Association for Jewish studies 1998- 23(1)

Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. i-158 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486731 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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AJS VOL.XXIII, NO. 1 1998

TheJournalof the Associationfor JewishStudies

EEW

Volume XXIII, Number 1 1998

FORJEWISHSTUDIES ASSOCIATION WALTHAM,MASSACHUSETTS

AJS Review EDITOR:

NormanA. Stillman,University of Oklahoma EDITORS: ASSOCIATE

Nehama Aschkenasy,University of Connecticut,Stamford Rela Geffen, GratzCollege RobertGoldenberg,State University of New Yorkat Stony Brook BenjaminC. I. Ravid, BrandeisUniversity Gary Rendsburg,Cornell University MarshaRozenblit, University of Maryland EDITOR: CORRESPONDING

Lloyd P. Gartner,Tel-Aviv University BOOKREVIEWEDITOR:

Marc Saperstein,George WashingtonUniversity ASSISTANT: EDITORIAL

John Borrego The AJS Review (ISSN 0364-0094) is published twice annually by the Association for Jewish Studies. Manuscripts for consideration should be sent to Prof. Norman A. Stillman, History

Department,455 W. Lindsey,Universityof Oklahoma,Norman,OK 73019-0535. Books for review shouldbe sent to Prof. MarcSaperstein,JudaicStudiesProgram, The GeorgeWashingtonUniversity,2142 G Street,NW, Washington,DC 20052. C 1998by the Associationfor JewishStudies OFAMERICA IN THEUNITEDSTATES MANUFACTURED

AJS REVIEW THE JOURNALOF THE ASSOCIATIONFOR JEWISHSTUDIES VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 1, 1998 Articles 1

JORDAN CHESTER WILLIAM Jews, Regalian Rights, and the Constitution in Medieval France

17

DONHARRAN "Dum Recordaremur Sion": Music as Practiced and Theorized by the Venetian Rabbi Leon Modena (1571-1648)

63

BRUCEROSENSTOCK Abraham Miguel Cardoso's Messianism: A Reappraisal

Book Reviews 105

Moshe Weinfeld. The Promise of the Land: The Inheritance of the Land of Canaan by the Israelites BROWN JOHNPAIRMAN

109

Jacob Licht. A Commentaryon the Book of Numbers XXII-XXXVI MILGROM JACOB

110

Scott B. Noegel. Janus Parallelism in the Book of Job JOELS. KAMINSKY

112

Daniel Meir Weil. The Masoretic Chant of the Hebrew Bible. SAULLEVIN

116

Michael L. Satlow. Tasting the Dish: Rabbinic Rhetorics of Sexuality ADELE REINHARTZ

119

Joseph P. Schultz and Lois Spatz. Sinai and Olympus:A Comparative Study BROWN JOHNPAIRMAN

122

Eli Davis and David A. Frenkel. The Hebrew Amulet: BiblicalMedical-General YEDIDA K. STILLMAN

CONTENTS

11

124

WilesofMen: Josephand ShalomGoldman.The Wilesof Women/The ' Near andIslamicFolklore in Ancient Eastern, Jewish, Potiphar Wife E. GREENSPAHN FREDERICK

126

Ivan G. Marcus.Ritualsof Childhood:JewishAcculturationin MedievalEurope BASKIN JUDITH

128

MenachemKellner.Maimonideson the "Declineof the Generations" and the Natureof RabbinicAuthority H. FRANK DANIEL

131

Michael Polowetzky.JerusalemRecovered: VictorianIntellectuals and the Birthof ModernZionism NANCYHENRY

134

Stephen R. Haynes. Reluctant Witnesses:Jews and the Christian Imagination HAROLD KASIMOW

136

AviezerRavitsky.Messianism,Zionism,and Jewish ReligiousRadicalism ALANS. ZUCKERMAN

138

RichardA. Cohen.Elevations:TheHeightandtheGoodinRosenzweig and Levinas ROBERT GIBBS

141

EdwardK. Kaplan.Holiness in Words:AbrahamJoshua Heschels Poetics of Piety SHAULMAGID

147

Collected Studies

159

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Jews, Regalian Rights, and the Constitution in Medieval France Author(s): William Chester Jordan Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 1-16 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486732 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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JEWS,REGALIANRIGHTS, AND THECONSTITUTION IN MEDIEVALFRANCE by WILLIAM CHESTER JORDAN It is fashionableto imaginea greatdichotomybetweenthe feudalmonarchies in the West and the brittle,particularisticentity of the Holy Roman Empireof the GermanNation.'To Voltaire'smean-spirited gibe thatthe latter was neitherholy, Roman,nor an Empiremightbe addedthatit was also not really German,since millions of Netherlanders,Italians,and Slavs, as well as Provengalsand Savoyards,lived within its territoriallimits. Franceand England,the stereotypegoes, had achieveda precociousunity,at least in the thirteenthcentury.Nothing could be clearer,one might conclude,than the contrastbetweenthe greatkingdomsof the Westandthe so-calledEmpire. The fashionablecliche even affectsourunderstanding of Jewishlife in the MiddleAges. FritzBackhausput the commonplacethis way: "Theterritorial division (Zersplitterung)of Germanypreventeda comprehensiveexpulsion [of the Jews] as could be carriedout in England,France,and Spain."2This neatdichotomyis inadequate.At bestit makessensein a comparisonbetween Englandand Germany.Only in England,a few exceptionsaside, were the claims of a paramountlord, the king, to the controland exploitationof the Jews moreor less uncontestedby othersecularauthoritiesor by ecclesiastics 1. A veryearlyversionof thispaperwas presentedattheTwenty-fourth AnnualConference of the Associationfor JewishStudies(December14, 1992)underthe title, "TheSupremacyof the Crownandthe PublicGood:The Expulsionof the Jews fromFrance(1306) as an Episode in ConstitutionalHistory."At the kind invitationof ProfessorJohnMoore,I gave a lectureat HofstraUniversity,October26, 1994, basedon a revisedversionof thatpaper. 2. Fritz Backhaus,"Judenfeindschaft und Judenvertreibungen im Mittelalter:Zur AusJahrbuchfar die Geschichte weisung der Judenaus dem Mittelelbraumim 15. Jahrhundert," Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 36 (1987): 275-332.

AJS Review 23/1 (1998): 1-16

1

2

WILLIAM CHESTER JORDAN

in the role of secularlords.The very simplicityof the Englishsituationarose out of its specialness,indeed its uniqueness.3A virtualroyal monopolyof political authorityover Jews accompaniedthe first immigrationof Jews to England,presumablyunderprincelysponsorship,in the wake of the Norman Conquest.Therewereno Jewsin Englandbefore1066.Itmayverywell be the case that in the twelfthcentury--thefirstcenturyof theirsettlement--there was a handfulof minorjurisdictionsthat claimeddominiumover Jews in England.Usually translated"lordship,"dominiummight be betterrendered "ownership"when appliedto a lord's authorityover Jews. Such claims in Englandby any lord otherthanthe king were ephemeralat best. Insofaras any otherlordever claimeddominiumover Jews in England,it was because of a special grantfrom the king, a "boon"--orfree gift--bestowed by the crown. Consequently,when the crown decided to end the experimentof Jewishsettlementin Englandin 1290, it merelyexpelledall Jews. It did not have to negotiate,cajole,or seek the permissionof anyoneelse to do so. The Jews in medievalEngland,in legal, indeedin constitutionalterms,were the king's Jews. Nothing could have been more differentthan the situationin France.4 Withinthe area of Europenow called France,at least fifty baronsclaimed dominiumoverthe Jews in theirfiefs. Andthis authorityextendedeven to the powerto expel them fromtheirlandswithoutpermissionfromanyoneelse. Indeed,Jews were expelledby Frenchbaronialauthoritiesa dozen or more timesin the MiddleAges. In 1182the crownin the personof PhilipAugustus did so in what mightbe called baronialfashion,thatis, solely fromits own directlygovernedfiefs, the so-called royal domain,whose extent was far smallerthanthatof manyotherbaroniesoverwhichit claimed,butexercised very little, suzerainlordship.In the 1190s a numberof minorFrenchlords who claimeddominiumoverJews expelledtheirJews.Thethirteenthcentury saw a continuingseries of expulsionsby numerousfeudal lords:Brittany, 1240;Gascony,1287-88; AnjouandMaine,1289;Niort,1291;Nevers, 1294. Zersplitterung,to put it anotherway, does not seem to have been limitedto the Holy RomanEmpireof the GermanNation. 3. The best surveyof the Englishsituation,fromwhichthe informationto be summarized comes, is H. G. Richardson's English Jewry under the Angevin Kings (London, 1960). A new

synthesis,by RobertStacey,is on the horizon. 4. Thesummaryof the situationin Franceis abstractedfrommy FrenchMonarchyand the Jews from Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989).

JEWS, REGALIANRIGHTS,AND THE CONSTITUTION

3

I havearguedelsewherethattheverymultiplicityofjurisdictionsin France was a positive factorfor the politicallysavvy Jewishleadership,whichcould sometimes, if not always, play one lord off against anotherin times of crisis.5There was also tension between the dispersalof power that such a multiplicityof lordshipsimpliedand the emergingideology and practiceof state in thirteenth-century an increasinglyauthoritarian France.In brief the a is the To Jews were following. beginwith, particularly appropriate argument groupaboutwhose relationto the crownespeciallystrongtheoreticalclaims of the supremacyof the crownmightbe made.Therewere othergroups,like serfs,on which equallystrongclaimsmightbe staked;andtherewere issues, suchas mintingrights(rightsof strikingmoneyandauthorizingthe coinage), on which spokesmenfor the crown were also willing to make especially powerfulclaims about its authority.All of these claims were expressedin ideologically chargedlanguage about "regalianrights"and the "common good." We can learn a great deal by consideringall three of these matters comparativelyratherthanin isolationas they have ordinarilybeen treatedin the past. The particularnatureof the claimsmadeaboutthe crown'sauthoritywith regardto Jews, to serfs, andto rightsof coinageevolved considerablyin the thirteenthcentury,becomingmore and more comprehensive.The mounting extremenessof these claims and the governmentalactionsthatflowed from them,especiallywith regardto the coinage,provokedan aristocraticreaction at the end of the thirteenthcentury.Indeed,by 1305 the reactionbecame so seriousthatthe crown seemedto reduceits claims-on the issue at least of the coinage. The necessity of doing so was humiliating.In retaliation, however,andin orderto refurbishits tarnishedimage,the crowndeliberately repeatedits comprehensiveclaims to paramountcy.It chose to do so by a draconianpolicy towardthe Jews, an expulsion,but an expulsionof a most radicaltype, one that extendedto all Jews, not just royal Jews, and notjust fromthe royaldomainbutthroughoutFrance.Onecouldaddthatthe crown's streakin this regardwould manifestitself only a few months authoritarian afterthe expulsionof the Jewsby the equallyextremeclaimsto paramountcy thatunderlaythe attackon andultimatesuppressionof the Orderof Knights Templar.These two gestureswere successfulin thatthe king andthose close to him regainedconfidencein theirown ideology. 5. In a paperpresentedat CornellUniversity,November4, 1990,entitled,"Jewsin Medieval Contrast." EnglandandFrance:The Jurisdictional

4

WILLIAM CHESTER JORDAN

The confidencewon in this successful assertionof supremacyin the matterof the Jews and the Templarsprovedillusory.The crownwould later manipulatethe coinage,as if therewereno constraintson its againarbitrarily authority.It discovered,however,andto its chagrin,thatthe aristocracywas to acceptthe crown'sview of the comprehensiveness still unprepared of royal The aristocratic reaction then indeed became rebellion worsened, authority. in 1314; and a strategicpartialretreatwas once more in order.Only one of many proofs of this-but a proof directlyrelevantto the argumentof this essay-is the way, in 1315, the crowndecidedto deal with Jews and serfs, the groupsover which it had made equallyextremeclaims of supremacyin the thirteenthcentury. Jews, Serfs,and Coinage What was there about Jews, serfs, and the right to mint coins that suggestedto thinkersby the thirteenthcenturythattheirrelationto the crown was special?First,withregardto Jews,ideasthathadcirculatedsincethe time of the RomanEmpireandwhichwere articulated,as well, in the Carolingian period maintainedthat royal or Imperialauthorityenjoyeda monopolyof punitive power over Jews. This was probablya commonplaceby 1200, certainlyin Imperialcircles.As Jean-LucFrayhas put it, "Theprotectionof Jews is a regalianrightwhich the emperorconcedesto his greatvassals.... The exerciseof this guardianshipis a sovereignrightandcannotbe impeded by subalternofficers."6Such privilegesas were exercisedover Jews by the vassals of the emperorwere grantedin termsthatmade this plain.We have instrumentsof concession or confirmationthat show this to be the case in Luxembourgandthroughoutthe Rhineland.7 AlthoughFrenchjuristicwriters of a royalistbent and Romanisttrainingsharedthe ideology,they still had not fully workedout its implicationsin the earlythirteenthcentury. The question of serfs is perhapsmore complex.8We can get at it by consideringthe passagefromone status(unfreedom)to another(freedom).If 6. Jean-LucFray,"Communautes dansl'espacelorrainau bas juives et princesterritoriaux 44 Annales de 95-96. 1200-1500)," (vers (1992): age moyen l'Est 7. Ibid.,pp. 95-96. 8. I am not concernedhere with the juridicalanalogymade at the time between Jews and serfs (judei tanquam servi, judei servi camere sunt, etc.), on which see Jordan, French

Monarchy,pp. 133, 243-244. Cf. ShulamithShahar,"SomeObservationson the Use of the TermServiin Relationto the Jews of France"(in Hebrew),Michael12 (1991).

RIGHTS,ANDTHECONSTITUTION JEWS,REGALIAN

5

serfdomwas merelya relationshipbetweentwo parties(free lordandunfree serf),then the decisionof the partiesto changethatrelationshipshouldhave concernedno one else but them.Nonetheless,as Maitlandwas aware,ideas aboutserfdomwentbackto ideasaboutchattelslavery;the sanctioningability to change the statusof a chattelslave (a thing),to make it come alive as a humanbeing, ultimatelywent back to publicpower:"Toturna thing into a person,"Maitlandwrote,"is a feat thatcan not be performedwithoutthe aid of the state."g But, as the quotation continues, underliningthe practical difference between slaveryand serfdom,"to make free as againstyourselfone who is alreadyfree as againstall but you, this you can easily do, for it is hardly a matterof public law." Nonetheless, from the older idea there survived vague notionsof the preeminentinterestof the princein determiningmatters of status.Again, the precise implicationsof these notions were still being workedout in Francein the High and late MiddleAges.' On the question of coinage, the evidence is less vague. Charlemagne himself,whose acts, preservedin formulabooks,provideda model andgoal for feudalprinces,had madethe argumentthatcoinagewas a regalianright. Andhe cameclose to enforcingit, decreeinga royalmonopolyin 805. Others who minted coins did so because the emperorbestowed the privilege on them(Ganshofcalledthese "exceptionalcases");whatthe emperorbestowed he could revoke." In fact, over time more and more princes acquiredthe power to strike coins. The questionwas, Underwhat conditionsand with whatjustificationscould such powers be revoked?These, too, were issues still contestedat the beginningof the thirteenthcenturyin France. Claimsto Paramountcyin the ThirteenthCentury The thirteenthcenturysaw the articulationof a radicalset of notions about royal power with respect to Jews, serfs, and coinage. The key step affectingJews took place in 1230, with the Ordinanceof Melun, in which 9. FrederickPollock and FredericWilliamMaitland,TheHistoryof EnglishLaw Before the Timeof EdwardI, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (Cambridge,1898), 1:428-429. 10. Cf. JeanBrissaud,A HistoryofFrenchPublicLaw,trans.JamesGarner(Boston,1915), pp. 325-326. 11. F. L. Ganshof,The Carolingiansand the FrankishMonarchy:Studiesin Carolingian History,trans.JanetSondheimer(Ithaca,N.Y., 1971),p. 97.

6

WILLIAM CHESTER JORDAN

the crown arguedits supremacyby assertingits regalianright to prohibit Jews frommigratingfrom one dominiumto another.12Before 1230, at least back to 1198 and possibly before, what had happenedwas the following. Every time it became clear that a lord who claimeddominiumover Jews wanted to tax his Jews heavily or "take"them (impose a captio, as it is called in the unapologeticlanguageof the contemporarydocuments),Jews themselvesmade calculateddecisions and sometimeschose to migrateto otherjurisdictions.Many lords received them or toleratedtheir presence becauseof gifts from the immigrants.These gifts (or bribes),thoughlarge, were farless damagingto the wealthof the immigrantsthana ruthlesstaking of theirpropertywould have been. The way for a lord planninga great taking of his Jews to avoid this problemwas for him to negotiatenon-retentiontreaties,13agreementsthat in substancesaid, "I, a lord, am going to take my Jews. Undoubtedlysome or all of them will try to run away; you, neighboringlords,promisenot to acceptthemintoyourdomains."Ideallyeach lordshipbecamea prisonhouse from which therewas no escape. And we possess numerousexamplesand referencesto agreementsof this kind from 1198to 1230.14 Theproblemswerethreefold.Lordstendedto maketemporaryagreements ratherthanpermanentones, or,at least,to actas if thetreatiesweretemporary. Second,many lords-for whateverreason-did notjoin in such agreements or antagonizedotherlordsby makingtheirpriceforjoiningtoo high. Finally, the failureof anysingleborderlordto ratifya non-retention treatyundermined the whole effort.One way out--one escape route-was all thatwas needed for peoplewho felt oppressedor who suspectedthe comingof a captio. In May 1210 the crown of Francevery effectively negotiateda whole series of non-retentiontreaties.And then it proceededto mulct the Jews in the royal domain in a most effective captio.'5But the crown was not alwaysso fortunatein gettingotherlordsto agreenot to acceptits Jews into theirfiefs. The reluctance,for example,of the CountPalatineof Champagne 12. Layettesdu Tresordes chartes,ed. AlexandreTeuletet al., 5 vols. (Paris,1863-1909), II, no. 2083. Jordan,FrenchMonarchy,pp. 131-133. 13. This terminologywas developed in RobertChazan'sMedievalJewry in Northern France:A Politicaland Social History(Baltimore,1973). 14. Jordan,FrenchMonarchy,pp. 69, 98-102; Fray,"Communaut6s juives,"p. 97. For a laterinvocationof the principleunderlyingthesetreaties,see Jordan,FrenchMonarchy,p. 323 n. 24. 15. Jordan,FrenchMonarchy,pp. 66-70.

RIGHTS,ANDTHECONSTITUTION JEWS,REGALIAN

7

from 1223 on to readily enter these agreementswith the crown made the procedure-alreadytime-consumingandcostly--ever less effective.In 1223 the crown assertedthat it had a right by fiat to compel all baronsto obey a non-retentionpolicy (an assertionthat obviously derivedits intellectual justificationfrom the ideas aboutregalianrights discussedearlier),but the crowndidnot pressthepoint.TheCountPalatineof Champagnerefusedeven to put his seal to a documentthat made such an assertion.And the crown, too uncertainto orderthe count to obey anyway,finallyagreedto negotiate a separateinstrumentwith the lord of Champagnewhich seemedto suggest thatall its lofty assertionsof authoritymadea deadletter.16 By 1230, however,when the CountPalatinewas in a desperatestruggle with a group of baronsand needed the supportof the crown, he made no furtherobjectionto the crown's assertionof its paramountright to impose non-retentionon all baronsby fiat.The crown,seizingthe moment,did more: it resurrectedthe olderCarolingiannotionsof its authority.It couldnot only decreea policy. It seemed to suggest thaton the matterof Jews it could do more. Some authorityhad to exist to adjudicatedisputesover any alleged violations of the non-retentionpolicy. The crown assertedthat it-and it alone-would providethe forumfor the resolutionof suchdisputes.Thiswas implicitlyan argumentfromthe need to assurethe commongood. Moreover,the Ordinanceof Melun, which, as noted, expressedthese views, declaredthatwhoeverheld andactedon a contraryopinionwas to be regardedas a rebel and might be treatedas such. The Ordinanceof Melun, thoughit has neverbeen evaluatedthis way before,was in realitynotjust the firstpiece of legislationin Francesince the time of the Carolingians(a fact whichhas long been recognized),it was specificallythe firstpiece of treason legislation in French history.17By defining refusal to accept the crown's instructionson non-retentionof fugitive Jews or its judgmentin a reserved case as a breachof faith tantamountto rebellion,the legislationeffectively expandedarchaic,feudalnotionsof disloyalty--directbetrayalof the king or personalharmto his dignity (such as sleepingwith his wife)-into a much moreconceptualor modem doctrine. 16. For a full discussionof all the issues surroundingthe ordinancesand negotiationsof 1223, see ibid.,pp. 93-104. 17. This does not mean that the statusthatthe Ordinanceof Melundefinesfor the Jews was as radicala departureas the constitutionalaspectsof the Ordinance;cf. GilbertDahan,Les Intellectuels chretiens et lesjuifs au moyen dcge(Paris, 1990), p. 67.

WILLIAM CHESTER JORDAN

8

The crown was making the same assertionwith regardto arguments over runawayserfs and manumissionof serfs. Lordswho had disputesover fugitive serfs had to have them adjudicatedin royal courts,regardlessof whetherthey were immediatevassalsof the king. And lordsneeded,it began to be said in the thirteenthcentury,and it became the predominantview by the end of the reign of Saint Louis, the confirmationof the crown in of personal orderto emancipateserfs. To some degree,then,determinations status--questionsof freedomand ownershipof humanbeings-were also beingarticulatedas regalianrights.DisputesoverrunawayJewsandrunaway serfswere cas royaux,"royalcases." The so-called Etablissementsde saint Louis, a compilationof statutes from around1270, puts it this way, "No vassal or noble can free his serf in any manner[i.e., even withoutfull manumission,elevatehis legal status] withoutthe assentof his lordandparamountlord,accordingto the usage of the lay court."'" Slightlylater,the famoustreatiseby Philippede Beaumanoir, writtenfor a vassal of the Frenchking, showed that this view appearsto have been accepted,howeverreluctantly,by the nobility.One can sense the reluctancein the quotations. it is a goodthingto havetheir Forthosetryingto be freedfromtheirservitude freedomconfirmed by the sovereignfromwhomtheirlordholds..... By the presentcustom,serfs,maleor female,mayprocuretheirfreedomandthatof theirchildren,if theycanobtainit fromtheirlordandby theauthority of his sovereign.19

The doctrineof the king's sovereignright over the coinage was also century.The sharpenedand,ultimately,expressedfully in the mid-thirteenth old argumentwas restated,namely,thateven thoughmany lords(morethan twenty-five)had coinage rightsin France,they all held them on sufferance fromthe crown.The wide distributionof such rights,it was said, in no way underminedor constrainedthe crown'sright to managethe coinage in the 18 . Les Etablissementsde saint Louis,ed. PaulViollet,4 vols. (Paris,1881-86), II, 446, "Nuns vavasors,ne gentis hom ne peut franchirson home de cors en nule meniere,sanz l'asentementdou baronou dou chief seignor,selonc l'usagede la cortlaie."Foran alternative translation, see The "Etablissements de Saint Louis ": Thirteenth-CenturyLaw Textsfrom Tours, Orlkans, and Paris, ed. F. R. P. Akehurst(Philadelphia,1996),p. 154. 19. The Coutumes de Beauvaisis of Philippe de Beaumanoir, trans. F. R. P. Akehurst

(Philadelphia,1992),p. 515.

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best interestsof the commonweal;and it was the crownthatdeterminedthat best interest.This view lay behind Saint Louis's willingness in the 1250s and 1260s to design a new royal coinage that would run throughoutthe kingdom.It lay behindhis decision to mint in gold (and to restrictminting in gold to the crown), to limit the circulationof baronialcoinages to the baroniesin which they were struck,to establishexchangerates among all baronialcoinages (includingthe sterlingthat circulatedin Gascony),and to do so by fiat;and,finally,it lay behindthe saint-king'swillingnessto revoke baronialcoinagerightswherethe qualityand soundnessof the coins struck were inferior.Coinagewas a regalianright(even thoughdevolved),and the king could exercisethe righteven over againstthe privilegesof otherbarons for the commongood.20These assertionscausedso muchconsternationthat they were debatedby the universityfacultyat Paris.21At least one baronial chroniclerwas unmitigatedin his condemnation;these assertionsin his view led not to the legitimaterecoveryof devolved rightsbut to simple acts of usurpation.22

TheManipulationof the Coinageand theAristocraticReaction One could concentrateon other issues, of course, because the developmentsbeing describedare expressionsof somethinglike the hubristhat began to affect many aspectsof Frenchroyal policies in the laterthirteenth century.Whateverone may say about Saint Louis's pretensionsas a king, however-and they were certainly overarchingand authoritarian-every claim he made to paramountlordshipwas still circumscribedby a profound sense of his own fallibility,indeed sinfulness,his deep respectfor customs thatwerenot in clearviolationof morality,andhis absoluteacceptanceof the spirituallordshipof thepapacy.Yet,andthis is not surprising,his legacy--the power of his image as a king-informed the aspirationsof his successors, especiallyhis grandson,Philipthe Fair. 20. For a more elaboratediscussionof coinage,with full references,see WilliamJordan, Louis IX and the Challengeof the Crusade:A Studyin Rulership(Princeton,1979), pp. 206-213. 21. Pierre Michaud-Quantin, "La Politiquemon6taireroyale en 1265 ' la Facult6de Paris en Le de 1265," Moyendge (1962), pp. 149-51. theologie 22. "Chroniqueou histoireabregeedes 6vequeset des comtesde Nevers,"Bulletinde la Societenivernaise8 (1872): 62 (also 23).

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Radiatingfromthe latter'scourtcirclewas a high estimateof the crown's prerogatives.It was expressedin differentways. It indulgedin a willful and successful attemptto tax the clergy in the 1290s "for the defense of the realm,"althoughthe clergywas immunefromtaxationwithoutits own prior It foundexpression,too, in the arbitraryarrestof a bishopin 1301 consent.23 for so-calledtreasonouswords (he called the king, Philipthe Fair,an owl, handsomebut stupid,and vented his dislike of the dominationof southern Frenchmenby northerners).The seizure took place despite every bishop's in a secularprison.Finally, immunityin Francefromarrestandincarceration the court's attitudealso found expressionin a defiantposturetowardthe pope over just these matters,while at the same time mouthingplatitudes aboutloyalty to the papacy.24 Philipthe Fair,accordingto recentrevisionist was a "flexible,""pragmatic"man with a "tenderer"conscience readings, than Saint Louis's.25This is not the received view, nor does the revision convinceme. Onecould,of course,look at thehistoryof theseeventsin a widercontext of WesternEuropeanstate-building,in which case the uniquemalevolence traditionallyimputedto some of Philip's policies seems less spectacular. On June 17, 1308, to provideone illustration,King HaakonV of Norway peremptorilyabolishedthe upperranksof the nobilityin his kingdomwhose privilegeshe deemedexcessive.26He declaredit an act of treasonshouldany regencycouncil in his absenceappointmen to these ranks,andhe seized all fiefs of the nobilityinto his hands,only to regrantthem undernew and, he felt, moreappropriateconditionsof tenure.Did he have the powerto do so? andbaronial-andhistorians Foroversix hundredyearschroniclers---royalist have debatedthe proposition.But of one thing there can be no doubt,his assertionof authoritywas clearlyan attemptto emphasizethe regalianorigin 23. See nowJeffreyDenton,PhiliptheFair andtheEcclesiasticalAssembliesof 1294-1295, of the AmericanPhilosophicalSociety81 (Philadelphia,1991). Transactions 24. Thebest discussionof these incidentsandtheirprofoundpoliticalimplicationsmay be foundin JosephStrayer,TheReignof Philip theFair (Princeton,1980),pp. 260-279. 25. Theworksof ElizabethBrowncontinuouslypropoundthis message.See, for example, AidsandRoyalFinancein CapetianFrance(Cambridge, Mass.,1992),pp.223-224; Customary and"RoyalCommissionersandGrantsof Privilegein Philipthe Fair'sFrance:Pierrede Latilli, Raoul de Breuilli,and the Ordonnancefor the Senelschalsyof Toulouseand Albi of 1299," Francia 13 (1985): 151-190. 51 26. Ole Benedictow,"Konge,hirdog retterbotenav 17.juni 1308,"HistoriskTidsskrift (1972):233-284.

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of all titles and fiefs and the absoluterightof the crownin Norwayto act on regalianmattersfor the commonwelfare. If thereis, then,at manylevels a farbiggerandmorecomplexstoryhere thanone merely aboutJews, serfs, and coinage in France,nevertheless,the choice of these three mattersin the Frenchcase seems reasonablebecause the outcomesin the executionof the crown'sclaimsdifferedso much.These differencescame about despite the extremesimilarityof the jurisdictional claims the crown was making about Jews, serfs, and rights of coinage. Examiningthe differenceswill lay bare the tension between the official assertionsabout the Frenchmedieval constitutionand the realities of the exercise of political power in France.This will give substanceto the easy assertionthat all political ideas were contestedin the MiddleAges--which is truebutbanal. When and why, then, do the storiesbegin to diverge?Whenandwhy do thehistoriesof theseclaimsaboutregalianrightsoverJews,serfs,andcoinage begin to differ?The criticalperiod opens in the 1290s. Let us begin with coinage.It has long been agreedthatKing Philipthe Fair'smanipulationof the coinagein the 1290s (triplerevaluationto the crown'scredit;i.e., saying thateachcoin automaticallyhadthreetimesits customaryvalue)-had a very To be sure, unhappyeffect on manyimportantgroups,especiallycreditors.27 the hyperinflationthat resultedfrom it did stimulateeconomic growthat a time when, as Guy Bois has pointedout, stagnation(or blocage)hadbecome of the economy.28 Whentheinflationcaughtupwithgovernment characteristic spending,so that it was no longer in the government'sinterestto keep the coinage weak (as administratorscalled it), and when strong aristocratic criticismswere heard,the crownrevalueddownward.Thisantagonizedother groups--debtorsand petty consumers.But the devaluationin 1305 back to levels was equallydeleteriousto the economyas a whole, pre-manipulation puttingbreakson the real if unevengrowthsince the late 1290s. The anger of the aristocracyover the manipulationof the coinage in the first phase, the calls for a returnto the good coinage of Saint Louis, andthe sense of betrayalof the saint'smemoryimputed Philip'sgrandfather, to the king by the creationof such bad money left a terribleimpression 27. For a lucid summaryof the pointsmadein this paragraph, see Strayer,ReignofPhilip theFair, pp. 394-396. 28. Gui Bois, The Crisis of Feudalism:Economyand Society in EasternNormandy,c. 1300-1550(Cambridge,1984),p. 270.

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on Philip. Beyond this, his retreatfrom his policy was more than a little coerced,as aristocraticfactionsurgeddefianceof the crown.But, of course, in the 1290s Philip the Fair was merely invoking the same view of the paramountcyof the crownin the matterof coinageto effect his revaluations that his grandfathercould have invoked;Philipwould have arguedthat he did what he did only over a matterwhere he could legitimatelydo so, that is, wherehe had a regalianrightto do so. Moreover,he would have argued thathe actedin the best, indeednecessary,interestof the politicalnation,for the additionalpurchasingpower the crown achievedby revaluationhelped prosecutethe wars--in GasconyandFlanders-in whichFrancefounditself involved.Thus,the aristocraticandpopularreactionto his exerciseof regalian rightin necessity and for the generalwelfare,given the confidenceof such and, expressionsof royal supremacybefore,was beyondhis understanding ultimately,drovehim to retreat:widespreadunrest-for a timethe king went into hiding--made him, in JosephStrayer'swords,"verycautiousafterthis experience."29

TheReassertionof Paramountcy: TheExpulsionof the Jews and theAttackon the Templars The humiliationof 1305, however,had to be undone.The king's caution over the coinage issue was balanced,now, by an almost visceral need to reaffirmthe royal supremacy.Philip the Fair could have made all sorts of gestures.Whathe chose to do is revealing.He chose to humiliatethe Jews.30 He might have done so and earnedsome praise from ecclesiastics,nobles, and the popularclasses in any numberof ways. But what he did do-expel all royalJews and all Jews underthe dominiumof otherlords,by fiat-was radicallydifferentfromanythinganyFrenchkinghadeverdonebefore.Why did he makethis assertionof paramountcy? It is not enoughto say thathe got moremoneydoingthis thanhe wouldhave got in even a veryruthlesstaking thatdid not involve expellingotherbarons'Jews, for he was wise enoughto let the nobles affectedhave the propertyof theirexpelledJews. Rather,the expulsionof the Jews of the royal domain--alongwith all baronialJews-allowed the king to reassert,in the immediateaftermathof 29. Strayer,Reignof Philip the Fair,p. 396. 30. Again, for the detailsand referencesto sourcesfor what follows on the expulsionof the Jews,see Jordan,FrenchMonarchy,pp. 200-213.

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his loss of dignity over the coinagereforms,the radicalparamountcyof the crown. It was, in my view, a deliberateassertionof constitutionalpower at a time when the emergingview of the constitutionwas underattackto such a degreethatit looked as thoughit mightbe abandonedby the crownitself. It was, at first sight, a brilliantmove. The choice of groups-the already isolated Jews, whose expulsioncould be defended,at least by a king who as an obvious act for called himself christianissimus("Most Christian"),3' the common good--and the willingness to split the take with the already financiallypressed barons assuagedthe public conscience;and it did so, even as the crown reinforcedassertionsof its paramountcythat had been temporarilycheckedbecauseof the coinageissue. The next year an equallystunningattackon the KnightsTemplar,one of the religiousordersof knightswho foughtin the crusades,wouldagainmake the point of the supremacyof the crown,thoughit is harderto fathomwhy Scholarstendto arguebackfromthe chargeslatermade they were targeted.32 againstthemn-mostlylies elicitedby torture-namely,thatthey worshipped the devil, engaged in sodomy, and were avaricious.33It is true that since the fall of the last crusaderoutpostin the Holy Land,Acre, in 1291, many more Templarswere forcedto spend their time at theirmonasteries(or, as they were called, commanderies)in Franceand elsewhere,but the monks retained,to a remarkableextent,the "heroicimage"of earlieryears.34Perhaps disagreementsamong them led to rumorsand a few nasty innuendos.It is also truethatthe international networkof theircommanderies hadgiven them an importantrole as nationaland internationalbankers.And no one trusts bankers.But afterthe king had the Templarsarrested,theiraccountswere audited,and it was foundthatthey hadbeen remarkablyhonestbankers.

31. For the broadercontext of the developmentof royal ideology, see Joseph Strayer, "France:The Holy Land, the Chosen People, and the Most ChristianKing," in Medieval Statecraftand the Perspectivesof History:Essaysby JosephR. Strayer(Princeton,1971),pp. 300-314. 32. Strayer,Reignof Philip the Fair,pp. 285-295. 33. For these chargesand the folkloricmilieu out of which they may have arisen, see Malcolm Barber,"Propagandain the Middle Ages: The Chargesagainst the Templars," NottinghamMedievalStudies17 (1973):42-57. 34. SophiaMenache,"Rewritingthe Historyof the TemplarsAccordingto MatthewParis," in Cross CulturalConvergencesin the CrusaderPeriod:Essays Presentedto AryehGrabois on His Sixty-FifthBirthday,ed. MichaelGoodichet al. (New York,1995),p. 212.

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It is more likely that the king turnedagainst the Templars--andwas willing to believe the worst about they criticizedhim over them--because the very natureof his governance, his particularly coinage reforms.They had served,afterall, as his royaltreasurers.Moreover,it was at the Templar in Parisin 1305 thatthe king hadgone into hidingwhen events headquarters lookedlike they mightget out of handthatyearbecauseof the manipulation of the coinage.35What else would they have talkedaboutwith the king in the midst of a fiscal crisis aboutthe coinage in which he had fled to their headquartersfor safety-what else besides the effect of his manipulations on the royal financesand relationswith debtorsand creditors?Any serious criticism(or commentthat could have been construedas criticism)at that time--that is, when Philipthe Fairwas sufferingthe humiliationof havingto seek refugein his own kingdomfromthosewho denouncedhis authoritarian pretensions-coupledwith invidiousremarksaboutthe Templarsafterwards from their enemies would be sufficientexplanationfor his arrestof these churchmen.And to reiteratea point made earlier,the arrestwould again emphasize,indeed reaffirm,the supremacyof the crown and its regalian obligation(foundin the coronationoath)to protectthe church-interpreted hereas excising corruptionfromthe church.36 TheConstitutionalCrisisof 1314-1315: Jews and Serfs One cannot conclude the story on this note, which makes it seem as thoughthe crownwas successfulin maintainingthis most extremeassertion of its authority.The fact is that it thoughtthat it had succeeded.And so, in 1311 the king tried again to revaluethe coinage.37Never a stupidman, he only overvaluedit by 20 percent,nothing like the 300 percenthe had imposedin the 1290s. He expectedto be obeyed.I believe thathe felt very deeply that he had to make somethinglike this gesture,and that it had to focus ultimatelyon the coinage,wherehe hadbeen stymiedbefore,in order to fully restorethe dignityof the crownandto confirmits regaliantheoryof power.But, as JosephStrayernoted,"againtherewas a stormof protest,and 35. Strayer,Reignof Philip the Fair,p. 396. 36. SophiaMenacheplacesthe attackon the Templarsin the contextof the aggrandizing politicalideologyof Philip'scircle;"TheTemplarOrder:A FailedIdeal?,"CatholicHistorical Review79 (1993): 14-15. 37. Strayer,Reignof Philip the Fair,pp. 396-397.

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Philipretreatedin 1313."38WhatbotheredStrayerwas thathe could see no strictlyfinancialreasonfor Philipto overvaluethe coinagein 1311;therewas no militarycrisis or shortageof funds.But, then, thatis preciselythe point: the king'sact hadmuchmoreto do with his sense of the dignityof the crown and the assertionof his regalianrights than with financialneed. Forcedto backdown againin 1313 and facedwith a series of rebellionsin 1314-one of the rallying cries of which was the insistenceon the limitationson the crown's authorityto manipulatethe coinage--the king died fundamentally uncertainaboutthe limits of his power.Whetherhe was uncertainaboutthe legitimate,if unenforceable,extentof his authoritymay still be doubted. Nevertheless,the actionsof his son, LouisX, give some insightintowhat had been learnedat the center of royal government.Desperatefor money to pay the debts incurredin containingthe rebellionagainsthis father,the youngking undercutwhatevermoralcapitalhis fatherhadonce commanded for expelling the Jews and acceptedmoney from Jews in 1315 for their He did this only afterrunninga trialballoon resettlementin the kingdom.39 would tolerateit. Even more revealing, whether to see his barons they by of side the crown'sproblemsis the decision the constitutional on perhaps, it took to free the serfs in 1315 for a large sum of money which they were to pay.40Yet, Louis X did not free serfs who belongedto his barons(and promisethe baronsthe money),as his fathermighthave done in the greatest days of his authority. To be sure,one could arguethatthe king simplydid not wantthe money whichbaronialserfswouldhavepaidfor theirfreedomto get intohis barons' hands.This argument,however,is difficultto accept.Louis X was willing, afterall, to haveformerbaronialJewswho wouldbe importantfiscalresources for his baronsreturnto theirbaronialhomelands.Thatwas the trialballoon he had sent up which was earlierreferredto. More likely, Louis X simply could not get his baronsto give up theirrightsover theirserfs. He could not get themto acknowledgehis supremacyin the matter-his rightto act despite theiropposition-had he tried.Or,betterput, he did not take the chanceof makingany such assertionof paramountcyin the difficultcircumstancesof 38. Ibid.p. 396. 39. The readmissionand the conditionssurroundingreadmissionare treatedat lengthin WilliamJordan,"Aliens,Sojourners,Enemies:The Jews in the Kingdomof France,"in The Stranger in Medieval Society (Minneapolis, 1998).

40. The classic studyis thatof MarcBloch, Rois et serfs (Paris,1920).

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1315 because,if resisted,it might have furtherweakenedthe constitutional positionof the crownand its theoryof regalianauthority. Conclusion Fritz Backhaus,with whom this paperbegan, got it wrong. True, the Germansnever managed a comprehensiveexpulsion of the Jews in the Middle Ages, but this was not because of theirjurisdictionaldivisions. If thathad been enough,the Frenchcould not have done so in 1306. The fact of the matteris thatthe Frenchcrownembarkedon the radicalpathtoward comprehensiveexpulsionpreciselyand deliberatelybecauseit thoughtthat with regard to Jews it might successfully implementa theory of royal supremacythat could challenge the particularismto which the kingdom, almost as much as Germany,was a hostage. The expulsion was not an expressionof the preexistingunity of the state; it was a carefullychosen weapon used to demonstrateto the politicalnationthat the crown had not In light given up on tryingto implementsome kindof effectiveparamountcy. few it reversals of was not all successful of the a that a weapon. years later, But it made a point, establisheda precedent,that would not be forgotten. To be sure, the particularismof the French state persistedfor centuries, and we must not read Louis XIV's Franceback into the MiddleAges. But the attemptsin the thirteenthand early fourteenthcenturiesto formulatean ideologyof the absolutiststate,andthe effortto makethatideologyeffective, howeverequivocalthe results,were essentialto layingthe foundationfor the monarchyof the Sun King.

"Dum Recordaremur Sion": Music in the Life and Thought of the Venetian Rabbi Leon Modena (1571-1648) Author(s): Don Harrán Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 17-61 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486733 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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SION": "DUMRECORDAREMUR MUSICIN THELIFEAND THOUGHT OF THEVENETIANRABBI LEONMODENA(1571-1648) by DONHARRAN To gaugethe breadthof the topic,it shouldbe saidat the outsetthatmusic occupied a centralplace in the thoughtof Leon Modenaand that Modena was not just anotherrabbiin early seventeenth-century Venice,but, among Italian Jews, perhapsthe most remarkablefigure of his generation.'His authorityas a spokesmanfor his people rests on his vast learning,amassed from a multitudeof sources,ancient,modern,Jewish,and Christian.He put his knowledgeto use in an impressiveseries of over forty writings.They compriseoften-encyclopedicdisquisitionson subjectsas diverseas Hebrew languageand grammar,lexicography,Jewish rites and customs,Kabbalah, alchemy,and gambling,to which one might add variousplays, prefaces, 1. The majorwriting on Modena,with extensive bibliographicalcoverage, is Howard Ghettoof Venice:The Life and Adelman,"Successand Failurein the Seventeenth-Century Thoughtof LeonModena"(Ph.D.diss., BrandeisUniversity,1985).ForModena"reevaluated," see idem,"New Lighton the Life andWritingsof LeonModena,"in Approachesto the Study of MedievalJudaism,vol. 2, ed. David Blumenthal(Chico,Calif.:ScholarsPress, 1985), pp. 109-122. I am gratefulto ProfessorsAdelmanand BenjaminRavid for complyingwith my requestto readandcommenton thepresentstudy,therebyallowingme to benefitfromtheirwise counselon numerouspointsof style andcontent.Fora shorterversion,with, as its firstsection, a review of Jewishmusicalactivitiesin RenaissanceVenice,see "JewishMusicalCulturein ed. Robert EarlyModemVenice,"in TheJews of Venice:A UniqueRenaissanceCommunity, C. Davis and BenjaminRavid(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,forthcoming).An even shorterversion,preliminaryto each of the above,was readat the annualmeetingof the RenaissanceSocietyof America(Bloomington,Ind.;April 1996).

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rabbinicauthorizations,translations,editions, at least four hundredpoems (among them epitaphs),a highly personal autobiography,and numerous rabbinicalresponsa.Of his responsa,two concernmusic, the earlierof the two amountingto an extendedessay on its kindsandfunctions. True,Modena'sconnectionswith music have not escapedscholars.2In the presentwriting,however,they are treated,inclusively,as reflectingbasic currentsin his thought,among them the notion of a hiatus between the ancient Temple,where the arts and sciences flourished,and the culturally impoverishedmodem era. Art music served Modena as an example to demonstratethe recentattainmentsof the Jewishpeople, emergingfromthe shadowsof their artisticmediocrity-his words--uring the early years of theirdispersion,to regain,in thelatersixteenthcentury,theskillsanderudition they had once possessedin biblicaltimes. The paradigmis the usualone for humanistrevivalsof antiqueculture,so familiarfromits manyappearances in the artsandlettersof the Renaissance,butnow witha Jewishtwist.Where, in the music of the latersixteenthandearlyseventeenthcenturies,a formula was graduallyelaboratedfor allowing contemporarymusic to be enriched with ancientconcepts, Modenawas faced with the dilemmathat the Jews of his day had no music to speak of, or so he opined,and hence they were forcedto createa new musicafterconcepts,yet withoutprecedents.Theonly modelavailablewas thatof Italianartmusic,andfor lackof another,it aided the Jewsin theireffortsto forgetheirown examples.Modenaunwittinglyled themto believe thatin followingit, they were resuscitatingancientpractice. In treatingthepracticalandtheoreticalsidesof Modena'smusicalactivity, I shall be concerned,in order,with music as partof the dutiesthatModena performedin the synagogue;referencesto musicin his writings,in particular his poetry; music as the subject of two of his rabbinicalresponsa;the leadingrole thatModenaplayedin shapingthe firstand,untilmodemtimes, most importantcollection of polyphonicworks by a Jewish composer-I am referringto SalamoneRossi's "Songsof Solomon";and Modenaas the directorof a music academy.As many topics were suggestedby Modena in his autobiography, where, in alludingto the twenty-sixtradeshe plied at varioustimes to earnhis living, he namescantorialsong (point 1 above)and music (roughlyequivalentto the remainingpoints).3To these one mightadd 2. Ratherthan summarizethe literaturehere, I shall refer to it, where relevant,in the sectionsbelow. 3. Sefer hayyei Yehuda["Bookof Judah'sLife"], ed. Daniel Carpi(Tel-Aviv:Tel-Aviv University Press, 1985), pp. 104-105, resp. hazzanut and musiqa. (All translations here, and

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othersthatModenafailedto mentionbutthatareknownby hindsight,namely, writingpoetry intendedfor musical performanceor saturatedwith musical imageryor both; editing music; teachingit; performingit as a singer and rehearsingand conductingmusicians;and, it is possibly an instrumentalist; even conceivable,composingmusicforone ormorevoice parts.Clearly,Leon Modenawas no ordinaryrabbi;rather,in his versatilityhe was, andremains, incomparable.Thatmusic often stood in the forefrontof his preoccupations, in deed and thought,lends it unusualsignificancein early modem Italian Jewishculture. Breakingthe Monopolyof CantorialSong In 1609, at the age of thirty-nine,Modenawas ordainedas a rabbiin Venice.Yet he dischargedrabbinicalresponsibilitiesin the yearshe spentin Ferrara(1604-7) and in Florence(1609-10).4 In Ferrara,beyondpreaching in the synagogue,he may have engagedin cantorialsinging;'and in Venice, he was, in fact, appointedcantor,in 1610, to the Italiansynagogue,or Scuola untilhis deaththirty-eightyearslater. italiana,a post he held,uninterruptedly, Modenadefinesa cantoras one who, in the synagogueservices,"singsprayers louderthan others."6Not only prayerswere chanted,but readingsfrom the Pentateuchandthe Prophetsas well as postbiblicalverses(piyyutim).In order to qualifyfor the post, the cantorhadto meetcertaingeneralandprofessional elsewhere, were made from the Hebrew;for an English version, see The Autobiography VenetianRabbi:Leon Modena' "Lifeof Judah," trans.MarkR. of a Seventeenth-Century Cohen [Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1988].) Modena'slist comprisessuch other activities,with ties to music, as writingcomedies (to which were appended,as customary, musicalinterludes;see below), pronouncingrabbinicaldecisions(includingtwo on music, to be discussed),and proofreadingprintedcopy (especially,for our purposes,Rossi's "Songsof Solomon,"againto be discussed). 4. For Modenain Ferrara,thenin Florence,see Adelman,"SuccessandFailure,"resp.pp. 351-392, 411-420. 5. For Abrahamben MordekhaiFarissol,who, fromhis initialappointmentin 1475, held the post of cantorin Ferrarafor at least fifty years, see David Ruderman,The Worldof a RenaissanceJew: The Life and Thoughtof Abrahamben MordekhaiFarissol (Cincinnati: HebrewUnion College Press, 1981), esp. pp. 18-20. 6. Leon Modena,Historia de' riti hebraici (1637; repr.,after 1678 edition, Bologna: ArnaldoForni,1979),p. 18 ("... che cantapitufortedegl'altrile Orationi,dettoCazan";I.x.7). As with the Hebrew,all translations,unless otherwiseindicated,arethe author's.

