known because in most c a s e s t h e wealthy m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s own m o r e t h a n o n e t r a c t o r .

This in itself shows t h e e x t e n t t o

which large- scale agricultural mechanization in t h e rainfed s e c t o r is limited t o a small number of people while t h e majority of t h e population live off t h e traditional technologically s t a g n a n t sector. T h e question a r i s e s a s t o whether t h e various c e n t r a l governments could have adopted a policy which would h a v e spilled over technological innovation t o a larger portion of t h e population in t h e traditional s e c t o r in order t o bridge t h e g a p between t h e t w o sub- sectors.

What c o m e s t o mind

is whether t h e t r a c t o r w a s t h e most a p p r o p r i a t e option for agrarian change in t h e Sudan, considering f o r e x a m p l e t h e possibility of developing animal drawn equipment.

In judging t h e deployment of animal t r a c t i o n in East

Africa, Johnston (1984:

39) w r i t e s t h a t , " the evidence now available s e e m s

t o b e reasonably consistent in indicating t h a t with t h e prevailing c a p i t a l price relationships, reliance on animal d r a f t power generally r e p r e s e n t s t h e most economical approach t o overcoming constraints and labour bottlenecks which a r e t h e major f a c t o r s underlying t h e low level of c r o p yield and labour productivity t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e farming in semi- arid E a s t Africa". Collinson (1965) a s s e r t s t h a t , "in Sukumuland, Western Tanzania, t h e r e is no c a s e f o r t h e introduction of t r a c t o r s in a r e a s w h e r e ox ploughing is established. cheaply".

These c a n

perform

t h e s a m e function

as tractors

more

The c a s e f o r t h e introduction of animal t r a c t i o n in order t o

improve t h e agricultural p r a c t i c e s a m o n g t h e majority of t h e rural poor in t h e rainfed s e c t o r is supported by t w o f u r t h e r facts: - 1 08-

first, t h e availability

of animals in t h e s a m e semi-arid zone (for example, over t w o million camels, 15 million head of c a t t l e and m o r e t h a n half a million donkeys); second, t h e availability of skilled blacksmiths who c a n easily b e trained t o undertake t h e process of equipment production from t h e abundant scrap m e t a l found in t h e industrial a r e a s located in all p a r t s of

t h e Sudan.

Riverain Sudan is familiar with animal drawn equipment such a s t h e

sagia (water wheel), and t h e plough. and Dafala (1 975).

These a r e described by Tothill (1948)

However, t h e integration of animals in agricultural

production in t h e savannah belt of t h e Sudan is limited and is found only in t h e c a s e s of Northern Kordofan where northern migrants have settled. These have brought i n t o t h e semi- arid zone s o m e of t h e animal drawn equipment which they used in their home areas.

Manger (in t h i s book and

1980) has m a d e r e f e r e n c e t o t h e use of ploughs a s p a r t of t h e process of resource

maintenance

in

the

intensive

cultivation

of

the

oases

It is, therefore, obvious t h a t t h e savannah belt of t h e Sudan has not been extensively reported a s a n a r e a of a n i m a l drawn f a r m equipment, especially with regard t o land preparation, hoeing and weeding.

Even when

t h e C e z i r a s c h e m e w a s due t o b e modernized, t h e transition was made from t h e hoe t o t h e t r a c t o r without moving through t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e s t a g e of

t h e use of

animal power.

The justification for t h e negligence of

animal powered f a r m technology has always been a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e plough not being suitable for t h e heavy clay of t h e C e z i r a or t h e c e n t r a l clay plains of t h e savannah belt in general.

The gap in t h e technical knowledge

about t h e use of animal powered equipment is clearly demonstrated by t h e lack of any r e f e r e n c e t o t h e importance of relatively

inexpensive

economic development. The

technology in

this easily maintained and

t h e Sudan's

plans

for

social

and

1

l i t e r a t u r e on agricultural mechanization in t h e Sudan usually

criticises t h e political economy of t h e allocation of t h e means of production r a t h e r than questioning t h e limits of t h e technologies used in t h e agrarian s e c t o r in bridging t h e income gap between t h e rich and t h e poor farmers.

The tools t h a t c a n bring about agricultural transformation a r e

described e i t h e r in isolation f r o m t h e technology used in t h e agricultural sector national

(Mahmoud, economy

1984 and

from

financing institutions

Kursany) or

in

t e r m s of

'de-linking'

the

i t s s t r u c t u r a l dependence on t h e international

such

as

the

IMF (Oesterdiekhoff

- 1 09-

and

Wohlmuth,

1983, 1985).

Adam

et a1 (1983) concluded their study of t h e mechanized

farming system in t h e rainlands of t h e Sudan by advocating t h e improvem e n t of machinery employment and productivity through t h e introduction of co- operatives t o b e t h e best solution t o t h e problems of t h e rainfed sector.

Saeed (1982) m a d e t h e remark t h a t , " the modernized schemes a r e

expected t o b e suitable for agricultural transformation in rural Sudan". These scholars o f f e r a f r a g m e n t e d diagnosis and critique of t h e agricultural practices in t h e rainfed s e c t o r which have s o m e e l e m e n t of t r u t h in them. The questions of how t o bring about t h e 'de-linking' of t h e economy from t h e exploitative international financing institutions, and industrialization

is

capable

of

achieving

the

goal

of

w h a t form equity

and

of its

accompanying technologies, have not been thoroughly investigated both by rural development practitioners and a c a d e m i c s in t h e Sudan. This paper describes and analyses t h e sociological implications of large- scale mechanization,

smallholder modernization schemes,

introduction of animal traction in Western Sudan.

and

the

The argument presented

h e r e supports t h e critique of t h e political economy of agrarian change in t h e Sudan.

It goes f u r t h e r , by criticising this approach for i t s failure t o

a p p r e c i a t e t h e f a c t t h a t agricultural mechanization through tractorization is not t h e best solution e i t h e r for reaching t h e mass of t h e rural poor or for uncoupling t h e national economy from t h e hegemony of t h e external international

financing

insitutions.

The

long

forgotten

animal

drawn

contraptions, given t h e appropriate institutional and organizational framework a r e conceivably t h e best method of agrarian transformation in t h e semi- arid zone of t h e Sudan. Mechanized Farming via the Tractor A good deal of

information

has been accumulated with regard t o t h e

economies of mechanized farming in t h e rainfed sector.

F.H. Adam e t a1

(1984) have reviewed t h e m a t e r i a l on t h e history of t h e development of such schemes in t h r e e phases.

The f i r s t was t h e 1945-1953 phase which

was based on t h e r e c r u i t m e n t of f a r m e r s in Gadaref, Eastern Sudan, t o work on government managed schemes.

Adam et a1 (ibid) observe that,

" allotments t o t h e s h a r e croppers have not survived because of permanent s e t t l e m e n t difficulties manifested by t h e seasonality of production and t h e inadequacy of t h e requisite infrastructure" .

The second phase continued

from 1953 t o 1968 and, due t o a s h o r t a g e of public c a p i t a l finance, t h e private

sector

was

s y s t e m of leasehold.

involved

in

large- scale

mechanization

through

the

This s y s t e m w a s described a s being open t o abuse

since concessions w e r e passed t o people who w e r e n o t real f a r m e r s .

As a

consequence, an unreasonably high proportion of land w a s a l l o t t e d t o local and outside notables a n d merchants.

Most of t h e s e people have acquired

mechanized f a r m s not because of a genuine i n t e r e s t in f a r m i n g but because of t h e desire t o maximize t h e r a t e of r e t u r n on new i n v e s t m e n t in t h e s h o r t e s t possible time. until today.

The t h i r d phase s t a r t e d in 1968 and h a s continued

This h a s been m a r k e d by t h e establishment of t h e Mechanized

Farming Corporation.

Some of

p r e p a r e land f o r large- scale

i t s main objectives a r e t o survey and

mechanized f a r m s f o r

p r i v a t e owners,

to

f a c i l i t a t e c r e d i t services f o r financially able a n d i n t e r e s t e d f a r m e r s , and t o advise t h e f a r m e r s on modern agricultural techniques. T h e government has been leasing land t o t h e private s e c t o r since 1968 in t h e provinces of Blue Nile, Kassala, Southern Kordofan a n d Upper Nile. Each f a r m e r is a l l o t t e d 1,500 feddans a s a leasehold f o r 25 years.

The

c o n t r a c t between t h e government, represented by t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation, is renewable only when t h e ' f a r m e r ' m e e t s t h e obligation of paying 5 p i a s t r e s (Ls 0.05) annual r e n t and t h e initial expense of L s 750 payable at t h e beginning of

t h e f i r s t agricultural season.

The a r e a

d e m a r c a t e d f o r large- scale mechanized a g r i c u l t u r e e x t e n d s right i n t o t h e central

clay

plains

between

Lat.

9

and

15

North

(see

map).

L a r g e a r e a s w e r e appropriated f r o m traditional cultivators and pastoralists with t h e promise of

providing t h e m with co- operatives a s com-

pensation for t h e i r lost cultivable lands and pasture.

Gum a r a b i c r e v e n u e s ,

an i m p o r t a n t source of income t o t h e population, declined a s t h e gum producing t r e e s w e r e c l e a r e d f r o m millions of hectares.

In only a very

short span of t i m e t h e local population began t o f e e l t h e intrusion of mechanized

farming into their

lands and

t h e y gradually

began

t o be

involved in t h e process through wage labour, by working f o r t h e very people who appropriated their main source of livelihood.

T h e p a t t e r n of

agrarian transformation t h a t h a s e m e r g e d in t h e a r e a is o n e of destitution and poverty for t h e majority of t h e subsistence f a r m e r s and pastoralists. T h e specific negative i m p a c t s of t h e a c t i v i t i e s of t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation and t h e c o m m e r c i a l f a r m s t h e Corporation distributed

t o m e r c h a n t farmers, r e t i r e d a r m y officers, politicians, lawyers and o t h e r wealthy

educated

elites

have

167-184) in his widely quoted

been

described

by

M.H.

Saeed

(1982:

a r t i c l e on " Economic E f f e c t s of Agricultural

Mechanization in Rural Sudan:

T h e C a s e of Habila, Southern Kordofan".

In concluding his discussion, M.H. Saeed (1982:

182-1 83) maintains t h a t ,

" the production efficiency of agricultural mechanization is questionable in comparison second,

with

the

inequalities

the

pattern among

commercialization

traditional of

income

different of

agriculture distribution

groups

agriculture,

practised

the

has worsened

h a v e widened and third,

in

region,

and

income

a s a result of

the

t h e conventional i d e a of

replacing labour by machine is irrelevant in t h e savannah situation since i t suits

only

some

production .

operations,

i.e.,

labour

remains

the

main

factor

of

T h e introduction of machinery in such conditions c a n allow

i1

t h e horizontal expansion of f a r m s t h u s c r e a t i n g g r e a t e r demand f o r labour. T h e demand f o r labour in mechanized a g r i c u l t u r e c a n b e judged by t h e 100,000 casual labourers who l e a v e t h e i r villages e v e r y year t o p a r t i c i p a t e in weeding and harvesting in t h e large- scale mechanized schemes.

They

live in appalling conditions with n o organization t o defend t h e i r rights viz t h e m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s who pay t h e m v e r y low wages (on a v e r a g e a b o u t t w o pounds (Sudanese) daily.) unattended

or

totally

Most of t h e labourers l e a v e t h e i r own f a r m s

dependent on t h e i r wives who in this situation

c u l t i v a t e t h e land in additiion t o t h e i r traditional d o m e s t i c responsibilities. Many labourers who work on a seasonal basis rush t o t h e i r villages with t h e e a r l y showers of rain, a t i m e when i t is impossible f o r t h e m t o c l e a r a new piece of land o r properly p r e p a r e t h e i r f a r m s f o r t h e agricultural season. The situation is e v e n w o r s e f o r those who lost their lands t o t h e owners of large- scale mechanized s c h e m e s by governmental order if their villages w e r e within a r e a s surveyed f o r t h e establishment of schemes. Such groups of landless agricultural labourers began t o e m e r g e , especially in t h e Eastern D i s t r i c t of Southern Kordofan Province (see map). have largely been t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o groups of

These

rural poor who work for

m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s on t h e s a m e land t h a t t h e y previously owned.

The s a m e

awkward situation applies t o t h e nomads who lost their traditional grazing lands, w a t e r points a n d animal r o u t e s t o t h e schemes.

It is e s t i m a t e d t h a t

80 per c e n t of t h e 350,000 pastoralists and agro- pastoralists of Southern Kordofan province a r e seriously a f f e c t e d by t h e expansion of large- scale - 1 12-

mechanized schemes. do not

This is rnainly because t h e owners of t h e schemes

abide by t h e agricultural p r a c t i c e s devised by t h e Mechanized

Farming Corporation.

They have in

many c a s e s cultivated

even

animal t r a c k s (width t w o kilometres) specified by t h e Corporation. c o n t ~ n u o u s conflict

between

t h e owners of

the The

t h e large- scale mechanized

schemes and pastoralists is described by Ahmed (1982:

47) who reports

t h a t in t h e rainfed sector, " cultivators a r e forced t o sell their labour cheaply, pastoral nomads a r e driven o u t of t h e best a r e a s of their traditional pasture and

t o places which a r e not favourable t o their herd grov;th,

agro- pastoralists

are

being

subjected

to

various

socio- economic

pressures and forced t o abandon one of t h e t w o a c t i v i t i e s and changed over

t o agricultural labourers with low wages and lower standards of

living". The n a t u r e of t h e c o m m e r c i a l agricultural schemes gives no priority t o social services and t h e provision of educational and health services t o t h e a r e a s where surplus has been e x t r a c t e d .

T h e Mechanized Farming

Corporation s e t s itself t h e t a s k of administering t h e demarcation of t h e schemes but has no resources or manpower t o e d u c a t e f a r m e r s against t h e f o r m s of exploitative a n d exhaustive land m a n a g e m e n t which t h e y practise. With no rotation system, wind barriers or vegetation cover around t h e schemes, t h e soil has begun t o lose i t s fertility and very low productivity has been observed, f o r e x a m p l e by Gala-el-din (19741, OIBrien (1977), and Ibrahim (1978, 1984).

The opting of t h e owners of t h e l a r g e mechanized

agricultural schemes for quick and high profit, t h e lack of infrastructure such a s roads, health c a r e and educational facilities, and t h e f a c t t h a t t h e owners of

t h e schemes

were

not originally f a r m e r s or belong t o t h e

regions from which t h e y o p e r a t e , m i t i g a t e against a conscientious policy of resource maintenance and soil conservation. C o m m e n t s about t h e use of t r a c t o r s have not always been negative. The Mechanized Farming Corporation has i t s own rationale which underlies t h e logic behind using them.

The main objectives included t h e expansion

of food production t o fulfil t h e t a r g e t of becoming t h e bread basket of Africa and t h e Middle East, and second, t o produce cash crops and thus contribute t o t h e nation's foreign exchange earnings. agricultural

mechanization,

therefore,

has

economic benefits which c a n a c c r u e t o it. -1 13-

been

The social c o s t of weighed

against

the

T h e result of t h i s policy was,

however,

witnessed worldwide during t h e 1983-1 985 f a m i n e crisis which

c l a i m e d t h e lives of thousands in t h e rainfed s e c t o r .

T h e socio-economic

repercussions of t h a t f a m i n e a r e y e t t o b e evaluated.

However, t h e r e a r e

a l r e a d y hints of t h e d a m a g e which h a s cumulatively

been inflicted upon

t h e n a t u r a l and t h e human r e s o u r c e s alike.

Tractors for Modernizing the Smallholders I t is ironic t h a t e v e n when

t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l plans w e r e f o r m u l a t e d t o

develop smallholders during t h e 19701s, t r a c t o r s w e r e envisaged a s t h e only In this s e c t i o n I d e a l with t h e modern-

a l t e r n a t i v e t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l hoe. i z a t i o n (or

t a h d i t h ) s c h e m e s of t h e Nc~ba Mountains ( s e e m a p ), t o

i l l u s t r a t e t h e e x t e n t of

t h e i r contribution t o agricultural d e v e l o p m e n t in

t h e semi- arid conditions of t h e region. T h e Nuba Mountains C o t t o n Industry w a s established during t h e AngloEgyptian

Condominiun

colonial

rule

c o m p a n i e s with s h o r t s t a p l e c o t t o n .

in

1923

t o supply

British

textile

C o t t o n production w a s dependent on

individual f a m i l i e s while t h e Nuba Mountains Industry provided c o t t o n seeds, marketing facilities and

administration.

In

1970,

t h e Nuba

Mountains

Corporation was established with t h e a i m of f i r s t , modernizing traditional a g r i c u l t u r e by m e a n s of introducing t r a c t o r s e r v i c e s t o groups of f a r m e r s ; second, achieving a p p r o p r i a t e utilization of resources by t h e application of modern and s c i e n t i f i c a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s and third, c r e a t i n g a sound t e c h n i c a l , e c o n o m i c a n d social policy in o r d e r t o develop t h e agricultural s e c t o r in t h e Nuba Mountains. The modernization p r o g r a m m e w a s inaugurated in 1971 and based on t h e provision of t r a c t o r s e r v i c e s t o groups of f a r m e r s in consolidated units in t h e l a r g e schemes.

T h e villages chosen f o r t h e i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of t h e

p r o g r a m m e w e r e s c a t t e r e d throughout t h e Nuba Mountains.

The D i s t r i c t

H.Q.'s and o t h e r l a r g e towns w e r e s e l e c t e d a s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c e n t r e s f r o m which t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation could o p e r a t e .

T h e C o r p o r a t i o n also provided f r e e c o t t o n seeds, pest

c o n t r o l services, c r e d i t f o r m e c h a n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e and a f i r e break around e a c h scheme.

The a r e a of e a c h s c h e m e w a s e x p e c t e d t o e x c e e d 1,000

f e d d a n s b e f o r e t r a c t o r s e r v i c e s could b e provided. The

whole

p r o g r a m m e revolved around - 1 14-

t h e idea of

o f f e r i n g cost-

e f f e c t i v e t r a c t o r services t o a large number of smallholders (farming from t w o t o 20 feddans).

An increase in c o t t o n production was envisaged and

eight ginneries were established for c o t t o n processing.

The towns where

t h e ginneries w e r e located w e r e used a s production units and a t t h e s a m e time, a s agropolitan c e n t r e s aiming a t securing a spill-over of agricultural and social services.

These production units a c t e d a s growth pole centres,

absorbing t h e surplus produced by t h e countryside while offering amenities such

a s schools,

health services,

recreation

activities and employment

opportunities in t h e c o m m e r c i a l or civil service sectors. Despite i t s ambitious programme t o modernise traditional agriculture, t h e Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation has suffered s e v e r a l setbacks. These problems a r e of a similar n a t u r e t o those mentioned by U m a Lele (1975:

34) in t h e c a s e of smallholders:

equipment;

second,

the

high

first, a high capital cost of t h e

overheads

servicing t h e under- utilized tractors;

involved

in

maintaining

and

third, t h e administrative problems of

sharing a limited number of machines by a l a r g e number of diverse users, and fourth, t h e technical difficulties of deploying t r a c t o r s under c e r t a i n topographical and soil conditions.

