Basics of Social Research: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (2nd Edition)

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Senior SeriesEd\tor: leff Lasser Editorial Assistant; Erikka Adams Senior Marketing Manager: KellyMay Production Editor: RobertaShernnn Composition Btyer: Linda Cox Manufacturing Buyer: JoAnn e Sweeney Irrc' Services, Editorial production Servicesand Electronic Composition: Prtlllshtrs'L)esignorul Production Cover Administrator: Kristina Mose-Libon For relatedtitlesand supportmaterials,visitour online catlloq 'l[ \\ \\ \\ 'lhlttngtnan'com' Copyright a 2007,2004 PearsonEducation,Inc' or utilized in A1lrights resened.No part of the materialprotectedby this copr r-ightt]ottcr-mav be rcproduced information an,v or bv recorclinc' inq, including mechanical, or electronic means, Photo.(rF\ an,ufor,-,ror by any I r\iner. storageand retrievll system,rvithoutrvrittenpermissionfrpm th. !lf \ Iiiht and Bacon, To obtain permission(s)to use material from this work, pleasesubnrit .'.\\ rittE'nr!'qriestto Alh'n rL:rI!'.'rrc':tto 617-848-7320' \, f,rr t,t Ib 0ll NlA Bostotr, Street, Arlington L)epartment,75 Permissions for some sitesto have Betweenthe time Websiteinfbrmation is gatheredand then publishe.l.it i: rlot t-tttusual fhct'ublisherwouldappreciate r'rrLri:. closed.Also,thetranscriptionofURLscanresultintlpographical notification where theseerrors occur so that they may be correcteclirl sub\!'qrtenteditions. Cataloging-in-Publicationdata unavailableat presstime. 0-205-48.137,9

BRIEF CONT ENT S

PART ONE

Foundations

CHAPTERt

Doing Social Research

CHAPTERz

Theory and Social Research

CHAPTERs

Ethics in Social Research

cHAPTER+

Reviewingthe Scholarly Literature and Planninga Study

CHAPTERS

Qualitative and Quantitative Measurement

cHAPTERe

Qualitative and Quantitative Sampling

PARTTwo

ConductingQuantitativeResearch

CHAPTERZ

Survey Research

CHAPTER8

ExperimentalResearch

CHAPTER9

Nonreactive Researchand Secondary Analysis

CHAPTER1 o

PART THREr

Analysisof Quantitative Data

Conductin g Qualita t iv e Re s e a rc h

cHAPTER 1l

Field Rese a rch

cHAPTER I2

Historical-Comparative Research

CHAPTER 13 Analysisof QualitativeData

PAR T FO U R Writing a Rese a rchRe p o rt cHAPTER 14

Writing the ResearchReport

CONT ENT S

Preface

;;-;

xl

Ethicsand the Scientific Community 59

-- -'"-'-

Ethicsand the Sponsorsof Research 61

;-;

## Foundations

Politicsof Research

63

Value-Freeand Objective Research 64

CHA P T E R I

Doing SocialResearch

Conclusion

l

6G

Introduction

2 Alternativesto SocialResearch How ScienceWorks 7 Steps in the Researchprocess .l

Dimensionsof Research Conc lus ion 21

3 9

Introduction

O

69 Usingthe Internet for Social Research 80

Theory and SocialResearch

23

24

What ls Theory?

24

C oncl usi on

Qualitativeand Quantitative Measurement 108

44

45

Why Measure?

CHA P T E R 3

Ethicsin SocialResearch Why Be Ethical?

48 48

Power Relations 49 EthicallssuesInvolvingResearch Participants S0

9l

106

C H A P TE R 5

Introduction

Introduction

gg

QuantitativeDesignlssues 26

The AspectsofTheory Zg The Three Major Approaches to Social Science 41 Conc lus ion

Qualitativeand euantitative Orientations toward Research g4 QualitativeDesignlssues

The Parts ofTheory

The DynamicDuo

69

Literature Review

C HA P T E R 2

lntroduction

C H A P TE R 4

Reviewingthe ScholarlyLiteratureand Planninga Study 68

47

'l

09 I 09

Quanti tati veand eual i tati ve Measurement II0 Partsof the Measurement Process 1 'l 't R el i abi l i tyand V al i di ty

IIs

A Guideto Quantitative Measurement I 2l vil

VIII

CONT ENT S

lndex Construction Sc a l e s

126

Resultsof ExperimentalResearch:Making 219 C ompari sons

128

Conclusion

A Word on Ethics

138

C oncl usi on

221

222

C H A PT E R 5 C H A P TE R 9

Qualitativeand Quantitative S amp lin g 140 fntroduction

141

N o n p ro b a b i l i tyS a m p l i ng

225

fntroduction

141

Pro b a b i l i tyS a m p l i n g Conclusion

NonreactiveResearchand Secondary Analysis 224 NonreactiveMeasurement

145

227

Content Analysis

164

225

ExistingStatistics/Documents and 236 SecondaryAnalysis lssuesof lnference and Theory Testing 244

PA R T T W O

l:i::::: Conducting Quantitative Research

Conclusion

C H A P TE R I O

C H AP T ER 7

SurveyResearch l n tro d u c ti o n

Analysisof Quantitative 247 Data

155 167

' r5 8

The Logicof SurveyResearch

169

Constructingthe Questionnaire Typesof Surveys:Advantagesand Disadvantages 1 86 lnterviewing

Dealingwith Data

248

R esul tsw i th One V ari abl e More Than Two Variables lnferentialStatistics

196

C oncl usi on

197

251 257 263

268

272

PART THREE

C H A PT E R 8

ExperimentalResearch Introduction

248

fntroduction

Resultswith Two Variables

190

The EthicalSurvey Conclusion

245

200

ii? ConductingQualitative Research

2O4

C H A P TE R I 1

201

Random Assignment

2O2

ExperimentalDesignLogic fnternal and ExternalValidity PracticalConsiderations

212 219

FieldResearch fntroduction

275 27 5

C ON TEN TS

The Logicof FieldResearch

Z7g

c hoos inga s i te a n d' Ga ining ---.....D

Access

Relationsin the Field

Leavingthe Field FocusGroups

Introduction

2gS

Observingand CollectingData The Field ResearchInterview

287 296

300

Other Techniques 339 Softwarefor eualitative Data Conclusion 342

3OZ

CHA P T E R I 2

3O4

Data and Evidencein Historical Context 312 317

\{riting

the Research Report

Introduction

The ResearchReport

Glossary Bibliography

Ethics

Name Index 325

344

Conclusion

Equivalencein Historical-Comparative Research 322 Conclusion

34O

C H A P TE R 1 4

steps in a Historical-comparativeResearch Project 31 0

325

32g

PART Fo u R iti\ Writinga Research Report

The Logicof Historical-Comparative Research iO5

comparative Research

ComparingMethods of Data Analysis 328 AnalyticStrategiesfor Qualitative Data 335

Historical-comparative Research 3O4 fntroduction

327

329

Coding and Concept Formation

2gg

EthicalDilemmasof Field Research 301 Conclusion

C H A P TE R I 3

Analysisof eualitative Data

280

rx

Subject Index

359 36'l 377 391 3g3

344

343

CHAPTER 1

DoingSocialResearch

Introduction Alternatives to Social Research Authority Tradition C o m m o nSe n se Me d i aMy th s P e rs o n aEl x p eri ence How ScienceWorks Sc i e n c e T h e S c i e n ti flCommuni c ty The Scientific Methodand Attitude JournalArticlesin Science Steps in the ResearchProcess Dimensionsof Research Useof Research Pu rp o s e o fa Study T i m eD i me n s i on i n R esearcn D a taC o l l e c ti o n Techni ques Conclusion

PART ONE

,/ F OUND A TION S

IN T R OD U C T ION Socialresearchis all arounclus. Educators,go\,ernment officials, businessmanagers,hutntrrt serviceproviders,and health care professionals regularlyuse socialresearchmethods anclfindings.Peopleusesocialresearchto raisechildren, reducecrime, irnprclvepublic health,sellproducts,clrjust understandone'slil-e.Reportsof researchappearon brclaclcast ne$,sprograms,it.t popuiar magazines,in nen,spapers, and on the lnternet. Researchfindings can aftbct people'sdaily livesand public policies.For example,I recentll' heard a debateregrrrclirrg a U.S.lederaigovernment program to off-erteenagerssexualabstin e n c e c o u n s e l i n g .A h i gh-l evel government official argued for sucl-rcounselingancl stror"rgl,v opposed offering teensbirth control inforirati o n . A n i n d e p e n c l e n th eal th admi ni strator noted that there is no scientiflcevidenceshou,ing that abstinence-onlycounselingrvorks.Iie saidthat 80 percentoftcens arc alreadysexually activebythe ageof 18,thereforeit is essentialto provide birth control information. Hc prointed to ma n y re s e a rc hs tu c l i esshorvi ngthi rt bi rth prcsnJncv control instruction for tecnslecluce's ratesand the spreadof scrr.rallrtr'.rr.rsnrittcti t1i:e a s e sT. h e g o v e rn mc n ta Lrsti ncr.tcc or.i l r'.rrl rocatereiied on rnoral persurrsionLrcc.rr.rsc hc ir.r11 no researcheviclencc.lcieoloqr,iirith, .urcipoliti c s s h a p ema n \' g o v e rn n rentprogranrsrather than solid researchcvidcnce,br,rtgood socialrcsearchcan help all of us make inlbrnred decisions. The evidence also expltrins wh,y m.ury programs fail to accornplishmr.rchor m;ry do more harm than gooc1. This book is about socialresearch.In simple tenxs, researchis a way of going about finding answersto questions.Prof-essors, prof-essional researchers, practitioners,and studentsin many fields cor-rdr.rct researchto scekansr\rersto questions about the socialworld. You probably already have some notion clf whirt social reseal'ch entails.First,Iet me end sornepossiblemiscor.t-

When i askedstudentsin my classes ceptior.rs. ufiat they think socialreseirrchentails,they gave the lbllolr,ir-rgans\\rers: r r r r r r

r

r

It is basedon firctsalone; there is no theory juclgrlrent. or prersonal Onlr.expertsu,ith a Ph.D. degreeor college professorsread it or do it. It meansgoing to the library and finding a lot of magazinearticlesor bookson a topic. It is r,r,hensomeonehangsaround a group and observes. It means conducting ir controlled experinlent. Socialresearchis clrawinga sampleof peoto cornple and givingthem questionnaires plete. It is looking up lots of statistical tables from oftrcial government and intbrn-ratior-r reports. Llsecomputersto create To do it, onc r.r.rr-Lst charts,and graphs. stati sti cs,

The flrst t\\'o .urs\versare wrong, and the of what constitutessoothe-r's clcscribe or.rl.,.part to confuseone part cia] r'escarch.It is r-rr.rlvise rr ith the n.hole. P eopl e conduct soci al resear cht o lear n nerv about the social world; or to sorr-rething hunches,or beliefs carefullydocunrentguesses, about it; or to refinetheir understandingofhow the sociaiworld works. A researchercombines tl-reoriesor ideaslr,ith facts in a careful, systematic rvay and usescreativity. He or she learns to orgirnizeand plan carefully and to selectthe appropriatetechniqr-re to addressa specifickind of alsomust treatthe people question.A rescarcher in a studi,in ethicaland moral ways.In addition, a researchern-rustfirlly ilnd clearlycommunicate the resultsofa study to others. Socialreseirrchis ir processin which people combine a set of principles,outlooks,and ideas (i.c.,methodology)rvith a collectionof specific practi ces,techni ques,and strateg ies( i. e. , a rnethoclof inquiry) to produceknorvledge.It is

C H AP TE R 1 ,/ D OIN C SOC IA L R E S TdR C -

an exciting processof discovery,but it requires persistence,personalintegrity, tolerancefor ambiguity, interaction with others,and pride in doing qualiry work. Reading this book cannot transform you into an expert researcher,but it can teachyou to be a better consumerof researchresults,help you to understandhow the researchenterpriseworks, and prepareyou to conduct small researchprojects.After studying this book, you will be aware of what researchcan and cannot do, and why properly conductedresearchis important.

position of authority saysit is true or bec.ri:.c.. is in an authoritativepublication, )'ou are relvrn:on authority as a basisfor knowledge.Relr'inc on the wisdom of authoritiesis a quick, sirtrl.]3. and cheapway to learn something.Authoi-itie. often spend time and effort to learn son.rething. and_you can benefit from their experienceand worK. There are also limitations to relying on allthority. First, it is easyto overestimatethe expertise of other people.You may assumethat thev are right when they are not. History is full of past expertswhom we now seeasbeing misinformed. For example>some "experts" of the past n-reasured intelligenceby counting bumps on the AL T E RNA T I V E S T O S OC IA L skull; other "experts" usedbloodletting to try to R E S E A RCH cure diseases.Their errors seem obvious norl,, Unlessyou are unusual, most of r,vhatyou know but can you be certain that today's expertswill about the socialworld is not basedon doins sonot becometomorrow's fools?Second,authorrcial research.You probably learnedmost of i,hat ties may not agree,and all authoritiesmay not be you know using an alternativeto socialresearcl-r. equally dependable.Whom should we believeif It is basedon what your parentsand other people authorities disagree?Third, authorities may (e.g.,friends, teachers)have told you. You also speakon fields they know little about or be plaru have knowledgebasedon your personalexperiwrong. An expert who is very informed about ences,the books and magazinesyou have read, one area may use his or her authority in an unand the movies and televisionyou havewatched. related area. Also, using the halo effect (disYou may also useplain old "common sense." cussedlater), expertisein one areamay spill over More than a collection of technioues,social illegitimatelyto be authority in a totally different researchis a processfor producing knowledge.It area.Have you everseentelevisioncommercials is a more structured, organized,and systematic where a movie star useshis or her fame as auprocessthan the alternativesthat most of us use thority to convinceyou to buy a car?We r.reecl tcr in daily life. Knowledge from the alternativesis ask:Who is or is not an authority? often correct, but knowledge basedon research An additionalissueis the misuseof authoris more likely to be true and have fewer errors. ity. Sometimes organizations or indii'iduals Although researchdoesnot alwaysproduce pergive an appearanceof authority so thev ciut coltfect knowledge,compared to the alternativesit is vince others to agree to something that thel' rnuch lesslikely to be flawed. Let us review the might not otherwiseagreeto. A relateclsituation alternativesbefore examining socialresearch. occurswhen a personwith little trairringi.rndexpertiseis named as a "seniorfbllon"'or."adiunct scholar" in a private "think trrnk" r,ith .in inrAuthority pressivename, such as the Center tbr the Study You have acquired knowledge from parents, of X or the Institute on Y Research. Somethink teachers,and expertsaswell as from books, teletanks are Iegitimateresearchcenters,but rnany vision, and other media. When you accept are mere fronts createdby,.rveirlthv special-intersomething as being true becausesomeone in a estgroupsto engagein advocao.politics.Think

o a RT O\E

\)rl

o\5

t.r1rk:a,ii t.r.,ri .it]\r)uai.t"scholar"to facilitare ti rc :r...' . r' i r..l .,r.i a a c p ti n qthe pcrsonas al t auti t!j t.i i ' .L rtt.:tt l :rL l c .l rt real i ty,the perS onmay ir(rtir.r,.I .rir, l...rl!'\pertise.lAlso, too much re:r.r:ta !)i !' t ,tu th ()fl ti c sc a n b e dangeroustO a dei ]]r,.i .rti c .o c re t)' .E x p e rtsmay promote i deas il.l.rt:trr'nqthentheir own power and position. \\'ltcrt rrc'.lcCeptthe authority of experts,but do rr)t kuo\\' l.rolvthey arrived at their knowledge, rlc Ltrscthe ability to evaluatewhat the experts savancilosecontrol of our destiny. T ra d i ti o n Peoplesometimesrely on tradition fbr knowledge.Tradition is a specialcaseof authoritythe authority of the past. Tradition means you acceptsomethingasbeing true because"it's the \\ray things have always been." For example, my father-in-law saysthat drinking a shot of u'hiskeycures a cold. When I askedabout hrs statement,he said that he had learnedit from his father when he was a child, and it had come down from past generations.Tradition lvas the basisof the knowledge for the cure. Here is an examplefrom the socialworld: Many peoplebelieve that children who are raised at home by their mothers grow up to be better adjustedand have fewer personalproblems than those raised in other settings.People "know" this, but how did they learn it? Most acceptit becausethey believe (rightly or wrongly) that it rvastrue in the past or is the way things have alwaysbeen done. Sorne traditional social knowledge begins as simple prejudice.You might rely on tradition rvithor-rtbeing fully awareof it with a belief such as "Peoprlefrom that side of the trackswill never arnoLlntto anvthing" or "You never can trust that tvpe oi person"or "That's the way men (or u,omen) are." El,enif traditional knowledgewas oncetrue, it can becomedistortedas it is passed on, and soon it is no longer true. Peoplemay cling to traditional knowledgewithout real understanding;they assumethat becausesomething may haveworked or been true in the past, it rvill continueto be true.

C ommon S ense You knorv a lot about the socialworld from your everydayreasoningor cornmon sense.You rely on what everyoneknows and what "just makes sense."For example,it "just makessense"that murder rates are higher in nations that do not have a death penalty, becausepeople are less likely to kill if they face execution for doing so. This and other widely held commonsensebeliefs, such as that poor youth are more likely to commit deviantactsthan thosefrom the middle classor that most Catholics do not use birth control,are false. Comrnon senseis valuable in daily living, but it irilolvslogicalfallaciesto slip into thinking. For example,the so-calledgambler'sfallacysays: "If I hai'e a long string of lossesplaying a lottery, the nert tine I play, my chancesof winning lvill be better."In terms of probabilityand the facts, this is Ialse.Also, cclmmon sensecontainscor.rtradictory ideastl-ratoften go unnoticed because people use the ideas irt different times, such as "opposites attract" and "birds of a feather flock together."Common sensecan originate in tradition. It is useful and sometimescorrect,but it alsocontainserrors,misinformation,contradiction, and prejudice.

Media Myths Television shows, movies, and newspaper and magazinearticiesare important sourcesof information. For example, most people have no contactwith criminalsbut leam about crime by watching televisionshows and movies and by reading newspapers.However, the television portrayalsof crime, and of many other things, do not accuratelyreflect socialreality. The writers who create or "adapt" images from life for television sholvsand movie scripts distort reality either out of ignorance or becausethey rely on authority, tradition, and common sense. Their primary goal is to entertain,llot to representreality accurately.Although many journaliststry to presenta realisticpicture of the world,

C H AP TE R 1 /

they m us t wr it e s to ri e si n s h o rt ti m e p e ri o d s rvith limited information and within editorial eLridelines. Unfortunately, the media tend to perpetuate the mlths of a culture. For example,the media show that most people ivho receivewelfare are Black (actually, most are White), that most peoplewho are mentally ill are violent and dangerous (only a small percentageactually are), and that most peoplewho are elderlyare senile and in nur s ing ho m e s (a ti n y rn i n o ri ty a re ). AIso, massmedia "hype" can createa f-eelingthat a major problem existswhen it may not (seeBox Li). People are n-risledby i.isual imagesmore easilythan other forms of "lying"; this means that storiesor stereotypesthat appear on film and televisioncan havea porverful effecton people. For example,television repeatecllvshorvs low-income,inner-city,AfrictrnAntericanr.outl-r using illegal drugs. Eventuallr.,nlost peol)lg "know" that urban Blacksuse illegalclrLres at a higher rate than other groups in the Lrrritccl States,even though this notion is false. Competing interestsuse the rnedia to rvin public support.2Public relationscampaignstry to alter what the public thinks about scientific findings, making it difficult for the public to judge researchfindings. For exarnple,a large majority of scientific research supports the global rvnrrnir-rgthesis (i.e., pollutants from industrialization and massivedeforestationare raising the earth's temperatureand lvill cause drarnaticclimate changeand bring about environmental disasters).l'he scientificevidenceis growing and getsstrongereachyear.l'he media give equal attention to a few dissenterswho question global r,r,arming,creating the impressi o n in t he public n ti n c l th a t " n o o n e re a l l y knows" or that scientistsare undecidedabout the issueof global warming. The rnedia sources fail to mention that the dissentersrepresentless th an 2 per c ento1' a l ls c i c rrti s tso ,r th l t rn o s td i s sentingstudiesare paid for by heavilypolluting industries.The industriesalsospendmillions of dol l ar st o public iz eth e fi n d i n g s b e c a u s eth e i r goalis to cleflectgrowing criticismand delayen-

D OIN C S OC IA L R E S E A R C T

ls Road Rage a Media Myth? Americanshear a lot about road rage.Newsweekmagazine,Timemagazine,and newspapersin most major c i t i e s h a v e c a r r i e d h e a d l i n e sa b o u t i t . L e a d i n gn a tional politicalofficialshave held public hearingson it, and the federalgovernmentgives millionsof dotlars in grants to law enforcementand transportation departmentsto reduceit. Today, even psychologists specialize in thisdisorder. The term road rage first appearedin I 988, and by 1997, the print mediawere carryingover 4,000 articlesper year on it. Despitemediaattention about "aggressivedriving" and "anger behind the wheel," there is no scientificevidencefor road rage.The term i s n o t p r e c i s e l yd e f i n e d a n d c a n r e f e r t o a n y t h i n g from gunshots from cars,use of hand gestures,running bicyclistsoff the road,tailgating,and evenanger o v e r a u t o r e p a i rb i l l s !A l l t h e d a t a o n c r a s h e sa n d a c c i d e n t s s h o w d e c l i n e sd u r i n g t h e p e r i o d w h e n r o a d r a g e r e a c h e da n e p i d e m i c . Perhapsmediareportsfueled perceptionsof road rage. After hearingor readingabout road rage and havinga labelfor the behavior,people began to notice rude drivingbehaviorand engagedinselective observation. We will not know for sure until it is properry s t u d i e d ,b u t t h e a m o u n to f s u c h b e h a v i o rm a y b e u n changed.lt may turn out that the nationalepidemic of road rage is a widely held myth stimulatedby reports in the massmedia.(For more information,see Michael Fumento, "Road Rage versus Reality," AtlanticMonthly[August 1 998].)

vironrnentalregulations,not to advanceknowredge. Newspapersoffer l.roroscopes, ar.rdtelevision programsor nroviesreport on supertratural powers, E,SP(extrasensoryperception), LIFC)s (uni denti fi ed fl ,vi ng obj ects), ancl angel s or ghosts.Althor-rghr.roscientifice".icience existsfor such,betrveen2-5and -50percer-rt of the U.S.pubIic acceptsthern astrue, anclthe percentage with

6

pA RToNE ,/ F o u N D A T to N s

such beliefshas beengrowing over time as the entertainment media give the phenomenon more prominence.3

tive to featuresthat confirm what we think, but ignorefeaturesthat contradictit. For example,I believetall peopleareexcellentsingers.This may be becauseof stereotypes, what mi mother told me, or whatever.I observetall peopleand,with_ Personal Experience out awareness, pay particular attention to their If somethinghappensto you, if you personally singing.I look at a chorusor top vocalistandno_ seeit or experienceit, you acceptit astrue. per_ ticethosewho aretall. Withoui realizingit, I no_ sonalexperience,or ..seeingis te[eving,,, hasa tice and rememberpeople and situat[ns that strong impact and is a powerful sJurce of reinforcemy preconceivedideas.psychologists knowledge.Unfortunately,personalexperience found that peopletend to ..seekout" and dirtort c.an.l9.1d you astray.Somethingsimilarto an op_ their memoriesto make them more consistent tical illusion or miragecunoci.rr. What appears with what they alreadythink.a ! true.may actuallybe due to a slight oi dir_ A third error is prematureclosure.It often tortion in judgment. The powei of"r.o, immediacy operateswith and reinforcesthe first two errors. and direct personalcontaciis very strong.Even Premature closure occurs when you feel you knowing that, people fall for illusions."Many havethe answerand do not needio listen,seek peoplebelievewhat they seeor personallyexpe_ information, or raisequestionsany longer.Un_ riencerather than what very carefullydesiened fortunately,most of us arealittJelazvor"set a lit_ research hasdiscovered. tle sloppy.We take a few piecesof'evid"ence or The four errorsofpersonalexperiencerein_ look at eventsfor a short while and then think forceeachother and canoccurin other areas, as we haveit figured oul We look for eyidenceto well. They are a basis for misleading people confirm or rejectan ideaand stop when a small through propaganda, cons or fraudl magic, amount of evidenceis present.In a word, we stereotyping,and some advertising.The mtst jump to conclusions.For example,I want to frequentproblemis overgeneratization;it occurs learnwhetherpeoplein my town support Mary when someevidencesupportsyour belief, but Smith or |on Van Horn for mayor.t uit ZOp.o_ you falselyassumethat it appliesto many other ple; t 6 saytheyfavor Mary,2 areundecided,and situations,too. Limited generalization be only2 favorlon, soI stopthereandbelieveMary appropriate;under certainconditions,-uv a small will win. amount of evidencecan explain a larger situa_ Anothercommonerror is thehalo tion. The problem is that many peoplJgeneral_ ffict; itis r1eovergeneralize yhen from what we acceptas ize far beyond limited evidence.For eiample, being highly positive or prestigiousand let its over the years,I haveknown five blind p"opl.. strong reputation or prestige..rub off' onto All of them werevery friendly. Can t conclude other areas.Thus,I pick up a report by a person that all blind people are friendly? Do the five from a prestigiousuniveisity,sayHan ard or peoplewith whom I happenedtohave personal CambridgeUniversity.I assumethat the author experiencewith representall blind peopie? is smartand talentedand that the report will be The seconderror, selective obirvition, oc_ excellent.I do not makethis assumption abouta curswhenyou takespecialnoticeof somepeople reportby someonefrom UnknownUniversity.I or eventsand tendto seekout eviderr.ethut con_ form an opinion and prejudgethe report #d fir1s whal you alreadybelieveu"a ig"o." .orr_ may-notapproachit by consideringits own mer_ tradlctorFlnformation.peopleoften focuson or rts alone.How the variousalternativesto social observeparticularcasesor situations,especially researchmight addressthe issueof laundry is when they fit preconceivedideas.W. uri ,*i_ shownin Table1.1.

CHA P TE R 1 ,/ D OIN G S OC IA L R ES E A R C H

TABL E I . 1

A lt er n a ti v e s to S o c i a l Research

processes. This suggeststhat we examinethe meaningof scienceand how its works. Science

Authority

Expertssaythat as children, femalesare taught to make, select,mend,andcleanclothing as part of a femalefocuson physicalappearance andon caringfor childrenor othersin a family.Womendo the laundry basedon theirchildhood preparation.

Tradition

Womenhavedonethe laundrv for centuries,so it is a continuation of whathas happened for a longtime.

CommonSense Menjust arenot as concerned aboutclothingas muchas women,so it only makessense that womendo the laundrv moreoften. MediaMyth

Television commercials show womenoften doing laundryand enjoyingit, so they do laundry becausethey think it's fun.

Personal Experience

My motherand the mothersof all my friendsdid the laundry. My femalefriendsdid it for their boyfriends,but neverthe other wayaround.lt just feelsnatural for the womanto do it.

HOW SCIENCEWORKS Although it builds on someaspectsof the alternativewaysof developingknowledge,scienceis what separates socialresearch.Socialresearch involvesthinking scientificallyabout questions about the socialworld and following scientific

suggestsanimageof testtubes, The term science computers,rocketships,and peoplein white lab coats.Theseoutwardtrappingsarea part ofscience,especiallynatural science(i.e.,astronomy, biology, chemistry,geology,and physics,),that dealswith the physicaland materialworld (e.g., plants, chemicals,rocks, stars,and electricity). The socialsciences,such as anthropology,psychology,politicalscience,and sociology,involve the study of people-their beliefs,behavior,interaction,institutions,and so forth. Fewerpeople associatethesedisciplineswith the word Scienceis a socialinstitution and a way science. to produceknowledge.Not everyoneis well informed about science.For example,a 2001survey found that about only one-third of U.S. adults could correctly explain the basicsof sclence." Scientistsgatherdatausingspecialized techniquesand usethe datato supportor rejecttheories. Data are the empirical evidence or information that one gatherscarefullyaccording to rules or procedures.The data can be quantitative(i.e., expressedas numbers) or qualitative(i.e., expressedas words, visual images,sounds,or objects).Empiricaleyidence refersto observationsthat peopleexperience throughthe senses-touch,sight,hearing,smell, and taste.This confusespeople,becauserecannotusetheir senses searchers to directly observemany aspectsof the social world about which they seekanswers(e.g.,intelligence,attitudes,opinions, feelings,emotions,power, auhavemanyspecialized thority, etc.).Researchers techniquesto observeand indirectly measure suchaspectsof the socialworld. The Scientific Community Sciencecomesto life through the operation of the scientificcommunity,which sustainsthe as-

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

sumptions,attitudes,and techniouesof science. Thescientificcommunityisa collectionof people who practicescienceand a setof norms,6ehaviors,and attitudesthat bind them together.It is a professionalcommunity-a groupof interacting peoplewho shareethicalprinciples,beliefsand values,techniquesandtraining,and careerpaths. For the most part, the scientificcommunity includesboth thenaturalandsocialsciences.6 Many people outside the core scientific community usescientificresearchtechniques.A rangeof practitionersand techniciansapply researchtechniquesthat scientistsdevelopedand refined.Many usethe researchtechniques(e.g., a survey)without possessing a deepknowledge of scientificresearch.Yet, anyonewho usesthe techniques or resultsofsciencecando sobetter if they also understand the principles and processes of the scientificcommunity. Theboundariesof the scientificcommunity and its membershiparedefinedloosely.Thereis no membershipcard or masterroster.Many peopletreata Ph.D.degreein a scientificfield as an informal "entryticket" to membershipin the scientificcommunity. The ph.D., which stands for doctorate of philosophy, is an advanced graduatedegreebeyond the master'sthat prepares one to conduct independentresearch. Someresearchers do not haveph.D.sand not all thosewho receivePh.D.senter occupationsin which they conduct research.They enter many occupationsand may haveother responsibilities (e.g.,teaching,administration,consulting,clinical practice,advising,etc.).In fact, about onehalf of the peoplewho receivescientificph.D.s do not follow careersasactiveresearchers. At the coreof the scientificcommunity are researchers who conduct studieson a firll-time or part-time basis,usuallywith the help of assistants.Many researchassistants aregraduatestudents,and someare undergraduates. Working asa researchassistantis the waythat most scientistsgain a real graspon the detailsof doing research.Collegesand universitiesemploy most membersof the scientificcommunity's core. Somescientistswork for the governmentor pri-

:'

_- --:

vate industry in organizationssuch as the National Opinion ResearchCenter and the Rand Corporation.Most, however,work at the approximately200 researchuniversitiesand instituteslocatedin a dozenadvancedindustrialized countries. Thus, the scientific community is scatteredgeographically, but its memberstend to work togetherin smallclusters. Howbigis the scientificcommunity?This is not an easyquestionto answer.Usingthe broadestdefinition (including all scientistsand those in science-related professions,such as engineers),it includesabout 15percentof the labor'+, force in advancedindustrialized countries. A betterway to look at the scientificcommunity is to examinethe basicunit of the largercommunity: the discipline(e.g.,sociology,biology,psychology,etc.).Scientistsaremost familiar with a ." particular disciplinebecauseknowledgeis specialized.Compared to other fields with advancedtraining,the numbersarevery small.For example,eachyear,about 500 peoplereceive Ph.D.sin sociology,16,000receivemedicaldegrees,and 38,000receivelaw degrees. A disciplinesuch as sociologymay have about 8,000activeresearchers worldwide.Most researchers completeonly two or three studies in their careers,whereasa small number of highly activeresearchers conductmany dozens ofstudies.In a specialtyor topic area(e.g.,study of the death penalty, social movements,divorce), only about 100 researchers are very active and conduct most research studies. Aithough researchresultsrepresentwhat humanity knows and it hasa major impact on the lives of many millions of people,only a small number of peopleare actuallyproducing most new scientificknowledge. The Scientific Method and Attitude You have probably heard of the scientific method,and you may be wonderinghow it fits into all this. The scientificmethodis not one singlething; it refersto the ideas,rules,techniques, and approaches that the scientificcommunity

.I C H A P T E R , / D O I N C S O C I A LR E S E A R C H

uses.The method arisesfrom a looseconsensus within the community of scientists.It includesa way of looking at the world that placesa high valueon professionalism, craftsmanship,ethical integrity,creativity,rigorousstandards,and diligence.It alsoincludesstrongprofessional norms such as honestyand uprightnessin doing research,great candor and opennessabout how one conducteda study,and a focuson the merits ofthe research itselfandnot on any characteristicsof individualswho conductedthe study.

regularly reject half of the submissions.Thus, severalexperiencedresearchers screena journal articlebasedon its meritsalone,and publication represents the study'stentativeacceptance by the scientificcommunity as a valid contribution to knowledge.Unlike the authorsof articlesfor the popular magazinesfound at newsstands, scientistsarenot paid for publishingin scholarlyjournals.In fact, they may haveto pay a small feeto help defraycostsjust to havetheir papersconsidered. Researchers are huppy to make their research available to their peers (i.e., other scientistsand researchers)through scholarly fournal Articles in Science journals.The articlecommunicatesthe resultsof Considerwhat happensonce a researcherfin. a study that a researchermight have devoted ishesa study.First,he or shewritesa detaileddeyearsof his or her life to, and it is the way rescription of the study and the results as a searchers gain respectand visibility amongtheir researchreport or a paperusinga specialformat. professionalpeers.Likewise,the reviewersare Often,he or shealsogivesan oralpresentationof not paid for reviewingpapers,but considerit an the paper beforeother researchers at a conferhonor to be askedto conductthe reviewsand to enceor a meetingof a professionalassociation carryrout one of the responsibilitiesof being in and seekscommentsand suggestions. Next, the the scientificcommunity.Thescientificcommuresearcher sendsseveralcopiesto the editor ofa nity imparts great respectto researcherswho scholarlyjournal. Eacheditor, a respectedrepublish many articlesin the foremostscholarly searcherchosenby otherscientiststo overseethe journals becausetheseresearchersare directly journal, removesthe title page,which is the only advancingthe scientific community's primary place the author's name appears, and goal-the sends the accumulationof carefullydeveloped . articleto severalreviewers.The reviewersarereknowledge. A researchergains prestige and spectedscientistswho haveconductedstudiesin honor and a reputationas an accomplishedrethe samespecialtyareaor topic. The reviewers searcherthrough suchpublications. do not know who did the studn and the author You may neverpublishan articlein a scholof the paper doesnot know who the reviewers arly journal, but you will probably read many sucharticles.It is important to seehow they are ' are. This reinforcesthe scientificprinciple of judging a study on its merits alone.Reviewers a vital componentin the systemof scientificreevaluatethe researchbasedon its clarity, origisearch.Researchers activelyreadwhat appearsin nality, standardsof good researchmethods,and thejoumalsto learnaboutnewresearchfindings advancingknowledge.Theyreturn their evalua- and the methodsusedto conducta study.Eventions to the editor,who decidesto rejectthe patually, the new knowledgeis disseminatedin per, askthe author to reviseand resubmitit, or textbooks,new reports,or public talks. acceptit for publication.It is a very careful,cautious methodto ensurequality control. The scholarlyjournals that are highly reSTEPSIN THE RESEARCH spectedandregularlyreadby mostresearchers in PROCESS a field receivefar more papersthan they canpublish.Theyacceptonly 10to 15percentof submitSocialresearch proceedsin a sequence ofsteps, ted manuscripts.Even lower-ranked iournals althoughvariousapproaches to researchsuggest

10

P A RToNE ,/ F o u N D A T to N s

slightly different steps.Most studiesfollow the sevenstepsdiscussed here.To beginthe process, you selecta topic-a generalareaof study or issue,suchas domesticabuse,homelessness, or powerful corporateelites.A topic is too broad for conductinga study.This makesthe next step crucial.You must then narrow down the topic, or focusthe topic into a specificresearchquestion for a study (e.g.,"Are peoplewho marry youngermore likely to engagein physicalabuse of a spouseunder conditionsof high stressthan thosewho marry older?").As you learn about a topic and narrow the focus,you should review past research,or the literature,on a topic or question.You alsowant to developa possible answer,or hlpothesis,andtheorycanbe important at this stage. After specifringa researchquestion,you have to developa highly detailedplan on how you will carry out the study.This third steprequiresthat you decideon the manypracticaldetails of doing the research(e.g.,whetherto usea surveyor qualitativeobservingin the field, how many subjectsto use,etc.).It is only after completing the design stagethat you are ready to gatherthe data or evidence(e.g.,askpeoplethe questions,recordanswers,etc.).Onceyou have very carefirllycollectedthe data,your next stepis to manipulateor analyzethedata.This will help you seeany patternsin it and help you to give meaningto or interprefthe data (e.g.,"People who marry young and grew up in families with abusehave higher rates of physical domestic abusethan those with different family histories").Finally,you must inform othersbywriting a report that describesthe study'sbackground, how you conductedit, andwhatyou discovered. The seven-step processshownin Figure1.1 is oversimplified. in practice, you will rarely completeone steptotally then leaveit behindto move to the next step.Rather,the processis interactive in which the steps blend into each other.What you do in a laterstepmay stimulate you to reconsiderand slightlyadjustyour thinking in a previousone.The processis not strictly linearandmay flow backand forth beforereach-

FIcURE t . I Stepsin the Research Process

ing an end.The sevenstepsarefor one research project;it is one cycleofgoing through the steps in a singlestudyon a specifictopic. Scienceis an ongoingenterprisethat builds on prior researchandbuildsa larger,collectively createdbody of knowledge.Any one study is a smallpart of the much largerwholeof science.A singleresearchermay be working on multiple researchprojectsat once,or severalresearcher may collaborateon one project. Likewise,one projectmay resultin onescholarlyarticleor several,and sometimesseveralsmallerprojectsare reportedin a singlearticle.

DIMENSIONS OF RESEARCH

Three yearsafter they graduatedfrom college. Tim and Sharon met for lunch. Tim asked Sharon,"So,how is your newjob asa researche for SocialData, Inc.? What are you doing?" Sharonanswered,"Right now I'm working on an appliedresearchprojecton daycarequalityin which we'redoinga cross-sectional surveytoget descriptivedatafor an evaluationstudy."sharon

touchedon four dimensionsof socialresearchas shedescribedher researchon daycare. Socialresearchcomesin severalshapesand sizes.Beforeyou begina study,you will needto makeseyeraldecisionsaboutthe specifictypeof researchyou are going to conduct.Researihers need to understandthe advantagesand disadvantagesof each type, although most end up specializingin doing one tFpe.We can think of the typesasfitting into one of the categoriesin eachof four dimensionsof research. The first dimensionis a distinction in how researchis used,or betweenappliedandbasicresearch.Thenextis the purposeofdoing research, or its goal,to explore,describe,or explain.The nexttwo dimensionsaremorespecifiqhow time is incorporated into the study design,and the specificdatacollectiontechniqueused. The dimensionsoverlap,in that certaindimensionsareoften found together(e.g.,the goal of a studyanda datacollectiontechnique).Once you learn the dimensions,you will beginto see how the particularresearchquestionsyou might want to investigatetend to be more compatible with certainwaysof designinga study and collectingdata.In addition, being awareof the dimensions of researchwill make it easier to understandthe researchreportsby others.

Bnsic Research. Basicsocialresearchadvances fundamentalknowledgeabout the socialworld. Basicresearchers focuson refuting or support_ ing theoriesthat explain how the socialworld operates,what makesthingshappen,why social relations are a certain way, and why society changes. Basicresearchis the sourceofmost new scientificideasand waysof thinking about the world. Many nonscientists criticize basic re_ searchand ash "What good is it?" and consider it to be a wasteof time and money.Althoughba_ sicresearchoften lacksa practicalapplicationin the short term, it provides a foundation for knowledge that advancesunderstanding in many policy areas,problems,or areasof study. Basicresearchis the sourceof most of the tools, methods,theories,and ideasabout underlying clus-esof how peopleact or think usedby ap_ plied researchers. It providesthe major bieak_ throughsthat significantadvances in knowledge; it is the painstakingstudy of broad questions that has the potential of shifting how we think abouta wide rangeof issues.It mayhavean impact for the next 50 yearsor century.Often, tne applicationsof basicresearchappearmanyyears or decadeslater. Practicalapplicationsmay be apparentonly aftermanyaccumulatedadvances in basicknowledgebuild over a long time pe_ riod. For example,in 1984,Alec Jeffreys,a ge_ neticist at the Universityof Leicesterin England, Use of Research wasengagedin basicresearchstudyingthe evo_ For over a century sciencehashad two wings. lution ofgenes.As an indirect ,rsom-e accidentialsideefresearchers adopt a detached,purely scifect of a new technique he developed,he entific, and academicorientation;others are discovereda wayto producewhat is now callhumore activist, pragmatic, and interventionist man DNA "fingerprints"or uniquemarkingsof oriented. This is not a rigid separation.Rethe DNA of individuals.This wasnot his inient. searchers in the two wingscooperateand mainHe evensaidhe would haveneverthoughtof the tain friendly relations.Someindividuals move teghlique if DNA fingerprintshadbeenhis goal. from one wing to anotherat different stagesin Within 10 yearsapplied usesof the technique their careers.In simpleterms,someresearchers weredeveloped.Today,DNA analysisis a widiiv concentrateon advancinggeneralknowledge usedtechniquein criminalinvestigations. over the long term, whereasothers conduct studiesto solvespecific,immediateproblems. Applieil Research, Applied socialresearchisdeThosewho concentrateon examiningthe funsignedto addressa specificconcernor to ofi[er damentalnature of socialreality are engagedin solutionsto a problem identified by an embasicresearch. ployer,club,agenry,socialmovement,or orga-

12

P A RToNE / F o u N D AT Io N s

nization.Applied socialresearchers are rarely concernedwith building, testing,or connecting to a largertheory, developinga long-term generalunderstanding,or carryingout a large-scale investigationthat might spanyears.Instead,they usuallyconduct a quick, small-scalestudy that providespracticalresultsfor use in the short term (i.e.,next month or next year).For example, the student government of University X wantsto know whetherthe number of UniversityX studentswho arearrestedfor drivingwhile intoxicatedor involvedin autoaccidentswill declineifit sponsorsalcohol-freepartiesnextyear. Applied researchwould be most applicablefor this situation. Peopleemployedin businesses, government offices,healthcarefacilities,socialserviceagencies,political organizations,and educationalinstitutionsoften conduct appliedresearchand usethe resultsin decisionmaking.Applied researchaffectsdecisionssuch as the following: Shouldan agencystarta newprogramto reduce the wait time before a client receivesbenefits? Shoulda policeforce adopt a new tlpe of responseto reducespousalabuse?Shoulda political candidateemphasizehis or her standon the environmentinsteadof the economy?Shoulda companymarket a skin careproduct to mature adultsinsteadof teenagers? The scientific community is the primary consumerof basicresearch.The consumersof appliedresearchfindings are practitionerssuch as teachers,counselors,and socialworkers, or decisionmakerssuch as managers,agencyadministrators,and public officials.Often, someone other than the researcher who conducted the studyusesthe results. Applied researchresultsarelesslikely to enter the public domain in publicationsand may be availableonly to few decisionmakersor practitioners.This meansthat appliedresearchfindings often are not widely disseminatedand that well-qualifiedresearchers rarelygetto judgethe quality of appliedstudies. The decisionmakerswho usethe resultsof an applied study may or may not use them

wisely.Sometimesdespiteseriousproblemswith a study'smethodologyand cautionsfrom the repoliticiansuseresultsto justiSrcutting searchers, programsthey dislike or to advanceprograms they favor. Becauseapplied researchoften has immediateimplications or involyescontroversial issues, it often generatesconflict. One famousresearcher,William Whyte (1984),encounteredconflict over findings in his applied researchon a factory in Oklahoma and on restaurantsin Chicago.In the first case,the managementwasmore interestedin defeatinga union than in learningabout employmentrelations; in the other, restaurantowners really soughtto makethe industry look good and did not want findingson the nitty-gritty of its operationsmadepublic. Applied and basicresearchers adopt different orientationstoward researchmethodology (seeTable1.2).Basicresearchers high emphasize methodologicalstandardsand try to conduct near-perfectresearch.Applied researchers must make more tradeoffs.They may compromise scientificrigor to get quick, usableresults,but compromiseis never an excusefor sloppy research.Applied researchers try to squeezeresearchinto the constraintsofan appliedsetting and balancerigor againstpracticalneeds.Such balancingrequiresan in-depth knowledgeof researchand an awareness ofthe consequences of compromisingstandards.

Typesof Applied Research. There are many specifictypesof appliedresearch.Here,you will learn about three major types:evaluation,action, and socialimpact assessment.

EvaluationResearch Study. Evaluationresearc study is applied researchdesignedto find out whethera program, a new way of doing something, a marketing campaign,a policy, and so forth, is effective-in other words, "Does it work?"The most widelyusedtlpe of appliedresearchis evaluationresearch.T This type of researchis widely used in large bureaucratic organizations(e.9.,businesses, schools,hospi-

q HAPT ER I

,/ D OIN C SOC IA L R E S E A R C H

r3

Basicand Applied SocialResearchCompared

l. Research is intrinsically satisfying and judgmentsare by other sociologists. 2. Research problemsand subjectsare selected with a great dealof freedom. 3. Research isjudgedby absolutenormsof scientificrigor,and the higheststandardsof scholarship are sought. 4. The primaryconcernis with the internallogic and rigor of researchdesign. 5. The drivinggoal is to contributeto basic, theoreticalknowledge. 5. Success comeswhenresultsappearin a journaland havean impacton others scholarly in the scientific community.

.l

. Research is part of a job and isjudgedby sponsorswho areoutsidethe discipline of sociology.

2. Research problemsare "narrowlyconstrained" to the demandsof employerc or.,ponro.r. 3. The rigorand standards ofscholarship depend on the usesof results.Research can be ,,quick and dirty" or may matchhighscientific standards. 4. The primaryconcernis with the abilityto generalize findingsto areasof interestto sponsors. 5. The drivinggoal is to havepracticalpayoffsor usesfor results. 5. Successcomeswhenresultsare usedbv sponsorsin decisionmaking.

Source: Adapted fromFreeman (1984:572-573\. andRossi

tals, government, large nonprofit agencies) to demonstrate the effectivenessof what they are doing. An evaluation researcherdoes noi use techniques different from those of other social researchers.The difFerencelies in the fact that decision makers, who may not be researchers themselves,define the scope and purpose of the research.Also, their objective is to use results in a practical situation.S Evaluation research questions might include: Does a Socratic teaching technique improve learning over lecturing? Does a law-enforcement program of mandatory arrest reduce spouseabuse?Does a flextime program increase employee productivity? Evaluation researchers measure the effectivenessof a program, policy, or way of doing something and often use several researchtechniques (e.g.,survey and field). Ifit can be used, the experimental technique is usually preferred. Practitioners involved with a pol-

lcy or program may conduct evaluation research for their own information or at the recuest of outside decision makers. The decision Luk.., may place limits on the research by fixing boundaries on what can be studied and by determining the outcome of interest. This often createsethical dilemmas for a researcher. Ethical and political conflicts often arise in evaluation researchbecausepeople can have opposing interests in the findings. The findings of researchcan affect who getsor keepsa job, it can build political popularity, or it may help promote an alternative program. people who are personally displeasedwith the findings may attack the researcheror his or her methods. Evaluation research has severallimitations: The reports ofresearch rarely go through a peer review process,raw data are rarely publicly available, and the focus is narrowed to select inputs and outputs more than the full processbvwhich

14

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a programaffectspeople'slives.In addition,decisionmakersmay selectively useor ignoreevaluation findings. Action ResearchStudy. Action researchis applied researchthat treatsknowledgeasa form of power and abolishesthe divisionbetweencreating knowledgeandusingknowledgeto engagein political action.Thereareseveraltypesofaction research,but most sharefive characteristics: ( 1) the peoplebeing studiedactivelyparticipatein the researchprocess;(2) the researchincorporatesordinaryor popularknowledge;(3) the researchfocuseson issuesof power; ( ) the researchseeksto raiseconsciousness or increase awareness ofissues;and (5) the researchis tied directlyto a plan or programof political action. Action researchtendsto be associated with a social movement,political cause,or advocacyfor an issue.It canbe conductedto advancea range of political positions.Someaction researchhas an insurgentorientationwith goalsof empowering the powerless, fighting oppressionandinjustice, and reducing inequality. Wealthy and powerfrrlgroups or organizationsalso sponsor and conductactionresearchto defendtheir status,position,and privilegesin society. Most actionresearchers areexplicitlypolitical,not valueneutral.Becausethe primary goal is to affectsociopoliticalconditions,publishing resultsin formal reports,articles,or booksis secondary.Most actionresearchers alsobelievethat knowledgedevelopsfrom directexperience, particularly the experienceof engagingin sociopolitical action. For example,most feminist researchis action research.It hasa dual mission:to createsocialchangebytransforminggenderrelationsand to contributeto the advancementofknowledge. A feministresearcher who studiessexualharassment might recommendpolicy changesto reduceit aswell asto inform potentiaivictims so they can protect themselveiand defendtheir rights. At times, researchers will explain study resultsin a public hearingto try to modi$, new policiesor laws.The authorsof a study on do-

mesticviolencethat will be discussedshortly as an explanatorystudy example(Cherlin et al., 2004)testifiedin the United StatesSenate.The studyfindingsand the testimonyhelpedto alter marriagepromotion provisionsin a 2005welfarereform law.e

SocialImpactAssessment Research Study. A researcherwho conductssocialimpactassessme (S1A) estimatesthe likely consequencesof a planned intervention or intentional changeto occurin the future.It may be part of a largerenvironmentalimpact statementrequiredby gov-I ernment agenciesand usedfor planning and making choicesamong alternativepolicies.He or sheforecastshow aspectsof the socialenvironment may changeand suggests waysto mitigatechangeslikely to be adversefrom the point ofview of an affectedpopulation.Impactsarethe differencebetweena forecastof the future with the project or policy and without the project or policy. For example,the SIA might estimatethe ability of a localhospitalto respondto an earthquake,determinehow housing availabilityfor the elderlywiil changeif a major new highwayis built, or assess the impact on collegeadmissions if students receive interest-freeloans. Researcherswho conduct SIAs often examine a rangeof socialoutcomesand work in an interdisciplinaryresearchteam to estimatethe social outcomes.The outcomesinclude measuring "quality oflife" issues,such as accessto health care,illegal drug and alcohol use,employment opportunities,schoolingquality,teenpregnancy rates,commuting time and traffic congestion, availability of parks and recreationfacilities, shoppingchoices,viablecultural institutions, crime rates,interracialtensions,or socialisolation. Thereis an internationalprofessionalassociation for SIA researchthat advancesSIA techniquesand promotesSIA by governments, corporations,and other organizations. Social impact assessments are rarely required, but a few governmentsmandatethem. For example,in New South Wales,Australia,a registeredclub or hotel cannot increasethe

CHAPTER1 , / D o I N c s o c I A L R E S E A R c H

number of poker machinesunlessthe Liquor AdministrationBoardin the DepartmentGaming and Racingapprovesan SIA for the club or hotel. The SIA enablesthe board to assess the likely local community impact from increasing the number of poker machines.The format includesa matrix that allowsthe board to identify the socialand economicimpacts,positive and negative,financialor nonfinancial,quantifiedor qualitative. In New Zealand,the Gambling Act of 2003requiresan SIA beforeexpandinggambling. In one2004studyin New Zealandfor the AucklandCity Council,it noted that 90 percent of New Zealand'sadultsgamble,10percentgamble regularly(oncea week or more often), and about 1 percentareproblemgamblers,although this variesby age,income, and ethnicity. The SIA recommendedlimiting the locationsof new gamblingvenues,monitoring their usage,and tracing the amount of gambling revenuesthat are returnedto the community in variousways (e.g.,clubs,trusts,etc.).It containeda matrix with social (e.g,arrests,divorce,domesticvio-

I5

lence), economic (e.g., unemployment, banliruptcy, tourism expansion), and cultural impacts (e.g.,time awayfrom other leisure activin') listed by their effect on all gamblers, problem gamblers, the local community, and the region.lo

Purpose ofa Study

If you asksomeonewhy he or sheis conducting a study,you might geta rangeof responses: "My bosstold me to"; "It wasa classassignment";"I wascurious"; "My roommatethought it would be a good idea." Thereare almostasmany reasonsto do researchasthereareresearchers. Yet, the purposesof socialresearchmaybe organize into threegroupsbasedon whatthe researcher is trying to accomplish-explore a new topic, describea socialphenomenon,or explain why somethingoccurs.Studiesmay havemultiple purposes(e.g.,both to exploreandto describe but oneof threemajor purposesis usuallydominant (seeBox 1.2).

Exploratory

Descriptive

Explanatory

r

Becomefamiliarwith the basicfacts,setting,and concerns,

I

Providea detailed,highly accuratepicture.

r

Test a theory'spredictionsor principle.

r

Createa generalmental pictureof conditions.

Locatenewdatathat contradictpast data.

r

r

r

Formulateand focus questionsfor futureresearch.

Createa set ofcategoriesor classifytypes.

r

r

Elaborateand enricha theory'sexplanation. Extenda theoryto newissues or topics.

r

Ceneratenewideas, conjectures, or hypotheses. Determinethe feasibilitvof conductingresearch.

Clarifya sequenceof stepsor stages.

r

t

Supportor refutean explanation or prediction.

I

Documenta causalprocess or mechanism.

r

Linkissues or tooicswitha generalprinciple.

r

Reporton the background or contextofa situation.

I

Determinewhichof several explanations is best.

r r

Developtechniquesfor measuring and locatingfuture data.

16

PART oNE , / FO UNDATI O NS

Exploration. Perhapsyou haveexploreda new topic or issuein order to learnaboutit. If the ishadwritten about suewasnew or no researchers In exploratoryrebeginning. it, you beganat the new areato fora examines search.a researcher he or she can questions that mulate precise research Exploratory research. addressin future A studies' of in a sequence stage maybe the first exploratory an conduct need to researchermay studyin orderto know enoughto designand executea second,more systematicand extensive the "what?"question:"What study.It addresses is this socialactivityreallyabout?" Many higher-educationofficials are concerned about college students' low retention rates,especiallystudentsfrom minority-disadvantagedsocialbackgrounds.For example,of Latinoswho enroll in college,80 percentleave without receivinga degree.Officialsseekwaysto reducedropouts and increasethe chancesthat studentswho begin collegewill stay until they earn a degree.Garzaand Landeck(2004)conductedan exploratorystudy of over 500 Latino studentsat a collegealong the Texas-Mexico border who had dropped out. They wanted to learn the influencing factors and rationalesin studentdecisionmaking.Theauthorsdiscovered that the primary factorsand rationaleswereunrelatedto teachingquallty or universityservices. Instead,the studentswho droppedout hadbeen overwhelmedby personalproblemsor had seriousdifficultieswith familyor job responsibilities. Suchfactorswere a major reasongivenby over 80 percentofthe studentswho droppedout. tend to usequalitaExploratoryresearchers tive dataand not be weddedto a specifictheory or researchquestion.Exploratoryresearchrarely yieldsdefinitive answers.If you conduct an exploratory study, you may get frustrated and feel it is rlifficult becausetherearefew guidelinesto fdlow. Everything is potentially important, the step6are mt wdl defined, and the direction of fteqrn$y. You needto be creirffi.h'.GF -:&d, edoPt an inrd f-r'k; on-;c srra's of rcffrure"dqbcJ

drMm"

Description, Perhapsyou havea more highly developedideaabout a socialphenomenonand presents want to describeit. Descriptiveresearch a picture of the specificdetailsof a situation,social setting,or relationship;it focuseson "how?" and "who?" questions:"How did it happen?" "Who is involved?"A greatdeal of socialreuse searchis descriptive.Descriptiveresearchers field most data-gatheringtechniques-surveys, research,content analysis,and historical-comparativeresearch.Only experimentalresearchis iess often used.Much of the social research found in scholarlyjournals or usedfor makin$ policy decisionsis descriPtive' Descriptiveand exploratoryresearchoften blur togetherin practice'In descriptiveresearch, a researcherbeginswith a well-definedsubject and conductsa study to describeit accurately andthe outcomeis a detailedpictureof the subject. The resultsmay indicatethe percentageof peoplewho hold a particularview or engagein specificbehaviors-for example,that 8 percent of parentsphysicallyor sexuallyabusetheir children. A descriptivestudy presentsa picture of typesofpeople or ofsocial activities. Stack,Wasserman,and Kern (2004)conducteda descriptivestudy on pornographyuse on the Internet by peoplein the United States. They found that the greatestuserswere those with weak socialbonds' More specifically,the typesofpeoplewho wereadult usersofpornography tended to be maleswith unhappy marriages and weak ties to organizedreligion. Pornographyuserswerealsomore likely to have engagedin nonconventionalsexualbehavior (i.e.,had an extramaritalaffair or engagedin paid sex)but not other forms of deviance,such asillegaldrug use.

Explanation When you encounter an issue that is well recognizedand havea descriptionof it, you might beginto wonderwhy thingsarethe identifiesthe way they are.Explanatoryresearch sourcesof socialbehaviors,beliefs,conditions, and events:it documentscauses'teststheories and providesreasons.It builds on exploratory

CHAPTER1 , / D O I N G S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

and descriptiveresearch.For example,an exploratory studydiscoversa new typeofabuseby parents;a descriptiveresearcher documentsthat 10percentofparentsabusetheir childrenin this new way and describesthe kinds of parentsand conditionsfor which it is most frequent;the explanatoryresearcher focuseson why certainparents are abusingtheir children in this manner. Cherlin, Burton, Hurt, and Purvin (2004) explained instability in marriageor cohabitation using a woman'spast experiencewith sexualor physicalabuse.They testedthe hypothesisthat women with a history of abusewould be less likely marry than thosewithout such histories. The authors reasonedthat those who were abusedhavefewersocialsupportsand resources to resistor avoid abusivepartners,and they are more likely to harbor feelingsof self-blame, guilt, and low self-esteem that inhibit the formation of healthyromantic relationships.An abusive experiencealso createsgreateremotional distanceand a hesitancyto make long-term commitments.Using quantitativeand qualitative datagatheredin low-incomeneighborhoods in threecities-Boston, Chicago,and SanAntonio-they found that adult womenwho had experiencedpast abusewere less likely to be married,and thosewith multiple forms of abuse weremost likely to remainsingle.It appearsthat women without a past history of abusewho found themselvesin an abusiverelationshipas ,an adult were likely to withdraw from it, but 'womenwho had beenabusedaschildren were lesslikely to leaveand tendedto enterinto a seriesof unstable,transitoryrelations.

17

over severaltime points (longitudinal).euantitative studiesgenerallylook at many cases,people, or units, and measurelimited featuresabout them in the form of numbers.By contrast,a qualitative study usually involves qualitative data and examinesmany diversefeaturesof a small number of casesacrosseither a short or long time period(seeFigure1.2). Cross-SectionalResearch. Most social researchstudiesarecross-sectional; theyexaminea singlepoint in time or takea one-timesnapshot approach.Cross-sectional researchis usuallythe simplestand leastcostly alternative.Its disadvantageis that it cannotcapturesocialprocesses or change.Cross-sectional researchcan be exploratory, descriptive,or explanatory but it is most consistentwith a descriptiveapproachto research.The descriptive study by Stack, Wasserman,and Kern (2004) on pornography usewascross-sectional, basedon a nationalU.S. surveyconductedin 2000. Longitudinal Reseqrch. Researchersusing longitudinalresearch examinefeaturesof people or otherunits at morethan onetime. It is usually more complexand costlythan cross-sectional research,but it is alsomore powerful and informative.Descriptiveand explanatoryresearchers uselongitudinalapproaches. Let us now look at the three main types of longitudinal research: time series,panel,and cohort.

Time-Series Study. A time-series studyislongitudinal researchin which a researchergathers the sametypeof information acrosstwo or more time periods.Researchers can observestability Time Dimensionin Research or changein the featuresofthe units or cantrack An awareness of how a study usesthe time diconditions over time. The specificindividuals mensionwill helpyou reador conductresearch. may changebut the overallpattern is clear.For This is becausedifferentresearchquestionsor isexample,therehasbeena nationwidesuweyof a suesincorporatetime difFerently.Somestudies large sampleof incoming freshmanstudents givea snapshotof a single,fixed time point and since1966.Sinceit began,over 11 million stuallowyou to analyzeitin detail(cross-sectional). dentsat more than 1,800collegesparticipated. Other studiesprovide a moving picturethat lets The fall 2003surveyof276,449 studentsfound you follow events,people,or socialrelations manyfactsandtrends,suchasonly 34percentof

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enteringfreshmenstudiedsix or more hoursper week.This was the lowestlevel sincethe question wasaskedin 1987(when itwas47 percint). Yet, alcohol consumptionwas down. In 2003, 44.8percentreporteddrinking beer,which rep_ resenteda steadydecline from73.7 percentin 7982.In2003,freshmenweremore inierestedin keepingup with politics. The 33.9percentwho saidit wasvery important to staypolitically in_ formed was up from a low of 2g.l percentin 2O00,and 22.5 percentsaidthey discussed poli_ tics regularl/, up from 19.4 percent in )OOZ (whighhad beenthe highestsincea low point in 1993).Thesefiguresare still far lower than the 60.3percentwho expressed an interestin politics in 1966,or the one-third who discussed politics regularlyin 1968.The importanceof familyhas steadilyincreasedover the years,with 74.gper_ cent of studentscalling it essentialo, ,,"ry1-_ portant.This is up from the low point oi SS.g percentin 1977when the questionwas first asked.However,religiousinvolvementdeclined. The percentageof studentswho attendedreli_ giousserricesregularlywasat its lowestlevelin 35 years. In addition, the percent claiming "none" asa religiouspreferencereacheda record high of 17.6percent,comparedto a recordlow of 6.6percentin 1966.Another trend overthe past two decades hasbeena steadygrowthin opposition to the deathpenalty.Nearlyonein thiee incoming students advocated ending capital punishment. This is the highestscoresincei9g0 , I (w!g" itwas 33.2percent), althoughthe percent withholding an opinion wasfar higherejrher in time; it exceeded 60 percentin the tgZO.ll

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D O I N C S O C I A LR E S E A R C H

I9

term panel studiescan clearlyshowthe impact of a particularlife event.For example,Oesterle, fohnson,and Mortimer (2004)examinedpanel data from a longitudinal study that began in 1988with 1,000ninth-gradestudentsenrolled in the St.Paul,Minnesota,public schooldistria and lookedat volunteeringactivitiesduring late adolescenceand young adulthood, covering nine yearsfrom age l}-t9 (1992)to age26_27 (2000).They found that volunteeringat an ear_ lier stagestrongly affectedwhether one volun_ teeredat a later stage.Also, peoplewho devoted full time to working or parenting at an earlier stage(18-19yearsold) werelesslikelv to volun_ teerat a later stage(26-27 yearsold) than those whosemajor activitywasattendingschool.

CohortStudy. A cohortstudy is similar to a panelstudy,but ratherthan observingthe exact samepeople,the study focuseson a categoryof peoplewho sharea similar life experieniein a specifiedtime period. Researchers examinethe categoryas a whole for important featuresand focuson the cohort,or categorynot on specific individuals.Commonlyusedcohortsincludeall peopleborn in the sameyear (called birth co_ horts),all peoplehired at the sametime, and all people who graduatein a given year. Unlike panelstudies,researchers do not haveto find the exactsamepeoplefor cohort studies;rather, theyneedonly to identifythosewho experienced a commonlife event.In a studyof GenerationX in the United States,AndolinaandMayer e003) focusedon the cohort ofpeople born between 1967and 1974. They comparedt0 birth cohorts at different time periods over severaldecades, PanelStudy. Thepanelstudyis apowerfirltyp. tracing questionsacross24 years.The authors of longitudinalresearchin which the researciier found that White Xers are distinct in their observesexactlythe samepeople,group, or orsupport for school racial integration and for ganization acrossmultiple time points. It is governmentactionto enforcesuchefforts,com_ more difficult to conductthan time-seriesre_ paredto other birth cohorts, but not in their at_ search.Panelresearchis formidableto conduct titudes toward employment opportunities or and very costly.Trackingpeopleovertime is ofaffirmativeaction. Despitegreatergeneralsup_ ten difficult becausesomepeopledie or cannot port than other cohortsfor equalitythrough in_ be located.Nevertheless, the resultsof a well-detegration,it doesnot extendto issuesbeyondthe signedpanelstudyareveryvaluable.Evenshort_ schoolyard.

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CsseStudies. In cross-sectionaland longitudinal research. a researcher examines features on many people or units, either at one time period or across time periods, and measures several common features on them, often using numbers. In case-studyresearch,a researcher examines, in depth, many features of a few casesover a duration of time with very detailed, varied, and extensive data, often in a qualitative form. The researchercarefirlly selectsa few key casesto iilustrate an issue and study it (or them) in detail and considers the specific context of each case. This contrasts with other longitudinal studies in which the researchergathersdata on many units or cases,then looks for general patterns in the massof numbers. For example, Snow and Anderson (1992) conducted a case study on homeless people in Austin, Texas. It provided a wealth of details about the lives and conditions of homeless people, identified severaltypes of homeless people, outlined the paths by which they became homeless, and discussedseveralprocessesthat kept them homeless.This casestudy used many Qpes of detailed qualitative and quantitative data, with exploratory descriptive, and explanatory phasesto reveal a great amount of unexpected and new information.12 Data Collection Techniques Social researcherscollect data using one or more specific techniques. This section givesyou a brief overview of the major techniques. In later chapters, you will read about these techniques in detail and learn how to use them. Some techniques are more effective when addressing specific kinds of questions or topics. It takes skill, practice, and creativity to match a researchquestion to an appropriate data collection technique. The techniques fall into two categories based on whether the data being gathered are quantitative or qualitative. Quantitative Data Collection Techniques, Techniques for quantitative data collection in-

clude experiments, surveys, content analyses, and existing statistics. Experiments. Experimental researchclosely follows the logic and principles found in natural science research;researcherscreate situations and examine their efFectson participants. A researcherconducts experiments in laboratories or in real life with a relatively small number of people and a well-focused researchquestion. Experiments are most effective for explanatory research. In the tlpical experiment, the researcher divides the people being studied intol two or more groups. He or she then treats both groups identicallS except that one group but not the other is given a condition he or she is interested in: the "treatment." The researcher measures the reactions ofboth groups precisely. By controlling the setting for both groups and giving only one group the treatment, the researcher can conclude that any differenees in the reactions of the groups are due to the treatment alone. Surveys. A survey researcherasks people questions in a written questionnaire (mailed or handed to people) or during an interview and then records answers. The researcher maniprrlates no situation or condition; he or she simply asksmanypeople numerous questions in a short time period. Typically, he or she then summarizes answersto questions in percentages,tables, or graphs. Researchersuse survey techniques in descriptive or explanatory research.Surveysgive the researchera picture of what many people think or report doing. Survey researchersoften use a sample or a smaller group of selectedpeople (e.g., 150 students),but generalizeresultsto a larger group (e.g., 5,000 students) from which the smaller group was selected.Survey research is very widely used in many fields. Content Analyses. A contenLtanalysis is a technique for examining information, or content, in written or symbolic material (e.g., pictures, movies, song lyrics, etc.). In content analysis, a

c HAPTER 1 , / D O I N C S O C T A LR E S E A R C H

researcherfirst identifiesa body of material to (e.g.,books,.t.*rpup"rr, films, etc.)and a-nalyze then createsa systemfor-reiording specificas_ pectsof it. The systemmight include counting how often certain words or themesoccur. Fi_ nalln the researcherrecordswhat wasfound in the material.He or sheoften measuresinforma_ tion in the contentasnumbersandpresentsit as tablesor graphs.This techniqueletsa researcher discoverfeaturesin the contentoflargeamounts of materialthat might otherwisego unnoticed. Researchers can use content analysisfor ex_ ploratoryand explanatoryresearch,tut primar_ ily it is usedfor descriptiveresearch.

21

in detail.The researcher getsto know personally the_people being studied,may condlct open_ ended and informal interviews,and takesde_ tailed notes on a daily basis.After leaving the field site, the researchercarefully rereadi the notes and prepareswritten reports.Field re_ searchis usedmost oftenfor expioratoryand de_ scriptivestudies;it is rarelyusedfor explanatory research.

Historical-ComparativeResearch. Historical_ comparativeresearchers examjneaspectsof social life in a pasthistoricaletuo. u.ros differentcul_ tures.Researchers who usethis techniquemay focus on one historicalperiod o. r.rr.ril, .o-_ ExistingStatistics. In existingstatisticsresearch, pareone or more cultures,or mix historicalpe_ a researcherlocatespreviouslycollectedinfor_ riods and cultures. Like field research.^ u mation,often in the form of governmentreports researchercombines theory building/testing or previouslyconductedsuryeys,then reorga_ with data collection and beginswith a loose$ nizesor combinesthe information in new ways formulated question that is iefined during the to addressa researchquestion.Locatingsources researchprocess. Researchers often gatlier a canbe time consuming,so the researcher needs wide arrayof evidence,including existiig statis_ to considercarefullythe meaningof what he or tics and documents(e.g.,novels,officialieports. she finds. Frequently,a rer"arih", does not books,newspapers,diaries,photographs,and know whether the information of interest is maps)for study.In addition,theymav makedi_ availablewhen he or shebeginsa study.Some_ rect observations and conduct interviews.His_ times,the existingquantitativeinformaiion con_ torical-comparative researchcanbe exploratory sists of stored surveys or other data that a descriptive,or explanatoryandcanblend types. researcherreexaminesusing various statistical procedures.Existingstatisticsresearchcan be usedfor exploratory descriptive,or explanatory purposes,but it is most frequentlyusedfor de_ C ON C L U S ION scriptiveresearch. This chapter gave you

an overview ofsocial re_ search.You saw how social researchdiffers from Qualitative Data Collection Techniques. the ordinary ways of learning-knowing about Techniquesfor qualitativedata collectioi in_ the social world, how doing researchis basedon clude fi eld researchand historical-comparative scienceand the scientific community, and about research. several tlpes of social research based on its dimensions (e.g.,its purpose, the technique used FieldResearch.Most field researchers conduct to gather data, etc.).The dimensions of research casestudieslooking at a small group of people loosely overlap with each other. The dimensions oyer a length of time (e.g.,weeki, mbnt^hs, of social research are a kind of ..road map', to years).Afield researcher beginswith a looseiy help you make your way through the terrain of formulatedidea or topic, selectsa socialgroup social research. In the next chapter, we turn to or natural setting for study, gains accesiand social theory. You read about it a little in this adoptsa socialrole in the setting,and observes chapter. In the next chapter, you will learn how

22

P A RToNE / F o u N D A T ro N s

theoryand researchmethodswork togetherand aboutseveraltypesof theory.

social impact assessmentstudy social research suwey research time-series study

Key Terms action research study applied social research basic social research casestudy cohort study cross-sectional research data descriptive research empirical evidence evaluation research study existing statistics research experimental research explanatory research exploratory research field research halo effect historical comparative research longitudinal research overgeneralization panel study premature closure qualitative data quantitative data scientific community scientific method selective observation

E n dn o t e s 1. See Rampton and Stauber (200I:247-277 and

30s-306).

andmedia. on advocates 2. SeeBest(2001:15) Board(2002:735-739). 3. SeeNationalScience 4. Schacter(2001)providesa summaryof memoryl issues. 5. NationalScienceBoard(2002:739). 6, Discussionsof the scientificcommunity can be found in Coleand Gordon (1995),Crane(1972), Hagstrom(1965),Merton(1973),Mulkay(1991), andZiman(1999). 7. SeePatton(2001)and Weiss(1997)for a more in evaluadetaileddiscussionof recentadvances tion research. 8. Beck( 1995)providesa usefuloverview' 9. SeeHerringand Ebner(2005)on the useofdomesticviolencestudyfindings. 10. SeeAdams Q004) for more information on the Auckland City study. ll. Seethe websiteat www.gseis.ucla.edu/heriihe html. 12. AIsoseeSnowandAnderson(1991)for a discussion of the case-studymethod in their study of . homelesspeople.Also seeGeorgeand Bennett (2005)on the case-study methodgenerally.

Theory andSocialResearc

Introduction What ls Theory? BlameAnalysis The Parts of Theory Conceots Assumptions Relationshios The Aspects ofTheory Directionof Theorizing RangeofTheory Levelsof Theory Formsof Explanation The Three Major Approaches to Social Science PositivistApproach InterpretiveApproach CriticalApproach The Dynamic Duo Conclusion

I

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PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

in mind threethings about how socialscientific theorieswork. First, socialtheoriesexplain recurringpatterns,not uniqueor one-timeevents. Supposeyou want to makesenseof the hostility For example,they are not good for explaining betweenpeopleof differentraces.Trying to unwhy terrorists decided to attack New York's derstandit, you aska teacher,who responds: 11,2001,but World TradeCenteron September they canexplainpatterns,suchasthe conditions Most raciallyprejudicedpeoplelearnnegathat generallyleadto increasedlevelsoffear and aboutanotherracialgroup tive stereotlpes feelingsof patriotism in a people.Second,social from their families,friends.andothersin not partheoriesareexplanationsfor aggregates, If theylack their immediatesurroundings. are collectionsof ticular individuals.Aggregates sufficientintimatesocialcontactwith memmany individuals,cases,or other units (e.g., bersof the groupor intenseinformationthat schools,families,clubs,cities,na't businesses, theyremain contradictsthosestereotypes, tions, etc.).A socialtheory rarely can explain prejudiced. why fosephinedecidedto major in nursing This makessenseto you becauseit is consis- rather than engineering,but it can explainwhy tent with what you know about how the social femalesmore than malesin generalchoosenursworld works.This is an exampleof a small-scale ing over engineeringas a major. Third, social theoriesstatea probabiliry chance,or tendency usewhen socialtheory, a tpe that researchers for eventsto occur, rather than statethat one conductinga study. eventmust absolutelyfollow another.For examWhat do you think of when you hear the ple, insteadof stating that when someoneis word theory?Theory is one of the leastwell unabusedas a child, that personwill alwayslater derstoodterms for studentslearningsocialscience.My students'eyelidsdroop if I begina class abusehis or her own children, a theory might abusedurstatethat whensomeoneexperiences by saying,"Today we are going to examinethe theoryof . . ." The mentalpicturemanystudents ing his or her childhood,that personwill tendto or is morelikely to becomean abusiveparent have of theory is something that floats high when an adult.Likewise,it might statethat peoamongthe clouds.My studentshavecalledit "a ple who did not experiencechildhood abuse tangled mazeof jargon" and "abstractionsthat might becomeabusiveparents,but they areless areirrelevantto the realworld." likely to than someonewho has experience Contrary to theseviews,theory has an imabuseasa child. portant role in researchand is an essentialally for the researcher. Researchers usetheorydifferently in varioustypesof research,but sometl?e of theory is presentin most socialresearch.It is lessevidentin appliedor descriptivethan in baWHAT IS THEORY? sic or explanatoryresearch.In simpleterms,reinterweavea storyaboutthe operation In Chapter L, socialtheorywasdefinedasa syssearchers tem ofinterconnectedabstractionsor ideasthat of the socialworld (the theory) with what they condensesand organizesknowledgeabout the observewhen they examineit systematically(the socialworld. It is a compactway to think of the data). socialworld. Peopleare constantlydeveloping Peoplewho seekabsolute,fixed answersfor a specificindividual or a particular one-time newtheoriesabouthow the world works. Somepeopleconfusethe history of socia eventmay be frustratedwith scienceand social theories.To avoid frustration,it is wiseto keep thought, or what greatthinkerssaid,with social INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER2 , / TH E O R YA N D S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

theory. The classicalsocial theorists (e.g., Durkheim, Weber,Marx, and Tonnies) played an important role in generatinginnovativeideas. They developedoriginal theoriesthat laid the foundationfor subsequentgenerationsof social thinkers.Peoplestudythe classicaltheoristsbecausethey providedmany creativeand interrelated ideasat once.They radicallychangedthe waypeopleunderstoodand sawthe socialworld. We study them becausegeniuseswho generate many original, insightfirl ideasand fundamentally shift how pdoplesaw the socialworld are rare. At timespeopleconfusetheorywith a hunch or speculativeguessing.Theymay say,"It's only a theory" or ask,"What'syour theoryabout it?" This lax useof the term theorycauses confusion. Suchguessingdifi[ersfrom a serioussocialtheory that has been carefullybuilt and debated over many yearsby dozensof researchers who found support for the theory'skey parts in repeatedempiricaltests.A relatedconfusionis when what peopleconsiderto be a "fact" (i.e., light a matchin a gasoline-filledroom and it will explode)is what scientistscall a theory (i.e.,a theory of how combining certain quantitiesof particular chemicalswith oxygenand a level of heat is likely to producethe outcomeof explosiveforce). Peopleuse simple theorieswithout making them explicit or labelingthem as such. For example,newspaperarticlesor televisionreports on socialissuesusuallyhaveunstatedsocial theoriesembeddedwithin them. A news reporton the difficultyof implementinga school desegregation plan will contain an implicit theory aboutracerelations.Likewise,politicalleadersfrequentlyexpresssocialtheorieswhen they discusspublic issues.Politicianswho claim that inadequateeducationcausespoverty or that a declinein traditional moral valuescauseshigher crime ratesare expressingtheories.Compared to the theoriesof socialscientists,such laypersons'theoriesare lesssystematic,lesswell formulated, and harder to test with empirical evidence.

25

Almost all researchinvolvessometheon',so the questionislesswhetheryou shouldusetheory than how you should use it. Being explicit aboutthe theorymakesit easierto readsomeone else'sresearchor to conduct your own. An awarenessof how theory fits into the research processproducesbetter designed,easierto understand,andbetterconductedstudies.Most researchersdisparageatheoretical or "crude empiricist"research. BlameAnalysis Blameanalysisis a type of counterfeitargument presentedasif it werea theoreticalexplanation. It substitutesattributing blame for a causalexplanationthat is backedby supportingempirical evidence.Blamebelongsto the realmof making moral, legal,or ideologicalclaims.It implies an intention, negligence,or responsibilityfor an eventor situation (usuallyan unfavorableone). It shifts the focus from Why did it occur?to Who is responsible? Blame analysisassumes there is a party or source to which a fixed amount of responsibilitycan be attached.The goalof inquiry is to identifi a responsibleparty. Often, somesourcesare exemptedor shielded. This may be the injured party, membersof a sympatheticaudience,or a sacredvalue or principle. Blameanalysiscloudsdiscussionbecauseit confusesblame with cause;it givesan account (or story) insteadof a logical explanationwith intervening causalmechanisms;and it fails to exploreempirical evidencefor and againstseveral alternativecauses.Blameanalysisfirst presentsan unfavorableeventor situation.It could be a bank is robbed, a group is systematically paid lessin the labor force,or traffic congestion is terriblein an urban area.It next identifiesone or more responsibleparties,then it providesselectiveevidencethat shieldscertainpartiesor sources (e.g., employrnent conditions, the choicesavailableto the underpaidgroup,transportation poliry, and land cost).l

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PART ON E , / FO UNDATI O NS

measureheightor compareit. A heightof zerois possible,and height can increaseor decreas overtime. As with manywords,we usethe word Concepts in severalways.Height is usedin the expression the heightof the battle,the heightof thesummer All theoriescontain concepts,and conceptsare andtheheightoffashion. the building blocks of theory.2A conceptis an The word heightrefersto an abstractidea. asa symbolor in words.Natural ideaexpressed its soundand its written form with in syrnbolic We associate scienceconceptsareoften expressed forms,suchasGreekletters(..g., 6) or formulas that idea. There is nothing inherent in the soundsthat make up the word and the idea it (e.g.,s = d/t; s= speed,d = distance,f = time). The connectionis arbitrary' but it is represents. as Most socialscienceconceptsare expressed words. The exotic symbolsof natural science still useful.Peoplecan expressthe abstractidea conceptsmakemany peoplenervous,asthe use to one anotherusingthe symbolalone. Conceptshavetwo parts:a symbol(word or of everydaywords in specializedsocialscience term) and a definition.We learn definitions in conceptscancreateconfusion. manyways.I learnedthe word heightandits dethe distinction I do not want to exaggerate finition frqm myparents.I learnedit asI learned aswords and conbetweenconceptsexpressed to speakand was socializedto the culture. My assymbols.Words, after all, are ceptsexpressed parentsnevergaveme a dictionarydefinition. I symbols,too; they are symbolswe learn with learnedit through a diffrrse,nonverbal,informal language.Heightis a conceptwith which you are process.Myparentsshowedme manyexamples alreadyfamiliar.For example,I cansaythe word I observedand listenedto othersusethe word; I heightor write it down; the spokensoundsand written words are part of the Englishlanguage. usedthe word incorrectlyand was corrected The combinationof lettersin the soundsyrnbol- and I used it correctly and was understood Eventually,I masteredthe concept. izes,or standsfor, the ideaof a height.Chineseor This exampleshowshow peoplelearn conthe Frenchwordhauteur, t]":'e Arabic characters, ceptsin everydaylanguageand how we share Germanword h1he,the Spanishword alturaconcepts.Supposemy parentshad isolatedme all symbolizethe sameidea. In a sense,a languageis merelyan agreementto representideas from televisionand other people,then taught by sounds or written charactersthat people me that the word for the ideaheightwaszdged.I learnedat somepoint in their lives.Learning would havehad difficulty communicatingwith conceptsand theoryis like learninga language.3 others.Peoplemust sharethe termsfor concepts and their definitionsif they areto be of value. andyou usethem Conceptsareeverywhere, Everydaylife is filled with concepts,but all the time. Height is a simple conceptfrom many havevagueand uncleardefinitions.Likeeverydayexperience.What doesit mean?It is easytousethe conceptofheight,but describing wise,the values,misconceptions,and experiencesof peoplein a culture may limit evgryday the conceptitselfis difficult. It representsan abconcepts.Socialscientistsborrow conceptsfrom stractideaaboutphysicalrelations.How would you describeit to a very young child or a crea- everydayculture,but they refinetheseconcepts and add new ones. Many conceptssuch as ture from a distantplanetwho wastotally unfamiliar with it? A new concept from a social sexism,life-style,peergroup, urban sprawl, and socialclassbeganas precise,technicalconcepts theory may seemjust as alien when you encounterit for the first time. Height is a charac- in socialtheorybut havediffrrsedinto the larger cu]tureand becomelessprecise. teristicofa physicalobject,the distancefrom top We createconceptsfrom personalexperito bottom. All people,buildings, trees,mounence,creativethought,or observation.The clastains,books,and so forth havea height.We can

THE PARTS OF THEORY

L HAT IEK

sicaltheoristsoriginatedmany concepts.Exam_ ple conceptsincludefamily system,genderrole, socinlization, self-worth,frustration, aid.disptaced aggression. Someconcepts,especiallysimple,concrete conceptssuchas bookor height,can be defined through a simplenonverbalprocess.Most social scienceconceptsaremore complexand abstract. They ared1fin9dby formal, diitionary_typede_ finitions that build on other .orr..pir.'ti may seemodd to useconceptsto define other con_ cepts,but we do this all the time. For example,I definedheighfasa distancebetweentop u.rdbot_ tom. Top,bottom,anddistanceare alfconcepts. We often combine simple,concreteconceprs from ordinary experienceto createmore ab_ stractconcepts.Heightis more abstractthantop or bottom.Abstractconceptsrefer to uspect,of the world we do not directly experience.They orga.nize thinking and extendunderstandingof reality. Researchers definescientificconceptsmore preciselythan thosewe use in daily discourse. Socialtheory requires well-definedconcepts. Thedefinitionhelpsto link theorywith research. A valuablegoal ofexploratory research,and of most good research,is to clarify and refinecon_ cepts.Weak,contradictory,oi uncleardefini_ tions of concepts restrict the advance of knowledge.

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IH TOR Y AN D S OC IA L R E S E A R C H

27

conceptareamountof income,tunperatare,delr_ sity,ofpopulation,yearsof schoolinganddesrecof violence.Theseare calledvariablis, and,"r", *ilf read about them in a later chapter.Other con_ ceptsexpresstypesof nonvariablephenomena (e.q., \lyeaucracy,family, rwolution, homeles, andcold).Theoriesuseboth kinds ofconcepts.

ClassificationConcepts. Someconceptsare simple;they haveone dimensionandvary along a singlecontinuum. Others are complex;the| have multiple dimension, o, You can break complex concepts -urryiubparts. into a iet of simple,or single-dimension,.orr..ptr. For ex_ ample,Rueschemeyer and associatis(1992:43_ 44) statedthat democraryhasthreedimensions: (1) regular,freeelectionswith universalsuftage; (2) an electedlegislativebody that controls sov_ ernmenqand (3) freedomof expression*J ur_ sociation.The authors recognizedthat each dimensionvariesby degree.Tiey combinedthe dimensionsto createa set of typesof regimes. Regimesverylow on all threedimensionsir. to_ talitarian,thosehigh on all three are democra_ cies, and ones with other mixes are either authoritarianor liberaloligarchies. Classificationr arepartwaybetweena single, simpleconceptand a theory.aTheyhelpto oriu_ nizeabstract,complexconcepts.To createa n"ew classification, a researcher logicallyspecifiesand combinesthe characteristics of'simpler con_ ConceptClusters. Conceptsarc rarelyusedin cepts.You canbestgraspthis ideaby looking at isolation. Rather, they form interconnected some examples. groups,ot conceptclusters.This is true for con_ The idealtypeis awelJ.-known classification. ceptsin everydaylanguage aswell asfor thosein Idealtypesarepure, abstractmodelsthat define socialtheory.Theoriescontaincollectionsof as_ the essence of the phenomenonin question. sociatedconceptsthat areconsistentand mutu_ They arementalpicturesthat definethe central ally reinforcing. Together,they form a web of aspectsofa concept.Idealtypesarenot explana_ meaning.For example,if I want to discussa con_ tions because they do not tell why or how^som._ ceptsuchasurbandecay,Iwillneeda setofas_ thing occurs.Theyaresmallerthan theories,and sociated concepts (e.g., urban expansion, researchers usethem to build a theory.They are economicgrowth, urbanization,suburbs,center broader, more abstractconceptsthai brini to_ city, revitalization,masstransit, and,racial mi_ gether severalnarrower, more concretecon_ norities). cepts. Qualitative researchersoften use ideal Someconceptstake on a rangeof values, typesto see how well observablephenomena quantities,or amounts.Examplesoithis kind of matchup to the idealmodel.For eximple, Max

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Weber developedan ideal type of the concept bureaucracy. Many peopleuseWeber'sidealtype (seeBox 2.I). lt distinguishesa bureaucracy from other organizationalforms (e.g.,social movements,kingdoms,etc.).It alsoclarifiescriticalfeaturesofa kind oforganizationthat people once found nebulousand hard to think about. No real-life organizationperfectlymatchesthe ideal type, but the model helps us think about and studybureaucracy. Scope. Conceptsvary by scope. Some are highly abstract,someareat a middle levelof abstraction,and some areat a concretelevel (i.e., they are easyto directly experiencewith the sensessuch as sight or touch). More abstract conceptshavewider scope;that is, they can be

r

lt is a continuousorganization governedby a system of rules.

r

Conductis governedby detached,impersonal rules.

r

There is divisionof labor,in which differentoffices are assigneddifferent spheresof competence.

I

Hierarchical authorityrelationsprevail;that is, lowerofficesare undercontrolofhigherones.

r

Administrative actions,rules,and so on are in writingand maintainedin files. r Individuals do not own and cannotbuy or sell their offices. r

Officialsreceivesalariesratherthan receivingdirect paymentfrom clientsin orderto ensureloyalty to the organization.

r

Propertyof the organization is separatefrompersonalpropertyof officeholders.

Source: Adapted fromChafetz (197872).

used for a much broader range of specific time points and situations. More concrete concepts are easy to recognize but apply to fewer situations. The concepts skin pigmentation, casting a ballot in an election,and agebasedon the date on a birth certificateare lessabstract and more concrete than the concepts racial group, democracy and maturity. Theories that use many abstract concepts can apply to a wider range of social phenomena than those with concrete concepts. An example of a theoretical relationship is: Increasedsize createscentralization, which in turn createsgreater formalization . Size,centralizatioi; and formalization are very abstract concepts. They can refer to features of a group, organization, or society. We can translate this to say that as anorganization or group getsbigger, authority and power relations within it become centralized and concentrated in a small elite. The elite will tend to rely more on written policies, rules, or laws to control and organize others in the group or organization. When you think explicitly about the scope of concepts, you make a theory stronger and will be able to communicate it more clearly to others.

Assumptions

Conceptscontain built-in assumptions,statementsaboutthe natureof thingsthat arenot observable or testable. We accept them as a necessary startingpoint. Conceptsand theories build on assumptionsabout the nature of human beings,socialreality, or a particular phenomenon.Assumptionsoften remainhiddenor to deepenhis unstated.Onewayfor a researcher her understanding of a concept is to identifr or which it is the assumptionson based. For example,the conceptbookassumesa systemof writing, peoplewho can read,and the existenceof paper.Without such assumptions the ideaof abook makeslittle sense.A socialscienceconcept,sueh as racialprejudice,restson severalassumptions.Theseinclude peoplewho make distinctionsamong individualsbasedon their racialheritage,attachspecificmotivations

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and characteristicsto membershipin a racial group,and makejudgmentsaboutthe goodness of specificmotivationsand characteristics. If racebecameirrelevant,peoplewould ceaseto distinguish among individuals on the basisof race,to attachspecificcharacteristics to a racial group,and to makejudgmentsaboutcharacteristics.Ifthat occurred,the conceptof racialprejudicewould ceaseto be usefulfor research.All conceptscontainassumptionsaboutsocialrelations or how peoplebehave. Relationships Theoriescontainconcepts,their definitions,and assumptions. More significantly,theoriesspecify how conceptsrelateto one another.Theoriestell us whether conceptsare relatedor not. If they are related,the theory stateshow they relateto eachother.In addition,theoriesgivereasonsfor why the relationshipdoesor doesnot exist.It is a relationship,suchastEconomicdistressamong theWhite populationcausedan increasein mob violenceagainstAfrican Americans.When a researcherempiricallytestsor evaluatessuch a relationship,it is calledahypothesis. After many carefirltestsof a hypothesiswith data confirm the hypothesis,it is treated as a proposition.A propositionis a relationshipin a theoryin which the scientificcommunity startsto gain greater confidenceand feelsit is likely to be truthful.

THE ASPECTSOF THEORY Theory can be baffling becauseit comesin so many forms. To simplify, we can categorizea theory by (1) the direction of its reasoning,(2) the levelof socialrealitythat it explains,(3) the forms of explanationit employs,and (4) the overallframeworkof assumptionsand concepts in which it is embedded.Fortunately,all logically possiblecombinationsof direction, level, explanation,and frameworkare not equallyviable.Thereare only about half a dozenserious contenders.

29

Direction of Theorizing Researchers approachthebuilding andtestingof theoryfrom two directions.Somebeginwith abstractthinking. They logicallyconnectthe ideas in theory to concreteevidence,then test the ideas againstthe evidence.Others begin with specificobservationsof empiricalevidence.On the basisof the evidence,they generalizeand build towardincreasinglyabstractideas.In practice, most researchers are flexibleand useboth approachesat various points in a study (see Figure2.1). Deductive. In a deductiveapproach,you begin with an abstract,logical relationship among concepts,then movetoward concreteempirical evidence.You may haveideasabout how tne world operatesand want to test theseideas against"hard data." Weitzerand Tuch (2004,2005)useda deductiveapproachin a study ofperceptionsof police misconduct.They began with Group Position theory (a middle-rangetheory discussedlater) within the conflict theory framework (seeRangeof Theorylaterin this chapter). Group position theorystatesthat dominant and subordinateracial-ethnicgroupsarein competition for resourcesand statusin a multiethnic societythat hasa racialhierachy,and suchcompetition af[ectsracialbeliefsand attitudes.Dominant groups believe they are entitled to privilegesand a position of superiority,and they fear losing their privileges.Subordinategroups believetheir position can be enhancedif they challengethe existing order. The authors deduced that group competition extendsbeyond attitudesto perceptionsofsocialinstitutions,especiallyinstitutions of socialcontrol such as policing. They arguedthat subordinategroup members (i.e., Blacksand Latino/Hispanics) would preceivepolicemisconduct(measuredas unjustified stops of citizens,verbal abuseby police,an excessive useofforce, and policecorruption) differentlythan membersof the dominant group (Whites).The authorsthought that perceptionsoperatedvia three mechanisms:

30

PART ON E , / FO UNDATI O NS

FIG URE 2. I

Deductiveand InductiveTheorizing InductiveApProach

DeductiveApproach

o iheoreticat

o fheoretical

Middle-Range Theory

Middle-Range Theory

Hypothesis Testing

Grounded Hypothesis, EmpiricalGeneralization Theorizing

EmpiricalSocial Reality

personalencounterswith the police; reports of police encountersby friends,family, or neighbors;and noticingand interpretingnewsreports about police activity. In thesethree areas,they predictedthat non-Whiteswould interpretnegativeeventsor reportsasstrongevidenceofserious and systematicpolice misconduct. By constrast,Whites would tend to ignore or dismiss such eventsor reports or seethem as isolated incidents.Data from a national surveyof U.S. metropolitan areas(over 100,000population) supportedpredictionsof the theory. Inductive. ifyou use an inductiveapproach, you begin with detailed observationsof the world and move toward more abstractgeneralizations and ideas.When you begin, you may haveonly a topic and a few vagueconcepts.As you observe,you refine the concepts,develop and identifr prelimiempirical generalizations, nary relationships.You build the theory from the ground up.

ConceptFormation, EmpiricalGeneralization

EmpiricalSocial RealitY

Duneier (1999)usedan inductiveapproach in his studyof life on the sidewalk.He notedthat in much of socialscience,both quantitativesecondaryanalysisresearchand qualitativefield research, a researcher develops a theoretical understandingonly after datahave been collected.He stated,"I beganto get ideasfrom the thingsI wasseeingandhearingon the street"(p. who adopt an inductive 341).Many researchers approachusegroundedtheory.Groundedtheory is part of an inductive approachin which a researcherbuilds ideasand theoreticalgenetaliza tions basedon closelyexaminingand creatively thinking about the data (seeBox 2'2). A tesearchercreatesgrounded theory out of a processof trying to explain,interpret, and render meaningfrom data.It arisesfrom trying to accountfor, understand,or "make senseof'the that evidence.Duneier(1999:342)hassuggested the processis similar to seeingmany symptoms and later arriving at a diagnosis(i.e.,a storythat explainsthe sourceof the symptoms).

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31

Croundedtheoryis a widelyusedapproachin quallt is not the only approachand it is itativeresearch. Crounded thenot usedby all qualitativeresearchers. research methodthat usesa sysoryis"aqualitative tematicset of proceduresto developan inductively and (Strauss derivedtheoryabouta phenomenon" Corbin,1990:24\. The purposeof groundedtheory is to build a theory that is faithful to the evidence.lt is a methodfor discoveringnewtheory.In witha it, the researcher unlikephenomena compares He or sheseesmiviewtowardlearningsimilarities. cro-leveleventsasthe foundationfor a moremacrolevelexplanation. Croundedtheory sharesseveral goalswith more positivist-oriented theory. lt seeks that is theorythat is comparable with the evidence p r ec is eand r igoro u sc, a p a b l eo f re p l i c a ti o na, n d generalizable. A groundedtheoryapproachpursues

by makingcomparisons acrosssogeneralizations cialsituations. Qualitative researchersuse alternativesto offer groundedtheory.Somequalitativeresearchers an in-depthdepictionthat is true to an informant's They excavatea singlesocialsituationto worldview. the microprocesses that sustainstablesocial elucidate Thegoalofother researchers isto provide interaction. a veryexactingdepictionof eventsor a setting.They analyzespecificeventsor settingsin orderto gaininsightinto the largerdynamicsof a society.Stillother applyanexistingtheoryto analyze researchers specific historsettingsthat they haveplacedin a macro-level ical context.They show connectionsamongmicroleveleventsand betweenmicro-level situationsand largersocialforcesfor the purposeof reconstructing the theoryandinformingsocialaction.

Range ofTheory

easyto test or observe.It is calleda generalization becausethe pattern operatesacrossmany time periodsand socialcontexts.The finding in the study on Internet pornographydiscussedin ChapterI that unhappilymarriedmen aremore likely than happily married men to useInternet porn is an empiricalgeneralization.

Social theories operate with varying ranges.One source of the confusion about theories involves the range at which a theory operates.At one end are highly specific theories with concrete concepts of limited scope.At the opposite end are whole systems with many theories that are extremely abstract. As part of the task of theory building, veri$'ing, and testing, a researcher connects theoretical statements of different ranges together, like a seriesof different-sized boxes that fit into one another or a set ofRussian dolls. Empirical Generalizqtion. An empirical generalization is the least abstract theoretical statement and has a very narrow range. It is a simple statement about a pattern or generalization among two or more concrete concepts that are very close to empirical reality. For example, "More men than women choose engineering as a collegemajor." This summarizesa pattern between gender and choice of college major. It is

Midille-RangeTheory. Middle-rangetheories areslightlymore abstractthan empiricalgeneralizationsor a specifichypothesis.A middlerangetheory focuseson a specificsubstantive topic area (e.g., domestic violence,military coups,studentvolunteering),includesa multiple empiricalgeneralization,and builds a theoreticalexplanation(seeForms of Explanation later in this chapter).As Merton (1967:39) stated,"Middle-rangetheoryis principallyused in sociologyto guideempiricalinquiry." A middle-rangetheory usedin a study discussedin Chapter I saidthat girls who sufferphysicalor sexualabuseexperienceself-blameand guilt feelingsthat inhibits them from developinga healthysocialnetworkor formingstableromantic

32

P A Rr oN E / F o U N D AT T o N S

relationships,andthat thesefactorsleadto them stayingsingleor experiencinggreatermarital instabilitywhen they becomeadults. TheoreticalFramewoflcs, A theoreticalframework (alsocalleda paradigmor theoreticalsystem) is more abstract than a middle-range theory.Figure2.1showsthe levelsand how they

Theoretical Framework Kalmijn. Structuralfunctionalismholds that the processes of industrialization andurbanization change humansocietyfroma traditionalto a modernform.In this processof modemization, socialinstitutionsand practices evolve.Thisevolutionincludes thosethat fill peopleto culthe socialsystem's basicneeds,socialize turalvalues,and regulatesocialbehavior.Institutions that filledneedsandmaintained the socialsystemin a traditionalsociety(suchas religion)are superseded by modernones(suchasformalschooling). Weitzerand Tuch. Conflicttheory holdsthat establishedsocial,political,and legalinstitutionsprotect the dominantor privilegedgroupsof a society.Major institutionsoperatein waysthat containor suppress the activitiesof nondominantgroups in society,especiallyif they challengeor threatenthe established social-economic Thus,conflict hierarchy. betweenthe dominantandsubordinate socialgroups is reflectedin how majorinstitutionsoperate,especiallyinstitutionsthat are chargedwith maintaining order and engagedin formalsocialcontrol,suchas lawenforcement. Middle-RangeSubstantiveTheory Kalmijn. A theory of intermarriage patternsnotes that youngadultsin modernsocietyspendlesstime in small,localsettings,wherefamily,religion,and communityall have a strong influence.Instead, youngadultsspendincreasing amountsof time in schoolsettings.In these settings,especiallyin col-

areusedin inductiveand deductiveapproaches makeprecisedisto theorizing.Fewresearchers tinctions amongthe rangesof theorizing.They rarely use a theoretical framework directly in empirical research.A researchermay test parts of a theory on a topic and occasionallycontrast partsof the theoriesfrom differentframeworks. Box2.3illustratesthe variousdegreesof abstrac-

lege,they haveopportunitiesto meetother unmarried people.ln modernsociety,educationhas become a major socializationagent. lt affectsfuture earnings,moralbeliefsand values,and leisureinterpartnersless ests.Thus,youngadultsselectmarriage on the basisof sharedreligiousor localtiesand more on the basisof commoneducationallevels.

WeiEerandTuch. Group-positiontheory usesgroup competitionover materialrewards,power,and status to explainintergroupattitudesand behaviors.Each group perceivesand experiencesreal or imagined threatsto its socialpositiondifferently.Membersof a dominantgrouptendto viewpoliceorgovemmentactions takento defendits interestsas beingfair or favorable,whereasmembersof subodorinategroups tend to seethe sameactionsnegatively. EmpiricalGeneralization once marriedotherswith simiKalmijn. Americans lar religiousbeliefsandaffiliation.Thispracticeis being replacedby marriageto otherswith similarlevels of education. Weitzerand Tuch. Non-Whitesexperiencemore negativeinterpersonalencounterswith police and tend to interpret mediareports about police misconductasevidenceof seriousandsystematicproblems with the police. By contrast,Whites have differentpoliceencountersor interprettheir encountersand mediareportsabout policeactions morefavorably.

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tion with Kalmijn's study of changing marriage partner selection(seealso page40). Sociology and other social scienceshave several major theoretical frameworks.s The frameworks are orientations or sweeping ways of looking at the social world. They provide collections of assumptions, concepts, and forms of explanation. Frameworks include theories for many substantiveareas(e.g.,theories of crime, theories of the family, etc.). Thus, there can be a structural functional theory, an exchange theory and a conflict theory of the family. Theories within the same framework share assumptions and major concepts. Some frameworks are oriented more to the micro level; others focus more on macro-level phenomena (seeLevelsof Theorynext). Box2.4 shows four major frameworks

33

in sociologyand briefly describesthe key conceptsand assumptions of each. Levelsof Theory Socialtheoriescan be divided into three broad groupingsby the levelof socialrealitywith which they deal.Most of us devotethe majority of our time to thinking aboutthe micro leveloireality, the individualswe seeand interactwith on a dayby-daybasis.Micro-leveltheorydealswith small slicesof time, space,or numbersof people.The conceptsareusuallynot very abstract. Braseand fuchmond(2004)useda microleveltheory about doctor-patientinteractions and perceptions.The theorystatedthat physican attire affectsdoctor-patientinteractions.It sug-

;,,.Kffi Structural Functionalism

Symboliclnteractionism

MajorConcepts. System,equilibrium,dysfunction, divisionof labor

MajorConcepts. Sell reference group,role-playing, perception

KeyAssumptions. Societyis a systemof interdependentpartsthat is in equilibrium or balance. Over time,societyhasevolvedfrom a simpleto a complex type,whichhashighlyspecialized parts.The partsof societyfulfilldifferentneedsor functionsof the social system. A basicconsensus on valuesor a valuesvstem holdssocietytogether.

KeyAssumptions.Peopletransmitand receivesvmb o l i cc o mmuni cati on w henthey soci al l yi nteract. Peoplecreateperceptions of eachotherand social settings.Peoplelargelyact on their perceptions. How peoplethink about themselves and othersis basedon theirinteractions. Conflict Theory

ExchangeTheory (also RationalChoice) MajorConcepts. Opportunities,rewards,approval, balance, credit KeyAssumptions.Humaninteractionsaresimilarto economictransactions.Peoplegive and receiveresources(symbolic,socialapproval,or material)and try to maximize their rewardswhileavoidingpain,expense,and embarrassment. Exchange relationstend to be balanced. lfthey areunbalanced, personswith creditcandominateothers.

Major Concepts. Power,exploitation,struggle,inequality,alienation KeyAssumptions.Societyis madeup of groupsthat haveopposinginterests.Coercionand attemptsto gainpowerareever-present aspectsof humanrelations.Thosein powerattemptto hold on to their powerby spreadingmythsor by usingviolenceif necessary.

34

P A RToNE ,/ F o u N D A T to N s

would producegainsbecauseotherworkersand gestedthat a patient makesjudgmentsabout a governmentauthoritieswould supporttheir acphysican'sabilitiesbasedon attire and that a pations. tient'strust-opennesstoward a physicanis alsoafthe operationof Macro-lweltheoryconcerns fected. It said that perceptions of physican suchassocialinstitutions,enauthorityincreasedwith traditionalprofessional larger aggregates tire cultural systems,and wholesocieties.It uses formal attire over informal attire, but that trustmore conceptsthat areabstract. opennesswasinfluencedin the oppositedirection Marx's study (1998)on racein the United asauthority. Thirty-eight male and 40 femalereSouthA.frica,andBraziluseda macro-leve States, searchparticipants rated their perceptionsof theory.He wantedto explainthe conditionsthat same- and opposite-gendermodels who were led Blackpeopleto engagein protestto gain firll identifiedasbeingmedicaldoctors,butwho were of na-. citizenshiprightsandheexaminedpatterns wearing different attire. Findings showedthat a { tional racialpoliticsin threecountiesacrosstwo white coatandformal attire areclearlysuperiorto centuries.His theorysaidthat protestresultedin casualattire in establishingphysicanauthority, asexpected. an interaction between(1) race-basedpolitical but it did not reducetrust-openness mobilizationand (2) nationalgovernmentpoliMeso-lweltheorylinksmacroand micro levciesof racialdomination(i.e.,apartheidin South elsand operatesat an intermediatelevel.TheoAfrica, Jim Crow lawsin southernUnited States, ries of organizations,socialmovements,and and no legalized race-baseddomination in communitiesareoften at this level. Roscignoand Danaher(2001)usedmeso- Brazil).Policiesof racial domination developed from practicesof slavery exploitation,and disleveltheoryin a studyon the i930slabor movecrimination that justified White superiority. The ment among southern textile workers. The policiesreinforcedspecificracialideologiesthat researchers useda theory of movementsubculshapednational developmentduring the twentiture and political opportunity to explaingrowing labor movement strength and increased eth century. A critical causalfactor was how nationalpolitical elitesusedthe legalizeddominastrikeactivityamongworkersin one industryin a regionofthe United Statesacrossseveralyears. tion of Blacksto reducedivisionsamongWhites. In nationsthat had largeregionalor classdiviThey expectedstrike activity to grow asthe result sions among Whites, national elites tried to of a strongmovementsubculturethat carrieda increaseWhite backingfor the nationalgovernmessage of injusticeand a "political opportument by creatinglegalizedforms of racial dominity" or the expectationamongpeoplethat collectiveactionat a particulartime would produce nation. Over time, such legalizeddomination froze racialdivisions,which promoted a senseof positiveresults.Their studyshowedthat a techamongBlacks. racialidentity and consciousness nologicalinnovation (i.e.,the spreadof new raThe strongsenseof racialidentity becamea key dio stations with songs and discussionsof resourcewhenBlacksmobilizedpoliticallyto deworking conditionsand unfair treatment)conmand full citizenshiprights.Legalizedracialdomtributed to the growth of a subcultureof moveination also intensifiedthe Blacks'protest and ment solidarity among the textile workers and directedit againstthe national governmentasthe fosteredself-identityasa worker who had comsocietalinstitution that reinforcedtheir experimon interestswith the othertextileworkers.The enceof racialinequality. technologicalinnovationand eventsin thepolitical environment (i.e., union organizersand speeches by the Presidentof the United States) Forms of Explanation alsocreateda politicalopportunity for theworkPrediction and Explanation. A theory's priers.The workersbelievedthat collectionaction mary purposeis to explain.Many peoplecon(i.e.,strike)wasnecessary to achievejusticeand

CHAPTER2 /

T H E O R YA N D S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

35

fusepredictionwith explanation.Therearetwo probablyacceptinvolvesa theory about the ro_ meaningsor usesof the term explanation.Re_ tation of the earth and the position of the sun, searchers focuson theoretical explanation,alogthe star of our solarsystem.lnthis explanation, icalargumentthat tellswhysornethingoccurs.It the sun only appearsto rise. The sun doesnot refersto a generalrule or principle. ih"r. u." u move; its apparentmovement dependson the researcher'stheoretical urgum.rrt or connec_ earth'srotation. We are on a planet that both tionsamongconcepts.Thesecondtypeof expla_ spinson its axisand orbitsarounda starmillions nation, ordina-ryexplanation,makessomething of miles away in space.All three explanations clearor describessomethingin a way that illusl make the sameprediction: The sun'riseseach tratesit and makesit intelligible.Forexample,a morning.As you cansee,a weakexplanationcan good teacher"explains,,in the ordinury *rrr". produce an accurateprediction.A good expla_ *r typesof explanationcanblendtogether. nation dependson a well_developeJtheory Ilr: and This occurswhen a researcherexplaini (i.e., is confirmed in researchby empirical observa_ intelligible)his or her explanation(ire.,a tions. 3e: logicalargumentinvolving tr.ory). Prediction is a statement that something CausalExplanation. Causalexplanation, the will occur.It is easierto predict than to explain, most commontypeof explanation,is used when andan explanationhasmore logicalpowei than the relationshipis one o].u.rr" and effect. We predictionbecause good explariations alsopre_ useit all the time in everydaylanguage, which dlct. An explanationrarelypredictsmore than tendsto be sloppyand ambiguous."wf,ui do _. one outcome,but the sameoutcomemay be meanwhen we saycause? Foiexample,you may predictedby opposingexplanations.Although saythat povertycauses crimeor thailooseness in it-is lesspowerfirl than explanation,many peo_ moralscilusesan increasein divorce.This does ple areentrancedby the dramaticvisibility of a not tellhow or why the causalprocessworks. prediction. Researchers try to be more preciseand exact A gambling exampleillustratesthe differ_ when discussingcausalrelations. encebetweenexplanationand prediction. If I Philosophershavelong debatedthe idea of enter a casinoand consistentlyand accurately cause.Somepeoplearguethat causalityoccurs predictthe next cardto appearor the next num_ in theempirical world, but it cannotbe'proved. ber on a roulettewheel,if mt U. ,.rrrutiorr"i. t Causalityis "out there" in objective,.uliry arrd maywin a lot of money,at leastuntil the casino researchers can only try to find evidencefor it. officials realizeI am alwayswinning urra."pel Othersarguethat causalityis only an idea that me.Yet,my methodof makingthepiedictions is existsin the human mind, a mental construc_ mo-reinterestingthan the faci thaf I can do so. tion, not something ..real,,in the world. ihis Tellingyou what I do to predict the next cardis secondposition holds that causalityis only a more_fascinating than beingableto predict. _convenientway of thinking about ihe rvorta. Hereis anotherexample.you know that the Without enteringinto the lengthyphilosophical sun "rises" eachmorning. you can predict that debate,manyresearchers pursuecausalrelation_ at some everymorning, wheiher or not ships. -time, cloudsobscureit, the sun will rise.But why is You needthreethingsto establishcausality: this so?One explanationis that the Great irl f" temporalorder,association, and the eliminatiln carriesthe sun acrossthe sky on its back. an_ of plausible alternatiyes.An implicit fourth other explanationis that a god setshis arrow condition is an assumptionthat u .uur"t-..tu_ ablaze,.whichappearsto ui as the sun, and tionship makes re.tseo, fits with U.ouj", snootsrt across,!. rt y. Fewpeopletodaybelieve ur_ sumptions or a theoreticalframework. Let us theseancientexplanations.Theexplanaiion you examinethe threebasicconditions.

36

pA RToN E ,/ F o u N D AT to N s

The temporal order condition means that a cause must come before an effect. This commonsense assumption establishesthe direction of causality: from the cause toward the effect. You may ask, How can the cause come after what it is to affect?It cannot, but temporal order is only one of the conditions needed for causality. Temporal order is necessarybut not sufficient to infer causality. Sometimes people make the mistake of talking about "cause" on the basis of temporal order alone. For example, a professional baseballplayer pitches no-hit gameswhen he kisseshis wife just before a game. The kissing occurred before the no-hit games. Does that mean the kissing is the causeof the pitching performance? It is very unlikely. As another example, race riots occurred in four separatecities in 1968, one day after an intense wave of sunspots. The temporal ordering does not establish a causal link between sunspots and race riots. After all, all prior human history occurred before some specific event. The temporal order condition simply eliminates from consideration potential causesthat occurred later in time. It is not always easy to establish temporal order. With cross-sectionalresearch,temporal order is triclcF. For example, a researcher finds that people who have a lot ofeducation are also less prejudiced than others. Does more education causea reduction in prejudice? Or do highly prejudiced people avoid education or lack the motivation, self-discipline, and intelligence needed to succeedin school?Here is another example. The students who get high grades in my classsay I am an excellent teacher. Does getting high gradesmake them happy, so theyreturn the favor by saylng that I am an excellent teacher (i.e., high gradescausea positive evaluation)? Or am I doing a great job, so students study hard and learn a lot, which the grades reflect (i.e., their learning causesthem to get high grades)?It is a chicken-or-egg problem. To resolve it, a researcher needs to bring in other information or design researchto test for the temporal order. Simple causal relations are unidirectional. operating in a single direction from the causeto

the effect. Most studies examine unidirectional relations. More complex theories speci$r reciprocal-effect causal relations-that is, a mutual causal relationship or simultaneous causality. For example, studying a lot causesa student to get good grades, but getting good grades also motivates the student to continue to study. Theories often have reciprocal or feedback relationships, but these are difficult to test. Some researcherscall unidirectional relations nonrecursive and reciprocal-effect relations recursive. A researcher also needs an association for causality. Two phenomena are associatedif thei. occur together in a patterned way or appear to act together. People sometimes confuse correlation with association. Correlation has a specific technical meaning, whereasassociationis a more generalidea. A correlation coefficient is a statistical measure that indicates the amount of association, but there are many ways to measure association. Figure 2.2 shows 38 people from a lower-income neighborhood and 35 people from an upper-income neighborhood. Canyou seean associationbetween race and income level? More people mistake associationfor causality than confuse it with temporal order. For example, when I was in college,I got high gradeson the exams I took on Fridays but low grades on those I took on Mondays. There was an association between the day of the week and the exam grade, but it did not mean that the day of the week causedthe exam grade. Instead, the reason was that I worked 20 hours each weekend and was very tired on Mondays. As another example, the number of children born in India increased until the late 1960s,then slowed in the 1970s.The number of U.S.-made cars driven in the United Statesincreaseduntil the late 1960s,then slowed in the 1970s.The number of Indian children born and the number of U.S. cars driven are associated:They vary together or increaseand decrease at the same time. Yet there is no causal connection. By coincidence, the Indian government instituted a birth control program that slowed the number of births at the same time that Americans were buying more imported cars.

CHAPTER2 , / THE O R YA N D S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

Association of Income and Race

FIG U R E 2 .2

UpperIncome

Lower Income

A

OO

a

0 AI rC (-) \ I J rJl

io o o

O

fifi ffAfi.H, fii

o' i*i\q;i i:njH l{lfifi nfi^q.B"qfr flqi

?*$ m? 3

Qr T.

37

t ffi,i.in a?

/l IV

t

.l iii lt t?

v'fifr f,fl

Ifa researchercannot find an association, a causal relationship is unlikely. This is why researchersattempt to find correlations and other measuresof association.Yet, a researchercan often find an associationwithout causality.The association eliminates potential causesthat are not associated, but it cannot definitely identify a cause.It is a necessarybut not a sufficient condition. In other words, you need it for causality, but it is not enough alone. An association does not have to be perfect (i.e., every time one variable is present, the other also is) to show causality. In the example involving exam gradesand days of the week, there is an association if on 10 Fridays I got 7 As, 2 Bs, and 1 C, whereas my exam grades on 10 Mondays were 6 Ds, 2 Cs, and 2 Bs. An association exists' but the days ofthe week and the exam gradesare not perfectly associated.The race and incomelevel association shown in Figure 2.2 is also an imperfect association. Eliminating alternatives means that a researcher interested in causality needs to show that the effect is due to the causal variable and not to something else. It is also called no spuriousnessbecausean apparent causal relationship that is actually due to an alternative but unrec-

ognized cause is called a spurious relationship, which is discussedin Chapter 4 (seeBox 2.5). Researcherscan observetemporal order and associations.They cannot observe the elimination of alternatives. They can only demonstrate it indirectly. Eliminating alternatives is an ideal because eliminating all possible alternatives is impossible. A researchertries to eliminate major alternative explanations in two ways: through built-in design controls and by measuring potential hidden causes.Experimental researchers build controls into the study design itself to eliminate alternative causes.They isolate an experimental situation from the influence of all variables except the main causalvariable. Researchersalso tryto eliminate alternatives by measuring possible alternative causes.This is common in survey research and is called controlling for another variable. Researchersuse statistical techniques to learn whether the causal variable or something elseoperateson the effect variable. Causal explanations are usually in a linear form or state causeand effect in a straight line: A causesB B causesC C causesD. The study by Braseand Richmond (2004) on doctor-patient interactions discussedearlier

38

PART ONE /

FO UNDATI O NS

As I wasdrivinghomefrom the universityone day, I hearda radio newsreport about genderand racial biasin standardized tests.A personwho claimedthat biaswasa majorproblemsaidthat the tests should be changed.SinceI workin the fieldof educationand disdainracialor genderbias,the report caughtmy attention.Yet, as a socialscientist,I criticallyevaluated the newsstory.The evidencefor a biascharge wasthe consistentpatternofhigherscoresin mathematicsfor malehigh schoolseniorsversusfemale high schoolseniors,and for European-background studentsversusAfricanAmericanstudents.Wasthe causeof the pattern of differenttest scoresa bias built into the tests? When questionedby someonewho had designedthe tests,the personchargingbias lackeda crucialpieceof evidenceto supporta claimof test

useda causalexplanation;it saidphysicanattire causes certaintypesofpatient perceptions. The studybyWeitzerand Tuch (2004,2005)on police misconduct cited earlier used a causalexplanation. The causewas a person's group position and competitivepressurewith other groups.Theseare causallylinked to police encounters,eitherdirectlyor indirectly,and interpretionsof newsreports,which differ by group position.The policeencountersand the interpretationsofnews reports causevery different perceptionsof police misconduct.We can restatethe logic in a deductivecausalform: If the proposition is true, then we observecertain things in the empirical evidence.Good causal explanationsidentift a causalrelationshipand specifi'acausalmechanism.A simplecausalexplanationis: X causesYor Yoccursbecauseof X, whereX and Yare concepts(e.g.,earlymarriage and divorce). Some researchersstate causalityin a predictiveform: If X occurs,then Yfollows.Causalitycanbe statedin manyways:

bi as:the educati onalexperi ence of students.l t turnsout that girlsand boystakedifferentnumbers and types of mathematics coursesin high school Cirls tend to take fewer math courses.Amongthe girlswho completethe samemathematics curricu lum as boys,the genderdifferencedissolves.Likewise, a large percentageof African American attend raciallysegregated,poor-qualityschoolsin i nner ci ti es or i n i mpoveri shed rural areas.For AfricanAmericans who attend high-qualitysuburbanschoolsand completethe samecourses,racia differencesin test scoresdisappear.This evidence suggeststhat inequalityin educationcausestest score differences.Although the tests may have problems,identifyingthe real causeimpliesthat changing the testswithoutfirst improvingor equalizingeducationcouldbe a mistake.

Xleadsto Y,Xproducesy, XinfluencesY,Xis relatedto Y, the greaterXthe higher Y. Here is a simplecausaltheory:A risein unemploymentcausesan increasein child abuse. The subjectto be explainedis an increasein the occurrenceof child abuse.What explainsit is a rise in unemployment.We "explain" the increasein child abuseby identifring its cause.A completeexplanationalso requireselaborating the causalmechanism.My theorysaysthat when peoplelosetheir jobs, they feel a loss of selfworth. Once they lose self-worth,they become easilyfrustrated, upset, and angry. Frustrated peopleoften expresstheir angerby directingviolencetoward thosewith whom they haveclose personalcontact(e.g.,friends,spouse,children, etc.).This is especially true if they do not understandthe sourceof the angeror cannotdirect it towardits true cause(e.g.,an employer,government policy,or "economicforces"). The unemploymentand child abuseexample illustratesa chain of causesand a causal

CHAPT ER 2

mechanism.Researchers can testdifferentparts of the chain. They might test whetherunemployment ratesand child abuseoccur together, or whetherfrustratedpeoplebecomeyiolent toward the peoplecloseto them.A typicalresearch strategyis to dividea largertheoryinto partsand testvariousrelationshipsagainstthe data. Relationships betweenvariablescanbe positive or negative.Researchers imply a positiverelationship if they say nothing. A positive relationshipmeansthat a higher value on the causalvariablegoeswith a higher value on the effectvariable.For example,the more education a personhas,the longerhis or her life expectancF is. A negativerelationshipmeansthat a higher value on the causalvariablegoeswith a lower value on the effect variable. For example,the more frequentlya couple attendsreligiousservices,the lower the chancesof their divorcing eachother.In diagrams,a plus sign (+) signifies a positiverelationshipand a negativesign (-) signifiesa negativerelationship.

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immigrants from the Philippines,Korea, Taiwan, and China in Los Angelesand found that socialnetworksmatchedand sortedimmigrants with jobs. New immigrants with limited languageand job skills soughtemploymenteither with a co-ethnicemployeror through informal social ties (i.e., they consulted experienced fiiends, relatives,and acquaintances and asked them to be intermediaries).Network usersexpandedjob opportunitiesbeyondemployersin their own ethnic group. Thus, ethnic network tieswere"bridgeties" (i.e.,they helpedimmigrantsgetjobs beyondtheir ethnic community by usingco-ethnicswho alreadymadethe transition to mainstreamemplo;rment).Over time, as languageand job skills improved, theseimmigrantsmoved on to mainstreamjobs. Immigrantslackingsocialties,in limited networks,or who worked for co-ethnicsfound it difficult to get a mainstreamjob. Thus, a person'snetwork location,accessto alarge and diversenetwork, and use of network ties is what facilitatedobtaining a mainstreamjob. Structural Explanation. A structuralexplanaStructuralexplanationsare alsousedin serlonis usedwith threetypesof theories:network, quence theory. The panel study on volunsequential,and functional theories.Unlike a teerismby Oesterle,|ohnson, and Mortimer causaleffectchain,which is similar to a stringof (2004) discussedin Chapter 1 employs seballslined up that hit one anothercausingeach quencetheory.The authorsuseda "life course" to bouncein turn, it is more similar to a wheel perspectivein which the impact of an event with spokesfrom a centralidea or a spiderweb happeningat one phaseof a person'slife differs in which eachstrandforms part of the whole.A what it would havebeenif the samehappenedat researcher making a structuralexplanationuses other phases,and early eventsgenerallyshape a set of interconnectedassumptions,concepts, eventsin later phases.The authors noted that and relationships.Insteadof causalstatements, the transition to adulthood is a critical stage he or sheusesmetaphorsor analogiessothat rewhen a personlearnsnew socialrolesand adult lationships"make sense."The conceptsand reexpectations.They found that the amountsand lations within a theory form a mutually typesofvolunteer activity in the last stagethey reinforcingsystem.In structuralexplanations,a observed(age 26-27) was strongly influenced researcher specifiesa sequence ofphasesor idenby suchactivitiesat prior stagesofa person'slife tifies essentialparts that form an interlocked (age18-19).Peoplewho volunteeredat an early whole. stagetendedto volunteer at later stages.Those Structuralexplanationsareusedin network who did not volunteerat an earlystageor who theory. Sanders,Nee, and Sernau(2002) exdevoted full time to working or parenting at plainedAsian immigrant job seekingwith netother prior stages(18-19 yearsold) were less work theory. They used interview data on likely to volunteer at a later stage(26-27 years

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old). Thus, later eventsflowed from an interconnectedprocessin which earlier stagesset a course or direction that pointed to specific eventsin a later stage. Additionally, structural explanationsare usedin functionaltheory.6Functionaltheorists explain an eventby locating it within a larger, ongoing,balancedsocialsystem.They often use biologicalmetaphors.Theseresearchers explain somethingby identifying its function within a larger systemor the need it firlfills for the system.Functionalexplanationsarein this form: "I occursbecauseit servesneedsin the systemM." Theoristsassumethat a systemwill operateto stayin equilibrium and to continueovertime. A functionaltheoryof socialchangesaysthat, over time, a socialsystem,or society,movesthrough developmentalstages,becoming increasingly differentiatedand more complex. It evolvesa specialized divisionoflabor anddevelopsgreater individualism. These developments create greaterefficiencyfor the systemasa whole.Specializationand individualism createtemporary disruptions.Thetraditionalwaysof doingthings weaken,but new social relations emerge.The systemgenerates newwaysto fulfill functionsor satisfyits needs. Kalmijn (1991)useda functionalexplanation to explain a shift in how people in the United Statesselectmarriagepartners.He relied on secularizationtheory, which holds that ongoing historicalprocesses of industrialization and urbanizationshapethe developmentof society. During thesemodernizationprocesses, peoplerely lesson traditional ways of doing things. Religiousbeliefs and local community ties weaken,as doesthe family's control over young adults.Peopleno longer live their entire lives in small, homogeneouscommunities. Young adultsbecomemore independentfrom their parentsand from the religious organizations that formerly playeda critical role in selectingmarriagepartners. Societyhasa basicneedto organizethe way peopleselectmarriagepartnersand find partnerswith whom they sharefundamentalvalues.

In modern society,people spend time away from small local settingsin school settings.In theseschoolsettings,especiallyin college,they meet other unmarried people.Educationis a major socializationagentin modern society Increasingly,it affectsa person'sfuture earnings, moral beliefs and values,and ways of spendingleisuretime. This explainswhy there hasbeena trend in the United Statesfor people to marry lesswithin the samereligion and increasinglyto marry personswith a similar level of education.In traditional societies,the family and religious organizationservedthe function of socializingpeopleto moral valuesand linking them to potential marriagepartnerswho held similar values.In modern society,educational institutions largelyfulfill this function for the socialsystem.

Interpretive Explanation The purposeof an interpretiveexplanationis to fosterunderstanding. The interpretive theorist attempts to discoverthe meaningof an eventor practiceby placingit within a specificsocialcontext.He or shetries to comprehendor mentally graspthe operationof the socialworld, aswell asgeta feel for somethingor to seethe world asanotherperson does. Becauseeach person's subjective worldview shapeshow he or she acts,the researcherattemptsto discernothers' reasoning and view of things. The processis similar to decodinga text or work of literature.Meaning comesfrom the context of a cultural symbol system. Duneier's(1999)study of sidewalklife in New York City discussedearlierin this chapter usedan interpretiveexplanation.An interpretive explanation is also illustrated by Edelman, Fuller, and Mara-Drita's(2001)study of how companiesadoptedpoliciesrelatedto diversity issuesin the early1990s-that is, affirmativeaction and equalopportunity. The authorsexaminedwhat managerssaid,or their rhetoric,about diversityconcerns.Rhetoricincludedvarious statementsaboutdiversitymadeby professiona managers,businessschoolprofessors,and con-

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sultants in professional workshops, meetings, T HE TH R E E MA ' OR A P P R OA C H E S specializedmagazines,and electronic forums. T O S OC IA L S C IE N C E Edelman and colleagues(2001) found that managerstook legal ideas,terms, and concepts We began this chapter by looking at small-scale and converted them into ones that fit into their parts of a theory (i.e., ideas or concepts). We or ganizational setting. Professional managers moved toward larger aspectsof social theory, converted vague legal mandates and terms that and arrived at major theoretical frameworks in were basedon ideasabout racial discrimination the last section. Now, we move to an even a and ending injustice. They interjected their broader, more abstract level of the linkage beown views, values, training, and interests and tween theory and research-fundamental approduced slightly different ideas and proceproaches to social science. It involves issues dures. Management rhetoric changed legal sometimes called m etq - m ethodological (i. e., beideas from taking specific actions to end yond or supersizedmethodological concerns) racial-ethnic or gender discrimination and and blurs into areasofphilosophy that studies changed them into a "new idea" for effective what science means. We only brieflv touch on corporate management. The "new idea" was the issueshere, but we cannot ignore them bethat corporations benefit from a culturally dicausethey affect how people do social research verse workforce. Simply put, diversity is good studies. for company profits. They consolidated various About 45 years ago, a now famous philosostudiesand discussionson how to improve corpher of science,Thomas Kuhn, argued that the porate operations around the new idea-a soway science develops in a specific field across cially heterogeneous workforce is more time is based on researcherssharing a general creative, productive, and profitable. approach, or paradigm. A paradigm is an inteThe authors created a theory of "managerigrated set of assumptions, beliefs, models of doalization of law" from their data. This theory ing good research,and techniques for gathering statesthat professional managers operate in a and analyzing data.It organizescore ideas,theocorporate environment. They will not simply retical frameworks, and researchmethods. Kuhn take ideas and mandates created in a governobserved that scientific fields tend to be held toment-legal environment and impose them digether around a paradigm for a long period of rectly onto a corporation's internal operations. time. Very few researchersquestion the paraIn fact, on the issue of affirmative action, many digm, and most focus on operating within its corporate officials saw the legal ideas and regeneral boundaries to accumulate new knowlqirirements as hostile or alien. So the managers edge. On rare occasions in history, intellectual converted, or translated, the legal ideas into an difficulties increase,unexpected issuesgrow, and acceptable fslm-6ns acceptable from a mantroubling concerns over proper methods multiagerial point of view. They used new forms to ply. Slowly, the members of a scientific field shift move their corporations in a direction that in how they seethings and switch to a new parawould comply with the legal requirements. This digm. Once the new paradigm becomesfirlly esis an interpretive explanation because the autablished and widely adopted, the process of thors explained a social event (i.e., corporations accumulating knowledge begins anew. embracing programs and rhetoric to favor Kuhn's explanation covered how most scicultural diversity) by examining how the manencesoperate most of the time, but some fields agerssubjectively constructed new ways oflookoperate with multiple or competing paradigms. ing at, thinking about, and talking about the This is the casein severalofthe social sciences. diversity issue (i.e., they constructed a new This greatly bothers some social scientists, and interpretation). they believe having multiple paradigms hinders

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the growth ofknowledge.Theyseemultiple paradigmsasa signof the immaturity or underdevelopmentof the "science"in the socialsciences. Some believe all social scienceresearchers shouldembracea singleparadigmand stop using alternativesto it. Other socialscientistsacceptthe coexistence of multiple paradigms.They recognizethat this canbe confusingand often makescommunicating difficult amongthosewho usea different approach.Despitethis, they arguethat eachsocial scienceparadigmprovidesimportant kinds of knowledgeand insights,so to drop one would limit what we can learn about the socialworld. Thesesocialscientistsnotethat no one definitely cansaywhichapproachis "best"or evenwhether it is necessary or highly desirableto haveonly one paradigm.Soinsteadof closingoff an approach that offersinnovativewaysto study sociallife and gain insight into human behavior,they arguefor keepinga diversityofapproaches. In this section,we will look at three fundamental paradigmsor approachesusedin social science. Eachapproachhasbeenaroundfor over 150yearsand is usedby many highly respected professionalresearchers. Theseapproachesare unequal in terms of the number of followers, quantity ofnew studies,and typesofissuesacrdressed.Often, peoplewho strongly adhereto one approachdisagreewith researchers who use another,or seethe otherapproaches asbeingless valuableor less"scientific"than their approach. Although adherentsto eachapproachmay use variousresearchtechniques,theories,and theoretical frameworks,researchers who adopt one approachtend to favor certainresearchtechniques,theories,or theoreticalframeworksover others.The threeapproachesarepositivism,interpretive,and critical; eachhas internal divisions,offshoots,and extensions, but theseare the coreideasof the threemajor approaches. Positivist Approach Positivismis themostwidelypracticedsocialscience approach,especiallyin North America.

Positiyismseessocialscienceresearchasfundamentallythe sameasnatural scienceresearch;it assumesthat socialreality is madeup of objeccanprecisely tive factsthat value-freeresearchers measureand usestatisticsto testcausaltheories. companies bureaucraticagencies, Large-scale and many peoplein the generalpublic favor a positivist approachbecauseit emphasizesgetting objectivemeasuresof "hard facts" in the form of numbers. Positivistsput a greatvalueon the principle of replication,evenif only a fewstudiesarereplicated.Replicqtionoccurswhen researchersor othersrepeatthe basicsofa study and get identical or very similar findings. Positivists emphasizereplication and the ultimate test of knowledge.This is becausetheybelievethat diflooking at the samefactswill get ferentobservers the sameresults if they carefully speci!' their ideas,preciselymeasurethe facts,and follow the standardsof objectiveresearch.When many yield similar studiesby independentresearchers findings, confidencegrows that we accurately capturedtheworkingsof socialrealityandtherefore scientificknowledgeincreases. Ifa researcherrepeatsa studyand doesnot getsimilarfindings,oneor more of five possibilities may be occurring:(1) the initial studywas an unusualfluke or basedon a misguidedunderstandingof the socialworld; (2) important conditionswerepresentin the initial study,but no one was awareof their significanceso they were not specified;(3) the initial study, or the repeatof it, wassloppy-it did not includevery (4) the initial study,or precisemeasures; carefi.rl, the repeatof it, wasimproperlyconducted-researchersfailed to closely follow the highest standardsfor proceduresand techniques,or failed to be completelyobjective;or (5) the repeatedstudywasan unusualfluke. The positivist approachis nomothetic;it meansexplanationsuselaw or law-like principles.Positivistsmay useinductiveand deductive inquiry, but the ideal is to develop a general causallaw or principle then uselogical deduction to specifrhow it operatesin concretesitua-

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tions. Next, the researcher empiricallytestsoutcomespredictedby the principlein concretesettings usingvery precisemeasures.In this way, a generallaw or principlecoversmanyspecificsituations.For example,a generalprinciple says that when two socialgroupsare unequaland competefor scarceresources,in-group feelings and hostility toward the other groupsintensify, and the competinggroupsarelikely to engagein conflict. The principle appliesto sportsteams, countries,ethnicgroups,families,and other social groupings.A researchermight deducethat in citieswith high levelsof interracialinequality, when jobs becomemore scarceand therebyincreaseeconomic competition, eachgroup will expressgreaterhostility about the other racial groups, and intergroup conflict (e.g., riots, demonstrations,violent attacks)will increase. The vast majority of positivist studiesare quantitative,and positivistsgenerallyseethe experiment as the idealway to do research.positivist researchers also use other quantitative researchtechniques,suchassurveysor existing statistics,but tend to seethem as approximations of the experimentfor situationswherean experimentis impossible.Positivistresearchers advocatevalue-freescience,seekprecisequantitative measures,test causaltheorieswith statistics,and believein the importanceof replicating studies. Interpretive Approach The interpretiveapproachis alsoscientific,but its seesthe idea of "scientific" differently from positivism.Unlike thepositivistapproach,interpretive researchers saythat human sociallife is qualitativelydifferentfrom other thingsstudied by science.This meansthat socialscientistscannot just borrow the principlesof sciencefrom the natural sciences. Instead,they believeit is necessary to createa specialtype ofscience,one basedon the uniqueness of humansandonethat canreallycapturehuman sociallife. Most researchers who use an interpretive approachadopt a versionofthe constructionist

43

view of social reality. This view holds that human social life is based less on objective, hard, factual reality than on the ideas,beliefs, and perceptions that people hold about reality. In other words, people socially interact and respond basedas much, if not more, on what theybilieve to be real than what is objectively real. This means that social scientistswill be able to understand social life only if they study how people go about constructing social reality. As people grow up, interact, and live their daily lives, they continuously create ideas, relationships, symbols, and roles that they consider to be meaningful or important. Theseinclude things such as intimate emotional attachments, religious or moral ideals,beliefs in patriotic values,racial-ethnic or gender differences, and artistic expressions. Rarely do people relate to the objective facts of reality directly; instead, they do so through the filter of these socially constructed beliefs and perceptions. What positivists and many people view to be objective facts (e.g., a person's height), interpretive researcherssay are only at the trivial surface level of social iife. Or, the "facts" are images/categoriesthat humans created (i.e., I am two meters tall) and we "forget,' that people originated the images/categoriesbut now treat them as being separate from people and objectively real. Interpretive researchersare skeptical ofthe positivist attempts to produce precise quantitative measures of objective facts. This is because they view social reality as very fluid. For most humans, social reality is largely the shifting perceptions that they are constantly constructing, testing, reinforcing, or changing and that have become embedded in social traditions or institutions. For this reason, interpretive researchers tend to trust and favor qualitative data. Theybelieve that qualitative data can more accurately capture the fluid processesof social reality. In addition, they favor interpretive over causal forms of theory (see discussion earlier in this chapter). Interpretive researchersare not likely to adopt a nomothetic approach,but insteadfavor

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an idiographic form of explanation and use inductive reasoning. Idiographic literally means specific description and refers to explaining an aspectof the social world by offering a highly detailed picture or description of a specific social setting, process, or t'?e of relationship. For example, qualitative researchersdo not seereplication as the ultimate test of knowledge. Instead, they emphasize verstehenor empathetic understanding. Verstehenis the desire of a researcher to get inside the worldview of those he or she is studying and accurately represent how the people being studied seethe world, feel about it, and act. In other words, the best test of good social knowledge is not replication but whether the researcher can demonstrate that he or she really captured the inner world and personal perspective of the people studied.

because it profoundly shapes much of human action. The critical approach has an activist orientation and favors action research. Praxis is the ultimate test of how good an explanation is in the critical approach. It is a blending of theory and concrete action; theory informs one about the specific real-world actions one should take to advancesocial change,and one usesthe experiencesofengaging in action for social changeto reformulate the theory. All the approachesseea mutual relationship between abstract theory and concrete empirical evidence, but the critical approach goesfurther and tries to dissolve the gap between abstract theory and the empirical experiences of using the theory to make changes in the world.

