BIBLE TRANSLATION AND LANGUAGE Essays into the History of Bible Translation in Maltese
Carmel Sant
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BIBLE TRANSLATION AND LANGUAGE Essays into the History of Bible Translation in Maltese
Carmel Sant
Melita Theologica Supplementary Series, No.2 Malta 1992
CONTENTS
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ®
1992 Faculty of Theology, University of Malta
7. 8. 9.
Editor's Note Abbreviations Select Bibliography The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese language: 1810-1850 Protestant Maltese Bible Translation: 1870-1872 Protestant Maltese Bible Translation. The Gospel of St. Mark: 1914-1915 Protestant Bible Translation into Maltese. The Book of Psalms: 1919-1926 Attempts by Protestants to publish the New Testament: 1927-1937 Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi. Translator of the Acts of the Apost1es Mgr P.P. Saydon's Contribution in the History of Bible Translation in Maltese. An Appreciation History of the Bible in Maltese: 1822-1984 Documentation
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Typesetting: Charles Baj ada Printed: Veritas Press, Zabbar, Malta
15.
Letter Rev W. !owett to Prof Samuel Lee (6/8/1817) Letter Rev W. !owett to BFBS Secretary (16/3/1818) Letter M.A. Vassalli to Bishop F. Mattei (12/3/1822) Letter M.A.Vassalli to Rev W. !owett (8/8/1828) Letter Rev C.F.Schlienz to CMS Secretary (29/1/1829) Letter H. Innes to BFBS Secretary (22/2/1870) Letter G. Pratt to H. Innes (December 1869) Letter T.J. Kirby to H. Innes (7/2/1870) Letter Rev M.A. Camilleri to H. Innes (21/2/1870) Letter Rev I. Loundes to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (15/3/1870) Letter Rev H. Swabey to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (15/3/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (31/3/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (27/5/1870) Letter T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone (12/7/1870) Letter Rev M.A .. Camilleri to the BFBS Editorial Supt (4/8/1870)
Vll'l X XI
1 51 63 83 97 109 139 153 165 167 169 173 175 177 180 182 184 187 189 191 192 197 199 200
vi
vii
16. Letter Rev M.A. Camilleri to the BFBS Edit Supt (6/8/1870) 17. Letter H.M. Gooch to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (1/3/1912) 18. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (25/3/1912) 19. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (26/4/1912) 20. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (3/5/1912) 21. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (7/5/1912) 22. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (10/6/1912) 23. Letter E.I. Morrell to Rev G. Wisely (26/8/1912) 24. Letter E.L. Bevir to Rev G. Wisely (25/11/1912) 25. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (30/11/1912) 26. Letter Rev G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour (16/12/1912) 27. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (21/10/1913) 28. Letter Rev R. Kilgour to Rev G.A. Sim (27/10/1914) 29. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (5/11/1914) 30. Letter H.M. Gooch to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (21/4/1915) 31. Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (10/5/1915) 32. Letter l. Falzon to H.M. Gooch (26/6/1915) 33. l. Falzon 's Critique of the Gospel of St. Mark (26/6/1913) 34. Letter l. Falzon to H.M. Gooch (19/2/1926) 35. Letter l. Falzon to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (4/10/1926) 36. Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (27/1/1927) 37. . Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (14/2/1929) 38. Letter P. W. Howard to Rev R. Kilgour (BFBS) (16/2/1929) 39. Letter Rev R. Kilgour to P. W. Howard (27/3/1929)
201 202 203 207 209 211 214 216 217 220 223 225 226 227 228 229 232 233 236 238 239 241 243 245
40.
Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (12/9/1934) 41. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (26/9/1934) 42. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (8/1111934) 43. Information Memorandum on Michael DeGabriele (24/11/1934) 44. Letter Rev E. W. Smith to I.S. St. Clair (12/12/1934) 45. Letter Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS) to M. DeGabriele (18/1/1935) 46. Letter M. DeGal?riele to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS) 28/1/1935) 47. Letter 1.A. Thompson to W.H. Rainey (15/3/1935) 48. Letter I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (27/8/1935) 49. Letter I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (29/10/1935) 50. Letter W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (18/3/1937) 51. Letter D.M. Callus to Alfons M. Galea (21/6/1931) 52. List of Scriptures in Maltese and their Catholic Translators Appendixes 1. P.P. Saydon: History of the Maltese Bible 2. P.P. Saydon: The Earliest Biblical Translation from Hebrew into Maltese 3. P.P. Saydon: The Maltese Translation of the Bible 4. Anna Muscat: Alfons Maria Galea. Translator of the Bible 5. Ġ. Cassar Pullicino: De Soldanis's Maltese Translation of the Miserere (Ps 51) Index of Dramatis Personae
246 248 249 250 252 253 254 256 257 260 261 264 265 267 267 285 299 323 333 341
ix EDITOR'S NOTE
An editor's role in the publication of a living author's book fits that of the bridegroom's friend in the metaphor of John the Baptist: "The bride belongs to the bridegroom. The friend who attends the bridegroom waits and listens for him, and is full of joy when he hears the bridegroom's voice" (Jn 3, 29, NIV). The editor ushers the author on stage, presents him to t4e audience, and disappears backstage once again. This is what 1 shall do in this short note: 1 shall briefly describe the editorial dynamics employed in the shaping of this monograph, and then succinctly share with the reader a few observations on the sig nificance of the material here presented The dream and wish of seeing this material published together in book form were first of all of Mgr Prof C. Sant, the author. And when some three years ago Prof Sant entrusted me with this ensemble of essays and documentation 1 hardly realized its importance. But 1 as sume the entire responsibility for the present form of these various studies written by the author over a period of years. As far as possible, 1 limited my intervention to harmonizing the style, updating method of reference and quotations to meet modern standards, arranging the material chronologically, and such other details linked to editorial ac tivity. This book consists mainly of eight essays written by Prof Sant, each covering particular moments in the history of Bible translation into Maltese. These essays, though intended by the author as parts of a wider global project, were written and published separateIy over a period of thirteen years (1975-1988). This time factor, together with the circumstantial character of some of the contributions, rendered in evitable a substantial amount of repetition. For the author had often to situate the particular translation forming the object of his study into a historical framework. Besides these eight essays, the book reproduces fifty-two documents, mostly letters, which formed part of the author's source material; they are being reproduced for the insight they offer and the light they shed on the difficulties met by the various translators and promoters in having the Bible translated into Maltese, and publish ed. The decision to inclu�e, as appeildixes, another five contributions, three from Prof P.P .. Saydon, one from Mrs Anna Muscat and one from Mr Ġ . Cassar Pullicino, was taken by the editor alone. Their entry in this book is meant to complement Prof Sant's wide-ranging research.
The publication of this monograph has been thought of as a tribute not merely to Prof C. Sant, for his invaluable contribution to Maltese biblical scholarship and particularly to the Bible translation into the language of these Islands, but to the several personalities, small and great, who are mentioned in this volume, and who have had their share in helping the Maltese have the Bible in their own language. The name of most of these people features in the Index of the Dramatis Personae (pp.341-343). Through this volume we want to pay homage to such people as G. Canolo, M.A. Vassalli, M.A. Camilleri, C. Naudi, W. Jowett, P. Bonavia, F. Panzavecchia, R. Taylor, C.F. Schlienz, G. Wise ly, Ġ . Muscat Azzopardi, R. Kilgour, A.M. Galea, C. Cortis, P.P. Grima, P.P. Saydon, C. Sant and his colleagues who in 1966 were entrusted by the Malta Bible Society to retranslate the entire Bible, and to do them justice for the courage, foresightedness and wisdom they have shown in contributing, directly or indirectly, both to the develop ment of our national language as well as to the translation of the Bible into Maltese. Naturally many of these people operated within a rigid denominational framework expressing value judgements and prejudices inherited from their religious traditions. But in acknowledging these limits one should not fail to notice that, notwithstanding the historical context in which they lived, some held ideas that were far advanced for their time (I would refer in particular to Naudi's and Jowett's views on ecumenical issues, p.12 note 46, and Muscat Azzopardi's on the use of the vernacular in the liturgy, p.127). We have to read about their con tributions free of denominational prejudices and narrow-mindedness to see in these people men of piety and zeal for whom the spiritual inter est of their neighbour featured highly in their priorities. We consider them as workers in the Lord's vineyard, as Ministers of His Word, as well as philanthropists and cultivators of our People's language. Several merit to be acknowledged as contributors to this publica tion, among whom 1 shall single out the authors who entrusted me with the material for publication, the translators of five of the essays, Prof Albert Borg, Dr Lydia Sciriha, Mrs Anna Muscat and Mr Ġuże Cassar Pullicino, the Board of the Faculty of Theology for having included this volume in the Melita The% gica Supplement Series, and the Foundation for Theological Studies for sponsoring the book. 16th May 1992
Anthony Abela
Abbreviations AAS AV BFBS
Acta Apostolicis Sedis Authorized Version · Briti sh and Foreign Bible Society (1804)
C
Correspondence
CMS
Church Missionary Society (1799). The sigla and numbers given just after CMS, and written in italics, refer to the enumeration of correspondence and documents in the CMS archives. W. Jowett, Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from
CRM
D DV
BONNICI, A.
Religion in the Middle East: Three Religions in Concord and Conflict, I (Cambridge University
Press; Cambridge 1969) "The Church and the Freedom of the Press in Malta", Melita Theologica 2(1957) 105-121 - Church and State in Malta 1800-1850, (Malta
1958)
"P r o t e s t an t P r o p a g a n d a
in
M al t a
1800-1830", Melita Theologica 13(1961) 60-64
Document.
BROWNE, G.
Melita Historica 6(1973) History of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
CANTON, W.
History of the British and Foreign Bible Society,
Hatchard & Son; London 1924) T h e numb e r s r e f e r t o i t e m s in t h e Documentation section o n pp.152-251 of this volume. S econd V atican Council: Dogmatic Constitution 'Dei Verbum' (18th November 1965) Enchiridion Biblicum (Rome 4 1961)
Joumal of Maltese Studies
MBS
Malta Bible Society (1817-1834)
MS(S) NIV NT OT RSV RV SPCK
ARBERRY, A.J. (ed)
MDCCCXV to MDCCCXX in the furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society (L.B. Seeley & Son/J .
EB JMS MC MFTC
Select Bibliograpħy
Minutes of the BFBS Committee SPCK: Minutes of the Foreign Translations Committee 1834-1844 Manuscript(s) New International Version New Testament Old Testament Revised Standard Version Revised Version Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (1699)
- "Thirty Years to build a Protestant Church",
I & II (BFBS; London 1859)
5 volumes (BFBS; London 1904-1910)
Church of England Guide Book 1971/1972, (Church Information Office; London 1971) CREMONA, A.
Vassalli and His Times,
DWIGHT, H.O.
The Centennial History of the American Bible Society, (Macmillan; New York 1916) The Floriana Story b eing an A ccount of Methodism in Malta, (Methodist Church; Malta
FAWTHROP, E.H.
(trans. M. Butcher) (Malta 1940) - "Manuskritt dwar il-Vanġeli ta' San Ġwann maqlub bil-Malti", Il-Malti 29(1953)88-91 - Miscellanea Vassalli, (Royal University of Malta Library)
1963)
JOWETT, W.
Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from MDCCLXV to MDCCLXX in furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society, (C.B.
Seeley & Son/J. H atchard & S on; London
1824)
The Jubilee Memorial of the Religious Tract Society, Society; London 1850)
(Religious Tract
xii MARSHALL, D. MOSS-ARNOLT, W. OWEN, J. RYLAND, J.E. / EADIE J. SANT, C
SAYDON, P.P.
Bibliography
History of the Maltese Language in Local Education, (Malta University Press; M alta 1971) The Prayer Book among the nations of the World, (SPCK; London 1904) History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 3 volumes (BFBS; London 1816-1820) Memoirs of John Kitto, (Robert Carter; New York 1856) "Il-Bibbja bil-Malti 1822-1973", Sijon 6(1973) - "Qabel u wara l-Enċiklika Divino Afflante Spiritu", Sijon 6(1973) 76-77
1 THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE AND THE MALTESE LANGUAGE: 1810-1850*
- "Skoperta ta' Manuskritt bil-Vanġelu ta' S an Ġwann bil-Malti", Il-Hajja 2/1/1974 " T h e E ar l i e s t Biblical T r a n s l a t i o n from Hebrew into Maltese", Journal of the Malta
University Literary Society 2(1939) 1-12
- "The First Maltese Translation of the Bible"
SundiaI 4(1948) 10-13 - History of the Maltese Bible, (Malta 1957)
- "The M altese Translation of the Bible",
SCHLIENZ, C.F. STOCK, E.
STRONG, W.E.
Melita Theologica 16(1964) 1-22 Views on the lmprovement of the Maltese L anguage and its Use for the Purpose of Education, (Malta 1838) The History of the Church Missionary Society, lts Environment, lts Men and lts Work, (CMS; London 1899) The Story of the American. Board. An Account of the First Hundred Years of the American Board of Commisioners for Foreign Missions, (The Pilgrim Press; New York 1910)
*lt-Tradui.zjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti 1810-1850 1975) (trans. Prof Albert Borg)
(Royal University of Malta;
PREFACE This is the second lecture in the Ġuże Galea Lecture series, founded by Chev. Prof Ġuże Galea in 1972 with the aim of promoting scientific Maltese studies. It is hoped that others will follow his ex ample in encouraging such a culturally important activity. The subject of my lecture is The Translation of the Bible and the 1810-1850. I have chosen this subject because as I show in this paper, the development of the Maltese Language and the translation of the Bible have always been explicit1y related. It would not be overstating the case to say that it was the interest in the Bible which gave a new lease of life to the study of Maltese at the beginning of the 19th century, following the end of Mikiel Anton Vassalli's activity in this field at the end of the 18th.
Maltese Language:
This paper is based on unpublished documents preserved in the archives of the Church Missionary Society, the British and Foreign Bible Society and the Society for the Promotion of Cl: :istian Knowledge in London. In it an attempt is made to demonstra.e the relationship existing between Anglican missionary activity in .he Mediterranean with Malta as its centre and the promotion of the Maltese Language. It will be seen that the aim of these Missionaries was to use Maltese as a means whereby Englishmen and Europeans could learn Arabic in order to gain access to the Muslim world, as well as to evangelize the Mal tese. Because of this they attempted to guide the development of Mal tese along scientific lines but they laid too much emphasis on the Semitic element in Maltese while neglecting the Romance element, to such an extent that this negative effect is still felt in our own times. This activity has been considered against the religious, social and political background obtaining in Malta at the time. Much still remains to be done in this field: the present study is only an attempt to open up a new avenue of research. The language of a people ca�not be studied and understood unless it is considered against the whole background of that people's life. Hopefully the present writer will be able to devote more effort in this direction and that others will follow suit. The scope of this lecture will have been amply fulfilled if such wi11 be the outcome.
4
Cann Sant
The present study could not have been completed without the help and cooperation of several persons. I hearti1y thank all of them, espe cially Prof. J. Galea, and the Foundation committee who invited me to give this lecture, the archive librarians, Mr Arthur E. Barker (SPCK), Miss Kathleen Cann (BFBS) and Miss Rosemary Keen (CMS) who helped me in looking up documents in their archives, Miss Tessie But tigieg (now Mrs Camilleri), Secretary to the Faculty of Theology who transcribed and typed these documents (and many of them directly from the photocopies); Mr J. Cassar Pullicino and Mr E. Zarb (Toron to) who gave me some rare books and valuable information, and Mr E. Mifsud, who provided the chart representing the Maltese alphabets and other transcriptions. To all these and others sti11, my heartful gratitude. My thanks are extended also to Prof A. Borg who translated this lecture into English. I sincerely hope that this study wil1 prove to be a useful contribu tion in the recognition and appreciation of the religious, social and cultural life in our country, and wi11 encourage others to follow lead. C. Sant The Royal University of Malta Msida March 25, 1975
2
•
PART ONE
Introduction
The present subj ect h as already been considered by Mr A. Cremona/ Prof P.P. S aydon2 and Prof A. Bonnici.3 Although these studies are useful not only because they opened a new line. of research but also because of their positive contribution in this field, sti11 they have their shortcomings. For his consideration of the translation of the Bible and its distribution, A. Cremona relied on partial documentary evidence supplied to him by C. Dessoulavy from the archives of the CMS' Dessoulavy was careful not to transcribe documents offensive to Cath�lic ears;4 Bonnici's interest lay in the historical, juridical and pas toral aspects of the distribution of the Maltese Bible as a means of Protestant propaganda and Proselytism at that tim�, a� d h�s so�rces are official, civil and ecclesiastical documents; for hIS histoncal mfor mation, Saydon relied on the work of these two scholars, bu� con sidered most1y the literary and phi1ological value of these translatIons. No one of these scholars had direct access to the BFBS, SPCK and CMS archives. Thus they could not grasp exact1y the purpose of these translations and the way in which such an activity fitted within the general framework of Protestant activity in the Mediterranean with Malta as its centre. This is an important factor and holds the key to understanding why they chose a particular orthography and style for Maltese. Recent1y I succeeded in examining direct1y the BFBS, SPCK and CMS archives and in the short time at my disposal I gathered a great deal of information which sheds considerable light on Protestant ac-
1. 2.
Vassalli and His Times, (translated by Miss M. Buteher) (Malta 1940).
History of the Maltese Bible, (Malta 1957); "The First Maltese Translation of the Bible", SundiaI4(1948)10-13; ''The Earliest Biblical Translation from Hebrew into �altese",l0��1 ofthe Malta Universily Literary Society 2(1937)1-12; "The Maltese Translation of the Blble , Melita Theologica 1(1964)1-22. Cfr Appendiees for three of these studies.
3.
''The Cħurch and the Freedom of the Press in Malta", Melita Historica 2(1957)105-121; Church and State in Malta 1800-1850, (Malta 1958); "Protestant Propaganda in Malta 1800-1830", Melita Theologica 13(1961)60-64.
4.
A. Cremona, Miscellanea Vassalli, (Royal University of Malta Ubnuy) MS 222.
CannSant
6
tivity in Malta. In this paper this information will be presented in an orderly fashion so that this activity in the Maltese context of the time will be seen against the background of Protestant missionary activity in the Mediterranean. Thus some gaps will be filled, and certain con clusions will be retouched or rectified, although no c1aims are made to having said the last word on the subject. This study is divided into two parts. The first deals with the societies mentioned above, with their activity in Malta and the Mediter ranean and with their purposes. The second part will examine their activity in the Biblical field (translation and distribution) as well as their contributions, including their negative and positive effects on the literary and religious aspects of Maltese life. Finally, certain con clusions will be presented, together with some reflections which may be of some value to us. A. Protestant societies
There were in Malta at the time, several Protestant organizations such as the Wesleyan Missionary SocietyS and the American Board of Missionaries.6 These organizations had nothing to do, however, with the distribution and translation of the Bible and so fall beyond the scope of this study. But the three societies mentioned previously will now be examined one by one. (a) British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS): 1808-1834. The BFBS,.founded in London in 1804 7 was the first society to have anything to do with Malta. The aim of this Protestant society was (and still is) the production of the Bible translations in all the languages of the world, as well as their distribution. At the time, they used to work through agents or subsidiary Bible societies founded abroad. 5. 6.
7.
E.H. Fawthrop, The Floriana Story being an Account of Methodism in Malta, (Methodist Church; Malta 1963).
H.O. Dwight, The Centennial History ofthe American Bible Society, (Macmillan; New York 1916) 226-229; W.E. Strong, The Story oftheAmericanBoard. AnAccount ofthe FirstHundred Years oftheAmerican Boardof Commissionersfor Foreign Missions, (The Pilgrim Press; New York 1910) 84-87. J. Owen, History oftheBritish andForeignBibleSociety, 3 vol (BFBS; l..ondon 1816-1820); G. Browne, History of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 2 vol, (BFBS; l..ondon 1859); W. Canton, History ofthe British and Foreign Bible Society, 5 vol, (BFBS; l..ondon 1904-1910).
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
7
(ai) TheAgency in Malta: 1808-1816. The Society's first contact with Malta took place in 1808. At the request of the Rev W. Terrot, chaplain to the Civil Commissioner Sir Alexander Ball, the Central Committee sent the Commissioner 500 copies of the New Testament in Italian to be sold or given away free of charge.8 When Terrot returned to England he was replaced by Dr C. Naudi, professor of Chemistry at the University of Malta.9 Dr Naudi thanked the Committee in London in the name of every pious Maltese and the many fathers of families and priests who "being as you know so litt1e learned in the Latin language, think themselves very happy in being able to read the New Testament in Italian."lO This distribution activity grew and spread beyond Malta's shores. In 1809 the Rev F. Laing, the Governor's private Secretary, wrote to the Committee aSkinfi them not to send any more books in order not to arouse suspicion, although according to Captain F. Reynolds, Dr Naudi had the permis sion of the Bishop of Malta to distribute the New Testament in Italian.12 In the following years hundreds and thousands of copies in Italian, Modern Greek, Arabic, French, Spanish and Portuguese were dis tributed.13
(aii) Malta Bible Society (MBS): 1815-1834. The Malta Bible Society was founded on May 5, 1817 in order to carry on the work of distribution in the Mediterranean and even beyond it.14 The BFBS had already conceived the idea of such a society in 1815 but G. Yeoland did not agree: "as I am convinced it would be opposed by the Popish clergy here and consequent1y the government likewise."lS 8.
BFBS: Minutes ofthe Committee, Vo1 3, p.l25.
9.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, p.l88. C. Naudi was born in Valletta in St. Paul's Street on June 3, 1781' Professor of Chemistty at the University of Malta, 1805-1834; Professor of Natural Risto 1824-1829. He cooperated to a considerable degree with these English Societies. He renounced the Catholic Faith on October 20, 1824. His family lived at Ħal Gllaxaq. Died in 1837.
10.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, pp.97-98.
11.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 3, p.23.
12.
BFBS: MC, Vot. 4, p.230.
13.
BFBS: Reports 1810-1830.
14.
BFBS: MBS: Minutes Book 1817-1834; MC, Vot. 8, p.230. Archives ofthe Church Missionaty Society: C/ME2; C/ME 86.
15.
.y,
BFBS: Co"espondence (C): Letter G. Yeo/andto Secretary: 22/24August 1815. [N.B. Much of
Carm Sant
8
The Rev W. Jowett came to Malta in November of the same year, as correspondent of the CMS and agent of the BFBS.16 Jowett was then a young man: he was dynamic, active, sure of himself, tireless and deter mined. The MBS may be said to have been founded through his inspira tion, efforts and doggedness. This society's aim was not only to work in Malta, but also to serve as the centre for the distribution of the Bible to neighbouring and far way countries. Naudi was one of the founding members as well as one of the secretaries; he described their plan as follows: "Certainly the geographical as well as the political situation of this Island is so ad vantageous for a Society of this kind, that if assistance from Heaven which we cannot but expect in forwarding these truly divine works would increase and give adapted means, in a short time we shall witness a more earnest desire to have the Bible, and the formation of many other Bible Societies, wh.ieh at (sic) its mode1 and example shall be formed in all our adjacent and neighbouring parts of Africa, Asia and Europe, as certainly are Tunisia, Tripoli, Egypt the low and high (sie), .Gerusalem (sic), Athens, The Ionian Islands, the Archipelago, etc. ,, 17 The BFBS in London gave the society !500 and 6000 copies of the Bible in nineteen languages. 18 The 1819 report describes Malta as a principal centre of Bible activity in the Mediterranean, with correspon dence with far away countries such as the cities of St. Petersburg (present day Leningrad, Russia) Calcutta and Bombay (India), 19 whi1e in the 1823 report we read: "The BS in Malta (sic) though embarrassed , in its operations by the present disturbed state of Greece, continues assiduously to distribute the Scriptures, through various channels, to the surrounding islands and maritime nations. !ta1ian, Greek, Ar menian,' Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew and French Bibles and Testaments have been transmitted to Alexandria, Cairo, Smyrna, Aleppo, Candia, Cyprus, AIgiers, Tunis, Joannina and other places,, by the Society. !ts issues amounted in November 1821 to 7,303 copies. 20 the correspondence in the BFBS Archives is not paginated. Letters are therefore quoted according to author, destination and date).
16. 17. 18. 19.
20.
BFBS:MC, Vot. 7, p.200j CMS: C/ME2/20. BFBS: C: Dr Naudi to Secretary 16/12/1817j lowett to Secretary 31/5/1817, CMS: C/ME 2. BFBS: MC, Vot. 8, p.308j MBS Repon20/11/1821. BFBS: Repon1819 BFBS: Repon1823j MBS: Repon20/11/1821. .
•
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
9
Bible House was opened in 1820, at number 16, Strada Ponente, Valletta. The house was to be used as a store for books and as a meet ing place and was provided with resident employees.21 An attempt to open a bookshop for the sale of Bibles at 279, Strada Reale , Valletta, in 1825, proved unsuccessfu1.22 The MBS was dissolved in 183423 and Mr Isaac Lowndes took its place in distributing the Bible, as BFBS agent. He stayed unti1 1860.24 (b) Church Missionary Society (CMS): 1818-1842. This was an Anglican Missionary Society founded in 1799: "an as sociation of persons united in obedience to the call of God to proc1aim the Gospel in all lands and to gather the people of all races into the fellowship of Christ's Church; ,,2s especially, "to communicate the knowledge of Christianity to such as did not possess it. ,,26 Some of its members insisted that the Society's programme should inc1ude projects "of reviving and diffusing Christianity in any of the Churches abroad" meaning not only the Roman Church but also those Protestant Chur ches tainted with rationa1ism in Germany, Switzerland, Holland and other countries. 27 Their main effort was directed towards the Oriental Churches; they thought that once these Churches returned to the genuine Gospel spirit, they would draw the Mus1ims to Christianity: "!t has not ap peared to the direct design of the Society to expand any part of its funds on Christian Countries otherwise than with the ultimate view of 21. BFBS: C: Leuer MBS Secretary to the BFBS Committee 17/2/1820; MC, Vot. 11, pp.43.57-58. Correspondence with the 22. BFBS: C: MBS Secretaries to BFBS Secretary 21/1/1826 govemment lasted from 11/1/1825 to the 4/11/1825. 23. BFBS/MBS: The tast minutes are dated 6/1/1834: Jowett had been away from Malta since 1830. Dr Naudi died in 1837. Cfr Dr P. Cassar: "Medicine in Malta in 1800-1810" St. Luke's Hospital Gazette 6(1971)3. 24. BFBS:Repon1844. 25. Church ofEngland Guide Book 1971172, (Cħurch Information Officej London 1971) 2n. 26. E. Stock, The History ofthe Church Missionary Society, fts Environment, fts Men and fts Work, (CMSj London 1899) 221. -
'
27.
Ibid, 221.
10
Carm Sant
winning, through them, the heathen to the reception of the Gospel.,,28 Despite this insistence, however, they did not send any missionaries because none of the volunteers had the necessary qualities required for this work. (bi) Pastoral Work in Malta It was Dr Cleardo Naudi, a Maltese, who wrote to the CMS on June 6, 1811 , asking it to send missionaries to the East: "que vous prouvez prendre quelque experience qui soit avantageuse a ces amis presque abandones de I'Est; il qui ont realement besoin d'assistance. ,,29 Naudi goes on to say that this help was needed because Propaganda Fide had to recall its Catholic missionaries owing to losses in funds. Prospective missionaries had to be young men, capable of adapting themselves to local customs , and they had to be fluent in Arabic or Greek or both.30 The Committee accepted this proposal, because "The Committee feels deeply impressed with the conviction that Malta has not been placed in our hands merely for the extention and security of our politi cal greatness. The ċourse of Divine Providence seems plainly to indi cate that the united Church of England and Ireland is called to the discharge of an important duty there. The Romish Church is manifestly in a state of gradual, but r.apid dissolution. Its scattered members ought to be collected. What church is to collect them? The prevailing form of worship in the East almost universally, and in the rest of the world generally, is episcopal. Was ever such an opportunity presented for extending Christianity in that primitive form of its discipline which is established in the United Empire. ,,3 1 28.
29.
30.
31.
Ibid.
The following note aeeompanies this CMS: Dr Naudi to Rev Josiah Pratt, Malta 2/6/1811 letter: Naudi was the first person to draw attention to the field for the Society's work in the Mediterranean, partieularlywith regard to infusing new life into the Eastern Churehes by the cireulation of Vernaeular scriptures. He was appointed Seeretary's eorrespondent at Malta and assisted W. Jowett - translating work and the writing of traets in neeessaty languages: C/ME/l; Stock, Church Missionary Society, 222-223. -
Ibid. It would not seem that Naudi was also considering Malta, sinee when he was in London in September 1814, he described the religious situation in Malta to the CMS Secretaty, Rev J. Pratt, quite optimistically. " .. in regard to Malta the affairs of Religion goes (sie) vety well, God be thanked. There are (sie) a vety good Bishop now, vety diligent and prudent in the government of h� diocese," CMS: MEl. CMS: Report 1812, quoted by Stock, Church Missionary Society, 223-224.
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
11
Naudi went to London in 181432 and suggested that three Maltese , !talian or Greek candidates should be chosen to receive Anglican Holy Orders; this plan however did not come to fruition. Naudi himself was nominated CMS correspondent in Malta, and Rev W. Jowett , a young Anglican priest , was asked to go to the Mediterranean area as Literary representative in order to report on the religious situation in the East , see to the translation of the Bible and its distribution, and suggest ways and means on how to influence the Oriental Churches. J owett accepted the offer and he left two years later. His mission was to gather as much information as possible on the religious situation in the Mediterranean countries and to establish which was the best means of spreading Christian teaching. He was to study carefully the Oriental and Roman Churches: "Notice her condition, any favourable indication, the means of communicating to her our privileges. Y ou can not act, under your circumstances, as a public impugner of her errors , nor as a reformer of her practice; but you may watch, with a friendly eye , to ascertain the best means of restoring her to primitive health and vigour. ,,33 He was also to study the Muslim world, the Jewish com munities and even the Lebanese deserts. He was to be continuously on the go , visiting and corresponding with, civil and eccIesiastical leaders , consuls and people from all walks of life; he was to found Bible societies , study Oriental languages and look for Bible MSS. This was an ambitious undertaking, too much for one man to cope with alone. In Malta he was to work in private and unobtrusively, set up a printing press , found a Bible society and avoid any proselytizing activities. "Whenever the member of a Church which holds the main truths of the Gospel, though with a great mixture of error, discerns that error , he is perhaps disposed to break away from its communion. It requires much wisdomj candour and fidelity, to guide the conscience aright in such cases;" 4 he was also advised: "The Roman Catholic Church is entangled in a snare from which it cannot be freed, while it holds the infallibility and Universal Headship of the Bishop of Rome. ,,35 The extent , if any, to which Jowett acted according to these instructions can be gauged from his activity in Malta. 32.
Stock, Church Missionary Society, 224.
33.
Ibid, 225.
34.
Ibid, 226.
35.
Ibid, 226-227.
Cann Sant
12
Jowett came to Malta on November, 1815.36 He was welcomed by Dr Naudi and went to stay at the CMA house in Strada San Giovanni, at the point of intersection of Strada Stretta, where the Savoy stands today. Naudi used to have tea with him in the afternoon.37 His first impression of the religious situation in Malta was not a favourable one at all. "As to' the moral view of the scene," he wrote to his mother in England, "I can never, indeed I never ought long, to suffer that passage to be absent from my mind: 'When,, he beheld the multitude, he was moved with a compassion on them' . 38 On his visit to Governor Mait land, he was told at once: "There is one difficulty, and which 1'11 tell you in the first instance, and that is, the Roman Catholics; they won't endure to hear of your mission; they'll set their teeth against anything that is attempted outside their grade of their own Church. ,,39 The Governor confirmed his prejudice, and he never let go of it. Jowett's activity included the founding of the Bible Society in 1818 which has already been considered above, the translation of extracts from the Bible, religious instruction, the setting up of a printing press and his travels in the East. While based in Malta, he visited Corfn, Egypt, Greece and the sur rounding countries; the fruits of these visits was his book Christian Re searches in the Mediterranean from 1815 to 182040 published in London in 1824.41 The book was based on the Joumals he frequently sent to London, now preserved in· the CMS archives.42 While in Malta, according to J owett himself, he would bring friends together at h�s home and they would read a passage from the Bible according to Martini's Italian translation and would then study it 36.
CMS: C/ME19.
37.
CMS: C/ME2/20.
38.
CMS:
39.
CMS: C/ME/19.
40.
Christian Researches in the Mediterranean from MDCCCXVto MDCCCXXin furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary Society (CRM) (C.B. Seeley & Son and J. Hatchard &
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
13
together.43 In contrast to the practice of the Wesleyan Missionary Society44 and in spite of the invective in his correspondence and in his frequent reports to London, he did not preach in public; and it is to be understood that the people he met at home were educated Maltese and foreigners since they read Martini's Bibie4S while the people in general were illiterate. Jowett thought that the best means for conversion was this type of . family meeting, following St. Paul's practice in the first years of the Church. Controversial issues which tended to alienate rather than unite, were avoided.46 Had this principle really been applied by the two sides, the violent reaction which followed might never have taken place, especially where the Methodists were concerned. (bii) The Printing Press At that time the only printing press in Malta belonged to the Government, and according to Jowett it wasn't worth much.47 Jowett was to clear the way for the setting up of a printing press.48 He men tions this for the first time in his letter of August 23, 1817, two years after his arrival in Malta. 49 He states that this necessitates permanent 43.
CRM, 291.
44.
Fawthrop, Floriana Story. I think that their work and aggressive behaviour in public caused Jowett's own work much damage, and hardened opposition against themselves and against anything they tried to achieve in the field of Maltese and in the distribution of the Bible.
45.
This translation was used to entice Catholics.Cfr BFBS:
28/2/1817.
C. Naudi to the Secretary, Malta
46.
W. Jowett: "It seems deeply and universally to be felt, that it is not merely by conflict with Error, that we must expect to promote the cause of Truth. Controversy has inflicted many wounds on the Cħurch of Christ; but it has healed few. It has long been a matter of ardent desire, that, in place of crimination, defence, and recrimination, which have so long been the instruments most frequently used by Cħristian Combatants, the effects of good men should be more strenuously devoted to the direct work of diffusing Sacred Knowledge", CRM, 11. Naudi expresses the same opinion in one of his book1ets: ''The only means of obtaining this end [reunion of Cħristians] are doubt1ess to extinguish the spirit of controversy, to display the truth universally, and to leave eve1)'One to profit by it in the exercise of a free judgment" - quoted by Jowett in a letter from Malta addressed to the CMS SecretaIY, on the 23/8/1817: C/ME2/80. It was only a hundred and fifty years later that this principle gained universal acceptance.
C/ME2/20.
Son; London 1824). 41.
According to Rev J. Pratt in hisAdvertisement at the beginning ofthe book, p. vi, Jowett wrote the book when he was in London in 1820.
47.
CMS: C/ME2/80; C/ME/18.
48.
CMS: C/ME2/80.
42.
These Jouma/s contain a wea1th of infonnation on Malta during this time.
49.
CMS:
C/ME3/61.
Cann Sant
14
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
15
employers. He asks for it again in March, 1818.5 0 In January 1819 the Secretary informed him from London "that the printing press is nearly ready and hope it,, wiIl be accompanied by a printer whose heart is sincerely with US. 51 !t seems it was intended to choose Dr Naudi as translator at the press, but J, owett did not agree because he thought that "his Italian is not !talian. ,5 2
When Schlienz retired in 184261 - Jowett had retired earlier in 183062 - CMS activity in Malta came to an end. The press was sold; in the index to the Correspondence from Malta in the CMS archives, it is called the British Press, and the Society transferred the seat of its ac tivity to Egypt and Abyssinia.63
It is not known when the printing press arrived but it is certain that it was functioning in 1822 under Jowett's direction up to 182653 and under Schlienz up to 1844.5 4 J. Kitto worked with them for a time, from 1827 to 1829, but according to Schlienz he was dedicated more to his own private study than to work on the Press. 55 In 1844 the CMS,, handed over the press to Mr J.M. Wales, with the name "British Press. 56
The SPCK was an Anglican Missionary society founded in 1699. It did not have any offices in Malta, but it supplied funds for publishing a translation of the Book of Common Prayer, with the title Ktieb it-Talb ta' Alenija bit-traduzzjoni tas-Salm i in 184564 as well as a complete edi tion of the New Testament in 1864.65
The press at this time was not allowed to print works intended for Malta, at least in so far as religious publications went, for which a special permit was needed.5 7 Editions on Biblical texts (but never a complete edition of the Bible), a number of treaties and booklets on religious topics, some of them written by Naudi himselC S s were publish ed in Maltese, !talian, Modern Greek and Arabic. The Maltese !nemselves sought the services of this press: Vassalli had his Grammar and proverbs printed here59 and Bellanti asked the management to pr, '1t his Grammar, but his request was not accepted because of other commitments.6O 50.
CMS: C/ME2/80.
51.
CMS: C/ME3/62.
52.
CMS: C/ME3/98.
53.
CMS:A/C and receipts and expenditureofthe mission andits agents 1822-26; 1826-40: C/M04.
54.
Ibid.
(c) Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK): 1842-1847
(d) Malta's importance At this point it is logical to ask why these Protestant missionaries came to Malta. Following the defeat of Napoleon in Syria in 1799, inter est in the Holy Land was aroused in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Protestants had already been curious about it in the preceding century, and interest grew with the travels of geographers. The descrip tions of travelers to these countries and their experiences there drew the attention of the West to the miserable state of Oriental Christians under Turkish rule. So, spurred on by a spirit of adventure, or by an evangelizing zeal many missionaries began to leave for these countries with the intention of helping and reforming these Oriental Churches. Societies were even founded with this end ili view.66 Such organizations felt the need for centres in the Mediterranean in a country where they could work in freedom under the protection of
55.
J.E. Ryland and J. Eadie, Memoirs ofJohn Kitto, (Robert Carter; New York 1856).
61.
CMS: C/M065. Co"espondence ofSchlienz: 1827-1842.
56.
CMS: CM04.
62.
Stock, Christian Missionary Society, 231.
57.
CMS:
63.
Ibid, 231, or rather, to be more complete: "British Press fonnerly the CMS Press".
58.
Stock, ChristianMissionary Society, 227; CMS: StatementofMaltaPress (Malta; January 1828). "In the three years, which have been the most effective, viz.: 1825-1827 (during which period we printed, according to the account sent to London, 3 million of pages, of which 2 million have been distributed .. .." C/M04/1l.
C/M039b/99. Cfr. Bonnici: "Protestant Propaganda".
.
59.
CMS: C/M039b/99; C/M039b/109.
60.
CMS: C/M065{7.
64. William Moss-Arnolt, ThePrayerBookamongtheNations ofthe World' (SPCK; London 1904)
65. 66.
154/5.
n-Aaqda il-Jdida ta 'SidnaJesil Kristu mijyuba mil Inglis, (Gabriel Vassalli Stampatur- Malta 1847).
'
A.J. Arberry (ed), Religion in the Middle East: 1hree Religions in Concord and Conflict, Vol. I (Cambridge University Press; Cambridge 1969) 573-574.
Carm Sant
16
a liberal and democratic Government. They therefore turned to Malta. Their choice was unanimous. The opinions of the founders of the MBS67 and the CMS68 have already been considered. J owett confirms these opinions when he writes: "In the 'centre of all these advantageous scenes [countries sur rounding the Mediterranean] Malta offers a secure asylum, and an im mense scope, for the conduct and labours of a Christian Mission. ,,69 Members of the American Board of Missionaries were of the same opinion: " ... the mighty energy of the Press in such a place [Malta] renders that station, to a reflecting mind, one of the most interesting in the whole world. The security of the Island, its central situation, its proximity to various nations , dissimilar in language , manners and religion, and the comparative ease with which a moral influence may be diffused from it to these nations , make it particularly eligible as the seat of a great evangelical printing establishment.,, 7o Its geographical position in the centre of the Mediterranean and the political and military protection of the British Government rendered Malta a centre where one could work in peace and quiet. Malta lost its importance around 1835 when the political situation in the East improved and . missionaries could work in freedom. The Americans transferred their press to Beyrouth and Smyrna71 and after Jowett left, the CMS went to Egypt and Abyssinia. Only Schlienz stayed in Malta working on proj ects concerned with the Island.72 The Methodists alone remained active but even their activities came to a halt around the year 18 5O.73
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
17
B. Local Reaction
(a) The attitude of the Anglican Missionaries In order to understand the local reaction from the Church and the Government it is first of all necessary to grasp how the Protestant Mis sionaries themselves saw Maltese religious life. They had rather a nega tive idea of it, and so closed their minds to any possible positive aspect, even though Dr Naudi had written to Dr Pratt of the CMS , saying that, "in regard to Malta, the affairs of Religion goes (sic) ve1)l well, thank God", and had in addition, given the CMS a very favourable descrip tion of the Church in Malta and Gozo, which then formed one diocese , saying: "Very near to Malta there are (sic) the Island of Gozo , which is in the diocesis (sic) and for religion is ruled after the same step (Sic). ,,74 J owett, as already seen, was of a different opinion, which he had per haps formed before coming to Malta;75 he also writes, " ... for they (the Maltese) seem to be very simple minded race of people" , and he adds: "we have delicious Maltese honey, combines the freshness of mint with the fragrance of thyme. ,,76 At least he liked the honey! He writes again two years later: "Y ou have no idea how difficult it is in these parts to excite the least attention to Religion.,,77 In the !ournal for November 1817 he says that Dr Naudi invited him to his mother's house at Hal Ghaxaq, and the Parish Priest invited him to lunch; they had a discus sion on preaching and he noted that Christ's name was never men tioned in the homily books! 78 He wanted to convert them "from the yoke of P0-2ery and from sin" to turn them into Protestant missionaries for Africa. 9 Short1y before publishing Vassalli's Gospels in 1823 he says that because of "the bigotry of the dominant church in Malta and of the
67.
Cfr. supra pp.7-9.
68.
Cfr. supra pp.9-12.
69.
CRM, 345.
70.
The Jubi/ee Memorial of the Religious Tract Society (The Religious Tract Society; London 1850) 376.
74.
CMS: C/ME/l. Dr Naudi's English was velY weak. In a letter preserved at the BFBS archives, dated 1/3/1812 he starts in English and continues in Italian. At the end he adds a P.S.: "Mi scusi se trovi la lettera in parte in Inglese, l'avevo cominciato in Inglese, ma siccome capitan Reynolds vuol partire non ho poco piu tempo per tradurla. Forse lei sa l'italiano 0 qualche amico la spieghera".
75.
Cfr. supra pp.11-13.
76.
CMS: C/ME2/20.
71.
Strong, The Story ofthe American Board, 86.
n.
72.
CMS: C/MO/65, Malta 1827-1842.
78.
CMS: C/ME3!l.
73.
Fawthrop, Floriana Story, 19.
79.
CMS:
•
CMS: C/ME2/38.
C/M039b/97. / •
c
Cann Sant
18
reigning Pope" he held no hope that the work could be done in Malta.80 J owett thus came to Malta with an opinion he always held on to. On his coming to Malta, moreover, he met G. Yeoland,the BFBS agent, who held a similar, if not a more extreme opinion. A little while earlier Yeoland had written to the BFBS in London, saying there was no hope that a Bible Society could f10urish in Malta: "Thus, my dear Sir, you will be led to view the truly awful situation of this Island, immersed in worse than Egyptian darkness ... Thus an awful barrier stand opposed to the progress of Christianity in this Island from
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
19
According to what F. Reynolds wrote in July 1810, the Bishop had not objected to Dr N�udi circulating Martini's Bible in It.alian;84 G. Yeoland says this too m 1815, but adds that later on the B1Shops had ordered these Bibles to be collected and destroyed.85 Serious opposition was met with the founding of the MBS. J owett reports that the Bishop and the Government were strongly opposing the MBS; that the Vicar had summoned Dr Naudi to ask him: "What is the secret of the Bible Society?" Naudi had answered him that there was no secret and that its aim was the circulation of the Scriptures. The Vicar's rejoinder was: "That is a pretext.:,86 In the 1821 report t� e MBS secretaries state that before the eXlstence of the MBS the Blble was distributed with profit, but that immediately following its foundation, "the attention of its opponents was excited and calumnies, censures, and threats were all used for its destruction."S7 This is also evidenced in the Bishop's rep ort to the Vatican in 1823, where he mentioned the MBS by name.8 The Bishop also included a list of doctrines that were being spread - he mentions Anglicans, Methodists, Calvinists and Lutherans - in other words, the principle of the private interpretation of the Bible, the denial of the sacraments, except baptism, the denial of the virginity of Mary, the invocation of the saints and the circulation of the Bible without notes aniong the people.89 On an official level the Bishop protested with the Government on the grounds that in allowing the MBS to circulate the Bible90 it had broken the agreement by which the British government had bound itself to protect the dominant religion in Malta. The CMS sent a delegation to the British Secretary of State, Lord Buthurst, to discuss the whole question with him. Lord Buthurst suggested they change the name of
(b) The reaction of the Church in Malta In view of all this, the attitude and strong, sometimes even violent, reaction of the local Church, becomes understandable. 80.
Ibid.
81.
BFBS: C: G. Yeoland to the BFBS Secretary, 20/23August 1815.
82.
BFBS: C: Report in letterfonn, from the MBS. Malta 30/11/1821.
83.
BFBS: MBS: Laws and Regulati01lS of the Malta Bible Society: No. 1: .....the sole object shall be to promote the circulation of the Holy Scriptures, without nete and comment... " Malta 16/3/1818. Cfc D, 2 on pp.169-170.
84.
BFBS: MC, Vol. 4, p.230.
85.
BFBS: C: G. Yeoland to Secretary: Malta 22/4 August 1815.
86.
87.
CMS: C/ME3/54. BFBS: C: Report in letterfrom the MBS, Malta 30/11/1821.
88.
Report by Bishop Matte; to the Sacred Congregation of the Counci� 22/2/1823. Cfc. Sijon
89.
Ibid.
90.
6(1973)3. The notes are not explicitly mentioned but they can be confirmed from othec documents.
Bonnici, "Protestant Propaganda", 60-64.
Carm Sant
20
the MBS to "Bible Society established in Ma1ta. ,, 91 The BFBS was in formed of this proposal and advised the MBS Committee to change the name.92 Two years later the Bishop protested once more against the circula tion of the Bible in Malta, that is to say, its distribution on in-coming ships, religious meetings in a public hall to the detriment of the people's faith and the circulation of the Bible among the lower c1ass people against the priests' wi11 and that of the ecc1esiastical authority and in violation of the promises in the peace treaty. The BFBS retorted that the Bishop had no jurisdiction over ships; that they had no halls for religious meetings93 and that the distribution of the Bible was by sale.94 Dr Pinkerton wrote to the MBS informing them of this delegation and that the BFBS committee "deem it peculiar1y desirable to give no first cause for complaint of any imprudent zeal in your circumstances in forcing Italian Scriptures upon the Ma1tese. ,, 95 Jowett reported in 1826 that "considerable opposition to the dis tribution of the Scriptures was manifested, nevertheless the Committee at Malta wi11 persevere in the work.,,96 Besides protesting officially, the Bishop took practical steps to gather as mani copies as possible, both in Italian and in Maltese, and destroy them.9 (c) The Reaction from the Civil Authorities
The British government found itself in a quandary. On the one hand it was under pressure from the English missionaries who were insisting on the principle of religious freedom. On the other, it was not desirable to strain relations with the Bishop, who, as seen above, was 91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96. r.n.
BFBS: MC, Vo\. 13, p.364. Ibid. This was a hall in Valletta belonging to the Methodists, as well as a house at Senglea and another at Cospicua, cfr Fawthrop, The Floriana Story, 5. BFBS: MC, Vo\. 15, pp.146-151.
BFBS: C: Dr Pinkerton to the MBS, London 26/4/1825. BFBS: MC, Vo\. 16, p.26,9.
BFBS: C: G. Yeolandto the BFBS Secretary, Malta 22/4August 1815; togetherwith the report
by Bishop Mattei to the Sacred Congregation of the Council, 22/211823.
Tbo Translation of the Bible
21
and the Maltese Language
to. safeguard the religion of the having recourse to England's promise . . y agams t It. Maltese and not to allow any actlV1t ,
G. Yeoland writes that "our present Governor [Thomas �aitland] only bee? f',�'Ce at �he is totally indifferent to all thes.e th.ings, he has 1813 lthat IS, m a penod r Octobe m arnval his since Church Protestant goes on of two years] but oftener at the Catholic Churches." 8 Yeoland in . the ion, publicat to say that the Government had not allowed the Testa New the of sale the ing Govemm ent Gazette, of a notice advertis ment in Greek, even though insistence had been made.99 This squares take with what Jowett reports, namely that Mait1and had refused to more unless s, Anglican the of use the for l Cathedra over St. John's troops were sent to him.1OO The Governor had also advised Jowett to be wary. In 1818 Jowett complained that the MBS was being opposed by 1 1 and adds that it had also been forthe Govern�ent and the Bishop . 0 late I es.102 more B'bl clrcu to . ment Govern the by n bidde In 1825 the Government acting on instructions from London forced to change its name103 and forbade the circulation of Canolo's MBS the texts.104 Lord translat io n of St. John's Gospel and other Biblical 1 0 circulation the or 5 books Buthurst did not take exception to the sale of out "with carried be to had on distributi free of the Bible .on ships, but ,, ' 1 6 0 the utmost CIrcumspectlon. When the MBS asked permission to open a shop at 277 Strada Reale, the local Government did not grant a license, but after discus98.
Ibid.
99.
Ibid.
100. "It is said " Jowett writes to his mother, "that when the present Govemor remonst�ted upon the wont 'of a Cħurch for the Eng1ish, Ministers at home told him to take possesls on of St. John's Church, as belonging to the Order, to which the Govemor sent his prude�t. that they must send him some more t�PS" -:- �S: C/ME2/20. Cfr. A. BonruCI, 'Tħirty Years to build a Protestant Cħurch", Melua H/Stonca 6(1973)183.
�r:
101. CMS: C/ME2/19. 102. CMS: CME3/41.
103. BFBS: C: Rev Dr Pinkerton to Rev W. lowett, London 26/4/1825. 104. CMS: C/M039/19a and 19b. 105. Cfr. note 103. 106. Ibid.
22
Cann Sant
The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
23
sions with the BFBS Representatives in London Lord Buthurst in structed the Maltese Government to grant permission for the sale of Bibles "at their present establishment and it is considered that in this way the object which the BFBS have in view will be equally obtained, without giving the offence which would be produced in the minds of the Roman Catholic population of the Island, by opening a shop in so con spicuous a part of the town as that proposed by yoU."I07 The Govern ment moreover, did not in general grant them permission to print books or leaflets (especially religious ones) intended for circulation in Malta.los
,, appeal for "a strong government protection in name of freedom 112 and in his report to the CMS in London on the subject of Government opposition to the printing of the Gospels, he says: "All this puts me to a stand. If I were at this moment in Sir Thomas Maitland's presence, I would not ask a question: for it is a paralysing thing to such answers such as these. !t is better to go on as we have done for a little time than to have our hands in the least degree shackled about the Maltese Gospels and !talian Tracts, we shall send you to print. Will you print the four Gospels in Maltese if I send you a fair copy? The !talian in parallel columns need not be printed again."l 13
!t can thus be seen that the British Government steered a neutral course in order not to strain relations with either side. This ran con trary to the hopes and expectations of the CMS leaders who thought that the British Government was almost obliged to spread Protestan tism according to the principle: "that religion follows the flag."I09
The CMS and BFBS authorities always insisted on the need to proceed with prudence. When the MBS tried to put off changing the Society's name 114 the Central Committee insisted on their compliance, until they gave in.11S Dr Pinkerton formulated the principle which was to guide their activity as follows: "Now my dear Friend, white the deputation felt it their duty not to sacrifice one degree of that un bounded liberty which it has been the privilege of the BFBS to practice in all nations, or freely imparting the Word of life without money and without price, yet they deem it peculiarly desireable to give no just cause for complaint of any imprudent zeal in your circumstances in forcing the !talian Scripture upon the Maltese ..... " 116
(d) The Anglican Missionaries' Approach Inspired and led by Jowett, the missionaries were not content with their activity directed towards the East; rather they also worked in private and in public among the Maltese. Jowett writes: "Now the work of converting them [the Maltese] both from Popery and from Sin, has not been overlooked by the Missionaries; but it has proceeded some what languidly and inconspicuously. The work of cultivating the lan guage has at the same time gone on with steady step. I earnestly desire, therefore, that our Society would encourage the present design; and I doubt not in the least their readiness to do. !t will be requisite, how ever, some time longer to refrain from printing in our Reports anything on the subject. ,, 110 In their dealings with the Government they appealed to freedom of conscience and on these grounds they had insistently asked for a licence to open a shop in Strada Reale. They only desisted from this request on instructions from headquarters in London. 111 Jowett used to 107. BFBS: C: Sir FredHankey, ChiefSecretory to Govemment, to the Treasurer ofthe Bible Society established in Malta, Valletta, 31/10/1825. 108. CMS: C/MO/39a 50. 109. efr supra pp.9-10. 110. CMS: C/MO/39b. 111. BFBS: C: Rev W. lowett, Rev Daniel Temple and Cleardo Naudi, Treasurerofthe "Bible Society
The missionaries did not despair of still being able to work among the Maltese, but they tried to proceed in such a way so as not to offend them and they no longer revealed their projects in advance. According to its first article of its Statute, the MBS bound itself to circulate only Martini' s !talian Bible, a Catholic translation enjoying a wide circulation at the time. "The only copies in the !talian Language to be circulated by the Society shaH be according to the authorized version of Archbishop Martini. ,,117 At first they distributed it in its comestablished in Malta'� to Sir FredHankey, ChiefSecretory to Govemment, Valletta, 4/11/1825. 112. CMS: C/ME/3/41. 113. CMS: C/M039/9. 114. BFBS: MC, Vot. 14, p.80. 115. /bid. 116. BFBS: C: MBS Secretaries to the BFBS Secretory, Malta, 12/8/1823. 117. BFBS: C: Laws and Regu1ations of the Malta Bible Society, Malta, 16/3/1818. Cfi. D, 2 on pp169-172.
24
Carm Sant The Translation of the Bible and the Maltese Language
plete form, including the Deuterocanonical Books, which Protestants do not accept as part of the Bible. Later, however, they asked permis sion not to circulate these books anymore.118 !t was Naudi's idea to circulate Martini's translation, in order to win Catholic .sympathy: "This would produce an effect by far better in disposing of the Bibles with the Catholiks (sic) and take away at once all the difficulties which they meet with not rarely in distributing the ,, Holy Pages in these our parts. 119 For this reason, an edition of this Bible without notes and comments had been published in Naples.120 For the same reason the Catholic !talian translation was printed in parallel columns along with Canolo's translation of St. John, and the LatiJi Vul gate with Vassalli's translation of the Gospels, in such a way that these translations may be regarded as Catholic in content, as can be seen from their analysis.l21 "On Sunday evenings", writes Jowett, "I have a small party of friends and an !talian lecture! We read Martini's version all round then verses a piece; and when a few chapters are finished, I expound in !talian .... A mot1ey biblical group you will say; but I mention it to give ,, you a view of our want of the !talian Scriptures. 122 They also made it a point to conceal as much as possible the projects they had in mind and the names of the Maltese who worked with them. Naudi insisted many times that his name sh<9uld not be men tioned123 and he always took the quotations he included in his treatises from Catholic Writers.124 Jowett also insisted that projects connected with Maltese and translation activities should not be published in the CMS annual reports.12S In the same way Vassalli's name was not to be 118. BFBS: C: MBS Secretaries to the BFBS Secretary, Malta, 12/8/1823. 119. BFBS: C: Naudi to BFBS Secretary, Malta, 15/8/1816; Malta, 30/12/1817. 120. BFBS: C: Naudi to BFBS Secretary, Malta, 30/12/1817.
2S
mentioned. 1 26 When Schlienz took Vassalli's children in his care to train them as Protestant evangelists he did not inform them of this plan.127 In this way, the CBS missionaries and the BFBS agents tried to reach their goal of evangelizing the Maltese without giving offence to 128 any one. Conclusion to Part One
Three parties, therefore, played their role at this time. The English Missionaries wanted to make Malta a centre for Protestant evangeliza tion, with the theoretical aim of involving the Christian Churches in the region with new life. In practice their activity became one of proselytiz ing, leading to. conve�sion to Protestantism. An example of this is had in Naudi 's renunciation of the Catholic Faith, who officially declared him1 29 self Angllcan. · In the face of this situation the local Church authorities had to react in order to safeguard the faith of the Maltese people, which was largely uneducated and was in danger of giving in without even a strug gie. Besides the measures taken among the people (the se were admit tedly negative rather than positive), insistence was made with the British Government to keep its word and safeguard the religious inter ests of Ma1ta's Catholic population . The British Government kept to a neutral course, leaning if at all, towards the Maltese ecclesiastical authorities. !t wanted to uphold the Missionaries' right to continue their work among the people in the name of English democratic freedom, without however, offending the people's sentiments; and this for political reasons and to preserve public order.
121. Saydon, History o/the Maltese Bible, 6. Cfr Appendices p.267. 122. BFBS: C: w' lowett to the BFBS Secretary, Malta, 16/3/1818. Cfr. D, l p.167.
123. "He expressed to me his [Naudi's] apprehension that the appearance of his name in the reports of the English societies, had operated to his disadvantage, and wished that his name might not be printed", CMS: C/ME2/27. 124. 125.
CMS: C/ME2/72. Cfr. C/ME2/27.
126.
CMS: C/M039/17.
127. ''The boys themselves however are not acquainted with these ourviews [i.e. "to bring through them the Gospel and the Gospel doctrine into the hands of the Maltese"], but their pleasure in the kind of work which they at present pursue bids fair hope that they would g1adly enter them at its due time", CMS: C/M065/12.
128. The Methodists were much more aggressive and worked in public. Cfr Fawthrop, FIoriano Story, 6. 129.
CMS: C/M039b/J9.
26
Cann Sant
It was not yet the time for ecumenism based on dialogue instead of polemic. A legitimate division between Church and State moreover " had not yet been achieved. It is against this background that the motives and method of these English Missionaries in the development of Maltese and in Maltese Bible translations, must now be examined.
PART TWO mE CULTIVATION OF MALTESE AND THE TRANSLATIONS OF mE NEW TESTAMENT
The history of the first Maltese translation of the New Testament and Psalms can be divided into three sections: (a) The first attempts leading to Canolo's translation of St. John's Gospel, 1810-1822; (b) Vassalli's translation of the Gospels and Acts, 1823-1829; and (c) Camilleri's translation of the complete New Testament, 1842-1847. The historical aspect will first be considered, followed by an examination of the philological and literary contribution of these translations.
A. History olthe Trans1ation olthe New Testament (a) The First Period (1810-1822): G.Canolo Dr C. Naudi was the first to conceive the idea of translating the Bible into Maltese. We learn this from a letter Mr Bowdler Esq., wfote to the BFBS on January 11, 1811: " .... that he [Naudi] had already com pleted the translation of St. John's Gospel in Maltese, and should send it, when finished to England, to be printed by this Society; and that he had it in his mind, by the favour of God, to proceed with the other Gospels.,,130 No other mention is made of translation work before 1817. Jowett had already been in Malta for twenty months and it is to be presumed that since this was one of his commitments131 and he was Naudi's friend, he must have seen to this matter at once.
130. BFBS: MC: VoJ. 5, p.89: He also suggested a translation be made "in the Arabic Vemacular
language" and for this work he submitted the name of G. Canolo "professor of languages, a very well infonned man and good scholar of Sacred Scriptures". He also proposed Mr MancM, who Iived in Skandirani and whom he describes as "very clever, not only in ancient and oriental languages, but also in all branches of Divinity" Naudi to It is possible that Naudi had Maltese in mind too.
Secretaty. Malta (received) 5f7/1813.
131. efr supro, p.8.
BFBS: C:
BFBS
28
Cann Sant
In September 1817 he sent Prof S. Lee of Cambridge a draft in Maltese of Chapter X of St. Matthew's GospeI.132 In the same letter he teIIs him why he engaged in this work; he gives him information about Canolo133 and informs him that St. Matthews Gospel was already com pleted as well as the draft of half of St. Mark's Gospel and the whole of St. John.134 In Pecember, he wrote to the CMS Secretary informing him of the completion of the Gospels, Acts of the ApostIes and part of St. Paul's letters. He also states that two other persons were working on the Book of Psalms and Proverbs13S without mentioning their names. This state of affairs is confirmed by Naudi's letter to the BFBS Secretary, dated December 30, 1817, informing him that he was revising Canolo's work, that the manuscript of Matthew was in London and he beIieved it was already being printed(!).136 By March 1818, Canolo had completed the Letter to the Philip. plans; 137 and by August he had come to the First Letter of John.l38 On the 6th o f S ep te mber he hande d Jowett the l ast p ages of the Apocalypse, and Jowett wrote joyfully: "!t was a memorable day, Sep tember 6th, 1818, when Giuseppe Canolo brought me the last portion of the Apocalypse transla ted; in short the Maltes e New Testam ent is finished. I have marked it as a kind of festival in the year. ,, 139 He says t� � same in his diary: "Sunda y, 6th Septem ber, Giusep pe Canolo flDlshed the Maltes e New Testament. This wiIl be an illustrious day in our Calendar. ,, 140 �ow lon� did t �i� difficult work iake to . finish? Jowett says that NaudI took hlm to VlSlt Canolo for the first time after his return from Corfb in the summer of 1816;141 this means that at the earIiest the work 132. CMS: C/ME2/83. 133. Ibid. Cfr D, 1 on pp.167-168. 134. Ibid. 135. CMS: C/ME3/9. 136. BFBS: C: Naudi to BFBS SeCTetary, Malta, 30/12/1817. 137. CMS: C/ME/18. 138. CMS: C/ME3/36. 13tJ. CMS: C/ME3/49. 140. CMS: C/ME2/54.
141. CMS: C/ME2/62. cfr D, 1 on pp.167-168.
·
The Cultivation of Ma\tesc and the Translations of the NT
29
Id not have been initiated before autumn of that year, and com ted two years later, in Septembe r 1817. Within a further fift.een ont hs he complete d Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, Proverbs , Isalah, ha1f Jeremiah and Lamentations;142 by February 1822 he had translated the all through worked also had he 1827, to up and 143 the Bible together considered, is work the of difficulty the When 144 . prophets . . . with the fact that Canolo had to work for a hVlDg,14S the rate 0 f work IS quite surprising, and its qua1ity and value must be suspect. c
�: �
But greater difficulties lay ah�ad. In N�v�mber, that same year, day to Jowett noted in his diary, "Dr NaudI used to VlSlt us a1most every ,, June In 146 Testament. Maltese Canolo's correcting hours spend several sions discu had he and Malta in was BFBS the from Pinkerton Dr � 1819' with Jowett on this translation. He says: "The revision and correctlOn of the Maltese Scripture is a long and laborious ,,work. Mr Jowett should by no means sit down to it month after month. 147 This is corroborated by Jowett himself when he writes: "I have set him [Canolo] to retranslate the four Gospels. And I was preparing...to have a Maltese Committee - for money, without which I would not have had a q�arter of a dozen ,,- to sit and read it so as to fix the version to be sufficlent}y intelligible 148 This problem was still pressing in 1828, as can be read 1D : "The Scriptures nearly whole but needing "statement" a printing ress . . ,, . a long lab onous reVlSlon. 149
�
For this reason' Pinkerton was of the opinion that only one Gospel, or the Sermon on the �ount, should be published in Maltese and !ta1ian in two parallel columns so that it could be us.ed in schools a� an aid in the teaching of Italian.1SO Pinkerton's suggest10n was a pract1cal one so that in 1822 Canolo's Maltese translation of St. John's Gospel 142. CMS: C/ME3/98. 143. CMS: C/ME3/107. 144. CMS: C/M06517. 145. CMS: C/ME2/83. 146. ĊMS: C/ME3/54. 147. CMS: C/ME3/61. 148. CMS: C/ME3/107. 149. CMS: C/M04/11.
150.
CMS: C/ME3/61.
30
Cann Sant
and Martini's !talian text were printed in two parallel columns. 15 1 J owett suggested publishing Mark in order to set the language on its feet. 152 Fo! lowin� the Society' s principl e of avoiding any offence to Cath?l�� senhme�t Canolo had worked on the Vulgate making use of . Marhm s translahon. In splte of all this however, the circulation of this Gospel was ��� ongly opposed both by the Maltese Church and by the Goverm:nent. . Naudi therefo�e proposed that the four Gospels should be pubhshed In two columns In Maltese and Latin at the Propaganda Fide Press in Rome. 154 (b) The Second Period 1823-1829: MA. Vassalli J owett had planned to publish the four Gospels without the !talian version after fi�s ! publishing St. J ohn. 1SS With this end in view he began the work of reVlSlon, or rather, that of a new translation as he writes on January �9, 1823: "Dr Naudi and myself are now prep;ring a complete new v�rsl0!l of the Gospels. E�cep! when prevented by indisposition or other Inevltable causes we dady Sit together for two hours correcting this version. St. Matthew and St. Mark and half St. Luke are done. The Limae labor is nor spared. The style of the printed edition of St. John is a shade too high. I regularly read to my two Maltese servants what we are now preparing. If the Old Version.was nine-tenths Arabic the new one will be four-fift.hs.,, 156. He was hoping to complete the work on the Gospels and Acts In .two or three months. As regards the Epistles, however, he had examIned Canolo's translation critically and had con cluded that it was impossible to complete them before a year or even �o��: "I !hink af least a year or more (which might afford scope for InVltIng hltherto unknown Maltese assistance) would be requisite for bringing this part of the Sacred Volume to good state; but (to speak as 151. n Vangelo di Nostro Signore Gesfl crisro secondo San Giovann� tradotto in lingua [ta/imla e Maltese secondo la volgata, (Presso R Watts; Londra 1822). 152. CMS: C/M039/2. 153. 154. 155. 156.
Bonnici, "Protestant Propaganda", 60-64. CMS: C/M039/15. CMS: C/M039/9. CMS: C/M039/15.
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
31
a fair critic) I doubt the propriety of printing the whole New Testament before the historical part has passed another ordeal. ,, 157 It can be seen from this that Jowett was not satisfied with Canolo's work both on account of the style, which was too Arabic (and this thro�gh his own fault) and on account of the translation of words with a theological content. So he began a new translation, which he used to check with his Maltese servants. But this translation was nyver published. Three months later, in March 1828, he found the "Maltese assis tance" he was looking for: "In the meantime," he writes to the CMS Secretaty, "I have at length been able to engage a new Maltese trans lator, is comparably the best in the Island, both for ability and fame, viz. the learned Antonio Vassallo (sic) author of the Maltese Lexicon, living in great poverty. The way in which his services came to me, was curious: at present it wiIl not do to print his name: as to stipend, I am paying him somewhat less than one quarter of what he asked - a specimen how needful it is to draw in the reins (sic). His style is so much superior to that of Canolo and Dr Naudi that I rejoice in having him. He has given me St. Matthew's Gospel and is now on St. Mark's. I never incurred an expense with a greater satisfaction than this. 158 Jowett changed his opinion about Vassalli and his Lexicon159 and his enthusiasm for Canolo and Naudi faded away. In spite of this and Vassalli's poverty, Jowett was stringent with him. So great was his con fidence in him, however, -that he at once began to think of publishing his work. 160 From what J owett himself says it can be surmised that he met Vas salli in February of the same year (1823) since he had already handed him the draft of St. Matthew. He does not go into the manner of their meeting except to say that it was in a "curious way". Perhaps he was introduced to him by Sir John Hookham Frere, who was Vassalli's protector and President of the University Council; no more can be said on this matter. 157.
Ibid.
158. CMS: C/M039/17. 159. CMS: C/ME2/83. 160. CMS: C/M039L17.
32
Cann Sant
It was at this time that following a decision by Council on February 21, 1825 Vassalli became the first Professor of Maltese at the Univer sity. By May he had already begun to teach. 161 Because of this Vassalli could not dedicate all his · time to the task of translation. He had to prepare his lessons which took the form of a Grammar. In the same letter J owett says that the CMS should publish this Grammar, the Proverbs and the Dictionary. 162 J owett foresaw that the publication of the translation would be delayed especially because "Vassalli desires that his lectures (i.e. the Grammar) should be first printed". Nonetheless Jowett was not disap pointed because "this fixing of the language cannot but, if successful, tend to give additional guarantee to the excellency of the Scriptural Version. We are however, still and for some time to come shalI be, on the very fluctuating waters of literary experiment. ,,163 The CMS agreed on publication. Jowett sent them a list of the required matrices and informed them that the Grammar was ready for publication.l64 Vassalli wanted "English Piea" but J owett was adamant: "I have made him feel that we will not go all lengths in expense for him, and he is now ,, humbled (sic) down to small Pica. 16S In June/July 1827 permission was obtained for the publication of the Dictionary, Proverbs and Grammar in Malta. The Grammar was pub lished in Segtember of the same year and Jowett immediately sent Prof Lee a copy. 66 The Book of Proverbs was published in 1828. After the publication ;of the Grammar, Jowett turned his attention to the publication of the Gospels and Acts. On November 9, 1827 he wrote Prof Lee via Dr Pratt from the CMS asking that they should be published at Cambridge folIowing Frere's suggestion. If this attempt was unsuccessful, the CMS itself would step in. Jowett asked also that "the society should guarantee the expenses attendant on the work, which at the same time, it had better not come ostensibly before the public lest umbrage should be taken by Cambridge (a reference to Prof
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of tho NT
33
Lee) or by Malta (meaning the Government and the Catholics). " 167 In December 1827 he wrote the Society again informing them that the draft of St. Matthew was ready and asked them to publish the proofs of the first thirteen chapters, without the Latin. Prof Lee would corre�t them and then they would be sent back to him folded and packed In such a way that no one would suspect their �ature and be offende� . They would then be corrected by Vassalli and h1mself. He concludes h1s letter by apologizing for all the se measures but says that the local Church and the Government would not let the publish them in Malta.168 In March 1828, Frere informed Jowett that Cambridge had not agreed to publish the volume 69 accordingly, i� June 18�, Jowett went � to London with the manuscnpts to see to thelf pubhcat10n at Watts of London. - His int ention was to read the proofs himself and then send them back to Malta so that Vassalli could go over them. He adds that on account of the instability of the language it would not be opportune for the BFBS to publish them' but that later on, it could take over the 6 work as in fact it did in 1870. 17
/
In July of the same year Schlienz wrote to Jowett tel!ing him that he was correcting Vassalli's work as the latter was not feehng well, and he did not deem it fair to press him with more work before he had com pleted the Gospels and Acts.l7l In August, a few days later, Va.ssalli himself wrote to Jowett: "io gi� rivedo gli Atti e sono al X cap1tolo: onde all'arrivo di questa spero saranno terminati"; he also complains about his health and the �ummer heat. 172 On January 3, 1829, Schlienz informed Jowett that Vassalli wanted him to send him back the proofs in Malta as he wanted to correct his own writings himself. 173 At the same time he did not want him to revise his translation' of the Letter to the Romans "because he said that this epist1e had been translated by him very imperfect1y, without the aid of critical help; also Mr Jowett 167. CMS: C/M039b/97. 168. CMS: C/M039b/l09.
161. CMS: C/M039a/50. 162. Ibid. 163. Ibid. 164. CMS: C/M039a/51. 165. CMS: C/M039a/54.
166. CMS: C/M039b/93.
169, CMS: C/M039b/l04. 170. CMS: C/M039b/114. 171. CMS: C/M065/7. 172.
Kann Sant: "Wahda mill-ahhar ittri ta' MA Vassalli", Sijon 6(1973)95-96a. cfr D, 4, pp.175-176.
