Aristophanes Thesmophoriazusae

ARISTOPHANES THESMOPHORIAZUSAE

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ARISTOPHANES THESMOPHORIAZUSAE EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY

COLIN AUSTIN and S. D O U G L A S OLSON

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford 0x2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Sao Paulo Shanghai Taipei Tokyo Toronto Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © Colin Austin and S. Douglas Olson 2004 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2004 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data applied for ISBN 0-19-926527-5 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Typeset by Regent Typesetting, London Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by Biddies Ltd, King's Lynn

For Annapurna

C.A.

For Andrea S.D.O.

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PREFACE In December 1965 I obtained my D.Phil, -with a commentary on Thesmophoriasusae 1—530. I -was confident at the time that the full edition -would be ready -within three years. Dis aliter visum.1 For over three decades the play, though never completely lost sight of, found itself relegated to the sidelines, as first Euripides, then Menander and the comic fragments, and more recently Posidippus, all took precedence over my original project. In September 2001, after months of ill-health and disruption caused by unstable angina, I joined forces -with Douglas Olson, -who had just completed his edition of Acharnians. We met in Cambridge and I handed over to him everything relevant I had collected till then. Combining this -with material of his own, he prepared a fresh draft, -which -we have repeatedly scrutinized and emended on both sides of the Atlantic. The end result, -we hope, is a harmonious blend of the old and the new. The original thesis had been supervised by Hugh (now Sir Hugh) Lloyd-Jones in Oxford and Rudolf Kassel in Berlin. To both I owe an immense debt of gratitude. Sir Hugh's formidable learning and razor-sharp intellect kept me on my toes from day one, and I am still struggling to cope -with the first of his ten commandments: 'Learn by heart the -whole of Greek Comedy.' In Berlin, thanks to Kassel, the spirit of Wilamowitz ( 1931) was still very much alive, even in the brave new world of the Freie Universitat. Some 50 years earlier my maternal uncle Paul Etard ( 1962), himself a disciple of Hermann Diels ( 1922)2 and later Librarian of the Ecole Normale Superieure in Paris, had met the great man and his circle in the golden years before the First World War. I -was happy to follow in his footsteps, and it -was at de Gruyter's that the genial charm of Heinz Wenzel ( 1998) laid the firm foundation of the future 'K—A' partnership. Ihr naht euch wieder, schwankende Gestalten, Die friih sich einst dem truben Blick gezeigt. Versuch ich wohl, euch diesmal festzuhalten? 1

'The gods decided otherwise' (Verg. Aen. ii. 428). Diels had asked my uncle to prepare a new edition of Aristotle's Physics for Teubner, but the project fell through after the outbreak of hostilities. 2

viii

PREFACE

FuhlichmeinHerznochjenem Wahngeneigt? . . . Ihr bringt mit euch die Bilder froher Tage, Und manche liebe Schatten steigen auf; Gleich einer alten, halbverklungnen Sage Kommt erste Lieb und Freundschaft mit herauf; Der Schmerz wird neu, es wiederholt die Klage Des Lebens labyrinthisch irren Lauf Und nennt die Guten, die, um schone Stunden Vom Gliick getauscht, vor mir hinweggeschwunden.3

As a young research student I came under the spell and influence of many teachers, colleagues, and friends, all alas now long departed. It is -with nostalgic admiration that I mention here the Olympian brilliance of Denys (later Sir Denys) Page (f 1978), -who first explained to a novice some of the metrical eccentricities of Agathon's song; the Erasmian -wisdom of Harry Sandbach ( 1991);4the irreverent bonhomie of Tony Andrewes ( 1990); the austere perfectionism of Spencer Barrett ( 2001); and the trenchant petulance of Eduard Fraenkel ( 1970).5 All these scholars followed my Aristophanic pursuits with lively interest, especially Eduard Fraenkel, who generously made available to me the unpublished lecture notes left by Georg Kaibel ( 1901).6 In Berlin, two of Kassel's 'Doktoranden', the talented but short-lived Armin Schafer ( 1965)7 and the incomparable Volkmar Schmidt ( 1998), were ready at all times to discuss with me matters both great and small, whether it be Euripidean misogyny or how to print + - in crasis. Eric Handley and Kenneth (later Sir Kenneth) Dover had examined the thesis in 1965. They very kindly agreed, nearly 40 years later, to cast a fresh and critical eye on the penultimate typescript. Besides saving us from errors, they have enriched the edition 3 From the Dedicatory poem to Goethe's Faust: 'Once again you draw near, you uncertain shapes that long ago appeared before my clouded vision. Shall I try this time to take possession of you? Does that folly still move me to longing?... You bring with you the images of happy days, and many a well-loved shade comes back to life: first love and friendship rise again with them, like an old half-forgotten legend; pain is renewed, and grief once more retraces life's labyrinthine erring course, and names those dear ones whom Fortune has cheated of hours of joy and who have vanished from sight before me' (translated by David Luke). 4 See PEA 84 (1994) 500-2. 5 See Q (70063(1999)40. 6 See Austin (1987) 67-8. 7 See CRNS 16(1966) 291-3.

PREFACE

ix

with many new references and acute observations. Douglas j oins me here in warmly thanking them for their invaluable help. C. A. Trinity Hall, Cambridge

In February 2001, I wrote to Sir Kenneth Dover, the general editor of the OUP Aristophanes series, to ask if he would approach Colin Austin for me about the possibility of Austin's and my collaborating to produce the edition of Thesmophoriasusae on which I knew he had been working for many years. Austin replied through Dover that he would need to meet me first, and we eventually settled on a date in late September. In the meantime I got Acharnians off to press and produced a sample text and commentary on the opening scene of Thesmophoriasusae as a-way of providing a sense of the contribution I might make to the project. I arrived at the train station in Cambridge deeply ill at ease, expecting hard questions, difficult negotiations, and perhaps an abrupt and unhappy end to my trip. But the next day after lunch, after Colin had spent the morning reading through what I had given him and we were sitting together in his upstairs study, he turned to me and said simply: 'Well, how shall we go about doing this?' Our partnership has been easy and cordial ever since. When I left Cambridge a few days later, I took with me the original copy of Austin's dissertation ( which includes introductory chapters on the festival and the date and historical background to the play); handwritten drafts of an updated but much-abbreviated version of the commentary on the opening sections of the play, and of new material on 531—670, along with bibliographical notes on all the rest; Austin's extensive Cambridge lecture notes on the text; and an immense pile of offprints, learned correspondence, and the like. I spent most of that academic year and the next reworking and combining this material with ideas of my own and with further insights and parallels furnished by Colin. We had originally agreed that I should visit Cambridge every three to six months to make sure that the process of collaboration proceeded smoothly. After I had made an additional trip or two, it became clear that we could work together just as efficiently and effectively via fax and express courier. But I recall with great fondness Colin and Mishtu's hospitality to me in their wonderful home full of books, children and grandchildren, students, fine wine, and Mishtu's beautiful batiks and the smell of her

X

PREFACE

extraordinary cooking. Some readers may be tempted to try to prize this volume apart so as to discover Austin here and Olson there. We encourage them to put their critical abilities to other uses. The edition has been a joint effort from the very first, and we take mutual credit and responsibility for everything it contains. As regards secondary literature, we have tried to be helpful and comprehensive, although not exhaustive. In metrical matters we have been far more selective but always refer to L. P. E. Parker's recent book, which is now the standard reference work on Aristophanic lyric. We regret that Andreas Willi, The Languages of Aristophanes (Oxford, 2003) and Kannicht's edition of the fragments of Euripides in TrGF had not yet appeared as we went to press. John Gibert read the entire Introduction and commentary, and Benjamin Millis read the entire commentary, and both offered countless helpful comments and suggestions. Alexander Sens provided advice and support on a day-to-day—and often hour-to-hour—basis. Anna Stelow was a good-humoured and efficient Research Assistant and a keen and critical reader. Bruce Swann of the Classics Library at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign offered crucial bibliographical support. Oliver Taplin kindly provided details of modern productions of Thesmophoriazusae from the Oxford Archive, and Erika Zwierlein-Diehl furnished excellent colour slides of the 'Telephos' krater in Wurzburg. John Traill cheerfully offered unpublished PAA numbers. Our copy-editor, Leofranc HolfordStrevens, scrutinized our typescript with meticulous care, and we have benefited greatly from his copious notes and illuminating comments. My own work on this project was supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Loeb Classical Library Foundation, and the Graduate School at the University of Minnesota. I would also like to extend thanks to Steven J. Rosenstone, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts at the University of Minnesota, and to the former and current chairs of my department, William Malandra and George Sheets, for their continuing support of my research. S. D.O. University of Minnesota, Twin Cities 26 July 2003

CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

INTRODUCTION I Aristophanes and his Play II Date and Political Background III The Festival IV Euripides and the City's Women V Staging VI Thesmophoriazusae II VII The Manuscript Tradition VIII Modern Work on the Text METRICAL SYMBOLS SIGLA

ARISTOPHANES, THESMOPHORIAZUSAE

xiii

xxxi xxxiii xlv li Ixviii Ixxvii Ixxxix xcix CV Cvii

i

DRAMATIS PERSONAE

2

TEXT

3

COMMENTARY

51

GREEK INDEX

353

GENERAL INDEX

359

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ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY We abbreviate the names of ancient authors as in LSJ, except that we use 'H.' for Homer and 'Bacch.' for Bacchylides. Our numbering of fragments follows Bernabe for epic; PMGF for Alkman, Stesichoros, and Ibykos; PMG's continuous numbering (supplemented by SLG) for other lyric poets; Voigt for Sappho and Alkaios; IEG2 for elegy and iambos except Hipponax, for -whom we cite Degani; Maehler for Pindar and Bacchylides; Diels—Kranz 10 for the pre-Socratic philosophers; TrGF for Aeschylus, Sophocles, and minor or unidentified tragic poets; Nauck2 for Euripides, except -where indicated otherwise; PCG for fragments of the comic poets, and Arnott's Loeb for Menander's substantially preserved plays; Olson—Sens for Archestratos and Matro; Rose3 for Aristotle; Wehrli for other representatives of Aristotle's school; Fortenbaugh for Theophrastos; Pfeiffer for Callimachus; Austin—Bastianini for Posidippus; Gow for Macho; and CA and SH for other late classical and Hellenistic poets. For epigrams, we give equivalent numbers in HE, GPh, or FGE wherever possible. We cite Harpokration from Keaney; Hippocrates from Littre; Hesychius a—o from Latte; Hesychius — from Schmidt; Moeris from Hansen; Photios — , from Theodoridis; Photios — from Parson; Pollux from Bethe; and the Suda from Adler. For the numbering of lines in lyric sections of tragedy, we generally follow the OCTs of Page (for Aeschylus), Lloyd-Jones—Wilson (for Sophocles), and Diggle (for Euripides). All seventh- to first-century dates are BC unless specified otherwise. We refer to editions of Thesmophoriasusae and commentaries on it, as well as to standard commentaries on other ancient texts, by the editor's or commentator's name only. We abbreviate periodicals as in L'Annee philologique, except that we use 'AJP' instead of 'AJPh', 'CP' instead of'CPh','HSCP instead of 'HSCPh', 'PCPS' instead of 'PCPhS', 'TAPA instead of 'TAPhA, and 'YCS' instead of ' YCIS'. We refer to the foliowing books and articles by the author's or editor's last name or abbreviated name only, with a date

xiv

ABBREVIATIONS AND

BIBLIOGRAPHY

or abbreviated title added where ambiguity is possible, or simply by an abbreviated title: Aerts

W. J. Aerts, Periphrastica (Amsterdam,

Agora

The Athenian Agora: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens (31 vols.;

1965)

Allen Amyx Anderson Anredeformen

Princeton, 1953— )

D. Allen, The World of Prometheus (Princeton, 2000) D. A. Amyx, 'The Attic Stelai: Part III', Hesperia 27 (1958) 163—310 C. A. Anderson, Athena's Epithets (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 67: Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1995) J. Svennung, Anredeformen (Acta Societatis Litterarum Humaniorum Regiae Upsaliensis 42: Uppsala and Wiesbaden, 1958)

Apagoge

Ar. and Athens ARV2 Athenian Religion Athens and Persia Ausfeld Austin (1987) Austin (1990)

M. H. Hansen, Apagoge, Endeixis and Ephegesis against Kakourgoi, Atimoi and Pheugontes (Odense University Classical Studies 8: Odense, 1976) D. M. MacDowell, Aristophanes and Athens (Oxford, 1995) J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-Figure VasePainters2 (Oxford, 1963) R. Parker, Athenian Religion: A History (Oxford, 1996) M. C. Miller, Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century B.C. (Cambridge, 1997) C. Ausfeld, De Graecorum Precationibus Quaestiones, in fb. cl. Ph. Suppl. 28 (1903) 503-47 C. Austin, 'Textual Problems in Ar. Thesm.', Dodone 16. 2 (1987) 61—92 'Observations critiques sur les Thesmophories d'Aristophane', Dodone 19.2 (1990)9-29

ABBREVIATIONS AND

Bain, Actors Bain, 'Verbs' Bakhuyzen Beavis Bechtel, AF Beobachtungen Bers Bezantakos Bierl Blech

Blumner

Bobrick

Bonner and Smith

BIBLIOGRAPHY

XV

D. Bain, Actors and Audience: A Study of Asides and Related Conventions in Greek Drama (Oxford, 1977) 'Six Greek Verbs of Sexual Congress C0NS 4 I (1991)51-77 W. H. van de Sande Bakhuyzen, De parodia in comoedus Aristophanis (Utrecht, 1877) I. C. Beavis, Insects and Other Invertebrates in Classical Antiquity (Exeter, 1988) F. Bechtel, Die attischen Frauennamen nach ihrem. Systeme dargestellt (Gottingen, 1902) E. Fraenkel, Beobachtungen zu Aristophanes (Rome, 1962) V. Bers, Greek Poetic Syntax in the Classical Age (Yale Classical Monographs 5: New Haven and London, 1984) N. P. Bezantakos,

(Athens, 1987) A. Bierl, Der Chor in der Alien Komodie (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 126: Leipzig, 2001) M. Blech, Studien sum Kranz bet den Griechen (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten xxxviii: Berlin and New York, 1982) H. Blumner, Technologic und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Kunste bet Griechen und Roniern (4 vols.: vol. i2 Leipzig and Berlin, 1912, vols. ii—iv Leipzig, 1879—87) E. Bobrick, 'The Tyranny of Roles: Playacting and Privilege in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae', in G. W. Dobrov (ed.), The City as Comedy (Chapel Hill and London,1997)177—97 R. J. Bonner and G. Smith, The Administration of Justice from Homer to Aristotle (2 vols.: Chicago, 1930, 1938)

xvi

ABBREVIATIONS AND

Boule Bowie Brandenburg

Bruhn, Anhang Brumfield Bryant Buitron-Oliver

Burkert Butrica CA CAR2

Cairns Garden Casson CEG

BIBLIOGRAPHY

P. J. Rhodes, The Athenian Boule (Oxford, 1972) A. M. Bowie, Aristophanes: Myth, Ritual and Comedy (Cambridge, 1993) H. Brandenburg, Studienzur Mitra: Beitrage zur Waffen- und Trachtgeschichte der Antike (Fontes et Commentationes, Schriftenreihe des Instituts fur Epigraphik an der Universitat Munster 4: Munster, 1966) F. W. Schneidewin and A. Nauck (eds.), Sophokles viii Anhang, zusammengestellt von E. Bruhn (Berlin, 1899) A. C. Brumfield, The Attic Festivals of Demeter and their Relation to the Agricultural Year (New York, 1981) A. A. Bryant, 'Greek Shoes in the Classical Period', HSCP 10 (1899) 57-102 D. Buitron-Oliver, Douris: A MasterPainter of Athenian Red-Figure Vases (Forschungen zur antiken Keramik ii. 9: Mainz am Rhein, 1995) W. Burkert, Greek Religion (Cambridge, Mass., 1985) J. Butrica, 'The lost Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes', Phoenix 55 (2001) 44—76 see Powell The Cambridge Ancient History2 (14 vols. in 18: Cambridge, 1970—2000) D. L. Cairns, Aidos (Oxford and New York, 1993) R. Garden, The Papyrus Fragments of Sophocles (Texte und Kommentare 7: Berlin and New York, 1974) L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Baltimore and London, 1971) P. A. Hansen (ed.), CarminaEpigraphica Graeca (Texte und Kommentare 12 and 15: Berlin and New York, 1983, 1989)

ABBREVIATIONS

CGFPR Chadwick Chantraine, Formation Clinton Cohen, Law Cohen, Theft Collard, Cropp, and Lee Coulon, Essai Cropp and Fick Csapo Daremberg—Saglio Davidson Davies and Kathirithamby Deubner DFA

AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

xvii

C. Austin (ed.), Comicorum Graecorum fragmenta inpapyris reperta (Berlin and New York, 1973) J. Chadwick, Lexicographica Graeca: Contributions to the lexicography of Ancient Greek (Oxford, 1996) P. Chaintraine, La Formation des noms en grec ancien (Paris, 1933) K. Clinton, Myth and Cult: The Iconography of the Eleusinian Mysteries (Stockholm, 1992) D. Cohen, Law, Sexuality, and Society: The Enforcement of Morals in Classical Athens (Cambridge and New York, 1991) Theft in Athenian Law (Munchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 74: Munich, 1983) C. Collard, M. J. Cropp, and K. H. Lee (eds.), Euripides: Selected Fragmentary Plays i (Warminster, 1995) V. Coulon, Essai sur la methode de la critique conjecturale appliquee au texte d'Aristophane (Paris, 1933) M. Cropp and G. Pick, Resolutions and Chronology in Euripides: The Fragmentary Tragedies (BICS Suppl. 43: London, 1985) E. Csapo, 'A Note on the Wiirzburg BellCrater 115697 ("Telephus Travestitus")', Phoenix 40(1986)379—92 C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines (6 vols. in 10: Paris, 1877—1919) J. Davidson, Courtesans and Fishcakes: The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (New York, 1997) M. Davies and J. Kathirithamby, Greek Insects (New York and Oxford, 1986) L. Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin, 1932) A. Pickard-Cambridge, The Dramatic Festivals of Athens2 , rev. J. Gould and

xviii

A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dickey Dillon Dover, AC Dover, EGPS Dover, G&G Dover, GH Dover, G L Dover, GPM Dubois Ehrenberg Fehling

FGE FGrHist

FHG Forbes ERA

Fraenkel, Horace

D. M. Lewis (Oxford, 1968; reissued -with supplement and corrections, 1988) E. Dickey, Greek Forms of Address from. Herodotus to Lucian (Oxford Classical Monographs: Oxford, 1996) M. Dillon, Girls and Women in Classical Greek Religion (London and New York, 2002) K. J. Dover, Aristophanic Comedy (London, 1972) The Evolution of Greek Prose Style (Oxford, 1997) Greek and the Greeks: Collected Papers, i (Oxford and New York, 1987) Greek Homosexuality2 (Cambridge, Mass., 1989) The Greeks and their Legacy: Collected Papers, ii (Oxford and New York, 1988) Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle (Oxford, Berkeley, and Los Angeles, 1974) L. Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sidle (Paris/Rome, 1989) V. Ehrenberg, The People of Aristophanes2 (Oxford, 1951) D. Fehling, Die Wiederholungsfigurenund ihr Gebrauch bet den Griechen vor Gorgias (Berlin, 1969) D. L. Page (ed.), Further Greek Epigrams (Cambridge, 1981) F. Jacoby (ed.), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Leiden, 1923—69) C. and T. Mueller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (5 vols.: Paris, 1841—70) R. J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology2 (9 vols.: Leiden, 1964) M. J. Osborne and S. G. Byrne, The Foreign Residents of Athens (Studia Hellenistica 33: Leuven, 1996) E. Fraenkel, Horace (Oxford, 1957)

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Fraenkel, KIB Furley and Bremer Gallant Garland

Gildersleeve

Ginouves GMAW22

Goodwin

Gordziejew

GP

GPh Green Gygli-Wyss

Hagg

Haldane

xix

Kleine Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie (2 vols.: Rome, 1964) D. Furley and J. Bremer, Greek Hymns (2 vols.: Tubingen, 2001) T. W. Gallant, Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece (Stanford, 1991) R. S. J. Garland, 'Religious Authority in Archaic and Classical Athens', BSA 79 (1984)75-123 B. L. Gildersleeve, Syntax of Classical Greek (New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago, 1900: repr. Groningen, 1980) R. Ginouves, Balaneutike: Recherches sur le bain dans I'antiquite grecque (Paris, 1962) E. G. Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World2 (ed. P. J. Parsons) (BIOS Suppl. 46: London, 1987) W. W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb3 (Boston, 1890; repr. New York, 1965) V. Gordziejew, 'DePrologo Thesmophoriazusarum', Eos 38 (1937) 296-324 J. D. Denniston, The Greek Particles2 (rev. K. J. Dover) (Oxford, 1954) A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page (eds.), The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip (Cambridge, 1968) J. R. Green, Theatre in Ancient Greek Society (London, 1994) B. Gygli-Wyss, Das nominale Polyptoton im. alteren Griechisch (Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiet der indogermanischen Sprachen, Erganzungsheft 18: Gottingen, 1966) R. Hagg (ed.), The Role of Religion in the Early Greek Polis (Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae 8°, 14: Stockholm,1996) J. A. Haldane, 'A Scene in the

XX

A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Hall

Handley, 'Nouns' Handley, 'Words'

Handley and Rea Hansen (1983) Hansen (1987)

Hanson (1989)

Hanson (1991)

Harrison HCT

HE

Horn

Hubbard

ID

Thesmophoriasusae (295—371)', Philologus 109(1965)39-46 E. M. Hall, 'The Archer Scene in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae', Philologus 133 (1989) 38-54 E. W. Handley, '-sis Nouns in Aristophanes', Eranos 51 (1953) 129—42 'Words for "soul", "heart" and "mind" in Aristophanes', RhMNFgg (1956) 206—25 E. W. Handley and J. Rea, The Telephus of Euripides (BICS Suppl. 5: London, 1957) M. H. Hansen, The Athenian Ecclesia (Copenhagen,1983) The Athenian Assembly in the Age of Demosthenes (Black-well's Classical Studies: Oxford and New York, 1987) V. D. Hanson, The Western Way of War: Infantry Battle in Classical Greece (New York, 1989) (ed.), Hoplites: The Classical Greek Battle Experience (London and New York, 1991) A. R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens (2 vols.: Oxford, 1968, 1971) A. W. Gomme, A. Andrewes, and K. J. Dover, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides (5 vols.: Oxford, 1945—81) A. S. F. Gow and D. L. Page (eds.), The Greek Anthology: Hellenistic Epigrams (Cambridge, 1965) W. Horn, Gebet und Gebetsparodie in den Komodien des Aristophanes (Erlanger Beitrage zur Sprach- und Kunstwissenschaft 38: Nurnberg, 1970) T. K. Hubbard, The Mask of Comedy: Aristophanes and the Intertextual Parabasis (Cornell Studies in Classical Philology LI: Ithaca and London, 1991) Inscriptions de Delos

A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND BIBLIOGRAPHY 2

IEG

IG Jackson Judeich Kaimio

Kassel, KS K-A KB

KG

Kilmer, Erotica Kleinknecht

Klimek-Winter Kloss

Kraus

xxi 2

M. L. West (ed.), Iambi et Elegi Graeci (Oxford, 1989-92) Inscriptiones Graecae J. Jackson, Marginalia Scaenica (Oxford Classical and Philosophical Monographs: Oxford, 1955) W. Judeich, Topographic vonAthen2 (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft iii. 2. 2: Munich, 1931) M. Kaimio, The Chorus of Greek Drama within the Light of the Person and Number Used (Commentationes Humanarum Litteraruni46: Helsinki, 1970) R. Kassel, Kleine Schriften (Berlin and New York, 1991) see PCG R. Kiihner, Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache3 i ElementarundFormenlehre (rev. F. Blass) (2 vols.: Hannover, 1890, 1892) Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache3 ii Satzlehre (rev. B. Gerth) (2 vols.: Hannover and Leipzig, 1898,1904) M. F. Kilmer, Greek Erotica on Attic RedFigure Vases (London, 1993) H. Kleinknecht, Die Gebetsparodie in der Antike (Tiibinger Beitrage zur Altertumswissenschaft 28: Stuttgart, 1937; repr. Hildesheim, 1967) R. Klimek-Winter, Andromedatragodien (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 21: Stuttgart, 1993) G. KAoss,Erscheinungsformen komischen Sprechens bei Aristophanes (Untersuchungen zur antiken Literatur und Geschichte 59: Berlin and New York, 2001) W. Kraus, Testimonia Aristophanea cum scholiorum lectionibus (Vienna and Leipzig, 1934)

xxii

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

La Cite Labiano Ilundain

Lange Larson Latte Lautensach

Leveque

Lewis

LfgrE LGPN

LIMC Lopez Eire Lourengo Lyric Metres2 LSAM

Studia Aristophanea viro Aristophaneo, W. J. W. Koster, in honorem (Amsterdam, 1967) La Cite des Images (Lausanne, 1984) J. M. Labiano Ilundain, Estudio de las Interjecciones en las Comedias de Aristofanes (Classical and Byzantine Monographs 48: Amsterdam, 2000) G. Lange, Quaestiones in Aristophanis Thesmophoriazusas (Diss. Gottingen, 1891) J. Larson, Greek Nymphs: Myth, Cult, Lore (Oxford, 2001) K. Latte, Kleine Schriften (Munich, 1968) O. Lautensach, Die Aoriste bet den attischen Tragikern und Komikern (Forschungen zur griechischen und lateinischen Grammatik I: Gottingen, 1911) P. Leveque, Agathon (Annales de 1'Universite de Lyon III, Lettres 26: Paris, 1955) S. Lewis, The Athenian Woman: An Iconographic Handbook (London and New York, 2002) B. Snell et al., Lexikon des fruhgriechischen Epos (Gottingen, 1955—) P. M. Fraser and E. Matthews (eds., vols. i, iiiA—B), and M. J. Osborne and S. G. Byrne (eds., vol. ii), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names (Oxford, 1994— ) Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae (Zurich and Munich, 1981—99) A. Lopez Eire, La Lengua coloquial de la Comedia aristofdnica (Murcia, 1996) F. Lourengo, 'Metrical Notes on "Andromeda's Lament" in Thesmophoriazusae', Euphrosyne 28 (2000) 321—4 A. M. Dale, The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama1 (Cambridge, 1968) F. Sokolowski, Lois sacrees de I'Asie mineure (Paris, 1955)

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

LSCG LSCG Suppl. LSJ

Maas Maas and Snyder

xxiii

- Lois sacrees des cites grecques (Paris,

1969) Lois Sacrees des cites grecques.

Supplement (Paris, 1962) H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, A GreekEnglish Lexicon9 (rev. H. S. Jones and R. McKenzie, rev. supp. by P. G. W. Glare) (Oxford, 1996) P. Maas, Greek Metre (trans. H. LloydJones; Oxford, 1962; originally published in German in 1923) M. Maas and J. M. Snyder, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece (New Haven and London,1989)

McClure

L. McClure, SpokenLike a Woman: Speech and Gender in Athenian Drama (Princeton,

Miasma

R. Parker, Miasma: Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion (Oxford, 1983) M. M. Miles, The Athenian Agora xxi The City Eleusinion (Princeton, 1998) H. W. Miller, 'Some Tragic Influences in the Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes', TAP A 77(1946) 171-82 R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC (rev. edn.: Oxford, 1988) J. Henderson, The Maculate Muse: Obscene Language in Attic Comedy2 (New York and Oxford, 1991)

Miles Miller

M-L

MM

Moorhouse Morrison and Williams Muecke Miiller

1999)

A. C. Moorhouse, The Syntax of Sophocles (Mnemosyne Suppl. 75: Leiden, 1982) J. S. Morrison and R. T. Williams, Greek Oared Ships 900-322 B.C. (Cambridge, 1968) F. Muecke, 'A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Woman', CQ NS 32 (1982) 41—55 D. Miiller, Handwerk und Sprache: Die sprachlichen Bilder aus dem Bereich des Handwerks in der griechischen Literatur

xxiv

ABBREVIATIONS AND

NAGP

NCI

Norden Oakley and Sinos Oeri Olson, 'Names' Ostwald O'Sullivan 'Owls to Athens'

PA

PAA Page, S Paquette

A

BIBLIOGRAPHY

bis 400 . Chr. (Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie 51: Meisenham am Glan, 1974) A. Rijksbaron (ed.), New Approaches to Greek Particles (Festschrift C. J. Ruijgh; Amsterdam Studies in Classical Philology 7: Amsterdam, 1997) B. Cohen (ed.), Not the Classical Ideal: Athens and the Construction of the Other in Greek Art (Leiden, Boston, and Cologne, 2000) E. Norden, Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formengeschichte religioser Rede (Leipzig, 1913) J. H. Oakley and R. H. Sinos, The Wedding in Ancient Athens (Wisconsin Studies in Classics: Madison and London, 1993) H. G. Oeri, Der Typ der komischen Alien in der griechischen Komodie (Diss. Basel, 1948) S. D. Olson, 'Names and Naming in Aristophanic Comedy', CQ NS 42 (1992) 304-19 M. Ostwald, Nomos and the Beginnings of the Athenian Democracy (Oxford, 1969) N. O'Sullivan, Alcidamas, Aristophanes and the Beginnings of Greek Stylistic Theory (Hermes Einzelschriften 60: Stuttgart, 1992) E. Craik (ed.), 'Owls to Athens': Essays on Classical Subjects Presented to Sir Kenneth Dover (Oxford, 1990) J. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica (Berlin, 1901—3; reprint Chicago, 1981) J. Traill (ed.), Persons of Ancient Athens (Toronto, 1994—) D. Page, Sappho andAlcaeus (Oxford, 1955) D. Paquette, L'Instrument de musique dans la cer antique de la Grece antique: Etudes d'Organologie (Universite de Lyon, Publications de la Bibliotheque Salomon Reinach iv: Paris, 1984)

A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Parke Parker PCG Peek, GVI Peppier Petersen PMG PMGF Policing Poultney Powell Pritchett Quad. Torino Rau RE Renehan Rijksbaron

XXV

H. W. Parke, Festivals of the Athenians (Aspects of Greek and Roman Life: Ithaca, NY, 1977) L. P. E. Parker, The Songs of Aristophanes (Oxford, 1997) R. Kassel and C. Austin (eds.), Poetae Cornici Graeci (Berlin and New York, 1983- ) W. Peek, Griechische Vers-Inschriften i (Berlin, 1955) C. W. Peppier, 'Comic Terminations in Aristophanes: Part V, AJP 42 (1921) 152— 61 W. Petersen, Greek Diminutives in -LOV (Weimar, 1910) D. L. Page (ed.), Poetae Melici Graeci (Oxford, 1962) M. Davies (ed.), Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta i (Oxford, 1991) V. J. Hunter, Policing Athens: Social Control in the Attic Lawsuits, 420—320 B.C. (Princeton, 1994) J. W. Poultney, The Syntax of the Genitive Case in Aristophanes (Baltimore, 1936) J. U. Powell (ed.), Collectanea Alexandrina (Oxford, 1925; repr. Chicago, 1981) W. K. Pritchett, 'The Attic Stelai: Part IF, Hesperiazs, (1956) 178—317 Quaderm del Dipartimento difilologia, linguistica e tradizione classica deirUniversitd degli studi di Torino P. Rau, Paratragodia: Untersuchung einer komischen Form, des Aristophanes ((Zetemata 45: Munich, 1967) Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart, 1893— 1970; Munich, 1972—) R. Renehan, Studies in Greek Texts (Hypomnemata43: Gottingen, 1976) A. Rijksbaron, The Syntax and Semantics

xxvi

Rivals Roscher, Lexikon Russo Rutherford Sansone Schwyzer

Scodel SH

SIG3 Sifakis Silk Simon

ABBREVIATIONS AND

BIBLIOGRAPHY

of the Verb in Classical Greek (Amsterdam, 1994) D. Harvey and J. Wilkins (eds.), The Rivals of Aristophanes (London, 2000) W. H. Roscher, Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie ((6 vols.: Leipzig and Berlin, 1884—1937) C. F. Russo, Aristophanes: An Author for the Stage (London and New York, 1994; originally published in Italian in 1962) W. G. Rutherford, The New Phrynichus (London, 1881) D. Sansone, 'Socrates' "Tragic" Definition of Color (PI. Meno76D-E)',CP91 (1996) 339-45 E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik (4 vols.: Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 2. i) i Lautlehre. Wortbildung. Flexion (Munich, 1939), ii Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik (ed. A. Debrunner: Munich, 1950), iii Register (ed. D. J. Georgacas: Munich, 2 ig6o), iv Stellenregister (ed. F. and S. Radt: Munich, ^994) R. Scodel, The Trojan Trilogy of Euripides (Hypomnemata6o: Gottingen, 1980) H. Lloyd-Jones and P. Parsons (eds.), Supplementum Hellenisticum (Texte und Kommentare 11: Berlin and New York, 1983) W. Dittenberger (ed.), Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3 (Leipzig, 1915— 24; repr. Hildesheim, 1960) G. M. Sifakis, Parabasis and Animal Choruses (London, 1971) M. S. Silk, Aristophanes and the Definition of Comedy (Oxford, 2000) E. Simon, Festivals of Attica: An Archaeological Commentary (Wisconsin Studies in Classics: Madison and London, 1983)

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

SLG Small Objects

Snodgrass Snyder Sommerstein, 'Naming' Sparkes Stehle

Stephanis Stevens

Stone

Taillardat

Taplin (1977) Taplin (1987)

xxvii

D. Page (ed.), Supplementum Lyricis Graecis (Oxford, 1974) G. Davidson and D. Thompson, Small Objects from the Pnyx I (Hesperia Suppl. vii: Baltimore, 1943) A. M. Snodgrass, Arms and Armor of the Greeks2 (Baltimore and London, 1999) J. M. Snyder, 'Aristophanes' Agathon as Anacreon', Hermes 102 (1974) 244—6 A. H. Sommerstein, 'The Naming of Women in Greek and Roman Comedy', QS II (1980) 393-418 B. A. Sparkes, 'Illustrating Aristophanes', f H S 9 5 ( 1 9 7 5 ) 122-35 E. Stehle, 'The Body and its Representations in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriasousai: Where Does the Costume End?', AJP 123 (2002) 369-406 I. E. Stephanis, (Iraklio, 1988) P. T. Stevens, Colloquial Expressions in Euripides (Hermes Einzelschriften 38: Wiesbaden, 1976) L. M. Stone, Costume in Aristophanic Comedy (New York, 1981) I. C. Cunningham (ed.), Synagoge. (Sammlung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker 10: Berlin and New York, 2003) J. Taillardat, Les Images d'Aristophane: Etudes de langue et de style (Annales de 1'Universite de Lyon III, Lettres 36: Paris, 1962) O. Taplin, The Stagecraft of Aeschylus (Oxford, 1977) ——'ClassicalPhallology, Iconographic Parody and Potted Aristophanes', Dioniso 57 (1987) 95—109 (a slightly revised version

xxviii

ABBREVIATIONS

Taplin (1993) Thesleff

Thompson Threatte Tichy

Tod Todd Traill TrGF Tzanetou

Usener van Straten

AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

of an article originally published in PC PS NS33 (1987)92-104) ——ComicAngels and other Approaches to Greek Drama through Vase-Paintings (Oxford, 1993) H. Thesleff, Studies on Intensification in Early and Classical Greek (Societas Scientarum Fennica, Commentationes humanarum litterarum 21.1: Helsingfors [—Helsinki], 1954) D. W. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds2 (Oxford,.1936) L. Threatte, The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions (2 vols.: Berlin and New York, 1980,1996) E. Tichy, Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen (Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien 409: Vienna, 1983) M. N. Tod (ed.), A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions2 (2 vols.: Oxford, 1946,1949) S. C. Todd, The Shape of Athenian Law (Oxford, 1993) J. S. Traill, The Political Organisation of Attica (Hesperia Suppl. 14: Princeton, 1975) B. Snell et al. (eds.), Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Gottingen, 1971–) A. Tzanetou, 'Something to Do -with Demeter: Ritual and Performance in Aristophanes' Women at the Thesmophoria', AJP 123 (2002) 329—67 H. Usener, Gotternamen: Versuch einer Lehre von der religiosen Begriffsbildung (Bonn,1896) F. T. van Straten, HIERA KALA: Images of Animal Sacrifice in Archaic and Classical Greece (Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1995)

A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Vos Waanders Wackernagel, KS War Webster Wegner Werres West, AGM West, GM Wilamowitz Willi Zeitlin

xxix

M. F. Vos, Scythian Archers in Archaic Attic Vase-Painting(Archaeologica Traiectina VI: Groningen, 1963) F. M. J. Waanders, The History of and in Ancient Greek (Amsterdam, 1983) J. Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften (3 vols.: Gottingen, 1955, 1979) W. K. Pritchett, The Greek State at War (5 vols.: Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1971-91) T. B. L. Webster, The Tragedies of Euripides (London, 1967) M. Wegner, Das Musikleben der Griechen (Berlin, 1949) J. Werres, Die Beteuerungsformeln in der attischen Komodie (Diss. Bonn, 1936) M. L. West, Ancient Greek Music (Oxford, 1992) Greek Metre (Oxford, 1982) U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Kleine Schriften iv (Berlin, 1962) A. Willi (ed.), The Language of Greek Comedy (Oxford, 2002) F. I. Zeitlin, 'Travesties of Gender and Genre in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae', in Playing the Other: Gender and Society in Classical Greek Literature (Women in Culture and Society: Chicago and London, 1996) 375—416 (a revised version of a piece originally published in H. Foley (ed.), Reflections of Women in Antiquity (London, 1981) 169— 217)

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INTRODUCTION I. A R I S T O P H A N E S AND HIS PLAY

'Je passe actuellement toutes mes matinees avec Aristophane. Voila qui est beau et verveux et bouillant. Mais ce n'est pas decent, ce n'est pas moral, cen'estmemepas convenable, c'est tout bonnement sublime.'1 So wrote Gustave Flaubert to his mistress Louise Colet in September 1847.2 His 'sublime' is no exaggeration,3 and Aristophanes' eleven surviving comedies—one-fourth of the poet's output—have lost none of their appeal since Flaubert's time. No doubt the range and originality of Aristophanes' genius had been factors that ensured that the best of his work was preserved for posterity even when the lights slowly went out during the dark ages before the rebirth of learning in ninth-century Byzantium. In this respect he was more fortunate than all his rivals, 'Eupolis, Cratinus . . . and the other exponents of Old Comedy'.4 The selection we have falls neatly into three distinct chronological groups:5 (i) five early plays, produced while the poet was still most likely in his twenties, and covering the second half of the 'Archidamian' War (the name given to the first 10-year phase of the Peloponnesian War of 431—404):6 Acharnians (425), Knights (424), Clouds (423),7 Wasps (422), and Peace (421); 1 'I now spend all my mornings with Aristophanes. Here's something that's beautiful, spirited, and fiery. But it's indecent, it's immoral, it isn't even proper; it's simply sublime.' 2G. Flaubert, Correspondance i (Paris, 1973) 470.

3 Cf. 'Plato' FGR 626—7 = Ar. test. 130: ('The Graces, seeking to find a sanctuary

that could not fall, discovered the soul of Aristophanes'). 4 Cf. Hor. Sat. i. 4. 1-2 Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanes-que poetae / atque alii, quorum comoediaprisca virorum est (= Ar. test. 62). 5 The ancient testimonia are collected in PCGiii. 2. 1—33. For recent introductory surveys, see Dover, Frogs, pp. 1—5; Olson, Peace, pp. xxi—xxiv, and Acharnians, pp. xxvii-xxxi; as well as the entries under'Aristophanes' in OCD3 (1996) 163-5 (Dover) and Brill's New Pauly i (2002) 1125-32 (Nesselrath). See also P. von Mollendorff, Aristophanes (Hildesheim, Zurich, and New York, 2002: in German). 6 We do not know when Aristophanes was born, but Nu. 530 ('I was still a virgin and not yet allowed to give birth') implies that he was a precocious young man in 427, the year of his earliest play, Banqueters (A airaXf/s). 7 Aristophanes partially rewrote Clouds after its defeat by Cratinus' Wine-Flask

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

(ii) four mature masterpieces, Birds (414), Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae (both 411), and Frogs (405), which eerily illuminate Athens' darkest decade, as the city lurched from crisis to crisis, from the catastrophic Sicilian expedition (415—413) to the final defeat at Aigospotamoi (405); (iii) two 'twilight' productions, Ecclesiazusae (392 or 391) and Plutus (388), both paving the way to the 'Middle Comedy' of the fourth century.8 Thesmophoriazusae (hereafter '77z.') is arguably the jewel in the crown. The play is less concerned with city politics than most of the other surviving comedies, and instead takes up the problem of the relationship between men and women, which it explores with a mix of wild transvestite farce and glorious and extended parody of Euripidean tragedy. Lysistrata in the same year also focuses on the 'battle of the sexes', but from a daring and unusual angle, although Euripides is mentioned there as well (at 283 and 368). There was clearly something in the air to make 411 a year about 'women', as 423 had been a year about 'thinkers' and 414 one about 'escapism', and as 405 was to become one about 'tragic poets'.9 The virtues of the piece have not gone unnoticed by modern critics in Europe and North America. Long ago Arthur Palmer in Dublin called Th. 'by far the most diverting of all the plays of Aristophanes' ;10 Gilbert Norwood in Toronto wrote 'For dazzling wit and irresistibly laughable farce combined this ... is perhaps the world's finest masterpiece';11 more recently Froma Zeitlin in Princeton and Michael Silk in London have both described it as 'brilliant'. 12 Th. is carefully structured, side-splittingly funny, and concerned with problems likely to strike a twenty-first-century reader or audience as remarkably contemporary. It is none the less also, as Jeffrey Henderson notes, 'of Arisand Ameipsias' Konnos. Only the revised second version survives: see Dover, C/oz«fe,pp.lxxx-xcviii. For the first version, seePCGiii. 2. 214-19 (frr. 392-401); for additional bibliography, Storey, in Rivals 542-3. 8 Aristophanes probably died in or shortly before 386. His last two plays, Aiolosikon and Kokalos, were produced by his son Araros; see Aiol. test, iv (PCG iii. 2. 33).9 423: Socrates mocked in both JVw. and Arneipsias'_Kojzjzos(fr. 9); 414: withdrawal from Athenian society as a theme in both Av. and Phrynichos' Recluse 405: tragedians discussed in both Ra. and Phrynichos' Muses (Movaai; see Harvey, in Rivals 91—134). 10 The Quarterly Review 158 (1884) 354. 11 Greek Comedy (London, 1931) 253. 12 Zeitlin 378; Silk 320; so already D. Barrett (594 n.) 97.

A R I S T O P H A N E S AND HIS PLAY

xxxiii

tophanes' extant plays . . . the most precariously attested . . . and least explored by scholars, editors, and translators'. 13 This edition is intended as a contribution to the vigorous emerging effort to reevaluate this neglected literary gem by one of Athens' most famous and important poets. II. DATE AND POLITICAL

BACKGROUND

A. The Year No explicit notice of the year in -which Th. -was performed has been preserved.14 The play can none the less be firmly assigned to 411 on the basis of the folio-wing items of evidence (cited in descending order of significance): (i) At 1060—i, Echo (played by the disguised Euripides) tells Inlaw that she performed 'last year in this same spot', and 2R identifies this as a reference to Euripides' Andromeda and notes that that play '-was staged the previous year' Ra. 53 reports that 'Andromeda had been put on in the 13 AJP 12,3 (2002)501. This entire issue of Af P is devoted to Th., to mark the 2001 production of Mary-Kay Camel's version of the play at Case Western Reserve University ('The Julie Thesmo Show'). The first revival of Th. known to us was around 370 BC in Southern Italy, as reflected in the Wiirzburg 'Telephos' krater (discussed in Section V.E). The Oxford A rchive of Performances of Greek and Roman Drama has at present details of 39 productions (since 1955) listed on its database. For the Modern Greek adaptations of Solomos (1958) and Koun (1985) at Athens and Epidauros, see G. Van Steen, Venom in Verse (Princeton, 2000) 159, 175, 202-3. In England there have been lively presentations in Oxford by the Magdalen Players (May 1965) and at the Oxford Playhouse (December 1996) and in London by the Classical Societies at King's College (1965, 1974, 1985) and University College (1989, 1995). The first King's performance was favourably reviewed in the Times of 3 March 1965 under the heading 'Riotous Greek Play'. There have also been productions in Australia, Cyprus, Denmark, Germany, Italy (Syracuse), New Zealand, and the United States. The most recent translations of all the plays are the French Pleiade of Pascal Thiercy (Paris, 1997) and the new 4-volume Loeb of Jeffrey Henderson (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1998—2002; Th. in vol. iii (2000)). Alan Sommerstein's edition in the Aris and Phillips series (Warminster, 1980— ; Th. in vol. viii (1994)) was successfully completed in 2002 with a volume of Indexes (including an index of Persons, pp. 87-126). 14 The fundamental discussion of the question remains U. von WilamowitzMoellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen ii (Berlin, 1893) 343-55. Cf. more recently Dover, AC 168-72; Sommerstein, jfHS 97 (1977) 112-26, and in the introduction to his edition of the play (pp. 1-4); Andrewes, HCTv. 184-93; Henderson, Lysistrata, pp. xv—xxv; Hubbard 187—9, 343~5-

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

eighth year before this' i.e. before the performance of Frogs at the Lenaia in 405 (Ra. Hyp. I. c). This places Andromeda (on inclusive reckoning) in 413/12 (along •with Helen) and Th. in 412/11. 15 (ii) 804 patently refers to an incident described by Thucydides (viii. 41. 3—43. i) in which the Athenian general Charminos lost six ships near Rhodes some time in -winter 412/11. Th. can thus be no earlier than 411. As Wilamowitz noted, moreover, this -was a relatively minor defeat, -which -was completely overshadowed by the victory at Kynossema some time in summer 411 (Th. viii. 104—6), and it is difficult to believe that it -would have merited mention in a comedy of 410 or later, particularly since the Athenians could by then no longer be accused of incompetence in naval affairs. 16 (iii) At 808—9, the chorus, in the course of drawing a series of punning comparisons bet-ween the city's -women and its men, ask •whether 'any member of last year's Council is better than Euboule' —a name that means literally 'Giving Good Counsel'—'after having surrendered his authority to another man'. This can scarcely be a reference to the putsch conducted against the Council of 412/11 by the 400 in June 411 (see B, below), since that -was an example of neither evfiovXia nor its opposite but a violent seizure of power. The allusion must be instead to the appointment near the end of summer 413 of aboard of ten probouloi (cf. B, below), one of-whom is mocked mercilessly on stage in Lys., to share some of the powers of the Council. This places Th. once again in 412/11. (iv) R 190 reports that Euripides died 'in the sixth year' after Th. -was staged. The Marmor Parium (FGrHist 239 A. 63) dates Euripides' death to 407/6, and this finds support in the plot of Frogs (•which-was staged at the Lenaia in 405 (Ra. Hyp. I. c) and must have been conceived -well before that), as -well as in the anonymous Life of Euripides § 2 (— S. T 54), -which reports that Sophocles responded to news of his rival's death by appearing in mourning -with his actors at 15 identifies that verse as an allusion to E. Andromeda fr. 116 But the supposed allusion is not compelling (cf. Henderson ad loc.) and thus provides no additional evidence for the date of Euripides' play. 16 Wilamowitz (n. 14) 346. R 804 notes that 'Charminos was serving as one of the generals around Samos in this period along with Phrynichos'—who was assassinated in July 411 (Th. viii. 92. 2)—'and his colleagues' but is referring to the time when the battle took place rather than the date of the play.