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requirements.We read in the Talmudthat,beyondbeing "experienced,"he was expectedto be a person"whoawakensrespect,exhibitsmodesty,andis acceptableto the people;who knows how to sing and has a pleasantvoice; andwho is skilledin readingthe Torah,the Prophets,andthe Hagiographa, in the halakhot and ['Jewishlaws'], teaching Midrash, aggadot['Jewishlore'], and [in chanting]all the blessings."7 On Modena'smusical training,we know no more than what may be which is that,at the age of ten or thereabouts,he readin his autobiography, received"a little instructionin playingan instrument,in singing,in dancing, in writing,and in Latin."'It musthave been adequate,alongwith his natural gift for music, for Modenato dischargehis duties.Butthough"knowinghow to sing" is essentialto cantorialsong, is cantorialsong music? Apparently not, for in one of his writingsModenaconsideredthe musicof the synagogue a pale reflectionof whatwas once, in the ancientTemple,a gloriouspractice. The reasonfor its decline lies, to his mind,in the exile of the Jews andtheir "Indeed,the eventsof ourforeigndwellingsandof ourrestless peregrinations. are runnings spreadoverthe lands,andthe vicissitudesof life abroadsufficed and lose all intellect[?DV]."9What to makethem forgetall knowledge [nmyr] was forgottenand lost was the supposedart music practicedby the Levites untilthe destructionof the Templein the year 70. Instead of art music, the monophonicchant--"monophonic"meaning music having a single line--of the cantor,who sang alone or togetherwith the congregation,was developed, in the Middle Ages, as an embellished form of textualrecitation.Signs were addedto the sacredtexts as an aid in their accentuationand articulation.The result was somethingapproaching

7. Babylonian Talmud (B.T.), Ta'anit ("Fast") 16a (nXii

,il

v ,nim lp~TI

... '•,1' I...,

"J1 l ninlnn'D). On the dutiesof the cantor,see Leo Landman,"TheOfficeof the Medieval Hazzan,"Jewish QuarterlyReview,n.s. 62 (1972): 156-187, 244-276. nV , z ,Tpi'*,'rv 8. Tnnr ,'tn jfh ,11*5at,, (Sefer hayyei Yehuda,p. 41). On the "o•mrr musical trainingof othersin his family,see below. 9. Modena's forewordto SalamoneRossi's "Songs of Solomon"(Venice: Pietro and r Lorenzo Bragadini,1622-23, from prefatorymatteron fols. 1-6v): i 3'1 nrlp TK,, a'•Tm authordrawson the Song of Songs 1:17 ("-,n•i atfl iK•n•t nallp,,),Esther3:8 on the of(anr,. and 2:6 Isa. playing double-meaning li), ~'tm,), rmaip ("lp'v ar~•ln "Ilan 11. "'l andIp,,on(sufficed/werecontent). (events/beams),•,1'i (runnings/rafters),

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEAND THOUGHT

21

Gregorianreadingtones.10Beyondthe cantillationof Scriptures,prayerswere sung accordingto skeletalmotives or tetrachordalformulae,and hymns,or accordingto simple melodies, repeatedfor separatestrophes(as piyyu.tim, in Gregorianhymns). This was not music, in the sense of music as part writing,or what Modenaand otherscalled "thescience of music"(hokhmat han-niggun).1Rather,it consistedin parsingandintoningtexts with motives or melodiestransmittedthroughoraltradition.Modenatells us thatin his day some congregationsdid more singing,particularlythe AshkenazicJews;and thatothersdid less, andherehe refersto his own congregationof the italiani, who readthe prayers"moredirectlyandcalmly.""2 Whathe meansis thatthe renditionsvariedfrom simple to more ornate.Still, the text, in readingsof prayersandbiblicalportions,was largelyrecited,while music served,in one or anotherform,for its reinforcement. Thatartmusic,or,as it was called,musiqa,standsapartfromthe cantorial traditionis clear from the controversythat followed Modena'sattemptto introduceit into the prayerservicesin Ferrara.'3 He writesof havingengaged a music teacher,around1604, to impartthe rudimentsof music to certain 10. Cf. Liber usualis (with introductionand rubricsin English;Tournai:Descl6e, 1952), pp. 98-124. 11. For "the science of music,"see referencesin index to Hebrew WritingsConcerning Musicin ManuscriptsandPrintedBooksfrom GeonicTimesup to 1800,ed. IsraelAdler(RISM B IX2;Munich:G. HenleVerlag,1975),p. 360 (alsoreferencestheres.v.hokhmatham-musiqa). On musiqain the sense of "artmusic,"cf. NehemyaAlloni,"Ham-munalh 'musiqa'be-sifrutenu bi-y'mei hab-beinayim"["The Term 'musiqa'in Medieval HebrewLiterature"],in Yuval: Studiesof the JewishMusicResearchCenter1, ed. IsraelAdler(Jerusalem:MagnesPressof HebrewUniversity,1968),pp. 11-38 (Hebrewsec.). 12. Cf.Historiade 'riti hebraici,p. 22 ("Nelcanto,i Tedeschipiitdi tutticantano,Levantini, e Spagnuolia certo modo, che ha del Turchesco,gl'Italianipiuischietto,e riposatamente"; I.xi.6). Modena'spupil SamuelNahmias,or afterconversionGiulio Morosini,writesthat in Venice,in the earlyseventeenthcentury,thereweresynagoguesof "allkindsof national[origin, where]Spaniards,Turks,Portuguese,Germans,Greeks,Italians,and otherscongregated,and they all sing aftertheirown practice"("nelleSinagoghe... intervenendovidi ogni sorte di natione,Spagnuoli,Levantini,Portoghesi,Tedeschi,Greci,Italiani,et altri,e cantanoogni uno ad usanzapropria";Morosini,Viadellafede mostrataagli ebrei [Rome:SacraCong.de Prop. Fide, 1683],pp. 789-790). (OnNahmiasalias Morosini,see furtherbelow.) 13. For details, see quaestio portion of a rabbinicalresponsumpublishedby Modena in 1605 (London,British Library,MS Add. 27148, fol. 9a); cf. She'elot u-t'huvot: Ziqnei Yehuda["Responsaof the Eldersof Judah"],ed. Shlomo Simonsohn(Jerusalem:RabbiKuk Foundation,1956), pp. 15-20 (also included,seventeenyearslater,in the prefatorymatterto SalamoneRossi's "Songs").Furtherinformationis containedin a letterthatModenawrote,in the same year,to JudahSaltaroda Fano:cf. Igrot rabbi YehudaArie mim-Modena["Letters

22

DONHARRAN

membersof the congregation("we decidedon a meetingplace and hireda teacherwho came to teach every day. Those withoutknowledgeare being taught,which causes them great pleasureand delight").14It could be that Whateverthe case, throughthe teacher's Modenawas himself the teacher.15 some six to eight singerslearnedenoughto perform,in the prayer guidance services for holidays and festivals, "songs and praises, hymns, and the melodiesEin keloheinu,'Aleinuleshabbeah,Yigdal,Adon 'olam,andothers in honorof the Lord,observingthe orderingandrelationof the variousvoices Modenaseems to be referring accordingto the aforementionedscience.""6 to some kind of part music, i.e., having two or more voices. Most of the congregantsacceptedit with enthusiasm("thecrowdrejoicedandthe whole congregationwas delightedwith it")."IAmongthe opponents,however,there was a certainrabbi,Moses Coimbran,who, afterthe Fridayeveningservice thatinauguratedthe Sabbath,'" questionedits appropriateness:19

of RabbiLeonModena"],ed. YacobBoksenboim(Tel-Aviv:Tel-AvivUniversityPress, 1984), pp. 110-111. mn p 5-vx 14. amYnroin Y- x )) 7rn =b31 = 13'-IDI ,-Y1n, zn, -r• •,•y• .... ,rto JudahSaltaro). , "InuuTn(fromletter 15. Sucha possibilitywas also suggestedby Adelman,"SuccessandFailure,"p. 379. 16. i"nxI3l•rp,:l:n•ny-rn:1:13tv rn* "."71 11] Kltr ["lroin , nrin: n• "•yY-n,n a ,. a K~prtnrl j,") 1 "n'1o~y3in)zn3

Ir,11?

nI

lr rl03"P•

n

t~ m?,n1pi,'lrt::•V "ly nn -r

:nw

'-n nlz

I [Ir'r1mn1-11• 1311"11lnl? n•'lnal napI r11i••X ,l~a•v] tay T"t '-r n•v? Ixy (fromquaestiothat 7rxZIm

Modenaaddressedin his responsum).Ein keloheinu("Thereis none like our God"):hymnof praiseandthanksto God (as, moreover,Lord,king, and savior)in his uniqueness,recited(in at close of Additional the Italianrite,to which we limit this andthe followingidentifications) Service on Sabbathand Festivals;'Aleinu leshabbeah("It is our duty to praisethe Lordof all things"):concludingprayer,proclaimingdivine sovereigntyover Israeland the world,for all daily and Sabbathservices;Yigdal ("Magnifiedand glorifiedbe the living God"):hymn (possiblyby Danielben Yehuda,ca. 1300), basedon Maimonides'ThirteenArticlesof Faith, forclose of bothEveningandAdditionalServiceson Sabbathandfestivals;Adon'olam("Lord of the universe"):hymn extolling unity, timelessness,and providenceof God, for close of EveningServiceon Sabbath. r ,?nM n 17. "n mIneT Synpn pnpn,, (fromletterto JudahSaltaro). 18. July 30, 1605 (the Special Sabbathknown as Nahamu,following the Ninth of Av, the destructionof the Temple). whichcommemorates T aKI .T 17 ntn 1 Iytip nXIn1Vt p7K'vp? ' n t n Wm,1V "-l'lln2lf •3 is, again,fromthe quaestioportion;cf. She'elotu-t' huvot,p. 15).

tlKI(the quotation

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

23

A manaroseto expel them[the singers].Withthe speechof his lips20he reactedby sayingthatit is notrightto do this,21 for rejoicingis prohibited, andhymnsareprohibited,andpraiseswhenpresentedaccordingto the science of the said song [zemer]22are prohibitedever since the Temple in compliancewith [the words] "Rejoicenot, Israel, was destroyed,23 forjoy, as do otherpeoples."24 Thoughmost of them[the singers]were he madetheman objectof scornin the eyes of the scholarsof Torah,25 multitudewho heardtheirvoices. The reason why Coimbranbecame so aggravatedwas, it would seem, the proximityof the Sabbathto the dolefulNinth of Av. Yet he could well have been ill disposedto artmusic to startwith. Could rabbinicalauthoritybe invokedto prohibitsuch music? Modena debatedthe questionin a responsum,on which more below. Whateverthe answer,it is clearthattheantagonistperceivedthemusicthesingersperformed as quite differentfrom the cantorialsong to which he was accustomed.So did the congregationand obviously its leader,Modena,who rushedto its defense. That Modena practicedcantorialsong, yet promotedart music, poses no contradiction.The one hadits rationalein the readingsof the prayer servicesas they developedin the medievalsynagogue;the otherwas linked conceptuallyto the ceremonialof the biblical Temple,yet was otherwise practicedby Gentiles,frommedievaltimes on, in sacredand secularmusic governedby meterand counterpoint,hence its "order"and"relation." Modenawas not the only memberof his familyto have studied"music," i.e., how to sing and play. His uncle Solomon Jacob RaphaelModena(d. 1580), famedas a rabbinicscholar,receivedtrainingin it, along with Latin and letterwriting,in his twenties,fromstill anotherrabbinicscholar(Joseph was describedas one Arli).26 Moses Simha (d. 1605), his brother-in-law, who "knows how to play, sing, and dance,"which he, too, learnedat an 20. Cf. Igrotrabbi YehudaArie mim-Modena, p. 110. 21. Exod. 8:22 ("AndMoses said: it is not rightto do this"):the passagewas purposely chosenbecauseit concernsMoses, the nameof the adversary. 22. On zemer (1riT)as "song"(Italiancanto), see Modena,Novo dittionariohebraico,e italiano,ciod, dichiarationedi tuttele voci Hebraichepiutdfficili delle scrittureHebreenella volgarlinguaitaliana(Venice:GiocomoSarzina,1612), fol. [110]v. 23. Refersto Hag. 1:4 ("n'in nr,,). n nl 24. QuotationfromHos. 9:1. 25. For the expression"scholarsof Torah"(tofseihat-tora),see Jer.2:8. 26. See AlexanderMarx, "Rav Yosef ish Arli be-tormore we-rosh yeshiva be-Si'ena" ["RabbiJoseph of Arli as Teacherand Head of a Yeshiva in Siena"],in Sefer hay-yovel

24

DONHARRAN

early age.27He sang well enoughto appearin intermedi,28 thoughhe seems otherwiseto have engagedin smallbusiness,combiningit with"wisdomand [a knowledgeof] books."29 Rabbinicalstudies, secularknowledge,dance, music, as many strands interwovein the activities of the fifteenth-to seventeenth-century Italian Jews.30Modena'sfavorite son-in-lawJacob Halevi was "burgeoningwith wisdom in Torah, in Kabbalah, and in secular subjects .... His profession

was dancingandhis knowledgeandactionswereunblemished."31 Elsewhere Modenasaid of him thateven thoughhe taughtdancingand,further,how to play instruments,he "didnot abandonhis readingof Torah,andhe continues to makeprogressin his studies;he is a fine preacheranda fine scholar."32 Hardly a scholar,but no less artisticallyinclined, was Modena'sson Zebulun.In 1622, he sang in the GreatSynagoguein Veniceat the festivities that markedthe conclusion of the study, in the synagogueschool, of the talmudic tractateKetubbot.Modena says of him that, on the occasion, "Zebulunsang verses that I myself had written,and the listenerscould not find enoughwords to praisethe pleasantnessof his voice."33Zebulunkept li-kh'vodLevi Ginzberg["LouisGinzbergJubileeVolume"](New York:AmericanAcademy for JewishResearch,1946),pp. 279-282. 27. Yehuda,p. 57). ,13 ...,, (Seferhayyei ", In'j71t ,7s 28. As clear from two lettersthat Modena'sson Mordekhaiwrote, in 1604, to his uncle Moses Simha (cf. Igrot rabbi YehudaArie mim-Modena,pp. 94-95). At the end of the second, Mordekhaijested: "ThenMoses sang--in an intermedio!"(the firstpartafterExod. On Renaissanceintermedi,i.e., musico-dramatic 15:1: "...fnlr i v ) TK,,). portionsinsertedfor entertainmentbetween the acts of plays, there is a rich literature,including,among others, WolfgangOsthoff's Theatergesangund darstellendeMusikin der italienischenRenaissance (Tutzing:Hans Schneider,1969) andNino Pirrotta'sLi due Orfei:da Polizianoa Monteverdi (Turin:Einaudi,1969). 29. FromSeferhayyei Yehuda,p. 57 ("i'al nr1n In1•N•3al,,). 30. Accordingto Cecil Roth,secularstudiesandcourtlyarts(music,dance)were imparted to Jewishboys, in NorthernItaly,withinthetraditionalcurriculum (TheJews in theRenaissance JewishPublicationSociety,1959],pp. 271-304). See also, for similaropinions, [Philadelphia: MosesAvigdorShulvass,TheJews in the Worldof theRenaissance,trans.ElvinI. Kose(Leiden: Brill, 1973), pp. 168-172; andmost recently,RobertBonfil,JewishLife in RenaissanceItaly, trans.AnthonyOldcorn(Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress,1994),esp. pp. 134-135. wn nn,, I mMXn 3 1. ,' N , nrnnft ,'pro m n:m ,X m ;n•pi n:•t• Mx'nn ... hayyei Yehuda,;nnn . ni In:•t• nV'V 82). p. (Sefer q) r ••in ."..... x? 32. n1x tr-TIWsn "rcl5"a,' z •x•:a?i•nna 1?irnxin m.... "t17-l'1n ,n,•n in-ln T• ,pa•i ,-n ,l•,• (ibid., p. 62). ""l"lo na V11r - -1 w V)i Kn ' ,r4K) n in 1V lxK 33. "I*1punyl (ibid., p. 70). .vnv:l ,ni l• • ,nX ...

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

25

bad company,and shortlybefore his twenty-firstbirthdaywas accostedon the streetand, with his fatherlooking on, murderedin cold blood. Modena eulogizes him, somewhat exaggeratedly,as "handsomeand comely, like nobodyelse in his circle. He performedsongs in a voice as pleasantas that of God'sangel.He was educated,intelligent,refined;he composedproseand Underthese poetry;he was a real fighterwith courageunlikeany other's."34 Modena his reluctance to take on the laborof pleaded tragiccircumstances, of Rossi's "Songs Solomon":35 editingSalamone My lyrehasturnedto grief36andI ama fountainof tears,37 having on my heartthe death38of my lovely son Zebulun(may his soul be in Eden! may the Lordavenge his blood!), a boy twenty-oneyearsold, a sweet Without psalmist,39with a pleasantvoice and a comely appearance.40 aboutsix monthsago, by a reason41his blood was spilled like water,42 bandof murderers(maytheirnamesbe blottedout in this generation!)43 fromamongour own people. My soul refusesto be comforted;44 I will no longerhearmale and femalesingers'voices.45 34. l=1 -5 ,vefr JX?=n 7N~a a'Pl ,hnv -0lIn npa •lp~a'B' a "•Bran n)n1• 'rixnnxnl"n,... 1 • lnvm n K r~lm ",nr= r nx n ••v ~,n"i• ,na• r,-n 'n'1 "nnirmynni(ibid.,p. 72). w 3 .5-i ?nx? Yinnam] 35. 'n]a",n [%T V"37*1nt-7nm5n -5n '5 ,?Yrl* -vnirn,5p ,1 , v X" -r1nn Dna i rt1 m,in11n-IY 1rV MMn V515= 113nn v vmym -7tana. In [InY1 r VM211 Inftl 13nY iIVN1K3 510p3 7'1lV N 1 mn rmannoV nwnt n t (Modena'sforeword 'v.rn -'m 'n • "ni0101• ,nom W. McClure,Sorrow the collection). On the topos of fathersgrievingover sons, cf. George to and Consolationin Italian Humanism(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1991), esp. p. 444, n. 3, forreferenceto earlierprecedents(in writingsof Cicero,Quintilian,Petrarch,Salutati, Ficino, etc.). The problem,for Modena,was how to circumventthe rabbinicalproscription againstengagingin "festive"activities-the "Songs"werefestivein theircontentandfunctions (see belowy-during the periodof mourning(a full year). 36. Cf. Job 30:31 ("'~1~

x? ,n,1,,).

37. Jer.8:23 ("myeye is a fountainof tears":Modenaplays on the word"myeye"('eini), which he exchangesfor "I"(ani). ?n 38. Cf. Ps. 109:22 t,',). 39. Cf. 2 Sam.23:1("?•'j' nlrvi~t a,,). ("•bKV 40. Song of Songs 2:14 (",,rm flK3

ri n

1

p

-5'nK

'vaPr~

aIn,,).

1, 41. Reasontherewas, as Modenahimself well knew:Zebulungotx--into a quarrelover a whore(Seferhayyei Yehuda,p. 73; cf. Adelman,"SuccessandFailure,"p. 513). 42. Cf. 1 Sam. 25:31 ("mifn

and Ps. 79:3

("=iV itn

itrM'bv,,) a 43. Ps. 109:13(",on n•e, •nK "r nl n)• nn-,,i,,). 44. Ps. 77:3 mnr Iln 1 '•a1~15, (",VDbm•n ,',,,). ... Yuian 45. 2 Sam. 19:36 ("mrnivl -1v hp 1Y YN'x-•t • ,n ,•rax

,,).

ro

,va•-,,).

26

DONHARRAN

Always shortof funds,and chronicallycomplainingof his debts,46Modena justifiededitingthe collectionas a "piousact"(mitswa),forwhichGodwould surely"havemercyon his soul,"the moreso sinceby performingit he would bring"lightandhappinessto the rest of the Jews."47 None of the personsmentionedseems to have practicedcantorialsong, with the exception of Jacob Halevi, who, in his reading of Scriptures, doubtlessintonedthem accordingto the traditionalformulae.Rather,they were knowledgeable,to varyingdegrees,in artmusic.Wherecantorialsong ends and art music begins is a tricky,thoughtantalizing,liminal question. Perhapstheymeet in the domainof postbiblicalreligioushymns,orpiyyutim, which,of the differentsong types practicedby the cantor,come closestto art musicin theirmetricalandmelodicstability:one meterperverse,one melody This is the kind of music thatZebulunprobablyperformedfor per stanza.48 the festivitiesin the GreatSynagogue,thoughit is not clearwhetherhe sang the verses to a given tune or improvisedhis own melody.49The important pointis thatthereis a bridgebetweenthe two traditions,whichitself narrows the distancebetweenthemin Leon Modena'sactivities. Still anotherbridgebetweencantorialsong and artmusic is in the mode of their rendition.Modena emphasizedthe sweetness of his son's voice. The idea of singing with a dulcet tone runs as an Ariadnethreadnot only throughartmusic theorybut also throughrabbinicalwritings.It has its roots in the biblical descriptionof David as a sweet psalmist.50 The attributesof the synagogueprecentorwere set by RabbiJudahben Illai in the second century:they includedhavingmusicalabilityand a sweet voice."'We read in the midrashTanhumathat "if you have a sweet voice, glorify God with the gift He bestowed upon you; chantthe Shema' and lead the people in

46. For Modena'smoney problemsin the years 1620-22, for example,see Sefer hayyei Yehuda,pp. 67, 69-70. 47. From foreword to "Songs": anir m ~,• In-=IKmiynny Iy nrt5 1to " ,nr•n Xn ',-

n••

Y(cf.Esther8:16:"inj T1p=1irnV nrn;n Ptnn;n"•n,11a niurnria "nnlt n ntandnnplnnt,). 48. n'• On the differentiation between chantsfor

non-rhythmicized prayers biblicalcantillationand rhythmicizedones forpiyyutim,see AbrahamZvi Idelsohn,JewishMusic in Its HistoricalDevelopment(New York:Holt,Rinehart,& Winston,1929),chaps.3-4, 7. 49. The poem, on which morebelow, is printedin Modena'sDivan, ed. SimonBernstein JewishPublicationSociety,1932),p. 156 (no. 141). (Philadelphia: 50. 2 Sam.23:1 (see above). 51. B.T., Ta'anit16a (see above).

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

27

prayer."52In one of the poems that Modenainsertedin the prefatorymatter

to Rossi's collectionof "Songs,"which, for him, exemplifiedartmusic in its quintessence,we read that "the singing of His chantswill be as pleasantto God as Abel's offering.You will offer them to Him with greattenderness, thusturningawayHis wrath;despairandthe sighsof mourningwill retreat."" Yet not all cantorslived up to the demandsof properdelivery.In his early responsumModena refers to some who "braylike asses"54or who Thusthey make "shoutto the Lordof our fatherslike a dog and a crow."55 of themselves "a laughing-stockto the nations."56"Everycantor,"we are told, "is obliged to renderhis voice, in prayer,as pleasantas possible."In enforcingthe requirementof "sweet song," Modenaborrowedan aesthetic from art music, yet with its roots, at the same time, in the Templeliturgy and, in principleif not always in practice,in the latertraditionof synagogue chant.For its applicationone need go no fartherthanModenahimself:he is said to have had "a tenorvoice, sweet andpleasantto its auditors."57

i i bry1i 52. MidrashTanhuma,Leviticus,the portionRe'e, par. 12 (?y oin~ ,r n lKw,, n ,1pin'n-nr I ,xn7 t v Ynv. Cf. Pesiqtarabbati,chap.25 (r'n tN, ,nann ,:D •:1II "P•rnv "'2

fl1mw / 'I1flnrn= 5x.7K yn 5,% 53. pr ui ,vK / invnl aw 1,9in)t1 K / ,Y1jf1VK V'rV of in for three its to Modena,see below). (first collection; poems ascription nnmNM . 54. "...lp

55.

a

* Y1r rnrv y pt (from responsum). lrY3r 'mi XK• ma5•bn1 •,I 117••,, 5XpY 1,,"11i12~ x (ibid.;cf. Deut.26:7: a m ~n nn~ a ~x pr Yr=, •in 'mN'n-'N

",.~•=1

31,

l~ tlnf 1'~K (responsum). In emphasizingdecorum,Modenatriedto improvethe image ,,"?:,n the Jews in the eyes of their neighbors.In the madrigalcomedies (e.g., OrazioVecchi's of Amfiparnaso[1597] andAdrianoBanchieri'sBarcadi Venezia[1605]),the Jewswereparodied for theirsloppysinging.The FrenchhumanistFrancoisTissard,who attendeda prayerservice in Ferraraat the beginningof the sixteenthcentury,reportedthat "one might hearone man howling,anotherbraying,and anotherbellowing,such a cacophonyof discordantsoundsdo they make!"(Grammaticahebraicaet graeca [Paris:Egide Gourmont,1508], fol. 17v; after Ruderman,Worldof a RenaissanceJew, pp. 19, 101). ThomasCoryat,an Englishmanvisiting Venicein 1608,voices his own animadversions (see his Coryats Crudities[London:W.Stansby, 1611],p. 232; or in its lateredition[Glasgow:J. MacLehose,1905],p. 371). 57. Thus his grandsonIsaac Halevi reportedin his introductionto Modena'sMagen wa-herev["Shieldand Sword"](Milan:BibliotecaAmbrosiana,MS Q139 Sup, fols. 2-3), quotedby AbrahamGeigerin his Leon de Modena,seine Stellungzum Talmud,zur Kabbala undzum Christentum(Breslau:Sulzbach,1856), fols. 11-12, esp. 11 (fnl31 whp y 13,-9, nni,,

"rynlvtDS)

DONHARRAN

28

The Joy of Music

The subjectof music turnsup in at least fourdifferentways in Modena's writings: (1) general referencesto music; (2) music in connectionwith synagogue ritual or Jewish festivities; (3) musical imagery in Modena's poetry,of which some exampleswere writtenexpresslyto be sung;and (4) the use of artmusic in prayerservices.Modenaconfrontsthe subject,further, in a forewordto SalamoneRossi's collectionof Hebrewsongs andin a letter about the music academyhe directedin Venice. Here I will considernos. 1-3, especiallythe third,deferringthe othersto latersections.Underlyingthe variousdiscussionsis the notionof music as a formof joyful expression. By general references,I mean those that occur, by way of simile or analogy,in Modena'snonmusicalpublications.In Beit Yehuda,a collection of aggadotfromthe Talmud,Modenaalludesto music in a cosmic sense:58 I lackthespaceto includewhatthesageshavereiterated, [first],aboutthehonor forall beautyin thelower,middle,and andgloryof musicandits usefulness, upperworldsandalltheirgoodnessis anorderof voicesandchoicemusic,and musicandsong,awakensto be elevated [second]abouthowthesoul,through andliftedfrommatterto theheavenlydwellingplaceof its Creator. Thereis nothingoriginalin this: music thatreflectsthe harmonyof the universeis a themethatrunsthroughthe ancientGreekandRomanwritings. It became integratedinto Neoplatonistthoughtfrom Plotinuson to Ficino; it resoundsin Renaissancemusic theory,and in the Jewish sphere,it turns To come closer to Modena's up in the Zoharand otherkabbalistwritings.59 58.

vn

f 'I1I nl ',' ,,?

1 Yfl1D

Vfl f l fl-? "no rn ~'infnl

I -loxK I -n13 i~n ' n "•im"•,

1-?,

onin-i : fromBeit Yehuda(Venice:Vendramin,1635), fol. 44v ",,,K1...n '?=" oK v nininn (quotedafterNehemiahS. Libowitz,LeonModena[New York:HarryHirsch,1901],p. 95; see also Shulvass, Jews in the Worldof the Renaissance, p. 241). 59. See, at length, Don Harrnn,In Search of Harmony: Hebrew and Humanist Elements in Sixteenth-Century Musical Thought, Musicological Studies and Documents 42 (Neuhausen:

forthe AmericanInstituteof Musicology,1988);andMosheIdel,"Hap-perush Hiinssler-Verlag ham-magiwe-hat-te'urgishel ham-musiqabe-teqstimyehudiyyimmi-t'qufatha-renesansweof Musicin JewishTextsfromthe 'ad ha-hasidut"("TheMagicaland TheurgicInterpretation Renaissance until Hassidism"), in Yuval: Studies of the Jewish Music Research Center 4, ed.

IsraelAdler,BathjaBayer,and Lea Shalem(Jerusalem:MagnesPressof HebrewUniversity, 1982),pp. 33-63 (Hebrewsec.).

MUSICIN THELIFEAND THOUGHT OFRABBILEONMODENA

29

time, it underliesJudahMoscato'ssermonon music, which was influential in moldingcontemporaneous Jewishthoughton music as synonymouswith orderandproportion;andit fits the ideologyof an eradominatedby concerns with messianic redemption.60 Modena'swritings ought to be combed for othergeneral,i.e., universalist,and eschatologicalreferencesto music, as a complementto theirappearancein his poetry(on whichmorebelow). For music in connectionwith synagogueritual,one might consultModena'sRiti, a manualon Jewishritesandcustomsas elucidatedfor non-Jewish readers.No one has ever probedit for its musical information,contained mainly in part 3, on the various feasts and holidays of the Jewish year, and in part4, on, amongotherthings,marriageand circumcision.Thusone reads that on the Sabbaththe Jews are forbiddento handle "instruments of art";61that towardthe end of Havdala,the ceremonythat separatesthe outgoingSabbathfrom workdays,"theypourwine on the ground,as a sign of happiness,and some are wont to uttersome song or verse to wish one anotherjoy and good luck for thatweek";62thaton the firstnight of Purim "manyparties,feasts, andreceptionsare held, as relatedin the [nextto] last chapterof Esther[9:22]"63---theplace of music in Purimfestivities,among them Jewish theatricalpresentations,is well known;64and that duringthe wedding ceremony"the bridalcouple convenes in a hall or room undera canopyto the sound [of musical instruments],and, by custom,certainboys standnearby,singingwhile they hold lightedtorchesin theirhands.... The 60. Moscatowas the leadingrabbiin Mantuaat theendof the sixteenthcentury.His sermon on music(Higgayonbe-khinnor["Contemplations on a Lyre"])was publishedas the firstin his collectionNefutsotYehuda["Judah'sDispersions"](Venice:di Gara,1588-89);foran extended study,cf. Herzl Shmueli, "Higgayonbekhinnor":Betrachtungenzum Leierspieldes Jehuda ... Moscato(Tel-Aviv:Neografika,1953). For messianicechoes in LeonModena'streatment of artmusic,see below. 61. "Nonpossonotoccar,ne maneggiarcosa di peso, ne instrumentid'arti... ": Historia de' riti hebraici(III.i.7),p. 57. 62. "Per6tuttaquestacerimoniasi chiamaHabdald,che vuol dirdistintione.Al fin del che gettanodel vino per terra,per segno d'allegrezza,et alcuniusano dir qualchecanto,o verso augurandosipurfelicitA,e buonasortequellasettimana.. . " (ibid. [III.i.25],p. 63). 63. "Si fanno molte allegrezze,feste, e conviti, come in Esternell'ultimocapitolodice, Essentquedies isti ..." (ibid. [III.x.4],pp. 85-86). 64. See, for example,Jefim Schirmann,"Hat-te'atron we-ham-musiqabi-sh'khunothayyehudimbe-'Italya"["Theaterand Music in JewishCommunitiesin Italy"],Zion 29 (1964): 61-111 (reprintedin theauthor'scollectedwritings,Mehqarimu-massot["Studiesin theHistory of HebrewPoetryandDrama"],2 vols. [Jerusalem:BialikInstitute,1979],2:44-94).

30

DONHARRAN

rabbison the spot, or the cantorof the synagogue,or the nearestrelative, with a cup or carafeof wine in hand,pronouncesa blessingto God.... Then, holdinganotherpitcherof wine, they sing six otherblessings,to makeseven in all. ... Thateveningthereis a receptionfor friendsandrelatives... where, following the regularblessing at meals, the seven blessings pronouncedat the weddingare sung, afterwhich the tablesareremoved.""65 Musicplays a majorrole in Modena'spoetry,spawningits own vocabulary.Thusin a poem whose circumstancesareunfamiliarwe read:66 ToGodwitha crownon Hishead, whofoughtforHispeople,butwasdefeated, we will sacrificeas Abel'soffering a hymn;to theconductor, boundwiththecordof a lyre, we, facingtheAlmightyin all Hisglory, will singin a voiceof thanks andexultation ... The verses were probablysung to celebratean importantschool event, as were otherhymns.Talmudictractateswere studiedover a periodof time, and a reception,for which Modenawrote and sometimespublishedpoetic broadsides,markedtheircompletion.Onepoem,forexample,was designated for "theconclusion,in the yeshiva,of the tractateGittin."It piles on a number of musicalimagesat the outset,as if to indicateits vocal rendition:"Thanks didhe renderto God,a song, andchants,/ a hymnwith instruments, rejoicing, Anotheris the poem that, to all appearances,Modena'sson and praise.""67 65. "All'horapoi, che si vuole;si riduconoli sposiin unasala,o camerasottoun baldachino con suoni,et alcuniusanocon certifanciulliappressocon torcieacceseinmano,checantano.... Li Rabinidel loco, o il cantarinodellaScuola,o '1piOstrettoparente,presounatazza,o caraffa di vino in mano, dice una benedittionea Dio. ... E poi con un'altrovaso di vino cantano sei altre benedittioni, in tutto sette..... La sera si fa un convito ad amici, e parenti.... Poi si cantano quelle sette benedittioni, che si dissero nello sposare doppo l'ordinaria benedittion della mensa, e si levano le tavole" (Historia de' riti hebraici [IV.iii.4-5], pp. 91-92).

66. Superscriptbreathmarksare set at the point of caesura(and virgulesat the end of 1 M / nu 11=T-t'~I nnffl 311p3/ =13 fl 1?Y~ un•, 'Infl~IVR13 , lines):' 3 nnK n• Y••, KI/ fl p, 1jW / nalnn 3-13 fl'7 ' "3!n (cf. Divan, p. 131 [no. 87]; the last line here, ",,..nuN-' rTin , like the whole poem,is incomplete). / 67. 1' nm,mnly-n,(plus six more lines, to complete Stl1 v-rV' mfnl, I• '•-,t • "'InaVI an ottava rima; ibid., p. 120 [no. 74]). Line 6 concludeswith the rhymewordsimha (see end rhymeha of line 2), referringto the headof the yeshiva,SimhaLuzzatto.Thefinalcouplethas

31

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

Zebulunsang at the ratherelaboratefestivities for the terminationof the tractateKetubbot,as describedin his autobiography(see above). It has no musical vocabulary,and from the contentof its two ratherundistinguished distichsone wondershow Zebuluncould have made the music so inspiring as for Modena,the author,to rave over his son's performance:68 Howwill a societyforstudyingTorahrefuse to give all its membersfish and sweetmeats?

If a maidenmarriesandunfoldshergown, hermajestyis reasonforallnationsto rejoice. Perhapsthere were other stanzas, in which Zebulundisplayedhis vocal talents. Or perhapshe repeatedthe same lines two or more times, with musicalvariations.OrperhapsModenafantasized. Considerablymoreinterestingis the musically"loaded"poem---itbegins "Singingon the lips of all men in the streets"-t-hatModenahimselfappears to have sungduringthe celebration.69 Why Modenaandnot his son?Because the inscriptionnot only identifiesthe occasion,but also designatesthe poet as singer: on thefirstdayof the A hymnsongfromthe songsof the GreatSynagogue of theyeshiva monthShevatin theyear5382[= 1622].Theeminentmembers wentabouttheirreadingin peaceandquietandcameto theendof thetractate withthehelpof Godandtheaidof thoseinchargeof theAshkenazic Ketubbot, TalmudTorahSociety70(may the Rock protectand preservethem!).The poet singshis ownsong,andthesewerehiswords7 [whicharethenquoted].

the end rhymetin, to accordwith the last wordgittin (B.T.,Gittin["TheLaws of Divorce"]; 68. Divan,p. 156(no. 141),marked"forthe conclusionof thetractateKetubbot["Marriage nin nt9 a,, in the yeshivaof the GreatSynagogue"([nomn Contracts"] ni ] I n•,riv nan o• ? 13 7D •-n ?3?

"n•,nlri). It reads: rnln1v n3l

rnlnU nK / nlTfil,Y

"nim"D" , nol,. r";ln''•m "nrl [nnt•,=] 69. Divan, 119-120

nn

t

'

nflnn"nn?n-l3n 7ln

-K,,

(no. 73). pp. 70. TalmudTorahschools,runas confraternities, providedadvancedstudyfor adults. 71.

,3-'iN1 rn,~'v', ,v

11 "I"flT 111,,D11=l "I1"W

ntv*Y "3 , "I ,[1"171 "V

[vrin WK-]nwm=l n"'1 n'rr now '.1•vt •-V -11=1T1,, 11?InV'1 1"71

"ftn] [,'UtK 11"llnn

(for poem, see below).

DONHARRAN

32

Unless the portion"singshis own song"is a figureof speechfor "writes his own poem,"which reasonsays it is not, thenModena,in his "sweetand pleasanttenor voice," as alreadydescribed,must clearly have sung to the Not only that,butthe songwas performedon the first delightof his listeners.72 of Shevat (January12, 1622), whereasModena,in his autobiography, day Zebulun that sang on the second day of Shevat("onthe last night specified [of the festivities],which was the secondof Shevat... I preachedto a large audience... ; songs and instrumentalpieces were performed,and Zebulun sanga poemthatI myself composed,"probablythepoemreproducedabove).73 The refrainand the firsttwo (of the five) stanzasreadthus:74 Singingon the lips of all menin the streets: let 'shave an encoreof the tractateKetubbot! Renownedyeshiva'smemberswho were exaltedto deliverance75

thatis theGreatone: by theSynagogue atthecloseandendof years,theyareas if multiplied by nine in theirstudies;whena maidenis wed, all aretakenby thesword76of praises, takenby storm," "Wahev i.e.,"intheend,"by theswordof love.77 Singingon the lips of all menin the streets: let's have an encoreof the tractateKetubbot! identifiesthepoemas the one sungby Zebulun 72. Bernstein,followingthe autobiography, (Divan, p. 120 n.), as does Carpi (Sefer hayyei Yehuda,p. 70). Adelman,following the to the poem,believes it was sungby Modena("SuccessandFailure,"p. 512). superscription 1 InVr '1f 1 73. -ivx~t 7 '2 n vr ,miinri,, iv, 1p ,-l2, II'ln-, .,t•lvy , ,Irvt,~I Yehuda, 70). p. hayyei (Sefer "...'tx ,nan f M v~/ 74. noi / 211 n'=7 'yIn / .niIn nano 'v'I 121V , tW "~ hiTInia '12,VD '• on aw91upoi 21'1n,;*.In / / nfl xn ri ' urn- ir rn -rn?x 'lT trt "n In:fln n•"•arnr :-IJnnImo: "nn ? I Y / .nurixr In' n -IV rl 'U"? Vi 1??•X~1V' 1ft / Y!m17'12 I•t7 :? V: vn =2:71-" :nnn : nf': n

, 7 ?nb : W:t•n: -TY"riurn T•' Y-n7-21V "n:nnymn JobI•5:11 75.

(etc.). / Y7'1)1 Iv)K"Y*IS

Cf. ("v1' a1r7 tatov •tl,,). tr•,np1l 76. Cf. Song of Songs 3:8 ("In~n a irn Stlnxthl,). ',1i wherethe

77. Refersto B.T., Kiddushin["Marriage"] 30a, studyof Torahis conceivedas a battlebetweenfatherandson, i.e., teacherandpupil,endingin peaceor, as here,love: *1v9,,

?x noito n x -oo n ?1 nn n, ~1mv it nx lt (the last portion,suggestingthat [?,1fJ "non niol be readnot as "storm"but as "end,"is a quotationfromthe lost biblicalBook of the Wars of the Lord,referringto the site Wahev;cf. Num. 21:14: :'1nmnl1nn 7n-,, "prix1

tr?=.rnxl1,;35~)

wiln'

-n•o

-a•.

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

33

Aboutthegloryof theirforcesa mansingspraises, andscience;78 including,in all things,wisdom,understanding, he is a leaderforIsrael;lightandhappiness [simha], afterhis name,[hebrings]to theLuzzatto family;andhe is known, like Heman,Calcol,andDarda,for beingwise,79

fromtheearthto theheavens.

Singingon thelipsof all menin thestreets: let's have an encore of the tractate Ketubbot!

Furtheron Modenaaddresses"thecongregationof nobleVenice,"asking them "to be glad and, today, only merry.""0 Rejoicingin speech and song over the conclusionof readingsin the yeshiva curriculumis an activityof which we know very little, but would like to know more, for it seems to have been widespread.8'That Modenawas actively involved, as poet and ceremonies,is obviousfromhis grandson singer,in these "commencement" Isaac Halevi's remarkthat he was "a cantorand teacherin the synagogue of the italiani (may the Rock protectand preserveit!), as is clear from the 'concluding'poemsrelatedto the synagogue,which [poems]he (mayhe rest in peace!) composedand sang."82 Still otheroccasionspresentedthemselvesformusicalcelebration,among them the inaugurationof a Torahscroll, as is clear from a poem that the

78. For the combination"wisdom"and "science,"see 2 Chron.1:10-12 (rai 1nln nn,, a "J T'l ni YrTnnllnnl ... -w-'n t1DnIV Yltl b~irnn 15-rVfm... ',-tn); andfor the combination with its sefiroticimplications,see Dan. 1:20 (nnnn127r ~1,, "wisdom"and "understanding," 79. Cf. 1 Kings 5:11 (sons of Mahol,thoughtheirwisdomwas exceededby Solomon's: = 7 1- b m n-n',). The simile -:wo trlxr1nn na •an• • nnIn•'Int•,n f'•• ,nw• nntrKmi-bn of to the wise course, applies, SimhaLuzzatto(see above). n n 80. "n~vpias*9n n, (fromfourthstanza).Cf.Zeph.3:14('nnv,, ,o, ' 3r'n n•,?,,'2'1 81. On the siyyum, or completionof readings,see HowardAdelman,"AnotherMore nevukhim:The ItalianBackgroundand the EducationalProgramof Leon Modena'sMore nevukhimbiktivahbilshonenuhakadosh,"in FromAncientIsrael to ModernJudaism:Intellect in Questof Understanding(Essaysin Honorof MarvinFox), vol. 3, ed. JacobNeusner,Ernest S. Frerichs,andNahumM. Sarna(Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1989),pp. 89-107, esp. 94-95. 82. Fromthe same introductionto Modena'sMagen wa-herevmentionedabove (Tm...,, 0111n,"On

1 1 1 1Y

M1 1

0121MV

1 0=1

21 20

0111111Wlin

111XIIr

v

in

1"r

-) -J

Xtv

n-11m),

fol.

I I

34

DONHARRAN

authorwrote, "upon request of the holy community of Modena, to be sung to music upon bringing the Torah scroll into the synagogue":83 Blessed is He who broughtto Israel the Law of Truthby [Moses]the son of Amram, to be writtendown in script as a perpetualmemorialfor all generations to rejoicein it foreverandto exult;84 they will be delighted,for it is a candlelight thatalone remainsin theirexile, to comfortandconsole themin theirmanytroubles.85 Today,therefore,let us be glad for this book, a new one thatis liftedandraised86 froman honestman'shouse andbrought to the house of the living God,the Lordof Abraham... As with the school celebrations, here too we would like to know more about these and other festive events, for which verses seem to have been commissioned and, to the delight of the congregation, joyously sung.87 Two other poems were written for Asher Clerli, Modena's "friend,"with whom he corresponded in the late 1580s.88One carries the inscription "To the learned scholar Asher Clerli, my friend, for the completion of his studies. I

Divan, p. 118 (no. 72), a poem consistingof ten distichs,with each line ten syllableslong, as 11? Ki;1 / / nrn ' oir n; '1?,l7'1 r',•n1nl?~V' 1= t1raa 'n ,lflrn' tniSa= t~n•7=7 "ilv• tra tra =n=i r ,,n piv 9)1-ivx ? Kiml "r-. x m11 -von ?'1) In n vi11 n"21/ ivir x. .m*x 'r)n / n' nK K1 t.I

84. Cf. Ps. 68:4 '~D1•0 91tawS7rp'r1,,). ("a-nrK whetherI02V is to be readas 85. It is uncertain ("their ("their... troubles")or •,. rin, ... expectations"). 86. Cf. Exod.29:27 ("-iIoIniv•i 11n Wvt,). 87. Thesepoemsareto be distinguishedfromothersintendedto be sunguponopeningthe "'Quandosi aprel'arcaal Signore':Su di un Holy Ark. Cf. MassimoAcanforaTorrefranca, manoscrittoebraicoitalianodel XVIIIsecolo, e sul 'Cantardi forteall'arca,"'Italia: studi e ricerchesulla storia, la culturae la letteraturadegli ebreid'Italia 10 (1993):59-72. 88. Cf. Igrot rabbi YehudaArie mim-Modena,pp. 52-55, for threeletters,thoughdevoid of musicalreferences.

MUSIC IN THE LIFE AND THOUGHTOF RABBI LEON MODENA

35

changedits style so thatit will last forever,becauseit is intendedformusic."89 Despite its musical usage, the poem itself, beginning"Blessed is He who flasheda glow of ember,"90 is devoid,in its sevenlines,of musicalvocabulary. Nor does music turnup in the secondpoem, beginning"As a strayperson, a treasureof gold"91(it has twenty-twolines and, like the Arabicqasida, a single rhyme).Yet it too may havebeen writtento be sung,to judge fromthe words"he will be very glad, his heartwill rejoice,andhe will renderpraise and from the division of its lines into eight syllables per to His maker,"92 hemistichin a rigid,almostsingsongmetricalpattern.Takethe firstline-for each hemistichit reads,quantitatively,as a shortplus threelongs, then four longs, or, qualitatively,as a successionof syllablesin iambictetrameter: Firsthemistich(or delet):

Secondhemistich(or soger):

Quantitativereading. kd-'ish6-vad 6-tsarza-hav/ we-'a-harkhanyim-tsd-'d-hfi Qualitativereading: ke-'ish o-ved o-tsarza-hiv / we-'-i-harkhenyim-tsi-'e-hat Threeotherpoems,of whichone is Modena'sby ascription,andthe others his by assumption,occurin the prefatorymatterto SalamoneRossi'sHebrew "Songs."93They are rich in their musical vocabulary,as in the following selectionof verses: (cf. Divan, 131 [no. 96]). Or arethe wordsto be readas a referenceto Clerli'sbeing "n"p'noin a musician("becausehe is involvedin music")? 90. "nrna 'tw 111j, (ibid.). , t'1x p,'i•n • a 91. "aIlt'I ,, (Divan,pp. 133-134 [no. 90]). •1 92. "irVwP?x ' rin'nInSl' •5 nrp, '',, tr, (line 3). to Modenafiguresin his Divan,pp. 82-83 (no. 37). It 93. The one with a firmattribution constitutesthe thirdpoem in the music collection,separatedfromthe firsttwo by Modena's foreword.That the first two are by Modenamay be presumedon stylistic and contextual grounds.Stylistically,the threepoemsare cast in similarlanguage.Contextually,at least three points bear mention:the authorof the first poem identifieshimself as "a confidant[of the >...ar.Itt i 115 vrt~ i IVn..., composer] . . . one of his great admirers, his friend" (m•x t he have written must the second one as for it bears the caption"He ... InvP'•2nIM); well, -"117'11 thenwenton to say"("V g? TrY since Modenaintroducedthethirdpoemwiththerelated •?o,"); o 'mnTD,,;afterIsa. 29:14:jn,, caption"ThereforeI will go on recitingwonders"("l'•n rbol, a ;*nk 'nMan), he appearsto have connectedit, in contentandpresentation, with "inn~grn-nx the firsttwo (the key word is "go on"). The one loopholein this argumentis that"Therefore

DONHARRAN

36

Poem 1 (a sonnet)94 All those who handlethe lyre, drum,andharp,95 Todaystartthe music96and,further,do yourbest andlistento this song,98 To play a loud fanfare;97 All you fortunatesingers99...

Poem 2 (an octave)'" The rootsof the songs above'0'andover theirplace'02 This Solomonstudiedwithoutidleness; The princeof musicians,'03 indeed,he is the gladnessof all:'1 He taughtthe singerswith muchdelight...

Poem 3 (nineteendistichs,with each line a decasyllablein threeversets)'05 I will go on recitingwonders"may refernot to the "wonders"alreadyrecitedin the firsttwo poems,butto those recitedin the interveningforeword. . w 94. Firstquatrain: - v Ijp nra'n / iatn mn ~, itnmr/ ,29 r•m nlm la Tn)l/aC ,Irpn nn b /. Fora quotationof the secondquatrain,see above. ,'nY -"bn,•,vtr CN1 2 Sam. 95. Cf. Gen.4:21: "l2ll 112v~ 57'~m in Mrvn-• ')x,; 1 Sam. 10:5:"111 i ina,51,,; 92n Isa. 5:12: 6:5 (also 1 Chron.13:8): 1 ,,. : "-'bmin -' "-o•:l a:l•nl mni•l,,; 96. Ps. 81:3:"in-1mn1 n-I-1tw,,. also 1 Sam. 4:6: "nriann 97. Ps. 33:3: 1-y, and Ezra 3:12: Prann,, na '3',,; "-nfalm 1.3 98. Jer.6:17: "~1Iv'1ij 1 '1)~n nt•p. 3 99. Ps. 16:6:",,I'b'st n,,. 100. Firstfourlines: xfml'bT t-l / an In1•1 '1•I / ntS 'ml t nfbS n/n 'Yl ',t•,, •v•e / yba; "nlh and, fromthe end of line 6 to the conclusion:" ... in chorus :l 7b", T,'rllvab / Sing in the Templeand in the study hall / To the lofty abode of the Causeof all Causes" b 'n ~b5 i'''v1? rt,?y / t*mNI1 pn In, r-v /nnpz . ("-v• 101. Wordplayon nl~l'b ("songs")/ nfalI ("vines,"as impliedby 'vi• , "theroots of') n7l andon 'y ("divine,"i.e., "God'ssongs")/ y ("above");cf. Ezek.8:17: lbn-Tan-•nx tna,, 102. Cf. Josh. 11:13 nl-7t n ,avni-b). ("-orn-vY inxf anip~1rijp,. In the original(see above) the poet plays on the 103. Ps. 68:26: "vo.b double-readingrn, I•V("princeof players")and :aw1l1r ("wesang:'Gardens...' "). 104. Cf. Job 8:19 ("la~'rt lVb Kn-1,,). " f '"lnfv [1],, pn / '' 'fiTllbt / 105. ' [2] '1nzy a' 127-'1-1 .,V)l,[2 ' n/" ,v) ,'2 'b• l4 21P flw J11/ 'PI ' l ?mnfl . bl l' / ' .['lK ' 'ln[ [31 •irn l•T) l fI• 1132 1IP2 ' ')'1 [41 111l' ,,'I) r'-) , K12'.[7] trmvni ,' 'Vtrov1'V -rv/ a'1v '2n ifl'tm [8]xn' 1 ,' r ln vlin'/'p/ 1pplflb ' .lp"0122"

MUSIC IN THE LIFE AND THOUGHTOF RABBI LEON MODENA

37

(1)

Send/ as a present'06/ to Jesse's son [David] this composition / of songs / in music.107

(2)

May therebe rejoicing/ andjoyous song / in his heart...

(3)

Therearose/ in Israel,/ may God be blessed!, someonenamed/ afterhis son [Solomon]/ andhavinggreatmight.'08

(4)

He is accustomed/ to appearamidstprinces/ andbeforeprinces,'09 singing/ to his own dukes/ andnobles."0

(7)

He set / the music,/ which he published, to the words/ of [David's]psalms,/ usingjoyful melodies

(8)

To be presented/ in joy and song"'/ beforethe Ark on the Sabbath,/ all feastdays,/ andfestivals.

(10) Whenever/ anyonewishes, / he will find songs / andhymnsll2 / ready (11) Forhonoring/ the Lordof the Universe,/ as angels openingtheirmouth/ to the soundof pipes/ and strings."3 Whether these poems were meant to be sung is an open question. Given the musical contents and functions of so many other poems by Modena, including a number of wedding odes,"14 it is likely they were. Poem 1 is

'1 nv•n

r37' .*" - n•L"2'1

1 nV 'l'l'l / X'lb ',1''l•r1171113 '1"'1n [101].g231bT'"t•m ' n / "1 , •737 nl, I*-'I7K' ly' 1-'7Kz -•

i' 1" b•'l, [[111] .3113616

v /

71I-K'2

'rii b~'b

) ,,). 106. Cf. Ps. 68:30 ("'v Dn 1',*1' 1 107. 2 Sam.23:1:"bK1w' y3 Malit ... 'l '-p -T at,. v niK 108. Cf.Isa.40:26("td ob,,). ~'nan ia1 xn ojr 109. Cf. Job 34:19 ("at~,

r

I•nv,,). '• the ox-•' in context of song,seePs.68:32-33: Iy 110. Forthewordtr3lwVn

X rvim rrx ".no 'TTr

fInv xI nln7b

'.z."

~'2bvn

.M..,,

111. Cf.Isa.35:2:"1T!1 49:13and52:8-9). nb'l a 01 nmon til,, (and,similarly, and Sanhedrin94a: tn 112. Cf. B.T., Sukka5, 4: "nian nv1 '1tT n7i-."3b 5 aV1m1,,; 1ri,, -•V

mv an bxv•?xnv "1z 5N'•m, "'T•3 ninzvini mIb. ln1I1n v* 113. l 7,-,. Cf.Ps. 150:4:"2f21PI nn nb•, 114. Discussed in Harrin, "From Music to Matrimony: The WeddingOdes of Rabbi .~.= Leon Modena(1571-1648),"in Proceedingsof the TwelfthWorldCongressof JewishStudies, Jerusalem,1977 (in preparation).

38

DONHARRAN

clearest in this respect ("... start the music .

..

listen to this song ..."). Yet

thejoyful characterof the othertwo marksthemas intendedfor celebrations, be it for an occasion in the school or home or for one in the synagogue. Celebration,for Modena,as for Jewsat large,is usuallyconnectedwith song. In Defense of Art Music

Beyond poetry,music appears,more substantially,as the subjectof two rabbinicalresponsa.It will be recalledthat,after 1604, Modena,on his own initiative,introducedpartmusicintothe synagogueservicesin Ferrara.Along with the generalvoices of approbation,othersof discontentcould be heard. The most virulentobjector,Moses Coimbran(his name has alreadybeen mentioned)ralliedothersto his cause.Modenareports: Outsideandon the streetshe spokeout,sayingwe sinnedto ourLordGod, whosetaskit is to guideothersinpreserving andhowis it possibleforscholars to committhisoffenseopenlyandpublicly."Howcanwe singthe tradition passagegoes[Psalm137:4], songof theLordin a foreignland?"thescriptural andin thewritingsof ourlearnedsagesonefindsa prohibition againstdoing Thesearethethingshe goesaroundsayinguntil so eversincetheDestruction. and he turnedagainstus someof theunknowing: theyspeakof us arrogantly customsandchangedlaws."' believewe havetransgressed The opponent'sargument,then, was that with the dissolutionof the Second Templethe Jews, in exile, had no place for art music. How could they rejoice,displayingart,when they arecondemnedto mourning?Modena soughtto show thatno unimpeachablelegaljurisdictioncouldbe invoked,in the rabbinicaltradition,for the exclusionof artmusic fromthe synagogue. He thensubmittedhis responsumto five Venetianrabbisfor theirratification, which was unanimous. Where and when are Jews allowed to make music? Is it properfor them to rejoice by singing or playing instruments?Is instrumentalmusic 115. From the letter to Judah Saltaro da Fano (1605): 'i ,'ibNS1 ip n' mainnI nimMlnMl,,

p. 110). "pini30n mnn rn' 'in(Igrotrabbi YehudaArie mim-Modena,

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

39

unconditionallyforbidden?Are thererestrictionson vocal music?Is secular music illicit? These are the majorquestionsthat Modenaaddressedin his responsum.He distinguishedsix categoriesof music, of which the firsttwo are its "species,"viz., instrumentaland vocal music, and the next four the different"purposesor occasions"for music making:while drinkingwine; duringsecularmerrymaking;at weddingsor ritualoccurrences;for studyor practice."6

Opinionsare quotedfor and againstthe six categories,fromthe writings of Maimonides,Rashi, and otherrabbinicalauthorities.Modenapoints up differencesthatprecludea unilateralapplicationof theirdecisions.He perceives no restrictionson vocal music, except when feastingor banqueting "over wine" or indulgingin seculardiversions,as do "sons of kings." As for instrumentalmusic, he seems to uphold its prohibition("instrumental music is the most circumscribedfor everyoneconcerned"),"'thoughhe soon softens his assertions.Indeed, both instrumentalmusic and singing "over wine"are admitted,"as every child wouldknow,"whenrejoicingfor a bride andgroomandon "similar"(i.e., hallowed)occasions."8QuotingfromRabbi JosephKaro, Modenasays, in fact, that "forthe purposeof a pious act, as in the house of a bridegroomand bride,everythingis permitted.""ll9 As far as rehearsingmusic is concerned,how is it possible "to praiseGod and use music for every pious act if it is not studiedbeforehand?""20 The ambiguitiesin Modena'sargumentderivefromthe uncertaintythat surroundstheconceptof "sacred"or"pious"in theJewishtradition.Songs"for praisingGod andsingingto His exaltednameon all sacredoccasions"--thus one reads in the title to Rossi's collection of Hebrew songs,121'in whose defenseModenarepublishedhis responsum--wouldimply,literally,thatthey were to be performedon Jewishfeasts and holidays.Yet the composersaid, 116. riwn1•rnoInD, 1 I'r

-)nnim

S n)

rl ?n 71.))