Following this appraisal, U m a Lele made

t h e point t h a t none of t h e s e problems a r e insurmountable and t h a t t h e use of t r a c t o r s is justified only if t h e high c a p i t a l cost is accompanied by a substantial increase in productivity. The Nuba Mountains Corporation has so f a r failed t o solve t h e above surmountable

problems

agricultural

production

discussion of

involving among

the

use

of

smallholders.

t h e economies of

the tractor

tractors Without vis

for

developing

entering

into

a

5 vis traditional hoe

cultivation, t h e evidence from c r o p yields in t h e Nuba Mountains region is conclusive (Table 1).

The a v e r a g e yield kglfeddan in t h e traditional s e c t o r

is 125 kglfeddan, while only 97 kglfeddan in t h e c a t e g o r y of traditional f a r m e r s who a r e also p a r t of t h e modernization programme.

The figures

for t h e absolute a r e a cultivated under t h e traditional and t h e modern system

condemn

(Table 2).

rather

than

support

the

modernization

programme

The t a b l e shows t h a t t h e t o t a l a r e a cultivated in c o t t o n and

sorghum actually decreased f r o m 589,117 feddans in 197011 971 when t h e 2 modernization programme was introduced t o 342,980 feddans in 198011981.

TABLE 1 Indicative Crop Yields in Southern Kordofan Province

Crop Sorghum:

poor years average years good years

Millet:

average years good years

Sesame:

average years good years

Groundnuts:

average years

Cotton:

Highest (1957158) Lowest (1962163)

Average traditional growers Average traditional and modernised schemes

* Sources:

Compiled by South Kordofan Agricultural Development Project from HTS (1981), Western Sudan Agricultural Research Project (1984) and Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation (1985186). TABLE 2 Areas Cultivated in Cotton and Sorghum under t h e Modern and t h e Traditional Sectors: 197011971 t o 1980/1981 (in Feddans)

Year

Modern Cotton Sorghum

Traditional Cotton Sorghum

1970171

14,115

19,063

159,095

1973174

6,893

11,013

1975176

20.022

00,344

Total

396,095

589,117

109,921

326,602

452,429

107,053

341,690

469,109

1977178

54,538

00,292

47,751

279,401

381,982

1980181

36,666

30,746

4,250

271,318

342,980

*

Source:

Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation, 1986.

After two years of research into t h e Nuba Mountains modernization project in Abyei District of south-western Sudan, Huntington, Ackroyd and Deng (1981:

51-2) concluded that, 'the major difficulty with most proposed

improvements is t h a t they a r e often presented by their proponents a s relatively simple solutions t o t h e problems of rainfed agriculture.

The

tractors seem t o make little technical contribution t o agriculture,

for

instance, t h e deeply cracking clay soils a e r a t e themselves, c r o p residues a r e effectively incorporated into t h e soil by termites, and weed growth cannot be controlled by t r a c t o r s because of t h e timing of t h e rains and weed growth'. The inspectorate system upon which t h e distribution of t r a c t o r services w a s based, is rigid, o u t of touch with t h e farmers, and gives t h e impression of a superior elitism t o t h e participants.

The system makes

decisions about t h e deployment of agricultural inputs from t h e main towns which in most cases d o not t a k e into account local knowledge o r f i t in with t h e a c t u a l beginning of t h e rainy season.

These decisions have c r e a t -

e d an identity crisis among t h e f a r m e r s who think of t h e modernization schemes a s government schemes.

In o t h e r words, t h e lack of local part-

icipation in decision making has been one of t h e main f a c t o r s behind t h e f a r m e r s ' a t t e m p t s t o pay m o r e a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i r traditional f a r m s in order t o minimize t h e risk

of

depending on t h e uncertain t r a c t o r services.

It is clear t h a t t h e inadequate t r a c t o r services provided by t h e Nuba Mountains Corporation have distorted t h e traditional p a t t e r n of c r o p production without offering a n appropriate alternative.

Many farmers, d u e t o

t h e uncertainty of t r a c t o r s , mechanical breakdowns, shortage of fuel and l a t e arrival of t r a c t o r s t o t h e s ~ t e , have split their labour between t h e traditional f a r m s and t h e plots inside t h e scheme.

Although t h e modern-

ization programme represents a good intention in itself, and has l i t t l e or no social c o s t relative t o private large- scale mechanized schemes, i t s ina d e q u a t e technological mix has essentially led t o i t s failure.

T h e capabil-

ity of t r a c t o r services t o c r e a t e a n overall agrarian transformation among t h e smallholders is m a d e questionable by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e Nuba Mountains Croporation has s o f a r reached only about 15,000 t o 19,000 households in 16 years which is less than 2 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l population of Southern

Kordofan Province.

Considering t h e overheads involved in maintenance, t h e

purchase of s p a r e parts, fuel and servicing, i t becomes obvious t h a t t h e use of t r a c t o r s in t h e Nuba Mountains' conditions is not conducive t o increasing production nor diffusing t h e benefits of t h e technological package t o t h e whole rural economy. The next step, therefore, is t o examine t h e limited experience with animal t r a c t i o n in t h e rainfed s e c t o r in order t o e v a l u a t e i t s likely advant a g e s over both traditional hoe cultivation and t r a c t o r services within t h e prevailing c o n t e x t of t h e present level of

t h e country's underdeveloped

economic structure. Animal Traction in Western Sudan

In c o n t r a s t t o t h e activities of t h e Mechanized Farming Corporation (MFC), and t h e Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation (NMAC), t h e J e b e l Mara 3

Rural Development Project (JMRDP)

and t h e Nuba Mountains Rural Dev-

elopment Project (NMRDP) a r e geared towards t h e use of animal traction r a t h e r than tractors.

T h e t w o projects a r e q u i t e recent.

T h e J e b e l Mara

Rural Development P r o j e c t w a s re- oriented f r o m t r a c t o r t o animal traction in 1980;

during t h e s a m e year preparations f o r t h e Nuba Mountains Rural

Development P r o j e c t w e r e s t a r t e d . almost identical.

The objectives of t h e t w o projects a r e

Major t o t h e m a r e t h e following:

first, t h e improve-

m e n t of productivity, standard of living, and incomes of t h e mass of t h e rural population;

second, t o maintain a sustained system of livestock and

c r o p production;

third, t o develop a system of popular participation so

t h a t t h e development activity will b e m e t with local support and approval by t h e local population, and fourth, t o increase local government revenue, e i t h e r directly or indirectly and where possible t o contribute t o foreign exchange earning and savings. The range of e a c h rural development project included extension, veterinary services, demonstration farms, community development, and mechanical engineering, accounting and administration departments.

Their s t r a t -

egy is primarily concerned with t h e development of t h e agricultural s e c t o r and t h e provsion of r e l a t e d agricultural services.

Extension officers and

local extension assistants w e r e recruited and trained.

About 360 villages

and 49,950 households w e r e covered by t h e JMRDP programme which sells ploughs, sorghum seeds, seed dressing and insecticides on credit.

The ext-

ension staff trained t h e f a r m e r s on t h e use of c a m e l ploughs, explained t h e purpose and value of inputs and showed t h e m how t o apply superphosphates and seed dressings and how t o use t h e plough weeder toolbar and improved seeds. The Nuba Mountains Rural Development Project, on t h e other hand, has covered t h r e e villages in four years with over 3,000 participant households.

Ox ploughing is encouraged instead of camels since t h e population

of t h e Nuba Mountains a r e c a t t l e breeders.

The s a m e agricultural inputs

a r e also provided t o participants on credit a f t e r t h e completion o i t h e harvesting

season.

Despite

repayment

rate

the

for

of

Jebel

the Mara

drought and

years of

the

Nuba

1983-1985, Mountains

the

Rural

Development Projects was between 50 - 60 per c e n t during 1982184, and between 70 - 80 per c e n t a f t e r t h e end of t h e drought phase in 1985186. The Jebel Mara Rural Development Project, which is more established than t h e Nuba Mountains one, has been able t o drill 1 1 wells, construct 61 rural health units and 25 kilometres of roads built by self-help with a minimum

of

development

mechanical

support

from

the

Project.

The

community

unit was also successful in organizing women's health and

nutrition programmes, child c a r e , and t h e sale of medicines on a revolving fund basis. The average increase in a r e a cultivated in t h e two projects relative t o t h a t of t h e traditional f a r m e r s is between 18 t o 9 feddans or about 80 per c e n t in absolute figures for Kordofan Agricultural Development using animal traction

both small and big farmers.

South

Project calculated t h e advantage of

for traditional farming with respect t o labour in

t e r m s of a r e a cultivated by hour t o be on average 283.27 hours for t h e participant farmers relative t o t h e non- participants per average holding of 14.9 feddans (Table 3).

TABLE 3 Average Area Cultivated Per Houk and Advantage of t h e Use of Animal Traction t o Traditional Farming in t h e Nuba Mountains, 1984185

Operation Hoeing Seeding

Feddan Per Hour Hoe Plough 0.09 0.22 0.30

Hours Per Holding Hoe Plough 166.67 68.18

0.10

50.00

150.00

100.00

150.00

84.78

NA

283.27

Weeding

0.23

0.10

65.22

Advantage

NA

NA

NA

* Source:

Advantage plough/~oe 98.49

South Kordofan Agricultural Development Project, 1986, compiled from Nuba Mountains R u r a l Development Project R e p o r t s 1984185.

An interesting point about t h e J e b e l Mara Rural Development Project is i t s ability t o c r e a t e a local industry for plough making which contributes t o local employment.

In c o n t r a s t t h e Nuba Mountains Rural Development

P r o j e c t is still dependent on imported equipment f o r demonstration and for inducing f a r m e r s t o participate in t h e programme. Four f e a t u r e s of farmers.

t h e use of animal t r a c t i o n a r e appealing t o t h e

First, most of t h e f a r m e r s continue cultivating their own f a r m s

instead of land in a consolidated scheme. favour of

This solves t h e land question in

t h e traditional producers, whereas t h e mechanized f a r m s put The large- scale mechanized schemes a r e privately

their land in jeopardy. owned by t h e class of

m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s and t h e smallholder schemes

re- group f a r m e r s every year according t o t h e rotation system, thus t h e r e is no security of t e n u r e for t h e participants. Second, in addition t o t h e plough, t h e animal traction package consists of a ridger, a seeder and a c a r t . a r e offered on a c r e d i t basis.

T h e four i t e m s c o s t over L s 800 and

The f a r m e r s a r e particularly encouraged by

t h e inclusion of c a r t s in t h e package.

These a r e used f o r transporting

their crops t o t h e houses or t o market, for bringing w a t e r and firewood, and for inter- village transport of

manufactured goods.

The c a r t s have

alleviated t h e pressure on women who traditionally transport t h e crops and bring w a t e r from long distances. Third, t h e plough saves labour and increases productivity relative t o t h e traditional system of production.

It is e s t i m a t e d t h a t productivity per

feddan is 140 kg in t h e J e b e l Mara Rural Development P r o j e c t and just under

130

Project. the

same

kg of

sorghum in t h e

Nuba

Mountains Rural Development

These figures a r e significantly higher than t h e 90 kglfeddan for crop

in

the

smallholders

mechanized

farming

sub- sector.

Fourth, t h e animal t r a c t i o n package represents a simple technology which involves a

minimum o r

expensive foreign expertise.

no importation of s p a r e parts, fuel or

Most of t h e f a r m s repair and service their

own equipment and t h e y sometimes seek assistance from local mechanics and blacksmiths t o fix c e r t a i n p a r t s which t h e y cannot handle themselves. With r e s p e c t t o this,

Johnston (1984:

42) argues that, " animal drawn

ploughs, cultivators, ridgers and similar equipment c a n b e manufactured with

reasonable

but

increasing

efficiency

by

small

and

medium- scale

workshops.

Such f i r m s employ relatively labour intensive technologies, and

t h e y a l s o have a strong incentive t o minimize t h e import c o n t e n t of their products".

This,

in m y view, m e e t s t h e c r i t e r i a of developing human

resources in a m o r e positive way, towards a b e t t e r application of interm e d i a t e technology a s a

pre- requisite t o a m o r e advanced agricultural

industrialization in t h e future.

Conclusions T h e m a t e r i a l presented in this paper c o n s t i t u t e a modest contribution t o t h e under- researched a r e a of

t h e appropriateness of t r a c t o r and animal

t r a c t i o n technologies t o t h e semi- arid zone of t h e Sudan. discussion is t h a t of

T h e issue under

t h e wider sociological implications of t h e use of

t r a c t o r s o r animal t r a c t i o n technologies a s exemplified by t h e Sudanese experience.

T h e r e l e v a n c e of t r a c t o r s a n d t h e i r associated technologies t o

agricultural

transformation

significance

of

such

has

not

technologies

been to

negated; underdeveloped

nonetheless,

the

infrastructures

(organizational, institutional a n d economic) and their c a p a c i t y t o e l i m i n a t e poverty has been questioned.

With t h e a b o v e points in mind, t h e following

conclusions c a n b e e x t r a c t e d f r o m t h e study: As regards t h e benefits achieved by t h e use of t r a c t o r s both by p r i v a t e owners and groups of smallholders, t h e beneficiaries a r e limited t o

a small proportion of t h e population.

In t h e c a s e of t h e p r i v a t e large-

s c a l e holders, t h e beneficiaries a r e t h e wealthy m e r c h a n t f a r m e r s o r t h e educated

and

political

elites

who

accumulated

sufficient

consciously decided t o invest in c o m m e r c i a l agriculture.

capital

and

They, in f a c t ,

own a major proportion of all t r a c t o r s and h a v e a t o t a l monopoly over t h e importation of modern agricultural technology.

This s y s t e m of agricultural

production c r e a t e s a mechanism which f a c i l i t a t e s t h e e m e r g e n c e of a class of wage labourers who a r e eventually t r a n s f o r m e d into landless agricultural workers (Kerblay:

through

the

1971, Long:

Goodman and Redclif t:

appropriation

of

land

by

1972, Arrighi and Saul: 1 98 1 , Harriss:

large- scale

producers

1973, Bernestein:

1979,

1 982).

T r a c t o r s c a n be useful in dispersing t h e benefits of sustained high productivity only if t h e surplus g e n e r a t e d f r o m agriculture i s re- invested in agriculture o r o t h e r productive non- farm linkages.

This, however, h a s not

been t h e c a s e with t h e c o m m e r c i a l farming s y s t e m is t h e Sudan w h e r e t h e investment of agricultural surplus has been directed t o t r a d e or transferred t o t h e urban centres, and utilized in t h e construction of lavish houses and t h e importation of expensive luxury items. foreign

exchange

agricultural

which

is

to

keep

inputs

in

short the

Consequently, t h e process of

This adds t o t h e problems of

supply

for

agricultural

the

importation

machinery

of

operational.

social polarization is a c c e l e r a t e d and t h e

income g a p between t h e poor and t h e rich increased. While t r a c t o r s a r e dependent on t h e availability of both national and international

linkages

with

the

dependent on imported inputs.

external

economy,

ploughs

are

less

In m o s t conditions, animal t r a c t i o n m a y be

preferable t o t r a c t o r s because of i t s relatively g r e a t e r flexibility, lower cost, and g r e a t e r linkages with o t h e r s e c t o r s of t h e rural economy (Uma Lele, 1976: 38).

T o a d v o c a t e animal t r a c t i o n a s p a r t and parcel of agri-

cultural development planning implies a positive approach towards regional equity in t h e allocation of development funds and t o maintain system- wide balances

in

the

macro- economic

major

parameters.

This approach is

particularly important in t h e c a s e of Sudan w h e r e t h e surplus produced by t h e large- scale mechanized f a r m s is totally transferred t o investment in t h e metropolitan centres.

As a m a t t e r of f a c t , neither t h e government

nor t h e private s e c t o r has undertaken any measures t o improve t h e social services or t h e infrastructure in t h e a r e a s w h e r e t h e a b s e n t e e commercial capitalist

t y p e of

agriculture

is

The inter- regional equity

practised.

dimension in t h e use of t h e relatively simple, but efficient animal traction technology

can

contribute

to

the

elimination

of

certain

ethnocentric

prejudices which a r e mainly c r e a t e d by t h e present uneven distribution of 4 . development , In addition t o increasing production and

t h e f a c t o r s of improving

t h e standard

I s h a r e Johnston's

of

living of

view (1 984:

frequently

of

the

rural

poor.

61) t h a t discussions of choice of

technology

have

extremes.

On t h e one hand, t h e r e is a tendency t o emphasize technical

efficiency and 'modernity'

gone

t h e majority

to

opposite,

but

equally

untenable

r a t h e r t h a n maximum efficiency, even though

t h e price of labour is low (because i t is relatively abundant) and c a p i t a l is scarce

and

dearer,

On

the

other

hand,

any

technical

change

that

eliminates income- earning opportunities of low income households may be condemned on t h e basis of a partial, s t a t i c analysis.

T h a t is, t h e potential

for generating new employment opportunities a s well a s t h e increased production of goods and services is m a d e possible by t h e resource saving of technical

effects

change.

Nevertheless,

saving by t h e introduction of

t h e wisdom

behind labour

t r a c t o r s has been disproved, especially in

semi- arid environments (Pearse:

1980, Saeed:

1982, Johnston:

1984).

In

t h e Sudan i t is observed t h a t t h e demand for labour d e c r e a s e s a s soil deterioration increases through t h e years d u e t o t h e lack of a rotation system.

Consequently, t h e low land productivity is accompanied by a

reduction

in

the

wages of

t h e agricultural

labourers.

Many of

the

labourers, therefore, a t t e m p t t o maintain t h e previous level of earning by increasing t h e period of work in t h e mechanized schemes instead of their farms.

The labour saving dilemma c a n thus b e seen a s an inseparable part

of t h e mechanism t h a t c r e a t e s dependence on t h e mechanized f a r m s and a t t h e s a m e t i m e p e r p e t u a t e s poverty among t h e traditional cultivators who, over t h e course of t i m e become less competitive with t h e largescale mechanized f a r m s of t h e commercial farmers. In no p a r t of this paper have I argued t h a t wage labour c a n be eliminated when animal t r a c t i o n is introduced because s o m e f a r m e r s in t h e traditional

sector

are

better

off

than

others.

Some

have

already

accumulated sufficient capital which c a n b e invested in m o r e t h a n one plough.

Moreover, s o m e poor f a r m e r s may find i t a t t r a c t i v e t o a d a p t

their traditional institutions of solidarity t o t h e flexible plough technology 5

and hence enjoy t h e benefits of t h e obligatory system of labour exchange.

The creation of such a n enterprise requires popular participation and m o r e a t t e n t i o n t o t h e processes of organization and institution building.

A more

e f f e c t i v e methodology is required t o diffuse t h e results of research into t h e most appropriate equipment f o r t h e farmers.

This policy could in e f f e c t

lead t o t h e development of a less expensive i n t e r m e d i a t e technology which would

result

in

higher

farm

productivity

opportunities outside t h e farming sector.

and

more

employment

T h e social and economic benefits

which c a n a c c r u e t o t h e low income- earning groups who use t h e plough a r e certainly

superior

to

advanced tractorization change in t h e Sudan.

the

social

cost

disguised

in

the

technologically

package within t h e present s t r u c t u r e of agrarian

(1)

T h e r e is no mention of t h e use of i n t e r m e d i a t e technology o r animal t r a c t i o n in a n y of t h e Sudan's Plans f o r Social a n d Economic Development. Even t h e t w o e x p e r i e n c e s of animal t r a c t i o n t h a t I describe in this paper w e r e introduced a s a response t o a request f r o m t h e European Economic Community. C o m p a r e this, f o r example, t o Kenya's F o u r t h National Development Plan which clearly s t a t e d in 1979 t h a t particular a t t e n t i o n should b e a t t a c h e d t o i n t e r m e d i a t e technology. Quoted in G. Muchiri (1984).