DATE AND P O L I T I C A L BACKGROUND

XXXV

aproagon, i.e. before one of the contests in 406, since he too-was dead bythebeginningof4O5 (Ra. 76—7; Phryn. Com. fr. 32; cf. Marm. Par. FGrHist 239 A. 64). The sixth year before 407/6 -would on inclusive reckoning be 412/11. But R might have followed Timae. FGrHist 566 F 105; Eratosth. FGrHist 241 F 12; and Apollod. FGrHist 244 F 35, in error in placing Euripides' death in 406/5 (which -would put Th .in 411/10), and this evidence therefore cannot be given the same •weight as that discussed above. (v) R 841 notes that Lamachos 'had died in Sicily in the fourth year before this' Unfortunately, Thucydides (vi. 101. 6) dates Lamachos' death only to some time in summer 414 -without specifying -whether it came at the end of 415/14 (-which -would put Th. in 412/11, as appears on all other counts to be right) or the beginning of 414/13 (-which -would put Th. in4i i/io). 17 The evidence thus overwhelmingly supports a date of 411 for Th. WeknowfromZyys. Hyp. I. 33—4 that that play too-was staged in 411. It may have been possible for a poet to present two comedies at a single festival, -with one at least nominally assigned to someone else, although the only example of this phenomenon generally adduced is at the Lenaia in 422, -where Ar. -was placed second -with Wasps but is sometimes thought to have -written Philonides' Proagon (-which took the prize) as -well. But this is a hypothesis of last resort and it is far more likely that one of Ar.'s comedies of 411 -was staged at the Lenaia (probably celebrated that year in February), the other at the City Dionysia (early to mid-April). 18 Assignment of the plays to 17 D.S. xiii. 8. i places the death in 414, but it is unclear that he had any evidence for this beyond the text of Thucydides. (Dover points out that D.S. dates Athenian events as if the archon-year began, like the Roman consular year, in midwinter rather than midsummer. His '414' is thus the second half of the Athenian 415/14 and the first half of the Athenian 414/13.) Nothing can be deduced from R 32, which reports that Agathon began to produce plays 'three years earlier' We know from PI. Snip. I73a that Agathon won the prize with his first production and Athenaeus (5. 2i7a), apparently drawing on official records, dates this to the Lenaia in 416; and rpiaiv must therefore be corrupt; the numeral F (= 6) was misread as F (= 3). 18 B. D. Meritt, The Athenian Year (Sather Classical Lectures 32: Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961) 218, puts the first day of 412/11 on 5 August of the Julian calendar. This is relatively late and pushes the dates of the City Dionysia and Lenaia back further in 411 than would be normal, which is a matter of some significance (cf. below). But the evidence is flimsy and controversial, and little should be built upon it; cf. Wenskus, Hermes 126 (1998) 383—5 (on the problem of the date of Lys.).

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INTRODUCTION

their individual festivals is more difficult and requires some discussion of the political events of 412/11. B. Historical Background When, near the end of summer 413, news reached Athens of the defeat of the expedition sent out against Sicily two years earlier, the people at first refused to believe what they were told. After they accepted the truth, they were filled both with anger against those who had encouraged them in their undertaking and with fear (Th. viii. i. 1-2). The city was short of money and ships and crews to fill them; their enemies in the West might well follow up on their victory by sailing against the Piraeus; the Spartans and their allies would certainly redouble their efforts to defeat them; and revolts among the subject-allies seemed all but inevitable (Th. viii. i. 2; cf. viii. 24. 5). The Athenians accordingly adopted a number of emergency measures, including cutting expenses wherever possible, gathering supplies to build new ships, and appointing a board of probouloi to exercise some sort of supervisory power over state finances and war-preparations (Th. viii. i. 3-4, 4). Much of the rest of the Greek world, meanwhile, took it for granted that the great war that had been going on intermittently for almost two decades was about to come to a final, decisive end. The Spartans began a crash programme of shipbuilding and ordered their allies to do the same (Th. viii. 3); Euboia and Lesbos sent ambassadors to the Spartan king Agis at Dekeleia (a fort in Attica he had been occupying since the spring (Th. vii. 19. i-2)), seeking his support if they were to revolt from the Athenian empire (Th. viii. 5. 1-3); and representatives of oligarchic factions on Chios and in Erythrai came to Sparta itself with similar requests (Th. viii. 5. 4; for the Chians' initially limited political base at home, Th. viii. 9. 3, 14. 1-2). Two Persian satraps, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazos, sent envoys to Sparta around the same time, offering to support naval operations in Asia Minor and the Hellespont, respectively (Th. viii. 5. 4, 6. i); Pharnabazos' agents actually brought 25 talents in cash with them to help fit out and man the ships (Th. viii. 8. i). Both satraps were concerned primarily with redirecting the tribute currently being paid to Athens into their own coffers, but they also hoped to gain credit with the Great King, Darius II, by winning him new allies (Th. viii. 5. 5, 6. i; cf. the treaty-terms at viii. 18. i, 37. 2). The Spartans were thus confronted with many

DATE AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND

XXXvii

attractive options for doing the Athenians mischief; but Alcibiades, •who -was living in exile among them as a result of having been implicated in the religious scandals that broke out in Athens on the eve of the Sicilian expedition, and -who -was now doing his best to injure his own people in any -way he could, convinced them to accept the proposals of the Chians and Tissaphernes (Th. viii. 6. 3). Even after this decision had been reached, the Peloponnesian powers behaved in a typically dilatory fashion, creating problems for the Chians, most of -whom -were not yet in on the plot but -who fell under Athenian suspicion before matters could advance any further (Th. viii. 9. 2, 10. 1—3). Indeed, the -war in Ionia might never have got under -way (cf. Th. viii. 11.3) had it not been for Alcibiades, -who goaded the ephor Endios into action and eventually sailed to Chios himself along -with the Spartan general Chalcideus and a fleet of five ships (Th. viii. 12). Chios then revolted, followed by Erythrai and Klazomenai (Th. viii. 14; Klazomenai -was recovered by the Athenians shortly thereafter (Th. viii. 23. 6)), and later by Miletos (Th. viii. 17. 1—3), Lesbos (quickly crushed by the Athenians) (Th. viii. 22—3), and numerous other cities; and Chalcideus and Tissaphernes concluded a formal alliance between Sparta and the Persian king (Th. viii. 17. 4—18). The Athenians responded to the revolt of Chios by tapping the i,ooo-talent reserve fund set up at the beginning of the -war (Th. ii. 24. i) and using it to build and man new ships (Th. viii. 15. i). A year of disjointed war followed along the coast and on the islands just off Asia Minor. Much of the expense for the Spartans •was offset by subsidies paid by Tissaphernes and by plunder taken from cities that remained loyal to Athens. The Athenians, on the other hand, -were forced to pay for everything themselves, and the financial desperation this produced was a major contributing cause to the eventual collapse of the democracy (below). Both sides built up large fleets in the area; the centre of Athenian operations -was the large island of Samos. The exact chronology and course of events leading up to the oligarchic coup in Athens in late 412/11 are difficult to reconstruct, in part because Book viii of Thucydides' History is in an unfinished condition. At some point at the end of summer 412 or the beginning of-winter 412/11, the Spartans grew suspicious of Alcibiades, and he fled to the court of Tissaphernes (Th. viii. 45. i). As Thucydides tells the story, Alcibiades gained Tissaphernes' confidence and got him to reduce his financial support for the Spartan fleet (Th. viii.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

45. 2—6); he also -worked to convince the satrap that Persia's advantage lay in allowing the two Greek powers to -wear one another out, •while maintaining that the Athenians -would make better allies in the long run (Th. viii. 46. 1—4). What Alcibiades -wanted now -was to get back to Athens, but on his own terms; and he therefore found means to communicate -with the 'most powerful' —i.e. the richest and most influential—Athenians on Samos, expressing his eagerness to return from exile if the democracy -were replaced by an oligarchy, and promising that, should that change occur, he could detach Tissaphernes from the Spartans and make him an Athenian ally instead (Th. viii. 47, cf. 48. i). But Thucydides also makes it clear that the oligarchic movement on Samos -was not Alcibiades' creation. Some of the -wealthier individuals among the Athenian forces there had grown tired of paying (via trierarchies and the like) for a war waged by a state dominated by the poor, and after a secret meeting with Alcibiades, they set about forming a conspiracy (Th. viii. 47. 2—48. 2; cf. viii. 63. 4). It must be seen as a measure of the times that, when these men publicized Alcibiades' proposals, the troops generally acquiesced in them, even if with no great enthusiasm, recognizing that an alliance with Persia would mean that their daily pay was secure (Th. viii. 48. 2—3). Some time probably around mid-December 412, Peisandros (who had been active in Athenian politics since the mid-42os (cf. Olson on Pax 395) and was currently a general and a leading member of the oligarchic faction on Samos) and a number of other men were dispatched to Athens to begin negotiations about putting an end to the democracy, bringing Alcibiades back from exile, and forging an alliance with Tissaphernes and the Persians (Th. viii. 49). On the most straightforward reading of Thucydides' account of events in Athens, Peisandros and his companions went more or less directly to the Assembly, where they put the conspirators' case to the people. The historian (who was in exile at this point and did not witness the scene himself) reports that they received an initially very hostile reception, but that Peisandros overcame the opposition by asking anyone who spoke against his proposals what clever new idea he himself had for preserving the state. As no one had a convincing answer to this, and as Peisandros insisted that any constitutional changes that did not work out could be reversed later, the oligarchs' programme-was approved in principle (Th. viii. 53—54. 2). Peisandros then made the rounds of the city's hetaireiai (small-scale

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political groups organized to get control of offices or to influence the outcome of trials), urging them to combine forces to overthrow the democracy; and 'after settling whatever else the situation required, in order that there might be no further delay', he and the ten men chosen to accompany him sailed off for their meeting with Tissaphernes (Th. viii. 54. 4-5). The negotiations that followed seem not to have been completed until the beginning of summer, meaning that Peisandros must have spent a month or more in Athens; and the question of how he carried out his business there and in what order has important implications for our understanding of Ar.'s comedies of 411 (C, below). According to Thucydides, Tissaphernes had now grown convinced of the wisdom of allowing Sparta and Athens to damage one another militarily, and also felt that the Spartans were at this point the more formidable force and therefore better kept on his own side (Th. viii. 5 6.2). He was accordingly unreceptive to the Athenian offer of an alliance, a stance that placed Alcibiades—who had assured the oligarchic conspirators on Samos that he could deliver the Persians, if they agreed to his recall from exile and a more restricted form of government—in a difficult position. He responded by deliberately scuttling the talks, presenting ever more outrageous demands for the Persian side until Peisandros and his companions finally gave up in disgusted anger and left (Th. viii. 56. 3-5). Tissaphernes—whose demands Alcibiades may in fact (despite Thucydides) have been communicating all along—then patched up his relations with the Spartans, which had deteriorated as a result of his grudging recent treatment of them (Th. viii. 57-9). The actual overthrow of the democracy occurred some time around the beginning of June 411 (Th. viii. 63. 3, cf. viii. 61. i; [Arist.] Ath. 32. i). The oligarchs on Samos, having concluded that Alcibiades was not to be trusted, decided to proceed without him— and without Persian help as well. Peisandros and five of the men who had accompanied him on his mission to Tissaphernes were accordingly sent back to the city and told to overthrow the democracies in any allied states they visited along the way (Th. viii. 64. i). But by the time Peisandros arrived in Athens in early June, the revolution was already well underway. Androkles, a leading democrat and an enemy of Alcibiades, had been assassinated by a group of young men, who then disposed of a number of other politically inconvenient individuals in a similar fashion (Th. viii. 65. 2); a proposal for

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INTRODUCTION

the abolition of pay for public office (a key characteristic of the late fifth-century democracy) and for a form of government restricted to 5,000 'competent' individuals had been floated publicly, although Thucydides claims that this was a sham put forward by the oligarchs in the hope of concealing their true intentions (Th. viii. 65. 3-66. i); the Council and the Assembly continued to meet, but the discussions that took place in them were controlled by the conspirators, who murdered anyone who attempted to oppose them (Th. viii. 66. 1-2); and a sense that the conspiracy was far more widespread than it was and that resistance was therefore futile had reduced the populace at large to silent terror and mutual suspicion (Th. viii. 66. 2-5). How long this state of affairs prevailed is unclear, although the most natural reading of Thucydides' account is that Peisandros set it in motion during his visits to the city' s hetaireiai toward the end of that winter (Th. viii. 54. 4-5) and that the killings, at least, began shortly after he left for Tissaphernes' court. Peisandros' arrival in Athens none the less marked a decisive final stage in the coup. The Assembly was convened and approved a motion appointing a board of ten men to draft a new constitution (Th. viii. 67. i). For reasons that are unclear, the board failed to fulfil its charge and on the day that had been fixed for its report merely proposed that all legal restraints on debate be removed (Th. viii. 67. 2); the simplest explanation of this would seem to be that the members were too deeply divided to put together a proposal, despite Thucydides' repeated implication that the oligarchic movement was a unified political whole. In the end, it was decided that a group of 400 men should replace the Council and produce a roster of 5,000 to serve as a new Assembly (Th. viii. 67. 3). Shortly after this, the 400, armed with daggers and accompanied by a gang of 120 young toughs, invaded the Council's chambers and expelled the Councilmembers (Th. viii. 69-70. i); this marked the decisive formal end of the democracy. The new government then executed a small number of opponents, made unsuccessful overtures to King Agis, and sent envoys to Samos to justify their behaviour to the troops there (Th. viii. 70. 2, 72). But in the meantime fighting had broken out within the fleet, and after the democrats prevailed there, they formed what amounted to a government in exile. The 400 held power for only a few months, after which they were replaced by a much less restricted oligarchy of 5,000 hoplites (Th. viii. 97; [Arist.] Ath. 33. i). Full democracy was restored some time in summer 410.

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C. The Festivals Neither Lys. nor Th. refers to any event or individual that can be dated after the Lenaia in February 411. Lys. is today more or less universally taken to have been performed at the Lenaia, Th. at the City Dionysia, on the basis of the different assumptions they appear to make about the political situation in the city. This is probably correct, but the question is more complex than it has been made out to be. Henderson characterizes Lys. as marked by 'a general attitude of guarded optimism about Athenian chances' of a sort better suited to February 411 than to two months later (Lysistrata, p. xviii). It might be more accurate to say that the play takes a military and political crisis for granted but declines to counsel despair. Athens' manpower is stretched exceedingly thin (Lys. 99—104), Miletos has revolted (Lys. 108), and the reserve fund on the Acropolis is being called upon to fit out ships (Lys. 421—2); but the city's -women are none the less able to bring the situation to a happy conclusion. Lysistrata's specific prescription for curing Athens' ills includes breaking up the hetaireiai (Lys. 577—8), re-enfranchising public debtors (Lys. 581), and regaining control of the subject-allies (with this presented, in accord -with normal Athenian imperial propaganda, as a reconciliation between mother-state and colonies) so as to provide for the -welfare of average citizens (Lys. 582—6), i.e. via resumption of payment of the tribute. This is a lovely vision but no more realistic than the patently pie-in-the-sky scheme for dividing up control of a post-war Greek -world bet-ween Athens and Sparta outlined metaphorically at Lys. 1161—75, and the play's apparent 'optimism' is better treated as a generic feature of Old Comic fantasy than as an index of the political atmosphere in Athens at the time it -was performed (or composed; cf. below). The most significant specific political allusion in Lys. occurs at 489—91, -where the heroine mockingly insists to the Proboulos that the -war is being fought 'so that Peisandros can have something to steal' This is a typical comic slander (cf. Th. 811—13 n -)> 1 9 but by Lenaia-time Peisandros must already 19 Andrewes, HCTv. 189 (cf. Woodhead, AfP 75 (1954) 138), rightly points out that the passage refers to the ordinary democratic scramble for office; note the use of aei in Lys. 491. Dover adds that 'corruption, in one form or another, is part of the small change of comic vilification, whereas an accusation of plotting to overthrow the democracy could easily have put Ar.'s name on a hit-list'.

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INTRODUCTION

have been in Athens for amonth or moremakingpreliminary arrangements for the oligarchic coup, and economic corruption seems a bland charge to bring against someone -who might instead have been pilloried for -working to overthrow the democracy. Andrewes, HCT v. 189 (followed by Henderson, Lysistrata, pp. xxii f.), deals •with this problem by suggesting that Peisandros did not argue in the Assembly for recalling Alcibiades and instituting an oligarchy immediately upon his arrival in Athens, as Th. viii. 53—4 implies. Instead, he -will have begun by insisting only that money must (or could) be got out of the Persians, after -which he made the rounds of the hetaireiai and finally told the Assembly -what he -was up to only after he knew he had enough support for his proposals. Ar. therefore made no allusion to the oligarchs' plans in Lys.; but had the festival fallen a little later or Peisandros tipped his hand a little earlier, he •would undoubtedly have done so. This interpretation seems unlikely on several counts. Thucydides reports that the oligarchic conspirators on Samos 'told the common people openly' that an alliance could be made with the Persian king (and Persian funds thus obtained to support the fleet) if the Athenians would recall Alcibiades from exile and replace the democracy with an oligarchy, and he adds that the troops assented in the plan (viii. 48. 2—3). None of this, therefore,-was a secret, and word of what was being planned must inevitably have made its way to Athens, if not even before Peisandros arrived in the city in December (via gossip carried by the crews of the transport and supply-ships that must have gone constantly back and forth to Samos, or by other travellers and traders), 20 then certainly when the crew that brought him home began to talk to their families, friends, and neighbours about events in camp. Nor is it conceivable that Peisandros could have spent weeks moving from one small group of citizens to the next, asking for their support for the conspirators' plans, without word of what he was up to leaking to the populace at large—particularly since at least a few of those to whom he spoke must have been appalled and told their fellow-citizens what was being contemplated. Whatever the explanation may be, therefore, 20 For examples of similar phenomena (or the fear of them) during the same year, Th. viii. 9. 2 (word of the Chian faction's intention to revolt with Spartan help makes it way to Athens when the plans are not carried out immediately), 14. i (Alcibiades and Chalkideus arrest anyone they meet as they sail to Chios in order to prevent word of their approach anticipating them).

DATE AND POLITICAL BACKGROUND

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of Ar.'s characterization of Peisandros in Lys. as a thief but seemingly nothing more, it cannot be that the details of the oligarchs' intentions -were generally unknown at Lenaia-time in 411. The references to the dangers posed by antidemocratic treachery, hostile attempts to rewrite the constitution, and secret dealings •with the Persians at Th. 335—7, 361—2, 365—6, can all be dismissed as echoes of the actual Assembly-curse (although they need not have been only that). But commentators universally agree that the appeal to Athena as traditional patroness of the city at 1136—47, and especially the extraordinary bacchiac line 1143—4, in "which the goddess is invoked as an enemy of tyrants, -was intended to echo in the audience's ears as they exited the Theatre. Although Lys. displays no overt awareness of an immediate threat to Athens' democracy, in other -words, Th. does; and the obvious implication is that the play -was staged at a time -when the oligarchic conspiracy -was more advanced and could no longer simply be ignored, i.e. at the City Dionysia in mid-April. If that is true, it is striking that Th. nowhere alludes to the reign of terror that, according to Thucydides, had already engulfed the city -when Peisandros appeared for a second time around the beginning of June (Th. viii. 65. 2—66). 21 Andrewes, HCT v. 193, explains this anomaly by arguing that Thucydides' apparent chronology is once again at fault; the conspirators -were relatively few in number (cf. Th. viii. 66. 3), and they must not have got aggressively down to -work until some time after the City Dionysia, perhaps six or seven -weeks before Peisandros' arrival. But the similar elision of the details of Peisandros' political manoeuvring in Lys. suggests that something more significant (and more sinister) is at -work. Ar. must have produced a relatively solid draft of his plays -well in advance of the festivals at -which they •were performed, so as to allow adequate time for the very complicated process of production. The difference bet-ween -what looks to have been political reality on the day of the festival and -what the text presents (i.e. in Lys. the treatment of Peisandros as an important political player but not as someone involved in antidemocratic 21 But one could argue that there are many quiet hints of this, for in the world imagined in the play secret meetings are held and conspiracies hatched to condemn individual citizens to death for opinions expressed in public; the Assembly is a bizarre and bitter parody of itself; official political power functions as a means of oppression; average citizens like Agathon prefer to remain uninvolved in the troubles of others; and it takes a reckless fool to stand up in public and speak what he takes to be the truth.

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INTRODUCTION

plotting, and in Th. the vague allusions to threats looming against the democracy but no mention of political murders and the like) might simply be a product of that lag: the plays reflect the situation at the time they were written, not the time they were performed, and if up-to-date topical material was inserted during rehearsal, it did not make its way into the copies of the text we have. Much more likely, both plays are deliberately reticent about the political situation in the city at the time they were produced, although for different reasons. The political changes proposed by Peisandros and his allies in mid-winter were certain to be wrenching, and although average democrats seem to have accepted their inevitability (Th. viii. 48. 3, 53. 2—54. i), the topic may well have seemed too sensitive to refer to on stage.22 Peisandros could be mentioned and made passing fun of on some other generic charge; but that -was already almost too close for comfort, and Ar. in any case probably recognized that the plot of his comedy responded to the oligarchs' proposals by offering (even if tongue-in-cheek) what no one in the Assembly had been able to come up with a few weeks earlier: an alternative path to salvation for the city (cf. Th. viii. 53. 2—3). In the case of Th., matters were likely very different. If Thucydides is to be taken at his word (and there is no good reason to doubt him), by the time of the City Dionysia it had become exceedingly dangerous to express non-oligarchical political opinions in Athens. Comedy normally enjoyed a special exemption on matters of this sort. But these were not normal times, and if Ar. kept his peace about such things—except for a few, easily dismissed allusions in the parody of the Assembly curse, and -what could be characterized, if necessary, as merely a hymn to Athena asking that she protect the city from traditional enemies (cf. 338—9 -with n.) and secure it peace—it may have been because he was afraid; and what is perhaps most remarkable is that in times like these he dared speak out at all. 23

22 23

Cf. comedy's seemingly complete silence about the plague in the 4205. Cf. Sommerstein (n. 14) 120.

THE F E S T I V A L

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III . THE F E S T I V A L

The Thesmophoria -was a women's festival celebrated -widely throughout the Greek cities of the ancient Mediterranean in honour of Demeter and her daughter Pherrephatta/Persephone/Kore.24 According to Hdt. ii. 171. 2—3, these rites -were introduced into Greece from Egypt by the Danaids before the Dorian invasion, a thesis that attests to their antiquity if nothing else. The Thesmophoria -was held at sowing-time in early -winter and -was intended to ensure the fertility of the earth and (perhaps as a secondary development) the city's -women.25 The meaning of the name is unknown, but it more likely refers to the various rites passed on to mankind by the two goddesses than to objects carried in procession by their devotees.26 Men -were strictly excluded from the Thesmophoria and the details of the ceremonies -were treated as a great and terrible secret (cf. 363—4, 627—8, 1150—4; EC. 442—3; Hdt. vi. 135. 2; Ael. fr. 44 Hercher). We therefore know little about the festival, and although Ar. and his male contemporaries clearly took some basic 24 For catalogues of known Thesmophoria festivals, M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste von religioser Bedeutung mil AusschluJ} der attischen (Leipzig, 1906) 313-16; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States iii (Oxford, 1907; repr. New York, 1977) 328-32 (nn. 76-107); Arbesmann, RE vi. i (1936) 24-6; Burkert 242-6. A new comprehensive survey of the evidence is being prepared by C. Austin and D. De Bartolo. For the Athenian Thesmophoria, Farnell (above) iii. 83—97; Deubner 50-60; Parke 82-8; Simon 18-22; Brumfield 70-103; M. Detienne, in M. Detienne and J.-P. Vernant (eds.), The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks (Chicago and London, 1989; originally published in French in 1979) 129—47; H. S. Versnel, Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual (Leiden, New York, and Cologne, 1993) 235-60; Habash, GRBS38 (1997) 19-40, esp. 20-3; Robertson, EMC/CFNS 18 (1999) 1-33; Dillon 110-20; Tzanetou 331-5. It has been conjectured that the Danaid trilogy of Aeschylus ended with the foundation of the Thesmophoria: see R. P. WinningtonIngram, Studies in Aeschylus (Cambridge, 1983) 71 n. 53; D. J. Conacher, Aeschylus: The Earlier Plays and Related Studies (Toronto, 1996) 107-8. For the name Pherrephatta/Persephone, 286-8 n. 25 In Athens, the Proerosia ('Preparation for Ploughing') on 5 Pyanepsion was similarly associated with the beginning of the agricultural year, and the Pyanepsia ('Bean-boiling') on 7 Pyanepsion may also have had fertility aspects. 26 Cf. Call. Cer. 18; D.S. v. 5. 2; Verg. Aen. 4. 58 with Servius and Pease ad loc.; 2R Luc. p. 276. 25—8 (below). For the epithet, cf. e.g. A. Ag. 525) or (SIG1 629. 6; Pergamon, 2nd c. BC); Brumfield 70—3; Levin, General Linguistics 31 (1991) 1-12. Those who accept Frazer's view that are 'things deposited' (i.e. pigs and other objects) refer to Anacr. PMG 406 and LSCG 154 B 17 (Kos, 3rd c. BC). But this is clutching at straws.

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INTRODUCTION

information about -what -went on during it for granted, they too must have been quite imperfectly informed. In Athens, the Thesmophoria originally occupied three days, from 11—13 Pyanepsion (October—November), but by the late fifth century a local celebration in Halimous on 10 Pyanepsion had, according to 2R 80, been incorporated into it. 12 Pyanepsion (on-which Th. is set) could thus be referred to as both the 'third day' of the festival (if one included the Halimous Thesmophoria in the count) and the 'middle day' (i.e. of the original three days); cf. Phot. , ('The Days of the Thesmophoria: Four; the tenth is "Thesmophoria", the eleventh "Descent", the twelfth "Fasting", and the thirteenth "Fair Offspring" '). 27 Ar.'s characters repeatedly refer to a Thesmophorion ('sanctuary of the Thesmophoroi'), -where all the action in the play after the opening scene is set (83, 89, 880; cf. 278). No such shrine has been identified, and Broneer, Hesperia 11 (1942) 250—64, esp. 262—4, 273—4 (folio-wed by Miles 22—3; Dillon 118—19), reasonably suggests that it may have been located -within the City Eleusinion, a large, -walled (Th. ii. 17. i) precinct on the north slope of the Acropolis. The propylon through •which one entered the Eleusinion from the Panathenaic Way -was at the south end of the precinct and is sufficiently far up the slope to justify the numerous references in Ar.'s play to 'going up' to the Thesmophoria, i.e. from the Agora (281 withn., 585, 623, 893), and to explain the name 'AvoSos ('Ascent') for the first day of the festival. The -women -who took part in the Thesmophoria camped in tents in—and perhaps, if the crowd -was large enough, around—the precinct (624, 658), and they must therefore not normally have gone home at night. 28 By the second century, there -was a priestess of 'the 27 Forthe festival at Halimous (of which next to nothing else is known), Plu. Sol. 8. 4—6; Polyaen. Strat. i. 20. 2 (two slightly different versions of a story in which women celebrate a Thesmophoria by dancing on a beach at Kolias nearby); Clem. Al. Protr. 34. 2 (simply referring to mysteries there). We know from Paus. i. 31. i that there was a temple of Demeter and Kore at Halimous, and Hsch. /<: 4816 refers to a temple of Demeter at Kolias. 9 Pyanepsion was the Stenia, which was also sacred to Demeter and her daughter (834-5 n -)28 Cf. Plin. Nat. 24. 59 vitex . . . Graeci lygon vacant, alias agnon (Diosc. i. 103. 2), quoniammatronae Thesmophoriis Atheniensiumcastitatem custodientes hisfoliiscubitus sibi stemunt; Hsch. K 3098 (women celebrating the Thesmophoria slept on a plant called Kvetopov to make them pure, but without specific reference to the festival in Athens); Nixon, in R. Hawley and B. Levick (eds.), Women in Antiquity (London and New York, 1995) 87.

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Thesmophoroi' (Agora I 5165. 1-2), and the office probably existed already in Ar.'s time (cf. 758-9).29 In addition, Is. 8. 19-20 and/GIF 1184 refer to women called apxovaai ('leaders'), who were chosen by their denies to take a leading role in celebrating the Thesmophoria; whether these are references to local deme festivals (presumably at the same time of year but not on exactly the same days) or to the citywide ceremonies under discussion here is unclear. At 293-4, J ust before the Thesmophoria assembly begins, the disguised Inlawtells 'her' imaginary Thracian servant-girl to 'step aside out of the way; for slaves aren't permitted to hear the speeches' So too at 329— 30 the chorus refer to themselves as 'well-born women of Athens' and at 541 Inlaw refers to the right of free speech that ought to belong to 'however many of us citizen-women are present' at the assembly The implication of these passages and of Is. 3. 80; 6. 49-50, is that full participation in the Thesmophoria was limited to citizens, although it is clear that many slaves are present during the brouhaha that follows Inlaw's disastrous intervention in the debate about Euripides (537, 608-9, 728), and they must have been on hand to escort their mistresses home from the festival, just as when they went out of other occasions.30 So too Call. fr. 63. 9-12 suggests that unmarried girls could not take part in the rites, 31 and it may be worth noting in this connection that Mika, Kritylla, and Inlaw as he presents himself all have children or what pass for them (Mika 690-1 (actually a wineskin disguised as a baby); Kritylla 447-8; Inlaw 289-91, 637, cf. 478). But Smikrines at Men. Epitr. 749 takes it for granted that a man's slave-concubine might participate in the Thesmophoria along with 29 Cf. Is. 3. 80 (a wealthy man is expected to provide a feast for the wives of his demesmen at a Thesmophoria); Broneer, Hesperia 11 (1942) 270—3; Parker, in T. Linders and G. Nordquist (eds.), Gifts to the Gods (Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 15: Uppsala, 1987) 142. The apxovaai in the inscription are charged with furnishing barley, wheat, honey, sesame seeds, poppy seeds, cheese, and the like (presumably as materials for cakes), as well as a small quantity of money; the expense is to be borne by the deme generally. 30 Cf. Brumfield 87: 'Apparently a number attended, or [Inlaw] would not have thought it good camouflage to chatter with an imaginary slave-girl.' 31

('wherefore on that account in Attica it is not holy for virgins to look upon the rites of Deo Thesmophoros with their eyes before a husband comes, before they accomplish nuptial beds').

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INTRODUCTION

his -wife, and Callimachos' point is perhaps only that virgins -were barred from some important portion of the rites rather than that only married -women could participate in the festival generally.32 How many of those eligible to take part in the Thesmophoria actually did so is impossible to tell. But the fact that some expense -was involved (Men. Epitr. 749—50) and the need to be away from one's house or -work for several days in a row probably meant that poorer citizens -were underrepresented there, as in most aspects of Athenian public life. 33 Of the three days, 11 Pyanepsion -was known as ' ('Ascent'; see above),34 12 Pyanepsion as ('Fasting', probably in commemoration of Demeter's refusal to eat or drink after her daughter •was abducted by Hades (h.Cer. 49—50, 200—1); cf. 948—9, 983—4; Av. 1519; adesp. com. fr. *II2), 3 5 and 13 Pyanepsion as a ('Fair Offspring'; cf. 299 -with n.). 36 Our most substantial source for •what -went on at the festival is 2R Luc. pp. 275. 23—276. 28 Rabe, a fascinating late account that probably reveals many of the rites •which had been kept secret from earliest times:

32 Luc. D.Meretr. 2.. i refers to the presence of an unmarried girl with her mother at the festival but it is difficult to know what to make of the claim, particularly since the situation is imaginary. 33 Thus Kritylla is present for the beginning of the women's assembly but is forced to leave before it is over, because she is too poor simply to abandon her work for a day. 34 Phot. 6 134 (above, p. xlvi) gives the name instead as KadoSos ('Descent'). 35 According to Plu. Mor. 3786 (Is. et Os. 69), the women sat on the ground when they fasted. 36 ThusI R 8o;Alciphr. ii. 37;cf.I R 585;Hsch.a5234.

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The Thesmophoria is a festival of the Greeks that includes mysteries and is also called the Skirrophoria. It was celebrated according to the more mythical account because, when Kore was snatched by Plouton as she was gathering flowers, a certain swineherd named Eubouleus was tending pigs in the same place and they were swallowed up by Kore's chasm. Therefore in honour of Eubouleus piglets are thrown into the chasms belonging to Demeter and Kore. And the rotting [remains] of them, after they have been thrown down into the megara (lit. 'great halls'), 37 are brought up by women called 'drawers', who have stayed pure for three days and who go down into the aduta ('innermost sanctuaries') and, after they have brought them up, set them on the altars. They believe that whoever38 takes some of these and mixes them in with his seed-corn will get an abundant crop. They also say that there are snakes down in the chasms, which eat much of what is thrown down. And on that account they clap their hands, whenever the women draw [up the rotted piglets] and whenever they put the moulded objects39 back again, in order that the snakes, which they consider guards of the aduta, might move away. These same things are also called Arrhetophoria and are celebrated in the same fashion for the birth of the seed and the engendering of human beings. And also brought up there [or 'on this occasion'] are holy objects which cannot be named, which are prepared from dough made of grain and resemble snakes and male forms. And they get pine-branches because the plant is so productive [of fruit]. Those things and the piglets (these too because of their fertility) are thrown into the socalled megara, the aduta, as we said already, to symbolize the generation of crops and of men, as thank-offerings, as it were, to Demeter, since by supplying her crops she civilized the human race. The account of the festival given above is the mythical one, but the one just mentioned is the natural explanation. It is called the Thesmophoria because Demeter bears the name 37 Cf. Paus. ix. 8. i (of ceremonies in a 'sacred grove' of Demeter and Kore at Potniae in Boiotia): 'at a fixed time . . . they let go some new-born pigs into the socalled mcgdra' 38 Note the masculine participles, which seem to imply that men were allowed to approach the altars when the festival was over. 39 These are described more fully below, where they are called 'holy objects'.

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INTRODUCTION

Thesmophoros, since she establishes laws and rites (thesmof), in accord with which men must work and get their nourishment.40

Exactly when during the festival the events described in this scholion took place is impossible to say; but the piglets must have been butchered and dumped in the pits (megara/aduta) perhaps a week or two before it began to assure that they were rotten but not desiccated by the time the 'drawers' extracted them. Nor can we really know the point of all this cultic activity and the story that both accompanied and glossed it, although it seems obvious that throwing the piglets into the megara somehow recapitulated the fall of Kore and Eubouleus' swine into the chasm in the earth, and that the drawers' recovery of the piglets (ensuring the fertility of the city's crops) recapitulated Demeter's recovery of her daughter (which resulted in the restoration of fertility to the earth). In addition, we know that at the Athenian Thesmophoria: (i) A sacrifice called the ('penalty'), doubtless followed by a feast, and a rite of some sort called the ('pursuit') or ('Chalkidic pursuit') were performed (Hsch. 8 2036; 145; S x 43j cf- Hsch. ^ 86); the latter is perhaps to be explained as a purification rite of some sort (setting in flight a supernatural curse vel sim.). Whether either of these is to be identified •with the sacrifice Alciphr. ii. 37 puts on 13 Pyanepsion is unclear. (ii) The women made obscene jokes and mocking comments reminiscent of lambe's behaviour at h.Cer. 202—4 and of the behaviour of both men and women in other festivals that involved mysteries (Apollod. i. 5; cf. D.S. v. 4. 7; Richardson, Homeric Hymn to Demeter, pp. 213—17), as -well as at-weddings and other celebrations not connected with mysteries. (iii) 958, 961 leave little doubt that there -was dancing, and there must have been hymns like the one sung by the chorus at 1148—59 as •well. (iv) Pomegranate seeds -were eaten (cf. Clem. Al. Protr. 19. 3, •where the prohibition on eating seeds that had fallen to the ground 40 For discussion of the scholion (which is late and garbled, but probably draws on older material), Brumfield 73-9; Burkert 442 n. 14; G. Sfameni Gasparro, Misteri e culti mistici di Demetra (Rome, 1986) 259-77; Lowe, in S. Blundell and M. Williamson (eds.), The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece (London and New York, 1998) 149-73. The references to the Skirrophoria (sic) and Arrhetophoria are best explained as ignorant marginal glosses which made their way into the text. Clem. Al. Protr. 17. i appears to contain some of the same material.

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makes it clear that others could be and -were consumed during the festival), doubtless once again somehow in commemoration or imitation of the story of the rape of Persephone (h.Cer. 371—4, 393—413 •with Richardson on 372). (v) The constant reference to torches hints at nighttime ceremonies.41 (vi) Prisoners in the city -were released from their chains for the duration of the festival (Walz, Rhet.Gr. iv. 462 (Marcellini Scholia ad Hermogenis Status)).42 In an ironic twist, this privilege is not extended to Inlaw in the play, and tremendous emphasis is put on the bonds in -which he is held after his arrest (930—1 n.; cf. 940, 943, 1013, 1022, 1032, 1035, 1108, 1125), although he is'released'in the end (1204—8). That the women held an assembly on the second day of the Thesmophoria to discuss matters of interest to them (as in Ar.'s play) is possible, and EC. 16-17, 59 refer to a similar meeting held at the Skira.43 In both places, however, this is more likely part of the fantasy. What the city's women did at their secret festivals was by and large a mystery to their sons, husbands, and brothers. But it must have made sense that they should use such occasions to plot trouble, and the imaginary political structure of their world was, not surprisingly, modelled on that of the real society with which the audience in the Theatre was familiar. IV. E U R I P I D E S AND THE CITY S WOMEN

As Thesmophoriasusae begins, Athens' -women are in the middle (80 •with n.) of a religious festival that has taken them out of their homes and their husbands' beds. At the same time, they are locked in a bitter, ongoing quarrel -with Euripides about the -way he portrays 41 Cf. Hdt. vi. 16. 2 (the Chians arrive in Ephesus at night and are taken 'to be thieves and to be coming after the women' of the city, who were celebrating the Thesmophoria), which probably implies that a portion of the rites went on at night, although it might instead be the case that the women were camping in a sanctuary outside the city (just as they camped in or around the Eleusinion in Athens). " Cf. J^A D. 22. 68 (no. I7ob Dilts) for a similar rule during festivals of Dionysos and the Panathenaia. 43 The meetings of the Assembly to be held to consider events at the City Dionysia and the Greater Eleusinia referred to at D. 21. 8-9 (cf. DFA 68-70) and And. i. in respectively are quite different, since they are held after the festival to consider what went on during it.

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INTRODUCTION

them in his tragedies and the effect of this on their male relatives. Domestic life in the city has been disrupted in two entirely different ways, which are none the less brought together in a single action in Euripides' announcement at 83-4 that an assembly will be held in the Thesmophorion today to decide how to punish him. Both situations are resolved at the end of the play, as Euripides agrees to alter the content of his tragedies and the women set off for home.44 But what happens in the meantime makes it clear that the charge against the playwright is not what it appears at first to be and that the concessions the women extract from him have not only already been granted but serve primarily to confirm their awkward and ambiguous status in the city. A. The Problem. According to Euripides in the opening scenes of the play, Athens' women are angry with him because he abuses them in his tragedies (85, 182). Mika in her assembly-speech is more precise about the problem: because Euripides consistently presents women as sexual adventurers, drunks, traitors, and chatterboxes, the city's men have grown suspicious of their every move (400-6), and many of the crimes they once got away with have become impossible (407-28). The women's complaint is thus not that Euripides lies, for they are by their own admission exactly what he says they are, a fact also apparent from their assembly-curse, in which they mention him by name (336-8) in the course of calling down the gods' wrath on anyone who interferes with their drinking, the steady supply of adulterous lovers, and the like (esp. 339-48).45 Instead, the women object to Euripides' willingness to publicize what are for them inconvenient truths, a form of bad behaviour which, they insist, amounts to an abuse of his authority as a poet and a teacher (cf. 399) of his fellow-citizens. As a consequence, no one in the Thesmophoria assembly attempts to refute the disguised Inlaw's claim that Euripi44

Cf. Bowie 226-7. The charge of atheism, although levelled against Euripides by Kritylla (450-1 with n., 453-4 n.), is not developed in Th. as it had been against Socrates in Nu. (247—8, 379—81, 423—4, 819—31, 1468—74, 1506—9; cf. 1232—41, 1461). At 667—86 and 715—20 Inlaw and a hypothetical accomplice are condemned in the most solemn terms for their 'godless' behaviour. This does not imply intellectual atheism, and the scene degenerates into farce, as the chorus decides to pay the trespasser back in his own coin (721—2) and burn him at the altar (726—7 with n.). 45

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des has failed to mention the great majority of the -wicked things 'we -women do'. What makes her opponent's behaviour outrageous, Mika argues—and -what ultimately leads to 'her' being exposed as a man—is that she recapitulates the crime of the man for -whom she is arguing, by daring to speak badly of 'her' own sex in public (esp. 535-6,538-9.551-2). Although the -women in Th. complain about Euripides' hostile treatment of them in his tragedies, therefore, they also acknowledge that he tells the truth; and the fact that they do so in a nominally exclusively female setting, -where they have no reason to misrepresent the situation, tacitly affirms for the external, primarily (and perhaps exclusively) male audience in the Theatre that the suspicions the tragic poet has allegedly stirred up about the behaviour of their •wives, daughters, and sisters are justified. Mika's hostile characterization at 545—8 accordingly denounces Euripides only for failing to achieve some sort of balance in his plays. He -writes exclusively, she complains, about 'bad' -women like Phaidra and Melanippe, never about 'good' -women like Penelope; and her implication is that there •would be no cause for complaint if he simply mixed things up a bit, allowing individual men -who saw his plays to adopt the—perhaps misguided—notion that their own female relatives fell into the second category. Nothing in Mika's argument suggests that the proposed change -would represent reality more effectively; -what matters is that it -would make life easier for the city's -women. The objections of Athens' -women to Euripides' tragedies are thus more complex than he initially makes them out to be. Even more important, it eventually emerges that, on one level at least, Euripides is not the problem at all. In their complaint in the parabasis at 785—99, the chorus observe that Athenian men regularly describe •women as trouble and a source of troubles, but simultaneously do their best to keep their own -women inside the house -while attempting to get access to others. As the chorus present it, this is a mark of a serious confusion: anyone -who dislikes and distrusts the opposite sex so much ought to be delighted -when they disappear from his own residence and ought not to try to make contact -with those -who belong to other households (esp. 793—4). But the argument is not to be taken seriously, for -what the chorus describe are—as the audience in the Theatre -was certainly aware—merely different aspects of a single, coherent sensibility. The men to -whom they refer know exactly -what they -would do to their neighbours' -wives, sisters, and

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INTRODUCTION

daughters, if given the opportunity, and think that there are signs they have some chance of doing it; and they therefore do their best to keep other men away from their own -wives, sisters, and daughters —-who, analogy suggests, may -well be open to similar advances. Women are 'good' (i.e. desirable to have in one's house or bed) for the same reason that they are 'bad' (i.e. because of their potential complicity with someone -who might manage to get them into his own house or bed instead), so that each pole of the argument and of the characterization defines and requires the other. Put another •way, -women are exceedingly unstable characters,46 and the (implicitly male) author, spectator, or reader cannot be sure -whether they •will be 'good' or 'bad' at any moment, for they are always potentially (or simultaneously) both. Men, on the other hand, are stable characters, -who remain -who and what they are, regardless of how they look; and garbled and diverse as Agathon's theory of imitation at 148—67 may be, everything he says confirms that, if a man's appearance or manner of speech changes, it is because he has chosen to represent someone or something else. A more significant point is that the argument put forward by the chorus in the parabasis stands in considerable tension -with assertions made earlier in the play about 'the problem of Euripides'. Euripides' crime, as Mika and others present it, is that his unvarying depiction of-women as dangerous, deceitful, cunning, and sexually aggressive has made the city's men see the female members of their household in that light. Misogyny thus has an identifiable historical origin, and as a consequence, if Euripides can only be convinced to change his -ways and -write about 'good' female characters, the situation -will easily be corrected. But the chorus in the parabasis draw no such connection and describe a far more complex bundle of attitudes and anxieties than can easily be extracted from Euripidean tragedy (at least as Aristophanes' characters seem to understand it). What the parabasis reveals is that the tragic poet's plays are only a symptom of the larger cultural fact that men for some unspecified reason (into -which there is apparently no need to pry) believe that -women are 'bad'. Blaming this on a single contemporary makes the problem solvable and is thus an effective dramatic device, -which must be •why Aristophanes has done it. As -we argue in section C below, the 'solution' imposed at the end of the play none the less paradoxically 46 Cf. E. IT 1298 opdr' O.TTWTOV tas yvvaiKfiov yevos; Men. fr. 808; Verg. Aen. 4. 5 69-70 varium et mutabile semper /femina.