,"I• x, O•imnllimna ,'Isnw -IP•rny. n1n, .13?v I?= 130 ,'71,,72nptr .lmnv -1-1v?"In,xwD twjt' Innw,,• -I,'T ,I3'T 'ny IninzYn-INI ) = KImyb,N-11 .1.7 IKrn•znnr nnxn7ri9• m t Innnnv? "nminn nnpoynrn? ,13 nrrint• (Modena'sresponsum). TX-n'"No, y nn 117. " ln•YT v"•• '1 (ibid.). K•n K•1-n X-m '11w Y3 118. xsin'T 1X-$1 ,yxn " "ninbrin3'nn, xyrni -.1i 7nn Inn-.117-12-T? rrr, ONIN, *v,

Ibi nn '13 nf'i1 "fl1nn xxl' n .1'

(ibid.). fln'1npfltnl Inv 7l.V ",l flnfWI31

-.1171 l 2111n 1 1-1 119. 7l11rna '12-1 n the,•alpl 1'p [no l,'wlniKin=N:al ponplz, to Karo'scompendium reference is[rls 3 "","vv b3;i1pl,aln il,7nnnn: Shulhan'arukh, "[lt TY] orahhayyim["ThePreparedTable:Mode of Life"]560:3, as commentedby Moses Isserles. 120. " nn -1* , 13K "IVY-) -M761'2-7 : bi Mf ... (responsum). nxnt '12-7 bnn,l'ft v -Mb 'In?nvw 121. -nVa7np'alln ll, .....

40

DONHARRAN

further,that they "were intendedfor joyous occasions and feast days,"'22 which might mean theirapplicabilityto times of rejoicingat large.Modena blursthe distinctionbetweenthe one and the otherusage by notingthatthe works were to be sung "forevery pious act."'23The expression"piousact" has a literalsense as all ordinancesthe believerby religiouslaw (halakha) is enjoinedto uphold,yet also a figurativesense as all forms of charitable behavior. Therearevariouskindsof rejoicing:on religiousholidays;orbecauseGod fromthe Book of Psalms, gives us reasonto rejoice(as is clear,particularly, of which two exampleswill suffice:"O let the nationsbe glad and sing for joy, for Youwill judge peoplesrighteouslyandgovernnationson earth";and "ForYou gladdenedme, Lord,with Youracts; in the works of Yourhands will I rejoice");124or in actingbenevolently,afterHis commandment"Love yourneighboras yourself' (Leviticus19:18).Thuswhen Modenaspeaksof he expandsthe bounds rejoicingat weddingsand on "similaroccasions,""'25 of "sacred"to compriseall formsof rejoicingin, and becauseof, the Lord. QuotingRabbiIsaac Alfasi, Modenasays that"wordsof songs and praises andthe remembranceof the favorsof the Holy One,may He be blessed,are not avoidedby any man of Israel.It is the customof all Israelto speakthem in the houses of bridegroomsand in housesof feastingto the soundof songs and to the sound of rejoicing,and we have not seen anyonedisapproveof it."126

The composerRossi introducesfurtherconfusion,in his dedication,by acknowledgingsacredand secularreasonsfor his "Songs"and theirusage. On the one hand,they were writtenunderdivine inspiration("theLordhas been a supportfor me, and He placed in my mouth new songs, which I On the preparedaccordingto [the rules of polyphonic]composition").'27 other,the voice thatguidedthe composer,proddinghim to greaterendeavor, l 122. "'Ir 'u1? (from Rossi's dedication to his collection). 'tJ ~•q •t ... t•r a ,ap 123. "mia7n '12rb'a,: poems 1:14and3:9 (the latterwith "...b•ib,).

nRw 124. Ps. 67:5("nflo tUlaown'-i au lM Mann Y•3n JKa, na,'v n', tnn5 n I n ;mitn 125. (fromresponsum). -.~, ,-r....

'inv1infa',,) and92:5

(ibid.;afterIsaacAlfasi,HilkhotravAlfas ["Lawsof RabbiAlfasi"],ed. NisanZakash,2 vols. RabbiKukFoundation,1969], 1:25). [Jerusalem: 127. "7r0 'n'v~ I nDTY '5 PIn'15 ,7V, "Rnlvwrn '•

'n 'nl,, (Rossi's dedication).

LEON MODENA ANDTHOUGHT OFRABBI INTHELIFE MUSIC

41

was that of his benefactorMoses Sullam."Youplacedyour glory over me and over the work of my hands. ... How many times, at your command, did I toil until I discoveredhow to ordermy songs with joyful lips, and thus the voice comes fromyou."'28As to theirpurpose,they were meantfor "praisingthe [heavenly]Riderpleasantlyand with a voice of rejoicingand thankfulness,for it is for the voice of man to honorthe Lordwith whatever Yetthe Lordsoon He bestoweduponeach one accordingto His blessing."'29 to whom Rossi offers the lord Moses Sullam, becomes the collection,as if "offeringa sacrificein your temple,my lord";andpraisesto the Lordsoon become praisesto Sullam:"withmy songs will I praiseyou.""'Rossi thus mixes sacred and secular in explaininghis motivations.The metaphoris the Lordis the ruler,yet the prophetMoses, here Sullam,is His transparent: Rossi praisesthe one, he thanksthe other---theambiguityresides spokesman. in the Hebrewword lehodot,meaningboth "to praise"and "to thank."All this is very clever,and as will soon be argued,it was probablyModenawho wrotethe composer'sdedication. Towardthe end of his life Modena composed,as his last responsum, an essay on the admissibilityof repeatingGod's name in art music."' A controversyover the issue appearsto have eruptedin 1645, on Shemini 'Atseret (the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles),in the communityof Senigallia(near Ancona).'32At least six texts can be tracedin connection with the controversy,one of them by Modena.'33 In the quaestio,Modena writes that, beyond dissatisfactionwith repetitionsof God's name, voices were still rumblingover the use of partmusic in the prayerservices:34 - 128. ,n-Dviol•n'n3ny , ,nrixi ,nyrfIMrantritmran ...'r, -)-r?Yv ,t7i fl) (dedication). 1212rw 7:Im ,Mr•nn p"...pl ra n n 129. "ox ot, im-ano ria n n "rm3uNrn?ip ,%-nrimrin mhin pa a nn

"-r12D(ibid.). 130. "-'Tirn jr3nnmt nnip ,?va p-rK 131. Forthe Hebrew see

..

rn

....

mnt7 ....

(ibid.).

text, Modena,She'elotu-t'huvot,pp. 176-178 (no. 131). 132. For details, see Israel Adler, "The Rise of Art Music in the ItalianGhetto,"in JewishMedievalandRenaissanceStudies,ed. AlexanderAltmann(Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard UniversityPress, 1967),pp. 321-364, esp. 350-353. 133. It is discussed,along with the others,by Adler in his La pratiquemusicalesavante dans quelquescommunautsjuives en EuropeauxXVIIe-XVIIesidcles,2 vols. (ParisandThe Hague: Mouton, 1966), l:chap. 5 (for their quotation,see 1:257-262 [nos. 22-26], and for Modena'stext in particular, p. 262 [no. 26]). riTZI

134.inn ar q•,,n ' 13" tr,• TY1 3 -.6n 131 1 1

f

bil

own

nerv in-n)nn n n[n no= inn Dnt,,n nn t "mplrnna mn on ir-nion-nn -7nx nro ripmin rian *= m n nipn

rn

P"Pn" mnp o nonp

mP

42

DONHARRAN

In a certainholy community,on the occasionof the festivals,a groupof singers in the synagoguewas wont to sing togetherwith the cantor,as one of the singers,the Qaddish,[the blessing]Barekhu,the Qedusha,songs, and praises in partmusic.Theyrepeatedthewordketer'35 as well as theholy name[adonai] in Elle mo'adeiadonai,'36 thusrestatingthe holy name.Eachone wouldrestate it once in his own part,not reiteratingit afterthe exampleof musiccomposers who sometimesrepeata wordto embellishthe melody.Thenmanypeoplerose up againstthem, saying thatit is not properpracticeto performart music in the synagogue,and that it is particularlyoffensive on theirpartto repeatthe wordketerandthe holy name,as we know fromboththe scholarsof Kabbalah and the laws of Gemara.It is as if someonewere to say "Shema',shema'" or "Modim,modim"'37 only to be silenced. Modena intended to address the issue in full, treating three points, which he summarized at the outset. "First, is it permitted, in that kind of song [i.e., part music], to repeat the word keter? Second, is it permitted to repeat the holy name in the verse Elle mo'adei adonai? Third, and most importantof all, is it permitted, in the synagogue, to perform praises to our Lord in part music?"'38 He did not get beyond the first of the three.

l n12 M TimX5,): .b 5 ny 7 on-ft [n6116 jpvn?n5 an,5: nbp n,110 : "355 U1::10:11Dlb ,n=1 ,m,11-n n rn rv* 1= 111 7-nowirom 33 rnbrrMrNlb nnprn 7n3nri 5?b?im? b1=6117~N : [-5]n •xn nwn :5 ba , (She 'elot u-t shuvot, p. 176). "in71ppnn'T 1'31nm o3n1 135. "Crown,"fromthe Qedusha("keteryitenulakh");in the kabbalisticdoctrineof the sefirot,it refersto God in His most hiddenessence. 136. "Thesearethe festivalsof the Lord"(Lev.23:4). 137. ThefirstfromShema'Yisra'el("Hear,O Israel,the Lordis ourGod,theLordis One," the Jewishconfessionof faith,readin the morningand eveningprayerservices),the second fromthe prayerModimanahnulakh("WethankYou,forYou arethe LordourGod,"etc., the namedbecauseit is recitedin a eighteenthbenedictionof the prayer'Amida["Standing,"so standingposition]).On the talmudicprohibitionof repetition,cf. B.T., Berakhot["Blessings"] 5, 33b: "Anyonewho says 'Modim,modim' is silenced,as if he who says 'Modim,modim' 11 ?,, were to say 'Shema',shema""' ~,Y V yb, , at1N-'z (nT•, 'tr• •, " The repetitionof "keter and the holy name"is1•i pn.t-'~ for its implicationof reprehensible '~a'nTr). "'n•b two gods. 47n-m 138. n ib13?t tv I. n3 atb 5 1 7?ta,•v t Jim T•'.17=' *•.ri" ;n n n3 •n=x nx. She 'elot of o m" onw b responsum; (from beginning [nr "I3rap5 n~nmvin r11] "rn: np~?oa "i*5 n u-tshuvot,p. 176).

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

43

As a point of departureModenaappearsto distinguishbetweentwo or morestatementsin singlevoices, whichone mightcall horizontalrepeats,and one statementin each, leadingto whatone mightcall verticalrepeats(better The composersof artmusicreiteratewordshorizontally,or "simultaneities"). so Modenaseems to be saying, for the sake of rhetoricalornament("music composerswho sometimesrepeata word to embellishthe melody").Yet in his responsum,he is concernedwith the second kind of repeats,to which, it might be remarked,no one in his right mind could possibly raise any objection,unless of coursehe was basicallyinimicalto partmusic. It is now clear why, for Modena,the questionof word repeatscould not be separatedfrom the larger question regardingthe admissibilityof part music. He implies that only the kabbalistswould be concernedabout verticalrepeatsof the word keter and otherdivine appellations,becauseof their special connotationsin kabbalisticdoctrine.Pleadingignoranceof its principles("I can't say anythingabout them, for this science [Kabbalah] ... is far removedfromme ..."),139Modenaconferredwith two renowned kabbalists(JosephHamits and Moses Zaccuto).140Since they were lenient towardrepeats,Modenaconcludedthatthe kabbalistswere not of one mind in prohibitingthem. Moreover,"theydid not know and did not understand the meaningof the word keter in this context,which is none otherthan an expressionof praiseandtribute.The proofthatit is not meantto standalone is thatwe say '[a crown]will they give you,' thatis, praisethatderivesfrom one's fellows andnot [to designate]a single person'snameor quality."'41 ii in~1rf x? 139. ;ip-ninTn m•

i

?

-•1,313

wn Kn ,13

-

?C X1inn

YT Px -):5f :-1 -

.... On Modenaand Kabbalah,see HowardAdelman,"RabbiLeon ,,...4)7bXn (ibid., p. 177). Modenaand the ChristianKabbalists,"in RenaissanceRereadings:Intertextand Context,ed. MaryanneClineHorowitz,AnneJ. Cruz,andWendyA. Furman(Urbana:Universityof Illinois Press, 1988),pp. 271-286, esp. 273-276; andat length,MosheIdel,"DifferingConceptionsof Kabbalahin the EarlySeventeenthCentury,"in JewishThoughtin theSeventeenthCentury,ed. IsadoreTwerskyand BernardSeptimus(Cambridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1987), pp. 137-200. 140. The two were connected;indeed, afterturningto Kabbalah,Hamits(d. ca. 1676), Modena'serstwhilepupil, publishedalong with Zaccuto(d. 1697) an expandededition of the Zohar hadash, with glosses on the Zohar (entitledDerekh emet, 1658). On Modena's controversywithHamitsovertherelationbetweenKabbalahandphilosophy,see Idel,"Differing Conceptionsof Kabbalah," p. 155. x ,-t1M-108 r o irnr x mrxv. Tl N Dnr 141. mnr nb'lz tab 'lN 17•7sm fl V balb-n x 1 ow nav nno ixnx n 3,. ' 'elot Nx 7xl7z,n 3T-i (Sheh.... ' n'r)123,', v)1?n 1 1rt "u-t'srhvo pp. 177-178). u-tshuvot,

44

DON HARRAN

Had Modena dealt with the thirdpoint, that is, the largerquestionof whetherpartmusic is permittedin the synagogue,he would doubtlesshave reinforcedhis basic inclinationtowardits usagethere,as is clearfromat least two sources:his first responsum,publishedin 1605, then again in 1622 in connectionwith SalamoneRossi's Hebrew"Songs";andthe informationon the music academythat Modenaran from the late 1620s on--its members rehearsedpart songs for performancein the synagogueand elsewhere(see below). His basic argument,in the responsum,was thatif one singerpraised the Lord in a beautifulvoice, what could possibly be wrong with many singersdoing the samepolyphonically?'42 If he [thecantor]wereableto makehis own voice soundas if it wereten wouldit notbe good?... If singers,endowedby Godwitha singerstogether, of thescience[= artmusic]in full,wereto useit forhonoring God, knowledge wouldtheybesinnersintheirsouls?Godforbid!... No sensiblepersonorsage thepraiseof God--mayHe be blessed!-withthe everthoughtof forbidding mostpleasantvoicepossibleandwiththisscience[= artmusic]thatawakens His greaterglory.Manyrecentwritershavegoneto soulsto [acknowledge] its in greatlengths relating perfection. NathanielTrabotto,rabbiat varioustimes in MantuaandModena,wrote two responsa in connection with the same controversy.In one of them (datedNovember9, 1645),he recallshavingheard,manyyearsback,Rossi's ensemble.Its musicians,he said,neverrepeatedthe wordketer143Trabottois referring,however,to whatwe havedesignatedhorizontalrepeats.A checkof Rossi's "Songs"corroborateshis statement.The wordketer,in the Qedusha, is heard once, simultaneously,in all voices.'" So is the word adonai, in

?

a1v nflT y1'r K' ... -.*"ft ?mfl1V= 'almo

, 1= '.1 -13

', 11 trXK31-.1-1-T70D ny-f7fl 1'-K'X

I 'ID1u1nnInwnv'vzK n111'5(Modena'sfirstresponsum,on artmusic). b "01•'1nKf~0'31 1D03

In m.-nX5 Own• ,InyW 51", 143. X5 05=1 "•nD nu-n77xp-101=n-in ... aa•lun 1 .nyfol "Art On Trabotto and othermembersof i1V Music," Adler, (after 357). p. "nnK p" n1nn his family,see JosephGreen,"MishpahatTerabot["TheTrabotFamily"],Sinai 79 (1976):

147-163.

144. "Songs of Solomon,"no. 7, mm. 1-7: the word is extendedin the four voices by elaboratemelismas(themelismais a successionof threeormorenotessungto a singlesyllable). Thereare enoughnotes in the melismasto accommodatea twofoldstatementof keterin each of the voices, but Rossi specificallynotateda single one.

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

45

Elle mo'adei adonai.'45Thereis only a single instanceof the word adonai (horizontally)repeatedelsewhere,albeit with no otherintentionthanto fill in a blank in one of the voices (the quinto),accordingto the rationalethat Trabotto(afterModena)adduced,in his responsum,for (horizontal)repeats in art music (namely,that they are allowed "forthe sake of improvingthe Modena,who editedthe collection,did not revise the passage. melody").~46 it Clearly, was, for him, too minora textualinfraction,and too commona musicalprocedure,to be reprehensible. LeonModenaand SalamoneRossi For the practicalresults of Modena'sconcernwith art music, one may turn to SalamoneRossi's "Songs of Solomon,"alreadymentionedseveral times, andto the activitiesof Modena'sacademy(next section). The storyof Rossi's "Songs"--howthey started,how they developed-is still not clear.147To all appearances,Modenaplayeda majorrole in shaping them from their inceptionto their completion.He may have met Rossi in Ferrara,a stone's throw (so to speak) from Mantua,in the years he spent there as an up-and-comingyoung rabbinicscholar(1604-7); or on various occasionswhenhe visitedMantua;'48 or duringone of the composer'svisits to Veniceto supervisethe printingof variouscollections(Rossi signedthreeof 145. "Songsof Solomon,"no. 6, mm. 3-4: thereis no possibilityof a repetition,for in all voices the threesyllablesof adonaiareeach assignedto a single note. 146. Cf. "Songsof Solomon,"no. 20 (Psalm 128), mm. 54-56. In anotherexample,the wordadonai is repeatedwithinthe repeatof a longerportion:no. 24 (Psalm29), mm. 49-61 (in the tenor:"Breakdid He, the Lord,the cedarsof Lebanon;[repeat]the Lord,the cedars of Lebanon").Trabottoknew his Rossi well, for he caughtthe passage,thoughjustifiedit, as Modenawouldhavetoo, on musicalgrounds:"If,in the psalm'Havuladonaibeneielim,' they repeatone versetwice or threetimes,thereis no reasonfor alarm,forthey sing the sameverse two or threetimes for the sake of improvingthe melody,as is customaryin artmusic"(a•...,, 1 l c1 12T llpnf n am ' In ' ~mn; Trabotto's responsum, loc. cit.). •a•n scenariois mapped ,I out , in Don Harrin,"SalamoneRossi, JewishMusician possible in RenaissanceItaly,"Acta musicologica59 (1987): 46-64, esp. 61-62. For the "Songs"in Rossi's repertoireat large, see idem, SalamoneRossi, Jewish Musicianin Late Renaissance Mantua(OxfordUniversityPress,shortlyforthcoming),esp. chap.7. 148. He was in Mantua,for example,in 1620 (Sefer Yehuda,p. 68), as he was, .hayyei further,in 1623 (ibid.,pp. 78-79). "npr-olnb 147. A

46

DONHARRAN

them fromVenice).149 The composermay have paid furthervisits to Venice, as yet undocumented.While there,he could well have stayed in the house of Sara Copio, the daughter-in-lawof his HebrewpatronMoses Sullam, and herself a patronessof writers,among them Leon Modena(it was to After settlingin Venicein 1607-8, Sarathathe dedicatedhis play Ester).1so Modena,relatedto Sara'sfatheron his wife's side, becameher close friend and advisor.The idea of the Hebrewsongs may have startedfroma meeting betweenthe composerandModena,in Venice,perhaps,with or withoutSara sometimein the years 1610-12. In 1622,the yearof their as an intermediary, Rossi was, indeed,in Venice,andhe andModenamusthavehad publication, animateddiscussionson variouseditorialproblems(Modenawas entrusted, as will soon be seen, with the task of preparingthe materialsfor publication and of proofreadingthe copy). He might have even tried out some of the songs in Sara'shouse or in one of the Venetiansynagogues,which,if he did, was probablythe Italianone whereModenaofficiatedas cantor. Modenamay have been the person who originallyimplantedthe idea of composingHebrewpart songs in Rossi's head-in one of the prefatory We poems there is mentionof their having been "sown"and "planted."'51 alreadyknowof Modena'sattemptto introducepartmusicintothe synagogue at Ferraraand of his concernover the decline of musicalskills amongthe Jews in their exile. Modenaconceivedthe music of the ancientTempleas 149. Book I of madrigalsa 5, 1600;the fourthbook of instrumental works, 1622;andthe Madrigaletti,Rossi's last collection, 1628. The remainingcollections,eight in all (excluding reprints),aresignedMantua,whichis inconclusive.ItmeanseitherthatRossiwas not in Venice at the time or, if he was, thatthe dedicationwas preparedafterhis returnto Mantua. 150. L'Ester (Venice: Giacomo Sarzina, 1619), pp. 3-7, where the authorpraises his patronessforherfrankyet delightfulconversation,hersingularmanners,andhersundryvirtues andtalents,amongthemher skills in, andunderstanding of, Italianpoetry."AvendomiVostra Signoriafatto degno dell'onestae gentil sua conversazione,la qualeper le sue raremaniere, et molte vertfie scienze . .. . bramatada qual si sia pih ingegnosapersona,come quella che della poesia italianain particolarmodo si diletta,intendee vi si adopra,"etc. On Sara "Letteredi AnsaldoCeba,genovese, Copio,see variouswritingsby CarlaBoccato,particularly a Sara Copio Sullam, poetessa del Ghetto di Venezia,"La rassegna mensile di Israel 40 (1974): 169-191; and "SaraCopio Sullam,la poetessadel ghetto di Venezia:episodi della sua vita in un manoscritto del secolo XVII," Italia: studi e ricerche sulla storia, la cultura e la letteratura degli ebrei d'Italia 6 (1987): 104-218. For her musical preoccupations, see

Don Harrin,"DoublyTainted,Doubly Talented:The JewishPoet SaraCopio (d. 1641) as a Heroic Singer," in Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank A. D 'Accone, ed. Irene Aim et

al. (Stuyvesant,N.Y.:PendragonPress, 1996),pp. 367-422. hT-T .. 1TN3 151. "iY n i1o'1 1 ',, (first poem, lines 9-11). t•In't nb•

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

47

a gloriouspractice,which, with characteristicRenaissancefervor,he hoped to restoreby educatingthe Jews in the rudimentsof artmusic. "Whocould ever forget King David as an old man and the effortsthat he expended,in advance,on the orderlyteachingof a lessonin musicto all the sons of Asaph, Heman,and Yedutun,as writtenin the [first]book of Chronicles[25:6], in orderto makethemunderstandhow to producesounds,"etc.?'52The Levites thus,accordingto Modena,were well instructedin whatthey performed. Othershad fantasizedaboutthe wondersof music in the ancientTemple. Aroundthe time when the "Songs"were probablyfirstconceived,Abraham Portaleonewent on at greatlengthaboutits particulars,which he described afterthe example of sixteenth-centuryart music."'5The lure of the ancient Temple and its music was also felt by Samuel Archivolti, with whom Modenastudiedin 1581 and correspondedthereafter-Archivoltiseems to have been particularlyinfluentialin moldinghis thought.154Certainpassages in the prefatorymatterto the "Songs"appearto have been modeleddirectly on Archivolti'scommentson music, mainly in chapter27 of his 'Arugat hab-bosem(1602). Thus,in connectionwith music in the Temple,Archivolti says, as Modenawas to say a few years later: fromourcountrybecauseof oursins, Woeto us, foreversincewe wandered andduringourexile songsanddancesin the voiceof Jacobhasdiminished, Israelhaveceased.Whatgoodis it formeto longforthemif, amongus, there aboutthemusicof Zion?Whowill explain is nobodywhoknowssomething Whowillguideus in itspaths?As it is, andgreatcharms? to us itsproportions it hasbeenputto restin oursleep,andall itsmusesareforgotten. 55

nflffn mnr

trn -n ,T

0

i fniim no•n

lM qox (from Modena's foreword to

s,•5d -"...1P Rossi's collection). 153. Portaleone,Shiltei hag-gibborim["Shieldsof Heroes"](Mantua:n.p., 1612); the portionsthat deal with music may be consultedin Hebrew WritingsConcerningMusic, ed. Israel Adler, pp. 243-285. For Portaleonein a broadercontext, see Don Harran,"Cultural Fusionsin JewishMusicalThoughtof the LaterRenaissance,"in In Cantuet in Sermone:For Nino Pirrottaon His EightiethBirthday,ed. Fabriziodella SetaandFrancoPiperno(Florence: Leo S. Olschki,1989),pp. 141-154. 154. Cf. Adelman,"Successand Failure,"esp. p. 213, where Archivoltiis said to have "shape[d]Modena'sactivitiesfor the restof his life." 155. For musicalpassagesin 'Arugathab-bosem["Bedof Spices"],includingthe one in 15 1 1,, question, cf. Hebrew Writings Concerning Music, pp. 96-102, esp. 98 T? '3 12 K• (1n•, 2 n ni'n w *-n 5wnN 5vp 51 n anot 1'-m' "npr ,-m~ ,r nrx,,Sa n, ,minnn ,,tS1m x7n1x t,•

48

DONHARRAN

Archivolti himself leaned on similar statementsin the writings of his predecessors."56

The differencebetweenModenaandpreviouscommentators is thatwhere the latterbemoanedthe loss, Modenadecidedto repairit. He joined forces with the most illustriousJewish composerof his day, SalamoneRossi, to reviveJewishartmusic afterthe exampleof music in the ancientTemple.Of this music little remainedbeyond the story of its fabledpractice.The only way to emulate it, Modenarecognized,was, as a pragmaticexpedient,to learnfrom Christianartmusic. Or ratherto "relearn"fromit whatthe Jews had forgotten:the Christianshad "stolen"music fromthe Jews, as Modena the Jews in theirwanderingshad lost all notes afterImmanuelha-Romi;'57 of "their earspickedup a traceof it fromtheir memory it; eventually,though, remnant of the as the neighbors, city [Jerusalem]in these generationsat the end of time."158 Modenawas thus not in the least concernedthat Rossi, in the process of reclaiminghis patrimony,"took from his profaneworks to add to his

"',Vl n12 ); andfor Modena'sparallelcomment,the quotationin n. 9 above.

156. ProfiatDuran,Ma'aseEfod ["Workof Ephod'"] cf. Hebrew (1403), fromintroduction; WritingsConcerningMusic, pp. 126-130, esp. 128: ". .. and so it was, in all its perfection, in the Temple,with its singersand instruments; andthey achievedgreatlearningin it, ... but n n'm...,, this learningis absentfromus today" aln rtp K! 2 fln?7Vn,?fil ' amnf (,•ni•~'ri •,T f fl 2 "u1rn n2lnVn ntl ?nznnfl... nt n'.I). Immanuelha-Romi("theRoman"), fn n -t in the fourteenthcentury,wrotethat"theartof music is a wondrousscience,yet todayit has fromhis n disappearedfromourdwellings"("...12',rmnr n ~21 nwn,,), aflKmf an ,K a711~. a •a,, Shiloah,"A Passage unpublishedcommentaryon Gen.4:21;cf. Amnon by Immanuelha-Romi on the Scienceof Music,"Italia:studi e ricerchesulla storia, la culturae la letteraturadegli ebreid'Italia 10 (1993): 9-18, esp. 14. nI= 157. Fromthe beginningof his forewordto Rossi's"Songs":'llnv np~v n no•,, "x > -i1Kn nf, ("Thelip of truthshall be 'n nn 'an nan ,nnna 1•'mn•nn -',r [:?]•,'nn established forever,or to referto the poet who wrotein his notebooks[as follows]:'Whatdoes the scienceof musicsay to others?"Indeed,I was stolenout of the landof the Hebrews"[after ha-Romi'sNotebooks"],ed. Dov Gen. 40:15]'"; Mahbarot'Immanu 'el ha-Romi["Immanuel Yarden(Jerusalem:BialikInstitute,1957),p. 120 (notebook6, line 341; therethe wordingwas not "to others,"but "to the Christians[a5'i9ln 1],"which, in Modena'stime, came underthe censor'sknife). "n'-'nl n,' n

~-2 n K'Ixm ri r'ni

slw (fromforeword).

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

49

sacredones,"'59or to put it bluntly,that Rossi fashionedhis sacredworks afterhis Italianmadrigals.160 The importantthing was that the sacredtexts were composedpolyphonically,thatis, with all the skills of the ars musica, and thatthe Christianswould no longerhave any reasonto accusethe Jews of musical illiteracy("no more will bitterwords aboutthe Hebrewpeople be uttered,by the proud,in a voice of contempt;they will see thatthey [the of it")."16Afteryearsof darkness,a new light Jews] have full understanding shone in SalamoneRossi, who "restoredthe crownof music to its pristine splendor,as in the days of the Leviteson theirtribunes."162 After implantingthe idea, what exactly did Modenado to nurtureand cultivateit? He probablyadvisedthe composer,at his behest,on all matters what texts to choose, how they concerningHebrewliturgyand language:163 should be divided when they called for congregationalresponses,164 how to read them syntactically,how to vocalize the words, how to accentuate them.He followed the progressof the collection,encouragingthe composer to overcome the obstacles in the way of its completion.It was no easy task:Rossi admittedthathe "toiled"untilhe foundthe rightway to orderhis songs.'65Thecollectionformedovera numberof years:"dayby day,"Modena tells us, probablyas a synecdochefor "yearby year,"Rossi "wouldwrite into his notebookone or anotherpsalmof David;or a certainprayertext;or praises,hymns,andsongsto God.Eventuallyhe succeededin gatheringsome

. 159. nen r nvym5 1'15K in w It, (from Modena's ~-ln? rj?'1 Tpn "11nIn "tam For "tthe foreword"In to Rossi's "Songs"). cf. Lev. 10:10, Ezek. dichotomy"profane"/"sacred," and, in the Havdalaservice, "Blessed are You, O Lord, who 22:26, 44:23 (nM 51 p •'.1) v~rT''Ta-n n distinguishbetweensacredandprofane"(51Mn 161.);andforaddingfrom 1'1 ,'n n the one to the other,B.T.,Rosh Hashana9a: " T 5Y 51nn • 13T'o1o,,. 160. Thenwhatis Hebrewin his "Songs"?See DonHarrin,"SalamoneRossias a Composer of 'Hebrew'Music,"in a Festschriftfor IsraelAdler(forthcoming). , / ron n im 161. ', tr0a/ / ,-1-i tr , -,'-i l, y5", ' nxn,'5=• wr' •, / ,t•,i,•distichs p'in-, ,'•• ' n 1?n (fromModena's third poem, 12-13). "tr'2"it, fl,~ n 162. ''i'D / nrni',5 ,'-n.n-i 'vy,, wr / v .1111n 5n' nyvin / 'a't' ItD n ' D" i ' '. (ibid.,distichs5-6). 'T a15 "t•oa 163. AssumingRossi needed such help: on the relativelylow level of Hebrewlearning amongItalianJews,andModena'sprogramforreform,see Adelman,"AnotherMorenevukhim." 164. As is the case in certainprayersin the collection(nos. 1 and 16, Qaddish;3, Barekhu; 7, Qedusha). 165. Fromthe composer'sdedication(see abovefor quotation).

50

DONHARRAN

of them into a collectionandthey amountedto severalin his possession."'66 ThatRossi "gather[ed]some of them into a collection"suggeststherewere moresongs thanactuallygot printed,as the composerhimselfconfirmed(by sayingthathe made"a choice of his songs"for publication).167 Rossi hesitated:an occasional performanceof his part songs in the synagogueor privatehomes was one thing, but a printededition,exposing him to publicopinion,was quiteanother.The debateon the admissibilityof artmusic in the liturgyhadbeen going on for some time now, andRossi, by "goingpublic,"no doubtfeareda reactionaryoutcry.It is herethatModena and otherfriendssteppedin, to build up his confidence."I, too," he wrote, "fromthe time I was countedamonghis admirers,entreatedhim earnestly and pleadedwith him until meetingwith success, thanksto the Creatorof all, and he reachedthe crucialstage that I hoped he would reachwith us here:he finally agreedto fulfill his vow to printwhat he said he would."168 Modenapromisedthe composerhis supportas both a rabbinicalauthority and an expert editor.In anticipationof protest,he assembleda batteryof prefatorymaterialsof a magnitudeunknownto any otherprintedcollection of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century music.169It includeda dedicationby the composer,a forewordby Modena, three laudatorypoems; Modena's early responsumon art music togetherwith its approvalin five rabbinical declarations,and, at the end, a statementof copyright.It is my contention that Modenawas the authornot only of his own portions,but of all the rest;he probablyghostwroteRossi's preface,composedthe threepoems (as was demonstratedabove), and framedthe terms of copyright.The style is too legal and logical in its mode of disputation,too learnedin its scriptural and rabbinicalquotations,as is evident from the sources to which ample referencehas been made in the footnotes,to allow us to conceiveof anyone

nmi '" (from Modena's foreword). nr1- Jpup ~b "I-rf Dtmxr 1 sI K1 5~ i N' 167. "...'InrwnT ?n bxl (Rossi's dedication). ...,, 5n • 168. xn5?

y,,nux

in

T"Y ,,•n'1

ry

,nynim "•xi "i

-innyvi ,nn:•

ix nw?= -in-jm z -)=x t3f,,,

(from Modena's foreword). "T111V2• 169. Cf. L 'crivain face a son public en France et en Italie d la Renaissance, ed. Charles

Adelin Fioratoand Jean-ClaudeMargolin(Paris:Vrin, 1989), especiallypart 1, devotedto and whatis now commonlycalledthe "paratext," viz., the prefaces,dedications,introductions, postscriptsby meansof whichauthorstriedto influencereadersandcontroltheirresponses.

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

51

else but the polymathModenaas the most likely author.170Or so it would seem, given Modena'sclose connectionwith Rossi's collectionin its genesis andmaturation. To assuageRossi's fearsof editorialand orthographicblunders,Modena also took on the job of readyingthe worksfor publicationand proofreading them. Only a personwith a solid backgroundin music wouldhave daredto was decidingon, offer his services. The majorproblemin theirpreparation for the the then implementing, procedure underlaying Hebrewtext--no easy matter,forHebrewis readfromrightto left. Shouldthe musicbe printedfrom right to left to accommodateit to the Hebrew?Or shouldthe normalorder of Hebrewbe reversedto accommodateit to the music?Afterreviewingthe options, Rossi decided that "it was betterfor the readersto pronouncethe lettersbackwardsand readthe wordsof the song, which are well knownto all, in the oppositedirectionthanto reversethe orderof the [musical]symbols from the way they are customarilynotatedand have the singersmove their eyes from right [to left], as we Jews are used to write, lest they lose their minds.""'Rossi thus hit on a compromisesolution:insteadof havingsingle syllablesprintedin reversedorder,he did as muchwith whole words,leaving it to the singersto breakthem into syllables(to use the last five wordsas an example,they wouldhave beenarrangedas "syllablesintothembreakto,"or printingand readingthem fromthe rightas in Hebrew,"selballysotni meht kaerbot"). 170. Cf LorenzoBianconi,"Il Cinquecentoe il Seicento,"in Letteraturaitaliana,7 vols. in 10, ed. Alberto Asor Rosa (Turin:Einaudi, 1986), 6:319-363, esp. 320, on composers and printerswho commissionedmen of letters to write or revise their dedications.In his Modenaprovidesa list of twenty-oneHebrewworks,amongthem Salamone autobiography, Rossi's "Songsof Solomon,"to which he added"poemsandprefaces"("ninpnl o•n'V,",; note the pluralform of both);cf. Sefer hayyei Yehuda,pp. 75-76. On guides to Hebrewwriting, includingModena'sunfinishedprojectentitled"Guideto the Perplexedin Writingin Our SacredTongue"(Morenevukhimbi-kh'tivabi-1'honenuhaq-qaddosh),see Adelman,"Another Morenevukhim," esp. pp. 104-106. no "1nnnTv?nX.13 110 171. 'I"nln nl*nrinn? IX-virn"1n14m nmnn CN,.11n2 n• nxn nwr'•, ",nyi.p n (the word lintot was printedwith a doublestroketo show its affinityto nota or notare;fromModena'sforeword).ThatRossi, andnot Modena,decidedon the typographical procedurefor aligningmusic and text may be assumedfromthe expression"it appearedto the mehabber" In poem 3 (distich 18) and the statementof copyright, ("•innn T' nx,,). refersdistinctlyto the composer(see also the next quotation, mehabber("author/composer") whereModenaspeaksof Rossi's hibburor "composition," as well as the quotationin n. 175).

52

DONHARRAN

Getting an exact coordinationof text and music complicated,for one thing, the preparationof the manuscript;for another,the work of the typesetter-never having printedpart music with Hebrew texts, he was boundto mademistakes;and, for a third,the task of proofreadingthe copy. ModenacompliedwithRossi'srequest"tobe on his guardagainstanymishap thatmight come to the composition,to prepareand orderit for printingand to proofreadthe copy, keeping his eyes open for typographicalerrorsand Even as seasonedan editoras Modena,with all his musical inaccuracies."'72 andphilologicalintelligence,couldnot be expectedto treatthe worklightly. Let it be knownto all, he declared,that"it is no easy task, for therewas no For beginninglike this beforeor earlier,hencemistakesbecomeas gains."'73 a collectionof over 3,500 measuresthe resultsareincrediblyaccurate.As far as the text underlayis concerned-and that is the most difficultparameter in editingand proofreadingthe work-there are, in all, eleven examplesof dislocatedwords(andonly a handfulof omittedones).174 ThroughRossi's "Songs"Modenahoped for a renascenceof art music amongthe Jews. To this end, they were to serve as a didacticmodel. "You will teach them to your children,"he writes, "for them to understandthe science of music, with the knowledgeableman teachingthe student,as was said of the Levites. Indeed,I am certainthat as soon as this composition is published,those who study music will increasein Israel,singing to the magnificenceof our God by using the 'Songs' andotherslike them."'75

Y'' 172. ~7

r j1 111 'm 11.*1fl nvml 1nrr K• •nv

n' (Modena's foreword). "rDnn1 nlcUMIn M1

iiri rin ? y,

n it, n

r7- j? "n

fly)X ,nlt1,

n ?13 Dn aq*'9yotn X?') MenX'qn ?y 173. tS1DY3 nnxvnl7,9Y x4 $• •,9n1m =,3qx' [Inox]D,,Xran, ~i j n nIV I02a ",'nT ai Yn Tn i nno (ibid.). 174. On the accuracyof word-tonecorrespondences in Rossi's treatmentof the texts, as distinctfrom accuracyin mattersof orthographyor typography,see Don Harran,"Salamone Rossi as a Composerof 'Hebrew'Music."Fora full discussionof textualandmusicalerrors,in boththe compositionandthe recension,see the introduction to volume 13 in SalamoneRossi, CompleteWorks,ed. Don Harrin,CorpusMensurabilisMusicae100 (13 vols. in 5), vols. 1-12 (Neuhausen:Hinssler-Verlag,1995),vol. 13 (forthcoming). 175. tiMr,nn'MM0.1 nxo inx tnmn•, TI 1'9*, "lnxnTqnn t I,=• Iqnrn• T n tjrn nnnnn ' ' y nni tq=K (from 1 K rr' 1? l Modena's "MonXTi•'1•'n il-nt " l2tn fn y .W, 1$1n f- 11Kininn foreword).On didacticmodels in Renaissanceliterature,see JohnDavid Lyons,Exemplum: TheRhetoricof Examplein EarlyModernFrance and Italy (Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press, 1989).

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

53

A MusicAcademyin the VenetianGhetto Till now, we have met Modenain variousmusicalcapacities:as a cantor, intoningprayermelodies or cantillatingScripturesor chantinghymns,as a singer of partsongs, as a writeron art music and its conventions,and as a music editor.An even more active role in music makingmay be assumed fromtwo documentsthatidentifyhim as the directorof a "musicacademy." The first is by a formerstudent,SamuelNahmias,or, after convertingto Christianity,Giulio Morosini,176in a book from 1683; the second is by Modena,in a letterfrom 1639.177 Morosinitells us that around1628, a "musicacademy"(accademiadi musica)was foundedin the Venetianghetto,andthatModena,his "teacher" The reason for (maestro),served as its "director"(maestrodi cappella).178 its foundation,we learn, was the influx of musiciansfrom Mantua.They were fleeing the Imperialarmies, which, in the War of Succession that followed the death of Vincenzo II Gonzaga,the last of his line, invaded and ransackedthe city, especiallyits ghetto.The musiciansincludedsingers and instrumentalists,and to all appearancesit was they, and not Modena, who founded the academy,or pressed for its founding,as an outlet for

176. Morosiniwas Modena'sstudentbefore 1628 (the datethat,in the'presentdocument, may be takenas a terminusad quem);he apostatizedin 1649. On Modenaas his teacher,see David Simonsen,"GiulioMorosinisMitteilungentiberseinen LehrerLeon da Modenaund seine jiudischenZeitgenossen,"in Festschriftzum siebzigstenGeburtstageA. Berliner', ed. Aron Freimannand Meier Hildesheimer(Frankfurt: Kaufmann,1903), pp. 337-344; and for his anti-Jewishstance,BenjaminRavid,"ContraJudaeos in Seventeenth-Century Italy:Two Responsesto the Discorso of SimoneLuzzattoby MelchiorePalontrottiandGiulioMorosini," AJSReview7-8 (1983): 301-351, esp. 328-351. 177. Morosini,Viadellafede (see above);Modena,a letterpreserved,in draft,in London, BritishLibrary,MS Or. 5395, fol. 23. The two documentshave variouslybeen discussedby Cecil Roth, "L'accademiamusicale del ghetto veneziano,"La rassegna mensiledi Israel 3 (1927-28): 152-162; Eric Werner,"Manuscriptsof Jewish Music in the EduardBirnbaum Collection,"HebrewUnionCollegeAnnual18 (1944):397-428; IsraelAdler,"ArtMusicin the ItalianGhetto,"esp. pp. 344-349; andmostrecently,HowardAdelman,"SuccessandFailure," pp. 635-636, 692-693, 771. 178. ". .. in Venetiadel 1628 in circa ... si formo... nel Ghetto... un'Accademiadi musica... e '1 mio maestroRabbiLeon da Modenaera maestrodi cappella"(Viadellafede, p. 793).

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DONHARRAN

their talents.'79Over the course of the next two years, the academy,which included,beyondMorosini,"someof the ghetto'smain and affluentfigures, who supportedit," met fairlyregularlytwo eveningsa week,'8"performing, assumedly,part music for voices and instruments.In 1628, it might be remembered,SalamoneRossi was in Venice,supervisingthe publicationof his Madrigaletti.Yet it is doubtfulthathe stayedon, for if he had, Modena wouldprobablyhave deferredto him as morequalifiedto leadthe musicians. One event that Morosinidescribeswith particularrelish took place in the SpanishSynagogueon the last day of the Feastof Tabernacles,Shemini 'Atseret("TheEighthDay of Convocation"),andthe followingday, Simhat Torah("Rejoicingin theLaw").Thesingersperformedmusicto Hebrewtexts, amongthem psalms, for two chorusesin "figuredstyle,"i.e., polyphony,as partof the prayerservicesand,beyondthem,as an extensionof the festivities is Morosini'sreference, (on the secondday)well intothe night.'•'Remarkable if it can be sustainedas trustworthy, to the use of instruments,towardwhich, we know from Modena'sresponsum,the rabbishad, from earliest times, been unfavorable."Theexplanationfor theirprohibition,"Modenatells us, "lies in the destructionof the Temple and the dispersionof our people: how can we rejoice while our Holy Sanctuarylies fallow and we are in Even more remarkableis Morosini'sreferenceto an organ, dispersion?"'82 whichwas broughtin especiallyfor the occasion,butwhich,too, was banned by rabbinicalinjunction,the more so "since the instrument,"accordingto Morosini,"is regularlyplayedin ourchurches."'83 179. "... quandoda Mantovaper causa della guerrafuggiti gli Ebrei,se ne venneroin Venetia.E coll'occasioneche fiorivala citti di Mantovain molti sortidi studii,anchegli Ebrei havevanoapplicatoalla musicae agl'istromenti" (ibid.). 180. ". . . nella quale si cantava due volte per settimana di sera e vi si congregavano

solamentealcuniprincipalie ricchi di quel Ghettoche la sostentavano,tra i qualiio puremi trovavo"(ibid.). 181. ".. . feceronella Scuola Spagnuola... faredue cori ad usanzanostraper li musici, e le due sere cioe nell'ottavadella festaSceminiNghatzerete Allegrezzadella Legge, si canto in musicafiguratain linguaebraicapartedellaNgharbith[= 'arvit,eveningservice]e diversi Salmi,e la Mincha[= afternoonservice],cioe il Vesperodell'ultimogiornocon musicasolenne, che duroalcunehoredellanotte... " (ibid.). n nn '9I3=DX3 ,?ny -Inn?',1"rr,, 182. 13X1 'X 3-tT-12 nail w1 =0 nnw?t• , r1•,' '3b, ,' ,' xI, -1,1 ,,rla'1 (Modena, responsum on art music, originally 1605).

183. "Tragl'istromentifu portatoin Sinagogaanchel'Organo,il qualperononfu permesso daiRabbini,che si sonasseperessereinstromentocheperordinariosi suonanellenostrechiese" (Viadellafede, p. 793). On rabbinicalattitudesto the use of the organin the synagogue,see Meir Benayahu,"Da'athakhmeiItalya 'al han-neginabe-'ugavbi-t'filla"("TheOpinionsof

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

55

Modenamay, nevertheless,have provideda loophole,in his responsum, andjustifying,theuse of instruments, forunderstanding, at leastin the case of SimhatTorah.Wouldanybodyin his rightmind,he asks,thinkof prohibiting voices and instrumentsto celebratea wedding?Wherethereis rejoicing,as for a brideandgroom"andsimilarexamples,""eveninstrumental musicand which are the two most over restricted divisions [of wine, singing severely Thejoyous festival of SimhatTorahis music practice],. . . are allowed."'84 traditionallyconceived as the meetingof two bridegrooms,one completing the annualcycle of readingsfrom the Pentateuch,or the Groomof Torah (hatan tora), the othercommencinga new cycle, or the Groomof Genesis (hatanbereshit).Yet Modenagoes further,sayingthatif rejoicingis allowed at weddings,then why not on special Sabbathsand feast days, as well as on regularSabbathsand festivals?'8 I do not see thatanyonewho has a brainin his skullwouldcastdoubton on specialSabbaths andfeastdays. praisingGodwithmusicin thesynagogue It will be calleda piousact,justas rejoicingfora bridegroom andbride,for everyholy Sabbathis, forus, a bride,andwe areobligedto adornherand it is moreover, rejoiceoverherwithall kindsof rejoicing.Of thefestivals,186 said:"[Rejoice] on thedayof yourhappiness andin yourfestivalseasons."'87 It could well be that instrumentswere used in the synagoguesin early Venice,if not on a regularbasis,thenat leaston the more seventeenth-century festive occasions of the liturgicalcalendar,and this in contraventionof the conventionalwisdom abouttheirprohibition;and if not in prayerservices, then for otherjoyous events markedin the synagogueor privatehomes or schools(weddings,circumcisions,the completionof a tractateof the Talmud, the inaugurationof a Torahscroll).Saidotherwise,manyof the sacredworks ItalianSageson OrganPlayingin PrayerServices"),Asufot,sefershanale-mada'eihay-yahadut ["Collections,Yearbookfor JewishStudies"]1 (1987):265-318. * D 184. xKn'T XK-inT ,X-M "-il "inn-'T "IY3Hyi r• nl7 i 117n"•12-?T ntn, -Im , -,'T ,in•, xyrni m 7nn -no (fromresponsum). nrann 7-no rnzi -n"rnn )=ani n7*nn -nrmn 7,,n nnnonni un rriny nit17* Irv ) 185. ninnon[non n po ?-,nv-'. ,I:, -z,nn'• n'•p'p ,p na• m. "'0mv911u innbW m nrnirn "n T '1, annrnIlv(Modena,responsum). 7n' rvnjvil [.]'mnno 186. Among them the Feast of Tabernacles,concludingwith the two feast days just mentioned(Shemini'Atseret,SimhatTorah). 187. Num. 10:10.

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DONHARRAN

of SalamoneRossi, printedwithout a continuopart, could, undervarious circumstances,have been providedwith an instrumentalcomplement.As much may be assumedfor whateverothersacredworksin polyphonywere Italiansynagogue.Of theseworks performedin the earlyseventeenth-century we knownothing,with one exception,MS Mus. 101 of the EduardBirnbaum collectionin the libraryof HebrewUnion College, Cincinnati. MS Mus. 101 awakensparticularinterestbecauseit has, in the secondary literature,been associatedwith Modenaand the activitiesof his academy."18 It containsthe single part,or canto secondo, of what appearsto have been eight-voice settings, i.e., for double chorus, of twenty-oneHebrew texts, some of themprayers,others The composeris not named,noris the piyyu.tim. dated. Salamone Rossi manuscript may be ruledout, for the writingis more more than punctuated, declamatory, thatin his "Songsof Solomon."Still,the manuscriptbelongsto the samegeneralstyle period,thoughwhethersix, ten, or more years laterthanRossi's collectionremainsto be determined.(I say "later"and not "earlier,"because the manuscriptemploys the methodfirst elaboratedby Rossi, as we know, for aligningthe Hebrewwith the notes.) Beyond Rossi, no other Jewish composersof Hebrew music are known from his time (Davide da Civita and Allegro Porto,of whom we have few biographicaldetails,left secularItalianworksonly).'"8 It was naturalto ask whether Modena himself might have been the composer.Eric Wernerbelieved he was, citing the coincidencebetweenthe contentsof the collection and Morosini'sdescriptionof the celebration,by membersof Modena'sacademy,on the last days of the Feastof Tabernacles. The works in the manuscriptare for two choruses,they include several examples for SimhatTorah,and their texts are quitejubilant.Israel Adler

188. Themanuscripthas beendiscussedby Wernerin "Manuscripts of JewishMusic"and, most recently,by Adler in his inventoryof HebrewNotatedManuscriptSourcesup to circa 1840 (RISMB IX'; 2 vols., Munich:G. HenleVerlag,1989), 1:394-401. 189. As skimpyas it is, the standardsourcefor Civitais still EduardBirnbaum,Jiidische Musikeram Hofe von Mantuavon 1542-1628 (1893), in rev. Ital.trans.by VittoreColornias "Musiciebreialla cortedi Mantovadal 1542 al 1628,"Civiltdmantovana2 (1967): 185-216, esp. 192. On Porto,see variouslyin Don Harrin,"AllegroPorto,an EarlyJewishComposeron the Vergeof Christianity," Italia: studi e ricerchesulla storia, la culturae la letteraturadegli ebreid'Italia 10 (1993): 19-57. Both composershavetenuousVenetianconnections.

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

57

took a different stand: he rejectedthe attributionto Modena as "unwarranted,"seeminglybecause we have no evidence of his having engagedin composition.190

Thedebateshouldbe reopened.Thereis muchto be saidforthecorrelation of the worksin the manuscriptwiththe informationin Morosini'sdescription. As to whetherModenacomposedthem,thereis no compellingreasonwhy he couldnot have.His musicalabilityis well known,bothas a singerof cantorial chant and part music and as the editor of Rossi's "Songs."Only a person familiarwith the art of compositioncould have taken on and responsibly performedthe taskof preparingthe "Songs"for publicationandweedingout errorsin the printedtext. Moreover,his poetryhints thathe not only wrote his poems,but also may have inventedtheirmelodies. One last pointmightbe considered:Modenawas maestrodi cappella,or music director,of his academy.Unless the termwas an empty appellation, it usually meant, as may be substantiatedby abundantexamplesfrom the history of music, a person skilled in leading a musical ensemble and in writingmusic: thus Modenaas conductorand composer.Modena'stalents were adequatefor fabricatingthe rathersimple,if not sometimessimplistic, music fragmentarilypreservedin the Birnbaummanuscript.Certainly,the madrigalandmotetliteratureof theperiodburgeonswithworksby composers of second-andthird-ratecapacities.I amnot sayingthatModenadidcompose the works,but unless otherinformationcan be assembledto disprovesuch a contention,thereis no reasonto disqualifyhim out of hand. "The science of music," of which Modena spoke in his responsum, meant,practically,the compositionof songs andtheirperformance.As such, the notionran throughItalianliterature,beginningwith Immanuelha-Romi (before 1335)191 and continuingwith Moses Rieti (1412). Immanuelwrites that the science of music is of two kinds, practicaland theoretical,and under practicalhe ranges "the inventionof various types of melody that are perceivedthroughthe musicalinstruments,naturalor artificial,adopted for them. . . . The masterof the practicalscience of music will notatethe 190. Cf.HebrewNotatedManuscriptSources,p. 133.Thereasonforrejectingtheattribution is not given, but may be assumedfromAdler's"ArtMusicin the ItalianGhetto,"p. 347 ("we have foundnothingto suggestthathe had ever attemptedmusicalcomposition"). 191. Immanuel(to whom Modenareferredin his forewordto Rossi's "Songs")reliedon Ibn Falaquera,Reshithokhma["Beginningof Wisdom"](1240), pt. 2, chap. 5 (par.5), itself basedon Arabicsources(in particular, Al-Farabi).See, for IbnFalaquera'sexposition,Hebrew WritingsConcerningMusic, ed. IsraelAdler,pp. 66-68.

