CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND IO
BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES FROM THE CANTERBURY SCHOOL OF THEODORE AND HADRIAN
CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND GENERAL EDITORS SIMON KEYNES MICHAEL LAPIDGE ASSISTANT EDITOR: ANDY ORCHARD
Editors' preface Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England is a series of scholarly texts and
monographs intended to advance our knowledge of all aspects of thefieldof Anglo-Saxon studies. The scope of the series, like that of Anglo-Saxon England, its periodical counterpart, embraces original scholarship in various disciplines: literary, historical, archaeological, philological, art historical, palaeographical, architectural, liturgical and numismatic. It is the intention of the editors to encourage the publication of original scholarship which advances our understanding of the field through interdisciplinary approaches.
Volumes published 1
Anglo-Saxon Crucifixion Iconography and the Art of the Monastic Revival by BARBARA C. RAW
2 3
The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England byMARY CLAYTON Religion and Literature in Western England, 600-800 by PATRICK SIMS-WILLIAMS
4
Visible Song: Transitional Literacy in Old English Verse by KATHERINE O'BRIEN O'KEEFFE
5
The Metrical Grammar of Beowulf byCALViN B. K E N D A L L
6
The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature by CHARLES D . W R I G H T
7
Anglo-Saxon Medicine byM. L. CAMERON
8
The Poetic Art of Aldhelm by A N D Y O R C H A R D
9
The Old English Lives ofSt Margaret by MARY CLAYTON and HUGH MAGENNIS
BIBLICAL COMMENTARIES FROM THE CANTERBURY SCHOOL OF THEODORE AND HADRIAN edited by
BERNHARD BISCHOFF (f) Late Professor of Medieval Latin Philology University of Munich and
MICHAEL LAPIDGE Elrington and Bosworth Professor of Anglo-Saxon University of Cambridge
[CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia © Cambridge University Press 1994 First published 1994 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress cataloguing in publication data
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school of Theodore and Hadrian / Bernhard Bischoff and Michael Lapidge. p. cm. (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England: 10) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-521-33089-0 1. Bible - Commentaries - Early works to 1800. 2. Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Manuscript. M. 79 sup. 3. Monasticism and religious orders — England — Canterbury — Education. 4. St Augustine's Abbey (Canterbury, England) — Bibliography. I. Bischoff, Bernhard. II. Lapidge, Michael. III. Series. BS485.B52 1994 220.6-dc20 93-42766 CIP ISBN 0 521 33089 0 hardback Transferred to digital printing 2004
CE
Contents
Preface List of abbreviations 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
page vii x
Introduction Archbishop Theodore Abbot Hadrian Theodore and Hadrian in England The sources of the Canterbury biblical commentaries The nature of the Canterbury biblical commentaries The manuscripts
1 5 82 133 190 243 275
Texts and translations
297
First commentary on the Pentateuch (PentI) Supplementary commentary on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels (Gn-Ex-Evla) Second commentary on the gospels (Evil)
298
Commentary to the texts
425
Appendix I: Additional manuscript witnesses to the Milan biblical commentaries Appendix II: Two metrological treatises from the school of Canterbury
533 561
Fig. 1 Cilicia and Syria Fig. 2 Constantinople in the seventh century Fig. 3 Churches and monasteries of seventh-century Rome
566 567 568
386 396
Contents Fig. 4 Cyrenaica and the Pentapolis Fig. 5 Campania and the Bay of Naples Fig. 6 Palestine
569 570 571
Bibliography
572
Index of Old English words quoted in the texts Index of Greek words quoted in the texts Index of names cited in the texts General index
588 589 591 594
VI
Preface
In 1936 the late Bernhard Bischoff visited the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan in search of manuscript materials pertaining to Virgilius Maro Grammaticus. This research led him to an eleventh-century compendium of biblical materials in that library bearing the shelfmark M.79 sup. Among the contents of this manuscript, lying adjacent to the excerpts of Virgilius which had first attracted his attention, were several series of unprinted Latin biblical commentaries, and he noted that they contained references to Theodore and Hadrian, and included glosses in Greek and Old English, as well as quotations from a wide range of unusual Greek patristic authors. Bischoff immediately recognized the extraordinary importance of these biblical commentaries, seeing in them - quite rightly, as our subsequent research has established - a product of the seventhcentury Canterbury school of Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Hadrian described so memorably by Bede. The advent of war prevented him from publishing his discovery, and it was not until 1953, in his pioneering article 'Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibelexegese' (MS I, 205-73), that the existence of these Canterbury commentaries was first brought to public notice. At that time Bischoff announced an edition of the commentaries, but his many scholarly commitments and responsibilities prevented him from doing more than making a preliminary transcription of the text and initiating the difficult process of identifying the sources quoted in the commentaries. In this process he sought the assistance of several of his colleagues, and I am sure that he would have wished to record his warmest thanks for their assistance: Michel Aubineau, Edmund Beck, Sigrid Muller-Christensen and Franz Tinnefeld. In the early 1980s I had begun working on the Leiden-Family glossaries, which in my view were, like the Milan commentaries, a product of vii
Preface
the teaching activities of Theodore and Hadrian at Canterbury. During conversations at international conferences, Bischoff and I found various opportunities to discuss our mutual interest in the Canterbury school, and it was during one of these conversations that we took the decision to collaborate on an edition of the Milan biblical commentaries. As we envisaged the collaboration at that stage, he would be responsible for transcription of the Latin texts, and I for producing a typescript and for whatever scholarly apparatus was deemed necessary. Accordingly, in September 1984 he sent me his transcripts of the Milan texts (some typewritten, some in manuscript) and I set about preparing a version which could serve as printer's copy. Bischoff's intention at that stage was simply to publish the Latin texts themselves, with minimal apparatus criticus and minimal apparatus fontium, the whole resulting (as we then envisaged it) in either a long article or a very short monograph. However, as soon as I began working closely with the texts, I realized that such laconic presentation would mask their exceptional importance from many readers, especially those who, without guidance, would be unable to grasp the significance (say) of quotations from little-known Greek patristic authors. I therefore proposed to Bischoff a more expansive treatment: the Latin texts to be accompanied by English translations as well as detailed commentary, and the whole to be prefaced by a monograph-length study explaining the intellectual background which the texts represented. He readily agreed to my proposal, but on the condition that I, rather than he, should undertake the additional research involved. The present volume has been prepared according to that condition, such that the Latin texts and accompanying apparatus criticus were prepared jointly by Bernhard Bischoff and myself, but the remainder — Introduction (chs. 1—7), English translation, Commentary to the texts, appendices and indexes — are wholly my work (with the necessary corollary, that the inevitable errors which they contain should be charged to me, not to Bernhard Bischoff). My work on the Canterbury biblical commentaries has taken me into fields of specialized learning which previously I was scarcely aware of, and I have been obliged to seek guidance from many colleagues. It is my first duty to thank these colleagues for their help and guidance. Carlotta Dionisotti read meticulously through texts, translations and commentary as well as the chapter on Archbishop Theodore, eliminating many errors and enriching the whole with her own learning. Sebastian Brock gave expert guidance on the Syriac background and helped to clarify perspecviii
Preface
tives on many aspects of Greek patristic thought. Michael McCormick kindly advised me on matters Byzantine, and helped to put me in touch with recent work in this vast field. Patrizia Lendinara provided unfailing help in tracking down copies of articles published in Italian periodicals not accessible in this country, and also gave expert advice on the topography of the Bay of Naples. Neil Wright made many constructive suggestions about the Latin texts and translations. Luigi Lehnus helped with Greek philology, as did Alfred Bammesberger and Patrizia Lendinara with Old English philology. Mirella Ferrari generously put at my disposal her unpublished notes on the Milan manuscript. Richard Marsden and Patrick McGurk advised me on the biblical texts underlying the commentaries, and Martin Brett and Thomas Charles-Edwards helped with orientation in the difficult fields of canon law and penitential literature. Various scholars helped with bibliographical advice at critical points: Laurence Cameron, Silvia Cantelli, Guglielmo Cavallo, Carmela Vircillo Franklin, Carmela Giordano, Michael Gorman, Joan Hart, Gabriele Knappe, Andy Orchard, Pauline Thompson, Michael Reeve and Jane Stevenson. I also owe special thanks for continuous support over many years to Henry Chadwick and Helmut Gneuss. My greatest debt, however, is to Bernhard Bischoff himself. Although he was understandably anxious to see the commentaries in print as soon as possible, he always bore patiently the inevitable delays caused by my ambitious conception of the volume and by other scholarly commitments which kept me from full-time work on the texts. His philosophical forebearance — 'man tut, was man kann' — was always a source of strength in moments of despair. We frequently corresponded as many as three or four times a week, and my queries had the effect of sending him back to his seemingly infinite files on early medieval manuscripts, with the result that most of the texts printed in the appendices only came to light as a result of my queries and his renewed researches in his files. During the latter years of our collaboration, I often experienced a dizzying sensation of having, as a sort of personal research assistant, the services of one of the greatest medievalists who has ever lived. It is a matter of profound sadness to me, as to the international scholarly community at large, that Bernhard Bischoff was to die, aged 86 and plenus dierum, on 17 September 1991, without having seen in print the final result of his brilliant discovery — a discovery which may come to be seen as the most important in the field of Anglo-Saxon studies made this century. I can only hope that its ultimate printed form is one that would have pleased him. M.L. ix
June 1993
Abbreviations
AB Acta SS. ANRW AntGl
ASE BCS BHG BHL Bischoff, MS Br
BrslGl BZ CCSG CCSL CGL
Analecta Bollandiana Acta Sanctorum, ed. J. Bolland et al. (Brussels, 1643- ) Aufstieg undNiedergang der romischen Welt, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin and New York) the 'Antwerp Glossary' (Antwerp, Plantin-Moretus Museum M 16.2 + London, British Library, Add. 32246), ptd W I, 106-91 and Forster, 'Die altenglische GlossenhandschrifV, pp. 104-46 Anglo-Saxon England Cartularium Anglo-Saxonicum, ed. W. de G. Birch, 3 vols. and index (London, 1885-99) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, ed. F. Halkin, 3rd ed., 3 vols. (Brussels, 1957) Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899— 1901), with Supplementum by H. Fros (Brussels, 1986) B. Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1966-81) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Berlin, Staatsbibl. der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, ptd below, pp. 541-5 the 'Brussels Glossary' (Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale, 1828-30, fols. 50 and 94-5), ptd W W I, 286-303 Byzantinische Zeitschrift Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca (Turnhout) Corpus Christianorum Series Latina (Turnhout) Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, ed. G. Goetz, 7 vols.
(Leipzig, 1888-1923)
List of abbreviations CLA
CSEL
E.A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, 11 vols. and suppl. (Oxford, 1934-71; 2nd ed. of vol. II, 1972) the 'First Cleopatra Glossary' (London, British Library, Cotton Cleopatra A. iii, fols. 5-75), ptd W W I, 338-473 the 'Second Cleopatra Glossary' (London, British Library, Cotton Cleopatra A. iii, fols. 76-91), ptd W W I, 258-83 and 474-85, line 19 K. Gamber, Codices Liturgici Latini Antiquiores, 2nd ed. (Fribourg, 1968) Clavis Patrum Graecorum, ed. M. Geerard et al., 5 vols. (Turnhout, 1974-87) the 'Corpus Glossary' (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 144), ed. W.M. Lindsay, The Corpus Glossary (Cambridge, 1921) Clavis Patrum Latinorum, ed. E. Dekkers and A. Gaar, 2nd ed. (Steenbrugge, 1961) Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain) Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna)
DACL
Dictionnaire d'arche'ologie chretienne et de liturgie, ed. F.
CleoGlI
CleoGlII
CLitLA CPG CpGl
CPL CSASE CSCO
DHGE Diet. Bibl.
DSp DTC EE
EEC
Cabrol and H. Leclercq, 15 vols. in 30 (Paris, 1907-53) Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques', ed. A. Baudrillart et al. (Paris, 1912- ) Dictionnaire de la Bible, ed. F. Vigouroux, 5 vols. (Paris, 1895-1912), with Supplement, ed. L. Pirot et al. (Paris, 1928- ) Dictionnaire de spiritualite, ed. M. Viller et al. (Paris, 1937- ) Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, ed. A. Vacant, E. Mangenot and E. Amann, 15 vols. (Paris, 1903-50) the agreement of EpnGl and ErflGl, hence referred to as Epinal—Erfurt; partially ed. Pheifer, Old English Glosses and wholly ed. CGL V, 337-401 Encyclopedia of the Early Church, ed. A. Di Berardino, trans. A. Walford, rev. W.H.C. Frend, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1992) XI
List of abbreviations EEMF EHR EpnGl
Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile (Copenhagen) English Historical Review the 'Epinal Glossary' (Epinal, Bibliotheque municipale, 72), ed. (facs.) Bischoffe/ */., The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries ErflGl the 'First Erfurt Glossary' (Cologne, Dombibliothek, 74, fols. 1-14), ptd CGL V, 259-401 Evil the second series of gospel commentaries preserved in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 396-423 GCS Die griechischen-christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, 1897-1941; Berlin, 1954- ) Gn-Ex-Evla supplementary biblical commentaries on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels, contained in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 386—95 HBS Henry Bradshaw Society Publications (London) HE Historia ecclesiastica ICL D. Schaller and E. Konsgen, Initia Carminum Latinorum saeculo undecimo Antiquiorum (Gottingen, 1977) JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History JTS Journal of Theological Studies Ld the Canterbury biblical glosses preserved in Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 39r-v, ptd below, pp. 545-8 LdGl the 'Leiden Glossary' (Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 20r-36r), ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century Latin—Anglo-Saxon Glossary LThK Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche, 2nd ed. by J. Hofer and K. Rahner, 10 vols. and Index (Freiburg, 1957-67) LXX the Septuagint translation of the OT, ed. A. Rahlfs, Septuaginta, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1935) Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collection ed. J.D. Concilia Mansi, 31 vols. (Florence, 1759-98) MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica Auct. Antiq. Auctores Antiquissimi SRM Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum xn
List of abbreviations Mn
NT ODB OT OTS PentI
PEQ PG PL RAC RB RBK RE RHE Rz S SChr Settimane Sg SS Stegmiiller
the Canterbury biblical glosses preserved in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470, ptd below, pp. 559-60 the New Testament Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A.P. Kazhdan, 3 vols. (Oxford, 199D the Old Testament Oudtestamentische Studien the first series of Pentateuch commentaries contained in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., ptd below, pp. 298-385 Palestine Exploration Quarterly Patrologia Graeca, ed. J.P. Migne, 162 vols. (Paris, 1857-66) Patrologia Latina, ed. J.P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844-64) Reallexikon fur An tike und Christentum, ed. F. Dolger, H. Lietzmann et al. (Stuttgart, 1950- ) Revue Benedictine Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. K. Wessel and M. Restle (Stuttgart, 1966- ) Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ed. A. Pauly, G. Wissowa et al. (Stuttgart, 1893- ) Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique the OT glosses in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 99, fols. 37-52, partially ptd SS V, 135-225 P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968) Sources Chretiennes (Paris, 1940- ) Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sulValto medioevo (Spoleto) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913, ptd below, pp. 534-41 Die althochdeutschen Glossen, ed. E. Steinmeyer and E. Sievers, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1879-1922) F. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, 11 vols.
(Madrid, 1940-61) Xlll
List of abbreviations StT TLL TU
Wbl
Wb2
WW ZNTW
Studi e testi (Vatican City, 1900- ) Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Leipzig, 1900- ) Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, ed. O. von Gebhardt, A. Harnack et al. (Leipzig, 1882- ) excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 38, ptd below, pp. 549-52 excerpts from the Canterbury biblical commentaries in Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 47, ptd below, pp. 552-9 T. Wright, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, 2nd ed., rev. R.P. Wulcker (London, 1884) Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
xiv
1 Introduction
The present volume brings into print for the first time a set of biblical commentaries on the Pentateuch and gospels which are preserved in their fullest form in an eleventh-century Italian manuscript now in Milan (Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup.), but of which extracts are preserved in a number of earlier manuscripts. One of these, a fragmentary manuscript now in Berlin (Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132, 2), of mid-eighth-century date, provides the absolute terminus ante quern for the composition of the commentaries; on the other hand, the fact that Isidore's Etymologiae are several times quoted verbatim in the commentaries shows that they were composed after c. 650, the approximate earliest time at which this work of Isidore (d. 636) was in circulation.1 The commentaries were composed, therefore, broadly between the mid-seventh and mid-eighth century. That they were composed in Anglo-Saxon England is clear not only from the various Old English words embedded in them, 2 but also from the fact that biblical references to weights and measures are frequently explained in terms of Anglo-Saxon coinage.3 Most importantly, Theodore and Hadrian are often cited nominatim as authorities for particular interpretations, 4 and the conjunction of these names in the context of a work composed in AngloSaxon England between c. 650 and c. 750 suggests that the authorities in 1
2 3 4
See Bischoff, MS I, 171—94 ('Die europaische Verbreitung der Werke Isidors von Sevilla') and Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome', pp. 443-5. For quotations of Isidore's Etymologiae, see esp. PentI 295, Gn-Ex-Evla 9 and discussion below, pp. 204—5. See below, p. 588 ('Index of Old English Words quoted in the Texts'). See especially PentI 139, 143, 194 and 455, and Evil 5. For Hadrian, see Sg 30 and Br 12; for Theodore, see PentI 115 and Wbl 13 as well as the rubric to Wbl ('Haec Theodorus tradedit').
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
question are none other than Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (d. 690) and his companion Hadrian (d. 709), abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's) in Canterbury. The biblical commentaries, in other words, are the product of the famous school at Canterbury, of whose existence and renown we know from the account in Bede's Historia ecclesiastica:
Et quia litteris sacris simul et saecularibus, ut diximus, abundanter ambo [scil. Theodore and Hadrian] erant instructi, congregata discipulorum caterua scientiae salutaris cotidie flumina inrigandis eorum cordibus emanabant, ita ut etiam metricae artis, astronomiae et arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplinam inter sacrarum apicum uolumina suis auditoribus contraderent. Indicio est quod usque hodie supersunt de eorum discipulis, qui Latinam Graecamque linguam aeque ut propriam in qua nati sunt norunt. Neque unquam prorsus, ex quo Brittaniam petierunt Angli, feliciora fuere tempora.5 It has not hitherto been possible to adjudicate or corroborate Bede's warm appraisal of this Canterbury school, for the reason that we have had no substantial body of writings by Theodore and Hadrian, and the 'crowd' of English students - with the problematic exception of Aldhelm 6 - has left no writings either. Earlier scholarly treatments of the school have therefore been obliged to resort to speculation in the attempt to adjudicate Bede's account.7 The biblical commentaries provide us for the first time with a window on the Canterbury school,8 and give us a brilliantly clear 5
6
7
8
HE IV.2: 'And because both of them, as I have said, were thoroughly trained in sacred and profane literature, a crowd of students assembled around them, into whose minds they daily poured rivers of wholesome learning, such that they gave their audience instruction in metrics, astronomy and computus, as well as in books of the Bible. A proof of this is the fact that some of their students are still alive who know Greek and Latin as well as their native English. Never were there happier times since the English first came to Britain.' Aldhelm is problematic because he seems to have spent a relatively short period of time (two years?) at Canterbury in the school of Theodore and Hadrian (see Aldhelm: the Prose Works, trans. Lapidge and Herren, p. 8). There is no doubt that he did study with the two Mediterranean masters - indeed he praises their instruction enthusiastically (see below, p. 268) - but one must exercise care in assuming that the knowledge of any book which Aldhelm quotes was necessarily acquired at their Canterbury school. See, for example, P. Riche, Education et culture dans ['Occident barbare, VIe-VIIIe siecles, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1962), pp. 419-22, and V.R. Stallbaumer, 'The Canterbury School of Theodore and Hadrian', American Benedictine Review 22 (1971), 46—63. A preliminary study, drawing on the evidence of the biblical commentaries and glossaries compiled at Canterbury, is Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian'.
Introduction
picture of the immense range of learning which the two Mediterranean masters brought to bear in interpreting the Pentateuch and gospels for their 'crowd' of English students. We will have occasion to discuss the range of learning embodied in the commentaries in due course; but the commentaries also contain many incidental details which throw light on the careers and training of their authors, and which permit a much clearer estimation of both Theodore and Hadrian than has hitherto been possible. It will be appropriate to begin, therefore, with the careers and training of Theodore and Hadrian. However, if we are properly to appreciate the impact which these two exceptional men had on late seventh-century English learning, it is necessary to approach their achievement not only from an English point of view, but also from the perspective of the Mediterranean culture which nurtured them. Although by the earlier seventh century, during the youth of Theodore and Hadrian, the Roman empire — with its two focal points at Rome and Constantinople — no longer enjoyed the wealth and untroubled prosperity of earlier centuries, and although it was to undergo a profound transformation during the course of the seventh century, there is no doubt that the opulence of its cities, and particularly of its Christian churches, would have dazzled a visitor from faraway England. The implied contrast can be grasped immediately by anyone who has stood in Hagia Sophia in Constantinople or Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome — two of the largest and most opulent churches in Christendom, then as now — and also in (say) the modest little Anglo-Saxon church at Escomb, which dates approximately from this period. The literary culture of the Mediterranean was no less opulent: the riches of centuries-old traditions were preserved in books and libraries, in Greek and Latin, and transmitted by teachers in universities and monasteries. In late seventh-century England, by contrast, there was no literary tradition, no books, no libraries, no teachers. The contrast should always be borne in mind by anyone studying the Canterbury biblical commentaries. In attempting to reconstruct the careers of Theodore and Hadrian in the following chapters, therefore, we have tried to do more than provide a mere list of the facts which are known or can be deduced about them. Rather, we have attempted where possible to recreate the Mediterranean contexts in which they grew up and received their early education: in a word, to assemble any evidence which might help to illuminate the background and training of these two extraordinary men. The undertaking
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is both worthwhile and necessary, for it is clear — as the biblical commentaries attest - that their presence in Canterbury represented one of the most brilliant moments in European scholarship between the fall of Rome and the rise of the universities.
2 Archbishop Theodore
Most of what we have known hitherto concerning Archbishop Theodore is derived from Bede.1 Bede's information may be summarized briefly as follows. Theodore died, as archbishop of Canterbury, on 19 September 690, at the age of 88. 2 He must accordingly have been born in 602. He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia; he was well trained in secular and divine literature, both Greek and Latin; he was a monk after the eastern fashion who was living in Rome at the time the Englishman Wigheard arrived there to seek consecration as archbishop of Canterbury. But after Wigheard's sudden death in Rome from the plague (probably in 667), Pope Vitalian (657-72) resolved, after some negotiation, to consecrate Theodore to this archbishopric. Theodore was duly consecrated on 26 March 668. In company with Hadrian (on whom see below, ch. 3) and an Englishman then resident in Rome named Benedict Biscop, Theodore set off for England on 27 May 668; he arrived at the church of Canterbury a year later, on 27 May 669, to begin his archiepiscopacy. He will then have been 67 years old. It will be seen that most of Bede's (meagre) information pertains to the latter part of Theodore's career, from his appointment by Pope Vitalian onwards, when he was already 66 years old. Concerning his earlier career 1
2
HE IV. 1-2 and V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. 328-34 and 472-4). Notable earlier studies (which are, however, based almost wholly on Bede's report concerning Theodore) include: G.F. Browne, Theodore and Wilfrith (London, 1897), esp. pp. 81—99 and 175-84; Cook, 'Theodore of Tarsus and Gislenus of Athens'; M. Deanesly, The PreConquest Church in England, 2nd ed. (London, 1963), pp. 104-59; W.F. Bolton, A History of Anglo-Latin Literature I: 597-740 (Princeton, NJ, 1967), pp. 58-62; and Brooks, The Early History of the Church at Canterbury, pp. 71-6 and 94-8. HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. A12-A).
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Bede is silent. However, it is now possible, with the assistance of the present Canterbury biblical commentaries, to reconstruct something of the background and circumstances in which Theodore was educated before his election. Let us begin at Tarsus in Cilicia, where Theodore was born in 602. TARSUS
At the time of Theodore's birth in 602, Tarsus was one of the principal cities in the eastern province of Cilicia (see fig. I). 3 The Byzantine empire, which then had its seat of government in Constantinople, had inherited the political and geographical structure of the earlier Roman empire (the Byzantines were still referred to as Tco^aioi or Romaioi), and Cilicia had been an important diocese of the eastern Roman empire. 4 That it retained its importance into the sixth and early seventh centuries is clear from the substantial number of churches which have been identified and excavated,5 many of them possessing splendid mosaics.6 In geographical terms Cilicia consisted of two regions: a fertile coastal plain enclosed by a ring of mountains and watered by three major mountain-fed rivers, called 'Cilicia of the Plain' (Cilicia Pedias in Greek or Campestris in Latin), and a nearly impenetrable mountainous interior, the Taurus range, called 'Rough Cilicia' (Cilicia Tracheia). 'Rough Cilicia',7 because of its very inaccessibility, has been very little studied until quite recently, but its topography8 3
4
5
6 7
8
On Cilicia, see Ramsay, The Historical Geography, pp. 383—7, W. Ruge, 'Kilikia', RE XXI (1921), 385-90, ODB I, 462-3, as well as H. Hellenkemper and F. Hild, Neue Forschungen in Kilikien (Vienna, 1986). The principal topographical study of the diocese is now Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V; Kilikien und Isaurien; on the geography, see esp. pp. 22-9. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor I, 270-7, Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 191-214, and Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 30-43. See Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 85—91, as well as F. Hild etal., 'Kommagene-Kilikien-Isaurien', RBKW (1989), 182-356, esp. 194-227, on the early Byzantine churches of Cilicia; see also M.R.E. Gough, 'The Emperor Zeno and some Cilician Churches', Anatolian Studies 22 (1972), 190-212, as well as EEC I, 175. L. Budde, Antike Mosaiken in Kilikien, 2 vols. (Recklinghausen, 1969-72). There is a useful historical survey by T.B. Mitford, 'Roman Rough Cilicia', ANRW II (Principal) 7.2 (1980), 1230-57. See G. Bean and T.B. Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia in 1962 and 1963, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, Denkschriften 85 (Vienna,
Archbishop Theodore
and early Christian churches9 are now coming to light. More relevant to Theodore, however, is the situation of 'Cilicia of the Plain' which, because of its fertility and geographical position, was a very wealthy diocese. Cilicia was intersected by a network of Roman roads which, in addition to their importance for military and administrative purposes,10 also served as trade routes between East and West. 'Cilicia of the Plain' lay on one of the principal trade routes of the ancient world, a land route that passed from Syria and the east along the Cilician coastal plain, then inland and northwards through the Taurus Mountains by way of a pass called the 'Cilician Gates', a mountain defile said to be so narrow that a loaded camel could scarcely pass through. 11 This geographical position made Cilicia an important focal point for conflicts between eastern and western empires, and these conflicts form the background to Theodore's childhood in Tarsus. In the late sixth century Byzantium was under intense pressure on two fronts: from the north, by Avars and Slavs crossing the Danube to settle in what is now Romania and Bulgaria; and from the south and east, by the imperial and military pretensions of the Persians.12 Byzantium's survival
9
10
11
12
1965); idem Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-1968, ibid. 102 (Vienna, 1970), as well as the important work by F. Hild cited above, n. 3. S. Guyer and E. Herzfeld, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua II (Manchester, 1930), on the churches of Meriamlik and Corycus, and J. Keil and A.U. Wilhelm, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua III (Manchester, 1931). See J.G.C. Anderson, 'The Road-System of Eastern Asia Minor with the Evidence of Byzantine Campaigns', Journal of Hellenic Studies 17 (1897), 22-44, with pi. I, and, more recently, D.H. French, 'The Roman Road System of Asia Minor', ANRW II (Principat) 7.2 (1980), 698-729, and Hild, Tabula Imperil Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 128-40. See W.M. Ramsay, 'Cilicia, Tarsus and the Great Taurus Pass', The GeographicalJournal 22 (July-December 1903), 357-413 (with photographs); and, more recently, F. Hild, Das byzantinische Strassensystem in Kappadokien, Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, Denkschriften 131 (Vienna, 1977), 51-9 with pis. 24-7 illustrating the Cilician Gates; Tabula Imperii Byzantini II: Kappadokien, ed. F. Hild and M. Restle, ibid. 149 (Vienna, 1981), 223-4 and 261-4, as well as ODB I, 464. For general historical accounts of these circumstances, see Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates, pp. 73—103; Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans. Ogilvie-Grant I, 57-131; Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 186-204; Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 41-8; and Whitby, The Emperor Maurice and his Historian, pp. 55—191 (on the Balkan wars) and 195—308 (on the Persian wars). For the campaigns of Heraclius, see Pernice, Uimperatore Eraclio (an excellent study of the
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
depended on its ability successfully to deal with these two hostile threats. The emperor Maurice (582-602) made an attempt to stabilize the situation by concluding in 591 a peace treaty between Byzantium and the Persian emperor, Chosroes II (590—628).13 But the treaty was not to last. Discontent in the Byzantine army led to the murder of Maurice in 602, and the half-barbarian soldier Phocas (602—10) was raised to the throne in the year Theodore was born. But Phocas was incompetent to deal with the empire's economic and military difficulties, and after several years a senatorial coup led to the installation of the young emperor Heraclius (610-41). Heraclius was to be one of the greatest of all Byzantine emperors, but his greatness was forged under extraordinary pressure. Early in his reign Persian armies under Chosroes II advanced into Syria and Palestine, with the result that Antioch was taken in 613, followed by Damascus and Jerusalem in 614. The Persian armies sacked Jerusalem, causing much destruction of Christian churches; in particular they enraged all Christendom by confiscating the relic of the True Cross from the church of the Holy Sepulchre. After taking Antioch some Persian armies had advanced northwards as far as Tarsus, which was duly taken; further northward advance was halted only by the difficulty of penetrating the Taurus Mountains by way of the aforementioned Cilician Gates. When Tarsus was occupied by the Persian armies, the young Theodore will have been 11 or 12 years old. Assuming that he and his family were still resident there, and had not fled in the face of the Persian advance, they will inevitably have had some first-hand experience of Persian culture. At two points in the Canterbury biblical commentaries there are observations which probably reflect this experience: at PentI 206, it is said that the Persians, like the Byzantine Greeks, kept as eunuchs only those who had been castrated; and at PentI 303, commenting on the scyphos or 'cups' of Exodus XXV.31, we are told that the cups in question are 'not round like a saucer, but long and angular; the Persians still use them for drinking at feasts'. Unfortunately, we can scarcely imagine the circumstances in which
13
primary sources which, however, needs to be updated by reference to more recent scholarship). On Chosroes II (Persian Khusrau) and his campaigns against Byzantium, see A. Christensen, L'lran sous Us Sassanides, 2nd ed. (Copenhagen, 1944), pp. 444-9; R.N. Frye, 'The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians', in The Cambridge History of Iran III, ed. Yarshater I, 116-80, at 165-70; idem, The History of Ancient Iran (Munich, 1984), pp. 335-7; and (briefly) 0DB I, 432.
8
Archbishop Theodore
the young Theodore watched Persians drinking at a feast; but we need not doubt that the conflict between the Byzantine and Persian empires was a formative influence on his early life. The years following the occupation of Antioch and Tarsus witnessed an extended and difficult campaign by Heraclius to recover Syria and the Holy Land; that the campaign was successful in the end was due to the full mobilization of Byzantine resources, both human and financial. Eventually Heraclius's armies comprehensively defeated Chosroes and the Persians near Nineveh in 627. Persian military might was to play no further role in the Near East; but by the time it had achieved its victory, Byzantium was totally exhausted, a situation which was to have dire consequences when in the following years it had to face a new and even more ferocious aggressor, as we shall soon see. At the same time as the Byzantine empire was under threat of invasion by external enemies, the stability of its church was threatened from within by religious dissension of many kinds. The dissension was doctrinal in origin and turned on the interpretation of such fundamental issues as the nature of Christ, Who, although divine in nature was nevertheless human in so far as He was born of a human mother. In what sense(s) could Christ be said to be both divine and human? Did He have one nature or two? These Christological questions, which came to the fore as a result of the Council of Nicaea and the Arian controversy which followed it, occupied the most brilliant Greek theologians for centuries, and gave rise to virulent debates and violent condemnations.14 And the debates were not only of interest to effete theologians, but also to the Christian populace at large, since their very salvation could be seen to depend on a proper understanding of the nature of Christ. 15 One of the most virulent debates was provoked by Nestorius (c. 381 — c. 451), 16 a powerful orator of Syrian origin who was sometime patriarch of Constantinople (428—31) and had formerly studied at Antioch, possibly with Theodore of Mopsuestia (on whom see below).17 Nestorius apparently drew a sharp distinction 14
15 16 17
There is clear and helpful guidance on these christological dissensions in Chadwick, The Early Church, pp. 192-212, and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 178-289. Cf. Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. xi-xii. On Nestorius, see DTC XI (1931), 76-157, ODB II, 1460 and EEC II, 594. On the unmistakably Antiochene orientation of Nestorius's Christology, see R.A. Greer, 'The Antiochene Christology of Diodore of Tarsus\JTS n.s. 17 (1966), 327-41, and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, esp. pp. 236-9.
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
between the two natures of Christ in order to emphasize the transcendence of the divine nature (as against orthodox theologians, who argued that Christ was at once God and man, the union being expressed by their term henosis, 'unity'); he consequently rejected the use by orthodox theologians of the term theotokos ('God-bearing') to describe the Virgin Mary and substituted the term Christotokos ('Christ-bearing').18 Opposition to Nestorius's views was led by Cyril, the powerful and unscrupulous patriarch of Alexandria, who at the Council of Ephesus in 431 succeeded in having Nestorius condemned and driven into exile,19 first to Antioch, then subsequently to the Egyptian desert. Although Nestorius later issued an apologia, his 'Bazaar of Heraclides', 20 he ceased after the Council of Ephesus to be a central player in theological debate; but his supporters, particularly Syrian bishops, refused to endorse the condemnation and eventually constituted a separate church, 21 first centred in Edessa, then subsequently (after 489) in Nisibis, 22 whence it spread eastwards, first to Persia and then ultimately to India and China. The Nestorian church still exists and today numbers some 100,000 members, known as 'Assyrian Christians'. 23 The Council of Ephesus in 431 promulgated twelve anathemata or condemnations of the doctrine of Nestorius, and these anathemata led in turn to further dissension. During the 440s Eutyches of Constantinople and Diocorus of Alexandria elaborated Cyril of Alexandria's emphasis on 18
19 20
21
22
23
See F. Loofs, Nestorius and his Place in the History of Christian Doctrine (Cambridge, 1914); Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies, pp. 1 0 7 - 2 0 1 ; H . Chadwick, 'Eucharist and Christology in the Nestorian Controversy', JTS n.s. 2 (1951), 145-64; M.V. Anastos, 'Nestorius was Orthodox', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962), 117-40; H.E.W. Turner, 'Nestorius Reconsidered', Studia Patristica 13 (1975), 3 0 6 - 2 1 ; and the sympathetic account in Young, From Nicaea to Cbalcedon, pp. 2 2 9 - 4 0 . See Young, ibid., pp. 2 1 3 - 2 9 and 2 5 5 - 8 . See G.R. Driver and L. Hodgson, The Bazaar of Heraclides (Oxford, 1925), and R.C. Chesnut, 'The Two prosopa in Nestorius' Bazaar of Heraclides', JTS n.s. 29 (1978), 382-409. See DTC XI (1931), 157-323 and 0DB II, 1459-60, as well as A. Ziegenaus, 'Die Genesis des Nestorianismus', Munchener theologische Zeitschrift 23 (1972), 3 3 5 - 5 3 , and esp. R. Macina, 'L'homme a l'ecole de Dieu: d'Antioche a Nisibe, profile hermeneutique, theologique et kerygmatique du mouvement scoliaste nestorien', Proche-Orient chretien 32 (1982), 8 6 - 1 2 4 and 2 6 6 - 3 0 1 , and 33 (1983), 3 9 - 1 0 3 . O n t h e date of t h e establishment of t h e independent Nestorian church, see W . F . Macomber, 'The Christology of the Synod of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, A . D . 4 8 6 ' , Orientalia Christiana Periodica 2 4 (1958), 1 4 2 - 5 4 . Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches, pp. 2 7 - 5 2 .
10
Archbishop Theodore
the single nature of Christ in ways which were felt to be particularly dangerous, with the result that the 'one-nature' or 'monophysite' (monos = 'one',physis = 'nature') position 24 was condemned by the Council of Chalcedon in 451. 2 5 The condemnation provoked violent outrage, especially in Egypt and Syria; henceforth religious opinion was polarized between the orthodox, pro-Chalcedonian position (which was dyophysite in outlook)26 and various forms of monophysite opposition, including what are called 'real' monophysites (the followers of Eutyches) and Verbal' monophysites, such as Severus of Antioch (d. 538), who argued that the single physis of Christ embodied both divine and human qualities. 27 During the sixth century, monophysite opposition to Chalcedonian orthodoxy was in Syria consolidated by Jacob Baradaeus (d. 578), so that the Syrian monophysite church came to be known after him as Jacobite'; 28 in Syria, characteristically, urban centres would be Chalcedonian in outlook, whereas the countryside was mostly monophysite, thus creating an unstable social alignment. 29 That monophysitism did indeed have a political dimension
24
O n m o n o p h y s i t i s m in general, see DTC X ( 1 9 2 9 ) , 2 2 1 6 - 5 1 , ODB II, 1 3 9 8 - 9 and EEC I, 5 6 9 - 7 0 , as well as t h e full study by Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite
25
Movement.
O n Chalcedon and the b a c k g r o u n d to m o n o p h y s i t i s m , see especially Das Konzil von Chalkedon: Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. A. G r i l l m e i e r and H . Bacht, 3 vols. (Wiirz-
burg, 1953-62), esp. the articles by J. Lebon (I, 425-580: 'La christologie du monophysisme syrien'), P. Mouterde (I, 581-602: 'Le concile de Chalcedoine d'apres les historiens monophysites de langue syriaque'), and W. de Vries (I, 603-35: 'Die syrisch-nestorianische Haltung zu Chalkedon'), as well as R.V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon: a Historical and Doctrinal Survey (London, 1961), pp. 2 5 4 - 8 3 and Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 1 - 4 9 . 26
See P.T.R. Gray, The Defence of Chalcedon in the East (451-533)
(Leiden, 1979), esp.
p p . 80—9, w h o emphasizes t h e complexities of the responses of individual monophysites t o Chalcedon; especially interesting in this respect is T h e o d o r e t of Cyrrhus, on w h o m see M . Richard, ' N o t e s sur r e v o l u t i o n doctrinale de T h e o d o r e t ' , Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques 25 ( 1 9 3 6 ) , 4 5 9 - 8 1 , and below, p . 2 2 . 27
O n Severus, see esp. J . Lebon, Le Monophysisme severien (Louvain, 1909); Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 2 0 1 - 2 0 ; Chesnut, Three Monophysite
Christologies,
pp: 9-56, as well as ODB III, 1884-5 and EEC II, 773. On Antioch and monophysitism in general, see Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, pp. 63—76, and Honigmann, Eveques et eveches monophysites, pp. 19—25. 28
O n J a c o b Baradaeus, see ODB II, 1 0 2 9 and EEC I, 4 2 8 , as well as H o n i g m a n n , Eveques et eveches monophysites, pp. 157—77, and Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen
Literatur,
pp. 139-93. 29
See Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, p p . 2 9 4 - 5 and esp. G. T c h a l e n k o , Villages antiques de la Syrie du Nord, 3 vols. (Paris, 1 9 5 3 - 8 ) I, 4 3 4 - 5 .
11
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is clear from the fact that, during their occupation of Syria in the early seventh century, the Persians supported the monophysite church in its struggle against Byzantium. 30 For the emperor Heraclius, anxious to hold his empire together and to defeat the Persians at almost any cost, it was necessary to reach some compromise with the monophysites; accordingly, while he was staying in Edessa in 616, Heraclius conducted extensive negotiations with Athanasius, the monophysite patriarch of Antioch (595-631), without however reaching a lasting solution. 31 One eventual outcome of the Byzantine movement to compromise was the formulation of the doctrine of monotheletism, which had important theological and political repercussions in the later 630s and 640s, as we shall see. Meanwhile, it is enough to stress that a Christian inhabitant of Tarsus in the first two decades of the seventh century will have witnessed the Persian invasion and occupation of Cilicia, and — in so far as Tarsus lay within the patriarchate of Antioch 32 - will perforce have been acutely aware of the diverse and conflicting forms of religious belief then current in Syria. Let us now turn (briefly) to Tarsus itself. Tarsus was situated on the fertile coastal plain of Cilicia 'of the Plain' (see fig. I). 3 3 It was irrigated by the river Cydnus (which flows southwards from the Taurus Mountains, through impressively narrow gorges, and was noted in antiquity for its refreshing coolness). It was first inhabited by Northwest Semitic peoples, but was settled early by Greeks 34 and became an important city in Hellenistic times. 35 It is mentioned frequently by 30
31 32
33
34
T h e political dimension is discussed by Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Centuryp, trans. Ogilvie-Grant I, 283-307. Ibid., pp. 2 9 3 - 7 ; see also Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 3 3 6 - 4 4 . See Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, together w i t h t h e searching critique of this book by E. H o n i g m a n n , ' T h e Patriarchate of Antioch. A Revision of Le Q u i e n and t h e N o t i t i a Antiochena', Traditio 5 (1947), 1 3 5 - 6 1 ; see also (briefly) ODB I, 1 1 6 - 1 7 , s.v. 'Antioch, patriarchate o f . T h e site of Tarsus was first identified by W . M . Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, with Comparative Remarks on the Ancient and Modern Geography of that Country (London, 1824), pp. 178-9 and 214-15; see now M. Gough, 'Tarsus', in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, ed. R. Stillwell (Princeton, NJ, 1976), pp. 883-4, as well as Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 428—39. W . Ruge, 'Tarsus', RE 2nd ser. IV (1932), 2 4 1 3 - 3 9 , at 2 4 1 7 - 1 8 ; see also J . Boardman, 'Tarsus, Al Mina and Greek Chronology', Journal of Hellenic Studies 85
(1965), 5-15. 35
C.B. Welles, 'Hellenistic Tarsus', Melanges de rUniversite Saint Joseph 3 8 (1962), 4 3 - 7 5 .
12
Archbishop Theodore
classical authors, 36 especially by the rhetorician and philosopher Dio of Prusa, who dedicated two of his orations (nos. xxxiii and xxxiv) to it, and it was at Tarsus that Antony first met Cleopatra. According to Strabo (Geogr. XIV.673^-4), writing at the time of Christ, Tarsus was a city of philosophers and poets, and the enthusiasm of its citizens for education allegedly surpassed that of Athens and Alexandria. It was still a flourishing city in the time of St Paul (d. c. AD 65), its most famous citizen,37 and it continued to flourish in the early Christian period: 38 St Basil, for example, could remark that Tarsus was a meeting place for Syrians, Cilicians, Isaurians and Cappadocians.39 Various literary evidence indicates that Tarsus was an important bishopric in the patriarchate of Antioch in the fifth and sixth centuries. 40 Justinian undertook some important building works there, including a bridge over the river Cydnus, part of which is still standing, 41 and we know that the emperor Maurice (582—602) constructed a church at Tarsus. 42 Unfortunately, it is not possible to form a satisfactory impression of the physical appearance of Christian Tarsus, because it lies buried far beneath its modern Turkish successor, Gozlii 36
A full list of classical authors who mention Tarsus is given in Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor II, 1 1 4 6 - 8 .
37
O n St Paul's Tarsus, see especially W . M . Ramsay, The Cities ofSt Paul (London, 1907), pp. 8 5 - 2 4 4 , and Finegan, The Archaeology of the New Testament, pp. 5 1 - 5 .
38
See Schulze, Altchristliche
Stddte II.2, 2 6 6 - 9 0 . Schulze's account was based on the
various scattered artefacts which had come to light, mostly during the nineteenth century, and was written before the excavations of the 1930s (see below, n. 4 3 ) had begun; but his basic conclusion has not been invalidated by these excavations: 'Was etwa von der alten Stadt noch erhalten ist, liegt 6 - 7 m. unter ihrer Erbin in der Gegenwart' (p. 289). 39
Basil, Ep. xxxiv (PG 3 2 , 320).
40
See ODB III, 2 0 1 3 and EEC II, 8 1 4 - 1 5 . Devreesse (U Patriarcat d'Antioche, pp. 1 5 1 - 3 ) gives a list of bishops of Tarsus w h o may be identified from written sources. The list is not complete, but note that three bishops of Tarsus were named Theodore, one attested at the Council of Nicaea, one at that of Ephesus, and one in the late seventh century. A n inscription in the name of Bishop Theodore has recently come to light in Tarsus: G. Dagron and J. Jaubert, 'Inscriptions de Cilicie et d'Isaurie', Belleten 4 2 (1978),
41
373-420, at 410-11. See Procopius, De aedificiis V.v.l4—20, together with Hild, Tabula Imperii Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pis. 378—80.
42
See Theophylact Simocatta, Hist. V I I I . x i i i . l 6 (trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , The History of Theophylact Simocatta, p. 232). Theophylact was writing in the early seventh century, during the reign of Heraclius, at Constantinople (see below, pp. 5 2 - 3 ) .
13
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Kule. The campaign of excavations at Gozlii Kule during the 1930s was necessarily conducted at the periphery of the ancient city, and produced almost nothing of interest for the Christian and Byzantine periods. 43 Our evidence for seventh-century Tarsus is, therefore, almost entirely negative. Although we know that Tarsus was in a Greek-speaking part of the Byzantine empire, 44 there is no evidence whatsoever of any school in Tarsus during the Christian period. 45 The nearest school of any importance was Antioch; and since Tarsus was part of the patriarchate of Antioch, and since Antioch was easily accessible by the Roman road which led eastwards to Mopsuestia, then to the coast at Aegae, then around the coast road by way of Issus to Antioch, 46 it is clear that a Christian native of Tarsus would, in the early seventh century, have been drawn in the first instance to Antioch (rather than, say, to more distant Constantinople) in pursuit of higher learning. Let us assume, for sake of argument, that Theodore's scholarly inclination led him as a young man from Tarsus to nearby Antioch. ANTIOCH
Whereas the history of Tarsus, particularly during late antiquity, is frustratingly dark, that of Antioch (now Antakya in southeastern Turkey) is exceptionally well documented, and the documentation is often beautifully illustrated by inscriptions and archaeological evidence. 47 Accord43
44 45
46
47
Excavations at Gozlii Kule, Tarsus, ed. H . Goldman, 3 vols. in 6 (Princeton, N J , 1950-63). W h a t the editor refers to as the Xate Imperial Period' (third to seventh century AD) is treated only incidentally in vol. I. See Mango, Byzantium, p p . 14—15 (map) and 17 (discussion). Note, for example, that Diodore of Tarsus (d. c. 390), the renowned teacher of John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia (see below, p p . 18-22), was born and trained in Antioch and only later in life (from 3 7 8 onwards) became bishop of Tarsus. See Ramsay, The Historical Geography, p p . 5 1 - 6 2 (on Roman roads) and 74—82 (on Byzantine roads), and Hild, Tabula Imperil Byzantini V: Kilikien und Isaurien, pp. 1 3 2 - 6 as well as fig. 1 (below, p . 566). The most comprehensive study is Downey, A History of Antioch; see also his article on Antioch in RBK I (1966), 1 7 8 - 2 0 9 . There is also a less daunting account by the same author, Ancient Antioch (Princeton, N J , 1963), which includes some material not found in the earlier book (at p p . 200—16). Of studies which appeared before the publication of the Antioch excavations (see below, n. 50), the following are still useful: H . Leclercq, 'Antioche (archeologie)', DACL 1.2 (1924), 2 3 5 9 - 4 2 7 ; Schulze, Altchristliche Stddte III
14
Archbishop Theodore
ingly, it is possible to realize something of the majesty and wealth which Antioch possessed during the Hellenistic, Roman and early Christian periods, when it was one of the principal cities of the East: when, because of its advantageous site at the western end of the one usable route through the Amanus Mountains — a route which followed the river Orontes through a pass called the 'Syrian Gates' — Antioch was in effect the western gateway to the eastern realms of Persia, India and even China. 48 It was from the trade which flowed eastwards and westwards through Antioch that the city acquired its huge population, which may in the fourth and fifth centuries have reached half a million, 49 and its abundant wealth. The detailed picture of the city which we get from the writings of natives of Antioch such as Libanius, Ammianus Marcellinus and John Malalas has been splendidly corroborated by the results of excavations carried out there during the 1930s. 50 It is not possible here to review the prosperity of Antioch which these excavations revealed: suffice it to say that the discovery of the magnificent mosaic pavements caused the whole history of late antique and early Christian art to be rewritten. 51 We may note in passing simply that Antioch was the administrative capital of Roman
48
49
50
51
(the volume is devoted entirely to Antioch); and J. Kollwitz, 'Antiochia am Orontes', RAC I (1950), 4 6 1 - 9 . There is a more recent account of the archaeological findings by J. Lassus, 'La ville d'Antioche a l'epoque romaine d'apres l'archeologie', ANRW II (Principat) 8 (1977), 5 4 - 1 0 2 ; and see also ODB I, 1 1 3 - 1 6 and EEC I, 4 7 - 5 1 . See, inter alia, C.G. Seligman, 'The Roman Orient and the Far East', Antiquity 11 (1937), 5 - 3 0 , and M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and Roman History (Oxford, 1949), p p . 1 6 9 - 7 2 . O n the 'Silk Road' to China, which began at Antioch, see W . Watson, 'Iran and China', in The Cambridge History of Iran III, ed. Yarshater I, 5 3 7 - 5 8 , at 5 4 4 - 5 , as well as N . Garsoian, 'Byzantium and the Sasanians', ibid., pp. 5 6 8 - 9 2 , at 5 7 1 - 4 , and (briefly) ODB III, 1898. See Haddad, Aspects of Social Life in Antioch, p p . 6 7 - 7 3 ; cf. G. Downey, 'The Size of the Population of Antioch', Transactions of the American Philological Association 89 (1958), 84—91; idem, A History of Antioch, p p . 5 8 2 - 3 ; and (for a slightly lower estimate) Liebeschuetz, Antioch, p p . 9 2 - 1 0 0 . Antioch on the Orontes, ed. Elderkin, Stillwell et al. A brief account (with illustrations) which captures something of the magnificence of the finds is B.M. Metzger, 'Antiochon-the-Orontes', Biblical Archaeology 11 (1948), 7 0 - 8 8 . See, for example, C.R. Morey (who initiated the excavations), The Mosaics of Antioch (New York, 1938); idem, Early Christian Art, 2nd ed. (Princeton, N J , 1953), pp. 3 0 - 6 ; D. Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 2 vols. (Princeton, N J , 1947); and, more recently, RBKI (1966), 2 0 3 - 7 and S. Campbell, The Mosaics of Antioch, Subsidia Mediaevalia 15 (Toronto, 1988).
15
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Syria;52 that it was one of the earliest Christian cities in the Mediterranean53 — indeed it was at Antioch where the name 'Christians' was first coined (Act. XI.26) 54 — and was at different times the residence of both Peter and Paul; 55 that it had some magnificent churches (though few have been recovered by excavation),56 including the martyrium of Antioch's local martyr St Babylas, which has been identified and excavated at nearby Kaoussie;57 that it was the seat of the patriarchate of Antioch, having under its jurisdiction a very large number of bishoprics (including, as we have seen, those of Cilicia);58 that the Antiochene church had its own liturgy 59 and its own distinctive tradition in interpreting the biblical text (to be discussed below); and, above all, that it was renowned in late antiquity for its schools. It was during the fourth century that Antiochene schools achieved especial prominence, above all in the person of the rhetorician Libanius (314-93). Libanius is perhaps the most prolific of all Greek authors whose
52 53 54
See Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 2 3 7 - 8 . Downey, A History of Antioch, p p . 2 7 2 - 3 1 6 . E. Peterson, 'Christianus', in Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati I, S t T 121 (Vatican City,
1946), 353-72. 55
T h e evidence for Peter's sojourn in Antioch is set o u t by Downey, A History of Antioch,
pp. 583-6; for Paul, see Galat. II.3 and Act. XV.4l-XVIII.22. See also Finegan, The 56
57
Archaeology of the New Testament, pp. 6 3 - 7 1 . See W . Eltester, 'Die Kirchen Antiochias i m IV. J a h r h u n d e r t ' , ZNTW 36 (1937), 251-86; Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 75-8; and RBK I (1966), 1 8 5 - 9 0 . O n e i m p o r t a n t church (which has not been identified by excavation) was the great Golden O c t a g o n , which is k n o w n from a detailed description in Eusebius, Vita Constantini 111.50 ( P G 2 0 , 1 1 0 9 - 1 2 ) . A t least a dozen sizeable churches are k n o w n either from excavation or from literary sources. J . Lassus, 'L'eglise cruciforme Antioche-Kaoussie", in Antioch on the Orontes, ed. Elderkin et al. II, 5-44; Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, p. 75; and RBK
I (1966), 186. 58
59
See Devreesse, Le Patriarcat d'Antioche, p p . 1 2 4 - 4 1 , for lists of the bishoprics under Antioch's jurisdiction at times of the various oecumenical councils. A t t h e t i m e of the Council of Chalcedon (451) some 130 bishoprics lay within t h e jurisdiction of Antioch. See Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, p p . 4 7 0 - 8 1 (a collection of passages from J o h n Chrysostom's writings which illustrate t h e Antiochene rite); H . Leclercq, 'Antioche (liturgie d')', DACL 1.2 (1924), 2 4 2 7 - 3 9 ; and M . H . Shepherd, ' T h e Formation and Influence of the Antiochene Liturgy', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15 (1961), 2 5 - 4 4 .
16
Archbishop Theodore
writings have come down to us: 60 his extant corpus includes some 1,544 letters, forty-four declamations and sixty-four orations on various topics, including exhortations to students, sophistic exercises, panegyrics, and encomia on Antioch itself. This vast corpus has been carefully studied for the light which it throws on the society and administration of fourthcentury Antioch. 61 The Letters, in particular, illuminate the relationships between Libanius and his many students (during the years 354-93, Libanius taught some 150 students). 62 Now although Libanius was a pagan, he apparently numbered various Christians among his students, and two of these had a decisive influence on later Christian thought: John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia. 63 Because of their importance to the Canterbury biblical commentaries, it is essential to review the careers of these two men. John Chrysostom was born sometime between 344 and 354 of a wealthy family in Antioch. 64 As was normal for aristocratic children, he was trained in rhetoric, very probably with Libanius. However, it was precisely at this time that Christian monasticism and the ascetic ideal were spreading rapidly in Syria at large and in Antioch in particular, 65 and at 60
T h e r e is a good general account of Libanius's career and w r i t i n g s by Liebeschuetz, Antioch•, p p . 1—39; see also ODB II, 1 2 2 2 . T h e standard edition of Libanius is t h a t of R. Foerster, 12 vols. (Leipzig, 1 9 0 3 - 2 2 ) .
61
See P. Petit, Libanius et la vie municipale a Antioche au We siecle apresJ.-C.
(Paris, 1965);
D o w n e y , A History of Antioch, p p . 3 7 3 - 9 ; and Liebeschuetz, Antioch, p p . 4 0 - 2 5 5 . 62
P e t i t , Les Etudiants
de Libanius•, p p . 1 7 - 4 0 , gives a prosopography of t h e s t u d e n t s in
question; t h e remainder of t h e book contains analysis of t h e nature of t h e studies and the social classes and regions from w h i c h t h e s t u d e n t s were d r a w n . 63
J o h n Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia are not m e n t i o n e d anywhere in t h e correspondence of Libanius; t h a t they were his s t u d e n t s is first stated by t h e
fifth-
century ecclesiastical historian Socrates (HE V I . 3 — P G 6 7 , 6 6 5 ) . It is an open question w h e t h e r t h e t e s t i m o n y of Socrates can be trusted in this instance, b u t , at least in t h e case of J o h n Chrysostom, seems t o be s u p p o r t e d by a passage in t h e author's o w n w r i t i n g s ( P G 4 8 , 601): see A. N a e g e l e , 'Chrysostomos u n d Libanios', in XpuaoaxoniKd ( R o m e , 1908), p p . 8 1 - 1 4 2 : see also Petit, Les Etudiants
de Libanius,
p . 4 1 , and Festugiere,
Antioche paienne et chre'tienne, pp. 4 0 9 - 1 0 . 64
See DTC VIII ( 1 9 2 4 ) , 6 6 0 - 9 0 , and, for t h e standard account, Baur, Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus und seine Zeit, trans. M. Gonzaga as John Chrysostom and his Time; see also Q u a s t e n , Patrology
III, 424—84; Impellizzeri, La letteratura
bizantina,
pp. 130-7;
Y o u n g , From Nicaea to Chalcedon, p p . 1 4 3 - 5 9 ; ODB II, 1 0 5 7 - 8 ; and EEC I, 4 4 0 - 2 . 65
See Festugiere, Antioche paienne et chre'tienne, pp. 245—66, and idem, Les Moines d'Orient I, 9 - 9 1 ; Voobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, esp. I, 1 3 8 - 6 9 and II, 1 4 - 1 9 ,
17
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the age of 18 John rejected the secular world in favour of the ascetic ideal. One of his most influential teachers at this time was Diodore, 66 a native of Antioch and later bishop of Tarsus (from 378 until his death in c. 394), who at his so-called asketerion67 gave instruction not only in asceticism but also in biblical exegesis. Although few of his writings have survived, Diodore was one of the most innovative and influential exegetes of his time, 68 and his attitude to scripture, as revealed above all in his commentary on the Octateuch, was to have a decisive influence on his students, John Chrysostom among them. In any event, John was ordained deacon in 381, and during the next sixteen years his eloquent preaching in Antioch earned him the soubriquet Chrysostomos, 'Golden-mouthed' (from chrysos, 'golden' and stoma, 'mouth'). During this period John composed the greater part of his immense corpus of writings (he is by far the most voluminous Greek church father), 69 consisting principally of exegetical homilies on the various books of the Bible: on the Old Testament, two series of homilies on Genesis (consisting of nine and sixty-seven homilies respectively), fifty-eight homilies on Psalms and six on Isaiah; and on the New Testament, ninety homilies on Matthew, eighty-eight on John, fifty-five on Acts and over 200 on various epistles of St Paul. In addition to these exegetical homilies, there is a large corpus of treatises on topics such 61-9 and 159-84; Chitty, The Desert a City; and S. Brock, 'Early Syrian Asceticism', in 66
67
68
69
his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity\ no. I. As John himself tells us (PG 52, 761); on Diodore, see DTC IV (1911), 1 3 6 3 - 6 , and DSp III (1957), 9 8 6 - 9 4 , as well as Quasten, Patrology III, 3 9 7 - 4 0 1 , Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, p p . 1 9 1 - 9 , ODB I, 6 2 6 - 7 and EEC I, 2 3 6 - 7 . R. Leconte, 'L'Asceterium de Diodore', in Melanges bibliques A. Robert (Paris, 1957), pp. 531-6. The first part of an extensive commentary on the Psalms, arguably by Diodore, has recently been ed. J.-M. Olivier, Diodori Tarsensis Commentarii in Psalmos I: Commentarii in Psalmos I—L, CCSG 6 (Turnhout and Leuven, 1980); but the authenticity of this work is not beyond dispute, and was rejected by scholars such as Devreesse and Richard. Genuine fragments of Diodore's commentaries preserved in catenae are ptd Deconinck, Essai sur la chaine de I'Octateuque, pp. 85—173, and R. Devreesse, 'Anciens commentateurs grecs de l'Octateuque', Revue biblique 45 (1936), 2 0 1 - 2 0 , at 2 1 7 - 1 8 , as well as idem, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, p p . 1 5 5 - 6 7 . These Greek fragments are to be supplemented by the few Syriac fragments ed. M. Briere, 'Quelques fragments syriaques de Diodore, eveque de Tarse', Revue de IVrient chretien 30 (1946), 2 3 1 - 8 3 - For discussion, see E. Schweizer, 'Diodor von Tarsus als Exeget', ZNTW 4 0 (1941), 3 3 - 7 5 , and esp. Schaublin, Untersucbungen, p p . 1 5 - 1 8 and 4 3 - 5 5 . Listed CPG II, nos. 4 3 0 5 - 5 1 9 7 ; p t d P G 4 7 - 6 4 .
18
Archbishop Theodore
as the priesthood, the monastic life, virginity, education, penitence, and so on, but these are of less concern to the present discussion. In the event, John's great reputation for holiness and eloquence secured his election to the patriarchate of Constantinople in 397; but unfortunately his honesty and his zeal for reform brought him into conflict with the imperial court and with Theophilus, the patriarch of Alexandria. At an infamous synod convened near Chalcedon by Theophilus (the so-called 'Synod of the Oak') in 403, John was deposed and subsequently banished to Armenia. He died while returning to his native Antioch in 407. Theodore of Mopsuestia70 was a close friend and ally of John Chrysostom. Like John, Theodore was born c. 350 in Antioch; like him, too, he studied at some early point in his career with Libanius. At approximately the same time as John, Theodore went, when aged about 20, to Diodore and his asketerion for instruction in the celibate life and in biblical studies. Shortly thereafter Theodore seems to have been tempted to abandon asceticism and to get married, at which point his friend and colleague John Chrysostom addressed to him a lengthy treatise {Ad Theodorum lapsum) counselling perseverance with the ascetic ideal.71 Theodore persevered and was in due course ordained a priest in 383. When his master Diodore was elected bishop of Tarsus, Theodore went to Tarsus to continue his biblical studies during the years between 386 and 392, when Theodore himself was elected bishop of nearby Mopsuestia (also in Cilicia: see fig. 1). He ruled this see with distinction until his death in 428. Theodore was a prolific biblical exegete who is known from later sources to have composed commentaries on various OT books including Genesis (or possibly the entire Pentateuch), Psalms, the Minor Prophets, the Books of Samuel and Job, as well as on NT books such as Matthew, Luke, John, Acts and the Pauline Epistles. It has been shown that this exegetical activity took place in two distinct phases: an early phase under the influence of Diodore, before his election to the see of Mopsuestia in 392, when Theodore 70
71
The standard account of Theodore is Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste; see also E. Amann, 'Theodore de Mopsueste', DTC X V . l (1946), 235-79; R.A. Greer, Theodore of Mopsuestia: Exegete and Theologian (London, 1961); and the accounts in Quasten, Patrology III, 401-23; Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 199-213; ODB III, 2044; and EEC II, 824-5. PG 47, 277-316; see also J&z» Chrysostome, a Theodore, ed. J. Dumortier, SChr 117 (Paris, 1966); and R.E. Carter, 'Chrysostom's Ad Theodorum lapsum and the Early Chronology of Theodore of Mopsuestia', Vigiliae Christianae 16 (1962), 87—101.
19
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
concerned himself primarily with the Old Testament; and a later phase, after the death of John Chrysostom, when he concerned himself primarily with the New Testament. 72 These two phases of exegetical work were separated by a period during which Theodore was engaged in theological controversy and composed various dogmatic and theological works. Unfortunately, for reasons which we shall consider in a moment, very little of the extensive corpus of Theodore's exegesis has survived. Excepting fragments from catenae, all that survives of this corpus is the commentary on the Minor Prophets (in the original Greek, but lacking the dedicatory epistle),73 that on the gospel of St John (in a Syriac translation), 74 and the commentaries on the minor Pauline epistles (in a Latin translation);73 in addition, a substantial portion of the commentary on Psalms can be pieced together from Greek catenae and from Syriac and Latin translations. 76 The commentary on Genesis is sadly represented only by fragments quoted in various sources.77 Nevertheless, it is possible from these fragmentary remains to form a clear impression of Theodore's practice as a biblical exegete. 72
73 74
75
76
77
See J.M. Voste, 'La chronologie de l'activite litteraire de Theodore de Mopsueste', Revue biblique 34 (1925), 5 4 - 8 1 . Voste prints and discusses the later catalogues of Theodore's writings, in the Chronicle of Seen and in Ebedjesu (d. 1318) at p p . 6 0 - 1 and 5 7 - 6 0 respectively. CPG II, no. 3834; p t d P G 66, 1 2 4 - 6 3 2 . CPG II, no. 3843; ed. J.M. Voste, Theodori Mopsuesteni Commentarius in Evangelium lohannis Apostoli, 2 vols. CSCO 1 1 5 - 1 6 (Louvain, 1940). CPG II, no. 3845; ed. H . B . Swete, Theodori episcopi Mopsuesteni in epistolas B. Pauli commentarii, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1880-2). See also U. Wickert, Studien zu den Pauluskommentaren Theodors von Mopsuestia als Beitrag zum Verstdndnis der antiochenischen Theologie (Berlin, 1962). CPG II, no. 3833; ed. R. Devreesse, he Commentaire de Theodore de Mopsueste sur les Psaumes (I-LXXX), StT 93 (Vatican City, 1939). See also L. Van Rompay, Theodore de Mopsueste. Fragments syriaques du Commentaire des Psaumes (Psaume 118 et Psaumes 138-148), CSCO 4 3 5 - 6 [Scriptores Syri 1 8 9 - 9 0 } (Louvain, 1982). For the Latin translation (by Julian of Eclanum), see below, p . 2 4 8 , n. 2 4 . CPG II, no. 3 8 2 7 . T h e extracts p t d P G 66, 636-45 still require to be assessed critically; see Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, p p . 5 - 2 5 . For other (Syriac) fragments of t h e Genesis commentary, see R . - M . Tonneau, 'Theodore d e Mopsueste, Interpretation [ d u livre] de la Genese', Le Museon 66 (1953), 4 5 - 6 4 (a Syriac fragment of Theodore on G e n . III. 1 4 - 2 4 ) , and T . Jansma, 'Theodore de Mopsueste, Interpretation d u livre de la Genese: Fragments de la version syriaque (BM A d d . 17189, fol. 1 7 - 2 1 ) ' , Le Museon 75 (1962), 6 3 - 9 2 .
20
Archbishop Theodore
Diodore, with his two pupils John Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia, are the principal proponents of what is called the 'Antiochene School' of biblical exegesis. We will have occasion in a later chapter to consider the nature of Antiochene exegesis more closely (below, pp. 243—9). For now it is enough to note briefly that the Antiochenes were concerned above all to establish what they believed to be the literal sense of scripture. To this end they employed techniques which in modern terms might be called 'philological': they pondered the relative merits of different readings in different versions of the biblical text, and interpreted these meanings by recourse to ancient lexica and to the ancillary disciplines of medicine, rhetoric and philosophy. These techniques are most fully in evidence in the early commentaries of Theodore of Mopsuestia;78 but the assumptions underlying their deployment are pervasive in the homilies of John Chrysostom,79 and it is clear that they had already been worked out by Diodore. Needless to say, perhaps, the Antiochenes' concern with the precise meaning of scripture, especially of the New Testament, inevitably led them into disagreement and controversy with other interpreters, particularly of the Alexandrine school. Thus the Antiochenes became embroiled in the Christological and soteriological debates of the fifth century. 80 It is not surprising that the brilliance of the Antiochenes' method attracted many students. One of these students may have been Nestorius, as we have seen.81 Another Antiochene theologian who was almost
78
79 80
81
On Theodore's exegesis, see Kihn, Theodor von Mopsuestia und Junilius Afrkanus als Exegeten, still an indispensable work, and Pirot, L'Oeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste; R. Devreesse, 'La methode exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste', Revue biblique 53 (1946), 2 0 7 - 4 1 (repr. with minor modifications in his Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, pp. 53-93); R. Bultmann, Die Exegese des Theodor von Mopsuestiay ed. H. Feld and K.H. Schele (Stuttgart, 1984Xan updated version of Bultmann's 1912 Marburg Habilitationsschrift); M.F. Wiles, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia as Representative of the Antiochene School', in The Cambridge History of the Bible /, ed. P.R. Ackroyd and C.F. Evans (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 4 8 9 - 5 1 0 ; and M. Simonetti, 'Note sull'esegesi veterotestamentaria di Teodoro di Mopsuestia', Vetera Christianorum 14 (1977), 6 9 - 1 0 2 . See Baur, Der heilige Johannes Chrysostomus, trans. Gonzaga I, 3 1 9 - 2 1 . See Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies, pp. 107-201; R.A. Norris, Manhood and Christ: a Study in the Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Oxford, 1963); and Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antiochy pp. 117-50. The bibliography on this subject is immense. On Nestorius, see above, pp. 9-10 and nn. 15-17.
21
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
certainly a student of Theodore was Theodoret of Cyrrhus. 82 Theodoret was born in Antioch c. 393; he became bishop of Cyrrhus (some 75 miles northeast of Antioch: see fig. 1) in 423 and held that see, not without difficulties and temporary banishment, until his death in 466. Theodoret is known for various writings, including a treatise of Christian apology (one of the last of its kind, entitled Graecarum affectionum curatio)85 a treatise against the monophysites (the Eranistes),84 a large collection of letters, 85 and several historical works. 86 Although Theodoret repudiated the monophysites, and was later to repudiate Nestorius, he is in his biblical exegesis — of which there is a substantial corpus, especially on the Old Testament 87 - thoroughly Antiochene. 88 Another adherent to the school of Antioch was Severian (d. c. 408), bishop of Gabala, some 50 miles south of Antioch on the Syrian coast (see fig. I). 8 9 Although it is not possible on existing evidence to demonstrate that Severian in fact studied with Diodore or Theodore, and although in some ways he was antipathetic to the Antiochenes — he was, for example, one of the bishops at the 'Synod of the Oak' who deposed John Chrysostom in 403 — there is no question 82
See G. Bardy, Theodoret', DTC
XV.l
( 1 9 4 6 ) , 2 9 9 - 3 2 5 ; Quasten, Patrology
III,
5 3 6 - 5 4 ; Young, From Nkaea to Chalcedon, pp. 2 6 5 - 8 9 ; ODB III, 2 0 4 9 ; and EEC II,
827-8. 83
CPG
III, no. 6 2 1 0 ; ptd P G 8 3 , 7 8 4 - 1 1 5 2 , and Theodoret de Cyr: Therapeutique des
maladies helleniques, ed. P. Canivet, 2 vols., SChr 57 (Paris, 1958). 84
CPG
III, no. 6 2 1 7 ; ptd P G 8 3 , 2 7 - 3 3 6 ; Theodoret of Cyrus: Eranistes, ed. G . H .
Ettlinger (Oxford, 1975). 85
CPG III, nos. 6 2 3 9 - 4 0 ; Theodoret de Cyr: Correspondance, ed. Y. Azema, 3 vols., SChr 4 0 , 9 8 and 111 (Paris, 1 9 5 5 - 6 5 ) .
86
Theodoret's Historia religiosa (CPG III, no. 6 2 2 1 ) is an account of the lives of monks who lived in the vicinity of Antioch; it is ptd Theodoret de Cyr: I'histoire des moines de Syrie, ed. Canivet and Leroy-Molinghen; see also Canivet, Le monachisme syrien. Theodoret's Historia ecdesiastica (CPG III, no. 6222) is a history of the church which continues the HE of Eusebius and ends - significantly - with the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia in 428.