(2)

It is r e p o r t e d by t h e Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation, t h e body responsible f o r t h e introduction of modernization schemes, t h a t t h e a v e r a g e level of c o t t o n productivity d e c r e a s e d when t h e smallholder p r o g r a m m e w a s introduced in 19701197 1 f r o m 2.87 small k a n t a r s (a k a n t a r i s 100 Ib) t o 1.14 small k a n t a r s j f e d d a n in 198311984. This c a n n o t b e a t t r i b u t e d t o s h o r t a g e of rainfall, since t h e southern p a r t s of t h e Nuba Mountains w e r e n o t drastically a f f e c t e d during t h o s e particular agricultural seasons.

(3)

The J e b e l Mara Rural Development P r o j e c t w a s a United Nations funded v e n t u r e until 1980 when t h e project w a s re- oriented a n d financed by t h e EEC. T h e project o p e r a t e s within a n a r e a of about 7,800,000 feddans. T h e main crops c u l t i v a t e d in t h e project a r e a a r e millet, sorghum, groundnuts, and various horticultural products. T h e Nuba Mountains R u r a l Development P r o j e c t is also EEC funded. I t d a t e s back t o t h e s a m e period a s t h e Jebel Mara Rural Developm e n t P r o j e c t but i t h a s less e x p e r i e n c e and fewer logistic facilities. Both projects apply a n i m a l t r a c t i o n a s a method f o r developing smallholders in Western Sudan.

(4)

Sudan has been a f f e c t e d by s e v e r a l regional m o v e m e n t s which in t h e c a s e of t h e Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army is fighting a w a r against t h e c e n t r a l government a s a means of achieving m o r e equitable growth in t h e underdeveloped Southern Regions and o t h e r p a r t s of t h e Sudan. O t h e r regional m o v e m e n t s which press f o r a n e v e n development a r e t h e Nuba Mountains Political Union, t h e Sudan Nationalist P a r t y (also originated in t h e Nuba Moun-tains), t h e Dar Fur Development F r o n t and t h e Beja Congress of Eastern Sudan. Although development projects a r e found in t h e s e regions, t h e y have failed t o r e a c h t h e mass of t h e rural poor. T h e use of t h e expensive t r a c t o r i z a t i o n projects f o r private owners who invest their surpluses outside t h e regions of production c a n b e partially blamed f o r t h e e m e r g e n c e of such groups.

(5)

For f u r t h e r m a t e r i a l on communal labour and rural development r e f e r t o L. Manger (ed) forthcoming, Communal Labour in t h e Sudan: Continuity and Change, and J. Ziche and M.A. Moharned-Salih, 1984, Communal Labour and Rural Development, Examples f r o m Africa South of t h e Sahara.

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Goodman, D., and Redclift, ' M . '

F r o m P e a s a n t t o Proletarian: C a ~ i t a l i s tD e v e l o ~ m e n t a n d Agrarian Transition, Basil lackw well, o x f o r d , 1981.

Gore, E.

Regions in Questions: Space, Development Theory and Regional Policy. Methuen, London a n d New York, 1984.

Halland, G.

T h e Introduction, in Problems of Savannah Development, Bergen, 1982.

Harriss

Rural Development. Baltimore. University Press, 1982.

John Hopkins

Huntington, R. e t a1

T h e Challenge of Rainfed Agriculture in Western and Southern Sudan, in A f r i c a Today, Vol. 28, No.2.

Ibrahim, F.N.

T h e Problem of Desertification in t h e Republic of t h e Sudan with Special R e f e r e n c e t o Northern Darfur, D S R C Monograph No. 8, 1978.

Johnston, B.F., and Clark, W.C.

Re- Designing Rural Development, Hutchinson, London, 1982.

Johnston, B.F.

F a r m Equipment Innovations in E a s t e r n Africa: Policy Considerations, in I. Ahmed a n d B. Kinsey (eds). F a r m Equipment Innovations in Eastern, C e n t r a l anc! Southern Africa. Gower. 1984.

Kerblay, B.

Chayanov and t h e Theory of P e a s a n t r y a s a Specific Type of Economy, in T. Shanin (ed) P e a s a n t s and P e a s a n t Societies, Penguin, 1971.

Kinsey, B.H.

Agricultural Equipment Innovations and Rural Transf o r m a t i o n in Tanzania, in I. Ahmed and B. Kinsey (eds) F a r m Equipment Innovations in Eastern, C e n t r a l a n d Southern Africa, Gower, 1984.

I. Kursany

Mainstream and Marxist Economic C a t e g o r i e s in Relation t o Sudanese Development Problems, in Sudan Journal of Economic and Social Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1983.

Lele, U m a

T h e Design of Rural Development: Lessons f r o m Africa, Baltimore and John Hopkins University Press, 1976.

Lele, Urna

Rural Africa: Modernization, Equity and Long- Term Development, in Science, Vol. 211, No. 4482, Feb. 1981.

Long, N.

An Introduction t o t h e Sociology of Rural Developm e n t , Tavistock, London, 1972.

Makmoud, F.B.

T h e Sudanese Bourgeosie.

Manger, L.

T h e Sand Swallows our Land. Bergen Occasional P a p e r s in Social Anthropology, No. 24, 1982.

Manger, L.

Communal Labour in t h e Sudan, Bergen Occasional P a p e r s in Social Anthropology, Forthcoming, 1987.

Mohamed- Salih, M.A.

Development a n d Social C h a n g e a m o n g t h e Moro of t h e Nuba Mountains, PhD Thesis, University of Manchester, 1983.

Mohamed- Salih, M.A.

Research Methodology and t h e C o m p e t e n c e of Social Scientists in Depicting Reality: Some Odd F a c t s f r o m Rural Sudan, in B.O.M. Fadlalla e t a1 (eds): Research Methods in t h e Social Sciences: T h e Quest

London:

Zed, 1984.

for Relevant Approaches for Africa, t h e Organization of Social Science Research in Eastern Africa, 1986. Muchiri, G.

Farm Equipment for Smallholders in Semi-Arid Kenya, in I. Ahmed and B. Kinsey (eds) Farm Equipment Innovations in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa, Gower, 1984.

O'Brien, J.

How Traditional is Traditional Agriculture, in Sudan Journal of Economic and Social Studies, 1977.

Oesterdiekhoff, P., and Wohlmuth (eds)

The Development Perspective of t h e Democratic Republic of t h e Sudan, Waltforum Verlag, 1983.

Pearse, A.

Seeds of Plenty, Seeds of Want: Social and Economic Implications of t h e Green Revolution, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1980.

Saeed, M.H.

Economic Effects of Agricultural Mechanization in Rural Sudan: The Case of Habila, Southern Kordofan, in G. Haaland (ed), Problems of Savannah Development: The Sudan Case, Bergen Occasional Papers in Social Anthropology, No. 19, 1982.

Tothill, J.B.

Agriculture in t h e Sudan, Oxford University Press, 1948.

Ziche, J., and Mohamed-Salih, M.A.

Communal Labour and Rural Development in Africa South of t h e Sahara, in t h e International Journal of Agriculture, Vol. 23, No. 4, 1984.

Reports and Documents Referred to: German Technical Co-operation (GTZ): The Nuba Mountains Regional Masterplan for Rural Development, 1978. Hunting Technical Service Ltd: Agricultural Development in Jebel Mara Area, 1977: The Indicative Plan for Agricultural Development in South Kordofan, 1980. Jebel Mara Rural Development Project:

Annual Reports, 1983-1985. The Rainfed Sector Strategy:

Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning: 1986. Nuba Mountains Agricultural Corporation:

Annual Reports, 1970-1985.

Nuba Mountains Rural Development Project:

Annual Reports 1983-1985.

South Kordofan Agricultural Development Project: The Main Report Conducted by t h e Australian Consulting and Management Ltd., and Newtech Engineering Ltd., for t h e Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning 1986.

Sudan Government: follows:

Plans for Social and Economic Development:

Five Year Plan, 1970171 - 1975176 Six Year Plan, 1976177 - 1982183

as

NATIONAL AMBIVALENCE AND EXTERNAL HEGEMONY: The Negligence of Pastoral Nomads in the Sudan Abdel Ghaffar M. Ahmed

Introduction In dealing with t h e issue of t h e Sahel famine, Meillassoux (1974) considered t h e whole process a result of exploitation of t h e region by a dominant capitalist system.

The benefit of t h e aid given is t o save t h e population

from hunger, or t o slow their exodus t o urban areas, a s well a s t o reduce their anger.

The f a m i n e s e t s t h e framework for "the prospects of a c r u e l

but nevertheless lucrative future".'

Within such a context, " the virtual

disappearance of t h e nomads leaves room f o r stock farming and hiring of labour". In order t o pave t h e way for such a process, development theorists in most of t h e developing countries s e e m t o a t t r i b u t e t h e failure of their models t o t h e indigenous s y s t e m s of production in rural areas.

Pastoral

nomads lead t h e list of categories of rural people who a r e considered a s resistant

t o change

in

t h e s e countries.

This a t t i t u d e of

resistance,

whether labelled a s having a " c a t t l e complex", a s in t h e c a s e of nomads, or considered "super laz;."

the

and "fatalistic", a s in t h e c a s e of

peasants, has been very much exaggerated. Looking a t t h e a t t i t u d e towards nomads, one a g r e e s with Swift (1977) t h a t t h e y a r e confused.

But t h e most prevalent a t t i t u d e s a r e a t present

those of t h e government officials and development specialists, who o f t e n regard t h e m a s "backward and irrational people, a burden on t h e s t a t e and 2 inevitably destined t o b e changed into something m o r e modern". R a t h e r than discussing modernization and resistance t o change, t h e present experience of

t h e developing countries calls for

a

systematic

evaluation of t h e process of development t h a t has been under way for a number of decades.

Instead of asking with Schneider, "why d o people who

a r e relatively rich in livestock usually resist development"? i t is b e t t e r t o s t a r t by questioning t h e types of development which a r e taking place in 3 t h e s e countries. This paper is a revised version of Planning and t h e Neglect of Pastoral G. Haaland (ed) Problems of Savannah DevelopNomads in t h e Sudan, ment, Bergen 1982.

Although t h e v a s t majority of t h e population of developing countries reside and m a k e t h e i r living in rural a r e a s , f r o m which c o m e s a very large p a r t of t h e national wealth, t h e p a s t development s t r a t e g i e s which g a v e inadequate support t o t h e r u r a l a r e a s have resulted in a deterioration in t h e quality of rural life. T h e s e s t r a t e g i e s t h a t w e r e pursued by t h e developing countries a f t e r t h e Second World War, did n o t challenge t h e main f e a t u r e s of t h e international division of labour, shaped during t h e l a s t century.

An externally

oriented and dependent development model w a s a c c e p t e d by t h e ruling elite.

New a t t e m p t s t o a c h i e v e development have already s t a r t e d t o t a k e

into consideration t h e present crisis of t h e world's economic order and t h e unequal exchange relations.

R e s i s t a n c e t o t h e previous model of "develop-

ment" has been t h e a c t i o n of many s t r a t a s of t h e population in developing countries.

T h e r e s i s t a n c e of pastoral nomads, whether rich o r poor, is

understandable when looked a t within t h i s framework. Pastoral Systems of Production Development plans h a v e r e c e n t l y given varying degrees of a t t e n t i o n t o t h e contribution of t h e livestock sector.

However, i t c a n b e easily noticed

t h a t t h e quality of l i f e a m o n g t h e nomadic population has n o t improved in proportion

to

this

sector's

contribution

to

the

national

economy.

In addition t o accusations t h a t t h e nomadic population i s conservative and resists change, t h e drought h a s also been blamed.

Yet, a n examination

of t h e method suggested by t h e project for t h e development of traditional agriculture, shows t h a t t h e r e is a n undeclared objective in t h e s e plans, namely t o s e t t l e t h e pastoral nomads.

The pastoral system of production

under such pressure is a f f e c t e d by t h e difficulties t h a t t h e s e people a r e facing in a rapidly changing world. In trying t o show t h e s e difficulties i t become? m o r e e a s y t o follow t h e i r complexity and interrelation if t h e pastoral production system of t h e various regions is t r e a t e d separately. 1.

T h e r e a r e t h e marginal lands of

t h e Sudan, bordering t h e

d e s e r t , w h e r e t h e precipitation is 200mm per annum o r less. Here, n o cultivation is possible, e x c e p t in r a r e c a s e s where people h a v e small fields along t h e w a t e r courses during t h e

rainy season.

The pastoral movement is a long one, and t h e

most dominant

animal in this region is t h e camel, whose

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s m a k e i t m o r e suitable for survival in such a n environment than o t h e r animals. 2.

In t h e savannah belt, w h e r e t h e rainfall varies between 400 and

800mm

per

annum,

the

alternatives for land use. or t o c u l t i v a t e a

population

has a number of

They c a n use i t t o g r a z e animals,

variety of crops, or t o combine animal

husbandry with c r o p production which is w h a t t h e majority of t h e m do.

Most of t h e population h e r e is s e t t l e d in permanent

or semi- permanent season.

villages, and cultivates during t h e rainy

During t h e dry season s o m e members of t h e house-

hold move with their herds ( c a t t l e , sheep and a relatively small number of water.

camels) t o places of

better

pasture and

Those who have their villages near perennial rivers

a r e much

more settled,

and their villages a r e permanent.

The most dominant animals of their herds a r e c a t t l e , sheep and goats, whose characteristics suit t h e ecological setting. The distances t h a t t h e s e animals have t o cover in search of pasture a r e r a t h e r short compared t o those covered by herds in t h e marginal lands.4

I t is important t o mention h e r e t h a t

t h e s i z e of t h e herd determines t h e number of m e m b e r s of t h e household t h a t have t o move with i t , o r t h e number of hired people t o d o t h e job, if no dependents c a n b e a t t r a c t e d . The process of allocation of t i m e and labour t o t h e various tasks

undertaken

by e a c h

individual of

the

household,

is

handled by t h e household head.

3.

Ethnic groups t h a t keep very l a r g e herds of c a t t l e in t h e southern p a r t of this belt, prefer pure pastoralism t o o t h e r systems of production, a s seen f r o m t h e c a s e of t h e Baggara of t h e Sudan.

This preference should not only b e accounted

for by a detailed account of c u s t o m s and values, but a special emphasis has t o

b e given t o t h e r81e of

c a t t l e in such

societies, whose integration in t h e m a r k e t economy is recent. An understanding of important

for

t h e n a t u r e of pastoral capital is very

understanding

the

insistence

on

such

a

preference.5 ( Sudd

In t h e s w a m p region of t h e Southern Sudan (The

) t h e annual

together

transhumant

migration of

t h e people

with t h e i r livestock is a rational response t o t h e

existing ecological situation.

Seasonal floods f o r c e t h e human

and

the

animal

populations

to

highland

during

the

rainy

season, w h e r e t h e y remain until t h e flood recedes before they grazing land near t h e river.

move t o t h e toich ment t o t h e

The move-

is due t o t h e lack of good pasture and

toich

enough w a t e r in t h e highlands during t h e dry season (see Figure 1).

While staying in t h e highlands, t h e Dinka and t h e

Nuer who reside in this region, c u l t i v a t e small fields with different

crops which

t h e y use for consumption,

with t h e

exception of surplus crops of t o b a c c o which a r e marketed. The dominant animals h e r e a r e t h e Nilotic c a t t l e , but a fair number of Nilotic sheep and g o a t s is also kept. description of been

carried

t h e Nilotic livestock activities out,

and

this

describes 6 migratory c y c l e (adopted f r o m P a y n e ).

the

A detailed

has recently

general

annual

These t h r e e regions have been influenced by a number of f a c t o r s which a r e inducing change in t h e pastoral system of production. major f a c t o r a f f e c t i n g t h e f i r s t region This

factor

had

a

number

of

The

( t h e marginal lands) is t h e drought.

economic,

ecological and

sociocultural

implictions. "Through i t s devastating actions, d e s e r t encroachment t h r e a t e n s social life in t h e a f f e c t e d regions.

T h e loss of land t o t h e d e s e r t results

in t h e collapse of t h e economic base which g e n e r a t e s a chain of reactions leading finally t o t h e disintegration of t h e economic base which g e n e r a t e s a chain of reactions leading finally t o t h e disintegration of t h e community a t large and t h e discontinuity of

human habitation".

"The short- term

e f f e c t s a r e predominantly psychological ones, resulting from t h e lack of stability

due

production.

to

the

c h a n c e of

The long- term 7

n a t u r a l phenomena,

effect

will

mean a

pasture and crop

virtual disappearance

of life in t h a t region".

Inclusion of Nomads in Development Planning The contribution of pastoral nomadic groups t o t h e national economy of t h e developing countries in which they live has been hindered by t h e type

FIGURE 1 The Annual Transhumant Migratory Cycle of Livestock Owners with their Animals in t h e Kongor-Duk Fawil Area

Livestock all a t homestead: k e p t in a luak at night

Livestock r e t u r n t o c a m p s adjacent t o village a s flood w a t e r s rise

Livestock all a t homestead: k e p t in a luak at night

Livestock from t h e c a t t l e c a m p move t o t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e land away from t h e village

P a r t herd in village: p a r t in c a t t l e camps adjacent t o t h e village

Wet Season

Eastward migration back t o t h e village begins

-

- - - - - - - _ I

---

North wind blows: floor w a t e r s r e c e d e livestock no longer in luaks a t night: still a t homestead

--- --

Firing of less palatable grasses on t h e interm e d i a t e land begins

If very dry season c a m p s will be on t h e e d g e of t h e d e e p flooded toich or taar

Toich c a m p s formed: f i r s t in home toich (toiya bai ): t h e deep flooded toich is still underwater a t this t i m e

Livestock in communal village c a m p s Communal village camps moved t o intermediate land: in the p a s t t o east: some livestock remain in t h e villages Pools in intermediate land drying up: returns t o village & westward migration begins: s o m e livestock remain in t h e villages: but most move westwards

of plans on which t h e s e countries have embarked since independence.

All

plans f o r t h e livestock s e c t o r lacked a n integrated approach and were mostly composed of unco-ordinated

projects, where animal resources were

isolated from agricultural production. Nomads represent 25 t o 40 per c e n t of t h e population of t h e Sudan. The animal wealth in t h e country is mainly held by t h e pastoral nomads. They own 90 per c e n t of t h e domestic a n i m a ~ s . ~Nomadic livestock is t h e major source of m e a t for local and e x p o r t markets, and therefore, whene v e r t h e r e is a r e f e r e n c e t o t h e contribution of t h e livestock section in t h e Sudan economy, this largely r e f e r s t o t h e contribution of t h e nomads. However, in s p i t e of this major r6le of t h e nomads on t h e national level, t h e livestock s e c t o r has not been given t h e a t t e n t i o n i t deserves by t h e government.

The T e n Year Plan (1960-1970) completely neglected t h e

nomads, and t h e s h a r e of t h e i r s e c t o r in t h e government investment plan was insignificant (only 0.65 per cent).

The Five Year Plan for 1970-75

repeated t h e mistake of t h e T e n Year Plan.

The major objective of this

plan was t o increase livestock production by 75.5 per c e n t and t o go beyond

self- sufficiency,

products.

in

order

t o export

meat

and

other

livestock

By examining t h e plan, one finds t h a t with regard t o t h e live-

stock s e c t o r i t has many shortcorfiings: a.