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affirms the situation parodied and denounced by the chorus in the parabasis: to ask for more 'good' women is to consent to the validity of the interdependent categories of 'good' and 'bad' as conventionally defined, so that Euripides' enemies ultimately get exactly what they ought not to want. But consideration of that question first requires a closer examination of the role played by the tragic poet and his plays in Aristophanes' comedy. B. 'Euripides'on Stage In the opening lines of Th., Euripides is presented as a fast-talking intellectual quack, whose bland self-assurance does little to disguise the fact that most of what he has to say is nonsense (5-21). The characterization becomes richer but no more sympathetic as the scene proceeds. Like many of the heroes in his tragedies, Euripides finds himself in a very tight spot; and his solution is to resort to one of the 'devices' that, he and others repeatedly imply, are typical of his plays, by talking his way out of trouble—or, better put, by convincing someone else to do the talking for him and thus to assume the risk that ought to be his alone (87-94 with 87 n.). When Agathon refuses to be taken in by this proposal, Euripides shamelessly accepts Inlaw's offer to infiltrate the women's assembly in his place (211-14), and the plot is off and running. That the Aristophanic Euripides' attitudes and behaviour are strikingly similar to those of some of the characters in his tragedies is made explicit in Agathon's quotation at 194 of Ale. 691, which assigns to Euripides himself sentiments expressed by the equally self-centred Pheres. Indeed, there is no sense anywhere in the play that Euripidean characters ever speak simply for themselves, and the women's anger springs specifically from their sense that the poet can (and must) be held responsible for the allegedly consistent view of their sex expressed in his tragedies (e.g. 392-4). Euripides and his plays are one (as is also made clear by the fact that all the parts in the tragic parodies that make up most of the second half o f T h . are taken either by the tragic playwright himself or by his mouthpiece Inlaw); and so too Agathon's poetry is effeminate because he himself is. Indeed, Agathon goes on to argue explicitly that what a poet produces reflects his vais ('nature') (167), although in the case of Th. itself it would be more accurate to say that the process has worked the other way around: Euripides' tragic characters resemble the Euripides

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IINTRODUCTION

•who appears on stage here not because the historical Euripides generated those characters in his own image and Aristophanes faithfully reported the fact, but because Aristophanes created his Euripides on the basis of a reading of the latter's tragedies. That the process -was unfair is apparent e.g. from 275—6 ~ E. Hipp. 612 ('my tongue has sworn an oath (sc. to keep silent), but my mind is free of it'), -where an unrealized threat by a young Euripidean character in anguish is converted by Inlaw (and Aristophanes) into an insinuation that Euripides himself is addicted to perjury. Nor is the charge of blatant misogyny, upon -which much of the plot of Th. as a -whole turns, any easier to maintain. Despite Mika's insinuation that Euripides puts only 'bad' -women like Phaidra and Melanippe on stage, other female figures in his tragedies even in the 4303—Alcestis, for example— are presented as morally exemplary; and at least in the version of Hippolytos preserved for us (and cited at 275—6) Phaidra is an innocent victim caught in a terrible situation, a characterization that could probably have been applied to Melanippe as -well. The Euripides -who appears on stage in Th., in other -words, represents not merely a distillation of his own tragedies but a highly tendentious reading of them. This is particularly apparent in the handling of the four (or perhaps five) plays that are parodied in the course of Th. and that serve in turn to set up the resolution imposed in the final scenes of the play. 47 (i) Telephos -was staged at the City Dionysia in 438, along -with Cretan Women, Alkmeon in Psophis, and the 'pro-satyric' Alcestis.4* The hero, a son of Herakles and Auge, -was king of the Mysians, a barbarian people in north-west Asia Minor, and -was -wounded in the leg by Achilles after the Achaeans mistook his city for Troy during a preliminary invasion of the region and attempted to sack it. When his -wound failed to heal, Telephos consulted an oracle, -which offered 47 For the tragic parodies in Th., seenn. 48, 51, 55 below; L. K.Taaffe, Aristophanes and Women (London and New York, 1993) 94-100; Zeitlin 387-99; Tzanetou 33951; N. W. Slater, Spectator Politics: Metatheatre and Performance in Aristophanes (Philadelphia, 2002) 169—79; Bierl 255—69. 48 For Euripides' Te/e^>/zosandtheparodyofitin Th., seeHandley and Rea; Webster 43-8; Rau 42-50; Heath, C£>NS 37 (1987) 272-80; Cropp, inCollard, Cropp, and Lee 17-52; C. Preiser, Euripides: Telephos. Einleitung, Text, Kommentar (Spudasmata 78: Zurich and New York, 2000), esp. 71—97; F. Jouan, Euripide viii. 3 Fragments (Paris, 2002) 91—132; Aguilar, CFC(G) 13 (2003) 181—93. Aristophanes refers to Telephos and Alcestis (cf. 193-4 n -)> which by 411 were over a quarter of a century old, more often than any other tragedies, and Sommerstein, Th. p. 6 n. 36, plausibly suggests that they may have been part of the first set of Euripides' plays he saw staged.

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a riddling response to the effect that he could only be cured by 'the one that had wounded' him. Euripides' play began with the arrival of the hero, dressed in beggar's rags, before Agamemnon's palace in Argos, where he presumably hoped to get an audience with the king and eventually with Achilles. That Telephos met Clytaemestra outside the palace, shared a deceptive version of his story with her, and was encouraged by her to take the infant Orestes in his arms when he supplicated Agamemnon (as apparently in Aeschylus' version of the story) seems likely but cannot be proved. At some point a quarrel arose between Agamemnon and Menelaos, perhaps about whether their forces should take revenge on the Mysians and their king. The disguised Telephos unexpectedly spoke up, arguing that his people had acted no differently than 'we Achaeans' should have, if similarly provoked. The exact order of events after this is unclear, but a warning was apparently received that a stranger had infiltrated the meeting; the chorus instituted a search; and when Telephos' identity was discovered (by Odysseus ?), he fled to an altar with Orestes, whom he threatened to kill if he were not allowed to speak in his own defence. Evidently the case Telephos made was persuasive, for in the end he was accepted by the Achaean forces as an ally and a guide for their expedition against Troy and was healed—not, however, by Achilles himself, but by filings from Achilles' spear (which had actually done the wounding). Aristophanes makes extensive use of Telephos in A charnians (425), where the hero Dikaiopolis is able to make his unpopular case in favour of the Spartans to the chorus only after he seizes what he and they all treat as one of their children and threatens it with a sword over an altar; he then borrows the Mysian king's rags from Euripides and offers a second, even more controversial speech that deals with the supposed origins of the Peloponnesian War and is directed as much to the audience in the Theatre as to the chorus.49 Dikaiopolis chooses to play Telephos because he thinks of the tragic hero as a master of rhetoric (esp. Ach. 428-9); but the parody in which he engages (and which significantly distorts the order of events in the original) also mocks Euripides' tragedy as yet another example of the playwright's ludicrous fondness for heroes reduced to exile, poverty, and distress, and for having their stories turn on extraordinary moments of high emotion (reduced to bathos when the 'child' 49

Cf. Olson, Acharnians, pp. liv-lxi.

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INTRODUCTION

Dikaiopolis takes hostage turns out to be a charcoal-basket, charcoalburning being an important industry in Acharnai). Much of-what goes on in the first half of Th. recalls (and implicitly criticizes) Telephos in similar -ways: Inlaw puts on a ridiculous disguise (215—68) and infiltrates a hostile assembly, -where he makes an oddly compelling (if still unsuccessful) case on behalf of -what everyone else present takes to be the common enemy (466—519); and after he is recognized and the chorus have made a search for any other intruder -who might be in the place (655—88), he flees to an altar -with a 'baby' (689—98). Exactly -when the parody of Telephos begins—or, better put, exactly -when the audience in the Theatre can be expected to recognize that a parody of that play in particular is under -way—is unclear. 50 Indeed, the Telephos-parody is not announced explicitly in the text in the -way that those of Palamedes (769—71), Helen (850), and Andromeda (1012) are, so that it stands in a certain sense apart from them (see (v), below). But Inlaw unambiguously takes the part of the Euripidean hero at 689, -when he grabs Mika's child (actually a \vineskin) and makes his desperate dash to the altar and -what ought to be safety there; and at this point and at least in retrospect the outline of the standard Aristophanic version of the tragic Telephos' story (implicit also in Acharniani) can be seen to correspond neatly to Euripides' plan and Inlaw's bumbling attempt to make it -work. The isolated and uncompromising paratragic hero has dared to speak -what he takes to be the truth in the presence of his enemies and has got himself in terrible trouble as a result. But -whereas Dikaiopolis thirteen years earlier played Telephos and -won his audiences over, Inlaw's version of the story contains no hint of a happy ending. He is left friendless and alone, and his decision to butcher Mika's child rather than keep it as a hostage (as in the tragic original) marks an implicit acknowledgement that the storyline he has temporarily made his own has come to a decisive dead-end. (ii) Palamedes -was performed at the City Dionysia in 415 and •was the second tragedy in a connected trilogy that included Alexandras and Troades and -was folio-wed by the satyr-play Sisyphos.*1 Relatively little is known of -what -went on in the play, although Odysseus clearly brought false accusations of treachery against 50

Cf. Bowie 223-4. For Euripides' Palamedes and the parody of it in Th., Webster 174-6; Rau5i~3; Scodel 43-63; F. }ouan,Euripideviu. 2 Fragments (Par is, 2000)487-513; R. Falcetto, IlPalamede diEuripide (Alessandria, 2002); cf. 770-1 n. 51

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Palamedes to Agamemnon; a trial -was held, and Palamedes -was condemned to death and executed; his brother Oiax inscribed news of •what had happened on oarblades, -which he threw into the sea and one of-which eventually made its -way to their father Nauplios; and Nauplios plotted destruction for the Achaean fleet upon its return from Troy. By choosing the Oiax-scene, out of all this material, for parody, Aristophanes implicitly presents Euripidean tragedy as consisting of 'clever'—if arguably absurd52—devices and little else, confirming

observations made repeatedly earlier in his comedy by the characters themselves (cf. above). More important, Aristophanes (or Inlaw) has altered his tragic exemplar in -ways that make it a better match for the old man's situation. Euripides' Palamedes looks to have been a brave and isolated speaker of the truth in many -ways reminiscent of his Telephos, and Inlaw is in serious trouble -with the authorities, just as Palamedes -was. But Inlaw responds to his situation by sending off a message, as Oiax did but Palamedes did not; and that message is a plea for help (-which might have been appropriate for Euripides' hero after he -was sentenced to die) rather than revenge for someone else (as in the tragic original). The Aristophanic hero thus presents himself as a combination of two Euripidean characters, 53 and his dilemma as a combination of theirs; and at the same time the parody he undertakes contains a significant modification (or correction) of the one that precedes it. Telephos acted alone, and the last thing Inlaw says before he begins his truncated version of that play is that he has got himself in trouble (651 -with n.). But the fact is that his situation is more like that of Oiax, -whose problems must all have been due to his being Palamedes' brother and taking Palamedes' part. As he launches the Palamedes parody, therefore, Inlaw uses virtually the same -words as he did 115 lines earlier, but this time assigns responsibility for everything that has happened to Euripides (766—7). Once again, the parody recapitulates the action in the play up to this point, but again it offers the paratragic hero no obvious -way out. The tried and true 'Euripidean' strategy of telling an ugly truth to one's opponents in a paradoxically convincing 52 One can easily imagine carving an SOS into oarblades, but it is wishful thinking to believe that even one of them would reach its intended recipient, if they were simply dumped into the sea hundreds of miles away. See 781—2 n. The modern successor to this device is the message in a bottle. 53 This is comparable to some extent with the Helen parody in 871-3, where Ar. fuses the arrival of Menelaos with that of Teukros.

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•way has accomplished nothing. And although making an argument of this sort can plausibly be taken to have been Euripides' original plan for Inlaw in the -women's assembly, the tragic playwright conspicuously fails to be drawn on stage now by 'Oiax's' 'oarblades' (846—8). A different approach is going to be necessary for anything to be accomplished, as the action that follows also makes clear. (iii) Helen -was performed in 412 as part of a set of plays that included Andromeda (cf. Section 11. A and below), and the fact that it has been preserved for us makes it easy to see how Aristophanes handled his exemplar. As Euripides' tragedy begins, Helen is in a desperate situation: Theoklymenos, the new king of Egypt, is insisting that she marry him, and she has fled to his father Proteus' tomb for safety. Despite her troubles, the Euripidean Helen is a strong and capable character. She has -waited patiently for many years, believing that she -will eventually be allowed to go home and be reunited -with her husband (Hel. 56—9); -when Menelaos raises the possibility that the prophetess Theonoe may reject their request for assistance, and insists that his -wife -will betray him if she marries Theoklymenos after he is executed, she promises to commit suicide rather than allow that to happen (Hel. 832—7); and -when Menelaos fails to come up -with a plan to get the two of them out of the country even after Theonoe agrees to turn a blind eye to their machinations, it is Helen, speaking explicitly as a -woman, -who tells him -what they must do to escape (Hel. 1049—92). Theonoe is also an impressive figure, -who holds the fate of Helen and Menelaos in her hands but •whose strong sense of right compels her to disregard her brother Theoklymenos' desires and protect the foreigners. Menelaos, on the other hand, spends most of the play either baffled or confused, although he and his men do ultimately acquit themselves -well against the—admittedly unmanly—Egyptians. The play itself is much concerned -with questions of theodicy and the difference (or supposed difference) bet-ween appearance and reality. Helen is in Egypt because of the jealous anger of Hera, -who allowed only a likeness of her to go to Troy -with Paris (esp. Hel. 31—6, 42—8), a fact that causes endless confusion for the other characters, to the extent that even after Helen realizes that the anonymous ship-wrecked Greek -who has made his -way to Theoklymenos' palace is her husband and tells him as much, Menelaos is ready to abandon her to her fate because he 'knows' that his men are holding 'the real Helen' captive nearby (Hel. 566-96).

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The parody of Helen in Th. combines fragments of three scenes in the original: Helen's prologue speech and encounter -with another Greek-wanderer, Teukros; Menelaos' arrival at the palace, where he is abused by an old female doorkeeper (a scene reminiscent of comedy); and the initial encounter of husband and -wife.54 But the new 'new Helen' (cf. 850) that results contains none of the rarified intellectual and theological matter so prominent in the original, and is instead a simple tale of easy recognition and (attempted) rescue. The question of-why Helen is in 'Egypt' has been -written out of the text (cf. 855—71 n.), along -with the problem of her Doppelgangerin and the ambiguous personal status that results (cf. 855—919 n.). All that matters is that 'she' is here, conveniently clinging to -what Inlaw calls a tomb but Kritylla curtly reminds him is an altar; and after 'Helen' and' Menelaos' have exchanged only a few -words, they recognize one another and prepare to run away to safety. Kritylla repeatedly insists that Menelaos/Euripides must be deeply confused, since he seems not to understand -where he is or -whom he is talking to (e.g. 879—80, 882—4). But unlike Euripides' hero, the Aristophanic Menelaos is not obviously a dolt; indeed, it is he -who initiates the recognition of husband and -wife (902—10; contrast E. Hel. 591, 593). Inlaw's Helen, on the other hand, is a strikingly helpless figure, -who -wants someone else to rescue her (914—16) and, 'her' pun in 912 (-where see n.) implies, to take her as a sexual prize; and the Aristophanic 'Theonoe' is now not a help but a hindrance to the hero and his -wife (896—9). Euripides' intellectually complex story of a powerful and simultaneously very desirable female character, -whose bravery, intelligence, and talent for bold initiative, combined -with the aid of a courageous female sympathizer, save her and her much less accomplished and impressive husband from certain defeat and disgrace has thus been changed in Th. into the tale of a helpless -woman -who is carried off to safety (and bed) by a heroic male rescuer. This revised Helen draws Euripides on stage, as the parodies of Telephos and Palamedes failed to do. Neither Inlaw's Helen nor the paratragic treatment of Andromeda that follows '-works', in the sense that neither allows the Aristophanic Euripides to get the old man safely offstage. But they do suddenly point forward in the play rather than 54 For the parody of Helen in Th., 855—919 n.; Lange 3—9; Handley, in Handley and Rea 23-4; Rau 56-65, esp. 56-8; Kannicht, .He/«za i. 79-82, esp. 79-80; Nieddu, in A. Casanova and P. Desideri (eds.), Evento, Racconto, Scnttura nell' Antichita Classica (Florence, 2003) 55—90.

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back, and hint at the (supposed) resolution of the central conflict to come. (iv) Andromeda -was performed along -with Helen in 412 (cf. above); only the broad outlines of -what -went on in the play after the first epeisodion can be discerned.55 Kassiepeia, the queen of Ethiopia, had offended Poseidon, and as punishment the god sent a flood and/or a sea-monster against her country. To appease Poseidon's •wrath, Kassiepeia's husband, Kepheus, offered his daughter Andromeda to the sea-monster, chaining her to a rock by the shore. Euripides' play began -with the heroine alone on stage in chains (E. fr. 114 — Th. 1065—ga), bewailing her father's decision to offer her to the monster (E. fr. 115 ~ Th. 1070—2). At first only the nymph Echo responded to Andromeda's song from a nearby cave (i.e. the central stage-door) (E. fr. 118 ~ Th. 1018—21), but soon a chorus of local girls arrived to keep her company (E. frr. nj~Th. 1015; 119—22 (fr. 120. i—2 ~ Th. 1022—3; fr- I22 ~ Th. 1029—41, iO4ya—55)). Perseus then appeared on his -way back from killing the Gorgon (E. frr. 123 — Th. 1101—2; 124— Th. 1098—1100). He had spied -what he took to be a statue on the shore, but -when he realized that this -was in fact a beautiful girl, he took pity on and determined to rescue her, and rapidly fell in love (E. frr. 125—31 (frr. 125. i— 2 ~ Th. 1105—6; 127. i — Th. 1110; 128 — Th. 1107—8)). Andromeda for her part offered herself to Perseus, in -whatever capacity he might -wish, if he -would only save her life (E. fr. 132). Sophocles seems to have placed the exposure of Andromeda much later in his version of the story, and -what folio-wed in Euripides' tragedy -was most likely his independent expansion of inherited material. Kepheus and his -wife Kassiepeia clearly opposed their daughter's marriage to Perseus (E. fr. 141), and the bulk of the play probably consisted of debates about this and perhaps some related intrigue. E. frr. 145—6 preserve part of a messenger speech that reported Perseus' defeat of the monster and rescue of Andromeda, and Athena may -well have appeared at the end as a deus ex machina, 55 For the myth, Apollod. ii. 4. 3-5; Hyg./«6. 64; Eratosth. Cat. 15; LIMC i. i. 774-5. For Euripides' A ndromeda and the parody of it in Th.,see 1010-12 n.; Webster 192-9; Rau 65-89; F. Bubel, Euripides, Andromeda (Palingenesia 34: Stuttgart, 1991); Klirnek-Winter 55—315 (with detailed commentary on individual fragments); H. Van Looy, Euripide viii. i Fragments (Paris, 1998) 147-90; Gibert, ICS 24-5 (1999-2000) 75-91; Bierl 150-4. For representations of the play in vase-painting, see A. D. Trendall and T. B. L. Webster, Illustrations of Greek Drama (London, 1971) iii. 3, 9—13; Green 22—3.

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bringing the quarrel -with Andromeda's family to an end and sending Andromeda and Perseus on their -way to Argos. Although Aristophanes preserves large sections of the prologue of Euripides' play, he inverts its structure, allowing 'Andromeda' first to complain to 'her' female companions (1015—55 ~ E frr. 117—22) and then to have -what quickly degenerates into a slanging match •with 'Echo' (1056—81/2). But the parody breaks off immediately after the love-smitten 'Perseus' declares his intention of marrying— or at least having sex -with—the princess (1121—2), and although the Skythian may stand in to some extent for Kepheus (since both characters attempt to thwart Perseus' and Andromeda's plan to escape together), the material that followed in the original has been omitted. Dionysos in the prologue of Frogs claims that his heart -was 'struck-with desire' whenhe read Andromeda (Ra. 52—4), and his implicit characterization of the play as a moving and memorable lovestory appears to have been typical of the reactions of ancient readers; indeed, this may have been the first such story to appear on stage in the Theatre of Dionysos, a point -whose implications are taken up below. But -what -we know of the Euripidean original suggests that it -was a complex tale of argument and intrigue, -which has been reduced in Th. (as also in Frogs) to something strikingly reminiscent of the truncated version of Helen that precedes it: a beautiful, chaste, and submissive -woman is rescued by a male hero, -who is captured by sudden, profound, 'romantic' (but also, as befits comedy, overtly sexual) desire, and -who does his best to carry her away to -what -will presumably be for both of them a marital 'happily ever after'. (v) Seaford argues that metrical considerations date Euripides' Cyclops to the late 41 os, 56 and Cyc. 222 (Polyphemos' first -words on stage) appears to echo Andromeda fr. 125. I (parodied at Th. 1105) (probably part of Perseus' first speech). Dale suggested that Cyc. 7°7 / OL' afuf'i-Tp'fJTos r'fjaSe recalls S. Ph. 19/8 and if this is right, Euripides' satyr-play can date no earlier than the City Dionysia of 408.57 But the argument is not very strong, and it is tempting to hypothesize that Cyclops echoes Andromeda so pointedly because the plays belong to the same tetralogy, particu56 JHS 102 (1982) 161—8, with particular attention to Odysseus' lines; but whether the play can so easily be graphed on the tragic axis remains unclear. 57 A. M. Dale, Collected Papers (Cambridge, 1969) 129; followed by Seaford, Cyclops pp. 49—50.

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larly since the plots of Cyclops, Helen, and Andromeda all involve captivity in a foreign land and the arrival of a Greek rescuer -who comes into conflict -with and defeats the local ruler. In that case, Th. 1216—26, in -which the chorus offer the Skythian confusing directions that cause him to run helplessly back and forth across the stage in search of the vanished Euripides and Inlaw, may allude to the end of Cyclops (esp. 675—88), -where the chorus of satyrs abuse Polyphemos in a very similar fashion -when he asks -where Odysseus and his men have gone. The final scene in Th. could thus be read as the satyr play that rounds out the set of three explicit tragic parodies that precede it (cf. on Telephos, above) and mockingly sums up the action in them in a fittingly outrageous fashion. 58 But it must be conceded that the humour in both places is not very sophisticated and that there may be no direct dependence of one text on the other. C. The Resolution (or What Passes for One) At 1160, Euripides appears on stage and speaks to the chorus in his own person, offering to stop abusing them in his tragedies if they will let him have Inlaw (i 160-3, J I^>5~7)- This does not mean that the tragic playwright has changed his mind about female behaviour; indeed, he closes with a threat that, if he does not get what he wants, he will tell the city's men everything that goes on at home while they are off on military duty (1167-9). Instead, Euripides proposes to cover up what he and the chorus (who immediately agree to come to terms, attesting to their awareness that he is right about their having something substantial to conceal) both 'know' to be true and the audience in the Theatre is thus allowed to take for granted: the world is full of Phaidras and Melanippes, despite the fact that Euripidean tragedy will in the future feature only Penelopes (cf. 549-50). The ultimate result of this meeting of minds is that Inlaw is released from his bonds and allowed to escape to his wife and children (1205-6), after which the chorus leave the Thesmophorion for home (1228-9), resolving the irregular social situation with which the play began (see section A). The world has been set right, but at a price. As the male semi chorus in Lysistrata say (citing what they describe as proverbial wisdom), men can live neither with women nor without them, and 58 Cf. Bowie 224-5 (arguing that the parodies of Telephos, Palamedes, and Helen amount to a connected Trojan War trilogy, that the parody of Andromeda is a sort of satyr play, that the closing scene is a 'comic coda', and that all of these taken together recall the structure of a normal day's set of performances at the City Dionysia).

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the only -workable choice is to find some -way to live -with them (Lys. 1038—9).59 Bad as -women are, it seems, it does no good to call—or perhaps even to pay—much attention to the fact; and Th. implicitly concludes on a very similar note. Up to this point, Euripides has shown no interest in compromise, and his offer to the chorus is in one sense unexpected. But his proposal also does little more than put into -words something that has been apparent on stage for over 300 lines and that simultaneously represents a coherent (if tendentious) interpretation of recent theatrical history. Helen and Andromeda (both staged in 412) feature •what Mika and the chorus -would certainly call 'good' female characters , so that not only do Inlaw' s parodies of those plays proleptically fulfil Euripides' offer at 1160—7, but by proposing to bring 'good' •women on stage the comic Euripides offers to do something the historical Euripides had arguably undertaken a full year earlier.60 At the same time, the concession at 1160—7 is not "what it appears to be, for Euripides' 'new' -woman as interpreted by Aristophanes is a helpless, vulnerable creature, -who is simultaneously chaste and enticing and -whose story can be brought to a happy conclusion only through the intervention of an aggressively virile man (cf. section B).61 Mika has got her -wish (cf. 547—8), but the problem -with the •way it has been granted is that the 'good' female characters Aristophanes' Euripides has to offer are indistinguishable from the positive aspect of the polarized Athenian male view of-women about •which the chorus complain so bitterly in the parabasis. The radical change his Euripides proposes—and -which he has, on another level, already put into effect—is thus in a larger sense no change at all but a back-handed affirmation of the status quo. For-women to be'good' in the -way the Aristophanic Euripides and Mika -would have them be, it must also be generally conceded that they are 'bad', for the two categories are mutually dependent (see section A). Indeed, a recognition of something very similar encapsulates the understanding to -which the tragic poet and the chorus come at 1167—70: only because Euripides knows how 'bad' -women are can he reach an agreement -with them to represent them in his tragedies as 'good'. Despite an appearance of putting '-women on top', the sexual politics of Aristophanes' 59 Cf. Susar. fr. i. 3—4 'Women are an evil (KO.KOV) ; but all the same, demesmen, one cannot have a home without evil'; Men. frr. 801; 804. 16—17. 60 Indeed, it is tempting to suggest that Ar. conceived of the plot of Th. while watching Euripides' tragedies of 412 as a way of explaining their—to him, at least, 61 apparently striking—content. Cf. Bobrick 184.

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play are in fact extremely conservative. Not regardless but because of -what his Euripides has done and promised to do, nothing about the relationship between men and -women -will change; the idea that misogyny has a historical origin and can accordingly have an end serves as cover for a deeper and more powerful conviction that things -will always be just as they have always been. Inlaw is thus allowed to escape and the plot of Th. brought to an end by means of a poetic sleight-of-hand, -which finesses the fact that solving the 'problem of Euripides' not only fails to alter the larger situation described in the parabasis but confirms and lends it support. Aristophanes' over-whelming eagerness to bring the sexes together in a nominally happy ending is apparent in the fact that he supplies Inlaw -with a -wife at 1020—1 (in an incongruous paratragic context) and then -with children at 1205—6, giving the old man someone to hurry off home to once he has been freed, as -well as in the chorus' announcement at 1228—9 that they too are leaving for home, despite the fact that the Thesmophoria is not over (cf. 80 -with n.). But perhaps most telling is the resort at the end of the play to the cheap but effective (cf. 1128—32) motif of the barbarian threat. As the chorus surrender control of Inlaw to Euripides, they note that the only problem that remains is the Skythian (1171), -who is now the sole 'blocking figure' on stage; and much of-what is clearly intended to be the hilarity of the final scenes consists in the systematic humiliation of this character first by Aristophanes (-who depicts him from the very first as a clumsy brute) and then in the final scene by Euripides and the chorus. In both Helen and Andromeda, Greeks triumph over non-Greeks, so that -what goes on on stage here is still in one sense Euripidean parody. But the united front Euripides and -women so readily and easily construct against -what is now abruptly defined as their common enemy also diverts attention from the irresolvable (although allegedly resolved) conflict bet-ween men and -women, •with -which most of the play is concerned, onto another conflict, the rights and -wrongs of -which must have appeared far clearer to the average late fifth-century Athenian; and it can scarcely be coincidence that something very similar goes on at the end of Lysistrata, •where the heroine urges the Athenians and the Spartans to put aside their seemingly irreconcilable differences to confront the threat of Persian power (Lys. 1128—34, esp. 1133-with Henderson ad loc.). 62 62

Cf. ibid. 190.

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The fundamental problem -with Euripidean tragedy as it is presented in Th. is that it aggressively exposes ugly facts -which -would be better left obscure. As Aeschylus says in a related context in Frogs, that something is true is no excuse for putting it on stage, for good poetry aims not to 'educate' people but to convince them to act in socially helpful -ways (Ra. 1052—5). In Th., this criticism focuses on Euripides' hostile treatment of -women; but in the first half of the play in particular Aristophanes does exactly -what Mika condemns Euripides for, by presenting his female characters—and indeed allowing his female characters to present themselves—in an exceedingly dark manner. Aristophanic comedy elsewhere defends its scathing criticisms of its audience by insisting that this abuse serves a positive purpose: by telling the Athenian people things they -would rather not hear, it forces them to mend their -ways (esp. Ach. 630—64). But one can easily imagine the Aristophanic Euripides defending his tragedies in a similar fashion; and that Th. is not really intended to teach the audience in the Theatre anything about •women's behaviour is apparent both from the fact that its assertions are commonplace (as the chorus' complaints in the parabasis make clear) and from the poet's repeated attempts at the end of the play to impose a hasty (if superficially appealing) solution to the problems raised at the beginning. None of this ought perhaps to come as a surprise. Th. is set on a festival day, -when normal activities are suspended in the city but extraordinary events can be expected to occur (78—84); and so too the comic poets enjoyed the right to express themselves at the Lenaia and the City Dionysia in -ways that -would not have been tolerated in most public settings.63 But Aristophanes also regularly contrives to withdraw or neutralize many of the criticisms he offers in his plays. In Knights, for example, the old fool Demos ('the People') ultimately reveals that he is cleverer than he has let on, and the Sausage-seller (-who -won his position as chief slave/demagogue by showing he -was the most unprincipled man in the house/city) at the end of the play unexpectedly bestows extraordinary goods on his master. This is -wildly inconsistent, but the inconsistency serves the poet's purposes, by allowing him both to criticize and to flatter his audience, and by eliminating -what might other-wise have been perceived to be the call for changes in the real -world outside the 63

But note e.g. Aeschin. i. 126, 131, 164; 2. 99; D. 18. 130.

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Theatre. So too in Th., the hostile portrait of Athenian women in the opening scenes yields by the end to a consistent depiction of them as devoted celebrants of Demeter's mysteries.64 If the play has a point to make about relations between the sexes, it seems to be (as in Lysistrata) that men need -women and therefore have no choice but to ignore the ugly things they know to be true about their character and behaviour. The supposed historical development of Euripidean tragedy traced in Th. from dangerous and unproductive truth-telling to artful concealment of -what are generally conceded to be facts, and from over-the-top misogyny to equally over-the-top romance, is thus simultaneously a description of the internal -workings of Aristophanes' play itself. The audience in the Theatre—as opposed to the hypothetical future audiences referred to at 1167—9, •who can be expected to believe anything they see—has -watched this process unfold from the beginning and has thus been alerted to the fact that the 'new' vision of -women Euripides and Aristophanes are contriving to promote is a calculated misrepresentation of the actual state of affairs. But for the moment, at least, none of that matters much. The Thesmophoria is coming to an end, as is the City Dionysia; the unexpected, unlikely, and offensive things said or done on stage today can all be forgotten or ignored, if that is -what is required (as it is) to bring the -world back to normal; and all concerned—or at least all those -who matter—can go happily home to their families.

V. STAGING

A. Division of Parts At 922-9, Inlaw is on stage pinned to a plank; Kritylla is standing guard over him; Euripides is heading off into one wing; and the Prytanis is entering from the other. These are all speaking parts, and the unavoidable conclusion is that Th. can be staged with three actors only via some odd and unlikely arrangement involving lightning changes of costume, unmarked exits, silences on stage, and the like. Like a number of other Aristophanic comedies (including Acharnians and Frogs), therefore, the play is most naturally taken to require a fourth actor, who on the staging outlined below speaks 64

Cf. Zeitlin 399—405.

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only nine lines or partial lines. The speaking parts in Th. are best divided as follows (cf. Lange 46; DFA 152; Russo 196—7), although other arrangements are possible:65 Protagonist: Inlaw (1-946, 1001-1209) Deuteragonist: Euripides (1-279, 869-927, 1009-12 (cf. 1009 n.), 1056-1132 (cf. 1064 n.), 1160-1209), Mika (295-764) Tritagonist: Agathon's Slave (36-70), Agathon (95-265), Kritylla (295-458, 759-944), Kleisthenes (571-654), the Skythian (10011225) Fourth Actor: the Prytanis (923-44) One remarkable feature of this division is that both of the—presumably quite demanding—lyric parts at the beginning of the play (39—62, i o 1—29) -were taken by the tritagonist, -who must have been a quite accomplished performer, despite his seemingly inferior status. Mania (295—764), Teredon (i 160—1203), andElaphion (i 160—1214) are represented by mutes, as is the Skythian in his first appearance on stage (923—46). Mute slaves appear on stage at 95 and 265 (pushing Agathon on and off, respectively, on the ekkuklema) and at 238—48 (bringing on and taking off a torch), and perhaps also at 655 (bringing the chorus torches, -which must then also have been taken off by prop-men dressed as slaves earlier) and 1001 (carrying on Inlaw bound to his plank). B. Costume Although representations of comic actors from Ar.' s time are neither numerous nor always easily interpreted, a good deal of information about this aspect of the plays can be gleaned from the texts and from artistic evidence dating to a generation or two later.66 Male characters •were normally represented -with dark masks (cf. 31 n.) fitted -with detachable beards (222—3 n -) > 'whereas -women -were represented -with •white masks. Most adult male characters -wore a long leather stagephallus, -which could be tied up out of the -way, allowed to dangle 65 We assume that the assembly heraldess (295-311, 331-51, 372-82) is played by the coryphaeus; cf. 295—382 n. 66 The standard treatment of Old Comic costuming is Stone. For the artistic evidence, T. B. L. Webster, Monuments Illustrating Old and Middle Comedy (3rdedn., revised and enlarged by J. R. Green) (BIOS Suppl. 39: London, 1978), together with the comments of Green 27—38.

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free, or put in an erect position (like the Skythian's at 1187—1201). Artistic evidence suggests that most actors -were fitted -with absurdly padded stomachs and buttocks. Beyond that, comic costume -was relatively realistic, and characters -wore clothes and shoes appropriate to their age, sex, and social status. Much of the visual economy of Th. depends on an aggressive subversion of these conventions. Almost all the male characters in the play are made to look like -women at some point: Agathon -wears a -white, beardless mask (191) and -women's clothes (esp. 136—8; cf. 97—8, 250—1, 257—8) and has no visible stage-phallus (142); Kleisthenes lacks a beard (575) and may also -wear a -white mask (cf. 571—3); Euripides enters at the very end in female costume and clearly -well disguised, given that the Skythian takes him for a -woman •with no questions or prompting (i 194); and Inlaw spends virtually the entire play dressed in a krokotos (a saffron-coloured -women's inner garment; cf. 137—8 n.) and a bizarre -wig or set of headgear he has borrowed from Agathon (cf. 257—8 n.). Ar. clearly expected his audience to find this cross-dressing both amusing and deeply humiliating for the individuals involved67 (even if those individuals sometimes evince little shame at how they look), and he accordingly draws out the scenes in -which Inlaw is transformed into a -woman (213—68) and stripped and exposed as a man (636—51) to great length and jams them full of-wild, slapstick humour. So too Inlaw mocks Agathon for his effeminate appearance (97—8, 134—43); the coryphaeus treats Kleisthenes in a similarly scornful manner (582—3); -when the Council decide to put Inlaw to death, they decree that he -wear his krokotos and mitra on the plank, an additional horror the old man tries desperately to avoid (936—45); much of the effect of the parodies of Helen and Andromeda depends on the fact that the tragic heroines are played by an individual -wearing a prominent stage-phallus; and Euripides' cross-dressing in the final scene is best explained as an index of his utter desperation after all his other plans have failed. Inlaw's female costume is both his means to infiltrate the -women's assembly and the clearest sign of the extent to -which he has violated societal norms by doing so. Thanks to Euripides' intervention, he escapes his bonds and runs off—still dressed in -women's clothes (cf. 1220). But the visual argument of the play is maintained none the less, for after Inlaw is gone from sight, the role of dramatic scapegoat 67

Cf. the treatment of Blepyros at EC. 311—727.

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settles on the only character -who is even more outrageously dressed than he: the Skythian in his -wild native costume (cf. 923 n.). C. Props Aristophanic props are generally very simple.68 Those used in Th. include the brazier and myrtle branches brought out by Agathon's servant (37); Agathon's couch (95 n., 261—2 n.); the razor (218—20 •with n.), mirror (140 -with n., 234—5), musical instruments (137—8 •with n.), and various items of clothing (249—62 -with nn.) piled on or beside it; the torch used to depilate Inlaw's arse (238—41), and those carried by the -women at the festival (280, 655, 917); the garland -worn by speakers in the -women's assembly (380 -with n.); the brush-wood Mika and Mania stack about Inlaw after he seeks refuge at the altar (726—9 -with nn., 739); Mika's elaborately dressed baby/ •wineskin (esp. 733—4) and the bowl in -which she proposes to catch its 'blood' (754—5 withn.); the knife Inlaw uses to cut the -wineskin open and to carve letters into the dedicatory plaques he discovers hanging from the altar (694—5 n -> 773~5 "with 773—4 n.); the plank to -which Inlaw is pinned throughout the final scenes of the play (930—1 n., 1001 n.); the Skythian's -whip (cf. 932—4 n.), knife (i 125—7 n -)> and quiver/bowcase (1195—7 n.), as -well as the mat he fetches to sleep on (1007 n.); and Euripides' musical instruments (1217—19 n.). D. Theatre Resources; Exits, and Entrances Archaeology offers little insight into the details of the Theatre of Dionysos in Ar.'s time, and most of -what -we know comes from the text of plays that survive from the period. 69 Bet-ween the front row of seats and the stage -was a dancing area (the orchestra), -which -was accessible via two side-entrances (the eisodoi or parodoi). A permanent altar (put to use in Th. for the offerings by Agathon's servant (37—8) and by Inlaw himself (285), as-well as for parodies of Euripides' Telephos, Palamedes, and Helen) stood in the middle of the orchestra.10 In the 68 For Aristophanic props, see Poe, RhM NF 143 (2000) 274-6, 283-7, 292-5; English, Helios 27 (2000) 149—62. 69 Cf. A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens (Oxford, 1946) 1-133, esP- 15—29; Moretti, REG 113 (2000) 275-98, esp. 284-98 (English version in ICS 24-25 (1999-2000) 377-98). 70 Rehm, GRBSzg (1988) 263-307.

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41 os, the stage probably consisted of a raised -wooden platform connected to the orchestra by several steps, -which allowed actors to move down into the orchestra (as Inlaw does after he seizes Mika's 'baby' at 689) or up from it (as Euripides and Inlaw probably do at the very beginning of the play). A -wooden stage-building (the OK-UJV-TI) stood along the back of the stage. Th. requires only a single, central stagedoor, -which functions as Agathon's house (26—265); an unspecified sacred building in the Thesmophorion precinct (cf. 278, 880) -where fire-wood is kept (726—39); an ill-defined spot, safe from prying eyes, •where the Skythian can go to pin Inlaw to his plank (947—1000), to fetch his mat (1007), and to have sex -with Elaphion (1202—9); and (as part of the Andromeda -parody) as Echo's cave (c. 1064—97). A theatrical trolley (the ekkuklema; cf. 96 n.) -was located behind the central stage-door and could be pushed out to represent interior scenes; at 95—265 it is used for the visit to Agathon's house. A theatrical crane (the mechane), -which allowed characters to fly on stage, -was concealed behind the OK-UJV-TI', the earliest more or less certain evidence for its use is at the end of Euripides' Medea (431).71 The mechane (like the ekkuklema) -was a favourite device of the late fifth-century tragic poets and is perhaps used by Euripides at 1098 for his entrance in the guise of Perseus returning home -with the Gorgon's head (but see n. ad loc.). The direction of a number of exits and the places from -which a number of characters have come are indicated or implied in Th., and this information, -when combined -with that discussed above, allows much of the basic staging of the play to be reconstructed, provided one assumes that: (a) -when characters return from off stage, they do so from the -wing, eisodos, or stage-door through -which they exited earlier—this is an uncontroversial thesis; (b) unless characters indicate -when they exit that they are going somewhere different from -where they came from, they exit by the -wing, eisodos, or stagedoor from -which they entered. This is a less secure assumption but can be regarded as a sort of Occam's Razor of staging practice: characters 'belong' to the 'place' from -which they came. The folio-wing points can then be made: (i) At458,KrityllaexitstotheAgora(457),andwhenKleisthenes 71 Cf. Mastronarde, CA 9 (1990) 268-72; Lendle, in E. Pohlmann et al., Studien zur Biihnendichtung und sum Theaterbau derAntike (Studien zur klassischen Philologieg3: Frankfurt am Mein, 1995) 165—72.

STAGING Ixxiii enters at 571, he says he has come in response to gossip circulating in the Agora (577—8). The obvious conclusion is that Kleisthenes enters from the same wing as that into -which Kritylla exited earlier (and from -which she must return at 759). (ii) At 654, Kleisthenes exits into a -wing (hereafter 'Wing B') to inform the prytaneis that Inlaw has been arrested, and Mika follows him off -with the same mission at 764. When the Prytanis and the Skythian enter in response to this summons around 923, therefore, they must come from Wing B. (iii) Since Kleisthenes implies that he has come from the Agora but notes as he exits that he is going somewhere else (i.e. to see the prytaneis), he probably enters from a different -wing from that into •which he exits, i.e. from Wing A. If that is the case, Kritylla must also exit into Wing A at 458 and emerge from it again at 759 (see (i) above). But this is all somewhat uncertain. (iv) The Prytanis does not say -where he is going -when he exits at 944, and he therefore probably returns to Wing B. Kritylla also leaves the stage at this point; -whether she exits into Wing A (from •which she came) or Wing B (accompanying the Prytanis off) is unclear. (v) When Euripides exits at 927, having been alerted by Kritylla that the Prytanis and the Skythian are entering from Wing B, he must go into Wing A to avoid them. It must therefore be from Wing A that he emerges again at 1009. (vi) In that case, it is most likely also Wing A into -which he exits at 279 and 1132, and from -which he must enter at 871 and 1160. (vii) Where Euripides and Inlaw exit to at 1209 is anyone's guess. But the neatest staging -would be to have the two of them race down the same eisodos they entered through at the beginning of the play (eisodos A?). The chorus, -who are also going home (1228—9), probably follow them off, -while the Skythian exits in the opposite direction (into Wing B?). The entrances and exits in Th. can thus be reconstructed as follows (cf. Lange 49-50). Wing-assignments that appear certain are marked with an asterisk; those that pose a substantial problem of some sort are marked with *. i Euripides and Inlaw enter via an eisodos. 36 Agathon's slave enters through the central stage-door. 70 Agathon's slave exits through the central stage-door.

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95 Agathon is rolled out of the central stage-door on the ekkuklema. 265 Agathon is rolled through the central stage-door on the ekkuklema. 279 Euripides exits into Wing A. 295 The chorus, Mika, and Kritylla enter via an eisodos (their arrival is announced at 281). 458 Kritylla (going to the Agora) exits into Wing A*. 571 Kleisthenes (coming from the Agora) enters from Wing A*. 654 Kleisthenes (going to speak to the prytaneis) exits into Wing B*. 729 Mika and Mania exit through the central stage-door. 739 Mika and Mania emerge from the central stage-door. 759 Kritylla (coming from the Agora; cf. 458) enters from Wing A*. 764 Mika (going to speak to the prytaneis) and Mania exit into Wing B*. 869 Euripides enters from Wing A (cf. 279). 923 The Prytanis and the Skythian (having been summoned by Kleisthenes (654, cf. 764)) enter from Wing B*. 927 Euripides exits into Wing A*. 944 The Prytanis exits into Wing B (cf. 923). Kritylla exits into a •wing*. 1009 Euripides enters from Wing A*. 1012 Euripides exits through the central stage-door. 1056 Euripides enters from the central stage-door. c. 1064 Euripides exits through the central stage-door. 1098 Euripides enters either from the central stage-door or via the mechane*. 1132 Euripides exits into Wing A. 1160 Euripides, Elaphion, and Teredon enter from Wing A. 1203 Teredon exits into Wing A. 1209 Euripides and Inlaw exit down the eisodos through -which they entered at i. 1214 Elaphion exits into Wing A. 1225 The Skythian exits into Wing B. 1231 The chorus exit via the eisodos through -which they entered at 295-

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E. The Wiirzburg 'Telephos' Krater Wiirzburg 115697 (Plate i), an Apulian bell krater dated to £.370, depicts two figures. To the extreme left, standing sideways to the viewer and facing toward the centre of the pot, is an unattractive woman who wears a headscarf and a sleeveless, belted chiton which falls to her ankles. She is looking directly at the other figure, to whom her posture implicitly calls attention, and holds a large skyphos or krater out in front of her with both hands. Her left (forward) foot is planted firmly on the ground, but the heel of her right (rear) foot is raised, as if she -were leaning eagerly forward. The figure to the right has a stubbled face, identifying him as a beardless man. He is seen from the front and is almost in the middle of the composition, and although his eyes are averted to his right, in the direction of the woman, his gaze falls somewhere between her and the individual examining the pot. He is thus apparently aware of the woman's presence but looking at a third party, whose existence his gaze creates; and there can be little doubt that he is the central character. Like the woman who approaches him, he is barefoot and wears a belted chiton. But his chiton has sleeves and extends down only to his knees or so, and leggings are visible beneath it, and he wears a headband of some sort. In his left hand is a wineskin, two dangling extremities of which are fitted with what look like sandals or slippers. In his right hand is a knife, with which he simultaneously threatens the wineskin and holds the woman at bay. Directly above the sword floats an object probably to be identified as a mirror. In 1980, Kossatz-Deissmann identified the Wiirzburg krater as a depiction of a scene from a South Italian phlyax comedy that parodied Euripides' Telephos and was similar to Th.;72 the third party toward whom the hero is looking must therefore be the audience in the Theatre (to be distinguished from the individual examining the pot, who sees the scene from an additional remove). But as Csapo and Taplin (1987), working independently, pointed out a few years later, the Wiirzburg krater more likely recalls a performance of Th. itself and in particular the action at 750-5, where Inlaw threatens Mika's daughter—actually a wineskin wearing 'Persian' slippers 72 A. Kossatz-Deissmann, in H. A. Cahn and E. Simon (eds.), Tainia: Festschrift fur Roland H amp e (Mainz, 1980) 281-90, with two plates (Tafel 60. 1—2). Further references will be found in J. R. Green's forthcoming third edition of Phlyax Vases. For Euripides' Telephos, above, n. 48.