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rhythmsandmelodiesand theircombinationsto be performedon the [vocal and manual]instrumentsthat are customarilyused for theirproduction.""92 Rieti summarizesthe passagein a poetic paraphrase.193 Like Immanueland Rieti, Modenawas well schooledin the rudimentsof hokhmathan-niggun. If Modenawere a composer,he could also have been responsiblefor whatevermusicalinterludeswere addedto his plays. Two plays are known: Rachele Giacobbe(1603), no longerextant,andEster(1619). Modenacalls andthe seconda "tragedy."194 Thepastoralwouldclearly the firsta "pastoral" have containedintermedi,in conformanceto tradition(the most important pastoralof the late sixteenthcenturywas Guarini'smusicallyloadedPastor fido).195It is less certainwhetherthe tragedycontainedthem. Since, in its it was connectedwithPurim,andthe subjectmatteranddateof dedication,196 Jewishtraditionwas to celebratethe holidaywith song anddance,it probably did. The first Hebrewplay, Leone de' Sommi's Comedyof Betrothal(from the 1550s), was performedat Purim,and there are indicationsthat it, too, had intermedi,as was the customin otherPurimentertainments.197 Parallel to the Jewishtheaterin Mantua,with whichLeonede' SommiandSalamone Rossi were associated,198therewas one in the Venetianghetto,though,like 192. ImYno tri

-it -) "

Pstrwriin ,r~i

?m nnirr1 *rrm -iwx tr'5n triv -ryn wr•ll•Mvr "A

Kn, wn,• i

n-m-ltrw nvywj 7113-.1 nnl n, " wn, m ?Yn

nvyn l

pr

.iwr rnnn ....nnx•nn (afterShiloah, Passageby Immanuelha-Romion the Science of Music," pp. "-n nftnlp 15-16). 193. Quotedin Hebrew WritingsConcerningMusic, pp. 284-285. For full edition, see Rieti,Miqdashme'at ["TheLesserTemple"],ed. JacobGoldenthal,in II Dante ebreo,ossia il picciol santuario. . . dal RabbiMose, medicodi Rieti ... per la prima volta ... pubblicato (Vienna:P. Zollinger,1851). 194. Seferhayyei Yehuda,pp. 77-78. 195. Cf. Achille Neri, "Gli intermezzidel PastorFido,"Giornalestoricodella letteratura italiana 11 (1888): 405-415; and ArnoldHartmannJr.,"BattistaGuariniand II PastorFido," MusicalQuarterly39 (1953):415-425. 196. To SaraCopioon Purim,February28, 1619. 197. For Sommi's play, see Ham-mahazeha-'ivri ha-rishon... ["The First Hebrew Play: 'The Comedyof Betrothal'by JudahSommo"],ed. YefimSchirmann(Jerusalem:Sifrei Tarshish,2nd ed. 1965),esp. pp. 98-104 (formusicalindications).On otherplaysperformedat bi-sh'khunothay-yehudimbe-'Italya"(as Purim,cf. Schirmann,"Hat-te'atron we-ham-musiqa above). 198. For a combinedstudyof the two, cf. Don Harran,"JewishDramatistsandMusicians in the Renaissance:SeparateActivities, CommonAspirations,"in "Musicologiahumana": Studiesin Honor of Warrenand UrsulaKirkendale,ed. SiegfriedGmeinwieser,David Hiley, and J6rgRiedlbauer(Florence:Leo S. OlschkiEditore,1994), pp. 291-304, and, further,in

OFRABBILEONMODENA MUSICIN THELIFEANDTHOUGHT

59

Modena's part music, it awakenedvoices of protestin religious circles.199 connectionswith the Venetiantheaterremainobscure;we do know,however, thatin 1604, his brother-in-lawMoses Simhaactedin it (see above). The lateryears of the academywere less halcyonthanits beginnings.Its activities,Morosiniobserves,were as ephemeralas a "flashin the pan."200 Modena provides us with fuller, though still incompleteinformationin a letterfrom 1639.201It was writtenin responseto an appealby a youngJewish choraldirector,who had formedan ensembleand hopedto collaboratewith Modena'sgroup.We learnthatat the outsetthe academyconsistedof several worthy singers and instrumentalists,yet the plague that struckVenice in 1630 causedthe deathof "thebest members";as a result,over the following Until Modena'sletter,then, years, meetingswere held only sporadically.202 the academyhad been operatingfor eleven years,with its heydayin the late 1620s. The name of the academy,Modenareveals, was the Accademiadegli Impediti,i.e., "of the impeded,""in allusionto the unfortunatestate of our captivitythat 'impeded'the completionof any valorousaction."203In line with its name, the academyhad as its motto the phraseDum recordaremur Sion ("whilewe rememberedZion")fromPsalm 137, verse 1. In verse 4 the psalmistasks how it is possible to "sing the song of the Lord in a foreign Leonede' Sommiand thePerfomingArts,ed. AhuvaBelkin(Tel-AvivUniversityPress,1997), pp. 27-47. 199. RabbiSamuelAboab(1610-94) was adamantin his oppositionto theatricalspectacles, writinga responsumlaterpublished,alongwithothers,in hisDevarShemuel["Samuel'sWord"] (Venice:Vendramin,1701-2), fols. lv-2. 200. "Tuttoquestofu un fuoco di paglia,dur6poco l'Accademia"(Viadellafede, p. 793). 201. See above (n. 177) for sourcereference. 202. "Hebbeunavolta il nostroCongressomusicalenomegiustamented'accademiaperche v'erano alcuni non indegni d'esser connumeratitra musici e di voci e di mano. . . . Ma aggiuntasilo sciagurache l'annodella peste perdemmoi migliorisuggettiche v'erano,nostra compagniarimase si sola . . . alloraper communiimpedimentirade volte siamo insieme e vien esercitata."On the plague of 1630, see CarlaBoccato,"Testimonianze imperfettamente ebraichesullapestedel 1630a Venezia,"La rassegnamensiledi Israel41 (1975):458-467; and in a broadercontext,CarloCipolla,FightingthePlague in Seventeenth-Century Italy(Madison: Universityof WisconsinPress, 1981). Yet "theshow"went on; for theatricalactivityin 1630, see Boccato, "'L'Amorpossente,favola pastoraledi BenedettoLuzzattohebreoda Venezia,' compostadurantela peste del 1630,"La rassegnamensiledi Israel43 (1977):36-47. 203. ". .. et il nome era degli impeditituttoper alluderall'infelice stato della captivita nostrache n'impedisceogni attovirtuosola compitezza"(Modena'sletter).

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land"--we have alreadyencounteredthe motif in Modena'sdescriptionof the Jews' "foreigndwellings and restless runnings"and in his reporton Moses Coimbran'srantingwords about partmusic; the questionraised in verse 4 hung heavily on his conscience.The membersof the academywere "impeded"from"singingthe Lord'ssong"in "foreign"Veniceby the tragic eventsthatbeset theirexistence.In lateryears,Modenaadmits,therewas no point in retainingthe name "academy":an academywas meantto convene regularly;so the group became a mere compagnia,or "society."204Thus Modenasigns his letter"TheSociety of Musiciansof the Ghettoof Venice" ("LaCompagniadei Musici del Ghettodi Venezia"). In answeringthe letter of his youthfulcorrespondent,Modenaimplies thatvariouscomposershad once been associatedwith the academy,but alas, the "fertileplant of composers"(includingModena?)had since withered. Modenaregretted,therefore,thatno musicalworks could be offeredto the fledglingensemble.Still, he wrote,he wouldbe gratefulwere the new group to providethe fruitsof its own effortsfor the benefitof his "compagnia."205 ". .. while we remembered Zion": Modena held high hopes for a revival

of art music in the form that he believed had existed in the Temple.He made effortsin this directionin the first decadeof the seventeenthcentury. Modena'scollaborationwith Rossi, which resultedin the latter's"Songs," markeda high pointin the realizationof his goal. Withthe academyModena But the academywas short-lived,as pursuedhis aspirationseven further.206 was the dreamof resuscitatingart music afterbiblicalprecedent,repressed by the harshrealitiesof Jewishlife "ina foreignland";whatremainedof the ancientglorieswas morethe yearningfor themthantheirrecuperation. Only withthe Emancipationin the latterpartof the eighteenthcenturycoulda new Jewishmusicalpracticebegin, thoughone still exercisedin exile fromZion. What Modenais trying to tell us in his writingson music, and in his strivingto inculcate a taste among Jews for its learnedcompositionand 204. ". .. riservando il nome infatti, poiche non piixaccademia" (ibid.). 205. "... godremocosi volentieril'effetto della sua cortesiase ne far-apartede' frutti maturiche sarannoprodottinella nova loro Academiache ne significa,poichedi qua non gli (ibid.). potemoofferiraltrotantonon havendopiantafertiledi Compositori" 206. For the politicalidealizationof biblicalIsrael,see Saul B. Robinsohn,Hinukhbein li-f'tihut["EducationbetweenContinuityand Openness"](Jerusalem:School hemshekhiyyut of Education,HebrewUniversity,1975), esp. pp. 13-69 ("TheBiblical HebrewState as an Exampleof Ideal Governmentin the Writingsof PoliticalThinkersin the Seventeenthand EighteenthCenturies"[in Hebrew]).

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practicein sacredmusic, is that throughmusiqa,or art music, we arriveat a knowledgeof higherthings concerningGod's ways and intentions.These "higherthings"are,to summarizehis vocabulary,order,relation,proportion, beauty ("sweetness"),understanding,and wisdom (hokhma,as in hokhmat han-niggun,"the science of music"),for which we renderthanksunto God in hymns of praise. The more artfulthe compositionand the morejoyful its performance,the more suitablethe music becomesto divineworship.In time, God will rewardthe singerswith "Hismercy,"andtherewill be "songs in the house of the Lordandin the whole congregationwith greatergladness and exultationfor all His goodness."207 Musiqa served Modenaas a metaphorin his searchfor "harmony,"or the reconciliationof God with His people; for the redemptionof the Jews; and for a new era of peace and prosperity.It servedhim as a metaphorfor the "Songs of Zion,"which the Jews sadly rememberedin theirdispersion, and, in expectationof theirreturn,ferventlytriedto restorethroughvarious attempts,includingRossi's in Mantua,and Modena'sin Ferraraand Venice, to introducepartmusic into the synagogue. It is no wonder,then,thatthe "Songsof Solomon,"probablyat theurging of Modena,have as theirfirstandmiddlenumbers(1, 16) the (full) Qaddish, which concludeswith the verses: "Maytherebe much peace from heaven and a good life for us and for all Israel;and say amen.May He who makes peace on His heightsmakepeace, in His mercy,for us and for all Israel;and with peace say amen."We shareModena'shope for a world of "harmony," andprosperityunto Israel,amen! HebrewUniversity of Jerusalem Israel Jerusalem,

207. Modena,fromthe forewordto Rossi's"Songs."

Abraham Miguel Cardoso's Messianism: A Reappraisal Author(s): Bruce Rosenstock Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 63-104 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486734 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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ABRAHAMMIGUELCARDOSO'SMESSIANISM: A REAPPRAISAL by BRUCEROSENSTOCK Introduction

AbrahamMiguel Cardosowas bornto a crypto-Jewishfamily living in Rio Seco, Spain,in the year 1626. He left Spainwith with his olderbrother Isaac in 1648.1AbrahamCardosohas usually been discussed within the largercontext of the Sabbatianmovement,which he served as one of its Until his deathin 1706, Cardosofoundhimself almost majortheoreticians.2 constantlyunderattackby the rabbinicalauthoritiesin the cities where he 1. Yerushalmi1971 offersa full-lengthstudyof IsaacCardoso,who brokewith his brother over the questionof SabbataiZebi'sstatusas Messiah. 2. By Cardoso'sown testimonyin a work dated to around1700, he had writtensixty "Treatises"(drushim),"scatteredthroughoutall of the Diaspora"(Scholem 1974, p. 295). Scholem 1933, pp. 324-328, countedforty-sixdrushim(includingseveral"letters")extantin manuscriptform. Molho and Amarilio 1960 publishedseveraltexts, includingan important letter,froma manuscriptnot knownto Scholemin 1933. In this articleI will autobiographical use the followingconventionsfor referringto the texts of Cardoso: 'al ha-Hamarahbe-Saloniki,a sectionso titledby Scholemin his partialpublicationof MS Adler2432 of the JTS;paginationrefersto thereprintedversionin Scholem1974,pp. 278-296. 'al Ziufha-'emunah,a sectionso titledby Scholemin his partialpublicationof MS Adler 1653 of the JTS;paginationrefersto the reprintedversionin Scholem1974, pp. 296-297. 'aniMekhuneh,publishedin Bernheimer1927,pp. 112-127. 'iggeretDalet, publishedin MolhoandAmarilio1960,pp. 202-235. 'iggeretGimmel,publishedin MolhoandAmarilio1960,pp. 192-202. 'iggeretle-Dayyaney'izmir,paginationaccordingto the reprintededitionin Scholem1974, pp. 298-335. 'iggeretle-YizhaqQardoso,publishedin Sasportas1954,pp. 287-297. Maggen 'Abraham,publishedin Scholem1937,pp. 127-155.

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triedto settlewith his family,althoughhe sometimesfoundlocal non-Jewish authoritieswho would offer him protection.He servedfor some time as the personalphysicianto the bey of Tripoliand laterto the local potentatein Tunis. In the last decades of his life, after the death of SabbataiZebi, he engagedin bitterdebateswith otherleadingSabbatiansaboutthe divinityof the Messiah.Cardosorejectedwholeheartedlywhathe saw as theiradoption of a Christianmessialogy.3 GershomScholem's analysis of Cardoso'stheology as Gnostic has remainedfundamentallyunchallenged.Scholemsaw in Cardoso'sthinkingthe crystallizationof what he believed was the latent antinomianGnosticism within Kabbalahand especiallywithin the later strataof the Zohar,and he pointedto Cardoso'slikely acquaintancewith Gnosticideas,filteredthrough the ChurchFathers(read duringtheologicalstudies in Spain),as the most significantfactorin precipitatingthis crystallization(see expeciallyScholem 1980,pp. 333-334; Scholem1971a,pp. 65-74; Scholem1971c,pp. 104-107). It is time to open up the case of AbrahamMiguel Cardosoonce again. Withinthe lastdecadeanda half,MosheIdel,RobertBonfil,DavidRuderman, Yosef Kaplan,RichardPopkin, and other scholarshave made significant contributionsto the studyof the socialandintellectuallife of EuropeanJewry in the earlymodemperiod,often with specialattentionto the role of former crypto-Jews,amongwhom the Cardosobrothers,Abrahamand Isaac,figure prominently.The study of the Kabbalah,the primarysource for Abraham QodeshYisra'el, publishedin Scholem1960, pp. 253-270. Zeh 'elive-'anvehu,withpaginationaccordingto theeditionin Scholem1974,pp. 332-369. of Cardoso'stextsin thisarticlearemy own;I havechosento offerextensive (All translations quotationsbecauseCardoso'swritingsareso littleknown,andwhathas beenpublishedis often difficultto access.) AbrahamCardosohas been the subjectof treatmentsby Graetz(1897, p. 4), Bernheimer (1927), Scholem(1980, pp. 324-334), andLiebes 1995b.Scholem1974 containsa convenient withintroductions and collectionof previouslypublishededitionsof threeCardosomanuscripts, notes. Therearenumerousreferencesto Cardosoanda lengthydescriptionof Cardoso'sdrush entitledMaggen 'Abrahamin Scholem 1973, s.v. "Cardoso,AbrahamMiguel"in the index, and esp. pp. 814-820, and furtherdiscussionscan be foundin Scholem 1971a and Scholem 1971c. Thereis a biographicalentryin Scholem1978, pp. 396-400. Othershorttreatmentsof Cardosoare foundin Yerushalmi1971, chap.7; Kaplan1989a,pp. 210-219; Carlebach1990, pp. 98-104; Liebes 1993b,pp. 104-105; and Liebes 1995c. Cardoso'sacademicbackground and theologyaretreatedin Yosha1988. 3. Thisis the majorargumentadvancedin the sectionof Cardoso'sDrushKinuimpublished in Scholem1980, see esp. p. 345.

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Cardoso'stheological speculations,has also been enrichedin recentyears, especiallyby the workof MosheIdelandElliotWolfson.Thenew scholarship of Cardosowithinthe contextof the historicaland permitsa reinterpretation intellectualcurrentsof the day,reachingfarbeyondthe Sabbatianmovement. To view Cardosoas only a Sabbatiantheologiansuggeststhat his thinking had little or nothing to do with the broadertheologicaland philosophical debateswhich lay at the centerof early modem intellectuallife, and this, I argue, is not the case. We also need to reevaluateScholem'sposition that Cardosowas broughtto his theologicalviews by the latentforceof antinomian Gnosticismwithin Kabbalah.Withoutaddressingthe controversialtopic of whetherKabbalahindeedpossesseda latentGnostictendency,and,if it did, what its origin was,4 let me offer some commentsaboutCardoso'salleged Gnosticism. I do not find the Gnostic label particularlyuseful for understanding Cardoso'stheology,andin manyways it is simplymisleading.Firstof all, the Gnosticlabel turnsCardoso'sthinkinginto a kind of atavism,a resurgence of mythemesthathad been moreor less dormantwithinthe Kabbalah.I will arguethatCardoso'sthinkingis farmorea responseto intellectualcurrentsat workwithinhis own day,suchas fideism,rationalism,andthe philosophizing Kabbalahreflectedin thewritingsof menlikeR. AbrahamYagelandAbraham Herrera.Second,it is difficultto acceptthatCardosois a Gnosticsimplyon the basis of his distinctionbetweenthe hiddenFirst Cause and the God of revelation.Cardosodenies any role in salvationto the deus absconditus,the First Cause. He does not sharein the Gnosticsense of alienationfrom the materialcosmos, nor does he believe it to be the productof an evil god or demiurge.And even if certainthemes in Cardoso'stheologymay resemble some found in Gnostictheology,we cannotconcludethatthis resemblance demonstratesthatGnosticismhadanyappealforhim.If Cardosowas familiar with Gnosticism,andI wouldgrantthathe was, it is likelythathe wouldhave seen it as one more exampleof the false tracktakenby ancientphilosophers and the whole esoteric traditionrepresentedby, for example,the Hermetic corpus,to which he does referin some of his writings,preciselybecauseit gives prideof place to the hiddenFirstCause. In orderto set the stagefor ourreappraisalof Cardoso'stheology,we need to rehearsebrieflythe majorepisodes in the early historyof the Sabbatian 4. For a discussion of this topic, see Idel 1988, esp. pp. 30-32; Dan 1994; and Wolfson 1994, pp. 272-273.

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movement.Wemay beginournarrativeon September15, 1666,in the city of Adrianople.In the space of the precedingyear, SabbataiZebi, self-declared Messiah,had sweptup the Jewishworldin the most widespreadoutbreakof eschatalogicalfervorin its history.Now, arrestedsome time earlierby the Ottomanauthoritieson chargesof libertinismand seditiousproclamations (Scholem 1973, pp. 668-671) he is about to appearbefore the sultan for examination.Many of his followers had long believed that SabbataiZebi would one day enterthe sultan'spalaceand emergewith at leastpermission to returnto the Holy Landand rebuildthe Temple.Here is how Nathanof Gaza,Sabbatai's"prophet,"puts it in an epistlewrittenin 1665: AndnowI shalldisclosethecourseof events.A yearanda few monthsfrom willtakethedominion fromtheTurkish today,he [Sabbatai] kingwithoutwar, forby the [powerof] thehymnsandpraiseswhichhe shallutter,all nations shallsubmitto his rule.He will takethe Turkish kingaloneto thecountries whichhe will conquer, andall thekingsshallbe tributary untohim,butonly theTurkish kingwillbe hisservant.5 WhenSabbataiemergedfromhis meetingwiththesultan,hehadnotcompelled the sultanto becomehis servant.Instead,the Messiahhadconvertedto Islam, althoughhe continuedto proclaimhimself the now "occulted"Messiahof Israel. Someof thosewho wishedto remaintrueto theirbeliefthatthe messianic age had been inauguratedwith SabbataiZebi decidedto follow the lead of their Messiah and follow him into apostasy.Otherstook a more moderate course, consideringSabbataiZebi's apostasyto be a uniqueact which was not intendedto be a model for others.The most prominentspokesperson for this position was AbrahamMiguel Cardoso.Scholem saw Cardoso's continuedallegianceto SabbataiZebi as an exampleof the attractionwhicha "hidden"Messiahhadon formercrypto-Jewswho themselvesmayhavespent a considerablepartof theirlives in hidingtheirreal identities(see especially Scholem1971c,p. 95). ForCardoso,at least,the Messiah'sapostasywas not an act which he soughtto emulate. Cardososet out to definethe theoryand practiceof the Sabbatianfaith by downplayingthe apostasyandthe imageof a debasedMessiah.Cardoso's Jewishtriumphalistmessiansim-he believedthatIsrael'sredemptionwould 5. Quoted in Scholem 1973, pp. 272-273.

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andIslamthattheirrevelations meantheacknowledgment by bothChristianity wereutterlywithoutmerit6--couldnotcountenancethecentralityof a debased Messiah,nor the practiceof self-debasementthroughapostasywhich some Sabbatiansadoptedin imitationof SabbataiZebi.Cardosowas fully awareof how closely the imageof the debasedMessiahresembledthatof the Christian Messiah.7Althoughhe was not afraidto use the SufferingServantpassage in Isaiah53 as a prooftextfor the messianicstatusof the debasedSabbatai Zebi, he soughtto distinguishSabbataiZebi'sdebasementfromthatof Jesus by claimingthat SabbataiZebi would not die in a conditionof debasement as Jesus had: "And we say that between the abasementand the glory of the Messiahson of David, theremust be no death,for the Messiahson of David does not have to die" (from an unpublishedmanuscriptof a letterof AbrahamCardosoto his brother,quotedin Yerushalmi1971, p. 337). When in fact SabbataiZebi died in 1676 withouthavingemergedin glory fromhis apostasy,Cardosodevelopeda theoryabouttwo Messiahs,one thedescendant of David,the otherthe descendantof Ephraim.(The latteris also sometimes spokenof as the Messiahson of Joseph,Ephraim'sfather.Cardosoprefersthe designation"Messiahson of Ephraim.")Cardosoidentifiedthe Messiahson of Davidwith SabbataiZebi, andthe Messiahson of Ephraimwith himself.8 Cardosouses the notionof two Messiahs,I will argue,to get beyondthe focus on an apostasizingandhumiliatedMessiah. In the next section I will examine a text in which Cardoso'sclaim to be the Messiah son of Ephraimis the main focus of the discussion. Then, in the following sections,I will attemptto situateCardosowithinthe intellectualtopographyof his day.I arguethatthe way Cardosounderstands 6. In Ze 'eli ve- 'anvehu,p. 342, CardosoexplainsthatMuslimsandChristians,andindeed Jewstoo sincethe close of the Talmud,havemistakenlybeenprayingto theFirstCause,a being withoutprovidentialconcernfor humanity,ratherthanto the God of revelation,the Godof the Torah.See also Scholem 1980 for Cardoso'sfullest discussionof the derivationof Christian theologyfromcorruptedJewishtraditions. 7. Fora discussionof AbrahamCardoso'suse of Christologicalmotifsin his explicationof the debasementof SabbataiZebi, see Yerushalmi1971,pp. 335-341. 8. It is not as unusualas it may seem at firstto makesuch a messianicclaim or to make it made aboutsomeone.Some of R. Isaac Luria'sdisciplesconsideredhim to have been the Messiah son of Ephraim(Scholem 1973, pp. 54-55, 70), and the same was believed about R. Samsonb. Pesah of Ostropol,who was martyredduringthe 1648 Ukrainianuprising(see Scholem 1973, p. 82; Liebes 1987, p. 244). A certainR. NehemiahCohen(!) claimedto be the Messiahson of Ephraimand even engagedin a debatewith SabbataiZebi over this claim (Scholem1973, pp. 658-668).

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his messianic role serves to position him against both the anti-Sabbatian rabbinicestablishmentas well as its many intellectualopponents,including certainphilosophizingkabbalistsandrationalistcritics.Cardoso,I will argue, representshimself as an "anti-elitist"Messiahwho will sharethe secretsof Israel'sredemption-bearing knowledgewith the whole Jewishpeople. I conclude by returningto Cardoso'smessianicclaims, and I offer an analysis of his teachingabout the unity of the Messiahson of David and the Messiahson of Ephraim.Cardosomakesthe two Messiahsinto a single, powerfulicon of redemption.Thissingleicon is the imageof thetwo Messiahs joined togetheras one. Cardosois constructinga messianiciconwhichwould carrythe same force amongthe broadspectrumof Jews as the image of the unity of God and his Shekhinahcarriedfor the elitist, mysticaltraditionof ecstaticKabbalah.Justas the vision of this unionbroughtthe mystic into a transformed state,so the imageoriconof theunionof thetwo Messiahswould, Cardosohoped,drawthe entireJewishpeople forwardinto redemption.

TheMessiahson of David and the Messiahson ofEphraim Cardoso'steachingaboutthe Messiahdownplayedthe figureof Sabbatai Zebi as a model. Cardososoughtto avoid concentrationon the apostasyas the culminatingact of Sabbatai'smessianicidentity.SabbataiZebi, Cardoso believed,was the precursorto anothermessianicfigure,one who wouldbring thedramaof redemptionto completionthroughthefull explicationof Sabbatai Zebi'steaching.Cardosomakesthis clearin a treatise(drush)entitled"Israel was holy to the Lord,the firstfruitsof his harvest"(Jer.2:3), whichwe will referto hereafteras QodeshYisra'el. Thistextmentionsthe deathof Sabbatai Zebi (1676), and yet it reveals a heightenedexpectationof the cessationof Israel'sexile (galut). In 'al ha-Hamarahbe-Sa'loniki("Onthe Apostasyin Saloniki"),p. 278, Cardosotells us that in 1680 he and his studentsbegan to look forwardto an imminentend to the exile, and as Passoverof the year 1682 approached,they had greathopes thatthe festivalwould not pass withoutthe comingof redemption(p. 281). It is thereforereasonableto accept Scholem'sdatingof the text to sometimeduringthis two-yearperiod,and certainlybeforethe mass apostasyof the Sabbatiansin Salonikiin the year 1683, an event which devastatedCardosoand closed the book on his hopes for an imminentredemption(Scholem 1974,p. 249).

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In QodeshYisra'elCardosoplayswithacronymsderivedfromthefirstand finallettersof severalbiblicalphrases,as well as of the phrases"Messiahson of David"and "Messiahson of Ephraim"(MashiahbenDavid andMashiah ben 'efraim,respectively).At one point Cardosoequatesthe sequence of Hebrew letters mem, bet, alef of "Messiahson of Ephraim"with that of "Michaelson of Abraham,"his own name. He goes on to declarethat he possesses somethinglike a divine nickname,r'oshiy, "my head,"also the name of a sort of supernalalter-egowho appearsto him as his spiritual "guide"(maggid). This nicknameis fraughtwith kabbalisticsignificance. In the context in which Cardosointroducesthe name, and in his further discussionof it, it is clear,as we will see below,thatis is connectedwith the sefirahof Yesod,the divine phallus.Cardosoexplainsthatthe consonantsof this namecan be foundin the firstwordof the HebrewBible, ber'eshiyt,"In the beginning[of]." The first name of the Messiahson of David, Sabbatai (Shabtay),may also be foundin this word,butone mustrearrangethe letters. In other words, Cardoso'snicknameis written"in order"within the first word of the Bible, whereas SabbataiZebi's found "out of order."Cardoso explainswhy this shouldbe so in a passageof tremendoussignificancefor of his self-image. an understanding Considerthat r 'oshiyis the head [r 'osh] of the tenthsefirah,9 and this pours out in a straightline uponMalkhut,1oand for this reasonthe lettersof r 'oshiy

arein a straight lineandclearlyvisiblein thewordber'eshiyt.Remaining over from the word are the lettersb [bet] t [tav], and she [bat means "daughter"] is Malkhut.Because it [r 'oshiy]is from Yesod[the ninthsefirah,the divine

whichshines,"anditsnameshinesinthelightof the phallus],it is a "speculum

wordber 'eshiyt.Andbecausethe Messiahson of Davidis fromMalkhut,"I and

Malkhutis a "speculum whichdoesnot shine,"his deedsarehiddenandhis nameis notin orderin thelettersof thewordber'eshiyt.Andlikewiseat the endof theTorah,inthewordYisra'el,r 'oshiyis found,butnotinorder,because he too [i.e.,Cardoso] will cometo be withinIsraelin a stateof confusion. 9. I am acceptingScholem'ssuggestedreadingof l'"yfor ly in the manuscript,takingthe yod to representthe number10 (Ben-ZviandBenayahu1960,p. 257). 10. This is the name for the tenthsefirah,sometimesreferredto as Shekhinah,andthus r 'oshiyis bothCardoso'snicknameandhis specialnameforthe ninthsefirah,Yesod,the divine phallus. 11. Cardosobases this uponzoharicpassages,andthe factthatDavid,as king, is relatedto the sefirahwhose name,Malkhut,means"kingdom."

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of themessianicnames Andthereis yet anotherreason[forthearrangement in the word ber'eshiyt]:accordingto the sages of blessed memory,"in the heels of the Messiahtherewill be an increaseof effrontery,abuse,and scorn," and in the Tiqquneyha-Zoharand in the Zoharwe readthatthe sages of this [messianic]generation-and this is it-will hate the wisdomof the Kabbalah completely,and they will cause a lengtheningof the exile and its tribulations, and the light of [the sefirah]Hokhmah[wisdom]will withdrawupwardfrom [thesefirah]Tiferet.Thenthe Messiahwill be humbledandlaidwasteanddried up, andhis spiritwill leave andnot return.Becauseof all this, the Messiahson of David will not be able to bringredemptionand to explainthe secretof the faith in the divinitywith clarityand in all its details.Then the Messiahwill sleep in the dust, and indeedhe will become dust.And then the Messiahson of Ephraim,accordingto the reasonswhich I will explain,God willing, shall grasphold of and declarethe faith of the First Cause within the Holy One, blessedbe He, and his Shekhinahandthe faithof the divinityin all its details to Israel.Forthis reason,the nameof the Messiahson of Davidis not in order in the wordber'eshiyt,andthe nameof the Messiahson of Ephraimis in order there. (QodeshYisra'el,p. 258)

Cardosoidentifieshimselfas the Messiahson of Ephraim,a firgurewhom he associates with Yesod,the divine phallus,within the configurationsof the sefirot.12Cardoso'sdivinenickname,r 'oshiy,is containedwithinthe first wordof the HebrewBible,ber'eshiyt,andthe letterswhichsurroundhis name makeup the wordbat, "daughter," referringto thesefirahof Malkhut,aligned with the Messiahson of David, SabbataiZebi. Althoughwe must returnto this pointlater,it is importantto note now how we have in this explicationof of the penetrationof the the firstword of the HebrewBible a representation malesefirahof Yesodwithinthe spaceof the femaleMalkhut,andat the same time the representationof the union of the two Messiahs.This union is, in fact,the focus of Cardoso'sQodeshYisra'el. WhatCardosowantsto stressin the passage just quoted, however, is that he, Cardoso, is the "straight"version of the Messiah, whereas Sabbatai Zebi is the "out-of-order" version who requires Cardoso to offer a clearer, more legible, rendering of the Messiah's message concerning the "mystery of the faith."" 12. Liebes 1993a, p. 14 and passim points out that in the Idra Rabba,the Messiah is identifiedwith the configurationof Yesod. in the use of the term 13. Althoughit is certainlyanachronisticto read "heterosexual" "straight"by Cardoso,it is not imposinga foreignsense on the word if we see it as having

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Cardosouses a secondset of termswithwhichto contrasthis messiahship with thatof SabbataiZebi. He says thathe, as the Messiahson of Ephraim, is like a "speculumwhich shines," whereas SabbataiZebi, the Messiah son of David, is like a "speculumwhich does not shine."These termsare standardkabbalisticnomenclaturefor the male potencywithin the sefirotic configurations(sometimesspecifiedas Tiferetand sometimesas Yesod)and the sefirah of Malkhutor Shekhinah(Wolfson 1994, passim, and esp. pp. 306-317). They also distinguishbetweenthe level of revelationgrantedto Moses (througha "speculumwhich shines")and that grantedto all other prophets(througha "speculumwhich does not shine").Cardosois therefore alludingto the superiorityof his vision of the divine over that attainedby SabbataiZebi. The contrastbetween this view of SabbataiZebi and that found in an earlytext of Cardoso'sdealingwith the meaningof SabbataiZebi'sapostasy, Maggen 'Abraham,writtenin 1668 (Scholem1973,p. 815), indicatesclearly how the deathof SabbataiZebi in 1676 forcedCardosoto rethinkSabbatai Zebi's messianic significance.14 In the earlier text Cardosodescribesthe

referenceto the erectphallus,whichCardosoexplicitlydescribesas "pouringout"in a straight line uponMalkhut,an unmistakablekabbalisticreferenceto the seminaleffluxof Yesod.Since, as a matterof fact,Cardosoclaimsthathis powerderivesfromYesod,andthatof SabbataiZebi to understand Cardosoto be reinforcing fromthe femaleMalkhut,perhapsit is not inappropriate of his "union"withSabbataiZebiand,thus,his "straightness." I will returnin theheterosexuality a latersectionof the paper("Cardosoas Kabbalistandthe Unityof the Messiahs")to the theme of the sexualjunctureof CardosoquaMessiahson of EphraimandSabbataiZebiquaMessiah son of David.It will becomeclearthattherearehomoeroticelementsin this theme,butI would cautionstronglyagainstconcludingthatCardosowas a homosexual.I am persuadedby recent scholarshipwhich challengesthe notion that homosexualityrefersto a single transhistorical psychic disposition.(For a recentsummationof the position,and special remarksaboutthe constructionof sexualityin rabbinicculture,see Boyarin1997, esp. pp. 14-23.) On the other hand,I will arguethat Cardosois not merelyreplayingthe homoeroticthemeswhich are so basicto the Kabbalah(see Wolfson1994,esp. pp. 369-377). I will arguethatthesethemesalso servewhatI call Cardoso'sphallicnarcissism.Thispsychosocialdynamic,verymucha feature of Cardoso'scrypto-Jewishhistory,will be the subjectof a muchlongertreatmentin a future book-lengthstudyon which I am currentlyengaged,andis broachedin this paperin "Cardoso as Kabbalistandthe Unity of the Messiahs." 14. If, however,we agreewith Liebes (1995b, pp. 46-48) thatthis text is not in fact by Cardoso,we maysee greatercontinuityin Cardoso'sthinking.I tendto acceptLiebes'srejection of Scholem'sattributionof the text to Cardoso,but nothingin my argumenthinges on the resolutionof this question.

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incomprehensibilityof SabbataiZebi's actions as a sign of their origin in a higher wisdom vouchsafedonly to the Messiah son of David, the King Messiah. Nowwe mustmakeclearthatno creature is ableto graspwithknowledge the affairsof the King Messiahbecausehis knowledgeis greaterand higherthan thatof all who haveeverpassedthroughtheworldor who everwill, whetherin purityor its opposite[i.e., whethermembersof Israelor not]. And this is what the sages hintedat in saying [TB San83b]thatthe Holy One, blessedbe He, would lay upon the Messiahcommandmentsas a heavy burdenwhich enjoin

uponhimstrangethingswhichwill be doneby theKingMessiahto thepoint

thatthey will appearstrangein the eyes of all the world.Indeed,becausethey are establishedas a remedyfor theirown heavy burdens,the deedswhich are strangein the eyes of all people areheavy [for the KingMessiah].

Thereis no one who is ableto comprehend themin anyway or manner becausetheyareprofoundly hiddenactsof reparation [tiqqunim] ... (Maggen 'Abraham,p. 137)

Afterthe deathof SabbataiZebi, Cardosoreinterpreted the incomprehensibility of his actions as a test of faith for Israel,a stage in Israel'spathto knowledgefromout the blindnessof its faith.I see this reconceptualization of the strangedeeds of the Messiah as springingfrom Cardoso'sdesire to presentan image of a Messiahwithoutthe taint of debasement,even if it meanspresentinganotherMessiah,the Messiahson of Ephraim,as the one who fulfillswhat SabbatiZebi began. Faith vs. Knowledge In 'iggeretle-Dayyaney'izmir("A Letterto the Rabbinateof Smyrna"), writtennot long afterSabbataiZebi'sapostasy(May-June1669;see Scholem 1974),Cardosoinvokesthe samedistinctionbetweentwo levels of revelation thatwe have seen him drawin the latertext Qodesh Yisra'el. In the earlier text, this distinctioncorrespondsnot to the Messiah son of David and the Messiah son of Ephraimrespectively,but to the levels of faith ('emunah) andknowledge(yedi'ah).It is interestingto observethatbeforethe deathof SabbataiZebi,Cardosois usingthe sameconceptualtools as he employsafter SabbataiZebi's death,andin bothcases the aim is to downplaythe statusof the debasedMessiah.In the earliertext, Cardosobeginshis reflectionon the

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difference between faith and knowledge by commenting on the passage in the book of Exodus where Moses, having been commanded by God to instruct Pharaoh to release the Israelites from their bondage, asks God to release him from the mission. And the reasonwas not thathe was afraidof Pharaoh,or of the Egyptians,but the core of his reasoningis foundin his statementthatthe Israeliteswill not believe in him. But the questionariseswhatvalue suchbelief or lack of belief in him has, if the exodus is the effect [of a chain of events, beginningwith] Pharaoh'schoice, then the conflictwith Moses, then the battlewith Pharaoh, and at the very end of it all, withouttheirwilling it, Israelwill leave Egypt. But Moses knew that the promiseof salvationwould not be fulfilledeasily, but with greattribulationsandwith immensetrouble,if the belief in whatwas promisedwas lacking. Because of this he [Moses] was afraidneitherof the sword of Pharaohnor of any other dangerexcept for the dangerposed by those who lackedfaith,lest Israelnot believe in him. And in exactlythe same way the secondredeemer[SabbataiZebi]requiresfaithaccordingto the secret shallbe the girdleof his waist,and teachingregardingthe verse"righteousness faithfulness['emunah]the girdleof his loins"[Isaiah11:5,RSV translation].'5 Whatthis meansis thatjust as a girdlestrengthensthe loins of the one whomit girds,so faithincreasesthe strengthof the redeemer.Anotherreasonis thatthe one who believes in him is joined to him in just the way a girdleis joined to the loins of a man.And the secretteachingis this:the redeemingangel is [the sefirahof] Malkhut,and also the Messiahis calledMalkhut.And it is evident thatthe one who establishesthe kingdomof fromthe Zoharandthe Tiqqunim the houseof Davidon the earthrequiresthe effluxof the higherlevels, and [the sefirahof] MalkhutQadishahis calledfaith['emunah]andalso "thespeculum which does not shine."And so long as he [the Davidic Messiah]lacks the powerto shine as does the "speculumwhich shines,"which is the Torahas it is issued forththroughpropheticpower like the light of the sun, but he only shines as in a diminishedvision, then for so long faithis required.For if faith were to shine like the sun it would not be faithbutknowledge. ('iggeretle-Dayyaney'izmir,pp. 314-3 15)

15. This verse is froma chaptercontainingone of the most famousmessianicprophecies in the HebrewBible, and it seems to have been takenup in the Idra Rabbain referenceto the "girdingof the weapons"by the "righteous,"i.e., the kabbalisticbrotherhoodwhich has attainedmessianicpowers throughits mysticalpractices.For a discussionof this motif, see Liebes 1993a,21-22.

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CardosoarguesthatSabbataiZebi is the Messiahin whomone musthave faith,and,whatis more,in whom one can only have faith,preciselybecause he seems to do what no JewishMessiahwould ever do, namely,apostasize, andbecausehe is a debasedfigureratherthana gloriousking. Whatis more, the completionof SabbataiZebi'smessianictaskrequiresthatIsraelplace its faithin him. Withoutsuch faith,his redemptivepoweris curtailed.But such faith is only a preparatorystage in Israel'sredemption.The Jewishpeople must pass throughthis test of faith before they can enterinto the full light of knowledge.Just a little furtheron Cardosostates:"Faithis a speculum which does not shine, and knowledgeis a speculumwhich does shine, and someonewho wishes to ascendto knowledgemustenterthroughthe doorof faith,becausethis is the gate of the Lord"(p. 315).16 As we havejust seen, Cardosowill laterarguethatthe MessiahSon of Ephraimis the Messiahof Knowledge,the Messiahwho will explicatefor the Jewishpeople the true natureof God.WhenCardosospeaksof faithas the"speculumwhichdoesnot shine,"he is, firstof all, rankingthe epistemologicalstatusof faithbelow that of knowledge,in the samerelativepositionas "diminishedvision"standsto "thelight of the sun."The level of faithis a level whichmustbe transcended if the knowledgeof God, the clearanddirectvision, "inthe lightof the sun," through"thespeculumwhich shines,"is to be attained."7 The centralityof the knowledge of God for Israel's redemption,and, indeed,humankind's,is a themeto whichCardosoreturnsfrequentlyin many of his writings.Hereis the openingof his treatiseZeh 'eli ve-'anvehu("This Is My God andI Will ExtolHim,"Exod 15:2),writtenone or two yearsafter the mass apostasyin Saloniki,in either1684 or 1685: thatAdamwas createdwithintelligence It is widelyacknowledged andfree will so as to worshiphis Creator, butit is notpossibleto worshipa beingin 16. Cardosois herealludingto the openingof Tiqquney ha-Zohar,whichcontainsextended of the firstverse of the HebrewBible, andspeaksof Shekhinahas the "gateof interpretations the Lord."Tiqquneyha-Zoharis clearlyalso centralfor Cardoso'sQodeshYisra'el, a text I will discussbelow in "Cardosoas KabbalistandUnityof the Messiahs." 17. If we agreewith the argumentsadvancedin Liebes 1995bthatCardosois the author of the majortheoreticalwork Raza de-Mehemnutawhich he himself and the latertradition ascribedto SabbataiZebi, we may findCardoso'sjustificationfor this act of"ghostwriting"to lie in his belief thathe is the divinelyappointedexplicatorof the "meaning"of SabbataiZebi to the world.Cf. Liebes 1995b,p. 44, who rightlysuggeststhat"perhapsCardosodid not see his act as totalforgery."

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truthwhen thatbeing's realityis not known.In orderthatAdammightgovern his life with wisdom, the CreatorgracedAdam with a knowledgeready to graspHis divinity.But this was not sufficient,and thereforeHe declaredHis realityto IsraelthroughHis servantMoses,"faithfulin [all]his house,"andHe in orderthat Israelmightworship gave Israelthe Torahand its interpretation Him in perfectionin accordancewith whatis writtenin the Torah.AndHe did not want themto only believe in Him, but to recognizeHim and to knowHis truthby meansoffundamentalprinciplesrootedin wisdom,discernmentand knowledge.He wantedIsrael'sknowledgeto be.unshakable,and, indeed,that was a generationof knowledge,as it is written:"Toyou it was shown,thatyou might know that the Lordis God; thereis no otherbesides him";". ..know thereforethis day,andlay it to yourheart,thatthe Lordis Godin heavenabove andon earthbeneath;thereis no other";". . .andI will takeyou formy people, and I will be your God; and you shall know that I am the Lord"[Deut4:35, 4:39; Exod 6:7, RSV translation].Thereforethe essence of the entireTorahis "I am the Lordyour God who broughtyou out of the landof Egypt,"and the of this is: in orderto know thatthe Lordexists. This is the first interpretation whichit is incumbentupona manto fulfillwithhis intelligence, commandment and thus David commandedhis son Solomon,"Knowthe God of your father andworshiphim"... (Zeh 'elive- 'anvehu,p. 335; emphasisadded) Again, in 'iggeret Gimmel, a letter written to his disciples in the year 1701, nearly twenty years after the preceding text, we read: God, may He be blessed, does not desire that people have faith in him like fools,'"but thatpeople have discernmentand know in truthand with wisdom His divinity,as it is written,". .. and you shall know that I am the Lord," "to you it was shown, that you might know that the Lordis God."And the instructionwhichthey [Israel]receivedfromMosesourteacherwas not so that they mighthave faithbut so thatthey mighthaveknowledge. ('IggeretGimmel,p. 193) Almost immediately after this passage, Cardoso returns to what we have seen is one of his fundamental motifs. 18. Wemay certainlysee in this expressiona referenceto Prov 14:15,"A fool will believe everything,"butI thinkit is not going too farto readin it also a referenceto Erasmus'In Praise of Folly. We shall see below that Cardosowas most likely conversantwith the theological positionknownas fideism,and Erasmus'work was one of the most famousdefensesof this position.

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is a speculum whichdoesnotshine,a beautiful maidenwith ..faith['emunah] oneis a headanda speculum whichshineswiththe no eyes,buttherighteous of wisdom.Andthewisemanhaseyesin hisheadto seekthewayof attribute wondersandvisions. divinitywithintellectual ('IggeretGimmel,p. 193)

This lastpassageis particularlysignificantbecausewe see Cardosoagain calling upon a series of associationslinkingfaith,the speculumwhich does not shine, and the Shekhinah("thebeautifulmaidenwithouteyes")and also connectingknowledge,speculumwhich shines, and head (r'osh), which is connectedwith the sefirahof Yesod,the divinephallus.'9These are the very associative links which are centralto the Qodesh Yisra'el,writtennearly twentyyearsbefore,in whichCardosomakeshis mostexplicitclaimto be the Messiahson of Ephraim.Cardoso,it is true,seems not to want to proclaim himselfa messianicfigurein his laterwritings,20butdespitethisreluctancehe continuesto insistthathe, andhe alone,is completingthedramaof redemption by bringingto all Israel the full knowledgeof the mysteryof divinity.In anotherletterto his disciplesalso writtenin 1701 (MolhoandAmarillo1960, 19. For the identificationof the headwith openedeyes and Yesod,see Wolfson1994, pp. 355-383, andWolfson1995a.I note in passingthatCardosoin this passagemay be influenced by the verytext quotedin Wolfson1995b,p. 112,in which"thebeautifulmaidenwithouteyes" is invokedin relationto the Shema' since Cardosotoo hadjust been discussingthe proper ritualperformanceof this liturgy. 20. He deniesthathe hadmadeany claimof messiahshipabouthimselfin 'aniMekhuneh, text, butthis passagemustbe understoodin its context.Cardoso p. 127,a late autobiographical is discussinghow he acquiredhis knowledgeof the natureof the divinityof Israel'sGod, and he refersto the talmudicdictumthatonly fourmen "knowGod innately[me-'azmo],"namely Abraham,Job, Hezekiah,andthe King Messiah.This dictumis used by Cardosoin one of his earliestwritings,Maggen 'Abraham, p. 138,as well as in thelaterautobiographical writingslike 'aniMekhuneh,p. 127,and 'iggeretGimmel,p. 198,alwaysin referenceto SabbataiZebi.What Cardososeems to be saying is that SabbataiZebi "knewGod innately,"but thathe, Cardoso, was given the powerto know God froman "illuminated" readingof the Torah,aggadot,and Kabbalah,and thereforehe is not the King Messiah.I would take this to be Cardoso'sway of seemingto distancehimself froma claim to be Messiah,but what it reallysays is thathe, Cardoso,has a highergrade of knowledgethan SabbataiZebi. Cardosodispenseswith the messianictitle and pays an "underhanded compliment"tothe figurewho retainsit. Whether he claims a messianictitle or not, he continuesto claim a messianicfunction.(See also the polemicaltractateSeferMaribatKadesh,p. 18, in Freimann1912foranotheruse of the "innate knowledge"motifby Cardoso,wherehe clearlystatesthatthis appliesonly to the Messiahson of David, but thatthe Messiahson of David and the Messiahson of Ephraim"havea single mysterywhich is sharedby them.")

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p. 233),Cardosowrites:"Yousee, andthemajorityof theDiasporaknows, thatI aloneam revealingthe divinityof the Holy One,blessedbe He, in It is clearthat,whetheras Messiah andknowledge." wisdom,discernment or not,Cardososees himselfas theonewhois liftingIsrael son of Ephraim fromfaithto knowledge. betweenthelevelsof faithandknowledge is typical distinction Cardoso's It reveals a deal about his of seventeenth-century thought. great position of his day.We see thatCardosois no withinthe intellectualtopography strangerto one of the basicconcernsof the age, namely,the questfor a forthe faithclaimsof religion,a consequence of new epistemicgrounding crisisof the Reformation." whatPopkin(1979)has called"theintellectual at the Dietof Wormsin 1521thathe In responseto Luther'sproclamation wouldacceptonly"whattheconscienceis compelledto believeon reading of religiousknowledge,some (Popkin1979,p. 3) as thecriterion Scripture" of the Catholictheologianshadadopteda fideisticdefenseof the authority truefromfalsedoctrine.Thisfideisticdefensewas Churchin distinguishing claimsto knowledge, linkedto a skepticalattackuponall extra-ecclesiastical whetherbasedon conscience,sense-perception, reason,orsomecombination of these(Popkin1979,esp.chap.4). Thefideistarguedthatonlyecclesiastical authoritycould provide a secure criterionof true doctrine,since all other basesof knowledgewere inherentlyfallible.Onehad,therefore,to makefaith in ecclesiasticaltraditionthe foundationof one's religiouslife, accordingto the fideist. Cardoso'sdenigrationof faith in favor of knowledgestandsopposedto CatholicCounter-Reformation fideism,withwhichhe mayhavebeenfamiliar

fromhistheologicaltrainingin Spain.WhileCardoso doesnotclaimthatthe

sole criterionof religiousknowledgeis the innercertitudeof conscience,he does ascribea powerto recognizereligioustruth"innately"to SabbataiZebi (see above,n. 19.)AndCardoso'suse of Scripture-forhimthiswouldinclude

boththewrittenandtheoralTorah,including thezohariccorpus-againsthis criticsresembles Luther'sstand.Wemayseethismoreclearly anti-Sabbatian

if we look at how fideismfunctionedwithininner-Jewishpolemics. Fideism had become a staple for many Jews in their argumentwith the rationalistcritics of the scripturaland rabbinictraditions.Yosef Kaplan

(1989a,pp.316-318)discussestheusewhichIsaacOrobiode Castromakes the arguments of fideisticskepticismin rebutting of Juande Pradoand,as well, of the RemonstranttheologianPhilip van Limborch.Orobio,Kaplan

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writes,arguedthatwithoutfaithin the Scriptureandin the OralLawby which it is appropriately interpreted,"thereis no possibilityof obtainingknowledge of the Godhead"(1989a, p. 317). "Orobiogoes so faras to say,"Kaplanadds in a note (1989a, n. 39, p. 317), "thatsince the cessationof prophecyin Israel the Jewishpeople have lost all certainknowledgeof mattersesoteric,and of the mystic qualityof Scripture." Cardosoknew the work of Isaac Orobio,and in one letterhe describes in theirrejectionof those him,andhis own brotherIsaacas well, as "arrogant" aspects of scriptureand rabbinictraditionwhich smackedof the mystical and esoteric.2 In his oppositionto the fideisticpositionof Orobio,Cardoso enunciatesa claim aboutthe possibilityof religiousknowledgewhichstands on the level of the "speculumwhich shines"and is, therefore,equalto that attainedby Moses. This is, to be sure, a conceptionof religiousknowledge which has its roots in the Kabbalah,but it also has parallelsin Reformation theologianslike LutherandCalvinwho arguedfor the possibilityof a Divine Illuminationby which the individualcould know the truthof Scripture.I am not claimingthat Cardosowas familiarwith the writingsof Protestant theologians.However,I thinkthecomparisonis heuristicallyuseful.Itpermits us to appreciatehow Cardoso'sdisputewith Orobioand his denigrationof faith in favor of knowledgerevealsthe conflictbetweenhis own reforming "backto scripturalrevelation"positionand the fideisticdefenseadoptedby manyJewishtraditionalists.22 One pointmustbe madevery clearly,however,in interpretingCardoso's anti-fideisticposition.In maintainingthe primacyof knowledgeover faith, Cardososhould not be seen as aligning himself with anothergroup who opposedthe fideists, namely,the anti-skepticalrationalistswho claimedto possess ways of justifying the fundamentaltenets of faith throughrational demonstration.23 Cardoso,as we will see later,is vehementlyopposedto the 21. I am following here the argumentof Kaplan1989a, pp. 215-216, that Cardosodoes not place Orobioand his brotherIsaac in the categoryof naturalistas,or rationalistdeists,as Yerushalmi1971,p. 326, firstproposed. 22. We see the same conflictplayed out in the disputebetweencertainJews who reject rabbinicauthorityandappealto the Karaitetraditionas theyunderstand it, andthe defendersof the OralLaw.See Rosenberg1987 andKaplan1990.Rosenberg1987speaksof the Karaitesas possessinga Protestanttemper,andhe alignsCardosowith this groupbecause,while Cardoso does not attackthe talmudicrabbis,he opposes"therabbinictraditionandcalls for a returnto the originalsourcesof the relgion"(p. 295). 23. Fora discussionof suchrationalistdefensesof faith,see Kors 1993.