87
CPG III, nos. 6 2 0 0 - 9 . For our purposes, the most important work is the Quaestiones in Octateuchum (CPG
III, no. 6200; ptd PG 80, 7 6 - 5 2 8 and Fernandez Marcos and
Saenz-Badillos, Theodoreti Cyrensis Quaestiones in Octateuchum). 88
As argued by G . W . Ashby, Theodoret of Cyrrhus as Exegete of the Old Testament (Grahams-
89
See G. Bardy, 'Severien de Gabala', DTC
town, 1972), esp. pp. 1 7 - 5 5 . X I V . 2 ( 1 9 4 1 ) , 2 0 0 0 - 6 , and J. Zellinger,
Studien zu Severian von Gabala, Miinstersche Beitrage zur Theologie 8 (Munster, 1926), as well as Quasten, Patrology III, 4 8 4 - 6 , ODB III, 1 8 8 3 - 4 and EEC II, 7 7 2 .
22
Archbishop Theodore
that his exegesis is fundamentally Antiochene in its orientation. This is particularly the case with his six Orationes in mundi creationem, which frequently explain the biblical creation in terms of Greek cosmological (and especially medical) science.90 Mention should also be made of the well-informed and well-travelled layman known as Cosmas Indicopleustes who lived in the first half of the sixth century and who, in spite of having studied in Alexandria, was pronouncedly Antiochene in his response to scripture. 91 Other disciples and adherents of the Antiochene school could be mentioned as well; but enough has been said to demonstrate that, in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, the school of Antioch was a vital centre of Christian theology and biblical exegesis. We can no longer appreciate its full vitality because only a small proportion of its scholarly production has come down to us. Because of the heretical stamp of Nestorius (whose doctrines were condemned by the Council of Ephesus in 431, as we have seen), the principal proponents of the Antiochene school, Diodore and Theodore, came increasingly under suspicion, with the result that Diodore was condemned by a synod at Constantinople in 499, and Theodore by another (and more famous) synod at Constantinople in 553. The latter synod ordered that copies of Theodore's writings be searched out and burned publicly. 92 This is the principal reason why so few of the writings of Diodore and Theodore have survived; only Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who had publicly attacked and repudiated Nestorius, escaped this destruction. 90
CPG II, no. 4 1 9 4 ; ptd P G 56, 4 2 9 - 5 0 0 ; see also Zellinger, Die Genesis-homilien des Bischofs Severian von Gabala. Cf. in particular the distinction drawn by Severian between the Alexandrines' preference for allegoria and the Antiochenes' for theoria: xauxa OUK &M.T|Yopo()VT£<; eiaTiydyo^sv, &M,' £6e©pf|aanev xfj iaxopig. bXko xo £ic|3idaaa0ai eiq &M,r|Yopiav xf|v iaxopiav, aXko 8e Kai xf|v iaxopiav <J>i)A.d£ai Kai Gecopiav STUvofjaai (PG 56, 4 5 9 ) .
91
O n the debt of Cosmas to Theodore of Mopsuestia, see Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, pp. 2 7 3 - 4 ('la Topograpbia Christiana de Cosmas est un decalque des doctrines Theodoriennes et n'est intelligible que si on les a constamment presentes a l'esprit') and Wolska, La Topographie chretienne de Cosmas Indicopleustes, esp. pp. 4 0 - 6 1 .
92
Mansi, Concilia IX, 2 5 0 : 'oportere enim eos codices [scil. Theodori] cum omni diligentia requiri et inuentos coram omnibus comburi'. O n the early stages of the controversy, see L. Abramowski, 'Der Streit u m Diodor und Theodor zwischen den beiden ephesinischen Konzilien', Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte 67 ( 1 9 5 5 - 6 ) , 252-87', and for its eventual outcome, J.-M. Voste, 'L'oeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste au l i e Concile de Constantinople', Revue biblique 38 ( 1 9 2 9 ) , 3 8 2 - 9 5 and 5 4 2 - 5 4 , as well as Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, pp. 1 9 4 - 2 5 8 .
23
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
The one note of optimism in this sorry tale is that, because of Theodore's immense reputation in Antioch, many of his writings were early translated into Syriac,93 and thus escaped destruction at the hands of Byzantine churchmen. The school of Antioch, then, reached its apogee in the days of Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia. Much less is known of Antioch in the period after their writings were condemned. Recent scholarship has tended to emphasize that, by the sixth century AD, Antioch and much of the surrounding Syrian countryside had been seriously depopulated, and the luxurious city of old was a shadow of its former self.94 Yet there is no need to suppose that its scholarly tradition had ceased. Sometime during the latter half of the sixth century, for example, John Malalas (c. 4 9 1 578), 95 a native of Antioch, composed his Chronographia, a world chronicle which probably continued up to AD 573 (the end is lacking in manuscript). 96 By birth Malalas was a speaker of Syriac,97 but it is clear that he achieved enough proficiency in Greek to compose his chronicle in a colloquial dialect of that language, and to demonstrate some familiarity with (and also some ignorance of) Greek literature and mythology. The work contains much information concerning Antioch, and was fairly clearly compiled there. 98 At approximately the same time the ecclesiastical historian Evagrius Scholasticus (d. c. 594) was active in Antioch; 99 his history covers the years 431-594, 1 0 0 and betrays a sound training in 93
J.-M. Voste, 'De versione syriaca operum Theodori Mopsuesteni', Orientalia
Christiana
Periodica 8 ( 1 9 4 2 ) , 4 7 7 - 8 1 . 94
See esp. Kennedy, 'The Last Century of Byzantine Syria', and Liebeschuetz and Kennedy, 'Antioch and the Villages of Northern Syria'.
95
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlicheprofane Literatur I, 3 1 9 - 2 6 ; ODB II, 1275; EEC I, 4 4 3 ; and esp. Studies in John Malalas,
96
ed. Jeffreys, Croke and Scott.
CPG III, no. 7 5 1 1 ; ptd P G 9 7 , 6 5 - 7 1 7 . However, because the Greek text of the Chronicle has not been preserved completely, and needs to be supplemented by an O l d Church Slavonic version, the work is most conveniently consulted in English in The Chronicle of John Malalas,
97
trans. Jeffreys, Jeffreys and Scott.
See B. Croke, 'Malalas, the Man and his Work', in Studies in John Malalas, ed. Jeffreys etal., pp. 1 - 2 5 , at 3-
98
See Croke, ibid., pp. 6 - 1 1 , and Downey, A History of Antioch, p. 38.
99
See ODB II, 7 6 1 and EEC I, 3 0 5 - 6 , as well as P. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus the Church Historian, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, Etudes et documents 4 1 (Louvain, 1981).
IOO CPG H I ) n o
7 5 0 0 . Euagrios: the Ecclesiastical History, ed. J. Bidez and L. Parmentier
(London, 1898); also P G 8 6 , 2 4 1 6 - 8 8 5 .
24
Archbishop Theodore
rhetoric and familiarity with pagan literature, 101 as well as extensive knowledge of the archives of the patriarchate of Antioch. In the early seventh century yet another chronicler was active in Antioch, namely John of Antioch, who also composed a world chronicle (based in part on Malalas) extending from Adam up to AD 610. 102 In other words, at the time young Theodore, the future archbishop of Canterbury, may have come to Antioch from Tarsus in search of higher education, there were still schools in operation. The operation of these schools, and their glorious achievements in earlier times, could well have attracted an enterprising young scholar from a provincial town. Is there any evidence to suggest that Theodore did, in fact, study in Antioch? The question cannot be answered with certainty. What is certain, however, is that the exegetical method of the Canterbury biblical commentaries is wholly Antiochene in its orientation. 103 The text of scripture is elucidated through reference to topography, history, medicine, rhetoric and philosophy; individual words are analysed lexically and etymologically, with frequent recourse to earlier versions of the sacred text, especially the LXX and Greek NT. Furthermore, the author most frequently quoted by name in the commentaries is John Chrysostom. 104 Cosmas Indicopleustes is quoted under the title Christianus historiographus.105 Although they are not named, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Severian of Gabala were very probably laid under contribution. 106 No Alexandrian exegete is ever quoted by name. There is also sound evidence that the Chronkon of John Malalas was known to Theodore at first hand. 107 It is of course arguable that Antiochene exegetes and chroniclers could 101
102 103 104
See V.A. Caires, 'Evagrius Scholasticus: a Literary Analysis', Byzantinische Forscbungen 8 (1982), 29-50. See Hunger, Die hochsprachlicheprofane Literatur I, 3 2 6 - 8 , and ODB II, 1 0 6 2 . A point first made by Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 8 - 9 ; see also below, pp. 2 4 3 - 9 . PentI 2 8 and 4 4 ; Gn-Ex-Evla 22; Evil 4 1 , 87 and 9 7 ; and see also discussion below,
pp. 214-16. 105 106
107
PentI 9 1 ; see also below, pp. 2 0 8 - 1 1 . See below, pp. 2 2 3 - 4 . Neither Diodore of Tarsus nor Theodore of Mopsuestia is quoted by name; but it is not certain that any of their writings were to be found outside of Greek catenae or Syriac translations in the seventh century. See below, pp. 1 8 0 - 2 , where it is noted that Dr Jane Stevenson has recently advanced persuasive reasons for thinking that the anonymous Latin translation and redaction of Malalas's Chronicle, which passes under the name oiLaterculus Malalianus, was made in England by Archbishop Theodore.
25
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
have been read at some place other than Antioch; but the pervasive nature of Antiochene method in the Canterbury biblical commentaries suggests that the Commentator (in this case Theodore) was expressing a personal debt to the tradition and the city in which he had been trained. One final class of evidence for links between Antioch and seventhcentury England deserves mention, namely the cults of Antiochene saints in early Anglo-Saxon liturgical books. For example, the 'Calendar of St Willibrord' (BN, lat. 10837), compiled in the early eighth century in the community of St Willibrord at Echternach, includes commemorations of St Symeon the Stylite, who died at Antioch in 459 and whose cult first spread from there, 108 and St Timothy of Antioch. 109 Similarly, it includes a commemoration of St Babylas,110 a third-century bishop of Antioch who died during the persecutions of Decius and who was one of the principal patron saints of the city; Babylas is the subject of several sermons of John Chrysostom.111 As we have seen, the excavations at Antioch during the 1930s succeeded in identifying the martyrium of St Babylas. 112 Now the cult of St Babylas is exceptionally rare in the West, and the otherwise inexplicable evidence of the cult in seventh-century Milan (in combination with various architectural evidence) has plausibly been explained by the presence there of refugees from Antioch, presumably fleeing from the Persian or Arab invasions. 113 Given the rarity of the cult, it is striking that Aldhelm in his De uirginitate should have included a detailed account of 108
O n St Symeon the Stylite, see ODE III, 1 9 8 5 - 6 and EEC II, 7 7 9 ; the extensive hagiography is listed BHG,
nos. 1 6 7 8 - 8 8 . The principal early source for the life of
Symeon is Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia monachorum Syriae, ch. 2 6 , ed. Canivet and Leroy-Molinghen II, 1 5 8 - 2 1 5 . The commemoration is found in The Calendar of St Willibrord, 109
ed. Wilson, p. 9 (26 July): 'Sancti Symeonis monachi in Siria'.
The commemoration of this saint is found in The Calendar ofSt Willibrord, ed. W i l s o n , p. 11 (8 September): 'Timothei in Antiochia'. Unfortunately the identity of this St Timothy, who in the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum is commemorated together with
one Faustus, is completely unknown. 110
O n St Babylas, see ODB I, 2 4 3 and EEC I, 106.
111
The Greek hagiography of the saint is listed BHG, John Chrysostom in CPG Calendar ofSt Willibrord,
112
nos. 2 0 5 - 8 , and the sermons of
II, nos. 4 3 4 7 - 8 . The commemoration is found in The
ed. Wilson, p. 3 (24 January): 'Babilae episcopi et martyris'.
See G. Downey, 'The Shrines of St Babylas at Antioch and Daphne',
Antioch-on-the-
Orontes, ed. Elderkin et al. II, 4 5 - 8 , and idem, A History of Antioch, pp. 4 1 5 - 1 6 . 113
U . Monneret de Villard, 'Antiochia e Milano nel VI secolo', Orientalia Periodica 12 (1946), 3 7 4 - 8 0 .
26
Christiana
Archbishop Theodore
the martyrdom of St Babylas.114 Unfortunately we do not yet know enough about Aldhelm's criteria for selecting exemplary virgins for his De uirginitate, but it is not perhaps inconceivable that the inclusion of St Babylas was suggested to him by Theodore. Further research on Aldhelm might help to clarify this tantalizing link between Anglo-Saxon England and Antioch. 115 EDESSA
All the Antiochene authors whom we discussed in the previous section, from Diodore to John Malalas, wrote in Greek. This simple linguistic fact can help to disguise a fundamental feature of life in late antique Antioch, namely the fact that the city was thoroughly bilingual, in so far as both Greek and Syriac were spoken there. 116 Of our Antiochene authors, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret of Cyrrhus certainly knew some Syriac,117 and John Malalas was a native speaker of Syriac who had learned to speak and write in Greek. 118 Moreover, this linguistic situation obtained throughout Syria at large. Antioch was the focal point of Greek-speaking Christianity, with Edessa, in eastern Syria (see fig. 1), being the focal point of Syriac Christianity (indeed, Syriac is the name 114
115
116
117
118
Prose De uirginitate, ch. 33; Carmen de uirginitate 1034-70 (ed. Ehwald, Aldhelmi Opera, pp. 274-5 and 397-8 respectively). It is striking that, in describing the Egyptian martyrdoms of Julian and Basilissa elsewhere in his prose De uirginitate, Aldhelm refers to Antioch as the capital of Egypt (sicl for Alexandria): 'plura monachorum ergasteria in celeberrimo Antiochiae municipio, quae est metropolis Aegipti' (ed. Ehwald, ibid. pp. 281-2). Geographical confusion of this kind is found at various points in the Canterbury biblical commentaries (see, e.g., PentI 462), and is a simple reflection of the Anglo-Saxon students' ignorance of the Near East. See esp. Haddad, Aspects of Social Life in Antioch, pp. 104-21. During the period that Syria was a province of the Roman empire (i.e. governed directly from Rome) Latin, too, was spoken there. From the fourth century onwards, however, the use of Latin was on the wane (Libanius, for example, knew no Latin). Nevertheless, there is some evidence for teachers of Latin in Antioch in the fifth and sixth centuries: see R.A. Kaster, Guardians of Language (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, 1988), pp. 293 and 351-2. For Theodore of Mopsuestia's knowledge of Syriac, see Pirot, L'Oeuvre exegetique de Theodore de Mopsueste, pp. 95—6; for that of Theodoret, see Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, p. 267. See above, n. 97 (the name 'Malalas' is from Syriac mallala, 'rhetor').
27
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
given to the Aramaic dialect of Edessa, which, because of Edessa's prominence, became the literary language of Syria).119 Edessa, like Antioch, was bilingual, and it has been suggested that whoever in Edessa was literate usually knew both languages. 120 There was accordingly much mutual interchange between Greek and Syriac, and between Edessa and Antioch. 121 One aspect of this interchange is the intense industry of translation — from Greek into Syriac, from Syriac into Greek — which characterizes Syriac Christianity. 122 So closely were the two linguistic traditions linked that it is often not possible to tell whether a particular work is a Syriac translation from Greek or a Greek translation from Syriac. 123 Given the bilingual nature of Syriac Christianity, contact with the one language and its Christian literature inevitably implied contact with the other. Accordingly, on our hypothesis that the young Theodore, future archbishop of Canterbury, came from Cilicia to Antioch in the pursuit of higher education, he cannot have avoided contact with Syriac in some form. Since there is some evidence in the Canterbury biblical commentaries of such contact, it is necessary briefly to sketch the history of Christianity in Syria. Syrian Christianity is illustrated by the visible remains of numerous Christian churches, 124 by a distinctive form of monasticism, 125 and by a rich tradition of patristic literature in Syriac, as we shall see. The focal point of Syrian Christianity was Edessa. Edessa (modern §anliurfa or 'Glorious Urfa' in what is now southeastern Turkey) lies some 150 miles northeast of Antioch, across the Euphrates 119
120
121 122
123 124
125
There are some scholars who would prefer to use 'Aramaic' rather than 'Syriac' to describe the language of Syria: see H. Ishow, 'Faut-il remplacer le terme "syriaque" par le terme "Arameen"?', Orientalia Christiana Analecta 2 0 5 (1978), 3 5 9 - 6 5 . It has nevertheless become conventional to refer to the language before the second century A D as Aramaic, and that from the third century to the fourteenth as Syriac. See H J . W . Drijvers, 'East of Antioch: Forces and Structures in the Development of Early Syriac Theology' (ptd in his East of Antioch, no. I), p. 2. Ibid., pp. 3 - 4 . See esp. Brock, 'Greek into Syriac and Syriac into Greek' (repr. in his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity, no. II). Drijvers, 'East of Antioch', p. 2. See H . C . Butler, Early Churches in Syria, ed. E.B. Smith (Princeton, N J , 1929); J. Lass us, Sanctuaires chretiens de Syrie. Essai sur la genese, la forme et I'usage liturgique des edifices du culte chretien en Syrie, du Hie siecle a la conquete musulmane (Paris, 1947); and Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 1 3 7 - 5 6 . See esp. Voobus, A History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient and Canivet, Le Monachisme syrien, as well as other works cited above, n. 65.
28
Archbishop Theodore
river, in the former Roman province of Osrhoene, of which it was the capital (see fig. I). 1 2 6 It was situated in a fertile plain nourished by many pleasant streams (hence its name in Greek, Callirhoe, 'city of beautiful streams'), and lay at the crossroads of, on the one hand, the great 'Silk Road' linking Antioch and the Mediterranean with Iran, India and China, and, on the other, of a north-south road linking Amida with Aleppo. 127 At this important crossroads, Christianity was established from a very early time, probably from the middle of the second century AD. 1 2 8 The relics of the apostle Thomas were translated to Edessa, probably in the early third century, 129 and from the fourth century onwards Edessa was graced with various Christian churches. 130 It was at Edessa, probably in 126
O n Edessa, see DACL
IV.2 (1921), 2 0 5 8 - 1 1 0 ; RAC 4 (1959), 5 5 2 - 9 7 ; Theologische
Realenzyklopedie I X (1981), 2 7 7 - 8 8 ; as well as A . F J . Klijn, Edessa. De Stad van de Apostel Thomas (Baarn, 1962); E. Kirsten, 'Edessa. Eine romische Grenzstadt des 4. bis 6. Jahrhunderts im Orient', Jahrbuch filr Antike und Christentum 6 ( 1 9 6 3 ) , 144—72; Segal, Edessa; ODB I, 6 7 6 and EEC I, 2 6 4 ; for the Roman period, see H J . W . Drijvers, 'Hatra, Palmyra und Edessa: D i e Stadte der syrisch-mesopotamischen Wiiste in politischer, kulturgeschichtlicher und religiongeschichtlicher Beleuchtung',
ANRWII
(Principal) 8 (1977), 7 9 9 - 9 0 6 , at 8 6 3 - 9 6 . Still useful in many respects is R. Duval, 'Histoire politique, religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse jusqu'a la premiere croisade', Journal
asiatique
8th ser. 18 (1891), 8 7 - 1 3 3 , 2 0 1 - 7 8 , 3 8 1 - 4 3 9 and 19 (1892),
5-102. 127
O n the geography and historical topography of eastern Syria (and the roads passing through Edessa), see R. Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale (Paris, 1927), esp. pp. 4 7 8 - 8 1 and 4 9 3 - 5 , and L. Dillemann, Haute Mesopotamie orientate et pays adjacents (Paris, 1962), esp. pp. 1 0 9 - 1 0 , as well as the overviews in ODB III, 1 9 9 7 - 2 0 0 0 and EEC II, 8 0 7 - 9 . O n the 'Silk Road', see above, n. 4 8 .
128
See I. Ortiz de Urbina, 'Le origini del cristianesimo in Edessa', Gregorianum 15 (1934), 8 2 - 9 1 ; Voobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient I, 1 0 - 3 0 ; R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: a Study
in Early
Syriac Tradition
(Cambridge, 1975), esp.
pp. 4 - 3 8 , and idem, 'The Characteristics of the Earliest Syriac Christianity', in East of Byzantium:
Syria
and Armenia
in the Formative
Period,
ed. N . G . Garsoian, T.F.
Matthews and R . W . Thomson (Dumbarton Oaks, N J , 1982), pp. 3 - 1 6 . 129
See U . Monneret de Villard, 'La fiera di Batnae e la traslazione di S. Tommaso a Edessa', Rendiconti dell'Accademia
nazionale dei Lincei 8th ser. 6 (1951), 7 7 - 1 0 4 , at
88—96. The martyrium of St Thomas was visited by the pilgrim Aetheria in c. 384: Peregrinatio XVII. 1 (CSEL 3 9 , 6 0 - 1 = CCSL 175, 58). 130
See A. Baumstark, 'Vorjustinianische kirchliche Bauten in Edessa', Oriens Christianus 4 (1904), 1 6 4 - 8 3 ; A.-M. Schneider, 'Die Kathedrale von Edessa', Oriens Christianus
36
(1941), 1 6 1 - 7 ; A. Dupont-Sommer, 'Une hymne syriaque sur la cathedrale d'Edesse', Cahiers archeologiques 2 (1947), 2 9 - 3 9 , together with A. Grabar, 'Le temoignage d'une hymne syriaque sur 1'architecture de la cathedrale d'Edesse au V i e siecle et sur la
29
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the second century AD, that the Old Testament was translated into Syriac (this translation is known as the Peshitta). From the late second century onwards, the Christian church in Edessa produced a number of wellknown writers, 131 among them Bardesanes (154—222), author of a (lost) collection of hymns and of an heretical, astrological doctrine for which he was duly condemned. 132 It has also been surmised that the Syrian scholar and heretic Tatian (fl. c. 160), 133 author of the Diatessaron - a synoptic account of Christ's life based on all four gospels, which was used by the Syriac church in lieu of the gospels until the fifth century — spent part of his life in Edessa.134 However, by far the best known and influential Christian author from Edessa was Ephrem. 135 Ephrem was born at Nisibis, in the easternmost part of Syria, c. 306; but after Nisibis passed under Persian control in 363, Ephrem moved to Edessa where he taught for some years. Later report has it that he travelled in a vast circular route to Alexandria in Egypt, then to Caesarea in Cappadocia (where he visited St Basil), then finally back to Edessa; but the report is open to suspicion. He remained a deacon all his life, and once turned down the offer of a bishopric. He died in Edessa in symbolique de l'edifice chretien', ibid., pp. 6 1 - 7 ; and A. Palmer and L. Rodley, 'The Inauguration A n t h e m of Hagia Sophia in Edessa: a N e w Edition and Translation with Historical and Architectural N o t e s and a Comparison with a Contemporary Constantinopolitan Kontakion', Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 12 (1988), 1 1 7 - 6 9 . 131
For the history of Syriac literature, see Baumstark, Geschichte der syriscben Literatur, as well as (briefly) ODB III, 2 0 0 0 - 1 and EEC II, 8 0 9 - 1 1 ; for standard editions and studies of Syriac authors, see Ortiz de Urbina, Patro/ogia
132
See H J . W . Drijvers, Bardaisan
Syriaca.
of Edessa, Studia Semitica Neerlandica 6 (Assen,
1966), as well as EEC I, 1 1 0 . 133 Very little is known of Tatian's life: see EEC II, 8 1 5 ; for the unverifiable conjecture that he lived at Edessa, see Leclercq in DACL 134
IV.2 ( 1 9 2 1 ) , 2 0 8 5 .
O n Tatian's Diatessaron, see Voobus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient I, 3 1 - 4 5 , Metzger, The Early Versions of the New Testament, p p . 1 0 - 3 6 , and EEC I, 2 3 4 . It is not known for certain whether the Diatessaron was composed originally in Greek, and thereafter translated into Syriac, or vice versa. (A Greek fragment dating from before 2 5 4 was found at Dura Europos on the Euphrates during the famous excavations there in 1934.)
135
A n excellent introduction to Ephrem is S. Brock, The Luminous Eye: the Spiritual
World
Vision ofSt Ephrem (Rome, 1985); see also DSp IV. 1 ( I 9 6 0 ) , 7 8 8 - 8 0 0 ; RAC V ( 1 9 6 2 ) , 5 2 0 - 3 1 ; Theologisches Realenzyklopddie 216—1,
I X ( 1 9 8 2 ) , 7 5 5 - 6 2 , ODB I, 7 0 8 - 9 , EEC I,
as well as A. Voobus, Literary, Critical and Historical Studies in Ephrem the Syrian
(Stockholm, 1958).
30
Archbishop Theodore
373. Although the reports of his travels cannot be verified, what is important is that he somehow found time, at Nisibis and later at Edessa, to produce a vast corpus of writing in Syriac (he apparently did not know, or did not write in, Greek). 136 This vast corpus consists for the most part in hymns in various metres on various subjects, such as virginity, but also includes attacks on the heresies of Bardesanes and Mani, homilies on biblical themes (including, for example, Paradise), and liturgical hymns for various feast days. 137 More important for our purposes is the fact that Ephrem composed a number of biblical commentaries, including one on Genesis and part of Exodus, 138 and another on the Diatessaron.159 Commentaries on Acts and on the Pauline Epistles have survived only in Armenian translations. Ephrem achieved considerable fame during his lifetime, and his voluminous writings were soon being translated not only into Greek, but into Latin (not to mention Armenian) as well. 140 It was as a result of Ephrem's fame that the so-called 'school of the Persians' in Edessa first achieved its eminence. 141 It was so called not only 136
137
138
139
140
141
See Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, pp. 3 1 - 5 2 (which needs to be substantially revised in light of later research), and Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 5 6 - 8 3 . The enormous corpus of Ephrem's hymns has been published through the editorial labours of Edmund Beck: CSCO 1 5 4 - 5 [Scriptores Syri 7 3 - 4 } (Hymni defide); CSCO 1 6 9 - 7 0 {Scriptores Syri 7 6 - 7 } {Hymni contra haereses); CSCO 174—5 [Scriptores Syri ' 7 8 - 9 } (Hymni deparadiso); CSCO 1 8 6 - 7 [Scriptores Syri 8 2 - 3 } (Hymni de natiuitate et de epiphania); CSCO 1 9 8 - 9 [Scriptores Syri 8 4 - 5 } (Hymni de ecctesia); CSCO 2 2 3 - 4 [Scriptores Syri 9 4 - 5 } (Hymni de uirginitate); CSCO 2 4 0 - 1 [Scriptores Syri 1 0 2 - 3 } (Carmina Nisibena); and CSCO 2 4 6 - 7 [Scriptores Syri 1 0 6 - 7 } (Hymni de ieiunio). Ephrem's hymns are accessible in English translation by K. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns (New York, 1989) and Brock, St Ephrem: Hymns on Paradise. Sancti Ephraem Syri in Genesim et in Exodum Commentarii, ed. Tonneau; see also T. Jansma, 'Ephraems Beschreibung des ersten Tages der Schopfung', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 37 (1971), 2 9 5 - 3 1 6 ; and Hidal, Interpretatio Syriaca. Saint Ephrem: Commentaire de Vevangile concordant\ ed. L. Leloir, Chester Beatty Monographs 8 (Dublin, 1963); French trans, of the Syriac (and Armenian) texts of this work by L. Leloir, SChr 121 (Paris, 1966). Sebastian Brock kindly informs us that further leaves of the unique manuscript have been acquired by the Chester Beatty Library and that an edition (by D o m L. Leloir) is forthcoming. See D . Hemmerdinger-Iliadou and J. Kirchmeyer, 'Ephrem (les versions)', DSp IV. 1 (I960), 8 0 0 - 2 2 ; for the Greek Ephremic corpus, see also CPG II, nos. 3 9 0 5 - 4 1 7 5 , and discussion below, pp. 2 3 4 - 6 . O n the school of Edessa at this time, see esp. Hayes, L'Ecole d'Edesse, pp. 1 2 4 - 4 3 (on Ephrem and his students) and 1 4 4 - 5 8 (on the 'School of the Persians').
31
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
because of its links with the Persian East and Nisibis in particular (whence Ephrem had come to Edessa), but also because at various times it was a hotbed of Nestorianism. It also produced a number of scholars of outstanding distinction. In the early fifth century, the bishop of Edessa was Rabbula (d. 435) who, after his election in 412, was a patron of learning and the author of several short treatises on the monastic life.142 During Rabbula's episcopacy, the principal scholar of the 'school of the Persians' was Ibas (d. 457), who was known as 'the Translator' because of his vigorous efforts in translating Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia into Syriac (regrettably all his translations of these authors have perished). 143 The efforts of Ibas nonetheless make it clear that Antiochene exegetes were being studied intensively at Edessa. At first Rabbula apparently supported Ibas in his translational activities, but Rabbula was persuaded (by Cyril of Alexandria) to oppose the doctrines of Nestorius, and Ibas was duly expelled from the school. Nevertheless, on Rabbula's death in 435 Ibas succeeded him as bishop of Edessa; and although he was temporarily removed from his see (449-51), the Council of Chalcedon in 451 reinstated him. (His teaching was subsequently to be condemned, with that of Theodore of Mopsuestia, by the Council of Constantinople in 553.) At approximately the time that Ibas became bishop of Edessa, Narsai (d. c. 503) became head of the 'school of the Persians'. 144 He is known to have written commentaries on the Old Testament, though these have not survived; he also wrote a substantial corpus of homilies and hymns, which have. Like his predecessor Ibas, Narsai appears to have 142
O n Rabbula, see ODB III, 1 7 6 9 , EEC II, 7 2 9 , and esp. B l u m , Rabbula von Edessa; and see also Hayes, L'Ecole d'Edesse, p p . 1 7 2 - 9 0 . A vita of Rabbula, written by a cleric of Edessa c. 4 5 0 , is of little value for reconstructing his life: see P. Peeters, 'La Vie de Rabboula, eveque d'Edesse', Recherches de science religieuse 18 ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 1 7 0 - 2 0 4 . For his writings, see CPG III, nos. 6 4 9 0 - 7 and Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 9 6 - 9 It used to be thought that Rabbula was responsible for correcting the Peshitta text of the N T (cf. Hayes, ibid., pp. 1 8 5 - 9 ) , but more recently doubt has been cast on this attribution; see, inter alia, A. Voobus, Studies in the History of the Gospel Text in Syriac, CSCO 1 2 8 (Louvain, 1951), 4 6 - 6 0 .
143
Hayes, ibid., pp. 1 9 1 - 2 0 8 . O n Ibas, see also CPG III, nos. 6 5 0 0 - 1 , ODB II, 9 7 0 - 1 , EEC I, 4 0 3 and B l u m , Rabbula von Edessa, p p . 1 9 6 - 2 0 3 .
144
O n Narsai, see DACL Voobus, History
XII. 1 (1935), 8 8 4 - 8 , ODB II, 1 4 3 7 - 8 , EEC II, 5 8 3 and esp.
of the School of Nisibis,
pp. 5 7 - 1 2 1 . For Narsai's writings, see
Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, pp. 109-13, and Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 115-18.
32
Archbishop Theodore
taught Antiochene exegesis; but his orientation was also pronouncedly Nestorian, and he was expelled from Edessa in c. 471, at which point he went to Nisibis, where the bishop (one Barsauma, 145 a former pupil of Ibas) invited Narsai to form a new school in the manner of that at Edessa. The episode with Narsai was a foretaste of what was to befall the 'school of the Persians' in Edessa. In 489, at the insistence of the bishop of Edessa, the emperor Zeno closed the 'school of the Persians'; those scholars who fled from Edessa were welcomed into the school at Nisibis by Barsauma and Narsai. From this point onwards the school of Nisibis (now Nusaybin in southeastern Turkey: see fig. 1) became the pre-eminent Syrian school. Nisibis, like Edessa, was an ancient Christian city; 146 its cathedral was built in the early fourth century by Jacob of Nisibis, to whom Ephrem dedicated his Carmina Nisibena and who was subsequently venerated widely as a saint. The school of Nisibis was closely modelled on that of Edessa, and was indebted to the Antiochenes for its exegetical method, and explicitly Nestorian in its theological orientation. 147 Henceforth, as we have seen (above, p. 10), there is a marked difference between eastern and western Syrian Christianity. The closure of the 'school of the Persians' did not mark the end of all Christian education in Edessa, however. Other schools in the city evidently continued to give instruction in Christian doctrine and exegesis. During the course of the sixth century a number of Syriac authors provide testimony that learning had not ceased at Edessa with Zeno's decree. 148 In the early sixth century, for example, Philoxenus (d. 523), monophysite bishop of Mabbug, supervised the production of a Syriac version of the 145
O n Barsauma, see J.-M. Fiey, Nisibe. Metropole syriaque orientate et ses suffragants des origines a nos jours, CSCO 3 8 8 [Subsidia 5 4 ] (Louvain, 1977), 4 0 - 6 , and Gero, Barsauma of Nisibis, pp. 2 5 - 5 9 , as well as (briefly) ODB I, 2 5 8 and EEC I, 112.
146
O n Nisibis in general, see Fiey, ibid., esp. pp. 2 1 - 6 6 (on the pre-Islamic period), as well as ODB III, 1 4 8 8 and EEC II, 5 9 8 . O n Jacob of Nisibis, see Fiey, ibid., pp. 2 1 - 6 and EEC I, 4 2 9 ; on his cult in Anglo-Saxon England, see below, p. 36.
147
O n the school of Nisibis, see J.-B. Chabot, X'ecole de Nisibe, son histoire, ses statuts', Journal asiatique 9th ser. 8 (1896), 4 3 - 9 3 ; T. Hermann, 'Die Schule von Nisibis v o m 5. bis 7. Jahrhundert', ZNTW
25 (1926), 8 9 - 1 2 2 ; A. Voobus, The Statutes of the School
of Nisibis (Stockholm, 1962); idem, History of the School of Nisibis, esp. pp. 1-32; and Gero, Barsauma of Nisibis, pp. 6 0 - 7 2 . One product of the school of Nisibis, which has an interesting reflex in Anglo-Saxon England, is the Instituta regularia diuinae legis of Junilius, on which see below, pp. 2 4 8 - 9 148
See Hayes, L'Ecole d'Edesse, pp. 2 7 8 - 8 6 .
33
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
New Testament based on the Greek original, and composed an extensive corpus of dogmatic and ascetic writings; although much of the corpus of his writings (all in Syriac) was produced at Mabbug, Philoxenus was trained in Edessa and is a witness to the activity of that school. 149 His approximate contemporary, Jacob of Serugh (d. 521), was similarly trained at Edessa before becoming bishop of Batnae in the district of Serugh; he has left an extensive corpus of memre or metrical homilies (originally totalling some 760, but less than half have survived), letters and prayers. 150 In many of these works his approach to the biblical text is deeply indebted to that of Theodore of Mopsuestia. 151 In the 520s and 530s Mar Aba, 152 a Persian convert from Zoroastrianism, learned Greek at Edessa. This Greek learning no doubt included study of Theodore of Mopsuestia, because Mar Aba had occasion to defend the doctrine of Theodore when he visited Alexandria. We can gauge the extent of his Greek learning from the appraisal of him by Cosmas Indicopleustes, who met him in Alexandria, as well as from the Greek learning of two of his pupils, Thomas and Cyrus, both from Edessa. 153 It was also at sixthcentury Edessa that the so-called Chronicle of Edessa was compiled, prob149
150
151
152
153
See Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 1 5 7 - 6 1 ; A. de Halleux, Philoxene de Mabbug, sa vie, ses ecrits, sa theologie (Louvain, 1963); Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies, pp. 5 7 - 1 1 2 ; Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 2 1 4 - 1 7 ; as well as ODB III, 1664 and EEC II, 684. See Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, pp. 148—58; Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 104—9; Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies, pp. 1 1 3 - 4 1 ; Frend, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, pp. 2 4 2 - 3 ; as well as DSp VIII. 1 (1974), 5 6 - 6 0 , ODB II, 1 0 2 9 - 3 0 and EEC I, 4 2 9 . See Jansma, 'L'Hexameron de Jacques de Sarug', p. 151, and S. Brock, 'Baptismal Themes in the Writings of Jacob of Serugh', Orientalia Christiana Analecta 205 (1978), 3 2 5 - 4 7 , at 340. See EEC I, 1 (s.v. 'Abai, Mar') and P. Peeters, 'Observations sur la vie de Mar Aba', Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati V, StT 125 (Vatican City, 1946), 6 9 - 1 1 2 ; on his Greek learning, see S. Brock, 'From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to Greek Learning' (repr. in his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity, no. V), p. 2 2 . O n Mar Aba's links with Cosmas Indicopleustes, see Wolska, La Topographie chretienne de Cosmas Indicopleustes, pp. 6 3 - 7 3 . O n Thomas, see Hayes, L'Ecole d'Edesse, pp. 282—3; his principal surviving work is the Tractatus de Natiuitate Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, ed. S J . Carr (Rome, 1898). For Cyrus, see Six Explanations of the Liturgical Feasts by Cyrus of Edessa, ed. W . F . Macomber, CSCO 355-6 [Scriptores Syri 155-6] (Louvain, 1974). On their Greek learning, see Brock, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity, no. V.
34
Archbishop Theodore
ably near the middle of the century. 154 Finally, in the seventh century, Jacob of Edessa (c. 640—708) won renown as a biblical scholar and exegete, and as the translator of Severus of Antioch. 153 In Jacob of Edessa we see the characteristics we have noticed throughout the history of the school of Edessa: bilingualism in Greek and Syriac, and Antiochene orientation in biblical exegesis. The sum of this evidence indicates that the school of Edessa continued to flourish into the seventh century. We may return at this point to our Theodore, the future archbishop of Canterbury, and ask what relevance Edessa might have to our investigation of his early career. There are in fact several features of the Canterbury biblical commentaries which can best be explained on the assumption that their author had some personal knowledge of Syria in general and Edessa in particular. For example, in discussion of the biblical text of Num. XI.5 concerning 'cucumbers and melons', we are told that 'cucumbers are called pepones when they grow large, and often one pepon will weigh thirty pounds. In the city of Edessa they grow so large that a camel can scarcely carry two of them': cucumeres et pepones unum sunt, sed tamen cucumeres dicuntur pepones cum magni fiunt; ac saepe in uno pepone fiunt .xxx. librae. In Edissia ciuitate fiunt ut uix potest duo portare unus camelus. (PentI 413) Cucumbers and melons are the same thing, but cucumbers are called pepones when they grow large, and often one pepon will weigh thirty pounds. In the city of Edessa they grow so large that a camel can scarcely carry two of them. This notice reads like the report of personal observation, and needs to be weighed alongside other evidence in the commentaries. Certainly the Canterbury biblical commentaries reveal an awareness of Syriac, as we shall see in detail in a later chapter (ch. 5). 156 For example, at three points in the commentaries (Evil 58, 70 and 72), words found in the biblical text are explained as being Syriac in origin, and in two of the instances this information does not appear to derive from a secondary source. Such information would be consonant with a knowledge of spoken 154 155
Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, p. 2 0 6 . See Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, pp. 248—56; Ortiz de Urbina, Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 1 7 7 - 8 3 ; and EEC I, 4 2 8 - 9 . Jacob's Commentary on the Hexameron is ed. J.-B. Chabot and A. Vaschalde, 2 vols., CSCO, Scriptores Syri 2nd ser. 5 6 - 7 (Louvain, 1 9 2 8 - 3 2 ) .
156
See below, pp. 2 3 3 - 4 0 .
35
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Syriac, however rudimentary. Ephrem the Syrian is once quoted by name (Evil 29), and although the quotation in question is drawn from a Greek Ephremic homily rather than from Ephrem's original Syriac text, there are other explanations in the commentaries which have their closest parallels in writings of Ephrem which were apparently never translated into Greek, in particular his Commentary on Genesis.151 Other passages in the commentaries (notably PentI 44 and Evil 3) have striking parallels in the Syriac Book of the Cave of Treasures, an exegetical compilation of sixth-century date. Given that this work was never translated into Greek, the parallels cannot easily be explained away. Taken altogether this evidence suggests that Theodore was familiar in some way with the Syriac language and with aspects of the tradition of Syriac biblical exegesis. It need not imply that Theodore could read (or had studied) Syriac patristic literature; but it does imply an awareness of Syriac biblical tradition which was perhaps acquired through discussion with Syrian scholars. Such awareness could have been acquired at Edessa, the acknowledged centre of Syriac biblical studies, which we may suppose (on the evidence of the aforementioned comment concerning melons) Theodore to have visited. Before leaving Syria and Edessa, one final class of evidence needs to be mentioned. 158 We have seen that the 'Calendar of St Willibrord' contains commemorations of various saints whose cults originated in Antioch. It is interesting that this same source also contains a commemoration of St Jacob of Nisibis on 15 July, 159 as well as one for the translation of St 157 158
See below, p . 2 3 5 and n. 1 3 8 . O n e piece of evidence may be discounted, however. M a y r - H a r t i n g {The Coming of Christianity,
p . 208) drew a t t e n t i o n to a passage in A l d h e l m ' s Depedum regulis {Aldhelmi
Opera, ed. Ehwald, p . 155) concerning caricae, 'dried figs', and a certain h e r m i t w h o lived near the border of t h e Syrians and Arabs and w h o sustained himself on five dried figs a day. M a y r - H a r t i n g suggested t h a t this information was conveyed to A l d h e l m by Theodore, w h o - on this evidence - would have had some experience of t h e Syrian desert. Unfortunately, the suggestion cannot be sustained, for A l d h e l m ' s words are taken nearly v e r b a t i m from J e r o m e , Vita S. Pauli eremitae, ch. 6 (PL 2 3 , 21): 'testor . . . in ea eremi parte, quae iuxta Syriam Saracenis i u n g i t u r , et uidisse m e monachos, et uidere, e q u i b u s . . . alter . . . q u i n q u e caricis per singulos dies sustentabatur'. T h i s d e b t was overlooked by Ehwald, w h i c h in t u r n misled M a y r - H a r t i n g ; in any event A l d h e l m ' s words have n o t h i n g to d o w i t h Theodore. 159
O n St J a c o b of N i s i b i s , see above, p . 3 3 , as well as P . Peeters, 'La legende de Saint Jacques de N i s i b e ' , AB Calendar ofSt Willibrord,
5 8 (1920), 285—373. For t h e c o m m e m o r a t i o n , see The ed. W i l s o n , p . 9: 'natale Iacobi N i z i b i s ' (15 J u l y ) .
36
Archbishop Theodore
Thomas the Apostle to Edessa. 160 These commemorations, like those of the Antiochene saints, are found in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, which was the principal source of the 'Calendar of St Willibrord'; but some explanation is needed as to why, among the thousands of entries in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, these few Syrian feasts were selected for commemoration in an early Anglo-Saxon calendar. 161 Such a selection would square with the awareness of Syriac language and patristic exegesis which is found throughout the Canterbury biblical commentaries, and would have its most economical explanation in the hypothesis that the young Theodore spent part of his early life studying in Syria, certainly in Antioch and very possibly in Edessa as well. THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SYRIA
As we have seen, during the early years of the seventh century, much of Syria lay under Persian control. The Persian king Chosroes II had conquered Antioch in 613 and Jerusalem the following year. For the next fourteen years, the emperor Heraclius fought a long and protracted campaign against the Persians, and only succeeded in defeating them comprehensively in 627. In his effort to establish administrative control over Syria, Heraclius appointed civil governors in each of the Syrian cities, with the intention that each city should be responsible for its own defence, as had been the case before the Persian occupation. 162 But this system, which had been in abeyance for so many years, was inadequate to cope with the terrible threat now posed by the Arabs. 163 160
161
162 163
O n t h e translation of the apostle T h o m a s from India t o Edessa, see above, p . 2 9 ; for t h e commemoration, see The Calendar of St Willibrord, ed. W i l s o n , p . 9: 'translatio T h o m a e apostoli in Edessa ciuitate passus uero in India' (2 July). Christopher Hohler has pointed o u t that St Milus of Susa is commemorated in t h e ' O l d English Martyrology' (on which see below, p . 161), b u t not apparently in any intermediate source, and has suggested that Anglo-Saxon knowledge of this Persian saint was d u e t o t h e agency of Theodore; see 'Theodore and t h e Liturgy', in Archbishop Theodore, ed. Lapidge (forthcoming). See Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 4 7 - 5 1 . O n t h e Arab conquest of Syria, see in general P . K . H i t t i , History of the Arabs, 8 t h ed. (London, 1964), p p . 1 4 7 - 5 4 , and Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, p p . 2 1 1 - 1 3 , as well as t h e more detailed studies by d e Goeje, Memoire sur la conquete de Syrie, Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans. Hionides II, 63—87, Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 91—155, and esp. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests.
37
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Arabia lay to the south of Syria. Geographically the two provinces are continuous: in other words, there is no geographical barrier such as a mountain range separating them. The difference is largely one of climate, the dry, harsh desert of Arabia contrasting with the fertile plains of Syria. The Arabs were well aware of the rich and fertile land lying to their north: Syrian merchants traded in Arab cities such as Mecca and Medina, and Arab merchants frequently ventured up to the cities of southern Syria.164 But as long as the Arabs existed as a loose confederation of nomadic tribes, they were in no position to pose a threat to their richer northern neighbour. The Arabs' normal method of warfare, too, was one suited to nomadic tribes: they attacked in a razzia, a viking-style raid on horseback designed to acquire booty and then beat a hasty retreat. 165 Such raids may have caused local nuisance, but they hardly constituted a national threat. However, the Arabs were themselves undergoing a profound transformation in the late sixth and early seventh centuries: 166 through the efforts of Muhammad (c. 570-632) 167 the Arabs had begun to achieve not only religious but also political consolidation, so that hitherto disparate tribes began to act in concert under the hegemony of Medina. 168 Before his death Muhammad had apparently envisaged the possibility of carrying his so-called 'holy war' (jihad) into Syria. In any case the first phase of the Arab assault on Syria took place in 633 under the leadership of Abu Bakr, Muhammad's successor;169 it was directed at those areas of southern Syria where there was a substantial Arabic-speaking population, the original aim of the assault being simply to bring the nomadic Arab tribes living in southern Syria under the control of Islam. 170 Although the Arab armies in question were sizeable ones (24,000 strong), they did not at first attempt 164
Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 1 0 1 - 1 1 .
165
Stratos, Byzantium
166
Shaban, Islamic History A.D. 600-750
167
See W . M . W a t t , Muhammad,
in the Seventh Century, trans. H i o n i d e s II, 18 and 43—4.
earlier studies, Muhammad
I, 1 - 1 5 .
Prophet and Statesman (London, 1961), as well as his t w o
at Mecca (Oxford, 1953) and Muhammad
1956), and, m o r e recently, M . A . Cook Muhammad 168
at Medina (Oxford,
(Oxford, 1983) and ODB II, 1 4 2 2 .
Cf. the remark of P. Crone, Slaves on Horses: the Evolution
of the Islamic
Polity
( C a m b r i d g e , 1980), p . 2 5 : 'whichever way t h e origins of Islam are explained, Islamic civilization is t h e only one in t h e world to b e g i n in t h e m i n d of a single m a n ' . 169
O n A b u Bakr, see D o n n e r , The Early Islamic Conquests, p p . 8 2 - 9 0 and 1 2 7 - 3 4 , as well as ODB I, 7.
170
Stratos, Byzantium
in the Seventh Century, trans. H i o n i d e s II, 4 0 - 7 2 , and D o n n e r , The
Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 112-19-
38
Archbishop Theodore
to attack any of the larger Syrian cities such as Damascus and Jerusalem. But their success demonstrated that Byzantine military provision was utterly inadequate to deal with the threat which they posed. Scenting the possibility of large-scale conquest, Abu Bakr ordered Khalid b. alWalid, 171 who was then campaigning in Iraq with a separate and substantial army, to join forces with the first army. Khalid was a brilliant general, and his contribution to the Arab offensive was to prove decisive. After a long march up the Euphrates, Khalid burst on the scene near Jerusalem, where the Arabs won an important battle at Ajnadayn (see fig. 6) in 634. 172 Other cities such as Bostra (see fig. 6) were attacked and conquered in the same year.173 At this point Heraclius, who was in Antioch at the time, assembled a huge army (said to have numbered 100,000, though this number is probably greatly exaggerated)174 to deal with the threat once and for all, he no doubt hoped. The Byzantine army met the combined Arab armies at Yarmuk (east of the Sea of Galilee in what are now the Golan Heights: see fig. 6) in late August, 636. 175 Whether the Byzantine army — which greatly outnumbered the Arabs — underestimated their enemy, or whether they were simply exhausted from their protracted campaigns against the Persians, is not known; but the result was that the Arabs comprehensively defeated the Byzantine army at Yarmuk. The battle of Yarmuk was one of the most decisive battles in the history of western civilization. As a result of the defeat, the remnants of the Byzantine army were compelled to withdraw from Syria, and to retreat to safety in Asia Minor, where they could be protected by mountain ranges and by the Byzantine fleet (the Arabs had as yet no navy). 176 From this point, Heraclius relinquished Syria forever to Islam. 177 Left to their own 171 172
See D o n n e r , The Early Islamic Conquests, p p . 1 1 5 - 5 1 , and 0DB II, 1 1 2 6 . de Goeje, Memoire sur la conquete de Syrie, pp. 50—60; Donner, The Early Conquests, pp. 129—30; and Kaegi, Byzantium
Islamic
and the Early Islamic Conquests, pp.
98-100. 173
Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, p. 110.
175
174
O n t h e battle of Y a r m u k , see de Goeje, Memoire sur la conquete de Syrie, p p . 1 0 3 - 3 6 ;
Ibid., p. 1 3 1 .
D o n n e r , The Early Islamic Conquests, p p . 1 3 2 ^ 4 ; and esp. the comprehensive analysis by Kaegi, Byzantium
and the Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 1 1 2 - 4 6 , as well as (briefly)
ODB III, 2 2 1 4 . 176
O n the aftermath of Yarmuk, see Kaegi, Byzantium
and the Early Islamic Conquests,
pp. 147-80. 177
Stratos, Byzantium
in the Seventh Century, trans. H i o n i d e s II, 7 3 - 4 ; D o n n e r , The Early
Islamic Conquests, p. 150.
39
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
defences, the other Syrian cities soon capitulated to the Arabs: Damascus in late 636 or early 637, Antioch in 637, Jerusalem also in 637. The Arabs pushed as far north as the Cilician plain, where their advance was only halted by the Taurus Mountains. 178 Tarsus, too, fell into Arab control at this time. With the Byzantine army humiliated and departed, the Arabs consolidated their control of Syria. And with Syrian riches at their disposal, they were very soon in a position to press their military strength in other directions: first eastwards to Iraq, then westwards towards Egypt, North Africa (as we shall see in ch. 3) and ultimately to Visigothic Spain. At the time Syria was conquered, once for all, by the Arabs, Theodore, the future archbishop of Canterbury, will have been a mature man of 34 or 35. Although when viewed from a later perspective the Arabs appear to have been tolerant conquerors, they evidently inspired terror among the contemporary inhabitants of Syria, 179 with the result that many of them abandoned their homeland and fled to safer havens elsewhere in the Roman empire. At this time large numbers of refugees arrived in Italy. 180 Many more will have fled to Constantinople. 181 We have seen evidence to suggest that, at some early point in his career, Theodore may have studied in Syria, perhaps at Antioch, perhaps at Edessa, perhaps both. If he was still living in Syria in the immediate aftermath of the battle of Yarmuk, we may assume that, like many of his countrymen, he will have fled in face of the Arab onslaught. Did he go directly to Rome, where we know he was 178
Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, pp. 2 4 0 - 3 .
179
See D J . Constantelos, 'The Moslem Conquests of the Near East as revealed in the Greek Sources of the Seventh and Eighth Centuries', Byzantion 4 2 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 2 5 - 5 7 . Constantelos notes in particular the viewpoint of Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, who regarded the Arabs as wild animals who left a trail of bloodshed and abandoned human bodies behind them wherever they went (p. 3 3 2 , with reference to Sophronius, Ep. xiv: P G 9 1 , 540). In light of sources such as Sophronius, Constantelos concludes that the earlier view of the Arabs' tolerance to Syrian Christians cannot be sustained: see esp. p. 3 4 9 .
180
See W h i t e , 'The Byzantinization of Sicily', pp. 7 - 1 5 , and Borsari, 'Le migrazioni daH'Oriente in Italia nel VII secolo'.
181
Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans. Hionides II, 7 4 . Concerning the Arab consolidation and settlement of Syria it has been pointed out by Shaban {Islamic History A.D.
600-750
I, 4 6 ) that 'the Arabs in Syria were fortunate in the sense that so many
of the native population fled to Byzantium leaving behind enough houses and land to accommodate the conquerors'; but this extreme viewpoint is controversial (see ODB III, 2000).
40
Archbishop Theodore
living some thirty years later, during the 660s? In fact there is evidence to suggest that at this time, if not earlier, Theodore went to Constantinople. CONSTANTINOPLE
Although no previous study has ever linked Theodore and Constantinople, Theodore's presence in the Byzantine capital might perhaps have been inferred from a well-known piece of evidence which reveals Theodore's familiarity with the environs of Constantinople, if not with the imperial city itself. At one point in his Quaestiones octo182 Bede is discussing a passage in St Paul's second letter to the Corinthians in which the saint claimed that 'a night and a day I was in the depth of the sea' (II Cor. XI.25); Bede reports that 'I have heard certain people maintaining that Theodore of blessed memory, a most learned man and formerly the archbishop of the English, explained the reference as follows, namely that there was in Cyzicus an exceedingly deep pit, used for the torture of criminals, which because of its depth used to be called "the depth of the sea", whose filth and darkness Paul experienced on Christ's behalf.'183 Cyzicus (modern Erdek) 184 lies directly across the Sea of Marmara some seventy-five miles from Constantinople; it had a Christian community from the earliest times (Act. XVI.8), and St Paul certainly passed through it on his journey from Galatia to Assos.185 It is not possible to ascertain that Theodore knew any genuine tradition concerning St Paul's stay in Cyzicus, nor has it yet been possible to identify the pit in question; 186 but 182
183
184
185
186
CPL, no. 1 3 6 4 ; ptd PL 9 3 , 4 5 5 - 7 8 . O n the authenticity of this work, see P. Lehmann, 'Wert und Echtheit einer Beda abgesprochenen Schrift', in his Erforschung des Mittelalters, 5 vols. (Leipzig and Stuttgart, 1 9 4 1 - 6 2 ) III, 1 8 4 - 9 7 . Quaestiones octo § 3 (PL 9 3 , 4 5 6 - 7 ) : 'Quod ait idem Apostolus, "Nocte et die in profundo maris fui", quosdam audivi astruentes, quod beatae memoriae Theodorus, doctissimus vir, archiepiscopus quondam gentis Anglorum ita exposuerit, quia fiierit in Zizico quaedam fovea nimis alta, ad tormenta noxiorum parata, quae, ob altitudinem inmensam, profiindum maris soleret appellari, cuius coenum et obscuritatem Paulus . . . sustinuerit pro Christo.' O n Cyzicus, see Hasluck, Cyzicus, as well as DACL III.2 (1948), 3 2 5 6 - 8 and ODB II, 1 1 6 4 - 5 . For ecclesiastical topography of Cyzicus in the Byzantine period, see R. Janin, Les Eglises et les monasteres des grands centres byzantins (Paris, 1975), pp. 1 9 3 - 2 1 4 . See W.M. Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 3rd ed. (London, 1897), p. 138. Hasluck, Cyzicus, pp. 3 0 - 1 , notes that Cyzicus and its environs (especially the island of Proconnesus) were renowned for their marble quarries; possibly the 'deep pit' was a
41
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
it indicates that Theodore was familiar with the environs of Constantinople. That Theodore had in fact been to Constantinople at some point in his career is proved by an explanation contained in a manuscript of the Canterbury biblical commentaries now preserved in Wiirzburg, concerning the relics of the Twelve Baskets in which the remains of the loaves and fishes had been collected following the miracle of Christ feeding the multitudes. According to the Commentator's explanation, Theodore is said to have seen this famous relic in Constantinople: .xii. cofinos de palmatis factos Theodorus se uidisse testatur in Constantinopoli ob memoriam obseruatos ab Elina regina portatos. (Wbl 13) Theodore reports that in Constantinople he saw the Twelve Baskets woven from palm-branches and preserved as relics, which had been brought there by the empress Helena. These Twelve Baskets were evidently venerated in Constantinople as relics, having been brought there probably in 326 by the empress Helena, who discovered them in Palestine and culted them as the very baskets into which the left-over bread was placed following Christ's miracle of the loaves and fishes. These relics were housed with others in a shrine at the base of the famous Porphyry Column which stood at the centre of the Forum of Constantine, and which is still standing, albeit in a much dilapidated state, in Istanbul today, where it is known as the £emberlitas (see below, pp. 550-2). In commenting on the biblical passage in which these baskets are mentioned (John VI. 13), Theodore explained to his English audience that he had seen these very baskets with his own eyes at Constantinople. There can be no doubt, therefore, that Theodore had travelled to Constantinople at some point in his career, and it is essential to explore briefly what can be known of the city as it will have presented itself to a seventh-century traveller. To someone sailing into Constantinople in the seventh century, the outline of the city must have seemed stunningly impressive, with its disused marble quarry which had been pressed into use as a prison. See also N. Asgari, 'Roman and Early Byzantine Marble Quarries of Proconnesus', Atti del X Congresso internazionale di archeologia classica (Ankara, 1978), pp. 467-80. Note also the suggestion of G.D.S. Henderson, Bede and the Visual Arts (Jarrow Lecture, 1980), pp. 6-7, that the network of subterranean vaulted passages which supplied water for naval spectacles in the amphitheatre at Cyzicus might have been the 'deep pit' in question.
42
Archbishop Theodore
massive walls, lofty domed churches and magnificent palaces: the same sort of impression, perhaps, which the first sight of the Manhattan skyline made on Sicilian immigrants arriving in New York earlier this century. 187 Constantinople occupies a commanding and easily defensible site dominating the Sea of Marmara and the Bosporus; it has a natural harbour (the Golden Horn), and lies at the nodal point of two important highways to Europe as well as at the point of access to Asia Minor and hence, by way of the Cilician Gates, to Syria and Persia and beyond (see fig. 2). Although the site had already been occupied for a millennium or more, it achieved prominence as the principal city of the Roman empire when it was selected by the emperor Constantine (d. 337) as his capital and created more or less ex novo as a planned city. 188 Constantinople was modelled on Rome: accordingly, Constantine created a new civic administration and a new senate, 189 and embarked upon a vast programme of building-works that would make his new city the equal of the old. The outline of the city as planned by its founder, and extended by his successors, is known from archaeological excavation and topographical study. 190 The most impressive monument to survive from Constantine's time is the massive Hippodrome (the emperor's equivalent to the Circus Maximus in Rome), with its monumental columns and obelisk; 191 but we know that adjacent to the Hippodrome was Constantine's Great Palace, 192 and near its eastern end 187
O n Constantinople, see, in general, Janin, Constantinople byzantine, and idem, in DHGE XIII (1956), 6 2 6 - 7 5 4 , as well as EEC I, 1 9 4 - 5 and ODB I, 5 0 8 - 1 2 , and the individual studies listed in the following notes.
188
O n Constantine's creation of the capital, see the classic study by Dagron, Naissance d'une capitate, as well as the clear and concise accounts by Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, pp. 4 1 - 6 7 and Mango, Le Developpement urbain, pp. 2 3 - 3 6 . See also Studien zur Fruhgeschichte Konstantinopels, ed. H . - G . Beck (Munich, 1973).
189
See Dagron, Naissance d'une capitate, pp. 1 1 9 - 9 6 .
190
See esp. Guilland, Etudes de topographie, and W . Muller-Wiener, Bildlexikon Topographie Istanbuls. Byzantion-Konstantinopolis-Istanbul
bis zum Beginn des 17.
zur Jahr-
hunderts (Tubingen, 1977). There is a brief guide to topographical studies of Constantinople by Majeska, Russian Travelers, pp. 4 3 7 ^ 0 . 191
O n the Hippodrome, see Guilland, Etudes de topographie I, 3 6 9 - 5 9 5 ; Dagron, Naissance d'une capitate, pp. 3 2 0 - 4 7 ; RBKIV
192
(1989), 4 0 9 - 1 2 ; and ODB II, 9 3 4 - 5 .
O n the Great Palace, see Guilland, Etudes de topographie I, 3 - 3 6 7 and ODB II, 8 6 9 - 7 0 ; see also Mango, The Brazen House, w h o deals specifically with the vestibule of the Great Palace known as the Chalke or 'Bronze House', but whose detailed and clear treatment of the topographical context throws much light on the Great Palace itself. Very little of the Great Palace survives (see ODB II, 8 6 9 - 7 0 ) , except for one fragmentary wall and
43
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the Milion or ceremonial milestone where the principal artery of the city, the Mese (now the Divan Yolu), 193 led to the Forum of Constantine and thence to the city walls and so northwards to Europe (see fig. 2). The great Forum of Constantine 194 was circular or oval in plan and surrounded with double-tiered colonnades (perhaps similar in effect to Bernini's colonnades at St Peter's in Rome), and at its centre stood the great Porphyry Column mentioned above, which was surmounted by a statue of the emperor as Helios the Sun God. 195 As we have noted, it was a shrine at the base of this column which housed inter alia the relics of the Twelve Baskets which were seen by the future archbishop of Canterbury. Constantinople also became the see of a patriarch 196 whose authority came to rival that of the pope, and from the time of its foundation onwards the city housed a large number of magnificent churches. 197 Some of these are still standing; others have been recovered by excavation or are known from literary sources. From the earliest period, dating from the reigns of Constantine and his immediate successors but no longer extant, are the Apostoleion or church of the Holy Apostles, a circular mausoleum in which Constantine himself was interred, 198 and the first or 'Old' Hagia Sophia which stood adjacent to the Great Palace and which was subsequently demolished by Justinian to make way for the present Hagia some magnificent floor mosaics which probably date from the sixth or seventh century: see J. Trilling, 'The Soul of the Empire: Style and Meaning in the Mosaic Pavement of the Imperial Palace in Constantinople', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 4 3 (1989), 27—72. 193
O n the Mese, see Guilland, Etudes de topographie II, 6 9 - 7 9 ; Mango, The Brazen House, pp. 7 8 - 8 1 ; and ODB II, 1 3 4 6 - 7 .
194
See Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, pp. 5 5 - 6 , as well as RBKIV
(1989), 4 0 1 - 2
and ODB I, 517. 195 196
O n the implied symbolism, see Krautheimer, Three Christian Capitals, pp. 6 2 - 6 . O n the origins of the patriarchate of Constantinople, see Dagron, Naissance d'une cap it ale, pp. 4 1 0 - 8 7 ; for the subsequent period, see G. Every, The Byzantine archate, 451-1204
Patri-
(London, 1947), as well as DTC III (1908), 1 3 0 7 - 5 1 9 and ODB I,
520-3. 197
See in general A. van Milligen, Byzantine Churches in Constantinople (London, 1912); Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople', idem, The Byzantine
Churches of Istanbul', and the bibliography pertinent to individual
churches given in the following notes. 198
N o trace of the Apostoleion survives (it was demolished in the fifteenth century and replaced by the present mosque of Mehmed II Fatih); on its likely structure, see Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 6 9 - 7 0 , as well as RBK IV
(1989), 370-7 and ODB II, 940.
44
Archbishop Theodore
Sophia.199 The fifth century saw the construction of the church of St Mary at Chalkoprateia, located near Hagia Sophia and served by its clergy and constituting the principal shrine of the Virgin in Constantinople;200 and the basilica of St John the Baptist at the Stoudios monastery near the Golden Gate, which still stands as an impressive but neglected ruin that enables the visitor to visualize its original form (indeed it is the oldest church in Istanbul which is still substantially preserved).201 However, it was above all the sixth century, and especially the reign of Justinian (527-65), which saw the impressive programme of building activity which created the imposing profile which characterizes the city even today. These churches include the following. H. Euphemia,202 a martyrium discovered in 1939, was located near the north end of the Hippodrome, but is now little more than a ruin. H. Polyeuktos203 was discovered as recently as I960, was excavated during the 1960s, and only published within the past decade; it was built on the road leading to the Apostoleion in 524-7 by the wealthy patroness Anicia Juliana and was evidently a stupendous building whose decoration was unsurpassed even by Hagia Sophia, which was probably built by Justinian to rival it. Although little now remains except for some impressive ruins (the church 199
See Krautheimer, ibid., p. 6 9 ; idem, Three Christian Capitals, p p . 5 0 - 5 ; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople, p p . 1 1 - 1 9 ; RBK IV (1989), 3 6 8 - 9 ; and esp. Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, pp. 1 2 9 - 4 3 .
200
Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, p p . 2 3 7 - 4 2 ; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople, p p . 2 8 - 3 3 ; idem, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul, p p . 3 1 9 - 2 1 ; as well as RBK IV ( 1 9 8 9 ) , 3 8 4 - 7 and ODB I, 4 0 8 .
201
Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, p p . 4 3 0 - 4 0 ; Mathews, The Early Constantinople,
pp. 1 9 - 2 7 ; idem, The Byzantine
Churches of Istanbul,
Churches of pp. 1 4 3 - 5 8 ;
Mango, Byzantine Architecture, pp. 3 6 - 8 ; as well as RBK IV (1989), 3 7 8 - 8 3 and ODB III, 1 9 6 0 - 1 . 202
R. Naumann and H . Belting, Die Euphemia-Kirche am Hippodrom zu Istanbul und ihre Freshen (Berlin, 1966); Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, pp. 1 2 0 - 4 ; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople, p p . 6 1 - 7 ; idem, The Byzantine
Churches of Istanbul,
pp. 1 2 3 - 7 ; as well as RBK IV ( 1 9 8 9 ) , 4 6 5 - 8 and ODB II, 7 4 7 . 203
Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople, pp. 5 2 - 5 ; idem, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul,
pp. 225—30;
Krautheimer,
Early
Christian
and Byzantine
Architecture,
pp. 219-22; RBK IV (1989), 4 6 9 - 7 0 and ODB III, 1696. The report on the excavations has been published by the director, the late Martin Harrison: Excavations at Sarachane in Istanbul, 2 vols. (Princeton, NJ, 1986-92), of which vol. I deals with the church itself (see esp. I, 405-20); see also his A Temple for Byzantium (London, 1989), for a more accessible account of the discovery and significance of the church.
45
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
was demolished in the eleventh century and some of its capitals fetched up in S. Marco in Venice), this church will have been one of the most impressive churches in seventh-century Constantinople. H. Sergios and Bacchos204 was built 527 x 536 and survives more or less intact (though its interior is sadly cluttered by the tasteless trappings of Moslem religion); it was constructed as an octagon within a square and was possibly intended by Justinian as a private chapel corresponding to what was accomplished on a more monumental scale in Hagia Sophia. H. Eirene 203 is a magnificent church which survives intact (though it is now closed to the public); it is located some 100 yards northeast of Hagia Sophia and, like it, is crowned with a massive dome. Exceeding these churches in sheer size and magnificence, however, is Hagia Sophia206 itself. Built in the years following the Nika Revolt of 532 by the architects Anthemius of Tralles and Isidore of Miletus, Hagia Sophia is one of the largest man-made structures on earth. The prodigious size of its great vaulted nave and the extent of its interior space exceeds by far any church of the medieval period. It stands more or less intact, and is as awe-inspiring today as it must have been to a visitor in the early seventh century. It was the cathedral of the patriarch and was served by a huge clergy (some 500 in number, who were also responsible for services in nearby H. Eirene and St Mary of Chalkoprateia), and was the liturgical focal point of the empire. 204
See Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, pp. 451—4; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople\ pp. 4 2 - 5 1 ; idem, The Byzantine Churches of Istanbul, pp. 2 4 2 - 5 9 ; Krautheimer, Early
Christian
and Byzantine
Architecture,
pp. 2 2 2 - 8 ; Mango,
Byzantine
Architecture, pp. 5 8 - 9 ; RBK IV (1989), 4 5 9 - 6 3 ; and ODB III, 1879. For the suggestion that the church was built not by Justinian but by Theodora, and was intended to serve the needs of a community of Syrian (monophysite) monks, see C. Mango, 'The Church of Sts Sergius and Bacchus Once Again', BZ 6 8 (1975), 3 8 5 - 9 2 . 205
See W . S . George, The Church of St Eirene at Constantinople (London, 1913); Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, pp. 1 0 3 - 6 ; Mathews, The Early Churches of pp. 7 7 - 8 8 ; idem, The Byzantine
Constantinople,
Churches of Istanbul, pp 1 0 2 - 2 2 ; U. Peschlow, Die
Irenekirche in Istanbul (Tubingen, 1977); RBK IV (1989), 4 4 8 - 5 9 ; and ODB II, 1009. 206
The principal modern studies of this great church are R.L. Van N i c e , St Sophia in Istanbul: an Architectural Survey (Washington, D C , 1 9 6 5 - 8 6 ) (a superb collection of architectural drawings) and Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, esp. pp. 21—127 (description) and 1 4 5 - 2 1 7 (the Justinianic church); see also Janin, La Geographie ecclesiastique, pp. 4 5 5 - 7 0 ; Mathews, The Early Churches of Constantinople,
pp. 8 8 - 9 9 ; idem, The
Byzantine Churches of Istanbul, pp. 2 6 2 - 3 1 2 ; Krautheimer, Early Christian and tine Architecture,
pp. 2 0 5 - 1 9 ; Mango, Byzantine
(1989), 414-48; and ODB II, 892-4.
46
Architecture,
Byzan-
pp. 5 9 - 6 8 ; RBK
IV
Archbishop Theodore
The remains of these churches enable us to imagine something of the profound impression which the city may have made on the future archbishop of Canterbury when he arrived there at some indeterminable time in the early seventh century. Although Theodore may have arrived in Constantinople as a refugee either from the Persian invasions or the Arab conquest of Syria, he will as an enterprising young scholar have known that Constantinople also housed a famous university. (It might at first glance seem anachronistic to describe a late antique institution as a 'university'; but the 'university' in Constantinople was an educational institution funded by the state, employing a number of professors who held established chairs and who gave lectures to audiences of students drawn from all over the world, and it is therefore customary to describe this institution as a university.)207 The university of Constantinople 208 apparently existed from the time of Constantine himself, for at one point in the fourth century Libanius, the great rhetor from Antioch (see above, pp. 16—17), was teaching there. However, it was early in the fifth century that the university was properly endowed as a state institution. By an edict of Theodosius II dated 26 February 425, thirty-one chairs were established and the terms of the professorships were defined.209 The subjects in which the chairs were held gives some indication of the university's teaching programme: twenty chairs of grammar (ten in Latin, ten in Greek); eight of rhetoric (three Latin, five Greek); two of law (probably both in Latin, for Latin was the language of the law in the Roman empire) and one of philosophy (probably in Greek). It should also 207
Cf. A. Cameron, 'The End of the Ancient Universities', Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 10 (1967), 6 5 3 - 7 3 , at 6 5 3 , Mango, Byzantium,
p. 128, as well as ODB III, 2 1 4 3 , s.v.