173. CMS: C/M065/9.
34
Cann Sant
had been absent at the time of his translating it". Schlienz adds that he had litt1e hope Vassalli would be able to continue the work. 174 Nine days later Vassalli died without having witnessed the publication of the Gospels and Acts. 17S J owett cont�nued the work of publication on his own and the book was published a few months later, with the Maltese and Latin (Vulgate) texts in two parallel columns, printed in different type. 176 From what Schlienz himself says, it seems that Vassalli only trans lated the Gospels and Acts and had prepared the draft of Romans. It is possible that he had also worked on some other drafts and that they were lost, just as this very letter was.tn The work of translating the rest of the New Testament was to be entrusted to others. (c) The ThirdPeriod 1842-1847: MA. Camille,ri As early as 1834 Schlienz had proposed the establishment of an Anglican diocese somewhere in the Mediterranean.178 This suggestion was put into practice in April 1842 with the founding of the Diocese of Gibraltar, with George Tomlinson (1842-1863) as its first Bishop.179 Two years later in 1844, Tomlinson wrote to the Committee of the SPCK informing him that he had engaged a Maltese priest, the Rev M.A. Camilleri, just converted to the Ang1ican Church (1843) to trans late the Book of Common Prayer into ,Maltese. He also· told them he planned to cover the whole of the New Testament. He asked for their authorisation for the furtherance of these projects and for paying Camilleri i4 a month. The Committee acceded to this request on March 11, 1844.180 The translation of the liturgical text (Book of Common . 174. CMS: C/M06517.
175. CMS: C/M065/11. Cfr D, 5, p.1n. 176. In.
Quatuor Evangelia et Acta Apost% rum juxta Vulgatam Romae A.D. M.D. XVIL Editam necnon eorunden Versio Melitensis, (I'ypis excudebat R Watts; Londini M.DCCC.xXIX).
In spite of what Schlienz himself wrote: "Of Vassalli we possess in print...a translation...of the four Gospels, and of the Acts of the Apostles, and, in manuscript, the rest of the New Testament..." in Vzews on the Improveme1lt ofthe Maltese Language and its Useforthe Purpose ofEducation, (Malta 1838) 27.
178. CMS: C/M065/31.
179. Moss-Arnolt: Prayer Book among the Nations, 154-155.
180. SPCK: Minutes ofthe Foreign Translations Committee 1834-1844 (MF/'C), pp.299-300.
35
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
) including the Psalms was completed by June 1845 ; 181 th"IS IS al so c����orated by the report for this year, where it is further �tated th�t difficu1ties had been encountered in the course of preparatlOn of thlS lantrans1atl'on, "in consequence of the anomalous state of the Maltese ' 0f orted th at pubrlcat10n g a e as a written language". It was a1so re p :e ��w Testament will soon be under way.18 The work was completed �1D the summer of 1847. Camilleri was paid i5 a month . and at the183end of h on the suggestion of Tomhnson, e was gtven a b onus. , work, the
P
•
What exact1y was the nature of Camilleri's work? Cremona184 and S don18S are of the opinion that he revised the whole New Testament (:; part published, in part in manuscript form) as translat.ed by yassal r Schlienz states that besides the Gospels and Acts, pubhshed 1D 1829, �assalli had translated the resI �f the New Testamen�, �ut tha! this �ad mained in manuscript form. 8 On the other hand, lt IS Schhenz hlm ��lf who re'ports that a few months before his death, Vassalli had prepared a rough translation of the Letter to the Romans, but that on account of his health he could not proceed f�rther . with the wor�. 187 This implies that Vassalli did not leave manuscnpts wIth the transl�ho� f the Epist1es and the Apocalypse. On February 21, 1870, Camtllen �rites: "Did you forget that my good friend the Bishop of Gibral.tar [Tomlinson] made me t� anslate th.� Epist1es, and �00� �f Revelat1�n into the Maltese and reVlse Vassalh s Gospe1 and A.ts. 1 Thus Camtl leri revised the Gospels and Acts as can be clear' y seen from a com parative study of the Texts189 and translateci the Epistles and Apocalypse.
181. SPCK: MF/'C 1844-1855, p.35. 182. /bid, 40. 183. /bid, 178. 184. Cremona, Vassa/li and His Times, 122. The question, however, is left rather open.
�
185. Saydon: "It is at least probable that Vassalli translated �lso the p�tles and the Apocalrese, but his translation was onlypublished in a revised fonn fi 184T , H/story ofthe Maltese Bzbk, 9. Cfr Appendices, p.2n of this volume. 186. Cfr supra p.34 note In.
187. Cfr supra p.33. 188. 189.
BFBS: C. lnwards No. 7, p.174. Saydon, History, 7-9. Cfr Appendices in this volume pp.2n-279.
Cann Sant
36
(d) Catho/ic Trans/ations For the most �art, Catholic re action to Canolo's translation of St. John was negative, 90 but there were also some positive reactions. A MS preserved in the Public Library in Gozo contains a transla tion of the Gospel of St. John in four versions set out in parallel columns in this order: the Latin Vulgate, Martini's !talian translation, Canolo's Maltese text and finally a "correct revision of Canolo's text" by an anonymous author. This MS was first discovered in the Registry at the Law Court in Gozo.l9l As regards the doctrinal aspect there was not much the reviser had to change, for as has already been seen, Canolo published Martini's Catholic version in !talian. With regard to the style, however, there was room for a change to a more popular one, and some changes in the orthography were also made.192 The date of this revision cannot be easily established. I would hazard the time be tween 1823 and 1829. If this were not the case, the orthography would have been changed to an even greater extent and the revision con ducted on the basis of Vassalli's version which was much better. The MSS of Mgr Fortunato Panzavecchia (t1850) are still kept at the Cathedral Archives in Imdina. Panzavecchia was S ecretary to the University during the time when Vassalli taught Maltese there. His MSS include a translation of the Sunday readings of the Gospels and Epist1es in Maltese md Arabic; the Book of Genesis and Exodus I; and the Psalms accompanied by philological notes.193 In these works his interest is philological rather than pastoral. To these can be added an interlinear translation of Genesis I, 1-12 in Hebrew, Arabic Maltese and Latin printed at the author's private press·194 Panzavecchia carried out this work during the last years of his . life, that is to say, from 1840 onwards, as can be seen from the dates In some of his MSS of homilies and of Genesis. Cfr supra, pp.18-20.
190.
191. A. Cremona, "Manuskritt dwar il-Vanġeli ta' san Ġwann maqlub bil-Malti", 29(1953)88-91. K. Sant, "Skoperta ta' Manuskritt bil-Vanġelu ta' San Ġwann bil-Malti", 2/1!74, p.4.
R-Malti
R-Ħajja,
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
During Panzavecchia's latter years, Richard Taylor published a translation of the narratives of the Pa� sion of J �sus Christ according to the Four Evangelists (1844), a rhythmIc rendenng of the Psalms (1846) and the office for Holy Week (1848). 195 Taylor made use of the transla tion of the Book of Common Prayer, bu.t he made . his own transl�ti�ns . where these were wanting. He was the fIrst Cathohc to pubhsh BIbhcal texts for popular use. 196 It will be seen from the foregoing that the different translations are related: Canolo was the first to do translating work, in the circumstan ces described above. He was foilowed by Vassalli, and it is unthinkable that he did not have access to Canolo's published translation and to his manuscripts even though, given his authority and prestige in this field, he could very well have dispensed with them. Camilleri based his own work on Vassalli'.s. On the Catholic side, an anonymous writer was seen to have revised Canolo's translation, to be followed by Taylor who made extensive use of the translations he found at hand; Panzavecchia's translation activity finally, was inspired by philological interest.
B.
TheAJphabet 1822-1847.
The first problem a translator or Maltese writer had to face at the beginning of the nineteenth century was that posed by the orthography, more specifically, by the alphabet. For this reason, the first thing J owett did was to construct a suitable alphabet. He was not satisfied with the alphabet found in the Dottrina Cristiana because it was "altogether analogous to th e Ital·Ian; ,, 197 V assaII"1 s 1791 alphabet "offends the eye and has no� marked analogy to th� ,,
Arabic' 198 he admits however, that "conslderable advantage was derive d in the preparation of the Maltese Gospel" from Vassalli's work. 199
R-Passjoni tas-Signw Tagħna Ġesrl Kristu mictuba minn S. Mattew, S. Marc, S. Luca u San Gwann, (Malta 1844).
195. R. Tayl�r,
Cremona, "Manuskritt", 90-91.
193. K. Sant, "Il-Bibbja bil-Malti 1822-1973",
196.
Saydon, History,
197.
CMS: C/ME32/83.
194.
Sijon 6(1973)28. Sp«imen Filo/ogicum aCapite primo Geneseos �tum sistens ana/ogiam quae intercedil inter ldiomata Semitica et Il/ud, qua Iwdie utuntur Melitenses, (Auctore Canonico Fortunato
198.
Ibid.
199.
CRM, 146.
192.
.
Panzavecchia), (Melitae ex typographia Privata Auctoris; MDCCCL) 8.
37
11.
Cfr Appendices, p.280, of this volume.
38
Cann Sant
To replace these he devised an alEhabet to his own liking and sent it to Prof Lee for him to appraise it. 00 He also sent him the first ten chapters of a translation of St. Matthew's Gospel, written in this al phabet and later on he sent him a further twenty chapters. Lee gave his judgment: "I think it is capable of some improvement and you have not been quite uniform in its explanation"j and he adds "the letters in vented by your predecessor Vassallus (sic) are indeed clumsy in the extreme. The form seems to have been borrowed from Ethiopic.,, 201 Lee's criticism was not without its effect, for J owett tells him: "we have made a great use of it, as you will perceive by the annexed Maltese specimen [Mk 1]. All those twenty ch llJ?ters of Matthew which I sent 5 months ago are good next to nothing.,,2 When at last the time came for the publication of St. John's Gospel, he departed somewhat from the project as found in Mk 1. This alphabet was devised according to the following principles: (a) To show the Arabic etymology of Maltese: "to display its genuine Arabic character.,,203 (b) Not to startle the reader in the case ofwords ofItalian origin: "Italian is the most known of European languages in Malta - you must yield to it,,204 "not to make the Maltese even more despised than at present is."zos In a preliminary note to Canolo's translation it is said that Maltese "si conferma per la maggior parte all'Italiano, in quanto di vocali ed ai consonanti.... Per riguardo a certe parole italiane, che si trovano miste col Maltes6, si e confermato all'Italiano nello scrivere le letter C, e G.,, 206
39
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
(d) To take into consideration popular pronunciation: "There is no helping , appeal to the actual pronunciation of the people, "penes quem nrbitrium et jus et norma loquenti" and though you are pleased to call it a punctum mobile, you wiIl as easily succeed in attempting to shift this little Island of Malta fifty degrees more eastward in 10ngitude.,,208
The definitive form of Jowett's alphabet is to be found in Canolo's translation. In addition to this alphabet there was also the one devised by Vassalli on more scientific principles according to the nature of Maltese as well as that devised by Camilleri. In order to compare these alphabets more effectively the letters peculiar to Maltese have been set out in parallel columns in the form given them by Jowett, Canolo, Vassalli and Camilleri. These will now be examined one by one. Where necessa� reference will be made to other systems which appeared at the time2 and to the alphabet formulated by the Akkademja tal-Malti (1924). 1. ċ: « as in child: Jowett says that the dot serves to remove the ambiguity in for instance, selva<;; but it is omitted when i follows c, in which case the rule for Italian is followed. Jowett says he is not satisfied with a dot beneath the letter but he felt he could not do otherwise, Canolo places it above the letter while Vassalli innovates, using the letter .'4 in his first alphabet but changes it to c in his second. Camilleri introduced English ch and Vella made use of French cedilla, �. The Akkademja Medika added an apostrophe foIlowing the letter c'. In systems where K is included the letter c is used for this sound. ,
2.D: Jowett distinguishes between d and d for .) and .i, because he says this distinction is still made in villages though not in Valletta, where d .l , .J- , .Ia even though j is sometimes changed to Ż. The dot is placed
(c) Not to offend the aesthetic sense: "I lean upon a line of beauty.,,207
=
above the letter, otherwise "it would be a real disfigurement". Canolo's, along with all other systems, omit this distinction.
200. CMS: C/ME2/83. 201. CMS: C/ME2/90. 202. CMS: C/ME3/23. 203. lbid. .
204. lbid. 205. lbid.
206. Canolo, n Vangelo di Nostro Signor Gesrl Cristo. Notizia. 2CY7. CMS: C/ME3/23.
208. 209.
CMS: C/ME3/23. The following are the systems given according to the names of their authors: De Soldanis (1750); Wzzino (1752); Qari · (1824 and 1839); Francis Vella (1936); Mifsud Tomasi (1836); Trapani (1838); Cumbo (1939); Accademia Medica (1841); Taylor (1842); Accademia Filologica (1843); Klieb il-Qari glial-Tfal (1844); Uce6 ta' l-Universita (1844); Falzon (1845); Panzavecchia (1846). Unless otherwise stated the quotations in this part of the studyare taken from the letters already mentioned: Jowett (6/9/1817: C/ME2/83); Lee (10/11/1817: C/ME2/90); and Jowett (27/4/1818: C/ME3/23).
Cann Sant
40
3.
g, ġ, gi, Three symbols for the same sound:gi was used in Italian words or when i follows ġ· The other two symbols were used in Arabic words: � for t:: and ġ for t . "Spare me my ġ and g; my ċ my c." Canolo uses only ġ. In his first alphabet Vassalli uses r which he later changed to g. Camilleri makes use of Englishj. G g. For this symbol, Vassalli made use of 1 which he even retained in his revised alphabet. Other systems have g.
Ġ
=
=
4. H and H: h, 11, li. The Akkademja alphabet (1924) has these two symbols
for the guttural sound. Jowett, Canolo and Vassalli retained the three consonants found in Arabic " , t:. and t. Jowett has h for (S, Ħ for t:. and li for t . Canolo, like De Soldanis and Wzzino have h, 11 and li with capital letters for the last two symbols. In his first alphabet Vassalli chose two symbols which did not harmonize with the Latin script so that in his final version he chose h and a somewhat modified version, b. Camilleri retained only one h. Wzzino, De Soldanis and Liceo kept this triple consonantal distinction while the other systems retained only h and 11. Camilleri borrowed Canolo's li.
5.1 and/: i andj. Jowett states that one is a vowel and the other is a consonant.
In Italian words like demonj,j is a vowel ''but retained in eomp/iment to the Italian where I represents a double F'. Canolo, likewise follows suit. Vassalli flfst chose Ybut later changed this to I. Camilleri borrows the English Y.
6. K: Ċ. Vassalli, Canolo and Camilleri made use ofK; Jowett proposed using 'in Italian words such·as prietċa, eċċu for the sake of aesthetic effect. Re says that if he were to use K instead, "it would make the Maltese even more despised than at present is". Re used K in words of Semitic origin. . In certain instances, Canolo made use oftwo dots above the K, thus K to symbolize a stronger pronunciation: "K piu forte". Vella and Mifsud Tomasi use eh while the Akkademja Filologika make use of q.
7.
Q: K: Jowett places two dots above the K where Canolo makes use of q
while leaving /( for strongly pronounced K as a1ready seen. Vassalli makes use of c with a vertical bar through its centre, thus t. In his grammar in Italian he selects q instead. Camilleri follows this usage too. Other systems, including Mifsud Tomas� Canolo, Accademja Medica and Taylor use k. panzavecchia used k with an elongation, thus � while the Liceo made use of Arabic. J..
8. U and W: u and w. Jowett and Canolo chose u while adding in a note that this vowel is changed to w when following the vowels a, � and e. For w
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
41
Vassalli used the symbol V, pronounced W and the symbol W for v. In the second edition of his work he opts for u. Camilleri makes use of w.
� The symbol used in Semitic words, while se was left for words of Italian origin. The author who revised Canolo's work always uses se. Vassalli invented the new symbol ", which is not in harmony with the Latin script but resembles Arabic cJ;.. It was from this character that Jowett borrowed the three dots for his symbol. Vassalli retained this symbol even in his final version. Camilleri used English sh; Taylor had se, Ktieb il-Qari sh, Liceo Arabic �, Falzon and Mifsud Tomasi x, panzavecchia s-c.
9. X :
10. Z and ż: z, Jowett does not make a distinction here, using z. Re says this symbol corresponds to Arabic j and " when j is not changed to d.
Canolo likewise follows suit. Vassalli does make the distinction and uses
Z without a dot for Z, but invents the symbol 3 for Ż. The symbol is found
as early as Wzzino's Cathechism, followed by Vella, Accademia Filologika and Falzon. One would have expected Jowett to retain this distinction.
11. G1I : e.. . Jowett does not distinguish between
e:.. and t... while �anolo does. Both use the Arabic character e.. (Canolo adding also e:.. ). In places where the consonant is assimilated or not pronounced, Jowett introduces the symbol &- above the letter which replaces it: smali: "The Maltese do, very little, pronounce the e.. in these places. The touch of s:. at the top, while it will not disturb the common readers, will satisfy the literary" . Vassalli too retains this distinctio!l using inverted u i.e. n for e.. and a left-facing figure of three, 3 for e... Later he replaced this by the symbol for e.. with an added vertical bar on the right, n. . Camilleri used the vowel A with a looped bar above it a. . Wzzino, Trap� Liceo and Falzon also retained the distinction, the majority of them making use of Arabic characters.
As it was used in Canolo's translation, Jowett's alphabet is a modification of his first formulation after consultations with Lee. This is not to say however, that Jowett accepted all his suggestions. Re did not agree for instance, to make the distinction between t, 't and t for Arabic c.:,.. , ..!,. and .b , or to introduce the circumflex accents on the vowels fi., f and a where these corresponded to I , 41 and � , since that would have meant having so much of it that the print would have been too heavily weighted. This was one instance where etymology had to give way to other considerations. Similarly he rejected the ' use of
42
Cann Sant
tashdid for the article before a sun letter because this would have been "humdrum".
!t would appear from this analysis that Jowett met with difficulties in applying his principles in a consistent manner. Re wanted to bring out and demcinstrate the Arabic nature of Maltese, but he also had to take into consideration the many !talian words in Maltese. Re was afraid to give these words a Semitic form and change their spelling, so that what we find in his work is virtually two systems, an !talian one for the Italian component and an Arabic one for the Arabic component. The consequence of this is that the principle established by Vassalli, namely one symbol or letter to represent one sound, does not find its place in this alphabet. Furthermore, in choosing his letters for the Arabic component J owett had to face the problem involved in Maltese phonetics which does not agree with Arabic. The distinction manifested by the letter ghajn, the sibilants and the dentals are hardly valid for Maltese so that in devising an alphabet that incorporates these distinctions, it follows that the principle of representing one sound by one letter is violated. In other words, Maltese cannot be used as an easy means to learn Arabic, as was Jowett's intention. In spite of this he tried his utmost and intro duced consonants and distinctions corresponding to the Arabic com ponent, even though these did not obtain in popular pronunciation, at least as far as the cities and some villages are concerned. Jowett's alphabet is thus a composite one, based on the Italian and the Arabic systems and on popular pronunciation. Rere lies its fun damental weakness. Lee tells him he has not been consistent in the application of his principles. But these were the views and the judgment of a pedant who did not know Maltese and had never heard it spoken. Jowett replies: "After all considering that the Maltese has never properly been cultivated, their Gospels seem to me our experiment. But it ought to be tried. To tell you the truth I am half afraid of your spoiling the thing. Y ou outdo me in the desire to literarify this un wrought dialect. Our translator [Canolo] is a knife-grinder, is a noble , workman, though certainly not too flush of common sense. , 210 210. CMS: C/ME3/23.
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
43
Jowett was also sensitive to the aesthetic sense, leaning towards a e "lin of beauty". In this he seems to have succeeded, and would have done so completely were it not for the use of t... andt- which do not harmonize with the Latin script. The diacritic dots he introduced are not too much in evidence as can be seen from printed text. I think J owett had a certain influence on Vassalli who felt he had to omit certain letters and modify others he had invented for his first alphabet. These letters he brought more into line with the Latin script by taking the Latin letters themselves and modifying them somewhat. Thus he introduced c instead of.li; g for r; Mor R; b for ; q for ct. . Re also followed the order of the Latin alphabet for more ease in looking up a dictionary. Re did all this, as he himself says, "avendo trovato quelle tre incommode al corso della penna e di piu la prima (
7, p.175.
44
Cann Sant
c. The language ofthe Translations
It is not enough for a translator to have devised an alphabet and fixed the orthography: he must also examine what style of language to use. The choice depends on his ends and the readers he wants to com municate with. A translation should be evaluated and judged in the light of his criterion. This principle will now be app1ied to a considera tion of the translations of Canolo, Vassalli and Camilleri, without how ever going into the question of exegetical interpretation. It is here worth remembering that no one of the translators mentioned work from the original texts (Greek or Hebrew) but rather from the Latin Vulgate, Martini's Ita1ian version and the Eng1ish Authorized Version, though Camilleri does say he compared his work to the Greek text.213 All three were too much influenced by the Italian, Latin or English texts. (a) G. Canolo's Gospel according to St. John (1822)
Jowett himself says: "The style of the printed edition of St. John is a shade too high ... nine-tenths Arabic;,,214 in Christian Researches he says that this translation "is the result of three versions, made from the Vulgate by a Native, skilled in Oriental Languages. The first of these was in the most popular style; and the last, in a style approximating to the Arabic, Hebrew and Syriac: the second is intermediate, and has the advantage of the correction of another native of Malta: from these materials the present edition of the Gospel may be considered as com pletely prepared ...this Gospel will add to the means already in exist ence for fixing Modern A�abic."21S Jowett distinguishes three styles, one popular, one Arabic and one intermediate and says that the published version is a result of these three. An examination of this version will show that the "Arabic" element preponderates over the "Maltese" element: the frequent use of the con. struct state and the use of the conjunction u to introduce a circumstan tial clause: Kif jista' jitwieled il-bniedem, u hu xih, 3,11; dawl el-bnedmin 1,23. We also find words and constructions common to Arabic and not to Maltese: bih instead of fih 1,4; had, jieħdu, hud for ha, jiehu, hu; 213. "When you come I will showyou," he writes to Mr Innes, "these translations; of course in my translation, I have consulted and adhered as c10sely as possible to the Greek", BFBS: C: Editorial Co"espondence Inwards No. 7, p.175.
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
bin for ma", imu", mu" for mar, imur, mur; benin Arabic plural ofwith the qabel wara; ta' meaning the with boghod minn ulied; Maltese hadu 33.36; 10, daghwa dagha, for kafra kafar, 3,11; irċieva of meaning . l"lzatlon, ighajjtu fo� bdew ighajjtu �9, 12.15.216 �t �eelD;s that 1D h'�s voca el; fel has he li of Canolo rehed on countryslde pronunclat1on: 1Dstead . Valletta in lived for fil; esmu for ismu, although he himself The author who revised Canolo tried to modify these Arabisms and 4,41; is-Sal bring the style closer to a popular one: fih instead of bih for mmur mur 4,43; hemma men for hemm min 4,42; el-Hallies vatur for li il-missier gha"af hekk U verse: whole a from example an and 4 49'
' kien dak il-ħin li Ġesu qallu: ighix ibnek, u emmen hu u daru kollha which replaced: Gharaf emmela el missier, li hija kienet dik is-siegha, li fiha qallu Ġesu: igħix ibnek: u emmen hu, u daru kollha 4,53. It can be seen from the revised version that Canolo's vocalization is not the most popular one. (b) Vassalli's Gospels andActs (1829) It has already been seen that Vassalli gave Jowett a first draft of his translation within less than two months time. This �';/ould point to the probabi1ity if not the certainty, that Vassalli had ;tccess to Canolo's manuscripts and pub1ished volume. The two are f ,us related, as can also be seen from a comparison between them. Thus Vassalli following Canolo translates Latin per ipsum, per lui, by ghalih instead of bih, Jn Arabisms such as the 1,10; Vassalli did away with many of Canolo's . ' d a construct state and oth er· Arab'IC constructlons;217 b ut h e ret a1De the and sentences his of n pronounced Semitic slant in the constructio fear; to ġaf, damage; cause to vocabulary he used, e.g. aġar, alms; da", #Ian, to betray; baqqa', to leave.218 Although Vassalli's language is closer to popular speech than Canolo's, it still remained removed from it and is understandable that his translation was not popularly accepted, not to mention his use of at least six letters he himself invented, which offended one's aesthetic sense. 216. Saydon, History, 3-4. Cfr Appendices pp.270-272 in this volume; Cremona, Manuskritt, 90-91.
214. CMS: C/M039/15.
217. Saydon, History, 6·7. Cfr Appendices pp.272-274 in this volume.
215.
218. Ibid.
CRM, 302.
4S
46
Cann Sant
(c) Cami/leri's New Testament (1847) As already seen Camilleri revised Vassalli's Gospels and Acts and translated the letters of the Apost1es and the Apocalypse. Re himself evaluates the translation when he writes: "They [the translations] re quire a revision to adapt them to the spoken language ...the only mistake was made in using obsolete words. But in the case of a revision I would ,, make use of the spoken language neither more nor less . 219 Thus thirty years later, Camilleri admits that his translation was not in popular speech, that the use of English orthography for Malta was detrimental and that excessive use is made of obsolete or archaic words . . Camille.ri's revisio? and translation follows the English Authonzed VerslOn and so dlffers from Vassalli's content-wise and tex tually. In his revision of Vassalli moreover, Camilleri does away with . many archalc and obsolete words, and also changed the grammatical structure and the style.220 Still his translation was removed from spoken Maltese. (d) The Catholic Translations Panzavecchia's translations were never published, except for the first chapter of Genesis and their concern was purely philological. Taylor dld have a l opular audience in mind and his style is easy going both with regard to grammatical constructions and to vocabulary. Re took his translations from Camilleri's and from the Book of Common Prayer but with certain modifications to suit Catholics.221 A tendency to use "pure" Maltese is however observable.
D The Scope and Princip/es ofa Bib1e Trans1ation
The foregoing analysis and study of other related elements serve to demonstrate the main goal of these translators.
Jowett expresses his opinion in this regard in a letter to Prof Lee of Cambridge dated September 6: "It is needless to say to you or to the
The cultivation
of Maltese and the Translations of the NT
47
intending this transla C om mittee what is my principal motive in super
� . criminal and foolish to attempt, by any means, to tl? It wo ld also be their spiritual edification is the object Maltese. that dISg ise from the . . ' ds. ' B nhsh fnen most at heart WIth th elf
\
be an act of Chris Yet there will be no will in irritating; and it will m (say v.g. "in a the to enting (an Charity to soothe them; and repres in the present tages advan erable consid three ;reface to a Grammar") ,,222 lit er ary undertak·lOg. The principal purpose according to this letter, therefore, was the "spiritual edification" of the Maltese. To attain this end, Jov:ett wanted to present the work in such a way as not to hu.rt the fee�lOgs of the Maltese by showing them the advantages that lay 10 developlOg Maltese advantages which Jowett subscribed to with all his heart: _
(a) To show to foreigners and to Maltese alike "that their language is a truly dignified one, a worthy daughter of Arabic, fully deserving an eminent place among oriental tongues"; (b) That it could become the means whereby Europeans could learn Arabic, for this reason Malta had great missionary importance; (c) That it could lead "to a new principle in writing the spoken language of ,, North Africa and Syria by introducing ajudicious use of new vowelS. 223 It is here that J owett goes on to say that these advantages serve to . In attract the sympathy of the Maltese to their "spiritual edification" . te: Opposl the fact, according to what he writes in 1822, it was quite found never have I "The ideas which I originally [put forth] throughout se any reason materially to alter, namely, that the fixing. of the Malte. ltS that and Afnca North s dialect wi11 be an important step toward ,, . ' . 224 ' conSl'deratton utility for the people of the Islan d IS a subord,lOate be Thus "fixing Maltese is to display its etymology ,22S and "it ought to 222. CMS: C/ME2/83.
219. BFBS: C: Editorial Correspondence Inwards No. 7, p.175.
223. Ibid.
220. Saydon, History, 7. Cfr Appendices p.275.
224. CMS: C/M039/2.
221. lbid., 11-12. Cfr Appendices p.280.
225. CMS: C/ME3/23.
Cann Sant
48
completed in a style such as not to offend the most fastidious scholar .,, 226 Re was fully confident of his success in this attempt be cause Maltese is "one of the seven supposed Arabic dialects of the Mediterranean"; (he says "supposed" because he had never yet been to North Africa) an(j he adds: "It is a surprising circumstance that Malta - so long under European Governments - should have retained so much of the Arabic, or as the natives call it, the Phoenician language". Next he goes on to divide Maltese into three categories: that in Valletta where there is "a large proportion of !talian in conversation", that in villages, which is differentiated to such a degree that "a countryman's residence may almost be known by his speech", and that in Gozo where the. .people are considered as the most genuine preservers of, the ong1Oal tongue. ,,227 Lee wrote back months later in November and said in a somewhat ironic tone: "I am not sufficiently skilled in that worthy daughter of Arabic to give you an opinion worth having"; he adds that translations in the vernacular for Africa should be made by local people with Malta , as the "officina gentium of those operations., 228 Pinkerton held the same view; he thought that for Africa, "the Arabic character will be necessary" and "it would be well to get a man of the middIe class from Africa to compare the two dialects. Read the Gospels in Maltese to them and see where they differ and where they agree.,, 229 In spite of this Jowett retained his opinion, if we take into con sideration Canolo's translation, which he himself revised and what he wrote in his Christian Researches. 230 Re contradicts himself, however, when he writes tq Lee saying that what was needed for North Africa was a popular translation: "The business of the Missionary Society is very different from that of a traveller, they have to move the Moral Word, they must use, therefore, an engine of sufficient power (meaning strong language) and if the mechanism be anti�uated or defective, they ,, must repair it and invent new improvements. 23
The Cultivation of Maltese and the Translations of tħe NT
But if such a translation could be of any use for Africa - somefor · g very much in question - it would never have been adequate thlD It asters. two ve se can Nobody l Malta. atIon Il1; � � an effe ctive evangehz p c c a g a10 to lOn t l tr ans a such for lble pos been have � � � would never . h r reache d Afnca tance among the people, as 10deed happ �nedj lt nelt � reglOns. nor even circulated in Malta, not to menhon other •
.
•
The same thing happened when Tomlinson commissioned Camilleri t anslate the New Testamentj one of his aims was to facilitate the a hing of English: :'Re had recently turned his attention to the Mal . tese Language in whIch a.s yet scarcely anyth10g has been done partly because the orthography IS unsettled and bad, and p�rtly from fear of communicating knowledge to the people. But the hme has come to . ake a move. Re had therefore endeavoured to pave the way f�r lt by provinB the orthography and making it a medium of learnmg the English." 2
�� : Fm
As already seen Camilleri himself admitted in 1870 this was a mis take which hindered the circulation of the Bible among the people.233
Unfortunately when Catholic translators set themselves to the task, they were contaminated to a greater or le� ser ext� ?t, by these same . views: their aim was to develop Maltese m ltS SemltIc component and depart from the living language of the people they wanted to reach. . . They ended up by reaching out to no one so �ha� ulhmately, lt was the . Maltese Language itself together W1th evangehzahon that suffered.
226. CMS: C/ME2/83. 227. Ibid. 22S. CMS: 229. 230. 231.
C/ME2/90. CMS: C/ME3/61. CRM, 302. CMS: C/ME2/83.
49
232. SPCK: MFTC 1844-55, p.299. 233. BFBS: Editorial Co"espondence, Inwards No.
7, p.175.
2 PROTESTANT MALTESE BIBLE TRANSLATION: 1870-1872*
·Reproduced from Joumal of Maltese Studies
11(1977) 118-144
PROTESTANT MALTESE BIBLE TRANSLATION 1870-1872
In the first half of the nineteenth century there was intensive ac ity tiv in the field of Bible Translation in Maltese and other languages of the Mediterranean area. On the initiative of Rev William J owett, the representative of the Church Missionary Society in Malta, the Gospel of St. John, prepared by G. Canolo, was published in 1822 and the Gospels and Acts in one volume, prepared by M.A. Vassalli, in 1929. The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge published in 1845 in Maltese the Book of Com mon Prayer containing extensive extracts from the whole Bible and, later in 1847, the whole New Testament, both translated by Rev M.A. camil1eri. 1 In the meantime, this Society was engaged in Bible distribution in Malta , mostly to military and civil personnel passing through the Island, and abroad along the shores of the Mediterranean. Circulation among the Maltese themselves met with little success; in fact the depot in Malta was closed in 1870. Precisely at this period, however, the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS) undertook the preparation and printing of the Scriptures in Maltese.2
1.
For further infonnation see: K. Sant, It-Tradużjjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti, (Malta 1975), In this volume pp.1-49; P.P. Saydon, History of the Maltese Bible, (Malta 1957); "The First Maltese Translation of the Bible," SundiaI4(1948) 10-13; ''The EarIiest BibIical Translation from Hebrewinto Maltese," Joumal ofthe Malta University Literary Society 2(1937) 1-12; "The Maltese Translation of the Bible," Me/ita Theologica 16(1964) 1-22; Cfr Appendices pp.267-322. A. Cremona, Vassalli and his Times, (trans. M. Butcher) (Malta 1940).
2.
L'Evangeliu Inkaddes ta Sidna Geru Cristu min San Mattew rivedut u collazionatfuk l'Original Griec, (London 1870). L 'Evangeliu Inkaddes ta Sidna Geru Cristu min San Giuan rivedut u collazionatfuk l'Original Griec, (London 1872). L 'Atti talApostli rivedut u collazionat fuk I 'Original Griec, (London 1871). All three of them were printed at the Cambridge Unversity Press.
54
Cann Sant
Origin and purpose ofthis translation When Rev W. Jowett, the representative of the Church Missionary Society in Malta (1816-1830),3 was supervising the printing of Vassalli's · Gospels and Acts in 1828, he wrote to the BFBS, whose agent he was, that he "should have felt exceedingly happy to have been able to recom mend the printing of the Maltese Gospels by the BFBS; but there are reasons, arising out of the comparatively uncu1tivated state of the Mal tese language, which totally preclude for the present such a course. I have no doubt, however, but, that in due season this interesting transla tion will become theirs - an event, in which none will more sincerely and heartily rejoice than myself. ,,4 His dream came true fifteen years after his death with the publica tion by the BFBS in 1870 of the Gospels of St. Matthew, St. John and the Acts of the Apostles based on the New Testament of 1847. The initiative came from, of all places, the Police Office Hall of the Malta Dockyard. In December, 1869, Mr George Pratt, a Police Of ficer, wrote to Mr H. Innes, who had been Secretary of the Dockyard for 23 years and then retired in Devonport,s that a Religious Tract, The Brazen Serpent translated by Paul Bonavia, had just been published and successfully circulated in Malta.6 !t was intended to publish more such tracts "to prepare the native mind to receive a far more important work, namely, the New Testament, which, we trust, God will stir up friends, to have revised and reprinted, for as it is now, it is next to useless ... Such revision is made necessary by the errors it contains as well as by its orthography." Pratt appealed to Mr Innes to get in contact with friends of means to help him in this venture, for it would be beyond the means available in Malta. Moreover, Pratt insisted that P. Bonavia's name should not be bandied around and recommended him for a post of A/Schoolmaster in the Dockyard "to make him independent of his countrymen." 3.
K Sant, It-Tradutijoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti: 1810-1850, 11. In this volume p.11.
4.
CMS: C/M039b/114.
5.
D, 7. This artic\e is mainly based on a collection of eleven letters printed below under the heading: Docwnents. Their authentic respective copies are preserved in the records of the British and Foreign Bible Society, London. (The number refers to the numbering printed at the head of each letter in the present volume. Editor)
6.
Letter to G. Pratt to H. Innes (Feb. 1870): D, 6.
Protestant Maltese Bible Translation 1870-1872
55
Mr Inn es, favourably impressed by this plea, made contact with Rev A. . M Camilleri, then Vicar ?f �yfor?, Wantage, and with Mr T.J. Kirby, the depositor of BFBS pubhcatIons in Malta. Rev Camilleri replied- on 21 February 1870, reminding Innes of his having edited the 1847 New Testament. Admitting that "they require a revision to adapt them to the spoken language" he showed himself will ing to do this work himself. He suggested that he would use ItaHan orthogr aphy, and that the !talian text of Martini be printed parallel with the Maltese text.7 Mr T.J. Kirby replied from Malta on 7 February 1870. He opines that P. Bonavia, "very timid in all that appertains to Religion ... forced to endeavour to keep well with both sides, is competent for afree trans lation but as to Scriptures he is unacquainted, with either Hebrew or Greek and of course would have to render them from the !talian, and not from the original." However, he would do the work "well and faith fully" but secretly. He insists that Vassalli's use of the archaic vocabulary and strange orthography was beyond the reach of the "lower orders for whom it was principally intended ... Simplicity as well as fidelity must be studied in all translations for the partially educated poor." He recommended a new edition, possibly starting with Luke, as more congenial and attractive to the "unconverted people". The cost would be around fSO, to be raised by subscription among friends and a subsidy from the BFBS; through its sale a fund would be created for further publications. 8 Mr H. Innes wrote to the Secretary of the BFBS enclosing the two letters from Camilleri and Kirby respectively. He introduced himself as a friend and subscriber of old standing to the Society, and continues: "I send for your perusal the enclosed letters with the view of enquiring whether your Committee would be disposed to consider the question of a revision of Vassalli's [Gospels]9 or a retranslation of the whole New Testament"; he went on to recommend strongly the use of !talian or thography and the printing of the !talian text along with the Maltese. St. Luke should be published first, then Romans for "the quiet circulation of the se in unpretending style, would cause less attention and opposi7. 8. 9.
Letter Rev MA. Camilleri to H. Innes (21/2/1870): D, 9.
Letter T. Kirby to H. Innes (Feb. 1870): D, 8.
This is Camilleri's translation, wrongly attributed to Vassalli. Cfr Letter Mr T.I Kirby to Rev
RB. Girdlestone (31/3/1870): D, 12.
Carm Sant
56
tion, than the issue of the whole New Testament at once". He further recommends Camilleri for the job, and Mr Loundes, an age:nt for many years of the BFBS in Malta, for advice. 10 The re action of the BFBS was positive; they contacted Mr Loundes in St. Agnes in England, Mr Swabey in London and Mr Kirby in Malta. Mr Loundes, who for fifteen years (1845-1860) was the agent for the BFBS in Malta, believed that Joseph (not Paul) Bonavia was "pretty effi�ient, as f�r as ability goes" . . He taises the question of orthography, statmg that smce the one used m the pamphlet just published was ac �e� ted "it . would be preferable to adopt the system of orthography used m lt, and lt may be as good as any other"; moreover a "fair translation may be obtained and that under the circumstances, it would be desirable to print one Gospel as a specimen, and perhaps Luke would answer the best."ll Rev Swabey, on behalf of the SPCK, informs them that they still had "about a dozen copies and it is not stereotyped". He had nothing else to tell them except that "the letter from which I have quoted speaks of the great difficulty to be expected in the work of circulating a Gospel in the Vernacular, if it were produced. ,, 12 Before coming to a firm decision, however, as to the advisability and usefulness of producing a translation and as to the best way of distributing it, the Editorial Committee set a number of questions to Rev T.J. Kirby to obtain specific information as to the literacy, cultural level and interest in the Scriptures in Malta. Rev Kirby answered these questions exhaustively in a letter dated 31 March 1870, stating that "the information now sent may be con sidered trustworthy as it has been gathered, not only from those in no . way connected with us, but from friends interested in Scripture dissemination. ,, 13 Kirby reports that there was secret sympathy with Protestantism; no more hostility to the distribution of Scriptures, which one sold in the 10. Letter H. Innes to BFBS Secretary (23/2/1870): D, 6. 11 .
Letter Rev l Loundes to Rev RB. Girdlestone (14/3/1870): D, 10.
12. Letter Rev H. Swabey to Rev RB. Girdlestone (15/311870): D, 11. 13.
Letter Rev T.!. Kirby to Rev RB. Girdlestone (31/3/1870): D, 12.
Protesta nt Maltese Bible Translation 1 870-1 872
57
worship was held in public in two stately heart of Valletta; Protestant Still Kirby was of the opinion that Burmola. and Valletta Churches in and what is more sad, love to have darkness in walk majority "the great it sa . . . "
Only 10,000 Maltese were able to read their own language "prin Nothing is cipally women and children - country people or villagers". To schools. for textbooks and works devotional some printed except for un who Those Vocabulary. ish-!talian Maltese-Engl a add this one may derstand !talian, understand and read Maltese as well; but the poor wha atte nd government schools are unable to understand !talian; they learn only Maltese. Only 6,404 read English, while 14,103 !talian. As to interest in the Scriptures he has this to say. Few copies of the New Testament of 1847 were sold. Still, Kirby continues, "!taHan Scrip tures now and again are sold to Maltese who have travelled ... we must nat overlook the fact that !taHan Bibles may and do find their way to Malta from England, America and besides which all or nearly all edu cated Maltese possess Martini's !talian Bible with notes in 3 Volumes casting 12/6." !t should not be expected that the book would be read in Schools, where orthodox books alone are accepted. 14 Kirby then states that a translation from the Latin Vulgate, unless it is accompanied by notes, would not secure Ecclesiastical approval. A new translation or revision of the old one would be enough. Mr Bonavia, the translator of the Brazen Serpent "is quite com petent to rewrite any of the Gospels in the orthography most intelligible to the Maltese." He would only have to change that of the SPCK edition and remove obsolete words; then the MS should be submitted to Mr Camilleri. Finally a subscription "has been opened here, to meet the expense of a revision of Matthew's Gospel (part of which is ready) so perhaps you may sanction and assist in bringing out the Gospel previous to Luke, which could follow when we see what success attends the issue of Matthew". 14.
Catholic authorities opposed the circulation of the Scriptures without notes: unnotated &riptures were banned. In fact Kirby admits that near1y a11 educated Maltese were in possession of Martini's Italian Bible which had notes.
Cann Sant
58
Armed with this information, the Editorial Committee decide d upon the publication of the Gospel of St. Matthew and work proceeded sm? othly. On 27 May 1870, Mr Kirby reported to Rev Girdlestone, the . E.dltor . Supenntendent, t?at the translation of Matthew was handed to ?lm, WIth a request for hltD to go through it, which he was doing, revis mg fr?m 5 to 7.30 a.� . . daily. He found it an improvement on Vassalli' s (�hat. IS, the SPCK edItIons of 1847 wrongly attributed to Vassalli) as to fldehty and clearness, but it too contains omissions and errors. He ac qui�ed �he assistance of a brother of a Professor of Theology in the U Dlverslty many years ago. In three weeks time he would finish and se�d a fair copy, to be handed to Rev Camilleri, who should keep in mmd that he has been for many years away from Malta ' and hence not perfect1y acqu�inted with �o�temporary spoken languag� . He consulted also Rev G. Wlsely, the MID1ster of the Church of Scotland in Malta' as to the meaning of the original Greek. Work would be finished in all respects within three months. Kirby reports also that sufficient funds have been subscribed and suggests print.in? in England in s�all p�ca 32° cloth. In a postscript by Mr T. Bruce, lt IS stated that no pnnter m Valletta would dare print the Gospel.lS . The fair copy was sent to England in July 1870. Kirby informs Rev Gtrdlestone that the MS requires litt1e revision "as much care has been expended there on alrea�y". He delightedly adds that his "coadjutor has become ena� oured wIth the word, and purposes to revise Mark's Gospel on hIS own account". Kirby decides to assist him, hoping that the whole New Testament would be covered in twelve months' time. 16
Apostles in 1871; St. John in 1872 with reprints of in 1870; Acts of the 1893 and 1912. th e thr ee of them in is actually a revision of This brief survey shows that this translation checked by Mr Kirby, was It Mr P. Bonavia. Camilleii's work of 1847 by lleri; the purpose Cami by ined finally exam with Maltese assistance, and the version of the ified simpl a with le peop of this work was to provide [the Maltese] the truth, as it is in Jesus, Scripture s "to set before the to enlighten their minds and touch and trust to ,,the Holy Spirit's powestr, in the Maltese language as such, as their hearts . 18 They had no interers in the first half of the century. was the case with their predecesso The quality ofthe translation
ible to the The aim of the revisers was to produce a text accessty must be fideli as well as icity simpl for parti ally educa ted poor, 19 Therefore, they had to studied in all translations for such people.by ucing a simple al simplify the orthography and the language introd to what phabet and removing archaic and difficult words. How far and extent did they succeed? Camilleri in 1842 used the English alphabet and orthography, while full justice to Bonavia has chosen the !taHan one, neither of which doesmorph ological and s the nature of the Maltese, with its Semitic sound structure s. This chart shows the differences between them compared with the system of the Għaqda tal-Malti (1924): għ ħ ġ Għaqda (1924) Ċ Camilleri (1847) ch gi ge li 11 gh h Bonavia (1870) ci ce j as for the rest they are the same .
Things moved swiftly, for on 4 August 1870, Rev M.A. Camilleri accepts. to g? �hrou?h the MS.I? Two days later Camilleri writes again expressmg hIS J OY WIth the work stating that such a translation would be useful for all Maltese - not all those who read !talian understood it in Malta and in North Africa. the w?rk went tħrough successfully. St. Matthew (without the .Thus !tahan text), pnnted by the Cambridge University Press, was published 15. 16. 17.
Letter T.l KUby to RevRB. Girdlestone (6/6/1870): D, 13. Letter T.l KUby toRev RB. Girdlestone (12/7/1870): D, 14. Letter. R� MA. Camill� to Rev RB. Girdlestone (4/8/1870): D, 15, COlTIllleri to Rev RB. Gudlestone (6/8/1870): D, 16.
Y
k q k q ch k
w x u sh u x
Ż
z
z
Obviously this kind of alphabet does not distinguish between the ġ and g; ċ and k; i and j; h and ħ; u (vowel) and w; ż and z. Moreover this the alphabet cannot represent adequately the Semitic morphology ofs was language. But then, the main purpose of Bonavia and his friend 18.
and Letter Rev MA.
59
ese Bible Translation 1 870-1 872 protestant Malt
19.
Letter G. Pratt to H. Innes (February 1870): D, 7. Letter T.l Kirby to H. Innes (31/3/1870): D, 8.
60
Carm Sant
not philological or literary, but simply evangelization, and hence they used a simplified orthography, which, they expected, rendered the reading of the text easier; in actual fact, however, it rendered it more confusing to the 'poorly educated' and repellent to the fully educated. Besides orthography, ' the other problem facing a translator of a Biblical text is what kind of language to use; the predecessors of Bonavia - Vassalli, Camilleri, Taylor - tried to keep the middle road with a more or less conscious bias towards the Semitic element of Mal tese. Bonavia preferred the unpolished spoken language. The following conspectus presents graphically the differences as to vocabulary and grammatical and morphological structures between the old translation (1847) and the new revision (1870): Camilleri 1847 Vocabulary: Verse:
1 2 3 5-6 16-18 17-18
Bonavia 1870 (G ospel of John 3,1-20) Kbarat ajubijiet tabilhaqq ruh mnissel-wahdu jaamel haqq ikollha l hlas
Syntactic Structures: 2 inti maalem li jey ... 2 Yiek Alla ma ikunsh miau 3 Wiejeb J esu ... 3 Yiek wiehed ma jitwieled sh minn jdid ... 4 Kif bniedem yista' "jitwieled meta hu shih? 6 Dak li twieled mil-jisem hu jisem ... 7 Sheyn tistaajeb ... 7 Yahtiejil kom titwieldu minn jdid ...
Cap miracli tassew spirtu uniġenitu jiccondanna tissalva (sic)
int imghallem li geit... hlief jec Alla hua mighu Gesu wiegeb ... hlief jec uiehed ma jituieledx min gdid ... Chif jista il bniedem jituieled meta jixjieh? Dac li hu mwieled mil gisem hua gisem la tistaghgebx... illi jahtieg li intom tituieldu min gdid ...
61
,ont Maltese Bible Translation 1 870-1 872 Protes",
8 Ir-r ih ifewej feyn irid, u int Ir rih jonfoh fein irit, u inti
tis ma' hossu, izda ma tafx mneyn jey u feyn seyer hekk hu kollmin twieled mir-Ruh ... 11 U ma tilqawsh ish. shhieda taana.. . 12 tal ard .. . 13 hlief min nizel mis-sema, Bin il-bniedem li hu fis-sema...
15 Biesh... 20 Aash kollmin jaamel il-hazin jobaod id-dawl, u ma yijish aad dawl biex ma jitlumush li ameyel tiau... 21 Imma min jaame1 is sewa jigi aad dawl biesh j idhru li ameyel t iau ash n taamlu fAlla ...
tisma hossu, izda ma tafx mnein hu gei u fein imur: hec huua collmin jituieled mil li Spirtu... izda intom ma tilqghux ix xieda taghna... ta fuk l' art... hlief huua li nizel mis-sema, l'Iben tal bniedem li huua fis sema .. . Sabiex .. . Ghaliex c ollmin j aghmel il hazen j obghod id daul, u ma jigix lein id daul, sabiex I'opri tighu ma jintgharfux... Izda min jaghmel is sewwa jigi lejn id daul, sabiex l'opri tighu j idhru, illi huma maghmulin fAlla ...
From this conspectus one can see that Bonavia substituted !talian loan words for Semitic terms - one must admit that the latter do . �ot always convey the exact meaning of the original text - or more famlhar Semitic ones for less familiar ones. As to grammatical structures he substitu�ed less idiomatic and popular ones for idiomatic and less known ones In the s� oken languag� . Moreover one notes also that he did not pay any attentlOn to the baslc morphological rules governing the modifications of the basic root struc tures of the Semitic words. One doubts very much how much of an expert in handling written, not to say literary, Maltese, Bonavia was. It is quite obvious that he and his friends were not in the least interested in the philological or literary finish of the language. They were more interested in evangelization than anything else. This, how ever, is a boomerang, because a Biblical text, to be effec.tive with all classes of the community, must be translated in a language In between a high literary style and the lower uncouth, if not vulgar, style. In other terms it must use, what is called, for lack of a better term, common or
62
Carm Sant
unpopular language, acceptable and understandable to both cultured and uncultured readers, provided that it reproduces the meaning of the original and possibly creating the same impression on the new readers as that on the readers of the original. Conclusion
3 PROTESTANT MALTESE BIBLE TRANSLATION THE GOSPEL OF ST. MARK: 1914-1915*
One may synthesize the result of this brief survey thus. In 1870 a group of people bent on Protestant evangelization through Bible dis tribution without any philological or literary interest, as was the case in the first half of the century, decided to publish a new translation (or rather a far reaching revision of the previous one) in Maltese of the Scriptures, starting with one of the Gospels. The project had the ful1 support of the BFBS and a number of private subscribers. Paul Bonavia undertook the revision of the text of the New Testament edited by M.A. Camilleri in 1847. He 'simplified' the orthography and style making it more accessible - or so he thought - to the general public. Only St. Matthew, St. John and Acts were published. Because of the limited literacy of the people and Catholic opposition to Scriptures without notes, success was limited. It was the merit of Bonavia, however, to have worked with the sole purpose of bringing the Bible to the people for its own sake without ulterior motives of a literary or philological nature as such. No such activity, except for the reprints of 1895 and 1912 was ever undertaken in this field before 1914, when fresh translations were made on the initiative of Dr G. Wisely, then the minister of the Church of Scotland in Valletta for many years. The last attempt from the Protes tant side was the publication of the New Testament by the Trinitarian Bible Society in 1971, being a revised text of Saydon's translation. At the end of the century however, Maltese Catholics started to take Bible Translation in all earnestness; in fact by 1936 the whole Bible was translated into Maltese. Such activity has been going on until the present day. In 1959, Prof P.P. Saydon finished his translation of the whole Bible from the original Hebrew and Greek and in 1975 the New Testament was published' by the Catholic Malta Bible Society in the common, but not less polished language of the people, cultured and uncultured alike.
*Reproduced from Journal of Maltese Studies 13(1979) 78-120
PROTESTANT MALTESE BIBLE TRANSLATION THE GOSPEL OF ST. MARK: 1914-1915
Protestants showed interest in Maltese Bible translation since 1816. The Church Missionary Society published in 1822, the Gospel of St. John (G. Canolo), in 1829 the Four Gospels and Acts of the Apost1es (M.A. Vassalli); the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge pub in 1845 and the lishe d the Book of Common Prayer with the Psalms whole New Testament (M.A. Camilleri) in 1847. 1 The British and Foreign Bible Society published in 1870-1872 the Gospels of St. Mat thew and St. John and Acts of the Apost1es based on the 1847 New Testament under the direction of M.A. Camilleri. 2 The success of these efforts was meagre, first because few could read3 and secondly because the Catholic Church authorities never ac cepted to disseminate the Bible or parts of the Bible without ex planatory notes.4 1. 2. 3.
K. Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti, (Royal University of Malta; Malta 1975).
In this volume pp.1-49.
C. Sant, "Protestant Maltese Bible Translation 1870-1872", Joumal of Maltese Studies 11(1977) 118-144. In this volume pp. 51-62. These are literacy statistics according to the relative censuses: YEAR
POPULATION TOTAL
LITERATE NUMBER
%
ILLITERATE
NUMBER
%
MALTESE WRITE
11.08 16.50 18.90 23. 10 32.82
126,042 88.9 125, 495 83.5 184 133,776 81. 1 18,460 141,966 76. 9 26,706 142, 113 81.3 10, 175 " Able to write and read in at least one language, Maltese included. 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911
4.
141,755 149,782 165,037 184,742 211,564
15,713 24,287 31,,261 42 776 69,451
This disposition has been repealed. Cfr AAS 58(1966) 1186.
%
.001
11. 1 14. 4 4.8
READ ONLY
811 26,089 37,474 10, 175"
%
.005 15.8 20.2 4. 8
Carm Sant
66
During this period Catholic activity in this field was very limited: Richard Taylor published his Psalms and extracts from the Gospels and other Biblical portions (1845-1848) and Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi started his work on the New Testament in 1895.s The BFBS took the initiative again in 1912 on the suggestion of Mr H.M. Gooch, Secretary General of the World Evangelical Alliance (WEA) and Rev G. Wisely, minister of the Church of Scotland in Malta since 1854.6 They published the translation of the Gospel of St. Mark and printed again the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John and the Acts of the Apostles, which they had published in 1870-1895. 7 In this paper I intend to trace the history of this new translation and see what value one can attach to it. I Thefirst abortive attempt: 1912
In February 1912 there was passing through Malta Mr H.M. Gooch, the General Secretary of the WEA, who met Rev G .A. Sim, the minister of the Church of Scotland in succession to Rev G. Wisely, still in Malta. On the 1st of March 1912 Gooch wrote to Rev Dr Robert Kilgour, the Editor Superintendent of the BFBS, insisting on the need for the publication of a Maltese Translation of the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John, and the Acts of the Apostles, or even the whole Bible: " ... that your committee intend supplying the deficiency of the Gospels, and as soon as possible to arrange for the translation of the whole Bible in Maltese." s In the meantime Rev Sim wrote to Rev Kilgour on behalf of Rev Wisely offering him their cooperation for a possible second edition 5.
K Sant, "Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi: Traduttur tal-Vanġeli u l-Atti ta' l-Appostli 1895-1924", Il-Malti 54(1978) 4-27. In this volume pp.109-137.
6.
Rev G. Wisely was the minister for the Church of Scotland in Malta from 1854 to 1896. He was responsible for the building of St. Andrew's Church in Valletta. When he retired he remained in Malta up to the outbreak oftheWar in 1914. He died in Scotland in 1917. Because ofhis age - hewas 87 in 1912 and long stayin Malta he was the natural leader ofProtestants in Malta; he seems to have had a large group of Maltese friends. Rev H.M. Gooch was the SecretalY General of the World Evangelical Alliance. He visited Malta in 1912 and 1914; he died in 1919 in Scotland. His last visit to Malta provoked a strong reaction, because of the WEA attempt to establish an agency in Malta with the help of a certain Mr John Falzon, an ex-catholic priest tumed Protestant. Bishop Giuseppe Pace, issued a pastoral letter condemning such an initiative and prohibited the Maltese to cooperate.
-
7.
K
8.
BFBS:Arch - Cor. 1912-Letter 1/3/1912: D, 17.
of The Gospel
67
St. Mark
le Acts and a new translation of Lk and Mk, o� the who of Jn , Mt andent.. "This is the time because of increased read1Dg of Mal New Test am rnment Schools .,,9 Kilgour asked for specific information . M alt se nly,10 at tese in G ove 1D ers read ntial � � pote of ber . num the to as y l from Wise Vlew WIth hIS was what and , hand in n latio trans their was e stag 11 what lation of the whole New T estament . respect tO a future trans describing Malta as " ... Wisely answered in a highly polemical tone earth". He recalled also that he was the most b·190 te d R . C , spotr on . 0f th e to meddle with the Rer19lOn cou�se11 d by the Governoingnot recol rted disto had he orYi his mem Ma .tes� .�2 Wisely was draw onMalt m of victi a was he and e, Bibl ese of the lectlOn about the historythe . a lta M 1D ' h urc Ch lC I' 0 Cath str ong prejudices against the Book of Common Wise ly state s that Vassalli had translated he only the . lated . namtrans . -fact Prayer and the Whole New Testament·alh ' in t 1' 0ne d men not IS e hIS. Gospels and Acts', that the son of Vass the Umt at h.e th d an s, State d e toned and had to emigrate to thlS for uced prod is nce his passage for himi no evide w::� paid ared prep t amen Test New the tatem� nt.13 He continues in stating that oy�d, and hence only a fe � . illeri and published in 1847 was destr by Cam . s were extant This translation of 'Vassalh' CO'lt a1DS many archalc cople · yet, . ,�rs W'lse ly, " on the : words and is written i� the old orthography whole it is quite a classlc as much as Tyndale s was.
)
�
·
-72 which �ere Wise1y goes on to mention the publications of .1870 Th " illeri Cam �se tra�slatlOns . cuc edited by "a singular1y able man M.A . ulat lOn was u The phy. also cont ain old word s and orth ogra 9.
BFBS: Arch Cor. 1912- Letter 15/3/1912.
10.
Cfr Note 3.
BFBS: Arch Cor. 1912- Letter 15/3/1912. D, 17. 12. BFBS :Arch. Cor. 1912- Letter 25/3/1 912: D, 17. 13. BFBS' Arch Co� 1912- Letter 25/3/1912:
11.
� � � � � ����� �\�a:; �?� � :;��� � :J \ � �� � � �: �n�� : ���:�����: !��::� �
ft lI" V e t ti � Crem�na did n�; succeed to fin anyt i � b �a . ih t el a I !he death of thelr father. The el . es ng s o o he a tese to North Africa in 1867. Nothi i t ,. (Ma Cfr Vassalli and His Time .(trans. by .M. �ucher)hiS e b we shed some l1gbt, but, ID V1ew of 1940) 117-126. This information of Wisely m�y value. face ItS at taken be not should it memolY at this time
Sant, "Il-Bibbja bil-Malti: 1822-1973", Sijon 6 (1973) 28-31. 14.
BFBS: Arch Cor. 1912- Letter 25/3/1 912:. D, 18.
68
of St. Mark The Gospel
obstructe� bl the Archbishop, but copies reached as far as Tunis an d Alexandna. 1
Wis ely replied on the 26th April. Re stated that he was waiting for di's translation from the printer. This transla a copy of Muscat Azzopar Martini's ltaHan translation, should not be from made owever, tion, h ies, both in the published by the BFBS, because of its obvious deficienc s. Little did comment and notes text and worse still in its accompanying Martini's translation at the d Wise ly know that the BFBS distribute 21 beginning of the nineteenth century in Malta and in ltaly.
. In these. last tw�nty-fi.ve years, goe � on Wisely, Maltese has assert ed ltself as aga10st !tahan before thlS time the children did not le arn . (SIC); anyth'1Og and " th e pnests loved lt. so ' " were afraid that their property be taxed " . Only 10% of the Maltese understood anything else but Mal tese. In actual fact however, according to the 1911 census' 18 . 701 / 0 were . Maltese. 16 abIe to rea d; 4.8% only 10 Wisely used to disseminate the Italian translation of the Societa di San Ge� olamo .(R �me), 17 but the Bishop, according to him, did not all.ow hlm to dlstnbute the Maltese translation of the same and n pnnter dared to print it . . Re was prepared, therefore, to offer to th� BF�S the. MS of the Gospel of St. Luke in Maltese prepared by an !tahan pnest conversant with Maltese and a sum of money for the ex penses within two days. 18 The MS of St. Luke was "a well executed translation as the man who did it, . our lo �al colporteur, was an educated man conversant with Greek, Lat10 and ' 1altese, which last he spoke fluently". This translator employed with the Church of the Walden �as Mr Angelo �" astrotto, Slans of Calabria, L ':lly. 19 Kilgour accepted to present the MS of Luke to the Editorial Board' he corrected the erroneous views of Wisely about the work of Vassalli and Camilleri's �espective�y, and he made reference to the translation of St. Mark pubhshed by G. Muscat Azzopardi and asked for a copy of the same. 20 B�S:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 25/3/1912: D, 18.
15.
1111S may be a reference to the circular letter dated 6th Februaty, 1892.
16.
Cfr Note 3.
69
Wisely confesse d that he did not know of Vassalli's edition of the of Common Gospels and Acts in 1829; but he still insisted that the Book 22 Re further work. his were 1847 of nt Prayer and the New Testame arrived in himself Wisely when Island the states that Camilleri had left Mat John, of editions the prepared i Camiller Malta in 1854. Certainly ').3 in officer an Bevir, E.L. was r translato The 1870-72. in thew and Acts quite and scholar biblical a s, linguistic in expert Army, the British familiar with Maltese. Paul Bonavia was just a 'hireling' to help with Maltese.24 On the same date Kilgour wrote to Wisely and on the 27th, the day following, to Rev Sim asking them for an assurance as to the correct ness of the translation. Re asked them whether the translation was from the Greek, and from what text; and whether it would not be advisable to print the older editions, rather than embarking on a new one. The BFBS were prepared to publish the four Gospels, and if need be the whole New Testament.2s In answer to this letter Wisely admitted that his memory was failing him, and, therefore, he suggested that Kilgour would carry on his cor respondence with Sim, his successor in the ministry. Re told him that A. Mastrotto was the translator, but that it would be advisable to print the old editions without any change. Mr P. Bonavia helped in the trans lation, which was then revised wholly by M.A. Camilleri. Re added that
17.
This society was established in Rome for the distribution of the Gospels in Italian.
18.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 25/3/1912: D, 18.
21. K Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti: 1810-1850, (Royal University of Malta; Malta 1975) 9. In this volume pp.12-13.
19.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 26/3/1912.
22.
Vassalli died on the 12th of Januaty 1829.
�FBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 2/4/1912.
23.
C. Sant, "Protestant Maltese Bible Translation, 1870-1872", 11(1977) 118-144. In this volume pp51-62.
20.
G. Musca! Azzopardi had begun to publish the four Gospels in week1yparts in 1895 (St Mark)
and then In 1914. Cfr Sa�t, "Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi Traduttur tal-Vanġeli u l-Atti ta' l-Appostli 1895-1924"' n Maltl 54(1978) 4-27. In this volume pp.109-137. -
24.
25.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 26/4/1912: D, 19. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 27/4/1912.
!oumal of Maltese Studies
70
The Gospel of St. Mark
71
G. Muscat, the printer, would not print, because "his business would suffer. ,,26
exact translation, but its comments are full of which he found to be "an ,, 1 3 errors. l' IC h 0 Cat R OIIlan
Sim answered just four days later on the 7th of May. His letter is more enlightening. The translation of St. Luke - the MS of which had been sent "secretly to London" - was the work of Mr V. Busuttil, A/Inspector of Schools. He worked on the text of the Societa di San Gerolamo, acting on the instructions of G. Wisely; it was then checked and revised by Mastrotto, who consulted the Textus Receptus, the Latin Vulgate and Vassalli's translation of 1847. A better man than Mastrotto could not be found. Busuttil had also the Gospels of St. Matthew, St. Mark and St. John ready for revision. The portions published in 187072 are quite satisfactory as they are; if the BFBS had not St. Luke, they could take Busuttil's translation, to be revised in proof by Mastrotto.
Ki1gour refused to grant the petition of the National Bible S ? ciety of scotland. He asked Sim whether the MS of Luke and. Mark, WhIC? he had sent to London, agreed with the texts already pubhshed, espe�l�lly in pa rallel texts. He further wanted to know what were the quahflCa tions of Mr Busuttil and whether he worked from the Greek text or any other language and whether other Maltese scholars were consulted: " We are only anxious," writes Kilgour, "first of all to make sure that what we. are asked to publish is in accordance with our rules for translatlOn. ,, 32
Sim, on the insistence of "our colporteur (a Maltese)" recom mended the publication of the whole New Testament, especially of the Letters of St. Paul, for whom the Maltese have a special devotion. Wisely was ready to donate !50 for each portion. The name of the Society should not appear on any publication.27 Kilgour replied on the 13th of May; he asked Sim to send him the MS of Busuttil's Mark, which he duly sent on the 20th of the same month. He suggested that there should not be the imprint BFBS London.28 Kilgour did not accept such a suggestion, and he suggested instead to print: London, 146 Queen Victoria Street 1912 or Port Said. He passed the offer of Mastrotto to correct the proofs to the Editorial Board.29 Sim suggested to print: Londra 1912 only.30 He asked whether the BFBS would be ready to permit the National Bible Society of Scotland to print an illustrated edition. With the same letter Sim included Mastrotto's comments on the translation of Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi, 26.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 3/5/1912: D, 20.
Wisely is not consistent here: in a previous letter he stated that Bevir was the translator; here he says that Camilleri was the man. The latter statement is the correct one.
27. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 7/5/1912: D, 21. 28.
29.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 13/5/1912. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 13/5/1912.
30. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 24/5/1912.
Sim answered on the 10th of June; as to the MS of St. Luke he could not say anything except that the orthography is different from that of 1870 and that it is the one used in the schools.33 Mr V. Busuttil, the translator of St. Mark, is an A/Inspector of Schools, author of school text books; but he is unfamiliar with the Greek language, hence he worked on the !taHan text of the Societa di San Gerolamo. Mastrotto is going to revise it. Sim suggested, however, on the advi�e of Wisely, to consult Miss E.I. Morrell, who was born and brought up 10 M ��ta, mem ber of the Church of Scotland, at present resident in England. Kilgour wrote back on the 19th June stating that he would be satis fied if Mastrotto would tell them whether the translation of St. Luke agreed with the old publications. He sent back the MS of St. Mark to be revised by Mastrotto against payment.35 Sim sent Mastrotto's report to London: "My translation and revisions are fundamentally always Vassalli's [i.e. the edition of 1847], ... in a more modern dress and with some terms exact (sie.) for our times". Mastrotto, however, had applied for a new post with the Baptist Church, 36 and in fact five days later he was in New York; he promised 31.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 30/5/1912.
32.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 6/6/1912.
33.
The Alphabet and orthography of the Societa Fi1ologica Maltese.
34. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 10/6/1912: D, 22.
35.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 19/6/1912
36.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 9/7/1912.
72
Cann Sant
k The Gospel of St. Mar
73
to continue to help them. Sim, however, stated that it was not advisable to go ahead before having the report of Miss Morrell.37
you all think that .Mastrotto's cluded the letter: ,,42 work is . "If therefore . d by us, rop. Just d must matter e h t pubhshe bemg of y unw orth
Miss Morrell's advice was rather negative: "I have only a spoke n knowledge of the language. It would be better for some revising" she said.38 And on the 26th August she confirmed this view in a letter to Wisely: "The people make litt1e, if any, use of what there is in print already. One cannot help feeling that if a freer distribution of the Word already in hand were made and if it were read by the people, the demand for the Scriptures would ,,be evident, and with the demand, those able and willing to translate. 39 This was the turning point in the planning of this translation.
On the 20th of November Wisely wrote to E.L. Bevir, who was resident in France; he asked him to come over to Malta to I;'repare a M altese translation of the whole of the New Testament. Bevlf, an old roan of 65 years, told him that he could not take charge of this work, before finishing with the printing of the Italian translation. He stated that the 1847 translation contains a lot of Arabic no more in use today, ince many Latin words have found themselves into modern Maltese. �et Bevir suggested a reprint of this edition: " ... to my mind more classical than the modern form in the popular books you sent me (Galea's writings etc.) ... 1 doubt if you could beat Vassalli". He sug gested that a Maltese printer woul? be preferable and adde ? tha! : "any a Maltese verSlOn of the NT would requlfe wlsdom, att empt to circulate ,, 4 3 t tact, etc. e c.
On the 8th of October 1912 Wisely, while in London, had an inter view with Mr Moule of the BFBS - Kilgour was absent at the time. They agreed that: it would be inadvisable to print Busuttil's translation as revised by Mastrotto, who was not conversant with Maltese spoken in Malta, but in Tripoli; Mastrotto should be thanked and paid for his work; a second edition of Mt, Jn, Acts 1870-72 would be enough; the BFBS should take in. hand the translation of the whole New Testament based on Vassalli's, a change in the orthography and a few words would be enough. "The difficulty is to,,find a Maltese scholar capable of carry ing out this important revision. 40 Sim reported to Kilgour that Mr Mastrotto had moved to Albania (USA), but he was ready to correct the proofs. He reminded him that he, Kilgour, was satisfied with Miss Morrell's opinion and then added: "It would be a pity if a text went out of the ,,Society, which was markedly awkward in its phraseology here and there. 41 Five weeks later Kilgour informed Sim of his concern about Miss Morrell's last opinion in contrast to her first one; he was writing to her again. Hence Sim should not drop Mastrotto until further instructions; in the meantime he had to keep his MS and pay for it. Then he con-
On November 25th Kilgour wrote to Miss Morrell asking her on what grounds did she change her first opinion.44 He wrote also to Wise ly asking him for his final decision before proceeding further. 45 Wisely, without further ado, advised Kilgour that the best course would be to publish the whole of the New Testament "translated homogeneous throughout". This was the opinion of E.L. Bevir. The basis for such an edition would be the 1847 translation with a modern ized orthography and language; the work would be entrusted to Bevir, who would come to Malta. Wisely reports also that Miss Morrell was not enthusiastic with the work of Mastrotto; in fact she suggested the publication of the whole of the NT He told him also that Sim had found a young English lady who was ready to revise St. Mark of Vassalli with the help of 'a friend'; a printer from one of the villages would take care of the printing. Wisely was ready to subsidise the whole venture. 46 BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 25/11/1912.
37.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 14/8/1912 from St Anne-on-Sea, Lancashire.
42.
38.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 5/8/1912.
43.
39.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 26/8/1912: D, 23.
44.
40.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 12/10/1912 with note dated 8/10/1912 attached to it.
45.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 25/11/1912.
41.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter30/1O/1912.
46.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 30/11/1912: D, 25.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 25/11/1912: D, 24. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912 -Letter 25/11/1912.
74
of St. Mark Tho Gospel
75
Miss Morrell confirmed her views against Mastrotto's in a lette r to Dr Kilgour.47 Wisely at the same time wrote to London: "I hoped the translation of . a book [i.e. the ItaHan translation of the Society of St. Jerome] sanchoned by the Pope would be more likely to be read by the Maltese Roman Catholics, than a NT issued by Protestants. The Bishop of Malta will have none of it. We are now free to take the course We have decided upon. Of course I hope to help financially." 48
The Editorial Board of the BFBS approved the publication of Mk the 8th of January 1913. 54 The work started immediately. The only �rfficulty that the printers (Billi�g � . Sons, .Lond�n) . fo.und was . t�e rinting of ġ, ċ, ż because of the dlacnbcal POlOtS. Slm lOS1St� d on g, c, r� but as to ħ. he said that"it was not important, and therefore 1t could be oIIlitted, as 10 fact 1' t was.
The final decision was to print the former editions of Mt, Jn and Acts as they stood, and then proceed with a new translation of the New Testament. In fact, however, only these three portions and St. Mark were printed. Perhaps the war had a say in it.