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rationalistagendaof groundingreligious faith upon what Limborch,in his dispute with Orobio, describedas the "commonand direct use of reason [communiset recta ratio] which is sharedby everyone,whetherChristian, Jew,or Gentile"(Kaplan1989a,p. 318). WhenCardosocalls knowledgethe "speculumwhich shines,"he is not speakingabout a knowledgeacquired throughthe exerciseof rationalinvestigation(scientia),butaboutknowledge as a highersapientia.24For Cardoso,knowledgeis beyondfaithbecauseit is the revelatorymediumof a resplendentvision of the divine realm,whereas faithprovidesonly a dim apprehensionof thisrealm,as in a "speculumwhich does not shine."Knowledgein the sense of sapientiahas nothingto do with rationalproofs for the existence of God. Sapientiadoes not justify faith, it consummatesit. The Jewish thinkerwhose conception of religious knowledge stands closest to Cardoso'sis R. JudahLoew,the Maharalof Prague.Both Cardoso traditionin Jewishthinking and the Maharalare heirs of the anti-rationalist which descendsfrom R. JudahHalevi. David Ruderman(1995, pp. 95-97) has suggested that the Maharalmay have been influencedby Protestant theology, and we have seen that Cardoso,even if we deny his familiarity with Protestantwritings,replaysthe "reformer" positionin his polemicwith Isaac Orobio.In his analysisof the Maharal's"mysticaltheology,"Sherwin (1982), firstof all, stressesthe Maharal'srejectionof the searchfor a rational demonstrationof the basic tenetsof the Jewishfaith,includingthe existence of God (p. 56), and the consequentneed to rely upon the knowledge of God and his essence providedby kabbalistictradition(pp. 61-69). Cardoso and the Maharalsharea conceptionof Kabbalah,takento be the "soul"of the Torah,as the sapientialconsummationof faith (pp. 77-82). And like the Maharal,Cardosobelievedthatmost rabbinicalleaderswere standingin the way of Israel'sachievementof the highersapiencewhich would bring the end of the exile (galut). We will returnto this point later,but for the momentit is sufficientto recognizethe affinitybetween the two thinkers, the Maharaland Cardoso,who positionedthemselvesas "reformers," each raisinga battlecry for a returnto the authenticlegitimatingsourceof Jewish of Scriptureprovidedby Kabbalah. faith,the "illuminated" interpretation 24. I am using the terms employedby Ruderman1995, p. 97, in his discussionof the epistemologyof the Mahral.In what follows I will arguethatthe Maharaloffersus an earlier and somewhatmore explicitly formulateddichotomizationof faithandknowledgewhich can help us understandCardoso'spositionbetter.

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Cardoso and "Prisca Theologia "

The intellectualtopographyof seventeenth-century Jewry is very comand borders are It ill-defined. is frequently plicated, necessaryto demarcate Cardoso'sviews aboutreligiousknowledgein relationto the views of a group of Jewishthinkerswho also soughta highersapienceand advocateda return to the authenticlegitimatingsourceof Jewishfaithin Kabbalah.I amreferring to individualslike AbrahamYagel,AbrahamHerrera,andJosephDelmedigo. Howeverdissimilartheirmodes of expression,each of these men believed thatthe Kabbalahofferedaccess to a prisca theologia,or "ancienttheology," which containedthe highest revealedwisdom of humanityand had either been forgottenor corruptedduringthe interveningcenturies. The concept of a forgottenprisca theologia begins with Renaissance humanistslike Ficino and Pico della Mirandolawho seek to harmonize scripturalrevelationwith pagan wisdom. They proposethat there exists a knowledge of the natureof God which predatesscripturalrevelation,and which can be discoveredin the writingsof paganphilosophers,especially Plato and the Neoplatonists,and in paganmysticaltexts like the Hermetic corpus. Scripturalrevelationdoes not overturnpaganphilosophy;it fulfills it. This "universalist"idea of revelationwas a weapon in the arsenal of Renaissancehumanistsagainstthe medievalChristiantradition,which was itself built upon the repudiationof pagan wisdom in favor of the unique authorityof scripturalrevelation.The notionof prisca theologiachallenged Churchauthorityand opened the door to an interestin pre-Christiantexts undercover of a searchfor the antecedentsto scripturalrevelation. In its developmentamong Jewish intellectualsin the Italy of the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation, the Kabbalahtook a decidedly philosophicaland universalistturn, as Idel has convincinglyarguedin a seriesof studiesconcerningthe historyof post-Expulsionkabbalisticthought (1987, 1992a, 1992b, 1992c). In this development,some Jews attemptedto thattheauthenticpriscatheologiacouldbe foundin theKabbalah, demonstrate all of which is compatiblewith paganphilosophy,properlyunderstood.The Kabbalah,then, is the universalbody of knowledgewhose teachingscan be translatedinto the terms of, for example, Neoplatonism.We will see that Cardosois familiarwith some of these arguments,and rejects them wholeheartedly.But let us first briefly examine one instanceof a Jewish defenseof Kabbalahasprisca theologica,thatof R. AbrahamYagel.I choose

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Yagel because this side of his thinkinghas received close attentionfrom Ruderman(1988). Ruderman(p. 143)pointsoutthatYagelfelt thatJewishwisdomwas most closely paralleledby the philosophyof Plato,who studiedTorahwith none otherthan the prophetJeremiah(Yagel says he is following the testimony of Augustineon Plato's alleged dependenceon Jewish learning).Although we see thatYagel places Jewishwisdom above paganphilosophy,the mere fact thatpaganphilosophyis introducedat all indicatesa need to legitimize Jewishwisdomthroughexternalcorroboration. Yagelatpointsis evenwilling to countenancepaganwisdom's equal staturewith Judaism."Accordingto Yagel,"Rudermanreports(p. 144), "Pythagorasdeservesthe same spiritual status as Plato. In discussing a rabbinichomily that, he claims, refers to the relationshipsbetweenthe ancientphilosophersand their students,Yagel concludes:'Thisclearlyalludesto thosephilosopherswho trulydeservedthat distinction[of being true philosophers],such as Plato, Pythagoras,and the ancientswho were believers.'" In discussingthe Jewishconceptionof God, Yagel also shows a willingnessto demonstrateits universality.He bases his definitionof God on the philosophicallyorientedteachingof Maimonidesin the openingchapterof his Sefer ha-Madda', and then employsextra-Judaic sourcesto corroboratebiblicalnarrative. theunity,indivisibility, andimmutability of Yagelemphasizes incorporeality, the Jewishconceptionof God.His innovation, however,is in demonstrating thatfundamental Godcanbe substantiated religiousprinciples regarding bythe witnessesfromthemostunexpected source.Themiracle testimonyof external of the partingof the Red Sea illustratesconvincingly the notionof God's in nature.Quotinga recentaccountof the andabilityto intervene providence of thebiblical discoveryof Peru,Yagelis thrilledto findpreciseconfirmation miracle. 1988,p. 115) (Ruderman Ruderman(p. 148) summarizesYagel'spositionsuccinctly,andconcludes that,in his effortto harmonizeand universalizeJewishwisdom,he laid the basis for its denigration. FromOrpheusto Plato,thereexistedan unbroken tradition of paganbelief a chainof transmission in monotheism, of that parallelto but independent of "theholy seedof Abraham" who"sawthe lightof the Torah." No doubt andmedievalJewishtextsa fully Yagelcouldhaveeasilylocatedin rabbinic

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developedattitudeof toleranceandrespectfor "therighteousof the nations of theworld."However,he appears to haveextended thatattitude beyondthe usualunderstanding of tolerancewithinJewishtradition. In recognizing an autonomous tradition of paganbeliefin oneGod;in comparing paganattitudes withthoseof therabbis;andin openlyquoting,albeitin a carfully favorably editedmanner,the pagansthemselves,evenan entireprayerof Hermes,he tradition at Sinai, impliedthatJudaism,despiteits unadulterated originating couldnotclaimthatits truthswereeitheruniqueorexclusive. Rudermanclearly has located the essential problemwith the Jewish appropriationof the notion of prisca theologia. It is bound to lead to the effacementof the uniquenessof Jewishrevelation.It was clearto manyrabbis who opposedthe searchfor a prisca theologiathatthe consequenceof this view was the blurringof the distinctionbetweenChristianityand Judaism, at least theologically.If Jewish and Christianthinkerswere equatingthe theologicalheartof their respectivescripturalrevelationswith one and the samethirdterm--theprisca theologia-then bothreligionsarereallysaying the same thing aboutthe natureof God. So, many rabbisattackedthe idea that, for example,the Zoharcould be interpretedby means of Neoplatonic R. Leon Modenaacceptedthe idea that the Kabbalahcould philosophy.25 be harmonizedwith philosophy,but went on to arguethat this showed the dependenceof Kabbalahupon philosophy,and thereforeits statusas a late Jewishforgerypassingitself off as revelation(see Idel 1987, pp. 150-157). R. Modena'saim in this anti-kabbalistic critiquewas to drawa sharpdividing line betweenJudaismandwhathe perceivedto be extraneouselementswithin Jewish thoughtwhich threatenedIsrael's claim to a unique and superior revelation. Thereis a point of similaritybetweenthe philosophizingkabbalistsand the anti-philosophicalrabbinicestablishmentwhich needs to be drawnout beforewe can adequatelyunderstandCardoso'spositionin this debate.Both groupsconceive of themselvesas an intelectualelite which holds the key to 25. For an informativetreatmentof how a philosophizingkabbalistand a traditionalist might on the surfaceappearto be stronglyopposedto one another,while at a deeperlevel theirpositionsreveala sharedconcernto upholdrabbinicauthorityand fight "thedangerous excesses of kabbalisticenthusiasm"and "the loss of rationalanchorsof Jewish faith,"see Ruderman1995, chap.7. I will arguethatCardosoopposedboththe philosophizingkabbalists and traditionalistsbecause they had each adopteda canon of rationalityin mattersof faith definedby paganphilosophyandhad failedto maintain-allegiance to the Godof revelation.

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a knowledgeof God beyond the reach of most Jews.26Yagel, for instance, begins his Beyt Ya'ar Yisra'el "by stressingthe need for cautionin revealing religioussecretsto theuntutoredmasses"(Ruderman1988,p. 144).ForYagel, the Kabbalahis a meansof transcendingthe segregationof Judaismfromthe broaderculturalcurrentsof the day, and he wants to protectthe untutored masses of Jews from the dangerswhich such culturalrapprochement may bring. In the case of the more traditionalrabbinicestablishment,R. Leon Modenaexcepted,the Kabbalahwas seen as the reositoryof a profoundand technicallycomplex wisdom whose meaningcould only be fathomedafter one had gaineda full masteryof every otheraspectof Jewishlearning,from the writtenTorahto the Talmudandbeyond.As RobertBonfilhaspointedout in his studiesof ItalianJewryduringthe late sixteenthandearlyseventeenth centuries(1990, 1992a, 1992b), this periodsaw a polorizationbetweenthe Jewish intellectualelite and the generalJewishcommunity,whose level of learning,including the knowledge of Hebrew,had declined significantly. Bonfil writes (1987, p. 60), "meantthat, as againsta small "Polarization," of learned men, most of them rich or allied by marriageto rich group families,thereexisteda greatuneducatedmajority,incapableof participating them."27 in the debatesof the scholarsor even of understanding Cardosowas certainly,by trainingandknowledge,a memberof that"smallgroupof learned 26. The elitistproclivitiesof philosophicallyorientedJewishthinkerswas one of the major claimsof Barzilay1967, see esp. pp. 11-16. Barzilay'sinterpretation of anti-rationalist rabbis like R. 'AzariahFigo andR. Judahdel Bene,whomhe tendsto see as opposedto the elitismof the rationalists,has come in for criticismby Bonfil 1992band Ruderman1995, pp. 185-212. BonfilsuggeststhatR. del Bene in his sermonssoughtto mediatebetween"high" In particular, (elitist) cultureand "low" cultureby tailoringhis message in such a way that each group could feel itself to be the targetedaddressee.Of course,a preacherlike R. del Bene cannotbe describedas elitist in the same sense we mightuse this termto describeR. Yagel.R. del Bene, as Bonfilpointsout, was at painsto representhimselfas standingin unbrokencontinuitywith rabbinictradition,withouttinctureof extrinsic,non-Jewishinfluence;on the otherhand,R. Yagelwas not afraidto acknowledgehis pagansources.But bothmen sharedthe assumption thatthe massesdid not need, andin factwere imperiledby, the knowledgewhichthey,andthe few otherslike themselves,could alone properlyemploy.Cardoso'sattitudestandsin marked contrastto this,although,like R. del Bene,he seeksto representhimselfas standingin unbroken continuinitywith (authentic,not post-geonicrabbinic)Jewishtradition. 27. Bonfil's discussionof the role of Kabbalahin the process of modernizationwithin Jewish society is extremelyimportantfor understandingthe social dynamicsof Sabbatian Kabbalahin general,and Cardoso'suse of Kabbalahmoreparticularly. This papershouldbe seen as layingthe groundworkfor a fullerappraisalof Bonfil'stheoryaboutthe mediatingrole of Kabbalah.I would tentativelysay that SabbatianKabbalahdoes, indeed,play a mediating role, only that it seeks to mediatebetweena wider public, including,for example,women,

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men."But he saw his missionto be the collapsingof the distinctionbetween learnedand uneducated,and it is in this context that we must understand his polemic with the philosophizingkabbalistsand the traditionalrabbinic establishment.I will elucidatethe natureof Cardoso'santi-elitismbelow, but first let us examine his attitudetowardthe notion of prisca theologia advocatedby the philosophizingkabbalist. To put it simply, Cardosofinds in the notion of prisca theologia the root of the evil besetting the Jewish people in their exile. Just like the moreconservativerabbinicestablishment,Cardosoopposedthephilosophical of Kabbalahanddefendedthe positionthatIsrael'sscriptural reinterpretation revelationstandsabove, and is very differentfrom, paganphilosophy.But Cardosoalso stands opposed to the rabbinicestablishmentbecause it has rejectedthe messianic claim of SabbataiZebi and is, therefore,preventing the Jewishpeople frommovingthroughfaith(in SabbataiZebi as Messiah) to knowledgeof God (throughthe writingsof Cardosohimself). In an intellectualtourde force,Cardosostrikesat boththe philosophizing kabbalistsand the rabbinicestablishmentwith a single attack.He accuses the rabbinictradition,since the close of the Talmud,of having forsaken the knowledgeof God which had been the uniquepossessionof Israeland adoptingin its placea false ideaof Godwhichthepaganphilosophershadalso proclaimed.Unbeknownstto themselves,therabbisandthe Jewishexponents of prisca theologia are in fundamentalagreement!"Fromthe time of the Geonimuntilnow,all Israelbelieves,just as theMuslimsandthephilosophers do, thatthe creatoris the FirstCausewho is also the God of Israelandwhose nameis YHVH."('al Ziufha-'emunah,"Onthe Corruptionof the Faith,"p. 296.) Cardoso views the post-talmudicrabbinictraditionas being heavily influencedby paganphilosophy.In particular, he singlesout SaadyaGaonand Maimonidesas the primaryculpritsresponsiblefor this corruptiveinfluence. The influenceof pagan philosophyled to the identificationof the God of revelationwiththe FirstCause,the unitary,undifferentiated, infinitesourceof all existence.Maimonidescarriedthe misidentificationof Israel'sGod with

anda nonestablishment elite, namely,men like Cardoso,Nathanof Gaza,andotherSabbatian leaders.I would agreewith Bonfilthatthe Kabbalahbecomesin the the seventeenthcenturya of religiousspaceandtime"(Bonfil 1992a,p. 418). mediumfor the "restructuring

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the FirstCauseso farthatall traceof the God of revelationwas effacedfrom Judaism,as Cardosoexplains: a manversedbeyondothersin Andthe amazingfact is thatthe Rambam, every formof wisdom,andwho hadreadandunderstoodeverybook,declares

in the writingsof himselfto be a believerin the truthof whatis contained thepriestsof Egypt,Socrates, Plato,and,morethanall HermesTrismegistus, theothers,his belovedAristotle,namely,thattheFirstCausehasno spiritual potencies,no name,no formin anyway.He writesin theMorehNevukhim butnot thatthe FirstCauseis wise butnot in virtueof wisdom,discerning in notin not virtue of real but but in virtueof discernment, power, powerful virtueof reality,onebutnotin virtueof oneness,andso on.Howcouldit ever haveenteredhis mindor founda placein his faiththatthe Godof Israelis theFirstCause,orthathis nameis YHVH?Doesn'ttheHolyOne,blessedbe and to the Torah,Prophets, names,andformsaccording He, haveattributes, in thewritingsof thetanaim andis thisclaimnotfoundeverywhere Writings, all thisas if it andgeonim,buthe [Rambam] andamoraim alwaysinterprets weremeantliterally. ('al Ziufha-'emunah,pp. 296-297)

Thetruththatrabbinictraditionabandoned,butwhichcanbe foundin the Scriptures,in aggadicmidrash,andin the kabbalistictradition,is thatIsrael's Godis a divinePersonwho emanatedfromthe FirstCauseandis the unifying of thetensefirot,butespeciallywithin forceinheringwithinthe configurations the male configurationof Tiferet,called the Holy One, blessed be He, and the female configurationof Malkhut,also called the Shekhinah.At the heart of Cardoso'scomplex vision of the investitureof the unifyingpowerwithin the sefiroticconfigurationsis the idea that Israel'sGod standsrevealedin thejoining of male and female configurationswithinthe emanatedpleroma, andthatthe undifferentiated unityof the FirstCauseplays no role in Israel's history, or indeed in the world's history. The First Cause did not create the materialcosmos, and it has no providentialrelationwith humanityor, more particularly,with Israel. But the rabbis,seduced by philosophyand its worshipof abstractunity,have forsakenthe knowledgeof God and his unity with his Shekhinahin favor of the worshipof the FirstCause.28This 28. I believethatCardoso'semphasisuponIsrael'signoranceof thetruenatureof Godas the sourceof its exilic conditionmay ultimatelyderivefromargumentsadvancedby the influential anti-Jewishpolemicalwritingsof Alphonsode Valladolid(as Abnerof Burgoswas knownafter his conversionca. 1322). For a good generaldiscussionof the workof Alphonso,see Shamir

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is also the mistakemadeby the philosophizingkabbalists,who turnall their attentionto the infinitesourceof the emanatedworld,theEynSof whichthey interpretin the light of the NeoplatonicOne, and which they identifywith the God of revelation.In the precedingquotationit is evidentthatCardoso means to equatethe entire Maimonideantraditionwith the views of those who maintainthat Jewishwisdom is one with the prisca theologia.Indeed, CardosoagreesthatJewishtraditionis one with theprisca theologia,butthat traditionis a profoundcorruptionof the trueprisca theologiaJudaica, the originalknowledgeof God held by Israelin biblicalandtalmudictimes. Let me summarize.Cardosostandsopposedto rabbinicauthoritybecause the rabbishave forgottenthe knowledgeof the natureof God, a knowledge which had been Israel'suniquepossession.They have replacedthatoriginal knowledgewith the knowledgeof the FirstCause,a knowledgecommonly held by all humanity.Cardoso also stands opposed to the philosophical of the Kabbalahasprisca theologia.In fact,Cardosoequates reinterpretation the whole post-talmudicrabbinictraditionwith this latter tendency.The falsehoodat the heartof both the rabbinictraditionand the philosophizing source kabbalistis the idea that Israel'sGod is the unitary,undifferentiated of Israel'sGod,Cardoso of all existence.In contrastto this misrepresentation offers a returnto the truthonce known to Israelalone among the nations: that the God who has a providentialconcernfor Israel and humanity,the God revealedin the Scriptures,aggada,and Kabbalah,is the divine person who is the unifyingforcejoining togetherandinheringwithinthe Holy One, blessed be he, and his Shekhinah.Israel'sexile and fall from greatnessare due to her forgettingthe knowledgeof God.Finally,Cardososees himselfas sharingwith SabbataiZebi the messianicrole of bringingthe knowledgeof the natureof God back to Israel.This is a messianicrole becauseit is this

1975, pp. 40-60. See also Rosenthal1961 for a letterby Alphonsoon this subject,and an extendedresponsefromR. Yosef Shalom.Like Cardosomuchlater(cf. 'al Ziufha-'emunah, p. 296) Alphonsoseems to have linkedthis claim with the line in the prophecyof Azariahto Asa, recordedin 2 Chon 15:3, that Israelwill be (he takesthe line to referto the future,not the past as the contextsuggests)"withoutthe trueGod, withouta teachingpriest,andwithout law [torah]"(RSV trans.).Alphonsotakes"trueGod"('elohey 'emet)to referto the trinitarian pluralitywithinthe divinewhichthe Jews fail to acknowledge,and,althoughhe interpretsthe divinepluralitydifferently,this is the samepolemicalpointthatCardosois makingagainstthe rabbis.I intendto offera full accountof the exegeticalhistoryof this prophecyin a projected book-lengthstudyof Cardoso.

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knowledgewhich is the key to Israel'ssalvation.Cardosois opposed,then, to both philosophyand establishedreligiousauthority.In opposingboth,he positionshimself on the side of the people,who have been falsely taughtby the rabbisto worshipthe FirstCause,andwho have been simplyscornedby the philosophizingkabbalistsas incapableof graspingthe profoundertruths of theprisca theologia.He prideshimselfon the factthat,as he says ('iggeret Dalet, p. 212), "in the first place I didn't speak in a style of concealment but in complete openness. .. and I never denied any man who wanted it permissionto readmy writingsor to listento them,andI neverrequiredany man to swearthathe would neverrepeatwhathe heard."In 'ani Mekhuneh, p. 119,Cardosodescribessome of his detractorsas agreeingthathe possesses truewisdombutblaminghim for spreadinghis knowledgeamong"worthless men, unletteredJews ['ameyha-'arez],boys andwomen,"Cardosoresponds theirchargein the followingwords: effortsthroughout my life, as I wentfromcountry ... all my intellectual to countryand poredover everybook,are directedtowardfullfillingthe of investigating, commandment andseekingoutwhoha-Shem is, interpreting, sinceha-Shemis nottheFirstCause.I understood andrecognized thatI have fromGodtospread themystery beengivenstrength of Hisfaith[sod'emunato]. Cardosowants,then,to bringthe peopleof Israelbackto a knowledgeof God. In the followingpassageof 'aniMekhuneh,Cardosois speakingabout a group of his opponnentswho concede the importanceof knowing God but deny thatmost people are capableof it. In his vehementdefenseof the abilityof all Israelto know God, we may see one of the clearestexpressions of Cardoso'santi-elitistposition, which consistedin a denunciationof the traditionalrabbinicestablishmentand also the philosophizingkabbalistsfor havingled the people astrayfromthe authenticknowledgeof Godthey once possessed,and for blockingaccess to the kabbalisticteachingswhich could, with the aid of Cardoso'swritings,restorethatknowledgeto the peopleonce more.29 29. I thinkwe must see in Cardoso'santi-elitiststancethe sourceof NehemiahHayon's position in the introductionwhich he wrote Oz le-'elohim, a commentaryupon Raza deMehemnuta(probablyCardoso'swork and knownto be so by Hayon;see Liebes 1995b and 1995c).Carlebach1990,p. 99, characterizes Hayon's"openadvocacyof individualinquiryinto the most secretand sacredquestionsof religion,untrammeled by the bondsof tradition,"and she furtherdescribeshow this advocacy"obviatedthe obligationsof submissionto rabbinic Carlebach'sstudyof the effortsadvancedby R. Hagizandothers authorityandinterpretation."

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And there is anothergroup who concedes that it is desirableto know the Holy One, blessed be He, and to seek Him and to understandthe faithof His Shekhinah.However,they assertthatourintellectsarenot worthyof receiving and understandinga thing as profoundas this. To these people the prophet replies[Hosea6:3;RSV translation],"[Letus know,let us presson to knowthe Lord;]His going forthis sureas the dawn;He will come to us as the showers, as the springrainsthat waterthe earth."This verse is saying thatjust as the dawncomes withoutpromptingandcontinuesto bringlight to the eyes of all humanity,so ha-Shem,may He be blessed, is readyto be discoveredby by anyonewho seeksto knowHim.Thereis no perilin thissearch;on the contrary, He will come like the springrainthatwatersthe earthfor ourbenefitand our salvation,and so forth.Becauseof all this, we are obligedto makeknownthe unityof the Holy One,blessedbe He, andHis Shekhinahto ourchildrenandto ourchildren'schildren,as it is said [Deut6:6-7; RSV translation],"Andthese wordswhich I commandyou this day shall be uponyourheart;and you shall teach them diligentlyto your children,"and the sages add, "to the least one, the ones who need education."And if this thingis beyondthe heartof all the childrenof Israel,how can we be commandedto exerciseourdiscernmentand understanding throughoutthe day and night,when we lie down and when we rise up, in every hourandeveryplace? And if you will investigatethis with the power of the intellect,you will understandthat the knowledge of ha-Shem,blessed be He, shall have its inceptionat the end of the exile not fromthe sages [hahamim]andnot fromthe in accordance greatest[gedolim],butfromtheleastsignificantone [ha-qetanim], with the wordsof ha-Shemto Jeremiah[Jer31:34;RSV translation],"Andno longershall each manteachhis neighborand each his brother,saying, 'Know the Lord,'for they shall all know me, fromthe least of themto the greatest." And it might have been more fittingto say "fromthe greatestof themto the least,"on the groundsthat at firstit behoovesthe wise and the greatto seek and to understandand to know ha-Shem,andafterwardsthe teachingand the knowledgewouldspreadout in sucha way thatthe least significantpeopleand the uneducatedpeople ['ammeyha-'arezot]would all know who ha-Shemis. Buthe [Jeremiah]prophesizedwhatwill happenandhe wrotein whatsequence it will happen,namely,thatfirstthe least significantones will receivethe faith of His reality,and afterwardsthe great ones will receive it, just as you see happeningtoday.And if this sequencewill be followed afterthe redemption, to silence Hayon had influencedmy own understandingof Cardoso'srelationshipwith the rabbinicestablishment.See also Rozen 1992, pp. 84-89, for a discussionof the responseof

Malkito theanti-elitist of Sabbatianism. RafaelMordekhai challenge

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thenhowmuchmoreso priorto it. Andthe sayingof Isaiah[Isa11:9;RSV of theLordas thewaters "theearthshallbe fullof theknowledge translation], coverthe sea,"meansthatforboththeleastsignificant peopleas well as for thegreatestit is necessaryto entertheseaat its edge,whereit is shallowand for bothgreatandsmall the watersaresmooth,andwhereit is appropriate alike.Andjust as the depth,whichis in themiddleof the sea,is notforthe butforthegreatwhoknowhowto swim,so theedgeof the leastsignificant sea is givenessentiallyto the leastsignificant people.Andthe secretis that to knowHimattheendof blessedbe He,desirestheleastsignificant ha-Shem, of thesagesof thisgeneration themajority shallalways theexile... Therefore be opposedto thisissue,whether bytheirpowerorbytheirvacuousreasoning. Maya stormsweepthemall away!... It is a factthatthegreatandthewise thespreadof knowledge andfordelayingour fordiminishing areresponsible salvation. ('ani Mekhuneh,pp. 118-119.)

Cardoso'santi-elitismcombinestwo facets:(1) anoppositionto thepower wielded by the rabbinicestablishmentthatis being used to keep the people in subserviencethroughenforcedignorance,and (2) an oppositionto the esotericismwhich impliesthatthe intellectualcapacityof the generalJewish populationis inherentlybelow that requiredfor comprehendingGod truly. Of course, esotericismserves, accordingto Cardoso,to keep the rabbinic establishmentin power, but it can also serve any elite that is unwilling to let the people judge for itself whetherit holds the true interpretation of Jewish revelation.Cardosowill therefore,in other contexts, argue that the fact that some Sabbatianleaderskeep theirteachingssecretis evidence that their teachingsare not in line with the true knowledgeof God that is corporateIsrael'soriginalpossession.Cardoso'santi-elistismhas, therefore, both anti-establishmentand anti-esotericthrusts,which sometimes work together,as in the previouslyquotedpassage.30 An understandingof Cardoso'santi-elitismpermitsus to recognizethe Cardoso,as we deepermotivationbehindhis messianicself-understanding. have seen, perceivesthe religiousestablishmentto be the enemystandingin the way of Israel's(re-)acquiringknowledgeof God and the salvation(end of exile) which flows from it. Let me suggestthatthe prismthroughwhich 30. I am indebtedto an anonymousrefereefor suggestingthe nuanceddistinctionbetween anti-elitismin the service of an anti-establishment polemic and anti-elitismin the service of anti-esotercism.

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Cardosoviews his relationshipto the people andto theirreligiousleadersis thatwhich he carriedwith him from Spain.The Israelwith which Cardoso identifiesis the Israel of the crypto-Jewsof the IberianPeninsula,those forced into ignoranceof their authentictraditionsand into the acceptance of a faith which is, in Cardoso'seyes, a corruptionof that tradition.The rabbinicestablishmentis seen by Cardosoin the mold of the ecclesiastical authoritiesin Spain who opposed any effort directedtowardthe recovery of their forebears'traditionson the partof the crypto-Jews.Cardosois not unlikemany otherescapedcrypto-Jewsin his continuingidentificationwith the NaCdo,the wider communityof crypto-Jewswhereverthey may be.31 Cardosodoes not see his own escape from Spain as permittinga simple reentryinto the Jewishpeople, becausefor him, corporateIsraelis suffering the samefateas the crypto-Jews.Onlytherestorationto Israelof the authentic knowledgeof God will put an end to the people'ssufferingin exile.32 Given this spiritualphysiognomy,Cardosocannot truly overcome his crypto-Jewishpast until the Jewish people are redeemedfrom their exile. enforcedworshipof the So long as Israel'sJudaismis crypto-Judaisnm-the God of the nationscoupledwith a longing for redemption,Cardosocannot the redemptionof Israel,but finda home in Israel.SabbataiZebi inaugurated he could not completethe process.Accordingto Cardoso('iggeretle-Yizhaq Qardoso,p. 291), SabbataiZebi's messianictask requiredhim to assume the identityof the crypto-Jewby separatinghimself from his people: "the King Messiahwas destinedto become a forced convert[anus, 'converso'] like me" precisely in orderto atone for Israel'syears of "idolatry."While SabbataiZebi's messianic trajectoryleads from membershipin Israel to Cardoso'sown messianictrajectorybeginswith literal literalcrypto-Judaism, must and pass throughan identificationwith the people of crypto-Judaism Israel.Cardosoassumesthe role which Israelas a whole is called to play, namely,witnessingto the truenatureof God. This witnessingis the essence of the Shema', and we have seen that Cardosobelieves that he is teaching 31. Goldish 1994, p. 236, writesthat"a PortugueseJew of Londonor Amsterdamwould feel far more kinshipwith his unrepenantcountrymanwho remaineda practicingCatholicin the IberianPeninsulathanhe wouldwith any Ashkenazino matterhow religious." 32. Cardosowas not alone in viewing the conditionof the crypto-Jewsof the Iberian Peninsulato be, as it were,a living exemplumof Israel'ssin of idolatry(althoughhe was alone this sin metaphysically),and in seeing escape fromthe IberianPeninsulaas in understanding future.See, for example,Kaplan1989a,pp. 373-374, for a discussion in a messianic ushering of Cardoso. of the messianicspeculationsof DanielLevi de Barrios,a contemporary

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Israel its meaning. In restoringthe knowledgeof God to Israel, Cardoso is restoringto Israel its preeminenceamong the nations.In the following passage,althoughratherheavilyladenwithkabbalisticimagery,Cardosovery clearly contrastshis own messianicmissionwith thatof SabbataiZebi, and we may see how powerfullyhis pastas a crypto-Jewhasshapedhis perception of the messianicdramabegunwith SabbataiZebi. tobebornamong.the inorder Cardoso. . .wasdestined uncircumcised Abraham to bringforththe sparkswhichfell fromholinessandalsothe sparkswhich withthesecretof theemission.Andthegazelle fell fromYesodin accordance [zebi]alwaysturnsits face towardsthe placefromwhichit came,andthis relatesto the Messiahson of David, who had to departfrom the entiretyof

Israel,fromtheTorah,andfromholinessintoimpuiityandevenfromhisbody, whichmustreturnto him,in orderto hastentheingathering, andbecauseof all shallgo fromimpurity thishis nameis Zebi.ButtheMessiahsonof Ephraim intoholiness,andit is notfittingforhimto turnhisfacebacktowardtheplace fromwhichhe came.Becausethe uncircumcisedarenow declaringJesusto be

to say"Whois likeGod?" likeGod,it is fittingfortheMessiahsonof Ephraim ... a on Cardoso's second andthatis whyfromall kha-'el, name] [miy pun timehis namewasMichaelandnotZebi. (QodeshYisra'el,pp. 265-266.)

Cardoso'strajectoryfromimpurityto purityandSabbataiZebi'strajectory frompurityto impuritymustboth,of course,culminatein a single point,the redemptionof Israel. Cardosowants the Jewish people to keep their sight on that futurepoint of conjunctionand not despairover the debasementof the Messiah son of David. In a sense, SabbataiZebi has not only stepped outside Israel, he has steppedbackwardsin time as Israelmoves forward towardredemptionwith the aid of Cardoso,the Messiah son of Ephraim, who representsIsrael'sfuture.The deathof SabbataiZebi has lockedhim in thatpast, and only Israel'sredemptioncan save him and bringback to him his body (throughresurrection).It is not going too far to say that Cardoso undertakesto redeemthe Messiahson of David as he undertakesto redeem Israel,as he suggests in numerouspassagesin Qodesh Yisra'el with which we beganthis study.In the veryfirstlines (p. 253) we read:"TheMessiahson of David is not completewithoutthe Messiahson of Ephraim,and the son of Josephis not a completeredeemerwithoutthe Messiahson of David."Of course,each Messiahneeds the other,butonly the messiahson of Ephraimis alive now: "Beneaththe heavensthereis no one besidesthe Messiahson of

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Ephraimwho is grantedthe powerto awakenthe supernaljoy [of the union of the Holy One,blessedbe He, with His Shekhinah]becausehe is alive and 'the deaddo not praiseGod.'" Let us now look more closely at how Cardosodescribesthe goal of his and SabbataiZebi's messianictrajectories,namely,theirunion in the future redemption. Cardosoas Kabbalistand the Unityof the Messiahs Before we look more closely at Cardoso'steachingregardingthe unity of the two Messiahs,we need to say a few wordsabouthow his anti-elitism shapeshis use of Kabbalah. Firstof all, Cardosoforgoes all referenceto the fulfillmentof the commandmentsas havingtheurgicpower,the powerto unifythe maleandfemale aspects of God. Instead,he makes knowledgeitself a theurgicforce. The severanceof the Shekhinahfromthe Holy One, blessedbe He, is, according to Cardoso,the resultof Israel'sforgettingthe natureof divinity.Israel'sexile and the Shekhinah'sexile resultfromIsrael'sfall fromepistemicunity with God. The recoveryof this epistemicunitywill resultin the unificationof the male configurationof the Holy One, blessedbe he, with His Shekhinah.We may call this epistemictheurgy.Epistemictheurgyis effective,however,only when practicedby all Israelat once, and it is, by its very nature,messianic in function.Redemption,the ending of the exile, dependsupon collective epistemictheurgy.Cardosohas in otherwords, reducedthe whole variety of kabbalistictheurgicpracticedown to a single act, knowingGod, and he has broadenedthe range of practitionersof the theurgicact from the few kabbalisticelite to all Israel. AnotherdifferencebetweenCardosoand traditionalKabbalahhas to do withhis introductionof a new objectof visionaryecstasy,one moreaccessible to corporateIsrael.AlthoughCardosowants to teach Israelthe knowledge of the natureof God, he also wants Israel to share in the transformative power of the mystical vision at the heartof traditionalKabbalah.But he does not expect all Israelto soar to ecstaticheights;ratherhe offers Israel anotherobjectto contemplate,the union of the two Messiahs.For Cardoso, the unionof the two Messiahsmirrorsthe unionof the malesefirahof Yesod and the female sefirah of Malkhut,which in turnmirrorsthe restorationof the FirstAdam(AdamQadmon),the divinepersonin whom all the sefirotic

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configurations find their unity and in whose image the human Adam was created. In contemplating the union of the two Messiahs, Israel is able to reach an understanding of the highest levels of the divine pleroma and of the perfect image of humanity which the messianic age will restore. The messianic image of Sabbatai Zebi and Cardoso together is a medium in which may be seen the restored perfection of the divine and human realms, and it is this vision which will lead Israel toward its redemption. In the following passage Cardoso begins with a concrete image of the union of the male and female sefirot and then explains how the unity of two the Messiahs, Sabbatai Zebi and himself, both represents and brings into being this higher unity. In the conclusion of the passage Cardoso states that the resurrectionof Sabbatai Zebi will take place during his own lifetime. You alreadyknow thatwe use the very sametermn--"foundation" [Yesod]-to referbothto the excavationin the earthwhichis madepriorto buildinga house and also to that which is placed within the excavationand which holds the house rising up over it. Now the earthis Malkhut,and the excavationis the Yesodof Malkhut,and also the structurewhich is erectedwithinher is Yesod, and it is necessarythattherebe unity betweenthe two. And the same is true concerningAdam and Eve, who are togethercalled Adam,becausethe male alone is not Adam.And the same is trueconcerningthe Messiahson of David and the Messiah son of Ephraim,who both togetherare called Messiahjust as each separatelyis the Messiah. And the very termMashiah ["Messiah"] demonstratesthis fact:the Messiahis referredto as "Name"[shem],and from Shem comes the Messiah son of David "And David made a name [shem; 2 Sam 8:13]"--and Yesodis called "Living"[hay]-"Joseph is living" [Gen 45:26---and fromhim comes the Messiahson of Ephraim.Now whenyoujoin shemandhayyou get mashiah,readingeachword"fromthe bottomto the top" [i.e., backwards],andyou get "LivingName"[heyshem]whenyou read"from the top to the bottom."And you have alreadyreadhow in the recitationof the Shema'one unitesthe Brother['ah, the firsttwo lettersof 'ahad,andreferring in kabbalistictermsto the Holy One,blessedbe He] with His Name [Hisshem, i.e., the Shekhinah;shem containsthe first two consonantsof the Shema'], thusbringingaboutthe word 'esmah["Iwill takepleasure,"a referenceto the supernalunion of male and female;the verb also containsthe consonantsof the word mashiah].In this way too the unity of the two Messiahs"will take pleasure,"and then ha-Shem"will take pleasure"in his creation,and Israel "will take pleasure"in its deeds, and "Moseswill takepleasure"[a quotation from the the Sabbathmorning 'Amidah]and "He raises the poor from the dust"--theMessiahson of David,"andlifts the needyfromthe ash heap"-the

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Messiahson of Ephraim, "tomakethemsit withprinces"[Ps 113:7-8;RSV As it is written,"ForI knowthatmy Redeemer is living[hay, translation]. Job 19:25a]"--thisis the Messiahson of Ephraim--"andat last he will stand up upon the dust"[Job 19:25b]-this is the Messiahson of David. And the

muststandupfromtheashheap, meaningis thattheMessiahsonof Ephraim andthe Messiahson of Davidmuststandup fromthe dust,andone word, is usedforbothindividuals. willstand "stand" "Mylivingredeemer" [yaqum], up, andafterwardshe [the Messiahson of David]will standup uponthe dust, and these things will happentogether[yahad],and for this reasonthe word

withtheMessiahsonof David,buttheword'sletterssum is associated "stand" to the [another wayof referring upto thesamevalueas thelettersof "Joseph" Messiahson of Ephraimas Messiahson of Joseph].

(QodeshYisra'el, pp.260-261) In ecstaticKabbalah,as Elliot Wolfson(1994, 1995a)has amplyshown, the mystic seeks a vision of the union of the Holy One, blessed be He, and his Shekhinahwhich is describedin overtly sexual terms, and which translatesinto the more concentratedimage of the "crownedphallus"of the Godhead,the conjunctionof the sefirot of Yesodand Malkhut.When the phallusis crowned,the female has been rejoinedto male and theirunity is complete,even though it means the effacementof the separateidentityof the female and her absorptioninto the male as the coronaof the phallus. WhenCardosospeaksof the unity of the two Messiahs,he adoptsprecisely this figure,the crownedphallus,to representit, with himself assumingthe identityof the phallus,and SabbataiZebi thatof the corona.It is not God's coronatedphalluswhich he wantsIsraelto behold,butthe Messiah's.In one particularlyrevealingritualof reparation(tiqqun)which Cardosodetailsin Qodesh Yisra'el, we find the eroticsof ecstaticKabbalahredirectedtoward the unionof Cardosoand SabbataiZebi. thefirstfroma palmtree.Letit be yourintention thatthis Taketwobranches, therighteous andsay[Ps92:12; branchis theMessiahsonof Ephraim, Yesod, RSV translation],"Therighteousflourishlike the palm tree, and grow like a cedarin Lebanon."And the intentionbehindthe words,"righteous... like a palm tree"is that the letterssum up to "AbrahamCardoso"[864], and also "cedar"sumsup to "sun"[shemesh],andthatis Yesod.Thepointis thatbecause the palmis male and femaletogether[thepalmfloweris "perfect,"possessing both stamensand pistil], which are YesodandMalkhut,thereis an allusionto the Messiahstogether.

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The single palm branch,says Cardoso,representshimself, the Messiah son of Ephraim,and his union with his "femalehalf," SabbataiZebi, the Messiahson of David. How this unityis intendedto be concretelyimagedis madeexplicit in the symbolismof the secondbranchused in this tiqqun. treeandsay [Num33:19; Andnow takeone branchfromthe pomegranate "Andtheytraveled fromRithmah, andencamped atRimmonRSVtranslation], perez."Andlet yourintentionbe thatthe exile is bitteras the broomplant [rotem],and redemption,togetherwith the ingatheringof the exiles, is sweet,

whenall Israelis underits king.Andthepomegranante likethepomegranate, withinhim.So thisis the is a crownedking,andall his peoplearecontained "And traveled from in the of the verse: exile,andtheyencamped they meaning Messiahson of David,"for he is "Rimmon"son of "Perez,"son of Judah.And consider,too, thatrimmon,spelled resh, mem,vav,nun, sums up to the same value as the nameShabtay[Sabbatai].

Thepomegranatefruitwithits greencrownis the symbolof theroyal,Davidic Messiah.But it is also the symbolof the Messiahson of Ephraim. But the Messiahson of Ephraimis also a pomegranate becausethe Yesod withthesecretmeaningof theverse,"These containsall Israel,in accordance arethe generationsof Jacob:Joseph"[Gen37:2]. The generationsof Jacobare

all Israel,andJosephcontainsthem.

The seed-bearingfruitis like thephallus,containingthe fullnessof Israel's generations,and so it is like Joseph,who containsIsraelwithin him. The Messiah son of Ephraim,who is the culminationof Joseph'sprogeny,also containsall Israelwithinhim, andso does the Messiahson of David,in whom Israelis "encamped."And thereis anotherreasonwhy the pomegranatecan representthe Messiah son of Ephraim.Cardosogoes on to explain:"Yesod possesses a crown [the coronaof the phallus],and in this respectYesodis a Withthis explanationwe see thatthe pomegranatesymbolizes pomegranate." eachMessiahin turn,andtheirunity.Thepomegranate's crownsymbolizesthe Messiahson of David, andthe fruitsymbolizesthe Messiahson of Ephraim. The crownand the fruit,in turn,symbolizethe crownedphallus,and this is the image of the union of Yesodand Malkhut.SabbataiZebi and Cardoso are, in theirunity,likenedto the unionof the male andfemaleconfigurations of the divine pleroma.Cardosohas adopteda daring symbol--the union of the two Messiahs as the coronatedphallus-in orderto appropriatethe

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esoteric teaching of the Kabbalahand make it imaginativelypowerfulfor corporateIsrael.Of course,this symbolundoubtedlyplays a significantrole in Cardoso'spsychiceconomy,suggestingas it does homoeroticdesireanda largemeasureof narcissisticfantasyregardinghis own masculinity.We may certainlyalso read Cardoso'suse of the termr 'oshiy"my head,"which we have seen above clearlyrefersto Yesod,as a namefor his supernalalter-ego, in the light of this narcissisticfascination.I cannotin the spaceof this paper do justice to the complex issues raisedhere. I would suggest,however,that Cardoso's"phallicnarcissism,"if we may call it that,will ultimatelytakeus backto the broadersocial and historicaldimensionwithinwhich Cardosois testimonyabouta questionwhich acting.Cardosooffersratherextraordinary musthavebeen raisedaboutmanyformercrypto-Jews,namely,whetherthey had been properlycircumcised.He states('iggeretDalet, pp. 220-222) that two women confrontedhim with the charge (at the behest of Moses and Aaron,who they said had appearedto them previouslyand told them to go to Cardoso)thathe had a "blemish"(pegam)on the site of his circumcision whichrenderedit improper,andthey spreadthis rumorin severalcities. They claimedthathis blemishwas hinderingthe comingof the Messiah,and that salvationdependedon his repairingthe circumcision.Wesee herethe obverse of Cardoso'sphallicnarcissism,namely,the humiliationenduredduringhis crypto-Jewishpast and the place on his body wherethatpast was inscribed, whetheror not he had actuallybeen circumcised.In fact, Cardosoadvances in proof of his being properlycircumcisedthe claim thathis penis did truly have a blemishcausedby a faultycircumcision.The circumcisionwas faulty, he tells us, because he had been born withouta foreskin,and afterhe left Spain,a mohel had removedskin unnecessarily!Whateverwe may makeof his claim to have been borncircumcised(not medicallyimpossible),33 what meant to Cardoso was that this musthave while he may have been bornin a land of impurity,and consideredby its people to be of "impureblood"as a New Christian,his trueidentitywas thatof purity,indeed,a natalpuritythat puthim on a planebeyondotherJews.But the sign of his purityis blemished, andthereforecalledinto question.Perhapswe mayrecognizein his alter-ego, R 'oshiy,a projectionof an idealized,unblemishedselfhood. If Cardoso'smessianicself-conceptionreflectshis phallicnarcissism,its roots lie in the profoundhumiliationenduredas a crypto-Jew,something 33. For a discussionof the notion of inheritedcircumcisionin Jewish and non-Jewish sources,see Gilman1993,pp. 52-56.

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which shapedthe experienceof manyothercrypto-Jewsas well, as has been arguedby Yosef Yerushalmi(1971, see esp. pp. 122-136), StephenGilman (1972, pp. 99-122, 130-170), Yosef Kaplan(1989a, see esp. pp. 173-178, and 1989b),and David Ruderman(1995, chap. 10). Kaplan(1989a, p. 173) summarizeswell the social and ideologicalcontextof this humiliation. The Spainwith whichwe are dealingwas surrounded by a fierywall of andreligiouspurpose; andinthiscontextthequestionof unsullied messianism of a Christian descentmeant,of course,membership Christian familyof long in in neither its nor its the pedigree livingrepresentatives standing,including of Jewishorigin.Thescions slightesthintof thepresenceof "NewChristians" of the originalchosenpeoplecameto be heldof low account,andindeedin to theirelectedstatus-thoseSpaniards contempt, bytheself-styledsuccessors Christian descentwhowerecarrying theChristian of uncompromised gospel to theworldat large. Perhapsmost appositely,Yerushalmi(1971, pp. 122-136) describesa virulentlyantisemiticmedicaltreatisewrittenby one Don Juande Quifiones, an associateof AbrahamCardoso'solderbrotherIsaacin Madrid.Quifiones statesthatamongthe punishmentswhichJewishmenmustendurethroughout time for their having persecutedthe "trueMessiah"is menstruation."If Jewish males menstruate,"writes Yerushalmi(p. 128), "theyare, in effect, no longer men but women, and the crime of deicide has been punishedby Wemayunderstand betterthenatureof AbrahamCardoso'sphallic castration." narcissismif we place it withinthe contextof the "machismo"antisemitism of seventeenth-century Spain. The continuingpresence of the a sense of being blemished,somehow impure,because of his crypto-Jewishpast, is evidencedalso in one further meaningwhich Cardosoattachesto the union of the two Messiahs.Their unionaccordingto Cardosorepresentsthe unificationof all Israel:the house of Judahwith the dispersedtribesof Joseph.This is a point which Cardoso makesat the beginningandthe end of QodeshYisra'el, wherehe recallsthat the lineage of the Messiah son of Ephraimgoes back to the first king of the NorthernKingdom,Jeroboamson of Nebat,who is seen as the greatest idolaterin Israel'shistory and the one who was ultimatelyresponsiblefor the dispersionof the ten northerntribes.Here againwe see the obverseside of Cardoso'smessianicnarcissism;he is descendedfromthe greatestsinner

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in Israel'shistory.However,the divisionbetweenthe two royal lines which beganwithJeroboamwill finallybe endedwiththeunionof thetwo Messiahs. sonof Nebat,andthisextends Youhavealreadynotedtheaffairof Jeroboam allthewaydownto theMessiahsonof DavidandtheMessiahsonof Ephraim, betweenwhomtherewill be conflictandjealousyuntiltheendtime,andthen shallnotbejealousof Judah,andJudahshallnotharassEphraim" "Ephraim [Isa11:131.(QodeshYisra'el, p. 253) Because of Jeroboam'ssin, Cardososays nearthe end of this drush,he, Cardoso,was destinedto be bornin a landwherehe was forcedto be an "idol worshiper."We have seen that Cardosoviews SabbataiZebi's apostasyas an atonementfor Israel'sidolatry;now we see thatCardoso'scrypto-Jewish past is an atonementfor the sin of Jeroboam.Once this sin has been atoned for,the dispersionof the ten tribeswill come to an end. This messianichope was widely held by Jews and Christiansalike at the time,34and for Cardoso, it must have meantespeciallythe cessationof the plight of the Jews on the IberianPeninsula.We see again how powerfullyCardoso'sexperienceas a crypto-Jewhas shapedhis imagination.His messianictask requireshim to teachthe Jews outsidethe IberianPeninsulathe truthaboutGod in orderto freethemfromtheirunwitting"metaphysical idolatry,"andoncethishasbeen the of the will Jews Peninsula be freedfromtheirenforced Iberian achieved, idolatry.Clearly,one of the drivingforces behindCardoso'smessianismis his continuingidentificationwith the sufferingof the crypto-Jews.35 Conclusion We began this paper with the claim that Cardoso'stheological and messialogicalspeculationsseek to downplaythe imageof a debasedMessiah, 34. See the evidence collected in the variousessays in Kaplan,Mechoulan,and Popkin 1989. 35. We may perhapsinvoke Popkin'sphrase"Marranotheology"to describeCardoso's messianism.UnlikeLa Peyrere,aboutwhosemessianicviews Popkincoinedthe term,Cardoso is vehementlyopposedto Jewish conversion,but he shareswith La Peyrerethe sense that the salvationof all the Jews dependsupon a messianicdramawhich uses the crypto-Jewish conditionas its majormotif. For his discussionof La Peyrere'sMarranotheology,see Popkin 1973and 1987,pp. 22-24.

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andto demonstratethatSabbataiZebi'sapostasywas not an actthatshouldbe imitated.In place of the imageof the debasedMessiah,Cardosoholds out to Israelthe gloriousimageof the resurrectedMessiahunifiedwiththe Messiah son of Ephraim,who togetherembody Israel'srecoveredgrandeuramong the nations.Cardosouses the intellectualdebatesof his day surrounding the statusof knowledgeversus faith and the existenceof a prisca theologia in orderto positionhimselfagainstthe rabbinicestablishmentas well as against the philosophizingkabbalists,both of whom, accordingto Cardoso,stand opposed to the spreadof knowledge among the Jewish people. Cardoso's withthecrypto-Jewish anti-elitismhasits rootsin his continuingidentification that all Israelis suffering in the Iberian Peninsula and his sense community the same plight in a formof "metaphysicalidolatry"imposeduponthemby the rabbinicauthorities. The image of the unifiedMessiahsservesCardosoas a powerfulsymbol of the redeemedfutureof Israel,and it crystallizesfor corporateIsraelthe otherwiseesoterickabbalisticteachingconcerningthe unityof the male and femaleconfigurationswithinthe divinepleroma.The moreaccessibleimage of the union of the two Messiahs,each havinga historicalreality,goes hand in handwith the anti-philosophicalknowledgeof the natureof God which Cardososeeks to spreadamongthe Jewishpeople. can be seen to have its Finally,Cardoso'smessianicself-understanding rootsin his continuingsense of profoundhumiliationabouthis crypto-Jewish past. Cardoso'smessianismmustbe understoodwithinthe frameworkof his phallicnarcissism,the obverseside of the woundsinflictedby his experience as a crypto-Jew.This interactionof psychodynamicsand historydeservesa muchlongertreatment,which I hope to providein a subsequentstudy.36 Universityof California,Davis Davis, Calif.