'University of Constantinople'. The relevance of the term 'university' to that in Constantinople is canvassed by M.J. Kyriakis, 'The University: Origin and Early Phases in Constantinople', Byzantion
4 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) , 1 6 1 - 8 2 , who does not, however,
bring any fresh evidence to the discussion. 208
The principal studies of the university of Constantinople, from the fourth century to the seventh, are: Fuchs, Die hoheren Schulen von Konstantinopel,
pp. 1—17; Brehier,
'Notes sur l'histoire de l'enseignement superieur a Constantinople'; and especially Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisme byzantin,
pp. 6 3 - 8 8 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt,
pp. 6 6 - 9 8 ) . The important study by Speck, Die Kaiserliche Universitdt,
deals with a
much later period than is in question here. 209
Codex Theodosianus XIV.ix.3 (reissued as Codex lustinianus X l . x i x . l ) ; see discussion by Brehier, 'Notes sur l'histoire' {Byzantion
3 ( 1 9 2 6 ) ] , pp. 8 2 - 9 4 , and Lemerle, Le
Premier Humanisme byzantin, pp. 6 3 - 4 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, pp. 6 6 - 8 ) .
47
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
be noted that the Byzantine state did not endow these chairs principally to encourage the disinterested pursuit of knowledge: the purpose of the university was to provide literate functionaries, expert in the law and adept at public speaking, to staff the vast governmental bureaucracy.210 Nevertheless, a state-endowed university on this scale provided the empire with a focal point for study and learning. And the curriculum will have been wider than the titles of the chairs imply: philosophy, for example, embraced much of what we should now call 'natural science' - physics, biology, astronomy and medicine - alongside philosophy in the technical sense. The centre of intellectual life in Constantinople was the Imperial Basilica (located on the Mese, opposite Hagia Sophia, and near the Milion: see fig. 2), and it was here that the university was located.211 The Basilica212 was a vast public building consisting of an open courtyard surrounded by colonnades: it was a meeting place for lawyers, rhetoricians and philosophers (charlatans among them), and for students, who thronged the bookstalls in the Basilica and attended lectures there. 213 Adjacent to the Basilica (lying between it and the Mese: fig. 2) was a building known as the Octagon, 214 which was the seat proper of the university, and where the various professors were housed. Near in turn to the Octagon was the great public library. Although there were several important libraries in Constantinople, 215 the public library, established in 210 211
212
213
214 215
Cf. Mango, Byzantium, p . 130. O n the location of the buildings associated with the university, see Janin, Constantinople byzantine, p p . 157—62; Guilland, Etudes de topographie II, 3—13 ('La Basilique, la Bibliotheque et l'Octogone de Byzance'); and Lemerle, he Premier Humanisme byzantin, p . 6 5 , n. 58 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, p p . 6 8 - 7 1 ) . T h e evidence for the location and function of these buildings is reviewed sceptically by Speck, Die Kaiserliche Universitdt, pp. 9 2 - 1 0 7 . See Janin, Constantinople byzantine, pp. 157—61; Guilland, Etudes de topographie II, 3—6; Mango, The Brazen House, p p . 4 8 - 5 1 ; and ODB I, 266. Lemerle (Le Premier Humanisme byzantin, p . 6 9 , trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, p p . 74—5) discusses the case of a Syrian called Ouranios, who is mentioned by the historian Agathias (d. c. 580) as having installed himself in the booksellers' shops and as engaging in philosophical discussions with passers-by; and an epigram in the Anthologia Palatina (IX.60) refers to courses on Roman law being given in the Basilica. See esp. Guilland, Etudes de topographie II, 6 - 1 0 . N . G . Wilson, T h e Libraries of the Byzantine World', p p . 5 4 - 6 2 . Wilson distinguishes four libraries in Constantinople: the public library, the imperial library (which was presumably housed somewhere in the imperial palace, and was not open to the
48
Archbishop Theodore
the fourth century by the emperor Julian, was by far the largest: it is said to have housed 120,000 volumes at the time it was burned in 476, and although it may not subsequently have attained such a size, later emperors were concerned to increase its holdings. 216 Various evidence suggests that, in addition to the nearby public library, the university had library resources of its own: later historians refer to library holdings at the service of the scholars of the university,217 and in any case some mechanism must have existed for the publication and circulation of lectures (see below, p. 269); 218 but the exact site of the university library, if such existed, is unknown. The existence and structure of the university is well documented in the fifth century, and again in the reign of Justinian (527—65). In the attempt to outlaw paganism and to strengthen imperial control of the university, Justinian forbade pagans and Jews to teach, hoping thereby to monopolize state education. In pursuit of the same goal, he promulgated an edict in 529 forbidding the teaching of law and philosophy at Athens. 219 This edict had the effect of stifling Athenian schools, though it did not exterminate them. 220 This suggests that Justinian was concerned with the public), t h e university library and t h e patriarchal library. As W i l s o n shows, the patriarchal library was established in t h e early seventh century by t h e patriarch Sergius ( 6 1 0 - 3 8 ) , and several m a n u s c r i p t s are k n o w n t o survive from this library. 216 217
Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisme byzantin, p . 6 7 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, p . 71). As G u i l l a n d {Etudes de topographie II, 7) p o i n t s o u t , the historian Zonaras (s. xii) refers to a rich library, estimated at approximately 3 5 , 0 0 0 volumes; b u t the quality of this information is uncertain.
218
W i l s o n , ' T h e Libraries of t h e Byzantine W o r l d ' , p . 5 8 .
219
Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisme
byzantin,
p p . 68—73 (trans. Lindsay and
Moffatt,
pp. 73-9). 220
See A. Cameron, ' T h e Last Days of t h e A c a d e m y at A t h e n s ' , Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 195 ( 1 9 6 9 ) , 7 - 2 9 , as well as t h e qualifications suggested by H . J . B l u m e n t h a l , ' 5 2 9 and its Sequel: W h a t H a p p e n e d to t h e Academy?', Byzantion
48
(1978), 3 6 9 - 8 5 . C a m e r o n states (p. 25) - mistakenly, in our view - t h a t Theodore of Tarsus studied at A t h e n s in t h e late (sic) seventh century, and uses this information as evidence t h a t t h e schools of A t h e n s were still flourishing at t h a t t i m e . T h e information derives from a letter dated 7 4 8 by Pope Zacharias ( 7 4 1 - 5 2 ) preserved a m o n g t h e Bonifatian correspondence: 'Theodorus greco-latinus ante philosophus et A t h e n i s e r u d i t u s R o m a e o r d i n a t u s ' (S. Bonifatii
et Lullii Epistolae, ed. T a n g l , p . 173). It is not
clear t h a t Zacharias's s t a t e m e n t , Athenis eruditus, is any m o r e t h a n an a s s u m p t i o n based on t h e k n o w l e d g e t h a t Theodore had received t r a i n i n g in G r e e k philosophy, a fact k n o w n in papal circles (see below, p . 79); certainly there is no evidence in t h e biblical
49
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
prestige of the university of Constantinople. Although in the sixth century the city could not rival other cities of the empire in intellectual achievement, 221 there is no need to doubt that instruction continued not only in grammar and rhetoric, but also in philosophy, medicine and law. The question is: did the situation which obtained in Justinian's reign still obtain in the earlier seventh century, when the future archbishop of Canterbury arrived in Constantinople to pursue his studies? The question of the continuity of late antique civilization is one which has recently been much debated by Byzantinists. 222 This debate turns in particular on the seventh century. 223 It is clear that many Roman institutions which had flourished in the sixth century were no longer in existence at the end of the seventh, and that the so-called 'Dark Ages' — at least as far as Constantinople is concerned — lasted from some point in the seventh century until the ninth, when clear signs of a renascence can be detected. 224 For present purposes the question can therefore be reformulated: did the institutions which characterized the Byzantine state in the reign of Justinian, in particular the university of Constantinople, still exist in the earlier seventh century, that is, in the reign of Heraclius (610—41)? Various kinds of evidence bear on this question. It was during the reign of Heraclius that the empire had to face the devastating and prolonged wars with a commentaries to suggest a connection with Athens. Nevertheless there is a long scholarly tradition associating Theodore with Athens, exemplified best by Cook, 'Theodore of Tarsus'. 221
Wilson, Scholars of Byzantium,
222
See esp. Kazhdan and Cutler, 'Continuity and Discontinuity in Byzantine History', as
pp. 5 3 - 5 .
well as the response by W . Treadgold, 'The Break in Byzantium and the Gap in Byzantine Studies', Byzantinische Forscbungen 15 ( 1 9 9 0 ) , 2 8 9 - 3 1 6 . A pessimistic view of the question is offered by C. Mango, 'Discontinuity with the Classical Past in Byzantium', in Byzantium
and the Classical Tradition,
ed. M. Mullett and R. Scott
(Birmingham, 1981), pp. 4 8 - 5 7 . 223
The question is treated by J.F. Haldon, 'Some Considerations on Byzantine Society and Economy in the Seventh Century', Byzantinische Forschungen 10 (1985), 7 5 - 1 1 2 , as well as in his monograph Byzantium
in the Seventh Century (see esp. his conclusions on
pp. 4 3 6 - 5 8 ) . A n invigorating perspective is offered by Averil Cameron, 'Byzantium and the Past in the Seventh Century: the Search for Redefinition', in Le Septieme Siecle: Changements et continuity,
ed. J. Fontaine and J . N . Hillgarth (London,
1992),
pp. 2 5 0 - 7 1 . 224
Cf. Kazhdan and Cutler, 'Continuity and Discontinuity in Byzantine History', p. 464: 'ancient traditions were undermined in the course of the seventh century and . . . their revival was begun around the mid-ninth century'.
50
Archbishop Theodore
succession of enemies - Slavs, Avars, Persians and Arabs. One effect of these wars was that provincial cities, especially in Asia Minor, became depopulated, and city life as it had existed in early centuries ceased henceforth.225 In Constantinople in particular, it is clear from various evidence that the population had declined substantially, from a peak of (perhaps) three or four hundred thousand inhabitants in the fifth century, 226 to a drastically reduced figure in the seventh and eighth centuries, probably fewer than 100,000, and perhaps as few as 40,000 in the eighth century. 227 Estimates from the seventh and eighth centuries are based in turn on a variety of complementary evidence: that after 618, the annual supply of grain from Egypt ceased; that some ports in Constantinople itself were abandoned; that the great aqueduct of Valens (still a massive ruin standing in the centre of Istanbul) was damaged by the Avars in 626 and not repaired until 768, implying that in the interim the populace was forced to rely solely on intramural cisterns for its water supply; and that many public monuments fell into disuse during these years, with no new building taking place. 228 Facts such as these obviously imply drastic changes in the quality of life in Constantinople. What implications do they have for the continuation of intellectual life in the capital, and in particular for the university of Constantinople? To begin with, there can be no doubt that Heraclius himself, as well as the patriarch Sergius (610—38), were active patrons of literature, and that literature flourished vigorously at Constantinople during the 620s and 630s. For example, the poet George of Pisidia (d. 631 x634) was deacon and sacrist of Hagia Sophia, friend and protege of Patriarch Sergius, and patriarchal referendarius or nuncio to the emperor Heraclius. 229 Among his 225
See K a z h d a n and Cutler, ibid., p p . 4 4 0 - 1 ; K e n n e d y , ' T h e Last C e n t u r y of Byzantine Syria'; Liebeschuetz and K e n n e d y , 'Antioch and t h e Villages of N o r t h e r n Syria'; W . Brandes, 'Die byzantinische Stadt Kleinasiens i m 7. u n d 8. J a h r h u n d e r t -
ein
Forschungsbericht', Klio 7 0 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 1 7 6 - 2 0 8 ; idem, Die Stddte Kleinasiens im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert,
Berliner Byzantinische A r b e i t e n 5 6 (Berlin, 1989), esp. 1 7 - 2 2 ; and
Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 99—114. 226
See D a g r o n , Naissance d'une capitate, p p . 5 1 8 - 4 1 (on the fourth and fifth centuries) and D . Jacoby, 'La p o p u l a t i o n de Constantinople a l'epoque byzantine: u n p r o b l e m e de d e m o g r a p h i e urbaine', Byzantion
227
See Mango, Byzantium,
31 ( 1 9 6 1 ) , 8 1 - 1 0 9 (esp. on t h e sixth century).
p. 8 0 ; idem, he Developpement urbain de Constantinople, p. 54.
228
Mango, he Developpement urbain de Constantinople, pp. 5 3 - 6 0 .
229
See 0DB
II, 8 3 8 a n d EEC I, 3 4 3 , as well as Impellizzeri, ha letteratura
p p . 2 6 0 - 8 and H u n g e r , Die hochsprachliche profane hiteratur
51
bizantina,
II, 1 1 2 - 1 3 and t h e full
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
substantial corpus of verse 230 are several panegyrics addressed to Heraclius, including a short poem on the emperor's return from Africa to accept the throne, a longer one in three books on his Persian expedition of 622, one on his war against the Avars and the successful defence of Constantinople in 626, and an epic poem in three books entitled simply Heraclias251 on the emperor's ultimate victory over Chosroes II and the Persians in 627. George of Pisidia also composed religious verse, including a lengthy poem (some 1,900 lines) known as the Hexameron, which is not a biblical commentary so much as a paeon of praise to the Creator and His universe, couched in diction indebted to the language of Greek cosmology, and revealing an impressive command of scientific disciplines such as medicine and astronomy 232 - a reflection, perhaps, of scientific topics which were in vogue in early seventh-century Constantinople. George of Pisidia also composed an encomium in prose on St Anastasius Magundat, who was martyred in Persia in 628. 233 As we shall see, veneration of St Anastasius figured importantly in the career of Theodore of Canterbury. Other important works of prose were produced at Constantinople at this time. Theophylact Simocatta 234 apparently came as a young man from
introduction by Pertusi (cited below, n. 231), p p . 11—76.
A useful introduction is
J.D.C. Frendo, 'The Poetic Achievement of George of Pisidia', in Maistor, ed. Moffatt, pp. 1 5 9 - 8 7 . 230
CPG III, nos. 7 8 2 7 - 3 9 . Most of the corpus is ptd P G 92, 1 1 9 7 - 7 5 3 , but note that editions of the panegyric poems are superseded by that of Pertusi cited in the following note.
231
A. Pertusi, Giorgio di Pisidia, Poemi: I. Panegirici epici (Ettal, 1959). T h e r e is a detailed analysis of George's metrical technique by R. R o m a n o , 'Teoria e prassi nella versificazione: il dodecasillibo nei Panegirici epici di G i o r g i o di Pisidia', BZ 7 8 (1985), 1 - 2 2 .
232
See G. Bianchi, ' N o t e sulla cultura a Bisanzio all'inizio del VII secolo in rapporto all'Esamerone di Giorgio di Pisidia', Rivista di studi bizantini
e neoellenici 12—13 [n.s.
2 - 3 ] (1965), 1 3 7 - 4 3 ; idem, 'Sulla c u l t u r a astronomica di G i o r g i o di Pisidia', Aevum 4 0 (1966), 3 5 - 5 2 ; J . D . C . Frendo, 'The Significance of Technical T e r m s in t h e Poems of George of Pisidia', Orpheus 2 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , 45—55, and idem, 'Special Aspects of t h e Use of Medical Vocabulary in t h e Poems of George of Pisidia', Orpheus 22 ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 4 9 - 5 6 . 233
BHG,
no. 8 6 ; ed. PL 9 2 , 1 6 8 0 - 7 2 9 ; Pertusi, 'L'encomio di S. Anastasio m a r t i r e
persiano', p p . 3 2 - 6 3 (for t h e circumstances in w h i c h G e o r g e became familiar w i t h t h e cult of St Anastasius, see esp. p p . 12—24, and below, p . 64); and, most recently, Flusin, Saint Anastase I, 1 8 9 - 2 5 9 . 234
See ODB HI, 1 9 0 0 - 1 , Impellizzeri, La letteratura bizantina,
p p . 2 5 0 - 3 and H u n g e r ,
Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur I, 313—19, as well as W h i t b y , The Emperor Maurice
52
Archbishop Theodore
Alexandria to Constantinople, where he delivered a panegyric shortly after the accession of Heraclius, presumably at the emperor's invitation. He was subsequently to enjoy the patronage of Patriarch Sergius as well. His best-known work is the Universal History, a detailed account in eight books of the reign of the emperor Maurice (582-602), 235 but he also composed a corpus of eighty-five Ethical Epistles,236 conceived as a rhetorical exercise in which various historical and mythical characters engage in fictional correspondence, as well as a small treatise of pseudo-scientific interest entitled Quaestiones physicae257 and a treatise on predestination. 238 The pompous language of the Universal History, the breadth of its classical allusions, and the rhetorical nature of the Ethical Epistles suggest that Theophylact had been trained as a rhetor in Alexandria before arriving in Constantinople. Finally, the so-called Chronicon Paschale239 a universal history extending from the creation until AD 630 and based largely on that of John Malalas, was composed by an anonymous scholar who was perhaps a member of the clergy of Hagia Sophia; the author's interest in ecclesiastical computus is one that was shared in Constantinople at that time by Stephen of Alexandria and by the emperor Heraclius himself. In sum, there is ample evidence of literary activity at Constantinople during the 620s and 630s. Did the university of Constantinople continue to function while the emperor and the patriarch were patronizing literary activity of various kinds? There is evidence to suggest that the university of Constantinople did indeed continue to function during these years, and that instruction continued to be given not only in the traditional disciplines of grammar and rhetoric, but also in law, medicine and philosophy. It is fair to say that grammar and rhetoric never ceased to be taught throughout the Byzantine
235
236
237 238
239
and his Historian, p p . 28—51 and 311—52 (on Theophylact as historian) and The History of Theophylact Simocatta, trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , p p . xiii-xxviii. Ed. C. de Boor, rev. P. W i r t h (Stuttgart, 1972); trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , The History of Theophylact Simocatta. Ed. G. Zanetto, Theophylacti Simocatae Epistulae (Leipzig, 1985); see also A. Moffatt, 'The After-Life of The Letters of Theophylaktos Simokatta', in Maistor, ed. Moffatt, pp. 3 4 5 - 5 8 . Teofilatto Simocatta: Questioni naturali, ed. L. Massa Positano, 2nd ed. (Naples, 1965). Theophylact Simocatta: On Predestined Terms of Life, ed. and trans. C. Garton and L.G. Westerink, Arethusa Monographs 6 (Buffalo, N Y , 1978). CPG III, no. 7960; ed. P G 9 2 , 6 9 - 1 0 2 8 . See Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur I, 3 2 8 - 3 0 , EEC I, 166, ODB I, 4 4 7 , as well as the introduction to Chronicon Paschale 284-628 AD, trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , p p . ix-xxviii.
53
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
centuries. 240 With the study of law the situation is somewhat more complex.241 In the early fifth century, Theodosius II had prohibited private legal instruction but had endowed a number of chairs in law at the university, as we have seen. Justinian established a number of professorships in jurisprudence as part of his huge programme of codification of Roman civil law. There was accordingly a curriculum of study in Roman civil law based on Justinian's corpus, with the first year's study being devoted to the Institutionesy the following three to the Digest, and a final year to the Codex lustinianus242 However, because during the course of the sixth century knowledge of Latin had declined at Constantinople, introductory courses were devised in which the Latin legal texts were presented through the medium of Greek. The teachers responsible for this preparatory teaching in Greek were known as antecessores 245 The teaching of the antecessores inevitably generated a corpus of Greek legal literature which in subsequent times (when the study of Latin had ceased altogether in the Greek East) served as the basis for any study of Roman civil law. 244 How long this situation which obtained during Justinian's reign continued into the seventh century is unclear, but the title antecessor was not used after c. 600, and it is doubtful if barristers were continuing to be trained in Constantinople after the reign of Heraclius, 245 even though the legal system implied by such training may have survived into the reign of
240
O n t h e c o n t i n u i n g study of g r a m m a r , see Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisme
byzantin,
p p . 101—2 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, p p . 113—14); on rhetoric, see H u n g e r , Die bochsprachliche profane Literatur I, 7 1 - 4 and idem, T h e Classical T r a d i t i o n in Byzantine Literature', as well as ODB III, 1 7 8 8 - 9 0 and below, p p . 2 5 9 - 6 2 . 241 242
See, conveniently, ODB II, 1 1 9 6 , s.v. 'Law Schools'. See Scheltema, L'Enseignement de droit, p p . 7—16. T h e Institutiones are now conveniently consulted in Justinian's
Institutes, trans. P . Birks and G . McLeod, w i t h t h e Latin text of
P. K r u e g e r (London, 1987), and t h e Digest in The Digest of Justinian,
ed. T . M o m m s e n
and P. K r u e g e r , trans. A. W a t s o n , 4 vols. (Philadelphia, P A , 1985). 243
O n the antecessores, see briefly ODB I, 1 0 9 , and t h e full discussion by Scheltema, L'Enseignement de droit, pp. 17—42.
244
O n t h e substantial corpus of Greek legal literature generated by the antecessores and their successors, see P.E. Pieler, 'Byzantinische Rechtsliteratur', in H u n g e r , hochsprachliche profane Literatur
Die
II, 3 4 3 - 4 8 0 , esp. 4 1 9 - 2 6 , and Scheltema, L'Enseig-
nement de droit. 245
See Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, p. 2 7 2 . Scheltema {L'Enseignement de droit,
pp. 61-4) argued that the title antecessor disappeared soon after the death ofJustinian in 565.
54
Archbishop Theodore
Constans II (641-68). 246 On the other hand, it has been noted that a canon of the Trullan Council (692) prohibited students of civil law from following pagan customs and frequenting theatres, 247 which suggests that some form of legal studies continued in Constantinople at least until the end of the seventh century. 248 In any case, there is reason to believe that instruction in jurisprudence was available there during the reign of Heraclius. Similar affirmations may be made in the case of medicine and philosophy. Medicine had long been taught in Constantinople (whether under the auspices of the university is unclear): during the sixth century, Aetius of Amida taught there, as did Alexander of Tralles (525—605), brother of Anthemius of Tralles, one of the architects of Hagia Sophia. 249 Students apparently came to Constantinople to study medicine from far afield. 250 From the earlier seventh century we have the evidence of Theophilus, known as the 'Protospatharius', who was teaching medicine there and - to judge from his title — apparently held an important position at the imperial court, perhaps as physician to Heraclius. As we shall see in a later chapter (below, p. 253), Theophilus composed an extensive treatise on the structure of the human body, as well as shorter works on excrement and urine (he is considered to have made an important contribution to the field of uroscopy); that he gave lectures on medical subjects is clear from the fact that his scholia or lecture notes on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates have been preserved. And even stronger evidence for the study of medicine at Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius is provided by the career of the polymath Stephen of Alexandria, as we shall soon see. Philosophy, too, was studied at Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius. In the rhetorically conceived dialogue which serves as the preface to Theophylact Simocatta's Universal History, Philosophy and History are presented debating the circumstances in which they hope to 246
Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, p. 2 7 3 .
247
Mango, Byzantium,
248
See also W . Wolska-Conus, 'Les termes NOMH et IIAIAOAIAAIKAAOINOMIKOZ du
p. 136; cf. Fuchs, Die hoheren Schulen von Konstantinopel, p. 7.
"Livre de l'Eparque"', Travaux
et memoires 8 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 5 3 1 - 4 1 , esp. 536—7, whose
evidence implies the continuity of legal studies through the seventh century. 249 250
O n Aetius and Alexander, see below, p. 2 5 2 . Fuchs {Die hoheren Schulen von Konstantinopel, p. 5) draws attention to the interesting case of a Frankish physician named Reovalis, w h o according to Gregory of Tours (Historia Francorum X . I 5 ) claimed to have studied medicine in Constantinople.
55
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
carry on their work. Philosophy admits to having been banished from the 'royal colonnade' (a reference to the Imperial Basilica: see above, p. 48) by the "Thracian Anytus' — a reference to the illiterate emperor Phocas (602—10) — but that 'subsequently the Heraclidae saved and restored the state' which, for Philosophy herself, is 'the source of prosperity'. 251 Theophylact's comments here are an unambiguous indication that Heraclius was a patron of philosophy. In the continuation of the dialogue, History asks Philosophy if she knows the 'great high priest and prelate of the universal inhabited world', and Philosophy replies that 'this man is my oldest friend and most familiar treasure': 252 an indication that Patriarch Sergius, too, was a patron of philosophical studies. The patronage of the emperor and the patriarch in this domain is incontestable, and is attested (especially in the case of Heraclius) by the later career of Stephen of Alexandria. Stephen of Alexandria was one of the most learned men of his time. 253 Born perhaps c. 550, perhaps in Athens — he is sometimes referred to as 'Stephen of Athens' — he went to study in the prestigious philosophical school at Alexandria of Olympiodorus (d. 565) and his successors. Stephen subsequently taught in Alexandria, for it was there that John Moschus and Sophronius, the future patriarch of Jerusalem, heard Stephen 'the sophist and philosopher' lecturing on medicine sometime between 581 and 584. 254 Stephen's writings embrace the fields of philosophy, rhetoric, medicine, astronomy, astrology and alchemy. In the field of philosophy, he is known to have composed commentaries on Aristotle's De interpretatione and bk III of his De anima, both of which have survived. 255 Within the body of these commentaries Stephen refers to further commentaries 251 2
Hist. Dial. 5-7 (trans. Whitby and Whitby, The History ofTheophylact Simocatta, p. 4).
52 Ibid. 8 (p. 4).
253
See Vancourt, Les Derniers Commentateurs alexandrins, mous Prolegomena, pp. xxiv—xxv; Hunger, Die
pp. 26—38; Westerink, Anony-
hochsprachliche profane Literatur II, 300—1;
ODB III, 1 9 5 3 ; and esp. Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie'. 254
John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, ch. 87 (PG 8 7 , 2929); and cf. Wolska-Conus, ibid.,
pp. 47-59. 255
Stephani in librum Aristotelis De interpretatione commentarium, ed. M. Hayduck, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 18.3 (Berlin, 1885); loannis Philoponi in Aristotelis De anima libros commentaria, ed. M. Hayduck, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 15 (Berlin, 1897), 4 4 6 - 6 0 7 { = Stephen's commentary on bk III]. O n Stephen's commentary on the De interpretatione, see Vancourt, Les Derniers Commentateurs alexandrins, pp. 3 5 - 4 2 , and, on bk III of De anima, see ibid., pp. 43—59, as well as H. Blumenthal, 'John
56
Archbishop Theodore
which he composed on the Aristotelian Categoriae, Analytica, Sophistici elenchi and De caelo, though these have not been preserved (or have not yet been identified). 236 A further commentary, on the Isagoge of Porphyry, may be attributed with good reason to Stephen. 257 A commentary on Aristotle's De rhetorica shows that Stephen took some interest in rhetoric as an aspect of linguistic philosophy. 258 In the field of medicine, a substantial body of writings has come down to us in Stephen's name: scholia or lecture notes on medical curriculum-texts such as Hippocrates's Aphorisms and Prognostica and Galen's Therapeutica, ad Glauconem, as well as a treatise on urine (exploring the same field of uroscopy in which Theophilus Protospatharius was interested). 259 That Stephen possessed some expertise in astronomy and computus is clear from the fact that he composed what is regarded as the earliest Byzantine treatise on astronomy, namely an introduction to Theon of Alexandria's commentary on Ptolemy, in which he attempted to bring the work up to date by including, for example, a discussion of the method of calculating Easter. 260 Other works on astrology261 and alchemy 262 are attributed to Stephen in manuscript, but
256
257
258
259 260
261
262
Philoponus and Stephanus of Alexandria', in Neoplatonism and Christian Thought, ed. D J . O'Meara (Norfolk, VA, 1982), p p . 5 4 - 6 6 . See Vancourt, Les Dernier's Commentateurs alexandrins, p. 39, and Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie', p p . 9 - 1 1 . See Wolska-Conus, ibid., p p . 6 9 - 8 2 , where persuasive reasons are given for attributing to Stephen a commentary which formerly passed under the name of Elias of Alexandria: Pseudo-Elias (Pseudo-David), Lectures on Porphyry's Isagoge, ed. L.G. Westerink (Amsterdam, 1967). Anonymi et Stephani in artem rhetoricam commentaria, ed. H. Rabe, Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 21.2 (Berlin, 1896), 2 6 3 - 3 2 2 . For details of these medical writings, see below, p p . 2 5 3 - 4 . The work is (partially) ed. Usener, De Stephano Alexandrino Commentatio altera\ see also A. Tihon, 'L'astronomie byzantine (du Ve au X V e siecle)', Byzantion 51 (1981), 603—24, at 607—8, and Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie', p p . 1 1 - 1 2 . For example, a horoscope predicting the rise of the Arabs, based on the beginning of the year of the Hijra (AD 621), the so-called Opusculum apotelesmaticum, is attributed in manuscript to Stephen: it is ed. H. Usener, Stephani Alexandrini quod fertur Opusculum apotelesmaticum (Bonn, 1879-80); see O . Neugebauer and H . B . van Hoesen, Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia, PA, 1959), p p . 1 5 8 - 6 0 . T h e work includes many predictions which unquestionably date from a period later than Stephen (cf. ODE I, 2 1 5 , where the work is dated to the later eighth century); it remains to be determined whether the core of the work could be his. A treatise entitled ' O n the Sacred Art of Fashioning Gold' is attributed in manuscript to Stephen; it is ed. Ideler, Physici et Medici Graeci Minores II, 199—253; also ed. F.S.
57
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the attributions require careful assessment. By any estimation, however, the corpus of Stephen's writings is a large one. It is not possible to determine how many of these writings were composed by Stephen while he was still teaching in Alexandria. What seems likely is that Heraclius, once he had secured the throne after the murder of Phocas in 610, invited Stephen to Constantinople, where his professorial salary was met by the imperial treasury and where he assumed the title of 'universal teacher' (oiKOUnsviKoq 5i5d
pp. 6-7 and 15 (text). 265
See Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisme byzantin, p p . 8 1 - 4 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, p p . 90—3); Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie', p p . 2 0 - 3 3 . For the text, see the English translation by F.C. Conybeare, 'Ananias of Shirak (A.D. 600-650^.)', BZ 6 (1897), 5 7 2 - 8 4 , at 5 7 2 - 4 [reportedly inaccurate} and the French translation by H . Berberian, 'Autobiographic d'Anania Sirakac'i', Revue des etudes armeniennes n.s. 1 (1964), 1 8 9 - 9 4 .
58
Archbishop Theodore
Constantinople. Tychikos nevertheless returned to Trebizond; but on the death of the 'scholar from Athens' he received an invitation from the emperor (Heraclius) to return to Constantinople. Tychikos refused the invitation and remained in Trebizond, where Ananias was numbered among his pupils. The narrative is interesting not only for the light which it throws on Stephen of Alexandria, but because it shows the concern of both Sergius and Heraclius to ensure the continuation of philosophical studies in Constantinople. The sum of this evidence demonstrates unambiguously that there was vigorous intellectual activity in many fields of scholarly and literary endeavour in the Constantinople of Heraclius. Under the emperor's patronage the university of Constantinople enjoyed a brief resurgence, with Roman civil law, rhetoric, philosophy and medicine being among the subjects which were demonstrably taught and studied there. Under his patronage, too, scholars were drawn to Constantinople from other intellectual centres in the empire, especially Alexandria: Stephen of Alexandria and Theophylact Simocatta were two such scholars, as we have seen. The patriarch Sergius was also patron of learning, and during his patriarchate members of his clergy at Hagia Sophia, such as George of Pisidia and the anonymous author of the Chronkon Paschale, were actively engaged in scholarly work in various domains. To these established scholars one might tentatively add the name of Maximus the Confessor, who was to become one of the great theologians of the Greek church. Maximus was born c. 580 and, according to a later Greek vita of arguable, perhaps tenth-century, date (BHG, no. 1234), 266 was from an aristocratic Byzantine family and served in the household of Heraclius before abandoning the world to enter a monastery at Chrysopolis (directly across the Bosporus from Constantinople) in 613 or 6l4. 2 6 7 Given his subsequent reputation as a theologian, the question of Maximus's early training in Constantinople 266 J>Q 90^ 6 8 - 1 0 9 , to be supplemented by the text ed. Devreesse, 'La vie de Maxime le Confesseur', p p . 18—23. A late (tenth-century) date was suggested by W . Lackner, 'Zu Quellen u n d Datierung der Maximosvita (BHG3 1234)', AB 85 (1967), 2 8 5 - 3 1 6 , who regarded the vita as an unreliable compilation of no value for reconstructing Maximus's life; see also van Dieten, Geschkbte der Patriarchen, p p . 180 and 2 0 4 - 8 . A much earlier (seventh-century) date has been argued in an unpublished dissertation (1980) of the University of Leuven by R.B. Bracke (see Gatti, Massimo il Confessore, no. 343). T h e matter has not yet been resolved. 267 See Sherwood, An Annotated Date-List, p. 2.
59
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is a matter of great interest; unfortunately, as we shall see, a recently discovered Syriac life of Maximus throws doubt on the details of the Greek vita and in particular on the alleged period of training in Constantinople. 268 Finally, one should note that John Moschus and Sophronius, later patriarch of Jerusalem (634-8), spent some period of time in Constantinople in the early 630s, probably 633—4 (see below, p. 226). One interesting feature of the intellectual vitality is the way in which the scholars in question combined expertise in various disciplines. Theophylact Simocatta, for example, was trained as a rhetorician, went to Constantinople to study law, and composed works on philosophy and natural science in addition to his Universal History. Stephen of Alexandria was expert not only in philosophy and medicine, but also in astronomy, astrology and ecclesiastical computus. 269 The poems of George of Pisidia reveal expertise in philosophy (especially the technical language of Greek cosmology), astronomy and medicine. 270 There is no decisive evidence that any of these men knew each other; 271 but the community of their interests suggests fairly strongly that they did. The presence of these men in Constantinople made the capital the pre-eminent intellectual centre of the empire during the reign of Heraclius. To Heraclius's Constantinople, then, came the young Theodore. It is a plausible hypothesis that on arrival, being a scholar with some preliminary education in Syria, he sought out university lectures at the Basilica as well as the scholars among the clergy at nearby Hagia Sophia. Confirmation of this hypothesis comes from the breadth and complexion of Theodore's learning as it is known from the biblical commentaries and from other sources such as Bede. It is immediately striking that Theodore possessed expertise in all the subjects which were taught and studied in Constantinople. Concerning Roman civil law, Aldhelm reported, in a letter concerning his period of studies in Canterbury, that he had been engaged 268 269
Brock, 'An Early Syriac Life of Maximus the Confessor'; see below, pp. 7 1 - 3 . Sometimes these areas of expertise are combined in unusual ways, as when Stephen inserts a detailed astronomical excursus in the midst of a discussion on the relationship of weather to disease in his scholia or lecture notes on Hippocrates {Stephen of Athens. Commentary on Hippocrates' Aphorisms, ed. W e s t e r i n k II, 102—4).
270
See above, p . 52 and n. 2 3 2 .
271
T h e r e is perhaps a veiled reference to Stephen of Alexandria in the prefatory Dialogue to Theophylact's History: see The History of Theophylact Simocatta,
Whitby, p. 4, n. 7.
60
trans. W h i t b y and
Archbishop Theodore
there in the study of Roman law. 272 Aldhelm's report is confirmed by various evidence. For example, certain statements on matters of civil law in Theodore's ludicia have been traced to the Justinianic Corpus iuris ciuilis, and while it is unlikely that anyone in seventh-century England could have consulted this entire corpus, the passages in the ludicia imply that Theodore had some specific knowledge of it. 273 A similar conclusion can be drawn from the biblical commentaries, where at various points the Commentator quotes definitions of certain technical legal terms which have very close (often verbatim) parallels in the Justinianic corpus: this is the case with definitions of cautio, 'written guarantee' (PentI 172), stuprum, 'illicit sexual intercourse, defilement' (PentI 185) and inquilinus, 'tenant, serf (PentI 390). 274 In each case the pertinent definition is to be found in the Justinianic Digest. This is not to suggest that Theodore had a copy of the massive Digest with him in Canterbury, nor even that he had spent the requisite three years at Constantinople poring over its definitions as part of a five-year course in jurisprudence (see above, p. 54). But Theodore's knowledge of Roman civil law, and of the Digest in particular, is undeniable, and it was no doubt through him that various legal conceptions were transmitted to Anglo-Saxon England. 275 Bede also reports that Theodore gave instruction at Canterbury in astronomy and ecclesiastical computus (HE IV.2); Aldhelm confirms this report, emphasizing that he had studied not only astronomy and ecclesiastical computus, but had also learned some skill in astrology (astrologicae artis peritia) and the use of the horoscope (perplexa oroscopi computatio).276
None of the texts associated with Theodore, including the present biblical commentaries, contains any discussion of astronomy, computus, astrology or horoscopy, so it is not possible to validate the reports of Bede and Aldhelm. However, we have seen that in Constantinople, during the reign 272
Aldhelmi
Opera, ed. Ehwald, p . 4 7 6 : 'qui solerti sagacitate legendi succensus l e g u m
R o m a n o r u m iura m e d u l l i t u s r i m a b a t u r et cuncta iurisconsultorum secreta imis praecordiis scrutabitur'; see also below, p . 147 and n. 5 3 . 273
Cf. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Tbeodori Cantuariensis,
p . 2 0 5 : 'Einer nicht g e r i n g e n
Zahl von B e s t i m m u n g e n liegt romisches Recht z u g r u n d e , wie es Theodor aus den Kaiserkonstitutionen b e k a n n t war.' 274
See c o m m . to PentI 172, 185 and 3 9 0 (below, p p . 4 6 4 , 4 6 5 and 4 8 7 respectively).
275
See W i n k l e r , ' R o m a n Law in Anglo-Saxon E n g l a n d ' , esp. p p . 104—5.
276
Aldhelmi
Opera, ed. Ehwald, p . 4 7 8 (Ep. i); trans. Lapidge and H e r r e n , Aldbelm:
Prose Works, p. 153.
61
the
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
of Heraclius, an interest in ecclesiastical computus was shared by Stephen of Alexandria and the anonymous author of the Chronicon Pascbale,211 and an interest in astronomy by Stephen and George of Pisidia. Furthermore, a work of astrology, the so-called Opusculum apotelesmaticum, is attributed in manuscript to Stephen of Alexandria; this work contains a horoscope based on the year AD 621. 2 7 8 The young Theodore could have learned the rudiments of these subjects through contact with such men in Constantinople. A closer contact with Stephen of Alexandria is implied by Theodore's knowledge of medicine. As we shall see in a later chapter (below, pp. 249—55), the Canterbury biblical commentaries are permeated with detailed knowledge of medicine and Greek medical terminology. The medical curriculum in Byzantine schools consisted principally in the study of works of Hippocrates and Galen arranged in a programme of increasing specialization and difficulty, beginning with works such as Hippocrates's Aphorisms and Prognostica and Galen's Therapeutica, ad Glauconem, and proceeding to the study of anatomy, physiology and so on. Stephen of Alexandria evidently taught this curriculum, since we have in his name various scholia or lecture notes on the Aphorisms and Prognostica of Hippocrates and on Galen's Therapeutica, ad Glauconem.219 What is striking is that various observations on medical matters in the biblical commentaries have precise parallels in the scholia of Stephen: the account of the various kinds of fever in Evil 15 is based on that in Galen's Therapeutica, ad Glauconem, which is treated at length by Stephen in his scholia on that work; and the unusual information that the brain increases and diminishes with the waxing and waning of the moon, which is offered as an explanation of lunacy in Evil 43, is also found in Stephen's scholia on the Prognostica of Hippocrates. 280 The simplest explanation for these parallels is that Theodore attended medical lectures given by Stephen in Constantinople. Other subjects which were taught and studied in early seventh-century Constantinople are also reflected in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. We have seen that Theophylact Simocatta regarded the emperor Heraclius 277
Later in his life M a x i m u s the Confessor also composed a treatise on ecclesiastical c o m p u t u s (CPG III, no. 7 7 0 6 : P G 19, 1 2 1 7 - 8 0 ; see below, p . 266); b u t his presence in early seventh-century Constantinople is not beyond d o u b t .
278
See above, n. 2 6 1 .
280
279
See c o m m . to E v i l 15 and 4 3 (below, p p . 5 0 9 - 1 1 and 5 1 7 - 1 8 , respectively).
See above, p . 5 7 , n. 2 5 9 , and below, p . 2 5 3 .
62
Archbishop Theodore
as having restored the study of philosophy to Constantinople. One aspect of this restoration was the emperor's invitation to Stephen of Alexandria. During his career in Alexandria Stephen had composed a number of commentaries on Aristotle (see above, pp. 56—7); it is a reasonable assumption that his teaching at Constantinople included the study of Aristotle, and perhaps of Plato as well. That Theodore had studied Greek philosophy seems clear from the many references in the biblical commentaries to the opinions of philosophic but especially to the use of the technical language of Greek cosmology. For example, the commentaries contain frequent reference to thefirmamentumor 'firmament' of the early chapters of Genesis; but whereas the LXX translators used the word axepecojaa to describe the firmament, the Canterbury commentaries use the term aplanes or anXavx](; (PentI 17, 26 and 27), a word used by Plato and Aristotle to refer to the abode of the 'unmoving' or fixed stars. 281 Other features of the biblical commentaries similarly imply a training in philosophy, such as the exposition of the accessus or 5i5aaKaAiK& (PentI 16) according to which a philosophical text was to be analysed. 282 These 5i5aaKaA,iK& were first fully elaborated in the school of Alexandria under Olympiodorus (d. 565) and his successors, where Stephen studied and taught as a young man before being invited to Constantinople. Theodore could have learned these 5i5acncaA,iK& from the lectures of Stephen, who used them in his scholia on the medical texts of Hippocrates and Galen. However, their application was widespread, and is found, for example, in Byzantine rhetorical treatises. 283 Rhetoric is another subject which was taught at Constantinople throughout the Byzantine centuries, and which figures largely in the Canterbury biblical commentaries, as we shall see in a later chapter (below, pp. 259-62). It is the sum of expertise in these various disciplines — Roman civil law, astronomy, ecclesiastical computus, astrology, medicine, philosophy, rhetoric — which is the most distinctive feature of the Canterbury biblical commentaries and the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. We know from Theodore's reference to having seen with his own eyes the relics of the 'Twelve Baskets' (by implication in the Forum of Constantinople) that he had been in Constantinople at an earlier stage of his career. The most 281
See c o m m . to Pent I 17 (below, p p . 4 3 3 - 4 ) , and discussion below, p . 2 5 5 .
282
See c o m m . to PentI 16 (below, p p . 432—3), and discussion below, p p . 256—8.
283
See below, p . 2 6 1 .
63
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
economical explanation of how he acquired his expertise in these disciplines is that he studied there for some time, perhaps at the university, perhaps at the patriarchal school of Sergius, perhaps in the company of the scholars mentioned above: Theophylact Simocatta, Stephen of Alexandria, George of Pisidia and others. Possibly, too, he was in contact with John Moschus and Sophronius during their sojourn in Constantinople. It is unfortunately not possible to achieve greater precision, given the nature of the surviving evidence. What is certain is that, during the reign of Heraclius, there was no other city in the Roman empire which hosted an equally distinguished group of scholars and where the full range of subjects in which Theodore was proficient could be studied. Any future study of Archbishop Theodore will have to reckon with early seventh-century Constantinople; by the same token, any future study of early seventhcentury Byzantine learning will have to reckon with the evidence of Archbishop Theodore. Before leaving Constantinople, one final piece of evidence needs to be registered. As we have seen, George of Pisidia composed a prose encomium, the Laudatio S. Anastasii (BHG, no. 86), in praise of St Anastasius Magundat, who was martyred by the Persians on 22 January 628. It has been suggested that knowledge of his martyrdom was brought back to Constantinople by Heraclius, after his defeat of the Persians, in 629 or 630, and that George composed his Laudatio of St Anastasius shortly after that, in the early 630s (631 x 634), in response to imperial initiative and at the immediate request of Patriarch Sergius. 284 The implication is that the establishment of the cult of St Anastasius was due in some measure to the patronage of Heraclius. If Theodore was in Constantinople at the time of Heraclius's triumphant return from Persia, he will have known of the cult of St Anastasius at first hand, perhaps even through personal acquaintance with George of Pisidia. The possibility is worth bearing in mind, for we next find Theodore at Rome living (probably) among a community of Cilician monks dedicated to the veneration of this same St Anastasius. 284
Pertusi, 'L'encomio di S. Anastasio', p. 16. Pertusi argues convincingly (pp. 13—14) that the patriarch 'Moses' who is praised in ch. 2 of George's Laudatio is to be identified with Patriarch Sergius (Pertusi's arguments are followed by Flusin, Saint Anastase I, 192—3 and II, 381—4). The Laudatio is based on the slightly earlier and anonymous Passio S. Anastasii (BHG, no. 84), composed by a member of the saint's own community in Jerusalem.
64
Archbishop Theodore ROME
Although we next meet Theodore in Rome, we unfortunately have no information concerning when or in what circumstances he arrived there. Bede, who is our principal source for this period of Theodore's career, nevertheless provides us with several valuable details (HE IV. 1): that Theodore was living in Rome as a monk (ipso tempore Romae monachus) and that, at the time he came to Pope Vitalian's notice (late 667?) he was tonsured like St Paul in the manner of an oriental monk ('habuerat enim tonsuram more orientalium sancti Pauli'). From the Historia mystica ecclesiae catholicae, an approximately contemporary text which may arguably be attributed to Patriarch Germanus I (715-30), we learn that tonsure 'in the manner of St Paul', as worn by Greek monks, entailed the head being totally shaved.285 Theodore was obliged to wait for four months until his hair grew out so that he could be tonsured in the western, 'Petrine' manner (with the hair in the shape of a crown);286 only then could he be consecrated as archbishop. Bede also tells us that Theodore had to be ordained as subdeacon (subdiaconus ordinatus) before becoming archbishop, the implication being that, as a monk, he had never taken orders. From this various evidence it is clear that, in the mid-660s, Theodore was living in Rome in the manner of an oriental monk (it is unfortunately not clear how long he had been doing so). The most straightforward assumption is that Theodore was resident in one of the monasteries of oriental monks which existed in Rome in the mid-seventh century. As we have seen, the invasion and conquest of Palestine and Syria first by the Persians, and then by the Arabs, caused massive disruption of domestic life, and of the church in particular. The invasions caused an exodus of refugees from Syria and Palestine to many places in the western
285
Historia mystica ecclesiae catholicae (CPG H I , no. 8 0 2 3 ; P G 9 8 , 3 8 4 - 4 5 3 , at 396): TO 5e KeipeaOcu xf|v Kdpav dXoxek&c,, Korea (liuTimv too dyioi) d.noGToXov 'IctKcbpou TOO d5eX<J)o08Oi), Kai IlauAxH) TOO anocxoXov; see also H . Leclercq, 'Tonsure', DACL
XV.2
(1953), 2 4 3 0 - 4 3 , at 2434. 286 T n e wider context of 'Petrine' tonsure is discussed by E. James, 'Bede and the Tonsure Question', Peritia 3 (1984), 8 5 - 9 8 .
65
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
empire, 287 but especially to southern Italy and Sicily.288 Among the refugees were monks from Syria and Palestine who made their presence in Italy strongly felt: to mention only one obvious example, many of the popes from the mid-seventh to the mid-eighth century were Greekspeaking monks of Syrian origin who came from southern Italian or Sicilian monasteries.289 It was at the time of these immigrations, in the mid-seventh century, that several monasteries of oriental monks were established in Rome. 290 The earliest written source for the existence of these monasteries in Rome is the acta of the Lateran Council of 649 (to be discussed more fully below). The acta were witnessed by the abbots of three such monasteries: John, abbot of the laura of St Saba; Thalassius, abbot of a monastery of Armenian monks called Renatus (location unknown); and George, abbot
287
288
289
290
See Borsari, Xe migrazioni dall'Oriente in Italia nell VII secolo', as well as Brehier, 'Les colonies d'Orientaux en Occident', together with reply by Jalabert, Les colonies chretiennes', and H . Leclercq, 'Colonies d'Orientaux en Occident', DACL III.2 (1914), 2 2 6 6 - 7 7 . Cf. also below, p . 9 8 , n. 67. See K. Lake, 'The Greek Monasteries in South Italy', JTS 4 (1902-3), 3 4 5 - 6 8 and 5 1 7 - 4 2 , and 5 (1903-4), 2 2 ^ 1 and 1 8 9 - 2 0 2 ; W h i t e , 'The Byzantinization of Sicily', pp. 7—15; S. Borsari, // monachesimo bizantino nella Sicilia e nell'ltalia meridionale prenormanne, Istituto italiano per gli studi storici 14 (Naples, 1963); idem, 'II monachesimo bizantino nell'ltalia meridionale e insulare', Settimane 34 (1988), 675-95; and A. Guillou, 'Grecs d'ltalie du Sud et de Sicile au moyen age: les moines', Melanges de I'Ecole frangaise de Rome 75 (1963), 79—110, repr. in his Studies in Byzantine Italy (London, 1970), no. XII. Note especially Theodore I (642—9), a Greek from Jerusalem who was almost certainly a refugee from the Arabs; Agatho (678—81), a Greek-speaking Sicilian; Leo II (682—3), another Greek-speaking Sicilian; John V (685-6), a Syrian from Antioch; Sergius I (687-701), born at Palermo of a Syrian family from Antioch; John VI (701-5), a Greek; John VII (705-7), a Greek; Sisinnius (708), a Syrian; Constantine (708-15), another Syrian; Gregory III (731—41), another Syrian; and Zacharias (741—52), a Greek-speaking Calabrian. There is an interesting, and probably typical, story told by Stephen of Ripon in his Vita S. Wilfridi (ch. 53) to the effect that when Wilfrid was presenting his petition to Pope John VI, speaking no doubt in Latin, the papal curia at one point began speaking Greek among themselves ('tune inter se graecizantes') so that the English audience were unable to understand their deliberations. The principal studies are: F. Antonelli, 'I primi monasteri di monaci orientali in Roma', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 5 (1928), 105—21; Michel, 'Die griechischen Klostersiedlungen zu Rom'; and above all Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux, and idem, 'Le monachisme byzantin a Rome', Settimane 34 (1988), 7 0 1 ^ 6 .
66
Archbishop Theodore
of a monastery of monks from Cilicia, located ad aquas Saluias.291 To these three may be added a fourth, not mentioned in the acta, namely a monastery of (Syriac-speaking) Nestorian monks, called Boetia (location unknown); according to the Liber pontificalis, Pope Donus (676—8) dispersed these Nestorian monks and replaced them with Roman monks. 292 In theory Theodore, future archbishop of Canterbury, could have belonged to any of these four communities, though it is less likely that he belonged to either the Nestorian or the Armenian communities. This leaves St Saba and the monastery ad aquas Saluias. St Saba was a monastery situated on the Aventine (see fig. 3). It takes its name from the founder of the Great Laura in Palestine (Greek Xaupa refers to a community of monks living individually under the direction of an abbot, rather than communally in a KOivopiov or coenobiurri). The Great Laura had been established by St Saba in 483 in the ravine of Kidron, southeast of Jerusalem in the desert west of the Dead Sea (see fig. 6); 293 it was presumably monks from the Great Laura who at the time of the Arab conquest of Jerusalem in 637 fled to Rome, where they established a new monastery in the name of their founder. 294 According to the aforementioned Syriac life of Maximus the Confessor, Pope Martin I (649—53; d. 655) had granted land for a monastery to Maximus; 295 and since on the evidence of this Syriac life Maximus was himself a Palestinian monk, the most obvious deduction is that the Roman monastery which housed Maximus was none other than St Saba. St Saba, then, will have housed Greek-speaking monks from Palestine (like Maximus himself) as well, perhaps, as monks originally from Nisibis in Syria who came with him to
291
292 293
294
295
Mansi, Concilia X , 9 0 3 - 4 ; Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p p . 5 0 - 1 (Greek and Latin). Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 3 4 8 ; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p . 7 3 . O n the Great Laura (which is still extant), see A. Ehrhard, 'Das griechische Kloster Mar-Saba in Palaestina', Romische Quartalshcrift 7 (1893), 3 2 - 7 9 ; H . Leclercq, 'Laures palestiniennes', DACL VIII.2 (1929), 1 9 6 1 - 8 8 , at 1 9 7 7 - 8 ; Chitty, The Desert a City, pp. 1 0 6 - 1 3 ; Hirschfield, Thejudean Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, p p . 2 4 - 6 and 1 8 3 - 7 ; as well as EEC II, 7 4 8 and ODB III, 1 8 2 3 - 4 . See J. Lestocquoy, 'Notes sur l'eglise de Saint Saba', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 6 (1929), 3 1 3 - 5 7 ; Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries, p p . 2 8 1 - 9 0 ; Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux I, 2 2 - 9 ; and Flusin, Saint Anastase II, 3 6 5 - 7 4 , esp. 3 7 0 - 2 on St Saba. Brock, 'An Early Syriac Life of Maximus the Confessor', p p . 318—19, with commentary at 3 2 8 .
67
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Rome via Africa.296 Some of the fabric of this seventh-century monastery may be seen in the walls of the present-day church of St Saba in Rome. 297 The precise date of foundation of the monastery 'of the Cilicians' ad aquas Saluias is unknown. 298 The monastery was situated on land ad aquas Saluias Cat the Salvian springs', now known as the Tre Fontane) formerly granted by Gregory the Great to the church of St Paul extra muros (see fig. 3). At some point in the mid-seventh century this land was made available to a community of Cilician monks who had come to Rome bringing with them as a precious relic the head of the Persian martyr Anastasius (Magundat), who, as we have seen, had been martyred by the Persian king Chosroes II on 22 January 628. As a result of this relic 299 the monastery came to be known as St Anastasius. Since the monastery is known to have existed by 648, it was presumably founded between that date and 640, when Cilicia was abandoned by Heraclius and passed into Arab control. 300 Unfortunately, nothing of the fabric of this monastery exists today. 301 To which of these two monastic communities did Theodore belong? On the face of it, the evidence seems to point to the monastery 'of the Cilicians' ad aquas Saluias; as we know from Bede, Theodore was himself a Cilician, having been born in Tarsus. But, as we have seen, Theodore had had some experience of Syria and had studied in Constantinople, so there is no reason to suppose that he was still living in Cilicia at the time of the Arab invasions, and he may have found the community of St Saba equally congenial. The one piece of evidence which tips the balance in favour of the Cilician monastery is that the cult of St Anastasius is attested in England from a remarkably early date. The martyrdom of Anasta296 297 298
299
300
Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux I, 2 8 ; see also below, p p . 72—3. Krautheimer, Rome, p . 90. See H . Grisar, 'Le Tre Fontane, luogo della decollazione di San Paolo e i monaci greci introdottivi nel VI secolo', Civilta cattolka 16th ser. 10 (1897), 4 7 7 - 9 ; Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries, p p . 3 3 - 4 8 ; U . Broccoli, L'abbazia delle Tre Fontane. Fast paleocristiane e altomedievali del complesso (ad Aquas Salvias' in Roma (Rome, 1980); and Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux I, 1 3 - 1 7 . O n the later history of this relic, see C. Bertelli, 'Caput Sancti Anastasii', Paragone 247 (1970), 1 2 - 2 5 . O n the date of the arrival of the relic in Rome, see Flusin, Saint Anastase II, 354—6 (who dates the arrival to c. 650); on the cult of St Anastasius, see ibid. II, 3 2 9 - 5 2 . 301 Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux I, 16—17. Krautheimer, Rome, p. 90.
68
Archbishop Theodore
sius is reported at length by Bede in his Chronica maiora (written 725); 302 the source for Bede's report was a Latin Passio S. Anastasii. Now Bede lists among his own writings a 'corrected' version of the Passio S. Anastasii which, according to him, had originally been badly translated from the Greek; and convincing arguments have recently been advanced for identifying Bede's corrected version with one of the several surviving anonymous Latin passiones of that saint. 303 But the question is: by what means and for what purposes was a Latin — or indeed a Greek 304 — Passio S. Anastasii brought to England in the first place? One plausible explanation would be that Theodore brought the passio in order to perpetuate in England the memory of the patron saint of the monastery which had housed him in Rome. The evidence points to the supposition that Theodore was a monk in the monastery of Cilician monks located just outside the Roman walls ad aquas
Saluias.505
As we have seen, the monastery ad aquas Saluias was one of several communities of oriental monks who had come to Rome as refugees from the Arab invasion of Syria and Palestine. But it would be a mistake to think that, once in Rome, such monks returned to the life of quiet contemplation which they had sought originally in the desert. On the contrary, soon after their arrival in Rome in the 640s these monks became deeply engrossed in one of the most violent theological controversies of the 302
CCSL 123 B, 5 2 4 : 'Anastasius Persa m o n a c h u s nobile pro Christo m a r t y r i u m p a t i t u r . . . Reliquiae beati martyris Anastasii . . . R o m a m aduectae uenerantur in monasterio beati Pauli apostoli, q u o d d i c i t u r ad aquas Saluias.'
303
HE V . 2 4 : ' l i b r u m uitae et passionis sancti Anastasii male de Greco t r a n s l a t u m et peius a q u o d a m inperito e m e n d a t u m , p r o u t p o t u i , ad sensum correxi'. Bede's 'corrected' version is identified by Franklin and Meyvaert, 'Has Bede's Version'; see below,
pp. 182-4. 304
It is not out of the question t h a t the original Greek version of the Passio S. (BHG,
no. 8 4 ; ed. Usener, Ada martyris Anastasii
Anastasii
Persae, p p . 1 - 1 2 , and Flusin, Saint
Anastase I, 1 5 - 9 1 ) was b r o u g h t to E n g l a n d and translated there by someone w o r k i n g u n d e r Theodore's direction, if not by Theodore himself (see below, p . 184). Unfortunately, the 'uncorrected' version of the work, which represents the original Latin translation, has not yet been p r i n t e d ; it survives uniquely in T u r i n ,
Biblioteca
Nazionale, F. III. 16, fols. 14—23 (see Franklin and Meyvaert, ' H a s Bede's Version', p.
3 7 6 , w h o promise an edition of the 'uncorrected' version); see also below,
p. 183. 305
Cf.
Michel,
'Klostersiedlungen',
p.
41
and
Ferrari,
Early
Roman
Monasteries,
p p . 3 9 - 4 1 . Sansterre (Les Moines grecs et orientaux II, 159) cautiously concludes that 'le fait est fort possible mais pas certain'.
69
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
time, namely the dispute over the doctrine of monotheletism. In order to understand the nature of the monks' participation, it is necessary briefly to summarize the course of this controversy.306 We have seen that the eastern church had been torn for many years between supporters of the orthodox doctrine as defined by the Council of Chalcedon in 451 (these were principally, but not wholly, Byzantine Greeks) and supporters of monophysitism (principally, but not wholly, Syrians). It was an abiding wish of the emperor Heraclius to find some grounds for compromise between the two positions, so that the internal divisions which weakened his empire could be terminated. In a spirit of compromise, Heraclius and the patriarch of Constantinople, Sergius, issued in 633 a brief document called the Psephos507 which formulated the doctrine that there was in Christ but one energy and one will (the name 'monotheletism' is derived from Greek uovoc; 'one' + GeXeiv 'to will') — their intention being to shift discussion away from the terminological wrangling concerning Christ's 'nature' (<|)6CTI<;). This compromise found favour at first; it was, for example, accepted — albeit without due consideration - by Pope Honorius I (625-38). However, a vigorous opponent soon appeared in the person of Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem (d. 638). 308 306
T h e r e is a vast bibliography on m o n o t h e l e t i s m . See especially Peitz, 'Martin I. u n d M a x i m u s Confessor'; Duchesne, L'Eglise au Vie siecle, p p . 431—85; M . J u g i e , ' M o n o thelisme', DTC
X . 2 (1929), 2 3 0 7 - 2 3 ; V. G r u m e l , 'Recherches sur l'histoire d u
m o n o t h e l i s m e ' , Echos d'Orient 27 (1928), 6 - 1 6 and 2 5 7 - 7 7 , 2 8 (1929), 1 9 - 3 4 and 2 7 2 - 8 2 , and 2 9 ( 1 9 3 0 ) , 1 6 - 2 8 ; Stratos, Byzantium
in the Seventh Century,
trans.
H i o n i d e s III, 9 3 - 1 3 0 ; van D i e t e n , Geschichte der Patriarchen, p p . 1 7 9 - 2 1 8 ; Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux
I,
115-17;
Herrin, The Formation
of
Christendom,
pp. 206-19 and 250-9; Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 56-9; EEC I, 568; and 0DB II, 1400-1. A comprehensive list (with bibliography) of all the texts and documents relevant to the controversy is given by F. Winkelmann, 'Die Quellen zur Erforschung des monoenergetisch-monotheletischen Streites', Klio 69 (1987), 515-59. 307
CPG III, no. 7 6 0 6 ; Mansi, Concilia X I , 5 2 9 - 3 8 . T h e Psephos is q u o t e d in Actio X I I of the oecumenical Council of Constantinople of 6 8 0 {CPG IV, no. 9 4 3 1 ) . O n the role of Heraclius in t h e controversy, see Pernice, L'lmperatore Eraclio, p p . 227—38.
308
O n Sophronius, see S. Vailhe, 'Sophrone le Sophiste et Sophrone le Patriarche', Revue de /'Orient chretien 7 ( 1 9 0 2 ) , 3 6 0 - 8 5 , and 8 ( 1 9 0 3 ) , 3 2 - 6 9 and 3 5 6 - 8 7 ; G. Z u r e t t i , 'Sofronio, patriarca di G e r u s a l e m m e , 6 3 4 - 6 3 8 ' , Didaskaleion Kirche und theologische Literatur,
4 ( 1 9 2 6 ) , 1 9 - 6 8 ; Beck,
pp. 4 3 4 - 6 ; Schbnborn, Sophrone de Jerusalem,
pp.
53-98; Chadwick, 'John Moschus and his Friend Sophronius the Sophist', esp. pp. 49-55; EEC II, 787; and 0DB III, 1928-9.
70
Archbishop Theodore
Sophronius compiled a dossier of some 600 patristic opinions against the doctrine, and shortly before his death sent his colleague Bishop Stephen of Dora to Rome to press the pope to reconsider his endorsement of the doctrine. Meanwhile Heraclius and Sergius, no doubt encouraged by the pope's initial support, issued in 638 a modified version of the Psephos called the Ecthesis,309 which made monotheletism a matter of imperial policy. But the Ecthesis only served to galvanize the opposition. After the death of Sophronius, the principal opponent of monotheletism was Maximus the Confessor (c. 580—662).31° Maximus was one of the most brilliant theologians of late antiquity, 311 the influence of whose writings, mediated to the Latin West through the translations of John Scottus Eriugena, was to become paramount in later centuries. The origins and earlier career of Maximus are the subject of some doubt, however. According to a later (? tenth-century) Greek vita of Maximus by one Michael Exaboulites,312 he was born of an aristocratic Byzantine family, studied in Constantinople and became secretary to the emperor Heraclius; however, he subsequently left the imperial service, probably as early as 613 or 614, to become a monk at Chrysopolis (directly across the Bosporus from Constantinople). After a further decade or so, Maximus left Chrysopolis for the monastery of St George at Cyzicus, where he stayed for a year or two, before leaving for Africa (in 626 or so?) in order to escape from the 309 CPG III, no. 7 6 0 7 ; Mansi, Concilia X , 9 9 2 - 7 ; also ed. Riedinger, 'Aus den A k t e n der Lateran-Synode von 6 4 9 ' , p p . 21—3. 310 p o r g e n e r a i orientation, see Sherwood, An Annotated Date-List,
311
p p . 1 - 1 2 , Beck, Kirche
und theologische Literatur, pp. 436-42, Impellizzeri, La letteratura bizantina, pp. 200^4 and the excellent annotated bibliography by Gatti, Massimo il Confessore, as well as the briefer accounts in DSp X (1978), 836-47, EEC I, 547-8 and ODB II, 1323-4. Accounts of Maximus's early career depend on whether their authors follow the Greek vita (BHG, no. 1234) or the recently discovered Syriac life: see above, p. 60. Both lives broadly agree from the time of his sojourn in Africa. There is a useful collection of studies on Maximus: Maximus Confessor, ed. Heinzer and Schonborn. On the theology of Maximus (a vast subject), see especially H.U. von Balthasar, Kosmiscbe Liturgie: das Weltbild Maximus des Bekenners, 2nd ed. (Einsiedeln, 1961); L. Thunberg, Microcosm and Mediator: the Theological Anthropology of Maximus the Confessor (Lund, 1965); A. Riou, Le Monde et I'eglise selon Maxime
le Confesseur, Theologie
historique 22 (Paris, 1973); J.M. Garrigues, Maxime le Confesseur: la charite, avenir divin
de I'homme, Theologie historique 38 (Paris, 1976); and F.-M. Lethel, Theologie de I'agonie du Christ: la liberte humaine du Fils de Dieu et son importance soteriologique mises en lumierepar saint Maxime le Confesseur, Theologie historique 52 (Paris, 1979). 312
BHG,
no. 1 2 3 4 ; see above, n. 2 6 6 .
71
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Persian advance. From Africa Maximus eventually made his way to Rome, where his activities are somewhat better documented, as we shall see. Until quite recently this (entirely plausible) account of Maximus's early career, written in obvious adulation of the saint, has stood unsuspected and unchallenged. However, the discovery of a Syriac life, written by a contemporary of Maximus named George of Reshaina, and preserved in a manuscript of the late seventh or early eighth century, has raised doubts about the reliability of the Greek vita?x^ The Syriac life is the work of a monothelete violently opposed to Maximus. According to this life, Maximus was born in Palestine in a village near the Sea of Galilee, the son of a Samaritan merchant and a Persian slave-girl. As a young man he was received into the monastery of St Chariton (the laura of Souka or so-called 'Old Laura'), near Tekoa in the desert west of the Dead Sea, a few miles south of the Great Laura of St Saba (see fig. 6). 314 He quickly showed aptitude for learning, and came to the notice of Sophronius, later patriarch of Jerusalem (634—8). Together, Sophronius and Maximus worked out their objections to monotheletism, and made these objections widely known, with the result that when the Ecthesis was published in 638, Maximus was obliged to flee to Africa. From this point onwards, the account in the Syriac life agrees broadly with that in the Greek life. Which of these two accounts of Maximus's early life — the Greek or the Syriac — is to be believed? No doubt the Syriac life is coloured by detestation of its subject; but the links with Sophronius and other Palestinian monks involved in the monothelete controversy ring true in a way that the account of Maximus's career in the service of Heraclius does not; they suggest, at the least, that the possibility of Maximus's Palestinian origins should not be discounted. 315 In any case, both the Greek and Syriac lives agree on the fact that Maximus went to Africa — either to escape from the Persians (hence before 628), according to the Greek life, or, according to the Syriac life, as a refugee from the Arabs (it was Maximus's mentor, Sophronius, who had the sad task of opening the gates of Jerusalem to the Arabs shortly before 313
Brock, 'An Early Syriac Life of M a x i m u s t h e Confessor'.
314
See DACL
VIII.2 (1920), 1 9 7 0 - 3 , as well as C h i t t y , The Desert a City, p p . 1 4 - 1 5 and
126—8, and Hirschfield, Thejudean 315
Desert Monasteries, p p . 23—4.
Cf. the cautious assessment by Brock, 'An Early Syrian Life of M a x i m u s the Confessor',
pp. 340-6.
72
Archbishop Theodore
his death in 638). 316 Maximus and his followers stayed at a monastery in Hippo Diarrhytus, now Bizerte, not far from Carthage on the north African coast;317 there, according to the Syriac life, they met and joined forces with a number of Syrian monks from Nisibis who were living in the same monastery. While in Africa Maximus poured out a stream of subtle and well-informed writings against monotheletism and became the focal point of the opposition to the imperially backed doctrine. The opposition reached a climax in July 645 when the exarch of Africa staged a public debate between Maximus and Pyrrhus, the deposed patriarch of Constantinople who was nevertheless at this stage a proponent of monotheletism. 318 Pyrrhus declared himself convinced by Maximus's arguments against monotheletism and in favour of the theory of two wills in Christ (one human, one divine: hence followers of Maximus are often called dyotheletes), and accordingly set off for Rome to declare to the pope his recapitulation. Meanwhile opposition to monotheletism had been growing at Rome. For example, the Dalmatian pope John IV (640—2) had convened a local synod to condemn the Ecthesis. But it was especially under his successor Theodore (642-9) that matters reached a head. Theodore was a Greek who had come to Rome from Jerusalem; conceivably he had known both Sophronius and Maximus there. In any event, Pope Theodore received Pyrrhus and treated him as if he were still patriarch of Constantinople; he even went so far as to excommunicate Paul, the successor of Pyrrhus, for having been elected uncanonically. To make clear his opposition to monotheletism, Pope Theodore appointed Stephen of Dora (who previously had been sent to Rome by Sophronius to plead the antimonothelete cause) as vicartus of Palestine, and Anastasius (a disciple of 316 According to the Syriac life, ch. 18 (Brock, ibid., p . 317), Maximus did not depart for Africa until after the death of Heraclius (11 February 641). 317 O n Maximus's sojourn in Africa, see A. Cameron, 'Byzantine Africa - the Literary Evidence', in Excavations at Carthage 1978 Conducted by the University of Michigan VIII, ed. J . H . H u m p h r e y (Ann Arbor, M I , 1982), p p . 2 9 - 6 2 , esp. 5 3 - 6 0 . N o t e that H i p p o Diarrhytus is entirely distinct from H i p p o Regius, the former see of St Augustine. 318 P y r r h u s had been appointed patriarch by Heraclius in 6 3 8 and was at that point a convinced monothelete; b u t , following the death of Heraclius, he had sided with the empress Martina in the intense struggles concerning Heraclius's successor, and had been forced to resign in 642 in face of popular dislike of Martina (see van Dieten, Geschichte der Patriarchen, pp. 5 7 - 7 5 ) .
73
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Maximus) as papal apocrisiarius at Constantinople. Faced with this growing opposition to monotheletism, the emperor Constans II (641-68) and Paul, patriarch of Constantinople, issued in 648 a brief document called the Typos319 which in effect outlawed all opposition to monotheletism. But the Roman church was undeterred by such threats. In the wake of Pyrrhus, Maximus himself had come to Rome, probably in late 645 or early 646, probably in the company of other Syrian and Palestinian monks from Hippo Diarrhytus. They took up residence in the monastery of St Saba, as we have seen. The presence in Rome of the most articulate opponent of monotheletism, in combination with a Greek pope of Palestinian origin and anti-monothelete sympathies, led to the convocation of a great synod to condemn formally the monothelete doctrine as set out in the Ecthesis. It is clear that the planning for the synod was initiated by Pope Theodore, 320 working in collaboration with Maximus and the community of oriental monks recently arrived in Rome, perhaps as early as 646. Before the synod could be convened, however, Pope Theodore died (14 May 649). His successor, Pope Martin I, was an Umbrian who had served under Pope Theodore as papal apocrisiarius in Constantinople, and was therefore familiar with the workings of Byzantine government. So that the antimonothelete movement would not lose momentum, Martin had himself consecrated pope before permission could be received from the emperor, Constans II. The great synod took place, under Martin's presidency, at the Lateran in October 649. It was attended by 105 bishops, mostly from Italy, Sicily and Africa (and including none from north of the Alps). Buttressed by a dossier of 161 patristic quotations drawn from eightyseven works, 321 the acta of the Lateran Council affirm belief in the dyothelete doctrine of Christ's two wills, and contain a formal condem-
319
320
321
CPG
III, no. 7 6 2 1 ; Mansi, Concilia X , 1 0 2 9 - 3 2 . See discussion by van Dieten,
Geschichte der Patriarchen, p p . 92—103. For t h e background, see E. Caspar, 'Die Lateransynode von 6 4 9 ' , Zeitschrift fur Kircbengeschichte 51 (1932), 7 5 - 1 3 7 , esp. 1 1 2 - 1 6 . N o t e that many of Caspar's views have been superseded by t h e researches of Rudolf Riedinger (see below, nn. 3 2 8 - 9 ) . Listed Mansi, Concilia X , 1072—124; Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p p . 2 5 8 - 3 3 5 . Convenient lists of t h e works in question are given by H . Leclercq,
'Bibliotheques', DACL II. 1 (1925), 842-909, at 871-3, and CPG IV, no. 9402 (p. 175).