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(733—4 withn.)—with a knife taken from the altar to which he fled at 689 (cf. 694—5 n -)> and Mika holds out a basin (cf. 754—5 n.) to catch her child's 'blood'. 73 Csapo 381—7, notes that this makes sense of a number of details in the painting that puzzled Kossatz-Deissmann: the headband (which Telephos ought not to have on) must represent the KefiaXrj TTepiOeros borrowed from Agathon at 257—60 (cf. 941);'* the stubble on Inlaw's face recalls the clumsy shave he got from Euripides at 221—31; and the mirror is presumably the prop he used to inspect his newly beardless face at 23 3—5." That the mirror is still visible 'on stage' some 500 lines after this, Csapo 387, suggests, may mean that it -was not taken on and off on the ekkuklema, as one -would other-wise assume, but hung throughout the play on a peg driven into the OK-UJV-TI. One important implication of the Csapo—Taplin thesis (-which has been generally accepted) is that Athenian Old Comedies -were at least occasionally revived in Magna Graecia in the first half of the fourth century. 76 A number of problems -with the scene on the Wiirzburg krater none the less make clear that this is something other than a simple, straightforward depiction of a South Italian theatrical performance, although such a performance doubtless lies in the background. The text of Th., firstof all, leaves little doubt that the mirror used at 233—5 comes on stage -with Agathon (cf. 140), and there is no reason to think that it is not taken off in the same -way. Nor could Inlaw's face have been anywhere near as badly shaved as it is on the Wiirzburg krater, for the old man passes easily as a -woman until his dress is opened up (revealing that he has no breasts) and then lifted at 636—50; and unlike in Ar.'s play, the Wiirzburg Inlaw is barefoot (cf. 262—3), and no brush-wood is piled around the altar (cf. 728—9, 739), and the old man's theatrical phallus, -which is exposed to the •women (and the audience in the Theatre) -with much hue and cry at 643—8, is here invisible. The absence of the brush-wood and the 73 Csapo 379-87; Taplin (1987) 102-5; cf. the discussion at Taplin (1993) 36-40; Green 65—7. 74 Cf. Taplin (1987) 103—4 (identifying the headband as merely a bit of typical comic—as opposed to tragic—costume). 75 Taplin (1987) 105, obliquely suggests that the mirror is to be understood instead as a dedication in the sanctuary; but this fails to explain why the artist has chosen to include it in his composition. 76 Cf. Csapo 387-92; Taplin (1993), esp. 30-6, 41-7 (who cites three other secure examples of what are almost certainly scenes from Athenian Old Comedies preserved on South Italian vases), reviving a suggestion by Webster, CQ 42 (1948) 19—27.

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phallus, and perhaps of Agathon's fancy boots (which no Euripidean beggar -would -wear), may serve to make the Wiirzburg Inlaw more closely resemble the tragic Telephos, rendering the parody more recognizable and the point of the scene clearer." Indeed, if the painter had chosen to depict the action only a few lines further on in the text, after Inlaw had killed the captive 'baby' (as Telephos did not), the resemblance between the tragic and the comic heroes -would be considerably less striking. Much more important, the seemingly unwanted mirror (to -which the upraised knife, however, emphatically calls attention), the stubble on Inlaw's face, the missing phallus, and the carefully rendered headband, -work together to remind anyone looking at the pot of the singeing- and shaving-scene earlier in Aristophanes' play; -while the fact that Inlaw is depicted here as obviously male obliquely stresses the fact that his disguise has failed, explaining how he got to this point of desperation. The Wiirzburg krater is thus not just a document of a moment in fourth-century theatrical history but a sophisticated bit of visual narrative, -which requires and repays careful, engaged reading. How Inlaw -will escape is not obviously hinted at. But for the moment he seems to have the situation -well in hand, and the implication is perhaps that he -will ultimately emerge, if not quite triumphant, at least no more badly damaged than he is already. VI. THESMOPHORIAZUSAE II

Among the fragments of Aristophanes' lost comedies are 28 (frr. 331—58, totalling 54 lines or fragments of lines, plus a few -words and phrases cited out of context) from another Thesmophoriasusae (hereafter 'Th. II')- Th. II is undated but has generally been assigned to some time after the preserved play of 411, 78 Its plot and general contents are obscure, although a few basic elements of the action can perhaps be recovered.

77 Cf. Taplin (1987) 103, who notes that the posture adopted by the Wiirzburg Inlaw (a sword in one hand and one knee on the altar) seems to be standard in visual representations of Telephos. 78 Cf. Kaibel as quoted in PCG iii. 2. 182 'nee de tempore fabulae constat. . . nisi quod superstitem deperdita antiquiorem fuisse nemo dubitabit.'

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INTRODUCTION 1

A. The Fragments '' fr. 331 ap. 2 R 298

Phot. K 1 1 8 KaXXiyeveiav H-jroXXd&iupos p.ev rr/v Pffv (FGrHist244 F 141

(Kalligeneia is) a divinity associated with Demeter, whom he represented speaking in the prologue in the other Th. Kalligeneia: Apollodorus says that she is Earth, others a daughter of Zeus and Demeter. But Aristophanes the comic poet (says that she is Demeter's) nurse.

fr. 332 ap. Poll. vii. 95 (cf. v. 96—101) and (except for the first and last line) Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 124. i

5

10

15

(A.) A razor, a mirror, scissors, wax, soap, a hair-piece, purple stripes for gowns, headbands, hair-bindings, rouge—utter destruction! —white lead, scented oil, a pumice-stone, abreastband, a hair-net, a veil, orchil-rouge, necklaces, eyeliner, 5 an expensive Egyptian garment—medicine for insanity! —a hair-band, a slip, a shawl, a fancy robe, a bordered robe, a long robe— the stocks! the pit! — a robe with a purple edge, a curling-iron. 79 For a detailed philological study, Torchio, Quad. Torino 14 (2000) 33—66. In vol. 13 (1999) 99—1 14, Torchio discusses POxy. 1 3540 — adesp. com. fr. 1132, which Handley had tentatively attributed to Th. II on the strength of his supplements in

fr. 331 ; at 1. 13 there is mention of

THESMOPHORIAZOUSAI II

Ixxix

The best is yet to come. (B).What's next? (A.) An earring, a set stone, more earrings, a choker, cluster earrings, 10 a bracelet, brooches, wrist-bands, necklaces, ankle-bracelets, seal-rings, chains, finger-rings, plasters, baubles, breastbands—dildos!—carnelians, dangling necklaces, coiled earrings, and many other things which you couldn't list if you tried 15 fr. 333 aP- Ath. 3. I04e80

5

(A.) Has any fish been bought, or a little cuttlefish or some broad prawns or an octopus? Or is a dogfish being roasted or a mullet or some squid? (B.) Certainly not, by Zeus. (A.) No skate? (B.) Absolutely not. (A.) No haggis or beestings or boar's liver or honeycomb or pork belly or eel or crayfish? This is great aid you've lent to wearied women

5

fr. 334 ap. Ath. i. zga

I will not allow you to drink Pramnian wine, nor Chian, nor Thasian, nor Peparethian, nor any other that will arouse your ship's-ram

fr.33 5 ap.2 E 7V M .623

They say that the ambassadors to the Amphictyonic council have come bearing great blessings for the city from Pylaia, and the ambassador to the Delphic council as well 80

For detailed discussion, M. Pellegrino, Utopie e immagini gastronomiche nei frammentidell'Archaia (Bologna, 2000) 157-72.

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INTRODUCTION

fr. 336 ap. Ath. 15. 6900

O much-honoured Zeus! What a smell the vile bag breathed out at me the moment it was opened, of scented oil and hazelwort fr. 337ap.2 VEBarbMatr P/. 159

however many curious items of clothing they had, and with however many ornaments they wrap themselves about

fr. 338 ap. Poll. vii. 66

after she took off the covering of her inner robe and of the breastbands her titties were in fr. 339 ap. Phot, a 1065 — S a 1446 — 27way.B a 955

woe is me for that day long ago, when the herald said of me, 'This fellow is worth . . . "

fr.34oap.Z RVE8MBarb .Ra. 3

since on account of this saying I'm unable to carry so much baggage and I'm having my shoulder crushed fr. 341 ap. Phot. c c 2 i o i - 27way.B a 1520 and an antithesis shaved in Agathon's style

fr. 342 ap. Poll. ix. 36 he ought to have been given the name Amphodos

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Ixxxi

fr. 343 ap. Poll. x. 152 a little bag, (of the type) in which our money is kept

fr. 344 ap. Zon. p. 195 (Orus fr. A 4 Alp.) I want to mount my wife

fr. 345 ap. Poll. ix. 69 the cauldron is getting hot (in reference to women preparing mulled wine)

fr. 346 ap. agth-c. Arabic version of Gal. by Hubais (made from a lost Syriac translation by his teacher Hunain ibn Ishaq)81 I also say that we determine the meaning of these names in the language of the Greeks based on the hint offered by the word itself, meaning the etymology of the name 'fire', that it is a great burning heat. Based on the popular use of this name, I conclude that people say 'he has fever' when a person is burning with heat. This is the first meaning. Based on the use of this name by the ancient people, we conclude that we must see which ancient people mentioned this term . . . When you say 'Which ancient people should we follow?', I will tell you: one of the many ancient people who did not deal with medicine, philosophy, or other fields of that kind; for they recall the meaning of the names only in the way people used them at that time. If you wish, I will mention the first of them: the comic poet Aristophanes, because this is a man who, when standing in a theatre, where many people gathered, surely tried very hard to make sure that the words he used in his speech would not be taken in a way different from how people normally understood them. I say that this Aristophanes, when he stood once in front of the audience, wanted his audience to absorb his poetry well, and asked a group of Athenians to forgive him for a fault they thought he had in his words that might cause them to think badly of him. So he claimed that for four months now he had a chronic illness, an illness that is called and fever. Then he said about the illness which is called ijm'oAos that it was 81 Our translation was produced by Renana Schneller of the Department of Classical and Near Eastern Studies atthe University of Minnesota. The Arabic original, accompanied by a German translation, was published by M. Meyerhof and J. Schacht,APAW,philosophisch-historischeKlasse (Berlin, 1931 no. 3). The passage is discussed by Cassio, RFIC 115 (1987) 5—11.

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cold, and that he got fever as a result of it, and that the fever is not similar to the cold, but its nature is in fact contradictory to it. He claimed that, as a result of the cold, he demanded to be covered with wool, because he wished to get warm, and a fever attacked him with heat and burning fire, and caused him to drink water. I want to quote his words for you, so that you hear from him the clear words I told you about. [Hunain ibn Ishaq says: After Galen explained that, he offered a citation from Aristophanes. But the Greek manuscript from which I translated into Syriac had so many mistakes and gaps, that it would be impossible for me to understand its meaning unless I was used to understanding Galen's words in Greek and all their meanings from his other books. But I am not confident and used to Aristophanes' words and therefore could not understand them easily, so I leave it out. Another reason caused me to leave it out: as I read it I found no meaning in it that went beyond what I have already found in Galen, and I considered it correct, so I did not want to make the effort, and switched to something more useful. After Galen quoted the words of Aristophanes he returned to where he was and said:] So are you saying, my friend, that the people from Athens understood these words of Aristophanes? Or do you argue that his words sounded to them as if he said 'Already for four months I suffer from an illness called , and it is the precursor of the illness called jSXlrvpi; and that when he mentioned aKivSat/ios he meant the cold that preceded the heat, and when he said jSXlrvpi he meant the same heat? But you know that his word is the shivering that comes before the heat, and his word 'warmth' is a name that indicates burning heat. You heard what this man said after the word I copied for you, which was correct in your eyes, and I agree entirely that his word r/TTLaXos also indicates a cold sickness and his word 'warmth' indicates a warm sickness. [Hunain said: I am not able to finish the word that he copied here as well, for the reason I mentioned previously. Galen said:] And Aristophanes, according to what I explained to you, testified about himself and about the people of Athens that they used the name 'warmth' according to what I described in their words. I am able to explain to you that all the comic poets use the name 'warmth' the same way in testimonies from their words that I am using frequently as a proof. If I wanted to fill up books with them, the books would be bigger than the books of Menodotos and Menemachos. But I know that if I did that and proved it, all the people would say 'he has forgotten himself. Preserved in Greek: (i) ap. 2vr V. 1038 (citing Th., sc. //) and at the same time a cold, precursor of fever

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(2)ap. Poll. iv.i86 and he had come with heat and burning fire (i.e. a fever) fr. 347 ap. Ath. 3. nyc

certainly a great bit of food fis thef production of comic poetry, when Krates both considered his saltfish 'white as ivory', 'shining', and 'summoned with no effort', and made countless other such jokes fr. 348 ap. Heph. ench. 13.3 (p. 41.11 Consbr.) 82

neither to summon the Muses with their curling tresses nor loudly call the Olympian Graces to the dance; for they are here, according to our poet fr.349ap.2 b T Pl. Cra. 42id

'A contest does not wait for an excuse' is a saying applied to those who are naturally easygoing and carefree, or to those who don't approve the words of others who offer excuses. Aristophanes has mentioned it in Th.II fr. 350 ap. Phot. A 452 - S A 816

'The wolf had his jaws wide/ They say this to describe those who hope to make some money but don't succeed. Aristophanes in Th.II

82 From the parabasis, to which Fritzschealso attributed fr. 719 (in the same metre) ap. S a 2874 — £vva,y.E a 1617 — Apostol. iii. 37 ('to show off smart words and jokes / all fresh from the bellows and the moulds').

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fr. 35iap.Erot. 045 'Wine with a bouquet': that which smells good and is sweet, according to Ar. in Th.

fr. 352 ap. Ath. 14. 6iga and there is another (song) of women winnowing, according to Ar. in Th. fr. 353 ap. Antiatt. p. 78. 24 'Better': Ar. in Th.

fr. 354 ap. Hsch. fiziz 'barbos': a spoon in Th.

fr. 355 ap. anon, in Arist. EN, CAG xx p. 200, 10 Heylb.

baukides, which are a type of shoe Ionian women wear, of which Ar. too has made mention in Th. fr. 356 ap. Antiatt. p. 88. 28 expl. Poll. ii. 125) ovaais

'to have a talk with' in an amorous context (i.e. 'to make love'): Ar. in Th. fr. 357 ap. Antiatt. p. 96. 25 'to correct oneself: Ar. in Th. fr. 358 ap. Hsch. A 224 - Phot. A 48 - S A 62 'to play the Laconian': to be a paederast. Ar. in Th.II. B. The Date Th. II is most often referred to in ancient sources simply (if confusingly) as 'Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazusae' vel sirn. (e.g. Poll. vii. 95, citing fr. 332; Ath. 3. 1046, citing fr. 333), but is called 'the

THESMOPHORIAZOUSAI II 11

IxxXV

second 77z.' a number of times (first at Ath. i. 2ga, citing fr. 334; subsequently a t2 RVE8MBarb Ra. 3, citing fr. 340; 2T PI. Cra. 42id, citing fr. 349; and Photios — Suda, citing frr. 350 and 358), 'the other Th.' once (2R 298, citing fr. 331), and 'the first Th.' once (Hephaestion, citing fr. 348). The surviving play, on the other hand, is referred to as 'the first Th.' by Clement of Alexandria (on 215—16) and as 'the earlier Th.' by Aulus Gellius (citing 453—6). 83 The evidence -would seem to favour the notion that the extant Th. -was generally known in antiquity (i.e. from didaskaliaf) to have been staged before the lost play. But Butrica 51—62, shows that references of this sort are sufficiently inconsistent and ambiguous in their implications to prevent us from treating this as a necessary conclusion, and he offers four reasons for dating Th. II at least a decade earlier than is generally assumed, to the late 4203 and perhaps specifically the Lenaia of 423: (i) Fr. 347 refers to the comic poet Krates, -whose floruit -was around 450—430 and -whom Ar. mentions elsewhere only atEq. 537 (424) (Butrica 44-5). (ii) The creto-paeonic metre of frr. 347—8 is common in Ar.'s first five plays (425—421) but is found in his last five only at Ra. 1356— 60 (Butrica 45). 84 (iii) 2VLh V. 61 (ovS' aS9is avaaeXyaiv6p,evos EvpiTTiSrjs ('nor Euripides abused again'); part of a catalogue of comic cliches in -which the poet's characters, speaking for the poet, decline to indulge today) observes that Ar. also attacked Euripides in Acharnians, Proagon (422?), and Th. The other two plays mentioned date to the 4203; the omission of Frogs makes it clear that -we are not being offered a catalogue of every Aristophanic comedy in -which Euripides -was criticized; and the Th. referred to is thus unlikely to be the preserved play of 411 (Butrica 45—6). (iv) The 'cold' (rjTTiaXos) and 'fever' (Trvperos) said in fr. 346 to have cost the poet his voice for four months should be connected -with the openly metaphorical mention at V. 1038 of 'colds and fevers' attacked by Ar. in a comedy of 423 (cf. MacDowell ad loc. and the similar language in fr. 399, from the original Clouds) and understood as a reference to individuals -who brought malicious prosecutions 83 For the complex problem of ancient titles, see Sommerstein, SemRom 5 (2002) 1-16. 84 For the problematic metre in this passage, Dover, Frogs, pp. 361—2.

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against him some time probably in 424 (cf. Ar. test, i. 29—30). Since Wasps -was a Lenaia play and the original Clouds -was performed at the City Dionysia in 423 (Nu. Hyp. ii. i), the only festival date that remains open for Th. II in this period is the Lenaia of 423 (Butrica 46-9). None of these arguments is compelling. (i) The description of Krates' poetic accomplishments uses the imperfect and comes in the context of what seems to be a brief (and tendentious) history of the genre, and mention of him is no more or less appropriate to the late 4103 or 4003 than is the allusion to his rough contemporary Kratinos atRa. 357 (405). (ii) Av. 243-7 (4 J 4) offers three creto-paeonic tetrameters very much like fr. 348 (although not from a parabasis); Lys. 614-25 ~ 636-47 (411) contains a mix of trochaics and cretics reminiscent of fr. 347; and cretics appear elsewhere in Ar.'s later plays at e.g. Lys. 1046- 1061, 1049 ~ 1063, 1192- 1206 (a\\4cr);Ra. 229 (cr2tr), 245 (cr tr); EC. 906 (cr tr), 952a-b ~ 960-1, 958 (all 2 cr). (iii) In V (the only source for the scholia vetera in the opening sections of Wasps), the scholium referred to by Butrica is two separate and probably unrelated notes. The first of these (6ib in Roster's edition) ahistorically identifies V. 61 as a reference to Th., whereas the second (6ic in Koster's edition) actually reads ('Euripides has been introduced in this fashion not only in Dramas but also in Proagon and inAcharnians').*5 The two notes were combined by the early fourteenth-century scholar Demetrios Triklinios, whose version of the scholia - 2 Lh and who emended 2V 6icto readoj ('Euripides has been introduced not only in this drama, as has been said, but also in Proagon and Acharnians'), producing the text printed by Koster. But the older version offers no reason for believing that the anonymous commentator from whose work2 v 6ib is drawn thought of the Th. to which he refers as belonging to an early group of plays along with Acharnians, Proagon, and Dramas. 8f> 85 Note the apparatus. 2V 6ic is written in the interior margin of the page and may be from a different source than 2V 6ib (cf. Koster p. xii). 86 It may also be worth noting in this context that the preserved Th. fits the description offered by Zv 6ib, whereas the fragments of Th. II contain only one apparent glancing allusion to Euripides' work (fr. 342) (cf. B, below).

THESMOPHORIAZOUSAI II

Ixxxvii

(iv) This is an ingenious theory, but lacks any probative value. Perhaps most important, one decisive piece of evidence ignored by Butrica requires that Th. II be dated to roughly the same period as the preserved play or even later. Fr. 341 leaves no doubt that Agathon's personal and poetic tendencies -were -well known to the audience of Th. II, just as they clearly -were to the audience in 411. But evidence preserved by Plato and Athenaeus (cited at 29—30 n.) makes it clear that Agathon staged his first set of plays at the Lenaia of 416, -where he took the prize. Th. //thus almost certainly cannot be dated earlier than the City Dionysia of that year and -would fit more comfortably at least a year or two later. Aristophanes could still have referred to Agathon's poetry even after the latter's departure for Macedon some time before 405 (Ra. 83-5 with 2 RVME8Barb 85, — Agathon TrGF 39 T ya—b). But Th. II is none the less more naturally placed before that, leaving 415/14—407/6 as the most likely range of dates. C. The Plot According to 2 R 298 (— fr. 331), the goddess Kalligeneia,-who shared her name -with the final day of the Thesmophoria festival (cf. 299 n.), spoke in the prologue of Th. II; and Ath. i. 2,ga reports that the literary historian and -wit Demetrios of Troizen called the play not ('the second Women at the Thesmophoria) but at &eap,o<j)opidaaaai ('Women who are Done Celebrating the Thesmophoria') (Th. II test, ii — SH 377). The play -was thus almost certainly set on the final day of the festival, a conclusion lent further support by fr. 333, -where someone expresses exasperation that no fine foods have been prepared of the sort that 'lend aid to -wearied •women' (i.e. after they have fasted and danced throughout the 'Middle Day', on -which the preserved Th. is set).87 That the plot of the play involved a serious rupture of male—female relationships is possible: atfr. 332, one character (almost certainly a man) offers another a catalogue of items -women -wear or use to make themselves attractive, -with caustic additions (vv. 3, 6, 8) that show he regards all these as means to ruin the opposite sex (cf.frr. 336—7; 355); atfr. 3 34 a man is forbidden to drink any -wine that might give him an erection; and 87 Cf. the reference to women drinking in fr. 345; IG IP 1184. 9-10 Pap. Col. Zen. i 19 (New York, 1934) mentions the gift of two Chian jars of wine for the Thesmophoria in Alexandria on 27 Nov. 257 BC.

Ixxxviii

INTRODUCTION

at fr. 344 the speaker's observation that 'I -want to mount my -wife' perhaps implies that something is preventing him from doing so.88 But beyond this, we know only that frr. 339—40 seem to have been spoken by an unhappy slave not unlike Xanthias at the beginning of Frogs or Karion at the beginning of Wealth; and that in the parabasis the poet (speaking through his chorus) explained his recent absence from the public eye (fr. 346) and discussed the history of comedy (fr. 347) and his own—pre-eminently important—position in it (fr. 348). Butrica 62—70, taking up a suggestion of Kuiper's, attempts to get beyond these limited conclusions by comparing the story told by the third(?)-century-BC author Satyros (POxy. ix. 1176 fr. 39 col. x) about a confrontation between Euripides and Athens' -women, arguing that Satyros' account represents the plot of Th. II treated as biography. Satyros reports that the -women hated Euripides because of the nasty things he said about them in his plays and therefore 'united against him at the Thesmophoria and -were present en masse at the place -where he happened to be passing time' (i.e., presumably, the cave -where Euripides did his -writing, referred to at col. ix. 4—19). 'But although they -were angry, they spared the man, both because they felt awe for the Muses . . ,'. 89 The column breaks off at this point, but the anonymous Vit. Eur.§6(p.6. 10—ii Schwartz; probably drawing on the same source) adds 'and then after he offered assurances that he -would no longer speak badly of them'.90 Butrica observes that there are as many differences as similarities bet-ween Satyros' story and the plot of the preserved Th., to -which it patently bears some relation: in Satyros' account there is no trace of a character like Inlaw; the -women seem to confront Euripides face-to-face in his lair rather than plotting behind his back at their festival; and the Muses apparently play an important part in rescuing him, perhaps (if the source is indeed a lost 88 For other references to sex, frr. 356; 358. Grenfell and Hunt (the original editors) assigned fr. 592, in which one woman proposes resolving a problem (clearly the absence of any men to have sex with) by using dildos—immediately said by another woman to be utterly unsatisfactory substitutes for the real thing (esp. 16—18, 24—7)— and then seemingly moves on to the possibility of sleeping with slaves (29-30), to Th. II, but it is impossible to know if this is correct. 89

Col. X. 24—38 ] Movaas . . . . Cf. Kuiper, Mnemosyne ii. 4 (1913) 276-7.

90

THE M A N U S C R I P T T R A D I T I O N

Ixxxix

comedy) by appearing (ex machinal) at the very end. Butrica accordingly suggests that Satyros must have been relying not on the play we have but on Th. II, -which may have been less successful than Ar. hoped and -was therefore re-worked by him, much like the original Clouds (of -which -we similarly have only the later, revised version). One significant objection to Butrica's thesis is that the tale as presented in Vit. Eur. §6 lacks the odd elements in Satyros' version and instead conforms neatly to the plot of the preserved Th., suggesting that Satyros' additional details have come from some other source and been -worked into the Aristophanic narrative frame-work. Nor do the fragments of Th. II lend Butrica's conjecture any positive support, for the only reference to Euripides in -what -we have of the play is -what looks to be a parodic allusion to Antiope at fr. 342, and there is no hint of verbal attacks on the tragedian or of a confrontation outside his cave or the like. Indeed, the obvious parallel to -what little we can recover of the action -would seem to be instead the connubial strike in Lysistrata.91 But barring a major new papyrus find, this is probably as far as -we can go.

VII. THE MANUSCRIPT TRADITION

HI — PSI 1194 + PSI XIV p. xv. Seven pieces of a second-century AD roll -written in a stylized but not very elegant hand, and containing line-beginnings (139—56, 272—88, 594—6, 804—9), line-ends (237—46), and a colophon -with title and line-numbering. The piece containing 139—44 -was first published by E. Grassi in SIFC NS 27—8 (1956) 48 (- PSI XIV (1957) xv), the rest by M. Norsa and G. Vitelli as PSI XI (1935) 1194. See Austin, Pap.Flor. 7 (1980) 11—12 (-with pi. i). 272—88 are also reproduced in Dover, AC, pi. 2 (p. 6). Changes of speaker92 in HI are indicated by paragraphoi, dicola, and some abbreviated names inserted by a second hand at 279). The stage-direction (parepigraphe) after 276 is preceded by a coronis in the margin. The papyrus has an important new reading at 242, -where R's text is defective (see n. ad loc.), and confirms 91 Which party initiated the break in relations between the sexes and why is impossible to know. But if the trouble began with the women at their festival, fr. 334 shows that the men quickly met whatever they did with a sexual blockade of their own. Or was all this the result of some larger social or political crisis, the resolution of which fr. 335 announces? 92

See in general Lowe, BICS 9 (1962) 27—42; Dover, G&L 254—62.

XC

INTRODUCTION R

a variant reading in 2 at 141, a modern conjecture at 285, and the correct spelling of proper names at 287 and 807. It agrees with R at 142,93 as well as at 140, 150, 239, and 277, where the text has sometimes been suspected. n2 — POxy. Ivi. 3839. Three fragments of a second-/third-centuryAD roll-written in a biblical uncial and containing parts of 2s(?), 742— 66, 941—56. On the back is a version of Apollonius Sophista, Lexicon Homericum (see BICS 28 (1981) 123—41, -with pi. i). The papyrus •was first published by W. Cockle, in 'Owls to Athens' 51—60. Changes of speaker in T12 are indicated by paragraphoi and blank spaces. (But the blank space before erne /J.OL in 743 is a mistake; R correctly has a dicolon after the phrase. At 745 and 746 T12 has a text •without break, -where R -wrongly has dicola before p,iKpov and respectively.) The papyrus confirms modern conjectures at 745, 746, and 754, and agrees -with R's MLKO. (a spelling supported by epigraphic evidence) in 760 (-where see n.). 758 (condemned by some modern critics) is present. n3 - POxy. Ivi. 3840. A fourth-century-AD scrap written in a rapid, sloping hand, containing line-ends at 1185-93, and published by P. Parsons in 1989. n3 has a dicolon at the end of 1190, as well as the parepigraphe that appears as an extra line in R after 1187 (see n. ad loc.). The papyrus is confirms a modern conjecture at 1185, but the Skythian's wrongly normalized at 1192. R — Ravennas 429, in the Biblioteca Classense in Ravenna. Parchment, -written in minuscule £.950 and the only manuscript containing all eleven extant plays of Aristophanes, in the order PI., Nu., Ra., Av., Eq., Pax, Lys., Ach., V., Th., EC. Changes of speaker are normally indicated by paragraphoi and dicola. Some names -were added by the SiopOwrris ('corrector'), -who made a number of corrections and added the scholia (2R) in small uncials. But the majority of attributions -were inserted in the sixteenth century by Euphrosynus Boninus, -who used the text of R as printer's copy for the Juntine editio princeps of Th. and Lys. (Florence, I5i6). 9 4 Boninus had found 93 'Although the scribe of R has made a mistake of some kind, he did not actually write a-ntos. Probably he intended TTEOS and inadvertently wrote an extra loop in his •n' (N. Wilson). 94 See F. A. von Velsen, Uber den Codex Urbinas der Lysistrata und der Thesmophoriasusen des Aristophanes (Halle, 1871).

THE M A N U S C R I P T T R A D I T I O N

XC1

R in Urbino and took it to Pisa, -where it remained out of circulation for nearly three centuries. Invernizzi rediscovered it in Ravenna and used it for his 1794 Leipzig edition. The scholia in R -were first published in London by Bekker in 1829. M - Monacensis Graecus 492, in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. A fifteenth-century direct copy of R, 95 with Th. and Lys., but containing a small crop of often correct minor variants. R and M were fully collated by von Velsen in his 1878 Saarbriicken edition (reprinted in Leipzig by Teubner, 1883). We have checked his readings against the photographic facsimile of R (ed. J van Leeuwen (Leiden, 1904)) and a microfilm of M.96 Variant readings gleaned from the scholia (2 R ), 97 from entries in the tenth-century Suda lexicon (S), 98 and from citations in other ancient sources (the indirect tradition)99 often contribute to the improvement of the text. But Th. is unique in being a one-manuscript play: -were it not for R, this -would be afabula deperdita, on a par •with Th. II (above, Section VI). R is thus a priceless object, both beautiful and venerable in appearance, yet (like many other medieval manuscripts) a somewhat messy document, containing a rich farrago of scribal corruptions accumulated over the centuries. Since the Renaissance, scholars have painstakingly attempted to restore this 'battle-scarred text'100 to its original state. Our critical apparatus records their successful emendations, as -well as countless minor 95 This was first pointed out by Enger, RhM NF 2 (1843) 245. See also Clark, JP 3 (1871) 160, and von Velsen (above, n. 94). 96 Note the following addenda and corrigenda to von Velsen's collation: in R 5 oa (6V M), 69 TTpoit], 142 mas (see above, n. 93), 233 (/ipovTiarjs, 290 ciXXtos, 306 KO.I added above the line by a later hand, 311 n) Traiatv three times, 373 np,6K\€i, 471

477 TroAA', 500 oiov, 657 €ia€\ij\vd€i>, 964—5 i€pa>, 1073 ypat?, 1173 €([>poi>, 1185 aj, 1187 in M 1114 97 See Kraus 41—3. As we go to press (July 2003), the new edition of the scholia on Th. and&. in the Groningen corpus (Part III fasc. 2/3) has still not appeared (cf. CR N S 5 I (2001) 18-19). The most learned scholium on Th. is at 162, where the annotator takes sides with Aristophanes of Byzantium against the inept criticisms of Didymos (see 161—3 n -)- On Alexandrian and later scholars in the Ar. scholia, see PCG iii. 2. 28-30 (test. 113-29); Henderson, Lysistrata,pp. lix—Ixviii; Dover, Frogs, pp. 94-102; Dunbar, Birds, pp. 31-43; S. Trojahn, Die auf Papyri erhaltenen Kommentare zur Alien Komodie (Munich and Leipzig, 2002) 117-52. 98 See V. Coulon, Quaestiones criticae in Ar.fabulas (Strasburg, 1907) 105-9. 99 See Kraus; Kassel, KS 243-4. We have been able to supplement their lists in a few places. 100 Jackson 212.

XC11

INTRODUCTION

blunders of a more obvious kind in R. So as to avoid overburdening the apparatus -with minutiae and to give an accurate idea of the manuscript's idiosyncrasies and aberrations, we offer a survey of R's more notable features (many of-which, it should be said, accurately reflect early Byzantine practice). Scriptio plena At change of speaker:101 28 aKove, 215 p,e, 5 62 wore, 625 e'|U,oiye, 1081/2 twice, oroTti^e twice. Before a pause: 97 et(U,t, 184 ndaa, 508 dneXO' aneXOe, 647 S), 766 CTTLVOLO. (also n 2), 813 KXeifmaa, I2i3a Bentley). Inmid-sentence: 166 KaXdrjv,42'j 9piTrriSeaTa,444dXXa-, 5^o^ Poll.), 693 ev6a.Se, 812 |U,eyiora, 1075 vij Sia, l i o o 1111 ccAAd. Contractions (crasis and synizesis): see app. crit. at 288, 344, 476, 747, 1061. Division of words No division: see app. crit. at 122 Siavevp-ara,102 558 aura, 909 985 eiccTTCtAA', 1047 averiKTe, 1062 TOCFCHJT^S, 1114 p-"f)TL, 1120 1150 dvSpdcnv, 117s. Wrong division: see app. crit. at 514 CTOT' eK/j,ay/j,a, 527 ccAA' dnav, 717 1125 |U,aoTiyoi a', 1156 TToAu Trorvta. 103 Note also 159 Gelenius, praeterea Divus), 329 609 TLT0i!)v iq St' (TIT^ vi) /It"), 624 Schaefer ad Greg.Cor. p. 65). 101 For the issues involved, see van Leeuwen on Nu. 214; Gomme-Sandbach on Men. Epitr. 219; Radermacher 2 (1954) 312-13, on Ra. 1220; Dunbar on Av. 90; Braun, ZPE 133 (2000) 34. 102

R regularly treats prepositions as part of the following word: 2 l^atdivov, 91 101/2 £vi>€\€vd€pa, 126/7/8 Siai^piSiou, 313 and 327b €7T€v^aLs, 360 and 366 398 TTpoTou, 440 TTapaurr/s, 452 €iaijp.iav, 529 VTroXidai, 716 £ui
THE M A N U S C R I P T T R A D I T I O N

XC111

Aspirates Wrongly added: 19 /u.ij0' O.KOVW, 174 wv for wv (cf. 589 wv), 276 :',104 397 17 f°r S. 556 oi>x (OVK M), 619 ecr0' (ear' M), 835 M), 909 p,dXia9' t'Sov105 (|U,dAioT' efSov E. .He/. 563), and, for aspirates in the Skythian's regularly unaspirated Greek, app. crit. at 1091, 1093, 1103, 1124, 1214 (ws ra^tora). Note also 1007 1083 OVTOS, 1133 olov, 1180 cos and wcmep (also 1185, 1192), I222a Wrongly omitted: 7 ay' (ay' Msic), 15 avrw(ai>T- M, aur-Brunck), 148 M), 418 633 djU,ts (djU,- Pollux), 655 di/iajU-evas (a- M), 659 eta, 664 M), 842 -ar' i^V, iO47b dV (dv Casaubon), 1178 Omission of aspirated article: see app. crit. at 2, 30, 95, 266, 403, 405, 409,426,446,495,563,635,906, 1010, 1165. Wrong accents Double Accents: 261 TOVTL (also 733), 412 roSt (also 1181), 1142 See also below under Negatives. Adverbs, particles, pronouns: I dpa (for apa; also 8, 263), 407 et'ev, 77 36 eKTToSwv (also 293), 847 e/j,TToSwv, 846 6'8' (o 8' S), 209 (for a); also 649, 695, 735 twice, 737, 878, 1038, iO48a, 12220), 523 Indefinite adverbs and pronouns: these are regularly accented as interrogatives: 537 noOev, I wore (also 527), 31 TIS (also e.g. 151, 238), 632 TLVOS, 647 rtV, 271 TI (also e.g. 335, 402). Nouns and adjectives: 559 yaAi)v, 11 eKarepov (-repov M), 346 200 KaraTTuyov (-TTiiyov S ^JC, KaraTTuyov Dindorf), 258 S),106 976 ftfAi^Sas, 417 jU.op(U,oAjJKeta (-AuKeta Dindorf), 779 Poll. S), 641 arepififi (-ifir) Meineke), 415 Proper names: g88a SaK^ete (SaK^ete Fritzsche), 898 Elmsley on ^4c/i. 47). Verbs: J<)8 ala^wQels (for -Setcr'), 180 a0i'y|U,ai, 171 yvoiis, 979 135 epeaOaL (epeaOaL Dindorf), 795 104

For the spelling oi>x', see below under Negatives. For aspirates before forms of ISeiv, see W. Cronert, Memoria Graeca Herculanensis (Leipzig, 1903) 149 n. i; E. Mayser and H. Schmoll, Grammatik dergriechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemderzeit2 i. i (Berlin, 1970) 175-6. 106 See F. Studniczka, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der altgriechischen Tracht (Vienna, 1886) 130 n. 26. 105

XC1V

INTRODUCTION

Dindorf), 568 Aa/Se (for Aa/Se; also 913, 1096, 1197), 10

Negatives and oi>x are always followed by an apostrophe107 (as -with elided see below under Crasis): 5 OJJK' (also e.g. 188, 451), 7 ou^' (also e.g. 8, 97). Note also 226 OVK' ovv (for OVKOVV),IOS 41 1 ovoeis, 98 (for ouSeV'; also 688), 383 ovoep,ia (cf. 430 /aia), 843 jU,i)8ev' (also 932), 442b (U,i)8ev (also 496, 1 162), 228 /j,rjoa/j,ws (also 714), 1 162 Crasis in crasis appears as «' or ^': 161 K'dvaKpewv, 349 /c'oi/ciav, 484 641 K OVK (etc.), 5 lo^'oi, 522^'ijTts. Butnote6o2 284 KCCT, 482 KCCT', 486 KaO' , 518 KCCT', 792 K
Neglected assimilation See app. crit. at 317, 390, 646, 926, 997, 1032, 1034—5. Punctuation See app. crit. at 10, 38, 749, 759 (a small selection).

107 See Cronert (n. 105) 10. The same practice can already be seen in the 4th-c.-AD Bodrner codex of Menander. For the apostrophe, note also 269 dmJAAto', 484 530 pTJTtop', 558 ef, 736 «:a«:', 1224 8' djjei (cf. Men. Dysk. 337 108 Similarly 250 y'om< (for youi'; also 263, 688).

XC1V

INTRODUCTION

Dindorf), 568 Aa/Se (for Aa/Se; also 913, 1096, 1197), 10

Negatives and oi>x are always followed by an apostrophe107 (as -with elided see below under Crasis): 5 OJJK' (also e.g. 188, 451), 7 ou^' (also e.g. 8, 97). Note also 226 OVK' ovv (for OVKOVV),IOS 41 1 ovoeis, 98 (for ouSeV'; also 688), 383 ovoep,ia (cf. 430 /aia), 843 jU,i)8ev' (also 932), 442b (U,i)8ev (also 496, 1 162), 228 /j,rjoa/j,ws (also 714), 1 162 Crasis in crasis appears as «' or ^': 161 K'dvaKpewv, 349 /c'oi/ciav, 484 641 K OVK (etc.), 5 lo^'oi, 522^'ijTts. Butnote6o2 284 KCCT, 482 KCCT', 486 KaO' , 518 KCCT', 792 K
Neglected assimilation See app. crit. at 317, 390, 646, 926, 997, 1032, 1034—5. Punctuation See app. crit. at 10, 38, 749, 759 (a small selection).

107 See Cronert (n. 105) 10. The same practice can already be seen in the 4th-c.-AD Bodrner codex of Menander. For the apostrophe, note also 269 dmJAAto', 484 530 pTJTtop', 558 ef, 736 «:a«:', 1224 8' djjei (cf. Men. Dysk. 337 108 Similarly 250 y'om< (for youi'; also 263, 688).

THE M A N U S C R I P T T R A D I T I O N

XCV

109

Confusion of vowels and diphthongs A selection of the more common occurrences. see app. crit. at 103, 462, 571, 740, 749, 844, 889, 947, 1171. see app. crit. at 320, 642, 733, 804; and for the omitted augment, at 439. 479. 488. 521, 794app. crit. at 24,110 134, 204, 256, 282, 474, 580, 605, 743, 862. pp. crit. at 105, 135,nl 326, 504, 788, 839, 891, 909, 927, 1001, 1007, 1058, 1087, 1107, mo, 1133, 1167, 1190, 1198, 1216. see app. crit. at 24, 162, 644, 651, 1002, 1185. 'Confusion between i^ieis and v^els is universal in medieval texts, and the substitution of one for the other is hardly emendation; it is a question of deciding, from the context, which of two letters pronounced [i] one should write' (Dover on Nu. 195). See app. crit. at 310, 350, 386, 526a, 581, 600, 802. see app. crit. at 640, 872, 1139, 1198. see app. crit. at 42, 168, 209, 307, 347, 545, 805, 807, 939, 984, 1014, 1073-4, I I J 9 . I J 3 2 . 1219. 'nihil frequentius in codicibus quam confusio inter ot et (Blaydeson Th. 392). See app. crit. adloc. and at 417, 501, 860 (cf. 995). At Pax 1150, R has TTOIOS TIS for

Other Confusions andr: see app. crit. at 21, 225, 482, 702, 710, 860, 934. ndre: see app. crit. at 44, 141, 290, 327a, 711. Omissions Adscript iota:112 this is regularly omitted with adverbs: 3 Ko/juS-f), 91 660 7TavTax>i, 665/6 T-rjSe, iziftravT-r), 1224 TT? 8' i; with verbs: e.g. 69 Trpoiij, 85 TpayojSoi, 442a eyoi|U,cu, 526 oiOjU/^v; with nouns: 1194 ypccSiov (also 1199); and generally in datives singular: 76 d' 148 yvoijU,^, 283 dya^i) TV^IJ, 428 TOJJTOJ, 430 TOJ, 529/30 680 \vaaij, 909 eXevrj, 1060 raiSe, 1164 XPe"* • • • iroia, 1229 109 For a list of similar errors in the Bodmer codex of Menander, see C. Austin, Menandri Aspis et Samia i (Berlin, 1 969) 5 9-65 . 110 For the dual ending aKeXei, see also Threatte ii. 133—4. 111 Cf.Av. 1590 opw'fleia Bentley, -viBiacodd. '" Subscript iota becomes common only after the izth c.; see V. Gardthausen, Griechische Palaeographie2 ii (Leipzig, 1913) 241-4.

XCV1

INTRODUCTION

omitted with articles, nouns, and adjectives: see app. crit. at 394, 450, 453, 1153; and -with verbs: see app. crit. at 357.512,804,825,842. Other letters: e.g. iota in the middle of a -word (see app. crit. at 289, 944, 996) or at the end (see app. crit. at 947, gSoa, 1108, 1182), nu at the end (see app. crit. at 615, 853, 1217). Small words and particles: e.g. ye (86, 555, 804, 883), KCU (283, 306, 697, 741, 1158), and the definite article (i48(?), 301, 304, 456). Haplography: see app. crit. at4i8, 443, 486, 689b, 745, 1052, 1073— 4Saut du meme au meme: see app. crit. at 96 and 494. Like-wise 28, 33, 169, and 1102—3 "were omitted in Rac as a result of homoioteleuton •with the previous line. Additions -wrongly added -with nouns and adjectives: see app. crit. at 90, 471, 683, 824, 969, 989; and especially-with verbs: see app. crit. at 364, 367 twice, 427, 486, 548, 624, 657, 702, 746, 760, 861, 885, 929, 943, 946, 1011, 1189. Other intrusive letters: e.g. epsilon (see app. crit. at 83, 234, 584); final iota (see app. crit. at 282 (cf. Alex. fr. 172. 2 A), 317, 376, 638, 641, 1096); final nu (see app. crit. at 235, 848, 1005, 1114, 1194); sigma (see app. crit. at 28, 106, 719, 809, 1004, 1073). Small words and particles: e.g. KCU (789, 1157), TLS (340, 725), 17 (852), and the definite article (495, 1080). Dittography: see app. crit. at 234, 246, 341, 590, 654, 842, 844, 914, 952, I I I 5 , I2II, 1214.

Explanatory glosses incorporated into the text: see app. crit. at 128, 297, 300, 320, 681, 1031, 1150-1,1152. Transpositions Anagrams: see app. crit. at 581, 1114, 1125. Words: see app. crit. at 34(?), 480, 580, 632, 660, 721, 797, 799, 956, 997/8, 1214, 1215. Lines: see above under Omissions (Saut du meme au meme). 28 -was first transposed after 30; the other lines mentioned -were added in the margin, as -was 647 (omitted by Rac).

THE M A N U S C R I P T T R A D I T I O N

XCvii

Corrections See app. crit. at 45, 263, 433, 493, 512, 1073. Elsewhere the correc^ 714 " tion is simply -written above the line (e.g. 693 d^eir', 833 TTore). At 684/5/6 d-TTOTiVeTcu, originally a correction of now occupies a line by itself just above. Alternative forms and spellings Ar. uses edv at 184 and 400, elsewhere regularly TJV (e.g. 69, 151, 223) , 113 but always Kavincrasis (401, 678, 792, 795, 797, 798). 579—81 n. R has yiyv- at 542, 606—7, 620, but ytv- at 189, 264, 614. We restore ytyv- throughout, as 'Attic inscriptions have only until 306/5 B.C.' (Threatte i. 562). See further Arnott, in Willi 195-6. 410—12 n.