The printing was finished in JUly. 56 K�lgour sent a signed copy .to ofessor Zammit who was already worklOg on Lk, but not to MISS J :nkins, "the young lady who transcribed a copy of St. Mark an? is a litt1e disappointed not to have recei�ed one : B�t I am �ot s.ure . 1f h.er to you ... MISS Jenkms address IS V1 a Buchuassistance was ,mentioned ,,5 7 · u Ian s. J l t. S ra, ca
II The publication ofSt. Mar�c
On the 30th of November 1912 Wisely was of the opinion to publish the. �hole New Testa �ent. Sim took it upon himself to prepare a reVlSl0n of St. Mark wIth the help of a young English lady born and brought up in Malta, to be printed at the expense of Dr Wisely.49 Eleven months later Sim reported that the MS of St. Mark was ready; the translation was based on a revision of the 1847 edition with the help of Professor T. Zammit "the most competent Maltese scholar in !he Is.land and did work cum amore: it can be thoroughly relied upon. It IS a fIrst rate text of St. Mark. ,, 50 The revision consisted in the sub �titution of arc�aic words and the change of Camilleri's orthography lOto that used 10 the schools then, that is, the one of the Societa Filologica Maltese.51 Wisely was so much happy with this "first rate text of St. Mark,,52 that he decided to print 1000 copies, not just a few on an experimental basis, in London, and with them the other Gospels and Acts at his own expense. Wisely sent a donation of 1:30 on March of the following year. 53
p
Within seven months the printing was ready; but all in all this trans lation of Mark took them one year and eight months. Criticism
Just three months after the publication, Mr Gooch, the Secretary of the World's Evangelical Alliance, wrote to Kilgour stating that the Gospel of St. Mark was "badly translated" and "not faithful". This criticism was coming from Mr John Falzon58 their agent in � orth Africa. As an example he quoted the translation of James into Gomu rather than Ġakbu. Sim answered that Bevir was pleased with the trans54.
BFBS:Arch. Minutes ofthe Editorial Standing Committee - 8th November 1913.
55.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1913 -Letter 23/12/1913 and Letter 13/1/1914.
56. 57.
47.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 2/12/1912.
48. 49.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 16/12/1912: D, 26. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1912-Letter 30/11/1912.
50.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1913 -Letter 21/10/1913: D, 27.
BFBS: Arch. Minutes ofthe Editorial Standing Committee - 5th November 1913. 52. BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1913 -Letter 21/10/1913: D, 27. 51.
53.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1913 -Letter 21/10/1913: D, 27.
58.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1914-Letter 9!711914.
Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi issued the first appeal for subscribers on the 14th July 1914.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1914-Letter 9!711914.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1914 -Letter 27/10/1914: D, 28.
.
Mr John Falzon was a Maltese priest, who passed over to Protestantism. The WEA too� hlm under its wings with the purpose of sending him to work amongst the 12,000 Maltese resldent in Tunis, and then to return to Malta to take charge of Maltes� Protestants o!' the Isla�d. . He was sent for training in the Waldensian Teacher's School ID F1oren�e (Life and Fauh . 8/4/1914). Falzon and Fr Joseph Maurin, both of them members of a religious o�er, were denounced by Bishop Giuseppe Pace through a Pastoral Latter dated 15th t\P�! 1913. In another Pastoral Letter dated 22nd April 1914 the Bishop denounced the actlVltles of the WEA in Malta' three months later Fr Maurin returned to the fold (Pastoral Letter 31st December 1914 . Falzon translated theBook ofPsalms issued by the BFBS in 1926. Fr Maurin returned back to his Protestant friendsj he was encouraged or asked to translate the GospeJs. His effortswere to no avai1. Back in Malta during the war he died in Gozo, reconciled to the Catholic Church.
)
Carm Sant
76
lation, and, after consulting Professor Zammit, he said that the trans lators did nothing else but "put Vassalli's version into modern orthog raphy and to change any obsolete word into a modern equivalent." Jenkins on her part took responsibility for Ġomu instead of the correct one Ġakbu ; she thought that Ġomu was the popular form; Zammit apologized for the oversight. Sim conc1uded the letter by stating that he was to ask Mr Falzon for a list of 'errors' .59 In April 1915 Gooch informed Kilgour that Mr Falzon, who was in Malta, had given a list of errors to Sim, but the latter did not accept it. Falzon dec1ared: "I wil1 not distribute that edition among the Maltese because it is full of mistakes". Gooch insisted:,, " ... which [Falzon's com ments] as he is a Maltese ought to be correct. 60 Kilgour retorted: "I da not think that too much stress ought to be laid upon the opinion of Mr Falzon ... We are assured . that the book is already proving of great use. I hope you wil1 be able to induce Mr Falzon to join the other workers who are helping us in the circulation." Re also described to him how the work was carried OUt. 61 Kilfour passed the letter to Sim, who, "exceedingly pressed for time, ,,6 answered in May. Re insisted on the fact that the translation is a revision of "Vassalli's", a "Protestant himself", 63 "a splendid piece of work and the inevitable basis of all later recensions" with the modern orthography and without any obsolete word; still one might possibly improve upon it in later editions. Falzon followed Diodati, Luzzi and the Vulgate, without consulting the Greek text, because of his ig norance of the language. Thus he translated de by iida, which would correspond to the Greek alla . That Falzon is a Maltese does not neces sarily mean that he is superior or better than Miss Jenkins or Professor Zammit. The style of "Vassalli" "is really beautiful". 64 Even the transla tion of Muscat Azzopardi is based on Vassalli's. 65 With regard to spirituality mentioned by Gooch, Sim answered: "Vassalli was not only 59. BFBS: Arck Cor. 1914 -Letter 511111914: D, 29. 60. BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 211411915: D, 30. 61.
BFBS:Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 23/4/1915.
62. BFBS:Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31. 63. BFBS:Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31. 64. BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
65.
BFBS:Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
of St. The Gospel
Mark
77
rned Maltese scholar but an evangelist devout convert (in other
�orleads true Christian man) who, with his family suffered for his faith.,,66
The following July Gooch sent to Kilgour a note from Mr Falzon, that he had a right to criticize the translation because Who sti1l insistedorigins and familiarity with Maltese literature from his f his Maltese �7 Kilgour, this in and �i was in ag; eement with him.dlSCUSS �arlY years, lly, suggesteMrd Mag the to to hlm a meetmg together diplo matica Thu . further" .s ae �8 whale matter, if Mr Gooch "wishes to do anythin meanhm the In end. ten-months correspondence came to a sudden of Muscat Azzopardi were produced and widely disthe translations 9 6 tributed. The list of Mr Falzon contained no less than 31 corrigenda within the 41 verses of the first. chapter only. One may classify them under three headings: vocabulary, grammar, structure. 69b Vocabulary and phraseology
Falzon objected to these words: Ara, because it does not mean be hold but see; Ekku is the correct equivalent (v.3); xandar should be substituted by priedka (v.4); other substitutions: selw!ġġ for tax-xagħri; deżert for xagħra; Ġakbu for Ġomu (v.19); omm il-mi lra for ħmiet as in English; kun nadif for indaf (v.41); tkellem for qal. Falzon criticized the translation of v.21: ... u kif daħal fis-sinagoga or v.24: x 'għandna nagħmlu miegħek, a literal translation from the English text; and v.31: u malli dana d-deni ħalliha u kienet iddur bihom; v.34 is translated thus: ... u ħareg bosta xjaten. Falzon did not admit that ħareg could be used in the transitive voice (cfr. v.39). nhar ta ' Sibt, kien igħallem;
Falzon wanted to use more popular terms, which is good in itself, but he did not always grasp the correct meaning of a term. Thus he 66.
BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
67.
BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 31711915.
68.
BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -Letter 61711915.
69. Sant, "Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi: Traduttur tal-Vanġeli u l-Atti ta' I-Appostli. 1895-1924". In this volume pp.109-137
69b BFBS: Arck Cor. 1915 -- Letter 26/6/1915: D's, 32-33.
el The Gosp
78
mixed up min with minn, and failed to recognize the morphological and semantic value of ndaf, an imperative or perfect tense of the seventh form. Grammar
Falzon misunderstood the construct case of the expression: leħen minn igħajjat (v.3) and Kien hemma fix-xagħri erbgħin jum (v. l3). Erbgħin jum is not a subject, but an adverbial phrase. Nor did he notice the presence of the pronomial suffix with the particle koll, in kollhom (v.27) and u kollhom stagħgbu.
revised by of the Gospels was published in 1829
.
. . ll' s translat'lOn by. V assal . 1en. 10 1847 ' and the latter translation reVIse d aga10 ,10 1870 72 1l . 71 . Canl -
'
the same
Camlllen.
1? 15 v.:as to. change substantial work in the edition of Socleta Fdologlca Malh f 1870 into that of the 72 , o ho le nl1l her� �nd a C i he schools at the time and a word. s hlm lllen Cam . tese , w c hed r f the sentence was left untouc s 7 he 184 in ion ther� . slat sa1li's tran t t when he revised Vas73 o self 11l structures 10 th e text . left obsolete words or
�he .only
;: � �� �::d � � i:; ����:� ��
•
This list of changes goes to prove
Structure
Falzon described a number of constructions as bad construction or "awkward in Maltese". These are five examples from the 14 cited by Falzon: "Kien Ġwanni fid-deżert igħammed, u jxandar il-magħmudija ta ' l-in diema għall-maħfra tad-dnubiet" (v.4) ; "U ġara f'dawk il-ġranet illi ġ ie Ġesu minn Naża ret fil-Galilija, u tgħammed minn għf'nd Ġwanni ftl-Ġordan" (v.9); " U qallhom Ġesu: . . " (v.17); ' U daħlu f'Kafa rn(. !zum; u kif daħal fis-sinagoga nhar ta ' Sibt, kien igħallem" (v.21); " U kollhom stagħgbu , hekk illi kienu jistaqsu beiniethom u jgħidu . . " .
.
(v.27).
It seemed to Falzon that these structures are not those current in spoken Maltese, hence strange and awkward. He was not at fault in all cases. In spoken Maltese the verb is no more at the beginning of the sentence, although this may be a more beautiful structure in written language at least in certain cases. We cannot say today how our forefathers used to speak in 1915 but certainly Falzon at the time had been only three or four years away from Malta; still he was technically unqualified for the job. Evaluation ofthis translation
Sim always insisted that the translators just removed obsolete words and modernized the spelling. 70 To what extent this revision went? 70.
79
of St, Mark
BFBS: Arch Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
what we have just said:
Chapt er 6: Ver se 3 4 7 14 15 24 25 46 48 50
1847 Ġakbu bassar qrabatu rwieħ l-imniġġsin Għammiedi bassar bassarin Ġwan il-Għammiedi għandet ġebel jisboqhom jiena jien
1914 Ġomu profeta niesu spirti moqżieża Battista profeta profeti Ġwan il-Battista bil-ġiri muntanja igħaddihom jiena hu
' Joumal ofMaltese Studies 11(1977). In this 1 e Translation 1870-1872 ' C. Sant, 'Protestant B'bl volume pp51-62. (Malta University Press; Maltese language in Local Education, 72. David Marshall, History ofthe Malta 1971) 66, D, 9. 73. Sant, ibid. In this volume pp55-56. Cfr
71.
'The Gospel of St.
80
Chapter 7: Verse 2 4
6 9 11
22 24 25 31
1847
1914
b 'idejhom imniġġsin inħas Bassar tbatlu lil missier jew il omm għoti
b 'idejhom maħmuġin ram Ipprofetizza thassru missieru jew 'il ommu rigal ikun meħlus (addition) is-serq il-ghajn ħażina Tur spirtu moqżież Tur it-truf
il-Mil tiżmil Sur ruħ imniġġsa Sur nofs it-trufijiet
Mark
eonclusion ity consisted of the P?blication of the The result of all this activ . ed edition of St. Mark of 1847; then a second repnnt of the transla r�vl (Mt' 1912 and 1918; Jn, 1912, Acts, 1912) of 1870-7.1. The �FBS 110n aegis of the World Evangehcal Alhance, was rooved to act under the Rev G . W'Ise ly, a dynaml'c and active in Malt. a in thos e years, and y e r v 10 Ma lta. influential person i was proceeding ver.r well wit.h At this time also Muscat Azzopard . own translation. Sim interpreted this initiative as a reactlOn to thelr hIS is made, " he writes to Kilgour, "in. the . notes to own work '. "Reference , 10t e? de d estant' Gospels here , and thus lt IS the free scattering of 'Prot to Issue elled one is glad that,, 78they feel comp aS a counter action! But l vernacul ar. such a thing at all in the loca
�
And he was not wholly wrong!
One finds therefore 25 changes, that is 25 words out of 1400, 1.7% only. No change in structures but only some words here and there. The only substantial change was in the orthography. The revision b,x Bonavia in 1870 under the control of Camilleri was more extensive. 4 Professor Zammit was very cautious in his approach to "Vassalli's" text; not to say also that· the style of Zammit's original writings was completely different from this translation. 7S
This does not mean that it was not a readable and enjoyable trans lation; what I contend is that it did not go far enough to render its reading attractive to the general public, especially the uninitiated. In this respect Falzon was justified in his criticism. There were no substan tial mistakes as Falzon insisted, 76 but just "imperfections" in style and form which could be removed in a second edition, as the translators themselves admitted.77 74.
Sant, lbid, pp.124-126. In this volume pp.58-62.
75.
T. Zammit, Ġabra ta' Kitba Maltija, (Malta 1937).
76.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1915 -Letter 21/4/1915: D, 30.
TI.
BFBS: Arch. Cor. 1915 -Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
81
78.
BFBS:Arch. Cor. 1915-Letter 10/5/1915: D, 31.
4
PROTESTANT BIBLE TRANSLATION INTO MALTESE. THE BOOK OF PSALMS: 19 19-1926*
*Reproduced from Joumal of Maltese Studies 15(1983) 3-13
PROTESTANT BIBLE TRANSLATION INTO MALTESE. THE BOOK OF PSALMS: 1919-1926 Just before the first World War Protestants published the Gospel Zammit of St. Mark in Maltese prepared by Professor Themistocles with the help of Rev G.A. Sim and Miss D. Jenkins. 1 At the same time the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John, and Acts of the Apost1es, first published in 1870/72, were re-issued. N ,? initiative in this field was taken during the War. In the meantime Guże Muscat Azzopardi was working on his Catholic translation of the Gospels, which he finished in 1920. After the War Protestants were on the move again, with the trans lation of the Book of Psalms, which was finaHy published in 1926. In this short article we shaH trace the history of this translation and assess its value. Thefirst steps
In November 1919, that is five years after the publication of St. Mark, Rev Dr Kilgour, the Editor-in-Chief of the British and Foreign Bible Society wrote to Rev G.A. Sim, the minister of the Church of Scotland, asking him about the progress of the revision of the transla tion of St. Mark and to send him copies of the translation of the Gospels by Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi. 2 Sim in his turn told Dr Kilgour that he did not recaH anything about the subject after such upheavals brought by the War. H owever h e sent him copies of Muscat Azzopardi's translations up to the twelfth chapter of St. John.3 In February 1920 Sim informed the Editor that nobody in Malta had any idea of any proposed revision of St. Mark, and he mentioned again the work of Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi.4 Nothing concrete did result from this correspondence. 1.
C. Sant, "Protestant Bible Translations: The Gospel of St. Mark", JMS 13(1979) 80-120. In this volume pp.63-81.
2.
BFBS:Arch. - Cor. 1919 -Letter 3/11/1919.
3.
BFBS: Arch. - Cor. 1920 -Letter 9/1/1920. Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi published the Gospel of St. John in 1920.
4.
BFBS: Arch. - Cor. 1920-Letter 6/2/1920.
Carm Sant
86
In November 1922 the review Evangelica/ Christendom, the official organ of the World Evangelical Alliance, announced that Mr J. Falzon, an ex-Maltese priest working in Tunis, was preparing a Maltese transla tion of the Psalms, and that he intended to carry on with the Gospel of St. Luke. Dr Kilgour (BFBS) asked Dr Martin Gooch of the WEA to confirm this anilOuncement and informed him that the BFBS were in terested in this work, and that he would like to know on what text Mr Falzon was working. Re also sent him a copy of Rules for Translation of
the BFBS. 5
Dr Gooch promised him to get him in contact with Mr Falzon and furthermore encouraged Dr Kilgour to get in hand the translation of the whole Bible: "This would create a profound impression among the Maltese, arising as much from the attitude of local priests to the Bible , as from the growing desire of many Maltese to read the Scripture por , tions at present avai1able. ,6 Such contact was established only four years later in February 1926, when Mr Falzon sent to Mr Gooch the translation of the Psalms in manuscript, St. Luke and the Epist1e to the Rebrews.7 No correspon dence passed during this long interval of four years. 8 In this same letter Mr Falzon explained the principles on which he worked and the method he followed. First he based his translation on the !ta1ian translation, with an eye on the English text and the Latin Vulgate: "when the !talian passages were difficult to be rendered in the Maltese language." Secondly, as far as possible, he made use of words and phrases easily understood by the common people: "scrupulously avoiding words, which, a1though used by Maltese writers, they are how ever unintelligible to the Maltese people, that they need a note of ex plication if used." Thirdly, "as regards orthography there is a great 1iberty in the Maltese language, and so great 1iberty that sometimes the same word is written in two or three different manners, not only by different authors, but by the same work (sic.) ." Falzon explains his delay because "I was expecting to have in hand the rules of the New
of Psalms fbO BoOk
87
orth o graphy. I am told that now is ready; but my translation is ready 9 in 1924 by the toO .,, He is referring to the Tagħrif, which was published Writers). Maltese for Society (The bil-Malti tal-Kittieba a qd ha G M r Gooch handed all this material - Book of Psalms, St. Luke and him that Falzon was "a flebrews - personally to Dr Kilgour, telling 10 ,, It was suggested first to careful scholar now residing in Tunis. 2000 copies were to be rest: the by followed publish the Psalms, to be as soon as printing iM10 of payment the receive to printed. Falzon was weeks later Mr five Rowever, him. pay did they fact in as hed, was finis was in need of Falzon as then, and there him pay to them asked G ooch 11 y. mone In two months time, that is on September 1st, the first proofs of the 12 Psalms were ready, and they were sent for correction to Mr Falzon, on by Dr Kil September 25th, after having been hurriedly gone through ,, 14 13 13th of the On corrected. "diligently them returned Falzon gour. Mr through f10.10,0 of remittance a sent Kilgour Dr month same the intention no had Society Bible the that him informing Falzon, to ch Goo to carry on with these translations: "The demand even for these por tions is after all very limited, and I am sure that our Committee would never think of completing the whole Bible in this dialect. After all, most of those who need it, have already Scriptures in languages which they 15 under stood.,, It might be that Falzon did not impress them very much. Re was but an amateur in the field, and certainly he had some ulterior motif, that is, to earn some much needed money. Moreover at this time Catholics Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi, A.M. Galea, P.P. Grima and P.P. Saydon were active in Bible translation. Add to this the fact that there was official opposition to the distribution of Protestant translations amongst the Maltese. -
9.
BFBS:Arck - Cor. 1926-Letter 19/2/1926: D, 34.
10.
BFBS: Arch. - Cor. 1926 -Letter 17/5/1926; 18/5/1926 and Interview 25/6/1926.
11.
BFBS: Arch. - Cor. 1926 -Letter 30{7f1926.
5.
BFBS: Arck - Cor. 1922 -Letter 20/11/1922.
12.
BFBS: Arch. - Cor. 1926 -Letter 1/9/1926.
6.
BFBS:Arck - Cor. 1922 -Letter 20/11/1922.
13.
BFBS:Arch. - Cor. 1926-Letter 25/9/1926.
7.
BFBS:Arck - Cor. 1926-Letter 19/2/1926: D, 34.
14.
BFBS: Arck - Cor. 1926 -Letter 4/10/1926: D, 35.
8.
BFBS: Arck - Cor. 1926-Letter 18/5/1926.
15.
BFBS:Arch. - Cor. 1926-Letter 13/10/1926.
88
Psalms The BoOk of
Evaluation ofthe translation Falzon openly and clearly declared that he translated from an !taHan text; a comparative study shows quite clearly that this text was Diodati's Protestant translation published in 1641. He said also that he consulted the King James' (1611) and the Latin Vulgate, when t he !talian text offered some difficulty. 16 We may add that he had in his hands the Maltese translation of Camilleri (1845) 17 which was followed by Taylor and other translators. 18 As a basis for a comparative study of these translations I am selecting Psalms 2; 4; 22; 27; 31; 38 (Hebrew Text). 19 Falzon followed Diodati as these examples amply show; his refer ences to the Vulgate or the King James Version were rather scanty, if any, as one can see from these examples:
8 10 mi coricherb in pace, ed in pace ancora dormiro;
Perciocche tu solo, Signore, mi fai abitare sinceramente.
F.
3 Cunu afu illi il 'Mulei gllazel gllalih dach li hu tuaiieb: II Mulei jisma' meta jiena inseiiahlu.
8 Jiena nimtedd fil paci, u fil paci ucoU norkod; Għaliex int uahdech, ja Mulei, iggighalni nghammar fis-sigur.
psalm 22 D. v.
3 Epur sei il Santo,
II Permanente, le lodi d'lsraele.
8 Dicendo: Egli si rimette nel Signore; liberalo dunquej Riscuotilo, poiche egli 10 gradisce.
Psalm 2 D. v.
7 10 spiegherb il decreto; 8
F.
II Signore mi ha detto: Tu sei il mio figliuolo; Oggi t'ho generato. Chiedimi, ed io ti darb per eredita le genti; Ed i confini della terra, per tua possessione.
8
16. 17. 18. 19.
Dac li ma jintemmx, il fohria t'lsrael. Jehilsu immelaj jehilsu, la ihobbu.
Psalm 27 D. v.
Il-Mulei kalli: Inti ibni; Il-lum jien iggenerajtech. Itlobni , u jiena natich il g'nus b' wirtech, u it-truf ta' l-art b'chisba tigllac.
4 10 ho chiesto una cosa al Signore, quella procaccero:
6
Psalm 4 D. v.
3 U inti il Kaddis,
8 U jgheid: Hu jitma fil Mulejj
7 Jiena inxandar id-digriet;
F.
3 Dr sappiate che il Signore si ha eletto un pietoso; II Signore mi esaudira quando io griderb a lei.
BFBS:Arch - Cor. 1926-Letter 19/2/1926.
Ktieb tat-Talb ta' Alenija, (Malta: fli stamperija ta' M. Weiss, 1845) (franslation by M.A. Camilleri). Published anonymously. K. Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti: 1810-1850, (University Press' Malta 1975)
31-32. In this volume p.37.
89
'
n Ctieb tas-Salmi, (BFBS; Londra 1926). Name of author is absent. G. Diodati, La Sacra Bibbia, (Firenze 1894).
F.
che io dimori nella casa deI Signore tutti i giorni della mia vita, per mirare la bellezza deI Signore E visitare il suo tempio. Anzi pure ora il mio capo s'inalzera sopra i miei nemici che sono d'intorno a mej ed io sacrifichero nel su� tabernacolo sacrificii con guibilo; 10 cantero, e salmeggero al Signore.
4 Jien t1abt hagia lil Mulej, lilha nfittex: 6
Illi nghammar fdar il Mulej il j em colla ta hajti, Biex nara gmiel il Mulej, u nzur it-tempju tieghu. U issa rasi tirtafa fuk l'egheduua tieghi ta ma duari; U jien nissagrifica fl' gharix tieghu sacrificii bil ferhj Jiena ncanta u nfahhar il Mulej.
90
Carm Sam
The Book ofPsalms
Psa/m 31 7 10 festeggero, e mi rallegrero delIa tua benignita;
D. v.
Perciocche tu avrai veduta la mia afflizione , Ed avrai presa conoscenza delle tribolazioni dell'anima mta; 19 Quanto grandi sono i tuoi beni Che tu hai riposti a quelli che ti temono; E che tu fai in presenza dei figliuoli degli uomini, Inverso quelli che si confidano in te! F.
7 Jiena nifrah u nohla bi tiubitech;
Ghax int tcun rajt id-dieka tieghi, u tcun gharaft it-tahbit ta ruhi. 19 X'cobor ta gid int lestejt ghal dauc li ghandhom il bezgha tieghc; U li inti ghamel kuddiem ulied il bnedmin, ma dauc li jitimghu fich!
Psa/m 38 D. v.
F.
4 Perciocche le mie iniquita trapassano il mio capo; Sono a guisa di grave peso, sono pesanti piu che io non posso portare. 19 I miei nemici vivono, e si fortificano; e quelli che mi odiano s'ingrandiscano. 4 Ghaliex dnubieti jghaddu il rasi; nhosshom bhal tokol cbir; Huma itkal milli nif1ah jien. 19 L'ghe deuua tieghi huma haijin, u jitkauueu: U dauc li jghoboduni ghal xejn b'xejn jicbru.
It is quite obvious that Falzon followed slavishly Diodati, so far as to print in italics Diodati',s insertions for clarity's sake as in the Italian text.
Falzon and Camilleri
Psalm 2 F. v.
12 Busu 1'lben, li jewwilla ma jghadabx u tintilfu fit-triek, Meta ghadbu ikun bil-kemm chibes. Henjin dauc cQlla li jitimghu fih.
8 Itlobni u j iena natich il g'nus b'wirtech, U it-truf ta l'art b'chisba tieghac.
C. v.
8 Itlob minni, u naghtik ġnus b'wirtek, u kisba tieghek it-truf ta' l-art. 12 Busu 'l-Iben, li ewwilla ma j aghdabx, u tintilfu mit-triq, meta ghadbu ikun bil-kemm kibes. Henjin ilkoll li jittieklu ghalih.
Psa/m 4 F. v.
1 Meta jiena inseiiah uegibni, ja Alla ta kdusiti: Fid-dwejjak inti wassait1i kalbi; Henn ghalija, u isma talbi. 6 Bosta jgheidu: Min jurina il gid? J a Mulei, arfa fukna daul uiccech.
C. v.
1 X'hin insejjah weġibni, ja Alla ta' sedqi:
fid-dwejjaq farraġni; henn ghalij a, u isma' talbi . 6 Bosta jghidu, Min jurina l-ġid? arfa' ghal fuqna dawl wiċċek, ja Mulej .
Psa/m 22 F. v.
6 lżda jena dudu, u le bniedem; ghajb il bnedmin, u l 'imcasbar fost in-nies; 10 Jien mill giuf geit mixhut fukech; Int Alla tieghi minn boton ommi 29 Is-smien colla ta' l'art jieclu u j atu kima: Kuddiemu jitmeilu dauc colla li jinzlu fit trab, u li ma jistghux jgheixu izied.
C. v.
6 U jiena duda, u le bniedem; ghajb il-bniedem, u ghar in-nies 10 Ghalik waqajt mi11-ġuf: minn boton ommi Alla tieghi inti. 29 Jieklu u jaghtu qima s-smien kollha ta' l-art: Quddiemu jitmejlu dawk kollha li jinżlu fit-trab, u min ruhu ma hix haġa.
91
92
Cann Sant
Psalm 27
4 Jien tlabt hagia lil Mulej, lilha nfittex:
F. v.
6
C. v.
Il!i nghammar f'dar il Mulej il jem colla ta hajti, BIex nara gmiel il Mulej, u nzur it-tempju tieghu. U issa rasi tirtafa fuk l'egheduua tieghi ta ma duari' U jien nissagrifica fl'gharix tieghu sacrificii bil ferh: ' Jiena ncanta u nfahhar il Mulej .
4 Haġa tlabt jien mill-Mulej , lilha nfittex ' 6
illi nghammar f'dar il-Mulej jiem hajti kollha, biex nilmaħ ġmiel il-Mulej , u nżur dam. U issa tirtafa' rasi fuq l-ghedewwa tiegħi ta' madwari: u nidbah f'gharixu dbihat tal-ferħ; nghanni u nfaħħar il-Mulej .
Psalm 31 F. v.
2 Mejjel lejja uidintech, fittex ehlisni' 4 16
C. v.
Cunli blata kauuija, u dar li tharisni ghal helsieni Aklghani min giox-xibca li nasbuli bil-mohbi' ' ghax inti il kauua tieghi. Jiddi wiccech il kaddej tieghc; Salvani f'gieh hnientnech.
2 Mejjel leja widintek; 4 16
fittex aqlaghni : kunli blata qawwija, u dar ilharsien ghal hilsieni. Ehlisni minn din ix-xibka li bil-mohbi nasbuli ghax inti l-qawwa tieghi. Jiddi wiċċek fuq il-qaddej tieghek; ehlisni bi ħnientek.
Psalm 38 F. v.
2 11 ghaliex il vlegeg tieghc nizlu jija, u idech uakghet juki 5 Il gerhat tieghi nitnu u inixxu, Mhabba bluhiti.
7 Ghaliex gembeij a mimlij a bil hruk; u lahmi ma fieh l'ebda sahha. C. v.
2 Ghaliex il- vleġeġ tieghek niilu fiha, u waqghet fuq; idek.
The Book of Psalms
93
5 Nitnu u therrew l-ġerħat tiegħi minn quddiem bluhiti. 7 Ghaliex kilwejja mimlija bil-hruq u ma fihx sahha lahmi. Although Falzon translated Diodati's text, still he consu1ted the translation of Camilleri. At times he folIows him word for word, chang ing only the order of words in some places. The words common to both are not current words but rather literary and semitic, e.g. rbati 2,3;
Jbula 2,3; kisba 2,8; ]atar bil-]adid 2,9; g]adbu 2,12; u "id ng]ammar fis-sigur 4,8; ]elsieni 22,1; g]ajb il-bnedmin 2,6; ig]ajjibni b'xoftu 22,7; monn boton ommi 22,10; g]ajb iI bnedmin 22,6; xdieki 22,15; libsti 22,18; buqarnijiet 22,21; jitmejlu 22,29; ng]ammar fdar iI-Mulej 27,4; mog]dija watja 27,11; mejjel widintek, fittex e]lisni 31,2; g]ajni, ru]i, \aqqi 31,9; qawwietni 38,10. But Falzon did not follow Camilleri blindly; from time to time he changed a word, the order of words, or separated the pronominal suf fixes from the noun. Thus g]ajnunti became iI-g]ajnuna tieg]i Psalm 27,9. Rence the reading was rendered smoother and easier, as in the case of 31, 13-14; whereas the text of Camilleri is rather artificial, and heavy to read.
Orthography As we have already seen Falzon felt himself free to establish his own orthographic principles; it is doubtful whether he would have adopted the system of the Society of Maltese Writers, if this work had been published before he started his own. !t is obvious that he had no grounding in M altese phonology or morphology; he had not the slightest idea of the principle of triIiterism. Re created his own al phabet, and adopted a basically !talian orthography based on a superfi cial phonetic system. For the letter ' (ch) he adopted c', a c with an apostrophe (') before another consonant and a simple c before i and e: titbig]edtc', iccianfarnix, eserc'ti, tiskoc'c ( P s alm 8 0 , 1 9 ) ; ghatcc'na (Psalm 42,2); princ'pijiet (Psalm 47,9). Re did the same with the con sonant [: gerhat, twegiba, weg'gha, jigiu, gio fija (Psalm 42,6) ta riglejh, gdid, gideb. The inconsistency is obvious. The g] is without a stroke on the h. H stands for both h and ]; k is represented by ch or simple c before a consonant: ticcastiganix, xbichijiet, tulech, taghchom; and k stands for q; he did not distinguish between u and w; thus we have dauuar, wiccech, kauua, neuuel. The letter z stands for z and \: \ur, \ \omx, salvazzjoni, grazja. This is the alphabet and orthographic system devised by Falzon, which he did not follow consistently; thus eserc'tu
94
Cann Sant
and eserctu. This inconsistency then is more marked with respect to morphology. Sty/e
Falzon's style is much better than that of Camilleri; it is more natural and thus readable. He stated: "I have chosen those words and expressions which nowadays are clearly understood by the Maltese people. ,,20 Notwithstanding this statement he used relatively few !taHan words, nor did he avoid such words as imbieta, ]iemed, ]aqq, g]aslu[, ]atar, kies, ng]ammar (Psalm 23), ilebleb (Psalm 42), gliegel, smug]i, ]elsien, swieqijiet, ilmijietek, meu[itek, l-art diebet (Psalm 46,6), qawsijiet (Psalm 46,9), [wejda (Psalm 46,10); fuqg]u, idejkom (Psalm 47, 1). In these Psalms one finds only 29 !taHan words in 111 verses. Still the resultant text is easily read and understood; nor does it lack a certain degree of rhythm, as these few verses show: Iżda jien, kiesni trux, ma nismax; u kiesni mutu li ma jiftahx fommu, u jen bhala bnidem li ma jismax; u li ma ghandux l'ebda twegiba ffommu. Ghaliex fich, ja Mulej, jina nitma: Inti tismaghni, ja Mulej, Alla tieghi Salm 38, 13-15 Jiena nimtedd fil paci, u fil paci ukoll norqod; ghaliex int wahdec, ja Mulej, iggighalni nghammar fis-sigur Salm 4,8 cullmin jarani jidhaq bia: Jghajjbni b'xoftu, u iciaklak ir-ras; U jghied: Hu jitma fil Mulej: Jehilsu immela; jehilsu, la ihobbu. Salm 22, 7-8
Ghaliex, clieb daru mieghi: 20.
BFBS:Arck - Cor. 1926-Letter 19/2/1926: D, 34.
95
The Book of Psalms
Kabda nies hziena ghamluni fin-nofs; huma takkluli idejja u rig'lejja. Salm 22,16 Thus Falzon with help of his predecessor's work succeeded to give his readers a readable and attractive translation. This was the last Protestant work in the field of Maltese Bible translation until 1974 when the Trinitarian Bible Society published the four Gospels in four booklets.
5 ATIEMPTS BY PROTESTANTS TO PUBLISH THE NEW TESTAMENT: 1927- 1937*
*Reproduced from Journal of Maltese Studies 19/20(1989-1990) 1-23
ATTEMPTS BY PROTESTANTS TO PUBLISH THE NEW TESTAMENT: 1927-1937 The British and Foreign Bible Society published in 1926 the Mal tese translation of the Book of Psalms prepared by Mr J. Falzon, the agent of the World Evangelical Alliance in Tunis and Malta. The same society had no intention to publish other Maltese transla partial or the whole Bible according to what Rev R. Kilgour, ns, tio Secretary to the Editor Superintendent of the BFBS, had written to Mr H.M. Gooch, Secretary of the WEA. 1 Thefirst attempt
In January 1927 a certain Mr Percy W . Howard wrote to the secretary of the BFBS informing him that he had the idea of preparing and publishing the Letter to the Romans in Maltese since copies of the whole New Testament were out of print and unavatlable; he asked for information about the Gospel of St. John, so that he would not encroach on them in case he would make a reprint of the same. I may add here that the last edition of the whole New Testament was that of Camilleri dated 1847. Mr Howard wrote with a certain degree of en thusiasm on paper with the letterhead: Gospe/ Testimony among Seamen from London. He was attached to the King George V Hospital for seamen sited in Floriana and run by the Plymouth Brethren.2 Rev Kilgour rejected the idea in no uncertain terms: "I hope that you will do neither. It always adds the difficulties in Bible distribution when private individuals try to issue separate publications.,,3 Two years later Howard returned to the attack. He told them that 1.
BFBS: Arck - Letter 13/10/1926.
2.
BFBS: Arck - Letter 27/1/1927: D,
36. Mr Percy W. Howard was a joumalist, member of the Plymouth Brethren with contacts at King George V Hospital for Seamen, at Floriana, run by the same Plymouth Brethren.
3.
BFBS: Arck - Letter 1/2/1927.
100
Carm Sant
he .intended to re-issue the 1912 edition of St. John's Gospel, with a revIsed orthography for free distribution. He asked for permission so that the translator (who was he?) could make use of the translation of the BFBS and asked them to suggest "any Maltese scholar in London to whom any final points might be referred.,,4 Rev Kilgour was not at all enthusiastic; still he did not discourage him. He told him that the 1912 edition was the last one to be publishe d and that at the time there was no demand for it. "We have only a recor d of a very limited circulation,"S not to say that there were many Catholic translations in circulation. More specific information as to the purpose, his idea and purpose of such publication, the translator and such like details were asked for. 6 Mr Howard reported that the translator or revisor, was the same man w� o dr?ft�d ;he leaflet: God had spoken, published by the Scrip ture GIft MIsslOn, unknown even to the latter people. He was intro ?uced to him by a Maltese journalist, who was initiating him (Howard) mto the Maltese language. This man was quite familiar with spoken Maltese and with current orthography. This leaflet Alla Tche/lem was revised by a Maltese resident in North Africa.8 Who were thel,e persons? The person resident in North Africa was certainly Mr J. Falzon, an ex-catholic Maltese priest, agent of the World Evangelist Alliance in Tunis.9 The other one would be G. Maurin, ex-catholic Maltese priest, moving within Protestant circIes as from 1912. 10 Howard reported also that the translator worked on a literal trans4.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 14/2/1929: D, 37.
5.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 15/2/1929.
6.
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 15/2/1929.
7.
Archbishop's Curia; Arch.
8. 9. 10.
j\ttempts by Protestants to Publish the NT
lat ion of the Greek text comparing it with the !talian translation; he (Howard) himself revised the drafts for any defects. Such work is not easy, 50 he asked permission to use the BFBS translation (1912) or that of Camilleri (1847) as the basic text. He would change only where the text sounds "strange" or ."difficult" in the original: "Hence I wanted the basis than to your loving permission rather to make your translation l1 translation." 1847 the use to or again, over t all t a st The printed translation would be issued under the name of Howard him self without the imprint of the BFBS. He was of the opinion that it could be printed at a low cost, thus circulation would be wider. The BFBS would help him by allowing him to use the 1847 edition as a basis and by suggesting to him a person or two conversant with Maltese to criticize his work and help him in proof reading. 12 Dr Kilgour replied on the 27th March, after having submitted the correspondence to the Editorial Board. He warned him that the cir culation of such a translation in Malta is difficult: "The information before us seems to suggest that the reason for this is not the quality of the versions, but simply the difficulty of the situation, incIuding the fact that Maltese is not the only language on the Island. We do not think that anything would be gained by the course you suggest of an anonymous Maltese making alterations in the text published by us. These individualistic translations have unwittingly raised many obstacIes in the past." 13 Then the correspondence came to an end. Up tiH now I have not met yet any indication in the minutes of the Editorial Board (BFBS) that such a translation of St. John's Gospel was ever published. Indeed no correspondence whatsoever on the subject appears in the records of the BFBS before 1934. It is a fact moreover that at this time there was going on an intense activity in this field amongst Maltese Catholics. The second andfinal attempt -1934-1937
Civi!Acts, 192 � Fol. 151.
In March 1934 Rev W.H. Rainey, of the BFBS, informed the Editor
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 16/2/1929. (Was he Mr J. Falzon the translator of the Psalms?) Cfr C. Sant, "Protestant Bible Translation: The Book of Psalms 1919-1926" 3-13. In this volume pp.85-95.
'
JMS 15(1983)
Cfr K. Sant, "Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi: Traduttur tal-Vanġeli u l-Atti ta' l-Appostli 1895-1924"'
n-Malti 54(1978) 4-27. In this volume pp.109-137.
101
11.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 16/2/1929: D, 38.
12.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 16/2/1929: D, 38.
13.
BFBS: Arch. - Letter 27/3/1929: D, 39.
Carm Sant
102
of the Society by a letter dated from Rome that he was in search of a Maltese Protestant able to revise the orthography of the Gospel of St . Luke and he hopes that he would find one in Genoa. 14 He further states that this Gospel has never been published by the BFBS, but in the Society's library there is a copy published by the Church Missionary Society a long time ago. He must be referrin? to the translation of M.A. Vassalli (1829) or of M.A. Camilleri (1847). 1 On the 3rd of April 1934 Rev E.W. Smith sent a typed copy of the first chapter of St. John's Gospel in Maltese, which he intended to send "to the gent1eman in Malta for him to transcribe it in the standard orthography". If this gent1eman would satisfy them he would be asked to finish the whole Gospel and the payment of "iS, that he wanted.,, 16 This Maltese gentleman was Mr Joseph Maurin, an ex-Maltese priest. 17 At the end of April, Rainey sent the revised version of Jnl to Rev E.W. Smith, Editor Superintendent. The orthography is that of the Maltese Vernacular press. Moreover there would be need for some other person to control the work of Maurin. 18 Maurin did nothing else but change the orthography of the text of the 1872 edition (BFBS) , accordin& to his own views, without changing a single word, not even the tit1e. In a letter dated 30th April, Rainey admitted that he was mistaken, because what he wanted was the translation of the Gospel of St. Luke , and not that of St. John. This was corrected as evidenced by a letter dated 12th September 1934 from Rainey informing Rev E.W. Smith "that Mr Maurin, the ex-priest has now finished the translation (sic) of St. Luke's Gospel into modern Maltese written in the revised orthography. ,, 20 14.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 16/3/1934.
p.ttempts by Protestants to Publish the NT
Mr Rainey states further that up till then no person had been found ck this work. Maurin had in the meantime nearly finished the che o t whole New Testament. His patrons were J.S. St. Claire (King George V Hospital) , Colonel Beat1ye, Dr Langley and others. Hence the sum of f5.5 .0 promised to him should be handed to St. Claire. Rainey �oes on to suggest that the whole of the NT be published in one volume. 2 Rainey received the whole text of St. Luke's Gospel and sent it to Rev E.W. Smith on the 26th September 1934 ready for the press. Proofs wer e to be sent to St. Claire in Malta at the King George V Hospital without any outside mark on the envelope. 22 This MS was studied by the sub-committee. They were ready to pay Maurin for his pains, but they were not ready to send it to the press before it being checked by a competent person. They even wrote to a certain Dr North requesting him to find such a person in New York. They were not ready to consider the publication of the whole New Testament before being sure of this work. 23 J .S. St. Claire stationed in King George V Hospital thanked Rev E.W. Smith (BFBS) for the iS, which he had sent for Mr Maurin, which he will pass to him in H weekly instalments! He informed him that Maurin had translated the whole of the New Testament and the Book of Isaiah and that of J ob. The Scripture Gift Mission were ready to publish the Letter to the Romans and that the Free Distribution of Scrip ture Society, the Letter to the Galatians. If the BFBS, which was the pioneer in this field, would accept to print the whole of the New Testa ment St. Claire would inform these societies about such project to avoid, thus, reduplication of work. The great difficulty was to find a competent man to revise the work of Maurin. St. Claire was very reluctant to approach people in Malta, and the BFBS must be very careful to whom they would entrust the MS, as according to him, Catholics are doing their best to get hold of Maurin's MS; they have offered him a substantial sum of money, and even threatened him with violence, so much so that he was toying with
15.
K. Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja
16.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 3/4/1934.
17.
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 30/4/1934.
18.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 30/4/1934.
21.
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 8/11/1934: D, 42.
19.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter MS St. John Annexed to Letter 30/4/1934.
22.
BFBS: Arch.
20.
u l-Ilsien Malti 1810-1850 (L-Universita Irjali ta ' Malta,
Malta 1975) 41-42. In this volume pp.45-46.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 12/911934: D, 40.
103
23.
-
Letter 26/9/1934: D, 41.
BFBS: Arch. - Letter 22/10/1934.
104
Cann Sant
the idea of sending him to Turin to free him from danger: "They are determined to get it from him, and have visited him on several oc casions and have even resorted to threats ... .I am thinking of sending him to Turin to get away from the atmosphere here. ,, 24 One would say that this, at best, is an exaggeration or , at worst, completely false. The reviser came from an unexpected quarters. Rev W.T. Sharpley, Methodist minister, sent a note to the BFBS introducing to them a certain Mr Michael DeGabriele, a Maltese turned Protestant. He went to England as he would not find work because of his religiou s convictions. At the time he was hosted by the Plymouth Brethren; he was occupied in translating Biblical extracts for P.W. Howard to be published by the Scripture Gift Mission. Mr DeGabriele was ready to translate or revise any existing Bible translation. He was ready to work without payment at first to prove his ability, and, if they would provide for him a job, he would then proceed on a voluntary basis with a quiet mind as he had left behind his wife with a child in Malta.25 Rev E.W. Smith accepted the services of Mr DeGabriele and sent him the MS of Maurin for revision. He did not want to commit himself to publish the whole of the New Testament before having a full report from DeGabriele. He wrote to St. Claire in this sense.26 Five weeks later Smith did send to St. Claire the revised MS of Luke 1-3, annotated by DeGabriele for Maurin's comments: "I should be interested to have your friend's remarks. This wi11 help me to decide whether Mr DeGabriele should continue the work he has begun.,, 21 In March doubts were raised as to Mr Maurin personally and to his work. Rev S.A. Thomson, secretary of the BFBS (Midland District) wrote to Rev Rainey: "While in Malta this (translation into Maltese) caused me great anxiety because of reports that came to my ears regarding the man who is doing the translation .... In the meantime, however, I would strongly advise a postponement 24.
BFBS: Arch. - Letter 8/11 /1934.
25. BFBS: Arch. -Letter 24/11/1934: D, 43. 26.
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 12/12/1934: D, 44.
27.
BFBS:Arch. -Letter 4/1/1935.
Attempts by Protestants to Publish the NT
105
with Mr Maurin, the one who IS doing the of any .negotiations ,, 28 atlOn. transl One cannot say what the reaction of Rev Smith was for lack of ce. But St. Claire expressed his disquiet at the matter through a den vi e letter of the 27th August 1935.29 On the 4th January 1935 Smith sent the MS of Maurin revised by DeGabriele to Mr St. Claire, "for your friend's remarks. ,,30 On this depends whether one should proceed with the re�sion or no�. Mr De Gabriele thinks that "most verses convey rather an mterpretatIon than a literal and Biblical translation as it should be." He gives some examples of authography (sic), that is, orthography. He consulted the new book Tagħrif fuq il-Kitba Maltija and current Maltese papers. Smith en couraged him to proceed with the work promising him that he would pay him when the work would be completed.31 St. Claire sent back the MS revised by DeGabriele with the reac tions of Maurin, who simply said that DeGabriele "merell used dif ferent words to express more or less the same meaning. ,,3 St. Claire started to doubt the sincerity of DeGabriele: hence he suggested to have another opinion, so much the more since a newly Maltese convert had condemned them both: "He said that both are full of grammatical mistakes and neither were (sic) taken from the Greek and therefore missed in many instances the . really spiritual meaning ... of the two · he pre ferred M aunn, s. ,,13 trans IatIons St. Claire understood that Maurin's work was useless. He asked Miss May Butcher for her opinion: "She has examined, both translations and has condemned both as unworthy of publication. , 34 Even a hurried reading of the two MSS would show us how justified 28.
29.
30.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 15/3/1935: D, 47.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 27/8/1935: D, 48. BFBS: Arch. -Letter 4/1/1955.
31.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 18/1/1935: D, 45.
32.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 27/8/1935.:D, 48.
33.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 27/8/1935: D, 48.
34.
BFBS: Arch. -Letter 27/8/1935: D, 48.
106
Carm Sant
Miss Butcher was to reject outright these translations. Thus Maurin translates Luke 1,1 thus: Billi bosta hasbu sabiex jordnaw il wirja tal hwejjeg, li minnhom gejna bil bosta zgurati. DeGabriele substituted this version by Billi bosta inkarigaw ruhom sabiex jarfu kif imis taghrif shih ta dawk il hwejjeg li huma fi zgur emnuti beinitna, or: Billi bosta jnkarigaw nfishom biex jaghrfu tghakid fuq il hwejjeg ghal kollox emnuti bejnietna. 35 St. Claire informed him that he had acquired a copy of the transla tion of Father Peter Paul Grima, which Miss Butcher thought "that on the whole it was very good." Moreover she offered him to revise the orthography according to the new system of the Academy of Maltese. In fact she had already gone through the Gospel of St. Luke.36 In September St. Claire had a meeting with E.W. Smith in London. He had in hand the MS of the Gospel of St. Luke and Romans of P.P. Grima as revised by Miss Butcher in the standard orthography. Re suggested the drafting of a legal document to be signed by E. Lombar di, the printer or editor of the original and asked Rev Smith how much they would offer him for the copyright. He added: "One would have to be very careful with such a man, although he seems to be a very decent man and honest fellow. As far as I can gather from him he has no other further interest in these translations than to sell the ,,remaining copies on his hands. As I told you the type is long broken Up. 37 Smith did not commit himself in any way and told him: "As you are not returning to Malta for some time, we may have another opportunity of talking over this matter.,,38 The whole matter stopped there. Fourteen months later, in December 1936, Rev W.H. Rainey, . secretary of the BFBS - Western Europe Agency, informed the Rev E.W. Smith that he was embarking on a tour of Europe and that he would be in Malta in February, 1937. Hence he desired to be briefed on
35.
BFBS: Arch -Letter 27/8/1935: D, 48.
36.
BFBS: Arch -Letter 27/8/1935: D, 48.
37.
BFBS: Arch -Letter 29/10/1935: D, 49.
38.
BFBS: Arch -Letter 30/10/1935.
Attempts by Protestants to Publish the NT
107
the situation prevailing at the time. 39 Rev W.R. Rainey arrived in Malta on February 23, and left on March 4. Re went through the whole si�� a tion, and when he returned he presented his report dated March 18. First he approached E. Lombardi, who faced him with a curt refusal: "Re very uncompromisingly refused." Neither was he ready to sell them the text. Then he met Professor P.P. Saydon, with whom he was not too O1uch in sympathy: "Professor Saydon, is an old man and very conse!'va tive. This shows itself in the fact that he refuses to use the revlsed orthography in his version." Row did Rainey arrive to such an outrageous conclusion? Professor Saydon was still only 42 years old, he consistent1y made use of the new orthography already accepted and made use of in public administration and the Law Courts. Saydon was no conservative at all in the generally accepted sense of the term; but he was prudent and never went to the extremes. Rainey states that Saydon lamented that sales were very poor. Till that time he had published up to the Books of Kings. When he was asked why he did not start with the New Testament, Saydon answered that he feared that it would have been used by Protestants for their own purpose. The real reason, however, was another one. In the twenties A.M. Galea, P.P. Grima and P.P. Saydon planned to translate the whole Bible and publish it in parts. Saydon was assigned the first books of the Old Testament so that he would then proceed to the last ones on his own from the original languages. The other two translated from the Vulgate or the !talian of Bishop Martini. In fact they succeeded in having the whole Bible translated by }932. Saydon proceeded with his own project, which he finished in 1959. Finally Rainey went to the Empire Press, "the official R.C. press of the Island. They had just published the Gospel of St. Mark prepared by the Għaqda tal-Qari Tajjeb. The priest in charge told him that the pub39.
40.
BFBS: Arch -Letter 30/12/1936. BFBS: Arch -Letter 18/3/1937: D, 50. efr Document 52 (&litor).
108
Cann Sant
lishers had a subsidy of f40 from the Bishop's Curia." I may add here that this translation was the work of the seminarian Joseph Lupi. Miss Butcher told Rainey that it was a good translation, but not of professor Saydon. Rainey then approached Sir Harry Luke, who told him that the Government was to publish the Grammar of Miss Butcher.
6 Ġuże Muscat Azzop ardi, Translator of the Gosp els and the Acts of the Ap ostles: 1895-1924*
The recommendations of Rainey were extremely negative: "I am not disappointed at not having a complete Maltese New Testament as l cannot guarantee a circulation. More liberal days come in Malta but the time is not yet. Many Maltese hate the priests, but they do nothing against the church, backed by the British Authorities. The old nobi1ity and vested interests are also against any change in the semifeudal sys tem reigning in the Island. The best we can do at present is to en courage the use of the Roman Catholic Gospels, without taking too much public interest in them, for this would be the surest way to kill them". As a result of such a recommendation the BFBS withdrew from the scene, although they kept an eye on future developments. Thus accord ing to the minutes of the Board in 1945, the recommendation of Mr E.B. Vella for a translation of the whole Bible was seriously discussed together with a proposal of Prof Saydon for them to publish the whole Bible through an article in the Bible Translator. Contacts between the BFBS and Maltese Catholic Biblical scholars were resumed thirty years later when on his own initiative Rev Roulet , the agent of the BFBS, in AIgeria approached the Malta Bible Society. Since then the Gospel of St. Mark was published jointly in 1971, and contacts have never ceased until the whole Bible was published in one volume by our Bible Society, which was acclaimed by their high officers , in 1984.
*"Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, Traduttur tal-Vanġeli u l-Atti ta' l-Appostli'', Il-Malti 54(1970) 4-27. Translated by Dr Lydia Sciriha.
Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of
the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles: 1895-1924 Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi has been dubbed the "Father of Maltese Literature" . Whether he should also be called the "Father of Maltese Religious Writings" is debatable. However, he definitely deserves the tit1e of "Father of the Maltese Biblical Movement" . Maltese translations prior to his were all Protestant productions. It was Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi (ĠMA) who for the first time broad casted Catholic translations of entire books of the Bible. I noted that these works were whole books because previously there had only been Maltese translation works of partial books of the Bible. ĠMA's work has both its merits as well as its defects, which are to be expected in a person who was merely a pioneer in this field and who worked in the social, cultural and religious milieu of Malta of bygone times. In tonight's talk, I shaH give a brief overview of the history of ĠMA's works and then I shaH offer a critical analysis and an evaluation of these works. 1 A look at the History ofthis Work
In order to be in a better position to appreciate ĠMA's works con tribution, I shall first comment on other works of translations which had been done before him as well as during Muscat Azzopardi 's time. Afte r wards , I shaH analyse why ĠM A undertook "this arduous task,"l as he himself caHed it, how the work progressed and the effect his work had on the Maltese Biblical pastoral initiative. Maltese Biblical Translation 1810-1924
In his introduction to .the first edition of the Gospel of St. Matthew (1895), ĠMA notes that the four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles had been translated into Maltese by M.A. Vassalli who had been com missioned to do so by Protestants. There are still some copies of these 1.
"Din il-hidma qalila," n-Ħabib, 124(21n11914) 1.
Carm Sant
1 12
translations in circulation which some Protestants at times, clandes tinely distribute to people. � According to ĠMA during his time the only Maltese Bible transla tion was Vassalli's. Protestants were of the same impression up till some time ago. However, this is not entirely correct. The first person who translated and published part of the Bible was G.M. Canolo, when he published the Gospel of St. John in 1822. Afterwards came Vassalli's volume of works with the four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles which was published posthumously in 1829. These works were publish ed by the Church Missionary Society on the initiative of the Rev W. J owett. In 1845, the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge en couraged by the first Anglican Bishop of Gibraltar, the Rt Rev G. Tom linson, published the Book of Common Prayer in Maltese. This book included readings found in Anglican services and the "Psalms of David". In 1847, the Church Missionary Society also published the Mal tese translation of the New Testament by M.A. Camilleri who was a Catholic priest before he joined the Anglican Church. Camilleri revised Vassalli's translation and translated the remaining parts of the New Testa ment himself. 3 Protestants encouraged by Rev G. Wisely who was then the mini ster of the Church of Scotland in Malta, once again took the initiative in 1870 and with the help of the already mentioned Camilleri, published revised versions of the Gospels of St. Matthew (1870) and of St. John (1872) and the Acts of the Apostles (1871). Between the years 19141922 the Protestants also goaded the publication of revised versions of the Gospels of St. Mark (1914), St. Matthew (1912, 1918), St. John (1912, 1922) and the Acts of the Apostles (1912, 1922).4 Amongst the Catholics of those days we find partial translations by R. Taylor namely Siltiet Mill-Vanġeli, which dea1t with Our Lord's Pas sion (1844), the rhythmical translation of the Salmi ta' David (1846) and L-Uffiċju tal-Ġimgha l-Kbira (The office of the Holy Week) (1848). With these we should also include Panzavecchia's translation which remained in manuscript form and which are kept in the cathedral's 2. 3. 4.
Vangelu ta' San Mattew (Malta, 1895) 3. Heticeforth Mt1 .
K Sant, lt-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-ilsien Malti 1810-1850, (The Royal University of Malta; Malta 1975) 23-42. In this volume pp.27-35. K Sant, "Il-Bibbja bil-Malti 1822-1973", Sijon 6(1973) 27-31.
Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
1 13
a r chi ves, and L-Ewwel Kapitlu tal-Ġenesi (The First Chapter of Gen esis) which was published in 1850.s We cannot really say what was the impact of these translations on the people. We are only aware of the fact that Protestants often comlain ed that they encountered great difficulties in disseminating these �orks amongst the people. In 1912 Miss E.I. Morrell �ot� t�e follow ing to the secretary of the BFBS: " ... the people make httl.e, lf. any, use of what there is in print already. One cannot help fe�h�g lf a free distribution of the Word already in hand were made and. lf lt were re� d be eVldent, an? WIth by the people, the demand for the Scripture would the demand, those able and willing to translate.,,6 The secretary .hlmself in 1929 thought likewise as regards the Gospel of St. John whICh had been published in 1912. "There does not seem to be much call for the Book, at least we have only a record of a very limited circulation.,,7 �his notwithstanding, ĠMA maintains that thousands of these translatIons were circulated in the towns and the vi11ages of Malta. Reasons for this poor reception, in my opinion were firstly, . the strong opposition from the Catholic Church, because these translat.lOns did not carry any notes. This becomes evident in the number. of artIcles opposing these works written in Il-Habib, as well as the B1Shop's ad monitions.9 Secondly, the percentage of literates in Malta was only a small fr action of the population (9.5% in 1842; 11.08% in 1871; 16.5% in 1881; 18.9% in 1891; 18.7% in 1911; 47.2% in 1921).�o Those w�ose level of education was sufficient1y high used to read !tahan translatIons by Bishop Martini, as the English themselves admitted.ll Other than these Protestant publications during that time, ther� are other general factors to be taken into account. First1y when GMA 5.
K
6.
BFBS: Arch: Cor.
7.
BFBS: Arch: Cor. 1929. Cfr D, 39 (Editor).
8.
Mt\ 3.
9.
n-Ħabib, 114(5/5/1914) 2; n-Ħabib, 155(23/9/1915) 1.
Sant, lt-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja; 31. In this volume pp.36-37.
1912: D, 23.
10. Official Census Data. Cfr p.65, note 3 in this volume (Editor). 11. Report Mr LI. Kirby to Girdlestone, Secretary to BFBS, 13/3/1870: D, 12. In the beginnin� of the nineteenth centu1)' it printed t�is .editi
Cann Sant
1 14
began his translation activity in 1895, there was an uproar about the Educational Reform, especially where the Italian, English and Maltese languages were concerned. The Maltese that was taught was patterned on the Italian orthographical system, 12 and such instruction was only given in the first two classes at primary school level. Moreover, the position of the Maltese language in Maltese society was low; conse quent1y, the percentage of people who could or wanted to read Maltese was very small. Another circumstance to take into consideration was the sudden termination of Vatican Council I in 1870 and the emergence of the Modernist Movement, the heresy of the final years of the previous cen tury and the beginning of this century. It was one of the most insidious and dangerous heresies that the Catholic Church had to face and fight which resulted in the catholic Church being pushed on the defensive. From this there arose restrictions on the critical study of the Bible and control over Bible translations in the vernacular. 13 These circumstances left their effect on Malta as is clearly shown by the many articles touching on the Bible that used to surface in l/ Habib, which was under the directorship of ĠMA himself, and the con trol that was imposed on him during his translation work. It was precisely during this time that the Chair of the Sacred Scriptures was founded at the University of Malta in 1915, and its first professor was Rev M. Gonzi who had already been teaching there without receiving any honorarium. 14 12.
!".A. Caruana.reports: 'The imp�vemen� and brigħtness of children in the Preparatory and m the two sectlons of the 1st c1ass, m learnmg to spel1 and to read Maltese, througħ the Italian Alphabet and Orthography have been remarkable," The Vice-Chancellor's Annual Repon to
the Sen.ate ofthe Univers�ty on the Progress ofthe Various Branches in the University, Lyceum, and primary Schools during theyear 1888-1889, (Government Printing Press; Malta 1890) 31 and p.xXXIV.
13. 14.
Guże Muscat Azzopardi's lnitiative On the 25th March 1895, ĠMA wrote to the Bishop Peter Pace works by ac wherein he asked his encouragement for the translation Matthew to St. of Gospel cepting to dedicate his translation of the of the be�t one ago, rs ye y "ma � � Bishop Pace. He also told him that e for hIS everyon by pralsed IS who and you, with priests who is always of Gospel the translate to me ged encoura had s, wisdom and goodnes Ian other many in finds one as , Maltese in Christ Jesus Our Lord ated i� my mind, I �ever had the courage guages. This thought reverber ,, 1 to take up all this task. 5 The pnest he menhons was MgrgedCanon him. Neriku Caruana Gatto. 16 We do not know when he encoura would he that n The Bishop acquiesced to ĠMA's request, on . . conditio translate into Maltese "l etteralmente 1' 1 Marhm con Ie sue not e. ,,17
ĠMA thought of publishing, probably on a fortnight1y basis, the four Gospels in an eight page pamphlet format which would each co� t one penny. Fol1owing the publication of the Gospel of St. Matthew m May 1897 ĠMA altered this schedule when he started to publish the other thr ;e Gospels namely those of Mark, Luke and John. According to this new schedule he was to publish in twenty-four page instalments every five weeks - each costing three pennies or, as he told his readers, a farthing a day - four instalments for the Gospel of St. Mark, eight for St. Luke and another eight instalments for the Gospel of St. John. In all, there were twenty instalments in the space of slight1y over two years. Whoever wanted to buy the Gospel of St. Matthew which ĠMA had already published, could purchase it in weekly instalments. Besides, anybody who managed to find twelve subscribers to whom he would distribute the pamphlets would be given a free copy. 18 , Deus Scientiarwn Dominus the study of Biblical Greek, History of the Church, Archaeology Liturgy and Patrologywere introduced. One must note that the brains beh�nd these �efo� were the rector E. Magri and Professor P.P. Saydon - cfr P.P. Saydon: L/St ofPublicatlo� by Members ofthe Teaching Staffofthe University, (University Press; Malta 1966) and SundlOl
4
Enchiridion Biblicum, (Rome 1961) 93-94.106520.535-537.
Malta Govemment Gazette, 16nt1915. Notice 1963; Minutes of the Special Council for Theology, 20 September 1915. Sacred Scriptures were ligħtly taugħt in the Seminary: Gospel exegesis twice a week. In 1910 the Apostolic Visitor Mgr P. La Fontaine suspended these lessons because the lecturer was not competent. In 1912 Mgr Michael Gonzi (later Archbishop of Malta) started to teach Scripture. He had just returned from Rome where he used to attend Scripture lectures at the Pontifical Biblical Institute which Pope Pius X had just set up in 1909. On the invitation of the Rector E. Magri he started to give lectures free of charge between 1913 and 1914; later he was appointed Professorof Scripture and Hebrew (personal communication from Archbishop Gonzi by means of a letter dated 9th November 1973). Until then, only Dogmatic and Moral Theology and Canon Law were taugħt in the Faculty o� Theol0gr. Rev Carlo Corti� used to give some lessons !n Hebrew free of charge. The teachmgofScripture was absent smce 1773. In 1937, under the Impact of the Constitution
1 15
Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
4(1944) 28-32.
15. 16.
Mt\ 5. Mgr Can Nerik Gatto was Professor of Moral Theology a� �he l!n�ersio/ - �fr P: P. Saydon;
. List of Publications by Members; Rob Mifsud BonmcI, DlZZJunOT)u BIJO-Blbllografiku Nazzjonali (Dept of Information; Malta 1960) 104.
17.
Mtl, 5 _ An original letter in the Archives of the Archbishop's Secretariat, the Curia, Malta,
18.
Mt\ 231-232.
1895.
1 16
Carm Sant
the entire Gospel of St. Matthew in twenty- nine . ĠMA tsp�mblished mstalmen about a year and a half. The system of publishing these . Gospels m pamphlet form had proved to be very popular as it en couraged people to read without having to pay large costs for these pamphlets. The first edition o� the Gospel of St. Matthew was well received by a number of people. Fustly, by the censor Mgr A. Farrugia who wrot the following: "It is enough for me to note that throughout the entir : book th�re was no ne�� for me to change one single word. ,, 19 Secondl by Cardmal Rampolla who was sent a copy, as well as by Mgr Schiro�I of � om.e and by Bishop Camilleri.22 The latter also accepted ĠMA' s ded1CatIO� of Mark's Gospel to him. This was a source of encourage ment for GM� who proceeded .with his work on the Gospels, though he had to stop h1s endeavour for S1X or seven months owing to the death of Menu Busuttil, the printer. 23 Towards mid-1914, ĠMA resumed his translation of the Gospels t �gether with that of the Acts of the Apostles. However, this time , he d1d not only have the Bishop of Malta's approval, but he obtained also a d�cree �ro� the Holy Office. According to a note we find in the Ktieb ta l-Attl, GM� tells us th�t .th�ugh at first the Holy Office was reluc tant, bu� on B1shop Pace s mS1ste �ce, the Holy Office sealed its ap prova!. Had he not, . God grant h1m eternaI peace, put in a second request on my ?ehalf m front. of the Sacred Congregation and spurred as he was by h1s goodness, B1shop Pace painted me in the loveliest of c�lours, 1 �ust �dmit that had he not insisted, 1 wouId never have ob tamed the 1mpnmatur. From this one sees how upright the Church is reg�rding the transIations of the GospeIs and of the Book of Acts in our natIv� �anguage. Whe� the Church gives the imprimatur it aIso lays her cond1tIons. From th1s, one should disdain the transIations of the Gospels and the Book of the Acts which do not provide any notes and
19.
20.
Amongst the conditions referred to was that the Bishop should oblig e ĠMA to seek the help of a theologian, who was the same censor namely Mgr L. Farrugia. ĠMA was pleased with this theologian espe cially since "he was the s.ame person who, eighteen years before , had been our reviser when we published the first book, the Gospel of St. Matthew and half the second Gospel, that of St. Mark, and who , after completing the revision had kindly wrote to us: 'I must admit that you did the translation, the notes and the addition to the notes so very ably and conscientiously, that throughout the whoIe work, 1 never needed to change one single word.", 25 Still not happy with all this, ĠMA wrote to the Pope to bless him "and all associates that 1 have or shall have throughout the entire five books of my work. ,, 26 He received the PapaI Blessing by means of a telegramme from Cardinal Ferrata on 22 September. 27 The first notice about the resumption of the translation work was published in l/-Habib of the 14th July 1914 and in other newspapers during the same period in which he notified the readers about the ap provaI of the HoIy Office and the Bishop's decree. He asked for sub scribers. 28 In Is-Salib ĠMA announced his programme: "The work will consist of five volumes that amount to 1200 pages and this will be pub lished in sixteen large page instalments every fortnight which will cost two pennies. Whosoever wishes to subscribe may not only put in his name in the scheduIes but may also send his name to Andolfo and Magro Association, 167-168 Strada Forni, Valletta, where the se works will be printed. ,, 29 In the newspaper l/-Habib, ĠMA gave reasons why he decided to start with the Gospel of St. Matthew which he had al ready published in 1895 . First1y, there were onIy a few copies of this Gospel left, and the "new edition will not be similar to the oId edition
Vanġelu ta' San Mattew (Malta 1914) XVI. Hencefortħ Mr.
Atti ta' l-Appostli (Malta 1924) XIII.
25.
Mr, IlI. Cfr fl-Ħabib, 124(2V7/1914) 7.
Mr, XIII.
26.
Mtl, XXII.
27.
ibid
Mr, XIV.
22.
Mr, XV.
fl-Habib, 125(18nt1914)
28.
2.
1 17
and EngIish Protestants to the detri which are distributed by American ment of our spiritual souls. ,, 24
24.
21. 23.
Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
29.
fl-Ħabib, 123(14nt1914) 1; Malta Herald, (4nt1914); Gazzetta di Malta, (16m1 Is-Salib, 501(5/9/1914) 7.
1 18
Cann Sant
in neither the size of the book, nor in the type, nor in the quality of the paper, nor in the orthography. Above all, because many more notes (that is the explanation of the text) had been added to this edition. ,,30 He also said that he was still debating on whether to start with the Acts of the Apost1es. In fact he started with the text of St. Matthew. He left the first parts of this work for the end and he published the Acts ten years later.3 1 The first instalment was published in the last week of November 1914 and was himded over to the distributors.32 The press welcomed this work with joy and approval. In Reġina tal-Carmelo, a letter was published by "a wise priest .... one of the best judges that there are in Malta as regards theology, literature and the interpretation of the Scriptures", which among other things said the following: "We think that your work, which required a great deal of patience and extreme precision, will be of great benefit to others and will elevate you in a way that your name will always be mentioned in our Islands ... We congratulate you from the very depths of our hearts and once again we wish to renew our desire to see your translation in the hands of all the Maltese. ,,33 The editor of a review called Bambin ta' Praga wrote: "As is evident from the first pamphlet which has been published, your work will be considered a gem for its faithful transla tion and its choice of words." And ĠMA says: "The editor of Bambin ta' Praga is a priest called Fr Piju (a Discalced Carmelite) and the approval of a man of such a calibre means that our conscience should remain at peace. ,, 34 ĠMA's work continued until 1920, that is if we keep to the date by the censor of the Gospel of St. John (8th September 1920). It is very likely that at times the instalments did not · meet the deadlines, since these were supposed to end in May 1919. In the Atti ta' l-Appostli3S there is a note in which ĠMA says that "on 27th May 1917, I completed my task", with the termination of the 30.
(;UŻC Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
Jllanuscript of the Acts of the Apostles which he had started on the 15th August 1915. This means that he completed the Gospel of St. J o�n in Jllid-1915. This shows that while the other works were in print , GMA would prepare the manuscript. The censor would sign the last instal ment, perhaps the last proofs before the actual printing. The translation of the. Acts of the Apost1es was completed on 27th May 1917, yet it did not reach public circulation until 1923/24.36 As yet, I have not discovered why the printing had stopped. The first indication of the publication was a note in Il-Habib dated 15 February 1923, where it notified its readers that ĠMA was going to publish the translation of the Acts of the Apostles in sixty instalments which would each cost one penny. The printer was Ġanni Magro of 167, Strada Forni, Valletta. The first instalment was published in the second week of June 1923. If we consider the censor's date as being that of 22nd September 1924, and that of 1 October 1924, we must say that this work took a year to be published in fifty instalments, on a weekly basis, with some occasional gaps. From this we can deduce that ĠMA continued to work on this translation for ten years and over, and if we were to include the more or less three years of the first edition, this would add up to thirteen years. He accomplished this notwithstanding the other work and the other duties he had, amongst which were the publication of two newspapers, Is-Salib and Il-Habib. The Aim of the Translation What really motivated ĠMA to embark "on this arduous task,, ? 3 7 When he had asked for the Bishop's blessing and his permission to start work in this field, ĠMA told the Bishop that he had been encouraged
fl-Ħabib, 125(28ntl914) 2.
"In memOIY of Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi, B.M., P.E.P. who with the Pope's blessing and the Bishop's permission translated into our language the four books of the Gospel, with all the notes of Bishop Martini and ·other scholars, as well as the Missal Ruman, word for word; started the work on the Ktieb tal-Appostli on the 15th of August 1915, finished it here in Valletta on 27 May 1917; and published it at the Empire Press of the Ghaqda Kattolika ta' San Ġużepp on the initiative of the editor Ġanni Magro in the year 1924.
31. fl-Habib, 125(28ntI914) 2; 541(15/611923) 3. 32. fl-Habib, 139(3/1111914) 2; 140(10/11/1914) 1. 33.
fl-Habib, 142(24(1111914) 2.
34.
fl-Habib, 144(8/1211914) 2.
35.
Atti, 400. Following is the full note:
1 19
36.
fl-Ħabib, 541(15/6/1923) 3.
37.
fl-Ħabib, 124(21ntI914) 1.