74
Archbishop Theodore
nation of monothelete doctrine. 322 They also contain, perhaps too recklessly, a formal condemnation of the emperor's Ecthesis and Typos.*23 The oriental monks living in Rome, and especially Maximus the Confessor, clearly played a dominant role in the preparation of these acta. At the second secretarius or 'session' (CPG IV, no. 9399) of the synod, the primicerius, one Theophylactus, formally suggested to Pope Martin that there was 'a number of distinguished abbots, priests and Greek monks who had been living in Rome for a number of years' whose opinion should be consulted; 324 and the pope duly asked them to be admitted in order that they might 'give instruction in accordance with the faith' (fiducialiter doceani). At the end of this session the names of the scholars who had taken part are listed, 325 beginning with the abbots John of the monastery of St Saba, Theodore of an African laura, Thalassius of the monastery of Armenians, and George of the monastery of Cilicians ( = St Anastasius) ad aquas Saluias.526 Then follows a list of thirty-one priests, deacons and monks. Among these is the name Maximus monachus, almost certainly that of Maximus the Confessor. The role of Maximus in the compilation of the acta is clear from the fact that, less than a year before the synod, he had sent to Stephen of Dora in Jerusalem a florilegium of twenty-seven quotations from patristic and heretical authors on the question of mono322 i ^
acta
are
ecj
Mansi, Concilia X , 863—1170, and esp. Concilium Lateranense,
ed.
Riedinger. See also discussion by M u r p h y and Sherwood, Constantinople II et Constantinople III, pp. 1 7 4 - 8 8 and Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 2 5 2 - 5 . 323
Mansi, Concilia X , 1175—6; Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p p . 411—13: 'impios a u t e m haereticos c u m o m n i b u s prauissimis d o g m a t i b u s e o r u m et i m p i a m Ecthesin uel i m p i i s s i m u m T y p u m et o m n e s q u i eos uel q u i d q u a m de quae exposita sunt in eis suscipiunt aut defendunt seu uerba p r o eis faciunt in scripto a n a t h e m a t i z a u i m u s . '
324
. Mansi, Concilia X , 9 0 3 ; Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p . 4 9 : 'adstant p l u r i m i reuerentissimi abbates presbiteri et monachi Greci, tarn per annos habitantes in hac R o m a n a ciuitate nee non in praesenti aduentantes'.
325 326
Mansi, Concilia X , 9 0 9 - 1 0 ; Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p . 57. For t h e three abbots respectively of St Saba and t h e monasteries of t h e A r m e n i a n s and Cilicians, see above, p . 66. T h e abbot of an African laura is m o r e difficult to identify: possibly t h e Theodore in question was a b b o t of a c o m m u n i t y of Palestinian or Syrian m o n k s w h o had come to R o m e from H i p p o D i a r r h y t u s at t h e same t i m e as M a x i m u s . O n this a s s u m p t i o n , Brock ('An Early Syriac Life of M a x i m u s t h e Confessor', p . 328) has m a d e the attractive suggestion t h a t Theodore is identical w i t h Isho' (a hypocoristic form of Isho'yahb?), t h e son of t h e m a n w h o was a b b o t of t h e c o m m u n i t y of m o n k s from Nisibis living at H i p p o D i a r r h y t u s at t h e t i m e M a x i m u s arrived there, according to t h e Syriac life of M a x i m u s .
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
theletism; 327 and these same quotations figure prominently in the collection of 161 patristic and heretical witnesses quoted in the acta of the Lateran Council. The implication is that Maximus played a central role in assembling the patristic materials for the acta, and may have been involved in drafting the acta as well. 328 Furthermore, it has recently been demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that the text of the acta was composed in the first instance in Greek, and only translated (or presented) in Latin at the final session of the council. 329 The implication once again is that the Greek-speaking monks then resident in Rome — Maximus the Confessor among them — were responsible both for precipitating the synod and for producing the text of its proceedings. If Pope Martin and the 105 bishops who promulgated the acta of the Lateran Council thought that Constans II, the Roman emperor in Constantinople, would meekly accept their anathemas without further ado, they were wildly mistaken. Their condemnation of the Typos constituted a breach of imperial law, and could not go unpunished. Even before the council had met, Constans II had dispatched the exarch Olympius to Italy to try to persuade all Italian bishops to adhere to the Typos; but he arrived too late to have any effect on the proceedings. Once the results of the council were known in Constantinople, the emperor in due course dispatched another exarch, one Theodore Callipas, with instructions to arrest Pope Martin and bring him to Constantinople for trial (this in 653). When the Byzantine emissaries reached Rome, the Roman clergy were prepared to fight on the pope's behalf; but Martin surrendered peaceably in order to avoid the bloodshed of his clergy (17 June 653). He was taken under armed escort, in conditions of appalling degradation, back slowly to Constantinople; his trial began on 19 December 654. Martin was charged with treason and condemned to death. While he was awaiting execution 327
328
329
Spiritalis tomus ac dogmaticus (CPG III, no. 7697 (15)): P G 9 1 , 1 5 3 - 8 4 ; see also Devreesse, 'La vie de S. Maxime le Confesseur', p p . 4 6 - 7 . See R. Riedinger, 'Die Lateransynode von 6 4 9 und Maximos der Bekenner', in Maximus Confessor, ed. Heinzer and Schonborn, p p . 1 1 1 - 2 1 ; idem, 'Die Lateransynode von 649. Ein W e r k der Byzantiner u m Maximos Homologetes', Byzantina 13 (1985), 5 1 9 - 3 4 . The view was anticipated by Devreesse, 'La vie de S. Maxime le Confesseur', p. 46. See Riedinger, 'Aus den Akten der Lateran-Synod von 6 4 9 ' , p . 37, and idem, 'Griechische Konzilsakten auf dem Wege ins lateinische Mittelalter', Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 9 (1977), 2 5 3 - 3 0 1 , at 2 5 4 - 6 2 .
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Archbishop Theodore
the sentence was commuted to exile; he was sent in March 655 to Cherson in the Crimea, where he endured unspeakable suffering and eventually died on 16 September 655. 3 3 0 No sooner was Pope Martin on the way to Cherson than Maximus appeared in Constantinople. It is unclear whether he went there of his own accord, or — what is perhaps more likely — was taken there by Byzantine authorities well aware of his role in the composition and promulgation of the acta of the Lateran Council. 331 In any event Constans II ordered another trial, once again on grounds of treason. Maximus was a more able defendant than Martin had been a year earlier, and persisted in conducting his defence in theological terms. 332 Yet in spite of his spirited defence, he was found guilty, and was duly exiled to Thrace in 656. But even in exile Maximus refused to curb his opposition to monotheletism. Accordingly, in 662, when he was well over 80, Maximus was brought to trial again. This time he was dealt with more severely: his right hand was cut off and his tongue was cut out, making a grisly end to one of the most eloquent theologians the Christian church had ever produced. Maximus died shortly afterwards, on 13 August 662, while in exile in Lazike at the far eastern end of the Black Sea. No-one who was a witness to these dramatic events, either in Rome or in Constantinople, could have failed to be moved by them. A scholar who 330 T h e r e is a very m o v i n g account of M a r t i n ' s arrest, trial and d e a t h in Duchesne, L'Eglise
au Vie siecle, pp. 446—53; see also Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans.
Hionides III, 111-19, and Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 256-7. The sources for the trial and banishment of Pope Martin are discussed by Peitz, 'Martin I und Maximus Confessor', pp. 213-36, and P. Peeters, 'Une vie grecque du pape S. Martin I', AB 51 (1933), 225-62. See also the earlier study by H. Grisar, 'Una vittima del dispotismo bizantino. Papa S. Martino I, 649-654 (655)', Civilta cattolica 58 (1907), 272-85 and 656-66. 331
332
Once again there is a discrepancy between t h e account in t h e Greek life ( P G 9 0 , 8 5 - 8 ) , according t o which Maximus was arrested in R o m e and taken to Constantinople, and the Syriac life, according t o which Maximus went t o Constantinople of his own accord (Brock, ' A n Early Syriac Life of Maximus t h e Confessor', p . 317). For t h e trial of Maximus, see J . M . Garrigues, 'Le martyre de Saint Maxime le Confesseur', Revue Thomiste 16 (1976), 410—52 (translation and commentary of all relevant texts); see also Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, trans. Hionides III, 1 1 9 - 2 5 , and Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, p p . 2 5 7 - 9 . O n t h e mutilation and exile, see R. Devreesse, 'Le texte grec de 1'Hypomnesticon de Theodore Spoudee. Le supplice, l'exil et la m o r t des victimes illustres d u monothelisme', AB 53 (1935),
49-80; the text in question is CPG III, no. 7968 = BHG, no. 2261.
77
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
like Theodore, the future archbishop of Canterbury, had had training in biblical exegesis and philosophy, must have been in an exceptional position to follow the theological implications of the controversy. But is there any evidence in the Canterbury biblical commentaries which points to Theodore's involvement in the monothelete controversy or in the Lateran Council of 649? The commentaries contain no explicit statement on the subject of one or two wills in Christ. Maximus the Confessor is never quoted by name, though various passages in the commentaries are clearly indebted to his thought and writings; 333 and although Sophronius is quoted once by name (at PentI 35), it is not possible to identify the relevant passage among the writings of Sophronius which have survived. Nevertheless, there may be good reason to suspect that Theodore was closely involved in the Lateran Council. We have seen that, at its second session, the advice was sought of the abbots, priests and Greek monks living in Roman monasteries, among them the Cilician monks of the monastery situated ad aquas Saluias, which is where Theodore was very probably living. Now among the names of the Greek monks listed after the second session of the synod is found the entry Theodorus monachus, immediately after the abbots and priests and preceding a list of deacons, the position perhaps implying that this Theodore had played a special role in the proceedings.334 As a patristic scholar he will have been in a position to help in the compilation of patristic sources on dyothelete theology; and it is worth noting that the list of Greek patristic authors who are cited or laid under contribution in the Canterbury biblical commentaries (see below, pp. 206—26) agrees in many respects with the list of authorities quoted in the acta of the Lateran Council. 335 However, there is one piece of evidence which points decisively to Theodore's involvement in the Lateran Council. In August 678 the emperor Constantine IV sent to Pope Donus (676—8) a sakra or 'proposal' suggesting that the churches of Rome and 333
See below, p . 2 2 5 and n. 1 0 4 , and c o m m . to E v i l 2 4 and 4 0 . It is also possible that Theodore learned of t h e 'deep p i t ' in Cyzicus (see above, p . 4 1 ) from M a x i m u s , for M a x i m u s - according to t h e Greek vita of his life - had been several years in the monastery of St George at Cyzicus.
334
Mansi, Concilia X , 9 0 9 , and Concilium Lateranense, ed. Riedinger, p . 5 7 , where t h e entry Theodorus monacbus occurs as no. 1 1 ; another Theodorus monachus occurs as no. 2 8 . T h e list also includes a Theodorus diaconus (no. 15), b u t this cannot be our Theodore, w h o was not ordained u n t i l early in 6 6 8 (see above, p . 65).
335
See above, n. 3 2 1 .
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Archbishop Theodore
Constantinople should open discussions with the aim of settling peaceably the perduring controversy over monotheletism. 336 Pope Donus died before the proposal reached him, but his successor, Pope Agatho (678—81), took the imperial initiative very seriously, and, in preparation for an eventual oecumenical council, canvassed various western churches in order to be able to formulate a concerted opinion on the matter (and, we may assume, to reiterate support for the dyothelete views endorsed by the council of 649). As we shall see in ch. 4 (below, pp. 139-46), the synod held at Hatfield under Archbishop Theodore in 679 stated the unanimous adherence of the English church to the acta of the Lateran Council of 649. 337 However, it took some time for the various western churches to convene synods such as that at Hatfield, so that the pope's reply to the emperor's initiative was inevitably delayed. When replies from western churches had been received, the pope convened a synod of 125 Italian bishops at the Lateran at Easter in 680. The acta of this synod are lost; 338 but in a letter to Constantine IV, dated 27 March 680, Agatho reported the deliberations of the synod as follows, adopting a very conciliatory tone because of the long delays which had been involved.339 The theological issues involved in the monothelete controversy are immensely complex, the pope explained, and their elucidation requires a thinker of correspondingly immense learning and intelligence. In such circumstances, said Agatho, he had sought within his church the one man with understanding of these complex matters, namely Theodore, 'the philosopher and archbishop of Great Britain': elxa T\XniC,o[iev and Bpexxaviac; 0e65a>pov xov a6v5ouA,ov f\[iG)v Kai ai)ve7ciaKO7cov, xfjq [iGydXr\q vf|aou Bpexxaviag apxie7iiaKO7cov Kai <|)iA,6ao(|)ov, uexa akXcov eKeiae Kaxd xov xorcov 5iayovxcov, eKeiOev xfj
336
CPG IV, no. 9 4 1 6 (Mansi, Concilia X I , 1 9 5 - 2 0 2 = PL 8 7 , 1 1 4 7 - 5 4 = Vniuersale Constantinopolitanum
Tertium,
Concilium
ed. Riedinger, p p . 2—11); for discussion, see
Murphy and Sherwood, Constantinople
II et Constantinople
III, pp. 189—219, and
H e r r i n , The Formation of Christendom, p p . 275—8, as well as below, p p . 139—40 and n. 22. 337
See below, p p . 1 4 0 - 2 and n. 2 3 .
338
For spurious acta of this synod, preserved in an u n p r i n t e d vita of Archbishop Theodore, see below, p . 140, n. 2 4 .
339
T h e letter is listed CPG IV, no. 9 4 1 8 , and p t d Mansi, Concilia X I , 2 8 5 - 3 1 6 = PL 8 7 , 1215—48. Because t h e letter was used as p a r t of t h e proceedings of Actio IV of t h e Council of Constantinople (CPG IV, 9 4 2 3 ) , it is ed. Riedinger, Concilium Constantinopolitanum
Tertium, pp. 122—59-
79
Vniuersale
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
f||i£T8pg evcoOfjvai |i6TpiOTr|Ti.340 In other words, the letter has been delayed because Agatho and his 125 bishops have been waiting for Theodore to come to their assistance; but their wait has been in vain, and no other theologian with sufficient experience has been found instead (certainly no theologian besides Theodore is named in the pope's letter). Now from Theodore's point of view we can understand perfectly well why he, then aged 78 or so, should have been reluctant to travel back to Rome and then on to Constantinople (he had in any event communicated the views of the synod of Hatfield to the pope). What is interesting, however, is the pope's point of view. Why should he have turned to an archbishop in far-off England for advice on the monothelete controversy?341 Indeed why should he have pinned all his hopes on the ability of this particular archbishop to advise him on the complexities of monotheletism? The answer must surely be that the other theologians who were originally involved in the issues of the Lateran Council (such as Maximus) were long since dead, and that Agatho knew — from local Roman sources, presumably — that Theodore had been one of those involved in the preparations for that council some thirty years earlier. As one of the last living Greek monks who had helped to draw up the acta of the council, Theodore would have been uniquely qualified to advise the pope on monotheletism. But by then he was too old to help. The pope was obliged to go ahead without him, and it is a sad irony that, after so much hostility and bloodshed, the Sixth Oecumenical Council met in the Trullan Palace in Constantinople in 680 and solemnly condemned monotheletism. 342
340
Mansi, Concilia
X I , 2 9 3 ; PL 8 7 , 1 2 2 6 ; Concilium
Vniuersale
Constantinopolitanum
Tertium, ed. Riedinger, p p . 1 3 2 - 3 : ' W e were h o p i n g , therefore, that Theodore, our co-servant and co-bishop, the philosopher and archbishop of Great Britain, would join our enterprise, along w i t h certain others w h o remain there u p to t h e present day.' 341
Some five centuries later t h e extraordinary i m p o r t a n c e of t h e pope's reference to Theodore was grasped by W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y , w h o in his Gesta pontificum quotes the part of Pope Agatho's letter q u o t e d here and t h e n adds, 'Vides q u a n t i e u m fecerit, u t eius expectatione universale concilium differret' (ed. N . E . S . A . H a m i l t o n (London, 1870), p . 7). H a d d a n and Stubbs {Councils III, 141 n. a) assumed that t h e pope was merely referring to the desirability of Theodore's attendance at R o m e ; b u t there is no d o u b t that A g a t h o was envisaging Theodore's assistance at the oecumenical council in Constantinople itself.
342
T h e acta of the council are listed CPG IV, nos. 9 4 2 0 - 3 7 and p t d Mansi, Concilia X I , 207—694. T h e first eleven actiones have recently been ed. Riedinger, Concilium
80
Vniuer-
Archbishop Theodore
It was only five years after Maximus's death that Abbot Hadrian in 667 suggested to Pope Vitalian the name of Theodore as a possible archbishop of Canterbury. Vitalian was a man who throughout his papacy had sought reconciliation with Constantinople: 343 thus when Constans II had republished the Typos and had visited Rome in 663, barely a year after the death of Maximus, he was generously and ingratiatingly received by Vitalian, who hoped to achieve some reconciliation with the emperor. 344 One can understand why such a pope will have hesitated at the suggestion of Theodore's name, if he knew that Theodore had been one of the Greek monks involved in the Lateran Council which had expressly condemned the emperor's Typos. But in the end Vitalian's better judgement prevailed, and Theodore was duly consecrated archbishop of Canterbury and set off for England on 21 May 668. sale Constantinopolitanum
Tertium. See discussion by M u r p h y a n d Sherwood,
Constantin-
ople II et Constantinople III, p p . 1 8 9 - 2 4 8 . 343
O n t h e character of Vitalian, see V . M o n a c h i n o , 'I t e m p i e la figura del papa Vitaliano (657-72)', in Storiografia e storia. Studi in onore di E. Dupre Theseider, 2 vols. (Rome, 1974) I I , 573—88, esp. 580—1 on Vitalian's extreme deference t o Constantinople.
344
O n t h e visit of Constans II t o R o m e , see below, p p . 1 2 8 - 3 0 .
81
3 Abbot Hadrian
The companion of Archbishop Theodore's journey to England, and of his archiepiscopacy at Canterbury, was Hadrian, who became abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's) in Canterbury on his arrival in (probably) 670, and held that appointment until his death, probably in 709. Although their origins were different, they both spoke Greek as their native language and they shared a common Mediterranean background and outlook. They must have known one another before coming to England, because it was Hadrian who suggested Theodore's name to Pope Vitalian as a possible candidate for the vacant see of Canterbury. Once in England, their common language and background will have drawn and kept them together as strangers in a foreign land. From English sources, principally Bede and Aldhelm, we learn that they were inseparable companions. On his initial tour of Britain, Theodore was, in Bede's words, 'accompanied everywhere and assisted by Hadrian' {per omnia comitante et cooperante Hadriano),1 and this close association is reflected in the teaching of their Canterbury school, and in particular in the biblical commentaries printed below, where it is practically impossible to distinguish one authority from the other, except in the rare cases where one of them is named. As in the case of Theodore, our principal source for Hadrian's career is Bede, but — as also in the case of Theodore — evidence in the biblical commentaries may be used to supplement Bede's account and to permit various new inferences about the course of that career before Hadrian's arrival in England in 670. 2 1 2
HE IV.2 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 332). The only previous attempt to reconstruct Hadrian's career is by Cook, 'Hadrian of Africa'. Later Canterbury hagiography of St Hadrian (which dates from no earlier than the late eleventh century) is based wholly on Bede, and contains no reliable information
82
Abbot Hadrian We may best begin with the biographical information given by Bede. When Archbishop Wigheard died in Rome, probably in 667, Pope Vitalian sought to fill the vacant archbishopric, and he thought in the first instance of one Hadrian, then abbot of a monastery near Naples. Bede describes Hadrian as follows: 'Erat autem in monasterio Hiridano, quod est non longe a Neapoli Campaniae, abbas Hadrianus, uir natione Afir sacris litteris diligenter inbutus, monasterialibus simul et ecclesiasticis disciplinis institutus, Grecae pariter et Latinae linguae peritissimus.' 3 We shall in due course consider each of these locations: Africa, Campania, Naples and the monasterium Hiridanum. Here it is enough to note that Pope Vitalian's first choice for the vacant archbishopric fell on this Hadrian. The choice has chronological implications for our reconstruction of Hadrian's life: it implies that, in order to be consecrated archbishop, Hadrian will have been a man of some maturity, and in any case not younger than thirty. This implies, in turn, that Hadrian cannot have been born later than 637, and may indeed have been born some years earlier. On the other hand, he lived until 709 (or 710?), the date against which Bede records his death. 4 Accordingly, if he was born c. 630 X 635, he will have been aged
3
4
about his career before arriving in England: this hagiography includes Goscelin's treatise De aduentu beati Adriani abbatis in Angliam (BHL, no. 3740) and his Translatio beati Adriani (BHL, no. 3742). Neither of these works by Goscelin has been printed; they are preserved in London, BL, Cotton Vespasian B. xx and Harley 105. HE IV. 1 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 328): 'Now there was in the monastery of Hiridanum, not far from Naples in Campania, a certain Abbot Hadrian, a man of African race and well versed in the Holy Scriptures, trained both in monastic and ecclesiastical ways and equally skilled in the Greek and Latin tongues.' HE V.20 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 530): 'Anno post obitum praefati patris [scil. Wilfridi} proximo, id est quinto Osredi regis, reuerentissimus pater Hadrianus abbas, cooperator in uerbo Dei Theodori beatae memoriae episcopi, defiinctus est, et in monasterio suo in ecclesia beatae Dei genetricis sepultus; qui est annus quadragesimus primus ex quo a Vitaliano papa directus est cum Theodoro, ex quo autem Britanniam uenit, .xxxix.' There is some difficulty with this date. Wilfrid's death was said by Bede to have taken place in the same year as King Coenred's abdication (HE V.24), namely 709, whence the anno post would be 710; but the forty-first year after he was sent by Pope Vitalian would be 709 (668 + 41), as would the thirty-ninth after his arrival (670 + 39). It is safest to interpret Bede's anno post as meaning 'during the course of the year [following Wilfrid's death]', and place Hadrian's death in 709 (see Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer II, 329). The day of his death is unknown, but three calendars of the later Anglo-Saxon period commemorate it on 9 January: see English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, ed. Wormald, nos. 5 (London, BL, Add. 37517, the
83
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
between 75 and 80 at the time of his death. There is no way of verifying these calculations, but they provide a rough framework within which to situate Hadrian's career. NATION E A FIR
Bede tells us that Hadrian was natione Afir, that is, of African origin. Because the mention of Africa commonly connotes the Carthage of Cyprian and the Hippo of Augustine, the assumption has been made that Hadrian originated in the western, that is Latin-speaking, part of Africa, consisting of the provinces of Mauretania, Numidia, Byzacena and (Africa) Proconsularis.5 It should be borne in mind, however, that the term natione Afir could equally well embrace the eastern, Greek-speaking provinces of Libya and Egypt. Hadrian, Bede tells us, was equally proficient in Greek and Latin, which seems to imply that Greek was his native language. 6 The suggestion that Hadrian was from the Greek-speaking part of Africa receives confirmation from a curious observation in the biblical commentaries printed below. In explaining the list of unclean animals in Leviticus ch. XI, the Commentator makes the following observation concerning the porphyrio (Lev. XI. 18): dicitur quod ipsa in Libia sit, esseque auium pulcherrima; ideoque earn uolunt reges habere in domibus suis saepissime. (PentI 360) it is said that it is found in Libya, and that it is the most beautiful of birds; and therefore kings wish frequently to have it in their houses. This observation seems to be based on personal experience; and combined with the fact that Hadrian was very probably a native speaker of Greek,
5
6
'Bosworth Psalter': St Augustine's, s. xex), 6 (Cambridge, UL, Kk. 5. 32) and 13 (London, BL, Arundel 155, addition of s. xii). See also Gasquet and Bishop, The Bosworth Psalter (London, 1908), pp. 26 and 34. E.g. Cook, 'Hadrian of Africa', p. 246: 'The region from which Hadrian came . . . practically corresponded to modern Tunisia.' Cook, who was thinking solely in terms of Latin-speaking Africa, had to face the difficulty of where Hadrian learned Greek, and found himself in some embarrassment: 'Hadrian's education in Africa must have included Greek since otherwise we should find ourselves at a loss to account for a proficiency in that language which could hardly have been much inferior to that of Theodore. But what facilities did Africa then provide for the study of Greek? On this point our information is not very copious' {ibid.).
84
Abbot Hadrian may suggest that Bede's words natione Afir imply for Hadrian an origin in Libya.7 Let us explore this suggestion briefly.8 LIBYA AND CYRENAICA
The name 'Libya' may today conjure up impressions of trackless desert and nomadic tribes, but it was not so in the early seventh century. 9 In administrative terms, Libya was for the Romans the official name for the coastal regions between Alexandria and the Gulf of Sirte in Tripolitana. It consisted of two provinces, Libya inferior or Marmarica (adjacent to Egypt and Alexandria) and Libya superior or Cyrenaica, named after one of its principal cities, Cyrene (see fig. 4). 10 Of these, Cyrenaica was the more important and more populous province.11 Although much of the interior of this province is desert (then as now), the coastal plain is defined by a mountain range (the Jebel Akhdar), and accordingly varies in depth from 6 to some 25 kilometres; because the mountains cause Mediterranean winds to deposit their moisture, the narrow coastal plain is extremely fertile and capable of sustaining a large population. It was no doubt the fertility which first attracted Greek colonists from the island of Thera (now 7
8
9 10
11
The Latin term Afer is often used by poets to refer to a native of Libya: Vergil, Georg. III.339-44 ('Quid tibi pastores Libyae, quid pascua uersu / prosequar . . .? omnia secum / armentarius Afer agit'); Statius, Theb. IV..737r-8 ('ceu flauam Libyen desertaque pulueris Afri / conlustrent') and Martial, Epigram. IX.vii.l ('Dicere de Libycis reduci tibi gentibus, Afer'). We can probably never know why Hadrian was so named, and in particular whether he was so named after the emperor Hadrian. It is curious, and perhaps merely coincidental, that the emperor's father bore the name Aelius Hadrianus cognomento Afer (Spartianus, Vita Hadriani, ch. 1). There was a city in Cyrenaica, discussed below, named Hadrianopolis after the emperor (see fig. 4). On Christian Libya in general, see EEC I, 486—8. See Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, pp. 349—62. For a general survey of Cyrenaica in the Roman and Byzantine periods, see Romanelli, La Cirenaica romana, pp. 39-65. Fundamental to our knowledge of Cyrenaica are the studies - topographical and archaeological - by Goodchild, Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, pp. 143-267; also indispensable is Romanelli, La Cirenaica romana, though it needs to be updated in light of Goodchild's post-war excavations. Some updating is found in Cyrenaica in Antiquity, ed. Barker et al. There is an excellent introduction to Cyrenaica in Roman and Byzantine times in Kraeling, Ptolemais, pp. 1-32. For Cyrene and Apollonia, see the excellent guidebook by R. Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia (Zurich, *1971).
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Santorini) in the seventh century BC. Because it was a Greek-speaking colony, Cyrenaica gravitated culturally and politically to Egypt during the Roman and Byzantine periods. It was thus culturally distinct from the Latin-speaking provinces of North Africa. The province of Cyrenaica extended westward only as far as the towns of Automalax and Arae Philaenorum on the Gulf of Sirte (fig. 4); 12 beyond them lay the Latinspeaking province of Tripolitana, which had been settled from Carthage. The focus of the population of Cyrenaica lay in the coastal plain, therefore, and in five cities which were known collectively as the Pentapolis: Berenice (modern Benghazi), Arsinoe (also called Tauchira; modern Tocra), Ptolemais (modern Tolmeita), Apollonia (or Sozusa; modern Marsa Susa) and Cyrene itself (modern Shahat). 13 These were not of course the only cities of Libya superior: Boreum (modern Bu Grada) was an important fortified town on the western frontier of Cyrenaica, 14 and at one point Hadrianopolis was of sufficient size and importance that the group of Cyrenaican cities was referred to as the Hexapolis; 13 but it was the five cities, and in particular Apollonia - which was the seaport of Cyrene and in effect the capital of Cyrenaica — which dominated the scene. 16 All these cities were populous and wealthy in late antiquity, although inevitably some eclipsed others in importance over the centuries. 17 There seems to have been a vigorous programme of restoration in this province during the sixth century (especially in the reign of Justinian, 527—65), and all the cities of the Pentapolis were provided with imposing fortifications if they did not already possess them. 18 At this time too were constructed the
12
13
14 15
16 17
18
See Goodchild, 'Arae Philaenorum and Automalax', in his Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, pp. 155-72; for the eastern boundary, see P. Romanelli, 'II confine orientale della provincia romana di Cirene', Pontificia Accademia romana di archeologia: Rendiconti 3rd ser. 16(1940), 215-23. The five cities of the Pentapolis are spelled out in Pliny, HN V.5; see also Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, p. 361, who notes that it was Diocletian who made Cyrenaica a separate province and named it Libya Pentapolis. See also ODB III, 1625. See Goodchild, 'Boreum of Cyrenaica', in his Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, pp. 187-94. Goodchild, 'Chiese e battisteri', pp. 206-7. It is difficult to form an impression of the size and importance of Hadrianopolis because its site has not yet been identified. See ODB I, 137. See Kraeling, Ptolemais, pp. 27 and 97, who notes that when the administrative headquarters of Libya Pentapolis were moved to Apollonia, Ptolemais went into decline. Goodchild, 'Fortificazioni e palazzi bizantini', pp. 232-9.
86
Abbot Hadrian lavish and impressive palaces which characterize the Pentapolis. 19 At Apollonia in particular was built in the early sixth century (in the reign of Anastasius, 491-518) a massive Byzantine palace to house the provincial governor, having a vast reception hall where the governor presumably received visiting dignitaries; it is clear from the archaeological record that this palace was still being used and even extended during the reign of Heraclius in the early seventh century. 20 Was it in a palace such as this that the young Hadrian saw the exquisite porphyrio, 'which kings wish frequently to have in their houses'? Christianity was established very early in Cyrenaica. 21 At several points in the New Testament mention is made of Jewish communities in Cyrene (Matth. XXVII.32; Mark XV.21; Luke XXIII.26, etc.), and it was in communities such as these where Christianity first took root. Bishops are attested in Libya from the second century onwards (so Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres. 1.10); at this time, presumably, the Libyan ecclesiastical structure was dependent on Alexandria. But Libya, and especially Cyrenaica, soon achieved a distinctive identity. Libya had its own martyrs — Bishop Theodore of Cyrene, for example — and also its own heresies: Sabellianism was a heresy of Libyan origin, and Arianism found its earliest supporters in bishops of the Pentapolis. We know the names of many Pentapolitan bishops from their attendance at oecumenical councils from the fourth century to the seventh. 22 The most famous of all Pentapolitan bishops, however, was Synesius of Cyrene (d. c. 4l4). 2 3 Synesius was born of a 19
20
21
L. Laurenzi, 'I grandi complessi architettonici della Tripolitania e della Cirenaica', Corsi di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina 13 (1966), 251—74, and Goodchild, 'Fortificazioni e palazzi bizantini', pp. 2 4 5 - 5 0 . See R. Goodchild, 'A Byzantine Palace at Apollonia', Antiquity 34 (I960), 2 4 6 - 5 8 ; also idem, 'Fortificazioni e palazzi bizantini', pp. 248—9- More recently it has been suggested that the 'palace' was simply the house of a wealthy senator: see S. Ellis, 'The "Palace of the Dux" at Apollonia and Related Houses', in Cyrenaica in Antiquity, ed. Barker et al., pp. 1 5 - 2 5 . For a convenient plan of the palace, see EEC II, fig. 188. The account in DACL II (1948), 3 2 2 0 - 7 , has been superseded by more recent archaeological work; see instead D. Stiernon, 'Libya: I. Christian Origins', EEC I, 4 8 6 - 7 and ODB I, 5 7 0 - 1 , as well as the general account (focusing principally on Egypt) by W . H . C . Frend, 'The Christian Period in Mediterranean Africa, c. A D 200 to 700', in The Cambridge History of Africa II. From c. 500 BC to AD 1050, ed. J.D. Fage
(Cambridge, 1978), pp. 410-89. 22
See conveniently EEC I, 4 8 7 .
23
T h e r e is an enormous bibliography on Synesius; see in general EEC II, 8 0 6 and ODB III,
1993, as well as J.C. Pando, The Life and Times of Synesius of Cyrene as Revealed in his Work
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
wealthy pagan family at Cyrene, c. 370 X 375. He received an excellent education, studying Neoplatonism at Alexandria under Hypatia. In 399 he went to Constantinople to represent the financial interests of the Pentapolis to the emperor Arcadius and succeeded in obtaining for them a reduction in their taxes.24 Although not a Christian, he was in 410 asked by the citizens of Cyrene to be their bishop and hence the metropolitan of the Pentapolis; and although he was reluctant to abandon his leisured life as a country gentleman 23 (and was well aware of contradictions between his Neoplatonic beliefs and the tenets of Christianity), he accepted this charge responsibly,26 and governed the see of Cyrene until his death. Synesius has left a substantial corpus of writings in Greek,27 including a large number of letters (the majority of which were written before his elevation to the bishopric in 410) 28 and a small number of Christian hymns and homilies. 29 These writings show Synesius to have been a man
(Washington, D C , 1940); C. Lacombrade, Synesios de Cyrene, hellene et chretien (Paris, 1951); Impellizzeri, La letteratura bizantina, Cyrene, Philosopher-Bishop
pp. 137—41; A J . Bregman, Synesius of
(Berkeley, CA, 1982), and esp. the comprehensive study
(including much topographical analysis of Synesius's correspondence) by D . Roques, Synesios de Cyrene et la Cyrenatque du Bas-Empire (Paris, 1987), together with the review by W . H . C . Frend in Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 32 (1989), 2 0 3 - 6 . 24
See T . D . Barnes, 'Synesius in Constantinople', Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 27
(1986),93-112. 25
For the probable location of Synesius's country estate, some nine miles southwest of Cyrene at Balagrae, see Goodchild, 'Synesius of Cyrene: Bishop of Ptolemais', in his Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, pp. 2 3 9 - 5 4 . See also Kraeling, Ptolemais, pp. 2 3 - 5 , on life in Cyrene as reflected in Synesius's letters.
26
See J . H . G . W . Liebeschuetz, 'Synesius and Municipal Politics of Cyrenaica in the 5th century A . D . ' , Byzantion 55 (1985), 1 4 6 - 6 4 , and 'Why did Synesius become Bishop of Ptolemais?', ibid. 5 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 1 8 0 - 9 5 ; both essays repr. in his From Diocletian to the Arab Conquest: Change in the Late Roman Empire (London, 1990), nos. XIV—XV.
27
See CPG III, nos. 5 6 3 0 - 4 0 ; the corpus is ptd PG 66, 1 0 2 1 - 1 7 5 6 (though this edition
28
Synesii Cyrenensis Epistolae, ed. A. Garzya (Rome, 1979); also PG 66, 1 3 2 1 - 1 5 6 0 ; trans.
is now superseded by those cited below, nn. 2 8 - 9 ) . A. Fitzgerald, The Letters of Synesius of Cyrene (London, 1926). O f 156 letters, only a dozen or so have to do with ecclesiastical matters; the remainder are addressed to a wide circle of aristocratic correspondents, largely in Cyrenaica. 29
The two fragmentary homilies are ed. N . Terzaghi, Synesii Cyrenensis opuscula (Rome, 1949), pp. 2 7 9 - 8 2 (also PG 66,
1 5 6 1 - 4 ) and trans. A. Fitzgerald, The Essays and
Hymns of Synesius, 2 vols. (London, 1930) II, 3 6 9 - 7 1 . The nine genuine hymns are ed. A. DeU'Era, Sinesio di Cirene: Inni, Classici latini e greci 3 (Rome, 1968) (also PG 66,
88
Abbot Hadrian of very considerable erudition and philosophical acumen. His career is a striking testimony to the level of literary culture which could be attained by a member of the aristocratic classes in Cyrenaica in late antiquity. 30 In any event, the letters of Synesius reveal that ecclesiastical government was actively flourishing in Cyrenaica in the early fifth century. For the succeeding two centuries the literary record is virtually silent; but during the sixth century, particularly in the reign of Justinian, the wealth of the church was impressively reflected in a vigorous programme of construction and decoration which has only been revealed by archaeology during the latter part of this present century. 31 Some fifty churches in the region of the Pentapolis have been identified by archaeological survey, but very few have as yet been fully excavated. Nevertheless, those which have been excavated throw important new light on the resurgence of Christian life in sixth-century Cyrenaica, particularly in Cyrene and Apollonia. At Cyrene itself, the basilican church which has been identified as the cathedral was extended by the addition of a western apse (so as to make a double-apsed structure) and a baptistery and was lavishly furnished with mosaic flooring; it appears to have been in use up until the Arab conquest in 642. 32 At Apollonia there were no fewer than four large basilican 1 5 8 8 - 6 1 6 ) and trans. Fitzgerald, ibid. II, 3 7 2 - 9 2 . Some of Synesius's hymns are anacreontics: see below, p. 188. 30
See also D . Roques, X'economie de la Cyrenaique au Bas-Empire', in Cyrenaica in Antiquity,
ed. Barker et al., p p . 387—94,
w h o shows good reason to abandon the
traditional view that Cyrenaica was in economic decline in late antiquity; on the contrary, it had a prosperous, agricultural economy. 31
See, in general, Stucchi, Arcbitettura
cirenaica, p p . 3 5 5 - 5 4 4 , and Alfoldi-Rosenbaum
and Ward-Perkins, Justinianic Mosaic Pavements, as well as J. Ward-Perkins, 'Christian Antiquities of the Cyrenaican Pentapolis', Bulletin de la Societe copte 9 (1943), 1 2 3 - 3 9 , esp. 135—7 on the Justinian period. There is a comprehensive bibliography on Cyrenaica (mostly reporting the work of Goodchild) in N . Duval, 'Les monuments d'epoque chretienne en Cyrenaique a la lumiere des recherches recentes', Actes du Xle Congres international d'archeologie chretienne, 3 vols., Collection de l'Ecole frangaise de Rome 123 (Rome, 1989) III, 2 7 4 3 - 9 6 . 32
See Goodchild, 'Chiese e battisteri', p p . 2 0 8 - 1 1 , w h o took the church in question, which lay outside the town walls, to be the cathedral because it had a baptistery; N . Duval, Les Eglises africaines a deux absides. Recherches archeologiques sur la liturgie chretienne en Afrique du Nord, II. Inventaire des monuments - Interpretation (Paris, 1973), pp. 2 8 7 - 9 2 , and Alfoldi-Rosenbaum and Ward-Perkins, Justinianic Mosaic Pavements, pp. 95—114. Cf., however, Stucchi, Architettura cirenaica, pp. 364-5, who argues that, because the church lay outside the city walls, it could not very well be the cathedral; he takes the
89
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
churches, of which three have been properly excavated; of these, the most imposing is the so-called 'West Church', which was possibly the seat of the bishop, and was possibly built as late as the early seventh century. 33 In a word, the building activity shows that in Cyrenaica the church continued to flourish into the seventh century; and this inference is confirmed by the (admittedly rare) documentary evidence for early seventh-century bishops of the Pentapolis. 34 But this happy situation was not to last. We have seen (above, p. 38) that, during the 630s, Arab armies led by Abu Bakr and Khalid b. al-Walid were able to overcome the opposition of the Byzantine armies, and to conquer Syria and Palestine by 638. At this point Arab attentions turned westwards, and from their base in Palestine they very quickly conquered Egypt. They first invaded Egypt under 'Amr ibn el-Aasi in December 639. Cyrus, the Egyptian governor, surrendered Babylon, an important fortress on the Nile delta, in 640—1. Alexandria, the Byzantine capital, was surrendered in 642, under suspicious circumstances, by this same Cyrus. 35 From Egypt, 'Amr ibn el-Aasi moved westwards, and in the cathedral to be another large church within the walls {ibid. pp. 3 9 2 - 5 ) . It is of course possible that both were cathedrals: one of an orthodox bishop, the other of a monophysite bishop. 33
See W . M . W i d r i g and R. Goodchild, 'The W e s t Church at Apollonia in Cyrenaica', Papers of the British School at Rome 28 ( I 9 6 0 ) , 7 0 - 9 0 ; Goodchild, 'Chiese e battisteri', pp. 2 1 1 - 1 3 ; Stucchi, Architettura cirenaica, pp. 3 9 0 - 2 ; Alfoldi-Rosenbaum and WardPerkins, Justinianic
Mosaic Pavements, pp. 9 2 - 3 , J. Ward-Perkins in RBK I (1966),
218—27, and Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 112—13. 34
See J. Maspero, Catalogue general des antiquites 67001-67124:
33
egyptiennes du Musee de Caire, nos.
Papyrus grecs d'epoque byzantine, 3 vols. (Cairo, 1 9 1 1 - 1 6 ) II, 1 3 1 - 5 (no.
67168), a seventh-century document recording a grant by a Bishop Theodore, metropolitan of Libya Pentapolis. One might add that John Moschus in ch. 195 of his Pratum spirituale reports a story concerning a contemporary bishop of Cyrene named Leontius (PG 87, 3077) who had lived there many years - SiceTae yap £v Kupt|vig fmb xpovcov iicavcov - which takes us into the early seventh century. The lacuna in the record of Cyrenaican bishops may eventually be filled by the evidence of inscriptions: see J. Reynolds, 'Inscriptions on the Christian Mosaics of Cyrenaica', in Alfoldi-Rosenbaum and Ward-Perkins, Justinianic Mosaic Pavements, pp. 145-50, who prints inscriptions of several bishops otherwise unrecorded. See Caudel, Les Premieres Invasions, pp. 41-2 (an account based principally on Arab sources), and esp. the splendidly detailed narrative account in Butler, The Arab Conquest of Egypt, pp. 194-327; Stratos, Byzantium in the Seventh Century II, 88-116; and Brett, 'The Arab Conquest', pp. 496-7. The chronology for the Arab capture of Babylon and
90
Abbot Hadrian summer of 642 mounted a rapid expedition to the Pentapolis; during this expedition the Arabs succeeded in occupying the inland fortress of Barca (now El Merj), which — according to the ninth-century Arab chronicler Ibn Abd el-Hakam — was at that time in Berber hands. 36 It is probable that, in taking Barca, the Arab armies by-passed Apollonia and Cyrene; but for the inhabitants of these cities the writing was clearly on the wall. After consolidating their hold on Egypt, the Arabs returned to the Pentapolis in 644—5, this time with the support of the Egyptian fleet, and the remaining cities quickly capitulated. The Arabs established Barca as their capital; the remaining cities of the once wealthy Pentapolis were largely abandoned by the Greek population, and their deserted sites were slowly claimed by the encroaching sand, under which they have lain from 645 until the present century. 37 Of course the Arab conquest will not have struck all citizens of the Pentapolis with equal terror. The Christian remains, corroborated by such records as exist, reveal that the population consisted of a wealthy aristocracy which was orthodox in its religious beliefs, and the poorer lower classes, whose Christianity will have been monophysite. The class distinction probably accounts for the large number of churches in Cyrenaica: large and fortified churches for the orthodox upper classes, less wealthy and unfortified churches for the monophysite lower classes.38 Of these two classes, the orthodox upper classes will have had most to fear from the Arab invaders; for the poorer monophysite populations, Arab domination may well have offered greater religious freedom than did the Greek orthodox aristocracy. In such a scenario, it is principally the orthodox upper classes that will have had the means and motivation to flee from the Arab invaders: to flee westwards for safety to the Greek-speaking popuAlexandria (641—2) was analysed closely by E . W . Brooks, ' O n the Chronology of the C o n q u e s t of E g y p t by the Saracens', BZ 4 ( 1 8 9 5 ) , 4 3 5 - ^ 4 . 36
See t h e excellent account of t h e A r a b conquest of Cyrenaica by G o o d c h i l d , 'Byzantines, Berbers and Arabs in Seventh-Century Libya', in his Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, p p . 2 5 5 - 6 7 , as well as the earlier account by Caudel, Les Premieres Invasions, p p . 4 2 - 7 . O n t h e reliability of I b n A b d e l - H a k a m ' s report of events, see R. Brunschvig,
'Ibn
A b d a l ' h a k a m et la conquete de l'Afrique d u N o r d par les Arabes: e t u d e critique', Annales de Vlnstitut des etudes orientates (Algiers) 6 ( 1 9 4 2 - 7 ) , 1 0 8 - 5 5 . 37
See, however, B . J o n e s , 'Beginnings and E n d i n g s in Cyrenaican Cities', in Cyrenaica in Antiquity,
ed. Barker et at., p p . 2 7 - 4 1 , w h o gives reason to t h i n k t h a t t h e occupation of
Tocra and Ptolemais c o n t i n u e d after t h e 6 4 0 s . 38
See G o o d c h i l d , Libyan Studies, ed. Reynolds, p p . 2 6 1 - 2 .
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
lations of Sicily and Naples. 39 We may assume that the first emigrations will have occurred after the occupation of Barca in 642, but before the return of the Arab armies in 644-5. If the hypothesis advanced above is correct, that Hadrian was a native of Libya Cyrenaica, a Greek-speaking member of the aristocracy and orthodox in his religious beliefs, then he will have been a youth, perhaps in his early teens, perhaps younger, in 642. For such a youth, capture by the Arabs would have meant being sold into captivity as a slave;40 in order to escape such a destiny, we may further hypothesize that the young Hadrian — perhaps with his parents, perhaps on his own — fledat this point to the safety of the Greek population of Naples, where he subsequently became a monk, entered a monastery, and learned to speak Latin. Thus in different ways Theodore and Hadrian shared a common experience: both were refugees who had come to Italy in order to escape the Arab occupation of their homelands: Syria in Theodore's case, Cyrenaica in Hadrian's case. Given such a background, it is not surprising to find the following barbed comment on the Saraceni or Arabs in the biblical commentaries edited below: thus Ismael's race was that of the Saracens, a race which is never at peace with anyone but is always at war with someone. (PentI 104) One can imagine that such an observation sprang from the bitter personal experiences of one of these refugees.41 But we must now follow Hadrian's flight to Naples, and consider the situation in which he found himself on arrival there. CAMPANIA
Campania is the geographical area of southern Italy whose outer perimeter is defined by an arc extending from Castel Volturno on the Tyrrhenian coast in the north, following the river Volturno inland then turning south towards Capua and the Campanian plain, and concluding the arc back at the seacoast at Salerno; the arc so described more or less surrounds the Bay
39 40
41
See Borsari, 'Le migrazioni daH'oriente in Italia nel VII secolo', esp. pp. 135-7. On the growth of the slave trade resulting from the Arab conquest of North Africa, see Brett, 'The Arab Conquest and the Rise of Islam', pp. 506-7. See below, pp. 4 5 5 - 6 (comm. to PentI 104); for the context, see the valuable discussion by Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, esp. pp. 145—70.
92
Abbot Hadrian of Naples, and has Naples as its focal point (see fig. 5). 42 Campania was one of the eleven administrative regions of Italy established by the emperor Augustus; by the fourth century AD it was one of eight Italian prouinciae under the charge of an imperial corrector.^ But what gave — and still gives — Campania its distinctive character is the fact that, from the eighth century BC onwards, Campania, and especially the islands and ports in the Bay of Naples, were intensively settled by Greeks during the period of overseas expansion which led to the establishment of Greek colonies in many places in the western Mediterranean, but above all in Sicily and southern Italy. 44 The Bay of Naples has thus lain open to the Greek East throughout the course of its history. It was for this reason in particular that Christianity was established in Campania from the very earliest period. 45 Christian inscriptions have been found in Pompei and Ercolano, both of which were buried by the eruption of Mt Vesuvius in AD 79, 4 6 and there was evidently a Christian community at Pozzuoli when St Paul passed through on his way to Rome (Act. XXVIII. 13-14), probably in AD 62 (see below). From these beginnings the Campanian church developed quickly, and ecclesiastical government in the region is attested from the second century onwards. 47 Perhaps because of their antiquity, the Christian communities in Campania took intense pride in their local saints and traditions, and rivalled even Rome in the magnificence of their basilicas, 42
43
44
45
46
47
The standard accounts of the topography and history of Campania are Beloch, Campanien (still indispensable), A.C. McKay, Ancient Campania, 2 vols. (Hamilton, Ontario, 1972), and Frederiksen, Campania. See also ODB I, 3 6 9 - 7 0 . See R. Thomsen, The Italic Regions from Augustus to the Lombard Invasions (Copenhagen, 1947), pp. 2 1 0 - 1 7 . See, in general, E. Ciaceri, Storia delta Magna Grecia, 2nd ed., 3 vols. (Milan, Genoa, Rome and Naples, 1928-32) I, 2 9 6 - 3 8 2 and III, 2 2 9 - 3 7 ; T J . Dunbabin, The Western Greeks (Oxford, 1948), esp. pp. 3 5 5 - 7 5 ; and, most recently, A J . Graham, 'The Western Greeks', in The Cambridge Ancient History III.3, ed. J. Boardman and N.G.L. Hammond, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 1 6 3 - 9 5 , esp. 1 8 0 - 1 . Also useful is Frederiksen, Campania, pp. 5 4 - 1 4 6 . See Ambrasi, 11 christianesimo e la chiesa napoletana dei primi secoli', pp. 6 2 8 - 3 7 , and J. Christern, 11 cristianesimo nella zona dei Campi Flegrei', in / Campi Flegrei neWarcheologia e nella storia, Atti dei convegni Lincei 33 (Rome, 1977), 2 1 3 - 2 5 . M. della Corte, 1 cristiani a Pompei', Rendiconti della R. Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti 1 9 ( 1 9 3 9 ) , 3 - 3 2 . See DACL VII.2 (1927), 1 6 1 2 - 8 4 1 , s.v. Italie', esp. 1 6 6 3 - 7 1 on Campania, and Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d'Italia, pp. 122—68.
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
catacombs and monasteries. 48 Some of this magnificence has been revealed only recently as a result of archaeological discoveries, 49 and it may be helpful briefly to survey the principal churches of Campania in order to form some notion of the ecclesiastical context in which Hadrian found himself on arriving there as a refugee from Africa. Ischia
On approaching Campania and the Bay of Naples by sea from the west, the traveller's first point of contact would be Ischia, a large and beautiful island in the Bay of Naples situated so that any ship heading for port in Pozzuoli or Naples would necessarily pass closely by it (see fig. 5). 50 In this way Ischia (ancient Pithecussae) became the site of the first settlement of Greek colonists in the Naples area. And it was from the fact that a ship making for Naples would first encounter Ischia that the island acquired its own local saint. According to the Passio S. Restitutae,51 St Restituta was martyred at Chaoud in Tunisia (ancient Abithinae, near Carthage in Africa Proconsularis); her body was placed in a boat and put out to sea, whence it drifted across the Mediterranean and landed on the beach at Ischia, much to the surprise of the local fishermen. The precise date of St Restituta's advent is unknown, but is probably to be placed in the fifth century at a time when many African Christians fled to Naples in order to escape Vandal persecutions. In any event, St Restituta became the patron saint of Ischia. In 1952, at Lacco Ameno on the north side of the island, the remains of a church surrounded by a cemetery were recovered by excavation, and there is little doubt that these were the focal point of the cult
48
Ecclesiastical architecture in C a m p a n i a is treated u n d e r separate headings, below. O n C a m p a n i a n saints, see Delehaye, Les Origines du culte des martyrs', p p . 299—307. It is regrettable that vol. IV of the Monastkon Italiae. Repertorio topo-bibliografico dei monasteri italiani (Cesena, 1981—
49
), w h i c h will treat Calabria e Campania,
has not yet appeared.
See esp. Fasola, Le catacombe di S. Gennaro', Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 1 3 5 - 2 1 4 [aggiornamenti
by various scholars to Bertaux's original discussion of C a m -
panian a r t ] ; and Mello, 'Scoperte di archeologia cristiana in Campania'. 50
Beloch, Campanien, p p . 204—10, and Ingrassia, Napoli e dintorni, p p . 124—35.
51
BHL,
no. 7 1 9 0 ; Acta SS., Maii, IV, 2 0 - 4 . See discussion by A. Bellucci, 'S. Gaudioso
vescovo di A b i t i n e ed il trasporto in C a m p a n i a di S. R e s t i t u t a vergine e martire cartaginese', Rivista di scienze e lettere n.s. 4 ( 1 9 3 3 ) , 1 3 6 - 4 6 , and Fasola, Le catacombe di S. Gennaro, p p . 158 and 160.
94
Abbot Hadrian of St Restituta from the sixth century onwards. 52 Continuing work on the site has emphasized its significance as a nodal point of routes between the eastern Mediterranean, Africa and Naples. 53 Miseno
Miseno (ancient Misenum) is located on a promontory, the Capo di Miseno, which forms the northern and outer limit of the Bay of Naples (see fig. 5). The extension of this promontory is the archipelago of islands Procida, Vivara and Ischia.54 Miseno overlooks a large protected harbour, and in Roman times (from the principate of Augustus onwards) the Mediterranean fleet was stationed here. (It was from here that Pliny, then commander of the imperial fleet, first witnessed the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79.) In Vergil's Aeneid it was here that Aeneas, after visiting the sibyl's cave at Cumae, buried his companion Misenus (Aen. VI. 162—5 and 232-5), whence the promontory took its name. Christianity was established at Miseno from an early period, 55 and the church of Miseno had its own local martyr, namely St Sossius, who is venerated on 23 September in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, and who was martyred (sometime in the fourth century) with St Januarius, the patron saint of Naples (see below). The cult of St Sossius spread beyond Miseno and Naples for, according to the Liber pontificalis, Pope Symmachus (498-514) built an oratory in this saint's name near to St Peter's in Rome. 56 There is no need to doubt that a church dedicated to St Sossius existed at Miseno in the seventh century, for in the tenth century his relics were removed to Naples when the church in the Misenate castrum was destroyed by Arabs. 57 52
53 54
55 56 57
See P. Monti, Ischia preistorica, greca, romana, paleocristiana (Naples, 1968), pp. 125—79;
11 banchetto fiinebre ed i riti praticati nel cimitero cristiano d'Ischia', Atti del IX Congresso internazionale di arcbeologia cristiana, Roma, 21-27 settembre 1975,2 vols., Studi di antichita cristiana publicati a cura del Pontificio Istituto di archeologia cristiana 32 (Vatican City, 1978) II, 369-78; Ischia: Archeologia e storia (Naples, 1980), pp. 229-81 (on palaeochristian Ischia) and 283-315 (esp. on the relics of St Restituta), and Ischia altomedievale. Ricerche storico-archeologiche (Naples, 1991). See Mello, 'Scoperte di archeologia cristiana in Campania', pp. 7 6 7 - 8 . Beloch, Campanien, pp. 1 9 0 - 2 0 2 ; Ingrassia, Napoli e dintorni, pp. 1 0 5 - 1 0 ; and / Campi Flegrei, ed. Amalfitano et al.y pp. 2 4 2 - 6 3 . Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d'ltalia, p. 1 4 0 . Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 2 6 1 ; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p. 4 5 . Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d'ltalia, p. 1 5 0 .
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school Cuma
Cuma (ancient Cumae), which lies near the Mediterranean coast some four miles north of Pozzuoli, is now virtually deserted, but in antiquity and the early Middle Ages was a centre of considerable renown (see fig. 5). 58 Cuma was founded by Greek colonists from Ischia (probably in the eighth century BC), and it was from Cuma in turn that Naples itself was founded. Cuma's fame derives principally from Vergil's account of Aeneas's visit to the Cumaean sibyl in bk VI of the Aeneid (lines 1—155), where the poet describes the vast grotto with its hundreds of tunnels leading to the prophetess's shrine. Although the seacoast near Cuma is perforated by many grottoes of this sort, archaeologists are confident that they have identified the grotto described by Vergil. 59 Cuma also had a Christian community from the earliest times, and by the fifth century was graced by an impressive basilica which was recovered earlier this century by excavation. 60 The patron saint of Cuma was St Juliana, who according to the anonymous Passio S. Iulianae (a work composed no later than the seventh century), was a Christian virgin in the city of Nicomedia (Bithynia) who was tortured by her pagan suitor and eventually beheaded; her remains were taken by a pious matron to Rome, but the ship was forced to put in at Pozzuoli, and St Juliana's remains were placed in a mausoleum not far from the city. 61 There may be reason to suspect the details of this legend, but there is no doubt that St Juliana was culted at Cuma. 62 In the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, St Juliana's deposition at Cuma is commemorated on 16 February (in Campania Cumis natale Iulianae). The cult of St Juliana subsequently spread from Cuma to other Italian cities: Gregory the Great, in a letter to a Sicilian bishop named Benenatus and dated 599, 58
59
60
61
62
Beloch, Campanien, pp. 145-67; Ingrassia, Napoli e dintormi, pp. 110-19; and / Campi Flegrei, ed. Amalfitano et al., pp. 266—315. The sibyl's grotto was first convincingly identified by the researches of Amedeo Maiuri during campaigns of excavation between 1924 and 1932; see Ingrassia, ibid., p. 115; M. Pagano, 'Considerazioni sull'antro della Sibylla a Cuma', Rendiconti delta Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti n.s. 60 (1986), 6 9 - 9 4 , and idem, 'Una nuova interpretazione del cosidetto "Antro della Sibilla" a Cuma', Puteoli 9 - 1 0 (1985-6), 83-120. See A. Maiuri, 'Monumenti cristiani di Cuma', Atti del III Congresso internazionale di archeologia cristiana (Vatican City, 1932), pp. 2 1 7 - 3 1 . BHL, no. 4522; see Delehaye, Les Origines du culte des martyrs, pp. 301-2, and 'Hagiographie napolitaine' {AB 59 (1941)], p p . 2 8 - 9 . Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche dltalia, pp. 138^40.
96
Abbot Hadrian refers to a monastery in Naples and an oratory in Sicily dedicated to her. 63 As we shall see, the cult of St Juliana is attested in England from the eighth century onwards. Pozzuoli Pozzuoli (ancient Puteoli) lies some nine miles west of Naples on a protected bay (the Gulf of Pozzuoli) on the north shore of the Bay of Naples (see fig. 5). 64 Pozzuoli was founded as a Greek colony called Dicaearchia, probably in the eighth century BC, and retained its Greek character into the Christian era (Petronius, writing in the first century AD, described Puteoli as an urbs Graeca: Satyricon, ch. 81). As a result of its site on a deep-water, protected harbour, Pozzuoli was from the earliest period of Roman civilization the most important port in Italy. The Tyrrhenian coast of Italy has very few natural harbours (rivermouths such as Ostia and Volturno were liable to silt up); 65 and since Pozzuoli was linked by road to Cuma and Capua, and hence by Rome by the via Appia, it functioned as the principal port of Italy from the earliest period of Roman civilization until it was superseded by Ostia as a result of the rehabilitation of the riverine harbour there during the principate of Claudius. Until then, all goods imported into Italy, including the allimportant grain supply from Africa, passed through Pozzuoli and then overland via Capua to Rome. Even in centuries after the rehabilitation of Ostia, grain shipments from Alexandria and the Pentapolis passed through Pozzuoli. Seneca, in one of his letters to Lucilius, describes powerfully the sight of the arrival of the Egyptian grain fleet at Pozzuoli (Epist. lxxvii. 1—2). As a result of its harbour, Pozzuoli became a vast and wealthy emporium, which attracted merchants and traders from the Greek east. From the Republican period onwards, there was a well-known colony of Syrian merchants in Pozzuoli,66 and the oriental character of this colony
63
See Gregory's Registrum I X . 1 7 1 (ed. N o r b e r g , CCSL 1 4 0 A , 7 2 9 : a monastery in N a p l e s dedicated to SS Erasmus, M a x i m u s and Juliana) and I X . 181 (ed. N o r b e r g , p . 7 3 8 : an oratory in Sicily dedicated to SS Severinus and Juliana).
64
See Beloch, Campanien,
p p . 8 8 - 1 4 4 ; D u b o i s , Pouzzoks
antique
(still indispensable);
Frederiksen, Campania, p p . 3 1 9 - 5 8 ; Ingrassia, Napoli e dintorni, p p . 8 0 - 9 ; and / Campi Flegrei, ed. Amalfitano et al. p p . 7 7 - 1 5 9 65
Frederiksen, Campania, p . 3 2 4 .
66
D u b o i s , Pouzzoks antique, p p . 8 3 - 1 1 0 .
97
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
survived into Christian times. 67 The wealth generated by the emporium also attracted the wealthier citizenry of Rome, and Pozzuoli was famous in antiquity for the splendour both of its public buildings and of its private villas. The amphitheatre at Pozzuoli (still standing) is nearly as large as the Roman Colosseum, and Cicero among others had a lavish villa there. Probably as a result of its oriental colony, Christianity was established at Pozzuoli from the earliest times. 68 When St Paul passed through Pozzuoli on his way to trial in Rome, probably in AD 62, he found a community of Christian 'brothers' there (Act. XVIII. 13—14). St Ignatius of Antioch (d. c. AD 107) passed through Pozzuoli on his way to Rome and martyrdom. Pozzuoli had its own bishops from at least the fourth century (and no doubt earlier),69 and an episcopal succession is attested up to the time of Bishop Gaudiosus, who took part in the oecumenical Council of Constantinople of 680, discussed in the previous chapter. 70 Pozzuoli also had its own martyrs: 71 St Artemas is attested in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum against 25 January, and Pozzuoli was the scene of the martyrdom of St Januarius. Through this martyrdom Pozzuoli acquired a further group of local saints, as follows (the account is based on an anonymous Passio S. lanuarii known as the Acta Bononensia).12 Sossius, a deacon of 67
68
69
70 71
72
H . Leclercq, 'Colonies d'orientaux en Occident', DACL III.2 (1948), 2 2 6 6 - 7 7 , at 2 2 7 1 ; see also idem, 'Pouzzoles et Cumes', DACL XIV.2 (1948), 1 6 7 3 - 8 7 , at 1 6 7 5 - 6 . Earlier studies include Brehier, 'Les colonies d'orientaux en Occident', with reply by Jalabert, 'Les colonies chretiennes d'orientaux'. Dubois, Pouzzoles antique, p p . 164—85; Leclercq, 'Pouzzoles et Cumes', DACL XIV.2 (1948), 1 6 7 6 - 7 ; and A. D'Ambrosio, 'Note sull'antico calendario della c o m m u n i t a cristianadi Pozzuoli', Puteoli 1 (1977), 1 4 0 - 7 . Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d'Italia, pp. 141—2, and esp. D . Ambrasi and A. D'Ambrosio, La diocesi e i vescovi di Pozzuoli: 'Ecclesia sancti Proculi Puteolani episcopatus' (Pozzuoli, 1990). Leclercq, 'Pouzzoles et Cumes', DACL XIV.2 (1948), 1677-8. Delehaye, Les Origines du culte des martyrs, pp. 2 9 9 - 3 0 1 , and esp. 'Hagiographie napolitaine' {AB 5 9 d 9 4 l ) } , pp. 1-12. T h e account which follows is based on the Acta Bononensia of St Januarius (BHL, no. 4132), so called because they are preserved in a manuscript now in Bologna (Biblioteca Universitaria, 1 4 7 3 , 223v—225v); they are ed. D . Mallardo, 'S. Gennaro e compagni nei piu antichi testi e monumenti', Rendiconti della R. Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti n.s. 20 (1940), 161-267, at 253-9. See also discussion by Dubois, Pouzzoles antique, pp. 173—82 and Delehaye, 'Hagiographie napolitaine' {AB 59 (1941)}, pp. 1-12.
98
Abbot Hadrian Miseno (mentioned above) was imprisoned at Pozzuoli during the persecution of Diocletian. While he was in prison, Januarius, the bishop of Benevento, went to visit him, accompanied by two other clerics (Festus and Desiderius). The visit provoked the rage of the pagan governor of Campania, who sentenced all four of them to be executed in the amphitheatre. While they were being led to execution, a deacon (Proculus) and two local laymen, Acutius and Eutyches, protested against the sentence; and they too were condemned to execution. After the execution, the citizens of Benevento claimed the relics of Festus and Desiderius as their own; the Neapolitans claimed St Januarius; the citizens of Miseno claimed St Sossius, and the inhabitants of Pozzuoli claimed Proculus, Acutius and Eutyches. Thus these various cities of Campania were intimately linked through the cults of their patron saints, as we shall see. In any event, Pozzuoli had its own martyrs, and these became the patron saints of the local churches. Thus, for example, a temple built by Augustus was rededicated in honour of St Proculus. Although no catacombs have yet been found in Pozzuoli, several basilican churches have been recovered by excavation and various inscriptions attest to the size and vigour of the Christian community there. 73 Most interestingly, Gregory the Great refers in a letter to Adeodatus dated 600 to a monasterium Puteolis constitutum, quod Falcidis dicitur ('a monastery established at Pozzuoli which is called Falcidis).14 According to a Greek version of the Passio S. Ianuarii, the martyrdom of SS Proculus, Eutyches and Acutius took place at a praetorion Phalcidion, and it is reasonable to think that the place of their martyrdom became the site of the monastery known to Gregory the Great as Falcidis.15 How long the monastery survived there is not known; Gregory implies that it had been abandoned (temporarily) by the monks because of the insecurity of the site under the threat of Langobard attacks.
73
Dubois, Pouzzoles antique, p p . 183—4; Leclercq, 'Pouzzoles et C u m e s ' , DACL
XIV.2
(1948), 1680-2. 74 75
Registrum X . 1 8 (ed. N o r b e r g , CCSL 140A, 847). D . Mallardo, 'La Via Antiniana e le m e m o r i e di S. Gennaro', Rendiconti della R. Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti n.s. 19 (1939), 3 0 0 - 6 5 , at 3 4 8 - 5 9 . Mallardo argues that the praetorion Phalkidion was a suburban villa near Pozzuoli (p. 358).
99
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school Castellamare di Stabia
Directly across the Bay of Naples from Miseno and Pozzuoli lies Castellamare di Stabia, the ancient town of Stabiae (fig. 5). 76 Castellamare was renowned in antiquity for the healing properties of its hotsprings, but it was almost completely destroyed in the eruption of Mt Vesuvius in AD 79 (it was at Stabiae in fact that Pliny died while attempting to rescue the residents of the local villas). Nevertheless the town was rebuilt, and was the site of a thriving, but poorly documented, Christian community. In 499 one Bishop Ursus of Stabiae attended a synod in Rome, and the catacombs of the town date from approximately this time, as do the various inscriptions which have been found in the vicinity.77 Nola From the Bay of Naples itself our attention may now turn inland, by way of the Roman road leading from Pompei to the town of Nola, which lies some sixteen miles from the sea (fig. 5). 78 In antiquity, as now, Nola lay in the heart of one of the most agriculturally productive areas of Campania, and was accordingly the site of many villas (it was on a villa at Nola that the emperor Augustus died in AD 14). Very little of the fabric of Roman Nola survives, but its political importance is clear from the fact that it was the (occasional) residence of the corrector, or provincial governor, of Campania. Nola was the seat of a bishopric from at least the mid-third century, and has a well attested episcopal succession from then onwards.79 However, it was not the town of Nola itself, but its nearby suburban cemetery, which was famous as a centre of pilgrimage in late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. The present village of Cimitile (derived from Latin 76
Beloch, Campanien,
p p . 248—51, to be s u p p l e m e n t e d by F. di Capua, ' C o n t r i b u t i
all'epigrafia e alia storia deH'antica Stabia', Rendkonti
delta R. Accademia di archeologia,
lettere e belle arti n.s. 19 (1939), 8 3 - 1 2 4 ; see also Ingrassia, Napoli e dintorni, p p . 2 3 4 - 8 . 77
See G . B . D e Rossi, 'Cimitero cristiano di Stabia (Castellamare)', Bullettino di archeologia cristiana 3rd ser. 4 (1879), 1 1 8 - 2 7 ; H . Leclercq, 'Castellamare', DACL 2 3 6 6 - 9 ; and Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d'ltalia,
II.2 (1925),
p p . 1 6 5 - 6 . For t h e earlier
history of t h e city, u p to t h e t i m e of t h e e r u p t i o n of Vesuvius, see G. Cosenza, Stabia. Studi archeologici, topografici et storici (Trani, 1907), esp. p p . 167—8 on Stabia in late antiquity. 78
Beloch, Campanien, p p . 3 8 9 - 4 1 1 .
79
H . Leclercq, 'Nole', DACL
XII.2 (1936), 1 4 2 2 - 6 5 , at 1 4 2 2 - 6 .
100
Abbot Hadrian coemeterium) lies about a mile north of Nola, and is on the site of a vast Christian cemetery which was in use from the second century onwards, 80 and which achieved fame through housing the remains of St Felix. Virtually nothing is known about St Felix; he is thought to have been a local priest (born of Syrian parents) who lived at Nola as an anchorite, probably in the third century. 81 The circumstances under which he died, and when, are unknown, though it is thought unlikely that he was martyred. In any case a flourishing cult grew up around his tomb at Cimitile, so that by the late fourth century there were at least four modest churches on the site, one of them a martyrium or tomb-shrine dedicated to St Felix. The structure and location of these churches are known from two campaigns of excavation conducted by Gino Chierici in 1933—5 and again in 1954—6; unfortunately, the full report of these excavations has never been published, 82 but enough is known to enable certain conclusions to be drawn about the nature and importance of the site. 83 Its importance is reflected in the fact that Pope Damasus (366-84) composed an epigram for St Felix's tomb like those many epigrams he composed to adorn the shrines of martyrs in Rome. 84 80
81
82
G. Chierici, 'Cimitile I: la necropoli', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 33 (1957), 99—125, and also the aggiornamento by P. Testini to Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 164-8. Lanzoni, he origini delle diocesi antiche d'ltalia, pp. 1 5 3 - 6 0 ; Delehaye, Les Origines du culte des martyrs, pp. 3 0 4 - 5 . T h e only comprehensive report published by Chierici was his account of the cemetery itself (cited above, n. 80); b u t see also G. Chierici, T o stato degli studi intorno alle basiliche paoliniane di Cimitile', Atti del IV Congresso nazionale di studi romani, 2 vols.
(Rome, 1938) II, 236—43; 'Di alcuni risultati sui recenti lavori intorno alia basilica di S. Lorenzo a Milano e alle basiliche paoliniane di Cimitile', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 16 (1939), 51-72, and 'Sant'Ambrogio e le costruzioni paoliniane di Cimitile',
83
Ambrosiana. Scritti di storia, archeologia ed arte pubblicati nel XVI centenario della nativita di Sant'Ambrogio (Rome, 1942), p p . 3 1 5 - 3 1 . See the important observations by P. Testini in his aggiornamento to Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 1 6 8 - 7 3 , as well as his 'Note per servire allo studio del complesso paleocristiano di S. Felice (Nola)', Melanges de I'Ecole francaise de Rome: antiquite 97
(1985), 329-71; see also D. Korol, 'Architekturdarstellungen in der aula iiber dem Felixgrab in Cimitile/Nola', Actes du Xle Congres international d'archeologie chretienne, 3
vols., Collection de I'Ecole franchise de Rome 123 (Rome, 1989) II, 1323-39, as well as 84
the brief remarks of Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 195—6. H . Leclercq, 'Damase', DACL I V . l (1920), 1 4 5 - 9 7 , at 193 (no. 61); see also Epigrammata Damasiana, ed. A. Ferrua (Rome, 1942), p . 2 1 4 (no. 39).