Critical Approach

THE DYNAMIC DUO

The critical approachsharesmany featureswith an interpretiveapproach,but it blendsan objective/materialistwith a constructionistview of social reality. The key feature of the critical approachis a desireto put knowledgeinto action and a beliefthat researchis not valuefree. is the creationofknowledge,and peoResearch ple regularlyuseknowledgeto advancepoliticalmoral ends.This givesdoing socialresearcha strongconnectionto political-moralissues.The researchercan decideto ignore and help those with power and authority in society,or advance socialjusticeand empowerthe powerless. the multilayCritical approachemphasizes erednatureofsocialreality.On the surfacelevel, thereis oftenillusion,m1th,anddistortedthinking. The critical approachnotesthat peopleare often misled, are subjectto manipulatedmessages,or hold falseideas.Yet, beneaththe surface level at a deeper,often hidden level lies "real" objectivereality.Part ofthe taskofsocial researchis to strip awaythe surfacelayerof illusion or falsehood.Although a researcherwants to seebeyondthis layer,he or shedoesnot entirely ignoreit. Suchan outer layeris important

You haveseenthat theory and researchare interrelated.Only the naive,new researchermistakenly believes that theory is irrelevant to researchor that a researcherjust collectsthe who attemptto proceedwithdata.Researchers out theory may wastetime collectinguseless data.They easilyfall into the trap of hazy and vaguethinking, faulty logic, and impreciseconcepts.They find it difficult to convergeonto a crisp researchissueor to generatea lucid account of their study'spurpose.They also find themselvesadrift as they attempt to designor conductempiricalresearch. Thereasonis simple.Theoryframeshowwe look at and think about a topic. It givesus concepts,providesbasicassumptions,directsus to waysfor the important questions,and suggests us to make senseof data.Theory enablesus to connecta singlestudy to the immensebaseof knowledgeto which other researcherscontribute. To use an analogy,theory helps a researcherseethe forestinsteadofjust a single awareness tree. Theory increasesa researcher's of interconnectionsand of the broader significanceofdata (seeTable2.1).

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TABLE 2.'l

MajorAspectsandTypes of SocialTheory

Direction

lnductiveor deductive

Level

Micro,meso,or macro

Explanation Causal,interpretive,or structural Abstraction

Empirical generalization, middle range,framework,or paradigm

Theory hasa placein virtually all research, but its prominencevaries.It is generallyless central in applied-descriptiveresearchthan in basic-explanatoryresearch.Its role in appliedand descriptiveresearchmay be indirect. The conceptsareoften moreconcrete,andthe goalis not to creategeneralknowledge.Nevertheless, researchersuse theory in descriptiveresearchto refine concepts,evaluateassumptionsof a theory, and indirectlytesthypotheses. Theorydoesnot remainfixedovertime; it is provisionaland opento revision.Theoriesgrow into more accurateand comprehensive explanations about the make-up and operation of the socialworld in two ways.They advanceastheorists toil to think clearlyand logically,bur this effort haslimits. The way a theorymakessignificant progressis by interactingwith research findings. The scientificcommunity expandsand alters theoriesbasedon empirical results.Researchers who adopta more deductiveapproach usetheoryto guidethe designof a studyand the interpretationof results.They refute,extend,or modify the theory on the basisof results.As researchers continueto conductempiricalresearchin testing a theory, they developconfidencethat somepartsof it aretrue. Researchers may modify somepropositionsof a theoryor reject them ifseveralwell-conductedstudieshave negativefindings.A theory's core propositions

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and central tenets are more difficult to test and are refuted less often. In a slow process, researchersmay decide to abandon or change a theory as the evidence against it mounts over time and cannot be logically reconciled. Researchers adopting an inductive approach follow a slightly different process.Inductive theorizing begins with a few assumptions and broad orienting concepts. Theory develops from the ground up as the researchersgather and analyze the data. Theory emerges slowly, conceptby conceptand proposition by proposition in a specific area. The processis similar to a long pregnancy. Over time, the concepts and empirical generalizationsemerge and mature. Soon, relationships become visible, and researchersweavetogether knowledge from dif[erent studies into more abstract theory.

CONCLUSION In this chapter,you learnedabout socialtheory-its parts, purposes,and t1pes.The dichotomy betweentheory and researchis an artificial one.The valueof theory andits necessity for conductinggood researchshould be clear.Researchers who proceedwithout theory rarely conduct top-quality researchand frequentlyfind themselves in a quandary.Likewise, theoristswho proceedwithout linking theoryro researchor anchoringit to empiricalreality are in jeopardyof floatingoffinto incomprehensible speculationand conjecture.You arenow familiar with the scientificcommunity,the dimensionsof research, andsocialtheory.

Key Terms association assumption blame analysis causalexplanation classificationconcept concept cluster

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deductive approach empirical generalization functionaltheory grounded theory ideal type idiographic inductive approach macro-level theory meso-leveltheory micro-level theory negative relationship nomothetic paradigm positive relationship praxis prediction proposition replication verstehen

II( JN)

E n dn o t e s

1. SeeFelson(1991),FelsonandFelson(1993)'and Logan(1991)for a discussionof blameanalysis. 2. For more detaileddiscussionsof concepts,see Chafetz(1978:45-61),Hage(1972:9-85)' Kaplan (1964'34-80), Mullins (197l:7-18), Reynolds (I97I), and Stinchcombe(1968,1973)' how sociologicalexpla3. Turner (1980)discussed nation and theorizingcan be conceptualizedas translation. 4. Classificationsare discussedin Chafetz(1978: 63-73) andHage(1972). 5. Introductions to alternativetheoreticalframe- & works and socialtheoriesare providedin Craib (1984), Phillips (1985:44-59),and Skidmore

(re7e). 6. An introductionto functionalexplanationcanbe found in Chafea (I97 8:22-25).

TR3

Ethicsin SocialResearch

Introduction Why Be Ethical? ScientificMisconduct Unethicalbut Legal Power Relations Ethical lssues Involving Research Participants Originsof ResearchParticipantProtection PhysicalHarm,Psychological Abuse,and LegalJeopardy Other Harmto Participants Deception InformedConsent SpecialPopulations and New Inequalities Privacy,Anonymity,and Confidentiality MandatedProtectionsof Research Participants Ethics and the Scientific Community Ethics and the Sponsors of Research Whistle-Blowing Arrivingat Particular Findings Suppressing Findings Concealing the TrueSponsor Politics of Research Value-Free and Objective Research Conclusion

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INTRODUCTION Ethicsincludethe concerns,dilemmas'and conflicts that ariseover the proper way to conduct research.Ethicshelp to definewhat is or is not legitimateto do, or what "moral" researchprocedureinvolves.This is not as simple asit may appear,becausethere are few ethical absolutes and only agreed-uponbroad principles.These principlesrequirejudgment to apply and some may conflict with othersin practice.Many ethrcalissuesaskyouto balancetwo values:the pursuit of knowledgeand the rights of research participantsor of othersin society.Socialrebalancepotential benefits-such as searchers advancingthe understandingof sociallife, improving decisionmaking, or helping research participants-against potential 6s515-5u6}ra5 privacy,or democralossof dignity,self-esteem, tic freedoms. confront many ethical Socialresearchers how to act. They must decide dilemmas and professional obligationto be havea moral and participants areunaware ifresearch ethical,even about ethics. ofor unconcerned Many areasof professionalpracticehave ethicalstandards(e.g.,journalists,policedepartments,businesscorporations,etc.),but the ethical standardsfor doing socialresearchareoften stricter.To do professionalsocialresearch,you must both know the proper researchtechniques (e.g.,sampling)and be sensitiveto ethicalconcerns.This is not alwayseasy.For centuries, moral, legal,and political philosophersdebated regularlyface. the issuesresearchers It is difficult to appreciatefully the ethical until you dilemmasexperiencedby researchers until waiting actuallybegin to do research,but preto need You the middle of a studyis too late. ethical pareyourselfaheadof time and consider concernsasyou designa study so that you can build sound ethicalpracticesinto a study'sdesign.In addition,by developingsensitivityto ethicalissues,you will be alertto potentialethicalconcernsthat canariseasyou makedecisions rthile conducting a study.Also, an ethicalaware-

nesswill help you better understandthe overall process. research Ethicsbeginand end with you, the individual socialresearcher.A strong personalmoral is the bestdefenseagainst codeby the researcher unethicalbehavior.Before,during, and after hasopportuniconductinga study,a researcher ties to, andshould,reflecton the ethicsof researchactionsand consulthis or her conscience Ultimately, ethicalresearchdependson the integrity of an individual researcher.

WHY BE ETHICAL?

Given that most peoplewho conduct socialresearchare genuinelyconcernedabout others, you might ask,Why would any researcherever act in an ethicallyirresponsiblemanner?Most unethicalbehavioris due to a lack of awarenes to take ethical and pressureson researchers facepressuresto build a shortcuts.Researchers career,publish new findings, advanceknowledge,gain prestige,impressfamily and friends, hold on to a job, and so forth. Ethicalresearch will take longerto complete,costmore money' be more complicated,and be lesslikely to produceunambiguousresults.Plus,therearemany opportunitiesin researchto act unethically'the odds of gettingcaughtare small,and written ethicalstandardsarein the form ofvague,loose principles. The ethicalresearchergetsfew rewardsand wins no praise.The unethical researcher'if caught,facespublichumiliation, a ruinedcareer and possiblelegalaction. The best preparation for ethicalbehavioris to internalizea sensitivity to ethical concerns,to adopt a seriousprofessionalrole, and to interact regularlywith other Moreover,the scientificcommunity researchers. demandsethicalbehaviorwithout exceptions. Scientific Misconduct

that fund Theresearchcommunity and agencies researchopposea type of unethicalbehavio

CHAPT E R3 , / E T H I C SI N S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

calledscientificmisconduct;it includesresearch fraud and plagiarism.Scientificmisconductoc_ curs when a researcherfalsifiesor distorts the dataor the methodsof datacollection,or plagia_ rizesthe work of others.It alsoincludessienifi_ cant, unjustified departuresfrom the genlraily acceptedscientificpracticesfor doing and re_ porting on research. Research fraud occurswhen a researcherfakesor inventsdatathat he or she did not really collect, or fails to honestly and firllyreport howhe or sheconducteda study.Al_ thoughrare,it is considereda veryseriousviolation. The most famouscaseof researchfraud was that of Sir Cyril Burt, the father of British educationalpsychology.Burt died in I97I asan esteemedresearcherwho was famous for his studieswith twins that showeda geneticbasisof intelligence.In 1976,it was discoveredthat he had falsifieddata and the namesof coauthors. Unfortunately,the scientificcommunity had beenmisledfor nearly30years.More recently,a socialpsychologistwasdiscoveredto havefabri_ cateddata for severalexperimentson sexbias conductedat Harvard Universityin the tg9Os. Plagiarismoccurswhen a..raur.ir., ..steals,' the ideasor writings of anotheror usesthem with_ out citing the source.plagiarismalso includes stealingthe work of anotherresearcher, an assis_ tant, or a student,and misrepresentingit as one'sown. Theseareseriousbreachesof ethical standards.l Unethicalbut Legal Behaviormay be unethicalbut legal (i.e.,not breakany law). A plagiarismcaseillustratesthe distinction betweenlegal and ethicalbehavior. The AmericanSociologicalAssociationdocu_ mentedthat a 1988book without any footnotes by a deanfrom EasternNew Mexico University containedlarge sectionsof a 197gdissertation that a sociologyprofessorat Tufts University y9t.. Copyingthe dissertarionwasnot illegal;it did not violatecopyrightlaw becausethe sJcioogist'sdissertationdid not havea copyrightfiled with the U.S. government.Neverthii.ri it *u,

FIcURE 3.1

TypoloryofLegaland MoralActionsin Social Research

49 r

ETHICAL LEGAL

Yes

No

Yes

Moral and Legal

Legalbut lmmoral

No

lllegal but Moral

lmmoral and lllegal

clearly unethical according to standards ofpro_ fessional behavior.2 (SeeFigure 3.1 for relations between legal and moral actions.)

POWER RELATIONS A professionalresearcherand the researchpar_ ticipantsor employee-assistants are in a rela_ tionship of unequal power and trust. An experimenter,surveydirector,or researchinves_ tigator haspower over participantsand assis_ tants,and in turn, theytrust his or herjudgment and authority. The researcher,scredeitials, training, professionalrole, and the placeofsci_ encein modernsocietylegitimatethepowerand make it into a form of expert authoiity. Some ethical issuesinvolve an abuseof power and trust. A researcher's authority to conductsocial researchand to earn the trust of othersis ac_ companiedalwaysby an unyielding ethical re_ sponsibilityto guide,protect,and overseethe interestsof the peoplebeingstudied. When looking for ethical guidance,re_ searchers arenot alone.Theycanturn to a num_ ber of resources: professionalcolleagues, ethical advisorycommittees,institutionalreviewboards or human subjectscommitteesat a collegeor in_ stitution (discussedlater), codesof ethicsbv professionalassociations (discussed later in this chapter),and writings on ethicsin research.The largerresearchcommunity firmly supportsand upholds ethicalbehavior,evenif an-individual

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others in Nazi Germany,and similar "medical experiments"to test biological weaponsby |apanin the 1940s.In theseexperiments,terrible tortures were committed. For example,people wereplacedin freezingwaterto seehow long it ETHICAL ISSUESINVOLVING took them to die,peoplewerepurposelystarved RESEARCHPARTICIPANTS to death,peoplewereintentionallyinfectedwith and limbs were severedfrom Have you everbeen a participant in a research horrible diseases, onto others.3 childrenand transplanted study?If so,how wereyou treated?More attenof Suchhuman rightsviolationsdid not occur tion is focusedon the possiblenegativeefflects only long ago.In a famouscaseof unethicalreresearchon thosebeing studiedthan any other search,the TuskegeeSlphilis Study,alsoknown ethical issue,beginningwith concernsabout biomedicalresearch.Acting ethicallyrequires asBadBlood,thePresidentof the United States! balancethe valueofadvancing admitted wrongdoing and formally apologized that a researcher knowledgeagainstthe valueof noninterference in 1997to the participant-victims. Until the reportcauseda scanin the lives of others. Either extreme causes 1970s,when a newspaper problems.Giving researchparticipantsabsolute dal to erupt, the U.S. Public Health Service sponsoreda study in which poor, uneducated rights of noninterferencecould makeempirical abAfrican Americanmen in Alabamasufferedand researchimpossible,but giving researchers died of untreatedsyphilis,while researcher solute rights of inquiry could nullifr Participants'basichuman rights. The moral question studiedthe severephysicaldisabilitiesthat apjustified pear in advancedstagesofthe disease.The unbecomes:When, if ever,areresearchers ethicalstudybeganin l929,beforepenicillinwas in riskingphysicalharm or injury to thosebeing or availableto treat the disease,but it continued great them embarrassment causing studied, long aftertreatmentwasavailable.Despitetheir inconvenience,violating their privary, or frightunethical treatment of the people, the reeningthem? wereableto publishtheir resultsfor 40 The law and codesof ethicsrecognizesome searchers study ended in 1972,but a formal or The years. cause unnecessarF prohibitions: Never clear apologytook another25 Yeats." irreversibleharm to subjects;secureprior volUnfortunately,the BadBlood scandalis not untaryconsentwhenpossible;and neverunnecDuring the Cold War era,the U.S.govharmfirl unique. release or degrade, humiliate, essarily periodicallycompromisedethicalrewas that ernment individuals about specific information for military and political goals. principles words, search purposes. In other research for collected you shouldalwaysshowrespectfor the research In 1995,reports revealedthat the goYernment authorizedinjectingunknowingpeoplewith raparticipant. Theseare minimal standardsand (e.g., does dioactivematerialin the late 1940s.In the 1950s' What interpretation to are subject governmentwarned EastmanKodak and the situation?)' mean in a specific unnecessary other film manufacturersabout nuclearfallout from atomic teststo preventfoggedfilm, but it Origins of ResearchPafticipant did not warn nearbycitizensof health hazards Protection in the 1960s,the U.S. army gaveunsuspecting soldiersLSD (a hallucinogenicdrug),causingseparticiConcernover the treatmentof research widely recogrious trauma. Today,researchers gross violapants aroseafter the revelationof fundamental of two violations to be nize these of name tions of basic human rights in the harm and obphysical Avoid principles: ethical were science.The most notorious violations consent.s informed tain and "medical experiments"conductedon Iews

is ultimatelyresponsibleto do what is researcher ethicalin specificsituations.

CHAPTER3 , / E T H I C SI N S O C I A L R E S E A R C H

PhysicalHarm,Psychological Abuse, and Legalfeopardy Socialresearchcan harm a researchparticipant in severalways:physical,psychological, andlegal harm, aswell asharm to a person'scareer)reputation, or income. Different typesof harm are morelikely in othertypesof research(e.g.,in experimentsversus field research).It is a researcher'sresponsibilityto be awareof all types ofpotential harm and to takespecificactionsto minimize the risk to participantsat all times. PhysicalHarm. Physicalharm is rare.Evenin biomedicalresearch, wherethe interventioninto a person'slife is much greater,3 to 5 percentof studiesinvolved any person who sufferedany harm.6A straightforwardethicalprincipleis that researchers should never causephysicalharm. An ethicalresearcher anticipatesrisksbeforebeginning a study,including basicsafetyconcerns (e.g.,safebuildings,furniture, and equipment). This meansthat he or shescreensout high-risk subjects(thosewith heart conditions,mental breakdown,seizures,etc.) if great stressis involvedand anticipatespossiblesourcesofinjury or physicalattackson researchparticipantsor assistants. The researcheracceptsmoral and legal responsibilityfor injury due to participation in researchandterminatesa projectimmediately if he or she can no longer fully guaranteethe physicalsafetyof the people involved (seethe Zimbardostudyin Box 3.1). PsychologicalAbuse, Stress,or Lossof SelfEsteem, The risk of physicalharm is rare,but socialresearchers can place peoplein highly stressful,embarrassing,anxiety-producing,or unpleasantsituations.Researchers want to learn about people'sresponses in real-life,high-anxiety-producing situations,so they might place peoplein realisticsituationsof psychological discomfort or stress.Is it unethicalto causediscomfort? The ethics of the famous Milgram obedience studyarestill debated(seeBox 3.1). Some say that the precautionstaken and the knowledgegainedoutweighedthe stressandpo-

5l

tential psychologicalharm that researchparticipants experienced.Others believethat the extreme stressand the risk of permanentharm weretoo great.Suchan experimentcould not be conductedtodaybecauseof heightenedsensitivity to the ethicalissuesinvolved. Socialresearchers havecreatedhigh levelsof anxietyor discomfort.They haveexposedparticipantsto gruesomephotos; fuk"ly told male studentsthat they havestrongfemininepersonality traits; falselytold studentsthat they have failed; createda situation of high fear (e.g., smokeenteringa room in which the door is locked); asked participantsto harm others; placedpeoplein situationswheretheyfacesocial pressureto denytheir convictions;and had participantslie, cheat,or steal.TResearchers who study helpingbehavioroften placeparticipants in emergencysituationsto seewhetherthey will lend assistance. For example,Piliavin and associates(1969)studiedhelpingbehaviorin subways by faking someone'scollapseonto the floor. In the field experiment,the riders in the subwaycarwereunawareof the experimentand did not volunteerto participatein it. The only researchers who might evenconsiderconductinga studythat purposelyinduces great stressor anxiety in researchparticipants arevery experiencedand take all necessary precautionsbeforeinducing anxietyor discomfort. The researchers shouldconsultwith otherswho have conducted similar studies and mental healthprofessionals astheyplan the studn They should screenout high-riskpopulations(e.g., thosewith emotionalproblemsor weakhearts), and arrangefor emergenryinterventions or termination of the researchif dangeroussituations arise.Theymust alwaysobtainwritten informed consent(to be discussed)beforethe research and debrief the people immediatelyafterward (i.e.,explainany deceptionand what actually happenedin the study). Researchers should nevercreateunnecessary stress(i.e.,beyondthe minimal amountneededto createthe desiredeffect) or stressthat lacksa very clear,legitimate researchpurpose. Knowing what "minimal

PART ONE

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study(Milgram,1963' StanleyMilgram'sobedience 1 965, 1 974) attemptedto discoverhow the horrorsof the Holocaustunderthe Naziscouldhaveocthe strengthof socialpressure curredby examining to obey authority.After signing"informedconsent in riggedrandomseforms,"subjectswereassigned, "teacher" wasthe while a confederate lection,to be a "pupil."The teacherwasto test the pupil'smemory of word lists and increasethe electricshocklevelif The pupilwaslocatedin a the pupilmademistakes. nearbyroom,so the teachercouldhearbut not see wasclearlylabeled the pupil.The shockapparatus voltage.As the pupil mademistakes with increasing sheor he alsomade andthe teacherturnedswitches, present pain. researcherwas The noisesasifin severe and madecommentssuchas "You must go on" to the teacher.Milgramreported,"subjectswere observedto sweat,tremble,stutter, bite their lips, into their flesh'These groanand dig theirfingernails were characteristicrather than exceptionalre(Milgram sponsesto the experiment" , 1963:375). of subjectswhowouldshockto danThe percentage higherthan expected. gerouslevelswasdramatically arose over the useof deceptionand Ethicalconcerns the extreme emotional stress experiencedby subjects. 1975) tea' (Humphreys, In LaudHumphreys's roomtradestudy(a study of malehomosexualencountersin publicrestrooms),about 100 menwere observedengagingin sexualactsas Humphreyspretended to be a "watchqueen"(a voyeur and lookout). Subjectswerefollowedto their cars,and their licensenumbersweresecretlyrecorded.Namesand wereobtainedfrom policeregisterswhen addresses One year Humphreysposedas a marketresearcher.

later,in disguise,Humphreysuseda deceptivestory about a health surveyto interviewthe subjectsin their homes.Humphreyswascarefulto keepnames in safetydepositboxes,and identifierswith subject advancedknowlnameswereburned.He significantly who frequent"tearooms"and edgeof homosexuals overturnedpreviousfalsebeliefsabout them.There has beencontroversyover the study:The subjects deceptionwasused;andthe names neverconsented; could havebeenusedto blackmailsubjects,to end prosecution. or to initiatecriminal marriages, ln the Zimbardoprison experiment(Zimbardo' 1972, 1973; Zimbardoet al.,1973, 1974), nale groups: studentsweredividedinto two role-playing volunguardsand prisoners.Beforethe experiment, teer studentsweregivenpersonalitytests,and only Volunteers thosein the "normal"rangewerechosen. weretold that signedup for two weeks,andprisoners and would have they would be undersurveillance no physical that but rights suspended, civil some prisonin the baseln a simulated abusewasallowed. ment of a StanfordUniversitybuilding,prisoners in standarduniforms (dressed weredeindividualized and calledonly by their numbers)and guardswere and reflective militarized(with uniforms,nightsticks, Guardsweretold to maintaina reasonsunglasses). abledegreeof order and served8-hour shifts,while prisonerswere lockedup 24 hoursper day. Unexpectedly,the volunteersbecametoo caughtup in becamepassiveand disorgatheir roles.Prisoners arbitrary,and nized,whileguardsbecameaggressive, By the sixthday,Zimbardocalledoff dehumanizing. the experimentfor ethicalreasons.The risk of perharm, harm,andevenphysical manentpsychological wastoo great.

amount" means comeswith experience.It is best to begin with too little stress,risking a finding of no effect, than to create too much. It is always wise to work in collaboration with other researcherswhen the risk to participants is high, becausethe involvement of severalethically sen-

sitive researchersreducesthe chancesof making an ethical misjudgment. Researchthat induces great stressand anxiety in participants also carries the danger that experimenters will develop a callous or manipulative attitude toward others. Researchers

CHAPT ER 3

havereportedfeelingguilt and regretafterconducting experimentsthat causedpsychological harm to people.Experimentsthat placesubjectsin anxiety-producing situationsmay produce significantpersonaldiscomfort for the ethicalresearcher. LegalHarm. A researcheris responsiblefor protectingresearchparticipantsfrom increased risk of arrest.If participationin researchincreasesthe risk of arrest,few individualswill trust researchers or be willing to participatein future research.Potentiallegalharm is one criticismof Humphreys's1975tearoomtradestudy (seeBox3.1). A related ethical issueariseswhen a researcherlearnsof illegalactivitywhen collecting data.A researcher must weighthe valueof protecting the researcher-subject relationshipand the benefitsto future researchers againstpotential seriousharm to innocent people.The researcherbearsthe cost of his or her judgment. For example,in his field researchon police,Van Maanen(1982:114-115) reportedseeingpolice beatpeopleand witnessingillegalactsand irregular procedures,but said,"On and following thesetroublesomeincidentsI followedpolice custom:I kept my mouth shut." Field researchersin particular can face difficult ethicaldecisions.For example,when studyinga mentalinstitution,Taylor(19S7)discoveredthe mistreatmentand abuseof inmates by the staff.He had two choices:Abandon the studyand callfor an immediateinvestigation,or keepquiet and continuewith the study for several months, publicizethe findings afterwards, and then becomean advocateto end the abuse. After weighingthe situation,he followedthe latter courseand is now an activistfor the rightsof mentalinstitution inmates. In some studies,observing illegal behavior may be central to the researchproject. If a researcher covertly observes and records illegal behavior,thensuppliestheinformationtolaw-enforcementauthorities,heorsheisviolatingethical standards regarding researchparticipants and is

,/ E TH IC S IN SOC IA L R E S E A R C H

53

undermining future social research.At the same time, a researcherwho fails to report illegalbehavior is indirectly permitting criminal behavior. He or shecouldbe chargedasan accessorytoa crime. Cooperation with law-enforcement offi cialsraises the question, Is the researchera professionalscientist who protects research participants in the processof seekingknowledge, or a free-lanceundercover informant who is really working for the police trying to "catch" criminals? Other Harm to Participants Researchparticipants may face other types of harm. For example, a survey interview may create anxiety and discomfort if it askspeople to recall unpleasant or traumatic events. An ethical researchermust be sensitiveto any harm to participants, consider precautions, and weigh potential harm against potential benefits. Another type of harm is a negative impact on the careers,reputations, or incomes of research participants. For example, a researcher conducts a survey of employees and concludes that the supervisor's performance is poor. As a consequence,the supervisorlosesher job. Or, a researcherstudies homelesspeople living on the street. The findings show that many engage in petty illegal acts to get food. As a consequence,a city government "cracks down" on the petty illegal acts and the homeless people can no longer eat. What is the researcher'sresponsibility? The ethical researcherconsidersthe consecuencesof research for those being studied. The general goal is not to cause any harm simply because someone was a researchparticipant. However, there is no set answer to such questions.A researchermust evaluateeachcase,iveighpotential harm against potential benefits, and bear the responsibility for the decision. h-_^_r:^uecePtlon Has anyone ever told you a half-truth or lie to get you to do something? How did you feel about it? Social researchersfollow the ethical principle of wluntary consent:Never force any-

54

P A Rr oNE / F o u N D A T ro N s

one to participate in research,and do not lie to anyone unless it is necessaryand the only way to accomplish a legitimate research purpose. The people who participate in social researchshould explicitly agree to participate. A person's right not to participate can be a critical issue whenever the researcherusesdeception, disguisesthe research.or usescovert researchmethods. Social researcherssometimes deceive or lie to participants in field and experimental research. A researcher might misrepresent his or her actions or true intentions for legitimate methodological reasons.For example, if participants knewthe true purpose, theywould modifr their behavior, making it impossible to learn of their real behavior. Another situation occurs when accessto a researchsite would be impossible if the researchertold the truth. Deception is never preferable if the researchercan accomplish the same thing without using deception. Experimental researchersoften deceivesubjects to prevent them from learning the hypothesisbeing tested and to reduce "reactive effects" (seeChapter 8). Deception is acceptableonly if a researcher can show that it has a clear, specific methodological purpose, and even then, the researcher should use it only to the minimal degree necessary.Researcherswho use deception should always obtain informed consent, never misrepresent risks, and always explain the actual conditions to participants afterwards.You might ask, How can a researcherobtain prior informed consent and still use deception? He or she can describe the basic procedures involved and conceal only specific information about hlpotheses being tested. Sometimes field researchersuse covert observation to gain entry to field researchsettings. In studies of cults, small extremist political sects, illegal or deviant behavior, or behavior in a large public area, it may be impossible to conduct research if a researcher announces and discloses her or his true purpose. Ifa covert stance is not essential,a researchershould not use it. If he or she does not know whether covert accessis necessary then a strategy of gradual disclosure may

be best.When in doubt,it is bestto err in the directionof disclosingone'strue identity and purpose.Covertresearchremainscontroversial,and feelthat all covertresearchis many researchers unethical.Eventhosewho acceptcovertresearch asethicalin certainsituationssaythat it should be usedonlywhen overt observationis impossible. Wheneverpossible,the researchershould inform participantsof the observationimmediately afterwardsand give them an opportunity to expressconcerns. Deceptionand covertresearchmay increase mistrustand qfnicismaswell asdiminish public respectfor socialresearch.Misrepresentationin field researchis analogousto being an undercoveragentor governmentinformer in nondemocratic societies.The use of deceptionhas a long-term negativeeffect.It increasesdistrust among peoplewho are frequentlystudied and makesdoing socialresearchmore difficult in the long term. lnformed Consent A fundamentalethicalprinciple of socialresearchis: Never coerceanyoneinto participating; participationmustbevoluntary at all times. Permissionaloneis not enough;peopleneedto know what they arebeingaskedto participatein sothat theycanmakean informeddecision.Participants can becomeawareof their rights and what theyaregettinginvolvedin whenthey read and sign a statementgiwng informedconsentan agreementby participants stating they are willing to be in a study and they know something aboutwhat the researchprocedurewill involve. Governmentsvary in the requirement for informed consent.The U.S.federalgovernment doesnot require informed consentin all researchinvolving human subjects.Nevertheless, shouldgetwritten informed consent researchers unlesstherearegoodreasonsfor not obtainingit (e.g.,covertfield research, useofsecondarydata, etc.) asjudgedby an institutional reviewboard (IRB) (seethe laterdiscussion of IRBs).

CHAPT ER 3

Informed consent statements provide spe_ cific information (seeBox 3.2). A generalstaie_ ment about the kinds ofprocedures or questions involved and the uses of the data are sufficient for informed consent. Studies suggestthat par_ ticipants who receive a full informed conienr statement do not respond differently from those who do not. If anlthing, people who refused to sign such a statement were more likely to guess or answer"no response"to questions. It is unethical to coerce people to partici_ pate,,including offering them special benefits that they cannot otherwise attain. For example, it is unethical for a commanding officer to orider a soldier to participate in a stud|, for a professor to require a student to be a research zubiect in order to passa course, or for an employer to ex_ pect an employee to complete u ,urr.y'u, u .or_

Informedconsentstatementscontainthe following: 1. A brief descriptionof the purposeand proce_ dureofthe research, includingthe expecteddu_ rationofthe study 2. A statementof any risksor discomfortassoci_ atedwith participation 3. A guaranteeof anonymityand the confidential_ ity of records 4. The identificationof the researcherand of whereto receiveinformationabout subiects' rightsor questions aboutthe study 5. A statementthat participation is completelyvol_ untaryandcanbe terminated at anvtimewith_ out penalty

,/ E TH IC S IN SOC IA L R E S E A R C H

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dition of continued employment. It is unethical even if someoneother than the researcher(e.g., an employer) coercespeople (e.g.,employees)to participate in research. Full disclosurewith the researcher,sidentifi_ cation helps to protect research participants againstfraudulent researchand to protectiegit_ imate researchers.Informed consentlessensthe chance that a con artist in the guise of a re_ searcherwill defraud or abusepeople. It also re_ duces the chance that someone will use a boeus researcheridentity to market products or obtlin personal information on people for unethical purposes. Legally, a signed informed consent state_ ment is optional for most survey, field, and sec_ ondary data research,but it is often mandat<1ry for experimental research. Informed consent is impossible to obtain in existing statistics and documentary research.The general rule is: The greater the risk of potential harm to research participants, the greater the need to obtain a written informed consent statement from them. In sum, there are many sound reasonsto get in_ formed consent and few reasonsnot to gei it. Special Populations and New

Inequalities

Somepopulationsor groupsof researchpartici_ pantsarenot capableof givingtrue voluniaryin_ formed ent. Specialp opulationsare peopie -cols who lack the necessary cognitivecompet;ito givevalid informed consentor peoplein a weak position who might castasidetheir freedomto refuseto participatein a study.Students, prison inmates, employees,military p..ron.r.i, th" homeless, welfarerecipients,children,and the developmentallydisablid may not be fully capa_ 6. A statementof alternativeproceduresthat mav ble of makinga decision,or they be used ugr." ao participate only because -uyparticipa_ theyseetheir Z. A statementof any benefitsor compensation tion asa wayto obtaina desiredgood_suchas providedto subjectsandthe numberofsubiects highergrades,earlyparol., prorrroliorrs,or addi_ involved tionalservices. It is unethicalto involve,.incom_ 8. An offerto providea summaryof findings pet:nt people(e.g.,children,mentallydisabled, etc.)in researchunlessa researcher meetstwo

)O

TAKI

UNE

/

I\JUI\UAII\JI\)

minimal conditions:(1) a legalguardiangrants written permissionand (2) the researcherfollows all standardethicalprinciplesto protect participantsfrom harm. For example,a researcherwants to conduct a survey of high schoolstudentsto learn about their sexualbehaviorand drug/alcoholuse.Ifthe surveyisconductedon schoolproperty,schoolofficialsmust giveofficialpermission.For anyresearchparticipant who is a legalminor (usuallyunder 18 years old), written parental permission is needed.It is bestto askpermissionfrom each student,aswell. The useof coercionto participatecan be a tricky issue,and it dependson the specificsof a situation. For example,a convictedcriminal facesthe alternativeof imprisonmentor participation in an experimentalrehabilitationprogram.The convictedcriminal may not believein the benefitsof the program,but the researcher may believethat it will help the criminal. This is a caseof coercion.A researchermust honestly judgewhetherthebenefitsto the criminal andto societygreatlyoutweighthe ethicalprohibition on coercion.This is risky. History showsmany casesin which a researcherbelievedhe or she wasdoing something"for the goodof' someone students, position(e.g.,prisoners, in a powerless but it turned out that the "good" homosexuals), or a powerful oractuallywasfor the researcher ganizationinsociety,and it did more harm than participant. goodto the research You may havebeenin a socialscienceclass in which a teacherrequiredyou to participateas a subjectin a researchproject.This is a special caseofcoercion and is usuallyethical.Teachers havemadethreeargumentsin favor of requiring student participation: (1) it would be difficult and prohibitively expensiveto get participants otherwise,(2) the knowledgecreatedfrom researchwith studentsserringassubjectsbenefits future studentsand society,and (3) studentswill learnmore aboutresearchby experiencingit directly in a realisticresearchsetting.Of the three arguments,only the third justifieslimited coercion. This limited coercionis acceptableonly as

long asit meetsthreeconditions:it is attachedto a cleareducationalobiective,the studentshavea choiceof researchexperienceor an alternative activity, and all other ethical principles of researcharefollowed. Avoid Creating New Inequalities. Another typeof harm occurswhen onegroupof peopleis denieda serviceor benefitasa resultof participating in a researchproject. For example,a researchermight havea new treatmentfor people suchasacquiredimmune with a terribledisease, (AIDS). To determinethe deficiencysyndrome effectsof the new treatment, half the group is randomlychosento receivethe treatment,while othersreceivenothing. The designmay clearly showwhetherthe treatmentis effective,but participantsin the group who receiveno treatment may die. Of course,thosereceivingthe treatment may also die, until more is known about whetherit is effective.Is it ethicalto denypeople who have been randomly assignedto a study group the potentially life-saving treatment? What if a clear,definitivetestofwhether a treatment is effectiverequiresthat one study group receiveno treatment? A researchercan reducecreatinga new inequalityamong researchparticipantswhen the outcomehasa major impact on their survivalor qualityof life in threeways.First,the peoplewho do not receivethe "new, improved" treatment continue to receivethe best previouslyacceptabletreatment.In other words,insteadof denythey get the best treatment ing all assistance, availableprior to the new one beingtested.This ensuresthat peoplewill not suffer in absolute terms,evenif theytemporarilyfall behindin relative terms. Second,researcherscan use a design,which is when a study group crossover that getsno treatmentin the first phaseof the experimentbecomesthe group with the treatment in the secondphase,andviceversa.Finally, the researchercontinuouslymonitors results.If it appearsearlyin the study that the new treatment is highly effective,the researchershould offer it to those in the control group. Also, in

CHAPTE R3 /

high-risk experimentswith medicaltreatments or possiblephysicalharm, researchers may use animalor other surrogatesfor humans.

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Anonymity, Researchersprotect privacy by not disclosinga participant'sidentity after information is gathered.This takestwo forms, both ofwhich requireseparatingan individual,s Privacy,Anonymity, and identity from his or her responses:anonymity Confidentiality and confidentiality.Anonymity meansthatpeople remain anonymousor nameless.For examHow would you feelif privatedetailsaboutyour ple, a field researcher providesa socialpicture of personallife weresharedwith the publicwithout particular a individual, but givesa fictitious your knowledge?Becausesocial researchers name and location, and alters somecharacterissometimestransgressthe privacy of people in tics. The subject's identity is protected, and the order to study socialbehavior,they must take individual remains unknown or anon)rynous. severalprecautionsto protect researchparticiSurveyand experimentalresearchers discardthe pants'privacy. namesor addresses of subjectsassoonaspossiPrivacy. Surveyresearchers invadea person's ble and refer to participantsby a codenumber privacy when they probe into beliefs, backonly to protect anonymity.If a researcherusesa grounds,and behaviorsin a way that revealsinmail surveyand includesa codeon the cuestimate private details.Experimentalresearchers tionnaireto determinewhich respondentsfailed sometimesusetwo-way mirrors or hidden mito respond,he or sheis not keepingrespondents crophonesto "spy" on subjects.Evenifpeople anonymousduring that phaseof the study. In know theyarebeingstudied,theyareunawareof panelstudies,researchers track the sameindiwhat the experimenteris looking for. Field revidualsovertime, sothey do not uphold particsearchers may observeprivateaspectsof behav- ipant anonymity within the study. Likewise, ior or eavesdropon conversations. historicalresearchers usespecificnamesin hisIn field research,privacy may be violated torical or documentaryresearch.They may do without advancewarning. When Humphreys so if the original information was from public (1975)servedasa "watchqueen"in a public restsources;if the sourceswere not publicly availroom wherehomosexualcontactstookplace,he able,a researchermust obtain written permisobservedvery privatebehaviorwithout informsion from the owner of the documentsto use ing subjects.When Piliavin and colleagues specificnames. It is difficult to protect researchparticipant \I?69) had peoplecollapseon subwaysto siudy tfulping behavior,those in the subwaycar had anongnity. In one studyabouta fictitioustown, the privacy of their ride violated. people have "Springdale," in Small Town in Mass Sociery beenstudiedin public places(e.g.,in waiting (Vidich andBensman,1968),it waseasyto idenrooms, walking down the street,in classrooms, tifythe town and specificindividualsin it. Town etc.),but some"public" placesaremore private residentsbecame upset about how the rethan others (consider,for example,the use of searchersportrayed them and stageda parade periscopesto observepeoplewho thought they mockingthe researchers. Peopleoften recognize werealonein a public toilet stall). yet, if the townsstudiedin communityresearch. Eavesdropping on conversationsand oba researcher protectsthe identitiesof individuals servingpeoplein quasi-privateareasraisesethiwith fictitious information, the gap between cal concerns.To be ethical,a researcher violates what wasstudiedand what is reportedto others privacy only to the minimum degreenecessary raisesquestionsaboutwhat wasfound and what and only for legitimateresearchpurposes.In adwasmadeup. A researcher maybreachapromise dition, he or shetakesstepsto protectthe inforof anonymity unknowingly in smallsamples.For mation on participantsfrom public disclosure. example,let us sayyou conducta surveyof 100

obligated them to destroy the records rather than givethem to governmentofficials. Confidentiality can sometimesprotect researchparticipantsfrom legalor physicalharm' In a study of illegal drug usersin rural Ohio, (2005)took greatcareto Drausand associates protect the researchparticipants'They conducted interviewsin large multiuse buildings' avoided referencesto illegal drugs in written documents,did not mention of namesof drug cannot Confiilentiality. Even if a researcher dealersand locations,and did not affiliatewith proprotectanonyrnity,he or shealwaysshould drug rehabilitation services,which had ties to tect participant confidentiality. Anonymity law enforcement.Theynoted,"We intentionally individmeansprotectingthe identityof specific avoidedcontactwith local police, prosecutors, can uals from being known. Confidentiality or paroleofficers"and "surveillanceofthe proatnames include information with participant of holdsit in confidence leci by local law enforcementwas a source tached.but the researcher concern" (p. 169). In other situations,other or keepsit secretfrom public disclosure.The reprinciplesmay take precedenceover protecting pernot datain a waythat do€s searcherreleases participant confidentiality.For examresearch and mit linking specificindividuals to responses studyingpatientsin a mentalhospital, ple, when form presentsit publicly only in an aggregate discoversthat a patientis preparing researcher i statisticalmeans,etc.)' (e.g.,aspercentages, The researchermust weigh attendant. kill an to withA researchercan provide anonymity againstthe potenof confidentiality benefit the they out confidentiality,or vice versa,although attendant. the to harm tial confiusuallygo together.Anonymity without Social researcherscan pay high personal dentiality occursif all the detailsabout a specific for being ethical.Although he was never costs individual aremadepublic, but the individual's or convictedofbreakinganylaw and he accused without name is withheld. Confidentiality the ethical principles of the followed closely not is anonymityoccursif detailedinformation Association,Professor Sociological American inprivatelylinks madepublic, but a researcher in a Spokanejail for weeks 16 spent Scarce Rik dividual namesto specificresponses. to testify Attempts to protect the identity of subjects contemptof court becausehe refused confidentiality jury the break and grand a before from public disclosurehasresultedin elaborate ofsocialresearchdata.Scarcehadbeenstudying usprocedures:eliciting anonyrnousresponses' animalliberationgroupsandhad akeady radical to ing a third-party custodianwho holdsthe key one book on the subject.He had inpublished techcodedlists,or usingthe random-response a researchparticipant who was susterviewed nique. Pastabusessuggestthat such measures a group that broke into animal leading of pected For example,Diener and may be necessary. caused and $150,000damage.Two iacilities Crandall (1978:70)reported that during the the confidentialjudges to acknowledge refused re1950s,the U.S.StateDepartmentandthe FBI data.E research ofsocial ity questedresearchrecordson individualswho had A specialconcernwith anonymityand con6een involved in the famousKinsey sexstudy' arises when a researcherstudies fidentiality The KinseySexInstitute refusedto complywith (e.g.,students,prisoners, populations "captive" the government.The institutethreatenedto desoldiers).Gatekeepers and patients, employees, stroyall recordsratherthan releaseany.Eventumay restrict authority, of positions in thote ot backeddown.The ally,the governmentagencies on subinformation receive they unless access moral duty and ethicalcode of the researchers

collegestudentsand ask many questionson a questlonnaire,including age'sex' religion, and hometown.Thesamplecontainsone22-year-old Jewishmaleborn in Stratford,Ontario.With this information,you could find out who the specific individualis and how he answeredverypersonal questions,eventhoughhis namewasnot directly recordedon thequestionnaire.

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jects.9Forexample,a researcher studiesdrug use and sexualactivityamonghigh schoolstudents. Schoolauthoritiesagreeto cooperateunder two conditions:(1) studentsneedparentalpermis_ sionto participateand (Z) schoolofiiciali getthe namesof all drug usersand sexuallyacti,iestu_ dentsin order to assistthe studentswith coun_ selingand to inform the students'parents.An ethicalresearcherwill refuseto contlinuerather than meet the secondcondition. Even though the officialsclaim to havethe participants,best interestsin mind, the privary ofparticipantswill be violatedand they could be in legaliur- u, u result ofdisclosure.Ifthe schoolofficialsreally want to assistthe studentsand not ,r" ,"_ searchersas spies,they could developan out_ reachprogramoftheir own. Mandated Protections of Research Participants Many governmentshaveregulationsandlawsto protectresearchparticipantsand their rights.In the United States,legalrestraintis found i-nrules and regulationsissuedby the U.S.Department of Health and Human ServicesOffice for the Protectionfrom Research Risks.Althoughthis is only one federal agency,most researchersand other governmentagencieslook to it for guid_ ance.The National ResearchAct (1974) eitab_ lished the National Commission for the frotection of Human Subjectsin Biomedical and BehavioralResearch, which significantlyex_ pandedregulationsand requiredinformed ton_ sentin most socialresearch.The responsibility for safegrrarding ethicalstandardswasassigned to researchinstitutesand universities.The De_ partment of Health and Human Servicesissued regulationsin i981, which arestill in force.Fed_ eral regulationsfollow a biomedicalmodel and protectsubjectsfrom physicalharm. Other rules requireinstitutional reviewboards(IRBs)at all researchinstitutes,colleges,and universitiesto review all use of human subjects.An IRB is a committeeof researchers and communitymem_ bersthat oversees, monitors,and reviewrih. i-_

59

pact of researchprocedureson human partici_ pantsand appliesethicalguidelinesbyrwiewing researchproceduresat a preliminarystagewhen first proposed.Someforms of researchleduca_ tional tests,normal educationalpractice,most norrsensitive surveys,most observationof public behavior,and studiesof existingdata in which individuals cannot be identifiid are exemDr from institutionalreviewboards.

ETHICS AND THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY Physicians,attorneys,family counselors,social workers,and other professionalshavea codeof ethicsandpeerreviewboardsor licensingregu'_ lations. The codesformalizeprofessionj stan_ dards_and provide guidancJ when questions arisein practice.Socialresearchers do not pro_ vide a servicefor a fee,they receivetimited ettri_ cal training, and rarely are they licensed.Thev incorporate ethical concernsinto researchbe'_ causeit is morally and sociallyresponsible,and to protectsocialresearchfrom chargesofinsen_ sitivity or abusingpeople.professionalsocialsci_ ence associationshave codes of ethics that identif, proper and improper behavior. They representa consensus ofprofessionalson ethics. All researchers may not agreeon all ethical is_ sues,and ethicalrulesare subjectto interpreta_ tion, but researchers are expectedto uphotd ethicalstandardsaspart of thiir members'hipin a professionalcommunity. Codesofresearchethicscanbe tracedto the Nuremberg code adopted during the Nurem_ bergMilitary Tribunal on Nazi wir crimesheld by the Allied Powersimmediatelyafter World War IL The code,developedasa responseto the crueltyof concentrationcampexperiments,out_ linesethicalprinciplesand rightsof human sub_ jects.Theseincludethe following: r The principle of voluntaryconsent r Avoidance of unnecessaryphysical and mentalsufFering

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r Avoidanceof any experimentwhere death or disablinginjury is likelY r Termination of researchif its continuation is likely to causeinjury, disability,or death r The principle that experimentsshould be conductedby highly qualifiedpeopleusing the highestlevelsof skill and care r The principle that the resultsshouldbe for the goodof societyand unattainableby any other method The principlesin the Nurembergcodedealt with thelreatment of human subjectsand focusedon medicalexperimentation,but theybecamethe basisfor the ethicalcodesin social research.Similarcodesof human rights,suchas the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rightsbythe United Nationsand the l964Declaration of Helsinki, alsohaveimplicationsfor Box 3.3listssomeof the basic socialresearchers. principlesof ethicalsocialresearch. have socialscienceassociations Professional hear and committeesthat reviewcodesof ethics formal no aboutpossibleviolations,but thereis policingof the codes.Thepenaltyfor a minor violation rarelygoesbeyonda letter of complaint' If lawshavenot beenviolated,the most extreme penaltyis the negativepublicity surrounding a well-documentedand seriousethicalviolation' The publicity may resultin the lossof employfindment, a refusalto publish the researcher's ingsin scholarlyjournals,and a prohibition from receivingfunding for research-in other words, banishmentfrom the communityof professional researchers. Codesof ethicsdo more than codify thinking and provide individual researcherswith goidutt..; they also help universitiesand other institutions defend ethical research'against abuses.For example,after interviewing24 staff membersand conductingobservations,a researcherin 1994documentedthat the staffatthe Milwaukee Public DefendersOffice were seriouslyoverworkedand could not effectivelyprovide legaldefensefor poor people'Learningof the findings,top officialsat the officecontacted

restswith the individualreEthicalresponsibility searcher. Do not exploitsubjectsor studentsfor personal gain. Someform of informedconsentis highlyrecommendedor required. Honor all guaranteesof privacy,confidentiality, and anonymity. r subjects. humiliate or Do not coerce

I

Usedeceptiononly if needed,andalwaysaccompanyit with debriefing.

I

Usethe researchmethodthat is appropriateto a topic. to consequences r Detectand removeundesirable researchsubjects. or publiof the research r Anticipaterepercussions

r

cationof results. ldentifythe sponsorwho fundedthe research' r Cooperatewith host nationswhendoingcomparativeresearch. the detailsof the study designwith the r Release results. r Make interpretationsof resultsconsistentwith

r

the data. r

standardsand strivefor Usehighmethodological accuracy.

I

Do not conductsecretresearch.

the universityand demandedto know who on with imtheir staffhadtalkedto the researcher, plicationsthat theremight be reprisals.The university administration defendedthe researcher and refusedto releasethe information, citing widely acceptedcodesthat protecthuman reIU searchparticipants.

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tions, lowered pay, an undesirable transfer, abandonment by friends at work, or incurring legal costs.There is no guarantee that doing the ethical-moral thing will stop the unethical be_ Whistle-Blowing havior or protect the honest researcher from You might find a job whereyou do researchfor retaliation. a sponsor-an employer,a governmentagency, Applied social researchersin sponsoredre_ or a privatefirm that contractswith a researcher search settings need to think seriously about to conduct research.Specialethicalproblems their professionalroles.They may want to main_ arisewhena sponsorpaysfor research, especially tain some independence from an employer and applied research.Researchers may be uik.d to affirm their membership in a community of compromiseethical or professionalresearch dedicated professionals. Many find a defense standardsasa condition for receivinga contract against sponsor pressures by participating in or for continuedemplognent.Researchers need professional organizations (e.g., the Bvaluaiion to setethicalboundariesbeyondwhich thevwill ResearchSociety), maintaining regular contacts refusethe sponsor'sdemands.When confronted with researchersoutside the sponsoring organiwith an illegitimatedemandfrom a sponsor,a zation, and staying current with the best re_ researcher hasthreebasicchoices:loyaltvto an search practices. The researcherleast likely to organizationor larger group, exiting from the uphold ethical standards in a sponsored setiing situation,or voicingopposition.I 1Thesepresent is someone who is isolated and professionallv in_ themselves ascavingin to the sponsor,quitting, secure.Whatever the situation, unethical belavor becominga whistle-blower.The researcher ior is never justified by the argument ..If that I must choosehis or her own courseof action,but didn't do it, someone elsewould have.,'

ETHICS AND THE SPONSORS OF RESEARCH

it is bestto considerethicalissuesearlyin a relationshipwith a sponsorand to expressconcerns up front. Wistle-blowinginvolvesthe researcher who seesan ethicalwrongdoing,and who cannot stop it after informing superiorsand exhausting internal avenuesto resolvethe issue. He or shethen turns to outsidersandinforms an external audience,agency,or the media. The whistle-blowingresearchermust be convinced that the breachof ethicsis seriousand approved of in the organization.It is risky. The outsiders may or may not be interestedin the problem or ableto help.Outsidersoften havetheir own priorities(makingan organizationlook bad,sensationalizingtheproblem,etc.)that differ from the researcher's primary concern(endingthe unethical behavior).Supervisorsor managersmay try to discreditor punishanyonewho exposes problemsand actsdisloyal.Under the bestof conditions, the issuemay take a long time to resolve and creategreatemotionalstrain.By doingwhat is moral, a whistle-blowerneedsto be prepared to make sacrifices-lossof a iob or no promo-

Arriving at Particular Findings What should you do if a sponsor tells you, directly or indirectly, what results you should come up with before you do a study? An ethical researcherwill refuse to participate if he or she is told to arrive at specific results as a precondition for doing research.Legitimate researchis conducted without restrictions on the possible findings that a study might yield. An example of pressure to arrive at particu_ lar findings is in the areaof educationaltesting. Standardizedtests to measure achievementby U.S. school children have come under criticism. For example, children in about 90 percent of school districtsin the United Statesscore..above average" on such tests. This was called the Lake Wobegonffict after the mythical town of Lake Wobegon, where, according to radio show host Garrison Keillor, "all the children are above average."The main reason for this finding was that the researcherscompared scoresofcuirent stu-

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dents with those of studentsmany yearsago. Many teachers,schoolprincipals,superintendents,and schoolboardspressuredfor a tFpeof result that would allow them to report to parents and voters that their school district was "aboveaverage."rz

givesthe sponsorswhatevertheywant, evenif it is ethicallywrong,or aprofessionalwhois obligatedto teach,guide,or evenopposesponsorsin the serviceof highermoral principles. A researchershouldask Why would sponsorswant the socialresearchconductedif they arenot interestedin usingthe findingsor in the truth? The answeris that somesponsorsarenot interestedin the truth and haveno respectfor the scientificprocess.They seesocialresearch only as"a cover"to legitimatea decisionor practice that they plan to carry out, but useresearch to justifr their action or deflectcriticism. They professionalstatusand abusethe researcher's undermineintegrity of scienceto advancetheir own narrow goals.They are being deceitfulby trying to "cashin" on socialresearch'sreputation for honesty.When sucha situationoccurs, an ethicalresearcherhas a moral responsibility to exposeand stopthe abuse.

Limits on How to Conduct Studies. Is it ethiby for a sponsorto limit research callyacceptable canstudyor by limitdefiningwhat a researcher ing the techniquesused?Sponsorscan legitimately set some conditions on research techniquesused(e.g.,surveyversusexperiment) and limit costsfor research.However,the researchermustfollow generallyacceptedresearch must give a realisticapmethods.Researchers praisalof what canbe accomplishedfor a given levelof funding. The issueof limits is common whena firm or government in contractresearch, agencyasksfor work on a particular research project.Thereis often a tradeoffbetweenquality and cost.Plus,oncethe researchbegins,a reSuppressingFindings searchermay needto redesignthe project,or costsmay be higher. The contractprocedure What happensif you conduct a study and the makesmidstreamchangesdifficult. A researcher findings make the sponsorlook bad, then the sponsordoesnot want to releasethe results? may find that he or sheis forcedby the contract This is a common situationfor manyappliedreto useresearchproceduresor methodsthat are For example,a sociologistconducted searchers. lessthan ideal.The researcherthen confionts a a study for a stategovernmentlottery commisdilemma:completethe contract and do lowsion on the effectsof stategovernment-sponqualityresearch,or fail to firlfill the contractand soredgambling.After shecompletedthe report, losemoneyand future jobs. but beforereleasingit to the public,the commisA researchershould refuseto continue a sion askedher to removesectionsthat outlined study if he or she cannot uphold generallyacthe manynegativesocialeffectsof gamblingand ceptedstandardsof research.If a sponsordemands a biased sample or leading survey to eliminateher recommendationsto createsocial servicesto help the anticipatedincreaseof questions,the ethicalresearcher shouldrefuseto found hercompulsivegamblers.The researcher cooperate.If a legitimatestudy showsa sponselfin a difficult position and facedtwo conflictsor's pet idea or project to be disaster,a researchermay anticipatethe end of employrnent ing values:do what the sponsorrequestedand paid for, or revealthe truth to the public but or pressureto violateprofessionalresearchstanthen sufferthe consequences?l3 dards. In the long run, the sponsor,the reGovernmentagenciesmay suppresssciensearcher,the scientificcommunity, and society tific information that contradictsofficial policy in generalareharmedby the violation of sound high officials.Retaliationagains researchpractice.The researcherhas to decide or embarrasses whetherhe or sheis a "hired hand" who always social researchersemployed by government

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agencieswho makethe information public also sponsor'scriticism and hostility and releasethe occurs.In 2004,leadingscientists,Nobel laure_ findings over the sponsor,sobjections.Most re_ ates,leading medical experts,former federal searchers preferthe first choice,sincethe second agencydirectors,and universitychairsandpres_ one mayscareawayfirturesponsors. identssigneda statementvoicing .orr..r.r'orr., Socialresearchers sometimesself_censor or the misuseof sciencebythe GeorgeW. Bushad_ delay the releaseof findings.Theydo this to pro_ ministration.Major accusationiincluded su_ tect the identity of informants,to maintain ac_ pressingresearchfindingsand stackingscientific cessto a researchsite,to hold on to their iobs.or advisorycommitteeswith ideologicallicommit_ to protect the pe.rconalsafetyof themselvesor ted adyocatesrather than impaitial scientists. family members.15 This is a lessdisturbingtype Other complaintsincluded limiting the public of censorshipbecauseit is not imposed"bvan releasestudieson auto-safteydata,negativedata orrtsidepower. It is done by someonewho is about pharmaceuticals, and studiesin pollu_ close to the researchand who is knowledgeable tion. Theseinvolvedindustriesthat were^major about possibleconsequences. jroul_ Researchers political campaignsupportersof the administra_ de-rthe ultimateresponsibilityfor their research. tion. Additional criticismsappearedover re_ Often, they can draw on many different re_ moving a goyernmentfact sheetciting studies sources but they facemanycompetingpressures, that showedno relationshipbetweenabortions as well. and breastcancer,removingstudyresultsabout positiveeffectsof condomusein pregnancypre_ Concealing the True Sponsor vention, holding back information on poritirr. aspectsof stem cell research,and requiring re_ Is it ethicalto keepthe identity of a sponsorse_ searchersto revisetheir study findings on iurr_ cret?For example,an abortion clinic funds a gersofarctic oil drilling and endangeiedspecies study on membersof religiousgroupswho op_ so they would conform to the administraiion's pose abortion, but it tells the researchernot to political agenda.An independent2005surveyof revealto participantswfro is funding the study. 460 biologistswho worked for FisheriesSeryice The researcher must balancethe ethilal rule that found that about one-third said they were di_ it is usuallybestto reveala sponsor,sidentity to rectedto suppressfindingsfor nonscientificrea_ participants againstboth the sponsor,sdesirefor sons or to inappropriately exclude or alter confidentialityand reducedcooperationby par_ technicalinformation from an official scientific ticipants in the study.In generil, an ethiJ re_ document.In fune 2005,it wasdiscoveredthat a searcherwill t€ll subjectswho is sponsoringa political appointeewithout scientific training study unlessthere is a strong methodologilal who hadpreviouslybeenan oil industrvlobbvist for not doingso.When reportingor iub_ waschargedwith editingofficialgovernmentre_ ,t.1r.o" lishing results,the ethicalmandateisvlrv de-, ports to play down the researchfindings that A researcher must alwaysrevealthe sponsorwho documentedlinkagesbetweensuch emlssions provides fundsfor a study. and globalwarming.la In sponsoredresearch,a researcher can ne_ gotiateconditionsfor releasingfindingsprior to POLITIC S OF R E S E A R C H beginningthe study and sign a contraitio that effect.It may be unwise to conduct the study Ethics largely addressmoral concerns and stan_ without sucha guarantee,althoughcompeting dards ofprofessional conduct in research that researchers who havefewerethicalscruplesmay are under the researcher'scontrol. political con_ do so.Alternatively,a researchercan aicept the cerns also afi[ectsocial research, but many are be_

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yond the control of researchers. The politics of researchusuallyinvolveactionsby organizedadvocacygroups,powerful interestsin society, governments,or politicianstrying to restrictor control the direction of socialresearch.Historically,the political influenceover socialresearch has included preventingresearchers from conducting a study,cutting off or redirectingfunds for research,harassingindividual researchers, censoringthe releaseof researchfindings, and using socialresearchas a cover or guisefor covertgovernmentintelligence/militaryactions. For example,U.S. Congressmemberstargeted and eliminatedfunding for researchprojects that independentpanelsof scientistsrecommendedbecauseCongressdid not like the topics that would be studied,and politicallyappointed officialsshiftedresearchfunds to suppoft more studieson topics consistentwith their political viewswhile endingsupportfor studieson topics that might contradicttheir views.A largecompanythreatenedan individual researcher with a lawsuitfor deliveringexperttestimonyin public aboutresearchfindingsthat revealedits pastbad conduct.Until about a decadeago,socialresearchers who appearedto be independentwere actuallyconductingcovertU.S.governmentintelligenceactivities.l6 Most usesof political or financialinfluence to control socialresearchsharea desireto limit knowledgecreationor restrictthe autonomous scientific investigationof controversialtopics. Attempts at control seemmotivated by a fear that researchers might discoversomethingdamaging if they have freedom of inquiry. This showsthat freescientificinquiry is connectedto fundamentalpolitical idealsof open public debate,democracy,and freedomof expression. The attemptsto block and steersocialresearchhavethreemain reasons.First,somepeople defendor advancepositionsand knowledge that originatein deeplyheld ideological,political, or religiousbeliefs,and fear that socialresearchersmight produce knowledge that contradictsthem. Second,powerful interests

want to protect or advancetheir politicalfinancialposition, and fear socialresearcher might yield findings showingthat their actions are harmful to the public or some sectorsof society.And third, somepeoplein societydo not respectthe idealsof scienceto pursue truth/ knowledgeand insteadview scientificresearch only ascoverfor advancingprivateintereists(see Box3.4).

vALUE-FREEAND OBJECTTVE RESEARCH

,

You haveundoubtedlyheardabout"value-free" researchand the importanceof being "objecThis is not assimpleat it might tive" in research. first appearfor severalreasons.First, there are different meaningsof the terms valuefree and objective. Second,different approachesto social science(positivism,interpretative,critical) hold different viewson the issue.And last. evenrewho agreethat socialresearchshould searchers be valuefreeand objectivedo not believethat it needsto be totally devoidof all values. Therearetwo basicwaysthe term valuefree is used:researchthat is free from any prior assumptions,theoreticalstand,or valueposition, and researchthat is conductedfree ofinfluence personalprejrrfrom an individual researcher's Likewise,objectivecanmeanfocusdices/beliefs. ing only on what is externalor visible,or it can mean following clearand publicly acceptedresearchproceduresand not haphazard,personal ones. The three approachesto socialsciencethat you readaboutin Chapter2 hold differentpositions on the importanceof value-free,objective research.Positivismputs a high value on such research.An interpretiveapproachseriously questionswhetherit is possible,sincehuman pervadeall aspectsof human acvalues/beliefs tivities,including research.Insteadof eliminating valuesand subjectivedimension,it suggests a relativiststance-no singlevaluepositionis bet-

CHAPT ER 3

Mi ch aelB ur awoy( 200 4 , 2 OO5 ) d i s ti n g u i s h e d amongfour idealtypesof socialresearch: polLy,pro_ fessional, critical,and public.The aimof publicsociology (or socialscience,moregenerally)is to enrich publicdebateovermoraland politicalissuesby infusingsuchdebatewith socialtheory and r""r".r.n. Publicsociologyfrequentlyoverlapswith action-orientedresearch. Burawoyarguedthat the placeof so_ cial researchin societycenterson how one answers two questions:Knowledge for whom?and Knowr_ edgefor what?The first questionfocuseson the sourcesof research questionsand how resultsare used.Thesecondquestionlooksat the sourceofre_ searchgoals.Are they handeddown by someexter_ nal sponsoror agencyor are they concernedwitn debatesover largersocietalpolitical-moral issues? Publicsocialscience triesto generate a conversation or debatebetweenresearchers and public.By constrast,policysocialscience focuseson findingsolu_ tionsto specificproblemsas definedby sponiorsor.

ter than any other. A critical approach also ques_ tions value-free research,but seesit often as a sham. Value free means free of everyone's values except those of science,and objectivemeans following establishedrules or procedures that some people created, without considering who they represent and how they created the rules. In other words, a critical approach seesall research ascontaining somevalues,so thosewho claim to be value free are just hiding theirs. Those who follow an interpretive and critical approach and reject value-free researchdo not embrace sloppy and haphazard research, research procedures that follow a particular researcher's.hi-r, o, u study that has a foregone conclusion and automatically supports a specific value position. They believe that a researcher should make his

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clients.Both rely on professional socialsciencefor theories,bodiesof knowledge, and techniques for gatheringand analyzingdata.Criticalsocialscience, as wasdiscussed in Chapter2, emphasizes demysti_ fyingandraisingquestioning aboutbasiccondittns. The primaryaudiencefor professional andcriticar socialscience aremembers of the scientific commu_ nity,whereas the mainaudience for publicandpolicy research arenonexpertsand practitioners. Bothcrit_ icaland publicsocialscience seekto infusea morar, valuedimension into socialresearch andthey trv to generatedebatesovermoral-political values.profes_ sionaland policysocialscienceare lessconcerneo about debatesover moralor valueissuesand may avoidthem.Instead, theirfocusis moreon beingef_ fectivein providingadvances to basicknowled;eor specific solutionsto practicalproblems. Both public and policysocialscienceare appliedresearch ano havea relevance beyondthe communitvof scientific researcners.

or her own value position explicit, reflect care_ fully on reasonsfor doing a study and the proce_ dures used,and communicate in a candid, clear manner exactly how the study was conducted. In this way, other researchersseethe role of a re_ searcher's values and judge for themselves whether the values unfairly influenced a studv's findings. Even highly positivist researcherswho ad_ vocate value-free and objective studies admit a limited place for some personal, moral values. Many hold that a researcher'spersonal, moral position can enter when it comes to decidine what topic to study and how to disseminati findings. Being value free and obiectir.e oniv refers to actually conducting the studr.. This means that you can study the issuesvou believe to be important and after completing a study

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you can sharethe resultswith specificinterest groupsin addition to making them availableto the scientific community.

CONCLUSION In Chapter 1, we discussedthe distinctivecontribution ofscienceto societyand how socialresearchis a sourceofknowledgeaboutthe social andtechniquesof social world. The perspectives researchcan be powerfirl tools for understanding the world. Nevertheless, with that power to discovercomesresponsibility-a responsibility to yourself,a responsibilityto your sponsors,a responsibilityto the community of scientificresearchers, and a responsibilityto the largersociety.Theseresponsibilitiescanconflict with each other.Ultimately,you personallymust decideto conduct researchin an ethical manner, to uphold and defendthe principlesof the socialscienceapproachyou adopt,andto demandethical conduct by others.The truthfulnessof knowledgeproducedby socialresearchand its useor misusedependson individual researcherslike you, reflectingon their actionsand on the serious role ofsocial researchin society.In the next chapter,we examinebasicdesignapproaches and issuesthat appearin both qualitative and quantitativeresearch.

Key Terms anonymity confidentiality crossoverdesign informed consent institutional review board (IRB) plagiarism principle of voluntary consent public sociology research fraud scientific misconduct specialpopulations whistle-blower

E n dn o t e s

1. For a discussion of researchfraud, seeBroad and Wade (1982), Diener and Crandall (1978), and Weinstein (1979). Hearnshaw (1979) andWade (1976) discuss the Cy'ril Burt case, and see Holden (2000) on the social psychologist case. Kusserow (1989) discussesthe concept ofscientific misconduct. 2. SeeBlum ( 1989)and D'Antonio ( 1989) for details on this case.Also seeGoldner (1998) on legal versus scientific views of misconduct. Gibelman (2001) discussesseveral casesand the changinq definition of misconduct 3. See Lifton (1986) on Nazi experiments, and Williams andWallace (1989) discussfapaneseexperiments. Harris (2002) arguesthat the |apanese experiments were more horrific, but the United Statesdid not prosecute the fapanesescientistsas the Germans were because the U.S. military wanted the results to develop its own biological warfare program. 4. Seelones (1981) and Mitchell (1997) on "Bad Blood." 5. Diener and Crandall (1978:L28) discussexamples. 6. A discussion ofphysical harm to researchparticipants can be found in Kelman (1982), Reynolds (1979,1982), and Warwick (1982). 7. For a discussion, see Diener and Crandall (1978:21-22) and Kidder and ludd (1986:481-

484). 8. SeeMonaghan (1993a, 1993b, 1993c). 9. Broadhead and Rist (1976) discussgatekeepers. 10. See"UW Protects Dissertation Sources," Capital Times (Madrson, Wisconsin), December 19, 1994, p.4. I 1. SeeHirschman ( 1970) on loyalty, exit, or voice. 12. See Edward Fiske, "The Misleading Concept of 'Average' on Reading Test Changes, More Students Fall Below It," New York Times (Iuly 12, 1989).Also seeKoretz (1988)andWeissand Gruber (1987). 13. See"State Sought, Got Author's ChangesofLottery Report," Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin), fuly 28, 1989,p. 21. 14. Andrew Revkin, "Bush Aide Edited Climate Reports," New York Times (Iune 8, 2005). "White House Calls Editing Climate Files Part of Usual Review," New YorkTimes (1we9,2005). Union of Concerned Scientists,"Politics Trumps Scienceat

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U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service" (February 9, ber 10, 2004).famesGlanz,"scientistsSayAd2005)."SpecificExamplesof theAbuseof Science ministration Distorts Facts,"New York Tima www.ucsusa.org/global_environment/rsilpage.cf (February19,2004).DylanO. Krider,"Thepolitim?pagelD=1398, downloadedAugust 3, 2005. cizationof Sciencein the BushAdministration."Summaryof National Oceanic& Atmospheric SkepticYol.11,Number 2 (2004)at www. SkepAdministration FisheriesServiceScientistSurvey" tic.com.C. Orstein,"PoliticsTrumps Sciencein by Union ofConcernedScientists(|une 2005).E. CondomFactSheet"NewYorkTimes(December Shogren,"Researchers AccuseBushof Manipulat27, 2002). "ScientistSaysOfficialsIgnoredAdvice ing Science," I osAngeles Times(luIy 9, 2004).Iefon Water Levels,"Washington Posf(October29, frey McCracker,"GovernmentBansReleaseof 2002). Auto-SafetyData,"DetroitFreePress (August19, 1 5 . SeeAdlerandAdler(1993). 2004).GarddinerHarris, "LawmakerSaysFDA t6. SeeNeuman(2003,Chapter16) for a discussion Held BackDrug Data,"NewYorkTimes(Septemofpolitical issuesin socialresearch.

the Scholarly Reviewing Literatureand Planning a Study

lntroduction Literature Review Whereto FindResearchLiterature How to Conduct a SystematicLiteratureReview TakingNotes Writing the Review What a Cood ReviewLooksLike Using the Internet for Social Research Qualitative and Quantitative Orientations toward Research Linearand NonlinearPaths Preplannedand EmergentResearchQuestions Qualitative Design lssues The LanguageofCasesand Contexts CroundedTheory The Context ls Critical The Caseand Process Interpretation Quantitative Design lssues ofVariablesand Hypotheses The Language CausalTheoryand Hypotheses Aspectsof Explanation Fromthe ResearchQuestionto Hypotheses Conclusion

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ffi." In the past three chapters,you have learned aboutthe main principlesand typesof socialresearch,discoveredhow researchers usetheoryin a study,and examinedthe placeof ethicsin so_ cial research.You are now readyto get into the pecifc-s of how to go about designinga study. Recallfrom Chapteri that a researchirusualiy beginswith a generaltopic, then narrows the topic down into a specificresearchquestion,and then makesdecisionsabout the specificsof de_ signinga study that will addressthe research question. Wheredo topicsfor studycomefrom?They comefrom many sources:previousstudies,tele_ vision or film, personalexperiences, discussions with friendsand family, or somethingyou read about in a book, magazine,or newspaper.A topic often beginsas somethingthai uio.rs., your curiosity,aboutwhich you hold deepcom_ mitments or strongfeelings,or that you Leheve is reallywrongand want to change.To applysocial research,a topic must be about soiial'pat_ terns that operate in aggregatesand be empiricallymeasurable or observable. This rules out topicsabout oneunique situation(e.g.,why your boy/girlfrienddumpedyou yesterdJy,why your friend's little sister hates her school teacher),or one individual case(e.g.,your own family), or somethingone can neverobserve, indirectly(e.g.,unicorns,ghostswith su_ ,even 'pernaturalpowers, etc.).Thismayruleout some interestingtopics,but many tens of thousands remainto be investigated. How you proceeddiffersslightlydepending on whetheryou adopt an inductiveo, u d"drr._ tive approach. Compared to an inductive researcher, thosewho choosea deductiveap_ proachand gatherquantitativedatawill devote much more time to specifyingtheresearchques_ tion very preciselyand planningmany detailsof a studyin advance.It will takeyou a while to de_ velopthejudgmentskillsfor decidinewhetherit might be better to conduct a moreteductivequantitativeor an inductive-qualitativestudyto

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addressa topic and researchquestion.Three thingscanhelp you learnwhat iithe most effec_ tive type of studyto pursuefor a question: 1. Readingstudiesthat othershaveconducted on a topic 2. Graspingissuesthat operatein qualitative and quantitativeapproaches to reiearch 3. Understandinghow to usevariousresearch techniquesas well as their strengthsand limitations This chapterintroducesyou to the first two of the^se, whereasmany of the remainingchap_ tersof the book discussthe third item in the liit. LITERATUREREVIEW Readingthe "literature," or the collectionof studiesalreadypublishedon a topic, servessev_ eralvery important functions.First,it helpsyou narrow down a broadtopic by showingyou how others conductedtheir studies.The studiesby others give you a model of how narrowly fo_ cuseda researchquestionshouldbe,what kinds ofstudy designsothershave used,and how to measurevariablesor analryze data.Second,it in_ forms you about the "stateof knowledge,,on a topic. From the studiesby others,you cin learn the key ideas,terms,and issuesthat surround a topic. You should considerreplicating,testing, or extendingwhat othersalreadyfound. Third. the literatureoftenstimulatesyour creativitvanj curiosity.Last,evenifyou nevergetto co;duct or publishyour own researchstudn a published studyoffersyou an exampleof what the final re_ port on a study looks like, its major parts,its form, and its sryleof writing. Anotirerieasonis morepractical.Justasattentivelyreadinga lot of top-quality writing can help you improve your own writing skills, reading many reports of good-qualitysocialresearchenablesyou to grasp betterthe elementsthat go into conductinga re_ searchstudy. It is bestto be organizedand not haphazard asyou locateand readthe scholarlyor aiademic

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Iiterature on a topic and associatedresearch questions.Also, it is wise to plan to preparea written literature review.There are many specialized types of reviews, but in general a literature reviewis a carefrrlly crafted sunmary ofthe recentstudiesconductedon a topic that includes key findings and methods researchers used while making sure to document the sources.For most pulposes,you must first locatethe relevantstudies;next, read thoroughly to discoverthe major findings, central issues, and methodsof the studies,and take conscientious noteson what you read.While the reading is still freshin your mind and with the notesin front ofyou, you needto organizewhatyou have learnedand write clearlyabout the studiesin a way that builds a context around a specificresearchquestionthat is of interestto you. A literaturereviewis basedon the assumption that knowledgeaccumulatesand that people learn from and build on what othershave done. Scientificresearchis a collectiveeffort of who sharetheir resultswith many researchers one another and who pursue knowledgeas a community.Although somestudiesmay be especially important and individual researchers may becomefamous,a specificresearchproject is just a tiny part of the overallprocessof creating knowledge.Today'sstudiesbuild on thoseof readstudiesto compare, yesterday.Researchers replicate,or criticizethem for weaknesses. Reviewsvary in scopeand depth. Different kinds of reviewsare strongerat f,rlfilling one or anotherof four goals(seeBox 4.1).It may takea researcherover a year to completean extensive professionalsummaryreviewof all the literature might on a broad question.The sameresearcher completea highly focusedreviewin a veryspecializedareain a fewweeks.Whenbeginninga revieq a researcherdecideson a topic, how much depth to go into, and the kind of reviewto conduct. Where to Find ResearchLiterature presentreports of their research Researchers projectsin severalwritten forms: periodicals,

a faniliaity witha bodyof knowl1. To demonstrate edgeand establishcredibility.A review tells a in knowsthe research readerthat the researcher an areaand knowsthe majorissues.A good rea reader'sconfidencein the review increases ability,and competence, professional searcher's background. and howa cur2. To showthe path of prior research rentprojectis linkedto it. A reviewoutlinesthe dion a questionand showsthe rectionof research developmentof knowledge.A good review placesa researchproject in a context and demonstratesits relevanceby makingconnectionsto a body of knowledge. what is knownin an 3. To integrateand summarize area.A reviewpulls together and synthesizes differentresults.A good reviewpointsout areas whereprior studiesagree,wherethey disagree, and wheremajor questionsremain.lt collects whatis knownup to a point in timeandindicates the directionfor futureresearch. 4. To leamfrom othersandstimulatenewideas.A reviewtells what othershavefound so that a researchercan benefitfrom the effortsof others. A good reviewidentifiesblind alleysand suglt divulgesprofor replication. gestshypotheses designsworth andresearch techniques, cedures, can better focus copyingso that a researcher hypothesesandgainnewinsights.

governmentdocuments,or books,dissertations, policy reports.They alsopresentthem aspapers at the meetingsof professionalsocieties,but for the most part, you can find them only in a collegeor universitylibrary.This sectionbriefly discusseseach type and givesyou a simple road them. map on how to access Periodicals. You can find the resultsof social in popular magazines' researchin newspapers,

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on televisionor radiobroadcasts, and in Internet It is harder to recognizeseriousopinion newssummaries,but thesearenot the full, com_ magazines(e.g., Americanprospect,Commen_ plete reports of researchrequired to preparea tary, Dissent,andpublic Interesi).Largerbook_ literature review.They are silected,condiensed storesin major citiessellthem. Leadingscholars summariespreparedby journalistsfor a general often write articlesfor opinion magaziiesabout audience,and they lack many essential"details topics onwhich theymay alsoconductempirical neededfor a seriousevaluationof the studv. research(e.g., welfarereform,prison expansion, Textbooksand enryclopediasalsopresentcon_ voter turnout). Theydiffer in purpose,look, and densedsummariesas introductions to readers scopefrom scholarlyjournals of socialscience who are new to a topic, but, again,thesearein_ researchfindings.The publicationsarean arena adequatefor preparing a liteiature review be_ where intellectuals debatecurrent issues,not causemany essentialdetailsabout the studyare whereresearchers presentfindingsoftheir stud_ absent. iesto the broaderscientificcommunity. It is easyfor someonepreparinga first liter_ ature review to be confused about the manv Scholarly lournals. Theprimary typeofperiod_ typesof periodicals.With skill, you will be able ical to usefor a literaturereviewis ihe scholarly to distinguishamong (1) massmarket newspa_ journal filled with peer-reviewedreports of re_ persald magazines written for the generalpub_ search(e.g.,AmericanSociological Reilew,Social lic, (2) popularizedsocialscience*igurirrer, Problems, Ameican lournal if Sociology, 1l; Crimi_ opinion magazinesin which intellectualsdebate nology,and SocialScience rarely euarterly).5ne and expresstheir views,and ( ) scholarlyacade_ finds them outsideof collegeand universityli_ mic journals in which researchers preient the braries.Recallfrom Chapter I that researchers findings of studiesor provide other communi_ disseminate findingsof new studiesin scholarly cation to the scientificcommunity. peer_re_ journals. viewedempirical researchfindings appearin a Somescholarlyjournalsare specialized. In_ c.ompl9t9form only in the last type of publica_ steadof reports of researchstudies,they have tion, articlesin the other tlpes occa_ onlybook reviewsthat provide commentaryand -although sionally talk aboutfindingspublishedeisewhere. evaluationson a book (e.g., ContemporarySoci_ Mass market publications (e.g.,McCleans, ology),or they containonly literature..rri"* .r_ Time,Newsweek, Economist,TheNation,Ameri_ says(e.g.,Annual Review of Sociology, Annual canSpectator,and.Atlantic Monthty) are sold at Reviewof Psychology, andAnnual Riiew of An_ newsstands and designedto provide the general thropologlt)in which researchers givea ,.stateof public with news,opinion, and entertaiiment. thefield" essayfor others.publicationsthat spe_ A researchermight occasionallyuse them as a cializein literature reviewscan be helpfrrl iian sourceon current events,but they do not pro_ articlewasrecentlypublishedon a speiific topic vide full reportsof researchstudiesin the iorm of interest.Many other scholarlyjournalshavea neededto preparea literaturereview. mix of articlesthat areliteraturereviews,books Popularizedsocialsciencemagazinesand reviews,reports on researchstudies,and theo_ professionalpublications (e.g., Society and retical essays. Psychology Today)aresometimespeerreyiewed. simple solution or ..sealof approval" Their purposeis to provide the interested,edu_ distinguishes scholarlyjournals,thekini ofp"U_ catedlay public a simplified versionof findings lications on which to build a seriousliterature or a commentary,but not to be an outlet for reviewfrom other periodicals,or instantly dis_ original researchfindings.At best,popularized tinguishes the report on a researchstudy from social sciencemagazinescu., s.rpplement to other typesof articles.One needsto develoo other sourcesin a literaturereview judgmentor askexperienced researcherc o, pro'_

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fessionallibrarians.Nonetheless, distinguishing amongtypesof publicationsis essentialto builJ on a body of research.One of the bestwaysto learnto distinguishamongrypesof publicaiions is to readmany articlesin scholarlylournals. The number ofjournals variesbyfield. psv_ chologyhas over 400 journals, wheieassociol_ ogy has about 250 scholarlyjournals, political scienceand communicationhaveslightlyfewer than sociology,anthropology-archaJology and socialwork haveabout 100,urban stud[s and women studieshave about 50, and there are about-adozenjournals in criminology.Each publishesfrom a few dozento over tOOarticlesa year. M*y, but not all, scholarlyjournalsmay be viewedvia the Internet. Usually,this is limited to selectedyearsand to librariesthat paid special subscriptionfees.A fewInternetservicesprovide full, exact copies of scholarly iournal articles overthe Internet.For example,iStOR provides exact copies,but only for a small number of scholarlyjournalsand only for pastyears.Other Internet sewices,suchasEBSCbUbSt, offer a frrll-text versionof recentarticlesfor a limited numberof scholarlyjournals,but thevarenot in the sameformat asa print versionof an article. This can make it impossibleto find a specific pagenumber or seean exactcopyof a chart.It is best.tovisit the library and seewhat a firll_print version of the scholarly article looks like-.An addedbenefitis that it makesit easyfor vou to browsethe Tableof Contentsof the iournals. canbe very usefulfor generatingnew llowslng ideasfor researchtopics, seeingan establ"ished topic in creativeways,or learninghow to expand an idea into new areas.Only alinv handful of new Internet-only scholarlyjournals, callede_ j ournals,presentpeer-reviewed researchstudies (e.g.,Sociological ResearchOnline, Current Re, searchin SocialPsychology,andfournal of World Systems Research). Eventually,the Internet for_ mat may replaceprint versions.But for now, 99 percentof scholarlyjournals are availablein print form and aboutone-third ofthesearealso availablein a full-text versionover the Interner

and only then if a library paysfor a specialon_ line subscriptionservice. Onceyou locatea scholarlyjournal that re_ ports on socialscienceresearchstudies,you need to makesurethat a particulararticlepresentsthe resultsof a study, sincethe journal may have other types of articles.It is easierto identifi. quantitativestudiesbecausethey usuallyhavea methods or data sectionand charts,statistical formulas,and tablesof numbers.eualitative re_ searcharticlesaremore difficult to identifu and manystudentsconfusethem with theoreticales_ says,literature review articles,idea-discussionI essays, policy recommendations,book reviews, and legal caseanalyses.To distinguish among theseepes requiresa good graspoithe varieties of researchaswell asexperienceinread.ingmany articles. Your collegelibrary hasa sectionfor scholarly journals and.magazines, or, in somecases, theymay be mixedwith books.Look at a map of library facilitiesor aska librarian to find this iec_ tion. Themostrecentissues,which look like thin paperbacksor thick magazines, areoften physi_ callyseparatein a "current periodicals"section. This is doneto storethem temporarilyand make them availableuntil the libraryreceivesall the is_ suesof a volume.Most oIten,librariesbind all is_ suesof a volume together as a book before addingthem to their permanentcollections. Scholarly journals from many different fields are placed togetherwith popular magazines.All areperiodicals,or serialsin the jargon of librarians.Thus,you will find popular ma=ga_ zines(e.g.,Time,RoadandTrack,Cosmopoliin, andAtlantic Monthty) next to journals-forastronomy, chemistry, mathematics,literature, and philosophyaswell associology,psychology, socialwork, and education.Somefields have more scholarlyjournalsthan others.The ,,pure" academicfieldsusuallyhavemore than the ..ap_ plied" or practicalfieldssuchasmarketingor sL_ cialwork. Thejournalsarelistedby title in a card catalogor a computerizedcatalogsystem.Librariescanprovideyou with a list of the periodicalsto which they subscribe.

C HAPTER4 ,/ REVI EW I N6THE SCHO LARLYLI TE R A T U R E A N D P L A N N I N GA S T U D Y

Scholarlyjournalsarepublishedasrarelyas oncea-yearor asfrequentlyasweekly.Most ap_ pear four to six times a year. For exampL, Sociological Quarterlyappearsfour times uyiur. To assistin locating articles,librarians and scholarshave developeda systemfor tracking scholarlyjournalsand the articlesin them. Each issueis assigneda date,volume number,and issuenumber.This information makesit easierto locatean article.Suchinformation-along with detailssuchasauthor,title, and pug.,rurrrteris calledan article'scitationand is usedin bibliographies.When a journal is first published,it beginswith volume l, number l, and continues increasingthe numbers thereafter.Although most journals follow a similar system,thereare enoughexceptionsthat you haveto paycloseattention to citation information. For most iour_ nals,eachvolumeis oneyear.If you seeajournal issuewith volume 52, for example,it probably meansthat the journal hasbeenin existencefor 52 years.Most, but not all, journals begintheir publishingcyclein lanuary. Most journalsnumberpagesby volume,not by issue.The first issueof a volume usuallybeginswith page1,andpagenumberingcontinues throughoutthe entirevolume.For example,tne first pageofvolume 52,issue4, maybepige 547. Most journals have an index for eachvolume anda tableof contentsfor eachissuethat liststhe title, the author'sor authors'names,and the pageon which the articlebegins.Issuescontain asfew as I or 2 articlesor asmany as 50. Most have8 to 18articles,which may be 5 to 50 pages long. The articles often have abstracts,ihort summarieson the first pageof the article or groupedtogetherat the beginningof the issue. Many librariesdo not retainphysical,paper copiesofolderjournals.To savespaceandcosts, they retain only microfilm versions.Thereare hundredsof scholarlyjournalsin most academic fields,with eachcosting$50 to $2,500per year. Only the largeresearchlibrariessubscribeto all of them. You may haveto borrow a iournal or photocopy of an article from a distant library through an inteilibraryloan seryice,a systemby

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which librarieslend booksor materialsto other libraries.Fewlibrariesallowpeopleto checkout recentissuesof scholarlyjournals. you should plan to use thesein the library. Some,not all, scholarlyjournalsareavailablevia the Internet. Onceyou find the periodicalssection,wan_ der down the aislesand skim what is on the shelves.You will seevolumescontainingmany researchreports.Eachtitle ofa scholarlyiournal has a call number like that of a regular'library book. Libraries often arrangethem alphabeti_ cally by title. Becausejournals changetitles, it may createconfusionif the journal is shelved underits originaltitle. Citation Formats. An article,scitation is the key to locatingit. Supposeyou want to readthe study by Weitzer and Tuch (2005) on percep_ tions of policemisconductdiscussed in Chapter 2. Its citationis asfollows: Weitzer,Ronald,and StevenTuch. 2005. "RaciallyBiasedPolicing:Determinantsof CitizenPerceptions. " SocialForces 83:1009-1030. This tellsyou that you canfind the articlein an issueof SocialForcespublishedin 2005.The citationdoesnot providethe issueor month, but it givesthe volume number, g3, and the page numbers,1009to 1030. There are many waysto cite the literature. Formats for citing literature in the text itself vary with the internal citation format of using an author'slastnameand dateof publicationin parentheses beingverypopular.Thefrrll citarion appearsin a separatebibliographyor reference section.Therearemanystylesfor frrll citationsof journal articles,with books and other types of works eachhlving a separatestyle.When citing articles,it is best to checkwith an instructor, journal, or other outlet for the desiredformat. Almost all include the namesof authors,article iitle, journal name,and volume and pagenumbers.Beyondthesebasicelements,thire is sreat variety.Someinclude the authors' first ,ruL.r,

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othersuseinitialsonly. Someincludeall authors, othersgive only the first one. Someinclude information on the issueor month of publication, othersdo not (seeFigure4.1). Citation formatscangetcomplex.Two major referencetools on the topic in socialscience areChicagoManual of Style,which hasnearly80 pageson bibliographiesand referenceformats, PublicaAssociation andAmericanPsychological pages to tion Manual, which devotesabout 60 the topic. In sociology,theAmericanSociobgical Reviewstyle,with 2pagesof sryleinstructions,is widely followed. Books. Bookscommunicatemanytypesof information, provoke thought, and entertain. There are many t)?es of book: picture books, textbooks,shortstorybooks,novels,popularfiction or nonfiction, religious books, children's books. and others.Our concernhere is with thosebooks containing reports of original researchor collectionsof researcharticles.Libraries shelve these books and assign call numbersto them, asthey do with other typesof books.You can find citation information on them (e.g.,title, author, publisher)in the library'scatalogsystem. It is not easyto distinguisha book that reports on researchfrom other books.You are more likely to find such books in a collegeor universitylibrary.Somepublishers,suchasuniversitypresses,specializein publishingthem. thereis no guaranteedmethodfor Nevertheless, identifuingonewithout readingit. Sometypesof socialresearcharemorelikely to appearin book form than others.For example,studiesby anthropologists andhistoriansare more likely to appearin book-lengthreports than are those of economistsor psychologists. Yet,someanthropologicaland historicalstudies arearticles,and someeconomicand psychological studiesappearasbooks.In education,social work, sociology,andpolitical science,the results of long, complexstudiesmay appearboth in two or three articlesand in book form. Studiesthat involve detailedclinical or ethnographicde-

scriptionsand complex theoreticalor philousuallyappearasbooks.Fisophicaldiscussions nally, an author who wantsto communicateto scholarlypeersand to the educatedpublic may write a book that bridgesthe scholarly,academic styleand a popularnonfiction style. Locatingoriginal researcharticlesin books canbe difficult becausethereis no singlesource listing them. Threetypesof books contain collectionsofarticlesor researchreports.Thefirst is designedfor teachingpurposes.Such books, readers,may includeoriginal researchrecalTed ports.Usually,articleson a topic from scholarly journalsaregatheredand editedto be easierfor to readand understand. nonspecialists The secondtypeof collectionis designedfor scholarsand may gatherjournal articlesor may on containoriginalresearchor theoreticalessays a specifictopic. Somecollectionscontainarticles from journals that are difficult to locate.They may includeoriginal researchreports organized topic. The tableofcontents arounda specialized liststhe titles and authors.Librariesshelvethese collectionswith other books,and somelibrary catalogsystemsincludethem. to booksareshorter Citationsor references than articlecitations.They includethe author's name,book title, year and placeof publication, and publisher'sname.

Dissertations, All graduatestudentswho receivethe Ph.D. degreearerequiredto complete a work of original research,which they write up asa dissertationthesis.The dissertationis bound and shelvedin the library of the universitythat grantedthe Ph.D.About half of all dissertations asbooksor articles.Beareeventuallypublished causedissertationsreport on original research, they can be valuable sourcesof information. Somestudentswho receivethe master'sdegree conduct original researchand write a master's thesis,but fewermaster'sthesesinvolve serious research,and theyaremuch more difficult to locatethan unpublisheddissertations. Specializedindexeslist dissertationscompletedby studentsat accrediteduniversities.For

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Different Reference Citations for a fournal Article

The oldestjournalof sociologyin the UnitedStates, American lournalof Sociolog,reportson a study of virlt appearedon pages859 to 913 of theJanuary ginity pledgesby PeterBearmanand HannahBUckner. l tw asi nvol umel 05,orthe 2 00 1 issue(n um ber 4) of t he j o u rn a l ,w h i c h b e g i n s c o u n ti ngi ssuesi nMarch. popular styles are thoseof AmericanSociojournal's1 O6th year.Hereare waysto cite the article.Two very (APA). Association (ASR)and AmericanPsychological logicalReview ASR Style and FirstIntercourse." the Future:VirginityPledges 200.| . "Promising Peterand HannahBiickner. Bearman, 2. 1 05:859-91 of Sociologlr American Journal APA Style Ameican the future:Virginitypledgesandfirst intercourse. H. (2001). Promising Bearman, P.,and Biickner, 105, 859-912. Joumalof Sociolog;r Other Styles American "Promising the Future:VirginityPledgesand FirstIntercourse," Journal Bearman, P.,and H. Bi.ickner. 1 06 (2001 ), 859-912. of Sociologlr 200.l . Peterand HannahBilckner, Bearman, Am.J. of Sociol. 106:859- 912. "Promising the future:Virginitypledgesandfirst Intercourse." Pledges and FirstIntercourse."AnreriFuture:Virginity P.and Bijckner, H. (2001). "Promisingthe Bearman, 859-91 2. canJournal of Sociolog1 06 (January): 200,|. Biickner. Peterand Hannah Bearman, "Promisingthe future:Virginity pledgesand first Intercourse."AmericanJournalof Sociology106 $ ):8 59-9 12. American the future:Virginitypledgesandfirstintercourse." (2001 ). "Promising P.and H. Bijckner. Bearman, Journalof Sociolog1 06, 859 -91 2. American the Future:VirginityPledgesand FirstIntercourse," PeterBearmanand HannahBtickner,"Promising 'l 06, no. 4 (2001): 859-912. Journalof Sociolog

example, Dissertation AbstractsInternationallists dissertations with their authors, titles, and universities. This index is organized by topic and contains an abstract of each dissertation. You can borrow most dissertations via interlibrary loan from the degree-granting university if the university permits this. Government Documents. The federal goyernment of the United States,the governments of other nations, state- or provincial-level governments, the United Nations, and other international agencies such as the World Bank, all sponsor studies and publish reports of the re-

search.Many collegeand universitylibraries havethesedocumentsin their holdings,usually in a special"governmentdocuments"section. Thesereportsarerarelyfound in the catalogsystem. You must use specializedlists of publications and indexes,usuallywith the help of a librarian, to locate thesereports. Most college and universitylibrarieshold only the most frequentlyrequesteddocumentsand reports. Policy Reports and PresentedPapers. A researcherconductinga thoroughreviewofthe literaturewill examinethesetwo sources,which are difficult for all but the trained specialistto

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obtain. Researchinstitutesand policy centers Designa Search. After choosinga focusedre(e.g.,BrookingsInstitute,Institute for Research searchquestionfor the review,the next stepis to plan a searchstrategy.The reviewerneedsto deon Poverty,RandCorporation,etc.)publishpapersand reports.Somemajor researchlibraries cideon the type of review,its extensiveness, and purchasetheseand shelvethem with books.The the tlpes of materialsto include.The keyis to be only wayto be sureof what hasbeenpublishedis careful,systematic,and organized.Setparameto write directlyto the instituteor centerand reterson your search:how much time you will dequesta list of reports. voteto it, how far backin time you will look, the Eachyear, the professionalassociationsin minimum number of researchreportsyou will academicfields(e.g.,sociology,politicalscience, examine,how many librariesyou will visit, and psychology)hold annual meetings.Thousands so forth. Also,decidehow to recordthebibliographic of researchers assemble to give,listento, or discussoral reports of recentresearch.Most of citation for eachreferenceyou find and how to ? theseoral reportsareavailableaswritten papers takenotes(e.g.,in a notebook,on 3 X 5 cards,in to thoseattendingthe meeting.Peoplewho do a computerfile). Developa schedule,becbuse not attendthe meetingsbut who aremembersof You should severalvisits are usuallynecessary. the association receivea programof the meeting, begina file folder or computerfile in which you listing eachpaperto be presentedwith its title, can placepossiblesourcesand ideasfor new author,and author'splaceof employment.They sources.As the reviewproceeds,it shouldbecan write directly to the author and requesta comemore focused. copy of the paper.Many, but not all, of the papers are later publishedas articles.The papers Locate ResearchReports. Locating research may be listed in indexesor abstractservices(to reportsdependson the type ofreport or "outlet" be discussed). As a generalrule,use ofresearchbeingsearched. multiple searchstrategiesin order to counteract the limitations of a singlesearchmethod. How to Conduct a Systematic Literature Review Articlesin Scholarlylournals. As discussed earDefine and Refinea Topic. Justasa researcher lier, most socialresearchis publishedin scholmust plan and clearlydefinea topic and research arlyjournals.Therearedozensofjournals,many questionwhenbeginninga researchproject,you goingbackdecades, eachcontainingmany arti needto begin a literature reviewwith a clearly cles.The taskofsearchingfor articlescanbe forpublicationsmake defined,well-focusedresearchquestion and a midable.Luckily, specialized plan. A good reviewtopic shouldbe asfocused the taskeasier. as a researchquestion.For example,"divorce" You may have used an index for general publications, stch asReader's or "crime" is much too broad. A more approGuideto Periodical priate review topic might be "the stability of Literature. Many academic fields have "abfamilieswith stepchildren"or "economicinstracts"or "indexes"for the scholarlyliterature (e.g.,Psychological equalityand crime ratesacrossnations."If you Abstracts,SocialSciences Inconducta contextreyiewfor a researchproject, dex, Sociological Abstracts,and Gerontological it shouldbe slightlybroaderthan the specificreAbstracts).For education-related topics,the Edsearchquestionbeingtested.Often,a researcher ucationalResources Information Center(ERIC) Thereareover 100 will not finalizea specificresearchquestionfor a systemis especiallyvaluable. studyuntil he or shehasreviewedthe literature. suchpublications.You canusuallyfind them in The reviewhelpsbring greaterfocus to the rethe referencesectionof a library. Many absearchquestion. aswell asERICareavailstractsor indexservices

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able via computer access,which speedsthe searchprocess. Abstractsor indexesarepublishedon a regular basis(monthly, six times ayear, etc.) and allowa readerto look up articlesby authorname or subject.The journalscoveredby the abstract or index arelistedin it, often in the front. An index, such as the SocialSciences Index, lists only the citation, whereas an abstract, such as Sociological Abstracts,lists the citation and hasa copy of the article'sabstract.Abstractsdo not giveyou all the findingsand detailsofa research project.Researchers useabstractsto screenarticlesfor relevance,then locatethe more relevant articles.Abstractsmay alsoinclude paperspresentedat professionalmeetings. It may sound asif all you haveto do is to go find the index in the referencesectionof the iibraryor on the Internetandlook up a topic.Unfortunately,things are more complicatedthan that. In order to coverthe studiesacrossmany years,you mayhaveto lookthrough manyissues ofthe abstractsor indexes.AIso,the subjectsor topicslistedarebroad.Thespecificresearch question that interestsyou may fit into severalsubject areas.You shouldcheckeachone.For example, for the topic of illegal drugs in high schools,you might look up thesesubjects:drug addiction, drug abuse,substanceabuse,drug laws,illegal drugs,highschools,andsecondary schools.Many of the articlesunder a subjectareawill not be relevantfor your literaturereyiew.Also, thereis a 3to l2-month time lagbetweenthe publicationof an article and its appearancein the abstractsor indexes.Unlessyou are at a major researchlibrary the most usefrrlarticlemay not be available in your library. You canobtain it only by usingan interlibrary loan service,or it may be in a foreign languagethat you do not read. The computerizedliterature searchworks on the sameprinciple asan abstractor an index. Researchers organizecomputerizedsearchesin severalways-by author,by articletitle, by subject, or by keyword.A keywordis an important term for a topic that is likely to be found in a title. You will want to usesix to eightkeywordsin

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most computer-based searchesand consider several synonyms. The computer's searching method can vary and most only look for a keyword in a title or abstract. If you choosetoo few words or very narrow terms, you will miss a lot of relevant articles. If you choose too many words or very broad terms, you will get a huge number of irrelevant articles. The best way to learn the appropriate breadth and number of keyr,vordsis by trial and error. In a study I conducted on how college students definesexualharassmen f (Neuman,1992), I used the following keywords: sexual harassment, sexual assault, harassment,gender equity, genderfaimess, and sexdiscrimination.I later discovered a few important studies that lacked any of these keywords in their titles. I also tried the keywords collegestudent and rape, but got huge numbers of unrelated articles that I could not even skim. There are numerous computer-assisted search databasesor systems.A person with a computer and an Internet hook-up can search some article index collections, the catalogsof libraries, and other information sources around the globe if they are available on the Internet. All computerized searchingmethods share a similar logic, but eachhas its own method of operation to learn. In my study, I looked for sourcesin the previous sevenyears and used five computerized databasesof scholarly literature: Social ScienceIndex, CARL (Colorado Area ResearchLibrary), Sociofile,Social ScienceCitation Index, andPsychlit. Often, the same articles will appear in multiple scholarly literature databases,but each database may identifi' a few new articles not found in the others. For example, I discovered seyeralexcellent sources not listed in any ofthe computerized databasesthat had been published in earlier years by studying the bibliographies of the relevant articles. The process in my study was fairly typical. Basedon mykeyword search,I quickly skimmed or scanned the titles or abstracts of over 200 sources.From these, I selectedabout 80 articles,

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reports,and booksto read.I found about 49 of the 80 sourcesvaluable,and they appearin the bibliographyof the publishedarticle. ScholarlyBooks. Finding scholarlybooks on a subjectcanbe difficult. The subjecttopicsof library catalogsystemsareusuallyincompleteand too broad to be usefirl.Moreover,they list only booksthat arein a particularlibrary system,althoughyou maybe ableto searchother libraries for interlibrary loan books. Libraries organize booksby call numbersbasedon subjectmatter. may not Again,the subjectmatterclassifications you or all the reflectthe subjectsof interestto you learnthe in a book. Once subjectsdiscussed systemfor your library, you will find that most bookson a topic will sharethe main partsof the callnumber.In addition,librarianscanhelpyou locatebooksfrom other libraries.For example, National Union Catalog the Library of Congress Lilistsall booksin the U.S.Libraryof Congress. to sourcesthat list booksat brarianshaveaccess other libraries,or you can use the Internet. There is no sure-fire way to locate relevant books.Usemultiple searchmethods,includinga look at journalsthat havebook reviewsand the bibliographiesof articles. Taking Notes As you gatherthe relevantresearchliterature, it is easyto feel overwhelmedby the quantity of information,soyou needa systemfor takingnotes. The old-fashionedapproachis to write notes onto indexcards.You thenshift andsortthenote cards,placethem in piles, and so forth as you look for connectionsamongthem or developan outline for a report or paper.This method still works. Today,however,most peopleusewordprocessingsoftwareand gatherphotocopiesor printed versionsof manyarticles. As you discoversources,it is a good ideato createtvvokinds of files for your note cardsor computer documents: a Source File and a ContentFile.Recordall the bibliographicinformation for eachsourcein the SourceFile, even

though you may not use someand later erase them. Do not forgetanythingin a completebibliographiccitation,suchasa pagenumber or the name of the secondauthor; you will regret it later.It is far easierto erasea sourceyou do not usethan to try to locatebibliographicinformation laterfor a sourceyou discoverthat you need or from which you forgot one detail. I recommendcreatingtwo kinds of Source Files,or dividea masterfile into two parts:Hatte File and Potential File. The Have File is for sourcesthat you havefound and for which you havealreadytakencontentnotes.The Potentiaf File is for leadsand possiblenew sourcesthat you haveyet to track down or read.You canadd to the PotentialFile anytimeyou comeacrossa new sourceor in the bibliographyof something you read.Towardthe end ofwriting a report,the PotentialFile will disappearwhile the HaveFile will becomeyour bibliography. Your note cardsor computerdocumentsgo into the ContentFile.This file containssubstantive information of interestfrom a source'usually its major findings, detailsof methodology, definitionsofconcepts,or interestingquotes.If you directlyquotefrom a sourceor want to take some specificinformation from a source'you needto record the specificpagenumber(s) on which the quote appears.Link the files by putting key sourceinformation, suchasauthor and date,on eachcontentfile.

What to Record. You will find it much easier to takeall noteson the sametlpe and sizeof paper or card, rather than having somenoteson sheetsofpapers,otherson cards,and so on. Rehaveto decidewhat to recordaboutan searchers article,book, or othersource.It is betterto err in the directionof recordingtoo much ratherthan too little. In general,record the hlpotheses tested,how major conceptsweremeasured,the main findings,the basicdesignof the research the group or sampleused,and ideasfor future study(seeBox4.2).It is wiseto examinethe report's bibliography and note sourcesthat you canadd to your search.

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takegood notes,you may haveto rereadthe en_ tire articlelater. 1. Readwith a clearpurposeor goal in mind.Are you readingfor basicknowledge or to applyit to a specificquestion? 2. Skimthe articlebeforereadingit all.What can you learnfrom the title, abstract,summarvand conclusions, and headings? What arethe lopic, majorfindings,method,and mainconclusion? 3. Consideryour own orientation.What is your biastowardthe topic,the method,the publica_ tion source,and so on, that may color your reading? 4. Marshalexternalknowledge.What do you al_ ready know about the topic and the methods used?Howcredibleis the publicationsource? 5. Evaluate asyou readthe article.Whaterrorsare present?Do findingsfollowthe data?ls the ar_ ticle consistentwith assumptions of the ap_ proachit takes? 6. Summarize informationas an abstractwith the topic, the methodsused,and the findings.As_ sessthe factualaccuracyof findingsand cite questionsabout the article. Source: Adapted fromKatzer, (l 99-|: Cook,andCrouch 199-207\.

Photocopyingall relevantarticlesor reports .,. will saveyou time recordingnotesand will en_ sure that you will have an entire report. Also, you canmakenoteson the photocopy.Thereare severalwarningsabout this practici. First, pho_ tocoppng canbe expensivefor a largeliterature search.Second,be awareofand obeycopyright l^aws.U.S. copyrightlaws permit photocobt'ng for personalresearchuse.Third, rememberto r.1o1d pfotocopy the entirearricle,including 9r all citation information. Fourth, organizingen_ tire articlescanbe cumbersome, especially iisev_ eral-differentparts of a singlearticle are being used.Finally, unlessyou highlight carefullyor

OrganizeNotes. After gatheringa largenum_ ber ofreferencesand notes,you need in o.gu_ nizing scheme. One approach is to group studiesor specificfindings by skimming-notes and creatinga mental map of how they"fit to_ gether.Try severalorganizingschemesbefore settlingon a final one. Organiiing is a skill that improves with practice. For example,place notesinto piles representingcommon themes, or draw charts comparingwhat different re_ ports state about the same question,noting agreements and disagreements. In the processof organizingnotes,you will find that somereferencesand notes do not fit and shouldbe discardedasirrelevant.Also,you may discovergapsor areasand topics that are relevantbut that you did not examine.This ne_ cessitates return visitsto the library. There are many organizingschemes.The best one dependson the p.rrpor. of the review. Usually,it is best to organizereports around a specificresearchquestionor around core com_ mon findingsof a field and the main hlpotheses tested. Writing the Review A literaturereviewrequiresplanning and good, clearwriting, which requiresa lot o?rewrlting. This stepis often mergedwith organizingnotes. All the rules of good writing (e.g.,clearirgani_ zationalstructure,an introduction and coiclu_ sion,transitionsbetweensections,etc.)applyto writing a literaturereview.Keepyour p.r.por", in mind when you write, and communlicate clearlyand effectively. To preparea good review,readarticlesand other literaturecritically.Recallthat skepticism is a norm of science.It meansthat you should not acceptwhat is written simply on the basisof the authorityof its havingbeenpublished. eues_ tion what you read, and evaluateit. The first hurdle to overcomeis thinking somethingmust beperfectjust becauseit hasbeenpublish"ed.

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Critically readingresearchreports requires skillsthat taketime and practiceto develop.Despitea peer-reviewprocedureand high rejection rates,errorsand sloppylogic slip in. Readcarefi.rIlyto seewhetherthe introduction andtitle really fit with the rest of the article. Sometimes, titles,abstracts,or the introduction aremisleading. Theymaynot fully explainthe researchproject's method and results.An article shouldbe logically tight, and all the parts should fit together.Stronglogicallinks shouldexistbetween partsof the argument.Weakarticlesmakeleaps in logic or omit transitionalsteps.Likewise,articles do not alwaysmake their theory or approachto researchexplicit.Be preparedto read the article more than once. (SeeFigure 4.2 on taking noteson an article.) What a Good Review Looks Like An author should communicatea revier,r/spurposeto the readerby its organization.Thewrong way to write a reviewis to list a seriesof research reportswith a summaryof the findingsof each. This failsto communicatea senseof purpose.It readsas a set of notesstrungtogether.Perhaps the reviewergot sloppyand skippedoverthe important organizingstep in writing the review. The right way to write a review is to organize commonfindingsor argumentstogether.Awellacceptedapproachis to addressthe mostimportant ideasfirst, to logically link statementsor findings,andto notediscrepancies or weaknesses in the research(seeBox 4.3for an example).

sources.The Internet continuesto expandand changeat an explosiverate. The Internet hasbeena mixed blessingfor socialresearch,but it has not proved to be the panaceathatsomepeoplefirst thought it might be. It providesnew and important waysto find information,but it remainsonetool amongothers.It can quickly make somespecificpiecesof information accessible. For example,from my homecomputer,I wasableto go to the U.S.Federal Bureauof Prisonsand in lessthan three minuteslocatea tableshowingme that in 1980, 139peopleper 100,000 wereincarcerated in the' United States,whereas1n2004(the most recent data available),it was 486 per 100,000.The Internet is bestthought of asa supplementrather than asa replacementfor traditional library research,Thereare "up" and "down" sidesto using the Internet for socialresearch: TheUp Siile

1. The Internet is easy,fast,and cheap.It is widelyaccessible and canbe usedfrom manylocations.This near-freeresourceallowspeopleto find sourcematerialfrom almostanywhere-local public libraries,homes,labs or classrooms or anlwherea computeris connectedto the Internet system.Also, the Internet doesnot close; it operates24 hours a day, sevendaysa week. With minimal training,most peoplecanquickly perform searchesand get information on their computer screensthat would have required them to take a major trip to large researchlibrariesa fewyearsago.Searchinga vastquantity of information electronicallyhas alwaysbeen easierand fasterthan a manual search,and the USING THE INTERNET FOR Internetgreatlyexpandsthe amount andvariety SOCIAL RESEARCH of sourcematerial.More and more information (e.g.,StatisticalAbstractof the United Sitates) is The Internet (seeBox 4.4) has revolutionized availableon the Internet. In addition, oncethe how socialresearchers work. A meredecadeago, information is located,a researcher can often it wasrarelyused;today,most socialresearchers storeit electronicallyor print it at a local site. usethe Internet regularlyto help them review the literature, to communicatewith other re2. The Internethas"links" that provideadsearchers,and to searchfor other information ditional waysto find and connectto many other

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FI G URE 4.2

Exampleof Notes on an Article FUILCTTATION (SOURCEFIIE) ON B|BUOGRAPHY

Bearman, Peter,and HannahBiickner. 2001. "Promising the Future: VirginityPledges and Firstlntercourse." America n Journalof SociologSr 10 5 :8 5 9 - 9 12. (January, issue no.4).

NOTECARD(CONTENTF|LE) Bearman and Biickner200.1

Topics: Teenpregnancy& sexuality, pledges,/promises, virginity,first sexual intercourse, S. Baptists,identitymovement

SinceI 993, the SouthernBaptistChurchsponsoreda movementamongteens wherebythe teensmakea publicpledgeto remainvirginsuntilmarriage. Over2.5 millionteenshavemadethe pledge.Thisstudyexamines whetherthe pledgeaffectedthe timingof sexualintercourse and whetherpledgingteensdifferfrom nonpledging teens.Criticsof the movementare uncomfortable with it because pledgesupportersoften rejectsexeducation,hold an overlyromanticized viewof marriage, and adhereto traditionalgenderroles. Hypothesis Adolescents will engagein behaviorthat adultsenjoy but that is forbiddento thembasedon the amountof socialcontrolsthat constrainopportunities to engagein forbiddenbehavior. Teensin nontraditional families withgreaterfreedom and lesssupervision aremorelikelyto engagein forbiddenbehavior(sex).Teens in traditionalfamiliesand who are closerto their parentswilldelaysexualactivity. Teenscloselytied to "identitymovements" outsidethe familywillmodifybehaviorbasedon normsthe movements teach. Method Dataarefroma nationalhealthsurveyof U.S.teensin grades7-12 whowerein pu bl i cor pr iv at es c hoolsin 1 9 9 4 -1 9 9 5 . A to ta l o f 9 0 ,0 00 studentsi n ' l 4l schoolscompletedquestionnaires. A secondquestionnaire was completedby 20,000 of the 90,000 students.The questionnaire askedabout a pledge,importanceof religion,and sexualactivity. Findings The study found a substantialdelay in the timing of first intercourseamont pledgers. Yet, the effectof pledgingvariesby the age of the teen.In addition, pledgingonlyworksin somesocialcontexts(i.e.,whereit is at leastpartiallya socialnorm).Pledgers tend to be morereligious,lessdevelopedphysically, andfrom moretraditionalsocialandfamilybackgrounds.

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Exampleof Bad Review Sexualharassment hasmanyconsequences. Adams, Kottke,and Padgitt(1 983) foundthat somewomen studentssaidthey avoidedtakinga classor working with certainprofessorsbecauseofthe riskof harassment.Theyalsofoundthat menandwomenstudents reacteddifferently.Their researchwas a surveyof I ,000 menandwomengraduateand undergraduate students.Bensonand Thomson'sstudy in Social Problems (1 982) lists many problemscreatedby sexualharassment. In their excellentbook,TheLecherousProfessor, Dziechand Weiner ('l 990) give a long list of difficultiesthat victimshavesuffered. Researchers study the topic in different ways. Hunterand McClelland (1 991) conducteda study of undergraduates at a smallliberalartscollege.They had a sampleof 300 studentsand studentswere givenmultiplevignettesthat variedby the reactionof the victim and the situation.Jaschikand Fretz (l 991 ) showed90 womenstudentsat a mideastern universitya videotapewith a classicexampleof sexualharassment by a teachingassistant.Beforeit was labeledas sexualharassment, few women called it that. Whenaskedwhetherit wassexualharassment, 98 percentagreed.Weber-Burdin and Rossi(1 982) replicateda previousstudy on sexualharassment, only they usedstudentsat the Universityof Massachusetts.They had 59 studentsrate 40 hypothetical situations.Reilley,Carpenter,Dull,and Bartlett (1 982) conducteda studyof250 femaleand 1 50 maleundergraduates at the Universityof California at SantaBarbara. Theyalsohad a sampleof 52 faculty. Both samplescompleteda questionnaire in whichrespondents werepresentedvignettesofsexual-harassing situationsthat they were to rate. Popovichand Colleagues (1 985) createda nineitem scaleof sexualharassment. Thev studied209

sources of information. Many websites, home pages, and other Internet resource pages have "hot links" that can call up information from related sites or sources simply by clicking on the

undergraduates at a medium-sized universityin groupsof I 5 to 25. They foun{ disagreement and confusionamongstudents. Exampleof Better Review

The victimsof sexualharassment suffera rangeof consequences, from loweredself-esteem and lossof self-confidence to withdrawal fromsocialinteraction changedcareergoals,and depression(Adams,Kot-, tke, and P adgi tt,1983; B ensonand Thomson 1982; Dziechand Weiner,1990). For example Adams,Kottke,and Padgitt(1 983) noted that I 3 percentofwomenstudentssaidthey avoidedtaking a classor workingwith certainprofessorsbecauseof the riskof harassment. Researchinto campussexualharassmenthas taken severalapproaches. In additionto surveyre: search,many haveexperimentedwith vignettesor presentedhypotheticalscenarios(Hunterand McClelland, 1991 ;Jaschik andFretz,1 991 ; Popovich et al., 1987; Reilley,Carpenter,Dull, and Barlett, 'l 982; Rossiand Anderson,1982; Valentine-Fren andRadtke,I 989;Weber-Burdin andRossi,1 982). Victimverbalresponsesand situationalfactors.appearto affectwhetherobserverslabela behavioras harassment. Thereis confusionoverthe application ofa sexualharassment labelfor inappropriate behavior.Forexample,Jaschikand Fretz(1 99.1) foundthat only 3 percentof the womenstudentsshown,a videotapewith a classicexampleof sexualharassment by a teachingassistantinitiallylabeledit as sexualharassmer,rt. Instead,they called it "sexist," "rude," "unprofessional," or "demeaning."When askedwhetherit wassexualharassment, 98 percent agreed.Roscoeand colleagues(1 987) reported similarlabeling difficulties.

link indicator (usuallya button or a highlighted word or phrase).This connectspeopleto more information and provides"instant" accessto cross-referenced material. Links make embed-

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ficulty publishingor disseminatingtheir materialscannow do sowith ease. The Internetis not a singlethingin one place.Rather, the Internetis a systemor interconnectedweb of computersaroundthe world. lt is changingvery rapidly.I cannotdescribeeverythingon the Internet; manylargebooksattemptto do that. Plus,evenif I tried,it wouldbe out of date in sixmonths.The Internetis changing, in a powerfulway,how manypeoplecommunicate andshareinformation. The Internet provideslow-cost (often free), worldwide, fast communication amongpeoplewith computersor betweenpeoplewith computersand informationin the computersof organizations (e.g., universities,governmentagencies,businesses). Thereare specialhardwareand softwarerequirements,but the Internetpotentiallycantransmitelectronicversionsof text material,up to entirebooks,as wellas photos,music,video,andotherinformation. To get onto the Internet,a personneedsan accountin a computerthat is connected to the Internet. Most college mainframecomputers are connected,manybusiness or government computers areconnected, andindividuals withmodems canpurchasea connectionfrom an Internetserviceorovider that providesaccessover telephonelines,special DSLlines,or cabletelevision lines.Inadditionto a microcomputer,the personneedsonly a little knowledgeaboutusingcomputers.

ding one source within a network of related sourceseasy. 3. The Internet speedsthe flow of information around the globe and has a "democratizing" effect. It provides rapid transmission of information (e.g.,text, news, data, and photos) across long distances and international borders. Instead of waiting a week for a report or having to send offfor a foreign publication and wait for a month, the information is often availablein seconds at no cost. There are virtually no restrictions on who can put material on the Internet or what appearson it, so many people who had dif-

4. The Internet is the provider of a very wide rangeof information sources,somein formats that are more dynamic and interesting.It can send and be a resourcefor more than straight black and white text, as in traditional academicjournals and sources.It transmitsinformation in the form of bright colors,graphics, "action" images,audio (e.g., music, voices, sounds),photos,and video clips.Authors and other creatorsof information canbe creativein their presentations. TheDownSide 1. Thereis no qualitycontrol overwhat gets on the Internet.Unlike standardacademicpublications,thereis no peer-reviewprocessor any review.Anyone can put almost ani,thing on a website.It maybe poor quality,undocumented, highly biased,totally madeup, or plain fraudulent. Thereis a lot of real"trash" out there!Once a personfinds material,the real work is to distinguish the "trash" from valid information. Oneneedsto treat a webpagewith the samecaution that one appliesto a paper flyer someone handsout on the street;it could containthe drivel of a "nut" or be reallyvaluableinformation. A lessseriousproblemis that the "glitz" ofbright colors,music, or moving imagesfound in sites can distract unsophisticatedusers.The " glitz" may attract them more than seriouscontent, and they may confuseglitz for high-caliberinformation. The Internet is better designedfor a quick look and short attentionspansratherthan the slow,deliberative,carefulreadingand stuoy ofcontent. 2. Many excellentsourcesand someof the most important resourcematerials(research studiesand data) for social researchare not availableon the Internet (e.g.,Sociofile,GSS datafiles,and recentjournal articles).Much information is availableonly through specialsubscription services that can be expensive.

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Contrary to popular belief, the Internet has not made all information free and accessible to everyone. Often, what is free is limited, and firller information is available only to those who pay. In fact, because some libraries redirected funds to buy computers for the Internet and cut the purchasesfor books and paper copies ofdocuments, the Internet's overall impact may have actually reduced what is availablefor some users. 3. Finding sources on the Internet can be very difficult and time consuming. It is not easy to locate specific source materials. Also, different "search engines" can produce very different results. It is wise to use multiple search engines (e.g., Yahoo, Excite, and Google), since they work differently. Most search engines simply look for specific words in a short description of the webpage.This description maynot revealthe fiJl content of the source, just as a title does not frrlly tell what a book or article is about. In addition, search engines often come up with tens of thousands of sources,far too many for anyone to examine. The ones at the "top" may be there becausethey were recently added to the Internet or becausetheir short description had severalversions of the searchword. The "best" or most relevant source might be buried as the 150th item found in a search. Also, one must often wade through a lot of commercials and advertisements to locate "real" information. 4. Internet sources can be "unstable" and difficult to document. After one conducts a searchon the Internet and locateswebpageswith information, it is important to note the specific "address" (usually it starts http:i/) where it resides.This addressrefers to an electronic file sitting in a computer somewhere. If the computer file is moved, it may not be at the same address two months later. Unlike a journal article that will be stored on a shelf or on microfiche in hundreds of libraries for many decadesto come and available for anyone to read, webpages can quickly vanish. This means it may not be possible to check someone's web referenceseasily, verifr a quote in a document, or go back to orig-

inal materials and read them for ideasor to build on them. Also, it is easyto copy, modifr, or distort, then reproduce copies ofa source. For example, a person could alter a text passageor a photo image then create a new webpage to disseminate the falseinformation. This raisesissues about coplright protection and the authenticity of source material. There are few rules for locating the best sites on the Internet-ones that have useful and truthful information. Sources that originate at universities, research institutes, or government agencies usually are more trustworthy for research purposes than ones that are individual home pagesof unspecified origin or location, or that a commercialorganization or a politicalisocial issue advocacy group sponsors. In addition to moving or disappearing, many webpages or sourcesfail to provide complete information to make citation easy.Better sourcesprovide fuller or more complete information about the author, date, location, and so on. As you prepare a review of the scholarly literature and more narrowly focus a topic, you should be thinking about how to design a study. The specifics of design can vary somewhat depending on whether your study will primarily employ a quantitative-deductive-positivist approach or a qualitative-inductive-interpretive/ critical approach. The two approacheshave a great deal in common and mutually complement one another, but there severalplaceswhere "branches in the path" of designing a study diverge depending on the approach you adopt.

QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE ORI ENTATION S TOWARD RESEARCH

Qualitative and quantitative researchdiffer in manyways,but they complementeachother,as systematically collect well. All socialresearchers and anallze empirical data and carefirlly examine the patternsin them to understandand explain sociallife. One of the differencesbefiveen

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the two stylescomes from the nature of the data. Soft data, in the form of impressions,words, sentences, photos, symbols, and so forth, dictate different research strategies and data collection techniques thanhard data, inthe form of numbers. Another difference is that qualitative and quantitative researchersoften hold different assumptions about social life and have different objectives. These differences can make tools used by the other sryle inappropriate or irrelevant. People who judge qualitative research by standards ofquantitative researchare often disappointed, and vice versa.It is best to appreciate the strengths each style offers. To appreciatethe strengths ofeach style, it is important to understand the distinct orientations of researchers.Qualitative researchersoften rely on interpretive or critical social science, follow a nonlinear researchpath, and speak a language of "casesand contexts." They emphasize conducting detailed examinations of cases that arise in the natural flow of social life. They usually try to present authentic interpretations that are sensitive to specific social-historical contexts. Almost all quantitative researchersrely on a positivist approach to social science.They follow a linear researchpath, speaka language of"variables and hypotheses," and emphasize precisely measuring variables and testing hypothesesthat are linked to general causalexplanations. Researcherswho use one style alone do not always communicate well with those using the other, but the languagesand orientations ofthe styles are mutually intelligible. It takes time and effort to understand both srylesand to seehow they can be complementary.

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other researchershave trod. Alternatively, it may be a new path into unknown territory where few others have gone, and without signsmarking the direction forward. In general, quantitative researchersfollow a more linear path than do qualitative researchers. Alinear researchpath follows a fixed sequenceof steps;it is like a staircaseleading in one clear direction. It is a way of thinking and a way of looking at issues-the direct, narrow, straight path that is most common in western European and North American culture. Qualitative research is more nonlinear and cyclical. Rather than moving in a straight line, a nonlineqr researchpath makes successivepasses through steps,sometimes movingbackward and sidewaysbefore moving on. It is more of a spiral, moving slowly upward but not directly. With eachcycle or repetition, a researchercollectsnew data and gains new insights. People who are used to the direct, linear approach maybe impatient with a lessdirect cyclical path. From a strict linear perspective, a cyclical path looks inefficient and sloppy. But the diffuse cyclical approach is not merely disorganized, undefined chaos.It can be highly effective for creating a feeling for the whole, for grasping subtle shades of meaning, for pulling together divergent information, and for switching perspectives.It is not an excuse for doing poorquality research,and it has its own discipline and rigor. It borrows devicesfrom the humanities (e.g., metaphor, analogy, theme, motif, and irony) and is oriented toward constructing meaning. A cyclical path is suited for tasks such astranslating languages,where delicate shadesof meaning, subtle connotations, or contextual distinctions can be important.

Linear and Nonlinear Paths Researchersfollow a path when conducting research.The path is a metaphor for the sequence of things to do: what is finished first or where a researcherhas been, and what comes next or where he or she is going. The path may be well worn and marked with signposts where many

Preplanned and Emergent Research

Questions Your first stepwhen beginninga researchproject is to selecta topic. There is no formula for this task.Whetheryou are an experienced researcheror just beginning,the bestguideis to

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conductresearchon somethingthat interests you. All researchbeginswith a topic but a topic is must naronly a startingpoint that researchers row into a focusedresearchquestion.Qualitatend to adopt tive and quantitativeresearchers to turn a topic to a focused differentapproaches researchquestionfor a specificstudy. Qualitaoften begin with vagueor untive researchers clear researchquestions.The topic emerges often slowly during the study. The researchers combinefocusingon a specificquestionwith the processof decidingthe detailsof study design that occurs while they are gathering data. By narrow a topic contrast,quantitativeresearchers into a focusedquestion as a discreteplanning stepbeforeth ey finalizestudydesign.Theyuseit asa stepin the processof developinga testable hypothesis(to be discussedlater) and to guide the studydesignbeforethey collectany data' The qualitative researchstyle is flexible and slowlyfocusingthe topic throughout encourages a study.In contrastto quantitativeresearch,only a smallamount of topic narrowingoccursin an early researchplanning stage,and most of the hasbegunto narrowingoccursaftera researcher collectdata. beginsdatagathThe qualitativeresearcher ering with a generaltopic and notions of what will be relevant.Focusingand refining continuesafterhe or shehasgatheredsomeof the data and startedpreliminaryanalysis.Qualitativereuseearlydatacollectionto guidehow searchers theyadjustand sharpenthe researchquestion(s) becausethey rarelyknow the most important issuesor questionsuntil after they becomefully immersedin the data.Developinga focusedresearchquestionis a part of the data collection activelyreprocess,during which the researcher flects on and developspreliminary interpretations. The qualitative researcheris open to unanticipateddata and constantlyreevaluates the focusearlyin a study.He or sheis prepared to changethe direction of researchand follow newlinesof evidence.

Typical researchquestionsfor qualitative include:How did a certaincondition researchers originate?How is the condisituation or social over time?What are maintained tion/situation condition/situation a which by processes the A difFerenttype or operates? develops, changes, beliefsor asexisting confirm to tries ofquestion tries to disquestion of type last A sumptions. ideas. new cover Researchprojectsare designedaround researchproblemsor questions.Beforedesigninga focuson a speproject,quantitativeresearchers topic. For broad a within problem research cific sugmight experience personal your example, gestlabor unions asa topic. "Labor unions" is a topic, not a researchquestionor a problem. In any large library, you will find hundreds of booksand thousandsof articleswritten by sociologists,historians,economists,management officials, political scientists, and others on unions.Thebooksand articlesfocuson different aspectsof the topic and adoptmanyperspectives o.r it. B.fot" proceedingto designa research project, you must narrow and focus the topic. An exampleresearchquestion is, "How much did U.S.labor unions contributeto racial inequalityby creatingbarriers to skilled jobs for African Americansin the post-World War II period?" When startingresearchon a topic, askyourself:What is it aboutthe topic that is of greatest interest?For a topic aboutwhich you know little, first get background knowledge by reading about it. Researchquestionsrefer to the relationships among a small number of variables. Identify a limited number of variablesand specifi' the relationshipsamongthem' A researchquestionhasoneor a smallnumber of causalrelationships.Box 4.5 lists some waysto focus a topic into a researchquestion. For example'the question,"What causesdivorce?"is not a goodresearchquestion.A better researchquestionis, "Is ageat marriageassociated with divorce?"The secondquestion suggeststwo variables:ageof marriageand divorce.

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Another technique for focusing a research question is to specify the uniyerseto which the answer to the question can be generalized.All re_ search questions, hypotheses,and studies apply 1. Examine the literature.publishedarticlesare an to some group or category of people, orgunbu_ excellentsourceof ideasfor research questions. tions, or other units. The universeis the set of alt areusuallyat an appropriateleveiof speci_ ]hey units that the researchcovers, or to which it can ficity and suggestresearchquestionsthat focus be generalized.For example,your researchques_ on the following: tion is about the ef[ectsof a new attendance ool_ a. Replicate a previousresearchprojectexactly icy on learning by high school students.The or with slightvariations. universe, in this case,is all high school students. b. Exploreunexpectedfindingsdiscoveredin \Mhen refining a topic into a researchques_ previousresearch. tion-and designing a research project, yor-ralso c. Followsuggestions an authorgivesfor future need to consider practical limitations. Designing researchat the end of an article. a perfect researchproject is an interestingicad_ d. Extendan existingexplanation emic€xercise, but if you expect to carry out a re_ or theoryto a newtopic or setting. searchproject, practical limitations wijl have an impact on its design. e. Challenge findingsor attemptto refutea re_ lationship. Major limitations include time, costs,access to resources, approval by authorities, ethical f. Specifythe intervening processandconsider concerns, and expertise. Ifyou have 10 hours a linkingrelations. week for five weeks to conduct a research Droi_ 2. Talkoverideaswithothers. ect, but the answer to a research question will a. Ask peoplewho are knowledgeable about take five years,reformulate the researchquestion the topic for questionsabout it that thev more narrowly. Estimating the amount of time havethought of. required to answer a research question is difE_ b. Seekout thosewho hold opinionsthat differ cult.'The research question spicified, the re_ fromyourson the topic anddiscusspossible search technique used, and the type of data researchquestionswith them. collected all play significant roles. ixperienced 3. Applyto a specificcontext. researchersare the best source ofgood estimates. a. Focusthe topic onto a specifichistoricalpe_ Cost is another limitation. As with time, riod or time period. there are inventive ways to answer a question b. Narrowthe topic to a specificsocietyor ge_ within limitations, but it may be impoisible to ographicunit. answ€r some questions because of the expense involved. c. Considerwhichsubgroupsor categoriesof For example, a research question people,/units about the attitudesof all sports fans toward their areinvolvedandwhetherthere are differences team mascot can be answered only with a great amongthem. investment 4. Definetheaimor desiredoutcomeof thestudy. of time and money. Narrowin! the researchquestion to how students at two dfuer_ a. Will the researchquestionbe for an ex_ ent collegesfeel about their mascotsmight make ploratory,explanatory,or descriptivestudy? it more manageable. b. Will the study involveappliedor basicre_ Accessto resourcesis a common limitation. search? Resources can include the expertise of others, specialequipment, or information. For example, a research question about burglary rates and

family income in many different nations is almost impossibleto answerbecauseinformation on burglaryandincomeis not collectedor availablefor most countries.Somequestionsrequire the approvalof authorities(e.g.,to seemedical records)or involveviolatingbasicethicalprinciples(e.g.,causingseriousphysicalharm to a person to seethe person'sreaction).The expertise or backgroundof the researcher is alsoa limitation. Answeringsome researchquestionsinvolvesthe use of data collectiontechniques, statisticalmethods,knowledgeof a foreignlanguage,or skillsthat the researcher may not have. Unlessthe researchercan acquirethe necessary training or canpayfor anotherperson'sservices, the researchquestionmay not be practical. In summary stylesof qualitativeand quantitative researchers havemuch in common, but the researchers often differ on designissues, suchastakinga linearor nonlinearresearch path and developinga researchquestion (seeTable

TA B T E 4. ' I

4.1).In addition,researchers tend to adopta different languageand approachto study design, which we will considernext.