120
Cann Sant
by "one of the best priests who is very close to you,, 38 namely by Mgr Canon Neriku Caruana Gatto. 39 ĠMA himself admitted that the aim of his work was to counteract the spreading of Protestant translations and to teach people. In his introduction to the first edition of the Gospel of St. Matthew, ĠMA harshl6' attacks Vassalli ·for sowing bad seed which was still being sown.4 "A year has not yet passed since the Protestant Bible transla tions were distributed in the streets or towns and other neighbouring places ..... those damned books have goaded us ... we shall give you good tools in your hands so that you will destroy from the face of the earth , the grass that has grown as a result of bad seed." In the introduc tion to the second edition in 1914, ĠMA continues to say "At first I thought it fitting that there should be the Gospel in Maltese with the notes and interpretations approved by the Holy Church, so that those Maltese who know no foreign language may not be misled by those bad Protestant books which have clandestinely been diffused these last fifty years. It is more so necessary to do this work now, since these Protes tant translations are no longer distributed in the dead of night and are no longer secret1y passed from one person to another. Now books , papers of all sizes as well as newspapers some of which are printed in Malta and others are at times brought from abroad which go against the authority of the Church are found in Malta .... so if 19 years ago, the Church approved of and considered the Gospel in Maltese to be good, now we feel it is necessary. ,,4 1 Ten years later (1924) he wrote along the same lines: "Y ou can now see how the Protestants' efforts were not all in vain because ever since they landed in Malta and saw the close link of the Maltese with the Pope, they had to pay handsome sums of money to writers who worked for them and who translated without notes , the Gospels and the Acts of the Apost1es which were then distributed clandestinely and free of charge , as is still the case. ,,42 ĠMA's some-
in his articles which what exaggerated ideas were further reinforced frequent1y surfaced in the newspaper I/-Ħabib. 43 Prote stants understood this very well. At that time the Secretary of a project for the BFBS was corresponding with the Rev G. Wisely Itonwas noted .th�t Acts. the and anoth er Maltese edition of the Gospels th and Matthew St. of Gospel , �re St�ll lS there was ĠMA's edition ?f the wntes: Slm G.A. Rev Museum. British the in a copy of this translation and Gospels four the of version a licensed has "The local RC Church h�s Matthew St. of half first the Only notes. (RC) Acts in Maltese with h's � Vassa on based largely also is it that note I but yet as been issued , g scattenn free the to notes the in made is ce Referen . ve rsion But ction. of' Protestant' Gospels here and this is intended as a countera one is glad that they feel compelled to issue such a t�ing at al� in the vernacular. ,,44 During this time Protestants had also Just 'pubh.shed a new translation of St. Mark and had been helped by Busuttd , an 1Ospec tor at a Government School and Professor T. Zammit.4S Such a form of activity significant1y ceased from 1920 onwards and it did not resume before 1962 when the Trinitarians Bible Society published the New Tes tament based on Saydon's translation. II A Critical Examination and Evaluation
Against this historical background of the devel�pment of thi� t� a� s lation' we shall proceed to examine and evaluate lt and place lt 10 ltS proper place in the development of Maltese Bible translations and of biblical pastoral initiative in our country. Each book included: the translated text, commentary or notes and a number of documents with the dedication,46 as well as supplementary poverty ....As to the stipend I �m'paying him �omewha� than one quarter ofwhat he asked a specimen how needful lt IS to draw m the rems - (CIMO/39f17). Cfr C. Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-/lsien Malti 1810-1850, 27. In this volume, p.31. _
Mt2, V.
40. Mtl, 3-74. 41. Mr, XI-XII. 42. Atti, XII
�s
.
38. Mtl, 5.
39.
121
Ġuże Mu scat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
ĠMA states that the Protestants have paid M.A. Vassalli dearly to translate the Gos{X! ls and the Aets. The faet that Vassalli was paid is eorreet, but it is not true that he was dearty paid. Rev W. Jowett who dealt with Vassalli had written the following to the Seeretary of the Chureh Missionary Society (CMS): "In the meantime I have at length been able to engage a new Maltese translator, ineomparably the best on the Island, both for ability and fame, viz. the leamed Antonio Vassallo, author of the Maltese Lexieon, living in great -
43. R-Ħabib, 150(19/1/1915) 2j 155(23/2/1915) 1j 160(6/4/1915) 2j 168(8/6/1915) 2. 44.
CO". 1915. Cfr D, 31. 45. Sijon, 6(1973) 28. In this voluine pp.69-70.74-77 (Editor). BFBS: Arck
46. A letter by ĠMA to Arehbishop P. Paee wherein he asked permissio� to sta� (Mtl, 5j Mt2, V)j a letter from Can. S. Grech authorising him tQ start his work (Mt , 6; />,ft , y!)j another authorisation bearing the date of 7 July 1914 (Mr, VII)j a doeument nomm�tmg Mgr Can Luigi Farrugia as a Theologian to assist him (MtZ2 VIII)j a letter from Cardmal �mpolla r, XIII);. a letter from Archbishop Schiro (Mt , XIV)j another letter from the B1Shop of (M
,
122
Carm Sant
notes aimed at increasing the authority of the translation. At the begin ning of the Gospel of St. Matthew (1914) and in the Acts (1924) we find a chronological table of the New Testament, "the best piece of our new work, ,,47 and ĠMA would also include one or more of his own poems.48 An examination of all these elements will show us the principles on which he worked, the tools he used, his expertise and the quality of the work and of the translation that was published. His Expertise and his Tools When Bishop Pace authorised ĠMA and encouraged him to start translating the Bible, he,, instructed him to translate "letteralmente il Martini con le sue note. 49 We cannot really say what the Bishop really meant, whether he only had in mind Martini's notes or else what most probably was the case, the !talian text itself. In the first edition of St. Matthew, to Mt 5,42 he writes: "In Latin the Gospel says 'Mille passus'. However, we followed the !talian translation of Bishop Martini: and said mil "a mile", because he said 'un miglio , . ,,50 As regards Lk 2,14, he says that in the Greek version, which Protestants used for the Maltese translation, "in a number of substantial areas it does not cohere with the Latin version of our religion. ,, 51 To Acts 27,13 we find this note: "As was our duty we followed the Latin used by the Church and the !talian translation by Martini as well as the one by Sales", notwithstanding the fact that Curci and the Society of St. Jerome followed the Greek ver sion. If we were to compare the first edition of Matthew 9 with the second one, we find that in the first edition, ĠMA worked more on the !taHan version of Martini, whereas in the second edition, he made some Gozo G.M. Camilleri (Mr-, xv) and finally a letter from the Censor L. Farrugia (Mt2, XVI). Eve1)' book has a dedication to someone. 47.
n-Habib, 140(10/11/1914) l; Mti, XVII-2; Atti, XN-XVIII. To these he added a list of texts
48.
Vanġelu ta' San Ġwann, (Malta 1917) 12, Hence ĠW; Atti XVIII-XXIII.
49.
Mti, 6; Mt2, VII.
50.
Mti, 46.
51.
Vanġelu ta' San Luqa, (Malta i.916) 45. Henceforth Lq. "Instead of the words lill-bnedmin ta' rieda tajba, in contempora1)' Greek there isfehma tajba għall-bnedmin; however it is cJear that these words are better in Latin, used by the Catholic Church, than that of contempora1)' Greek,' held by Protestants, because among the most ancient of the Greek Fathers of the Church reproduce it in this manner, that is, as in Latin. (And this should be kept well in mind, because the Gospels in Maltese, which Protestants have distributed among us, besideshavingno notes, in order to denythe Catholic Church the sole right to interpret them, are all translated from contempora1)' Greek, which in several essential things doeS not agree with the Latin text of our Religion)."
used in the Liturgy,Atti U-LVI.
123
ĠUżo Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
changes and was closer to the Latin version; in the Acts which was the in 1924, one can say that last volume, completed in 1916 but published us mention a few ex Let version. Latin the followed he less rnore or u 'mar' il-belt il-baħar feraq dgħajsa, fuq tala' U 9,1: Mt in arnples: trans naviculam, in ascendens "Et Latin: in "; l-ieħor) (jix�xatt u tiegħ in una montato "E Martini: in and ", suam civitatem in "venit" et vit eta fr 2 "he mar of instead Mt in barca ripasso il lago e 'ando' nella sua citta"; version, Latin the with tallies this went" we find ġie "he came", and 2 whereas "he went" is translated from Martini's work.5 In Mt 9,6: in1 : 2 amo, Mt 1 volo, 9,13: Mt fl-art; : Mt l-art; fuq : terra, sopra la terra, Mt 2 araw. In 1 Mt in qisu; : Mt 2 badate, videte, 9,30: "nħobb , in Mt : irrid; Mt m Mt1 pecore; come giacevano e tte malcondo Mt 9 ,35: vexati et jacentes; 3 0 f th e maħ qura u mħabbla; in Mt2 maħqura u mxerrda. 5 In the Acts from eparts � Martin:i wheneve hat t say can we , �he (1924 Apost1es ) : . followmg The s. Marttm W1th agrees n translatto GMA's version, Latin are examples from the Acts 28,1: cum evasissem us, fummo fuori pericolo, ħlisna; non modicam humanitatem, con molta umanita, b'tjieba mhux ċkejkna; 28,2: imbrem, umidita, xita; 28,3: alquantam multi tudinem, alquanti sorm en ti, hafna żarġun; invasit manum eius, se gli attacco alla mano, ħabtet ghal idu; 28,22: Rogamus, brameremo, nitolbu; 28,25: non essent consentientes, essendo discordi fra loro, ma kinux . biu. S4 Jaq •
This shows that in the first edition, ĠMA adhered to Martini's text and consulted the Latin Vulgate and with the passage of time, the more the work progressed, the more did ĠMA's trans�ation approach the Latin Vulgate in consultation with Martini's text. GMA did so to such an extent that, in order not to depart from Latin, he sacrificed Maltese grammar, as we will see further on. In his notes we meet remarks which justify translations of particular parts in which he continues to reinforce what we are saying; in Mt 21,7 he adds the word felu (colt) where in the Latin version there is only "eum desuper sedere fecerunt", rikkbuh fuq, and he notes: "We think that after the word 'desuper', fuq (on) we can add felu because this is what St. Luke, St. Mark and St. John say.... and they are in between
52.
Mti, 72; Mr-, 67.
53.
Mti, 72-75; Mt2, 68-75.
54.
Atti, 360-377.
124
Carm Sant
ĠtJŻe Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
125
brackets, like these: (felu), so as to show that this is not found in the Gospel.. ,55 He employs the same method in Lk. 8,1 where kienu "they ' bracl(ets 56 an d he adds thlS note: "So as to mainwere " IS encI ose d m the precision in the translation of the Gospel into Maltese, so as tain not to have any scruples that we did not translate word for word, as was penned down by the Evangelist, a word like this, though very rare, is always put in parenthesis as we did the one that has just been men tioned by Bishop Martini: Thus since the Gospel in Latin reads only u mieghu it-tnax (and with him the twelve), we wrote u (kienu) miegħu it-tnax (and the twelve [were] with him) even though we did not intro duce the word "were", but is derived from the !talian and used not only by Bishop Martini, but also by Rev Curci and the Society of St. Jerome . However, it is enough for us to rely on Martini's version, since not only has his translation been used by the Catholic Church, but we were also warned to follow his translation in everything. ,,57 This only corroborates what we have previously stated.
lated in Maltese as l-għorfa ta' l-ikel (cfr Martini's cenacolo) so as to adh ere to the Latin "so as not to depa�t from the instructions we were given", notwithstanding the fact that GMA thought it was strange to place corpses in a dining room and the Maltese term għorfa means il-kamra ta' fuq (the upper floor room).62 One final t?xample: in Acts 9, 15: "vas electionis", in Martini "strumento eletto", GMA adhered to the Latin text and translated it as kejla mahtura because according to him, the Maltese word kejJa approaches closer to the J ewish Khela and St. Luke was a Jew.63 In Acts 13,44, we find an interesting note which testifies how careful and attentive was the translator: "The news by Sales (i.e. to listen to Paul rather than to the Word of God) has baffled us a lot and we looked up as many books as possible, more than thirty commentators in both !talian and Latin: In the end we even resorted to the English and Spanish versions. In all these book� we found the trans lation to 'listen to the Word of God' �i.e. just as GMA had translated ,, it), this even in the Protestant Bibles. 6
ĠMA encountered the same difficulty in John 1,1. He translated the Latin word "Verbum", translated by Martini in the masculine form as "verbo", with kelma which in Maltese is a feminine noun. This seems strange when applied to Jesus Christ. He did so, in order not to depart from the text, yet in his notes he would use the words Il-Verb Divin (the Divine Verb), "so that the readers will not fiet confused and also so as to adhere to the teachings of the Church." In Jn 16,25 he translated the Latin word "proverbiis" bit-tixbih "and we understand that nothing detracts us from the Evangelist's thought, if we have not come even closer to him. ,,59 In Acts 27,8 he translated as Imrasi-tajba the Latin "Boniportus" even though he knew that in Greek there is "Kalous Limenas" Imrasi-sbieh, following Curci and the Society of St. Jerome.60 In 27,34 he translates "videns vidit" (in Hebrew, ra'o ra'ftf) as rajt rajt because "in Maltese the repeated word has greater effect". The same had done Martini, Curci and Sales.6! "In coenaculum", 9,39 is trans-
ĠMA was scrupulous to follow the Latin text, in the light of Martini's translation; however, he had no scruples to consu1t Vassalli's translation - and that of Camilleri (1847), notwithstanding his declara tion: "We not only did not follow these books; but we made sure that as long as we work on the translation, we would not even look at them. We work on the Latin version and on the,, !talian one by Bishop Martini without consulting other translations. 65 Nineteen years later in the second edition, ĠMA surely changed his mind and must have opened one of the Protestant translations: "Protestants call the hymn, Greet ings. ,,66 From this we can deduce that he consulted Protestant transla tions as is evident when we compare these translations in Mt 9 and Acts 28. Thus, in Mt! 9,4: li kienu jafu x'qegħdin jaħsbu (who knew what they were thinking of), in Mt2 he translated this as li għaraf hsebijithom (who knew their thoughts) which corresponds to the 1847 New Testament "he knew their thoughts." In Mt1 9,15: Jaqaw hbieb il-gharus għandhom jagħmlu l-vistu, mita l-għarus ghadu magħhom? (Do the groom's friends mourn him when he is still with them?). In Mt2 Jaqaw il-ħaddara jistgħu jibku sa ma l-għarus ikun magħhom? (Can the friends start to weep as
55.
Mtl, 167 but in Mt2 he removed it and left a note.
56.
Lq, 119.
57.
ibid, note 1*.
62.
Atti, 1 14.
58.
Ġw, 13.
63
Atti, 105.
59.
Ġw, 268.
60. Atti, 344.
61.
Atti, 456.
.
64.
65. 66.
Atti, l68.
Mtl, 3. Mt2, 219.
126
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long as the groom is with them?); Mt1 9,27: Meta Ġesu telaq minn hemm, marru urajh żewġ għomi li bdew igħajtu u jgħidu: Henn għalina Bin David (When Jesus left from there, two blind men followed him and �egan to shout and say: Have mercy on us, Son of David). Mt2: "Meta Gesu telaq minn hemm, marru urajh żewġ għomi, igħajtu u jgħidu: 'Ħenn għalina Bin David!'" We must thus admit that ĠMA revised the first translation with reference to the 1847 translation of the New Testament and the contact between these two translations is better revealed when we examine Acts 28: verses 3-5 which ĠMA translates in the following: Issa billi Pawlu ġama ' ħafna żarġun u qiegħdu fuq in-nar, lifgħa li ħarġet minnu bis-sħana ħabtet għal idu. U l-barbrin, mita raw id-dbiba mdendla ma ' idu, bdew igħidu lil xulxin: 'Tassew li hu xi qattiel dan il-bniedem biex malli ħeles mill-baħar, il-Haqq ma jħallihx igħix. Imma hu farfa� id-dhiba fin-nar, u ma bata ebda deni. (Now since Paul had collected a lot of sticks and put them on the fire, a snake came out because of the heat and attacked his hand. And the barbarians, when they saw this snake hanging on his arm, starting saying: It is truly the case that this man must be a murderer since as soon as he escapes from the perils of the se a, Justice did not let him live. But he dusted the snake in the fire and he suffered no harm.) This translation approaches very much th� 1847 New Testament: U meta Pawlu ġama ' qatgħa żarġun, u qiegħdu fuq in-nar, ħarġet lifgħa bis-sħana u ħabtet għal idu u xħin il-barbarin raw id-dbiba mdendla ma ' idu, qalu lil xulxin: Tabilħaqq hu qattiel in-nies dan il-bniedem li malli ħeles mill-baħar, il-ħaqq ta ' Alla ma jħallihx igħix. Imma huwa farfar id-dbiba fin-nar u ma bata ebda deni. (And when Paul collected the sticks and put them in the fire, a snake came out because of the heat and attacked his hand and as soon as the bar barians saw the snake hanging on his arm, they said to one another: This man must surely be a murderer because as soon as he escapes from the sea, God's justice did not allow him to live. But he brushed asid� the snake in the fire and he did not suffer any harm). And in verse 14, GMA agrees word for word with the 1847 New Testament: Fejn s.ibna l-aħwa, u konna mitlubin biex noqogħdu magħhom sebat ijiem u hekk ġejna Ruma (Where we found the brethren, and we were asked to star with them for seven days, and that is how we came to Rome). And in GMA translation: fejn sibna xi aħwa, u konna mitlub in biex noqogħdu sebat ijiem għandhom: u hekk ġejna Ruma. "Where we found brethren and we were asked to stay with them for seven days: this is how we came to Rome. ,,67 This simi1arity is too c10se to attribute it to the pover ty of the Maltese language, which would not leave much room for variety. 67.
Atti, 372.
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Thus ĠMA started by working with the Latin and Martini's text and with the passage of time he started to make use of the 1847 Protestant . New Testament and departed from Martini's Translation to approach c10ser the Latin Vulgate. Notes and Comments ĠMA's notes and comments which he inc1uded together with the texts of the Gospels and the Acts at the bottom of the page (in the first edition following each chgpter) are those of Martini,68 of Curci69 and of Sales 70 and some were his own. Let us dwell on these last ones. ĠMA himself gives the reason for having these notes as he himself explains in the Acts, that is, he took them "always from some other learned men so as to sift further the meaning of Martini, Curci and Sales. Each of these three men had his own special calling - either to show who were the people mentioned by them or to give an indication of ,how c10se the Maltese language is to the language of the Sacred Books. , 71 We have got three kinds of notes: the first are those which explain or rather, according to ĠMA, sift the notes of Martini, Curci and Sales, particular1y as regards words or phrases in the texts. In Mt 27,50 he explains that Christ's last cry on the cross was kollox mitmum (every68.
69.
70.
71.
Antonio Martini (1720-1809) was the Archbishop of F1orence. In 1769 he published the Italian translation of the Gospels from Greek, but compared with and commented upon accordingto the Latin text of the Vulgate. He translated the Old Testament from the Vulgate, compared with the Hebrew text and published in 1771-81, with notes taken from the Fathers ofthe Church. This text became the almost official text for Italian Catholics. This translation was vety popular in Malta unti! it was substituted by the translation of Rev Mark Sales OP. The BFBS printed it without notes and the Malta Bible Society (1816-1835) used to distribute copies of it in Malta during the last centuty.
Carlo Maria Curci SJ (1810-1891). He was Professor of Biblical exegesis, a famous preacher and one of the founders of the review Civilta Cattolica. He was quite polemical in his writings. Because ofhis writings on the Papal States and the Pope'sTemporal Power he left the Society of Jesus, was suspended from his priestIy duties and had his books condemned. He died within the Church's fold and in the Society of Jesus. His best work is Le Lezioni esegetiche e morali sopra i quattro vangeli (1874-76), based on the Greek text. It is no wonder that ĠMA comments that this author ''was not afraid of canying his cross". Marco Sales OP (1877-1936), was a Professor of Phi!osophy and Theology at the University of Fribourg and at theAngelicum in Rome. His main work was La Sacra Bibbia Commentata ofwhich he succeeded in publishing the New Testament (2 volumes, 1912-1914) and the Old Testament up to the Psalms (1918-1934). In it the Latin text was printed alongside a revised version of Martini's ltalian translation, together with rather �onservative comments. With these one can add also here and there Comelius a Lapide, Mt , 33-47.
Atti, XXIV. .
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thing is .completed), in line with the o.ther Evangelists.72 Thus Ġann i means . Gona,. C/eufa mean. sl. C/eupa ; Gużepp instea d of Ġosef:'' 73 the J. eWls h "fils " IS worth tm em� 'Iabba; 74 Qorban means "all that is brough t 10 fr0l:1t of God so that lt. wl11 be received and blesse Him." In this case GMA is criticising Martini because he insertedd by "qorb an" in his notes.75 Another important and separate note is that on lithos trotos wherein he renders simpler Curci's explanation. Lithostrotos in Greek means kien iċċangat bil-ġebel while the Hebrew gabbata means "be cause he was high Up. ,, 76 1
The secon d type of notes gives us infor matio n abou t ancient authors and other modern ones which are mentioned in ni Curci Sales . and otpers: Cornelius a Lapide (Mtl 1,25), AviceMarti nna (Ml . Pelag1Us (Mr 6,12) ,Egeslppus (Lq 21,24), Bollandisti (Lq 24,18), 8,7) : Beza (Acts 15,30), Chrysostomos (Acts 5,34), Justin (Acts 20,7).
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ĠMA's comments are not always valid, but they do shed light on the in his work as well as his enthusiasm to teach, and to. elevate ention tt a M alta's prestige. One should also note how the more hIS work progressed, the more notes he included and the more cour ��eous he b ecame in his criticisms of commentators like Curci and Mart1m. The Definitive Text and the Literary Style
We now discuss the definitive text and the Maltese style which ĠMA used in his translation which, as we have seen, was intended to reach the entire population of the Island, even those with very little education. The Orthography and the Style
The first problem which translators prior to ĠMA had to face was orthography, particularly, the problem of the alphabet. Canolo (1822), Vassalli (1829), Taylor (1843), Camilleri (1847), and Bonavia (1870), all devised their own alphabet to serve their own purposes.8l
last type of notes discusses language or some Maltese customs . Theagree whICh with the Bible's: "The Jews used to call those people who were separated from them, Gentiles, just like we call maqlubin all those �ho are exc?m�unicated."77 He also compares the sente nce, Agħti ġieħ III Alla, whICh IS a solemn J ewish formula, with the taking oath formula in our Courts.78 ĠMA does not agree with Martini asthe regar ds what he says about Malta, because according to the former "it is not surprising that a foreign writer does not know as much as w� do about the fine details of the history of our country. ,, 79 This is also to be found in a comment in Mrl 10,27: "from this we shoulidea d realis e that we agree with the Jews, both in language and in customs. ,,80
ĠMA was luckier. When he commenced working in 1895, the al phabet of the Societa Fi1ologika Maltese had been taught in schools during the years 1850 up to 1883 and in 1914 the Muftieħ tal-Chitba Maltija (Keys to the Maltese Orthography) by {anni Vassallo had been published thirteen years earlier82 and had been used by.the best writers of Maltese. Consequent1y, in the 1914 edition, ĠMA did away with the 1895 orthographical rules and adopted that of Vassallo, which had been the basis of the orthography by the Ghaqda (today known as the Ak kademja) tal-Malti.83 About this we have nothing else to say.
72.
The Style and the Vocabulary
l
73.
Mt , 224 Ġw, 279.
74.
Lq, 116.
75.
Ġw, 279.
76.
.
Gw, 302. Other examples includeMt1, 47.63.68.69.77 .
77.
.86.128.142.148; and Mt 3,7; 5,47' 8,5; 9,9; 10,4,. 15,39,. 18,24; 24,38; 29,32; 13,22; 27,44; 28,30; 27,33, in the respective pp. of li(-. Lq, 99.
78.
Ġw, 162.
79.
Atti, 360. Here ĠMA inserts another note about Malta. Other exam les .p include: Mt l Acts 5,18; 13,22; 14,18; 16,35; 28,7.8.30 in their respective pp. ofAtti. l Mt 104; Acts 10,9 in Atti.
80.
'
,
88', Cfr
After solving the orthographical problem of Maltese, the translator had another problem to tackle. Which style and which vocabulary would he choose? In the previous century when Maltese writers were still building and forming the language, the translator felt inclined towards choosing Semitic words, even if these were dead and no longer 81.
K. Sant, It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsien Malti 1810-1850, 31. In this volume pp.3743.
82.
G. Vassallo, n-Muftieħ tat-Chitba Maltija, (Malta 1901).
83.
A. Cremona, "Ġanni Vassallo" in Antoloġija ta' Proża Maltija (Malta University Press; Malta 1970) 136.
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in common use. Moreover, he would also use Semitic grammatical structures, with the result that the use of such linguistic for ms alienate d cultured people and confused those who were semi-educated.84 This is one of the reasons why translations in those days never really took off the ground. ĠMA was faced with the same problems. However, he had his OWn experience as well as that of others to solve these problems, especially since he was a journalist and a person who lived all his life mingling in society. Moreover, he was also interested in teaching Maltese, both in the spoken and in the written form. All these factors worked in his favour as regards the formation of the style of his translations. He wanted to reach all those ·people with little education and, at the same time, give a faithful translation of the original texts (for him these were Latin and only secondarily !talian). There was also the literary motivation. With regards to vocabulary, ĠMA does not seem to have been after Semitic, dead or half-dead words. Neither did he try to find words of foreign origin so as to express the exact sense. In these circumstances, he would at times make use of words whose meaning was not too ac curate, as in the following examples: knisja instead of sinago�a;85 tbatija instead of sagri[iċċju;86 wieħed mill-kbarat instead of prinċep; 7 tfixkil in stead of skandlu;88 jitkażaw instead of skandalizzaw ruħhom.89 Whenever possible, ĠMA would choose the Maltese word which was close in its form to Hebrew. He translated Raka as Riq (Mt 5,22) ; mammona, muna (in Mtl il-ġid tad-dinja) (Mt 6,24). Jiġi r-risq f'din id-dar was modelled on the Maltese phrase: Ir-risq u l-barka! Basta jkun ir-risq (Good fortune and blessings! As long as there will be good fortune). It would have been better translated as Sliem lil din id-dar. In fact, this is how he translated it in Mt2• ĠMA translated the word loqma (piece) since in Hebrew it is leqem (Mt 12,14); satis tribus, sea, in Maltese is sieh, sigħan just like in Hebrew (Mtl 13,33) baraka, barka (blessing) (Mt 84. 85.
Sant, It-Traduzzjoni, 42-48. In this vo1ume pp.44-49. Cfr Mt 6,5 in Mtl.
86. Mtl, 70.95 for Mt 9,13 and 12,7. 87. Mt2, 72 f01 Mt 9,18. Trans1ated a1so : Sultan (Ġw 12, 31) ħakem (Mt 9,23 in Mt2) sajjied (Mt 9,23 in Mt ) . 88. Mt2, 219 for Mt 26,31. 89. Mt2, 112 for Mt 13,57. Other examp1es: Mt2, for 12,41; 27,10; Mk for 4,39; Lq for 4,12; 10,38; 12,21; Ġw for 1,47; Atti for 19,2.
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els
). Qorban. is similar to the 4 19) . Hakeldama, qasam tad-demm (Mt 27,3 t :,as ch means an offering (accordmg .to��ha 1 �lte�e word korb an whi �:�: de ,s Wh,c ra misk a� ed us!) . Sicera in Latin is translat �lli tells h s 5 k L from th � word s�:e; )��/: t !��� �0� �o�'l ?�t��I:;:: ��� 1_ !ħ�ar (to n ; express10n u q(Jn 13 ical note, as when , 1) . At times he inserts a philolog S . t) l as very e th (beatbetween flaġell (scourglI�g) a�d swadtency h. e explains the differenceand t? ten s A GM iċ-ċipp (Acts 16,24). lngs) (Acts 16 22) · felka tese 1olog etym the from Gospel is evident the t�xt �f the Mal , e anw as s�ch ters c arelana arac ch tion of the names of the biblical l 23,35), Gwa m. Af.John � ��: (Mt � "Barakia" �M �el" (Mt l 1 23)· Barakija (Lq " whIch rhymes oda "Rh a Rod ), 1,13 n ana Joħ fro� ved whi�� is deri with Warda (flower) (Acts. 12,1 3). eso wha t we have ght him to say that "thi s shows us mor brou s Thi . tese,,is quite close to the langua1e S d from the beginning that theofMal 90 Furtherm�re, some � eop e Christ. ,, t��t was. used during the time tese l and he contmues that ,when n s d that "Christ spoke Mal ,t 9se, d into Mal � ?,ot only does !� :l Ot. loslleY t:ee ��� G ::pel is well. translate . it gams m abundance. 9 Fma forcefulness 0f 1tS meantng, but for all thos e peopl e W1· th differen . an,t e and onc w sho to " wr�· tes · . slated from Latin and !tah op1ntOnS ·t·h··at the Holy Gospel' when tran d. of gains rather than loses the forcefulness the wor ,, 93
the Latin text led ?,im to retain ĠMA's fidelity to the translation ofthe of Maltese synt �x.. �hen J �sus-, some Latinisms in the developmentpeo ple away) tunc d1�lSSl� tUrb1� mibgħutin in-nies (having sent the t-tifh - hymno d. 1ctO, mst ea 0f went home " (Mt 13"36) · and miżżi sang airh� n of pra1se and 1eft" (Mt Kantaw innu ta' tifhir u ħarġu "they translatlOn of Mt 13,?7.. u kienu . 26 30) Of particular interest is the at him): Et scan dallzaban ��m sed dali scan e wer they (and bih jitkaż�w. (and they were confuse eeo - mstead. of U tfixklu minħabba fihetia m multis hon orib us nos cau se 0 f h 1m ) . I n Act s 28 , 10 qui word from G reek. b eraverunt the Latin version being wordy for ��:es: U qi�una ukoll b 'bosta ġiehijiet "the worshipped us also WIth a 90.
Mtl , 230.239; Ġw, 30. 91. Mtl, 94; Mt2, 90. 92. Ġw, 222. 93. Lq, 159.
132 Cann Sant
lot of hono �rs" instead of: Tawna wkoll min n kull xorta ta' ġid (th ey gave us all kInd s of wealth) . 94 Notw�thstandin� this tie with Latin and Ita1 ian, a tie which f was mo.re slavIsh than falth ful and which resulted in a lack of 1't Ines�e whIch we find in other of his writings, ĠMA crea ted a �i ��� iI t I the language of the people of those days. Arc haic words or half��� dn v?car.u� ary �re very r �re and the stru cture of his sentences retains t�e . al slmp IClty 0 the o�lgIn text, thus they are understandable . even t o those readers wIth httle education. I do not consider ĠMA to have been wrong when he wrote to th c�nsor Mgr Farrugia: "If �he Four Gos pels and the k of the Acts � � �:-i.ostles ca�e out so purely in Maltese, that everBooy prie st and eve�y a 0 I.C c�n re y on the Maltese translation as muc h as on the Lat'n one WhICh IS used by the Curia; if I not only did not dep art not even �y one word from the Sacred Writers and from th ' e . �� �:� g � : :\: athe ; n;ty translations proved the strength and cohesio n f ? ther words, transl�ted �s they are into Maltese, the se book� ha;:' not �� �:: �� ��:� tr�ns�tI��s .tnto other lang ages, rather at time s � the Itali an n a s y ar Inl, that by CurcI and that of the Societ of S ' Jerome and of Sa'� s, a e not as well writ ten as the � Maltese cou�er ar�. Dear . Mgr, I owe " ll thlS to you because I was entr uste d in your ca:e b �: BIS:OP, and I v. :>rked with courage and without harm ing my soul "ls oug w� ou�ht to co�sider these words with rese rvat ion, we can �n derstand GMA s enthuslasm and satisfaction follo win g . so man y years of �ard work of whIch the same Censor noted that he did no t c h ange one sIngle word.96 Critical Evaluation
Fo�lowing this critical evaluation we may now see the worth or otherwIse of thls. translation.
e 6���t With t�e 1i!erartphilological valu As regards the wor� !f s trans latIon In phd y, orthographye., etym olo morP �?l��, and syntax '!'e must admit olog it is very little. The orth�raphY w IC e employed IS no longer in that use because it has been superseded 94.
Atti, 370.
95. Atti: Dedication p.IV. 96. Mr, XVI.
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by that of the Għaqda (Akkademja) tal-Kittieba tal-Malti; the etymology offer ed in the notes is poor; his morphology was not so forceful and the syntax suffered greatly owing to the fact that there was such a close link with the Italian and Latin original texts. In his choice of vocabulary, ĠMA chose the middle path, in such a way that it is neither too Semiti cally-based, nor does it inc1ude needless words of Romance origin. This notwithstanding, ĠMA managed to create a Maltese Biblical yle st which was suitable for everyone, which I think, had its effect on religious literature in Maltese, especially because, we have to remem b er, these books were used to teach catechism by the Society of Museum and others. ĠMA's translations helped writing in secular areas as well. Historically, one may say that the Bible translation in Maltese, as has hap� ened in other countries, was the cradle of the language and literature.9 It suffices to mention Vassalli and Saydon. One should not forget that ĠMA was the President of the Akkademja tal-Malti (Mal tese language Academy) and of the Commission which planned the al phabet and the regulations of the orthography which we have today. We should also say that the basic principle on which ĠMA based the style and form of the translated text is of no use today. In the past, translators of the Bible, both Protestants and Catholics, used to pay attention to the original text rather than to their readers; this would tie them too dosely to the text and rather than translating the text they would simply transcribe it. It used to be a formal translation which sought to produce the original sometimes sacrificing the meaning in the translation. This has happened with all the Maltese translations up till now. Today we have a dynamic translation, that is, one which pays attention to the readers and which thus uses vocabulary of the spoken language as well as the construction of the sentences according to the nature and genre of the receptive language. Proof of this are the 53,000,000 copies that have been sold of Today's English Bible as well as the thousands of copies of the New Testament in Maltese recently published by the Malta Bible Society. ĠMA tried to do this; the restrictions imposed upon him, however, and the scruples which he had did not allow him to go further than he actually did. Had A.M. Galea, P.P. Grima and P.P. Saydon continued in the lines of ĠMA, timid at first and scrupulous, the Bible in Malta 97.
Sant, It-Traduzzjoni, 2348. In this volume pp. 2749.
134
{juże Muscat Azzopardi, Translator of the Gospels
wo�ld have had better luck and Maltese writing, espeeially with regard to hterature, would have developed in a different way.
Concerning the notes which ĠMA included on his own initiative, especially those of philological or anthropological nature, which were lJleant to compare the language and the customs of the Maltese to the Bible, we agree on prineiple, yet we must say that we cannot accept these without reservations. And here I would like to invite scholars of s ocia l life in Malta, especially folklore s cholars and Maltese philologists to join forces with Biblical scholars to start a project of research in this area.
W��n it comes to assessing the intelligence and understanding of the. ongmal text.' that .IS the Latin Vulgate, I must say that I have more senous reservahons. ĠMA wor� ed o� a Latin original. The Latin translation of St. Jero�e had r�lgned m t.he Church for over 1,500 years when ĠMA was carrymg out hIS translatIon and like other translators at his time he had to work on such a translation, both because it had been declared auth ��tic by . the Cou.neil of Trent,98 and also because such was the c�ndlhon whIch the BlShup and the Holy Office had stipulated. In 1943 wIth the . encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu, Pope Pius XII threw the doors wlde open for popular translations directly from Greek and He.brew99 and. he encouraged translations to be made for the people. ThlS was confumed by Second Vatican Council in the Constitution Dei Verbum. 100 For this reason, we nowadays, translate the Bible directly from Greek and Hebrew, not only for scholars but also for all the general public, with the result that the text is more alive and clearer and is capable of making us approach more closely the thought an d feelings of the original authors. This explains why we cannot follow ĠMA's footsteps in such line of thought. Although we cannot say in any way that ĠMA's translation depar�s .from the .faith or creed of the Catholic Church, yet a little of the ongmal meamng of the biblical text was lost. One may ask, what is the value of the comments by Martini, Curei, Sales as well as the ap proval of the .censor? Mgr Farrugia's approval, who, all in all was not in any way quah�ed and who did not have any authority in the scientific stud� of the Blble, guaranteed only moral and dogmatic correctness and nothmg �ore. �artini's �otes ,,:ere written in the eighteenth century ?nd Curcl s, whIch accordmg to GMA were more modern, were written m the second half of the nineteenth century. Today both of these are archai.c. This s��fices to sh�w that we cannot follow them blindfoldedly and wlthout cnhcal evaluahon. Besides, today we distinguish between a commentary and a translation of the Bible. 98.
EB, 61.
99.
EB, 556.
100. DV, 22.
135
Now let us come to the pastoral importance of ĠMA's work; and it in is this area that we have his most positive contribution. We have already seen the eircumstances in which he worked: there was a Moder nist crisis in the Catholic Church universal and the beginning of a socio-cultural and religious revolution in Malta, with the activities of M. Dimech and others some of whom were priests. In fact, the Archbishop had just then excommunicated two priests: Rev Joseph Maurin and Rev John Falzon; and the seeds of aggressive secularisation which had then been sown are bearing fruit in our times. The deeision taken by ĠMA in 1895 and in 1914 was courageous and farsighted. He was the one who paved the way for the Maltese Biblical Movement on two fronts: Bible translation and biblical pastoral initiative; these cannot progress one without the other. His aim was to neutralise Protestant proselytism and to teach the Maltese people. One can say without any hesitation, and for this documentation is available, that Protestant translations ceased nearly completely as ĠMA em barked on his translation project, the only exception was the Ktieb tas Sa/mi (Book of Psalms) which was published in 1926. The initiative was in the hands of Maltese Catholics. After ĠMA, A.M Galea, P.P. Grima and P.P. Saydon shouldered the responsibility of translating the entire Bible; the publication of their translation started in 1926 and was com plete in 1936. This work is still going on today through the Malta Bible Soeiety in consultation with the international society known as the United Bible Societies. and the British and Foreign Bible Society in London, about which GMA was so critical. This attitude is no longer justified except for the case of the Trinitarian Bible Society and the religious sect of Jehovah'a Witnesses. The wheel has turned full circle. We hope that it will not be long before we have the entire Bible in Maltese. The Maltese people have become conscious about the importance of the Scriptur�s. It suffices to say that the copies of the Gospels and the Acts by GMA on which I based this study, belonged to my
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grandfather, Annetto Penza, who worked as a gardener in the Argotti Gardens and who had received the little education given to him in the sixties and seventies of the previous century. I used to see him frequent. ly perusing these Gospels and Acts as well as speaking about them with satisfaction, conviction and enthusiasm. I was not then in a position to understand and evaluate the importance and the significance of what I was seeing and hearing. I now understand that if that gentleman and many other people who had no easy life, found consolation in, and experienced the strength of the Word of Jesus Christ, this was the merit of ĠMA who gave them the Word of God in their own language. In order to train, reinforce and spread this interest, ĠMA made use of the newspaper Il-Habib, which was under his own directorship. For several years, in each issue, there used to be one or two articles on Scripture. The fruit of all this was great and it would have been greater still, had more people been literate.
elevate ,yo� in such a way that beneficial to others, but will. also e 0 v o r P er be forgotten In our Isl and s. ,1 your name wi1l nev o he� �s d:�n�����; l�;�� � f��:p�:t:��is � a s And th�s prop �� a i ? six�ieth a:��:e��: � t�e Apost1es and who with deep justifiable satis s of of the laUo. ns 0 ted this wor . VAct . khere ·. "In memory.• G'MA .... .: star , etta 11 a factiOn wroesteon lt ed the 15th August , 1915 he complet . l rts hea · our · in the Apost r lve a 11 st! " And this remembrance IS on the �7th a 1917 athered in the temple which is the � onument . of are even to aY : �. e he �so loved and for whom the Church IS gre at1y in wh ch the Church debted to. in
1
This is Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi, the Father of Maltese Literature and the Father of the Maltese Biblical Movement. He was amongst the first of the laymen, if not the first one in Malta, to give himself up entirely for apostolic service in the midst of the Christian community and who, as a convinced Christ ian, disinterestedly used his talents which were mostly literary, at the service of his brothers. He was the one to create religious literature in Maltese based on the written W ord of God. He was the one who in Il-Habib of the 7th March 1916,101 raised the con· sciousness for the Gospel to be read in Maltese during the Liturgy. He was the one who gave us the Missal in Maltese for the first time in 1918. He was the one who paved the way so that the Bible would be in everybody's hands. How farsighted he was that "wise and dedicated" priest (as ĠMA described him) when in 1914 with the publication of the first instalment of the Gospel of St. Matthew, wrote and told him: "Your work with all the patience and the painstaking effort that it required, will not only 101. "If, however, the language (Latin)was previouslywell understood, it is not so today; and, for
this reason, it is fitting and necessary, that the people, at least on Sundays, hear from the priest's mouth the Gospel in their own language. Thus we await this news to be confirmed by a decree from Rome so that the Maltese people, similar to the Italian people, on Sunday, in every Mass, hear their own language which they understand, the section of the Gospels which falls on that day," R-Habib 213(25/4/1916) 1.
137
Translator of the Gospels
102. R-Ħabib 142(24/11/1914) 2.
7
Mgr P.P. Saydon's Contribution in the History of Bible Translation in Maltese. An Appreciation *
* "Ix-Xogħol ta' Mons P.P. Saydon fl-Istorja tat-Tradużżjonijiet bil Malti tal-Bibbja." Conference given in the MUSEUM Hall, Blata l Bajda on 17th October 1981. Published in 1982. (Translated by Dr Lydia Sciriha)
Mgr P.P. Saydon's Contribution in the History of Bible Translation in Maltese.
An Appreciation. The topic for tonight's conference is Saydon's work in the history of Maltese Bible Translations. To my understanding this means that I should discuss the new features Saydon introduced in this area as well as the effects of his efforts. In order to draw the right conclusions one has to give an overview of what work had been done prior to Saydon, together with what Saydon did and what is now being done following Saydon. This kind of work requires a considerable amount of time of deep study. Thus one cannot expect that the few minutes that I have at my disposal for this conference shall suffice for me to probe deeply into Saydon's contribution. In view of this fact, I shall only be giving some general ideas which can be the basis for one to work on and give a definitive judgement. Translations prior to Saydon 1821-1924
Saydon published the first book of the Bible namely Genesis in
1929. Efforts in the field of Bible Translations in Maltese commenced at the beginning of the nineteenth century, precisely in 1821 with the
publication of Giuseppe Canolo's translation of the Gospel of St. John and a translation of the four Gospels by M.A. Vassalli. This latter volume was published posthumously and anonymously in 1829.
The promoter of these two translations was the Church Missionary Society whose representative was the Rev William J owett, an active Protestant missionary in Malta. Protestants had the intention of making Malta a Protestant centre in the Mediterranean. Jowett's line of reason ing was that Bible translation into Maltese would simultaneously serve a twofold purpose: (i) Encourage the Maltese to read the Bible in Mal tese, notwithstanding the fact that only 10% of the population (i.e. ap proximately 10,000 Maltese), knew how to read. Moreover, the Maltese who were literates used to read the !talian translation of the Bible by Bishop Martini; (ii) The Maltese translation would act as a kind of springboard by providing literature in Maltese, in a way that English' missionaries would, through these Maltese translations, learn the Arabic spoken in North Africa.
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oth VassaIIi. and Canolo did not translate works directly from . �flaI. the ongl Vass alh tran slate d the Bible from the La t lfl ' · u Igate and CanoI 0 from Martlf ' ll" s Itah. an translation. Neither VassaIIiVnor CanoI0 knew Greek. These transI�tions did not prove to be successfuI for the foIIowing three reasons. Flrstly, the works were Protestant translations at a time w;e: Protestant propaganda was at its peak. Secondly the literary styl � t es; translattons was not sufficiently popular sinc� it was differen� rom t . e Maltese .spoken by t�e masses. Thirdly, only a few Maltese �ere hterate: Besldes, Vassalh's translation had an added difficult.Y Slflce he had tntroduced a particular alphabet which he employed tn ' hIS works. In 1�45, s�t�en years after VassaIIi th, the Book of Com mon Prayer wIth �lbhcal extracts including 'sthedeaPsal 1847, the enttre Ne� Testament was published. ms was published In This was the work of Rev M :A. C amtl. len, who before joining the Ang . Church wa a �a�holtc prte st. Camilleri revised VassalIi's worlican k tran slat ed :he plst!es and the Apocalypse and devised a new alph ; bet. The Rev G To �s n who was at that time the Anglican Arc hbis hop of Gib ralta; ; f n a, was tht prom oter of this translation. While it was Rev ;owett ,a� �Idea to tea-.:h Arabic to the lish through these Maltese trans!attons, Rev Tomlinson wanted thesEng e translations to serve to teach Engl,. sh to the Mal te �e population. Thu s, Camilleri's alphabet had . �n!l�sh. �s �ts. b�s� �wlthA �a.ltese sounds repr oduced through English g s. (c.ch, x.sh � J y, gIl:a ; g:J). The style of Cam illeri's translation was : better and less ngld than Vassalli 's. Moreover Cam though rather sl�vish, was faithful to the King jame illeri's translation s Vers The title � ?f these transla ��ons, namely the Book of Com mon Prayion. er Il-Ktieb , ' �-talb ta Aa/�nlJa u tal A ti tas-Sagramenti and � the New Test ; ame nt's . tttle Il-A aqda li Jdlda ta Sldna Gesu Kristu mijyuba bil-m alti mil in g liz , reflect the style and the alphabet which Camilleri used. _
/n 18.45 Ri hard !aylor who was a Catholic, published Is-Salmi (the Psa t;J1s) tn a r�ythmlcal form patterne the Latin Vulgate ' he also publtsh�d L-Uffiċċju tal-Ġimgħa l-Kbiradinon1848 as thehEvangercal es of Our Lord's Passion in 1844. OtherasCwell .tn Ston ' W 0 wor ked a th 0 l lCS thIS' �rea were De Soldanis who translated Il-M isere re (Ps 51) Panzavecch�a who translated Il-Vanġeli tal-Ħdud and an ano nym ;uthor �ho revlse� the GospeI according to St. John. All the se worksous rem lfl manuscnpt form. Taylor's style was more popular and flowing. ained 1
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Between 1870-1872, on the initiative of some English officials at the Drydocks and helped by Rev George Wisely, the BFBS published the G os pels of St. Matthew and of St. John as well as the Acts of the Ap ostles. These were merely the 1847 translations which had been revised by M.A. Camilleri himself. These translations had no literary pretensions, their aim being simply to spread the Word of God. They were pocket-sized and they were distributed free of charge. In 1912 Prof Temistocles Zammit published the Gospel of St. Mark which he had based on VassalIi's translations. Other editions were published untiI 1922. All these were translated from the King James Version. The percentages of literates in Malta in 1871 and 1911 were 11% and 32.82% respectively. All the above-mentioned translations were Protestant publications and from the correspondence of Rev George Wisely who had worked in Malta for sixty years, i.e. from 1854-1914, it is clear that the se transla tions served as a means to proselytize the Protestant faith. In 1895 Muscat Azzopardi started publishing in pamphlet form the four Gospels and continued to do so untiI 1924. He published them all together with the Acts of the Apost1es. He translated from the Latin Vulgate with a f10wing style and with a vocabulary which steered the middle path between R omance and Semitic. I deem Muscat Azzopardi's inf1uence on Maltese religious diction and on the Ianguage in general to have been significant. His aim to neutralise the Protestant proselytism and to teach the Bible to the Maltese people was undoub tedly successful. Protestant translations can be said to have dwindled with the exception of the Book of Psalms which was published in 1926. However, thirty-six years Iater, on the initiative of the Trinitarian Bible Society which on principle refuses to colIaborate with Catholics or Protestants who work in the spirit of ecumenism and in accordance with the criteria of modern biblical translations, the entire Bible ac cording to the canon and text of the King James Version was published in 1980. The second period: 1924-1965
This was a crucial time for Maltese society in all spheres. The two World Wars left an indelible mark and giant strides were taken in the field of education and in the development of the Maltese language. Malta's leaders discovered that the Maltese language is an instrumental means of communication among the Maltese people. The percentage of the literate Maltese population rose from 33.50% in 1921 to the present
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85%. A practical orthographic and grammatical system of Maltese was devised. Popular and literary works gained impetus. Moreover, from the hotly debated language issue during the 1921-1938 period, a com promis e was �truck between one faction who wanted to make Maltese . I� ahan and t�e other who wanted to Arabicise Maltese. The more hke result of thIS compromIse was that Maltese was considered to be in state of flux according to the circumstances of the times. As a result o� the role of Maltese in society, the number of people who could read Maltese rose, and the quality of writing in Maltese ameliorated.
situati�n it was also possible for change to occur as regards . I.n thisculture smce there were more religious writings in Maltese for rehgIous the populat.ion. It is against this background that one has to evaluate the translatIon works during this time by Rev P.P. Grima, Mr A. Marija G.alea and Rev P.P. Saydon. Between them, they translated the whole BIble, the Old �nd the New Testaments in the space of six years, that is from 1926 untIl 1932. When Mr A. Marija Galea translated his last book, namely The Book of Baruc, he wrote with satisfaction that "Thank God, you now have all the books of the Bible in Maltese ..... it is up to you to read them. The word of the Bible is the word of God and not that of the persons who wrote them." One can deduce from the printed documents that each one of the above-mentioned translators started to work on his own. Later on, the three translators agreed to divide the work amongst themselves. It �s definitely the �ase that there was an agreement and a number of seSSlOns of consultatIons among these three translators as is evident from . the documents published together with the same books. Just to mentIon one example taken from the Book of Baruc of Mr A.M. Galea. Mr Galea says the following: "It was the desire of Rev P.P. Grima to translate the Book .of Baruc. However, Rev Grima suddenly died and as the translations of this work. That is the reason yet I have not obtamed wh� Mr Galea undertook the job of translating the Book of Baruc" (Ktieb Baruk, p.2). One should also note that with regard to this transla tion of the Bible, the translators were encouraged by the two Bishops of Malta, namely Mgr Caruana and Mgr Gonzi, as well as by Prof Daniel Callus who was at that time a professor in Sacred Scriptures and Hebrew at the University of Malta. Th� works of. Mr A.M. Galea and Rev P.P. Grima were based on of the Vulgate with the help of other translations. the Latm translatIon One should also note that between 1939-1965, Rev Paris published his
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translations of the Gospels and the Acts of the Apost1es, the Letter to the Romans and the letters of St. John and St. James. As regards the comprehension of the text, Rev P.P. Grima and Mr A.M. Galea did not overcome all textual difficulties. They adhered to the text of the modern translations which they had available and they retained the structure of the text even when this jarred with the Maltese idiom. In the Maltese translations, one finds vocabulary and popular grammatical structures leaning towards Semitic and some archaic vocabulary was also included. In his translation works in 1939 and later, Rev Paris was slavish to the Latin Vulgate and used a great deal of !talian vocabulary. Notwithstanding all these defects, these Maltese works were diffused in thousands, and served to filI in the void. These Bible translations managed to encourage the Maltese population, who could not read foreign languages, to read the Word of God in Maltese. Professor Saydon
As has already been noted, the Maltese Bible translators were just amateurs in this field. Since none of them knew the source language, thus they did not work from the original text. The translator's aim was to provide a popular translation without bothering for scientific critical issues. None of these translators paid attention to literary details and when faced with difficulties they followed the safer path. Saydon first obtained his scientific, literary and theological formation from the University of Malta. It was here that Saydon was taught for the first time the basics of Hebrew by Mgr M. Gonzi who was the first Professor of Sacred Scriptures at the University of Malta as well as one of the first students of the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Rome which was founded in 1905 by Pope Pius X. This study aroused special interest in Saydon because of the similarity that exists in the vocabulary and gram matical structures between Hebrew and Maltese. Saydon's initial formation was further reinforced and broadened when he came under the supervision of the Bible specialists and teachers in Rome; these were most1y German such as Ponk, Deimel and Vaccari. He became proficient in the study of oriental languages and the Scriptures. Above all, Saydon was very knowledgeable in the scien tific method of criticism based on objective and rigorous analysis. This is Saydon's first major and novel contribution with regard to Maltese Bible studies and the Maltese language. His contribution ex tends itself also to general studies as can be attested by those who had
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been Saydon's students during his thirty year tenure at the University of Malta. Saydon was very profound and forceful in his idea of a scientifi cally based study and from personal experience, I can attest to the fact that one would feel virtually paralysed in his presence. This means that after the Saydon period any work in this field which is not based on the same principles and is not done through the critical method would con stitute a backward step. Saydon translated the Bible not from the Latin Vulgate but from the original texts. This was the first and most courageous decision taken by Saydon because the Vulgate still dominated the Catholic Church and more so as it was easier to translate from Latin than from Hebrew and Greek. Twenty years later, with the publication of the encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu in 1943, the Vulgate lost its important position amongst Catholics and the original texts were given prominence.
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When the original text did not agree with the Vulgate, Saydon hose the original text when he had good reasons to do so. It was in c these situations that Saydon was at odds with his censor. In Genesis 3 15 in the Vulgate we read ipsa conteret caput tuum, "she will crush y� ur head". However, in Hebrew it is He will crush your hea,d a� d Saydon chose to translate it in this latter mann�r and not as one fmds �n the Vulgate. The censor did not approve of thls at all and to a certam extent he was not entirely at fault, especially since Saydon's translation could give rise to dogmatic difficulties and create sensation amongst the Maltese, in particular those whose titular feast was that .of the Im maculate Conception. A similar event occurred in recent times when the Church revised the liturgical calendar. Saydon himself told me that the censor wrote to Professor Vaccari in Rome whose reply was that it would be better to stick to the Vulgate for practical reasons. Saydon also wrote to Professor Vaccari who had been one of his professors in Rome. Professor Vaccari answered Saydon's letter by saying that he had not been aware that the transl� tion in question had been a scientifically based work by one of his former students. In fact, Professor Vaccari allowed Saydon to retain his translation from Hebrew provided that Saydon would write an exegetic explanation and a theological note. Throughout the thirty years of Saydon's Bible translations, this is the only instance when he en countered difficulties with Church authorities, and in this particular case, one must say that it was an understandable difficulty.
The first thing a translator should do when he is about to translate a piece of work, is that he should consult the original texts which, in the Biblical translator's case, are in Hebrew, Aramaic or Greek. These original texts have, for centuries, been transmitted from generation to generation by those people who copied them by hand. It is the translator's job to sift the contents of the original texts and to take into consideration the mistakes made by these scribes. At this stage, textual criticism becomes very important. Translators prior to Saydon never bothered about this important aspect when translating texts. They all relied on the Latin Vulgate or on any translations that were available. Saydon used modern critical editions of the original texts. His predecessors could not do this because they did not know the source language. When Saydon differed from these sources, he provided his own solutions. Unfortunately, there is no time to give examples of such instance.
Though some people thought and wrote that the authorities ob jected to some parts of Saydon's or other translators' works, there is no documented evidence that this was the case. The problems that Saydon had to face during his life had nothing to do with his Bible translations.
The Catholic translator who works from the original text should solve the problems which crop up when he finds divergences between the Vulgate and the Hebrew and Greek texts. What should the trans lator do when faced with such problems? The Vulgate has a history of sixteen centuries and was extremely inf1uential on theology and on spiritual life. It is difficult to go against such an established tradition. Even St. Jerome, the author of the Vulgate felt this difficulty when he translated from Hebrew and not from the Greek of the Septuagint. There were many people amongst them St. Augustine who refused to accept St. Jerome's work.
After selecting the text that the translator wants to translate, he must understand and interpret the piece of work. In other words, the translator must try to discover correctly what the sacred author wants to say. Saydon held an advantage over the other translators because of his sound formation and training at the Biblical Institute in the original languages of the Bible as well as in the principles and methods of ex egesis and Biblical interpretation. Whereas other translators had to rely on other authors' commentaries, Saydon was capable of using other people's commentaries in a critical manner. Saydon was also able to pass his own judgement and give his own personal ref1ections in the light of progress that had already been done in this field.
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The final decision that the translator has to consider is the qua1ity of the translation he wishes to make. Is the translation going to be a formal one? Is he going to stick to the original text both structural1y and idiomatically without paying heed to the needs of the reader? Or is he to write a dynamic translation in which he will apply the colloquial structure and idiom of the spoken language tailor-made for the people for whom it is written? In Saydon's time, Catholic and non-Catholic Biblical translators used the formal style with the result that they created a biblical lexicon which was not in tune with the language spoken by the people. One can consider this to have been detrimental for the reading of the Bible by the Maltese whose level of literacy was not very high and who found the formal style used by the translators somewhat pedantic and daunting. Thus this alienated them from reading the Bible. Saydon chose the formal style for his translations because firstly during those times it was thought that the Word of God had to be formal. This emerged as .a result of the mistaken concept of Biblical Inspiration. Secondly, Saydon was under pressure to write in this style owing to the cultural norms of sixty years ago which dictated this style so as to help develop the Maltese language. There were writers who would emphasize the Romance element of the Maltese in their writings, while others would stress the Semitic elements. Saydon believed in rein forcing the Semitic elements and he used to search for and sub sequently employ a Semitic word, even if it was archaic. Saydon would also occasionally coin a word from existing roots or else he would bor row the word from Arabic, at times at the expense of foregoing the exact meaning of the original text as in, for example, his use of the word tusijiet instead of kmandamenti or preċetti. The same applies to the structure and idiom of the language. The result of Saydon's efforts was the creation of a Maltese prose which was forceful and beautiful and which was appreciated by those knowledgeable in the Maltese literary style. Saydon saved and raised Maltese prose in the same way as Dun Karm Psaila (the National Poet) redeemed and elevated Maltese poetry. This notwithstanding, the language used by Saydon in his trans lations was strange to those with a low literary education or who were accustomed to using a language whose direct or indirect influence was European languages. It was this linguistic aspect that was controversial in Saydon's translations. There were no other principles, like that of giving the Bible to the people, that created controversy.
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From what has been said it transpires that the most important merit a in S ydon's works was that his contribution showed a marked advance ment over previous translations into Maltese: advancement in the choice of original text, progress in the exegetical aspect and advance ment of Maltese philology and of Maltese literary prose. Moreover, his translations increased the study and interest in the Bible in Malta. Such a progress cannot be brushed aside by anyone working in this field. rhis progress should continue because as Saydon always reiterated, the nature of science is such that it never stops just like a person's life does not stop. I imagine Saydon telling us: "I have arrived so far, now you s hould carry on since scientific progress and adaptation to pastoral needs stop at no time and with no person." A look to thefuture
Ten years have passed since Saydon's death and twenty-two years have elapsed since his publication of the last book of the Bible. During this time many changes have occurred in Maltese society and in the Church. One should keep in mind these changes as regards the pastoral biblical field. I included the word pastoral because the W ord of God was written to preserve and deliver God's message to mankind: this prevails over any consider.ation or interest whether it be philological or literary. The first and most important change occurred when the Second Vatican Council placed the Bible at the centre of the Church's pastoral activities, by introducing readings from Scriptures in the vernacular into the liturgy and by promoting Bible reading among its faithful. That is why Vatican 11 encouraged new translations so that all Christians would have easy access to the Bible, not so much through low costs as through an easy flowing style and accessible diction of the editions (DV, 22). This brought about with it a strong interest in the Bible, the result of which was a number of new and dynamic translations even in European countries where there existed old classical translations. The Bible should be read by everybody, even by those whose level of educa tion is rather low. The importance of classical Bible translations lies in their historical value and for no other reason. Great development has occurred in the study of exegesis and philology especially of Hebrew and other cognate languages. A recent example is the discovery of documents and a new language in Ebla in Syria which is related to the Hebrew spoken 4500 years ago. At least this discovery c;alls for revisions or new translations.
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In Malta as has alreapy been noted, literacy rose to about 85% and the Maltese language became entrenched in Maltese society; it developed not on Semitic lines as previous academics wished it to develop, but on western lines. After all, as the renowned professor E. Nida once remarked to me, language is developed by people and not by academicians. This means that according to the principles of the United Bible Societies, there should be a revision or a new translation every twenty-five years if we want the Bible to inspire the mind and arouse people's spirits. This entails new work based on new principles of translation of the Bible into Maltese. It is necessary to have a dynamic and living language which is appropriate for public readings based on scientific analysis in the light of recent advances in the study of the Bible. This is something which neither Saydon nor any other Catholic translator ever dreamt of prior to Vatican Council 11. The Malta Bible Society was set up by Saydon and his friends twen ty three years ago in 1958, when people's interest in the Bible was virtually negligible. In 1964 the Bible Society encouraged by Mgr Gonzi and financially supported by the Diocese, assumed the job of publishing the second edition of Saydon's work. However, this venture was not successful and the Malta Bible Society had no control over it. Moreover, our experience. of Bible reading in the liturgy such as during the Mass or the sacraments has shown us that it was necessary to have a new translation which would be suitable to be read to the entire population, who at that moment could neither read notes, nor consult a vocabulary. Which meant that we had to translate into a living language that was at the same time simple and scientific. For this reason the Bible Society had to assume the burden of a new translation based on novel scientific and literary principles which had been established by studies of the United Bible Societies and the International Catholic Federation for Biblical Apostolate. From the texts that we have already published in the Missal, the Breviary and the New Testament, it is evident that the public was pleased with the quality of these translations. At least nobody has as yet made any serious criticism about our work. This does not mean that Saydon's monumental work has lost its usefulness and its validity; on the contrary, we consider it to be the foundation, the inspiration and the point of reference for all Bible scholars and literary people. For this reason, the Society for Christian Doctrine (MUSEUM) ought to be praised for taking up the task which the Ghaqda had not managed to carry out. We consider that work in
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and coordina this field is one which should bear fruit ofincooperation are of the We area. this interested are who those all gst tion amon and cooperation of fruit the be should which initiative, this that ion opin should field, this in interested are who all us amongst ation rdin coo of biblical pastoral activity in Malta for enter the mainstream tradition which Professor Saydon dedicated his intellect, sentiments and writ to build. ingS• Professor Saydon laid new foundations on which we needthe main us, teaches 11 We should always remember that as Vatican God's of welfare spiritual the of purpose of the Bible is for the growth. people.
8
HISTORY OF THE BIBLE IN MALTESE: 1822-1984*
* Reproduced from The Malta Year Book 36(1988) 394-399
HISTORY OF THE BIBLE IN MALTESE: 1822-1984
On the 27th November 1984 the first ever one volume Catholic edi on ti of the Bible in Maltese was published by the Malta Bible Society. This was the culmination of a process that had been going on for no less than 173 years since 1811. Many individuals and religious organizations, both Catholics and Protestants, were involved in this process with varying success. Certain ly it makes a fascinating history. Protestant Trans1ations
With the arrival of the British in Malta in the first years of the nineteenth century, Protestant missionaries set their eyes on Malta for two main reasons. First a new Protestant English speaking community, military and civilian people, was gradually establishing itself in Malta and, secondly, they visualized Malta as an excellent springboard for diffusing sixteenth century religious reformation in the Mediterranean. A number of Protestant societies appeared in Malta, such as the London Society of Missionaries, the Wesleyan Missionaries, the Society for Promotion of Christian Knowledge, the American Board of Mis sionaries and finally the Church Missionary Society. The latter, under the dynamic leadership of Reverend William Jowett, was the most ac tive extending its activities outside the shores of Malta as far as India, the Crime a and Egypt. The Society was invited to Malta by Dr Cleardo Naudi, at the time Professor of Chemistry at the University. As soon as Reverend Jowett arrived in Malta in 1816, with the help of Naudi and other friends, English and Maltese, he founded the Malta Bible Society (later Bible Society in Malta). One of the main tasks set for the Society was to prepare a translation of at least portions of the Bible into Maltese. This was not an easy job. They had to devise an alphabet, establish rules of orthography and rules of grammar, and above all to attack i1literacy. Rev Jowett wanted thus to introduce the Maltese to the Bible and also
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to teach North African Arabic through Maltese to future English Mis sionaries. Giuseppe Canolo (1819-1822)
One may say that Dr Naudi was the first to moot the idea of a complete translation of the Bible into Maltese. In 1811 he had prepared a draft of St. John's Gospel. This, however, did not make any headway. Work started in earnest in 1817 with the active help of Giuseppe Canolo. This gent1eman was a semi-literate man, who, because of his term of slavery in Moslem lands, had picked up Arabic and other orien tal tongues. He worked as an interpreter with the Moslem Slaves when the Knights were rulers in Malta. This Gospel was published in two parallel columns side by side, one Maltese and the other the !talian version of Bishop Martini. His al phabet included Arabic characters and his style and language was near to Arabic as much as possible. Canolo proceeded to tackle the rest of the New Testament and even the Old. Jowett and his colleagues, how ever, were not satisfied with this work. M.A.. Vassalli (1823-1829)
Rev W. Jowett met M.A. Vassalli, who had returned to Malta after 20 years of exile, in March 1822. Vassalli was a first class scholar, author of a Maltese Grammar and Lexicon. He was commissioned by Jowett to translate the New Testament. Vassalli set down to work im mediately. It took him six years to finish the four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles, which were published posthumously in one volume in July 1829.
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M.A.. CamiUeri (1842-1847)
In April, 1842 the Anglican Diocese of Gibraltar w�s establish�d, with Rev George Tomlinson as its first Bishop. Tomhnson commIS sioned Rev M.A. Camilleri, a Maltese Cathol.ic ex-priest, to t� anslate the Book of Common Prayer w�ich was p�bhshed by the S ? Clety for Promoting Christian Knowledge lD 1845. It lDcluded all the Blble read ings and the Psalms. In 1847 the same Society published the complete New Testament prepared by the same M.A. Camilleri. M.A. Camilleri revised the translation of Vassalli (Gospel & Acts) and himself translated the re st of the New Testament. He devised a new alphabet based on that of English and moderni�ed the style and vocabulary of Vassalli: Tomlinson wanted thereby to lDtroduce the Mal tese readers to the reading of English and of the Bible. British and Foreign Bible Society
Thirty years had to pass before a group of pe.ople at th� I? ? c�yard, bent on Protestant evangelisation through the Blble, took lDlhahve to move the British and Foreign Bible Society to publish some portions of the New Testament. They were led by Rev George Wisely, Minister of the Church of Scotland in Malta. The BFBS prompted by these men published the GospeI of St. Mat thew, St. John and the Acts of the Apostles in 1870-1872. These texts were revised by M.A. Camilleri in his old age; he updated the language and simplified the orthography. The promoters had no literary preten sions. The purpose was simply the propagation of the Gospel. These pocket-size editions were reprinted a number of times up to the 1930's.
Vassalli was keen to use semitic Maltese and introduced new char acters into his alphabet. Because of these two features this translation was not very popular.
In 1912 the Secretary of the World Evangelical Alliance su�est� d to the BFBS to take the initiative again to publish the whole Blble lD Maltese. Correspondence started in February 1912 betwee � the Secretary of the WEA, Rev G.A. Sim the successor of Rev G. WIsely, now retired but resident in Malta, and the BFBS. The outcome o� the�e negotiations was the publication of St. Mark based on Cam�l1er.1 s revised edition of 1847. The text was prepared by Prof T. ZammIt �lth the help of a certain Miss Jenkins. He changed the orthography, lDto that of the Societa Filologica Maltese used in the schools, and removed archaic words and expressions.
After his death the Society was unable to find a man able to carry on with the rest of the Bible. Canolo's attempt was a complete failure.
In 1926 the BFBS published the Book of Psalms prepared by Mr J. Falzon, an �x-Maltese priest resident in Tunis. Mr Falzon did not work
Vassalli used an alphabet of his own creation and followed the rules of his own grammar. The page was divided in two parallel columns, one for the Maltese text, the other for the Latin text of the Vulgate.
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on the Hebrew text, but on the Italian translation of Diodati compare d with the King James' version, the Vulgate, and the old Maltese transla tion of M.A. Camilleri. He established his orthographic principles. His style was rather poor but quite readable; certainly without any literary pretensions. This work was the last publication to be undertaken by the BFBS. Dr R. Kilgour, the Secretary of the BFBS, dec1ared that the Society had no int enti on to carry on with these translations: "The demand even for these portions is after all very limited and I am sure that our Committee would never think of completing the whole Bible in this dialect. After all most of those who need it have already Scriptures in languages which they understood." Although there were half-hearted attempts to take up again the work in the 1930's nothing came out of them. The success of these handy pocket-size booklets was varying. The Catholic hierarchy op posed Protestant translations without authorized notes; literacy at the popular level was low, and educated people read the Scriptures in other languages, most1y Italian, English or Latin. It was only thirty six years later in 1962 that the Trinitarian Bible Society took the initiative to publish the whole Bible in Maltese, which was completed in 1980. It was prepared by Mr K. Zammit. It is a readable translation based on the King James' version and heavily dependant on Saydon's translations. This translation had better luck because of the new inte rest in the Scriptures following the decrees of Vatican Council 11, the stabi1ization of the Maltese language in its standard orthography and improvement in its social status, the increase in the literacy of the people and the absence of a Catholic version in one volume at the time of its publication. Callwlic Trans/ations
The first Catholic to publish at least portions of the Bible was Richard Taylor (1818-1868), a Maltese in spite of his English surname. Before him there were Canon Agius De Soldanis (1712-1770), F. Pan zavecchia ( + 1850), and an anonymous author, who revised the transla tion of Canol0. These attempts are still preserved in manuscript form (with exception of Genes-is I of Panzavecchia printed in 1850) either at the Cathedral Museum or at the National Library. Taylor published the four Gospels' narrative of the Passion of Our Lord (1844); a rhythmic version of the Psalms (1846) and the whole Office of Holy Week (1848). He made full use of the translation of the Book of Common Prayer. His style was quite simple, within reach of the common people, as the many
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editions of the Holy Week Office up to thirty years ago amply show. Forty-seven years later in 1895, when literacy was steadily increasing, Mr Guże Muscat Azzopardi (1853-1927) published the first instalment of the Gospel of St. Mark; he continued to publish the rest of the Gospels in weekly parts unti1 he published them all with the Acts of the Apostles which he finished in 1924. Muscat Azzopardi was a consum mate master of Maltese prose within the reach of all c1asses; his style was readable, easy to follow and powerful in its expressions. His efforts had a profound effect on the development of the Maltese Language and the people's religious life and culture. In the early twenties three prominent Maltese writers - Rev Peter Rev Paul Grima (1894-1932), Alphonse Maria Galea (1861-1941) and into Bible whole the e P.P. Saydon (1895-1971) - planned to translat Maltese to be published in parts. Within the period of six years (19261932) the whole Bible was translated and published in a number of booklets. Thus by 1932 for the first time the whole Bible was available in Maltese, but not in one volume - a fact little known up till now. This translation was based on the Latin Vulgate and popular in style, except for those parts translated by P.P. Saydon. Archaic words or construc tions were not missing, however, not to mention some forced artificial expressions. Between 1939 and 1965 Rev G. Paris DP (1893-1973) published the four Gospels, Acts of the Apost1es, the Letter to the Romans and the Letters of St. John and St. James, based on the Latin Vulgate without any literary or exegetical pretensions. All these translations at a very popular level filled in a serious gap in Maltese religious literature and by their very popularity introduced the readers of Maltese to the W ord of God. The fully educated continued to read the Bible in other lan guages, Italian English or Latin. Saydon � Trans/ation
The Rev P.P. Saydon, Professor of Holy Scripture, Hebrew and Bibliċal Greek at the University of Malta, was the first Maltese priest to have his fuH academic training in Biblical studies and related subjects at the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Rome. He was weH-grounded in the Biblical languages of Hebrew, Armaic and Greek and philology and linguistics in general. Moreover, he was one of the leading promoters of the Maltese language and its literature; he himself was an accomplished master of Maltese prose.