101
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
What contributed most to the prestige of Nola, however, was the fact that in 395 the great Romano-Gallic aristocrat Paulinus came to Nola as a pilgrim and decided to remain there in devotion to St Felix. Paulinus 85 was born c. 355 at Bordeaux in Aquitaine into an enormously wealthy senatorial family which owned estates inter alia at Nola. He received the best education then available, and became the protege of the poet Ausonius. He studied rhetoric at Bordeaux (where Ausonius was professor) and then started off in pursuit of a normal career in civil administration, becoming governor of Campania in 381, no doubt as a result of his family's connections with that region. However, like many Christians of the time, Paulinus was attracted by the life of ascetic retreat, and in 395 he abandoned his civil career and, with his wife Therasia and a small circle of friends, established a quasi-monastic community near Cimitile, perhaps on a family estate. 86 Paulinus henceforth dedicated his life to the cult of St Felix, and produced a series of commemorative poems or natalicia for the annual feast of the saint on 14 January. 87 It also became clear to Paulinus that, with the increasing number of pilgrims coming to visit the tomb of St Felix, the fourth-century martyrium was inadequate. Paulinus used his personal wealth to construct a vast new basilica, which was completed and consecrated in 402. In one of his letters (Ep. xxxii, to Sulpicius Severus) and two of his natalicia (Carm. xxvii and xxviii) he described in great detail the structure and decoration of this basilica, including such features as its trilobate apse and its series of frescoes and 85
There is an enormous bibliography on Paulinus of N o l a ; see, by way of orientation, W . H . C . Frend, 'Paulinus of N o l a and t h e Last C e n t u r y of the W e s t e r n E m p i r e ' , Journal of Roman Studies 6 0 (1969), 1 - 1 1 , and ' T h e T w o W o r l d s of Paulinus of N o l a ' , in Latin Literature of the Fourth Century, ed. J . W . Binns (London, 1974), p p . 1 0 0 - 3 3 , t h e papers p r i n t e d in the Atti del Convegno su Paolino di Nola ( R o m e , 1984), and S. Costanza in EEC II, 6 6 0 - 1 , s.v. 'Paulinus of N o l a ' . See also R . P . H . Green, The Poetry of Paulinus of Nola: a Study of his Latinity,
86
Collection Latomus 120 (Brussels, 1971).
For a s u m m a r y account of Paulinus's conversion and monastic life at C i m i t i l e , see J . T .
Lienhard, Paulinus of Nola and Early Western Monasticism (Bonn, 1977), pp. 28-32 and 70—2; there is also a useful bibliography on p p . 192—204. 87
Poems and letters ed. W . H a r t e l , CSEL 2 9 - 3 0 (Vienna, 1894); there is a complete translation by P . G . W a l s h , Paulinus
of Nola:
Poems and Letters,
3 vols., Ancient
Christian W r i t e r s 35—6 and 4 0 (London, 1966—75). T h e fourteen natalicia
run from
395 t o 4 0 8 or 4 0 9 , and include Carm. xii (395), xiii (396), xiv (397), xv (398), xvi (399), xviii (400), xxiii (401), xxvi (402), xxvii (403), xxviii (404), xix (405), xx (406), xxi (407) and xxix ( 4 0 8 or 4 0 9 ) .
102
Abbot Hadrian mosaics on biblical topics. 88 A great deal of ingenuity has been expended in reconstructing what the frescoes and mosaics might have looked like; 89 but at least the structure of the basilica itself is clear from Chierici's excavations. What the plan reveals (and is confirmed by Paulinus's poems) is that the basilica, with its trilobate apse, has its closest parallels in Greek-speaking North Africa, especially in Egypt and Libya. 90 In any case, Paulinus's great basilica enhanced the prestige of Nola, and thereafter bishops of Nola were buried in Cimitile next to the tomb of St Felix, as is clear from various inscriptions recovered from the cemetery. 91 The series of bishops of Nola, beginning with Paulinus himself (409—31) and extending into the sixth century and beyond, shows that Cimitile remained a cult-centre throughout the early Middle Ages. In the early tenth century, for example, a cycle of frescoes was added by Bishop Leo III to the small basilica of the Holy Martyrs (SS Martiri), which was one of the pre-Paulinian churches in the cemetery at Cimitile. 92 There is no doubt, 88
89
90
91 92
The letter and two poems are ed. and trans. R.C. Goldschmidt, Paulinus' Churches at Nola: Texts, Translations and Commentary (Amsterdam, 1940); for further discussion, see J. Engemann, 'Zu den Apsis-Tituli des Paulinus von Nola', Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 17 (1974), 2 1 - 4 6 . See H . Holtzinger, 'Die Basilika des Paulinus zu Nola', Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst 20 (1885), 135-47; F. Wickhoff, 'Die Apsis-Mosaik des Paulinus in Nola', Rbmische Quartalschrift 3 (1889), 158-76, whose reconstruction of the mosaics is based on their presumed resemblance to the apse mosaic in Sant'Apollinare in Classe (near Ravenna); Leclercq, 'Nole', cols. 1434-7; G. Rizza, 'Pitture e mosaici nelle basiliche paoliniane di Nola e di Fundi', Siculorum Gymnasium n.s. 1 (1948), 311—21, a reconstruction also based on Sant'Apollinare in Classe. A. Weis, 'Die Verteilung der Bildzyklen des Paulin von Nola in der Kirchen von Cimitile (Campanien)', Romische Quartalschrift 52 (1957), 129-50, based his reconstruction on the two small fragments, one from a fresco, the other from a mosaic, which were recovered from Chierici's (unpublished) excavations of the basilica; but this reconstruction, too, is necessarily hypothetical; see the aggiornamento of L. Pani Ermini in Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 195—214. The most recent attempt at a comprehensive reconstruction is by D. Korol, Die fruhchristlichen Wandmalereien aus den Grabbauten in Cimitile/Nola, Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum: Erganzungsband 13 (Miinster, 1987). See Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, p. 196, together with P. Testini's aggiornamento to Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 174—6. DACL XII.2 (1936), 1 4 5 7 - 6 3 , s.v. 'Nole'. See H. Belting, Die Basilica dei SS Martiri in Cimitile und ihr fruhmittelalterliche Freskenzyklus, Forschungen zur Kunstgeschichte und christlichen Archaologie 5 (Wiesbaden, 1962); see also Belting's aggiornamento in Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale
IV, 183-8.
103
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
therefore, that in the seventh century Nola—Cimitile was an impressive ecclesiastical site with a long and distinguished Christian history. Capua Ancient Capua (now S. Maria Capua Vetere) lay in the middle of the immense Campanian plain (or ager Campanus)\9^ its situation offers no natural protection of any kind, and for that very reason may not have been settled from the earliest times (see fig. 5). 94 It was probably established as an Etruscan city; but whatever its origins, it very quickly grew to become one of the principal cities of Italy. Its importance derived partly from its location: it lay on the via Appia roughly mid-way between Rome and the port of Pozzuoli (see above). Capua was famous for its horses, grain, wine, olive oil, perfumes, and especially for its luxurious lifestyle. Capua opened its gates to Hannibal and the Carthaginian armies in 216 BC, and the story circulated in antiquity that Fabius Cunctator was able finally to defeat Hannibal in 211 BC because the Carthaginians had been softened up by the life of luxury in Capua. 95 Capua was adorned with many public buildings, some of them still standing, including a vast amphitheatre second in size only to the Colosseum in Rome (and marginally larger than that at Pozzuoli), and was famous for its gladiatorial schools and games (it was at Capua that Spartacus led the famous gladiators' revolt in 73 BC). Capua retained its importance in the Christian era. 96 We learn from the Liber pontificalis that, after the Edict of Milan and the peace of the church, the emperor Constantine made numerous lavish bequests to churches principally in Rome, but these bequests also included the construction of a basilica in Capua, which was endowed with sumptuous ecclesiastical 93
In a n t i q u i t y and t h e early M i d d l e Ages, Capua occupied the site of w h a t is today the t o w n of S. Maria Capua Vetere. T h i s Capua was sacked by t h e Saracens in 8 4 0 , and in 8 5 6 Bishop Landulf moved t h e entire t o w n t o its present location ( = ancient see Constantine Porphyrogennetos, De administrando
Casilinum);
imperio, ch. 2 7 .
94
Beloch, Campanien, p p . 2 9 5 - 3 6 0 , esp. 3 4 3 - 6 ; Frederiksen, Campania, p p . 2 8 5 - 3 1 8 .
95
Ausonius, Ordo urbium
nobilium
viii.14: 'conruerunt Poeni luxu, C a m p a n i a
fastu'.
Ausonius further remarks t h a t , t h r o u g h its m i g h t and wealth, Capua was once a second R o m e ('ilia potens o p i b u s q u e ualens, R o m a altera q u o n d a m ' ) , and even in Ausonius's own day (late fourth century) Capua was second in i m p o r t a n c e only to R o m e a m o n g t h e cities of Italy. 96
H . Leclercq, 'Capoue', DACL
II.2 ( 1 9 2 5 ) , 2 0 6 4 - 8 4 , and V. D ' A q u i n o , Le origini delta
diocesi di Capua (Naples, 1966), esp. p p . 5 - 1 2 .
104
Abbot Hadrian furniture and a number of estates. 97 The site of Constantine's basilica has not certainly been identified, 98 but there were other imposing basilican churches in Capua. The present cathedral church of S. Maria is a vast structure which, although it was rebuilt in the eighteenth century, preserves the form of a fifth-century basilica. 99 The rebuilding involved the destruction in 1742 of an apse which was decorated with mosaics and contained the inscription SANCTAE MARIAE SYMMACVS EPISCOPVS, indicating that the decoration of the apse, and perhaps the construction of the basilica itself, was the work of Bishop Symmachus (424—39), friend and correspondent of Paulinus of Nola. 100 Some impression of the beauty of Capuan mosaics may be formed from the few extant mosaics in the church of S. Matrona 101 in the village of San Prisco, which lies on the site of the suburban cemetery about one mile from Capua on the road to Benevento. (The cemetery site of San Prisco was thus related to Capua as was Cimitile to Nola.) The mosaics of S. Matrona are found in a small square chapel adjacent to the present (eighteenthcentury) church of S. Prisco, where they decorate the vaulted ceiling; although only three of the original mosaics survive, their excellence can be judged from the portraits of Christ in oriental style and from their resemblance to the more famous mosaics in S. Vitale in Ravenna. 102 More relevant to the present discussion are the mosaics which once existed in the 97 98
99 100
101
102
Liber pontificals, ed. Duchesne I, 1 8 5 - 6 ; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p . 2 5 . See the remarks of W . Johannowsky in his aggiornamento to Bertaux, L'Art dans lltalie meridionale IV, 149, and M . Pagano and J . Rougetet, 11 battistero della basilica costantiniana di Capua (cosidetto Catabulum)\ Melanges de I'Ecole franqaise de Rome: antiquite% (1984), 9 8 7 - 1 0 1 6 . Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, p. 198. See E. Miintz, 'Notes sur les mosaiques chretiennes d l t a l i e , I X ' , Revue archeologique 3rd ser. 17 (1891), 7 0 - 8 6 , at 7 9 - 8 4 ('Mosaique de la cathedrale de S. Maria di Capua'); G. Bovini, 'Mosaici paleocristiani scomparsi di S. Maria Capua Vetere', Corsi di cultura ravennate e bizantina 14 (1967), 3 5 - 4 2 , as well as the remarks of Johannowsky in Bertaux, L'Art dans lltalie meridionale IV, 1 4 9 - 5 1 . St Matrona was an obscure fifth-century princess from Lusitania (now Portugal) who suffered from an incurable disease and w h o was told in a vision to g o to the t o m b of St Priscus in Capua; she went to Capua and was cured by touching the relics of that saint. For the rest of her life she remained close by, and was commemorated by the small chapel (constructed at her own expense) near the church of St Priscus. See DACL II.2 (1925), cols. 2 0 6 6 - 9 , and esp. R. Farioli, 'La decorazione musiva della cappella di S. Matrona nella chiesa di S. Prisco presso Capua', Corsi di cultura ravennate e bizantina 14 (1967), 2 6 7 - 9 1 .
105
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
church of S. Prisco itself. This was a sixth-century basilica which was demolished in the fifteenth century, all except a cupola and apse, which were themselves demolished in 1766. However, the design of the mosaics had been recorded in engravings published by Michele Monaco in 163O.103 The apse mosaic showed two groups of saints presenting crowns: the left-hand group included universal saints (SS Peter and Paul, Laurence, etc.), but the right-hand group was made up of the following local Capuan saints: SS Priscus, Lupulus, Sinotus, Marcellus, Rufus, Augustinus and Felicitas.104 These saints are all recorded in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum as pertaining to Capua. The cupola mosaic included these same Capuan saints as well as several others: SS Augustinus, Marcellus, Lupulus, Rufus, Priscus, Felix, Artemas, Eutyches, Sossius, Festus and Desiderius. The first five are Capuan. The remainder are familiar from elsewhere in Campania: St Felix of Nola, SS Artemas and Eutyches of Pozzuoli, St Sossius of Miseno, and SS Festus and Desiderius, the companions of St Januarius who were martyred at Pozzuoli. The churches of S. Prisco reveal that the mosaic technique of Campania had attained an impressively high standard by the sixth century; 105 more interesting for our present purposes is the fact that there was evidently a deep sense of community among the Campanian churches, whereby the saints of (say) Nola or Pozzuoli might take their place alongside those of Capua itself in the S. Prisco mosaics. One other point needs to be considered. Our sources do not permit us to infer much about intellectual life in early Christian Capua, although, given the high artistic level achieved by the local mosaicists, it might be expected that a school of some sort existed there as well. Capua was regarded as the metropolitan see of Campania, even though it is not possible to compile a list of early Capuan bishops. 106 But Capua is rich in 103
M . Monaco, Sanctuarium
104
See Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antkhe d'ltalia,
Capuanum (Naples, 1630), p p . 132—4. pp. 1 2 8 - 3 6 ; Delehaye, Les Origines du
culte des martyrs, p p . 3 0 2 - 4 . T h e standard study of these local Capuan saints is G . B . D e Rossi, 'Agostino vescovo e la sua m a d r e Felicita, m a r t i r i sotto Decio, e la loro m e m o r i e e m o n u m e n t i in Capua', Bullettino di archeologia cristiana 4 t h ser. 3 ( 1 8 8 4 - 5 ) , 1 0 4 - 2 5 . 105
See M . Rotili, 'La fioritura del mosaico e i suoi p r e c e d e n t ^ , Storia di Napoli II (Naples, 1969), p p . 8 8 3 - 9 0 1 , and Bertaux, L'Art
dans I'ltalie
meridionale
I, 5 0 - 8 , w i t h
aggiornamento by L. Pani E r m i n i , ibid. IV, 2 0 5 - 1 4 . 106
See Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antkhe d'ltalia,
p . 136. It is possible that the local
saints discussed above (Priscus, Lupulus, Sinotus, etc.) were bishops of Capua, b u t the assertion cannot be proved.
106
Abbot Hadrian inscriptions, 107 and these have yielded the names of three sixth-century bishops: Victor (d. 554), Probinus (d. 572) and Decorosus (date of death unknown). Victor, bishop of Capua from 541 to 554, is well known as a scholar and author. He clearly had an excellent training in Greek as well as Latin patristic literature, though we are not in a position to say how he obtained it. 108 He is best known for his Latin version of the Vulgate gospels, which is not based on the normal order of the gospels, but, as Victor explains in his preface, follows that of Tatian's Diatessaron or 'Gospel Harmony'. 109 The text of Victor's 'Gospel Harmony' is preserved in a manuscript written at Capua and corrected (as autograph notes in the manuscript reveal) by Victor himself between 2 May 546 and 12 April 547 no There has been some discussion as to whether Victor used a Greek version of the Diatessaron, or a (lost) Old Latin version.111 In any event there can be no doubt that Victor was a proficient Greek scholar, since he also compiled a commentary on the Pentateuch, drawn from Greek patristic authors such as Origen, Basil, Diodore of Tarsus and Severian of Gabala;112 but this commentary, in the form of a catena, has not survived, Victor's interest in the Old Testament is also reflected in his treatise Retkulus seu de area Noe, in which he attempted to relate the dimensions of Noah's ark to years in the life of Christ; but this, too, has survived only in 107
See DACL
II.2 (1925), cols. 2 0 7 7 - 8 4 , to be s u p p l e m e n t e d by A. de Franciscis,
'Iscrizioni sepolcrali cristiane di S. Maria Capua Vetere', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 27 ( 1 9 5 1 ) , 2 0 1 ^ 1 , and G. D ' I s a n t o , 'Iscrizioni latine inedite d e H ' A n t i q u a r i u m di S. Maria Capua Vetere', Rendkonti del la Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti n.s. 5 9
(1984), 123-50, at 145-50. 108 Q n Victor of Capua, see M . Schanz, C. H o s i u s and G. Kriiger, Geschichte der romischen Literatur IV, 2 vols. (Munich, 1920) II, 5 9 6 - 7 ; as well as DTC X V . 1 ( 1 9 5 0 ) , 2 8 7 4 - 6 and EEC II, 8 6 8 . 109
CPL, no. 953a; the text of t h e preface is ed. PL 6 8 , 2 5 1 - 2 . O n Tatian's Diatessaron, see above, p . 30.
n o Tjjg m a n u s c r i p t is now Fulda, Landesbibliothek, Codex Bonifatianus 1: CLA V I I I , no. 1 1 9 8 . T h e m a n u s c r i p t is ed. E. R a n k e , Codex Fuldensis ( M a r b u r g and Leipzig, 1868). O n the text itself, and on Victor's corrections, see Fischer, Lateinische 111
Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, p. 6 0 . 112
Bibelhandschriften,
pp. 57-66. Chapman, Notes on the Early History, pp. 80-1, argued that Victor used a Greek text of Tatian. More recently it has been thought that he used a (lost) Latin version of the Diatessaron which he corrected against the Vulgate text: see D. De Bruyne, 'La preface du Diatessaron latin avant Victor de Capoue', RB 39 (1927), 5-11, and Fischer, Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense I, 2 6 5 - 7 7 .
107
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
fragments.113 Finally Victor apparently composed a treatise De pascha, which contained a refutation of the system of Easter reckoning established by Victorius of Aquitaine; 114 Bede quoted Victor's treatise with approval, but except for his quotations and a few random others, the work has not come down to us. 115 Nevertheless, the range of learning implied by these various writings shows that there must have been a school with a substantial library at Capua in the mid-sixth century. As we shall see, Naples at this time was also a distinguished centre of biblical and patristic scholarship. How many other such schools existed in Campania it is not possible to say; but the example of Victor of Capua should caution us against taking a pessimistic view. In other words, the Campania to which young Hadrian came as a refugee in the mid-seventh century was the heir of a long tradition of Christianity, characterized by splendid churches, martyrs' shrines, monasteries and (where it can be glimpsed) biblical and patristic learning in Greek and Latin. The focal point of this tradition was Naples, and since Hadrian will inevitably have gravitated to Naples and its immediate environs, we must turn our attention there. NAPLES
From the foregoing discussion it will be clear that the cities and towns of Campania were the representatives of a long-established and distinctive Christian church. From the time of Constantine onwards, the hub of Campanian Christianity was Naples itself. Naples was an ancient and populous city of Greek origin in which, up to the time of Constantine, Greek was the official language; thereafter, up to the seventh century and beyond, Greek was spoken alongside Latin. The Greek inheritance of Naples accounted for much of its unusual character so that, although its church was Roman and catholic, the city retained direct links with
113 114
115
CPL, no. 955; ed. Pitra, ibid., pp. 287-9. CPL, no. 954; some fragments additional to those preserved by Bede (see below) are ptd Pitra, ibid., pp. 296-301. Bede, De temporum ratione ch. 51 (twice) and Epistola ad Wicthedum (twice): Bedae Opera de Temporibus, ed. C.W. Jones (Cambridge, MA, 1943), pp. 272-3 and 322-3 respectively.
108
Abbot Hadrian Constantinople and the Byzantine government. 116 As we shall see, this curious situation impinged significantly on the career of Abbot Hadrian. Naples was settled, probably in the seventh century BC, by Greek colonists from nearby Cuma, who established a base at Pizzofalcone (in Naples), an imposing but easily defended promontory dominated by Monte Echia and having a small harbour; this site became the settlers' 'new city' or Neapolis (whence modern Napoli or Naples). 117 From this base, the city grew rapidly with the influx of other Greek settlers, among them Athenians, whose presence in Naples is attested by coins dating from the fifth century BC. By c. 400 BC Naples had become the principal Greek colony of Campania. Although it was conquered by Rome in 326 BC, and remained under Roman domination thereafter, it retained its Greek character, so that Cicero in the first century BC could speak of it as 'somewhat Greek' (Graeculum) in nature, 118 and in the first century AD Tacitus could refer to Naples as a Graeca urbs.119 Partly, no doubt, as a result of its exquisite setting as well as its Greek character, Naples became for the Romans a city of wealth, luxury (Horace refers to it as otiosa Neapolis: Epod. V.43) and culture (Martial calls it docta Neapolis: Epigram. V.lxxviii.15). 120 Naples was the site of the lavish villas of Pollio (at Posillipo, now a fashionable suburb of Naples) and Lucullus (which embraced both the area of Pizzofalcone, dominated by Monte Echia, as well as the adjacent islet of Megaris, later named Castel dell'Ovo). 121 The poets Statius and Silius Italicus were from Naples (a number of Statius's 116
See Achelis, Die Katakomben von Neapel, p. 13: 'Die Stack Neapel war also byzantinisch, aber die Kirche war romisch. Das ist sie wahrend des ganzen siebenten Jahrhunderts geblieben'; see also Cavallo, 'Le tipologie', pp. 4 9 3 - 5 , and ODB II, 1 4 3 6 - 7 .
117
Beloch, Campanien, pp. 2 6 - 8 8 , esp. 2 8 - 3 2 and 6 0 - 2 , and Ingrassia, Napoli e dintorni, pp. 3 0 - 6 0 ; cf. Frederiksen, Campania,
pp. 8 5 - 7 . See also M. Napoli, Napoli greco-
romana (Naples, 1959), pp. 1 1 - 2 2 . 118
Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes I.xxxv.86: 'Coronati Neapolitani fuerunt, nimirum etiam Puteolani, vulgo ex oppidis publice gratulabantur. Ineptum sane negotium et Graeculum, sed tamen fortunatum.'
119
Tacitus, Annales X V . 3 3 : 'non tamen Romae incipere ausus Neapolim quasi Graecam urbem delegit'.
120
See, in general, Beloch, Campanien, pp. 5 6 - 7 , F. Sbordone, 'La cultura', Storia di Napoli I: I'eta classica (Naples, 1967), pp. 5 0 9 - 9 2 , and the excellent study by D'Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, esp. pp. 4 0 - 6 1 and 1 5 9 - 6 4 .
121
See Beloch, Campanien, pp. 81—2, and D'Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, pp. 221—2 (Pollio's villa) and 1 8 5 - 6 (the villa of Lucullus), respectively.
109
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Siluae speak about the delights of his native city) 122 and Vergil was resident in Naples when he composed his Georgics and Aeneid.125 Vergil's tomb is still a tourist attraction in Posillipo. 124 Because of its Greek character and the fact that its harbour lay open to the Greek East, Naples sheltered a Christian community from the earliest times. 125 Christianity is better documented in Naples than in other Campanian cities; 126 its local saints and martyrs are known from an incised monument of ninth-century date known as the 'Marble Calendar of Naples', 127 and its bishops and their ecclesiastical undertakings are known from the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum, a compilation of c. 800 modelled on the Roman Liber pontificalis.128 We are already familiar with the story of the patron saint of Naples, St Januarius, originally a bishop of Benevento who was martyred with various companions at Pozzuoli during the persecutions of Diocletian, and whose remains were brought back to Naples and entombed in the catacomb which bears his name. 129 The first 122
123
124 125
126
127
E.g. Siluae III.v.78—105 (on the attractions of Naples and its vicinity, including Baia, the sibyl's cave at Cuma, Castellamare di Stabia and Sorrento) and V.iii; see also D'Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, pp. 2 1 8 - 1 9 . N o t e the end of Vergil's fourth Georgic: 'illo Vergiliurri m e tempore dulcis alebat / Parthenope [scil. Naples] studiis florentem ignobilis o t i ' (Georg. IV.563^4); see also D'Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, pp. 2 3 0 - 1 . See / Campi Flegrei, ed. Amalfitano et al., p p . 3 6 - 4 1 . See D . Mallardo, 'Le origini della chiesa di Napoli', in Miscellanea Pio Paschini: Studi di storia ecclesiastica, 2 vols., Lateranum n.s. 1 4 - 1 5 (Rome, 1 9 4 8 - 9 ) I, 2 7 - 6 8 ; Ambrasi, 11 cristianesimo e la chiesa napoletana dei primi secoli', p p . 6 3 7 - 4 2 ; and M.L. Angrisani Sanfilippo, 'Naples: Christian Origins', EEC II, 580—1. See, in general, Lanzoni, Le origini delle diocesi antiche dItalia, p p . 1 4 3 - 5 3 , and H . Leclercq, 'Naples', DACL XII. 1 (1935), 6 9 1 - 7 7 6 . See H . Achelis, Der Marmorkalendar in Neapel (Leipzig, 1929); A. Ehrhard, 'Der Marmorkalendar in Neapel', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 11 (1934), 119—50; and Delehaye, 'Hagiographie napolitaine' [AB 57 (1939)], p p . 5 - 6 4 (with text, commentary and index of saints). There is a somewhat more recent edition by D . Mallardo, // calendario marmoreo di Napoli, Bibliotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae 18 (Rome, 1947), on which see A. Ferrua, 'II calendario marmoreo napoletano', La civilta cattolica 9 9 (1948)
I, 53-61. 128
129
Ed. G . W a i t z , M G H , SS rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. v i - i x (Hannover, 1878), p p . 3 9 8 - 4 2 4 ; see also H . Achelis, Die Bischofschronik von Neapel, Abhandlungen der phil.-hist. Klasse der sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 4 0 (1930). See above, p p . 9 8 - 9 . O n t h e cult of St Januarius, see t h e recent volume of the periodical Campania Sacra 2 0 (1989), which is wholly devoted to t h e saint and his cult; see esp. t h e 'Bibliografia Ianuariana' by A. Sparnelli, p p . 4 5 4 - 8 1 .
110
Abbot Hadrian mention of St Januarius in connection with the church of Naples occurs in the account of the death of Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) written by the priest Uranius, where Uranius notes that St Januarius Neapolitanae urbis illustrat ecclesiam.130 It is probable that the cult of St Januarius was due to John I, bishop of Naples and a close colleague of Paulinus. Naples did not properly have its own martyr (there is no martyrdom known to have taken place at Naples itself); and John will have been aware not only of the rehabilitation of martyrs' shrines undertaken at Rome by Pope Damasus and his successors, but especially of Paulinus's work at Cimitile in honour of St Felix. There were various catacombs cut into the volcanic tufa in the extramural area above Naples; 131 but from the early fifth century onwards, the catacomb dedicated to St Januarius at Capodimonte eclipsed all others. 132 From this period, bishops of Naples were buried in these catacombs near to the martyr's tomb; 133 and from this period, too, the tombs were decorated with frescoes and mosaics. Some of these mosaics are among the finest in Italy; particularly striking is the mosaic depicting a black (hence African) bishop discovered as recently as 1971, which has been identified as a portrait of the great Quodvultdeus, bishop of Carthage, who came to Naples as a refugee from the Vandal invasions of North Africa and who died there in 454. 1 3 4 We can form a clear impression of the growth of the church of Naples from various texts, including the Liber pontificalis and the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum, and these notices can be confirmed in some cases by 130 131
132
133
PL 5 3 , 8 5 9 - 6 6 , at 8 6 1 . See, in general, Leclercq, DACL XII. 1 (1935), 7 0 1 - 9 , and D . Mallardo, Ricerche di storia e di topografia degli antichi cimiteri cristiani di Napoli (Naples, 1936). O n the catacombs of St Gaudiosus (near the church of S. Maria della Sanita), see A. Bellucci, 'Ritrovamenti archeologici nelle catacombe di San Gaudioso e di Sant'Eusebio a Napoli', Rivista di archeologia cristiana 11 (1939), 7 3 - 1 1 8 . O n those of St Severus in the same vicinity, see G.A. Galante, La catacomba di San Severo a Napoli, ed. G. Rassello (Naples, 1987). There is an extensive bibliography on the catacombs of St Januarius, which have been the subject of various campaigns of excavation this century; see Leclercq, DACL XII. 1 (1935), 7 0 9 - 2 9 ; Achelis, Die Katakomben von Neapel; A. Bellucci, 'Le origini della Chiesa di Napoli e nuovi ritrovamenti nel cimitero paleocristiano di San Gennaro extra moenia', Actes du Ve Congres international d'archeologie chretienne (Vatican City, 1957), pp. 4 8 7 - 5 0 4 , and especially Fasola, Le catacombe di S. Gennaro together with the aggiornamento by C. Pietri in Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 1 4 5 - 7 . 134 Fasola, Le catacombe di S. Gennaro, pp. 1 3 3 - 5 2 . Ibid., pp. 155-60.
Ill
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
surviving buildings or by archaeological discoveries. 135 From the Liber pontificalis we learn that Constantine built and lavishly endowed a basilican church in Naples. 136 This Constantinian basilica, which from a date in the eighth century was dedicated to St Restituta (her relics having been translated there from Ischia), exists in something resembling its original form as a large chapel, almost a transept, on the north side of the present duomo or cathedral in Naples. 137 Adjacent to the basilica of St Restituta is a smaller and somewhat later baptistery, now called S. Giovanni in Fonte, which preserves the remains of some early mosaics of extremely high quality. 138 There has been considerable debate about the date of these mosaics: whether they date from the bishopric of Severus (366-412/3) and are therefore the mosaics described as his work by the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum, or are rather the work of Bishop Soter (fl. 465), whom the same text describes as having built a baptistery; 139 in any case, when Abbot Hadrian came to Naples in the seventh century, the mosaics of Naples will have rivalled those of Rome and Ravenna in number and elegance. Naples was the site of many lavish basilican churches, and Neapolitan bishops were especially active in this domain, as we learn from the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum. Unfortunately, none of these churches survives 135 136 137
138
139
See, in general, L. Pani Ermini, 'Naples. Archaeology', EEC II, 5 8 1 . Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 186; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, pp. 2 5 - 6 . The identification was accepted by G.B. D e Rossi, 'L'abside della basilica severiana di Napoli', Bullettino di archeologia cristiana 3rd ser. 5 (1880), 1 4 4 - 6 0 ; see also A. Sorrentino, 'La basilica costantiniana a Napoli e notizia di due suoi sarcofagi', Atti della R. Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti di Napoli 33 (1908), 2 4 1 - 8 1 , idem, 'La basilica di S. Restituta a Napoli', Bollettino d'arte 3 (1909), 2 1 7 - 3 3 ; Leclercq, DACL XII. 1 (1935), 7 2 9 - 3 1 ; and Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, p. 198, who suggests-that the basilica belongs to the last third of the fourth century, and resembles in various ways the structure of basilicas of Christian North Africa. See G.A. Galante, 'I musaici del battistero del duomo di Napoli', Nuovo bullettino di archeologia cristiana 6 (1900), 9 9 - 1 0 6 ; G. Stuhlfauth, 'Das Baptisterium S. Giovanni in Fonte zu Neapel und seine Mosaiken', in Reinhold-Seeberg-Festschrift, ed. W . Koepp, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1929) II, 1 8 1 - 2 1 2 ; Leclercq, DACL XII. 1 (1935), 7 3 6 - 5 1 ; G. Bovini, 'I mosaici del battistero di S. Giovanni in Fonte a Napoli', Corsi di cultura sullarte ravennate e bizantina 6 (1959), 5 - 2 6 ; and P. Pariset, 'I mosaici del battistero di S. Giovanni in Fonte nello sviluppo della pittura paleocristiana a Napoli', Cahiers archeologiques 2 0 (1970), 1 - 1 3 . The arguments are weighed in aggiornamenti to Bertaux, L'Art dans Vltalie meridionale IV, 157-8 (R. Farioli) and 201-2 (L. Pani Ermini).
112
Abbot Hadrian in anything like its original form. The aforementioned Severus, bishop of Naples in the late fourth century, built a huge basilica not far from the Constantinian basilica (St Restituta), known during the Middle Ages as the Severiana. It was rebuilt in the seventeenth century and is now S. Giorgio Maggiore; the present dimensions of the (seventeenth-century) church give some notion of the original basilica. 140 Similarly, the present church of S. Giovanni Maggiore, near the university, is a seventeenthcentury reconstruction of a sixth-century basilica. 141 The great basilica built by Bishop Stephen (fl. c. 500), hence known as the Stephania, was demolished in 1294 by Charles of Anjou in order to make way for the present (Gothic) duomo\ the Stephania was adjacent to the Constantinian basilica of St Restituta, and may have shared with it the honour of housing the see of the bishop of Naples. 142 In addition to these and other basilican churches, 143 Naples was also the site of many monasteries, as we know
140
See G.B. D e Rossi, 'L'abside della basilica severiana di Napoli', Bullettino di archeologia cristiana
3rd ser. 5 (1880), 1 4 4 - 6 0 ; Leclercq, DACL
XII. 1 (1935), 7 3 1 - 5 ; and
Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 1 9 6 - 7 . 141
See G.B. D e Rossi, 'La basilica di S. Giovanni Maggiore in Napoli e i nomi dei vescovi sui capitelli delle chiese in Italia, in Africa e in Oriente', Bullettino
di archeologia
cristiana 3rd ser. 5 (1880), 1 6 1 - 8 , who argues that the church was built on the site of a pagan temple by Bishop Vincentius (fl. 560). 142
See Leclercq, DACL
XII. 1 (1935), 7 3 5 - 6 , and L. Pani Ermini, EEC II, 5 8 1 . That the
two adjacent basilicas served as a sort of double cathedral was suggested by F. Strazzullo, Saggi storici sul Duomo di Napoli (Naples, 1959), pp. 2 7 - 3 2 ; note, too, R.
Di Stefano, La cattedrale di Napoli. Storia, restauro, scoperte, ritrovamenti (Naples, 1974), esp. pp. 187—213; see also the general remarks on double churches by N o e l Duval in EEC I, 174 (who does not, however, mention the situation at Naples). O n the attempts of recent excavations to clarify the picture, see R. Farioli, 'Gli scavi nell' "insula episcopalis" di Napoli paleocristiana: tentativo di lettura', Atti internazionale
di archeologia cristiana,
del IX Congresso
2 vols. (Rome, 1978) II, 2 7 5 - 8 7 , and her
aggiornamenti to Bertaux, L'Art dans I'ltalie meridionale IV, 153—62 and 189—93, as well as D i Stefano, La cattedrale, pp. 1 0 0 - 8 6 . 143
Various other basilican churches are known or suspected: the basilica of St Laurence, discovered in 1 9 5 4 under the present Franciscan church of that name, is probably that built by Bishop John II (535—55) mentioned in the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum (ed. Waitz, pp. 4 1 0 - 1 1 ) ; and the basilica of St Mary, now S. Maria Maggiore alia Pietra Santa, rebuilt in the seventeenth century on the site of a church originally constructed by Bishop Pomponius ( 5 1 4 - 3 2 ) . There were also numerous diaconiae in Naples; see Capasso, Monumenta II.2, 1 6 8 - 9 (who lists seven).
113
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
from sources such as Gregory the Great 144 and the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum.145 Such sources imply the existence of as many as fifteen monasteries in Naples during the early Middle Ages. 146 The precise identity and location of these monasteries cannot now be established, and most of them are little more than names. An important exception, however, is the monastery which was located somewhere within the area of Lucullus's former villa (see above), 147 and hence is known as the castrum Lucullanum.148 The precise date of foundation of this monastery is unknown; 149 it first achieves prominence in the historical record in the late fifth century, during the abbacy of its third abbot, Eugippius (c. 460— 535). 150 144
Gregory in his papal correspondence refers at various p o i n t s to six monasteries in Naples itself: (1) monasterium Crater Neapolitanae
urbi e uicino fundatum
(Registrum
XIII.2, ed. Norberg, CCSL 140A, 993; see Gorman, 'Eugippius and the Origins', p. 13, n. 29, who plausibly suggests that the monastery was situated on the dormant crater to the west of Monte Echia); (2) the monastery of SS. Erasmus, Maximus and Juliana (IX. 171 and 173, ed. Norberg, pp. 729 and 730-1); (3) the monastery of SS Hermes, Sebastian, Cyriacus and Pancras (IX. 166, ed. Norberg, pp. 724-5); (4) the monastery of St Sebastian (X.18, ed. Norberg, pp. 847-8); (5) a monasterium beatae Mariae in domo Rusticae in regione Herculensi in uico Lampadi (III.58, ed. Norberg, CCSL
140, pp. 206—7; this is probably the monastery of nuns referred to elsewhere by Gregory as being in the house of the scholar Felix: IX. 54, ed. Norberg, CCSL 140A, 6 1 2 - 1 3 ) ; and (6) a monasterium sancti Archangeli quod Macharis dicitur (IX. 1 7 3 , ed.
Norberg, pp. 730-1). 145
For example, t h e Gesta tell us t h a t Bishop Severus b u i l t t w o monasteries in N a p l e s , one dedicated to St Martin, the other to St Potitus: ed. W a i t z , p . 4 0 5 .
146
See Capasso, Monumenta II.2, 169, who lists eight further monasteries which are known to us merely as names {ibid., p . 170); see also Gorman, 'Eugippius and the Origins', p p . 1 2 - 1 3 - For the monastery of SS Nicander and Marcian, see below, p p . 1 2 2 - 3 .
147
T h e r e is disagreement a m o n g m o d e r n scholars as to w h e t h e r t h e monastery was on the islet of Megaris, later t h e Castel dell'Ovo, or w h e t h e r it was somewhere on Pizzofalcone: see Capasso, Monumenta I I . 2 , 172.
148
T h e phrase is first used in t h e Chronicon Marcellinum
s.a. 4 7 6 , where it is noted t h a t the
last R o m a n emperor, R o m u l u s A u g u s t u l u s , was confined to his estate there by Odoacer. 149
O n t h e monastery in t h e castrum Lucullanum,
see in general G . A . G a l a n t e , Memorie
sull'antico cenobio Lucullano di S. Severino abate (Naples, 1869), esp. pp. 1 7 - 2 1 , and,
more recently, Ambrasi, 'II cristianesimo e la chiesa napoletana dei primi secoli', pp. 717-24. 150
See M . C a p p u y n s , ' E u g i p p i u s ' , DHGE
X V ( 1 9 6 3 ) , 1 3 7 6 - 8 and V. Pagan, ' E u g i p -
p i u s ' , EEC I, 2 9 6 , as well as Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli nelValto medioevo, pp. 1 1 - 1 8
and 0DB II, 744.
114
Abbot Hadrian The origins of Eugippius are uncertain (perhaps he was from Rome, perhaps Aquileia). What gave focus to his life was the fact that, while a young man, he was the disciple of the ascetic monk Severinus (d. 482), who is known as the apostle of Austria {Noricum Ripense).151 After the death of St Severinus, his remains were taken by Eugippius and other monks to Naples, where they were housed c. 495 in a shrine in a monastery somewhere in the castrum hucullanum and consecrated by Bishop Victor of Naples with the endorsement of Pope Gelasius I (492-6). Because of this shrine, the monastery was referred to as St Severinus, and became an important centre of pilgrimage. 152 Some years later, in 511, Eugippius wrote his well-known life of his master, the Commemoratorium uitae S. Seuerini.155 This work is rightly regarded as one of the masterpieces of early medieval Latin prose, above all for the clarity of its descriptive detail. 154 Although it is not possible to say where Eugippius received his training, the Commemoratorium shows him to have been a Latin scholar of some standing, a view which is confirmed by the reports of Eugippius's contemporaries. Cassiodorus, who was a friend and colleague, referred in his Institutiones to Eugippius as a man 'non usque adeo saecularibus litteris eruditum, sed scripturarum diuinarum lectione
151
On St Severinus, see F. Lotter, Severinus von Noricum. Legende und historische Wirklichkeit (Stuttgart, 1976), and J. Haberl, Favianis, Vindobona und Wien. Eine archdologischhistorische Illustration zur Vita S. Severini des Eugippius (Leiden, 1976), as well as ODB
III, 1884. 152
It was visited, for example, by t h e Anglo-Saxon p i l g r i m W i l l i b a l d in 7 2 9 ; see H y g e b u r g , Vita S. Willibaldi,
ch. 4 (ed. O . H o l d e r - E g g e r , M G H , SS 15 (Hannover,
1887), 102): 'Et inde navigantes, venerunt ad u r b e m q u e vocatur N e a p u l e ; ibi esset m u l t o s dies. Ibi est sedis archiepiscopi, et m a g n a d i g n i t a s eius illic habetur. Et ibi est prope castella, u b i requiescit sanctus Severinus.' 153
CPU
no. 6 7 8 ; ed. PL 6 2 , 1 1 6 7 - 2 0 0 0 ; P . Knoell, CSEL 9-2 (1886); T . M o m m s e n ,
M G H , SS rer. G e r m . (Berlin, 1898); and P. Regerat, SChr 3 7 4 (Paris, 1991). 154
T h e bibliography is enormous; see especially M . Pellegrino, 'II Commemoratorium
Vitae
Sancti Severini', Rivista di storia delta chiesa in Italia 12 (1958), 1-26; M. van Uytfanghe, 'Elements evangeliques dans la structure et la composition de la vie de saint Severin d'Eugippius', Sacris erudiri 21 (1972-3), 147-58; idem, 'La Bible dans la Vie de saint Severin d'Eugippius', Latomus 33 (1974), 324-52; A. Quacquarelli, 'La Vita S. Severini di Eugippio, etopeia e sentenze', Vetera Christianorum 13 (1976), 229—53; E.M. Ruprechtsberger, 'Beobachtungen zum Stil und zur Sprache des Eugippius', Rbmisches Osterreich 4 (1976), 227-99; and W. Berschin, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen
Mittelalter I (Stuttgart, 1986), 174-88.
115
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
plenissimum'. 153 Some evidence of Eugippius's biblical scholarship is reflected in the famous colophon of the Echternach Gospels (now Paris, BN, lat. 9398, 222v): Troemendaui ut potui secundum codicem de bibliotheca Eugipi praespiteri quern ferunt fuisse sancti hieronimi indictione ui post consulatum bassilii u.c. anno septimo decimo.' 156 The Echternach Gospels were arguably written at Lindisfarne c. 700 by a scribe known to palaeographers as the 'Durham-Echternach Calligrapher'. 157 The colophon of the manuscript, however, implies that it was copied from an exemplar written in 558, which had in turn been collated with a manuscript from the library of Eugippius. How such a manuscript reached England is a question which needs to be considered in the context of other evidence, and is one which will occupy us presently; for now it is enough to note that Eugippius was a serious biblical scholar whose efforts evidently had some effect on the transmission of the gospels. 158 The scholarly enterprise of Eugippius is reflected in other works which he composed at the monastery of St Severinus in the castrum Lucullanum. For example, a monastic rule which he composed for his monks has
155
156
157
158
Institutiones 1.23, ed. R.A.B. Mynors, Cassiodori Senator is Institutiones (Oxford, 1937), p . 6 2 : 'not so well trained in secular literature, b u t thoroughly learned in t h e study of sacred writings'. 'I corrected [ t h e text] as best I could according to a manuscript from t h e library of the priest Eugippius, which they say belonged t o St J e r o m e , in t h e sixth indiction, t h e seventeenth year after t h e consulship of Bassilius' [ = A D 5 5 8 } . O n t h e textual affiliations of t h e Echternach Gospels — which in spite of t h e subscription are not Campanian b u t represent a mixture of many types - see Fischer, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, p . 169, and below, p . 196, n. 2 4 . CLA V , no. 5 7 8 and Codex Lindisfarnensis, ed. Kendrick et al. II. 1, 9 6 - 7 , 1 0 3 - 4 and 2 4 6 - 9 ; see also J J . G . Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century (London, 1978), p p . 42—3 (no. 11). T h e attribution to Lindisfarne has been challenged by D . C5 Croinih, 'Rath Melsigi, W i l l i b r o r d and t h e Earliest Echternach Manuscripts', Peritia 3 (1984), 17—49, w h o would assign t h e manuscript t o t h e circle of Willibrord and explain t h e Irish features of its decoration in terms of Willibrord's period of study at R a t h Melsigi in Ireland; see also t h e reply by R. Bruce-Mitford, ' T h e D u r h a m Echternach Calligrapher', in St Cuthbert, ed. Bonner et al., p p . 175—88. For Eugippius and his biblical text, see C h a p m a n , Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels, p p . 2 8 - 4 4 . C h a p m a n elsewhere argued that t h e summaries which accompany t h e gospels in t h e Codex Amiatinus (and related manuscripts) were composed by Eugippius: 'Cassiodorus and t h e Echternach Gospels', RB 2 8 (1911),
283-95, esp. 291-5.
116
Abbot Hadrian recently been identified and edited. 159 Also for his monks Eugippius composed a florilegium of some 350 excerpts from more than forty of the writings of St Augustine, the Excerpta ex operibus S. Augustini.160 The nature of Eugippius's scholarship is becoming better understood as the manuscript transmission of the writings of Augustine is investigated more closely.161 Although (apparently) no manuscripts survive which were either written or annotated by him, various later manuscripts are demonstrably copies of (now lost) manuscripts which preserve Eugippius's own annotations and chapter-headings. For example, an eighth-century manuscript of Augustine's Quaestiones in Heptateuchum now in Paris demonstrably descends from the manuscript of that work used and marked up by Eugippius while preparing his Excerpta.162 Three manuscripts dating from the sixth century to the late eighth are independent copies of the exemplar of Augustine's De Genesi ad litteram used by Eugippius for his Excerpta, insofar as they preserve his distinctive chapter-headings. 163 It is possible that other manuscripts of works of Augustine similarly descend from exemplars marked up by Eugippius. 164 In any event it is becoming increasingly clear that Naples in the time of Eugippius was an outstanding 159
Eugippii
Regula,
ed. F. Villegas and A. de V o g u e , CSEL 87 (Vienna, 1976); see
discussion by A. de V o g u e , 'La Regie d ' E u g i p p e retrouvee?', Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 4 7 ( 1 9 7 1 ) , 2 3 3 - 6 5 ; 'Quelques observations nouvelles sur la Regie d ' E u g i p p e ' , Benedictina
22 (1975), 3 1 - 4 1 ; 'La Regie d ' E u g i p p e et la fin d u prologue de saint
Benoft', Collectanea Cisterciensia 4 1 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , 2 6 5 - 7 3 ; and 'De Cassien au Maftre et a E u g i p p e : le titre d u chapitre de l'humilite", Studia Monastica 2 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 247—61. 160 161
CPL, no. 6 7 6 ; ed. P. Knoell, CSEL 9.1 (Vienna, 1885). Principally t h r o u g h t h e labours of Michael G o r m a n ; see esp. 'The O l d e s t Manuscripts of St A u g u s t i n e ' s De Genesi ad litteram, St A u g u s t i n e ' s De Genesi ad litteram';
RB 9 0 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 7 - 4 9 ; 'Chapter H e a d i n g s for
' T h e M a n u s c r i p t T r a d i t i o n ' ; and ' E u g i p p i u s and
t h e O r i g i n s ' . See also F. R o m e r , ' Z u r handschriftlichen Uberlieferung der W e r k e des heiligen A u g u s t i n u s ' , Rheinisches Museum 113 ( 1 9 7 0 ) , 228—46. 162
Paris, B N , lat. 1 2 1 6 8 (Laon, s. viii; prov. Corbie): CLA V, no. 6 3 0 . See G o r m a n , 'The M a n u s c r i p t T r a d i t i o n ' , p p . 9—10, and ' E u g i p p i u s and t h e O r i g i n s ' , p p . 8—9. N o t e t h a t t h e Quaestiones in Heptateuchum are t h e one w o r k of A u g u s t i n e w h i c h was certainly laid u n d e r c o n t r i b u t i o n in t h e C a n t e r b u r y biblical commentaries: see below, p . 2 0 2 .
163
See G o r m a n , 'Chapter H e a d i n g s ' , to be s u p p l e m e n t e d by ' E u g i p p i u s and t h e O r i g i n s ' ,
pp. 14-26. 164
See G o r m a n , ' E u g i p p i u s and the O r i g i n s ' , p p . 26—7, w h o draws a t t e n t i o n to t h e transmission of eight separate works of A u g u s t i n e (Tractatus in euangelium lohannis,
De
ordine, Sermones viii and lxxi, De uera religione, De catechizandis rudibus, De haeresibus ad Quoduultdeum and De octo Dulcitii
quaestionibus).
Ill
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
centre of biblical and patristic scholarship, and one that has left its impress — in ways hitherto unsuspected — on later scholarship. 165 The production and multiplication of works consulted and composed by Eugippius imply that he was able to draw on the services of a well-trained scriptorium. In a letter to Eugippius from his famous colleague Fulgentius, the latter asks that Eugippius employ his 'subordinates' (serui) to copy various works requested by him. 166 That there were active scriptoria not only at Eugippius's own monastery of St Severinus, but also at neighbouring monasteries in the castrum Lucullanum, is clear from the evidence both of surviving sixth-century manuscripts and of colophons preserved in later manuscripts. 167 First, the evidence of surviving sixthcentury manuscripts. 168 There are three manuscripts written in a highly disciplined form of formal half uncial, all dating from the later sixth century, and presumably all products of the same scriptorium: a copy of Eugippius's own Excerpta ex operibus S. Augustini in the Vatican library, 169 165
Cf. also C . P . H . B a m m e l , 'Products of Fifth-Century Scriptoria preserving Conventions used by Rufinus of Aquileia, III. N o m i n a Sacra', JTS esp. 441—51,
n.s. 30 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , 430—62,
w h o considers E u g i p p i u s ' s role in the transmission of Rufinus. A n o t h e r
work which was arguably produced in sixth-century N a p l e s is a collection of t w e n t y seven sermons (some pseudo-Chrysostomian, some p s e u d o - A u g u s t i n i a n ) apparently intended for N e a p o l i t a n liturgical use: see G. M o r i n , ' E t u d e sur u n e serie de discours d ' u n eveque [de Naples?} d u V i e siecle', RB 11 (1894), 3 8 5 - 4 0 2 , and EEC I, 4 4 3 (with bibliography). 166 P L 6 5 , 3 4 8 : 'Obsecro u t libros quos opus h a b e m u s , serui tui describant de codicibus uestris.' 167
O n the scriptorium of E u g i p p i u s , see in general L. T r a u b e , ' G r u n d l a g e n der H a n d schriftenkunde',
in his Vorlesungen und
Abhandlungen,
ed. P. L e h m a n n ,
3 vols.
(Munich, 1909-20) I, 81-127, at 108-9 ('Die Bibliothek des Eugippius'); A. van de Vyver, 'Cassiodore et son oeuvre', Speculum 6 (1931), 244-92, at 281-3; A. Petrucci, 'Scrittura e libro nell'Italia altomedioevale: il sesto secolo', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 10.2 (1969), 157-213, at 184-7; G. Cavallo, 'La circolazione libraria nell'eta di Giustiniano', in L'imperatore Giustiniano: storia e mito, ed. G.G. Archi (Milan, 1978),
pp. 201-36, at 226-8, and Gorman, 'Eugippius and the Origins', esp. pp. 8-14. 168
See in general Bischoff, MS II, 3 1 6 - 1 7 ; idem, Latin Palaeography, p . 185, as well as the important codicological study by di Majo, Federici and Palma, 'La pergamena dei codici altomedievali italiani'. E.A. Lowe, followed by Bischoff {Latin Palaeography, 185), attributed two further (fragmentary) manuscripts to sixth-century Naples:
p. CLA
VI, nos. 8 1 0 and 8 1 9 . 169
N o w Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 3 3 7 5 : CLA
I, no. 16. As
G o r m a n has demonstrated ('Eugippius and the Origins', p p . 1 4 - 2 6 ) , Vat. lat. 3375 derives from an exemplar remote from the archetype of the Excerpta and
118
cannot
Abbot Hadrian a copy of the Ambrosiaster's commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which contains a subscription stating that it was 'read' ( = 'corrected'?) by the scribe Donatus in the monastery of St Peter in castello Lucullano in AD 570, now in Monte Cassino, 170 and a copy of various works of Augustine now in Bamberg. 171 Previous scholars inclined to locate this scriptorium in Eugippius's own monastery of St Severinus, but more recently the evidence of the Donatus subscription has been shown to point to the nearby monastery of St Peter. 172 The evidence of the sixth-century manuscripts, combined with that of subscriptions in later manuscripts, 173 thus shows that there were several active scriptoria in Naples and its vicinity in the late sixth century. A tenth-century manuscript of Rufinus's translation of Origen's De principiis formerly in Metz (but destroyed during the last war) preserved a subscription indicating that its (lost) exemplar had been 'read' and corrected in AD 562 by Donatus, 174 presumably at the monastery of St Peter in castello Lucullano. A ninth-century manuscript of Augustine's Epistulae now in Paris contains an (undated) colophon stating that the text was corrected by one Facistus (read Faustus?) at the monastery of St Severinus {Seuerinae).115 A scribe named Peter, who describes himself as therefore be a m a n u s c r i p t corrected by E u g i p p i u s himself, as palaeographers had earlier suggested; see also his remarks in ' T h e M a n u s c r i p t T r a d i t i o n ' , p . 2 4 1 . O n palaeographical g r o u n d s the m a n u s c r i p t is to be dated to t h e second half of t h e sixth century. 170
M o n t e Cassino, Archivio della Badia 1 5 0 , p p . 6 5 - 9 1 0 : CLA
III, no. 374a. T h e
subscription of D o n a t u s is on p . 2 4 8 : ' D o n a t u s gratia Dei p r o p r i u m codicem Iustina A u g u s t o tertio post consolatum eius in aedibus beati Petri in castello Lucullano infirmus legi legi legi'. 171
B a m b e r g , Staatliche Bibliothek, Patr. 87 (B. IV. 21): CLA
V I I I , no. 1 0 3 1 . It is
interesting to note t h a t this m a n u s c r i p t was annotated by an Anglo-Saxon scribe s o m e t i m e in t h e later e i g h t h century (see 105v), t h o u g h there is no evidence t h a t it had left Italy at t h a t t i m e (it was in R o m e in t h e n i n t h century, as an a n n o t a t i o n on 7 9 v shows). 172
G o r m a n , ' E u g i p p i u s and t h e O r i g i n s ' , p p . 29—30; see also di Majo, Federici and Palma, 'La p e r g a m e n a ' , p p . 7 - 8 .
173
T h e various subscriptions are p t d G o r m a n , 'Chapter H e a d i n g s for St A u g u s t i n e ' s De Genesi ad litteram\
174
pp. 1 0 2 - 3 .
Formerly M e t z , Bibl. m u n . , 2 2 5 (s. x): ' D o n a t u s diaconus in aedibus beati apostoli Petri D e o uolente p r o p r i u m codicem uicies post consolatum Basilii vc indicione decima infirmus et debilis legi legi legi'; see also P . Koetschau, Origines Werke V, G C S 22 (Leipzig, 1913), lx.
173
Paris, B N , lat.
1 1 4 3 (Lyon, s. i x m e d ; prov. Cluny), 156r: 'legi Facistus
iuxta
m e n d o s u m exemplar in Seuerinae'. O n t h e date of t h e m a n u s c r i p t , see t h e opinion of Bischoff q u o t e d apud G o r m a n , ' E u g i p p i u s and t h e O r i g i n s ' , p . 3 0 .
119
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school the notarius ecclesiae catholicae Neapolitanae, claimed to have 'corrected' a
manuscript of Eugippius's Excerpta ex operibus S. Angustini during the siege of Naples by the Langobards in 582 (on which see below); Peter's original manuscript does not survive, but a copy of it is found in a ninth-century manuscript now in Paris. 176 Finally, several twelfth- and thirteenthcentury Cistercian manuscripts of Augustine's De trinitate preserve a subscription indicating that their common exemplar was corrected in Campania on an estate near Cuma in AD 559 {in prouincia Campania territorio Cumano in possessione nostra Acherusio).177 The sum of this evidence
indicates that in the late sixth century there was a number of flourishing monastic schools and scriptoria in Naples and its vicinity, pursuing a tradition of Latin biblical and patristic scholarship which had existed there from the time of Eugippius, if not before. When Hadrian arrived in Naples in the 640s, a young Greek-speaking refugee from the Arab invasions of the Pentapolis, these schools and scriptoria were presumably still in existence, even though we have no contemporary evidence to confirm this assertion. The expertise which Hadrian himself acquired in biblical and patristic scholarship is in some sense a confirmation. We must now consider more closely the evidence for Hadrian's sojourn in the vicinity of Naples. MONASTERIUM 'HIRIDANUM'
The monastery of which Hadrian was abbot was, according to Bede, situated 'not far from Naples' (non longe a Neapoli). As we have seen, Naples itself and the surrounding Bay of Naples were populated surprisingly densely with monasteries from at least the fifth century onwards, 178 176
Paris, B N , lat. 1 1 6 4 2 (Saint-Germain-des-Pres, s. ix m e d ), 2 2 4 r - v . This lengthy colophon is ptd Knoell, CSEL 9 . 1 , xxv-xxvi, as well as by Gorman, 'Chapter Headings', pp. 1 0 2 - 3 , n. 58.
177
The manuscripts in question are Dijon, Bibl. mun., 141 (108) (Cfteaux, s. xi e x ), Paris, Bibl. de l'Arsenal 3 0 3 (Fontenay, s. xii), Troyes, Bibl. mun. 4 1 1 (Clairvaux, s. xii), and Paris, B N , lat. 1 5 7 3 3 (s. xiii): see Gorman, 'Chapter Headings', p. 2 0 1 , n. 57, and 'Eugippius and the Origins', pp. 2 8 - 9 . Gorman conjectures convincingly that possessione nostra Acherusio refers to Lago Fusaro near Cuma.
178
See Cilento, 'La cultura e gli inizi dello studio', p. 526: 'Le coste, le colline prospicienti il litorale, le isole dei due golfi, da Pizzofalcone (Monte Echia), all'isola del Salvatore (gia Megaride e poi Castel deH'Ovo), a Nisida, a Miseno, a Baia, erano popolate di
120
Abbot Hadrian and Bede could in theory have been referring to any one of them. Which of the monasteries in question is that referred to by Bede as Hiridanuml The first problem which confronts us is that the manuscript transmission of Bede's Historia ecclesiastica is not unanimous on the spelling of the monastery's name: some manuscripts of the m-tradition (principally the 'Moore Bede', on which the earliest editions of the work were based) have Hiridano, whereas manuscripts of the 1-tradition have Niridano.119 The difference is probably of no great significance, given that majuscule H and N are barely distinguishable in Insular script, and the matter should therefore be decided on the basis of which spelling best suits the historical circumstances. In the vicinity of Naples there is, as far as can be determined, 180 no site named either *Hirida or *Nirida.181 However, if we admit an alteration of one letter, r to s, 182 there is indeed a site near Naples named Nisida. Nisida is a small island in the outskirts of Naples, now joined to the mainland by a causeway. In classical times it was known simply as Nesis, 'The Islet' (vriaiq is the Greek diminutive of vfjaoc;, 'island'); the Latin accusative of Nesis is Nesida, whence the island took its present name. 183 Nesis was an estate which at one time belonged to Brutus, and it was here that Cicero visited Brutus, 184 and where Brutus and Cassius swore their oath to murder Caesar. In the late first century AD Statius (a native, as we have seen, of Naples) describes Nisida as crowned with woods: 'siluaque monasteri.' Regrettably, Cilento does not assemble the evidence on which this assertion is based; b u t cf. above, p . 114 and n. 144. 179 See the apparatus criticus to Mynors's text (Beck's Ecclesiastical History, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 328). 180 Cf. Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p p . 3 1 - 2 : 'Confessiamo che non siamo riusciti a rintracciare una localita di questo nome [scil. Niridano}'. 181 T h e question is judiciously treated by Poole, 'Monasterium N i r i d a n u m ' ; cf. Cook, 'Hadrian of Africa', p p . 2 4 3 ^ . 182 poole ('Monasterium N i r i d a n u m ' , p . 541) suggested that forms of the letters r and s would be easily confused in Insular minuscule script. I doubt this assertion, however; in m y view, t h e script-form in which the t w o letters would be most easily confused is the formal half uncial found in the sixth-century Neapolitan manuscripts discussed above (nn. \62-A). Only one editor of Bede has ever dared to emend the transmitted Niridano to Nisidano: A. Holder, Baedae Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, 2nd ed. (Freiburg, [1882]), p p . 164 and 3 1 2 . 183 See Beloch, Campanien, pp. 8 7 - 8 , and D'Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples, pp. 186-7. 184 Cicero, Epist. ad Att. XVI.2: 'fiii apud ilium [scil. B r u t u m } multas horas in Neside'.
121
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
quae fixam pelago Nesida coronat' (Siluae III.i. 148). Thereafter Nisida disappears from the historical record. One might think that Constantine's endowment of the cathedral of Naples, which according to the Liber pontificalis included the 'possessio insula cum castro', referred to Nisida; 185 but the mention of the castrum here suggests rather that the reference is to the castrum Lucullanum or Castel dell'Ovo. Evidence from the later Middle Ages is similarly uncertain. It has also been suggested — by the great nineteenth-century historian of Naples, Bartolomeo Capasso — that a reference in a mid-eleventh-century charter to a monastery dedicated to the Archangel (St Michael) de insula Gipei, apparently in the vicinity of Naples and Pozzuoli, can conjecturally be identified with Nisida; 186 but the identification is uncertain and can in any event shed little light on the putative existence of a monastery at Nisida in the seventh century. 187 The precise identification of the monastery in question is probably not essential to the present argument for, as we have seen, there were numerous monasteries in the vicinity of Naples which, up to the end of the sixth century at least, were flourishing centres of scholarship and manuscript production. Indeed, Bede's account of Hadrian's Neapolitan sojourn seems to imply the existence not only of the monasterium Ni<s>idanum, but of a nearby convent of nuns whose chaplain was the monk Andrew whom Hadrian proposed to Pope Vitalian as a suitable candidate for the vacant see of Canterbury, but whose state of health prevented him from accepting such an appointment. 188 Bede does not specify where this nunnery was located, but the possibility that it was identical with the nunnery of SS Nicander and Marcian in Naples itself is worth considering. We learn of this nunnery from the vita of St Patrizia by Leo of Naples, 185
186
187
Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 186; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p . 2 6 . For t h e identification of the text's insula w i t h Nisida, see Duchesne, ibid., p . 2 0 0 , n. 1 1 8 . Capasso, Monumenta II.ii, 1 8 3 . Elsewhere Capasso discusses a reference in a charter of Frederick II, dated 1 2 3 9 - 4 0 , t o a church S. Angeli de Zippio {ibid., p . 159, n. 4 ) , which he inclines t o identify w i t h t h e monastery de insula Gipei. Capasso's identification has been questioned by Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p . 3 4 , n. 4 3 ; cf. Poole, ' M o n a s t e r i u m N i r i d a n u m ' , p . 5 4 5 .
188
HE IV. 1 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 328): ' c u m q u e m o n a c h u m q u e n d a m de uicino u i r g i n u m monasterio n o m i n e A n d r e a m pontifici offerret, hie ab o m n i b u s q u i nouere d i g n u s episcopatu iudicatus est. V e r u m p o n d u s corporeae infirmitatis ne episcopus fieri posset obstitit.'
122
Abbot Hadrian who was himself a priest of that house. 189 St Patrizia was a noble lady from Constantinople who, during the reign of Constans II (641-68), travelled to Rome by way of Naples. While at Naples she was much taken with the church of SS Nicander and Marcian,190 and vowed to be buried there in due course. After travelling on to Rome and then back to Constantinople, she returned during a terminal illness to Naples where she disembarked on an (unspecified) island in the Bay of Naples, and died. Her body was taken to the church of SS Nicander and Marcian, and duly buried there in accordance with her earlier vow. Many details of this story are unclear, but in broad outline it attests to the presence in Naples of a nunnery served by a chaplain at precisely the time that Hadrian was proposing to the pope the name of a chaplain of a Neapolitan nunnery as a possible archbishop of Canterbury. In any case, there is no need to doubt Bede's statement that Hadrian had been abbot of a monastery near Naples, even if the probable identification of that monastery as Nisida cannot be proved beyond doubt. Certainly the biblical commentaries edited here reveal familiarity with the topography of the Naples area,191 and this familiarity is probably due to Hadrian. Whatever the case, we are surely permitted to assume that Hadrian, who had arrived in Naples as a (Greek-speaking) refugee from Libya Cyrenaica, entered a monastery there, perhaps one otherwise unattested on Nisida, and, drawing on the scholarly tradition in biblical and patristic study initiated a century earlier by Eugippius, acquired the impressive training in 'monastic and ecclesiastical disciplines' mentioned by Bede which he was subsequently to bring to England. HADRIAN AND IMPERIAL POLITICS
Bede informs us that, when through the death of Wigheard there occurred the vacancy in the archbishopric of Canterbury, Pope Vitalian was very careful in seeking sound advice as to how the vacancy should be filled: 189
190 191
BHL no. 6 4 8 5 ; ed. Acta SS., A u g . , V, 2 1 5 - 1 9 . O n this vita, see Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p p . 24—6, who dates the events of the vita to the years 652—60, and Cilento, 'La cultura e gli inizi dello studio', p . 554. T h e site of this nunnery has not been identified. See Evil 57 (below, p . 406), where the location of the island of Ponza is explained in connection with Pontius Pilate. Ponza is the outermost island of an archipelago which includes Ischia and other islands in the Bay of Naples.
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Bede's words of the pope are quaesiuit sedulus (IV. 1). But immediately following this statement Bede makes what at first sight seems an irrelevant aside: 'now at that time there was a certain Abbot Hadrian living in Naples'. Bede's narrative, here as elsewhere, is smooth and seamless; yet it masks an interesting problem. Why, at this critical juncture in the history of the English church, should the pope — who could obviously have availed himself of the best advice in Rome — have turned to the abbot of a remote and (for us) unidentified monastery in Naples? How was it that the pope had even heard of Hadrian, let alone that he should place his entire confidence in Hadrian's advice? For, as we learn from Bede, the pope first asked Hadrian to fill the vacancy, then a name suggested by Hadrian (Andrew), then Hadrian again, then a second name suggested by Hadrian (Theodore). That Abbot Hadrian had the pope's ear in 667 would be putting it mildly: the pope seems to have placed his entire trust in this abbot of an apparently minor monastery. Furthermore, when the election of Theodore was eventually made, it was agreed that Hadrian should accompany the newly elected archbishop through Gaul, 'because he had already travelled twice through Gaul on various business' ('iam bis partes Galliarum diuersis ex causis adisset'). Why had Hadrian, abbot of an obscure Neapolitan monastery, travelled twice to Gaul? And why, when Hadrian duly arrived in Gaul (for the third time), was he detained by Ebroin, the Neustrian mayor of the palace, on the suspicion that Hadrian was 'conducting some embassy for the Emperor' (HE IV. 1: 'aliquam legationem imperatoris')? Bede's narrative, and the historical record in general, provide no answers to questions such as these. In order to provide even hypothetical answers, it is necessary briefly to consider the political situation in Italy at the time of Theodore's election. Thus far in the discussion, no mention has been made of the Langobards or Lombards; but their presence in Italy was a crucial factor from the late sixth century onwards, and since this presence very possibly impinged on the career of Abbot Hadrian, a brief outline of their role in sixth- and seventh-century Italian politics is necessary. The precise origin of the Langobards is unknown; but by the late fifth and early sixth century, they had spread south into what is now Austria, Slovakia and Hungary. 192 192
On the origins of the Langobards, see L. Schmidt, Geschkbte der deutschen Stdmme bis zum Ausgang der Volkerwanderung, I: Die Ostgermanen, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1941), pp. 565—626; H. Frohlich, 'Zur Herkunft der Langobarden', Quellen und Forschungen aus
124
Abbot Hadrian From here, under their leader Alboin, they crossed the Alps in 568 and began their conquest of Italy. 193 The cities of northern Italy — Vicenza, Verona, Milan — offered little resistance, and by 570 much of northern Italy was under Langobard control; subsequent years saw them established in Tuscany as well. They were less successful in dealing with Ravenna, the seat of imperial Roman (Byzantine) government in Italy, since it could be defended by the Byzantine navy, against which the Langobards had no weapon. Nevertheless, from their power base in northern Italy the Langobards pushed down through inland Italy, following the Apennines, because - oddly, perhaps - the hill towns and cities were less well fortified than the coastal towns. It was Alboin's policy to consolidate the territories he had conquered by establishing dukedoms (ducatus) in the principal cities and territories. Thus he established a dukedom of Spoleto, from which Langobard authority over central Italy could be exerted, and another, probably in 571, in Benevento (see fig. 5), which became the centre of Langobard dominion in southern Italy. 194 By the time of Alboin's death in 573 most of inland Italy was under Langobard control with the following exceptions: Ravenna, Rome (and a corridor following the Tiber and joining Rome with Ravenna), the Bay of Naples, Calabria (the 'heel' of Italy) and Bruttia (the 'toe' of Italy), as well as islands such as Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily. Because all these areas could be protected by the Byzantine fleet, they remained under the control of the Roman (Byzantine) empire; the Langobards, who had no fleet, were simply incapable of conquering or controlling fortified seaports. This division of italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken
5 5 - 6 ( 1 9 7 6 ) , 1—21; and J . J a r n u t , ' Z u r Friih-
geschichte der Langobarden', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 2 4 (1983), 1-16. 193
T h e clearest and most recent account of Langobard Italy is t h a t by D e l o g u , 11 regno Longobardo'; see also Gasparri, / duchi longobardi, p p . 7—44 and J a r n u t , Geschichte der Langobarden,
p p . 3 3 - 5 4 . T h e bibliography is e n o r m o u s , t h o u g h m u c h of t h e most
i m p o r t a n t research is to be found in t h e collected papers of t w o scholars: O . Bertolini,
Serifft scelti di storia medievale, 2 vols. (Livorno, 1968), and Bognetti, L'eta longobarda, esp. II, 1 3 - 6 7 3 CS. Maria foris portas di Castelseprio e la storia religiosa dei longobardi'). A useful account of t h e current state of research is P . Scardigli, 'Stand u n d Aufgaben der Langobardenforschung', repr. in his Goti e longobardi. Studi
di
filologia germanica ( R o m e , 1987), p p . 1 7 9 - 9 0 ; see also p p . 1 9 1 - 2 4 6 . T h e principal narrative source is Paul t h e Deacon, Historia Langobardorum,
ed. G . W a i t z , M G H , SS
rer. Langobard. (Hannover, 1878), 4 5 - 1 8 7 . 194
For Langobard rule in southern Italy, see H i r s c h and Schipa, La Longobardia nale, ed. Acocella, p p . 5 - 8 6 .