QUALITATIVE DESIGN ISSUES The Languageof Casesand Contexts

use a languageof cases Qualitativeresearchers and contexts,examinesocialprocesses and cases in their socialcontext, and look at interpretations or the creationof meaningin specificsettings. They try look at sociallife from multiple points ofview and explainhow peopleconstruct identities.Only rarely do they usevariablesor testhypotheses, or try to convertsociallife into numbers. seemost areasand Qualitativeresearchers activitiesof sociallife asbeingintrinsicallyqualitative.To them, qualitativedataarenot imprecise or deficient; they are highly meaningful.

versusQualitativeResearch QuantitativeReasearch

Test hypothesisthat the researcher beginswith.

Captureand discovermeaningoncethe researcher becomesimmersedin the data.

Conceptsare in the form of distinctvariables.

Conceptsare in the form of themes,motifs, generalizations, and taxonomies.

Measuresare systematically createdbeforedata collectionandarestandardized.

Measures arecreatedin an ad hoc mannerand are often specificto the individualsettingor researcher.

Dataare in the form of numbersfrom precise measuremenL

Dataare in the form of wordsand imagesfrom documents,observations, and transcripts.

Theoryis largelycausaland is deductive.

Theorycan be causalor noncausaland is often inductive.

Procedures are standard,and replicationis assumeo.

proceduresare particular,and replication Research is very rare.

Analysisproceedsby usingstatistics,tables,or chartsand discussing how what they showrelates to hypotheses.

Analysisproceedsby extractingthemesor generalizations from evidenceand organizingdata to presenta coherent,consistentpicture.

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Insteadof trying to convertsociallife into variablesor numbers,qualitativeresearchers borrow ideasfrom the peoplethey studyand placethem within the contextof a natural setting.They examinemotifs,themes,distinctions,and ideasinsteadofvariables,and they adopt the inductive approachof groundedtheory. Somepeoplebelievethat qualitativedataare "soft," intangible,and immaterial.Suchdataare so fuzzy and elusivethat researchers cannot really capturethem. This is not necessarily the case.Qualitativedata are empirical.They involve documentingreal events,recordingwhat peoplesay(with words,gestures, and tone),observingspecificbehaviors,studyingwritten doc_ uments,or examiningvisual images.Theseare all concreteaspectsof the world. For example, some qualitativeresearchers take and cloiely scrutinizephotosor videotapes ofpeopleor social events.This evidenceis just as "hird,, and physicalasthat usedby quaniitativeresearchers to measureattitudes,social pressure,intelli_ gence,and the like.

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car's license number before proceeding?After radioing the car's location, does the officer ask the motorist to get out of the car sometimes, but in others casually walk up to the car and talk to the seateddriver? When data collection and the_ orizing are interspersed, theoretical questions arise that suggestfuture observations, so new data are tailored to answer theoretical questions that came from thinking about previorri dutu.

The Context ls Critical Qualitativeresearchers emphasize the social

contextfor understandingthe socialworld. They hold that the meaningof a socialactionor state_ ment depends,in an important way,on the context in which it appears.When a researcher removesan event,socialaction, answerto a question,or conversationfrom the socialcon_ text in which it appears,or ignoresthe context, socialmeaningand significancearedistorted. Attention to socialcontext meansthat a qualitativeresearcher noteswhat camebeforeor what surroundsthe focus of study. It also im_ pliesthat the sameeventsor behaviorscanhave Grounded Theory different meaningsin different culturesor his_ A qualitativeresearcherdevelopstheory during torical eras.For example,insteadof ignoringthe the datacollectionprocess.This more inductive context and counting votesacrosstime or cul_ method meansthat theory is built from dataor tures)a qualitativeresearcherasks:What does groundedin the data.Moreover,conceptualiza- voting meanin the context?He or shemay treat tion and operationalizationoccur simultane- the samebehavior(e.g.,voting for presidential a ouslywith datacollectionand preliminarv dara candidate)differently depending on the social analysis.It makesqualitative iesearchflexible context in which it occurs. eualitative reand letsdataand theoryinteract.eualitative researchersplaceparts of sociallife into a larger searchers remain open to the unexpected,are whole. Otherwise,the meaningof the part niay willing to changethe direction or focusof a rebe lost. For example,it is hard to understand searchproject, and may abandontheir original what a baseballgloveis without knowins someresearchquestionin the middle of a project. thing about the gameof baseball.the r.,iholeof A qualitativeresearcherbuilds theory by the game-innings, bats,curveballs,hits-gives making comparisons.For example,when a remeaningto eachpart, and eachpart without the searcherobservesan event(e.g.,a police officer wholehaslittle meaninc. confrontinga speeding motorist),he or sheimmediatelypondersquestionsand looks for simThe Case and Process ilaritiesand differences. When watchinga police officer stop a speeder,a qualitative researcher In quantitativeresearch,casesare usually the asksjDoesthe police officer alwaysradio in the sameasa unit of analysis,or the unit on which

tative researchergivesmeaningby rearranging, examining,and discussingtextualor visualdata in a way that conveysan authenticvoice,or that remainstrue to the original understandingsof the peopleand situationsthat he or shestudied. Insteadof relying on charts,statistics,and put displaysof numbers,qualitativeresearchers a greater emphasison interpreting the data. Their data are often "richer" or more complex and full of meaning.The qualitativeresearcher interpretsto "translate"or make the originally gathereddata understandableto other people. th" pro..tt of qualitativeinterpretationmoves ' through threestagesor levels. A researcherbeginswith the point of view of the peoplehe or sheis studying,and the researcherwants to graspfully how they seethe world, how they define situations,or what thingsmeanto them.Aflrst-orderinterpretation containsthe inner motives,personalreasons and point of view of the peoplewho are being studiedin the originalcontext.As the researcher discoversand documentsthis first-order interpretation, he or sheremainsone stepremoved inoffersasecond-order from it. The researcher terpretation,which is an acknowledgmentthat howevermuch a researchertries to get very closeand "under the skin" of thosehe or sheis studying,a researcheris still "on the outside interpretation lookingin." In the second-order the researchertries to elicit an underlying coherenceor senseof overallmeaningin the data. To reach an understandingof what he or she seesor hears,a researcheroften placesthe data into a context of the larger flow of eventsand behaviors.A qualitativeresearcherwill often moveto the third stepand link the understandInterpretation ing that he or sheachievedto larger concepts or theories.The researchercan generalizations, a or Interpretationmeansto assignsignificance interpretationwith other broader this share coherentmeaning to something.Quantitative with the original unfamiliar are who people data, interpret both and qualitativeresearchers or the social studied, events people and the data, quantitative A but they do so in differentways. This level researcher. by the observed situations examgivesmeaningby rearranging, researcher o$ryIunresearcher's the translates meaning of by using ining, and discussingthe numbers communicafacilitates way that in a derstanding in patterns chartsand statisticsto explainhow tion with peoplewho aremore distantfrom the the datarelateto the researchquestion.A quali-

later). Quanvariablesaremeasured(discussed variablesof measure typically titativeresearchers For exammany cases. across their hypotheses indiof450 a survey conducts ple,ifa researcher on unit or is a case individual viduals. each variables. measures which he or she Qualitative tend to use a "case-orientedapresearchers proach [that] placescases,not variables,center stage"(Ragin,1992:5).They examinea wide vaTheir analyriety ofaspectsofone or a fewcases. "messy'' natural in contingencies sesemphasize specific (i.e., many of co-occurrence the settings factorsand eventsin oneplaceandtime). Explanationsor interpretationsarecomplexand may be in the form of an unfoldingplot or a narrative story about particularpeopleor specificevents. Rich detail and astuteinsight into the casesreplacethe sophisticatedstatisticalanalysisofprecisemeasuresacrossa huge number of units or casesfound in quantitativeresearch. of time is integralto qualitative The passage look at the seresearch.Qualitativeresearchers to what happay attention quenceofeventsand on. Because and so pens first, second,third, the qualitative researchersexamine samecaseor set of casesover time, they can seean issue evolve,a conflict emerge,or a socialrelationship develop.The researchercan detectprocessand causalrelations. of time In historicalresearch,the passage research' field In may involveyearsor decades. in the passageof time is shorter.Nevertheless, at difnoteswhat is occurring both, a researcher ferent points in time and recognizesthat when somethingoccursis often important.

L'\ T /

^ E V IEWII\.,

IF It 5 L HOL ARL Y L IT ERA TU R E A N D P LA N N IN C A S TU D Y

original source, and it represents a third_order interpretation.

QUANTITATIVE DESIGN ISSUES The Languageof Variables and Hypotheses Variation and Variables. The variable is a centralideain quantitativeresearch.Simplyde_ fined,a variableis a conceptthat varies.Cj"anti_ tative researchusesa languageofvariablesand relationshipsamongvariablei. In Chapter2,you learnedabouttwo types . of concepts:thosethat refer to a fixed phenlm_ enon (e.g.,the idealtype ofbureaucracy)and thosethat vary in quantity,intensity,or amount (e.g.,amountof education).Thesecondtl,peof conceptand measuresof the conceptsare vari_ ables.Variablestake on two o, values. Once you begin to look for them,-or" you will see variableseverywhere.For example,genderis a variable;it can take on two values:male or fe_ male.Marital statusis a variable;it can take on the valuesof nevermarried single,married,di_ vorced,or widowed.Typeof crimecommittedis a variable;it cantakeon valuesofrobbery, bur_ glary theft,murder,and soforth. Familyincome is a variable;it can take on valuesfrom zero to billions of dollars.A person'sattitude toward abortion is a variable;it canrangefrom strongly favoling legalabortion to stronglybelieving"in antiabortion. Thevaluesor the categories ofa variableare its attributes.It is easyto confusevariableswith attributes.Variablesand attributesare related, but they havedistinct purposes.The confusion arisesbecausethe attribute of one variablecan itself becomea separatevariablewith a slight changein definition. The distinction is betwJen conceptsthemselves that vary and conditions within conceptsthat vary. For example,..male,' is not a variable;it describes a categoryofgender and is an attribute of the variable;,gendei,'yet, a relatedidea,"degreeof masculiniw,"is a vari_

9l

able. It describesthe intensity or strength ofat_ tachment to attitudes, beliefs, and beha=viorsas_ sociated with the concept of masculinewithin a culture. "Married" is not a variablq it is an at_ tribute of the variable .,marital status.,' Related ideas such as "number of years married" or "depth of commitment to a marriage,' are vari_ ables. Likewise, "robbery', is not a vlariable;it is an attribute of the variable ..type of crime.,, "Number of robberies,,' ,,-^bbaay rate,,, .,type "amount taken during a robbery', anj of robbery" are all variables because thev varv or take on a range ofvalues. Quantitative researchersredefine concepts of interest into the language of variables. As the examples of variables and attributes illustrate, slight changesin definition changea nonvariable into a variable concept. As you siw in Chapter 2, concepts are the building blocks of theory; thev organize thinking about the social world. Cleai concepts with careful definitions are essentialin theory. Types of Variables. Researcherswho focus on causalrelations usuallybegin with an efi[ect,then searchfor its causes.Variables are classifiedinto three basic types, depending on their location in a causal relationship. The causevariable, or the one that identifies forces or conditions that act on something else, is the independent variable. The variable that is the effect or is the result or outcome of another variable is the de\endenr variable. The independent variable is ..indepen_ dent of'prior causesthat act on it, whereasthe dependent variable "depends on,, the cause. It is not always easyto determine whether a variable is independent or dependent. Two questions help you identifr the independent variable. First, does it come before otlier vari_ ables in time? Independent variables come be_ fore any other tipe. Second, if the variables occur at the same time, does the author suggest that one variablehas an impact on unoth.rilr,_ able?Independent variablesaffect or have an im_ pact on other variables.Researchtopics are often phrased in terms of the dependent variables be_

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causedependent variables are the phenomenon to be explained. For example, suppose a researcherexamines the reasonsfor an increasein the crime rate in Dallas, Texas; the dependent variable is the crime rate. A basic causal relationship requires only an independent and a dependent variable. A third tlpe of variable, the intervening variabla appears in more complex causal relations. It comes between the independent and dependent variables and shows the link or mechanism between them. Advancesin knowledge depend not only on documenting cause-and-effect relationships but also on specifring the mechanisms that account for the causalrelation. In a sense,the intervening variable acts asa dependent variable with respect to the independent variable and acts as an independent variable toward the dependent variable. For example, French sociologist Emile Durkheim developed a theory of suicide that specified a causal relationship between marital status and suicide rates. Durkheim found evidence that married people are lesslikely to commit suicide than single people. He believed that married people have greater social integration (i.e., feelings of belonging to a group or family). He thought that a major causeof one type of suicide was that people lacked a senseof belonging to a group. Thus, his theory can be restated as a three-variable relationship: marital status (independent variable) causesthe degree of social integration (intervening variable), which affects suicide (dependent variable). Specifying the chain of causality makes the linkages in a theory clearer and helps a researcher test complex explanations.l Simple theories have one dependent and one independent variable, whereascomplex theories can contain dozens ofvariables with multiple independent, intervening, and dependent variables. For example, a theory of criminal behavior (dependent variable) identifies four independent variables: an individual's economic hardship, opportunities to commit crime easily, membership in a deviant subgroup of society that does not disapprove of crime, and lack of

punishmentfor criminal acts.A multicauseexplanationusuallyspecifiesthe independentvariablethat hasthe greatestcausaleffect. A complextheoreticalexplanationcontains of multiple interveningvariablesthat are string a linked together.For example'family disruption amongchildren,which lower self-esteem causes causesdepression,which causespoor gradesin school,which causesreducedprospectsfor a good job, which causesa lower adult income. The chain of variablesis: family disruption (independent),childhood self-esteem(interven! ing), depression(intervening),gradesin school (intervening),job prospects(intervening)'adult income(dependent). Two theorieson the sametopic may have differentindependentvariablesor predictdifferent independentvariablesto be important. In addition,theoriesmay agreeaboutthe independent and dependentvariablesbut differ on the interveningvariableor causalmechanism.For example,two theoriessaythat family disruption lower adult income,but for differentreacauses theory holds that disruption encourOne sons. to join deviantpeergroupsthat are children ages to norms of work and thrift. socialized not the impact of the disrupemphasizes Another and poor acadedepression childhood on tion affect job directly which performance, mic performance. A singleresearchprojectusuallytestsonly a small part of a causalchain.For example,a researchproject examiningsix variablesmay take the six from a large,complex theory with two dozenvariables.Explicit links to a largertheory strengthenand clarifr a researchproject. This appliesespecia\ for explanatory,basicresearch which is the model for most quantitative research. CausalTheory and HYPotheses

is TheHypothesisanil Causality. A h'ltpothesis statea tentative or tested be to a proposition ment of a relationshipbetweentwo variables Hypothesesare guessesabout how the social

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picture of the researchprocessby focusingon a singleresearchprojectthat testsonehpothesis. Knowledgedevelopsover time as researchers throughout the scientificcommunity test many I . lt hasat leasttwo variables. hlpotheses.It growsfrom shiftingand winnow2. lt expresses a causalorcause-effect relationship ing through many hypotheses. Eachhlpothesis betweenthe variables. representsan explanationof a dependentvari3. lt can be expressedas a predictionor an exable.If the evidencefails to support somehypectedfutureoutcome. potheses,they are gradually eliminated from consideration.Thosethat receivesupport re4. lt is logicallylinkedto a research questionanda main in contention. Theoristsand researchers theory. constantlycreatenew hypothesesto challenge 5. lt is falsifiable; that is, it is capableof being those that havereceivedsupport.Figure4.3 reptestedagainstempiricalevidenceand shownto resentsan exampleof the processof shifting be true or false. through hypotheses overtime. Scientistsarea skepticalgroup. Supportfor a hypothesisin one researchprojectis not sufficientfor them to acceptit. Theprincipleof repliworld works; they are statedin a value-neutral cation saysthat a hypothesisneedsseveraltests form. with consistentand repeatedsupport to gain A causalhypothesishas five characteristics broad acceptance. Another way to strengthen (seeBox 4.6).Thefirst two characteristics define confidencein a hlpothesis is to test related the minimum elementsof a hypothesis.The causal linkages in the theory from which it third restatesthe hypothesis.Foi example,the comes. hlpothesis that attendingreligiousservicesreducesthe probability ofdivorce can be restated Typesof Hypotheses. Hlpothesesarelinks in a as a prediction:Coupleswho attendreligious theoretical causalchain and can take several servicesfrequently haye a lower divorce rate forms.Researchers usethem to testthe direction than do coupleswho rarelyattendreligiousserand strengthof a relationshipbetweenvariables. vices.The prediction can be testedagainstem\tVhena hypothesisdefeatsits competitors,or ofpirical evidence.The fourth characteristicstates fersalternativeexplanationsfor a causalrelation, that the hlpothesisshould be logicallytied to a it indirectlylendssupportto the researcher's exresearchquestionand to a theory. Researchers planation.A curiousaspectof hypothesistesting test hypothesesto answerthe researchquestion is that researchers treat evidencethat supportsa or to find empirical support for a theory. The hypothesisdifferently from evidencethat oplast characteristicrequiresthat a researcheruse posesit. They give negativeevidencemore imempiricaldatato testthe hypothesis.Statements portance.The idea that negativeevidenceis that are necessarilytrue as a result of logic, or critical when evaluating a hypothesis comes questionsthat areimpossibleto answerthrough from the logicof disconfirmingh1,potheses.2 It is empirical obseniation(e.g.,What is the "good associated with Karl Popper'sideaof falsification life"? Is there a God?)cannot be scientifichyand with the useof null hypotheses(seelater in potheses. this section). A hypothesisis neverproved,but it can be Testingand Refining Hypothesis. Knowledge disproved.A researcherwith supportingevirarelyadvanceson the basisofone testofa sindencecansayonly that the hypothesisremainsa glehypothesis.In fact,it is easyto geta distorted possibilityor that it is still in the running. Nega-

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How the Processof HypothesesTestingoperates over Time

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In 2006,3 hypothesesare in contention,but from 1966 to 2006, 1t hypotheseswere considered,and ovel time,8 of themwere reiectedin one or moretests.

tive evidenceis more significantbecausethe hypothesisbecomes"tarnished"or "soiled" if the evidencefailsto supportit. This is becausea hypothesismakespredictions.Negativeand disconfirming evidenceshowsthat the predictions arewrong.Positiveor confirming evidencefor a hypothesisis lesscriticalbecausealternativehypothesesmay make the sameprediction' A researcherwho finds confirming evidencefor a predictionmay not elevateoneexplanationover its alternatives.

For example,a man standson a streetcorner with an umbrella and claims that his umbrella protectshim from falling elephants.His hypothesisthat the umbrella provides protection hassupportingevidence.He hasnot had a singleelephantfall on him in all the time he has had his umbrellaopen.Yet, suchsupportiveevidenceis weak;it alsois consistentwith an alternative hypothesis-that elephantsdo not fall from the sky.Both predict that the man will be safefrom falling elephants.Negativeevidence

C HAPTER4 ,/ REVI EW I NCTHE SCHO LARLYLI TER A T U R E A N D P L A N N I N CA S T U D Y

for the hypothesis-the one elephantthat falls on him andhis umbrella,crushingboth-would destroythe hypothesisfor good. Researchers test hypothesesin two ways:a straightforwardway and a null hypothesisway. Many quantitativeresearchers, especiallyexperimenters,framehlpothesesin termsof a null hypothesisbasedon the logic of the disconfirming hypotheses. Theytesthypotheses by looking for evidencethat will allow them to acceptor reiect the null hypothesis.Most peopletalk ibout a hypothesisas a way to predict a relationship.The null hypothesisdoesthe opposite.It predictsno relationship.For example,Sarahbelievesthat studentswho live on campusin dormitoriesget highergradesthan studentswho live offcampus and commuteto college.Her null hlpothesisis that there is no relationshipbetweenresidence and grades.Researchers usethe null hypothesis with a correspondingalternativehypothesisor experimental hypothesis.The alternative hypothesissaysthat a relationshipexists.Sarah's alternativehypothesisis that students'on-campus residencehasa positiveeffecton grades. For most people,the null hypothesisapproachis a backwardway of hlpothesistesting. Null hypothesisthinking restson the assumption that researchers try to discovera relationship,sohlpothesistestingshouldbe designedto makefinding a relationshipmore demanding.A researcherwho usesthe null hypothesisapproachonly directlyteststhe null hlpothesis.If evidencesupportsor leadsthe researcherto acceptthe null hypothesis,he or sheconcludesthat the testedrelationshipdoesnot exist.This implies that the alternativehlpothesisis false.On the other hand, if the researchercan find evidenceto rejectthe null hypothesis,then the alternativehlpothesesremain a possibility. The researchercannotprove the alternative;rather, by testingthe null hypotheses,he or shekeeps the alternativehypothesesin contention.When null hypothesistesting is addedto confirming evidence,the argumentfor an alterativehypothesiscangrowstrongerovertime.

95

Many people find the null hypothesis to be confusing. Another way to think of it is that the scientific community is extremely cautious. It prefers to consider a causal relationship to be false until mountains of evidence show it to be true. This is similar to the Anglo-American legal idea of innocent until proved guilty. A researcherassumes,or acts as if, the null hlpothesis is correct until reasonable doubt suggests otherwise. Researcherswho use null hlpotheses generally use it with specific statistical tests (e.g., t-test or F-test). Thus, a researchermay saythere is reasonabledoubt in a null hypotheiis ii a statistical test suggeststhat the odds ofit being false are 99 in 100. This is what a researcher means when he or she says that statistical tests allow him or her to "reject the null hypothesis at the .01 level of significance." Aspects of Explanation Clarity ahout Units and Levels of Analysis. It is easy to become confused at first about the ideas of units and levels of analysis. Nevertheless, they are important for clearly thinking through and planning a research project. All studies have both units and levels of analysis,but few researchersexplicitly identiSr them as such. The levels and units of analysis are restricted by the topic and the researchquestion. A levelof analysisis the level of social reality to which theoretical explanations refer. The level of social realityvaries on a continuum from micro level (e.g., small groups or individual processes)to macro level (e.g., civilizations or structural aspectsofsociety). The level includes a mix of the number of people, the amount of space,the scope of the activity, and the lengh of time. For example, an extreme micro-level analysiscan involve a few secondsofinteraction between two people in the same small room. An extreme macro-level analysiscan involve billions ofpeople on severalcontinents acrosscenturies. Most social researchusesa level of analysis that lies between these extremes.

The level of analysisdelimits the kinds of concepts,and theoriesthat a reassumptions, searcheruses.For example,I want to study the topic of datingamongcollegestudents.I usea micro-levelanalysisand developan explanation that usesconceptssuch as interpersonal contact,mutual friendships,and common interests.I think that studentsare likely to date someonewith whom they havehad personal contact in a class,sharefriends in common, and sharecommoninterests.The topic and focus fit with a micro-level explanationbecause they aretargetedat the levelofface-to-faceinteraction amongindividuals.Another example topic is how inequalityaffectsthe forms of vioIentbehaviorin a society.Here,I havechosena more macro-levelexplanationbecauseof the topic and the level of socialreality at which it operates.I am interestedin the degreeof inequality(e.g.,the distributionof wealth,propthroughout erty,income,and other resources) a societyand in patternsof societalviolence (e.g.,aggression againstother societies,sexual assault,feudsbetweenfamilies).The topic and questionsuggest macro-levelconcepts research and theories. The unit of analysisrefersto the type of unit a researcheruseswhen measuring.Common units in sociologyare the individual, the group (e.g.,family,friendshipgroup),the organization (e.g.,corporation,university),the socialcategory (e.8.,socialclass,gender,race),the social institution (e.g.,religion,education,the family), and the society(e.g.,a nation,a tribe). Although the individual is the most commonly usedunit of analysis,it is by no meansthe only one.Differenttheoriesemphasizeoneor anotherunit of analysis,and different researchtechniquesare with specificunits of analysis.For exassociated ample,the individualis usuallytheunit of analysisin surveyand experimentalresearch. As an example,the individual is the unit of analysisin a surveyin which 150 studentsare askedto rate their favorite football player.The individual is the unit becauseeach individual student'sresponseis recorded.On the other

hand,a studythat comparesthe amountsdifferent collegesspendon their football programs would usethe organization(the college)asthe unit of analysisbecausethe spendingby colleges is beingcomparedand eachcollege'sspendingis recorded. useunits of analysisother than Researchers individuals, groups,or ganizations,social categories,institutions,and societies.For example,a researcherwants to determine whether the for presidentofthe oftwo candidates speeches United Statescontain specificthemes.The researcherusescontentanalysisand measuresthe themesin eachspeechof the candidates.Here, the speechis the unit of analysis.Geographic units of analysisare alsoused.A researcherinterestedin determiningwhethercitiesthat have alsohavea high rate a high number of teenagers of vandalismwould use the city as the unit of measures analysis.This is becausethe researcher the percentageofteenagersin eachcity and the amount of vandalismfor eachcity. The units of analysisdeterminehow a revariablesor themes.Theyalso searchermeasures correspondlooselyto the levelof analysisin an or micro explanation.Thus,social-psychological levelsof analysisfitwith the individual asa unit of analysis,whereasmacro levelsof analysisfit with the socialcategoryor institution asa unit. Theories and explanationsat the micro level generally refer to featuresof individuais or interactions amongindividuals.Thoseat the macrolevelrefer to socialforcesoperatingacrossa societyor relationsamongmajor partsof a societyasa whole. uselevelsand units of analysis Researchers to designresearchprojects,and being awareof avoid logicalerrors.For them helpsresearchers example,a studythat examineswhethercolleges in the North spendmore on their football programsthan do collegesin the Southirnpliesthat gathersinformation on spendingby a researcher collegeand the locationof eachcollege.The unit the of analysis-the organizationor, specifically, college-flows from the researchproblem and tells the researcherto collectdata from each college.

LF TAPTER 4 ,/ REVI EW I NGTHE SCHO TARLYLI TE R A T U R E A N D P L A N N I N GA S T U D Y

Researchers chooseamong different units or levelsof analysisforuimila, tlpics orl"r.ur.f, questions.For example,u ,.r."rih., could con_ drrcta pioject on thJ topic of patriarcty ana ,ri_ olencewith societyasthe unit of arralysis fo. the researchquestion, ..Are patriarchai societies more violent?"He or shewould collect d.ataon societiesand classi$'eachsocietyby its degree of patriarchyand its levelof violence.On the"other hand,if the researchquestionwas,.Isthe degree of patriarchywithin u fu-ity urro.iutJ*iin rri_ ol.::: againsta spouse?,' ihe unit of anatysis couldbe the group or the family,u"a u rno.. _i_ cro level of analysiswould be appropriate. The researcher could collectdataon Amiliesbymea_ suring the degreeof patriarchywithin diif"r.rrt families and the level of violence ;;;;.." spousesin thesefamilies.The sametopic canbe addressedwith different levels urrd .rrrit, of because patriarchycanbe a variablethat Tdy:.it descrlbesan entiresociety,or it can describe so_ cial relationswithin one family. f*ewis., ,rio_ lencecanbe definedasgeneralbehavior acrossa society,or as the interpersonalactions of one spousetoward the other.

97

to the unit on which you collect data (see Box A A\

Eymple. Tomsville and foansvilleeach have about,45,000 peopleliving in tn.-. io_*itf. u percentage of upper_income people. lur 1tql Over half of the householdsin tn" to*"-i'uu. family incomesof over $200,000.ffr" to*, Jro mgtgr-ry. clelregisteredin it than any 3: ::_.: other town of its size.The town ofJoansville has many poor people.Half its households live be_

Researchers havecriticizedthe famous studvSuicide ([1.897] I 95 t) by EmileDurkheimfor the eco'togi_ :allal|1c{?ftr:ating groupdataasthoughthey were individual-level data.In the study,Ouitt"i#-r_ paredthe suicideratesof protestant and Catiolic districtsin nineteenth_century westernfu.op" ana explainedobserveddifferences as due to differences betweenpeople'sbeliefsandpracticesin th"i*o r"_ ligions.He saidthat protestantshada frighersuicide rate than Catholicsbecausethey were rniru iiJiuia_ Failo:y, The ecological fallacy arises ualisticand had lower socialiniegration.Durkheim lcological trom a mismatchof units of analysis.It refers andearlyresearchers to only hadartl OyairtriJ iin.u a poor fit between the units for which peopletendedto residewith others a re_ of th" ,rru ."_ has empirical evidenceand the units ligion,Durkheimusederoup_levelart, :.ut.Jr:rfi."., ,"gL.) tor whlch he or shewantsto makestatements. for individuals It is due to imprecisereasoningurrag.rr"rJiri.rg Laterresearchers (van poppel and Day,1996) beyondwhat the evidencewarrants.Ecological reexamined nineteenth_century suicideratesonly fallacyoccurswhen a researchergathers with individual-level data thatihey air.ou"r"Jfo, i^io u, a higher or an aggregatedunit o? urrulvri, someareas.They comparedthe death but recordsand wants to make a statementabout a I'ower tookedat the officialreasonof death and religion, or disaggregated but their resultsdifferedfrom Or.ru,uirt. unit. It is a fallacybe.arrr" ,hat np"prr_ ently,localofficialsat that time recorded happensin one unit of analysisioes deaths'dif_ ut_uy, ferently.for people of different ,"ligi;;;. hold for a differentunit of analysis.Th;r, "oi i;y ii;;. r"-.or+d "unspecified"as a reasonfor ae-atfr searchergathersdata for large aggregates far more (eg., often for Catholicsbecauseof a strongrnorriproii_ organizations,entire countries, il." bition againstsuicideamongCatholil. "i..iu"a drawsconclusionsabout the behavior Ou.kheim,s oi i"ii_ largertheory may be correct,yet the viduals from those data, he or she i, .o--it_ evidencehe hadto test it wasweakbecausehe used ting the ecologicalfallacy.you can avoid dataaesre_ this gated at the group levelwhiletrying to error by ensuringthat the unit of analySis vou actionsof individuals. "*pt"iilti" usein

an explanationis the sameu, or rr.*.i*.

98

P A Rr oNE / F o u N D A rl o N S

low the poverty line. It also has fewer motorcycles registered in it than any other town its size. But it is a fallacy to say,on the basis of this information alone, that rich people are more likely to own motorcycles or that the evidence shows a relationship between family income and motorcycle ownership. The reason is that we do not know which families in Tomsville or Joansville own motorcycles. We only know about the two variables-average incorne and number of motorcycles-for the towns as a whole. The unit of analysis for observing variables is the town as a whole. Perhaps all of the low- and middle-income families in Tomsville belong to a motorcycle club, and not a single upper-income family belongs. Or perhaps one rich family and five poor ones in Joansville each own motorcycles. In order to make a statement about the relationship between famrly ownership of motorcycles and family income, we have to collect information on families, not on towns as a wholeReductionism. Another problem involving mismatched units of analysisand imprecise reasoning about evidence is reductionism, also calledthefallacy of nonequivalence(seeBox 4.8)' This error occurs when a researcher explains macro-level events but has evidence only about specific individuals. It occurs when a researcher observesalower or disaggregatedunit of analysis but makes statements about the operations of higher or aggregatedanits.It is a mirror image of the mismatch error in the ecological fallary. A researcherwho has data on how individuals behave but makes statements about the dynamics of macro-level units is committing the error of reductionism. It occurs becauseit is often easier to get data on concrete individuals. Also, the operition of macro-level units is more abstract and nebulous. As with the ecological fallacy, you can avoid this error by ensuring that the unit of analysis in your explanation is very close to the one for which you have evidence. Researchers who fail to think precisely about the units of analysisand those who do not couple data with the theory are likely to commit

the ecological fallacy or reductionism. :Ihey makea mistakeaboutthe dataappropriatefor a researchquestion,or they may seriouslyoverfrom the data. generalize You can make assumptionsabout units of analysisother than the onesyou study empirically.Thus, researchon individualsrestson assumptions that individuals act within a set of socialinstitutions.Researchon socialinstitutions is basedon assumptionsabout individual behavior.We know that many micro-levelunits form macro-levelunits. The dangeris that it is easyto slideinto usingthe causesor behaviorof micro units, such as individuals,to explainthe actions of macro units, such as social institutions. What happensamong units at one level doesnot necessarilyhold for different units of analysis.Sociologyis a disciplinethat restson the fundamentalbeliefthat a distinctlevelof social reality existsbeyond the individual. Explanationsofthis levelrequiredataand theorythat go beyond the individual alone. The causes that existamong forces,structures,or processes to individual reduced be cannot macro units behavior.

Example. Why did World War I occur?You may have heard that it was becausea Serbian shot an archdukein the AustroHungarianEmpire in 1914.This is reductionism.Yes,the aswasa factor,but the macro-political sassination event between nations-w41-snnn6f be reduced to a specificact of one individual. If it could, we could also saythat the war occurred alarm clock worked and becausethe assassin's If it had not worked, morning. wokehim up that so the no assassination, been have there would World event, The war! the alarm clock caused War I, wasmuch more complexand wasdue to many social,political, and economicforcesthat cametogetherat a point in history' The actions of specificindividualshad a role' but only a minor one comparedto thesemacro forces'Individuals affect events, which eventually, in combinationwith larger-scalesocialforcesand organizations,affectothers and move nations,

CHAPTER4 /

REVI EW I NCTHE SCHO TARLYLI TE R A T U R E A N D P L A N N I N CA S T U D Y

Supposeyou pickup a book and readthe following: American racerelationschanged dramatically duingthe Civil RightsEraof the 19 G7s.Attitudesarirg themo_ jority, whitepopulationshiftedto greater toliranceas lawsand courtrulingschangedaiss the nation. Op_ portunitiesthat hadbeenlegallyandofficially closedto all.butthe whitepopulation_intheorro, of houring, jobs, schooling,votingrights,andso on_were opened to peopleof all races.FromtheBrownvs.Board of Ed_ ucationdecisionin 1955, to the Civit Rights Actof 1954, to theWaron poverty from I 965 lo I 96g, a new,dramaticoutlooksweptthe country.Thiswas the resultofthe vision,dedication,and actionsof Ameica,s foremostcivilrightsleader,Dr. MartinLuthir KngJr. says:dependentvariable: major changein . ^This U.S. race relationsover a I O_to 1 3'_yearp"iioa; independent.variable = King,svisionand actions. lf you know muchabout the civil rightsera,you seea problem.The entirecivilrightsmivement"and its successes areattributedto a singleindividual. yes, one individualdoesmakea differenieandhelps build and guidea movement,but the movementis missing. The idea of a social-political movementas a causal torceis reducedto its majorleader.The distinct so_ cialphenomenon-a movement_isobscured. Losr are the actionsof hundredsof thousands of people (marches,court cases,speeches,prayer meetings, sit-ins,rioting,petitions,beatings,eti.) involved in advancinga sharedgoal and the responses to them.

but individual actionsalone are not the cause. Thus, it is likely that a war would havebroken out at about that time evenif the assassination had not occurred. Spuriousness. To call a relationshipbetween uariablesspuriousmeansthat it is false,a mirage. Researcfuers get excitedif they think they hie found a spuriousrelationshipbecausetfr.y.u" show that what appearcon ih" surfaceis false

The movement's ideology,popularmobilization, pol_ itics,organization, and strategyare absent.Reiated macro-levelhistoricaleventsand trends that may have influencedthe movement(e.g., VietnamWar protest, mood shift with the kiliing of John F. Kennedy,AfricanAmericanseparatistpoliti.r, lf.i..n Americanmigrationto urbanNorth) aie also ignored. Thiserroris not uniqueto histoiical ., Manypeoplethinkonly in termsof individual ""plrn"rtionr. actions and have an individualistbias,sometimes called methodological individualism. This is especiallytrue in the extremelyindividualistic U.S.culture.fhe erro. is that it disregardsunitsof analysisor forces b"vona the individual.The errorof redictionismshifts e'"pla_ nationto a muchlowerunit of analysis. One could continueto reducefrom an individual,s behaviorto biologicalprocesses in a person,to micro_level neu_ rochemical activities,to the subatomiclevel. Most peoplelivein ,,social worlds"focusedon lo_ cal,immediatesettingsand their interactions with a smallset ofothers,so theireverydaysense of rerlitv encourages seeingsocialtrendsor eventsas individ_ psychotogicat processes. Often,they :i!fi"1r:."1 become blind to more abstract,macro_level enti_ ties-socia I forces,processes, organizations, institu_ tions, movements,or structures.The idea that all socialactionscannotbe reducedto individuals alone of sociotogy.In his ctassic*orf. SuiJa", ! 11"^-1". Emile.Durkheim foughtmethodological individualism and demonstratedthat larger,unrecognized social forcesexplainevenhighlyindividual, prluater.iionr.

and amore complexrelation exists.Any associ_ ation betweentwo yariablesmight be spurious, so researchers are cautiouswhen they iiscover that two variablesare associated;upor, fu.ih., investigation,it may not be the basisfor a real causalrelationship.It may be an illusion, iusr like themiragethat resembies a pool of*ut"i o., a road during a hot day. Spuiousness occurswhen two variablesap_ pearto be associated but arenot causallyrelatid

rA K t

u Nc

/

r ( JUt\tr AttL/t\)

you tell whether a relationshipis spurious,and how do you find out what the mysteriousthird factor is?You will need to use statisticaltechniques (discussedlater in this book) to test Formanyyears,researchers observeda strongpostis spurious.To usethem, whetheran association betweenthe useof a night-lightand tive association you needa theoryor at leasta guessaboutpossichildrenwho were nearsighted. Many thought that is based ble third factors.Actually,spuriousness the night-lightwassomehowcausingthe childrento logic that you alreadyuse.For on commonsense developvisionproblems(illustratedas a below). example,you alreadyknow that thereis an assoOther researchers could think of no reasonfor a ciation betweenthe useof air conditionersand causallink betweennight-lightuse and developing ice cream cone consurnption.If you measured nearsightedness. A 1 999 studyprovidedthe answer. the number of air conditionersin use and the It found that nearsightedparentsare more likelyto numberofice creamconessoldfor eachday,you passon theirviusenight-lights; they alsogenetically would find a strongcorrelation,with more cones siondeficiencyto their children.The studyfound no sold on the dayswhen more air conditionersare link betweennight-lightuse and nearsightedness in use.But you know that eatingicecreamcones once parentalvisionwas addedto the explanation not causepeopleto turn on air conditiondoes (seeb below).Thusthe initialcausallinkwas misInstead, both variablesarecausedby a third ers. leadingor spurious(from NewYo* Times,May 22, You couldverify the samething hot days. factor: 2 001) . throughstatisticsby measuringthe dailytempera. Initialrelationship ature aswell as ice creamconsumptionand air opposingtheconditioneruse.In socialresearch, orieshelp peoplefigure out which third factors POS|TTVE ASSOCTATTON are relevantfor many topics (e.g.,the causesof crimeor the reasonsfor war or child abuse). b. Additionof the missingtrue causalfactor

SPURIOUSASSOCIATION

becausean unseen third factor is the real cause (seeBox 4.9). The unseen third or other variable is the causeof both the independent and the dependent variable in the apparent but illusionary relationship and accounts for the observed association. In terms of conditions for causaliry the unseen factor is a more powerful alternative explanation. You now understand that you should be wary ofcorrelations or associations,but how can

Example1. Somepeoplesaythat taking illegal drugscausessuicide,schooldropouts,and violent acts.Advocatesof "drugs are the problem" position point to the positivecorrelationsbetweentaking drugsand beingsuicidal,dropping out ofschool,and engagingin violence.Theyarguethat endingdrug usewill greatlyreducesuicide,dropouts,and violence.Othersarguethat of their emomanypeopleturn to drugsbecause tional problemsor high levelsof disorderof their communities(e.g.,high unemployrnent,unstable families,high crime,fewcommunityservices lackof cifity). Thepeoplewith emotionalproblemsor who live in disorderedcommunitiesare alsomorelikelyto commit suicide,drop out, and engagein violence.This meansthat reducing emotional problems and community disorder will causeillegaldrug use,droppingout, suicide andviolenceall to declinegreatly.Reducingdrug taking alonewill have only a limited effectbe-

CH A P TER4 ,/ REVIEW I NCTHE SCHO LARLYL IT E R A TU R AEN D P LA N N IN G A S TU D Y

causeit ignores the root causes.The "drugs are the problem" argument is spurious becausethe initial relationship between taking illegal drugs and the problems is misleading. The emotional problems and community disorder are the true and often unseen causalvariables. Example 2. In the United States and Canada, we observe an empirical association between students classifiedasbeing in a non-White racial category and scoring lower academic tests (compared to students classifedas in a White categor/). The relationship between racial classification and test scores is illusionary, becausea powerful and little-recognized variable is the true cause of both the racial classification and the test scores(seeFigure 4.4).In this case,the true causeoperates directly on the independent variable (racial classification) but indirectly through an intervening process on the dependent variable (test scores).A beliefsystem that is basedon classifyingpeople asbelonging to racial groups and assigninggreat significanceto superficial physical appearance,such as skin color, is the basis of what people call "race." Such a belief system also is the basis for prejudice and discriminatorybehavior. In such a situation, people are seen as belonging to different races and

F I G UR E 4 .4

treated differently because of it, such as having different job opportunities and housing choices. Discriminated-against people who are in some racial categories find limits in their housing choices. This means they get separated or grouped together in undesirable areas. Poor housing gets combined with unequal schooling, such that the lowest-quality schools are located in areas with the least desirable housing. Since the relationship between school quality and test scoresis very strong, students from families living in lessdesirablehousing areaswith low-quality schools get lower test scores. We can now turn from the errors in causal explanation to avoid and more to other issues involving hlpotheses. Table 4.2 provides a review of the major errors. From the Research Question to

Hypotheses It is difficult to move from a broad topic to hypotheses,but the leap from a well-formulated researchquestionto hypothesesis a short one. Hints about hlpothesesare embeddedwithin a goodresearchquestion.In addition,hlpotheses are tentativeanswersto researchquestions(see Box4.10).

Exampleof a SpuriousRelationshipbetweenBelongingto a NonWhite "Race" and Getting LowAcademicTest Scores SpuriousAssociation

Studentstreatedas belongingto a racialsocialcaiegory("White" or "Non-White") basedon superficialphysicalappearance

Discrimination against non-Whites in jobs and housing

Real Cause Societywideracist beliefs and treatment of social categories as if they had an inherent-biologicalbasis

Real Cause

IOI

I Y Segregated housing I Y Non-Whites attend lower-quality schools

Real Cause

t02

PART O NE , / FO UNDATI O NS

Summaryof Errorsin Exptanation

EcologicalFallacy

The empiricalobservations are at too higha levelfor the causalrelationship that is stated.

NewYork hasa highcrimerate.Joan livesin NewYork.Therefore,she probablystole my watch.

Reductionism

The empiricalobservationsareat too low a levelfor the causalrelationship that is stated.

Because Stevenlost hisjob and did not buy a newcar,the countryentereda long economicrecession.

Spuriousness

An unseenthird variableis the actual causeofboth the independent and dependentvariable.

Hair lengthis associatedwith TV programs.Peoplewith short hair prefer watchingfootball;peoplewith long hair preferromancestories.(lJnseen: Cender)

Bad ResearchQuestions

Good ResearchQuestions ExploratoryQuestions I Hasthe actualincidence of childabusechangedin Wisconsin in the past l0 years?

Not Enpirically Testable,N onscientifi c euestions r Shouldabortionbe legal? r ls it rightto havecapitalpunishment? GeneralTopics,Not Research euestions I Treatmentof alcoholand drugabuse r Sexualityand aging Setof Variables,Not euestions r Capitalpunishmentand racialdiscrimination r Urbandecayandgangs Too Vague,Ambiguous r Do policeaffectdelinquency? r

What canbe doneto preventchildabuse?

Needto Be StillMoreSpecific r Hasthe incidence of childabuserisen? r How does poverty affect children? r

What problemsdo childrenwho grow up in poveftyexperience that othersdo not?

Desciptive Questions r ls childabuse,violentor sexual,morecommonin familiesthat haveexperienced a divorcethan in intact,never-divorced families? I Are the childrenraisedin poverty households more likelyto havemedical,learning,and social_ emotionaladjustmentdifficulties thannonpoverty children? ExplanatoryQuestions l Doesthe emotionalinstabilitycreatedby experi_ encinga divorceincreasethe chancesthat di_ vorced parents will physically abuse their children? r

ls a lackof sufficentfunds for preventivetreat_ menta majorcauseof moreseriousmedicalprob_ lemsamongchildrenraisedin familiesin poverty?

CH A PTER4 ,/ REVI EW I NGTHE SCHO LARLY LI TERA T U R E AND

Consideran exampleresearchquestion:,.Is ageat marriage associatedwith divorce?',The questioncontainstwo variables:..ageat marriage"and "divorce."To developa hfrothesis, a researcher asks,"Which is the independentvari_ able?"The independentvariableis-..aqeat mar_ riage" becausemarriagemust logicaliyprecede divorce.The researcheralsoasks]..WLai is the direction of the relationship?',The hypothesis couldbe:"The lower the ageat time of marriage, the greaterthe chancesthat the marriase will end in divorce."This hypothesisanswe.sihe ,._ searchquestionand makesa prediction.Notice that the researchquestion.un b. reformulated and better focusednow: ..Are coupleswho marry youngermore likely to divorce?" Severalhypotheses canbe developedfor one researchquestion.Another hypothesisfrom the sameresearchquestionis: ..Thesmallerthe dif_ ferencebetweenthe agesof the marriagepart_ ners at the time of mairiage,the lessfif.".fftfr* the marriagewill end in divorce.,'In this case, the variable "age at marriage" is specified differently. , , .Hypgtr.ses can specifythat a relationship holdsunder someconditionsbut not others.For a hlpothesisstates:"The lower the age "YTpl.,partners of the at time of marriage,the greater

P L A N N I N CA S T U D Y

I03

the chancesthat the marriage will end in divorce, unless it is a marriage between members of a tight-knit traditional religious communitv in ' which early marriage is the norm.', Formulating a research question and, ahy_ pothesis do not have to proceed in fixed stases.A researcher can formulate a tentative reslarch question, then develop possible hypotheses; the hypothesesthen help the researchei state the re_ search question more precisely. The process is interactive and involves creativitv. You may be wondering, wh.re does theory ^ fit into the process of moving from a topic to a hypothesis I can test?Recall from Chapter Z that ft1oy takes many forms. Researcheri use gen_ eral theoretical issuesas a source oftopics. ihe_ ories provide concepts that researchers*turninto variables as well as the reasoning or mechanism that helps researchersconnect variables into a researchquestion. A hypothesis can both answer a researchquestion and be an untested proposi_ tion from a theory. Researchers.urr.*pr.r, u hlr_ pothesis at an abstract, conceptuai level o. restateit in a more concrete,meaiurable form. Examples of specfic studies mayhelp to il_ lustrate the parts ofthe researchprocess.For."_ amples of three quantitative st;dies, see Table 4.3; for two qualitative studies, seeTable 4.4.

Examplesof QuantitativeStudies Study Citation (using ASA format style)

Coar,CarlaandJane Sell.2005. "UsingTask Definitionto Modify RacialInequality Within TaskCroups" Sociologica I Quarterly 46: 5 2 5 -5 4 3 .

Musick,Mark,John Wilson,andWilliam B y n u m.2000." R ace and Formal Volunteering: The DifferentialEffectsof Classand Religion" SocialForces78: 1 5 3 9 -7 0 .

Lauzen, MarthaM. and D avi dM. D ozi er.20O5. "Maintaining the Double Standard:Portrayalsof Age and Genderin PopularFilms."SexRo/es 52:437-446.

Methodological Technique

Experiment

Survey

ContentAnalysis (continued)

1 04

PART O NE , / FO UNDATI O NS

TABTE 4.3

(Continued)

Topic

Mixedracegroup workingon a task.A test of "expectation statestheory"

Ratesof volunteeringby Whiteand Blackadults

Age and Gender Stereotypesin U.S. MassMedia

ResearchQuestion

lf a group is presented with a task that is complexand requires manydiverseskills,does this resultin greater equalityin padicipation acrossracialgroups becausepeoplebelieve differentracialgroups possessdifferentskills?

Do differentkindsof resourcesavailableto Blacksand Whites explainwhy Blacksare lesslikelyto volunteer?

Do contemporaryfilms showa doublestandard, in whichmalesacquire greaterstatusand leadershipas they age, whilefemalesare not permitttedto gain statusand leadership with increasedage?

Main Hypothesis Tested

Croupsexposedto instructionsthat suggestcomplexand diverseskillsare requiredto completea taskwill showlessracial inequalityin their operationsto complete a taskthan groups withoutsuch instructions.

ForWhitesand Blacks, socialclassand religion affectwhethera person volunteersin different wavs.

As with pastpopular U.S.filmsand in other popularmassmedia,a doublestandardstill exists.

Main Independent Variable(s)

Whethergroupswere told they wereto a completea complex taskthat requires diverseskillsor not.

Socialclass,religious attendance,race.

The ageand genderof majorfilm characters.

Main Dependent Variable(s)

The amountof time/involvement by peopleof different racesto resolvea group task.

Whethera personsaid he or shevolunteered for any of five (religious, organizations education,politicalor labor,seniorcitizen,or local).

Whethera characterhas role,high a leadership occupational status,and goals.

Unit of Analysis

Mixedracetaskgroup

adult Individual

The movie

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SpecificUnits in the Study

90 undergraduate femalesin 5-oerson groupscomprisedof one Blackandtwo Whitestudents.

Randomsampleof 2 ,8 6 7 U.S adul . ts interviewedtwice (p a n e l i)n 1 985 and 19 8 9 .

100 top-grossing domestic U.S.filmsin 2002.

Universe

All taskgroupsthat havea diverseset of members.

All adultWhitesand Blacksin the United States.

Allfilms.

Study Citation (usingASA format style)

Lu,ShunandCaryFine.1 995. "ThePresentation of Ethnic Authenticity: ChineseFoodas a SocialAccomplishment" Sociological Quarterly 3 6 :5 3 5 -5 3 .

Molotch,Harvey,William Freudenburg, and Kristapaulsen. 2000. "HistoryRepeatsltself, but How?City Character,Urban Tradition,andthe Accomplishment of place." AmericanSociological Review 65:791-823.

MethodologicalTechnique

FieldResearch

Historical-Comparative Research

Topic

Thewaysethnicculturesare displayed withinthe boundaries of beingacceptable in the United Statesand how they deploy culturalresources.

The wayscitiesdevelopa distinct urban"character."

ResearchQuestion

Howdo Chineserestaurants presentfood to balance, givinga feelingof culturalauthenticity andyet satisfying non-Chinese U.S.customers?

Why did the California citiesof SantaBarbaraandVentura, whichappearverysimilaron the surface,developvery different characters? (continued)

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PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

TAB LE 4. 4

( Co n ti n u e d )

Grounded Theory

EthnicrestaurantsAmericanize their food to fit localtastesbut of alsoconstructan imPression authenticity.lt is a negotiated processof meetingthe customer'sexpectations,/taste conventionsand the desirefor an exoticand authenticeating experience.

The authorsusedtwo concepts-"lash up" (interaction of manyfactors)and structure (pasteventscreateconstraints ones)-to on subsequent elaborateon characterand tradition.Economic,political, cultural,and socialfactors combineto createdistinct places. Similar cultural-economic forcescan haveoppositeresults dependingon context.

SocialProcess

makemodifications Restaurants their to fit availableingredients, cultural the and niche, market and food tastesof local customers.

Conditionsin the two cities contributedto two different economicdevelopment to the oil industryand responses The city highwaydevelopment. of Venturaformedan industrialemploymentbasearoundthe oil industryand encouragednew The city of Santa highways. Barbaralimitedboth the oil industryand highwaygrowth.lt insteadfocusedon creatinga strongtourismindustry.

SocialContext or Field Site

esPeciallY Chineserestaurants, four in Athens,Georgia.

The middlepart of California's .l Pacificcoastoverthe past 00 years.

ffi, In this chapter,you encounteredthe groundwork to begina study.You sawhow differences in the qualitative and quantitative stylesor apto proachesto socialresearchdirect a researcher prepare for a study differently. All social renarrowtheir topic into a more specific, searchers focusedresearchquestion.The srylesof research suggesta different form and sequenceof decisions,and differentanswersto when and how to

focus the research.The srylethat a researcher useswill dependon the topic he or sheselects, purposeand intendeduse of the researcher's study results,the orientation toward socialsciencethat he or sheadopts,and the individual reown assumptionsand beliefs. searcher's take a linear path Quantitativeresearchers and emphasizeobjectivity.They tend to useexand a causalexplicit, standardizedprocedures planation. Their language of variables and hypothesesis found acrossmany other areasof

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science.The processis often deductive with a sequence ofdiscrete stepsthat precede data collection: Narrow the topic to a more focused question, transform nebulous theoretical concepts into more exact variables, and develop one or more hlpotheses to test. In actual practice, researchersmove back and forth, but the general processflows in a single, linear direction. In addition, quantitative researcherstake specialcare

to avoid logicalerrorsin hypothesisdevelopment and causalexplanation. Qualitative researchers follow a nonlinear path and emphasizebecoming intimate with the details of a natural setting or a particular cultural-historical context. They use fewer standardized procedures or explicit steps,and often devise on-the-spot techniques for one situation or study. Their language of casesand contexts directs them to conduct detailed investigations ofparticular casesor processesin their searchfor authenticity. They rarely separateplanning and design decisions into a distinct pre-data collection stage,but continue to develop the studydesign throughout early data collection. The inductive qualitative sryle encourages a slow, flexible evolution toward a specific focus based on a researcher's ongoing learning from the data. Grounded theory emerges from the researcher'scontinuous reflections on the data. Too often, the qualitative and quantitative distinction is overdrawn and presented as a rigid dichotomy. Adherents of one style of social researchfrequently judge the other style on the basis of the assumptions and standards of their own style.The quantitative researcherdemands to know the variables used and the hlpothesis tested. The qualitative researcherbalks at turning humanity into cold numbers. The challenge for the well-versed,prudent social researcheris to understand and appreciate each sryle or approach on its own terms, and to recognize the

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strengths and limitations of each. The ultimate goal is to develop a better understanding and explanation of events in the social world. This comes from an appreciation of the value that each style has to offer.

Key

Terms

abstract alternative hypothesis attributes citation dependentvariable ecologicalfallacy first-order interpretation hypothesis independentvariable interveningvariable level of analysis linear researchpath literature review nonlinearresearchpath null hypothesis reductionism second-orderinterpretation spuriousness third-order interpretation unitof analysis universe variable

Endnotes 1. For a discussionof the "logic of the disconfirmitg hypothesis,"see Singleton and associates (1988:456-460). 2. SeeBailey(1987:43)for a discussion.

t.

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Qualitativeand QuantitativeMeasurement

lntroduction Why Measure? Quantitative and Qualitative Measurement Parts of the Measurement Process and Operationalization QuantitativeConceptualization and Operationalization QualitativeConceptualization Reliability and Validity and Validityin QuantitativeResearch Reliability Reliability and Validityin QualitativeResearch Relationship betweenReliability and Validity Other Usesof the TermsReliableand Valid A Guide to Quantitative Measurement Levelsof Measurement Measures: Scalesand Indexes Specialized lndex Construction The Puroose Weighting MissingData Ratesand Standardization Scales The Purpose Logicof Scaling CommonlyUsedScales Conclusion

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I NT R ODUCT I O N You may have heard of the Stanford Binet IQ test to measureintelligence,the Index of Dissimilarity to measure racial segregation, the Poverty Line to measurewhether one is poor, or Uniform Crime Reports to measure the amount of crime. When social researcherstest a hypothesis, evaluate an explanation, provide empirical support for a theory or systematically study an applied issue or some area of the social world, they measureconcepts and variables.How social researchersmeasure the nlunerous aspectsof the social worldsuch as intelligence, segregation,poverty, crime, self-esteem,political power, alienation, or racial prejudice-is the focus of this chapter. Quantitative researchers are far more concerned about measurement issuesthan are qualitative researchers.They treat measurement as a distinct step in the research process that occurs prior to data collection, and have developed special terminology and techniques for it. Using a deductive approach, they begin with a concept then create empirical measures that precisely and accurately capture it in a form that can be expressedin numbers. Qualitative researchersapproach measurement very differently. They develop ways to capture and express variable and nonvariable concepts using various alternatives to numbers. They often take an inductive approach, so they measurefeatures of social life aspart of a process that integrates creating new concepts or theories with measurement. How people conceptualize and operationalize variables can significantly affect social issues beyond concernsofresearch methodology. For example, psychologists debate the meaning and measurement of intelligence. Most intelligence tests that people use in schools, on job applications, and in making statements about racial or other inherited superiority measure only analytic reasoning (i.e., one's capacity to think abstractly and to infer logically). Yet, many argue that there are other types of intelligence in addition to analytic. Some say there is practical and

t09

creative intelligence. Others suggestmore types, such as social-interpersonal,emotional, bodykinesthetic, musical, or spatial. Ifthere are many forms of intelligence but people narrowly limit measurement to one type, it seriously restricts how schools identift and nurture learning; how larger society evaluates,promotes, and recognizesthe contributions of people;and how a society values diverse human abilities. Likewise, different policymakers and researchersconceptualZe and operationalize poverty differently. How people measure poverty will determine whether people get assistancefrom numerous social programs (e.g., subsidized housing, food aid, health care, child care, etc.). For example, some say that people are poor oniy if they cannot afford the food required to prevent malnutrition. Others say that people are poor if they have an annual income that is less than one-half of the ayerage (median) income. Still others say that people are poor ifthey earn below a "living wage" based on a judgment about the income needed to meet minimal community standards of health, safery and decency in hygiene, housing, clothing, diet, transportation, and so forth. Decisions about how to conceptualize and measure a variable-povertycan greatly influence the daily living conditions of millions of people.

W H Y M EA S U R E ? We use manymeasures in our dailylives. For example, this morning I woke up and hopped onto a bathroom scale to see how well my diet is working. I glanced at a thermometer to find out whether to wear a coat. Next, I got into my car and checked the gas gauge to be sure I could make it to campus. As I drove, I watched the speedometer so I would not get a speeding ticket. By 8:00e.u., I had measuredweight, temperature, gasoline volume, and speed-all measures about the physical world. Such precise, well-developed measures,which we use in daily life, are fundamental in the natural sciences.

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We alsomeasurethe nonphysicalworld in everydaylife, but usually in less exact terms. We are measuringwhen we saythat a restaurant is excellent,that Pablois really smart,that Karen has a negativeattitude toward life, that ]ohnson is really prejudiced,or that the movie last night had a lot of violencein it. However, such everydayjudgments as "really prejudiced" or "a lot of violence" are imprecise, vaguemeasures. The Measurementalso extendsour senses. astronomeror biologistusesthe telescopeor the microscopeto extendnaturalvision.In contrast scientificmeasurementis more to our senses, sensitive,varieslesswith the specificobserver, and yieldsmore exactinformation. You recognizethat a thermometergivesmore specific,preciseinformation about temperaturethan touch can.Likewise,a good bathroom scalegivesyou morespecific,constant,and preciseinformation aboutthe weightofa 5-year-oldgirl thanyou get by lifting her and callingher "heavy"or "light." Socialmeasuresprovide preciseinformation aboutsocialreality. In addition, measurementhelpsus observe what is otherwiseinvisible.MeasurementexIt letsus observethingsthat tendshuman senses. were once unseenand unknown but were predictedbytheory. Beforeyou can measure,you need a clear ideaaboutwhatyou areinterestedin. For example,you cannotseeor feelmagnetismwith your Magnetismcomesfrom a theory natural senses. aboutthe physicalworld. You observeits effects indirectly;for instance,metalflecksmoveneara magnet.Themagnetallowsyou to "see"or measurethe magneticfields.Natural scientistshave invented thousandsof measuresto "see" very tiny things (moleculesor insectorgans)or very large things (huge geologicalland massesor planets)that are not observablethrough ordiare connary senses. In addition, researchers stantlycreatingnew measures. Someof the things a socialresearcheris interestedin measuringare easyto see(e.g.,age, sex,skin color,etc.),but most cannotbe directly

observed(e.g.,attitudes,ideology,divorcerates, deviance,sexroles,etc.).Like the natural scientist who inventsindirect measuresof the "invisible" objectsand forcesof the physicalworld,the socialresearcherdevisesmeasuresfor difficultto-observeaspectsof the socialworld.

QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE M EASUREMENT

use Both qualitativeand quantitativeresearchers carefrrl,systematicmethodsto gatherhigh-quality data.Yet, differencesin the srylesof research and the types of data mean they approachthe measurementprocessdifferently. The two aphavethreedistinctions proachesto measurement One differencebetweenthe two sryles.involves timing. Quantitative researchersthink about variablesand convert them into specific actionsduring a planning stagethat occursbefore and separatefrom gatheringor analyzing data. Measurementfor qualitative researcher occursduring the datacollectionprocess. A seconddifferenceinvolvesthe data itself. developtechniquesthat Quantitativeresearchers can produce quantitativedata (i.e., data in the form of numbers).Thus, the researchermoves from abstractideasto specificdata collection techniquesto precisenumerical information producedby the techniques.The numericalinformation is an empiricalrepresentationof the abstractideas.Data for qualitativeresearcher sometimesis in the form of numbers;more often, it includeswritten or spokenwords,actions sounds,symbols,physicalobjects,or visualimvideos'etc.).The ages(e.g.,maps,photographs, doesnot convertall obserqualitativeresearcher vation into a singlemedium such as numbers. Instead,he or shedevelopsmanyflexible'ongoto measurethat leavesthe datain ing processes variousshapes,sizes,and forms. combine ideasand data to All researchers analyzethe socialworld. In both researchstyles data are empirical representationsof concepts links datato concepts.A third and measurement

CHA PTER5 , / Q UALI TATI VEAND Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

difference is how the two styles make such linkages.Quantitative researcherscontemplate and reflect on concepts before they gather any data. They construct measurement techniques that bridge concepts and data. Qualitative researchersalso reflect on ideas before data collection, but they develop many, if not most, of their concepts during data collection. The qualitative researcherreexamines and evaluatesthe data and concepts simultaneously and interactively. Researchers start gathering data and creating ways to measure based what they encounter. As they gather data, they reflect on the processand develop new ideas.

.,,,|ffiM

P ARTS OF T HE M E A S U R E M EN T PR OC ESS When a researcher measures,he or she links a concept, idea, or constructl to a measure (i.e., a technique, a process, a procedure, etc.) by which he or she can observethe idea empiricahy. Quantitative researchersprimarily follow a deductive route. They begin with the abstract idea, follow with a measurement procedure, and end with empirical data that represent the ideas. Qualitative researchersprimarily follow an inductive route. They begin with empirical data, follow with abstract ideas, relate ideas and data, and end with a mixture of ideas and data. Actually, the processis more interactive in both styles of research. As a quantitative researcher develops measures,the constructs become refined and clearer, and as the researcher applies the measuresto gather data, he or she often adjusts the measurement technique. As a qualitative researchergathersdata, he or she usessome preexisting ideas to assist in data collection, and will then mix old with new ideas that are developed from the data. Both qualitative and quantitative researchers use two processes:conceptualization and operationalization in measurement. Conceptualization is the process of taking a construct and refining it by giving it a conceptual or theoretical

111

definition.Aconceptualdefinitionis a definition in abstract,theoreticalterms. It refersto other ideasor constructs.Thereis no magicalway to turn a constructinto a preciseconceptualdefinition. It involvesthinking carefully,observing directly, consulting with others, reading what othershavesaid,and trying possibledefinitions. How might I developa conceptualdefinition of the constructprejudice?Whenbeginning to developa conceptualdefinition, researchers oftenrely on multiple sources-personalexperienceand deepthinking, discussionswith other people, and the existing scholarlyliterature. I might reflect on what I know about prejudice, askotherswhat theythink aboutit, andgo thelibrary and look up its many definitions.As I gather definitions, the core idea should eet clearer,but I havemany definitionsand need"to sort them out. Most definitionsstatethat prejudice is an attitude about anothergroup and involvesa prejudgment,or judgingprior to getting specificinformation. As I think aboutthe construct,I noticethat all the definitions refer to prejudiceas an attitude, and usually it is an attitude about the membersof another group. There are many forms of prejudice,but most arenegativeviews aboutpersonsofa differentracial-ethnicgroup. Prejudicecould be about other kinds ofgroups (e.g.,peopleof a religion,of a physicalstature,or from a certainregion), but it is alwaysabout a collectivityto which one doesnot belong.Many constructshavemultiple dimensionsor types,so I shouldconsiderwhethertherecanbe different typesof prejudice-racial prejudice,religious prejudice,ageprejudice,genderprejudice,nation prejudice,and so forth. I alsoneedto considerthe units of analysis that bestfit my definition of the construct.piejudiceis an attitude.Individualsholdandexpress attitudes,but so might groups (e.g.,farnilies, clubs,churches,companies,media outlets).I needto decide,Do I want my definition of prejudiceto includeonly the attitudesof individuals or shouldit includeattitudesheldby groups,organizations,and institutions aswell?Can I say,

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The schoolor newspaperwasprejudiced?I also must distinguishmy constructfrom closelyrelatedones.For example,I must ask,How is prejudice similar to or different from ideassuchas discrimination,stereotype,or racism? Conceptualization is the processof carefully thinking through the meaningof a construct.At this stage,I believethat prejudicemeansan inflexiblenegativeattitude that an individual holds and is directedtoward a raceor ethnic group that is an out-group.It can,but doesnot always, lead to behavior,such as treatingpeopleunequally(i.e.,discrimination),and it generallyrelies on a person'sstereotypesof out-group members.Thus,my initial thought,"Prejudiceis a negativefeeling,"has becomea preciselydefined construct.Evenwith all my conceptualization, I need to be even more specific.For example,if prejudiceis a negativeattitudeabout a raceor an ethnic group of which one is not a member,I needto considerthe meaningof race or ethnicgroup.I should not assumeeveryone seesracial-ethniccategoriesthe same.Likewise, it is possibleto havea positiveprejudgment,and if so is that a kind of prejudice?The main point is that conceptualization requiresthat I become very clearand statewhat I meanvery explicitly for othersto see. Operationalization links a conceptualdefinition to a specificsetof measurementtechniques or procedures,the construct'soperationaldefinition (i.e.,a definition in termsof the specificoperationsofactions a researchercarriesout). An operationaldefinition could be a surveyquestionnaire,a methodof observingeventsin a field setting,a way to measuresymbolic content in the massmedia, or any processcarried out by the researcher that reflects,documents,or representsthe abstractconstructasit is expressed in the conceptualdefinition. Thereareusuallymultiplewaysto measurea construct.Somearebetteror worseand more or lesspracticalthan others.The key is to fit your measureto your specificconceptualdefinition,to the practicalconstraintswithin which you must operate(e.g.,time, money, availablesubjects,

1. Rememberthe conceptual definition. The underlying principlefor any measureis to matchit to the specificconceptualdefinitionof the constructthat will be usedin the study. 2. Keepan openmind.Do not get lockedinto a single measure or type of measure. Becreativeand constantlylookfor better measures. 3. Borrowfrom others.Do not be afraid to borrow fromotherresearchers, as longascreditisgiven. Cood ideasfor measures can be found in other studiesor modifiedfrom other measures. 4. Anticipatedifficulties.Logicaland practicalproblemsoften arisewhen trying to measurevariablesof interest.Sometimesa problemcaRbe anticipatedand avoided with careful forethoughtandplanning. 5. Do notforgetyour unitsof analysis.Your measure shouldfit with the unitsof analysisof the study and permityou to generalize to the universeof interest.

etc.),andto the research techniquesyou know or canlearn.You can developa new measurefrom scratch,or it canbe a measurethat is alreadybe(seeBox5.1). ing usedby otherresearchers Operationalizationlinks the languageof theorywith the languageof empiricalmeasures. Theoryis full of abstractconcepts,assumptions, relationships,definitions,and causality.Empirical measuresdescribehow peopleconcreteiy measurespecificvariables.They referto specific operationsor things peopleuseto indicatethe presenceofa constructthat existsin observable reality. Quantitative Conceptualization and Operationalization The measurementprocessfor quantitative researchflows in a straightforwardsequence: first

CHA PTER5 , / Q UALI TATI VEAND Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

conceptualization, followed by operationalization, followed by applying the operational definition or measuringto collect the data. developedseveralways Quantitativeresearchers to rigorouslylink abstractideasto measurement proceduresthat will produce precisequantitative information about empiricalreality. Figure 5.1 illustrates the measurement processfor two variablesthat arelinked together in a theoryand a hypothesis.Therearethreelevelsto consider:conceptual,operational,and empirical.At the most abstractlevel,the researcher is interestedin the causalrelationshipbetween two constructs,or a concEtualhypothesis. Atthe levelofoperationaldefinitions,the researcher is interestedin testing an empiricalhypothesis to determinethe degreeof associationbetweenindicators.This is the level at which correlations. statistics,questionnaires,and the like are used. Thethird levelis the concreteempiricalworld. If the operationalindicators of variables(e.g., questionnaires)are logically linked to a construct (e.g.,racialdiscrimination),theywill capture what happensin the empiricalsocialworld and relateit to the conceptuallevel.

1 13

The measurementprocesslinks together the three levels,moving deductivelyfrom the abstractto the concrete.A researcherfirst conceptualizesa variable,giving it a clear conceptual definition.Next,he or sheoperationalizes it by developingan operationaldefinition or set of indicators for it. Last, he or she appliesthe indicators in the empirical world. The links from abstractconstructsto empiricalreality allow the researcherto test empiricalhypotheses. Thosetestsare logically linked back to a conceptual hlpothesis and causalrelations in the world of theory. A hypothesishasat leasttwo variables,and the processes of conceptualization and operationalization are necessary for eachvariable.ln the preceding example, prejudice is not a hypothesis.It is one variable.It could be a dependentvariablecausedby somethingelse,or it could be an independent variable causing somethingelse.It dependson my theoretical explanation. We can return to the quantitative study by Weitzerand Tuch on perceptionsof policebias and misconductdiscussedin Chapter2 for an

F I G URE Abstract Construct to Goncrete Measure IndependentVariable

DependentVariable

Conceptualization

Conceptualization

Level of Theory

Operationalization

Operationalization

Operational Level

TestedEmoirical Hypothesis

l

Empirical Level

1.1 4

PART oN E , / FoUNDATI O NS

example of how researchersconceptualize and operationalize variables. It is an explanatory study with two main variables in a causal hypothesis. The researchers began with the conceptualhypothesis:Members of a nondominant racial group are more likely than a dominant racial group to believe that policing is racially biased, and their experience with policing and exposure to media reports on police racial bias increasethe perception ofracial bias. They conceptualizedthe independent variable, dominant racial group, as White and the nondominant group as non-White subdivided into Black and Hispanic. The researchercconcEtualizedthe dependent variable, racially biasedpolicing, as unequal treatment by the police of Whites and non-Whites and racial prejudice by police officers. The researchersoperationalized the in' dependent variable by self-identification to a survey question about race.They operationalized the dependent variable by using four setsof survey questions: (1) questions about whether police treat Blacks better, the same, or worse than Whites, and the same question with Hispanics substituted for Blacks; (2) questions about whether police treat Black neighbhorhoods bet-

sense"or organizethe data and one'spreliminary ideas. gathersand analyzesqualAs the researcher itative data, he or she developsnew concepts, formulates definitions for the concepts' and considersrelationshipsamong the concepts. Eventually,he or shelinks conceptsto one anotherto createtheoreticalrelationshipsthat may or may not be causal.Qualitative researchers form the conceptsasthey examinetheir qualitative data (i.e.,field notes,photosand maps,historical documents,etc.). Often, this involvesa askingtheoreticalquestionsaboutthe researcher data (e.g.,Is this a caseof classconflict?What is the sequenceofeventsand could it be different? Why did this happenhere and not somewhere else?). A qualitative researcherconceptualizesby developingclear,explicit definitions of constructs.The definitions are somewhatabstract and linked to other ideas,but usuallythey are alsocloselytied to specificdata'They canbe expressedin the wordsand concreteactionsof the people being studied. In qualitative rgsearch, conceptualizationis largely determinbdby the data.

ter, the same,or worsethan Whites ones,with The operationalization the samequestionaskedfor Hispanicneighbor- a(Operationalization. ' hoods; (3) a questionabout whetherthere is 'process for qualitative researchsignificantly differs from that in quantitative researchand racial-ethnicprejudiceamongpolice ofEcersin often precedesconceptualization.Aresearcher the city; and (+) a questionaboutwhetherpolice forms conceptualdefinitions out of rudimenthey aremorelikelyto siop somedriversbecause "working ideas"that he or sheusedwhile tary liispani". Black or are making observationsor gatheringdata.Instead

and conceptualization Quatitative Operationalization 4 Conceptualization. The conceptualization pro..ri in qualitativeresearchalsodiffers from ihat ln quantitativeresearch.Insteadof refining abstractideasinto theoreticaldefinitionsearlyin rethe researchprocess,qualitativeresearchers "*otking the ideas" during fine rudimentaty datacollectionand analysisprocess.Conceptualizationis a processof iorming coherenttheoretical definiiions as one strugglesto "make

:1Hil::,:'Il1*".?'.",:l*5TJ:"?,::,'#:J searcheroperationaiizesby describing how specific observationsand thoughts about the data contributed to working ideasthat are the basisof conceptualdefinitions and theoretical concepts. Operationalizationinqualitativeresearchis anafter-the-factdescriptionmorethanabeforethe-factpreplannedtechnique.Almost in a reverseof the quantitativeprocess'datagathering occurswith or prior to full operationalization.

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I15

|ust asquantitativeoperationalizationdevisistanceto reformulation to acceptance,and atesfrom a rigid deductiveprocess,the process with acceptance camenew corporatepolicy.The followedby qualitativeresearchers is oneof muresearchersalso drew on past studiesto argue tual interaction.The researcherdrawson ideas that the "managerializationof law" illustrates from beyondthe data of a specificresearchsetonerole of top corporatemanagers-theyinnoting. Qualitativeoperationalizationdescribes vate and alter internal operationsby creating how the researchercollectsdata,but it includes new terms, justifications, and maneuvers that the researcher's use of preexistingtechniques help firms adjustto potential "disruptions"and and conceptsthat wereblendedwith thosethat requirementsoriginatingin the corporation,s emergedduring the data collectionprocess.In externalpolitical-legalenvironment. qualitativeresearch,ideasand eyidencearemutually interdependent. We canseean exampleof qualitativeoperationalizationin the study on managerialization RELIABITITYAND VALIDITY of law by Edelmanand associates (2001)disReliability and validity are central issuesin all cussedin Chapter2. It is a descriptivestudythat measurement. Both concernhow concretemea_ developedone main construct.The researchers suresare connectedto constructs. Reliability beganwith an interestin how major U.S.corpoand validity aresalientbecauseconstructsin sol rationscameto acceptlegalmandatesfrom the cial theory are often ambiguous,diffuse,and late,,l97Os to early 1990s.The mandatesstated not directly observable.perfect reliability and thdt firms must institutepoliciesto equalizeand validity are virtually impossibleto achieve. improve the hiring and promotion of racialrniRather,they are idealsfor which researchers norities and women, somethingthe firms inistrive. tially opposed.The researcher'sempiricaldata All socialresearchers want their measures to consistedof articlesin magazines written for and be reliableandvalid.Both ideasareimportant in by corporatemanagers, or "managerialrhetoric', establishingthe truthfulness,credibility, or be(i.e:,debatesand discussionwithin the commulievabilityof findings.Both termsalsohavemulnity of leadingprofessionalmanagerson importiple meanings. Here, they refer to related, tant issues).After gatheringnumerousarticles, desirableaspectsof measurement. the researchers operationalizedthe databy develReliability meansdependabilityor consisoping working ideasand conceptsfrom an intency.It suggests that the samething is repeated ductiveexaminationofthe data.Theresearchers or recursunderthe identicalor verysimilar condiscoveredthat as managersdiscussedand deditions. The oppositeof reliabilityis a measureliberated,they had createda setofnew nonlegal ment that yieldserratic,unstable,or inconsistent terms,ideas,andjustifications.Theoperational- results. ization moved inductivelyfrom looking at artiValidity suggests truthfulnessand refersto cles to creating working ideasbasedon what the match betweena construct,or the way a reresearchers found in the rhetoric.Theresearchers searcherconceptualizes the ideain a conceptual conceptuakzed their working ideasinto the abdefinition, and a measure.It refersto howwell stractconstruct"managerializationoflaw." The an idea about reality "fits" with actual reality. researchers sawthat that corporatemanagers Theabsence of validityoccursif thereis poor fit had alteredand reformulatedthe original legal betweenthe constructsa researcher usesto determsand mandates,and creatednew onesthat scribe,theorize,or analyzethe socialworld and weremore consistentwith the valuesand views what actuallyoccursin the socialworld. In simof major corporations.The researchers docuple terms,validity addresses the questionof how menteda historicalprocessthat movedfrom rewell the socialreality being measuredthrough

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FO UNDATI O NS

researchmatcheswith the constructs researchers use to understand it. Qualitative and quantitative researchers want reliable and valid measurement, but beyond an agreement on the basic ideas at a general level, each style sees the specifics of reliability and validity in the research process differently.

Reliability and Validity in Quantitative Research Reliability. As just stated,reliabilitymeansdependability.It meansthat the numericalresults producedby an indicatordo not vary becauseof characteristics of the measurementprocessor measurementinstrument itself. For example,I geton mybathroom scaleand readmyweight. I get offand get on againand again.I havea reliable scaleif it givesme the sameweight each time-assuming, of course,that I am not eating, drinking, changingclothing, and so forth. An unreliable scalewill registerdifferent weights eachtime, eventhough my "true" weight does not change. Another example is my car If I am driving at a constantslow speedometer. speedon a level surface,but the speedometer needlejumps from one end to the other, my speedometeris not a reliableindicator of how fastI am traveling. How to Improve Reliability. It is rare to have perfect reliability. There are four ways to in(1) clearlyconcreasethe reliabilityof measures: ceptrtalizeconstructs,(2) use a preciselevel of measurement,(3) use multiple indicators,and (4) usepilot-tests. All Constructs. Reliability ClearlyConceptualize increases when a singleconstructor subdimension of a constructis measured.This means developingunambiguous,cleartheoreticaldefinitions.Constructsshouldbe specifiedto elim. nate "noise" (i.e., distracting or interfering information) from other constructs.Eachmeasureshouldindicateone and only one concept.

Otherwise,it is impossibleto determinewhich conceptis being "indicated." For example,the indicator of a pure chemicalcompoundis more reliablethan one in which the chemicalis mixed with other materialor dirt. In the latter case,it is the "noise"of othermaterial difficult to separate from the pure chemical.

Increasethe Levelof Measurement. Levelsof measurementare discussedlater. Indicators at higher or more preciselevelsof measurement are more likely to be reliable than lessprecise becausethe latter pick up lessdetailed measures information. If more specificinformation is measured,then it is less likely that anything other than the constructwill be captured.The generalprinciple is: Try to measureat the most preciselevelpossible.However,it is more difficult to measureat higherlevelsof measurement For example,if I have a choiceof measuring prejudiceas eitherhigh or low, or in 10 categoriesfrom extremelylow to extremelyhigh, it would be better to measureit in 10 refined categories.

IJseMultiple Indicatorsof a Variable. A third wayto increasereliabilityis to usemultiple indicators,becausetwo (or more) indicatorsof the sameconstructarebetterthan one.Figure5.2illustratesthe use of multiple indicators in hypothesistesting.Three indicatorsof the one independentvariableconstructare combined into an overallmeasure,A, and two indicatorsof a dependentvariablearecombinedinto a single measure,B. For example,I createthreeindicatorsof the variable,racial-ethnicprejudice.My first indicator is an attitude questionon a survey.I askresearchparticipantstheir beliefs and feelings about many different racial and ethnic goups. For a secondindicator, I observeresearchparticipants from variousracesand ethnic groups interactingtogetherover the courseof three days.I look for thosewho regularly either (1) avoideyecontact,appearto be tense,and sound cooland distant;or (2) makeeyecontact,appear

CHAPTER5 , / Q UALI TATI VEAND Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

II7

FI G U RE

Independent VariableMeasure

_ _E1plrrgq! _ Association?

Specific Indicators

relaxed,an{ sound warm and friendly asthev interact with people of their same or with people of a difFerent racial-ethnic group. Last, I creite an experiment. I ask research participants to read the grade transcripts, resumes, and interview reports on 30 applicants for five jobsyouth volunteer coordinator, office manager, janitor, clothing store clerk, and advertising account executive.The applicants have many qualifications, but I secretly manipulate their racial or ethnic group to seewhether a researchparticipant decides on the best applicant for the jobs basedon an applicant'srace and ethnicity. Multiple indicators let a researcher take measurementsfrom a wider range ofthe content of a conceptual definition. Didrent aspectsof the construct can be measured, each with its own indicator. Also, one indicator (e.g., one question on a questionnaire) may be imperfect, but several measures are less likely to have the same (systematic) error. Multiple indiiator measurestend to be more stable than measures with one item. Use Pretests, Pilot Studies, and Replication. Reliability can be improved by using a pretest or pilot version of a measure first. Develop one or more draft or preliminaryversions of a measure and try them before applying the final version in

Dependent VariableMeasure

SpecificIndicators

a hlpothesis-testingsituation. This takesmore time and effort. The principle of usingpilot-testsextendsto replicatingthe measuresother researchers have used.For example,I searchtheliteratureandfind measuresof prejudicefrom pastresearch.I may want to build on and usea previousmeasureif it is a good one,citing the source,ofcourse.In ad_ dition, I may want to add new indicators and comparethemto thepreviousmeasure. Validity. Validity is an overusedterm. Some_ times, it is usedto mean "true" or "correct.', Thereareseveralgeneraltypesofvalidity. Here, we are concernedwith measurementvaliditv. Therearealsoseveraltypesof measurement validiry Nonmearot"merritypesof validityarediscussed later. When a researchersaysthat an indicator is valid, it is valid for a particularpurposeand definition. The sameindicator canbe valid for one purpose(i.e., a researchquestionwith units of analysisand universe)but lessvalid or invalid for others.For example,the measureof prejudicediscussed heremight bevalid for measuring prejudiceamong teachersbut invalid for measuringthe prejudiceofpolice officers. At its core, measurementvalidity refersto how wellthe conceptual and operationaldefini-

.--*+rdtl!6*l|F

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ContentVatidity. Contentvalidity is a special the question,Is type offacevalidity' It addresses in a represented a definition of content ** ntU it ideas; holds definition A conceptual measure? Meaconcepts' and ideas "space" containing is a ,or", ,horrld representall ideasor areasin the conceptual space. Content validity involves threesteps.First, specifffi'rllythe entire content in a consiruct'sdefinition.Next, samplefrom all areasof the definition. Finally,developan indicatorthat tapsall of the partsof the definition' An exampleof contentvalidity is my definition of feminismasa person'scommitmentto a setof beliefscreatingfull equalitybetweenmen and women in areasof the arts,intellectualpursuits,family, work, politics, and authority relaThree Types of M easurement Vali ility tions. I createa measureof feminismin which I FaceValidity. The easiestto achieveand the asktwo surveyquestions:(1) Should men and most basickind of validity is facet'alidity' lt is a women get equil pay for equal work a1d !z) judgment by the scientificcommunity that the uttd*omen sharehouseholdtasks? Should indlcator really measuresthe construct.It adthe -..t has My measure low contentvaliditybecause the question,On the faceof it, do people dresses household pay and about only ask questions two believethat the definition and method of meatasks.They ignore the other areas(intellectual surementfit? It is a consensusmethod' For expursuits,politics,authority relations,and other ample, few peoplewould accepta measureof aspectsof work and family). For a content-valid collige studentmath ability using a question *iatut., I must either expandthe m.easureor that askedstudents:2 + 2 = ?This is not a valid narrow the definition. math ability on the face measureof college-level CriterionValidity' Criterionvalidityusessome of it. Recallthat in the scientificcommunity,aspectsof researchare scrutinizedby others' See standardor criterion to indicatea constructactable 5.1 for a summaryof typesof measure- curately.The validity of an indicator is verified by comparingit with anothermeasureof the ment validity. sameconstructthat is widelyaccepted'Thereare two subtypesof this kind ofvalidity.

tions meshwith eachother. The better the fit, the greaterthe measurementvalidity.Validity is moie difficult to achievethan reliabilrty'We cannothaveabsoluteconfidenceaboutvalidity' but somemeasuresaremorevalid than others' The reasonwe canneverachieveabsolutevalidity is that constructsare abstractideas,whereas indicatorsrefer to concreteobservation'This is the gapbefiveenour mental picturesabout the world and the specificthingswe do at particular times and places.Validity is part of a dynamic processthat growsby accumulatingevidence becomes overtime. Without it, all measurement meaningless.

TA B LE 5. I

Summaryof Measurement Validity Types

Face-in the judgmentof others Content-captures the entiremeaning Criterion-agrees with an externalsource r Concurrent-agreeswith a preexistingmeasure . Predictive-agreeswith future behavior

ConcurrentValidity. To haveconcurrentvalidwith a preexity, anindicatormustbe associated valid (i'e', it judged to be is that isting indicator a new you create example, For hasfacevalidity). be concurit to For intelligence' testto measure with rently valid, it shouldbe highly associated definition same the (assuming existingIQ tests of inteiligenceis used).This meansthat most people who score high on the old measure tnoUa alsoscorehigh on the new one,and vice versa.The two measuresmay not be perfectly associated,but if they measurethe sameor a

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similar construct,it is logical for them to yield similar results.

I I9

qualitativeresearchers apply the principlesdifferentlyin practice.

PredictiveValidity. Criterion validitywhereby Reliability. Reliabilitymeansdependabilityor an indicator predictsfuture eventsthat arelogconsistency. usea variety Qualitativeresearchers ically relatedto a construct is calledpredictive of techniques(e.g.,interviews,participation, validity.It cannotbe usedfor all measures. photographs,documentstudies,etc.) to record The measureand the actionpredictedmust be distheir observationsconsistently.Qualitativeretinct from but indicatethe sameconstruct.Presearchers want to be consistent(i.e.,not vacillatdictive measurementvalidity should npt be ing and erratic) in how, over time, they make confusedwith prediction in hypothesistesting, observations, similar to the ideaof stabilityreliwhereone variablepredictsa different variable ability. One difficulty is that they often study in the future. For example,the ScholasticAsprocessesthat are not stableover time. MoresessmentTest (SAT) that many U.S. high over,they emphasizelheyalueof a changingor school studentstake measuresscholasticaptidevelopinginteraction betweenthe researcher tude-the.ability of a studentto perform in coland what he or shestudies. lege.If the SAT has high predictivevalidity, believethat the subQualitativeresearchers then studentswho gethigh SATscoreswill subject matter and a researcher's relationshipto it sequentlydo well in college.If studentswith should be a growing, evolving process.The high scoresperform the sameas studentswith metaphor for the relationshipbetweena reaverageot low scores,then the SAT has low searcherand the datais one ofan evolvingrelapredictivevalidity. tionship or living organism (e.g.,a plant) that Another way to testpredictivevalidity is to naturally matures.Most qualitativeresearchers selecta group ofpeople who havespecificcharresist the quantitative approach to reliability, acteristicsand predict how they will score(very which they seeas a cold, fixed mechanicalinhigh or verylow) vis-d-visthe construct.For exstrumentthat one repeatedlyinjectsinto or apample, I have a measureof political conser- pliesto somestatic,lifelessmaterial. vatism. I predict that membersof conservative considera rangeof Qualitativeresearchers groups (e.9.,John Birch Society,Conservative datasourcesand employmultiplemeasurement Caucus,Daughtersof the AmericanRevolution, methods.They acceptthat differentresearchers Moral Majority) will scorehigh on it, whereas or that researchersusing alternativemeasures membersof liberalgroups(e.g.,DemocraticSowill getdistinctiveresults.This is becausequalicialists,Peoplefor the American Way, Ameritativeresearchers seedatacollectionasan intercansfor DemocraticAction) will scorelow. I activeprocessin which particularresearchers "validate"the measurewith the groups-that is, operatein an evolvingsettingand the setting's I pilot-test it by using it on membersof the contextdictatesusinga uniquemix of measures groups.It can then be usedasa measureof pothat cannot be repeated.The diversemeasures litical ponservatism for the generalpublic. and interactionswith diflerent researchers are beneficialbecausethey can illuminate different facetsor dimensionsof a subjectmatter. Many Reliability and Validity in Qualitative qualitativeresearchers questionthe quantitative Research questfor standard,fixed measures. researcher's Most qualitativeresearchers acceptthe princiTheyfearthat suchmeasures ignorethe benefits plesof reliability and validiry but usethe terms of havinga varietyof researchers with many apinfrequently becauseof their closeassociation proachesand may neglectkey aspectsof diverwith quantitativemeasurement.In addition. sity that existin the socialworld.

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Relationship between Reliability Vatiitity. Validity meanstruthful. It refersto and Validity the bridge betweena constructand the data' in interested more are researchers Qualitative for validity andis easierto authenticity than validity ' Authenticity means Reliabilityis necessary reliabilityis necAlthough achievethan validity. giving a fair, honest,and balancedaccountof of a conmeasure valid a to have essaryin order iociaillfe from the viewpoint of someonewho willbe measure a that guarantee cept,it doesnot lives it everyday.Qualitative researchersare validity' for condition a suffcient ,.Jia. tt is not less concernedwith trying to match an abA measurecanproducethe sameresultoverand more and data to empirical stract concept over (i.e.,it hasreliability),but what it measures concernedwith giving a candid portrayal of may not match the definition of the construct social life that is true to the experiencesof (i.e.,validity). people being studied.Most qualitativereA measurecan be reliablebut invalid. For searchersconcentrateon waysto capturean example,I get on a scaleand get weighed'The insideview and provide a detailedaccountof weight regiiteredby the scaleis the sameeach how thosebeingstudiedfeelaboutand undertimi I ger on and off. But then I go to another standevents. havedevelopedsev- scale-an "official" one that measurestrue Qualitativeresearchers weight-and it saysthat my weight is twice.as eral methods that serveas substitutesfor the great.The first scaleyieldedreliable(i.e', dequantitativeapproachto validity.Theseemphapendableand consistent)results,but it did not slzeconveyingthe insider'sview to others.Hisuse internal and external givea valid measureof mYweight. torical researchers A diagrammight help you seethe relationcriticisms to determine whether the evidence ship berweenreliability and validiry'Figure 5'3 theyhaveis realor theybelieveit to be. Qualitailluitratesthe relationshipbetweenthe concepts adhereto the core principle of tive researchers by using the analogyof a target.The bull's-eye validity, to be truthful (i.e.' avoid falseor dis,"pr"r.ttt, a fit betweena measureand the defitorted accounts).They try to createa tight fit betweentheir understanding,ideas'and state- nition of the construct. Validity and reliability are usuallycomplementsabout the socialworld and what is actumentary concepts,but in somesituationsthey ally occurringin it'

FI c u RE 5 . 3

lllustration of RelationshipbetweenReliabilityand validity A Bull's-Eye= A PerfectMeasure

Low Reliability and LowValiditY

High ReliabilitY but Low ValiditY

Adaptedfrom Babbie(2004:1a5)' Source;

High ReliabilitY and High ValiditY

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conflict with eachother. Sometimes,asvalidity increases, reliabfity is more difficult to attain,and viceversa.This occurswhen the constructhasa highly abstractand not easilyobservabledefinition. Reliability is easiestto achievewhen the measureis preciseandobservable. Thus,thereis a strain betweenthe true essenceof the highly abstractconstructand measuringit in a concrete manner.For example,"alienation"is a very abstract,highly subjectiveconstruct, often defined as a deepinner senseof lossof one'shumanity that diffirsesacrossmanyaspects of one'slife (e.g., socialrelations,senseofseli orientationtoward nature).Highly precisequestionsin a questionnaire givereliablemeasures)but thereis a danger of losingthesubjectiveessence of the concept. Other Usesof the Terms Reliable and Valid Many words havemultiple definitions,including reliabilityandvalidity.This createsconfusion unlesswe distinguishamongalternativeusesof the sameword. Reliability, We usereliabilityin everydaylanguage.A reliablepersonis one who is dependable, stable,and responsible;a reliablecar is dependableand trustworthy. This meansthe personrespondsin similar, predictablewaysin differenttimes and conditions;the samecanbe saidfor the car.In addition to measurementresometimessaya studyor its Jiabiliry researchers resultsare reliable.By this, they mean that the method of conductinga study or the results from it canbe reproducedor replicatedby other researchers. Internal Validity, Internal validity means there are no errorsinternal to the designofthe researchproject. It is usedprimarily in experimental researchto talk about possibleerrorsor alternativeexplanationsofresults that arisedespiteattemptsto institute controls.High internal validity meanstherearefewsucherrors.Low internal validity means that such errors are likelv.

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External Validity. ExternalvalidlrTis usedprimarily in experimentalresearch.It is the ability findingsfrom a specificsettingand to generalize smallgroupto a broadrangeof settingsandpeople. It addresses the question,If somethinghappensin a laboratoryor amonga particulargroup of subjects(e.g.,collegestudents),can the findto the "real" (nonlaboratory) ingsbe generalized world or to the generalpublic (nonstudents)? High externalvalidity meansthat the resultscan be generalizedto many situationsand many groups of people.Low externalvalidity means that the resultsapplyonly to averyspecificsetting. Statistical Valiility. Statisticalvalidity means that the correct statisticalprocedureis chosen and its assumptionsarefully met. Difflerentstatistical testsor proceduresare appropriatefor differentconditions,which arediscussed in textbooksthat describethe statisticalprocedures. All statisticsarebasedon assumptions about the mathematicalpropertiesof the numbersbeing used.A statisticwill be invalid and its results nonsenseif the major assumptionsareviolated. For example,to computean average(actuallythe mean,which is discussed in a later chapter),one cannot useinformation at the nominal level of measurement(to be discussed). For example, supposeI measurethe raceof a classof students. I give eachrace a number: White = 1, African American= 2, Asian= 3, others= 4. It makesno senseto saythat the "mean" raceof aclassof studentsis 1.9(almostAfricanAmerican?). This is a misuseof the statisticalprocedure,and the resultsare invalid evenif the computationis correct.The degreeto which statisticalassumptions can be violated or bent (the technical term is is a topic in which professionalstatisrobustness) ticianstakegreatinterest.

A GUIDE TO QUANTITATIVE MEASUREMENT Thus far, you havelearnedabout the principles includingthe principlesof reliof measurement,

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have abiiity andvalidity. Quantitativeresearchers to measures help developedideasandspecialized them in the processofcreatingoperationaldefinitions that will be reliableand valid measures and yield numericaldatafor their variableconstructs.This sectionof the chapteris abrief guide to theseideasand a few of the measures. Levelsof Measurement is an abstractbut imporLevelsof measurement Basically,it saysthat idea. tant and widely used a constructare measures somewaysa researcher level, and othersare refined or more at a higher -or The level of specified. precisely less crude in which a way the on measurementdepends assumpis, construct is conceptualized-that characterisparticular it has tions aboutwhether tics. The levelof measurementaffectsthe kinds of indicatorschosenand is tied to basicassumptions in a construct's definition. The way in avariablelimconceptualizes which a researcher that its the levelsof measurement he or shecan useand hasimplicationsfor how measurement and statisticalanalysiscanproceed. Continuous and Discrete Variables. Variablescan be thought of asbeing either continuous or discrete.Continuousvariableshavean infinite number of valuesor attributesthat flow along a continuum. The valuescan be divided into many smallerincrements;in mathematical theory, there is an infinite number of increments.Examplesof continuousvariablesincludetemperature,age,income,crime rate,and amount of schooling. Discretevariableshave a relativelyfixed setof separatevaluesor variable attributes.Insteadof a smooth continuum of values,discretevariablescontain distinct categories.Examplesof discretevariablesinclude gender(male or female),religion (Protestant' batholic, Iew, Muslim, atheist),and marital status (never married single, married, divorced or separated,widowed)' Whether a variable is continuous or discreteaffectsits levelof measurement.

Four Levelsof Measurement Precisionand Levels. The ideaof levelsof measurementexpandson the differencebetween continuousand discretevariablesand organizes typesofvariablesfor their usein statistics'The iiur levelsof measurementcategotizethe degree of precisionof measurement. Deciding on the appropriatelevel of measurementfor a construct often createsconfufor a sion.The appropriatelevelof measurement (1) how things: tlvo variabledependson lcoland (2) the type of indistructis conceptualized uses' catoror measurementthat a researcher a conceptualizes researcher The way a meabe it can precisely how constructcanlimit sured.For example)someof the variableslisted as earlierascontinuouscanbe ri:conceptualized varia continuous be can discrete.Temperature fractionsofdegrees)or it can able(e.g.,degrees, be crudely measuredwith discretecategories (e.g.,hot or cold). Likewise,agecanbe continuoni (ho* old a personis in years,months,days, hours,and minutes) or treatedasdiscretecateyoung gories(infancy,childhood, adolescence, dismost Yet, age). old id,rlthood, middle age, conas conceptualized be cretevariablescannot tinuousvariables.For example,sex,religion,and marital statuscannotbe conceptualizedascontinuous;however,relatedconstructscanbe conceptualizedas continuous (e.g., femininity, commitmentto a maridegreeof religiousness, tal relationship,etc.). Thelevelof measurementlimits the statistical measuresthat can be used.A wide rangeof powerful statisticalproceduresare availablefor ihe higherlevelsof measurement,but the types of statisticsthat canbe usedwith the lowestlevelsarevery limited. Thereis a practicalreasonto conceptualize and measurevariablesat higher levelsof measurement.You cancollapsehigherlevelsof measurementto lower levels,but the reverseis not true. In other words, it is possibleto measurea constructvery precisely,$athervery specificinformation, and then ignore someof the precision.But it is not possibleto measurea construct

CHAPTERs , / Q UALI TATTVE AND QU A N T T T A T T VM E EASUREMENT

with lessprecisionor with lessspecificinformation and then makeit more preciselater.

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numbersdouble,becausezerodegreesis not the absenceofall heat. Discretevariablesarenominal and ordinal. DistinguishingamongtheFourLwels. The four whereascontinuousvariablescan be measured levelsfrom lowestto greatestor highestpreciat the interval or ratio level.A ratio-levelmeasion are nominal, ordinal, interval, and ratio. sure can be turned into an interval,ordinal, or Eachlevel givesa different type of information nominal level.The interval level can alwaysbe (seeTable5.2).Nominalmeasures indicateonly turned into an ordinal or nominal level,but the that thereis a differenceamongcategories(e.g., processdoesnot work in the oppositeway! religion: Protestant,Catholic, Iew, Muslim; In general,useat leastfive ordinal categories racial heritage:African, Asian, Caucasian,Hisand obtain many observations.This is because panic, other). Ordinal measuresindicate a difthe distortion createdby collapsinga continuference,plus the categoriescan be ordered or ous constructinto a smallernumber of ordered ranked(e.g.,letter grades:A, B, C, D, F; opinion categoriesis minimized asthe number of catemeasures:Strongly Agree, Agree, Disagree, goriesand the number of observations increase. StronglyDisagree). Interval measureseverything The ratio level of measurementis rarely the first two do,plus itcan speci$'the amountof usedin the socialsciences. For most purposes,it distancebetweencategories(e.g.,Fahrenheitor is indistinguishablefrom intervalmeasurement. Celsiustemperature:5o,45o,90';Ie scores:95, The only differenceis that ratio measurement 110,125).Arbitrary zeroesmay be usedin interhasa "true zero."This canbe confusingbecause val measures;they are just there to help keep somemeasures, like temperature,havezeroes score.Ratiomeasures do everythingall the other that arenot true zeroes.The temperaturecanbe levelsdo,plusthereis a true zero,which makesit zero) or below zero, but zero is an arbitrary possibleto staterelationsin termsof proportion numberwhen it is assignedto temperature.This or ratios(e.g.,moneyincome:$10,$100,$500; can be illustrated by comparing zero degrees yearsof formal schooling:I year, 10 years,13 Celsiuswith zero degreesFahrenheit-they are years); different temperatures.In addition, doubling In most practicalsituations,the distinction the degreesin one systemdoesnot double the betweenintervaland ratio levelsmakeslittle difdegreesin the other. Likewise,it doesnot make ference.The arbitrary zeroesof some interval senseto saythat it is "twice aswarm," asis posmeasurescan be confusing.For example,a rise siblewith ratio measurement, ifthe temperalure in temperaturefrom 30 to 60 degreesis not rerisesfrom 2to 4degrees,from 15to 30 degrees, ally a doubling of the temperature,althoughthe or from 40 to 80 degrees. Another common ex-

T ABT E

Characteristicsof the Four Levelsof Measurement

Nominal

Yes

Ordinal

Yes

Yes

Interval

Yes

Yes

Yes

Ratio

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

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true-zeroes occurs ample of arbitrary-not when measuring attitudes where numbers are assignedto statements (e.g., - 1 = disagree,0 = no opinion, +1 = agree).True zeroesexist for variables such as income, age,or years of education. Examples of the four levelsof measurement are shown in Table 5.3. Specialized Measures: Scales and Indexes Researchershave created thousands of different scalesand indexes to measure social variables. For example, scalesand indexes have been developed to measure the degree of formalization in bureaucratic organizations, the prestige ofoccupations, the adjustment of people to a marriage, the intensity ofgroup interaction, the level of social activity in a community, the degree to which a state'ssexualassaultlaws reflect feminist values, and the level of socioeconomic development of a nation. I cannot discussthe thousands of scalesand indexes. Instead, I will focus on principles of scale and index construction and explore some major types.

TA B LE 5.3

Indexesand Scales. You might find the terms index andscaleconfusingbecausethey are often scaleis usedinterchangeably.One researcher's another'sindex.Both produceordinal- or interval-levelmeasuresof a variable.To add to the confusion,scaleand index techniquescan be combined in one measure.Scalesand indexes give a researchermore information about vari-' the qualityof ablesand makeit possibleto assess measurement.Scalesand indexesincreaserelia-

Exampleof Levelsof Measurement

Religion(nominal) Attendance(ordinal)

lQ Score(interval)

Age (ratio)

Keep two things in mind. First, virtually every social phenomenoncan be measured. Someconstructscan be measureddirectly and produceprecisenumericalvalues(e.g.,family income).Other constructsrequire the use of surrogatesor proxiesthat indirectly measurea variableand may not be asprecise(e.g.,predisposition to commit a crime). Second,a lot can be learnedfrom measuresused by other reYou arefortunateto havethe work of searchers. to draw on. It is not althousandsofresearchers startfrom scratch.You canuse waysnecessaryto a past scaleor index, or you can modif it for your own purposes.

Baptist)arenot Catholic,Lutheran, (Jewish, denominations Differentreligious as closerto heaven). just different(unlessone beliefis conceptualized ranked, "How often do you attend religiousservices?(0) Never,(.1) lessthan oncea year,(3) severaltimesa year,(4) about once a month,(5) two or three times a week,or (8) severaltimesa week?"This might havebeenmeasuredat a ratio levelifthe exactnumberoftimesa Personattendedwasaskedinstead. Most intelligencetests areorganizedwith 1 00 as average,middle,or normal. Scoreshigheror lowerindicatedistancefrom the average.Someonewith a for people scoreof I I 5 hassomewhataboveaveragemeasuredintelligence the test, while90 is slightlybelow.Scoresof below65 or aboveI 40 l:.r::":O Age is measuredby yearsof age.Thereis a true zero (birth)' Note that a 40year-oldhaslivedtwiceas longasa 2O-year-old.

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Formost purposes, you cantreat scalesand indexes do not usea Socialresearchers as interchangeable. consistentnomenclatureto distinguishbetween them. captures Ascaleisa measure in whicha researcher the intensity,direction,level,or potencyof a variable on or observations construct.lt arrangesresponses A scalecan use a singleindicatoror a continuum. multipleindicators.Most are at the ordinallevelof measuremenL adds Anindexis a measurein whicha researcher or combinesseveraldistinctindicatorsof a construct into a singlescore.This compositescoreis often a simplesum of the multipleindicators.lt is usedfor content and convergentvalidity.Indexesare often measuredat the intervalor ratio level. Researchers sometimescombinethe featuresof This is comscalesand indexesin a singlemeasure. mon when a researcherhas severalindicatorsthat are scales(i.e.,that measureintensityor direction). He or she then adds these indicatorstogether to yielda singlescore,therebycreatingan index.

bility and validity, and they aid in data reduction; that is, they condenseand simplify the informationthat is collected(seeBox 5.2). Mutually Exclush,eand ExhaustiveAttributes. Beforediscussingscalesand indexes,it is important to review featuresof good measurement. The attributesof all measures,including nominal-levelmeasures, shouldbe mutuallyexclusive and exhaustive. Mutually exclusive attributesmeansthat an individual or casefits into one and only one attribute of a variable. For example,a variable measuringtype of religion-with the attributes Christian,non-Christian,and Jewish-is not mutually exclusive.Judaismis both a nonChristianreligionand a |ewishreligion,soa Iewish personfits into both the non-Christianand

125

the Jewish category.Likewise, a variable measuring type of ciry with the attributes river port city, state capital, and interstate highway exit, lacks mutually exclusive attributes. One city could be all three (a river port state capital with an interstate exit), any one of the three, or none of the three. Exhaustiveattributes means that all casesfit into one of the attributes of a variable. When measuring religion, a measure with the attributes Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish is not exclusive. The individual who is a Buddhist, a Moslem, or an agnostic does not fit anl.where. The attributes should be developed so that every possible situation is covered. For example, Catholic, Protestant, Iewish, or other is an exclusive and mutually exclusive set of attributes. In addition to being muUnidimensionality. tually exclusive and exhaustive, scales and indexes should also be unidimensional. or one dimensional. Unidimensionality means that all the items in a scaleor index fit together, or measure a single construct. Unidimensionality was suggestedin discussionsofcontent and concurrent validity. Unidimensionality says: If you combine several specific pieces of information into a single score or measure,have all the pieces work together and measure the same thing. Researchersuse a statistical measure called Cronbach's alpha to assessunidimenionality. Alpha ranges from a maximum of 1.0 for a perfect scoreto zero. To be considereda good measure, the alpha should be .70 or higher. There is an apparent contradiction between using a scale or index to combine parts or subparts of a construct into one measure and the criteria of unidimensionality. It is only an apparent contradiction, however, becauseconstructs are theoretically defined at different levels ofabstraction. General, higher-level or more abstract constructs can be defined as containing several subparts. Each subdimension is a part of the construct's overall content. For example, I define the construct "feminist ideology" as a general ideology about gen-

'| .26

P A Rr oN E / F o u N D A rl o N S

der. Feminist ideologyis a highly abstractand generalconstruct.It includesspecificbeliefs-and attitudestowardsocial,economic,political,familv, and sexualrelations'The ideology'sfive belief areasarepartsof the singlegeneralconstruct' The parts aremutually reinforcingand together form a system of beliefs about the dignity' strength,and powerof women. If feministideologyis unidimensional,then there is a unified belief systemthat varies from very antifeministto very profeminist.We cantest thevalidity of the measurethat includesmultiple indicators that tap the construct'ssubparts'If one belief area(e.g.,sexualrelations)is consistently distinct from the other areasin empirical tests,thenwe questionits unidimensionality. It is easyto becomeconfused:A specific measurecanbe an indicatorof a unidimensional constructin one situationand indicatea part of a differentconstructin anothersituation.This is possiblebecauseconstructscan be usedat differentlevelsof abstraction. For example,a person'sattitude toward genderequalitywith regardto pay is more speiific andlessabstractthan feministideology(i.e', beliefsabout genderrelationsthroughout society).An attitudetoward equalpay canbe both a unidimensionalconstructin its own right and a subpartof the more generaland abstractunidimensional construct, ideologytoward gendet relations.

I N D EXC ONS TRUCTION The Purpose You hearaboutindexesall the time. For example' reportthe FederalBureauof InU.S.newspapers vestigation(FBI) crime index and the consumer price index (CPI). The FBI index is the sum of police reports on sevenso-calledindex crimes icriminaf homicide,aggravatedassault,forcible rape,robbery,burglary larcenyof $50 or more' andautotheft).It beganwith the Uniform Crime Reportin 1930.The CPI, which is a measureof

inflation,is createdbytotalingthe costof buying a list of goodsand services(e'g.,food, rent, and utilities) and comparingthe total to the cost of buyrng the samelist in the previousyear' The consumerprice index hasbeenusedby the U'S' Bureauof Labor Statisticssince1919;wageinunion contracts,and socialsecuritypaycreases, mentsarebasedon it. Anindexisa combination of items into a singlenumericalscore.Various componentsor subpartsof a constructate each measured,then combinedinto onemeasure' Therearemanyt)?es of indexes.For example, if you take an examwith 25 questions'the iotal number of questionscorrectis a kind of index. It is a compositemeasurein which each questionmeasuresa small pieceof knowledge, and all the questionsscoredcorrector incorrect aretotaledto producea singlemeasure. Indexesmeasurethe most desirableplaceto live (basedon unemployment,commutingtime, crime rate, recreationopportunities,weather, and so on), the degreeof crime(basedon combining the occurrenceof different specific crimes),the mentalhealthof a person(basedon the person'sadiustmentin variousareasof life), and the like. One way to demonstratethat indexesare isto useone.Answeryesor not verycomplicated no to the sevenquestionsthat follow on the of an occupation.Baseyour ancharacteristics swerson your thoughtsregardingthe following four occupations:long-distancetruck driver, medicaldoctor,accountant,telephoneoperator' Scoreeachanswer1 foryes and 0 for no' 1. Doesitpay agoodsalary? 2. Is the job securefrom layoffsor unemployment? 3. is the work interestingand challenging? 4. Are its working conditions (e.g.,hours' safety,time on the road) good? 5. Are thereopportunitiesfor careeradvancement and Promotion? 6. Is it prestigiousor lookedup to by others? 7. Doei it permit self-directionand the freedom to makedecisions?

LHAPTER 5 , / Q UALI TAT I V EA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

Total the sevenanswersfor eachof the f
;Xili"r

thetheoreticar definitionor trrt .orr-

arethreatenedwheneyerdatafor some casesare missing.There are four waysto attempt to re_ solvethe problem,but none fullv solve it. Fo-rexample,I constructan index of the de_ greeofsocietaldevelopmentin1975for 50 na_ uons. lhe lndex contains four items: life expectancy, percentageof homeswith indoor plumbmg,percentage ofpopulation that is liter_ ate,and numberof telephones per 100p.opL. t locatea sourceof united Natilns sta*;i;-for myinformation. Thevaluesfor Belgium ar.6g _ 87 +97 +28;for Turkey,thescore"s areSS+-le + 49 + 3; for Finland, however,I discover that literacy data are unavailable.t check-othe. sourcesof information, but none has the daiu becausetheywerenot collected Rates and Standardization

You haveheard.ofcrime rates,ratesof populati"; gr;;;;l.ra ,rr. unemploymentrate.some indeies ani single-indicatormeasures are expr"rr.J;;;; Ratesinvolveriu"au.iiri"g rir" valueof an item to makecomparisonspossible. Theitemsin an indexfrequentlyneedto be standardizedu"ro."trr.y.an be combined. stundardizationinvolves selectinga base and dividing a raw measureby the base. For exampl_e, aq.i rr"a l0 murdersand city B had 30 in the sameyear.In order to compare -.rid"r, ir tt two cities, murde^ the raw number " tobe of murdersneeds standardized,bythecity

popuration. If thecities "rtih;r;;;#,

weighting canproduce dirrerent index ;[i';x;]:'i:::iHrt:irtffH::ftl,ril scores'but in

most cases,weighted and unweighted indexes vield simila-rresults. Researchersut" to"tt"t.d with ttr" t.tuilorrrt ip between variables, and weight.a u"J weightedindexesusuallygivesi'milar,.rJt, ".rfo. the relationshipsbetweenvariables' Missing Data

127

.rry,

peopleurrl city u has600,000,then the murder rateper 100,000 is 10for cityA and5 for cityB. stu.rau.Ji-tion makesit possibleto compare different units on a common base.The processof standardizutiorr, ui- lJt. i)r*irg, removesthe effectof relevantbut different characteristicsin orderto makethe important differ_ encesvisible.For example,thereur" t o classes

Missing data canbeaserious problem when :ff#t"t:::flT",n:1X11:iTH:tr1Xil

constructing an index' validitland reliability

compare the rate or incidence of smokers by

128

P A RTo N E / F o u N D Aro N s

standardizingthe number of smokersby the size ofthe classes. The art classhas 32 studentsand the biology classhas 143students.One method of standardizationthat you alreadyknow is the useof percentages, wherebymeasuresare standardizedto a common baseof 100.In terms of percentages, it is easyto seethat the art classhas more than twice the rate of smokers(37.5percent)than thebiologyclass(15.4percent). A critical questionin standardizationis deciding what baseto use.In the examplesgiven, how did I know to usecity sizeor classsizeasthe base?The choice is not alwaysobvious; it dependson thetheoreticaldefinitionof a construct. Different basescan producedifferentrates. For example,the unemploymentratecanbe defined asthe number of peoplein the work force who areout ofwork. Theoverallunemployment rateis:

Unemploymentrate =

Number of unemployedpeople Total number of peopleworking

We candividethe total populationinto subgroupsto getratesfor subgroupsin the population such as White males,African American females.African American malesbetweenthe agesof 18and 28,or peoplewith collegedegrees. Ratesfor thesesubgroupsmay be more relevant to the theoreticaldefinitionor researchproblem. For example,a researcherbelievesthat unemployment is an experiencethat affectsan entire householdor family and that the baseshouldbe households,not individuals.The rate will look like this:

New Unemployment = rate

Number of households with at leastone unemployedperson Total number ofhouseholds

Different conceptualizations suggestdifferent basesand different ways to standardize.

When combiningseveralitemsinto an index,it is best to standardizeitems on a common base (seeBox5.3).

S CA L E S The Purpose

Scaling,like index construction,createsan ordinal, interval, or ratio measureof a variableexpressedasa numericalscore.Scales arecommon in situationswhere a researcherwants to mea-. sure how an individual feels or thinks abouti something.Somecall this the hardnessor potenry of feelings. Scalesare usedfor two relatedpurposes First, scaleshelp in the conceptualizationand Scalesshowthe fit operationalizationprocesses. betweena set of indicatorsand a singleconstruct. For example,a researcherbelievesthat there is a singleideologicaldimension'thatunr derliespeople'sjudgmentsabout specificpolicies (e.g.,housing,education,foreign affairs, etc.).Scalingcanhelp determinewhethera single construct- for instance,"conservative/liberal ideology"-underlies the positions people takeon specificpolicies. Second,scalingproducesquantitativemeasuresand canbe usedwith othervariablesto test hypotheses. This secondpurposeof scalingis our primary focusbecauseit involvesscalesasa techniquefor measuringa variable. Logic of Scaling

As statedbefore,scalingis basedon the idea of measuringthe intensity,hardness,or potencyof a variable.Graphicrating scalesare an elementary form of scaling.Peopleindicatea rating by checkinga point on a line that runs from oneextreme to another. This type of scaleis easyto constructand use.It conveysthe idea ofa continuum, and assigningnumbershelpspeople think aboutquantities.A built-in assumptionof scalesis that people with the samesubjective feelingmark the graphicscaleat the sameplace.

CHAP TER5 , / Q UALI TATI VEAND Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

Sportsfansin the UnitedStateswerejubilantabout "winning" at the 2000 Olympicsby carryingoff the most gold medals.However,becausethey failedto standardize, the "win" is an illusion.Of course,the world'srichestnationwith the third largestpopulation doeswellin one-on-one competitionamongall nations.To seewhatreallyhappened, one muststandardizeon a baseof the population or wealth.Standardizationyields a more accuratepicture by adjusting the resultsasifthe nationshadequalpop-

129

ulationsand wealth.The resultsshowthat the Bahamas, withlessthan3 00,000 citizens (smaller than a medium-sized U.S.city), proportionatelywon the mostgold.Adjustedfor its populationsizeor wealth, the UnitedStatesis not evennearthe top; it appears to be the leaderonly becauseof its great sizeand wealth.Sportsfansin the UnitedStatescanperpetuatethe illusionof beingat the top only if they ignore the comparativeadvantageof the United States.

TOPTENGOLDMEDALWINNINGCOUNTRIES AT THE2OOOOLYMPICS IN SYDNEY

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

USA Russia China Australia Germany France Italy Netherlands Cuba Britain

EUls- .

39 32 28 16 1+ 13 13 12 11 t'l 80

Bahamas Slovenia Cuba Norway Australia Hungry Netherlands Estonia Bulgaria L i th u a n i a EU l 5 USA

I z

tt 4 16 8 12 I 5 2 80 39

s3.3 10 9.9 9.1 8.6 7.9 7.6 7.1 6.0 5.4 2.1 1.4

20.0 .r0.0 50.0 2.6 4.1 16.7 3.0 20.0 41.7 18.2 0.9 0.4

Note:'Populationis gold medalsper 10 millionpeopleandCDPis gold medalsper $.10 billion; '"EU15 is the 'l 5 nationsof the European Uniontreatedasa singleunit. AdaptedfromTheEconomist, Source: October7,2OOO,p. 52.

Figure5.4 is an exampleof a "feelingthermometer"scalethat is usedto find out how people feelaboutvariousgroupsin society(e.g.,the National Organizationof Women, the Ku Klux Klan, labor unions, physicians,etc.). This tJpe of measurehasbeenusedby political scientists in the National ElectionStudy since 1964to

measureattitudes toward candidates,social groups,and issues. Commonly Used Scales Likert Scale. You have probably usedLikert scales; theyarewidelyusedand very common in

130

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

forth. Keep the number of choicesto eight or nine at most. More distinctions than that are " F e e l i n g T h e rmo me te r" FI G URE 5. 4 not meaningful,and peoplewill beprobably Graphic Rating Scale come confused.The choicesshouldbe evenly VeryWarm 1 00 balanced(e.g.,"strongly agree,""agree"with "stronglydisagree,""disagree"). 90 havedebatedaboutwhetherto Researchers 80 offer a neutralcategory(e.g.,"don't know," "ul')decided,""no opinion") in addition to the directionalcategories(e.g.,"disagree,""agree"). A neutral categoryimplies an odd number of categories. NeitherWarmnor Cold A researchercan combine severalLikert I scalequestionsinto a compositeindex if they all measurea singleconstruct.Considerthe Social DominanceIndex that van Laar and colleagues (2005)usedin their study of racial-ethnicattitudesamong collegeroommates(seeBox 5.5), As part of a largersurvey,they askedfour quesVeryCold tions aboutgroupinequalrty.Theanswerto eacA question was a seven-point Likert scalewittr, choices from Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree.They createdthe indexby addingthe answers for each student to create scoresthat rangedfrom 4 to 28. Notice that they worded numberfour in a reversedirectionfrom question survey research.They were developedin the questions.The reasonfor switchingdi. other 1930sby RensisLikertto providean ordinal-level the in this wayis to avoidthe problemof the rections measureof a person'sattitude.Likert scalesusuTheresponseset,alsocalledresponse set. response ally askpeopleto indicatewhetherthey agreeor bi.as,is the tendencyof some response and style disagreewith a statement.Other modifications number of items in the alarge people to answer arepossible;peoplemight be askedwhetherthey (usually out of lazinessor a agreeing) way approveor disapprove,or whetherthey believe same For example,if predisposition. psychological somethingis "almost alwaystrue." Box 5.4 pte"stronglyagred' saytng that so worded items are sentsseveralexamplesof Likert scales. would not know we self-esteem, indicates Likert scalesneeda minimum of two cate- always had agreed strongly who always person a whether gories,such as "agree"and "disagree."Using to had a tendency or simply high self-esteem only two choicescreatesa crude measureand be anperson might questions. The with agree It is forcesdistinctionsinto only two categories. swering"strongly agree"out of habit or a tenA usuallybetter to usefour to eight categories. word statementsin dencyto.agree.Researchers afcancombineor collapsecategories researcher anyonewho agrees so that directions' alternative ter the dataarecollected,but datacollectedwith or to inconsistently answer to appears time crude categoriescannot be made more precise all the oPinion. contradictory havea later. often combine many LikertResearchers You can increasethe number of categories into an index. The indicators attitude at the end of a scaleby adding"strongly agtee," scaled properties that areassocihave indexes scaleand "somewhatagtee,""very stronglyagree,"and so

IN A T ICN

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.JUALIIAIIVL

ANU

Q U AN IIIAT IVE

M EASU R EM EN T

I31

The RosenbergSelf-EsteemScale All in all,I am inclinedto feelthat I ama failure: 1. Almostalwaystrue 2. Often true 3. Sometimes true 4. Seldomtrue 5. Nevertrue A Student Evaluationof Instruction Scale Overall,I ratethe qualityof instructionin this courseas: Excellent poor Cood Average Fair A Market ResearchMouthwashRating Scale Brand

Dislike Completely

Dislike Somewhat

Dislike a Little

Like a Little

Like Somewhat

Like Completely

Work Group SupervisorScale My supervisor:

Letsmembersknowwhat is expectedofthem

I

z

3

4

5

ls friendlyand approachable

I

2

3

4

5

Treatsall unit members as equals

1

2

3

4

5

ated with improving reliability and validiry. An index uses multiple indicators, which improves reliability. The use of multiple indicatois that measure several aspectsof a construct or opinlon rmproves content validity. Finally, the index scoresgive a more precise quantitative measure of a person's opinion. For example, each person's opinion can be measured with a number from l0 to 40, instead of in four categories: "strongly agree," "agree," "disagree,'; and "strongly disagree."

Instead of scoring Likert items, as in the previous example,the scores-2, -1,+t, +2 could be used. This scoring has an advantagein that a zeto implies neutrality or complete ambiguity, whereas a high negative number means an attitude that opposes the opinion represented by a high positive number. The numbers assignedto the responsecate_ gories are arbitrary. Remember that the use of a zero does not give the scaleor index a ratio level of measurement. Likert scalemeasuresare at the

't32

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

ExampleI In a study of collegeroommatesand racial-ethnic groups,van Laarand colleagues(2005) measured SocialDominance(i.e.,a feelingthat groupsarefundamentallyunequal)with the followingfour-itemindex that used a Likert scale,from I (Strongly Disagree)to 7 (StronglyAgree). .l

. lt is probablya good thing that certaingroups are at the top and other groupsareat the bottom.

2. lnferiorgroupsshouldstay in their place.

that hadyes or no answersto createtwo composite indexes.The indexfor vicariousexperiences wasthe sumof items2, 4, and5, with "yes"scoredas I and "no" scoredaszero.An indexofpersonalexperience wasthe sumof answers to items1,3,5, and 7, with "yes"scoredas I and "no" scoredaszero. l. Haveyou everbeen stoppedby policeon the streetwithouta good reason? 2. Has anyone else in your householdbeen stoppedby policeon the streetwithouta good reason?

3. We shoulddo allwe canto equalize the conditions of differentgroups.

3. Havethe policeeverusedinsultinglanguage towardyou?

4. We shouldincreasesocialequality.-

4. Havethe policeeverusedinsultinglanguage towardanyoneelsein your household?

.NOTE: Thisitemwasreverse scorec.

5. Have the police ever used excessiveforce againstyou?

Thescoresfor the Likertresponses (1 to 7) for items I to 4 wereaddedto yieldan indexthat rangedfrom 4 to 28 for eachrespondent.They report a Cronbach'salphafor this indexas .74.

5. Have the police ever used excessiveforce againstanyoneelsein your household?

Example2

7. Haveyou ever seena policeofficerengagein any corrupt activities(suchas takingbribesor involvement in drugtrade)?

In a study of perceptionsof police misconduct, Weitzerand Tuch (2004) measured a respondent's experiences with police by askingsevenquestions

Weitzerand Tuch (2004) report a Cronbach's alphafor the personalexperiences indexas .78 and for vicariousexperience indexas .86.

ordinal level of measurement becauseresponses indicate a ranking only. Instead of 1 to 4 or -2 to +2, the numbers 100, 70, 50, and 5 would have worked. Also, do not be fooled into thinking that the distancesbetween the ordinal categories are intervals just because numbers are assigned.Although the number system has nice mathematical properties, the numbers are used for convenience only. The fundamental measurement is only ordinal. The simplicity and easeof use of the Likert scaleis its real strength. When severalitems are combined, more comprehensive multiple indi-

cator measurement is possible.The scalehas two limitations: Different combinations of several scaleitems can result in the sameoverall score or result, and the responseset is a potential danger. Bogardus Social Distance Scale. The Bogardus social distancescalemeasuresthe social distance separating ethnic or other groups from each other. It is used with one group to determine how much distance it feels toward a target or "out-group." The scalehas a simple logic. People respond to a series of ordered statements: those that are

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133

most threatening or most socially distant are at one end, and those that might be least threatening or socially intimate are at the other end. The logic of the scale assumesthat a person who refirses contact or is uncomfortable with the so-

cially distant items will refuse the socially closer items (seeBox 5.6). Researchersusethe scalein severalways. For example, people are given a seriesof statements: People from Group X are entering your country,

ln1993, KlegandYamamoto (1998) replicated the original1925 study by EmoryBogardusthat first usedthe socialdistance scale. Theoriginalstudyhad 1 10 subjectsfrom the PacificCoast.Particioants includedI OZ White Americans of non-Jewish Europeanancestry,1 JewishWhite, 1 Chinese,and l (about Z0 percentwerefemale).In their Japanese 1 993 replication, KlegandYamamoto selected1 3 5 middleschoolteachersfrom an affluentschooldistrict in a Coloradometropolitanarea.Therewere .l 1 9 non-Jewish Whites,7 JewishWhites,6 African .l Americans, AmericanIndian,1 Asian,and I unknown(65 percentwerefemale).Therewerethree .l minor deviationsfrom the 925 study. First,the originalBogardusrespondentsweregiven a list of 39 groups.Thosein the replication hada list of 35 groups.The two listsshared24 groupsin common. Three target groups were renamed:Negroesin I 925 versus AfricanAmericans in 1 993; Syrians versusArabs;and Cerman-Jews and Russian-Jews vs. Jews.Second,both studiescontainedsevencate-

gories,but they werewordedslightlydifferently(see below).Third, both studieshad sevencategories (calledanchorpoints)printedleft to rightat the top. In the Bogardus originalit said:"Accordingto myfirst feelingreactionsI wouldwillinglyadmit membersof eachrace(asa class,and not the best I haveknown, nor the worst members)to one or moreof the classifications underwhichI haveplaceda cross(x)."In the 1 993 replication it said:"socialdistancemeans the degreethat individualsdesireto associatewitn others.This scalerelatesto a specialform of social distanceknownaspersonto groupdistance.you are givena list of groups.Acrossfrom eachgroup there areboxesidentifiedby the labelsat the top. Placean "x" in the boxesthat indicatethe degreeofassociation you woulddesireto havewith eachgroup.Cive your first reaction."The mainfindingwasthat althoughthe averagesocialdistancedeclineda great deal over over 68 years,the rankingof the 25 groupschangedvery little (seebelow).

Instructions

t.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

To closekinshipby marriage To my clubas personal chums To my street as neighbors To employment in my occupationin my country To citizenship in my country As visitorsonlyto my country Wouldexcludefrom my country

To marryinto group To haveas bestfriend To haveas next-doorneighbors To work in the sameoffice To haveas speaking acquaintances only To haveas visitorsto my country To keepout of my country

I J'+

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IOUNDATION5

Results

t9?5.Qfirral MeanScore English Scottish lrish French Dutch Swedish Danis h Norwegian Cerman Spanish Italian Hi n du Polish Russian NativeAmerican Jewish Creek Arab Mexican BlackAmerican Chinese japanese Korean Turk CrandMean

1.27 1.69 1.93 2.04 2.12 2.44 2.48 2.67 2.89 3.28 3.98 4.35 4.57 4.57 4.65 4.83. 4.89 5.00. 5.O2 5.10' 5.28 5.30 5.55 5.80 3.82

&o** .l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 't1 12 13 14 .t5 16 17 .18 19 20 21 22 23 24

1.17 1.22 1.14 1.20 1.25 1.21 1.23 1.25 1.27 1.29 1..19 1.95 1.30 1.33 1.44 1.42 r.38 2.21 1.56 1.55 1.68 1.62 1.72 1.77 1.43

2 6 I 4 9 5 7 8 10 t.l 3 23 12 13 16 15 14 24

'r8

17 20 19 21 22

'Slightchangein nameof group.

are in your town, work at your place of employment, live in your neighborhood, become your personal friends, and marry your brother or sister. People are askedwhether they feel comfortable with the statement or if the contact is acceptable.It is also possible to ask whether they

feel uncomfortable with the relationship. People may be asked to respond to all statements, or they may keep reading statements until they are not comfortable with a relationship. There is no set number of statements required; the number usually rangesfrom five to nine. The measure of

CHAPTER5 , / Q UALI TATI V EA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V EM E A S U R E M E N T

social distance can be used as either an independent or a dependent variable. A researcher can use the Bogardus scale to seehow distant people feel from one out-group versus another. In addition to studying racial_ ethnic groups, it has been used to examine doctor-patient distance. For example, Gordon and associates(2004) found that college students re_ ported different social distance toward people with different disabilities. Over 95 pircent would be willing to be a friend with someone with arthritis, cancer, diabetes,or a heart condition. Fewer than 70 percent would ever consider being a friend to someone with mental retardation. The social distance scale is a convenient way to determine how close a respondent feels toward a social group. It has two potential limitations. First, a researcherneedsto tailor the categoriesto a specific out-group and social setting. Second,it is not easyfor a researcherto compare how a respondent feels toward several diffeient .groups unless the respondent completes a similar social distance scalefor all out-groups at the same time. Of course, how a respondent com. : pletes the scale and the responde^nt'sactual behavior in specific social situations may differ. Semantic Differential. Semantic Differential provides an indirect measure of how-a person feels about a concept, object, or other person. The technique measures subjective feelings tol,ward something by using adjectives.This is becausepeople communicate evaluations through adjectives in spoken and written language. Becausemost adjectiveshave polar opposites (e.g., hght/darlt hard/soft, slow/fast), it usespolar opposite adjectives to create a rating measure or scale. The Semantic Differential captures the connotations associatedwith whatever is being evaluated and provides an indirect measure of it. The Semantic Differential has been used for many purposes. In marketing research, it tells how consumers feel about a product; political advisers use it to discover what voters think about a candidate or issue; and therapists use it

I35

to determine how a client perceives himself or herself (seeBox 5.7). To use the Semantic Differential, a re_ searcherpresents subjectswith a list ofpaired opposite adjectiveswith a continuum of 7 to I I points between them. The subjects mark the spot on the continuum between the adiectives that expressestheir feelings. The adjectives can be very diverse and should be well mixed (e.g., positive items should not be located mostly on either the right or the left side). Studies of a wide variety of adjectives in English found that they fall into three major classesof meaning: evaluation (good-b ad), potency (strong-weak), and ac_ tivity (active-passive). Of the three classes of meaning, evaluation is usually the most signifi_ cant. The analysisof results is difficult, anda re_ searcherneeds to use statistical procedures to analryzea subject's feelings toward the concept. Results from a Semantic Differential tell a researcher how one person perceives different concepts or how different people view the same concept. For example, political analysts might discover that young voters perceive their candidate as traditional, weak, and slow, and as halfiray between good and bad. Elderly voters perceive the candidate as leaning to*u.d strong, fast, and good, and as halfi,,rraybetween traditional and modern. Guttman Scaling. Guttman scaling, or cumulative scaling, differs from the previous scalesor indexes in that researchersuse it to evaluatedata after they are collected. This means that researchersmust design a study with the Guttman scaling technique in mind. Guttman scaling begins with measuring a set of indicators or items. These can be questionnaire items, votes, or observed characteristics. Guttman scaling measures many different phenomena (e.g.,patterns of crime or drug use, characteristicsof societiesor organizations, voting or political participation, psychological dis_ orders). The indicators are usuallymeasured in a simple yes/no or present/absentfashion. From 3 to 20 indicators can be used. The researcherse-

P A K I (J NL

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IUUNUA

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thesis,DainaHawkes As part of her undergraduate studiedattitudestowardwomenwith tattoos using Senn,and Thorn, the semanticdifferential(Hawkes, studentsat a researchers had 258 2OO4).The Canadianuniversitycompletea semedium-sized manticdifferentialform in responseto severalscenariosabout a 22-year-oldwomancollegestudent with a tattoo. They had five scenariosin whichthey variedthe sizeofthe tattoo (smallversuslarge)and whetheror not it wasvisible,and one with no details aboutthe tattoo. The authorsalsovariedfeaturesof the senario:weightproblemor not; part-timejob at

restaurant, clothing store, or grocery store; boyfriendor not; averagegrades'orfailinggrades. They useda semanticdifferentialwith 22 adjective pairs.They also had participantscompletetwo scales:Feministand Women'sMovementscaleand Neosexismscale.The semanticdifferentialterms were selectedto indicatethree factors:evaluative, activity,and potency(strong/weak).Basedon statisticalanalysisthree adjectivesweredropped.The 'l 9 itemsusedare listed below.Amongother findings,the authorsfound that there weremore netative feelingstowarda womanwith a visibletattoo.

Good

Bad'

Beautiful

uglv

Clean

Dirty

Kind

Cruel'

Rich

Poor'

Honest Pleasant

Dishonest. Unpleasant.

Successful

Unsuccessful

Reputable

Disreputable

Safe Gentle

Dangerous Violent'

Feminine

Masculine

Weak

Powerful.

Passive

Active-

Cautious

Rash-

Soft

Har.d

Weak

Strong

M ild

lntense

Delicate .These itemswerepresentedin reverseorder.

Ruggedi

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137

lectsitemson the beliefthat thereis a logicalrelationship among them. He or shethen places the resultsinto a Guttman scaleand determines whetherthe items form a pattern that correspondsto the relationship.(SeeBox 5.8 for an exampleof a studyusingGuttman scaling.)

Once a set of items is measured,the researcherconsidersall possiblecombinationsof responses for the items.For example,threeitems are measured:whether a child knows her age, her telephonenumber,and threelocal elected political officials.The little girl may know her

Crozat(1 998) examined publicresponses to various formsof politicalprotest.He lookedat surveydata on the public'sacceptance of formsof protest in Creat Britain,Cermany,ltaly, Netherlands, and the UnitedStatesin 1 97 4 and 1 9 9 0. Hefoundthat the patternof the public'sacceptance formeda Cuttman scale.Thosewho acceptedmore intenseformsof protest (e.g.,strikesand sit-ins)almostalwaysacceptedmoremodestforms(e.g.,petitionsor demon-

strations),but not all who acceptedmodestforms acceptedthe more intenseforms.In additionto showingthe usefulness of the Cuttmanscale,Crozat also found that people in differentnationssaw protestsimilarily and the degreeof Cuttmanscalability increasedover time. Thus,the pattern of acceptanceof protestactivitieswasCuttman"scalable" in both time periods,but it morecloselyfollowedthe Cuttmanpatternin I 990 than1974.