R rightly has es in the colloquial phrase es KopaKas (1079—82 n., cf. 1226), in paratragedy (1098, cf. 1122), and once in lyric (i 149; cf. Lys. 786; Ra. 1352). But we restore eis for esat 89, 485, 645, 767 twice, 812, 951, 954, 1137, as els is the standard Attic form used elsewhere in R (224, etc.). See further Threatte i. 178. For 657, seen, ad loc. is the norm (443), ovveKa a metrically convenient alternative (176 n., 360, 366). See further Threatte ii. 668. 173-4 n.;cf. 478. I4on. 211 —12 n.; cf. 1063. 39—40 n.; cf. 421.

is the norm (115, 317, 325, 405, 406, 733, 1115, 1117; cf. 902), the Homeric and Ionic Kovprj a metrically convenient alternative in lyric (101/2, 1138—9). and MeveXaos/-Xews: 39—40 n., 866—7 n -

Metre dictates the choice; see app. crit. at 312, 313, 802,810. We follow R and print vvv throughout (e.g. 27, 107, 195), •without distinguishing between vvv as adverb and vvv as enclitic. See C. J. Ruijgh, L'Element acheen dans la langue epique (Assen, 1957) 64—7. At 104/5 R' s vvv must be corrected to VLV rather than 113

We follow Dindorf in restoring rjv for R's av at 154 (also Hi) and 1187.

XCV111

INTRODUCTION

,114 since vvv is not now attested in comedy, even in tragic parody (K-Aon Cratin. fr. 151). Old Attic gvv is metrically guaranteed at 475, 553, 601, at 40, 156, 158, 178, 270, 624, 891, 955. Elsewhere both forms are used; cf. ^v^opd at 179 but av^uf>- at 198, and the variatio at 71516. See also app. crit. at 273; Henderson on Lys. 7-8; Threatte i. 553-41058 n.

R normally has -no- when the syllable is short, and elsewhere. We follow the manuscript throughout, except that we restore -no- at 517, 547, 555, 676/7, 678, 708, where R momentarily abandons its practice. See further W. J. W. Koster, Autour d'unmanuscritd'Aristophane ecrit par Demetrius Triclinius (Groningen, 1957) 226-30; MacDowell on V. 261; Threatte i. 326-30; Arnott, ZPE 134 (2001) 43-51. 247 n. Both forms are used as metre requires (dos in lyric at 126 withn., ais in dialogue at 194). 286-8 n. On the distinction between xpy and x/rfv (like that between Set and e'Set), see 74 n. xprf occurs at 16, 149, 378, 471, 529/30, 655, 659, 660, 662, 777, 784, 958, 966, 1062; exp-fjvat 598; and xpf)v at 74, 726, 842. xp^v must be restored at 793 and 832; there are good reasons for not restoring it at 662, 777, 966. Variant readings See app. crit. at 141, 162, 299, 393, 567, 838, 1051, and at 373, 380, 391, 560 for variants in sources other than R. Intrusive stage directions See app. crit. after 99, 129, 276, 1187. Enclitics At 271 R has ffv fiot rt for r\v (U,ot rt (see above under Wrong accents). In a series of enclitics we do not adopt the new treatment advocated by Barrett (Hippolytos, pp. 426-7) but follow the old rule of accenting all but the last, as in Vedic: see M. L. West, Aeschyli Tragoediae (Stuttgart, I99o)xxxii. 114 As first printed by Dindorf in 1835. In his note (1837 p. 709), Dindorf called his correction a mistake ('male legitur'); viv was then advocated by Meineke in 1839 (_FCGii. i p. 101).

M O D E R N W O R K ON THE TEXT

xcix

VIII. M O D E R N W O R K ON THE TEXT

R -was not available to Marcus Musurus, the distinguished Cretan scholar -who prepared the editio princeps of Aristophanes for the great printing house of Aldus Manutius (Venice, 1498). As a result, the Aldine edition contained only nine plays, and neither Th. nor Lys. -was published until some years later by Euphrosynus Boninus in an appendix to the Juntine edition (Florence, 1516). Since then, over forty complete editions of Aristophanes have appeared. Of the seventy-five or so names mentioned in our apparatus, about half •were Aristophanic editors; the rest include many of the giants in the history of Greek textual scholarship.115 The recent discovery of unpublished marginalia by earlier Hellenists has led to significant changes in the attribution of conjectures,116 and we have adopted a policy of awarding paternity to the individual -who first proposed an emendation (the npwros evperris) rather than the one -who printed it first or -was given credit for it later. We list below all the editions (in chronological order; subsections A—C) and adversaria (in alphabetical order; subsection D) -which have left their mark on our text. A. The Early Period (1516-1710) This is the era of the one-volume (mostly octavo) Aristophanes. There is, however, a striking constrast between the pocket-size Scaliger (241110) and the exceedingly large edition of Kuster, -who easily overtook both Gelenius and Portus in the heavyweight folio division. ed. pr. = E. Boninus (Florence, 1516). Also known as 'luntina'. Grynaeus (1532) = S. Grynaeus (Basel, 1532). Also known as 'Cratandriana'. See app. crit. at 307. Zanetti = B. Zanetti (Venice, 1538). Also known as 'Veneta I'. 117 Grynaeus = S. Grynaeus (Frankfurt, 1544). Also known as 'Brubachiana'. Gelenius = S. Gelenius (Basel, 1547). Also known as 'Frobeniana'.118 115 For a brief survey of the leading figures, see U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, History of Classical Scholarship, trans. Alan Harris, ed. H. Lloyd-Jones (London, 1982); for Th. in particular, Austin (1987). 116 See Austin (1987); a few new finds lurk in Prato's overloaded apparatus (2001). See also Dunbar, Birds, pp. 50-1. 117 'Veneta IF is used for the 1542 reprint by J. Farreus. us q^^ temptation to fill the margins of this handsome volume with manuscript

C

INTRODUCTION

Canini = A. Canini (Venice, 1548). Also known as 'Gryphiana'. See app. crit. at noi. Raphelengius = C. Raphelengius (Leiden, 1600). Also known as 'Plantiniana'. Portus = A. Portus (Geneva, 1607), with notes by O. Biset. Also known as 'Calderiana'. Scaliger = J. J. Scaliger (Leiden, 1624). Also known as 'Leidensis'.119 Kuster = L. Kuster (Amsterdam, 1710). B. The Last 250 Years (1760-) After Kuster, editions in two or more volumes became the norm. There was again some variation in format, with the diminutive Boissonade(32mo) and the slim Tauchnitz fascicules (i8mo) dwarfed by Bergler's majestic quartos and the multi-volume Invernizzi. Bergler = S. Bergler (2 vols.: Leiden, 1760), edited by P. Burmann II. Th. in vol. ii. Brunck = R. F. P. Brunck(3 vols.: Strasburg, 1783). Th. in vol. i. Reviewed by R. Person, Maty's New Review 4 (1783) 55—68 (= Person's Tracts (London, 1815) n-37).120 Invernizzi = P. Invernizzi (13 vols.: Leipzig, 1794—1834). Th. in vol. ii (1794); the commentary in vol. viii (1821) was compiled by W. Dindorf. ed. Lips. (1814) = the Tauchnitz edition (3 vols.: Leipzig, 1812-14). Th. in vol. iii (1814). Printed anonymously, but said to be by G. H. Schaefer. A new edition was published in 1842 by C. H. Weise (Th. in vol. ii). See app. crit. at 1201. Dindorf = W. Dindorf (1802-83), an indefatigable editor; see above under Invernizzi. His own first text was the two-volume Teubner of 1825 (Leipzig; Th. in vol. ii, with his corrections at 173, 433, 478, 556, 624), followed by another edition in 1830 (London) and in the same year the first issue of his complete Poetae scaenici Graeci (Leipzig). Dindorf's main edition was published at Oxford (Th. in vol. ii (1835): the commentary in vol. iii (1837); the scholia in vol. ivpart iii (1838)), his last in London in 1869 (sth and final version of Poetae scaenici Graeci). Boissonade = J. F. Boissonade (4 vols.: Paris, 1826). Th. in vol. iii. notes proved irresistible; Biset, Casaubon, Daubuz, Bentley, and others seized the opportunity with gusto. 119 q^^ j5y o Amsterdam reprint by J. Ravestein contains T. Faber's new translation and notes on EC. 120 Brunck's corrections at 235, 347, and 409 are autograph marginal notes in a manuscript now in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris (Suppl. gr. 354) and in his own copy of his vol. i (Res. m. Yb i); see Austin (1987) 76—7.

MODERNWORKONTHETEXT

ci

Bekker = I. Bekker (5 vols.: London, 1829). Th. in vol. i; the Latin translation and Greek scholia in vol. ii; the commentary cum notis variorum in vol. iv. Bothe = F. H. Bothe (4 vols.: Leipzig, 1828-30; 2ndedn. 1845). Th. in vol. iv (1830) and vol. iii (1845). See also his Lectiones Aristophaneae (Berlin, 1808), published under the anagrammatic pseudonym L. Hotibius (with his suggestions at 367, 681—3, ^ Z 39)Holden = H. A. Holden (Cambridge, 1848; 3rd edn. 1868). Bergk = Th. Bergk, a new Teubner edition (2 vols.: Leipzig, 1852; 2nd edn. 1857). Th. in vol. ii. Meineke = A. Meineke (2 vols.: Leipzig, 1860). Th. in vol. ii. See also his Vindiciarum Aristophanearum liber (Leipzig, 1865). Hall-Geldart = F. W. Hall and W. M. Geldart (2 vols.: Oxford, 1900-1; 2nd edn. 1906-7). Th. in vol. ii. Anew OCT is being prepared by N. G. Wilson. Coulon = V. Coulon (5 vols.: Paris, 1923—30). The Bude edition, with a French translation by H. van Daele. Th. in vol. iv (1928).121

C. Separate Editions o/Th. Thiersch = B. Thiersch (Halberstadt, 1832). Fritzsche = F. V. Fritzsche (Leipzig, 1838). Reviewed by G. Hermann, Z. Alt. 5 (1838) 670—94. Fritzsche subsequently brought out a revised text of Th. 1-465 in two academic 'specimens' (Rostock, 1859-61). Enger = R. Enger (Bonn, 1844). Reviewed by G. Hermann, Z. Alt. NS 3 (1845) 905-20 (= Hermann's Opusculaviii (Leipzig, 1877) 288-308). von Velsen = A. von Velsen (Saarbriicken, 1878; Leipzig, 1883). Reviewed by O. Bachmann, Phil. Anz. 15 (1885) 217-22. Blaydes = F. H. M. Blaydes (Halle, 1880). The first in a 12-volume series of all the plays and fragments (1880—93) ,122 van Leeuwen = J. van Leeuwen (Leiden, 1904). The eighth in an 11 -volume series (1893—1906; Vesp.2 1909). 121 See also Coulon's Essai (above, under Abbreviations) and his articles in REG 35 (1922) 408-14 (Th. at 412-14); 38 (1925) 73-98 (Th. at 82, 90-4); 39 (1926) 90-6, 347-5° (Th. at 93-5, 348-50); 42 (1929) 11-19 (Th. at 17-18); 43 (1930) 36-63 (Th. at 52-3); 44 (1931) 8-33 (Th. at 8-21); 47 (1934) 421-43 (Th. at 423-4, 431-5, 440-2); 50 (1937) 15-41, 448-58 (Th. at 454-8); 66 (1953) 34-55 (Th. at 37-8, 49-50); Philologusgs (1942) 31-54 (Th. at 45-54); RhMNF 100(1957) 186-98 (Th. at 186-97); Io6 (1963) 149-60 (Th. at 150-4). See also Melanges Bides (Brussels, 1934) 121-34. 122 See also his earlier edition of Birds (Oxford, 1842), pp. iv—v, for his suggestions at 38 and 1216. Further notes by Blaydes (often repeated ad nauseam) can be found in his Adversaria critica in Aristophanem (Halle, 1899); Spicilegium Aristophaneum (Halle, 1902); Analecta comica Graeca (Halle, 1905); Miscellanea critica (Halle, 1907).

cii

INTRODUCTION

Rogers = B. B. Rogers (London, 1904; reprinted in 1920 with a preface by G. Murray). The third in an n -volume series (1902-16). Sommerstein = A. H. Sommerstein (Warminster, 1994). The eighth in an n-volume series (1980—2001; Addenda to Th. in vol. n Wealth (2001) 305—10; vol. 12 Indexes, 2002). Reviewed by Olson, BMCR 5 (1994) 633-6; Austin, CR NS 45 (1995) 431-2. Prato = C. Prato (Milan, 2001). In the 'Lorenzo Valla' series, with an Italian translation by D. Del Corno. Reviewed by Olson, BMCR 2002.03.13. D. Adversaria Critica (a selection)123 Anon. Par. = an anonymous lyth-c. annotatorof a copy of the 1600 Leiden edition of Raphelengius now in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris (Res. Yb 739). See Austin (1987) 71, and app. crit. at 58, 594, 1133. Anon. Rom. = an anonymous i6th-c. annotator of a copy of the 1548 Venice edition of Canini now in the library of the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rome (Colloc. 22 A i). See Prato p. xxxii n. i, and app. crit. at 103,719. Bentley = R. Bentley (1662—1742). The notes in his copy of Gelenius, now in the British Library (676. h. 13), were first published, not without mistakes and omissions, by G. Burges, CJ 14 (1816) 130—7. See Austin (1987) 66; Prato on 969. Biset = O. Biset (fi594). His 'new scholia' in Greek in his copy of Gelenius (now in the Cambridge University Library (Adv. a. 2. i) were published by Portus in 1607, but Portus failed to record scores of excellent conjectures, which anticipated later suggestions. See Austin (1987) 62-4, 87-92; Prato on 290 and 717. Bourdin = G. Bourdin, (Paris, 1545). 'Scholia' in Greek, printed with the text. As the scholia in R were not known at the time, Bourdin's notes, like those of Biset, served as a replacement and were reprinted by Portus in 1607 and Kusterin 1710 and even by Dindorf as late as 1823 (in vol. xi of Invernizzi's edition). Burges = G. Burges. Notes on the lyrics, in CJ 14(1816) 231—40. Casaubon = I. Casaubon (1559—1614). His annotated copy of Gelenius is now in the British Library (C. 77. g. 12). See Austin (1987) 65; Prato on 939Daubuz = C. Daubuz(i673-i7i7). His annotated copy of Gelenius is now in the British Library (1348. i. i). See Austin (1987) 67. Dawes = R. Dawes, Miscellanea critica (Cambridge, 1745) 320-31. 123 An asterisk indicates posthumous publication (in part or in whole). Not listed here are works referred to above under 'Abbreviations', e.g. J. Jackson's Marginalia scaenica (1955) or E. Fraenkel's Beobachtungen su Aristophanes (1962).

M O D E R N WORK ON THE TEXT

ciii

Divus = A. Divus. His Latin translation of Aristophanes (Venice, 1538) often tacitly removed corruptions for the first time. See Austin (1987) 69. Dobree = P. P. Dobree (1782—1825). His Adversaria (Cambridge, 1831— 3) were posthumously published by J. Scholefield. For Th., see vol. ii (1833)236-42. Ellebodius = N. Ellebodius (N. Helbault, "f 1577). His Latin versions of Th. and Lys. with notes are now in the Ambrosian Library, Milan (Cod. Ambr. D 478 inf.). See Schreiber, TAPA 105 (1975) 313-32; Austin (1987) 64-5 (who examined a microfilm). Faber = T. Faber (Tannegui Le Fevre, 1615-72). His annotated copy of Scaliger's 1624 Leiden edition is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris (Res. Yb. 740). See Austin (1987) 65-6. Hamaker = H. G. Hamaker, Mnemosyne 5 (1856) 291-306. Hermann = G. Hermann (1772—1848). He brilliantly improved the lyrics over a period of nearly 50 years, from his early De metris (Leipzig, 1796) and Elementa doctrinae metricae (Leipzig, 1816), to his 1845 review of Enger. van Herwerden = H. van Herwerden. His Vindiciae Aristophaneae (Leiden, 1906) 83—7, briefly lists all his earlier suggestions on Th. going back to the collective article inMnemosyne 2 (1853) 210-13. Kaibel = G. Kaibel (1850-1901). His annotated copy of von Velsen( 1883) is now in the Sackler (formerly Ashmolean) Library in Oxford. See Austin (1987) 67-8. Lenting = J. Lenting, Observationes criticae in Aristophanem (Zutphen, 1839) 18-28, 133-4. Person = R. Person (1759—1808). Apart from his 1783 review of Brunck, most of his emendations appeared posthumously, either in his Adversaria (Cambridge, 1812) or Tracts (London, 1815), or in his Notae in Aristophanem, edited by P. P. Dobree (Cambridge, 1820; Th. on pp. 209— 22).

Reisig = C. Reisig (1792—1829). Some of his suggestions can be found in his Coniectaneain Aristophanem (Leipzig, 1816), the rest inEnger's 1844 edition. Reiske = J. J. Reiske, AdEuripidemet Aristophanem Animadversiones(Leipzig, 1754)217-20. Wilamowitz = U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1848-1931). A number of readings marked 'Wil.' are recorded in Paul Maas's copy of van Leeuwen, now in C. Austin's possession. See Austin (1987) 68. Willems = A. Willems, BAB (1908) 625—77, reprinted in his Aristophane ii (Paris and Brussels, 1919) 535—79Zuretti = C. O. Zuretti, RIFC 29 (1901) 554-66.

civ

INTRODUCTION

We refer passim to Austin's earlier-work on the play. Besides his unpublished D.Phil, thesis, "Towards an edition of Ar. Th.' (Oxford, 1965), see his articles (in English, French, and Latin) in Dioniso 45 ( I 97 I ~4) 3 J 6—25; PCPSNS 20 (1974) 1—2; Le Monde grec: Hornmages a Claire Preaux (Brussels, 1975) 186—7; Pap. Flor. 7 (1980) 11—12 (\vith plate i); ZPE 57 (1984) 58; Dodone 16.2 (1987) 61—92; Dodone 19. 2 (1990) 9—29; CR NS 45 (1995) 431—2; QUCC 72 (2002) 74—6; and his contributions to Lourengo and Parker (as above, under 'Abbreviations'). A Note on Line-Numbers For convenience's sake, we follow all modern editors in retaining the line-numbers of Brunck's 1783 edition of Aristophanes. Linenumbers such as '369-70' indicate verses that combine what are in Brunck's edition two (or in some cases more) complete consecutive lines. Line-numbers such as '101/2' indicate verses that combine portions of-what are in Brunck's edition two (or in some cases more) consecutive lines. Line-numbers such as '327a' and '327b' indicate separate verses that are combined in a single verse in Brunck's edition.

METRICAL SYMBOLS 1. In abstract description of a metre: (1) position occupied by a long syllable (2) last position in a verse position occupied by a short syllable position that may be occupied by either a short or a long syllable 2. In scanning a given sequence of words: long syllable short syllable syllable that may be scanned as short or long syncopated form position that may be occupied by syllable that would be short if the next syllable belonged to the same verse syllable-boundary between mute and liquid when they make position (e.g. 463 point at which word-end occurs in both strophe and antistrophe point at which hiatus or ~ occurs end of strophe, antistrophe, epode, or any other sung passage The following abbreviations are used: adon(ean) aeol(ic) a line containing a single choriamb as nucleus alcman(ic) (dactylic tetrameter) anacr(eontic) (variant of ionic dimeter) an(apaestic metron) archeb(ulean) (aeolic) arist(ophanean) (aeolic) ba(cchiac) cat(alectic) adj. indicating that the end of a line is abbreviated (cf. Maas §58) cho(riamb)

cvi

cr(etic) D da(ctyl) do(chmiac) dod(rans)A dod(rans)8 e gl(yconic) hypodo(chmiac) iambel(egus) ia(mbic) ibyc(ean) io(nic) ith(yphallic) lek(ythion) mol(ossus) p(aeon) par(oemiac) ph(erecratean) reiz(ianum) sp(ondee) tel(esillean) tr(ochaic)

METRICAL SYMBOLS

(aeolic; cf. West, GM 194) (in dactylo-epitrite; cf. D) (aeolic)

(x e x D) (aeolic)

(Ra. 1208, etc. and

(resolved cretic) (catalectic glyconic) (catelectic telesillean) (headless glyconic)

SIGLA ii

ii/iii iv R x S x M xv ed. pr. xvi

ac pc

mg rec s

-

PSI XIV p. xv: vers. init. 139-44 PSI XI 1194: vers. init. 145-56, vers. fin. 237-46, vers. init. 272-88, 594-6, 804-9, et subscriptio POxy. Ivi. 3839: frustula ex 2s(?), 742-66, 941-56 POxy. Ivi. 3840: vers. fin. 1185-93 Ravennas 429 Suda (ed. A. Adler) Monacensis Gr. 492, ex R exscriptus editio princeps luntina (ed. E. Boninus: Florentiae, 1516) scholium ante correctionem post correctionem varia lectio vocabulo notata varia lectio vocabulis lemma scholii in margine manus recens supra lineam vocabulum vel vocabula in eadem sede crux desperationis (- verba corrupta) versus finis litterae in lacuna deperditae verba e coniectura suppleta

notata

Sigla quae ad testimonia tantum pertinent: fabulam non nominat testis nee fabulam nee poetam nominat testis verba quae in Thesmophoriazusis legimus alii fabulae tribuit testis in apparatu non omnia notavimus quae passim apud testes corrupta omissa transposita leguntur

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Index personarum deest in R

5

10

15

20

R p. i6z v . vid. etiam subscriptionem (infra, Tit. p. 49) etTest. 2. a. i8,b. ij,c. g (PCGiii. 2 p. 5) 2§Sai33O (aAotov) § Phot. a 1029 = § 27way.B a 984

18, 19 (^oat^i/) §§ Moer. x I

Boissonade: av- RS 3 re A2R (nunc evanidum praeter verba TI R 5 6V M: 6'a R: 6V ed. pr. 7 peXXys Brunck: R 10 6pap; Gelenius 16 Trptor' e- Grynaeus: -rrpcoTa R 18 R Biset: -1)1' R: -^ Boissonade -^oavr/v Biset (cf. 2R

4

25

3°

35

40

33

37Q2

Poll. ii. 88

36 (. . . TTTTj^uifisf)

§ S IT 3024

39-41

4O—2 (lTTlSl][JL£l . . .) § S 6 378

Reiske 24 TrpoafioSoifu Ellebodius (cf. ZR R OKfXfi KB i. 432: -Xt] R 28 Brunck:-aoj R 30 Ayadatv Biset: ay- R 32 ou^ eopaKas TrdjTTOTe; Eur. cont. Bentley 34 OUTOI pa TOV AC Kaibel 38 ante et post eaiice dist. Blaydes (l8 4 2;cf.I R A«V«Toa) ? , coS€oi.K€) 39 Aao ? I R S GI ™:A ! ra) ? RS AF 40 Dindorf: -tfAei'aas RS 21 ye AIR: re R

23

5

45

5°

55

6o

43-5 (• • • yhavKov) § S e 3997 (hinc § Zon. 941 I^TUI) 43 cf. §§ Luc. Trag. S 129 44 (KeXaSeiTto) §§ S K 1278 45,48 2807 (p. 397. 2-3); § Eust. p. 1718. 9 45 03
Rpc.

R,c

R

60

6 65

70

75

80

85

90

74 §§ S K 1487 (cf. §§ Moer. K 38) 80 (rpiri] ©ea^ofiopicw) §§ Hsch. 1440 83—4 cf. 8 0 3 2 5 69 8vpat,€ Zanetti Dobree

R

80 emi Tpirrj

74 xp9?11 RSFV: %prj SAGM

lp,6v RS: lp,e Valckenaer ap.

'arl KS,R: eireiirep earl Nauck

86 SiVcuay' Grynaeus: Si" Kai' R Sandbach 90 yupai^i M:-^iV R

83 pov Biset:

87 €KTOVTO)I> Bergler: €KTauTfjs x^11 Markland: ^dp R

R:

7

95

IOO

101

IOI/2 I03 104

I°4/5

110

114/15

93—4 §§ Sr439

Tzetz.C7z//.xiii.28i—8

93 §§ 8*2025

94 (iJ/Lterepos1 o-Trupa/Ltous 1 ) §§ S7r3i92;cf.

96 (eKKVK\ovfjLevos)§§

Zon.6jSeKKVK\ei

1445 (iLvpiLf]Ko$ a.Tpa.TTov$) §§ Hsch. fj, 1904; Phot, fj, 606 Trag. 75 104/5-6 (ev-rreiarcos . . .) § S a 183 95 rt Kaibel: ri 8' R suppl. Meineke

100 §§ S 104 cf. §§ Luc.

-MyaflajpBiset: ay- R 96 TTOU Dobree: TTOLO R 'a^';— 99 yap Burges: av R: av Scaliger: vvv Rogers: r/V Austin

(ecce\ cf. Men. Dysc. 910; Theoc. 8. 26) post 99 parepigraphe i^ivvpia^os (rP-*2R 100 8iafj,ivvp€Tai Dawes: -fj,ivvpi£,€Tai RS 101 X8ovia.iv Meineke: -at? R 102 eXevOepia Hermann 103 TrarptSt R: TrpaTrtSt Wecklein -^opevoaoOe Anon. Rom. (tripudiate Divus): -aflat R 104 i>ti> Dindorf: vw R 105 Reiske: eviriar- RS 106 e^et S: -et? R 107 oA/3t£e Bentley: oirXi^e R Bergk: fj,ovoa R

8 ii5/i6

120

125 126 126/7/8

128

130

135

115/16 (^prefjiiv aypoTepav) § Eust. p. 361. 27 I2O EM, p. 153. 31 TTdpcoBcov TO e£ 'Ep€x&€cos Evpnri8ov (brevius § Et. Gen. (AB) a 1271 Lass.-Liv. = § Phot, a 2957 = § S a 4147 = § £vvay.E a 2226 125 §§ S a 4016 128 (ayaAAe) §§ Phot, a 164 = §§ Sway.B a 145; cf. §§ Phot, a 87 post 129 parepigraphe 6XoXv^,€i 6 yeptov §§ S o 194 130—2 (rj8v . . . i^avoaAtoTov) § S y 141 131—2 (^TjAuSpiajSes" . . . /LtavSaAajrov) §8^,134 131 (^lyAuSpiajSes" . . .) § S K 912 Hsch. 6491 (KaTe"yX(aTTiafjLevov)§ Poll. ii. 109 132 Hsch. fj, 224; §§ Phot. ^,86 132—3 (ajar' . . .) § S y 63 (hinc 133 §§ Zon. 423 133 (yapyaAo?) §§ Moer. y 23; cf. §§ Phryn. PS, p. 56. 9 134 (TJTLS) §§ Hsch. 17 948 136 (. . . Trarpa) §§ S y 504 (ytWts) § Hsch. y 1015; cf. §§ Phryn. PS, p. 60. 19 136-40 (TIS 17 • • •) § S /3 no 137 Hsch./3 211; cf. §§ Phot./3 62 115 dei'aaT'Zanetti(/m/(&7£eDivus): -aavr' R 117 aepvav Dindorf: -ofR 122 Sidfeu^taTa Fritzsche: Stav- R 125 OOKI^COV Schone: -co R2RS: OOKI^OV *y')-^R 126 ^ao? Burges: ^to? R 127 a/Lt Meineke: iJ/Lt-R: u/Lt- Nietzsche 128 ' Dindorf: <j)oifiov n^a R post 129 parepigraphe 6AoAv£,ei 6 (-eis R) y€pcov RS: A R 2 130 TTOTfiai S:-TfiaR 134 ^Tts Gelenius(cf. Hsch.): efrts R ex corr.) 135 /lu^oupyeia? Dindorf: -yta$- R

9

140

145

15°

155

160

165

1^.1—2,

(iTOTepOV . . . 7T€O$) § S 77 987

Moer. x I9

142 (iTOU 7T€O$ . . .) S A 63

(ACLKCOVIKCLI) §§ Hsch. A 225; §§ Phot. A 57

146—7 S a 1097

149-50 § Apostol. xviii. 4ih 159-61 S a 1633 162-3 S € 989 162 S € 4049 (hinc (oiirep . . .) §§ Zon. 942 exvfuaav) (exv^iaav) §§ Hsch. € 7681 163 S i 495 (_€fjLiTpo
139 ov RSV: a- SMT: o- SAGI: om. S F 140 Karpmrov Dover ad Ra. 47: RS 141 ou T'H! w-i;R: TI'S S' R: m) S'Thiersch 142 Wos H! et R (TT male exaratum, ut vid.; non a-ntos): TO TTEOS S 148 ap,a {rrj) Meineke 154 r/V Dindorf: apri! R 162 KaAKaiosRS: Ka^aLos ir?'^R OLirep . . . ^v^iaav S: R 163 OI€K\O>I>T' Toup: -/<:ii'aji'R: -KIVOVV S 165 Elmsley (OTrfweftaterDivus): -ea^ero R

IO

170

175

180

185

i go

i68 (ala-^pos) ^RVEFAv. I295a. a 173 (/3au£aji<. . .) § S /3 192 (hinc § Zon. 379 175 (ov . . .) S £ 63 176 ^R 500 177—80 (ao(f)ov . . . ae) § S 792 177-8 (aoov . . .)§ S 01 154 179 § 8*2556 192 vos) § Poll. ii. in 193 § Eust. p. 4. 8 168 o M : a i R 168-9 -KXerjs bisBentley: -KX-ijs bis R R 173 fj Dindorf: TJF RS 178 ofos S: -OF R (cf. ^ p,eyaXrj Kai Oav^aorfi): KOLV- RS

169 SeBrunck: 179 «raiFij Biset

II

195

200

205

2IO

215

I

95~7 (/•»? • • • ) § § S v 709 198-201 §§ S T 440 215-16 S a 4565 cf. ZR ravra Se e'Aa/3ei< IK ra)v 'ISaiatv Kparivov (fr. 90); Clem. Al. Strom, vi. 26. 4 196 yap ai< S: yap R 204 vuKTepijaia Bothe: -etaia R 209 -SatjLia)i< M: R (X^.) Evpim&r) Elmsley ad Ach. 475: -ijs R 216 aevei.v R: ed. pr.: etaaj R 217 'TriSoupai 'p.avTov Dawes (e^tauToi' iam Scaliger): S R

12

220

225

230

235 219-20 (. . . £vpo8oKT)s) Poll. x. 140 pp. § 130. 43; § 1399. 38

220 (£vpo8oKT)s) § Poll. u. 32; Eust. 223 (aTTCLTai la.TTa.Tai) § S € 2807 (p. 397. 4)

227 §§ S r/ 334 (rjfjLiKpaipav) Et. Gen. (AB) (p. 150 Miller); §§ Hsch. r/ 496; Eust. pp. § 710. 50; § 1127. 35 (§§ Ael. Dion. 17 g) 231 Et. Gen. (AB) (p. 218 Miller, brevius § EM, p. 593. 38) (pv ^.v] §§ S € 2807 (p. 397. 4); cf. § Eust. p. 723. 9 S/Lt 1383 (hinc§ Apostol. xvi. 6oc) (fjLv£,eis)§ Eust. p. 440.23 232 §§ S 105 235 (KAeioOfEvrj) § S K 1756 220 -BoKTjs 2 R Poll. (-So^? Eust.): -8iK7]s R 222 ot/Ltot Dindorf: coi^oi R 223 aTTarai larTarai Biset: arrara.' arrarai R: a.rra.ra.ra.ra.rra.L S 225 Porson: Siy^Tpay' R 230 arpefjLas avrov Dobree 232 au RS: et van Herwerden: cbv Blaydes 234 6eaa6ai Porson: 6eaaaa6ai R aavrov Biset: R 235 KAeioOevrj Brunck: -vr/v RS

13

240

245

250

255

3 37 § S S 205 239 (xtpKov) §§ Hsch. K 2333 244—5 (T(* • • •) Phot, a 2946 — Hvvay? a 2,2,13 (Ael. Dion, a 186) 245 (£v ...)§§ S a 4132 Moer. a 17 (hinc §§ Hsch. a 7634); cf. §§ Phryn. PS, p. 28. i 246 § S T 903 Eust. pp. §§ 83. 6; § 992. 60; § 1314. 15 (aWos) § Eust. p. 1385. 59 Hsch.r 1243; §§ Phot. p. 598.5; cf. §§ Luc. Lex. 2248 (-n-Xvvei) §§ Moer. 7779 254 §8712114 (-TToadiov) §§ Hsch. 77 3096; §§ Phot. p. 445. 3 257—8 8-771165 258 § Phot. p. 417. 11; Eust. p. 1280. 63 (K€aXfi irepiBeTos) § Poll.

ii-35 242 [fTJTepoF n a (leg. Medaglia): om. R 246 yeyeVij^ai SEust.: yeyevv- R 247 aoyyiefElmsley adAch. 463: 077-R 248 olpio^er' Zanetti: -£er' R Brunck: els R 256 a/<:eAei KB i. 432:-A-^ R

14 260

265

270

275

280

z6l § S e 135 (eyKVK\ov . . .) § S K 1809 263 (^aAapd . . . ) § § S ^ 7 274 (apS-ip) §§ Hsch. a 7097 275-6 cf. § Eust. p. 443. 37 277-8 80325 282 Phot, a 1386 (Ael. Dion, a 113) 260 ap' Kuster: ijp R tippoaei. Zanetti: -01; R 261 Ad/3' Kuster: Xripfiav' RS 263 yomIR) Phot. Phot.: -pa) R

is

285

290

300

305 310

285 (TTOTrai/) § Eust. p. 437. 4 292 § Phot. p. 486. 24 295 (ev 3°4 Tai? et add. Meineke 306 KCLI add. 5 Rrec ayopevovaav van Leeuwen: TTJV dy- R 307 TOP ^5- Grynaeus (1532): TCOV a6- R 310 T^LIV M: u^tv R 312 Dindorf: -iL&aQa. R 313 -n.&Qa. Bourdin: -iL&aQa. R

:6 315-16 318/19

319 320

323 323/4 324

325-6 32?a 32?b 328-9 33°

335

34°

322—4 § S ot 181 335~7 §§ Sat. Vit. Eur. fr. 39 col. xii. 8 (post 373—4) 336 ('77iK-i]pvK€V€Tai)§§ Et. Gen. (B) = §§ EM, p. 360. 21 = §§ Phot. € 1580 = §§ 8^2375 ZWQ.J. e682;cf.§§ Hsch.e4853 341 § 8^1271 (hinc§ Zon.745 Hsch. 773308 317 TrayKp- ed. pr.: 7Ta.jj.Kp- R Kopa M: Kopq R 320 -
I?

345

35°

355

356-9 360

363-6

367/8 368 369-70

347-8 («'...) § S x 3 9 4 363~4 (mropprfra. . . .) S a 3501 369-?! S IT 444 ('ex Pluto') 373~4 §§ Sat. Vit. Eur. fr. 39 col. xii. i (vid. ad 335~7) 374~5 (^lpxt//<:^et' • • • £ypa/u-/u'(*TeL>ei<) S e 2616 344 ai< Faber: a ay R 346 eraipa et erepa ^-S11 347 xoaj? Brunck: RS 349 KtoKiav Brunck 350 ^^i' M: vp.iv R 356 Aeyouaai? R: R 2 357 l^aTrarataiv Bentley: -at R 360 OVVEK' Bentley: epe/^' R vers. ad366rettulitReisig 364 Ae'yowo' Bentley: -aivRS 367 Bothe: -avail* -avail* R

Hunt): Ti^oKXei' RIRS

372 Traa' Voss: TTCLS R

373 ap[^i/<:A]eia Sat. (suppl.

:8 375

MIKA 380

385

39°

395

377~8 (• • • ira-dew) § S x 481 (hinc § Lex. Vind. p. 190. 10) S TT 1166 381 (xpefji'TTTeTai) §§ Phryn. PS, p. 126. I S 43 I 389 § S e 2592 (eTTio^rj) §§ Hsch. e 5 195

128

380 3§3~4 (• • • 390—4 § S

390-1 2 T P1. Thg. 1270 = Gr^. 457b = ^).M/. 3 65d(pp. 112, 136, 178

Greene; hinc (. . .6eaTai)§§ 8^955) PS, p. 34. 18; § Eust. p. 380. 15 Hsch. t 501

392 (av8pepaaTpia$)§ Poll. iii. 7i;§§ Phryn. 395~6 (. . . r/i^ds) S t 275 395

376CT^oAiyZanetti: -rj R. 380 Trpatrov R: irporepov S 386 rjjj,d$ Cobet: R 390 epfipaxv S 2 PI. Hp.Mi.: epfip-, vs I. PI. Gr^.: evfip- R 2 PI. ^^39 1 Tpaya)8ol KO.L R: rpayojSia /cat S: rpayajSt/cot 2 PI. 392 (Liot^o- S: R avBpepaarpias Poll. SGFM Eust.: dpSpea- RSAV 393 oivoiriiras ^•)2RS: R •2 : -TroTtSa? R 394 avSpaatv Kuster: -at RS 398 (LvTr&p Kuster

19 400

4°5

410

415

42O

425

413 §§ Men. Mon. 191 (— E. fr. 804. 3); § Apostol. v. Q3b 417 EM, p. 590. 53 421-8 (ot . . . egai/fapevovs) § S A 64 421—7 (ot . . . 8*159 422 (KaKoi70eaTaTa)Eust.pp.§ 974-37;§ no8.25;§ 1603.52 423 (yo/Lu^tous1) §§ Phryn. PS, p. 61. i 426 (oiKOTpuji) §§ Moer. o 25; §§ Hsch. o 266 (§§ Ael. Dion, o 9) 428—9 (e/Ltot . . . ) § § S /c 2771 400 817 add. Austin 403 avrjp Brunck: av- R 405 aSeA^o? Biset: aS- R 409 afSpe? Brunck: av- R 412 eOeXei Kappeyne van de Coppello: OeXei R 417 JJ.OLXOLS M: /Ltu^- R4*8 £vyyvtoa8' M: £vyv- R 419 Reiske: Ta.jj.ievea8ai R Aa^eif Scaliger: Aa/Seif R 426 oiKOTpiifs KB i. 220: R: oni. S 427 eSt'Sa^e S: -ev R

2O

43°

433/4 434/5

435 436 436/7 437/8 438/9

439 440

440/1 442a 442b

445

45°

429 (KvpKavav) §§ Phot. K I254(~§§ Hsch. ^4691); § Eust. p. 1213. 50 Hsch. 0,4182; §§ S a 1645 =§§ Svvajy. a 449 (cf. §§ Moer. a 103) 432 . . .) § Eust. p. 1484. 53 (rrjs ypa/Lt/Ltareajs1) Poll. iv. 19 436/7—438/9 §§ S € 22 437/8 (irvKv&s) §§ Hsch. TT 4335 442b (avTiKpvs) §§ Phot, a 2109 (§§ Ael. Dion, a 147) 447-9 (poXis • • • recos) 2T PI. Hipparch. 22gd (p. 109 Greene) 448 (fjLvppivais) §§ Moer. /Lt 23 449 § S r 321 (rj^iKaKtos) § Poll. vi. 161 453—6 Gell. xv. 20. 7 433 OU7TO) Dindorf: ouTrajTrore (ex OUTTOJ re) R 436/7 Austin: iraaas 8' etSea? (i'S- S) e^rjTaaev (-ae S) RS 437 ^/SaCTTaae S: -aei< R 439 ai>f]vp€i> Meineke: -€vp€i> RS 440 aurr/v Zanetti: -TJ? R -K\€TJS Bentley: R 443 €i>€Ka Kaurr/ Porson: €I>€K' aurr/ R 446 ap-^p Brunck: av- R 450 Taraip Brunck: -at R 453 a-n-aaaiaii' Gell.: -at R

21

455

460

46 3 /4 464/5 465

470

475

480

455-6 § Plu. Comp. Ar. et Men. i (p. 8530) 457-8 (Sei . . .) § S a 1591 458 Ath. 15. 68oc (aT€rivovs avv8t][ia.Tiaiovs) § Poll. vii. zoo Hsch. a 2624 459—60 § S A 4 4 i 466 (o£vdvp,£iadai) §§ Phot. p. 340. 19 468 (davp,aaiov) §§ Moer. 6 16 (hinc §§ Hsch. 6 146) 469 §§ S o 330 (brevius Phot. p. 335. 25 = §§ Sway, o 162) (ovaipriv) §§ Hsch. o 852 470 § S 328 473-4 (• • • epofj.€v) S T 683 480 § Poll. iii. 42 Hsch. S 1558 456Tof?Plut. Gell.:om. R

Zanetti (audientes Divus): -aais R

462 aKaipaZanetti: aKepaR

469 ovai^v S: ovoi- R

467

471

Brunck: -Xoiaiv R 474 e/Grynaeus (s/Divus): rj R 476 ^taAA-^i'Dindorf: R 477 -n-oAAa Selv' Dawes: m>AA' R 478 -ij Dindorf: TJF R 479 KadfjuBev Scaliger: -euSeii' R 480 Bi€/<6pT]a€v ouaav eVreTii'Poll.: R

22

4§5

49°

495

500

5°5

51° 481 § Se52o(hinc§ Zon. 669 eKvvev); Eust. p. 1746. 6 484 § Eust. p. 1746.45 Eust. p. 503. 20 486 § S a 1712 (KeSpiSas) §§ Hsch. /<: 1980; Phot. K 517 489 (Ayvia) St. Byz. p. 22. 15; cf. §§ Moer. a 13 493-4 (fj.riXi.a0' . . . vvx&') S A 434 504 (COKVTOKI.') § Poll. ii. 7; §§ Phryn. PS, p. 129.3 5°6 (Ki;pi'u)j3ej3ua/ie'i'oi')§§ Phot. K 675; cf.§§ Hsch. K 2549 509 S 77 637 (hinc § Zon. 1012 rjrpov) (rjrpov) §§ Moer. 77 14 482 Kayo) Lenting: Kar' R 486 erpifie S: -ev R awrfOov Dindorf: avij- RS 488 rjpei- Kuster: epei-R 493 Xi]Kd)p,£daS: /<:ii'-R(/<:ii'inras.) 494 Bentley: OKopoSia ij.rj.a- R 495 oo^po^vos Kuster: 6a({>prj.iv6- R Dawes: dp-R d-n-o Biset: d-n-o TOU R 500 v-n-avyaa' Hermann: UTT' avyas R Austin: eyKeK- R 501 fioi-^ov Grynaeus (adulterum Divus): ^wx" ^ 504 aiKVTOKi Poll.: -TOKeia R

23

515

520

525 526a 526b 528/9 529/30

53°

535

514—16 S § § A 2 7 i ~ § § 7 r 2 i i 4 514 Poll. ix. 131; § Eust. p. 1857. 10 (cf. p.4&2.4o;§ Ael.Dion.*e26) 515-16 (-noaSiov...) 8*2787 516 Hsch. 01977 (KVTTapov)cf.§§ Phot.Ki27o 527-30 §§ 8(11073 528—30 § Stob. iii. 13. 29 531—2 § § S a i 3 4 9 536—7 (et p.ev . . .)2 bT H. //. z- Z 35~7 (i- 48—9 Erbse) 512 rj '(f)€p€v Bentley: rj e'(/)epe (ex ei'ae^epe) R 514 avT€Kp,ayp,a Reiske: (ex ey/u,-) R: eV^t- S 521 yvpedi] Meineke: eup- R 526a •»y/Lui< ed. pr.: R 527 dAAd 7rdi> Cobet: dAA' a-n-av RS 532 dp' €i R: dAAai S 533 'AyXavpov'Daubuz-.'Ayp-'R 537 avraied. pr.: -ro/R: om.Z H. yeR: IH.