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meridio-
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power, between the Langobards and (the remnant of) the Roman empire, was to endure for several centuries. Once the Langobards had established a dukedom in Benevento, they attempted, under Duke Zotto (c. 570—90) and his long-lived successor Arichis (c. 590-640), to extend their control over southern Italy. 195 A siege of Naples failed in 581 as did another in 592; but in c. 589 the abbey of Monte Cassino was sacked and destroyed, and in 593 Capua was laid under siege, eventually to fall in 597. At this point the clergy of Capua fled to Naples for safety.196 Venafro was taken in 595, and the following year Pope Gregory expressed fears that Amalfi (an important seaport just south of Naples) would be taken as well. 197 It was in these circumstances that Gregory recommended, as we have seen, that monastic communities in the exposed outermost parts of the Bay of Naples, such as those at Cuma and Pozzuoli, be moved for safety's sake to Naples itself. A similar political situation still obtained in the middle of the seventh century: the Langobards, from their stronghold in Benevento, controlled the inland territories of southern Italy, whereas Naples, with its fortifications and its harbour allowing access to the imperial fleet, remained part of the Roman (Byzantine) empire. At that time, however, various developments threatened to alter this more or less stable situation. The duke of Benevento then was Grimoald (647-71), a man of considerable ability and energy. 198 When the king of the Langobards, Aripert I, died in 661, the kingdom was left to his two young sons Godepert and Perctarit, who had their seats of power in Pavia and Milan respectively. Seeing an opportunity to seize the throne, Grimoald, assisted by various treacherous Langobard dukes, marched northwards (leaving Benevento in charge of his young son Romoald), killed Godepert and seized power. Perctarit fled for safety to the Avars, apparently in 662. Grimoald then married a daughter of King Aripert in order to legitimize his seizure of the throne. He thus became the 195
See Hirsch and Schipa, ibid., esp. p p . 5—33, a n d Gasparri, / duchi longobardi, p p .
86-7. 196
197 198
Gregory's Registrum is the source for much of the information given here. For the flight of the Capuan clergy to Naples, see Registrum V . I 3 - 1 4 (ed. Norberg, CCSL 140, 2 7 9 - 8 0 ) ; both letters are dated A D 594. Ibid. V I . 2 3 (ed. N o r b e r g , p . 393), dated A D 5 9 6 . O n Grimoald, see Delogu, 'II regno longobardo', p p . 9 0 - 6 , Gasparri, / duchi longobardiy p p . 88—9, Hirsch and Schipa, La Longobardia meridionale, ed. Acocella, p p . 3 6 - 4 3 , and J a r n u t , Geschichte der Langobarden, p p . 58—61.
126
Abbot Hadrian first Langobard king successfully to control both the northern and southern dukedoms. The legitimacy of his rule, however, was undermined by the continuing existence of Perctarit. Accordingly, Grimoald threatened the Avars with attack if they continued to shelter the fugitive. According to Paul the Deacon (Paulus Diaconus), who is the principal source for these events, the king of the Avars summoned Perctarit and asked him where he would like to go, since he could no longer be protected by the Avars. 199 At the same time, Grimoald proposed a truce to Perctarit, offering him peaceful residence at Pavia. When Perctarit returned to Pavia, however, Grimoald attempted to assassinate him there; he was saved by some faithful followers and managed to escape, this time to 'the land of the Franks' (Francorum ad patriam)200 probably early in 663. The 'Franks' proved to be more resilient allies than the Avars had been: they even mounted an expedition against Grimoald. As Paul the Deacon reports, the Frankish army set out from Provence and invaded Italy (Trancorum exercitus de Provincia egrediens in Italiam introivit'), 201 but was tricked and roundly defeated by Grimoald. The vague words used by Paul the Deacon —patria Francorum — mask an immensely complex political situation, for Francia was then not a single unified kingdom, but an amalgam of at least two rival kingdoms, Austrasia and Neustria (which at this particular time was joined with Burgundy). From the mention of Provence {Provincia), however, it is apparent that the Frankish army came from the Neustro-Burgundian kingdom, which at 199 Historia Langobardorum V.2 (ed. Waitz, p. 142): 'eidem cacano Avarum regi per legatos mandavit [scil. Grimoald}, ut, si Perctarit in suo regno detineret, cum Langobardis et secum pacem, quam hactenus habuerat, deinceps habere non possit. Haec Avarum rex audiens, adscito Perctarit, dixit ei, ut in quam partem vellet pergeret, ne propter eum Avares cum Langobardis inimicitias contraherent.' The point is worth noting, because according to Stephen of Ripon, when Bishop Wilfrid was later (in 679) enjoying the protection of this same Perctarit, Perctarit told him that once, when he had been staying with the king of the Huns (sic), the king had been offered a bushel of gold to hand him over to be killed, but the king had refused to do so, saying that he would not break the agreement he had made with Perctarit for all the money in the world (Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 28, ed. Colgrave, p. 56). These anecdotes evidently relate to the same episode, but it is not clear how they are to be reconciled. 200 Historia Langobardorum V.2 (ed. Waitz, p. 144). This part of Paul the Deacon's narrative is analysed by W . Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History (Princeton, NJ, 1988), pp. 4 0 8 - 1 1 . 201
Ibid. V.5 (ed. W a i t z , p . 146).
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that time - probably 663 - was ruled by the young King Chlotar III, but was in fact under the control of Queen Balthild (Chlotar's mother and the widow of King Clovis, who had died in 657), and the ambitious but detestable mayor of the palace, Ebroin. 202 Given that Neustria controlled Burgundy at this point, the most likely assumption is that it was Ebroin to whom Perctarit appealed and who launched the expedition against Grimoald. 203 Precisely why Ebroin went into the field in support of Perctarit is not stated in the sources; but the likelihood is that Ebroin was attempting to establish a treaty with Perctarit as a counterbalance to an already-existing treaty between Grimoald and the Austrasian kingdom. 204 If the Langobard armies of Grimoald could be destroyed simply and Perctarit installed as legitimate king of the Langobards, then Ebroin would have a powerful ally against his Austrasian enemies. This scenario can be no more than conjecture, however, because the sources tell us nothing further concerning Perctarit's relationships with the Franks during the next eight years or so. The next we hear of Perctarit is in 671 when, according to Paul the Deacon, he was preparing to flee to England for refuge at the precise moment when the death of Grimoald was announced to him, whereupon he returned to Italy to resume the kingdom which had been seized from him by Grimoald. 205 It would be interesting to know why Perctarit was proposing in 671 to go to England. Who, if anyone, had invited him, or promised him protection? Was he obliged to flee from Neustria because he no longer enjoyed the support of Ebroin? Had Ebroin's support for him cooled as a result of the disastrous Frankish expedition to Asti in 663? Given the paucity of our sources, it is impossible to answer any of these questions. Meanwhile, another much more powerful agent entered the fray, namely the Roman emperor, Constans II (641—68). 206 The emperor was 202
O n t h e precise chronology of these events, see L. D u p r a z , Contribution a I'histoire du Regnum Francorum pendant le troisieme quart du Vile siecle (656—680)
(Fribourg, 1948),
pp. 223-6 and 239-46. 203
The suggestion of Ebroin was first made by J a r n u t , 'Beitrage zu den
frankisch-
bayerisch-langobardischen Beziehungen', p . 332; and cf. Delogu, 'II regno longobardo', p . 96. 204
O n these various (hypothetical b u t probable) alliances between Franks and Langobards, see J a r n u t , ibid., p p . 3 3 2 - 3 .
205 206
Historia Langobardorum V . 3 3 (ed. W a i t z , p . 155). O n the expedition of Constans II to Italy, see esp. Corsi, La spedizione italiana Costante / / , esp. p p . 117—23, and 'La politica italiana di Costante I F , esp. p p . 774—83;
128
di
Abbot Hadrian no doubt aware of the threat which a combined north-south Langobard kingdom under Grimoald's leadership posed to the security of imperial territories in Italy. When he learned that Grimoald had left Benevento for north Italy and had left his young son Romoald holding the fort, Constans decided to launch a massive strike against the Langobards in southern Italy in order to recover lands formerly in imperial possession. After spending the winter of 662 in Greece, Constans and the Byzantine army disembarked at Taranto in the spring of 663; as we learn from Paul the Deacon, the army made its way up through Puglia in southern Italy where they fought without success at Acerenza, occupied Lucera, and then laid siege to Benevento. 207 Young Romoald was on the point of handing over the city to the imperial army, and in giving his sister to Constans as a hostage, when Grimoald, suddenly realizing the seriousness of the situation, hastened south with a large army intent on relieving his son. When Grimoald reached the river Sangro (just south of Chieti), Constans abandoned the siege and withdrew to Naples (then still under his authority), having no doubt learned that, after a century of Italian rule, the Langobards could not easily be dislodged. Constans spent the early summer of 663 in Naples. It is tempting to speculate that, at this point, the emperor somehow came into contact with Abbot Hadrian. 208 As we have seen, Hadrian was a native speaker of Greek, a former resident of a Byzantine province in Africa, but had by now spent some twenty years in the vicinity of Naples and was presumably familiar with the ecclesiastical politics of Italy. He could have informed the emperor of the local situation without having recourse to an interpreter. In any event, the emperor soon decided to travel to Rome to meet the pope. As we learn from the Liber pontificalis, Constans II arrived in Rome on Wednesday 5 July; Pope Vitalian with all his clergy met him at the sixth milestone (on the Via Appia) and accompanied him back to Rome, where celebrations duly took place at St Peter's, inasmuch as Constans was the first Roman emperor in over two hundred years to set
see also A.N. Stratos, 'Expedition de l'empereur Constantin III surnomme Constant en Italie', Bisanzio e Vltalia. Raccolta di studi in memoria di Agostino Pertusi (Milan, 1982), pp. 348-57, repr. in his Studies in Ith-Century Byzantine Political History (London, 1983), no. X L 207
Paul t h e Deacon, Historia Langobardorum V . 6 - 1 1 (ed. W a i t z , p p . 1 4 6 - 5 0 ) .
208
T h e hypothesis was first formulated by Fuiano, La cultura a Napoli, p . 2 3 .
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foot in Rome. 209 Again, if Abbot Hadrian was accompanying the emperor as a (newly found) interpreter/adviser, he will have had ample opportunity to get to know Pope Vitalian, perhaps even acting as the emperor's translator in audience with the pope. 210 In any event, the emperor stayed in Rome twelve days before making his way back to Naples, and eventually to Sicily, where he took up residence and where (as we have seen) he was eventually assassinated in 668. It was presumably in the aftermath of the emperor's stay in Naples and his meeting with the pope that Hadrian was entrusted with the imperial embassy — legatio imperatoris — and was sent twice to Gaul, diuersis ex causis,
as Bede says (HE IV. 1). Neither Bede nor any other source indicates the nature of these embassies, and we can now do little more than guess. Possibly the emperor, reflecting that his siege of Benevento had had to be raised as a result of Grimoald's arrival, hoped for greater success in a future siege if the forces of Grimoald could be partially occupied on a second front; possibly Hadrian's mission was that of persuading Grimoald's Frankish enemies to attack him on other fronts, with the lure of imperial finance for such an undertaking. It is even conceivable that the promise of imperial support had been a factor in persuading Ebroin and the NeustroBurgundians to join forces with Perctarit in attempting to overthrow Grimoald at the battle of Asti. If so, Hadrian could have been the imperial ambassador charged with conducting these negotiations on behalf of ConstansII. 211 In any event, when on 27 May 668 Theodore and Hadrian finally set off 209
210
211
Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 343; trans. Davis, The Book of Pontiffs, p. 71. The information is repeated from this source by Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum V . l l (ed. Waitz, p p . 149-50). Vitalian was a native of Segni in Lazio, or what was then (northern) Campania: Liber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne I, 3 4 3 . Segni is not near Naples, so there is no compelling reason to assume that Vitalian and Hadrian knew each other beforehand; nor is there any reason to think that Vitalian was a speaker of Greek. O n the implications of a Frankish—Byzantine alliance at this juncture, see Bognetti, L'eta longobarda II, 335—40, who, however, makes no mention of Hadrian's embassies, but views the situation in terms of Byzantine fears of an eventual alliance between Grimoald and the Arabs. This theme is explored further in an incomplete and posthumous essay, 'La rivalta tra Austrasia e Burgundia e i riflessi della lotta tra Longobardi e Bizantini nelle vicende del vescovado di Costanza al principio del sec. VIF, L'eta longobarda IV, 559—82, which however concerns a period much earlier than that in question here.
130
Abbot Hadrian for England by way of Francia, Hadrian had already been there on two previous occasions conducting business on behalf of Emperor Constans II. Theodore was allowed to pass, but Hadrian was detained by Ebroin, on the suspicion that Hadrian had some embassy from the emperor to the kings of England: Hadrianum autem Ebrinus retinuit, quoniam suspicabatur eum habere aliquam legationem imperatoris ad Brittaniae reges aduersus regnum, cuius tune ipse maximam curam gerebat.212 Perhaps Ebroin's suspicions were aroused because on an earlier occasion he had been the subject of Hadrian's imperial embassy, and was on this occasion suspicious of why Hadrian's attentions were (as he thought) being directed elsewhere. Hadrian was eventually allowed to pass. Possibly he was able to persuade Ebroin that, on this occasion, he was not the bearer of an imperial embassy. Or possibly the news that Constans II had been assassinated in Sicily on 15 September 668 was slow to reach Ebroin. We shall never know. The point is simply that the Hadrian who arrived in England, probably in 670, was by no means an obscure abbot of an obscure monastery: he was, on the contrary, the intimate and trusted confidant of the two most powerful authorities in Christendom: the Roman pope and the Roman/ Byzantine emperor. As his colleague, Theodore, had been centrally involved in the most important theological debate of the time, so Hadrian had been involved in intricate negotiations involving the most important secular authorities in the seventh-century polity. Whether the two men were unanimous in their theological and political views is difficult to surmise: on our estimation Theodore had been closely involved with Pope Martin and Maximus the Confessor in preparing the Greek acta of the Lateran Council of 649 which repudiated the monothelete views endorsed by the Byzantine emperor. It was the emperor, Constans II, who had given the order to execute Pope Martin and to mutilate and exile Maximus; yet it was this same Byzantine emperor for whom Hadrian had acted as imperial ambassador some ten years later. Their theological differences - if such they were - are now irrecoverable and probably not important (after all, whatever their differences, it was Hadrian who had recommended Theo212
HE IV. 1 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 332): 'Ebroin detained Hadrian because he suspected him of having some imperial embassy to the kings of Britain, which might be directed against the kingdom over which at that time he held the chief charge.'
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dore to the pope). What is important is that in 669-70 two men of immense learning and immense experience of Mediterranean politics arrived in England to reconstruct the English church. We must now attempt to trace the progress of that programme of reconstruction.
132
4 Theodore and Hadrian in England
Theodore arrived in England on Sunday 27 May 669, a year to the day after he had set out from Rome (HE IV.2), and Hadrian arrived the following year. We can scarcely imagine their first impressions of England, though the sight of tiny wooden churches1 dotting the landscape must surely have evoked memories in Theodore of Hagia Sophia and Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, and in Hadrian of St Restituta and the Stephania in Naples, and in both of them of the great basilican churches in Rome. Nevertheless they set determinedly and expeditiously about reconstructing the administrative organization — if not the architectural fabric — of the English church.2 Their first undertaking was, as Bede tells us, a visitation of those parts of the island inhabited by the English (HE IV. 2: peragrata insula tot a, quaquauersum Anglorum
gentes morabantur).
During this tour, Bede goes on to say, they gave instruction in the 'correct' manner of the Christian life (rectum uiuendi ordinem) and in the 'canonical' custom of celebrating Easter (ritum celebrandi paschae canonkum). We shall consider the literary evidence for Theodore's concern with orthodox belief and canon law shortly, but it may be helpful to preface those considerations with a very brief account of the administrative arrange1
2
When Theodore travelled to Lindisfarne with Hadrian on his first visitation, he had occasion to consecrate the church built there by Bishop Finan in the Irish manner, not of stone but of oak and thatched with reeds: 'more Scottorum non de lapide sed de robore secto totam conposuit atque harundine texit; quam tempore sequente reuerentissimus archiepiscopus Theodorus in honore beati apostoli Petri dedicauit' (HE III.25; ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 294). On Theodore's impact on the administrative structure of the English church, see esp. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 132—42; Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity, pp. 130—9; and Brooks, The Early History of the Church at Canterbury, pp. 71—6.
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ments he made to effect the resuscitation and reconstruction of his new archdiocese. ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION
When Theodore arrived, his own see had been vacant for nearly five years, and there were similar vacancies in episcopal sees in the kingdoms of Mercia, Wessex and East Anglia. Indeed the only three bishops in office in the whole country were Wini, bishop of London, Ceadda, bishop of York, and Wilfrid, bishop of Ripon. Theodore set about repairing this desperate situation with the urgency of an old man in a hurry. He straightway appointed bishops to Rochester in Kent (Putta), to Dunwich in East Anglia (Bisi) and to Winchester in Wessex (Leuthere).3 He deposed Ceadda from the see of York (on the grounds that his consecration had been uncanonical) and installed Wilfrid in his place; he subsequently appointed Ceadda to the vacant see of Lichfield, having been greatly impressed by Ceadda's holiness. With the English episcopate thus restored, Theodore was able to summon a general synod at Hertford in September of either 672 or 673. 4 The synod was attended by all English bishops (excepting only Wini, who probably took umbrage at Theodore's ruthless authority, and Wilfrid, who however sent proxies). Theodore produced a liber canonum or book of canon law (on which see below), and from it promulgated the canons or rules designed to secure the unanimity of the English church in matters of orthodox belief, such as Easter dating and marriage and divorce, or of jurisdiction, such as the intrusion of bishops into the dioceses of others or into the affairs of monasteries.5 Provision was made to hold an annual general synod at an unidentified 3
4
5
The narrative of these appointments is derived from Bede, HE IV.2—3; it is set out clearly by Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 132-3. The ambiguity in the dating turns on our interpretation of Bede's understanding (HE IV.5) of dating by annus Domini, indiction and regnal year. Poole ('The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica and the Councils of 679-80', p . 27), followed - with valid qualifications — by Levison (England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, pp. 265—7), argues for 672; Harrison (The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History, pp. 84—5), giving due weight to Bede's understanding of regnal years, argues for 673. The distinction does not greatly affect the present discussion. On the Council of Hertford, see Vollrath, DieSynode Englands, pp. 69-76. See HE IV. 5; on the canonical basis for this legislation, see below, p. 149-
134
Theodore and Hadrian in England place called Clofesboh.6 Such measures brought a degree of stability to the English church. One of the points proposed by Theodore at Hertford was that more bishoprics should be created as the number of the faithful increased (the underlying point being, apparently, that vast dioceses should be broken up); but the proposal was not accepted by the synod, and Theodore let it pass for the time being: sed de hac re adpresens siluimus. Nevertheless, it is clear that Theodore's overall strategy was to reduce the size and increase the number of English dioceses, and it was this intention which brought him into conflict with Bishop Wilfrid.7 After the deposition of Ceadda from York, Wilfrid had acquired control over a vast diocese comprising the whole of Northumbria. Such control will have seemed intolerable to Theodore, who accordingly awaited the first opportunity to divide it. The opportunity — or pretext — was presented by a quarrel between Wilfrid and King Ecgfrith of Northumbria, and in 677 Theodore deposed Wilfrid, seized his property and expelled him. In place of the single Northumbrian diocese, three new dioceses were created: Deira (with its see at York), Bernicia (with its see either at Lindisfarne or Hexham) and Lindsey. Wilfrid went to Rome to appeal against his deposition to the pope. His case was heard by a synod of Italian bishops in October 679 (an important synod which, as we shall see, had other, more urgent, reasons to be reminded of Archbishop Theodore), which reached a compromise whereby Wilfrid was to be restored to the see of York but that the Northumbrian diocese was to remain divided.8 The conflict with Wilfrid was no doubt symptomatic of friction caused in late seventh-century England between the ruthless old man in a hurry and the resident episcopate. Theodore's dispute with Wilfrid lasted as long as King Ecgfrith (Wilfrid's implacable enemy) remained alive; but when Ecgfrith died in 685, Theodore moved quickly to effect a recon6
7
8
On the location of this place, and its implications for ecclesiastical policy, see S.D. Keynes, The Councils ofClofesho, The Brixworth Lecture 1993 (Leicester, 1994). See the stimulating discussion on this point by Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity, pp. 130-9, who sees Theodore's strategy as a continuation of principles first devised by Gregory the Great, and the opposition to Theodore in terms of Gaulish episcopal practice and influence; and see also Gibbs, 'The Decrees of Agatho', esp. pp. 220-30. The principal source for these events is Stephen of Ripon, Vita S. Wilfridi, chs. 24—32 (ed. Colgrave, pp. 48-66); there is a clear analysis of the complex situation by Brooks, The Early History, pp. 73-5.
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ciliation with Wilfrid. Theodore straightway sent letters to Aldfrith, Ecgfrith's successor as king of Northumbria, and to Ecgfrith's sister ^lfflaed, subsequently abbess of Whitby (680-714) and a power in Northumbrian affairs,9 asking them to make peace with Wilfrid. He sent a similar letter to ^thelred, king of Mercia (675—704), the text of which is preserved by Stephen of Ripon; since it is one of the few texts in Theodore's own name which has come down to us, it deserves to be quoted in full: Gloriosissimo et excellentissimo ^theiredo regi Merciorum Theodorus gratia Dei archiepiscopus in Domino perennem salutem. Cognoscat itaque, fili dilectissime, tua miranda sanctitas, pacem me in Christo habere cum uenerando episcopo Wilfritho. Et idcirco te, carissime, paterna dilectione ammoneo et in Christi caritate tibi praecipio, ut eius sanctae deuotioni, quantum uires adiuuant, praestante Deo, patrocinium, sicut semper fecisti, quamdiu uiuas, impendas, quia longo tempore, propriis orbatus substantiis, inter paganos in Domino multum laborauit. Et idcirco ego Theodorus humilis episcopus decrepita aetate hoc tuae beatitudini suggero, quia apostolica hoc, uelut scis, commendat auctoritas, et uir ille supranominatus sanctissimus 'in patientia', sicut dicit scriptura, 'possedit animam suam', et iniuriarum sibi iniuste irrogatarum, humilis et mitis caput suum Dominum saluatorem sequens, medicinam expectans: et 'si inueni gratiam in conspectu tuo', licet tibi pro longinquitate itineris durum esse uideatur, oculi mei faciem tuam iocundam uideant 'et benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar'. Age ergo, fili mi, taliter de illo suprafato uiro sanctissimo, sicut te deprecatus sum, quia, si patri tuo non longe de hoc saeculo recessuro oboedieris, multum tibi proficeret ad salutem. Vade in pace, uiue cum Christo, dege in Domino. Dominus sit tecum.10 9
On ^Elfflaed, see P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre of Learning in the Seventh Century', in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss,
10
pp. 3-32, at 14. Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 43 (ed. Colgrave, p. 88): 'To the most glorious and excellent ^Ethelred, king of the Mercians, Theodore, archbishop by the grace of God, sends best wishes for eternal salvation in the Lord. Most beloved son, may your wondrous holiness know that I have made peace in Christ with the venerable Bishop Wilfrid. And therefore, dear friend, I urge with fatherly love and command with Christ's affection that you give your support to his holy undertakings to the best of your ability, as you have always done all your life with God's help, because for a long time he has been working among the pagans on the Lord's behalf, having been deprived of his own possessions. And therefore I, Theodore, a humble bishop decrepit with old age, suggest this to your good self, because the apostolic authority [i.e. the pope} recommends it, as you know; and that aforementioned holy man [Wilfrid} "possesses his soul in patience"
136
Theodore and Hadrian in England It is a pity that we do not have the letters sent by Theodore to Aldfrith and ^lfflaed for comparison, for this letter to ^Ethelred, though outwardly formal, is a very personal and moving document. From various sources we know that ^khelred was a generous patron of the church, and that he eventually abdicated in order to enter a monastery; 11 but of any personal relationship with Theodore we know nothing. Doubts have been expressed about the authenticity of the letter, but they are ungrounded. 12 Theodore was aged 83 when the letter was written. We know from the biblical commentaries that he taught the text of Genesis to his Canterbury students, and his letter shows that he knew it intimately. The first quotation — 'si inueni gratiam in conspectu tuo' — is from the passage in which Jacob (allegedly aged 147), seeing 'the day of his death draw nigh' {cumque adpropinquare cerneret mortis diem), calls his son Joseph and asks to be buried in the land of his ancestors, 'if he has found favour in Joseph's sight'. The second quotation — 'et benedicat tibi anima mea antequam moriar' - is from the passage describing the last days of Isaac, when 'he was old, and his eyes were dim, and he could not see'; Isaac called his son Esau to him and said, 'thou seest that I am old, and know not the day of my death' (Gen. XXVII.2); he then asked that his soul might bless Esau before he died, this being the passage quoted by Theodore. We have no other evidence concerning the relationship between Theodore and King
11
{Luke XXL 19}, as the Holy Scripture says, following in humility and gentleness the Head the Lord and Saviour, awaiting relief for the wrongs inflicted upon him. And "if I have found favour in thy sight" [Gen. XLVIL29}, although it may seem difficult because of the journey's length, I would that my eyes could see your happy face "and my soul may bless thee before I die" [Gen. XXVII.4}. Therefore, my son, do as I have asked you concerning this aforementioned holy man because, if you obey your father who not long from now will be departing from this world, it will contribute greatly to your salvation. Go in peace, live in Christ, act in the Lord. May the Lord be with you' (Colgrave's translation has been amended in various details; the biblical quotations are from Douai-Rheims). i^thelred, king of Mercia (675-704), abdicated and entered the monastery of Bardney in Lincolnshire, where he subsequently became abbot and eventually died in 716: see Bede, HE III. 11 and V.24; on his benefactions to the church, see Byrhtferth, Vita S. Ecgwini III. 1, and discussion by Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature in Western
12
England, pp. 92-3. By Colgrave {The Life of Bishop Wilfrid, p. 177), who notes that, since Bede says nothing of Theodore's reconciliation with Wilfrid, the letter is probably a fabrication: 'Eddius's partisanship undoubtedly puts into the archbishop's mouth words of self-humiliation which do not sound altogether likely'.
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^thelred; to judge solely from the tone of this letter, it must have been intimate. In any case we have here the old archbishop, de hoc seculo recessurus, reflecting on the biblical text he knew well, and figuring his own imminent death in terms of Isaac and Jacob. In the event Theodore was to live for a further five years. He died on 19 September 690, aged 88, senex etplenus dierum ('old and full of days'), as Bede says, using the very words used in Genesis to describe the death of Isaac (Gen. XXXV.29). 13 He was buried in his cathedral at Canterbury, and a fitting epitaph (consisting of nineteen elegiac distichs) was inscribed on his tomb. The tomb has been destroyed by successive reconstruction of the church, and the epitaph has been lost, save for eight lines of it quoted by Bede (HE V.8). The poetic style of these eight lines is very distinctive, and it is highly likely, indeed certain, that they were composed by Aldhelm, who (as we shall see) was a student of Theodore and Hadrian at Canterbury. 14 They express appropriate respect for the achievements of the great archbishop. During the years of Theodore's archbishopric, the English church was ruled by a single archbishop (only with the elevation of York to archiepiscopal status in 735 was the domination of Canterbury curtailed). This situation offered an extraordinary opportunity for ecclesiastical reform and reconstruction, and it is to Theodore's lasting credit that he seized the opportunity briskly. When he died, the largest of the old dioceses had been broken up and the number of bishops significantly increased. 15 Arrangements were settled for the annual convention of a general synod, and other aspects of ecclesiastical administration came clearly into view for the first time. Stenton, for example, noted that it is 'unlikely to be through chance that the oldest English charters of which the authenticity is beyond question come from the time when Theodore was reorganizing the English church'. 16 Stenton's statement is true as far as the survival of
13 14 15
16
HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 472). See Aldhelm: the Poetic Works, trans. Lapidge and Rosier, pp. 16—17. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 134—5, who notes in particular Theodore's creating of three new sees in Mercia. Ibid., p. 141; see also F.M. Stenton, The Latin Charters of the Anglo-Saxon Period
(Oxford, 1955), p. 31: 'The existing evidence suggests that the introduction of the charter into southern England as a means of securing respect for the gifts of faithful princes was one of the innovations which mark Theodore's archbishopric'
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original, single-sheet charters is concerned,17 although more recent students of diplomatic would be less inclined than Stenton to emphasize Theodore's role in the production of charters.18 In terms of ecclesiastical administration, the work of Hadrian is less visible than that of Theodore, yet one of his significant achievements was the acquisition from Pope Agatho (678—81) of a papal privilege for his monastery of SS Peter and Paul (later St Augustine's).19 In spite of these important administrative achievements, however, it was in the domain of spiritual progress that Theodore and Hadrian had their most lasting influence. Bede himself makes this point succinctly. Writing of Theodore's death, he says that 'the English churches made more spiritual progress during his archbishopric than ever before'.20 We must now turn to the evidence for that spiritual progress, beginning with the question of what Theodore himself referred to as 'the true and orthodox faith' (fidem rectam et orthodoxam exposuimus) in
the protocol to the canons of the synod of Hatfield.21
'FIDES RECTA ET ORTHODOXA'
As we have seen (above, pp. 70—7), the catholic church during the years of the mid-seventh century had been violently torn apart by the monothelete controversy. In the aftermath of the Lateran Council of 649, Pope Martin had been executed and Maximus the Confessor, one of the archi17
18
19
20
21
The earliest surviving single-sheet charters are a record dated 679 of a grant of land in Thanet by King Hlothhere of Kent to Abbot Berhtwald of Reculver (London, BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 2 = S 8), and a grant by one Oethelred dated 687 (?) to Barking Abbey (London, BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 29 = S 1171). See A. Scharer, Die angelsdchsische Konigsurkunde im 7. und 8. Jahrhundert (Vienna, Cologne and Graz, 1982), p p . 5 6 - 7 , who assigns the genesis of the Anglo-Saxons' use of charters to the second half of the seventh century, but sees that genesis as the contribution of various ecclesiastics (e.g. Ceolfrith, Benedict Biscop, Wilfrid, Earconwald) who had experience of Rome; and P. Wormald, Bede and the Conversion of England: the Charter Evidence (Jarrow, 1984), p p . 1 3 - 1 5 , who re-examines arguments for the Italian origins of early Anglo-Saxon charters, and stresses how much sui generis they are. T h e privilege is p t d Councils, ed. Haddan and Stubbs III, 1 2 4 - 5 . Levison {England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, pp. 187—90) argued convincingly that the document, which survives only in a late medieval copy, was based on an original charter of Agatho, insofar as its wording is based clearly on a formula in the Liber Diurnus. HE V.8 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 474): 'tantum profectus spiritalis tempore praesulatus illius Anglorum ecclesiae, quantum n u m q u a m antea potuere, ceperunt'. HE IV.17C15] {ibid., p . 384).
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tects of papal doctrine on this issue, had died in exile in 662. Fifteen years after Maximus's death Constantinople was beginning to experience a change of heart. The first sign of this change, and of a move to reconciliation between the Byzantine emperor and the Roman pope, was a letter sent in August 678 by the emperor to Pope Donus (676-8), enquiring about the possibility of achieving unity. 22 Unfortunately Donus had died early in 678, before the emperor's proposal reached him, and it fell to his successor Agatho (678—81) to pursue the imperial initiative. Before sending an embassy to Constantinople, however, Agatho determined to consult the opinions of his western bishops, with the intention of gaining substantial, if not unanimous, support for the papal (dyothelete) position. It was in response to the pope's invitation that an English synod was convened by Archbishop Theodore at Hat field on 17 September 67 9. 23 An account of this synod is preserved by Bede (HE IV.17[15}). Bede also reports in a subsequent chapter that Pope Agatho had commissioned one John, precentor at St Peter's in Rome, to travel to England to 'learn the faith of the English church' (ut cuius essetfideiAnglorum ecclesia diligenter edisceret).24 John arrived in England, presumably in 679, and brought with 22
For C o n s t a n t i n e IV's sakra ('proposal'), see CPG IV, no. 9 4 1 6 (Mansi, Concilia
XI,
196-202 = PL 87, 1147-54 = Concilium Vniuersale Constantinopolitanum Tertium, ed. Riedinger, pp. 2-11); for discussion, see Murphy and Sherwood, Constantinople II et Constantinople III, pp. 189—219, Herrin, The Formation of Christendom, pp. 275—8, and above, p . 7 9 and n. 3 3 6 . 23
O n the council, see H a d d a n and S t u b b s , Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents III, 1 4 1 ^ 4 , and Vollrath, Die Synode Englands, p p . 9 2 - 8 ; on t h e d a t e , see Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastical, esp. p p . 29—30 and 33—5, and Harrison, The Framework of Anglo-Saxon History, pp. 8 3 ^ . The date of 6 7 9 is accepted in the Handbook of British Chronology, ed. Fryde et al., p. 587.
24
It is interesting to note that there is a surviving d o c u m e n t w h i c h p u r p o r t s to be t h e acta of a council held at t h e Lateran by Pope A g a t h o in O c t o b e r 6 7 9 , in which the pope expressly appoints J o h n to g o to E n g l a n d to seek Theodore's endorsement of the earlier Lateran Council (of 6 4 9 ) . These acta are preserved as part of Goscelin's u n p r i n t e d Vita S. Theodori in London, BL, C o t t o n Vespasian B. xx, fols. 2 2 1 - 3 1 , at 2 2 7 v - 2 2 9 v ; they were first p r i n t e d ( w i t h o u t t h e remainder of t h e vita) by H e n r y Spelman in 1 6 3 9 and subsequently by H a d d a n and S t u b b s , Councils III, 131—5 and Levison, Aus rheinischer und frdnkischer
Fruhzeit, p p . 2 8 8 - 9 3 . As Levison d e m o n s t r a t e d comprehensively ('Die
A k t e n der romischen Synode von 6 7 9 ' , ibid., p p . 2 6 7 - 9 4 ) , these acta were a forgery produced in t h e later eleventh century at C a n t e r b u r y d u r i n g Lanfranc's d i s p u t e w i t h Y o r k over t h e primacy of Canterbury; he also showed, however, t h a t t h e forger based himself on an a u t h e n t i c record of a synod of some fifty bishops held in R o m e in October,
140
Theodore and Hadrian in England him a copy of the (Latin) text of the Lateran Council of 649; the intention will have been that of requiring the English synod formally to express its assent to the canons of that council. If the argument advanced earlier is correct — that Theodore had himself participated in the drafting of the original Greek text of the Lateran Council thirty years earlier — then we may permit ourselves to imagine that Theodore received the copy from the papal legate with an understanding smile. Bede gives us a detailed account of the synod of Hatfield, though he comprehensively misunderstands the theological and historical context of its proceedings.25 What is interesting is that the document recording the proceedings of the synod, which Bede quotes and which was presumably drawn up by Theodore himself, is based closely on the wording of the Latin acta of the Lateran Council of 649. 26 Thus after a protocol dating the synod by reference to regnal years of four Anglo-Saxon kingdoms (Northumbria, Mercia, East Anglia and Kent) and stating its location at Hatfield (Hczthfelth),21 the document proceeds at once to a credal statement, as follows: confitemur secundum sanctos patres proprie et ueraciter Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum trinitatem in unitate consubstantialem et unitatem in trini-
and it was this same synod which inter alia heard Bishop Wilfrid's case against Theodore and is quoted at length by Stephen of Ripon, Vita S. Wilfridi,
chs. 2 9 - 3 1 . Unfortu-
nately, the passages referring to the pope's appointment of John as English legate were manifestly concocted by the Canterbury forger from Bede's account (HE IV.18[16]), and have no independent value. Levison's conclusions were endorsed by Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica\ pp. 38—40, and by Gibbs, 'The Decrees of Agatho', pp. 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; see also Vollrath, Die Synode Englands, pp. 7 6 - 9 2 . 25
According to Bede's account, Theodore had at that time learned that the eastern church had been much perturbed by the heresy of Eutyches (HE I V . 1 7 [ 1 5 ] : 'his temporibus audiens Theodorus fidem ecclesiae Constantinopoli per heresim Eutychetis m u l t u m esse turbatam') and was concerned to keep the English church free of such a taint. Bede's allegation is preposterous: Eutyches and his monophysitism had been condemned two hundred years earlier (at the Council of Chalcedon in 4 5 1 ) . But Bede was neither informed nor interested in Greek theology: see the judicious remarks of G. Bonner, 'Bede and Medieval Civilization', ASE 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 7 1 - 9 0 , at 8 8 - 9 .
26
See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, p. 3 5 9 .
27
Cf. Levison, Aus rheinischer und frdnkischer Fruhzeit, p. 3 7 2 , n. 5: 'The records of Roman synods were the model at Hatfield, except that years of English kings were substituted for years of the emperors'; see also pp. 2 7 5 - 6 .
141
(imperantibus\)
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tate, hoc est unum Deum in tribus subsistentiis uel personis consubstantialibus aequalis gloriae et honoris.28 This wording is based almost verbatim on the first canon of the Lateran Council of 649: Si quis secundum sanctos patres non confitetur proprie et ueraciter Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, trinitatem in unitate et unitatem in trinitate, hoc est, unum Deum in tribus subsistentiis consubstantialibus et aequalis gloriae . . . condemnatus sit.29 The acta of the synod of Hatfield go on to assert adherence to the canons of the five oecumenical church councils (Nicaea, 325; Constantinople, 381; Ephesus, 431; Chalcedon, 451; and Constantinople, 553), which are spelled out in detail, 30 and conclude with a specific endorsement of the Lateran Council of 649: 'synodum quae facta est in urbe Roma in tempore Martini papae beatissimi, indictione octaua, imperante Constantino piissimo anno nono, suscipimus'. 31 Pope Agatho could not have hoped for stronger support. When the English synod was concluded, John the papal delegate set off for Rome, taking with him the English acta. He unfortunately died on the return journey and was buried at Tours; but other members of the legation carried the acta on to Rome. 32 Pope Agatho subsequently convened a synod of 125 Italian bishops in Easter week 680, 33 in preparation for the oecumenical council to be held in Constantinople the following November. It was at this Roman synod of Easter 680 that the endorsement of the English church was recorded; by chance, 28
HE IV. 17(15} (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386): 'and in accordance w i t h t h e holy Fathers we r i g h t l y and truly confess t h e Father and t h e Son and t h e H o l y Spirit, a consubstantial T r i n i t y in u n i t y and a unity in trinity, that is, one G o d in three hypostases or consubstantial persons of equal distinction and honour'.
29
Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum, ed. Riedinger, p . 3 6 9 ; also ed. Denzinger and
30
T h e acta of t h e Lateran Council of 6 4 9 at several p o i n t s specify adherence to t h e five
Schonmetzer, Enchiridion Symbolum, p. 1 7 1 . oecumenical councils, t h o u g h they are not spelled o u t as they are in Hatfield. W i t h t h e wording of Hatfield {suscipimus sanctas et uniuersales quinque synodos), cf. canons 18 and 2 0 of t h e Lateran Council (ed. Riedinger, p p . 3 8 1 and 387): 'hoc est, sanctae et uniuersales q u i n q u e Synodi'; also ed. D e n z i n g e r and Schonmetzer, p p . 172 and 1 7 3 . 31
HE I V . 1 7 [ 1 5 } (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386).
32
Ibid. I V . 1 8 [ 1 6 } (ed. Colgrave and M y n o r s , p . 390): 'qui etsi in itinere defiinctus est,
33
Mansi, Concilia X I , 2 9 8 - 3 1 5 .
n i h i l o m i n u s e x e m p l u m catholicae fidei A n g l o r u m R o m a m p e r l a t u m est'.
142
Theodore and Hadrian in England Bishop Wilfrid was in Rome (pursuing his grievance with Theodore) and was able to add his signature to those of the 125 Italian bishops.34 The complete act a of this Roman synod are lost; but, as we have seen,35 Pope Agatho sent a synodical letter to Constantinople expressing regret that Archbishop Theodore was unable to join the Roman delegation. Agatho's synodical letter was sent to the emperor Constantine IV on 27 March 680. In other words, although he had been removed from the theatre of the monothelete controversy for many years, Theodore was still playing an important role in the formulation of orthodox belief. The acta of the synod of Hatfield, as Bede reports them, concluded with a further credal statement - independent, this time, of the Lateran Council of 649 - in which the English bishops reiterated their belief in the Trinity: glorificantes Deum Patrem sine initio, et Filium eius unigenitum ex Patre generatum ante saecula, et Spiritum Sanctum procedentem ex Patre et Filio inenarrabiliter.36 The most striking feature of this statement is its insistence on the double procession of the Holy Spirit: that it proceeds both from the Father and from the Son.37 The words et filio (or filioque in some texts) were the crystallization of a theological position adopted by various western fathers, notably Augustine, who in his De trinitate argued that the Holy Spirit 'proceeded' (the verb normally used is procedere) both from the Father and
34
35 36
37
Ibid., XI, 3 0 5 - 6 ; the subscriptions (but not the proceedings) are also p t d Poole, 'The Chronology of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica , p p . 3 6 - 7 . Wilfrid's subscription is as follows: 'Wilfridus s. eccl. Eboracenae insulae Britanniae legatus uenerabilis synodi per Britanniam constitutae' {ibid., p . 36). It was misleading for Wilfrid to describe himself as the legate of the venerable synod held in Britain ( = Hatfield), but at least Wilfrid, who was then in Rome appealing against Archbishop Theodore, did not dissent from the acta of Hatfield. Stephen of Ripon also reports Wilfrid's presence at this Roman synod (Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 5 3 , ed. Colgrave, p p . 112-14), as does Bede at a later point in his narrative (HE V.19, ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p p . 522^4), drawing here on Stephen. See above, p p . 7 9 - 8 0 . HE IV. 17(15} (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 386): glorifying God the Father, W h o is without beginning, and His only begotten Son, begotten of the Father before all worlds, and the Holy Spirit, ineffably proceeding from the Father and the Son'. See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, pp. 3 6 0 - 1 ; Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 362—3; and Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p. 51.
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the Son.38 The position was adopted by various western synods, especially in Spain,39 and one might suppose that the wording of the acta of Hatfield derived somehow from Spain.40 In any case, the point worth stressing is that the notion of double procession was anathema to most orthodox eastern theologians. 41 How, then, did it come to be endorsed by a synod under the presidency of the Greek archbishop Theodore? Those who have pondered this question have been obliged to assume that, in this one instance, Theodore was acting on the advice of Hadrian. 42 But there is a more compelling explanation. We have seen that Theodore, while still a monk in Rome, had very probably been involved in drafting the acta of the Lateran Council of 649. Now the principal architect of these acta was Maximus the Confessor, one of the great theologians of the Greek church, 38
39
40
41
De trinitate XV.29 (CCSL 50A, 503-4). On the origin and dissemination of this doctrine, see DTC V (1924), 2 3 0 9 - 4 3 , Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 358-67, Nichols, Rome and the Eastern Churches, pp. 193-228, and the brief accounts in ODB II, 7 8 5 - 6 and EEC I, 324. Patristic texts relating to the filioque are set out and discussed by V. Rodzianko, '"Filioque" in the Patristic Thought', T U 64 { = Studia Patristica 2] (Berlin, 1957), 295-308; see also B. Schultze, 'Zum Ursprung des Filioque: Das Filioque und der romische Primat', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 48 (1982), 5-18, who offers a running commentary on the texts assembled by Rodzianko, and notes in particular (pp. 7—9) that the features of Augustine's position were wholly anticipated by Athanasius, Contra Arianos 111.24 (PG 26, 373). E.g. the Third Council of Toledo, AD 589 {Enchiridion Symbolorum, ed. Denzinger and Schonmetzer, p. 160: 'Spiritus aeque Sanctus confitendus . . . a Patre et a Filio procedere'), the Fourth Council of Toledo, AD 633 {ibid., p. 165: 'Spiritum uero Sanctum nee creatum nee genitum, sed procedentem ex Patre et Filio profitemur') and others. Although the filioque clause occurs in Spanish creeds of the seventh century, there is no need to assume that it is exclusively Spanish: see Kelly, ibid., p. 361. For a possible direct link between Spain, in the person of Bishop Julian of Toledo, and England, in the person of Abbot Hadrian, see below, p. 189 and n. 236. See e.g. Gregory of Nyssa, Ad Ablabium quod non sint tres dei {CPG II, no. 3139): PG 45, 133. It is of course an oversimplification to view the filioquist controversy in terms of Greek East versus Latin West. See A. de Halleux, 'Cyrille, Theodoret et le "Filioque"', Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 74 (1979), 597-625, who notes that the debate of the 430s between Cyril of Alexandria and Theodoret, in which Theodoret opposed the filioquist position of Cyril, had the effect of polarizing opinion into two diametrically opposite viewpoints; in fact even Theodoret at certain points approaches to a filioquist position, as when commenting on the meaning of ^KTcopsueiai ('proceeds') in John XV.26 in his Haer. fab. Compendium V . 3 (PG 8 3 , 453).
42
See Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, Christian Creeds, pp. 3 6 2 - 3 .
144
pp. 3 6 0 - 1 ; cf. Kelly,
Early
Theodore and Hadrian in England but by no means a conventional one in every respect. It was Maximus who worked out the dyothelete position, with its emphasis on the double nature, operation and will in Christ. 43 It is a logical step from the double operation of Christ to the double procession of the Spirit, and indeed Maximus on several occasions expounds his belief in the double procession. Thus in his Quaestiones ad Thalassium, written 628 X 632 and arguably addressed to the Thalassius who was abbot of the monastery of Armenian monks in Rome called Renatus and who like Maximus was probably involved in drafting the act a of the Lateran Council,44 Maximus had already argued that 'the Holy Spirit, since it is by nature essentially of God and the Father, is by nature essentially of the Son, inasmuch as that which proceeds essentially from the Father proceeds inexpressibly through the Son'.45 Similarly, in a letter to Marinus, a priest in Cyprus, Maximus defended the position taken by Pope Martin in a synodical letter which had been repudiated by Constantinople; he reiterated that the pope had endorsed the view that the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Son as well as from the Father.46 In other words, the notion of the double procession was current in Rome in the circle of theologians who helped Pope Martin to draw up the acta of the Lateran Council. If, as we have argued, Theodore was a member of that circle, the endorsement of the double procession in 43
44
45
46
See Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum, ed. Riedinger, p. 82: 5uo yap eiai Ka9' gvcocnv dcruyxuxov X8 K(xi &5iaip8xov <})ua£i<; xou Kupiou f||i(ov Kai OeoO 'IT|CTOU Xpiaxou, Kai 5uo evepyeiai Kai 5uo <|n)aiKai 9eA,f|aei<;, dx; f\ Ka0o^iKfj eKK^rjcria e5i5a^£ xe Kai 5i5dcncei (translated as: 'id est in Deo Domino nostro Iesu Christo duas esse naturas, duas operationes duasque uoluntates naturales, sicut catholica docuit et docet semper ecclesia': ibid., p . 83); cf. also p p . 1 4 - 1 7 and 1 0 4 - 5 . O n Thalassius, see DTC X V (1946), 2 0 2 - 3 , and Mango, 'La culture grecque', p . 6 9 6 , n. 5 1 . Maximus, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, ch. 6 3 ( P G 9 0 , 6 6 5 - 9 3 , at 672): xo yap Ilveuna xo ayiov 6(j7cep <J>6cyei Kax' ouaiav urcdpxei xoO ©eoC Kai Ilaxpoq, ouxox; Kai xou YioC <J>uaei Kax' ouaiav £axiv, dx; &K XOC Ilaxpoi; oi)<7ia)5a)<;, 5i' YloO yevvT|08vxo<;, a<J>pdcrxco<; 6K7copeu6ji8vov. Cf. also Maximus's Quaestiones et dubia, no. 34 (CCSG 10, 151), and discussion by G.C. Berthold, 'Maximus the Confessor and the Filioque, Studia Patristica 18.1 (Kalamazoo, M I , 1986), 1 1 3 - 1 7 . Epistula ad Marinum Cypri presbyterum (CPG III, no. 7697[10]) (PG 9 1 , 1 3 3 - 7 , at 133—6): &neA.£i xoi yoOv xc&v xou vuv dyioxdxou, l i a n a CTUVOSIKCOV, OUK ev XOCTOUXOK;, oaoic; yeypd(j)ax8, K£<|>aA,aioi<;, oi xfjq (3aCTiX,i8o<; x©v TtoXecov £7teA,d|3ovxo- 8uai 5e \iovoi<;, d>v, xo (aev uTcdpxei rcepi OeoA,oyia<;, oxi xe <|>r|criv elrcev, 'EKTiopeueaOai KdK xou Yiou xo Ilveuna xo ayiov. This letter is dated to 645 X 6 4 6 by Sherwood, An Annotated Date-List, p p . 34 and 5 3 .
145
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the acta of the synod of Hatfield probably stems from him, and there is no need to invoke the intervention of Hadrian. Nevertheless, the question of Theodore's orthodoxy is acutely interesting in view of an entry in a ninth-century library catalogue from Lorsch recording the copy of a 'creed which Theodore, archbishop of the British Isles, composed'.47 Although the manuscript described in the Lorsch catalogue has apparently been lost, 48 various attempts have been made to identify Archbishop Theodore's creed. 49 Attention has focused on a creed which, though it was first recorded in Rome in 360 — and hence is known as the 'Old Roman Creed' — was apparently composed in the eastern church, in Asia Minor, by Marcellus of Ancyra. 50 A copy of this Greek creed is preserved in the 'Athelstan Psalter' (London, BL, Cotton Galba A. xviii, 200v), 51 among a collection of Greek prayers which was arguably assembled in Antioch and brought to England by Theodore. We shall have occasion to consider these prayers in connection with the litany of saints which they contained; for now it is enough to note that the 'Old Roman Creed' preserved in Galba A. xviii must have been in England by no later than the eighth century, when it was translated into Latin as part of a prayerbook, now London, BL, Royal 2. A. XX (Worcester, s. viii 2), 12r.52 It may owe its transmission to the agency of Theodore, therefore, and may accordingly be identical with the symbolum quod composuit Theodorus of the Lorsch library catalogue. In any case, the credal statements adopted by Theodore are a further confirmation of his concern with fides recta et orthodoxa. 47
G . Becker, Catalogi Bibliothecarum Antiqui
(Bonn, 1885), p p . 85—6: l i b e r de abusivis.
interrogationes sancti A u g u s t i n i de q u e s t i o n i b u s fidei. exemplar fidei sancti H i e r o n y m i presbyteri et s y m b o l u m q u o d composuit T h e o d o r u s archiepiscopus Britanniae insulae et liber Gregorii Nazianzeni. in u n o codice'. 48
B. Bischoff, Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften (Munich, 1974), p. 69-
49
See Lapidge, ' T h e School of Theodore and H a d r i a n ' , p p . 5 1 - 2 , for an untested
50
O n Marcellus in general, see J . T . Lienhard, 'Marcellus of Ancyra in M o d e r n Research',
suggestion based on t h e m a n u s c r i p t transmission of Gregory of Nazianzus. Theological Studies 4 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , 4 8 6 - 5 0 3 , and ODB II, 1 3 0 0 . O n his profession of faith and the genesis of t h e O l d R o m a n Creed, see Caspari, Ungedruckte Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols III, 2 8 - 1 6 1 ('Uber d e n griechischen T e x t des altromischen Symbols in d e m Briefe des Marcellus von Ancyra an den romischen Bischof J u l i u s ) , and Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 1 0 2 - 3 51 52
See Kelly, ibid., and below, p p . 1 6 8 - 9 Kuypers, The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop, p. 2 0 5 ; The Antiphonary ofBangor, ed.
Warren II, 99-
146
Theodore and Hadrian in England ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION
There is sound evidence that Archbishop Theodore was deeply concerned with matters of law, both civil and ecclesiastical. We learn from Aldhelm that he had studied Roman law (legum Romanorum iura . . . et cuncta iuris consultorum secreta) at the school of Canterbury, 53 which presumably means Roman civil law. Various conjectures have been made about the nature and extent of civil law known at seventh-century Canterbury. 34 The present biblical commentaries contain definitions of legal terms which have close parallels in the Justinianic Digest, which, as we have seen, implies that Theodore had spent some time in Constantinople studying civil law.55 Such an implication appears to be borne out by the traces of Justinian's Corpus iuris ciuilis which have been detected in Theodore's ludicia (discussed below) and other early Anglo-Saxon texts. 56 What is more certain, however, is Theodore's knowledge of canon law, that is, the ecclesiastical law embodied in the canons or proclamations of oecumenical or national church councils.57 From Stephen of Ripon we learn that Theodore arrived in England bearing a copy of statuta iudicia apostolicae sedis,58 and when in 672 or 673 Theodore convened the synod of Hertford, he produced a liber canonum from which he extracted ten canons which he deemed most 53
54
55 56
57
58
Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p . 4 7 6 {Epist. i); trans. Lapidge and Herren, Aldhelm: the Prose Works, p . 152. See Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, p . 2 0 5 , and Lapidge, ' T h e School of Theodore and Hadrian', p p . 5 2 - 3 . See above, p . 6 1 . T h e assumption is commonly made that t h e 'Roman law' purveyed to Aldhelm was that contained i n t h e early medieval Breuiarium Alaricum (CPL, no. 1800), of which a manuscript existed at Malmesbury in t h e twelfth century: see A.S. Cook, 'Aldhelm's Legal Studies', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 2 3 (1924), 1 0 5 - 1 3 ; M.R. James, Two Ancient English Scholars: St Aldhelm and William of Malmesbury (Glasgow, 1931); R. Thomson, 'Identifiable Books from t h e Pre-Conquest Library of Malmesbury Abbey', ASE 10 (1982), 1 - 1 9 , at 1 4 - 1 5 ; and Brooks, The Early History of Canterbury, p . 9 5 , w h o turns conjecture into certainty: 'we know that Aldhelm himself possessed a copy of the Breviary of Alaric. Unfortunately we know nothing of the sort; no quotation of the Breuiarium has yet been identified in Aldhelm, or in Theodore's ludicia, or in any of the Canterbury texts discussed below. O n Theodore and canon law, see Lapidge, ' T h e School of Theodore and Hadrian', p p . 6 4 - 6 , and t h e more searching analysis of M. Brett, 'Theodore and the Latin Canon Law', in Archbishop Theodore, ed. Lapidge (forthcoming). Vita S. Wilfridi, ch. 15 (ed. Colgrave, p . 32).
147
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
necessary for the English church. 59 From the canons promulgated at that synod, it should in theory be possible to identify the liber canonum which Theodore was using. The question was first addressed seriously, in the late nineteenth century, by William Bright, a distinguished editor of the Greek texts of early church councils, 60 who was able to show that the ten canons promulgated by Theodore had their closest parallels in canons from the councils of Nicaea, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople, Chalcedon, Sardica and Africa (Carthage), as well as the so-called 'Apostolic Canons'. 61 The liber canonum in question, therefore, should be one which contains the canons of all these councils. There were various collections of canons (translated from Greek into Latin) in late antiquity; 62 but the collection which was most comprehensive and had the widest circulation was the second recension of a collection compiled and translated by Dionysius Exiguus in the early sixth century. 63 Because the canons from councils allegedly cited by Theodore could all be found there, Bright concluded that Theodore's liber canonum was in fact a copy of the collection (Bright did not specify which recension) made by Dionysius Exiguus. 64 This identification is broadly correct, but now needs to be qualified in
59 60
61 62
63
64
HE IV.5 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p . 350). W . Bright, The Canons of the First Four General Councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1892). Chapters of Early English Church History, p p . 2 7 4 - 8 4 . See the (still) indispensable discussion by Maassen, Geschichte, p p . 420—797, as well as A. van Hove, Prolegomena ad Codicem Iuris Canonici, 2nd ed. (Mechelen and Rome, 1945), esp. p p . 1 4 5 - 6 2 ; G. Fransen, Les Collections canoniques (Turnhout, 1973), pp. 18—21, and Gaudemet, Les Sources du droit de I'eglise, p p . 95—161. O n Dionysius Exiguus, see in general Berschin, Griechisch-lateinisches Mittelalter, pp. 8 7 - 9 6 . For his collection of canons (which he issued in three separate recensions), see Maassen, Geschichte, p p . 4 4 2 - 7 6 , as well as the important collection of essays by W . M . Peitz, Dionysius Exiguus-Studien, ed. H . Foerster (Berlin, I960). For the first recension of the collection (which, on the basis of manuscript evidence, was known in Anglo-Saxon England by the eighth century), see A. Strewe, Die Canonessammlung des Dionysius Exiguus in der ersten Redaktion (Berlin, 1931). The complete text of Dionysius's second version is ed. G. Voell and H . Justel, Bibliotheca iuris canonici veteris, 2 vols. (Paris, 1661) I, 1 0 1 - 7 4 , repr. PL 6 7 , 1 3 9 - 2 3 0 , to be supplemented for relevant councils by C.H. Turner, Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Iuris Antiquissima, 2 vols. in 7 pts (Oxford, 1899-1939). Bright, Chapters of Early English Church History, p . 277.
148
Theodore and Hadrian in England light of other evidence, particularly that of the Leiden-Family glossaries (on which more below, pp. 173-82). 65 The Leiden-Family glossaries provide sound evidence that, at their Canterbury school, Theodore and Hadrian provided instruction on canon law among the wide range of other texts studied there. 66 Several glossaries of the Leiden Family — particularly the 'Leiden Glossary' itself (Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 20r-36r) and an unprinted glossary now in Paris (BN, lat. 2685, 47r-56r) - contain a lengthy series of lemmata with accompanying glosses drawn from the canons of various church councils as well as from a collection of papal decretals. 67 In many (but not all) cases it is possible to identify the councils in question, and the identification indicates that the collection expounded at the Canterbury school included canons of the councils of Nicaea, Ancyra, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople, Chalcedon, Sardica, Africa (Carthage) as well as the 'Apostolic Canons'. It will be seen that this list of councils agrees very closely with those councils identified by Bright as underlying the canons of the synod of Hertford, which gives rise to the suspicion that the liber canonum used by Theodore at Hertford was the same book which served as the basis for instruction in canon law at Canterbury and was, in other words, a copy of the second recension of the collection of Dionysius Exiguus. 68 But the matter cannot simply be left there: the Leiden-Family glosses also include a number of lemmata drawn from
65
66
67
68
See now the discussion of Martin Brett ('Theodore and the Latin Canon Law'), who makes the important observation that the wording of the ten canons of the Council of Hertford cannot be matched precisely in any earlier collections. The sources identified by Bright, therefore, are sources of inspiration rather than of verbatim borrowing. See Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', pp. 54—5 and 64—6, and below, p. 174. The 'Leiden Glossary' is ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century Latin-Anglo-Saxon Glossary. Three other unprinted glossaries of the 'Leiden-Family' contain a small number of lemmata drawn from canon collections: Fulda, Hessische Landesbibliothek, Aa. 2; Saint-Omer, Bibliotheque municipale, 150; and Selestat, Bibliotheque municipale, 7 (100); see Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p p . 68 and 7 0 - 1 . This is the conclusion which was reached by Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century LatinAnglo-Saxon Glossary, p. xliv; cf. also Glogger, Das Leidener Glossar II, 1-5 and 68-9, and III, 1—2 and 58, who gives precise identifications for each of the lemmata but does not attempt to establish whether they might be drawn from a single canon law collection.
149
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
decretals of Popes Innocent, Leo and Gelasius, 69 and some of the lemmata are manifestly drawn from Latin versions of councils other than those included by Dionysius. 70 In other words the core of the liber canonum used by Theodore may have been the second recension of Dionysius, but that core had evidently been amplified by the inclusion of Dionysius's decretal collection and interpolated with texts of non-Dionysian origin. The precise nature of this amplification and interpolation remains to be determined. 71 Another aspect of Theodore's concern with ecclesiastical legislation is seen in the collection of Indicia which have been transmitted under his name. 72 As we have them, these ludicia consist of two books: the first is a penitential, or handbook containing tariffs of private penance; 73 the second is a collection of canon law in the strict sense. The ludicia are not a work from Theodore's own pen. Rather, they are apparently the answers given viva voce by the great archbishop to a number of questions put to him by one Eoda, who duly recorded them; Eoda's record was in turn edited by an anonymous compiler who describes himself simply as a discipulus Umbrensium, a 'student of the Northumbrians'. 74 It is not possible to
69
Dionysius Exiguus p r o d u c e d a collection of papal decretals w h i c h sometimes (but rarely) were c o m b i n e d in m a n u s c r i p t w i t h his canon collection; for the contents of this collection, see W u r m , Studien und Texte, p p . 5 9 - 8 0 . Dionysius's decretal collection is cited from the edition of Voell and J u s t e l (above, n. 6 3 ) , repr. in PL 6 7 , 231—316, b u t this edition presents m a n y difficulties: see the A p p e n d i x to Brett, 'Theodore and t h e Latin Canon Law'.
70
See Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and H a d r i a n ' , p . 66.
71
O n later (amplified) recensions of t h e Collectio Dionysiana
II, see Maassen, Geschichte,
p p . 4 7 1 - 6 ; G a u d e m e t , Les Sources du droit de I'eglise, p p . 1 3 6 - 7 ; and esp. t h e discussion of Brett, 'Theodore and t h e Latin Canon Law'. 72
T h e ludicia are ed. H a d d a n and Stubbs, Councils III, 173—204, and Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis,
p p . 285—334; they are trans. M c N e i l l and G a m e r ,
Medieval Handbooks of Penance, pp. 182—215. 73
For a brief i n t r o d u c t i o n to libripoenitentiales
and to Theodore's 'penitential' in particular,
see C. Vogel, Les Libri Paenitentiales ( T u r n h o u t , 1 9 7 8 , w i t h mis a jour by A J . Frantzen, 1985), p p . 6 9 - 7 0 (and mis a jour p p . 2 6 - 7 ) ; and G a u d e m e t , Les Sources du droit de I'eglise, p p . 123—7. O n Theodore, see also R. Kottje, 'Paenitentiale T h e o d o r i ' ,
Handworterbuch
zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte III (1982), cols. 1 4 1 3 - 1 6 , and A J . Frantzen, The Literature of Penance in Anglo-Saxon England (New Brunswick, N J , 1983), pp. 6 2 - 7 8 . 74
T h e question of h o w m u c h e d i t i n g was done by t h e discipulus has now been treated comprehensively by Charles-Edwards, ' T h e Penitential of Theodore'.
150
Theodore and Hadrian in England identify Eoda, who was perhaps a student of Theodore, 75 nor to define precisely when or where the discipulus Umbrensium did his work of redaction. 76 But the work is obviously an English compilation based on the opinions of Theodore himself.77 Given this transmissional history, it is clear that one must exercise caution before accepting any statement in the ludicia as Theodore's own. Nevertheless, there can be little doubt that it is principally Theodore's thought and learning which have shaped the collection. In addition to the specific mention of Theodore in the preface and conclusion, 78 Theodore is frequently mentioned by name in the ludicia as the source of an opinion. 79 There are several specific links between ideas expressed in the ludicia and explanations in the present Canterbury biblical commentaries. 80 Although they are composed in Latin, the ludicia draw very little on Latin patristic
75
O n t h e identification of Eoda, note t h a t an otherwise u n k n o w n Aeuda presbyter is
76
See Lapidge, ' T h e School of Theodore a n d H a d r i a n ' , p p . 4 8 - 9 , for t h e suggestion t h a t
c o m m e m o r a t e d on 9 February in The Calendar of Willibrord,
ed. W i l s o n , p . 2 1 .
t h e n a m e 'Eoda' is a hypocoristic form of a n a m e having its first t h e m e in Ead-, such as Eadbald, Eadberht, Eadgar, etc., and that Umbrenses (or Humbrenses) refers specifically to Deira (roughly Yorkshire) rather t h a n Bernicia, w h i c h m a y i m p l y in t u r n t h a t t h e discipulus was trained at W h i t b y , H a r t l e p o o l or Y o r k (this latter inference is rejected by Charles-Edwards, ' T h e Penitential of Theodore'). 77
Finsterwalder {Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, pp. 1 7 7 - 8 0 ) argued that the discipulus was one of Willibrord's disciples in Frisia and arguably an Irishman; but his arguments were demolished by Levison, Aus rheinischer und frdnkischer Fruhzeit, pp. 295-303, and by G. Le Bras, 'Notes pour servir a l'histoire des collections canoniques: V. ludicia Theodori', Revue historique de droitfranqais et etranger 4th ser. 10 (1931), 9 5 - 1 1 5 . The date of the discipulus's redaction must fall between 690 and 740, and is in any event earlier than the Frankish reforming councils of 7 5 3 - 6 (see Gaudemet, Les Sources du droit de I'eglise, p. 127).
78
ludicia, ed. Finsterwalder, p p . 2 8 7 ('libelli quern pater Theodorus diversis i n t e r r o g a n t i bus ad r e m e d i u m temperavit penitentiae', ' H o r u m i g i t u r m a x i m a m p a r t e m fertur famine veriloquo beate m e m o r i a e Eoda praesbiter c o g n o m e n t o Christianus a venerabili antestite T h e o d o r o sciscitans accipisse') a n d 3 3 3 ( ' H e c consiliante venerabili T h e o d o r o archiepiscopo A n g l o r u m , nostri, u t d i x i m u s , scripserunt', 'ad defensionem patris nostri Theodori').
79
ludicia
I.v.2, I.v.6, I.vii.5 a n d II.xii.15 (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones
Cantuariensis, 80
p p . 2 9 5 , 2 9 6 , 2 9 8 a n d 3 2 8 respectively).
See c o m m . t o P e n t I 3 4 0 a n d 3 4 8 (below, p p . 4 8 0 a n d 4 8 1 , respectively).
151
Theodori
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
tradition: with the exception of canonical and decretal materials, 81 only Augustine is quoted by name. 82 On the contrary, the orientation of the work is palpably Greek. 'The Greeks' (Greci) are frequently adduced as authorities for an opinion. 83 St Basil is quoted by name five times, the work in question being his three canonical letters to Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium (now Konya in central Turkey). 84 Gregory of Nazianzus is quoted once by name, 85 as is (pseudo-)Dionysius the Areo81
At II.iv.3 (ed. Finsterwalder, p. 317), Innocentiuspapa is quoted by name. The letter in question is his Ep. xvii, a regulatory letter addressed to the bishops of Macedonia (PL 2 0 , 530); but since this letter formed part of the decretal collection of Dionysius (see W u r m , Studien und Texte, p. 66 (no. 8)), and since this same collection was drawn on in the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries (see above, p. 150), the likelihood is that Theodore took the text from his liber canonum.
82
ludicia II.v.9, on the question of saying prayers or mass for the deceased: 'Augustinus dicit pro omnibus christianis missas esse faciendum quia vel eis proficit aut offerentibus aut petentibus consolatur' (ed. Finsterwalder, p. 3 1 9 , who did not attempt to identify the source). These precise words are not found in Augustine (as may be verified by use of the CETEDOC concordance). However, the passage which Theodore had in mind is evidently De ciuitate Dei X X I . 2 4 (CCSL 4 8 , 7 8 9 - 9 0 ) , where Augustine recommends that prayers be said for all men, on the understanding that all such prayers are not necessarily heard (by God): 'orat pro omnibus dumtaxat hominibus . . . in hoc corpore constitutis; nee tamen pro omnibus exauditur'. H e continues: 'Si qui autem usque ad mortem habebant cor impaenitens . . . numquid pro eis, id est pro talium defunctorum spiritibus, orat ecclesia?', etc. N o t e that the De ciuitate Dei is not certainly used in the Canterbury biblical commentaries (see below, p. 202), though it was well known to Aldhelm, who quoted it extensively and verbatim in his prose De
83
N o t e , for example, the references to Greci in ludicia
uirginitate.