FORMOF PROTEST

CuttmanPatterns

N

N

N

N

N

Y

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

Y

N

N

Y

Y

N

N

Y

N

Y OtherPatterns (examples only) N N

N

N N N

N

N

N

N

N

Y

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agebut no other answer,or all three,or only her tern. Alternative statistics to measure scalability age and telephonenumber. In fact, for three have also been suggested. items there are eight possiblecombinationsof answersor patterns of responses,from not knowinganythroughknowingall three.Thereis CONCLUSION a mathematicalway to computethe number of combinations(e.g.,23),but you canwrite down in this chapter,you learnedaboutthe principles all the combinationsof yesor no for threeques- and processesof measurementin quantitative tions and seethe eightpossibilities. and qualitativeresearch. All researchers concepThe logical relationship among items in tualize-or refine and clarify their ideas into Guttman scalingis hierarchical.Most peopleor conceptualdefinitions.All researchers operacaseshaveor agreeto lower-orderitems.The tionalize-or developa set of techniquesor smallernumberof casesthat havethe higher-orprocesses that will link their conceptualdefini- ', der itemsalsohavethe lower-orderones,but not tions to empiricalreality.Qualitativeand quanvice versa.In other words, the higher-order titative researchers differ in how they approach itemsbuiid on the lower ones.The lower-order theseprocesses, however.The quantitativereitems are necessary for the appearance of the searchertakesa more deductivepath, whereas higher-orderitems. the qualitativeresearcher takesa more inductive An applicationof Guttman scaling,known path.The goalremainsthe same:to establishunas scalogramanalysis,lets a researchertest ambiguouslinks betweena reseacher's abstract whethera hierarchicalrelationshipexistsamong ideasand empiricaldata. the items.For example,it is easierfor a child to You akolearnedabout the principlesof reknow her agethan her telephonenumber,andto liability and validity. Reliabilityrefersto the deknow her telephonenumber than the namesof pendabilityor consistenryof a measure;validity politicalleaders.The itemsare caTled scalnble, or refersto its truthfulness,or howwell a construct capableof forming a Guttman scale,if a hierarand data for it fit together. Quantitative and chicalpatternexists. qualitativesrylesof researchsignificantly diverge The patternsof responses can be divided in how they understandtheseprinciples.Noneinto two groups:scaledand errors (or nonscal- theless,both quantitative and qualitative reable).The scaledpatternsfor the child'sknowlsearchers try to measurein a consistentway,and edgeexamplewould be asfollows:not knowing both seeka tight fit betweenthe abstractideas any item, knowing only age,knowing only age they use to understandsocialworld and what plus phone number, knowing all three. Other occursin the actual,empirical socialworld. In combinationsof answers(e.g.,knowing the poaddition, you sawhow quantitativeresearchers litical leadersbut not her age)are possiblebut applythe principlesof measurementwhen they arenonscalable. Ifa hierarchicalrelationshipexcreateindexesand scales,and you read about istsamongthe items,then most answersfit into somemajor scalesthey use. the scalablepatterns. Beyondthe core ideasof reliability and vaThe strengthor degreeto which items can lidity, good measurementrequiresthat you crebe scaledis measuredwith statisticsthat meaate clear definitions for concepts,use multipie sure whether the responsescan be reproduced indicators,and, asappropriate,weighand stanbasedon a hierarchicalpattern.Most rangefrom dardizethe data.Theseprincipleshold acrossall zero to 100percent.A scoreof zeroindicatesa fields of study (e.g.,family, criminology,inrandom pattern,or no hierarchicalpattern.A equality, race relations,etc.) and acrossthe scoreof 100percentindicatesthat all responses many researchtechniques(e.g.,experiments, to the answerfit the hierarchicalor scaledpatsurveys, etc.).

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As you are probablybeginning to realize,researchinvolves doing a good job in eachphaseof a study. Serious mistakes or sloppiness in any one phase can do irreparable damage to the results, even if the other phasesof the research project were conducted in a flawlessmanner.

Ke y T e rms BogardusSocialDistance Scale conceptual definition conceptualhlpothesis conceptualization concurrent validity content validity continuous variables criterion validity discrete variables empirical hlpothesis exhaustive attributes external validity facevalidity Guttman scaling index internal validity interval-level measurement levels of measurement Likert scale measurementvalidity

'. 3 9

multiple indicators mutually exclusive attributes nominal-level measurement operational definition operationalization ordinalJevel measurement predictive validity ratio-levelmeasurement reliability scale Semantic Differential standardization unidimensionality validity

E ndno t e 1. The terms concept, construct, and idea are used more or lessinterchangeably,but there are differences in meaning between them. An idea is any mental image, belief plan, or impression. It refers to any vague impression, opinion, or thought. A conceptis a thought, a general notion, or a generalized idea about a classof objects.A constructis a thought that is systematicallyput together, an orderly arrangement of ideas, facts, and impressions. The term constructis used here becauseits emphasisis on taking vague conceptsand turning them into systematicallyorganized ideas.

Qualitativeand QuantitativeSampling

lntroduction Nonprobability Sampling or Convenience Sampling Accidental, Haphazard, Quota Sampling Sampling or Judgmental Purposive SnowballSampling DeviantCaseSampling Sampling Sequential Probability Sampling Elements, and SamplingFrames Populations, Why Random? Typesof ProbabilitySamples HiddenPopulations How LargeShoulda SampleBe? DrawingInferences Conclusion

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INTRODUCTION Qualitative and quantitative researchersapproachsamplingdifferently.Most discussions of sampling come from researchers who use the quantitative style.Their primary goal is to get a representativesample,or a small collection of units or casesfrom a much largercollectionor population,suchthat the resia.cher canstudythe smallergroup andproduceaccurate generalizationsabout the larger group. Theytend to usesamplingbasedon theoriesof probability from mathematics(calledprobability sampling). Researchers havetwo motivationsfor using probabilityor random sampling.The first motivation is savingtime and cost.If properly conducted,resultsfrom a samplemay yield results at 1/1,000the cost and time. For example,insteadof gatheringdatafrom 20 million people, a researchermay draw a sampleof 2,000;the data from those2,000are equal for most purposesto the data from all 20 million. The second purpose of probability sampling is accuracy.The resultsof a well-designed,carefully executedprobability samplewill produce resultsthat areequallyif not more accuratethan trying to reacheverysinglepersonin the whole population. A censusis usually an attempt to count everyone.In 2000,the U.S. CensusBureautried to count eyeryonein the nation,but it would havebeen more accurateif it usedvery specializedstatisticalsampling. focuslesson a sarnQualitativeresearchers ple'srepresentativeness or on detailedtechniques for drawing a probability sample.Instead,they focuson how the sampleor small collectionof cases,units, or activitiesilluminateskey features of sociallife.Thepurposeof samplingis to collect cases,events,or actionsthat clarify and deepen understanding.Qualitativeresearchers' concern is to find casesthat will enhancewhat the researchers learn about the processes ofsocial life in a specificcontext.For this reason,qualitative researchers tend to collecta secondtypeof sampling: nonprobabilitysampling.

l4l

NONPROBABILITY SAMPLING rarelydrawa representaQualitativeresearchers tive samplefrom a hugenumber of casesto intenselystudy the sampledcases-the goal in quantitativeresearch.Instead,they use nonprobability or nonrandomsamples.This means theyrarelydeterminethe sampiesizein advance and have limited knowledgeabout the larger group or population from which the sampleis taken. Unlike the quantitative researcherwho usesa preplannedapproachbasedon mathematicaltheory,the qualitativeresearcher selects casesgradually,with the specificcontent of a casedeterminingwhetherit is chosen.Table6.1

Samples

Haphazard

Cet any casesin any manner that is convenient.

Quota

Cet a presetnumberofcasesin eachof severalpredetermined categoriesthat will reflectthe diversityof the population, usinghaphazard methods.

Purposive

Get all possiblecasesthat fit particular criteria,usingvarious methods.

Snowball

Cet casesusingreferralsfrom oneor a fewcases,andthen referralsfrom thosecases,and so forth.

DeviantCase

6et casesthat substantiallv differfromthe dominant pattern (a specialtype of purposive sample).

Sequential

Cet casesuntil there is no additionalinformation or new characteristics (often usedwith othersampling methods).

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in eachcategory.Thus,the number of peoplein variouscategoriesof the sampleis fixed.For exdecidesto select5 malesand ample,a researcher 5 femalesunder age30, 10malesand 10females Haphazard, Accidental, or aged30to 60,and 5 malesand 5 femalesoverage ConvenienceSampling 60 for a 40-personsample.It is difficult to repreaccurately(see Haphazardsamplingcan produce ineffective, sentall populationcharacteristics Figure6.1). samplesand is not rechighly unrepresentative haphazardlyseQuotasamplingis an improvementbecause ommended.When a researcher the researchercan ensurethat somedifferences lectscasesthat are convenient,he or she can easilyget a samplethat seriouslymisrepresents are in the sample.In haphazardsampling, all thoseinterviewedmight be of the stuneage,sex, the population. Such samplesare cheapand quick; however,the systematicerrorsthat easily or race.But oncethe quotasamplerfixesthe categoriesand number of casesin eachcategoryhe occur make them worse than no sampleat all. The person-on-the-streetinterview conducted or she useshaphazardsampling.For example, interviewsthe first five malesunthe researcher by televisionprogramsis an exampleof a hapder age30 he or sheencounters,evenifall five hazardsample.Televisioninterviewersgo out on of just walkedout of the campaignheadquarters the streetwith cameraandmicrophoneto talk to a political candidate.Not only is misrepresentaa few peoplewho are convenientto interview. tion possiblebecausehaphazardsampling is The peoplewalking past a televisionstudio in but nothing prevents the middle of the day do not representeveryone usedwithin the categories, (e.g.,homemakers, peoplein rural areas,etc.). the researcherfrom selectingpeoplewho "act Likewise, television interviewers often select friendly" or who want to be interviewed. A casefrom the history of sampling illuspeoplewho look "normal" to them and avoid tratesthe limitations of quota sampling.George peoplewho are unattractive,poor) very old, or Gallup'sAmericanInstitute of Public Opinion, inarticulate. predictedthe usingquotasampling,successfi,rlly Another exampleof ahaphazardsampleis outcomesof the 1936,1940,and 1944U.S.presthat of a newspaperthat asksreadersto clip a identialelections.But in 1948,Galluppredicted questionnairefrom the paperand mail it in. Not the wrong candidate.The incorrect prediction everyonereadsthe newspaper,hasan interestin had severalcauses(e.g.,manyvoterswereundethe topic, or will take the time to cut out the cided,interviewingstoppedearly),but a major questionnaireand mail it. Somepeoplewill, and the number who do so may seemlarge (e.g., reasonwasthat the quota categoriesdid not ac5,000),but the samplecannotbe usedto gener- curatelyrepresentall geographicalareasand all alizeaccuratelyto the population.Suchhaphaz- peoplewho actuallycasta vote. ard samplesmay haveentertainmentvalue,but theycangivea distortedview and seriouslymisPurposiveor rudgmental Sampling representthe population. samplfugis usedin situationsin which Purposive an expertusesjudgmentin selectingcaseswith a Quota Sampling specificpurposein mind. It is inappropriateif it is usedto pick the "averagehousewife"or the haphazover is an improvement sampling Quota ard sampling.In quota sampling,a researcher "typical school."With purposivesampling,the of people(e.g., researcherneverknows whetherthe casessefirst identifiesrelevantcategories lectedrepresentthe population.It is often used maleand female;or under age30,ages30 to 60, in exploratoryresearchor in field research. over age60, etc.),then decideshow many to get

shows a variety of nonprobability sampling techniques.

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143

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Purposivesamplingis appropriatein three situations.First, a researcherusesit to select uniquecasesthat areespeciallyinformative.For example,a researcher wantsto usecontentanalysisto studymagazines to find culturalth.-.r. H. or sheselectsa specificpopular women'smagazineto studybecause it is trend setting. Second,a researchermay use purposive samplingto selectmembersof a difficult-toreach,specialized population(seeHidden populations later in this chapter).For example,the researcherwants to study prostitutes.It is impossibleto list all prostitutesand samplerandomly from the list. Instead,he or she uses subjectiveinformation (e.g.,locationswhere prostitutessolicit, social groups with whom prostitutesassociate, etc.)and experts(e.g.,poIice who work on vice units, other prostitutes,

4 AdultFemales

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etc.) to identify a "sample" of prostitutes for inclusion in the research project. The researcher uses many different methods to identi$, the cases,becausehis or her goal is to locate asmany casesaspossible. Another situation for purposive sampling occurs when a researcherwants to identifu particular types of casesfor in-depth investigation. The purpose is lessto generalizeto a larger population than it is to gain a deeper understanding of types.For example,Gamson (1992) usedpurposive sampling in a focus group study of what working-class people think about politics. (Chapter 11 discussesfocus groups.) Gamson wanted a total of 188 working-class people to participate in one of 37 focus groups. He sought respondents who had not completed collegebut who were diverse in terms of age,ethnicity, reli-

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gion,interestin politics,and typeof occupation. He recruitedpeoplefrom 35 neighborhoodsin the Boston areaby going to festivals,picnics, fairs,and flea marketsand postingnoticeson many public bulletin boards.In addition to explainingthe study,he paid the respondentswell so asto attractpeoplewho would not traditionally participatein a study. SnowballSampling Snowballsampling(alsocallednetwork,chainreferral, or rePutationalsampling)is a method for identifring and sampling(or selecting)the cases in a network.It is basedon an analogyto a snowball, which beginssmallbut becomeslargerasit is rolled on wet snow and picks up additional snow. Snowballsamplingis a multistagetechnique.It beginswith oneor a fewpeopleor cases and spreadsout on the basisof links to the initial cases. Oneuseof snowballsamplingis to samplea network. Socialresearchers are often interested in an interconnectednetworkofpeopleor organizations. The network could be scientists around the world investigatingthe sameproblem, the elitesof a medium-sizedcity, the membersof an organizedcrime family, personswho sit on the boardsof directorsof major banla and corporations,or peopleon a collegecampus who havehad sexualrelationswith eachother. The crucialfeatureis that eachpersonor unit is connectedwith anotherthrough a director indirect linkage. This does not mean that each persondirectlyknows,interactswith, or is influencedby everyother personin the network. Rather, it meansthat, taken as a whole, with direct and indirect links, they are within an interconnectedweb of linkages. representsuch a network by Researchers drawinga sociogram-a diagramof circlesconnectedwith lines.For example,Sallyand Tim do not know each other directly, but eachhas a goodfriend,Susan,sotheyhavean indirectconnection.AIl threearepart of the samefriendship network. The circlesrepresenteachperson or

case,and the linesrepresentfriendshipor other linkages(seeFigure6.2). also use snowballsamplingin Researchers combinationwith purposivesamplingasin the caseof Kissane(2003)in a descriptivefield researchstudyof low-incomewomen in Philadelphia.The U.S.policy to provideaid and services to low-incomepeoplechangedin 1996to in(e.g.,food pantries,domestic creaseassistance violenceshelters,drug rehabilitationservices, clothing distribution centers)deliveredby nonpublic as opposedto governmentipublicagencies.As frequentlyoccurs,the policy changewas in made without a study of its consequences advance.No oneknewwhetherthe af[ectedlowproincome peoplewould use the assistance vided by nonpublic agenciesas much as that One yearafter the providedby public agencies. new policy, Kissanestudiedwhether low-incomewomenwereequallylikely to usenonpublic aid. Shefocusedon the Kensingtonareaof Philadelphia.It had a high (over 30 percent)

FIGU R E 6.2

Sociogramof Friendship Relations

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povertyrateand wasa predominatelyWhite (85 percent)sectionofthe city. First, sheidentified nonpublic serviceprovidersby usingtelephone books,the Internet,referralliterature,andwalking down errerystreetof the areauntil sheidentified 50 nonpublic socialserviceproviders.She observedthat a previousstudy found low-income women in the areadistrustedoutsiders and intellectuals.Her snowball samplebegan askingseryiceprovidersfor the namesof a few low-incomewomen in the area.Shethen asked thosewomen to refer her to othersin a similar situation,and askedthoserespondentsto refer her to still others.Sheidentified20low-income women aged2l to 50, most who had received public assistance.She conducted in-depth, open-endedinterviewsabout their awareness and experiencewith nonpublic agencies.She learnedthat the women were lesslikely to get nonpublic than public assistance. Comparedto public agencies,the women were lessawareof nonpublic agencies. Nonpublic agencies created more socialstigma,generatedgreateradministrative hassles,were in worselocations,and involved more schedulingdifficulties becauseof limited hours. Deviant Case Sampling A researchertlsesdeyiant casesampling (also calledextremecasesampling) when he or she seekscases that differ from the dominantpattem or that differ from the predominantcharacteristicsof othercases. Similarto purposivesampling, a researcher usesa varietyoftechniquesto locate caseswith specificcharacteristics. Deyiant case samplingdiffersfrom purposivesamplingin that the goal is to locatea collectionof unusual,different,or peculi4rcasesthat arenot representative of the whole.The deviantcasesare selected because theyareunusual,and a researcher hopes to learnmore aboutthe sociallife by considering casesthat fall outsidethe generalpattern or includingwhat is beyondthe main flow of events. For example,a researcheris interestedin studyinghigh schooldropouts. Let us saythat

I45

previous researchsuggestedthat a majority of dropoutscome from familiesthat havelow income, are singleparent or unstable,havebeen geographically mobile,and areracialminorities. The family environmentis one in which parents andlor siblingshavelow educationor arethemselvesdropouts.In addition, dropoutsareoften engagedin illegalbehaviorand havea criminal recordprior to droppingout. A researcher using deviant casesampling would seekmajoritygroupdropoutswho haveno recordofillegaTactivities and who are from stable two-parent, upper-middle-incomefamilieswho are geographicallystableand well educated. SequentialSampling Sequential samplingissimilar to purposivesampling with one difference.In purposivesampling, the researchertries to find as many relevantcasesas possible,until time, financial resources, or his or her energyis exhausted. The goal is to get everypossiblecase.In sequential sampling,a researcher continuesto gathercases until the amount of new information or diversity of casesis filled. In economicterms, information is gathereduntil the marginalutiliry or incrementalbenefit for additional cases,levels off or drops significantly.It requiresthat a researchercontinuouslyevaluateall the collected cases.For example,a researcherlocatesand plans in-depth interviewswith 60 widows over 70 yearcold who have been living without a spousefor 10 or more years.Dependingon the purposes,getting an additional 20 researcher's widows whose life experiences,social backgrounds,and worldviews differ little from the first 60 maybe unnecessary.

PROBABILITYSAMPLING A specialized vocabularyor jargon has developed around terms used in probability sampling. Beforeexaminingprobabilitysampling,it is important to reviewits language.

14 6

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Populations,Elements,and SamplingFrames A researcherdrawsa samplefrom a largerpool A samplingelementis the of cases,or elements. unit of analysisor casein a population.It canbe a person,a group, an organization,a written or evena social documentor symbolicmessage, action (e.g.,an arrest,a divorce,or a kiss) that is being measured.The large pool is the population,which hasan important role in sampling. Sometimes,the term universeis usedinwith population.To define the terchangeably specifiesthe unit being population,a researcher location,andthetemsampled,the geographical poral boundariesof populations.Considerthe examplesof populationsin Box 6.1' All the examplesincludethe elementsto be sampled hospital admissions, (e.g.,people,businesses,

1. All personsaged1 5 orolderlivingin Singapore on December2, 1 999 , who werenot incarcerandsimilarinstitutions atedin prison,asylums, employingmore 2. All businessestablishments Canada, than 1 00 personsin OntarioProvince, that operatedin the monthof July2005 to publicor privatehospitalsin 3. All admissions the state of New JerseybetweenAugust 1, 1 988, andJ u l y3 1 ,1 9 9 3 aired between7:00 4. All televisioncommercials p.rr,r. Eastern StandardTime on I l:00 e.v. and threemajorU.S.networksbetweenNovember.l andNov emb e r2 5 ,2 0 0 6 in Australia 5. All currentlypracticingphysicians degrees between who receivedmedical January 'l 1 950, and the present , 6. All AfricanAmericanmaleheroinaddictsin the BritishColumbia,or Seattle,WashVancouver, ington,metropolitanareasduring2003

and time commercials,etc.) and geographical boundaries. beginswith an ideaof the popA researcher ulation (e.g.,all peoplein a city) but definesit moreprecisely.The term targetpopulationrefers to the specificpool of casesthat he or shewants to study.The ratio of the sizeof the sampleto the sizeof the targetpopulationisthesamplingratio. For example,the populationhas50,000people, and a researcherdrawsa sampleof 150from it. = 0.003, Thus,the samplingratio is 150/50'000 or 0.3percent.If the populationis 500and the samples100,then the samplingratio researcher is 100/500= 0.20,or 20 percent. A population is an abstractconcept' How can population be an abstractconcept'when there are a givennumber of peopleat a certain time?Exceptfor specificsmallpopulations,one cannevertruly freezea populationto measureit. For example,in a city at any given moment, somepeopleare dying, someare boardingor getting off airplanes,and someare in carsdrimust ving acrosscityboundaries.Theresearcher decideexactlywho to count. Shouldhe or she count a city residentwho happensto be on vacation when the time is fixed? What about the tourist staying at a hotel in the city when the time is fixed?Shouldheor shecount adults,children,peoplein jails,thosein hospitals?A population, eventhe populationof all peopleoverthe ageof 18 in the city limits of Milwaukee,Wisconsin,at l2:01A.M.on March 1,2006,is an abstract concept.It exists in the mind but is impossibleto pinpoint concretely' a populationis an abstractconcept' Because populations(e.g.,all exceptfor smallspecialized the studentsin a classroom),a researcherneeds to estimatethe population.As an abstractconcept,the populationneedsan operationaldefinition. This processis similar to developing operationaldefinitions for constructsthat are measured. a population operationalizes A researcher by developinga specificlist that closelyapproximatesall the elementsin the population'This list is a samplingframe.He or shecan choosefrom

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Q UALI TATI VEA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N C

'. 4 7

manyt)?esof samplingframes:telephonedirecframecanincludesomeof thoseoutsidethe tartories,tax records,driver's licenserecords,and get population (e.g.,a telephonedirectory that so on. Listing the elementsin a population lists people who have moved away) or might soundssimple.It is often difficult becausethere omit someof thoseinsideit (e.g.,thosewithout may be no goodlist of elementsin a population. telephones). A good samplingframe is crucial to good Any characteristicof a population (e.g.,the sampling. A mismatch betweenthe sampling percentageof city residentswho smokecigaframe and the conceptuallydefinedpopulation rettes,the averageheight of all women over the can be a major sourceof error. Justas a misageof 21, the percentof peoplewho believein match betweenthe theoreticaland operational UFOs) is a populationparameter.It is the true definitionsof a variablecreatesinvalid measure- characteristicof the population.Parametersare ment, so a mismatch betweenthe sampling determinedwhen all elementsin a population frame and the population causesinvalid samare measured.The parameteris never known pling. Researchers try to minimize mismatches. with absolute accuracyfor large populations For example,you would like to sampleall people (e.g.,an entirenation), so researchers must estiin a regionof the United States,soyou decideto mate it on the basisof samples.They useinforget a list of everyonewith a driver'slicense.But mation from the sample,called a statistic,to somepeopledo not havedriver's licenses,and estimatepopulationparameters(seeFigure6.3). the lists of thosewith licenses,evenif updated A famouscasein the history of samplingilregularly, quickly go out of date. Next, you try lustratesthe limitations of the technique.The incometax records.But not everyonepaystaxes; Literary Digest, a major U.S. magazine,sent somepeoplecheatand do not pay, othershave postcardsto peoplebeforethe I 920, 1924,1928, no income and do not haveto file, somehave and1932U.S.presidentialelections.The magadied or have not begun to pay taxes,and still zine took the namesfor the samplefrom autoothershaveenteredor left the areasincethe last mobileregistrationsandtelephonedirectoriestime taxesweredue.You try telephonedirectothe samplingframe. Peoplereturned the postries,but they arenot much better;somepeople cardsindicatingwhom theywould vote for. The arenot listedin a telephonedirectory somepeomagazinecorrectly predicted all four election ple haveunlistednumbers,and othershavereoutcomes.The magazine'ssuccess with prediccentlymoved.With a few exceptions(e.g.,a list tions waswell known, and in 1936,it increased of all studentsenrolledat a university),sampling the sampleto 10 million. The magazinepreframesarealmostalwaysinaccurate.A sampling dicted a huge victory for Alf Landon over

FI G URE 5 . 3

A Modelof the Logicof Sampling

WhatYou WouldLiketo TalkAbout

Population WhatYouActually Observein the Data Sample SamplingProcess

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Franklin D. Roosevelt. But the Literary Digest was wrong; Franklin D. Roosevelt won by a Iandslide. The prediction was wrong for several reasons, but the most important were mistakes in sampling. Although the magazine sampled a large number of people, its sampling frame did not accurately represent the target population (i.e., all voters). It excluded people without telephones or automobiles, a sizable percentage of the population in 1936, during the worst of the Great Depression of the 1930s.The frame excluded as much as 65 percent of the population and a segment of the voting population (lower income) that tended to favor Roosevelt. The magazine had been accurate in earlier elections becausepeople with higher and lower incomes did not differ in how they voted. Also, during earlier elections, before the Depression, more lower-income people could afford to have telephones and automobiles. You can learn two important lessons from the Literary Digest mistake. First, the sampling frame is crucial. Second, the size of a sample is lessimportant than whether or not it accurately representsthe population. A representativesample of 2,500 can give more accurate predications about the U.S. population than a nonrepresentative sample of i million or 10 million.

Why Random? The area of applied mathematics called probability theory relies on random processes.The word random has a special meaning in mathematics. It refers to a process that generatesa mathematically random result; that is, the selection process operatesin a truly random method (i.e., no pattern), and a researchercan calculate the probability of outcomes. In a true random process, each element has an equal probability ofbeing selected. Probability samples that rely on random processesrequire more work than nonrandom ones. A researchermust identifr specific sampling elements (e.g., person) to include in the

sample.For example,if conductinga telephone survey,the researcherneedsto try to reachthe specificsampledperson,by callingbackfour or five times,to getan accuraterandom sample. Random samplesare most likely to yield a samplethat truly representsthe population. In addition,random samplingletsa researcher statistically calculatethe relationshipbetweenthe sampleand the population-that is, the sizeof the samplingerror. Anonstatisticaldefinition of the samplingerror is the deviationbetweensample resultsand a population parameterdue to randomprocesses. i Randomsamplingis basedon a greatdealof mathematics.This chapterfocuses sophisticated on the fundamentalsof how samplingw.orks,the differencebetweengood and bad samples,how to draw a sample,and basicprinciplesof sampling in socialresearch.This do.t ttot meanthat random samplingis unimportant. It is essenti4l to first masterthe fundamentals.If you plan to pursuea careerusing quantitativeresearch,you should get more statistical background than spacepermitshere. Types of Probability Samples SimpleRanilom. The simplerandomsampleis both the easiestrandom sampleto understand and the one on which other typesare modeled. In simplerandom sampling,a researcherdevelopsan accuratesamplingframe,selectselements from the samplingframe accordingto a mathematically random procedure,then locatesthe exactelementthat wasselectedfor inclusion in thesample. After numberingall elementsin a sampling frame.a researcherusesa list of random numbers to decidewhich elementsto select.He or sheneedsasmanyrandom numbersasthereare elementsto be sampled;for example,for a sample of 100, 100random numbersare needed. The researchercangetrandom numbersfrom a random-number table,a tableof numberschosen in a mathematically random way. Randomnumbertablesareavailablein most statisticsand

c HAPTER 6 , / Q UALI TATTV E A N D Q U A N T T T A T T VS EA M p L t N C

researchmethodsbooks.The numbersaregeneratedby a pure random processso that any numberhasan equalprobabilityof appearingin anyposition.Computerprogramscanalsoproducelistsof random numbers. You may ask,OnceI selectan elementfrom the sampling frame, do I then return it to the samplingframe or do I keep it separate? The common answeris that it is not returned.Unrestrictedrandom samplingis random sampling with replacement-that is, replacingan element after samplingit so it can be selectedagain.In simple random samplingwithout replacement, the researcherignoreselementsalreadyselected into the sample. Thelogicof simplerandomsamplingcanbe illustratedwith an elementaryexample-sampling marblesfrom a jar.Ihave a largejar full of 5,000marbles,somered and somewhite. The 5,000marblesaremy population,and the parameterI want to estimateis the percentageof red marblesin it. I randomly select100marbles(I closemy eyes,shakethe jar, pick one marble, and repeatthe procedure99 times).I now have a random sampleof marbles.I count the number of red marblesin my sampleto estimatethe percentageof red versuswhite marblesin the population.This is a lot easierthan countingall 5,000marbles.My samplehas 52 white and 4g red marbles. Doesthis meanthat the populationparameteris 48 percentred marbles?Muybenot. Becauseof random chance,my specificsample might be off I cancheckmy resultsby dumping the 100marblesbackin thejar, mixing the marbles,and drawing a secondrandom sampleof 100marbles.On the secondtry my samplehas 49 white marblesand 5l red ones.Now I havea problem.Which is correct?How good is this random samplingbusinessif different samples from the samepopulationcanyield differentresults?I repeatthe procedureoverand over until I havedrawn 130different samplesof 100marbleseach(seeBox 6.2 for results).Most people might empty the jar and count all 5,000,but I want to seewhat is going on. The resultsof my

149

130 different samples reveal a clear pattern. The most common mix of red and white marbles is 50/50. Samples that are close to that split are more frequent than those with more uneyen splits. The population parameter appears to be 50 percent white and 50 percent red marbles. Mathematical proofs and empirical tests demonstrate that the pattern found in Box 6.2 always appears. The set of many random samples is my samplingdistibution.It is a distribution of different samples that shows the frequency of different sample outcomes from many separaterandom samples.The pattern will appear if the sample size is 1,000 instead of 100; if there are l0 colors of marbles instead of 2; if the population has 100 marbles or 10 million marbles instead of 5,000;and if the population is people, automobiles, or collegesinstead of mar_ bles. In fact, the pattern will become clearer as more and more independent random samples are drawn from the population. The pattern in the sampling distribution suggeststhat over many separate samples, the true population parameter (i.e., the 50/50 split in the preceding example) is more common than any other result. Some samplesdeviate from tne population parameter, but they are less common. When manydifferent random samplesare plotted as in the graph in Box6.2,then the sampling distribution looks like a normal or bellshaped curve. Such a curve is theoretically important and is used throughout statistics. The central limit theoremfrom mathematics tells us that as the number of difflerent random samples in a sampling distribution increasestoward infinity, the pattern of samples and the population parameter become more predictable. With a huge number of random samples,the sampling distribution forms a normal curve, and the midpoint of the curve approachesthe population parameter as the number of samples increases. Perhaps you want only one sample because you do not have the time or energy to draw many different samples. You are not alone. A researcherrarely draws many samples.He or she

t50

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

Number of Samples

42 43 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 57

58 57 55 54 53 52 5l 50 49 48 47 46 45 43

1 1 2 4 8 12 21 31 20

Total

'I 30

Number of red and white marblesthat were randomlydrawn from a jar of 5,000 marbles with 1 00 drawn eachtime, repeated 1 30 times for'l 30 independentrandom samples.

IJ

9 5 2 .l

Numberof Samples 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 l8 17 16 'I 5 14 l3 12 1l 10 9 I 6 5 4 3 2 1 42 43

44 4s

46 47

48

49

50

5.1 52

s3

Numberof RedMarblesin a SamPle

54 5s

56 57

CHAPTER6 /

Q UALI T A T I V EA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N G

15I

usuallydrawsonly one random sample,but the SystematicSampling. Systematicsamplingis centrallimit theoremletshim or her generaltze simple random samplingwith a shortcut for from onesampleto thepopulation.Thetheorem randomselection.Again,the first stepis to numis about many samples,but lets the researcher ber eachelementin the samplingframe.Instead calculatethe probability of a particular sample of usinga list of random numbers,a researcher beingofffrom the populationparameter. calculatesa samplinginteryal,and the interval Random samplingdoesnot guaranteethat becomeshis or her quasi-randomselection every random sampleperfectly representsthe method. The sampling interval (i.e., 1 in k, population.Instead,it meansthat most random where k is somenumber) tells the researcher sampleswill be closeto the population most of how to selectelementsfrom a samplingframe the time, and that one can calculatethe probaby skippingelementsin the framebeforeselectbility of a particularsamplebeinginaccurate.A ing one for the sample. researcher estimatesthe chancethat a particular For instance,I want to sample300 names sampleis offor unrepresentative (i.e.,ihe sizeof from 900.After a random startingpoint, I select the samplingerror) by using information from everythirdnameofthe 900to geta sampleof 300. the sampleto estimatethe samplingdistribuMy samplinginterval is 3. Samplingintervalsare tion. He or shecombinesthis information with easyto compute.I needthe samplesizeand the knowledgeof the centrallimit theoremto conpopulationsize(or samplingframesizeasa best struct confidence interyals. estimate).You canthink of the samplinginterval The confidenceintervalis a relativelysimple asthe inverseof the samplingratio. The sampling but powerfrrlidea.When televisionor newspa- ratio for 300niunesout of 900is 300/900= .333= per polls are reported,you may hear about 33.3percent.Thesamplingintervalis 9001300 = 3. ' somethingcalledthe margin of error beingplus In most cases,a simplerandom sampleand or minus 2 percentage points.This is a versionof a systematicsampleyieldvirtually equivalentreeonfidenceintervals.A confidenceinterval is a sults.One important situationin which systemrangearognd a specificpoint usedto estimatea atic samplingcannot be substitutedfor simple population parameter.A rangeis usedbecause randomsamplingoccurswhenthe elementsin a the statisticsofrandom processes do not let a resampleare organizedin somekind of cycleor searcherpredict an exactpoint, but they let the pattern.For example,a researcher's sampling researchersaywith a high level of confidence frame is organizedby married coupleswith the (e.g.,95 percent)that the true populationpara- malefirst and the femalesecond(seeTable6.2). meter lieswithin a certainrange. 1 Sucha pattern givesthe researcheran unrepreThe calculationsfor samplingerrorsor consentativesampleif systematicsamplingis used. fidenceintervalsarebeyondthe levelof this disHis or her systematicsamplecan be nonreprecussion,but they are basedon the idea of the sentativeand includeonly wivesbecauseof how samplingdistribution that lets a researchercalthe casesareorganized.When his or her sample culatethe samplingerror and confidenceinterframe is organizedas couples,even-numbered val. For example, I cannot say, "There are samplingintervalsresultin sampleswith all husprecisely2,500red marblesin the jar basedon a bandsor all wives. random sample."However,I can say,"I am 95 Table 6.3 illustratessimple random sampercent certain that the population parameter pling and systematicsampling.Notice that diflies between2,450 and 2,550."I can combine ferent nameswere drawn in eachsample.For characteristics of the sample(e.g.,its size,the example,H. Adamsappearsin both samples, but variationin it) with the centrallimit theoremto C. Droullard is only in the simplerandom sampredict specificrangesaround the parameter ple.This is becauseit is rarefor anytwo random with a greatdealof confidence. samplesto be identical.

152

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

Problemswith Systematic TA BLE 5.2 Samplingof CyclicalData

.l 2a ?

4 5 6a 7

Husband Wife Husband Wife Husband Wife Hus ban d Wife Husband

6

9 l0a

1t 12

Wife Husband Wife

interval= 4. Randomstart = 2; Sampling aSelected into samole.

TA B T E 6. 3

The samplingframe contains20 malesand 20 females(genderis in parenthesisafter each name). The simple random sampleyielded 3 malesand 7 females,and the systematicsample yielded5 malesand 5 females.Doesthis mean that systematicsamplingis more accurate?No. To checkthis, drawa newsampleusingdifferent random numbers;try taking the first two digits and beginningat the end (e.g.,11 from lL92I, then 43 from 43232).Also draw a new systematic samplewith a different random start. The lasttime the random startwas18.Try a random start of 11.What did you find? How many of ! eachsex? Stratifieil Sampling. In straffied sampling,a first dividesthe population into subresearcher populations(strata)on the basisof supplementary information. After dividing the population into strata,the researcherdrawsa random sample from eachsubpopulation.He or she can samplerandomlywithin stratausingsimpleran-

How to Draw SimpleRandomand SystematicSamples

framein t. Numbereachcasein the sampling The list of 40 namesis in sequence. order,numberedfrom 1 to 40. alphabetical Decideon a samplesize.We willdrawtwo 25 percent(10-name)samples.

3. Fora simplerandomsample,locatea randomnumbertable (seeexcerpt).Beforeusing random-number table,countthe largest numberof digits neededfor the sample(e.g., with 40 names, two digitsareneeded;for 100 to 999, threedigits;for 1 ,000 to 9,999,four digits).Beginanywhereon the randomnumber table (wewill beginin the upperleft) and take a set of digits (wewill takethe lasttwo). Markthe numberon the sampling framethat corresponds to the chosenrandomnumberto indicatethat the caseis in the sample.lf the numberis too large(over40), ignoreit. lf the numberappears morethanonce(1 0 and 2l occurredtwicein

the example),ignorethe secondoccurrence. Continueuntilthe numberofcasesin the is reached. sample(.10 in our example) sample,beginwith a random 4. Fora systematic start.The easiestway to do this is to point blindlyat the randomnumbertable,thentake the closestnumberthat appearson the I 8 waschosen. frame.In the example, sampling Start with the randomnumber,then count the to come interval, or 4 in our example, sampling to the first number.Markit, and then count the intervalfor the nextnumber.Continue sampling to the end ofthe list.Continuecountingthe of the list intervalas if the beginning sampling wasattachedto the end ofthe list (likea circle).Keepcountinguntilendingcloseto the start,or on the start if the samplinginterval dividesevenlyinto the total of the sampling frame.

CHAPTER6 /

01 02 03 04 05 05 07 08 09 10 I1 12 13 14 'l 5 15 17 18

A br am s , J( M . ) Adams,H. (F) Anderson, H. (M) Arminond,L. (M) Boorstein, A. (M) B r eit s pr ec he r,P.(M) Yes Brown,D. (F) Cattelino, J.(F) Cidoni,S. (M) Davis,L. (F) Yes Droullard, C. (M) Yes Durette,R.(F) E ls nau, K .( F ) Yes F alc oner T,. ( M ) Fuerstenberg, J. (M) Fulton,P.(F) Cnewuc h, S .( F ) G r een,C. ( M )

19 20

Coodwanda, T. (F) Harris,B. (M)

Q UALI T A T I V EA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N G

Yes(6)

Yes(Z)

Yes(8)

Yes(9)

5TART, Yes(10)

Yes

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 s2 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Hjelmhaug, N. (M) H uang,J. (F) lvono,V. (F) Jaquees, J. (M) A. (F) Johnson, Kennedy, M. (F) Koschoreck, L. (F) Koykkar, J.(M) Kozlowski, C. (F) Laurent, J.(M) Lee,R.(F) Lins,C. (M) McKinnon, K. (F) Mi n,H . (F) Moi ni A , . (F) Navarre, H. (M) O' S ul l i van, C . (M) oh,J. (M) Ol son,J.(M) Ortizy Carcia,L. (F)

Yes Yes

r 53

Yes(1)

Yes(2)

Yes

Yes(3)

Yes

Yes (4)

Yes(5)

Excerptfrom a Random-NumberTable (for Simple RandomSample)

150lo 90122 672s6 13761 81994 79180 07984

18590 3822I 13882 23390 66611 25992 47169

00102 21 529 94119 12947 16597 46178 88094

4227A 00Ott 11077 21280 44457 23992 82752

94174 04734 01051 44506 0762a 62r 08 153r8

22099 60457 27779 36457 51949 43232 11921

'Num ber s t h a t a p p e a r e d t w ice in r a n d o m n u m b e r sse le cte c.

dom or systematic sampling. In stratified sampling, the researchercontrols the relative size of each stratum, rather than letting random processescontrol it. This guaranteesrepresentativeness or fixes the proportion of different strata within a sample. Of course, the necessary

supplemental information about strata is not a,ways available. In general, stratified sampling produces samplesthat are more representativeof the population than simple random sampling if the stratum information is accurate. A simple example

154

P A RToNE / F o u N D Arl o N S

illustrateswhy this is so. Imaginea population that is 51 percentfemale and 49 percentmale; the population parameteris a sexratio of 51 to 49.With stratifiedsampling,a researcherdraws random samplesamong femalesand among malessothat the samplecontainsa 51to 49 perhad usedsimple cent sexratio. If the researcher possible for a ranrandomsampling,it would be ratio in sex dom sampleto be offfrom the true erfewer the population.Thus,he or shemakes a has population and rors representingthe sampling. smallersamplingerror with stratified usestratifiedsamplingwhen a Researchers stratum of interestis a small percentageof a could miss population and random processes the stratumby chance.For example,a researcher drawsa sampleof 200 fiom 20,000collegestudents.He or shegetsinformation from the collegeregistrarindicatingthat 2 percentof the 20,000students,or 400, are divorcedwomen with children under the ageof 5. This group is important to includein the sample.Therewould be 4 suchstudents(2 percentof200) in a representativesample,but the researchercould miss them by chancein one simplerandom sample. With stratifiedsampling,he or sheobtainsa list of the 400 suchstudentsfrom the registrarand that randomly selects4 from it. This guarantees the samplerepresentsthe population with regardto the importantstrata(seeBox6.3). may want In specialsituations,a researcher the proportion of a stratumin a sampleto differ from its true proportion in the population.For example,the population contains0.5 percent Aleuts, but the researcherwants to examine Aleuts in particular. He or she oversamplesso that Aleuts make up 10 percentof the sample. With this type of disproportionatestratified directly cannotgeneralize sample,the researcher from the sampleto the populationwithout special adjustments. In somesituations,a researcherwants the proportion of a stratum or subgroupto differ from its true proportion in the population.For example,Davisand Smith (1992)reportedthat the 1987GeneralSocialSurvey(explainedin a

later chapter)oversampledAfrican Americans. A randomsampleof the U.S.populationyielded 191Blacks.Davisand Smith conducteda separatesampleof African Americansto increasethe total number of Blacksto 544'The 191Blackrespondentsare about 13 percentofthe random sample,roughly equal to the percentageof Blacksin the U.S.population.The 544Blacksare 30 percentof the disproportionatesample.The researcherwho wants to use the entire sample must adjustit to reducethe number of sampled African Americansbefore generalizingto the U.S. population. Disproportionatesampling helpsthe researcherwho wants to focus on issuesmost relevantto a subpopulation.In this case,he or shecanmore accuratelygenetalizeto African Americansusing the 544 respondents than usinga sampleof only 191.Thelargersample is more likely to reflectthe full diversityof the African Americansubpopulation. ClusterSampling, Clustersamplingaddresses lacka goodsampling two problems:Researchers framefor a dispersedpopulationand the costto reacha sampledelementis very high. For example, there is no singlelist of all automobilemechanicsin North America.Evenif a researcher got an accuratesamplingframe, it would cost too much to reachthe sampledmechanicswho spreadout. Insteadofusing a aregeographically usea sdm. singlesamplingframe,researchers pling designthat involves multiple stagesand clusters. A clusteris a unit that containsfinal sampling elementsbut canbe treatedtemporarilyas first sama samplingelementitself.A researcher ples clusters,eachof which containselements, then draws a secondsamplefrom within the clustersselectedin the first stageof sampling'In other words, the researcherrandomly samples clusters,then randomly sampleselementsfrom within the selectedclusters.This hasa big pracHe or shecancreatea goodsamtical advantage. pling frameof clusters,evenif it is impossibleto createone for samplingelements.Once the researchergets a sampleof clusters,creatinga

CHAPTER6 /

Q UALI T A T I V EA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N C

I55

SAMPLE OF l OOSTAFFOF GENEMLHOSPITAL, STRATIFIED BYPOSITION

Administrators

t5

2.88

I

3

Staffphysicians

25

4.81

2

5

25 .t00

4.81

6

5

Internphysicians Registerednurses

19.23

22

19

'r00

19.23

21

19

Medicaltechnicians

75

14.42

9

14

Orderlies

50

9.62

8

l0

Clerks

75

14.42

5

14

Maintenance staff

30

s.77

3

6

Cleaningstaff

25

4.81

3

5

520

100.00

100

100

Nurseassistants

Total

-2 -3 +l +3 +2 +5 -2 +l -3 -2

.l Randomly select3 of 5 administrators, 5 of 25 staffphysicians, andso on. Note:Traditionally, N symbolizes the numberin the populationandn represents the numberin the sample. Thesimplerandomsampleoverrepresents nurses,nursingassistants, andmedicaltechnicians, but underrepresents administrators, staffphysicians, maintenance staff,andcleaning staff.Thestratifiedsamplegivesan accuraterepresentation of eachtype of position.

sampling frame for elements within each cluster becomesmore manageable.A second advantage for geographically dispersed populations is that elementswithin eachcluster are physically closer to one another. This may produce a savings in locating or reaching each element. A researcherdraws severalsamplesin stages in cluster sampling. In a three-stagesample,stage 1 is random sampling of big clusters; stage 2 is random sampling of small clusters within each selectedbig cluster; and the last stageis sampling of elements from within the sampled small clusters. For example, a researcherwants a sample of

individuals from Mapleville. First, he or she randomly samples city blocks, then households within blocks, then individuals within households (seeBox 6.4). Although there is no accurate list of all residentsofMapleville, there is an accurate list of blocks in the city. After selectinga random sample of blocks, the researchercounts all households on the selectedblocks to create a sample frame for eachblock. He or she then uses the list of households to draw a random sample at the stageof sampling households. Finally, the researcher chooses a specific individual within each sampled household.

1s 5

PART ONE , / FO UNDATI O NS

sample of 24Opeoplein Mapleville. Coal: Drawa random select6 districts. Randomly has55 districts. Step1: Mapleville 16 17 18 19 2021 2223 242526 15' 1 23. 4 5 67 89 10 1'l 1213 14 40.41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 39 37 38 34 36 29 30 31. 32 33 35 27. 28 49 50 5.f 52 53 54.55

l

.=

selected. Randomly Step2: Dividethe selecteddistrictsinto blocks.Eachdistrictcontains20 blocks.Randomlyselect4 blocks from the district. Example of Distict3 (selectedin step 1): 1 23 4. 5 67 8 9 ' 1 0 . 1 1 1 2 1 3 . 1 4 1 5 1 6 17. 18 1920 - = Randomly selected. Randomlyselecthouseholds. Step3: Divideblocksinto households. Example of Block4 of District3 (selectedin step 2): homes,duplexes,and four-unitapartmentbuildings.lt is bounded-by Block4 containsa mixof single-family on the block.Rartdom\ Drive.Thereare45 households OakStreet,RiverRoad,SouthAvenue,and Greenview from the 45. selectI 0 households

1 2 J

4 5 6 7 8 9' 10' 't1 12 13 14 15

#.1 Oak Street #3 Oak Street #5 Oak Street

#7 Oak Street #l 50 RiverRoad

#l 52 RiverRoad

16 # 1 5 4 R i verR oad 17. 'l8 # 1 5 6 R i verR oad #1 58 RiverRoad 19" 20. #l 3 SouthAvenue 21 22"37" #.1 1 SouthAvenue 23 #9 SouthAvenue 24 #7 SouthAvenue 25 #5 SouthAvenue 26 #3 SouthAvenue 27 #1 SouthAvenue 28 2 9 ." 4 4 " #1 52 CreenviewDrive 30

" = Randomly selected. Step4: Selecta respondentwithineachhousehold. Summary of clustersampling 1 personrandomlyselectedper household randomlyselectedper block 10 households 4 blocksrandomlyselectedper district 6 districtsrandomlyselectedin the city I X 10 x 4 6= 2 4 0 p e o p l e i n s a mp l e

31. 32. 33 34 35. 36 38 39 40 41 42 43 45

Drive #156 Creenview

#]58 Creenview Drive

#1 60 CreenviewDrive

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Q UALI TATI VEA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N C

, Cluster sampling is usually lessexpensive than simple random sampling,but it is lessaccurate.Eachstagein clustersamplingintroduces samplingerrors.This meansa multistagecluster samplehas more samplingerrorsthan a onestagerandom sample. A researcherwho usescluster sampling must decidethe number of clustersand the number of elementswithin eachcluster.For exaTplg, in a two-stageclustersampleof 240people from Mapleville, the researcher could randomly select120 clustersand select2 elements from each,or randomly select2 clusters and select120elementsin each.Which is best? The generalansweris that a designwith more clustersis better.This is because elementswithin clusters(e.g.,peopleliving on the sameblock) tend to be similar to eachother (e.g.,peopleon the sameblock tend to be more alikethan those on different blocks).If few clustersare chosen. many similar elementscould be selected,which would be lessrepresentative of the total population. For example,the researchercould select two blocks with relativelywealthy people and drirw 120peoplefrom each.This would be less representative than a samplewith i20 difFerent cityblocks and 2 individualschosenfrom each. When a researcher samplesfrom a largegeographicalareaand must travelto eachelement, cluster sampling significantly reduces travel costs.As usual,thereis a tradeoffbetweenaccuracyand cost. For example,Alan, Ricardo, and Barbara each plan to visit and personally interview a sampleof 1,500studentswho representthepopulation of all collegestudentsin North Ameiica. Alan obtainsan accuratesamplingframe of all studentsand usessimplerandom sampling.He travelsto 1,000different locationsto interview one or two studentsat each.Ricardo draws a random sampleof threecollegesfrom a list of all 3,000colleges,then visits the three and selects 500 studentsfrom each.Barbaradraws a random sampleof 300 colleges.Shevisits the 300 and selects5 studentsat each.Iftravel costsaverage$250 per location, Alan's travel bill is

157

$250,000,Ricardo'sis $750,and Barbara,sis $75,000.Alan's sampleis highly accurate,but Barbara'sis only slightly lessaccuratefor one_ third the cost.Ricardo'ssampleis the cheapest, but it is not representative at all. ProbabilityProportionateto Size(ppS). There are two methods of cluster sampling. The method just describedis proportionatet, o.r_ weightedclustersampling.It is proportionate becausethe sizeof eachcluster (br number of elementsat eachstage)is the same.The more common situation is for the cluster groups to be of different sizes.When this is the case-. the researchermust adjust the probability or sam_ pling ratio at various stagesin sampling(see Box6.5). Th-" foregoing cluster sampling example - Alan, Barbara, with and Ricardoillustratesihe problemwith unweightedclustersampling.Bar_ bara drew a simple random sampleJf :Oo cot_ legesfrom a list of all 3,000colleges,but she made a mistake-unless every collegehas an identicalnumber of students.Her method gave eachcollegean equalchanceofbeing selected_ a 300/3,000or 10 percentchance.But colleges havedifferentnumbersof students,so eachsiu_ dent doesnot havean equalchanceto end up in her sample. Barbaralisted everycollegeand sampled from the list. A largeuniversitywith 40,000stu_ dentsand a small collegewirh 400 studentshad an equal chanceof being selected.But if she chosethe largeuniversity,the chanceofa given student at that collegebeing selectedwal 5 in 40,000(5i40,000= 0.0125percent),whereasa studentat the smallcollegehad a 5 in 400 (5/400 = 1.25percent)chanceof being selected.The small-collegestudentwas 100timesmore likely to be in her sample.The total probability of be_ ing selectedfor a studentfrom the largeuniversitywas0.125percenr(10 X 0.0125),while it was 12.5percent(10 X 1.25)for the smali_ collegestudent.Barbaraviolateda principle of random sampling-that each element his an equalchanceto be selectedinto the sample.

Samplinghas manytermsfor the differentparts of A complexsampleillusor typesof samples. samples usethem.Lookat the 1 980 trateshow researchers samplefor the best-knownnationalU.S.surveyin sociology,the CeneralSocialSurvey' The populationis definedas all residentadults of all (1 8 yearsor older) in the U'S.for the universe Engof all population consists The target Americans. excluding in households, live who adults lish-speaking those livingin institutionalsettingssuchas college dormitories,nursinghomes,or militaryquarters.The estimatedthat 97.3 percentof all resiresearchers andthat 9 Z percent dent adultslivedin households of the householdpopulationspokesufficientEnglish to be interviewed. useda complexmultistageprobThe researchers is both a clustersampleand a that ability sample First, they created a national sample. stratified cities' all U.S.counties,independent samplingframeof Areas(SMSfu)' andStandardMetropolitanStatistical for largercitiesandsura CensusBureaudesignation roundingareas.Eachsamplingelementat this first They divided levelhad about 4,000 households' werethe four The strata theseelementsinto strata. the Census by as defined regions majorgeographic Bureau,dividedinto metropolitanand nonmetropolitanareas.Theythen sampledfromeachstratausing probabilityproportionateto size(PPS)randomselection, basedon the numberof housingunitsin each

county or SMSA.This gavethem a sampleof 84 countiesor SMSAs. identified For the secondstage,the researchers in equivalent rural the or tracts, census city blocks, each county or SMSA.Eachsamplingelement(e.g', of 50 housingunits.In orcity block)hada minimum der to get an accuratecount of the numberof housing units for some counties,a researchercounted selected6 or in the field.The researchers addresses usingPPS or SMSA county moreblockswithineach blocks. to yield552 used the In the third stage,the researchers They randomlyseelement. householdas a sampling in the block. lectedhouseholdsfrom the addresses contacted After selectingan address,an interviewer the householdandchosean eligiblerespondentfrom lookedat a selectiontablefor posit. The interviewer a type of responand interviewed siblerespondents on the table. In based oldest) dent (e.g.,second 'l for interviews contacted were people total, ,934 werecompleted.This and7 5.9 percentof interviews gavea finalsamplesizeof 1,458. We cancalculate ihe somptingratio by dividing 1,468 by the total whichwas numberof adultslivingin households, percent. To check about 150 million,whichis 0.01 the resample, their of the representativeness samof the characteristics compared also searchers ple to censusresults(see Davisand Smith,1 992: 31 -44).

If Barbarausesprobabilityproportionateto size(PPS)and samplescorrectly,then eachfinal samplingelementor studentwill havean equal probability of being selected.Shedoesthis by adjustingthe chancesof selectinga collegein the first stageof sampling.Shemust givelargecollegeswith more studentsa greaterchanceof being selectedand smallcollegesa smallerchance. Sheadjuststhe probability of selectinga college on the basisof the proportion of all studentsin the population who attend it. Thus, a college

with 40,000studentswill be 100 times more likely to be selectedthan one with 400 students. (SeeBox 6.6 for anotherexamPle.) Ranilom-Digit Dialing, Random-digitdialing (RDD) is a specialsamplingtechniqueusedin researchprojectsin which the generalpublic is interviewedbytelephone'It differsfrom the traditional method of samplingfor telephoneina publishedtelephonedirectory terviewsbecause frame. the sampling is not

CHAPTER5 /

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T59

high as 50 percent.In addition, peoplechange their residences, sodirectoriesthat arepublished annuallyor lessoften havenumbersfor people who haveleft and do not list thosewho havere_ Vaqueraand Kao (2005) studieddisplaysof affeccentlymoved into an area.plus, directoriesdo tion amongadolescentcouplesin whichthe couple not list cell phone numbers.A researcherusing wereeitherfrom the sameor differentracialgroups. RDD randomly selectstelephonenumbers, Theirdatawerefroma nationallongitudinalstudyof thereby avoidingthe problemsof telephonedi_ adolescenthealthgiven to studentsin grades7 rectories. Thepopulationis telephonenumbers, through 12 in 80 randomlyselectedU.S. tigfl not people with telephones.Random-digitdial_ schools.Therewereover 90,000 studentsin these ing is not difficult, but it takestime and canfrus_ schools.After the'schoolsweresampled,approxitrate person the doing the calling. mately200 studentsweresampledfor interviews Here is how RDD works in the United fromwithinthoseschools.Thus,the first clusterwas States.Telephonenumbershavethree parts: a the school,and studentsweresampledfrom within three-digit area code, a three-digit exihange the school.Because the schoolswerenot ofthe same number or centralofEcecode,and a four-digit size,rangingfrom 1 O0 to 3,000 students,the aunumber. For example,the areacodefor Uadi_ thors adjustedusingprobabilitiesproportionateto size(PPS).They found that 53 percentof respon_ son, Wisconsin,is 608,and there are many ex_ dentshad a relationship changes within theareacode(e.g.,221,9g3:767, with someoneof the opposite sex in the previousI 8 months.Whitesand 455); but not all of the 999 possiblethree_digit Blackswere more likelyto havesame-race (from 001to 999)areactive.Likewise, exchanges relationships(90 percent)comparedto Asiansand Hispan- not all of the 9,999possiblefour-digit numbers ics (70 percent).The authorsfoundthat same-and in an exchange(from 0000 to 9999) are being mixed-race couplesdifferedlittle in showingintimate used.Somenumbersarereservedfor future exaffection,but the interracialcoupleswerelesslikely pansion,are disconnected, or are temporarily to do so in publicthan the same-race couples. withdrawn aftersomeonemoves.Thus,a possi_ ble U.S.telephonenumber consistsof an active areacode,an activeexchangenumber, and a four-digit number in an exchange. Threekinds.of peopleare missedwhen the In RDD, a researcheridentifiesactivearea samplingframe is a telephonedirectory people codesand exchanges, then randomly selects without telephones,peoplewho have recently four-digit numbers.A problem is thai rhe removed, and people with unlisted numbers. searchercan selectany number in an exchange. Thosewithout phones(e.g.,the poor, the unedThis meansthat someselectednumbersu." o.rt ucated,and transients)are missedin any teleof service,disconnected,pay phones,or numphoneinterviewstudy,but theproportion of the bersfor businesses; only somenumbersarewhat generalpublic with a telephoneis nearly95 perthe researcher wants-working residential cent in advancedindustrializednations.As the phone numbers.Until the researchercalls,it is percentageof the public with telephoneshasinnot possibleto know whether the number is a creased,the percentagewith unlisted numbers working residentialnumber.This meansspendhasalsogrown.Severalkinds ofpeoplehaveuning a lot of time getting numbersthat are dis_ listed numbers:peoplewho want to avoid co,connected,for businesses, and so forth. lectionagencies; theverywealthy;andthosewho Rememberthat the samplingelementin want privacy and want to avoid obscenecalls. RDD is the phonenumber,not theperson or the salespeople, and prank calls.In someurban arhousehold.Severalfamilies or individuals can eas,the percentageof unlistednumbersis as sharethe samephonenumber,and in other sit-

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governmentserviceagenciesidentified as vicestimatesdependon the tims. Law-enforcement specificlevelof enforcementeffortsand aremost likely to identifr a smallpercentof the most visible and seriouscases.Similar difficulties exist with nongovernmentserviceagenciesthat provide aid to victims. Thus, during the first 10 months of 2004,Norwegianpolice detected42 sextraffickingvictims.This is subsetof all possible trafficking victims. For this population using a capTyldum and Brunovskissuggested Hidden Populations ture-recapturemethodborrowedfrom biology. a percentageof the same In capture-recapture, In contrastto samplingthe generalpopulation multiple attemptsto across reappear cases will hidden people,sampling orvisible and accessible (with "capture" release after past capa cases (i.e., people in conpopulations who engage allows repercentage recaptured This ture). in the cealedactivities)is a recurrent issue the total the size of to estimate searchers iIIt studiesof deviantor stigmatizedbehavior. population is that of miA third population. lustratesthe creativeapplication of sampling orito their countiypf returned have grants who quantitative principles,mixing qualitativeand the and estimating returnees gin. By surveying srylesof researchand oftenusingnonprobability former traffickin!' who are th.m oi intechniques.Examplesof hiddenpopulations iroportion haveanotherway to esticludeillegaldrug users,prostitutes,homosexu- victims,researchers population. hidden of the the size mate people, als,peoplewith HIV/AIDS, homeless (2005) describedtheir associates Draus and and others. population in a field research hidden a sampling (2005) described Tyldum and Brunovskis rural Ohio in four users drug of illicit study of ways to measurethe hidden population samrespondent-driven They used counties. in womenand childrenvictimsof sextrafficking (RDS), samversion of snowball is a pling which Norway. They suggestedusing multiple sammembers of a when pling appropriate and pling approachesand thinking of in terms of contact likely to maintain population are hidden vicseveraloverlappingpopulations in which with one another.This tlpe of samplingbegins tims area subset.One populationis all working prostitutes.By telephoningall identifiableescort by identifying an eligiblecaseor participant. services,then calculatingresponse This person,calleda "seed,"is given referral and massage couponsto distributeamongother eligiblepeoratesand the number of women per phone,the ple who engagein the sameactivity. For each prostitutes authorsestimatedthat 600 female worked in the Oslo metro areain October2003. successfulreferral, the "seed" receivessome money. This processis repeatedwith several Basedon number of months mostwomenwork waves of new recuitsuntil the a point of saturayear, in prostitution andtheir turnoverrateeach (see SequentialSamplingearlier in this tion theyestimatedthat 1,100differentwomenwork In the study by Draus and associates, chapter). asprostitutesin Oslo in a year.Of these,about drug-usingparticipant was interviewed each 80 percentof them are of non-Norwegianoriinitial two-hour interview and paid for an $50 gin.Victims of sextraffickingarea subsetamong interview.The follow-up hour-long for an $35 the roughly 800 non-Norwegianswho work as couponsat three referral received participants prostituteswho are being exploitedby others got $10 for interview and initial of the the end and working involuntary.A secondpopulation referred who comparticipant they eligible each is the women law-enforcementofficialsor non-

uationseachpersonmay havea separatephone number or more than one phonenumber.This meansthat after a working residentialphone is reached,a secondstageof samplingis necessary within householdsampling,to selectthe person to be interviewed. Box 6.5 presentsan exampleof how the many samplingterms and ideascanbe usedtogetherin a specificreal-lifesituation.

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pleted an initial interview. No participant receivedmore than threereferralcoupons.Sometimes this yielded no new participants,but at other times more than the threepeoplewith referral couponswere recruited.In one case,a youngman heardaboutthe studyat a localtatoo parlor and calledthe study office in luly 2003. He (participant157)had beena powdercocaine user and in his interview said he knew many other drug users.He referredtwo new participants (participants161 and 146)who camein about one month later. participant 161did not refer anyonene% but participant 146 referred four new people,and two of the four (154 and 148) referredstill others.participant 154referredfour newpeopleand 146referredonenew person,and that one person,(participant 15g) referredfour others.This samplingprocessthat took placein differentgeographiclocationsproduced249 usersof cocaineor methanmphetamine between|une 2002andFebruary2004. You are now familiar with severalmajor typesof probability samples(seeTable6.4) and. supplementarytechniques usedwith them (e.g., PPS,within-household,RDD, and RDS) that may be.appropriate.In addition, you haveseen how,resehrchers combinenonprobabilityand probability samplingfor specialsituations,such as hidden populations.Next, we turn to determining a samplesizefor probabilitysamples. How Large Should a Sample Be? Studentsand new researchers often ask. ,.How largedoesmy sarnplehaveto be?"The bestansweris, "It depends."It dependson the kind of dataanalysisthe researcher plans,on how accurate the samplehas to be for the researcher's pu{poses,and on population characteristics. As you haveseen,a lbrgesamplesizealonedoesnot guaranteea representative sample.A largesam_ ple without random samplingor with a poor sampling frame is less representativethan a smallerone with random samplingand an excellentsamplingframe.Goodsamplesfor qualitativepurposescanbe very small.

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Samples

SimpleRandom

Createa samplingframefor all cases, thenselectcasesusing a purelyrandomprocess(e.g., random-number tableor computerprogram).

Stratified

Createa samplingframefor eachofseveralcategoriesof cases, drawa randomsample from eachcategory,then combinethe several samples.

Systematic

Createa samplingframe, calculate the sampling interval l,/k, choosea randomstarting place,then take everyl,/k case.

Cluster

Createa samplingframefor largerclusterunits,drawa randomsampleof the cluster units,createa samplingframe for caseswithineachselected clusterunit,thendrawa randomsampleofcases,and so forth.

The question of samplesize can be ad_ dressedin two ways.One is to make assumptions about the population and use statisticil equationsabout random samplingprocesses. Thecalculationof samplesizeby this methodre_ quiresa statisticaldiscussionthat is beyondthe level of this text. The researchermust make assumptions about the degreeof confidence(or number of errors)that is acceptable and the de_ greeofvariation in the population. A secondand more frequentlyusedmethod is a rule of thumb-a conventionalor commonly acceptedamount. Researchers useit becausethey rarelyhavethe information required

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by the statisticalmethod and becauseit gives samplesizescloseto those of the statistical method. Rulesof thumb are not arbitrary but are basedon past experiencewith samplesthat have met the requirements of the statistical method. One principle of samplesizesis, the smaller thepopulation,thebiggerthe samplingratio has to be for an accuratesample(i.e.,onewith a high probabilityofyieldingthe sameresultsasthe entire population). Larger populations permit smallersamplingratios for equallygood samples. This is becauseas the population size grows,the returns in accuracyfor samplesize shrink. For smallpopulations(under 1,000),a researcherneedsa largesamplingratio (about 30 percent).For example,a samplesizeof about 300is requiredfor a high degreeofaccuracy.For moderatelylargepopulations( 10,000),a smaller samplingratio (about 10 percent)is neededto be equallyaccurate,or a samplesizeof around 1,000.For largepopulations(over 150,000), smallersamplingratios (1 percent)arepossible, andsamplesofabout 1,500canbevery accvtate. To samplefrom very largepopulations(over 10 million), one can achieveaccuracyusing tiny samplingratios (0.025percent)or samplesof to about2,500.Thesizeofthe populationceases be relevantoncethe samplingratio is very small, and samplesof about2,500are as accuratefor populationsof 200 million as for 10 million. Theseareapproximatesizes,and practicallimitations (e.g., cost) also play a role in a researcher's decision. A relatedprincipleis that for smallsamples, in samplesizeproducebig gains smallincreases in accurary.Equalincreasesin samplesizeproduce more of an increasein accuraryfor small than for largesamples. decisionabout the bestsamA researcher's ple sizedependson threethings:(1) the degree of accuracyrequired,(2) the degreeof variability or diversityin the population,and (3) the number of different variablesexaminedsimultaneously in data analysis.Everything else being

equal,largersamplesare neededif one wants high accuracy,ifthe populationhasa greatdeal or if onewantsto of variabilityor heterogeneity, examinemany variablesin the data analysisslmultaneously. Smaller samplesare sufficient when the popis acceptable, when lessacc:uracy ulation is homogeneous,or when only a few variablesareexaminedat a time. The analysisof data on subgroupsalso afdecisionaboutsamplesize.If fectsa researcher's wantsto analyzesubgroupsin the the researcher population,he or sheneedsa largersample.For example,I want to analyzefour variablesfor malesbetweenthe agesof 30 and 40 yearsold. If this sampleis of the generalpublic, then only a small proportion (e.g.,10 percent)of sample caseswill be malesin that agegrouP.A rule of thumb is to have about 50 casesfor eachsubgroup to be analyzed.Thus, if I want to.artalyze a group that is only 10 percentof the popula--tion. then I shouldhave10 X 50 or 500casestin the sampleto be sureI get enoughfor the subgroup analysis. Drawing Inferences

A researchersamplesso he or shecan draw inferencesfrom the sampleto the population. ln fact, a subfield of statisticaldata analysisthat concernsdrawing accurateinferencesis called inferentialstatistics.The researcherdirectly observesvariablesusing units in the sample.The samplestandsfor or representsthe population. are not interestedin samplesin Researchers theywant to infer to the population. themselves; Thus, a gap existsbetweenwhat the researcher concretelyhas(a sample)and what is of realinterest(a population)(seeFigure6.4). In the lastchapter,you sawhow the logic of measurementcould be statedin terms of a gap betweenabstractconstructsandconcreteindicators. Measuresof concrete,observabledataarc approximationsfor abstractconstructs.Reuse the approximationsto estimate searchers what is of realinterest(i.e.,constructsand causal and operationalization laws).Conceptualization

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F I G U RE 6 .4 WhatYou WouldLiketo TalkAbout

Q UALI TATI VEA N D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N G

Model of the Logic of Sampling and of Measurement A Modelof the Logic of SamPling Population WhatYouActually Observein the Data Sample SamplingProcess

A Modelof the Logic of Measurement Theoretical Concepts and CausalLaws WhatYouWouldLike to TalkAbout

Operationalization

WhatYouActually Observein the Data Measures and EmpiricalRelationshiPs

A Model CombiningLogics of Samplingand Measurement Population WhatYou WouldLiketo TalkAbout

Sample

Measures and Empirical Relationships WhatYouActually Observein the Data

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bridgethe gapin measurementjust asthe useof samplingframes,the samplingprocess,and inferencebridgethe gapin sampling. put the logic of samplingand Researchers the logic of measurementtogetherby directly obserr.ingmeasuresof constructsand empirical relationshipsin samples(seeFigure 6.4). They infer or generalizefrom what they can observe empiricallyin samplesto the abstractcausallaws and constructsin the population. Validity and samplingerror have similar functions, as can be illustrated by the analogy betweenthe logic of samplingand the logic of measurement-that is, betweenwhat is oba servedandwhat is discussed. In measurement, researcher wantsvalid indicatorsof constructsthat is, concreteindicatorsthat accuratelyrepresentabstractconstructs.In sampling,he or she wantssamplesthat havelittle samplingerrorconcretecollectionsof casesthat accuratelyrepresentunseenand abstractpopulations.A valid measuredeviateslittle from the constructit represents.A samplewith little samplingerror permits estimates that deviatelittle from population parameters. Researchers try to reducesamplingerrors. The calculationof the samplingerror is not presentedhere,but it is basedon tlvo factors:the samplesizeand the amount of diversityin the sample.Everythingelsebeing equal,the larger the samplesize,the smallerthe samplingerror. Likewise,the greaterthe homogeneity(or the lessthe diversity)in a sample,the smallerits samplingerror. Samplingerror is alsorelatedto confidence intervals.If two samplesareidenticalexceptthat oneis larger,the onewith more caseswill havea smallersamplingerror and narrowerconfidence intervals.Likewise,if two samplesare identical exceptthat the casesin one aremore similar to eachother, the one with greaterhomogeneity will havea smallersamplingerror and narrower confidenceintervals.A narrow confidenceinterval meansmore preciseestimatesof the population parameterfor a given level of confidence. For example,a researcher wantsto estimateav-

erageannualfamily income.He or shehastwo samples.Sample1 givesa confidenceintervalof $30,000to $36,000aroundthe estimatedpopulation parameterof $33,000for an 80 percent levelofconfidence.For a 95 percentlevelofconA samfidence,the rangeis $23,000to $43,000. ple with a smallersamplingerror (becauseit is largeror is more homogeneous)might give a $30,000to $36,000rangefor a 95 percentconfidencelevel.

CONCLUSION In this chapter,you learnedabout sampling. Samplingis widely usedin socialresearch.You learned about types of sampling that are not Only some are acbasedon random processes. ceptable,and their use dependson specialcirIn general,probability samplin! is cumstances. becattseit preferredby quantitativeresearchers producesa samplethat representsthe population and enablesthe researcherto usepowerful statisticaltechniques.In addition to simplerandom sampling,you learnedabout systematic, stratified, and cluster sampling.Although this book doesnot coverthe statisticaltheoryusedin random sampling,from the discussionof sampling error, the centrallimit theorem,and sample size,it shouldbe clearthat random sampling producesmore accurateand precisesampling. Before moving on to the next chapter, it maybe usefulto restatea fundamentalprinciple of socialresearch:Do not compartmentalizethe stepsofthe researchprocess;rather,learnto see the interconnectionsbetweenthe steps.Resampling,and spesearchdesign,measurement, cific researchtechniquesare interdependent. Unfortunately,the constraintsof presentinginpresenting formation in a textbook necessitate in sequence. In practice,rethe partsseparately, think about datacollectionwhen they searchers designresearchand developmeasuresfor variables.Likewise,samplingissuesinfluenceresearchdesign,measurementof variables,and As you will seein fudata collectionstrategies.

C HAPTER5 , / Q UALI TATI VEAN D Q U A N T I T A T I V ES A M P L I N C

ture chapters,good socialresearchdependson simultaneouslycontrollingqualityat severaldifferent steps-researchdesign,conceptualization, measurement, sampling, and data collectionand handling.The researcherwho makesmajor errorsat anyone stagemay make an entireresearchprojectworthless.

Key T e rm s central limit theorem cluster sampling confidenceintervals deviant casesampling haphazard sampling hidden populations inferential statistics nonrandom sample parameter population

probability proportionate to size (PPS) purposive sampling quota sampling random-digit dialing (RDD) random-number table random sample sample sampling distribution sampling element sampling error samplingframe sampling interval sampling ratio sequential sampling simple random sampling snowball sampling sociogram statistic stratified sampling systematic sampling target population

165

SurveyResearch

lntroduction ResearchQuestionsAppropriatefor a Survey The Logic of Survey Research What ls a SurveY? Stepsin Conductinga SurveY Constructing the Questionnaire of Good QuestionWriting Principles Recall AidingRespondent Categories Typesof Questionsand Response Open versusClosedQuestions Wordinglssues Designlssues Questionnaire Types of Surveys: Advantages and Disadvantages Mail and Self-Administered Questionnaires Web Surveys TelephoneInterviews Interviews Face-to-Face Interviewing The Roleof the Interviewer Stagesof an Interview TrainingInterviewers Bias lnterviewer TelephoneInterviewing Computer-Assisted The EthicalSurvey Conclusion

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ffi.* Someonehandsyou a sheetof paperfi.rllof questions. The first reads:"I would like to learnyour opinion of the Neuman researchmethodstextbook.Would you sayit is (a) well organized,(b) adequatelyorganized,or (c) poorly organized?" You probablywould not be shockedby this. It is a kind of survey,and most of us areaccustomed to surveysby the time we reachadulthood. The survey is the most widely used datagatheringtechniquein sociology,and it is used in many other fields,aswell. In fact,surveysare almosttoo popular.Peoplesometimessay,"Do a survey" to get information about the social world, when they shouldbe asking,"What is the most appropriateresearchdesign?"Despitethe popularity of surveys,it is easyto conducta survey that yields misleadingor worthlessresults. Good surveysrequirethought and effort. All surveysarebasedon the professionalsocial researchsurvey.In this chapter' you will learn the main ingredientsof good surveyresearch,as well as the limitations of the survey method.

ResearchQuestions Appropriate for a Survey

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l. Behavior.How frequently do you brush your teeth?Did you vote in the lastcity election?When did you lastvisit a closerelative? What kind of job 2. Attitudes/beliefs/opinions. is you mayor doing?Do you think the do people negativethings say many other think you not there?What is you when are about problem nation these facing the the biggest days? Are you married,nevermar3. Characterisflcs. separated,or widsingle, divorced, ried, you to a union?What is Do belong owed? your age? Do you plan to buy a new car 4. Expectations. 12 months?How much schoolnext in the your child will get?Do you you think ing do population in this town will grow, the think same? or stay the shrink, Do you consideryourself 5. Self-classification. moderate, or conservative? liberal, to be you put your would which social class Into you are highly reliWould you say family? giousor not religious? 6. Knowlcdge.Who was electedmayor in the last election?About what percentageof the peoplein this city are non-White?Is it legal to own a personal copy of Karl Marx's CommunistManrfestoin this country?

warn againstusing surveysto Researchers (e.g.,Why do you think questions "why?" Surveyresearchdevelopedwithin the positivist ask 'Why?" questionsareappropricrime occurs?). approachto socialscience.The surveyasksmany if a researcher wantsto discovera about their beliefs, ate,however, people (called respondents) or inforsubjective understanding and past or present respondent's opinions, characteristics, (i.e., view of own the respondent's mal theory behavior. few Because way). "why'' she acts a certain he or Surveysare appropriatefor researchquesfactors the causal are fully aware of tions about self-reportedbeliefs or behaviors. respondents that shapetheir beliefsor behavior,such quesTheyarestrongestwhenthe answerspeoplegive tions are not a substitutefor the researcherdeusuto questionsmeasurevariables.Researchers velopinga consistentcausaltheory of his or her ally ask about many things at one time in surown that builds on the existingscientificliteraveys, measure many variables (often with multiple indicators),and testseveralhypotheses ture. An important limitation of surveyresearch in a singlesurvey. is that it providesdataonly of what a personor overlap,the followAlthough the categories organizationsays,and this may differ from what ing canbe askedin a survey:

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Surveyresearchis often calledcorrelational. he or she actuallydoes.This is illustratedby usequestionsascontrol variSurveyresearchers Pagerand Quillian (2005),who comparedtelephone surveyresponsesfrom Milwaukee-area ablesto approximatethe rigoroustestfor causality that experimenters achieve with their employersabout their willingnessto hire ex-ofphysicalcontrol over temporalorder and alterfendersof differentraceswith an "audit." In the audit,a trainedpair of youngmaleswith specific nativeexplanations. characteristicsapplied for 350 job openingsin December2001.Employersagreedto hire 34 Steps in Conducting a Survey percentof White and 14percentof BlackappliThe surveyresearcherfollows a deductiveapcants.The applicantshad identicaljob experienceand credentialsand no criminal records. proach.He or shebeginswith a theoreticalor appliedresearchproblem and endswith empirThe sameemployersagreedto hire 17percentof ical measurementand data analysis.Once a Whitesand 5 percentof Blackswith identicaljob researcherdecidesthat the surveyis an approexperienceand credentialsbut alsowith a criminal record for illegal drug use.The employers priate method,basicstepsin a researchproject can be divided into the substepsoutlined in were telephoneda few months later. Pagerand Figure7.1. more found in far the telephone survey Quillian developsan In the first phase,the researcher employersexpresseda willingnessto hire an instrument-a survey questionnaireor interex-offender(67 percent)and therewereno difview schedule-that he or sheusesto measure ferencesin the offender'srace.Also, certainemreadthe questionsthemvariables.Respondents ployerssaid they were more willing to hire an An ex-offender,but in the audit all employersacted selvesand mark answerson a questionnaire. the same.The authors said, "Surveyresponses interyiewscheduleisasetofquestionsreadto the havevery little connectionto the actualbehav- respondentby an interviewer,who alsorecords To simplify the discussion,I will use responses. iors exhibitedby theseemployers"(2005:367). only the term questionnaires. and opconceptualizes A surveyresearcher THE LOGIC OF SURVEY variablesas questions.He or she erationalizes RESEARCH writes and rewrites questionsfor clarity and and organizesquestionson the completeness, What ls a Survey? questionnairebasedon the researchquestion, Surveyresearchers samplemany respondents the respondents,and the type of survey.(The later.) who answerthe samequestions.They measure typesof surveysarediscussed When preparinga questionnaire,the remanyvariables, testmultiple hypotheses, and insearcherthinks aheadto how he or she will fer temporalorder from questionsabout past record and organizedatafor analysis.He or she behavior,experiences, For exor characteristics. ample,yearsof schoolingor a respondent'srace pilot-teststhe questionnairewith a small set of are prior to current attitudes.An association respondentssimilar to thosein the final survey. among variablesis measuredwith statistical If interviewersare used,the researchertrains techniques.Surveyresearchers think of alterna- them with the questionnaire.He or sheasksretive explanations when planning a survey, spondentsin thepilot-testwhetherthe questions were clearand explorestheir interpretationsto measurevariablesthat representalternativeexseeif his or her intendedmeaningwasclear.The planations(i.e.,control variables),then statistiresearcher also drawsthe sampleduring this callyexaminetheir effectsto rule out alternative phase. explanations.

cHAprERz / suRVEy RESEARCH '169

F IGURE 7. 1

Stepsin the Processof SurveyResearch

Step 1: . Develophypotheses. . Decideon type of survey (mail,interview, telephone). . Writesurveyquestions. . Decideon responsecategories. . Designlayout.

Step 2: . Planhowto recorddata. . Pilottestsurveyinstrument.

Step 3: . Decideon targetpopulation. . Get samplingframe. . Decideon samplesize. . Selectsample.

Step 4: . Locaterespondents. . Conductinterviews. . Carefullyrecorddata.

Step 5: . Enterdataintocomputers. . Recheckall data. . Pedormstatistical analvsison data.

Step 6: . Describemethodsand findings in researchreport. . Presentfindingsto othersfor critiqueand evaluation.

After the planning phase,the researcheris readyto collectdata.Thisphaseis usuallyshorter than the planningphase.He or shelocatessampled respondentsin person,by telephone,or by mail. Respondents aregiveninformationand instructionson completing the questionnaireor interview.The questionsfollow, and there is a simple stimulus/responseor question/answer pattern. The researcheraccuratelyrecordsanswersor responsesimmediately after they are given.After all respondentscompletethe questionnaire and are thanked,he or sheorganizes the dataand preparesthem for statisticalanalysis. Surveyresearch canbe complexand expensiveand it can involve coordinatingmany people and steps.The administrationof survey researchrequires organizationand accurate record keeping.The researcherkeepstrack of each respondent,questionnaire,and interviewer.For example,he or shegiveseachsampled respondent an identification number, which alsoappearson the questionnaire.He or she then checks completed questionnaires againsta list of sampledrespondents.Next, the researcher reviewsresponses on individualquestionnaires, storesoriginal questionnaires,and transfersinformation from questionnairesto a format for statisticalanalysis.Meticulousbookkeeping and labeling are essential.Otherwise, the researchermay find that valuabledata and effort arelost through sloppiness.

CONS T RUCT I NG T HE QUE S T I O NNA I RE Principlesof Good QuestionWriting A good questionnaire,forms an integrated whole.Theresearcher weavesquestionstogether sothey flow smoothly.He or sheincludesintroductory remarksand instructionsfor clarification and measureseach variable with one or more suryeyquestions. Three principles for effectivesurveyquestions are:Keepit clear,keepit simple,and keep

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the respondent'sperspective in mind. Goodsurvey questionsgivethe researcher valid and reliable measures.They alsohelp respondentsfeel that theyunderstandthe questionand that their answersare meaningful.Questionsthat do not meshwith a respondent'sviewpoint or that respondentsfind confusingare not good measures.A surveyresearchermust exerciseextra care if the respondentsare heterogeneous or come from different life situationsthan his or her own. Researchers facea dilemma.Theywanteach respondentto hear exactlythe samequestions, but will the questionsbe equallyclear,relevant, and meaningful to all respondents?If respondentshave diversebackgroundsand framesof reference,the exactsamewording may not have the samemeaning.Yet,tailoring questionwording to eachrespondentmakescomparisonsalmost impossible.A researcher would not know whetherthe wording of the questionor the differencesin respondentsaccountedfor different answers. Question writing is more of an art than a science.It takesskill,practice,patience,and creativity. The principlesof questionwriting areillustrated in the following t2 things to avoid whenwriting surveyquestions.The list doesnot include everypossibleerror, only the more frequentproblems. l. Avoid jargon, slang and abbreviations. Jargon and technicalterms come in many forms. Plumberstalk aboutsnakes,lawyers abouta contract of uberrimafides, psychologists about the Oedipuscompler.Slangis a kind ofjargon within a subculture-for example,the homelesstalk abouta snowbirdandskiersabouta hotdog.Nso avoid abbreviations. NATO usually means North Atlantic TreatyOrganization,but for a respondent,it might mean somethingelse(National Auto Tourist Organization, Native AlaskanTradeOrbit, or North African TeaOffice).Avoid slangandjargonunlessa specialized population is beingsurveyed.Targetthe vocabulary and grammarto the respondentssampled.

For the generalpublic, this is the languageused on televisionor in the newspaper(about an eighth-gradereading vocabulary). Survey researchershave learnedthat somerespondents may not understandbasicterminology. 2. Avoid ambiguity,confusion,and vagueness. Ambiguity and vagueness plaguemost question writers. A researchermight make implicit assumptionswithout thinking of the respondents. For example,the question, "What is your income?"could meanweekly,monthly, or annual; family or personal;beforetaxesor aftertaxes;for this year or last year; from salaryor from all sources.The confusioncausesinconsistencies in how different respondentsassignmeaningto and answerthe question.The researcherwho wantsbefore-taxannual family income for last yearmustexplicitlyaskfor it.] Anothersourceof ambiguityisthe useof indefinitewordsor responsecategories. For example, an answerto the question,"Do you jog regularly?YesNo ,,," hingeson the meaningof the word regulaily.Somerespondentsmay defrneregulailyaseveryday,othersas once a week.To reducerespondentconfusion and get more information, be specific-ask whethera personjogs"about oncea day,""a few times a week," "once a week," and so on. (See Box 7.1on improving questions.) 3. Avoid emotionallanguage.Words haveimplicit connotativeaswell as explicit denotative meanings.Wordswith strongemotionalconnotationscan color how respondentshearand answersurveyquestions. Use neutral language.Avoid words with emotional"baggage,"becauserespondentsmay reactto the emotionallyladenwordsratherthan to the issue.For example,the question,"What do you think about a policy to pay murderous terroristswho threatento stealthe freedomsof peace-lovingpeople?"is frrll of emotionalwords (murderous, steal,andpeace). freedoms, 4. Avoidprestigebias.Titles or positionsin society (e.g.,president,expert,etc.) carry prestige

CHAP T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

Here are three surveyquestionswritten by experiencedprofessional researchers. They revisedthe originalwordingafter a pilot test revealedthat 1 5 percentof respondents askedfor clarification or gave Original Question

17I

inadequateanswers(e.g.,don't know).As you can see,questionwordingisan art that mayimprovewith practice,patience,and pilot testing.

Problem

RevisedQuestion

Do you exerciseor play sportsregularly? _.

What countsas exercise?

Do you do any sportsor hobbies, physicalactivities,or exercise, includingwalking,on a regularbasis?

What is the averagenumberof dayseachweekyouhavebutter?

Doesmargarinecount as butter?

The nextquestionisjust about butter-not includingmargarine. How manydaysa weekdo you have butter?

[Followingquestionon eggs] Whatis the numberof servings in a typicalday?

How manyeggsis a serving? What is a typicalday?

On dayswhenyou eat eggs,how manyeggsdo you usuallyhave?

Responsesto Question Original

PercentageAsking for Clarification Original

Revision

o% 1s% o%

Exercise question(% saying"yes")

48%

60%

s%

Butterquestion(% saying"none")

s3 %

557"

18%

Eggquestion(% saying"one")

80%

33%

33%

Soarce: Adaptedfrom Fowler(1992).

or status.Issueslinked to peoplewith high social statuscan color how respondentshear and answersurveyquestions.Avoid associating a statement with a prestigious person or group. Respondentsmay answeron the basisof their feelingstoward the personor group ratherthan addressingthe issue.For example,saying,"Most doctorssaythat cigarettesmokecauses lung diseasefor thoseneara smoker.Do you agree?"affects people who want to agreewith doctors.

Likewise,a questionsuch as, "Do you support thepresident'spolicy regardingKosovo?"will be answeredby respondentswho haveneverheard of Kosovo on the basis of their view of the president. 5. Avoid double-barreled questions. Make each question about one and only one topic. A questionconsistsof two or more double-barreled questionsjoined together.It makesa respon-

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pA RTT w o ,/ c o N D U c rrN c QU AN TtTA TIvE R E S E A R cH

dent's answer ambiguous. For example, if asked, "Does this company have pension and health insurance benefits?" a respondent at a company with health insurance benefits only might answer either yes or no. The response has an ambiguous meaning, and the researchercannot be certain of the respondent's intention. A researcherwho wants to ask about the joint occurrence of two things-for example, a company with both health insurance and pension benefits-should ask two separatequestions. 6. Do not confuse beliefs with reality. Do not confuse what a respondent believes with what you, the researcher, measures. A respondent may think that a relationship existsbetween two variables but this is not an empirical measurement of variables in a relationship. For example, a researcher wants to find out if students rate teachershigher who tell many jokes in class.The two variablesare "teacher tells jokes" and "rating the teacher." The wrongway to approach the issue is to ask students, "Do you rate a teacher higher if the teachertells many jokes?" This measures whether or not students believethat they rate teachers based on joke telling; it does not measure the empirical relationship. The correct way is to ask two separate empirically based questions: "How do you rate this teacher?" and "How many jokes does the teacher tell in class?" Then the researchercan examine answersto the two questions to determine if there is an association between them. People's beliefs about a relationship among variables are distinct from an actual empirical relationship. 7. Avoid leading questions.Make respondents feel that all responsesare legitimate. Do not let them become aware of an answer that the researcherwants. Aleading (or loaded) question rs one that leads the respondent to choose one response over another by its wording. There are many kinds of leading questions. For example, the question, "You don't smoke, do you?" leads respondents to state that they do not smoke. Loaded questions can be stated to get either positive or negative answers. For example,

"should the mayor spendevenmore tax money trying to keepthe streetsin top shape?"leadsrespondentsto disagree,whereas"Should the mayor fix the pot-holed and dangerousstreets in our city?"is loadedfor agreement. that are beyondre' 8. Avoid askingquestions spondents'capabilities.Asking somethingthat few respondentsknow frustratesrespondents Responand producespoor-quality responses. dentscannot alwaysrecallpast detailsand may not know specificfactual information. For example,askingan adult,"How didyou feelabout your brother when you were 6 years old?" is to make probablyworthless.Askingrespondents a choice about somethingthey know nothing about (e.g.,a technicalissuein foreignaffairsor an internalpolicy of an or ganization)may result in an answer,but one that is unreliable and When many respondentsare unmeaningless. likely to know about an issue,use a firll-filter questionform (to be discussed). Phrasequestionsin the terms in which respondentsthink. For example,few respondents will be able to answer,"Ho1v many gallonsof gasolinedid you buy lastyearfor your car?"Yet, respondentsmay be able to answera question about gasolinepurchasesfor a typical week, which the researchercan multiply by 52 to estimateannualpurchases.2 9. Avoid fake premises.Do not begin a quesmay tion with a premisewith which respondents regarding it. not agree,then ask about choices premise will with the who disagree Respondents be frustratedand not know how to answer.For example,the question,"The.postoffice is open too many hours. Do you want it to open four hourslater or closefour hours earliereachday?" leavesthosewho either opposethe premiseor opposeboth alternativeswithout a meaningful choice. A betterquestionexplicitlyasksthe respondent to assumea premiseis true, then asksfor a preference. For example,"Assumingthe postoffice has to cut back its operatinghours, which would you find more convenient,openingfour

CHA P T E R7 , / s U R V E YR E S E A R C H

hours later or closingfour hours earliereach day?"Answersto a hypotheticalsituationarenot very reliable,but beingexplicitwill reducefrustration. 10. Avoid askingqbout intentionsin the distant future. Avoid asking people about what they might do under hypotheticalcircumstances far in the future. Responses are poor predictorsof behaviorremovedfar from their current situation or far in the future. Questionssuch as, "Suppitsea new grocerystoreopeneddown the road in threeyears.Would you shop at it?" are usuallya wasteof time. It is better to askabout current or recentattitudesand behavior.In general,respondents answerspecific,concretequestions that relate to their experiencesmore reliably than they do those about abstractions that arebeyondtheil immediateexperiences. II. Avoid doublenegatives. Double negativesin ordinary languageare grammaticallyincorrect and confusing.For example,"I ain't got no job" logicallymeansthat the respondentdoeshavea job, but the secondnegativeis usedin this way for emphasis.Suchblatant errors are rare, but more subtle forms of the double negativeare alsoconfusing.Theyarisewhenrespondentsare askedto agreeor disagreewith a statement.For example, respondentswho disagreewith the statement,"Studentsshould not be requiredto takea comprehensive examto graduate"arelogically stating a double negativebecausethey disagreewith not doing something. 12. Avoid oveilappingor unbalancedresponse categories. Make responsecategoriesor choices mutually exclusive,exhaustive,and balanced. Mutually exclusivemeans that responsecategories do not overlap. Overlappingcategories that are numerical ranges(e.g.,5-10, 10-20, 2O-30)canbe easilycorrected(e.g.,5-9, 10-19, 20-29).The ambiguousverbalchoiceis another type of overlappingresponsecategory-for example, "Ale you satisfiedwith your job or are therethingsyou don't like about it?"Exhaustive meansthat every respondenthas a choice-a

''7 3

place to go. For example, asking respondents, "Are you working or unemployed?" leaves out respondents who are not working but do not consider themselvesunemployed (e.g.,full-time homemakers, people on vacation, students, people with disabilities, retired people, etc.). A researcherfirst thinks about what he or she wants to measure and then considers the circumstancesof respondents. For example, when asking about a respondent's employrnent, does the researcherwant information on the primary job or on all jobs? On full-time work only or both full- and part-time work? On jobs forpay only or on unpaid or volunteer jobs as well? Keep responsecategoriesbalanced.A caseof unbalanced choices is the question, "What kind ofjob is the mayor doing: outstanding, excellent, very good, or satisfactory?"Another type of unbalanced question omits information-for example, "Which of the five candidates running for mayor do you favor: Eugene Oswego or one of the others?" Researcherscan balance responsesby ofFering bipolar opposites. It is easy to seethat the terms honesty and dishonestyhave different meanings and connotations. Asking respondents to rate whether a mayor is highly, somewhat, or not very honestis not the siune as asking them to rate the mayor's level of dishonesty.Unless there is a specific purpose for doing otherwise, it is better to offer respondents equal^polar opposites at each end of a continuum.r For example, "Do you think the mayor is: very honest, somewhat honest, neither honest nor dishonest, somewhat dishonest, or very dishonest?"(seeTable 7.1). Aiding Respondent Recall Recalling events accurately takes more time and effort than the five seconds that respondents have to answer survey questions. Also, one's ability to recall accurately declines over time. Studies in hospitalization and crime victimization show that although most respondents can recall significant events that occurred in the past severalweek, half are inaccurate a year later.

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TABLE 7.1

CO NDUCTI NG Q UANT I T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

Writing Pitfalls SummaryofSurveyQuestion

1 . Jargon,slang,abbreviations

Did you drown in brew until You were totally blastedlast night?

Lastnight,about how muchbeer did you drink?

2. Vagueness

Do you eat out often?

In a typical week,about how many mealsdo you eat awayfrom home,at a restaurant,cafeteria,or other eating establishment?

3. Emotionallanguage

How important is it to you that Con"The respectedGraceCommission docgress adopt measuresto reducegovBILLION umentsthat a staggering$350 waste? ernment completely being are dollars of our tax wastedthroughpoor procurementpracVery lmportant sloPPYbooktices,bad management, SomewhatlmDortant contract keeping,'defective' Neither lmportant or UnimPortant personnelabusesand management, Unimportant Somewhat other wastefulpractices.ls cuttingpork At All Not lmoortant barrelspendingand eliminatinggovernmentwastea top priorityfor you?"-

4. Prestigebias

Do you support or oPposeraisingsocial securitybenefitsand increased spendingfor the militarY?

Do you supportor oPposeraisingsocial securitybenefits?

6. Beliefsas real

Do you think more educatedPeoPle smokeless?

What is your educationlevel?Do You smokecigarettes?

7. Leadingquestions

Did you do your patriotic dutY and vote in the last electionfor maYor?

Did you vote in last month'smayoral election?

8. lssuesbeyond respondent capabilities

Two yearsago, how manYhoursdid you watch TV everymonth?

In the past two weeks,about how manY hoursdo you think you watchedTV on a typical day?

9. Falsepremises

When did you stoP beatingYour girl/boyfriend?

1 0. Distantfuture intentions

After you graduatefrom college,get a job, and are settled,will you investa lot of moneyin the stock market? Do you disagreewith those who do not wantto builda newcity swimming pool?

Haveyou ever slapped,punched,or hit your girllboyfriend? Do you havedefiniteplansto put some moneyinto the stock marketwithin the comingtwo months?

5. Double-barreledquestions

I 1. Doublenegatives

responses 1 2. Unbalanced

Did you find the serviceat our hotel to be, Outstanding,Excellent,Superior,or Good?

Do you support or oPPoseincreasing spendingon the military?

There is a proposalto build a new city swimmingpool. Do you agreeor disagreewith the proposal? Pleaserate the serviceat our hotel: Outstanding,Very Good,Adequate,or Poor.

'l Congresthat wassentto me in May 998 by the NationalRepublican -Actualquestiontakenfrom a mailquestionnaire question. sionalCommittee.lt is alsoa double-barreled

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C H A P T E R7 , / S U R V E YR T S E A R C H

recognizethat memory Surveyresearchers is lesstrustworthy than wasonceassumed'It is affectedby many factors-the topic, eventsocthe curring simultaneouslyand subsequently, significanceofan eventfor a person,situational conditions (questionwording and interview style),and the respondent'sneedto haveinternal consistency. The complexityof respondentrecalldoes cannot ask not mean that surveyresearchers aboutpastevents;rather,theyneedto customize questionsand interpret resultscautiously.Reshouldprovide respondentswith spesearchers cial instructionsand extra thinking time. They shouldalsoprovide aidsto respondentrecall, suchasa fixedtime frameor locationreferences. Ratherthan ask,"How often did you attend a sporting eventlast winter?" they should say,"I want to know how many sportingeventsyou attendedlast winter. Let's go month by month. Think back to December.Did you attendany sportingeventsfor which you paid admissionin Now,thinkbackto ]anuary.Didyou December? attendany sportingeventsin January?"

T ABLE 7 .2

Threatening Questions and Sensitive lssues PqIGGdagE

Masturbation Sexualintercourse or hashish Useof marijuana anddepressants Useof stimulants Cettingdrunk Pettingand kissing l ncome Camblingwith friends Drinkingbeer,wine,or liquor andwell-being Happiness Education Occupation Socialactivities Ceneralleisure Sportsactivity

56 42 42 31 29 20 12 10 t0 4 3 3 2 2 I

S ource;Adapted from B radburnand Sudman(l 980:68).

other people. They may underreport or self-censor reports of behavior or attitudes they wish to hide or believe to be in violation of social norms. Threatening Questions. Survey researchers Alternatively, they may overreport positive besometimesaskabout sensitiveissuesor issues haviors or generally accepted beliefs (social desirability bias is discussedlater). that respondentsmaybelievethreatentheir prePeople are likely to underreport having an sentationofself, suchasquestionsabout sexual illness or disability (e.g., cancer, mental illness, behavior,drug or alcohol use,mental health problems,or deviant behavior.Respondents venereal disease),engaging in illegal or deviant behavior (e.g., evading taxes,taking drugs, conmay be reluctantto answerthe questionsor to suming alcohol, engaging in uncommon sexual answer completely and truthfully. Survey repractices), or revealing their financial status who wish to asksuchquestionsmust searchers do sowith greatcareand must be extracautious (e.g.,income, savings,debts) (seeTable 7.3). Survey researchers have created several (seeTable7.2). aboutthe results4 techniques to increase truthful answers to Threateningquestionsarepart ofa largeristhreatening questions. Some techniques involve and egoprotection'Resueofself-presentation spondentsoften try to presenta positiveimage the context and wording of the question itself. of themselvesto others.They may be ashamed, Researchersshould ask threatening questions or afraid to givetruthful answers' only after a warm-up, when an interviewer has embarrassed, developed rapport and trust with the responor find it emotionallypainful to confront their dents, and they should tell respondents that they own actionshonestly,let alone admit them to

Types of Questions and Response Categories

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T A BLE 7 . 3

CO NDUCTI NC Q UANT I T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

Over- and UnderreportingBehavioron Surveys

LowThreat/Normative to vote Registered

+15

+17

+12

Voted in primary

+39

+31

+36

Haveown librarYcard

+19

+21

+.18

Bankruptcy

-32

-29

Drunkdriving

-47

-46

-32 -54

HighThreat

Adaptedfrom Bradburnand Sudman(1 980:8)' Source;

want honestanswers.They canphrasethe question in an "enhancedway" to provide a context that makesit easierfor respondentsto givehonest answers.For example, the following enhanced question was asked of heterosexual males:"In past surveys'many men have reportedthat at somepoint in their livestheyhave with another had sometlpe of sexualexperience male.This could havehappenedbeforeadolesor asan adult. Have cence,during adolescence' you everhad sexwith a male at somepoint in your life?" In contrast,a standardform of-the questionwould haveasked,"Haveyou everhad sexwith anothermale?" Also,by embeddinga threateningresponse within more seriousactivities,it maybe madeto seemlessdeviant.For example,respondents might hesitateto admit shopliftingif it is asked first, but afterbeingaskedaboutarmedrobbery or burglary,they may admit to shoplifting belessserious. causeit appears SociallyDesirable Questions, Socialdesirabildistort answers itybias occurswhenrespondents to maketheir reportsconform to socialnorms' Peopletend to overreportbeing cultured(i'e', reading,attendinghigh-culture events),giving

moneyto charity,having a good marriage,loving their children, and so forth. For example, one study found that one-third of peoplewho reportedin a surveythat they gavemoney to a a norm says local charityreallydid not. Because that one should vote in elections,many report voting when they did not. In the United States' thoseunder the greatestpressureto vote (r'e'' highly educated,politicallypartisan,highly religiouspeoplewho had beencontactedby an orvote) are the lanization that urged them to peoplemostlikelyto overreportvoting' Questionnairewriters try to reducesocial desirabilitybias by phrasingquestionsin ways that makenorm violation appearlessobjectionableand that presentsa wider rangeofbehavior as acceptable.They can also offer multiple responsecategoriesthat give respondents"facesaving"alternatives. Knowleilge Questions. Studiessuggestthat a largemajority of the public cannotcorrectlyanswir elementarygeographyquestionsor identifr important political documents(e.g.,the Declasomeration of Independence)'Researchers times want to find out whether respondents know about an issueor topics,but knowledge

questionscan be threateningbecauserespondentsdo not want to appearignorant. Surveys may measureopinions better if they first ask aboutfactualinformation,becausemanypeople haveinaccuratefactualknowledge. Somesimpleknowledgequestions,such as the number of peopleliving in a household,are not alwaysansweredaccuratelyin surveys.In some households,a marginal person-the boyfriend who left for a week,the adult daughter who left afteran argumentabouther pre#fficy, or the unclewho walkedout aftera disputeover money-may be reported as not living in a household,but he or shemay not haveanother permanentresidenceand considerhimself or herselfto live there.s Others have found that many Americans opposeforeign aid spending.Their opposition is basedon extremelyhigh overestimates of the cost of the programs.When askedwhat they would preferto spendon foreign aid, most give an amount much higherthan what now is being spent. A researcherpilot-testsquestionsso that questionsareat an appropriatelevelof difficulty. Little is gainedif99 percentofrespondentscannot answerthe question.Knowledgequestions canbe wordedsothat respondentsfeelcomfortable sayingthey do not know the answer-for example, "How much, if anything, have you heardabout...." c Skip or ContingencyQuestions. Researchers avoid askingquestionsthat are irrelevantfor a respondent.Yet, somequestionsapply only to specificrespondents. A contingency questionis a two- (or more) part question.The answerto the first part of the question determineswhich of two different questionsa respondentnext receives.Contingencyquestionsselectrespondents for whom a secondquestionis relevant. Sometimesthey are calledscreenor skip questions.Onthebasisof the answerto the first question, the respondent or an interviewer is instructedto go to anotheror to skip certain questions.

The following example is a contingency question,adaptedfrom deVaus(1956:79). 1. Wereyou born in Australia? [ ] Yes(co To QUESTION2) [] N o (a) What countrywereyou born

in?-

(b) How manyyearshaveyou lived

in Australia? (c) Are you an Australian citizen?

[]Yes []No NOW GO TO QUESTTON 2 Open YersusClosed Questions Therehaslong beena debateaboutopenversus closedquestionsin survey research.An openailed (unstructured,freeresponse)questionasks a question(e.g.,"What is your favoritetelevision program?'l)to which respondentscan give any (structured, fixed reanswer.A closed-ended sponse)questionboth asksa questionand gives the respondentfixed responsesfrom which to choose(e.g.,"Is the presidentdoing a very good, good,fair, or poor job, in your opinion?"). Each form has advantagesand disadvantages(seeBoxT.2).Thecrucialissueis not which form is best.Rather,it is under what conditions a form is mostappropriate.A researcher's choice to usean open- or closed-ended questiondependson the purposeand the practicd,limitations of a researchproject. The demandsof using open-endedquestions,with interviewers writing verbatimanswersfollowedby time-consumingcoding,may makethem impracticalfor a specificproject. Large-scale surveyshaveclosed-ended questions becausethey are quicker and easierfor both respondentsand researchers. Yet something important may be lost when an individual's beliefs and feelingsare forced into a few fixed categoriesthat a researchercreated.To learnhow a respondentthinks, to discoverwhat is reallyimportant to him or her, or to getan answerto a questionwith many possibleanswers

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CO NDUCTI NC Q UAN T I T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

Advantagesof Closed to answer. r lt is easierandquickerfor respondents r r r r r I r

The answersof differentrespondentsare easier to compare. Answersare easierto code and statisticallyanatyze. The responsechoicescan clarifyquestionmeaning for respondents. aremorelikelyto answeraboutsenRespondents sitivetopics. to Therearefewerirrelevantor confusedanswers questions. arenot Lessarticulateor lessliteraterespondents at a disadvantage. is easier. Replication

AdvantagesofOpen Theypermitan unlimitednumberof possibleanswers. cananswerin detailand canquali! r Respondents and clarifyresponses.

r

findingscan be discovered. Unanticipated to complexissues. r Theypermitadequateanswers and richr They permitcreativity,self-expression, nessof detail. r They reveal a respondent'slogic, thinking process,andframeofreference. r

Disadvantagesof Closed r They can suggestideasthat the responden wouldnot otherwisehave.

with no opinionor no knowledg Respondents canansweranyway. canbe frustratedbecausetheir der Respondents is siredanswer not a choice. r lt is confusingif many(e.9.,20) responsechoices are offered. of a questioncango unnoticed r Misinterpretation r Distinctionsbetweenrespondentanswersmaybe blurred. r Clericalmistakesor markingthe wrongresponse is possible.

r

r They force respondentsto give simplisticresponsesto complexissues. r They force peopleto makechoicesthey would not makein the realworld.

Disadvantagesof Open r Differentrespondentsgive differentdegreesof detailin answers. may be irrelevantor buriedin useles r Responses detail. andstatisticalanalysisbecomevery r Comparisons difficult. is difficult. r Codingresponses havean r Articulateandhighlyliteraterespondents advantage. r Questionsmay be too generalfor respondent who losedirection: are writtenverbatim,whichis difficult r ResDonses for interviewers. I A greateramountof respondenttime, thought, and effort is necessary. can be intimidatedby questions. r Respondents r

Answerstake up a lot of spacein the question naire.

CH A P T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

(e.9.,age),openquestionsmaybe best.In addition, sensitivetopics (e.g., sexual behavior, liquor consumption)may be more accurately measuredwith closedquestions. The disadvantages ofa questionform canbe reducedby mixing open-endedandclosed-ended questionsin a questionnaire.Mixing them also offersa changeof paceandhelpsinterviewersestablishrapport. Periodicprobes(i.e.,follow-up questionsby interviewers)with closed-ended questions.can reveala respondent'sreasoning. Havinginterviewersperiodicallyuseprobes to askabout a respondent'sthinking is a way to checkwhether respondentsare understanding the questionsasthe researcherintended.However,_probes arenot substitutesfor writing clear questionsor creatinga frameworkof understandingfor the respondent.Unlesscarefully stated,probesmight shapethe respondent'sanswersor force answerswhen a respondentdoes not havean opinion or information.Yet,flexible or conversationalinterviewing in which interviewersusemany probescan improve accuracy on questionsaboutcomplexissueson which respondentsdo not clearlyunderstandbasicterms or about which they have difiiculty expressing their thoughts.For example,to the question, "Did you do any work for moneylast week?"a respondentmight hesitatethen replR "yes." Arr interviewerprobes,"Could you tell me exactly whatwork you did?"The respondentmay reply, "On Tuesdayand Wednesday,I spenta couple hourshelpingmybuddyJohnmoveinto his new apartment.For that he gaveme $40,but I didn't haveanyotherjob or getpaid for doinganything else."If the researcher's intention wasonlyto get reportsof regularemployment,the probe revealeda misunderstanding. Researchers alsouse partially openqutstions(i.e.,a setof fixedchoices with a final open choiceof "other"), which allows respondentsto offer an answerthat the researcherdid not include. Open-endedquestionsare especiallyvaluable in early or exploratorystagesof research. For large-scalesurveys,researchers use open questionsin pilot-tests,then developclosed-

179

question responsesfrom the answersgiven to the openquestions. Researchers writing closedquestionshaveto make many decisions.How many response choicesshould be given?Should they offer a middle or neutral choice?What should be the order of responses? What types of response choices? How will the directionof a responsebe measured? Answersto thesequestionsarenot easy.For example,two responsechoicesare too few, but more than five responsechoicesarerarelyeffective. Researchers want to measuremeaningful distinctionsand not collapsethem. More specific responses yield more information, but too many specificscreateconfusion.For example, rephrasingthe question,"Are you satisfiedwith your dentist?" (which has a yes/no answer)to "How satisfiedare you with your dentist very satisfied,somewhatsatisfied,somewhatdissatisfied, or not satisfiedat all?" givesthe researcher more information and a respondentmore choices. Nonattitudes anil the Miilille positions. Surveyresearchersdebatewhether to include choicesfor neutral, middle, and nonattitudes (e.g.,'not surer" "don't knowr" or "no opinion").0 Two typesof errorscanbe made:accepting a middle choice or "no attitude" response whenrespondents hold a nonneutralopinion, or forcing respondentsto choosea position on an issuewhen they haveno opinion aboutit. Many fear that respondentswill choose nonattitude choicesto eyademaking a choice. Yet, it is usually best to offer a nonattitude choice,becausepeoplewill expressopinions on fictitiousissues,objects,and events.By offeringa nonattitude (middle or no opinion) choice,researchers identify thoseholding middle positions or thosewithout opinions. Theissueofnonattitudescanbe approached by distinguishingamongthreekinds of attitude questions:standard-format, quasi-filter,andfi.rllfilter questions(seeBox 7.3). The standard-format questiondoes not offer a "don't know"

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Standard Format Hereis a questionabout an other country.Do you agreeor disagreewith this statement?"The Russian leadersare basicallytrying to get alongwith America." Quasi-Filter Hereis a statementabout an other country:"The Russian leadersare basicallytrying to get alongwith America."Do you agree,disagree, or haveno opinionon that? Full Filter Hereisa statementaboutanothercountry.Not everyonehasan opinionon this.lf you do not haveanopinion,just "TheRussian sayso.Here'sthe statement: leaders arebasicallytryingto get alongwithAmerica." Do you havean opinionon that?lf yes,.doyou agreeor disagree? Exampleof Resultsfrom Different Question Forms StandardForm(7") Quasi-Filter(7")

FullFilter(7")

Agree

48.2

27.7

22.9

Disagree

38.2

29.5

20.9

No opinion

13.6.

42.8

56.3

'Volunteered Source: AdaptedfromSchuman (1 981 :l 1 6-125\. Standardformatis fromFall andPresser .l 978; quasi-andfull-filterarefromFebruarv1977.

choice;a respondentmust volunteerit, A quasifilter questionoffersrespondentsa "don't know" alternative.A full-filter questionis a specialtype of contingencyquestion.It first asksifrespondents have an opinion, then asksfor the opinion of thosewho statethat theydo havean opinion. Many respondentswill answera questionif a "no opinion" choiceis missing,but they will choose"don't know" when it is offered,or say that they do not havean opinion if asked.Such respondentsare called floaters becausethey "float" from giving a responseto not knowing. Their responsesare affectedby minor wording changes,so researchers screenthem out usinq

quasi-filter or fuIl-filter questions. Filtered questions do not eliminate all answersto nonexistent issues,but they reduce the problem. AgreelDisagree, Rankings or Ratings? Survey researcherswho measure values and attitudes have debated two issuesabout the responsesoffered.TShould questionnaire items make a statement and ask respondents whether they agreeor disagree with it, or should it offer respondents specific alternatives? Should the questionnaire include a set of items and ask respondents to rate them (e.g., approve, disapprove), or should it give them a list of items and force them to rank-

CHAPT E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

order items (e.g., from most favored to least favored)? It is best to offer respondents explicit alternatives. For example, instead of asking, "Do you agree or disagree with the statement, 'Men are better suited to. . . .' " instead ask, "Do you think men are better suited, women are better suited, or both 4re equally suited?" Lesswell educated respondents are more likely to agreewith a statement. whereas forced-choice alternatives encourage thought and avoid the response set bias-a tendency of some respondents to agree and not really decide. Researcherscreate bias if question wording gives respondents a reason for choosing one alternative. For example, respondents were asked whether they supported or opposed a law on energy conservation. The results changedwhen respondents heard, "Do you support the law or do you oppose it becausethe law would be difficult to enforce?" instead of simply, "Do you support or oppose the law?" It is better to ask respondents to choose among alternatives by ranking instead of rating items along an imaginary continuum. Respondents can rate several items equally high, but will place them in a hierarchy if askedto rank them.8

181

ning to learn of them. For example,Smith (1987) found large differences(e.9.,twice as much support) in U.S. surveyresponsesdepending on whether a question askedabout spending"to help the poor" or "for welfare." He suggestedthat the word welfarehas such strong negativeconnotationsfor Americans (lazypeople,wastefuland expensiveprograms) etc.)that it is bestto avoidit. Many respondents areconfusedbywords or their connotations.For example,respondents wereaskedwhethertheythoughttelevisionnews later learnedthat was impartial. Researchers large numbersof respondentshad ignored the word impartial-a term the middle-class,educated researchersassumedeveryonewould know. Lessthan half the respondentshad interpreted the word as intendedwith its proper meaning.Over one-fourth ignoredit or had no idea of its meaning. Others gave it unusual meanings,and one-tenththought it wasdirectly need oppositeto its true meaning.Researchers to be cautious,becausesomewording effects (e.g.,the differencebetweenforbid and not al/orry)remain the samefor decades,while other effectsmay appear.g Questionnaire Design lssues

Wording lssues facetwo wording issues.The Surveyresearchers first, discussedearlier,is to usesimplevocabt'lary and grammarto minimize confusion.The secondissueinvolveseffectsof specificwordsor phrases.This is trickier becauseit is not possible to know in advancewhether a word or phrase affectsresponses. The well-documenteddifferencebetween forbid and not qllow illastratesthe problem of wording differences.Both terms havethe same meaning,but many more peopleare willing to "not allow" somethingthan to "forbid" it. In general,lesswell educatedrespondentsaremost influencedby minor wording differences. Certain words seemto trigger an emoarejust begintional reaction,and researchers

Lngth of Surveyor Questionnaire. Howlong should a questionnairebe or an interview last? preferlong questionnaires Researchers or interviewsbecausethey are more cost efFective. The questions-once has for extra a respondent cost has been has sampled, contacted, and combeen pletedother questions-is small.Thereis no absoluteproper length.The lengthdependson the surveyformat (to be discussed)and on the reA 5-minute telespondent'scharacteristics. phoneinterviewis rarelya problem and may be extended to 20 minutes. A few researchers stretchedthis to beyond30 minutes.Mail questionnairesare more variable.A short (3- or 4page) questionnaireis appropriate for the havehad generalpopulation. Someresearchers questionnaires 10 pages with as long as success

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(about 100items) with the generalpublic, but responses drop significantlyfor longerquestionnaires.For highly educatedrespondentsand a salienttopic, using questionnaires of 15 pages may be possible.Face-to-face interviewslasting an hour are not uncommon.In specialsituations, face-to-faceinterviewsaslong asthreeto five hourshavebeenconducted.

not when the questionis by itself or beforea questionabout fetus defects.A classicexample of order effectsis presentedin Box 7.4. may not perceiveeachissueof Respondents a surveyasisolatedand separate.They respond to surveyquestionsbasedon the setofissuesand their order of presentationin a questionnaire Previousquestionscan influence later onesin two ways:through their content (i.e.,the issue) and through the respondent'sresponse.For exQuestion Order or Sequence. A survey researcherfacesthree questionsequenceissues: ample,a studentrespondentis asked,"Do you organizationof the overallquestionnaire,ques- supportor favoran educationalcontribution for tion order efiflects, students?"Answersvary dependingon the topib and contexteffects. of the precedingquestion.If it comes after, "How much tuition doesthe averageU.S. stuOrganizationof Questionnaire. In general,you shouldsequencequestionsto minimize the disdentpay?"respondentsinterpret"contribution" comfort and confusionof respondents. A ques- to meansupportfor what studentswill pay.If it tionnaire has opening, middle, and ending comesafter "How much doesthe Swedishgovquestions.After an introduction explainingthe interpret ernmentpayto students?"respondents survey, it is best to make opening questions it to mean a contribution that the government pleasant,interesting,and easyto answerto help will pay. Responses can be also influencedby a respondentfeel comfortableabout the ques- previousanswers,becausea respondenthaving tionnaire. Avoid asking many boring backakeadyansweredone part will assumeno overground questionsor threateningquestionsfirst. lap. For example,a respondentis asked,"Howis Organizequestionsinto common topics.Mixyour wife?"The next questionis, "How is your ing questionson different topics causesconfufamily?"Most respondentswill assumethat the sion. Orient respondentsby placing questions secondquestionmeansfamily membersother on the sametopic together and introduce the than the wife becausethey alreadygavean ansectionwith a shortintroductorystatement(e.g., sweraboutthe wife.Il "Now I would like to askyou questionsabout housing").Make questiontopicsflow smoothly found powerful ContextEffecE. Researchers and logically,and organizethem to assistrecontexteffectsin surveys.As a practicalmatter, spondents'memory or comfort levels.Do not two thingscanbe doneregardingcontexteffects end with highly threateningquestions,and alUsea funnel sequence of questions-that is, ask waysend with a "thank you." more generalquestionsbeforespecificones(e.g., askabout healthin generalbeforeaskingabout Order Effects. Researchers Or, divide the number of respecificdiseases). are concernedthat the order in which they presentquestionsmay spondentsin half and give half of the questions influencerespondentanswers.Such "order efin one order and the other half in the alternative fects"appearto be strongestfor peoplewho lack order. then examinethe resultsto seewhether questionorder mattered.If question order efstrongviews,for lesseducatedrespondents, and for older respondentsor thosewith memory fectsare found, which order tells you what the loss.loFor example,support for an unmarried respondentsreallythink?The answeris that you woman havingan abortion risesif the question cannotknow for sure. is precededby a questionabout abortion being For example,a few yearsago,a classof my acceptablewhen a fetushasseriousdefects,but studentsconducteda telephonesurveyon two

CHA P T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

It3

Question I "Do you think that the United states shouldlet communistnewspaperreportersfrom other countriescomein hereand sendbackto their papersthe newsasthey seeit?" Question 2 "Do you thinka CommunistcountrylikeRussiashourdlet American newspaper reporterscomein and sendbackto Americathe newsasthev seeit?" PercentageSaying Yes Yesto #1 (Communist Reporter)

Yesto #2 (AmericanReporter)

#1

54%

7s%

#2

64%

82%

Heard First

The contextcreatedby answering the first questionaffectsthe answerto the secondquestion. Source: Adapted fromSchuman andpresser (19gl:29).

topics:concernabout crime and attitudestoward a new anti-drunk-driving law. A random half of the respondentsheard questionsabout the drunk-driving law first; the other half heard about crime first. I examinedthe resultsto see whether there was any contextffict-a differenceby topic order. I found that respondents who were askedabout the drunk-driving law first expressedlessfear about crime than did those who were askedabout crime first. Likewise,they were more supportiveof the drunkdriving law than were those who first heard about crime. The first topic createda context within which respondentsansweredquestions on the secondtopic.After theywereaskedabout crime in general and thought about violent crime,drunk driving may haveappearedto be a

lessimportant issue.By contrast, after they were asked about drunk driving and thought about drunk driving as a crime, they may have ex_ pressedlessconcern about crime in general. Respondents answer all questions based on a context ofpreceding questions and the inter_ view setting. A researcher needs to remember that the more ambiguous a question'smeaning, the stronger the context effects, because respondents will draw on the context to interpret and understand the question. previous ques_ tions on the same topic and heard just before a question can have a large context effect. For ex_ ample, Sudman and associates(1996:90_91) contrasted three ways of asking how much a re_ spondent followed politics. When they asked the questionalone,about 2l percentof iespon-

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dents said they followed politics "now and then" or "hardly at all." When they askedthe question after asking what the respondent's electedrepresentative recentlydid, the percentagewho said they did not follow nearly doubled, going to 39 percent. The knowledge question about the representativemade many respondentsfeel that they did not really know much. When a questionabout the amount of "public relationswork" the electedrepresentative provided to the areacamebetweenthe two questions,29 percentofrespondentssaidthey did not follow politics. This question gaverespondentsan excusefor not knowing the first question-they could blame their representative for their ignorance.The contextofa question canmakea differenceand researchers need to be awareof it at all times.

a differentstylefrom the questions(e.g.,in a different color or font or in all capitals)to distinguishthem. This is so an interviewercan easily distinguishbetweenquestionsfor respondents and instructions intended for the interviewer alone. Layoutis crucialfor mail questionnaires becausethereis no friendly interviewerto interact with the respondent.Instead,the questionpersuades naire'sappearance the respondent.ln mail surveys,includea polite,professionalcover letteron letterheadstationeryidentifyingthe researcherand offering a telephonenumber for questions.Detailsmatter. Respondentswill be turned off if they receivea bulky brown envelope with bulk postageaddressedto Occupant or if the questionnairedoesnot fit into the return envelope.Alwaysend with "Thank you for your participation."Interviewersand questionFormat and Layout. Thereare two format or nairesshould leaverespondentswith a positive layout issues:the overall physicallayout ofthe feelingabout the surveyand a sensethat their questionnaireand the format of questionsand participationis appreciated. responses. Questiondesignmatters.One study of collegestudentsaskedhow many hours they studied per day. Some students saw five answer QuestionnaireLayout. Layout is important, whethera questionnaireis for an intervieweror choicesrangingfrom 0.5 hour to more than 2.5 for the respondent.Questionnairesshould be hours; others saw five answerchoicesranging clear,neat,and easyto follow. Give eachques- from lessthan2.5hoursto morethan4.5hours. tion a number and put identifying information Of studentswho sawthe first set,77 percentsaid (e.g.,name of organization)on questionnaires. they studiedunder 2.5 hours versus31 percent Nevercrampquestionstogetheror createa conof thosereceivingthe secondset.When the mail fusingappearance. A few centssavedin postage questionnaire and telephone interview were or printing will ultimatelycostmore in termsof compared,58 percentof studentshearingthe lower validity due to a lower responserateor of first set said under 2.5 hours, but there wasno confusion of interviewersand respondents. changeamong those hearingthe secondset. Make a coversheetor facesheetfor eachinterMore than differencesin responsecategories view, for administrativeuse.Put the time and were involved, becausewhen students were date of interview, the interviewer,the responaskedabouthoursoftelevisionwatchingper day dent identification number, and the interwith similar responsecategories and then the aviewer'scommentsand observationson it. A ternativeresponsecategoriesmade no differprofessional appearancewith high-quality ence.What canwe learnfrom this?Respondents graphics,spacebetweenquestions,and goodlaywithout clearanswerstend to rely on questionout improves accuracyand completenessand naireresponsecategories for guidanceand more helpsthe questionnaireflow. anonymous answeringformats tend to yield (seeDillman 2000:32-39 Give interviewersor respondentsinstrucmorehonestresponses tions on the questionnaire.Print instructionsin for more details).

CHA P T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

QuestionFormat. Surveyresearchers decideon a format for questionsand responses. Shouldre_ spondentscircle responses,checkboxes,fill in dots,or put an X in a blank?The principle is to makeresponses unambiguous.Boxesoi brack_ etsto be checkedand numbersto be circledare

usuallyclearest.Also, listing responsesdown a pageratherthan acrossmakesthem easierto see (seeBox 7.5).As mentionedbefore,usearrows and instructionsfor contingencyquestions.Vi_ sualaidsarealsohelpful.For example,hand out thermometer-like drawings to iespondents

Exampleof Horizontal versusVertical ResponseChoices Do you think it is too easyor too difficultto get a divorce,or is it about right? ! Too Easy

tr Too Difficult

I About Right

Do you think it is too easyor too difficultto get a divorce,or is it

about right?

n Too Easy n Too Difficult n About Right Exampleof a Matrix Question Format Strongly Agree

Agree

The teachertalkstoo fast.

tr

tr

lle arn edal o tint his c las s . '

tr

tr

The tests arevery easy.

n

!

n

The teachertells manyjokes.

!

tr

tr

Theteacherisorganized.

tr -

I85

Disagree tr

Strongly Disagree

Don't Know

n

n

!

tr

!

n

n

tr

rt

r.l

-

Examplesof Some ResponseCategory Choices Excellent, Cood, Fair,Poor Approve,/Disapprove FavorlOppose stronglyAgree,Agree,somewhatAgree,somewhatDisagree,Disagree, strongryDisagree Too Much,Too Little,About Right Better,Worse,About the Same Regularly, Often,Seldom,Never Always,Most of Time,Someof Time,Rarely,Never More Likely,LessLikely,No Difference VeryInterested,Interested,Not lnterested

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when askingabout how warm or cool they feel toward someone.A matrix question(or grid question)is a compactway to presenta seriesof questionsusingthe sameresponsecategories. It savesspaceand makesit easierfor the respondent or interviewerto note answersfor the same responsecategories. Nonresponse.Thefailureto getavalid response from everysampledrespondentweakensa survey. Have you everrefusedto answera survey? In additionto researchsurveys,peopleareasked to respondto many requestsfrom charities, marketingfirms, candidatepolls, and so forth. Charitiesand marketingfirms getlow response rates, whereasgovernment organizationsget much higher cooperationrates.Nonresponse canbe a major problem for surveyresearchbecauseif a high proportion of the sampledrespondentsdo not respond,researchers may not be able to generalizeresults,especiallyif those who do not responddiffer from thosewho respond. Public cooperationin surveyresearchhas declinedoverthepast20to 30yearsacrossmany countries,with the Netherlandshavingthe highestrefusalrate,and with refusalratesashryh 30percentin the United States.l2 Thereis both^a growing group of "hard core" refusingpeople and a generaldeclinein participation because many people feel there are too many surveys. Other reasonsfor refusalincludea fearof crime and strangers,a more hecticlife-style,a lossof privacy,and a risingdistrustof authorityor government.The misuseof the surveyto sellproducts or persuade people, poorly designed questionnaires, and inadequateexplanationsof surveysto respondentsalsoincreaserefusalsfor legitimatesurveys. Surveyresearcherscan improve eligibility ratesby careful respondentscreening,better sample-framedefinition,andmultilingualinterviewers.They can decreaserefusalsby sending letters in advanceof an interview, offering to rescheduleinterviews, using small incentives (i.e.,smallgifts),adjustinginterviewerbehavior

and statements(i.e., making eye contact,expressingsincerity,explainingthe samplingor survey,emphasizingimportance of the interview,clarifring promisesof confidentiality,etc.). Surveyresearcherscan also use alternativeinterviewers(i.e., different demographiccharacteristics,age,race,gender,or ethnicity), use alternativeinterview methods(i.e., phone versusface to face),or acceptalternativerespondentsin a household. A critical areaof nonresponseor refusalto participateoccurswith the initial contactbetweenan interviewerand a respondent.A faceto-face or telephoneinterview must overcome resistance and reassurerespondents. Research on the useof incentivesfound that prepaidincentivesappearto increaserespondent cooperationin all typesofsurveys.Theydo not app€arto have negativeeffectson survey compositionor future participation. There is a huge literature on ways to increaseresponseratesfor mail questionnaires (seeBox 7.6).13Heberleinand Baumgartner (1978,1981)reported71 factorsaffectingmail questionnaireresponserates. TYPES OF SURVEYS:ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES Mail and Self-Administered Questionnaires

Advantages. Researchers can give questionnairesdirectly to respondentsor mail them to respondentswho read instructionsand questions, then record their answers.This $pe of surveyis by far the cheapest,and it can be conductedby a singleresearcher. A researchercan sendquestionnaires to a wide geographicalarea. The respondentcancompletethe questionnaire when it is convenientand can checkpersonal recordsif necessary.Mail questionnairesoffer anonl.rnityand avoidinterviewerbias.They can be effective,and responseratesmay be high for an educatedtargetpopulation that hasa strong interestin the topic or the surveyorganization.

CHAPTER 7 ,/ SURVEY RESEARCH 187

'l . Address the questionnaireto specificperson, not "Occupant,"and sendit first class. 2. Includea carefullywritten,datedcoverletteron letterheadstationery.In it, requestrespondent cooperation,guaranteeconfidentiality,explain the purposeof the survey,and give the researcher's nameandphonenumber. 3. Alwaysincludea postage-paid, addressed return envelope. 4. The questionniireshouldhavea neat,attractive layoutand reasonable pagelength. 5. The questionnaireshould be professionally printedandeasyto read,with clearinstructions. 5. Sendtwo follow-upreminderletters to those not responding.The first shouldarriveabout one weekafter sendingthe questionnaire, the seconda weeklater.Centlyaskfor cooperation againand offerto sendanotherquestionnaire. 7. Do not sendquestionnaires duringmajorholiday periods. 8. Do.not put questionson the backpage.Instead, leavea blankspaceand askthe r:espondent for generalcomments. 9. Sponsorsthat are localand are seenas legitimate (e.9.,governmentagencies,universities, largefirms,etc.)get a better response. lO. ln c l udea s m allm onet ar yin d u c e me n($ t l) if oossible.

Disadvantages. Since people do not always completeand return questionnaires, the biggest problem with mail questionnairesis a low responserate. Most questionnairesare returned within two weeks,but otherstrickle in up to two months later. Researchers can raiseresponse ratesby sendingnonrespondentsreminder letters,but this addsto the time and cost of data collection.

A researchercannot control the conditions under which a mail questionnaireis completed. A questionnairecompletedduring a drinking party by a dozenlaughing people may be returned along with one filled out by an earnest respondent.Also, no one is presentto clarifr questions or to probe for more information when respondentsgive incomplete answers. Someoneother than the sampledrespondent (e.g.,spouse,new resident,etc.)may open the mail and completethe questionnairewithout the researcher's knowledge.Different respondents can completethe questionnaireweeks apart or answerquestionsin a different order than that intendedby researchers. Incomplete questionnaires canalsobe a seriousproblem. Researchers cannotvisuallyobservethe respondent'sreactionsto questions,physicalcharacteristics,or the setting. For example,an impoverished70-year-oldWhite woman living aloneon a farm could falselystatethat sheis a prosperous4O-year-old Asianmaledoctorliving in a town with threechildren.Suchextremelies arerare,but seriouserrorscango undetected. The mail questionnaireformat limits the kinds of questionsthat a researchercan use. Questionsrequiringvisualaids(e.g.,look at this picture and tell me what you see),open-ended questions,many contingencyquestions,and complexquestionsdo poorly in mail questionnaires. Likewise,mail questionnairesare ill suitedfor the illiterateor near-illiteratein English. Questionnairesmailed to illiterate respondents are not likely to be returned; if they are completedand returned,the questionswere probably misunderstood,so the answersare (seeTable7.4). meaningless Web Surveys Accessto the Internet and e-mail hasbecome widespreadsincethe late-1990sacrossmost advancednations. For example,3 percentof the U.S. population had e-mail in 1994;only 10 yearslater about 75 percentofhouseholdshad Internetconnections.

188

PART TW O /

TABLE 7.4

CO NDUCTI NC Q UAN T I T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

Typesof SurveysandTheir Features

lssues Administrative Cost

Cheap

Cheapest

Moderate

Expensive

Speed

Slowest

Fastest

Fast

Slowto moderate

Length(numberof questions)

Moderate

Moderate

Short

Longest

rate Response

Lowest

Moderate

Moderate

Highest

Probespossible

No

No

Yes

Yes

SpecificresPondent

No

No

Yes

Yes

Questionsequence Onlyone resPondent

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

No

Yes

Yes

Visualobservation

No

No

No

Yes

V is ualaids

Limited

Yes

None

Yes

questions Open-ended

Limited

Limited

Limited

Yes

questions ContingencY

Limited

Yes

Yes

Yes

Complexquestions

Limited

Yes

Limited

Yes

questions Sensitive

Some

Yes

Limited

Limited

SocialdesirabilitY

Some

Some

Some

Most

lnterviewerbias

None

None

Some

Most

readingskill Respondent's

Yes

Yes

No

No

Control Research

with DifferentQuestions Success

Sourcesof Bias

cH A prE Rz ,/ suR V E yR E S E A R C H Advantages. Web-based surveys over the Internet or by e-mail are very fast and inexpensive. They allow flexible design and can use visual images,or even audio or video in some Internet versions. Despite great flexibility, the basic principles for question writing and for paper questionnaire design generally apply. Disadvantages. Web surveys have three areas of concern: coverage, privacy and verification, and design issues.The first concern involves sampling and unequal Internet accessor use. Despite high coveragerates,older, less-educated, lower-income, and more rural people are less likely to have good Internet access.In addition, many people have multiple e-mail addresses, which limits using them for sampling purposes. Self-selection is a potential problem with web surveys. For example, a marketing department could get very distorted results ofthe population of new car buyers. Perhaps half of the new car buyers for a model are over age 55, but 75 percent of respondents to a web survey are under age 32 and only 8 percent are over age 55. Not only would the results be distorted by age but the relatively small percentage of over-55 respondents may not be representative of all over55 potential new car buyers (e.g., they may be higher income or more educated). A second concern is protecting respondent privacy and confidentiality. Researchersshould encrl?t collected data, only use secure websites and erasenonessentialrespondent identification or linking information on a daily or weeklybasis. They should develop a system of respondent verification to ensure that only the sampled respondent participates and does so only once. This may involve a system such as giving each respondent a unique PIN number to accessthe questionnaire. A third concern involves the complexity of questionnaire design. Researchersneed to check and veriS' the compatibility of various web software and hardware combinations for respondents using different computers. Researchersare

189

still learning what is most effective for web surveys. It is best to provide screen-by-screenquestions and make an entire question visible on the screen at one time in a consistent format tr-ith drop-down boxes for answer choices.It is best to include a progress indicator (as motivation), such as a clock or waving hand. Visual appearance ofa screen,such as the range ofcolors and fonts, should be kept simple for easyreadability and consistency.Be sure to provide very clear instructions for all computer actions (e.g., use of drop-down screens)where they are needed and include "click here" instructions. Also, make it easy for respondents to move back and forth acrossquestions.Researchersusing web surverys need to avoid technical glitches at the implementation stageby repeatedpretesting, having a dedicated server,and obtaining sufficient broadband to handle high demand. Telephone Interviews Advantages. The telephone interview is a popular survey method becauseabout 95 percent of the population can be reached by telephone. An interviewer calls a respondent (usuallyat home), asksquestions, and records answers.Researchers sample respondents from lists, telephone directories, or random digit dialing, and can quickly reach many people acrosslong distances.A staff of interviewers can interview 1,500 respondents acrossa nation within a few days and, with several callbacks, response rates can reach 90 percent. Although this method is more expensive than a mail questionnaire, the telephone interview is a flexible method with most of the strengths of face-to-faceinterviews but for about halfthe cost. Interviewerscontrol the sequence of questionsand can usesome probes.A specific respondent is chosen and is likely to answer all the questions alone. The researcherknows when the questions were answered and can use contingency questions effectively, especiallywith computer-assistedtelephoneinterviewing (CATI) (to be discussed).