It lacks a co- ordinated approach t o t h e problems of development, and t h e a n i m a l resources w e r e handled in isolation from agricultural production.

b.

The s h a r e of t h e sector, a s t o t h e plan's public fund, was insignificant (0.98 per cent).

C.

Most of t h e projects planned w e r e for services.

d.

The plan did not provide for a n appropriate expansion of fodder base and irrigation of pastures.

e.

The

plan

had

not

included

any

projects f o r 9

the

direct

improvement of t h e nomads' life conditions.

The Six Year Plan (1977/78/1982/83) is trying t o avoid t h e shortcomings of

the

two

previous

plans.

The development

of

traditional

agriculture, which is defined in such a way t h a t i t includes livestock, has been given special emphasis.

In i t s overall objectives, in t h e c h a p t e r on

a g r i c u l t u r e , i t h a s t h e following s t a t e m e n t s t h a t t o u c h on t h e nomads:

1.

Development

and

modernization

of

traditional

farming,

i m p r o v e m e n t of conditions f o r n o m a d s a n d t h e modernization of p a s t o r a l a c t i v i t i e s . 2.

D e v e l o p m e n t of improvement

a n i m a l w e a l t h , c o n t r o l of

of

production

diseases and t h e 10 marketing facilities.

and

T h e s h a r e of t h e livestock s e c t o r a m o u n t s t c 12.98 p e r c e n t of t h e public funds a l l o t t e d t o t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r of t h e plan, a n d t o 22.9 per c e n t when t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n of t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r t o a g r i c u l t u r a l developm e n t is included.

T h e s h a r e of t h e livestock s e c t o r , a s t o t h e plan's

public funds, h a s i n c r e a s e d significantly c o m p a r e d with t h e t w o previous plans.

Y e t , o n e very a p p a r e n t f e a t u r e of t h i s plan a s t o i n v e s t m e n t i s

t h a t t h e r e is a g a i n m o r e e m p h a s i s on t h e a s p e c t of public s e r v i c e s , whereas

most

aspects

of

production

are

left

to

the

private

sector.

Aspects and Consequences oi Planned Development T h e s i t u a t i o n in

North

E a s t A f r i c a a t p r e s e n t is a

v e r y serious one.

Nevertheless, i t h a s n o t b e e n s u b j e c t e d t o a publicity s i m i l a r t o t h e Sahel c a s e , e x c e p t when political issces o n a n a t i o n a l level w e r e involved, a s in t h e c a s e of Ethiopia.

This is mainly d u e t o t h e f a c t t h a t a c o u n t r y like

t h e Sudan h a s t h e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of population

in

other

regions

a c c o m m o d a t i n g i t s drought s t r i c k e n

adjacent

to

the

marginal

lands.

This h a s been t h e i m m e d i a t e r e a c t i o n of t h e population in t h e s e l a s t few

years.

savannah belt.

They

started

moving

south

with

their

animals into t h e

It is h e r e t h a t w e s e e a n e w phenomenon of adaption, not

only by t h e human population, but a l s o by t h e animals.

H e r d s cf c a m e l s

a r e f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e s e e n g r a z i n g s o u t h of l a t i t u d e 9"N, a n a r e a which t h e i r h e r d e r s used t o avoid, d u e t o t h e p r e s e n c e of f l i e s and c l a y land which is n o t f a v o u r a b l e f o r t h e animal. However, t h i s a b i l i t y t o a c c o m m o d a t e such people in t h i s b e l t h a s i t s serious c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r t h e second region,

t h e savannah b e l t itself.

The

productivity of t h e region, in t e r m s of c r o p production is d e c r e a s i n g due t o t h e d a m a g e c a u s e d by t h e newly a r r i v e d herds.

Hence, t h e production

of g u m a r a b i c in t h e b e l t is rapidly d e c r e a s i n g , d u e t o t h e browsing of c a m e l s on t h e

Acacia senegal

trees.

T h e s e t r e e s on t h e n o r t h e r n limits

of t h e

belt w e r e also a f f e c t e d by t h e drought.

Such a development is

having a very alarming e f f e c t on t h e national economy, since gum arabic represents one of t h e major crops t h a t provides foreign currency t o t h e country. Conflicts

between

becoming t h e major These

conflicts have

pastoral

problem been

nomads

and

sedentary

cultivators

facing t h e administration

m o r e complicated and

of

are

t h e region.

their frequency has

increased through t h e challenge introduced by t h e agricultural development plans for t h e region, including both irrigated and rainfed areas.

These

plans, when considered within a national o r inter- regional context, c a n be seen a s a blessing, since t h e y provide food a t a t i m e when developing countries a r e suffering f r o m serious shortages of such items. But looked a t within t h e framework of international t r a d e and t h e pertaining unequal exchange relations, especially when t h e production of cash crops is emphasized, i t c a n be seen a s a curse on t h e population of t h e a r e a , whether t h e y a r e cultivators, pastoral nomads or agro- pastoralists. The f i r s t a r e f o r c e d t o sell their labour cheaply.

The second a r e

driven from t h e best a r e a s of their traditional pasture t o places which a r e not favourable for their herds, which leads t h e m into m o r e conflicting situations.''

And t h e last a r e being subjected t o various socio- economic

pressures and forced t o abandon one of t h e t w o activities and change into agricultural labourers with low wages and a n even lower standard of living. Looking a t t h e position of t h e pastoral nomads in this region today, we notice t h a t t h e pressure on land is increasing rapidly, d u e t o t h e new schemes being established or proposed (Figure 2) and due t o t h e movement of m o r e herds from t h e marginal lands.

The carrying c a p a c i t y of t h e

a r e a s available for grazing by t h e herds of pastoral nomads is decreasing. The land ownership in most, if not all p a r t s of this belt, is in t h e hands of t h e government, who thus c a n establish a n y s c h e m e t h a t i t sees f i t for t h e area. The pastoral management units t h e r e f o r e do not have a monopoly on t h e grazing land t h e y use, since t h e grazing a r e a s a r e communally used by t h e e t h n i c groups t h a t traditionally reside in t h e specific location.

But

even in t h e c a s e of a t e r m like Dar in t h e Sudan (meaning homeland) which implies t h a t a n e t h n i c group has a n exclusive use of t h e grazing

grounds in i t s homeland, t h e situation has changed.

T h e Dar rights a r e no

longer valid, and any group c a n move in t o utilize t h e available resources. Therefore, no m a n a g e m e n t unit o r e t h n i c group in a given a r e a c a n strike animals.

an

optimal

balance

between

pasture

resources a n d

number of

T h e c o n c e n t r a t e d distribution of w a t e r sources h a s been a very

i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r leading t o over- grazing. The animal population using t h e s e sources is increasing considerably, due t o t h e improvement of veterinary services over t h e l a s t years.

A

significant addition t o t h e s e herds i s presently coming f r o m prosperous f a r m e r s in t h e irrigated s c h e m e s in this belt.

Animals s e e m , even with

t h e present situation of development of this region and i t s integration in t h e m a r k e t economy, t o b e t h e only possible a l t e r n a t i v e f o r investment for prosperous farmers. o u t of

T h e herds t h a t such f a r m e r s a c c u m u l a t e h a v e t o move

t h e scheme area, except

when c r o p s a r e harvested, s i n c e t h e

animal units, a d m i t t e d by t h e s c h e m e management, a r e only those which will cover t h e f a r m e r s 1 essential needs of milk and o t h e r a n i m a l products. T h e concept of a g r i c u l t u r e provided by t h e development plans for t h e region

is one which s e p a r a t e s c r o p production from a n i m a l husbandry.

Hence a f a r m e r who w a n t s t o invest in herds has t o establish relations with neighbouring pastoral nomads who c a n c a r e for his animals when they a r e a w a y f r o m t h e village.

This has been done successfully in s o m e c a s e s

particularly in t h e c a s e of t h e New Halfa s c h e m e in t h e Sudan.

12

By

agreeing t o keep t h e f a r m e r ' s herd when h e c u l t i v a t e s in t h e scheme, t h e pastoral nomads s e c u r e a n a c c e s s t o t h e agricultural by- products of t h e plot of t h e f a r m e r a f t e r harvesting.

13

It is important t o n o t e h e r e t h a t t h e o f f t a k e f r o m t h e s e herds is very low.

But

the

marginal

productivity

of

further

i n v e s t m e n t in

herds,

whether owned by pastoral nomads o r o t h e r groups, has n o t y e t approached zero.

Until

that

happens

herds

will

continue

to

increase.

But i t is necessary t o k e e p in mind t h a t pastoral nomads a r e very sensitive t o t h e carrying c a p a c i t y aspect.

Although t h e p a s t u r e is not

monopolized by individual m a n a g e m e n t units, a s previously s t a t e d , t h e selfregulatory n a t u r e of t h e s y s t e m of pure pastoralism is keeping t h e system of production in action.

Conceptualizing t h e situation a s such, ~ n t e g r a t e d

development plans which h a v e a m o r e positive approach t o t h e improvem e n t of t h e existing s y s t e m s of c r o p production and livestock, will lead t o

real development which would have a positive i m p a c t on t h e quality of life of t h e indigenous people. R e c e n t plans for t h e Southern Darfur a r e a , situated in t h e southern p a r t of t h e savannah region, a r e advocating such a n approach.14

A t this

point, mention has t o b e m a d e of t h e f a c t t h a t t h e richer groups among pastoral nomads do in f a c t t a k e t h e c h a n c e when a n opportunity arises, t o The Rufa's al-Hoi, t h e Shukriya and t h e Halawiyyn, 15 and irrigated schemes, a r e c a s e s in point.

invest in new fields. who

joined

rainfed

The transhumant population of t h e Sudd region has for t h e last t w o decades been facing similar changes through t h e excessive flooding of their land.

The worst p a r t of t h i s period w e r e t h e years 1961-64, when t h e

Dinka and t h e Nuer lost l a r g e numbers from their herds.

Some families

w e r e forced t o s e t t l e on highlands, t o depend on cultivation and from relatives whose herds had managed t o survive.

on help

O t h e r s s e t t l e d in t h e

southern p a r t of t h e a r e a , w h e r e fishing b e c a m e t h e major activity in 16 order t o secure a living. On t h e whole, m o s t of t h e households w e r e l e f t with surplus manpower t h a t could not b e employed in t h e traditional system.

This surplus

personnel s t a r t e d t o m i g r a t e northwards, t o work in t h e various projects in t h e Northern Sudan.

The wages of this surplus labour caused a flow of

cash into t h e traditional s y s t e m and led t o a gradual opening-up of i t s l7

closed cycle, which h a s been described in t h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e s e people.

O n e of t h e major benefits of t h e Jonglei Canal Project, which was approved by t h e Government of t h e Sudan in J u n e 1974, is t h a t i t will p r o t e c t t h e a r e a s t h a t have always been subjected t o flood hazards.

It

will also lead t o a n increase of t h e riverain summer grazing, and i t will provide perennial w a t e r s in t h e highlands and intermediate lands, which will

enable

a

utilization

of

their

pastures

throughout

the

year.

Leadership A number of integrated development projects a r e under study, leading t o a wider understanding of t h e processes of development.

O n e major emphasis

is on popular participation in t h e development process, and so f a r interest has been generated

but e f f e c t i v e participation is not y e t t o b e found.

This r e l a t e s t o a n issue which is significant for all t h e t h r e e populations

in t h e regions discussed, namely t h a t of representation. Generally, regions.

pastoral

people

have enjoyed s o m e autonomy in

their

They d e a l t with t h e c e n t r a l government machine through their

traditional leaders, who represented t h e m in t h e outside world m o r e than they a c t e d a s mediators in t h e inter- group affairs.

The legitimacy and

s t r u c t u r e of t h e leadership is a topic beyond t h e scope of this paper.

18

What is essential t o mention h e r e is t h a t t h e c e n t r a l political system has d e a l t a blow t o such traditional leaders.

The c e n t r a l government has

reduced or abolished their e f f e c t i v e r61e in administration, and has tried t o c r e a t e new leaders in their place, i.e., leadership,

t h e c a m p councils.

The new

which is e l e c t e d and/or appointed from t h e c a m p members,

lacked t h e experience which t h e previous leaders had. the effective

participation

of

This has hindered

t h e s e new leaders in t h e new political

organization, t h e o n e party system.

Thus f a r this leadership has not been

a b l e t o express adequately t h e way in which i t s masses view t h e rapid change which is taking place in their regions. These changes in t h e s t r u c t u r e of leadership have been followed by a number of

changes in t h e relation

traditional e t h n i c organization.

between various groups within t h e

On t h e whole, t h e result is r a t h e r dis-

appointing, since i t did not achieve i t s major goal of e f f e c t i v e participation of

the

masses of

pastoral

nomads in issues related

t o their

future

development.

The Role of International Agencies The consequences of planned development h a v e culminated in a disastrous ecological degradation, desertification, Sahel.

deforestration, and famine in t h e

Many of t h e Sahelian pastoral nomads and subsistence cultivators

have lost their command over their resources and hence become vulnerable t o any change in t h e d e l i c a t e ecological balance t h a t they have maintained over t h e centuries. in t w o ways:

The international organizations e n t e r into t h e picture

first, through t h e international division of labour a s I have

s t a t e d earlier ( $ 3 7 )

and second through t h e aid t h a t they o f f e r t o t h e

victims of their exploitative economic operations in t h e Sahel. therefore

see

that

the

national

governments,

due

to

the

One can structural

relation of dependence on t h e international donors, became prone t o a c c e p t t h e policy recommendations of t h e international development agencies.

It

is not surprising in t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h a t t h e most damaging decisions t o national economies and e n v i r o n m e n t s alike, w e r e introduced and supported by development e x p e r t s who usually d o n o t h a v e sufficient t i m e t o answer t h e question of who b e n e f i t s f r o m such v e n t u r e s nor d o t h e y bother t o enlist t h e views and a t t i t u d e s of t h e recipients.

F u r t h e r m o r e , when such

proposals a r e made, t h e channels of communication a r e a l w a y s based o n a t o p t o b o t t o m approach o r d e v e l o p m e n t f r o m above. Experimenting o n r u r a l peoples s t y l e of livelihood and lives b e c a m e a hobby f o r government advisors whether national o r foreign.

Africa has too frequently become a

l a b o r a t o r y for t h e f a n t a s i e s of foreign d e v e l o p m e n t e x p e r t s who l e a v e when t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l o r s e t t l e m e n t p r o j e c t s f a i l and t r y again elsewhere.

Their

f a i l u r e i s c r e d i t e d by being c o u n t e d a s a r e l e v a n t e x p e r i e n c e by recruiting i n t e r n a t i o n a l agencies.

T h e consequences of t h e r6le of t h e s e a g e n c i e s is

t h a t t h e national government

h a s b e c o m e m o r e and m o r e dependent on

t h e m and t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l a g e n c i e s have t h u s b e c o m e m o r e involved in national policy formulation. In t h e i r a t t e m p t t o a f f e c t t h e i r d e v e l o p m e n t a s s i s t a n c e in t h e p a s t and t h e i r disaster a i d

r e c e n t l y , many international

institutions with or

without t h e support of t h e national governments, have a t t e m p t e d t o g a t h e r information

by

sending

experts

to

conduct

research.

a c t i v i t i e s a r e positively c o r r e l a t e d with underdevelopment.

The

research

However, t h e

value of t h e results and r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s put forward by t h e s e e x p e r t s c a n hardly equal t h e p r i c e of t h e s h e e t s of paper o n which t h e y a r e w r i t t e n . T h e need f o r a c t i o n o r i e n t e d r e s e a r c h which involves t h e recipients, rural social s c i e n t i s t s and n o t just t h e professionals is pressing. Two c o n t r a s t i n g p i c t u r e s of t h e r81e of t h e international a g e n c i e s c a n be c i t e d here.

The f i r s t p i c t u r e is r e p r e s e n t e d by Figure 3 o n p.143which

i l l u s t r a t e s t h e position of t h e development a u t h o r i t i e s in t h e process of accumulation and impoverishment of t h e r u r a l communities.

T h e figure

also reveals t h a t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t a u t h o r i t i e s usually by-pass t h e regular channels of decision making a n d transactions.

As a m a t t e r of f a c t t h e y

a r e providing f a c i l i t i e s for t h o s e who d o not need t h e m , t a k i n g decisions t h a t favour t h e middle c l a s s and e v e n providing food supplies f o r those who live in t h e vicinity of t h e decision making apparatuses. national development

authorities, a t

T h e inter-

t h e final analysis provide f o r t h e

m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e a l r e a d y privileged c a t e g o r i e s of t h e population and d o

away with those who a r e in need. The second picture is t h a t of

t h e small producers who a r e often

f o r c e d t o grow cash crops before t h e y c a n g e t a c c e s s t o credit.

O r those

pastoralists and subsistence cultivators who due t o t h e prevalent international division of labour a r e constantly buying dear from t h e rich and selling c h e a p t o t h e rich. wealth

and

poverty

In Nyerere's (1986:

breeds

poverty

388) words, " wealth breeds

- through

t h e relative investment

c a p a c i t y and power of t h e powerless in relation with others".19

It is this

mobility of small f a r m e r s t o e n t e r i n t o c o n t a c t with t h e representatives of t h e international institutions ( s e e Figure)

through t h e production of cash

crops t h a t individualism p e n e t r a t e d their

work e t h i c s which were' once

evolved around collectivism.

The results a r e grave when interpreted in

t e r m s of t h e disintegration of indigenous institutions of co- operation in pastoral and agricultural spheres of production. The final assault on t h e national economies is t h a t t h e y a r e caught in t h e dilemma of having t o produce or encourage rural people t o produce cash crops and thus add t o t h e food deficit in their countries.

The foreign

currencies obtained f r o m t h e s e economic enterprises a r e used t o service t h e mounting d e b t or t o pay for commodities which a r e forced on t h e m by t h e dominant economic order.

African poverty and underdevelopment is

not unrelated t o wealth and technical advances elsewhere.

This alone

answers t h e question of why t h e Sahelian population who w e r e until a few decades a g o used t o produce surplus food has been steadily heading towards a c u t e poverty, deprivation, destitution and famine.

Conclusion The above sections d e a l t briefly with t h e present position of t h e pastoral nomadic groups in t h e Sudan.

The division of t h e a r e a i n t o t h r e e distinct

regions is made f o r t h e purpose of allowing for an easy presentation of t h e case. R a t h e r t h a n going into a detailed discussion of t h e internal response of

t h e system of

organization

in e a c h group t o t h e change which is

imposed on i t (by natural f a c t o r s or by national government policies), t h e emphasis has been on giving a s u m m a r y of t h e i m p a c t of these factors. I t is necessary t o focus on this point a t this s t a g e of change, due t o t h e fact

t h a t t h e development planners in t h e s e countries have not been

FIGURE 3

Labour m ~ g r a t l o n

1

Returning migrants Development Authorities

m - - - - e -

I

Information, t a x e s , surplus

1

Decisions, o r d e r s , m a r k e t goods

2

e

.

-,

, ,

I

Exports, i m p o r t s , ,

L.

National boundaries

T h e i i g u r e i l l u s t r a t e s t h e d y n a m i c s of mobility a n d c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t i e s in a developing Sahelian country.

The deveiopment

a u t h o r i t y (D.A.) s t a n d s o u t s i d e a n d a b o v e t h e various m e c h a n i s m s of i n t e r a c t i o n a n d influences policies and decision making processes in r e l a t i o n t o r u r a l people f r o m s u c h a position t h a t i t holds.

concerned with pastoral nomads.