36. In particular,I would drawout the full implicationsof Cardoso'smessianicmissionto revealthe secretsof Israel'sfaithwith his identificationwith the "unveiled,"i.e., circumcised, Yesod,which, in turn,reflectshis standingrevealedto the world as an unblemishedJew, no longerneedingto hide behindany mask, even if it be merelythe maskof "theproperprofile of the Jewish communitywithin ChristianEurope,"in Ruderman'sphrase(Ruderman1995, p. 225). On the relationshipbetweenthe revelationof secretsandthe unveilingof Yesod.see Liebes 1993a,pp. 24-26, andWolfson1994,pp. 336-345 andpassim.

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Graetz,H. 1897. Geschichteder Juden: Vonder Ansiedelungder Marranen Zeit. 3rded. Vol. 10. in Hollandbis zumBeginnder Mendelssohnschen Idel, M. 1987. DifferingConceptionsof Kabbalahin the Early17thCentury. See Twerskyand Septimus1987, pp. 137-200. . 1988. Kabbalah:New Perspectives.New Haven:Yale University Press. of the Kabbalah . 1992a.The MagicalandNeoplatonicInterpretations in the Renaissance.See Ruderman1992a, pp. 107-169. Originallypublished in B. Cooperman(ed.),Jewish Thoughtin the SixteenthCentury (Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1983). * 1992b.MajorCurrentsin ItalianKabbalahbetween1560 and 1660. See Ruderman(1992a,pp.345-368. OriginallypublishedinItaliaJudaica 2: gli Ebrei in Italia Tra RinascinmentoEd Eta Barocca, Acti del II Convegnointernazionale,Genova1984 (Rome, 1986). *1992c.Particularism andUniversalismin Kabbalah,1480-1650. See Ruderman1992a, pp. 322-344. Kaplan,Y. 1989a. From Christianityto Judaism:TheStoryof Isaac Orobio de Castro.Trans.R. Loewe.LittmanLibraryof JewishCivilization.New York:OxfordUniversityPress. . 1989b. Political Conceptsin the Worldof the PortugueseJews of AmsterdamDuringthe SeventeenthCentury:The Problemof Exclusion andthe Boundariesof Self-Identity.See Kaplan,Mechoulan,andPopkin 1989, pp. 45-62. * 1990. "Karaites"in EarlyEighteenth-Century Amsterdam.Vol. 17 of Brill's Studiesin IntellectualHistory,pp. 196-236. Leiden:E.J.Brill. , Mechoulan,H., and Popkin,R. (eds.) 1989. Menassehben Israel and His World.Vol. 15 of Brill's Studiesin IntellectualHistory.Leiden: E. J. Brill. , Mirsky, A. and Grossman, A. (eds.) 1988. Galut Aher Golah: Mehkharimbe-Toledot'AmYisra'elMugashimle-ProfessorHaim Beinart.Jerusalem. Kors, A.C. 1993. Skepticismand the Problemof Atheismin EarlyModem France.See Popkinand Vanderjagt1993,pp.185-215. Liebes,Y. 1987. MysticismandReality:Towardsa Portraitof the Martyrand Kabbalist,R. SamsonOstropoler.See Twerskyand Septimus1987, pp. 221-256.

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*.1993a. The Messiah of the Zohar:On R. Simeon bar Yohai as a MessianicFigure.See Liebes 1993c,pp. 1-84. * 1993b. Studiesin Jewish Mythand Jewish Messianism.Trans.B. Stein,Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress. . 1993c. Studiesin the Zohar.Trans.A. Schwartz,S. Nakache,andP. Pelli. Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress. . 1995a. Sod Ha 'EmunahHaShabta'ut: QobetzMa 'amarim.Mosad Bialik. . 1995b. MichaelCardoso-Author of the Book Raza deMehemnuta WhichHadBeenAttributedto SabbataiZebi,andtheMistakenAttribution of 'IggeretMaggenAbrahamto Cardoso.[Hebrew].See Liebes 1995a, pp. 35-48. OriginallypublishedinKiryatSefer55(3) (1980),pp. 603-616 andKiryatSefer(April 1981) 56(2), pp. 373-374. *.1995c. The IdeologicalBasis of the HayonControversy.[Hebrew]. See Liebes 1995a,pp. 49-52. Originallypublishedin Proceedingsof the Eighth WorldCongress(Jerusalem,1982),pp. 129-134. Lettersof Abraham Molho, I.R., and Amarillo,A. 1960. Autobiographical Cardozo.[Hebrew].See Ben-Zviand Benayahu1960,pp. 183-242. Popkin,R. 1973. The MarranoTheology of Isaac La Peyrere.StudiInternazionalidi Filosofia 5, 97-126. . 1979.TheHistoryofScepticismfrom ErasmustoDescartes.Berkeley: of Press. California University -. 1987. Isaac La Peyrere (1596-1676). Vol. I of Brill's Studiesin IntellectualHistory.Leiden:E. J. Brill. , and Vanderjagt,A. (eds.) 1993. Scepticismand Irreligionin the Seventeenthand EighteenthCenturies.Leiden:E. J. Brill. Rosenberg,S. 1987. EmunatHakhamim.See Twerskyand Septimus1987, pp. 285-341. Rosenthal,J. 1961. Ha-Iggeretha-Shishitle-Abnermi-Burgos.[Hebrew]. Studiesin BibliographyandBooklore5 Cincinnati:Libraryof theHebrew Union College-JewishInstituteof Religion,pp. 42-51. Rozen, M. 1992. Jewish Identityand Society in the SeventeenthCentury: Reflectionson the Life and Workof RefaelMordekhaiMalki.Trans.G. Wachsman.TUbingen:J. C. B. Mohr. Ruderman,D. B. 1988.Kabbalah,Magic,andScience:TheCulturalUniverse Physician.Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress. of a Sixteenth-Century

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*(ed.). 1992a.EssentialPapersonJewishCulturein Renaissanceand BaroqueItaly.New York:New YorkUniversityPress. -. (ed.). 1992b.Preachersof the Italian Ghetto.Berkeley:University of CaliforniaPress. -. 1995. Jewish Thoughtand ScientificDiscovery in Early Modern Europe.New Haven:YaleUniversityPress. Sasportas,J. 1954. ZizatnovelZevi.Ed. Y. Tishby.MosadBivalik. Scholem,G. 1937. The Letter"Maggen'AbrahamMe 'erezha-Mma'arab." [Hebrew].Vol. 2 of Kobetz 'al Yad,n.s. 2, pp. 122-155. Jerusalem. Reprinted(with author'sand editor'snotes) in G., Scholem,Mehkerey Shabata'ut,ed., Y. Liebes (Tel Aviv:Am Oved, 1991),pp. 142-181. . 1960. Two New TheoloicalTextsby AbrahamCardoso.[Hebrew]. See Ben-Zvi and Benayahu1960, pp. 243-300. Reprintedin part(with author'sandeditor'snotes) in G. Scholem,MehkereyShabata'ut,ed., Y. Liebes (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1991),pp. 425-452. . 1971a. The Crisisof Traditionin JewishMessianism.See Scholem 1971b,48-77. -. 1971b. TheMessianicIdea in Judaismand OtherEssays on Jewish Spirituality.New York:SchockenBooks. . 1971c. RedemptionthroughSin. See Scholem1971b,pp. 78-141. . 1973. SabbataiSevi, TheMysticalMessiah,1626-1676. Vol. 93 of BollingenSeries.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress. . 1974.Studiesand TextsConcerningtheHistoryofSabbatianismand Its Metamorphoses.[Hebrew].Jerusalem:MosadBialik. . 1978.Kabbalah.New York:New AmericanLibrary. . 1980. New Informationon AbrahamCardoso.[Hebrew].See Aptowitzerand Schwarz1980, pp. 424-450. Reprinted(with author'sand editor'snotes) in G. Scholem,MehkereyShabata'ut,ed., Y. Liebes (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1991),pp. 395-424. Shamir,Y 1975. RabbiMoses Ha-Kohenof Tordesillasand His Book 'Ezer Ha-Emunah:A Chapterin theHistoryoftheJudeo-Christian Controversy. Leiden:E. J. Brill. Sherwin,B. L. 1982.MysticalTheologyandSocialDissent:TheLifeand Works of Judah Loew of Prague. Londonand Toronto:AssociatedUniversity Presses.

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Twersky,I., and Septimus,B. eds. 1987.Jewish Thoughtin the Seventeenth Harvard Century.Vol.6 of HarvardJudaicTextsandStudies.Cambridge: UniversityPress. Wolfson,E. R. 1994.Througha SpeculumthatShines:VisionandImaginatioin in MedievalJewishLiterature.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress. -. 1995a.Circumcision,Visionof God,andTextualInterpretation: From MidrashicTropeto Mystical Symbol. See Wolfson 1995b, pp. 29-48. Originallypublishedin Historyof Religions27 (1987), pp. 189-215. . 1995b. Circle in the Square: Studies in the Use of Gender in KabbalisticSymbolism.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress. Yerushalmi,Y.H. 1971.FromSpanishCourttoItalianGhetto:Isaac Cardoso: MarranismandJewishApologetics.New A Studyin Seventeenth-Century York:ColumbiaUniversityPress. Yosha, N. 1988. The Philosophical Backgroundof Sabbatian Theology: Guidelinestoward an Understandingof AbrahamMichael Cardoso's Theoryof the Divine. [Hebrew].See Kaplan,Mirsky,and Grossman (1988), pp. 541-572.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): John Pairman Brown Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 105-108 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486735 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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BOOKREVIEWS Moshe Weinfeld.ThePromiseof the Land: TheInheritanceof the Land of Canaanby the Israelites.TaubmanLecturesin Jewish Studies3. Berkeley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1993. xxi, 327 pp. Moshe Weinfeldhere once again extends to new areas the two enterprises he began twenty-fiveyears ago in his big book on Deuteronomy:' (1) uncoveringthe layers of traditionin the HebrewBible, moving back fromthe Deuteronomicschool;and(2) elaboratinga new academicspecialty, previously(to the best of my knowledge)unnamedby othersor by himself: international juristicformulae.The Universityof CaliforniaPresshas handsomely printedup this expansionof his TaubmanLectures(which I heard with much profitin 1989), except that seeminglyno proofreadercould be foundto get a few lines of Greekprintedcorrectly(see pp. 5, 21, 207). Of nine chapters,six (3 through8) analyzea laterandan earlierstratumof concepts relatingto the "inheritanceof the land,"not unknownto biblicalscholarship; I outline these more briefly,and then in the style of a mini review-article chronicleWeinfeld'sone-manprogressivediscoveryof international juristic formulae. Chapter3 lays out two successiveviews of the bordersof the land:the earlierrestrictedsystemof the PriestlyCode,fromLebo-Hamathto the wadi of Egypt,excludingthe eastbankof the Jordan;andthe Deuteronomic,which extendsthem fromthe Euphratesto the Nile. Chapter4 findstwo successive views aboutthe statusof the Canaanites:in the CovenantCode of Exodus 21-23 they are simply to be dispossessed;in Deuteronomy,annihilated. Weinfeldobserves(p. 213) thatin the SecondTempleperiod, Theconceptof totallyannihilating theCanaanite wasviewedwith population andtherewasa desireto depictrelations withtheCanaanites greatreservation, in termsof peacefulnegotiations. Evenmore,the emphasison theterritorial essenceof the landof Israeland the Jewishpeoplewas replacedby new non-territorial definitions. spiritual, 1. Deuteronomyand theDeuteronomicSchool(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1972).

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It wouldbe interestingto know how Israelistodayhearthose two contrasts. Chapter5 lays out threeviews aboutthe natureof the conquest:thatof Albright'sschool, which sees it as military,in line with the book of Joshua that of Alt and Noth, which sees it as a peacefulsettlementin uninhabited areas;and that of Mendenhalland Gottwald,which sees the Israelitesas alreadyin Canaan.Weinfeldattemptsa synthesis.Chapters6 and7 attemptto show thatthe summaryof the settlementin Judges1:1-2:5 is as tendentious as thatof Joshuaandambitiouslystriveto workbackto whatreallyhappened. Chapter8 analyzes a shift from seeing the inheritanceas an unconditional promiseto a conditionedobligation. When the Hittiteand Akkadian"loyalty"treatieswere first discovered, definingthe relationshipof the "vassal"to the GreatKing,it becameapparent that the covenantalformulaeof the HebrewBible were closely patterned on the treaties,with Israelplayingthe role of vassal to its God, the "Great King"(Psalms95:3).Weinfeld'sbookon Deuteronomydoesnotextendmuch beyondthatanalysis.His originalityappearsin his laterinsightthatthe Near Easternformulaeof the treaty,by definitionthe primarydocumentshared between cultures,equally appearin the large corpusof Greekand Roman treaties,bothas recordedin thehistoriansandon stone.Intwo seminalarticles he documentedthe mannerin which the provisionsof the treatygenerally,2 andthe loyaltyoathin the "vassal"treatybetweenunequals,3arereflectedin Greco-Romantreatiesandoathsof allegiance. Since then, Weinfeldin brief studieshas unearthedparallelsbetweenthe Near East and the Greco-Romanworld in instructionsfor templevisitors;4 in the internaldiscipline of the Qumransectariesand Hellenisticguilds;5 and in the conductof a census.6In the beautifulbook which precededthis 2. "CovenantTerminologyin theAncientNearEastandIts Influenceon theWest,"Journal the AmericanOrientalSociety93 (1973): 190-199. of 3. "TheLoyaltyOathin the AncientNearEast,"Ugarit-Forschungen 8 (1976):379-414, in spiteof its title, containingabundantGreco-Roman parallels. 4. "Instructions for TempleVisitorsin the Bible and in AncientEgypt,"in Egyptological 28 (Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1982), Studies,ed. SarahIsraelit-Groll, ScriptaHierosolymitana pp. 224-250. 5. The OrganizationalPatternand the Penal Code of the QumranSect: A Comparison with Guildsand ReligiousAssociationsof the Hellenistic-Roman Period,NovumTestamentum et OrbisAntiquus2 (GOttingen: Vandenhoek& Ruprecht,1986). 6. "TheCensusin Mari,in AncientIsraelandin AncientRome,"in Storiae tradizionidi Israele,ed. D. Garrone(Brescia:Paideia,1992),pp:293-298.

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of np-ri ton "justiceand one,7he parallelsthe typicalHebrew"hendiadys" u "truth to Akkadian kittum misarum andequity"as it appears righteousness" with Greekparallelsalso.8Previouslyhe hadnotedthe in royalproclamations, legalisticdoubledefinitionof a treaty,e.g. "oathand curse"(Hebrew;nino Greek horkos and ara). In each of these cases he has suggested and ,rx, routesby which the usage could havepassedfromeast to west. plausible In the book underreview,the ninthand final chapter("TheCovenantal Aspect of the Promise of the Land to Israel")identifiesa second type of as contrastedwith"obligatory," derivedfrom Hebrewcovenant,"promissory" the grantformulaeof ancientNear Easternkings; here too there is a nice Latinparallel.'The initialchapterscontainWeinfeld'smost massivenovelty to date:an extensivecomparisonof the patternof Israelitesettlementin the PromisedLandwithVergil'slanguageaboutthe settlementof Aeneasin Italy! PreviouslyCyrus Gordonhad listed literaryparallelsbetweenthe Hebrew Weinfeldshows (p. Bible andthe Aeneidwithoutproposingan explanation.'0 Aeneid must the of the reflect Greek that colonization,andthat language 21) it in turnreflectstwo phasesof Phoeniciancolonization: withthe indigenous Thefirstphasecomprisesthe beginningof a connection population(for purposesof trade),whichis followedby a secondphase real involvinga greatinfluxof new settlersintothe areaandrepresenting colonization. Thesetwo stagesarereflectedin the traditions of bothRoman andIsraelitehistory. In chapter1, "ThePatriarchalStoriesin the Light of GreekFoundation Stories,"Weinfeldworks out "the Aeneas-Abrahamanalogy"with seven points: (1) a man leaving a great civilizationand chargedwith a universal mission; (2) the gap betweenthe ancestor'smigrationand the actualfoundation;(3) a promiseat stake;(4) the pious ancestor;(5) the ancestralgods (sacraand teraphim);(6) the burialplace of the founder;(7) Canaanversus 7. Social Justice in AncientIsrael and in the AncientNear East (Minneapolis:Fortress Press, 1995). 8. Weinfeld'sGreekexample(p. 9) canbe somewhatimproved:see theparallelof dikeand themis"justiceandlaw"at Odyssey9.215, PindarIsthmian9 fragment. 9. With"confirma treaty"(nl613 ,iepn, e.g. Genesis6:18) WeinfeldcomparesLatinfoedus firmare(p. 235), which I can documentat VergilAeneid12.212firmabantfoedera. 10. CyrusH. Gordon,"Vergilandthe Bible World,"in GratzCollegeAnniversaryVolume, GratzCollege, 1971),pp. 111-130;revisinghis ed. I. D. PassowandS. T. Lachs(Philadelphia: study"Vergilandthe NearEast,"Ugaritica6 (1969):267-288.

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Aram,Rome versus Carthage.The suggestivenessof his work is enhanced when it opens up vistas for othersto enter.Thus (p. 5) with the promiseto Abrahamhe comparesthe promiseto Aeneas (VergilAen. 3.97-98, resting on a late Hellenisticreadingof Iliad 20.307-8): Hic domusAeneae cunctisdominabituroris et natinatorumet qui nascenturab illis. Hereshallthe house of Aeneasrule over all shores, boththe sons of sons andthose who shallbe bornof them. We may furthercomparethe Hebraicidiom"thehouseof Israel"andEzekiel 37:25 ". .. they andtheirsons andthe sons of theirsons shalldwell therefor ever." In chapter2, "ThePatternof IsraeliteSettlement:A Comparisonwith the Patternof GreekColonization,"he notes commonelementsas follows: (1) inquiryat the shrine(Delphiand Shiloh);(2) priestlyguidance(Eleazerand the"seer"of Cyrene);(3) divineobligations(leges sacraeandthePentateuch); (4) the founder'stomb;(5); namingthe land;(6) dividingthe land (by lot); (7) divinepromise(YHWHandApollo at Cyrene);(8) settingup stones;(9) buildingan altar.The parallelslistedundereach itemwarrantcarefulstudy. Hebrewand Greek Of all the languagesof the easternMediterranean, far the most are its accuratelywritten,carefully by (with daughterLatin) preserved,andbest understood;culturalparallelselsewhereconjecturalhere can be precisely documented.It is remarkablethatthe international juristic formulaeall operatedsolely in translation;they containnone of the common vocabularywhich in other areas demands comparativetreatment.Much unexploredterritoryremains!To the best of my knowledge(butI do not have his completebibliography),Weinfeldhas not treatedconnectionsbetween the RomanTabulaeXII and ancientNear Easternlaw codes." All readers will join me, I am sure,in wishinghim manyfruitfulfurtheryearsof cultural exploration. Brown JohnPairman Calif. Berkeley, 11. See RaymondWestbrook,"TheNatureandOriginof the TwelveTables,"Zeitschriftder Romanistische Abteilung105(1988):74-121. Westbrook Rechtsgeschichte, Savigny-Stiftungftir compares,on the one hand,the casuisticmethodof the RomanTwelveTables,the Akkadian codes, andthe Covenant(Exodus21-22) andDeuteronomic(Deuteronomy21-25) Codes;on the otherhand,the "scientific"methodsharedby Gaiusandthe Mishna.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Jacob Milgrom Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 109-110 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486736 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Jacob Licht. A Commentaryon the Book ofNumbers XXII-XXVI. Jerusalem:

MagnesPress, 1995, 209 pp. (Hebrew). This is the third and final installmentof JacobLicht's commentaryon Numbers,posthumouslycompletedby his pupil Samuel Ahituv with the assistanceof his wife, Arela, from notes on the final chaptersleft behind by the author.Each verse is discussed in four sections: Masoretictext, commentary,notes and variantsin manuscripts,and versions.The book is dividedinto thirteenunits,each of which is precededby shortexcursuseson the mainthemesandconcludedby a surveyof thepositionstakenby scholars on these themes. A mere glance at this apparatusand its bibliographysuffices for a realizationthat Licht's commentaryis comprehensive.It is particularlyrich in miningthe halakhicandaggadicloreof therabbis.Theexegeticalproblems are discussedin the notes, and the historical,geographical,and theological issuesaredebatedin theexcursuses.Theexcursuseson chap.35 (pp. 172-190) dealingwith the Leviticcities, the city asylums,andthe laws of homicideare particularlynoteworthyfor theircomprehensiveness, consideringthatLicht's a consists of scant 200 It is commentary pages. literally"packed,"expedited in no small degreeby the uniquespace-savingsigla which Licht devised in the notes. Therearesome lacunae.Thetotalabsenceof mapsis a seriousdeficiency, since the end of Numbersdealswitha summationof the wildernessitineraries (chap.33), the settlementof Transjordan (chap.32), andtheboundariesof the landof Canaan(chap.34)-subjects for whichmapsare indispensable.Here and there the bibliographyis deficient.For example,there is no reference to F. M. Cross'sdiscussionof the wildernessstations.'Surprisingly,thereis no bibliographyfor the last chapter-all of which can be attributedto the untimelydeathof the author. Lichtdoes not contenthimselfwithpresentingsummariesof the views on the mootissuesbutfreelyoffershis own solutions.Theyaregenerallyconservative and are fully substantiated,balanced,andwell reasoned.Nonetheless thereis muchthatthis reviewercannotaccept.Theseare some examples: p. 1. Licht disregardsthe Wiederaufnahme (resumptiverepetition)of Numbers22:21b, 35b, a sign that 22:22-35 is an interpolationintendedto ridicule Balaam, who otherwiseis treatedfavorablyin both the narrative 1. CanaaniteMythandHebrewEpic (Cambridge,Mass., 1973).

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and poetryof the BalaamScroll (chaps.22-24), and also, contraLicht, an indicationthatthe narrativeis not laterthanthe poetry. p. 19. On 22:11. ndqabin Leviticus24:11, 16 does not mean"curse"but "articulate" (YHWH'sname). p. 51. On 25:13. Phineasis promisedby God to be the foundernot of the highpriesthoodbut the Templepriesthood. p. 56 On 26:54-56. Thereis no need to postulatea complex succession of lots; rather,the land is apportionedboth by considerationsof size and geographyandby the use of lots. p. 83. The 'd.?mis nevera publicsacrifice. p. 88. On 28:6. The q6deSis the shrine,not the sacredprecincts. p. 91. On 28:23-24. WithI. Knohl,2the prepositionsmilbadand 'al are indicatorsof two discreettraditions. pp. 98-101. I doubtthat there are two subcategoriesof vows, setdmim (general)and mtbhdqim(specific), whereby the formerare equivalentto nedabd(freewill) sacrifices.Even where conditions(the signs of specific vows) are not stipulated,they can be assumed.Thus in Psalms 116:14, 18, distress(vv. 3-9), the the psalmisthas recoveredfromsome life-threatening for his vow. motivation offering probable p. 174. Even if the averagecity in First Templetimes was 500 x 300 cubits,the prescriptionfor the migrai (pen enclosures)--1000cubitson each side-is not "hutzpa,"in considerationof thefuturegrowthof the city. My differenceswithLichtarespelledoutin my commentaryon Numbers.3 However,one shouldnote thatin the main,the differencescited aboveareof opinion,not citationsof factualerrors.This, I submit,constitutesthe highest praisethatcan be paid by any reviewer.Thereis no doubtin my mind that Licht'scommentarywill take its place as a standardworkfor generationsto come. JacobMilgrom Israel Jerusalem, ScottB. Noegel. JanusParallelismin the BookofJob. Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries223. Sheffield:SheffieldAcademic Press, 1996. 223 pp. 2. TheSanctuaryof Silence(Minneapolis,1995). 3. Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety,1990.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Joel S. Kaminsky Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 110-112 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486737 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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and poetryof the BalaamScroll (chaps.22-24), and also, contraLicht, an indicationthatthe narrativeis not laterthanthe poetry. p. 19. On 22:11. ndqabin Leviticus24:11, 16 does not mean"curse"but "articulate" (YHWH'sname). p. 51. On 25:13. Phineasis promisedby God to be the foundernot of the highpriesthoodbut the Templepriesthood. p. 56 On 26:54-56. Thereis no need to postulatea complex succession of lots; rather,the land is apportionedboth by considerationsof size and geographyandby the use of lots. p. 83. The 'd.?mis nevera publicsacrifice. p. 88. On 28:6. The q6deSis the shrine,not the sacredprecincts. p. 91. On 28:23-24. WithI. Knohl,2the prepositionsmilbadand 'al are indicatorsof two discreettraditions. pp. 98-101. I doubtthat there are two subcategoriesof vows, setdmim (general)and mtbhdqim(specific), whereby the formerare equivalentto nedabd(freewill) sacrifices.Even where conditions(the signs of specific vows) are not stipulated,they can be assumed.Thus in Psalms 116:14, 18, distress(vv. 3-9), the the psalmisthas recoveredfromsome life-threatening for his vow. motivation offering probable p. 174. Even if the averagecity in First Templetimes was 500 x 300 cubits,the prescriptionfor the migrai (pen enclosures)--1000cubitson each side-is not "hutzpa,"in considerationof thefuturegrowthof the city. My differenceswithLichtarespelledoutin my commentaryon Numbers.3 However,one shouldnote thatin the main,the differencescited aboveareof opinion,not citationsof factualerrors.This, I submit,constitutesthe highest praisethatcan be paid by any reviewer.Thereis no doubtin my mind that Licht'scommentarywill take its place as a standardworkfor generationsto come. JacobMilgrom Israel Jerusalem, ScottB. Noegel. JanusParallelismin the BookofJob. Journalfor the Study of the Old TestamentSupplementSeries223. Sheffield:SheffieldAcademic Press, 1996. 223 pp. 2. TheSanctuaryof Silence(Minneapolis,1995). 3. Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety,1990.

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This useful book is an attemptto correctthe tendencyof modem scholarshipto assume that "a given lexeme or passage has but one meaningor (p. 14). Scott Noegel has a keen eye for the many different interpretation" of types wordplaythatone finds in the HebrewBible, but he has dedicated this monographto the phenomenoncalled Janusparallelism.The term"was coinedby CyrusGordonto describea literarydevice in whicha middlestich of poetryparallelsin a polysemousmannerboththe line thatprecedesit and the line thatfollows it" (p. 12). The book begins with an introductionto Janusparallelismfollowedby a briefdiscussionof why scholarshipneedsto paygreaterattentionto thispoetic device.Noegel thenhasa slimchapteron previousbiblicalscholarshipon this subject.Chapter3, the vast bulk of the book, containsan updatedcollection of over forty previously unrecognizedexamples of Janus parallelismin the book of Job. Each example is briefly explainedby Noegel, who also takes into accountwhetherany ancientor modem commentatorsnoted the possibility of a secondarymeaning for the word or words that form the heartof each Janusparallel.HereNoegel makesvery compellingarguments for each of the exampleshe cites. The book is extensivelywell researched and includes several appendicesas well as a full bibliography.The first appendixcoverspreviouslyunrecognizedJanusparallelsfoundelsewherein the HebrewBible. A secondappendixincludesJanusparallelsfoundoutside of the HebrewBible, primarilyin otherancientNear Easterntexts but also one instancefrom the Quranand a few from medievalJewishpoetry.The thirdappendixincludesa discussionof certainsuggestedinstancesof Janus parallelism,mostly from a varietyof texts foundwithin the HebrewBible, thatNoegel rejectsas trueJanusparallels,while notingthattheymay contain othertypes of wordplay. On the whole, this book is thoroughand writtenin a concise, erudite fashion.Noegel's philologicalskills are exemplary.The book'smajordrawback is that it is primarilya collection of individualargumentsabout a numberof previouslyunrecognizedJanusparallels.Noegel spendstoo little time discussinghow knowledgeof such wordplaysmight influencea host of interpretivedecisions that could radicallyalter one's whole interpretive approach.Althoughhe occasionallytouchesupon such questions,especially in his conclusion,where he arguesthat the interdependenceand interplay between these wordplaysindicatethat Job has a greaterdegree of literary unity than often acknowledged,Noegel does not devote enough attention to these issues. I wished that he had takenthe time to apply more of what

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he discoveredin his close philologicalreadingsto the largerhermeneutical questionswith whichbiblicalscholarshipis currentlywrestling.Hadhe done so, one suspectsthat this book would read less like a dictionaryand more like a monograph. Thereare also a few minortypographicalerrors.Not unexpectedlythey are in the Hebrewquotationsfromthe Bible. They includea missingline of Hebrewtext in the discussionof Hosea 2:8-9 on page 151, an errorin the orderof the Hebrewwords thatoccursin the discussionof Hosea4:2-3 on page 152, and two misspelledHebrewwords in the discussionof Jeremiah 25:10-11 on page 183. JoelS. Kaminsky St. OlafCollege Minn. Northfield, Daniel Meir Weil. The Masoretic Chant of the Hebrew Bible. Jerusalem:

RubinMass, 1996. 397 pp. (English),31 pp. (Hebrew). Never beforehave I founda book so hardto review.The learnedauthor spentyearsresearchingthe most complexmaterial,andprobablyeven more time workingout an originaltheoryto accountfor all the ramifications. The resultis a methodical,challenging,but frustratingillustrationof the perilsof scholarship:how a conscientiousresearcher,while doing his best to explain everything,can still bafflehis readersandlose them. Hebraistshave foundit mucheasierto determinethe truephoneticvalue of each of the Tiberiasvowel-signs than the vocal pitch correspondingto the writtenaccents (or atm,). The vowel notationis simplerand fairly not much linguisticacumenis needed to prove that thereare transparent; sevenvowel-qualitieslike thoseof standardItalianandPortuguese,including [o] for and[E]for .., even thoughno regionalbranchof Jewryhasaccurately preservedall such featuresof the TiberiasHebrewphonology.'The Hebrew system of accents, however,is very intricateand has no close analoguein any other languageor textual corpus.To recoverthe very tones in which the TiberiasMasoretesread the sacredtext has scarcelybeen attemptedby any seriousHebraistsince the school of Tiberiassank into oblivion many in AmericaandEngland 1. The seven vowels of the Ashkenazicsynagoguepronunciation

as faras it goes,althoughleavingothermajor aredueto a ratherrecentreform-accurate of Hebrewuncorrected. defectsof the Ashkenazicpronunciation

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Saul Levin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 112-116 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486738 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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he discoveredin his close philologicalreadingsto the largerhermeneutical questionswith whichbiblicalscholarshipis currentlywrestling.Hadhe done so, one suspectsthat this book would read less like a dictionaryand more like a monograph. Thereare also a few minortypographicalerrors.Not unexpectedlythey are in the Hebrewquotationsfromthe Bible. They includea missingline of Hebrewtext in the discussionof Hosea 2:8-9 on page 151, an errorin the orderof the Hebrewwords thatoccursin the discussionof Hosea4:2-3 on page 152, and two misspelledHebrewwords in the discussionof Jeremiah 25:10-11 on page 183. JoelS. Kaminsky St. OlafCollege Minn. Northfield, Daniel Meir Weil. The Masoretic Chant of the Hebrew Bible. Jerusalem:

RubinMass, 1996. 397 pp. (English),31 pp. (Hebrew). Never beforehave I founda book so hardto review.The learnedauthor spentyearsresearchingthe most complexmaterial,andprobablyeven more time workingout an originaltheoryto accountfor all the ramifications. The resultis a methodical,challenging,but frustratingillustrationof the perilsof scholarship:how a conscientiousresearcher,while doing his best to explain everything,can still bafflehis readersandlose them. Hebraistshave foundit mucheasierto determinethe truephoneticvalue of each of the Tiberiasvowel-signs than the vocal pitch correspondingto the writtenaccents (or atm,). The vowel notationis simplerand fairly not much linguisticacumenis needed to prove that thereare transparent; sevenvowel-qualitieslike thoseof standardItalianandPortuguese,including [o] for and[E]for .., even thoughno regionalbranchof Jewryhasaccurately preservedall such featuresof the TiberiasHebrewphonology.'The Hebrew system of accents, however,is very intricateand has no close analoguein any other languageor textual corpus.To recoverthe very tones in which the TiberiasMasoretesread the sacredtext has scarcelybeen attemptedby any seriousHebraistsince the school of Tiberiassank into oblivion many in AmericaandEngland 1. The seven vowels of the Ashkenazicsynagoguepronunciation

as faras it goes,althoughleavingothermajor aredueto a ratherrecentreform-accurate of Hebrewuncorrected. defectsof the Ashkenazicpronunciation

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centuriesago. D. M. Weil, who has both a doctoraldegree and the title of rabbi,was emboldenedto dig for the elusive treasure.His findingsare impartedin six highlytechnicalchaptersin English(someof themverylong), with a substantialsummaryin modemHebrew. but he has That he takes pride in his achievementis understandable; an unusualnotion of intellectualproperty.On the reverseof the title page we read with surprise,not a brief routinestatementof copyrightbut this: in thisworkor the "Anyonewho intendsto use the methodof reconstruction reconstructionitself must submita writtenrequestto the author(Hageonim St 2, Jerusalem92473) and receive his writtenapprovalbeforepublication in any manner.The authoris entitledto refuseapprovalwithoutexplanation. or of thereconstruction itself must Everyuse of this methodof reconstruction be accompaniedby the author'sapproval." He is liable to be disappointed,not by the largenumberof scholarswho defy or ignorethe attemptto controltheiruse of his research,butby the utter paucityof readersable to follow it at all. Thatis due, for the most part,to a forbiddinglyabstractpresentation,whichmaybe justifiedin principleby the logic of the author'sprojectbut demandstoo muchof his readers,expecting them to concentrateupon page after page withoutany actualquotationof reference. biblicalverses, or even a chapter-and-verse InsteadWeil referscontinuallyto pertinentpagesin severalauthoritative booksby M. Breueron biblicalaccents,and-when necessary-explainshow he and Breuerdisagree.Thushe virtually,thoughof coursenot deliberately, warns us that we can hardlygrasp his argumentunless we look up what Breuerhas saidon this point--or happento knowaboutit otherwise.My own experiencewith Weil'sbook, but withoutaccess to Breuer's,was rewarding well into chapter3, entitled"The Global SymmetricModel,"as long as I coulddrawon stored-upknowledgeof the accentsfrommy pastresearch.But I got bogged down in musicologicaldistinctionswhichI could not correlate with anythingfamiliarto me. Weil'sexpertisein musicwouldhaveprofited this less expertreader,had it been communicatedadequately. He devotes the firstfour chaptersto a step-by-stepreconstructionof the tonesthatcorrespondto thewrittenaccentsof theTiberiasMasoretes.I accept as a theoreticalpostulatehis notes fromhigh F (top line of the trebleclef) down to low F but endingback on low G, with furtherextensionsto high G and low D. (NeitherB nor E is includedin this scale.) I am not convinced, however,that these eight tones from high G to low D--ratherthannine or seven or some othernumber-will best accountfor the data.

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Moreover,my confidencein Weil'sgrandschemeis diminishedby some paradoxicaltwists as well as mereblunders-forgivablein such an intricate this: subjectbut still disconcerting.As I struggledto understand Formally (V a S) (3 a ES) (a' P a UaP a'). expressed: Forinstance,if a is sofpasuq,thena' maybe takenas tippeha,zaqeforsegol. Foreitheroneof these,onehasa' Pa (p. 54) the misstatementthat : can constitutea pair (as : and : 'can indeed) For the authoroughtto have knownthatthe pair of sappedmy motivation. ^ ^ accentsin not : but whichgovernsthefirst half of a verse; neveroccurs in the second half, which : , closes. The ruleabout"was cogentlystatedby WilliamWickesin Englishovera hundredyearsago,2besidesearlierscholars who wrote in otherlanguages. Weil'sgreatestparadoxlies withinhis classificationof certainaccentsas leadersandthe restas suspenses;only a leadermayforma pairwiththe next accent.Yet he classes : , as a leader(but^as a suspense,pp. 69-78). This is boundto incurthe objectionthat: endseveryverseandaccordinglyit never links its word to the ensuingword, while. does lead right into: in some , shortverses, such as These[were]the stagesof thesonsof Israelby theirunits;andtheymoved [fromplaceto place] (Numb.10:28,cf. Gen.1:3). Weil supportsthe odd lumpingof , with the leadersby an impressive collateralargument,that the servantor conjunctive, is used only (•a'rn) beforeleaders: (xnmu) (MM•) J.(-19n) , the collection I.(,a•)I, and so it standsto reasonthat ' has some affinityto the other four , collocations: "A leader has always merka'as servant and is never served by munah.A suspense has always munahas servantand it is never served by merka'.This rule holds for all disjunctivesof classes II and III of which Table 3.5" (p. 72). That table, however,leaves out one leaderx7piT, does not conformto Weil'srule.Anothertableof accents(p. 45) does list" 2. A Treatiseon the Accentuationof the Twenty-oneSo-calledProse Books of the Old Testament(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1887),pp. 71-73.

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and has the furtheradvantage of giving an example of each collocation; thus he blessed them," Gen. 1:28). •i• i-'1. ("and Some additional factor is involved in the occurrence of certain conjunctives in the very same word as a disjunctive but on an earlier syllable, and also in the susceptibility of but not , to be placed on two successive words 1Wt "which we shall give back to him," 1 Sam. 6:4). How the (as in i" ' differences in distributionbetween and are related to the differences in their tonality--which is Weil's paramountconcern-remains to be discovered.3 He expressly leaves for a later time the accent system of the poetic books-Psalms, Job, and Prophets (pp. 11, 299-300). It has, among other things, complex rules for both , and : of which the latter is absolutely excluded from the system of the twenty-one prose books. At the end of chapter 2, "An Overview of the Reconstruction,"he says, that "the impatient reader who wishes to enrich his or her study of the theoretical discussion with some preliminary concrete facts may wish first to skip to chapter 5-Confirmation by Practice-before continuing with chapter 3." I found, however, after giving up on the latter part of chapter 3, that I could not pick up the thread in chapter 5, or at any other point. I did read with profit several scatteredparagraphsof chapter6, "Evaluation and Extensions," where Weil develops some fascinating speculations. He argues quite plausibly that the Masoretic chant itself goes back to the Second Temple, although the written notation belongs to medieval Tiberias. He goes on to suggest that so elaborate a chant was not, in origin, purely vocal but accompanied by musical instruments.At the same time he acknowledges that none of the texts which mention the liturgical music of the Levite performers connect it with the reading of the Torah (p. 312). I can more readily imagine the Levites playing along as they sang the Psalms. Oriented as he is toward musicology, Weil does not get into the accents as a visually coherent and intricate system. Some facets of it would dovetail well with details of his own classification; e.g., the marks which bend toward the left are mostly the ones that he designates as leaders.4 I have dwelt upon the shortcomings of this book because they thwarted 3. In a brief and quite inadequate footnote (p. 134) Weil remarks, "The substitution merka' -- munah before zarqa' (B[reuer] 3.13) falls under the same heading [as the substitution of' for" when one or more unstressed vowels intervene, and for when two or more unstressed

vowels intervene]."

4. See my article, "The Traditional Chironomy of the Hebrew Scriptures," Journal of Biblical Literature 87 (1968): 65-66.

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my curiosityto learna great deal from his highly originalresearch.Other readersof the book may surmountthe impedimentsand come away more successfulthanI was. SaulLevin StateUniversity of NewYorkatBinghamton N.Y. Binghamton, Michael L. Satlow. Tasting the Dish: Rabbinic Rhetorics of Sexuality. Brown

JudaicStudies303. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1995.xix, 370 pp. Tastingthe Dish is intendedas a preliminarystep towarda rabbinic historyof sexuality(p. 315). Focusingon the arguments("rhetorics")'by which the rabbisbolster their rulings and opinions on sexuality,Michael Satlowanalyzesrabbinictexts concerningincest, sex betweenGentilesand andmaritalsexual Jews,nonmaritalsex, homoeroticism,andnonprocreative attention behaviors.Fourthreadsarefollowedthroughout. is givento Primary discussionof individualpassagesand the rhetoricalargumentsemployedor reflectedtherein.In doing so, Satlowalso addressesin detailthe similarities and differencesbetweenthe Palestinianand Babyloniantexts andtraditions. Brief considerationis given to nonrabbinicparallelswhich sketch out a culturalcontextforthe rangeof rhetoricalarguments.Finally,theproblematic relationshipbetweenrabbinicrhetoricandsocial realityis addressed. Satlow'sstudyweavesthe firsttwo threadsintoa garmentrichwithdetail and nuance. From his examinationof rabbinictexts, Satlow discernstwo generaltypesof rhetorics:legal rhetorics,whichdefineandcategorizesexual transgressionsand establishissues of liability,and nonlegal,or persuasive, rhetorics,which discuss the progenyof sexual intercourse,the association of sexual transgressionswith other forbiddenactivities, such as idolatry and murder,the identificationof forbiddenactivities with sectariansor non-Jews,divine retribution,the defilementconferredby sexual relations underparticularcircumstances,apologetics for or exculpationof biblical characterswho appearto have violated rabbinicsexual restrictions,and concreteretribution,such as economicpenalties(pp. 320-327). Throughout,Satlow is carefulnot to harmonizethe varioustexts into a single "rabbinictradition"but ratherdifferentiatesamongthe variouslayers not as a technicalreferenceto the classicalGreekand 1. Satlowuses the term"rhetoric(s)" Romandisciplineof thatname,but in the broadersense of "persuasiveargument."

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Adele Reinhartz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 116-118 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486739 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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my curiosityto learna great deal from his highly originalresearch.Other readersof the book may surmountthe impedimentsand come away more successfulthanI was. SaulLevin StateUniversity of NewYorkatBinghamton N.Y. Binghamton, Michael L. Satlow. Tasting the Dish: Rabbinic Rhetorics of Sexuality. Brown

JudaicStudies303. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1995.xix, 370 pp. Tastingthe Dish is intendedas a preliminarystep towarda rabbinic historyof sexuality(p. 315). Focusingon the arguments("rhetorics")'by which the rabbisbolster their rulings and opinions on sexuality,Michael Satlowanalyzesrabbinictexts concerningincest, sex betweenGentilesand andmaritalsexual Jews,nonmaritalsex, homoeroticism,andnonprocreative attention behaviors.Fourthreadsarefollowedthroughout. is givento Primary discussionof individualpassagesand the rhetoricalargumentsemployedor reflectedtherein.In doing so, Satlowalso addressesin detailthe similarities and differencesbetweenthe Palestinianand Babyloniantexts andtraditions. Brief considerationis given to nonrabbinicparallelswhich sketch out a culturalcontextforthe rangeof rhetoricalarguments.Finally,theproblematic relationshipbetweenrabbinicrhetoricandsocial realityis addressed. Satlow'sstudyweavesthe firsttwo threadsintoa garmentrichwithdetail and nuance. From his examinationof rabbinictexts, Satlow discernstwo generaltypesof rhetorics:legal rhetorics,whichdefineandcategorizesexual transgressionsand establishissues of liability,and nonlegal,or persuasive, rhetorics,which discuss the progenyof sexual intercourse,the association of sexual transgressionswith other forbiddenactivities, such as idolatry and murder,the identificationof forbiddenactivities with sectariansor non-Jews,divine retribution,the defilementconferredby sexual relations underparticularcircumstances,apologetics for or exculpationof biblical characterswho appearto have violated rabbinicsexual restrictions,and concreteretribution,such as economicpenalties(pp. 320-327). Throughout,Satlow is carefulnot to harmonizethe varioustexts into a single "rabbinictradition"but ratherdifferentiatesamongthe variouslayers not as a technicalreferenceto the classicalGreekand 1. Satlowuses the term"rhetoric(s)" Romandisciplineof thatname,but in the broadersense of "persuasiveargument."

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of Palestinianand Babyloniantexts andtraditions.Threegeneraldifferences emerge.First,Palestiniansages,as representedin Palestiniantextsand/orcited in the BabylonianTalmud,develop argumentsbased on Scripture,whereas Babyloniansages proffer logical argumentationand draw on sociological factorsas well as actual,observedbehaviors.Second,Palestiniansages generallyframetheirdiscussionsof sexualityaroundmarriageandprocreation, while the Babyloniansourcesaremoresensitiveandacceptingof nonmarital and nonprocreativeexpressionsof sexuality.Third,andmost significant,the Palestiniansourcesidentifymasculinitywith activity,penetration,andpower, and associate femininity with passivity, being penetrated,and weakness. Satlow notes that modem argumentsregardingthe positive view of human sexualityin rabbinicsourcesdrawalmostexclusivelyfromBabyloniantexts, which"reflecta muchmorecomplex,andconflicted,set of sexualassumptions thando Palestiniansources"(p. 319). While such differencesare clearly explained,the historicaland/orculturalfactorswhich underliethem remainmurky.Satlow'sbrief discussions of nonrabbinictexts do reveal some parallelsto rabbinicperspectiveson sexuality.The rhetoricof categorization,for example,is evidentin Greekand Romandiscussionsof citizenship,which was grantedonly to those who had two citizenparents(p. 95); the rhetoricof defilementis used in Jubilees(Jub 30:10-11) andPhilo'streatiseon Moses(Mos1.285-304)in disapprobation of intercoursewith Gentiles.Whiletheseparallelsareintriguing,theyfrequently are too briefly developed to do more than underscorethe value of such comparativestudy. Similarlysuggestive but sketchy are Satlow's attemptsto move from rhetoricto reality. In some instances, he provides cogent, if necessarily speculative,reasonsfor a particularrabbinicviewpoint.The likelihood,for example,thatthe child of a Gentileman anda Jewishwomanwould remain with her/hisJewishmothermay have lent an urgencyto the rabbinicefforts to determinethe child's precise status-is he/she a mamzer/et,hence an ineligiblemarriagepartner,or a Jew?2Conversely,the definitionof the child of a non-Jewishmotheras a Gentilewas a matterof easy agreement,since in any case he or she was unlikelyto residewithinthe Jewishcommunity(p. 95). 2. The position that the child of such a liaison is a mamzer/etis consistentlyattributed to Palestinianrabbisby the BabylonianTalmud.Babyloniansages, and the redactorof the BabylonianTalmud,however,most oftenfindthe child"fit,"i.e., Jewish(p. 88).

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Aboutmany otherissues, however,Satlowremainssilent. Whatare the assumptions,andthe socialrealities,forexample,whichunderlietherabbinic consensus that a girl between eleven years and one day old and twelve years and one day old is permittedto use (or accustomedto using) a mok,a contraceptivesponge,"lest she conceive andperhapsshe will die"?3Satlow arguesthatwhile this formulationostensiblyexpressesconcernfor the girl, its specific purposeis not to protecther life or healthbut her procreative potential(p. 233). This would seem a somewhatungenerousinterpretation were it not for the rabbinicsequel:"Lessthanthatandmorethanthathe has intercoursein his regularway and does not fear."4This passageassumesthe normalcyof sexualrelationswith a minor,perhapsin the contextof marriage, yet Satlowdoes not addressthe questionof whetheror not such intercourse was acceptableto the rabbisand/orpracticedin theirvariousmilieus.5 Greaterexplorationof the connectionsbetween rabbinicrhetoricand social reality,speculativeas it must be, would have addedto the value and interestof this studyfor those who arenot specialistsin rabbinics.Further,a topical index as well as an index to textualcitationswould have been very welcome. Nevertheless,the book succeeds in its primarygoal, providinga detailedanalysisand cogentcategorizationof rabbinicrhetoricsof sexuality, and a sturdy foundationfor exploringrelated issues. The most enduring of the rabbinicmaterial, impression,however,may well be the androcentrism and its relentlesssexual objectificationof girls and women. Satlow's close attentionto the differentvoices of the rabbinictexts cannotovercomethe most profoundsilence of all, thatof the womenwhose most intimateacts are enscribedin these texts butwhose voices arerarelyheard. AdeleReinhartz McMaster University Ont. Hamilton,

3. The otherclasses permittedto use or accustomedto using a contraceptivesponge are pregnantandnursingwomen(ToseftaNiddah2:6). 4. This is the reading in Tosefta Niddah 2:6. Parallels in the Babylonian Talmud (e.g.,

Yebamot12b, 100b,andothers)use femininepronounsratherthanmasculineones: "lessthan this or morethanthis she has intercourseas she usuallydoes"(p. 233). 5. BabylonianTalmud,TractateNiddah13a-b considers"thosewho marryyounggirlsnot of childbearingage"to be amongthosewho delaythe Messiah(p. 249; cf. p. 258). Satlowdoes not addressthis issue in any detail,however.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): John Pairman Brown Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 119-122 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486740 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

REVIEWS BOOK

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Joseph P. Schultz and Lois Spatz. Sinai & Olympus: A Comparative Study.

Lanham,Md.:UniversityPressof America,1995. xxv, 790 pp. This big book somewhatlopsidedlycompares"themythandphilosophy of archaicandclassicalGreeceandthebiblical-rabbinic legacyof classicalIsrael"(p. xv). Namingthe civilizationsafterthe mountainsbecomesawkward: thus in "On Olympusas on Sinai sacred space was carefullydesignated" (p. 402), the literal meaning reassertsitself as if the two mountainshad sanctuaries.The bulk of the work consists of paired studies of "Sinai" and "Olympus"underten chapterheadings.Each has an introductionand a curiouslybrief section of "Conclusionsand Comparisons,"only once as muchas ten pages.The rareFrenchandGermanworkscited all lackaccents. This work is less (as billed) a comparativestudythanmaterialsfor one. The "Sinai"sectionsare, it seems, by JosephSchultz(p. xv), "Olympus"by Lois Spatz.Onlyrarelydoes eitherincludecomparisonswiththeotherculture. The lack of coordinationalreadyappearsin the ComparativeChronologyon facing pages, wherethe same events can be differentlydescribedand dated. (Abraham,Joseph, and Moses appearin the column "ImportantPeople," and "DorianInvasion"and "Exodus"under"MajorEvents,"as if claiming full historical character; a large 0 between B.C.E. and C.E. suggests to the uninformedthata yearZeroexisted.) The sections on "Olympus"are on the whole competentlydone. One could wish thatthe authorhadgiven us her ownjudgmentsratherthanthose of other scholars,and had venturedon translationsof her own. There are occasional lapses. At p. 15 the TrojanWaris cited as if historical.On p. 63 Spatzrefers to "the etymologicallink betweenthe old god Cronusand chronos,the Greekword for time."At p. 108 she misinterpretshypermoron "beyondtheirfate"(Odyssey 1.34) as "griefwhichexceedsthe naturallimits thatseparatehumansfromthe deathlessgods."(Theold-fashionedwill regret that throughout"human"and "quote"have become nouns,and at p. 56 the gerund"parenting" appears.)I do not knowwhat"aconflationfull of ellipsis" is. (p. 110) Mostly these long essays could be lifted out as an independent study of Greekcivilizationunderthe ten topics which the authorsassigned each other. The sectionson "Sinai"are somewhatless satisfactory,in partbecauseof the very broadtimespanthat the authoris assignedto cover.In the process the truly biblical materialssuffer.Thus, "The clamorof new voices in the Bible never reachedthe pitch where a philosopherjudged ritual sacrifice

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as sinful murder"(p. 32); but see Isa 66:3 (RSV), "He who slaughtersan ox is like him who kills a man." At pp. 504-507 on the Pentateuchthe four supposed sources J, E, P, and D are treatedalmost as if positively known,althoughlater(p. 523, n. 6) the author'sleft handtakes away what his righthandhas given. Thereare some highly speculativematerials:at p. 135 Sodom and Gomorrahare annihilated"throughwhat biblical scholars at p. 656 with no apparent now thinkwas an earthquakeand conflagration"; is Ezekiel's vision as "the accountof the as an author cited treating irony a extraterrestrial of actuallanding beingsreportedby painstaking,truthfuland section[pp.607-608] thereis reference, criticalobserver."(Inan introductory which againwithoutclearirony,to scientificexplanationsfor"thecatastrophe swallowedup AtlantisandearlyAthens,"including"poleshift.")The"Sinai" of biblical authoris mostat homewithrabbinicandkabbalisticinterpretations he often new to this reviewer. But fails the that were to put rabbisin thought theirBabylonian,Roman,andByzantinecontexts,while the biblicalcontext is truncated;thus no place has been foundfor the propheticproclamationof justice, which makesa nice parallelto Hesiod Worksand Days 213-292 on thejustice of Zeus. Sinai and Olympusnever quite answersa priorquestion:Whatkind of comparisonis being proposed?Is it between two societies in touch with each otherat one or more removes,via Phoeniciantradeor the like, so that actualhistoricalconnectionsshouldbe sought?Oris it betweentwo societies went theirown ways, so thatonly which, thoughin largepartcontemporary, a generalstructuralcomparisoncan be carriedout? Thatthe comparisonis historicalis suggestedby the wordsof thepreface, "the distinct Hebrew and Greek currents in Western civilization .