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pA R TT w o / c o N D U c l N G QU AN TtTA TIvE R E S E A R cH

Disailvantages. Higher costand limited interof televiewlengthareamongthe disadvantages phone interviews.In addition, respondents without telephonesareimpossibleto reach,and the call may comeat an inconvenienttime. The useof an interviewerreducesanonymityand introducespotentialinterviewerbias.Open-ended questionsare difficult to use,and questionsrequiring visual aids are impossible.Interviewers can only note seriousdisruptions(e.g.,background noise) and respondenttone of voice (e.g.,angeror flippancy)or hesitanry. Face-to-FaceInterviews Ailvantages. Face-to-faceinterviewshavethe highestresponseratesand permit the longest questionnaires. Interviewersalsocanobservethe surroundingsand canusenonverbalcommunicationandvisualaids.Well-trainedinterviewers can askall typesof questions,can askcomplex questions,and canuseextensiveprobes. Disadvantages. High costis the biggestdisadvantageof face-to-faceinterviews.The training, travel, supervision,and personnelcostsfor interviews can be high. Interviewer bias is also $eatest in face-to-faceinterviews.The appearance,tone of voice, question wording, and so forth of the interviewermay affectthe respondent. In addition,interviewersupervisionis less than for telephoneinterviews,which supervisors monitor bylisteningin ra

INTERVIEWING The Role of the Interviewer Interviewsto gatherinformation occur in many interviewingis a speciarsettings.Surveyresearch ized kind of interviewing.As with most interviewing,its goalis to obtain accurateinformation from anotherperson.ls The surveyinterviewis a socialrelationship. Like other socialrelationships,it involvessocial

The interviewis roles,norms, and expectations. a short-term,secondarysocialinteractionbetweentwo strangerswith the explicitpurposeof one person'sobtaining specificinformation from the other. The socialrolesarethoseof the interviewerand the intervieweeor respondent. Information is obtainedin a structuredconversationin which the interviewerasksprearranged questionsand recordsanswers,and the respondent answers.It differsin severalwaysfrom ordinary conversation(seeTable7.5). An important problem for interviewersis that many respondentsare unfamilar with the surveyrespondents'role.As a result,they substitute anotherrole that may affecttheir responses. Somebelievethe interview is an intimate conversationor thearpysession,someseeit asa bureaucraticexercisein completing forms, some viewit asa citizenreferendumon policy choices, someview it as a testingsituation,and some considerit as a form of deceitin which interyiewersaretrying to trick or entraprespondents. professionalsurvey,foiEvenin a well-designed, low-up researchfound that only about half the respondentsunderstandquestionsexactlyasintended by researchers.Respondentsreinterpreted questionsto make them applicableto their ideosynactic,personalsituationsor to makethem easyto answer.l6 The role ofinterviewersis difiicult. Theyobtain cooperationand build rapport, yet remain neutral and objective.They encroachon the respondents'time and privacy for information that may not directly benefit the respondents. They try to reduce embarrassment,fear, and suspicionso that respondentsfeel comfortable revealinginformation.Theymay explainthe nature ofsurveyresearchor givehints aboutsocial rolesin an interview.Good interviewersmonitor the paceand direction ofthe socialinteraction as well as the content of answersand the behaviorof respondents. Surveyinterviewersarenonjudgmentaland not revealtheir opinions,verballyor nonverdo (e.g., by a look of shock).If a respondent bally asksfor an interviewer'sopinion, he or shepo-

CHAP T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

TA Bt E 7.5

.l

79I

DifferencesbetweenOrdinary Conversationand a Structured SurveyInterview

. Questionsand answersfrom eachparticipant arerelatively equallybalanced.

I . Interviewerasksand respondentanswersmost of the time.

2. Thereis an openexchange offeelingsand opinions.

2. Only the respondentrevealsfeelingsand opinions.

3. Judgments arestatedandattemptsmadeto persuadethe other of a particularpointsof view.

3. lntervieweris nonjudgmental and doesnot try to changerespondent'sopinionsor beliefs.

4. A personcan revealdeep innerfeelingsto gain sympathyor as a therapeuticrelease.

4. Interviewertries to obtain directanswersto specificquestions.

5. Ritualresponses arecommon(e.g.,"Uh huh," shakinghead,"Howareyou?""Fine").

5. lntervieweravoidsmakingritualresponses that influence a respondent andalsoseeksgenuine answers,not ritualresponses.

6. The participantsexchangeinformationand correctthe factualerrorsthat thev are aware of.

6. Respondentprovidesalmostall information. lnterviewerdoes not correcta respondent's factual errors,

7. Topicsriseand fall and eitherpersoncan introducenewtopics.The focuscan shift directionsor digressto lessrelevantissues.

7. Interviewercontrolsthe topic, direction,and pace.He or she keepsthe respondent"on task," and irrelevantdiversionsare contained.

8. The emotionaltone can shift from humor,to joy, to affection,to sadness, to anger,and so on.

8. Interviewerattemptsto maintaina consistently warmbut seriousand objectivetone throughout.

9. Peoplecanevadeor ignorequestionsandgive answers. , flippantor noncommittal

shouldnot evadequestions 9. Respondent and shouldgivetruthful,thoughtfulanswers.

Source: AdaptedfromGorden(1 980:19-25) andSudman andBradburn (1983:5-l 0).

litely redirectsthe respondentand indicatesthat suchquestionsare inappropriate.For example, if a respondentasks,"What do you think?" the interviewer may answer,"Here, we are interestedin what you think; what I think doesn't matter." Likewise,if the respondentgives a shockinganswer (e.g.,"I was arrestedthree timesfor beatingmy infant daughterand burning her with cigarettes"),the interviewer does not show shock,surprise,or disdainbut treats

the answerin a matter-of-factmanner.He or she helps respondentsfeel that they can give any truthfirl answer. You might ask, "If the surveyinterviewer must be neutraland objective,why not usea robot or machine?"Machineinterviewinghasnot been successfulbecauseit lacks the human warmth, senseof trust, and rapport that an interviewercreates.An interviewer helps define the situationand ensuresthat respondentshave

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the information sought,understandwhat is expected,give relevantanswers'are motivatedto cooperate,and giveseriousanswers. Interviewersdo more than interview reinterviewersspendonly spondents.Face-to-face about 35 percent of their time interviewing. About 40 percentis spentin locatingthe correct respondent,15percentin traveling,and i0 percetrt in studying survey materialsand dealing with administrativeand recordingdetails.I/ Stagesofan Interview The interview proceedsthrough stages,beginning with an introduction and entry.The interviewer getsin the door, showsauthotization, and securescooperationfrom the and reassures respondent.He or sheis preparedfor reactions ro.h ut, "How did you pick me?" "What good will this do?""I don't know aboutthis," "What's this about, anyway?"The interviewer can explain why the specificrespondentis interviewed and not a substitute. The main part of the interview consistsof askingquestionsand recordinganswers.The interviewerusesthe exactwording on the questionnaire-no addedor omitted words and no rephrasing.He or she asksall applicablequestions in order,without returning to or skipping questionsunlessthe directionsspecifr this. He or she goesat a comfortablepace and gives nondirectivefeedbackto maintain interest. In addition to askingquestions'the interviewer accuratelyrecordsanswers.This is easy for closed-endedquestions,where interviewers just mark the correctbox. For open-endedquestions, the interviewer'sjob is more difficult. He or shelistenscarefully,musthavelegiblewriting' and must recordwhat is saidverbatimwithout correctinggrammar or slang'More important' the interviewer never summarizes or pataa lossof information or disphrases.This causes torts answers.For example,the respondentsays, "I'm reallyconcernedaboutmy daughter'sheart problem.She'sonly 10yearsold and alreadyshe hastrouble climbing stairs.I don't know what

she'lldo whenshegetsolder.Heartsurgeryis too rislcyfor her and it costsso much. She'llhaveto learn to live with it." If the interviewerwrites, "concernedabout daughter'shealth,"much is lost. The interviewer knows how and when to useprobes.Aprobeisa neutralrequestto clatify an ambiguousanswer,to completean incomplete answer,or to obtain a relevantresponse. interviewersrecognizean irrelevantor inaccurate answerand useprobesas needed.l8There aremanytFpesof probes.A three-to five-second pauseis often effective.Nonverbalcommunication (e.g.,tilt of head,raisedeyebrows'or eye contact)alsoworkswell.The interviewercanrepeat the questionor repeatthe reply and then pause.Sheor he canaska neutralquestion,such "Can you tell me more is, "Any other reasons?" about that?" "How do you mean?""Could you explainmorefor me?"(seeBox7.7). The last stageis the exit, when the i'nterviewerthanksthe respondentand leaves.He or shethen goesto a quiet,privateplaceto edit the questionnaireand record other detailssuch as the date, time, and place of the interview; a thumbnail sketchof the respondentand interview situation;the respondent'sattitude (e.9., serious, angry,or laughing); and any unusual (e.g.,"Telephonerangat question circumstances talked for four minutesberespondent and 27 startedagain"). He or she interview the fore notesanythingdisruptivethat happenedduring the interview (e.g.,"Teenageson enteredroom, satat oppositeend,turned on televisionwiththe volumeloud, andwatcheda musicvideo")' The intervieweralsorecordspersonalfeelingsand anythingthat was suspected(e.g.,"Respondent becamenervousand fidgetedwhen-questioned abouthis marriage")' Training Interviewers

surveyrequireshiring multiple inA large-scale peopleappreciatethe difficulty Few terviewers. job' A professional-quality interviewer's of the the carefirlselectionof interrequires interview

CHA P T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

r93

Interuiewer Question: What is your occupation? RespondentAnswerI workat GeneralMotors. Probe:Whatis yourjob at GeneralMotors?What type of workdo you do there? lnterviewer Question: How long haveyou beenunemployed? Respondent Answer. A long time. Probe:Couldyoutell me morespecifically whenyour currentperiodof unemployment began? lntewiewer Question: Considering the countryasa whole,do you thinkwewillhavegood timesduringthe nextyear,or bad times,or what? ReipondentAnswenMaybegood,maybebad,it depends,who knows? Probe:Whatdo you expectto happen? Record Responseto a Closed Question Intewiewer Question: on a scaleof 1 to z, howdo you feelabout capitalpunishmentor the deathpenalty,where1 is stronglyin favorof the deathpenalty,and z is stronglyopposedto it? ( Favor)1_ 2_ 3_ 4_ 5_ 6_ (Op p ose) 7_ Respondent Answer. About a 4. I think that all murderers,rapists,and violentcriminals shouldget death,but I don't favorit for minorcrimeslikestealinga car.

viewersand extensivetraining.As with any employment situation, adequatepay and good supervisionare important for consistenthighquality performance. Unfortunately, professionalinterviewinghasnot alwayspaid well or providedregularemployment.In the past,interviewerswerelargelydrawn from a pool of middle-aged women willing to accept irregular part-time work. Good interviewersarepleasant,honest,accurate,mature, responsible,moderatelyintelligent, stable, and motivated. They have a nonthreateningappearance,have experience with many differenttypesof people,and possess poiseand tact. Researchers may considerinterviewers'physicalappearance, age,race,sex,lan-

guages spoken, and even the sound of their voice. Professional interviewers will receive a twoweek training course. It includes lectures and reading, observation of expert interviewers, mock interviews in the office and in the field that are recorded and critiqued, many practice interviews, and role-playing. The interviewers learn about survey research and the role ofthe interviewer. They become familiar with the questionnaire and the purpose ofquestions, although not with the answersexpected. The importance of carefully selecting and training interviewers was evident during the 2004 U.S. presidential election. Exit polls are quick, very short surveys conducted outside a

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polling placefor peopleimmediatelyafter they voted. On Election Day of 2004 exit polls showedcandidate|ohn Kerry well ahead,but after final voteswere countedhe lost to his opponent, GeorgeW. Bush' A major causeof the mistakewasthat the researchorganization,paid $10 million by six major newsorganizationsto conductthe exitpolls,hadhired manyyounginexperiencedinterviewersand gavethem only minimal training.Youngervoterstendedto support iohn Kerry whereasolder voterstendedto iupport GeorgeBush.Theyoung inexperienced interviewerswere lesssuccessfulin gaining cooperationfrom older votersand felt more comfortablehandingthe questionnaireto someone of a similar age.As a result,exit poll participants did not reflectthe compositionof all votersand poll resultsshowedgreatersupport for Kerry ihan actuallyexistedamongall voters.le Although interviewerslargelywork alone, use an interviewersupervisorin researchers surveyswith severalinterviewers.Sularge-scale p.*itott are familiar with the area'assistwith problems,overseethe interviewers,and ensure ihat work is completedon time. For telephone interviewing, this includes helping with calls, checkingwhin interviewersarrive and leave,and intermonitoring interviewcalls.In face-to-face the whether find out views,supervisorscheckto calling means place. This interviewactuallytook back or sendinga confirmationpostcardto a They can alsocheckthe sampleof respondents. responserate and incompletequestionnairesto seewhetherinterviewersareobtainingcooperation, and they may reinterviewa smallsubsample,analyzeanswers,or observeinterviewsto see whetherinterviewersareaccuratelyaskingquestions and recordinganswers. lnterviewer Bias proscribeinterviewerbehavSurveyresearchers ior to reducebias. This goesbeyond reading eachquestionexactlyasworded.Ideally,the actions of a particular interviewerwill not affect how a respondentanswers'and responseswill

not vary from what they would be if askedby any other interviewer. Surveyresearchersknow that interviewer can createsignificantbias' Interexpectations viewers who expect difficult interviews have them, and thosewho expectcertainanswersare more likely to getthem (seeBox 7.8).Properinterviewerbehavior and exactquestionreading maybe difficult, but the issueis larger. The socialsettingin which the interviewoccurs can afflectanswers,including the presence of other people'For example,studentsanswer differentlydependingon whetherthey areasked questionsat home or at school.In general,surdo not want otherspresentbeiey researchers causethey may affectrespondentanswers'It may not alwaysmakea difference,however,esp..lutty if the othersaresmallchildren.2O inAn interviewer'svisible characteristics, interviews affect cluding raceand gender,often for questions andrespondentanswers,especially For examgender. aboutissuesrelatedto raceor ple, African American and Hispanic American iespondentsexpressdifferent policy positions otr t"..- or ethnic-relatedissuesdependingon the apparentraceor ethnicityof the interviewer' This occurs even with telephone interviews when a respondenthas cluesabout the interviewer'sraceor ethnicity.In generafinterviewers of the sameethnic-racialgroup get more accurateanswers.2lGenderalso affectsinterviewsboth in terms of obvious issues,such as sexualbehavior,aswell as support for genderrelated collective action or gender eqaality'z2 need to note the raceand Surveyresearchers genderof both interviewersand respondents' Computer-Assisted TelePhone Interviewing

Advancesin computer technologyand lower computerpriceshaveenabledprofessionalsurvey researchorganizationsto install computerinterviewing(CATD systems'23 osiirtedtelephone With CATI, the interviewer sits in front of a computer and makescalls' Wearing a headset

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r 95

Exampleof Interviewer Expectation Effects FemaleRespondent ReportsThat HusbandBuysMostFurniture

Askedby FemalelntewiewerWhoseOwn Husbandbuysmostfurniture

89%

Husbanddoesnot buy mostfurniture

15%

Exampleof Raceor Ethnic Appearance Effects

Percentage AnsweringYesto: "Doyou thinkthere are too manyJewsin jobs?" government

"Doyou thinkthat Jewshavetoo muchpower?"

LookedJewish withJewish-sounding name

11.7

LookedJewishonly

15.4

5.8 'r5.6

Non-Jewish appearance

21.2

24.3

Non-Jewish appearance and non-Jewish-sounding name

19.5

21.4

lnterviewer

Note:Racialstereotypesheld by respondentscanaffecthowthey respondin interviews. Source: Adaptedfrom Hyman(1975:1I 5, 163).

and microphone, the interyiewer readsthe questions from a computer screenfor the specific respondent who is called, then enters the answer via the keyboard. Once he or she enters an answer, the computer shows the next question on the screen. Computer-assisted telephone interviewing speedsinterviewing and reduces interviewer errors. It also eliminates the separatestep of entering information into a computer and speeds data processing.Of course, CATI requires an investment in computer equipment and some knowledge of computers. The CATI system is valuable for contingency questions becausethe computer can show the questions appropriate

for a specific respondent; interviewers do not have to turn pageslooking for the next question. In addition, the computer can check an answer immediately after the interviewer enters it. For example, if an interviewer enters an answer that is impossible or clearly an error (e.g., an H instead of an M for "Male"), the computer will request another answer. Innovations with computers and web surveys also help to gather data on sensitiveissue(seeBox 7.9). Severalcompanies have developed software programs for personal computers that help researchers develop questionnaires and analyze survey data. They provide guides for writing questions, recording responses,analyzing data,

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issuein surveyresearchis the invasion of prican intrude into a revacv.Surveyresearchers snondent's'privacyby askingabout intimate actionsand personalbeliefs'Peoplehavea right how respondents to privacy. Respondentsdecide when and to Thequestioningformatinfluences information' They are answerquestionsabout sensitivetopics' Formats whlm to revealpersonal likely to provide such information when it is that permitthe greaterrespondentanonymity,such or the web surquestionnaire askedforln a comfortablecontextwith mutual as a ielf-administered than trust, when they believe serious answersare vey, are more likelyto elicit honestresponses person' neededfor legitimateresearchpurposes)and one that requiresinteractionwith another intelephone or suchas in a face-to-faceinterview whentheybelieveanswerswill remainconfidentechnoof computer-based should treat all respondents terview One of a series tial. Researchers computer-assisted is called logical innovations with dignity and reduceanxietyor discomfort' rmto appears lt (CASA|. intewiews self-administered Theyarealsoresponsiblefor protectingthe conanswertng in honesty and comfort respondent prove fidentialityof data' topics.In CASAI'respondents questionson sensitive A secondissueinvolvesvoluntaryparticipawith questionsthat are askedon a are"interviewed" tion by respondents'Respondentsagreeto ancomputerscreenor heardover earphones'The reswer ctuestionsand can refuseto participateat or spondentsanswerby movinga computermo.use any time. They give"informed consent"to parqn enteringinformationusinga computerkeyboard' ticipate in research.Researchers.depend is presentin the sameroom' Evenwhena researcher reso. respondents'voluntary cooperatron' from humanconthe respondentis semi-insulated seaichersneedto askwell-developedquestions quesanswering tact andappearsto feelcomfortable in a sensitiveway' treat respondentswith retions about sensitiveissues. spect,and be very sensitiveto confidentiality' ' A third ethical issueis the exploitation of ofits.popBecause surveysand pseudosurveys. to ularity, some people use surveys mislead and producing reports. The programs may otheri. A pseuiosirteT is when someonewho rp."d th. more mechanicalaspectsof surveyreor no real interest in learning inforsearch-such astyping questionnaires'organiz- has little mation from a respondentusesthe surveytoring layout, and recordingresponses-bYl they mat to try to Persuade someone to do cainot substitutefor a good understandingof something.Charlatansuse the guiseof conthe surveymethodor an appreciationof its limducting a surveyto invade privacy, gain entry itations. The researchermust still clearly coninto hJmes, or "suggle" (sell in the guiseof a ceptualize variables, prepare well-worded a type.of survey). I personallyexperiencedquestions,designthe sequenceand forms of "suppressionpoll"in and pilot-test ques- pr"rrdort*ayknown asa questionsand responses, electioncampaign'In this situationnaires. Communicating unambiguously ih" tsS+U.S. tion, an unknown survey organizationtelewith respondentsand eliciting credible rephonedpotential voters and askedwhetherthe sponsesremainthe most important partsoI surlrot.t tnppotted a given candidate'If the voter veyresearch. supportedthe candidate'the interviewer next urk.d *h.ther the respondentwould still support the candidateif he or she knew that the T HE E T HI C AL S U R VE Y iandidate had an unfavorablecharacteristic (e.g.,hadbeenarrestedfor drunk driving,used surLike all social research,people can conduct i]lJgd drugs, raised the wagesof convicted ways. A major ethical liliw

veys in ethical or unethical

c H A PTE Rz ,/ suR V E yR E S E A R C H

criminalsin prison,etc.).The goalof the interview was not to measurecandidatesupport; rather, it wasto identify a candidate'ssupporters then attempt to suppressvoting. Although they are illegal,no one hasbeenprosecutedfor using this campaigntactic. Another ethicalissueis whenpeoplemisuse surveyresultsor usepoorly designedor purposelyriggedsurveys.Why doesthis occur?People may demand answersfrom surveysthat surveyscannot provide and not understanda survey'slimitations.Thosewho designand preparesurveysmay lack sufficienttraining to conduct a legitimatesurvey.Unfortunately,policy decisionsaresometimesmadebasedon careless or poorly designedsurveys.They often resultin wasteor human hardship.This is whylegitimate researchers conductingmethodologicallyrigoroussurveyresearch areimportant. The media report more surveysthan other typesof socialresearch,yet sloppyreporting of survey,results permitsabuse.2a Fewpeoplereading survey results may appreciateit, but researchers shouldincludedetailsaboutthe survey (seeBox 7.10)to reducethe misuseof surveyresearchand increasequestionsaboutsurveysthat lack such information. Surveyresearchers urge the mediato includesuchinformation, but it is rarely included.Over 88 percentof reports on surveysin the massmedia fail to revealthe researcherwho conductedthe survey,and only 18 percentprovide detailson how the surveywas conducted.2s Currently,there are no qualitycontrol standardsto regulatethe opinion polis or surveysreported in the U.S. media. Researchers havemadeunsuccessful attemptssince World War II to require adequatesamples,interviewertraining and supervision,satisfactory questionnairedesign,public availability of results,and controlson the integrity ofsurvey organizations.26 As a result,the massmediareport both biasedand misleadingsurveyresultsand rigorous, professionalsurvey resultswithout making any distinction.It is not surprisingthat public confusion and a distrust of all surveys occur.

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1. The samplingframeused(e.g.,telephonedirectories) 2. The dateson whichthe surveywasconducted 3. The populationthat the samplerepresents (e.g., U.S.adults,Australiancollegestudents,housewivesin Singapore) 4. The sizeof the samplefor whichinformationwas collected 5. The samplingmethod(e.g.,random) 6. The exactwordingofthe questionsasked 7. The method of the survey(e.g.,face to face, telephone) 8. The organizations that sponsoredthe survey (paidfor it and conductedit) 9. The responserate or percentageof thosecontacted who actuallycompletedthe questionnaire 10. Any missinginformationor "don't know" responseswhenresultson specificquestionsare reported

C ON C L U S ION In this chapter, you learned about survey research.You also leamed some principles ofwriting good survey questions. There are many things to avoid and to include when writing questions.You learned about the advantagesand disadvantagesof three types of survey research: mail, telephone interviews, and face-to-face interviews. You saw that interviewing, especially face-to-faceinterviewing, can be difficult. Although this chapter focused on survey research,researchersuse questionnairesto measure variables in other types of quantitative research (e.g., experiments). The survey, often called the sample survey becauserandom sampling is usually used with it, is a distinct technique. It is a

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processof askingmany peoplethe samequestionsand examiningtheir answers. try to minimize errors, Surveyresearchers but surveydata often contain them. Errors in surveyscancompoundeachother.For example, errorscanarisein samplingframes,from nonresponse,from questionwording or order, and from interviewerbias.Do not let the existenceof errors discourageyou from using the survey, however.Instead'learn to be very carefulwhen designingsurveyresearchand cautious about generalizingfrom the resultsof surveys.

Ke y T e r m s closed-endedquestion computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) context effect contingency question cover sheet double-barreled question floaters frrll-filter question funnel sequence interview schedule matrix question open-endedquestion order effects partially open question prestigebias probe quasi-filter question responseset social desirability bias standard-format question threatening questions wording effects

Endnotes that 1. Sudmanand Bradburn(1983:39)suggested evensimplequestions(e.g.,"What brand of soft drink do you usuallybuy?")cancauseproblems.

Respondentswho are highly loyal to one brand of traditional carbonated sodascan answerthe question easily.Other respondentsmust implicitly address the following questions to answer the question as it was asked: (a) What time period is involved-the past month, the past year, the last 10 years?(b) What conditions count-at home, at restaurants, at sporting events?(c) Buying for oneself alone or for other family members? (d) What is a "soft drink"? Do lemonade, iced tea' mineral water, or fruit juices count? (e) Does "usually" mean a brand purchased as 51 percent or more of all soft drink purchases,or the brand purchased more frequently than any other? Respondents rarely stop and ask for clarification; they make assumptions about what the researcher means. z. See Dykema and Schaeffer (2000) and Sudman and colleagues(1996:197--226). SeeOstrom and Gannon (1996). A See Bradburn (1983), Bradburn and Sudman (1980), and Sudman and Bradburn (1983) on threatening or sensitivequestions.Backstrom and Hursh-Cesar (1981:219) and Warwick and Lininger ( 1975:150-151) provide useful suggestions as well. 5. On how "Who knows who lives here?" can be complicated, seeMartin (1999) and Tourangeau etal. (1997). 6. For a discussion of the "don't know," "nq opinion," and middle positions in responsecategories, seeBackstrom and Hursh-Cesar ( I 98I : 148-149)' Bishop (1987), Bradburn and Sudman (1988: 154), Brody (1986)' Converse and Presser (1956:35-37), Duncan and Stenbeck (1988)' and Sudman and Bradburn ( 1983:140-14 1). 7. The disagree/agleeversusspecific alternativesdebate can be found in Bradburn and Sudman ( 1988:149-15 1), Converseand Presser( 1986:3839), and Schuman and Pressertl98l:179-223)' 8. The ranking versusratings issueis discussedin Alwin and Krosnick ( 1985) and Krosnick and Alwin (1988). Also see Backstrom and Hursh-Cesar (1981:132-134) and Sudman and Bradburn (1983:156-165)for formats of asking rating and ranking questions. 9. SeeFoddy ( I 993) and Presser( 1990). 10. Studies by Krosnick (1992) and Narayan and Krosnick (1996) show that education reduces response-order (primacy or recency) effects, but

CHAP T E R7 , / S U R V E YR E S E A R C H

Kniiuper(1999)found that ageis stronglyassociatedwith response-order effects. 11. This examplecomesfrom Strack(1992). 12. For a discussion, seeCouper,Singeret al. (1998), de Heer (1999),Keeteret al. (2000),Sudmanand Bradburn( 1983:1 I ), and"SurveysProliferate,but AnswersDwindle," New York Times,October 5, 1990,p. 1.Smith(1995)andSudman(1976:114116)alsodiscussrefusalrates. 13. Bailey(1987:153-168), Church(1993),Dillman (1978,1983),Fox and colleagues (1988),Goyder (1982),HeberleinandBaumgartner (1978,1981), Hubbard and Little (1988),Jones(1979),and (1995)discussincreasWillimack and colleagues ing return ratesin surveys 14. For a comparisonamong types of surveys,see BackstromandHursh-Cesar( 1981:16-23),Bradburn andSudman(1988:9,1-l l0), Dillman(1978: 39-78),Fowler(1984:61-73), and Frey(1983:27)) ,, 15. For more on surveyresearchinterviewing,see (1985),CannellandKahn Brennerandcolleagues (1968),Converseand Schuman(1974),Dijkstra and van der Zouwen(1982),Foddy(1993),Gorden (1980), Hyman (1975), and Moser and Kalton (1972:27V302). 16. SeeTurner andMartin (1984:262-269,282).

199

17. From Moserand Kalton (1972:273). 18. The useofprobes is discussed in Backstromand Hursh-Cesar(1981:266-27 3), Gorden(1980:36&390),and Hyman (1975:236-24t). 19. Reportby Jacques Steinberg(2005)."StudyCites Human Failingsin Election Day Poll System," N ew YorkTimes(l antary 20, 2005). 20. SeeBradburnand Sudman(1980),Pollnerand Adams(L997),andZaneandMatsoukas( 1979). 21. The raceor ethnicityofinterviewersis discussed in Andersonand colleagues (1988),Bradburn (1983), Cotter and colleagues(1982), Davis (1997),Finkel and colleagues (1991),Gorden (1980:168-172), Reeseand colleagues (1986), Schaffer(1980),Schumanand Converse(l97l), andWeeksandMoore(1981). (1996)and Kaneand 22. SeeCataniaand associates MacAulay(1993). 23. CATI is discussed in Bailey(1987:201-202),Bradburn and Sudman(1988:100-101), Frey(1983: 24-25,143-149),Grovesand Kahn (1979:226), Grovesand Mathiowetz(1984),and Karweitand Meyers(1983). 24. On reporting survey results in the media, see (1993)andMacKeun(1984). Channels (1988). 25. SeeSinger 26. From Turner and Martin 0984:62\.

ExperimentalResearch

lntroduction Research QuestionsAppropriatefor an Experiment Random Assignment Assign? Why RandomlY Assign How to RandomlY Assignment Random versus Matching Experimental Design Logic The Languageof ExPeriments Typesof Design DesignNotation lnternal and External ValiditY The Logicof InternalValiditY Threatsto lnternalValiditY ExternalValidityand FieldExperiments Practical Considerations P l a n n i nand g P i l ot-Tests to Subjects lnstructions ment lnterview PostexPeri Results of Experimental Research: Making Comparisons A Word on Ethics Conclusion

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INTRODUCTION Experimentalresearchbuilds on the principles of a positivist approachmore directly than do the otherresearchtechniques.Researchers in the (e.g.,chemistryandphysics),renaturalsciences lated applied fields (e.g.,agriculture,engineering, and medicine), and the social sciences conduct experiments.The logic that guidesan experimenton plant growthin biologyor testing a metalin engineeringis appliedin experiments on human socialbehavior.Although it is most widely used in psychology,the experimentis found in education,criminaljustice,journalism, marketing, nursing, political science,social work, and sociology.This chapterfocusesfirst on the experimentconductedin a laboratory under controlled conditions.then looks at experimentsconductedin the field. The experiment'sbasiclogic extendscommonsensethinking. Commonsense experiments are lesscarefulor systematicthan scientifically basedexperiments.In commonsenselanguage, an experimenfis when you modify somethingin a situation,then comparean outcometo what existedwithout the modification.For example,I try to start my car.To my surprise,it doesnot start.I "experiment"by cleaningoff the battery connections,then tryto startit again.I modified something(cleanedthe connections)and comparedthe outcome(whetherthe car started)to Ithe previoussituation (it did not start). I began with an implicit "hypothesis"-a buildup of crud on the connectionsis the reasonthe car is not starting,and oncethe crud is cleanedoff, the car will start. This illustrates three things researchers do in experiments:(1) beginwith a hypothesis,(2) modify somethingin a situation, and (3) compareoutcomeswith andwithout the modification. Comparedto the other socialresearchtechniques,experimentalresearchis the strongestfor testingcausalrelationshipsbecausethe three conditionsfor causality(temporalorder,association, and no alternativeexplanations)arebest met in experimental designs.

2OI

ResearchQuestions Appropriate for an Experiment The Issueof an Appropriate Technique. Some researchquestionsare better addressedusing certain techniques.New researchers often ask, Which technique(e.g.,experimentsand surveys)bestfits which researchquestion?Thereis no easyanswer,because the matchbetweena researchquestionand techniqueis not fixed but dependson informed judgment.You can develop judgment from readingresearchreports, understandingthe strengthsand weaknesses of differenttechniques,assistingmore experienced with their research,and gaining researchers practicalexperience. Research Questionsfor Experimental Research. The experimentallows a researcherto focus sharplyon causalrelations,and it haspractical advantages overothertechniques,but it alsohas limitations.The researchquestionsmost appropriatefor an experimentfit its strengthsandlimitations. The questionsappropriatefor using an experimentallogic confront ethical and practical limitations of interveningin human affairsfor researchpurposes.It is immoral and impossible to manipulatemany areasof human life for researchpurposes.The pure logic of an experiment hasan experimenterinterveneor inducea changein somefocusedpart of sociallife, then examinethe consequences that result from the changeor intervention.This usuallymeansthat the experimentis limited to researchquestions in which a researcher is ableto manipulateconditions. Experimentalresearchcannot answer questionssuchas,Do peoplewho completea collegeeducationincreasetheir annualincome more than peoplewho do not? Do children raisedwith youngersiblingsdevelopbetterleadershipskillsthan childrenwithout siblings?Do peoplewho belongto more organizationsvote more often in elections?This is becausean experimenteroften cannotmanipulateconditions or intervene.He or shecannotrandomly assign

2 O2

pA RTT wo ,/ c o N D U c l N G e u A N T trA TrvER E S E A R C H

thousandsto attendcollegeand preventothers from attendingtodiscoverwholater earnsmore income.He or she cannot induce couplesto haveeithermany childrenor a singlechild sohe or shecanexaminehow leadershipskillsdevelop in children.He or shecannotcompelpeopleto join or quit organizationsthen seewhetherthey vote.Experimentersarehighly creativein simulating suchinterventionsor conditions,but they cannotmanipulatemany of the variablesof interestto fit the pure experimentallogic. The experimentis usuallybest for issues that havea narrow scopeor scale.This strength allows experimentersto assembleand "run" many experimentswith limited resourcesin a short period. Somecarefullydesignedexperiments require assemblingonly 50 or 60 volunteers and can be completedin one or two months. In general,the experimentis better suitedfor micro-level(e.g.,individual or smallgroup phenomena)than for macro-levelconcerns or questions.Experiments can rarely addressquestionsthat requirelooking at conditions acrossan entire societyor acrossdecades. The experimentalsolimits one'sability to generalizeto larger settings(seeExternalValidity and FieldExperimentslater in this chapter). Experimentsencourageresearchers to isolateandtargetthe impactthat arisesfrom oneor a few causalvariables.This strengthin demonstratingcausaleffectsis a limitation in situations where a researchertries to examinenumerous variables simultaneously.The experiment is rarely appropriatefor researchquestionsor issuesthat requirea researcher to examinethe impact of dozensof diversevariablesall together. Although the accumulated knowledge from many individual experiments,eachfocusedon one or two variables,advancesunderstanding, the approachof expermimentalresearchdiffers from doing researchon a highly complexsituation in which oneexamineshow dozensof variablesoperatesimultaneously. Often,researchers studycloselyrelatedtopicsusingeitheran experimentalor a nonexperi-

mental method. For example,a researchermay wish to study attitudestoward peoplein wheeichairs.An experimentermight askpeopleto respond (e.g.,Would you hire this person?How comfortablewould you be if this personasked you for a date?)to photos of somepeoplein wheelchairs andsomepeoplenot in wheelchairs. might askpeopletheir opinA surveyresearcher ions about peoplein wheelchairs.The field researchermight observepeople'sreactionsto himsomeonein a wheelchair,or the researcher selfor herselfmight be in wheelchairand carefully note the reactionsof others.

RANDOM ASSIGNMENT

frequentlywant to compare. Socialresearchers For example,a researcherhastwo groupsof 15 studentsand wants to comparethe groups on the basisof a key differencebetweenthem (e.g., a coursethat one group completed).Or a researcherhasfive groupsof customersand wants to comparethe groupson the basisof one characteristic(e.g.,geographiclocation).The clich6, "Compareapplesto apples,don't compareapples to oranges,"is not about fruit; it is about comparisons.It meansthat a valid comparison dependson comparing things that are fundamentally alike. Random assignmentfacilitates comparisonin experimentsby creatingsimilar groups. When making comparisons,researchers wantto comparecasesthat do not differ with regard to variablesthat offer alternativeexplanations. For example,a researchercomparestwo groupsof studentsto determinethe impact of completinga course.In order to be compared, the two groupsmust be similar in most respects exceptfor taking the course.If the group that completedthe courseis also older than the group that did not, for example,the researcher cannot determine whether completing the courseor being older accountsfor differences betweenthe groups.

L ESEARCH CHAPTER8 , / E X P E R I M E N T AR

Why Randomly Assign? Random assignmentis a method for assigning cases(e.g., individuals, organizations, etc.) to groups for the purpose of making comparisons. It is a way to divide or sort a collection of cases into two or more groups in order to increase one's confidence that the groups do not differ in a systematicway. It is a mechanical method; the assignment is automatic, and the researchercannot make assignments on the basis of personal preference or the features ofspecific cases. Random assignment is random in a statistical or mathematical sense, not in an everyday sense.In everyday speech,random means unplanned, haphazard, or accidental, but it has a specialized meaning in mathematics. In probability theory, random describes a process in which each case has a known chance of being selected.Random selection lets a researcherca'culate the odds that a specific casewill be sorted into one group over another. Random means a casehas an exactly equal chance ofending up in one or the other group. The great thing about a random process is that over many separaterandom occurrences, predictable things happen. Although the process itself is entirely due to chance and does not allow predicting a specific outcome at one specific time, it obeys mathematical laws that makes very accurate predictions possible when conducted over a large number of situations. Random assignment or randomization is unbiased becausea researcher'sdesire to confirm a hypothesis or a researchsubject'spersonal interests do not enter into the selection process. IJnbiaseddoes not mean that groups with identical characteristics are selectedin each specific situation of random assignment. Instead, it says that the probability of selecting a case can be mathematically determined, and, in the long run, the groups will be identical. Sampling and random assignment are processesof selecting casesfor inclusion in a study. When a researcher randomly assigns,he or she sorts a collection of casesinto two or more

2O3

groupsusinga randomprocess.In randomsampling, he or sheselectsa smallersubsetof cases from a largerpool ofcases(seeFigure8.1).Idewill both randomlysampleand ally,a researcher randomiy assign.He or shecan first sampleto obtain a smallersetof cases(e.g.,150peopleout of 20,000)and then userandom assignmentto divide the sampleinto groups (e.g.,divide the 150peopleinto threegroupsof 50). Unfortuuserannateln few socialscienceexperimenters dom samples.Most begin with a convenience samplethenrandomlyassign. How to Randomly Assign Randomassignmentis verysimplein practice.A researcherbeginswith a collectionof cases(individuals,organizations,or whateverthe unit of analysisis), then divides it into two or more groupsby a randomprocess,suchasaskingpeople to count off, tossinga coin, or throwing dice. For example,a researcherwants to divide 32 peopleinto two groupsof 16.A randommethod is writing eachperson'snameon a slip of paper, putting the slipsin a hat, mixing the slipswith eyesclosed,then drawingthe first 16 namesfor group 1 and the second16 for group2. Matching versus Random Assignment You might ask,If the purposeof random assignment is to gettwo (or more) equivalentgroups, would it not be simplerto match the characteristicsof casesin eachgroup?Someresearchers matchcasesin groupson certaincharacteristics, suchasageand sex.Matchingis an alternativeto random assignment,but it is an infrequently usedone. Matchingpresentsa problem:What arethe to matchon, and canone relevantcharacteristics locateexactmatches?Individual casesdif[er in thousandsof ways,and the researchercannot know which might be relevant.For example,a comparestwo groupsof 15students. researcher There are 8 malesin one group, which means thereshouldbe 8 malesin the other group.Two

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malesin the first group areonly children;one ls from a divorcedfamrly,one from an intact famis ilv. Orr" is tall, slender,and Jewish;the other match to order In Methodist' ,ilort, h"a,ry,and sroups, doesthe researcherhave to find a tall home i"*tft male only child from a divorced an from child only male and a short Methodist only male slender, tall, Jewish intact home?The child is 22yearsoldand is studyingto becomea physician.the short,heavyMethodistmaleis 20 yearsold and wantsto be an accountant'Does ih. t.s"arch.r alsoneedto matchthe ageand careeraspirationsof the two males?True matching soonbecomesan imPossibletask'

FIcURE 8.1

EXPERIMENTALDESIGN LOGIC The Languageof ExPeriments or Experimentalresearchhas its own language encounalready You ,et of ter*s and concepts' i.r.a tn. basic ideas:iandom assignmentand independentand dependentvariables'In experreimental research,the casesor peopleusedin are variables whom search projects and on measuredarecalledthesubjects' exParts of theExperiment' We candivide the periment into sevenparts' Not all experiments

and RandomSampling RandomAssignment RandomSamPling Sample

Frame) (SamPling Population Random Process

--+

RandomAssignment Step 1: Beginwith a collectionof subiects'

that is purelymechanical(e'g'' tlip a coin)' Step 2: Devisea methodto randomize and 'Tails"to the othergroup group Step 3: Assignsublectswith"Heads"to one

-E_

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Control GrouP

+

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R ELS E A R cH c H Ap rE RI / E X pE R TME N TA

have all theseparts, and some have all seven partsplus others.The following seven,to be discussedhere,makeup a true experiment:

zOs

cial behaviors, attitudes, feelings, or beliefs of subjects that change in responseto a treatment. Dependent variables can be measured by paperand-pencil indicators, observation, interviews, 1. Treatmentor independentvariable or physiological responses (e.g., heartbeat or sweating palms). 2. Dependentvariable Frequently, a researcher measures the de3. Pretest pendent variable more than once during an ex4. Posttest periment. The pretest is the measurement of the 5. Experimentalgroup dependent variable prior to introduction of the 6. Controlgroup treatment. The posttest is the measurement of 7. Randomassignment the dependent variable after the treatment has been introduced into the experimental situation. In most experiments,a researchercreatesa Experimental researchersoften divide subsituation or entersinto an ongoingsituation, then modifiesit. The treatment(or the stimulus jects into two or more groups for purposes of comparison. A simple experiment has two or manipulation) is what the researchermodigroups, only one of which receivesthe treatfies.The term comesfrom medicine,in which a physician administersa treatment to patients; ment. The experimental group is the group that the physicianintervenesin a physicalor psycho- receivesthe treatment or in which the treatment logicalcondition to changeit. It is the indepen- is present. The group that does not receive the dent variableor a combinationof independent treatment is called the control group. When the independent variable takes on many different a variables.In earlierexamplesof measurement, values, more than one experimental group is researcherdevelopeda measurementinstruused. inent or indicator (e.g.,a surveyquestion),then We can review the variables in the three exappliedit to a personor case.In experiments,reperiments used as examples in previous chapsearchers"measure"independentvariablesby creatinga condition or situation.For example, ters. In Chapter 2 you read about an experiment by Brase and Richmond (200a) about doctorthe independentvariableis "degreeof fear or patient interactions and perceptions. After rananxiety";the levelsarehigh fearandlow fear.Indom assignment, subjects saw same- and opposteadof askingsubjectswhetherthey arefearful, site-gender models identified as being medical experimentersput subjectsinto either a highdoctors but who wore either informal or forfearo.-ra low-fearsituation.Theymeasurethe independentvariableby manipulatingconditions mal/traditional attire (independent variable). sothat somesubjectsfeela lot of fearand others The experimenters then measured the subjects' judgments about trust in the physican and the feellittle. Researchersgo to great lengths to create physician's abilities (dependent variable). In treatments.Someareasminor asgivingdifFerent Goar and Sell's (2005) experiment about mixed groupsof subjectsdifferentinstructions.Others race task groups described in Chapter 4, randomly assigned three-person groups were told canbe ascomplexasputting subjectsinto situations with elaborateequipment,stagedphysical they were either to a complete complex task requiring diverse skills or not (independent varisettings,or contrivedsocialsituationsto manipulate what the subjectsseeor feel. Researchers able). The experimenters measured the time it took the group to complete a task and involvewant the treatmentto havean impact and proment by group members of different races (deducespecificreactions,feelings,or behaviors. pendent variable). In the study on college Dependentvariablesor outcomesin experiwomen with tattoos discussed in Chapter 5 by mental researcharethe physicalconditions,so-

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Hawkes,Senn,and Thorn (2004),randomlyassignedsubjectswere askedto read one of five scenariosabout a 22-yeat-oldcollegestudent woman who had a tattoo (independentvariable). The experimentersthen measuredthe subjects'feelingsabout the woman and tattoo using a semanticdifferential, a Feminist scale, and a Women's Movement and Neosexisms scale(dependentvariables). Stepsin Conilucting an Experiment. Followingthebasicstepsof the researchprocess,experimentersdecideon a topic, narrow it into a' testableresearchproblem or question,then develop a hypothesiswith variables.Once a rer.urih"t has the hlpothesis' the steps of experimentalresearchareclear. A crucial early stepis to plan a specificexperimentaldesign (to be discussed).The researcherdecidesthe number of groupsto use, how and when to createtreatmentconditions, the number of times to measurethe dependent variable,andwhat the groupsof subjectswill experiencefrom beginningto end. He or shealso developsmeasuresof the dependentvariable andpilot-teststhe experiment(seeBox 8.1). The experiment itself begins after a researcherlocatessubjectsand randomly assigns them to groups.Subjectsare givenprecise,premeaplannedinstructions.Next, the researcher before pretest a in iures the dependentvariable the treatment.One group is then exposedto the treatment.Finally, the researchermeasuresthe dependentvariablein a posttest.He or shealso interviewssubjectsaboutthe experimentbefore they leave.The researcherrecordsmeasuresof the dependentvariableand examinesthe results for eachgroup to seewhetherthe hypothesisreceivessupport. Control in Experimmts. Control is crucial in experimentalresearch.A researcherwants to control all aspectsof the experimentalsituation to isolatethe effectsof the treatmentand eliminate alternativeexplanations.Aspectsof an experirnentalsituation that are not controlledby

hypothesisappro1. Beginwith a straightforward research. priateto the experimental designthat will test 2. Decideon an experimental limitations. practical within the hypothesis 3. Decidehow to introducethe treatmentor create a situationthat inducesthe independent variable. 4. Developa validand reliablemeasureof the dependentvariable. I andconducta pisetrting 5. Setup an experimental lot test of the treatmentand dependentvariablemeasures 6. Locateappropriatesubjectsor cases. Z. Randomlyassignsubjectsto groups(if random assignmentis usedin the chosenresearchdesign)andgivecarefulinstructions' 8. Catherdatafor the pretestmeasureofthe dependentvariablefor all groups (if a pretest is usedin the chosendesign). 9. Introducethe treatmentto the experimenta group only (or to relevantgroups if there are multipleexperimentalgroups)and monitor all groups. of the depenI 0. Gatherdatafor posttestmeasur€ dent variable. 11. Debriefthe subjectsby informingthem of the true purposeand reasonsfor the experiment Ask subjectswhat they thought wasoccurring' Debriefingis crucialwhen subjectshavebeen deceivedabout someaspectofthe experiment

data collectedand makecomparison 1 2. Examine betweendifferentgroups.Whereappropriate usestatisticsand graphsto determinewhether or not the hypothesisis supported'

the researcher are alternatives to the treatment for changein the dependent variable and undermine his or her attempt to establishcausality definitively.

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Experimentalresearchers use deceptionto control the experimentalsetting.Deceptionocg,urswhen the researcherintentionallymisleads subjectsthrough written or verbalinstructions, the actionsof others,or aspectsof the setting.It may involvethe useof confederates or stoogespeople who pretend to be other subjectsor bystandersbut who actually work for the researcherand deliberatelymislead subjects. Through deception,the researcher tries to control what the subjectsseeandhearandwhatthey believeis occurring.For example,a researcher's instructionsfalselylead subjectsto believethat they areparticipatingin a studyaboutgroup cooperation. In fact, the experiment is about male/femaleverbal interaction, and what subjectssayis being secretlytaperecorded.Deception lets the researchercontrol the subjects' definitionof the situation.It preventsthem from alteringtheir cross-sexverbalbehaviorbecause they are unawareof the true researchtopic. By focusingtheir attentionon a falsetopic, the researcherinduces the unaware subjectsto act "naturally." For realisticdeception,researchers may invent falsetreatmentsand dependentvariable measuresto keep subjectsunawareof the true ones.The useof deceptionin experiments raisesethicalissues(to be discussed). Types of Design Researchers combine parts of an experiment (e.g.,pretests,control groups)etc.)togetherinto an experimentaldesign.For example,somedesignslack pretests,somedo not havecontrol groups, and others have many experimental groups. Certain widely used standard designs havenames. You should learn the standarddesignsfor two reasons.First, in researchreports, regivethe nameof a standarddesigninsearchers steadof describingit. When readingreports,you will be ableto understandthe designof the experimentif you know the standarddesigns.Second, the standard designsillustrate common waysto combinedesignparts.You canusethem

E X P E R I M E N T AR L ESEARCH

ZOl

for experimentsyou conductor createyour own variations. The designsare illustrated with a simple exwantsto learnwhetherwait ample.A researcher receivemore in tips staff(waitersandwaitresses) if they first introduce themselvesby first name and return to ask "Is everythingfine?" 8 to l0 minutesafterdeliveringthe food.Thedependent variableis the sizeof the tip received.The study occursin two identicalrestaurantson different sidesof a town that havehad the sametypesof customersand averagethe sameamountin tips. ClassicalExperimental Design. All designsare variationsof the classicalexperimentaldesign,the type of designdiscussedso far, which has random assignment,a pretestand a posttest,an experimentalgroup,and a control group. Example. The experimenter gives 40 newly hired wait staff an identical two-hour training sessionand instructsthem to follow a script in which they are not to introduce themselvesby first nameand not to return during the mealto checkon the customers.Theyarenext randomly dividedinto two equalgroupsof 20 andsentto the two restaurantsto begin employrnent.The experimenterrecordsthe amount in tips for all subjectsfor one month (pretestscore).Next, the experimenter"retrains" the 20 subjectsat restaurantI (experimentalgroup). The experimenter instructsthem henceforthto introduce themselvesto customersby first name and to checkon the customers,asking,"Is everything fine?" 8 to 10 minutes after deliveringthe food (treatment).The group at restaurant2 (control group) is "retained"to continuewithout an introduction or checkingduring the meal. Over the secondmonth, the amount of tips for both groupsis recorded(posttestscore). PreexperimentalDesigns. Somedesignslack random assignmentand are compromisesor ateused shortcuts.Thesepreexperimental designs in situationswhereit is difficult to usethe classithat makeincal design.They haveweaknesses ferring a causalrelationshipmore difficult.

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One-ShotCaseStudyDesign. Also calledthe one-groupposttest-onlydesign,the one-shot casestudy designhas only one group' a treat' ment, and a posttest.Becausethere is only one group,thereis no random assignment' Example. Theexperimentertakesa groupof 40 newly hired wait staff and givesall a two-hour training sessionin which they are instructedto to customersby first name introducethemselves andto checkon the customers,asking,"Is everything fine?"8 to 10 minutesafter deliveringthe food (treatment).All subjectsbegin employment,and the experimenterrecordsthe amount in tips for all subjectsfor one month (posttest score). osttestD esign' This design One-GroupPretest-P has one group, a pretest,a treatment,and a posttest.It lacksa control group and randomassignment. Example. The experimentertakesa groupof 40 newly hired wait staff and givesall a two-hour training session.They areinstructedto follow a script in which they arenot to introducethemselvesby first nameand not to return during the meal to checkon the customers.All begin employment, and the experimenterrecordsthe amount in tips for all subjectsfor one month (pretest score).Next, the experimenter"retiains" all40 subjects(experimentalgroup).The experimenterinstructs the subjectshenceforth to introducethemselvesto customersby first nameand to checkon the customers,asking,"Is everythingfine?"8 to 10minutesafterdelivering the food (treatment).Over the secondmonth' the amountof tips is recorded(posttestscore). This is an improvementover the one-shot casestudy becausethe researchermeasuresthe dependentvariable both before and after the treatment.But it lacksa control group. The researchercannotknow whethersomethingother than the treatmentoccurredbetweenthe pretest and the posttestto causethe outcome.

Static Group Comparison. Also called the posttest-onlynonequivalentgroup design,static groupcomparlsorhastwo groups'a posttest,and treatment. It lacks random assignmentand a is that anyposttestoutcome pretest.A weakness groups,could be due to the between diff"re.tce prior to the experiment ingroup differences the treatment. steadof to Example. The experimentergives40 newly hired wait staff an identical two-hour training sessionand instructsthem to follow a script in which they are not to introduce themselvesby * first nameand not to return during the mealto checkon the customers.They canchooseone of the two restaurantsto work at, so long as each beginemrestaurantendsup with 20 people"rAll experimenter the month, one After ployment. nretrains"the 20 subjectsat restaurantI (experimental group). The experimenterinstructs to custhem henceforthto introducethemselves cuson the to check and name first tomersby 10 to 8 "Is fine?" everlthing tomers, asking, (treatment). food the delivering minutes after The group at restaurant2 (control group) is "retained" to continuewithout an introduction or checking during the meal. Over the second month, the amount of tips for both groups is recorded(posttestscore).

Quasi-Experimental anil Special Designs, Thesedesigns,like the classicaldesign,make identifying a causalrelationship more certain than do preexperimentaldesigns.Quasi-erperitestfor causalrehelp researchers mentaldesigns where the situations of variety lationshipsin a They inappropriate. or designis difficult classical the of variations are they arecalledquaslbecause ranhave Some design. classicalexperimental domization but lack a pretest,someuse more thantwo groups,and otherssubstitutemanyobservationsof one group over time for a control haslesscontrol group.In general,the researcher in the classithan variable overthe independent (see Table8.1)' caldesign

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T A Bt E 8 . 1

E X P E R I M E N T AR L ESEARCH

209

A Comparisonof the ClassicalExperimentalDesignwith Other Major Designs

Classical

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

One-ShotCaseStudy

No

No

Yes

No

Yes

One-GroupPretestPostest

No

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

StaticGroupComparison

No

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

Two-GroupPosttestOnly

Yes

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

TimeSeriesDesigns

No

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

Two-GroupPosttest-Only Design. This is identical to the static group comparison,with one exception:The groupsarerandomlyassigned. It has all the parts ofthe classicaldesignexcepta pretest.The random assignmentreducesthe chancethat the groupsdifferedbeforethe treatment,but without a pretest,a researcher cannot be ascertainthat the groupsbeganthe sameon the dependentvariable. In a study using a two-group posttest-only design with random assignment, Rind and Strohmetz(1999)examinedmessages about a upcoming speqialwritten on the back of customers'checls.The subjectswere8l dining partieseatingat an upscalerestaurantin New |ersey. The treatment was whether a female server wrote a message about an upcomingrestaurant specialon thebackofa checkandthe dependent variablewasthe sizeof tips. The serverwith two years'experience wasgivena randomlyshuffled stackof cards,half of which said No Message and half of which saidMessage.|ust beforeshe gayea customerhis or her check,sherandomly pulled a cardfrom her pocket.If it saidMessage, she wrote about an upcoming specialon the backof the customer'scheck.If it saidNo Message,she wrote nothing. The experimenters recordedthe amount of the tip and the number of peopleat the table.Theyinstructedthe server

to actthe sametoward all customers.The results showedthat higher tips camefrom customers who receivedthe messageabout upcoming specials. InterruptedTime Series. In an interruptedtime seriesdesign,a researcherusesone group and makesmultiple pretestmeasuresbeforeand after the treatment.For example,after remaining level for many years,in 1995,cigarettetaxes jumped 35 percent. Taxesremainedrelatively constantfor the next 10years.The hypothesisis in taxeslower cigaretteconsumpthat increases plots the rateofcigarettecontion. A researcher sumptionfor 1985through2005.Theresearcher notesthat cigaretteconsumptionwaslevelduring the 10 yearsprior to the new taxes,then droppedin 1995and stayedabout the samefor the next 10years. EquivalentTime Series. An equivalenttime seriesis anotherone-groupdesignthat extends over a time period. Insteadof one treatment,it hasa pretest,then a treatmentand posttest,then treatment and posttest,then treatment and posttest,and so on. For example,peoplewho drivemotorcycleswerenot requiredto wearhelmetsbefore1985,when a law waspassedrequiring helmets.In 1991, the law was repealed

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four groups. For example,a.mental health .orkei wuntsto determinewhethera newtraining method improvesclients'coping skills'The wJrker measurescopingskillswith a 20-minute test of reactionsto stressfulevents'Becausethe learn copingskillsfrom taking the clientsmight -a testitself, Solomonfour-group designis used' The mental health worker randomly divides clientsinto four goups. Two groupsreceivethe pretest; one of them gets the -new.training method and the other getsthe old method' Anothertwo groupsreceiveno pretes! oneofthem gets the new method and the other the old interestedin Latin SquareDesigns. Researchers irethod. All four groups are given the samer how severaltreatments given in different seposttestand the posttestresultsarecompared'If quencesor time orders affecta dependentvariih. t*o treatment (new method) groups have ubl..utt nt. aLatin squaredesignFor example,a similar results, and the two control (old junior high school geographyinstructor has method) grouPshave similar results,then the ihree units to teachstudents:map reading,using freimr worker knows'pretestlearningis a compass,and the longitude/latitude(LL) sys- mental not a problem. If the two groupswith a pretest tem. The units can be taught in any order' but (onetreatment,onecontrol) differ from the two the teacherwants to know which order most groupswithout a pretest,then the worker conhelpsstudentslearn. In one class,studentsfirst the pretestitself may have an effect learn to readmaps,then how to usea compass' it ra.t that on the dePendentvariable. then the LL system.In another class,using a the then reading, compasscomesfirst, then map FactorialDesigns' Sometimes,a researchquesLL system.In a third class,the instructor first iooking at the simultaneouseffects tion suggests teachesthe LL system,then compassusage,and than one independent variatrle' A endswith map reading.The teachergivestests of moii design lsestwo or more independent aftereachunit, and studentstakea comprehen- factorial 'variables in combination.Everycombinationof siveexam at the end of the term. The students the categoriesin variables (sometimescalled so the inwere randomly assignedto classes, variableconfactors)ii examined.When each structorcanseewhetherpresentingunits in one of combinanumber the categories, sequenceor another resulted in improved iains several or treatment The quickly. tions grows very learning. variable independent manipirlationis not each rathei, it is eachcombinationof the categories' may researcher SolomonFour-GroupDesign A The treatmentsin a factorial designca-nhave believethat the pretestmeasurehasan influence two kinds of effectson the dependentvariable on the treatment or dependent variable' A main effectsand interactioneffects'OnLymain pretestcan sometimessensitizesubjectsto the or single-treat fficts arepresentin one-factor ireatmentor improve their performanceon the ment designs.In a factorialdesign'specificcomposttest(seethe discussionof testing effectto can binationsof independentvariablecategories iome). Richard L. Solomon developedthe alsohavean effect.Theyarecalledinteraaionefissueof Solomon four-groupdesignto addressthe categoriesin a combination infectsbecaasethe pretesteifects.It iombines the classicalexperiproducean effectbeyondthat of each mentaldesignwith the two-groupposttest-only ieract to variablealone. designand iandomly assignssubjectsto one of

becauseof pressurefrom motorcycleclubs'The helmet la* was reinstatedin 2003' The reseatcher'shypothesisis that wearingprotective helmetsloweisthe numberof headinjury deaths in motorcycle accidents'The researcherplots headinjury deathratesin motorcycleaccidents over time. The ratewasvery high prior to 1985' droppedsharplybetween1985and 1991'then returnedto pie-1985levelsbetween1991and 2003, then dropped again from 2003 to the present.

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FlG U RE 8 .2 E E

E X P E R I M E N T AR L ESEARCH

2II

and Schema:InteractionEffect Blame,Resistance,

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Interaction ef[ectsare illustratedin Figure 8,2, which usesdata from a study by Ong and Ward (1999).As part of a study of 128female undergraduatesat the National University of Singapore,Ong and Ward measuredwhich of two major wayssubjectsunderstoodthe crime of rape. Someof the women primarily understoodit assexand dueto the malesexdrive (sex schema);others understoodit as primarily an act of male power and domination of a woman (powerschema).The researchers askedthe subjectsto reada realisticscenarioaboutthe rapeof a collegestudent at their university. One randomly selectedgroup ofsubjectsreada scenario in which the victim tried to fight offthe rapist.In the other set, shepassivelysubmitted.The renext askedthe subjectsto evaluatethe searchers degreeto which the rapevictim wasat blameor responsiblefor the rape. Resultsshowedthat the women who held the sexschema(andwho alsotendedto embrace traditionalistgenderrole beliefs)more strongly blamedthe victim when sheresisted.Blamedecreasedif shesubmitted.Thewomenwho held a power schema(and who alsotendedto be nontraditionalists)werelesslikely to blamethe victim if shefought. They blamedher more if she passivelysubmitted. Thus, the subjects' responsesto the victim's act of resistingthe attack variedby, or interactedwith, their understand-

ing of the crime of rape (i.e.,the rape schema found that heldby eachsubject).Theresearchers two rape schemascausedsubjectsto interpret yictim resistancein oppositewaysfor the purposeof assigningresponsibilityfor the crime. discussfactorial designin a Researchers shorthandway.A "two by threefactorialdesign" is written 2 x 3.It meansthat there are two in one and three treatments,with two categories X 3 X 3 design categoriesin the other. A 2 meansthat there are three independentvariables,one with two categoriesand two with threecategorieseach. The previouslydiscussedexperimentby Hawkes,Seen,and Thorn (2004) on tattoos amongcollegewomenuseda 3 x 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 factorialdesign.The firll study consideredfour independentvariables,onewith threecategories' the rest havingtwo categories,and it had three measuresof the dependentvariable.The dependent variable measuresincluded a Semantic Differentialmeasure(which containedthreedimensions). In addition, experimentershad subjectscompletea Neosexismmeasure(an 1litem, 5-point Likert Scalestatementssummed into an index) and a measureof Feminismand Women's Movement Support (a l0-item, 5point Likert Scalesummedinto an index). The experimentersmanipulated two independent variablesin the descriptionsofthe tattoo readby

2 12

P A RTT w o / c o N D U c rl N c QU AN rlrA Tl vER E S E A R cH

subjects: (i) whether the woman had no tattoo' a tattoo smaller than a Canadian $1 coin' or larger than a $1 coin; and (2) the tattoo's visiblity as always hidden versus always hidden. Two independent variableswere not manipulated but were preexisting characteristics of researcher subjects,(3) whether the subject him/herself had a tattoo or not, and ( ) the subject's gender' The study included263 subjects, I22 males and 146 females,of them 43 (or 16 percent) had a tattoo' The study results showed that subjects viewed college women without a tattoo more positivity and female subjects were more positive toward a college woman having a tattoo than male subiects. There was also a significant effect forvisibility, with more favorable attitudes for a nonvisible tattoo' Generally' subjects who had tattoos themselveswere more favorable toward the woman having a tattoo. Size of tattoo had little effect. Men and women with a tattoo were more favorable, regardless of tattoo size' while those without a tattoo were negative' In addition, gender made no difference toward size of tattoo. The experiment had many specific findings for each combination of the five independent variables. One specific finding was that iemale subjects who had a tattoo themselves were least likely to react negatively to alatget ta|too. Results from the attitude measures suggest that "the tattooed woman may be seenby some as flaunting her freedom from gender norms or asthreateningwomen's traditional place in society'' (Hawkes, Seen,and Thorn 2004:603).

Design Notation Experimentscan be designedin many ways' Designnotationis a shorthandsystemfor symbolizing the parts of experimentaldesign'Once you learn designnotation,you will find it easier to think about and comparedesigns.For exama comple5 p^araple, designnotation expresses graph-long description of the parts of, an ixperiment in five or six symbolsarrangedin twb Hnes.It usesthe following symbols:O = observationof dependentvariable;X = treat-

ment,independentvariable;R = randomassignment. The Os are numberedwith subscripts from left to right basedon time order. Pretests are 01, posttests02' When the independent variable has more than two levels,the Xs are numberedwith subscriptsto distinguishamong them. Symbolsare in time order from left to right. The R is first, followedby the pretest,the triatment, and then the posttest.Syrnbolsare arrangedin rows,with eachrow representinga group of subjects.For example,an experiment groupshas an R (if random assign-ith1ttt.. foilo*"d by threerows of Os and 1 ,tt.d;, is ment on top of eachother because are rows The Xs. and posttestoccur in treatment, pretests, the gtonp at about the sametime. Table 8'2 "u.h givesthe notation for many standard experimentaldesigns.

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INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL VALIDITY The Logic of Internal ValiditY Internal validifTmeansthe ability to eliminate alternativeexplanationsof the dependentvariable' Variables,other than the treatment' that affect the dependentvariablearethreatsto internalvaability to say lidity. Theythreatenthe researcher's factorprocausal true the was that the treatment Thus, variable' dependent the in ducing change variout rule is to validity internal of the logic excontrolling by treatment the than ablesother experimental through and conditions perimental Next,we examinemajorthreatsto interdesigns. nal validity. Threats to Internal ValiditY Thefollowingarenine commonthreatsto internalvalidity.l

SelectionBias. Selectionbiasis the threat that researchparticipantswill not form equivalent groups.It is a problem in designswithout ran-

CHAPTER8 , / E X P E R I M E N T A LR E S E A R C H

TABLE'8.2

213

SummaryofExperimental Designswith Notation

Classicalexperimental design

* r3

Preexperimenta I Designs

o o o o

One-shotcasestudy

o

One-grouppretest-posttest Staticgroup comparison

mentalDesigns Quasi-Experi Two-groupposttestonly Interruptedtime series

oo

o o o o x ooo

Equivalent time series

OX

O

Latinsquaredesigns

R

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X

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x-o

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Solomonfour-groupdesign

X Factorial designs

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dom assignment.It occurswhen subjectsin one experimentalgroup havea characteristic that affectsthe dependentvariable.For example,in an experimenton physicalaggressiveness, the treatment group unintentionally contains subjects who are football, rugby, and hockey players, whereasthe control group is madeup of musicians,chessplayers,and painters.Another exampleis an experimenton the ability of people

z1 22o

o

21 22o

o

to dodgeheavytraffic. All subjectsassignedto one group come from rural areas,and all subjectsin the other grewup in largecities.An examinationof pretestscoreshelpsa researcher detectthis threat,becauseno group differences areexpected. History. This is the threat that an eventunrelatedto the treatmentwill occur during the ex-

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effectsoccur' a researchercannot saythat the Derimentand influencethe dependentvariable' treatment alone has affected the dependent Hktory ,ltcttare more likelyin experimentsthat variable. continueover a long time period' For example' halfi,vaythrough a two-weekexperimentto "".u1Instrumentation. This threatis relatedto reliuate subjects'attitudes toward spacetrav.el'a ability. It occurswhen the instrumentor depen,pu.".ruh explodeson the launch pad, killing dent variable measure changes during the the astronauts.The history effectcan occur ln (see experiment.For example,in a weight-Iossexthe cigarettetax examplediscussedearlier periment,the springson the scaleweakenduring the discussionof interrupted time-seriesdethe e"p.ri-"ttt, gil ittg lower readingsin the sign). If a public antismokingcampaignor^rep""t.t,. Anotherixample might haveoccurred diced cigaietteadvertisingalsobeganin 1989'it (1987) in un e"p.rimentby BondandAnderson would b"ehard to saythat higher taxescaused ex- n The news' bad on the reluctanceto transmit lesssmoking. peranother tell perimentersaskedsubjectsto 'son resultsof an intelligencetest and varied the Maturation. This is the threat that somebioresultsto be eitherwell aboveor well betest the logical, psychological,or emotional process low average.The dependentvariable was the *iitrin the subjectsand separatefrom the treatlengthof time it took to tell the testtakerthe rement will changeovertime. Maturahon$ more were told that the session overlong time periods' ,olir. So-. subjects commonin e>rferiments was being videotaped.During the experiment' For example,during an experimenton reasontne viaeJequipmentfailedto work for one subing ability, subjectsbecomebored and sleepy iect. If it had iailed to work for more than one lower.Another exampleis *"d, u, a result,'score .subiector had worked for only part of the sesan experimenton the stylesof children'splaybesion, the experiment would have had instrutweengrades1 and 6. Playstylesare affectedby pioblems.(By the way,subjectstook physicil, emotional' and maturation changes -"rriutiott to deliverbad newsonly if they thought iong.. ',hu,o..o, asthe childrengrow older,insteadof the| were doing so publicly-that is' being or in addition to the effectsof a treatment'DevideotaPed') signswith a pretestand control group help re,elarchersdelermine whether maturation or Mortatity. Mortality, or attritiort, ariseswhen history effectsarepresent,becauseboth experithe ,o-. ,rr61..tsdo not continue throughout mental and control grouPswill show similar means experiment.Althoughthe wotd mortality changesovertime' meanthat subjects death,it doesnot necessarily havedied. Ifa subsetofsubjectsleavespartway itself Testing. Sometimes,the pretestme-asure through an experiment, a researchercannot affectsin experiment. This testingeffectthteatk ro*"*hether ihe resultswould havebeendifmorethan the treatensinternalvaliditybecause ferenthad the subjectsstayed'For example'a rement aloneaffectsthe dependentvariable'The searcherbeginsa weight-lossprogram with 50 Solomon four-group designhelps a researcher subjects.Atlhe end of the program' 30 remain' detecttestingeffects.For example,a researcher eacirof whom lost 5 poundswith no sideeffects eivesstudentsan examinationon the first dayof The 20 who left could havedifferedfrom the 30 Ilass.The courseis the treatment'He or shetests who stayed,changingthe results'-Maybethe learningby givingthe sameexamon the lastday and oronru- was effeclivefor those who left' of class.If subjectsrememberthe pretestquesp"tin"f *itnat"w after losing 25 pounds' 9: tions andthis affectswhat theylearned(i'e'' paid hapsthe programmadesubjectssickand forced attentionto) or how theyansweredquestionson shouldnotice and rethem to [uit' Researchers the posttest,a testingeffectis present'Iftesting

c HApr ER 8 , / E X p E R T M E N T ARLE S E A R c H

port the number of subjects in each group during pretests and posttests to detect this threat to internal validity. Statistical Regression, Statistical regressionis not easy to grasp intuitively. It is a problem of extreme values or a tendency for random errors to move group results toward the average.It can occur in two ways. One situation arises when subjects are unusual with regard to the dependent variable. Becausethey begin as unusual or extreme, subjects are unlikely to respond further in the same direction. For example, a researcherwants to see whether violent films make people act violently. He or she chooses a group of violent criminals from a high-securityprison, givesthem a pretest, shows violent films, then administers a posttest. To the researcher's shock, the prisoners are slightlyless violent after the film, whereasa control group of prisoners who did not seethe film are slightly more violent than before. Because the violent criminals began at an extreme, it is unlikely that a treatment could make them more violent; by random chance alone, they appear lessextreme when measured a second timi.2 . A second situation involves a problem with the measurement instrument. If many research participants score very high (at the ceiling) or very low (at the floor) on a variable, random chance alone will produce a changebetween the pretest and the posttest. For example, a researchergives 80 subjects a test, and 75 getperfect scores.He or she then gives a treatmenl to raise scores. Becauseso many subjects already had perfect scores,random errors will reduce the group averagebecausethose who got perfect scores can randomly move in only one direction-to get some answerswrong. An examination of scores on pretests will help researchers detect this threat to internal validity. Diffusion of Treatment or Contamination. Dffision of treatment is the threat that research participants in different groups will communicate with each other and learn about the other's

Zls

treatment. Researchers avoid it by isolating groupsor havingsubjectspromisenot to reveal anythingto otherswho will becomesubjects. For example,subjectsparticipatein a day-long experimenton a new way to memorizewords. During a break,treatment-groupsubjectstell thosein the control group aboutthe newwayto memorize,which control-groupsubjectsthen use.A researcherneedsoutsideinformation, suchaspostexperimentinterviews,with subiects to detectthis threat. ExperimenterExpectancy. Although it is not alwaysconsidereda traditional internal validity problem, the experimenter'sbehavior,too, can threatencausallogic.3A researcher maythreaten internal validiry not by purposefullyunethical behavior but by indirectly communicating experimenter expectancy to subjects.Researchers may be highly committedto the hypothesisand indirectly communicatedesiredfindings to the subjects.For example,a researcherstudiesthe effectsof memorizationtraining on student learningability, and also seesthe gradetranscriptsof subjects.The researcherbelievesthat studentswith highergradestend to do better at the training and will learn more. Through eye contact,tone ofvoice,pauses,and othernonver_ bal communication, the researcherunconsciouslytrains the studentswith higher grades more intensely;the researcher'snonverbalbe_ havior is the oppositefor studentswith lower grades. Here is a way to detectexperimenterex_ pectancy.A researcherhires assistantsand teachesthem experimentaltechniques.The as_ sistantstrain subjectsandtesttheir learningability. The researchergives the assistantsfake transcriptsand recordsshowingthat subjectsin onegroup arehonor studentsand the othersare failing,althoughin factthe subjectsareidentical. Experimenterexpectancyis presentif the fake honor students,asa group,do much betterthan the fakefailing students. The double-blindexperimenris designedto control researcher expectancy. In it, peoplewho

2 16

R E S E A R cH P A RTT w o / c o N D U c rl N c QU A N TITA TIvE

havedirect contactwith subjectsdo not know the detailsof the hypothesisor the treatment.It is doubleblind becauseboth the subjectsand thosein contactwith them areblind to detailsof the experiment(seeFigure8.3). For example,a wantsto seeif a new drug is effective. researcher Using pills of three colors-green, yellow, and pink-the researcherputs the new drug in the yellowpill, puts an old &ug in the pink one,and makesthe greenpill aplacebo-afalsetreatment that appearsto be real (e.g.,a sugarpill without who givethe pills anyphysicaleffects).Assistants and recordthe effectsdo not know which color

contains the new drug. Only another person who doesnot dealwith subjectsdirectly knows which coloredpill containsthe drug and it is he or shewho examinesthe results. External Validity and Field Experiments

Evenif an experimentereliminatesall concerns about internal validity, externalvalidity remains a potentialproblem.Externalvalidityis the ability to generalizeexperimentalfindingsto eYents and settingsoutsidethe experimentitself. If a *

or Ordinary,. An lllustrationof Single-Blind, Double-BlindExperiments: and Double-BlindExPeriments

Flc U RE 8. 3

ExPeriment Single-Blind

o

qfrq o0

o

7N fr fr fififrfifrfifrfrfr o o o o

SubiectsWho Are Blindto TrueHypothesis

o

q

Experimenter

P q

Double-BlindExPeriment

.o

o e o o

q Bq fr qfrq fififififrflfrfrm oo

SubjectsWho Are Blindto TrueHypothesis

R ELS E A R cH c H Ap rE R8 ,/ E X pE R TME N TA

study lacks externalvalidity, its findings hold true only in experiments,making them useless to both basicand appliedscience.

217

person encounters people who contradict the stereotype,especiallyifthe others are respected. They used both a laboratory experiment (with a two-group, posttest-only design) and a field exReactivity. Researchparticipantsmight react periment. Past studies focused on out-group stereot)?es, but the authors wanted to examine differentlyin an experimentthan they would in real life becausethey know they are in a study; the hypothesis for an in-group, women. In the laboratory experiment, experimenters randomly this is calledreactivity.The Hawthorneffict is a specifickind of reactivity.4The name comes assignedfemale subjects to view either (1) a set photographs and biographies of 16 famous from a seriesof experimentsby Elton Mayo at the Hawthorne,Illinois, plant of Westinghouse women leadersor (2) photos and descriptions of Electricduring the 1920sand 1930s.Researchers 16 flowers. The experimenters used deception and told subjects the study was about testing modified many aspectsof working conditions (e.g.,lighting, time for breaks,etc.) and meamemory. The dependent variable was attitudes and beliefs about women and was measured sured productivity. They discoveredthat prowith a implicit Association Test (IAT). The reductivity roseaftereachmodification,no matter what it was.This curiousresultoccurredbecause sults showed that subjects associatedgendered the workersdid not respondto the treatment first names (e.g.,|ohn vs. Emily) with leadership but to the additional attention they received or follower traits (e.g., assertive and sympafrom beingpart of the experimentand knowing thetic). A high IAT score indicated that a subthat they were being watched.Later research ject viewed women more than men as having questionedwhetherthis occurred,but the name leadership more than supportive traits. The reis used for an effect from the attention of researchers also used a scale on beliefs about A relatedeffectis the effectof some- women. They found support for the hypothesis searchers. that exposure to famous women in leadership thing new,which maywearoffover time. positions increased IAT scores,compared to exposure to neutral information about flowers. Fielil Experiments. Sofar, this chapterhasfoThe field experiment had a pretest and a posttest cusedon experimentsconductedunderthe controlled conditionsof a laboratory.Experiments but no random assignment. Subjectswere feare'alsoconductedin real-life or field settings males who attended two colleges in the same wherea researcherhaslesscontrol over the extown. One was a coeducational college and the perimental conditions.The amount of control other had all female students. Subjects were recruited from first-year classesat the beginning varieson a continuum.At one end is the highly controlled laboratory experiment,which takes of the academic year and completed the IAT placein a specialized measure, the beliefs about women scale, and a settingor laboratory at the which takes general campus questionnaire. The experioppositeendis thefield experimenr, placein the'field'-in naturalsettingssuchasa menters documented that the all-female college subwaycar, a liquor store,or a public sidewalk. had more females in administrative and faculty leadership positions. Pretest IAT scores were Subjectsin field experimentsare usuallyunawarethat they are involved in an experiment very similar, with subjects from coeducational college having slightly lower scores.This helped and react in a natural way. For example,rethe experimenters to check for possible selection searchers havehad a confederatefakea heartattack on a subwaycar to seehow the bystanders bias. Subjectswere contacted one year later and asked to complete the same measuresas prereact.5 sented in the posttest. Experimenters watched Dasguptaand Asgari (2004)testedthe hypothesisthat stereotypical very carefully for experimental mortality since a beliefsweakenwhen

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pA RTT w o ,/ c o N D U c rtN c QU A N Tl rA rl vER E S E A R cH

somestudentsstoppedattendingcollegeor did not completelater surveys.The IAT scoresfor subjectsat the coeducationalcollegedeclined (i.e.,theywerelesslikely to seefemalesashaving leadershiptraits), whereasthe IAT scoresfor subjectsat the all-female college greatly increased.In addition, the experimentersfound that the more femaleteachersa studenthad at eithercollege,the higherthe posttestIAT scores, the casefor math and sciandthis wasespecially encescourses.Thus,exposureto womenin leadership positions caused the IAT scores to increase,whereasthe absenceofsuch exposure' if anlthing, loweredthe scores. (2005)useda field Von Larr and colleagues experimentto test the well-knov,n contacthypothesisthat saysintergroup contact reduces racial-ethnic prejudice as people replacetheir stereotl?eswith personalexperience,although this happenssolong asthe contactinvolvespeople of equalstatuspursuingcommon goalsin a cooperativesettingand is approvedby authorities.In addition,informal contactin which people get to know about out-group membersas alsoreducesout-groupprejudice. acquaintances The experimenttook placeat UCLA, wherethe studentbody is very racially and ethnicallydiverse.Unlesstheypreselecta roommate,incoming studentsarerandomlyassignedroommates. About 20 percentof studentschoosea roommate and the rest are randomly assigned.The authorsmeasuredstudentbackgroundand attitudesamong nearly 3,800new incoming students using a panel design acrossfive time periods-before collegeentry (summer 1996) and during the spring of eachof the next four years(1997-2000)with surveys(20-minutetelephone interviews).The dependentvariablewas the students' racial-ethnic attitudes and included questions about roommates, other friends, interracial dating, multiculturalism, sgnbolic racism, and feelingsabout various racial-ethnic groups. Thesewere the experiment's pretestand multiple posttestmeasures. Experimenterswatchedvery carefullyfor exper-

imental mortality, sincesomestudentsstopped attendingcollege,leftcollegedormitories,or did not completethe later surveys.They testedthe hlpothesesthat studentswho wererandomlyassignedto live with an out-group member (the independentvariable)developedlessprejudicial attitudestoward membersof that out-group. They found that comparedto pretestrneasures' prejudicialattitudesdeclinedaspredictedby the contacthypothesiswith one exception.Apparently having an Asian American roommate worked in the opposite way and actually increasedprejudice,especiallyamong the White students. Experimentercontrol relatesto internaland externalvalidity. Laboratoryexper'imentstend to havegr eaterinternalvalidity but lower external validity; that is, they arelogicallytighter and Fieldexbettercontrolled,but lessgeneralizable. perimentstend to havegreaterexternalvalidity but lower internalvalidity;that is, they aremore but lesscontrolled.Quasi-experigeneralizable mental designsare common in field experiments.Table8.3 summarizesthreatsto internal andexternalvalidity.

TABTE 8.3

Maiorlnternaland External Validity Concerns

bias Selection History effect Maturation Testing Instrumentation mortality Experimental Statisticalregression Diffusionof treatment expectancy Experimenter

Hawthorneeffect

CHAPTER8 , / E X P E R I M E N T AR L ESEARCH

P R AC TICAL CO NS I DE RA T ION S Every research technique has informal tricks of the trade. These are pragmatic, commonsense ideasthat account for the difference between the successfulresearchprojects of an experienced researcher and the difficulties a novice researcherfaces.Three are discussedhere. Planning and Pilot-Tests

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of the situation affectedtheir behavior.Finalln he or shecan explainthe importanceof not revealing the true nature of the experiment to other potentialparticipants.

RESULTSOF EXPERIMENTAL RESEARCH:MAKING COMPARISONS

Comparisonis the key to all research.By carefully examiningthe resultsof experimentalresearch,a researcher canlearn a greatdealabout threats to internal validity, and whether the treatmenthasan impact on the dependentvariable. For example,in the Bond and Anderson (1987)experimenton deliveringbad news,discussedearlier,it took an averageof 89.6and73.I secondsto deliverfavorableversus72.5or 747.2 secondsto deliverunfavorabletestscoresin privateor public settings,respectively. A comparison showsthat deliveringbad newsin public takesthe longest,whereasgood newstakesa bit longerin private. A more complexillustration of such comparisonsis shownin Figure8.4on the resultsof a seriesof fiveweight-lossexperimentsusingthe classicalexperimentaldesign.In the example, Instructions to Subjects the 30 researchparticipantsin the experimental Most experimentsinvolvegivinginstructionsto group at Enrique'sSlim Clinic lost an averageof subjectsto set the stage.A researchershould 50 pounds,whereasthe 30 in the control group word instructions carefully and follow a predid not losea singlepound. Only one person pared script so that all subjectshear the same dropped out during the experiment.Susan's thing. This ensuresreliability. The instructions ScientificDiet Planhad equallydramaticresults, are also important in creatinga realisticcover but 11peoplein her experimentalgroupdropped storywhendeceptionis used. out. This suggests a problem with experimental mortality. Peoplein the experimentalgroup at Carl's Calorie Counterslost 8 pounds, comPostexperiment Interview paredto 2 poundsfor the control group,but the At the end of an experiment,the researcher control group and the experimentalgroup beshould interview subjects,for three reasons. gan with an averageof 31 pounds differencein First,ifdeceptionwasused,the researcher needs weight. This suggestsa problem with selection to debrieftheresearchparticipants,tellingthem bias.Natalie'sNutrition Centerhad no experithe true purposeof the experimentand answer- mentalmortality or selectionbiasproblems,but ing questions.Second,he or shecan learnwhat those in the experimentalgroup lost no more the subjectsthought and how their definitions weight than those in the control group. It apAII social research requires planning, and most quantitative researchersuse pilot-tests. During the planning phase of experimental research, a researcherthinks of alternative explanations or threats to internal validity and how to avoid them. The researcher also develops a neat and well-organized system for recording data. In addition, he or she devotes serious effort to pilottesting any apparatus (e.g., computers, video cameras,tape recorders, etc.) that will be used in the treatment situation, and he or she must train and pilot-test confederates.After the pilot-tests, the researchershould interview the pilot subjects to uncoyer aspectsof the experiment that need refinement. t'

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weight-Loss comparisonsof Results,classicalExperimentalDesign, Experiments

Experimental ControlgrouP

Enrique's SlimClinic Posttest Pretest 14o(2e) 1e0(30) 18e(30) lse (30)

Experimental Controlgroup

Susan'sScientific Diet Plan Posttest Pretest 141(1e) 1e0(30) 18e(28) 1se(30)

Experimental ControlgrouP

Carl'sCalorie Counters Posttest Pretest 1s2(2e) 150(30) 18e(2e) 1el (2e)

pears that the treatment was not effective' Fauhne'sPoundsOffalso avoidedselectionbias and experimentalmortality problems.Peoplein her experimentalgroup lost 32 pounds,but-so that did thosein the control group'This suggests

a "natural"experimentis possibledue Occasionally, changesor a governmentintervenpolicy public to are able to measure,partlcltion, and researchers pate,andlearnfromit andconducta fieldexperiment with high extemalvatidity.This occurredin New OrUntilthe mid-1990s, lawson selling leans,Llousiana. liquorto underagecustomerswerebarelyenforced in New Orleans.lf caught,the offendingliquor retailer met privatelywith the liquor commissionand paida smallfine.Enforcingliquorlawswaslow priorso only threeenity for stateand localgovernment, forcementofficersmonitored5,000 alcoholoutlets

N atal i e' s N utri ti on C enter Posttest Pretest Experimental ControlgrouP

Experimental ControlgrouP

1e0(30) 1e2(2e)

188(2e) 190(28)

Pauline's PoundsOff Posttest Pretest 1s8(30) leo (30)

1e1(2e)

lse (28)

the maturation, history, or diffirsion of treatment effectsmay haveoccurred.Thus,the treatment at Enrique'sSlim Ctinic appearsto be the mosteflectiveone.SeeBox 8.2for a practicalapplicationof comparingexperimentalresults'

in the New Orleansarea. When public officials and plannedto shiftenforcementpriorities,Scribne.r tohen (200.1) examinedits impact'They had several peoplewho clearlylookedunder 1 8 yearsold illegally attempt to purchasealcoholicbeverages age)at of years 2l least (the law requiredbeingat Nobetween outlets liquor i 43 randomlyselected perThe 0)' (Time 1 996 vember1 995 andJanuary centagewho couldbuy liquorillegallywasthefretest the rate of illegalsales,the ,rorin. After assessing the policeissuedcitationsto 5'l variable, dependent ofthe salesoutlets,the primaryindependentvaiab

CHAPTER8 , / E X P E R I M E N T AR L ESEARCH

or treatment.Aboutthe sametime,governmentofficialsinitiateda mediacampaignurgingbetter law compliance.Thereweretwoposttestmeasures, firstin

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Marchto April1 996 (Time1) andagainin November 1996 to January1997 (Tine 2), duringwhich the experimenters checkedthe 143 outlets.

DEPENDENT VARIABLE: PERCENTAGE WHO OBEYTHELAW

ir..l.i.t t&,1li a:,,n,:: Experimental (citation) Control (no citation) Total

6.7%

5 1%

29%

45

13j% 11.1%

3s %

17% 21%

98 143

The resultsallow us to comparerates of illegal sellingactivitybeforeand after citationsplusmedia campaign(ltretestand posttestmeasures)and to compareoutletsthat receivedcitations(experimental group)with thosethat did not receivecitationsand only hadmediaexposure(control group).We seethat the citationsand campaigndid not stop the illegal activity, but it had some effect. The impact was greateron outlets that experienceddirect punishment.In addition,by addinga laterfollow-up(Time 2), we see how the law-enforcement impactslowly decayedover time.As frequentlyhappensin a naturalexperiment, internalvalidityis threatened:First, the pretest measureshowsa differencein the two setsof outlets,with outletsthat receivedthe treatmentshowinghigherratesof illegalbehavior;this is potentialselection bias.Second,the mediacampaign occurredfor alloutlets,so the treatmentis reallya crtation plusthe mediacampaign. The authorsnoted that they hadintendedto comparethe NewOrleans areawith anotherareawith neitherthe medianor

A WO R D ON E T HI CS Ethical considerations are a significant issue in experimental researchbecauseexperimental researchis intrusive (i.e., it interferes). Treatments

40%

the citationcampaign, but were unableto do so. Sinceoutletsthat did not receivethe treatment(i.e., a citationfor lawviolation)probablylearnedaboutit from othersin the samebusiness, a formof diffusion of the treatmertcould be operating.Third, the researchers report that they beganwith I 55 outlets, but studiedonly 143 becauseI 2 outletswent out of business duringthe study.Theauthorsnotedthat none of the outlets that stoppedsellingalcohol closeddueto newlawenforcement, but ifthose outlets that receivedcitationshad more problemsand were more likelyto go out of business,it suggests experimental mortality.The experimentersdid not mentionany externaleventsin New Orleansthat happenedduringthe time of the study (e.g.,a publicizedeventsuchasunderagedrinkerdyingof alcohol poisoningfrom overdrinking).Researchers needto be awareof potentialexternaleventswhena study continuesfor a long time and considerpossible historyfficts.

may involve placingpeoplein contrived social settings and manipulating their feelings or behaviors.Dependentvariablesmay be what subjectssayor do. The amount and type of intrusion is limited by ethical standards.Re-

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searchersmust be very carefrrlif they placeresearchparticipantsin physicaldangeror in embarrassingor anxiety-inducingsituations'They must painstakinglymonitor eventsand control what occurs. Deception is common in social experiments, but it involves misleading or lying to subjects.Suchdishonestyis not condonedunconditionally and is acceptableonly as the meansto achievea goalthat cannotbe achieved otherwise.Evenfor a worthy goal,deceptioncan be usedonly with restrictions.The amount and qpe of deceptionshouldnot go beyondwhat is minimally necessaryand researchparticipants shouldbe debriefed.

CONCLUSION In this chapter,you learnedabout random assignmentand the methodsof experimentalresearch.Randomassignmentis an effectiveway to createtwo (or more) groups that can be treated as equivalentand hencecompared.In general,experimentalresearchprovidesprecise and relatively unambiguous evidence for a causalrelationship.It follows the positivistapproach,producesquantitativeresultsthat canbe analyzedwithstatistics,and is often usedin eval(seeBox 8.2). uationresearch alsoexaminedthe parts of an chapter This how they can be combinedto and experiment producedifferentexperimentaldesigns.In addition to the classicalexperimentaldesign' you and quasi-experlearnedaboutpreexperimental learned how to express You also imentaldesigns. notation. design them using You learnedthat internal validity-the internal logical rigor of an experiment-is a key ideain experimentalresearch.Threatsto internal validity arepossiblealternativeexplanations to the treatment.You alsolearnedabout external validity and how field experimentsmaximize externalvalidity. The realstrengthof experimentalresearchis its control and logical rigor in establishingevi-

dencefor causality.In general,experimentstend to be easierto replicate,lessexpensive,and less time consumingthan the other techniques.Experimental researchalso has limitations. First, somequestionscannot be addressedusing experimentalmethodsbecausecontrol and experimental manipulation are impossible.Another limitation is that experimentsusuallytestoneor a few hypothesesat a time. This fragments to qrnthesize knowledgeand makesit necessary External reports. resultsacrossmany research because problem potential validity is another nonrandom onsmall many experimentsrely samplesof collegestudents.b You learnedhow a carefulexaminationand comparisonof resultscan alertyou to potential problemsin researchdesign.Finally'you saw somepracticaland ethicalconsiderationsin experiments. In the next chapters,you will examineother researchtechniques.The logic ofthe nonexperimentalmethodsdiffersfrom that of,the experiment. Experimentersfocus narrowly on a few They usuallyhaveone or twoindehypotheses. pendentvariables,a singledependentvariable,a few small groups of subjects'and an independent variable that the researcherinduces. By contrast, other social researcherstest many hypothesesat once. For example' survey researchersmeasurealarge number of independent and dependentvariablesand use a larger numberof randomlysampledsubjects.Their independentvariablesareusuallypreexistingconditions in researchparticipants.

Key Ter m s classical experimental design control group debrief deception demand characteristics design notation diffrrsion of treatment double-blind experiment

C H A P TE R 8 ,/ E X P E R IME N TA R ELS E A R C H equivalent time series experimental design experimental group factorial design field e4periment Hawthorne effect historyeffects interaction effect interrupted time series laboratory e4periment Latin square design maturation mortality one-shot casestudy placebo posttest preexperimental designs pretest quasi-experimentaldesigns random assignment reactivity selection bias Solomon four-group design

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static group comparison treatment

Endnotes l. For additionaldiscussionsofthreats to internal validiry seeCook and Campbell(1979:51*68), Kercher(1992),Smith and Glass(1987),Spector (1981:24-27), and SulsandRosnow(19S8). 2. Thisexampleis borrowedfrom Mitchelland lol_ ley(1988:97). 3. Experimenterexpectancy is discussed in Aronson and Carlsmith(1968:66_7 0), Dooley( I 984:I 5l_ 153),andMitchelland)olley(1988:327_32il. 4. The Hawthorneeffectis describedin Roethlis_ bergerand Dickenson(1939),Frankeand Kaul (1978),and Lang(1992).Alsoseethe discussion in Cook and Campbell(1979:123_125) andDoo_ ley (1984:155-156). Gillespie(1988,l99t) dis_ cussedthe politicalcontextof the experiments. 5. SeePiliavinandassociates ( I 969). 6. SeeGraham( 1992)andSears ( 19g6).

NonreactiveResearchand SecondaryAnalYsis

lntroduction Nonreactive Measurement The Logicof NonreactiveResearch Observation or Unobtrusive Varietiesof Nonreactive and Documentation Recording Content AnalYsis What ls ContentAnalYsis? TopicsAppropriatefor ContentAnalysis and Coding Measurement Coding,ValiditY,and ReliabilitY Howto ConductContentAnalysisResearch lnferences Existing Statistics/Documents and Secondary Analysis AppropriateToPics SocialIndicators LocatingData Limitations lssuesof Inference and Theory Testing lnferencesfrom NonreactiveData EthicalConcerns Conclusion

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CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACT I V ER E S E A R C H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

INT RO DUCT I ON Experiments and survey research are both reactiye;that is, the people being studied are aware of that fact. The techniques in this chapter addressa limitation of reactive measures.You will learn about four researchtechnicues that are nonreactite;that is, the people being studied are not aware that they are part ofa researchproject. Nonreactive techniques are largelybased on positivist principles but are also used by interpretive and critical researchers. The first technique we will consider is lessa distinct technique than a loose collection of inventive nonreactive measures.It is followed by content analysis,which builds on the fundamentals of quantitative researchdesign and is a welldeveloped researchtechnique. Existing statistics and secondary analysis,the last two techniques, refer to the collection of already existing information from government documents or previous surveys. Researchersexamine the existing data in new ways to addressnew questions. A1though the data may have been reactive when first collected, a researcher can address new questions without reactive effects.

!{'{@

N O NRE A CT I V E ME AS U R EME N T

Z2S

during both daytime and nighttime. Obsen.ers noted whether the driver was male or femalel whether the driver was alone or with passengers; whether other trafific was present; and whether the car came to a complete stop, a slow stop, or no stop. Later, we will contrast this type of observation to a slightly different type used in field researcn. Varieties of Nonreactive or Unobtrusive Observation Nonreactive measures are varied, and researchershave been creative in inventing indirect ways to measure social behavior (see Box 9.1). Becausethe measureshave little in common except being nonreactive, they are best learned through examples. Some are erosion measuregwhere selectivewear is used as a measure, and some are accretionmeasuregwhere the measuresare depositsof somethingleft behind.I Researchershave examined family oortraits in different historical erasto seehow sender relations within the family are reflected in seating patterns. Urban anthropologists have examined the contents of garbagedumps to learn about life-styles from what is thrown away (e.g.,liquor bottles indicate level of alcohol consumpti;n). Based on garbage, people underreport their

The Logic of Nonreactive Research Nonreactive measurement begins when a researchernotices something that indicates a variable of interest. The critical thing about nonreactive or unobtrusiyemeasures(i.e., measures that are not obtrusive or intrusive) is that the people being studied are not aware of it but leave evidence oftheir social behavior or actions "naturally." The observant researcher infers from the evidenceto behavior or attitudes without disrupting the people being studied. Unnoticed observation is also a type of nonreactive measure. For example, McKelvie and Schamer (1988) unobtrusively observedwhether drivers stopped at stop signs. They made observations

Fosterand colleagues (l 99S) examined the tomb_ stonesin I 0 cemeteries in an areaof lllinoisfor the periodfrom 'l 830 to 'l 989. Thevretrieved dataon birthand deathdatesandgenderfrom over2,000 of the 2,028 burials.The researchers learnedthe areadifferedfrom somenationaltrends.Thevfound that conceptions hadtwo peaks(springandwinter), femalesaged'l 0 to 64 hada higherdeathratethan males,andyoungerpeopledied in latesummerbut olderpeoplein latewinter.

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Iiquor consumptionby 40 to 60 percent(Rathje havestudied andMurphy, 1992:7l). Researchers the listenlnghabitsof driversby checkingwhat stationstheir radiosare tuned to when carsare repaired.They havemeasuredinterestin different exhibitsby noting worn tiles on the floor in differentparts of a museum.They havestudied differencesin graffiti in maleversusfemalehigh schoolrestroomsto show genderdifferencesin themes.Somehaveexaminedhigh schoolyearbooks to comparethe high schoolactivitiesof

PhysicalTraces Erosion: Wear suggestsgreateruse. toys at a children's examines Example: A researcher day care that were purchasedat the sametime' Worn-outtoys suggestgreaterinterestby the children. of physicalevidencesugAccretion; Accumulation gestsbehavior. the brandsof aluexamines E arptet A researcher minumbeveragecans in trash or recyclingbins in male and femaledormitories.This indicatesthe brandsand typesofbeveragesfavoredby eachsex' Archives Running Records: Regularly produced public recordsmayrevealmuch. examinesmarriagerecords Example: A researcher for the brideand groom'sages.Regionaldifferences suggest that the preferencefor males marrying femalesis greater in certainareasof the y*g", country. OtherRecords: lrregularor privaterecordscan reveala lot.

thosewho had psychologicalproblemsin latter Iife versusthosJwho did not. (AlsoseeBox 9'2') Recording and Documentation Creatingnonreactivemeasuresfollowsthe logic of quaniitativemeasurement.A researcherfirst a construct,then links the conconceptualizes structlo nonreactiveempiricalevidence,which is its measure.The operationaldefinition of the variableincludeshow the researchersystematicallynotesand recordsobservations'

findsthe numberof reamsof Example: A researcher .l by a collegedean'sofficefor 0 years paperpurchased whenstudentenrollmentwasstable'A sizableincrease paperworkhasincreased' suggeststhat bureaucratic Observation Appearance: How peopleapPearmayindiExtemal cate socialfactors. Example: A researcherwatchesstudents to see whetherthey are more likelyto weartheir school's colorsandsymbolsafterthe schoolteamwonor lost' CountBehaviors: Countinghow many peopledo somethingcanbe informative. countsthe numberof men Example: A researcher to and womenwho come a full stop and those who cometo a rollingstop at a stop sign'This suggests genderdifferencein drivingbehavior' TimeDuration: How long peopletake to do things mayindicatetheir attention. how longmenand measures Exinple: A researcher of a nudeman painting the womenpausein front of TimemaY woman' a nude of painting andin front of a or crossin same interest or indicateembarrassment sex. each bY sexnudity

CHAPTE R9 , / NO NREACTI VERESEAR C H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

Becausenonreactivemeasuresindicate a constructindirectly,the researcher needsto rule out reasonsfor the observationother than the constructof interest.For example,a researcher wantsto measurecustomerwalking traffic in a store.The researcher's measureis dirt and wear on floor tiles. He or shefirst clarifieswhat the customertraffic means(e.g.,Is the floor a path to anotherdepartment?Doesit indicatea good locationfor a visualdisplay?)Next,he or shJsystematicallymeasuresdirt or wear on the tiles. comparesit to that in other locations,and recordsresultson a regularbasis(e.g.,every month). Finally,the researcherrules out other reasonsfor the observations(e.g.,the floor tile is of lower quality and wearsfaster,or the location is nearan outsideentrance).

CONTENT ANATYSIS What ls Content Analysis? Content analysisis a techniquefor gatheringand analyzingthecontentof text. The contentlefers to words, meanings,pictures,symbols,ideas, themes,or any message that can be communi_ cated. The text is anything written, visual, or spokenthat servesasa medium for communica_ tion. It includesbooks,newspaperandmagazine articles;advertisements, speeches, official documents,films andvideotapes, musicallyrics,pho_ tographs,articlesof clothing,and works of art. The content analysisresearcherusesobjective and systematiccountingand recordingproceduresto producea quantitativedescriptionof the symboliccontent in a text.2There are also qualitative or interpretive versionsof content analysis,but in this chapterthe emphasisis on quantitativedataabouta text'scontent. Contentanalysisis nonreactivebecausethe processof placingwords, messages, or syrnbols in a text to communicateto a readeror receiver occurswithout influencefrom the researcher who anallzesits content.For example,I, asau-

227

thor of this book, wrote words and drew dia_ gramsto communicateresearchmethodscon_ tent to you, the student.The way the book was written and the way you readit arewithout any knowledgeor intention of its everbeingcontent analyzed. Contentanalysisletsa researcher revealthe content (i.e., messages, meanings,etc.) in a sourceof communication (i.e., a book, article, movie, etc.). It lets him or her probe into and discoyercontentin a differentway from the or_ dinaryway of readinga book or watchinga tele_ vrsronprogram. With content analysis,a researchercan comparecontentacrossmany textsand analyze it with quantitativetechniques(e.g.,chartsand tables).In addition, he or shecanievealaspects of the text's contentthat aredifficult to see.l.or example,you might watch televisioncommer_ cialsand feel that non-Whites rurely appearin commercialsfor expensiv. .orrsrrm", goods (e.g.,luxury cars,furs, jewelry perfumefetc.). Content analysiscan document-in obiective. quantitativeterms-whether your vaguefeel_ ings basedon unsystematicobservaiionare true. It yields repeatable,preciseresultsabout the text. Content analysis involves random sam_ pling,precisemeasurement, andoperational -Coding de_ finitions for abstractconstructs. turns aspectsof content that representvariablis into numbers. After a content analysisresearcher gathersthe data,he or sheanalyzesthem with statisticsin the sameway that an experimenter or surveyresearcher would. Topics Appropriate for Content Analysis Researchers haveusedcontentanalysisfor many purposes:to studythemesin popular songsand religioussymbolsin hgnns, trendsin theiopics that newspaperscoverand the ideologicaltone of newspapereditorials,sex-rolestereltypesin textbooksor featurefilms, how often peopleof

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differentracesappearin televisioncommercials and programs,answersto open-endedsurvey questions,enemypropagandaduring wartime, the coversof popular magazines,personality from suicidenotes,themesin adcharacteristics genderdifferencesin conververtisingmessages, sations,and so on. make on that researchers Generalizations the basisof content analysisare limited to the cultural communicationitself.Content analysis cannot determinethe truthfulnessof an assertion or evaluatethe aestheticqualitiesof literature. It revealsthe content in text but cannot interpretthe content'ssignificance.Researchers shouldexaminethe text directly. Content analysisis usefulfor threetypesof researchproblems.First, it is helpfirl for problems involving a large volume of text. A researchercanmeasurelargeamountsof text (e.g., yearsof newspaperarticles)with samplingand multiple coders.Second,it is helpful when a topic must be studied"at a distance."For example,contentanalysiscanbe usedto studyhistorical documents,the writings of someonewho in a hostileforeigncounhasdied,or broadcasts try. Finally,contentanalysiscanrevealmessages in a text that are difficult to seewith casualobservation.The creatorof the text or thosewho readit may not be awareof all its themes,biases, or characteristics.For example,authors of preschoolpicture books may not consciously intend to portray childrenin traditional stereotyped sexroles,but a high degreeofsex stereotyping has been revealed through content analysis.3 Measurement and Coding General Issues. Carefirl measurementis crucial in content analysisbecausea researcher convertsdiffrrseand murky symboliccommunication into precise,objective,quantitativedata. He or shecarefullydesignsand documentsproceduresfor codingto makereplicationpossible. The researcheroperationalizesconstructsin content analysiswith a coding system.A coding

systemis a setof instructionsor ruleson how to observeand recordcontentfrom systematically tailorsit to the specifictype of text.A researcher text or communicationmedium being studied (e.g.,televisiondrama,novels,photosin magaetc.). The coding system zine advertisements, unit of analysis. alsodependson the researcher's For example,in the studyby Lauzenand Dozier in the most poprr(2005)on genderstereotFpes lar U.S.films in 2002 (discussedin Chapter4), the authorsdevelopeda codingsystembasedon prior studiesof prime-timetelevisionshowsand film. Units. The unit of analysiscanvarya greatdeal in contentanalysis.It canbe a word, a phrase,a theme,a plot, a newspaperarticle, a character, and so forth. In additionto units of analysis,reuseotherunits in contentanalysisthat searchers may or may not be the sameasunits of analysis: recordingunits, contextunits, and enumeration amongthem,and units.Therearefewdifferences they are easilyconfused,but eachhaga distinct role.In simpleprojects,all threearethe same.

What Is Measured? Measurementin content systematic, analysisusesstructuredobservation: carefirlobservationbasedon written rules.The rules explain how to categoize and classifyobservations.As with other measurement,categories should be mutually exclusive and exhaustive.Written rulesmakereplicationpossible and improve reliability. Although researchersbegin with preliminary coding rules, they often conducta pilot studyand refinecoding on the basisof it. Codingsystemsidentifr four characteristics of text content: frequency,direction; intensity, from oneto all measures and space.A researcher in a contentanalysisresearch four characteristics project. Frequency. Frequencysimply meanscounting whether or not somethingoccursand, if it occurs,how often.For example,how many elderly peopleappearon a televisionprogramwithin a

CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACTI VERESEARC H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

given week? What percentage of all characters are they, or in what percentage of programs do they appear? Direction. Direction is noting the direction of messagesin the content along some continuum (e.g., positive or negative, supporting or opposed). For example, a researcherdevisesa list of ways an elderly television character can act. Some are positive (e.g., friendly, wise, considerate) and some are negative (e.g., nasty, dull, selfish). Intensity. Intensity is the strength or power of a messagein a direction. For example, the characteristic of forgetfulness can be minor (e.g., not remembering to take your keys when leaving home, taking time to recall the name of someone you have not seen in years) or major (e.g., not remembering your name, not recognizing your children). Space. A researchercan record the sizeof a text messageor the amount of spaceor volume allocated to it. Spacein written text is measured by counting words, sentences,paragraphs, or space on a page (e.g.,squareinches).For video or audio text, space can be measured by the amount of time allocated. For example, a TV character may be present for a few secondsor continuously in every sceneof a two-hour program. Coding, Validity, and Reliability Manifest Coiling. Coding the visible, surface content in a text is calTedmanifestcoding. For example, a researchercounts the number of times a phrase or word (e.g., red) appears in written text, or whether,a specific action (e.g.,a kiss) appears in a photograph or yideo scene.The coaing system lists terms or actions that are then located in text. A researchercan use a computer program to search for words or phrases in text and have a computer do the counting work. To do this, he or shelearns about the computer program, develops a comprehensive list of relevant

229

words or phrases, and puts the text into a form that computers can read.4 Manifest coding is highly reliable because the phrase or word either is or is not present. Unfortunately, manifest coding does not take the connotations of words or phrases into account. The same word can take on different meanings depending on the context. The possibilitythat there are multiple meanings of aword limits the measurement validity of manifest coding. For example, I read a book with a red cover that is a real red herring. Unfortunately, its publisher drowned in red ink because the editor could not deal with the redtapethatoccurs when a book is redhot. The book has a story about a red fire truckthat stops at redlights only after the leavesturn red.Thereis also a group of Redswho carry red flags to the little red schoolhouse. They are opposed by red-blooded redneckswho eatred meat and honor the red, white, and blue. The main character is a red-nosed matador who fights redfoxes,not bulls, with his redcape. Red-lipped little Red Riding Hood is also in the book. She develops red eyesand becomes red-faced. after eating a lot of redpeppets in the redhghtdistrict. She is given a redbackside by her angry mother, aredhead. In the study of gender stereot)?es in films in 2002, Lauzen and Dozier (2005) largely used manifest coding. Coders coded eachcharacter in a film as male or female, the estimated age of each character in one of7 categories,the occupation ofeach character, and whether a character was formally appointed to provide guidance or direction in a group or informally emgered in su-cha function. Latent Coiling. A researcher asing latent coding (also called semantic analysis) looks for the underlying, implicit meaning in the content of a text. For example, a researcher reads an entire paragraph and decideswhether it contains erotic themes or a romantic mood. The researcher's coding system has general rules to guide his or her interpretation of the text and for determin-

2 3O

pA RTT wo / c o N D U c rtN G e u A N T trA TtvER E S E A R cH

ing whether particular themesor moods are present. Latent codingtendsto be lessreliablethan manifestcoding.It dependson a coder'sknowledgeof languageand socialmeaning.sTraining, practice,and written rules improve reliabiliry but still it is difficult to consistentlyidentify themes,moods,and the like. Yet, the validity of latentcodingcanexceedthat of manifestcoding becausepeoplecommunicatemeaningin many implicit waysthat dependon context,not just in specificwords. A researchercan useboth manifestand Iatent coding.Ifthe two approachesagree,the final result is strengthened;if they disagree,the researchermay want to reexaminethe operational and theoreticaldefinitions. IntercoderReliability. Content analysisoften involvescoding information from a very large number of units. A researchproject might involveobservingthe contentin dozensof books, hundredsof hours of televisionprogramming, or thousandsof newspaperarticles.In addition to coding the information personally,a researchermayhire assistants to helpwith the coding. He or sheteachescodersthe codingsystem and trains them to fill out a recordingsheet. Codersshouldunderstandthe variables,follow the codingsystem,and askabout ambiguities.A researcher recordsall decisionshe or shemakes about how to treat a new specificcoding situation after codingbeginsso that he or shecanbe consistent. A researcherwho usesseveralcodersmust alwayscheckfor consistencyacrosscoders.He or she doesthis by askingcodersto codethe sametext independentlyand then checkingfor consistenryacrosscoders.The researchermeasuresintercoderreliabilitywith a statisticalcoefficientthat tellsthe degreeof consistencyamong coders.The coefficientis alwaysreportedwith Thereare the resultsofcontent analysisresearch. severalintercoderreliabilitymeasures that range from 0 to 1, with 1.0 signifying perfect agreement among coders.An interreliability coeffi-

cent of.80 or better is generallyrequired,alfor exploratoryrethough.70maybe acceptable search.When the codingprocessstretchesovera considerabletime period (e.g.,more than three alsochecksreliabilityby months),the researcher having eachcoderindependentlycodesamples of text that were previouslycoded.He or she then checksto seelghetherthe codingis stableor changing.For example,six hours of television episodesare codedin April and codedagainin )uly without the coderslooking at their original codingdecisions.Largedeviationsin codingneretrainingand codingthe text a second cessitate time. In the studyof the 100most popularU.S. films of 2002byLauzenandDozier(2005),three graduatestudentsworked ascoders.During an initial training period they studied the coding systemandvariabledefinitions.Next,the coders practicedby codingindependentof.oneanother severalfilms that were not in the study then comparingand discussingresults.For codingof study films, 10 percentof all films were double codedto calculateintercoderreliability measures.Intercorderreliability measureswere calculatedfor eachvariable.For the genderof the major characterin the film it was.99,for occupation of the chactersit was.91,and for the age of charactersit was.88.

ContentAnnlysiswithVisual Material. Using content analysisto study visual "text," such as photographs, paintings, statues, buildings, clothing,andvideosand film, is difficult. It comor emotionalcontent indimunicatesmessages rectlythrough images,qrnbols, and metaphors Moreover,visual imagesoften contain mixed at multiple levelsof meaning. messages To conductcontent analysison visualtext, the researchermust "read" the meaning(s within visualtext. He or shemust interpretsigns and discoverthe meaningsattachedto syrnbolic images.Such"reading" is not mechanical(i.e., imageX alwaysmeansG); it dependsheavilyon the cultural contextbecausethe meaningof an imageis culturebound. For example,a red light

CHA P T ER 9 / N ON R EA C T IVREES EA R CAHN D S E C ON D A RAYN A LY S IS does not inevitablymean "stop"; it means "stop" onlyln cultures where people have given it that meaning. People construct cultural meanings that they attach to syrnbolic images, and the meanings can changeover time. Some meanings are clearer and more firmly attached to s).rnbols and imagesthan others. Most people share a common meaning for key symbols of the dominant culture, but some people mayread a qnnbol differently. For example, one group of people may "read" a national flag to mean patriotism, duty to nation, and honor of tradition. For others, the same flag evokes fear, and they read it to indicate government oppression, abuse of power, and military aggressio4.A researcherpursuing the content analysisof imagesneedsto be aware of divergent readings of symbols for people in different situations or who may have diverse beliefs and experiences. Sociopolitical groups may invent or construct new symbols with attached meanings (e.g., a pink triangle came to mean gay pride). They may wrestle for control of the meaning of major existing symbols. For example, some people want to assigna Christian religious meaning to the Christmas tree; others want it to represent a celebration of tradition and familyvalues without specific religious conten| others seeits origins as an anti-Christian pagan symbol; and still others want it to mean a festive holiday season for commercial reasons. Becauseimages have symbolic content with complex, multilayer meaning, researchersoften combine qualitative judgments about the images with quantitative data in content analysis. For example, Chavez (2001) conducted a content analysisof the coversof major U.S. magazines that dealt with the issue of immigration into the United States.Looking at the covers of 10 magazinesfrom the mid-1970s to the mid1990s,he classified the covers as having one of three major messages:affirmative, alarmist, or neutral or balanced. Beyond his classification and identifring trends in messages,he noted how the mix of people (i.e., race, gender, age,

23I

and dress) in the photographs and the recurrent use of major syrnbols, such as the Statute of Libefty or the U.S. flag, communicated messages. Chavez argued that magazine covers are a site, or location, where cultural meaning is created. Visual images on magazine covers have multiple levels of meaning, and viewers construct specific meanings as they read the image and use their cultural knowledge. Collectively, the covers convey a worldview and expressmessagesabout a nation and its people. For example, a magazine cover that displayed the icon of the Statute of Liberty as strong and full of compassion (message:welcome immigrants) was altered to have strong Asian facial features (message: Asian immigrants distorted the national culture and altered the nation's racial make-up), or holding a large stop sign (message:go away immigrants). Chavez (2001: a$ observedthat "images on magazines both refer to, and in the process,help to structure and construct contemporary'American' identity." (SeeBox 9.3 for another content analysisexample.)

How to Conduct Content Analysis Research QuestionFormulntion As in most research, content analysisresearchers begin with a researchquestion.When the questioninvolves variablesthat are messages or syrnbols,content analysismay be appropriate.For example,I want to study how newspapers covera political campaign.My construct"coverage"includesthe amountof coverage, the prominenceof the coverage,and whetherthe coveragefavorsone candidateoveranother.I could surveypeopleabout what theythink of the newspapercoverage, but a better strategyis to examinethe newspapers directlyusingcontentanalysis. Units of Analysis. A researcher decideson the units of analysis(i.e.,the amount of text that is assigneda code).For example,for a political campaign,eachissue(or day) of a newspaperis the unit of analysis.

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Two studiesthat examinedrace-ethnicityand advertisingin the UnitedStatesillustratehow content analysisis conducted.Mastro and Stern (2003) wantedto seewhethertelevisionadvertisingrepresents major racial-ethnicgroups proportionateto their presencein U.S.society.Theyexamined a oneweek randomsampleof prime-timetelevisionprogrammingfor sixU.S.televisionnetworks(ABC,CBs, NBC,Fox,UPN,and WB) drawnfrom a three-week periodin February2001. Primetime was Monday .l throughSaturday8:00 p.v.to 1:00 p.v.ESTand Sunday7:OO-11:00 e.r'a. Fourundergraduate studentsweretrainedascoders.Theyusedtwo unitsof analysis: a commercial (excluding localcommercials, politicaladvertisements, and trailersfor upcoming programs)and the first three speakingcharactersin a commercial. Variables includedproducttype based on a 3O-productcodingscheme,setting(e.g.,work, outdoors),relationto product (e.g.,endorse,use, neitheror both), job authority,familystatus,social authority,sexualgazing,andaffectivestate(e.g.,cry, showanger,laugh).Other variables includedrespect shownfor a character,character's age,and affability (friendlyor hostile).The study coded 2,880 commercialswith 2,3 1 5 speakingcharacters, among whom2,290 had a race-ethnicityidentified.Data analysis foundthat AfricanAmericancharacters were most often shownadvertisingfinancialservices(1 9 percent)or food (.17 percent),Asianswereassociated with technologyproducts (30 percent),and Latinoswere shownsellingsoap (40 percent).In general,Whiteswereslightlyoverrepresented, Blacks equallyrepresented, but Asians,Latinos,and Native Americans underrepresented. For example, Latinos .l are l2 percentof the populationbut had percent of speakingparts, and were usuallyscantlyclad young peoplewith noticeableaccents.The authors saidthat AfricanAmericans in appearin commercials a way that approximates their proportionin the UnitedStates,but other racialminoritiesare underrepresented or limitedto specificproducts.

In anotherstudy,Mastroand Atkin (2002) examinedwhetheralcohol advertisingto promote brandsand makedrinkingappearglamorousinfluencedhigh schoolstudentswho are too young to drink legally.They lookedat alcoholsignsand billboardsin a Mexican-American Chicagoneighbor hood.Theyfirst photographed alloutdoorbillboard and signsconcerning alcoholin the neighborhoo overa two-dayperiodin March'l 999. After a period ofcodertraining,two femalegraduatestudentscontent-analyzed the photographs, codingthe following variables:product type, product name,numberof humanmodels,and the race,age,genderof each model.More subjective-latent aspectsof models codedincludedattractiveness, sexiness, stylishnes friendliness, andactivitylevel.In addition,placemen of productsand colorsin the billboardwerecoded. Codersalso classifiedan overalltheme of the billboard as romance,individuality,relaxation,sports, adventure, or tradition.Next,a questionnaire wasdevelopedfor studentsat a high schoolin the neighborhoodwhere89 percentof the studentswere MexicanAmerican.Studentsin grades1 0, 1 1, and .l 2 wereaskedto volunteerto completethe survey .l acrossa three-dayperiod and 23 completedit. Questionnaireitems askedabout attention, exposure,recall,and brandexposureto the outdoorsigns andbillboards aswellasdrinkingintention,approva of underagedrinking,and pro-drinkingbeliefs.Resultsshowedthat a student'srecallof billboardimagesdid not affect his or her drinkingattitudes However,brandexposureand acceptingthe themes in the billboardswere associatedwith greaterapprovalof underagedrinking.The generalimpacton the studentswas presentbut not strong.The arrthors suggestedthat the weakimpactwas because there werefew MexicanAmericanmodelsand the modelswere older.Also,surveymeasuresof family beliefssuggestedthat the influenceofthe student's familyandculturemayhaveweakened the billboard's impacton pro-drinkingattitudes.

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oftenuserandomsamSampling. Researchers pling in content analysis.First, they define the population and the samplingelement.For example,the population might be all words, all or all articlesin certain sentences, all paragraphs, typesof documentsovera specifiedtime period. Likewise.it could includeeachconversation,situation,scene,or episodeofcertaintypesoftelevision programsover a specifiedtime period. For example,I want to know how women and minorities are portrayed in U.S. weekly newsmagazines. My unit of analysisis the article.My population includesall articlespublishedin Time, Newsweek,and U.S.Newsand World Reportbetween1985and 2005.I firstverifrthat the three magazineswere publishedin thoseyears and definepreciselywhat is meantby an "article." For instance,do film reviewscount asartifor cles?Is therea minimum size(two sentences) as one counted Is multipart article an article? a or two articles? Second,I examinethe threemagazinesand find that the averageissueof eachcontains45 articlesand that the magazinesarepublished52 weeksper year.With a 2}-yeartime frame,my population containsover 140,000articles(3 X My samplingframeis 45 x 52 X 20 = 140,400). I decideon the samNext, a list of all the articles. looking at my budget ple sizeand design.After sizeto limit the sample and time, I decideto is 1 perratio 1,400articles.Thus,the sampling I sysdesign. avoid cent.I alsochoosea sampling issues are rnagazrne tematic samplingbecause calendar to the published cyclicallyaccording (e.g.,an intervalofevery52ndissueresultsin the issuesfrom each sameweekeachyear).Because I use stratified sammagazineare important, I,40013= sampling pling. I stratif'by magazine, that arto ensure 467 articlesfrom each.I want years, so I also 20 ticlesrepresenteachof the 23 articles in about stratifyby year.This results per magazineper year. Finally, I draw the random sampleusing a random-numbertableto select23 numbersfor the 23 samplearticlesfor eachmagazineforeach year.I developa samplingframe worksheetto

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keep track of my sampling procedure. SeeTable 9.1 for a sampling frame worksheet in which 1,398sample articles are randomlyselected from 140,40I articles. Variables and Constructing Coding Categories. In my example, I am interested in the construct of an African American or Hispanic American woman portrayed in a significant leadership role. I must define "significant leadership role" in operational terms and express it as written rules for classifring people named in an article. For example, if an article discussesthe achievements of someone who is now dead, does the dead person have a significant role? What is a significant role-a local Girl Scout leader or a corporate president? I must also determine the race and sex of people named in the articles. What if the race and sex are not evident in the text or accompanyingphotographs? Howdo I decide on the person's raceand sex? BecauseI am interested in positive leadership roles, my measure indicates whether the role was positive or negative. I can do this with either latent or manifest coding. With manifest coding, I create a list ofadjectives and phrases.If someone in a sampled article is referred to with one of the adjectives, then the direction is decided. For example, the terms brilliant and top performer arepositive, whereas drugkingpin and uninspired are negative. For latent coding, I create rules to guide judgments. For example, I classify stories about a diplomat resolving a difRcult world crisis, abusiness executiveunable to make a firm profitable, or a lawyer winning a caseinto positive or negative terms. (Relevant questions for coding each article are in Box 9.4.) In addition to written rules for coding decisions, a content analysis researcher creates a recordingsheef(also called a codingform or tally sheet)on which to record information (seeBox 9.5). Each unit should have a separaterecording sheet.The sheetsdo not have to be piecesofpaper; they can be 3" x 5'' or 4'' X 6" file cards, or lines in a computer record or file. When a lot

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TABLE 9.1

Time Time Time

ExcerptfromSamplingFrameWorksheet

1-7,1985 January

pP.2-3 p. 4, bottom p. 4, top

000001 000002 000003

No No Yes- 1

p p .2-5 p. 5, right c o l u mn p . 6 ,l eft column p .7

002101 002102

Y es-l 0 No

002103

No

002't04

No

pp.4-5 p.5,bottom p. 5, top pP.1-2 p.3

002201 oo2202 oo2203 0 10 0 3 0 0 10 0 3 r

Yes-22 No Y es-23 No Yes- l

0467

p .6 2

1 40401

Y es-23

1389

0001

a a a

Time Time

March'f -7,zOOs

Time Tine

0454

o a a

Time Time Time Newsweek Newsweek

De c e mb e2r4 -3 1 , 2 0 0 5

1 -7 ,1 9 8 5 J a n u a ry

0468 0469

a a a

U.5. News

De c e mb e2r5 -3 1 , 2 0 0 5

*"Yes" meansthe numberwaschosenfrom a randomnumbertable.The numberafterthe dashis a countofthe numberof articlesselectedfor a year.

Mqgazine

of the article.What is the magaCharacteristics zine?What is the date of the article?How large is the article?What was its topic area?Where did it appearin the issue?Were photographs used? 2. Peoplein thearticle.How manypeopleare named in the article?Of these,howmanyaresignificant in the article?What is the raceand sexof each personnamed?

roles.For each significantpersonin 3. Leadership

roles? the article,whichoneshaveleadership What is the field of leadershipor professionof the person? 4. Positiveor negativeroles.For each leadershipor role, rate how positivelyor negaprofessional tivelylt is shown.Forexample,5 : highlypositive,4 = positive,3 : neutral,2 : negative,1 = highlynegative,0 = ambiguous.

CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACTI V ER E S E A R C H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

235

Blank Example ProfessorNeuman,SociologyDepartment

Coder:

Minority/MajorityCroup Representation project in Newsmagazines ARTICLE #_

MACAZTNE:

DATE:

SIZE:_

col.in.

Totalnumberof peoplenamed_

Numberof Photos

No. peoplewith significant roles:_

ArticleTopic:

Person_: Person_: Person_:

Race:_

Cender:_ Gender:_ Cender:_

Race:_ Race:_ Race:_

Person_: Pe r s on' : Person_: Person_: Person_:

Cender:_ C e n d e r:_

Rac e :_ Race:_ Race:_ Race:_

Cender:_ Gender:_ Cender:_

Leader?:_

Field?_

Leader?:_ Leader?:_ Leader?:_ Leader?:_

Field?_ Field?_ Field?_ Field?_

Rating:_ Rating:_ Rating:_ Rating:_ Rating:_

Leader?:

Field?_ Field?_ Field?_

Rating:_ Rating:_ Rating:_

Leader?:_ Leader?:_

Exampleof Completed RecordingSheetfor One Article ProfessorNeuman,SociologyDepartment

Coder:SusanJ.

Minority/Majoritycroup Representation project in Newsmagazines

ARTICLE # 0454

MA C A Z IN ET:i me

D A TEMarch : 1-2,2005

Totalnumberofpeoplenamed5

Numberof Photos0

No. peoplewith significantroles:4 Person | Person 2 Person 3 Person 4 Person_: Person _: Person_: Person_:

: : : :

Race:White Race:White Race:Black Race:White Race: _ Race: _ Race:_ Race:_

S IZE 14 : col .i n.

ArticleTopic:ForeignAffairs Cender: Cender: Cender: Cender: Cender:_ Cender: _ Cender:_ Cender:

M M F F

of information is recorded for each recording unit, more than one sheetof paper can be used. When planning a project, researcherscalculate the work required. For example, during my pilot-test, I find that it takes an averageof tS min_

Leader?: y Leader?: N Leader?:y Leader?:y Leader?: _ Leader?: _ Leader?: _ Leader?:

Field?Banking Field?Government Field?CivilRiehts Field?1Qgygryngql Field?_ Field?_ Field? Field?

Rating: 5 Rating:NA Rating: 2 Rating: 0 Rating: _ Rating: _ Rating:_ Rating:

utesto read and codean article.This doesnot include samplingor locating magazinearticles. With approximately1,400articles,that is 350 hours of coding,not countingtime to verifi. the accnracyof coding.Because350 hours is atout

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nineweeksof nonstopwork at 40 hours a week, ascoders. I shouldconsiderhiring assistants Eachrecordingsheethas a placeto record the identificationnumber of the unit and spaces for information about eachvariable.I alsoput identi$ringinformation aboutthe researchproject on the sheetin caseI misplaceit or it looks similar to other sheetsI have.Finally, if I use multiple coders,the sheetremindsthe coderto check intercoder reliability and, if necessary, makesit possibleto recodeinformation for inaccuratecoders.After completingall recording sheetsand checkingfor accuracy,I can begin dataanalysis. lnferences The inferencesa researchercan or cannotmake on the basisofresultsis criticalin contentanalywhat is in the text. sis.Contentanalysisdescribes of thosewho crethe intentions reveal It cannot in the that messages the effects or text atedthe examFor receive them. who those have on text ple,contentanalysisshowsthat children'sbooks That doesnot necessarcontainsexstereotFpes. beliefsor behaviorsare children's mean that ily suchan inference stereotypes; by the influenced project on how chilresearch a separate requires develop. perceptions dren's

EXISTING STATISTICS/ DOCUMENTS AND SECONDARY ANALYSIS Appropriate Topics Many tlpes of information about the social world havebeen collectedand are availableto Someinformation is in the form the researcher. (books,reports,etc') documents of statistical Other ininformation' numerical that contain compilapublished form of in the formation is computerized or on in a library tions available cansearch records.In eithercase,the researcher a rewith information of through collections

searchquestionand variablesin mind,.andthen the information in new waysto adreassemble question. dressthe research It is difficult to specifrtopicsthat areapprothey because priatefor existingstatisticsresearch information which are so varied.Any topic on hasbeen collectedand is publicly availablecan be studied.In fact, existingstatisticsprojects may not fit neatlyinto a deductivemodel of recreativelyr9searchdesign.Rather,researchers organize the existing information into the louiiubl"rfor a researchquestionafter first finding what dataareavailable. i " E*p.ri-ents arebestfor topicswherethe researchercontrolsa situationand manipulatesan independentvariable.Surveyresearchis bestfor topics where the researcherask questionsand learnsaboutreportedattitudesorbehavior.Content analysisis best for topics that involve the in culturalcommunication. contentof messages Existingstatisticsresearchis bestfor topics that involve information routinely collectedby Public or prilargebureaucraticorganizations. vate organizationssystematicallygather many typesof information. Suchinformation is gatheredfor policy decisionsor asa public service.It is rarelycollectedfor purposesdirectlyrelatedto a specificresearchquestion.Thus, existingstatisticsresearchis appropriatewhen a researcher wantsto test hypothesesinvolving variablesthat are also in official reports of social,economic, and political conditions.Theseinclude descriptions of organizationsor the peoplein them. Often, suchinformation is collectedoverlong time periods.For example,existingstatisticscan be usedby a researcherwho wantsto seewhether in unemploymentand crimeratesareassociated 150citiesacrossa 2}-yeatperiod' Downey (2005)conductedan existingstatistics study on racial inequality (BlackAVhite) and living near a toxic pollution sitein Detroit. He usedcensusdataon the population/housing and manufacturingdirectoriesof manufacturing facilities.He alsoidentifiedhighly polluting industriesand usedthe EnvironmentalProtection Agency'sinventory of toxic chemicals.His

CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACTI V ER E S E A R C H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

unit of analysiswas the censustract. Downey testedcompetingmodels of environmentalinequalitp (1) racistsiting poliry: toxic siteswere placedin Black residentialareas,(2) economic inequality:low-incomepeoplewho are disproportionatelyBlackmove into areasnear toxic sitesbecausethey find low-cost housingthere, and (3) residentialsegregation: Whites move into specificareasand keepout non-Whites.He found greatestsupport for the residentialsegregation model. Paradoxically,it meant that Blackswerelesslikely thanWhitesto live closeto a toxic pollution site. This was becauseWhites had obtainedhousing near the factorieswhere they worked and kept Blacksfrom moving in but those factorieswere the maior sourcei of toxic pqllution.

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health and nutrition, public safety,education and training, worh income,cultureand leisure, socialmobilig, and public parricipation. A more specificexampleof a socialindica_ tor is the FBI'suniform crime index.It indicates the amount of crime in U.S.society.Socialindicatorscanmeasurenegativeaspectsof sociallife, suchasthe infant mortality rate (the deathrate of infants during the first year of life) or alcoholism, or they can indicatepositive aspects, such as job satisfactionor the percentae of housingunits with indoor plumbing. Socialin_ dicatorsoften inyolve implicit valuejudgments (e.g.,which crimes are seriousor what constitutesa good quality of life). Locating Data

LocatingExistingstatistics. The main sources of existingstatisticsare goyernmentor interna_ During the 1960s,somesocialscientists, dissatis- tional agenciesand private sources.An enorfied with the information availableto decision mous volume and varietyof information exists. makers,spawnedthe "social indicators,moveIf you plan to conduct existingstatisticsrerment"to developindicatorsof socialwell-being. search,it is wiseto discussyour interestswith an Many hopedthat information aboutsocialweliinformation professional-in this case,a refer_ beingcould be combinedwith widelyusedindiencelibrarian, who can point you in the direc_ cators of economicperformancei..g., gross tion of possiblesources. nationalproduct) to better inform government Many existingdocument5nrs ..frss,'_1fin1 and other policymaking officials. Thus, reis, publicly availableat libraries-but the time searchers wantedto measurethe qualityof social and effort it takesto searchfor specificinforma_ life so that such information could influence tion can be substantial.Researchers who conpublic poliry.6 duct existing statisticsresearchspend many Today,there are many books,articles,and hours in libraries or on the Internet. After the reportson socialindicators,and evena scholarly information is located,it is recorded on cards, journal, SocialIndicatorsResearch, devotedto graphs,or recordingsheetsfor lateranalysis.Ofthe creationand evaluationofsocial indicators. ten, it is alreadyavailablein a format for comThe U.S. CensusBureau produced a report, putersto read.For example,insteadof recording SocialIndicators, and the United Nations has voting datafrom books,a researcher could usea many measuresof socialwell-beingin different socialsciencedata archiveat the UniversiWof nations. Michigan(to be discussed). A socialindicator is any measureof social Thereareso many sourcesthat only a small well-beingusedin poliry. Thereare many spesampleofwhat is availableis discussed here.The cific indicators that are operationalizationJof single-mostvaluablesourceof statisticalinforwell-being.For example,socialindicatorshave mation about the United Statesis the Statistical beend€velopedfor the following areas:populaAbstractof the United States,which has been tion, family,housing,socialsecurityandwelfare, publishedannually(with a few exceptions) since Social Indicators

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1878.The StatisticalAbstractis availablein all public librariesand on the Internet and can be purchasedfrom the U.S. Superintendentof bocuments. It is a selectedcompilation of the many official reports and statisticaltablesproIt contains ducedby U.S.governmentagencies. of more hundreds from information statistical want to may You reports' government detailed documents. government specific more examine (The detail of what is availablein government documentsis mind boggling.For example,you canlearn that thereweretvvoAfrican American femalesover the ageof 75 in Tucumcari City, NewMexico,in 1980.) The Statistical Abstract has over 1,400 charts,tables,and statisticallists from over 200 governmentand private agencies.It is hard to graspall that it containsuntil you skim through ih" tabl.r. A two-volumesetsummarizessimilar information across many years; it is called of the U.S.:ColonialTimesto HistoricalStatistics 1970. Most governmentspublish similar statistical yearbooks.Australia's Bureau of Statistics producesYearbook Australia,StatisticsCanada New Zealand'sDeproducesCanadaYearbook, ZealandOfpublishesNew Statistics partmentof the Kingdom, United the andin ficialYearbook, AbAnnual publishes Office Central Statistics Many nationspublish books stractof Statistics.T aswell. statistics, with historical statisticaldocuments government Locating existsolelyto publications Some is an art in itself. American the example, For assistthe researcher. and Guide A Comprehensive StatisticsIndex: U.S. the of Publications Index to the Statistical Governmentand StatisticsSources:A Subject SocialEduGuideto Data on Industrial,Business, U.S'and the Topics and Other cation,Financial for for the guides helpful are two Internationqlly internaand Nations The United United States.s suchastheWorld Bankhavetheir tional agencies own publicationswith statisticalinformation for variouscountries(e.g.,literacyrates,percentage of the labor force working in agriculture,birth Yearbook, rates)-for example,theDemographic

UNESCOStatisticalYearbook,and United NationsStatisticalYearbook. In addition to governmentstatisticaldocuments,there are dozensof other publications' Many are producedfor businesspurposesand can be obtainedonly for a high cost.They include information on consumerspending,the location of high-incomeneighborhoods,trends in the economy,andthe like.e Over a dozenpublicationslist characteristics ofbusinessesor their executives.Theseare found in largerlibraries.Threesuchpublications are asfollows:

PrincipalIndustrialBusiDun qndBradstreet is a guide to approximately51'000 nesses in 135 countrieswith informabusinesses officers, tion on sales,numberof employees, andproducts. WhoOwnsWhomcomesinvolumesfor nations or regions(e.g.,North America,the United Kingdom,Ireland,andAustra'lia).It and aslistsparentcompanies,subsidiaries, sociatedcomPanies. of Corporations, StandardandPoor'sRegister lists Directorsand Executives about 37,000 U.S.and Canadiancompanies.It hasinformation on corporations,products,officers, industries,and salesfigures. Many biographicalsourceslist famouspeople and provide background information on wants them. Theseareusefulwhen a researcher or career, background, social the to learn about The individuals. famous of other characteristics publicationsare compiledby companiesthat sendout questionnairesto peopleidentified as "important" by some criteria. They are public ,o,rt."t of information' but they dependon the cooperationand accuraryof indMdualswho are selected. publications. Politicshasits own specialized biographical has One types. Therearetwo basic The politicians. information on contemporary enlaws voting, on other type has information

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acted,and the like. Here are three examplesof politicalinformationpublicationsfor the United States: Almanacof AmericanPoliticsis a biannual publicationthat includesphotographsanda short biographyof U.S. governmentofficials. Committee appointments, voting records,and similar information are provided for membersof Congressand leaders in the executivebranch. America Votes:A Handbookof ContemporaryAmericanElectionStatisticscontainsdetailed.voting information by county for most statewideand national offices. Primary electionresultsare includeddown to the countylevel. Vital StatisticsonAmericanPoliticsprovides dozensof tableson political behavior,such as the campaignspendingof everycandidate for Congress,their primary and final votes,ideologicalratingsby variouspolitical ': organizations,and a summary of voter registrationregulationsby state. Another sourceof public information consistsof listsof organizations(e.g.,business,educational,etc.)producedfor generalinformation purposes.A researchercan sometimesobtain membershiplists of organizations.There are givenby faalsopublicationsof public speeches mouspeople. SurveyData. Secondaryanalysisis Second.ary a specialcaseof existing statistics;it is the reanalysisof previouslycollectedsurveyor other datathat were originally gatheredby others.As opposedto primary research(e.g.,experiments, surveys,and content analysis),the focus is on analryzingratherthan collecting data. Secondary It is analysisis increasinglyusedby researchers. relatively inexpensive;it permits comparisons acrossgroups,nations, or time; it facilitates replication; and it permits askingabout issues not thought ofby the original researchers.