International institutions, most of which

send around t e a m s t h a t include a n anthropologist a s p a r t of t h e decoration, are

directly

involved

in

shaping

the

future

of

these

people.

If t h e r e is anything w e should do, a s anthropologists, i t is t o present

t h e views of t h e masses of pastoral nomads t o t h e c e n t r a l administration machinery which is trying t o plan their future.

Our participation in

various t e a m s has t o b e much m o r e effective. In t h e drought stricken a r e a of this belt, t h e pastoral nomads a r e partly solving their problem by moving south t o t h e richer areas.

But

this is being done a t t h e expense of those who traditionally use t h e a r e a for a combined system of production, i.e.,

crop production and animal

husbandry. Looking a t t h e pastoral nomadic system, we find t h a t nomads have thus f a r been very adaptive t o changes t h a t took place in t h e Sudan. This also applies t o their herds, a s seen in t h e example of camels.

Those

who had t h e misfortune t o lose most or all of their animals, have managed with l i t t l e difficulty, t o acquire new skills in order t o e a r n a reasonable living,

sometimes

even

without

the

assistance

of

the

state.

The Dinka and t h e Nuer fishing groups, a s well a s migrant labourers a r e c a s e s in point. conservative.

These c a s e s d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t pastoral nomads a r e not

They also show how willing t h e s e people c a n b e t o adapt

themselves t o changing situations,

provided t h a t they a r e given a fair

chance t o learn something a b o u t t h e possible benefits of t h e skills t o which they a r e introduced. No c l e a r policy, breaking t h e various a s p e c t s of pastoral existence, has thus f a r institutions

been s t a t e d by

involved.

The

t h e government or

pastoral

nomads'

by t h e international

representatives

necessary experience enabling t h e m t o influence change.

lack

the

Therefore, t h e

situation might become very difficult if herds continue t o increase a t their present r a t e , if

t h e o f f t a k e is not increased, if t h e carrying capacity

continues t o decrease, and if no controlled system of pasture management is n o t put forward by t h e government.

The whole planning issue in this

a r e a is in chaos and needs re- consideration, starting with basic issues like t h e concept of development itself.

The national economy is suffering from this unplanned solution. s o m e e f f o r t has recently solution in t h e s e countries.

been directed

But

towards finding a long-lasting

T h e government has been trying, since 1976,

t o implernent a plan f o r t h e protection of t h e marginal land.

Together

with t h e UNEP, UNDP (Sudan) and FAO, i t submitted a detailed proposal titled "Sudan's Desert Encroachment Control and Rehabilitation Programme" t o various countries and international institutions, hoping t o obtain their involvement and assistance. The proposal is now l e f t dormant under t h e p r e t e x t of high c o s t and technical problems.

If i t had been a s profitable t o international capital

a s t h e o t h e r proposed schemes in t h e Sudan's savannah belt, i t would have been given t h e s a m e a t t e n t i o n t h a t is now given t o these schemes by t h e World Bank or t h e multinational corporations.

Notes

(1)

S e e Claude Meillassoux, Famine Good Business? and Famine in Ethiopia, Economy, No. 1 , 1974:

Development o r Exploitation. Is t h e Sahel and Lionel Cliffe, Feudalism, Capitalism both in Review of African Political 27-40.

(2)

J e r e m y Swift, In d e f e n c e of nomads, Mazingira No. 2, 1977: 20-30. Also s e e Nelson, C., The Desert and t h e Sown; Nomads in Wider Society, Institute for International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973. The collection of papers in this publication c a r r i e s p a r t of t h e discussion on t h e s e attitudes.

(3)

Schneider, E.K. makes this s t a t e m e n t in his a r t i c l e on Economic Development and Economic Change; t h e c a s e of East African C a t t l e , in C u r r e n t Anthropology, Vol. 15, No. 3 , 1974: 259. Concerning t h e question of t h e concept of development t h e d e b a t e has been going on for a long t i m e now. To m e t h e most a c c e p t a b l e conceptualization s o f a r is t h e one given in What Now. The 1975 Dag Hammarskjold Report, prepared on t h e occasion of t h e Seventh Special Session of t h e United Nations General Assembly.

(4)

The collection of papers in Some Aspects of Pastoral Nomadism in t h e Sudan, op.cit., o f f e r s comparative m a t e r i a l on t h i s topic.

(5)

S e e F. Barth, A General Perspective of Nomad- Sedentary Relations in t h e Middle East, in C. Nelson, The Desert and Sown, op.cit. Also s e e G. Haaland, Pastoral Systems of Production; t h e sociocultural c o n t e x t and s o m e of i t s economic and ecological implications, 1976 (mimeo)

(6)

W.J.A. P a y n e and F.M. El Amin, An Intern R e p o r t on t h e Dinka Livestock Industry in t h e Jonglei Area, Technical R e p o r t No. 5, 1977. Economic and Social R e s e a r c h Council (N.C.R.) and t h e Executive Organ f o r t h e Development P r o j e c t s in t h e Jonglei Area.

(7)

For m o r e d e t a i l s of t h e various a s p e c t s of t h e i m p a c t of t h e d e s e r t encroachment, S e e Sudan D e s e r t Encroachment Control and Rehabilitation P r o g r a m m e , prepared jointly by: The General Administration f o r N a t u r a l Resources, Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Natural Resources and t h e Agricultural Research Council. The National Council f o r R e s e a r c h in collaboration with UNEP, UNDF (Sudan) and F A O (Egypt). Khartoum, 1976.

(8)

S e e t h e introduction t o Some Aspects of Pastoral Nomadism in t h e Sudan, Abdel C h a f f a r M. Ahmed (ed), 1974, National Council f o r Research, and M.S. Bayoumi a n d others, Guide Lines Towards Development of Nomadism is t h e Sudan, 1974-75, in Ali M. Hassan (ed) Growth, Employment and Equity; a Selection of P a p e r s presented t o t h e ILO Comprehensive Employment S t r a t e g y Mission t o t h e Sudan, 1974-75: 96-1 15. The figure f o r Somali is t a k e n f r o m a " Consultant R e p o r t on t h e Establishment of Nomadic Training C e n t r e s in Somalia", 1976, w r i t t e n by Gunnar Haaland.

(9)

S e e Bayoumi, op.cit. pp. 1 13-1 4.

(10)

The Six Year Plan of Economic and Social Development, 1977-781982-83, Ministry of Planning, Vol. 2, April 1977: 6. The increase in animal population i s given in t h e following table:

Base Period 1976177 Population (000 Head)

Cattle

15,832

6.9

Sheep

15,918

Goats

12,116

Camels

( I 1)

Offtake Rate X

2,828

Target 1982183

Population (000 Head)

Offtake Rate %

% Annual Increase in Population

18,905

9.5

3.0

34.7

22,132

33.2

5.7

16.0

15,000

16.0

3.6

3.1

3,104

4.5

1.6

T h e conflict has b e c o m e very serious in t h e l a s t f e w years in t h e Southern p a r t of t h e savannah belt in t h e Sudan, especially t h e a r e a between White Nile and t h e Blue Nile w h e r e t h e Rufa's al-Hoi and Kinana pastoral nomads h a v e had t o fight their way south through t h e Mechanized Schemes. Conflict has led t o t h e loss of m o r e t h a n five herders in t h e l a s t t w o years. In Western Sudan t h e Beni Helba and t h e Mahriyya groups have been fighting since 1975 and m o r e t h a n 150 people have been killed. T h e l a s t clash was very recent. T h e conflict of t h e Dinka and t h e Baggara has been going on f o r a l m o s t t e n years now.

(12)

As a m e m b e r of a t e a m organized by t h e Arab Organization f o r Agricultural Development I had a c h a n c e of visiting New Halfa S c h e m e in May 1978 and my f i r s t hand information confirms this point. For m o r e m a t e r i a l on t h e pastoral nomads 1 position in t h e scheme, s e e Gunnar Sgrbo, " Nomads on t h e S c h e m e - a study of irrigation agriculture a n d pastoralism in Eastern Sudan", in P. O'Keefe (ed): Land a n d Development in Africa. International African Institute, London 1977, and a l s o G. S$rbo, How t o Survive Development; t h e Story of New Halfa, Development Studies a n d Research C e n t r e , Monograph Series No. 6.

(13)

Some of t h e s e pastoral nomads h a v e t a k e n tenancies on t h e s c h e m e and s o m e of t h e household m e m b e r s work on them. They have, t o g e t h e r with o t h e r t e n a n t s , been a c c u s e d of allowing t h e i r animals and t h e animals of relatives, friends o r those who a r e keeping t h e i r herds f o r t h e m t o e n t e r b e f o r e t h e harvest is over and thus lower t h e productivity of t h e tenancies by damaging t h e l a t e crops.

(14)

For a s u m m a r y of this suggested approach see Martin A. Adams, An Agricultural Development Plan f o r Southern Sudan, in Ali M. El Hassan (ed), Essays on t h e Economy a n d Society of t h e Sudan, Vol.1, 1977: 15-32. More d e t a i l s c a n b e found in t h e Hunting Technical Services R e p o r t s on t h e area.

(15)

S e e t h e papers on t h e P.ufals el-Hoi in Some Aspects of Nomadism, op.cit.

(16)

Although fishing is considered a s a major a c t i v i t y of t h e youth in t h e c a t t l e c a m p s t o g e t h e r with hunting, nobody t a k e s this a s a life t i m e job since i t implies t h a t such a person does not have enough c a t t l e t o demand his t i m e and t h e r e f o r e h e is poor a n d his s t a t u s i s Low in this society. T o t a k e t o fishing and even t o this point of investing t h e surplus t h a t t h e y a r e gaining through selling this fish in Equatoria in c a t t l e is a r e a l c h a n g e in t h e a t t i t u d e s of t h e s e people.

(17)

For a description of t h e closed s y s t e m of t h e Nuer and Dinka see: E.E. Evans- Pritchard, T h e Nuer, 1940, Oxford University Press, a n d also his o t h e r a r t i c l e s on t h e Nuer in various books and journals, G. Lienhardt, Divinity a n d Experience: The Religion of t h e Dinka, 1961, Oxford University Press. For t h e changes t h a t a r e taking place in t h e system s e e Abdel Ghaffar M. Ahmed, "Anthropology and Development Planning in t h e Sudan: The C a s e of Jonglei Project", in Sudan Journal of Development Research, Vol. I, No. 1 , February, 1977.

(18)

On t h e issue of legitimacy and representation of pastoral nomads s e e Talal Asad, " Political Inequality in t h e Kababish Tribe", in I. Cunnison and W. J a m e s (eds): Essays in Sudan Ethnography, London, Hurts, 1972, Abdel Ghaffar M. Ahmed, "Tribal and Sedentary Elites: A Bridge Between Two Communities" , in C. Nelson (ed), The D e s e r t and t h e Sown, op.cit.

(19)

Nyerere, J.K. "An Address" Development and Change Vol. 17, No. 3, July, 1986. AISO r e f e r t o A.M. Ahmed Ecological Degradation in t h e Sahel: t h e Political Dimension, a paper presented in t h e Development Seminar f o r t h e Inauguration of t h e C e n t r e f o r Development Studies, University of Bergen, Norway 8-1 1 September 1986.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE 1983-1985 FAMINE ON THE RURAL SAHEL OF SUDAN

Abdullahi Osrnan El Tom T h e semi- arid b e l t which I r e f e r t o a s t h e r u r a l Sahel of

t h e Sudan,

c o m p r i s e s a n a r e a of 900 t o o n e million s q u a r e k i l o m e t r e s b e t w e e n Lat.

10 N a n d 17 N.

I t is e s t i m a t e d t h a t b e t w e e n 60-70 per c e n t of t h e t o t a l

population of t h e Sudan live in t h i s z o n e a n d t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e m a r e e n g a g e d in c r o p a n d livestock production. This paper is mainly based on t h e s t u d y of

Northern Darfur

1

.

A

m o r e d e t a i l e d investigation on t h e implications of f a m i n e o n t h e people of t h i s region w a s c a r r i e d o u t a m o n g t h e Berti.

It is however hoped t h a t t h e

m a t e r i a l will provide a f a i r ground f o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s t h a t include all similar c o n t e x t s in t h e r u r a l S a h e l of t h e Sudan. T h e Berti, a m o n g o t h e r s e d e n t a r y groups s u c h a s t h e Meidob, Zaghawa, Masalit, and Tungur, p r a c t i s e a r a b l e r a i n f e d a g r i c u l t u r e a n d r a i s e small n u m b e r s of

animals.

Millet

is t h e main s t a p l e c r o p a n d

has gained

i m p o r t a n c e a g a i n s t c a s h c r o p s such a s s e s a m e , w a t e r melon s e e d s and groundnuts.

Gum a r a b i c w a s in t h e p a s t a m o n g t h e main c a s h e a r n i n g

p r o d u c t s b e f o r e t h e t r e e s w e r e d e s t r o y e d by drought or c l e a r e d by t h e f a r m e r s who r e p l a c e d t h e m with a continuous expansion a n d s h i f t i n g of m i l l e t c u l t i v a t i o n f r o m o n e plot t o a n o t h e r .

O t h e r r e a s o n s behind t h e

c l e a r a n c e of g u m a r a b i c t r e e s include population g r o w t h a n d p r e s s u r e on land, a n d soil d e g r a d a t i o n d u e t o t h e f a r m e r s ' d e s e r t i o n of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l rotation

system

in

which

t h e c u l t i v a t i o n of

millet a n d oil s e e d s was

followed by t h e nursing of g u m a r a b i c t r e e s in t h e fallow fields.

There

is a l s o a n e c o n o m i c reason, mainly t h e d e c r e a s e in gum a r a b i c prices relative

to

those

of

millet

during

the

drought

phase

of

1983-1985.

O n e of t h e most striking f e a t u r e s of t h e process of e c o l o g i c a l c h a n g e in t h e r u r a l Sahel of t h e Sudan is t h e m a n n e r in which h o e c u l t i v a t i o n is a c c o m p a n i e d

by a

widespread

o t h e r t y p e s of v e g e t a t i o n c o v e r ;

e l i m i n a t i o n of

wild t r e e s , grass,

and

a process which h a s undoubtedly c o n t r i-

buted t o t h e a c c e l e r a t i o n of d e s e r t c r e e p .

Animals, which r e p r e s e n t a n

i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e of food a n d c a s h , h a v e s u f f e r e d alike.

Loss of livestock,

in p a r t i c u l a r , h a s m e a n t t h e drying up of c a s h i n c o m e s s i n c e t h e y also provide

security

in

the event

of

c r o p failure.

Livestock,

therefore,

c o n s t i t u t e a buffer z o n e against famine.

The mobility of animals, t h e i r

ability t o g e t o u t of t h e drought stricken a r e a s and t h e i r high r a t e of reproduction, ranks t h e m a s by f a r t h e best f o r m of capital. Famine and i-ts Aftermath

According t o 1974 e s t i m a t e s , t h e Sahelian drought of 1970-1973 claimed t h e lives of 250,000 people and 3.5 million animals.

Sudan survived t h a t

f a m i n e situation and t h e drought lasted f o r o n e or t w o odd y e a r s in s o m e regions, with m o r e fluctuation of rainfall t h a n t h e e n d e m i c d e c r e a s e of 40 t o 50 per c e n t of precipitation a s happened in 1983-1985.

The 1983-1985

drought was d i f f e r e n t in t h a t i t lasted for f o u r continuous years.

The

modest e s t i m a t e s given by t h e various relief agencies indicate t h a t i t claimed about 100,000 lives mainly in Darfur, Kordofan and t h e R e d Sea Regions.

The situation was similar t o what Derrik (1977:

553) describes

for t h e West African drought of 1972-1973 in t h a t , " the m o s t in need w e r e nomads and cultivators living in small isolated groups s c a t t e r e d over v a s t a r e a s , e x c e p t those who began a n exodus from t h e a f f e c t e d a r e a s t o towns or within reach of relief aid". C r o p failures a r e not uncommon in t h e Sahel and t h e semi- arid zone described above, y e t t h e 1983-1385 f a m i n e was certainly t h e worst in living memory.

First, i t was a culmination of many years of c r o p failures

and reduced rainfall.

In f a c t t h e l a s t good harvest f o r most of t h e pop-

ulation in t h e semi- arid belt of t h e Sudan was 1978.

Second, c r o p failure

was widespread and had a f f e c t e d o v e r 40 per c e n t of t h e population and, like in o t h e r p a r t s of t h e Sahel, t w o o u t of every f i v e inhabitants were dependent on food aid,

Third, t h e decimation of animals m e a n t a loss

of t h e last traditional source of security against absolute starvation. The heavy showers of a u t u m n 1985 w e r e a relief in c e n t r a l Sudan, but t h e picture in t h e studied a r e a of Northern Darfur was still gloomy. Out of f i v e administrative a r e a s known a s urnodiyya i n h a b i t e d 100,000 people, t h e r e was virtually no harvest. ulation of

by

about

The majority of t h e pop-

t h e region and indeed throughout t h e Sahel, was k e p t alive

by relief food. Unlike in previous years, t h e inhabitants of t h e a r e a also lost t h e security provided by animals.

They became, t h e r e f o r e , m o r e vulnerable

t o s t a r v a t i o n than e v e r before.

The p e r c e n t a g e of animal loss a s a result - 1 50-

of d r o u g h t a n d s l a u g h t e r is a s follows: s h e e p 76.1 per c e n t ;

per c e n t ;

58.5

per cent.

c a t t l e 97.3 per c e n t ;

donkeys 73.1

T h e p e r c e n t a g e of

per c e n t ;

g o a t s 79.3 and c a m e l s

households which did n o t h a v e any

a n i m a l t o e a t in t h e e v e n t of food s h o r t a g e w e n t up f r o m 2.7 per c e n t t o

28.4

per The

cent

(donkeys

a u t h o r ' s own

are

excluded

investigation

because

they

area

in

grazing

and

are

not

eaten).

on a n i m a l survival h a s shown

c a m e l s a r e by f a r t h e m o s t r e s i s t a n t t o drought. wider

are

also

able

to

that

They c a n exploit a browse.

They

are

i n c o m p a r a b l y valuable f o r t r a n s p o r t a n d household mobility, especially in t h e event

of

migration,

and

a r e useful in f e t c h i n g

food

from great

d i s t a n c e s f o r both m a n a n d o t h e r animals. G o a t s a r e second only t o c a m e l s in t h e i r r e s i s t a n c e t o drought. superior d i g e s t i v e s y s t e m m a k e s t h e m l e s s s e l e c t i v e in grazing. a r e , however, a

b e t t e r s o u r c e of

Their Goats

food t h a n c a m e l s , b e c a u s e t h e y a r e

s m a l l e r , t h u s incurring less w a s t e , and t h e i r killing is less d e p l e t i n g t o t h e herd.

Indeed, unlike o t h e r animals, t h e loss of g o a t s in t h e a r e a has

mostly o c c u r r e d

through

t h e i r consumption at t i m e s of food shortage.