24 54°

545

55°

555

560

565

554 (l/^1?0^') § Et. Gen. (A) -tjBeioOa (Orus fr. B 77 Alpers, brevius §§ EM, p. 420. g; cf. Eup.fr. 454) 557 (ai
560 TOV dv8pa TO) 7T€\€K€L yVVT) Rl €T€pa TOV O.v8pa TO) 7T€\€K€L Si

Enger

563 A-^apviKr/ Dobree: d^- R

25

57°

575

580

585

59°

566 § S K 730 567 (IKTTOKIO) . . . TTOKaSas) § S e 588 (hinc § Zon. 672 Hsch. e 1637; §§ EM, p. 323. 55 (mwcdSas) §§ Hsch. -n 2750; cf. §§ Theognost. gl. 66. i Alpers; §§ Phot. p. 437. 21 570 (xeaeiv) § Epim. alphab. in H. Od. 5. 201 (ii. 338. 21 Dyck) 572—3 (-rrpiv . . . Trvdat^d') § S o 292 574 (gvyyeveis ...)§§ S | 83 576 (-rrpo^vw . . .) § S -n 2541 5677rAo/<:aSa?'^'^S11 (cf.Pherecr.fr. 259) ouroiLenting: ouSeR 569 R: TTpoaidi van Herwerden: Trpoadiye Willerns 571 -iravaaade M: -adai R 575 eiriSrjXov Blaydes 580 -ijre bis Biset: -eire bis R ,111} *rai Person: KOU pr/ R 581 u^tii' M: T/P.LV R afiapKTois Dindorf: afipaK- R 584 ^aa'Zanetti: e'^aa'R 590 KaTTeriX' Bekker: -riXX' R

26

595

6oo

605

610

615

598 (eXivveiv) §§ Moer. € 61 (hinc §§ Hsch. € 2097) 616 § S a n 6 3

601—2 §§877 2540

594 oiofjiai 'yajy' Anon. Par.: oiojj.eycoy' R 59^ Tavra Bentley: ravrl R 600 iJ/Lta? M: u^ta? R 601 £vve- SFVM: ovv e- RSAG 605 TJTIS Zanetti: elns R add. Bentley 606 ^St Grynaeus: fj8e R: 178' 17 M 611 rts add. Kuster 612 dfajLtefoj Grynaeus: -pevco R 615 TroAuf Gelenius: -v R 616 s : ? R: x^^ 7®-P ^ y^p' X^^ yV Lenting (cf. 549)

27

6zo

625

630

635

640

620 (Ko8toKi8a)v) §§ Phot. K 859 ~ §§ Hsch. K 3218 633 # Poll. x. 45 ('ex Polyido') (aKofiiov) §§ Phot. p. 516. 22 Hsch. a 1769 — §§ Phot. p. 537. 2; cf. §§ Moer. a 46

630—1 § S TT 2563 641

619 ear' M: €08' R 624 OOVOTL Dindorf (-art iam Biset): aovarlv R 631 (LieTaSijLieR 632 TpirovBeri Austin: TiBerpirov R 634 KXeiaBeves ed. pr.: /<:Aeiaoa6- R 635 avijp Bentley: ai>- R 638 ^aAa Grynaeus: -Act R 640 rirOovs ed. pr.: rirQos R 641 OTepitfirj Meineke: -^77 R

28

645

650

655

660

663/4 664

665/6 666

647-8 § Si640 642 Se fiT]Tt]p M: Sijft- R 644 SieKvijie Dindorf: Si) ex- R 646 Thiersch: eVy- R ^idAAa Bentley: dAAa R 647 civBp- S: tovBp- R 651 -eKuXiaa Scallgen -eKuXrjaa R

654 TTpvraveaiv M: -peaaip R R

Kuster: post xpi) R

653 ofyijaeTai

658 SiaBp-ijaai. Kuster: aBp-ijaai. R

662 ft' add. Austin

665/6 /<:ai rd /
Faber: oi'^erai R

657 iTreXrjXvde Handley (aveX- Fritzsche): 660 -na.vra.yii ante

665 Se pii/ior Hermann: Suippufiov R

29

670

675/6 676/7

68o-z

684 684/5/6

68ga 68gb

690

695

696-7 Greg. Cor. Dial. Alt. 3 pp. 20-2 (cf. ZAld PL 4530) 667 ArjtfiOr) Reisig: ^i) Xa8rj R 669 avBpaoiv Beer ap. Hermann (1845): R 675 €(f)€7T€iv Hermann: -Trofras-R 679 /j,rj add. Burges 681 Bothe: ei TI 8pcoy iraaiv R 683 earai Bothe (erit Divus): eariv R Brunck: -^iVR 684/5/6 TTapa^prj/j.' a.7roriv€ra.L Hermann: a.7Toriv€ra.L-j R 68gb Tioi 3 add. Biset 697 /cat Greg. Cor.: om. R

30

7oo

7°5

710

7i5

718-19 720

721-2 723-5

702 (aTravr' . . . ) § § S a 2902. cf. §§ App. Prov. i. 384 no. 35; §§ Paroemiographi Suppl. i. 40 no. Vb 2 710-13 §§Si;I7o 729 (BvpriXunra) §§ Hsch. 8 862; cf.§§Phot. ^ 2 5 6 700 roSe Dobree: Se R 702 aTravr' ap' €arl Bentley: a-n-av yap earn* R: S f i f a r a Person: epya R: irXea. S 704 e|apa|ei Bentley (vel-|oj, utiam Ellebodius): l£ap£a> R 706 onr/ Faber: on R: oaris Porson 710 y' S: T' R 1 711 S'Boissonade: T ' R S 715 ap Hamaker: ovv R 717 r-jyi'S'Biset: R 719 evvfipieis Anon. Rom.: -fiptaeis R 721 yap epyais Burges: R 723 Se Fritzsche: Se ae R 724 -rpo-nos Blaydes: -rpo-nov R 725 TU^-^ Bergk: ris TV^T] R

3i 73°

735

740

745

75°

73 O—I (°v • • • Ta^ecos) § S K 2408

734 (UepoiKas) § Eust. p. 1522. 12

735—7 §§ S 8 251 735 § Eust. p. 1441. 23; § Et. Sym. a 241 Lass.—Liv. EM, p. 31. 13 742 (fpeyKov) Antiatt. p. 98. n; §§ Phryn. PS, p. 73. i 745 (rvvvovro] §§ Phot. p. 610. n (cf. §§ Hsch. T 1645) 747 §§ S 1168 (hinc §§ Apostol. vi. 16) 749 (e/Ltm/LnrpaTe) §§ Hsch. € 2458 (hinc §§ Zon. 709 ejLiTrtirpaTtu)

730 S e S i T o S e R 733 eyevefl' Grynaeus: -vr/8' R 740 aTTOKpivai M: R 741 KCLI add. Biset 743 rjpyaoto Hall—Geldart: ei'py- R 745 TVVVQVTQV et -TO T12 (coniccerat Brunck): rvvovrov et -TO R 746 yeyove n2 (coniecerat Brunck): -vev R 747 x&aov Bentley: ^at oaov n2R: oaov S 749 post y' dist. Blaydes C^LT?impart (sic) M: €fj,7Ti7Tpa.Tai R

32

755

760

765

770

775

780

769-75 (ofS' . . . ) § § S TT 45 (hinc 77O-I (ray . . . ypatov) §§877 1702) 777 §§ S 2064 778—80 (-TTivaKatv . . . p,6xda)v) Poll. x. 58 77§~9 §§ S a 742 754 TO H2 (coniecerat Lobeck ad S. Ai. 1066 (ed. i, 1809)): [ioi TO R 7589 itptas nos: lepeias n2R 759 post rovri dist. Bergk 760 -Kopijae Mpc: R 761 '£i]paaaro Fritzsche: ^-ijprja- R 768 ay add. Porson 772 yevoLvr' Grynaeus (fierent Divus): -VOLT' R: y' eKewTo S TrXarai1 suppl. Sandbach (post ir60evz iani Biset) 773 el TOLOL Ellebodius: eh a SLO. R: TOLOL S 777 xP 1 ) RS: XP 1 7 1 ' Bentle y

33

785

79°

795

800

806

800,810 (jSeAWous) §§ Moer. j3 8

808-9 (TIS . . . j3ouAeiai<) § S £431

784 ravra Grynaeus (/fc7C Divus): ravra R 788 aTaats Scaliger: araaeis R 789 et Zanetti: et KCU R 790 eKK- Reiske: lyK- R 792 evpijr' Porson: R 793 palveaB' M: -vefl' R xp1?" Brunck: xp^ R 794 Meineke: eup-R KCLT€- Brunck: Kara- R 797 TO /<:a/<:oi' f,f]T€iT€ dedadai J. Kaye ap. Dobree: ^rjrei TO KO.KOV TeOeaaOai R

799

T(

^ KO.KOV T7a.pa.Kvijsa.v ISeiv Porson

lam Grynaeus): Trapa^u^iaaai' ISeiv TO KO.KOV R 802 rj^Hs M: i>p,ds R M: -fifaSa R 803 eKtiarov Grynaeus: eKaaros R 804 y' add. Dobree eonV Kuster: -TI R SijAa Se Biset: SijAaSij R 805 ^fipiav Zanetti (pejor Divus): ^€ipov R 807 ^TpaTo-H!: arparat- R

34 8io

815

820

825

830

835

809 (. . . ftovXeiav) Antiatt. p. 84. 30 (ftovXeiav) Harp. B 19; § Phot. /3 233; cf. Hsch. /3 921 816 (yaarpiBas) §§ Phot, y 40 = §§ S y 72 (§§ Ael. Dion, y 3) 822 (rdi'Ttoi', o Kavaiv] cf. §§ Poll. vii. 35 a 1825 838 (aK(i
Ael. Dion, a 23); §§ Luc. Lex. 5

834 (Sr^vioiai) §§ S a 1089; cf. §§ Hsch. §§ Phot. p. 517. 15; cf. § Eust. p. 907. 40

(oKatfiiov) §§ Hsch. a 879; § Eust. p. 1292. 61

809 avros R: 'AvvTos Maas tfi-ijoei Kuster: -aeis R 810 ev-^o^eO' M: -fj,€o8' R 813 dfr- Mac: CLVT' R 815 -8ei£aifjLev Bentley: -Bei^opev R TTOOVVTCLS Zanetti (facientes Divus): 7706- R 824 dfSpdai M: -aiv R 825 diroAa>Aei' Daubuz: R 832 xp9?11 Brunck: xpy R §34 ^T^vioiai 2RS: T^V- R 836 Brunck: r/V R 838 vorepav R: uaTaTiyi'r')'I]R

35 840

§45

850

§55

86o

846 § Si323(hinc§ Zon. 1103 i'AAo?);cf. §§ Luc. Lex. 3 (i'AAo?)§ Poll.ii.52;§ Eust. p.768.g(§§ Ael.Dion.i6);cf.§§Moer.i2i;§§ Hsch.i578;§§ Phot.ni3 852 §§ S 2534 (KOIKV\\€IS) §§ Hsch. K 32,32, — §§ Phot. K 860 861 (0pvvd>vSas) ^ Luc. Alex. 4, p. 181. 12 Rabe (vid. K-A ad fr. 26) 863 §§ S y 496 (hinc §§ Zon. 459 839 TT&XK Gelenius (a'ra'tas Divus): iroAei? R 842 xp^P0-®' Scaliger: -^.ar' M: R ij Scaliger (CMZ Divus): fjv R ei Brunck: fjv R Savelaetev Biset: -e R 844 a(j)aLp€LoOaL M: a(j)€p- R ^p^jLiar' Grynaeus: -^arar' R 846 o S' S: 6'S' R 848 HaXa^r/S^ Elnisley: -S-^p R 851 S'add. Bentley 852 W3 Faber: RS 853 'EXevt]v ed. pr.: -vrj R 860 oo/Zanetti (ft'&z' Divus): ou R Gelenius: T ' R 861 eon M:-™ R 862 ylyvei Brunck: -vrj R 864 I^Kap,avSpiois E. //e/. 52 (et 609): -i'ai? R

36 865

870

875

880

885

890

868 §§ S T 648 869 (aiKaXXei ...)§§ S at 161 (hinc §§ Zon. 91 870 Greg. Cor. Dial. Alt. 2 pp. 14-15 (= IM°'=h E. Hec. 225, ed. A. Matthiae IV (Lips. 1817) 51); §§ S i/i 62 (tamquam ex Sophocle, fr. 493); §§ ZA H. //. 4. 4ioa (i. 518 Erbse) (p,rj ijitvaov) §§ Antiatt. p. 107. 31 878 (oi . . .) § S 01 i 882 (vavnas) §§ Moer. v 9 867 MeveXecos Brunck: -Xaos R 870 l\TTiSos RS Greg. Cor.: rjp,£pas Greg. Cor.lb 2M°"ch- E. Hec. 872 £evavs Zanetti: -as R 873 Kafiovras Lenting: R 879 TovTto add. Grynaeus 883 y'add. Scaliger 885 Bentley: -Kev R 887 KO.KWT' van Leeuwen: KaKuis r' R: KaKuis ed. pr. 889 Sal Faber: Se R

37

§95

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9°5

910

913/14 914/15

902 (arpeifsov . . . ) § § S a 2617 (dfTauyeis- / R: a/j,
38 92O

925

93°

935

94°

945 922 (TyyuTTTta^er') §§ Phot, a 518 926 (rji<7rep ep,iTvea)) §§ S 77 379 928 S §§ a 4475; §§ ^i 978; §§ Eust. p. 760. 44 (§§ Paus. att. a 170); §§ ZRV F. i7sb 931 (oaF/Si) Phot. p. 499. 18 (Ael. Dion, a 7) 935 § S i 691 Poll. vii. 161; §§ Granini. in cod. Vat. gr. 12 apud Reitzenstein, Ind. lect. Rost. (1892/3) 4 940 (-TTpos . . . SetV) §§ Hsch. S 926 942 (rois . . .) § S e 3215 Hsch. e 6411 — §§ Phot. € 2031 — §§ S e 3227 — §§ I^vva-y. € 875; cf. §§ Phryn. PS, p. 66. 7 945 (laTTTTaTraiaf) § S e 2807 (p. 397. 5) 926 lp,TTV£a) Zanetti (cf. S): IVTT- R 929 €00' M: ear' R e'Aey' M: eXeyev R 939 x'V'0"';1-"" Casaubon: -aofiai R Brunck: -irapovai R

927 -AtTroja' Scaliger: -AetVaja' R 934 817 y' Dobree: STJT' R 943 e'SoJe Biset:-Jei< R 944

39

95°

955 955/6

95&

959~6o

962-3 964-5

968

97°

97za 97zb

975-6 948 (. . . avexcofjiev) § S a 2364 973

968 (eu/<:u/<:Aou) §§ Phot, e 2236 — §§ Hsch. e 6929

(TeAeiaf) §§ Hsch. T 400

946 ear' Bentley: eariv R 947 Traioto^ev Zanetti (cf. ZR): Wa- R Daubuz: rais R 952 peXeiv Zanetti (curae esse Divus): /LteAA- R 956 Austin: vTraye-n-daa. R 966 ^pi) R: XP9?11 Bothe: ^p^ /^' Meineke 967 Austin: oja-Trep R: to? eV Enger 968 euua Brunck: -17 R 969 Bentley: -aiv R EvAvpav Zanetti: eA- R

40

g8oa

9 Sob

983-4

986

987/8 9 88a 9 88b

991 992 992/3 994a 994-b

996 997 997/8 1000

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looiff. Stephan. in Arist. _R/i. iii. 2 p. i4O4 b 24 (CAG xxi. 2

g8oa TjfifTfpaiai Hermann: -pais R 982 ^apiv Ellebodius: xaipeiv R 984 i>f]aT€vop.€i> Bentley: -aip.€i> R 985 eta -n-aAA' Blaydes: eta-n-aAA' R: ed.pr. 989 (f>iXo-)(6poiai Scaliger: -aivR 990 £me tSzlio? av Enger: R 994a tS-Et!i'£ui'Hermann: euioy euiop R 994-b -lySo^tei'offSuppl. Austin 995 ooi Zanetti (£e Divus): on!' R 996 Ki.0ai.p- Zanetti: KiSap- R 997 ,LieAa,Li- M: ^teAai'- R 997/8 TrerpdjSei?re vairai Enger: KaivaTrai-7T€Tp- R 1001 oip,a)£i Brunck: -p,at^€i R

4i

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42

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1040—1

IQ45 io47a io47b io48a io48b

1050

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43 IO6O

1065

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1070

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75

1080/1

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6178

S 686 S 53i (hint Zon. 1117 1067 Moer. v 6

R Biset: Ellebodius: R bis Grynaeus: 1073-4 1080 bis Bentley: DisR

1061 1070

Bust. p. 1761. 26 1067-8 122

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44

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1087-8 1089

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1100

1083

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bisR bis Dindorf: bisR bis Rogers bis R 1091 1094 1096

bis Bothe:

1088

Brunck: R

1089

1085 bis Coulon: bis Austin

R R 1101

1093

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45

I IO5

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1115

1120

1125 1125

Moer. 28 R

I IO2

M:

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Brunck: Scaliger:

1108 1114

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1103 1107 mo

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Sommerstein sernel Biset: bis R R:

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1120

11 24

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R R R Enger:

Bo the: van Herwerden: van Herwerden: R

Lenting: Bentley: R

TR TR

1119 I 122 I 125

46

1130

1135

1138-9 1140

1143-4 1145-6

1150-1 1152/3 1153/4 1155-6 1158-9

1139 (a^uya) § Phryn. PS, p. 100. 3 1126 Brunck: 1129 evSegaiTa Kuster: Se'f- R 1133 -TTJKL^L Anon.Par.: -TfjKL^€L^

8' suppl. Hermann (-re T' Enger): TJKET' R

R Brunck: 1127 1132 TovTto Zanetti (hide Divus): TOVTO R 1139 Kovpf]i>Bothe: KopyvR Hermann

Hermann: -at R van Leeuwen: Reisig: -

R R

1148

1150—1 avopas iv' ovd^is Hermann: ov R

Hermann TTO\V TTOTVLO. R 1156 TroXv-n-oTvia Hermann: Hermann

1153

1157

47 1160

1165

1170

n?5

1180

1185

1169 (aTpaTids) § Phot. p. 542. 12 1174 (aFaKaAmiaoF) § Phot, a 1514 1175 § S T 340 (IltpaiKov) Poll. iv. IOO (cf. §§ Hsch. 77 2005) 1183

§§ Hsch. T 1758

1187 (-n-uy-^) §§ Hsch. TT 4279

1165 oup Biset: ovv R Hirschig: Treid- R

1167 d^oua-^r' Elmsley adAch. 295: -aatr' R 1171 Treide Biset: Treiaai R

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48

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1197 Phot. p. 546. 2 — S a 1273 1189 'OTI M: 'OTIF R R

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49 1213^ izi3b

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COMMENTARY In the centre of the stage-building (CTK-IJVIJ) is a single large door first put to use as the house of Agathon (26-30). Two actors enter from an eisodos, one of them out of breath and worn out (1—4, 24) and lagging behind the other. Both wear dark red ('male') masks with gaping mouths and beards (Stone 22—4, 28—31) and grey wigs (Stone 60—5), and are fitted with long theatrical phalli (Stone 72—100). The first character's phallus is rolled up and tied out of the way at his waist, whereas the latter's dangles loose (cf. 239), as befits his role as the play's chief buffoon. Each of them has on a short chiton (Stone 170—2) with a himation (213-14 n.) over it. Both characters wear shoes or sandals (Stone 222-43). Nothing else can be said about their costume, although the first is most likely richly dressed. The first character is quickly identified as the tragic playwright Euripides (4). The second remains anonymous until 74 (where see n.), when he reveals that he is Euripides' kinsman by marriage this is the only name or title he is ever given. The time of day is early morning (2, 78—9 with n.; cf. 375), and at 80 it is said to be the third day of the Thesmophoria (but see i n.). Av. and_Ra. (and to a lesser extent PL) begin in a similar fashion, with two characters appearing on stage near the end of what has been, for at least one of them, a long and trying journey. 1—4 Cf. PL i—21, where Karion, although supposedly addressing the gods (i), first grumbles to himself about the lunatic project in which he is involved (1—17) and then demands that his master explain what the two of them are doing (18-21). 1-2 The first verse appears to set the action in winter (rather than late spring, when Th. was performed; see Introduction, pp. xli,xliii); cf. 67-8. If the audience in the Theatre knew the title of Aristophanes' play in advance, they would have expected it to be set in October-November (when the Thesmophoria was celebrated; see Introduction, p. xlvi). But this is much too early to be impatiently awaiting the arrival of spring; and since the second verse immediately converts the image into a metaphor ('Will this long period of misery ever come to an end?') in order to begin the process of introducing the plot, it may be that the idea of the swallow's arrival was already proverbial by this period and could be used at any time of year. Similar dramatic imagery is used at the start of Shakespeare's Richard III: 'Now is the winter of our discontent / made glorious summer by this sun of York'. For the appeal to Zeus plunging the audience in medias res, cf. Nu. 1-2. i A despairing complaint addressed to the world at large (although not

52

COMMENTARY

to Eur.; contrast 3-4). Cf. 71; Bain, Actors 94-7. to Zeu: A bland colloquial oath, often functioning as little more than an exclamation, like English 'My God!' Routinely * (e.g. 71; Ach. 435; Nu. 2; Ra. 1278). x^'S''"' <*pci wore <|>avr|<j€Tai;: For the appearance of the swallow or martin (Thompson 314-25; Dunbar on Av. 714) as a sign of spring, Eg. 419; Pax 799-800 ~ Stesich. PMGF 211; Av. 714-15; Hes. Op. 568-9; Simon. PMG 597; carm. pop. PMG 848. 1-2 with H. W. Smyth, Greek Melic Poets (London, 1906) 507-8; ARV* p. 1594, no. 48 (St Petersburg olim Leningrad 615, apelike on which a young man cries ('Look, a swallow!'), a man responds vr) TOV 7/paxAe'a ('Yes, by Herakles!'), and a boy adds aini]t ('There it is!'); on the side is written ('Spring is come')); cf. Av. 1417; fr. 617; Cratin. fr. 35; PDuke Inv. 774 c ii 11 (Kolner Papyri 9 (Wiesbaden, 2001) 31) (suppl. Kassel; 'if only you would appear, swallow!') (3rd c. AD); Thompson 319—20. dpd -jrore marks this as a discouraged question (cf. GP 46), as at [E.] Rh. 360. For interrogative dpa late in the sentence, GP48-9. 2 Cf. Pherecr. fr. 95 fijroi wepieppwv av-rov e| ea>8ivov ('I've been wandering about seeking him since dawn'). dmoXei [ i : A colloquial expression of exasperation; 'He'll be the death of me by (+part.)!', i.e. 'Damn him for (+ part.)!' Cf. 1073 with n.; Antiph. fr. 221. 8; Alex. fr. 177. 15; Men. Mis. 18. dXotiv: 'thrashing around' (cf. 2R). dAodoi is properly 'thresh [cut grain]', i.e. by causing horses, oxen, or the like to trample it on a threshing-floor (H. //. 20. 495—7; X. Oec. 18. 3—4; Bliimner i. 3—5; Miiller 251-4); hence the meaning 'tramping endlessly about, pounding along' here and the more common extended sense 'thrash, crush' (e.g. Ra. 149; fr. 932; Theoc. 22. 128; Herod. 2. 34). Cf. Taillardat §138; Austin(1987) 69—70; (1990) 11. For similar complaints, Av. 4; Men. Mis. 21. (6) dvOptd-uos expresses hostile impatience ('this person'), as at e.g. Av. 940; Lys. 936; PL 855; D. 3. 16; 4. 9. Cf. Headlam on Herod. 6. 27. !£ itoGivoO: 'since [the time of] dawn'. A colloquial Attic equivalent of eiuOev, first attested elsewhere at Pherecr. fr. 95* (above); cf. Alex. fr. 259. 4*; Men. Sam. 511*; PI. Snip. 22oc; Phdr. 227a, 228b; Lg. 722c; X. HG i. 1.5. This is hardly consistent with ewdev in 375 (marking the start of the women's assembly), but Greek drama is notoriously flexible in its handling of time (cf. Taplin (1977) 290—4) and the audience cannot be expected to worry about matters of this sort. 3-4 oTov re: Sc. eari. A common ellipse (also 178), as with e.g. eVoi^ioy (59) and (j>povSos (691); cf. KG i. 40—1. For the peremptory tone, cf. potin at Plaut. Amph. 903; Men. 466; Pers. 287; Rud. 424. This might be a colourful way of describing the stitch Inlaw has got in his left side (for the location of the spleen on the left side of the body, PI. Ti. 72c; Arist. HA 496 b i6-i7) from chasing

LINES

1-6

53

Eur. about the city (2), which makes it feel as if his spleen has expanded and is about to burst out of his body; cf. Plaut. Merc. 124 (an exhausted messenger)peril, seditionemfacitlien, occupatpraecordia('l'vehaditl My spleen's in revolt; it's pressing up into my chest!'); Plin. Nat. 11. 205 (the spleen 'sometimes causes a peculiar impediment in running'). But Inlaw is not only tired but annoyed (2 with n.), and what he means is more likely 'before I vomit up my spleen' (for e«j8dAAa) in this sense, e.g. Eg. 404); cf. HeadlamonHerod.4.62(p.2O3); Austin (1990) 11—12. is a colloquial Attic intensifier (e.g. Pax 820*; Antiph. fr. 189. 14; PI. Snip. 2isd; Is. 6. 35; Hyp. 3. 6; cf. Thesleff §272); here 'absolutely' vel sim. TTOI fi' dyeis;: An obvious question, set up by the complaints in 1—3. But the answer is deferred until 25—30 and a bit of amusing nonsense (5-24) inserted to warm up the audience. Cf. 5-22 n. perhaps adds urgency to the appeal; see Dickey 199-206; contrast 193. For the crasis, cf. Theoc. 2. 66 TiuvpovXoio = ru> Evj3-; KB i. 221. Contemporary Athenians represented on stage in Ar.'s plays are routinely identified by name either just before or immediately after they appear (as here); cf. 95 with n., 571 (a striking exception to the rule) with 574—5 n.; Olson, 'Names' 316—18. 5—22 An interruption in the forward movement of the dialogue (and perhaps in the movement of the characters across the orchestra), consisting of (i) a quick display of Euripidean verbal subtlety, with Inlaw playing the befuddled straight-man but still acknowledging the brilliance of it all (5— 12); followed by (2) a mock-philosophic discourse by Eur. on the origin of the senses of sight and hearing, again capped by an (at least nominally) appreciative comment by his companion (13-22). Cf. 39-62 n., 71-94 n., 97—176 n. The pomposity of Eur.'s professorial manner is mercilessly exposed by Inlaw's ludicrous distortions and misunderstandings; cf. ZR ('The one character speaks in a very elevated, tragic style, while the other hears [his words] more stupidly than is necessary'); A. Roemer, Studien zu Aristophanes (Leipzig, 1902) 169. 5—10 What Eur. means in 5—6 is that Inlaw does not need to hear about things he will soon see. But Inlaw assumes that he is being told he ought not to hear what he has asked about (7); and when Eur. says 'Not the things you're going to see' (7), Inlaw takes this to mean that he should not see anything (8), at least if he wants to hear about it, as he does; by which point Eur. is talking in circles (8) and Inlaw is completely flummoxed (910). Gordziejew 299, compares Strepsiades' bumbling (or half-hearted) attempts to make sense of the learned remarks of Socrates and his slave at Nu. 165-8, 200-17, 235-6. 5-6 For the idea that autopsy is better than learning by verbal report (a commonplace), e.g. H. 77. 2. 484-6; E. Or. 81; Th. i. 22. 2; Plaut. True. 489. Cf. Pax 939; Av. 119; PI. 517; E. Supp. 1176; 70/2417; fr. 413. i.

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Sommerstein follows ed. pr. and Dobree in reading oy (i.e. But oaa, like a y in 7-8, is needed to link the two contrasting ideas, 'you don't need to hear what you're going to see' (andvice versa). A deliberate manipulation of the audience's expectations: Eur. speaks like a priest and misleadingly implies that he is taking Inlaw to some sort of initiation (cf. Ra. 155). mus \€Y€is;: 'Huh? What do you mean?' (Av. 323; Ra. 515*; Aristomen. fr. 2. 2); more often (e.g. Av. 319; PI. 268; E. Hel. 471 ('What do you mean? What is that you said? Say it to me again!')) or (e.g. Ach. 768; Nu. 207; Lys. 756) 7—8 ou 8ei [i' aKoueiv; in 7 is echoed in ou8' dp' opdv 8ei fi';* in 8, just as in 7 is echoed in oux & Y "v ditoueiv Set]* in 8, with the infins. in chiastic order. For seeing what one should see and not seeing what one should not see as a mark of a good man (a trope perhaps lurking in the background), E. fr. 413. 3; Hdt. i. 8. 4; cf. Men. Mon. 48. For the turn of phrase, cf. E./OW558; Antipho Soph. 87B44&. A col. 3. 1—15. expects a positive response (GP46). Q-IO Cf. Ra. 1169 (Dionysos' reaction to Eur.'s attempt to draw a distinction between -IJKIU and Kare'p^o^ai) 'Well done, by Hermes; although I don't understand what you're saying!' TT&JS f-ioi mapaiveis; is a serious rather than a sarcastic question. Se^uis: For Se|ioj and its cognates as very positive, primarily late 5th-c. evaluative terms (a sense of the word attested first in Pindar (JV. 3. 8; /. 5. 61) but absent from tragedy), Dover, Frogs, pp. 13—14. Used of poets also at Ach. 629; Ra. 71, 1009 (Eur. identifies this as one of the first qualities to be looked for in a good poet); cf. Stratt. fr. I. 2 Spdp,a Se^iwrarov (of E. Or.). Editors generally place a full stop at the end of 9 and make 10 interrogative. But this is quite abrupt, and it seems more natural to place a colon at the end of 9 and a full stop at the end of 10, making the second line a simple-minded comment on Serais. Explanatory yap is not needed; cf. Doveron_Ra. 15. jievroi: 'certainly', as at e.g. Lys. 1095 Men. Epitr. 510; PI. Snip. I7&b; cf. GP401 ('Conveying a favourable opinion of the previous speaker's words'). 'You're saying that I mustn't. . .' (KG ii. 180). For ris', R has the wrong accent <j>-l)s (cf. Introduction p. xciv)), Arnott, in Willi 216-17. 11 Elsewhere in comedy, x^p's always means 'separate' or 'separately' (e.g. Ach. 714; V. 658; Antiph. fr. 27. 24) rather than 'different', as here and frequently in Plato (esp. Sph. 245C Phlb. 44a and 2R (cf. Miller 172) comments that 'These things are borrowed from natural philosophy' (cf. Anaxag. 5 9 6 6 'to exist apart'). But ^oipij has the sense 'different' also at e.g. Semon.

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fr. 7. i; Euen. fr. 4. 2; A. Ag. 926 with Fraenkel ad loc.; S. Ant. 510; OC 808; E. Ale. 528 xwpls TO T' eivai ml TO f^-ij vopitfrai, and this must be a simple case of an (originally perhaps primarily poetic) extension of meaning. Y"P: '[Yes,] for. ..' (GP"j^— 4); cf. 641. Preservation of the dual is a distinctive feature of Attic; cf. 24, 956, 1183; Bers 59-61. €KdT<=pou: First attested at Pi. /. 8. 31, but otherwise absent from serious poetry and confined to comedy and prose. ('nature', as opposed to o vop.os, 'custom, culture') was a key term in the intellectual debates of the late 5th c. (Handley, 'Nouns' 132; Dover on Nu. 1075), but 13-18 make it clear that Eur. means simply 'their origin'. 12 Inlaw needs to know which two things Eur. is talking about before he can ask how their origin is different, and his garbling of what his companion is talking about is not only in character (cf. 6-10) but funny, as is Eur.'s unexpected endorsement of his analysis (cf. 22). Cf. Sansone 342. It is therefore wrongheaded to delete the line as a gloss on 11 (van Herwerden, Mnemosyne ii. 10 (1882) 88) or as 'an author's variant surviving from an early draft' (Sommerstein). eu 106' on: 'Know you well that [this is the case]!', i.e. 'Exactly!' Colloquial; cf. Pax 373* with Olson ad loc.; PI. 183*; fr. 466. 7*; Stevens 29. For the hiatus, Moorhouse, CQ NS 12 (1962) 239-47, esP- 2 39- Eur. reacts as if Inlaw had said and is too absorbed in his own thoughts to notice the mistake. 13—18 For the parodic image of Eur. as natural philosopher, Rau 157—60. 13 mtis X U P'S> : 'What do you mean, "different"?'; cf. Lys. 496, 521; Ra. 98; EC. 126; PI. 356. OUTU: i.e. in such a way as to be Cf. 14-15 n. The vb. is characteristic of philosophical discourse (e.g. Anaxag. 59 B 13 Derveni pap. (ZPE 141 (2002) 42, col. xxi. 14)) and poetic cosmogony (A.R. i. 498). rore: 'at that time', i.e. 'the time I am referring to', further defined in 14-15. Cf. van Leeuwen on PL 834. 14—18 Critics have often tried to detect the influence of a particular philosophical system in the parody here and in the Euripidean fragments cited in 14-15 n.: earlier scholars (e.g. L. Parmentier, Euripide et Anaxagore (Memoires Couronnes xlvii: Brussels, 1892-3) 82-4) thought of Anaxagoras, with whom Eur. was sometimes connected (cf. D.S. i. 7. 7 (quoting E. fr. 484. 2—6) 'being a student of Anaxagoras'; Alex. Aet. fr. 7, p. 126 Powell, withMagnelliadloc., pp. 223-31 of his edition, Florence, 1999), while Mureddu, Lexis 9/10 (1992) 115-20, argues for Empedokles (thus also Sansone). Eur. did refer to contemporary intellectual theories in his plays (e.g. Ale. 245 with Dale ad loc.; cf. Telecl. fr. 41), but the specific parallels alleged are not compelling; cf. 16-17 n -; Wilamowitz, Analecta Euripidea (Berlin, 1875) 163-4; Bakhuyzen 108-9. Two things must be distinguished in this passage: (i) the idea of separation at

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the origin of the universe (14-15); and (2) the notion of Aither creating the separate sensory organs (16-18). The first idea goes back at least to Hesiod's Theogony (see G. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, The Presocratic Philosophers2 (Cambridge, 1983) 34—41). A concern with the development of the sense-organs, on the other hand, seems to be characteristic of 5th-c. thought; Diogenes, Empedokles, Alkmaion, and others evidently treated the problem, although nothing in what survives of their work is much like our passage. A closer parallel is X.Tkfem. i. 4. 5 (Socrates is speaking): 'Does it not seem to you that he who originally made human beings equipped them for their good with what they needed to perceive each category of things, eyes for seeing what can be seen, and ears for hearing what can be heard?' In general, cf. F. Solmsen, Kleine Schriften i (Hildesheim, 1968) 332-55, esp. 338. 14-15 AE0r|p: The aWr/p is properly the upper air, in which (inter alia) lightning (1050 with n.) and gusts of wind (43 withn.) originate and the stars are set (1067-8; cf. Griffith on [A.] PV88; Rowe on PI. Phd. lopby-ci), and from which Euripidean gods mould simulacra of living things (Hel. 583-4; Ph. 1543; Ba. 291-3, 629-31); at 272 (where seen.) ~ E . f r . 487, it is Zeus' residence. A personified AlOr/p (first attested at Hes. Th. 124) is referred to as a cosmogonic deity at Orph. i B 12; 13; Musae. 2B 14; Acus. 9 B i; 3; cf. Pherecyd. 7 A 9; as well as at E. fr. 839. 1-2, and is identified with Zeus at E. frr. 877; 941; Pherecyd. 7 A 9; Emped. 31 A 33; cf. A. fr. 70. For AlOr/p specifically as the begetter of living things, Nu. 570 A ('Aither . . . nourisher of all life'); E. fr. 839. 1—2 ('Zeus' Aither, begetter of human beings and gods'); cf. E. frr. 877; 1023. aiB-qp/AW-qp is poetic and philosophic vocabulary; very common in Eur. but elsewhere in Ar. only in tragic quotations or paratragedy (43 (where the Slave's use of the word sets him in the tradition of poetic bombast established here), 51, 272, 1050, 1068, 1099; Av. 1183; Ra. 100 = 311, 892); in dithyrambic parody (Av. i4Oo;cf. Av. 1393b); in lyric at Nu. 285/6, 570 (above); and at Nu. 265 (part of an invocation of various deities; anapaests). The impfs. in these verses describe a process in the course of which two innovations (marked by aors.) occurred (16-18 with nn.); the implication of 17 is that the sun was created at a preliminary stage in the process. ore . . . Creation is occasionally referred to elsewhere in early sources as a process of differentiation rather than aggregation (E. frr. 52. ('Earth the birth-giver separated out mortal beings'); 484. 2—4; Emped. 31 A 49 (of aither); Anaxag. 59 B 2), although the image is more often applied to the 'dissolution' of elements conventionally referred to as 'death' (e.g. Emped. 31 A 37; B 9. 4; Epich. 23 B 9 = fr. 213; E. fr. 839. 8-14). Siexaipi^ero is mid. ('was separating itself out [from the original indistinct mass]') rather than pass.: Aither

L I N E S 14-17

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went one way and Earth the other, as at E. fr. 484. 3 (of Sky and Earth). Cf. W. Staudacher, Die TrennungvonHimmelundErde (Tubingen, 1942) 105—6. TCI TfpuTa: Adverbial, like -irpu)r(a) in 16. In a cosmogonic context also at Hes. Th. 108 ('Tell how the gods and the earth first came into being'). are 'living creatures', not 'living things', so that plants are not included; but the qualifier Kivou^ieva ('endowed with motion') is none the less added at the end of the line to make clear why eyes and ears are needed (16—18), that is, to keep the animals that were being created from running into one another. Iv auru: 'in its bosom'. £UV€T€KVOU: The simplex TeKvoo) is poetic and especially tragic vocabulary (e.g. A. Th. 657; S. OT 867; E. HF r, Theodect. TrGF 72 F 4. 2; first in prose in Aristotle), but is absent from comedy; cf. Miller 172-3. The compound is attested elsewhere only in several non-Attic inscriptions, gvv- implies a partner, which must be Earth (as at E. frr. i82a Kannicht = Antiope VI Kambitses; 484; 839; cf. Supp. 532—4; fr. 1004), although the lack of any specific mention of her means that the emphasis falls on Aither. 16-18 In 14-15, Aither is presented as merely a primordial entity of some sort, whereas here it behaves like a human craftsman, manufacturing special parts for the creatures that it is—in a less anthropomorphic form—in the process of producing. 16-17 & [iev P\eu€iv xp^: 'with which one must see' (instrumental dat.; cf. PI. Snip. 2i2a with Dover ad loc.), i.e. 'the thing one needs, in order to see'. TTpo)T(a): 14—15 n. Eur.'s argument depends on the traditional poetic image of the sun as an eye that looks down upon and sees all things (JVM. 285/6 with Dover ad loc.; EC. i with Ussher ad loc.; Olson on Pax 406; Mastronarde on E. Ph. 543). But 'the wheel of the sun' is an otherwise unattested image, although the sun's disk is referred to from time to time as a 'circle' e.g. A. Pers. 504; E. Hec. 412; EL 465) and the personified Sun is frequently said in poetry to travel through the sky in a chariot (Diggle on E. Phaeth. 2, 173; Olson on Pax 406). dv-rifiifiov (first attested here and identified as a poeticism at Arist. Rh. 1406^9-30) normally takes the gen. (hence Blaydes's rpo^ou). But Eratosth. Cat. 13 has (which Bakhuysen no, suggested might echo an actual Euripidean verse, but see Nauck on E. fr. 925), and Nonn. xviii. 115 = xxi. 204 offers O.VTITVTTOV p.ip.T)p.a SeX-rjvaiijai Kepamis. For the eye compared to the sun, PI. _R. 5o8b; this is based on the common Greek conception of man as a microcosm, avripipos TTJJ ovpaviov rafeius ('an imitation of the heavenly organization'; Ruf. Anat. i). Cf. W. Kranz, Kleine Schriften (Heidelberg, 1967) 195. For the idea that living creatures were moulded out of earth, Dunbar onAv. 686, to whose references add Epich. 23 B 9 = fr. 213; E. fr. 839 (which combine to support her thesis that

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the image dates to well before the 4th c.). Empedokles also discussed the origin of the eye (31 B 84, 86), but the theories Eur. offers here show no sign of any specific influence of his poetry. (Blass's speculative at Emped. 31 B 84. 9 canot be used as evidence; see M. R. Wright, Empedocles: The Extant Fragments (New Haven, 1981)241.) 18 aKof)s...x°»vr]v: '[asl a funnel for hearing';cf.2 R 'the word 019 is missing'; D.S. ii. 56. 4T'ljsaKO'ljsTprip.aTa', Austin (1987) 70; TsitsiridiSjHellenika 51 (2001) 57—61. Thus Biset for R's indefensible aKo-rjv Se^odvTjy; but Boissonade's aKofj Se -^oavrfv is also possible (if palaeographically inferior). For funnels, Pherecr. fr. 113. 30-1; IG 13 386. 127; 387. 144; Amyx 255-9. For hearing as a fluid that passes through a channel, S. OT 1386—7. For the image of the listener filled full like a vessel, PI. Phdr. 235C—d. For ears as funnels, PI. R. 41 la. For 'pierced ears', S. fr. 858. 2 (where Radt prints Meineke's pv-ma^fvov for the paradosis TpvTra>fi,evov); cf. A. Ch. 451-2 Si' Miiller 52. 8i€T€Tpr|vaTO is the Homeric form of the aor. (here mid., perhaps under the influence of the preceding e^TjxavTjaaTo; Attic would have SierpTjaaro) and is thus appropriate for a cosmogony; cf. Rutherford 76-7. In the same way Plato injected 'subtle and feathery' Ionic touches into cosmological utterances; cf. Dover, CR NS 31 (1981) 288—9 (reviewing D. Th. Sakalis, a(Ioannina, 1978-80)). IQ 'So because of this funnel I shouldn't hear or see?' (deliberative subJunes.). For the anaphoric article (contrast 18 -^odvriv), KG i. 597. Inlaw seizes on Eur.'s final point to return to the question he asked in 10 (where OUT' aKoveiv olid' opdv is * as fir|T' (XKOUU ^6' opto), bringing his interlocutor's brief foray into speculative cosmogony to a suitably ridiculous end. Cf. Nu. 227—38, where Strepsiades offers a similarly puzzled response to Socrates' closing remarks about the resemblance between abstract thought and cress, before trying to bring him down to earth (both figuratively and literally). 20 vr) TOV Ai': Like ^d TOV At' (e.g. 34, 175; Nu. 1228; Ra. 192), a common line-opening formula (e.g. 259; V. 217; Pax 1265; Lys. 1095; Ra. 3) equivalent to a simple affirmative adv. (Thesleff §288). 'I am happy to learn thisl' ye is exclamatory and distinctly sarcastic (GP 128). irpoapavdavia (first attested at [A.] PV 697) is 'learn [something] in addition to [something else]', here 'in addition to [what I knew before this conversation started]'; cf. 24; MacDowell on V. 1208. 21 2R cites S. fr. 14 ao<j>ol rvpavvoi rcov aofituv fvvovaiq ('tyrants are wise by keeping wise company') and claims that Ar. in Heroes (= fr. 323) attributed the line to Euripides, as Plato (Thg. I25b; R. 5&8a), Antisthenes (fr. 59 Decleva Caizzi), and scattered later sources do (cf. Radt's apparatus; is one poet echoing the other? or did they both hit on the same line by

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coincidence (cf. E. Andr. 28 ~ S. OT 218; E. Ba. 193 ~ S. fr. 695)?). But nothing suggests a specific allusion to the verse, although is elevated poetic style (below). Seneca, on the other hand, seems clearly to echo Inlaw at Ep. 94. 40 occursus mehercules ipse sapientium iuvat, et est aliquid. oiov Y« TTOU '<JTIV KT\.: 'What a thing is . . . ! ' ; cf. Eup. fr. 342 olov ye TTOV 'ari yXwaaa Kavdpanrov Aoyoy. Each particle keeps its own force: ye emphasizes olov, while TTOV is ironic, as at V. 27. Cf. GP 494. For the agreement of (e)<jTW with the predicate OLOV rather than the pi. subj., which follows, KG i. 75-6; Gildersleeve §124. (a poeticism; cf. KG i. 261-2), 'consorting with brilliant men', avvovam/fvvovaia is late 5th-c. vocabulary; first attested in Hdt. (ii. 78; vi. 128. i). 22-4 iroXV av KT\.: For the poet as teacher, an idea lurking behind Eur.'s remark (ignoring Inlaw's simple-mindedness), 399 n. Not a genuine aside (since it makes no difference whether Eur. hears it) but—like 1—2; see i n.—an exasperated remark intended for no one in particular. 77019 av + opt. (a primarily tragic idiom, rare in comedy) is highly emotional and expresses a hopeless wish (KG i. 235; Gildersleeve 446; Fraenkel on A. Ag. 622; cf. 1016—17 (paratragic); Ach. 991 (lyric); Eq. 17, i6(aparody of Phaidra's dilemma); V. 166 (probably tragic quotation or paratragedy); Pax 68 (paratragedy?); Men. Epitr. 441-2; Sam. 102); 'if only . . .!' The solemn prayer ends in bathos. ouv: 'in that case', i.e. 'if you have so much to teach me'. dyaSois: For similarly sarcastic uses of the adj., Pax 370 with Olson ad loc.; S. Ant. 31, 275; Ph. 873. R has e^evpoip,' OTTWS / eri irpoa^adoL juij, which is metrical but nonsensical, and we print Ellebodius' Sommerstein and V. Tammaro (in a forthcoming note in the Miscellanea in ricordo di A. Colonna, pp. 919—21) both accept Reiske's e|eiJpoiy; but cf. Zuretti, RFIC 29 (1901) 555. Having just been told (at least as he sees it) that he ought to be both blind and deaf (19), Inlaw notes that his problems would all be solved if he could only find a way to be crippled as well—and thus spared the need to walk any further (thus 2R). Cf. Austin (1987) 70; (1990) 12; S. OT 120 eV ydp iroAA' av e|et>poi p,a0€iv. For fvpiaKia and its compounds used in the sense 'invent', 438/9 n. For irpoapavdavu}, 20 n. xu^°S etvai TIO <JK€\€I: An oblique reference to Eur.'s alleged overfondness for crippled heroes (Ach. 410—11, 426—9; Pax 146-8;Ra. 846xwXoTtoiov('cripple-maker')). r
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25—30 Eur. finally answers the question asked in 3—4 (cf. 5—22 n.). 25 For the staging, 22—4 n. (3a§i£e: j3a&i£,iu (also 269 485, 617, 1190, 1228) is colloquial vocabulary; cf. Olson on Pax 117. is relatively common in Ar. (e.g. Av. 202; Ra. 609; EC. 1074), but is otherwise rare and attested in the classical period only in comedy (e.g. Mnesim. fr. 4. 23; Men. fr. 129. 2) and the orators (e.g. And. 2. 10; D. 18. 232; Aeschin. 2. 68); presumably highly colloquial. Cf. Dover, EGPS 63-4. After the penthemimeral caesura the line is identical with Nu. 635. TTp6a€X€ TOV vouv: 'pay attention' (e.g. 381 withn.; Eg. 1014*; V. 1015; Pax 174; PI. Cri. 47b); colloquial. Cf. Handley, 'Words' 209; Olson on Pax 669. E8ou: 'There!' (colloquial), signaling compliance with a request or command (255*, 568 with n.; Stevens 35; Lopez Eire 184—6). 26 opas TO Gupiov TOUTO;: * at Nu. 92. Dover ad loc. argues that (attested in the classical period only in Ar., although cf. Alciphr. ii. 27 (iii. 30), probably drawing on a classical source; for the accent, Petersen 10—14) is a persuasive diminutive (Petersen 163) in both passages (in Nu. it is followed by «ai raiKiSiov): like Strepsiades, Eur. plans to seek a favour, and although he does not expect to ask Inlaw for it, his intention colours his choice of vocabulary. But at PL 1098 Karion—who no longer needs anything from anyone—also uses Ovpiov of the central stage-door, and while the sense might be pejorative there ('wretched door'; cf. Petersen 122-5), more likely this is a colloquial Attic term for a house-door (cf. Petersen 87-8) and is used here (as elsewhere in comedy) metri gratia. Herakles was commonly invoked to express shock, surprise, or horror (e.g. Ach. 94 with Olson ad loc.; Alex. fr. 274. 5; Men. Dysk. 74; PI. Euthphr. 4a; Snip. 2i3b; X. Mem. i. 3. 12; D. 19. 308; Aeschin. i. 49), but vr| TOv'HpaK\€a is only a very bland oath (Eq. 481; Av. 1391; PI. 337; D. 25. 51; cf. V. 758). -e'a is to be scanned as a single long syllable; cf. 64 ea withn., 280 Oeaaai', Dover onRa. 863. 27 olfiaiYe: 'I think [that I do]!', i.e. 'I certainly do!'; cf. 594; Ach. 919; Pax 863; Ra. 491; PI. Cri. 47d; Alc.i I27b. Colloquial (Stevens 23-4). For ye adding liveliness or intensity to a positive answer, GP 130—1. HolfordStrevens, following Rogers, suggests instead taking the ye as limitative: 'I think so', sc. 'but you've got me so confused I hardly know what I'm seeing and not seeing!' aiYa: Eur. means simply 'Keep silent!' (LSJ s.v. I; cf. 45, 95, 99), but Inlaw—who is eager to cooperate but (as frequently in this scene) a bit behind the curve—takes him to be saying 'Keep silent [about this]!' (LSJ s.v. II) and therefore responds (' I'm keeping quiet about the door'; cf. 28*). For aianrw picking up cf. Ra. 915—16. vuv is common with imperatives (e.g. 107, 279; cf. LSJ s.v. II. 3); for the accent, Introduction pp. xcvii—xcviii. 28 The verse was omitted from R's exemplar as a result of the homoio-