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Large-scaledata collection is expensive and difficult. The cost and time required for a major national surveythat usesrigorous techniques are prohibitive for most researchers. Fortunately, the organization, preservation, and dissemination of major survey data sets have improved. Today, there are archives ofpast surveysthat are open to researchers. The Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research(ICPSR) at the University of Michigan is the world's major archive of social sciencedata. Over 17,000 survey research and related sets of information are stored and made available to researchers at modest costs. Other centers hold survey data in the United Statesand other nations.lo A widely used source of survey data for the United Statesis the GeneralSocialSurvey (GSS), which has been conducted annually in most years by the National Opinion ResearchCenter at the University of Chicago. In recent years, it has covered other nations as well. The data are made publicly availablefor secondaryanalysisat a low cost (seeBox 9.6).

Limitations Despitethe growth and popularity of secondary data ana\sis and existing statistics research, therearelimitationsin their use.The useof such techniquesis not troublefreejust becausea government agenq/or researchorganizationgathered the data. One danger is that a researcher may usesecondarydataor existingstatisticsthat are inappropriatefor his or her researchquesneedsto tion. Beforeproceeding,a researcher considerunits in the data (e.g.,qpes of people, organizations),the time and placeof data collection,the samplingmethodsused,andthe specific issuesor topicscoveredin the data(seeBox wantingto ex9.7).For example,a researcher amine racial-ethnic tensionsbetweenLatinos and Anglosin the United Statesusessecondary data that includes only the Pacific Northwest and New Englandstatesshould reconsiderthe questionor the useofdata.

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The GeneralSocialSurvey(GSS)is the best-known for secsetof surveydatausedby socialresearchers "to make is GSS The mission of the ondaryanalysis. avairdata quality, scientifically relevant high timely, able to the socialscienceresearchcommunity" in many (Davisand Smith,1 992:1).lt is available formatsand is widelyaccessible computer-readable for a low cost. Neitherdatasetsnor codebooksare them copyrighted.Usersmay copy or disseminate You can find results withoutobtainingpermission. articlesand usingthe CSSin over 2,000 research books. Center(NORC) The NationalOpinionResearch has conductedthe CSS almostevery year since 1972. A typicalyear'ssurveycontainsa random .l A team sampleof about ,500 adultU.S.residents. selectssomequestionsfor inclusion, of researchers questions. researchers canrecommend andindividual year, each questions and topics They repeatsome add and cycle, fourto six-year on a includesome .l in 998, other topicsin specificyears.Forexample, and religion, the specialtopic wasjob experiences

and in 2000, it wasintergrouprelationsand multiculturalism. collectthe data through face-toInterviewers The NORCstaffcarefullyselectsinfaceinterviews. terviewersand trains them in social science About 1 20 methodologyand surveyinterviewing. GSS eachyear. on the work to 1 40 interviewers aremiddle most and percent are women, About 90 aged.The NORCrecruitsbilingualand minorityinwith respondentsare'raceterviewers.Interviewers matchedwith respondents.Interviewsare typically 500 90 minuteslong and containapproximately questions.The responserate has been 71 to 79 is a repercent.The majorreasonfor nonresponse fusalto participate. SocialSurveyProgramconducts The International similarsurveysin other nations.Beginningwith the CermanALLBUSand BritishSocialAttitudesSurvey, participationhasgrownto include33 nations.The nagoal is to conducton a regularbasislarge-scale tionalgeneralsurveysin whichsomecommonquestions areaskedacrosscooperatingnations.

A seconddangeris that the researcherdoes not understandthe substantivetopic. Because researcherswho the data are easilyaccessible, know very little about a topic could makeerroor falseinterpretationsabout neousassumptions needs results.Beforeusinganydata,a researcher to be well informed about the topic. For example,ifa researcher usesdataon high schoolgraduation ratesin Germanywithoutunderstanding the Germanysecondaryeducationsystemwith its distinct academicandvocationaltracks,he or she may make seriouserrors in interpreting results. A third danger is that a researchermay quotestatisticsin greatdetailto givean impression of scientificrigor. This can lead to the which occurs fallacy of misplacedconcreteness, when someonegivesa falseimpressionof preci-

sion by quoting statisticsin greaterdetail than warrantedand "overloading"the details.For example,existingstatisticsreport that the populabut it is betterto tion of Australiais 19,169,083, 19 million. One might saythat it is a little over peopleas percentage of divorced calculatethe of the 2000 data analysis in a secondary L5.65495 report is to it better GeneralSocialSurvey,but I people divorced'r are thatabout15.7percentof

Units of Analysisand VariableAttributes, A commonproblemin existingstatisticsis finding the appropriateunits of analysis.Many statistics not the individual. arepublishedfor aggregates, For example,a tablein a governmentdocument has information (e.g., unemployment rate, crimerate,etc.)for a state,but the unit of analysis for the researchquestion is the individual

A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACTI VERESEARC H

Almosteverycountryconductsa census,or a regularcountof its population.Forexample, Australiahas d o neso si nce'l 88. |, Canadas i n c eI8 7 .| , a n dth e UnitedStatessinceI 790. Most nationsconducta censusevery5 or I 0 years.ln additionto the number of people,censusofficialscollectinformationon topicssuchas housingconditions,ethnicity,religious affiliation.education.and so forth. The censusis a majorsourceof high-qualityexistingstatisticaldata,but it can be controversial. In Canada,an attempt to count the numberof samesex coupleslivingtogetherevokedpublicdebate aboutwhetherthe governmentshoulddocumentthe changesin society.In Creat Britain,the Muslimminority welcomedquestionsabout religionin the 200,| censusbecausethey felt that they had been officiallyignored.In the UnitedStates,the measurement of raceand ethnicitywashotly debated,so in in the 2000 census,peoplecould placethemselves multipleracial,/ethnic categories. The U.S.2000 censusalsogenerateda serious publiccontroversybecauseit missedthousandsof people,mostfrom low-incomeareaswith concentrations of recent immigrantsand racialminorities. Somedoublecountingalsooccurredof peoplein highincomeareaswheremanyownedsecondhomes. A contentiousdebatearoseamongpoliticians to end miscountsby usingscientificsamplingand adjusting the census.The politiciansprovedto be lessconcernedaboutimprovingthe scientifica-curacyofthe censusthan retainingtraditionalcensusmethods that wouldbenefittheirown politicalfortunesor help their constituencies, becausethe governmentuses censusdata to draw voting districtsand allocate publicfundsto areas.

(e.g.,"Are unemployedpeoplemore likely to commit property crimes?").The potentialfor committing the ecologicalfullu.y is very real in this situation.It is lessof a problem for secondary surveyanalysisbecauseresearchers can

247

obtain raw information on each respondent from archives. A relatedprobleminvolvesthe categories of variableattributesusedin existingdocumentsor surveyquestions.This is not a problemif the initial data were gatheredin many highly refined Theproblemariseswhenthe original categories. datawere collectedin broad categoriesor ones that do not matchthe needsof a researcher. For example,a researcheris interestedin peopleof Asian heritage.If the racial and ethnic heritage categoriesin a documentare "White," "Black," and "Other," the researcher hasa problem.The "Other" categoryincludespeopleof Asian and otherheritages.Sometimesinformationwascollectedin refinedcategories but is publishedonly in broad categories. It takesspecialefFortto discoverwhethermore refined information was collectedor is publicly available. Valiility. Validity problems occur when the researcher'stheoretical definition does not matchthat of the governmentagencyor organization that collectedthe information. Official policiesand proceduresspeci$'definitions for official statistics.For example,a researcherdefines a work injury as including minor cuts, bruises,and sprainsthat occur on the job, but the official definition in governmentreports only includesinjuries that require a visit to a physicianor hospital.Many work injuries,asdefined by the researcher, would not be in official statistics.Another exampleoccurswhen a researcherdefinespeople as unemployedif they would work if a goodjob wereavailable,if they haveto work part time when theywant full-time work, and if they have given up looking for work. The official definition, however,includes only thosewho are now activelyseekingwork (full or part time) as unemployed.The official statisticsexcludethosewho stoppedlooking, who work part time out of necessity, or who do not look becausethey believeno work is available.In both cases,the researcher's definition differsfrom that in official statistics(seeBox 9.8).

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In most countries,the official unemploymentrate measures only the unemployed(seebelow)asa percent of all workingpeople.lt would be 50 percent higherif two othei categoriesof nonemployedpeople were added:involuntarypart-timeworkersand workers(seebelow).In somecountries discouraged (e.g.,Swedenand UnitedStates),it wouldbe nearly aorUt" if it includedthesepeople.Thisdoesnot considerother nonworkingpeople,transitionalself-em(seebelow).What a ployed,or the underemployed is a theoreticaiandconceptualdecountrymeasures finitionissue:What constructshouldan unemploymentrate measureandwhy measureit?

An economicpolicyor labor marketperspective saysthe rate shouldmeasurethose readyto enter lt definesnonworking the labormarketimmediately. peopleas a supplyof high-qualitylabor,an inputfor to employers.By conusein the economyavailable resourceperspective human policy or a social trast, thosewho are not cursaysthe rate shouldmeasure rently workingto their fullest potential.The rate shouldrepresentpeoplewho are not or cannotfully utilizetheir talents,skills,or time to the fullest.lt definesnonworkingpeopleas a socialproblemofindividuals unable to realizetheir capacity to be productive,contributingmembersof society.

Categoriesof Nonemployed/FullyUtilized Peoplewho meetthreeconditions:lacka payingjob outsidethe home,are Unemployedpeople if it is ofto find work,can beginwork immediately takingactivemeasures fered. Involuntarypart-timeworkers workers Discouraged Other nonworking

Peoplewith a job, but workirregularlyor fewerhoursthanthey areableand willing. Peopleableto workandwho activelysoughtit for sometime,but beingunableto find it, havegivenup looking. Thosenot workingbecausethey are retired,on vacation,temporarilylaid full-timestudents,or in the processof movhomemakers, off,semidisabled, ing.

Transitionalself-employed Underemployed

who are not workingfull time becausethey arejust starting Self-employed goingthroughbankruptcy. are or a business overqualwith a temporaryfull-timejob for whichthey areseriously Persons job in whichthey canfullyapplytheirskillsand ified.Theyseeka permanent experience.

AdaptedfromTheEconomisl, Soarce: July22, 199 5, p.7 4.

bery arrestsas a proxy. But the measureis not Another validity problem ariseswhen offientirelyvalid becausemanyrobberiesarenot recial statisticsarea surrogateor proxy for a construct in which a researcheris really interested' ported to the police,and reportedrobberiesdo not alwaysresultin an arrest. becausethe researchercannot This is necessary A third validity problem arisesbecausethe collectoriginaldata.For example,the researcher lackscontrol overhow information is researcher wants to know how many people have been collected.All information, eventhat in official robbed,sohe or sheusespolicestatisticson rob-

CHAPTER9 , / NO NREACTI VERESEARCH A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S

governmentreports,is originally gatheredby peoplein bureaucracies aspart oftheir jobs.A researcherdependson them for collecting,organizing,reporting, and publishing data accurately.Systematicerrors in collectingthe initial information (e.g.,censuspeoplewho avoidpoor neighborhoodsand make up information, or peoplewho put a falseageon a driver'slicense); errorsin organizingand reporting information (e.g.,a police departmentthat is sloppy about filing crime reportsand losessome);and errors in publishinginformation (e.g.,a gpographical error in a table)all reducemeasurement validity. This kind of problem happenedin U.S.statisticson the numberof peoplepermanentlylaid off from their jobs.A universityresearcher reexaminedthe methodsusedto gatherdataby the U.S.Bureauof Labor Statisticsand found an error. Dataon permanentjob lossescomefrom a surveyof 50,000people,but the government agencyfailedto adjustfor a much highersurvey nonresponserate.The correctedfiguresshowed that insteadof a 7 percentdeclinein the number of peoplelaid offbetween1993andl996,ashad beenfirst reported,therewasno change.l2 Rekability. Problemswith reliability canplague existingstatisticsresearch.Reliabilityproblems developwhen official definitionsor the method of collectinginformation changesovertime. Official definitions of work injury disability,unemployment,and the like changeperiodically. Evenifa researcher learnsofsuch changes,consistentmeasurementover time is impossible. For example,during the early1980s,the method for calculating the U.S. unemployment rate changed.Previously,the unemployment rate was calculatedas the number of unemployed personsdivided by the number in the civilian work force.The new method divided the number of unemployedby the civilian work force plus the number of peoplein the military. Likewise, when police departmentscomputerize their records,there is an apparentincreasein crimesreported,not because crimeincreases but due to improvedrecordkeeping.

243

Reliabilitycanbe a seriousproblem in official governmentstatistics.This goesbeyondrecognizedproblems,such as the police stopping poorly dressedpeoplemore than well-dressed people, hence poorly dressed,lower-income peopleappearmore often in arreststatistics.For example,the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics found a 0.6 percentincreasein the femaleunemploymentrate after it usedgender-neutral measurementprocedures.Until the mid-1990s, interviewersaskedwomen only whether they had been "keepinghouseor somethingelse?" The women who answered"keeping house" werecategorizedashousewives, and not unemployed.Because the womenwerenot asked,this occurredevenif the women had been seeking work. Oncewomen were askedthe samequestion as men, "Were you working or something else?"more women saidthey werenot working but doing "somethingelse"suchaslooking for work. This showsthe importanceof methodologicaldetailsin how governmentstatisticsget created. Researchers often use official statisticsfor internationalcomparisonsbut nationalgovernmentscollectdatadifferentlyand the quality of datacollectionvaries.For example,in 1994,the official unemployment rate reported for the United Stateswas7 percentlapan'swas2.9 percent,and France'swas 12percent.If the nations definedand gathereddatathe sameway,including discouragedworkersand involuntary parttime workersrates,the rateswould havebeen9.3 percentfor the United States,9.6 percentfor |apan,and I3.7 percentfor France.To evaluate the quality of official governmentstatistics,The Economistmagazineaskeda team of 20 leading statisticiansto evaluatethe statisticsof 13 nations basedon freedomfrom political interference, reliability, statistical methodology, and coverageoftopics. The top five nationsin order were Canada,Australia, Holland, France,and Sweden.The United Stateswas tied for sixth with Britain and Germany.The United States spentmore per persongatheringits statistics than all nationsexceptAustraliaand it released

2 44

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datathe fastest.The quality of U.S.statisticssuffered from being highly decentralized,having fewer statisticiansemployedthan any nation, and politically motivatedcutbackson the range of datacollected.l3 MissingData. One problem that plaguesresearcherswho use existingstatisticsand documents is that of missing data. Sometimes,the datawerecollectedbut havebeenlost.More frequently,the datawerenevercollected.The decision to collect official information is made The decisionto ask within governmentagencies. arelater made whose data questionson a survey group of rea is made by publicly available decidewhat who those In both cases, searchers. reanother collect what to collect may not research a in to address searcherneeds order startor stopcolquestion.Governmentagencies political, budgetary or for lecting information the early during other reasons.For example, federal U.S. the by 1980s,cost-cuttingmeasures inmuch of governmentstoppedthe collection found had researchers formation that social

first nameis one that canbe for eiAn androgynous ther a girl or boy without clearlymarkingthe child's gender.Somearguethat the feministmovementdecreasedgendermarkingin a child'snameas part of its broadersocietalinfluenceto reducegenderdistinctionsandinequality.Othersobservethat gender featureof nampredominant the single-most remains groupsor sowhen racial Even societies. most ing in cial classesinventdistinctivenew first names,the genderdistinctionsare retained. ex(2000) examined and colleagues Lieberson isting statisticaldata in the form of computerized of 1 1 millionbirths recordsfromthe birth certificates of Whitechildrenin the stateof lllinoisfrom 1 91 5 to first namesare 1 989. Theyfoundthat androgynous

valuable. Missing information is especiallya coverlong time periproblemwhen researchers ods.For instance,a researcherinterestedin the number of work stoppagesand strikes in the United Statescanobtain datafrom the 1890sto the present,exceptfor a five-yearperiod after 1911when the federalgovernmentdid not collect the data.(SeeBox 9.9 for an existingstatistics example.)

ISSUESOF INFERENCEAND THEORY TESTING

I

lnferencesfrom Nonreactive Data

ability to infer causalityor t€st a A researcher's theory on the basisof nonreactivedata is limto ited.It is difficult to useunobtrusivemeasures establishtemporal order and eliminatealternative explanations.In content analysis,a refrom the content to searchercannot generalize its effectson thosewho read the text' but can only usethe correlationlogic ofsurvey research

rare (about 3 percent)and that there has been a very slight historicaltrend toward androgyny,but onlyin veryrecentyears.ln addition,parentsgiveandrogynousnamesto girls more than to boys' and in namingis unstable(i.e.,a name gendersegregation tends to lose its androgynousmeaningover time). The authorsnoted that the way parentsnam€childrenmimicsa patternof collectivebehaviorfoundto operatein anotherresearcharea:theracialsegrega Changein residenceis untion of neighborhoods. less movementby the with races among equal dominantgroup;the lesspowerfulgroup movesto occupyareasthat the dominantgroup has aban doned;and integrationis unstable,with new segre aftersometime. gationreappearing

CHA P T ER 9 ,/ N ON R EA C T IVRESEARC E H A N D S E C O N D A R YA N A L Y S I S to show an association among variables. Unlike the easeofsurvey research,a researcherdoes not ask respondents direct questions to measure variables,but relies on the information available in the text.

EthicalConcerns Ethicalconcerns arenot attheforefrontof most nonreactiveresearchbecausethe peoplebeing studied are not directly involved. The primary ethicalconcernis the privacyand confidentiality of usinginformation gatheredby someoneelse. Another ethicalissueis that official statisticsare social and political products. Implicit theories andvalueassumptionsguidewhich information is collectedandthe categories usedwhengathering it. Measuresor statisticsthat are definedas official and collectedon a regularbasisare objectsof political conflict and guidethe direction of policy. By defining one measureas official, public policy is shapedtoward outcomesthat would be difFerentif an alternative,but equally valid, measurehad beenused.For example,the collectionof information on many socialconditions (e.g.,the number of patientswho died while in public mentalhospitals)wasstimulated by political activityduring the GreatDepression of the 1930s.Previously,the conditionswerenot defined as sufficiently important to warrant public attention. Likewise,information on the percentageof non-White studentsenrolled in U.S. schools at various agesis availableonly since 1953,and for specificnon-White races only sincethe 1970s.Earlier,such information wasnot salientfor public policy. Thecollectionof officialstatisticsstimulates new attentionto a problem,and public concern abouta problemstimulatesthe collectionof new officialstatistics.For example,drunk driving becamea biggerissueoncestatisticswerecollected on the number of automobileaccidentsand on whetheralcoholwasa factor in an accident. Political and socialvaluesinfluencedecisions about which existing statisticsto collect. Most officialstatisticsaredesignedfor top-down

245

bureaucraticor administrative planning purposes.They may not conform to a researcher's purposesor the purposesof peopleopposedto bureaucraticdecisionmakers.For example,a government agencymeasuresthe number of tons of steelproduced,miles of highwaypaved, and averagenumber of peoplein a household. Information on other conditionssuchasdrinking-waterqualiry time neededto commute to work, stressrelatedto a job, or number of children needingchild caremaynot be collectedbecauseofficials say it is unimportant. In many countries,the grossnational product (GNp) is treatedasa critical measureofsocietalprogress. But GNP ignoresnoneconomicaspectsof social life (e.g.,time spentplayingwith one'schildren) and qpes of work (e.g.,housework)that arenot paid. The information availablereflectsthe outcome of political debateand the valuesof officialswho decidewhich statisticsto collect.la

c oN c t u s t o N In this chapter, you have learned about several types of nonreactive research techniques. They are ways to measure or observe aspectsof social life without affecting those who are being studied. Theyresult in objective, numerical information that can be analyzed to address research questions. The techniques can be used in conjunction with other tlpes of quantitative or qualitative social research to address a large number of questions. As with any form of quantitative data, researchersneed to be concerned with measurement issues. It is easy to take available information from a past survey or government document, but what it measuresmay not be the construct of interest to the researcher. You should be aware of two potential probIems in nonreactive research.First, the availability of existing information restricts the questions that a researchercan address. Second, the nonreactive variables often have weaker validity because they do not measure the construct of

246

RESEARCH P A RTT wo / c o N D U c rl N G QU AN T l rA rl vE

secinterest. Although existing statisticsand tecnresearch low-cost are ondarydataanalysis and ;i.que;, the researcherlacks control over' collection a"o int oi, substantialknowledge This introducesa potentialsourceot erDrocess. 'rors about which researchers need to be especautious' ciallyvigilant and i" ire next chapter,we move from designing researchprojectsand collectingdata-toanatechniquesapply to the liins. datu.The'analysis aboutin the previlearned you Jrru"iituti". data seenhow to move have you far, o.r, .haptets.So measures' design-and research from a iopic, to a how to le-arn will you Next, to collectingdata. about you tell can they what look at dataand see question' a hypothesisor research

Ke y T e r m s accretion measures coding coding system content analYsis erosion measures fallacy of misplacedconcreteness General SocialSurveY(GSS) latent coding manifest coding nonreactive recording sheet StatisticalAbstract of the United States structured observation text unobtrusive measures

Endnotes (1981:7-11)' 1. SeeWebbandcolleagues po, a.n"itions of content analysis'seeHolsti i. -' (isas,sgz),Krippendorff (r980t2r-24)' -Yi:\"tr (1974:5-6),Stone and Weber and associates (1983,1984,1985:81' 1l' (1992),andWeber "9tt (1972)is a classicin this colleagues and W.iz-att e. typeofresearch.

(1984'1985) 4' StoneandWeber (L992)andWeber

techr"*-uti""a computerizedcontentanalysis niques. ofreli5' S". end."n (1981:58-66)for a discussion analysis content in uUifiy. Coai"g categorization in Holsti (1969:94-126)' is discussed in 6. A dir.or.io.t of socialindicatorscanbe found Duncan (1966)' Carley(1981).Also seeBauer (1981)'Land 098i:233-235),Justerand Land (1980)' Gilmartin itssz),and Rossiand yearbook are alsoproduced; 7' iufu"y "o"-n"glish itatistiches Iahrbuchfor the Federal .lu*pt", fo, de la n prrUti.'of Cermany'AnnuaireStatistique Aus-, for Australia Book Year Francefor France, Arsoversrgt' Ti Statiskisk Denmark's tralia, and of its yearbook iupunp.oa"..s an Englishversion of Handbook lapan' .uU.a tn. Statistical gov8. Guidesexistfor the publicationsofvarious example' the Guide to British ".rr-.ntr-for Australian OfficialPubCiuun*r"t publications, irotlonr, atd lrish Official Publications'Similar existfor mostnations' publications andStewart(1984) 9. 3eeChurchilt(1983:140-167) for listsof businessinformationsources' include 10. dift* *q"t u.S. archivesof surveydata University Center' Research ttr. Natio"a Opinion Univerof Chi.ugo, the SurveyResearchCenter' SciBehavioral. the C"alifornia-Berkeley; of sity Data Cincinnati; of encesLaboratory,University Wis-*d Ptogr"- tiLrary Service,University of of University Center' Roper the consin-iltadison; for ReInstitute the and Connecticut-Storrs; Universityof North Carsearchin SocialScience, Nathan olina-ChapelHill. Also seeKiecolt and (1992)' cel ( 1985)andPar oftheseissues,seeDaleand coll l . fo. a dlrcr'rsrion Maier(1991)'and Parcel i.*".. (1988:27-3t), givesa good-discussion 0;g2). Horn (1993:138) of misplacedconfallacy the of *ltt ."u-pt.s creteness. (1996). 12. SeeStevenson "The Good statisticsGuide" ;;. ;;; TheEconomisr, "The OverlookedHouselg93), lI, (September and "FewerDamned 5,1994), (February t..p*" Lies?"(March30' I996)' (1984)' 14. SeeBlock and Burns (1986)'Carr'Hill (1991)'and Maier (1993)' (1g73),Horn Hindess Van denBergandVanderVeer(1985)'

Analysisof Quantitative Data

Introduction Dealing with Data CodingData EnteringData CleaningData Resultswith One Variable Frequency Distributions Measures of CentralTendency Measures of Variation Results with Two Variables A BivariateRelationship Seeingthe Relationship: The Scattergram Tables Bivariate Measures of Association More Than Two Variables StatisticalControl The Elaboration Modelof Percentaged Tables MultipleRegression Analysis lnferential Statistics The Purposeof InferentialStatistics StatisticalSignificance Levelsof Significance Type I and Type ll Errors Conclusion

248

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CO NDUCTI NG Q UANT I T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

recordingsheets.However,it getscomplexwhen the dataarenot well organizedor not originally in developrules the form of numbers' Researchers Ifyou reada researchreport or articlebasedon attributes' variable to numbers certain to assign quantitative data,you will probably find charts' 1 and feas males codes researcher a For example, graphs,andtablesfirll ofnumbers.Do notbe inmissand variable of a 2.Eachcategory malesas ii-idut.d by them. A researcherprovides the is a codebook A a code. needs charts,graphs,andtablesto giveyou, the reader' ing information the describing pages) (i.e., more or one do=cument a condensedpicture ofthe data.The chartsand for of data location the and procedure tablesallow you to seethe evidencecollected' coding use' can computers that format a in When you collect your own quantitativedata, variables When you code data, it is essentialto creyoo *ill want to usesimilar techniquesto help ate a well-organized,detailedcodebookand you seewhat is insidethe data'You will needto make multiple copiesof it. If you do not write organizeand manipulatethe datasothey can redown the detailsof the coding procedure,or if veal things of interest.In this chapter,you will you misplacethe codebook,you havelostthe learn the fundamentalsof organizingand anakey to thi dataand may haveto recodethe data llzingqaantitative data. The analysisof quantiagain. tativedatais a complexfield of knowledge.This begin to think about a coding Researchers chaptercoversonly the basicstatisticalconcepts before they collect codebook and procedure to unand data-handlingtechniquesnecessary precodes researcher a survey example, iutu. Fot derstandsocialresearch. Precoding data. collecting before a questionnaire Data collectedusing the techniquesin the ttt."trr placingthe codecategories(e.g.,1 for past chaptersare in the form of numbers.The male,2 for female)on the questionnaire.'Some-' numberi representvalues of variables'which of subjects,respondents, times, to reducedependenceon a codebook, measurecharacteristics alsoplacethe location in the surveyresearchers or other cases.The numbersare in a raw form, on note pads,recordingsheets' computerformat the questionnaire'on questionnaires, doesnot precode,thefirst step ifa researcher reorganizethem into a or paper.Researchers is to createa codebook.He data after collecting form suitablefor computers,presentchartsor casean identification numgives each or shealso graphsto summarizetheir features,and intercases.Next, the researcher ofthe ber to keeptrack pret or givetheoreticalmeaningto the results. from eachquestioninformation transfersthe canread' computers that naireinto a format DEALING WITH DATA

ilffi--*

Coding Data

Entering Data

Beforea researcherexaminesquantitativedata to test hlpotheses,he or sheneedsto otganlze them in a different form' You encounteredthe ideaof codingdatain the lastchapter'Here,data codingmeanssystematicallyreotganizingraw numericaldatainto a format that is easyto anacreateand lyze using computers.Researchers infortransferring rules for apply consistently to another. form from one mation Codingcanbea simpleclericaltaskwhenthe dataarereiorded asnumberson well-organized

Most computer programsdesignedfor statistical analysisneedthe datain a grid format. In the grid' each row representsa respondent,subject,or specase.A columnor a setof columnsrepresents a column go from to possible is It cific variables. and row location(e.g.,row 7' column 5) backto the original sourceof dutu (e.g.,a questionnaire item on maritalstatusfor respondent8). codessurveydata For example,a researcher for computers format in a for threerespondents Peoplecannot 10.1. Figure in like that presented

CHAPT E R1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

F I G URE

24]9

Coded Data for Three Casesand Codebook

Exerpt from SurveyQuestionnaire Respondent lD

Interviewer Name

Notethe Respondent's Sex: _ Male _ Female .l The question first is aboutthe presidentof the UnitedStates.Do you StronglyAgree,Agree,Disagree, ' StronglyDisagree, or HaveNo Opinionaboutthe followingstatement: The President of the UnitedStatesis doinga greatjob. strongAgree Agree Disagree strong Disagree _ No opinion 2. Howold areyou? Excerpt ofCoded Data Column 000000000111111111122222222223333333333444... etc. (tens)

4s6?8e ry I I 6!!' glr34s6?8' 0113

01 212736302 18273827410239 18.8239+7+61 ... etc. 02 2133348211249881542124218.213984123... etc. 03 42012398211372726312345 17.361487645...etc. etc. Rawdatafor first threecases,columns1 through42. Excerpt from Codebook Column VariableName

1-2 3 4

ID BLANK Interviewer

Sex PresJob

Description Respondent identification number Interviewer who collectedthe data: I = Susan 2= X i a 3 : Juan 4 : Sophia 5 : Clarence Interviewer reportof respondent's sex ' l = Mal e,2= Femal e The presidentof the UnitedStatesis doinga greatjob. = 1 StronglyAgree 2 : Agree 3 : No Opinion 4 = Disagree 5 = StronglyDisagree Blank= missing information

250

PART TWO , / CO NDUCTI NG Q UANTI TA T I V ER E S E A R C H

easilyread it, and without the codebook,it ts worthless.It condensesanswersto 50 survey questionsfor three respondentsinto threelines or rows.The raw datafor manyresearchprojects look like this, except that there may be over 1,000rows, and the lines may be over 100 columns long. For example,a l5-minute telephonesurveyof250 studentsproducesa grid of datathat is 250rowsby 240columns. The codebookin Figure 10.1saysthat the first two numbers are identification numbers. Thus,the exampledataarefor the first (01)' secNotice ond (02), and third (03) respondents. usezeroesasplaceholdersto rethat researchers duceconfusionbetweenI and 01.The ls areaIwaysin column 2; the 10sarein column 1. The codebooksaysthat column 5 containsthe variable"sex":Cases1 and2 aremaleand Case3 is female.Column 4 tells us that Carlos interviewedCases1 and 2, and SophiaCase3. There are four waysto get raw quantitative datainto a computer:

then usea bar-codereaderto transferthe information into a comPuter. Cleaning Data

Accuracyis extremelyimportant when coding data.Errorsmadewhen codingor enteringdata into a computerthreatenthevalidityof measures and causemisleadingresults.A researcherwho has a perfectsample,perfectmeasures'and no errorsin gatheringdata,butwho makeserrorsin the coding processor in entering datainto a computer,canruin a wholeresearchproject. verAfter verycarefulcoding,the researcher "cleans" the data. or of coding, ifiesthe acctracy He or shemay codea 10 to 15 percentrandom sampleof the data a secondtime. If no coding errors appear,the researcherproceeds;ifhe or she finds errors' the researchbrrechecksall coding. When the data are in the computer' recode verify codingin two ways.Possible searchers checking involves checkireg) code cleaning(orwild the categoriesof all variables for impossible l. Codesheet.Gatherthe information, then codes.For example,respondentsexis coded1 = transferit from the original sourceonto a Male, 2 = Female.Finding a 4 for a casein the grid format (codesheet).Next, type what is field for the sexvariableindicatesa coding error. on the codesheetinto a computer,line by A second method, contingencycleaning(ot line. checking),involvescross-classifying consistency 2. Direct-entrymethod,includingCATL As intwo variablesand looking for logicallyimpossible formation is being collected,sit at a computer keyboardwhile listeningto/observing combinations.For example,educationis crossclassifiedby occupation. If a respondent is the information and enterthe information, recordedasneverhavingpassedthe eighthgrade enter the inor have a respondent/subject andalsois recordedasbeinga legitimatemedical formation himselfor herself.The computer checksfor a codingerror. doctor,the researcher must be preprogrammedto accept the dataafterthey are modifr A researchercan information. not usemore remay she in the computer.He or 3. Opticalscan.Gatherthe information, then when cotlecting were used fined categoriesthan enter it onto optical scansheets(or havea or group inmay combine the original data,but enter the information) respondent/subject may researcher the formation. For example, by filling in the correct"dots." Next, usean ordinal into five data group ratio-levelincome optical scanneror readerto transferthe inAlso,he or shecancombineinformacategories. formation into a comPuter. tion from severalindicators to create.a new 4. Bar code.Gathetthe information and convariable or add the responsesto severalquesvert it into different widths of bars that are associatedwith specificnumerical values, tionnaireitemsinto an index score.

CHAPTER1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V E DATA

R ESU tTSWITH ONE V A RIA B IE FrequencyDistributions

251

Measuresof Central Tendency

Researchers often want to summarizethe infor_ mation aboutonevariableinto a singlenumber. The word statistics can mean a set of collected They usethreemeasuresof centraltlndencv, or (e.g.,numberstelling how many peo_ measures of the centerofthe frequencydistribu_ "."T!"ry ple live in a city) aswell as a 6ranch of apiUea tion: mean,median,and mode,which are often mathematicsusedto manipulate and summa_ calTed.averages (a lesspreciseand lessclearway rize the featuresof numbers.Socialresearchers of sayingthe same thing). Eachmeasureof cen_ useboth typesof statistics.Here,we focuson the tral.tendencygoeswith data having a specific secondt'?e-ways to manipulateand summa_ levelof measurement (seeTable10.i. rizenumbersthat representdatafrom a research The modeis the easiestto useand can be project. used with nominal, ordinal, interval, or ratio Descriptivestatisticsdescnbenumerical data. data. It is simply the most common or fre_ They can be categonzedby the number of vari_ quently occurring number. For example,the ablesinvolved: univariate,bivariate,or multi_ mode of the followinglist is 5: 6 5 7 t0 9-53 5. A variate (for one, two, and three or more distribution canhavemore than one mode.For variables).[Jnivariatestatisticsdescnbeone vari_ example,the modeof this list is b oth5 and,7:56 able (uni- refersto one;-variaterefersto vari_ I 2 5 7 4 7.If the list getslong, it is easyto spot able).The easiestway to describethe numerical the mode in a frequericy distributionij"" frof. dataof one variableis with a frequencydistribu_ for the most frequentscore.Therewill alwaysbe tion. It canbe usedwith nominJ-, ordinal_,in_ at leastone casewith a scorethat is equalto the terval-,or ratio-leveldataand takesmanyforms. mode. For example,I havedatafor 400 respondents.I The medianis the middle point. It is alsothe can summarizethe information on the gender 50th percentile, or the point at which half the of respondentsat a glancewith a raw co.rirto. u casesareaboveit andhalfbelowit. It canbe used frequencydistribution (seeFigure with ordinal-, interyal-, or ratio_leveldata (but l1-..."jug. 10.2).I can presentthe sameinformatioi in not nominal level).you can..eyeball', the mode, graphic form. Somecommon typesof graphic but computing a median requiresa little more representations arethe histogram,bar chart, and. work. The easiestway is firit to organizethe pie chart.Bar chartsor gtaphsare usedfor dis_ scoresfrom highest to lowest,then co-untto tire cretevariables.They canhavea verticalor hori_ middle. If thereis an odd number of scores,it is zontal orientation with a small spacebetween simple.Sevenpeople arewaiting for a bus;their the bars.The terminologyis not elact, but his_ agesare:121720 27 30 55 g0.Themedianageis togramsareusuallyupright bar graphsfor inter_ 27.Note that the mediandoesnot changeeaiily. val or ratio data. Ifthe 55-year-oldand the g0-year-old6oth got For interval-or ratio-leveldata,a researcher on one bus, and the remaining people wlre often grqups the information into categories. joined bytwo 31-year-olds, the rneaianremains The.groupedcategoriesshould be mutujly ex_ unchanged.Ifthere is an evennumber of scores, clusive.Interval- or ratio-level data are often thingsarea bit more complicated.For example, plotted tn afrequencypolygon.In it the number ut a bus stop hive the following aies: of casesor frequencyis along the vertical axis, :T^p^.9!t 1720 26 30 50 70.The medianis somewhe-re"be_ and the valuesofthe variableor scoresarealong tween 26 and 30. Compute the median by the horizontalaxis.A polryon appearswhen the adding the two middle scorestogetherand di_ dotsareconnected. viding by 2, or 26 + 30 = 5612=26.The median

252

PART TWO /

FIcURE 1 0.2

CO NDUCTI NC Q UANTI TA T I V ER E S E A R C H

of UnivariateStatistics Examples PercentageFrequencyDistribution Percentage Gender

RawCount FrequencyDistribution FrequencY Gender

2s% 7s% 100%

Male Female Total

100 300 400

Ma le Female Total

Bar Chart of SameInformation Males Females

Exampleof Grouped Data FrequencyDistribution N FirstJob Annual lncome

25 50 100 150 50 25 400

Under$5, 000 $5, 000t o $9, 999 $ 10, 000t o $. 15, 99 9 $ 15, 000t o $19, 99 9 $20,000to $29,999 $30.000 andover

Total Exampleof FrequencyPolygon Frequency 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10

elc.

10

12

14

16

18

20

22

24

26

IndividualIncome(in Thousandsof Dollars)

28

etc

CHAP T E R1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

*:,

TABTE 1 0.1

MeasuresofCentral Tendencyand Levelsof Measurement

Nominal

Yes

Ordinal

Yes

Interval

Yes

253

mode the lowest. If most caseshave higher scoreswith a few extremelow scores,the mean will be thelowest,the medianin the middle,and the mode the highest.In general,the median is bestfor skeweddistributions,althoughthe mean is usedin mostotherstatistics(seeFigure10.3). Measuresof Variation

Measuresof centraltendenryarea one-number summary of a distribution; however,they give Yes Yes only its center.Anothercharacteristicof a distriRatio Yes Yes Yes bution is its spread,dispersion,or variability around the center.Two distributionscan have identicalmeasuresof centraltendencybutdif[er in their spreadabout the center.For example, sevenpeopleare at a bus stop in front ofa bar. ageis 28,eventhough no personis 28 yearsold. Theiragesare25 2627 3033 3435.BoththemeNote that thereis no mode in the list of six ages dian and the meanare30.At a bus stop in front becauseeachpersonhasa differentage. of an ice cream store,sevenpeoplehave the The mean,also calledthe arithmetic averidenticalmedianand mean,but their agesare 5 age,is the most widely usedmeasureof central 1020 30 40 50 55.Theagesofthe groupin front tendency.It can be ttsedonly with interval- or of the ice creamstorearespreadmore from the ratiolevel data.2Computethe meanby adding center,or the distribution hasmore variability. up all scores,then divide by the number of Variability has important socialimplicascores.For example,the mean agein the previtions. For example,in city X, the median and ous exampleis 17 + 20 + 26 + 30 + 50 + 70 = meanfamily income is $35,600per year,and it = 35.5.No onein thelist is 35.5years has zero variation. 213;21316 Zero yariatiorzmeansthat old, and the meandoesnot equalthe median. everyfamily has an income of exactly$35,600. The meanis stronglyaffectedby changesin CityYhasthesamemedianandmeanfamilyinextremevalues(verylargeor very small).For excome, but 95 percentof its familieshave inample,the 50- and 7}-year-oldleft and wererecomesof $12,000per yearand 5 percenthave placedwith two 31-year-olds.The distribution incomesof $300,000per year.CityX hasperfect now lookslike this: 1720 26 30 3t 31.The meincomeequality,whereasthereis greatiniqualdian is unchanged:28.The meanis IT + 20 + 26 ity in city Y. Aresearcherwho doesnot know the + 30 + 3l + 3I = 155;15516= 25.8.Thus,the variabilityof incomein thetwo citiesmissesvery meandroppeda greatdealwhen a few extreme important information. valueswereremoved. Researchers measurevariation in three If the frequenrydistribution forms a "norways:range,percentile,and standarddeviation. mal" or bell-shapedcurve,the threemeasuresof Rangeis the simplest.It consistsof the largest centraltendencyequaleachother.Ifthe distriband smallestscores.For example,the rangefor ution is a skeweddistribution(i.e.,more casesare the bus stop in front of the bar is from 25 to 35. in the upper or lower scores),then the threewill or 35 - 25 = I0 years.If the 35-year-oldgot not be equal.If most caseshavelower scores onto a bus and was replacedby a 60-year-old, with a few extremehigh scores,the meanwill be the rangewould changeto 60 - 25 = 45 years. the highest,the median in the middle, and the Rangehaslimitations.For example,herearetwo Yes

254

PART T W O , / CO NDUCTI NC Q UANTIT A T I V ER E S E A R C H

FIcURE 1 0.3

Measures ofCentralTendency Normal Distribution

Numberof Cases

Lowest

Valuesof Variables

Highest

SkewedDistributions ModeMedianMean

groupsof sixwith a rangeof 35years:303030 30 3065 and20 4546 48 50 55. Percentiles tell the scoreat a specificplace within the distribution. One percentileyou arreadylearnedis the median,the 50thpercentile. Sometimes the 25th and 75thpercentiles or the 10th and 90th percentilesareusedto describea distribution.For example,the 25th percentileis the scoreat which 25 percentof the distribution haveeitherthat scoreor a lower one.The computation of a percentilefollowsthe samelogic as the median.If I have100peopleandwantto find the 25th percentile.I rank the scoresand count up from the bottom until I reachnumber 25. If the total is not 100,I simply adjustthe distribution to a percentage basis. Standarddeviationis the most difficult to computemeasureof dispersion;it is also the mostcomprehensive andwidelyused.The range and percentilearefor ordinal-, interval-,and ratio-level data, but the standarddeviationrequiresan intervalor ratio levelof measurement.

MeanMedianMode

It is based on the mean and gives an "average distance" between all scoresand the mean. People rarely compute the standard deviation by hand for more than a handful of casesbecause computers and calculators can do it in seconds. Look at the calculation ofthe standard deviation in Figure 10.4.If you add up the absolute difference between eachscore and the mean (i.e., subtract each score from the mean), you get zero. This is becausethe mean is equally distant from all scores.Also notice that the scores that differ the most from the mean have the largest effect on the sum ofsquares and on the standard deviation. The standard deviation is used for comparison purposes. For example, the standard deviation for the schooling of parents of children in classA is 3.317years;for classB, it is 0.812;and for class C, it is 6.239. The standard deviation tells a researcherthat the parents ofchildren in classB are very similar, whereasthose for classC are very different. In fact, in classB, the schoo'-

CHAPT E R1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

FIGUREI 0.4

255

TheStandardDeviation

Stepsin Computing the StandardDeviation 1. Computethe mean. 2. Subtractthe meanfrom eachscore. 3. Squarethe resultingdifferencefor eachscore. 4. Totalup the squareddifferences to get the sumofsquares. 5. Dividethe sumof squaresby the numberof casesto get the variance. 5. Takethe squareroot ofthe variance, whichis the standarddeviation. Exampleof Computing the StandardDeviation variable= yearsof schooling] [8 respondents, Score

15 12 12 .t0 16 18 8 9

Score - Mean

Squared (Score - Mean)

15-12.5= 2.5 12-12.5=-0.5 12-12.5:-0.5 10-'12.5:-2.5 16-12.5: 3.5 .r8-12.5= 5.5 8-12.5= 4.5 9-12.5=-3.5

6.25 .25 .25 6.25 12.25 30.2s 20.25 12.25

Mea n='1 5+ 12 + 12+ l0+ 16+ 18+ 8+ 9 = 100,1OO / 8: 1 2 . 5 Sumof squares: 6.25 + .25 + .25 + 6.25 + 12.25+ 30.25 + 20.25 + 12.25= 88 .11 : Sumof squares/Number Variance of cases= 88/8 = = Standarddeviation Squareroot ofvariance= 11= 3.317years. Hereis the standarddeviationin the form of a formulawith svmbols. Svmbols: X = SCOREof case X = VEltt

I = Sigma(Greekletter)for sum,add together N= Numberofcases

Formulaj

= ttfx Standard deviation VN

-

-xf

aThereis a slightdifference in the formuladependingon whetherone is usingdatafor the population or a sampleto estimatethe populationparameter

ing of an "average" parent is less than a year above or below than the mean for all parents, so the parents are very homogeneous. In class C, however, the "average" parent is more than six years above or below the mean, so the parents are very heterogeneous.

The standard deviation and the mean are used to create z-scores.Z-scoreslet a researcher compare two or more distributions or groups. The z-score, also called a standardizedscore,expressespoints or scoreson a frequency distribution in terms of a number of standard deviations

pART Two

25 6

, / c oNDUc r lNc

Q UANTIT A T I v E R E S E A K L H

from the mean.Scoresarein termsof their relative position within a distribution, not as absolutevalues. For example,Katy, a salesmanagerin firm Mike in firm A, earns$50,000per year,whereas B earns$38,000per year. Despitethe absolute them,the managers incomedifferencesbetvveen are paid equally relativeto others in the same firm. Katy is paid more than two-thirds of other employeesin her firm, and Mike is also paid more than two-thirds of the employeesin his firm. Z-scores areeasyto calculatefrom the mean and standarddeviation(seeBox 10.1).For example, an employer interviews studentsfrom

I do not like the formulafor z-scores, Personally, is: which Deviation, Z-score= (Score- Mean)/Standard or in symbols: z=-

x-x 6

where:X= score,X= mean,E = standarddeviation I usuallyrelyon a simpleconceptualdiagramthat does the samething and that showswhat z-scores reallydo. Considerdata on the agesof schoolchildrenwith a meanof Z yearsand a standarddeviation of 2 years.Howdo I computethe z-scoreof 5-yearz-score old Miguel,or whatif I knowthat Yashohda's First,I in years? know her age to I need is a *2 and draw a little chart from -3 to *3 with zero in the middle.I will put the meanvalueat zero,becausea zscoreof zerois the meanand z-scoresmeasuredistanceaboveor belowit. I stop at 3 becausevirtually allcasesfallwithin3 standarddeviationsof the mean The chartlookslikethis: in mostsituations.

Kings Collegeand QueensCollege.Shelearns that the collegesare similar and that both grade on a 4.0scale.Yet,the meangrade-pointaverage at KingsCollegeis 2.62with a standarddeviation of .50,whereasthe meangrade-pointaverageat QueensCollegeis 3.24with a standarddeviation of .40. The employersuspectsthat gradesat QueensCollegeareinflated.Suzettefrom Kings Collegehas a grade-pointaverageof 3'62, and ]orgefrom QueensCollegehasa grade-pointaverageof 3.64. Both studentstook the same courses.The employerwantsto adjustthe grades for the gradingpracticesof the two colleges(i.e., createstandardizedscores).She calculateszscoresby subtractingeachstudent'sscorefrom

lllllll

-3

-2

-.1

0

+1 +2 +3

Now, I labelthe valuesof the meanand add or subtractstandarddeviationsfrom it. One standard deviationabovethe mean(+1) whenthe meanis 7 and standarddeviationis 2 yearsis just 7 -l 2, or 9 I put 3 years.Thisis because years.Fora -2 z-score, it is 2 standarddeviations,of 2 years each (or 4 years),lowerthan the Meanof 7. My diagramnow lookslikethis: 357 1 rl l l l l l

9

11

13

agei nY ears

-3 -2 -1 0 + 1 + 2 + 3 It is easyto seethat Miguel,who is 5 yearsold, z-scoreof hasa z-scoreof - 1 , whereasYashohda's 'l from zread *2 correspondsto 1 yearsold. I can suchqs For fractions, scoreto age,or ageto z-score. to fraction. just same the apply .5, I a z-scoreof 1 is a z-score of 1 2 age an Likewise, years. get 4 to age of *2.5.

CHAPTE R1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

the mean,then dividing by the standarddeviation. For example,Suzette'sz-scoreis 3.62 2.62 = 1.00/.50= 2, whereas|orge'sz-scoreis = 1. Thus,the employer 3.64 - 3.24.= .401.40 learnsthat Suzetteis two standarddeviations abovethe mean in her college,whereasforge rs only one standarddeviationabovethe meanfor his college.Although Suzette'sabsolutegradepoint averageis lowerthan forge's,relativeto the studentsin eachoftheir collegesSuzette's grades aremuch higherthan forge's.

R ESU LTS WITH TWO V A RIA B TE S A BivariateRelationship Univariate statistics describe a single variable in isolation. Bivariate statistics are much more valuable. Theylet a researcherconsider two variables together and describe the relationship between variables.Even simple hypothesesrequire two variables. Bivariate statistical analysisshows a relationship between variables-that is, things that appear together. Statistical relationships are based on two ideas: covariation and independence.Covariation means that things go together or are associated. To covary means to vary together; cases with certain values on one variable are likely to have certain values on the other one. For example, people with higher values on the income variable are likely to have higher values on the life expectancy variable. Likewise, those with lower incomes have lower life expectanry. This is usually stated in a shorthand way by saying that income and life expectancy are related to each other, or covary. We could also saythat knowing one's income tells us one's probable life expectancy, or that life expectancy depends on income. Independenceis the opposite of covariation. It means there is no association or no relationship between variables. If two variables are independent, cases with certain values on one variable do not have any particular value on the

257

other variable. For example, Rita wants to knorv whether number of siblings is related to life expectancy. If the variables are independent, then people with many brothers and sistershave the same life expectancy as those who are only children. In other words, knowing how many brothers or sisters someone has tells Rita nothine about the person's life expectancy. Most researchersstate hypotheses in terms ofa causal relationship or expected covariation; if they use the null hlpothesis, the hypothesis is that there is independence. It is used in formal hlpothesis testing and is frequently found in inferential statistics (to be discussed). Three techniques help researchersdecide whether a relationship exists between two variables:(1) a scattergram, or a graph or plot of the relationship; (2) cross-tabulation,or a percentaged table; and (3) measuresof associition, or statistical measures that expressthe amount of covariation by a single number (e.g.,correlation coefficient). Seeing the Relationship: The Scattergram What Is a Scattergram (or Scatterplot)? A scattergram is a graph on which a researcher plots each caseor observation, where each axis representsthe value ofone variable. It is used for variables measured at the interval or ratio level, rarely for ordinal variables, and never if either variable is nominal. There is no fixed rule frrr which variable (independent or dependent) to place on the horizontal or vertical axis, but usually the independent variable (syrnbolized by the letter X) goes on the horizontal axis and the dependent variable (syrnbol ized by I on the vertical axis. The lowest value for each should be the lower left corner and the highest value should be at the top or to the right. How to Construct a Scattergram. Begin with the range of the two variables. Draw an axis with the values of each variable marked and write numbers on each axis (graph paper is helpful).

pA RTT wo ,/ c o N D U c rN c e u A N rtrA Tl vE R E S E A R cH

258

Next, labeleachaxiswith the variablenameand put a title at the top. You are now ready for the data. For each case,find the valueof eachvariableand mark the graphat aplacecorrespondingto the two values. For example,a researchermakesa scattergram of yearsof schoolingby number of children.He or she looks at the first caseto seeyears of schooling(e.g.,12) and at the number of children (e.g.,3). Thenhe or shegoesto the placeon the graphwhere 12 for the "schooling"variable and 3 for the "number of children" variableintersectand puts a dot for the case. The scattergramin Figure 10.5is a plot of datafor 33 women.It showsa negativerelqtionshipbetweenthe yearsof educationthe woman completedand the number of childrenshegave birth to. Whnt Can You Learn from the Scattergram? A researchercan seethree aspectsof a bivariate relationshipin a scattergram:form, direction, and precision.

FIcURE 1 0.5

Form. Relationshipscan take three forms: independence,linear, and curvilinear. Independence or no relationshipis the easiestto see. It lookslike a randomscatterwith no pattern,or a straightline that is exactlyparallelto tlie horizontal or vertical axis. A linear "relationship meansthat a straightline canbe visualizedin the middle of a mazeof casesrunning from one corner to another.A curvilinearrelationshlpmeans would form a U that the centerof a mazeof cases curve, right side up or upside down, or an S curye. Direction. Linearrelationshipscanhavea positive or negativedirection.The plot of a positive relationshiplooks like a diagonalline from the lower left to the upper right. Higher valueson X tend to go with higher values on Y, and vice example versa.The income and life expectancF describeda positivelinear relationship. . lookslike aline from Anegativerelationship the upper left to the lower right. It meansthat highervalueson onevariablego with lowerval-

Exampleof a Scattergram: Yearsof Educationby Number of Natural Children Jor 33 Women

6.00

tr

E = E o

5.00

\

4.00

\

I

(! 5 t5

z

3.00

o o lt 2.OO

\ \

E J

z 1 . 00

\ I-

\

0.00 8.00

18.00 1 2 .0 0 1 6 .0 0 1 4 .0 0 Education Years of Formal

22.0O

CHAPTER1O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

259

Figure 10.6 is a raw count or frequency table.Its cellscontain a count of the cases.It is easyto make,but interpretinga raw count table is difficult becausethe rows or columnscanhave differenttotals.and what is of realinterestis the relativesizeof cellscomparedto others. Researchers convert raw count tablesinto percentaged tablesto seebivariaterelationships. There are three waysto percentagea table: by row, by column, and for the total. The first two areoften usedand showrelationships. Is it best to percentageby row or column? Eithercanbe appropriate.Let us first reviewthe mechanicsof percentaginga table.When calcucomputethe perlating column percentages, Precision. Bivariaterelationshipsdiffer in their centageeach cell is of the column total. This degreeof precision.Precisionis the amount of includesthe total column or marginal for the spreadin the pointson the graph.A high levelof column variable.For example,the first column precision occurswhen the points hug the line total is 26 (there are26 peopleunder age30), that summarizesthe relationship.Alowlevel ocand the first cell of that column is 20 (thereare curs when the points are widely spreadaround 20 peopleunder age30 who agree).The percan "eyeball"a highly prethe line. Researchers cise relationship. They can also use advanced centageis20126=0.769or76.9percent.Or, for thefirst numberin themarginal,37ll0l = 0.366 statisticsto measurethe precisionof a relationship in a way that is analogousto the standard = 36.6 percent (seeTable 10.2). Except for rounding,the total shouldequal100percent. deviationfor univariatestatistics. Computing row percentagesis similar. Compute the percentageof eachcell as a perBivariate Tables centageof the row total. For example,usingthe samecell with 20 in it, we now want to know What Is a Bivariate Table? Thebivariateconwhat percentageit is of the row total of 37, or tingency table is widely used. It presentsthe by 20137= 0.541= 54.1percent.Percentaging sameinformation as a scattergramin a more for a row or column givesdifferentpercentages condensedform. The data can be measuredat cellunlessthe marginalsarethe same. althoughintervaland anylwel of measurement, let a reThe row and column percentages ratio datamust be groupedif therearemanydifferentvalues.The tableis basedon cross-tabula- searcheraddressdifferent questions.The row percentagetable answersthe question.Among tion; that is, the casesare organizedin the table those who hold an attitude, what percentage on the basisof two variablesat the sametime. tableis formedby cross-tabu- come from eachagegroup?It saysof responA contingency dentswho agree,54.Ipercentare in the underlating two or more variables.It is contingentbe30 age group. The column percentagetable causethe casesin eachcategoryofa variableget addresses the question:Among thosein eachage distributed into each categoryof a second(or hold differentattitudes? additional)variable.The table distributescases group,what percentage It saysthat amongthosewho areunder 30,76.9 into the categoriesof multiple variablesat the a reby category percentagree.From the row percentages, sametime and showshow the cases, ofone variable,are"contingentupon" the cate- searcherlearnsthat a little overhalf ofthosewho agreeareunder 30 yearsold, whereasfrom colgoriesof other variables.

ueson the other.For example,peoplewith more educationarelesslikely to havebeenarrested.If we look at a scattergramofdata on a group of maleswhereyearsof schooling(X axis)areplotted by number of arrests(Y axis)'we seethat most cases(or men) with manyarrestsarein the lower right, becausemost of them completed few yearsof school.Most caseswith few arrests mosthavehad more arein the upperleft because schooling.The imaginaryline for the relationship can havea shallowor a steepslope.More advancedstatisticsprovide precisenumerical measuresof the line's slope.

260

PART TW O , / CO NDUCTI NG Q UANTIT A T I V ER E S E A R C H

Age Group by Attitude about Changingthe Drinking FlG U RE I 0.6 Age, RawCount Table Age Group (b)

RawCount Table (a) Attitude (b)

Under 30

Agree No opinion Disagree Total (c)

20 3 (d) 3 26

Missingcases(f ) = 8.

30-45

46-60

10 10 _l

4 10 2L

2sfrt

61 and Older

3 2 10 15

Total(c)

37 25 3g

101

(")

The Parts of a Table information' and providesbackground (a) Civeeachtablea fifle whichnamesvariables (b) Labelthe rowandcolumnvariableandgivea nameto eachof the variablecategories. (c) Includethe totalsof the columnsand rows.Thesearecalledthe marginab.rhey frequencydistributionfor the variable. equalthe univariate to the intersectionofa categoryfor each (d) Eachnumberor placethat corresponds variableis a cell of a table. (e) The numberswith the labeledvariablecategoriesand the totalsarecalledthe body of a table. (f ) lf there is missinginformation(casesin whicha respondentrefusedto answer, said"don't know,"etc.),report the numberof missingcasesnear endedinterview, the tableto accountfor all originalcases.

the researcherlearns that umn percentages, amongthe under-30people,overthree-quarters agree.One way of percentagingtells about people who have specificattitudes;the other telis aboutpeoplein specificagegroups. may imply lookh1'pothesis A researcher's or the column percenting at row percentages ages.When beginning,calculatepercentages eachway and practiceinterpreting,or figuring out, what eachsays.For example,myhypothesis is that ageaffectsattitude, so column percentagesare most helpful. However,if my interest wasin describingthe agemake-upof groupsof peoplewith different attitudes,then row perareappropriate. centages

Unfortunately, there is.no "industry standard" for putting independentand dependent tableasrow or column, variablesin a percentage by row and column.A majoror for percentage placethe independentvariable ity ofresearchers by column,but a asthe column and percentage large minority put the independentvariableas bYrow. the row and percentage Reailing a PercentagedTable. Once you uhderstandhow a tableis made,readingit and figuring out what it saysaremuch easier.To reada table, first look at the title, the variablelabels, and anybackgroundinformation. Next, look at the direction in which percentageshave been

CHAPTER1 O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

computed-in rows or columns. Notice that the percentaged tables in Table 10.2 have the same title. This is becausethe same variables are used. It would have helped to note how the data were percentaged in the title, but this is rarely done. Sometimes, researcherspresent abbreviated tables and omit the 100 percent total or the marginals, which adds to the confusion. It is best to include all the parts of a table and clear labels. Researchers read percentaged tables to make comparisons. Comparisons are made in the opposite direction from that in which per-

TA BLE 1 0.2

centagesare computed. A rule of thumb is to compare across rows if the table is percentaged down (i.e., by column) and to compare up and down in columns if the table is percentaged across(i.e.,by row). For example, in row-percentaged Table 10.2,compare columns or age groups. Most of those who agreeare in the youngest group, with the proportion declining as age increases.Most no-opinion people are in the middle-age groups, whereasthose who disagreeare older, especiJly in the 46-to-60 group. When reading column-

Age Groupby Attitude about Changingthe DrinkingAge, PercentagedTables

T

Column-PercentagedTable

€roup .,. ', 3'Ar:45

45-60

Agree

76.9%

407"

11.4%

20%

36.6%

No opinion

I 1.5

40

28.6

13.3

24.8

Disagr:ee

I 1.5

60

66.7

3 8.6

Total

99.9

20 .100

100

r0 0 (t s )-

(N)

(2 s)-

(26).

( 3s) -

Missingcases= 8

100 (10r)*

Row-PercentagedTable

,ii;.

Agree

54.1%

27%

10.8%

8.1% 100%

(37).

No opinion

12

40

40

8

( 2s) .

12.8

53.8

2s.6

99.9

2 4 .8

34.7

14.9

' r0 0 . r

Disagree Total

7.7 25.7

261

100

(39)-

(1 0 1 )-

Missingcases= 8 *Forpercentaged tables,providethe numberof casesor N on whichpercentages arecomputedin parenthesesnearthe total of I 00%. Thismakesit possibleto go backandforth from a percentaged tableto a rawcounttableandviceversa.

2 62

pA RTT wo / c o N D U c l N c e u AN T trATtvER E S E A R C H

percentagedTable 10.2, compare across rows. For example, a majority of the youngest group agree,and they are the only group in which most people agree.Only 11.5 percent disagree,compared to a majority in the two oldest groups. It takes practice to see a relationship in a percentagedtable. Ifthere is no relationship in a table, the cell percentages look approximately equal acrossrows or columns. A linear relationship looks like larger percentagesin the diagonal cells. If there is a curvilinear relationship, the largest percentages form a pattern across cells. For example, the largest cells might be the upper right, the bottom middle, and the upper left. It is easiestto seea relationship in a moderate-sized table (9 to t6 cells) where most cells have some cases(at least five casesare recommended) and the relationship is strong and precise. Principles ofreading a scattergram can help you see a relationship in a percentaged table. Imagine a scattergramthat has been divided into 12 equal-sizedsections.The casesin each section correspondto the number of casesin the cellsof a table that is superimposed onto the scattergram. The table is a condensed form of the scattergram. The bivariate relationship line in a scattergram corresponds to the diagonal cells in a percentagedtable. Thus, a simple way to see strong relationships is to circle the largest percentage in each row (for row-percentaged tables) or column (for column-percentagedtables) and seeifa line appears. The circle-the-largest-cell rule works-with one important caveat.The categoriesin the percentagestable mustbe ordinal or interval and in the same order as in a scattergram. In scattergrams the lowest variable categoriesbegin at the bottom left. If the categories in a table are not ordered the same way, the rule does not work. For example, Table 10.3a looks like a positive relationship and Table 10.3b like a negative relationship. Both usethe same data and are percentagedby row. The actual relationship is negative. Look closely-Table 10.3b has age categoriesordered as in a scattergram. When in doubt. return to the basic difference between

TA B TE 10.3a

30-45

s% 25 . r5 25

46-60

35

45

61 +

45

35

Under30

TA B LE 1 O.3b

40

100

20

100

12 .t5

8

100

5

100

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(

100

45

12

8

100

15

25

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20

100

5

25

30

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35

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30 40

positive and negativerelationships. A positive relationship means that as one variable increases, so does the other. A negative relationship means that asone variable increases,the other decreases. Bivariate Tables without Percentages. Researcherscondenseinformation in another kind of bivariate table with a measure of central tendency (usually the mean) instead of percentages. It is used when one variable is nominal or ordinal and another is measured at the interval or ratio level.The mean (or a similar measure)of the interval or ratio variable is presented for each categoryof the nominal or ordinal variable. All casesare divided into the ordinal or nominal variable categories;then the mean is calculated for the casesin each variable category from the raw data. Table 10.4showsthe mean ageof people in each ofthe attitude categories.The results sug-

c H A p rE R | 0 ,/ A N A LystsoF euA N TtrA TtvED A TA

TABLE 1 0.4

AttitudeaboutChanging the DrinkingAge by Mean Age of Respondent

Agree

26.2

No opinion

44.5

(s7) (2s)

263

dicating a negative relationship and positive numbers a positive relationship. A measure of 1.0 means a 100 percent reduction in errors, or perfect prediction.

MO RET HA N T WO V A RI A B L E S StatisticalControl

Showing an association or relationship between two variables is not sufficient to say that an independent variable causesa dependent variabie. Missingcases= 8 In addition to temporal order and association, a researcher must eliminate alternative explanations-explanations that can make the hypothegestthat the mean ageof thosewho disagreeis sized relationship spurious. Experimental much higher than for thosewho agreeor have researchersdo this by choosing a researchdesign no opinion. that physically controls potential alternative explanations for results (i.e., that threaten internal validity). Measuresof Association In nonexperimental research, a researcher A measureof association is a singlenumber that controls for alternative explanations with statisexpresses the strength,and often the direction, tics. He or she measurespossible alternative exof a relationship. It condensesinformation planations vmth control variables,then examines about a bivariate relationship into a single the control variableswith multivariate tablesand number. statistics that help him or her decide whether a There are many measuresof association. bivariate relationship is spurious. They also The correct one dependson the level of meashow the relative size of the effect of multiple insurement.Many measures arecalledby lettersof dependent variables on a dependent variable. the Greek alphabet.Lambda,gamma,tau, chi A researcher controls for alternative expla(squared),and rho are commonly usedmeanations in multivariate (more than two varisures.The emphasishere is on interpretingthe ables) analysis by introducing a third (or measures,not on their calculation.In order to sometimes a fourth or fifth) variable. For examunderstandeachmeasure,you will needto comple, a bivariate table shows that taller teenagers pletea beginningstatisticscourse. like sports more than shorter ones do. But-the If there is a strong associationor relationbivariate relationship between height and attiship,then few errorsaremadepredictinga sec- tude toward sports may be spurious because ond variableon the basisof knowledgeof the teenagemales are taller than females, and males first, or the proportion oferrors reducedis large. tend to like sports more than females. To test A largenumber ofcorrect guesses suggests that whether the relationship is actually due to sex, a the measureof associationis a nonzeronumber researcher must control for gen'der; in other if an associationexistsbetweenthe variables. words, effects of sex are statistically remoyed. Table10.5describesfive commonlyusedbivariOnce this is done, a researchercan seewhether ate measuresof association. Notice that most the bivariate relationship between height and alrangefrom - 1to +1, with negativenumbersintitude toward sports remains. Disagree

61.9

(se)

264

PART TW O , / CO NDUCTI NC Q UANTI T A T I V ER E S E A R C H

TABLE I 0.5

FiveMeasuresofAssociation

Lambda is usedfor nominal-level data.lt is based on a reductionin errorsbasedon the modeand rangesbetween0 (independence) and 1.0 (perfectpredictionor the strongestpossible relationship). 6ammais usedfor ordinal-level data.lt is basedon pairsof variablecategories comparing andseeing whethera casehasthe samerankon each.Camma rangesfrom - I .0 to *1 .0, with O meaningno association. Tauis alsousedfor ordinal-level data.lt is based on a differentapproachthan gammaand takes careof a few problemsthat canoccurwith gamma. Actually,there are severalstatisticsnamedtau (it is a popularCreekletter),andthe one hereis Kendall's tau. Kendall's tau rangesfrom - I .0 to *1 .0, with 0 meaningno association. productmoment Rhois alsocalledPearson's correlationcoefficient(namedafterthe famous statisticianKarlPearsonand basedon a oroduct procedure). momentstatistical lt is the most commonlyusedmeasure of correlation, the correlationstatisticpeoplemeanif they usethe termcorrelation without identifyingit further.lt can

be usedonly for data measuredat the intervalor ratio level.Rhois usedfor the meanand standard andtellshowfar cases deviationof the variables arefrom a relationship(or regression)linein a scatterplot.Rhorangesfrom - 1.0 to *1 .0, with 0 lf the valueof rho is meaningno association. it hasa calledR-squared, sometimes squared, Runiqueproportionreductionin errormeaning. in onevariable squaredtellshowthe percentage (e.g.,the dependent)is accountedfor, or by,the othervariable(e.g.,the explained linearrelationships Rhomeasures independent). nonlinear or curvilnear measure lt cannot only. Forexample, a rho of zerocan relationships. or a curvilinear indicateeitherno relationship relationship. hastwo differentuses.lt can be used Chi-squared as a measureof associationin descriptivestatistics likethe otherslistedhere,or in inferential statistics.Inferentialstatisticsare brieflydescribed chi-squared can of association, next.As a measure be usedfor nominalandordinaldata.lt hasan upperlimitof infinityanda lowerlimitof zero, meaning no association.

Summaryof Measuresof Association ',:';L;,;.:':;:"ltjg$',' , .' '' l::|i::*

Lambda

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Camma

I

Nominal

.l

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.0

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t

Ordinal

Rho

p

Interval,ratio

+ 1 . 0 , -1 . 0 +t .0,-.1.0 + 1 . 0-r. , 0

Chi-square

x2

Nominal,ordinal

Infinity

Ordinal

A researcher controlsfor a third variableby seeingwhetherthebivariaterelationshippersists within categories of the control variable.For example,a researcher controlsfor sex,and the relationshipbetweenheight and sportsattitude

0 0

0

0 0

persists.This meansthat tall malesand tall femalesboth like sportsmore than short males and short femalesdo. In other words, the control variablehasno effect.When this is so,thebivariaterelationshipis not spurious.

CHAPTE R1 O , i A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V E DATA

I il

If the bivariaterelationshipweakensor dis_ appearsafter the control variableis considered, it meansthat tall malesareno more likelv than shortmalesto like sports,and tall femalesur. rro more likely to like sportsthan short females.It indicatesthat the initial bivariaterelationshipis spuriousand suggests that thethird variable.sex. and not height,is the truecauseof differences in attitudestoward sports. Statisticalcontrol is a key ideain advanced statisticaltechniques. A meaiureof association like the correlationcoefficientonlysuggests a re_ lationship.Until a researcherconsiderscontrol variables,the bivariate relationship could be spurious.Researchers are cautiousin interpret_ ing bivariaterelationshipsuntil they havecon_ sideredcontrolvariables.

265

in thepartial.Thus,it is possibleto breakapart a bivariatetable to form partials,or combinethe partialsto restorethe initial bivariatetable. Trivariate tables have three limitations. First, they are difficult to interpret if a control variablehasmore than four catigories.Second, control variablescanbe at any levelof measure_ ment, but interval or ratio control variables must be grouped (i.e., convertedto an ordinal level),and how casesare groupedcan affectthe interpretationof effects.Finaliy,the total num_ ber of casesis a limiting factor tecausethe cases aredividedamongcellsin partials.The number of cellsin the partialsequalithe number of cells in the bivariate relationshipmultiplied by the numberof categories in the control variable.For example,a control variablehasthreecategories, and a bivariatetablehas 12 cells,so the p"artials have3 X 12 = 36 cells.An averageoffive cases The Elaboration Model of per cell is recommended,so the iesearcherwill PercentagedTables need5 X 36 = lg0 cases at minimum. Constructing Triyariate Tables. In order to For threevariables,threebivariatetablesare meetall the conditionsneededfor causality,re_ logicallypossible.In the example,the combina_ searcherswant to "control for" or seewhether tio3s (l)gender byattitudi e) agegroup ge by aRaltemativeexplanationexplainsawayacausal attitude,and (3) gender by ageg.orrp.tt. iur_ relationship. If an alternativeexplanationextialsaresetup on the basisofihe initiul birruriat" plainsa relationship,then the bivariaterelationrelationship.The independentvariablein each ship is spurious. Alternative explanationsare is "agegroup" andthe dependentvariableis ..at_ operationalizedas third variables,which are titude." "Gender" is the control variable.Thus, caTled controlyariablesbecausethey control for the trivariatetable consistsofa pair ofpartials, alternativeexplanation. eachshowingthe agelattitudereiationshipfor a One way to take such third variablesinto givengender. considerationandseewhethertheyinfluencethe A researcher's theory suggests the hypothe_ bivariaterelationshipis to statisticallyintroduce sisin the initial bivariaterelationship;it alio tells control variablesusing trivariate or three-vari- him or her which variablesprovide alternative abletables.Trivariatetablesdiffer slightly from explanations(i.e.,the control variables).Thus. bivariatetables;theyconsistof multiple bivariate the choiceof the control variableis based.on tables. theory. A trivariatetablehasa bivariatetableof the _Theelaborationparadigm is a systemfor independentand dependentvariable for each reading percentagedtrivariate tables.3It de_ categoryofthe control variable.Thesenew tascribesthe pattern that emergeswhen a control bles are calledpartials.The number of partials variableis introduced. Five terms describehow dependson the numberof categories in the conthe partial tablescompareto the initial bivariate trol variable.Partialtableslook like bivariatetatable,or how the original bivariaterelationship bles,but theyusea subsetof the cases. Onlycases changesafter the control variableis considered. with a specificvalueon the control variableare The examplesof patternspresentedhere show

266

pA RTTw o ,/ c o N D U c l N G e u AN TtrA Tl vER E S E A R cH

strong cases.More advanced statistics are neededwhen the differencesarenot asobvious. The replicationpattern is the easiestto understand.It is when the partialsreplicateor reproducethe samerelationshipthat existedin the bivariatetable beforeconsideringthe control variable.It meansthat the control variablehas no effect. pattern is the next easiest The specification pattern.It occurswhen onepartial replicatesthe initial bivariaterelationshipbut otherpartialsdo not. For example,you find a strong (negative) bivariaterelationshipbetweenautomobileaccidentsand collegegrades.You control for gender and discoverthat the relationshipholdsonly for males(i.e.,the strongnegativerelationshipwas in the partial for males,but not for females). This is specificationbecausea researchercan specifr the categoryof the control variable in which the initial relationshippersists. The control variablehas a large impact in both the interpretation and explanation patterns.In both, the bivariatetable showsa rela' tionship that disappearsin the partials.In other words, the relationshipappearsto be independencein the partials.Thetwo patternscannotbe distinguishedby looking at the tablesalone.The differencebetweenthem dependson the location ofthe control variablein the causalorder of variables.Theoretically,a controlvariablecanbe in one of two places,eitherbetweenthe original independentand dependentvariables(i.e., the control variableis intervening),or beforethe original independentvariable. patterndescribes the situThe interpretation ation in which the control variable intervenes betweenthe original independentand dependentvariables.For example,you examinea relationship between religious upbringing and abortion attitude.Politicalideologyis a control variable.You reasonthat religious upbringing affectscurrent political ideologyand abortion attitude.You theorizethat political ideologyis logicallyprior to an attitude about a specificissue,like abortion.Thus, religiousupbringing causespolitical ideology,which in turn has an

impact on abortion attitude. The control variableis an interveningvariable,which helpsyou interpretthe meaningof the completerelationship. the sameasinTheexplanationpatternlooks terpretation.Thedifferenceis the temporalorder ofthe control variable.In this pattern,a control variablecomesbeforethe independentvariable in the initial bivariaterelationship.For example, the originalrelationshipis betweenreligiousupbringing and abortion attitude,but now gender is the controlvariable.Gendercomesbeforereltgious upbringing becauseone's sex is fixed at birth. The explanationpatternchangeshow a researcherexplainsthe results.It implies that the initial bivariaterelationshipis spurious. variablepattern occurswhen The suppressor the bivariatetablessuggestindependencebut a relationshipappearsin one or both of the partials. For example,religious upbringing ,and abortion attitude areindependentin a bivariate table. Once the control variable"region of the country'' is introduced,religiousupbringing is with abortion attitude in the partial associated tables.The control variableis a suppressorvarithe true relationship. ablebecauseit suppressed The true relationshipappearsin the partials. (SeeTable 10.6for a summary of the elaboration paradigm.) Multiple RegressionAnalysis Multiple regressionis a statistical technique whose calculation is beyond the level in this book. Although it is quickly computedby the appropriatestatisticssoftware,a backgroundin statisticsis neededto preventmaking errors in its calculationand interpretation.It requiresinherefor terval-or ratio-leveldata.It is discussed two reasons.First, it controlsfor many alternative explanationsand variablessimultaneously (it is rarelypossibleto usemorethan onecontrol tables).Secvariableat a time usingpercentaged ond, it is widely usedin sociology,and you are likely to encounterit when readingresearchreports or articles.

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267

Summaryof the Elaborationparadigm

Replication Specification Interpretation

Samerelationship in both partialsas in bivariate table. Bivariate relationship is only seenin one of the partialtables. Bivariaterelationshipweakensgreatryor disappearsin the partiar tabres(control variableis intervening). Bivariaterelationshipweakensgreallyor disappearsin the partial tables(control variableis beforeindependent variable). No bivariaterelationship; relationship appearsin partialtablesonly.

Explanation Suppressor variable

EXAMPLES OF EI.ABOMTIONPATTERNS

Replication BivariateTable

Low High

Low

High

85% 15%

15% 85%

Control= Low Low Low High

84% 167

Partials High

Control= High Low High

15% 84%

86% 14%

14% 86%

Interpretation or Explanation BivariateTable

Partials Control= Low Low

High Low High

85% 1s%

15% 85%

Low High

4s%

ss%

Control= High Low High

Hish

55% s5% 45% 4s%

45%

s5%

Specification BivariateTable

Low High

Partials

Low

High

85% 15%

85% 15%

Low High

Control= Low Low

High

Control= High Low High

957" s%

s%

so%

95%

50%

s0% so%

SuppressorVariable BivariateTable

Low High

Partials

Low

Hish

54% 46%

46% s4%

Low High

Control= Low Low

High

Control= High Low High

84% 16%

16% 84%

14% 86%

86% 14%

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Multiple regressionresults tell the reader two things. First, the results have a measure calledR-squared(R2),which tellshow well a set of variables explains a dependent variable. Explain meansreducederrors when predicting the dependentvariablescoreson the basisofinformation about the independentvariables.A good model with severalindependentvariables might accountfor, or explain,a largepercentage of variation in a dependentvariable.For example, an R2 of .50 meansthat knowing the independent and control variablesimproves the accuraryofpredictingthe dependentvariableby 50 percent,or half as many errors are made as would be made without knowing about the variables. Second,the regressionresultsmeasurethe direction and sizeof the effectof eachvariable on a dependentvariable.The effectis measured preciselyandgivena numericalvalue.For example,a researcher canseehow five independentor control variablessimultaneouslyaffecta dependent variable,with all variablescontrolling for the effectsof oneanother.This is especiallyvaluablefor testingtheoriesthat statethat multiple independentvariablescauseone dependent variable. The effecton the dependentvariableis measuredby a standardizedregressioncoefficientor the Greekletter beta (B). It is similar to a correlation coefticient.In fact,the betacoefficientfor two variablesequalsthe r correlationcoefficient. Researchers use the beta regressioncoefficient to determine whether control variables havean effect.For example,the bivariatecorrelation betweenX and Y is .75. Next, the researcherstatisticallyconsidersfour control variables.If the betaremainsat .75,thenthe four control variableshaveno effect.However,if the betaforX and Ygetssmaller(e.g.,dropsto .20), it indicatesthat the control variableshave an effect. Consideran exampleof regressionanalysis with age,income,education,and regionasindependentvariables.The dependentvariableis a

TABTE 10.7

ExampleofMultiple RegressionResults

Dependent Variablels PoliticalldeoloryIndex (HighScoreMeansVeryLiberal)

Region: South

-.19

Ate

.0.1 -.44

lncome Yearsof education Religiousattendance

.23 -.39

R 2= .39

scoreon a political ideologyindex.The mdltiple regressionresults show that income and religious attendancehave large effects,education and region minor efFects, and ageno effect.All the independentvariablestogether have a 38 percentacc'lracyin predictinga person'spolitical ideology(seeTable 10.7).The examplesuggests that high income, frequent religious attendance,and a southernresidenceare positively associatedwith conservativeopinions, whereashaving more education is associated with liberal opinions. The impact of income is more than twice the sizeof the impact of living in a southernregion.We havebeen examining descriptivestatistics(seeTable 10.8);next, we look at a different,gpe:inferentialstatics.

I NFERENTIALSTATISTICS The Purpose of Inferential Statistics Researchers often want to do more than describe; they want to test hlpotheses, know whether sampleresultshold true in a popula-

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? dex

hiple relittion r All a38 olitisugfous losiions, ated neis ving ning ;we

deDOW

ula-

269

Summaryof Major Typesof DescriptiveStatistics

Univariate

Frequency distribution, measure of centraltendency,standard deviation, z-score

Describe one variable.

Bivariate

Correlation,percentagetable, chi-square

Describe a relationship or the association betweentwo variables.

Multivariate

Elaboration paradigm, multiple regression

Describe relationships amongseveral variables, or seehow several independentvariableshavean effect on a dependentvariable.

tion, and decide whether differences in results (e.g., between the mean scoresof two groups) are big enough to indicate that a relationship really exists. Inferential statistics use probability theory to test hypothesesformally, permit inferencesfrom a sample to a population, and test whether descriptive results are likely to be due to random factors or to a real relationship. This section explains the basic ideas of inferential statisticsbut does not deal with inferential statistics in any detail. This area is more complex than descriptive statisticsand requires a background in statistics. Inferential statistics rely on principles from probability sampling, where a researcher usesa random process(e.g.,a random number table) to select casesfrom the entire population. Inferential statistics are a precise way to talk about how confident a researchercan be when inferring from the results in a sample to the population. You have already encountered inferential statistics ifyou have read or heard about "statistical significance" or results "significant at the .05 level." Researchersuse them to conduct various statisticaltests (e.g., a t-test or an F-test). Statistical significance is also used in formal hypothesis testing, which is a preciseway to decide whether to accept or to reject a null hlpothesis.a

Statistical Signifi cance Statistical significancemeans that results are not likely to be due to chance factors. It indicates the probability of finding a relationship in the sample when there is none in the population. Because probability samples involve a random process, it is always possible that sample results will differ from a population parameter. A researcherwants to estimate the odds that sample results are due to a true population parameter or to chance factors of random sampling. Statistical significance uses probability theory and specific statistical tests to tell a researcher whether the results(e.g.,an association,a difference between two means, a regression coefficient) are produced by random error in random sampling. Statistical significance only tells what rs likely. It cannot prove anlthing with absolute certainty. It states that particular outcomes are more or less probable. Statistical significance is notthe same aspractical, substantive,or theoretical significance. Results can be statistically significant but theoretically meaningless or trivial. For example,two variablescan have a statistica\ significant association due to coincidence, with no logical connection between them (e.g.,length of fingernails and ability to speakFrench).

27O

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Levelsof Significance usually expressstatisticalsignifiResearchers cancein termsof levels(e.g.,a testis statistically significantat a specificlevel) rather than giving the specificprobability.Thelevelof statisticalsig(usually.05,.01,or .001)is a way of nificance talking about the likelihood that resultsare due to chancefactors-that is,that a relationshipappearsin the samplewhen there is none in the population. If a researchersaysthat resultsare significant at the .05 level, this means the following: r Resultslike theseare due to chancefactors only 5 in 100times. r Thereis a 95 percentchancethat the sample resultsare not due to chancefactorsalone, but reflectthe populationaccurately. r The odds of suchresultsbasedon chance aloneare.05,or 5 percent. r One canbe 95 percentconfidentthat the results are due to a real relationshipin the population,not chancefactors. Theseall say the same thing in different ways.This may soundlike the discussionof sampling distributionsandthe centrallimit theorem in the chapteron sarnpling.It is not an accident. Both arebasedon probability theory which researchersuse to link sampledata to a population. Probability theory lets us predict what happensin the long run overmany eventswhen a random processis used.In other words, it allows preciseprediction over many situationsin the long run, but not for a specificsituation. Sincewe haveone sampleand we want to infer to the population,probabilitytheoryhelpsus estimate the odds that our particularsamplerepresentsthe population.We cannot know for certainunlesswe havethewholepopulation,but probabilitytheoryletsus stateour confidencehow likely it is that the sampleshowsone thing while somethingelseis true in the population. For example,a sampleshowsthat collegemen

and women differ in how many hours they study. Is the result due to an unusual sample' and there is really no difference in the population, or does it reflect a true difference between the sexesin the population?

Type land Typell Errors is basedon Thelogicof statisticalsignificance statingwhether chancefactorsproduceresults. You may ask,Why usethe .05level?It meansa 5 percentchancethat randomnesscould causethe results.Why not usea more certainstandardfor example,a I in 1,000probabilityof random chance?This givesa smallerchancethat randomnessversusa true relationshipcausedthe results. Therearetwo answers.The simpleansweris that the scientific community has informally agreedto use .05 as a rule of thumb for most purposes.Being95percentconfidentofresultsis the acceptedstandardfor explainingthe social world. A secondanswerinvolvesa tradeoff betweenmakingtwo typesof logicalerrots.ATTpe saysthat a reI error occurswhen the researcher lationship existswhen in fact none exists.It meansfalselyrejectinga null hypothesis'AType saysthat a relaII error occurswhen a researcher tionship doesnot exist,but in reality it does'it meansfalselyacceptinga null hypothesis(see wantto avoid Table10.9).Of course,researchers both kinds of errors.Theywant to saythat there is a relationshipin the dataonlywhen it doesexist and that there is no relationshiponly when therereallyis none,but they facea dilemma:As the oddsof makingonetypeof error decline,the oddsof makingthe oppositeerror increase' The idea of Tlpe I and TlPe II errors may seemdifficult at first, but the samelogical dilemmaappearsin manyother settings.For example,a judge can err by decidingthat an accusedpersonis guilty when in fact he or sheis innocent.Or thejudgecanerr by decidingthat a person is innocent when in fact he or she is

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271

Type I and Type ll Errors

No relationship

No error

Type ll error

Causalrelationship

Type I error

No error

guilty. The judge doesnot want to make either error.A judge doesnot want to jail the innocent or to free the guilty. The judge must render a judgmentbasedon limited information andbalancethe two tFpesof errors.Likewise,a physician has to decidewhether to prescribei ,rerv medicationfor a patient.The physiciancan err by thinking that the medicationwill be effective and hasno sideefFects when, in fact,it hasa serious side effect,such as causingblindness.Or the physiciancan err by holding back an effective medicationbecause of fearof serioussideeffectswhen in fact there are none.The physican doesnot want to makeeither error. By making the first error, the physicancausesgreatharm to the patientand may evenfacea lawsuit.By maxing the seconderror, the physicandoesnot help the patient get better.Again, a judgment must be made that balancestwo types of possible errors. We can put the ideasof statisticalsignificanceand the two types of error together.An overlycautiousresearcher setsa high levelofsignificance.For example,the researcher might uie the .0001level.He or sheattributesthe resultsto chanceunlessthey are so rare that they would occurby chanceonly I in 10,000times.Sucha high standardmeansthat the researcher is most likely to err by sayingresultsare due to chance when in fact they arenot. He or shemay falsely acceptthe null hypothesiswhen thereis a causal relationship(a TypeII error). Bycontrast,a risktakingresearchersetsa low levelofsignificance,

suchas.10.His or herresultsindicatea relation_ ship would occurby chanceI in 10times.He or sheis likely to err by sayrngthat a causalrela_ tionship exists,when in fact random factors (e.9.,random samplingerror) actuallycausethe results.The researcheris likely to faiselyreject the null hypothesis(Type I error). In sum, the .05 levelis a compromisebetweenType I and TypeII errors. The statisticaltechniquesof inferentialsta_ tisticsarepreciseandrely on the relationshipbe_ tween samplingerror, samplesize,and central limit theorem.Thepowerof inferentialstatistics i: ability to let a researcherstate,with spe_ F.y cific degreesof certainty,that specificsampleie_ sults are likely to be true in J population. por example,a researcherconductssiatisticaltests and finds that a relationshipis statisticallysig_ nificant at the .05level.He or shecan statethat tbe sample results are probably not due to chancefactors.Indeed,there is a 95 percent chancethat a true relationshipexistsin the social world. Testsfor inferentialstatisticsare limited. Thedatamust comefrom a randomsample,and testsonly take into accountsamplingerrors. Nonsampling errors (e.g., a poor sampling frame or a poorly designedmeasure)are not considered.Do not be fooled into thinking that suchtestsoffer easy,final answers.Many-com_ puter programsquickly do the calculationfor inferential and descriptivestatistics(seeBox 10.2).

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who needsto calcuAlmosteverysocialresearcher late manystatisticsdoesso with a computerprogram, often using a basicspreadsheetprogram, aredespreadsheets suchas Excel.Unfortunately, functions. signedfor accountingand bookkeeping They includestatistics,but are clumsyand limited for that purpose.Thereare manycomputerprogramsdesignedfor calculatinggeneralstatistics. can be confusingto a beginner, The marketplace computer for productsevolverapidlywith changing technology. In recentyears,the softwarehasbecomelessdemandingfor a user.The most popularprogramsin andSPSS areMinitab,Microcase, the socialsciences Others for the SocialSciences). Package (Statistical AnalysisSystem),STATISincludeSAS(Statistical TICAby StratSoft,andStrata.Manybeganassimple, low-costprogramsfor researchpurposes.

CONCLUS I O N You have learned about organizing quantitative data to prepare them for analysis and about analyzingthem (organizing data into charts or tables, or summarizing them with statistical measures).Researchersuse statistical analysisto test hypotheses and answer research questions' The chapter explained how data must first be coded and then analyzed using univariate or bivariate statistics.Bivariate relationships might be spurious, so control variables and multivariate analysis are often necessary.You also learned some basicsabout inferential statistics. Beginning researcherssometimes feel their results should support a hlpothesis. There is nothing wrong with rejecting a hypothesis. The goal of scientific research is to produce knowledge that truly reflects the social world, not to defend pet ideas or hlpotheses. Hlpotheses are theoretical guessesbased on limited knowledge; they need to be tested.Excellent-quality research

The mostwidelyusedprogramfor statisticsin the arethat social lts advantages in SPSS. socialsciences researchersused it extensivelyfor over three quanit includesmanywaysto manipulate decades, meastatistical most titativedata,and it contains time a long take it can is that sures.A disadvantage complex and options its many of because to learn to purchaseunlessthe statistics.Also,it is expensive "strippeddown"student usergets an inexpensive, versionincludedwith a textbookor workbook. As computertechnologymakesusinga statistics that somepeothe dangerincreases programeasier, statisnot understand but plewillusethe programs, easily They can are doing. programs tics or whatthe statistical by a required assumptions basic violate procedure,usethe statisticsimproperly,and produce resultsthat are pure nonsensebut that look verytechnicallysophisticated.

can find that a hypothesis is wrong, and poorquality researchcan suppoft a hlpothesis. Good researchdepends on high-quality methodology, not on supporting a specific hlpothesis. Good researchmeansguarding againstpossible errors or obstaclesto true inferences from data to the social world' Errors can enter into the research process and affect results at many places: research design, measurement, data collection, coding, calculating statistics and constructing tables, or interpreting results. Even if a researchercan design, measure' collect, code, and calculate without error, another step in the researchprocessremains. It is to interpret the tables, charts, and statistics, and to answer the question: What doesit all mean?The only way to assign meaning to facts, charts, tables, or statistics is to use theory. Data, tables,or computer output cannot answer research questions. The facts do not speak for themselves.As a researcher,you must return to your theory (i.e., concepts, relationships

CHAPTERI O , / A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A N T I T A T I V ED A T A

amongconcepts,assumptions, theoreticaldefinitions) andgivethe resultsmeaning.Do not lock yourself into the ideaswith which you began. Thereis room for creativity,and new ideasare generatedby trying to figureout what resultsreally say.It is important to be carefulin designing and conductingresearchsothat you canlook at the resultsasa reflectionof somethingin the socialworld and not worry aboutwhetherthevare due to an error or an artifact of the research processitself. Beforewe leavequantitativeresearch,there is onelastissue.lournalists,politicians,and others increasinglyusestatisticalresultsto make a point or bolsteran argument.This hasnot produced greater acarracy and information in public debate.More often,it hasincreasedconfusion and made it more important to know what statisticscanand cannotdo. Theclich6that you can prove anything with statisticsis false; however,people can and do misusestatistics. Through ignoranceor consciousdeceit,some peopleuse statisticsto manipulateothers.The wayto protectyourselffrom beingmisledbystatistics is not to ignore them or hide from the numbers.Rather,it is to understandthe research processand statistics,think about what you hear,and askquestions. We turn next to qualitative research.The logic and purposeof qualitativeresearchdiffer from those of the quantitative, positi\rist approach ofthe past chapters.It is lessconcerned with numbers, hypotheses,and causalityand more concernedwith words,norms and values. and meaning.

273

contingency table control variable covariation cross-tabulation curvilinear relationship descriptive statistics direct entrymethod elaboration paradigm explanation pattern frequency distribution frequencypolygon independence interpretation pattern level of statistical significance linear relationship marginals mean median mode normal distribution partials percentile pie chart possiblecode cleaning range replication pattern scattergram skewed distribution specification pattern standard deviation statistical sigrificance suppressor variable pattern Tlpe I error Tlpe II error univariate statistics z-score

Key Terms bar chart bivariate statistics body ofa table cell ofa table code sheets codebook contingenry cleaning

Endnotes l. Note that coding sexas I = Male, 2 = Female,or as 0 = Male, I = Female, or reversing the sex for numbers is arbitrary. The only reason numbers are used instead of letters {e.g. M and F) is be_ cause many computer programs work best with all numbers. Sometimes coding data as azero can

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createconfusion, so the number 1 is usually the lowestvalue. 2. Thereareother statisticsto measurea specialkind of meanfor ordinal dataand for other specialsituations,which arebeyondthe level of discussion in this book. For a discussionofthe elaborationparadigmand and Rosenits history,seeBabbie( 1998:393-401) berg(1968).

4. In formal hypotlresistesting, researcherstest the Theyusuallywant to rejectthe null nullh.ypothesis. becauserejectionofthe null indirectly suPports the alternativehypothesisto the null, the one they deducedfrom theory asa tentativeexplanation'

1 FieldResearch Introduction Research QuestionsAppropriatefor FieldResearch The Logic of Field Research What ls FieldResearch? Project Stepsin a FieldResearch Choosing a Site and Gaining Access Selectinga Siteand Entering Strategyfor Entering Learning the Ropes BuildingRapport Relationsin the Field Rolesin the Field Maintaining Relations Observing and Collecting Data Watchingand Listening TakingNotes DataQuality Focusing and Sampling The Field Research lnterview The FieldInterview Typesof Questionsin FieldInterviews Informants InterviewContext Leaving the Field Focus Groups Ethical Dilemmas of Field Research Deception Confidentiality Involvement with Deviants Publishing FieldReports Conclusion

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in a relativelyfixed setting(e.g.,a streetcorner, church,bar, beautysalon,baseballfield, etc.). In order to useconsistentterminology,we This chapterand the two that follow shift from the quantitativesryleof the pastseveralchapters cancallthe peoplewho arestudiedin a field settingmembers.They areinsidersor nativesin the to the qualitative researchsryle.The qualitative field andbelongto a group,subculture,or social and the quantitative stylescandiffer a greatdeal. wants This chapterdescribesfield research,alsocalled settingthat the "outsider"field researcher research. to penetrateand learn about. ethnographyor participant-observation haveexploreda wide variFieldresearchers It is a qualitativestylein which a researcherdiety of socialsettings,subcultures,and aspectsof sorectlyobserves andparticipatesin small-scale sociallifel (seeFigure11.1).Placesmy students cial settings in the present time and in the short-term,smallhave conductedsuccessful home culture, researcher's Many studentsare excitedby field research scalefield researchstudiesinclude a beautysalon, day-carecenter, bakery, bingo parlor, becauseit involveshanging out with someexbowling alley,church,coffeeshop,laundromat, otic group of people.Thereare no cold mathematicsor complicatedstatistics,and no abstract policedispatchoffice,nursinghome,tattoo parlor, andweightroom. deductivehypotheses.Instead,there is direct, face-to-facesocialinteractionwith "real people" Ethnography and Ethnomethodologt. Two in a naturalsetting. In field research,the individual researcher modern extensionsof field research,ethnography and ethnomethodology,build on the social the peoplebeing directlytalkswith and observes constructionistperspective.Eachis redefining studied. Through interaction over months or how field researchis conducted.Theyarenot yet years,the researcher learnsaboutthem,their life the core offield research,so they are discussed histories,their hobbiesand interests,and their only briefly here. habits,hopes,fears,and dreams.Meeting new Ethnographycomesfrom cultural anthropeople,developingfriendships,and discovering pology.zEthnomeanspeopleor folk, andgraphy new socialworlds canbe fun. It is alsotime consuming, emotionally draining, and sometimes refersto describingsomething.Thas ethnograplry meansdescribinga culture and understanding physicallydangerous. anotherwayof life from the nativepoint ofview. Ethnographyassumesthat peoplemake inferResearchQuestions Appropriate for ences-that is, go beyond what is explicitly seen Field Research or saidto what is meantor implied. PeopledisField researchis appropriatewhen the research playtheir culture(whatpeoplethink, ponder,or questioninvolveslearning about, understand- believe)through behavior(e.g.,speechand acing, or describinga group of interactingpeople. tions) in specificsocialcontexts.Displaysof behavior do not give meaning;rather,meaningis It is usuallybestwhen the questionis: How do inferred,or someonefiguresout meaning.Movpeopledo Y in the socialworld? or What is the ing from what is heardor observedto what is acsocialworld of X like?It canbe usedwhen other tually meantis at the centerof ethnography.For methods (e.g., survey,experiments)are not example,when a studentis invitedto a "kegger," practical,asin studyingstreetgangs. the studentinfersthat it is an informalpartywith Field researchers study peoplein a location peopleat which beerwill be other student-aged or setting.It hasbeenusedto studyentirecomserved,basedon his or her cultural knowledge. munities. Beginning field researchersshould Cultural knowledgeincludessymbols,songs'saystartwith a relativelysmall group (30 or fewer) who interactwith eachother on a regularbasis ings, facts,waysof behaving,and objects(e.g., INTRODUCTION

CHAPTERll

FIG URE 1 I . 1

/

F I E L DR E S E A R C H

277

Examplesof FieldResearchSites/Topics

Small-ScaleSettings Passengers in an airplane Barsor taverns Batteredwomenl shelters Cameraclubs Laundromats ' Socialmovementorganizations Socialwelfareoffices Television stations Waitingrooms Community Settings Retirementcommunities Smalltowns Urbanethniccommunities Working-class neighborhoods Children'sActivities Children'splaygrounds LittleLeaguebaseball Youthin schools Juniorhighgirlgroups

Door-to-doorsalespersons Factoryworkers Gamblers Medicalstudents Femalestrippers Policeofficers Restaurant chefs Socialworkers Taxidrivers Devianceand Criminal Activity Body/genital piercingand bnnding Cults Drugdealersand addicts Hippies Nude beaches Occultgroups Prostitutes Streetgangs,motorcyclegangs Streetpeople,homelessshelters

Airlineattendants Artists Cocktailwaitresses Dog catchers

Medical Settings and Medical Events Death Emergencyrooms Intensivecareunits Pregnancy and abortion Supportgroupsfor Alzheimerlcaregivers

telephones,newspapers, etc.).We learn the culture by watchingtelevision,listeningto parents, observingothers,and the like. Cultural knowledgeincludesboth explicit knowledge,what we know and talk about, and tacit knowledge,what we rarely acknowledge. For example,explicitknowledgerncladesthe socialevent(e.g.,a "kegger").Most peoplecaneasily describe what happens at one. Tacit knowledge includesthe unspokencultural norm for the proper distanceto stand from others. Peopleare generallyunawarethat they usethis

norm. They feeluneaseor discomfortwhen the norm is violated,but it is difficult to pinpoint the source of discomfort. Ethnographeri describethe explicit and tacit cultural knowledge that membersuse. Their detaileddescriptions and carefirlanalysistakewhat is describedapart and put it backtogether. Ethnomethodology is adistinctapproachdevelopedin the 1960s,with its own uniqueterminology. It combinestheory, philosophy,and method. Some do not considerit a part of sociology.

Occupations

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pA RTr HR E E / c o N D U c rl N c QU AL ITA TIvE R E S E A R cH

is A simple definition of ethnomethodology the study of commonsenseknowledge.Ethnomethodologistsstudy common senseby observingits creationand use in ongoingsocial interactionin natural settings.Ethnomethodologyis a radicalor extremeform of field research, basedon phenomenologicalphilosophy and a socialconstructionistapproach.It involvesthe highlydetailedanalysisof micro-sitspecialized, uations (e.g.,transcriptsof short conversations or videotapesof socialinteractions).Compared to other field research,it is more concerned aboutmethod and arguesthat researchfindings result as much from the method usedas from the sociallife studied. Ethnomethodologyassumesthat social meaningis fragileand fluid, not fixed, stable,or solid. Meaning is constantlybeing createdand re-createdin an ongoing process.For this reaanalyzelanguage,inson,ethnomethodologists cluding pausesand the contextof speech.They assumethat people"accomplish"commonsense understanding by using tacit social-cultural rules,and socialinteractionis a processofreality construction.Peopleinterpret everydayevents by using cultural knowledgeand cluesfrom the social context. Ethnomethodologistsexamine how ordinary people in everydaysettingsapply tacit rules to make senseof sociallife (e.g.,to know whetheror not someoneis joking). examineordinary soEthnomethodologists cial interactionin greatdetail to identi$'the rulesfor constructingsocialrealityand common sense,how theserulesareapplied,and how new rules are created.For example,they arguethat standardizedtestsor surveyinterviewsmeasure a person'sability to pick up implicit cluesand apply common sensemore than measuringobjectivefacts.

TH E LOG ICOF FIE LDRE S E A RCH What Is FieldResearch? It is difficultto pin downa specificdefinitionof it ismoreof anorientation fieldresearchbecause

towardresearchthan a fixed setoftechniquesto apply.3A field researcherusesvariousmethods is a reto obtain information. A field researcher sourcefirl,talentedindividualwho hasingenuity and an ability to think on her or his feet while in the field. Field researchis basedon naturalism,which is also used to study other phenomena(e.g.' oceans,animals,plants, etc.).Naturalisn involves observingordinary eventsin natural settings,not setin contrived,invented,or researcher-created tings. Researchoccursin the field and outside the safesettingsof an of,fice,laboratory,or classroom. goalis toexaminesocial A field researcher's meaningsand grasp multiple perspectivesin naturalsocialsettings.He or shewantsto getinsidethe meaningsystemof membersand then return to an outsideor researchviewpoint. To and switchesperspectives do this, the researcher looks at the settingfrom multiple points of view simultaneously. Fieldresearchis usuallyconductedby a single individual, although small teamshave been effective(seeBox 11.1).The researcheris directly involved in and part of the socialworld are studied,sohis or her personalcharacteristics direct inrelevantin research.The researcher's volvementin the field often has an emotional impact. Field researchcan be fun and exciting, but it canalsodisrupt one'spersonallife, physical security, or mental well-being. More than friendother typesofsocial research,it reshapes ships, family life, self-identiry and personal values. Steps in a Field ResearchProject Naturalism and direct involvement mean that field researchis lessstructured than quantitative research.This makesit essentialfor' a researcherto be well organizedand preparedfor the field. It alsomeansthat the stepsof a project arenot entirelypredeterminedbut serveas an approximateguide or road map (seeBox TI.2\.

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A field researcher doesthe following: .l

. Observesordinaryeventsand everydayactivities as they happenin naturalsettings,in addition to any unusualoccurrences 2. Becomes directlyinvolvedwiththe peoplebeing studiedand personallyexperiences the process of dailysociallifein the fieldsetting 3. Acquiresan insider'spoint of viewwhilemaintainingthe analyticperspective or distanceof an outsider 4. Usesa varietyof techniquesand socialskillsin a flexiblemanneras the situationdemands 5. Producesdata in the form of extensivewritten notes,as wellas diagrams,maps,or picturesto provideverydetaileddescriptions 6. Seeseventsholistically (e.g.,asa wholeunit,not in pieces)and individually in their socialcontext Z. Understandsand developsempathyfor membersin a field setting,and does not just record "cold"objectivefacts 8. Notices both explicit (recognized,conscious, spoken)and tacit (lessrecognized, implicit,unspoken)aspectsof culture 9. Obseirves ongoingsocialprocesses without upsettin&disrupting,or imposingan outsidepoint of view

10. Copeswith highlevelsof personalstress,uncertainty,ethicaldilemmas, and ambiguity

Flexihility. Field researchersrarely follow fixed steps.In fact, flexibility is a key advantage offield research,which letsa researcher shift direction and follow leads.Good field researchers recognizeand seizeopportunities,"play it by ear,"and rapidly adjustto fluid socialsituations. A field researcher doesnot beginwith a set of methodsto apply or explicit hlpothesesto test.Rather,he or shechoosestechniqueson the

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1. Prepare oneself, read the literature, and defocus. 2. Selecta field siteand gainaccessto it. 3. Enterthefieldandestablishsocialrelationswith members. 4. Adopt a socialrole, learnthe ropes,and get alongwith members. 5. Watch,listen,and collectqualitydata. 6. Beginto analyzedataandto generateand evaluateworkinghypotheses. 7. Focuson specificaspectsofthe settingand use theoreticalsampling. 8. Conduct field interviewswith memberinformants. 9. Disengage and physicallyleavethe setting. 1 0. Completethe analysesand write the research repon. Note:Thereis nofixedpercentage of timeneeded for each step.Fora roughapproximation, (l 960:12) Junker suggested that,onceinthefield,theresearcher should expect to spendapproximately one-sixth of hisor hertime observing, one-third recording data,one-third ofthetime anallzing data,andone-sixth reporting results. Alsosee Denzin (l989:176)foreightstepsof fieldresearch.

basisof their valuefor providinginformation.In the beginning,the researcherexpectslittle control over dataand little focus.Oncesocializedt<.r the setting,however,he or she focusesthe inquiry and assertscontrol overthe data. Getting Organized in the Beginning. Human and personalfactorscan play a role in any researchproject, but they are crucial in field research.Field projects often begin with chance occurrencesor a personalinterest.Field researchers canbeginwith their own experiences, suchasworking at a job, havinga hobby,or being a patientor an activist.

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Field researchersuse the skills of careful looking and listening,short-termmemory and regularwriting. Beforeenteringthe field, a new researcherpracticesobservingthe ordinary details of situationsand writing them down. Attention to detailsand short-term memory can improvewith practice.Likewise,keepinga daily diary or personaljournal is good practicefor writing field notes. As with all social research,reading the scholarlyliteraturehelps the researcherlearn concepts,potentialpitfalls,datacollectionmethods, and techniquesfor resolvingconflicts. In addition, a field researcherfinds diaries,novels, journalisticaccounts,and autobiographiesuseful for gaining familiarity and preparingemotionally for the field. Field researchbeginswith a generaltopic, not specifichypotheses.A researcherdoesnot He or getlockedinto anyinitial misconceptions. sheneedsto be well informed but open to discoveringnew ideas.Finding the right questions to askaboutthe field takestime. A researcher first emptieshis or her mind of preconceptions.The researchershould move outsidehis or her comfortablesocialnicheto experienceasmuch aspossiblein the field without betrayinga primary commitmentto being a researcher. Another preparationfor field researchis A field researcher self-knowledge. needsto know himselfor herselfand reflecton personalexperiences.He or shecan expectanxiety,self-doubt, frustration, and uncertaintyin the field. Especially in the beginning,the researchermay feel that he or sheis collectingthe wrong data and may suffer emotional turmoil, isolation, and confusion.He or she often feelsdoubly marginal an outsiderin the field settingand alsodistant from friends,family,andotherresearchers.4 The relevanceof a researcher's emotionalmakepersonal up, biography,and culturalexperiences makesit important to be awareof his or her personalcommitmentsand inner conflicts(seeBox 11.3).Fieldworkcan havea strongimpact on a researcher'sidentity and outlook. Researchers

may be personallytransformedby the field experience.Someadoptnew values,interests,and moral commitments,or changetheir religion or politicalideology.s

CHOOSING A SITE AND GAINING ACCESS Although a field researchproject doesnot proceedby fixed steps,some common concerns Theseincludeselectinga arisein the earlystages. site and gaining accessto the site, enteringthe field,learningthe ropes,and developingrapport with membersin the field. Selecting a Site and Entering talk about Whereto Observe. Fieldresearchers doing researchon a setting,or field site,but this term is misleading.A siteis the contextin which eventsor activitiesoccur,a sociallydefinedterritory with shifting boundaries.A social group may interactacrossseveralphysicalsites.For example,a collegefootball team may interact on the playingfield,in the lockerroom, in a dormitory, at a training camp, or at a local hangout. The team'sfield siteincludesall five locations. The field site and researchquestion are bound together,but choosinga site is not the sameasfocusingon a casefor study.A caseis a socialrelationshipor activity;it can extendbeyond the boundariesof the siteandhavelinks to other socialsettings.A researcherselectsa site, then identifiescasesto examinewithin it-for example,how football team membersrelateto authority figures. Selectinga field site is an important decitakenoteson the siteselecsion,and researchers Three factorsare relevantwhen tion processes. choosinga field researchsite: richnessof data, unfamiliarity, and suitability.6 Some sites are more likely than others to provide rich data. Sitesthat presenta web of socialrelations,a variety of activities,and diverseeventsover time providericher,more interestingdata.Beginning

CHAPTERll

Eliasoph(l 998) conductedfieldresearch on several groupsin a Californiacommunityto understandhow Americans avoidpoliticalexpression. One wasa so_ cialclub.Eliasophdescribesherselfas an ,,urban,bi_ ph.D.candidatefroma coastal,bespectacled, Jewish, longlineof communists, atheists,liberals, book-read_ ers, ideologues,and arguers',(p.270). The social club'sworldwasveryforeignto her.The socialclub, the Buffalos, centeredon countryandwesternmusic at a bar,the SilveradoClub.Shedescribesit:

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shirtsand jeans, womenin curly permsand tiered flouncesof laceor denimskirts,or jeans,and beltswith their namesembroideredin glitter on the back. (1998:92)

Eliasophintroducedherselfas a student.During . her two yearsofresearch,sheenduredsmoke_filled roomsas well as expensivebeer and bottled_water prices;attendeda weddingand manydancelessons; and participatedin countlessconversations and heardmanyabusivesexisVracist jokes.Shelistened, TheSilveradohuddledon a vast,ruttedparkinglot on askedquestions,observed,and took notes in the whatwas oncewetlands andnowwasa truckstoi,a mile bathroom.When she returnedhome after hours anda halffromAmargo's [townname]nuclearbattle_ with club members,it wasto a universitycrowdwho shipstation.Occasional gulleysof saltwatercattaits had little understanding of the world shewasstudv_ pokedthroughthewideflat nilesof pavedmallsand gas ing. For them,witty conversation wascentraland stations.Ciantfour-wheeled-drive vehicles being bored wasto be avoided.The club members fitted the pa*ing lot, makingmyminiatureHondalooklikea tov. used more nonverbalthan verbalcommunication . . . lnsidethewindowless Silverado, initiatblindingdaiand beingbored,or sitting and doing nothing,was gavewayto a hugeConfederate pinnedup be_ just fine.The researchforcedEliasopi'to flag less r.e"*Irnine hindthebandstand, thestandardcollection of nmnbeer her own viewsand tastes,whichsfrehad taken for signsand beermirrors,menin cowboyshats,cowboys granted.

field researchersshould choosean unfamiliar setting.It is easierto seecultural eventsand so_ cial relationsin a new site.When .,casing,' possi_ ble field sites,one must considersuch iractical issuesasthe researcher's time and skills,serious conflicts among people in the site, the re_ searcher'spersonalcharacteristics and feelings, and access to partsofa site. A researcher's ascriptivecharacteristics (e.g., age,gender,race) can limit access. physicalac_ cessto a sitecan be an issue.Sitesare on a con_ tinuum, with openand public areas(e.g.,public restaurants,airport waiting areas,etc.) at one end and closedand privatesettings(e.g.,private firms, clubs,activitiesin a person'ihorie, etc.)at the other.A researcher miy find that he or sheis not welcomeor not allowedon the site,or there are legal and political barriers to access.Laws

and regulationsin institutions (e.g., public schools,hospitals,prisons,etc.) restrlct u...rr. In addition, institutional review boards may limit field researchon ethicalgrounds. Level of Involvemenf. Field roles can be arcangedon a continuum by the degreeof de_ tachmentor involvementa researcherhaswith members.At oneextremeis a detachedoutsider; at the other extremeis an intimately involved insider. The field researcher's level of involvement depends on negotiations with members, specificsof the field setting,the researcher,s personal comfort, and the particular role adoptedin the field. Many move from outsider to insider levelswith more time in the field. Eachlevelhasits advantages and disadvantages.

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Different field researchers advocatedifferent levelsof involvement. Rolesat the outsiderend of the continuum make reducethe time neededfor acceptance, overrapportlessan issue,and can sometimes help membersopen up. They facilitatedetachment andprotectthe researcher's self-identity.A researcherfeelsmarginal.Although there is less risk of "going native,"he or sheis alsolesslikely to know an insider's experienceand misinterpretationis morelikely.To reallyunderstandsocial meaningfor thosebeing studied,the field researcher must participatein the setting,asothersdo. By contrast,roles at the insider end of the continuum facilitateempathyand sharingof a member'sexperience.The goal of fi.rllyexperiencingthe intimate socialworld of a memberis a lack of distancefrom, achieved.Nevertheless, too much sympathy for, or overinvolvement with membersis likely. A researcher'sreports may be questioned,data gatheringis difficult, there can be a dramatic impact on the researcher'sself, and the distanceneededfor analysismay be hard to attain.

findingsmight provideevidencefor someoneto criticizethem. is a recurrentissue Dealingwith gatekeepers asa researcherentersnew levelsor areas.In addition, a gatekeepercan shapethe direction of approvalcreresearch.In somesites,gatekeeper atesa stigma that inhibits the cooperation of members.For example,prisonersmay not be cooperativeif they know that the prison warden gaveapprovalto the researcher. Stratery for Entering Entering a field site requireshaving a flexible and strategyor plan ofaction, negotiatingaccess relations with members,and deciding how much to discloseabout the researchto field membersor gatekeepers.

Planning. Entering and gaining accessto a field siteis a processthat dependson commonsensejudgmentand socialskills.Field sitesusually havedififerentlevelsor areas,and entry is an issuefor each.Entry is more analogousto peeling the layers of an onion than to opening a door. Moreover,bargainsand promisesof entry may not remain stableover time. A researcher is someonewith the Gatekeepers. A gatekeeper needsfallbackplansor may haveto return later to formal or informal authorityto control access for renegotiation.Becausethe specificfocus of a site.7It can be the thug on the corner,an adresearchmay not emergeuntil later in the reministrator of a hospital,or the ownerof a business.Informal public areas (e.g., sidewalks, searchprocessor may change,it is bestto avoid public waitingrooms,etc.)rarelyhavegatekeep- beinglockedinto specificsby gatekeepers. ers;formal organizationshaveauthoritiesfrom Negotiation Socialrelationsare negotiated whom permissionmust be obtained. and formed throughout the processof fieldField researchersexpectto negotiatewith gatekeepers The gate- work.8Negotiationoccurswith eachnew memand bargainfor access. keepersmaynot appreciatethe needfor concep- ber until a stablerelationshipdevelopsto gain tual distanceor ethicalbalance.The researcher access,developtrust, obtain information, and must setnonnegotiablelimits to protectresearch reducehostilereactions.The researcherexpects to negotiateand explainwhat he or sheis doing integrity.If therearemanyrestrictionsinitially, a over and over in the field (seeNormalizing Soresearchercan often reopen negotiationslater, later in the chapter). may forgettheir initial demands cial Research and gatekeepers Deviantgroupsand elitesoften requirespeastrust develops.It is ethicallyandpoliticallyasTo gain accial negotiationsfor gainingaccess. Researchers do not tute to call on gatekeepers. have field researchers cessto deviantsubcultures, expectthem to listen to researchconcernsor private life, careabout the findings, exceptinsofar asthese usedcontactsfrom the researcher's

CHAPTERll

goneto socialwelfareor law-enforcementagencieswherethe deviantsareprocessed, advertised for volunteers,offlereda service(e.g.,counseling) in exchangefor access,or gone to a location wheredeviantshangout andjoined a group.

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who we are-the type of personwe areor would like to be-through our physical appearance, what we say,and how we act. The presentation of selfsendsa symbolicmessage. It maybe, ..I'm a serious,hard-workingstudent,""I'm a warm and caringperson,""I'm a cool iock," or ..I,ma Disclosure. A researchermust decide how rebel and party animal." Many ielvesarepossimuch to revealabout himselfor herselfand the ble, and presentationsof selvescan diffir deresearchproject. Disclosingone'spersonallife, pendingon the occasion. hobbies,interests,and backgroundcan build A field researcher is consciousofthe presentrust and closerelationships,but the researcher tation of self in the field. For exampG,how will alsoloseprivacy,and he or sheneedsto enshould he or she dressin the field?The b"st surethat the focusremainson eyentsin the field. guideis to respectboth oneselfand thosebeing A researcheralsodecideshow much to disstudied.Do not overdressso as to offend or close about the researchproject. Disclosure standout, but copyingthe dressofthose being rangeson a continuum from fully covert restudiedis not alwaysnecessary. A professorwho search,in which no one in the field is awarethat studiesstreetpeopledoesnot haveto dressor researchis taking place,to the oppositeend, act^likeone; dressingand acting informally is where everyoneknows the specificsof the resufficient.Likewise,more formal dressand prosearchproject.The degreeand timing of disclofessionaldemeanorarerequiredwhen studying sure dependson a researcher's judgment and corporateexecutivesor top officials. particularsin the setting.Disclosuremay unfold A researcher mustbe awarethat self-presenovertime asthe researcher feelsmore secure. tation will influencefield relationsto sornedeResearchers disclosethe projectto gatekeep- gree.It is difficult to presenta highly deceptive ersand othersunlessthere is a good reasonfor front or to presentoneselfin a way that deviates not doing so,suchasthe presenceofgatekeepers sharplyfrom the persononeis ordinarily. who would seriouslylimitor inhibit researchfor illegitimatereasons(e.g.,to hide graftor corrupResearcheras Instrument. The researcheris tion). Evenin thesecases,a researcher may disthe instrumentfor measuringfield data.Thishas closehis or her identity asa researcher, bui may two implications.First, it puts pressureon the poseas one who seemssubmissive,harmless, researcher to be alert and sensitiyeto what hapand interestedin nonthreateningissues. pens in the field and to be disciplinedabout recordingdata.Second,it haspersonalconsequences.Fieldworkinvolvessocialrelationships Learningthe Ropes and personalfeelings.Fieldresearchers areflexAfter a field siteis selectedand accessobtained. ible about what to include as data and admit researchers must learn the ropes,developraptheir,own subjectiveinsightsand feelings.perport with members,adopt a role in the setting, sonal,subjectiveexperiences are part 6f field and maintain social relations. Before cor_r- data.They are valuableboth in themselves and fronting such issues,the researchershould ask: for interpretingeventsin the field.InsteadoftryHow will I presentmyselftWhat doesit mean ing to be objectiveand eliminatepersonalreacfor me to be a "measurementinstrument"?How tions,field researchers treattheir feelingstoward canI assumean "attitude of strangeness"? field eventsasdata. Field researchcan heightena researcher's Presentationof Self, Peopleexplicitlyand imawarenessof personalfeelings.For example,a plicitly presentthemselves to others.We display researchermay not be fully awareof personal

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feelingsaboutnudity until he or sheis in a nuduntil he ist colony,or aboutpersonalpossessions "borrow" others where in a setting is or she own surprise,inmany items.The researcher's may becomean then questioning or dignation, insight. and reflection for opportunity An Attituile of Strangeness. It is hard to recognize what we are very closeto' The everyday world we inhabit is filled with thousandsof details. If we paid attention to everythingall the time, we would suffer from severeinformation overload.We manageby ignoringmuch of what is around us and by engagingin habitualthinking. Unfortunately,we fail to seethe familiar as distinctive,and assumethat others experience realityjust aswe do. We tend to treat our own way of living asnatural or normal. Field researchin familiar surroundingsis difficult becauseof a tendencyto be blinded by the familiar. By studying other cultures, researchersencounterdramaticallydifferent assumptions about what is important and how things are done.This confrontationof cultures, or culture shock,has two benefits:It makesit easierto seecultural elementsand it facilitates adoptthe attitudeof Researchers self-discovery. The attitude benefits. gain these to strangeness noticing questioning and means of strangenes.s ordinary at the looking or ordinary details helps throughthe eyesofa stranger.Strangeness observof boredom the a researcherovercome ing ordinary details.It helpshim or her seethe ordinary in a newway, one that revealsaspectsof the setting of which membersare not consciouslyaware.A field researcheradoptsboth a stranger'sand an insider'spoint ofview Peoplerarely recognizecustomsthey take for granted.For example,when someonegives us a gift, we saythank you and praisethe gift. By contrast,gift-giving customsin many cultures include complainingthat the gift is inadequate' helpsmakethe tacit The attitude of strangeness that gift giversexexample, culture visible-for "The gift is nice," "Thankyou" and pectto hear otherwise. andbecomeupset

to a researcher alsoencourages Strangeness Immerworld. social reconsiderhis or her own sion in a different setting breaksold habits of thought and action. He or shefinds reflection and introspectioneasierand more intensewhen encounteringthe unfamiliar,whetherit is a differentcultureor a familiar culture seenthrough a stranger'seYes. Building Rapport buildsrapportby gettingalong A field researcher with membersin the field. He or she forgesa friendly relationship,sharesthe samelanguage, and laughs and cries with members.This is a step toward obtaining an understandingof membersand movingbeyondunderstandingto empathy-that is, seeingand feelingeventsfrom another'spersPective. It is not alwayseasyto build rapport. The socialworld is not all in harmony,with warm, friendly people.A settingmay containfear,tension,and conflict.Membersmaybe unpleasant, untrustworthy, or untruthful; they may do things that disturb or disgusta researcher.An is preparedfor a rangeof expeiiencedresearcher evints and relationships.He or she may find' however,that it is impossibleto penetratea setting or get really close to members. Settings wherecooperation,sympathy,and collaboration areimpossiblerequiredifferenttechniques.v needssoChqrm nnd Trust, A field researcher rapport. to build cial skills and personalcharm faliked well Trust, friendly feelings,and being her to him or cilitate communicationand help is There understandthe inner feelingsof others. genuine a no magicalway to do this. Showing concernfor and interestin others,beinghonest, but theJ and sharingfeelingsaregoodstrategies, setthe specific arenot foolproof. It dependson ting and members. Many factorsaffecttrust and rapport-how presentshimselfor herself;the role a researcher he or she choosesfor the field; and the events that encourage,limit, or make it impossibleto

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peratures,filthy and dilapidatedliving conditions, dysentery and mosquitoes.Shefelt isolated,shecried a lot, and shegained30 pounds from compulsiveeating.After months in the field, shethought shewasa total failure;shewas distrustedby membersand got into fights with the campadministration. Maintaininga "marginal" statusis stressful; it is difiicult to be an outsiderwho is not firlly involved,especiallywhen studyingsettingsfull of intensefeelings(e.g.,political campaigns,religiousconversions,etc.).The lonelinessand isolation of fieldwork may combinewith the desire to developrapport and empathyto causeoverinvolvement.A researcher may "go native" and drop the professionalresearcher's role to becomea firll memberof the group beingstudied. Or the researchermay feel guilt about learning intimate detailsas membersdrop their guard, and may cometo overidenti$'with members.

Members who are cool at first may warm up later.Or theymayput on a front of initial friendliness,andtheir fearsand suspicionssurfaceonly later.A researcher is in a delicateposition.Early in a project,when not yet firlly awareof everything about a field site,the researcherdoesnot form closerelationshipsbecausecircumstances may change.Yet, if he or shedoesdevelopclose friends,they can becomeallieswho will defend presenceand help him or her the researcher's gain access. A field researchermonitors how his or her actionsor appearance affectsmembers.For example,a physicallyattractiveresearcher who interactswith membersof the oppositesexmay encountercrushes,flirting, and jealousy.He or shedevelopsan awareness of thesefield relations and learnsto managethem. In addition to developingsocialrelationmust be ableto breakor ships,a field researcher withdraw from relationshipsas well. Ties with Normalizing Social Research. A field reone membermay haveto be broken in order to searchernot only observesand investigates forgetieswith othersor to exploreother aspects membersin the field but is observedand invesof the setting.As with the end of any friendly retigated by members as well. In overt field lationship,the emotionalpain of socialwithresearch,members are usually initially undrawal can affect both the researcherand the comfortablewith the presenceof a researcher. member. The researchermust balancesocial Most are unfamiliar with field researchand fail sensitivityand the researchgoals. to distinguishbetweensociologists, psychologists,counselors,and socialworkers.They may relationshipsdevelop Small Favors. Fscchange seethe researcherasan outsidecritic or spy,or in the field, in which smalltokensor favors,inasa savioror all-knowingexpert. cluding deferenceand respect,areexchanged. A An overt field researchermust normalizeso- researchermay gain acceptance by helping out cial research-that is, help membersredefinesoin small ways.Exchangehelps when accessto cial researchfrom something unknown and may offer sensitiveissuesis limited. A researcher threateningto somethingnormal andpredictable. smallfavorsbut not burden membersby asking He or shecanhelp membersmanageresearchby for return favors.As the researcherand mempresentinghis or her own biography,explaining bersshareexperiences and seeeachother again, field researcha little at a time, appearingnonmembersrecallthe favorsand reciprocateby althreatening,or acceptingminor deviancein the lowing access. For example,Duneier(1999)used setting(e.9.,minor violationsof officialrules). the small favor of watchingthe tablesof street vendorswhenthey had to leavefor a short time, suchasto usethe bathroom. MaintainingRelations SocinlRelations, With time, a field researcher develops and modifies social relationships.

Conflictsin theFielil. Fights,conflict,and disagreements canerupt in the field, or a researcher

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may study groupswith opposingpositions.In senses,noticing what is seen,heard, smelled, suchsituations,the researcher will feelpressure tasted,or touched.Theresearcherbecomesan into takesidesand will be testedto seeif he or she strumentthat absorbsall sourcesof information can be trusted.In such occasions,a researcher A field researchercarefully scrutinizesthe usuallystayson the neutralsidelinesandwalksa physicalsettingto captureits atmosphere.He or tightropebetweenopposingsides.This is beshe asks:What is the color of the floor, walls, causeoncehe or shebecomesalignedwith one ceiling?How large is the room? Where are the side, the researcherwill cut off accessto the windows and doors? How is the furniture other side.In addition,he or shewill seethe sitarranged,and what is its condition (e.g.,new or uation from onlyone point of view. old and worn, dirty or clean)?What type of lighting is there? Are there signs, painiings, AppearingInterested. Fieldresearchers mainplants?What arethe soundsor smels? tain an appearance of interestinthe field. An exWhy bother with such details?you may periencedresearcherappearsto be interestedin have noticed that storesand restaurantsoften and involved with field eventsby statementsand plan lighting, colors,and piped-in musicto crebehaviors(e.g.,facialexpression,going for cofatea certainatmosphere.Muyb. you know that fee,organizingaparty, etc.) evenif he or sheis used-carsalespeoplespraya new-carscentinto not truly interested.This is becausefield relacarsor that shopsin shoppingmalls intentiontions may be disruptedif the researcher appears ally sendout the odor of freshlymadecookies. to be boredor distracted.Putting up sucha temThesesubtle,unconscioussignalsinfluencehupora'ryfront of involvementis a common small man behavior. deceptionin dailylife and is part of beingpolite. Observingin field researchis often detailed, Of course,selectiveinattention (i.e., not tediouswork. Insteadof the quick flash,motivastaringor appearingnot to notice)is alsopart of tion arisesout ofa deepcuriosityabout the deactingpolite. If a personmakesa socialmistake tails.Good field researchers areintrigued about (e.g.,accidentallyusesan incorrectword, passes details that reveal "what's going on here" gas,etc.),the polite thing to do is to ignoreit. Se- throughcarefrrllisteningandwatching.Field relectiveinattentionis usedin fieldwork,aswell. It searchersbelievethat the core of soiial life i, givesan alertresearcher an opportunity to learn communicated through the mundane, trival, by casuallyeavesdroppingon conversationsor everydayminutia. This is what people often obsen'ingeventsnot meantto be public. overlook,but field researchers needto learnhow to notice. In additionto physicalsurroundings,a field researcher observes peopleandtheir actions,notOBSERVINGAND COLLECTING ing each person's observable physicalcharacterDATA istics:age,sex,race,and stature.peoplesociahy This sectionlooksat how to getgoodqualitative interact differently dependingon whether anfield data.Fielddataarewhat the researcher exotherpersonis 18,40,or 70yearsold; maleor feperiences and remembers, and what are male;White or non-White;shortandfrail or tall. recordedin field notesand becomeavailablefor heavyset, andmuscular.When noting suchcharsystematicanalysis. acteristics,the researcher is included.For example, an attitude of strangenessheightens sensitivityto a group'sracialcomposition.A reWatching and Listening searcherwho ignoresthe racialcompositionof a Observing. In the field, researcherspay attengroup of Whites in a multiracialsocietybecause tion, watch, and listen carefully.They useall the he or shetoo is White isbeingraciallyinsensitive.

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The researcherrecordssuchdetailsbecause somethingof significancemightberevealed.It is betterto err by including everythingthan to ignore potentiallysignificantdetails.For example, "The tall, White muscular l9-year-old male sprintedinto the brightly lit room just as the short, overweight Black woman in her sixties easedinto a batteredchair" saysmuch more than "One personentered,anothersatdown." A fietd researchernotesaspectsofphysical dress'and hairstyle suchasneatness, appearance that canaffectsobecausetheyexpressmessages cial interactions.Peoplespenda greatdeal of time and money selectingclothes,styling and combinghair, groomingwith make-up,shaving, ironing clothes,and using deodorantor perfumes.Theseare part of their presentationof self.Evenpeoplewho do not groom, shave,or wear deodorantpresentthemselvesand senda No one by their appearance. symbolicmessage or looks"normal." Sucha statementsugdresses is not seeingthe social geststhat a researcher world through the eyesof a strangeror is insensitiveto socialsignals. Behavior is also significant. A field researchernoticeswhere peoplesit or stand,the pace at which they walk, and their nonverbal communication.Peopleexpresssocialinformation, feelings,and attitudesthrough nonverbal communication, including gestures,facial expressions,and how one standsor sits (standing stiffly,sittingin a slouchedposition,etc.).People by how theypositionthemrelationships express selvesin a group and through eyecontact.A researchermay readthe socialcommunicationof peopleby noting that they arestandingclosetogether,looking relaxed,and makingeyecontact. alsonoticesthe contextin A field researcher which eventsoccur:Who waspresent?Who just Was the room hot and arrivedor left the scene? stuffy?Suchdetailsmay help the researcherassign meaningand understandwhy an eventoccurred. If they are not noticed, the details are lost, asis a full understandingof the event. Serendipityis important in field research. doesnot know the Many times,a field researcher

relevanceof what he or she is observinguntil later. This hastwo implications.First is the importanceofkeenobservationandexcellentnotes at all times, evenwhen "nothing seemsto be happening."Secondis the importanceof looking back over time and learning to appreciate saythat they wait time. Most field researchers field re"waiting." Novice lot of time spenda of time the amount with get frustrated searchers other for waiting "waste," either to they seem to occur. for events waiting peopleor needsmust be attunedto A field researcher operateon otherpeothe setting, of the rhythms how eventsoccur observe and ple's schedules, Wait time is not of time. flow own within their is time for reflectime Wait time. alwayswasted social for developing details, tion, for observing for becomand rapport, relations,for building ing a familiar sightto peoplein the field setting. is comWait time alsodisplaysthat a researcher is a significant perseverance mitted and serious; needto cultivate.The retrait field researchers to get in, get the reimpatient searchermay be his or her "real life" get with on searchover,and site,this is reallife. field people in the but for the his or her subordinate The researchershould field site. the of demands to the personalwants Listming. A field researcherlistenscarefiilly to phrases,accents,and incorrectgrammar,listening both to what issaidand howit is saidorwhat was implied. For example,people often use phrasessuchas"you know" or "ofcourse" or "et cetera."A field researcherknows the meaning behind suchphrases.He or shecan try to hear everything,but listeningis difficult when many occurat onceor when eavesdropconversations ping.Luckily,significanteventsandthemesusually recur. Taking Notes Most field researchdataarc in the form of field notes.Full field notescan contain maps,diagrams,photographs,interviews,taperecordings, memoq artifactsor objectsfrom the videotapes,

.I CHAPTER 1 /

field, notesjotted in the field, and detailednotes written awayfromthefield.A field researcher expectsto fill manynotebooks,or the equivalentin computermemory.He or shemay spendmore time writing notesthan beingin the field. Some researchers produce40 single-spaced pagesof notesfor threehours of observation.With practice,evena newfield researcher canproduceseveralpagesofnotes for eachhour in the field. Writing notesis often boring, tediouswork that requiresself-discipline.The notescontain extensivedescriptivedetail drawn from memory. A researchermakesit a daily habit or compulsion to write notesimmediatelyafterleaving the field. The notesmust be neatand organized becausethe researcherwill return to them over arld over again.Oncewritten, the notesareprivateand valuable.A researcher treatsthem with care and protectsconfidentiality.Field notes may be of interestto hostileparties,blackmailers,or legalofficials,so someresearchers write field notesin code. A researcher's stateof mind, levelof attention, and conditionsin the field affectnote taking. He or shewill usuallybegin with relatively short one- to three-hourperiodsin the field before writing notes.

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in a public setting looks strangewhen furiously writing. More important, when looking down and writing, the researchercannotseeand hear what is happening.The attentiongivento note writing is taken from field observationwhere it belongs.Thespecificsettingdetermineswhether any notes in the field can be taken. The researchermaybeableto write, andmembersmay expectit, or he or shemay haveto be secretive (e.g.,go to the restroom). Jottednotesarewritten in the field.They are short, temporary memory triggers such as words, phrases,or drawingstaken inconspicuously, often scribbledon any convenientitem (e.g.,napkin, matchbook).They are incorporatedinto directobservationnotesbut arenever substitutedfor them.