T h e loss of donkeys, on t h e o t h e r hand, h a s o c c u r r e d through t h e i r s t a r v a t i o n a s - unlike o t h e r a n i m a l s - t h e y a r e n o t a s o u r c e of food. C o m p a r e d t o c a m e l s , donkeys a r e a n inferior m e a n s of t r a n s p o r t , although t h e y r e q u i r e l e s s c a r e a n d d e m a n d less labour f r o m t h e i r owners. d e c i m a t i o n h a s led t o m a j o r problems in t h e a r e a :

Their

t h e relatively cheap

p r i c e of donkeys m a k e s t h e m t h e d o m i n a n t m e a n s f o r c a r r y i n g w a t e r . T h e distribution of w a t e r c e n t r e s within a radius of up t o 6 m i l e s f r o m t h e s e t t l e m e n t s m a k e s i t n e c e s s a r y f o r s o m e people t o g o through t h e laborious c h o r e of f e t c h i n g w a t e r a t l e a s t e v e r y third day.

It is t h e r e f o r e

n o t surprising t h a t t h e l o c a l population r e g a r d t h e donkey a s " t h e pillar of T h e loss of donkeys m e a n s t h a t m a n y villagers h a v e had t o

t h e house".

m o v e a w a y f r o m t h e i r fields t o live n e x t t o w a t e r c e n t r e s s o t h a t t h e y c a n easily t r a n s p o r t w a t e r o n t h e i r heads.

T h e r e s u l t is n o t simply a

r e s h u f f l e in t h e population distribution in t h e a r e a , but equally a d e g r e e of

absenteeism

production

in

from the

p l a c e s of

fields

and

work. a

This, in t u r n , l e a d s t o lower

lowering

of

the

C o w s a r e by f a r t h e l e a s t r e s i s t a n t t o drought. been t o t a l o v e r most of t h e a r e a c o v e r e d ;

standard

of

living.

Indeed t h e loss h a s

t h e 2.7 per c e n t of t h e c o w s

which did survive belonged t o r e l a t i v e l y rich people a n d h a v e only been

saved a t exceptionally high cost. Despite t h e obvious s h o r t a g e of c a s h among most people in t h e a r e a , maximum e f f o r t s

w e r e m a d e t o rebuild

t h e herds and t h e prices of

animals have shot up in t h e a r e a a s a result of this high demand.

New

breeds of animals have been imported by t h e local people into t h e a r e a and t h e r e is heavy t r a d e and circulation of animals.

Indeed this is a n

ideal t i m e for t h e concerned authorities t o introduce more suitable breeds of animals into t h e a r e a .

The following t a b l e shows approximate changes

in t h e prices of animals in t h e area.

Before May 85

Animal

Camel Cow Sheep Goat Donkey Source:

May 85

Jan 86

L s 200

L s 100

Ls 1000

120 30 20 25

50 15 10 5

600 200 120 200

Author's own investigation

Although t h e decimation of animals has been disastrous f o r t h e people, i t does have s o m e positive side- effects. the

rain

restored

might

not

be

For example, t h e landcover which

heavily

grazed

for

several

years.

Wild Plants and Seeds The r e c e n t famine has brought t o light a sophisticated local knowledge of e x t r a c t i n g food from wild plants.

The most popular of all edible wild

plants is a wild berry called rnukheit (Boscia senegalensis).

This is t h e

f r u i t of a semi- desert t r e e which flourishes in t i m e s of drought; i t s presence is regarded a s indicative of c r o p failure.

Mukheit

in f a c t , is popular

because i t is easy t o collect, and i t is a s u m m e r fruit which is obtainable a t t h e highest peak

of

food shortage

just

before t h e f i r s t showers.

Mukheit is, however, poisonous and is only edible a f t e r c a r e f u l and tedious processing.

It is dried and then soaked in w a t e r for a t l e a s t 12 days,

during which i t is washed several times. t o eliminate t h e b i t t e r t a s t e of t h e fruit.

This processing is also intended The result is a popular but

tasteless substance known by t h e inhabitants t o be of inferior nutritive value.

It is used a s a substitute for millet in cooking porridge (assida ),

local bread (kisra) and in making beer (rnarisa).

A t t h e peak of t h e last

famine, t h e approximate c o s t of a pound of processed rnukheit

was

30 pt

while a n unprocessed pound c o s t 15pt. The figures w e r e r a t h e r high because they w e r e t a k e n a t t i m e s when all t h e rnukheit from t h e villages was exhausted.

within

walking

distance

According t o local knowledge, rnukheit t r e e s

never bear f r u i t in t w o consecutive years a n d t h e r e f o r e i t would b e a mistake t o count on i t in t h e following year. Another wild plant is koreib (Brachiaria o r Panicurn laeturn?) t h e seeds of which a r e preferably e a t e n mixed with millet.

Koreib is a semi- desert

annual which c o m p l e t e s i t s life c y c l e during t h e rainy season.

It t h e r e f o r e

appears long before millet ripens and at a t i m e of a c u t e food shortage.

Koreib must b e collected before i t dries up in o r d e r t o obtain i t s s e e d s before t h e y s c a t t e r . T h e collection of koreib c a n b e done by young children, thus conserving t h e adult labour which is in high demand f o r agricultural operations.

L i t t l e processing is required by koreib. It is picked up, sun- dried,

and t h e n threshed t o obtain t h e seeds.

The seeds a r e l a t e r ground and

used a s a substitute f o r millet in cooking.

Haskanit (Cenchrus biflorus) is y e t a n o t h e r wild plant whose seeds can b e used a s a s u b s t i t u t e f o r millet.

It is a f a s t growing plant which can b e

obtained long before t h e millet ripens but i t retains i t s s e e d s f o r much longer t h a n koreib and c a n b e collected in t h e dry season.

The decimation

of animals in t h e last f a m i n e m e a n s t h a t haskanit, extensively used a s fodder, will remain in c e r t a i n a r e a s throughout t h e dry season.

The collection

and t r e a t m e n t of haskanit is m o r e difficult t h a n t h a t of o t h e r wild plants. It is a thorny plant and t h e r e f o r e m o r e skill is required t o collect and thresh t h e husk t o s e p a r a t e t h e seeds.

These a r e l a t e r ground and t r e a t e d

like millet. O t h e r wild plants include difra, dhiherna and draisa, a s t h e y a r e locally known.

Local knowledge and skills pertaining t o t h e use of all t h e s e wild

plants indicate t h e frequency of c r o p failure in t h e a r e a , though this should not b e i n t e r p r e t e d a s suggesting t h a t cultivation is a r e c e n t s t a g e in t h e evolution of t h e society.

The Impact of the Relief Agencies Following t h e delayed publicity of f a m i n e in t h e country, relief agencies

m a d e impressive e f f o r t s t o provide food for t h e starving population of t h e area.

Save t h e Children and t h e R e d Cross succeeded notably in over-

coming most of t h e logistical problems in reaching their t a r g e t s , but t h e difficulty of identifying t h e most needy people resulted in a more or less non- discriminatory affected.

distribution

of

food

in

areas

designated

as

most

Unfortunately, this induced illegal t r a d e on t h e p a r t of some For others, i t w a s a c h a n c e t o s t o r e in order

m e r c h a n t s and distributors.

t o cover for f u t u r e harvest failure.

The traditional local granary system

proved t o b e inappropriate f o r storing relief dura

(sorghum).

This is a

minor problem since t h e majority of t h e population have no surplus t o store.

Usually, a rnatrnura, a huge hole, about 1.5 m e t e r s in d i a m e t e r and

2 m e t e r s d e e p is dug in t h e sand.

Then a layer of chaff, about 0.2

m e t e r s thick is put down t o c o a t t h e s t o r e d grain. presumably

helps

t o insulate

This chaff, which

t h e grain f r o m insects and

changes, is hard t o obtain a t t i m e s of crop failure.

temperature

Instead of using t h e

traditional store, those f e w who w e r e lucky enough t o obtain a surplus of relief grain s t o r e d i t in sacks and l e a t h e r bags. The success of t h e relief organisation work in t h e a f f e c t e d a r e a s and t h e helplessness of t h e government in dealing with t h e famine have led t o a n increased

frustration

and a

authority.

The

performance

poor

diminishing confidence in t h e national of

a

number

of

intermediate

c o m m i t t e e s , such a s village c o m m i t t e e s and a r e a council c o m m i t t e e s has led many t o look t o their t r i b a l and sub- tribal leaders a s by f a r t h e most reliable bodies, which a r e also accountable t o them. It is o f t e n assumed t h a t f r e e delivery of grain will suppress t h e cultivation

of

t h e subsistence

crop.

Investigating t h e s i z e of

millet

fields cultivated in t h e 1985 season, t h e author found no evidence t o support this assumption.

In f a c t , and despite all t h e logistical problems

which f a c e d t h e displaced inhabitants such a s l a t e r e t u r n t o home villages and shortage of seeds, t h e s i z e of millet fields was k e p t t o t h e maximum, albeit t o t h e d e t r i m e n t of cash crops.

Unfortunately, t h e growth of millet

was halted by lack of sufficient rain, by pests and by c r o p diseases in most p a r t s of t h e province. prices have fallen drastically.

Despite t h e obvious shortage of millet, i t s A sack of t h e highly valued local millet

c o s t Ls 30 a t t h e t i m e of study, December 1985, compared with Ls 210 in May 1985. -154-

The policy adopted by relief agencies of distributing grain through home villages has undoubtedly contributed t o t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of t h e t h e n existing population distribution in Northern Darfur. l e f t t h e i r a r e a s in s e a r c h of accessible in their h o m e villages.

The inhabitants who

food soon realized t h a t aid was m o r e This has a t l e a s t g u a r a n t e e d t h e local

inhabitants t h e resumption of their daily life which w a s only possible in their home area. Discussion T h e l a s t f a m i n e in t h e Sudan drew a t t e n t i o n t o t h e i m p o r t a n c e of traditional agriculture a s a major source of food security in t h e country. Primarily a s a result of t h e collapse of t h e peasant agriculture, t h e food self- sufficiency r a t i o h a s declined f r o m 9 3 per c e n t in t h e period 1976 t o 1980 t o 51 per c e n t in t h e period f r o m 1980 t o 1985 (Singh, 1986:

30).

T h e paper also highlights t h e helplessness of t h e government in dealing e f f e c t i v e l y with food s h o r t a g e when f a c e d with famine.

It is t o be noted

h e r e t h a t t h e traditional agricultural s y s t e m itself w a s rendered ineffective d u e t o various institutional, agro- technical a n d natural developments.

The

capitalist approach t o rural development adopted by t h e government has led t o t h e exhaustion of t h e m e a g r e resources of t h e country in l a r g e s i z e and profit- oriented f a r m s , p r i v a t e o r otherwise;

a process which has been

pursued a t t h e expense of t h e peasant economy (see P.W. volume).

Gore in this

Since t h e sixties, t h e s t a t e has adopted a s e t of policies which

have led t o t h e articulation of

t h e peasants in t h e m a r k e t economy.

These policies have resulted in both t h e t r a n s f e r e n c e of t h e peasants' surpluses

to

t h e s t a t e bureaucracy and capitalist

merchants,

and t h e

rendering of t h e peasants incapable of producing their food o r any sizable exchangeable

crop

surpluses

(Sultan

1986).

Peasants

were

not

only

marginalized and proletarianized (Shepherd 19831, but w e r e also brought 2 In t h e i r pursuit of i n t o increasing involvement w i t h t h e cash economy

.

survival, t h e y followed various adaptational methods mostly d e t r i m e n t a l t o t h e environment.

It is t h e r e f o r e high t i m e f o r t h e government t o adopt

both m a c r o and m i c r o level policies which contribute t o t h e restoration of t h e peasant economy, t h e only feasible backbone of food security in t h e country. It is obvious f r o m this paper t h a t a n environmental imbalance has

occurred.

A b e t t e r f u t u r e c a n only b e hoped f o r in t h e e v e n t of e f f e c t i v e

measures t o r e s t o r e t h e ecological balance in t h e a f f e c t e d a r e a s and halt t h e f a s t creeping desert.

It has been already noted t h a t t h e number of

animals has decreased, t h u s reducing pressure on grazing lands in t h e area.

T h e price d a t a shown in t h e table, however, point t o renewed Unless a n e w venue f o r re- investment of

e f f o r t s t o rebuild animal herds. surplus is c r e a t e d ,

with t h e bleak f u t u r e of

t h e present agricultural

system, t h e number of animals will soon e x c e e d t h e carrying c a p a c i t y of t h e pasture, thus repeating t h e process which preceded t h e l a s t famine. As regards t h e human

population,

t h e r e i s l i t t l e e v i d e n c e of

reduction in t h e r a t i o of m a n t o land in t h e studied zone.

any

Traditionally,

t h e Berti on whom t h e study w a s primarily focussed, h a v e never shown any tendency f o r out- migration (Holy 1986, Mangouri 1985:

88) and i t

w a s t h e policy of t h e relief agencies t o encourage t h e villagers t o remain in their home areas.

Indeed c e r t a i n p a r t s of t h e Berti t e r r i t o r i e s have

a t t r a c t e d immigrants r a t h e r t h a n t h e o t h e r way round during t h e last f a m i n e period (El-Tom 1985: the

majority

of

the

6).

This migratory p a t t e r n is applicable t o

sedentary

groups

in

the

savannah

belt.

F o r s o m e t i m e t o c o m e , rainfed cultivation will remain t h e major means of livelihood and t h e d e c r e a s e in productivity will b e compensated f o r by a n increase in t h e s i z e of land under cultivation.

Bearing in mind

t h e low fertility of t h e goz soil, t h e r e is l i t t l e prospect of achieving a d r a m a t i c increase in productivity.

Equally, a high investment per unit of

land in agriculture comparable t o t h e irrigated agriculture in c e n t r a l Sudan is d e f e a t e d by t h e i m p e r m a n e n c e of soil f e r t i l i t y which n e c e s s i t a t e s t h e adoption of

rotation s y s t e m s which allow f o r long t e r m fallow periods

such a s those devised and practised by t h e local people.

T h e s c a r c i t y of

w a t e r in t h e studied zone h a s d i c t a t e d t h e distribution of which has f a r reaching implications on t h e ecological balance.

population, A r e a s of

high concentration of population, such a s t h o s e found around t h e towns, appear m o s t a f f e c t e d , indicating t h e danger of agriculture t o t h e ecology much m o r e t h a n t h e assumed overgrazing (Mangouri 1985: for

induced

changes

re- introduction of

in

the

traditional

soil regenerating

agricultural

crops is deemed

87).

This calls

system.

The

necessary.

This

includes a rotation involving gum a r a b i c t r e e s (El-Badawi 1985) w a t e r melon (cf. Umbadda 19811, groundnuts, and oil seeds, e a c h according t o -156-

i t s suitability.

A c a r e f u l revision of t h e pricing policy i s e x p e c t e d t o

a t t r a c t a positive response f r o m t h e f a r m e r s (El-Badawi o p cit).

Some

e f f o r t s m u s t b e m a d e t o i n t r o d u c e s o m e d r o u g h t r e s i s t e n t crops, especially t h o s e which a r e of high d e m a n d in t h e m a r k e t such a s senna

.

The

r e l o c a t i o n of w a t e r c e n t r e s provides a b a s e f o r population redistribution, thus

relieving

agriculture.

the

overcultivated

areas

and

opening

new

lands

for

This however m i g h t r e q u i r e c h a n g e s in t h e land t e n u r e s y s t e m

and r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of

grazing patterns.

T o e n s u r e t h e s u c c e s s of any

i n t e n d e d c h a n g e s in t h e t r a d i t i o n a l m o d e of livelihood, e f f e c t i v e participation

by t h e local people is required.

This m u s t b e p r e c e d e d by a

c a m p a i g n in o r d e r t o d i s s e m i n a t e knowledge a b o u t t h e local ecology and development

policies

through

the

use

of

both

conventional

and

unconventional m e a n s of communication.

Notes

(1)

This paper is a n u p d a t e d version of a r e p o r t p r e s e n t e d t o t h e University of Gezira. T h e r e s e a r c h w a s c a r r i e d o u t in D e c e m b e r 1985 a n d w a s s u p p o r t e d by t h e University of Gezira. T h e a u t h o r acknowledges t h e helpful revision of t h e paper m a d e by P r o f e s s o r s Mudathir A. Ahmed, B. Wallach, Drs. S. G a r d n e r , Elbadawi, M. A. Salih and U s t a z D. Sultan.

(2)

According t o Sultan, t h e contribution of t h e p e a s a n t s t o t h e t o t a l e x p o r t a b l e c r o p s in t h e Sudan a v e r a g e d 8 0 per c e n t f o r t h e period b e t w e e n 1977 a n d 1981. T h e w r i t e r a s s u m e s t h a t t h e s a m e a v e r a g e is applicable t o t h e periods 1970 t o 1976 and 1982 t o 1985 (Sultan 1986: 34).

References Adams, Martin E. 1976

An Agricultural Development Plan f o r Southern Darfur. Economic and Social R e s e a r c h Council. Bulletin No. 31. Khartoum.

El-Badawi, Ibraham. 1985

Economic and Ecological Potentialities of Gum Arabic Cultivation in t h e Sudan: T h e R 6 l e of Government Economic Policies. University of G e z i r a Working Paper.

El-Tom, Abdullahi Osman. 1985

How We Contributed t o t h e Environmental Imbalance. In: Proceedings of t h e Workshop: Development and Environmental Balance in Urnkeddada A r e a Organized by t h e I n s t i t u t e of Environmental Studies. Khartoum.

El-Tom, Abdullahi Osman. 1986

T h e Jordanian Development Experience in t h e South Darfur A r e a of Kas: R e p o r t t o t h e University of Gezira.

El-Mangouri, Hassan 1985

Environmental Monitoring, Umkeddada District (Northern Darfur Province). Report P r e p a r e d for t h e United S t a t e s Agency for International Development. Khartoum.

Holy, L.

1986

Shepherd, A. Singh, D.

Sultan, D.

S t r a t e g i e s of Drought Management in a Dry Savannah Agricultural Society: Berti of Darfur. Unpublished Paper. 1983

1986

1986

Umbadda, Siddig 1981

Agricultural Capitalism and Rural Development in t h e Sudan. P a p e r No. 32. DSRC. Khartoum. Sub- Saharan Agriculture; Synthesis and T r a d e Prospects. World Bank Staff Working Paper. No. 608. T h e S t a t e ' s Agrarian Policies and P e a s a n t Production 1970-1 98411 985: The Pre- Conditions f o r F a m i n e s in t h e Sudan. MA Dissertation. University of E a s t Anglia. Socio- Economic Aspects of Environmental D e t e r ioration in Northern Kordofan (Sudan). Sudan Journal of Development Research. DSRC. Khartoum.

FROM RURAL TO URBAN LABOUR MARKETS: The Derivation of the Shadow Wage Rate and the Social Rate of Discount for Sudan Eltigani S. Mohamed Before going i n t o t h e d e t a i l s of t h e shadow w a g e r a t e c a l c u l a t i o n s i t is a p p r o p r i a t e t o give a brief a c c o u n t of labour m a r k e t s in t h e Sudan. d i s t i n c t labour m a r k e t s c a n b e distinguished: urban labour m a r k e t s .

Two

r u r a l labour m a r k e t s and

I t is e s t i m a t e d t h a t 68.5 per c e n t of t h e manpower

in t h e Sudan is in t h e r u r a l a r e a s which a l s o c o n t a i n t h e t o t a l population of t h e c o u n t r y .

69.14 per c e n t of

The rural markets therefore represent

t h e m a j o r s o u r c e of labour r e q u i r e d f o r i n v e s t m e n t in t h e urban s e c t o r . T h e e v i d e n c e s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e s e r u r a l labour m a r k e t s , t o m o v e seasonal

'function e f f e c t i v e l y

.

labour in response t o work o p p o r t u n i t i e s ' l

1t is

e s t i m a t e d t h a t over t w o million labourers m o v e seasonally t o t h e larges c a l e i r r i g a t e d a n d r a i n f e d m e c h a n i z e d s c h e m e s , a n d t h e main urban c e n t r e s , searching for employment.