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All these factors induced him to take up the challenge .of translat ing the whole Bible from the original texts critically established, to apply the latest results of Biblical research and to use a highly literary language according to the semitic nature of Maltese, thus building up and developing the Maltese language and literature, and raising it in social status and esteem in the minds of the people and cultivated clas ses. When the three translators, P.P. Grima, A.M. Galea and P.P. Saydon himself, planned the translation of the whole Bible, Saydon took the first Books, so that he would then continue with the rest on his own. The Book of Genesis was published in 1929 and the Book of Revelation (The Apocalypse) in 1959: thirty years of hard work, single handed. His idea of publishing the whole in one volume never material ized notwithstanding the efforts of the Malta Bible Society founded in 1958, with Professor Saydon himself as its first President. Saydon's translations had a controversial reception due to various internal and external factors, some of them completely alien to the Bible itself. At the same time the language question was at its height. There were two extremes: those who were in favour of a semitized Maltese - Malti safi - on one hand and the others who preferred an Italianized Maltese. The former acclaimed the translation as a master piece of Maltese prose, the latter as an incomprehensible piece of writ ing away from the spoken language and above the head of the man in the street. No one, however, challenged the solid scientific value of the translation as far as Biblical interpretation was concerned. These reactions on the work of Saydon were due to the social, cul tural and political prejudices and issues raised in between the two Great Wars. Circumstances changed, however, after the last war. Saydon himself became more liberal in his choice of words, style and structures; the people became more objective and unprejudiced in their judgment, and the spoken language drifted away from its old form and vocabulary. One must admit, however, that Saydon's style and type of language are away from the spoken language and even from the written language of today. This was the more realized or felt when this translation was used experimentally for public worship. One must be fair, however, and add that no Catholic translator working before Vatican Council 11 had to face the problems to be raised by the potential use of his work in public worship. This explains the proliferation of so many new transla-
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tions even in countries with a long tradition of such trans
lations.
The Malta Bib1e Society
don. was its first : Saf�rst The Malta Bible Society was founded in 1958 lten;tS on t�e ltS of One . etary . � � co Pre sident and myself the first Secr ose o� the remaIDID ples .of hIS agenda was to help Saydon to dispnd edlt1. 0n of Saydon s Blble m one translation and then to print a seco volume. On the 11th February 1965, an agreement was reached wit� Pr? f Saydon that the Malta Bible Society would publish the Ma�tese Blble 1� one volume with the financial help of His Grace Archb�sh�p GonZI. The publishers Nelson & Co Ltd of London accepted to pnnt. lt. Unfor tunately this project fizzled out fo� reaso� s � ompletely ahen . to the Bible. Saydon himself withdrew hIS permlsslOn. Th.us the Blb .le . of Saydon was never published in one volume. The SOCIety of Chnst1an Doctrine (MUSEUM), the heirs of the copyright, has em�arke
of Vatican Council 11 At this time as a consequence of the decrees ic :"orship in Nov.ember and the introduction of the vernacular in publ Blbl e. The pubhc �as 1964 ther e was a revival on inter est in nttheMalt ese. The Malta Blble clamouring for a new translation in curre new trans n to meet the Society had no choice but to embark on a ic worship.latio d�cisio was The wishes of the people and the needs of publ at the Ca hohc Insh�t te, � ! taken at a general meeting of the Society held ed carn as n ut1o resol Thi ded. atten � bers mem � 200 than . at which more la tran lDg eXlst the sh pubh � to by acclamation: "Since it is impossible meeting of the Malta Blble tion of the Bible in Maltese this general n be appoin��d to prepare a Society requests that a .special commis�i? language. new translation of the Blble from the ongmal Translation Commission
A Commission for the Translation of the whole Bible into Maltese was appointed. Members were Rev Mgr Prof C. Sant .(Chairm�n), Rev A. Said Pullicino (Secretary), Revds John AzzopardI, V:alentme Bar� bara OP, Edward Fenech OSA, Joachim Schembri, Gmdo Schembn The third volume of the Bibbja Saydon by MUSEUM was published in 1990. Editor.
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OFM, Donatus Spiteri OFM Cap, Matthew Sultana OFM Cap, and Marianu Vella OFM. In addition a number of consultants were appointed. As time went by this commission was reduced to four members namely Professor C. Sant, Revds Egidius Mizzi OFM Conv, Donatus Spiteri OFM Cap, and Joe Agius OP.
The Commission at its very first sessions established certain basic guiding principles for their work. The most important were: first that the translation would be direct from the original texts: Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek according to the latest critical editions and latest results of Biblical scholarship; second that the language to be used would be current Maltese - vocabulary, structure and style - refined and polished according to literary principles of a dynamic translation in function of public reading in worship. The translators would pay atten tion both to the original ' text and to the prospective readers. These principles were later modified so as to conform to the Guiding Prin ciples for Interconfessional Co-operation in Translating the Bible pub lished joint1y by the Vatican Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity and the United Bible Societies in June 1968. Contact was established with the wor1d-wide Federation of the United Bible Societies. They provided us with technical books and ex pert advice. A seminar on Bible translation was organized in Malta in January 1973. Up to a certain extent the project did become an ecumenical venture. A plan of work based on three years was devised. This had to be radically modified so that we could meet the immediate need for a quick translation of the Biblical texts for the Liturgy in response to the demand of the Diocesan Liturgy Commission in 1967. This was a bless ing in disguise as we could test the reaction of the public to our work. Moreover the translation was tested through regular reading on the Rediffusion Broadcasting system. The feedback was very encouraging. The first drafts by the individuals (a Biblical scholar and an expert in Maltese) working on them were discussed by the whole commission, revised and typed under my direction by a number of typists against a modest remuneration.
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those of Divine Office were published; in 1971 the Gospel of St. Mark was published joint1y by the Malta Bible Society and the United Bi�le societies ' a first ecumenical joint venture in the world; 10,000 coples sold out in a couple of weeks; the Book of Psalms (2,000 copies) in 1973; The Gospels and Acts of the Apostles (2,000 copies) in 1974; the whole New Testament (10,000 copies) in 1975 and a reprint of the same (15,000 copies) was published joint1y with the Klabb Kotba Maltin in 1977. At long last our dream had come true in November 23, 1984, when the first copy of the whole Bible in Maltese was presented to His Grace the Archbishop. A copy was presented to His Holiness Pope John II by myself on February 26, 1986. Printing started in JaIiuary 1984, with the co-operation of the Mass Media Centre, the publishing agents of the Archdiocese, the Klabb Kotba Maltin, the Gulf Publishers and the Interprint Press. On March 27, 1984, a call for pre-publication bookings (Lm3.50, retaH Lm5.00 for a soft cover volume; and Lm5.00, retaH Lm8.00 for hard cover) was launched at a Press Conference. Reaction was immediate, 15,000 copies being booked in a matter of a few weeks. The original number of 15,000 copies to be printed was increased to 30,000. This ',vas beyond our ex pectations; certainly an absolute record for Maltesr publications. Sales are sti11 steadi1y going on both in Malta and abroau wherever there are Maltese migrants. Financial Arrangements
Contrary to widespread prejudice, we never had any difficulty in acquiring funds for these publications. We had substantial contribu tions from the Bishops of Malta and Gozo and other private persons and organizations. The Archdiocesan Curia financed the final publica tion of the whole Bible through its own agency, the Mass Media Centre. We had contributions even from non-Catholic Christian Communities in Malta.
Printing and Publishing
It is only fair and just to put on record that the translators themsel ves did not receive any material remuneration. They were quite happy with having served a deserving cause, namely providing the Maltese people for the first time with a complete Catholic Bible in Maltese.
Printing and publishing started in 1967 with the publication of the first liturgical texts; by 1976 all the liturgical Biblical texts, including
In the words of the translator of the Book of Wisdom of Ben Sirach they say to their readers:
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"You are urged therefore to read with good will and attention and to be indulgent in cases where, despite our diligent labour in translat ing, we may seem to have rendered some phrases imperfect1y" (Ben Sirach: Prologue). DOCUMENTATION
1 Abstract from Letter Rev W. Jowett to Prof Samuel Lee of Cambridge, 6/8/1817
"
A word respecting our Maltese translator, Giuseppe Canolo. Re is by trade a knife grinder. Re and his wife, whom he married in his old age, and who is almost an ideol (sic), live in a poor room in our street. Re has also a small workshop adjoining the butchers' shambles, where, when work is to be had - but it is now very fiat - he grinds and debates away, greatly to the diversion of the common people, who come about him. Re is so eccentric, that it is difficu1t not to think him, like his wife, crazy. When I first came to Malta, and Dr Naudi made me acquainted with him, he was so strange, dogmatical and overbearing, that, not being well able to talk in !talian, I could not manage him. Re quizzed me unmercifully. In fact he has too much genius, to be a patient, systematic Master. The Arabic professor, who in comparison of him is a dump, is much fitter to teach the elements. Canolo was a favourite pupil of a former very clever Arabic professor: he was also in time of the Order, interpreter to the Turkish slaves. Re is indignant at his countrymen for not knowing the value of their own language. Owing to the circumstance that learning never was carried to perfection here, he is not quite accurate in his knowledge; besides he is now growing an old man, upwards of sixty: but he has a large fund, and only wants pumping and keeping in order. When I returned from Corfu I fully discovered his value, and should most gladly have made him an independent man at the expense of the Society. But I soon found him more independent than the Society could make him: he prefers earning his bread by his knife-grinding; and, although occasionally is in great want, yet the moment you give him a dollar more than he actually stands in need of, he tosses it from him in disdain and marches off: like the camel, which stoops to burden at which it is equal, rises to its journey, contentedly cropping at a few dusty thistles by the way. Re is delighted with the Syriac Testament and, as vanity mixed with his excellent qualities, he is fond of telling how easy he found it. With respect to his Church, he is in his judgment free, in his tongue free, in his proceedings free; still he is a striking proof, that whoever has been a
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Roman Catholic, is not truly free. I am sorry I cannot attest his real piety. He, like all �ther Roman Catholics, Priests and Bishops not ex cepted, swear by Gesti, Maria, etc. and does not like reproOf. (See Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, Vol. I, pp.185-186, in the notes to Life of W. Thorpe). You will be much interested, if I mistake not, with this account o Canolo. On the principle of taking everything for what it is worth. If think you would go a good deal out of your way to catch such a man as this. Should I leave Malta for a time, the Society must not quit hold of him. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... ... ... ... .. .. ... ... ... ... .
.
.
P.S. - St. Matthew's Gospel is finished and corrected; St. John's and half St. Mark's finished but not corrected."·
Reproduced from C. Sant, "Ġużeppi Maria Canolo. L-Ewwel Traduttur Malti tal-Vanġelu ta' San Ġwann", Sijon 6(1974) 8-9.
2 Letter Rev W. Jowett to BFBS Secretary,
16/3/1818
Malta, March 16, 1818 Dear Sir, I beg to forward to you a copy (in English) of the fundamental rules Malta Bible Society, as adopted in their amended form by the the of Committee of the 2nd January last. Laws & Regu1ations ofthe Malta Bib1e Society
1. The designation of this Society shaH be the Malta Bible Society, of which the sole object shaH be to promote the circulation of the Holy Scriptures, without note and comment: the only copies in the !talian language to be circulated by the Society shaH be according to the authorized Version of Archbishop Martini. 2. Each subscriber of three current dollars annually, or of thirty current dolIars at one time, shall be a member. 3. A committee shall be appointed to conduct the business of the Society, consisting of twelve members, that is, four British, four Maltese, and four Foreigners resident in Malta; four of the Committee being competent to act: and three fourths of the above members who shall have most frequently at tended shall be re-eligible for the committee of the ensuing year. The committee shall appoint all officers except the Treasurer, and call special meetings; and shall De charged with procuring for the Society suitable patronage. 4. Each member of the society shall be entitled under the direction of the Committee to purchase Bibles and Testaments, at the Societyprices, which shalI be as low as possible. 5. The Annual meeting of the subscribers shall be held on - - - , when the Treasurer and Committee shall be chosen, the accounts presented and the proceedings of the foregoing year reported. 6. The President, Vice-Presidents, and Treasurer shall be considered, ex officio members of the Committee. 7. The Secretaries for the time being, shall be considered as members of the Committee; but no person deriving any emolument from the Society shall have that privilege. 8. The Committee shall meet once every month, or oftener if necessary, on
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some date to be fIXed by themselves. 9. The minutes of every general meeting shall be signed by the Chairman. 10. A friendly correspondence shall be maintained with the British and Foreign Bible Society, and with other Bible Societies. You will perceive from comparing these ten rules, with the sixteen adopted at our first sitting, May 26, 1817, that they are more general and simple. The first form was imitated from a model for Auxiliary Societies, the latter from the Rules of the British and Foreign Bible Society. The immediate occasion of the change - which had long been con templated - was the prospect of a General Meeting. Before such a meeting was called, it was however thought expedient to apprize his Excellency the Governor of what had a1ready been done in the actual establishment of a Malta Bible Society; at the same time soliciting his patronage. The letter to that effect, which I wrote at the instance of the Committee, is now before the Governor in the Ionian Islands: he is expected to return to Malta next month. Till he gives an answer, we cannot with propriety summon a general meeting of the subscribers. Some parts of our former rules, which were too much in detail and might have given offence, if published, may yet furnish materials for bye-laws to the Committee. You will observe likewise that we have augmented the members of the Committee from 9 to 12. Allow me here to notice that the account of our Society in the
Missionary Register for August 1817 is correct; but that in the Christian Observer for January 1818 is incorrect; it states the Committee to con sist in equal parts or British, Greek and Maltese. Here are two errors. The Maltese, in courtesy, should stand next to the British; and the other third point is not necessarily Greek, but in general, Foreigners
resident in Malta.
We call ourselves as yet a Provisional Committee, not being chosen by a general meeting. We consist of four British, 3 Maltese and 1 Greek. We have been slow and cautious in adding to our number. The only one we have added is very important, a canon of one of the Chur ches here. Qur list of subscribers is in number 44. This is small; still we claim the tit1e of a Society.
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The issue of SS from our depository since June last has been about none in Italian. 022 1 -
What we most want is the means of printing and thereby quickly putting into circulation intelligence of the latest Bible proceedings; your monthly Extracts, which we receive, are admirably adapted to this end. Had we a press, I have no doubt but that in six months from the present date, we could furnish the surrounding ports of the Mediter ranean and Black Seas with regular reports every month for every quarter as might seem best in English, French, Italian and Modern Greek. These languages at present would suffice, for a line of coast equal in extent to half the circumference of the globe. Turkish and Modern Arabic might follow in a year or two, together with Hebrew also; and thus the correspondence which we are opening with Calcutta and Qdessa would be fully supplied. But why do I say in six months? This very day we could begin in the four languages mentioned above. I have already a compendium of your last report - I mean of its Appen dix - translated into Italian. In a week or two it will be translated into French. Mr Williamson, Chaplain of Smyrna, is impatient to see the same thing in Modern Greek. But what is to be done? The press at Naples is, we have reason to believe, stopped against us. Sending to you in London is loss of time, loss of money, and loss of those corrections and improvements which we on the spot could best supply. Hitherto, there is nothing but the Government press, which is nothing at all to the purpose; and I never heard of a private press in Malta. But surely the measure is safe and free; may converse on the subject with Mr Pratt. I have the journal of Abdoob Messeal, barter's call to the converted, and other things ready translated into Italian. It is too circuitous a plan sending these things. We are also in the greatest want of Martini's Italian New Testa ment. Last May Mr Drummond brought us one copy - as a specimen of the work thus finished in Naples down to James IV, 15, one sheet only wanting. All the remainder of last year this work, as well as the printing of the entire Bible was stopt (sic) by authority. Privately in deed the remaining sheet of the New Testament was printed; but then the binding was prohibited. Mr Drummond deeply concerned at this delay, was obliged to go again to Naples; and just before his arrival the whole impression in sheets was shipped for him to Leghorn, from which place he tells us we may soon expect them. But vessels have come in since December last from Leghorn, without this invaluable freight. I do assure you, my dear Sir, our hearts have ached with pain for this calamity. By our first rule we are tied up with distributing any other _
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!talia� Version than that ,of Martini; and !talian Testaments are for the most In request. So here we are, perfeetly beealmed in the middle of the seas. We entreat you to hasten the impression you began in Lond last year; �ot slaekening for anything you may hear in doing (sie) . Tunn, Vemce and other places; for we feel as if nothing was secure but what is done by.the Committee of the B. and F. Bible Society.
��
By Sunday evening, I have a small party of friends to an Ita1ian lecture. We re�d. Martini's all round, ten verses apiece, and when a few chapters are fInlShed I expound in !taHan. The eopy Mr Drummond brought has travelled round the circle many hundred times· this and th complete work with notes being the only copies we have. Ċ onsequentl I ha�e seen the diff�rent persons with the Testament before them in �nghsh, �rench, !tahan, German, Greek and Arabic, all at the same hme; b �sl�es occasionally Syriac, Hebrew and Manuscript Maltese. A �otly Blbhcal group, you will say; but I mention it to you to give you a Vlew of our want of !talian Scriptures.
;
Our Maltese Translation has proceeded as far as the end of the Ep . to the Philippians. I Remain dear Sir, Y ours most truly, (Sg.) William Jowett. P .S. - I have omitted to m�ntion that last month the Rev C. Burkhardt, sent by . slon to Egypt, Palestine and Greece, passed through Mr Drummond o? a � Malta, and to�k WIth � along large supp!y of Scriptures. We have sinee heard . from him of his safe arnval at Alexandria.
3 Letter Mikiel Anton Vassalli to Mgr Ferdinand Mattei, Archbishop of Malta, 12/3/1822. Archives ofArchbishop's Curia, Museum of Mdina Cathedral. A Sua Eccellenza Reverendissima Monsignor Mattei Arcivescovo di Malta
EcceIlentissimo e Reverendissiomo Monsignore, Michelantonio Vassalli deI Zebbug uomo di lettere riverentemente espone che ripatriato dopo 23 anni d'assenza, trovo che i suoi parenti estinti lasciarono i loro beni, parte a parenti lontani, e parte alla chiesa ed ospedale deI Zebbug. Egli essendo povero ed ora ridotto in uno stato deplorabile senza impiego e carico di famiglia cioe di moglie e tre figli minori di 8, 6 e 4 anni, dovrebbe domandare una porzione almeno Ċ l detti legati pii; ei reclama la esatta esecuzione deI testamento stipolato in Giugno 1798, presso Giuseppe Bonavita Notaro, nel quale Maria Abela sua cugina dall'asse che possedeva di circa 15 mi1a scudi lascio all'oratore una miserabile lenza di terra di un mondello e mezzo, ch'ei ora ha venduto pel prezzo di scudi 112 e 6 tari. Pero a cagion di un debito di 200 scudi romani, che in sua assenza fu smorzato dai parenti, senza che si possa ora per disgrazia constatare la totalita de' diversi pagamenti, il valor di detta lenza si trova se questrato. Ma siccome la suddetta Maria Abela nel menzionato te s tamento fece espressa condizione, che "in caso che il mondello e mezzo da lei lasciato a Michelantonio Vassallo sara sequestrato od elevato, l'oratore non avra piu diritto; ma detta lenza sara ereditata 0 presa dagl'altri legatari che dovranno somministrare il valore all'oratore per suo sostentamento." Cosl verificandosi ora ed esistendo i1 caso previs to:
Reproduced from Sijon 7(1975) 85-88.
Percio ricorre all'Equita di V.E. Reverendissima affinche si degni ordinare ai Procuratori dell'Ospedale e Chiesa Parochiale deI Zebbug perche unitamente con Saverio Vassallo fratello ed altro legatario
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vivent� ritirino immediatamente l'enunziata somma di scudi 11f e 6 gia deposltata e sequestrata nella Corte Civile per somministrarla al petente conforme la ultima volonta della testatrice.
4 Letter M.A. Vassalli to Rev W. Jowett 8/8/1928
�'oratore nonostante il gran travaglio che fece pei letterati e per la Patna nel comporre e stampare I'unico Dizionario Maltese si trova ridotto ad una continua fame e nudita e senz'alcun mezzo, � nde sol levarsi dello stato di tanta miseria. Di Vostr'Eccellenza Reverendissima, l'Umilissimo e Devotissimo Servitore Michelantonio Vassalli. Nostra Magna Curia auditis interesse habentibus super expositis Nobis referat. Datum Vallettae in Palatio Nostro Archiepiscopali die 12 Martii 1822. F.F. Archiepiscopus Episcopus Melitae. *
Malta 8 Agosto 1828. Reverendo Signore Stimatissimo, Per la via dei Sig. Schlienz ho appreso con sommo mio piacere il vostro felice arrivo costi unitamente colla famiglia. Credo a quest'ora avrete dato mano all'impressione deI S. Vangelo: io gia rivedo gli Atti, e sono aI X. CapitoIo; onde all'arrivo di questa spero saranno ter minati. La lunghezza e l'intensita dei calore eccessivo e senza cessa dai primi Maggio finora m'ha cagionato delle malattie, ed un gonfiore ne' piedi che m'impedisca di sortir di casa, e siamo ancora nel forte deI bollore. Sapendo che presto intraprenderete la traduzione in Inglese dei miei proverbii, c'invio la correzione seguente: No.
Reproduced from Rev John Azzopardi, "5 Dokumenti ġodda li jitfgħu dawl ġdid fuq Mikiel Anton Vassa1li" , Sagħtar(March 1979).
96. 116. 137. 161. 170. 199. 221. 387. 414. 436 . 440. 499. 512. 519. 521. 525. 693. 709.
Kemm kyku kyn a(h)jar (gh)alia (e non Kyn jkun) u jydfen (e non jydsen) Byb li (h)rygt (e non (h)rygt) Mahrub (e non ma(h)rub) e cosi 4 versi sotto. Gllarnuq (non Gllarnuq) . .. fuq ... rjus (non fUq rjus) ... jmur ... maghqur (non u) ... yssir mdorria . .. fa(h)xi, (si metta la virgola) S'aggiunge nel 2° verso byl byna ... (X)a(uu)atu (si levera re) La yzzebla(h)x (si mette (x» Loghob u (h)lyqa (leva via yl) . .. zymlek (coll accento " ) YI ma(gll)kus (non u) ... chi dilapida (cioe s'aggiunge chi) (h)mor (coll " ) jkun (non u)
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Document 4
713. 748. 754. 757. 813.
yddur (non 11) verso sesto si fara n(h)aIl11ha (non n(h)aIliha) Sanduq ma (gIl) Iuq (x)hin fih (4 accenti) jduqu (non jduqu) jnyssulek ... Gli errori di piu sono corretti in fine nell'errata.
Altro non ho che dirvi: vi saluto e sono Vro. aff.mo Servitore · Michelantonio Vassalli.
Reproduced from C. Sant, "Wahda milI-ittri ta' M.A. Vassalli", Sijon 6(1979) 95-96.
5 Abstractfrom Letter Rev C.F. Schlienz to CMS Secretary 29/1/1829 Malta 27 January, 1829. 2. We would have found much pleasure in sending to Mr J owett by this packet Mr Vassalli's corrections of the Maltese; or if from weak constitution a temporal suspense had been occasioned - in doing so hereafter; but by a mournful event we are deprived of the pleasure for ever. Vassalli is no longer among the living on this earth. The Lord was graciously pleased to summon him, we trust, into a better world. He ended this earthly life the 12th of January 1829 at 5 o'clock in the morning. From the statement of his sister and the distressed relict it appears that he had to meet a severe struggle until the immortal spirit was liberated from his earthly ties. The dangerous disorder from which he had to suffer last summer and which terminated fatally to him was the dry gangrene. The long feared menace by reaching the heart seems to have exercised the sum mit of his destroying power upon the deceased. Three days previous to his death Vassalli was in our house, telling me that the physician had advised him to change air and therefore he had already taken on other lodging in the country. I did not think that I had then to see him for the last time; but so it was. If I had thought him in so dangerous a state I would have given him advice to consult a better physician. But such considerations are now at an end. Vassalli's death caused me to pay a visit to the distressed family. I soon perceived that they were in great distress indeed. Vassalli was exceedingly poor and left to his family not even the means to defray the expenses of burial. In consequence of this and the utterly deserted state of their family in respect to the assistance of relatives or friends we took it upon ourselves to execute the burial of the reliques of the deceased. As Mr Vassalli never made profession of being a Protestant we would have him buried in a Catholic burial place. However, when we presented the licence of the Police to the Parish Priest he refused burying him, from reason that Vassalli had never been legally married and ought therefore to be put among the dishonest, at the wayside, without any ceremony. To this we would not consent and with the consent of the relict and the sister of the deceased applied to Government for a licence to bury him in the Protestant burial place;
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Document S
�nd as his Excellency, the Lt. Governor was pleased to grant us a hcenc� thereto, the reliques, in a private and honest manner, were con veyed mto the Pr�testant bu�ial place. With 10 scudi subscription, your o�n and 20 SCUdl, as do�atI.on from Mr Frere, we raised among Our fnends so much. by s�bscnphon as to defray the burial expenses; Sc 34 T 3 Gr 4 retnamed m cash for the support of the distressed fami1y. After the death of Vassalh. 1 was honoured with some interviews with Mr Frere, the main resu1t of which was, that he took the eldest of the yo�ng Vass �11is in.to ?is care. As the boy showed taste for drawing Mr Frere has g1Ven hlm mto charge to Mr Dimech, Sculptor; a fine artist a.ltho.u�h not of .Bacon's Christian Principles, nor under Papa's An� hchnshan deluslOn. The two younger boys, with the consent of the mother, we have taken into our charge and intend to educate them at t�e expence of the Society and for their purposes, considering the great . dls�ress and mlsery which the children were reduced by the death of .to th the.u father, ,,:hen m � Service of the Society; the benevolent plans WhlC.h the SocIety has hltherto formed and as much as circumstances admltted, executed for the spiritual welfare of this benighted spot. The fair1y flourishing abi1ities of mind and affection in the children ' the good impression which it might produce at least upon some of th� Ma�tese, tog�ther with the beneficial consequences which are likely to sp�mg from lt at large, were the chief reasons which induced us to take thlS step. The American missionaries made us the liberal offer to take the yo�ng�st of the boys into their care; but part1y from the same reasons, w�lch mduced us to take both of them, part1y from the persuasion that bemg togetheI:, the boys might sooner and surer reach the destination which both societies would probably endeavour to lead them to' than would when separate, we declined the offer. As the poor orphans were next to naked, when we received them, we had to c10th them quite afresh; they stay in our house' dwell and sleep in the litt1e room where Mrs Jowett was accustomed to read the Gospel to t�e Maltese women, eat in our dining room at a separate �mall table; m the afternoon Mr Brenner gives them instruction in writ mg, 1 read �. th and explain to them the Gospel translated by their father and �lve them passage� for committing them to memory; in the a�ternoon; m . the afternoon (SIC) from one o'c1ock ti11 five o'clock they . the office; in the evening George Hunter gives them wI11 be occupled In lesso�s. to lear.n the English language and 1 amuse myself with them in exercIsmg thelr memory and judgement. As soon as they understand
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I)oCument 5
wi1l be less employed in mechanical labours the English language theystud y. Should the Lord prosper our plans for and more be devotedol tothey wi11 soon become monitors (I should be to e stablishing a Scho how far we were allowed to go in respectety happy to learn from youwe Soci the from ort supp could reckon for schools here - how far poor children to educate them). We do not and rted dese up in taking boys have, the eldest of them was born in fully know what age the twoSpai n; it will be difficult to find out their France and the younger in that she thinks the eldest be 14, the younger birth day. The mother says does not know it to full assurance. As �r 12 years of age, but she first orders of a Roman Cathohc Vassa1li had already taken the four not possible for him at his time to Priest, 1 was told that it was indeed rch. Now as to the print of the be legally married in the Catholic Chu se, wi11 now not send here Maltese Gospels and Acts, Mr Jowett, of cour copied as yet but Mr not are any more for being corrected. The Actsthem , mos t probably by that so , Brenner wi11 have the goodness to copy the next Packet they wi1l be sent. , print them or not. Mr Jowett may then, according to his discretion me to provide for ested requ e I should be in a strait what to do. Mr Frer n. Mr Dimech iptio inscr an with a small monument on Vassalli's tomb n which 1 compiled for it, thus wi11 make one. The kind of inscriptio runs: Michaelantonio Vassa11i Born in this Island (Month & Year) Meritoriously distinguished for cultivating The Maltese Language and reducing it to Grammatical System. However 1 do not I have aimed at beinġ simple, true and conc. ise. aven 1 have submitted it to know whether this inscription wi11 be engrto let me know that the sub Mr Frere's inspection and he was pleasedtor befo re he had spoken with scription should not be sent to the sculp me about it. C/M06S/11:
Reproduced from
Sijon 7(1975) 83-85.
oocument 6
6 Letter Mr Henry Innes to the BFBS Secretary, received 23 February 1870. Devonport, February 22
1 know 1 shall be excused bringing the following subject, under the consideration of your Committee, as you may remember my long residence in the Island of Malta, where 1 held the appointment of Dockyard Secretary for 23 years. 1 co-operated in placing your Depot there in a more prominent position than it occupied before 1842-3, and advised on the question, which led to the establishment of the Agency under Mr Loundes. Both as an old subscriber to the Society, and an earnest friend of Bible circulation on the shores of the Mediterranean, from my long residence in Malta, 1 feel 1 have some claim to be con sidered in the following appeal. 1 believe 1 have taken as active a part in all evangelical efforts in that Island as most men, since the Church Missionary Society broke up their establishment there. And looking back on efforts made by Scripture readers, native and English, Tract distribution, religious discussion through the press, and by special pub lication, and prominent1y the enterprise of the 'Malta Protestant College' designed as a 'banner' in that Island of Established Truth [of which 1 was Treasurer for many years, and cooperated with your Presi dent in holding that banner up]. Still the result of all those labours, has led me to sympathise with the language of the Prophet: "I have laboured in vain, and spent my strength for naught etc".
ques tion of a Com mitte e woul d be dispo sed to consi der the YO a retranslation of the whole of the e sion of Vassalli's Gospels or strongly recommend, as also . do �s Mr ew Testament . What 1 would ns, !tahan IS the ·lleri is the !talian and Maltese in separate colum sc.hools, �ut to ry prima all al l ;nguage of the Island and taught in IS of pnmary r, acula Vern ese d to the mass of the people, the Malt y should graph ortho n !talia the that p�rtance. 1 concur with him also, b e adopted. consideration. Will you I place the subject before you for initiatory letter to be . made that you may cause copies of any of the enclosed e? At .the end of uire returning the originals to me at perfect leIsur penslOn; I sh�ll my month I am retiring from the public service on June to be m or y M in � continue to reside here I think. But 1 hope wou�d rec�m� ct. subJe the London, when I could enter more ful1y on c1fculahon mto put and leted . . . mend the Gospel of St. Luke being comp · 0f these m �n at l C1fCU qU1et the ans, Rom � the to 1e Epist the Then first. at and 0ppOSlhon, than the unpretending style, would cause less attention . once at issue of the whole Testament
�:
� ;�:� r:
�:�
I �ave 11;0t com Mr Camilleri, you will perceive, offers his services. subJect. He thlS s on municated with my old friend the Rev Mr Lo.unde . perhaps a and ct, will if needful be valuable in counsel on thlS subje may be ence spond corre ref�rence to him of my letter and the enclosed desirable. ' (Signed) Henry Innes
But 1 have also learnt . that whilst flesh and blood has its despairing views, the eye of faith is assured that all is not in vain 'in the Lord'. 1 have been in England now for six years, but still continue to take an interest in that Island, and to feel for its poor people shut up, by their peculiar language in the errors and magic of Rome. The incidental letter of a pious man in humble position, brought before me the fact of the imperfect translation of the New Testament Scriptures in the ver nacular of the Island, and led me to institute enquiries in Malta and to put myself into communication with the Rev M.A. Camilleri - Vicar of Lyford, Wantage in Berkshire, a converted Maltese Roman Catholic priest, whom 1 have known for a quarter of a century. And 1 send for your perusal the enclosed Letters' with the view of enquiring whether He is referring to Documents 7,8,9. (Editor)
181
Reproduced from JMS 11(1977) 128-129.
I)oCument 7
7 Letter Mr George Pratt to Mr H. Innes received February 1870.
Malta, Dec. 1869 take the liberty of writing to you, feeling sure you wi1l be pleased to hear, that your efforts in bygone days for the enlightenment of the Maltese are just now we hope about to produce some fruit . We are now distributing with some encouragement a Religious Tract! 'Is Serp tal Bronz', which has been translated and printed by Mr Paul Bonavia your godson, who through your kindness was educated at the St. Julian Col lege. He is well qualified for such work, and we hope to be enabled through him to give to the natives some plain religious tracts, which wi11 by God's blessing, prepare the native mind to receive a far more impor ta�t work namely th� New Testament, which we trust God wi1l stir up fnends, t? have revIsed and reprinted, for as it is now, it is next to useless. SIr, I have made bold to put our plan before you, knowing that �ou have ever taken a deep interest in the spiritual welfare, and en hghtenment of the Maltese, and that you are connected with many per sons of means, who would gladly come forward with their assistance if it was made known to them, what is required to be done. We think that the bes� way to forward the work here is not to cause controversy with the natIves, but to set before them the truth, as it is in Jesus, and trust to the Holy Spirit's power, to enlighten their minds and touch their hearts. I
The Tract, which has' been translated, a copy of which I enc1ose, has been well received, only one person has refused as yet to take it from me, and even he allowed me to read it to him, and one has prof fered his aid in its distribution. I feel assured that the time is come when the Bible should be put into the hands of the Maltese for I fincl that th.e minds of many of those, who have received even but a poor educatIon, are much shaken in their belief of some of the doctrines of their Church, and this goes on, and leads to no belief at all, just be cause they have no Protestant Religious Literature, to show them the way of salvation. It is really necessary that plain Tracts should be p �epared for them, b� t however wi11ing God's people here may be, it wIll be far beyond thetr power to do all that is required, as it wi11 cost ;(8 to translate St. Matthew only, besides printing etc. which wi11 cost
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upwards of ;(40 more, if done in Malta, and for that reason I take the liberty of appealing to you, Sir, and to all who love the Lord, to 'Come over and help us'. And hoping, I may say feeling sure, that the Lord will stir up his people to this work at home as well as here. (Signed) George Pratt. Police Office Hall Dockyard. Malta P.S. The revision of the New Testament is made necessary by the it contains as well as by its orthography, which differ as much rors er from the present system, as the old English does from the modern. N.B. Please to keep Mr Bonavia's name from being made public, or it may interfere very much with his work, in fact put a stop to it I fear, for having before his mind's eye, what his father suffered, he is natural ly timid and no wonder. He wishes for employment that would make him independent of his countrymen, but I fear he wi1l not find it here. It would be a good thing if he would get the office of Assistant School master in the Dockyard, which is now vacant, but good friends would be required to obtain it for him. (Signed) G.P:
Reproduced from /MS 11(1977) 129-130.
l)oCument 8
8 Letter Mr T. Kirby to Mr H. Innes, recd. Febr. 1870.
Malta, February 7.70 In answer to your letter concerning P.B. I am glad he associates with such good men as Pratt, Brown and Bever (sic), and I sincerely pray that grace, may be given him to walk in the 'Bona Via' which if persevered in, will lead to the 'Bona Vita' good or eternal life. As to P.B.'s capacity as a translator from !talian into Maltese (from the opinions I have heard expressed regarding the Maltese copy of the Brazen Serpent) , I believe he is quite competent to the work of a free t�anslation of the sense, or general purpose, scope or meaning of any httle tract or pamphlet, but as to the Scriptures he is unacquainted with either Hebrew or Greek and of course could have to render the� from the Italian, and not from the original. Were such a work entrusted to him, I believe it would be well and faithfully done, but translation and printing would have to be done in secret, for he is very timid in all that appertains to religion, and alas! that he should in a measure (so to say) be forced to imitate his poor father in the worse than useless en deavour 'to keep well with both sides'. This would not be the case could permanent employment be found him, free from Romish in: fluence. I have long been convinced that the Maltese are open to con viction, but this is no very genial clime for native converts to give up friends, home, and daily bread is truly up-hill work - but grace will I trust (one day) enable even such timid souls to ascend the 'hill difficulty', go past the lions in the road and the seductions of 'Vanity fair' unscathed to the 'city' whose maker and builder is God. Many years ago the Scriptures were translated by Mr M. Vassalli (father to the printer whom you know so well) but the orthography now in use differs very considerably, and I must say for the better, for Vassalli's edition, though faithful had many words, too classical or more Arabic than Maltese, to be easily understood by the lower orders for whom it was principally intended. Simplicity, as well as fidelity must be studied in all translations intended for the partially educated poor. Vassalli's edition however, was not 'labour in vain' for a thirst of the Scriptures was created thereby, and now an improved edition ought to be issued, beginning with a revised or fresh translation of one of the
185
Gospels - for hitherto 6nly such small portions of the 'living water' have been dispensed to the people as might be found in a short sum mary of the aId and New Testament history issued from time to time (with Ecclesiastical authority) but to my knowledge no entire Gospel or Epist1e, has ever been (so) issued. Now as to the part to be selected I prefer Luke's Gospel (to Matthew) because to unconverted persons readers, (sic) our Lord's genealogy will have little interest, especially at the beginning of a book, and before they can get interested in it. Luke gives the account of the Angel's visit to the ever blessed Virgin - a portion sure to attract and win the sympathy of all Romanists, teaching them (at the same time) that Mary was 'highly favoured among' not above 'women', and that she acknowledged her Son to be her Saviour, and therefore as the mother of our Lord she is to be respected and loved not adored. You will at once see that this Gospel strikes at the root of the great error of the age, and therefore the most suitable for dissemi nation among Romanists, besides which, where shall we find such a faithful picture of sinful man and of God, of repenting prodigals and a father love? The parable is true to the life of sinners in all ages, and the character of God is drawn with such sublime beauty and simplicity as to be calculated to encourage the penitent to return to their loving father and their God, and the portrait is faithful and true for it is by a Son, who dwelt in the bosom of the father from all eternity. The father in the parable loved his erring son, even before his return even so 'while we were yet sinners' God loves us. Now as to the probable expenses. Translation Ten reams of paper Printing Binding 1000 copies in cloth TOTAL
.u2.0.0 5.0.0 17.0.0 16.0.0 !SO.O.O
My letter exceeds the length antieipated, but I will trespass upon your valuable time a litt1e longer by giving you just one incident (out of many) to prove that the work done by you and others in years gone by, has not been in vain. Some time ago I received a letter from a gent1eman (long occupied in Mission work in North Africa, one who I believe has done somewhat for the master) on the subject of col portage. On the 31st January last, I received the following answer to a communication 1 sent him. 'I thank you for your welcome lines, as on a
186
former occasion , when you had a Colporteur to recommend to me, I was for the time supplied, so it is now. The young Maltese whom I late ly engaged has recovered from his illness and is now fully at his work, wit h some promise of success. Re is both apt and intelligent, moreover he appears entirely alienate d from his own religiou s community, an d desires to bec6me a Protestant, not without some appearance of sin cerity. Yesterday four Sicilians walked in at church time to be prese nt at Divine service. Re had spoken to them and given them some tracts a few days before, and they have since asked to be instructed in the Protestant faith.'
In conclusion may I suggest that friends here and in England raise !25, and when this is done apply to the Bible Society for the balance; were the first edition to be sold at 2d each, some !15 would be realized; this sum would materially assist the bringing out of another Gospel and so on - the supply creating the demand and the increased demand increasing the supply. I do not know whether the Bible Society would sanction Martini's edition of Luke, if so, the whole would sell at cost price as I can get permission from ABC, who is unc1e to P .B . Mr Pratt sends his kind regards, and be1ieves it will not be neces sary for him to write at this time now that I have given you full informa tion on this subject. Of Vassalli's edition not a copy is to be had, and with the exception of the before mentioned abridgement of Scriptures I can find nothing. ' (Signed) Thos. J. Kirby
Reproduced from/MS 11(1977) 131-133.
9 Letter the Rev MA. Camilleri to Mr Innes 21/2/1870.
Wantage, February 21.70 Meanwhile let me inform you that I have got not only Vassal1i's translation of the Four Gospels and the Acts, but my own as well and St. John's Gospel translated by another Maltese. Did you forget that my ood friend the late Bishop of Gibraltar, made me translate the pistles and Book of Revelation into the Maltese and revise Vassal1i's Gospels and Acts? I have edited them all. I have got all these works by me. But as you well say, they require a revision to adapt �hem to. the spoken language. That I shall be most happy to do for the Blble � oclety. Not long ago I revised the !taHan Prayer Book o.f the Socle �� for Promoting Christian Knowledge Soc.y (sic) and edlted two edl�lOn�, which are circulated by thousands in !t aly, and I am that S o.clety s !ta1ian editor. AIso I am the !ta1ian editor of the Anglo-Cont1Oental Society whose object is to circulate divinity books in Italy and els� where. Let me also inform you, that the Gospels and Acts of Vassalh, and John's Gospel of the other translation have double columns o�e for the Latin Vulgate in Vassal1i, the other for the �altese, and 1� the . other instead of Latin, there is the !talian of Marttm. Both were pnnted in London by Watts, I should say for the Bible Society, the G?spel of St. John in 1822 and Vassal1i's Gospels and Acts in 1829. I hke very much the idea of having the !talian printed in one column and the Maltese in the other - verse opposite another verse. For you know that all those from among the natives of Malta who can read, are acquainted with the !ta1ian language. Another advantage would be, th�t the readers will be better able to appreciate the Bible, and also read lt to the Mal tese who are unable to read themselves. And I should not be surprised, if the priests, wi11 make use of the Maltese transl�tio� f�r the pulpit. One great defect of Vassalli's and my own translatton IS m the orthog raphy. The Peopl� insisted on using the Eng1ish orthography and Vas sal1i introduced the Russian letters, when all the Maltese preachers, who alone write the Maltese for their Sermons use the !talian orthog raphy which I would recommend in preference to a�y other. Whe? you ' come I wi11 show you these translattons. Of course m my translatton, I have consulted and adhered as c10sely as possible to the Greek. But in the case of a revision, I would make use of the spoken language neither
�
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Document 9
more nor less. You may mention my name to the Bible Society or any one. . ' [Mr A Camilleri]
10 Letter Rev 1. Loundes to the Rev R. Girdlestone 14/3/1870. St. Agnes, March 14.1870 I am in possession of your note of the 11th, relating to one received from Mr Innes, who recommends printing some portion of the Scrip tures in the Maltese language. And you make reference, also to a Tract, the Brazen Serpent, that has been printed and circulated in Maltese. I have a letter from Mr Kirby dated the 9th ultimo, who alludes to both these subjects. He says, this Tract has been translated, by two or three of God's children who feel interested in the welfare of the Maltese, and 1000 copies of it printed, and put into circulation in their own language, that it has been received with much interest both by friends and foes the former open their eyes in astonishment and the freeness of salva tion, the latter have been heard to say: What no confession? no penance? what next? It has been denounced from the altar in various churches, but it is read notwithstanding.
Reproduced from /MS 11(1977) 133-134.
Mr Kirby in connection with this says: 'Friends here, and in England, are taking steps, for bringing out a revision of the Gospels in Maltese', and adds that he believes the time has come for it. Portions were translated some years since by Giuseppe Canola (sic) , and another person of the name, of Vassalli, and I think also, the ex-priest Camilleri did something in this way. Mr Kirby says the translation of Vassalli has created a thirst for the Scriptures, but it is ton classical for the common people and needs revision. I know the ex-priest Camilleri very well. I also knew very well the Bonavias, father and son. For soine time they were Protestants by profession, but returned again to their original system. If they are the individuals I mean, of which I have no doubt, the name of the son is Joseph, not Paul. I should consider the young man pretty efficient, as far as ability goes. The last I saw him, he was in Alexandria as a teacher of languages. He is a native of Malta. Camilleri may be very useful also in the prosecution of the work, and as a preparatory step, you do well to raise the question about orthography. Various systems, I think nine, have been proposed, specimens of which I once sent to Mr Meller. In some of these, printed works have ap peared, portions of the Gospels, schoolbooks, lesson boards, etc. But as this Tract has been circulated recently and found acceptance with the
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Docume nt 10
people, I should say it would be preferable to adopt the system of orthography used in it, and it may be as good as any other.
11 Letter Rev H. Swabey to the Rev R.B. Girdlestone 15/3/1870.
I think a tolerably fair translation may be obtained and that under the circumstances, it would be desirable to print one Gospel as a specimen, and perhaps Luke would answer the best. If it please God, I hope to be in London the former part of next month on my way to Switzerland and I have noted down some remarks on the Greek Scriptures respecting which, I should like to speak wit h you then.
(Signed) I. Loundes'
London, March 15/70 The question of Scripture Portions in Maltese, is now before us as well as you, and is, as you say encompassed with difficulties. I have now before me the copy of a letter from Malta, dated 18th J anuary, 1870, which speaks of a 'New Testament' in Maltese - printed many years ago and of which there are now no copies remaining. A revision of the text was necessary because that edition was to a good extent useless, on account of the mode of spelling adopted, and also of the introduction of many words not understood by the natives. All this I take to refer to the S . P . C.K. book. We have about a dozen copies and it is not stereotyped. The letter from which I have quoted speaks of the great difficulty to be expected in the work of circulating a Gospel in a ver nacular, if it were produced. I imagine that the Gospel, which your Society is asked to print is a revision of St. Matthew made from the S.P.C.K. book, spoken of in the letter before me, as having been made by some Christians in Malta. I fear I have now told you all I can, and that that is very little.
(Signed) Henry Swabey'
•
Reproduced fromJMS 11(1977) 135-136.
•
Reproduced from JMS 11(1977) 136.
J)ocument 12
12 Letter Mr T.J. Kirby to the Rev R.B. Girdlestone 31/3/1870.
Malta, March 31/70 Your favour of the 11th instant came to hand in due course, and I now hasten to answer it, promising that the information now sent may be considered trustworthy as it has been gathered, not only from those in no way connected with us but from friends interested in Scripture dissemination. To enable you to judge as to the merits of the case, to which your attention has been called, a simple affirmative or negative, in all cases would not be sufficient. I have therefore appended, a few remarks to the answers sent. I will now proceed to take up and answer your questions in the order in which they stand.
0.1. What proportion of the Maltese can read their own language? A. About ten thousand, principal1y women and children - country people or villagers. 0.2. What is printed in their dialect, over and above the Testament? A. History of Malta, 2 vols. 8vo, Robinson Crusoe - Stories for children. Lives of various Saints - Office for Holy Week - Psalms by Taylor - Hymns for divine service throughout the year - Life of Christ - Vocabulary Maltese English and !talian - and other books used in Government and private schools. 0.3. What success did the S.P.C.K.'s Testament meet with? A. A few were sold - more given away gratuitously and probably some remain to this day in England with that Society.
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0.4. Is there any Protestantism among the Maltese? A. Openly so - No - Secret sympathy is with us much - at least we do not see anything like the inveterate hatred to Protestantism, openly : manifested by all c1asses, when the S.P.C.K. brought out the Maltese New Testament - let us compare Malta in 1820 with 1870. We are no longer obliged to hide the Scriptures in a private dwelling, but enjoy the right of offering them for sale public1y in a handsome shop, in one of the most respectable streets of Valletta, near the Palace and Public Library in a building formerly the Treasury of the Knights.
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We are no longer compel1ed to hold divine service in a private h ouse, with a soldier or policeman at the door. No, we have two stately Episcopal and Presbyterian Churches, both in good positions in Vallet ta - besides the mi1itary churches in Valletta and Burmola where Christians of all denominations worship. On the decease of the Translator of the SPCK's Maltese Testament, burial was refused (in the Romish cemeteries) and the drawbridge at porta Reale had to be drawn up. And the guard turned out, to prevent the enraged populace, tearing the defunct to pieces: - not so now. We often see respectable Maltese uncovering on the passing of a funeral cortege, and you may even hear them say (in reference to some consis tent-godly Protestant) 'There goes a good man'. 'One better than a Christian' (i.e. Roman Catholic) or 'If that one is lost who can hope to be saved?' Not so once, the universal belief was 'No salvation out of the Romish fold'. In times past the buria1 of a Protestant was that of a dog! The e1evated crucif (sic) preceding the hearse a10ne secured respect, thank God, things are not so bad now. Maltese as well as others, who differ from us in faith, begin to see the force of our Saviour's words ('By their fruits ye shaH know them') and to judge accordingly righteous judgement. But while I believe the 'leaven' is at work, and that there are many secret1y favourable to Protestantism, I must not ignore the fact that the great majority walk in darkness and what is more sad, 10ve to have it so, and many many of the rising generation remain ostensibly in communion with Rome while infide1 at heart - of these, some, from the natura1 antipathy of the human heart to true godliness, have no This is completely incorrect. The incident referred to occurred on 5th Aug. 1826 on the death of 'one of the first Maltese to become a Protestant' [See E.H. Fawthrop, The Floriana Story being an account of Methodism in Malta (�ethodist Church; Malta 1963) 10-11]. Th� individual could not have been any one of the blble translatorsthat we know of: M.A. Vassalh died on Januaty 1829 at Pieta outside the citywalls;. G.. Canolo was still �live then, and M.A. Camilleri died around 1903. (See C. Sant, Traduzzjom, pp.24-29. In th� volu�e.pp.2?-3� . For the last days of Vassalli see letter by G.F. Schhenz, one of the Anghcan Mlsslonanes m Malta and an intimate friend of Vassalli, who writes to the Secretaty of the CMS on Januaty 29, 1829, just a fortnight afterVassalli's death: "As Mr Vassalli never made a profession of being a Protestant we would have him buried in a Catholic burial place. However, when we presented the licence of the Police to the Parish Priest he refused butying him, from reason �hat Vassallihadnever been legally married and ought therefore to be put am<,>ng the dishonest, at the wayside, without any ceremony. To this we would not consent an� With the cons�nt ?f the relict and the sister of the deceased applied to Govemment for a hcence to buty hlm m the Protestant burial place, and as his Excellency the Lt. Govemorwas pleased to grant us a licence thereto, the reliques, in aprivate andhonest manner, were conveyed into the Protestant burial place', CMS C/M065/1l. Cfr D, 5. It is quite obvious that Vassalli was not given a 'Catholic burial", not because of the Gospel translation, which after all was published after his death (See C. Sant Traduzzjon� p.29. In this volume p.34), but because of his irregular marriage.
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desire to search and try V\'hether Protestantism may not be better than the creed renounced by them as a blot on the intelligence of the age, and others ignorantly believe all religions alike, each and all craftily used by kings and priests to enslave the people. O ! when wi1l the Sun of Righteousness arise and dispel the gross darkness brooding over this people.
b ut Maltese , who have �ever left the Island seldom, (I cannot say n ever) become purchasers of Scriptures at least from your Depot, but we must not overlook the fact that !talian Bibles may and do find their way to Malta from England, America and besides which, all or nearly all educated Maltese possess Martini's !talian Bible with notes in 3 vol. costing 12/6.
0.5. '00 you think that if we print we must conform to the text of the Vulgate?' A. Conforming to the Vulgate would not secure Ecclesiastical approval unless printed with the usual notes appended. This I have ascertained since writing to Mr Innes. I was then informed that the Martini Testa ment would not be condemned, my informant spoke as he believed and wished the case to be, but on enquiry found out his mistake.
0.7. Please send me a copy of the Brazen Serpent. A. Sent enc10sed in this letter.
0.6. Cannot all Maltese who can read at all, read !talian? A. Maltese who understand !talian find no difficulty in reading their native dialect, the character is the same Roman, but the poor, who attend government free schools (generally) learn Maltese alone, and do not understand !talian, which to them is as much a foreign language as English. In 1861 the number of Maltese speaking English was 8675 6404 reading it 5556 writing do 15806 speaking !talian 14103 reading do 12696 writing do I do not find any return of the numbers reading Maltese, but I believe the answer to Ouestion 1 to be within the mark, for many of those entered as capable of reading !talian may not understand all they read, not so Maltese, if they can read at all, they are likely to understand more of their native dialect than of a foreign tongue. 0.6a. Rave you found them practically wi1ling to read and buy the Scriptures? A. Not as a body, but !talian Scriptures now and again are sold to Maltese who have travelled. Coming in contact with more enlightened nations - away from priestly surveillance, they acquire pretty correct estimate of things in general, and of religion in particular. Some have dec1ared (in confidence) to me, that when in foreign parts, as in England or America they have attended Protestant worship regularly,
0 .8. Have you found it (the tract) has been read and understood and that its style and orthography is satisfactory? A. One word alone (pointed out to me by Vassalli) I objected to is 'Christ was butchered for us'. I suggested slain or crucified for us. 1m sal-ep. Otherwise the tract was a faithful though free translation, and has been duly appreciated in several quarters, but more especially by those who feel, that if such doctrine be generally received, the Pac tolean streams of saintly intercession or Priestly absolution would soon cease to be profitable. As things are at present 'Peters Pence' are get ting beautifully less and less. Mr G.P. who took an active part in bring ing out the tract, has been asked, '00 you not enjoy a comfortable living?' 'Why do you not leave the poor priests alonf: ? they find it very difficult to live ! ! ' G.P. asked: 'Row have I injured their prospects in life?' The answer he received was 'You have printe i and distributed a tract, which says nothing about confession or penance, saint or priest', or in other words, if people read, believe, and act as the tract instructs them to do, they wi1l in future see no necessity to part with their money for Masses for the dead or indulgences for the living. 0 .9. If the (sic) is to be done would you suggest 1000 should be printed or only 500? A. Five hundred would <:io (as a beginning) as probably the greater portion would have to be given away gratuitously. I believe the S.P.C.K. have some intention of bringing out one of the Gospels. Could not some arrangement be made, by which both Societies should share the honour and expense? 0.10. Are there any Schools in which the book could be read? A. None whatever. All Government or Private Schools use what (are called) orthodox books alone. We have 3 Protestant schools in Malta for children of English parentage. Maltese is taught in none of these, and I believe only in one is any Scriptural instruction given (that in connection with the Church of Scotland).
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Lastly the person who translated the Brazen Serpent is I should think quite competent to re-write any of the Gospels in the orthography most intelligent to the Maltese - for he would have that of the SPCK to copy from, and he would only have to change such words as ar e obsolete, or little understood, for those in use now, but it would be as well to submit the manuscript for revision by Mr Camilleri previous to printing. It may not be out of place to remind you that once the Maltese approximated more to the Arabic (as in Vassalli's time) and that the dialect is gradually being more and more Latinized, and that the edition now to be brought out, may require revision once more, at some future day. I may also add, that a subscription has been opened here, to meet the expense of a revision of Matthew's Gospel (part of which is ready) so perhaps you may sanction and assist in bringing out this Gospel previous to Luke, which could follow when we see what success attends the issue of Matthew. You will also be interested to hear, that a devoted Maltese Lady, is about to bring out a Maltese Summary of the Gospels, at her sole expense for gratuitous distribution among the poor - and from what I have seen the selection is excellent, and likely to be of considerable benefit, to those for whom it is principally intended, though not to the same extent to be expected from the entire Gospel narrative. As soon as I hear from you I will place myself in communica tion with Mr Bard let him know the result of your deliberations, until then he will be usefully employed on the revision of Matthew.
(Signed) T.J. Kirby
Reproduced from JMS 11(1977) 136-141
'
13 Letter Mr T.J. Kirby to the Rev R.B. Girdlestone received 6 June 1870.
Malta, May 27/70 I now pen a few lines in answer to your favour of the 6th instant a few days ago B.'s translation of Matthew was handed to me, with the request that I would look over it. I did so and found, that in several places B. had improved much on Vassalli, both as to clearness and fidelity - but I also found parts of paragraphs omitted and other er rors. Friends here have therefore requested me to go carefully over the whole - this I am doing devoting 2� hours daily (or from 5 to 7� a.m.) to the work. I have the assistance of a friend of Mr Camilleri whom he may perhaps remember, as the brother of the Theological professor in the Malta Government University many years ago. I hope to finish this very interesting work in some three weeks time. The Gospel will then have to be copied fair, and in proper manuscript, so as to be ready for Mr Camilleri, and for that gentleman's information, I would add, many words are now used, which of the Maltese under stood formerly. Mr C. has been for many years absent from Malta, but I believe he will at once perceive the change and understand any new word in the present translation as 'fidi' for faith, instead of the old word 'twemmin' and Matthew 5 chap. ver. 3 the word which signified in Maltese 'Happy' has been changed to 'Blessed'. Matt. c8 ver. 28. 'Two mad men' has been changed to 'Two possessed with Devils' and Matt. ix vI7 were (sic) Vassalli has 'neither do men put new wine into old bellies' B. has put 'old barrels' but I think the word 'Lutri' a word well known and used by Maltese here and by Arabs and Maltese in Africa and elsewhere (including Spain) and signifying 'skin' in which water, oil and wine, are carried from place to place even to the present day, even in Greece and India. When in doubt, as to the most proper word to be used, we consult the !talian, as well as the English Version, and I have more than once consulted the Rev G. Wisely, as to the meaning in the original Greek. Probably we shall have to wait some three months, ere we shall be privileged to hand to the Maltese a readable as well as faithful translation of Matthew's Gospels. And we believe it will prove a blessing to them, as it has to us, who feel (in a measure) the greater force and attraction of our Lord's words, to a native, in his own dialect, and our desire, is that we may be led by the Spirit, to choose words best
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suited to convey to them, the mind and will of Christ, so that some, even of the Maltese may' learn to know Him whom to 'Know is life eternal'. Funds sufficient to pay for the translation of Matthew, have been already subscribed, and will be devoted to that purpose. And in reply to your question, as to where it had better be printed, I would prefer its being done by you (in England) and that the type be good, like your English Gospel Small Pica 32mo cloth. Receive yourself and kindly tender to the gent1emen on the Com mittee, our united thanks, for the promptitude with which needed help has been given us.
(Signed) TJ. Kirby I am glad that at last something is likely to be done for Malta. I do not think any printer in Valletta dare print the Gospel. When the man who has revised it meets Mr Kirby, he scarcely ventures to salute him.
(Signed) T. Bruce
·
14 Letter Mr T.J. Kirby to Rev R.B. Girdlestone. Malta, July 12.70 This comes by way of Italy, to prepare you for the receipt, per next southampton Mail of the Maltese Gospel, which I believe will require litt1e revision, as much care has been expanded thereon already. My coadjutor has confessed, that although he has read the Scriptures, here and there a portion, he had never gone through them consecutively before, he has become quite enamoured with the word, and purposes to revise Mark's Gospel on his own account. Re has got as far as Mark X, and I have gone over some of the chapters with him and I wi1l continue to do so, in my leisure hour, until the whole of the New Testament is done. If he does not tire or change his present purpose, the whole will be ready in about twelve months' time (he is a printer and cannot devote the whole of his time to the work) but my sincere prayer is that the people may be ready to receive it also. (Signed) T.J. Kirby P.S. I trust ere long to hear that the Gospel is in the press.
(Signed) TJ.K:
Reproduced from/MS 11(1977) 141-142
Reproduced from /MS 11(1977) 143
15 Letter the Rev MA. Camilleri to the Edit. Supt.
16 Letter Rev MA. Camilleri to the BFBS Ed. Supt. 6/8/1870.
Wantage 4th Aug. 70 I shall be most happy to read over the new revision of the Maltese Bible, and will tell you candidly all I think about it. Send it therefore, as soon as you like, and I hope when the proof sheets are ready for correc tion I shall see to at least the second or last sheet. It is very important that the spelling should be very correct in a work of this kind :
Aug.6.70 I need not tell you, how thankful I am that your Ven. Society, has nde u rtaken this work. There are men even in high stations who do not appreciate this labour of love. But the men of faith know better how to husband the gifts of God, in his Blessed Word and in the easy means of making it known. It is all very well to say that the Maltese, who can read may have the !talian Bible. It used to be said the very same thing of the Irish and the Welsh. But most of the Maltese though able to read Italian do not under st and that language, but fully understand the Maltese spoken by them, and heard by them in the preaching of their clergy. Your Ven. Society must also consider that by making the New Testament read easy and correct, the very priests at Malta will use your work for their ser mons. And what say we of the thousands who on the coasts of Barbary and the Mediterranean away from the priests, have no means whatever for holding their faith and understanding the Scriptures? Ah if you knew what I know of those abandoned Maltese, how wicked, ignorant and self deceiving they are in the midst of the more wicked and darkened Mohamodans! Pray thank. the Board for this their work, for it will not return void, but will bear its fruit in due season.
(Signed) M.A. Camilleri
•
Reproduced from/MS 11(1977) 143
Reproduced from /MS 11(1977) 144
"
17 Extr�ct from Letter Mr H.M. Gooch, Secretary of the Evange/ical Al lzance, London, March 1, 1912 to Rev Robert Kilgour (BFBS)
18 Letter Rev Dr G. Wisely to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, March 25,
1912
Dear Dr KiIgour, In any case, there is an urgent and immediate call for more Maltes Gospels, especially the Gospel of St. John, and while I am writing t urge t �at your Committee will reprint St. Matthew's Gospel, and per haps �1Od �p th � copies of the Acts of the Apostles which you still have , (I beheve 10 quues), and place the m at the disposal of my Council I ' would urge the translation and printing at once of St. John's Gospel.
�
� have als � been asked in my report to the Bible Society to very s �ecl �l1y urge lts undertaking the translation and printing of the entire Blble 10 the Maltese language. There are about 215,000 natives on the Islands of Malta and Gozo who sp�ak Malt�se. Only about one fourth of the total population can speak elth�r !tahan or English in addition. There are 15,000 Maltese in North Afnca, who of course can obtain and read the Holy Scriptures in a language other than Maltese, and I am told that the knowledge on the part of many in Malta, who can only speak Maltese that there is such a book as the Bible in other -languages, and that th� ir friends who can read th� s� languages have possession of the book, leads many to long to . obtalO lt 10 the Maltese language, despite the prejudice and enmity of . the Pnests. Will you give this q�estion your careful consideration, and I hope I . m�y hav� the great pnvdege of reporting to my Council first, and to our fn �n ds 10 . Malta later, that your Committee intend supplying the . deflclency 10 Gospels, and as soon as possible to arrange for the trans · lation of the Bible in Maltese.
Reproduced fromJMS 13(1979) 95-96
I should have replied sooner to your letter of the 15th, but I was too it came, and I am now only slowly recovering from an attack of when iIl influenza. I am deeply interested in the matter of which you write. At present I wish to let you know how things stand. Malta, as you likely know, is the most bigoted R.C. spot on earth. I arrived here in May 1854, and soon after I was toId by the Governor not to interfere with the religion of the Maltese. I may mention that before coming here I was some time in Italy as locum tenens to the late Rev Dr Steward of Leghorn and although I could not be called a good ItaIian scholar I soon was able to make myself understood and I did what I could in the way of circulating Scriptures among ItaIians and teIling them of Christ and His Gospel. To my regret I never acquired the Maltese language. There were several attempts before my day of getting something done for the Maltese, but nothing came of it. The SPCK did a great work. They got the New Testament translated into Maltese (and also the Church of England Prayer Book). It was an admirable translation - quite classic - by a scholar and a good Christian man of the name of VassaIIi. I never saw him - he was de ad before I came, but his son was a member of my congregation, a worthy Christian man - greatly persecuted - stoned out of the Island. I got up a little subscription on his behaIf and sent him to America where he died about 40 years ago. The Maltese New Testaments were mostIy destroyed and are not to be had for love or money. I got the late Bishop of Gibraltar (Dr Col Iins) to write to the SPCK and they told him they had not a copy! I am glad to say that Mr Sim has a copy. Re knows Maltese a Iittle. I know a few words, but I cannot read a word. I may mention that since Government began to teach the children Maltese in the Government schools there has been a considerable change in the spelling. I beIieve there are more than a dozen ways of writing the alphabet. VassaIIi's translation is more archaic than the present Maltese in the Government schools - and one or two words might be modernised but on the whole it is quite a cIassic - as much as
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Tyndale's English was. Y ou know what your B. & F. Bible Society did some 40 years ago. We had some earnest Christian men in the Army then and they got your Society to print some of the Gospels and the Acts. They sent home translations from here but they were revised at home by a singular1y able man, the Rev M.A. Camilleri. He was a R.C. priest here but he had left the Island before I came. He was great1y restricted and the people here had not a word to say against him before he left - all they said afterwards was that he wanted to marry. Anyhow, he became an English clergyman, and died only a few years ago. We have no such man at present. His booklets were very good. They were a litt1e archaic in the spelling, but still they could be easily read. And for some days they were read, but soon afterwards a proclamation came out from the Bishop of Malta who was a shrewd clergyman to this effect: 'Certain booklets have lately come out from the British Society however harm less they may be in themselves, as they have not been issued by the ecclesiastical authority, the faithful are forbidden to read them.' This was read in every parish Church throughout the Island, and it practical ly put a stop to the circulation of these scriptures in Malta. A good many, however, were circulated among the Maltese out of Malta as in Alexandria, Tunis, etc. There are about as many Maltese out of Malta as in it. For about a quarter of a century the Maltese language has been taught in the Government schools. Before that !talian was practically the only language. The few children that were sent to school were sent to learn not their own language but !talian - quite a foreign language to them. The result was that practically they learned nothing. And the priests loved to have it so. It would take too long to tell how the change was brought about. Some of the natives who had been in England cried out for Commissioners to set things right. There had been Commis sioners long before but they had not gone into such matters. The first Commissioner in my time was Mr Rowsell who came to enquire into the incidence of taxation. When it was discovered, after he returned to Malta when his report was published, that he wanted to take off the tax on imported corn and give the people cheap bread the people rose up and stoned him! The priests were afraid that their property would be taxed. The second Commissioner was Mr (afterwards Sir Joseph) Keenan (an Irish but liberal R.C.) said to me: 'Rowsell deserved to be stoned for coming back to Malta after his report was published and so should he (Keenan) if he came back!' Keenan recommended Maltese taught to
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children who knew Maltese. There is no compulsory education in Malta but vast numbers of children are now attending the Government schools. They first learn to read their own language (Malte se) and t�en . they are allowed (or their 'pa�ents are allow�d) to choose elther Enghsh or Italian or both. The maJonty prefer Enghsh. I may mention that the native inhabitants among themselves all speak Maltese. Nine tenths of the Population understand no language but Maltese. !t is most desirable that the whole New Testament should be published in Maltese. But now I must speak about the St. Jerome Society's booklet:
Four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles.
The
Ten years ago I was staying with my brother-in-law (Rev Dr Donald Mi11er) in Genoa, and he told me that the Pope had recent1� sanctioned a society of learned R.Cs called after St. Jerome, to pubhsh the four Gospels and Acts in good modern Itali�n with notes, and he suggest� d that I should get some copies to take W1th me to Malta as he was afrald the Pope might withdraw the sanction as he had done with the French version by Laserire(?) lately. Dr Miller and I searched all over Genoa but could not find a copy, but Meille then B .F.B.S. Agent told us that if we applied to their Depositor Mr John Thomas, 63, Due Macelli, ROf le, he would get copies for us. I wrote to Mr Thomas and he at once sent me some copies. Subsequent1y I got intimately acquainted with Mr Thomas and through him I got hundreds of copies and distributed them both in Italy and in Malta. I am under great obligations to Mr Thomas and especially for enabling me to make the acquaintance of Father Genocchi, t� e writer of the notes in the St Jerome Society's booklet. When my wlfe and I were in Rome in 1903 he tried to do so then. He asked if we would take tea with hi� and he would ask Father Genocchi to meet us but he had to go to Napl6s and was not to return till Monday after we left Rome. I enclose Father Genocchi's note to Mr Thomas. I made his acquaintance through Mr Thomas in 1906. I was great1y impressed with Genocchi as a truly enlightened spiritually minded man. He is very learned and my impression is that the Church of Rome is proud of him. Cardin �l Rampolla, I saw in some paper was on a Commission with him but I believe Cardinal deI Val hates him, and has managed to sup ress the St Jerome Society. After our Thomas left Rome (to my great regret) I had no one to supply me with the St Jerome Society's booklets so I wrote to Father Genocchi and he managed to get me a good supply but I believe they are the last that will be printed. I send you a couple of copies.