I.vi.3, I . x i . l , I.xii.l and 3 ,
I.xiii.l, II.ii.14, II.iii.2, 7 and 8, II.vi.8, II.vii.4, II.viii.1-7 and II.xii.8 and 2 4 . 84
Basil is quoted nominatim
in ludicia
I.ii.7, I . v i i i . l 4 , I.xiv.3, II.vii.3 and II.xii.6;
numerous other passages derive (in Finsterwalder's opinion) from Basil as well: see his notes passim. The three canonical letters to Amphilochius are Ep. clxxxviii, excix and ccxvii (PG 3 2 , 6 6 4 - 8 4 , 7 1 6 - 3 2 and 7 9 3 - 8 0 9 , respectively); see also V. Courtonne, Saint Basile: Lettres, 3 vols. (Paris, 1 9 5 7 - 6 6 ) II, 1 2 0 - 3 1 (no. clxxxviii), 1 5 3 - 6 4 (no. excix) and 2 0 8 - 1 8 (no. ccxvii). See also R.E. Reynolds, 'Basil and the Early Medieval Latin Canonical Collections', in Basil of Caesarea, ed. Fedwick II, 5 1 3 - 3 2 , esp. 5 2 1 - 2 . For use of Basil's Epistolae in the Canterbury biblical commentaries, see below, p. 2 0 7 . 85
ludicia II.iv.4: 'Gregorius Nazanzenus dixit secundum baptismum esse lacrimarum' (ed. Finsterwalder, p. 3 1 7 , who does not identify the source). Gregory mentions the 'baptism of tears' in Or. xxxix.17 (PG 36, 356), where however he describes it as 'the fifth baptism' (ol8a Kai ni\mxo\
[scil. pdTmcrjia} e n , t o xcov 8aKpucov). This passage of
Gregory is reproduced in the Pratum spirituale of John Moschus, and it is possible that Theodore took it indirectly from there (see below, p. 2 2 6 , n. 110). A much closer
152
Theodore and Hadrian in England pagite. 86 The use of such authorities squares well with the use of Greek patristic writers throughout the Canterbury biblical commentaries (see below, pp. 205-33). Throughout the second book of ludicia (which, as we noted above, is wholly concerned with canon law) reference is made to the canons of earlier church councils, and the most recent editor, Finsterwalder, was able to identify some of the councils in question: Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Antioch, Laodicea, Africa (Carthage) as well as the 'Apostolic Canons'.87 Since this list overlaps with the canons identified by Bright for the synod of Hertford, and those underlying the Leiden-Family glossaries, one might suspect that here too Theodore was drawing on his liber canonum. The matter cannot be proved; but in this case there is a piece of evidence which points away from the second recension of Dionysius to another collection, of sixth-century Italian origin and indebted to Dionysius, namely the Collectio Sanblasiana, so named because one of the manuscripts in which it is preserved is from the monastery of Sankt Blasien in Austria. 88 Of the five manuscripts preserving the Sanblasiana, one of the earliest is Cologne, Dombibliothek, 213, 8 9 a manuscript written in a Northumbrian style of
parallel to the statement in the ludicia is found in one of John Chrysostom's nine
86
87 88
89
Homiliae de paenitentia (CPG II, no. 4333) (Horn, de eleemosyna III A : PG 4 9 , 298), where the second type of baptism is said to be that of tears: 6 Ilexpoq . . . oi>x dmX&q eKtaioaev, d M d niKp&q, Seuxepov pdrcxiana 5id x©v 5aKpucov £K XCQV 6
9a>.ncov rcoifiaaq. This wording agrees so closely with that in the ludicia as to raise the suspicion that Theodore, qupting here from memory, had misremembered where he had read the description of the baptism of tears. O n the problems of identifying what works of J o h n Chrysostom were used by the Canterbury Commentator, see below, p p . 214—16. ludicia II.v.8: 'Dionisius Ariopagita dicit blasphemias deo facere qui missas offert pro malo homine' (ed. Finsterwalder, p . 3 1 9 , w h o did not attempt to identify the source). The source here is clearly De ecclesiastica bierarcbia V I I . 6 - 7 ( P G 3, 5 6 1 - 4 ) , where the pseudo-Dionysius argues that the priest should only say masses for good m e n , and that in no circumstances should prayers be offered for deceased m e n w h o were evil, inasmuch as the office of a priest would be violated by so doing: Aid xoT<; dviepoig OUK £7te6x£xai xauxa KeKoinrmevoK;, ou uovov oxi xfj<; wto<|>T|xiKfj<; £v xouxcp 7capaxpa7cf|aexai xd^ecoc; ( P G 3, 564). Finsterwalder, Die Canones Tbeodori Cantuariensis, pp. 2 0 4 - 5 . O n the Collectio Sanblasiana, see Maassen, Gescbicbte, p p . 504—12, and Gaudemet, Les Sources du droit de I'eglise, p. 139. See CLA VIII, no. 1163; Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century, pp. 4 4 - 5
(no. 13); R. McKitterick, 'Knowledge of Canon Law in the Frankish Kingdoms before
153
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
half uncial in the early eighth century; that it was written in England rather than on the Continent seems clear from the fact that it has one Old English scratched gloss.90 What is interesting is that this manuscript shares at least one unique reading in the canons of the Council of Ancyra with the text of that council as quoted in Theodore's Indicia.91 The implication is either that Theodore himself possessed a copy of the Collectio Sanblasiana and that Cologne 213 is a later (Northumbrian) copy of it; or that the discipulus Umbrensium interpolated this passage into his redaction of the Indicia, perhaps using the Cologne manuscript itself. In a word, the Collectio Sanblasiana and the Cologne manuscript deserve the close attention of students of Theodore's Indicia. The Indicia had an immediate and lasting impact on ecclesiastical legislation not only in England, but in Ireland and on the Continent. In Ireland, the compilers of the Collectio canonum Hibernensis (c. 725), Rubin Mac Connadh of Dair-Inis and Cu-Chuimne of Iona, drew several times on the Indicia in compiling their chapter De carnibns edendis, quoting Theodore by name three times. 92 Various redactions of the Indicia were produced on the Continent from the eighth century onwards,93 and the work was cited, for example, by Hrabanus Maurus and Regino of Priim. 94 As a result of the continental dissemination of the Indicia, Theodore's thought and learning had a longlasting influence on ecclesiastical legislation. To cite one example from many: Theodore's sacrament for the ordination of a monk {Indicia II.iii.3) was incorporated whole by the tenth-century compilers of the Romano-German Pontifical, whence it 789: the Manuscript Evidence', JTS
n.s. 36 (1985), 9 7 - 1 1 7 , at 1 1 1 - 1 3 ; and Bischoff,
Latin Palaeography, trans. Ganz and O Croinin, p . 91 and pi. 7. 90
J. Hofmann,
'Altenglische
und althochdeutsche
Glossen aus Wiirzburg
und
dem
weiteren angelsachsischen Missionsgebiet', Beitrdge zur Geschkhte der deutschen Sprache undLiteratur
85 (1963), 2 7 - 1 3 1 , at 4 2 - 4 .
91
As noted by Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p . 66 and n. 122; see also
92
Die irische Kanonensammlung,
Brett, 'Theodore and the Latin Canon Law'. ed. H . Wasserschleben,
2nd ed. (Leipzig,
1885), p p .
2 1 7 - 1 8 (LIV. 1 2 - 1 4 ) . For other uses of the ludicia where Theodore is not cited by name, see Charles-Edwards, 'The Penitential of Theodore', who also points out that the Irish compilers did not use the redaction by the discipulus
Umbrensium,
b u t a separate
recension known as the Capitula Dacheriana (Finsterwalder's D). 93
T h e various continental redactions are discussed and p t d Finsterwalder, Die Canones
94
See M c N e i l l and G a m e r , Medieval Handbooks of Penance, p p . 1 7 9 - 8 0 .
Theodori Cantuariensis, pp. 11—76 and 239—84.
154
Theodore and Hadrian in England spread throughout the western church. 95 In this respect, as in so many others, Theodore played a pivotal role in the transmission of eastern ideas to the Latin West. LITURGY
Liturgy is a domain where Theodore and Hadrian undoubtedly had an impact on the Anglo-Saxon church; yet it is exceptionally difficult to trace this impact in our written sources, for the primary reason that so few liturgical books have survived from the period before c. 800. The liturgy is perennially subject to changes and new practices, with the result that books quickly become obsolete and are thrown away. Gospelbooks intended for liturgical use have some chance of survival, because the text of the gospels did not change (in the liturgical sense), and may offer precious clues to the pericopes, or sequences of gospel lessons, used in the liturgy; private prayerbooks often survive, because they are by their nature individual and idiosyncratic, and are not therefore affected by developments in the formal liturgy. But books relevant to mass and office — especially sacramentaries and collectars — simply do not survive from a period as early as the seventh century in England. Consequently, if we wish to trace the influence of Theodore and Hadrian in this domain, it is necessary to consider and combine evidence of a widely disparate nature. Neapolitan pericope-lists
In the famous 'Lindisfarne Gospels' (now London, BL, Cotton Nero D. iv), written at Lindisfarne c. 700, 96 each gospel is preceded by a list of liturgical feasts, called Capitula in the manuscript. By way of example, here is the beginning of the list which precedes the gospel of Matthew: Pridu [sic for pridie] natali Domini In stilla Domini admissa publica Innocentum Post secunda dominica feria .iiii. de aduentum 95
See G. Constable, 'The Ceremonies and Symbolism of E n t e r i n g Religious Life and T a k i n g the Monastic H a b i t , from t h e F o u r t h t o t h e Twelfth C e n t u r y ' , Settimane
33
(1987), 7 7 1 - 8 3 4 , at 782 and 7 9 1 - 2 . 96
CLA II, no. 187; CLitLA,
no. 4 0 5 . There is a complete facsimile: Evangeliorum Quattuor
Codex Lindisfarnensis, ed. Kendrick, Brown, Bruce-Mitford et al. The bibliography on
155
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
In stilla Domini nocte In XLgisima paschae (24r). 97 And so on. From their position in the manuscript it is clear that these pericope-lists, extending from Advent to Pentecost, were intended to indicate which gospel lesson was to be read at which liturgical feast. Identical lists are found in another Northumbrian manuscript of the earlier eighth century, now London, BL, Royal 1. B. VII. 98 It is clear that these two Northumbrian manuscripts are closely related, and were probably copied from the same exemplar.99 Closer inspection of the lists indicates that they contain a number of specifically localizable feasts. It was the great English liturgist Edmund Bishop who first recognized the significance of these feasts, and communicated his discovery to Germain Morin, who published the discovery in 1891. 1 0 0 The feasts in question are the following (the numbering is that of Morin): no. no. no. no. no.
54: In dedicatione basilicae Stephani 61: In natale sancti Ianuari 126: In dedicatione sanctae Mariae 132: Et in dedicatione fontis 153: In ieiunium sancti Ianuari.
The commemoration of the feast day of St January (19 September), alongside a vigil in honour of the same saint, points unmistakably to Naples for, as we have seen (above, pp. 110—11), St January was the patron saint of Naples from the fifth century onwards. The basilica Stephani refers to the basilica built by Bishop Stephen of Naples c. 500, hence known as
97
98
99
100
this manuscript is immense; see Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century, pp. 35-40 (no. 9). The gospel lists are ptd W . W . Skeat, The Holy Gospels in Anglo-Saxon, Northumbrian and Old Mercian Versions, 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1871-8); also, from this manuscript, in DACL XII. 1 (1935), 7 5 8 - 6 2 . CLA II, no. 213; CLitLA, no. 406; Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century, p . 4 8 (no. 20). See Chapman, Notes on the Early History, p . 10, w h o collated the four prologues of the gospels in the Royal manuscript, and found 'the closest connection with Y [scil. the Lindisfarne Gospels], even in mistakes and in spelling'. G. Morin, 'La liturgie de Naples au temps de saint Gregoire d'apres deux evangeliaires du septieme siecle', RB 8 ( 1 8 9 D , 4 8 1 - 9 3 and 5 2 9 - 3 7 . Cf. Gasquet and Bishop, The Bosworth Psalter, pp. 152—3.
156
Theodore and Hadrian in England the Stephania, which lay adjacent to the basilica of St Restituta but was demolished in the late thirteenth century and lies beneath the present duomo (above, p. 113). The feast day of this dedication (1 December) is recorded on the Marble Calendar of Naples. 101 The dedicatio fontis very possibly refers to the baptistery attached to the basilica of St Restituta which was built either by Bishop Severus (late fourth century) or Bishop Soter (mid-fifth century): see above, p. 112. Finally, the dedicatio of a church to St Mary may refer to the basilica which, according to the Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum, was built by Bishop Pomponius in the early sixth century. 102 It would appear, in other words, that the pericope-lists originated in Naples. From the pericope-lists in these two manuscripts, therefore, Morin in 1891 attempted to reconstruct the liturgical calendar of Naples. The reconstruction was at best a matter of guess-work, however, because the two Northumbrian manuscripts simply named the relevant feasts without specifying the exact source or extent of the relevant reading. In order for the feasts to be linked to the pericopes, it would be necessary to have each individual pericope signalled somehow in the manuscripts, with (say) marginal marks and signes de renvoi to the capitula at the beginning of each gospel, or else rubrics at the top of each relevant page, corresponding to the capitula and specifying the beginning and end of each lesson. The Lindisfarne Gospels and Royal 1. B. VII lack such indications, and for liturgical purposes they are, in the words of Dom Chapman, 'perfectly useless'.103 However, some few years after the original discovery, a third manuscript came to light, and was this time (by chance) a manuscript which had specific markings to denote the beginning and end of each lesson.104 The manuscript in question is the so-called 'Burgheard Gospels', now Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 68. 1 0 5 In 101
O n t h e Marble Calendar, see above, p . 110; t h e entry is found in t h e edition of Delehaye, ' H a g i o g r a p h i e napolitaine' [AB 57 (1939)}, p . 4 2 .
102
Gesta, ed. W a i t z , p . 4 0 9 : 'fecit [scil. P o m p o n i u s ] u r b e m N e a p o l i m ad n o m e n sancte Dei genetricis s e m p e r q u e uirginis Mariae, quae d i c i t u r ecclesiae maioris, g r a n d i opere constructam'.
103
Chapman, Notes on the Early History, p. 11.
104
A fourth m a n u s c r i p t , now R h e i m s , Bibl. m u n . 9 (English script, s. xi 2 ), contains t h e same pericope m a r k i n g s for the gospels of Luke and J o h n : see B r o w n in Codex Lindisfarnensis\
105
ed. K e n d r i c k et al. II. 1, p . 3 5 , n. 1.
CLA I X , no. 1 4 2 3 ; CLitLA,
no. 4 0 7 ; see also S. Beissel, Entstehung der Perikopen des
romischen Messbuches ( F r e i b u r g , 1 9 0 7 ) , p p . 1 1 9 - 2 7 .
157
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
this manuscript the pericopes are set out in a way sensibly adapted for liturgical use: the relevant feasts are written in the upper margin of each page, and the beginnings of each pericope are marked with marginal crosses. Thus it is possible to match up individual entries in the pericopelists in the Lindisfarne Gospels and Royal 1. B. VII with the pericopes marked out by crosses in the Burgheard Gospels. 106 As usual in liturgical matters, however, the procedure is not wholly straightforward. Many of the markings in the Burgheard Gospels agree precisely with those in Lindisfarne and Royal 1. B. VII; however, the markings also include a substantial number of what are evidently Roman feasts.107 But when the Roman feasts have been identified and abstracted, what remains is a Neapolitan pericope-list, from which it is possible to reconstruct the liturgical feasts of the Neapolitan calendar.108 From this various evidence it is beyond doubt that, by the late seventh century, a set of pericope capitula, probably entered in the margins of a now lost gospelbook and representing the liturgical use of Naples, was available in England. The Lindisfarne Gospels and Royal 1. B. VII are both manuscripts of Northumbrian origin. That the Neapolitan pericopelists circulated in Northumbria is also confirmed by the fact that Bede in his collection of liturgical Homiliae at many points adapted the pericopes of Neapolitan use (as we know it from Lindisfarne and Royal 1. B. VII). 109 This much might suggest that their use was restricted to Northumbria. However, as we have seen, the Neapolitan pericope-lists were also known to Burgheard, the English colleague of St Boniface who became the first 106 p o r ^ 5 demonstration, see G. Morin, 'Les notes liturgiques de l'evangeliaire de Burchard', RB 10 (1893), 1 1 3 - 2 6 . 107 G . Morin, 'Liturgie et basiliques de R o m e au milieu d u V i l e siecle d'apres les listes
devangiles de Wiirzburg', RB 28 (1911), 296-330. 108 T h e reconstruction has been a t t e m p t e d by K. G a m b e r , 'Die kampanische Lektionso r d n u n g ' , Sacris erudiri 13 (1962), 3 2 6 - 5 2 ; see also C h a p m a n , Notes on the Early History, p p . 5 2 - 6 3 , where a table is given setting o u t all relevant information. 109 First pointed o u t by G . Morin, 'Le recueil p r i m i t i f des homelies d e Bede sur FEvangile', RB 9 (1892), 316—26. T h e evidence is set o u t in tabular form in Bedae Venerabilis Opera Homiletica, ed. J . Fraipont, CCSL 122 (Turnhout, 1955), ix-xxvi; see also DACL II. 1 (1925), 6 3 3 - 6 . Cf. Willis, Further Essays, p . 2 1 6 : 'In view of t h e enthusiastic propagation of the R o m a n rite by St Benedict Biscop at Jarrow, and by St Wilfrid in other northern churches, it is surprising to find that t h e lectionary underlying Bede's Homilies has so close an affinity w i t h Neapolitan use and not more affinity w i t h R o m a n use than it has.'
158
Theodore and Hadrian in England bishop of Wiirzburg in 7 4 3 . n o Burgheard was certainly of Anglo-Saxon origin, but the sources do not permit us to ascertain where in England he originated. 111 Where it is possible to determine the origin of Boniface's continental co-workers, however, they seem all to have been Southumbrian. 112 The possibility cannot be excluded, therefore, that Burgheard acquired the copy of the Neapolitan pericope-lists, which was subsequently incorporated in the gospelbook bearing his name, in Southumbria. 113 The point is worth stressing, because earlier scholars, observing that no early gospelbooks of Canterbury provenance contain the Neapolitan pericope-lists, have denied that the presence of such lists in AngloSaxon manuscripts could have anything to do with Hadrian (who was undoubtedly from Naples) and have argued instead that they owe their presence in Northumbria to the efforts of Abbot Ceolfrith.114 The problem with this hypothesis, however, is that Abbot Ceolfrith has no known connection with Naples; such books as he brought to Northumbria will presumably have come from Rome. On the other hand, there is no difficulty in the hypothesis that a gospelbook of Neapolitan origin, carrying Neapolitan pericope-lists and brought to England by the Neapolitan abbot Hadrian, could have been known - in the flesh or through intermediaries - in Northumbria: soon after their arrival in England Theodore and Hadrian made a tour of England and paused at Lindisfarne in order to consecrate a wooden church; 115 and there are, as we shall see, numerous links between their Canterbury school and the writings of 110
111
112
113
114 115
The date is known from a letter of Pope Zacharias of 1 April 743: S. Bonifatii et Lullii Epistolae, ed. Tangl, pp. 94-5 {Ep. lii). See ibid., p. 78, n. 4. Burgheard's English origin is clear from the fact that Boniface refers to the eight bishops (who included Burgheard) who had sent a letter of chastisement to King ^Ethelbald as de eadem Anglorum gente nati et nutriti {ibid., p. 156 {Ep. lxxiv)). Lul, for example, was from Malmesbury, and Willibald and Wynnebald were from Waltham (Hants.). Boniface himself was from the vicinity of Exeter. Whatever the source of the Neapolitan pericope-lists in the Burgheard Gospels, however, they were apparently copied into the manuscript by a scribe trained in Northumbria, probably Wearmouth-Jarrow: see Brown in Codex Lindisfarnensis, ed. Kendrick et al. II. 1, p. 35. The origin of this script, needless perhaps to say, has no necessary implication for Burgheard's origin. Chapman, Notes on the Early History, p. 44. Bede, HE IV.2 and 111.25 (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. 332 and 294 respectively), and cf. above, n. 1.
159
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Bede. 116 The availability of such a book in Northumbria is confirmed, interestingly, by the fact that the colophon of the Echternach Gospels (now Paris, BN, lat. 9398, 222v), a manuscript written (as we have seen) at Lindisfarne c. 700 by the 'Durham—Echternach Calligrapher', states that it was copied from an exemplar written in AD 558 and corrected against a manuscript from the library of Eugippius: 'proemendaui ut potui secundum codicem de bibliotheca Eugipi praespiteri'. 117 Could it have been this (lost) gospelbook, of undoubted Neapolitan origin, which was brought to England by Abbot Hadrian and which served as the source for the Northumbrian copies of the Neapolitan pericope-lists?118 Some further light might be shed on this question by a full collation of the Latin texts of the surviving Northumbrian gospelbooks, including those under discussion here. Meanwhile, another perspective on this problem is offered by the commemorations of Campanian saints in Anglo-Saxon liturgical books. Campanian saints As we have seen (above, pp. 92—108), the Campanian church had its own distinctive saints: St January at Naples, St Juliana at Cuma, St Sossius at 116
117 118
These links include: Bede's knowledge of Theodore's exegesis of II Cor. XI.25 (see above, p. 41); his knowledge of the Passio S. Anastasii (below, p. 184); and his use of the Acta Bononensia of St January - a uniquely Neapolitan text (above, p. 98) - in his Martyrologium. Also relevant here might be Bede's knowledge of another Campanian text otherwise lost to us: Victor of Capua's De pascha (see above, p. 108). See above, p. 116, n. 156, and below, n. 118. See the detailed discussion by T J . Brown in Codex Lindisfarnensis, ed. Kendrick et al. II. 1, 49—57, who carefully considers and rejects the hypothesis of Chapman (that the archetype of Northumbrian gospelbooks came not from Naples but from Vivarium, the monastery of Cassiodorus, and that the agent of transmission was Ceolfrith or Benedict Biscop, not Hadrian), and suggests instead that 'a likely occasion for the Gospel-book to have reached Northumbria was, as Dom Morin suggested . . . the visit paid by Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury, perhaps in 678 . .. Theodore's coadjutor was Hadrian, formerly Abbot of Nisida, and it may have been he who brought the Gospel-book to the North' (p. 57). See also Fischer, Die lateinischen Evangelien I, 15*, who lists as 'Abkommlinge eines Evangeliars des 6. Jh. aus Neapel' some seven Insular manuscripts, including: Codex Amiatinus (for the gospels only) (Na); Lindisfarne Gospels (Ny); Durham, Cathedral Library, A. II. 17, fols. 103-11 (Nz); the Stonyhurst Gospels (Ns); Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliothek, 32, fols. 95-105 (Nu); Durham, Cathedral Library, A. II. 16 (Nd-f); and London, BL, Royal 1. B. VII (Nr). Parts of
160
Theodore and Hadrian in England Miseno, SS Artemas and Eutyches at Pozzuoli, St Felix at Nola, and SS Priscus, Lupulus, Rufus and Sinotus at Capua. We have also seen that there was a sense of community in the Campanian church through which, for example, saints from the Bay of Naples were commemorated in the mosaics in the church of S. Prisco outside S. Maria Capua Vetere. What is striking is that many of these distinctive Campanian saints were commemorated in eighth-century England. We may begin by considering those Campanian saints commemorated in the 'Old English Martyrology'. 119 Although it is preserved in manuscripts dating from the late ninth century (and later), there is reason to suspect that the text - or a hypothetical Latin antecedent — was composed somewhat earlier, possibly in the early ninth century, but not before c. 800, inasmuch as it includes commemoration of All Saints on 1 November, a feast which apparently originated in the circle of Alcuin at York in the later eighth century. 120 The Old English Martyrology was compiled from a large number of historical and liturgical sources,121 and among these was an 'old sacramentary'. On eight occasions, entries of saints are specifically said to be drawn from this 'old' or 'older' sacramentary {deem ealdan sacramentorium, deem ealdan I yldran mcessebocum).122 The saints in question are as follows: Priscus (1 June), Nicander (17 June), Magnus (19 August), Rufus (27 August), Priscus again (1 September), 123 Quintus (5 September), Sinotus (7 September) and Lupulus (15 October). Most of these saints are by now familiar: SS Priscus, Rufus, Quintus, Sinotus and Lupulus were all local Capuan saints commemorated, for example, in the apse mosaics of the church of S. Prisco
119 120
121
122
the text in the Echternach Gospels have recently been collated by McNamara {Studies on the Texts of Early Irish Latin Gospels, pp. 102—11), who notes surprising affinities with the text in the MacDurnan Gospels. Das altenglische Marty rologium, ed. Kotzor. Ibid., I, 4 5 0 * - 4 5 4 * . For t h e date of t h e feast of All Saints, see A. W i l m a r t , ' U n temoin anglo-saxon d u calendrier metrique d'York', RB 4 6 (1934), 41—69, at 51—6. See, in general, J . E . Cross, ' O n the Library of t h e O l d English Martyrologist', in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss, pp. 227—49. See Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor I, 2 5 8 - 9 , as well as H . A . Wilson,
'English Mass-Books of the Ninth Century'JTS 3 (1901-2), 429-33, Chapman, Notes 123
on the Early History, pp. 1 4 6 - 9 , and Frere, Studies in Early Roman Liturgy I, pp. 4 5 - 7 . O f the t w o feasts of St Priscus, that on 1 September is t h e dies natalis (as c o m m e m o rated in The Gelasian Sacramentary, ed. H . A . W i l s o n (Oxford, 1894), p p . 1 9 6 - 7 ) , whereas that on 1 J u n e commemorates t h e dedication of t h e church of St Priscus at Capua; see Willis, Further Essays, p . 2 1 7 .
161
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
outside S. Maria Capua Vetere. 124 Of the remaining two, St Magnus was culted at Fondi, mid-way between Capua and Rome on the Via Appia, and at Fabrateria (near Ceccano), and St Nicander together with St Marcian was from Venafro, directly north of Capua; as we have seen, a monastery dedicated to SS Nicander and Marcian (above, pp. 122-3) existed in Naples by the mid-seventh century. It would appear from this evidence that the 'old sacramentary' used by the compiler of the 'Old English Martyrology' was certainly of Campanian, and possibly of Capuan, origin. 125 It is also probable that the compiler drew on this 'old sacramentary' for other Campanian saints in the 'Old English Martyrology', even though he did not specify his source: this supposition would account for his commemorations of SS Januarius (19 September) and Sossius of Miseno (23 September). 126 The influence of this 'old sacramentary' may be traced in other AngloSaxon liturgical sources. Principal among these is the 'Calendar of St Willibrord'. 127 The 'Calendar' makes up the second part (fols. 34-41) of Paris, BN, lat. 10837; 128 the first part (fols. 2-33) contains the earliest extant recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, that known as the 'Epternacense'. 129 The two parts were combined at an early stage in their history, probably during the lifetime of Willibrord himself (d. 739). The 'Calendar' was written in the early years of the eighth century, probably for Willibrord's personal devotions; it contains an entry in his own hand dated 124 125
126
127 128
O n these Capuan saints, see above, p p . 1 0 5 - 6 . T h e compiler also drew on what he called a 'new sacramentary' (see Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor I, 2 5 9 ) . Three entries derive specifically from t h e 'new sacramentary': those for SS Nicomedes (1 J u n e ) , Agapitus (18 August) and Sabina (29 August). T h e cults of these three saints are R o m a n ; from which it follows that t h e 'new sacramentary' used by t h e compiler was a R o m a n massbook, probably a copy of t h e Gregorianum. T h e martyrologist adds that SS Festus and Desiderius were martyred w i t h St Januarius {Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor II, 212). Frere {Studies in Early Roman Liturgy I, p . 47) draws attention t o other central and southern Italian saints c o m m e m o rated in t h e ' O l d English Martyrology' w h o m i g h t derive from t h e 'old sacramentary'. The Calendar ofSt Willibrord, ed. Wilson. CPL, no. 2 0 3 7 ; CLA V , no. 606a; CLitLA, no. 4 1 4 . T h e calendar proper is on 3 4 v - 4 0 r ; fol. 4 1 was originally left blank, b u t was filled in w i t h paschal tables for t h e years 7 2 2 - 4 0 and 741—59. O n t h e calendar, see Siffrin, 'Das Walderdorffer Fragment',
pp. 204-9. 129
CLA V , no. 6 0 5 ; t h e recension {MHE) is ed. G . B . D e Rossi and L. Duchesne, Ada SS., N o u . , II, [1—156]. For a description of the manuscript, see ibid., p p . [viii—ix]; on the scribe of the Martyrology - named Laurentius - see below, n. 1 3 0 .
162
Theodore and Hadrian in England AD 728 (39v). As one might expect of a text intended for personal use, the calendar records the deaths of many people whom Willibrord had known personally or who were important to his English mission in Frisia: Suitbert, bishop of Wijk-bij-Duurstede; Lambert, bishop of Maestricht; Wilgils, Willibrord's father; Oidilwald, Cuthbert's successor at Fame Island and a former monk of Ripon (where Willibrord may have known him); the priests Wilfrid and Suidred, who were probably companions of Willibrord in the Frisian mission; and the two Hewalds, who were martyred by the continental Saxons. It is striking, therefore, to find amidst these personal commemorations others for a number of saints culted in Campania: Castrensis of Castel Volturno (11 February), Juliana of Cuma (16 February), ad sanctum Priscum (the dedication of the church of St Priscus at Capua on 1 June), Nicander (17 June), Priscus (1 September), Quintus of Capua (5 September), Sinotus of Capua (7 September), Januarius of Naples (19 September), Sossius of Miseno (23 September), Lupulus of Capua (15 October), Augustinus and Felicitas of Capua (16 November), and Nicander, Cassianus and Felicissimus of Capua (26 November). From what source did the compiler of Willibrord's Calendar derive these entries? It might be argued, simply, that they were taken from the 'Epternacensis' or Echternach recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, which was ultimately to form part of the same codex, and was, like the calendar, written in Willibrord's household, in the early years of the eighth century. 130 The Martyrologium Hieronymianum itself was compiled in North Italy in the fifth century (it has nothing to do with St Jerome, in spite of its name); it was evidently reworked at Auxerre in 592. 131 This reworking was then transmitted to Anglo-Saxon 130
I n t h e case of t h e Martyrology, t h e scribe's n a m e - Laurentius - is k n o w n from a colophon on 32v: ' t u o r u m , D o m i n e , q u o r u m n o m i n a scribsi sanctorum e o r u m queso suffragis m i s e r u m leua L a u r e n t i u m ' . T h i s Laurentius is elsewhere k n o w n as t h e scribe of four Echternach
charters dated 7 0 4 , 7 1 0 , 7 1 1 a n d 7 2 1 / 2 : see C.
Geschichte der Grundherrschaft
Echternach im Friihmittelalter
Wampach,
1.2 (Luxembourg, 1930), nos.
8, 17, 28 and 32. The same Laurentius is commemorated in an acrostic poem (having the legend 'LAVRENTIVS VIVAT SENIO': ICL, no. 9131) in the famous Maihingen
131
Gospels, on which see CLA VIII, no. 1215; Alexander, Insular Manuscripts 6th to the 9th Century, pp. 51-2 (no. 24); and, most recently, D. (5 Croinih, 'Is the Augsburg Gospel Codex a Northumbrian Manuscript?', in St Cuthbert, ed. Bonner et al., pp. 189—201. For a general account of the origins and redactions of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, see J. Dubois, Les Martyrologes du moyen age latin (Turnhout, 1978), pp. 29-37.
163
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
England, 132 where it was further reworked to form the earliest surviving recension, the Epternacensis. This Echternach recension has clearly been adapted to English use, since it includes five commemorations of purely English interest: St Augustine of Canterbury (26 May), Paulinus in Cantia (the bishop of York buried in Canterbury, 14 October), King Oswald of Northumbria (5 August), St Cuthbert (20 March) and the aforementioned Oidilwald of Ripon and Fame Island (21 April). In addition, the Echternach recension contains commemorations of various Campanian saints which are found in no other recension and were presumably added in England: Castrensis of Castel Volturno, Juliana of Cuma, Sossius of Miseno, Augustinus and Felicitas of Capua, and Nicander, Cassianus and Felicissimus, also of Capua. 133 It might be argued, therefore, that the compiler of Willibrord's Calendar simply lifted his Campanian entries from the Echternach recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. But one would then be obliged to ask where the English redactor who produced the Echternach recension found these Campanian entries. Furthermore, there is one Campanian saint commemorated in Willibrord's Calendar — St Lupulus of Capua (15 October) — who is not commemorated in the Echternach recension. This evidence suggests that the compilers of Willibrord's Calendar and of the Echternach recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum were drawing independently on a liturgical source which contained commemorations of large numbers of Campanian saints. The most economical explanation is that this liturgical source was the 'old sacramentary' subsequently to be used by the compiler of the 'Old English Martyrology'. There is one further witness to the influence of this 'old sacramentary' on the liturgy of the eighth-century Anglo-Saxon church, namely a fragmentary liturgical calendar known (from the place of its preservation in Regensburg) as the 'Walderdorff Calendar Fragment'. As preserved, the Walderdorff Calendar (Schloss Hauzenstein, Grafliche Walderdorffsche
132
D o m C h a p m a n made t h e interesting conjecture that t h e Martyrologium Hieronymianum may have been b r o u g h t t o England by A u g u s t i n e , w h o presumably passed t h r o u g h this part of France on his way t o England five years later in 597: J . C h a p m a n , 'A propos des
martyrologes', RB 20 (1903), 185-313, at 293. 133
Cf. Duchesne, in Acta SS., N o u . , II. 1, [ix]; C h a p m a n , Notes on the Early
p. 150.
164
History,
Theodore and Hadrian in England Bibliothek, s.n.) is extant only for the months July to October; 134 it once formed part of a sacramentary which has similarly been preserved only as fragments, and which has been associated with the mission of Boniface.135 The manuscript — calendar plus sacramentary — was probably written in Northumbria in the second half of the eighth century. What is interesting is that, even in its fragmentary state, the calendar preserves six commemorations of Campanian saints: St Magnus in Fabriteria (19 August), St Rufus in Campania Capua (27 August), St Priscus in Capua (1 September), St Quintus in Campania (5 September), St Sinotus in Campania Capua (7 September) and St Lupulus in Capua (15 September). 136 As we have seen, each of these saints was commemorated in the 'Old English Martyrology', and in each case the compiler of that text stated specifically that the source of his information had been the 'old sacramentary'. This 'old sacramentary', representing the liturgical use of the Campanian church, was decisively influential on the Anglo-Saxon church for at least a century; inasmuch as it (or subsequent copies of it) was used in the early eighth century in the household of Willibrord by the compilers of the Calendar of Willibrord and the Echternach recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum\ in the later eighth century by the compiler of the Walderdorff Calendar, and in the early ninth century by the compiler of the 'Old English Martyrology'. How much longer its influence lasted is unclear, because so few manuscripts — liturgical or otherwise — have survived from ninth-century England; but it is interesting to note that an early eleventhcentury calendar written somewhere in the southwest, now London, BL, 134
See CLA V I I I , no. 1 0 5 2 ; CPL, no. 1 0 3 8 ; CLitLA,
no. 0 9 6 . It has been ed. Siffrin,
'Das Walderdorffer F r a g m e n t ' , p p . 204—9, and idem, in Missale Francorum, ed. L.C. M o h l b e r g , R e r u m Ecclesiasticarum D o c u m e n t a , Series Maior, Fontes 2 ( R o m e , 1957),
79-85. 135
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer K u l t u r b e s i t z , Lat. fol. 8 7 7 : see CLitLA,
no. 4 1 2 ,
and Bischoff, Die siidostdeutschen Schreibschulen I, 1 8 3 - 4 . A new bifolium of the sacramentary was discovered in 1 9 7 4 , now R e g e n s b u r g , Bischofliche Z e n t r a l b i b l i o thek, C I M . l : see B. Bischoff and V. Brown, ' A d d e n d a to Codices Latini
Antiquiores1,
Mediaeval Studies Al (1985), 3 1 7 - 6 6 , at 3 5 7 . O n t h e i m p o r t a n c e of this fragmentary sacramentary and its connection w i t h Boniface, see K. G a m b e r , 'Das R e g e n s b u r g e r F r a g m e n t eines Bonifatius-Sakramentars. Ein neue Z e u g e des vorgregorianischen Messkanons', RB 85 (1975), 2 6 6 - 3 0 2 , and idem, Das Bonifatius-Sakramentar,
Textus
patristici et liturgici 12 (Regensburg, 1975), esp. 4 0 - 8 and 5 3 - 6 9 . 136
Ed. Siffrin (as above, n. 134); the relevant entries are also p t d Das Martyrologium,
ed. Kotzor I, 2 6 1 - 2 .
165
altenglische
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Cotton Nero A. ii, fols. 3-8, 1 3 7 preserves commemorations of several Campanian saints known otherwise only from the Echternach recension of the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum.158
How did the 'old [Campanian} sacramentary' get to England? Mgr Louis Duchesne, one of the editors of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, thought immediately of Hadrian, 139 and was followed in this regard by H.A. Wilson, the editor of the Calendar of St Willibrord. 140 However, in 1908 Dom John Chapman argued strenuously against the association with Hadrian, 141 and because his arguments have been repeated by more recent scholars,142 it is worth reconsidering them briefly. His arguments are that the English liturgical books in question are from Northumbria, not Canterbury; that the 'old sacramentary' in question was from Capua, whereas Hadrian was from Naples; and that whereas Bede makes no mention of any books brought to England by Theodore and Hadrian, he describes at length the books brought by Benedict Biscop. Chapman concluded, therefore, that the 'old [Capuan} sacramentary' may 'have been among the books bought in Italy by St. Benet Biscop'. 143 These argu137
English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, ed. W o r m a l d , p p . 2 9 - 4 1 (no. 3); also p t d Gasquet and Bishop, The Bosworth Psalter, pp. 1 6 5 - 7 1 , and B. Muir, A Pre-Conquest English Prayer-Book, H B S 103 (London, 1988), 3 - 1 4 . 138 T J ^ s a i n t s j n question are St Castrensis of Castel Volturno (12 February) and St Maximianus (30 October), w h o is presumably identical w i t h St Maximus in Comsa venerated on t h e same date in t h e Martyrologium Hieronymianum. For Comsa one should understand C u m a , inasmuch as no site named Comsa can be identified, and in 1207 t h e remains of SS Juliana and Maximus were transferred from C u m a t o Naples (Delehaye, Les Origines du culte des martyrs, p . 301). O n these Campanian saints, cf. t h e remarks of E d m u n d Bishop {The Bosworth Psalter, p . 152): ' A n d thus this insignificant looking calendar of the last days of the Anglo-Saxon Church brings us across t h e centuries into direct touch w i t h those documents and literary stores b r o u g h t t o this island in t h e seventh century by Benet Biscop and by Hadrian.' Another late reflex of the Echternach recension (or an i m m e d i a t e antecedent of it) is found in t h e martyrology compiled by Rhigyfarch at Llanbadarn Fawr c. 1080: The Psalter and Martyrology of Ricemarch, ed. H J . Lawlor, 2 vols., H B S 4 7 - 8 (London, 1914), esp. I, xxv-xxxiv and 4 - 2 8 . 139 140 141 142 143
ActaSS., N o u . , I I . l , [ix}. The Calendar ofSt Willibrord, ed. Wilson, p. x; cf. also Willis, Further Essays, p. 2 1 9 . C h a p m a n , Notes on the Early History, esp. p p . 1 5 9 - 6 1 . E.g. M a y r - H a r t i n g , The Coming of Christianity, p p . 176—7. Notes on the Early History, p . 1 6 1 . Chapman's a r g u m e n t s were rebutted by A. Baumstark in Die dlteste erreichbare Gestalt des Liber Sacramentorum anni circuli der romischen Kirche, ed. L.C. Mohlberg, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen 11-12 (Miinster, 1927), 62*-70*. Baumstark - always a champion of daring hypotheses -
166
Theodore and Hadrian in England ments are based dangerously on silence. It is true that most of the Anglo-Saxon liturgical books in question are from Northumbria, not Canterbury (though it should be pointed out that the Echternach recension of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum specifically commemorates two saints buried at Canterbury — Augustine and Paulinus — and that the 'Old English Martyrology' was more likely composed in Mercia than Northumbria); but since no liturgical books of any kind survive from seventh- or eighthcentury Canterbury, it is simply impossible to say whether or not such books would have included commemorations of Campanian saints. The balance of evidence suggests that they would. It is also misleading to dissociate the liturgy of Capua from that of Naples. As we have seen, the saints commemorated in the 'old sacramentary' were from various churches in Campania — Sossius from Miseno, Juliana from Cuma, January from Naples — and not solely from Capua. We have also seen that the Campanian churches felt a sense of community in their saints, whereby the saints of the Bay of Naples were commemorated in the apse mosaics at S. Prisco in Capua. Furthermore, we learn from Gregory the Great that, during the Langobard siege of Capua during the years 593—7, the Capuan clergy fled to Naples for safety.144 In these circumstances it would not be surprising to find Capuan service books in Naples. Finally, the argument that Bede does not mention any books brought to England by Theodore and Hadrian is refuted by the evidence of the present biblical commentaries which, as we shall see, give abundant grounds for thinking that the two Mediterranean masters sustained their teaching at Canterbury by numerous books brought with them to England. And if arguments from silence were to have any validity, one would have to note that, so far as we know, Benedict Biscop had no connection with either Capua or Naples, though he certainly had some connection with Hadrian, inasmuch as he was Hadrian's predecessor as abbot of SS Peter and Paul and Canterbury, and only departed for Northumbria after Hadrian's arrival in 670. On examination, therefore, the arguments advanced against Hadrian carry no conviction. The simplest hypothesis remains that Hadrian brought (at least) two service books with him to England: a gospelbook with Neapolitan pericope-lists and a sacramentary of Campanian use.
144
suggested instead that the 'old sacramentary' had been introduced by Hadrian, whereas the 'new [Roman] sacramentary' had been brought from Rome by Benedict Biscop. See above, p. 126, n. 196.
167
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school The litany of the saints
We may now turn to a different class of evidence, that of the litany of the saints, and consider the circumstances of its appearance and transmission in Anglo-Saxon England. The litany of the saints is a liturgical form which, in origin at least, was used for purposes of private prayer; only from the Carolingian period onwards was it used in formal liturgical ceremonies, such as the services for baptism, dedication of a church, ordination of the clergy, and so on. The principal content of such a litany was a series of petitions to individual saints (the number of such petitions was flexible, and might be expanded ad libitum), in the form, 'St X, pray for me/us'; the series of petitions could be prefaced by the words Kyrie eleison and invocations to the persons of the Trinity and the Virgin Mary, or followed by more general petitions for deliverance from tribulation and evil, etc., but the essential feature was the series of petitions to individual saints. 145 It is generally agreed by students of the liturgy that the earliest such litany used anywhere in the western church is an abbreviated Greek litany (transliterated into the Roman alphabet) contained among additions to an Anglo-Saxon psalter of tenth-century date, now London, Cotton Galba A. xviii. 146 The core of the manuscript in question is an illuminated psalter written somewhere in northeastern France in the latter part of the ninth century (s. ix2), which subsequently arrived in England and was eventually owned by King Athelstan (924-39), whence it is known as the 'Athelstan Psalter'. 147 While in England it attracted accretions at its beginning and end. In particular, three quires at the end (fols. 178—200), containing principally the 'Romana' series of psalter collects, were written in AngloSaxon Square minuscule datable to the 930s, 148 and it is these quires 145
146
147
For an account of the origin and development of the litany of the saints, see Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, p p . 1—61; see also F. Cabrol, 'Litanies', DACL I X . 2 (1930), 1 5 4 0 - 7 1 . See Bishop, Liturgica Historica, p p . 1 4 0 - 9 ; Badcock, 'A Portion of an Early Anatolian Prayer-Book', and Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, p p . 1 3 - 2 5 . The litany is ptd Lapidge, ibid., p p . 1 7 2 - 3 (no. XVII). S. Keynes, ' K i n g Athelstan s Books', in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England,
ed. Lapidge and Gneuss, pp. 143-201, at 193-6. 148
See D . N . Dumville, 'English Square Minuscule Script: t h e Background and Earliest Phases', ASE 16 (1987), 1 4 7 - 7 9 , at 176.
168
Theodore and Hadrian in England which contain the relevant litany of the saints. Following the end of the psalter collects are four Greek prayers transliterated into the Roman alphabet (200r-v): 149 the litany, the Lord's prayer, a creed, and the Trisagion or Sanctus, which breaks off incomplete on the last folio of the manuscript. 150 These four Greek prayers occur together in several other Anglo-Saxon and continental manuscripts, where they are associated with various works of Israel the Grammarian (d. c. 970), who is well known as a Greek scholar and who, there is reason to believe, spent some time in England during the 930s at the court of King Athelstan. 151 The likelihood is that Israel found the four Greek prayers somewhere in England during his stay there, and arranged to have them copied into the additional quires of Galba A. xviii. Where in England he found them, and when they had arrived there, is less certain, although the evidence permits a reasoned hypothesis. The litany must have been in England no later than the eighth century, for a Latin translation of it was made before then. The Latin translation is preserved in London, BL, Royal 2. A. XX, 26r-v, a prayerbook of Mercian origin (s. viii2) and later Worcester provenance.152 The Latin version has a much longer series of invocations to individual saints than the original Greek version in Galba A. xviii, which was abruptly truncated by the scribe after the invocations to SS Peter and Paul; by the same token, it is likely that many of the invocations in the Latin version were added by the translator and were not present in the original Greek. 153 Royal 2. A. 149
See W . Chappel, ' O n t h e Use of t h e Greek Language, w r i t t e n phonetically, in the Early Service Books of the C h u r c h in E n g l a n d ' , Archaeologia 4 6 ( 1 8 8 1 ) , 3 8 9 - 4 0 2 , at
394-5. 150
A p p a r e n t l y some leaves, perhaps as m u c h as a quire, have been lost from the end of the m a n u s c r i p t since t h e seventeenth century, since in 1 6 9 6 T h o m a s S m i t h , in his catalogue of t h e C o t t o n i a n m a n u s c r i p t s , noted t h a t following the Trisagion was a copy of a p o e m recording t h e commission of a cross by Bishop Stigand (d. 1072): T. S m i t h ,
151 152
Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library, ed. C.G.C. Tite (Cambridge, 1984), p. 62. See Lapidge, 'Israel the Grammarian in Anglo-Saxon England'. CLA
II, no. 2 1 5 . T h e Latin translation of the litany is p t d Lapidge,
Anglo-Saxon
Litanies of the Saints, p p . 2 1 2 - 1 3 (no. X X V I ) ; on t h e m a n u s c r i p t , see also ibid., p . 7 5 . 133
O f course all t h e saints c o m m e m o r a t e d in the litany in Royal 2. A. X X cannot have been contained in t h e (hypothetical) list of saints in t h e G r e e k original: excepting t h e apostles, most are western and especially R o m a n . So the translator, after translating the o p e n i n g petitions to the apostles, m u s t have s u b s t i t u t e d names k n o w n to h i m from
169
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
XX also contains translations of the Lord's prayer (1 lv-12r) and the creed (12r) found in Galba A. xviii. 154 (It is interesting to note in passing that another, probably independent, translation of this same Greek creed155 is found as an addition to one of the last folios (226v) of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud gr. 35, the famous 'Codex Laudianus' containing the Greek and Latin texts of the Acts of the Apostles, written probably in Sardinia c. 600, but in England by the early eighth century, when it was used by Bede in revising his commentary on Acts in the early 730s.) 156 In any case, the evidence of Royal 2. A. XX suggests that a small collection of Greek prayers — including a litany of saints, the Lord's prayer, a creed and the Trisagion — was available in England no later than the eighth century, 157 and that it was still extant in the early tenth century, when its contents were copied into Galba A. xviii, probably at the instigation of Israel the Grammarian. Where did the collection of Greek prayers originate, and how did it come to England? There are many indications that the prayers themselves originated in Asia Minor, probably in the patriarchate of Antioch. The version of the creed is that known as the 'Old Roman Version' (or R). 158 As we have seen (above, p. 146), however, this version probably did not originate in Rome itself, but was apparently introduced there in the midfourth century. The earliest surviving text of this version is the creed which Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra in Cappadocia (now in central Turkey), submitted to Pope Julius I (337—52) at a synod held in Rome in {inter alia) the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, then returned to the Greek original for the final suffrages, which follow the Greek text closely. 154
The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop, ed. Kuypers, p. 205.
133
T h e Latin text of t h e Apostle's Creed in Laud gr. 35 (with variants from Royal 2. A. X X in square brackets) is p t d D e n z i n g e r a n d Schonmetzer, Enchiridion
Symbolorum,
p p . 2 1 - 2 (no. 12). See also Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, p p . 1 0 2 - 4 . 136
CLA I I , no. 2 5 1 . T e m p t i n g t h o u g h it would be t o associate t h e arrival in E n g l a n d of Laud gr. 35 w i t h Theodore a n d H a d r i a n , there is evidence t o suggest t h a t t h e m a n u s c r i p t m a y still have been in Sardinia in t h e later seventh century, w h e n t h e opening of an edict of Flavius Pancratius, dux of Sardinia s o m e t i m e between 6 3 8 a n d 6 6 8 , was added t o 227v: see M a n g o , 'La culture grecque en l'Occident', p p . 6 6 8 - 9 0 and pis., a n d Cavallo, 'Le tipologie della cultura', p p . 4 7 6 - 8 .
137
Cf. Bishop, Liturgica Historica, p . 1 4 1 , n. 1: ' m y o w n view is that t h e Greek pieces in Galba A. xviii were copied from an English M S of a date n o t later t h a n t h e e n d of t h e seventh century, or t h e early e i g h t h ' .
138
See Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, p p . 1 0 0 - 3 0 .
170
Theodore and Hadrian in England 340. 159 The implication is that Marcellus presented to the pope a credal formula with which he was already familiar in Cappadocia. In any event, the creed of Marcellus is identical in nearly every respect with that in Galba A. xviii. 160 The Greek text of the Trisagion also has certain features which may point to Asia Minor. In particular, it includes the phrase 'Lord God of Sabaoth' (icupioq 6 0ed<; aa(3aco0). The word 0e6<; ('God') is omitted from the Septuagint text of Isaiah VI. 3, the ultimate source of the Trisagion, but is, as Badcock pointed out, 161 included in the Syriac liturgy which represents the use of the Jacobite church of Antioch. 162 The detail is minor, and will probably not support the burden which Badcock wished to place on it, but it may serve as a further pointer to Asia Minor in general, and to Antioch in particular. These indications are confirmed by consideration of the litany itself. The most striking feature of the litany is its sequence of petitions to individual saints. Although they were subsequently to become the hallmark of litanies, no such petitions are found in any Latin liturgical source earlier than the late eighth century. Such precedents as are known are wholly Greek and eastern. 163 Various sequences of petitions to individual saints are found in the Greek 'Liturgy of St James', which represents the fourth-century use of Antioch, 164 and at the beginning of this present century Theodor Schermann printed several Greek litanies of sixth- or seventh-century date which have striking resemblances in structure (and sometimes in wording) to the litany in Galba A. xviii. 165 However, the 159
D e n z i n g e r and Schonmetzer, Enchiridion Symbolorum, p . 2 1 (no. 11), where t h e creed of Marcellus is collated w i t h t h a t of G a l b a A. xviii; see also Badcock, 'A Portion of an Early Anatolian Prayerbook', p . 1 7 8 , where the versions of Marcellus and G a l b a A. xviii are p t d in parallel c o l u m n s . T h e principal discussion of t h e creed of Marcellus is Caspari, Ungedruckte Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols III, 28—161; see also Kelly,
160
161 162
163 164 165
Early Christian Creeds, p . 103 and above, n. 50. It is interesting to note that the creed of Marcellus is also preserved in Epiphanius, Panarion L X X I I . 2 - 3 (GCS 3 7 , 2 5 6 - 7 = P G 4 2 , 3 8 4 - 8 ) , a text known to t h e C o m m e n t a t o r (see below, p . 212). T h e creed of Marcellus omits 'father' (Ttaxepa) in the first article, and adds 'life everlasting' (^cof|v aicoviov) at the end: see Kelly, ibid., p . 104. Badcock, 'A Portion of an Early Anatolian Prayerbook', p . 176. B r i g h t m a n , Liturgies Eastern and Western, p . 8 6 . Badcock erred in stating that 0e6q was also included in t h e (Greek) 'Liturgy of St James' (ed. Brightman, p . 50), and was unsuspectingly followed in this by Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, p . 19. See A. Baumstark, Liturgie comparee, 3rd ed. rev. B . Botte (Paris, 1953), p p . 8 7 - 9 0 . Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, pp. 3 5 , 4 0 , 4 8 - 9 and 66. T . Schermann, 'Griechische Litaneien', Romische Quartalschrift 17 (1903), 3 3 3 - 8 .
171
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
litany which most closely resembles that in Galba A. xviii is a Syriac litany which was discovered and edited by Anton Baumstark. 166 To judge from the names of saints petitioned, this litany was compiled in the seventh century somewhere in the patriarchate of Antioch. 167 The majority of saints in question are Greek rather than Syriac (the exceptions being Ephrem and Shamunith) and, like much Syriac literature, this litany is probably a translation of a lost Greek original. The important point is that the litany of the saints, in the form later known in the Latin West - as a result of the text preserved in Galba A. xviii and translated in Royal 2. A. XX — apparently originated in the patriarchate of Antioch. If we ask how a collection of four Greek prayers which originated in the patriarchate of Antioch came to be transmitted to Anglo-Saxon England by the eighth century at latest, the most economical hypothesis is that Theodore, a native of Tarsus in the patriarchate of Antioch, brought them with him when he came to Canterbury in 669. One could further hypothesize that they were translated into Latin, perhaps under his direction, at Canterbury, and then transmitted by one of his pupils to Worcester, where at least two of them (the litany and the creed) were copied into Royal 2. A. XX. In this connection it is interesting to note that Oftfor, who subsequently became bishop of Worcester (691-3), had been a student of Theodore at Canterbury, 168 and could conceivably have been responsible for taking the Latin translations of the Greek litany and creed to Worcester. In any case, the Greek litany of the saints preserved in Galba A. xviii was the germ of what was to become one of the most widely used liturgical forms of prayer in the western church. If its transmission to the West and translation into Latin are due to the personal initiative of Archbishop Theodore, as the evidence seems to suggest, then he must be credited with one of the most important liturgical innovations of the entire Middle Ages. SCHOLARSHIP
As we know from Bede, Theodore and Hadrian established a school on their arrival in Canterbury, and their school, in Bede's own words, 'soon 166
A. B a u m s t a r k , 'Eine syrisch-melchitische Allerheiligenlitanei', Oriens Christianus
4
(1904), 98-120. 167 168
Ibid., p p . 1 1 4 - 2 0 ; see also Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, p p . 1 7 - 1 8 . O n Oftfor, see especially Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature in Western England, p p .
184-94.
172
Theodore and Hadrian in England
attracted a crowd of students into whose minds they daily poured the streams of wholesome learning' (HE IV.2: see above, p. 2). We know from Bede and other sources the names of various students who attended this school, but with one exception (Aldhelm) these students have left no writings. Since Theodore and Hadrian are not known to have composed any major writings of their own, scholars have hitherto been obliged to validate Bede's judgement by recourse to various scattered bits of information. 169 With the publication of the present biblical commentaries, it will be possible for the first time to form a comprehensive notion of the range and depth of learning which was brought to bear by these two Mediterranean masters on the texts studied under their tutelage. However, the biblical commentaries are not an isolated phenomenon; they need to be considered in the context of other evidence of scholarly activity at the Canterbury school. The 'Leiden-Family' glossaries
The biblical commentaries here edited were not written down by the hands of either Theodore or Hadrian; rather, they represent the lecture notes of anonymous students recorded from the viva voce explanations given by the two masters (see below, pp. 269—74). They are the most extensive, but not the only, record of their classroom teaching. There are various other texts, in the form of glossaries, which similarly derive from that teaching and which show that Theodore and Hadrian gave instruction in books of the Bible other than the Pentateuch and gospels (the subjects of the present biblical commentaries), as well as in a wide range of other patristic and grammatical texts. 170 The teaching of Theodore and Hadrian on these other texts is preserved in a family of closely related glossaries referred to as the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries after the chief member of that family, a glossary now in Leiden,
169
See Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity,
pp. 2 0 4 - 9 ; Brooks, The Early
History,
pp. 9 4 - 8 ; and esp. Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian'. 170
The distinction between a biblical commentary and a glossary based on biblical lemmata is not easily drawn. In the biblical commentaries printed here, the explanations to each lemma usually (but not invariably) consist of one or more sentences, whereas the biblical entries in the Leiden-Family glossaries usually (but not invariably) consist of a single lemma accompanied by a single word of interpretation (interpretamentum).
173
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 20r-36r. 171 The manuscript was written at St Gallen, c. 800, 172 but was clearly copied from an English exemplar, since the glossary includes some 250 explanations in Old English. The 'Leiden Glossary' itself consists of forty-eight batches of glosses, or chapters, which may be set out as follows: i. various canons and papal decretals ii. Regula S. Benedicti
iii. Sulpicius Severus, Vita S. Martini and Dialogi; Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii in the Latin translation of Evagrius iv. Rufinus's Latin translation of Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History v. another collection of glosses from Rufinus's translation of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History vi. Gildas, De excidio Britanniae
vii-xxv. glosses to books of the Bible, including Chronicles (vii), Proverbs (viii), Ecclesiastes (ix), Song of Songs (x), Wisdom (xi), Ecclesiasticus (xii), Isaiah (xiii), Jeremiah and Lamentations (xiv), Ezechiel and Hosea (xv), Daniel (xvi), minor prophets (xvii), Hosea again (xviii), Job (xix), Tobias (xx), Judith (xxi), Esther (xxii), Esdras and Nehemiah (xxiii), Matthew (xxiv) and Mark, Luke and John (xxv) xxvi. Isidore, De ecclesiaticis ojficiis
xxvii. Isidore, De rerum natura xxviii. Athanasius, Vita S. Antonii in the Latin translation of Evagrius; Cassiodorus, Expositio psalmorum xxix. Jerome, Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei xxx. Jerome, De uiris illustribus xxxi—xxxii. De ponderibus (source unknown; Epiphanius and Jerome are cited) xxxiii. a chapter De ponderibus from Eucherius, Instructiones xxxiv. Cassian, De institutis coenobiorum
xxxv. another batch of glosses from Rufinus's Latin translation of Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 171
Ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century Latin—Anglo-Saxon Glossary•, and Glogger, Das Leidener Glossary see discussion by Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', pp. 54-6.
172
See de Meyier, Codices Vossiani Latini / / , p p . 1 5 7 - 6 4 , and Bischoff, MS II, 2 6 and III,
289.
174
Theodore and Hadrian in England xxxvi. Orosius, Historiae aduersum paganos xxxvii. Augustine, Sermones xxxviii. pseudo-Clement, Recognitiones in the Latin translation of Rufinus xxxix. Gregory, Dialogi and Regula pastoralis; further glosses from church canons xl. more glosses from Gildas, De excidio Britanniae xli. more glosses from church canons; names of precious stones from Revelation XXI. 19—20; Sulpicius Severus, Dialogi xlii. Sulpicius Severus, Dialogi and Vita S. Martini\ anonymous Vita S. Eugeniae xliii. Donatus, Ars maior xliv. more glosses from Isidore, De natura rerum xlv. Phocas, Ars de nomine et uerbo xlvi. more glosses from Phocas, Ars de nomine et uerbo xlvii. Hermeneumata pseudo-Dositheana xlviii. more glosses from Cassian, De institutis coenobiorum From this list it will be seen that the batches of glosses were not arranged systematically (there are, for example, three separate batches of glosses on Rufinus's translation of Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, and two each on Gildas, Cassian, Sulpicius Severus and Isidore). This may imply that the glosses were copied by the St Gallen scribe more or less as they came to hand, with the implication (perhaps) that each batch was on a separate sheet of parchment. Most of the batches contain lemmata (with glosses) set out in the order in which they occur in the texts (such glosses are referred to as glossae collectae). The lemmata in two chapters (nos. i and ii) have been rearranged in simple alphabetical order, perhaps by the St Gallen scribe, with items beginning with the same letter being grouped together (this simple alphabetization is referred to as a-order). It is often possible, by identifying and studying the lemmata, to make valid inferences about the nature of the manuscripts used by the original glossator. 173 The 'Leiden Glossary' is the best-known member of a family of some twenty glossaries all containing some version — whether as glossae collectae or in alphabetized form — of the batches of glosses contained in the 'Leiden 173
Cf. the discussion of chs. i and ii (canones and Regula S. Benedict!) in Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', pp. 62-6. 175
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Glossary' itself.174 With the exception of a few fragments, and of the Old English glosses contained in them, these glossaries have never been printed. Those which are most relevant to the present discussion are the ones preserving batches of biblical glosses as unalphabetized glossae collectae, and of these, the most important are: Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup. (N. Italy, s. xi 2 ); 175 Paris, BN, lat. 2685 (Belgium or Holland, s. ix2), 47r-56r; 176 and Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 99 (Reichenau, s. viiiex), fols. 37-52. 1 7 7 By comparing these three glossaries with the 'Leiden Glossary' it is possible to ascertain that the 'Leiden Glossary', while preserving the largest number of Old English glosses and being the most complete in certain respects, is nonetheless incomplete in respect of glosses to the early books of the Old Testament: its batches begin with Chronicles (Paralipomenon), whereas the other three manuscripts contain glosses not only to the Pentateuch (Pentll) but also to Joshua, Judges, Ruth and Kings. In their original form, therefore, the biblical glosses of the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries included interpreta174 The manuscripts are listed (with bibliography) by Lapidge, ibid., pp. 68—72. 173 This is the principal manuscript of the biblical commentaries (PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla and Evil) printed here. However, in addition to the biblical commentaries, the Milan manuscript also contains a second series of glosses on the Pentateuch (Pentll): on Genesis (67v-69r), Exodus (72v-73v), Leviticus (76r-v), Numbers (78v-79r) and Deuteronomy (80r-v); then a series of glosses on the remaining Old Testament books (81r-88r) which correspond to the Xeiden Glossary', chs. vii-xxiii, then a series of glosses on the gospels (EvI: 88r-89r) which correspond to the 'Leiden Glossary', chs. xxiv—xxv. (On this complex mass of material, see the important discussion by Pheifer, 'The Canterbury Bible Glosses'.) Finally, after further (unrelated) biblical glosses are found batches of glosses (125v-128r) corresponding to non-biblical parts of the 'Leiden Glossary', chs. xxvi—xxviii, xxxiv—xxxix and xli—xlii. These later non-biblical glosses are partially ptd CGL V, 425—31 (nos. xxvi—xxviii and xxxiv—xxxv). See also below, pp. 284-7. 176
See Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p p . 56 and 7 0 , and H . Schreiber, 'Die Glossen des Codex Parisinus 2685 und ihre Verwandten' (unpubl. P h D dissertation, Jena Univ., 1961), esp. p p . 6 9 - 1 1 7 (on the relationship of B N lat. 2685 to other Leiden-Family glossaries) and 119—46
(text). This manuscript includes batches
corresponding to the 'Leiden Glossary', chs. i-ii and vii-xxv and xxix, as well as the Old Testament glosses (Pentll) omitted from the Xeiden Glossary'. 177
O n t h e m a n u s c r i p t , see CLA
V I I I , no. 1 0 7 8 , a n d B . Bischoff,
'Friihkarolingische
Handschriften u n d ihre H e i m a t ' , Scriptorium 2 2 ( 1 9 6 8 ) , 3 0 6 - 1 4 , at 3 0 8 . T h e glossary is partially p t d SS V , 1 3 5 - 2 2 5 ; see also A. H o l t z m a n n , 'Die alten Glossare I F , Germania
8 ( 1 8 6 3 ) , 3 8 5 - 4 1 4 , at 3 9 5 ^ 4 0 0 . T h e m a n u s c r i p t contains t h e O l d Testa-
m e n t glosses o m i t t e d from t h e Xeiden Glossary', as well as chs. vii—xxxiii.
176
Theodore and Hadrian in England tions of all books of the Old Testament as well as the four gospels. They therefore provide a valuable complement to the biblical commentaries printed here, and their full publication is an urgent desideratum of Anglo-Saxon studies. What is the evidence for attributing these 'Leiden-Family' glossaries to the school of Theodore and Hadrian at Canterbury? There are many verbal links between these glosses and the biblical commentaries, which suggest that both glosses and commentaries share a common origin. 178 At various points interpretations in the commentaries are attributed nominatim to either Theodore or Hadrian. 179 Similar attributions are frequently found in the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries. For example, the 'Leiden Glossary' contains an explanation of the word cynaris ('harps') in Ecclesiasticus XXXIX.20: Cyneris. nabla. idest citharis longiores quam psalterium. Nam psalterium triangulum fit. Theodorus dixit. (LdGl xii.40)180 Harps', are nabla, that is, citharas longer than a psaltery, for a psaltery is triangular. Theodore said so. In the Song of Songs occurs the potentially misleading expression stipate me malis quia amore langueo (II.5), 'compass me about with apples (malis) because I languish with love'. Hadrian, apparently taking malis to mean 'evils' rather than 'apples', interpreted stipate as meaning stringite, 'hold in check (from evil)', according to an unprinted gloss in the Milan manuscript (84r): Stipate. stringite Adrianus dicit .i. remissionem peccatorum per baptismum. Domum uini ecclesiam dicit. Compass. 'Hold in check', said Hadrian, that is, the remission of sins through baptism. He also says that the house of wine (II.4: cellam uinariam) represents the Church. Hadrian's comments represent an early attempt to interpret the (unambiguous) sexual language of the Song of Songs in terms of the soul and the Church. Elsewhere the glosses in the Milan manuscript preserve the 178
For example, cf. L d G l xxiv.13 and E v i l 5 6 , and L d G l xxv.14 and E v i l 146.
179
For H a d r i a n , see Sg 30 and Br 12 (below, p p . 535 and 543); for Theodore, see Pent I
180
T h e identical gloss is found in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, A u g . perg. 9 9 ,
115 and W b l praef. 13 (below, p p . 3 2 6 and 549). 4 6 v (SS V, 3 2 7 ) , w i t h o u t , however, t h e explicit reference to Theodore.
177
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
fascinating record of a difference of opinion between the two great masters on how a biblical passage was to be interpreted. In IV Kings XVIII. 16 occurs a verse describing the tribute paid by Hezekiah to Sennacherib, king of the Assyrians; the tribute included the 'doors of the temple' and the plates of gold fastened to them ('in tempore illo confregit Ezechias ualuas templi Domini et lamminas auri'). For some reason this passage gave rise to a difference of opinion between Theodore and Hadrian (or else the Anglo-Saxon student who was recording their discussion failed to understand it properly). According to another unprinted gloss in the Milan manuscript (83r), Hadrian took ualuas to refer to the walls surrounding the temple, whereas Theodore thought it referred to aqueducts (he was presumably thinking of the aqueducts built at Jerusalem by Hezekiah and mentioned in IV Kings XX. 20): Valuas: muros in circuitu templi Adrianus dixit. Valuas Theodorus dixit aqueductus .i. ipsefistulaeper quas aqua ducitur. Doors: Hadrian said these were the walls around the temple. Theodore said that the ualuas were aqueducts, that is, those pipes through which water is led. Finally, the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries contain an explanation of the 'gourds' {colocinthidas) mentioned in IV Kings IV. 39 in which, even though Hadrian is not named, we may almost catch the inflection of his voice: Colocinthidas. cucurbitas agrestes, minores quam illae unde faciunt uasa, tamen ipsius similitudinis; amare quasi fel. In Affrica uidimus.181 Gourds. Wild gourds, smaller than those from which they make drinking vessels, yet of a similar appearance. They are almost as bitter as bile. I've seen them in Africa. Glosses such as these indicate beyond reasonable doubt that the 'LeidenFamily' glossaries represent the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. The collection of glosses to the Bible and other texts, as represented in the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries, stands at the head of an entire tradition of early medieval glossography. As we have seen, the collection was transmitted to the Continent no later than the eighth century, and was laid under contribution by the compilers of no fewer than twenty continental 181
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup., 83r; cf. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 135, 99r (ptd SS V, 129). 178
Theodore and Hadrian in England glossaries, pre-eminently in the area of the Anglo-Saxon missions. 182 But the collection was also utilized in England: 183 by the compiler of the 'Epinal—Erfurt Glossary' by c. 700 at latest, 184 and subsequently (and independently) by the compiler of the 'Corpus Glossary' working in southern England (perhaps at Canterbury) in the early ninth century. 185 As work proceeds on Anglo-Saxon glossaries, the debt to the Canterbury school will become clearer. For example, an epitome of Isidore's Etymologiae has recently come to light which has certain links with the 'Werden Glossary', which is in turn linked to the 'Leiden-Family' glossaries. 186 Even at the end of the Anglo-Saxon period the collection was still apparently available in some form to compilers of glossaries: it has recently been shown that a short glossary in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 163 (Peterborough, s. xi/xii), 25Or, draws on materials represented in the 'Leiden Glossary', particularly the glosses to the canons and decretals. 187 In the early twelfth century, the scribe of Cambridge, University Library, Kk. 4. 6 (Worcester, s. xii1) copied a series of Old Testament glosses (4lr-44v) closely related to those in the 'Leiden Glossary', fuller in some respects (in that they include glosses to the Pentateuch and other books omitted from Leiden) but devoid of the Old English glosses. 188 When all the glossaries of the Xeiden-Family' have been identified, printed and studied, it is possible that the Canterbury school of Theodore and Hadrian will emerge from its present obscurity to be considered as one of the most influential sources of exegetical thought in the early Middle Ages. 189 But an immense amount of work remains. 190 182
See Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti Galli, esp. p p . 8 3 - 1 6 2 .
183
See Pheifer, 'Early Anglo-Saxon Glossaries', esp. p p . 1 9 - 2 7 .
184
See Pheifer, ibid., p p . 1 8 - 1 9 , and Old English Glosses, p p . xliii-xlvi; see also The
Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries, ed. Bischoff # al., pp. 13—16 (on the date of Epinal, Bibl. m u n i c . 72). 185 186
Lindsay, The Corpus, Epinal, Erfurt and Leyden Glossaries, esp. pp. 5 - 1 6 . O n t h e relationship of t h e W e r d e n glossary t o t h e C a n t e r b u r y school, see Lapidge, ' O l d English Glossography', p p . 5 0 - 6 ; for t h e e p i t o m e , see Lapidge, 'An Isidorian E p i t o m e from Early Anglo-Saxon E n g l a n d ' .
187
P . Lendinara, 11 glossario del m s . Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 1 6 3 ' , Romanobarbarica 10 ( 1 9 8 8 - 9 ) , 4 8 5 - 5 1 6 .
188
See Pheifer, ' T h e C a n t e r b u r y Bible Glosses'.
189
Theodore and H a d r i a n are not so m u c h as m e n t i o n e d , for example, in t h e classic w o r k of Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 1983).
190
For example, Walahfrid Strabo's Abbreuiatio
of t h e c o m m e n t a r y of H r a b a n u s M a u r u s
on D e u t e r o n o m y (F. Stegmuller, Repertorium Biblicum
179
Medii Aevi,
7 vols. (Madrid,
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school The 'Laterculus
Malalianus'
The 'Laterculus Malalianus' 191 is a brief Latin text, partly chronographical, partly exegetical, which is preserved in an uncial manuscript of eighth-century date and almost certain Roman origin, now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 277. 192 Because the manuscript is of Roman origin, and because the text at one point refers (ch. 8) to a church recently built and dedicated to the Virgin Mary on the Capitol in Rome (now S. Maria in Aracoeli), it has been assumed that the text was composed in Rome itself. Recently, however, Jane Stevenson has advanced compelling reasons for thinking that the text was composed at Canterbury, very probably by Theodore himself, and then subsequently transmitted to Rome. 193 Her reasons, which await full publication, 194 may be stated briefly as follows: the Laterculus is transmitted alongside two anonymous Hiberno-Latin computistical and exegetical works in Pal. lat. 277, suggesting an origin in Insular circles for the collection of texts as a whole; there is palaeographical evidence that the Laterculus itself was copied from an Insular exemplar; at two places (praef. and ch. 4) it contains attacks on contemporary Irish scholarship (reminiscent of Aidhelm's description in his Ep. v to Heahfrith of Theodore as a savage boar
191
192
1940-61) V, 428 (no. 8321)), contains the following gloss on Deut. XIV.13: 'Ixon. Adrianus dicit: est auis de genere uulturis, alba et minor quam uultur' (unptd; quoted from Paris, BN, lat. 12307 (s. xii), 200r, and Saint-Mihiel, Bibl. mun. 25 (s. xiin), 130r). Presumably this gloss once formed part of the Canterbury biblical commentaries edited here, but was omitted at some stage in the transmission, perhaps by the scribe of the Milan manuscript (see below, pp. 293—4). It is as yet impossible to say how many such glosses await detection in unprinted early medieval texts. CPL, no. 2272; ed. T. Mommsen, MGH, Auct. Antiq. 13 (Berlin, 1898), 424-37; also ed. PL 94, 1161-74. A new edition by Jane Stevenson in the series CSASE is forthcoming (see below, n. 194). See also Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux a Rome I, 181. CLA I, no. 9 1 ; see also L. Traube, 'Chronicon Palatinum', BZ 4 (1895), 4 8 9 - 9 2 , repr. in his Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen, ed. F. Boll, 3 vols. (Munich, 1909—20) III, 2 0 1 ^ ; Berschin, Griechisch-lateinisches Mittelalter, p . 117; and Cavallo, Xe tipologie
della cultura', pp. 512-13. 193
194
Stevenson, 'Malalas in Latin'; see also her article 'Laterculus Malalianus' in Archbishop Theodore, ed. Lapidge (forthcoming). These are set out fully in J.B. Stevenson, The 'Laterculus Malalianus' and the School of Archbishop Theodore, CSASE (forthcoming).