Many of t h e labourers who m o v e f r o m t h e

r u r a l t o t h e urban s e c t o r a r e d r a w n f r o m traditional a g r i c u l t u r e which itself c o n s t i t u t e s t h e m a j o r e c o n o m i c a c t i v i t y in t h e Sudan.

This being so,

our t a s k t h e n i s t o e s t i m a t e t h e shadow w a g e r a t e of t h e worker who is drawn

from

traditional

agriculture

a n d employed

in

the

urban s e c t o r .

T h e urban labour m a r k e t s , both f o r m a l a n d informal, a r e c o m p e t i t i v e s i n c e t h e urban s e c t o r s a t t r a c t pools of m i g r a n t s with various a c a d e m i c qualifications a n d skills.

According t o t h e ILO (19761, urban w o r k e r s a r e

m o r e privileged t h a n r u r a l w o r k e r s b e c a u s e t h e y work f o r e m p l o y e r s who suffer

no c o m p e t i t i v e pressures a s a r e s u l t of

holidays, subsidies on c a p i t a l i m p o r t s , and a

t h e introduction of

tax

favourable exchange rate.

Following independence a n d a keenness t o industralize in a s h o r t span of t i m e , m o s t developing c o u n t r i e s h a v e c l u n g t o a policy of introducing various t y p e s of concessions t o e n c o u r a g e t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r t o i n v e s t in industrial schemes.

Sudan has been no exception.

Incentive policies h a v e

been established t o a t t r a c t m o r e p r i v a t e c a p i t a l , both d o m e s t i c and f o r e i g n . Elbadawi

(see t h i s volume) e s t i m a t e s t h a t 5 3 per c e n t of t h e f i n a n c e of

t h e F i v e Year Plan w a s t o b e a c c o u n t e d f o r by foreign loans, and 38 per c e n t t o b e c o v e r e d by c r e d i t f r o m t h e c e n t r a l bank.

T h e g o v e r n m e n t has,

however, been issuing a c t s in o r d e r t o e n c o u r a g e foreign investors s i n c e

- 1 59-

The

common

features

of

these

acts

are

as

follows:

i.

exemption from business t a x e s f o r a number of years.

11.

full exemption f r o m c u s t o m d u t i e s on machinery, equipment, and s p a r e parts.

...

111.

reduction of import duties on imported r a w materials.

iv.

depreciation is allowed at m o r e t h a n i t s normal rate.

In addition t o t h e s e a c t s , t h e government a l s o issued t h e minimum standard wage order (1974) which fixed t h e minimum wage at LS 16.50 2 per month.

Such measures h a v e distorted t h e urban local m a r k e t s a n d led

t o t h e e m e r g e n c e of a p a t t e r n of industrial s t r u c t u r e , described by Awad (1970) a s c a p i t a l intensive, monopolistic and dependent on t h e utilization of imported provide planning.

raw an

materials.

inadequate

In

these

measure

for

circumstances, project

m a r k e t prices may

appraisal

and

investment

It is, t h e r e f o r e , i m p o r t a n t t o develop a consistent s e t of prices

which r e f l e c t resource c o s t and t h e social benefits of proposed investments. Such prices a r e commonly r e f e r r e d t o a s a social shadow o r accounting prices.

They r e f l e c t t h e value t o t h e country of inputs and o u t p u t s and

t a k e i n t o consideration non- efficiency but socially i m p o r t a n t goals.

This

paper a t t e m p t s t o e s t i m a t e t w o of t h e most i m p o r t a n t p a r a m e t e r s in social cost

benefit

analysis.

T h e methodology used in this paper i s t h a t of L i t t l e and Mirrlees (1974).

However, t h e work of P a g e (1981) and Squire e t a1

(1 979) served

a s a suitable background f o r t h e e s t i m a t i o n of t h e accounting r a t e of i n t e r e s t while t h e e s t i m a t i o n of t h e shadow wage r a t e is based on t h e work of Scot e t a1 ( 1 9 7 6 )

.

The Shadow Wage Rate When e s t i m a t i n g t h e shadow w a g e r a t e w e ought t o distinguish between skilled and unskilled labour.

Skilled labour includes trained and highly

professional workers who a r e paid comparatively high wages. argues

that

skilled

labour

is

specific,

highly

mobile

in

Irvin (1978) nature,

and

c i r c u l a t e s in a well organized modern s e c t o r m a r k e t where wages t e n d t o b e competitive.

In such a m a r k e t , t h e skilled labourer's wage r e f l e c t s i t s

marginal product reasonably well. T h e problem g e t s complicated when t h e c a s e of unskilled labour is

considered.

In

most of

t h e developing countries,

factor

markets are

T h e process of wage determination in most cases, i s

notoriously distorted.

not a t all l e f t t o m a r k e t forces.

The intervention of governments through

t h e setting of minimum wages, leads t o a significant diversion of t h e wage r a t e from t h e opportunity c o s t of labour.

In such circumstances, a shadow

wage r a t e t h a t r e f l e c t s t h e social cost of employing t h e labour must be determined. Based on t h e principles derived from L i t t l e and Mirrlees (1974), and e t a1 (1976), t h e following formula c a n b e used for calculating t h e

Scot

shadow wage r a t e for unskilled labour: SWR.. = ( C + M ) 11

-

(R + B )

(1)

where: SWR..

=

shadow wage r a t e of a worker drawn from occupation i

11

t o occupation j. =

t h e social c o s t of employing t h e worker had h e been employed at t h e s a m e wage under t h e s a m e conditions a s occupation i.

M

=

t h e social c o s t of providing t h e resources needed t o m e e t t h e e x t r a expenditure resulting from any excess

of

wages in occupation j over t h e wages previously paid in occupation i. =

t h e e x t e r n a l c o s t (or benefit) of employing o n e more man in occupation j.

=

t h e social benefit accuring t o t h e worker and his family resulting f r o m any excess of wages in occupation j over t h e wages previously paid in occupation i.

In this paper a n a t t e m p t is m a d e t o use t h e model of S c o t e t a1

to

e s t i m a t e shadow wage r a t e s and, for practical reasons pertaining t o d a t a availability, specifically t h e estimation of t h e shadow wage r a t e f o r t h e unskilled traditional w o r k e r who migrates from Southern Darfur, where t h e data

was collected,

and

joins t h e

urban

industrial s e c t o r in G r e a t e r

Khartoum. Each component of t h e shadow wage r a t e will be e s t i m a t e d separately,

s t a r t i n g with C which is t h e shadow wage in t h e traditional agricultural sector.

L e t us denote this by t h e following:

C = W..

I I

where: W.. r e f e r s t o t h e shadow wage r a t e in t h e traditional agricultural sector. 11

When

a

traditional

worker

joins

the

urban

labour

market,

his

disposable income increases s i n c e t h e job in t h e urban s e c t o r pays more t h a n his previous

job in t h e traditional sector.

This increase in t h e

worker's income is equal t o t h e difference between t h e t w o wage r a t e s and c a n b e expressed a s follows:

I.. = t.W. - t.W. 1 l " '1 where: =

I..

t h e amount of increase in t h e worker's disposable income

11

a s a result of moving from t h e rural t o t h e urban sector. =

t

t h e r a t i o of post- tax t o pre- tax income.

W . , W. = t h e wage r a t e s in t h e urban and rural s e c t o r s respectively. 1 ' T h e worker's family benefits from increases in t h e level of disposable

income if t h e worker r e m i t s a proportion of his earnings home.

L e t us

assume t h a t t h e rural worker who joins t h e labour f o r c e in t h e urban s e c t o r r e m i t s ( X ) of his income t o his relatives (n) in t h e rural a r e a s who in turn s a v e s o m e of t h e s e remittances. L e t (S ) d e n o t e t h e marginal propn ensity t o s a v e for t h e worker's household ( $ns) and ( +nc) t h e accounting ratios for household savings and consumption respectively.

The social cost

for t h e resources required t o m e e t t h e e x t r a expenditure (M) is given by t h e following formula:

L e t us denote t h e social benefit

accrulng t o t h e worker's household ( t h e

third component of t h e shadow wage r a t e 'R') by Xn. value

that

accrues

to

the

worker's - 1 62-

household

The t o t a l social would

thus

be:

T h e e x t e r n a l c o s t o r benefit of employing o n e m o r e m a n in t h e urban s e c t o r m a y b e high.

These include worker's training, additional roads, Scot et a1

schools, hospitals, etc..

a r g u e t h a t t h e s e requirements a r e

borne ' a t a g r e a t e r c o s t t h a n would otherwise h a v e been necessary and with additional

benefit

which

employment in towns'.

does not c o m p e n s a t e a s a result of

greater

3

Furthermore, i t is also argued t h a t in p r a c t i c e t h e r e is no evidence t h a t t h e r e is a n additional n e t c o s t of this kind.

Because of this, i t has

been assumed t h a t t h e e f f e c t s of such e x t e r n a l c o s t s o r 'benefits' a r e negligible and t h e r e f o r e no allowance has been m a d e f o r them. combining

the

calculating

other

the

three

shadow

SWR.. = W.. + (t.W. 11 U 1 1

components,

wage

-

tiWi)

rate

11,

in

the the

following urban

[S $ + l n ns

- S

formula

sector

$

1

Thus, by is

for

given:

X

(6)

In t h e Sudan, t h e income t a x exemption level is s e t a t Ls 2,400 per annum.

The annual earnings of both skilled a n d unskilled workers in t h e

urban s e c t o r a r e considerably below t h e exemption level. e f f e c t of t a x e s c a n b e o m i t t e d f r o m t h e equation. bl . a n d ignoring t h e t a x e f f e c t 1-7

reduces

11

next

separately,

task

starting

is with

to

estimate

the

each

second

Replacing ( w i - Wi) by

equation (6) t o t h e following:

SWR.. 11 = W.. II + A I . . I k n [ S n ~ n s+ ( l - Sn) The

Accordingly, t h e

$,,l

- I(xn)

component

p a r t of

of

(7) equation

(7)

t h e equation o r (M) a s

indicated by equation ( 1 ).

Estimates of the Resource Cost of a Worker Drawn from the Rural to the Urban Labour Markets T h e resource c o s t m e e t i n g t h e e x t r a expenditure which results when a worker

.

I

joins t h e

urban

labour

markets can

be e s t i m a t e d

a s follows:

e s t i m a t e t h e earnings of t h e worker in both sectors. - 16 3 -

divide t h e s e t w o into a m o u n t s accruing t o urban and rural

11.

households.

...

111.

divide t h e s e into e x t r a savings and e x t r a consumption.

iv.

convert e a c h component into a foreign exchange equivalent.

The

structure

of

wages

in

the

urban

sector

shows

considerable

variation depending on t h e a r e a and whether i t is a public or private In a limited survey of s o m e industrial establishments in

sector wage r a t e .

t h e G r e a t e r Khartoum a r e a (referring t o t h e towns of Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman), i t was found t h a t t h e unskilled monthly wage r a t e s range between Ls 30 and Ls 60.

However, f o r t h e purpose of this paper

t h e figure of Ls 50 is considered a reasonable e s t i m a t e of t h e monthly wage r a t e for t h e unskilled worker in t h e urban sector. Concerning

the

unskilled

workers

who a r e engaged

in traditional

agriculture, t h e evidence suggests t h a t t h e r e a r e considerable variations in their wage r a t e s depending on seasonal f a c t o r s and t h e demand situation of t h e labour

market.

However,

it

must also b e recognized t h a t i t is

extremely difficult t o e s t i m a t e t h e level of earnings in t h e traditional sector with g r e a t accuracy.

This is due t o t h e f a c t t h a t earnings both in

cash and kind a r e involved. monetary terms.

The l a t t e r a r e very difficult t o value in

Moreover, t h e r e a r e also variations in t h e wage r a t e s

paid f o r t h e different agricultural operations. wage r a t e s for t h e traditional

Table 1 shows t h e daily

worker in Southern Darfur province in

Western Sudan.

TABLE 1 Daily Wage R a t e s (Ls) f o r 1982

Operation Pre- weeding Planting First weeding Second weeding Harvesting Threshing Source:

Millet

Sorghum

1.18 1.86 1.72 1-01

0.74 1.28 1.30 1.03 Paid in kind

Groundnuts 1.6 1.13 1.25 0.82

Darfur Economic Review, Western Savannah Development Project. -164-

The wage r a t e s a r e given f o r t h e t h r e e main cash crops (millet, sorghum and groundnuts). daily

wage

rates for

T h e t a b l e shows considerable variation in t h e

t h e d i f f e r e n t crops a n d agricultural operations.

Nonetheless, f o r t h e purpose of

this paper t h e a v e r a g e of t h e r a t e s ,

LS 1.20 is considered a s t h e daily wage r a t e f o r t h e rural unskilled worker in Southern Darfur.

I t is assumed t h a t t h e worker works f o r six months

in a g r i c u l t u r e in t h e traditional s e c t o r , t h u s bringing t h e annual earnings t o Ls 216.

T h e calculations of t h e resource c o s t s of t h e rural worker

a r e summarised in Table 2.

TABLE 2 R e s o u r c e C o s t s of a Worker Drawn f r o m t h e Traditional Agricultural S e c t o r t o t h e Urban S-

Occupation

Earnings

Savings

(Ls)

(1)

(2)

Rural

to

Urban

Consumption Savings (3) (4)

Rural worker

216

21.6

194.4

0

Urban worker

600

0

60.0

54.0

Consumption Resource Cost in

(5)

Foreign Exchange (6)

0

58.9

496.0

150.3

Source: D a t a collected by a u t h o r

Table 2 is c o n s t r u c t e d on t h e assumption t h a t t h e marginal propensity t o s a v e f o r t h e rural a n d urban worker is 10 per c e n t , i.e.,

t h e worker

s a v e s 10 per c e n t of his earnings (column 2), and t h a t t h e urban worker r e m i t s 10 per c e n t of his earnings t o his rural household a n d ail of t h ~ s is consumed by t h e rural household. T h e resource c o s t of a worker drawn f r o m t h e rural s e c t o r t o t h e urban s e c t o r c a n simply b e c a l c u l a t e d f r o m Table 2 by s u b t r a c t i n g t h e e l e m e n t s in column 6, i.e.:

Estimates o f t h e Benefits Accruing from t h e Extra Wages

When a worker joins t h e urban s e c t o r h e a n d his family benefit f r o m t h e

higher earnings h e receives f r o m his new job.

In this section, t h e s e e x t r a

benefits c a n b e measured according t o t h e i r social value.

L i t t l e and

Mirrlees (1974), point o u t t h a t in order t o obtain t h e social value of t h e e x t r a benefits, t h e researcher weighting factor.

has t o multiply t h e m by a consumption

Before dealing with this question, l e t us begin with t h e

following basic assumptions: I.

t h e r e is a c r i t i c a l income level (Icr) expressed in t e r m s of income per adult.

A t this level, t h e government would be

indifferent in using resources t o increase t h e incomes of t h e households thus increasing i t s own expenditure. 11.

t h e government a t t a c h e s more weight t o t h e income accruing t o t h e poor r a t h e r t h a n t o t h e rich family.

This is expressed

in t h e figure below:

Icr Income per adult The weight becomes less a s income rises, while i t rises a s income falls until i t reaches one (unity) a t t h e c r i t i c a l income level. . ..

111.

no bidding up of wages in t h e urban s e c t o r a s a result of employing one m o r e man.

Assuming (fcr) a s t h e conversion f a c t o r f o r t h e marginal increases in rural incomes, then f o r t h e rural household with a c r i t i c a l income level of (Icr), t h e weight for any e x t r a increase of Ls. foreign exchange equivalent c o s t of

I in income is 1 since t h e

t h e resources needed t o m e e t t h e

resulting e x t r a expenditure is ( f c r ) , t h e social value of this increase being t h e s a m e a s i t s foreign exchange c o s t which is t h e r e f o r e (fcr). Y(1:Icr) = 1

Hence (8)

where Y stands for t h e weight. In order t o find t h e values of t h e weights a t t a c h e d t o increases in - 1 66-

income, accruing

t o t h e s e a n d o t h e r levels w e derive t h e following utility

function:

U = B -

AI'-~

The marginal utility of income i s t h e n given by:

in which c a s e -e is t h e e l a s t i c i t y of income.

marginal utility with r e s p e c t t o

From (g), t h e marginal utility of income t o rural household a t

t h e c r i t i c a l income level is 1 , so:

I = -A( 1-e) ~ c r - ~

(1 1)

A =-Icre or A = ~ c r (12) l -e Hence, t h e marginal utility o r weight a t t a c h e d t o marginal increase in

rural household income is given by:

T h e weight is t h u s given by dividing t h e c r i t i c a l income level by t h e new w a g e r a t e (or income) per adult. difficult t o e s t i m a t e in practice.

T h e c r i t i c a l income level is very

But s i n c e t h e r e a r e variations in t h e

earnings of t h e workers engaged in t h e traditional agricultural system, t h e c r i t i c a l incomes t e n d t o be lower t h a n t h e a v e r a g e earnings in t h e rural sector.

In this study i t is assumed t h a t t h e critical i n c o m e level is

Ls 160 f o r a n a v e r a g e s i z e family of f i v e adults.

This yields Ls 32

c r i t i c a l income per adult. Applying formula (13) a n d using a value of 2 for e will yield a weight of:

50.4 T o c o n v e r t t h e increases in t h e disposable income of t h e worker of LS 384 (S 116) t o i t s social value w e have t o multiply i t by t h e standard 5

conversion f a c t o r of 0.8 and t h e weight:

F r o m this result w e s e e t h e t w o components of t h e shadow wage r a t e , namely, t h e social c o s t of providing resources t o m e e t t h e e x t r a expendi t u r e (M), and t h e social benefit accruing t o t h e worker and his family resulting

from

the

excess

of

wage

in

the

urban

sector

(R).

T h e final p a r t of this model deals with t h e shadow w a g e in t h e rural traditional agricultural sector.

T h e r e is increasing evidence t h a t in t h e

rural a r e a s of t h e Sudan w a g e r a t e s a r e determined by supply and demand f o r c e s (ILO, 1976;

Affan, 1977).

If this is true, i t follows t h a t t h e wages

paid f o r rural workers r e f l e c t t h e i r a c t u a l shadow wage.

In this r e s p e c t

t h e L s 216 (S 65.5) becomes t h e shadow w a g e for t h e traditional agricultural sector.

Substituting t h e s e components in our general formula (1)

gives t h e following shadow w a g e f o r a worker drawn f r o m traditional agriculture in Southern Darfur t o t h e urban industrial s e c t o r of G r e a t e r Khartoum.

This gives a shadow w a g e r a t e of

The

Social

Rate

of

Discount

S 118.9 S 181.6 (The

0.65

=

Accounting

Rate

of

Interest)

T h e accounting r a t e of i n t e r e s t (ARI) measures t h e fall in t h e social value of public s e c t o r income measured at border prices.

It provides t h e means

f o r expressing n e t benefits t h a t o c c u r a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s in measurable units.

Ideally projects should b e undertaken when t h e marginal r a t e of

return on public s e c t o r investments is e v a l u a t e d a t accounting prices equal t o (ARI).