�
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I heard that Mr Thomas had been on a visit to Rome last winter, and I wrote to our Presbyterian Minister there if he could give me his address but he told me he had not left his address. If you could see him he could tell you all about Father Genocchi. He may not know that in July last year he was sent on an Apostolic Delegation to Lima, Peru. I have not heard from him or of him since. I hope no evil has befallen him. I must not weary you but I must say a few words in answer to your letter. Your Society does not publish Scripture with notes. As the St. Jerome Society's booklet had the Pope's authority I was anxious to have it translated into Maltese in order that the Maltese might be allowed to read it. But the Bishop refuses to sanction it. And I cannot get a printer in Malta to print it. I have got it translated at considerable expense by a good translator (a Roman Catholic of course) but the translation is lying on my hands. Last summer Dr Sim and I thought it would be well to get a single Gospel (St. Luke) published separately. We had at the time a converted Italian priest on the Island who knows several lan guages - Maltese among them. We got him to revise the one I had made by the R.C. translator. Mr Sim got a Maltese printer to print a thousand copies -- at least to promise to print it, but when it came to be done, he refus;�d. In the course of a day or two I may send it to you, but unless you ha.. .� someone who knows Maltese it will be of no use. If there were someone like Mr Camilleri it would be an easy matter. Mr Gooch (sec. Evangelical Alliance) was here late1y but it was at the time when I was so ill I could see no one. So I did not see him. But Mr Sim is set OD having the things done - but how to do it I know not! You can count on me for a little financial help. You will understand of course that there is much in what I have written now that would not do to be published and is to be considered private. Yours sincerely, (Signed) George Wisely·
Reproduced fromJMS 13(1979) 96-99
19 Letter Rev Dr G. Wisely to Rev R. Kilgour, April 26,
1912
Dear Dr Kilgour, I have been somewhat of an invalid and was unable to enquire till yesterday about the Roman Catholic edition of St. Matthew's Gospel translated by Muscat Azzopardi and printed at Malta in 1895-7. Some years ago I heard that th� Bishop of M�l�� had given !h�� man per �is . sion to publish a translatlOn from Marhm s WIth Marhm s notes WhICh are very polemical but even it was not smi1ed on, and I had a friend who knows Maltese and who went recently to every bookseller ' s shop in the Island and could not get a copy. Some years ago I had an interview with the Marchesa Mattei, and she seemed to approve of the St. Jerome Society's booklet being translated into the Maltese language (the only language understood by nine tenths of the Maltese people). A day or two afterwards, the Marchesa told me that the Bishop (His Grace the Lord Archbishop Bishop of Malta) had told Monsignor Stonor and her that I was mistaken for there was this translation by Muscat Azzopardi and he would send her a copy. She promised to send it on to me. This was years ago, and it has never come! There is a Roman Catholic bookseller who publishes Roman Catholic literature and he told me that Muscat Azzopardi's translation was published in parts. I gathered from him that in a day or two he could collect them and let me have a copy. When I get it I will send it to you. You can compare it with the copy in the British Museum Library. It is not what the British & Foreign Bible Society would publish. Nor would I, much as I should like to see the Maltese people have even a portion of Scripture in their own tongue. Martini's translation is bad and his notes are worse. This is all I have to say on that subject. There are one or two other points I should like to notice. According to your Historical Catalogue you say it was the version of the Gospe1s and Acts published by the C.M.S. at London in 1829 with the Latin text which was prepared by M. Vassal1i. This of course was before my day. I never heard of it, but it is quite impossible that it was prepared by Vassal1i (sic) . I know for certain that Vassalli pr� pared . the New Testament in 1845 and 1847. It was not M.A. CamIllen. I am almost certain that Vassalli translated the Prayer Book but I was not so much interested in it as in the New Testament. I may mention that a
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year or two ago I asked Dr ColIins the late Bishop of Gibraltar to writ to the SPCK to see if they had a copy of VassalIi's N.T. They replie that they had not a single COP! remaining. They added that they had a copy o! the Prayer Book but It was mere gibberish! I know from goo d . authonty that both NT and Prayer Book are excellent. The notation IS somewhat atitique;
�
1 came to Malta in 1854. Camilleri left Malta shortly before 1 came but up to the last he was considered as a model R. Catholic. He was a clergyman of the Church of England for about half a century. No doubt he �repared an edition of St. John's Gospel but he also revised other portlOns (St. Matthew and the Acts) published by the Bible Society in 1870 and 1�71. You say they were prepared by Paul Bonavia, and in a sense that IS true but he was a mere hireling called in to assist in the Maltese lan�u�ge. T� e men whose heart was in the work were several earnest ChnstIan offIcers - the chief one was Mr E.L. Bevir, then a young Artillery Officer. Bevir was a linguist - a first class Greek Scholar. He translated from the Greek NT and he knew a little Maltese so that he was able to see that Bonavia was rendering the text properly. I was told at the time t�at Mr �a�lleri revis ed the whole. Bevir left the Army and has pub . hshed relIgIous books ID many languages - !taHan, French and other European languages but also Arabic. Had he remained in Malta, he would have been able to translate the N.T. in Maltese. About 20 years ago he published the NT in !talian (Nuovo Testamento - versione nuova) at Milan. He was poorly at the time and not able to correct the proofs so there were a good -many misprints but he writes me that he is soon to publish a new �dition. He lives at Valence in France. You likely know of a new translatIon of the NT in !talian - li Nuovo Testamento Annotato! Roma, Societa Fides et Amor. Dr Lazzi a professor in the Waldenslan College Florence is the chief of the 'Societa Fides et Amor'. Excuse this long letter. 1 will send you the R.C. edition of St. Mat thew when I get it which 1 hope to do next week. Yours very sincerely (Signed) George Wisely·
Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 100-101
20 Letter Rev Dr George Wisely to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, May 3,
1912
Dear Dr Kilgour, Thanks for your letter of the 26th April. 1 am under the impression that 1 wrote to you a day or two before receiving it. 1 know I wrote in answer to yours of the 2nd April, but 1 think 1 wrote again. My memory, however, which was once good, is now failing, and owing to this and the state of my health (I am in my 87th year) 1 am glad that Mr Sim has undertaken to write to you in my stead. He succeeded me as Minister in the Scotch Church here when 1 retired in 1896 and he had been my Assistant for three years before. We are in constant communication and hold similar views. My immediate object in writing to you at present is to let you know that we had a visit yesterday from Signor Angelo Mastrotto, who prepared the translation of St. Luke, of which Mr Sim sent you the MS. You speak of him as former Colporteur. He may have acted here par tially as a Colporteur, but he is an Evangelist and at present is acting as an Evangelist at Falerna, Calabria, under the Waldensian MissioI1 of which Mr Muston (now in England) is the Head. I may mention that we have here a Colporteur - not under Mr Muston but supported other wise. He is not an educated man like Sigr. Mastrotto but good in his way as a Colporteur, and 1 may remark that he has been selling portions of your Maltese Gospels and Acts. And in this connection 1 would strongly recommend that you should reprint all the portions you have. Print them just as they are. Curiously enough neither Mr Sim nor 1 remember what portions you have. St. Matthew and St. John and the Acts of Apostles - 1 have a few copies of all these - especially the Acts. 1 have the impression that St. Mark was not translated and we are not aware of St. Luke having been. You do not mention any but St. Matthew and the Acts as published by the Bible Society in 1870-71 said to be translated by Bonavia (who was merely engaged by earnest Chris tian Officers to help them in the language). These were revised by Mr Camilleri. 1 have an impression that there were more at the time. The then Bishop of Malta issued a pastoral which was read in all the parish churches saying: "Certain booklets have recent1y been sent from a foreign Society, however innocent in themselves, as they have not been
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issued with ecclesiastical authority, the faithful are forbid den to rea d them." When I asked Mr Muscat the printer and proprietor of the Malta Herald, who is a friend of mine, whether he would print the translation of the St. Jerome Society's booklet, he said that without ecclesiastiċal authorization, it would be denounced by ecclesiastical authority, and the people would be afraid to read it - and besides that his business would suffer. I have got from him another copy of Muscat Azzopardi's translation of Martini - more like a book than the one I sent you. I had to wait some days as he had to get the leaves bound together. It looks as if it were old - any how I send it is. Mastrotto read a little of it to me. The preface is a curiosity. I cannot write more at present but with kind regards and praying God to bless you in your great work, I am, dear Mr Kilgour, Yours faithfully, (Signed) George Wisely·
21 Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev R. Kilgour, May 7,
1912
D ear Dr Kilgour, I duly received your letter of the 27th April and have been in con sultation with Dr Wisely on the subject of it. Fortunately, our late col porteur (who is now employed in Italy) was passing through here the other day, and I was able to get some definite information from him as to the exact basis of the MS of St. Luke's Gospel in Maltese, executed by him and secret1y forwarded to you by us. H � t.ells me it is .a revisio.n by him of a previous translation - not an ongmal transl�tIon �f hIS own. This previous translation was done by Mr V. Busuttil, AssIstant Inspector of the Government Schools in Malta, �ho was employed by . . Dr Wisely to do it. As far as the colporteur can Judge, thIS translatlOn by Mr Busuttil follows closely the !taHan text of St. Luke published by the Pia Societa di San Gerolamo which Dr Wisely had requested Mr Busuttil to translate into Maltese. The colporteur took this translation of Mr Busuttil and revised it carefully, using the Greek (Textus Receptus I think), the Vul�ate and . Vassalli's Maltese text for purposes of comparison, so as to bnng It as near to the original as possible. From my knowledge of Sig. Mastrotto, (the colporteur), his ability and carefulness, I think it would be dif . ficult, if not impossible, to find a better translator or reVlser of Maltese Scriptures than he. Next, regarding the MSS of the other Gospels. Dr Wisely has placed them in my chargb and asks me to tell you about them. They contain St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John's Gospels, done into Mal tese by Mr Busuttil on similar lines to that of St. Luke. But, whereas the MS of St. Luke which I sent you, has been revised by Sig. Mastrotto, the MSS of the other three Gospels are Mr Busuttil's work unrevised.
Reproduced from/MS 13(1979) 101-103
From Sig. Mastrotto's opinion and from my own knowledge of Mal tese I consider that the existing translations already published by your Society are good enough to reprint, pretty much as they stand. But if you have not already a translation of St. Luke's Gospel, I would re com mend the use of Sig. Mastrotto's revised version of Mr Busuttil's trans-
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lation of that Gospel. And if you have not already a version of St. Mark's Gospel I would recommend your Society to take Mr Busuttil' s translation of that Gospel, print proof-sheets of it with wide margins and send the proof-sheets to Sig. Mastrotto for correction and revision. Sig. Mastrotto is willing to undertake this task, and Dr Wisely is prepared to contribute to the cost of it. Should your Society decide on this, please inform me and I shall forward the MS of St. Mark to you.
Document 2 1
publications in Maltese, or any new ones, it would be advisable not to put either the name of the Society or the place of publication on the tit1e page, as either of these would be adverse to the sale and use of the books in Malta. G.A.S:
Last1y, our present colporteur, (a Maltese) is urging upon us the importance of having the whole New Testament in Maltese, and espe cially the Pauline Epistles. The Maltese revere St. Paul greatly, but his writings are totally inaccessible to them at present. I agree with the colporteur in this. The Epist1es could be translated one by one and issued separately till the whole NT was completed. Should your Society decide on this, Sig. Mastrotto is willing to ex ecute the successive Epist1es, on the basis of Vassalli's version of them. Vassalli's NT in Maltese is very good, but antiquated in phraseol ogy and in spelling; it contains obsolete words not understood by modern Maltese. It is to all successive versions what Tyndale's version is to the A.V. and R.V. in England. I have a copy of it, but is a rare book now, most difficult to obtain. Sig. Mastrotto could revise and modernise it, in words and spelling, most competently. Dr Wisely is prepared to assist in the cost, to the extent of 1:50, on each work if necessary, he says. I ought to add that Sig. Mastrotto, though employed as colporteur while here, is really an evangelist - a good preacher and a literate of considerable talent. Re is now pastor of the Waldensian Church at Falerno, province of Catanzaro, Calabria, S. Italy. With thanks for the kind interest you and the B. & F. Bible Society are taking in this subj ect, I am, yours sincerely,
(Signed) GA. Sim Pres. Chaplain P.S. I forgot to say that if the B. & F. Bible Society reissues their existing
213
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 103-105
pocument 22
22 Letter Rev G.A. sim to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, June 10,
1912
Dear Dr Kilgour, I am in receipt of your favour of the 6th and have shown it to Dr Wisely. With regard to what you ask about Sig. Mastrotto's translation of St. Luke being in line with your already existing translations of other Gospels - not having Sig. Mastrotto's MSS here, I cannot give you an authoritative opinion on this point. I shall, however, write and ask him. But, it should be noted that, as he has not the MSS now in his posses sion, it may be difficult, if not impossible, for him to compare the paral lel passages, unless you send him the MSS. Otherwise he can only reply from memory. One feature of difference there will certainly be: the older system of Maltese spelling of words (in which your versions are written), has been now changed as regard certain letters (e.g. the gut tural h). In Maltese schools here now this newer system is in use. Sig. Mastrotto's translation is spelled in the newer mode (which is corree ter).
There is a lady now resident in London - Miss Morrell - born d n brought up in Malta and able to read Maltese, a good and intel gent member of the Scots Church here. Dr Wisely is, I think, suggest ! g to her that she might call at your office and read enough of Sig. astrotto's St. Mark from the MSS to satisfy us all that his translation . such as can be read easily by an ordinary Maltese. Personally I have ISO doubt about it. But, as Mr Busuttil's translation is from the Italian ersi on above mentioned, I think it would be advisable to have it revised by Sig. Mastrotto to be a similar text to your versions.
� � :
With kind regards, Yours Sincerely, (Signed) G.A. Sim'
As regards the MSS of St. Mark which I sent you, I took particular care in my accompanying letter, the one before that of May 30, to give you information on all the points you now ask about. I mentioned ( 1) that Mr Busuttil was Assistant Inspector of Government Schools in Malta (since then he has been promoted to be Inspector). I may now add that he has published several schoolbooks in Maltese which are in use in the local schools. I mentioned (2) that his translation was made at Dr Wisely's request from the Italian version of Pia Societa di San Gerolamo - not from the Greek. As far as I am aware, Mr B. does not know Greek. I mentioned (3) that Mr B .'s translation of St. Mark has not been revised nor corrected by Sig. Mastrotto. Nor has it been so by any other scholar, and therefore suggested that it might be printed in proofs and the proofs sent to Sig. Mastrotto for revision and correction, which work Sig. Mastrotto is willing to undertake.
215
Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 105-106
23
24 Letter Mr E.L. Beviito Rev Dr G. Wisely, November 25, 1912
Letter Miss E.I. Moirell to Rev Dr G. Wisely, August 26, 1912
The Limes, Odd Down, Bath.
Valence
Dear Dr Wisely,
I send at once a few lines to acknowledge yours of the 20th. But kindly notice that this is not a full answer but a few preliminary remarks to a letter that shall follow D.V.
Your note, with Mr Sim's to you, enclosed, has just reached me. I am so sorry I have been away from Brockley while you were at Or pington, as it would have been easy for me to come to talk upon the subject uppermost (MS of Luke). I return to Brockley tomorrow, and as I have sent my trunck in advance, the two or three notes I made about the MS are not in hand. The MS I returned to Dr Kilgour at his re quest, the early part of this month with the same remarks I made to you. He wrote and thanked me on receipt of same. I can only repeat what I have already said - that if Mastrotto is familiar with the Maltese language, better still, if he is a Maltese and a scholar - that it will be well to abide by his MS. I have little knowledge of the written language. The chapters I read, I read audibly, allowing the familiar sound to help me in judging, with the result that I felt here and there sentences might have been put in a simpler way. But you will rightly conclude this is no scholar's method of testing, and therefore I certainly think it wise to abide by Mastrotto's MS is you must print. All the years I lived in Malta, never did I know of one Maltese possessing a single Gospel, nor did a copy ever come my way. Of course, I could have asked you for one, but that is not the point. The , fact remains that the people make little if any use of what there is in print already. And one cannot help feeling that if a freer distribution of the Word already in hand were made and if it were read by the people, the demand for the Scriptures would be evident, and with the demand, those able and willing to translate. Yours etc. (Signed) Emily L Morrell" Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 106-107
Mr dear Dr Wisely,
It is Monday morning and I had two heavy 'services' yesterday and I am feeling very tired. But I wish to notice your letter, which crossed one of mine in reply to a previous one of yours. I must give my attention first to the !talian Testament but all the great work of this is done, and the correction of the proofs would not prevent me from attemptiug other work at the same time - such work as you suggest. But I do not think that I could come to Malta, at least until the Italian is finished. Possibly (if I find after some study, that I could succeed in such an enterprise) I could get the proofs sent to Italy, while I was at work on the !talian proofs. But now a few preliminary remarks. The Maltese language has changed considerably since 1847 (date of my birth and of Vassalli's edition!) - and many Latin (Italian) words have crept since. Ex:
Vassalli St John xv. 1
Yena hu id dielya sewa, u Missieri hu il jennien. In Maltese of the present day (see in Mogħdija taż-Żmien) it would go more like: jena hua id dielia vera, dielia vera 'the true Vine' vera instead of the semitic sewa, u Missieri hua el gennien. This is only one example, but I could give you hundreds. I think I once remarked to you th at Va�salli's v�rsio� is thoJ. ,�h'1fG/c:t,,:, good - the language (as you say) .IS antIquated l.e. lt co�����vcir::;�l 1;\ nearer to pure Arabic than the present Maltese - to my I .\.: , <-;:"v , ' "
.
a
'�.
i[IJ!2,�rl
j
-,Ħ�'-- - }: �
�4'Jt
:
'
,,�'
.
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Document 24
circulate a Maltese version of the NT would require wisdom,
. . . t e........ pt to etc. Pepper was emment ly PlOUS, b ut not Wlse. C aptam t act , etc. .
thousand pities that it is not in Arabic character.
.
Wit1e ss!
E.G. St]ohn XIV.4 (Vassalli) U feyn yena seyer tafu, u tafu it trick. I should write it thus �Vb-I' !PJ'-' J>U�
219
pocu!l1ent 24
��
W.J
In the Bible Society's version (the one I had a hand in at Malta) they add ucol (also) <.J.sc - (but Vassalli keeps quite close to the Greek).
I have just found a Gospel of St. John published in London 1822 Ma ( ltes e and !taHan). The printer leaves the t::. in the Arabic form, the r est of the type romano B.L.B :
I should think seriously - and consu1t my learned Maltese - as to bringing out Vassalli; but I suppose that it would be quite comprehen sible - the language rather antiquated - like our Authorized Version - but to my mind more classical (in a semitic sense) than the more modern form in the popular books such as you sent to me (Galea's writings, etc.) I doubt if you could beat Vassalli: then as to the mere of notation (which has changed) I see no difficulty at all. One would have to change, for example, Vassalli's ,F(Hebrew :::J ) from a into gl1: and several other letters, but no difficultyth at I can see. I learned the Hebrew napaoely!-wTa at Malta and greatly blame myself for not having learned Arabic then. Nieol & Browne taught me Hebrew; and I was employed in 1879 and 80 on a French translation of the Old Testament. Then I acquired Arabic much later in life (with enough Syriac to refer to the Peshito i.e. the �) . I had some little work on Maltese in 1900-01. I think I sent you some sheets. !t would be better, I suppose, if the attempt be made to have a Maltese printer. I do not see any insuperable obstacle to such a work. Then as to the end ofyour letter: Soyez tranquille! If a reasonable printer can be found, any other work done upon such a Book shaH be very reasonable also; supposing always that the work appears to be possible (see below*). I send a few verses merely to notiee how speedily (in everything) the answer comes to a real cry to Jehovah. Ever yours affectionately, (Signed) Ed. L. Bevir * This letter is of course only to suggest care and reflection. I recol lect Capt. Pepper's rash action, and the fatal consequences. Any at-
Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 107-109
Document 25
25
Letter Rev Dr G. Wisely to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, November 30, .1912 .)
Dear Dr Kilgour, Mr Sim and I received your letters this morning and have t�lked matters over together. He is very busy and I fear will not be able to write to you by this mail. We are both of the same opinion in the matter we have so much at heart, and you may regard this as coming from us both. •
•
W e have both come to the conclusion that the thing we should aim at is to have the whole New Testament translated and that it should be homogeneous throughout. There are many ways of writing Maltese. I was told there are thirteen different ways of writing the letters. Anyhow, it would not do to have some parts written in one way and the other parts in another. We have come to the conclusion that the best plan would be like Vassalli's translation published by the S.P.C.K. in 1847. It is extremely difficult to get a copy. The late Bishop of Gibraltar (Dr Collins) wrote to the Society to see if they had a copy, but they had not any - not even one, and they did not know where to get one. Fortunately, we have got one, and my friend Mr Bevir, has one. It was he that was the leading man in getting the B. & F. Bible Society's booklets translated over 40 years ago. He was then a young Artillery Officer, but he left the army and devoted his life to evangelistic work. Some twenty years ago, he translated the New Testament into Italian. When it was passing through the press, he fell ilI and in consequence there were many Printer' s errors which made it somewhat of a failure, but he is busy now in preparing a new edition, and he is taki-ng great care to see that it shall be well done. I have not seen himJor over 40 years but we have kept up our acquaintance by correspondence. I have been consulting him about this matter of ours and I received a letter from him yesterday which I showed to Mr Sim, and I now enclose it for you to read. Kindly return it to me. You can just put it in an envelope to my address even if you do not write a letter with it. By the way, I may mention that letters from England to Malta require only a penny an oz postage.
221
Y ou will see what he says of Vassalli's translation. It confirms what k we now from other reliable sources. Vassalli was a wonderful scholar. And those able to judge say that his Maltese New Testament is very like what Tyndale's was to the English Authorized Version. It's notation is not quite the same as what is usual now - some archaic words might be better changed into everyday ones - modern. But that is really all that is required. It may take some time. I suggested to Mr Bevir that he might come to Malta to help us. Mr Bevir is a linguist. I am not. I have been over 58 years in Malta and I do not know the letters - I cannot read a single word of it. I was in Italy for a year before I cai:ne to Malta, and I had not been above a month in Italy, before I could make my own way in Italian. Mr Bevir is a linguist. He knew no Italian when he came here but he is quite at home with it now. And he can read a little Maltese. He is not so good at it as he is with Gaelic. He did not know a word of Gaelic till he was 15 years of age, and now he can preach in Gaelic, as he did some time ago to a Highland Regiment passing thr ough Egypt. Now about Miss Morrell. She certainly was not enthusiastic about the translation of St. Luke when I saw her, but the advice she gave I thought was most sensible. She said that we should use your Maltese booklets till the whole New Testament came out. That is what we are doing. And I was glad to hear from \fr Gooch that the Evangelical Alliance is coming to our help in the matter. I may mention that Mr Sim is getting a young lady to try her hand at turning Vassalli's St. Mark into present day Maltese, and he is getting a Maltese friend to help. Mr Sim knows a printer in one of the villages, who is not afraid of the Bishop's anathemas, and Mr Sim thinks he will print it. Mr Sim's idea is not to print many copies but just a few. He would send a copy to you and then if you like Mr Bevir - (not that there are many like Mr Bevir). I am willing to be financially responsible for this. It will be merely a temporary experiment, it will not interfere with the final Maltese translation of the whole New Testament. Great care must be taken as Mr Bevir suggests. When we first got the B. & F. Bible Society Gospel 40 years ago (or more) things went well apparently but a good man (a Capt. Pepper) thought he would do good by sending copies to all the Parish Priests. The consequence was that the Bishop (who was clever) immediately issued a Pastoral (which was read in all the Churches) to this effect: 'Certain Booklets have recent1y come out from a foreign Society, however innocent in themsel ves, as they have not been issued by ecclesiastical authorities, the faith-
222
Document 2S
ful are forbidden to read them.' And the faithful did not read them! I was very sorry to miss you. I was delighted, however to meet Mr Mould. Please remember 'me very kindly to him. And believe, dear Dr Kilgour, Your most cordially, (Signed) George Wisely We had a Dr Kilgour in my younger days - a most eminent physician. My brother (who has been dead for more than 60 years) was one of his students and looked up to him with reverence :
26 Letter Rev Dr G. Wisely to. Rev Dr R. Kilgour, Malta, December 16, 1912
Dear Dr Kilgour,
I received the enclosed letter from my friend Mr Bevir today with Mr Carruthers' letter to him. I showed them to Mr Sim and he thinks like myself that it might be well for me to let you have a reading of them. I may remark that they are not so much about the translation of the New Testament into Maltese or !taHan. I think I told you that Mr Bevir issued an !taHan translation of the N.T. 22 years ago. He was not in good health when he was passing it through the Press and he had little or no assistance and so there were a good many printer's errors in it but on the whole it was well done. I Hked it better than any other and I read it through from beginning to end two if not three times. I did not read it for the purpose of correcting the mistakes although I pointed out a few, but for my own edification. I did the same with St. Jerome Society's booklet (Four Gospels and Acts of the Apost1es) . I knew !taHan well enough to read both with ease - and with pleasure. I hap pened to be some time in !taly before coming to Malta and I had not been a month or two before I could make my way in !taHan. I have been over 58 years in Malta and I cannot read a word of Maltese! Allow me to explain what Mr Bevir says about {50 I sent him towards helping on his revision of the !taHan New Testament. I had difficulty in getting him to take it. When I assured him it wasn't a present to himself, but for the work he accepted it and sent me a formal receipt lest he should die before his revised version was issued from the Press. !t wi11 be several months yet.
Reproduced from/MS 13(1979) 109-111
One reason (among many) why I regret not having had the pleasure of seeing you personally is that I should have Hked to talk about this new version of Mr Bevir's Nuovo Testamento. I feel pretty sure that it wi11 be worthy of your support. Dr Luzzi is a personal friend of mine. Mrs Luzzi is a cousin of my wife's. He is in America (lecturing in various Universities at present) so I did not see him in passing through Florence the other day. But Mrs Luzzi agreed with me that his !taHan N.T. is too bulky - too heavy. Professor Luzzi is a first class !taHan scholar. But you wi11 see what Bevir and Carruthers say. So I need not
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write more at present. I may say, however, I have already spent more money in getting the St Jerome's booklet translated into Maltese than I have done towards Mr Bevir's new revision of his !talian N.T. I hoped the translation of a book sanctioned by the Pope would be more likely to be read by the Maltese Roman CathDlics than a N.T. issued by Protestants. The Bishop of Malta will have none of it. We are now free to take the course we have decided on. Of course, I hope to help finan cially. Please kindly return to me the enclosed. You are a busy man and you need not write a letter in reply. With kind regards and all good wishes - for Christmas and New Year. Yours most sincerely, (Signed) George Wisely·
27 Letter Rev GA. Sim to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, October 21, 1913
Dear Dr Kilgour, We have had no correspondence for some time back about the Mal
tese Gospels.
I now write to say that the MS translation of St. Mark's Gospel in Maltese is now ready. It is not an entirely new translation ab initio, but a revision of the Maltese text of St. Mark in Vassalli's version of 1847 (SPCK), which is to the Maltese NT what Tyndale' s version is to us in English. Vassalli's text of St. Mark has now been written out in Modern Maltese, according to the standard used in the Maltese schools today. Then it has been carefully revised by Prof T. Zammit, with some assis tance from me, Vassalli's obsolete words being replaced by words in use today. The result is what is, in my opinion, a first rate text of St. Mark. Prof Zammit is the most competent Maltese scholar in the Island and did the work cum amore: it can be thoroughly relied on. Dr Wisely has, I think, already indicated his willingness to assist in the cost of publication. With kind regards, Yours very sincerely, (Signed) G.A. Sim'
Reproduced from/MS 13(1979) 111-112
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 112-113
28 Letter Rev Dr Kilgour to Rev GA. Sim, October 27, 1914
29 Letter Rev GA. Sim to Rev Dr R. Kilgour, November 5, 1914 D ear Dr Kilgour,
The Rev G.A. Sim Malta Dear Mr Sim, Mr Gooch, the Secretary of the Wor1d's Evangelical Alliance, writes to me saying that he has received from his agent in North Africa, the Rev John Falzon, the following comment upon the version of St. Mark: 'I was very glad to receive from Mr Riley the Maltese Gospels, but I am sorry to say that Mark's is very badly translated, and many times it is not faithful to the text. Yesterday before preaching, I read the last chapter of St. Mark, but I am obliged to correct about thirty mistakes. It will be sufficient to tell you that James in the first verse is called Jerome. I am sorry for that because I am told that the priests in Malta are translating into Maltese the New Testament so that they can accuse us of infidelity. I think it my duty to inform you about this matter.' In acknowledging Mr Gooch's communication I pointed out to him that there has evidently been some mistake somewhere as Mark 16,1 in the edition recently published by us contains no such name for James (Sic). I shall be glad if you will give me further hints for reply. With kind regards, Yours sincerely, (Signed) Kilgour Edit. Supt. *
In answer to your letter of the 27th October, I have consulted Prof Zammit and Miss J enkin re the translation of 'James' in the Maltese St. Mark. The former states that 'Gomu', the word used in our translation, is used for James in popular Maltese parlance, but that it is also used for 'Gerolamo' and that 'Jacbu' would have been the more formal and cor rect word to have used. Re regrets that this escaped his attention when revising the translation. In Vassalli's version, it is 'Jakbu', and Miss Jenkin, who translated Vassalli's version of St. Mark into modern Maltese orthography is responsible for writing 'Gomu'. She thought this was right, as 'Gomu' is used for 'James' in popular speech. I am at a loss to understand how Sig. Falzon can have found as many as twenty errors in one chapter, and especiaHy astonished at the announcement that the text has not been faithfully · tdhered to. Vassalli's version is, I know, most faithful to the Textus Receptus, and all we did was to put Vassalli's version into modern equivalent. I think Sig. F. is hyper-critical. I am writing to ask him for a list of the errors complained of, and shaH, if they are of any real importance, communicate with you. But Mr Bevir - a good English Gentleman - a scholar in Maltese and Arabic general1y - a friend of Dr Wisely's to whom Dr W. send a copy of our St. Mark - thinks it very good. With kind regards, Yours sincerely, (Signed) G.A. Sim P.S. I should be thankful for a grant of 200 German N.T. for · prisoners of war here.
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 113
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 114
30 Letter Mr H.M. Gooch to Rev Dr R. Ki/gour, April 21, 1915
Dear Dr Kilgour,
Dear Dr Kilgour,
Some time ago we were in correspondence concerning your new translation of St. Mark's Gospel in Maltese. I reported to you what one of Agents (sic) , Mr Falzon, had said concerning parts of the transla tion. Mr Falzon has just been to Malta and on his return to Tunis has written to me a full report. In his letter he states as follows: 'To the Rev Sim I brought the corrections of the Gospel of St. Mark but he has not approved them all. I think that as a Maltese I am more competent than him to judge the matter, but we could not persuade him, although Mr Maggi and our friends have been unanimous in disproving that translation. At any rate, I will not distribute that edition among the Maltese because it is full of mistakes.'
I merely send ) ou Mr Falzon's comments, which as he is a Maltese, ought to be correct No doubt you will be glad to have the criticism and will deal with it? I edclose the current issue of Evangelical Christendom in which you will find I have referred to the Bible Society and to the Maltese translation (Page 47) . With kind regards, l am, Yours very truly, (Signed) H.M. Gooch (General Secretary/World Evangelical Alliance) P.S. Was this translation aff�cted by a Maltese?
31 Letter Rev G.A. Sim to Rev Dr R. Ki1gour, May 10, 1915
"
We are very busy here, and I am exceedingly pressed for time, but I must first thank you for the interesting pamphlet (historical) in Maltese which you kindly sent me, and, second, say a few words about the St. Mark's Gospel. 1. The text used in the edition of St. Mark lately published by B.&F.B.S. is that of M.A. Vassalli, himself a Maltese, a distinguished scholar, a Protestant himself. He lived here in the earlier half of last century. He translated the whole of NT into Maltese, and it was published with the imprimatur of the (London) S ociety for Propagating Christian Knowledge, in 1847. Whatever later revision follows, or may follow in future, Vassalli's revision is to all successive versions what Tydale's version is to our A.V. and R.V. of today - a splendid piece of work and the inevitable basis of all later recensions. 2. But Vassalli used some words which appear to have dropped out of use now. In order, therefore, that there might not be unintelligible ar chaisms in the text now published by your Society, Vassalli's St. Mark has been carefully gone over, word for word, (a) by Miss Jenkin, a member of my church, born and brought up in Malta, and speaking Maltese perfectly, (b) by Prof T. Zammit, M.D., C.M.G., the most eminent scholar in Malta today and in sympathy with our desire to produce a fully intelligible and accurate text of St. Mark, (c) by Miss Jenkin and myself anew, verse by verse, incorporating Prof Zammit's corrections as regards arcJtaisms in Vassalli's version. 3. As Vassalli's spelling of Maltese was antiquated, we revised the spelling according to the modern standard in use here today. 4. Further consultation between Prof Z., Miss J., and myself has revealed some things which may be improved in the edition of St. Mark now published. These will be finished to you later.
Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 115
5. But on going over some chapters of it with Mr Falzon, I was quite
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unable to accept the host of needless changes and emendations which he proposed in them. Many of them were not accurate to the original and some were not improvements. I found that the only texts he had been using were Diodati's Halian version, Lazzi's ditto, and the Vul gate. As far as I can gather, Mr F. does not know Greek at all, or very little. I found that Mr F. substituted 'izda' i.e. 'but' where the original has the simple continuous de. Now 'izda' cx.A.'A.d. I found him inserting 'imbaghad', Le. 'afterwards', where there is not the word warranting that in the original Greek. Other suggestions of his were, I am assured by Miss J. and Prof Z., quite superf1uous. I was not impressed by his powers of judgement. I have no bias in the matter and honestly am willing to accept any competent criticism, but feel compelled to rely upon knowledge, like that of Prof Z. and Miss J. and their painstaking exertions in the work. H does not follow that, because Mr F. is a Mal tese, his knowledge is to be preferred to Prof Z.'s and to Miss J.'s, who speaks Maltese as well as any native. =
pocument 3 1
23 1
soroe ch anges which should be made before issuing the second edition. They are chief1y in the way of further substitution of modern words for obsolescent archaisros. I have had a letter from Mr Gooch on the subject in which he says 'it seems to me that the greatest care should be exercised, so that only those undertake the translation who are spiritually enlightened and qualified for their onerous task.'
•
To say that the edition now published is 'full of mistakes', is really too bad. Vassalli, the original Maltese translator, knew his own native language quite well, as well as Mr Falzon, and it is practically Vassalli's text, with a few modern words substituted for obsolete ones, that you have published. From the linguistic point of view, Prof Z. is enthusiastic over Vassalli and says that qua Maltese, his version is 'beautiful reading'.
Well, Dr Wisely has told me that Vassalli was not onl� a very rned Maltese scholar, but an evangelical devout convert (m ot�er lea words a true Christian man), who, with his family, suffered perseeutlOn for his faith. With this information, and what I have given regarding the loeal revisers and helpers in the new issue of St. Mark, I leave you to judge. I have no time to write a separate letter to Mr Gooch. Malta is full of hospitals and wounded in them. Could you kindly send Mr Gooch this letter or a eopy of it, to relieve his mind? With kind regards, Always yours very sincerely, (Signed) G.A. Sim·
The local R.C. Church here has licensed a version of the Four Gospels and Aets in Maltese with (R.C.) notes. Only the first half of St. Matthew has been issued as yet, but I note that it also is largely based on Vassalli's version. Referenee is made in the notes to the free seatter ing of 'Protestant' Gospels here, and thus is intended as a eounterac tion! But one is glad that they feel compelled to issue such a thing at all in the local vernacular. I am sorry you have had so mueh criticism of the St. Mark. I do not say it is perfect, but I am quite eonvineed I took the best possible means in using Vassalli as our basis and am satisfied with Miss J. and Prof Z.'s ability as revisers. As you rightly say, my own part was that of general supervision and going through the whole, verse by verse for the final revision. At the same time, when the present imprint is exhausted there are
Reproduced from JMS 13(1979) 118-120
33
32 Extract from Letter Mr J. Falzon to Mr H.M. Gooch, June 1915
'As regards the translation of Mark's Gospel, I cannot understand why you do not agree with my criticism. The fact that I am Maltese, that the Maltese language is my language and the only language that I speak perfectly from childhood, as Englishmen speak English, I think it is the best reason I may present to you to make you agree with my criticism. Moreover, I have also the honour to say that from my youth I have cultivated the Maltese literature, being for a long time collaborator of several Maltese newspapers, being also committed to me the leading article. Now, let you, please also know that when I was in Malta Mr Maggi and some of our friends talked with me about the numerous mistakes contained in the translation of Mark's Gospel; that Mr Maggi had also presented to Mr Sim the same remarks, which has been presented by me to you, without knowing nothing what I have written to you. In one word, while I was presenting to you my remarks, Mr Maggi was also presenting to Rev Sim the same remarks; while I was criticising the translation of the Gospel of St. Mark from Tunis, Mr Maggi was doing the same criticism from Malta, without knowing nothing about the criticism of each other. Rev Sim blamed Mr Maggi (as I have been informed by the same Mr Maggi when in Malta) saying to him that Mark's translation is well done, and that there is no place for remarks. Well, now I enclose within the same the first Chapter of Mark's Gospel*, containing my remarks, which you find also explained in a
separate paper. I do it j ust to give you an essay of my criticism.' *not forwarded to you or I presume you have seen it :
'
J. Falzon's remarks upon the First Chapter of the Gospel of St. Mark, June 26, 1915
v.2 The word 'Behold' is translated by the word 'Ara' which is indeed a Maltese word, but never used in the sense ofBehold. It means See but only when the attention of some person is called to look at some object which is present. It is possible, perhaps, that in the old old times the word Ara was used to mean Behold. But now the Maltese language has been in great part so corrupted, that if any body tries to speak it as it was spoken by our fathers, he cannot be understood. To-day many Italianisms, and also English words, took place instead of the pure Maltese words. I think that we spread H.S. to be read and understood. Therefore, I am of opinion that we must use in translating H.S. those words which are com monly spoken and understood. The word 'Behold' I have translated by the word Eccu, which is an italianism; but it is the only word which we Maltese of the present age use to mean the word Behold. I remember when one of my brothers asked me: What is the meaning of the wordAra? I note also that the same word is used in the translations of St. Matthew's and St. John's. v.3 'The voice of one crying in the wilderness' - It is translated: Voicefrom one 'Prepare the way of the Lord.' Translated - Prepare way the Lord. v.4 Badly constructed. I have numbered the words into their right place. The word 'preach' is translated by the word ixandar which means topublish. To-day we use the italianismjzpprietca.
••
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 115-116
v.6 'Wild honey' - Translated by the disused and now incomprehensible word tax-xghari. To-day we use the italianism salvagg.
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v.7 see v.4.
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v.3D The word hmiet may only be understood by some Maltese countrymen. Generally we use the circumlocution, same as it is in English.
v.9 Bad construction. v.U Idem. v.12 'Wilderness.' Very few understand the wordfix-xgħara. All understand the italianismjid-desert. v.13 'And he was there in the' wilderness forty days' - Translated - And there was in the wilderness forty days. Forty days is used as the subject of the proposition. v.14 'Now after that John was put in prison.' Translated - After that John was taken. Note also bad construction. v.IS Badly constructed. v.17 Idem. v.19 Idem. Moreover, James is called Jerome, which mistake occurs several times. v.2I 'And they went into Capernaum; and straightway on the Sabbath day he entered into the synagogue, and taught - Translated - And they entered into Capernaum; and when entered into the synagogue on the Sabbath day, taught.
v.3I 'And immediately the fever left her.' - Translated - When this fever left her. 'And she ministered unto the' - Translated - And was ministering unto them. (It seems the same thing but for Maltese ears it sounds very roughly.) v.32 'And them that were possessed with devils.' - Translated - And them with devils. (It sounds very bad in Maltese language.) v.34 'And cast out many devils' - Translated - And went out many devils. v.38 and 39. See v.4 and 34. v.4I 'And Jesus, moved with compassion, put forth his hand, and touched him, and saith unto him, I will: be thou clean' - Translated - And Jesus, moved with compassion, and put forth his hand, and when he touched him saith, I will ... 'Be thou clean'. It is badly translated by the word indaf, which is the 3rd sing. pers. of the past tense. Here, instead, we have the Imperative Mood. Therefore we say: Cun nadif, and not indaf. Such grammar's mis takes occur very often in the other chapters. v.42Kal andtchellem are synonymous; but we cannot use them indifferent1y. In this case the word tchellem not only is preferred, but obliged. v.43 'And he straight1y charged him; and forthwith sent him away.' - Translated - And when he charged him The rest of the verse is badly constructed. ...
v.24 'What have we to do with thee?' It is literally translated: but the Maltese phrase sounds according to my correction.
(Signed) John Falzon·
v.27 'And they were all amazed.' The pronoun they is afftxed with the adjective all. That is a grammar's mistalce. Note also bad construction in the same verse. v.29 See v.19.
Reproduced from /MS 13(1979) 116-118
J)oCument 34
34 Letter Mr J. Falzon to Dr Martin Gooch (WEA)
19th February 1926
Mhabba or or lill - Gholi or Oghli - Xoghl or Xghol or Xoghol or also Imhabba lena or Jena and so on ... To overcome abba 'mh such inconvenience, a Maltese Society has been lately formed, which intends to give general rules for rendering unanimous the Maltese or thography; and this is the main reason why I have delayed so long to perform the translation of the Psalms. I was expecting to have in hand the Rules of the New Orthography. I am told that now is ready; but now my translation is ready too.
Dear Mr Gooch,
With kind and sincere regards,
I am enclosing hereby the last part of the Psalms, i.e. from Ps 101 to Ps 150.
Yours in Christ, (Signed) John Falzon"
I should like, however, to inform the Editor of the British and Foreign Bible Society, that in translating the Psalms into Maltese I have followed the Italian versi on, as leading text; but consulting in the mean time the English and Latin version, especially when the Italian passages were difficult to be rendered in the Maltese language. Moreover, I should like to emphasize upon the fact that in my translation I have chosen those words and expressions which, nowadays are clearly understood by the Maltese people; scrupulously avoiding words, which, although used by Maltese writers they are however so unintelligible to the Maltese people, that they need a note of explica tion if used. On that, I was constrained to use some italianisms, instead of the proper but not intelligible, Maltese words. As, for instance, I preferred the word a/tar, which is understood by all, and which is ex clusively used by all in the spoken language, instead of the proper Mal tese word manbar, which is known by a very small number of cultured people. The Editor should perhaps find some difficulty in giving to the press words signed by an apostrophe, as for instance: imghawg'a. If such be the case, never mind, he can omit such apostrophes, but if there is no difficulty at all, it would be better to use them, because they render easier the reading. The Editor must also be informed that as regards orthography, there is a great liberty in the Maltese language; and so great liberty that sometimes the same word is written in two or three different manners, not only by different authors, but by the same self author of same work. For instance, we write ad libitum - Dac or Dach - Ghal or Ghall - lil
237
Reproduced fromJMS 15(1983) 11-12.
35 Letter Mr J. Falzon to Rev Dr R. Kilgour (BFBS)
36 Letter Mr Percy W. Howard to Dr R. Kilgour (BFBS), 27th January, 1927
4th October 1926 My dear Sir, Dear Sir, I am glad to inform you that I have returned to you by this mail the marked proofs of the Psalms in Maltese diligently corrected, and the manuscript copy as well. For full understanding of my corrections, I beg you to note the meaning of the following signs. By this sign By this By this By this
-
---I
I mean that letter is superfluous, take it off, or leave it away.
S turn up that letter.
I divide in two words. '-' Join together.
The other signs are intended to change or to insert some letter. Where is marked with blue pencil (I) there must begin the verb. At any rate the mistakes are very few, and I congratulate myself with you for such property (sic). Corrections have been revised by me for a second time. With my best regards. Yours most faithfully, (Signed) John Falzon"
Earnest wishes because of the Lord J esus. You may know my name thr ough the magazines graciously enabled, and through the use of many of your translations - am grateful to God we can obtain these - as your Sales Dept will be able to record interestingly. I do not know how many nationalities have been privileged to meet in this service. Praise God for His Gospel - the power of God unto salvation! I am much interested for His sake in Maltese. As you may recollect the New Testa ment is long out of print, and you still have the Gospels and Acts, though, being issued at 6d, I take it only a few were printed, and I expect very few have been sold in Island and in North Africa. Possibly, God willing, I shall be helping to issue a book of Scripture in Maltese. I had thought of the Epistle to the Romans, but before doing so, I thought I would enquire re Gospel of John. If and only a few were printed and only a few are in stock and you have not the plates for the wide circulation, I might think it to be the Lord's will to send forth the Gospel of John. Could you therefore inform me as to these points, (a) (b) (c) above to help prayerful thought - that I may not cover ground that will be covered by any cheap reprint you may make. I think the spelling might be modified - by print I have received from Malta. Above all, I do want the Lord's grace in this matter, and long to be prayerful, that I may know his will. Per mit me to enclose some of the publications God has graciously enabled Yours sincerely in Christ all by grace
Reproduced from JMS 15(1983) 12-13.
I should be interested to know if you could tell me whether God has granted some thousands o.f Gospels have sold in Malta and Gozo and in
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Africa or if the hard ground seems specially hard and only a few. Any particulars, my dear Sir, that will help prayer - much valued at your convenience. P.W.H. '
37 Letter Mr Percy W. Howard to Dr R. Kilgour (BFBS), 14th February, 1929
Dear Friend(s), All good wishes because of the Lord Jesus Christ. I think I am ssing this letter rightly to the Editorial Superintendent, but ven ddre a ture to include, by the plural above, other fellow labourers in the trans lation supervising. As your Sales Dept knows we are by grace, interested in those of all nations for His name's sake, and particularly Malta has been laid on our heart. Hence I was thankful to be privileged to see "God Hath Spoken" in Maltese through the press for "The Scripture Gift Mission " . And now a thought is still before me - a thought of long ago and I am waiting God's guidance. I know the excommunication sen tence against any possessing Alla Tch 'ellem, but it may be God will enable me to get many copies of the Gospel of John (so definitely emphasized as a Gospel booklet of testimony in 20-31) into the hands of these in the Island. I am aware dear friends, of your feeling that societies should not be multiplied in ton many different ways. But I think it may be God's will to issue this portion of Scripture without any Bible society or society's imprint. I want it, too, to be in the spelling that will be best understood and this would involve some alterations from your edition, apart from anything else. The chief thought on my heart is this, dear friends, if the Lord enables us to do this as a free edition - I do not feel it God's purpose for us to sell at all - as a little missionary labourer for Malta (1) may our translator take your editions the basis of his revision; and (2) can you give me an introduction to any Maltese scholar in London to whom any final points might be referred? -
Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 7-8.
I am quite aware that translators always compare with existing translations and that this is anticipated, but I do want to feel that I am doing everything in a way that glorifies God, and that does not ignore
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the loving labours of others.
I think you only printed a few of the Gospels of John, and that (as informed in a letter of a long while ago) only very few were circulated in the Island itself. Hence 1 do trust if God grants this missionary effort it will be evidently not building on another foundation but reaching some who have dire spiritual need, with the precious words of His unchanging Gospel. How precious is the Lord J esus Christ and how precious the Gospel of Christ His poured out blood. Yours in His service all by grace " (Signed)Percy H. Howard
38 Letter Mr Percy W. Howard to Dr R. Kilgour (BFBS), 16th February, 1929
Dear friend, Greetings because of Christ. 1 would thank you for your kind letter, the more so as your experience of translation work is valued. At present 1 am just .seeking to find the will of God for me. Per son al responsibility and limited time give certain problems, but God is faithful.
1 would (prior to any conversation, which the Lord may grant later) give one or two particulars in answer to your questions: 1. The translator, or reviser, would be the one who prepared Alla Tchel lem (copy enclosed). The problems in Malta are so great, as you know, that since he is there, even the Scripture Gift Mission do not know his name, but 1 may add he was introduced to me by one in considerable way of business in the Island, Gournalistic), to teach me some Maltese, and is himself a writer, with every opportunity to be in touch with the spelling of today, and suitable idioms to be understood by the common people. Alla Tchellem was also revised by one recommended by the late Mr Riley in N. Africa. (I think Alla Tchellem wiIl explain the orthog raphy fairly fuIly.) I felt (and should feel) personal responsibility before God as to translation not misinterpreting the words of the Holy Spirit as far as I could prayerfuIly see to this, with my very limited knowledge. Hence, 1 suppHed literal translations from the Greek and the translator compared with ItaHan and the old 1847 translation of the New Testa ment a similar course would be taken, if the Lord wiIls in the future. Then in the proofs, 1 enquired as to anything which seemed to me
•
Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 8-9.
or the verse. But this is not an easy work. If God graciously guides as to the step 1 had thought not to prepare it complete Hteral translation of John's Gospel, but rather to look through your edition, and rather pro vide Hteral translation as to verses which 1 felt were difficult in the original or "strange " (as far as I could see, without presumption) in the rendering; and the English and ItaHan versions would be before the translator. Hence 1 wanted you loving permission rather to make your
Document 38
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translation the basis than to start all over again, or to use the 1847 translation.
39 Rev Dr Kilgour to Mr P. W. Howard
2. I think if the Lord enables, it may be His wiIl to put simply on the front page "presented for free circulation to the glory of God by Percy W. Howard .... from whom further copies can be obtained " , and no "society" or words to this effect. 3. Our arrangements as to personal printing of our publications in various languages - will, I think, enable us to issue more cheaply than others could, and bring a fairly large edition within reach. But there will be a necessary looking upward that may ......................... can help as you lovingly suggest, for example, (a) by approval of my suggestion as to the 1872 edition as a basis, and (b) by introducing me to one or two who know Maltese for kind criticism, and final help on the proofs, it will be a great encouragement, and may the Lord have all the glory in poor Malta, and North Africa, and wherever Maltese are. I trust I have made clear and thanking you for your kind letter and enquiries, and trusting that my suggestions will (if in the Lord) meet both His approval and your loving consideration. Yours sincerely in the Lord J esus Christ,
(Signed) Percy W. Howard I would like to postpone suggesting an interview - in accord with your letter for a few days - but your reply wiIl perhaps help me to see more clearly how God will enable me. I want to be .......... as to each step :
27th March 1929. P.W. Howard, 61 Upton Lane, Forest Gate, London E7
Dear Mr Howard, In continuation of my letter of acknowledgement of the 21st February, I laid your letters before the Editorial Sub-Committee at its last meeting. We are glad to know of your interest in Bible circulation and the success which has attended your labours. Our experience in regard to Maltese Scripture, has been one of continued difficulties with regard to circulation. The information before us seems to suggest that the reason for this is not the quality of the versions, but simply the difficulty of the situation, including the fact that Maltese is not the only language on the Island. We do not think that anything would be gained by the course you suggest of an anonymous Maltese making a1terations in the text published by us. These individualistic translations' have un wittingly raised many obstacles in the past. With best regards, I am, Yours Sincerely, (Signed) K · Edit. Dept.
Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 9-10.
Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 11.
l)oCument 40
40 Letter Mr W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith
12th September 1934. Rev E.W. Smith, Bible House. Dear Mr Smith, This morning I had a long talk with Mr J .S. St. Clair of Malta . He is staying at the Leinster Court Hotel, Leinster gardens, Hyde Park, W.2. and will be there until October 4th.
prepared to publish the complete New Testament. This, of course, is for you to decide. Mr St. Clair would like to know your decision, if possible, before he returns to Malta. It is obvious that the circulation of such a book would not be large, but something might be done among the Maltese in U.S.A. and N. Africa, as well as Malta itself. Trusting that you are having a good holiday. Believe me, Yours sincerely, (Sq) W.H. Rainey·
You will be pleased to hear that M. Maurin, the ex-priest, has now finished the translation of St. Luke's Gospel into modern Maltese writ ten in the revised orthography. Mr St. Clair gave me the first 17th chapters, the remainder is being typed out and will be forwarded later. You will remember that we mentioned, unofficially, Five Guineas as being a suitable honorarium for this work. I mentioned this to Mr St. Clair and he thought the sum quite adequate. As he and a few friends - Colonel Beattye and Dr Langley principally, are supporting M . Maurin, he asks that this sum, if voted by your Committee, should be handed to him to use for M. Maurin's benefit. There is still the question of checking this translation. I am not able to suggest a solution of the problem. Perhaps you have got into touch with a suitable person? Not only has M. Maurin concIuded the Gospel of St. Luke, he has almost finished the remainder of the New Testament. He is now actual ly translating Revelations. Mr St. Clair has offered Romans and Galatians to the S.G.M., and they are willing to publish them if we do not want them. We have the refusal of the complete NT - Matthew, Mark, John and Acts, yet to be revised and the orthography moder nised. I told Mr St. Clair that I did not think we should care to publish R omans and Galatians by themselves, but we might possibly be
247
Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 12.
41 Letter Mr W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS)
26th September 1934. The Rev E.W. Smith, Bible House. Dear Mr Smith, You will have received my letter of the 12th inst. dealing with the Maltese St. Luke. I now have the pleasure of enclosing you under registered cover the text for the whole of this Gospel. In a letter received from Mr St. Clair, he asks that the printers' proofs be sent to him at Malta, under registered cover, in an envelope bearing no distinctive sign. His full name and address are as follows Mr J.S : St. Clair, King George V. Merchant Seamans' Hospital, Malta. He returns on Saturday to Malta. In a letter sent to him this eve ning, I have asked him to try and see you before leaving. It would be a good thing for you both to talk the problem over together. You will note that I said about him offering us the remainder of the translation made by Mr Maurin, in my last letter.
42 Letter Mr W.H. Rainey to Rev E. W. Smith
8.11.1934 Rev W. Smith British & Foreign Bible Society 146 Queen Victoria Str. London. EC4 Dear Mr Smith, Many thanks for your letter of the 24th inst. in which you very kindly enclose a cheque for 1:5 for M. Maurin. I am giving this to him at fl- per week. Will you please thank your Committee for their kind gift. He has now translated the whole N.T., & also Isaiah, Job. I would very much like the Maltese to have the whole N.T. in their own lan guage. England has possessed these Islands for 160 years & all we have given them of the Scriptures is six books! This is truly a reproach on the Church of God. And the error of it all is that many people who were naked savages a year or so ago and some still are yet they have the N.T. in their own tongue and praise God for it! But surely Malta should not be forgotten. The Maltese should have a strong claim upon us. The fact that they are Rcs. does not lessen their claim to be given God's . Word in its simplicity. When I was at home the S.G.M:
I leave for the Canaries on Saturday but hope to be back by the end of October. With kindest regards, Sincerely yours,
(Sq) W.H. Rainey· Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 13.
Reproduced fromJMS 19/20(1989-1990) 13.
pocU!l1ent 43
43 Information Memorandum on Mr Michael DeGabriele
17 Shooters Mill Road , Blackhe ath, S .E .3 . 24th November 1934 Information as' to Michael DeGabriele, a Maltese, convert from Romanism to Protes tantism, who has left wife and child in Malta and came to seek work in England, because he cannot get occupation in Malta on account of his religious convictions. He brought a letter of introduction from our Chaplain in Malta ' Revd F. Wilfred Hilbourne, who commends him to us. Having considerable knowledge of Malta, through residence there I have taken interest in him and am myself convinced of his genuine� ness. His present address is 61 Upton Lane, Forest Gate, London, E.7 at the house of one of the "Brethren" who allows him lodging in return for which he is translating tracts from English into Maltese. He is grateful for this slight remuneration but in difficulty as they want him to con form to their religious beliefs. This he feels unable to do as they are extremists a�d he says "I do not feel inspired to be baptised as they extremely wIsh me to, not to conform myself to their rules which are like precepts ... I feel greatly agitated when I think about my wife and child's and my future. In these three months I have left Malta I have almost spent the money I possessed ...."
I:I e wishes to point out " (a) I possess the literary qualifications requlfed to translate either English or !talian into Maltese, or to revise any Maltese Scriptures already translated. (b) I am prepared to offer my services for two weeks as a test,
251
wit hout remuner ation. (c) I have translated for Mr Percy W. Howard English tracts with Biblical verses and I am translat.ing Biblical vers� s from �ngli�h .book lets for the said gentleman to be Issued by the Scnpture GIft MISSIon. (d) I am checking my translations with the original Greek through the aid of Mr P.W. Howard who apparently has a good knowledge of the old Greek and a good idea of Maltese. (e) In the event of the British & Foreign Bible Socie�y have not sufficient funds I will gladly accept any small alms the SocIety can af ford till I may find some job. I feel inspired then to devote my spare hours in such translations without any remuneration whatsoever. " I have assured Mr DeGabriele that there is no hope of his doing translation work in Maltese for the Bible S ociety and asked him whether he has done any platform work and he replied that for the last two months he has been visiting twice a week a number of Maltese in the open air at Cable Street and St. George's Street (near the Docks) London. E.T. He says he found much response from them & that several times they were dispersed by the police because they were blockading the public pavement. He tried to secure a room from a R evd HiH who was not able to give him one, but he thinks this is really because "He thought I am associated with the Brethren who are really very extremist" . Mr DeGabriele says "I am told that here are many other Maltese at the West End. I desire to meet them but as I am unaided I think it wise not to meet them for the present" . I cannot help feeling that this man might make a very useful colpor teur in Italy. Mr DeGabriele says he would be extremely grateful if he could have some copies of the Gospel in Maltese for distribution. W ould it be possible for him to have some for sale to the Maltese seamen? (Sq) W.T. Sharpley Superintendent Minister Blackheath Circuit. Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 14-15.
44 Letter Rev E. W. Smith to Mr I.S. St. Clair
45 Letter Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS) to Michael DeGabriele
18th January, 35. 12th December, 1934. J.S. St. Clair, Esq., King George V. Merchant Seamen's Rospital, Malta.
Michael DeGabriele, Esq., c/o P.W. Roward, Esq., 61, Upton Lanc, Forest Gate, E.T. Dear Mr DeGabriele,
Dear Mr St. Clair,
I have delayed replying to your letter because I wished to have some definite information to give you. I am now happy to say that we have found a person who appears to be capable of judging Mr Maurin's manuscript of St. Luke. Re is a Mr Michael DeGabriele, a Maltese, who left Malta because he could not get occupation on account of his religious convictions. Re has been doing certain literary work here in England. I saw him yesterday and he made a favourable impression upon me. Re has undertaken to go through the manuscript and wiIl let us know his opinion. I am interested to know that Mr Maurin has trans lated the whole of the New Testament. It is impossible for me to give you any guarantee that our Society will publish this New Testament. We must first know how far his work is satisfactory. We should be able to judge this perhaps after receiving Mr DeGabriele's report.
I am grateful for your letter and your preliminary report on the Gospel of St. Luke in Maltese. You have evidently put in a great deal of work and we cannot allow you to do all this for nothing. When you have completed it, I hope you wiIl have no objection to receiving a cheque from us. Wi1l you please continue your criticisms and let me have them in due course. I am most grateful for the care which you are taking in this matter. With best wishes,
I am sending you herewith a copy of our price list as requested. Yours sincerely, Edit. Supt: Enclo.
Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 15.
Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 16.
Yours sincerely, . . Edlt. Supt.
J)oCument 46
46 Letter Mr Michael DeGabriele to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS)
c/o Mr Percy W. Howard . 61 Upton Lane, Forest Gate London ET. 28th J anuary 1935 The Revd Edwin W. Smith, . Superintendent of the J&E Dept. London. Dear Rev Father, Many thanks for your encouraging letter dated 18th Instant. Herewith enclosed, please find: Document A consisting of 3 pages, typed, of the manuscript under my care. " " " 9 handwritten pages as a correction B " " " 2 pages of criticism on Doc A. x " " " Corrections in autography (sic). y I have just completed the checking of Chapter I of the manuscript in Maltese concerning the Gospel of Luke. As explained in my letter of the 16th instant, corrections practically in every verse could not be avoided; and as there occurs a good number of corrections, I preferred to write down the whole chapter modified as in doc: B. The difference between docs: A&B is:
I have not continued Doc X because some involves much of my tiroe, and above all because I am not sure whether your goodself are interested in this way of criticism, as it refers to a language in which perhaps you are not versed. As regards Doc Y corrections have been pointed out re page 1 only, because I consider this may also be useless. I feel confident that, if the manuscript (Doc A) be scrutinised by a competent person who has scriptural translation at heart, it would not be suggested to have soroe printed. The last remark is on Doc B, the one I have submitted. I under stand that, as this is my first opportunity in writing with the new autog raphy, there may be some autographic errors which I may be able to correct after acquiring at least another week's experience. I desire to have by now gone much further in the translation, but the time is not mine. I cannot spend more than an hour sometimes little roore a day in this task. If I had certain commodities and ease such as better food and a warm room, I would be able to spend more hours on it. I am praying Almighty God to provide for me a humble situation, that I may be free in mind and spirit, and have more ease to devote delightfully in scriptural translation. With the best of regards, Yours ever gratefu1ly, N.B. By the end of this week I hope I wi1l be able to forward to you some more · of the corrections.
Doc: A is considered as an ordinary translation wherein no great efforts have been shown to embellish same by laying it down in a bibli cal form. In doc B every word has been carefully pondered before being writ ten, so that the translation may transmit full meaning in the most pos sible literal form.
255
Reproduced from /MS 19/20(1989-1990) 16-17.
47 Letter Rev I.A. Thompson to Mr W.H. Rainey
48 Letter Mr I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS)
15th March, 1935 .
27th August, 1935.
My dear Rainey, I am back as you can see. There is a great deal to be done, however, and I have not been able to finish my report. I will do so as soon as the rush is over. There is one thing of great importance which I must let you know immediately. That is with regard to a proposed translation into Mal tese. While in Malta this caused me great anxiety because of report s that came to my ears regarding the man who is doing the translation. I had so many private conversations that it would appear that I ought to have a talk with you as some of the things were told me in confidence . In the meantime, however, I would strongly advise a postponement of any negotiations with Mr Maurin, the one who is doing the translation. You probably know something about this already. If you like I will send you such information as I have, though I would prefer to pass it on by word of mouth. I cannot come to London, however, until after April 4th. With best wishes, Yours sincerely,
(Signed) J.A. Thomson P.S. Will you let Mr Smith know about thisf
Reproduced from /MS 19120(1989-1990) 18.
Rev E.W. Smith, B. & F. Bible Society, 146, Queen Victoria Street, London E.C.4.
Dear Mr Smith, I feel very guilty in not having written you on the subject of your letter of 4th January last, which I duly received, but I have been much troubled and perplexed over the whole question of the Maltese transla tions during the past six months, that I have really not had anything definite to give my advice upon. As you are aware I do not know Maltese myself and cannot give you my own personal opinion on the matter. On receipt of your letter Mr DeGabriele' s criticisms were handed over to Mr Maurin for opinion, but I did not get very much out of him as he said, after spending much time over it, that DeGabriele had mere ly used different words to express more or less the same meaning. Personally, I was not struck with DeGabriele's mode of approach. His aim seemed to be to down Maurin to the advantage of himself. The las t par. of his letter to you dated 28th Jan. showed that his reason for translating the gospels was to find a j ob for himself, viz - "If I had certain commodities and ease, such as better food and a warm room, I would be able to spend more hours on it. I am praying Almighty God to provide for me a humble situation that I may be free in mind and spirit, and have more ease to devote delightfully in scriptural translation. " That paragraph to my mind stamps the man and his intentions.
258
Document 48
The difference in the two translations showed that a third opinion was absolutely essential before going further in the matter; but I did not like to consult any Roman Catholic Maltese on the subject. However in April a converted Maltese came on a visit to Malta and I showed hint both translations. He had not time during his stay to go through the whole, but he examined the first chapter and condemned both transla tions; he said that both were full of grammatical mistakes and neither were taken from the Greek and therefore missed in many instances the really spiritual meaning. Maurin had made his translation principal1y from the Ita1ian, and I suppose DeGabriele made his from the English with the help of Maurin's Maltese. Of the two translations he preferred Maurin's.
259
Document 48
I do hope you keep well. Perhaps you are also enjoying a well ned re st. r ea With all good wishes and many apologies for the long delay. Yours sincerely
(Signed) S. St. Clair Mr DeGabriele's Enc10sures and returned herewith. Rev E.W. Smith:
I was therefore very little advanced except that I was beginning to rea1ise that all Maurin's work would have to be scrapped, and this was confirmed some time later when I showed them to an English lady who has made a study of Maltese and has just written the first Maltes e Grammar which the Government have bought and which they wil1 short1y publish for use in their schools. She has examined both transla tions and has condemned both as unworthy of publication. This was a great blow to me as I had taken much trouble over Maurin's work during the past 16 months. A few weeks after this I was cheered to hear of a translation made a few years ago by a Maltese priest (he died in 1932 or 1933), of the whole of the New Testament and the Minor Prophets, and after en quiries was able to procure a copy. It bears the imprimature of the Archbishop of Malta and Bishop of Gozo. I showed it to Miss Butcher - the English lady above referred to - and she said that on the whole it was very good. As it was written before the spelling was standardised she is going through St. Luke's Gospel and altering the spelling accord ingly. I hope to return to London about the 10th of September and shall be very glad to call upon you and show you this Gospe1. I feel with this copy you wi11 have as good a translation as it is possible to get, and moreover as already stated it bears the approval of both Roman Catho1ic Bishops. Surely the Lord has dealt bountifully with us. Praise His Name. Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 19-20.
49 Letter Mr I.S. St. Clair to Rev E. W. Smith (BFBS)
50 Letter Mr W.H. Rainey to Rev Edwin W. Smith (BFBS)
18th March 1937
Linster Court Hotel Linster Gardens W.2 29.10.35 Rev Edwin W. Smith B&F Bible Society Queen Victoria St. E.C.4
The Rev Edwin W. Smith, Bible House. Dear Mr Smith,
Dear Mr Smith, With reference to my call upon you on 16th Sept. when I left with you the Gospel of St. Luke and the Epist1e to the Romans in Maltese I understo� d you to say �hat you would write me explaining more ful1y the reqU1rements consldered necessary to safeguard your position should you permit these translations. Will you also give me a copy of the Legal documel, t you would want from the Maltese printer. You also said you could be l repared to pay him something for his ownership if ' any, of Maltese scriptures. Will you please let me know up to how much you would be prepared to pay him. Of course one would have to be very careful in dealing with a man of this kind, although I consider him to be a very decent honest fel1ow. As far as I gathered from him he has no further interest in these trans lations than to sel1 the remaining copies on his hands. As I told you the type is long broken up. I am sorry to say my return to Malta has been delayed because of the present foreign situation, but before going I want to know your mind exact1y in this matter is that I can do the best within the limits set.
Thank you for your letter of the 22nd February received on my return from the continent. I have not seen M. Auguste Eicher since I was at Cologny in August 1934 and do not know his address. I presume he has returned to his field in the Belgian Congo. However, he has a brother employed by the "Action Biblique " in Syria, thus it is probable that Mr Alexander could get the address for us. I have written to ask him. I was in Malta from the 23rd. February to the 4th. March. I called on E. Lombardi of 20 Strada S. Maria, MALTESE NT Sliema, who is apparent1y the owner of the text of the N.T. translated by Father Peter Paul Grima. About 48 copies of the book remain. The price is 13/2 unbound. There are also 12 copies of the Minor Prophets at 2/8d. There is a 25% discount to booksellers. I am not sure whether we have the Minor Prophets in the Library. If not it would be worth while to secure a copy.
With all good wishes. Yours sincerely, ' (Signed) S. St. Clair Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 21.
I pointed out to Lombardi that the book had a very small sale as the price was beyond the reach of people who rarely earned more than 5/- a day. I asked him whether he would be prepared to grant us the use of the text. We would then publish an edition that could be sold at 1/- and could be at the reach of everybody. He very uncompromisingly refused.
262
Document 50
I then asked whether he would be prepared to sell it to us at a figure to be agreed upon. He again replied very strongly in the negative. He said he was going to publish a new edition himself. The Professor is very disappointed at the poor PROF SAYDON. sale of the portions of the Scriptures published by him. Samuel and Kings had hardly any sale at all. When asked why he had not published the NT first, as this would have had a larger sale, he said that he was afraid the Protestants might use it for their own purposes. Prof Saydon is an old man and very conservative. This shows itself in the fact that he refuses to use the revised orthography in his version. I bought the 1st. & 2nd. Kings for the Library. We have now, I believe, all that has been published. The address of the publishers is The Empire Press, 266 Strada San Paolo, Valletta. This is the official R.C. press of the Island. I called there and found that most of the clerks in the office were priests.
I)oCument 50
plained that the sai10r had mistaken the Maltese for an Englishman. I a11l not disappointed at not having a complete Maltese NT as I cannot guarantee a circulation. More liberal days may come in Malta but the ti11le is not yet. Many Maltese hate the priests but they can do nothing against the Church backed by the British Authorities. The old nobility, and vested interest, are also against any change in the semi-feudal sys tem reigning in the Island. The best we can do at present is to en courage the use of these R.C. Gospels, without taking too much public ioterest in them, for this would be the surest way to kilI them. I wilI bring the Maltese Scriptures with me to the House next week. The cost is so small that I have paid for them out of my expenses; it was oot worthwhile making a special item in the Accounts. ' (Sq) W.H. Rainey
MALTESE GOSPELS. The same Press has just issued St. Mark's Gospel in Maltese revised orthography. The price is one penny. It is obvious from the "get up" of the book that it cost more than that so I went and had a chat with the priest in charge of the office to find out how it had been done. He told me that the Archbishop had contributed !40 from the Church funds to make the publication possible. He also said that the other Gospels would be published shortIy. I bought two copies for the Library and one for the Rome depot. I got Miss Butcher to through the translation. She says the Maltese is good but that proper names are not always spelt uniformly. The name of the translator is not mentioned but it is not the work of Prof Saydon. I asked her to obtain -the other Gospels as they were published and send them to us. MALTESE GRAMMAR. Miss Butcher's Maltese Grammar is just being published by the Oxford Press at 3/6d. The expense is being paid by the Malta Government. Sir Harry Luke told me he was very pleased with it. She says Maltese is allied to Syriac and therefore to Hebrew. Our Maltese Portions have a very small circulation. A few Evangeli cals buy them to give away secret1y but it is very dangerous. The follow ing incident illustrates the position. The Sunday I was there, a sai10r who was giving away invitations to a Gospel meeting, inadvertentIy gave one to a Maltese. He was immediately arrested and taken to the Police Station. He was not released unti1 a deputation had called and ex-
263
Reproduced from JMS 19/20(1989-1990) 22-23.
51 Letter Rev Daniele M. Callus to Mr Alfons M. Galea
S.D OMENICO Notabile (Malta) 21 Giugno 1931 .
52 List of Scriptures in Maltese and their Catholic Translators
I Libri delia Sacra Scrittura in Maltese. 1926-1932
CONVENTO DI
SAC. DR P.P. SAYDON:
Pentateuco, e Giosue - e altri libri dell'Antico Testamento in corso di stampa e in preparazione.
Caro Signor Commendatore,
Deo Gratias! La versione di Ezechiele e un lavoro difficilissimo e deve averle costato non lievi fatiche, ma, grazie a Dio, coronate da ottimo successo. Abbia pertanto, insieme colIe ultime puntate, i miei piu vivi rallegramenti per aver saputo superare tutte le difficolta - e condurre a termine un'opera tanto ardua. Veramente non so come ringraziarla, cara Signor Commendatore. El1a mi ricolma di gentilezze. Accetto ben volentieri e con animo gratis simo la dedica che con pensiro sl gentile mi fa delIa sua versione dei
SAC. D R P.P. GRIMA:
Giudici, Giuditta, Ester, Daniele, Lamentazioni, e tutto il Nuovo Tes tamento - oltre Esdra e Nehemia, Geremia e Baruc ed i Profeti Minori in corso di stampa.
M. GALEA: I quattro dei Re, Paralipomeni, Tobia, Giobbe, Salmi, Proverbi, Ec clesiaste, Sapienza, Ecc1esiastico, Cantico, Maccabei, Isaia, Ezechie1e. ALF.
Paralipomeni.
L'accetto non per qualche mio merito, che riconosco non averne alcuno, ma per fare cosa grata a V.S. Illma. e nelIo stesso tempo attes tarle in qualche modo anch'io la mia amicizia.
Ed oramai che i1 1avoro di traduzione delIa Bibbia in lingua patria e stato felicemente condotto a termine, a bene dei nostri fratelli, can tiamo dalI'intimo deI cuore un inno di riconoscenza a Dio, cui so10 sia onore e gloria:
Spero di partire per l'Inghilterra il 5 Luglio p.v. appena finiti gli esami. Auguro anche a Lei ottime vacanze estive, mentre prego Iddio di colmarla delle sue grazie e benedizioni. Con affetuosi ossequi Devmo. fr. DANIELE M. CALLUS, O.P: Reproduced from AJfons Maria Galea, KJieb Baruc (1932), Appendix.
Reproduced from AJfons Maria Galea, KJieb Baruc (1932), Appendix.
APPENDIX 1
P.P. Saydon: HISTORY OF THE* MALTESE BIBLE
* (Malta 1957)
BISTORY OF THE MALTESE BIBLE P.P.
Saydon
The Maltese translation of the Bible (1957) is the product of literary and religious factors and, to a certain extent, of private enterprise. For many long centuries, i.e. until the closing years of the eighteenth century, the Maltese language was never used for literary purposes, the languages of education being Latin and !talian. The ear lier Maltese writers found an enormous difficulty to reduce to some sort of Latin script a Semitic language which had many sounds that were absent in Romance languages. Moreover up to the beginning of the nineteenth century the education of the population was very poor. In the year 1836 there were only three Government Elementary schools: one in Valletta, the capital, another in Senglea and the third, very poor ly attended, in Gozo, the sister Island, in all of which the instruction was of a meagre and wretched character. 1 As there were very few who could write and read Maltese, the need of a Maltese translation of the Bible was not yet felt. But a great change was brought about towards the close of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth. Through the efforts of M.A. Vassalli, the first and the greatest Maltese scholar and author of a Maltese Grammar2 and Dictionary, 3 Maltese began gradual ly to assert its rights as a literary language. Vassalli himself"published a collection of Maltese proverbs and a translation of the story of Cyrus. 4 Moreover after the occupation of the Island by the English the Protes tant Missionary Society, who used the Bible as the most powerful means for the propagation of its doctrines, needed a Maltese translation of the Bible, or at least the New Testament, which they could disseminate among the people. !t was thus that the first Maltese translation of the Bible sprang up, and it was under the combined influence of the same 1.
P. Debono, A briefcompendium ofthe History ofMalta, (Malta 1903) 95.
2.
My/sen Phaenico-Punicum sive Grammatica Melitensis, (Rome 1791).
3.
Lexicon Melitense-Latino-Italum, (Rome 1796).
4.
For a complete biograpħy of M.A. Vassalli see A. Cremona, 1940).
Vassalli and his Times, (Malta
270
P.P. Saydon
literary and religious factors that later translations were produced.
History of the Maltese Bible
27 1
verso casa, Latin, iam autem eo descendente; 6,52 għas-saħħa tad-dinja per la salute dei mondo, Latin, pro mundi vita; 16,27 ħriġt mill-Mis sier - sono uscito dal Padre, Latin, a Deo exivi; 10,41 minn kemm għal Ġwanni - in quanto a Giovanni, Latin, quia Joannes. 7 But such agree _
The history of the Maltese translation of the Bible falls into three periods. The first period extends from the beginning of the nineteenth century or, more precisely, from the year 1822 to the year 1847. Its characteristics are: literary development of Maltese and Protestant Missionary work. Translations: The New Testament and the Psalms. The second period extends more or less from 1847 to 1917. Its charac teristics are: a greater development of Maltese and a weaker Protestant activity, and the first attempts to introduce the Bible into the teaching of the Maltese Catholics. Translations: No new transl�tions, but only CathoHc adaptations of portions of existing translations. The third period goes from about 1917 to modern times. It is characterized by a still greater literary development of the language and priva te enterprise. Translations: independent partial translations including the whole of the New Testament and most of the Old Testament, and a complete translation of the whole Bible from the original tongues.