. .

actually

cultureof emergedfrom a common source:the polytheisticMediterranean the ancientNear East"(p. xiv). But if thatwere the authors'intention,they should have cited more "comparativists" (p. xvi) who lay out connections betweenGreeceandthe WestSemiticworld.The principalones cited areM. L. West(in his commentarieson Hesiodand elsewhere),P. Walcot,Thorleif Boman (who appearsas "Thorlief'),and R. K. Yerkeson sacrifice.Wholly absent are the books of Cyrus Gordon,Michael Astour,WalterBurkert's

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TheOrientalizingRevolution,'JacquelineDuchemin,2RuthEdwards,3 Haiim Rosen,4andthe studyof the Semiticvocabularyin Greekby EmiliaMasson.5 Since the Sinai sections build so heavily on the idea of the Covenant,they mighthave citedessaysby MosheWeinfeldthatshow its terminologyechoed in GreekandRomantreaties.6 Whenthe authorsdo hit on an historicalconnectionthey note it, as with the myth of four metal ages in Daniel and Hesiod (p. 720). More often they come close but miss. In all the pages (37-58) devotedto the possible influenceof EnumaElish on Greek,they overlookthe fact thatEudemusof Rhodes(4th cent. B.C.E.)preservesa close paraphrase of its firstlines with all the divine namesin place.7Spatzdoes note the similaritybetweenTheognis and the Proverbsof Solomon, but just says that "specificparallelsare too numerousto list" (p. 290). She mighthave cited Theognis697, "WhenI am faringwell I have many friends"beside Prov 14:20 (cf. 19:4),"Thefriends of the rich man are many."Schultz(p. 357, n. 18) cites Rolandde Vauxfor the similaritybetweenGreekand Hebrewformsof sacrifice;but he fails to note the linguisticparallelremarkedby de VauxtherebetweenGreekbomos "altar"and Hebrewbmh"highplace."8 Perhaps,then,the real intentionof the authorswas to determinehow far a structuralparallelismbetweenthe two societiesexisted,divorcedfromany historicalconnection.Thenthe parallelismoughtto have been laid out in the introductions,workedout in the essays, andsummarizedin the comparisons. But none such is prominent.The introductionsrely more on MirceaEliade 1. WalterBurkert,The OrientalizingRevolution,trans. M. E. Pinder and W. Burkert

Mass.:Harvard in Press,1992);the German (Cambridge, University originalwaspublished 1984. 2. JacquelineDuchemin,Mythesgrecs et sources orientales,ed. B. Deforge (Paris:Les

BellesLettres,1995),withfootnotes abbreviated fromtheoriginalessays. unfortunately

3. RuthB. Edwards,KadmosthePhoenician(Amsterdam: Hakkert,1979). 4. HaiimB. Ros6n,L'Hibreuet ses rapportsavec le mondeclassique:essai d 'valuation culturelle,Etudeschamito-semitiques Sup. 7 (Paris:Geuthner,1979). 5. EmiliaMasson,Recherchessur les plus anciensempruntssemitiquesen grec, Etudeset 67 (Paris:Klincksieck,1967). Commentaires

6. MosheWeinfeld,"Covenant in theAncientNearEastandIts Influence Terminology

on the West,"Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety93 (1973): 190-199; and idem, "The 8 (1976):379-414. LoyaltyOathin the AncientNearEast,"Ugarit-Forschungen 7. Reprintedin my Israel and Hellas, Beiheftezur ZeitschriftJfir die alttestamentliche 231 (Berlin:de Gruyter,1995),p. 17. Wissenschaft

8. Severalmoreitemsof commonvocabulary arelistedby deVauxin hisStudiesin Old

TestamentSacrifice(Cardiff:Universityof Wales,1964),p. 49.

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thanany otherauthor(chaps.2, 3, 7, 9, and 10) alongwith Jungand Rudolf Otto.9The Sinaiauthoris familiarwith these;the Olympusauthorcites only Eliade (p. 721), the comparisonsnone. Again the introductionto chapter8 ("PublicLife-Law and the State")is built entirelyaroundthe thoughtof MaxWeber;the Sinaiauthoron chapter8 cites Weberregularly,the Olympus authorandthe conclusionsnot at all. If the authorswere to proceedforwardin a sequel from these copious materialsto a substantialcomparison,they would have two choices. If they intendan historicalcomparisonof two societiesindebtedto eachotherat one ormoreremoves,theyshouldstartfromdocumentedconnections:comparable art-works,commonvocabulary,narrativethemes,historicalcontacts(certain or conjectural);and Hebrewtexts should be cut off at the same point as Hellenicones. If they intenda structuralcomparison,they shoulddesign an introductoryprotocol,partlyon the basis of the materialsalreadycompiled, thatbothof themwould find it easy to follow.The workshouldthenexplain why these two societieswere chosenratherthanothers,definetheirunifying principles,and show in much more detailhow far the working-outof those principlesranparallel. JohnPairman Brown Calif. Berkeley, Eli Davis and David A. Frenkel. The HebrewAmulet:Biblical-MedicalGeneral.Jerusalem:InstituteforJewishStudies,1995.xvii, 212 pp.(Hebrew). This is at one and the same time a very valuableand a very frustrating book. On the one hand,Eli Davis andDavidFrenkelbringtogethera wealth of materialon Jewishamuletsfromall overtheDiaspora(fromAfghanistanto the UnitedStates,withthe majorityof IranianandNorthAfricanprovenance) both and supplementthe classic studies of T. Schrireand J. Trachtenberg, of which requireupdating.'On the otherhand,the book's organization,or ratherits lack thereof,makesit difficultfor even the most determinedreader 9. The introductionsare said to be a joint product(p. xv), but one sentenceuses the first-person"I am indebted..." (p. 93, n. 9). 1. TheodoreSchrire,HebrewAmulets:TheirDeciphermentand Interpretation(London, Jewish Magic and Superstition:A Studyin Folk Religion 1966); and JoshuaTrachtenberg, (1939;reprinted., New York,1974).

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Yedida K. Stillman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 122-124 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486741 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

122

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thanany otherauthor(chaps.2, 3, 7, 9, and 10) alongwith Jungand Rudolf Otto.9The Sinaiauthoris familiarwith these;the Olympusauthorcites only Eliade (p. 721), the comparisonsnone. Again the introductionto chapter8 ("PublicLife-Law and the State")is built entirelyaroundthe thoughtof MaxWeber;the Sinaiauthoron chapter8 cites Weberregularly,the Olympus authorandthe conclusionsnot at all. If the authorswere to proceedforwardin a sequel from these copious materialsto a substantialcomparison,they would have two choices. If they intendan historicalcomparisonof two societiesindebtedto eachotherat one ormoreremoves,theyshouldstartfromdocumentedconnections:comparable art-works,commonvocabulary,narrativethemes,historicalcontacts(certain or conjectural);and Hebrewtexts should be cut off at the same point as Hellenicones. If they intenda structuralcomparison,they shoulddesign an introductoryprotocol,partlyon the basis of the materialsalreadycompiled, thatbothof themwould find it easy to follow.The workshouldthenexplain why these two societieswere chosenratherthanothers,definetheirunifying principles,and show in much more detailhow far the working-outof those principlesranparallel. JohnPairman Brown Calif. Berkeley, Eli Davis and David A. Frenkel. The HebrewAmulet:Biblical-MedicalGeneral.Jerusalem:InstituteforJewishStudies,1995.xvii, 212 pp.(Hebrew). This is at one and the same time a very valuableand a very frustrating book. On the one hand,Eli Davis andDavidFrenkelbringtogethera wealth of materialon Jewishamuletsfromall overtheDiaspora(fromAfghanistanto the UnitedStates,withthe majorityof IranianandNorthAfricanprovenance) both and supplementthe classic studies of T. Schrireand J. Trachtenberg, of which requireupdating.'On the otherhand,the book's organization,or ratherits lack thereof,makesit difficultfor even the most determinedreader 9. The introductionsare said to be a joint product(p. xv), but one sentenceuses the first-person"I am indebted..." (p. 93, n. 9). 1. TheodoreSchrire,HebrewAmulets:TheirDeciphermentand Interpretation(London, Jewish Magic and Superstition:A Studyin Folk Religion 1966); and JoshuaTrachtenberg, (1939;reprinted., New York,1974).

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to follow andto coordinatethe itemsdiscussedin the text withthe numerous, but randomillustrations. The book is in partan academicmonographand in parta catalogue-not an unusualcombinationin arthistoryandmaterialculturepublications.The seven brief chaptersin the first part (pp. 1-60) deal with variousaspects of the generalsubjectof Hebrewamulets,while the secondpartcatalogues some 350 items,mainlyfromthe privatecollectionof Davis, a distinguished physician at the Hebrew Universityand HadassahMedical Center,and a noted and eruditecollector of Judaica,who has publishedotherworks on genres of traditionalmaterialculture,often based on his own collection.2 The second-largestgroupingin the catalogueis from the collectionof the GlazerInstitutefor the Historyof Medicinein Jerusalem(nos. 313-342). The remainingeight items are from variouscollectionsbelongingto institutions and individuals,all in Jerusalem.Rarely do the discussionsof amulets in Part I refer the readerto illustrationsin Part II. For example, in chapter 1, which provides a succinct introductionto the subject of amulets,their types, usages, and sources, not once is the readertold which items in the collection representlove amulets,birthingamulets,circumcisionamulets, gender-specificamulets, etc. To make things still more confusing,where there are, in the succeedingchapters,referencesto items in the collection, the text refers readers to a numbered illustration (temuna mispar ...).

But

moreoftenthannot, no suchillustrationcanbe located.Theperceptivereader will eventuallyfigureout that each item numberdescribedin the catalogue sectionis called "illustrationnumber,"whetherit is in fact illustratedor not. But even this is not entirelyconsistent,and sometimesthe readeris referred only to an item number,which may or may not be amongthe illustrations. Thereaderwho triesto identifyany of the illustrationsmustreferbackto the cataloguedescriptions,since no captionsotherthannumberareprovided. This reviewergot the distinctimpressionthattherewas no real editorial oversightin theproductionof thisbook.Thereis considerableandunnecessary repetitionof detailsthroughoutthe text. For example,on p. 3, the statement thatamuletscould be used to cure variousillnesseswhichtodaywe referto as psychosomatic,such as migraines,colitis, andeczema,is repeatedalmost verbatimat the top and bottom of the page. Chapter6 which deals with amuletslisted in the Sefer ShoshanYesodha-'Olamof the sixteenth-century 2. See, for example,Eli Davis and Elise Davis, Hats and Caps of the Jews (Jerusalem, 1983); and idem, Jewish Folk Art Over the Ages (Jerusalem, 1977).

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kabbalistR. Joseph Tirshom,thoughhighly interesting,seems to standby itself with no directconnectionto whatprecedesor follows it. Despite the annoyingformat,there is much that is highly useful in this book.The lengthylist of abbreviationscommonlyfoundon Hebrewamulets, thedetailedelaborationof texts,gematriyot,andiconographicsymbols,areall andelucidationof talismans.Thereis also welcometools forthe interpretation valuableinformationon the functionaluse of specificmaterials(e.g., marble againstthe evil eye, amberfor fertility,cat's eye againstbewitchment,crystal against toothache)and on the place of amulets in folk medicine. Finally, and no less importantfor the researcher,the book offers a descriptiveguide to the largestsingle Hebrewamuletcollection. The only other catalogued amuletcollection of similarsize (317 items) knownto this revieweris the Feuchtwangercollection,now in the IsraelMuseumin Jerusalem.3 YedidaK. Stillman of Oklahoma University Norman,Okla. Shalom Goldman. The Wiles of Women/TheWiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar' Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore. Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1995. xxxiii, 189 pp. As confidencein our ability to reconstructthe historyof ancientIsrael has waned over the last several decades, scholarly attentionhas turned to other facets of biblical studies. One beneficiaryof this frustrationhas been the growing research into previously neglected areas, such as the andthe literarydimensionsof the Bible, the historyof biblicalinterpretation, Bible'srole in interreligiousrelations,the latterreinforcedby the increasingly scholarshiptakesplace. This pluralisticenvironmentin which contemporary bookreflectsthe lasttwo of theseinterests,applyingthemto the Josephcycle, with consequencesthatalso enrichourappreciationof its literaryvalue. Few biblicalstoriesare as amenableto this kind of discussionas thatof Joseph,which is widely recognizedfor its literarymeritas well as its links to earliertraditions.ShalomGoldman'sattentionextendsbeyondthe storyof Potiphar'swife mentionedin the title to includevirtuallythe entireJoseph saga. Moreover,his search goes well beyond the usual comparisonswith 3. See Isaiah Shachar, Jewish Tradition in Art: The Feuchtwanger Collection of Judaica,

IsraelMuseum,CatalogueNo. 78 (Jerusalem,1971, 1981).

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Frederick E. Greenspahn Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 124-126 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486742 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKREVIEWS

124

kabbalistR. Joseph Tirshom,thoughhighly interesting,seems to standby itself with no directconnectionto whatprecedesor follows it. Despite the annoyingformat,there is much that is highly useful in this book.The lengthylist of abbreviationscommonlyfoundon Hebrewamulets, thedetailedelaborationof texts,gematriyot,andiconographicsymbols,areall andelucidationof talismans.Thereis also welcometools forthe interpretation valuableinformationon the functionaluse of specificmaterials(e.g., marble againstthe evil eye, amberfor fertility,cat's eye againstbewitchment,crystal against toothache)and on the place of amulets in folk medicine. Finally, and no less importantfor the researcher,the book offers a descriptiveguide to the largestsingle Hebrewamuletcollection. The only other catalogued amuletcollection of similarsize (317 items) knownto this revieweris the Feuchtwangercollection,now in the IsraelMuseumin Jerusalem.3 YedidaK. Stillman of Oklahoma University Norman,Okla. Shalom Goldman. The Wiles of Women/TheWiles of Men: Joseph and Potiphar' Wife in Ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic Folklore. Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1995. xxxiii, 189 pp. As confidencein our ability to reconstructthe historyof ancientIsrael has waned over the last several decades, scholarly attentionhas turned to other facets of biblical studies. One beneficiaryof this frustrationhas been the growing research into previously neglected areas, such as the andthe literarydimensionsof the Bible, the historyof biblicalinterpretation, Bible'srole in interreligiousrelations,the latterreinforcedby the increasingly scholarshiptakesplace. This pluralisticenvironmentin which contemporary bookreflectsthe lasttwo of theseinterests,applyingthemto the Josephcycle, with consequencesthatalso enrichourappreciationof its literaryvalue. Few biblicalstoriesare as amenableto this kind of discussionas thatof Joseph,which is widely recognizedfor its literarymeritas well as its links to earliertraditions.ShalomGoldman'sattentionextendsbeyondthe storyof Potiphar'swife mentionedin the title to includevirtuallythe entireJoseph saga. Moreover,his search goes well beyond the usual comparisonswith 3. See Isaiah Shachar, Jewish Tradition in Art: The Feuchtwanger Collection of Judaica,

IsraelMuseum,CatalogueNo. 78 (Jerusalem,1971, 1981).

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Egyptianlore, such as the Tale of Two Brothers,reachingas far as Homer's accountof Bellerophonin orderto assess the biblicalaccount'sconnections, bothgeneticandthematic,with otherliterature,as well as the ways in which it has been interpretedin the JewishandMuslimtraditions. In orderto accomplishthis,he has amasseda wealthof material,arranged here accordingto the biblical theme to which it relates.Among these are the portrayalof Joseph,includinghis magical ability and his sexuality(as well as that of Potiphar'swife), referencesto Egyptianculture,the role of women, and the dispositionof his bones. Along the way, Goldmanoffers severalof his own observations.Some of these, such as his suggestionthat the similaritybetweenthe Bible's descriptionsof Josephand of his mother, Rachel, imputes an androgynouselement to the former'sappearance,are quiteinsightful;others,suchas his claimthatlong hairwas an Israeliteideal, seem less well grounded. At the same time, many issues are left unaddressed.For example,both the book's title and its structurewould lead one to expect some sustained analysisof the way genderis treatedin these narratives:Are eithermen or women portrayedas wily? What role does genderplay in the interpretive traditionswhich build on this biblical account,and does it vary from one communityto another?However, these questionsare barely even asked. Nor are the relationshipsamongthe variouscultureswhich producedthese traditionsexplored.To be sure, the possibilityof interactionis noted. Thus the introductionis subtitled"Joseph,ComparativeFolklore,andQuestionsof 'Influence.'" Goldmanalso suggeststhatthe treatmentof individualbiblical themes may be rooted in the backgroundand values of the traditionin whichthese interpretations are found,suchas the Qur'an'stendencyto focus on holiness where the Bible was concernedwith heroism,and elsewhere proposesthat some Muslimtraditionsmay have been derivedfrom Jewish lore. However,these pointsaremoreoften assertedthanproven.Particularly whichis also, afterall, a biblically conspicuousis the absenceof Christianity, rootedtraditionthatelaboratedon these tales. However,we nevereven learn whetherthe ChurchFatherswere familiarwith these traditions,and if not, why not. For the most part,then, this book is expositive,settingout many sometimescitedonly fromsecondarysources,withoccasional interpretations, comparisonsbut no largeranalysis. On a more prosaiclevel, the authorhas been ill-servedby his publisher, who failed to correctobvious errorsor to ensureuniformityof style. Some wordsare even spelleddifferentlywithinjust a few pages of each other(e.g.,

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ReuvenFirestoneon pp. xv andxxii; Baidawiandal-Baydawion pp. 16, 17, 104, 105, 134, and 136, cf. pp. 47 and 96; and Suratwice on p. 18). Despite these reservations,this book presentsa wide arrayof legends and interpretations, offeringthose interestedin the roots and developments of a biblical traditionthe ingredientsfor a rich feast. The authoris often perceptive,insightful,and interesting,even if his claim that he is studying "therelationshipbetweenvariantson the Potiphar'swife motif in the Near Easternculturalsphere"(p. xii, emphasisadded)remainslargelya promiseto be exploredby readersandfutureresearchers.Inthatendeavor,the impressive collectionof materialgatheredherewill providean invaluableresource. Frederick E. Greenspahn of Denver University Colo. Denver, Ivan G. Marcus.Rituals of Childhood:Jewish Acculturationin Medieval Europe.New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996.xii, 191 pp. Seven Hebrew manuscriptsfrom Germanyand France of the twelfth through early fourteenthcenturies-six written texts and one illustration-contain descriptionsof an initiation ceremony for boys of six or seven whichritualizesthe transitionfroma child'slife at hometo formalized religious study in a school or synagogue setting. Three of the written descriptionsand the illustration,all from Germany,link the ceremonyto the festival of Shavuot,while the threemanuscriptsfrom NorthernFrance and Provencedo not locate the ritualin any particulartime of year; each source,however,specificallylinks the initiationceremonyto the revelation of the Torahat MountSinai. In this provocativebook, Ivan Marcusargues that detailedstudy of the individualelementsof this ritual,informedby an anthropologicalhistoricalperspective,presentsa new pictureof medieval EuropeanJews as having a distinctiveculturewhich was also highly aware of andengagedby the centralthemesandworldpictureof Christianity. Using the initiationceremonyas his paradigm,Marcusmakes a convincingcase or "inward"acculturation, Ashkenazic thatthrougha processof "premodern" Jews sometimesexpressedelementsof theirJewishreligiousculturalidentity by internalizingand recasting particularChristiansymbols or rituals in polemical,parodic,or neutralizedways. Along the way he also investigates the historyof Jewishpedagogy,mnemonicgestures,andincantationsagainst

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Judith R. Baskin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 126-128 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486743 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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ReuvenFirestoneon pp. xv andxxii; Baidawiandal-Baydawion pp. 16, 17, 104, 105, 134, and 136, cf. pp. 47 and 96; and Suratwice on p. 18). Despite these reservations,this book presentsa wide arrayof legends and interpretations, offeringthose interestedin the roots and developments of a biblical traditionthe ingredientsfor a rich feast. The authoris often perceptive,insightful,and interesting,even if his claim that he is studying "therelationshipbetweenvariantson the Potiphar'swife motif in the Near Easternculturalsphere"(p. xii, emphasisadded)remainslargelya promiseto be exploredby readersandfutureresearchers.Inthatendeavor,the impressive collectionof materialgatheredherewill providean invaluableresource. Frederick E. Greenspahn of Denver University Colo. Denver, Ivan G. Marcus.Rituals of Childhood:Jewish Acculturationin Medieval Europe.New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996.xii, 191 pp. Seven Hebrew manuscriptsfrom Germanyand France of the twelfth through early fourteenthcenturies-six written texts and one illustration-contain descriptionsof an initiation ceremony for boys of six or seven whichritualizesthe transitionfroma child'slife at hometo formalized religious study in a school or synagogue setting. Three of the written descriptionsand the illustration,all from Germany,link the ceremonyto the festival of Shavuot,while the threemanuscriptsfrom NorthernFrance and Provencedo not locate the ritualin any particulartime of year; each source,however,specificallylinks the initiationceremonyto the revelation of the Torahat MountSinai. In this provocativebook, Ivan Marcusargues that detailedstudy of the individualelementsof this ritual,informedby an anthropologicalhistoricalperspective,presentsa new pictureof medieval EuropeanJews as having a distinctiveculturewhich was also highly aware of andengagedby the centralthemesandworldpictureof Christianity. Using the initiationceremonyas his paradigm,Marcusmakes a convincingcase or "inward"acculturation, Ashkenazic thatthrougha processof "premodern" Jews sometimesexpressedelementsof theirJewishreligiousculturalidentity by internalizingand recasting particularChristiansymbols or rituals in polemical,parodic,or neutralizedways. Along the way he also investigates the historyof Jewishpedagogy,mnemonicgestures,andincantationsagainst

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connections betweeneatingcertain as well as long-standing forgetfulness, of Torahlearning. foodsandtheenhancement of theinitiation ceremony, Althoughdetailsvaryintheextantdescriptions threebasicelements,eachof whichtakesplacein a differentsocialspace fromthe home, or context,remainconstant.Thus,in an initialseparation the child'sheadand upperbody are wrapped,sometimesin a tallit,and to the he is carriedthroughthe publicstreetsby his fatheror a surrogate Therethechildis placedon thelapof a teacher synagogueor schoolhouse. who feedstheboy a honeycakeandan egg, or,in someversions,threeof In someof the sources each,on whichbiblicalverseshavebeeninscribed. is included,as is an the of anincantation Potah, prince forgetfulness, against in a ceremony element:aftera studysessionthechildparticipates additional to life-givingwater,"sothat in whichtheTorahis compared at a riverbank heart"(p. 30). theboyshouldhaveanexpanded of theinitiation Inhis"thickdescription" ritual,Marcusfindsanelaborate whichexpressa socialpolemicagainst of somekey metaphors ritualization with Christiansymbolism Christianity by establishinga correspondence andiconography. Thus,boththe TorahandChristaredescribedas wheat, bread,or manna,while the frequentJewishportrayalof the schoolchild atonement studyingTorahas a puresacrificebringingvicariouscommunal to the Christ child. the clear offersa analogy redeeming Similarly, nurturing offersclearparallelsto thenursingMadonna, Moses/schoolteacher whilethe effectedby theTorahas watermayoffer emphasison theritualpurification thisJewishriteof passage, allusionsto baptism.Marcussuggeststhatthrough whichreenactsbiblicalhistoryfromtheExodusthroughthe desertjourney to the receptionof the Torah,the initiatedchildbecomesa symbolof the of Jewish redemptive storyof thepeopleof Israelanda polemicalstatement primacyas thetrueIsrael. Marcusfindsgraphicconfirmation of theseassertionsin the one visual of theritualintheearly-fourteenth-century illustration where LeipzigMahzor, thethreestagesof the schoolinitiationaredepictedalongsidethegivingof theTorah.Hefindsiconographical Madonnas parallelsto seatedandstanding andchildin boththe representation of the seatedteacherandchildandthe thechildinhisarms,whilethehoneycakeswhichthe parental figurecarrying childrenin thesceneholdaloftaresaidto correspond to communion wafers. Marcus that the initiation offers a furthersocial Moreover, argues ceremony polemicby becoming"a Jewishequivalentandanswerto the eucharistic

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sacrificeby insisting that it is the study of Torah,not belief in Jesus, that bringssalvation,andthatJudaismandnot Christianityis true"(p. 101). Marcus finds furtherevidence of "inwardacculturation"to Christian custom in the Ashkenazicmilieu both in the emergenceof the initiation He suggeststhatthe ritual'soriginin the ceremonyand in its disappearance. late eleventhcenturyis connectedto the contemporary Christianinnovation of confirmationand first communionfor childrenaroundthe age of seven. Both ceremonieswere administeredby a religious authorityfigure, both took place in the spring (Shavuot/Pentecost),and both requiredthe child to eat symbolic foods. Similarly,Marcusattributesthe disappearanceof the ritual and its replacementby the public rite of Bar Mitzvahnot only to internalJewish objectionsto some aspects of the initiationceremony (particularlyeating foods on which biblical verses were written),but to a Christianinnovation:the insistencethata childnot further,thirteenth-century be pledged to a convent or monasterybefore the age of twelve for a girl and fourteenfor a boy. Marcusbelieves thata similardemandfor reasoned consent,whichcreateda largerspanfor childhood,underliesthe introduction of the Bar Mitzvahin thirteenth-century Germany,at which a boy put on tefillin for the first time and received an aliyah to read the Torahin the synagogue,as the second milestoneevent in his life after brit milah. The Ashkenaziccustom of a mother'stransformingthe swaddlingclothes from her son's circumcisioninto a decoratedTorahwimpel,or binder,used at the BarMitzvahceremony,dramaticallylinkedboththe two ritesof passageand the Jewishboy with the Torahscroll. Marcusnotes that there has been scholarlyresistanceto the possibility that northernEuropeanrabbinicthinkerswere knowledgeableabout the centralmotifs of Christianityor thatsuch awarenessshapedmedievalJewish traditions.All readersof thisslimandsomewhatrepetitivevolume,whichalso of Ashkenazicvs. Sephardicmodelsof questionsthe standardhistoriography to find such are acculturation, likely preconceptionssignificantlychallenged. JudithR. Baskin StateUniversity of NewYorkatAlbany Albany,N.Y. Menachem Kellner. Maimonides on the "Decline of the Generations" and the Nature of Rabbinic Authority. SUNY Series in Jewish Philosophy. Albany:

StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1996. x, 137 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Daniel H. Frank Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 128-130 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486744 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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sacrificeby insisting that it is the study of Torah,not belief in Jesus, that bringssalvation,andthatJudaismandnot Christianityis true"(p. 101). Marcus finds furtherevidence of "inwardacculturation"to Christian custom in the Ashkenazicmilieu both in the emergenceof the initiation He suggeststhatthe ritual'soriginin the ceremonyand in its disappearance. late eleventhcenturyis connectedto the contemporary Christianinnovation of confirmationand first communionfor childrenaroundthe age of seven. Both ceremonieswere administeredby a religious authorityfigure, both took place in the spring (Shavuot/Pentecost),and both requiredthe child to eat symbolic foods. Similarly,Marcusattributesthe disappearanceof the ritual and its replacementby the public rite of Bar Mitzvahnot only to internalJewish objectionsto some aspects of the initiationceremony (particularlyeating foods on which biblical verses were written),but to a Christianinnovation:the insistencethata childnot further,thirteenth-century be pledged to a convent or monasterybefore the age of twelve for a girl and fourteenfor a boy. Marcusbelieves thata similardemandfor reasoned consent,whichcreateda largerspanfor childhood,underliesthe introduction of the Bar Mitzvahin thirteenth-century Germany,at which a boy put on tefillin for the first time and received an aliyah to read the Torahin the synagogue,as the second milestoneevent in his life after brit milah. The Ashkenaziccustom of a mother'stransformingthe swaddlingclothes from her son's circumcisioninto a decoratedTorahwimpel,or binder,used at the BarMitzvahceremony,dramaticallylinkedboththe two ritesof passageand the Jewishboy with the Torahscroll. Marcusnotes that there has been scholarlyresistanceto the possibility that northernEuropeanrabbinicthinkerswere knowledgeableabout the centralmotifs of Christianityor thatsuch awarenessshapedmedievalJewish traditions.All readersof thisslimandsomewhatrepetitivevolume,whichalso of Ashkenazicvs. Sephardicmodelsof questionsthe standardhistoriography to find such are acculturation, likely preconceptionssignificantlychallenged. JudithR. Baskin StateUniversity of NewYorkatAlbany Albany,N.Y. Menachem Kellner. Maimonides on the "Decline of the Generations" and the Nature of Rabbinic Authority. SUNY Series in Jewish Philosophy. Albany:

StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1996. x, 137 pp.

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129

"Sapereaude!"Kantfamouslydeclaresin his essay "WhatIs Enlightenment?"In his own way Maimonidesmakesa similarpointin the introduction to his commentaryon Avot, assertingthat"oneshouldacceptthe truthfrom whateversource it proceeds."What both thinkersshareby virtue of their respectivesentimentsis a manifestintellectualopennessandlackof prejudice. Correlativeto this is the virtue of courage,courageto questionauthority. MenahemKellner'sbookis Maimonidean(andKantian)in thisway.Not only is it a soberand scholarlyworkin Maimonideanstudies,butmore,it is itself a paradigmof the very virtueunderdiscussion.Theoryandpracticecollapse into one anotherin this book as Kellnertargetsreligious fundamentalism andblind obedienceto authorityin writingaboutMaimonides'views on the natureof rabbinicauthority. The book targetsthose in the religiouscampwho suggestthaterror,plain foolishness, and finally heresy attendthose who would disagreewith the rabbinicsages of the Talmudaboutanything.Groundinga series of claims, to be discussedin a moment,in Maimonideandicta,Kellnerrespondsto the modem fundamentalistby chargingthe latterwith errorand foolishness,if not perhapsheresy.The power of Kellner'scritiquestems, of course, from its very foundation,namely,Maimonideshimself.In invokingMaimonides, agreedupon by all as a (the?) preeminentlegal authority,Kellnerputs the religious fundamentalistin the unenviablepositionof havingto counterthe his ownmeta-halakhic preeminentlegal authorityin attemptingto substantiate claim aboutthe infallibilityof the talmudicrabbis.Of course,Kellnermay be wrong aboutwhat Maimonides'positionsare concerningthe natureand limitsof rabbinicauthority.But if he has interpretedMaimonidesaright,and I thinkhe has, then the nonfundamentalists have a strongally on theirside, to say the least. Let us turn,then, to the specific claims that Kellnerattributesto Maimonides,as a resultof which Maimonides(and Kellner)can make the case for open inquiryin non-halakhicmattersandagainstrabbinicinfallibilityand the correlativenotion of the "declineof the generations."Kellnermakes a threefoldclaimon behalfof Maimonides:(1) Thenatureof rabbinicauthority is groundedin the particularhistoricalcircumstancesin which the rabbisof the Talmudwrote, as well as upon their exemplarymoral and intellectual virtue; negatively, such authorityis not groundedby some superhuman, divine imprimatur. (2) The limits of rabbinicauthorityare circumscribedby halakhicexegesis of the Bible. In this area, and in this area alone, is the authorityof the rabbisnonpareil;but, again, such authorityis groundedin

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historicalcircumstance,not in a divinedispensation.(3) Giventhenatureand limitsof rabbinicauthority,the pragmaticsof such authorityentails,perhaps even requires,freedomof inquiryin non-halakhicareassuch as philosophy and science. Equally,it requiresrespect(not awe) for and obedienceto the traditionof halakhicexegesis bequeathedto succeedinggenerationsby the rabbisof the Talmud.In denyinga belief in the decline of the generations, a Hesiodic-likeview "accordingto which each succeedinggeneration,or each succeedingepoch, is in some significantand religiouslyrelevantsense inferiorto precedinggenerationsor epochs"(p. 3), Maimonides,accordingto Kellner,at once licenses freedomof inquiryin the non-halakhicdomainand groundsrabbinicauthorityin the halakhicrealmon a varietyof contingent factorsaboutthe worldand its history.In sum, the authorityof the rabbisis not a functionof their(presumed)infallibility. It will immediatelybe seen that two of the three Maimonideanclaims noted above presupposea strict dichotomizationof rabbinicinterestsinto halakhicandnon-halakhicmatters.Butdo therabbinicsagesso dividethings? Do the rabbisdistinguishbetweenlaw and philosophy?Does Maimonides? IsadoreTwerskyhas arguednotablythatMaimonidesdoes not refrainfrom doing philosophy in his MishnehTorah.And further,the Guide presents philosophyunderthe guise of the "truescience of the law."Indeed,thereis a Maimonideanimperativeto do philosophyif one is able.Nevertheless,this falls considerablyshortof collapsingthe distinctionbetweenphilosophyand (practical)halakhah.At the very least, each appealsto a differentaudience. Moreto the point,however,is whetheror not Maimonidestakesthe talmudic rabbisto marka distinctionbetweenthe two realmsand thus "distinguishes betweenthe role and authorityof the Rabbisas transmittersof the Sinaitic revelation,as creatorsof Halakhah,as interpretersof the Torah,and as reportersof the best science of their day" (p. 55). For Kellner,he most certainlydoes, and on accountof this Maimonidescan at once license free inquiryin the one realm, while demandingobedienceand respect(for the reasonsnotedabove) in the other. Kellnerhas writtena book thatis a paradigmof philosophicalpraxis,at once scholarlyandaction-guiding.Theorysubservespractice.Thedesiderated goal of (studying)this book is not simplytruth,butvirtue. DanielH. Frank

of Kentucky University Lexington,Ky.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Nancy Henry Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 131-133 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486745 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

131

REVIEWS BOOK

Michael Polowetzky. Jerusalem Recovered: Victorian Intellectuals and the

Birthof ModernZionism.Westport,Conn.:Praeger,1995. x, 158 pp.

Michael Polowetzky's Jerusalem Recovered: VictorianIntellectuals and

the Birth of ModernZionismis a useful book. It collects biographicaland historicalinformationaboutfive Victorianswho foresaw,and in some cases attemptedto effect, the emigrationof EuropeanJewsto a homelandin Palesin the title refersexclusivelyto BritishVictorians; tine. The term"Victorian" and"intellectuals" encompassesthe categoriesof politician,novelist,scholar, and adventurer.In five discretechapters,Polowetzkydescribesthe lives and contributionsof Lord Ashley (the SeventhEarl of Shaftesbury),Benjamin Disraeli, George Eliot, CharlesWarren,and LaurenceOliphant.The book providesonly a briefintroductionandconclusion(aboutonepageeach),so the burdenof coherencefalls on the emphasisin eachaccounton the relationship of these Gentiles(with the exceptionof Disraeli)to Jews, Judaism,and the idea of "return."None of these proto-Zionistslived to see the publication of TheodorHerzl's Der Judenstaatin 1895, and only Oliphant,who died in 1886, lived to see the beginningof mass emigrationresultingfrom the Russianpogromsof the 1880s--not the impetusfor returnimaginedby any of these idealists. AnthonyAshley-Cooperwas a social reformerwho used his influenceas a memberof one of England'smostpowerfularistocraticfamiliesto advocate social reform.His interestin the Jews was fanaticallyEvangelical.Here, as in other chapters,biographicalgeneralizationsand details are gathered from standardsources, offering little in the way of originalinterpretation. The strengthof this sketch comes from the clear-headedaccentuationof the connections between Ashley and importantculturalfigures, such as LordPalmerstonand Moses Montefiore.Whenhe quotesAshley directly,"I am forced to argue problematically, financially, commercially .

.

." (p. 17),

Polowetzkycapturesthe conflictbetweenthe Evangelicalreformer'spersonal commitmentto the conversionof the Jews and his need to convinceBritish political leadersthat a Jewish state would benefitEngland.Impliedin this exampleare the complicated,even contradictorymotivationsof these early Britishadvocatesof Jewishcolonization. BenjaminDisraeliis one of themostinterestingfiguresin Victorianliterary andpoliticalhistory.Hisbaptismattheageof twelveensurednotonlyhis entry into politics, but his estrangementfrom his Jewish inheritance.Following his GrandTourthrough"theEast,"Disraelimergedhis romanticism,British

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patriotism,and admirationfor Judaismto producea series of novels that imaginedthe returnof Jews to theirhomeland.In summarizingthe plots of Alroyand Tancred,Polowetzkyshows the uniquecombinationof orientalist politics in Disraeli'sfiction. He describes fantasy and liberal-conservative Disraeli'ssupportfor the Jewish DisabilitiesBill (passedin 1858) as early as 1847: "Clearly,in the long fight for Jewishpoliticalequality,not only in far-offPalestinebut in Britainitself,Disraeliplayeda morevisibleandactive role thanany otherpoliticalfigurein the final achievementof this goal"(p.

59).

The only womanto whom Polowetzkydevotes a chapteris the novelist to pre-Zionist GeorgeEliot(MarianEvansLewes).Hersingularcontributions thoughtemergein the contextof herlife:herEvangelicalconversion,rejection of religion, and move to Londonfrom the Midlands.Polowetzkysees her defianceof conventionin openly living with a marriedman, GeorgeHenry Lewes, as directlyconnectedto her interestin Judaismand early Zionism: "Havingsuccessfullychallengedthe oppressivesocial system once, Marian had no fear in defying it a second time when she advancedthe rights of the Jews" (p. 76). Polowetzkydiscusses her friendshipwith the orientalist scholarEmanuelDeutschand the complex of circumstancesthat led to her writingDaniel Deronda(1876). Literarycriticismis not one of Polowetzky's strengths,and his conclusion that "Daniel Deronda may not have been Marian'sgreatestnovel, but it was certainlya worthymemorialto Emanuel Deutschand an honorto the Zionistmovement"(p. 93) is reductiveat best. Unfortunately,Polowetzkyfails to mentionEliot's most explicit statement in supportof Jewish nationalism,"TheModemHep! Hep! Hep!,"an essay appearing in her last book, Impressions of Theophrastus Such (1879). Still,

the placementof Eliot's life and work in relationto the other figures he examines is an importantaspect of the overall contributionof Jerusalem Recovered.

ArchaeologistCaptainCharlesWarrenis a particularlyinterestingaddition to this portraitof non-Jewishpre-Zionists,and his story points to the importanceof nineteenth-century archaeologyas a componentof political Zionism.A memberof the Royal Engineers,Warrenwas selected in 1867 by the Palestine ExplorationFund to head an expeditionto excavate the still-buriedremainsof ancient Jerusalem,includingthe First and Second Temples.Polowetzkypoints out that the backersof the expeditionhoped it would "not only enhancemodem scholarshipbut would also contribute valuableprooffor the validityof the Bible"(p. 102). In the courseof making

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his remarkablediscoveries,Warrencame to admirethe persecutedJewish communityin Palestineand was persuadedthattherewas a "naturalaffinity betweenthe Jews andthe people of his own country"(p. 110).He developed a plan for the creationof an independentstate for the Jews in Palestine,and published The Land of Promise; or, Turkey' Guarantee (1875).

LaurenceOliphantwas anotherBritishadvocateof a Jewish state who publishedhis views duringthe 1870s. Oliphant'scareeris the most bizarre detailedin JerusalemRecovered.The son of a Scottishcolonialadministrator, he was born in SouthAfrica, spent years travelingin India,Nepal, Russia, China,Japan.He begana politicalcareeras a liberalreformer,thenmovedto upstateNew Yorkto becomepartof a religiouscultcalledthe Brotherhoodof theNew Life. Afterelevenyears,he returnedto Englandandtookupthe cause of establishinga Jewish homelandin Palestine.Arguingfor the economic and political benefits such a state would bring to England,he published accountsof his Palestiniantravelsin Blackwood'sMagazine,thus exposing a wide readershipto earlyZionistideas.Oliphanttraveledto EasternEurope to reporton the conditionscreatedby the pogroms after 1880. He made repeatedunsuccessfulpleas to the Turkishgovernmentto open Palestineto Jewishimmigrationbeforeretiringto a European-backed farmingcommunity in Palestine. JerusalemRecoveredoffersa simplenarrativeaccountof its subjects,and escapesoversimplificationonly in its lack of pretensions.A moretheoretical considerationof thistopicremainsto be written,butPolowetzkyseeksmerely to "depicthow fora periodof time,thecausesof Jewishpoliticalemancipation and Zionism possessed powerful supportin the most importantsectors of Britishsociety"(p. x). His own thesisbecomesclear,rathercryptically,in the last sentenceof his book:"No longerbenefitingfromthe inspirationof earlier twentiethcenturyBritainwouldproveto be not the visionaries,contemporary midwifeof a newbornIsraelas the Victorianshad so muchhoped,but sadly her opponent"(p. 148). Overall,the absence of academicpolemics makes JerusalemRecoveredan accessiblebook thatmightserve as backgroundfor readersapproachingthe subjectof Zionism'srootsfroma literary,historical, or politicalperspective. NancyHenry StateUniversity of NewYorkatBinghamton Binghamton, N.Y.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Harold Kasimow Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 134-135 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486746 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

134

Stephen R. Haynes. Reluctant Witnesses:Jews and the ChristianImagination.

Louisville:WestminsterJohnKnox Press, 1995. xii, 221 pp.

StephenR. Haynes'sscholarlybookis a seriousreflectionof theJewin the imaginationof the Christian.Haynesuses the term"witness-peoplemyth"

visionof theJewsthroughtheages.Whatis central to capturetheChristian to this visionis thatChristians throughthe ageshavenot thoughtof Jews as normal,typicalhumanbeings.The Jews,accordingto Christian myth, The arecharacterized by a polarityof negativeandpositivecharacteristics. fact the stems from the that Jews killed Christ. The view positive negative aspectis thatin spiteof beingthe killersof God,the Jewsnevertheless remainthe peopleof God,chosenby God.The thesisof Haynes'sbook in the statementby KarlBarthwhichservesas the book's is summarized andprovidesits title: epigraph cancome [TheJews]couldandcandisappear justaslittleasGod'sfaithfulness of theJewswhichis so puzzling to anend.. . . Thiscontinued existence is a which . . cannot be . Yet are no than of a more the shadow ignored. sign they thereluctant witnesses of theSonof GodandSonof Man... whom nation, yetwhohasnotceasedtocallthem.' theyrejected, In the firstthreechapters,Haynesdevelopsthis thesisin detail.He is the Church especiallystrongin exploringthe mythin theNew Testament, the Middle and the Reformation, Fathers,particularly Augustine, Ages, Luther.Haynesconcludeshis overviewwithmodem especiallyemphasizing secularversionsof themyth. 4 and5 Haynespresentsa thorough Inchapters andconvincing analysisof of thismythin theworksof thegreatChristian themanifestations theologian American novelistandphilosopher Walker KarlBarthandof theprominent 7 is devoted to the in the of exploring myth writings such Percy.Chapter Hal and Pat Robertson. as Falwell, Lindsey,Jerry evangelicals andfor me mostproblematic, Themostinteresting, partof the bookis of in which deals with the some theolomajorChristian Haynes chapter6, the who have confronted Holocaust. He that these argues gians theologians the witness-people mythin theirtheology.Amongthosewhom perpetuate 1. "The Jewish Problemand the ChristianAnswer"(1949), in Karl Barth,Against the Stream: Shorter Post-War Writings, 1946-1952, ed. Ronald Gregor Smith (London: SCM,

1954),pp. 196-198.

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135

Haynes examines are John Pawlikowski,Paul van Buren,FranklinLittell, Alice L. and A. Roy Eckardt,RobertEverett,and JamesMoore.Although he is awareof theirrespectfor Jewishtradition,he arguesthattheirtheology has "deepconnectionswith the witness-peoplemyth"(p. 136). For Haynes the affinitybetweenthe ChristianHolocausttheologyandthe witness-people myth is evidentin the theology's stresson the Jews as God's chosenpeople set apartfromthe restof humanity.Haynes'sstatementaboutPaulvan Buren "TheassumptionthatJewswere andareGod'select people is representative: is beginning,middle,andend in van Buren'stheology"(p. 139). AlthoughHaynesis awareof the differencesbetweenthe myth as it has been manifestedthroughouthistoryandthe ChristianHolocausttheologians' attitudestowardJudaism,I do not feel thathe sees clearlytheradicalnatureof the differences.The fact is thatChristianHolocausttheologianshave strongly rejectedthe view thatthe Jews areresponsibleforthe deathof Christandalso the view thatJudaismis not a valid religioustradition.This new theologyof Judaismseems to me to be a radicalbreakfromthe traditionalwitness-people myth,in spite of the fact thatsome affinitiesremain. Haynes's book takes a phenomenologicalapproach.His aim is not to supportor discreditthe witness-peoplemyth. However,in his conclusionit becomes clearthathe believes thatthe ambivalentChristianattitudetoward Jews is a dangerto the Jewishpeople. Haynesdoes not see muchhope for changein the Christianimageof the Jewas long as bothJewsandChristianscontinueto holdto the eternalelection of the Jewishpeople.Haynesseemsto believe thatfor changeto come about, the Jews would have to give up the conceptof the chosen-as have Richard Movementin Judaism.SinceHaynes L. Rubensteinandthe Reconstructionist realizesthatthis is not aboutto occur,he feels thatthe witness-peoplemyth will continueto be pervasive.I believe that ChristianHolocausttheology departsradicallyfromthe traditionalChristianview. AlthoughI disagreewith Haynes'sanalysisof the ChristianHolocaust theologians,I find this book very helpful in understandingChristianperceptions of Jews throughthe ages. I recommendhis book for courses on Jewish-Christian relations. HaroldKasimow GrinnellCollege Iowa Grinnell,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Alan S. Zuckerman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 136-138 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486747 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

136

BOOKREVIEWS

Aviezer Ravitsky.Messianism,Zionism,and Jewish ReligiousRadicalism. Trans. Michael Swirsky and JonathanChipman.Chicago Studies in the Historyof Judaism.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1996. 303 pp. OrthodoxJudaismis diverse.No matterhow unifiedOrthodoxyappears views on criticalissues abound,separatingOrthodox to ,outsiders,multiple Jews into movementsthatalternatelycoalesce,ignore,andbattleeach other. Followers of the teachings of Rabbi Zvi YehudaKook, who spearheaded Jewishsettlementin Judea,Samaria,and Gaza,insistthatthe Stateof Israel embodies Messianicredemption.SatmarerHasidimand their allies in the Neturei Qartaand the Edah Hareditin Jerusalemsee the Satan'shand in Israel'sformationandsubsequentpoliticalandmilitaryvictories.The leaders of the Agudat Israel movement have devised an ideology that declares Jewish life in the State of Israel, governedas it is by secularJews, to be exile, and devalues Jewish sovereigntyover the Land of Israel. Viewing itself as the embodimentof the Jewishpeople and its now-deceasedRebbe, MenachemSchneerson,as potentiallythe Messiah,HabadHasidismforbids the IsraelDefense Forces fromhandingany of the Holy Landto non-Jews. Thesemovementsarticulatethe overlapof theologicalandpoliticalcleavages withinOrthodoxJewry. AviezerRavitsky,professorof Jewishthoughtat the HebrewUniversity, offersa fascinatingaccountof theseideologicalpositions.Thevolumedetails the competingviews, offeringthe readera windowinto OrthodoxJudaismas it has developedsince the Holocaustandthe formationof the Stateof Israel. The volume aboundsin insightfulanalyses of particularrabbis,including elaborateand originalstudies of Rav AvrahamYitzhakKook, RabbiYo'el Teitelbaum,the previousSatmarerRebbe,and RabbiSchneersonof Habad. Theanalysisof RavZvi YehudaKookandhis discipleselucidatesa worldview that has been accusedof fosteringviolent oppositionto the Stateof Israel. As important,the study exposes the rabbis'claim thatthey are the rightful leadersof the Jewishpeople.Ravitskyoffersa modelof how to combinethe insider'sknowledgeof Orthodoxywith intellectualhistory. The rise of the Stateof Israel,Ravitskymaintains,demandedideological and theologicalmeaning.Indeed,the successes of the Zionistmovementin powerproduceda radicalresponseby the ideologuesof Orthodoxy."Inshort, the religiousmind foundit difficultto view Zionismandmessianismas two unrelated,parallelphenomena"(p. 38). He uses this themeto categorizethe ideologicalresponsesandto justifythe choiceof movementsto be examined,

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leadinghimto focusexclusivelyon radicalideologicalandpoliticalresponses. Even so, the selections are not adequatelyjustified.Thereis no discussion of the writings of Rav Shlomo Goren,a Chief Rabbi and a centralfigure in the developmentof radical religious positions in the aftermathof the Six-Day War;nor is therean analysisof RabbiMeir Kahaneand the Kach movement.Absent too are the pronouncementsof Israel'sChief Rabbinate (a Zionist institutionthat did not become a movement)and the works of Rabbi JosephBer Soleveitchik,the leaderof Modem Orthodoxy(albeit in the United States), who retainedhis Zionist principleswithout becoming messianic,to mentionbut two of many alternativeformationsand thinkers within Orthodoxy.Consideralso Ravitsky'sreasonsfor not examiningthe Shasmovement:It hasan ethnicsocialbase(p. 165);thehalakhicandpolitical authority,Rav OvadiaYosef, "takesa ratherindependent,ad hoc position" (p. 208); and Shas is a moderatemovement.Certainly,the anti-Zionistsand the Agudah also depend primarilyon Jews of a particularethnic origin, and few of the Gush Emunimare Sephardim.More importantfor a study of ideologies, the analysis of religious radicalismwould have benefited from an examinationof the contrastingpositions:religiousmoderationand ideological flexibility within Orthodoxy.Finally and directlyrelevantto a studyof religiousmovements,Ravitskydoes not examinethe largenumbers of OrthodoxJews who do not grapplewith the theologicaland messianic implicationsof the State, implicitlyaffirmingthe positionsof RabbiJacob Reines, the founderof the Mizrachimovement(see p. 34). No matterthe visibility and politicalsignificanceof the fourpositionsstudied,they do not adequatelycover the worldof OrthodoxJudaism. Ravitsky offers a confusing analysis of the theological and political implicationsof the "threeoaths." Two oaths taken by the Jews--not to "ascendthe wall" (interpretedas a prohibitionon mass aliyah) and not to "rebelagainstthe nations";and a third,offered by the nations-"not [to] oppressIsraeloverlymuch"(p. 212, citinga passagein the Talmud[Ketubbot 101a])-seem to prohibita sovereignJewishstatein Israel.By establishing the threeoaths as a theme in the book's introduction,and by presentingan analysis of the oaths as an afterwordthat standsin place of a concluding chapter,Ravitskyemphasizestheircentrality.At the sametime,he recognizes thatno classicalsourcesandhardlyany thinkershavetreatedthemas binding halakhicpronouncements,as principlesof Orthodoxy.As such, Ravitsky does not show thatthe oaths serve as useful analyticpointsagainstwhich to understandthe developmentof Orthodoxreligiousthought.