Direct ObservationNotes. The basicsourceof field dataare notesa researcher writes immediately after leaving the field, which he or shecan add to later. The notes should be ordered chronologicallywith the date,time, andplaceon eachentry. They serveas a detaileddescription ofwhat the researcher heard and sawin concrete,specificterms.To the extentpossible,they are an exactrecordingofthe particular words, phrases,or actions. Typesof Field Notes. Field researcherstake A researcher's memoryimproveswith pracnotesin many ways.l0The recommendations tice.A new researcher cansoonrememberexact here (alsoseeBox 11.4)are suggestions. phrasesfrom the field. Verbatim statements Full field noteshaveseveraltlpes or levels.Fivelevels should be written with double quote marks to will be described.It is usuallybestto keepall the distinguishthem from paraphrases. Dialogue notesfor an observationperiod togetherand to (nonverbalcommunication,props, accessories distinguishtypes of notes by separatepages. tone, speed, yolume, gestures) should be Someresearchers includeinferenceswith direct recordedaswell. A researcher recordswhat was observationsif they aresetoffby a visibledevice actuallysaidand doesnot cleanit up; notesinsuchasbracketsor coloredink. The quantity of clude ungrammaticalspeech,slang,and misnotesvariesacrosstypes.For example,six hours statements(e.g.,write, "IJh, I'm goin' home, in the field might resultin 1 pageofjoued notes, Sal,"not "I am goinghome,Sally''). 40 pagesof direct observation,5 pagesof reA researcherputs concretedetailsin notes, searcherinference,and2pagestotal for methodnot summaries.For example,insteadof, "We ological,theoretical,and personalnotes. talkedaboutsports,"he or shewrites,"Anthony arguedwith Sam and |ason.He said that the lotted Notes. It is nearly impossible to take Cubswould win next weekbecausethey traded good notesin the field. Evena known observer for a new shortstop,Chiappetta.He alsosaid

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Recordnotesassoonas possibleaftereachperiodin the field,anddo not talkwithothersuntil observations are recorded.

2. Beginthe recordof eachfield visit with a new page,with the date andtime noted.

3. Usejotted notesonly as a temporarymemory aid,with keywordsor terms,or the first and last thingssaid.

4. Use wide marginsto makeit easyto add to notesat anytime.Co backandaddto the notes if you remembersomethinglater.

5. Planto type notesand keepeachlevelof notes separateso it will be easyto go backto them later.

6. Recordeventsin the order in whichthey occurred,and note how longthey last (e.g.,a 1 5minutewait,a one-hourride). 7. Makenotesasconcrete,complete,andcomprehensible as oossible.

8. Usefrequentparagraphs and quotationmarks. Exactrecallof phrasesis best, with double quotes;usesinglequotesfor paraphrasing.

9. Recordsmalltalkor routinesthat do not appear

1 0. "Let your feelingsflow" and write quicklywithout worryingaboutspellingor "wildideas."Assumethat no oneelsewillseethe notes.but use pseudonyms. I 'l . Neversubstitutetaperecordings completelyfor field notes. I 2. Includediagramsor mapsof the setting,and outlineyour own movements andthoseofothersduringthe periodof observation. own wordsand behav1 3. Includethe researcher's ior in the notes.Also recordemotionalfeelings and privatethoughtsin a separatesection. 14. Avoidevaluative summarizing words.Insteadof "Thesinklookeddisgusting," say,"Thesinkwas rust-stained and lookedas if it had not been cleanedin a longtime.Piecesof food and dirty disheslookedas if they had beenpiledin it for severaldays." and recordideasgenI 5. Rereadnotesperiodically eratedby the rereading. I 6. Alwaysmakeone or more backupcopies,keep them in a lockedlocation,and storethe copies in differentplacesin caseof fire.

to be significantat the time;they may become imoortantlater.

that the team was better than the Mets, who he thought had inferior infielders. He cited last week's game where the Cubs won againstBoston by 8 to 3." A researchernotes who was present) what happened, where it occurred, when, and under what circumstances.New researchersmay not take notesbecause"nothing important happened." An experiencedresearcherknows that events when "nothing happened" can reveal a lot. For example, members may expressfeelings and organize experience into folk categories evenin trivial conversations.

ResearcherInference Notes. A field researcher listens to members in order to "climb into their skin" or "walk in their shoes." This involves a three-step process. The researcher listens without applying analytical categories; he or she compares what is heard to what was heard at other times and to what others say; then the researcherapplies his or her own interpretation to infer or figure out what it means. In ordinary interaction, we do all three steps simultaneously and jump quickly to our own inferences.A field researcherlearns to look and listen without in-

C H A P T E R1 . I /

ferringor imposingan interpretation.His or her observationswithout inferencesgo into direct observation notes. A researcher recordsinferencesin a separate sectionthat is keyedto directobservations. People never seesocialrelationships,emotions,or meaning.They seespecificphysicalactionsand hear words, then use background cultural knowledge,cluesfrom the context,and what is doneor saidto assignsocialmeaning.For example, one doesnot seeloveor anger;one seesand hearsspecificactions(red face,loud voice,wild gestures,obscenities)and draw inferencesfrom them (the personis angry). Peopleconstantlyinfer socialmeaningon the basisof what they seeand hear,but not alwayscorrectly.For example,my niecevisitedme andaccompanied me to a storeto buy a kite. The clerk at the cashregistersmiled and askedher whether she and her "Daddy'' (looking at me) weregoingto fly the kite that day.The clerk observed our interaction, then inferred a father/daughter,not an uncle/niecerelationship. She saw and heard a male adult and a female child, but she inferred the social meaning incorrectly. A researcherkeepsinferred meaningseparate from direct observationbecausethe meaning of actions is not always self-evident. Sometimes,peopletry to deceiveothers.For example,an unrelatedcoupleregisterat a motel as Mr. and Mrs. Smith.More frequently,socialbehavior is ambiguousor multiple meaningsare possible.For example,I seea White maleand female,both in their late twenties,getout of a car and enter a restauranttogether.They sit at a table,order a meal,and talkwith seriousexpressions in hushedtones,sometimesleaning forward to heareachother.As they getup to leave, the woman,who hasa sadfacialexpressionand appearsready to cry, is briefly huggedby the male.They then leavetogether.Did I witnessa couplebreakingup, two friends discussinga third, two peopletrying to decidewhat to do becausetheyhavediscoveredthat their spouses are

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having an affair with eachother, or a brother and sisterwhosefatherjust died? Analytic Notes. Researchers make many decisions about how to proceedwhile in the field. Someactsareplanned(e.g.,to conductan interview, to observea particular activity, etc.) and othersseemto occuralmostout ofthin air. Field researchers keep methodologicalideasin analytic notesto record their plans,tactics,ethical and proceduraldecisions,and self-critiquesof tactics. Theory emergesin field researchduring datacollectionand is clarifiedwhen a researcher reviewsfield notes.Analytic noteshave a running accountof a researcher's attemptsto give meaning to field events.He or she thinks out loud in the notes by suggestinglinks between ideas,creatinghypotheses, proposingconjectures,and developingnew concepts. Analytic memosare part of the theoretical notes.They are systematicdigressionsinto theory, where a researcherelaborateson ideasin depth, expandson ideaswhile still in the field, and modifiesor developsmore complextheory by rereadingand thinking aboutthe memos. PersonalNotes. As discussedearlier,personal feelingsand emotionalreactionsbecomepart of the data and color what a researcherseesor hearsin the field.A researcher keepsa sectionof notes that is like a personal diary. He or she records personallife eventsand feelingsin it ("I'm tensetoday.I wonder if it's becauseof the fight I had yesterdaywith Chris," "I've got a headacheon this gloomy,overcastday''). Personalnotes servethree functions:They provide an outlet for a researcherand a way to copewith stress;they area sourceof dataabout personalreactions;and they give him or her a way to evaluatedirect observationor inference noteswhenthe notesarelaterreread.For example, if the researcher wasin a goodmood during observations,it might color what he or sheobserved(seeFigure11.2).

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TYPesofFieldNotes

DirectObservation

lnference

Sunday,October4. KaY's Kafe3:00pm.Large Whitemalein mid-4Os, enters.He overweight, wearswornbrownsuit. He is alone;sitsat booth #2.KaycomesbY,asks, "What'llit be?"Man says,"Coffee,blackfor now."She leavesand he lightscigaretteand reads menu.3:15Pm.KaY turnson radio.

Kay seems friendlytoday, She humming. becomessolemn and watchful.I thinksheputson the radiowhen nervous.

Analytic Womenare afraidof men who comein alonesincethe robbery.

PersonalJournal It is raining. I am feeling comfortable with Kay but am boredtoday.

the field. They cannot be introduced into all field sites,and can be used only aftet a researcherdevelops rapport. Recordersand videotapesprovide a close approximation to what occurred and a p.r-un.rrt record that others can review' They ,a-a ut "jotted notes" to help a researcherrecall events and observe what is easy to miss' Nevertheless,these items can create disruption and an increased awarenessof surveillance' Researchers who rely on them must addressassociatedproblems (e.g.,ensurethat batteriesare fresh and there are enough blank tapes). Also' relistening to or viewing tapes can be time consuming' For example, it may take over 100 hours to listen to 50 iro,rr, ,".orded in the field. Transcriptions of tape are expensive and not always accurate; they do not always convey subtle contextual meanings or mumbled words. Duneier (1999) had a tape recorder on all the time in his study of New York City streetvendors. He made others aware of the machine and took reponsibility for what behaviors he focusedon, and he left the machine visible' The taping mayhave createdsome distortion but it also provided a record of everydayroutines' He Machine Recordingsto SupplementMeffiory' also had a collaborator who took a large collection Tape recordersand videotapescan be hetpful Theyneversubsti- of photographs of his field site and informants' in field research. supplements which heiped him to seethings differently' presencein notesor a researcher's

often Maps and Diagrams. Field researchers the of pictures or diagrams draw makemapsand purposes: tlvo serves This site. featuresof a field It helpsa researcherotganizeeventsin the field and it helpsconveya field siteto others.For example, a researcherobservinga bar with. 15 stoolsmay draw and number 15 circlesto simpliS' recording(e.8.'"Yosukecamein and saton itool 12;Phoebewasalreadyon stool10").Field find threetypesof mapshelpful:sparesearchers tial, social,and temporal.The first helpsorient the data;the latter two arepreliminaryforms of data analysis.A spatial map locatespeople, equipment,andthe like in termsof geographical physical spaceto show where activities occur inig"t. 11.3A).Asocialmapshowsthe number or variety of people and the arrangements amongthem of power,influence,friendship,division of labor, and so on (Figure11'3B)'A temporalmap showstheebband flow of people, goodr,services,and communications,or schedules(Figure11.3C).

t"ta fot field

F I G URE 11. 3

Typesof MapsUsedin FieldResearch

A SpatialMap

lwong \-/

6 \_/

EmPtY Chair

Sampson

o

oo

De Onis

Harris

Window

B Social Map

ApartmentA FriendshipPatternof 'l 1 People

O t",""

@Mr"r"t""

C Temporal Map Day of Week, Buzz's Bar Open10:00

Neighbors ano Bridge Players

ApartmentB

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saylngthat to pleaseme?Is there anythingthat might limit his spontaneity? take subjectivityand conField researchers as text into account they evaluatecredibility' Theyknow that a person'sstatementsor actions Data Quality are affectedby subjectiveperceptions.Statementsaremadefrom a particularpoint of view Reliability in FieldResearch. The reliabilityof Inthe question:Are researcher and coloredby an individual's experiences. field dataaddresses if it is to see each statement steadof evaluating observationsabout a memberor field eventinin useful statements finds researcher true. a field Internal conternally and externallyconsistent? Eveninaccuratestatementsand acsistencyrefersto whetherthe data are plausible themselves. revealingfrom a researcher's be givenall that is known about a personor event, tions can perspective. eliminatingcommon forms of human decepAs mentionedbefore, actions and statetion. In other words, do the piecesfit together ments are shapedby the context in which they into a coherentpicture?For example,are a appear.What is saidin one settingmay differ in member'sactionsconsistentover time and in other contexts.For example,when asked"Do is different socialcontexts?Externalconsistency observa- you dance?"a membermay sayno in a public achievedby verifyingor cross-checking setting full of excellentdancers,but yes in a tions with other, divergentsourcesof data. In semiprivatesettingwith few good dancersand other words, doesit all fit into the overallcondifferentmusic.It is not that the memberis lying text?For example,can othersverifr what a rebut that the answeris shapedby the context. searcherobservedabout a person?Does other Duneier (1999)haswarnedus to avoid the observations? evidenceconfirm the researcher's ethnographic Reliability in field researchalso includes fallacy.It occurswhen a field rewhat is not said or done,but is expected.Such searchertakeswhat he or she obervesat face value,doesnot questionwhat peoplein a field omissionscan be significantbut are difficult to detect.For example,when observinga cashier site say, and focusessolely on the immediate concretedetailsof a field settingwhile ignoring end her shift, a researchernotices that the largersocialforces.Duneiernoted that he tried moneyin the cashdraweris not counted.He or to avoid the fallacyby being awareof largersoshe may notice the omission only if other cial contextand forces.Thus,he studiedpeople cashiersalwayscount the money at the end of who took responsibilty for their own failures the shift. (such as dropping out of schoolin the ninth Reliabilityin field researchdependson a regrade) and blamed themselves.Duneier was suspicions,and searcher'sinsight, awareness, firlly awarefiom many other studiesof the larger questions.He or she looks at membersand eventsfrom different angles(legal,economic, forces (e.g., family situation, violence,poor that political,personal)and mentallyasksquestions: quality school,racialprejudice,joblessness) offailure'l1 experience Where doesthe money come from for that? oftencontributedto their What do thosepeopledo alt day? dependon what members Valiility in Field Research. Validityin field reField researchers tell them.This makesthe credibilityof members searchis the confidenceplacedin a researcher's and their statementspart of reliability.To check analysisand dataas accuratelyrepresentingthe socialworld in the field.Replicabilityis not a crimembercredibility,a researcherasks:Doesthe field researchis virtually impossiterion because personhavea reasonto lie?Is shein a positionto ble to replicate.Essentialaspectsof the field know that?What are the person'svaluesand change:The socialeventsand context change, how might that shapewhat shesays?Is he just conductsfield InterviewNotes, Ifa researcher he or shekeepsthe interviews(to be discussed), interviewnotesseparate.

C H AP TE R l l

the members are different, the individual researcherdiffers,and so on. Therearefour kinds ecologiof validity or testsof researchaccutaclr: validation, member history, natural calvalidity, and competentinsiderperformance.

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tI

I

i

T

t Ecologicalvalidity' Validity is achievedby All Details describingthe studied social world in a in the mannerthat matcheswhat itwouldbe withField out a researchpresence.Ecologicalvalidity I that eventsand interactionswould suggests occur the samewithout a researcherthere -+Amount of Timein the FieldSite+ and without beingpart of a researchstudy' t Natural history.Validity is achievedby ofops hlpothesesonly afterbeing in the field and fering a highly detaileddescriptionof how experiencingit firsthand. At first, everything the risearchwasconducted.Natural history seemsrelevant;later, however,selectiveattenoffers readers a close-up view of a retion focuseson specificquestionsand themes. actions,assumptions,and procesearcher's duresfor evaluation. Sampling. Field researchersoften use nont Membervalidation.Validity is achievedby probabilitysamples,suchassnowballsampling. askingmembersof a field siteto reviewand Manytimes the field researchis samplingdifferverifr the accuraryof the descriptionof ent tfpes of units. A field researchermay takea their intimate socialworld. Possiblelimitasmaller. selectiveset of observationsfrom all tions of member validation are that difor sampletimes, situapossibleobservations, ferent members may have conflicting tions, typesofevents,locations,typesofpeople, membersmay objectto 11unperspectives, or contextsof interest.For example,a researcher lavoiable portrayal their social world, or samplestime by observinga settingat different membersmay not recognizeparts of a detimes.He or sheobservesat all times of the day, scription that go beyondtheir own narrow to get on everydayof theweek,and in all seasons perspective.l2 or same the a full senseof how the field sitestays t Competentinsiderperformance.Validity is samwhen changes.It is often best to overlap achievedby a researcherinteractingidentipling (e.g.,to havesamplingtimesfrom 7:00e.u. memor insider an "passing" as cally to or from 8:00,t.lr. to 10:00e'vt.,from to 9:00.t.ir,t., ber of the field site.This form of validity is etc.). to I l:00n.tvn., 9:00n.rvr. reachedwhen a researchertruly undersampleslocationsbeoften researcher A acts and knows assumptions, standsinsider causeonelocationmay givedepth'but a narrow basedon tacit local socialrules or knowlperspective. Sittingor standingin differentlocaedge,and cantell and getinsiderjokes' iioni h"lps the researcherget a senseof the wholesite.For example,the peer-to-peerbehavior ofschool teachersusuallyoccursin a faculty Focusingand SamPling lounge,but it also occursat a local bar when teachersgatheror in a classroomtemporarily Focusing. The field researcherfirst getsa genused for a teachermeeting.In addition, reeralpicture,then focuseson a few specificprobtracethe pathsof membersto various lemsor issues(seeFigure11.4).A researcher searchers decideson specificresearchquestionsanddevel- field locations.

+

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QUAL IT AT IVE R E 5E A K C I-I

ended,informal, and long. Generally,they involveoneor morepeoplebeingpresent,occurin the field,and areinformal andnondirective(i.e., the respondentmaytakethe interviewin various directions). A field interview involves a rnutual sharing A researchermight sharehis or of experiences. her backgroundto build trust and encouragethe informant to open up, but doesnot force answersor useleadingquestions.Sheor he encouragesand guides a process of mutual discovery. In field interviews,membersexpressthemselvesin the forms in which they normally speak, think, and organizereality.A researcherretains members'jokes and narrativestoriesin their natural form and doesnot repackagethem into a standardizedformat.Thefocusis on the memand experiences. In order to bers'perspectives stay close to a member's experience,the researcherasksquestionsin termsof concreteexamplesor situations-for example,"Could you tell me things that led up to your quitting in fune?"insteadof "Why did you quit your job?" Field interviewscan occur in a seriesover THE FIELD RESEARCHINTERVIEW time. A researcherbeginsby building rapport So far, you havelearnedhow field researchers and steeringconversationawayfrom evaluative observeand take notes. They also interview or highlysensitivetopics.He or sheavoidsprobmembers,but field interviewsdiffer from survey ing inner feelingsuntil intimary is established, researchinterviews.This sectionintroducesthe and eventhen,the researcher expectsapprehenfield interview. sion. After severalmeetings,he or shemay be ableto probe more deeplyinto sensitiveissues and seekclarificationof lesssensitiveissues.In The Field Interview later interviews,he or shemay return to topics Fieldresearchers useunstructured,nondirective, and checkpast answersby restatingthem in a in-depth interviews,which differ from formal nonjudgmental tone and asking for verificasurvey researchinterviews in many ways (see tion-for example,"The lasttime we talked,you Table 11.1).The field interviewinvolvesasking saidthat you startedtakingthingsfrom the store questions,listening, expressinginterest,and afterthey reducedyour pay.Is that right?" joint recordingwhat wassaid.It is a production The field interview is closer to a friendly of a researcher and a member.Membersareacmodel conversationthan the stimulus/response tive participantswhoseinsights,feelings,and cofound in a surveyresearchinterview.You arefaoperation are essentialparts of a discussion miliar with a friendlyconversation. It hasits own processthat revealssubjectivemeanings. informal rulesand the following elements:(1) a greeting("Hi, it's good to seeyou again");(2) Field research interviews go by many names:unstructured,depth,ethnographic,open the absenceof an explicit goal or purpose (we Fieldresearchers samplepeopleby focusing their attentionon differentkinds of people(olotimers and newcomers,old and young, males and females,leadersand followers).As a researcheridentifiestypesof people,or people with opposingoutlooks,he or shetriesto interact with and learn about all types.A field researcheralso samplesvarious kinds of events, suchasroutine,special,andunanticipated.Routine events(e.g.,openingup a storefor business) happeneveryday and shouldnot be considered unimportant simply becausethey are routine. Specialevents(e.g.,annualoffice parry) zre announcedand plannedin advance.They focus member attention and revealaspectsof social life not otherwisevisible.Unanticipatedevents are thosethat just happento occur while a researcheris present(e.g.,unsupervisedworkers when the managergetssick and cannotoversee workersat a storefor a day).In this case,the researcherseessomethingunusual,unplanned,or rareby chance.

CHAPTERll

don't say,"Let's now discusswhat we did last weekend"); (3) avoidanceof repetition (we don't say, "Could you clarifr what you said about"); (4) questionasking("Did you seethe race yesterday?");(5) expressionsof interest ("Really?I wish I could havebeenthere!"); (6) expressions ofignorance("No, I missedit. What happened?");(7) turn taking,sothe encounteris balanced(one persondoesnot alwaysaskquestions and the other only answer);(8) abbreviations ("I missedthe Derby,but I'm goingto the Indy," not "I missedthe KentuckyDerby horse racebut I will go to the Indianapolis500 auto-

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motive race"); (9) a pauseor brief silencewhen neitherpersontalksis acceptable; (10) a closing (we don't say,"Let's end this conversation";instead,we givea verbalindicator beforephysically leaving:"I've got to get backto work now-see ya tomorrow"). The field interview differs from a friendlv conversation.It has an explicit purpose-to learn about the informant and setting.A researcherincludesexplanationsor requeststhat divergefrom friendly conversations. For example,he or shemay say,"I'dlike to askyou about . . ." or "Could you look at this and seeif I've

SurveyInterviewsversusField ResearchInterviews

l . It hasa clearbeginning andend.

1. The beginning andend arenot clear.The interviewcan be pickedup later.

2. The samestandardquestionsareaskedofall

2. The questionsand the order in whichthev are askedare tailoredto specificpeopleand situations.

respondentsin the samesequence.

3. The interviewerappearsneutralat all times.

3. The interviewershowsinterestin responses, encourages elaboration.

4. The interviewerasksquestions,and the respondentanswers.

4. It is likea friendlyconversational exchange, but with more interviewerquestions.

It is almostalwayswith one respondentalone.

6. It hasa professional tone and businesslike focus; diversionsare ignored.

5. lt canoccurin group settingor with othersin area,but varies. 5. lt is interspersed with jokes,asides,stories, diversions, and anecdotes,whichare recorded.

7. Closed-ended questionsare common,with rare probes.

7. Open-ended questionsarecommon,and probesare frequent.

8 . The intervieweralonecontrolsthe paceand directionof interview.

8. The interviewerand memberjointly control the paceand directionof the interview.

9. The socialcontextin whichthe interviewoccurs

9. The socialcontextof the interviewis noted and seenas importantfor interpretingthe meaningof responses.

is ignoredand assumedto makelittle difference.

10. The interviewerattemptsto moldthe framework 1 0. The intervieweradjuststo the member's communication pattern into a standard. normsand languageusage. Source:Adapted fromBriggs(l 986), Denzin(1 989), Douglas (l 985), Misher(1 9g6), spradley(1979a).

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written it down right?"The field interviewis less balanced.A higher proportion of questions more who expresses comefrom the researcher, repeti ignoranceand interest.Also, it includes asksthe memberto elabotion. and a researcher rateon unclearabbreviations. Kissane(2003)useddepthinterviewsin her field study of low-income women in Philadelphia (discussed in Chapter6). Interviewslasted from 30 minutesto three hours. Kissanenoted that she askedthe women what servicesthey used,and then namedspecificagencies. Often a say was woman would then she aware of the women namedagency.Sheaskedthe to describe their experienceswith various agencies,when they had usedthem or if theywould useservices of various agencies,and what other socialservicesthey used.Open-endedinterviewingallowed her to seethe women'sdecision-making process. Types of Questions in Field Interviews Many field researchers askthree tlpes of questions in a field interview:descriptive,structural, and contrastquestions.All are askedconcurrently,but eachtypeis more frequentat a different stagein the researchprocess(seeFigure pri11.5).During the earlystage,a researcher questions, marily asksdescriptive then gradually

FIcURE 1 1.5

TypesofQuestionsin FieldResearchlnterviews

Numberof Questions

Time in the Field

adds structural questionsuntil, in the middle stageafter analysishas begun,they make up a majority of the questions.Contrast questions beginto appearin the middle of a field research study and increaseuntil, by the end, they are askedmore than any other type.l3 A descriptitequestionis usedto explorethe setting and learn about members.Descriptive questionscanbe abouttime and space-for example,"Where is the bathroom?""When does the delivery truck arrive?" "What happened Monday night?" They can alsobe about people and activities:"\,Vhois sitting by the window?" "What is your unclelike?""What happensduring the initiation ceremony?"They canbe about objects:"When do you usea sabersaw?""Which tools do you carry with you on an emergency water leakjob?" Questionsaskingfor examples example,"Could aredescriptive:.questions-for you giveme an exampleof a greatdate?""What as a postalclerk?"Dewere your experiences scriptivequestionsmay ask about hypothetical situations:"If a studentopenedher book during the exam,how would you deal with it?" They alsoaskmembersabout the argotof the setting: "What do you call a deputy sherif,R"(The answeris a "county Mountie.") introducesa structuralquestion A researcher after spendingtime in the field and starting to analyzedata. It begins after a researcherorganizesspecificfield events,situations,and conversations into conceptual categories.For observationsof a highexample,a researcher's way truck-stoprestaurantrevealedthat the employees informally classify customers who patronizethe truck stop.In a preliminary analysis, he or she createsa conceptualcategoryof kinds of customersand hasmembersveriff the with structuralquestions.A common categories way to posea structural questionis to ask the memberswhethera categoryincludeselements in addition to those aheadyidentified-for example,"Are there any typesof customersother than regulars,greasers,pit stoppers,and long asksfor conhaulers?"In addition, a researcher firmation: "Is a greasera type of customerthat

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you serve?""Would a pit stopper ever eat a three-coursedinner?" The contrastquestionbuilds on the analysis alreadyverifiedby structuralquestions.Contrast questionsfocuson similaritiesor differencesbetween elementsin categoriesor betweencategories.The researcherasksmembersto verifii the similarities and differences:"You seemto hayea number of different kinds of customers come in here. I've heard you call some customers'regulars'and others'pit stoppers.'How are a regularand a pit stopperalike?"or "Is the differencebetweena long hauler and a greaser that the greaserdoesn'ttip?" or "Two typesof Customers iust stopto usethe restroom-entire families and a lone male. Do you call both pit stoppers?" Informants An informant or key actor in field researchis a memberwith whom a field researcherdevelopsa relationshipand who tellsabout,or informs on, the field.la Who makesa good informant?The idealinformant hasfour characteristics: 1. The informant is totally familiar with the culture and is in position to witnesssignificanteyents.He or shelivesandbreathesthe culture and engagesin routines in the setting without thinking aboutthem. 2. The individual is currently involvedin the field. Ex-memberswho have reflectedon the field mayprovideusefulinsights,but the longerthey havebeenawayfrom direct involvement, the more likely it is that they havereconstructedtheir recollections. 3. The person can spend time with the researcher. Interviewing may take many hours, and somemembersare simply not availablefor extensiveinterviewing. 4. Nonana\tic individualsmakebetter informants.A nonanalyticinformant is familiar with and usesnative folk theory or pragmatic common sense.This is in contrastto the analyticmember,who preanalyzesthe

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setting, using categoriesfrom the media or education. A field researchermay interview several typesof informants.Contrastingtypesof informants who provide usefulperspectives include rookiesand old-timers,peoplein the centerof eyentsand thoseon the fringesof activiry people who recentlychangedstatus(e.g.,through promotion) and thosewho are static,frustrated or needypeopleand happyor securepeople,the leaderin chargeand the subordinatewho follows.A field researcherexpectsmixed messages whenhe or sheinterviewsa rangeof informants. lnterview Context Field researchers recognizethat a conversation in a private office may not occur in a crowded lunchroom. Often, interviewstake placein the member'shomeenvironmentsothat he or sheis comfortable.This is not alwaysbest.If a member is preoccupied or there is no privacy, a researcherwill move to another setting (e.g., restaurantor universityoffice). The interview's meaning is shapedby its Gestaltor whole interactionof a researcher and a memberin a specificcontext.For example,a researchernotesnonverbalforms of communicationthat add meaning,suchasa shrug,a gesture, and so on.

LEAVING THE FIELD Work in the field can last for a few weeksto a dozenyears.In either case,at somepoint work in the field ends.Someresearchers (e.g.,Schatzman and Strauss,1973)suggestthat the end comesnaturallywhen theorybuilding ceases or reachesa closure; others feel that fieldwork could go on without end and that a firm decision to cut offrelationsis needed. Experiencedfield researchersanticipate a processof disengaging and exitingthe field. Dependingon the intensityof involyementand the

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lengthof time in the field,the processcanbe disruptive or emotionallypainful for both the researcherand the members.A researchermay experiencethe emotionalpain of breakingintimate friendshipswhen leavingthe field. He or shemay feel guilty and depressedimmediately beforeand after leaving.He or shemay find it difficult to let go becauseof personaland emotional entanglements. If the involvementin the field wasintenseand long, and the field sitediffered from his or her native culture. the researchermay needmonthsof adjustmentbefore feelingat home with his or her original cultural surroundings. Once a researcherdecidesto leave-becausethe projectreachesa natural end and little new is beinglearned,or becauseexternalfactors forceit to end (e.g.,endofajob, gatekeepers order the researcher out, etc.)-he or shechooses a methodof exiting.The researchercanleaveby a quick exit (simply not return one day) or slowly withdraw, reducing his or her involvement overweeks.He or shealsoneedsto decide how to tell membersand how much advance warning to give. The exit processdependson the specific field settingand the relationshipsdeveloped.In general,a researcher letsmembersknow a short period aheadof time. He or shefulfills any bargains or commitments that were made and leaveswith a cleanslate.Sometimes,a ritual or ceremony,suchasagoing-awayparryorshaking handswith everyone,helpssignalthe break for members.Maintaining friendshipswith membersis alsopossibleand is preferredby feminist researchers. A field researcheris awarethat leavingaffectsmembers.Somemembersmay feelhurt or rejectedbecausea closesocialrelationshipis ending. They may reactby trying to pull a researcherbackinto the field and makehim or her more of a member,or they may becomeangry and resentful.They may grow cool and distant becauseofan awareness that the researcher is really an outsider.In anycase,fieldworkis not fin-

ished until the processof disengagementand exiting is complete.

FOCUS GROUPS Thefocusgroup is a specialqualitativeresearch techniquein which peopleareinformally "intersetting.lsFocus viewed"in a group-discussion group researchhasgrown overthe past20years. The procedureis that a researchergatherstogether6 to 12peoplein a room with a moderator to discussa fewissues.Most focusgroupslast about 90 minutes.The moderatoris trained to be nondirectiveand to facilitatefree,open discussionby all group members(i.e.,not let one persondominatethe discussion).Group members shouldbe homogenous,but not include closefriendsor relatives.In a tlpical study,a researcherusesfour to six separategroups.Focus grouptopicsmight includepublic attitudes(e.g., racerelations,workplaceequalrty),personalbehaviors(e.g.,dealingwith AIDS), a new product (e.g.,breakfastcereal),a political candidate,or a often comnumber of other topics.Researchers bine focus groups with quantitative research, and the procedurehasits own specificstrengths (seeBox 11.5). andweaknesses Severalyearsago, I conductedan applied study on why parentsand studentschoseto attend a private high school.In addition to collecting quantitative survey data, I formed six focus groups,eachwith 8 to 10 studentsfrom modthe high school.A trainedcollege-student eratoraskedquestions,elicitedcommentsfrom groupmembers,andpreventedonepersonfrom The six groupswerecodominatingdiscussions. ed and containedmembersof either one grade levelor two adjacentgrades(e.g.,freshmenand sophomores).Studentsdiscussedtheir reasons for attendingthe high schooland whetherspecific factorswereimportant. I tape-recordedthe which lastedabout45 minutes,then discussions, analyzedthe tapesto understandwhat the studentssawasimportant to their decisions.In ad-

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many ethical dilemmas. The dilemmas arise when a researcheris alone in the field and has lit_ tle time to make a moral decision. Althoueh he or she may be aware of general ethical issuJsbe_ Advantages fore entering the field, they arise unexpectedly in r The naturalsettingallowspeopleto expressopinthe course of observing and interacting in the ions/ideasfreely. field. We will look at four ethical issueJin field r Openexpression amongmembersof marginalized research: deception, confidentiality, involve_ socialgroupsis encouraged. ment with deviants,and publishing reports.r6 r Peopletend to feelempowered, especiallyin ac_ tion-orientedresearchprojects. Deception r Surveyresearchers are provideda windowinto how peopletalk about surveytopics. Deception arises in several waysin fieldresearch: r The interpretation of quantitative surveyresultsis The researchmay be coveru it may assumea facilitated. falserole, r

Participants may query one anotherand explain their answersto eachother.

Limitations r A "polarizationeffect" exists(attitudesbecome moreextremeaftergroupdiscussion). r Only one or a fewtopicscanbe discussed in a focusgroupsession. r A moderatormayunknowingly limitopen,freeex_ pressionof group members. I Focusgroup participantsproducefewer ideas than in individualinterviews. I Focusgroupstudiesrarelyreportallthe detailsof study design,/procedure. : Researchers cannotreconcilethe differences that arisebetweenindividual-onlyand focus group_ contextresponses.

dition, the data helped when interpreting the surveydata.

ETHICAL DITEMMAS OF FIELD RESEARCH The direct personalinvolvement of a field researcherin the sociallivesof other peopleraises

name, or identity; or it may mislead membersin someway. The most hotly debated of the ethicalissuesarisingfrom deceptionis that ofcovert versusovert field r.r"ur.i. So-. support it and seeit as necessaryfor entering into and gaininga full knowledgeof many areas of sociallife. Othersopposeit ind arguethat it underminesa trust betweenresearcheis and so_ ciety.Although its moral statusis questionable, there are somefield sitesor activiiiesthat can onlybe studiedcovertly.Covertresearchis never preferableand never easierthan overt research becauseof the difficultiesof maintaininga front and the constantfearofgetting caught.

Confidentiality A researcherlearnsintimate knowledgethat is given in confidence.He or she hasl moral obligationto uphold the confidentialiwof data. This includeskeepinginformation confidential from othersin the field and disguisingmem_ bers'namesin field notes.Sometimes a"fieldre_ searchercannot directly quote a person.One strategyis insteadofreporting the sourceasan informant, the researcher canfind documentary evidencethat saysthe samething and use the document (e.g.,an old memo, u ,ra*rpup", article, etc.) as if it were the source of ifr. information.

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Involvement with Deviants

You can now appreciateimplications of saying that in field research,the researcheris diResearcherswho conduct field research on derectly involved with those being studied and is viants who engagein illegal behavior face addiimmersed in a natural setting. Doing field retional dilemmas. They know of and may search usually has a greater impact on the resometimes be involved in illegal activity. This searcher's emotions, personal life, and senseof guilty knowledgeis of interest not only to lawselfthan doing other types ofresearch. Field reenforcement officials but also to other desearch is difficult to conduct, but it is a way to viants.lT The researcher faces a dilemma of study parts of the social world that otherwise building trust and rapport with the deviants, yet could not be studied. not becoming so involved asto violate his or her Good field researchrequires a combination basic personal moral standards. Usually, the reof skills. In addition to a strong senseof self, the searcher makes an explicit arrangement with best field researcherspossessan incredible ability the deviant members. to listen and absorb details, tremendous patience, sensitivity and empathy for others, suPublishing perb social skills, a talent to think very quickly FieldReports "on one's feet," the ability see subtle interconThe intimate knowledgethat a researcherobnections among people and/or events,and a sutainsand reportscreatesa dilemmabetweenthe perior ability to expressoneself in writing. right of privacy and the right to know. A reField researchis strongestwhen a researcher searcherdoesnot publicizemembersecrets, viostudies a small group of people interacting in the Iate privacy, or harm reputations.Yet, if he or present. It is valuable for micro-level or smallshe cannotpublish anything that might offend group face-to-face interaction. It is lesseffective or harm someone,part of what the researcher when the concern is macro-level processesand learnedwill remain hidden,and it may be diffisocial structures. It is nearly uselessfor events cult for others to believethe report if a rethat occurred in the distant past or processes searcheromits critical details.Someresearchers that stretch acrossdecades.Historical-comparaaskmembersto look at a report to verifr its active research, discussed in the next ch4pter, is curaryandto approveoftheir portrayalin print. better suited to investigating these types of For marginalgroups(e.g.,addicts,prostitutes, concerns.

crackusers),this may not be possible,but researchers must respectmemberprivacy.On the otherhand,censorshipor self-censorship canbe a danger.A compromiseposition is for a researcherto publishtruthful but unflatteringmaterialafterconsiderationand only ifit is essential to the researcher's arguments.

CONCLUSION In this chapter,you learnedaboutfield research and the field researchprocess(choosinga site and gainingaccess, relationsin the field, observing and collectingdata,and the field interview). Field researchers begin data analysisand theorizing during the datacollectionphase.

K e y T e rms analytic memos appearanceofinterest attitude of strangeness contrast question descriptive question direct observation notes ecologicalvalidity ethnography ethnographic fallary ethnomethodology external consistenry field site

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focus group go native guiltyknowledge internal consistency jotted notes member validation naturalism normalize social research structural question

E ndnotes l. For studies of these sites or topics, see Neuman (2000, 2003). On studies of chidren or schools, seeCorsaro (1994), Corsaro and Molinari (2000). Eder (1995), Eder and Kinney (1995), Kelle (2000),and Merten (1999).On studiesof home_ lesspeople, seeLankenau (1999), and on studies of female strippers, seeWood (2000). 2. Ethnography is described in Agar ( I 9g6), Franke (1983), Hammersley and Atkinson (19S3), San_ day ( 1983), and Spradley (1979a:3-12, 1979b:3_ l6 ). 3. For a general discussionoffield researchand nat_ uralism, seeAdler and Adler (1994), Georgesand lones (1980), Holy (1984), and pearsall (Ig7U. For discussions of contrasting tFpes of field re_ search,seeClammer (1994), Gonor (1977), Hol_ stein and Gubrium (1994), Morse (1994), Schwandt (1994), and Straussand Corbin (l9g 4). 4. SeeLofland (1976:13-23) and Shaffir and colleagues( 1980:18-20) on feeling marginal. 5. SeeAdler and Adler (1987:67_78). 6. SeeHammersley and Atkinson (19g3:42*45) and Lofland and Lofland (1995:16-30).

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7. For more on gatekeepers and access,see Beck (1970:1119), Bogdan and Taylor (1975:30_32), and Wax (t97t:367). 8. Negotiation in the field is discussed in Gans ( I 982), Johnson (1975:58_59,76_7T ),and Schaz_ man and Strauss(1973:22-23). 9. See Douglas (1976), Emerson (1981:367_36g), and fohnson (1975:124_129)on the question of whether the researchershould alwayste patient, polite, and considerate. 10. For more on ways to record and organize field data, seeBogdan and Taylor (1975:AO_23),Ham_ mersley and Atkinson (1983144_173), and Kirk and Miller (1986: 49-59). 11. SeeDuneier (1999:342_343)for detailed discus_ sion. 12. Fo_r-moreon validity in field research,seeBriggs (.1986:24),Bogdan and Taylor (1975), Oouglas (1976), Emerson (1981:361-363), and Sariiek

(1eeo).

I 3. Thetypesof questionsareadaptedfrom Spradley (r979a,r979b). 14. Field researchinformantsare discussed in Dean and associates (1969),Kemp and Ellen (1984), Schatzman and Strauss (1973), Spradley (1979a:46-54), andWhyte ( 1982). 15. For a discussionoffocus groups,seeBischoping and Dykema(1999),Churchill (1983:179_i84), Krueger(1988),Labaw(1980:54_58), and Mor_ gan(1996). 16. See Lofland and Lofland (1995:26, 63, 75, 168-177),Miles and Huberman(1994:2g8197), andPunch(1986). 17. Fetterman(1989) discusses the idea of guilty knowledge.

Historica|-Comparative Research Introduction Research QuestionsAppropriatefor Historical-Comparative Research The Logic of Historical-Comparative Research The Logicof Historical-Comparative Research and Quantitative Research The Logicof Historical-Comparative Research and Interpretive Research A DistinctHistorical-Comparative Approach Steps in a Historical-Comparative Research Project Conceptualizing the Objectof Inquiry LocatingEvidence Evaluating Qualityof Evidence Organizing Evidence Synthesizing Writing a Report Data and Evidence in Historical Context Typesof HistoricalEvidence Research with SecondarySources Researchwith PrimarySources Comparative Research Types of ComparativeResearch The UnitsBeingCompared Datain Cross-Cultural Research Equivalence in Historical-Comparative Research The lmportanceof Equivalence Types of Equivalence Ethics Conclusion

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Why did current social arrangements take a certain form in some societies but not in others? Somestudentsfind historical-comparativereFor example, historical-comparative researchers searchdifficult and uninterestingbecausethey have addressedthe questions ofwhat causedsodo not know much about various countriesor cietal revolutions in China, France, and Russia history which is often necessaryto appreciate (Skocpol, 1979); how major social institutions, this typeofresearchand studiesthat useit. They such as medicine, have developed and changed may feelthat historical-comparative studiesare over two centuries (Starr, 1982);how basic social beyond their immediate daily experiencesand relationships, such as feelings about the value of not relevant.Yet, explainingand understanding children, change (Zelizer, 1985); how recent major eventsin the world around them-an atchangesin major cities, such as Newyork, Lontack by terrorists,a nation going to war, the don, and Tokyo, reveal the rise ofa new global sourceof racism,large-scaleimmigration, viourban system (Sassen,2001), and, as the study lencebasedon religioushatred,urban decaydiscussedin Chapter 2 by Marx (1998) asked, dependon historical-comparative research. why Brazi, South Africa, and the United States The classicsocialthinkersin the nineteenth developed different racial relations. I century such as Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, Historical-comparative research is suited and Max Weber,who founded the socialscifor examining the combinations of social factors ences, used a historical and comparative that produce a specific outcome (e.g., civil war). method.This methodis usedextensively in a few It is also appropriate for comparing entire social areasof sociology(e.g.,socialchange,political systems to seewhat is common across societies sociology,socialmovements,and socialstratifiand what is unique. An H-C researchermay apcation) and hasbeenappliedin many others,as ply a theory to specific casesto illustrate its'usewell (e.g.,religion, criminology, sexroles,race fulness. He or she brings out or reveals the relations,and family). Although much socialreconnections between divergent social factors or searchfocuseson currentsociallife in onecoungroups. And, he or she compares the same social try, historical and/or comparativestudieshave processesand concepts in different cultural or becomemore common in recentyears. historical contexts. For example, Switzerland Historical-comparativesocialresearchis a and United Stateshave been compared in terms collectionof techniquesand approaches.Some of the use of direct democracy and women's blend into traditional history, others extend right to vote. Similar forms of lcoal government quantitativesocialresearch.The focus of this allowed direct democracy to spread in parts of chapteris on the distinct type ofsocial research both countries (Kriesi and Wisler, 1999). Althat puts historical time and/or cross-cultural though some U.S. statesgranted women to right variation at the centerof research-that is, the to vote in the 1800s,the Swisswomen did not eet tlpe of researchthat treatswhat is studiedaspart the right to vote until 1990 because,unlike ihe of the flow of history and situatedin a cultural U.S. movement, the Swiss suffrage movement context. believed in consensuspolitics and local autonomy and relied on government parties for direc(Banaszak,1996). tion ResearchQuestions Appropriate for Researchersalso use the H-C method to H istorical-Com parative Research reinterpret data or challenge old explanations. Historical-comparative By asking different questions, finding new eviresearchis a powerful method for addressingbig questions:How did dence,or assemblingevidencein a different way, major societalchangetake place?What fundathe H-C researcherraisesquestions about oid mental featuresare common to most societies? explanations and finds support for new ones by

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interpreting the data in its cultural-historical context. Historical-comparativeresearchcan strengthenconceptualization and theorybuilding. By looking at historical eventsor diversecultural cangeneratenew concepts contexts,a researcher Concepts and broadenhis or her perspectives. arelesslikely to be restrictedto a singlehistorical time or to a singleculture;they canbe grounded in the experiences of peopleliving in specificcultural and historicalcontexts.2 A difficulty in readingH-C studiesis that one needsa knowledgeof the pastor other culturesto firlly understandthem. Readerswho are familiarwith onlytheir own culturesor contemporarytimes may find it difficult to understand the H-C studiesor classicaltheorists.For example, it is difficult to understandKarl Marx's The CommunistManifestowithout a knowledgeof the conditionsof feudalEuropeandthe world in which Marx waswriting. In that time and place, serfslived under severeoppression.Feudalsocidresscodesin citiesand etyincludedcaste-based a systemof peonagethat forced serfsto give a largepercentoftheir product to landlords.The one and only Church had extensivelandholdings, and tight familial ties existedamong the aristocracy,landlords, and Church. Modern readersmight ask,Why did the serfsnot flee if conditionsweresobad?The answerrequiresan understandingof the conditionsat the time. The serfshad little chanceto survive in European forestsliving on roots, berries,and hunting. Also,no one would aid a fleeingserfrefugeebecausethe traditional societiesdid not embrace strangers,but fearedthem.

THE LOGIC OF HISTORICALCOMPARATIVERESEARCH The termsusedfor H-C researchcanbe confusing. Researchersmay mean different things when they say historical, comparative, and The key questionis: Is historical-comparative.

there a distinct historical-comparativemethod and logic? The Logic of Historical-Comparative Researchand Quantitative Research Quantitativ e versusHistorical-Comp arative Research. One sourceof the confusionis that both positivist quantitativelyoriented and interpretive(or critical) qualitativelyorientedrestudyhistoricalor comparativeissues. searchers rejectthe ideathat thereis Positivistresearchers a distinct H-C method.Theymeasurevariables, test hypotheses,analyzequantitativedata, and laws replicateresearchto discovergeneralizable They see societies. time and hold across that quantitabetween difference no fundamental tive socialresearchand historical-comparative research. Most socialresearchexaminessociallife in present in a singlenation-that of the rethe researchcanbe Historical-comparative searcher. Is the focus three dimensions: organizedalong a small setof nain one nation, on what occurs Is the focus on a sin$e nations? tions, or many years, past, across many or a period in the time primarperiod? analysis based Is the recenttime ily on quantitative or qualitative data? The Logic of Historical-Comparative Researchand Interpretive Research A distinct, qualitative historical-comparative type of socialresearchdiffersfrom the positivist approachand from an extremeinterpretiveapresearchers who proach.Historical-comparative qualitative may depart data usecasestudiesand from positivist principles.Their researchis an intensiveexamination of a liriiited number of casesin which socialmeaningand context are critical.Casestudies,evenon one nation,canbe very important. Casestudiescan elaboratehisand specifyconcretehistorical torical processes details(seeBox 12.1). Scholarswho adoptthe positivistapproach to socialsciencecriticizethe historical-compar-

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ln Womenof the Klan,KathleenBlee(1 99't) noted that, prior to her research,no one had studiedthe estimated500,000 womenin the largestracist, right-wingmovementin the UnitedStates.Shesuggestedthat this mayhavebeendueto an assumption that womenwereapoliticaland passive. Hersixyears of researchinto the unknownmembersof a secret society over 60 years ago showsthe ingenuity neededin historical-sociological research. Bleefocusedon the state of Indiana,whereas manyas 32 percentof White Protestantwomen weremembersof the Ku KluxKlanat its oeakin the 1 920s. In additionto reviewing publishedstudieson the Klan,her documentaryinvestigation included newspapers, pamphlets,and unpublished reports. Sheconductedlibraryresearchon primaryand secondary materialsat over half a dozencollege,government,and historicallibraries.The historical photographs,sketches,and mapsin the book give readersa feelfor the tooic. Findinginformation wasdifficult.Bleedid not have accessto membershiplists. She identifiedKlan womenby piecingtogethera few survivingrosters, locatingnewspaper obituariesthat identifiedwomen as Klanmembers, scrutinizing publicnoticesor antiKlandocuments for the namesof Klanwomen,and interviewing surviving womenof the Klan.

To locatesuryivors50 yearsafter the Klanwas active,Bleehad to be persistentand ingenious. She maileda noticeabout her researchto everylocal newspaper, churchbulletin,advertisingsupplement, historical society,and publiclibraryin Indiana. She obtained3 written recollections, i unrecordedinterviews, and I 5 recordedinterviews. Most of herinformantswereoverage80. Theyrecalledthe Klanas an importantpart of their lives.Bleeverifiedpartsof theirmemories throughnewspaper andotherdocumentaryevidence. Membership in the Klanremains controversial. In the interviews, Bleedid not revealheropinionsabout the Klan.Althoughshe wastested,Bleeremained neutraland did not denounce the Klan.Shestated, "My own backgroundin Indiana(whereI livedfrom primaryschoolthroughcollege)and white skin led informantsto assume-lackingspokenevidenceto the contrary-that I sharedtheir worldview"(p. S). She did not find Klanwomenbrutal,ignorant,and full of hatred.Bleegot an unexpectedresponseto a questionon why the womenhad joined the Klan. Most were puzzledby the question.To them it neededno explanation-it wasjust "a way of growing up" and "to get togetherand enjoy."

ative approachfor using a small number of cases.They believethat historical-comparative researchis inadequatebecauseit rarelyproduces probabilisticcausalgeneralizations that they take as indicating a "true" (i.e., positivist) science. Like interpretivefield researchers, H-C researchers focuson culture,try to seethroughthe eyesofthose beingstudied,reconstructthe lives of the peoplestudied,and examineparticularindividuals or groups.An extremistinterpretive positionsaysthat an empathicunderstandingof the peoplebeingstudiedis the solegoalof social research. It takesa strict,idiographic,descriptive

approachand rejectscausalstatements,systematic concepts,or abstracttheoreticalmodels.In the extremistinterpretiveapproach,eachsocial settingis unique and comparisonsare impossible. A Distinct HistoricalComparative Approach The distinct historical-comparativeresearch method avoidsthe excesses of the positivistand extremeinterpretiveapproaches. It combinesa sensitivityto specifichistoricalor cultural contexts with theoreticalgeneralization.The logic

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and goalsof H-C researcharecloserto thoseof field researchthan to positivistapproaches. The following discussiondescribessimilaritiesbetweenH-C researchand field research,and six more unique featuresof historical-comparative (seeTable12.1). research Similoritiesto Field Research. First,both H-C researchand field researchrecognizethat the researcher's point ofview is an unavoidablepart of

research.Both involveinterpretation,which introducesthe interpreter'slocationin time, place, andworldview.Historical-comparative research doesnot try to producea single,unequivocalset ofobjectivefacts.Rather,it is a confrontationof old with new or of differentworldviews.It recognizesthat a researcher's readingof historical or comparative evidenceis influenced by an awarenessof the past and by living in the present.

summaryof a comparison of Approachesto Research:The euaritative versusQuantitativeDistinction

Researcher's perspective

Includeas an intergralpart ofthe researchprocess

Removefrom researchprocess

Approachto data

lmmersed in manydetailsto acquire understanding

Preciselyoperationalize variables

Theoryand data

Groundedtheory,dialoguebetween data and concepts

Deductivetheory comparedwith empirical data

Presentfindings

Translatea meaningsystem

Test hypotheses

Action,/structure

Peopleconstructmeaningbut within structures

Socialforcesshapebehavior

Laws,/generalization Limitedgeneralizationsthatdepend on context

Discoveruniversal, context-freelaws

Featuresof Distinct H-C ResearchApproach

Evidence

Reconstructs from fragmentsand incompleteevidence

Distortion

cuards againstusingown awareness of factorsoutsidethe socialor historical context

Humanrole

Includes the consciousness of peoplein a contextand usestheirmotivesas causal factors

Causes

Seescauseas contingenton conditions, beneaththe surface, and dueto a combination of elements

Micro./macro

Compareswholecasesand linksthe microto macrolevelsor layersof socialreality Movesbetweenconcretespecificsin a contextand acrosscontextsfor more abstractcomparisons

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Second, both field and H-C researchexamine a great diversity of data. In both, the researcher becomes immersed in data to gain an empathic understanding of events and people. Both capture subjective feelings and note how everyday, ordinary activities signif important social meaning. The researcherinquires, selects,and focuses on specific aspectsof social life from the vast array of events, actions, symbols, and words. An H-C researcher organizes data and focuses attention on the basis of evolving concepts. He or she examines rituals and s).rnbolsthat dramatize culture (e.g.,parades,clothing, placement of objects, etc.) and investigatesthe motives, reasons, and justifications for behaviors. Third, both field and H-C researchersuse grounded theory. Theory usually emergesduring the processofdata collection. Next, in both field and H-C researchthe researcher's meaning system frequently differs from that ofthe people he or she studies, but he or she tries to penetrate and understand their point of view. Once the life, language, and perspective of the people being studied have been mastered,the researcher"translates" it for others who read his or her report. Fifth, both field and H-C researchersfocus on processand sequence.Theyseethe passageof time and processas essentialto how people construct social reality. This is related to how both are sensitive to an ever-present tension between agency-the active moving fluid side of people changing social reality-and r1t.161u1s-fhs fixed regularities and patterns that shape social life. For both qpes of research social reality simultaneously is what people create and something that imposes restrictions on human choice.3 Sixth, generalization and theory are limited in field and H-C research.Historical and crosscultural knowledge is incomplete and provisional, based on selective facts and limited questions. Neither deducespropositions or tests hypothesesin order to uncover fixed laws. Likewise, replication is unrealistic because each re-

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searcherhas a unique perspective and assembles a unique body ofevidence. Instead, researchers offer plausible accounts and limited generalizations. Unique Features of Historical-Comparative Research. Despite its many similarities to field research,some important differencesdistinguish H-C research. Researchon the past and on an alien culture share much in common, and what they share distinguishes them from other approaches. First, H-C researchusually relies on limited and indirect evidence. Direct observation or involvement by a researcher is often impossible. An H-C researcher reconstructs what occurred from the evidence, but cannot have absolute confidence in the reconstruction. Historical evidence depends on the survival of data from the past, usually in the form of documents (e.g.,letters and newspapers). The researcheris limited to what has not been destroyed and what leaves a trace, record, or other evidencebehind. Historical-comparative researchers must also interpret the evidence. Different people looking at the same evidence often ascribe different meanings to it, so a researcher must reflect on evidence. An understanding of it based on a first glance is rarely possible. To do this, a researcherbecomes immersed in and absorbs details about a context. For example, a researcher examining the family in the past or a distant country needs to be aware of the full social context (e.g., the nature of work, forms of communication, transportation technology, etc.). He or she looks at maps and gets a feel for the laws in effect, the condition of medical care, and common social practices. For example, the meaning of "a visit by a family member,, is affected by conditions such as roads of dirt and mud, the inability to call ahead of time, and the lives of people who work on a farm with animals that need constant watching. A reconstruction ofthe past or another culture is easily distorted. Compared to the people being studied, a researcheris usuallymo.. ur"ur.

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of eventsoccurringprior to the time studied, eventsoccurring in placesother than the location studied,and eventsthat occurredafter the period studied.This awarenessgivesthe researchera greatersenseof coherencethan was experiencedby thoseliving in the pastor in an isolated social setting that he or she guards againstin a reconstruction. Historical-comparativeresearchersrecognize the capacityof peopleto learn,make decisions,and act on what they learn to modiff the courseofevents.For example,ifa group ofpeoof their ple are awareof or gain consciousness own pasthistory and avoid the mistakesof the past,theymay actconsciouslyto alterthe course of events.Of course,peoplewill not necessarily learn or act on what they havelearned,and if they do act they will not necessarilybe sucpeople'scapacityto learn cessfirl.Nevertheless, introduces indeterminacy into historicalcomparativeexplanations. An H-C researcherwants to find out whetherpeopleviewedvariouscoursesof action asplausible.Thus,the worldviewandknowledge ofthe peopleunder studyshapedwhat they saw aspossibleor impossiblewaysto achievegoals. The researcheraskswhether peoplewere consciousof certainthings.For example,if an army knew an enemyattackwas coming and so decidedto crossa river in the middle of the night, the action"crossingthe river" would havea different meaningthan in the situationwhere the army did not know the enemywasapproaching. researcherinteA historical-comparative face-to-faceintergratesthe micro (small-scale, socialstructures) action)and macro (large-scale levels.The H-C researcherdescribesboth levels or layersofreality and links them to eachother. For example,an H-C researcherexaminesthe detailsof individual biographiesby readingdiariesor lettersto get a feel for the individuals: the food they ate, their recreationalpursuits, their relations their clothing, their sicknesses, with friends, and so on. He or she links this inmicro-levelview to macro-levelprocesses: producof mechanization immigration, creased

tion, proletarianization, tightened labor markets, and the like. Historical-comparative researchersshift between details of specific context and making a general comparison. A researcherexamines specific contexts, notes similarities and differences, then generalizes.Comparative researcherscompare acrosscultural-geographic units (e.9., urLun ur.ur, nations, societies,etc.).4 Historical researchersinvestigate past contexts, usually in one culture (e.g., periods, epochs, ages' eras' etc.), for sequenceand comparison. Of course' a researchercan combine both to investigate multiple cultural contexts in one or more historical contexts. Yet, each period or society has its unique causal processes,meaning systems,and social relations, which may lack equivalent elements acrossthe units. This produces a creative tension between the concrete specifics in a context and the abstract ideas a researcher uses to make links acrosscontexts' The use of transcultural concepts in comparative analysisis analogous to the use of transhistorical ones in historical research.) In comparative research,a researchertranslatesthe specificsof a context into a common, theoretical language.In historical research,theoretical conceptsare applied acrosstime.

STEPSIN A HISTORICALCOMPARATIVERESEARCH PROfECT In this section,we turn to the processof doing H-C research.Conductinghistorical-comparative researchdoesnot involvea rigid setofsteps and,with only a few exceptions,it doesnot use techniques. complexor specialized Conceptualizing the Object of Inquiry beginsby becomingfamiliar An H-C researcher with the settingand conceptualizingwhatis being studied.He or shemay start with a loose modelor a setof preliminaryconceptsand apply

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them to a specificsetting.The provisionalconceptscontain implicit assumptionsor organizing categoriesto "package"observationsand guidea searchthrough evidence. If a researcheris not alreadyfamiliar with the historicalera or comparativesettings,he or she conductsan orientationreading(reading severalgeneralworks). This will help the researchergraspthe specificsetting,assembleorganizingconcepts,subdividethe main issue,and developlists of questionsto ask.It is impossible to begin seriousresearchwithout a framework of assumptions,concepts,and theory.Concepts and evidenceinteractto stimulateresearch.For example,Skocpol(1979)beganher studyofrevolution with puzzlesin macro-sociological theory and the historiesof specificrevolutions.The lack of fit betweenhistoriesof revolutionsand existingtheoriesstimulatedher research. Locating Evidence Next, a researcherlocatesand gathersevidence through extensivebibliographic work. A researcherusesmany indexes,catalogs,and referenceworks that list what librariescontain. For comparativeresearch,this meansfocusing on specificnationsor units and on particularkinds of evidencewithin each.The researcherfrequently spends many weeks searching for sourcesin libraries,travelsto severaldifferent specializedresearchlibraries,and readsdozens (if not hundreds) of books and articles.Comparativeresearchoften involveslearningone or more foreignlanguages. As the researcher mastersthe literatureand takesnumerousdetailednotes,he or shecompletesmany specifictasks:creatinga bibliography list (on cardsor computer) with complete citations, taking notes that are neither too skimpy nor too extensive(i.e., more than one sentencebut less than dozens of pages of quotes), leaving margins on note cards for adding themeslater on, taking all notes in the sameformat (e.g.,on cards,paper,etc.),anddevelopinga file on themesor workinghypotheses.

A researcheradjusts initial concepts, questions, or focus on the basis of what he or she discovers in the evidenceand considers a range ofresearch reports at different levelsofanalysis (e.g.,general context and detailed narratives on specific topics). Evaluating Quality of Evidence The H-C researcher gathers evidence with two questions in mind: How relevant is the evidence to emerging research questions and evolving concepts? How accurate and strong is the evidence? As the focus of researchshifts, evidencethat was not relevant can become relevant. Likewise, some evidencemaystimulate newavenues ofinquiryand a searchfor additional confirming evidence. An H-C researcherreads evidenci for three things: the implicit conceptual frameworks, particular details, and empirical generalizations. He or she evaluates alternative interpretations of evidence and looks for ,.silences," or caseswhere the evidence fails to address an event, topic, or issue. For example, when examining a group of leading male merchants in the 1890s, a researcher finds that tne evidence and documents about them ignore their wives and many servants. Organizing Evidence As a researchergathersevidenceand locatesnew sources, he or she begins to organize the data. Obviously, it is unwise to take notes madly and let them pile up haphazardly. A researcher begins a preliminary analysis by noting low-level generalizationsor themes. Next, a researcherorganizes evidence, using theoretical insights to stimulate newways to organize data and for new questions to ask ofevidence. The interaction of data and theory means that a researchergoesbeyond a surfaceexamination ofthe evidence to develop new concepts by critically evaluating the evidence based on theory. For example, a researcher reads a mass of

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evidence about a protest movement. The preliminary analysis organizes the evidence into a theme: People who are active in protest interact with each other and develop shared cultural meanings. He or she examines theories of culture and movements, then formulates a new concept: "oppositional movement subculture. " The researcherthen usesthis concept to reexunine the evidence.

mountains of evidence into exposition and prepares extensive footnotes. She or he must also weave together the evidence and arguments to communicate a coherent, convincing picture or "tell a story''to readers.

Synthesizing

Types of Historical Evidence

Thenextstepis is to synthesize evidence. Once

First, some terms need clarification.History meansthe eventsof the past(e.g.,it is historythat the Frenchwithdrew troops from Vietnam), a record of the past (e.g.,a historyof Frenchinvolyement in Vietnam), and a discipline that studiesthe past (e.g.,a departmentof history). Historiographyis the method of doing historical researchor of gathering and analyzinghistorical evidence.Historicalsociologyis a part of historical-comparativeresearch. Researchers draw on four typesofhistoricalevidenceor data:primary sources,secondary sources,running records,and recollections.6 Traditional historians rely heavily on primary sources.H-C researchersoften use secondary sources or the different data types in combination.

most of the evidenceis in, the researcher refines concepts,createsnew ones,and movestoward a generalexplanatorymodel. Concreteeventsin the evidencegivemeaningto new concepts.The researcherlooks for patterns acrosstime or units, and drawsout similaritiesand differences with analogies.He or she organizesdivergent eventsinto sequences and groupsthem together to createa largerpicture.Plausibleexplanations arethen developedthat subsumeboth concepts and evidenceinto a coherentwhole. The researcherthen readsand rereadsnotesand sorts and resortsthem into pilesor fileson the basisof organizingschemes. He or shelooks for links or connectionswhile looking at the evidencein differentways. Synthesislinks specificevidencewith an abstract model of underlying relations or causal mechanisms. Researchers may usemetaphors. For example,massfrustrationleadingto a revolution is "like an emotionalroller coasterdrop" in which things seemto be getting better, and then thereis a suddenletdownafterexpectations haverisen very fast.The modelsare sensitizing devices. Writing a Report Assemblingevidence,arguments,and conclusionsinto a report is alwaysa crucial step,but more than in quantitativeapproaches, the careful crafting of evidenceand explanationmakes or breaksH-C research.A researcherdistills

DATA AND EVIDENCEIN HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Primary Sources. The letters,diaries,newspapers, movies,novels,articlesof clothing, photographs,and so forth of thosewho lived in the past and have survived to the present are primary sources.They are found in archives(a placewhere documentsare stored), in private collections,in family closets,and in museums (seeBox 12.2).Today'sdocumentsand objects (our letters,televisionprograms,commercials, clothing, automobiles)will be primary sources for future historians.An exampleof a classicprimary sourceis a bundle of yellowedletterswritten by a husband awayat war to his wife and found in an attic by a researcher. Publishedand unpublishedwritten documents are the most important type of primary

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The archiveis the mainsourcefor primaryhistorical materials. Archivesareaccumulations oidocumen_ tary materials(papers,photos,letters,etc.) in pri_ v at e c ollec t ion s m , u s e u msl,i b ra ri e s ,o r' fo rmal archives. Locationand Access

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Technolory and Control Archivalmaterialsmay be in their originalform, on mrcrotorms, or, morerarely,in an electronicform.Re_ searchersmay be allowedonly to take notes, not makecopies,or they maybe aliowedonly to see se_ lect parts of the wholecollection.Reselrchers be_ comefrustratedwiththe limitationsof havingto read dusty papersin one specificroomand being"allowed only to.take notesby pencilfor the few ho-urs a oay the archiveis opento the public.

Findingwhethera collectionexistson a topic, orga_ nization, or individual canbe a long,frustratingtisk of manyletters,phonecalls,and referrals.lf thi ma_ terialon a personor topic doesexist,it mavbe scat_ tered in multiplelocations.Caining..1"r, ,uy Tracking and Tracing dependon an appealto a family,"r-b"r', kindness for privatecollectionsor travelingto distantlibraries One of the mostdifiiculttasksin archivalresearchis tracingcommoneventsor personsthroughthe andverifyingone'sreasonfor examining ma_ manydusty terials. Evenif all materialis in one location,the same boxesof old letters.Also,the ,"r"..J", mav dis_ eventor relationship mayappearin several placesin coverlimitedhours(e.g.,an archiveis openonly four manytorms.Researchers sort throughmoundsofpa_ days a week from I 0 n.v. to 5 e.v.,but the re_ per to find bits of evidencehereanJ there. searcherneeds to inspect the material for 40 hours). Drudgery, Luck,and Serendipity

Archivalresearchis often painstaking slow.Spending manyhourspouringoverpartiallylegibledocuments Archivematerialmay be unsortedor organizedin a can be very tedious.Also,researchers will often dis_ varietyof ways.The organization mayreflectcriteria coverholesin collections,gapsin a seriesof papers, or that are unrelatedto the researcherls interests.For destroyeddocuments.yet, carefulreadingand in_ exa.mple, lettersand papersmay be in chronological spection of previouslyuntouchedmaterial-can yield order,but the researcher is interestedonly in let--ters startlingnewconnections or ideas.The researcher"may to four professional colleagues over three decades, discoverunexpected evidence that opensnewlinesof not dailybills,familycorrespondence, and so on. inquiry(seeElderet al.,1 993, and Hill,1 9g3\. Sorting and Organization

source.Researchers find them in their original form or preservedin microficheor on film. ihey areoften the only survivingrecordof the words, and feelings of people in the past. th_oughts, Written documentsarehelpful for studyingso_ cietiesand historical periods with writing and Iiteratepeople.A frequent criticism ofliitten sourcesis that they werelargelywritten by elites or thosein official organizations;thus,the views of the illiterate,thepoor, or thoseoutsideofficial socialinstitutionsmaybeoverlooked.For exam_

ple,it wasillegalfor slavesin the United Statesto read or write, and thus written sourceson the experienceof slaveryhavebeenindirect or diffi_ cult to find. The written word on paper was the main medium of communicationprior to the wide_ spreaduseof telecommunications,computers, and video technologyto record evenis and ideas.In fact,the spreadof forms of communi_ cation that do not leavea permanentphysical record(e.g.,telephoneconversations, co-mputer

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records,andtelevisionor radio broadcasts)'and which have largely replaced letters, written ledgers,and newipapers,may makethe work of future historiansmore difficult. SecondarySources. Primary sourceshave realism and authenticity, but the practical limitation of time can restrict researchon many primary sourcesto a narrow time frameor locaiion. To get a broaderpicture,many H-C resources'the writings of searchersuse secondary havespentyearsstudywho historians specialist ing primary sources. Running Recorils. Running recordsconsistof filesor eixistingstatisticaldocumentsmaintained by organizations'An example of a running ,"cotd is a file in a country churchthat contains a recordof everymarriageand everydeathfrom 1910to the Present. Recollections.The words or writings of individuals about their past lives or experiences Thesecanbe basedon memory arc recollections' or inautobiographies, memoirs, of form in the recollecis imperfect, memory Because terviews. tions are often distorted in waysthat primary sourcesarenot. For example,Blee(1991)intervieweda woman in her late eightiesaboutbeing in theKu Klux Klan (seeBox 12'l). In gatheringoral history,a type of recollection, a iesearcherconductsunstructuredinterviewswith peopleabout their livesor eventsin valuablefor the past.This approachis especially oral history The illiterate. the or groups ttottilit. hasa pronow and 1930s in the began technique journal descholarly and association fessional it. votedto Researchwith Secondary Sources often lJsesand.Limitations, Socialresearchers articles and books the sources) use secondary written by historians,asevidenceof pastconditions.TSecondarysourceshavelimitations and needto be usedwith caution.

Limitationsof secondaryhistoricalevidence include problems of inaccuratehistorical accountsand a lack ofstudies in areasofinterest' Suchsourcescannotbe usedto testhypotheses' Post facto (after-the-fact)explanationscannot meet positivist criteria of falsifiability,because few statisticalcontrolscanbe usedand replication is impossible'Yet' historical researchby others plays an important role in developing eeneralixplanations'amongits other uses'For the emer!"u-pl., iuch researchsubstantiates genceand evolutionof tendenciesovertime' Potential Problems. The many volumes of secondarysourcespresentamau,eof detailsand He or she interpretationsfor an H-C researcher' studies descriptive of mass the transform musi with is consistent that picture intelligible an into bridge must also It evidence. the of richness the the manyspecifictime periodsor locales'Theresearcherfacespotential problems with secondarysources. One problem is that historiansrarely presenttheory-free,objective"facts'" They implicinformation,.and itly frameraw data, categorize The historian's concepts' using evidence shape journalism' from drawn mixture a are concepts the languageofhistorical actors,ideologies,philosoph!, eierydaylanguagein the-present'and socialscience.Most arevague,appliedinconsistently, and not mutually exclusivenor exhaustive. For example,a historian describesa group of peoplein a nineteenth-centurytownasupper .luir, brrt n"rr"r definesthe term and failsto link The historian's it to any theory of socialclasses' and the evidence the constrain theories implicii for for evidence looking be may researcher soc^ial implicitly to ones contrary are that explanations beingusedby historiansin secondarysources' ilistorians also select some information from all possibleevidence.Yet, the H-C researcherdoes not know how this was done' Without knowingthe selectionprocess,a historical-comparativeresearchermust rely on the historian's judgments, which can contain biases.8For example,a historian reads 10'000

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pages of newspapers, letters, and diaries, then Also, narratives rarely explicitly indicate boils down this information into summaries and how combinationor interactionefiecisoperate, selectedquotes in a 100-pagebook. An H-C reor the relativesizeof differentfactors.Foi amsearcher does not know whether information ple, the historian discusses three conditions as that the historian left out is relevant for his or causingan event.Yet, rarely do readersknow her purposes. which is most important or whether all three The typical historian's researchpractice also conditions must operatetogether to have a introduces an individualist bias.A heary reliance causalimpact, but no two conditionsalone.or on primary sourcesand surviving artifacts comno single condition alone, createsthe same bines with an atheoretical orientation to proimpact.io duce a narrow focus on the actions of snecific The narrativeorganizationcreatesdifficulpeople. This particularistic, micro-level view dities for the researcherusing secondarysources rects attention away from integrating themes or and createsconflictingfindings.The H-C repatterns. This emphasis on the documented acsearchermust read though weak concepts,untivities of specific individuals is a tlpe of theoretknown selectioncriteria, and uncleai casual ical orientation.e ' logic. Theory may residebeneaththe narrative Another problem is in the organization of but it remainimplicit and hidden. the evidence. Tradional historians organize eviTwo last problemsare that a historian is dence as a narrative history. This compounds influencedby when he or she is writing and problems of undefined concepts and the selechistoriographicschools.Various schoolsof frir_ tion of evidence. In the historiial narrative. matoriography (e.g., diplomatic, demographic, terial is chronologically organized around a ecological,psychological,Marxist, intelleitual, single coherent "story." Each part of the story is etc.) havetheir own rules for seekingevidence connected to each other part by its place in the and askingquestions,and they give priority to time order of events.Together, all the parts form certaintypesof explanatoryfactors.Likewise,a a unity or whole. Conjuncture and contingency historian writing today will examineprimary are key elements of the narrative form-that is. materialsdifferentlyfrom how thosewriting in if X (or X plus Z) occurred, then ywould occur, thepast,suchas 1920s, did. and if X (or X plus Z) had not occurred, something elsewould have followed. The contingency Researchwith Primary Sources creates a logical interdependenry between earlier and later events. The historianis the major issuewhen usingsecA difficulty of the narrative is that the priondary sources.When using primary ro.r...r, mary organizing tool-time order or position in the biggestconcernis that only a fraction of a sequenceof events-does not denote theoretieverythingwritten or usedin the past has surcal or historical causality. In other words, the vivedinto the present.Moreover,what survived narrative meets only one of the three criteria for is a nonrandomsampleof what onceexisted. establishing causality-that of temporal order. Historical-comparative researchers attempt Moreover, narrative writing frequently obscures to readprimary sourceswith the eyesand ascausalprocesses.This occurs when a historian insumptionsof a contemporarywho lived in the cludes eventsin the narrative to enrich the backpast.This means"bracketing,"or holding back ground or context, to add color, but that have no knowledgeof subsequenteventsand modern causal significance. Likewise, he or she presents v-alues. For example,whenreadinga sourceproevents with a delayed causal impact, or events ducedby a slaveholder,moralizingagainstslavthat are temporarily "on hold" with a causalimery or faultingthe author for not seeingits evil is pact occuring at some unspecified later time. not worthwhile.The H-C researcher holdsback

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moral judgmentsandbecomesa moral relativist while readingprimary sources' Another problem is that locating primary documentsis a time-consumingtask. A researchermust searchthrough specializedindexes and travel to archives or specialized libraries.Primary sourcesare often locatedin a dusty,out-of-the*wayroom fulI of stackedcardboard boxescontainingmassesof fading documents.Thesemay be incomplete,unorganized, and in variousstagesof decay.Oncethe documentsor other primary sourcesarelocated,the them by subjectingthem to evaluates researcher criticism(seeFigure12'1)' internal externaland meansevaluatingthe aucriticism External itselfto be certainthat a document thenticity of Criticism involves fotgerya or fake it is not a when it is created document the asking:Was it was place where in the been, have claimedto to claims person who the by and be, supposedto produced the document was Why be iis author? to begin with, and how did it survive? asbeingauthenOncethe documentpasses an examcriticism, internal uses tic, a researcher establish to contents document's ination of the what whether evaluates researcher credibility.A diauthor the on what based is recordedwas information' is secondhand or rectly witnessed This requiresexaminingboth the literal meaning of what is recordedand the subtleconnotations or intentions.The researchernotesother

FIcURE 1 2.1

events,sources,or peoplementionedin the document and askswhetherthey canbeverified'He or sheexaminesimplicit assumptionsor value positions, and the relevant conditions under *tri.tt the document was produced is noted (e.g.,during wartime or under a totalitarian reglme).The researcheralsoconsiderslanguage usageat the time and the contextof statements within the documentto distill a meaning' In an H-C study of Chinesemigrant networks in Peru,Chicago,and Hawaii earlyin the twentieth century,McKeown (2001)usedboth primary and secondaryhistoricalsourcesand running records.He consideredeventsover nearlya centuryof history and in threenations, and everythingfrom major internationalevents and national laws to individual family biographies.He reliedon secondarysources.formajor national or international events'Although his studywasprimarily historicaland qualitative,he also examinedquantitativedata from running recordsand provided graphs,charts,and tables of statistics.His evidencealso included geographic maps and photogra-phs,quotes from 1gg-ysar-oldtelegrams'official government documents,original newspaperreports'and selectionsfrom personallettersin threelanguages' By comparingChinesemigrantsovera-long historical period and in divergent social-cultural he could tracethe formation and opersettings, -of ation transnationalcommunitiesand social

InternalandExternalCriticism lnternalCriticism

ExternalCriticism

o

When Written?

WhereWas ItWritten? Why Did lt Survive?

^rJ"","q

WhoWasthe RealAuthor?

o

or Eyewitness Account? Secondhand WhyWas It Written? Literal Meaning?

t"u?n,"nffi

lnternal Consistency?

in Context

Connotations?

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identities. He learned that networks with links backto villagesin China and crossing severalnational borders helped to sustain a vibrant, interacting community. The network was held together by social relations from the village of origin, clan, family, business transactions, and shared language and customs. One of McKeown's major arguments is that a perspective based solely on nations can limit a researcher,s ability to seea social communitythat is transnational and the hybrid of multiple cultures. Many aspectsof the transnational community developed in reaction to specific interactions that occurred locally.

C O M P A RA T I V E R ES EA R C H Types of Comparative Research A Comparative Method. Comparative research is more of a perspective or orientation than a separate research technique. In this section, we consider its strengths. Problems in other tlpes of research are magnified in a comparative study.il Holt and Turner (1970:6) said, "In principle, there is no difference between comparative cross-cultural researchand researchconducted in a single society. The differences lie, rather, in the masnitude of certain tlpes of problems." A comparative perspective exposesweaknessesin research design and helps a researcherimprove the quality of research.The focus of comparative researchis on similarities and differences between units. Comparative research helps a researcher identift aspectsof social life that are general acrossunits (e.g.,cultures), as opposedto being limited to one unit alone. AII researcherswant to generalizeto some degree.Positivist researchers are interested in discovering general laws or patterns ofsocial behavior that hold acrosssocieties. But most positivist researchis not comparative. The comparative orientation i^mproves measurement and conceptualization. Concepts developed by researcherswho conduct research

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across several social units or settings are less likely to apply only to a specific culture or setting. It is difficult for a researcherto detect hid_ den biases,assumptions, and values until he or she applies a concept in different cultures or ser_ tings. Different social settings provide a wider range ofevents or behavior, and the range in one culture is usually narrower than for huinan behavior in general. Thus, researchin a single cul_ ture or setting focuses on a restricted range of possible social activity. For example, twi researchers,Hsi-Ping and Abdul, examine the relationship between the age at which a child is weaned and the onset of emotional problems. Hsi-Ping looks only at U.S. data, which show a range from 5 to 15 months at weaning, and indi_ catethat emotional problems increasesteadily as ageofweaning increases.Sheconcludesthat iate weaning causes emotional problems. Abdul looks at data from 10 cultures and discovers a range from 5 to 36 months at weaning. He finds that the rate of emotional problems rises with age-of weaning until 18 months; it then peaks and falls to a lower level. Abdul arrives at more accurate conclusions: Emotional problems are likely for weaning between the agei of 6 and,24 months, but weaning either earlier or later reduces the chances of emotional problems. HsiPing reached false conclusions about tne relationship because of the narrow range of weaning age in the United States. The way comparative research raises new questions and stimulates theory building is a major strength. For example, Lamont (ZOOO) compared samples of blue-collar and lower_ white-collar workers in France and the United Statesfortheir justifications and forms of argu_ ment used to explain racial differences.Shedrew random samples from telephone directories of Whites and Blacks in the suburbs of paris and NewYork City and interviewed respondents for two hours. Lamont found that the arguments of racists and antiracists alike differed widely between France and the United States.people use arguments and rationales closely tied to the dominant cultural themes of their society. For

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example,in the United States,thereis a long history of using biological inferiority to explain This declinedgreatlybutit still racialdifferences. exists,yet sucha rationaleis absentin France'In the United States,the market has near-sacred statusand both racistand antiracistsfrequently usedthe marketand personaleconomicsuccess in their arguments,but the market factor was absentin Fiancebecauseit is not viewedasa fair and efficient mechanism for allocating resources.The French use cultural arguments' egalitarianism,and the universality of-all hurians much more than Americans.In fact, the ideaof a fundamentalequality amongall human beingswas nearly absentamong the justifications givenin the United States.Sucha discrepto seekexplanations ancysiimulatesresearchers for ihe relationshipandto developnew research questions. Comparativeresearchalsohas limitations' It is more difficult, more costly,and more time consumingthan researchthat is not comparative. The typesofdata that canbe collectedand problemswith equivalence(to be discussed)are alsofrequentProblems. Another limitation is the number of cases' canrarelyuserandom Comparativeresearchers ,u*piittg. Sufficientinformation is not available for att oi the approximately150 nations in the world. It is unavailablefor a nonrandomsubset (poor countries,nondemocraticcountries,etc')' treat all nationsas in addition, can a researcher eaualunits when somehaveover a billion peoThe smallnumber ple and othersonly 100,000? to parof""tat createsa tendenryfor researchers ticularizeand seeeachcaseas unique, limiting examFor example,a researcher generalization. inesfirrecases(e.g.,countries),but the units differ from eachother in 20 ways.It is difficult to test theory or determine relationships when there are more different characteristicsthan units. A third limitation is that comparativeresearcherscan apply, not test, theory' and can make only limited generalizations.Despite the abilitv to use and considercasesas wholesin

H-C research,rigoroustheorytestingor exp€rimentalresearchis rarelypossible'For example'a researcherinterestedin the effectsof economic cannot causeone group ofcountries recessions to havea recessionwhile othersdo not' Instead' waitsuntil a recessionoccursand the researcher ofthe country then looksat other characteristics or unit. The Units Being ComPared comCultureversusNation. For convenience' as nation-state oftenusethe parativeresearchers mais the iheir unit of analysis.The nation-state ior unit usedin ittittkittg about the divisionsof peopleacrossthe globetoday. Although-it is a dominant unit in current times,it is neither an inevitablenor a permanentone; in fact' it has beenaroundfor only about 300years' The nation-stateis a sociallyand politically defined unit. In it, oni: governmenthas sovereignty(i.e',military control andpoliticalauthoritil *t populatedterritory.Economicrelations (e.g., currency, ttade, etc'), transportation routes, and communication systemsare lntesratedwithin territorial boundaries'The people 6f tn" territory usually share a common languageand customs,and there is usuallya comsystem,legalsystem,and setof iroi "ducutional political symbols (e.g.,flag' national anthem' it..). fn. governmentclaimsto representthe interestsof all people in the territory under its control. The nation-state is not the only unit for comparativeresearch'It is frequentlyasulrogate for ci.rlture,which is more difficult to define asa concrete,observableunit. Culture refers to a common identity among people based on sharedsocialrelations,beliefs,and technology' Cultural differencesin language,customs,traditions, and norms often follow nationallines' In fact,sharinga common cultureis a major factor causingthe formation of distinct nation-states' The boundariesof a nation-statemay not match thoseof a culture. In somesituations'a singleculture is divided into severalnations;in

C H AP T ER I 2 / HlsroRrcAL-coMpARATtvE RESEARcH 319 other cases,a nation-state contains more than one culture. Over the past centuries, boundaries between cultures and distinct vibrant cultures have been destroyed, rearranged, or diffr-rsedas territory around the world was carved into colonies or nation-states by wars and conquest. For instance, European empires imposed arbitrary boundaries over severalcultural groups in nations that were once colonies. Likewise, new immigrants or ethnic minorities are not always assimilated into the dominant culture in a nation. For example, one region of a nation may have people with a distinct ethnic backgrounds, languages,customs, religions, social institutions, and identities (e.g., the province of Quebec in Canada). Such intranational cultures can create regional conflict, since ethnic and cultural identities are the basis for nationalism. The nation-state is not always the best unit for comparative research. A researcher should ask What is the relevant comparative unit for my research question-the nation, the culture, a small region, or a subculture? For example, a researchquestion is: Are income level and divorce related (i.e., are higher-income people lesslikely to divorce?)?A group of people with a distinct culture, language,and religion live in one region of a nation. Among them, income and divorce are not related; elsewherein the nation, however, where a different culture prevails,income and divorce are related. Ifa researcherusesthe nationstate as his or her unit, the findings could be ambiguous and the explanation weak. Instead of assuming that each nation-state has a common culture, a researchermay find that a unit smaller than the nation-state is more appropriate. Galton's Problem. The issue of the units of comparison is related to a problem named after Sir Francis Galton (1822-l9Il). When researcherscompare units or their characteristics, they want the units to be distinct and separate from each other. If the units are not different but are actually the subparts ofa larger unit, then researcherswill find spurious relationships. For example, the units are the statesand provinces in

Canada,France,and the United States;a researcherdiscoversa strongassociationbetween speakingEnglishand having the dollar as currenry, or speakingFrenchand usingthe franc as currency.Obviously,the associationexistsbecause the units of analysis (i.e., states or provinces)are subpartsof larger units (i.e.,nations). The featuresof the units aredue to their being parts oflarger units and not to any relationship amongthe features.Socialgeographers alsoencounterthis because manysocialand cultural featuresdiffuseacrossgeographicspace. Galton'sproblemis an important issuein comparativeresearchbecauseculturesrarelyhave clear,fixedboundaries.It is hardto saywhereone culture ends and another begins,whether one culture is distinct from another,or whetherthe featuresof one culture have diffirsed to another overtime. Galton'sproblemoccurswhenthe relationship betweentwo variablesin two different unitsis actuallydueto a commonorigin,andthey arenot truly distinctunits (seeFigare12.2). Galton'sproblem originatedwith regardto comparisonsacrosscultures,but it appliesto historicalcomparisonsalso.It ariseswhen a researcherasls whetherunits are really the same or different in different historical periods.For example,is the Cuba of 1875the samecountry asthe Cubaof 2005?Do 130yearssincethe end of Spanishcolonialism,the riseof U.S.influence, independence,dictatorship,and a communist revolution fundamentallychangethe unit? Data in Cross-Cultural Research ComparativeField Research. Comparativeresearchers usefield researchand participantobservationin cultures other than their own. Anthropologistsare speciallytrained and preparedfor this type ofresearch.The exchangeof methodsbetweenanthropologicaland field researchsuggeststhat there are small differences betweenfield researchin one'sown societyand in anotherculture. Field researchin a different cultureis usuallymore difficult and placesmore requirementson the researcher.

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A them havebeenstudiedby socialresearchers. valuablesourceof ethnographicdataon different culturesis the Human RelationsArea Files Galton'sproblemoccurswhena researcher (HRAF) and the relatedEthnographic Atlas.tz observesthe samesocialrelationship(represented The HRAF is a collection of field research reby X) in differentsettingsor societies ports information that bring together from A, B, (represented as andC) andfalselyconcludes that the socialrelationship ethnographicstudieson variouscultures,most aroseindependently in thesedifferentplaces.The researcher may believe of which areprimitive or smalltribal groupings. he or shehasdiscovereda relationshipin three Extensiveinformation on nearly 300 cultures separatecases.But the actualreasonfor the has been organizedby socialcharacteristicsor occurrenceofthe socialrelationmay be a shared practices(e.g.,infant feeding,suicide,childbirth, or commonoriginthat hasdiffusedfrom one etc.).A study on a particular culture is divided settingto others.This is a problembecausethe up, and its information on a characteristicis researcher who findsa relationship (e.g.,a marriage grouped with that from other studies.This pattern)in distinctsettingsor unitsof analysis makesit easyto comparemany cultureson the (e.g.,societies)maybelieveit aroseindependently For example,a researcher samecharacteristic. in differentunits.This beliefsuggeststhat the interestedin inheritancecan learn that of 159 relationship is a humanuniversal. The researcher different culturesin which it hasbeen studied, may be unawarethat in fact it existsbecause 119havea patrilinealform (fatherto son), 27 peoplehavesharedthe relationship acrossunits. matrilineal(mother to daughter),and 13mixed inheritance. Researchers canusethe HRAFto studyrelationshipsamongseveralcharacteristics of different cultures.For example,to find out whether sexualassaultagainstwomen,or rape,is associatedwith patriarchy(i.e.,the holding of power and authorityby males),a researcher canexamine the presenceof sexual assaultand the strengthof patriarchyin many cultures. Using the HRAF does have limitations, however.First, the quality of the original researchreportsdependson the initial researcher's length of time in the field, familiarity with the language,and prior experience, aswell ason the explicitnessof the researchreport. Also, the Existing Sources of Qualitative Datq. Comrange of behaviorobservedby the initial reparative researcherscan use secondary sources. searcherand the depth of inquiry can vary. In For example, a researcherwho conducts a comaddition,the categorizationof characteristics in parative study of the Brazilian, Canadian, and the HRAF can be crude.Another limitation involvesthe culturesthat havebeenstudied.Westfapaneseeducational systemscan read studiesby researchers from many countries, including have made contact with and ern researchers Brazil, Canada, and |apan, which describe the field research conducted on a limited number of education systemsin the three nations. prior cultures to thesecultures'contactwith the There may have been 5,000 different cuioutsideworld. The culturesstudiedare not a tures throughout human historyi about 1,000 of representative sampleof all the human cultures

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that existed.In addition,Galton'sproblem (discussedearlier)canbe an issue. Cross-NationalSurveyResearch. Surveyrein a previouschapter.This searchwasdiscussed sectionexaminesissuesthat arisewhen a researcherusesthe surveytechniquein other cultures.The limitations of a cross-culturalsurvey arenot differentin principlefrom thoseof a survey within one culture. Nevertheless,they are usuallymuch greaterin magnitudeand severity. Surveyresearchin a different culture repossess an in-depth quiresthat the researcher and knowledgeof its norms,practices, customs. Without suchan in-depth knowledge,it is easy to make seriouserrors in procedureand interpretation. Knowing another languageis not enough.A researcherneedsto be multicultural and thoroughlyknow the culturein addition to beingfamiliar with the surveymethod.Substantial advanceknowledgeabout the other culture is neededprior to enteringit or planning the survey.Closecooperationwith the nativepeople ofthe other cultureis alsoessential. choiceof the culturesor naA researcher's tions to includein a cross-culturalsurveyshould be made on both substantive(e.g.,theoretical' researchquestion)and practicalgrounds.Each stepofsurvey research(questionwording, data collection,sampling,interviewing,etc.)must be tailored to the culture in which it is conducted. One critical issueis how the people from the the survey.In someculothercultureexperience tures,the surveyand interviewingitselfmaybe a strange,frightening experience,analogousto a policeinterrogation. Samplingfor a surveyis alsoaffectedby the cultural context. Comparative survey remust considerwhetheraccuratesamsearchers pling framesareavailable,the quality of mail or telephoneservice,and transportationto remote rural areas.Theyneedto be awareof suchfactors ashow oftenpeoplemove,the tipes of dwellings in which peoplelive, the number of peoplein a or typicalrates dwelling,the telephonecoverage,

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must tailor the sampling of refusal.Researchers unit to the cultureand considerhowbasicunits, such as the family, are defined in that culture. Specialsamplesor methodsfor locatingpeople for a samplemaybe required. Questionnairewriting problemsin the researcher'sown culture are greatlymagnified when studyinga different culture.A researche sensitiveto questionwordneedsto be especially ing, questionnairelength, introductions,and topicsincluded.He or shemustbe awareof local norms and of the topicsthat can and cannotbe For example,open by surveyresearch. addressed questionsaboutpoliticalissues,alcoholuse,religion, or sexualitymay be taboo. In addition to thesecultural issues,translation and language equivalencyoften poseseriousproblems(see Equivalencein Historical-ComparativeResearch).Techniquessuchasbacktranslation(to be discussed)and the useof bilingualpeopleare helpfi:I,but often it is impossibleto askthe exac samequestionin a differentlanguage. Interviewing requires specialattention in cross-culturalsituations.Selectionand training of interviewersdepends on the education norns, and etiquetteof the other culture. The interviewsituationraisesissuessuchasnorms of privacy,waysto gain trust, beliefsabout confidentiality,and differencesin dialect.For exam ple,in somecultures,an interviewermust spend a dayin informal discussionbeforeachievingthe rapport neededfor a short formal interview.

ExistingSourcesof QuantitativeData. Quantitative datafor many variablesare availablefor different nations.In addition, large collection They of quantitativedatahavebeenassembled. gather information on many variables from other sources(e.g.,newspaperarticles,officia governmentstatistics,United Nationsreports). Therearesignificantlimitations on existing cross-nationaldata, many of which are share byother existingstatistics.The theoreticaldefinition of variablesand the reliability of data collection can vary dramaticallyacrossnations

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Missinginformation is a frequentlimitation. Intentional misinformation in the official data from somegovernmentscanbe a problem.Another limitation involvesthe nations on which For example,during a 35-year dataarecollected. period, new nations come into existenceand otherschangetheir namesor changetheir borders. The existingdataareavailablein major national data archivesin a form that computers canconductsecondary canread,andresearchers analysison internationalexistingstatisticsdata. For example,Sutton(2004)conducteda quantitative, statisticalstudy on 15 nations between havelong observed 1960and 1990.Researchers that imprisonment ratesdo not closelyfollow changesin crime rates.Suttontestedthe Rusche and Kirchheimerthesis.It saysthat unemployment ratescausea risein imprisonmentratesbecauseimprisonmentis a governmentattemptto control a surplusof unemployedworking-class malesin the populationwho could becomeunruly and dangerousto the socialorder.Basically, it predictsthat prisonswill be filled when many workers are out of work and will empty out when the economyis booming.Suttongathered data from governmentstatisticalyearbooksof the 15 countries,from publicationsby international organizationssuch as the World Health Organizationand the InternationalLaborOrganization, and from prior socialsciencestudies that identifiedfeaturesofseveralnations,suchas their unionizationpattern,political party structure, and so forth. Sutton found only limited support for the original thesis,but he documented a strong effectfrom severalother factors.He arguedthat the effectof unemployment on imprisonmentwas probablyspurious(see the discussionof a spurious relationshipin 2,4,and 10ofthisbook).Suttonfound Chapters that specificfeaturesof the nation'spolitical organizationandlabor marketstructureappeared to causeboth specificunemployrnentpatterns and different imprisonment policies.In short, when low-incomepeopleand workerswerepolitically weak comparedto wealthypeopleand

corporation owners' both unemployment and imprisonment rates rise comparedto times when low-income people and workers have greaterpolitical power and influence'

EQUIVALENCEIN HISTORICALCOMPARATIVE RESEARCH The lmportance of Equivalence Equivalenceis a critical issuein all research.It is the issueof making comparisonsacrossdiverliving in gent contexts,or whethera researcher, i specific time period and culture, correctly dataabout or conceptualizes reads,understands, peoplefrom a differenthistoricaleraor culture. a researchercannotuse Without equivalence, the sameconceptsor measuresin different culturesor historicalperiods,and this makescomparisondifficult, if not impossible.It is similarto validthe problemsthat arisewith measurement ity in quantitativeresearch. Types of Equivalence The equivalenceissuehasimplicationsfor H-C research.A researchermight misunderstandor misinterpreteventsin a differenteraor culture. Assumingthat the interpretationis correct,a researchermay find it difficult to conceptualize and organizethe eventsto make comparisons acrosstimes or places.If he or shefrrlly $asps may still find it difanotherculture,a researcher ficult to communicatewith othersfrom his or issue her own time and culture'The equivalence canbe dividedinto four subtypes:lexiconequivalence, contextual equivalence, conceptual and measurementequivalence. equivalence, Lexicon Equivalence. Lexicon equivalenceis or the correcttranslationofwords and phrases, finding a word that meansthe samething asanother word. This is clearestbetweentwo languages.For example,in many languagesand iultures therearedifferentforms of addressand

E SEE A R C H 525 TIV 12 / H IS TOR IC A L-C OMP A R AR CHAPTER

pronounsfor intimates(e.g.,closefriendsand family members) and subordinates (e.g., youngerpersonsand lower-statuspeople)from thoseusedin unknown or public settingsor for personsofhigher socialstatus.Thereare no directlyequallinguisticformsof speechin English, althoughthe ideaofclosepersonalversuspublic cultures.In relationsexistsin English-speaking suchlanguages,switchingpronouns when saying, "How are you today?"might indicate a changein statusor in the socialrelationship. One would haveto indicate it in another,perhaps nonverbal,way if speakingin English.In cultureswhere ageis an important status(e.9., words exist that are |apan), many status-based absentin English.One cannotsay,for example, "my brother" without indicatingwhetherone is speakingof an older or youngerbrother, and separatewords are used for "my younger brother" or "my older brother." often use a techComparativeresearchers nique calledbacktranslationto achievelexicon equivalence.In back translation,a phraseor questionis translatedfrom one languageto another and then back again. For example,a phrasein Englishis translatedinto Koreanand then independentlytranslatedfrom Korean back into English.A researcherthen compares the first and secondEnglishversions.For example, in a study to compareknowledgeof international issuesby U.S. and |apanesecollege developeda questionstudents,the researchers nairein English.Theynext had a teamof |apanesecollegefaculty translatethe questionnaire into Japanese. Somechangeswere madein the questionnaire.When they usedback translation, they discovered"30 translatingerrors,includingsomemajor ones"(Coganet al., 1988: 28s). Backtranslationdoesnot help when words for a conceptdo not existin a differentlanguage (e.g.,there is no word for trust in Hindi, for loyaltyin Turkish, for privacyin Chinese,or for goodquarrelin Thai). Thus,translationmay remay quire complexexplanations,or a researcher not be ableto usecertainconcepts.

Lexicon equivalence can be significant in historical researchbecausethe meaning ofwords changes over time, even in the same language. The greater the distance in time, the greater the chance that an expression will have a different meaning or connotation. For example, todaythe wordweed refers to unwanted plants or to marijuana, but in Shakespeare'sera, the word meant clothing (seeBox 12.3).

Contextual Equivalence. Contextual equivalenceis the correct application of terms or concepts in different social or historical contexts. It is an attempt to achieveequivalencewithin specific contexts. For example, in cultures with different dominant religions, a religious leader (e.g., priest, minister, or rabbi) can have different roles, training, and authority. In some contexts, priests are full-time male professionals who are wealthy, highly esteemed,well-educated community leaders and also wield political power. In other contexts, a priest is anyone who risesabove others in a congregation on a temporary basis but is without power or standing in

The meaningof a statementor answerto a questio oftendependson the customsof a culture,the socia situation, andthe mannerin whichthe answerisspo ken.The mannerofansweringcan reversethe differ ent meaningsof the sameanswerbasedon the mannerin whichthe answerwasspoken.

Polite

No

Emphatic

Yes

Adaptedfrom Hymes(1970:329). Soarce;

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the community.Priestsin sucha contextmaybe lesswell educated,have low incomes,and be viewed as foolish but harmlesspeople.A researcherwhoasksabout"priests"without noticing the context could make seriouserrors in interpretations. Context also appliesacrosshistorical eras. For example,attendingcollegehas a different meaning today than in a historical context in which only the richest 1 percentof the population attendedcollege,most collegeshad fewer than 500students,all wereprivateall-maleinstitutions that did not require a high school diplomafor entry anda collegecurriculumconsistedof classicallanguagesand moral training. Attending college100 yearsago was not the sameasit is today;the historicalcontexthasalteredthe meaningof attendingcollege.

tions ofbeing in a particularclass,and classcategoriesor boundariesdiffer acrosssocieties, making the study of socialclassacrosssocieties difficult. At times,the sameor a very similar concept existsacrossculturesbut in different forms or degreesof strength.For example,in manyAsian societies,there is a marked differencebetween the outward,public presentationand definition ofselfand theprivate,personalpresentationand the definition of self. What one revealsand shows externally is often culturally detached from true, internal feelings.Some languages mark this linguistically,aswell.The ideaof a distinct self for public, nonfamily, or nonprivate situationsexistsin Westerncultures,aswell,but it is much weakerand lesssociallysignificant.In addition, many Western cultures assumethat the inner selfis"real" and shouldbe revealed,an ConceptualEquivalence. Theability to usethe assumption that is not always shared crosssameconceptacrossdivergentculturesor hisculturally. torical erasis conceptual equivalence. Researchers At other times, there is no direct cultural live within specificculturesand historical eras. equivalent.For example,thereis no directWestTheir conceptsare basedon their experiences ern conceptualequivalentfor the lapaneseie. It and knowledgefiom their own culture and era. is translatedasfamily system,but this ideawas Researchers may try to stretchtheir conceptsby createdby outsidersto explainlapanesebehavlearning about other culturesor eras,but their ior. The le includesa continuingline of familial views of other cultures or erasare colored by descentgoing back generationsand continuing their currentlife situations.This createsa persis- into the future. Its meaningis closerto a Eurotent tension and raisesthe question:Can a repeanlineage"house"amongthe feudalnobility searchercreateconceptsthat aresimultaneously than the modernhouseholdor evenan extended true reflectionsof life experiencesin different family. It includesancestors,going back many culturesor erasand that alsomakesenseto him generations,and future descendants,with or her? branches createdby noninheriting male offThe issueofa researcher's conceptis a spe- spring (or adoptedsons).It can also include a cial caseof a larger issue,becauseconceptscan religiousidentity and property-holdingdimenbe incompatibleacrossdifferenttime periodsor sions(asland or a businesspasseddown for gencultures.Is it possibleto createconceptsthat are erations).It canincludefeelingsofobligation to true, accurate,and valid representationsof soone'sancestorsand feelingsto uphold anycomcial life in two or more cultural or historicalsetmitments they may have made. The ie is also tings that arevery different?For example,the embeddedin a web of hierarchicalrelationships word classexistsin many societies,but the sys- with other le and suggests socialposition or statem of classes(i.e., the role of income,wealth, tus in a community. job, education,status,relationto meansof proConceptualequivalencealso appliesto the duction), the number of classes, the connota- study of different historical eras.For example,

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measuringincomeis verydifferentin a historica] erawith a largelynoncashsocietyin which most people grow their own food, make their own furniture and clothing,or barter goods.Where moneyis rarelyused,it makesno senseto measure income by number of dollars earned. Countinghogs,acresofland, pairsofshoes,servants,horsecarriages,and the like may be more appropriate.

offensive within a culture. Sensitivity mean showingrespectfor the traditions,customs,and meaningof privary in a host country. For exam ple,it maybetaboofor a man to interviewa married womanwithout her husbandpresent. In general,a researcherwho visits anothe culturewantsto establishgoodrelationswith the host country's government.He or shewill not take data out of the country without giving something(e.g.,results)in return. The military or politicalinterestsof the researcher's homenation or the researcher's personalvaluesmay conflict with official policy in the host nation. A researchermay be suspectedof being a spy or may be under pressurefrom his or her home country to gathercovertinformation. Sometimes,the researcher's presenceor findings may causediplomaticproblems.For example,a researcher who examineshealthcare practicesin a country then declaresthat officia governmentpoliry is to ignoretreatinga seriou illnesscan expectseriouscontroversy.Likewise a researcherwho is si.mpatheticto the causeof groups who opposethe governmentmay be threatenedwith imprisonmentor askedto leave the country.Socialresearchers who conductresearchin anycountryshouldbe awareof suchissuesand the potential consequences of their actions.

MeasurementEquivalence. Measurement equivalencemeansmeasuringthe sameconceptin differentsettings.Ifa researcher developsa concept appropriateto dif[erent contexts,the question remains:Are differentmeasures necessary in differentcontextsfor the sameconcept?The measurementequivalence issuesuggests that an H-C researcher must examinemanysourcesof partial evidencein order to measureor identifr a theoretical construct.When evidenceexistsin fragmentary forms, he or she must examine extensivequantitiesof indirect evidencein order to identifirconstructs.

ETHICS Historical-comparative researchsharesthe ethicalconcernsfound in othernonreactiveresearch techniques.The use of primary historical sourcesoccasionallyraisesspecialethicalissues. First,it is difficult to replicateresearchbasedon primary material.The researcher's selectioncriteria for use of evidenceand externalcriticism of documentsplacesa burdenon the integrityof the individual researcher. Second,the right to protect one's privacy may interferewith the right to gatherevidence.A person'sdescendants maywantto destroyor hide privatepapersor eyidenceof scandalous behavior. Evenmajor politicalfigures(e.g.,presidents) want to hide embarrassingofficial documents. Comparativeresearchers mustbesensitiveto cultural andpoliticalissuesofcross-culturalinteraction. They need to learn what is considered

c o Nc L u s lo N

In this chapter, you have learned methodological principles for an inquiry into historical and comparative materials. The H-C approach is appropriate when asking big questions about macro-level change, or for understanding social processesthat operate acrosstime or are universal across several societies.Historical-comDarative research can be carried out in severalways, but a distinct qualitative H-C approach is similar to that of field researchin important respects. Historical-comparative research involves a different orientation toward researchmore than

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it meansapplylngspecializedtechniques.Some specializedtechniquesare used,suchasthe external criticism of primary documents,but the approaches mostvital featureis how a researcher a question,probes data, and moves toward explanations. Historical-comparativeresearchis more difficult to conductthan researchthat is neither historical nor comparative,but the difficulties arepresentto a lesserdegreein othertypesofsocial research.For example,issuesof equivalence In H-C existto somedegreein all socialresearch. research,however,the problems cannot be treatedas secondaryconcerns.They are at the forefront ofhow researchis conductedand determinewhethera researchquestioncanbe answered.

Key T e r m s back translation conceptual equivalence contextual equivalence external criticism Galton's problem Human RelationsArea Files (HRAF) internal criticism lexicon equivalence measurement equivalence oralhistory primary sources recollections running records secondarysources

Endnotes 1. SeeMahoney (1999) for major works of historical-comparative research. 2. See Calhoun (1996), McDaniel (1978), Prze' worski and Teune (1970), and Stinchcombe (1978) for additional discussion. 3. For additional discussion,seeSewell( 1987)' 4. SeeNaroll (1968) for a discussion of difficulties in creating distinctions. Also seeWhiting (1968). 5. Transhistorical concepts are discussedby others, such as Bendix (1963)' Przeworski and Teune ( 1970),and Smelser(1976). 6. SeeLowenthal (1985:187). 7. Bendix (1978:16) distinguished between the judgments of historians and the selectionsof soci ologists. 8. Bonnell (1980:161), Finley (L977:132), and Goldthorpe (1977:189-l9O) discussedhow historians use concepts.Selectionin this context is discussed by Abrams (1982:194) and Ben-Yehuda ( 1983). 9. For introductions to how historians see their method, see Barzun and Graff (1970), Braudel (1980), Cantor and Schneider (1967), Novick (1988),or Shafer(1980). 10. The narrative is discussedin Abbott ( 1992)' Gallie (1963), Gotham and Staples (1996), Griffin (1993), Mclennan (198I:76-87), Runciman (1980),and Stone(1987:74-96). I 1. For more on the strengthsand limitations of comparative research,seeAnderson (1973), Holt and Turner (1970), Kohn (1987), Ragin (1987)' Smelser(1976), Vallier (1971a, 1971b),Walton (1973), and Whiting ( 1968). 12. For more on the Human RelationsArea File and the EthnographicAtlas,see Murdock (I9 67, 197l) andWhiting (i968).

'ry Analysisof QualitativeData

Introduction Comparing Methods of Data Analysis Similarities Differences Explanations and QualitativeData Coding and Concept Formation Conceptualization CodingQualitativeData AnalyticMemoWriting Analytic Strategies for Qualitative Data The Narrative ldealTypes Successive Approximation The lllustrative Method Other Techniques NetworkAnalysis TimeAllocationAnalysis Flowchartand TimeSequence M ultipleSortingProcedure Diagrams Software for Qualitative Data Conclusion

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INTRODUCT I O N Qualitative data come in the form of photos, written words, phrases,or qrnbols describing or representing people, actions, and events in social life. Qualitative researchersrarely use statistical analysis.This doesnot mean that qualitative data analysisis based on vague impressions.It can be systematic and logically rigorous, although in a different way from quantitative or statistical analysis. Over time qualitative data analysis has become more explicit, although no single qualitative data analysis approach is widely accepted. This chapter is divided into four parts. First, the similarities and differences between qualitative and quantitative data analysisare discussed' Next is a look at how researchersuse coding and concept/theory building in the process of analyzing qualitative data. Third is a review of some of the major analltic strategies researchersdeploy and ways they think about linking qualitative data with theory. Last is a brief review of other techniques researchersuse to manage and examine patterns in the qualitative data they have collected.

Qualitative as well as quantitative analysis involves a public method or process.Researchers systematically record or gather data and in so doing make accessibleto others what they didBoth types of researcherscollect large amounts of data, describe the data, and document how they collected and examined it. The degree to which the method is standardized and visible may vary>but all researchersreveal their study designin some way. All data analysis is based on comparison' Social researcherscompare features of the evidence they have gathered internally or with related evidence. Researchersidentifr multiple processes,causes,properties, or mechanisms within the evidence. They then look for patterns-similarities and differences, aspectsthat are alike and unlike. Both qualitative and quantitative researchers strive to avoid errors, false conclusions, and misleading inferences. Researchersare also alert for possible fallaciesor illusions. They sort through various explanations, discussions,and descriptions, and evaluatemerits of rivals, seeking the more authentic, valid' true, or worthy among them. Differences

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Similarities Both stylesofresearch involve researchersinferring from the empirical details of social life. To infer meansto passa judgment, to use reasoning, and to reach a conclusionbasedon evidence'In both forms of data analysis,the researchet carefully examines empirical information to reach a conclusion. The conclusion is reached by reasoning, simpli$'ing the complexity in the data, and abstracting from the data, but this varies by the style of research.Both forms of data analysis anchor statements about the social world and are faithful to the data.

Qualitative data analysis differs from quantitative analysis in four ways. First, quantitative researcherschoosefrom a specialized,standardized set of data analysis techniques. Hypothesis testing and statistical methods vary little across different social research projects' Quantitative analysis is highly developed and builds on applied mathematics. By contrast, qualitative data analysisis less standardized. The wide variety in qualitative researchis matched by the many approaches to data analysis. A second difference is that quantitative researchersdo not begin data analysis until they have collected all of the data and condensed them into numbers. They then manipulate the numbers in order to see patterns or relationships. Qualitative researcherscan look for pat-

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terns or relationships,but they begin analysis earlyin a researchproject,whiletheyarestill collecting data. The results of early data analysis guidesubsequentdatacollection.Thus,analysis is lessa distinct final stageofresearchthan a dimension of researchthat stretchesacrossall stages. Another differenceis the relationship between data and socialtheory. Quantitative researchersmanipulatenumbersthat represent By empiricalfactsto testtheoreticalhypotheses. connew qualitative researchers create contrast, ceptsand theoryby blendingtogetherempirical evidenceand abstractconcepts.Insteadoftesting a hypothesis,a qualitativeanalystmay illustrate or color in evidenceshowingthat a theory, generalization, or interpretationis plausible. The fourth differenceis the degreeof abstraction or distancefrom the detailsof social life. In all data analysis,a researcherplacesraw data into categoriesthat he or shemanipulates in order to identifi patterns. Quantitative researchers assumethat sociallife can be representedby using numbers.When they manipulate the numbers according to the laws of statistics,the numbers revealfeaturesof social life. Qualitative analysisdoes not draw on a body of formal knowledge large,well-established from mathematicsand statistics.The dataarein the form of words, which are relativelyimprecise,diffuse, and context-based,and can have more than one meaning. Explanationsand Qualitative Data Qualitativeexplanationstakemanyforms.A qualdoesnot haveto choosebetween itativeresearcher a rigid idiographic/nomotheticdichotomythat is, betweendescribingspecificsand veriffdevelops ing universallaws.Instead,a researcher are close generalizations that explanationsor are more but to concretedata and contexts than simpledescriptions.He or sheusuallyuses a lower-level, less abstract theory, which is groundedin concretedetails.He or she may

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build new theory to createa realisticpicture of sociallife and stimulateunderstandingmore than to test a causalhypothesis.Explanations tendto be rich in detail,sensitiveto context,and capableof showingthe complexprocesses or sequencesof sociallife. The explanationsmay be causal,but this is not alwaysthe case.The researcher's goalis to organizespecificdetailsinto a coherentpicture, model, or setof interlocked concepts. A qualitative researcherdivides explanations into two categories:highly unlikely and plausible.The researcher is satisfiedby building a caseor supplyingsupportiveevidence.He or shemay eliminatesometheoreticalexplanations from considerationwhile increasingthe plausibility of othersbecauseonly a few explanations will be consistentwith a pattern in the data. Qualitative analysiscan eliminate an explanation by showingthat a wide arrayof evidence contradictsit. The data might support more than one explanation,b:ut all explanationswill not be consistentwith it. In addition to eliminating lessplausible explanations,qualitative dataanalysishelpsto verif' a sequenceofevents or the stepsof a process.This temporalordering is the basisof finding associations amongvariables,and it is useful in supporting causal arguments.

CODING AND CONCEPT FORMATION often use generalideas, Qualitativeresearchers themes,or conceptsasanalytictools for making generalizations.Qualitativeanalysisoften uses nonvariableconceptsor simple nominal-level variables. Conceptualization conceptualizeand reQuantitativeresearchers fine variablesin a processthat comesbeforedata collectionor analysis.By contrast,qualitativere-

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form new conceptsor refine concepts searchers that are groundedin the data.Conceptformation is integralto dataanalysisandbeginsduring is how a qualdatacollection.Conceptualization makes senseof organizes and itative researcher the data. A qualitativeresearcherorganizesdatainto categorieson the basisof themes,concepts,or similar features.He or she developsnew concepts,formulatesconceptualdefinitions,and examines the relationships among concepts. Eventually, he or she links conceptsto each asoppositionalsets otherin termsof a sequence, (X is the oppositeof I) or assetsof similar cateinto theoretical goriesthat he or sheinterweaves researchers conceptualstatements.Qualitative and read through as they ize or form concepts (e.g., notes, field questions of data askcritical historical documents,secondarysources,etc.)' The questionscan come from the abstractvocabularyof a disciplinesuch as sociology-for example:Is this a caseof classconflict?Wasrole conflict presentin that situation?Is this a social movement?Questionscan alsobe logical-for How of events? example:Whatwasthe sequence over to here compare doesthe way it happened or general or different, there?Are thesethe same as often conceptualize Researchers specificcases? they codequalitativedata. In qualitativedata analysis,ideasand eviThis applies dencearemutually interdependent. analysis. Cases arenot particularlyto casestudy units or theoretiempirical givenpreestablished apartfrom data;theyaredefinedby calcategories data and theory. By analyzingasituation, the researcherorganizesdataand appliesideassimultaneouslyto createor specifra case.Making or creatinga case,calledcasingbringsthe dataand theory together.Determiningwhat to treat as a a tensionor strainbetweenwhatthe caseresolves and his or her ideasaboutit. observes researcher Coding Qualitative Data codesafterall the data A quantitativeresearcher havebeen collected.He or shearrangesmea-

suresofvariables,which arein the form of numform for statistical bers,into a machine-readable analysis. Coding data has a different meaning in codesby orgaA researcher qualitativeresearch. nizing the raw data into conceptualcategories and createsthemesor concepts.Insteadof a simple clericaltask,codingis an integralpart ofdata analysisguidedby the researchquestion.Coding higherJevelthinking aboutthe data encourages toward theoricalgenerand movesa researcher alizations. Coding is two simultaneousactivities:mechanicaldata reduction and analyticdatac4tegorization.Coding data is the hard work of reducingmountains of raw data into manageablepiles.In addition to making a largemassof imposes it is how a researcher datamanageable, order on the data. Coding also allows a researcherto quickly retrieverelevantpartsofthe data.Betweenthe momentsof thrill andinspiration, codingqualitativedata,or filework,canbe wearisomeand tedious. Open Coiling, Opencodingis performeddur-. ing a first passthrough recentlycollecteddata. locatesthemesand assignsinitial The researcher codesor labelsin a first attemptto condensethe massof data into categories.He or she slowly readsfield notes,historical sources,or other data, looking for critical terms, key events,or themes,which are then noted. Next, he or she writesa preliminaryconceptor labelat the edge of a notecardor computerrecordandhighlights it with brightly colored ink or in somesimilar way. The researcheris open to creating new themesand to changingtheseinitial codesin subsequentanalysis.A theoretical framework helpsif it is usedin a flexiblemanner. Open coding brings themesto the surface from deepinsidethe data.The themesareat a low level of abstractionand comefrom the researcher'sinitial researchquestion,conceptsin the literature,termsusedby membersin the social setting,or new thoughtsstimulatedby immersionin the data.

c H A p rER1i ,/ A N A LystsoF euA Ll rA TtvED A TA An example of this is found in LeMasters's (1975) field research study of a working-class tayern when he found that marriage came up in many conversations. If he open coded field notes, he might have coded a block of field notes with the theme marriage. Following is an example ofhypothetical field notes that can be open coded with the theme marriage: I wore a tie to the bar on ThursdaybecauseI had been at a late meeting. Samnoticed it immediately and said. "Damn it, Doc. I wore one of them things once-when I got married-and lookwhat happenedto me! By God, the undertakerwill haveto put the next one on." I ordered a beer,then askedhim, "Why did you get married?" He replied, "What the hell you goin' to do?You just can't go on shackingup with girls all your life-I did plenty of that when I was single" with a smile and wink. He pausedto order another beer and light a cigarette,then continued, "A man, sooner or later, likes to have a home of his own, and somekids, and to havethat, you haveto get married. There's no way out of it-they got you hooked." I said, "Helen [his wife] seemslike a nice person." He returned, "Oh, hell, she'snot a bad kid, but she'sa goddamn woman and they get under my skin. They piss me off. If you go to a parfy, just when you start having fun, the wife says'let's go home.' " (Adapted from LeMasters, 1975:36-37) Historical-comparative researchersalso use open coding. For example, a researcherstudying the Knights of Labor, an American nineteenthcentury movement for economic and political reform, reads a secondary source about the activities of a local branch of the movement in a specific town. When reading and taking notes, the researchernotices that the Prohibition party was important in local elections and that temperance was debated by members of the local branch. The researcher's primary interest is in the internal structure, ideology, and growth of

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the Knights movement. Temperance is a new and unexpected category. The researchercodes the notes with the label "temperance" and includes it as a possible theme. Qualitative researchersvaryin the units they code. Some code every line or every few words; others code paragraphs and argue that much of the data are not coded and are dross or left over. The degree of detail in coding depends on the researchquestion, the "richness" ofthe data, and the researcher'spurposes. Open-ended coding extends to analytic notes or memos that a researcherwrites to himself or herself while collecting data. Researchers should write memos on their codes (seethe later discussion in Analytic Memo Writing).

Axial Coiling. This is a "second pass" through the data. During open coding, a researcher focuseson the actual data and assignscode labels for themes. There is no concern about making connections among themes or elaborating the concepts that the themes represent. By contrast, in axial coding the researcherbegins with an organized set of initial codes or preliminary concepts. In this second pass, he or she focuses on the initial coded themes more than on the data. Additional codes or new ideas may emerge during this pass,and the researchernotes them; but his or her primarytask is to review and examine initial codes.He or she moves toward organizing ideas or themes and identifies the axis of key concepts in analysis. During axial coding, a researcherasksabout causesand consequences,conditions and interactions, strategies and processes,and looks for categoriesor concepts that cluster together. He or she asksquestions such as: Can I divide existing concepts into subdimensions or subcategories? Can I combine several closely related concepts into one more general one?Can I organize categoriesinto a sequence(i.e., A, then B, then C), or by their physical location (i.e., where they occur), or their relationship to a major topic of interest? For example, a field researcher studyingworking-class life divides the general is-

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sueof marriageinto subparts(e.g.,engagement, weddings).He or shemarks all notesinvolving parts of marriageand then relatesmarriageto themesof sexuality,division of labor in household tasks,viewson children,and so on. When the theme reappearsin different places,the researchermakescomparisonssohe or shecansee new themes(e.g.,men and women havedifferent attitudestoward marriage). In the exampleof historicalresearchon the Knightsof Labor,a researcherlooks for themes relatedto temperance.He or shelooks for discussionsof saloons,drinking or drunkenness, and relationsbetweenthe movementand political partiesthat support or opposetemperance. Themesthat cluster around temperancecould also include drinking as a form of recreation, drinking as part of ethnic culture, and differences between men and women regarding drinking. Axial coding not only stimulatesthinking about linkagesbetweenconceptsor themesbut it alsoraisesnew questions.It cansuggestdropping somethemesor examiningothersin more depth.in addition, it reinforcesthe connections betweenevidenceand concepts.As a researcher he or consolidatescodesand locatesevidences, she finds evidence in many places for core themesand builds a denseweb of supportin the qualitativedata for them. This is analogousto the ideaof multiple indicatorsdescribedwithregard to reliability and measuringvariables.The connection between a theme and data is strengthenedby multiple instancesof empirical evidence. SelectiveCoiling, By the time a researcheris readyfor this last passthrough the data, he or she has identified the major themesof the recoding involvesscanning searchproject.Selective look selecdataand previouscodes.Researchers tively for casesthat illustratethemesand make comparisonsand contrastsaftermost or all data collectionis complete.They begin after they havewell-developedconceptsand havestarted to organizetheir overall analysisaround several

or ideas.For example'a recoregeneralizations searcherstudyingworking-classlife in a tavern decidesto makegenderrelationsa major theme. In selectivecoding,the researchergoesthrough his or her field notes,looking for differencesin how men andwomentalk aboutdattng,engagements,weddings,divorce, extramaritalaffairs, or husband/wiferelations.He or shethen comparesmale and femaleattitudeson eachpart of the themeof marriage. Likewise, the researcher studying the Knights of Labor decidesto make the movement'sfailureto form allianceswith other political groupsa major theme.The researchergoes through his or her notes looking for compromiseandconflictbetweenthe Knightsand other political parties,including temperancegroups and the Prohibitionparty.The arrayof concepts and themesthat arerelatedto temperancein axial coding helps him or her discoverhow the temperanceissue facilitated or inhibited alliances. During selectivecoding, major themesor concepts ultimately guide the researcher's. search.He or she reorganizesspecificthemes identified in earliercodingand elaboratesmore than one major theme. For example, in the working-classtavernstudy,the researcherexamines opinions on marriageto understandboth the theme of genderrelations and the theme of different stagesof the life cycle.He or she does this becausemarriage can be looked at both ways.Likewise,in the Knights of Labor study, the researchercan use temperanceto understand the major theme of failed alliancesand alsoto understandanothertheme,sourcesof division within the movementthat werebasedon ethnic or religiousdifferencesamongmembers (seeFigure13.1). Analytic Memo Writing arecompulsivenote-takQualitativeresearchers ers.Their dataare recordedin notes,they write commentson their researchstrategyin notes, and so on. They keep their notesorganizedin

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The coding processforeuaritative DataAnarysis

DataNotes

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Step 1: Open Coding Carefully read and review all data notes, then create a cooe that capturesthe idea,process,or theme in the data.

Organization of Codes

Step 2: Axial Coding organize all the codes createdduringopen codinginto a structureby separating them into majoror minor reversand showingrerationsamongthe codes.

Step 3: Selective Coding Take the organizedcodes from the axial coding process and reviewthe codes in the original data notes to select the best illustrationsfor entering them into a final repon.

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files, and often have many files with different kinds of notes:a file on methodologicalissues (e.g.,locationsofsourcesor ethicalissues), a file of maps or diagrams,a file on possibleoverall outlinesofa final report or chapter,a file on specific peopleor events,and so on. The analyticmemois a specialtype of note. It is a memo or discussionof thoughtsand ideas aboutthe codingprocessthat a researcher writes to himselfor herself.Eachcodedthemeor conceptforms the basisof a separatememo,and the memo containsa discussionof the conceptor theme.The rough theoreticalnotesform the beginning of analyticmemos. The analytic memo forgesa link between the concretedataor raw eyidenceand more abstract,theoreticalthinking (seeFigure13.2).It containsa researcher's reflectionson and thinking about the data and coding. The researcher addsto the memo and usesit ashe or shepasses through the datawith eachtype of coding.The memosform the basisfor analyzingdatain the researchreport. In fact,rewritten sectionsfrom

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good-qualityanalyticmemos can becomesections of the final report. The technologyinvolvedin writing analytic memosis simple:pen and paper,a few notebooks,computerfiles,and photocopiesof notes. There are many ways to write analytic memos; eachresearcherdevelopshis or her own styleor method.Someresearchers makemultiple copies ofnotes,then cut them and placeselectionsinto an analyticmemo file. This workswell if the data files are large and the analyticmemosare kept distinctwithin the file (e.g.,on different-colored paper or placedat the beginning).Other researchers link the analyticmemo file locationsto the datanoteswherea themeappears.Then it is easyto movebetweenthe analyticmemo and the data.Because datanotescontainlinks or marked themes,it is easytolocatespecificsectionsin the data.An intermediatestrategyis to keepa running list of locationswhere a major theme appearsin the raw data. As a researcherreviewsand modifies anerlytic memos,he or shediscusses ideaswith col-

AnalyticMemosand OtherFiles

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leagues, and returnsto the literaturewith a focus on newissues.Analyticmemosmayhelpto generatepotential hypotheses, which can be added and dropped as needed,and to developnew themesor codingsystems.

ANA LY T I C S T R AT E GIES F OR Q UA LI T A T I V E D AT A Techniques of coding and memo writing are approachesto the analysisof qualitative data. Most qualitative researchers use these techniques to some degree, often combined with a more specific strategy for the analysis ofqualitative dita. In this section you will learn about four strategies researchersuse to analyzequalitative data: the narrative, ideal types, successiveapproximation, and the illustrative method. Compared to the analysis of quantitative data, strategiesfor qualitative data are more diverse, less standardized, and less explicitly outlined by researchers.Only in the past decade have researchersstarted to explain and outline exactly how they analyze qualitative data. In general, data analysismeans a search for patterns in data-recurrent behaviors, objects, or a body of knowledge. Once a pattern is identified, it is interpreted in terms of a social theory or the setting in which it occurred. The qualitative researchermoves from the description of a historical event or social setting to a more general interpretation of its meaning. The Narrative You encountered the narrative in the last chapter on historical-comparative research. In field research, it is also called a natural history or realist tale approach. The narrative is a laigely atheoretical description. The researcher-author "disappears" from the analysis and presents the concrete details in chronological order as ifthey were the product of a unique and "naturally unfolding" sequenceof events.He or she simply "tells a story" of what occurred.

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Some argue that the narrative approach is a presentation of data without analysis.There can be analysis in a narrative, but it is ..light,' and subtle. In the narrative method, a reseaicher ur_ semblesthe data into a descriptive picture or ac_ count ofwhat occurred, but he or she larselv leavesthe data to "speak for themselves." H! oi she interjects little in the form of new systematic concepts, external theories, or abstraci models. The explanation residesnot in abstract concepts and theories, but in a combination of specific, concrete details. The researcher presents or re_ veals the social reality as members in a field set_ ting experience it, or the worldview of specific historical actors at a particular point in time. By using little commentary a researcher tries to convey an authentic feel for life's complexity as experienced by particular people in specific circumstances,and does not derive abstract princi_ ples or identifr generalizableanalytic patterns. In the narrative, data are"analyzed,, or..ex_ plained" in the terminology and concepts of the people being studied. The analysis appears in how a researcherorganizes the data f- p..r..r_ tation and tells the story. It appears in a greater attention to particular people, events, oi fuctr, and it relies on literary devices-the creative selection of particular words to tell a story. de_ scribe a setting, show character development, and present dramatic emphasis, intrigue, or suspense. Researchersdebate the usefulness of the narrative strategy. On the one hand, it provides rich concrete detail and clearly demonstiates the temporal ordering of processes or specific events. It captures a high degree of complexity and.conveysa nuanced understanding ofho* particular events or factors mutually affect each other. The narrative allows the researcherto assemble very specific concrete details (i.e., the names, actions, andwords of specific people and the detailed descriptions of particulai evints at specific times) that may be idiosyncratic but that contribute to a complete explanation. On the other hand, manyresearchers criticize the narrative approach for being too complex, particular,

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and idiosyncratic.It doesnot provide general- or "reality" can be compared.An idealtype is a izations.The narrativemay presentan overdeviceusedfor comparison,becauseno reality whelming array of particular details,but not everfits an idealtype.For example,a researcher provide a generalexplanationthat researchers developsa mentalmodel of the idealdemocracy canapplyto otherpeople,situations,or time peor an idealcollegebeerparty.Theseabstractions, riods(seeBox 13.1). with lists of characteristics, do not describeany specificdemocracyor beer parry; nevertheless, they are usefi,rlwhen applied to many specific ldealTypes casesto seehow well eachcasemeasuresup to Max Weber'sidealtypeis usedby many qualitathe ideal.This stagecan be usedwith the illustive researchers. Idealtlpes aremodelsor mentrative methoddescribedearlier. tal abstractionsof socialrelationsor processes. Weber'smethod of idealtypesalsocompleThey arepure standardsagainstwhich the data ments|ohn StuartMill's method of agreement.

Many qualitativeresearchers, especiallyfeministreThe narrativeis found in literature,artistic exsearchers, usethe narrativebecausethey believeit pressions, types of therapy,judicialinquiries,social best enablesthem to retaina richnessand authenor politicalhistories,biographyand autobiography, ticity from their originaldata sources(i.e.,individual medicalcasehistories,andjournalisticaccounts. As a personalstoriesor eventsin ethnographies, or spewayto organize, analyze, and presentqualitativesocifichistoricalevents).In simpleterms,the narrative cialsciencedata,the narrativesharesmanyfeatures is story telling.In it, an authorpresentstwo or more with other academicand culturalcommunication eventsin temporaland causalsequences. Somenarforms,but it differsfrom the positivistmodelfor orrativesarecomplex,with elementssuchas (1 a sumganizingand reportingon data.The positivistmodel ) mary statement of the entire story; (2) an emphasizes usingimpersonal, abstract,"neutral"lanorientationthat identifiesspecifictimes,places,perguageand a standardized analyticapproach. sons,and situations;(3) complicatingactionsor Many qualitativeresearchersargue that retwistsin the plot of "whathappened";(4) an evalua- searchers who adopt the positivistmodelare simtion or emotionalassessment of the narrative's ply usingan alternative form of narrative, one with meaningor signifigance; (5) a resolutionor whatocspecializedconventions.These conventionsencuredaftera dramatichighpoint that resolvesa suscourageformalanalyticmodelsand abstracttheopensefulclimaticevent;and (6) a codaor signalthat ries,but suchmodelsor theoriesare not necessarily the narrativeis ending. superiorto a story-tellingnarrative. Positivist data Peoplefrequentlytell one anotherstoriesin daily analysis and reportingconventions havetwo negalife.They usuallystructureor organizetheir narrative effects.First,they makeit easierforresearchers tives into one of"severalrecognizedpatterns,often to losesightofthe concreteactualeventsand perrecountingit with visualclues,gestures,or voiceinsonalexperiences that comprisesocialsciencedata. tonationsfor dramaticemphasis. The structuremay Second,they makeit moredifficultfor researchers includeplot lines,coremetaphors, and rhetoricaldeto expressideasand buildsocialtheoriesin a forvicesthat drawon familiarculturalandpersonalmodmat that most peoplefind to be familiarand comelsto effectivelycommunicate meanings to others. fortable.

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With the methodof agreement, a researcher's atabout patterns in data by referring to something tention is focusedon what is common across that is already known or an experience familiar cases, and he or shelooksfor commoncausesin to the reader. They can describe relationships caseswith a common outcome.By itself, the buried deep within many details and are a shortmethod of agreementimplies a comparison hand method for seeingpatterns in a maze of againstactualcases.This comparisonof cases specific events.They also make it easierto comcould alsobe madeagainstan idealizedmodel.A pare social processesacrossdiflerent casesor setresearcher could developan idealtypeofa social tings. For example, a researchersaysthat a room processor relationship,then comparespecific went silent after person X spoke: "A chill like a casesto it. cold gust of air" spread through the room. This haveusedidealtypes does not mean that the room temperature Qualitativeresearchers in two ways:to contrastthe impact of cotrie"ts dropped or that a breeze was felt, but it sucand asanalogy. cinctly expressesa rapid change in emotional

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Contrast Contexts. Researchers who adopt a strongly interpretive approach may use ideal t)?esto interpretdatain a waythat is sensitiveto the contextand cultural meaningsof members. They do not testhypothesesor createa generalizabletheory,but usethe idealtFpeto bring out the specificsof eachcaseand to emphasizethe impact of the unique context. Researchers makingcontrastsbetweencontextsoften choosecaseswith dramaticcontrasts or distinctivefeatures.For example,inWork and Authority in Industry,ReinhardBendix (1956) comparedmanagementrelationsin very difierent contexts:CzaristRussiaand industrializins. England. When comparing contexts,researchers do not usethe idealtFpeto illustratea theoryin different casesor to discoverregularities.Instead, they accentuatethe specificand the unique. Other methodsof analysisfocuson the general and ignore peculiarities.By contrast, a researcherwho usesideal types can show how unique featuresshapethe operationof general processes. Analogies. Idealtypesare usedasanalogiesto organizequalitativedata.An analogtis a statement that two objects,processes, or eventsare similar to eachother. Researchers useanalogies to communicateideasand to facilitate logical comparisons.Analogiestransmit information

tone. Likewise, a researcherreports that gender relations in society Y were such that women were "viewed like property and treated like slaves."This does not mean that the legal and social relations between genders were identical to those of slaveowner and slave.It implies that an ideal type of a slave-and-master relationship would show major similarities to the evidence on relations between men and women if applied to society Y. The use of analogies to analyze qualitative data servesas a heuristic device (i.e., a devicethat helps one learn or see).It can representsomething that is unknown and is especiallyvaluable when researchersattempt to make sense of or explain data by referring to a deep structure or an underlying mechanism. Ideal types do not provide a definitive test of an explanation. Rather, they guide the conceptual reconstruction of the mass of details into a systematic format.

Successive Approximation Successiveapproximation involves repeated iterations or cycling through steps, moving toward a final analysis.Over time, or after several iterations, a researchermoves from vague ideas and concrete details in the data toward a comprehensive analysiswith generalizations. This is similar to the three kinds of codins discussed earlier.

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A researcherbegins with researchquestions and a framework of assumptions and concepts. He or shethen probes into the data, asking questions of the evidenceto seehow well the concepts fit the evidence and reveal features ofthe data. He or she also createsnew conceptsby abstracting from the evidenceand adjusts concepts to fit the evidencebetter. The researcherthen collects additional evidence to address unresolvedissuesthat appearedin the first stage,and repeatsthe process.At each stage,the evidence and the theory shape each other. This is called successiveapproximatior because the modified concepts and the model approximate the full evidence and are modified over and over to bemore accurate. come successively Each pass through the evidence is provisional or incomplete. The concepts are abstract, but they are rooted in the concrete evidence and reflect the context. As the analysismoves toward generalizations that are subject to conditions and contingencies,the researcherrefines generalizations and linkages to reflect the evidence better. For example, a historical-comparative researcher believes that historical reality is not even or linear; rather, it has discontinuous stages or steps.He or she may divide 100 years of history into periods by breaking continuous time into discreteunits or periods and define the periods theoretically. Theory helps the researcher identifrwhat is significant and what is common within periods or between different periods. The researchercannot determine the number and size ofperiods and the breaks between them until after the evidencehas been examined. He or she may begin with a generalidea of how many periods to create and what distinguishes them but will adjust the number and size of the periods and the location of the breaks after reviewing the evidence.The researcherthen reexamines the evidence with added data, readjusts the periodization, and so forth. After severalcycles,he or she approximatesa set of periods in 100 yearson the basisofsuccessivelytheorizing and looking at evidence.

The lllustrative Method Another method of analysisusesempirical evidence to illustrate or anchor a theory. With the illustrative method, a researcherapplies theory to a concrete historical situation or social setting, or organizesdata on the basis of prior theory. Preexisting theory provide s the empty boxes.The researcherseeswhether evidence can be gathered to fill them. The evidence in the boxes confirms or rejectsthe theory, which he or shetreats as a useful device for interpreting the social world. The theory can be in the form of a general model, an analogy,or a sequenceof steps. There are two variations of the illustrative method. One is to show that the theoretical model illuminates or clarifies a specific case or single situation. A second is the parallel demonstration of a model in which a researcherjuxtaposesmultiple cases(i.e.,units or time periods) to show that the theory can be applied in multiple cases.In other cases,the researcherillustrates theory with specific material from multiple cases.An example of parallel demonstration is found in Paige's(1975) study ofrural classconflict. Paigefirst developed an elaborate model of conditions that cause class conflict, and then provided evidenceto illustrate it from Peru, Angola, and Vietnam. This demonstrated the applicability of the model in severalcases.(SeeBox 13.2for a summary of qpes.)