First period: 1822-1847 The Gospel of St John. The earliest biblical translation in Maltese is that of the Gospel ;)f St John, Il Vangelo di Nostro Signore Gesu Cristo
secondo S. Giovanr i tradotto in lingua italiana e maltese secondo la Volgata, (R. Watts; Londra 1822). The translator's name is not given,
but on information furnished by C.F. Schlienz.s who was for a long time Director of the Malta Press of the Church Missionary Society, and George Percy Badger6 who spent his early years in Malta, we can beyond all doubt, ascribe the work to G. CANOLO, who has written other books in Maltese which, however, were never published. The translation, as it is said in the title, is made from the Latin Vulgate to which it adheres to rather slavishly. Thus 3,29 hena jithenna
- gaudio gaudet; 4,47 kien qiegħed jibda jmut - incipiebat enim mori; 5,38 u l-kelma tiegħu ma għandkomx tgħammar fikom - et verbum eius non habetis in vobis manens; 8,51 meut ma jarax għal dejjem - mortem non videbit in aeternum. Occasionally, however, the translation has been
made to conform to the !taHan translation printed side by side with it. These are some instances: meta kien qorob lejn id-dar - quando era gia 5.
Views on the improvement ofthe Maltese language and its usefor thepurpose ofeducation and literature, (Malta 1838) 13.
6.
Sullo stato della publica educazione in Malta, (Malta 1839) 13.
ments with the Italian translation are neither so numerous nor so weighty as to suggest an !talian origin for the Maltese translation.
The literary merit of this translation considered in its entirety hard ly rises above plain mediocrity. The translator's chief aim seems to have been that of reproducing the Latin text as faithfully and as plainly and simply as possible, without caring much for the fineries of style. Very often a slight change, such as transposition of words, substitution of a word for another, suppression of a superf1uous word, addition of a particle would have greatly added to the elegance of style without im pairing the accuracy of the translation. But in order not to underes timate the merit of the translation, it must, in all fairness, be recognized that the translator at times breaks the monotony of his style by giving the construction a genuinely Semitic turn, especially by the frequent use of the construct case. In this respect Canolo's translation some times excels that of his contemporary and better translator M.A. VAS SALLI. Thus 3 , 4 Kif jista ' jitwieled il-bniedem, u hu xiħ? N o t e particularly the use o f the conjunction u introducing a circumstantial clause. Vassalli gives the construction another form more . easily intel ligible, but less artistic and less vigorous: Kif qatt jista' jitwieled meta huwa xiħ? Compare also 1,4 dawl il-bnedmin, Vass. dawl tal-bnedmin; 1,23 triq il-Mulej, Vass. it-triq ta' Mulejna; 3,29 leħen il-għarus, Vass. il-leħen tal-għarus; 6,48 jiena hu ħobż il-ħajja which is far better than Vass. jiena jien il-ħobż tal-ħajja. This Semitic or, more precisely, Arabic colour of this version is rendered deeper by the use of certain words and forms which belong rather to Arabic than to Maltese. Thus the proposition bi used in the sense ofji; 1,4 bih - in ipso; 6,54 bikom - in vobis; 8,32 bi kliemi - in sermone meo; the verb ħad 'he took', which drops the final d in the perfect tense, third person, singular, masculine and in the imperfect tense, singular and in the imperative singular, m aintains the d throughout the whole conjugation; so ħad 'he took', jieħud 'he takes', 7.
One may add also 1,10 għalih -per lui, Latinperipsum. The prepositionper in Latin denotes the instrument or the agent, but in ItaJian it denotes both the agent and the person in whose favour an action is performed. The Maltese translator chose the latter sense and, accordingly, translated għalih instead of bih. Vassalli, who probably depends on Canolo, translates also għalih but the edition of 1847 had, correct1y, bih.
272
P.P. Saydon
hud 'take'. Likewise the verb mar 'he went', which in Maltese partake s
of the nature of two classes of verbs - deaf and hollow verbs, - fo l lows always the conj unction of deaf verbs and consequently the reduplication of r in all its forms; so marr 'he went', imurr 'he goes', mu" 'go'. The plural form benin 'sons' is Arabic, not Maltese. So is also the compound preposition minn baghad 'after', the Maltese equivalent being imbaghad which means 'then'. Note also the following Arabisms: 3 , 1 qabel 'he received' ; 10,33.36 kafar, kafra 'he b lasphemed, a blasphemy'; 19,12.15 hadu jghajjtu 'they cried'.
The Four Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles. Canolo's translation was followed, seven years later, by the Gospels and Acts translated from Latin: Quatuor Evangelia et Actus Apostolorum iuxta Vulgatam Romae A.D. MDXCII editam: necnon eorundem versio melitenses, (R. Watts; Londini 1829) . Like the preceding one it is anonymous, but it is com monly held to be the work of the great Maltese scholar M.A. VASSALLI. Besides the authority of Schlienz and Badger, who lived in Malta in Vassalli's time, we have a stronger documentary evidence in the cor respondence between the Malta Missionaries and the London Head quarters of the Missionary Society. From letters written between 1823 and 1828 it appears that M.A. Vassalli, author of the Maltese Lexicon and other literary works and the best translator in the Island, both for abi1ity and for fame, was, during this time, engaged in a Maltese trans lation of the Gospels and Acts which was printed in small pica type by Watts in London soon after June 1828. The odd characters, which Vas salli had introduced in the Maltese alphabet, necessitated a font of sixteen punches, which, throu�h the earnest solicitation of Rev W. J owett, were eventually secured. All these circumstances together with the fact that no other Maltese version of the Gospels and Acts is known, except those made by Catholics in much later times, point un mistakably to the anonymous translation pubHshed by R. Watts in Lon don in the year 1829 as the work achieved by the learned Vassalli under the direction of the Rev W. Jowett for the Church Missionary Society.
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quence of words. This constant aim at fidelity makes the translator sometimes adhere somewhat slavishly to the Latin text, thus sacrificing the exigencies of Maltese style and impairing the freshness and vigour of a genuinely Maltese construction. To quote some examples: Mt 12,11: Min ikun minnkom il-bniedem li jkollu naghġa, u jekk dina tiġi taqa' f'hofra nhar ta ' sibt, jaqaw ma jaqbadx fiha u jerfaghha? The awkwardness of this construction is easily removed by a very sHght change: Min sa jkun fostkom li jkollu naghġa u, jekk taqa ' f'hofra nhar ta' sibt, ma jaqbadhiex u jerfaghha? So also Mk 1,26: U r-ruh l-imniġġsa hija u thabbtu u tghajjat b'lehen ghali, harget minnu would be greatly improved if rendered thus: U hareġ minnu r-ruh l-imniġġes, ihabbtu u
jghajjat ghali. 9
This strict adherence to the Latin text did not prevent the trans lator from giving the translation a fluent, graceful and vigorous form of expression. The construction is generally skillfully built according to the strict rules of the Semitic style. Viewed from this literary standpoint Vassalli's translation has seldom, if ever, been surpassed, and even now, after more than a hundred years, it is read with profit and delight by all lovers of Maltese literature.
Vassalli's translation combines the two chief qualities of a good translation, namely fidelity and perspicuity of expression. The sense is always fully grasped and beautifully expressed in a clear, easy and elegant style. The Latin text is always firmly adhered to and faithfully reproduced with all its minute details and, mostly, with the same se-
Looking more closely. into the linguistic features of the translation we notice that tenses are always rendered according to a fixed scheme, that is: ghamel past tense, jaghmel present and future, kien jaghmel imperfect, kien ghamel pluperfect; thus Mt 2,9 audissent 'kienu semghu', viderant 'kienu raw', antecedebat 'kienet tisboq'; 2,13 apparuit 'deher'; etc. The present participle is translated in a variety of ways, thus Mt 2,3 audiens 'filli sema'; 2,8 mittens 'huwa u j ibghathom'; 2,14 consurgens 'hekkif qam'; 2,16 videns 'x'hin ra'; 2,21 consurgens 'malli qam'; 2,23 veniens 'imbagħad mar'; 8,18 videns 'billi ra'. Pronominal suffixes, in stead of the looser connection with the particle ta', are largely made use of. So also the construct case. The adjective takes the article when it qualifies a determinate noun. A plural subject often takes a singular verb in the feminine gender, so Mt 21,15 il-tfal kienet tghajjat; cfr also Mt 3,5; 4,16; 8,1; 20,31; etc. The subject very often follows the verb, but in many instances, where the Latin has better preserved the Semitic construction underlying the Latin Gospels, the translator could not es cape the influence of !taHan with which he is deeply imbued, and has, accordingly, conformed the construction to the requirements of an ut-
8.
9.
I am indebted for this information to the kindness of Mr A. Cremona and the late Rev C.L. Dessoulavyof London wħo purposelysearched the archives of the Church Missionary Society.
Vassalli seems to ignore the difference of gender and, consequently, of meaning of the word ruħ, which according to Arabic usage, is masculine wħen it means 'spirit' and feminine when it means 'soul'.
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terly different language; thus Mt 4,23 U Ġesu kien idur would have been better translated U kien idur Ġesu; so also the Latin et circuibat Jesus. Cfr also Mt 9,25.35; 10,21; 11,7; 12,1; etc. Mk 1,25; 5,13.24; 6,18; etc. Lk 1,6.13.21.34.41.47; etc. Jn 1,29.32.40.45.46; etc. Acts 1,20; 2,7.12 .26; 4,25.33; etc. Another characteristic feature of Vassalli's translation is the ex uberant richness of its vocabulary. Many old and obsolete words are constant1y met with in every page, stems of words are skillful1y developed into derivatives having different shades of meaning, words are even sometimes reduced to their original meaning; briefly, the translation reveals everywhere the rare competence and the high stand ard of scholarship of our first and best lexicographer. To pick a few e x a m p l e s o u t o f many: aġar ' al ms ' , darr ' h e d am a g e d ' , dirra 'abhorrence', fad 'he abounded', ħaj 'he was afraid', ħan 'he betrayed', ħewwa 'love', kies 'cup', itka 'he sat at table', mana 'he prohibited' , għarir 'a foreigner', qasgħa 'a dish', san 'he designed', xeħa 'he desired', żenbaq 'lily', mħawwfin 'frightened' from the verb ħaj 'he was afraid', ħawwef 'he frightened', baxxar 'he gave good news' from bxara 'good news', baqqa' 'he left' from baqa' 'he remained', ħammed 'he made calm' from ħemed 'he was calm', ġebel 'mountain' contrary to usage which gives it the meaning 'stone', ħaddiem 'a servant' but commonly 'a workman', borġ 'a tower' but in current use 'a heap (of stones)'. H has been deemed necessary to dwell at some length on these literary points inasmuch as they exhibit the characteristic traits of Vassalli's works which began to wane away soon after his death until they almost entirely disappeared in modern literature.
The New Testament. Vassalli's translation, although published by a Protestant society and in the interests of the Protestant Church, may, in s ome sense, be considered as a Catholic work inasmuch as it reproduces, as faithfully as possible, the same text which the Catholic Church reads in her teaching and in her liturgy. I pass over the reason which moved the Church Missionary Society to adopt such a translation which is only slight1y different from that which is read in the English Church. But anyhow these differences were removed in the translation of the whole New Testament which appeared a few years later under the tit1e Il-Għaqda il-Ġdida ta ' Sidna Ġesu Kristu, (Malta 1847) . In con nexion with this translation two questions call for discussion: ( 1 ) Is it a fresh translation or a revised edition of Vassalli's translation? (2) Who is the author of this translation or revision and, if it is a revision, who is the translator of the Epistles and the Apocalypse which are wanting in
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Vas salli's edition? A comparison between Vassalli's translation and the New Testa 10 m ent translation of 1847 in the parts common to both reveals at once a close similarity, very often a verbal identity between the two to such a degree that at first sight NT seems to be but a slight revision of V. The differences are of three kinds: (i) lexical changes: obsolete words are replaced by more current ones; thus Mt 2,2 V xruq - NT lvant; 2,6 V
mdebber - NT ħakem; 5,5 V jitgħażżew - NT ikunu mJarrġin; 5,24 V mhiha - NT għajta; 14,11 V qadaħ - NT dixx; 23,14 V luta - NT ħażin; 26,3 V qasgħa - NT żinġla; Mk 2,17 V mehmumin - NT morda; 6,13 V jidhnu - NT jidilku; 13,32 V jigħlem - NT jaf; Lk 7,14 V xebb - NT żagħżugħ; 9,21 V taħar - NT widdeb; 14,2 V mtarbag - NT minfuħ bI-ilma; 6,15 V huwa dirra - NT ma jinħamelx; 21,9 V titħaw wfux - NT titbezzgħux; Jn 4,12 V għanem - NT mrieħel; 8,56 V tħeġġeġ - NT qabeż bil-ferħ; 18,16 V bewwieba - NT mara tal-bieb; 19,39 V sabbar - NT alwe; Acts 4,15 V milqgħa - NT laqgħa; 8,33 V qada NT għamil il-ħaqq; 11,5 V sehwien - NT fdehwa; 15,5 V imdebbrin NT imwasslin; 21,34 V fin-naxar - ġewwa s-sur; 27,24 V ħiebek - NT tak; and many others. Sometimes however, NT has a more literary word for a more common one in V; thus V profieta - NT bassar, V artal NT midbaħ, V perglu (Ha.l . pergamo) - NT manbar, V tiġġustifika NT isseddaq. (ii) grammatical and stylistic changes, tenses being fre quent1y translated against the rules laid down by Vassalli and sentences constructed in a different way; thus Mt 13,26 V kienet kibret - NT kiber; 17,24 Vkien daħal - NT daħal; Mk 1,22 Vkienu jistagħġbu - NT stagħġbu; Lk 4,42 V kienu jżommuh - NT żammewh; 10,18 V kont nara - NT rajt; Jn 11,43 V kien qal - NT qal. The following grammatical forms and constructions are also worth noticing: Mt 24,48 T Il-qaddej il-ħażin - NT il-qaddej ħażin; Mk 6,9 V libstejn - NT żewġ ilbiesi; Lk
12,42 V it-temmiegħ il-ħorr u l-mogħqal - NT ir-raġel tad-dar sewwa u għaqel; Acts 15,29 V mill-laħam il-maħnuq - NT mill-ħwejjeġ maħnuqa. (iii) textual changes: there are in NT words and sentences that are absent in V. Thus Mt 5,44 NT adds bierku lil dawk li jisħtukom; Mt 6,13 NT adds għaliex tiegħek hi s-saltna u l-qawwa u s-sebħ għala dejjem; Mt 6,25 NT adds jew x'tixorbu; Mt 20,7 NT adds u tieħdu dak li jiġi minnu; Mt 25,13 NT adds li fiha bin il-bniedem jiġi; and many others.
This additional matter helps us to trace the origin of NT. In fact it is an exclusive characteristic of that form of the Greek text of the New 10.
For the sake of brevity these two translations will henceforth be designated by respectively.
V and NT
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Testament which alone held sway during the sixteenth and the seven teenth centuries. From this current text these additions found their way into the Protestant translations where they are still religiously main tained even after the critical editions of the nineteenth century had deprived their older rival of its undeserved supremacy. NT is therefore connected with. a Greek or with a Protestant source. But a close ex amination of the translation as well as the consideration of the cir cumstances under which it came out point to the English Bible as the immediate origin of the NT. Even in minor details NT agrees with the Revised Version; thus Mt 26,40 NT jiġi. . . isib . . . igħid 'he cometh... and findeth ... and saith' against V ġie. . . sab... qal; Mt 26,50 NT ħaduh 'they took him' , V żammewh; Mk 1034 NT isawwtuh u jobżqu għalih 'they-shalI scourge him and shall spit upon him', V jobżqu għalih u jsawwtuh; Lk 7,47 NT dnubietha li huma bosta 'her sins which are many', V bost� dnubiet. 11 The conc1usion, therefore, which imposes itself is that NT is a revised edition of V worked on literary and textual grounds so as to agree completely with the text read in the English Church. This con c1usion is borne out by the evidence furnished by the S.P.C.K. which in a report for the year 1845 has declared that the Gospels and the Acts in Maltese have been already revised for publication. 12 We can now proceed .further to trace the origin of the rest of NT, that is the Epist1es and the Apocalypse. It may be said at the outset that it follows very closely the Revised Version. But is it a fresh translation or rather a revision of some unEublished translation of Vassalli? Both C.F. Schlienz13 and G.P. Badger 4 are of the opinion that Vassalli trans lated also the rest of the New Testament, which, however , was never published. This is very doubtfu1. In the records of the Church Mission ary Society Vassalli is always spoken of as the translator of the Gospels and the Acts and down to the month of June 182815 not the least men tion occurs of his having translated any other part of the Bible. This si1ence is very significant. Indeed, had Vassalli translated also the Epist1es and the Apocalypse, it is hardly conceivable that this transla11.
One may a1so add the proper names which in NT follow invariab1y the Revised Version, whereas in V they agree with the Latin. Suffice it to mention the proper name Kafamahum which in NT is a1ways spe1t Kapamahum.
12.
On information fumished by Mr A. Cremona and the 1ate Rev C.L. Dessou1avy.
13.
VteWs, 40.
14.
Sulla stato, 132.
15.
That is on1y a few months before Vassalli's death which occurred on the 12th Januaty 1829.
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tion would have remained unpublished when the Protestant Societies were striving to their utmost to have the Scriptures translated into the Maltese tongue. Internal evidence can hardly be invoked in favour of either view. or F the translation, if it is not an original work, has been thoroughly revised as to obliterate the work of the original translator. It bears everywhere the same literary marks that have been noticed above in the Gospels and Acts, that is, an easy and fluent style, disagreement with Vassalli's way of rendering the tenses and a strict adherence to the Revised Version in all its peculiarities.16 On the other hand we notice her e and there a connecting link between the translation and the Latin Vulgate which seems to betray the hand of the translator of the Gospels; thus for ex. Rom 9,1 is-sewwa ngħid fi Kristu agrees with Latin 'veritatem dico in Christo' against English 'I say the truth in Christ'; 1 Cor 16,2 biex mhux meta niġi jsiru l-ġemgħat 'ut non cum venero tunc collectae fiant', while the English is 'that there be no gatherings when I come'. The translator could have written as well ngħid is-sewwa fi Kristu and biex ma jsirux il-ġemgħat meta niġi. This adherence to Latin would at least seem to suggest that the relation of our translation to the Revised Version is due to a revision of a translation made directly from Latin. And Vassalli is the only translator of the Bible from Latin. Summing up the results of this enquiry we may conclude: it is at least probable that Vassalli translated also the Epistles and the Apocalypse, but his translation was only published in a revised form in 1847. Arguments are drawn from the authority of C.F. Schlienz and G.P. Badger and from the Latin affinities of the translation. The con trary view is based on the lack of contemporary documentary evidence and on the literary characteristics of the translation. The former class of arguments seems to outweigh the latter. We have so far established that the Gospels and the Acts and probably, the Epist1es and the Apocalypse published in 1847 are not a� original translation but a revision of another translation. And so we pass to the second question: Who is the author of this revision? The answer will be given in the next paragraph.
16.
lt reproduces even the additional historical notes appended at the end of each of the Epistles of St. Paul.
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The Book of Common Prayer and Psalms. The translation of the Book of Common Prayer (BCP) Ktieb it-Talb ta' Għalenija (R. Weiss; Malta) was published in 1845 by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Although this is not a biblical translation, it is reckoned with the translations of the Scriptures not only for the biblical matter which it contains but also because it helps us to solve literary problems in connexion with the New Testament translation of 1847. We shaH first investigate the origin of the translation of the biblical portions and then inquire into the problem of the author of the translation. All the biblical matter drawn up from the New Testament agrees verbally with the translation of 1847. The two represent really one translation. This verbal agreement extends also to the citations from the Psalms which are obviously taken from the Book of Common Prayer. It must therefore be concluded that the translation or revision of NT, although published in 1847, was already completed in 1845 and made use of in a manuscript form by the translator of BCP. This conclusion is borne out by the Reports of the SPCK in which it is recorded that in the year 1845, when the Maltese translation of the BCP was completed and printed, the Gospels and Acts in NT were already revised for publica tion. 17 It is not unlikely that the revision of NT was commenced as early as 1844 before, or simultaneously with, the translation of the BCP. All this leads us to suppose that both NT and BCP come from the same hand. This supposition receives strong confirmation from the fact that both NT and BCP have the same style and both agree in translating the same words against V. Thus, for example, the word propheta or prophet is always rendered by V profieta, but in NT and BCP it is invariably rendered bassilr. So also iustitia and derivatives are ħaqq or sewwa in V, sedq in NT and BCP; iudicium is ħaqq in V, għamil il-ħaqq in NT and BCP; idola is xbihat in V, swawar in NT and BCP; iniquitas is tagħwiġ in V, ħżunija in NT and BCP. This conformity in two translations that are almost contemporary can in no way be accounted for as the effect of mere chance, but proves beyond all doubt that both versions are the work of one and the same author. The author's name would have remained long ignored if the late Rev C.L. Dessoulavy, who was so keenly interested in our literary problems, had not undertaken the painstaking task of scanning the ar17.
I owe this information to Mr A. Cremona and the late Rev C.L. Dessoulavy.
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chive s of the CMS and the SPCK Through his obliging courtesy we learn that the Bishop of Gibraltar had engaged a native (i.e. Maltese) priest, who had recent1y conformed to the English Church, to translate the Prayer Book into the Maltese language. So far the report of the SPCK for the year 1844, which nowhere mentions the translator's name. But we need no more to find it out. In fact the history �f ou� Churc� in that period is aware of no other name of. a atho �lc pnest .hav��g deserted his faith but that of Rev M.A. Camtllen of Btrgu. Camlllen IS therefore the translator of BCP and the reviser or translator of NT published in 1847. The Psalms, that are printed at the end of the Book of Common Prayer, are translated direct1y from Hebrew. It is a servile translation marked by inconsistencies of expression, uncouthness of style, meaningless con nexion of words that are due to a mis conception of literality or else to an inadequate knowledge of Hebrew. Thus Ps 50,23 the words O'j:r::�H'��41 �.l�!� :rr:! O?'1 are literally rendered u mi? iqiegħed triq nurih b'ħelsien Alla which makes no sense. The Hebrew lmperfect tense preceded by the conjunction 1 is retained in the translation against the rules of Hebrew grammar. The translator prefers also those Maltese words that are most similar in sound to theil' Hebrew equivalents, even when such words do not convey the exact meaning of the original; thus 38,2 Hebr. '.n.l;:lm tjassereni 'chasten me', Maltese tjassami, but Mal tese jassar meims 'to enslave' not 'to punish'. Occasionally, however, the Maltese translator turns to the English text to find the meaning of a difficult word or to give a more fluent diction to an obscure and in volved Hebrew construction thus Ps 32,4b should be translated my moisture has been changed as if by the drought of summer, but Maltese. has l-indewwa tiegħi sefgħet libbiena tas-sajf in agreement with English my moisture is like the drought of summer. Here the translator stands self-accused, because the word indewwa corresponds to the word mois ture in the sense of damp, but not in the sense required by the context. To the translator's credit let it be remarked that in some cases the sense is better expressed in Maltese than in English; thus Ps 66,3 Engl. translates literally and equivocally thine enemies shall be found liars unto thee, but Malt. catches the metaphorical meaning required by the context for the Hebr. verbWO�(kaħax) and translates better jittaħtulek l-għedewwa tiegħek, that is, thine enemies shall be found inferior in . strength to thee or shall be subdued unto thee. Later editions. The Gospels of Matthew, Mark, John and the Acts of the Apost1es of the 1847 edition of the New Testament and the Psalms of the Book of Common Prayer have been revised according to popular
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taste and re-issued in modern dress by the British and Foreign Bible Society. Second period: 1847-1917
During this period Protestant missionary activity grew weaker an d no fresh translation of any book of the Bible was made. Catholics were very slow to make the Bible accessible to the people, although the M al tese language was becoming every day more pliable and more suitable for literary purposes. The first timid attempt to place the Bible into the hands of the people was made by R. TAYLOR who published in the year 1846 a poetical paraphrasis of the Psalms and canticles, Ktieb is-Salm i tas-Sultan David u Kantiċi, (Malta 1846) XII.432pp. The paraphrasis is based on the Latin Vulgate, which is printed side by side with it, with occasional agreements with the translation of the Book of Comm on Prayer. Thus in 2,1 both BCP and Taylor read għaliex qamu l-ġnus xew wiexa; in 11,4 both read bi lsienna nagħilbu which agrees with Hebr. against Vulg. linguam nostram magnificabimus; 1 7 , 12 eduxit me in latitudinem is rendered by both versions ħariġni f'misraħ. These and many other verbal agreements prove most clearly that Taylor m�de ex tensive use of the translation of the Book of Common Prayer whIch had been published the year before. A few years later Tayl"or published a translation of the Office of the Holy Week Offizzju tal-Ġimgħa l-Kbira, Latin u Malti, (Malta 1849) 5th reimpression 1904. The Psalms are those of the Book of Common Prayer with s1ight changes; the portions of the New Testament are taken over from the translation of 1847; the portions of the aId Testament that are read in the Book of Common Prayer are taken also from this translation ' the rest is translated by the author. This book may rightly be consid;red as a real adaptation of Protestant translations to the need of Catho1ics. Another very slight revision of the first forty �salms of the �ook ? f Common Prayer, accompanied with short annotatIons, was pubhshed m the weekly paper Il-Habib (13 March 1917 and subsequent numbers). Third period: 1917-1954
!t is during this period that the Bible really became the book of the people. This was due mainly to the impulse gi�en to M altese liter�ture by literary societies, to the spread of education as well . as to pnvate enterprise. B oth writers with a name in the fie1d of hterature and scholars who made the Bible their special study have turned to the
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Bible and endeavoured to make its hidden treasures easi1y accessible to the masses of the people. The result was many partial and independent translations of several books of the aId and New Testament and a translation of the whole Bible which is nearing completion. We shall review them in a chronological order, conveniently starting from an even earlier date.
1895-1925. The Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles translated by Ġuże Muscat Azzopardi. Mr Muscat Azzopardi was one of our best writers especially as a nove1ist, but he was neither a biblical scholar nor a theologian. He translated the Gospel of St. M atthew (Malta 1895) 228pp; 2nd ed. 1914, lxiv,245pp; the Gospel of St. Mark (Malta 1915) UOpp; the Gospel of St. Luke (Malta 1916) 31Opp; the Gospel of St. John (Malta 1917) 333pp; the Acts of the Apost1es (Malta 1924) xxiv. 397pp. These translations are made from the Vulgate with notes from the !ta1ian commentaries of M artini and Curci. In the introduction to the Gospel of St. Matthew Mr Muscat Azzopardi disclaims any relation with Vassalli's translation (p.x) . But in rea1ity Muscat Azzopardi ig nores only Vassalli's translation of 1829, but not the New Testament of 1847 on which he occasionally depends. Thus in Mt 5,44 pro persequen tibus et calumniantibus vos Muscat Azzopardi inverts the two particles according to NT (1847) and the Revised Standard Version against the Latin Vulgate. These agreements with NT are more numerous in the second edition of Matthew (1914) than in the first (1895), and it ap pears that the second edition was revised on NT. Thus in Mt 2,22 for pro Herode Muscat Azzopardi has flok Erodi in the first edition and għal Erodi in the second edition, together with NT. Cfr. also Mt 2,22 secessit - baqa' first, tuarrab second and NT; 3,14 prohibebat eum Memoran dum - ħabat jirruftah first, ma riedx iħallih second and NT; 4,8 montem - għolja first, ġebel second and NT; 5,9 pacifici - twajba first, li jġibu s-sliem second and NT. The same agreements with NT occur in the other Gospels and Acts, so Mk 6,31 and 8,4 in desertum locum - fl-im warrab, but in 6,35 wahxi both MAzz and NT; 7,26 Syrophoenissa Sirofenin MAzz and NT; 9,34 and 10,31 novissimus - uarrani MAzz and NT; Lk 1,1 ordinare narrationem - jinsġu l-għajdut; 3,5 erunt in directa - ikunu msewwija MAzz and NT; Jn 2,9 architriclinus - qassiem MAzz and NT; 9,7 Siloe - Siloha MAzz and NT; but in Lk 13,4 MAZZ has Silow and NT Siloe; Acts 2,11 proselyti - ġodda fid-din MAZZ and NT; 10,9 in superiora - fuq il-bejt MAzz and NT; 27,3 curam sui agere jistaħja; and many others. !t must be remarked that the translation is not always correct, and this is a further proof of dependence. In his translation of the Gospels and Acts Muscat Azzopardi is not
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at his best. Although he tried to be elegant, he did not venture to depart from the diction of the Latin Vulgate. Hence he is generalIy servile, sometimes obscure and inaccurate. The Latin ablative absolute is maintained against the rules of Maltese grammar and style. Thus Mt 13,36 Tunc, dimissus turbis, venit domum is translated Mibgħutin in nies, ġie d-dar. The Maltese construction would be Bagħat in-nies u mar id-dar. In his effort at purism he avoids all words of foreign origin and uses words which do not always convey the original meaning. Thus sacrijicium is wrongly translated tbatija which means 'suffering' ; synagoga is not knisja which means 'church'; the verb scandalizare, which is a biblico-theological term, is translated in a variety of ways which do not always reproduce the true meaning of the original Greek; thus Mt 13,57 jitkazaw, which means 'to be ashamed of, to be disgusted, to be surprised at one's actions'; Mt 11,6 stme" (for stmell) which means 'to abhor'.
1924. The book of Ruth translated from Hebrew by Mgr C. Cortis, li Libro di Ruth trascritto e tradotto dall'Ebraico con note, (Malta 1924) lix pp.
This is the first attempt in recent years to go straight to the original text. But the author's knowledge of Hebrew seems to have been very inadequate, and the translation is probably made from another transla tion made direct1y from Hebrew. The transcription is very faulty. The qames-hatuf is very often written a, so 2,14 wajjizbat; see also 1,16; 3,12.15; 4,6. Note also 2,10 wattiffol; also 3,4.15. The translator prefers those Maltese words which have the same radicals as the corresponding Hebrew words, although the meaning may not always be the same. Thus 1,9 l'?!P (qolan) 'their voice' is rendered qawlhom which means their proverb or saying; 1,20 la taqrawni 'do not read me' is not the exact equivalent of Hebr. �� n_NJP'J;I-r:,� (al tiqrenah li) 'do not call me'; 2,1 "�rj (hajil) is 'riches' not ħi/a 'power, strength'; 2,14 .,r;j::t (qali) is 'roasted grain' not Malt. qali 'fried meat; 2,15 ::n�'';9C1 � (10 taklimuha) 'do not reproach her' does not cor respond to Maltese la tkellmuhiex 'do not speak to her'.
1926-1932. Several books of the Old Testament and the whole of the
New Testament translated by Rev P.P. Grima. This is the lisi of the books translated by Grima: The book of Lamentations (1926); The book of Esther (1928); The book of Judith and the book of Jonah (1928); the book of Judges (1929); the books of Esdra and Nehemiah (1929); the book of Daniel (1929); the Minor Prophets (1932) ; the
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G osp els and the Acts of the Apost1es ( 1930) ; the Epistles and Apocalypse (n.d.) . These are popular translations made direct1y from the Latin Vul gate without any attempt at literary elegance or scientific accuracy. The translator's aim seems to have been that of giving the people good reading without caring much for the form. The following are a few inaccurate renderings: Hos 1,4 quiescere faciam is neqred 'I wi11 destroy' n ot nagħt i mistrieħ ' I wi1l give rest'; 2,2 uxor... vir i s mara... Żewġ, 'wife . . . husband', not għarusa. . . għarus 'bride . . . bridegroom'; Jn 1,4 Dominus autem misit ventum magnum in mare are omitted perhaps in advertently; Rom 1,12 consolari is nitfarraġ not nissabbar; 2 Cor 1,6 is obscure, inaccurate, incomplete: it omits pro vestra consolatione, sive exhortamur, 2 Cor 3,7-11 obscure in Latin, unintelligible i� Maltese; Heb 9 2 panis propositionis is rendered ħobż tal-wegħda 'vohve bread'; and o � hers. It is to be noticed that the author writes always tiġrif 'falling' for tiġrib 'proof, temptation'.
1926-32. Several books of the Old Testament translated by Alph. M.
Galea. These are the books translated by Galea: book of Proverbs (1926); The book of Ecclesiastes and the book of Wisdom (1927); the book of Tobit (1927); the book of Ecclesiasticus and the Song of Songs (1928); the book of Psalms (1929); the book of Job (1929); the books of Maccabees (1929); the book of Isaiah (1930); the books of S.amuel (1930); the books of Kings (1930); the books of Chronicles (1931); the book of Ezechiel (1931); the book of Jeremiah (1932) ; the book of Baruch (1932). These too are popular translations made either from the Latin Vul gate or from some modern translation made from Hebrew. The tran� lator is a good writer with an easy and f1uent style, but the style of his translation is rather heavy, difficult, unattractive.
1939-1950, The four Gospels translated by Fr G. Paris O.P. The Gospel of St John was printed in Palermo in 1939 and reprinted in Malta in 1952. The translation is made directly from the Latin Vulgate and other modern translations, especially Martini's translation and the Douay Version. The translator, a distinguished theologian, has no claims whatever in the field of Maltese literature, hence the translation has no literary merit at all. The language is the colloquial Maltese used in towns' many Italianisms could be easily avoided and the translation would have gained in literary value, without losing anything of its merit as a translation. So he writes sacerdot for qassis, inferjuri for anqas,
284
P. P. Saydon
irrisponda for wieġeb, issegwini for tiġi warajja, i"itornaw for reġgħu lura, Oliveto for Żebbuġ, moltiplikazzjoni for taktir, etc. No writer
APPENDIX 2
1929-1952, 1954. The OId Testament compIete and the New Testament nearing compIetion through the efforts of the present writer. This is the first and only complete translation of the Bible from the original tongue. Of the New Testament only the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse are still in preparation, but it is hoped that they will be out by next year. The principles governing the transIation are accuracy and elegance. I have constantly endeavoured to discover the exact meaning of words with the aid of modern Hebrew IexicographicaI studies. I have aIso tried to be elegant without being either servi1e or paraphrastic. To what extent I have been successful I · leave it to competent judges to decide.
P.P. Saydon: THE EARLIEST BIBLICAL TRANSLATION FROM HEBREW INTO MALTESE*
aiming at a composition of any literary vaIue can afford to use such Ianguage.
•
Forcritical reviews see C.L Dessoulavy,BuJJetin ofthe School ofOriental andA{rican Studies, various issues from 1930 to 1949; A Vaccari, BibIica 20(1939) 435; Edward P. Arbez, Joumal of Near Eastem Studies 12(1953) 135-8 and CathoIic BibIicaI Quorterly 16(1954) 451-460; Carmel Sant, Melita TheoIogica, various issues from 1947 to 1957.
... Reproduced from Joumal o/the Malta University Literary Society
2/10-12(1937) 1-12.
THE EARLIEST BIBLICAL TRANSLATION FROM HEBREW * INTO MALTESE P.P. Saydon There exists in the Maltese language no complete translation of the Bible from the original Hebrew and Greek texts. All our Biblical trans lations derive from the Latin Vulgate as their immediate source, save rare exceptions in which a modern translation from the original lan guage has been made the basis of the Maltese translation. An attempt to go straight to the primitive text was made by the Rev, now Mgr, C. Cortis who in 1924 published in parallel columns a Maltese and an !taHan translation of the Hebrew book of Ruth. But the attempt went no further than that little book, until, five years later, it was resumed by the writer of the present article who undertook the laborious task of translating the whole Bible from the primitive texts. The books so far published cover one fourth of the whole Bible; the remaining books will follow in due course. A much earlier translation from Hebrew is that of the Psalms pub lished together with the translation of the Book of Common Prayer in 1845. This is the earliest biblical translation from Hebrew int9 Maltese, which, however, owing to 'its provenance and the purpose it was meant to serve, remained up to the present day almost completely ignored. A slightly revised edition of this version, or rather an adaptation to the Vulgate, for the use of the Catholics was made by R. Taylor and incor porated with his Maltese translation of the Office of the Holy Week published for the first time in 1848. Another but very slight revision of the first 40 Psalms, accompanied with short annotations, was published in the weekly paper Il-Habib (13th March, 1917 and subsequent num bers) . Notwithstanding these publications, e asily accessible to everyone, the origin of these revisions and of the texts upon which they were worked is still a problem which awaits a solution. I shall therefore endeavour first to show that the Maltese translation of the Psalms of This note is a detailed extract from a more complete study on the Maltese versions of the Bible which will be published in due time in this Joumal.
288
P.P. SaYdon
1.845 is made. directly from the Hebrew, and then to inquire into I' tS l1 te.r ? ry ments. An appen d"IX wIlI show the relation betwee n t he reVlSlOns of !848 and 1917 t� the .translation of 1845. The question of the authorshlp of the translatIon wIlI be dealt with elsewhere. Origin ofthe Transkaion.
In a book wh�ch is a translation from English, it is but natural to suPP?se that all 1tS parts are, or at least should be, translated from �nghs �. It see�s, the.r�fore, only very logical that we should assign an 1mmedlate Enghsh ongm to the Maltese translation of the Psalms. But anyon� wh � is familiar with the diction of the Hebrew Psalter and at the same tIme 1.S no �trang�r to the simple, but dignified and vigorous style of the Enghsh B1ble, wIlI at once perceive the close relation of Maltese t � Hebrew, . very of! en in disagreement with the style of the Englis h Enghsh style in general. Not only did the Maltese trans Blble and wIth lator retain the same order . of words of the Hebrew text, but he also endeavoured to reproduce 1t ,:ord by word, and even noun by noun, verb by verb, partIcle by partIcle, also when the proper nominal or verbal form is wanting in Maltese. A few examples will illustrate this way ?f .rendering. In Psalm 50,23 the words: usam derek arennu bejexagh elohlm are translated: u min iqiegħed triq nurih b 'ħelsien Alla. E�er� Hebrew word ?f this half-verse has a corresponding Maltese . rd �� 10 ltS hteral meamng, thus, sam - to put, to set pres. ptcp. min ,q,egħed; d�rek- wa?, also way of living, behaviour, Malt. triq; arennu-I . show h:m - nunh; be -prep. in, by, with, but when it is governed by Wl/l . . the verb a special nuance, to look the verb r� a - to see, 1t serves to gIVe at s �methmg.complacent/y; to enjoy, Malt. simply bi; jexagħ- salvation ħelsl.en; elohlm� God-Alla. Compare now the English translation: and to h,m that ordereth his conversation right wi// I shew the salvation of God. Other instances: Ps 88,5 Hebr. neħxabti għim jored€ bor Malt. nħsibt ma ' dawk li �inżlu [il-bir; Engl. I am counted as one of th;m that . the p't. Ps 92,12, Hebr. wattabbet għe bexuraj baqqom'im go do�n mto g�ala! meregħim �u.magħna oini, Malt. u tħares għajni fuq il-għedewwa tIegħI, fuq dawk Z, Jqumu għalija l-ħżiena, tisma' widinti, Engl. mine eye We are rep.roduci2g .the translit�rati?n of Prof Saydon which includes these peculiarities: Het � Sh'!l x; 'J4yzn gh; Zayzn z; yod j. In our publications we normally follow the t�n�hteratJOn adopt�d by a number of international journals and which is reproduced in Bibllca 1982 Instructlonsfor Contributors. (Editor) =
=
=
=
=
Barliest Biblical Translation From Hebrew
289
also shall see his lust of mine enemies: and mine ear shall hear his desire of the wicked that arise up against me. Note how the Maltese translator, unlike the English, retains the chiastic construction of the Hebrew verse. Ps 101,6 Hebr. għenaj bene 'emne- 'eres laxebat għimmadi holek bederek tam/m hu iexareteni, Malt. għajnejja fuq il-wemmenin tal-art, biex joqogħdu miegħi: min jimxi fi triq mitmuma, hu jaqdini, Engl. mine eyes look upon such as are faithful in the land: that they may dwell with me. Whoso leadeth a godly life: he shall be my servant. All these and numerous other instances in which the Maltese translation diverges from, and falls too short of, the fluency of style of the English version in order to adhere as firmly as possible to the austere rigidity of Hebrew poetry are indisputable evidence of the origin of our version. Further arguments in support of the Hebrew origin of the Maltese translation may be dispensed with. However, I wish to add some other instances which not only betray the origin of the version, but serve also to illustrate more clearly the method pursued by the Maltese translator. There are in our version inconsistencies of expression, uncouthness of style, meaningless connection of words, which cannot be accounted for but by a direct derivation from a Hebrew original, which the Maltese translator, owing to a misconception of literality of translation or else to an imperfect knowledge of the Hebrew language, did, at times, slavishly reproduce. Thus a novice in Hebrew Grammar will tell you that the conjunction we (Malt. u.) prefixed to the imperfect tense serves to give to the verb the meaning of a past tense, so that forms like wajjiqtol (Malt. u joqtol) mean and he ki//ed. Now the Maltese trans lator ignores, or at least disregards, this fundamental rule and trans lates by the present tense even when the context requires the past tense. Examples are numerous. The following are picked up haphazard: 22,4 temgħu fik u teħ/ishom (u ħ/isthom is the correct translation), Engl. they trusted in thee, and thou didst de/iver them; 50,18 jekk rajt ħalliel, u tiftiehem miegħu (the Hebrew conjunction wa serves only to introduce the apodosis of a conditional sentence, and should not, therefore, be translated), Engl. when thou sawest a thief, thou consentedst unto him; 65,9 żort l-art u ssaqqiha (instead of saqqejtha), Engl. translates both verbs in the present: thou visitest the earth, and blessest it; 78,5 u jqajjem xhieda fĠakob, u liġi qieghed fIsrael (the former verb should be trans lated u qajjem), Engl. He made a covenant with Jacob, and gave Israel a law. In this psalm, which recounts the past history of the Israelites, the Maltese translator, contrary to grammar and context, intermixes very awkwardly past and present tenses, thus vv. 10.11 m a ħarsux . . . u ċaħdu. . . u jinsew; vv.13.14 feraq il-baħar u jgħaddihom u jwaqqaf .. u jmexxihom; v.21.sama' l-Mulej u jagħdab; v.23 u jwissi... u fetaħ; etc. We
290
P. P. SaydoQ
note the same inaccuracies in the rendering of particles. In a number of cases the Maltese translator chooses, out of the many meanings, that which ilI suits the context; in other cases he prefers that meaning which sounds most like its Hebrew equivalent; thus 38,3 ma fihx sliema ghadmi quddiem htijieti, the Hebrew compound particle mippene, which r e, a locative meaning minn quddiem, has, in this case, a has, elsewhe . . causatIve meamng, minhabba, and therefore Engl. translates wel l: neither is there any rest in my bones by reason of my sin; 38,20 Hebrew tahat is rendered by the homophomic Maltese taht, producing thus an unintelligible translation: Li jroddu d-deni taht it-tjieba jkunuli ghedew wa taht li mmur wara t-tajjeb, comp. Engl. They also that reward evil for good are against me: because I follow the thing that good is. Taht is one of the meanings of the preposition tahat, but certainly not the one re quired by the context; for the same mistranslation of the prep. tahat cf. also 35,12. The prep. min is also sometimes translated wrongly, thus 31,4 dnubieti... jitqalu minni, the comparative force of the Hebrew par ticle is hardly noticeable in the Malt. minni; a far better rendering would have been the following: dnubieti... huma tqal ghalija, or huma itqal milli niflah, comp. Engl. my wickednesses... are too heavy for me to bear. In some cases the prep. min is oddly translated fuq in conformity with the Latin Vulgate, but contrary to sense and grammar, thus 40,5 kotru fuk il-ghadd, Latin multiplicati sunt super numerum, instead of kotru aktar mill- (Hebr. min) għadd, Engl. they should be more than I am able to express; cfr also v.12 of the same Psalm. In no few cases the prep. ghal yields no suitable sense, but is simply a mechanical reproduc tion of the Hebrew prep. għal, thus, 110,5 il-Mulej ghal (Hebr. għal) lemin ek, Engl. the Lord upon thy right hand; 132,18 ghalih (Hebr. għalaw) tiżhar il-kuruna tieghu, Engl. but upon himself shall his crown flourish; 133,2 bhaż-żejt tal-fwieha ghar- (Hebr. ghal) ras, Engl. it is like
the precious ointment upon the head.
In his strenuous efforts to adhere to as firmly as possible to the Hebrew text, the Maltese translator, as a rule, chooses those words which are most like-sounding to Hebrew, even when such words do not convey the correct meaning of their Hebrew equivalents. Thus the noun sedeq -righteousness and its derivatives is invariably translated sedq; the verb tamm - to complete or to be completed, the adjective tam and tamfm -complete, perfect, and the noun tom -perfection are constant1y rendered by temm, mitmum temma; cfr 18,25 mal-bniedem mitmum (Hebr. tamfm) tittemmem (Hebr. tittammam), Engl. with a perfect man thou shalt be perfect; but the Maltese verb temm is hardly ever used in a moral sense so that the translation just given is not, at least, easily intelligible. Other instances: 6,9 and elsewhere Hebr. tehinna -sup-
Earliest Bib1ica1 Trans1ation From Hebrew
29 1
plication, Malt. thannin; 19,12 Hebr. minnistarot naqqeni - cleanse thou m e from my secret faults, Malt. mil misturin naqqini; 27,5 Hebr. jastireni beseter -in the secret place of his dwelling shall he hide me, Malt. jistomi f'satar; 31,24 Hebr. emunim -faithful, Malt. wemmenin, hardly correct; 32,8 Hebr. tejassereni -chasten me, Malt. tjassami, but Malt. jassar has n ot the meaning of the Hebr. verb jissar-to punish, to chasten; 44,20 Hebr. dikkitanu - thou hast smitten us, Malt. dekkiktna; 72,4 Hebr. għOxeq - wrongdoer, Malt. ghakkies; 109, 13.14 Hebr. jimmah - to be wiped out, Malt . jitmahha .
We have so far established the Hebrew origin of our version, but it is a mistake to suppose that it is completely independent of the English text. The English Book of Common Prayer, which was being translated, was sti1l near at hand and an inexperienced translator working on the difficu1t original text of the Psalms, could hardly avoid the necessity or resist the temptation of looking at an easier and more intelligible text, whenever difficulties occurred. Indeed, now and then we catch the translator turning to the English version to find the meaning of a dif ficult word or to give a more fluent diction to an obscure and involved Hebrew construction. The following examples wi1l prove the assertion: Ps 16,4 Hebr. aher maharu, a corrupt or, at least, difficu1t text. As it stands, it can mean only: another (way) they hasten. fupposing the letter m to have fallen out by haplography at the end nf the word aher, a better reading is obtained which, translated, ruD., thus: (after) other gods they hasten, i.e. they go to worship other gods. In accordance with this universally accepted correction the Maltese translation reads: dawk li jiġru wara l-ohrajn [Le. allat], and is in perfect harm0l!y with the English text: they that run after another god. Ps 32,4b should be translated thus: my moisture (Le. the moisture of my body, my vigour) has been changed (Le. dried up) as if by the draught of summer; but Malt. translates: l-indewwa tieghi sefghet libbiena tas saj f, in agreement with Engl. my moisture is like the drought of summer. Here the Maltese translator stands self-accused, because the word in dewwa corresponds to the word moisture in the sense of damp , but not in the sense required by the context. The context requires the meaning
tira.
Ps 51,8 Hebr. battuhOt, a difficult word. Some commentators give it the meaning of tranquillity. Others divide the word in two, that is, the prep. be and the noun with the article hattuhOt, and therefore translate: in the inner parts, in the inmost recesses of the heart. Malt. together with
292
P.P. SaYdon
Engl. chooses the latter meaning: fin-naħat ta ' ġewwa - in the inward
parts.
Ps 56,2 Malt. għax heġemni l-bniedem is a mistaken translation of E �g�. for man goeth about to devour me. Engl. conveys the sense of the ongmal well, .because the Hebr. verb xa'af here means to lay a snare for. . A better Malt. translatton would have been nasabli. Ibid. v.3 Hebr. marom ; many commentators transpose this Word fro� the end of v.3 to the beginning of the next verse, and translate: far be lt from m �, �r above, hfgh above as an epithet of God, the Most High. Others retam lt where lt stands and translate differently. Malt. and Engl. f?lloW Hebr. and translate etymologically ja l-Ogħla- 0, Thou
most Hlghest.
� s �5,�2 Hebr. dexen, which has here the figurative meaning . fertlllt y , IS hterally translated by simna -fatness.
of
Ps 75,6 Malt �itkellmux b'għ�nq iebes is the translation of Engl. . . speak n �t wIth a 'ff neck. Hebr. IS dlfferent 1y translated: do not speak boldly wIth a stretci ed neck or do not speak boldly against God. �
Ps 90,9b Hebrew kemo hege means like a sigh, as if it were a sigh, but Malt. renders: bħala ħrafa, following Engl. as it were a tale that is
told.
Ps 103,5a Hebr. għedjek; a word of doubtful meaning. Malt. fom mok, Engl. thy mouth. Ps 114,8a Hebr. who turneth the rock into a pool of water; Malt. li jaqleb il-blata f'ilma qiegħed Engl. who turned the hard rock into a standing water. I s the Maltese verb jaqleb a mistranslation of the English turned? -
All these and other instances, which, however, are not so numerous as to outweigh the more frequenr and more important agreements of Malt. with Hebr. against Engl. show very clearly that the Maltese trans lator did not ignore the English text of the Psalter altogether. Hebr. remains �lways his chief source, but, incidentally, he avails himself of th� Enghsh text, not to give a different rendering, but to find out a sUltable meaning or a more intelligible and a more fluent construction.
Earliest Biblical Translation From Hebrew
293
Critical value and literary merit. The critical value of a version is measured by its fidelity to the primitive text and by the judicious treatment of those passages which are either corrupt or different1y read in manuscripts and ancient ver sions. Our translator's fidelity has been already noted above; we may noW add that no attempt at improving the text is made, and the tradi tional Hebrew text is scrupulously maintained unaltered, even when a better reading has been preserved by the old, Greek and Latin, ver sions. To quote one example. Ps 4,3a Hebr. runs thus: how long will you turn mine honour into shame; Malt. translates literally: sa kemm kburiti jil-għar; Engl. tries to paraphrase: how long will ye blaspheme mine honour. But both Greek and Latin versions divide the same consonantal Hebrew text differentIy and offer a far better reading, which is general ly accepted by interpreters as the original one, and reads thus: how long will you be hard of heart? In a translation, which is worked on critical principles this and other emendations should be unquestionably adopted. But the Maltese version, although it is destitute of that scientific accuracy, which is the result of a critical examination of the primitive text and ancient versions, exhibits a text superior to that of the English Book of Common Prayer. The Psalter of the Prayer Book, as everybody knows, is not a first-hand work; from Coverdale's translation in 1535 through Matthew's Bible (1537) to the Great Bible (1539) and its edi tions, and ultimately to its revised form in 1661, annexed to the Act of Uniformity in 1662, the text of the Psalter passed through successive stages of revisions and alterations, which, while leaving the text sub stantially the same, tended, however, to deprive it evermore of its original purity and faithfulness to Hebrew [S.R. Driver, Studies in the Psalms, (London 1915) 3-10]. All these subsequent alterations, which are alien to Hebrew, are also absent from the Maltese translation. It is beyond the scope of this note to draw up a complete list of the diver gences of Malt. from Engl. alterations and interpolations; I shall pick out only a few examples quoted by S.R. Driver (op. cit. pp.9.10): 13,2 l-għadu tiegħi, mine enemy, Malt., Hebr., Great Bible; mine enemies, modern editions of Prayer Book. 38,10 dawl għajnejja, the light of mine eyes, Malt., Hebr., Great Bible; the sight of mine eyes, a misprint introduced first in an edition of the Prayer Book of 1574, and continued to the present day.
295
294
Barliest Biblical Translation From Hebrew
40,6 gheġubijietek, thy wondrous works, Malt., Hebr., Great Bible' the wondrous works, introduced first in the Annexed Prayer Book, and therefore, repeated in all modern editions.
lucidity, the thoughts and feelings of the Hebrew poet. The vocabulary is extremely rich and always genuinely Maltese; grammatical forms are beautifully varied and are not restrained within the narrow circle of commonplace phrases modelled, very often, after foreign usage; the construction runs always in short sentences, firmly built and tightly bound together, without any artificial embellishment, inflated verbosity, needless circumlocutions or loose connection of words and particles, and this conciseness gives to the style that fresh vigour and unosten tatious gravity which benefits God's Word. To the translator's credit let it be said that in some cases the sense is better expressed in Maltese than in English. Thus Ps 12,8 Hebr. when the abject amongst men are exalted. Malt. xhin jitghallew il-ġniegen [better żawwala] ta' wlied il bniedem ; Engl. more freely and incorrectly: when they are exalted, the children of men are put to rebuke; Ps 66,3 Engl. translates literally and equivocally: thine enemies shall be found liars unto thee, but M alt. catches the metaphorical meaning required by the context for the Hebrew verb kahax, and translates better: jittahhtulek l-ghedewwa tiegħek, that is, thine enemies shall be found inferior in strength to thee, or: shal/ be subdued unto thee. Occasionally, however, the Maltese translation falls short of its normal accuracy and smoothness and as sumes a certain asperity and uncouthness of style which is the effect of its slavish adherence to the original Hebrew text.
48,10 bniet Ġuda, daughters of Judah, Malt., Hebr., Great Bible; daughter of Judah, Ann. Prayer Book and later editions. 87, 4 tr�kha l-Filistija, behold (an interjection, not a verb), yee [yeaJ .. the Phzlzstmes also, Malt., Hebr., Great Bible 1st. 2nd. and 3rd. edit · behold ( a verb) ye the Philistines also, Great Bible 4th. edit . an d generally in subsequent editions.
To these alterations we may further add those interpolatio ns derived very often from the Vulgate, which were first introduced in th� Great Bible and printed in different type so as to distinguish them from the genuine Hebrew text. In course of time these distinguishing marks were gradually dropped and the Vulgate additions came to form part of the Psalter of the Prayer Book. Our Maltese version is free of all such interpolations and all other revisional matter, and, consequently, its text, though wanting in textual criticism, is superior to that of the Eng1ish Prayer Book. One might be led to suspect that this superiority of the Maltese translation is due to its being dependent on one of the earlier editions of the Great Bible which was still nearer to its Hebrew source than any of its. later versions. But this sUI?position is excluded by . the fact that Malt. dlsagrees wIth the Great Blble, whenever this dis agrees with Hebr. To quote one example, in Ps 95,7 all editions of the Great Bible and the revised edition of the Prayer Book of 1661 read: sheep of his hands, but Malt. with Hebr. reads: sheep of his hand, in
nghaġ ta' idu.
If we turn now to consider the literary aspect of the Maltese ver sion, we must, to be fair, bear in mind, first, that Maltese, as a written language, was at that time in its earliest stage of development when its vocabulary and grammatical rules, which had been fixed a few years before by M.A. Vassalli, were beginning to bear fruits in literature; secondly, that the tral.lslator was working under a self-imposed slavish ness to the original text, or, at least, with a mistaken idea of fidelity and literalness of translation, which at times prevented him from giving a more fluent and graceful turn to his style. Notwithstanding these draw backs, the Maltese translation of the Psalms is a fine piece of literature, and one of the finest even in modern times. The translator reveals him self a thoroughly skilled master of the Maltese language, in which he can very ably manage to express, in simple construction but with great
Such is the origin and the literary merit of our earliest biblical version. With all the deficiencies mentioned above, the translator has done his very best to produce a work of high literary value, and it must be recognized that his efforts have been in general successful. It was a great loss for the Maltese language that such energies were not ex ploited in the production �f more literary works to the further develop ment of the language and to the literary education of the people. The following appendix will show the relation between the Prayer Book version and the Maltese version of the Psalms of 1845 and its subsequent revisions of 1848 and 1917.
A. Psalm 2 from the Book of Common Prayer. 1. Why do the heathen so furiously rage together: and why do the people imagine a vain thing? 2. The kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take counsel together: against the Lord, and against his Anointed. 3. Let us break their bonds asunder: and cast away their cords from us.
296
P. P. Saydon Earliest Biblical Translation From Hebrew
4. He that dwelleth in Heaven shall laugh them to scorn: the Lord shaH have them in derision. 5. Then shaH he speak unto them in his wrath: and vex them in his sore displeasure. 6. Yet have I set my King: upon my holy hill of Sion. 7. I will preach the law, whereof the Lord hath said unto me: Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee. 8. Desire of me, and I shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance: and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession. 9. Thou sha1t bruise them with a rod of iron: and break them in pieces like a potter's vessel. 10. Be wise now therefore, 0 ye Kings: be learned, ye that are judges of the earth. 11. Serve the Lord in fear: and rejoice unto him with reverence. 12. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and so ye perish from the right way: ifhis wrath be kindled, (yea, but a little) blessed are all that put their trust in him. B. Psalm 2 from the Maltese translation of 1845. l . Il-ghala qamu xewwiexa l-ġnus, u n-nies jahsbu hwejjeġ battala?
2 . Waqfu s-slaten ta' l-ard u l-hakkiema jiftiehmu bejniethom ghallMulej , u ghall-midhun tieghu; 3 . Naqtghu r-rbati taghhom, u nxewlhu minna l-hbula taghhom. 4. Min hu qieghed fis-Smewiet j idhak: il-Mulej jitmashar bihom. 5 . Mbaghad ikellimhom b'ghadbu, u bil-qilla tieghu jhabbathom. 6. U jiena dhent is Sultan tieghi fuq Sion gebel qdusiti. 7. Nxandar l-amar; il-Mulej qalli, Ibni inti; j iena llum ulidtek. 8. Itlob minni, u naghtik ġnus b'wirtek, u kisba tieghek it-truf ta' l-ard. 9. Tkisserhom b'hatar tal-hadid: bhala kies tal-fuħtiari tfarrakhom. 10. U issa Slaten tghaqqlu: tghallmu, j a mhallfin ta' l-ard. 1 1 . Aqdu lill-Mulej bil-biża' , u ifirhu bit-treghid. 12. Busu l Iben, li ewwilla ma jaglldabx, u tintilfu mit-triq, meta ghadbu ikun bil-kemm kibes. Henjin il-koll li j ittieklu ghalih.
c. From the Office of the Holy Week translated into Maltese, 5th. edit. 1904, pp.275-277; 1st. edit. 1848.
1 . Il-ghaliex qamu xewwiexa l-ġnus; u n-nies hasbu hwejjeġ battala? Waqfu s-slaten tal-art u l-hakkiema j iftiehmu bejniethom kontra
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l-Mulej u kontra l-Kristu tieghu. 3 . Naqtghu ir-rbati taghhom, u nxewlhu minna l-madmad taghhom. 4. Min qieghed fis-smewwiet j idhak bihom: u l-Mulej j itmashar bihom. 5 . Imbaghad ikellimhom b' ghadbu, u bil-qilla tieghu jbeżżagllhom. 6. Iżda j iena minnu kont maghmul sultan fuq Sijon, ġebel imqaddes tieghu; sabiex inxandar it-twiddib tieghu. 7. Il-Mulej qalli: Ibni inti, jiena llum nissiltek! 8 . Itlobni, u naghtik ġnus b'wirtek, u b'kisba tieghek it-truf tal-art. 9. Tmexxihom b'hatar tal-hadid, u bħal żir tal-fullħar tfarrakhom. 10. U issa intom, ja slaten, tghaqqlu: tghallmu j a mhallfin tal-art. 1 1 . Aqdu lill-Mulej bil-biża' : u ifirħu bih bit-treghid. 12 . Haddmu t-taghlim it-tajjeb, sabiex ma jaglldabx il-Mulej , u intom titilfu t-triq tal-haqq. 1 3 . Meta ghadbu jkun kibes sewwa, henjin il-koll li j ittamaw fih.
D. From the weekly paper Il-Habib, 20 March 1917. 1 . Ghala qamu xewwiexa l-ġnus, u n-nies hasbu hwejjeġ battala? 2 . Waqfu s-slaten ta' l-art, u l-hakkiema ftiehmu bejniethom ghall Mulej u ghall-midhun (midluk) tieghu. 3. Naqtgħu r-rbati taghhom u nxewlhu minna l-hbula taghhom. 4. Min hu qieghed fis-Smewwiet j iddiehek bihom: il-Mulej j itmashar bihom. 5 . Imbaghad ikellimhom b'għadbu, u bil-qilla tiegħu jhawwadhom. 6. U j iena midhun Sultan minnu fuq S'ion ġebel qdusitu, inxandar l-amar tieghu. 7 . Il-Mulej qalli : int Ibni; jiena l-lum ulidtek. 8 . Itlobni, u naghtik ġi:ms b'wirtek, u kisba tieghek it-truf ta' l-art. 9. Tkissirhom b'hatar tal-hadid; bhala kies tal-fullhari tfarrakhom. 10. U issa, ja slaten, itghaqqlu: imhallfin ta' l-art itgħallmu. 1 1 . Aqdu lill-Mulej bil-biża' : u ifirħu bit-treghid. 12. Haddnu t-taghlim tajjeb, li ewwilla ma jaglldabx il-Mulej u tit warrbu mit-triq it-tajba. 1 3 . Meta ghadbu jkun bil kemm kibes, henj in il-koll li jitimghu fih.
APPENDIX 3
P.P. Saydon: THE MALTESE TRANSlATION OF THE BIBLE*
* Lecture delivered at the University Theatre on May 2nd, 1963. Reproduced from Melita Theologica XVI(1964) 1-22. "
THE MALTESE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE P.P. Saydon Bibliography: B.P. ARBEZ, "Modern translations of the Old Testament", Catholic Bibli cal Quarterly, 16(1954) 201-209, 343-347; 450-457; 17(1955) 76-87; 456-485; "The New Catholic Translation of the Old Testament", Catholic Biblical Quarterly, 14(1952) 237-
254. J SCHMID, "Moderne Bibelubersetzungen" with a paragraph on the Maltese transla tions of the Bible by P.P. Saydon; an off-print from ZeitschriJt filr katholische Theologie, 82(1960). P.H. VOGEL and others, Bibeliibersetzungen, Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 3rd ed. Bd. I, 1193-1223. A.R. HULST, Old Testament translation problems, (Leiden 1960); P.P. SAYDON, "History of the Maltese Bible", Melita Theologica, 10(1957) 1-15; ID. "Philological and textual notes to the Maltese translation of the Old Testa ment", Catholic Biblical Quanerly, 23(1961) 249-257; and many recent commentaries and articles in leading periodicals.
There is hardly anyone in the whole island, with the exception of some political orator, who ignores the existence of a Maltese Bible. And yet that Bible exists and has begun to exist since the year 1929 attaining its full growth in the year 1959, 4 years ago. And during all this time the Maltese Bible has been read and studied by hundreds and thousands of our countrymen who have in it rich nourishment for their spiritual life and literary equipment. Every one knows of the existence of a Maltese Bible, but very few, if any, can realize the immense amount of work that has gone into its production. A translation may appear to be a comparatively easy task. A fair knowledge of the language from and of the language into, together with the help of a dictionary is considered to be all that is required for the work. But we all know from our personal experience that translation is not always quite so easy. We all remember the strenuous and painstaking efforts, which we, in our school days, used to do to make a satisfactory translation and the teachers' severe reprehen sion of our mistakes. Something more than an ordinary knowledge of two languages is required for a good translation of the Bible. In the 4th century St. Augustine complained that many Latin translations of the Bible were made by people who had only a scanty knowledge of Greek and Latin. If this is true in the case of modern spoken languages still more true it is for languages which have long ago ceased to be spoken , as it is the case of ancient Hebrew and Greek. Besides this difficulty inherent in their own nat�re, there are many other difficulties arising from their transmission and phonetic development. The Bible, until the
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15th century, has come down to us in a manuscript form. Ther e ar hundreds and t� ousands of biblical manuscripts, whether complete o fragme�tary, wntten on par�hment and papyrus. Now it is a general1y recogDlzed fact that every s10gle manuscript copy carries with it some . ml� take or some c?ange,. sometimes a very slight one, due to human fratlty or to the deslre to lmprove the original supposed to be defective The original text may be either misread or misunderstood, hence it i� . corrected accord1Og to the copyist's linguistic standards. The fact must also be stressed that owing to the continuous development of the lan guag� , the pronunciation .may change, and with the pronunciation the �pelllOg .t� o and the meaDlng may change, and so old meanings may faU lnto obhvlOn, and new meanings crop up. Thus for example, as the sound of għrajn, which once existed in Hebrew has been lost and as s ��ilate� with that of għajn, �he għrajn has been �hanged into għajn thus g1Vlng nse to a new word with a meaning different from that intended by the original writer. Thus in Hos 5,12 the word gash, usually trans lated 'moth' is in reality gath which means 'purulent matter'. There are then in Hebrew two different nouns: cash 'pus', cash 'moth', to which we may a�d a third one: cash 'a bird's nest'. So also an initial j in Hebrew so ��tImes represents an original w as the verb jalad represents an �ng��al walad (Maltese wiled). Now it sometimes happens that the ini tI�l � IS treated as af>. original j, while in reality it is a development of an onglOal w; hence th � translation is not correct. Thus the verb jadagħ : generally translated 'to know', sometimes stands for wadagħ 'to submit and �ust therefore be translated accordingly. Hence in Judges 16,9 we read 10 the story of Samson 'and his strength was not known' or some what paraphrastically 'the secret of his strength was not known'. But if we refer the verb jadaC to his original form wadac a better sense is ' obtained 'and his strength was not subdued'. Thes e and many other examples show t ? � imperativ� necessity of a wide and thorough knowledge of semltIc languages 10 order to attain the writer's mind as fully as possible. Moreover, the books of the Bible were not written in that form of alphabet with which we are familiar but in another form which is known to us from inscriptions. Similarity of form has always been a source of confusion and of misreading and mistranslations. To quote one example. In the Song of Songs 5,6 we read 'my soul failed as he spoke'; these are the bride's words, which are unsuitable to the context. When the bride rose up to open to her beloved, he had already turned and gone, so ��e could not have heard him speaking, and there was n� cau� e for fatl1Og. Interpreters try to escape the difficulty by emend10g shght1y the verb rendered by 'as he spoke' into 'when he ran away'. But no emendatio� is necessary. In the old Hebrew script the consonants d and għ were very similar in form and consequently inter-
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changeable, the d having a more or less triangular form, and the għ having a roughly circular form. Now the Hebrew verb for 'he spoke' begins with d. Supposing this d to stand for għ we would obtain a verb which means 'he went away'; hence the sense is 'my soul failed as he (my beloved) went away'. And this sense which admirably fits the con text, is obtained without any emendation of the text and without doing violence to the meaning of the words. Now every translator must ob viously do his utmost to determine the meaning of every single word as accurately as possible and express it as clearly as possible. In many cases neither ancient versions nor modern dictionaries afford us any help, and the translator is inexorably bound to have re course to com parative semitic philology and to all the aids of textual criticism. In order to help the translator solve his many translation problems the United Bible Societies have recently published a book entitled Help for translators, Vo1. I, Old Testament Translation Problems by A.R. Hulst (Leyden 1960). I read the opening p aragraph of the introduction: "Every Bible translator knows how difficult it is to deal adequately with serious problems of text and exegesis. This is especially true of problems posed by certain Old Testament passages which seem almost to defy intelligible rendering. One can obtain some help in commen taries and technical journals, but there is no place where all the prin cipal problems have been gathered together in a single handy volume. Accordingly, the book is designed to remedy, at least in part, certain aspects of this situation and to provide practical suggestions for the solution of many textual and exegetical problems of the Old Testa ment." Yet in spite of the help this book is intended to give, many translation problems are still unsolved. In order to produce a good biblical translation two requisites are absolutely required, namely an adequate knowledge of biblical lan guages and a complete mastery of the language into which the Bible is being translated. The basis of a good translation is a critical edition of the text, but although there are many critical editions of the Old and New Testament, there still remain many passages for which the editions do not give the correct reading. In some cases interpreters even com plain that the text is corrupt beyond emendation. But despite these deficiencies, which fortunately are not very numerous, no serious trans lator can dispense with the use of a good critical edition of the biblical text. The linguistic knowledge includes both vocabulary and grammar. The lexical knowledge is by no means restricted to printed dictionaries. The Hebrew language is expanding every day; new roots and new mean-
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ings are being daily discovered and constant1y enriching the H ebrew dictionary. A deeper study of Hebrew especially in relation to th e ear. liest Greek version of the Bible, the comparative study of Hebrew in relation to Assyrian and Arabic, the discovery and the study of the Ugaritic tablets in 1929 and that of the Dead Sea scrolls in 1947 have yielded such a fruitful crop of new roots and meanings as to render a revision of our Hebrew dictionaries an indispensable need. To pick out a few examples: 'ahabah means 'love'; this is the meaning given by all dictionaries, hence we read in Hos 11,4 of 'the bands of love' and in Cant 3,10 of Solomon's palanquin 'lovingly wrought'. But this word has been found in Ugarit with the meaning 'leather' corresponding to Ar. ihabu. Consequent1y the bands of love become bands of leather, and the 'palanquin worked with love' becomes ' a palanquin worked with leather'; the word car or plur. carim is usually translated 'cities'; but in some places this meaning does not suit the context, and a different meaning seems to be required. Thus in Jer 2,28 and 11,13 we read the same words 'as many as your cities are your gods'; they were even more! Now in Ugaritic the noun gar means 'a stone daubed with (sacrificial) blood', hence 'an object of worship', 'an idol'. Hence the sense in Jeremiah is: ' as the number of your cultic stones (that is your idols) are your gods', which makes a better sense. The saine meaning must be applied to Ez 6,6: 'Wherever you dwell your idols (not 'cities') shall be laid waste and your high places ruined'. Hos 11,6: 'My sword shall rage against their idols' (not 'cities'). And Micah 5,13: 'I will root out your Asherim (objects of worship) from among you and destroy your idols' (not 'cities') . The apparent1y compound word salmawet generally translated 'the shadow of death' is in reality one word mean· ing 'deep darkness'. In Is 3,18 we find the word shebishim which does not occur elsewhere and is generally translated 'caul, headbands'. !ts true meaning, however, is 'sun-ornaments' made of glass or metal and worn as a pend�tnt. In the same verse we meet the word saharonim, which means 'moon-ornaments'. Both words and meanings occur in Ugaritic. Still more interesting is the appellation Caqallaton given to the serpent Leviathan in Is 27,1. The same epithet is used in Ugaritic of a creature called ltn, obviously the leviathan, with the meaning of the 'crooked serpent'. Again the verb rum means 'to be high' but certain forms apparent1y related to it, are in reality related to another root rama 'to wish, to desire', thus in Prov 29,4 cish terumot is not 'a man who exacts gifts' (RSV), nor 'one who imposes heavy taxes' (Conf. V.) but 'a man of desires, that is 'a covetous man'. The grammatical knowledge of Hebrew is equally important for a good translation. It is universally admitted that Hebrew lacks that
variety of moods and tenses which enable the writer to express all those nuances of the action which the writer feels he must express. All these different nuances are expressed by the same verbal form, which if trans lated literally, misses the true meaning intended by the writer. Thus lIebrew had no special forms to express the intention of doing an ac tion or the beginning of an action. All such modalities of action are expressed by the simple form of the imperfect jiqtol. So in 1Kgs 6, 1 the verb wajjiben must be translated 'and he built'. But obviously Solomon did not build the temple in one day nor in one year; therefore the past tense must refer not to the completed action but only to its beginning, hence the sense and correct translation is 'and he began to build', so the Latin Vulgate, RSV. In the parallel passage in 2Chr 3,1.2 it is ex pressly stated that 'Solomon began to build'. In 2Kgs 9,23 the verb wajjanos, which is translated 'and he fled' in RSV and other modern versions, must be translated 'and he wanted to flee' or 'he tried to flee', the imperfect being a conative imperfect denoting an effort to do some thing, not the action itself. As a matter-of-fact Joram did not succeed in fleeing, but he simply tried and wanted to flee. In 2Kgs 6,4 the render ing 'they cut down trees' is not correct; the correct rendering is 'and they began to cut down trees'. Similarly in Haggai 1,14 the correct translation is 'and they began to work' not 'and they worked'. In Jer 37,12 it is said that Jeremiah 'went out from Jerusalem to go to the land of Benjamin'. But Jeremiah was arrested at the gate of Benj amin and was not allowed to go out of the city, so the sense is: 'Jeremiah wanted to go out of Jerusalem'. There are many other passages where gram matical considerations suggest a rendering different from the current one. In Is 5,4 the rendering 'Why, when I looked for it to yield grapes, why did it yield wild grapes?' is ungrammatical, for in this construction the subject of the verb 'looked for' and the infinitive 'to yield' must be the same. Grammar therefore requires this translation: 'Why, when I looked to get grapes, did it get bad grapes?' In 1Macc 8,30 the Greek O�'1:'O � XClC.t O� L is literally rendered 'these and those', 'les uns et les autre' even by such scholars as Abel and Dhorme. But this render ing ignores the idiomatic use of the underlying Hebrew conjunction waw 'and' which in this case is 'or' not 'and'. Hence the correct render ing is 'either these or those'. In the same book of Maccabees 10,72 the two imperatives e�oo v XOtt �s 'ask and learn', according to Hebrew syntax are not cO-ordinated but subordinated the one to the other, hence the sense is: 'Ask that you may learn' or 'Ask and so you will learn' . So far we have limited ourselves to the Old Testament, but the New Testament too provides many good illustrations of the importance and
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necessity of a sound linguistic knowledge. Thus, theologians of all ru es n have been in pains to reconcile Christ's words 'Whosoever shall u away his wife except it be for fornication .. .' (Mt 19,7) with the la indissolubility of marriage prodaimed by Christ shortly before t God hath joined together, let no man put asunder' (Mt 19,6) . A deepe study of the Rabbinic writings has brought to light the exact meaning the Aramic word zenuth, which is not simply fornication, but, and this � its technical meaning 'an unlawful marriage, such · as a marriage co tracted within forbidden degrees'. This meaning once established l becomes clear. The sense of Christ's words is: Whosoever shall ' put away his wife, except in the case of an unlawful union ... The same Word and meaning zenuth 7tOpv e?()( recur in Act 15,20 where the Judaeo Chris tians are exhorted to abstain themselves from idolatry, fornication ' Now there was no need to exhort Christians to abstain from fornicatio� but they had to abstain from marriage within certain degrees of relationship. Again Paul is angry with the Corinthians because one of them was living with his father's wife, a widow who was not the man's zenuth . Now if this act mother (lCor 5,1). Paul calls this act 7tOpv eC()( of immorality was a marriage of a man with his dead father's wife which was a marriage against the Jewish and the Roman law and conse� quently an unlawful marriage, the whole story becomes perfectly clear but if 7tOpV eC()( were an ordinary sin of fornication, we see no reason wh Paul should call this sin 'a sin that is not found even among pagans'. In Paul's days the Corinthians were notorious for their immoral life. In Mt 6,27 the word tp.uaav is translated by Vulg. and some modern trans lators 'stature, height', so also a modern translation of the Gospel of Matthew. But the Greek word means also 'length of life, span of life', and this meaning is to be preferred in Mt 6,27 as it is actually preferred by most of modern translators and commentators. And there are hundreds of cases of words and constructions which cannot be correctly explained and translated without an adequate knowledge of the semitic substratum, of the Koine or Hellenistic linguistic usage, as well as the language of the p apyri, a study which since the time of Adolf Deissmann, that is since the beginning of the twentieth century has made enormous progress. Let us take a few examples. We read in the Gospel of Matthew 2,11 that the three wise men offered to the Babe J esus as gifts: gold, frankincense and myrrh,)(puaOv )G(X� ,,-Cf;W.vov )GO'.C , O!LUpva.v. Now, to say the truth, the presence of gold among such aromatic substances as frankincense and myrrh is, to say the least, un fitting. Hence it may be doubted whether the wise men really offered gold. Now there exist in many museums several stone-altars found in South Arabia and consisting of a block of stone for burning aromatic substances and having on. their four faces the names of aromatic sub-
stances inscribed. Among these names we find the word dhb, which, combined with the names of other aromatic substances, must naturally denote an aromatic substance. In fact dahib in Arabic means a drop of a sort of resinous substance secreted by certain plants. The noun mrt, denoting the myrrh, is also found inscribed on the altar blocks, together with the word lbny which means 'frankincense'. So the names of the gifts dhb, lbny and mrt correspond to three names of aromatic substan ces inscribed on the faces of the stone-altars. The noun dhb soon be came confused with the noun dhb 'gold' and so gold found its way among the gifts presented by the wise men to the babe J esus. This confusion gave rise to another misunderstanding. The golden altar men tioned in Apoc 8,3; 9,13 is in reality the altar of perfumes mentioned in Lk 1,11. And so many other examples.