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Intellectualhistoryby itself can serve as a startingpoint in the analysis of religious movements.Offeringa detailedpresentationof the views of Orthodoxleaders, Ravitsky depicts some of the multiple ideologies that definecontemporaryOrthodoxy.The analysisomits much of the social and political context that surroundsthe movementsand the competitionamong the movements;it pays scantattentionto the Jewswho makeup the worldof OrthodoxJewry.It offersa worldof knowledgethatwill aid futureanalyses. AlanS. Zuckerman BrownUniversity R.I. Providence, Richard A. Cohen. Elevations.- The Height and the Good in Rosenzweig and

Levinas.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1994. xviii, 342 pp. Perhapsthe case no longerneeds to be madethatEmmanuelLevinasis not only an importantfigureon the intellectualscene but also a profoundly Jewishthinkerwho engagesthe philosophicalissues of ourtime with Jewish wisdom. I fear, however, that both philosophersand scholarsof Judaism have failed to grasp the profundityof the meetingwithin Levinas'swork. RichardCohen providesa strongand accessible argumentthat locates the emphaticethics of Levinasin its Jewishtradition.He establishesthe difficult case that the themes and moves in the philosophicalcorpusof Levinasare related intimatelywith Jewish thought,and in complex ways parallelto Rosenzweig'sthought. Cohenhas devotedhimself to Levinasfor manyyears,editingvolumes, in many translatingimportantessays, and offeringhis own interpretations contexts. The result is that in Cohen's book we have the single best introductionto Levinas for the context of Jewish Studies.The biographical essay in chapter5 ("EmmanuelLevinas:Philosopherand Jew") is a fine doorwayinto Levinas'sthought,articulatinghis backgroundin Lithuanian Haskalah,Musar,and the thoughtof Reb Haimof Volozhyn.The relationof philosophyand Judaismis very much what is at stake throughoutCohen's book. He recognizesthat for Levinas'swork the importof Judaismfor our philosophicalmomentis morevital thanissues concerningJewsandJudaism as such.ThusCohenfocusesthroughoutthe book on Levinas'sphilosophical works-for philosophyis in the sorrystate, in this century,of recognizing a nonrepentant Nazi, MartinHeidegger,as its greatestthinker.But Cohenis

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Robert Gibbs Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 138-140 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486748 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Intellectualhistoryby itself can serve as a startingpoint in the analysis of religious movements.Offeringa detailedpresentationof the views of Orthodoxleaders, Ravitsky depicts some of the multiple ideologies that definecontemporaryOrthodoxy.The analysisomits much of the social and political context that surroundsthe movementsand the competitionamong the movements;it pays scantattentionto the Jewswho makeup the worldof OrthodoxJewry.It offersa worldof knowledgethatwill aid futureanalyses. AlanS. Zuckerman BrownUniversity R.I. Providence, Richard A. Cohen. Elevations.- The Height and the Good in Rosenzweig and

Levinas.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1994. xviii, 342 pp. Perhapsthe case no longerneeds to be madethatEmmanuelLevinasis not only an importantfigureon the intellectualscene but also a profoundly Jewishthinkerwho engagesthe philosophicalissues of ourtime with Jewish wisdom. I fear, however, that both philosophersand scholarsof Judaism have failed to grasp the profundityof the meetingwithin Levinas'swork. RichardCohen providesa strongand accessible argumentthat locates the emphaticethics of Levinasin its Jewishtradition.He establishesthe difficult case that the themes and moves in the philosophicalcorpusof Levinasare related intimatelywith Jewish thought,and in complex ways parallelto Rosenzweig'sthought. Cohenhas devotedhimself to Levinasfor manyyears,editingvolumes, in many translatingimportantessays, and offeringhis own interpretations contexts. The result is that in Cohen's book we have the single best introductionto Levinas for the context of Jewish Studies.The biographical essay in chapter5 ("EmmanuelLevinas:Philosopherand Jew") is a fine doorwayinto Levinas'sthought,articulatinghis backgroundin Lithuanian Haskalah,Musar,and the thoughtof Reb Haimof Volozhyn.The relationof philosophyand Judaismis very much what is at stake throughoutCohen's book. He recognizesthat for Levinas'swork the importof Judaismfor our philosophicalmomentis morevital thanissues concerningJewsandJudaism as such.ThusCohenfocusesthroughoutthe book on Levinas'sphilosophical works-for philosophyis in the sorrystate, in this century,of recognizing a nonrepentant Nazi, MartinHeidegger,as its greatestthinker.But Cohenis

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not saying thata traditionalJew or a Talmudscholaror a social historianof will learnnothingfrom Levinas.What Levinas Jews in the Mediterranean has to say aboutJudaismis important.But whatis most engagingin Cohen's book, and in Levinas'swork, is the addressto philosophyfrom out of the sourcesof Jewishthought. Similarlystrongare chapters6, 8, and 12--"On TemporalityandTime," "God in Levinas,"and "ExceedingHusserl."Each is not only helpful and insightful,but is craftedelegantlyand makesmattersthatare quite obscure even in Levinas'sownbestexpositionsrefreshinglyclearto anyreader.Cohen is a greatteacherof difficultissues in Levinas'sthought,leadingus in to the most difficultmatters,such as the relationof the presentof the imperativeto the immemorialpast of election. The book, moreover,is doubled:for both in the title and in PartsI and III, Cohen engages Franz Rosenzweig. While.thereare serious issues of disagreementbetween my readingof Rosenzweigand Cohen's,the major argumentof this book is one I share:Rosenzweigis engaged in an ethics parallelto and profoundlyinfluentialfor Levinas's.Chapters2 and 4, the firstcontrastingRosenzweigandHeidegger,the secondofferingan excellent readingof Rosenzweig'sfamousletterto Buberon readinga draftof PartI of Buber'sI and Thou,arethe best of Cohen'streatmentsof Rosenzweig.More, the latteris a definitivereadingof the contrastand tensionbetweenthe two thinkerswho went on to collaborateon a Bible translation.In the process,the readersees the seriousstakesin interpretingethics in interpersonal relations and the importanceof asymmetryin the I-thourelation,recognizedby both Rosenzweig and Levinas. In the formerchapter,Cohen not only displays the gaps between Rosenzweig and Heidegger,especially on history and interrelationsbetweenpeople, but also allows us to see the proximityof the two thinkers.In general,Cohenthroughouthis bookmarksthe convergences of RosenzweigandLevinas,butwith duecarenotessomeof thetensions,and indeedallows for a certainsortof reciprocalcritique.Forwhile Rosenzweig seems too exclusive,limitingredemptionto JewsandChristians,andLevinas seems more universal,it also is the case that Rosenzweigemphasizeslove moreclearlyand bringsforwardJewishthoughtmoretrenchantly. Thereare severalplaces where Cohen'sinterpretations do not allow the profoundinteractionof Jewish thoughtto engage contemporaryintellectual concerns.I will focus on two issues thatwill help stretchCohen'sreadings. Thefirstcenterson the interpretation of Rosenzweig'sTheStarofRedemption. Cohen is eager to read PartI as Creation,and PartIII as Redemption.The

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structurethat governs the Star is more discontinuous.PartI, in particular, concernsthe truthof the pagan worldview.Rosenzweigis remarkablenot only for his positive evaluationof Christianity,but for his subtlereadingof paganismand its eternaltruth.The paganpositionis not adequatefor Jews, and it is not adequateto redeem the world, but it is not simply false or antitheticalto Judaism.This moredeeply complicatesthe relationof Jewish thoughtto that which is now called postmodern,and is representedmost emphaticallyby Heidegger.The importantcontributionof the Greeks,which both Rosenzweigand Levinasexplore,is not merelyan historicalcondition for Rosenzweig'sand Levinas'sthought.The Greeksstandas a logical or conceptualconditionto which Jewishthoughtis bound,even as the ethicsof Judaismreorientsit. While one bristlesunderthe bold and harshrhetoricof some of Cohen's commentsabout other scholars,the final chapterof the book disappoints becauseit ignores becauseit limitsouraccessto Derrida,butmoreimportantly of textualityand interpretation. Levinas'sown interpretation Cohenmay be correctin his call to man the barricadesagainstthe tactic of hesitationthat guidessome fansof Derridaas theyprunetheethicsoutof Levinas.ButCohen fails to noticehow deeplyimplicatedLevinasis in the relationsthroughtexts and in the issue of the absenceof the author.Both in laterJewishwritings and in OtherwisethanBeing, Levinasadvancesa trulycomplexaccountof how a book is interrupteddiscoursecatchingup with its own tears,where the interruptionsare like knots that leave traceswherethe tearshave been. This accountof textualityas textile invites carefulreading,as Derridahas done in his second essay on Levinas,but it also points to a deeperJewish insightinto how holy texts work.Levinasmay not be improvingon rabbinic hermeneutics,but he does translateit into an idiom that addressesthe very fadsin literarycriticismthatCohensuspects.By facing-offagainsttheDerrida crowdin a polemicalbattle,Cohenhides fromview whatis one of Levinas's (andRosenzweig's)most decisive contributions.For in additionto orienting relations(asCohenhasso carefully philosophyfromtheethicsof interpersonal Levinas and a rabbinicview of how resuscitate here), explored Rosenzweig texts in theirwarpandwoof, and in theircall for ongoingreading,engender the ethicalinsightsthatcharacterizethe Heightandthe Good. RobertGibbs of Toronto University Ont. Toronto,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Shaul Magid Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 141-146 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486749 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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EdwardK. Kaplan.Holinessin Words:AbrahamJoshuaHeschel' Poetics of Piety.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1995.213 pp. For those of us, and there are many, who are serious readersof the Jewish theologianand scholarAbrahamJoshuaHeschel, twentieth-century the appearanceof a new studyof his thoughtwill alwaysarouseinterestand anticipation.This is largelybecauseHeschel'stheologicalwritingsare often so poetic and subtle that any help in elucidatingand unpackinghis opaque discoursewould be immediatelyreceivedas a blessing.In the presentstudy by EdwardK. Kaplan,Holiness in Words,we are privy to a unique and oftenilluminatingpresentationof Heschel'sthoughtfroma freshperspective. Most of the previous studies on Heschel were composedeitherby Jewish Studiesspecialistsor by Protestanttheologians.Kaplan,a professorof French literatureand translatorof Baudelaire'spoetry,has a commandof literary theory and analysis that makes his presentationboth originaland helpful. Kaplandoes not hide his love for the authorhe is presenting.His unabashed honestyaboutconsideringhimselfa discipleof Heschel,havingstudiedwith him while a studentat ColumbiaUniversityin New York,is both admirable andcourageousforanacademician.Thisreverenceaddsunusualpassionto his discoursebut sometimesresultsin an overlycautiousattitudeaboutcritically evaluatingHeschel's writings. The subtle Rebbe-disciplerelationshipfelt throughoutthis studyhas both positiveandnegativeresults. A fair evaluationof any serious piece of scholarshipmust begin with fair expectations.If readersof Kaplan'sessay expect scrupulousanalysisof Heschel'ssources,wide knowledgeof his culturalbackgroundbothin Poland andGermany,ora profoundunderstanding of thephilosophicalunderpinnings of his theology,they will be disappointed.AlthoughKaplanis in the final stages of completinga thoroughbiographyof Heschel to be publishedby YaleUniversityPress,this is not whathe sets out to accomplishin this book. Whathe does intendto accomplish,andwhathe succeedsin contributing,is a carefulreadingof Heschel'stheology,payingclose attentionto the nature andnuanceof his narrativein orderto clarifycrucialambiguitiesin Heschel's majorEnglish-languagestudies. Kaplan'sunderlyingassumptionis that the passage of entry into Heschel's theologicalnarrativenecessitatesfamiliaritywith his complex maze of language.Sections like "How to Read Heschel"(p. 20) make extremely helpfulsuggestionsas to how one could approacha modemtheologicaltext buriedin calculatedambiguity.Kaplanstatesthat"fromthe very beginning,

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Heschel was a committedwriter.Wordsbecome his most effective weapon againsthostilepoliticalandculturalforces"(p. 8). SusannahHeschelreiterates Kaplan'sclaimby notingthatherfather,usingkabbalisticparlance,oftentold her that"wordscreateworlds."'WhenKaplanastutelynotes thatHeschel's discourse"conductsinsight,as wouldan electricwire"(p. 21), he is settingan agendaforhimselfwhichotherreadersof Heschelhavesurelyrecognizedbut may not have hadthe literaryskills to implement.As to the criticalclaimthat Heschel is "justa poet,"Kaplanrespondsthat"Heschel'smetaphorsenrich the contentof his discourseby evokinganalogiesthatspeaksimultaneously to imagination,senses, andjudgment"(p. 24). For Kaplan,Heschelmustbe readthe way Heschelreadthe Bible. "Thewordsof the Bible are sourcesof spirit.They carryfireto the soul andevoke ourlost dignityout of ourhidden origins.Illumined,we suddenlyremember,we suddenlyrecoverthe strength of endless longingto sense eternityin time."2Kaplanthus readsHeschelas a sacredtext. Its sacrednesslies not in its infinitemeaningbut in its infinite abilityto inspireits reader.Yet even afterKaplan'sliteraryanalysis,which almostalwayshelps us, we are finallyleft with the necessaryambiguitythat Heschel may have intended.If so, the criticalechoes of Heschel as "only a poet" again begin to chime in. Kaplanis awareof this and respondsin true Hescheleanfashion. "Heschel'sdiscoursecan be poeticallyseductive, buthe recognizesfinallythatdarknesscan be overcomeonly by demolishing intellectualarrogance"(p. 142). We would have all benefitedif Kaplanhad developedthismethodologicalstatementfurtherratherthanleavingthereader wonderingwhetherthis is the voice of the "sacredtext"or of its interpreter. I am convincedthat Kaplanwas workingon a far more sophisticatedlevel thanhe lets on. Perhapshe too gets seducedby the misty spell of Heschelean ambiguity,even in his attemptto unpackit. Heschel himself informedhis readersof the power of language,usuallyfocusingon the poetics of prayer. Kaplantakeshim at his wordandsubjectsHeschel'stheologicaldiscourseto the same scrutinythatHeschelused to decipherclassicalJewishliterature. For Kaplan,Heschel's theological writings gain entry into the sacred He introducesus to his methodof literaryanalysis canon of interpretation. by analyzingHeschel's own linguistictechniqueas it emergedin his study of prayerand the biblical narrative.For example,Kaplantells us that, for

1. Moral Grandeurand SpiritualAudacity(New York,1996),p. viii. 2. FromGod in Searchof Man (New York,1955),p. 253, quotedby Kaplan,p. 147.

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He then interprets Heschel,"theBible is holiness in words[his emphasis]."3 this to mean that"languageas hyphenbetweenhumanand divine implies a formalconnectionbetweenthe two. An intuitionof God'spresencefills that of Heschel'sunderstandcontact"(p. 55). This sensitivepoetic interpretation ing of the Bible as poetryfinally does not make eitherthe Bible or Heschel anymoreaccessible.In numerousinstancesin thisbook,Heschel'sambiguity is perpetuatedratherthan explicated.While Kaplanis often successful in his endeavorto unlockdimensionsof Heschel'spoetics and therebypresent his discoursein a more reader-friendly manner,his readingsometimesfalls full disclosure. or Perhapsfollowing Heschel's short-intentionally not--of lead in his readingof the liturgyand the Bible, Kaplanas the interpreterof Heschel is intent on leaving dimensionsof his text concealedso as not to destroythe poetic dimensionwhichis the essenceof its sacredness.Although I admirethe interpreterwho ensuresthathis readingneverrevealsso much as to profanethe text, I was sometimesleft unfulfilled,believingthatKaplan could have accomplishedmore. The next underlyingtheme in Kaplan'sstudy is the attemptto view Heschel'stheologicalwritingswithinthe contextof his biography.This is an importantissue for numerousreasons.Firstand foremostis the uniquelife thatHeschellived. Spendinghis earlychildhoodin the prewarHasidiccourt of Novominsk,a suburbof Warsaw(his mother'stwin brotherRabbiAlter IsraelShimonPerlow[1874-1933] was the GrandRabbiof Novominsk),he left Warsawas a teenagertojoin the Jewishliterarycirclesin Vilna.Following the wave of EasternEuropeanJewish migrationfrom Polandto Germany afterthe FirstWorldWar,he receivedrabbinicalordinationand a doctorate while in Berlin.Barelyescapingthe Nazis, he spenta shorttime in England beforeemigratingto America.Continuingto writein YiddishandGerman(as well as in English)decades aftersettlingin America,Heschelwas perhaps the prototypical"transitionfigure,"having absorbedAmericancultureyet remainingboundintellectuallyandspirituallyto his rootsin HasidicWarsaw and interbellumGermany.Kaplanweaves Heschel's startlingbiographyin orderto presentHeschel as a "propheticmissionary"for twentieth-century AmericanJewry.He is presentedas spokespersonfora uniqueblendof a pious Judaismof faithcoupledwith the intellectualtoleranceof pluralism,equally critical of the laxity in observanceamong liberal Jews and the dogmatic rigidityof Jewishfundamentalism. Havinggrownup in HasidicWarsawand 3. God in Search of Man, p. 244, cited in Kaplan, p. 2.

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educatedat the liberal seminaryin Berlin, Kaplanarguesby implication, Heschelunderstoodbothcommunitiesintimatelyandthuscould serveas the propheticvoice of inspirationfor bothworlds. Althoughthis claim indeed has some validity and should not be overlooked, I believe that Kaplanoverstateshis case and ignores some very pertinentquestions.His implicit comparisonof Heschel to Maimonidesis overblown, even though he is correct that Heschel's early biographyof Maimonides(first publishedas Maimonides:Eine Biographie,1935) is at leastnominallyintendedas autobiography (p. 137).TopresentHeschelas the American Jewryis, in my view unsubstantiated, prophetof twentieth-century and divertsattentionaway from the profoundcontributionhe did make to AmericanJudaism.Maimonideswas, of course,a monutwentieth-century mentalfigurewhose influencereachedandaffectedeverycornerof medieval andmodernJewry.Forreasonsunknownto me, Heschel'sinfluencewas far more limited. It is curious,for example,that a recentarticleby the Israeli scholar Eliezer Schweid, entitled "PropheticMysticism in 20th Century JewishThought,"4 ignoresHeschelcompletely!The relevantquestionwhich Kaplannever addressesis, "Whichcommunities,if any, were profoundly influencedby Heschel'sthinking?"Althoughmanyindividualsspanningthe spectrumof AmericanJewry(and ProtestantChristianity)were inspiredby Heschel,movedby his inspirationalwordsandideasof a thoroughlymodem Judaismthat rubs against the grain of modernity,his influencehas sadly not been as profoundas Kaplanimplies, especiallyduringhis lifetime.The Hasidicworld in which he was reared(andwith whichhe remainedin close contactthroughouthis life) hadlittleinterestin his writings.His workhas not yet becomethe subjectof sustainedin-depthanalysisin the scholarlyworld, as have the worksof HermannCohen,FranzRosenzweig,andMartinBuber. His "mysticalpiety"neverperkedthe attentionof GershomScholemor other scholarsof Jewishmysticism.His ideologyneverinitiateda movement,as did thatof his onetimecolleagueat the JewishTheologicalSeminary,Mordecai Kaplan.Finally (and perhapsmost curiously),his majorworksnever had a seriousimpacton Israelireligiousor scholarlysociety.These are important points to addressif one wants to presentHeschel the way in which he is presentedby Kaplan.On this particularissue I think that Kaplan'sdeep devotionto his master,a devotionwhich we all can envy, has blurredhis otherwisekeen scholarlyvision. 4. Modern Judaism 14 (1994): 139-174.

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Perhapsthe most ingeniouscontributionof this study is its convincing claim thatthe conspicuousabsenceof the Holocaustin Heschel'swritingsis really an illusion. Kaplanshows againand againthatwhile Hescheldid not devoteany single studyto the Holocaust,this eventis the subtextof all of his theologicalwritings,fromhis earlyManIs NotAlone(1951) to his finalessay WhoIs Man?(1965). Kaplanstates,"Nowhe didnotplacein the Shoah-our century'smajorcatastrophe-a sourceof Jewishenergy,as didmostpost-war thinkers.Heschel's theology representsa passionatealternativeto Judaism redefinedby the Holocaustand the State of Israel. It implies that Jewish survivaldoes not requireus to see ourselves,even triumphally,as victims" (p. 10). Heschel'spremeditatedsilence is brilliantlypresentedby Kaplanin various places, includinga section aptly called "No HolocaustTheology" (pp. 129-131). As a maestroof language,Heschelknewhow to use silenceas a powerfulcommunicativetool. Kaplan,amonghis closestreaders,makesus awareof the message of this silence. He arguesthatthe lacunain Heschel's discourseaboutthe Holocaustis calculatedto avoid the trapof a theology of victimization.In this sense, while Heschelwas definitelynot a Holocaust theologian,he may have been the prototypicpost-Holocausttheologian.In a particularlyacuteway he felt the constantpersonalandcollectivepainof the Shoahbut refusedto allow thatpain to preventhim fromcontinuingto look aheadtowardthe future.Silence sometimescommunicatesmorethanwords. Anotherpossiblecomponentin Heschel'scalculatedsilencethatKaplandoes not addressis the factorof guilt. Heschelreturnedto Warsawafterhis initial stay in Germanyand remainedthereuntil rightbeforethe war.He was able to narrowlyescapethe fate of EuropeanJewrybut left behindhis mother,his sister,and the remainderof his immediatefamily.It is hardto imaginethat survivingin the shadowof loved ones who perishedwouldnot illicit feelings of guilt. Studies of those who narrowlyescape disasteroften find the guilt of survivalas a strongimpulsein the survivorpersonality.Heschel'snarrow escape,whichhe describedas being"pluckedfromthe embers,"coupledwith his highly sensitiveand passionatepersonalityand his love for the romantic piety of EasternEuropeanJewrywould suggest,in my view, thatthe "guilt of survival"played a substantiverole in his silence. Be thatas it may, after readingKaplan'sconvincinganalysisof this issue we all can benefitfroma rereadingof Heschel'smajortheologicalwritings. As I stated at the outset, one should read Kaplan's essay with fair expectations.The definitivestudy of Heschel'sentireoeuvreremainsto be written, if indeed it can be written. Kaplan'scontributionhas made that

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possibilityall the more realistic.He has simultaneouslygiven us essential keys to unlock the poetics of Heschel and the necessarywarningsagainst overreadingand de facto desanctifyingHeschel'spoetics. Kaplanwalks the fine line betweenfire and ice, betweencriticalscholaranddisciple.This is a dauntingtask thatdeservesboth ourpraiseandourrespect. ShaulMagid JewishTheological Seminary NewYork,N.Y.

Collected Studies Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 147-157 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486750 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

COLLECTEDSTUDIES Kevin Avruchand WalterP. Zenner,eds. CriticalEssays on Israeli Society, Religion,and Government.Books on Israel,vol. 4. SUNY Series in Israeli Studies.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1997. vi, 229 pp. Part I. The WalterP. Zennerand Kevin Avruch,"Introduction." CONTENTS: Arab-Israeliconflict. Ofira Seliktar,"Waterin the Arab-IsraeliStruggle: Conflictor Cooperation?"MohammedAbu-Nimer,"Dialogueand National Consensusin the Pre-MadridPeriod:Dilemmas of Israeli and Palestinian Peace Activists." Part II. Society and government.Efraim Ben-Zadok, "NeighborhoodRenewal throughthe Establishmentand throughProtest." Samuel Krislov, "Israeli Courts and CulturalAdaptation."Jeff Halper, "ModemJerusalem:Politics, Planning,People."Part III. Religion.Zvi M. Zohar,"SephardicReligious Thoughtin Israel:Aspects of the Theologyof the Sages of RabbiHaim David HaLevi."WalterP. Zenner,"Remembering AramSoba (Aleppo)."Kevin Avruch,"LocalizingIsraeliJudaism."Part IV Literatureand culture.PninaLahav,"IsraeliMilitaryLeadershipDuringthe Yom KippurWar:Reflectionson the Art of Reflection."Nancy E. Berg, "SifrutHaMa'abarah(TransitCamp Literature):Literatureof Transition." NurithGertz,"HistoricalMemory:IsraeliCinemaandLiteraturein the 1980s and 1990s." YehoshuaBen-Ariehand Moshe Davis, eds. Jerusalemin the Mind of the WesternWorld,1800-1948. With Eyes TowardZion 5. Westport,Conn.: Praeger,1997. xi, 282 pp. Part I. In comparativeperspective. MosheDavis, "Introduction." CONTENTS: R. J. Zwi Werblowsky,"The Meaning of Jerusalemto Jews, Christians, and Muslims."Part II. Travelers,explorers,and opinionmakers.Yehoshua Ben-Arieh,"JerusalemTravelLiteratureas HistoricalSource and Cultural Phenomenon."David Klatzker,"SacredJourneys:Jerusalemin the Eyes of AmericanTravelersbefore 1948."ShaulSapir,"FromLondonto Jerusalem: 147

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Journeysof the Adler Brothers in the 1880s." Regina Igel, "The Holy Landin PopularBrazilianCulture."Part III. Religiousgroups:theological concepts.SarahKochav,"'Beginningat Jerusalem':The Missionto the Jews and English EvangelicalEschatology."Erich Geldbach,"Jerusalemin the Followers."Yaakov Mind-Setof JohnNelson DarbyandHis Fundamentalist and "American Jerusalem,1870-1918." Part IV Ariel, Dispensationalists Thomas activities. Stransky,"Originsof Western Religiousgroups:mission ChristianMissions in Jerusalemand the Holy Land."Haim Goren,"The GermanCatholic 'Holy SepulchreSociety': Activities in Palestine."Marin Luckhoff, "Prussiaand Jerusalem:Political and Religious Controversies Surroundingthe Foundationof the JerusalemBishopric."FrankFoerster, "GermanMissionsin theHolyLand."Part VArtandphotography.Yeshayahu Nir, "CulturalPredispositionsin EarlyPhotography:The Case of the Holy Land."Vivienne Silver-Brody,"Selected SectarianPostcards,Texts, and Snapshotsof Jerusalem:Nineteenthand TwentiethCenturies."Micha and OrnaBar-Am,"Paintingwith Light: PhotographicAspects of the Workof EphraimMoses Lilien." ShimonGibson,"TheHoly Land in the Sights of Explorers'Cameras."Part VI. Teachingapplications.GershomGreenberg, "HeavenlyandEarthlyJerusalem:PedagogicalPerspectives." JeromeA. Chanes,ed. Antisemitismin AmericaToday:OutspokenExperts Explodethe Myths.New York:CarolPublishingGroup,1995. xv, 480 pp. PartI. Introduction.JeromeA. Chanes,"AntisemitismandJewish CONTENTS: in theData.WhyCan'tJewsTake'Yes' America Today:Interpreting Security for an Answer?"Part II. Perspectives.Jack Wertheimer,"Antisemitismin the UnitedStates:A HistoricalPerspective."RenaeCohen,"WhatWeKnow, WhatWe Don't Know About Antisemitism:A ResearchPerspective."Earl Raab,"CanAntisemitismDisappear?"MartinS. Bergmann,"Antisemitism in the Psychology of Prejudice."Part III. Manifestationsof antisemitism: assessmentsand evaluations.BarryRubin,"AmericanJews, Israel,and the Psychological Role of Antisemitism."Gary E. Rubin, "How Should We ThinkAbout Black Antisemitism?"Daniel Levitas,"Antisemitismand the FarRight 'Hate' Groups,White Supremacy,and the Neo-Nazi Movement." MarkMellman,"PoliticalAntisemitism:WhatCanWeLearnfromthe David Duke Exit Polls?"A. James Rudin,"Antisemitismin the Christian-Jewish Encounter:New Directionsas We Enterthe Twenty-firstCentury."Kenneth S. Stern,"Denialof the Holocaust:An AntisemiticPoliticalAssault."Letty

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CottinPogrebin,"Womenand Antisemitism."JeffreyA. Ross and Melanie L. Schneider,"Antisemitismon the Campus:ChallengeandResponse."Part IV Issues in contemporaryantisemitism.Mark Silk, "The New Antisecularism:Right for Jews?"AbrahamH. Foxman,"Antisemitismin America: A View from the 'Defense' Agencies."ArthurHertzberg,"How Jews Use Antisemitism."JonathanRieder,"Reflectionson CrownHeights:Interpretive Dilemmas and Black-JewishConflict."Marc D. Stem, "Antisemitismand the Law: ConstitutionalIssues and Antisemitism."Antony Lerman,"ConContext."Part V Antisemitismin temporaryAntisemitism:The International contemporarypopular culture.Anne Roiphe,"Antisemitism:OurConstant Companion?" BryanCheyette,ed. Between "Race"and Culture:Representationsof "the Jew" in EnglishandAmericanLiterature.StanfordStudiesin JewishHistory and Culture.Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress, 1996. xiv, 222 pp. UnansweredQuestions."William CONTENTS: BryanCheyette,"Introduction: and/or Antisemitism." "Romanticism SanderL. Gilman,"Mark Galperin, Twainand the Diseases of the Jews."MurrayBaumgarten,"SeeingDouble: Jewsin the FictionofF. ScottFitzgerald,CharlesDickens,AnthonyTrollope, and GeorgeEliot."JonathanFreedman,"HenryJameson the Discoursesof Antisemitism."Maud Ellmann,"The ImaginaryJew: T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound."MarilynReizbaum,"A Nightmareof History:Ireland'sJews and Joyce'sUlysses."JacquelineRose,"DorothyRichardsonandtheJew."Phyllis Lasser,"'TheMilk of OurMother'sKindnessHas Ceasedto Flow': Virginia Woolf, Stevie Smith, and the Representationof the Jew." Andrea Freud Loewenstein,"The Protectionof Masculinity:Jews as ProjectivePawns in the Textsof WilliamGerhardiand GeorgeOrwell."EricHomberger,"Some Uses for JewishAmbivalence:AbrahamCahanandMichaelGold." LynnDavidmanandShellyTenenbaum,eds.FeministPerspectiveson Jewish Studies.New Haven:Yale UniversityPress, 1994. vi, 281 pp. CONTENTS: Tikva Lynn Davidmanand Shelly Tenenbaum,"Introduction." "TheBible andWomen'sStudies."JudithHauptman,"FemFrymer-Kensky, inist Perspectiveson RabbinicTexts."JudithPlaskow,"JewishTheologyin FeministPerspective."HavaTirosh-Rothschild, "'Dareto Know':Feminism

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and the Disciplineof JewishPhilosophy."PaulaE. Hyman,"FeministStudies and Modem Jewish History."Lynn Davidmanand Shelly Tenenbaum, "Towarda FeministSociology of AmericanJews."SusanStarrSered,"'She PerceivesHer Workto Be Rewarding':JewishWomenin a Cross-Cultural Perspective."JoyceAntler,"Sleepingwiththe Other:TheProblemof Gender NaomiSokoloff,"ModernJewishLiterature: Literature." in American-Jewish Research." of Feminist TheImpact SonyaMichael,"Jews,Gender,American Cinema." Amos Elon, ed. A Blood-DimmedTide:Dispatchesfrom the MiddleEast. New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1997. 332 pp. "War"(August 1967). "Conquerors" CONTENTS: (December1967). "Dayan" an Affair" "End of (August 1981). "FarCity in the Fog" (January1979). into (February1979). "Flight Egypt"(1980). "A Blood-DimmedTide"(July Blues" "Jerusalem 1985). (July 1987)."Intifada:The PalestinianUprising,I" The (April1988)."Intifada: PalestinianUprising,II"(February1989)."Peace Now" (April 1990). "Letterfrom Alexandria"(July 1988). "A Crisis in the Gulf' (December1990). "AnotherWar"(April 1991)."A Visit with Arafat" (December1993)."LookOverJordan"(April (August1993)."Peacemakers" of "The Politics Memory"(October1993). "Egypt'sIceberg"(April 1994). 1995). "Politicsand Archeology"(September1994). "The Demons of the Jews"(December1995). Steven Fine, ed. Sacred Realm: The Emergenceof the Synagoguein the Ancient World.New York:OxfordUniversityPress and YeshivaUniversity Museum,1996. xxix, 203 pp. LawrenceH. Schiffman,"Foreword:The Ancient Synagogue CONTENTS: and the History of Judaism."Eric M. Meyers, "AncientSynagogues:An Steven Fine, "FromMeetingHouse to Sacred ArcheologicalIntroduction." Realm:Holinessandthe AncientSynagogue."LouisH. Feldman,"Diaspora Synagogues:New Light fromInscriptionsand Papyri."LeonardVictorRutgers, "DiasporaSynagogues:SynagogueArchaeologyin the Greco-Roman World."Rachel Hachlili, "Synagoguesin the Land of Israel:The Art and Architectureof the LateAntiqueSynagogues."

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151

E. A. Goldman,ed. The Jerusalem1994 ConferenceVolume.Jewish Law AssociationStudies8. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1996. 226 pp. CONTENTS: JacobBazak, "TheLegal Statusof the Fetus in JewishHalacha and in Israeli Law."MiriamBen Zeev, "Did the Jews Enjoy a Privileged Positionin the RomanWorld?"MichaelJ. Broyde,"Assistingin the Violation of NoachideLaw."SeymourJ. Cohen,"TheUnitedStatesConstitutionand the JewishCommunity:The RecalcitrantHusbandand the ChainedWoman (Agunah)."Shear-YashubCohen, "TheHalachicand Legal Aspects of Enforcementof Divorcein Israel(an abstract)."MichaelCorinaldi,"Continuing ApostasyAccordingto Halachaandthe Law of Return."PeterJ. Haas,"The Emergenceof RabbinicLegalRhetoric:TheSheelotUteshuvotGenre."Moshe Ish-Horowicz,"Righteousness(Tsedeck)and Its Significancein Judaism." EberhardKlingenberg,"Justinian'sNovellae Concerningthe Jews."Stephen M. Passamaneck,"Halacha,Law Enforcementand the Modern World." Nahum Rakover,"The One vs. the Many in Life and Death Situations." JosephRivlin,"ThePowerof a PromissoryNote Is Greaterthanthe Forceof Legislation."MeirSeidler,"IsaacBreuer'sConceptof Law."DanielSinclair, "PatientSelf-Determinationand AdvanceDirectives."HannahG. Sprecher, "DiabolusEx-Machina:An UnusualCase of Yuhasin."David A. Thomas, "InstructiveComparisonsBetweenJewishandAnglo-AmericanLandLaw." PeterS. Zaas,"WhatComesOutof a PersonIs WhatMakesa PersonImpure: Jesusas Sadducee." LadislauGyemint, ed. StudiaJudaica IV Cluj-Napoca,Romania:Editura Sincron,1995. 148 pp. CONTENTS: Moshe Carmilly-Weinberger, "The Help Extended by the Romanian-JewishLeadersto the HungarianJews in the Time of the Holocaust."PompiliuTeodor,"Pagesfromthe Historyof the Deportationof the Jews fromMaramurex: Chronicleof a Village-Botiza." RaphaelVig6, "The Holocaustin Romaniain the Lightof IsraeliHistoriography." LeonVolovici, "TheJewishIntellectualsfromRomaniaaftertheFirstWorldWar:A Response to Anti-Semitism."FlorinMuiller,"TheJewishWorldandWesternValuesin Inter-WarRomania-A Case Study:Mihail Sebastian."VictorBarladeanu, "GalaGalactionand the Jews; or, a ChristianZionist."YonahDavid, "Jewish Writersfrom Romaniaand Their Contributionto the Literatureof the Holocaust."Beate Welter,"Transnistria in the GermanLiterature."Cornel

152

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Craciun,"TheJewishArt in Romaniabetween 1940-1944."Lya Benjamin, "TheRacialLabellingof a Jew in the RomanianLegislation."VasileGrunea, "Parachutists Sent fromEretzIsraelto Europein the Timeof the Holocaust." MirceaMoldovan,"TheAttitudeof the Greek-CatholicChurchto the Jews in the Timeof the Holocaust."AlexandruSaxianuand in North-Transylvania "An UneditedJournalof the Holocaustin Oradea."Tereza GheorgheGorun, "The M6zes, Atmospherein Oradeaafterthe Evacuationof the Ghetto."Egon L6vithandFranciscPap,"AnExhibitionin the Memoryof the Holocaust." Moshe Idel and BernardMcGinn,eds. Mystical Union in Judaism,Christianity,and Islam. An EcumenicalDialogue. New York:Continuum,1996. xi, 252 pp. Louis Dupre, "Unio mystica: The State and the Experience." CONTENTS: andIntegration:TwoConceptionsof Mystical MosheIdel, "Universalization Union in JewishMysticism."BernardMcGinn,"Love,Knowledgeand Unio mystica in the WesternChristianTradition."Michael Sells, "Bewildered Tongue:The Semanticsof MysticalUnionin Islam."DanielMerkur,"Unitive Experiencesandthe Stateof Trance." SharmanKadish, ed. BuildingJerusalem:Jewish Architecturein Britain. London:VallentineMitchell,1996. xvi, 231 pp. SharmanKadish, "Introduction." Carol Herselle Krinsky,"BeCONTENTS: tweenEuropeandtheNew World:Britain'sPlacein SynagogueArchitecture." RaphaelM. J. Isserlin,"BuildingJerusalemin the 'Islandsof the Sea': The Archaeologyof MedievalAnglo-Jewry."ClarenceEpstein,"Compromising London: The Architectureof the Great Traditionin Eighteenth-Century Synagogue,Duke's Place." EdwardJamilly,"SynagogueBodies: Building Policy and ConservationIssues." SharmanKadish, "'Eden in Albion': A History of the Mikveh in Britain."BernardSusser, "Jewish Cemeteries in the West of England."Lesley Fraser,"'Four Per Cent Philanthropy': Social Architecturefor East LondonJewry, 1850-1914." EdwardJamilly, InteriorDecorationin BritishSynagogues." "'All Mannerof Workmanship': Uses for 'Redundant'Synagogues." "Alternative StephenRosenberg, CharlesS. LiebmanandElihuKatz,eds. TheJewishnessoflsraelis:Responses

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to the GuttmanReport.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1997. xix, 188 pp. CONTENTS: ShlomitLevy, HannaLevinsohn,and Elihu Katz, "Beliefs,Observancesand Social InteractionAmong IsraeliJews:The GuttmanInstitute Report."CharlesS. Liebman,"TheMediaandthe GuttmanReport."Charles S. Liebman,"Academicsand OtherIntellectuals."Elihu Katz, "Behavioral and PhenomenologicalJewishness."Charles S. Liebman, "Religion and Modernity:The Special Case of Israel."Charles S. Liebman,"Cultural Conflictin IsraeliSociety." Yosefa Loshitzky, ed. Spielberg's Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on "Schindler'sList". Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1997. ix, 250 Pp. CONTENTS: Yosefa Loshitzky,"Introduction." BarbieZelizer,"EveryOnce in a While: Schindlers List and the Shaping of History."Omer Bartov, "Spielberg'sOskar:Hollywood Tries Evil." Geoffrey H. Hartman,"The Cinema Animal."MiriamBratu Hansen, "Schindler' List Is Not Shoah: Second Commandment,PopularModernism,and Public Memory."Yosefa Loshitzky,"HolocaustOthers:Spielberg'sSchindler'sListversusLanzmann's Shoah."SaraR. Horowitz,"ButIs It GoodfortheJews?Spielberg'sSchindler andthe Aestheticsof Atrocity."JudithE. Doneson,"TheImageLingers:The Feminizationof the Jew in Schindler'sList."JeffreyShandler,"Schindler's Discourse:AmericaDiscussesthe HolocaustandIts Meditation,fromNBC's Miniseriesto Spielberg'sFilm." Liliane Weissberg,"The Tale of a Good German:Reflectionson the GermanReceptionof Schindlers List."Haim Bresheeth,"The GreatTabooBroken:Reflectionson the IsraeliReception of Schindler'sList." Natasha Lehrer,"Between Obsession and Amnesia: Reflectionson the FrenchReceptionof Schindler'sList."Bryan Cheyette, "TheUncertainCertaintyof Schindler' List." EzraMendelsohn,ed. LiteraryStrategies:Jewish Textsand Contexts.Studies in ContemporaryJewry 12. New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1996. xiv, 385 pp. CONTENTS: Symposium.Liliane Weissberg,"DramaticHistory:Reflection on a Biblical Play by Ludwig Robert."Bryan Cheyette,"Englishnessand

154

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British-JewishWritingand DiasporaCulture."Michael Extraterritoriality: Stanislawski,"Jabotinskyas Playwright:New Texts,New Subtexts."David G. Roskies,"Rabbis,Rebbesand OtherHumanists:The Searchfor a Usable MarcusMoseley,"BetweenMemoryandForgetPastin ModemLiterature." fulness:TheJanusFaceof MichaYosefBerdichevsky." ChoneShmeruk,"The FrankistNovels of IsaacBashevisSinger."RuthR. Wisse,"Languageas Fate: Reflectionson Jewish Literaturein America."SidraDeKovenEzrahi,"The Grapesof Roth:'Diasporism'BetweenPortnoyandShylock."Essays.David Rechter,"Autonomyand Its Discontents:The AustrianJewish Congress Use of NationalMyths Movement,1917-1918."JosephHeller,"Jabotinsky's in PoliticalStruggles."ArthurAryehGoren,"Pageantsof Sorrow,Celebration and Protest:The Public Cultureof AmericanJews."Reviewessays. H. M. of 'theJew'."ChoneShmeruk,"ThePerils Daleski,"LiteraryRepresentations Bashevis of Translation:Isaac Singerin Englishand Hebrew."Noah Lucas, HillelJ. Kieval,"'Fantasy'and "Democracyin Israel:ProvenYetPrecarious." 'Reality' in Modem Antisemitism."MitchellCohen, "ImaginaryJews and Jewish Imagination."Benny Kraut,"AmericanAntisemitism,Black/Jewish Relations:A Matterof Perspective." AdriaanT.Peperzak,SimonCritchley,andRobertBemasconi,eds.Emmanuel Levinas: Basic Philosophical Writings.Studies in ContinentalThought. Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1996. xx, 201 pp. "IsOntologyFundamental?" andHeight" CONTENTS: (1951). "Transcendence (1962). "Meaningand Sense" (1964). "Enigmaand Phenomenon"(1965). "Substitution"(1968). "Truthof Disclosure and the Truthof Testimony" (1972). "Essence and Disinterestedness"(1974). "God and Philosophy" and Intelligibility"(1984). "Peaceand Proximity" (1975). "Transcendence (1984). Jack Nusan Porter,ed. Womenin Chains:A Sourcebookon the Agunah. Northvale,N.J.:JasonAronson,1995. xx, 265 pp. TheAgunah-A PersonalPerCONTENTS: JackNusanPorter,"Introduction: in the Part I. Essays popular press: the Americansituation. spective." "Of Human LucetteLagnado, Bondage."PeterHellman,"PlayingHardto Get."PartII. Essaysin thepopularpress:theIsraelisituation.GlennFrankel, "TheRabbinicalTiesThatBind."SharonShenhav,"TheAgunah:An Ancient

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Problemin ModemDress."NettyC. Gross,"AHorrorStory--Ours."PartIII. Scholarlyessays.IrwinH. Haut:"'TheAltarWeeps':Divorcein JewishLaw." MosheMeiselman,"JewishWomanin JewishLaw:Solutionsto Problemsof Agunah."Moshe Chigier,"Ruminationsover the AgunahProblem."Part IV Literarysources. IsaacBashevis Singer,"TiabeleandHer Demon."Shmuel Yosef Agnon, "Agunot."Rochelle MajerKrich,"Till Death Do Us Part." Part V Confrontations:Agunot, is the system working? Susan Aranoff, Rivka

Haut,and SusanAlter,"AgunahInc.: 'No."' Lieb Landesman,"A Beit Din Responds:'Yes."'LabishBecker,"Letterto the Editor:FalseAccusationsby Agunah,Inc."ChaimDovid Zwiebel, "TragedyCompounded:The Agunah Problemand New York'sControversialNew Get Law."MarvinE. Jacob, "TheAgunahProblemandthe So-CalledNew YorkStateGet Law:A Legal and Halachic Analysis." Part VI. Orthodox and Conservative positions.

Shlomo Riskin, "A Modem OrthodoxPerspective."Sidney H. Schwartz, "Conservative Judaism and the Agunah." Part VII.Solutions. Blu Greenberg,

"JewishWomen'sRights:Forthe Love of Law."StevenFeldman,"Grappling with Divorce and JewishLaw."Honey Rackman,"Gettinga Get."Francine Klagsbrun,"TheStruggleof the Agunah." Carol Rittner and John K. Roth, eds. From the Unthinkable to the Unavoidable: American Christian and Jewish Scholars Encounter the Holocaust. Con-

tributionsto the Studyof Religion 48, Christianityand the Holocaust-Core Issues. Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress, 1997. xii, 220 pp. CONTENTS: Part I. Memories. AbrahamJ. Peck, "Voices for Change: Chapters

in the Post-HolocaustDialogue." Eva Fleischner,"A Door That Opened and Never Closed: Teaching the Shoah." Harry James Cargas, "In the Name of the Father."Eugene J. Fisher,"Being Catholic,LearningJewish: Personal Reflections on the Shoah." SusannahHeschel, "Post-Holocaust Jewish Reflections on GermanTheology."Part II. Encounters.Alan L. Berger,"How My MindHas Changed."FranklinH. Littel,"My Experience withthe Holocaust."JohnT.Pawlikowski,"Penetrating Barriers:A Holocaust A. "Once and Not Future Partisan:A Plea for Eckardt, Retrospective." Roy Carol "From to Part III. Challenges. Rittner, History." Ignorance Insight." Alice L. Eckardt,"The Shoah-Roadto a Revised/RevivedChristianity." David R. Blumenthal,"FromAngerto Inquiry."RichardL. Rubenstein,"A the Void." Twentieth-Century Journey."MichaelBerenbaum,"Transforming

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JohnK. Roth,"ItStartedwith Tears:The Holocaust'sImpacton My Life and Work." KennethR. Stow,ed. JewishHistory.Vol 10, no. 2 (Fall 1996).Haifa:Haifa UniversityPress, 1996. 150 pp. (English),5 pp. (Hebrew). R. W. Davis, "Disraeli, the Rothschilds, and Anti-Semitism." CONTENTS:

ToddM. Endelman,"Disraeliandthe Mythof SephardiSuperiority." Daniel R. Schwarz,"'Mene, Mene, Tekel Upharsin':Jewish Perspectiveson Disraeli'sFiction."NadiaValman,"MuscularJews:YoungEngland,Genderand Jewishnessin Disraeli's'PoliticalTrilogy'."AnthonyS. Wohl,"'BenJuJu': of Disraeli'sJewishnessin the VictorianPoliticalCartoon." Representations Leo Strauss. Jewish Philosophy and the Crisis of Modernity: Essays and Lectures in Modern Jewish Thought. Edited by Kenneth Hart Green. SUNY

Seriesin the Writingsof Leo Strauss.Albany:StateUniversityof New York Press, 1997. xvii, 505 pp. Part I. Essays in modern Jewish thought. "Progress or Return?" CONTENTS: (1952). "Preface to Spinoza 's Critique of Religion" (1965). Part II. Studies of modern Jewish thinkers. "How to Study Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise" (1948). "Preface to Isaac Husik, Philosophical Essays" (1952). "IntroductoryEssay to HermannCohen, Religion ofReason Out ofthe Sources ofJudaism" (1972). Part III. Lectures on contemporaryJewish issues. "Freud

on Moses and Monotheism"(1958). "WhyWe RemainJews"(1962). Part IV Studies on the Hebrew Bible. "On the Interpretationof Genesis" (1957). "Jerusalemand Athens" (1967). Part V Commentson Jewish history. "What

Is Political Philosophy?[The First Paragraph]"(1954). "Review of J. L. Talmon, The Nature of Jewish History" (1957). "Letter to the Editor: The State of Israel."(1957). Part VI.Miscellaneous writings on Jews and Judaism. "Introductionto Persecution and the Art of Writing"(1952). "Perspectives on the Good Society" (1963). Part VII. Autobiographical reflections. "An Unspoken Prologue" (1959). "Preface to Hobbes Politische Wissenschaft"

(1965). "A Givingof Accounts"(1970).

JOrgThierfelder and Willi W61fing,eds. Fur ein neues Miteinander von Juden

und Christen.PaidagogischenHochschuleHeidelberg,vol. 27. Weinheim: DeutscherStudienVerlag,1996. 323 pp.

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CONTENTS:J6rg Thierfelder and Wille W61fing, "Vorwort." Ludwig

Beate Weber,"Einftihrung." JuliusCarlebach,"Die Schwinger,"Grusswort." jiidische Religion." Norbert Scholl, "Gewaltin den Schriftendes Ersten Testaments."Podiumsdiskussion."Judenin heutigen Deutschland."Gerd Theissen, "Antijudaismusin Neuen Testament--ein soziales Vorurteilin heiligen Schriften."Uri R. Kaufmann,"Von der Vielfalt des Judentums und ihren Wurzelnin Deutschland."Micha Brumlik,"Motive christlicher und Strategienihreriberwindung."J6rgThierfelder,"Tun Judenfeindschaft des Gerechten-Hermann Maas, der stadtbekannteFreund der Juden." Hilde Domin, "LiterarischerNachmittag."MartinSt6hr, "JiidischesVolk an die Kirchen."NorbertGiovannini, und StaatIsrael als Herausforderung "ZwischenEmanzipationund Verfolgung-jfdisches Lebenin Heidelberg." LotharSteinbach,"DerHolocaustund die Erinnerung." HorstHmrner, "Die Martin anhand Bubers seiner Briefe." Trude "Das Leben Maurer, Padagogik der Judenin der deutschenKultur."RachelHeuberger,"Die Rolle der Frau im Judentum."AlbrechtLohrbicher,"Wersind wir? VomMut zum Lernen mit dem Judentum."

Books Received Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 159-162 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486751 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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BOOKSRECEIVED Barker,Margaret.TheRisenLord:TheJesus ofHistoryas the ChristofFaith. Valley Forge,Pa.:TrinityPress, 1997. xvii, 166 pp. Bell, J. Bowyer.TerrorOutofZion: TheFightfor IsraeliIndependence.New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionPublishers,1996. xix, 374 pp. Berger, S. Classical Oratory and the Sephardimof Amsterdam:Rabbi Aquilar's "Tratadode la Ret6rica". Hilversum,Netherlands:Uitgeverij Verloren,1996. 141 pp. in Germany:ThePost-Nazi Bergmann,Werner,andRainerErb.Anti-Semitism Epoch Since 1945. Trans.by BelindaCooperand Allison Brown.New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionPublishers,1997. ix, 385 pp. Birnbaum,Pierre.TheJews of theRepublic:A PoliticalHistoryof StateJews in Francefrom Gambettato Vichy.Trans.by JaneMarieTodd.Stanford Studiesin JewishHistoryandCulture.Stanford,Calif.:UniversityPress, 1996. 449 pp. Brown,Michael. TheIsraeli-AmericanConnection:Its Roots in the Yishuv, 1914-1945. Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress, 1996. 396 pp. Caputo,JohnD. ThePrayersand TearsofJacquesDerrida:Religionwithout Religion. IndianaSeries in the Philosophyof Religion. Bloomington: IndianaUniversityPress, 1997. xxix, 379 pp. Derrida,Jacques.ArchiveFever: A FreudianImpression.Trans.by Eric Prenowitz.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1996. 113 pp. Eckardt,A. Roy. On the Wayto Death:Essays Towarda CosmicVision.New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionPublishers,1996. xi, 180 pp. Finkielkraut,Alain. TheImaginaryJew. Trans.by Kevin O'Neill and David Suchoff. Texts and Contexts9. Lincoln:Universityof NebraskaPress, Bison Books, 1997. xviii, 201 pp. . The Wisdomof Love. Trans.by Kevin O'Neill and David Suchoff. Texts and Contexts20. Lincoln:Universityof NebraskaPress, Bison Books, 1997. xxvi, 151 pp. 159

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Frankel, Jonathan. The Damascus Affair: "RitualMurder," Politics, and the

Jews in 1840. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1997. xiv, 491 pp. Gelber, Yoav. Jewish-Transjordanian Relations, 1921-1948. London: Frank

Cass, 1997. 320 pp. Gitlitz, David M. Secrecy and Deceit: The Religion of the Crypto-Jews.

Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety, 1996. xvi, 677 pp. Greenberg, Gary. The Moses Mystery: The African Origins of the Jewish

People. Secaucus,N.J.:BirchLanePress, 1996. x, 308 pp. Greenberg, Yudit Komberg. Better Than Wine: Love, Poetry, and Prayer in the Thought of Franz Rosenzweig. Foreword by Elliot R. Wolfson.

Atlanta:ScholarsPress:1996. xii, 165 pp. Gurock, Jeffrey S., and Jacob J. Schacter.A Modern Heretic and a Traditional Community: Mordecai M. Kaplan, Orthodoxy, and American Judaism.

New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1997. x, 220 pp. Helmreich, William B. Against All Odds: Holocaust Survivors and the Successful Lives They Made in America. With a new introductionby the

author.Judaicaand HebraicaSeries.New Brunswick,N.J.: Transaction Publishers,1996. 348 pp. Hertzberg, Arthur. The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader

New editionwith afterwordby author.Philadelphia:JewishPublication Society, 1997. 648 pp. Horowitz, Irving Louis. Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power 4th ed.,

expandedand revised. New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionPublishers, 1997. xiii, 324 pp. Horowitz, Sara R. Voicing the Void: Muteness and Memory in Holocaust

Fiction. SUNY Seriesin ModemJewishLiteratureand Culture.Albany: StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1997.vii, 276 pp. Ilan, Nahem. The "MetzahAharon" Commentaryby Rabbi Aharon Garish.

Jerusalem:Ben-ZviInstitute,1996. vi, 273 pp. (Hebrew). Lerner, Gerda. WhyHistory Matters: Life and Thought. New York: Oxford

UniversityPress, 1997. xvii, 249 pp. Lockshin, MartinI. Rashbam ' Commentaryon Exodus: An Annotated Trans-

lation. BrownJudaicStudies310. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1997. x, 452 pp.

McGaha, Michael, ed. Coat ofMany Cultures: The Story ofJoseph in Spanish

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Literature,1200-1492. Philadelphia:Jewish PublicationSociety, 1997. xviii, 459 pp. Maynard, Isabelle. China Dreams: Growing Up Jewish in Tiensin. Singu-

lar Lives: Iowa Series in North AmericanAutobiography.Iowa City: Universityof Iowa Press, 1996. xviii, 166 pp. Moreh, Shmuel, and Philip Sadgrove. Jewish Contributions to NineteenthCentury Arabic Literature: Plays from Algeria and Syria; A Study

and Texts.Journalof Semitic Studies Supplement6. Oxford:Oxford UniversityPress, 1996. vi, 138 pp. (English),305 pp. (Arabic). Poma, Andrea. The Critical Philosophy of Hermann Cohen. Trans. by John

Denton.SUNY Seriesin JewishPhilosophy.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1997. xiv, 320 pp. Reif, Stefan C. Hebrew Manuscripts at Cambridge University Library: A Description and Introduction. University of Cambridge Oriental Pub-

lications 52. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1997. xx, 626 pp. Rotem, Judith. Distant Sisters: The WomenI Left Behind. Trans. by Shira

Atik. Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety, 1997. xvi, 219 pp. Smith, Steven B. Spinoza, Liberalism, and the Question of Jewish Identity.

New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1997. xvii, 270 pp. Snell, Daniel C. Life in the Ancient Near East, 3100-332 B.C.E.New Haven:

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162

BOOKSRECEIVED

Werblowsky,R. J. Zwi, and GeoffreyWigoder,eds. The Oxford Dictionary of the JewishReligion.New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1997. xviii, 764 pp.

‫ יציאת מצרים בקידוש של שבת ובתפילתה‬:‫בין תפילה למדרש‬ Author(s): ‫דוד הנשקה‬ Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (1998), pp. 1-12 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486752 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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http://www.jstor.org

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