A small (ARI) would m e a n approval of t o o many projects and a

large (ARI) would lead t o underinvestment. Defining consumption,

V

as

then

ARI = CRI

the the

dv -. dt

r e l a t i v e value of accounting

rate

I V

-

where: CRI = consumption r a t e of i n t e r e s t t

=

length of l i f e of c a p i t a l investment

public income in t e r m s of of

interest

would

be:

Before t h e accounting r a t e of i n t e r e s t is e s t i m a t e d , i t is appropriate t o f i r s t e s t i m a t e t h e consumption r a t e of i n t e r e s t ,

t h e reason f o r this

being t h a t (CRI) r e p r e s e n t s t h e most i m p o r t a n t p a r a m e t e r in t h e e s t i m a t i o n of (ARI).

The Consumption Rate of Interest (CRI) is defined a s t h e r a t e of i n t e r e s t a t which f u t u r e consumption ought t o be discounted t o m a k e i t equivalent in value t o t h e present consumption. Mathematically i t could b e expressed a s follows:

where:

e

= social

e l a s t i c i t y of

t h e marginal

utility of

consumption

w h e r e social e l a s t i c i t y i s t h e r a t e a t which social utility increases r e l a t i v e t o a unit r a t e increase in consumption. g

=

t h e r a t e of increase in per c a p i t a consumption

P

=

pure rate of t i m e preference.

T h e consumption

rate

of

i s a policy

interest

parameter

t h a t is

designed t o ensure t h a t t h e government's view on t h e r e l a t i v e desirability of present a s opposed t o f u t u r e consumption levels a r e adequately r e f l e c t e d in t h e s y s t e m of social prices. savings and Yet,

less c u r r e n t

T h e government m a y believe t h a t more

consumption

could

be good f o r

t h e society.

s a v i n g s muLd be changed i n t o investment and i n v e s t m e n t c a n t h e present

produce e x t r a f u t u r e consumption only a t t h e expense of consumption.

The government in this c a s e would put higher value on

consumption in both t h e f u t u r e and t h e present

savings

preference

may in this c a s e be m o r e valuable t h a n t h e present consumption.

But l e t

us a s s u m e t h a t t h e u l t i m a t e objective of t h e government i s t o provide a high standard of living which means raising consumption.

Also, assume

t h a t t h e government a t t a c h e s a high p r e f e r e n c e in measuring t h e marginal improvement

in

consumption

over

time.

Since economic

a c t i v i t y is

e x p e c t e d t o produce higher s t a n d a r d s of living, then f u t u r e generations a r e e x p e c t e d t o b e richer t h a n t h e present generations.

In such a situation,

t h e urgency in raising consumption in t h e f u t u r e i s less i m p o r t a n t than raising consumption in t h e present.

In this respect, t h e government will

give less weight t o f u t u r e consumption. - 1 69-

This is due t o t h e f a c t t h a t t h e

higher t h e consumption t h e less i m p o r t a n t i t becomes t o increase i t any 6 further This a r g u m e n t c a n also b e extended t o include t h e government 7 preferences within t h e contemporaries These concern t h e intra- temporal

.

.

distribution of income t o d i f f e r e n t income groups amongst contemporaries. It is much m o r e likely t h a t t h e government would a t t a c h less value t o t h e gains accruing t o t h e wealthy t h a n t o t h e poor.

Thus, a s consumption

increases, i t s weight o r 'marginal utility declines.

T h e r a t e of fall in this

1

weight is w h a t is r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e elasticity of t h e marginal utility of consumption. Equation (15) indicates t h a t t h e (CRI) rises with t h e value of t h e elasticity of t h e marginal utility of consumption, given an annual r a t e of growth of per c a p i t a consumption, 'g1.

T h e (CRI) will b e higher with

higher values of e (higher values of e indicate g r e a t e r r a t e s of decline in t h e value of additional consumption).

O n t h e contrary, f a s t e r r a t e s of per

c a p i t a consumption growth will m e a n less value on f u t u r e consumption and a higher (CRI).

And since a n increased per c a p i t a consumption makes

f u t u r e generations richer t h a n t h e present generations - and since i t is assumed t h a t t h e consumption values of t h e rich a r e less valuable t h a n those of t h e poor - people g e t richer m o r e rapidly.

On t h e o t h e r hand,

this would raise t h e social discount a s consumption rises with less value or a smaller weight assigned t o f u t u r e consumption. The p u r e r a t e o f time preference, 'p'

r e f l e c t s t h e e x t e n t t o which benefits t h a t occur in t h e

f u t u r e a r e discounted, simply because t h e y a c c r u e t o f u t u r e generations. It r e f l e c t s t h e f a c t t h a t people d o not r e s o r t t o waiting in order t o consume

in

the

future

since

they

may

need

to

consume

today.

While t h e interrelationships between t h e t h r e e variables which form t h e consumption r a t e of i n t e r e s t a r e q u i t e c l e a r f r o m a t h e o r e t i c a l point of view, i t is nevertheless difficult t o obtain a consistent s e t of values for It has been assumed t h a t a s consumption rises, t h e weight a t t a c h e d

(CRI). t o it

by t h e government falls. in

It is possible t o derive t h e weights

attached

t o t h e increases

t h e consumption

of

t h e various

groups

involved.

Hence, i t is virtually impossible t o e s t i m a t e empirically t h e r a t e

a t which t h e weight falls over t i m e o r 'et. A number of a t t e m p t s h a v e been m a d e t o e s t i m a t e empirically t h e

elasticity of t h e marginal utility of consumption.

O n e of t h e s e a t t e m p t s

was m a d e by Frish (1932) who used a cross- sectional study based on

American

household

budget

materials.

However

this a t t e m p t

was not

successful b e c a u s e F r i s h m a d e s o m e guesses on s o m e of t h e key parameters

in

Newman

his

work

which

and

Morgenstern

made (1944)

his

have

findings also

less

made

an

reliable.

attempt

to

e s t i m a t e t h e r a t e a t which t h e e l a s t i c i t y of t h e marginal u t i l i t y of consumption falls by expressing ' e ' in t e r m s of t h r e e axioms.

However, t h e

problem

w ~ t h t h i s a t t e m p t w a s t h a t only in s i t u a t i o n s involving e v e n t s

w hich

contrive

uncontroversial n u m e r i c a l values, will t h e i r a x i o m s

b e found appealing.

Such l i m i t a t i o n s a r e s o m e of

t h e problems t h a t

c o n f r o n t e d t h e application of t h e i r model in p r a c t i c e . O n e of

t h e m o s t s u c c e s s f u l a p p r o a c h e s t o put i n t o o p e r a t i o n t h e

e l a s t i c i t y of t h e m a r g i n a l utility of consumption c a m e f r o m Fellner (1 967). This,

in

fact,

was a

revised

version

of

F r i s h ' s model.

e s t i m a t e s of household d a t a r e l a t i n g t o 14 US cities. apply

Fellner's

model

t o India,

Lal (1972)

F e l l n e r used

In a n a t t e m p t t o

points o u t

t h a t given t h e

d i f f i c u l t i e s a s s o c i a t e d with t h e s c o p e a n d t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o n s u m e r e x p e n d i t u r e d a t a on which t h e m o d e l is based, such r e s u l t s m u s t b e t r e a t e d with caution.

O n e problem w i t h F e l l n e r ' s m o d e l is t h a t i t h a d been based

on t h e A m e r i c a n e c o n o m y a n d i t would b e r a t h e r d i f f i c u l t t o o b s e r v e s o m e e l e m e n t s of

the data

r e q u i r e d in

t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s prevailing in t h e

developing countries. After

realising

the

difficulty

of

estimating

t h e e l a s t i c i t y of

the

marginal utility of consumption, s o m e w r i t e r s have s u g g e s t e d a plausible r a n g e of

values.

L i t t l e and Mirrlees (1974) s t a t e t h a t , 'on a d m i t t e d l y

e x t r e m e l y i n a d e q u a t e e v i d e n c e , w e guess t h a t m o s t people would put 'el in t h e r a n g e of 1 - 3'.

8

S t e r n (1973), a f t e r surveying t h e many a t t e m p t s m a d e t o e s t i m a t e t h e elasticity

of

t h e marginal u t i l i t y of consumption concludes t h a t i t lies

within t h e r a n g e of 1 - 5.

I t i s now e v i d e n t t h a t t o assign a

t o w h a t is considered

important

an

social value

number

judgement a b o u t t h e

d e g r e e of c o n c e r n f o r e q u i t y should a l w a y s b e done w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e p r e f e r e n c e of t h e g o v e r n m e n t policy. The

preference

o f f i c i a l d o c u m e n t s or

of

the

development

i n c o m e gains t o t h e poor. higher

Sudanese

government

plans,

reflect a

a s expressed higher

in

the

valuation of

In addition t o progressive i n c o m e t a x e s a n d

e x e m p t i o n levels f o r t h e poor, t h e r e is f r e e m e d i c a l c a r e a n d -171-

education a t a l l levels of education f r o m primary t o university.

Moreover,

t h e Six Year Plan (1977 - 1982/3) f o r economic and social development emphasized both growth and equity.

This should suggest a positive value

But f o r t h e purpose of t h i s paper, sensitivity analysis will b e

f o r 'e'.

conducted using t h e r a n g e 1 - 3 f o r 'e' t o e s t i m a t e t h e a c t u a l value of (CRI). It is widely held t h a t t h e m a r k e t resolves t h e problem of choosing t h e pure r a t e of t i m e preference. r a t e of

The a r g u m e n t forwarded i s t h a t t h e pure

t i m e p r e f e r e n c e could be i n f e r r e d f r o m observing t h e m a r k e t

opportunities t o borrow and lend.

In a realistic economic s e t t i n g in which

t h e r e a r e many investors and consumers and many d i f f e r e n t goods, i.e., a p e r f e c t m a r k e t , i t would b e e x t r e m e l y difficult t o justify in t h e developing countries with i m p e r f e c t c a p i t a l markets.

Even if w e a s s u m e t h a t m a r k e t s

a r e p e r f e c t , t h e n t h e question a r i s e s a s t o how t h e s t a t e is presumed t o d e t e r m i n e t h e society's t i m e preference.

Some writers argue t h a t the

social t i m e p r e f e r e n c e s could b e f o r m e d f r o m individual t i m e p r e f e r e n c e s (Sugdon and Williams 1978). investment

rate

is

Such a view assumes t h a t t h e global savings/

implicitly

deemed

adequate

and

hence a

unit of

potential investment and a unit of consumption c a n b e considered equally valuable.

However, e v e n if i t is g r a n t e d t h a t savings versus consumption

decisions a r e properly social decisions,

t h e r e remains t h e problem

of

generating t h e t i m e p r e f e r e n c e maps of individuals f o r collective decisions into a single t i m e p r e f e r e n c e map.

Thus, t h e estimation of t h e pure r a t e

of t i m e p r e f e r e n c e would also depend on value judgement.

But a s t h e Six

Year Plan emphasized growth alongside equity, this would suggest a low value f o r t h e pure r a t e of t i m e preference, probably between 0 a n d 1 . A s f o r t h e growth r a t e of per c a p i t a consumption, 'g', i t is relatively

easy t o e s t i m a t e . sumption r a t e of

For t h e period f r o m 1970 t o 1979, t h e t o t a l con7.3

implied a n a v e r a g e growth r a t e of per c a p i t a

consumption of around 3 per cent. 10 values of (CRI).

T h e t a b l e below shows t h e range of

This t a b l e reveals t h a t t h e range of CRI is 2.0 - 7.0 per c e n t , but our best guess f o r (CRI) is 5 per cent. - 1 72-

TABLE 3 R a n g e of (CRI) P u r e R a t e of T i m e P r e f e r e n c e

Social e l a s t i c i t y of t h e marginal u t i l i t y of consumption

1 2 3

F r o m e q u a t i o n (141, and in o r d e r t o e s t i m a t e t h e (ARI), w e n e e d t o e x a m i n e t h e r a t e of f a l l of 'v'.

Assuming t h a t t h e marginal a l l o c a t i o n of

public e x p e n d i t u r e b e t w e e n consumption a n d i n v e s t m e n t r e m a i n s t h e s a m e , i t follows t h e r a t e of f a l l in t h e v a l u e of t h e public s e c t o r i n c o m e given by t h e r a t e of c h a n g e in social valuation of public s e c t o r consumption (V ) C

a n d i n v e s t m e n t (V. ) will b e e q u a l to: lnv sdv. l = lnv 1 + (I - S)dv l dv C' dt v v VC w h e r e S is t h e s h a r e of i n v e s t m e n t e x p e n d i t u r e in t o t a l public expenditure,

.

.

i.e.,

marginal propensity t o invest. F u r t h e r m o r e , i t is assumed t h a t t h e g o v e r n m e n t m a i n t a i n s t h e value

of i t s public consumption r e l a t i v e t o t h e v a l u e of t h e p r i v a t e per c a p i t a T h a t is t o say; d v / d t = 0.

consumption. investment

can

be

consumption r a t e of i n t e r e s t .

T h e social v a l u e of

into f u t u r e

transformed

public

income

R

is

the

internal

the

Thus:

(ARI) = S(R - CRI) + (CRI) where

public

and

(17) rate

of

return

on

public

investment.

E a c h dollar t h e public s e c t o r g e n e r a t e s is a l l o c a t e d in t h e proportions of 0.30 t o invest and 0.70 t o c u r r e n t consumption (i.e.,

S = 30).

T a b l e 4,

t h e r e f o r e shows t h e s e n s i t i v i t y f o r (ARI) t o t h e assumed values of a v e r a g e r a t e s of r e t u r n on t h e public s e c t o r i n v e s t m e n t s (R)'!

T h e (CRI) v a l u e of 5

per c e n t would suggest a r a n g e of values f o r (ARI) b e t w e e n 3.6 p e r c e n t and 8.0 per c e n t .

But our b e s t e s t i m a t e v a l u e f o r (ARI) is 6 per c e n t . -173-

TABLE 4 Accounting R a t e of Interest, Sensitivity Analysis R Per Cent

Conclusion An e s t i m a t e is m a d e f o r t h e shadow wage r a t e and t h e social discount r a t e f o r t h e Sudan using a v e r a g e earnings in both rural and urban sectors. It is found t h a t t h e migration of labourers f r o m t h e rural t o urban c e n t r e s f o r employment opportunities is economically justified.

However, i t i s also

recognised t h a t t h e r e a r e variations in t h e shadow wage r a t e n o t only between urban and rural a r e a s but also within e a c h of t h e t w o labour markets

as

t h e workers a r e divided into skilled and unskilled.

The

estimations of t h e social r a t e of discount a r e largely based on value judgem e n t and this is d u e t o t h e n a t u r e of t h e p a r a m e t e r s e n t e r i n g i n t o t h e e s t i m a t i o n of t h e accounting r a t e of interest. T h e m a t e r i a l which I presented in this paper has four significant implications f o r t h e f u t u r e development of t h e agrarian s e c t o r a s f a r a s t h e utilization 1.

of

manpower

in agricultural development i s concerned.

Although a g r i c u l t u r e is t h e main economic a c t i v i t y in t h e Sudan, t h e industrial s e c t o r has n o t y e t developed t o b e a b l e t o absorb t h e a r m y of migrants who move f r o m t h e r u r a l t o t h e urban labour markets, and t h e r e a r e still no viable wage policies t o o f f e r security and viable wage opportunities.

The

rural labour m a r k e t is still based on t h e principle of m a r k e t f o r c e s a n d a s such i t c a n always b e a push f a c t o r f o r disc o n t e n t e d workers. 2.

T h e urban labour m a r k e t s a r e b e t t e r organized t h a n t h e rural labour markets.

In t h e f o r m e r c a s h earnings a r e not t h e only

c r i t e r i a t h a t d e f i n e wages, but also social benefits, b e t t e r services and a n infra- structure t h a t d e t e r m i n e s t h e shadow wage. 3.

It follows from (2) above t h a t t h e migration of agricultural workers t o town i s justified both on economic a s well a s I have already shown t h a t ' t h e migrant's f a m -

social grounds.

ily benefits f r o m t h e e x t r a income which is r e m i t t e d a s a proportion of his earnings home.

This is in addition t o t h e

social benefits h e enjoys in t h e urban c e n t r e s r e l a t i v e t o t h e rural areas.

4.

T h e s t a t e d government policies and t h e plans t h a t w e r e forrnulated t o e x e c u t e such policies during t h e 19701s, point o u t t h a t t h e equity proposition advocated has n o t succeeded in bridging

the

inequality.

gap

in

regional

disparities

and

rural/urban

This a l s o explains t h e overall a v e r a g e of growth

r a t e per c a p i t a consumption of 3 per c e n t , coupled with t h e s h a r p fall in t h e value of t h e public s e c t o r income r e l a t i v e t o r a t e of c h a n g e in t h e social valuation of t h e public s e c t o r consumption.

All t h e same, t h e c u r r e n t disintegration in t h e

agricultural s e c t o r maintenance adequate

of

due t o drought and lack of substantial the

aging

infra- structure

and

machinery

and

inputs

also

can

shortage

of

explain

the

demise of this s e c t o r and i t s continuous loss of labour t o t h e urban labour market.

Notes:

I r e f e r t o t h e ILO R e p o r t on Growth, Employment and Equity: A Comprehensive S t r a t e g y for t h e Sudan, 1976: 90.

The minimum wage has recently been increased f r o m Ls 18 t o LS 28 and Ls 35. Scot et al, p. 75. P a y m e n t is usually m a d e in Mukhamas r a t h e r t h a n daily rate. O n e Mukhamcsis approximately 0.55 hectares. This represents t h e a v e r a g e of accounting r a t i o s f o r t h e sugar manufacturing s e c t o r in t h e Sudan c a l c u l a t e d by t h e author. For f u r t h e r m a t e r i a l r e f e r t o M. El Tegani (1983). The assumption t h a t f u t u r e generations would b e b e t t e r off and t h e r e f o r e t h e weight a t t a c h e d t o f u t u r e consumption is low, is based on t h e f a c t t h a t t h e per c a p i t a consumption will rise o v e r t i m e and t h a t t h e marginal utility of consumption diminishes with e a c h rise in consumption. The d i f f e r e n c e between intra- temporal and inter- temporal income distribution is t h a t t h e f o r m e r is concerned with t h e distribution of income via a c c r u a l s f r o m t h e project t o d i f f e r e n t classes amongst contemporaries, while t h e l a t t e r is concerned with consumption distribution of t h e benefits. L i t t l e and Mirrlees, 1974:

240.

In this c a s e 'e' could n o t b e negative because this would mean t h a t t h e government is not concerned with equity. R e f e r t o World Development R e p o r t , 1981, National and International Adjustments, Annex, World Development Indicators, World Bank, Washington DC. R a t e s of r e t u r n on public s e c t o r projects in t h e Sudan a r e very low. For a comprehensive discussion on t h e r a t e s of r e t u r n in t h e public s e c t o r r e f e r t o Sadig El R a s h e e d in Ali M. El Hassan, 1976.

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Ten Economic Studies in t h e Tradition of Irving and Fisher. John Wily and Sons, New York, London, Sydney, 1976.

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P r o j e c t Appraisal and Planning f o r Developing Countries, Heinemann, 1974.

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e t a1

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et a1

P r o j e c t Appraisal in Practice: L i t t l e Mirrlees Method Applied t o Kenya, Heinemann, 1976. Application of Shadow Pricing t o Country Economic Analysis: An Illustration from Pakistan, World Bank Staff P a p e r No. 330, June, 1979.

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