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As a resu1t of the revival of biblical studies among Catholics there in recent years an extraordinary crop of biblical translations in been has all the Catholic world. I limit myself to mention only a few of them. Y ou all know of the translation by Mgr R. Knox, of which the DT was published in 1948, the NT in 1946, and the complete two-volume edition in 1955. Contrary to all modern translations it is made from the Latin Vulgate, but the translator kept constantly an eye on the Greek text. The translator was particularly interested in the style of his trans lation which he endeavoured to make as modern and English as pos sible, even at the cost of literality.
The Westminster Version of the Sacred Scriptures from the original Greek and Hebrew, undertaken with the approval of the Cardinal Archbishop and the Catholic Hierarchy has given us the NT complete and only a few books of the DT. The Catholic Biblical Association of America has given us The Holy Bible translated from the original languages with critical use of all the ancient sources, 1941-1955. The English Protestants, no longer satisfied with the King James Version published in 1611, have undertaken another revision, known as The Revised Standard Version, which is an authorized revision of the American Standard Version, published in 1901. Another Protestant translation of the Bible is The New English Bible, which may be described as an authoritative attempt to present the meaning of the origitial text, as understood by the best available
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scholarship in English, which is as clear and natural for the modern reader as the subject matter wi11 allow. The translation of the New Testament after 13 years of co-operative work on the original Greek text has appeared in the year 1961. The translation of the Old Testa ment is still in preparation. The old French Crampon has been revised by Rev Bonsirven and published in 1952. The Benedictine Fathers of Maredsous in Belgium have produced a good French translation with very brief notes. The Letouzey Bible, a commentary rather than a mere translation, begun in 1935 and completed in 1961, gives a translation based upon an accurate and critical study of the text. The latest and best French translation is the so-called Bible de Jerusalem undertaken under the direction of the E cole Biblique of Jerusalem, published in parts during the years 1948-1954, and later in a one-volume edition. In the words of a modern critic "French Catholics have every right to take pride in this new edition: it represents a splen did achievement, scientific and literary, well suited to bring readers to the Bible not only among those whom their calling obliges to use the Bible, but also from a much wider circle, educated persons who will enjoy the literary excellence of the version and readers who wi11 come to it for spiritual profit."
From Italy comes Las Saera Bibbia tradotta dai testi originali con note a cura deI Pontificio Istituto Biblico of Rome, published in 9 volumes, 1942-1958. The high standard of the translation is guaranteed by the authority of the Biblical Institute and the scholarship of the collaborators. Other modern !talian translations are : La Saera Bibbia translated by G. Bonaccorsi and other, 1959 in 5 volumes. The translation is made from the Latin Vulgate. Again: La Saera Bibbia translated by G. AI berioni and others from the original languages, 1958. In order to assess rightly the value of a biblical translation three factors or aspects must be taken into consideration: the religious, the literary and the scientific aspect. The Bible was originally translated into the people's language in order to meet the religious requirements of the people. This was the origin of the Aramaic Targumim or
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paraphrases of the Bible and of the earliest translation of the OT known as the 'Septuagint'. The reading of the Bible was the central part of the Jewish liturgical service, but when the Jews residing outside Palestine no longer spoke and no longer understood their own national language, they felt the need of having the Bible translated into the language of their adopted country, and it was so that the first transla tions of the Bible sprang up. In later times when Christianity began to spread in the West, where neither Hebrew nor Greek were understood by the common people, the Bible was again translated into Latin to satisfy the religious and spiritual needs of the rising Christian com munities. And so in the course of centuries, with the decadence of Latin and the rising of new languages the need was again felt of having the Scriptures rendered irito the new languages. So we may say that the spread of Christianity and the development of new languages went hand in hand in producing new translations and continually nourishing the spiritual life of Christians. This hand-in-hand movement still continues in our times and is most strongly felt in mission lands, where the mis sionaries themselves do their best to have at least part of the Scriptures rendered into the language of their converts, and we can safely say that there is no language on earth that does not boast of at least a partial translation of the Bible. The first translations of the Bible were, from a literary and scien tific point of view, a very mediocre work. The Greek version called the LXX in some books hardly rises above mediocrity. St. Augustine com plains that the first Latin translations were made by persons who pos sessed only a scanty and inadequate knowledge of Greek and Latin. But when languages began to develop on literary lines and translation be came the work of cultured persons, translations began to be dressed in a more or less literary style according to the literary efficiency of the translator. St. Jerome, a good Latin writer of the silver age has striven to give his Latin translation of the Bible a classical turn of style which everyone still admires and enjoys. This effort at literary standards is one of the guiding principles of all modern translations. Among modern Latin translations we may mention the new translation of the Psalms, which has become the official Latin translation of the Roman Church. The translation of the two small books of Canticles and Ecclesiastes by Rev now Card. Bea combining elegance of expression with scientific accuracy may be considered as the prelude of a complete modern trans lation to replace Jerome's work as the official text in the Catholic Church.
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. All modern translators are convinced of the importance of the hterary standard of t�e translation. No one ignores the translation by . Mgr Knox, a translahon, whIch although sometimes ton paraphrastic . and IS made from the Vulga� e not from the original languages, has won the �avour of all rea �ers havIDg a refined literary tas te. The old English verSlOns, the authonz� d and the re�ised, no longer satisfy the literary sta?dar ds of modern �I�es, and, bes� des the Revised Standard Version, . . whIch IS only a reVISlOn of a reVISlOn, a new translation is bei ng . prepared, of whIch the �ew Testament has already been published. Bot? the French translahon known as the Bible de Jerusalem and th !tahan La Sacra Bibbia published by the Pontifical Biblical Institute o Rome were submitted to a strict examination of their literary style an d diction before going to press.
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Co�sidering the third factor, that is the scientific aspect of biblical translatlOns, we can safely say that all modern translations are the out come of a gener�l effort at bringing modern biblical scholarship within � each of the ordIDary reader. The progress of biblical studies achieve d ID rece nt y�ars has b �en enormous, the vocabulary of the Hebrew lan . �uage IS �atly expandIDg, new words and new meanings are being con tIDually dIscovered and new light is being incessant1y shed on many obscure passages of the Bible. The Ras Shamra tablets, the Dead Sea scrolls and compar�tive S �mitic and Hellenic philology are the chief . sources of o ur new hngUl�hc knowledge. And progress is so rapid that a . . translatlOn IS already anhquated as soon as it is published. hence the numerous successive revisions of standard translations. A1though some new renderings are simply conjectural and ready to be ousted and replac� d by better translations, the fact remains that a good many new rendenngs and emendations of the traditional text must be definitely accepted as cert�inly correct. So there is hardly any respectable trans . lator who shll chngs to the old meaningless rendering of Is 53 9 'in his death', instead of 'his burying-place', a reading which is supp�rted by . the IsaIah manuscript of the Dead Sea. Let us now look at our Maltese translations in the light of these factors. The earliest translations were the result of Protestant propaganda. The Church Missionary Society, a Protestant institution was very active in Malta during the first half of the 19th century and i; gave us the transla tions of the Gospel of St. John in 1822, the four . Gospels and Acts ID 1829, the !'lew Testament in 1847, the Book of . Com n:on Prayer wIth the Psalms ID 1845. These translations continue to be pnnted and published by th e British and Foreign Bible Society up to the present day. A1though' the Catholic religion is as old in Malta as the
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1st century A.D., no attempt has ever been made to render the Bible into the people's language. Indeed such an attempt would have been absolutely useless since the people could not read, and education was limited to foreign languages !talian and Latin. !t was the Maltese scholar M.A. Vassalli the first to give the Maltese language a literary status by writing its Grammar and Vocabulary and insisting upon the necessity of learning one's national language before any other foreign language. And it was the same Vassalli who gave us the first translation of the Gospels. It is regrettable that the Catholic approach to the Bible remained for many years very timid and indecisive. The Bible was con sidered to be too holy to be touched by human hands, it was the book sealed with seven seals with no one who was able or willing to open it to look therein. During the latter half of the 19th century Catholics con tented themselves with adapting Protestant translations to their needs. It was not until the 20th century that the Bible began to find a more favourable reception among Catholics, but still translations remained the result of private initiative. Thus the translations by Mr Muscat Az zopardi, by the Revd Grima, by A.M. Galea and my own translation are all due to private enterprise. The Church has neither expressly en couraged nor discouraged such translations, a1though she made use of them in her teaching. The literary value of the earliest Maltese translation is easily gauged by the fact that it was the work of a great Maltese scholar who had previously published a Grammar and a Vocabulary of the Maltese language and was deeply versed in oriental languages. The only or the greatest defect of Vassalli's translation is its rigid stylistic stiffness which makes it perhaps somewhat disagreeable to modern tastes. Vas salli was more a scholar than a man of letters, and his special capacity is reflected in his translation in which we find the application of his grammatical rules and the words registered in his Lexicon, but not the graceful flexibility of the language, the elegance of expression, the idiomatic vividness of style which characterize other literary works. And this style, robust but uncouth, is common to all the translations of that period. In recent times a stronger effort at elegance of form was made with results sometimes very satisfactory. Mr Ġ. Muscat Azzopardi, though not a biblical scholar, was one of our best writers and his translation of the Gospels betrays the hand of a refined writer. The translation of the Revd P.P. Grima is utterly careless and defiant of the most elementary rules of style. Re was simply intent on giving the people some good religious reading and was ·absolutely insensible to elegance of form and
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style. Equally popular in form and scope are the translations by Co mm . A.M. Galea who, though the most prolific popular writer, has spoilt his style through a misconception of biblical style. Popularity in its lowest degree is the standard of the translation of the Gospels by Rev Paris O .P.
staġar 'to hire a workman' from aġar 'workman's wages'; mitraq ' a hammer' from mterqa which is its feminine; rsal, rsajjel 'messenger' from rasul 'apostle'. All such new words are formed according to strict
As far back as 1928 I undertook the translation of the whole Bible from the original languages. The work was completed in 1959. A revised second edition is now being prepared. As I find it most dis agreeable to speak of myself and my work and on the other hand many peculiarities of my translation are completely overlooked and unap preciated by the average reader, who may find in them a cause for adverse criticism, I limit inyself here to sub mit some stylistic and tex tual peculiarities of my translation in order to give some idea of its literary standard.
Owing to the lack of Maltese words ex� ressing abstract and nega tive notions every translator, I mean a senous and respectable trans lator, wi11 fi �d himself in extreme difficulties to transl�te � u�? �or �s �s 'immortal', 'immortality', 'incorruption', 'perfectlOn , lDJ usttce , 'justification', 'salvation', 'sincerity', 'innocence' ,an� many others . . Such words must necessarily be translated paraphrast1cally. If one tnes to translate these words by simply transliterating them in Malte� e, as 'immortali', 'immortalita', 'inkorruzjoni', etc. he wi11 run the nsk of making himself unintelligible to the common people who do not under stand Italian.
In the first place I have always striven to give a purely semitic turn to the Maltese construction, avoiding at the same time, as much as possible, all foreign influences. Hence I have invariably avoided all foreign words for which there is a purely Maltese-semitic equivalent; so contrary to Rev Paris, I have always used the word qassis for 'priest' and never saċerdot, though this word is current in daily use. So too I have never used the word re 'king', but always sultan. The only al lowance to foreign words was the lack of a corresponding Maltese word or the inexact correspondence of a Maltese word to the original Hebrew word. Thus the word għarix does not correspond exactly to the word tent, hence in my revised edition the word has been changed to tinda, which in spite of its Italian origin, represents more accurately the meaning of the original Hebrew. So also I have used such words as poplu 'people', Italian popolo; ligi 'law', Ital. legge; preċett and kmanda ment 'precept' 'commandment'; parir 'advice' Hal. parere; kamp 'camp'; Hal. campo, Eng. camp, and others. In order to eschew as far as possible the use of words of foreign origin I have used words which, though registered in our vocabularies, are to-day obsolete, archaic, not easily comprehensible by the average reader. So tabbaħ 'a cook', given by Vassalli (tebaħ 'to cook'), Falzon, Busuttil; ħatem, ħattem 'to seal' (Vassalli, Falzon, Caruana); susan 'lily' (Vassalli, Falzon, Caruana, Busuttil) ; dehen 'to anoint' (Vassalli, Fal zon); kies 'cup' (Vassalli, Falzon, Busuttil). In my effort to use always a purely Maltese word I have not hesitated to form new words from exist ing roots; thus emin 'faithful' emiena 'faithfulness, fidelity' from the verb emmen 'to trust, to believe in'; saffel 'to bring low' from isfel 'low';
rules of Maltese-Arabic Grammar and have their exact equivalent in Arabic.
this: Another great difficulty which faces the serious tra�sl�tor is two or s ectlve ad two , nouns two be may � Sometimes two words, which n happe may lt Now 'and'. ction conjun the by inated verbs are co-ord as � other that one of the two words has a Maltese equivalent, while the by us10g none. How is the translator to get out of the difficulty? Eithe� g use � f mak10 or an Italo-Maltese word for the missing Maltese word ' 1� easant pl and iful � u 'be � paraphrasis. Thus for example the expr.e�sio� , nt pleasa of d 10stea 1f b; rendered sabiħ u pjaċevoli or sabiħ u l, )ogħgo all Now . iħobbu min ta' be we have 'amiable', the paraphrasis would be may they h thoug ities, deform ic such hybrid combinations are stylist . these avo1d to best my done always agreeable to many writers. I have sucstylistic monstruosities, but I wonder whether I have been always cessful. Other literary peculiarities are the following: The word ġebel means . 'stones' as a collective noun. The primitive me� ning 'mounta1O' has . been occasionally preserved in a few toponom1c names, thus gebel Ċiantar, ġegel Majjim, ġebel Għorab, names of hi11s, highla�ds. I h.av� invariably retained the primitive meaning, hence always gebel Sm�J 'mount Sinai' but never il-muntanja Sinaj. Moreover, the ,:ord � ħ, 1S . feminine and used in the sense of 'soul'. But the w�rd has 1� real�ty. m Maltese and in Arabic two genders and two mean1Ogs. It IS fem1010e when it means 'soul'; it is masculine when it means 'spirit', so Ruħ i1-Qodos 'the Holy Spirit' is masculine. This distinction of gender and meaning has been strict1y maintained.
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I wonder whether such linguistic usage j ustifies the violent onslaught made by some self-made critics who have accused my transla tion of incomprehensibility and unsuitability for the people. It is rather their limited and inadequate knowledge of Maltese the cause of unin telligibility of a score of words in my translation. With a small effort and an adequate knowledge of the flexibility of the language and its power of shooting new forms from existing roots one will easily arrive at understanding every single word in my translation, especially in view of the fact that many difficult words are explained in the notes. Thus in Is 8,16,17 the verb inġattem has in the notes as its equivalent nissiġil/a; in 18,6 the two verbs isajjfu and ixittu are explained in the notes as igħaddu s-sajf and igħaddu x-xitwa. In 41,25 xmiel is 'tramuntana'. In PS 43,3 emiena is 'fedelta'. In Prov 13,17 emin is 'fidil' . In the construction of sentences I have always endeavoured to follow the ruIes of the semi tic syntax. That is why my styIe has a strong semitic styIe so different from that of most Maltese writers, who are sometimes so deepIy imbued in the styIe of foreign languages that they unconsciously shape their styIe after the fashion of their favourite Ianguage. This I have done every effort to avoid. One day I happened to be taIking with a foreign semitic schoIar who had my Maltese BibIe. Re toId me: 'I can under stand your translation better than any other book in Maltese'. And that was a great compliment to me. The semitic style is particuIarly conspicuous in the poetic books in which I have endeavoured to preserve the originaI rhythmicaI structure. Under this respect the books of Job and cantic1es are outstanding. I read ch 41 of the book of Job containing the description of the crocodile: 40, 25 Tistad int ghall-kukkudrill b'sunnara jew b'habel tista' int torbotlu lsienu? 26 Tqeghidlu int qafla fi mnifsejh, jew b'ganċ titqablu xedqu? 27 Sa jiġilek b'xi hafna thannin jew ikellmek bi kliem helu? 28 Sa jirtabat b'xi ftehima mieghek, biex tiehdu b'qaddej ghal dejjem? 29 Sa tilghab int bih bhalkieku għasfur u torbtu ghall-bnejtiet tieghek? 30 Sa jinnegozjawh l-ixirka fis-sajd, jew jaqsmuh bejn il-merkanti? 31 Timlielu int ġildu bil-vleġeġ, u rasu bid.-daqqiet tal-froxxna?
Translation of the Bible
32 Qiegħed idek fuqu;
ahseb fit-taqbida; le ma terġa' ! 41, 1 Ara kif tqarraq bih it-tama tieghu; malli biss jarah jintelaq. 2 Mhux ahrax jekk wiehed iqajjmu? u min hu li jista' jieqaf quddiemu? 3 Min ħabat ghalih u ħelisha? Taht is-sema kollu ma hawn ħadd. 4 Ma noqgħodx ma ngħid xejn fuq ġismu; ngħid fuq il-qawwa tiegħu li ma hawnx daqsha. 5 Min qatt fetaħ il-quddiem ta' libstu, u ġol-qoxra mitnija tieghu min jista' jidhol? 6 Min qatt fetah il-bibien ta' ħalqu? madwar snienu hemm il-biża' . 7 Dahru srabat ta' tarki, mwalllllin bhal hatem taż-żnied. 8 Wahda mal-oħra marbuta, u nifs ma jghaddix bejniethom. 9 Kull wahda ma seħbitha mitbuqa, mghaqqdin u le ma jinfirdu. 10 L-għatis tieghu jiddi bid-dawl, għajnejh donnhom xfar iż-żemiq. 11 Minn fommu johorġu ilsna ta' nar xrajjar ta' nar jittajru. 12 Minn imnifsejh johroġ id-dullllan, bhal inhasa tbaqbaq u taghli. 13 Nifsu jqabbad il-ġamar u ilsna ta' nar minn fommu johorġu. 14 F'ghonqu qieghda l-qawwa u quddiemu jaqbeż il-biża' . 15 Il-qalba ta' lahmu maghquda iebsa fuqu u le ma titharrek. 16 Qalbu iebsa bhal haġra, iebsa bħal haġra ta' taħt tal-mithna. 17 Malli jqum il-qawwijin jitwerwru, jintilfu mibluhin bil-biża' . 18 Is-sejf li jilhqu le ma jżomm shiħ, anqas lanza, vleġġa jew labarda. 19 Ghalih il-hadid bħat-tiben, u l-inllas bhal ghuda msewwsa.
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20 Le ma tħarrbu l-vleġġa tal-qaws, għafien isir għalih il-ħaġar imwaddab. 21 Tibna hi għalih il-mazza, u j idħak bit-tixjir tal-Ianza. 22 Taħtu hemm xfafar ta' xaqquf, u j ifrex bħal xatba fit-tajn . 23 Igħalli qiegħ il-baħar bħal borma, jagħmel il-baħar bħal ħwawar ibaqbqu. 24 Ibajjad warajh il-mogħdija, il-baħar ikun qisu sar ixjeb. 25 Ma hemmx fuq l-art bħalu, magħmul Ji ma jibżagħx. 26 Fuq kull min hu mkabbar iħares; hu sultan id-dbejjeb kburin kollha. In order to give some idea of the scientific standard of my transla tion � should like now to submit a list of passages that are translated by me dlfferently from current and traditional translations, and sometimes even from modern translations of the highest scientific standard: In Gen 2,5 the Hebrew construction is bad1y involved and trans1a tions are more or less awkward. The Douay Versi on reads thus: 'And every plant of the field before it sprung up in the earth, and every herb of the ground before it grew: for the Lord God had not rained upon the earth; and there was not a man to till the earth. But a spring rose out of the earth, watering all the surface of the earth'. The King James Ver sion of 1611 gives more or less the same rendering. Even the Revised Standard Version does not differ substantially from the older versions. ' The translation by the Catholic Biblical Association of America is slightly better: 'there was not yet any fie1d shrub on the earth nor had the plants of the field sprung up, for the Lord God had sent no rain on the earth, and there was no man to till the soil; but a mist rose from the earth and watered all the surface of the ground'. The contradiction between the 1ack of rain and the irrigation of the earth by a spring or mist rising out from the ground is apparent. There was no vegetation because there was no rain, but the earth was irrigated, therefore there should have been vegetation. Modern translations are generalIy not very successful in removing the difficulty. But the Italian translation by the Pontifical Biblica1 Institute has felicitously rendered; 'nessun arbus to campestre c'era ancora sulIa terra ne alcuna erba germogliava an cora per la campagna, pe�che il Signore Iddio non aveva fatto piovere
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sulla terra ne c'era uomo che coltivasse il suolo e dalla terra facesse salir l'onda ad irrigare la superficie deI suo10'. This trans1ation agrees with that proposed by me as far back as 1936 and has now been adopted in my revised edition. In Gen 3, 15 the verb shuph makes difficu1ty. The verb is twice used presumable with the same meaning. Hence all such renderings as 'she shall crush thy head, and thou shalt lie in wait for her heel' (Douay and American Confraternity Version) must be ruled out as incompatible with lexical exigensies. On the other hand the rendering of the verb shuph as 'to crush' in both occurrences, as 'he shall bruise your head, and you shall bruise his heel' would mean that the two adversaries, the woman's seed and the deyil, will destroy one another, which is against the context which foretells the victory of the woman's seed and the total defeat of the devil. The difficulty is easily solved by giving the second shuph the meaning of a conative imperfect. The sense would be 'The woman's seed will crush the serpent's head, while the serpent will try (but in vain) to crush (that is, to attack, to bite) the heel of the woman's seed'. This is my revised rendering of this passage. In Lev 4,13.22.27; 5,2.3.4.17 the Latin Vulg. and the Douay omit the verb we'ashemfl. The RSV translates wrongly. Other modern transla tions omit also the verb 'ashemfl. The omission is unjustifiab1e as the verb gives the reason why expiation of a sin of ignorance is necessary. The sense is: 'If a person commits a sin through ignorance, he is really guilty, and when he becomes aware of his sin, he will have to offer a sacrifice'. And the important thing to notice is that the conjunction waw prefixed to the verb 'iishemCl is not a copulative conjunction, but a waw apodosis introducing the principal clause after a subordinate clause. In Lev 23,36; Num 29,35; Deut 16,8 the liturgical term Ca�eret is usually trans1ated 'assemb1y, meeting, convocation'. But the real mean ing is 'abstention from work, vacation'. This meaning is justified by the epexegetical clause which follows the noun: 'Thou shalt do no work'. Deut 32,36 the assonant expression ca�r we1lzClb which recurs again in 1Kgs 14,10; 21,21; 2Kgs 9,8; 14,26 is generally taken to denote the whole people as divided into two opposite classes, such as slaves and freemen, those that are under age and those that are of age, protected and unprotected. I have shown elsewhere that the two as sonant words denote one class of the population, the effect of t.!l�i"'f',' sonance being that of bringing out the fundamental mean· .� �-orel <' emphatically. As this is that of 'powerIessness, he1p1essness', � m�an>.
4..
I
� l
ON, ,,"'/ "
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ing is: all the people even the poorest, the weakest, the most helpless of the population. This is my translation which differs from most modern versions.
Driver proposed translating 'wear me down' instead of 'are arrayed against me', a translation which I had already adopted in 1947.
Judg 16,9. After Delilah's first unsuccessful attempt to discover the cause of Samson's extraordinary strength all texts and versions read 'And his strength was not known', that is, the secret of his strength was not discovered. This makes good sense. But the initial yodh of the verb yiu1aC 'know' sometimes represents a primitive waw (cfr Hebr yalad Malt. wiled). If this is the case here, instead of yidaC 'to know' we have the verb wadac 'to subdue' and a better sense is obtained: 'And his strength was not brought to submission'.
Job 29,18. Job recalling the happy days of his younger year says: 'I thought: I shall die in my nest'. T�e mention of the nest is .here i?ap propriate and destroys the parallehsm. The word, however, IS retamed by many modern translators and interpreters. Driver postulates a root qn suggesting the idea of strength and translates 'I shall die in my full strength'; but this translation is unsuitable to the context unless one . supposes vigour to be still fresh in old age. My translatIon follo:-"s the . LXX: 'I shall die in my old age' which restores the parallehsm wIth the following stich: 'I shall multiply my days as the sand'.
Judg 19,2. Here we read the story of the levite whose wife ran away. The cause of her desertion was, according to the Hebrew text, her unfaithfulness. Many modern translators, however, adapt the LXX reading 'she became angry, she quarrelled'. So that the cause of the woman's desertion was not conjugal infidelity but only a quarrel be tween wife and husband, an ordinary domestic event. In 2Kgs 9,23 the verb way'yanos does not mean 'and he fled' as it is usually translated (RSV, de Vaux, Dhorme) but 'he tried to flee, he wanted to flee'. The verb is a conative imperfect, hence I have trans lated 'ried jahrab'. As a matter of fact King Joram was not successful in his attempt to escape, for he was killed on the spot. 1Mac 8,30. The Greek 'these and those' is literally rendered 'les uns et les autres' (Abel, Dhorme), 'both parties' (RSV) . This rendering ignores the idiomatic use of the underlying Hebrew waw, which in this case means 'or', hence my translation 'wiehed jew l-iehor'. Tob 7,13. The words kai os are generally literally translated 'and how'. But the words are the literal translation of Hebrew waken 'and so'. The sense is: 'and so they gave her to him'. Tob 12,6. The Greek text is confused and translations are more or less awkward. By retranslating the Greek into Hebrew, the following text is obtained: 'Bless God and praise him before all the living for what he has done to you. It is good to bless his name'. Job 6,4. We read 'The terrors of God are arrayed against me'. This rendering is adopted by most modern translators. In 1955 Prof G.R.
Cant 1,4. The verb h'ebi'ani is translated either as an imperative 'introduce me ' or as a perfect tense 'he introduced me'. In my transla tion the verb is the protasis of a conditional sentence, thus 'if the king were to bring me into his chamber, we will rejoice'. Is 2,16. The 'beautiful things' or 'pleasant imagery', which make no sense, have become in my translation 'beautiful ships'. Is 4,5.6. Both the Hebrew text and all ancient and modern versions separate the last word of verse 5 from the first word of verse 6. In my translation the two words have been brought together so as to form an assonant combination h:uppah wesukkah, the effect of the assonance being that of emphasizing the idea of divine protection. Is 24,16. The word rażi is difficult to explain. Auvray-Steinmann translate tentatively: 'Assez! Assez! ' Fischer: 'Verderben mir, Verder ben mir'. Kissane with the ancient versions 'A secret, a secret have I'. Although the meaning 'secret, mystery' is common in the Qumran literature, I prefer to link up the word with Arabic ruz 'calamity'. Hence the meaning is 'my calamity' or 'woe to me'. Is 41,14. The Hebrew text as translated by all ancient and modern versions reads thus: 'Fear not, you worm Jacob, you men of Israel', or: 'you that are dead'. Both translations are justified by the fact that Hebr. mete can be referred either to the noun metfm 'men' or to the participle metfm 'dead'. But parallelism, which is an essential feature of Hebre:-" poetry, requires for 'men' or 'dead' a synonym of 'worm'. And thIS synonym is easily found in the Acc. mutu which mean� 'lice'; hen�e t�e correct rendering is: 'Fear not, you worm Jacob, you hce of Israel wIth a perfect synonymous parallelism.
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Is 53, 9a.b. The literal rendering is that given by the Douay Version: 'And he shall give the ungodly for his burial and the rich for his death' The sense is beyond comprehension. The disturbing word is bemota';' 'in his deaths'. The verse is generally explained thus: 'Re i.e. the Ser vant, the Messiah, Christ, will be destined to be buried with the wicked b ?t in r� ality he will be buried �ith rich and honourable people'. Bu� . dIfficulttes remam. In my translatton of the book of Isaiah, published in 1951 I suspected the word bamato to be hidden in the word bemotawn and my suspicions came through after the publication of the Dead Se � scroll ?f �saia� which reads exactly bamato. It has been recently shown �hat ba"!ah . wIth the 3 p : s.m. suffix bamato, means sometimes 'funerary ll�stallatIon, , hence , burymg place'. Therefore my translation is: 'Re was g1Ven a sepulchre with the wicked and a burying place with evil-doers'. Is 54,7. The usual translation 'For a brief moment did I forsake thee, and with great mercy did I gather thee' destroys the parallelism. Parallelism is restored by giving the word ragaC the meaning 'emotion'. Rence my translation: 'With little emotion have 1 forsaken thee but ' with a great mercy will I gather thee'. Jer 47,5. The word Cimqam is generally altered into canaqim 'the Ana�im'. But the word cemeq besides its ordinary meaning 'valley' has also m Ugaritic the meaning 'vigour'. This meaning, which occurs else where in the Bible, fits here better than any emendation and has been adopted in my translation: 'the rest of their strength'. Ez 34,13. '� will pasture them on the mountains, in the valleys and . m all the dwelhng-places of the land'. The absurdity if this rendering is apparent. Flocks are taken to graze on mountains in the valleys but certainly not in inhabited places. By linking up the �oun moshab 'd�ell ing place' to Arab wasab 'abounded with herbs' the meaning 'meadow' ' is easily obtained. Dan 10,13. The current translation 'I remained there' or 'I was left there' disagrees with the context and cannot be correct. Row could the tutelary angel of the Jews communicate his message to Daniel if he remained with the king of Persia? And if the angel was delivered from the hands of the angel of the Persians, who tried to intercept the divine . message to Damel, how could the angel still remain there instead of continuing his way? The difficulty is avoided if instead of n6tarti 'I was left' we read h6tarti with the meaning of ' I excelled' that is 'I ' prevai1ed'. The patron-angel of the J ews prevailed over the angel of �he Persians and so could carry his message to Daniel.
Translation of the Bible
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Ros 11,3.4. These two verses read so in the RSV: 'It was I who taught Ephraim to walk, I took them up in my arms; but they did not know that I healed them. I led them with cords of compassion, with the bands of love, and I became to them as one who eases the yoke on their j aws, and I bent down to them and fed them'. The difficult is to under stand what 'the cords of compassion' or 'the cords of man' and 'the bands of love' are. On the grounds of Arabic analogy the cords of compassion and the bands of love have become 'cords and bands of leather'. By reading cuZ 'suckling' instead of coZ 'yoke', the figure will become that of one who lifts his or her baby and takes him into his arms binding him with leather strings for greater security and bending over him to give him food. These examples and many others are all taken from the Old Testa ment. But in the New Testament too recent linguistic research has shed a bright light on many an obscure and disputed passage. We have al ready mentioned the noun żenuth which does not mean 'fornication' in general but unlawful marriage. We can add other examples: The verb apokrinesthai 'to answer' is very often used when no ques tion has been asked and therefore when no answer is expected. So in Mt 8,8 we read that after Christ had promised to the centurion that he would heal his servant, the centurion 'answered and said'. But Christ had asked no question to the centurion, and the verb 'answered' is out of place. But the verb apokrithe 'he answered' is the translation of the Rebrew canah, which means 'to answer' and 'to set speaking' and simp ly 'to speak, to say'. Rence the sense is simply: Re (the centurion) said. All Maltese translations read incorrectly: U wieġeb. In the same story of the healing of the centurion's servant we read the well-known words: 'Say only one word, and my servant will be healed'. All Maltese translations give the same text. But the translation is not correct. In Greek and Latin the word 'verbo, logo' is dative, not accusative of the subject. Now the dative after the verb 'to say' denotes the person addressed not the words said. Rence the sense is: Say to the word or 'Say it with one word'. Moreover the verb 'to say' in Rebrew is 'amar which means also 'to command'; cfr the Maltese expression 'k Alla jamar, 'if God so commands'. There the sense is: 'Give a one-word command', or 'Just give a command'. Mt 26,50. Christ's words to Judah are generally translated: 'Friend, why have you come here?' Many modern translators however give a slightly different sense to Christ's words. Christ is not asking Judah the
322
P. P. Saydon
r e as o n of his co ming t o him, but he is simply expr essing his astonishment at Judah's effrontery, 'Is it for this purpose, i.e. of betray ing me that you are here?' It is an exc1amation rather than an interroga tion. The tit1e vas electionis given to Paul by God himself (Acts 9,15) sounds strange, and sti11 stranger is its M altese rendering 'kej la mahtura'. The Latin vas corresponds to the Greek skeuos which means 'a vessel' and 'an implement in general'. It is applied to the goods of the vendors in the temple, arms, sai1s, anchor, a ship's gear and tackle, an earthenware vessel; man too is called an earthen vessel, one's wife is one's vesse1. In this general sense Paul is called 'vessel of election' that is a chosen instrument, an instrument chosen by God to carry his name before the Gentiles and the children of Israel. Hence the orator's description of Paul as a flower-pot spreading everywhere the sweet per fume of virtues has no support in the biblical text.
APPENDIX 4
Anna Muscat: ALFONS MARIJA GALEA TRANSLATOR OF THE BIBLE*
I think I have succeeded in showing the difficulty of a Bible transla tion. I have endeavoured to bring my work abreast of modern biblical studies . B eing conscious of my limited forces and the incessant progress of biblical stuclies I readily admit the existence of some blemishes in my translation, hence I conc1ude with these two verses from the Latin Horace. elf you can produce something better than this, let us know it; if not, accept and make use of my translation'.
* Translated by author from Sijon
6(1974) 54-59.
ALFONS MARIJA GALEA TRANSLATOR OF THE BIBLE Anna Muscat Although the first translations of the Bible in Maltese appeared in
1822, the Maltese started reading the Bible in their native tongue at the
beginning of the twentieth century. The main reason for this interest was the enormous progress that had taken place in eduċation. Another move in the right direction was the creation of literary groups that boosted Maltese literature. All this encouraged Maltese writers to translate some books from the Bible. Among these writers, one finds Alfons Marija Galea (AMG), who between 1926 and 1932, translated several books from the aId Testa ment. This is the complete list: Proverbs (1926); Ecclesiastes (1927); The Wisdom of Solomon (1927); Tobias (1927); Ecclesiasticus and the Canticle of Canticles (1928); Psalms (1929); Job (1929); 1 Maccabees (1929); 2 Maccabees (1929); 1 Samuel (1930); 2 Samuel (1930); 1 Kings (1930); 2 Kings (1930); Isaiah (1930); Ezekiel (1931); 1 Chronicles (1931); 2 Chronicles (1931) and Baruch (1932).
2
In the translation of these books, AMG followed the Vulgate and the translations of Vaccari, Martini, Ricciotti, Crampon, and others from the original texts. When in 1915, AMG stopped publishing the series of books called "Il-Kotba tal-'Mog1lija taż-Żmien"', he also stopped producing the enormous number of books for which he was so famous. This probably happened because he had been assigned several public posts: in 1914 he was elected President of the Board of Directors of the Anglo-Mal tese Bank. In 1915 he became Administrator of the Archbishop's Mensa and in 1921 he was elected Senator of the Maltese Parliament. Since AMG was so busy, he found enough time only to write a few books and some articles fpr the Annals of "Propaganda Fide". Besides, it appears as if there came a time when nothing seemed to attract AMG to write in his usual prolific manner.
Alfons Marija Galea
Anna Muscat
326
The turning point came ip. 1925, when AMG thought of the Bible and decided to translate sections of it into Maltese. AMG says the Bible had always attracted him , l he liked mentioning Biblical episodes and referring to books giving information on the Bible, as , for example , the publications of Annibale Preca.
. Whe � Mrs Galea sa.ys that AMG gave his contribution in translatmg the Blble together with Saydon and Grima, she does not really mean that they collaborated. This is what we read in his biography: "On enquiring about dates, Prof Saydon wrote to me (Liża Galea): .. ... The .translation of the �roverbs of Solomon was published by dear Alfons� ID 1926. .1 do not thIDk at that time he had any defIDite plan for translatIDg the Blble , although on page 90 he expressed this desire to see the who!e Bible.translated into Maltese. In 1926 we were hard1y acquain t�ces, �deed It wa� Solomon who linked us up together with a lifelong fnendship. Meanwhile Rev P.P. Grima was translating the Lamentations of JeremIah.
Mrs Galea writes in her biography of "is-Sur Fons": "Fonso ftrst got familiar with the Bible when he translated Father Gallway's Watches of the Passion into Italian: a book that was never published, part of the manuscript having been lost. When Don Giacomo Mezzacasa S.C. sent Fonso hisProverbs ofSolomon translated from the Hebrew, it struck him how beautiful they would sound in Maltese and was determined to try. In so doing his admiration of the Scripture increased so much that he wished to see the whole Bible in Maltese. And this led to his doing his share of the translation of the Bible together with Prof P.P. Saydon and Rev P.P. Grima.,,2
In the s?IDe time and independently of either of them I was engaged in translat�g the ftve �ooks of Moses which were to be a part of a complete translatIon of the Blble. M� ftrst tr�sla�ion was published in 1929. Therefore the idea of trans latIDg �he �Ible ID Maltese originated with Fonso and with me about same tIme � 1925. Th� work was undertaken byus independentIy the of each other, but his translatlOn came out frrst.,,4
Going through the history of the Bible translations in Maltese, one realizes that up to AMG's time, there were still several books of the Holy Scripture that had not yet been translated. Perhaps AMG decided to undertake this task in order to have such Books in Maltese.
Even though they started off working independentIy, later on it seems that they had some sort of understanding. AMG himseIf says:
However there could also be a simple motivation: that of helping the Maltese. This is what he writes in one of the Books: "1 translate these Books from the Holy Scripture not for (he learned who can read them in other languages, but for our fellow men, the workmen who in their majority, know only the Maltese language. They really long to take beneftt of all the sublime teachings we ftnd in them. They have the same right, as anybody e1se, to learn.,,3
"Alth�ugh we �e working separately, there is one common under standIDg underIYIDg our work." !2 •
From the frequent notices published by AMG , it appears that the three of . th.em agreed beforehand on how to share the work among them. ThlS IS only one example of such notices: "The other Book� of Moses: the Exodus, Leviticus , Numbers and Deuteronomy, are ID the hands of Rev P.P. Saydon D.D.
Since AMG's ambition was to publish the best books for the com mon folk, l believe that for him, these Bible translations helped him reach the summit of his literary activity. 1.
327
Two other Books, that of Daniel, and that of Judges, will be published
AMG, "Il-Kotba tal-Bibbja bil-Malti (1926-1932)", Ktieb Baruk (1932) p.26. cover.
2.
uża Galea,An Intimate Outline Sketch ofFonso (MS), pp.24-25.
4.
Galea,An Intimate Outline, 25.
3.
AMG, "Kelmtejn Bejnietna", L-GIIana ta' David (1929), p.10.
5.
Ktieb ta' Ġob (1929), intro. p.vii.
Anna Muscat
328
by Rev P.P. Grima D.D. - and the two Books of Maccabees are in the hands , of Alf. M. Galea., 6 Such an understanding had its advantages since they could help each other when difficulties arose. Another advantage was when AMG gave his translations to Saydon and Grima to be checked by the m for any mistakes. AMG himself admits this in some of his books , as for example in the introduction of his very first book: "And then, in order to have our minds at rest, we asked Rev P.P. Grima to give it the final touCh.,, 7 In another instance he says: "I passed it on to Rev P.P. Saydon of Żurrieq to look throug� it, and I now thank him for his patience." s
A1fons Marija Galea
that all translations of the Holy Bible had to be done from these original texts. 10 It therefore follows that when, in 1926-1932 AMG was translating the Bible, he had no Encyclical to follow. However, since he always desired to be precise in his work - all the more when translating such a precious text as the Bible - AMG thought of studying Hebrew. He once wrote: "I did try to learn Hebrew, and for a month and a half (in 1927) I went to the University at the age of sixty-six to learn this language. Prof Fr Daniel Callus O.P. was my teacher. However, later on, I realized that I could not cope with all my work. Unfortunately I had to give up." u
In the introduction of the Book of Tobias, we find a letter that Saydon sent to AMG after having corrected the manuscript: "Ieri le mandai corretto il suo manuscritto di Tobia e godo oggi esprimerle la mia piena sodisfazione per la riuscita deI su� lavoro. Le correzioni sono nella massima parte dei piccoli cambiamenti e lievi . ,,9 llll 'glioramenti .... Although they had worked together, the books did not achieve the same scientific value: while Saydon was translating directly from the original texts in Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek, Grima and AMG were translating from the Latin Vulgate and other translations.
For this reason, AMG had to continue translating from the lan guages he had learnt: Latin, ItaHan and French. When translating he always chose those texts that were considered as being the best transla tions of the original Books.' He preferred the Latin Vulgate and the translations of Martini and Vaccari. Besides, it was his custom to work concurrently on two or three different texts. In the Introduction to various Books, he informed his readers which versions were used as original texts. This is the list he gave: 12
Ktieb il-Qwiel ta' Salamun: 13 Martini and Mazzacasa Ekklesjastes u Ktieb il-GJerf: 14 Vulgate (for the notes he consu1ted Martini,
However, one should not underestimate their work, and say that their Books are not worth anything. For sixteen centuries the Latin translations of Saint Jerome (written during the last years of the 4th century AD), had remained the only texts recognized by the Catholic Church. As a result it was the only text that could be consulted when trans lations of the Bible had to be made. Finally in 1943, the story changed. Pope Pius XII issued the Encyclical Letter Divino Afflante Spiritu in which he established as an authority, the original texts of the Bible, i.e. the Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek texts. The Encyclical also requested Ktieb ta' Ġob (1929), p.109.
6.
AMG, "Kotba Mqaddsa",
7.
AMG, "Kelmtejn qabel xejn tibdew taqraw dan il-Ktieb", Ktieb il-Qwiel ta' Salamun (1926), p5.
8.
AMG, "Lit-tfal tax-xoghol", Ekklesjasres u Ktieb il-Għerf (1927), p5.
9.
P.P. Saydon, "Kelmtejn fuq dan il-Ktieb", n-Ktieb ta' Tobija (1927), p.7.
329
Vaccari, Crampon)
Ktieb il-Ghana ta' David: Vulgate, Vaccari, Crampon, Zorell, Martini. Ktieb ta' Ġob: Vaccari and Ricciotti li-Żewġ Kotba tal-Makkabin: Crampon Ktieb lsaija: Crampon
Grima, AMG and Saydon worked "together " using different techni ques of translation. Grima aimed at giving his readers the "contents" of 10. ' K Sant, "Qabel u Wara l-Enċiklika Divino Afflante Spirito", Sijon 6(1973) 76-77. 11. AMG, "Biex Niftiehmu", Ktieb il-Għana ta' David (1929), p.7. 12. 13
AMG always imported such important information in the "Introduction" of his books. and 14. In these boo�, apart from the translation of some proverbs, we also come across Maltese proverbs which resef!1ble Biblical ones and which AMG copied out from the book of M.A. Vassalli Molti, Aforismi e proverbi Maltesi (1829). AMG gives this information in "Kelmtejn Qabel Xejn..... " Ktieb il-Qwiel ta' Salamun, p.6 and "Lit-Tfal tax-Xoghol" Ekkleijastes u Ktieb iI-G1fer/, p5. .
'
330
Anna Muscat
the original text in such a way that everybody could under st and it. This type of translation is called "dynamic-equivalence translation. ,, 15 Al though Grima's books had no high literary value, the style was simple and the language fIuent. On the other hand, Saydon and AMG used a different technique called "direct transfer" giving a "formal correspondence translation": " .... . A translation that emphasizes formal correspondence is oriented primarily towards the source message, or the message in its original form, sentence and clause structure, and consistency of word usage in terms of ,, the source language. 16
Alfons Marija Galea
33 1
It is possible that AMG had never thought of translating the Bible, but once he started this task, it appears that he could never stop work ing until all Books were translated into Maltese. Although AMG had spent all his life translating books into Mal tese he admits that translating the Bible was an extremely difficult ! job. s For him it now meant that he had to translate this "special" text, word for word. It must have been painful and laborious for him that he could no longer use a simple, matter-of-fact, style. Notwithstanding these difficulties, he only stopped once the job was completed: " .... a difficult task - so many times I had to continue working till very late at . . ,, mght; dunng a11 those summer and WlDt er mght s ... 19 .
•
A danger related to this technique is the fact that the translator remains so faithful to the original text that he will end up using a dif ficult and strange language. This was occasionally obvious in Saydon's works.
We cannot stop admiring AMG when we consider that he started translating the Bible at the age of 65, and that he translated fifteen books in the short span of six years.
When translating novels, AMG was more concerned in giving a rendering of the original text. However, he was convinced that such a technique could not be used when translating the Bible. With such "uni que" Books, he had to remain as faithful as possible to the original text.
During his life, AMG never sought to become famous. He never sought praise for his works. His ideal was that of helping his fellow men. Even the translations of the Bible were aimed at helping the Mal tese - especially those who could only read in Maltese. It must have been this urge to help that kept him going until all Books were trans lated.
It is interesting to note that even though Saydon and AMG used the same technique, they produced different styles. The style used by AMG is not as pedantic as that of Saydon. It was probably impossible for AMG to abandon his usual simple style and opt for a pedantic one. The style of AMG could easily be described as follows: "Combined with efforts to use a more readable style, direct transfer may nevertheless lead to something that is less heavy and which can be used for public and private reading, even though it fails to produce an effect upon the receptors which is really equivalent to that originally produced by the source message u�on its receptors. Most traditional Bible trans lations are of this type."l 15.
W.L. Wonderly ''The Translation Process", Bible Trans/ationsfor Popular Use (United Bible Societies; Stuttgart 1968) 50-51.
16.
Wonderly, ''Translation Process", 50.
17.
Wonderly, ''Translation Process", 50-51.
When all the translations were completed, AMG did not put aside the Holy Scripture. He had found a subject that really interested him. From now onwards, we find AMG publishing books giving teachings from the Bible, together with episodes from the Bible. Actually the last book he wrote, two years before he passed away, was the biblical ac count found in the Old Testament. This book Minn Ħolqien id-Dinja sal-Miġja ta' Kristu (1939), ended the literary life of AMG. His life had been characterized by the enormous number of books which he published. But the Maltese were deeply grateful to him not so much for the contribution he gave to Maltese literature, but more so , for the good deeds he performed among the people. And for him the translation of the Bible into Maltese constituted the climax of how one should help his neighbour through literature and books.
18. 19.
AMG, "Kelmtejn qabel xejn .:.", Ktieb i1-Qwiel ta' Salamun, 5.
AMG, "Taghlim ħafiffuq il-Qari tal-Bibbja", Minn Ħolqien id-Dinja sal-Miġja ta' Kristu, 5.
APPENDIX 5
Ġ. Cassar Pullicino: DE SOLDANIS'S MALTESE TRANSLATION OF THE "MISERERE" (PS 5 1) *
* Reproduced and translated by author from /l-Malti (Jan/Dec 1980) 1-8.
De Soldanis's Maltese Translation of the "Miserere" (Ps 51) Ġuże Cassar Pullicino The purpose of this study is to bring to the attention of scholars an early translation of Psalm 51, the "Miserere " which goes back ap proximately to the middle of the 18th Century. We know that this psalm was one of nine translated from English into Maltese by Dr Cleardo Naudi (1781-1836) and included in his Ktyb y/ Qari fuq Bosta Huejjeg mahtura myn Kotba Kattolici. 1 Another trans lation of the psalm by M.A. Camilleri, who had left the Church and became an Anglican in 1843, appeared two years later in Ktieb it Ta/b ta' Aa/enia....flimkien mas Salterju w is-Sa/mi ta' David. 2 Mgr K. Sant mentions a Ktieb is-Salm i in Maltese translation, found in the Cathedral Archives at Imdina among the MSS of Mgr Fortunato Panzavecchia (t1850) .3 However, we are referring here to a much earlier translation, for it was the work of the Gozitan scholar, Canon G.P.F. Agius De Soldanis (1712-1770), and may be read at the National Library in MS No. 144 entitled Nuova Scuo/a de//'antica lingua 'unica scoperta net moderna par/are Maltese e Gozitano (pp.315-316). In this MS which contains an enlarged revision of the grammar published in 1750,4 De Soldanis includes specimens of some writings in Maltese, among them Djalogi which the present writer published in 1947. 5 In lesson VLIV we find some "Orazioni da sapersi a memoria da qualunque Cristiano Cattolico, con altre orazioni devote in lingua Mal tese" . These prayers, given in !talian and in Maltese, were the "Pater
l.
(Malta 1832) 130-134.
2.
Printed by M. Weiss; (Malta 1845) - No. li in Psalms Section, pp.39-40.
3.
K SANT,
It-Traduzzjoni tal-Bibbja u l-Ilsim Malti 1810-1850, (Royal University of Malta
1975) 31. In this volume p.36. ·
Della Lingua Punica presmtemente usata da' Maltesi ..
4.
G.P.F. AGIUS DE SOLDANIS, (Roma 1750).
5.
Ġ. CASSAR PULLICINO, Id-Djalogi ta' De Soldanis, bi studju storiku-soċjali. Reproduced from fl-Malti (September 1947) 29ff.
..
Ġ. Cassar Pullicino
336
337
De Soldanis's "Miserere"
Noster", the "Ave Maria", the "Credo", the "Salve Regina" and the "Act of Faith", while in Latin and in Maltese we read the Litany of Our Lady and the "Miserere".
spiritu principali (v.13) and spiritus contribulatus (v.18) only two, the first and the last, are translated by an adjective, i.e. nefs tajjeb and ruħ melwija; in the other two he gives only the word nifs.
The "Miserere" (Ps 51) is printed in two columns, the Latin original facing the Maltese version in the same page. It is clear that the translation was made directly from Latin. However, although the MS of the revised grammar was ready for printing, De Soldanis had not yet decided on the final version of some verses of the Psalm. In fact there are two versions of verses 2-7, most probably because De Soldanis was not happy with his Maltese rendering.
Another characteristic of De Soldanis's translation is the dialectal form of the vowel i, as pronounced today, which he invariably writes e, as may be seen from the folIowing examples; v.1 - menni, bel-ħniena; 2 - teċkien, el-kufrija menni, qabbeżli; 3 med-dnub, aħselni eżjed; 4 teġbedni, mennek jefredni, eżjed menn mija; 5 essewwini bes-sewwa; 6 - bed-dnub essawwart: tweledt u sert; 7 - ent es sewwa, lel għeifek; 8 nendaf, eżjed mes-selġ nebjad; 9 wednejja, el-għadam ; 10 - elwi weċċek; 12 - weċċek teħedhulix; 13 - b'nefsek enkun; 14 - engħallem, el-kefrin, mennek; 15 elsieni; 16 - eftaħ; 17 enqaddsek essa, emma ent; 19 emmela; bel-ħetan tentela; 20 - embagħad, bel-ħaqq.
The translation has scant literary merit. D e Soldanis tried, wherever possible, to make use of rhyme to obtain the desired effect, although in themselves the psalms rely more on rhythmic effect than on rhyme. The following verses employ rhyme, or assonance, between their first and second parts: VV.1 - Mulejja ....lejja; 4 - teġbedni .... jefred ni; 6 - inħbelt .... sert; 7 . - ħabbejt .... għaddejt (raddejt); 9 ferħ .... merħ; 10 - dnubieti .... ġmiedi; 11 - sawwar .... dawwar; 12 teħodhulix .... tiħdulix; 13 - tiegħak .... miegħak; 14 - kulħadd .... qatt; 16 dalwaqt .... kull waqt; 17 - hawn .... dawn; 18 - melwija .... tkeċċiha; 19 -
-
- emmela .... tentela.
We have said that the translation has no great literary pretences. One should not expect much from someone who had only just begun to make an effort to give a Maltese rendering of a religious text. Some times the Maltese text is but a paraphrase of the original and in some verses the author departs considerably from the Latin original. To give some examples: V.2 - dele iniquitatem meam, biex teċkien el kufrija menni; v.3 - amplius lava ma, żid bel-ħniena u aħselni; v.4 et peccatum meum contra me est semper, u li dnubi mennek jefredni; v.9 et exul tabunt ossa humiliata, biex el-għadam tiegħi jarġa' merħ; v.10 - averte faciem tuam, elwi weċċek; v.14 - et impii ad te convertentur, biex el kefrin ma jetbegħdux mennek qatt; v.16 - labia mea aperies, xofftejja eftaħ dalwaqt; v. 17 si voluisses sacrificium, jekk trid enqaddsek; v.20 - tunc acceptabis sacrificium justitiae, oblationes et holocausta, -
embagħad ħaddan bel-ħaqq tas-sewwa koll ma jagħtuk.
This shortcoming could possibly be attributed to De Soldanis's ob vious intent to avoid the use of Romance words. Throughout the trans lation there is not a single word of Romance origin, the only one that is not Semitic, bl-issopu, is Greek. Of the four lines where the word spiritus occurs, i.e. spiritum sanctum (v. 12) , spiritum rectum (v. ll),
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Other dialectical variations are: (i) the use of 0 instead of u in the word kull, e.g. v.16 - koll waqt; v.20 kollma jagħtuk; and (ii) u instead of e, e.g. v.2 kufrija. -
It is possible that De Soldanis had in mind to approximate the pronunciation of Maltese to that which, in his opinion, had formerly been used in the villages. In the second dissertation of his book Della Lingua Punica presentemente usata da' Maltesi (p.44) he had expressed his opinion that " ... la lingua Maltese sia Punica, fissata in Malta e Gozo (Pantallarea) da' Fenici, indi continuata da' Peni 0 Cartagenesi, ad asercitarsi nel modo, e nella maniera, in cui si parla oggi da' Villani, forse in qualche picciol divario nel profferire dagli antichi le parole". Further on in the same page, in a footnote explaining the term
Villani, he wrote: "La proprieta e vera pronunzia della Lingua Punica,
si osserva meglio nelIe Ville di Malta, chiamate Casali, che nelIa Citta Principale di Malta, poiche quivi il favellar Maltese e italianizzato, e l'Italiano Maltizzato, particolarmente nelIa bocca delIe Femmine. L'accento si distingue da un alI'altro Casale, ma non toglie la sostanza deI significato delIe voci". In one case we come across the use of the preposition minn instead of the more idiomatic għal, with the verb ħenn, i.e. v.1 - ħenn minni, and v.19 ħenn mell-Belt ta' Sijon. Here De Soldanis could have been influenced by the popular form of some old prayers, e.g. ikollok (ġietu) -
ħniena minni.
338
Ġ. Cassar Pullicino
339
De Soldanis's "Miserere"
To conclude. The shortcomings we have mentioned may strike us to day because the use of Maltese in biblical translation has made enor mous progress. However, De Soldanis's translation of Ps 51 is histori cally important and therefore it deserves to be rescued from oblivion and made available to scholars and other readers.
6. Ecce enim in inquitatibus con- 6. Emġemmed bed-dnub jien
In the transcription that follows, the Maltese text of the MS is reproduced in the Għaqda's orthography, but the dialectal form of the vowels in the original has been retained.
7. Ecce enim veritatem dilexisti: 7.
ceptus sum, et in peccatis con cepit me mater mea.
incerta et occulta sapientiae tuae manifestasti mihi.
MISERERE (Ps 51)
1. Miserere me i, D eus, secun- 1. Henn menni , Mulejja
8. Asperges me hyssopo, et mun- 8.
2.
9.
dum magnam misericordiam tuam Et secundum multitidinem miserationum tuarum dele iniquitatem meam.
2.
3. Amplius lava me ab iniquitate 3. mea, et a peccato meo munda me.
4. Quoniam iniquitatem meam 4. ego cognosco, et peccatum meum contra me est semper.
5. Tibi soli peccavi, et malum 5. coram te feci, ut justificaris in sermonibus tuis, et vincas cum judicaris.
U bel- ħniena kbira tiegħak ħares lejja. Bel-ħniena Kbiera tiegħak, tenni fija, biex teċkien el-kufrija menni. (U bħall-kburija tal-ħniena tiegħak qabbeżli l-ħżunija tiegħi) . Żid bel-ħniena u aħselni u med-dnub ent naddafni. (Aħselni eżjed, u naddafni mell-ħżunija u med-dnub tiegħi). Għaliex jien naf le l-kefrija teġbedni u li dnubi mennek jefredni. (Għaliex j ien naf kemm hi kiefra l-ħżunija u med-dnub li hu eżjed menn mij a). Ġemmedt mħi bed-dnub lilek waħdek biex hekk essewwini bes-sewwa ta' kliemek. (Lilek waħdek ġemmedt bed-deni u hekk bes-sewwa ta' kliemek essewwini).
dabor: lavabis me, et super nivem dealbabor. Auditui meo dabis gaudium et laetitiam, et exultabunt ossa humilidata.
9.
10. Averte faciem tuam a peccatis 10. 11.
12.
13. 14. 15.
meis, et omnes iniquit ates meas dele. Cor mundum crea in me, Deus: et spiritum rectum in nova in visceribus meis.
enħbelt, u bed-dnub essawwart, tweledt u sert. (Jien enħbelt emġemmed u bed-dnub mn'ommi tweledt). Ent es-sewwa dejjem ħabbejt, ħwejjeġ ta' ġewwa l-qalb lili għaddej t (raddejt). (Ent es-sewwa ħabbejt, ħwejjeġ moħbija lel għerfek għedthomli). Bl-issopu u biex nendaf roxxli aħselni, jen eżj ed mes-selġ nebjad kolli. Agħti lel wednejja hena u el-ferħ biex el-għadam tiegħi jarġa' merħ. Elwi weċċek men dnubieti Barra menni qabbeż ġmiedi.
11. Mulejja, qalb bajda fija
sawwar U nefs tajjeb ma' ħwiexi dawwar. Ne projicias me a facie tua, et 12. Weċċek teħedulix Spiritum S anctum tuum ne U nefsek tiħduliex. auferas a me. Redde mihi laetitiam salutaris 13. Roddli, sidi, el-ferħ tiegħak tui: et spiritu principali conbiex b'nefsek enkun miegħak. firma me. Docebo iniquos vias tuas, et 14. Triqtek engħallem 'el kulħadd biex el-kefrin ma jitbiegħdux impii ad te convertentur. mennek qatt. Libera me de sanguinibus, 15. Alla tal-qalb, mell-kefrin aħlesni Deus, Deus, salutis meae: et biex dejjem ikabbar ħaqqek exsultabit lingua mea justitiam elsieni. tuam.
340
16. Domine, labia mea aperies: et os meum annuntiabit laudem tuam. 17. Q u o n i a m si voluisses sacrificium dedissem utique: holocaustis non delectaberis. 18. Sacrificium Deo spiritus contribulatus: cor contritum et h u m i l i a t u m , D eu s , n o n despicies. 19. Benigne fac, Domine, in bona v o l unt a t e t u a S i o n, u t aedificentur muri Jerusalem.
Ġ. Cassar Pullicino
16. Sidi, xofftejja eftaħ dalwaqt U fommi j faħħrek koll waqt. 17. Jekk trid enqaddsek essa j ien hawn, Emma ent ma tridx dawn. 18. Ruħ, 0 Alla, melwija, Qalb magħsura qatt la tkeċċiha (tkeċċiha).
19. Henn mell-Belt ta' Sij on, emmela, Biex Ġerusalemm bel-ħetan tentela. 20. Tunc acceptabis sacrificium 20. Embagħad ħaddan bel-ħaqq justitiae, oblationes et tas-sewwa koll ma j agħtuk holocausta: t unc imponent Għaliex hekkda l-għeġiela super altare tuum vitulos. taraw ġewwa l-knisja.
Index of Dramatis Personae
AGIUS, J. 162. AGIUS DE S OLDAN I S , G . F . 142,158, 333-340. ARBERRY, A.J. 15. AZZOPARDI, J. 161, 174. BADGER, G.P. 270, 272, 274, 275 BALL, Sir A. 7. BAND 196. BARBARA, V. 161. BEATTYE, C. 246. BELLANTI 14 BEVIR, E.L. 68, 73, 75, 209, 217221, 223, 227. BONAVIA, P. 54-62, 68, 80, 129, 182, 184, 189, 197, 208. BONNICI, A. 5, 14, 19, 21, 30. BOWDLER 27. BRENNER 179. BROWNE, G. 6. BRUCE, T. 58, 198. BURKHARDT, C. l72. BUSUTTIL, M. 116. BUSUTTIL, V. 70-72, 121, 211212, 214. BUTCHER, M. 5, 53, 67, 105-106, 108, 238, 262. BUTHURST, Lord 19, 21-22. CALLUS, D. 144, 264, 329. CAMILLERI, Bishop G .M. 116, 122. CAMILLERI, M.A. 34-37, 39-41, 43, 46, 49, 55-62, 65, 67-68, 79-80, 88, 99, 102, 112, 125, 129, 142-143, 157, 180-181, 187- 189, 193, 196-197, 200, 204, 206-209, 275-277, 279, 335. CANOLO, G. 21, 24, 27-31, 36-41,
44, 48, 65, 112, 129, 141-142,
156, 167, 189, 193. CANTON, W. 6. CARRUTHERS 223. CARUANA, A.A. 114. CARUANA, Bishop M. 144. CARUANA GATTO, N. 115, 120. CASSAR, P. 9. COLLINS, Bishop 203, 208, 220. CORTIS, C. 114, 282, 287. CRAMPON 325, 329. CREMONA, A. 5, 35, 36, 53, 129, 269, 272, 274, 276. CURCI, C.M. 123, 124, 127, 134. DEBONO, P. 269. DEGABRIELE, M. 104-106, 250259. DESSOULAVY, C. 5, 272, 276, 278. DIMECH, M. 135. DRUMMOND 171-172. DWIGHT, H.O. 6. EADIE, J. 14. FALZON, J. 66, 75-78, 80, 86-95, 99- 100, 133, 157, 226-230, 233-238. FARRUGIA, L. 1 16 - 1 17, 121, 122, 132, 134. FAWTHROP, E.E. 6, 13, 16, 20, 25, 193. FENECH, E. 161. FERRATA, Cardinal 117. GALEA, A.M. 73, 87, 107, 133, 135, 144-145, 159-160, 264, 283, 311-312, 323-331. GALEA, L. 326, 327. GENOCCHI 205. G I R D LESTONE, R . B . 5 5 - 5 8 ,
342
Index
113, 189, 191-192, 197, 199. GONZI, Archbishop M. 114, 144, 145, 150. GOOCH, H.M. 66, 75-77, 86-87, 99, 202, 206, 221, 226, 228, 231, 236-237. GREAVES, J. 18. GRECH, S. 122. GRIMA, P.P. 87, 106-107, 133, 144- 145, 159- 160, 258, 261, 282-283, 311-312, 326-328, 330. HANKEY, Sir F. 22, 23. HILBOURNE, F.W. 250. HOOKHAM FRE RE, Sir J. 3133, 178. HOWARD , P.W. 99, 100, 104, 239-245, 251, 253-255. INNES , H . 44, 54-55, 180- 182, 187-189, 194. JENKINS, D. 75-76, 85, 157, 227, 229-230. JOWETT, D . 8-19, 21-22, 24, 2733, 37-49, 54, 112, 120, 140141, 155-156, 167, 169-172, 175-178, 272. JOWETT 178. KENNEDY, H. 18. KILGOUR, R. 66-81, 85-95, 99101, 158, 202, 210, 214-216, 220-229, 238-245. KIRBY, T. 55-59, 113, 184, 189, 192-199. KITTO, J. 14. LAING, F. 7. LANGLEY 246. LEE, S. 28, 32, 33, 38, 43, 46, 48, 167. LOMBARDI, E. 106, 107, 261262. LOUNDES, I. 9, 56, 180-181, 189. LUKE, Sir H. 108, 262. LUPI, J. 108.
MAGGI 228, 232. MAGRI, E. 114. MAGRO, G. 119. MAITLAND, Gov. 12, 21, 23. MANCHE 27. MARTINI, Bishop A. 18-19, 2324, 30, 36, 44, 55, 57, 68, 107, 115, 119, 122, 129, 134, 142156, 171- 172, 186- 187, 194195, 207-208, 210, 283, 325, 329. MARTINI, N. 18-19. MASTROTTO, A. 67-68, 70-74, 209-211, 214-216. MATTEI, Bishop F. 19, 173-174, 207. MATTEI, Marchesa 207. MAURIN, J . 75, 100, 102, 104106, 135, 246, 248-249, 252, 254-259. MEZZACASA, G. 326-327. MILLER, D. 189, 205. MIZZI, E. 162. MORRELL, E.I. 71-74, 113, 215216, 221. MOSS-ARNDT, W. 15, 34. MUSCAT, Ġ. 70, 210. MUSCAT AZZOPARDI, Ġ. 6668, 70, 76-77, 81, 85, 109-138, 143, 159, 207, 210, 281-282, 311. NAUDI, C. 7-14, 17-19, 22, 24-25, 28-31, 155-156, 167, 335. NIDA, E. 150. NORTH 103. OWEN, J. 6. PACE, Bishop G. 66, 75. PACE, Bishop P. 115-116, 121122. PANZAVECCHIA, F. 36-37, 46, 112, 158, 335. PARIS, G. 144-145, 159, 283-284, 312.
Index
PENZA, A. 135-136. PEPPER, Capt. 218-219, 221. PINKERTON 20, 21, 23, 29, 48. PRATT, G. 10, 12, 17, 32, 54, 171, 182, 184, 186, 195. RAINEY, W.H. 101-104, 106-108, 246-249, 254, 261. RAMPOLLA, Cardinal 116, 121, 205. REYNOLDS, F. 7, 17, 19. RILEY 226, 243. RYLAND, J .E. 14. SAID PULLICINO, A. 161. SALES, M. 122, 124, 125, 127. SANT, C. 36, 53, 65-67, 79, 85, 112, 129, 161-162, 335. SAYDON, P.P. 5, 24, 35, 37, 4546, 53, 87, 107, 108, 115, 133, 135, 139-152, 157-161, 262, 312-322, 326-328, 330. SCHEMBRI, G. 161. SCHEMBRI, J. 161. SCHIR O, Archbishop 116, 121. SCHLIENZ, C.F. 14- 16, 25, 3335, 175, 177, 193, 270, 272. SHARPLEY, W.T. 104, 250-251. SIM, G.A. 66, 68-70, 72-73, 75-76, 78, 81, 85-93, 121, 203, 206, 209-216, 220-221, 223, 225232. SMITH, E.W. 102-104, 106, 246249, 252-257, 260, 261. SPITERI, D. 162. ST. CLAIR, J.S. 103-106, 246-248, 252, 257, 260.
343
STOCK, E. 9, 10, 14, 15. STRONG, W.E. 6, 16. STONOR, Mgr. 207. SULTANA, M. 162. SWABEY, H. 56, 191. TAYLOR, R. 37, 60, 66, 88, 112, 129, 142, 157, 280, 287. TEMPLE, D. 22. TERROT, W. 7. THOMAS, J. 205-206. THOMPSON, S .A. 104, 254. TOMLINSON, Bishop G. 34-35, 49, 112, 142, 157. VACCARI 145, 147, 325, 329. VASSALLI, M .A. 14, 17, 24-25, 30-35, 37, 39-41, 43, 45-46, 55, 58, 60, 65, 67-68, 70-71, 73, 76, 78-80, 102, 111- 112, 120, 125, 129, 133, 141-143, 156-157, 173- 177, 181, 184, 203, 207, 211-212, 217-221, 227-231, 269, 271-277, 281, 294, 311. VASSALLI, G. 15, 67. VASSALLI, S. 67. VASSALLO, G. 129. VELLA, E.B. 108. VELLA, M. 162. WALES, J.M. 14. WISELY, G. 58, 62, 66-81, 112, 121, 143, 157, 197, 203-217, 220-225, 231. ZAMMIT, K. 158. ZAMMIT, T. 74, 76, 80, 85, 121, 143, 157, 225, 227, 229-230.