L I N E S 25-31

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teleuton with 27; was added either in the margin with inadequate indication of where it ought to be inserted or at the foot of the page after 30 by a corrector; was displaced (to between 30 and 31) when R was copied; and was restored to its proper place in the text by Ra. Cf. 33; Introduction p. xcvi. 29-30 AydGuv . . . / 6 TpaY8o-uoi6s: According to Plato (Snip. I73a = Agathon TrGF 39 T 2), Agathon son of Teisamenos(P^4 83; PA A 105185; TrGF 39) took the prize 'with his first tragedy' (ri\ irpunri rpayoiSia) while still a young man, and Athenaios (5. 2i6f-2i7a = Agathon TrGF 39 T i; clearly drawing on official records of some sort) puts the victory at the Lenaia in 416. Aristotle reports that Agathon introduced e^jSoAi^a (songs bearing no relationship to the plot) into tragedy (Po. I456 a 29—30; cf. Plu. Mor. 6456), and other musical innovations were attributed to him as well (101-29 n.). Agathon was very good-looking (191-2 with nn.), and Plato (Prt. 3isd-e; Snip. I77d, I93b-c) andXenophon (Snip. 8. 32) both make it clear that he and his older male lover (epaoTr/s) Pausanias of Kerameis (PA 11717; PAA 769665) maintained a sexual relationship for many years. When Agathon went off to the court of Archelaos of Macedon some time before 405 (Ra. 83—4; Ael. VH 13. 4), therefore, Pausanias accompanied him (Marsyas FGrHist 136 F8; Ael. VH 2. 21). Long-term homosexual commitments seem to have been rare (Dover, Symposium, pp. 3-5), and Ar. at least implies that Agathon (who was perhaps in his late 2os or early 305 at the time Th. was performed) did his best to maintain a boyish appearance, inter alia by shaving his face (33, 134 with n., 191 withn.). Ar. mocks Agathon elsewhere for his effeminacy (fr. 178) and his fondness for over-elaborate language (frr. 341 (from Th. II); 592. 35), and both characteristics are on display in the scenes that follow. For Tpa-yiuScmoios, cf. 88 with n., |U,eAo7rot09 (Ra. 1250), e7ro7imo9 (Hdt. 11. I2O. 3), (common in PI. (e.g. Snip. 223d)), SiBvpap-jSoTroios (Arist. Rh. i4o6bi-2 (LSJ s.v. is in error), I4i3 b i4). Equivalent nouns in are much less common (cf. Pax 734 Poetic (and especially Euripidean) vocabulary (e.g. Eg. 1328 with Neil ad loc.; Stesich. PMGF 184. i; A. Pers. 474; S. Ph. 575; E. HF 12; Or. 17; cf. Miller 173). Agathon must have been well-known in Athens in 411, as the oblique references to his personal peculiarities in 31—5 make clear, and the real point of adding the specification is to set up Inlaw's puzzlement as to who is being referred to. 'Which Agathonisthat?'; cf. 621 withn.; Ach. 963; Pherecr. fr. 155. 20-1; Timocl. fr. 12. 4; Aeschin. i. 130; Headlam on Herod. 6. 48.770109 picks up -77-0109, and the punning assonance emphasizes Inlaw's contempt for this supposedly 'unknown' tragic poet. 31 ia-riv TIS followed by a noun or proper name serves to introduce a story or an important new element in a story (Hermipp. fr. 77. 6; Men. Asp. 23

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with Austin ad loc.; S. Tr. 752-3; Aeschin. i. 41, 62; Theoc. 14. 24; cf. fr. 424. i; H. //. 2. 8n; 11.711; Od. 3. 293; 4. 844; 10. 552; h.Bacch. 8; Ter. Phorm. 122): having unexpectedly discovered that Inlaw seems to have no idea who 'the famous Agathon' is (29—30), Eur. backs up to offer a more comprehensive explanation. He is interrupted, however, first by Inlaw's question and then by the appearance of the Slave (36-7). marks this as a dubious question still open to a positive answer; 'you don't mean . . ., do you?' Agathon was a relatively common name in Athens (at least a dozen additional 5th- and 4th-c. examples in LGPN ii s.v.), but Inlaw is not confused; the joke is that—as the average member of the audience was also well aware—none of these adjectives could be applied to Agathon the tragic playwright. Cf. Dover, Gnomon 40 (1968) 828. Cf. 0.21.71 la^vposris'fjv, peXas ('He was a powerful fellow, dark-skinned'; of a well-known pankratiast). A dark complexion (from spending time in the sun) was regarded as a mark of manliness (e.g. fr. 596. i; PI. R. 4746, 55&d; cf. EC. 62—4; Gomme—Sandbach on Men. Sam. 607; Dover onNu. 103), whereas pale skin was a mark of a woman, an intellectual, an effeminate, or a libertine (191 withn.; Nu. 103, 119-20, 1112; Ra. 1092; EC. 428; Sosicr. fr. i. i; E. Ba. 457-9; PI. Phdr. 239c; X. HGiii. 4. 19-Ages, i. 28; Men. Sik. 200 with Sandbach ad loc.); cf. 823 with n.; X. An. v. 4. 34; Ussher on EC. 63-4, 878-9. Kaprepos is 'big and strong', as at 639 Kaprepd*; Ra. 464*, 1398. 32 What Eur. ought to say is iravaai (f>\va.pcov ('Stop talking nonsense!') vel sim. But he falls into the trap and responds with a straight face which serves as a feed for Inlaw's triumphant 'Never seen him!' Cf. Zuretti, RFIC29(1901) 555. ouxlopaitaTni-uore: Echoed* in 33 ov-% eopaKas irdnrore;. For the use of the pf., van Leeuwen on Nu. 766—7 ('Sollemnis in hoc interrogationisgenere'). For eopa«a (rather than as the pf. act. of opdoi, Arnott on Alex. fr. 274. i, and in Willi 204. 33 Omitted in Rac as a result of the homoioteleuton with 32. Cf. 28 n. 31 n. 6 8a<ju/iniY
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sertion(thus Seager, C0NS 31 (1981) 246—7, who adopts Bentley's text in 32; see app. crit.), with Eur. sadly shaking his head. But 34 follows more naturally as a straight answer to a genuine and pressing question. 34 [ia TOV Ai' OUTOI Y' : 'No by Zeus, certainly not'; cf. 20 n., 533 n. ye emphasizes oinoi, just as in oinoi . . . ye it emphasizes the intervening words (Ec. 522). So too KO.ITOI ye is sometimes found (e.g. Ach. 6n; adesp. com. fr. 1000. 10) beside the commoner Kalroi . . . ye. Cf. Austin (1987) 70. ware Kdfie Y'eiSevcu: 'at least in such a way that /would know about it', i.e. 'so far as/know' (cf. EC. 350 fr. 311. 2; Ter.Hec. 863; GPzgg). 35 Kdi fir|v is adversative (GP 357-8); 'and yet [even if you claim you've never seen him]'. Cf. 1126; Wakker, inA r ^4GP2i7-i8. As often, av-y' simply adds emphasis to the vb.; 'you'vefuckedhim!' Cf. 1004, 1224; Nu. 785; V. 940; Av. 85; GP 122-3. pffttvrjKas is a climactic obscenity (Dover, AC 38-9), after which the joke developed in 30-4 is discarded and a new direction taken up with the entrance of Agathon's Slave (36—7); cf. 59—62 n., 570 with n.; Silk 210 (emphasizing the discontinuity of characterization). For piveiu (crude colloquial vocabulary; cf. 50, 206, 1215), MM §205 ('The vulgar vox propria for sexual intercourse in comedy'); Bain, 'Verbs' 54-62; Lamberterie, RPh iii. 65 (1991) 149—60; Chadwick 73—5. d\\' OUK 0106' iaus: That an adult male might be ready and even eager to bugger another male was regarded by the Athenians as amatter of course (cf. 59-62, 157-8, 1118-24; Nu. 1967), but to be the passive partner in such a relationship was a disgrace. The joke is thus entirely on Agathon, who, Eur. implies, has made himself sexually available to every passer-by, like a common prostitute, in the dark (cf. 204-5), so that Inlaw may easily have had sex with him without actually seeing his face and without even an exchange of names. Cf. 98 with n., 153, 158 n., 172 n., 175 n., 257—8 with n. For male prostitutes in Athens, Dover, GH 19—34 (with reference especially to Aeschin. i); D. M. Halperin, One Hundred Years of Homosexuality (New York and London, 1990) 88-104, esP- 88-92; Davidson 90-1. For tragic poets as sexually passive, Nu. 1091—2 (a blanket slander not referring to any particular individual). For oi&a used of knowing persons, e.g. Ach. 430; E. Cyc. 104; Men. Mis. 651; A. Ag. 434. 36-94, 95-278 Two parallel scenes, the second far more richly developed and built in large part on the scheme outlined in the first: (i) Eur. observes that someone is coming out by the central stage-door and tells Inlaw to get out of the way and/or to keep quiet (36-8, 45, 95-9); (2) a male resident of the house emerges and performs an extended piece of paratragic poetry (39—57, 101—29), prompting (3) a series of rude responses (many of them taking up the question of Agathon's sexuality) from Inlaw (45, 48, 50, 51, 57, 130-45, 153, 157-8, 168-70, 172, 175); (4) Eur. eventually

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silences Inlaw and makes a request of the Slave/Agathon (64-5, 176-92); (5) the response is not entirely satisfactory (66, 70, 193-208) and (6) Eur. is thrown into despair (71, 209), (7) causing Inlaw to re-enter the conversation (72-94, 209-78). 36-7 make use of a dramatic convention common to tragedy (A. Ch. 1021; S. OC 111-16; E. El. 107-11) and Aristophanic comedy (also Ach. 238—40; Pax 232—5; Ra. 312—15), in which one character or group of characters is able to stand aside and watch and listen at least initially unobserved as another character or group of characters come on stage; cf. 95-129 with 71 n. Here the lack of resolution in 36, the poetic (below), and the fact that Eur. is speaking and another representative of the tragic genre is coming on stage, combine to suggest paratragedy; cf. Beobachtungen 22-6, esp. 24-5; Bain, Actors 90-2; Garvie on A. Ch. 2,0-1; Muecke 42-3. 'Soph. £7. 77-85 produces a variant in which Orestes (if it is Orestes) refuses to stay and listen' (Handley, in Entretiens Hardt 38 (Vandoeuvres-Geneva, 1993) 114 n. 22). •nrr|£tdfi€v: 'Let us crouch.' The vb. is also attested at e.g. H. Od. 8. 190; Thgn. 1015; Pi. P. 4. 57 with Braswell ad loc.; Bacch. 13. 117; carm. pop. PMG 909. 8; A. Pers. 209; S. OC 1466; Posidipp. Com. fr. 28. 13. First in prose at PI. Snip. i84b; X. Cyr. iii. 3. 18; elsewhere in Ar. at V. 1490 (of the tragedian Phrynichos; anapaests and perhaps an allusion to adesp. tr. fr. 4o8a = Phryn. Trag. fr. 17 Na); Av. 777 (lyric); Lys. 770 (oracle); Ra. 315 (a scene parallel to this one). us is causal ('since'); cf. 233; LSJ s.v. B. IV. l^epx^Tai is always * in Ar. (70 019 e^ep^erai*, 95; Ach. 240; Eq. 234; V. 1375; Lys. 5, 737, 1107; cf. Amphis fr. 23. 5*; Anaxil. fr. 8. 2 e£epxo{i,ai*; Philem. fr. 146. 2*). Gepcunov TIS aurou: Like virtually all Aristophanic slaves who take an active part in the dialogue, Agathon's Slave is anonymous; cf. Olson, 'Names' 310—12. Xanthias in Frogs and Karion in Ploutos are the two notable exceptions. Contrast 279 with n. rrup ixuv: i.e. in a brazier upon which frankincense (Xipavos/XipaviuTos) or myrrh (apvpvrf) are to be burned as part of the ceremony; cf. V. 860—i ('Let someone bring out fire and myrtle branches and the frankincense from within!'); Ra. 871 ('Let someone give me fire and frankincense!'); Olson—Sens on Archestr. fr. 60. 4—5; C. Zaccagnino, // Thymiaterion nel mondo greco (Studia Archaeologica 97: Rome, 1998), esp. 33-65; LiDonnici, Kernos 14 (2001) 65-79. fiuppivas: Most likely a garland woven of myrtle branches (also in sacrificial contexts at V. 861 (above); E. El. 778; cf. Av. 43 with Dunbar ad loc.; van Straten 161—2). For garlands, 447—8 n. 38 Trpo8vfi,a,Ta are small offerings such as cakes that are placed on the altar 'before' the main sacrifice occurs (PL 660; LSCG 21. A (Piraeus, 4th c.); cf. E. Supp. 29 with Collard ad loc.; I A 1310—11), and

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might be taken to mean 'with an eye to making a preliminary sacrifice consisting of [some of] his (i.e. Agathon's) poetry'. But the Slave's song (39—57) is not otherwise presented as a sacrifice, and as its purpose is instead to ensure the successful outcome of Agathon's compositional activity, the vb. is more likely used as at E. Ion 805; Hyps. fr. I. iv. 36; and Eur.'s point is that the Slave intends 'to make an offering on behalf of [his master's] poetry', i.e. in support of Agathon's efforts. For -n-podvai, cf. Ziehen, RhM NF 59 (1904) 391-406; J. Casabona, Recherches sur le vocabulaire des sacrifices en grec (Aix-en-Provence, 1966) 103-8. TTolijais (lit. 'production'; first attested in Hdt.) is a typical late 5thc. technical term; found in comedy (e.g. Ra. 868, 907; Pherecr. fr. 155. 10) and prose (e.g. Hdt. ii. 82. i; PI. Ion 53id; Isoc. 4. 159), but absent from serious poetry. Cf. J. D. Denniston, Greek Prose Style (Oxford, 1952) 2,0-1; Handley, 'Nouns' 139. For parenthetic ioiKe ('it seems'), PL 1098; more often 019 eoi«e (e.g. Ach. 240; Lys. 1106; Antiph. fr. 204. 8; E. HF 36; cf. Z R 'the word 019 is missing'). For similar parentheses, 490 withn.; KGii. 353-4. 39-62 Anapaestic dimeters (42 and 62 catalectic), often used by Ar. in prayers (e.g. V. 323—33; Pax 974—1015); Inlaw's interruptions fit neatly into the rhythm. Paratragic (cf. Parker 55—61, esp. 59) and a virtuoso display of alliteration and assonance. The audience—to say nothing of Inlaw—have finally been informed about where Eur. is going (cf. 3-4 with 25—30 n.), and what remains is to find out why. Had Eur. and Inlaw not stepped to the side (36), an order closely resembling 64—5 could easily have followed directly upon the Slave's appearance on stage. These verses thus represent another brief interruption in the forward movement of the plot (cf. 5—22 with n.), which keeps the audience amused but offers no additional information about exactly what is going on. 39-57 The Slave's initial request for quiet (39-40) is justified (40 yap) on the ground that a troupe of divinities is in the place (40-2). His second— and far more elaborate—request for universal silence (46—8) seems at first to be only an expansion of the first, but is then explained (49 Y^p) n°t by the fact that the gods are active and present, but by the fact that Agathon is about to begin producing poetry (49-57). Cf. Horn 95-7. 39—40 Eur. and Inlaw move off to one side and crouch down there (cf. 36); the staging of the scene that follows is easier if Inlaw is somewhat closer to the door than is Eur. (cf. 45 withn., s8n., 64-5 n.). The central stage-door swings open and Agathon's Slave emerges, wearing a myrtle crown and carrying a small brazier upon which myrrh or frankincense is burning (37 with n.). Aristophanic doorkeepers routinely reflect their masters' manners (Olson on Pax 180), and Agathon's Slave is just as pretentious and wordy as Agathon himself. The great fuss Inlaw makes about Agathon's effeminate style of dress (97—8, 136—43) suggests that his Slave's costume

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is more conventional, although it may still be finer than that of the average servile character. Cf. Eq. 1316 eix^ri^eiv ^pi) Kal aro^ui KXr/eiv. ei'^nj^oy is literally 'speaking words of good omen', but here (as often) means 'silent', as 40 makes clear; Inlaw's interjections (45, 48, 50, 51, 59—62) thus mark deliberate defiance of what he is told to do. eu^rjjiua is routinely requested before a solemn or significant speech or action (e.g. 295-6; Ach. 237 with Olson ad loc.; Nu. 297; V. 868; Av. 959; Ra. 354; A. Eu. 1035 with Sommerstein ad loc.; Men. Leucad. fr. i. 14—16 = fr. 258. 4—6 Koerte); here the point is simply that nothing is to be allowed to interfere with the sound of Agathon's voice (49-57). eWoi marks this as highly formal (in this case hieratic) language, as also at 295-6; Av. 959 (all ev-r]{i,m Wai); EC. 1019 with Ussher ad loc. But the phrase aropa av-yKXr/aas (cf. Eq. 1316 (above); E. Hipp. 498; Ph. 865) is colloquial and marks a sharp drop in stylistic level from 39. -icAiy- rather than -«Aei- is the proper 5th-c. tragic (and paratragic, as here) form of the vb. (cf. 1142; Phot. « 762; Lautensach 217; Barrett on E. Hipp. 498—9; for inscriptions, Threatte i. 370). Contrast «AeiSia at 421 with n. mas • • • Xaos is arguably a bit ridiculous when addressed to an (apparently) empty stage. Aaoj (2R) is a poetic (e.g. H. //. 2. 664; Simon. PMG 608 fr. i. 11; Pi. O. 8. 30; A. Pers. 92; S. OT 144; E. Heracl. 81; Supp. 664; Timoth. PMG 791. 209) equivalent of R's unmetrical Attic—Ionic Aeoij (used by Inlaw in the Helen parody at 857). Cf. 867 and 901, where R has the reverse error with 866-7 n v G. Bjorck, Das alpha impurum und die tragische Kunstsprache (Uppsala, 1950) 104—7, 3J8—30. The word is attested elsewhere in comedy only at Eq. 163 (paratragic); Ra. 2i9b, 676 (both lyric). 'is visiting'. emS^eo) (cf. Homeric emStjiAevw, ImSr/picis) is primarily prosaic, late 5th-and4th-c. Attic vocabulary (e.g. Th. i. 136. 3; PI. Prt. 3i8b; D. 33. 25); cf. Silk 285 n. 57 ('a hint of prosaic self-deflation'). For the idea, cf. fr. 407 (of Poseidon) dAA' ov rvy-^avfi / em'S^oy lav ('but he doesn't happen to be in residence here'); Call. Ap. 13 ('when Apollo is in residence') with Williams ad loc.; fr. 75. 26; Braswell on Pi. P. 4. 5 (of Apollo). 41 Gicujos Moua&jv: Oiaaos (first attested at Alcm. PMGF 98. i; elsewhere in comedy only at Ra. 15 6 (of the troupes of initiates in the Underworld)) is used routinely in Euripidean lyric to mean 'band' vel sim. (IT 1146; Ph. 796; Or. 319; IA 1059; cf. Ion TrGF 19 F 32; LSJ s.v. II), which must be the sense here. The idea of the Muses as a wandering group of singers who stop on occasion to offer inspiration or instruction to human poets (also at e.g. Ra. 2,2,9, 356; EC. 882; fr. 348 (from Th. II), is at least as old as Hes. Th. 1-34. Cf. Ael. fr. 11 Hercher (ap. S <j> 328) = Philem. test. 6: on the night before his death, the comic poet Philemon dreamed that nine young women were leaving his house, saying that it was not right for them

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to remain; they were the nine Muses. |.ieAa6piov: Plural in the sense 'dwelling, domicile' is tragic usage (e.g. A. Ag. 1333; S. Ph. 1428; E. Andr. 882; HF 761; Tr. 997; conjectural in this sense in the early 6th c. at Ale. fr. 42. 7, but attested nowhere else before Aeschylus); elsewhere in comedy only at 874; Av. 1247 (bothparatragic); Men. Sam. 517 (with the second syllable scanned long, and thus elevated style). 42 Seairoauvidv: Poetic vocabulary (fr. 734; Anaxandr. fr. 42. 33 (as substantive; elevated style); h.Cer. 144; Tyrt. fr. 6. 2 (as substantive); Pi. P. 4. 267 with Braswell ad loc.; A. Pers. 587 (lyric); Ch. 942 (lyric); E. Hec. 99, 1294 (both anapaests); IT 439 (lyric); Phaeth. 88 (anapaest), Timoth. PMG 791. 125) and style (KG i. 261—2). fieXomoitov is a nom. part, from ^eAo-iroiea) (cf. 67; Ra. 1328 (both referring to the production specifically of lyric poetry)) rather than gen. pi. of fieXcnroios (Ra. 1250). 43-8 For the theme of the silence of the natural world in awe or anticipation of a divine epiphany vel sim., Av. 777—8 with Dunbar on 777; Pi. P. i. 5—12; E. Ba. 1084—5 with Dodds ad loc. (the fundamental note on the question); Limen. CA p. 149. 8-10 [v] ('The aither held the swift-flying courses of its whirlwinds still, and the holy gulf of Nereus and great Ocean left off their thundering'); Luc. Trag. 129—30 ('Let the aither be quiet and windless, and let every sufferer from gout keep silent!'); Mesom. Sol. i—6 (p. 25 Heitsch2) ('Let the entire aither keep silent, and the earth and the sea and the winds! Let the mountain vales keep quiet, and the echoes and voices of the birds! For Apollo of the beautiful hair and the unshorn locks is about to come to us'); Synes. Hymn. I. 72—9 Terz. ('Let the aither and the earth keep silent! Let the sea stand still and the air stand still! Let the gusts of the swift winds leave off! Let the rush of the rounded billows leave off!'); cf. Theoc. 2. 38 with Gow ad loc. 43 -uvods: Poetic vocabulary (e.g. H. 77. n. 622; Pi. O. 3. 31; Simon. PMG 600; A. Ag. 192; S. El. 435; E. Andr. 479); attested elsewhere in comedy with the sense 'breath [of wind]' only at Av. 1396 (dithyrambic parody). vr|V€fios ai0r|p: An echo of H. II. 8. 556 cf. 51* (a mocking echo of this line); Av. 778 A.R. 2. 162 vfivep.os aKTrj /, 661. vfivep.os (otherwise confined in the classical period to tragedy (A. Ag. 566, 740; E. Hec. 533;7T 1412), although cf. PI. Snip. I97C TreAdyei Se yaXrprp / vi]vf^iav (part of two dactylic hexameters put in Agathon's mouth)) is to be taken in apposition to aWr/p, 'so that it is windless'. ForaWr/p, 14—15 n.

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44 Kufia (common in tragedy) is found occasionally in prose as well (Hdt. vii. 193. i; Th. iii. 89. 4; PI. Phd. H4a; Ti. 43b), but is attested elsewhere in Ar. only at Eq. 433 (epicizing); Ra. 304 (~ E. Or. 279), 704 (~ Archil. fr. 213), 1310 (lyric). For Kvpairovrov and variants thereof, Hes. Op. 691; fr. 204. 60; Pi. fr. *i3&a; E. Or. 343-4; fr. 921. i; [A.] PV1048; Alcibiades fr. eleg. i. i. re: R has Se, but there is no obvious reason why we should have two Se's (43—4) followed by two res (46—7); Se'in43 shows that the slave passes on to a new point, and the enumeration is then carried out by repetition of re, as usual (Alcm. PMGF 89; cf. GP 504-5; Austin, PCP,S'NS2o(i974) i; Garb rah, ZPE 96 (1993) I9i-2io,esp. 202-9). The error is to be traced to the influence of Se in the preceding line; cf. 327a (the reverse error). [ir\ KeXaSemo: 'let it not resound' vel sim. For the idea, Williams on Call. Ap. 18. KeAaSe'oi is elevated poetic vocabulary (e.g. H. //. 18. 310; Ale. fr. 115. a. 10; Pi. P. 2. 15; A. Ch. 609 (lyric); E. HF 679, 694 (both lyric); Ph. 1102 (iambic trimeter; ignored by LSJ s.v. ('Trag only in lyr. and anap.')); Pratin. PMG 708. 3; Timoth. PMG 791. 198; Delphic Oracle Q7i. 3 Fontenrose ap. Paus. x. 37. 6 attested elsewhere in comedy only at Pax 801 (lyric; ~ Stesich. PMGF 211. 2); Ra. 384, 683 (both lyric), 1527 (anapaests); Theopomp. Com. fr. 41. 3 (a lyric allusion?); cf. Nu. 283—4, 312 (all lyric). 45 y\auK6v: An epithet of the sea at H. //. 16. 34; Hes. Th. 440 (cf. West ad loc. and on 244); S. frr. 371. 2; 476. 3 (both lyric); E. Cyc. 16; Hel. 400, 1501 (lyric); cf. 318/19 with n -> Gow on Theoc. 7. 59; A. Lesky, Thalatta (Vienna, 1947) 161. Attested elsewhere in comedy only in paratragedy (Av. 1339 = S. fr. 476. 3; Ra. 665/6 ~ S. fr. 371), and presumably intended as another mocking echo of high poetic style. For the sense of the adj. (here 'grey-green' vel sim.; to be taken in apposition to P. G. Maxwell-Stuart, Studies in Greek Colour Terminology, i: (Mnemosyne Suppl. 65: Leiden, 1981); Olson-Sens on Archestr. fr. 14. 7. Phot. j8 212 = S j8 370 (cf. Hsch. j8 787) glosses ('a sound pronounced for disparagement and mockery'), and the suffix -d| is commonly attached to onomatopoeic words (Peppier 158-9; Dover on Nu. 390-1 and Pa. 209-67; cf. 945-6 n.), so that |3oii|3d£ (presumably derived from^o^oy, 'roar, rumble' (cf. 1176)) must mean 'Blah-blah-blah!, Yada-yada-yada!' vel sim.; cf. Plaut. Pseud. 365; Labiano Ilundain 123—5. Like the augmented form j3op.j3aXoj3op.j3af in 48 (cf. TTmTmTmnrd^atNu. 390, after mra-mxl), a 'bomolochic' interjection, to which the Slave does not react; cf. 86, 153 with n., 200-1, etc.; Bain, Actors 89—90; contrast 50—1 with 50 n., 57—8. ri \eyei;: Not so much a question as a complaint: Inlaw's refusal to keep quiet as requested (39-40) is making it difficult for Eur.—who is standing further from the door and thus behind his companion (39-40 n.)—to hear what the Slave is saying. Cf. Austin (1990) 13.

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46-8 With human beings and the natural world having been told to keep silent (39-40, 43-5), all that remains is to give the birds (46) and beasts (47—8) their orders. •nrrfvtiv re y^VTl KiTaKoifidaGto: Cf. Verg. Aen. 8. 27 alituum . . . genus sopor altus habebat. -n-Tr/vfav . . . yevrj is a highstyle periphrasis (e.g. 312, 959-60 (both lyric); Av. 1707 (paratragic) with Dunbar ad loc.; Anaxil. fr. 22. 5 -mrpa. ff Ap-nviiav A. Eu. 912; S. Ai. 398; E. Hipp. 1252; Andr. 727; cf. Olson-Sens on Archestr. fr. 60. 9—10). -n-Tr/vos is tragic vocabulary; elsewhere in Ar. only at Pax 126, 141 (both paratragic); Av. 1088 (lyric), 1707 (above; paratragic). Grjpuv: Primarily poetic (especially tragic) vocabulary (in prose at Hdt. iii. 129. i; PI. Sph. 235a; _R. 559d; X. Cyr. iv. 3. 13, 6. 4, etc.); attested elsewhere in comedy at Av. Ill (lyric), 1064 (lyric); Alex. fr. 247. 12; Theopomp. Com. fr. 46. i. The prose equivalent is Brjpiov. iioSes u\o8p6fiuv / \ir\ \uea6tov: 'let not the feet be released [from sleep; cf. 46; S. Ai. 675—6] so that they can roam the woods', with vXoSpop.iuv, which really belongs with -jro&es (cf. KG i. 280), taken in apposition to 8-rjpwv . . . aypiiav. This is a very stilted way of putting the idea—which is precisely the point. v\oSpofi,os (attested nowhere else before the late Roman period; cf. Catull. 63. 72 nemorivagus) is a parody of 'frigid' (168—70 n.) tragic coinages such as vXoKop.os (E. Andr. 284 (lyric)), v\oopl36s (E. IT 261), and Aan/ujpoSpo^ioy (E. IA 207 (lyric)). 45 n. 49 KaXXiemris (echoed mockingly in 60) is attested nowhere else before the Roman period. But the cognate vb. KaAAieire'o^ai is found in 5th- and 4thc. prose (cf. LSJ s.v.), and there is no need to assume that this is a coinage modelled on ijSuemys (exclusively poetic vocabulary; e.g. H. //. i. 248; Pi. O. 10. 93; N. 7'. 21 (of Homer); S. OT 151 (lyric)) or on Euripidean hapax legomena such as KaXXipXefiapos (Ion 189 (lyric)), KaXXipiuXos (Or. 1382 (lyric)), KaXXiSlv-rjs (HF 368 (lyric)), KaXXlSipos (Hec. 467 (lyric)), (Ph. 645 (lyric)), and «aAAiTo|oy (Ph. 1162). But Ar. does none the less use «aAAi- compounds elsewhere only in lyric (Pax 797; Av. 682; Ra. 451) and reminiscences of lyric (Ach. 1227 with Olson ad loc., 1228, 1231-3; Eq. 1254; Av. 1764 (all KaXXlvixos)). For the preciosity of the historical Agathon's language, TrGF 39 T 16; PI. Snip. igSa-b, 2Oic. The omission of medial caesura serves Ar. as an ironic comment on the claim. 50 -n-pofios: Epic (e.g. H. //. 3. 44; Od. 11. 493; cf. adesp. eleg. fr. 62. 4) and tragic (e.g. A. Ag. 200 (lyric); S. OT 660 (lyric); E. Heracl. 670; adesp. tr. fr. 668. 5) vocabulary; attested nowhere else in comedy (conjectural at Cratin. fr. i. 3). R's -n-pd^oy is linguistically possible (Schwyzer i. 494 n. 2) but more likely represents a simple scribal slip than a genuine hapax legomenon. Inlaw's coarse interjection jitiv piveiaGcu; (cf. 35 n.) comes from out of the blue, but his equally crude interjection in 57 also

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lacks any obvious motivation in what the Slave has said, and it seems best to assume that at both points he is offering a hostile comment based on what he (and the audience in the Theatre) already know of Agathon's predilections (35)—although in this case (contrast 45 with n., 48) the Slave notices that someone has spoken, even though he fails to react to the content of the remark (51; contrast 57-8). For Inlaw's aggressive use of obscenity throughout this scene and the contrast with Agathon (who uses none at all), McClure 215-26. 51 <|xdvr|aas: The aor. of the simplex oWai is almost exclusively Homeric (e.g.//. i. 201; 10.465; Od. 4. 370; cf. Antim. frr. 7)84. i Matthews) and is presumably intended as a poeticism. The phrase is the tragic counterpart of TLS eoTiv o AaAow; at adesp. com. fr. 1115. 15. Cf. quis hie loquitur? (common in both Plautus (e.g. Capt. 133) and Terence (e.g. Andr. 267)); Sandbach, BICS 25 (1978) 125. vr|V€fios ai0r|p: Amockingecho of 43*. Cf. the (rather more distant) echo of 56—7 in 61—2; Rau 101 n. 13. 52—7 A chaotic jumble of images, the overall effect of which is to present Agathon not as a divinely inspired poet (cf. 40-2) but as a mere wordsmith; cf. Ra. 797-802, 824; Taillardat §758; Miiller 69-70; Muecke 44-6; O'Sullivan 140—1; Torchio, Quad. Torino 15 (2001) 134—5. 52 The Slave takes up his sentence again at the point where Inlaw interrupted him in 50. Spuoxous: Pegs or stakes upon which a ship's keel was set in the first stage of the construction process (H. Od. 19. 574 with Bust. p. 1878. 62; A.R. i. 723; Archimel. FGE 85; Plb. i. 38. 5; 'S. PI. Ti. 8ib ~ Phot. S 767 ~ S S 1547), and thus a natural image for the initial stage of any great project (Spdfiaros dpxas; cf. V. 30 with 2V; PI. Ti. 8ib; Taillardat §673; Casson 223, fig. 163; D. Page, Folktales in Homer's Odyssey (Cambridge, Mass., 1973) 130—2). Spd^a in the sense 'play' is attested first at Ecphantid. fr. 3. 2 (with reference to Megarian farce) and Hdt. vi. 21. 2, and is common in late 5th-c. comedy (e.g. 149, 151, 849; Ach. 415, 470; Pax 794-5; Ra. 920; Telecl. fr. 41. i; Stratt. fr. 1.2), always used of 'tragedies'. Epicharmus' plays, however, were called 'dramas' (see e.g. PCG i. 70 on 'Opva) and cf. Ar.'s own titles and Apa^a-ra fj NlojSos (PCG iii. 2. 158-69). See in general Richards, CR 14(1900)388-93; Snell,P/iz7o/o^MsSuppl. 20.1(1928) 1-33; Philologus 85 (1930) 152—6; H. Schrenkenberg, Jpd l u,a(Wurzburg, 1960); Diccionario Griego-Espanol vi (Madrid, 2002) 1163 (s.v. 53 Kafnrrei.. . veas dv|/i8as: Adi/iiy is a 'felloe', i.e. the exterior rim of a wheel (Paus.Gr. a 182 withErbseadloc.). For'bending'wheels, H.//. 4. 485-6; Theoc. 25. 247—9. F°r wheel-making as an important Athenian craft, PL 513. For cart- and chariot-making generally, Eq. 461—4; Bliimnerii. 324— 6. Wood was bent by heating it (Thphr. HP iv. 11. 11; Theoc. 25. 249; cf. H. Od. 21. 245-7; steaming and boiling are never explicitly referred to), and Theophrastos comments repeatedly on which woods are most

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flexible (e.g. HP i. 5. 5, 6. 2; iii. 10. 4; v. 6. 2, 7. 4). But Ar. allows the Slave to use the vb. in part because Kap-mfi and its cognates also appear in (generally unfavourable) descriptions of poetic composition (68 with n.; Nu. 333, 969-70; Eup. fr. 366 (corrupt); Pherecr. fr. 155. 9, 15; Timoth. PMG 802. 3 with Hordern ad loc.; cf. 100 n.; Suss, RhM NF 97 (1954) 119-20; Taillardat §784; West, AGM 356-7). eutiv (probably Verses', as at e.g. Ra. 1381) appearsparaprosdokian for Tpo^cw. 54 TOpveuei: 'turns on a lathe (ropvos)'; for the image, cf. PI. Phdr. 2346 (of Lysias' speech about love) ('eachofhisexpressionsisperfectly turned'); Hor.^4P44i male tornatos ... versus ('badly turned verses'). For lathes, Arist. Mu. 391 b2O-4; Bliimner ii. 214-15, 331-4; DoddsonE. Ba. 1066-7; cf. ^4^.491; A. fr. 57. 3; contrast 'compass' (e.g. Thgn. 805; E. fr. 382. 3). Ko\\oji€\€i: An Aristophanic coinage ('he glues lyrics together'); ^eAoKoAAei is expected and the peculiar nature of the formation is part of the parody. A reference to the use of glue (produced either by mixing flour and water or by boiling hides, hooves, or bones; cf. IG II 1558. 10 «[o]AAa/i(o9) ('glue-boiler'; an individual's occupation)) as a basic construction technique (Eg. 463 (contrasted with pegging); Bliimner ii. 308-10), although KoAAdoi and its cognates are also used of welding metal (Pi. N. 7. 78; Hdt. i. 25. 2) and joining wood (Thphr. HP v. 7. 4 with Casson 205 n. 21). Cf. PI. Phdr. 278d-e; Taillardat §415. 55 YvwuoTu-uei: 'forges maxims'; cf. ^eAcmWa) (A. Ag. 1153). The vb. (a hapax legomenon) is formed from the adj. yyoi^o-nVos-, which is attested first at Eq. 1379 (in the form yv(up.oTVTTiKos) and was most likely coined by the rhetoricians; cf. Neil ad loc.; Nu. 952; Ra. 877 with Dover ad loc. (although the reference to Taillardat is in error); Taillardat §765; O'Sullivan 136, 140. dvrovofid^ei: Lit. 'calls things by different names' (cf. Th. vi. 4. 6, the only other 5th-c. attestation of the word); here 'produces metaphors' or 'elaborate periphrases' (cf. Agathon TrGF 39 F 15 (101-3 n.)). 56—7 KT]poxuT€i Kai YOYY"^€I / Kai Xoav€|J€i: An allusion to bronze-casting via the 'lost wax' (cireperdue) technique: a wax model was produced over a wooden or clay core (cf. 514 with n.), covered with a clay investment, and fired in an oven; the wax burned away during the firing, the clay hardened into a mould that preserved an exact negative impression of the wax, and melted bronze was then poured into the mould. Cf. Poll. x. 189; Bliimner iv. 278—90; C. C. Mattusch, Greek Bronze Statuary from the Beginnings through the Fifth Century B.C. (Ithaca and London, 1988) 15-22. A is normally a 'crucible' vel sim. (West on Hes. Th. 863), although the word is sometimes used to mean 'mould' (cf. Bliimner iv. 286), and since Kr/po^vrei clearly refers to the creation of the wax model (cf. Hippod. ap. Stob. iv. i. 94 K-rfpo^vrei rdv tfjv-^av ('he moulds the soul'; undated,

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but the only other attestation of the vb.), yoyytiAAei (a hapax legomenon, although cf. 61 avyyoyyvXas) must describe the most important step in the process between the making of the model and the pouring of the bronze, i.e. the 'rounding-out' of the model to produce the mould. (lit. 'round') in the sense 'neatly conceived, terse' appears to be a semitechnical rhetorical term already in this period (Olson on Ach. 686; fr. 488. i) and may figure in the word-play somehow. 'gives blow-jobs'; cf. Cephisod. fr. 3. 5; Strata Com. fr. i. 36; Jocelyn, PCPS NS 26 (1980) 12-66; Bain, 'Verbs' 74-7; Olson on Ach. 79. The vb. is also used as the climax of a comic sequence at Eq. 167. For the motivation (or lack thereof) for the interruption, 50 n. 58 Cf. K. Of. 1269—70x1908' ap' d^i(j)l ^i€\adpov -TroAet oov dyporas dvrjp; ('\Vho is this rustic who ranges about your house?'). Verse 63 is spoken directly to Inlaw, and the old man's threat in 59-62 is most effective if made to the Slave's face. This verse must thus both describe and cover Inlaw's movement away from his hiding-place up to the central stagedoor (cf. 39-40 n.). aYpouiras: Otherwise an exclusively epic form (e.g. H.//. n. 549; Od. n. 293; [Hes.] Sc. 39 (but all with the initial syllable scanned long); subsequently at e.g. Theoc. 13. 44; 25. 23; A.R. 4. 1183; Q.S. 7. 506), although Sappho has the fern, dypoiomj (fr. 57. 1-2). The conventional contrast between sophisticated city-dwellers and boorish countrymen is at least as old as H. Od. 21.85-7. Otherwise confined to tragedy and Aristophanic paratragedy (Ra. 1265, 1267 = A. fr. 132. 2 (dactyls); E. El. 1293 (anapaests); [E.] Rh. 557 (anapaests)). GpiyKois: Echoed in 60. A BpiyKos is a 'coping', i.e. the topmost course of stones in a wall (esp. Arist. PA. 246^7-20; cf. P1._R. 5346; Jannoray, BCH 64-5 (1940-1) 38-40; 68-9 (1944-5) 89 n. 2), and thus via synecdoche the house as a whole (e.g. E. IT 129; Ion 156). The word occurs twice in Homer (Od. 7. 87; 17. 267), once in Archilochos (fr. I9&a. 21; not necessarily a sexual double entendre), and once in Sophocles (fr. 506. 2), but ten times in Euripides (also e.g. El. 1151; Tr. 489; IT 47), mostly inplays dating to the 41 os, hence presumably the Slave's paratragic (note the absence of the def. art.) use of it here. Cf. Miller 174-5. 59-62 For the omission of the antecedent of os, cf. Nu. 1226; KG ii. 434-5. Sc. el^n (3—4 n.); cf. Men. Dysk. 370 Denniston on E. El. 796. KaXXiemous and Gpiyxou are mocking echoes of the Slave's remarks in 49 and 58, respectively, while an d Xoav€'-'CTai pick up yoyyvXXei and y^oavevei in 56—7. The Athenians fucked people 'down the arse' (cf. 200 with n.) rather than 'up the arse' (as in colloquial English). R a 's (Kara) TOU GpiyKou is thus clearly right (Austin (1987) 71; (1990) 13-14): Inlaw is proposing to bugger the Slave and Agathon (cf. 50) much as he offers to bugger Agathon at 157—8 and as Strepsiades offers to share 'a little something of mine'

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with Socrates' students before they are hustled off stage at Nu. 193—7. 'after rolling you up and twisting you round' (cf. Lys. 975), i.e. 'after turning you around and bending you over'. For the emphatic reduplication, ]. Vahlen, Opuscula Academica ii (Leipzig, 1908) 299—305. TOUT! TO wees: Accompanied by a gesture toward his stage-phallus (cf. initial n.). The obscenity (which caps the equally coarse but less developed insults in 50, 57) is reserved for the end of Inlaw's interjection as a sort of punch-line, and after the Slave's shocked response (63), Eur. interrupts and the plot begins to move forward again (64—5). Cf. 35 n. Forire'oy, 142, 643, 648; TkfTkf §i ('the vulgar voxpropria. Evidently its usefulness lay in its shock value'); cf. 254 with n. 63 f\ TTOU . . . Y(€) is commonly used in a fortiori arguments (e.g. Lys. ^3- 57)> although here 'the . . . relationship is implied, the second clause being unexpressed' (GP 282): 'You must certainly have acted outrageously when you were young, old man, [if you're acting this way now\\' 6ppiaTr|s: Cf. Nu. 1068; PI. 1074. An accusation of hybris (as here in the Slave's characterization of Inlaw's behaviour in 59—62) implies not so much injury as insult (although insult often accompanies injury and may itself be a form of injury), as at e.g. Ach. 479, 1117; Pax 1264; Ra. 21; PI. 899, 1044; cf. 465 with n., 535. For the concept generally, Arist. Rh. i378b23-9, i389b7-8 (both passages noting that hybris is typical of the young, as of the rich). For hybris as typical of youth, also S. fr. 786; PI. Euthd. 273a; X. Lac. 3. 2; cf. N. R. E. Fisher, Hybris (Warminster, 1992), esp. 10-13; Chadwick 292-7. For forced subjection to sexual penetration as 'suffering hybris', e.g. Th. viii. 74. 3; Lys. 12. 98; Aeschin. i. 15; Arist. EN ii48 b 3o—i; Dover, GH^^—g. A more or less neutral form of address (Olson on Ach. 397*), at least when the parties do not know one another. Used here mostly for the sake of the contrast with 64—5 39—62 n. Addressed to the Slave. Eur., who has remained off to the side even after Inlaw steps out of hiding (cf. 39-40 n., 58 n.), moves over to the door to break up the quarrel and bring the old man back to order. to Sai^iovie: A conciliatory if often exasperated form of address (also combined with ea(aov) at Nu. 38; Lys. 945; EC. 564, 784); 'my good sir' vel sim. (e.g. Eq. 860*; V. 962; Ra. 44*; Pherecr. fr. 85. i*; Mnesim. fr. 3. 4). First in Homer (e.g. //. i. 561; 2. 190; Od. 10. 472); also attested in the classical period inHdt. (iv. 126; vii. 48; viii. 84. 2) and Plato (e.g. Phdr. 235c; Grg. 489d), but absent from tragedy and other serious poetry, and thus presumably colloquial. Cf. E. Brunius-Nilsson, AAIMONIE: An Inquiry into a Mode of Apostrophe in Old Greek Literature (Uppsala, 1955), with the comments and criticisms of Verdenius, Mnemosyne iv. 12 (1959) 147—8; Sommerstein, CQ NS 27 (1977) 272 (but note that the word is in fact frequently used between social equals and

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often with a thinly veiled tone of annoyance (e.g. Av. 1638; EC. 784)); Dickey 141-2. TOUTOV fiev ia xi'peiv: 'let him go!', i.e. 'pay no attention to himl'; colloquial (e.g. PL 1186—7; Stratt. fr. 42. 2; E. Hipp. 113 with Barrett ad loc.; El. 400; Hdt. iv. 112; PI. Cri. 45a with Burnet adloc.; Snip. 1766; Prt. 347e; cf. Stevens 26). For the motif of ignoring a character on stage while calling for someone else, S. OT 1069-70. For the scansion of e'a (^ or as a monosyllable in synizesis?), Dover on Nu. 932; cf. 176. au 8e: Cf. Jebb on S. EL 448 ('av Se marks an antithesis, not of persons, but of clauses, and serves merely to emphasize the second clause'); Austin (1990) 14-15. Similar orders to slaves at Ach. 402; PL 1103; E. Ba. 170. Ethic dat. (KGi. 423); 'please'. Cf. 289, 291, 627. TTCUJT] rexvt]: 'by every means', i.e. 'at all costs, no matter what'; used to 'lend urgency or insistence to an imperative' (Dover onRa. 1235); cf. 271 Trdaaisre^vais (to avoid hiatus) with n., 430 with n.; Nu. 885*, 1323*; Lys. 412; EC. 366*, 534*; S.Ai. 1^2,iravroig.rfxt'"(l\ Hdt. i. 112. I p.riSep.LfJTex^'!]', Lys. 19. 11, 53; X. An. iv. 5. 16 = vii. 2. 8 (allmxCTTj re^vy Kal ^riy^avif). 66-9 Advance notice of Agathon's entrance at 95 (but cf. 71-94 n.), which both resumes the announcement in the anapaests at 39—57 (esp. 49—50, 52—7) that the poet is about to begin composing and warns the audience in advance that any poetry he presents on stage is likely to be exceptionally 'frigid'(cf. 168-70 n.). 66 firfSev iK€T€u(e): 'Don't go on supplicating me!' (Rijksbaron 43—4); a response to the pleading tone of irdaji T^yv"f\ (65) and perhaps Sai^wie (64 with n.). For supplication, 179-80 n. auros: More likely 'of his own accord' (e.g. Ach. 36; Lys. 1107 au-ny yap . . . 178' e^epxerai; PL 965 S.OT34i;H.//. 4. 287; X. An. vi. 6. 9; cf. KGi. 653) than 'the master himself (JVM. 219 with Dover adloc.; fr. 279; Men. Sam. 256, 258), even though the speaker is a household slave. Despite LSJ s.v., rdxa + fut. in the sense 'soon, forthwith' is common in comedy (e.g. 853; ^4cA. 332; V. 453; Pax 1317; EC. 933; Cratin. frr. 131; 151.2). 67—8 Kdi Y"P: Explanatory, 'for in fact' (GP 108—9); c f- 196. Cf. 42 n., and note the specific reference to lyric in 68. 1-2 n.; Eq. 883; Men. Mis. 12. ouv marks progression 'to a new point, or a new stage in the march of thought' (GP 426; cf. EC. 180), in this case an explanation of precisely what is motivating Agathon's independent decision to come out of his house (66). 'bend down', i.e. 'so as to make curved' (cf. PI. Ti. 3&b, 7ic); picking up on the imagery of wheel-making in 53 (where see n.). First attested as a technical term for choral lyric here and at Pherecr. fr. 155. 9 (of dithyramb); cf. 100 n.; Pherecr. fr. 155. 15 (metaphorically of Phrynichos' compositional technique) ('bending and twisting'); Arist. Rh. i4O9b27; [Arist.] Pr.