Tell a detailedstory about a par1. Thenarrative. ticularsliceof sociallife. 2. ldealtypes.Comparequalitativedatawith a pure modelof sociallife. moveback Repeatedly approximation 3. Successive and forth betweendata and theory,until the gap betweenthemshrinksor disappears. method.Fillthe "emptyboxes"of 4. Theillustrative theorywith qualitativedata.

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oTHER TECHNTQUE S usemany analvsistechQualitativeresearchers niques.Hereis a brieflook at othertechniquesto illustratethe variety. Network Analysis The idea of socialnetworkswas discussedwith network theory and with snowball sampling. often "map" the connecQualitativeresearchers tions among a set of people, organizations, events,or places.Using sociogramsand similar mappingtechniques,they candiscover,analyze, and displaysetsof relations.For example,in a company,Harry givesSueorders,Sueand Sam consultand help one another.Samgetsmaterials from Sandra.Sandrasocializeswith Mary. Researchers find that networks help them see and understandthe structureof complexsocial relations.

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and spendstwo hours at the event.The collective allocationof two hours during a busyweekfor the celebrationsignalsits latent or implicit importancein the cultureof the corporation. Flowchart and Time Sequence In addition to the amount of time devotedto various activities, researchersanalyzethe order of eventsor decisions.Historici researchers havetraditionally focusedon documentingthe sequence of events,but comparativeand field re_ searchers alsolook at flow or sequence. In addi_ tion to when eventsoccur, researchers use the ideaof a decisiontreeor flowchartto outline the order ofdecisions,to understandhow oneevent or decisionis relatedto others.For example,an activity as simple asmaking a cakecan bi out_ lined (seeFigure13.3).Theideaof mappingout steps,decisions,or eventsand looking at their interrelationship has been applied to many settings.

Time Allocation Analysis Time is an important resource.Researchers examinethe waypeopleor organizationsspendor investtime to revealimplicit rulesof conductor priorities. Researchers document the duration or amount of time devotedto variousactivities. examinethe duration or Qualitativeresearchers amountof time deyotedto activities.An analysis ofhow people,groups,or organizationsallocate the valuable resourcesthey control (such as time, space,money, prestige) can reveal a lot abouttheir real,ascontrastedwith officiallyprofessed,priorities. Often, peopleare unawareof or do not explicitlyacknowledge the importance of an activity on which they spenttime. For example,a researchernoticesthat certain people are required to wait before seeinga person, whereasothersdo not wait. The researcher may analyzethe amount of time, who waits, what they do while waiting, and whether they feel waitingisjust. Or the researcher documentsthat peoplesaythat a certaincelebrationin a corporation is not important. Yet, everyoneattends

Multiple Sorting Procedure Multiple sorting is a technique similar to domain analysisthat a researchercan use in field researchor oral history. Its purpose is to discoverhow peoplecategorize their experiences or classifiitemsinto systemsof "similai', and ..different."Themultiple sortingprocedurehasbeen alopted by cognitiveanthropologistsand psychologists.It canbe usedto collect,verift, oianalyzedata.Here is how it works.The reiearcher givesthosebeingstudieda list of terms,photos, places,namesof people,and so on, and asks them to organizethe listsinto categories or piles. The subjectsor membersusecategoriesof their own devising.Once sorted,the researcherasks about the criteria used.The subjectsare then giventhe items againand askedto sort them in other ways.There is a similarity to Thurstone scalingin that peoplesort itemi, but here,the number of piles and type of items differ. More significantly,the purposeof the sortingis not to createa uniform scalebut to discoverthe variety

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FIGURE 13. 3

Partial Flowchartof Cake Making

CheckTemp.of Oven

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of ways people understand the world. For example (Canter et al., 1985:90),a gambler sorts a list of eight gambling establishments five times. Each sort has three to four categories.One of the sorts organized them based on "class ofcasino" (high to low). Other sortswere basedon "frills," "size of stake," "make me money," and "personal preference." By examining the sorts, the researcherseeshow others organize their worlds. Diagrams Qualitative researchershave moved toward presenting their data analysis in the form of diagrams and charts. Diagrams and charts help them organize ideas and systematically investigate relations in the data, as well as communicate results to readers.Researchersuse spatial or temporal maps, typologies, or sociograms. Quantitative researchershave developed many graphs,tables,charts, and pictorial devices to present information. Miles and Huberman (1994) argued that data display is a critical part

Raise/Set Temo

of qualitative analysis. In addition to taxonomies,maps,and lists,they suggested the use of flowcharts,organizationalcharts,causaldiagrams,and various lists and grids to illustrate analysis(seeFigure13.4).

S O F T WA RE F O RQ UA L I T A T I V E DA T A Quantitative researchershave used computers for nearly40 yearsto generatetables,graphs, and charts to analyzeand present numerical data. By contrast, qualitative researchersmoved to computers and diagrams only in the past decade.A researcherwho enters notes in a word-processing program may quickly search for words and phrases that can be adapted to coding data and linking codesto analytic memos. Word processing can also help a researcher revise and move codesand parts offield notes. New computer programs are continuously being developed or modified, and most come

CHAPTER- I3 /

FIG URE 1 3. 4

A N A L Y S I SO F Q U A L I T A T I V ED A T A

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Examplesof the Useof Diagramsin QualitativeAnalysis

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with highly detailed and program-specific user manuals. The reviewhere does not go into detail about specific software. It covers only the major approachesto qualitative data analysis at this time. Some programs perform searchesof text documents. What they do is similar to the searching function available in most word-processingsoftware. The specializedtext retrieval programs are faster and have the capability of finding close matches, slight misspellings, similar-sounding words, and synonyrns. For example, when a researcherlooks for the keyword boat, the program might also tell whether any of the following appeared: ship, battleship,frigate,

rowboat, schooner, vessel,yacht, steamer, ocean liner, tug, canoe, skffi cutter, aircraft carrier, dinghy, scow, galley, ark, cruiser, destroyer, flagship, and submarine. In addition, some programs permit the combination of words or phasesusing logical terms (and, or, not) in rvhat are called Boolean searches.For example, a researchermay searchlong documents for rvhen the keywords collegestudent and drinking and smokingoccur within four sentencesof one another, but only when the word fraterniq' is not presentin the block oftext. This Boolean search uses and to seek the intersection of collegestudent with either of two behaviors that are connected by the logical terr.rror, n'hereasthe logical

3 42

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searchword rof excludessituations in which the term fr aternity appears. Most programs show the keyword or phrase and the surrounding text. The programs may also permit a researcherto write separatememos or add short notes to the text. Some programs count the keywords found and give their location. Most programs create a very specific index for the text, based only on the terms of interest to the researcher. Textbase managers are similar to text retrieval programs. The key difference is their ability to organize or sort information about search results. They allow researchersto sort notes by a key idea or to add factual information. For example, when the data are detailed notes on interviews, a researcher can add information about the date and length ofthe interview, gender of interviewee, location of interview, and so on. The researchercan then sort and organizeeach interview or part of the interview notes using a combination of keywords and added information. In addition, some programs have Hpertext capability. Hypertext is a way of linking terms to other information. It works such that clicking the mouse on one term causesa new screen(one that has related information) to appear.The researchercan identifykeywords or topics and link them together in the text. For example, a field researcherwants to examine the person Susan and the topic of hair (including haircuts, hairstyles,hair coloring, and hats or hair covering). The researchercan use Hypertext to connect all places Susan'sname appears to discussionsof hair. By the mouse clicking on Susan'sname, one block of text quickly jumps to another in the notes to seeall placeswhere Susan and the hair topic appeartogether. Code-and-retrieve programs allow a researcherto attach codesto lines, sentences,paragraphs, or blocks of text. The programs may permit multiple codes for the same data. In addition to attaching codes,most programs also allow the researcherto organize the codes. For example, a program can help a researchermake outlines or "trees" of connections (e.g.,trunks,

branches, and twigs) among the codes, and among the data to which the codes refer. The qualitative data are rearranged in the program basedon the researcher'scodesand the relations among codesthat a researcherspecifies.

c o Nc t u s t o N In this chapter, you have learned how researchers analyze qualitative data. In many respects,qualitative data aremore difficult to deal with than data in the form of numbers. Numbers have mathematical properties that let a researcheruse statistical procedures. Qualitative analysisrequires more effort by an individual researcherto read and reread data notes, reflect on what is read, and make comparisons based on logic and judgment. Most forms of qualitative data analysis involve coding and writing analltic memos. Both are labor-intensive efforts by the researcher to read over data carefully and think about them seriously. In addition, you learned about methods that researchershave used for the analysisof qualitative data. They are a sample of the many methods of qualitative data analysis.You also learned about the importance of thinking about negative evidenceand events that are not present in the data. This chapterendsthe sectionofthe book on researchdesign, data collection, and dataanalysis. Social researchalso involves preparing reports on a researchproject, which is addressedin the next chapter.

Key Ter m s axial coding emptyboxes illustrative method narrative history open coding selectivecoding successiveapproximation

I

Writing the Research Report

Introduction The Research Report Why Write a Report? The Writing Process Stepsin Writing The QuantitativeResearchReport The QualitativeResearchReport The Researchproposal Conclusion

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togetherthe scientific community' Other reasois fo, writing a rePort are to fulfill a classor job assignment,to meetan obligationto an orto persuade eanirat[n that paid for the research, of a aspects i professionalgroup about specific findabout p-Ut.-, or to iell the generalpublic ings.Communicatingwith the generalpublic is raiely the primary method for communication of scientificresults;it is usuallya secondstageof

Thepreviouschaptershavelookedat how to design studies,gatherdata, and analyzethe data' Y!t, a researchproject is not completeuntil the researchersharesthe resultswith others'Communicating results and how a study was conducted wiih others is a critical last step in the researchprocess.It is usually in the form of a dissemination. how the sciwritten report. Chapter1 discussed that researchers entific community emphasizes makepublic how they conductedtheir research The Writing Process and their findings'In this chapter,you will learn Your Audience, Professionalwriters say:AIaboutwriting a report on one'sresearch' waysknow for whom you arewriting' This-isbe.uor. .o*rrrunication is more effectivewhen it is tailored to a specificaudience'You should write a researchreport differentlydependingon THE RESEARCHREPORT whetherthe primary audienceis an instructor' Why Write a RePolt? students,professionalsocialscientists,practitioners, oi the generalpublic' It goeswithout After a researchercompletesa project or a sigsayingthat the writing shouldbe clear,accurate' nificant phaseof alatge project, it is time-to and organized. commun-icatethe findings to othersthrough a Initructors assigna report for differentrearesearchreport. You canlearn a lot aboutwritsonsand may placerequirementson how rt rs ing a researchreport by readingmany reports In geniral,instructorswant to seewritt"kittg a coursein scientific and technical written. ing and an6tganizationthat reflectclear'logical "n? writing. thinking. Studentreportsshoulddemonstratea reportis a written document(or A.-research solid gr"aspof substantiveand methodological oral presentationbasedon a written document) .orr..!tr. A goodwayto do this is to usetechnithatiommunicatesthe methodsand findingsof cal terms Jxpficitty when appropriate;.they a researchproject to others.It is more than a or incorrectly' shouldnot be usedexcessively summaryof fittdittgt; it is a record of the reit is bestto destudents, for writing When searchpio..tt. A researchercannot wait until fine technicaltermsandlabeleachpart of the rethe researchis doneto think aboutthe report;he The discussionshouldproceedin a logical' or shemust think aheadto the report and keep port. step-by-stepmannerwith many specificexamcarefi.rlrecordswhile conductingresearch'In adpl.t. Ut" siraight-forwardlanguageto explain dition to findings, the report includesthe reairow andwhy you conductedthevariousstepsof sonsfor initiating the project, a descriptionof the researchproject. One strategyis to begin the project'ssteps,a presentationof data,and a the reseaichquestion,then structurethe redisclssionofhow the datarelateto the research with port asan answer. questionor toPic. Scholarsdo not needdefinitionsoftechnical The report tells otherswhat you, the reor explanationsof why standard-ploceterms searcher,did, and what you discovered'In other (e.g., iandom sampling)were used'They dures words, the researchreport is a way of dissemiin how the researchis linkedto abareintere-sted nating knowledge.As you sawin Chapter.l,-the stracttheory or previousfindings in the litera..r.ui.h ,.port playsa significantrole in binding

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ture. They want a condensed,detaileddescription ofresearchdesign.Theypaycloseattention to how variablesaremeasuredand the methods of data collection. Scholarslike a compact, tightly written, but extensivesection on data analysis,with a meticulousdiscussionof results. Practitionersprefera shortsummaryof how the studywasconductedandresultspresentedin a few simplechartsand graphs.They like to see an outline of alternativepathsof action implied by resultswith the practicaloutcomesof pursuing eachpath. Practitionersmust be cautioned not to overgeneralize from the resultsof one study. It is best to placethe detailsof research designand resultsin an appendix. When writing for the generalpublic, use simple language,provide concreteexamples, and focuson the practicalimplicationsof findings for socialproblems.Do not include details of researchdesignor of results,and be carefirl not to make unsupportedclaimswhen writing for the public.Informing the public is an important service,which canhelpnonspecialists make betterjudgmentsaboutpublic issues.

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A researchreport shouldbe objective,accurate, and clear.Checkand recheckdetails(e.g., pagereferencesin citations) and fully disclose howyou conductedthe researchproject.If readersdetectcarelessness in writing, theymay question the researchitself.The detailsofa research project can be complex,and such complexity means that confusion is always a danger. It makesclearwriting essential.Clearwriting can be achievedby thinking and rethinking the researchproblem and design,explicitly defining terms,writing with short declarativesentences, andlimiting conclusionsto what is supportedby the evidence.

Organizing Thoughts. Writing doesnot happen magicallyor simply flow out of a person when he or sheputs pen to paper (or fingersto keyboard)althoughmany peoplehavesuch an illusion. Rather,it is hard work, involving a sequenceofstepsand separateactivitiesthat result in a final product. Writing a researchreport is not radicallydifferentfrom other typesof writing. Although somestepsdiffer and the levelof complexitymay be greater,most of what a good Style and Tone. Researchreports are written writer doeswhenwriting a long letter,a poem,a in a narrow rangeof stylesand have a distinct set of instructions,or a short story appliesto tone. Their purposeis to communicateclearly writing a researchreport. the researchmethod and findings. First,a writer needssomethingaboutwhich Stylerefersto the typesofwords chosenby to write. The "something"in the researchreport the writer and the length and form of sentences includesthe topic, researchquestion,designand or paragraphsused.Toneis the writer's attitude measures,data collectiontechniques,results, or relationtowardthe subjectmatter.For examand implications.With so many parts to write ple,an informal,conversational sryle(e.g.,colloabout,organizationis essential.The most basic quial words, idioms, clich6s,and incomplete tool for organizingwriting is the outline. Outsentences) with a personaltone (e.g.,theseare lines help a writer ensurethat all ideasare inmy feelings)is appropriatefor writing a letter to cludedandthat the relationshipbetweenthem is a closefriend, but not for researchreports.Reclear.Outlinesare madeup of topics (wordsor searchreportshavea formal and succinct(say- phrases)or sentences. Most of us are familiar ing a lot in few words) style.The tone expresses with the basicform of an outline (seeFigure distancefrom the subjectmatter; it is profesr4.l). sionaland serious.Fieid researchers sonietimes Outlines can help the writer, but they can use an informal style and a personaltone, but alsobecomea barrier if they are usedimpropthis is the exception.Avoid moralizingandflowerly.An outline is simplya tool to help thewriter ery language.The goalis to inform, not to advoorganizeideas.It helps (1) put ideasin a secatea position or to entertain. quence(e.g.,what will be saidfirst, second,and

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PART FOUR / W RI TI NG A RESEARCHREPOR T

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l. Firstmaiortopic A. Subtopicof topic I 1 . Subtopicof A of 1 a. SubtoPic "l b. SubtoPicof of b (1) SubtoPic of b SubtoPic (2) (a) SubtoPicof (2) (b) SubtoPicof (2) i. Subtopicof (b) ii. Subtopicof (b) 2. Subtopicof A B. Subtopicof toPicI ll. SecondmaiortoPic

One of the mostimPortant Secondlevelof imPortance Thirdlevelof importance Fourthlevelof imPortance Fifthlevelof importance Sixthlevelof imPortance Seventhlevelof imPortance Third levelof imPortance Secondlevelof imPortance One of the mostimPortant

researchersfinish third); (2) group relatedideastogether(e.g., Back to the Library. Few completing a rebefore their literature review theseare similar to eachother but they differ familiar shouldbe researcher from those);and (3) separatethe more general' searchproject.The project, a beginning or higher-level,ideasfrom more specificideas, with the literature before after literature the to but will need to return and the specificideasfrom very specificdetails. for sevanalysis, and completingdatacollection Somestudentsfeel that they need a comthe passed between has eral reasons.First, time plete outline before writing, and that once an and project, research ofa beginningand the end outline is prepared,deviationsfrom it are imnei studiesmay havebeenpublished'Second, outa complete with begin writers possible.Few after completinga researchproject,a researche iine. The initial outline is sketchybecauseuntil will know better what is or is not centralto the you write everythingdown, it is impossibleto group them together, study and may have new questions in mind put all ideasin a sequence' when rereadingstudiesin the literature.Finally, or separatethe generalfrom the specific.For may find most writers, new ideas develop or become when writing the report' researchers a detailis or enough that notesarenot complete clearerin the processof writing itself. (see source a reference missingin the citation of A beginningoutline may differ from the ficoldata after library nal outline by more than degreeof complete- Box t+.t). The visit to the foor selective more ness.The processof writing may not only reveal lectionis lessextensiveand of beginning the at cusedthan that conducted or clarifr ideasfor thewriter but it will alsostimulatenew ideas,new connectionsbetweenideas, research. When writing a researchreport, researcher a different sequence,or new relationsbetween frequentlydiscardsomeof the notesand sources the generaland the specific.In addition, the thai were gatheredprior to completingthe reprocessof writing may stimulatereanalysisor a searchproject.This doesnot meanthat the iniieexaminationof the literatureor findings.This review were a doesnot meanbeginningall over again.Rather, tial library work and literature expectthat it meanskeepingan open mind to new insights wasteof time and effort.Researchers before taken percent) someof the notes(e.g.,25 and beingcandidaboutthe researchproject.

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Books

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,,Self VanTubergen,Frank.2OO5. Employment of lm_ migrants:A Cross-National Studyof I Z Western Societies."SocialForces B4l 09 _32. [Note:Omit issuenumberexceptwheneachissueis renumberedbeginningwith page 1. Then give vol_ ume(issue):pages-for g4 (2)l O; 43.1 example,

First-EditionBooks Efiasoph,Nina.1 9 9 8. Avoidingpolitics:HowAmericans ProduceApathy in Everyday Lrle.New york Cam_ bridgeUniversityPress. Glynn,CarrollJ., SusanHerbst,CarrettJ.O'Keefeand RobertY.Shapiro.I 999 . pubticOpinion.Boulder, Articles from Magazinesand Newspapers CO: WestviewPress. Michael."shortageof Housingfor poor Janofsky, Crows in the U.S." Newyork Times\April29, LaterEditionsof Books I 998), p. A 14. Portes,Alejandroand RubenG. Rumbaut.I 995. Nichols, portrait, lmmigrantAmerica: John.1998. "How Al Core Has lt Wired,, A 2d ed. Berkelev:Uni_ Nation267 Quly20, 1998): j t _t 6. versityof Californiapress. _ |t is not alwaysnecessary are 2d ed.,3d ed.,Rev.ed.,2 vols.] to includepagenumbers [Abbreviations for newspapers]. OneVolume of Multivolume Book Marx,Karl.[I 8 8 Z] 1 9 67 . Capital:Citique of potitical Book Reviews Economy,VolumeI , The processof Capitatist pro_ Academic lournals duction.Translatedby FrederickEngles.Reprint. Bergen,Raquel Kennedy.1 99g. Reviewof AWoman NewYork Internationalpublishers. Scorned:AcquaintanceRapeon Trial, by peggy Sanday. Contemporary iorioiogy TranslatedBooks l:I:t 27:98-99. Durkheim,Emile.1 933.The Division of Laborin Soci_ ety. Translatedby GeorgeSimpson.New york: PopularMagazines FreePress. Wolfe,Alan.200.|. Reviewof HeavenBelow: Earlvpen_ Weber,Max.1 9 5 8. TheprotestantEthicand the Soint tacostalsand AmeicanCulture,by Grant W'acker. of Capitalism.Translatedby Talcott parsons.New NewRepublic,225 (September I 0):59_62. York CharlesScribner'sSons. GovernmentDocuments EditedBooks U.S.Bureauof Census.2006. StatrsticalAbstract Danziger, of Sheldonand PeterCottschalk,eds.1 995. theUnitedStates,l2Sth ed.WashingtonDC:U.S. UnevenTides: RisingInequalityin America.New CovernmentprintingOffice. York RussellSageFoundation. Republished Books Mason,EdwardS. [1 952] 1964. Economic Concen_ tration and the Monopolyproblem.Reprint. New York Atheneum. Articles from Books or Scholarly fournals Wright,ErikOlin.1 992. "Rethinking, OnceAgain,the Concept of Class Structure."pp. 4l_72 in Reworking C/ass,edited by J. Hall.lthaca:Cornell UniversitvPress.

Doctoral Dissertationsand Theses King,AndrewJ.1976. "LawandLandUsein Chicago: A Pre-Historyof ModernZoning."ph.D.disserta_ tion, Departmentof Sociology,Universityof Wis_ consin,Madison,Wl. UnpublishedPapers,policy Reportsand Presented Papers Haines,HerbertH. 1 980. ,.ldeological Distribution andRacialFlankEffectsin SocialMovements" pre_

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sentedat the annualmeetingofthe AmericanSoAugust,NewYorkCity. ciologicalAssociation, lnternet Sources reader [Note:The date retrievedis the datethat the locatedand readthe work on the lnternet.]

April 1 9 8 8, Vol. 3. Retrieved Jannalof SociologSr org/ conhttp:/ /www.sociology. 1 9 9. uary 1 5, 9 tenVvol003.00 3/sosteric.html Article Newspaper .l Lee,Don. 999. "State'sJob Crowth Hits Unexpected Cold Spell." LosAngelesTimes()anuary 1 6). RetrievedJanuary16, 1999' http:/,/www' E/BUSINESS/topstory'html latimes.comlHOM

HomePage or Personal Announcement Association1999. Journals AmericanSociological RetrievedJanuary16, 1999' and Newsletters. JournalAbstractor BookReview bslpublicat.html http:,/www.asanet.orglPu Stanbridge, Karen. 2005. Review of The NewTransnationalActivismby Sidney Tarrow' On-LineJournalArticle Online.Retrieved CanadianJournalof Sociologlt Sosteric,Mike,Mike Cismondiand Gina Ratkovic' http://www.cjsonline'ca,/ and MarJanuary 12, 2006. Accountability, 1 998. "The University, reviews/transnatl.html' Jourket Disciplinein the Late1 990s"' Electronic

completingthe projectwill becomeirrelevantas the project gainsfocus' They do not include in a report that areno longer notesor references relevant,for they distractfrom the flow of ideas and reduceclarity. Returning to the library to verifr and exfocusesideas.It alsohelpsavoid pandreferences plagiarism.Plagiarismis a seriousform of cheating, and manyuniversitiesexpelstudentscaught in engagingin it. Ifa professionaleverplagiarizes serious a scholarlyjournal, it is treatedasa very offense.Takecarefulnotesand identifrthe exact sourceofphrasesor ideasto avoidunintentional plagiarism.Cite the sourcesof both directly ideas.For direct quotedwords and paraphrased quotes,include the location of the quote with pagenumbersin the citation. Usinganother'swritten wordsandfailingto give credit is wrong, but paraphrasingis less clear.Paraphrasingisnot using another'sexact words;it is restatinganother'sideasin your own words,condensingat the sametime. Researchers and goodparaphrasingreregularlyparaphrase, quiresa solid understandingof what is being

paraphrased.It meansmore than replacinganothei's words with q'nonyms; paraphrasingis borrowingan idea,boiling it down to its essence, and givingcredit to the source. Steps in Writing Writing is a process.The way to learn to write is by writing. It takestime and effort, and it improveswith practice.Thereis no singlecorrectwayto write, but somemethodsare associated with good writing. The processhas threestePs: !. Prewriting.Prepareto write by arranging noteson the literature,makinglistsof ideas' outlining, completingbibliographiccitations, and organizingcommentson data analysis. Get your ideasonto paper asa 2. Composing. first draft by freewriting' drawing up the bibliographyand footnotes,preparingdata for presentation'and forming an introduction and conclusion.

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3. Rewriting.Evaluateandpolishthe report by improving coherence, proofreadingfor mechanicalerrors,checkingcitations,and reviewingvoiceand usage. Manypeoplefind that gettingsrartedis difficult. Beginningwriters often jump to the second step and end there, whicli results in poor-quality writing. prewriting meansthat a writer beginswith a file folder full of notes,out_ lines,andlists.You must think aboutthe form of the report and audience.Thinking time is important.It often occursin spurtsovera periodof time beforethe bulk of composingbegins. .- Somepeoplebecomeafflictedwith a strange ailment calledwriter'sblockwhenthey sit down to composewriting. It is a temporaryinability to write when the mind goesblank, the fingers fr-eeze, andpanic setsin. Writers from beginiers through expertsoccasionallyexperienceit. If you experienceit, calmdown andwork on overcomingit. Numerous writers begin to composeby freewriting-that is, they sit down and write down everythingthey can asquickly asit enters the mind. Freewritingestablishes a link between a rapid flow of ideasin the mind and writing. When you freewrite,you do not stop to reread what you wrote, you do not ponder the best word, you do notworryabout correctgrammar, spelling,or punctuation.you just put ideason paperasquickly aspossibleto get and keepthe creativejuices or ideasflowing. you can later cleanup what you wrote. Writing and thinking are so intertwined that it is impossibleto knowwhereoneendsand the other begins.This meansthat if you plan to sit and stareat the wall, the computer output, the slqy,or whateveruntil all thoughtsbecome totally clearbeforebeginning,you may not get allthing written. Writing itself can ignite the thinking process. Rnwiting. Perhapsone in a million writers is a creativegeniuswho canproducea first draft that communicateswith astounding accuracyand

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clarity.For the restof us mortals,writing mean that rewriting-and rewriting again_ii neces sary. For example,Ernest Hemingwayis re_ ported to haverewritten the end ol paieweltto Arms 39 times.It is not unusualfor a profes sional researcherto rewrite a report i d.or"n times.Do not becomediscouragej.If anything rewriting reducesthe pressure;it meansyou can startwriting soonand getout a rough diaft that you can polish later. plan to rewrite a draft at leastthreeor four times.A draft is a completere_ port, from beginning to end, not a few rough notesor an outline. Rewritinghelpsa writer expresshimself or h.erself with a greaterclarity,smlothness,preci_ sion, and economyof words. When rewriting, the focus is on clear communication, not pompous or complicatedlanguage.Rewriting meansslowlyreadingwhat you havewritten and, if necessaryreadingout loud to seeif it sounds right. It is a goodideato shareyour writing with others. Professionalwriters often have Jth.r, readand criticizetheir writing. Newwriterssoon learn.that_friendly, constructivecriticismis very valuable.Sharingyour writing with othersmay be difficult at first becauseii meansexposing y_our written thoughtsandencouraging criiicism. Yet,thepurposeof the criticismis to clarifrwrit_ ing,andthecriricis doingyou a favor. Rewriting involvestwo processes: revising - editing. and. Revisingis inserting new ideas, supportingevidence,deletingor chang_ SddtT ing ideas,moving sentencesu.o.rrrd to clari!, meaning,or strengtheningtransitionsand links betweenideas.Editing meanscleaningup and tighteningthe more mechanicalaspectiof writ_ ing, suchasspelling,grammar,usage,verbtense, sentencelength, and paragraphorganization. Whenyou rewrite,go over a draft and reviseit brutallyto improveit. This is easierif sometime passesbetweena draft and rewriting. phrases that seemedsatisfactoryin a draft "mavlook fuzzy or poorly connectedafter a weekor two (seeBox 14.2). if you havenot acquiredtyping skills, it is a goodideato typeandprint out it le-ast one

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Checkgrammar,spelling,punctua1. Mechanics. verbtense,andverb,/subtion,verbagreement, ject separationwith eachrewrite'Remember that eachtime newtext is added,newerrorscan creepin. Mistakesare not only distractingbut they alsoweakenthe confidencereadersplace in the ideasyou exPress. terms,especiallykey terms' 2. lJsage.Reexamine whenrewritingto seewhetheryou areusingthe your intendedmeanexactwordthat expresses ing. Do not use technicalterms or long words Usethe plainword that best exunnecessarily. pressesmeaning.Get a thesaurusand useit. A tool, likea dicreference is an essential thesaurus tionary,that containswordsof similarmeaning and can help you locatethe exactword for a meaningyou want to express.Precisethinking and expressionrequirespreciselanguage.Do not sayaverateif you use lhe mean.Do not say whenyou intendpeopleor mankindor policeman principalfor principle' use not policeofficer.Do 3. Voice.Writers of researchreports often make the mistakeof usingthe passiveinsteadof the activevoice.lt may appearmore authoritative, but passivevoiceobscuresthe actor or subject Therelationthe passive, of action.Forexample, more definitecaand school in grade shipbetween reerplanswasconfirmedby the data is better stated as the active,Thedata confirmthe relationshipbetweengradein schooland moredefinite pondent attitude tocareerpla ns.The passive,Res reads by an intewiewer wardabortionwasrecorded recorded intewiewer An easierin the activevoice: respondentattitude towardabortion' Also avoid suchas seems qualifyinglanguage, unnecessary to or apPearsto. Sequence,steps, and transitions 4. Coherence. shouldbe logicallytight. Try readingthe entire report one paragraphat a time.Doesthe paragraphcontaina unifiedidea?A topic sentence?

within ls there a transitionbetweenparagraphs report? the Removerepeatedideas,wordiness, 5. Repetition. phrases.ldeasare best stated and unnecessary once,forcefully,insteadof repeatedlyin an unclearway.When revising,eliminatedeadwood (wordsthat add nothing) and circumlocution wordswhenone moreprecise (th" ,t" of several is preferableto wordiword willdo). Directness theabove, ness.The wordyphrase,To summarize in lightof thedata that X hasa it is our conclusion on theocmagnitude effectof considerable positive Y octhat the currenceof Y, notwithstanding fact h stated, better is occasions, rare on cursonly effect positive a large has X that conclude wi sum, onY, butY occursinfrequentlY. reportsshouldhavea transResearch 6. Structure. parent organization.Move sectionsaroundas better,anduse to fit the organization necessary shouldbe A reader subheadings. and headings ableto followthe logicalstructureof a report' 7. AbstractionA good researchreport mixesabstract ideasand concreteexamples'A long stringof abstractionswithout the specificsis difa massof specificconficult to read' Likewise, also cretedetailswithoutperiodicgeneralization losesreaders. Many writersuse metaphorsto ex8. Metaphors. pressideas.Phraseslikethecuttingedge,thebottom line, andpenetratingto the heartare usedto expressideasby borrowingimagesfrom other contexts.Metaphorscanbe an effectivemethod of communication,but they need to be used consparinglyand with care.A fewwell-chosen, communican sistentlyused,fresh metaphors cate ideasquicklyand effectively;however,the overused especially useof metaphors, excessive is a sloppy, line), bottom the (e.g., metaphors expression' of method unimaginative

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draft beforethe final draft. This is becauseit is easierto seeerrorsand organizationproblemsin a clean,typed draft. Feelfree to cui and paste, crossout words,or movephraseson the printed copy. Good keyboardingskills and the ability to use a word processorare extremelyvaluable when writing reportsand other documents.Se_ rious professionals find that the time theyinvest into building keyboardskillsandlearningto use word processorpays huge dividendi later. 1 Word processorsnot only make editing much easierbut they alsocheckspellingand oFer syn_ olyms. In addition, there are programs that checkgrammar.you cannot rely oi the com_ puter program to do all the work, but it makes writing easier.The speedand easethat a word processoroffers is so dramaticthat few people who becomeskilledat usingone evergo backto writing by hand or tlping. One last suggestion:Rewritethe introduc_ tion and title aftercompletinga draft sothat they accuratelyreflectwhat is said.Titles should be short and descriptive.They should communi_ catethe topic and the major variablesto readers. Theycandescribethe typeof research(e.g.,.,An experimenton . . .") but shouldnot have.r.,rr.._ essarywords or phrases(e.g.,,.Artinvestigation intothe..."). The Quantitative ResearchReport The principles of good writing apply to all re_ portg but the parts of a report differ depending on whetherthe researchis quantitativeor quall_ tative.Beforewritinganyreport,readrepori, on the samekind of research for models. We beginwith the quantitativeresearchre_ port. The sectionsof the report roughly follow the sequence ofstepsofa researchp.:oject. Abstractor ExecutiveSummary, euantitative researchreportsusuallybeginwith a short sum_ mary or abstract.Thesizeof an abstractvaries:it canbe asfew as50 words (this paragraphhas90 words) or aslong asa full page.Most scholarly

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journal articleshaveabstractsthat areprinted on the first pageof the article.The abstracthasrn_ formation on the topic, the researchprJl"-, the basicfindings,and any unusualresearchde_ signor datacollectionfeatures. Reportsofapplied researchthat arewritten ^ for practitionershavea longer summarycalled the executiyesumffiary.It containsmore detail than an articleabstractandincludesthe implica_ tions of researchand majoruecommendairon madein the report.Although it is longerthan an abstract,an executivesummary rare-lyexceed four or five pages. Abstractsand executivesummariesserye severalfunctions:For the lessinterestedreader, they tell what is in a report; for readerslooking for specificinformation,theyhelpthe reader de_ terminewhetherthe full report containsimpor_ tant information. Readersusethe abstract or summary to screeninformation and decide whetherthe entirereporrshouldbe reud.Iisirres seriousreaderswho intend to read the frrI re_ port a quick mentalpicture of the report, which makesreadingthe reporteasierand faster.

P-resentingthe problem. The first section of the report definesthe researchproblem. It can beplacedin oneor more sectionswith titlessuch as "Introduction,""ProblemDefinition,,',.LiteratureRgvier,-va" "Hypotheses,,, or ..Background Assumptions."Although the subheadirjr rrury the contentsincludea statementof the rlsearch problemand a rationalefor what is beingexam_ ined. Here, researchers explainthe sifficance of and provide a backgroundto the"research question.Theyexplainthe significanceof the re_ searchby showinghow diffeient solutionsto the problem lead to different applicationsor theo_ reticalconclusions.Introductory sectionsfre_ qugntly include a contextliteraturereview and link the problem to theory. Introductory sec_ tions alsodefinekey conceptsand presentcon_ ceptualhypotheses. Describingthe Methods. The next section of the report describes howthe researcher designed

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the study and collectedthe data.It goesby sevDesign," eralnames(e.g.,"Methods,""Research into other subdivided be "Data") may and or "Manip"Sampling," or (e.g., "Measures," parts ulations"). It is the most important sectionfor evaluatingthe methodologyof the project.The sectionanswersseveralquestionsfor the reader: 1. What type of study (e.g',experiment,survey) wasconducted? 2. Exactlyhow weredatacollected(e.g.'study design,type of suwey,time and location of datacollection,experimentaldesignusedX Are the mea3. How werevariablesmeasured? valid? and reliable sures 4. What is the sample?How many subjectsor respondentsareinvolvedin the study?How werethey selected? 5. How were ethical issuesand specificconcernsof the designdealtwith?

ResultsandTables. After describinghow data were collected,methodsof sampling,and measurement,you then presentthe data. This section presents-it doesnot discuss,analyze,or interpret-the data. Researcherssometimes combinethe "Results"sectionwith the next section, called"Discussion"or "Findings." makechoicesin how to present Researchers the data, they look at analyzing the data.When and multivariate bivariate, dozensof univariate, for the data.This get a feel to tablesand statistics or tableis in a statistic every that doesnot mean selectsthe researcher the Rather, final report. tables that firlly or of charts number minimum present raw data the rarely reader and inform the summashould techniques itself. Data analysis (e.g., frequency hypotheses test rizethedataand distributions,tableswith meansandstandarddeviations,correlations,and other statistics). A researcherwantsto give a completepicture of the data without overwhelming the detailnor reader-not provide datain excessive make their can Readers Dresentirrelevantdata.

own interpretations.Detailedsummarystatistics belongin appendixes. Discussion, In the discussionsection, researchersgive the reader a concise,unambiguous interpretation of its meaning. The discussionis not a selectiveemphasisor partisan interpretation;rather,it is a candiddiscussionof what is in the "Results"section.The "Discusfrom the resultssothat sion" sectionis separated a readercan examinethe dataand arriveat differentinterPretations. often find it difficult Beginningresearchers to organizethe "Discussion"section'One approachis to organizethe discussionaccordingto hypotheses,discussinghow the data relate to should eafh hypothesis.In addition,researchers alternapossible discussunanticipatedfindings, or tive explanationsof results,and weaknesses limitations.

restatethe Drawing Conclusions. Researchers in the findings and summarize researchquestion rethe conclusion.Its purposeis to summatize "summary'" port, and it is sometimestitled The only sectionsafter the conclusionare The "References andappendixes. the references sectioncontainsonly sourcesthat werereferred to in the text or notesof the report.Appendixes, if used,usuallycontain additional information on methodsof data collection(e.g.,questionnairewording) or results(e.g''descriptivestatistics). The footnotesor endnotesin quantitative researchreports expandor elaborateon inforusethem sparmation in the text. Researchers ingly to provide secondaryinformation that clarifiesthe textbut might distractfrom the flow of the reading. The Qualitative ResearchRePort

Comparedto quantitativeresearch,it is more difficult to write a report on qualitativesocialresearch.It hasfewerrulesandlessstructure.Nevertheless,the purposeis the same:to clearly

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communicatethe researchprocessand the data collectedthrough the process. and Quantitativereportspresenthypotheses evidencein a logicallytight and condensedsryle. Bycontrast,qualitativereportstend to be longer, and book-length reports are common. The greaterlengthis for five reasons:

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theoreticalgeneralizations and dataare not separatedinto distinctsections.Generalizations are intertwined with the evidence,which takesthe form of detailed description with frequent quotes. Researchers balancethe presentationofdata and analysisto avoid an excessive separationof datafrom analysis,calledthe errorof segregation. 1. The data in a qualitativereport are more This occurswhen researchers separate datafrom difficult to condense. Dataarein the form of analysisso much that readerscannot seethe words, pictures,or sentences and include connection.l many quotesand examples. Thetoneoffield research reportsislessobjec2. Qualitativeresearchers try to createa subtive andformal, andmore personal.Fieldresearch jectivesenseof empathyand understanding reportsmaybewritten in the first person(i.e.,usamong readersin addition to presenting ing the pronoun 1)becausethe researcherwasdifactual evidenceand analytic interpretarectly involved in the setting,interactedwith the tions. Detaileddescriptionsof specificsetpeoplestudied,andwasthemeasurement "instrutings and situationshelp readersbetter ment." The decisionsor indecisions,feelings,reunderstandor get a feel for settings.Reactions,andpersonalexperiences ofthe researcher searchersattempt to transportthe reader arepartsofthe fieldresearch process. into the subjectiveworld view and meaning Fieldresearchreportsoften facemore skepsystemofa socialsetting. ticism than quantitativereportsdo. This makes 3. Qualitativeresearchers uselessstandardized it essentialto assess an audience'sdemandsfor techniquesofgathering data,creatinganaevidenceand to establishcredibilitv.The kev is lytic categories,and organizingevidence. to providereaderswith enoughevidenceso that Thetechniquesappliedmaybeparticularto theybelievethe recountedeventsand acceptthe individual researchersor unique settings. interpretationsasplausible.A degreeofselective Thus,researchers explainwhat they did and observationis acceptedin field research,so the why, becauseit hasnot beendonebefore. critical issueis whether other observerscould 4. Exploringnew settingsor constructingnew reachthe sameconclusionif they examinedthe theory is a common goal in qualitativeresamedata. search.The developmentof new concepts Field researchersface a data reduction andthe examinationof relationshipsamong dilemma when presentingevidence.Most data them addsto the length of reports.Theory arein the form of an enormousvolume of field flows out of evidence,and detaileddescrip- notes,but a researchercannot directly shareall tions demonstratehow the researchercrethe observationsor recordedconversations with atedinterpretations. the readers.For example,in their studyof med5. Qualitativeresearchers may use more varical students,Boysin White, Beckerand colied and literary writing styles,which inleagues(1961) had about 5,000 pages of creases length.Theyhavegreaterfreedomto single-spaced field notes.Field researchers inemployliterary devicesto tell a story or recludeonly about 5 percentof their field notesin count a tale. a report asquotes.The remaining95 percentis not wasted;there is just no room for it. Thus, Field Research. Field researchreports rarely writers selectquotesand indirectly conveythe follow a fixedformat with standardsections.and restofthe datato readers.

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Thereis no fixed organizationfor a field researchreport, althougha literaturereyiewoften appearsnearthe beginning.Therearemany acceptableorganizationalforms. Lofland (1976) suggests the following: 1. Introduction a. Most generalaspectsof situation b. Main contoursof the generalsituation c. How materialswerecollected d. Detailsaboutthe setting e. How the report is organized 2. The situation a. Analyticcategories b. Contrastbetweensituationand othersituations c. Developmentof situationovertime 3. Strategies 4. Summaryand implications

setting,the meansof gainingaccess, the role of the researcher,and the subject-researcher relationship into the discussionof evidenceand analysis.This is intensifiedif the writer adopts what Van Maanen(1988:73)calleda "confessional"styleof writing. A chronological,zoomlens,or theme-based organizationallowsplacing the data collection methodnearthe beginningor the end.In booklengthreports,methodologicalissuesareusually discussed in a separateappendix. Fieldresearchreportscancontaintranscriptions of taperecordings,maps,photographs,or chartsillustratinganalyticcategories. They supplementthe discussionand are placednear the discussionthey complement.Qualitative field researchcan use creative formats that differ from the usualwritten text with examplesfrom field notes.Harper's(1982)book containsmany photographswith text. The photographsgive a visual inventory of the settingsdescribedin the text and presentthe meaningsof settingsin the termsof thosebeingstudied.For example,field researcharticleshaveappearedin the form ofall photographs,a script for aplay, or a documentaryfilm.3 Direct, personal involvement in the intimate detailsof a socialsettingheightensethical concerns.Researchers write in a manner that protectsthe privacyof thosebeing studiedand helpspreventthe publication of a report from harming thosewho were studied.They usually changethe namesof membersand exactlocations in field reports.Personalinvolvementin field researchleadsresearchers to includea short autobiography.For example,in the appendixto StreetCornerSociety,the author,William Foote Whyte (1955),gavea detailedaccountofthe occupationsofhis fatherand grandfather,his hobbies and interests,the jobs he held, how he endedup goingto graduateschool,and how his researchwasaffectedby his gettingmarried.

Devicesfor organizingevidenceand analysis alsovary a greatdeal.For example,writers can organizethe report in termsof a naturalhistory, an unfolding of eventsasyou discoveredthem, or asa chronologl/, following the developmental cycleor careerofan aspectofthe settingor people in it. Anotherpossibilityis to organizethe report asa zoomlens,beginningbroadlyand then focusing increasingly narrowly on a specific topic. Statementscan move from universal statementsabout all cultures,to generalstatements about a specificcultures,to statements about a specificcultural scene,to specificstatements about an aspectof culture, to specific statementsabout specificincidents. Field researchersalso organizereports by themes.A writer choosesbetweenusingabstract analyticthemesand usingthemesfrom the categoriesusedby the peoplewho werestudied.The latter givesreadersa vivid descriptionofthe setting and displaysknowledgeof the language, concepts,categories,and beliefsof thosebeino wdtre; about.T Field researchers discussthe methodsused Historical-ComparativeResearch, Thereis no in the report,but its locationandform vary.One singleway to write a report on historical-comtechniqueis to interweavea descriptionof the parativeresearch.Most frequently,researchers

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"tell a story'' or describedetailsin generalanaresearchrather than adopt a distinct historical lytic categories. Thewriting usuallygoesbeyond comparativeresearchmethod.Their reportsfoldescriptionand includeslimited generalizations lowthe model of a quantitativeresearchreport. and abstractconcepts. You learnedabout the narrativestrategyof Historical-comparativeresearchersrarely qualitative data analysis in Chapter 13. Redescribetheir methodsin greatdetail. Explicit searcherswho use this strategyoften adopt a sectionsof the report or an appendix that narrative style of report writing. Researche describesthe methodsusedare unusual.Occa- who use the narrativesryleorganizetheir data sionally,a bookJengthreport containsa bibliochronologicallyand try to "tell a story,,around graphicessaythat discusses major sourcesused. specificindividualsand events. More often, numerousdetailedfootnotesor endnotesdescribethe sourcesand evidence.For The ResearchProposal example,a 2}-page report on quantitative or field researchtypicallyhas5 to 10notes,whereas What Is the Proposali A research proposalis a an H-C researchreport of equallengthmayhave documentthat presentsa plan for a pioject to 40 to 60 notes. reyiewersfor evaluation.It can be a supervised Historical-comparative reportscan contain projectsubmittedto instructorsaspart of an ed_ photographs,maps,diagrams,charts,or tablesof ucationaldegree(e.g.,a master'sthesisor a statisticsthroughoutthereportandin the section Ph.D.dissertation)or it canbe a researchproject that discussesevidencethat relatesto them. The proposedto a funding agency.Itspurposeis to charts,tables,and so forth supplementa discus- convincereyiewersthat you, the researcher, are sion or give the readera better feel for the places capableof successfully conductingthe proposed andpeoplebeingdescribed.Theyareusedin conresearchproject. Reviewershave more confijunction with frequentquotesasone amongsevdence_that a plannedprojectwill be successfirll eral types of evidence.Historical-comparative completed if the proposal is well written and reportsrarely summarizedatato test specifichyorganized, and if you demonstrate careful pothesesas quantitativeresearchdoes.Instead, planning. the writer builds a web of meaningor descriptive The proposalis similar to a researchreport, detail and organizesthe evidenceitself to convey but it is written beforethe researchproyect beinterpretationsand generalizations. gins.A proposaldescribesthe researchproblem There are two basicmodesof organizing and its importance,and givesa detailedaccount H-C researchreports:by topic and chronologiof the methodsthat will be usedand why they cally.Most writersmix the two types.For examareappropriate. ple, information is organizedchronologically The proposalfor quantitativeresearchhas within topics, or organizedby topic within most of the parts of a researchrepore a title, an chronologicalperiods.Occasionallyother forms abstract, a problem statement, a literature of organizationare used-by place,by individreview,a methodsor designsection,and a biblisal person,or by major events.If the report is ography.It lacksresults,discussion,and conclutruly comparative,the writer hasadditionalopsion sections.The proposalhas a plan for data tions, suchasmaking comparisonswithin topcollectionand analysis(e.g.,typesofstatistics).It ics. Box 14.3 provides a sample of some frequentlyincludesa scheduleof the stepsto be techniquesusedby historical-comparativereundertakenand an estimateof the time required searchers to organizeevidenceand analysis. for eachstep. SomeH-C researchers mimic the quantitaProposalsfor qualitativeresearchare more tive researchreport and use quantitative redifficult to write becausethe researchDrocess itsearch techniques.They extend quantitative self is lessstructured and preplanrr"d.Th. ,.-

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researchers Historical-comparative 1. Sequence. are sensitiveto the temporalorder of events and placea seriesof eventsin orderto describe studying a researcher a process.For example, of a lawor the evolutionof a social the passage norm may breakthe processinto a set of sequentialsteps. 2. Comparison. Comparingsimilaritiesand differencesliesat the heartof comparative-historical explicitandidentify research. Makecomparisons a and differences. Forexample, both similarities comparing the familyin two historical researcher periodsor countriesbeginsby listingsharedand nonsharedtraits of the familyin eachsetting. often discoverthat Researchers 3. Contingency. oneevent,action,or situationdependson or is of conditioned by others.Outliningthe linkages howone eventwascontingenton othersis critthe rise a researcher examining ical.Forexample, notesthat it dependedon of localnewspapers the spreadofliteracy. Historical -comparative 4. Oi ginsand consequences. tracethe originsofan event,action, researchers or socialrelationship backin time, organization, time into subsequent or followits consequences the a researcher periods.Forexample, explaining end of slaverytracesits originsto manymovelaws,and actionsin the prements,speeches, cedingfifty years. 5. Sensitivityto incompatiblemeaning.Meanings changeovertime and vary acrosscultures.Hisresearchers askthemselves torical-comoarative whethera word or socialcategoryhadthe same in the pastasin the presentor whether meaning in a wordin oneculturehasa directtranslation anotherculture.For example,a collegedegree had a differentmeaningin a historicalerawhen and lessthan 1 perit wasextremelyexpensive cent of the I 8- to 22-year-oldpopulationreceiveda degreecomparedto the latetwentieth

century,whencollegebecamerelativelyaccessible. is alOvergeneralization 6. Limitedgeneralization. waysa potentialproblemin historical-comParaseekrigid,fixed tive research.Fewresearchers They explanation. comparative lawsin historical, qualifystatementsor avoidstrictdetermination. insteadof a blanketstatementthat Forexample, the destructionof the nativeculturesin areas settledby EuropeanWhiteswasthe inevitable culture, technological of advanced consequence a researchermay list the specificfactors that combinedto explainthe destructionin particusettings. lar social-historical The conceptof associationis used 7. Association As in other areas, in all formsof socialresearch. identifyfacresearchers historical-comparative place.For time and in tors that appeartogether a city's nineexamining a researcher example, teenth-centurycrimerateaskswhetheryearsof greatermigrationinto the city are associated with highercrimeratesand whetherthose arrestedtendedto be recentimmigrants. 8. Partandwhole.lt is importantto placeeventsin their context.Writersof historical-comparative researchsketchlinkagesbetweenparts of a process,organization,or event and the larger contextin whichit is found.For example,a researcherstudyinga particularpoliticalritual in settingdescribeshow an eighteenth-century poeighteenth-century the ritualfit within the system. litical 9. Analog.Analogiescanbe useful.Theoveruseof analogy analogyor the useof an inappropriate exam' is dangerous.For example,a researcher inesfeelingsaboutdivorcein countryX anddescribesthem as "likefeelingsabout death"in countryY.Thisanalogyrequiresa descriptionof "feelingsabout death"in countryY.

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s. Historica|-comparativeresearchersof1 O. Synthesi manyspecificeventsand details ten synthesize whole.Synthesisresults into a comprehensive fromweavingtogethermanysmallergeneralizainto coherentmain tions and interpretations studyingthe themes.Forexample,a researcher specificgeneralFrenchRevolutionsynthesizes izationsaboutchangesin socialstructure,international pressures,agriculturaldislocation,

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shiftingpopularbeliefsand problemswith governmentfinancesinto a compact,coherentexplanation.Researchers usingthe narrativeform summarize the argumentin an introductionor conclusion.lt is a motif or themeembedded withinthe description.Thus,theoreticalgeneralizationsareintertwinedwith the evidenceand appearto flow inductivelyout of the detailed evidence.

results.The degreeof competition for a grant varies a great deal, depending on the source. Somesourcesfund morethan 3 out of 4 proposalsthey receive,othersfund fewerthan i in 20. The researcher needsto investigatefunding sourcesand ask questions:What typesof projectsarefunded-applied versusbasicresearch, specifictopics, or specificresearchtechniques? What arethe deadlines? What kind (e.g.,length, degreeof detail, etc.) of proposalis necessary? How largeare most grants?What aspects(e.g., equipment,personnel,travel, etc.) of a project areor arenot funded?Therearemanysourcesof information on funding sources.Librariansor officialswho areresponsiblefor researchgrants at a collegearegoodresourcepeople.For examProposalsto Fund Research. The purposeof a needed ple, private foundationsare listed in an annual researchgrantis to providethe resources to help completea worthy project. Researchers publication, The Foundation Directory. The Guideto FederalFundingfor SocialScientistslists whoseprimary goal is to use funding for perin the U.S. government.In the United sources other from prestige, escape to or benefit sonal there are many newsletterson funding States, less suc"empire" are an to build or activities, sourcesand two national computerizeddatacessful.The strategiesof proposalwriting and getting grants has become an industry called bases,which subscriberscan searchfor funding sources. Some agenciesperiodically issue grantsmanship. requests There are many sourcesof funding for refor proposals(RFP, that askfor proposto researchon a specificissue.Reals conduct private foundations, proposals. Colleges, search need searchers to learn about funding sources programs to have government agencies and is to sendthe proposalto an because it essential used may be Funds grants to researchers. award in order to be successfirl. appropriate source or pay your salary to purchase equipment, to show a track record of Researchers should to for travel supplies, for research of others, that ifthey are proposal, past in especially success the of publication help with the for data, or collect

searcherpreparesa problem statement,literature review,andbibliography.He or shedemonstrates an ability to complete a proposed qualitativeproject in two ways.First, the proposal is well written, with an extensivediscussion of the literature, significanceof the problem, and sources.This showsreviewersfamiliarity with qualitative researchand the appropriatenessof the method for studying the problem.Second,the proposaldescribesa qualitative pilot study. This demonstratesmotivation, familiarity with researchtechniques,and ability to completea report about unstructured research.

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going to be in chargeof the project. The researcherin chargeof a researchproject is the principal investigator(PI) or project director. Proposalsusuallyinclude a curriculum vitae or academicresum6,lettersof support from other researchers, and a record of past research.Reviewersfeel safer investing funds in a project headedby someonewho alreadyhasresearchexperiencethan in a novice.One canbuild a track recordwith smallresearchprojectsor by assisting an experiencedresearcherbefore seeking funding asa principal investigator. The reviewers who evaluate a proposal judgewhetherthe proposalproject is appropriateto the funding source'sgoals.Most funding sourceshaveguidelinesstatingthe kinds of projectstheyfund. For example,programsthat fund basicresearchhavethe advancementof knowledgeas a goal. Programsthat fund applied researchoften haveimprovements in the delivery of servicesas a goal. Instructions specifr page length,numberof copies,deadlines, andthe like. Follow all instructionsexactly. Proposalsshould be neat and professional looking. The instructions usually ask for a detailedplan for the useof time, services,and personnel. These should be clearly stated and realisticfor the project.Excessively high or low estimates,unnecessary add-ons,or omitted essentialswill lower how reviewersevaluatea proposal.Creatinga budgetfor a proposedproject is complicatedand usuallyrequirestechnicalassistance.For example,pay rates,fringe bene{it rates,and soon that must be chargedmay not be easytoobtain. It is bestto consulta grantsofficer at a college or an experiencedproposal writer. In addition, endorsements or clearances of regulationsare often necessary (e.g.,IRB approval). Proposalsshould also include specific plans for disseminatingresults(e.g.,publications, presentationsbeforeprofessionalgroups, etc.)and a plan for evaluatingwhetherthe project met its objectives. The proposalis a kind of contractbetween researcherand the funding source.Funding agenciesoften require a final report, including

detailson how funds were spent,the findings, and an evaluationof whetherthe projectmet its objectives.Failure to spend funds properly, completethe project describedin the proposal, or file a final report may result in a researcher being barred from receivingfuture funding or facing legal action. A seriousmisuseof funds may resultin the banning of othersat the same institution from receivingfuture funding. The processof reviewingproposalsafter they are submitted to a funding sourcetakes anywherefrom a fewweeksto almostayeat, depending on the funding source.In most cases, reviewersrank a large group ofproposals, and only highly rankedproposalsreceivefunding.A proposaloften undergoesa peerreviewin which the reviewersknow the proposerfrom the vitae in the proposal,but the proposerdoesnot know the reviewers.Sometimesa proposalis reviewed by nonspecialists or nonresearchers. Instructions on preparinga proposalindicatewhether to write for specialistsin a field or for an educatedgeneralaudience. If a proposalis funded, celebrate,but only for a shorttime. If theproposalis rejected,which is more likely, do not despair.Most proposals arerejectedthe first or secondtime they aresubmitted. Many funding sourcesprovide written reviewerevaluationsof the proposal.Alwaysrequestthem if they are provided. Sometimes,a courteoustalk on the telephonewith a personat the funding sourcewill revealthe reasonsfor rejection. Strengthenand resubmit a proposalon the basis of the reviewer'scomments.Most funding sourcesacceptrepeatedresubmissions of revisedproposals,and proposalsthat have been revisedmay be strongerin subsequent competitions. If a proposalhasbeensubmittedto an appropriatefunding sourceand all instructionsare followed,reviewersaremorelikelyto rateit high when: r It addresses an important researchquestion. It buildson prior knowledgeand represents a substantialadvanceofknowledgefor basic

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research.It documentsa major socialproblem and holdspromisefor solutionsfor applied research. It follows all instructions, is well written, and is easyto follow, with clearlystatedobjectives. It completelydescribesresearchprocedures that include high standards of research methodology,and it appliesresearchtechniquesthat are appropriateto the research question. It includesspecificplans for disseminating the resultsand evaluatingwhetherthe project hasmet its objectives. The projectis well designedand showsseribus planning. It has realisticbudgetsand schedules. experience hasthe necessary The researcher or backgroundto completethe projectsuccessfully.

CONCLUSION Clearlycommunicatingresultsis a vital part of the larger scientificenterprise,as are the ethics and politicsofsocial research. I want to end this chapterby urgingyou, as a consumerof socialresearchor a new socialre-

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searcher,to be self-aware.Be awareof the place of the researcherin societyand of the societal context of social research itself. Social reand sociologistsin particular,bring a searchers, uniqueperspectiveto the largersociety.

Key Ter m s editing error ofsegregation executive summary grantsmanship paraphrasing plagiarism prewriting principal investigator requestfor proposals (RFPs) revising rewriting zoom lens

Endnotes is discussedin Lofland The error of segregation andLofland(1984:146). 2. SeeVan Maanen(1988:13). (1989),Dabbs(1982), 3. SeeBeckerand associates (1978). and Iackson I t.

Followingthe definition, the number in parentheses indicatesthe chapterin which the term first appears in the text and is in the KeyTerms section.Italicized terms refer to terms defined elsewherein this glossary. Abstract A term with two meanings in literature reviews:a short summaryof a scholarlyjournal articlethat usuallyappearsat its beginning,and a referencetool for locating scholarlyjournal articles.(4) Accretion measures Nonreactivemeasuresof the residueof the activity of people or what they leavebehind. (9) Action research study A tFpe of applied social researchin which a researchertreats knowledge as a form of power and abolishesthe division betweencreatingknowledgeand using knowledgeto engagein political action. ( I ) Alternative hypothesis Afuipothesispaired with a varistatingthat the independent null hypothesi.s ablehasan effectonadependentvaiable.(4) Ana\tic memo The written notesa qualitativeresearchertakesduring datacollectionand afterwards to develop concepts, themes, or preliminary generalizations.( 1I ) Anonymity Researchparticipantsremain anony(3) mousor nameless. Appearance of interest A technique in field researchin which researchersmaintain relations in afield siteby pretendingto be interestedand excitedby the activitiesofthose studied, even though they are actually uninterestedor very bored.(11) that attemptsto solvea Applied research Research problem or address a specificpolicy concrete

question and that has a direct, practical application.(1) Association A co-occurrenceof two events,factors, characteristics,or activities, such that when one happens,the other is likely to occur aswell. Many statisticsmeasurethis. (2) Assumption Parts of social theories that are not tested,but act asstartingpoints or basicbeliefs about the world. They are necessaryto make other theoreticalstatementsand to build social theory. (2) Attitude of strangeness A technique in field researchin which researchers study a field siteby mentally adjustingto "see" it for the first time or asan outsider.( I 1) Attributes The categoriesor levelsof a yariable. (4) Axial coding A secondcoding of qualitatite data afteropencoding.Theresearcherorganizesthe codes,developslinks among them, and discoverskey analyticcategories.( 13) Back translation A technique in comparativeresearchfor checking lexiconequivalence. A rcsearchertranslatesspokenor written text from an original languageinto a secondlanguage, then translatesthe sametext in the secondlanguage back into the original language,then comparesthe two original languagetexts. (12) Bar chart A display of quantitative data for one variablein the form of rectangleswherelonger rectanglesindicatemore casesin a variablecategory. Usually, it is usedwith discretedata and there is a small spacebetweenrectangles.They can have a horizonal or vertical orientation. Also calledbar graphs.(10)

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Basic social research Researchdesignedto advancefundamentalknowledgeabout the social world. (1) Bivariate statistics Statistical measuresthat involve two variablesonly. (10) Blame analysis A counterfeitargumentpresented as if it were a theoreticalexplanationthat substitutesattributing blame for a causalexplanation and,implies an intention or negligence,or responsibilityfor an eventor situation. (2) Body of a table The center part of a contingency table.It containsall the cells,but not the totals or labels.(10) Bogardussocial distancescale A scalethat measuresthe distancebefiveentwo or more social groups by having members of one group expressthe point at which they feel comfortable with varioustypesofsocial interactionor closenesswith membersof the other group(s). (5) Casestudy Research,usually qualitative, on one or a small number of casesin which a researchercarefiJly examinesa large number of detailsabout eachcase.( 1) Causal explanation A statementin social theory about why events occur that is expressedin terms of causesand effects.They correspondto associationsin the empiricalworld. (2) Cell of a table A part of the body of a table.ln a contingencytable,it showsthe distribution of casesinto categoriesof variablesas a specific number or percentage.( 10) Central limit theorem A lawlike mathematicalrelationship that states:Whenevermany random samplesare drawn from a population and plotted, a normal distributionis formed, and the centerof such a distribution for a variableis equalto its populationparameter.(6)

Classification Complex, multidimensional conceptsthat havesubtypes.They are parts ofsocial theoriesbetweenone simple conceptand a full theoreticalexplanation.(2) Closed-endedquestions A|ype of surueyresearch question in which respondentsmust choose from a fixedsetofanswers.(7) Cluster sampling A tFpe of random sample that usesmultiple stagesand is often usedto cover wide geographic areas in which aggregated units are randomly selectedthen samplesare drawn from the sampledaggregatedunits, or clusters.(6) Code sheets Paperwith a printed grid on which a researcherrecordsinformation so that it canbe easilyenteredinto a computer. It is an alternative to direct-entrymethodand using opticalscansheets.(10) Codebook A document that describesthe procedure for codingvariablesand their location in a format for computers.(10) Coding The processof converting raw information or data into another form for analysis.In contentanalysis,it is a meansfor determining how to convert syrnbolicmeaningsin text into anotherform, usuallynumbers(seeCodingsystem);in quantitathtedafa analysis,it is a means for assigningnumbers; and in qualitativedata analysis,it is a seriesof stepsfor reading raw notesand assigningcodesor conceptualterms (seeAxial coding Opencoding,Seleaivecoding). (9) Coding system A set ofinstructions or rules used in contentanalysisto explainhow to systematically convert the symbolic content from text into quantitativedata. (9)

Citation Detailsof a scholarlyjournal article'slocation that helpspeoplefind it quickly. (4)

Cohort study A type of longitudinal researchin which a researcherfocuseson a categoryof peoplewho sharea similar life experiencein a specifiedtime period.(1)

Classicalexperimentaldesign An experimentaldesign that has random assignment,a control group, an experimentalgroup, and pretestsand posttests for eachgroup. (8)

Computer-assistedtelephoneinterviewing (CATI) Surveyresearch in which the interviewersitsbefore a computer screenand keyboardand uses the computer to read questionsthat are asked

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in a telephoneinterview, then enters answers directly into the computer. (7)

affectshow he or sheinterpretsthe meaningof subsequentquestions.(7)

Concept cluster A collection ofinterrelated ideas belong to the that sharecommon assumptions, samelarger socialtheory and refer to one another.(2)

Contextual equivalence The issue in historicalcomparativeresearchof whether social roles, norms, or situationsacrossdifferentculturesor historicalperiodsareequivalentor canbe compared.(12)

Conceptual definition A careful, systematicdefinition of a construct that is explicitly written to clarifr one'sthinking. It is often linked to other conceptsor theoreticalstatements.(5)

Contingencycleaning Cleaningdatausinga computer in which the researcherlooks at the combination of categoriesfor two variables for logicallyimpossiblecases.( 10)

Conceptualequivalence ln historical-comparative Contingenry question A tFpe of surveyresearch research, the issueof whetherthe sameideasor questionin which the respondentnext goesto conceptsoccur or canbe usedto representpheone or another later question basedon his or nomena acrossdivergentcultural or historical her answer.(7) settings.(12) Conceptual hypothesis A tfpe of hypothesisin variablesin abwhich the researcherexpresses the relastract,conceptualterms and expresses tionship among variablesin a theoreticalway' ( 5)

Contingenry table A table that showsthe crosstabulationof two or more variables.It usually showsbivariate quantitativedata for variables in the form ofpercentagesacrossrows or down columnsfor the categoriesof onevariable.(10)

Conceptualization The process of developing defrnitions clear,rigorous,systematicconceptual (5) for abstractideas/concepts.

Continuous variable Variables measured on a continuum in which an infinite number of finer gradationsbetweenvariableattributesare possible.(5)

Concurrent validity Measurementvalidity that telies on a preexisting and akeady acceptedmeasureto veriff the indicator of a construct.(5) Confidence interval A range of values,usually a little higher and lower than a specific value found in a sample,within which a researcher has a specifiedand high degreeof confidence thatthe populationparameterlies. (6)

Contrast question A tfpe of interview question asked late in field researchin which the reof distinctions searcherverifiesthe.correctness found among categoriesin the meaningsystem of peoplebeingstudied.(11) Control group The group that does not get the (8) treatmentin experimentalresearch.

Confidentiality Information with participant namesattached,but the researcherholds it in confidenceor keepsit secretfrom the public. ( 3)

Control variable A "third" variable that shows whether a bivariaterelationshipholds up to alternative explanations.It can occur before or betweenother variables.( 10)

Content analysis Researchin which one examines patterns of symbolic meaning within written text, audio, visual, or other communication medium. (9)

Covariation The idea that two variables vary together, such that knowing the values in one variable provides information about values found in anothervariable.( 10)

Content validity Measurementvalidity that requires that a measurerepresentall the aspects ofthe conceptualdefinition ofa construct.(5)

Cover sheet One or more pagesat the beginning of a questionnairewith information about an interview or respondent.(7)

Context effect Arr effectin szrveyresearchwhenan overalltone or settopicsheardby a respondent

Criterion validity Measurementvalidity thattehes on someindependent,outsideverification. (5)

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Crossoverdesign A designto reducecreatinginequality; it is when a study group that getsno treatment in the first phaseof the experiment becomesthe group with the treatment in the secondphase,and vice versa.(3) Cross-sectionalresearch Researchin which a researcherexaminesa single point in time or takesa one-time snapshotapproach.(l) Cross-tabulation Placingdatafor two variablesin a contingencytableto show the number or percentageofcasesat the intersectionofcategories ofthe two variables.(10) Curvilinear relationship A relationship betlveen two variablessuchthat asthe valuesofone variable increase,the valuesofthe secondshow a changing pattern (e.g.,first decreasethen inIt is not alinear relationcreasethen decrease). ship.(10) Data The empiricalevidenceor information that a person gathers carefully according to established rules or procedures;it can be qualitative or quantitative.( 1) Debrief When a researchergivesa true explanation of the experiment to subjectsafter using deception.(8) Deception When an experimenterlies to subjects about the true nature of an experimentor createsa falseimpressionthrough his or her actions or the setting.(8) Deductive approach An approach to inquiry or socialtheory in which one beginswith abstract ideas and principles then works toward concrete,empiical evidencelotest the ideas.(2) Demand characteristics A qpe of reactivity in pick which the subjectsin experimentalresearch up cluesabout the hypothesisandalter their behavior accordingly.(8) Dependentvariable The effectvariablethat is last and results from the causalvariable(s)in a causal explanation. Nso the variable that is measuredin the pretestandposttestand that is the result of the treatmentin exqerimentalresearch.(4)

Descriptive question A type of question asked The researcherseeksbasic earlyin field research. information (e,g.,who, what, when, where) about thefield site.(lI) Descriptive research Research in which one "paints a picture" with words or numbers,presents a profile, outlines stages,or classifies types.(1) Descriptivestatistics A generaltype of simple stato describebasicpattisticsusedby researchers ternsin the data.(10) Design notation The name of a symbol system usedto discussthe parts of an experimentand to makediagramsof them. (8) Deviant casesampling Atlpe of nonrandomsample, especiilTyusedby qualitative researchers,in which a researcherselectsunusual or nonconforming casespurposely as a way to provide greaterinsight into socialprocesses or a setting. (6) Diftrsionoftreatment Athreatto internalvalidity that occurs when the treatment "spills over" from the expeimentalgroup, and controlgroup subjects modify their behavior becausethey learn of the treatment.(8) Direct-entry method A method of entering data into a computerby typing datawithout codeor opticalscansheets.(10) Direct observationnotes Notes taken in field researchthat attempt to include all details and specificsofwhat the researcherheardor sawin a field site.They are written in a way that permits multiple interpretationslater. ( I 1) Discretevariables Variablesin whichthe attibutes canbe measuredonly with a limited number of distinct, separatecategories.(5) Double-barreledquestion Aproblemin surveyresearchquestion wording that occurs when two ideasare combined into one question,and it is unclearwhetherthe answeris for the combination ofboth or one or the other question.(7) Double-blind experiment A tfpe of expeimental researchin which neither the subjectsnor the personwho direcdy dealswith the subjectsfor

cLossA R Y the experimenterknows the specificsof the experiment. (8) Ecological fallacy Something that appearsto be a causalexplanationbtfi is not. It occursbecause of a confusion about units of analvsls.A researcher has empirical eviience about an associationfor large-scaleunits or huge aggregates,but overgeneralizes to make theoretical statementsabout an associationamong smallscaleunits or individuals. (4) Ecological validity A way to demonstrate the authenticity and trustworthinessof afield research study by showingthat the researcher's descriptions ofthe field sitematchesthoseofthe members from the site and that the researcherwas not a major disturbance.(11) Editing A stepin the writing processthat is part of rewriting in which a writer cleansup and tightens the languageand checks grammar, verb agreement,usage,sentencelength, and paragraph organization to improve communication. (14)

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Equivalenttime-seriesdesign Anexperimentalde_ srgzin which there areseverahepeatedpraestg posttests,and treatmenfsfor one group often over a period of time. (8) Erosion measures Nonreactive measuresof the wearor deteriorationon surfacesdue to the ac_ tivityofpeople. (9) Error of segregation A mistake that can occur when writing qualitative researchin which a writer separatesconcreteempiricaldetailsfrom abstractideastoo much. (14) Ethnographic fallacy When a field researcher takes what is observed at facevalue, fails to questionwhat membersof a field site say,and only focuseson the immediateconcretedetails of a setting while ignoring larger social forces. (11) Ethnography An approach to field researchthat emphasizesproviding a very detaileddescription of a different culture from the viewpoint of an insider in that culture in order to permit a greaterunderstandingofit. 1t t,)

Elaboration paradigm A system for describing patternsevidentamong tableswhen a bivarinte contingencytableis comparedwith partials after the controlvariablehasbeenadded.( 10)

Ethnomethodogy An approach to social science that combines philosophy, social theory, and methodto study.(11)

Empirical evidence The observationsthat people experiencethrough their senses-touch, sight, hearing,smell,and taste;thesecan be direct or indirect.(1)

Evaluation researchstudy A tfpe of applied researchinwhichone tries to determinehowwell a program or poliry is working or reachingits goalsand objectives.(1)

Empirical generalization A quasi-theoretical statementthat summarizesfindings or regularities in empirical evidence.It usesfew if any abstract concepts and only makes a statement about a recurring pattern that researchersobserve.(2)

Executivesummary A summaryof a researchproject's findings placedat the beginning ofa report for an applied, nonspecialist audience. Usuallya little longer than an abstract.(14)

Empirical hypothesis A type of hypothesisin which the researcherexpresses variablesin specific terms and expresses the association among the measured indicators of observable. empiricalevidence.(5) Empty boxes A name for conceptualcategoriesin an explanationthat a researcherusesaspart of the illustrative methodof qualitative data analvsis.(13)

Exhaustiveattributes The principle that response categoriesin a scaleor other measureshould provide a category for all possible responses (i.e.,everypossibleresponsefits into somecat_

egory). (s)

Existing statisticsresearch Researchin which one examinesnumericalinformation frofn government documentsor official reports to address new researchquestions.( 1) Experimentaldesign Arranging the partsof an experiment and putting them together.(g)

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Experimental group The group that receivesthe (8) treatmentin experimentalresearch. Experimental research Researchin which one intervenesor does somethingto one group of people but not to another, then comparesresultsfor the two groups.( I ) Explanation pattern A pattern in the elaboration paradigm in which the bivariate contingency table showsa relationship, but thepartials show no relationshipand the controlvariableoccttrs prior to the independentvaiabla (10) Explanatory research Researchthat focuseson why eventsoccur or tries to testand build social theory.(1) Exploratory research Researchinto an area that hasnot beenstudiedand in which a researcher wants to develop initial ideasand a more focusedresearchquestion.(1) External consistenry A way to achievereliabikty of data in field researchin which the researcher cross-checksand verifies qualitative data :using multiple sourcesof information. (11) External criticism In historical research,a way to checkthe authenticityof primary sourcesbyaccuratelylocating the place and time of its creation (e.g.,it is not a forgery).(12) External validity The ability to generalizefrom experimentalresearchto settingsor peoplethat differ from the specific conditions of the study.

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Facevalidity A tFpe of measurementvalidity in which an indicator "makessense"asa measure of a construct in the judgment of others,especially thosein the scientificcommunity. (5) Factorialdesign Atype of experimentaldesignthat considers the impact of several independent variablessimultaneously.( 8) Fallacyof misplacedconcreteness When a person usestoo many digits in a quantitativemeasure in an attempt to createthe impressionthat the data are accurateor the researcheris highly capable.(9) Field experiment Experimentalresearchthat takes placein a natural setting.(8)

Field research A ffpe of qualitative researchin which a researcherdirectly observesthe people being studied in a natural setting for an extendedperiod. Often, the researchercombines intenseobservingwith participationin the people'ssocialactivities.( I ) Field site The one or more natural locationswhere (l l) a researchercondtctsfield research. First-orderinterpretation In qualitativeresearch, what the peoplewho arebeing studiedactually feel and think. (4) Floaters Respondentswho lack a belief or opinion, but who grvean answeranyway if askedin question.Often, their answers a surveyresearch are inconsistent.(7) Focusgroups A tJpe of group interview in which an interviewerasksquestionsto the group, and answersare givenin an open discussionamong the groupmembers.(11) Frequenry distribution A table that showsthe distribution of casesinto the categoriesof one variable(i.e.,the number or percentof casesin eachcategory).(10) Frequencypolygon A graph of connectedpoints showingthe distribution of how many casesfall into each categoryof a variable.(10) Full-filter question A.typeof sun eyresearchquestion in which respondents are first asked whether they have an opinion or know about a topic, then only the respondentswith an opinion or knowledgeare askeda specificquestion onthetopic.(7) Functionaltheory A type of socialtheorybasedon biological analogies,in which the socialworld or its parts are seenas systems,with its parts servingthe needsof the system.(2) Funnel sequence A way to order surveyresearch questionsin a questionnairefrom generalones to specific.(7) Galton's problem In comparative research,the problem of finding correlationsor associations among variablesor characteristicsin multiple casesor units, when the characteristicsare actually diffused from a singleunit or havea com-

mon origin. Thus, a researchercannot really treat the multiple units (e.g.,countries,cultures,etc.) asbeing wholly separate.(12) GeneralSocialSurvey(GSS) Asuwey of arandom sampleof about 1,500U.S.adultsthat hasbeen conductedin most yearsbetween1972andthe presentand is availablefor many researchers to analyze.(9) Go native What happens when a researcherin field researchgets overly involved and loses all distance or objectivity and becomeslike the peoplebeingstudied.(l 1) Grantsmanship The strategiesand skills of locating appropriatefunding sourcesand preparing high-quality proposalsfor researchfundino ( 14) Grounded theory Socialtheory that is rooted in observationsofspecific, concretedetails.(2) Guilty knowledge When a researchern field researchlearns of illegal, unethical, or immoral actionsby the peoplein thefield sitethat is not widelyknown.(11) Guttman scaling A scalethat researchers useafter dataarecollectedto revealwhethera hierarchical pattern existsamong responses,such that people who give responsesat a "higher level" alsotend to give "lowerJevel" ones.(5) Halo effect An error often madewhen peopleuse personalexperienceasan alternativeto science for acquiring knowledge.It is when a person overgeneralizes fiom what he or sheacceptsas being highly positiveor prestigiousand lets its strong reputation or prestige "rub off' onto otherareas.(1) Haphazard sampling A type of nonrandomsample in which the researcherselectsanyonehe or shehappensto come across.(6) Hawthorne effect An effect of reactivity named after a famous casein which subjectsreactedto the fact that they were in an experimentmore than they reactedto the treatment.(8) Hidden populations Peoplewho engagein clandestine, deviant, or concealedactivities and who are difficult to locateand study. (6)

Historical-comparative research Research in which one examinesdifferent culturesor periods to better understandthe socialworld. ( 1)

History effects A threat to internal validity dueto somethingthat occursand affectsthedependen variableduring an experiment,but which is unplanned and outsidethe control ofthe experimenter.(8)

Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) An extensive catalog and comprehensivecollection of ethnographies on many cultures(mostly preliterate) that permits a researcherto compare acrosscultural units. (12)

Hlpothesis The statementfrom a causalexplnnation or a propositionthat has at least one independentand one dEendent variable,but it hasyet to be empiricallytested.(4)

Idealtype Apuremodelaboutanidea,process, or event. One developsit to think about it more clearly and systematically.It is used both as a method of 4zalitativedata analysisand in soclal theorybutlding.(2) Idiographic An approachthat focuseson creating detaileddescriptionsofspecific eventsin particular time periods and settings.It rarely goes beyondempiricalgeneralizations to abstractsocial theory or causallaws.(2) Illustrative method A method of qualitativedata analysisin which a researchertakes the conceptsof a socialtheoryor explanationand treats them as emptyboxesto be filled w.irthempirical examplesand descriptions.(13)

Independence The absenceofa sfatisticalrelationshlpbetweentwo variables(i.e.,when knowing the valueson one variable provides no information about the valuesthat will be found on anothervariable).There is no associationbetweenthem. (10)

Independentvariable The first variablethat causes or producesthe effect in a causalexplanation. (4) Index The summing or combining of many separate measuresofa constructor variable.(5)

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Inductive approach An approachto inquiryor social theory in which one beginswith concrete empirical details,then works toward abstract ideasor generalprinciples.(2) Inferential statistics A branch of applied mathebasedon arandomsample.It maticsor statistics lets a researchermakeprecisestatementsabout the level ofconfidence he or shehas in the results of a samplebeing equal to the population parameter.(6) Informed consent An agreementby participants stating they are willing to be in a study after they learn somethingabout what the research procedurewill involve. (3) Institutional Review Board A committee of researchersand community membersthat oversees,monitors, and reviews the impact of researchprocedureson human participants and appliesethical guidelinesby reviewingresearchproceduresat a preliminary stagewhen first proposed.(3) Interaction effect The effect of two independent variablesthat operatesimultaneouslytogether. The effect of the variablestogether is greater than what would occur from a simple addition ofthe effectsfrom each.The variablesoperate together on one another to create an extra "boost."(8) Internal consistenry Awayto achievereliabilityof datain field researchin which a researcherexamines the data for plausibility and sees whetherthey form a coherentpicture, given all that is known about a personor event,trying to avoidcommon forms of deception.(11) Internal criticism How historical researchersestablish the authenticity and credibility of primary sourcesand determine its accuracyas an accountof what occurred.( 12) Internal validity The ability of experimentersto strengthena causalexplanation'slogical rigor by eliminating potential alternative explanations for an associationbetween the treatment and the dependent variable through an experimentaldesign.(5)

Interpretationpattern Apattern inthe elaboration paradigm in which the bivariate contingency tableshowsa relationship,but thepartialsshow no relationshipand the controlvariableis intervening in the causalexplanation.(10) Interrupted time series An experimentaldesignin which the dependentvariableis measuredperiodically acrossmany time points, and the treatmentoccursin the midst of suchmeasures, oftenonlyonce.(8) Interval level of measurement A levelof measurement that identifiesdifferencesamongvariable attributes,ranks,and categories,and that measuresdistancebefi,veencategories,but there is no true zero.(5') Intervening variable A variable that is betweenthe initial causalvariableand the final effectvariablein a causalexplanation.(4) Interview schedule The name of a surveyresearch questionnairewhen a telephoneor face-to-face interview is used.(7) what a researcherinJottednotes Infield research, conspicuouslywrites while rn the field site on whateveris convenientin order to "jog the memory" later.(tt) that Laboratoryexperiment Experimentalresearch takesplacein an artificial settingoverwhich the experimenterhasgreatcontrol. (8) Latent coding Ltlpe of contentanalysiscoding in which a researcheridentifies subjectivemeaning such asgeneralthemesor motifs in a communicationmedium.(9) Latin square desigrr An experimental designused to examinewhether the order or sequencein which subjectsreceivemultiple versionsof the an effect.(8) treatmenthas Level of analysis A way to talk about the scopeof a socialtheory,causalexplanation,proposition, or theoreticalstatement.The range hypothesis, of phenomenait covers,or to which it applies, goesfrom socialpsychological(micro level)to organizational(mesolevel)to large-scalesocial structure (macroleveD.@)

GLOS S A R Y Levelofmeasurement A systemthat organizesthe information in the measurementof variables into four generallevels,from nominal levelto ratio level.(5) Level of statisticalsignificance A set of numbers researchers useas a simple way to measurethe degreeto which a statistical relationship rcsults from random factorsrather than the existence of a true relationshipamongvariables.( l0) Lexicon equivalence Finding equivalent words or phrasesto expressthe identicalmeaningin dif_ ferent languagesor in the translationfrlm o.re languageto another (seeBacktranstation).(12) Likert scale Ascaleoften usedinsurvey researchin which people expressattitudes or other responsesin terms of severalordinal-level cate_ gories (e.g.,agree,disagree)that are ranked along a continuum. (5) Linear relationship An associationbetween two variablesthat is positive or negativeacrossthe attributesor levelsof the variables.When plotted in a scattergram,the basic pattern of the association forms a straightline, not a curve or otherpattern.(10) Linear researchpath Researchthat proceedsin a clear,logical, step-by-stepstraight line. It is more characteristic of a quantitative than a qualitativeapproachto socialresearch.(4) Literature review A systematic examination of previously published studies on a research question,issue,or method that a researcherun_ dertakesand integratestogetherto preparefor conducting a study or to bring together and summarizethe "stateof the field." (4) Longitudinal research Researchin which the researcherexamines the features of people or other units at multiple points in time. (l) Macro-level theory Socialtheories and explanations about more abstract,large-scale,and broad-scopeaspectsofsocial reality,suchassocial changein major institutions (e.g.,the family, education,etc.) in a whole nation across severaldecades.(2) Manifest coding Atype of contentanalysiscoding in which a researcherfirst developsa list ofspe-

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cific words, phrases,or symbols, then finds them in a communication medium. (9) Marginals The totals in a contingencytable, out_ sidethe bodyof a table.(10) Matrix question Atype of surveyresearchquestion in which a setof questionsis listedin a compact form together, all questionssharing the same setofanswer categories.(7) Maturation A threat to internal validity in experimentalresearchdue to natural processes of growth, boredom, and so on, that occur to subjectsduring the experiment and affect the dependentvariable.(g) Mean A measureof centraltendencyfor one vari_ able that indicatesthe arithmetic average(i.e., the sum of all scoresdivided by the total num_ ber ofscores).(10) Measurementequivalence In historical_comDarative research, creatingor locating th"t will accuratelyrepresentthe same -.urrrr.', constructor variablein divergentcultural or historical set_ tings.(12) Measurementvalidity Howwell an empiricalindi_ cator and the conceptualdefinitionbf th. .orr_ struct that the indicator is supposedto measure "fit" together.(5) Median A measureof central tendency for one variableindicating the point or scoreat which halfthe casesarehigher and halfare lower. ( l0) Member validation A way to demonstratethe au_ thenticity and trustworthinessof afield research study by having the people who were studied (i.e.,members)read and confirm asbeing true that which the researcherhas reported.(l i) Meso-level theory Social theories and explana_ tions about the middle levelof socialrealitvbe_ tween a broad and narrow scope,such ai the developmentand operation of social orsaniza._ tions, communities,or socialmovem"r-t, o,0.. a five-yearperiod.(2) Microlevel theory Social theories and explana_ tions about the concrete,small-scale,urrd ,ru._ row level of reality, such as face_to_face

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interaction in small groups during a twomonth period.(2)

Nonreactive Measures in which people being studiedareunawarethat they arein a study. (9)

Mode A measureof centraltendencyfor one variable that indicatesthe most frequent or common score.(10)

Normal distribution A "bell-shaped" frequency polgon for a distribution of cases,with a peak in the centerand identicalcurving slopeson either side ofthe center.It is the distribution of many naturally occurring phenomenaand is a basisof much statisticaltheory. ( l0)

Mortality Threatsto internal validity due to subjectsfailing to participatethrough the entire experiment.(8) Multiple indicators Many proceduresor instrumentsthat indicate,or provide evidenceof, the presenceor level of a variable using empirical evidence.Researchersuse the combination of severaltogetherto measurea variable.(5)

Normalize social research Techniquesin field researchusedby researchersto make the people being studied feel more comfortable with the researchprocessand to help them acceptthe (11) presence. researcher's

Mutually exclusiveattributes The principle that responsecategoriesin a scaleor other measure should be organizedso that a person's responsesfit into only one category(i.e., categoriesshould not overlap).(5)

Null hypothesis A hlpothesisthat saysthere is no relationship or associationbetween two variables,or no effect.(4) One-shot casestudy An experimentaldesignwith only an experimentalgroup and a posttest,no pretest.(8)

Narrative history A type ofwriting about a historical settingin which the writer attemptsto "tell a story" by following chronologicalorder, describing particular people and events,and focusingon many colorfi-rldetails.(13)

Open coding A first coding of qualitativedata in which a researcherexaminesthe data to condensethem into preliminary analyticcategories or codesfor anallzing the data. ( I 3)

Naturalism The principle that researchers should examineeventsasthey occur in natural, everyday ongoing socialsettings.( 11)

Open-ended question A tlpe of surveyresearch questionin which respondentsare free to offer any answerthey wish to the question.(7)

Negativerelationship An association befiveentwo variablessuchthat asvalueson one variableincrease,valueson the other variablefall or decrease.(2)

Operational definition The definition of a variable in terms of the specificactivitiesto measureor indicate itvnth empiricalevidence.(5)

Nominal-level measurement The lowest, least preciselevelof measurement for which there is only a differencein type among the categories ofavariable.(5) Nomothetic An approach basedon laws or one that operatesaccordingto a systemoflaws. (2) Nonlinear researchpath Researchthat proceeds in a circular,back-and-forthmanner.It is more characteristicof a qualitative than a quantitative styleto socialresearch.(4) Nonrandom sample A type of samplein which the sampling elementsare selectedusing something other than a mathematically random process.(6)

Operationalization The processof moving from the conceptualdefinition of a constructto a set of specificactivitiesor measuresthat allow a researcherto observe it empirically (i.e., its operationaldefinition).(5) Oral history A tFpe of recollectionin which a researcherinterviewsa person about the events, beliefs,or feelingsin the pastthat were directly (12) experienced. Order effects An effect in surveyresearchin which respondentshear some specificquestionsbefore others,and the earlierquestionsaffecttheir answersto later questions.(7) Ordinal-level measurement A level of measurement thal identifies a difference among cate-

goriesofa variableand allowsthe categoriesto be rank ordered.(5) Overgeneralization An error that people often makewhen using personalexperienceas an alternativeto sciencefor acquiringknowledge.It occurs when some evidencesupports a beliel but a person falselyassumesthat it appliesto many other situations,too. ( 1) Panel study A powerful tlpe of longitudinal researchin which a researcherobservesexactly the samepeople,group, or organizationacross multiple time points. ( 1) Paradigm A general organizing framework for socialtheoryand empiricalresearch.It includes basic assumptions,major questions to be answered,models of good researchpractice and theory, and methodsfor finding the answersto questions.(2) Parameter A characteristicof the entirepopulation that is estimatedfrom a sample.(6) Paraphrasing When a wdter restatesor rewords the ideas of another person, giving proper creditto the originalsource.(14) Partially open question A tfpe of survey research questionin which respondentsaregivena fixed setof answersto choosefrom, but in addition, an "other" categoryis offered so that they can sPecifi'a different answer.(7) Partials ln contingencytablesfor three variables, tablesthat show the association betweenthe independentand dependentvariablesfor each categoryof a controlyariable.(10) Percentile A measureof dispersionfor one variablethat indicatesthe percentageofcasesat or belowa scoreor point. (10) Pie chart A display of numerical information on one variablethat divides a circle into fractions by linesrepresenting the proportion ofcasesin the variable'samibutes.(10\ Placebo Afalsetreatmentor ole that hasno effect in an experiment. It is sometimescalled a "sugar pill" that a subjectmistakesfor a true treatment.(8)

Plagiarism A type of unethicalbehavior in rriich one usesthe writings or ideasof anotherwithout giving proper credit. It is "stealingidea:." (3, 14) Population The name for the largegeneralgroup of many casesfrom which a researcherdrans a sampleandwhich is usuallystatedin theoretical terms.(6) Positive relationship An associationbetweentrr-o variablessuch that as values on one increase, valueson the other alsoincrease.(2) Possiblecodecleaning Cleaningdatausinga computer in which the researcherlooks for responsesor answercategoriesthat cannot have ( l0) cases. Posttest The measurementof the deDendent variablein experimentalresearchafter the treatment. (8) Praxis An idea in critical socialsciencethat social theory and everydaypracticeinteract or work together,mutually aflbcting one another. This interaction can promote socialchange.(2) Prediction A statement about something that is likely to occur in the future. (2) Predictive validity Measurementvalidity that relies on the occurrenceof a future event or behavior that is logically consistentto verift the indicatorofa construct.(5) Preexperimentaldesigns Experimentaldaslgnsthat lack randomassignment or use shortcutsand aremuch weakerthan the classical experimental design.They may be substituted in situations where an experimentercannot use all the featuresof a classicalexperimentaldesign,but have weakerinternalvalidity. (8) Prematureclosure An error that is often made when using personalexperienceas an alternative to sciencefor acquiring knowledge.It occurs when a person feelshe or she has the answersand doesnot needto iisten,seekinformation,or raisequestionsanylonger.( 1) Prestigebias A problem in surveyresearchquestion writing that occurs when a highly re-

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Pretest The measurementof the dependentvariableof an experimentprior t o the treatment.(8) Prewriting A very earlystepin the writing process' when one writes without worrying about word choice,spelling,or grammar,but tries to let "ideas flor,r/' as quickly as possibleto connect with writing. (14) thinking processes Primary sources Qualitative data or quantitative data usedin historical research.It is evidence about past sociallife or eventsthat was created and used by the personswho actuallylived in the historicalperiod.(12) Principal investigator(PI) The personwho is primarily in chargeof researchon a project that is sponsoredor funded by an organization.(14) Principle ofvoluntary consent An ethical principle of socialresearchthat people should never participatein researchunlessthey first explicitlyagreetodoso.(3) Probability proportionate to size (PPS) An adjustment made in clustersamplingwhen each cluster does not have the same number of samplingelements.(6) Probe A follow-up questionor action in srrueyresearchtsedby an interviewerto havea respondent clarifr or elaborateon an incomplete or inappropriateanswer.(7) Proposition A basicstatementin socialtheorythat two ideas or variables are related to one another. It can be true or false(e.g.,most sexoffenderswere themselvessexuallyabusedwhen growing up), conditional (e.g.,if a foreign enemy threatens,then the peopleof a nation will feel much stronger social solidarity), and/or crime)' (2) causal(e.g.,povertycauses Public sociology Socialsciencethat seeksto enrich public debatesover moral and political issues by infusing them with social theory and researchand tries to generatea conversationbeand public. Often usesacttor tlveenresearchers researchand a critical socialscienceapproach with its main audiencebeing non-expertsand practitioners.(3)

Purposivesampling Ltype of nonrandomsample in which the researcherusesa wide range of methodsto locateall possiblecasesof a highly specificand difficult-t o-reachp opulation.(6) Qualitative data Information in the form of words, pictures, sounds,visual images,or obiects.(1) Quantitative data Information in the form of numbers.(l) Quasi-experimentaldesigns Experimentaldesigns that are stronger than preexpeimentaldesigns. experimental They arevariationson the classical designthatanexperimenterusesin specialsituations or when an experimenter has limited control over the independentvariable.(8) Quasi-filter questions A ffpe of surveyresearch questionincluding the answerchoice"no opinion" or "don't know." (7) Quota sampling A tFpe of nonrandomsampletn which the researcherfirst identifiesgeneralcategoriesinto which casesor people will be selected,then he or she selectsa predetermined number of casesin eachcategory.(6) Random assignment Dividing subjects' into groups at the beginning of experimentalresearchusing a random process'so the experimenter can treat the groupsasequivalent'(8) Random digit dialing (RDD) A method of randomly selectingcasesfor telephoneinterviews that usesall possibletelephonenumbers as a samplingframe.(6) Random number table A list of numbersthat has no pattern in them and that is usedto createa random processfor selectingcasesand other randomizationPurPoses.(6) Random sample Atype of samplein which the researcherusesa randomnumbertableor similar mathematicalrandom processso that each samplingelementin thepopulntionwill havean equalprobability ofbeing selected.(6) Range A measureof dispersion for one variable indicating the highestand lowestscores.( l0) Ratio-levelmeasurement The highest' most preciselevel of measuremearfor which variable

cLossA R Y

attributescan be rank ordered,the distancebetweenthe attributespreciselymeasured,and an absolutezero exists.(5) Reactivity The generalthreat to externalvalidity that arisesbecausesubjectsare awarethat they arein an experimentand being studied.(8) Recollections The words or writings of people about their life experiencesafter sometime has passed.The writings arebasedon a memory of the past,but may be stimulatedby a review of pastobjects,photos,personalnotes,or belongings.(12) Recording sheet Pages on which a researcher writes down what is coded in contentanalysis.

(e) Reductionism Something that appears to be a ofa concausalexplanation,butisnot, because A researcherhas fusion about units of analyszs. empiricalevidencefor an associationat the level of individual behavioror very small-scaleunits, Io make theoretical statebut overgeneralizes mentsabout verylarge-scaleunits. (4)

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a seriesrather than thinking through their answerto eachquestion.(7)

Revising A stepin the writing processthat is part of rewritingin which a writer addsideasor evidence,and deletes,rearranges,or changesideas to improve clarity and better communicate meaning.(14)

Rewriting A step in the writing processin which the writer goesovera previousdraft to improve communication of ideasand clarity of expres sion,(14)

Running records A specialtype of existingstatistic researchusedin historical researchbecausethe files,records,or documentsaremaintainedin a relatively consistentmanner over a period of time.(12)

Sample A smaller set of casesa researcherselect from a larger pool and generalizesto the population.(6)

Sampling distribution A distribution createdby drawing rnany random samplesfrom the same populntion.(6)

Reliability Thedependabilityorconsistenryofthe measureof avariable.(5)

Sampling element The name for a caseor single unit to be selected.(6)

must be Replication The principle that researchers able to repeat scientific findings in multiple studiesto have a high level ofconfidence that the findings aretrue. (2)

Sampling error How much a sampledeiates fiom being representativeofthe population.(6)

Replication pattern A pattern inthe elaboration paradigm in which the partials show the same relationship as in a bivariatecontingencytable of the independent and dependentvariable alone.(10)

Samplinginterval The inverseof the samplingra,o, which is used in systematicsamplingto se lect cases.(6)

Requestfor proposal (RFP) An announcementby a funding organizationthat it is willing to fund researchand it is soliciting written plans of researchprojects.( 14) Researchfraud A tlpe of unethical behavior in which a researcherfakesor invents data that he or shedid not really collect,or fails to honestly and fully report how he or she conducted a study.(3) Responseset An effect rn surveyresearchwhen respondentstend to agreewith everyquestionin

Samplingframe A list of casesin a populntion,or the bestapproximation of it. (6)

Samplingratio Thenumberofcasesinthesampl divided by the number of cases irr the population or the samplingframe, or the proportion of thepopulntionin the sample.(6)

Scale A type of quantitative data measttreoften usedin surveyresearch that capturesthe intensity, direction, level, or potengv of a variable construct along a continuum. Most are at the ordinallevelof measrtrement.(5)

Scattergram A diagram to display the sratisticalrelationshipbettreentwo variablesbasedon plotting eachcase'svaluesfor both ofthe variables ( l 0)

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Scientificcommunity A collection of peoplewho sharea systemofrules and attitudesthat sustain the processof producing scientificknowledge. ( l) Scientific method The process of creating new knowledge using the ideas, techniques, and rulesof the scienfficcommunity.(l) Scientificmisconduct When someoneengagesin researchfraud, plagiarism, or other unethical conduct that significantly deviatesfrom the accepted practice for conducting and reporting researchwithin the scientificcommunity.(3) Secondary sources Qualitative data and quantitativedafausedin historicalresearch.Information about eventsor settingsare documented or written later by historiansor others who did not directly participatein the eventsor setting.(12) Second-order interpretation In qualitative research,what a researcherbelievesthe people being studiedfeeland think. (4) Selectionbias A threat Io internal validity when groups in an experimentare not equivalentat the beginningof the experiment.(8) Selectivecoding A last passat coding qualitative data in which a researcherexaminesprevious codesto identiff and selectillustrativedatathat will support the conceptualcoding categories that he or shedeveloped.(13) Selectiveobservation The tendencyto take notice ofcertain peopleor eventsbasedon pastexperienceor attitudes.( I ) Semantic differential A scalein which people are presentedwith a topic or object and a list of many polar opposite adjectives or adverbs. They are to indicate their feelings by marking one ofseveralspacesbetweentwo adjectivesor adverbs.(5) Sequentialsampling Atype of nonrandomsample in which a researchertries to find asmany relevant casesas possible,until time, financial resources,or his or her energyare exhausted,or until there is no new information or diversity fiom the cases.(6)

Simple random sampling Atype of randomsample in which a researchercreatesa sampling frame andusesa pure random processto select cases.Eachsamplingelementin the population will havean equalprobability of being selected (6)

Skewed distribution A distribution of cases among the categoriesof a variable that is not normal (i.e.,not a "bell shape").Insteadof an equal number of caseson both ends,more are at one of the extremes.(10)

Snowball sampling A tfpe of nonrandomsample in which the researcherbeginswith one case then. based on information about interrelationshipsfrom that case,identifiesother cases and then repeatsthe processagain and again. (6)

Social desirability bias A bias in surveyresearchkt which respondentsgivea "normative" response or a sociallyacceptableanswerrather than give a truthfi.rlanswer.(7)

study Atype of applied Socialimpact assessment socialresearchin which a researcherestimates the likely consequencesor outcome of a planned intervention or intentional changeto occur in the future. ( 1)

Social research A processin which a researche combines a set of principles, outlooks, and ideas with a collection of specific practices, techniques,and strategiesto produce knowledge.(l) Sociogram A diagram or "map" that shows the netlvork of social relationships,influence patterns,or communication pathsamong a group ofpeopleorunits. (6)

Solomon four-group design An experimentaldeslgain which subjectsare randomly assignedto groups two clntrll groupsandtwo experimental Only one experimentalgroup and one control group receivea pretest.All four groups receivea posttest.(8)

Specialpopulations Peoplewho lack the necessar cognitive competency to give real informed consent or people in a weak position who

GLOSSARY

might comprisetheir freedomto refuseto participate in a study. (3) Specificationpattern A pattern inthe elaboration paradigm in which the bivariate contingency table showsa relationship. One of thepartial tablesshowsthe relationship, but other tables do not. (10) Spuriousness A statement that appearsto be a ' causalexplanation,but is not becauseof a hidden, unmeasured,or initially unseenvariable, The unseenvariable comesearlier in the temporal order, and it hasa causalimpact on what wasinitially positedto bethe independentvariableas well.as the dependentvariable.(4) Standard deviation A measureof dispersionfor one variable that indicates an averagedistance betweenthe scoresand the mean.(I0)

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Structural question A type of questionin field researchintervtews in which the researcherattempts to verift the correctnessof placing terms or eventsinto the categoriesof the meaning system usedby peoplebeing studied.( I 1) Structured observation A method of watching what is happening in a social setting that is highly organized and that follows systematic rulesfor observationand documentation.(9) Subjects The name for peoplewho are studied and (8) participatein experimentalresearch. Successiveapproximation A method of 4ualiutive data analysisinwhich the researcherrepeatedly moves back and forth between the empirical data and the abstract concepts, theories, or models.(13)

Standard-format question A tFpe of survey researchqtestion in which the answer categories tail to include "no opinion" or "don't know." (7)

Suppressor variable pattern A pattern in the elaborationparadigm in which no relationship appearsin abivariate contingencytabbbutthe partiak show a relationship between the variables.(10)

Standardization The procedure to statistically adjust measuresto permit making an honest comparisonby giving a common basisto measures ofdifferent units. (5)

Survey research Quantitative social researchin which one systematicallyasksmany people the samequestions,then recordsand analyzestheir answers.(1)

Static group comparison An experimental design with two groups, no random assignment,and only a posttest.(8)

Systematic sampling A tfpe of random samplern which a researcherselectseveryftth (e.g.,12th) casein the samplingframe using a sampling interval.(6)

Statistic A numerical estimateof a populationparametercomputedfrom a sample.(6) Statistical Abstract of the United States A U.S. government publication that appearsannually and contains an extensivecompilation of statistical tablesand information. (9) Statistical significance A way to discussthe likelihood that a finding or statisticalrelntionshipin a sampleis due to the random factors rather than due to the existenceof an actualrelationship in the entirepopulation.(10) Stratified sampling A tfpe of random samplein which the researcherfirst identifies a set of mutually exclusiveand,exhaustivecategories, then usesa random selectionmethod to select casesfor eachcategory.(6)

Target population The name for the large general group of many casesfrom which a sampleis drawn and which is specified in very concrete terms.(6) Text A generalnamefor symbolicme"ning within a communication medium m easurd,in contmt analysis.(9) Third-order interpretation In qualitative research,what a researchertells the readerofa researchreport that the people he or she sflrdied felt and thought. (4) Threatening questions A tfpe of survey research question in which respondents are Likely to cover up or lie about their tme behavior or beliefs becausethey fear a lossof self-imageor that

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they may appearto be undesirableor deviant. ( 7) Time-series study Any researchthat takes place over time, in which different people or cases may be looked at in eachtime point. ( 1) Treatment What the independent variable in is called.(8) experimentalresearch Type I error The logical error offalsely rejecting the null lrypothesls.( I 0) Tlpe II error The logicalerror of falselyaccepting ( 10) the null lrypothesls. Unidimensionality The principle that when using mubiple indicatorsto measurea construct, all the indicators should consistentlyfit together and indicatea singleconstruct.(5) Unit of analysis The kind of empirical caseor unit that a researcherobserves,measures,and analyzesin a study. (4) Univariate statistics Statistical measuresthat deal with one variableonly. (10) Universe The broad classofunits that arecovered in ahypothesis.All the units to which the findingsof a specificstudymight be generalized.(4) Unobtrusive measures Another name for nonreactivemeasure* It emphasizesthat the peoplebeing studiedarenot awareofit because the measuresdo not intrude. (9)

Validity A term meaningtruth that canbe applied to the logical tightnessof experimentaldesign, the ability to generalize findings outside a study, the quality of measurement, and the properuseofprocedures.(5) Variable A concept or its empiricalmeasuiethat can take on multiple values.(4) Verstehen A German word that translatesas understanding;specifically,it meansan empathic understandingof another'sworldview. (2) Whistle-blower A personwho seesethicalwrongdoing, tries to correct it internally but then informs an external audience, agency, or the media.(3) Wording effects An effectthat occurswhen a specific term or word used in a survey research question affectshow respondentsanswer the question.(7) Zoom lens An organizationalform often usedby when writing reports that befield researchers gin broadly then becomenarrow, focused,and specific.(14) Z-score A way to locatea scorein a distribution of scoresby determining the number of standard deviationsit is above or below the mean or arithmetic average.(10)

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A Andolina, M., 19

Draus,P.,58,160 Duneier,M., 30, 40,286,292, 294 Durkheim, E., 25, 92, 97, 305

B

Hyrnan,H., 195 Hyrnes,D.,323

I |eflreys,A., 11 |unker,8.,279

Banaszak, L., 305 Bearman,P.,81 Becker,H., 353 Bendix,R., 337 Blee,K., 307,314 Bond, C., 214,2I9 Bradburn,N., 175-176 B r as e, G . , 33, 37 ,2 0 5 Briggs,C.,297 Burawoy, M., 65 Burt, C.,49

E

Foster,G,225 Fowler,F., 171 Freeman,H., 13

Kalmijn,M.,32-33,40 Katzer,J.,79 Kissane,R., 144,298 Kleg,M., 133 Kriesi,H.,305 Kuhn, T.,41-42

c

G

L

Canter,D.,340 Chafetz,l.,28 Chavez,L.,23l Cherlin,A., 17 Cogan,J.,323 Crozat,M., I37

Galton,F.,319 Gamson,W., I43 Garza,C., 16 Goar,C., 103-104,205 Gorden,D., 191 Gordon, P., 135 Gurney,I.,285

Lamont,M.,317 Lauzen,M., 103-104, 228-230 LeMasters,E., 331 Lieberson, 5.,244 Lofland,I.,354 Lu, S.,105-106

Edelman,L.,4041,115 E l d e r,G.,3 1 3 Eliasoph,N., 281 F

M

D Dasgupta,N., 217 Davis,f ., L54,I58,240 Denz in,N. , 279 ,2 9 7 DeVaus,D., 177 Diener,E.,58 Dillman, D., 184 Douglas,l.,297 Downey,L.,236-237

K

H Harper,D.,354 Hawkes,D., 136,206,2LI-212 Heberlein,T., 186 Hemingway,8.,349 H i l l , M.,3 1 3 H o l t, R .,3 17 Humphreys,L., 52-53, 57

Marx, A., 34,305 Marx, K., 25,305-306 Mastro,D.,232 McKelvie,S.,225 Merton,R.,31 Miles,M.,340 Milgram,S.,51,53 Mill, J.,336

391

392

NAMEtND,Ex

Misher,8.,297 Molotch,H., 105-106 Musick,M., 103-104 N

Rind, B.,209 Roscigno,V.,34 Rueschemeyer,D.,2T

T

', :.

Taylor,S.,52 Tyldum,G., 160

,l.i;l

S V4r

Neuman,W.,77

o Oesterle, S.,19,39 Ong,A.,211 P l Paige, f.,338 Piliavin,1.,5I,57 Popper, K.,93 R Ragin,C.,90 Rathje, W.,226

riliiiir .iilfii

r,llh;

Sanders,I., 39 Sassen, S.,305 Scarce,R., 58 Schatzmann,L.,299 Schuman,H., 180, 183 Scribner,R.,220 Skocpol,T.,305,311 Smith,T., 181 Sniderman,P., 130 Snow,D.,20 Solomon,R.,210 Spradley,l.,297 Stac\ S., l6-17 Starr, P., 305 Strauss,A., 3l Sudman,S., 183,191 Sutton,l.,322

Vanlaar, C., 130, I32,ZIB VanMaanen,1.,52,354 VanPoppel,F.,97 Vaquera,E., 159 Vidich, A., 57

w Wax,R.,285 Weber,M.,25,305,336 Weitzer,R., 29,32,38,73, l3Z Whyte,W., 12,354

z Zelizer,V.,305 Zimbardo,P.,51,53

D EX

A Abstract ofarticleor report,73,77,80,351 aslocation tool for articles,T5-77 Abstraction, level of, 31, 45 Abuse (seeHarm to researchsubjects) Accessto field site,280-283 Account, secondary(seeInterpretation, secondorder) Accretion measures(seeMeasures,accretion) Aggregates,24 Analysis blame,25,45 casestudy (seeResearch,casestudy) cohort, l8-I9,22 content,20,227-236, 246 data(seeD ataanalysis) Ievelof, 95-97,107 network,339 scalogram,138 secondary,239-241 time allocation,339 units of, 95-97, 107,228,231-232,240 Analltic memos (seeNotes, analytic notes/memos;Notes,field) Anonl.rnity, 57-58,66 Appearanceof interest,287 Archives,3l3 Associationof variables,36, 45,263 measuresof,263-264 requirement for causalry,36-37 Assumptions (seeTheory, assumptionsof) s, 284,302 Attitude of strangenes (see Variables,attributes o0 Attributes Audience for researchreport, 344-345

Authenticity, 120 Authority, as alternativeto science,3, 7 Available data(seeResearch,nonreactive) Average(seeMean; Median;Mode) Axial coding (seeCoding, in qualitative research, axial)

B Back translation, 32!, 323, 326 Bad Blood, 50 173 Balance,in questionresponses, Bar chart (seeStatistics,univariate) Bell-shapedcurve (seeNormal distribution) Beta (seeRegression,multiple) Bias(seealsoUnbiased) interviewer in surveys,194 Galton'sproblem (seeGalton'sproblem) prestige,170-171,I98 random processto avoid, 203 responseset(seeResponse, set) selection,2I2-2I3, 223 socialdesirabrlity, 176, L98 Blind peer review, 9 Body of table (seeT able,parts of cross-tabulation table) BogardusSocialDistanceScale(seeScale, BogardusSocialDistance) Bracketing,3l5

C Casing,330 telephone C ATI (seeComputer-assisted interviewing)

393

394

s uB J E c r rN D EX

Causalor Causality(seealsoExplanation, causal; Relationship,causal) mechanism,38 temporal order, 35-36 Cell oftable (seeTable,parts ofcross-tabulation table) Census,l4l,24l Centrallimit theorem,I49, L5L,16I Central tendencymeasures(seeMean; Median; Mode) Citation, 73-75,81, 107 Classification(seeConcepts,classifications) Codebook, 248-249,273 Code cleaning,possible(seeData,quantitative, cleaning) Codeofethics,49,59-60 Code sheets(seeData,quantitative entry) Coding in content analysis form (seeRecordingsheet) 1atent,229*230,246 manifest,229,246 system,228-229,246 in qualitative research aial,33l-333,342 open,33I-333,342 selective, 33I-333,342 in quantitative research precoding,248 procedure, 248-250 Cohort study or analysis(seeAnalysis,cohort) Comparative-historicalresearch(seeResearch, historical-comparative) Composing (seeWriting, processof) Computer-assistedtelephoneinterviewing (CATI), 194-195, t98 Computer software (seealsoHypertext) for qualitative data,340-342 for quantitative data,272 Concepts building blocks of theory 26 classifications ,27 , 45 clusters,27,45 cross-cultural(seeEquivalence,conceptual) scope,28 Conceptualization,I I 1-1 15, 139,329-330

Confederates,20T(seealsoDeception) Confidenceinterval, I5lI52, 164-165 Confidentialitr, 58-59, 66, 30I (seealsoEthics) Conflict theory $eeTheory, conflict) Consistenryin field research external,294,302 internal,294,303 Constructs(seeConcepts) Contamination in experiments(seeValidiry internal) Content,in contentanalysis(seeTextin content analysis) Content analysis(seeAnalysis,content) Context in qualitative research,88-89 (seealso Effect,context, in surveyresearch; contextual) Equivalence, Contingency cleaning 250,273 (seealsoData, quantitative, cleaning) question (seeQuestion, contingency) table (seeCross-tabulation) usedin writing (seeWriting, in historicalcomparativeresearch) Contrast ofcontexts in ideal types(seeIdeal type, contrastcontexts) Control in causalstatement,3T in experiments,206-207 group,204-206,222 variables(seeVariables,control) Correlation (seePearsonproduct moment correlation coefficient) Correlation study (seeResearch,cross-sectional) Covariation (seeAssociationof variables) Cover sheetin surveyresearch,184, 198 Covert research(seeResearch,covert) Credibility of membersin field research,294 Critical socialscience,44 Criticism in historical research,external and internal,3l6,326 Cross-overdesign (seeExperimental design, cross-over) Cross-sectional(seeResearch,cross-sectional) Cross-tabulation,259-263,273 Curvilinear relationship (seeRelationship, curvilinear)

suB .fE cr IN D E X

D Data,7,22 qualitative, 7, 16,2L-22 quantitative, 7, 16,2012 cleaning,250 entry,248-250 records,248-250 Data analysis qualitative, 328-342 quantitative, 248-272 Debrief,206,2I9,222 Deception,53,207,219,222,301 (seealsoEthics) Deductive reasoning(seeExplanation, deductive) theory (seeExplanation, deductive) Definition conceptual,1i 1-1 i5, 139 operational, lI2-1I5, I39 theoretical111-1 15, 139 Descriptive question (seeQuestion, descriptive) research(seeResearch,descriptive) statistics(seeStatistics,descriptive) Design notation (seeExperimental design, notation) Diagrams in qualitative data analysis flowchart, 339-340 other,340 Diffirsion of treatment as internal validity threat, 2t 5, 2t 8, 2 2 2 Direct-entry method (seeData, quantitative, entry) Direct-observationnotes (seeNotes, field) Direction of relationship (seeRelationship, negative,Positive) Dissertations,Ph.D., 8, 74-7 5 Double-barreledquestion (seeQuestion, doublebarreled) Double-blind experiment (seeExperiment' double-blind) Double-negative(seeQuestion, double-negative) E Ecological falTaq (seeFallacy, ecological)

395

validity (seeValidity, in field research) Editing (seeWriting, processof) Effect 182-184'198 context,in surveyresearch, halo,6,22 Hawthorne,217-218, 223 history internal validity threat, 2I3, 218, 223 instrumentation, internal validity threat' 207,

2lr interaction,214 LakeWobegon,6L mai n,210 maturation, internal validity threat, 214' 218, 223 order ofsurveyquestions,182,198 testing,internal validity threat, 214,218 wording of surveyquestions,181,198 Elaboration paradigm, 265-267, 273 Empathy in field research(seeVerstehen) Empirical evidence,7, 22, 25,35' I 15 generalization,3 l-32, 46 hypothesis(seeHypothesis,empirical) Empty boxes (seeIllustrative method) Equivalence in comparative r esearch, 322 conceptual,324-326 contextual,232-324, 326 lexicon, 322,326 (seealsoBacktranslation) measurement,325-326 Erosionmeasures(seeMeasures,erosion) Error (seealsoBias;Fallacy) of reductionism (seeReductionism) sampling, 148-149, I5l, 164-165 of segregation ,353, 359 TypeI, II,270-27I,273 Ethics,2,13,48-65 in experimentalresearch,207,221--222 in field research,301-302 in historical-comparativeresearch,325 in nonreactive r esearch,245 in survey resear ch, 196-197 Ethnography, 276-27 8, 302 Ethnomethodology, 277-27 8, 302 Evaluation research(seeResearch,evaluationi

396

s uB J E c r tN D E x

Evidence,empirical (seeEmpirical, evidence) Exchangetheory(seeTheory exchange) Executivesummary 351, 359 Existin g statistics,2 7--22 Expectanry,experimenter,2 15 Experiment, 20I-223 (seealsoExperimental, research) double-blind,2t5-216, 222 field,277-218,223 laboratory2I7,223 Experimental group, 204J05,223 mortality, internal validity threat, 214, 2lg, zzJ

posttest,205-209,223 pretest,205-209,223 research,20, 22, 200-223 treatment,205,208,2I2, 2lg, 223 Experimental design,207 classical,207-209, 222 cross-over,56,65 equivalenttime series,209- 210, 213,223 factorial, 210, 213, 223 interrupted time series,209, 213,223 Latin square,2I0, 2I3, 223 not at ion,212,2 I3 ,2 2 2 one-group pretest-posttest,209_209,213 one-shot casestudy, 208109, 213, 223 preexperimental, 207-208, 223 quasi-experiment, 208-209, 223 Solomon four-group, 2I0-2I3, 223 static group comparison, 209109, 213 two-group posttest-only,2 13 Explanation, 34-35 alternative,34-36 (seealsoHlpothesis, alternative) causal,35-39,45 deductive, 29-30,46 idiographic,46 inductive,30,46 interpretative, 40-41 nomothetic,4246 ordinary,35 pattern (seeElaboration paradigm) structural, 39-40 theoretical,35

Explanatoryresearch(seeResearch, explanatory) Exploratory research(seeResearch,exploratory) Externalconsistenry(seeConsistenryin field research,external) External criticism (seeCriticism in historical research,external) External validity (seeY alidity, external)

F Fallary ecological,97-98, I02, I07 ethnographic,294, 302 of misplacedconcreteness,240, 246 ofnonequivalence,99 Feminist research(seeResearch,feminist) Field (seealsoField research) experiment (seeExperiment, field) site,280-281,302 Field research , 2112,276-302 comparative,319-320 comparedwith historical-comparative, 307-309 focusingin,295196 interviews (seeInterview, field) overinvolvement in, 282, 286, 303 presentationof self in, 283 rapport in,284-285 roles in. 285-287 samplingin,295-296 small favors in,286 Findings, suppressionof(see Sponsorsof research,ethical concerns) First-order interpretation (seeInterpretation, first-order) Floater in surveyresearch,180, l9g Focusgroups, 300, 303 Focusing(seeField research,focusing in) Freewriting (seeWriting, processof) Frequenry distribution (seeStatistics,univariate) polygon (seeStatistics,univariate) Functional theory $ee Theory, functional) Funnel sequencein questionnaires,182, l9g

S U B JE CIN T DEX

G Galton's problem, 319-320, 326 Gamma (seeAssociationof variables,measures ofl Gatekeeper,in field rcsearch,282 GeneralSocialSurvey(GSS),158,239-240,246 "Go native" (seeField research,overinvolvement in) Grantsmanship, 357, 359 Grounded theory (seeTheory grounded) GSS(seeGeneralSocialSurvey) Guilty knowl edge(seeKnowledge, guilty) Guttman Scale(seeScale,Guttman)

H Halo effect (seeEffect,halo) Harm to researchsubjects,51-53 Hawthorne effect (seeEffect, Hawthorne) Histogram (seeStatistics,univariate) Historical-comparativeresearch(seeResearch, historical-comparative) Historiography, 312 History effect (seeEffect, history internal validity threat) HRAF (seeHuman Area RelationsFiles) Human Area RelationsFiles (HRAF),320,326 Hyper1.ert,342 Hlpothesis, 29,L07 alternative,95,107 causal,92-93 conceptual,113-115, 139 empirical,113-115, 139 null,93-95,107

I Ideal type, 27-28, 46, 336-337 analogiesin,337 contrast contexts,337 Idiographic explanation (seeExplanation, ideographic) Illustrative method, 338, 342 Independencein statisticalrelationship (see Relationship,independence)

397

Index aslocation tool to find articles (seeAbstract, as location tool for articles) asmethod of measuremenl,124-128,139 unweighted, 127 weighted,127 Indicator multiple, 116-117,139 socra7,237 Inductive approachto theory (seeExplanation,inductive) reasoning(seeExplanation, inductive) Inference in content analysis,236 fr om nonreactive data,244 samples,162-164 separationof,29l Inferential statistics(seeStatistics,inferential) Informant in field research.299 Informed consent,5+-55, 66 Institutional ReviewBoard (IRB), 54, 59, 66, 358 Interaction effect (seeEffect,interaction) Intercoder reliability (seeReliability, intercoder) Interlibrary loan service,73 Internal consistency(seeConsistencyin field research, internal) criticism (seeCriticism in historical research, internal) validity (seeValidity, internal) Internet (seealsoSurvey,web) usein literature search,80, 82-84 Interpretation first-order, 90, 107 second-order,90,L07 of secondarysources,historical-comparatite research.314-315 third-order, 90,107 in trivariate data analysis (seeElaboration paradigm) Interpretative socialscience(ISS),43-14 Interval-levelmeasures(seeMeasurement,ler"el<

o0 Interview comparison of survey and ordinanconversation.190-191

398

s uB J Ec r T N D EX

Interview (continued) in cross-nationalsurveyresearch,32l face-to-facesurvey,I 8g-1 90 field,296-299 postexperimental,2Ig scheduleof, 168,198 stagesof, 192 survey, 190-194 telephone,188-189 training for,192-193 IRB (seeInstitutional ReviewBoard)

T /ournals personal (seeNotes, field, personaljournal) scholarlyarticles,9, 7 I-7 4, 76-7 9 K Knowledge explicit,277 guilty,301-302 questionsin surveys,176-177 tacit,277 L Lake Wobegon effect (seeEffect,Lake Wobegon) Lambda (Associationof variables,measuresof) Latent coding (seeCoding, in content analysis, latent) Latin squaredesign(seeExperimental design, Latin square) Layout (seeQuestionnaire,layout of) Level of analysis(seeAnalysis,level of) ot measurement(seeMeasurement,levelsofl of significance(seeStatistical,significance) Lexicon equivalent(seeEquivalence,lexicon) Likert Scale(seeScale,Likert) Literature (seealsoJournals,scholarlvarticles) reviews,69-7 1, 79-80, 82, 107 Logic of disconfirming hypothesis,g3-94 (seealso Hypothesis,null) of historical-comparativeresearch,306_3l0

M Macro-level theory $ee Theory, macro-level) Manifest coding (seeCoding in content analysis, manifest) Maps (seealsoDiagramsin qualitative data analysis) social,292193 (seealsoSociograms) spatial,292-293 temporal, 292-293 Marginals (seeTable,parts of cross-tabulation table) Matching vs. random assignment,203-:204 Maturation effect(seeEffect,maturation, internal validity threat) Mean,25I-253, 273 Measurement,108-129 equivalence(seeEquivalence,measurement) levelsof, 722-124, 139,264 validity (seeY alidity, measurement) Measures accretion,225-226. 246 of association(seeAssociationof variables, measuresofl of central tendency (seeMean;Median;Mode) erosion,225-226,246 unobtrusive (seeResearch,nonreactive) of variation (seeStandarddeviation) Media m1ths, 4-7 Median, 251-253,273 Member in field research,267 validation (seeYalidity,in field research) Micro-level theory $ee Theory,microlevel) Milgram Obediencestudy, 51, 53 Missing data in existingstatisticsresearch,249 in index construction, 127 Mode,25I-253, 273 Mortality, experimental (seeExperimental mortality, internal validity threat) Multiple indicators (seeIndicator, multiple) regression(seeRegression,multiple) sorting procedure, 339-340 Mutual exclusiveness(seeVariables,mutually exclusive)

Outlining (seeWriting, Processo0 Overgeneralization, 6, 22

N Narrative history,315 mode of qualitative data analysis335-336'342' 355 National Opinion ResearchCenter (NORC)' 8' 239-240 National ResearchAct, 59 Natural history, 295, 335, 354 Naturalism, 278,303 Negativerelationship (seeRelationship,negative) Notinal-level measures(seeMeasurement'levels of) Nonresponsein surveyresearch,186 NORC (seeNational Opinion ResearchCenter) Normal distribution, 253 (seeako Skewed distribution) Normalize, in field research,286,303 Norming (seeStandardization) Notes analytic notes/memos,291-292, 302,332-334 fie\d.289-294 direct observati on, 289-292, 303 inference'291 jotted,289-290, 303 personaljournal, 29I-292 personal,289-294 Nuremburg Code, 59-60

o Objective,64-65 Observation in field research,287 selective,6,22 structured, 228,246 One-shot casestudy (seeExperimental design' one-shot casestudY) Open coding (seeCoding, in qualitative research' open) Ouerationalization'I 12-115' 139 Optical scansheets(seeData, quantitative' entry) Oral history, 314,326 Ordinal-level measures(seeMeasurement'levels

o0

P Panelstudy, I7-I9,22 Paradigm,4142,46 Parameterof population , L47, l5l, 165 Paraphrase,348,359 Partials,tablesin trivariate analysis'265-267, 273 Participant observationin field teseatch,287 Pearsonproduct moment correlation coefficient, 37.264 Peerreview (seeBlind peer review) Percentagedtable (seeCross-tabulation) Percentile,254 Ph'D') Ph.D. (seeDissertations, (see univariate) Statistics' Pie chart Pilot study,117 test,179,219 Placebo,216-223 Plagiarism, 49, 66, 348,359 Population, 146,165 hidden,160-161,165 parameter (seeParameterof population) special,55-56,66 target,146,165 Positivism,42-43 Posttest(seeExperimental,posttest) PPS(seeSampling,probability proportionate to size) Prais,44,46 Precisionin statisticalrelationship, 258-259 Precoding (seeCoding in quantitative research,Precoding) Prediction, 34-35,46 Preexperimentaldesigns(seeExperimental design,PreexPerimental) Premature closure, 6, 22 Pretest,improving measures'll7 (seeako ExPerimental,Pretest) Principal investigator (PI)' 358-359 Principle ofvoluntary consent,53' 59,66 Privacy,57

400

s uB JEc r rN D E X

Probability,24 proportionate to size(seeSampling,probability proportionate to size) theory (seeTheory, probability) Probes,179,192-193,1,98 Proofreading (seeWriting, processof) Proposition (seeTheory,proposition in) Pseudosurvey(seeSurvey,pseudo) Publicopinion (seeResearch, survey) Purposivesampling (seeSampling,purposive)

a Qualitative data(seeData, qualitative) Quantitative data (seeData, quantitative) Question closed-ended,177-178,198 contingency,17l-172,198 contrast, 298,302 descriptive,298,302 double-barreled,171,198 double-negative,I73 full-filter, 179, I98 leading,lT2 loaded,lT2 matrix, 185-186,198 open-ended,177-179,198 order(seeEffect,orderofsurveyquestions) partially open, 179, 198 quasi-filter,180,198 research(seeResearch, question) slop,77I-1.72, 198 standardformat,180*181,i98 structural, 298*299, 303 threatening, 175-L78, 198 Questionnaire,169 layout of, 181-185 length of, 18 1-182 mail, 186-188 R Random assignment,202-204,223 number table,148,153,165 sampling,148*149,161,165 RandomDigit Dialing (RDD), 158-159,165

Range in statistics,253,273 in theory (seeTheory, range) Rates(seeStandardization) Ratio-levelmeasures(seeMeasurement, levelsof) RDD (seeRandom Digit Dialing) Reactive(seeReactivity) Reactivity,54,2L7,223 Recall,aiding respondent, 173-174 Recollections, 3I4, 326 Recordingsheet in contentanalysis,223-225,246 in quantitative data analysis,248--250 Reductionism,gS-99, I02, 107 Refusals,in surveyresearch(seeNonresponse,in surveyresearch) Regression multiple, 266-267 statistical(threat to internal validity),2ls Relationship bivariate,257-263 causal,35-39 curvilinear,258,262 direction,258 form ol 258 independence,257-258,273 linear,37,258-259,262,273 negative,39, 46, 258 nonlinear,258 positive,39,46,258 precision in (seePrecisionin statistical relationship) recursive,37 theory,in,29 Reliability, II5-117, LI9-120, 139 in existingstatisticsresearch,243-244 in field research,294-295 intercoder,230 relation to validity, 120-I2l Replication (seealsoElaboration paradigm) of other'smeasures.117 ofresearchfindings,42,46 Requestfor Proposals(RFP),356,359 Research academic,IL-I3,2L action,13,22

suB JE C rTN D E X Research(continued) applied,Ll-13,22 bas ic 11, 13, 2 1 casestudy,l8-19,20, 22,306 covert, 54 cross-section al, 17-18, 22 descriptive,L5-L6,22 evaluation, 12-13,22 existingstatistics(seeExisting statistics) experimental (seeExperimental,research) explanatory L5-16,22 exploratory 15-16,22 feminist, 14,336 field (seeField research) fraud in (seeScientific,fraud) historical-comparative,2I--22, 305-326 longitudinal, 17-I8, 22 nonreactive,225-246 path linear,85,107 nonlinear,85,107 problem,86-88, 101-103 proposal, 355-359 quantitative and qualitative comparcd, 7, 20, 86-88 question,86-88, 101-103 report, 344 (seeako Writing, organization of) secondaryanalysis(seeAnalysis,secondary) social,2,22 survey,20,22, 167-798 time series,L7-I8,22 Respondents,167 Response, 130-131,181,198 in surveyresearch,186 Revising(seeWriting, processof) Rewriting (seeWriting, processofl RFP (seeRequestfor Proposals) Rho (seeAssociationof variables,measureso0 Running records,226,314,326(seea/soExisting statistics) S Sampling accidental,142-143,165 cluster,154-158,161,165 content analysis,233

4{tl

convenience,142-143, 165 deviantcase,145,165 distribution, 149-151,165 element, L46, L65 error (seeError, sampling) extremecase,145,165 field research(seeField Research,sampling in) frame,I46-L47, L5l-I52,155, 165 haphazard, | 42- | 43, | 65 interval,l5l-154, 16l, 165 judgmental,I42-I43, 165 nonprobability, | 41, 765 nonrandom,I4l, 765 probability (seeRandom, sampling) probability proportionate to size (ppS), 157-158,165 purposive,I42-I43, 165 quota,742, 165 ratio, 146,151,165 sequential,I45,165 simple random (seeRandom, sampling) size,I6L-I62 snowball, 144-145,165 stratified, 152-154,161, 165 systematic, 151-154,161,165 Scale,124-125, I28-I39 BogardusSocialDistan ce,132-135, 139 Guttman,135-139 Likert, 129-132,139 semanticdifferential,135-136,139 Scalogramanalysis(seeAnalysis,scalogram) Scattergram,257-258, 273 Scholarlyjournals (see|ournals, scholarh articles) Science,7 Scientific community, 7-9,22 fraud,49,66 method, S-9,22 misconduct, 4849,66 Secondary account (seeInterpretation, second-orderI analysis(seeAnalysis,secondary) Selective coding (seeCoding in qualitative researcb" selective) observation(seeObservation,selecth-e

4O 2

s uBJ Ec r T N D E X

Semanticdifferential (seeScale,semantic suppression,196 differential) web, 187-189 Separationof inference(seeInference, separation Symbolic interactionism (seeTheory,symbolic ofl interactionism) Skeweddistribution, 253_254,273 Systematicsample (seeSampling,systematic) Social impact assessment,14_15.22 T indicator (seeIndicator,social) Sociograms,144,165 Table Solomon four-group design (seeExperimental in bivariate statistics(seeCross_tabulation) design) partsof cross-tabulationtable,260,273 Sourcesin historical research trivariate,265-267 primary, 312-317, 326 Tau (seeAssociationof variables,measures ofl secondary314_316,326 Tearoom Trade study, 52_53,57 Specialpopulations (seepopulation, special) Telephoneinterviewing (seeInterview, telephone) Specificationpattern (seeElaborationparadigm) Temporal order (seeCausal,temporal order) Sponsorsof research,ethical.on...nr, 6 l_63" Text in content analysis,227, 246 Spuriousness , 37,99_102,I07, 263,322 Theoreticalframeworks,32_33 Standarddeviation,254_256,273 Theory Standardization, !27 -129, I39 assumptionsof,2g,45 Standardizedscore(seeZ_score) causal(seeExplanation, causal) Statistic(contrastedwith parameter), 147,165 conflict,33 Statistical exchange,33 regression(seey alidity, internal) functional, 32-33, 40,46 significance,269-270,273 grounded, 3I, 46, gg, 309 validity (seey alidity,statistical) , level of 33 StatisticalAbstractof the (Jnited States, _23g, 237 macro-level,34, 46 246 meso-level,34,46 Statistics micro-level, 33, 46 bivariate,257J65, 269,273 middle-range,3l-32 descriptive,25lJ6g, 273 network,3g inferential, 162, 765, 16g17 I probabiliry 148_149 univariate,251157, 269,273 proposition in,29,46 Stepsin research,9-10 range,31 Structural rational choice,33 explanation (seeExplanation, structural) sequential,39 fu nctionalism (seeTheory,structural social,7,24 functional) structural functional, 32_33,40,46 question (seeeuestion, structural) substantive,3l-32 Stylein writing, 345 symbolic interactionism, 33 Successive approximation, 337_33g,342 Threateningquestion (seeeuestion, threatening) Suppressionof researchfindings,62_63 Time series Survey equivalentdesign(seeExperimental design) cross-national,321 interrupted design (seeExperimental d.rrg"l pseudo,196 research(seeResearch,time series) research(seeResearch,survey) Tone in writing, 345,353

S U B JE CIN T DEX

Tradition, asalternativeto science,4 Treatment in experiments(seeExperimental design) Trivariatetables(seeTable,trivariate) Tlpe I, II error (seeError, Type I' II)

U Unbiased,203 Understanding (seeVerstehen) Unidimensio nality, L25,739 Unit of analysis(seeAnalysis' units o0 Universal Declaration of Human Rights' 60 Universe,87,107,146 Unobtrusive measures(seeResearch,nonreactive) Unweighted index (seeIndex, asmethod of measurement,unweighted)

V Validity, ll5-12r,139 concurrent,l18,139 content,118,139 criterion, 118' 139 external, l2L, 139,216-2L8 face,118-120,139 in field research competent insider' 295 ecological,295,302 member valid ation, 295, 303 natural history 295 internal, l2l, 139,212-216, 2I9 measurement,115,i 18' 139,t64 predictive,i 18-l 19, 139 relation of reliability to, lL9-120 statistical,12l typesof, 121 Value freedom,42,64 Variables,107 attributesof,91, 107 continuous, 122-123,139 control, 37, 263-268,273 defined,91

4O3

dependent,I07,205 discrete,122-123, I39 exhaustiveattributes, 125,139, 173, 314 independent, gI-92, 107(seealsoExperimental design) intervening, 92, I07 mutually exclusive,125, 139, 173, 314 suppressor(seeElaboration paradigm) Variance (seeStandarddeviation) Variation, concomitant (seeAssociationof variables) Verstehen(empatheticunderstanding) 44, 46, 285 Voice, in writing, 350

w Web survey (seeSurvey, web) Weighted index (seeIndex, as method of measurement,weighted) Whistle-blower, 61,66 . Wording effects(seeEffect,wording of survey questions) Writer's block, 349 Writing, organization of, 345-354 in field researchreports, 302, 352-355 in historical-comparativeresearch,354-355 metaphor,350 outlines, 345-346 in quantitative researchreports, 35L-352 Writing, processof composing, 348-349 editing,349,359 freewriting,349 prewriting, 348,359 revising, 349,359 rewriting, 349-351, 359

Z Zimbardo Prison Experiment, 51, 53 Zoom lens, 302,352-355 Z-scorc,255-256,273