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9i8 b i3—29. For the stylistic level of paSiov + infin., Bers 195— 2Oi,esp. 198—200. 69 irpotr) Gupaai: 'comes forth [to compose] outside'; for the pregnant construction (idiomatic), cf. Th. iii. 71. 2 TOVS eKei KriTmref/ievyoTas; Satyr. FHGiii. i6o,fr. I a<j>iKoij.evos&' HOrivriaive£;'OXvij.TTias', Holzinger, SAWW 215. i (1933) 62 n. i; Austin (1987) 71. Ovpaai ('outside') is a rare form, attested six other times in Ar. (792; V. 891; Pax 942, 1023; Lys. 353; EC. 993) but otherwise confined to late 5th-c. tragedy (E. EL 1074; fr. 521. 2 (from Meleager); S. OC 401 with Jebb ad loc.; adesp. tr. fr. *&38. 8). Tipos TOV tjXiov: 'facing the sun', i.e. 'in the sunlight' (JVM. 771*; V. 772 with MacDowell ad loc.; Pax 567*; EC. 64*; fr. 619*; Eub. fr. 67. 3*), where it will be warmer. Cf. 1001 irpos rrjv alrpmv* with n. 70 TI ouv lyto 8p&j;: 'What am / to do?' (cf. 925; PL 1197; Austin on Men. Asp. 380); Inlaw (like the even more disgruntled Xanthias at Ra. 107) feels left out of the conversation. ii€pifi€v(€): Late 5th- and 4th-c. Attic vocabulary (e.g. Ach. 815*; Antiph. fr. 126. i; S. Ant. 1296; E. Ph. 223 with Mastronarde ad loc.; Th. i. 124. i; PI. R. 449d; Men. Mis. 22). Cf. 36* with n., 95. The Slave goes back into the house, closing the door behind him. 71-94 finally answer the question implicit in the action since 29-30, where Eur. identifies the central stage-door (and thus his destination; cf. 3—4 with n.) as Agathon's house: (A) Eur. explains his vague initial complaint to Zeus (71) by noting that some unspecified trouble is waiting for him (75), and subsequently defines this as a matter of life and death (76-7); (B) he then makes clear that the problem has to do with the city's women, who are angry with him for his portrayal of them in his tragedies (81—4, 85); (C) and only after all of this does he tell why he has come to Agathon's house and what his plan is (87-92 with n.). Inlaw's questions in 72-4, 78—80, 87 set up Eur.'s explanations, whereas his briefer interjections and queries in 76, 84, 89, 91 do little more than keep the dialogue going. Cf. 586 n. The teasing style of the exposition is typical of the prologue up to this point; cf. 5-22 n., 39-62 n., 97-176 n. Despite the Slave's repeated assurances in 66 and 70, Agathon does not emerge from his house until 95, and these verses not only serve to explain to the audience what Eur. is up to (above) but allow the tritagonist time to change costume. 71 to Zeu: Cf. i* n.; but Eur. is really addressing Zeus. The first half of the line sounds paratragic (esp. S. OT 738 cf. Eq. 1240; Pax 58, 62 (all paratragic); Miller 175), although neither Siavoei (late 5th-c. vocabulary; common in Ar. (e.g. JVM. 481*; Pax 362; EC. 769*) and prose (e.g. Hdt. ii. 121. S. 4; Th. v. 9. 2; PI. Snip. 2i9a), but not attested in serious poetry) nor rr|fi€pov (first attested in Homer in the form arnj.epov, common in the comic poets (e.g. 83*; Ach. iO73*;^4«. 1045*; Cratin.fr. 129; Hermipp.fr. 74. i) and4th-c. prose (e.g.

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PLPhd. 6ic;X.HGvii.2. 20; D. 18. 8), but attested in serious poetry only at [E.] Rh. 683; cf. 76-7 n.) is tragic vocabulary. As the action of a Greek play normally takes place in a single day (Austin on Men. Asp. 417—18), the idea of 'today' as the fateful day often serves as a leitmotif; cf. 76, 83, 181; and the plots of S. Ai. and E. Ale. and Hipp. By 95-6, Eur. and Inlaw have moved away from Agathon's door again, and this would seem to be the last moment for them to do so, as Eur. steps off to one side, holding his hands in the air (e.g. Av. 622—3) and offering a desperate complaint to the king of the gods, and the puzzled Inlaw follows him away (72-4). 72—3 72 and the first half of 73 amount to explanatory glosses on the questions that follow, and are addressed to the retreating Eur.'s back (cf. 71 n.). vr| TOUS Geous: A banal oath, * at Av. 1166; Ra. 152; PL 74, 685. TI TO TfpaYna TOUTI is * at Av. 1171; Ra. 658, and i most likely colloquial (cf. PI. Snip. 2i7c; Ep.II 312%', Olson onAch. 156). 'What are you groaning about? What are you taking so badly?' For rl areveis;, cf. V. 180*. arevw (poetic vocabulary) is extremely common in tragedy (e.g. A. Ch. 931; S. OT 64; E. Hec. 589; Hel. 463; [A.] P 1^409) and is thus appropriate to describe the behaviour of a grieving tragic playwright. For ri &va<j>opeis;, cf. Ra. 922 (Dionysos to Euripides) rl aKopSiva xal Svaopeis; ('Why do you fidget and take this ill?'). Svaopea> (first attested in Aeschylus) is widely distributed in 5thand 4th-c. literature; pace Miller, TAP A 76 (1945) 76, the fact that it can bear a technical medical meaning is no reason for assigning it that meaning wherever it occurs. 74 For the motif of keeping an unhappy secret to oneself, e.g. Lys. 711-14; PL 23-7; E. Hipp. 267-323; cf. Fraenkel, KIB i. 489-93. is not simply equivalent to xpr/ (which Ar. could have written, had he wished; cf. app. crit.) but expresses unfulfilled obligation: 'You ought not to be concealing this [although you are]' (KGi. 204-5; Gildersleeve§364; Barrett on E. Hipp. 467; Austin on Men. Asp. 92); cf. 598, 726, 793, etc. in the sense 'conceal from someone' is used with the ace. of the person concerned. Here p,€ is to be understood; cf. Austin (1987) 71. Like epic 777joy(esp. H. Od. 8. 581-2 with Hainsworth and Garvie adloc.), Kr/Searris (Attic vocabulary; first attested at A. fr. 47a. 819) functions as a generic term for male inlaws (affines) of all sorts (e.g. Lys. 19. 12-13; 29. 2; of a father-in-law at e.g. Lys. 32. 5;X._ffGiv. i. 8; of a brother-in-law at e.g. Lys. 32. i; And. i. 47; of a son-in-law at e.g. Isoc. 10. 43); cf. V. 731 Ki]8fpu}v ff fv-y-yevris (a contrast between non-blood- and blood-relatives). The implication of Inlaw's remark and the other ancient evidence is that good relations with one's inlaws were valued highly and that a man could expect to be able to turn to his K-rjSearal for support once the resources of his own household were exhausted, and before appealing

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to demesmen or the like (e.g. E. Hec. 833-5; Lys. 32. i; Is. 2. 29-30; cf. Dover, GPM 275-6). The «i)8e<mys relationship between Inlaw and Eur. is crucial to the plot and is therefore specifically referred to three more times: at 210 (after Agathon has refused to cooperate and Inlaw is preparing to offer himself), 584 Krfitarrp riva* (Kleisthenes' summary of Eur.'s plot, and implicitly an explanation of why anyone would undertake so dangerous a mission on behalf of another man), and 1165 * (Eur.'s justification of his unexpected offer to give up denouncing women in his plays). At the same time, by identifying the two men as (rather than friends or the like) Ar. captures a fundamental dynamic of his story as a whole: what binds Inlaw and Eur. together is their relationship to women. 'Eur.'siojSeCT-njj' is the only specific identity ever assigned Inlaw in the text of the play, although the tradition represented by the scholia and marginal indications of change of speaker in R identify him with Mnesilochos (PA 10329; PAA 657020), the father of the historical Euripides' first (?) wife (cf. anon. vit. Eur. §5 (p. 5. 5 Schwartz); S e 3695; Wilamowitz (ed.), Euripides Herakles2 i (Gottingen, 1895; repr. Darmstadt, 1969) 7 n. 12), whom the comic poet Teleclides identified as his poetic collaborator (Telecl. fr. 41). 75 TI adds specificity to KCIKOV . . . neya; it is not 'big trouble' generally that awaits Eur., but one big trouble in particular, hence Inlaw's question in 76. TTpoTT€<|>upan€vov: (fjvpaia is used in culinary contexts of the 'mixing together' of ingredients that preceded the kneading of dough for bread, cakes, and the like (esp. Av. 462—3, where ('knead to completion') are distinguished; Th. iii. 49. 3, where ('barley-groats mixed with wine and olive oil') are not true barley-cakes but emergency rations made and consumed on the go). The Hippocratic authors refer repeatedly and exclusively to barley-cake du,d£a; cf. Olson on Pax i; Olson-Sens on Matro fr. i. 92) as (lit. 'pre-mixed') et sim. (esp. Aff. 52 (vi. 260. 22), where is said to be la^vpoTepri ('stronger') than barley-cake not treated this way; cf. Viet. ii. 40 (vi. 536. 14, 538. 12); Eratosth. fr. 26 Strecker ap. Ath. 4. I4oa), which must be the image in the background here, as also at ^4«. 462-3 (where see Dunbar'sn.).Cf. 429 with n. (a similar image); Bliimner i. 61 n. i (but note that barley-cake was not leavened, so that it can scarcely be to that stage in the bread-making process that properly refers); Taillardat §755. Eur.'s point is thus that a plot has already been conceived against him (cf. 82 with 82-5 n.) and that matters will be all the worse because of that. 76—7 TTOIOVTI;: 'What sort in particular?'; cf. 75 n.; Ra. 289*; Alex. fr. 153. T 5 with Arnott ad loc. fj8€ KT ^- = E. Tel. fr. **I44 Austin (where vel sim. must have stood in the place of Ar.'s For the Telephos-parody in Th., Introduction pp. Ivi—Iviii.

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Cf. Av. 1072 (a formal public announcement); S. Ai. 756, 778, 1362; OT 1283. The colloquial form is -nj^epoy (71 n.). 78—9 n. iar(i) . . . £tov: For the periphrastic use of + pres. part, to describe a state, S. OT 1045 rj KO.OT' en ^uiv;\ Tr. 735; Ph. 412; KG i. 38-9; Gildersleeve §191; Aerts 5-26; Moorhouse 204. Cf. 209* with n. Eupnri8r]s: For the proper name and a 3rd-pers. vb. used in place of eyoianda ist-pers. vb. to add solemnity to a remark, V. 1396; Lys. 365; S. Ai. 864; KG i. 88; Headlam on Herod, i. 76; Austin on CGFPR 151.263= Men. Mis. 664. 78-9 By KpiBr/aerai in 76, Eur. means simply 'it will be decided'. But Inlaw takes him to be saying that '[legal] judgment will be given' and therefore objects that this cannot be the case, for neither the courts nor the city's Council will be in session today. Kai mus; marks this as an incredulous objection; 'But how [can this be]?' Cf. 96, 624, 645; Eq. 128* with Neil ad loc.; Nu. 717, 1434; A. Ag. 549* with Fraenkel ad loc.; E. Or. mo*; PI. Tht. i88e; GP 309-10. For the series of clauses (presumably colloquial), cf. 926-7 f/vwep . . . f/v; van Leeuwen on Lys. 1183. For TCI 8iKaarr|pia / . . . SiKai^eiv, cf. [Arist.] Ath. 59. i ra SiKaorr/pia . . . Set 8iKa£,€iv, and phrases of the type (Eup. fr. 166) or o^eroi. . . / o-^frfvaovrai (Pherecr. fr. 137. 7—8), for which cf. Fehling 158-9. For Athens' lawcourts, Todd 82-91, 98146; Boegehold, Agora xxviii (1995) (both with extensive primary and secondary references). The courts met every day except holidays and days on which the Assembly met (V. 661—3 with 2vr and MacDowell on 663; [X.]^4f/i.3.8).Theyopenedatdawn(cf. V. 100-4,215-17,245,5 52), as did meetings of the Assembly (375-6 n.) and doubtless the Council (below), and Inlaw's observation that they will not meet serves to confirm that it is still very early in the day (cf. 2 with n.). For the death-penalty (to which Inlaw takes Eur. to be implying that he may well be subject (above) and which was normally imposed only on common street-criminals (816-18 n.) or to punish grave wrongs done the state as a whole), 930—1 n.; Bonner and Smith ii. 276-87; Todd 139-41; Allen 197-242, esp. 200-2, 205-24, 232-7. A considerable portion of those on trial for a capital offence who had the opportunity seem to have fled the city, forfeiting their case and accepting an effective penalty of exile with a loss of civic rights (e.g. And. i. 13; cf. Todd 140). OUT€ POU\TJS ea8' eSpa: The implication of this passage and 943-4 is that in this period Athens' Council had independent authority to impose sentences of death, although Rhodes (Boule 185) argues that Inlaw is merely offering additional evidence that today is a holiday (80). The Council met every day except holidays and days of ill omen, and the meeting mentioned at 943 is clearly an emergency session; cf. 652-4 n. For the Council's meeting place (normally in this period the Old Bouleuterion, located north of the tholos and just east of the New

L I N E S 76-82

79

Bouleuterion, in the spot later occupied by the Metroon), Thompson and Wycherley, Agora xiv (1972) 29-34; Boule 30-9; Olson onAch. 377-82 (with further bibliography). For e'Spa used of 'sessions' of the Council (rarely the Assembly), And. i. i n ; [Arist.] Ath. 4. 3; 30. 4; IG I 3 61. 53, 55 (both conjectural); IP i. 74; Poll. viii. 145. 80 eirel Tpirr) 'ari 0€<jfio<|>opitdv, r| Meat): The Thesmophoria is normally referred to as a three-day festival (celebrated on 11—13 Pyanepsion; cf. Introduction p. xlvi), and Inlaw's observation that this is 'the third day, that is the Middle Day' (also known as N^arem, 'the Day of Fasting'; cf. 570 with n., 948-9; adesp. com. fr. *H2) was seen as a problem already in antiquity. ZR explains that a separate Thesmophoria was celebrated in the deme of Halimous on 10 Pyanepsion and that that day could be added to the Athenian count, so that the 'Middle Day' of the festival could also be properly referred to as the 'third'. As we know that Demeter Thesmophoros and her daughter were worshipped at Halimous (Paus. i. 31. i; cf. Plu. Sol. 8. 4; Hsch. « 4816 with Henderson on Lys. 2), there is no good reason to reject this explanation and follow Coulon, Sommerstein, and others in reading emiTrep earl with Nauck (Mel. gr.-r. 2 (1866) 471); cf. Austin (1990) 15. Handley speculatively restored at adesp. com. fr. 1132. i (see above, Introduction p. Ixxviii n. 79). 81 Y"P T°l (colloquial) 'conveys assent, while adding something' to the demonstrative (GP 88—9, 549—50; Stevens 48), while K(CU) marks the addition (GP 307-8); 'Yes, for I expect that this very thing . . .'. Cf. 1647 n., 171; Eq. 180; Lys. 46 Ra. 73-4; fr. 504. 9. d-uoXeiv: Picking up on dTroAa)A(e) in 77. First attested at A. Ag. 675 and widely distributed thereafter in both poetry (e.g. 846, 962—3; Lys. 61; S. Tr. 367; E. Supp. 99) and prose (e.g. Hdt. i. 42. 2; Antipho Soph. 87 B 60; Lys. 7. 39); cf. Homeric (e.g. Od. 2. 186). 82—5 Cf. 181—2, where Eur. offers Agathon a similar but more abbreviated account of the situation, Ar. not unreasonably opting to omit information the audience in the Theatre has already been given. The most significant points passed over in the conversation with Agathon are that (i) the women's action does not represent a sudden spontaneous outburst of anger, but is the result of an organized decision-making process (cf. 372— 9), which Eur. represents as part of a plot against him (82 (2) a women's assembly will be held in the Thesmophorion to deal with the matter (83—4 KO.V 0eap.oopoiv p.eXXovai. . . / fKK\i]aLii^fLv)', and (3) Eur.'s 'slanders' against the women have been made specifically in his tragedies (85). Cf. 90-2 with n., 177-8 n. 82 euipepouXeuKdai [ioi: eTripovXevw and its cognates (first attested at A. Supp. 587; Th. 29; Pi. N. 4. 37) are primarily prosaic vocabulary (e.g.

8o

COMMENTARY

Hdt. i. 24. 2; Th. i. 82. i; Lys. 1.44; PI. Snip. 2O3b). Thevb. is attested six other times in Ar., including in the parody of the Assembly-curse (331-51 n.) at 335; in tragedy only at S. Ai. 726; OT6i8; E. Hyps. fr. 60. 36. 83 (l)v (™ i€pu>) 0€<jfio<|>6poiv: 'in [the sanctuary] of the two Thesmophoroi' (cf. 89 els 0eafi,o6poiv, 224 n., 278 (called TO 0eafi,o6piov), 880; 2R; Poultney 6; Stevens 27-8), i.e. of Demeter and Kore; cf. 285-7; EC. 443. For the cult-title and its significance, Introduction, p. xlv. The Thesmophorion sanctuary has never been certainly identified but was most likely located within the City Eleusinion on the north slope of the Acropolis; cf. Introduction, p. xlvi. rr|fi€pov: 71* n. 84 €KK\T]aid^€iv: The women's meeting takes the form of a regular Athenian Assembly (90, 277, 302, 329, 375); cf. 295—382 n. They likewise speak of their own Council (372) and People (308, 335, 1145), and at one point refer to the Thesmophorion as 'the Pnyx' (658 with n.). 'with an eye to [my] destruction' (LSJ s. em B. I I I . 2; cf. E. Ph. 534*; IA 1237*), i.e. 'with my destruction being the principal topic on the agenda'. TIT) ri 8r|;: 'Why?'; an emphatic expression of puzzlement also at V. 1155*; Pax 1018*; and perhaps Nu. 755* (v.l.). is attested in Old Comedy only in Ar.; otherwise confined to early epic and Apollonios Rhodios. For Inlaw's question, Eur.'s response to it (85), and Inlaw's follow-up (86) as an explanatory digression, 87 n. 85 6rir| responds to TOJ in 84. TpaY<j>8t5 Kai KaKtos auras Xeyw 'I make them the subject of my tragedies and abuse them', with the second vb. lending specific content to the first (cf. 90—1, 268). The theme is developed at length in Mika's speech in 383-432, esp. 386-8. For the sense of rpa-ywow (first attested atNu. 1091), cf. the regular use of to mean 'make the subject of a comedy [and thus inevitably mock]' (e.g. Ach. 631; Pax 751; Ra. 368; Alex. fr. 121. 2). For KaKfas Xe-yiu, e.g. 182 *, 539, 962-3; Ach. 503 with Olson ad loc.; Lys. 694; cf. 388 with n., 785, 1167 with n. For Eur.'s alleged misogyny, Lys. 368-9 with Henderson on 12; Diph. fr. 74. 3—5. 86 Cf. Lys. 403 va.1 rov UooeiSw rov O\VKOV StKaid ye. A typical 'bomolochic' interjection, to which Eur. accordingly fails to react; cf. 45 n. is the standard Aristophanic oath when the space to be filled extends from the head of the line to the penthemimeral caesura (e.g. Ach. 560; Eq. 1201; Nu. 724; Lys. 403 (above); Ra. 276; EC. 339). For Poseidon, 322-3 n. The text at some point lost a syllable before civ, and Wilamowitz (on E. HF681) proposed SiKalav as an internal ace. with(see 381—2 n. on p.aKpav). But Greek normally uses neut. substantives in expressions of this sort (cf. LSJ s. Wa^oi I I I ) , and Grynaeus' has the right tone (see below) and is supported by Lys. 403 (above). Cf. Austin (1987) 71. 'The effect of ye . . . is to stress the addition made by (GP 157); 'andyou']\ deserve whatever happens to you, too!', Inlaw's

L I N E S 82-92

8l

point being that Eur. does exactly what he is accused of (85). For after an oath (colloquial), Ach. 560; Ra. 183, 1074. 87—92 Preparation for 177—92, but also quite misleading, since (i) Agathon will not need to be made to put on women's clothes, because he is already wearing them (cf. 136-42); and (2) Eur.'splantouse Agathon quickly falls through (193-208) and it is in the end Inlaw who agrees to be disguised as a woman and infiltrate the women's assembly to make Eur.'s case (209— 12). Cf. 584-91 n. 87 drdp marks a break in the thought, as again at 207*, 215*, 1119*. Probably colloquial in tone; cf. GP 51-3; Stevens 44-5; Lopez Eire 131. For pi]-^avai('devices') as typically Euripidean (cf. Stevens on E. Andr. 85), 765 (Inlaw attempts to discover a as- ('device to save myself) and settles on a parody of E. Palame (769-71)), 926-7, 1131-2; cf. 93-4 with nn.; Ach. 445 (Eur. praises Dikaiopolis for his 'devising' when Dikaiopolis asks to borrow Telephos' rags to deceive the chorus). IK TOUTUV: 'from these [troubles]', i.e. those defined in 82-4, 84 TO) KrA.-86 being an explanatory digression followed by a nasty remark. Coulon, Essaizi, suggested instead 'exinde' (cf. V. 346); cf. Austin (1987) 71-2. For the use of IK, Eq. 759; Ra. 185; Poultney 157. R's eV Tavrr/s is taken by Tammaro, Eikasmos 13 (2002) 93-6, to mean 'what scheme do you have coming from this house?', with Inlaw pointing to the central stage-door (for the idea, cf. 183; for the use of the demonstrative, 380 n.; for e« indicating the source of thejurj^ai'iy, A. Supp. 457; [Arist.] Mu. 39& b 33; Hid. ix. 6. 4). But the paradosis is more likely the result of assimilation to the gender and number of what looked to an early editor to be Sixnmv in 86. 88—9 Sc. SLavoovp.aL vel sim. The specification that the Agathon in question is the tragic poet is arguably gratuitous after 29-69, esp. 29-30 A-yadiav . ../ o TpaywScnroios. But the fact that Agathon is a tragic poet is an important part of the explanation of why Eur. has come to him for help (cf. 187 n.), and he accordingly gives some proleptic emphasis to it now. The Si&aaKaXos (lit. 'teacher') was properly the trainer of the chorus (esp. PI. Ion 53&a) rather than the poet, but the two are routinely identified in comedy; cf. Ach. 628; Eq. 507; Pax 73 829; Av. 912, 1403; fr. 348. 3 (from Th. II); Cratin. fr. 276. 1-2; Tapli (1977)12—14. eis 0€<jfio<|>6poiv: Cf. 83 withn. eime fioi is used routinely in Ar. to introduce (e.g. 618*; Ach. 157, 3i<);Eq. ioz;Nu. 82; Lys. 830) or follow up (e.g. 743; Nu. 200*, 637*; Pax 210*; EC. 865*; PL 941*, 998*; cf. Alex. fr. 7. i*) an impatient question. 90—2 Cf. 184—92, where Eur. makes a very similar proposal to Agathon's face (184-6 with n.) but also explains for the first time why he has come to his fellow tragedian in particular for assistance (187 with n., 191-2) and why he is unwilling or unable to do the job himself (189—90). Eur. clearly

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wants Agathon to argue for the justice of his behaviour (as Inlaw does—in outrageous fashion and to initially disastrous effect—in 466-519, 549-65) and has no intention of altering the way he depicts women in his tragedies. Contrast 1160—7 with nn. 90-1 €KK\r)<jidaovT' Iv rais Y uvai £' ('t° participate in the assembly among the women'; for the use of ev, cf.Ach. 630; V. n85;fr. 161) is given more specific context by K(CU) . . . \e£ov6' urnep Ifiou ('and in particular to say on my behalf); cf. 85 n. Eur. has no doubt that Agathon will need to argue his case with the women (cf. 184-7), and Markland's (ad E. Supp. 364 (London, 1763) 139; = Kal a av Sei] ('and what the occasion requires')) rather than R's KO.V (sic) Sejj (= Kal eav Sejj ('and if need be')) should be printed. Cf. Th. i. 22. I rd Seovra . . . ei-jreiv, Austin (1987) 72. -uorepa <|>av€p6v rj \d6pa;: i.e. 'in his own person or in disguise?'; cf. H. Od. 19. 299 rj dps/mSov rje Kpv-r]S6v. Meineke (who attributed the conjecture to Cobet, apparently in error) suggested to match the adv. Xa&pq (cf. V. 1018 ov (jxiveptijs dAA(d) . . . Kpvp&riv', Th. vi. 34. 2 TJTOI Kpv<j>a ye rj avepws', PI. Snip. i82d But Xe^ovra avepa>s ought to mean 'to say publicly' (cf. 431), which will not do; cf. Kaibel ap. Austin (1987) 72. 92 <7ToAr|v yuvcuKos T|^A((>i€a^i€VOv: Cf. 851 yvvaiK€ta OTO\TJ\ EC. 879 These words serve inter alia as preparation for Agathon's entrance in effeminate clothing at 95. a-roXi] (which can refer to the clothing of either sex, hence the specification yvvaiKos) is first attested at Sapph. fr. 57. 2 (in the form aroXa) and is widely distributed in 5th- and 4th-c. poetry (e.g. 136 = A. fr. 61; E. Hel. 1382; Timoth. PMG 791. 167) and prose (e.g. Hdt. iv. 116. 2; Lys. 6. 51; PI. Criti. I2ob). 93 KO|_u|/6v is 'elegant, smart' (e.g. Lys. 89; Arar. fr. 8. i; Eup. fr. 172. 2; Men. Dysk. 414); by extension 'subtle, clever' (e.g. 460; Nu. 649, 1030/1; Ra. 967; fr. 719. i; Cratin. fr. 182. 3; E. Cyc. 315; Tr. 651). Common in comedy and late 4th-c. prose, but attested in tragedy only in Euripides (also e.g. Supp. 426; fr. 188. 5) and thus probably colloquial. Cf. Chantraine, REG 58 (1945) 90—6; Miller 175. a<|>68p' iKTOuaourpoiiou: 'very much your style' (Poultney 166; cf. 574; V. 1002; Austin on Men. Asp. 368); for the idea, Eq. 18 KOfu/ievpnriKws ('clever in a Euripidean way'). Perhaps an allusion specifically to Euripides' Telephos, which is parodied later in the play; cf. Introduction pp. Ivi—Iviii. For a<j>o&pa (colloquial), TheslefT§§i33, 146. 94 TOU . . . Texvd^eiv: For re^yrj and its cognates used of Eur. and his plans and poetry, 198—9 (Agathon disavows rf-^yaapara), 271 with n.; Ra. 957; cf. 87 with n.; Miiller 11—12. r|fi€T€pos 6 mupafious: Apparently proverbial, like the English 'that takes the cake'; cf. Eq. 277. A was a type of cake (included in a list of symposium dainties at Ephipp. fr. 8. 3) identified by latrokles in his On Cakes (ap. Ath. 14. &47b—c) with

L I N E S 9O-6

83

the iTvpa^is (included in a list of symposium dainties at Ephipp. fr. 13. 4); it is said by him to have been made of roasted wheat mixed with honey and to have been given as a prize 'to the man who stayed awake at all-night festivals' and who was then allowed 'to kiss whomever he wished of the girls and boys present' (thus Call. fr. 227. 5-7, upon which latrokles is presumably relying; cf. 2R; Poll. vi. 108; Hsch. 774388,4391; Small Objects 109—11), although Trypho (fr. 116; cf. Hsch. a 533) claimed that it was a baked sesame bread and tentatively identified it with the aTjaa^mj?. Plu. Mor. 747a refers to irvpa^ovv-rfs as prizes for symposium dancers, while EM, p. 533. 21-3, says that cakes of this sort were given to those who won at the symposium game kottabos (for which, Olson on Pax 343/4; B. Piitz, The Symposium and Komos in Aristophanes (Drama 22: Stuttgart and Weimar, 2003) 221-41). The plan is entirely Eur.'s, not Inlaw's, but Inlaw's use of the ist-pers. possessive adj. makes it clear that he is already wedded to it; cf. 209—12. 95-129 Cf. 36-57 with 36-7 n. 95 aiYd. —ri lariv;: Cf. Plaut. Pseud. 207 tace.—quid esff As Kaibel (ap. Austin (1987) 72) notes, rieanv; is common after a peremptory vocative (e.g. 193; see K—Aon Lysipp. fr. i. i) or a sudden command (Men. Dysk. 83), whereas TL &' IOTLV; (e.g. 582) represents a request for further information. R's S' must have been added to eliminate hiatus. The central stage-door swings open and Agathon is pushed out on the theatrical trolley or ekkuklema (96 with n.; cf. 265) by a mute slave or slaves. He is reclining on a couch (261 with n.), which is covered with rich bed-clothes, including a woman's himation (250, 261 with n.); the entrance of Euripides at Ach. 409 is similar. Agathon wears a white ('female') mask (cf. Stone 22—7) with no beard (191; cf. 31—3 with nn.); a saffron-coloured chiton of a sort normally worn by women (138 with n.); and a breast-band (139 with n.). A long, beautifully coloured band of cloth is wrapped about his head (138 withn.). Unlike most other male characters in the play, Agathon does not have a visible stage-phallus (142 with n.). A lyre is in his hands and other stringed instruments are perhaps nearby (cf. 137-8 with n.). Other props, including a razor in a razorcase (218-20), a mirror (140 with n., 234-5), another saffron-coloured chiton (253), another breastband (255), another headband and hair-net or something that resembles them (25 7—8 withn.), and a pair of boots (262—3 with 261-2 n.) are within easy reach. Cf. Snyder; Muecke 49-55, esp. 49-51; Stone 346-7. As is normal with historical individuals on stage in Ar.'s comedies, Agathon is named when he appears; cf. 4 with n. 96 Kai TTOU 'aG'j: Cf. 645; E. Ba. 501 Inlaw's question sets up the joke in 97-8. R's TO to eariv originated in a simple visual error, as the scribe's eye leapt from one T1OYEZ (i.e. via scriptio plena) to the next (i.e. -TTOV la-, once again via scriptio

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plena); cf. Coulon, Essai 39. Dover would not rule out with 'split anapaest'; cf. his nn. on Nu. 214 and Ra. 286; Dunbar on Av. 90. For «ai preceding an interrogative expressing surprise or disbelief, 78—9 n. For the indirect interrogative OTTOU picking up the direct interrogative TTOV, KGii. 5i7;cf. 203, 252-3,483;Eq. 128, 1073; Nu. 1495; Ra. 198. OUTOS ouKKuK\oufi€VOs: Cf. 265 ('Let someone roll me inside!') with n. Agathon's entrance and exit, like the entrance and exit of Euripides reclining on a couch at Ach. 409, 479, are clearly intended to parody the use of a theatrical trolley (ekkuklema) to represent interior scenes in contemporary tragedy; cf. 2R; Sandbach on Men. Dysk. 690; Hansen, Philologus 120 (1976) 170—1 (with extensive bibliography); Newiger, Dioniso 59 (1989) 181—5 ~ WJA 16 (1990) 39-42; Olson on Ach. 408-9; Jacques, Pallas 54 (2000) 89-102. 97-176 Eur. could easily make the request in 177-87 the moment Agathon appears on stage (95—6), and these verses thus represent an interruption in the forward movement of the plot of a sort typical of the prologue (5—22 n.; cf. 39-62n., 71-94n., 99-133 n.). 97-8 d\\' f\ 'puts an objection in interrogative form, giving lively expression to a feeling of surprise or incredulity' (GP 27—8; cf. Neil onEq. 953; Jebb onS.Ph. 414; Barrett on E.Hipp. 858; contrast Chadwick 129, who would retain R's ff); 'Perhaps?' (but hoping for a negative answer). Interrogative fiev 'marks the proposition as preliminary' (Verrall on E. Med. 676, cited at GP 366—7); Inlaw does not really think he is blind, but the possibility must be put out of the way before the discussion of this very puzzling situation can proceed. Cf. Barrett on E. Hipp. 316. For the joke, cf. 235 with n. eyoi is emphatic; 'for [whatever you may see,] / . . .' Kupr|vr]v: An Athenian courtesan (PAA 588828) also mentioned at Ra. 1327—8, where reference is made to her 'twelvefold devising', i.e. her extraordinary sexual versatility (cf. 2RVMEeBarb and Dover ad loc.); according to 2R, Ar. referred to her frequently The name is otherwise unattested; for personal names drawn from placenames, Bechtel, AF 5 9—63, andDie historischen Personennamen des Griechischenbis zur Kaiserzeit (Halle, 1917) 551-6. The point of the comparison is not just that Agathon looks like a woman dressed in the most seductive outfit possible (cf. Nu. 51—2; Lys. 42—53, 149—52), but by implication that his body too is available for any purpose to the highest bidder (cf. 35 with n.). According to 2R, other comic poets made fun of Agathon in the same way (= adesp. com. fr. 854). For Agathon's lyre (137-8 with n.) as part of the iconography of the Athenian courtesan, 1217—19 n. 99—133 Inlaw's remarks in 134—45 could (with a few slight superficial changes) follow directly on 97-8, and Agathon's song represents a sort of digression within a digression (cf. 97-176 n.), albeit a highly amusing one that neatly skewers the young tragic poet and his style.

L I N E S 96-IOO

85

QQ Cf. Av. 225—6 (Ti ((Peis.) 'Hey!' (Eu.) 'What is it?' (Peis.) 'Be quiet!' (Eu.) 'Why?' (Peis.) 'The Hoopoe's getting ready to sing again!'), followed by the Hoopoe's second song (Av. 227— 62). According to 2R 100, some ancient commentators or editors argued that a stage-direction (7rape77iypa is needed to govern pvpprfKos arpa-jrovs in 100. Always * in Ar. (Pax 227; Av. 226 (above); Ra. 784, 848; cf. Ach. 1176). Primarily prosaic vocabulary, although first attested in Aeschylus (Th. 440; Ag. 353, 1422; Ch. 1034) and found occasionally in Euripides (Cyc. 170 (corrupt), 214; Heracl. 691; HF 1241, 1369). 100 fiupfirjKos (XTpa-n-ous: Given the parallels at Pherecr. fr. 155. 23 (Timotheos' poetry described as p.vpp.ijKids ('anthills')) and Ael. NA 6. 43 (anthills said to contain TroiKtXas drpaTrovs Kal eXiy^ovs Kal TrepioSovs ('elaborate tracks and windings and circular passages'); cf. Ael. NA 16. 15; Plu.Tkfor. 9&8b), this is more likely a reference to the complex interior structure of anthills than to foraging tracks (cf. Arist. HA 622b24~5) or the wandering course ants seem to take when going from one place to another (cf. Hsch.

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1905; Plaut. Men. 888 move formicinum gradum (but see Gratwick ad loc.)). Cf. Hsch. fj. 1905 fj.vpfj.riKtov oSor . . . Kal al f^ovoKtoXoi rpijSoi ('ant roads: . . . also the paths consisting of a single colon'); S <j> 393 (Philoxenos of Kythera nicknamed MtSp^TjK'Ant')); anon, de Trag. §5 (p. 30. i Perusino) dvarpijTos o rpoTros ('the style [is] bored through and through'; of the new music); Borthwick, Hermes 96 (1968)69-72. Since the average Athenian had considerable experience working the land (and thus occasionally digging up anthills), the image will have been more natural for Ar.'s audience than it is for us; for another contemporary reference to the interior of anthills, [A.] PV 452-3. For the 'new music' of the late 5th c. described as 'twisting' vel sim., cf. 53 n., 1175 n. For poetry as a 'road' or 'path', e.g. h.Merc.4-51; Pi. O. i. 110; Emped. 316 24. 2; Taillardatp. 434 n. i (with numerous examples of the image). Hsch. p, 1904 ~ Phot, p, 606 (cf. Hsch. fi, 1905) reports that a path in the deme Skambonidai was called the Mvpp.riKos drpairoy, but associates this with the hero Myrmex (father of the eponymous heroine of the deme Melite (= RE s.v. 5); cf. Hes. fr. 225; Philoch. FGrHist 328 F 27). For ancient views on ants generally, O. Keller, Die antike Tierwelt ii (Leipzig, 1913) 416-21; Davies and Kathirithamby 37—46; Beavis 198—209, esp. 202. 'is he singing his way through?' (LSJ s. Sid D. I) + ace.; a hapax legomenon. fj,iwpif,w (poetic vocabulary; first in prose in Plato) occurs twice in Homer, where it serves as a summary description of aggrieved complaint or lamentation (//. 5. 889; Od. 4. 719; cf. A. Ag. 1165), and from the end of the 5th c. on the vb. and its cognates are commonly used of bird-song (e.g. S. OC67i; Arist. HA 6i8 b 3i; Theoc. 13. 12; Mnesalc. AP ix. 70. i = HE 2655; adesp. lyr. fr. 7. 5, p. 185 Powell; adesp. PMG 1036. 3; cf. Av. 1414 (where the Sycophant is singing of birds and eager to become one, as a result of which Peisetairos describes him as p.ivvpi£,iuv)', Philox. Leuc. PMG 83&(b). 28 (where ^Lvvpi-y^a-ra 8epfi,d is most likely a poetic periphrasis for 'roast birds')). p,ivvpofi,ai is distinguished from dei'Soi ('sing [with words]') at A. Ag. 16, and when p.ivvpi£,iu and the like are used of human beings, they presumably refer to the production of the melodic part of a song, like Agathon's vocal warm-up here (V. 219; Phryn. Com. fr. 74. 2; PI. R. 41 ia). The paradosis -pivvpitfrai (RS) gives tribrach + anapaest (cf. V. 1169; Eup. fr. 99. 90), a metrical 'hiccough' which could perhaps be justified as Inlaw's attempt to make fun of Agathon's irregular trills. But Dawes pointed out that ^ivvpi^ia is elsewhere used as the act. (V. 219; Av. 1414), p,ivvpofi,ai as the mid. (Ec. 880; A. Ag. 16; S. OC 671), and -i£erai probably arose under the influence of -d£erai at the end of 99 (cf. 56, where yoyytiAAei became yoyyuAi£ei after wo^d^ei in 55). 101-29 Agathon's song, the result of the process of composition described at 49-50, 52-7, 67. The poet takes the part alternately of the coryphaeus (101—3, 107—10, 114—15, 120—2, 126—8) and a chorus of maidens (104—6,

L I N E S IOO-29 II

I

I2

I2

R

8?

111-13, 7~ 9> 3~5> 9); cf- 2 ; P. Mazon, Essai sur la composition des comedies d'Aristophane (Paris, 1904) 127-8; Muecke 46-9; Furleyand Bremer i. 353 n. 26. Agathon presumably indicates each change of role with a slight pause, a nod, an alteration in his voice or tone, or the like. The chorus are carefully and consistently presented as Trojan (as first pointed out by Bothe in his first edition (1830) n): they worship Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, who are among Troy's fiercest divine partisans in the Iliad (e.g. 4. 507-8; 5. 447-50; 20. 38-40, 68-72; cf. 114-16 n.); they refer to Apollo in particular as founder of the city of Troy rather than as god of Delphi or Delos (109-10; contrast 316 with n.); and they sing to an 'Asian' lyre (120) and at the summons of 'Phrygian Graces' (121—2). As this is a hymn of celebration, the dramatic setting is most likely the immediate aftermath of the Achaeans' apparent abandonment of the expeditionagainstTroy(//.Par«.arg. i.22-3;E.Hec.916-17; Tr. 522-55, esp. 544—55); this is not a happy omen for Eur.'s great plan. The song is structured as a series of exchanges between the coryphaeus (who gives orders) and the chorus (who obey enthusiastically; cf. 104-6), except for two direct addresses of Apollo by the chorus in 111-13 and 129. For other dramatic adaptations of cult-hymns with similar structures, Ra. 372—413; E. Hipp. 58—71. The coryphaeus refers to and addresses the chorus in both the pi. (101-3, J I 5/ I 6, 126/7/8) and the sing. (107, 128), and they respond in the sing. (104/5, J I 7~ I 8, 123) except at 126/7/8 (at the end of the song, perhaps acknowledging everything that has preceded as a collective effort with the coryphaeus); cf. Kaimio 121—9 (esp. 126), 225. We know next to nothing about Agathon's lyrics, including whether this song is based on a lost original. Its alleged erotic and titillating effects (130—3), at any rate, are due to the metre and the music rather than the words; G. Murray, Aristophanes: A Study (Oxford, 1933) 130, compares Ra. 1327-8, where 'a very musical and nonsensical parody of Euripides, with some irregularities of metre but none of morals, reminds Aeschylus of the notorious "dozen tricks" of the courtesan Cyrene' (for whom, 97—8 n.). In general, see Horn 100—6; Furley and Bremer ii. 341-6; Bierl 162-74; Torchio, Quad. Torino 15 (2001) 127-35. F°r the historical Agathon's bold musical innovations, Leveque 145-6. Plu. Mor. 6456 states that Agathon was the first poet to introduce into tragedy TO the genus chromaticum, sc. that based on the tetrachord of a trihemitone and two semitones, previously considered beneath the dignity of the genre, as opposed to the manly enharmonic of ditone and two quartertones (the diatonic being apparently somewhat marginal at the time). The innovation was attributed to Euripides by anon, de Trag. §5 (p. 28. 39 Perusino) with the remark ('for this type [of music] was of an effeminate character'). For the 'New Music', of which Agathon is generally understood to have been a promi-

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nent exponent, Pherecr. fr. 155; West, AGM 356-72; Csapo, ICS 24-25 (1999-2000) 399-426. The metre is an eccentric medley consisting mostly of ionics, choriambs, and trochaics, with a few dactyls near the end, and the absence of a responding song makes establishing the text problematic. Cf. Parker 398-405. (1) 101

(2) IOI/2 (3) I°3 (4) I°4

(5) I°4/5

(6) (7) (8) (9)

106 i°7 108 i°9

(10) no (11) i n (12) 112 (i3)n3 (14) 114/15 (15) n5/i6 (16)117 (17)118 (18)119 (19) 120

(2O)121 (21) 122 (22) 123

(23)124 (24) 125

(25)126 (26) 126/7/8 (27) 128 (28) 129

2,10,,

2cho dodA 2cho anacr 2tr aeol 'heptasyll' anacr 210 cho adon aeol 'heptasyll' 2tr 2tr aeol 'heptasyll' 2tr iambel anacr anacr aeol 'heptasyll' aeol 'enneasyll' cho adon io ioA anacr anacr aeol 'heptasyll' 3dada A 6da iaba tel (dragged)

(i, 4, 7-8, 16-17, 2I ~3) Cf. Parker 63: 'The incidence of the metre in tragedy gives some support to the idea that ionic was thought of as a suitable rhythm for orientals' (i.e. like the characters supposedly singing this song). The parodos of E. Ba. also begins with two syncopated ionics (64 (2) This colon is equivalent to a greater asclepiad (V. 1238; Av. 1410) without base (Parker 76). (3) The first choriamb is resolved, as in (20); cf. E. Ba. 107—8 = 122—3. (4, 7, 16-17, 22~3) F°r the anacreontic (a type of ionic dimeter), Parker

L I N E S IOI-3

89

6 1-2. For the variation ^^ --- ^ -- in 107, 117-18, 123, cf. Anacr. PMG346fr.4. 3 (""] o> woAAijv o^etAco); Parker 62-3. (6, 10, 13, 18, 24) Aeolic 'heptas