180
Theodore and Hadrian in England fighting off a pack of snarling Irish hounds); 195 it draws on several rare Latin texts, such as the Cento of Proba and Gildas's De excidio Britanniae which were, however, known to Aldhelm and the school of Canterbury; its exegetical method is wholly Antiochene in character, that is, 'philological' rather than allegorical; 196 its orientation is wholly towards Greek and Syriac biblical exegesis, and remains ignorant of Latin exegetes such as Augustine and Gregory; it cites by name two patristic authorities — Epiphanius and Ephrem the Syrian — who are also quoted in the present biblical commentaries; and at certain points it agrees precisely with these biblical commentaries in a highly unusual interpretation of scripture. In combination these arguments are very powerful (it is simply not possible to think of another seventh-century context outside Theodore's Canterbury which could meet all the relevant criteria). If Stevenson's arguments can be accepted, therefore, the attribution of the Laterculus Malalianus to Theodore adds a wholly new dimension to our understanding of the Canterbury school. Full discussion of the sources and method of the Laterculus must await Stevenson's forthcoming edition, but a few brief remarks may be helpful here. The first part of the work (chs. 2—11) is a fairly close translation of the Greek text of ch. 10 of the Chronicle of John Malalas, the sixth-century Antiochene historian mentioned earlier. 197 The part of John's Chronicle translated in the Laterculus is concerned solely with the period from the birth of Christ until His crucifixion and resurrection. The second part of the Laterculus treats the life of Christ once again, but this time from an exegetical point of view, in order to reveal the typological significance of Christ's life. It is here that the closest parallels to Antiochene exegesis lie. 198 The translator draws not only on Epiphanius of Cyprus and Ephrem the Syrian, both of whom are cited by name, but also on other Antiochene
195
196 197
198
Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 4 9 3 ; trans. Lapidge and Herren, Aldhelm: the Prose Works, p. 163. O n Antiochene exegesis, see above, p. 2 5 , and below, pp. 2 4 3 - 9 . See above, p. 2 4 . Bk 10 of the Chronicle (trans. Jeffreys et al.y pp. 1 2 1 - 4 2 ) is concerned with the period from the birth of Christ (given as 2 BC) to the reign of Nerva. Stevenson ('Malalas in Latin', p. 2 9 3 ) draws attention to similarities in structure between the Laterculus and the commentary on the minor Pauline Epistles by Theodore of Mopsuestia (CPG II, no. 3 8 4 5 ; see above, p. 20).
181
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
exegetes, including John Chrysostom. 1 " Similarly, in treating the question of Christ's birth in ch. 13, he gives a lengthy account of the stages in the formation of a foetus — information which certainly derives from Greek medicine, and which has its closest parallels in Galen and Oribasius. 200 Most importantly, at certain points the exegetical discussion in the Laterculus has an exact parallel in the present biblical commentaries: in ch. 16, for example, the statement that all human beings will be resurrected as at the age of thirty, is found again in Gn-Ex-Evla 22 (below, p. 392, where it is attributed to John Chrysostom).201 Parallels such as these form an indisputable link between the two works, and show that any future attempt to assess the achievements of the Canterbury school must take full account of the Laterculus Malalianus. The 'Passio S. Anastasii' St Anastasius202 was by origin a Persian named Magundat, the son of a magus, who on hearing of Jesus Christ, left the Persian army in which he was serving and went to Jerusalem, where he was baptized as Anastasius by the patriarch Modestus. He was subsequently apprehended by Persian soldiers as a spy, whence he was handed over to the emperor Chosroes II and martyred (at Kirkuk in modern Iraq) on 22 January 628. 2O3 He was culted on that date by both eastern and western churches; but his cult in the Latin West had its focal point at the monastery ad aquas Saluias (now the Tre Fontane: see fig. 3) which was dedicated in his name. As we have seen, the monastery of St Anastasius ad aquas Saluias is first recorded in the acta of the Lateran Council of 649, where it is described as a community of Cilician monks under the direction of Abbot George. 204 From a near199
200
201 202
203
204
Stevenson, ibid. Epiphanius is cited in ch. 7, Ephrem in ch. 19 (ed. Mommsen, p p . 4 2 8 and 4 3 3 respectively). O n the knowledge of Greek medicine witnessed by the present biblical commentaries, see below, p p . 2 4 9 - 5 0 . See below, p . 501 (comm. to Gn-Ex-Evla 22). See P. Sfair, 'Anastasio Magundat', Bibliotheca Sanctorum, ed. E. Josi, A. Palazzini and A. Piolanti, 13 vols. (Rome, 1 9 6 1 - 7 0 ) I, 1 0 5 4 - 6 ; EEC I, 36; and esp. Flusin, Saint Anastase II, 2 2 1 - 6 3 . See J.M. Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire de Veglise en Iraq, CSCO 310 {Subsidia 36] (Louvain, 1970), 9 8 . See above, p . 66, as well as Ferrari, Early Roman Monasteries, p p . 33—48 and Sansterre, Les Moines grecs et orientaux a Rome I, 1 3 - 1 7 .
182
Theodore and Hadrian in England contemporary document (the tract De locis sanctis martyrum quae sunt foris Romae)205 we learn that this monastery possessed, as a treasured relic, the head of the martyr; since the tract has been thought to date from either the last years of Pope Honorius I (625-38) or the early years of Pope Theodore (642-9), its evidence implies that the monastery of St Anastasius had been in existence for some years, perhaps a decade or more, before the Lateran Council of 649. In any event, it was fairly clearly a foundation for Cilician monks who were refugees from the Arab invasion of Syria (see above, p. 69). As we have seen, the future Archbishop Theodore was very likely a monk of St Anastasius. The monks of St Anastasius will have needed a passio commemorating the martyrdom of their patron saint. 206 The earliest such passio was written in Greek at the request of Modestus in Jerusalem, probably in 630, by a member of St Anastasius's own community in Jerusalem (BHG, no. 84); 207 it was this text which, as we have seen (above, p. 64), served shortly afterwards as the source of George of Pisidia's Laudatio S. Anastasii. It is reasonable to assume that the anonymous passio was brought to Rome with the martyr's head. At some subsequent time a very literal, almost word-for-word, Latin translation was made of the Greek text; this translation (BHL, no. 410b) survives in a single manuscript in Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, F. III. 16 (Bobbio, s. x), fols. 14-23, but has never been studied or printed. 208 It is possible, but not certain, that this translation was made in the (Roman) community of St Anastasius by a monk whose native language was not Latin but Greek. Such a hypothesis would explain the poor and literal quality of the translation. In any event, this poor Latin translation — BHL, no. 410b — had reached England by the early eighth century at latest, for a copy came into Bede's hands, and he determined to 205
See DACL
VII.2 ( 1 9 2 7 ) , 1 9 1 4 - 1 7 ; p t d G . B . D e Rossi, Roma sotterranea cristiana,
3
vols. ( R o m e , 1 8 6 4 - 9 7 ) I, 1 4 1 - 3 , at 1 4 1 ; R. Valentini and G. Z u c c h e t t i , Codice topografico della citta di Roma, 4 vols. ( R o m e , 1 9 4 2 - 5 3 ) II, 1 0 9 ; and CCSL 1 7 5 , 3 1 6 . A later d a t i n g , to 6 5 0 X 6 8 2 , is suggested by H . G e e r t m a n , More Veterum. II 'Liber Pontificalis' e gli edifici ecclesiastici di Roma nella tarda antichita
e nell'alto medioevo
( G r o n i n g e n , 1975), p p . 2 0 0 - 2 ; see also Flusin, Saint Anastase II, 3 5 4 - 6 . 206
T h e account w h i c h follows is based heavily on Franklin and Meyvaert, 'Bede's Version'.
207
Ed. Usener, Acta Martyris
Anastasii
Persae, pp. 1—12, and Flusin, Saint Anastase I,
1 5 - 9 1 - See also Pertusi, 'L'encomio di S. Anastasio m a r t i r e persano', p . 2 8 . 208
Its i m p o r t a n c e was first recognized by Franklin and Meyvaert, 'Bede's Version', p p . 3 7 6 - 7 and n. 1 1 ; see n o w C. Vircillo Franklin, 'Theodore and t h e Passio S. Anastasii,
in Archbishop Theodore, ed. Lapidge (forthcoming).
183
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
revise it in order to emend the poor Latin of the original: as he says in the list of his writings appended to the Historia ecclesiastica, 'a book on the life and martyrdom of St Anastasius badly translated from the Greek and made worse by some ignorant corrector, I have corrected to restore the sense, as best I could'. 209 Bede's 'corrected' version of the Passio S. Anastasii has recently been identified (as BHL, no. 408); 210 from this text it is possible to see that Bede was working with a sound sense of Latin but without access to the original Greek text. 211 The most likely agent for transmission of the Passio S. Anastasii (BHL, no. 410b) from Rome to England is Theodore himself, who was almost certainly a monk in the community of St Anastasius in Rome before his appointment to Canterbury. 212 Indeed, Carmela Vircillo Franklin has advanced persuasive arguments for thinking that Theodore himself was the author of the Latin text in BHL, no. 410b. Her arguments are too intricate to be set out crudely here, but are based on the transmissional histories of other passiones in the Turin manuscript and their links with Aldhelm, as well as on the translational technique of the passio itself, which closely resembles that of the Laterculus Malalianus which, as we have seen, is in part a work translated by Theodore from the Greek text of the Chronicle of John Malalas. 213 So the Passio S. Anastasii provides one further unsuspected view of the influence of Theodore's scholarship in Anglo-Saxon England: as a result of the introduction of this text, St Anastasius was commemorated by Bede in his Chronica maiora214 and Martyrologium215 and by the anonymous author of the 'Old English Martyrology'. 216
209
HE V . 2 4 ; ed. Colgrave and Mynors, pp. 5 6 8 - 7 0 : 'librum uitae et passionis sancti Anastasii male de Greco translatum et peius a quodam inperito emendatum, prout potui, ad sensum correxi'.
210 By franklin and Meyvaert, 'Bede's Version', pp. 3 8 5 - 9 6 . 211
Bede's text is ptd (anonymously, however) in Acta SS., Ian., II, 4 2 6 - 3 1 .
212
As suggested by Berschin, Griecbisch-lateinisches Mittelalter,
213
'Theodore and the Passio S. Anastasii' (as cited above, n. 208).
p. 115.
214
CCSL 123B, 5 2 4 .
215
J. Dubois and G. Renaud, Edition pratique des martyrologes de Bede, de Vanonyme lyonnais et de Florus (Paris, 1976), p. 2 0 .
216
Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. Kotzor II, 2 4 .
184
Theodore and Hadrian in England 'Versus Sybille de iudicio Dei' In his Epistola ad Acircium Aldhelm on three occasions quotes from a poem attributed to the Sibyl concerning the Day of Judgement. 217 The poem in question consists of thirty-four hexameters in acrostic form, and is a Latin translation of a Greek poem in the corpus of Oracula Sibyllina. The poem begins Iudicio tellus sudabit maesta propinquo', 218 and is preserved in a single manuscript, now Leipzig, Stadtbibliothek, Rep. I. 74 (Loire region, s. ix1), 24r—25r. It apparently did not circulate widely, and no medieval author besides Aldhelm quotes from it. 219 It is not out of the question that Aldhelm, who elsewhere practised the acrostic form (in the metrical prefaces to his Enigmata and Carmen de uirginitate), himself produced the translation; 220 in any case there is reason to think that the translation was produced in the Canterbury school of Theodore and Hadrian. 221 The Oracula Sibyllina are a vast collection of Greek prophecies, some pagan, some Jewish, some Christian, which date from the second century BC to the third century AD. 222 The collection, which was possibly assembled in the fifth century AD, consisted originally of at least fifteen books, of which twelve are now extant. Of these, bks VI—VIII are wholly 217
Aldhelmi
218
ICL, no. 8 4 9 7 ; the p o e m is p t d Bulst (as cited below, n. 2 2 1 ) , p p . 1 0 5 - 6 .
219
Opera, ed. Ehwald, p p . 7 9 and 9 3 (bis).
A copy of t h e p o e m may have formed part of the sylloge of Milred of Worcester (d. 7 7 5 ) , a l t h o u g h certainty is impossible: see M . Lapidge, 'Some R e m n a n t s of Bede's Lost Liber Epigrammatum
220
, EHR 9 0 ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 7 9 8 - 8 2 0 , at 8 0 7 - 8 .
See Aldhelm: the Poetic Works, trans. Lapidge and Rosier, p . 16. O n the final occasion on w h i c h A l d h e l m quotes from t h e p o e m , he follows t h e q u o t a t i o n w i t h t h e s t a t e m e n t et alibi poeta dicit, t h e n quotes line 5 3 0 from his o w n Carmen de uirginitate. It is possible to read A l d h e l m ' s s t a t e m e n t as m e a n i n g t h e poeta of t h e Sibylline verse and t h e Carmen de uirginitate are one and the same. O n t h e other h a n d , there is no evidence elsewhere in his w r i t i n g s t h a t A l d h e l m had a sound k n o w l e d g e of Greek. N o t e also t h a t t h e Leipzig m a n u s c r i p t preserves a copy of A l d h e l m ' s Enigmata
221
Zeitschrift fur deutsches Altertum 222
(lr-13r).
See W . Bulst, 'Eine anglo-lateinische U b e r s e t z u n g aus d e m Griechischen u m 7 0 0 ' , 75 ( 1 9 3 8 ) , 1 0 5 - 1 1 , and Bischoff, MS I, 1 5 4 - 5 .
CPG I, no. 1 3 5 2 ; ed. J . Geffcken, Die Oracula Sibyllina,
G C S 8 (Leipzig, 1902). O n
t h e date of composition, see J . Geffcken, Komposition und Entstehung Sibyllina,
der Oracula
T U 2 3 . 1 (Leipzig, 1902), as well as A. Rzach, 'Sibyllinische Orakel', RE 2 n d
ser. II (1923), 2 1 0 3 - 8 3 , Q u a s t e n , Patrology I, 1 6 8 - 7 0 , 0DB
III, 1 8 9 0 - 1 , EEC II,
6 1 4 - 1 5 , and esp. Schiirer, The History of the Jewish People, ed. and trans. Vermes and
Millar III, 618-54.
185
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Christian in sentiment, and the acrostic poem which served as the model for the Latin translation (inc. IHIOYS XPEIZTOZ 0EOY YIOIIQTHP ZTAYPOX) forms part of bk VIII, which is concerned with the nature of Christ. 223 The poem itself is thought to have been composed c. 160 AD. 224 Another Latin translation (inc. ludicii signum tellus sudore madescet') of this same poem had been made by the early fifth century, for it is quoted by Augustine; 225 but this translation is wholly independent of that quoted by Aldhelm. If the translation known to Aldhelm was produced at Canterbury, the implication is that a Greek text of the poem was available there too; but whether a complete Greek text of Oracula Sibyllina is in question seems unlikely. Octosyllabic verses
One work which can certainly be attributed to Theodore is a brief poem in octosyllables addressed to Bishop Haeddi. The poem occurs in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 320, part II (St Augustine's, Canterbury, s. x 2 ), p. 71, where it is copied out in red capitals as a sort of rubric to some excerpts on penitence (including excerpts from Theodore's Indicia):226 Te nunc, sancte speculator, Verbi Dei digne dator, Haeddi, pie praesul, precor, Pontificum ditum decor, Pro me tuo peregrino Preces funde Theodoro.227 Haeddi was bishop of Winchester, 676—705; the poem was therefore composed between 676 and Theodore's death in 690. It is, therefore, very possibly the earliest surviving Anglo-Latin poem. The most striking feature of this brief poem is its rhythm. Whereas there are numerous other examples of continuous octosyllables from 223
Oracula Sibyllina V I I I . 2 1 7 - 5 0 (GCS 8, 1 5 3 - 7 ) .
224
DACL I.I (1924), 3 5 6 - 7 , s.v. 'Acrostiche'.
225
ICL, no. 8 4 9 5 ; Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XVIII.23 (CCSL 4 8 , 613).
226
Illustrated in The Making of England, ed. Webster and Backhouse, p. 7 4 (no. 58).
227
The poem has been printed on many occasions, most recently by Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p. 4 6 : 'I ask you now, holy superintendent [ = bishop}, worthy dispenser of the word of God, Haeddi, kindly priest, glory of blessed bishops: pour out prayers for me, Theodore, your pilgrim.'
186
Theodore and Hadrian in England seventh- and eighth-century England - by poets such as Aldhelm, his pupil ^thilwald, and Boniface - these are without exception proparoxytonic in rhythm: that is to say, in each octosyllabic line, the stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable, as in these lines by Aldhelm: Quid dicam de ingentibus Altithroni operibus, Quae nullus nequit numero Conputare in calculo?228 This proparoxytonic stress is based ultimately on the iambic dimeter hymns of Christian poets such as Ambrose and Prudentius. Such hymns were metrical, not rhythmical: their structure was based on length of syllables, not stress. At some time in late antiquity, however, distinctions based on length of syllables disappeared from Latin pronunciation, with the result that various verse-forms modelled on quantitative metres but now based on stress-patterns emerged, particularly in countries where Latin had never been spoken. Thus in Ireland, from the late sixth century onwards, we find rhythmic octosyllables based ultimately on iambic dimeter hymns, but having a pattern of proparoxytonic stress, as in the following Hiberno-Latin hymn from the 'Antiphonary of Bangor': Te oramus altissime, Exorto solis lumine Christo oriens nomine Adesto nobis Domine.229 It was on the model of Hiberno-Latin octosyllables such as these that Aldhelm — and the Anglo-Latin poets who followed him — composed their proparoxytonic octosyllables. The octosyllables of Theodore are utterly distinct from these as regards their rhythm. 230 The stresses in Theodore's poem fall on the penultimate, rather than the antepenultimate, syllable; the last word in each line is either a bisyllabic or quadrisyllabic word having its natural Latin stress on 228
229
230
Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 526 ( = Carmen rhythmkum, lines 115-18); trans. Lapidge and Rosier, Aldhelm: the Poetic Works, p . 178. The Antiphonary of Bangor, ed. F.E. Warren, 2 vols., HBS 4 and 10 (London, 1893-5) II, 19. For helpful discussion of the origin and development of Hiberno-Latin proparoxytonic verse, see Herren, 'The Stress Systems'. See Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p p . 4 6 - 7 , and Herren, 'The Stress Systems', p p . 8 2 - 3 .
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Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the penultimate syllable {speculator, ddtor, precor, decor, etc.). The overall stress-pattern of each line is therefore trochaic rather than iambic, as perfectly illustrated in the second line: Verbi Dei digne ddtor. The question is: where did Theodore learn to write trochaic octosyllables? What were his models? There is no octosyllabic verse in Latin earlier than the seventh century which has trochaic rhythm; Theodore's model must therefore be sought outside the Latin tradition. For reasons which are too complex to be set out here, the closest parallels to the structure of Theodore's Latin octosyllables are to be found in Greek rhythmic anacreontic verse of late antiquity, modelled on the metrical anacreontics of authors such as Synesius of Cyrene and Sophronius of Jerusalem. 231 In this respect, Theodore's intellectual orientation was once again towards the Greek East rather than the Latin West. Given the distinctive trochaic stress-pattern of Theodore's octosyllabic verse, it is interesting to note that there are three poems with an identical structure preserved anonymously in the 'Book of Cerne' (now Cambridge, University Library, LI. 1. 10 (Mercia, s. ix1), 62v, 66r-v and 66v respectively): 'Heloi Heloi Domine mi', 'Sancte sator suffragator' and 'Christum peto Christum preco'. 232 The first and third of these poems are preserved uniquely in the 'Book of Cerne', but the second, 'Sancte sator suffragator', enjoyed wide circulation in monastic centres associated with the Anglo-Saxon mission in Germany, 233 being quoted, for example, by the English nun Hygeburg of Heidenheim in the late eighth century. 234 The trochaic rhythm of these three octosyllabic poems argues strongly that they were composed either by Theodore himself or by someone in his immediate circle. It is possible that other poems having a similar rhythm may be attributable to this circle as well. 235 In any case it is clear that, in 231
See M . Lapidge, 'Theodore and Anglo-Latin Octosyllabic Verse', in Archbishop
Theo-
dore, ed. Lapidge (forthcoming). O n Byzantine anacreontic verse, see ODB I, 8 3 , s.v. 'Anacreontics'. 232
Listed ICL, nos. 6 1 8 9 , 1 4 6 4 0 and 2 2 8 3 respectively; ed. Kuypers, The Prayer Book of Aedelualdthe
233
Bishop, pp. 124 and 1 3 1 - 2 .
See G. Baesecke, Das lateinisch-althochdeutsche Reimgebet (Carmen adDeum)
und das Ratsel
vom Vogel federlos (Berlin, 1948), p p . 9 - 2 4 . 234
Vita Wynnebaldi
abbatis, ch. 13 ( M G H , SS 1 5 . 1 , 117); see E. Gottschaller, Hugeburc
von Heidenheim (Munich, 1973), p . 1 5 . 235
See M . Lapidge, 'A Seventh-Century Insular Latin D e b a t e P o e m on Divorce', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 10 ( W i n t e r , 1985), 1 - 2 3 , where the p o e m 'Ad D e u m m e u m conuertere uolo' (/CL, no. 165) is tentatively a t t r i b u t e d to t h e school of
188
Theodore and Hadrian in England the domain of Latin verse as in so many others, the contribution of Archbishop Theodore was distinctive and influential. CONCLUSIONS
Any attempt to trace the influence of Theodore and Hadrian in England is hampered by the fact that so few surviving texts bear their names (and fewer still have been printed): as we have seen, in the case of Theodore we merely have a letter to King yEthelred, a six-line poem and - at third hand - a collection of iudicia on penitential matters; in the case of Hadrian, nothing. 236 By their nature, however, gospelbooks and sacramentaries and other liturgical books rarely transmit the names of their compilers, let alone their users, and the same is true of penitentials and glossaries. The influence of the two great Mediterranean masters must therefore be eked out in terms of inference and probability. Yet as work proceeds, inferences and probabilities combine and reinforce each other, and the picture of their activity becomes ever clearer. The focus of the picture, however, must be the biblical commentaries edited here: it is the range of knowledge encompassed by these commentaries that defines the parameters of any study of the achievements of the Canterbury school. It is time to turn to the sources of these commentaries, therefore. Theodore on the basis of its rhythm and the parallels which it shares with Theodore's ludicia\ but this attribution has been challenged by P. Dronke, '"Ad deum meum convertere volo" and Early Irish Evidence for Lyrical Dialogues', Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 12 (Winter, 1986), 23-32, and G. Silagi and B. Bischoff, 'Scheidung auf Galilaisch', Tradition und Wertung. Festschrift fiir Franz Brunholzl zum 65. Geburtstag, 236
ed. G. Bernt, F. Radle and G. Silagi (Sigmaringen, 1989), pp. 47-57. Hadrian may appear in the literary record as the recipient of a letter addressed to him by Julian of Toledo (c. 652-90). The letter does not survive, but it is mentioned among Julian's writings in the Vita S. luliani (BHL, no. 4554) by Bishop Felix of Toledo (693-8): Item libellum de remediis blasphemiae cum Epistola ad Adrianum abbatem' (PL 96, 445-52, at 449). There is no certainty that the Hadrian in question was the abbot at Canterbury, but the date is appropriate and there were other links between England and Spain at this time (for the general context, see J.N. Hillgarth, Ireland and Spain in the Seventh Century', Peritia 3 (1984), 1-16).
189
The sources of the Canterbury biblical commentaries
In the preceding chapters, we have seen that Theodore and Hadrian brought to England a vast experience of Mediterranean literary culture, in Latin, Greek and Syriac. It is time to examine the extent of that culture as it is reflected in the sources of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. These may be treated, for convenience, under the headings biblical sources, Latin patristic sources, Greek sources and Syriac sources. BIBLICAL SOURCES The first and most obvious source is the text of the Bible itself. Even cursory collation shows that the text which underlies the Canterbury commentaries is Jerome's Vulgate: 1 indeed, the commentary on the Pentateuch begins with discussion of Jerome's own prologus to that text (PentI 1—16). Because of the early date of the commentaries,2 the biblical 1
2
Curiously, the very first lemma quoted for Gen. LI (PentI 17: 'in principio fecit Deus caelum') has the Vetus Latina reading fecit in lieu of the Vulgate creauit. But Vetus Latina readings are not found elsewhere in the commentaries, and the occurrence of fecit here should probably be explained in terms of the Commentator's familiarity with (Latin) liturgy; cf. J. Gribomont, X'eglise et les versions bibliques', La Maison-Dieu 62 (I960), 41-68, and P. Salmon, 'Le texte biblique des lectionnaires merovingiens', Settimane 10 (1963), 491-517. A witness to the reading fecit in some liturgical lessons in an Insular manuscript is discussed by Marsden, 'Theodore's Bible: the Pentateuch'. It would be possible, in theory, to argue that during transmission successive scribes, including the late eleventh-century north Italian scribe of the Milan manuscript, altered the biblical lemmata to bring them into line with readings familiar through use to the scribes themselves, and hence that the lemmata in the Milan manuscript cannot be taken as evidence for the text of the Bible used in the Canterbury classroom in the late seventh century. Against such an argument it may be pointed out that the lemmata of the Milan
190
The sources of the commentaries
lemmata which they preserve bear witness to a stage of transmission earlier than all but the very few earliest biblical manuscripts; they thus assume an importance in their own right for biblical scholarship. This is not the place to undertake an exhaustive examination of the lemmata (Richard Marsden has fully investigated the Pentateuch lemmata, and Patrick McGurk the gospel lemmata, in forthcoming articles).3 A few preliminary observations may nevertheless be helpful. In what follows it will be convenient to treat the Pentateuch independently of the gospels, since these parts of the Bible were normally transmitted separately (and have separate transmissional histories), and since it is most unlikely that a pandect such as the Codex Amiatinus would have been used for teaching purposes in an Anglo-Saxon classroom. The Pentateuch
The Milan manuscript of the Canterbury biblical commentaries preserves 449 biblical lemmata from the Pentateuch (distributed thus: Gen., 196; Ex., I l l ; Lev., 69; Num., 60 and Deut. 13). These readings may be collated with those of other early Pentateuch manuscripts. 4 Three early manuscripts are in question: the 'Ashburnham Pentateuch', now Paris, BN, lat. 2334 (unknown origin [?N. Italy, Plllyrium], s. vii 1 ; prov. Tours) [ = G]; 5 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ottobonianus lat. 66 (N. Italy, s. vii/viii) {= O]; 6 and the 'Codex Amiatinus', now Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Amiatino 1 (Wearmouth-
3 4
5
6
manuscript are in part guaranteed by earlier manuscripts, such as Sg, Br and Ld (see below, Appendix I). Note also that on various occasions the Commentator begins his explanation by repeating the words of the lemma, thus guaranteeing the reading of the north Italian scribe of the Milan manuscript: cf. PentI 237, 363, 413 and 434. Marsden, 'Theodore's Bible: the Pentateuch'; McGurk, 'Theodore's Bible: the Gospels'. For purposes of collation one uses Biblia Sacra iuxta Latinam Vulgatam Versionem ad Codkum Fidem, ed. A. Gasquet et al., 17 vols. (Rome, 1926-87), in particular vols. I (Genesis (1926)), II (Exodus-Leviticus (1929)) and III (Numeri-Deuteronomium (1936)). CLA V, no. 693a; see Quentin, Memoire, pp. 414-32, and Fischer, Lateinische Bibelbandschriften, p. 350. The manuscript has many lacunae, and lacks Deuteronomy entirely. CLA I, no. 66; see Quentin, Memoire, pp. 432-S and Fischer, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, p. 349. This manuscript originally contained the Octateuch, but there are many lacunae (the text of Ruth, for example, is wholly lacking), and the text of parts of Genesis and Exodus have been contaminated with Vetus Latina readings; see Quentin, ibid.,
p. 436. 191
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Jarrow, s. viiiin) {= A]. 7 The relationship of these three manuscripts is itself complicated. Henri Quentin attempted to demonstrate that each stood at the head of a family (with later Spanish texts descending from G, Theodulfian texts from O and Alcuinian texts from A), and that they were therefore independent witnesses to a single archetype, which was itself somewhat removed from Jerome's autograph; 8 but Quentin's demonstration was vigorously challenged by other biblical scholars,9 and can no longer be maintained. More recent students of the biblical text, such as Bonifatius Fischer, have affirmed the Italian origin of all Vulgate transmission, but have realized that each of the manuscripts was produced from numerous archetypes (the archetypes often changing from book to book), with the result that affiliations vary from book to book, and that each reading must be adjudicated on its own merits. 10 The lemmata of the Canterbury biblical commentaries must be similarly adjudicated. In a majority of cases, the Canterbury lemmata agree with the common Vulgate text, 11 and thus attest to the use of sound Italian Vulgate tradition in Canterbury (as is only to be expected, given that the English church was established by Italian missionaries and that both Theodore and Hadrian came to England from Italian monastic houses). Of the three early witnesses (G, O and A), the Canterbury lemmata agree in significant variants most often with O (14 agreements) and G (13 agreements) and less often with A (10 agreements).12 A small number of readings is exclusive to G and the Canterbury lemmata'^ a. similar number is shared with A, but all are insignificant. On the other hand, there are serious discrepancies between A and the Canterbury lemmata. In sum, there are no textual grounds for suggesting a direct link between G and the text in use at Canterbury, and even fewer for supposing a link with the Codex Amiatinus. 7
CLA III, no. 299; see Quentin, Memoire, pp. 438-52 and Fischer, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, pp. 9-34 and 67-9.
8
See Quentin, Memoire, pp. 453-6. 9 F.C. Burkitt, 'The Text of the Vulgate', JTS 24 (1923), 406-14 and Chapman, 'The Families of Vulgate Manuscripts'. 10 Fischer, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, pp. 56 and 354—5 (with the table on p. 351). 11 Marsden ('Theodore's Bible: the Pentateuch') has calculated that 80 per cent of the 465 Theodore lemmata transmit the shared Vulgate text. 12 The statistics are taken once again from Marsden, ibid. 13 Gen. XIX. 17 (PentI 116): regionem; Lev. XIX.19 (PentI 381): seres; Lev. XX.9 (PentI 385): et matri morte moriatur; and Num. XXXIV.5 (PentI 461): finitur.
192
The sources of the commentaries
In a number of cases, the Canterbury lemmata preserve readings which are independent of G, O and A, and which might throw light on the (presumably Italian) exemplar from which they derive, and hence on the transmission of the Latin Pentateuch in its earliest and darkest phase. But such cases need to be adjudicated with great care, for it is clear that in some cases the Commentator was simply abbreviating a lemma for ease of reference (for example, at PentI 215, the text of Gen. L.2, condirent patrem is cited as condierunt eum)\ in other cases a lemma was fairly clearly corrupted in transmission (for example, the nonsensical reading fedareque in PentI 4 for foedari in Jerome's prologus). Nevertheless, there is a small residue of what are possibly significant variants: 14 Prologus (PentI 15): Christi for Domini Prologus (PentI 16): doctorum modum for interpretes Gen. II.7 (PentI 32): spirauit for inspirauit Gen. III.24 (PentI 47): gladium autemflammeumac uersatilem for et flammeum gladium atque uersatilem Gen. VI.3 (PentI 69): erantque for eruntque Gen. IX. 20 (PentI 84): coepit. . . plant are uineam et exercere terram for coepitque . . . exercere terram et plantauit uineam Gen. XXXI. 3 5 (PentI 181): mulierum for feminarum Ex. XXV.36 (PentI 306): sperae igitur et calami procedentes for spherulae igitur et calami ex ipso erunt Num. XV.38 (PentI 430): pendentes in eis uittas hiacintinas for ponentes in eis uittas hyacinthinas Some of these variants may of course be the result of involuntary substitution, either by the Commentator or a subsequent scribe (Christi/Domini; mulierumlfeminarum). But others were certainly in the Commentator's exemplar. The reading spirauit in Gen. II.7 (PentI 32) is guaranteed by the explanation given by the Commentator in the preceding note: 'faciamus hominem cum anima, postea autem quando dicitur "Spirauit"' (PentI 31). The reading pendentes in Num. XV. 38 might seem at first glance to be a scribal corruption; but the same variant is found in a Pentateuch written at St Gallen in the later eighth century, but based on an
14
These significant variants are discussed in detail by Marsden, 'Theodore's Bible: the Pentateuch'.
193
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Italian exemplar.15 In short, the text of the Pentateuch used in the classroom at late seventh-century Canterbury was clearly of Italian origin, but had independent features which deserve the attention of students of biblical transmission. The gospels
The Canterbury commentaries preserve 127 gospel lemmata. As in the case of the Pentateuch lemmata, this number is too small to admit of certain conclusions, but various relationships may be dimly perceived.16 Unlike the situation with the Pentateuch, however, where very few early manuscripts survive, the transmission of the gospels can be better understood from the larger number of surviving early gospelbooks.17 The gospels are preserved in a substantial number of early manuscripts, some of which were almost certainly in England before the arrival of Theodore and Hadrian. For example, there is reason to suspect that the St Augustine's Gospels (now Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 286) were written in Rome c. 600 and brought to England by the Italian monks of the Augustinian mission.18 Another Italian gospelbook, now Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. D. II. 14, also written c. 600, may have arrived in England by the same agency.19 Another strand of biblical transmission, well attested in surviving gospelbooks, had its origin in Wales and Ireland.20 In Northumbria, at least, there was by the middle of the 15
16 17
18
19 20
As pointed out by Marsden, ibid. On the manuscript (St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 2, pp. 1-299), see CLA VII, no. 893. Fischer {Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, p. 181) argues that the text of the St Gallen manuscript is of Italian origin. The question is treated in detail by McGurk, 'Theodore's Bible: the Gospels'. See, in general, B.M. Metzger, The Early Versions of the New Testament: their Origin, Transmission and Limitations (Oxford, 1977), pp. 285-374, esp. 330-44, and also Fischer, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, pp. 54—6 and 373-7. CLA II, no. 126. On the Roman scriptorium in which this manuscript was possibly produced, see A. Petrucci, 'L'onciale romana: origini, sviluppo e difusione di una stilizzazione grafica altomedievale (sec. VI-IX)', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 12 (1971), 75-134, esp. 108-11. CLA II, no. 230. See H . G l u n z , Britannien
und Bibeltext,
Kolner anglistische Arbeiten 12 (Leipzig,
1930), esp. 6 7 - 8 8 (on t h e text of Irish gospelbooks) and 8 9 - 1 0 2 (on the text of i m p o r t e d Italian gospelbooks). See also L J . H o p k i n - J a m e s , The Celtic Gospels: their Story and their Text (Oxford and London, 1934), w h o p r i n t s the text of t h e Xichfield Gospels' (Lichfield, Cathedral Library, 1) w i t h an apparatus of variants from other 'Celtic'
194
The sources of the commentaries
seventh century a significant Irish presence in the personnel of the church (especially at Lindisfarne), with the result that the distinctive Irish type of gospel text became mixed with the Italian. 21 Furthermore, we have seen (above, pp. 155-60) that certain early English gospelbooks preserve Neapolitan pericope markings, and that another early gospelbook, the so-called Echternach Gospels (Paris, BN, lat. 9389), arguably written at Lindisfarne c. 700, preserved a copy of a colophon which had originally been composed at Naples in AD 558. It is a reasonable assumption, as we have seen, that Abbot Hadrian was somehow involved in the transmission of one or more such gospelbooks to England. In view of these various early witnesses, the textual affiliations of the Canterbury gospel lemmata are a matter of some interest.22 To begin with, there are various points where the Canterbury lemmata agree with the very earliest (fourth- and fifth-century) witnesses to the gospel text, against that of gospelbooks of either Insular origin or provenance: for example, the readings in hoc monte in John IV.20 (Evil 127) shared with the Codex Vercellensis (Xa), Veronensis (Xb) and Codex Bezae (Xd); mansionem in John XIV.23 (Evil 141) or hie in John XIV.27 (Evil 143), both against all later witnesses. This much suggests that the gospel texts (especially for John) used at Canterbury had an ancient pedigree. In some places the Canterbury lemmata share a distinctive reading with the two Italian manuscripts which were probably in England by the late seventh century, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 286 (Jx) and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. D. II. 14 (Jo): for example, the reading sortem in Luke XXIII.34 (Evil 118), where all manuscripts except Jox read sortes. But there are numerous places where the text of these two manuscripts differs greatly from that of the Canterbury commentaries, enough to gospelbooks. Both these works require to be treated with caution in view of advances made in palaeography during the past half-century. See, in particular, M. McNamara, Studies on Texts of Early Irish Latin Gospels, esp. pp. 18-22 (list of manuscripts) and
21
22
22-34 (characteristic 'Irish' gospel readings), and idem, 'The Text of the Latin Bible in the Early Irish Church: Some Data and Desiderata', in Irlandund die Christenheit, ed. Nf Chatham and Richter, pp. 7-55, esp. 28-9, 31-3 (a list of editions of Irish gospelbooks) and 45-8, and P. McGurk, 'The Gospel Book in Celtic Lands before A.D. 850: Contents and Arrangement', ibid., pp. 165-89. See CD. Verey, 'The Gospel Texts at Lindisfarne at the Time of St Cuthbert', in St Cuthbert, ed. Bonner et al., pp. 143-50. Collations are based on Nouum Testamentum, ed. W o r d s w o r t h and W h i t e , together w i t h Fischer, Die lateinischen Evangelien. T h e sigla used in the text are those of Fischer.
195
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
suggest that neither could have served as the Commentator's teaching text. (It is in any case highly unlikely, as Patrick McGurk observes, that such lavish gospelbooks would have been used for classroom purposes.) 23 Similarly, there are several very striking discrepancies between the Canterbury lemmata and the text of the Echternach Gospels (Ge): in Matth. XXIII.24 (Evil 52), the Canterbury text has glutientes against Echternach's deglutientes\ in Matth. XXVII.6 (Evil 58), corbanan against Echternach's corban\ and in Mark VII.34, adaperire against Echternach's aperire. In spite of the link with Naples and Eugippius suggested by the colophon in the Echternach Gospels, therefore, its text is not closely related to the text used at Canterbury by Theodore and Hadrian; indeed, as Fischer has remarked, the text of Echternach represents 'a mixture of all possible elements — Irish, Northumbrian, Italian [Z-text] and Gallican'. 24 In other words, one of its antecedents may have been a gospelbook brought from Naples to England by Hadrian; but the (arguably) Lindisfarne scribe who copied it was evidently conflating its text with other gospelbooks of various provenance. Finally, the Canterbury gospel lemmata contain several readings which are not found in other gospel witnesses, and which may shed light on the origin of the exemplar: Matth. X.39 (Evil 21): qui amat animam suam for qui inuenit animam suam Matth. XVII. 1 (Evil 40): adsumsit secum Petrum for assurns it Iesus Petrum Matth. XXIII.24 (Evil 51): excolentes for excolantes Mark III.21 (Evil 67): reuersus for uersus Mark VIII.24 (Evil 74): quasi for uelut Mark XI. 13 (Evil 77): uenit for erat Luke III. 13 (Evil 94): non amplius for nihil amplius Some of these readings may be the result of scribal interference: the reading of Matth. X. 39 Oqui amat animam suam' rather than inuenit) may result from recollection of John XII.2 5 Oqui amat animam suam perdet earn'). In other instances the unusual reading is guaranteed by the Commentator's accompanying explanation: in Matth. XXIII.24, the unusual reading excolentes is explained etymologically by the Commentator (Evil 51: 'a colendo dicitur'), implying that his exemplar did indeed read 23 24
McGurk, 'Theodore's Bible: the Gospels'. Lateinische Bibelhandschriften, p. 169.
196
The sources of the commentaries
excolentes and not the usual excolantes.25 In the remaining instances, however, there is no such obvious explanation.26 Readings such as these imply that the gospelbook used by the Canterbury Commentator for teaching purposes had a text recognizably different from that of any surviving early Insular gospelbook, and that some of its distinctive readings might possibly be ancient. The Greek text of the Bible The biblical instruction given to English students at Canterbury was based principally on the text of the Latin Vulgate. But both Theodore and Hadrian were native speakers of Greek, and there is interesting evidence in the Canterbury commentaries to suggest that they frequently attempted to explain a difficult passage in the Vulgate by recourse to a Greek text of the Bible: the Septuagint in the case of the Pentateuch, and a Greek New Testament in the case of the gospels.27 Their recourse to the Greek biblical text can be demonstrated from one unambiguous example. In discussing the miracle of the loaves and fishes as it is narrated in Mark (VI.34—43), the Commentator offers an explanation of the verse, 'et discubuerunt in partes per centenos et per quinquagenos' ('And they sat down in ranks, by hundreds and by fifties': VI.40), as follows: Prasia porro dictum est propter discretiones discumbentium; prasia grece, latine locus ubi cateruatim recumbunt.28 The point is that the word prasia is not Latin and does not occur in the Vulgate, either here or elsewhere. However, the corresponding verse in the Greek New Testament is KOti &V67teaov 7tpaaiai 7cpaatai dvd eKaxov Kai dvd 7C6Vxf|KOVxa. The expression rcpaaiai rcpaaiai was not rendered closely in the Vulgate (which has instead a loose paraphrase): rcpaaid means literally a 'garden-plot', and the expression Tcpaaiai Tcpaaiai means metaphorically 'in companies'. It is clear, in other words, that the Commentator was explaining the literal meaning of this verse of Mark by reference to a copy of the Greek New Testament. 25 26 27 28
Cf. c o m m . t o Evil 51 (below, p . 518). See further M c G u r k , 'Theodore's Bible: t h e Gospels'. See also Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', p p . 1 7 1 - 3 . Evil 7 1 : 'The word prasia is used here for the ranks of those lying down; prasia is a Greek word meaning in Latin a place where people lie d o w n in throngs'.
197
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
There is also evidence in the commentaries to suggest that Theodore and Hadrian were able to consult a copy of the Septuagint, certainly for the Pentateuch, perhaps for the entire Old Testament. Thus they seem to have consulted LXX readings for their explanations of bdellium in Gen. 11.12 as a gem rather than a tree (PentI 39), for their awareness that the filii Dei in Gen. VI.3 were represented in some manuscripts of the LXX as ayye^oi (PentI 67), for their curious explanation of caeremonia in Gen. XXVI.5 as meaning praecepta, which is not in any sense a synonym, but which could be explained by assuming that they had here consulted the LXX which at this point reads 8iKai(b^aTa, which would be accurately rendered in Latin aspraecepta (PentI 152), or for their explanation of setim or acacia wood (Ex. XXV.5) as 'wood which does not rot' (PentI 290), which appears simply to be translated from the reading found here in LXX (tyXov aar|7cxov). This evidence may be taken to show that Theodore and Hadrian had access to the LXX text of the Pentateuch; other evidence suggests (though it cannot prove) that the remaining books of the Old Testament were available to them as well. In explaining the term similae ('of flour') in Gen. XVIII.6, the Commentator makes reference to 'fat' wheat (adipis tritici), which may be a sort of caique on the expression 6K aieaioq TiupoC in the Septuagint Psalter (Ps. LXXX.17; cf. CXLVII.3), since the Latin word adeps unequivocally means 'suet', lard', whereas the Greek crceap can mean both 'suet' and also 'dough made of flour of wheat' (PentI 109). Finally, the reference to Nimrod in Gen. X.8 is explained by noting that Nimrod was a king 'in Persia and in Calneh, in the same place where the tower was built' (PentI 86). The text of Genesis — either in Greek or Latin — does not mention Calneh here. However, in Isaiah X.9, Calneh is described as a mighty city of old - to which the LXX translators added the qualifying phrase, 'where the tower was built' (oi5 6 Ttopyoq d)Ko5o|if|0r|). No such phrase is found in the Latin Vulgate; which implies that the Commentator at this point had the LXX text of Isaiah in mind. There is no difficulty in supposing that Theodore and Hadrian brought a copy (or copies) of the Greek Bible with them to England. Greek was their native language, and the language in which they first read the sacred text; they will inevitably have been more familiar with the Greek original than with the Latin translation. The number of surviving Greek biblical manuscripts of early date (earlier, say, than the seventh century) is surprisingly large, 29 at least in comparison with copies of the Latin text. In 29
The text of the Septuagint is much better represented by numbers of surviving manuscripts — in papyrus fragments and uncial and minuscule books — than is the
198
The sources of the commentaries
particular, pandects, or copies of the complete Greek Bible, have survived in substantial numbers. One such manuscript may have been used at Canterbury by Theodore and Hadrian. Biblical apocrypha
In addition to canonical books of the Bible, the Commentator also occasionally made reference to apocryphal biblical texts. Modern research has shown that a substantial corpus of apocryphal literature was known in the early British Isles, particularly in Ireland, 30 and the influence of this corpus has been traced in Old English literature. 31 In comparison with the impressive range of apocryphal texts which was known in Ireland and which subsequently influenced Old English literature, however, the Canterbury commentaries make very restricted use of such literature: one such text (the 'Book of Jubilees') was certainly known and was cited by name; another (the 'Assumption of Moses') was very possibly known. The 'Book of Jubilees' or 'Little Genesis' (f\ XenTr\ r&veaic;)32 was composed in Hebrew c. 100 BC, but was available in a Greek version by the fourth century AD, since it is referred to by Epiphanius. 33 The Greek version does not survive complete; the entire text is known by means of an Ethiopic translation made from the Greek. A Latin translation was made by the mid-fifth century which survives in a sixth-century manuscript now in Milan; 34 but this translation is incomplete as preserved. The 'Book of Vulgate Old Testament. See (conveniently) F. Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts, 4th ed. (London 1939), pp. 6 1 - 7 4 , as well as A. Rahlfs, Verzekbnis der griechischen Handschriften des Alien Testament (Berlin and Gottingen, 1914) and the more recent bibliography listed by S.P. Brock, C.T. Fritsch and S. Jellicoe, A Classified Bibliography of the Septuagint (Leiden, 1973), pp. 6 8 - 8 0 . 30
See M . M c N a m a r a , The Apocrypha
in the Irish Church ( D u b l i n , 1973), a n d D . N .
D u m v i l l e , 'Biblical Apocrypha a n d t h e Early Irish: a Preliminary
Investigation',
Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 7 3 C ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 2 9 9 - 3 3 8 . For m o r e recent work, see C D . W r i g h t , 'Apocryphal Lore a n d Insular T r a d i t i o n in St Gall, Stiftsbibliothek M S 9 0 8 ' , in Irlandunddie 31
Christenheit, ed. N i C h a t h a m a n d Richter, p p . 1 2 4 - 4 5 .
A very useful survey of this influence is found in Sources, ed. Biggs et al., p p . 22—70; a n d see now C D . Wright, The Irish Tradition
in Old English Literature, CSASE 6 (Cam-
bridge, 1993). 32
The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, p p . 1 - 1 3 9 .
33
Panarion X X X I X . 6 (GCS 3 1 , 7 6 = P G 4 1 , 6 7 2 ) .
34
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C. 7 3 inf. (s. vi): see CLA III, no. 3 1 6 . T h e Latin text was discovered a n d ed. Ceriani, Monumenta
Sacra et Profana,
p p . 9 - 5 4 ; see also H .
Ronsch, Das Buch der Jubilden oder Die Kleine Genesis (Leipzig, 1874).
199
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Jubilees' is cast as an explanation, given by an angel to Moses, of history from creation to the exodus, and includes various secret traditions not contained in the biblical Gen. and Ex. The Commentator cites the 'Book of Jubilees' by name as the source for the opinion that Adam spent seven years less forty days in Paradise (PentI 44). At PentI 54, the Commentator again quotes the text by name, but on this occasion it is not possible to locate the statement in question (to the effect that it was Cain who was killed by Lamech in Gen. IV.23) in the 'Book of Jubilees' as it has survived; possibly the Commentator had misremembered the text. The 'Book of Jubilees' may have been the source of the Commentator's report that Enoch was transported to Paradise located on a mountain (PentI 62), as well as of the report that Abel was stoned by Cain (Gn-Ex-Evla 7). In any event, there is no doubt that the text was known in some form to the Canterbury Commentator. Another text which was very possibly, if not certainly, known to the Commentator, is the so-called 'Assumption of Moses'. 35 The text was originally composed in Semitic (whether Hebrew or Aramaic is unclear), but was translated into Greek, and survives only in a poor and incomplete Latin translation in the aforementioned manuscript in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C. 73 inf. (s. vi). The text has no title in the manuscript; however, quotations from an apocryphal text referred to as 'The Assumption (&vaA,f|\|/i<;) of Moses', by Gelasius of Cyzicus in his Historia Concilii Nicaeni (or simply Historia ecclesiastical CPG III, no. 6034), are unquestionably from the same work. 36 Gelasius gives other quotations from the same work, which do not occur in the surviving Latin translation and which indicate that the original was once longer than what has survived. In any event, the text as preserved is an apocalypse, treating the history of Israel from Moses until the end of the world. There is evidence that the Commentator knew this work in some form. In Evil 4 1 , discussing the appearance of Moses and Elijah to Jesus and the disciples during the Transfiguration (Matth. XVII.3), the Commentator says that 'there are those who say' (sunt qui dicuni) that this appearance fulfilled what had been predicted during the conflict between the angel and the devil over the body of Moses: a prediction which is not found in the 'Assump35
36
T h e text (which survives uniquely in Latin) is ed. Ceriani, Monumenta Sacra et Profana, p p . 5 5 - 6 4 , a n d also by R . H . Charles, The Assumption of Moses (London, 1897); English trans, in The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, p p . 6 0 1 - 1 6 . Historia Concilii Nicaeni 11.18 (PG 85, 1269).
200
The sources of the commentaries
tion of Moses' as it is preserved, but which is referred to by Gelasius of Cyzicus as having once formed part of that text. 37 There is a similar reference to the struggle between an angel and the devil for the body of Moses in Evil 75: here, too, the reference is prefaced with the words sunt qui dicunt, suggesting that this may also be a reference to a lost part of the 'Assumption of Moses'. Because the text has not been preserved in extenso, certainty is impossible. Besides these two apocryphal texts - the 'Book of Jubilees' and the 'Assumption of Moses' - there is no certain use of biblical apocrypha in the Canterbury commentaries. It is worth noting that these two texts are preserved alongside each other, in Latin translation, in the sixth-century manuscript now in Milan (C. 73 inf.). The Commentator could arguably have known this manuscript, or a congener of it, in Italy or in England. But against such a hypothesis one must weigh the fact that the Latin text of the 'Assumption of Moses' — in its surviving state — does not contain the episode of the angel's debate with the devil over the body of Moses: which may imply that the text was known to the Commentator in Greek rather than in the incomplete Latin form which has come down to us. LATIN PATRISTIC SOURCES
Although the Canterbury biblical commentaries are composed in Latin, and the explanations which they preserve were no doubt communicated in Latin, their overall debt to Latin patristic exegesis is minimal. Only two Latin Church Fathers are cited by name (Augustine and Jerome); another, Isidore, is not named but is quoted verbatim. Beyond this statement there is no certainty. We know from the Leiden-Family glossaries that a substantial body of Latin patristic literature was studied at Canterbury (see above, pp. 174-5), including Cassian, Cassiodorus, Orosius and Gregory, but this study has left no traces in the biblical commentaries: in only one case - Jerome's Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei - is it possible to show that a text represented in the Leiden-Family glossaries was also laid under contribution in the biblical commentaries (see below, p. 203). Rather, it would seem that when the Commentator - whether Theodore or Hadrian 37
Ibid. 11.20 (PG 85, 1284-5): tv |3ipA,q) 5e dvaAiiyeox; Mcoaeax;, Mixaf|X 6 SiaXeyonevcx; up 8ia|36Xq) A,eyei- arco yap IIveunaToq ayiou aoxoC navxeq ^KxiaOTinev. See also below, p. 517 (comm. to Evil 41).
201
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
offered an explanation of a biblical passage ad hoc, his explanation was based on the resources of a lifetime's reading, and that reading, as we shall see, was for the most part anchored in Greek patristic literature. But before considering Greek patristic authors, it is necessary briefly to survey the Latin patristic authors in question. Augustine In Gn-Ex-Evla 18, when discussing the rods cast down before the Pharaoh which turned into serpents (Ex. VII. 12), the Commentator observes that, 'Augustine said that this was not through fantasy but truly did take place' ('Augustinus dicit hoc non fiiisse per fantasiam sed ueraciter esse factum'). The passage in question can be identified in Augustine's Quaestiones in Heptateuchum (CPL, no. 270), 11.21. On the basis of this certain identification, it is possible to show that the work was drawn on elsewhere by the Commentator: for example, in the assertion that sin is committed through knowledge and design (PentI 376; cf. Quaest. III.20); that the expression spiritu tuo in Num. XI. 17 is genuinely obscure (PentI 4 l 4 ; cf. Quaest. IV. 18); that the question of Moses in Num. XI.21 was intended to reveal God's power, not to cast doubt on it (PentI 418; cf. Quaest. IV. 19); that Moses striking the rock twice (Num. XX. 11) prefigured the crucifixion (PentI 433; cf. Quaest. IV.35); and the notion that the size of Noah's ark was measured not in normal but in 'geometrical' cubits (Gn-Ex-Evla 11; cf. Quaest. 1.4). The Quaestiones in Heptateuchum are unusual among Augustine's writings because they are mostly focused on points of textual interpretation rather than on theological or moral issues; they will thus have appealed to the Commentator's philological interest in the biblical text. For this reason it is surprising, perhaps, that the Commentator does not appear to have consulted Augustine's literal interpretation of the opening chapters of Genesis (as far as Gen. III.24), known as the De Genesi ad litteram (CPL, no. 266). In general, it would seem that the Commentator found Augustine's characteristic prolixity uncongenial to the task of interpreting scripture. The lengthy De ciuitate Dei, which Theodore certainly knew, insofar as he quoted from it in his Iudicia,58 is not certainly used at any point in
38
See above, p. 152, n. 82 {Indicia II.v.9, drawing on De ciuitate Dei XXI.24).
202
The sources of the commentaries
the biblical commentaries.39 Of Augustine's Sermones, which are the source of a batch of glosses in the Leiden Glossary (ch. xxxvii), there is no trace in the biblical commentaries. Jerome
Unlike the writings of Augustine, the biblical commentaries of Jerome will have seemed thoroughly congenial to the Commentator, insofar as they areTiiostly concerned with problems of philology and textual interpretation. The Commentator will have had Jerome's scholarship very much in mind as he worked through the text of the Pentateuch, since that work is prefaced with Jerome's own Prologus, which the Commentator expounded carefully (PentI 1—16), including in passing some biographical discussion of Jerome himself (PentI 1). Elsewhere in the Canterbury biblical commentaries Jerome's letter to Pope Damasus on the seven punishments of Cain is named and quoted (Gn-Ex-Evla 8: 'super has septem uindictas extat epistola beati Hieronimi ad Damasum papam'). The letter in question is Ep. xxxvi; but although this letter does deal with the punishments of Cain, its text as it has been transmitted differs substantially from the words quoted by the Commentator, so it is not clear whether the Commentator had the text of Jerome's letter in front of him as he lectured, or indeed if he had access to the corpus of Jerome's voluminous correspondence (CPL, no. 620). 40 Other works of Jerome were quoted but not referred to by name. The Quaesttones Hebraicae in Genesim (CPL, no. 580) are quoted verbatim concerning the fact that Ishmael was 18 years old (Gen. XXI. 10-21) when he was cast out with Agar his mother (PentI 134); the same text is probably the source of the Commentator's information concerning Abraham's wife Cetura (PentI 147), and for that concerning the possible identity of Jobab and Job (PentI 187). For his discussion of the gospels the Commentator appears occasionally to have consulted Jerome's Commentarii in euangelium Matthaei (CPL, no. 590), as for example in drawing a link between the statement in Matthew that the hairs of one's head are numbered (Matth. X.30) and the providence of God (Evil 20), or for the tripartite division of the soul (Evil 76); the same text 39 40
But cf. PentI 112 and De ciuitate Dei XVI.26. There are other possible, but no certain, uses of Jerome's Epistulae elsewhere in the commentaries; cf., for example, discussion below, p. 519, and comm. to Evil 58.
203
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
may have been used elsewhere for metrological information (e.g. Evil 5). That the text was known to the Commentator is clear from the fact that it supplied lemmata for a batch of glosses in the Leiden Glossary (ch. xxix). Whether other of Jerome's commentaries were available to the Commentator is less clear,41 but it is interesting to note that the Commentator apparently had access to one work of Jerome which has not come down to us. In PentI 1, the Commentator reports that Jerome, in reply to Rufinus's personal insults (see below, p. 298), had referred contemptuously to Rufinus as a 'fuller's son' ('ipse quoque Hieronimus uocauit eum filium fullonis'). No such description occurs in any surviving work of Jerome, and the likelihood is that the Commentator was here referring to a letter or tract against Rufinus which has subsequently been lost. Isidore
The Etymologiae of Isidore (CPL, no. 1186) were published after their author's death in 636 and quickly became the standard encyclopedia of the Middle Ages. The Commentator nowhere cites the work by name, but he certainly used it. On two occasions the work is quoted verbatim and at length: in the discussion of the ephod and other priestly garments in PentI 295, and in the discussion of Paradise in Gn-Ex-Evla 9. Elsewhere the Commentator appears to have drawn on the Etymologiae for various etymologies, particularly those of homo (PentI 52), menstrualia (PentI 113), Pharaoh and Augustus (PentI 124), syllepsis (PentI 188), holocaustum (PentI 259), susurrus (PentI 380), matertera (PentI 386), amita (PentI 387) and nouacula (PentI 409). There is some independent evidence for study of the Etymologiae at the school of Canterbury, for an anonymous Anglo-Saxon compiler in the early eighth century produced an epitome of the work using a manuscript which had been glossed in Old English; this same (lost) manuscript was used by the compiler of the glossary known as 'Werden A', and 'Werden A' in its turn draws on the biblical commentaries edited in the present volume. 42 Whether the Commentator had access to other 41
See c o m m . to E v i l 7 0 and 150.
42
T h e e p i t o m e is ed. Lapidge, 'An Isidorian E p i t o m e ' ; ' W e r d e n A ' is ed. Bischoff et al.,
The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries, pp. 20-2, as well as by J.H. Gallee, Old
Saxon Texts (Oxford, 1894), pp. 336-46. For the links between 'Werden A' and the school of Theodore and Hadrian, see Lapidge, 'Old English Glossography', pp. 50—6.
204
The sources of the commentaries
works of Isidore is unclear: the distinction between fur and latro in Evil 136 is closely paralleled in Isidore's De differentiis uerborum {CPL, no. 1187), and the Leiden Glossary includes batches of lemmata from De ecclesiasticis officiis {CPL, no. 1207) and De natura rerum {CPL, no. 1188), though neither of these two works appears to have been used in the present biblical commentaries. Other Latin sources
It is not possible to attain certainty regarding the Commentator's use of any other Latin source. There is one slight indication (Evil 60) that an explanation of a Syriac word given by Eucherius of Lyon in his Instructiones {CPL, no. 489) was known to the Commentator, and the same text supplied a batch of lemmata in the Leiden Glossary (ch. xxxiii). At two points (Gn-Ex-Evla 35 and Evil 19) the commentaries provide explanations which are closely paralleled in the pseudo-Bedan Collectanea {CPL, no. 1129), a work of undoubted Insular, and possible Anglo-Saxon, origin; however, because the Collectanea contain excerpts from Aldhelm's Enigmata, the likelihood is that they were compiled later than the date of Theodore's death in 690, and are accordingly the inheritor rather than the source of the entries in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Whether the Commentator drew on other Latin patristic literature remains to be established. Clearly he had access to some Latin texts which have not otherwise survived. We have seen that at one point he quoted from a lost letter or tract by Jerome against Rufinus; in the same discussion (PentI 1), he quoted from a work (also now lost) by Rufinus, in which Jerome was described as acerocomatus and uagogerus. The use of these Greek words might suggest that the lost work in question was in Greek; but since Rufinus had the habit of peppering his Latin prose with Greek words (a habit attested particularly in his three tracts against Jerome), the likelihood is that this letter, too, was in Latin. GREEK SOURCES
In contrast to the meagre list of Latin patristic sources quoted or used in the present biblical commentaries, the list of Greek sources is impressively long and, in this respect, wholly uncharacteristic of western exegesis in 205
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
general. 43 The preponderance of Greek sources is clearly a reflection of the early training of Theodore and Hadrian, both of whom were (as we have seen) native speakers of Greek. The more interesting question concerns how many of the Greek texts quoted or used were available in late seventh-century Canterbury, and how many were quoted from memory. 44 In order to answer this question, it is essential to ascertain in each case the relationship of the Commentator's quotation to the original source. We may begin by considering the Greek authors quoted by name. Greek authors quoted by name
The Commentator quotes nominatim six Greek authors whose writings he can be shown to have known and used: Basil of Caesarea, Clement of Alexandria, Cosmas Indicopleustes, Epiphanius of Salamis, John Chrysostom and Flavius Josephus. In addition, Ephrem the Syrian is quoted by name at a point where the reference is certainly to a Greek translation rather than to the Syriac original. Basil of Caesarea Basil (f. 330—79), bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia (now Kayseri in central Turkey), was one of the most influential theologians of the Greek church, and is referred to as 'Basil the Great' on the basis of his large and influential corpus of writings, which embrace dogmatic, ascetic and didactic works, as well as sermons and letters. 45 No Greek theologian trained in eastern schools could remain impervious to the influence of Basil. In the Canterbury biblical commentaries, Basil is quoted once by name: in Gn-Ex-Evla 2, where he is reported as having argued that the firmament is so called because it is more solid than a precious stone and more beautiful than crystal ('ideo dicitur firmamentum quia, ut dicit Basilius, solidior est omni lapide precioso et christallo pulchrior'). 46 The 43
Cf. Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 8 - 9 .
44
T h e question is raised (in a preliminary way) in Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', p p .
43
46
175-8. See Quasten, Patrology III, 204-36; Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 93-109; ODB I, 269-70; EEC I, 114-15; and Basil of Caesarea, ed. Fedwick. It is possible that the same passage of Basil lies behind the statement in PentI 283, that the sky and the sun are said by certain commentators to consist of sapphire (see below, pp. 474-5).
206
The sources of the commentaries
source of this passage is the third of Basil's Homiliae in Hexaemeron (CPG9 no. 2835). These Homiliae are probably a late work by Basil, which were delivered probably in 378, 47 and represent an attempt to accommodate contemporary physics and cosmology (most often of Stoic complexion) to the needs of Christian exegesis.48 In accommodating scientific cosmology, Basil explicitly rejected allegorical interpretation of the Bible, and accordingly his scientific approach will have commended itself to the Antiochene orientation of the Canterbury Commentator. 49 It is possible, therefore, that the Homiliae in Hexaemeron were drawn on elsewhere in the commentaries. 50 It is probable, too, that the Commentator drew on other works by Basil, though here there is less certainty. At two points in the Pentateuch Commentary (PentI 51 and 58), the Commentator draws extensively on one of Basil's letters, Ep. cclx to Optimus (PG 32, 953—67) for his discussion of the seven sins of Cain and the sin of Lamech respectively. The parallels between Basil's Greek text and the Commentator's Latin exegesis are so close that one might suppose that the Commentator was translating from a copy of Basil's letters open before him. 51 The matter is not straightforward, however, because the two passages of Basil's Ep. cclx are reproduced in the Commentarius in Genesim by Procopius lof Gaza, a work which was apparently used elsewhere by the Commentator (see below). On the other hand, we have seen that Theodore, in his ludicia, named and quoted five times Basil's canonical letters to Amphilochius of Iconium, 52 so it might be argued that the Commentator had access at Canterbury to a corpus of Basil's correspondence. It is more likely, however, that the three canonical letters to Amphilochius circulated separately, and that their use provides no evidence for use of the remainder of the corpus. Other writings 47
See J . B e m a r d i , 'La date de l'Hexaemeron de S. Basile', T U 7 8 [ = Studia Patristka
3]
(1961), 1 6 5 - 9 . 48
The Homiliae are ed. P G 29, 4 - 2 0 8 , and also by S. Giet, SChr 26 (Paris, 1949), but a new edition is a desideratum in view of the research of E.A. de Mendieta and S.Y. Rudberg, Basile de Cesaree: la tradition manuscrite directe des neuj"Homelies sur I'Hexaemeron, T U 122 (Berlin, 1980); cf. also E.A. d e M e n d i e t a , T h e Critical E d i t i o n of St Basil's H o m i l i e s on t h e H e x a m e r o n ' , T U 7 8 { = Studia Patristka
3} ( 1 9 6 1 ) , 3 8 - 4 3 .
49
O n Basil's rejection of allegory, see Horn in Hex. i x . l ( P G , 2 9 , 188); t h e passage is
50
Cf., for example, c o m m . t o P e n t I 18 a n d 2 2 .
51
Cf. Lapidge, ' T h e Study of Greek', p p . 1 7 5 - 8 .
52
See above, p . 1 5 2 .
q u o t e d a n d discussed by Q u a s t e n , Patrology I I I , 2 1 7 .
207
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
of Basil were possibly known to the Commentator, but this assertion requires confirmation.53 Clement of Alexandria Clement of Alexandria (c. 150 - c. 215) was an important early Christian apologist, a man of impressively wide learning, who has left a trilogy of works entitled Protrepticus ('Exhortation'), Paedagogus ('Tutor') and Stromata ('Patchwork', 'Miscellany'),54 this last being an extensive philosophical justification of Christian doctrine. The work was apparently known to the Commentator, for he refers to Clement at one point as Clemens Stromatheus, 'Clement the Stromatist' (Evil 82). It is possible that the Commentator drew on the Stromata for the notion that the number 318 (the number of the men of Gedeon in Gen. XIV. 14) symbolizes Christ's crucifixion (PentI 96). However, the only work of Clement certainly quoted by the Commentator is the Hypotyposeis (CPG I, no. 1380) or 'Sketches', an outline commentary on the Old and New Testament (as well as on some extra-canonical texts) which once existed in eight books, but of which only fragments quoted by other authors now survive. By chance the very passage quoted by the Commentator (Evil 82: concerning Christ's baptism of Peter, Peter's of Andrew, and so on) happens to be preserved in the Pratum spirituale of John Moschus.55 The complete Hypotyposeis were still available to Photius in ninth-century Constantinople; but whether the whole was available to the Commentator in seventh-century Canterbury, or whether the relevant quotation had simply been lifted by the Commentator from the Pratum spirituale — which would in any case be an interesting witness to the Commentator's library (see below, pp. 225—6) — cannot be determined. Cosmas Indicopleustes Cosmas Indicopleustes is the name given in later manuscripts to the anonymous author of the Topographia Christiana.56 From the work itself it 33
For example, t h e distinction between 'introductive' a n d 'perfective' b a p t i s m , set o u t at
54
See Q u a s t e n , Patrology II, 5 - 3 6 ; ODB I, 4 7 0 - 1 ; a n d EEC I, 1 7 9 - 8 1 .
55
See below, p . 5 2 3 , as well as Echle, ' T h e B a p t i s m of the Apostles'. CPG III, no. 7468; the work is ed. PG 88, 52-470, and by W. Wolska-Conus, SChr 141, 159 and 197 (Paris, 1968-73); see also E.O. Winstedt, The Christian Topography
E v i l 37—8, m a y derive from Basil, Horn, xiii (CPG II, no. 2 8 5 7 ) , on b a p t i s m .
56
208
The sources of the commentaries
is clear that the author was an Egyptian merchant, probably from Alexandria, who had travelled widely in the world as it was then known — to the Black Sea and to East Africa, but not (in spite of the name Indicopleustes') to India or Sri Lanka. The author had studied with the Syrian scholar Mar Aba (see above, p. 34), and from him had acquired familiarity with the Antiochene exegesis of Diodore, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Severian of Gabala. The Topographia was composed c. 550, and is an attempt to demonstrate that the world has the same shape (viz. cuboid) as the Tabernacle of Moses. By any reckoning it is an eccentric book, but valuable for its accounts of the topography of places visited by the author. Its Antiochene orientation will have commended it to Theodore and Hadrian. It is quoted at PentI 91 ('dick Christianus Historiographus ideo eos fecisse, quia uoluerunt in caelum uindicare, eo quod inde in diluuio puniti sunt pluuia'), where the Greek text of Cosmas (Top. Christ. III. 1) closely parallels the Latin paraphrase, suggesting either that a copy of the work was at hand, or that the Commentator had a very good memory. Other passages in the commentaries may similarly be indebted to the Topographia.,57
It is possible, in theory at least, that a copy of the Topographia Christiana was available at seventh-century Canterbury. The matter cannot be decided on the basis of the quotations in the biblical commentaries, but other sorts of evidence are perhaps relevant. We learn from Bede's Historia abbatum that Benedict Biscop had purchased at Rome a magnificent copy of a Cosmographiorum codex, which he subsequently sold to King Aldfrith of Northumbria (685-705) for an estate valued at eight hides. 58 The term Cosmographiorum codex could appropriately describe the Topographia Christiana, though the identity cannot be proved. 59 Benedict Biscop was to ( C a m b r i d g e , 1909). For discussion, see DACL
VIII. 1 (1928), 8 2 0 - 4 9 , s.v. 'Kosmas
Indicopleustes'; ODB II, 1151—2; and W o l s k a , ha Topographie chretienne, esp. p p . 1—33. 57
Cf. P e n t I 2 4 {Top.Christ. X . I 5—19' citation of Gregory of Nazianzus and T h e o p h i l u s on Christ's sacrifice); P e n t I 4 4 {Top.Christ.
11.94—5: parallels between A d a m ' s sin and
expulsion from Paradise and Christ's crucifixion and entry into Paradise); and P e n t I 4 7 {Top.Christ. 58 59
I X . 2 4 - 5 : t h e C h e r u b i m equated w i t h t h e u p p e r sky).
Bede, Historia abbatum, ch. 15 (ed. P l u m m e r , Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica I, 380). E i g h t hides is a very substantial s u m ; so it is reasonable to t h i n k t h a t t h e (lost) codex was decorated in some way. Manuscripts of t h e Topographia
Christiana
were normally
decorated, often lavishly, w i t h a cycle of illustrations g o i n g back to an exemplar of J u s t i n i a n ' s age: see Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. W o l s k a - C o n u s , SChr 1 4 1 , 1 2 4 - 2 3 1 . T h e earliest surviving m a n u s c r i p t , now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat.
209
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
become the founder of Monkwearmouth (674) and Jarrow (682); but it is salutary to recall that he accompanied Theodore from Rome to Canterbury, acting as his interpreter (in England as well as on the Continent, presumably), and that on their arrival he became abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul in Canterbury, a post which he subsequently relinquished to Hadrian. 60 There will have been ample time during the journey to England, and after the arrival there, to peruse a copy of the Topographia Christiana and to make notes on it. Whatever the explanation, an English copy of the work seems to have been the source of a note on the dimensions of the earth which circulated separately of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. In Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 38v, the excerpt (which occurs among a collection of similar excerpts, of arguable Anglo-Saxon provenance) 61 is entitled De mansionibus. The same excerpt occurs in three later Anglo-Saxon manuscripts: London, BL, Cotton Vespasian B. vi (Mercia, s. ix in [805 X 814]), 106v; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 183 (S.W. England [? Glastonbury], s. x1), 68v; and 320, pt ii (St Augustine's, Canterbury, s. x 2 ), p. 99. The note is as follows (omitting minor textual variants): 'Christianus historicus dicit longitudinem mundi esse .xii. miliarum, latitudo .vi. miliarum.' This information is derived from the Topographia Christiana 11.47—8. 62 Although it is not possible to determine where and when these notes originated, the hypothesis of the existence of a copy of the Topographia Christiana at the school of Theodore and Hadrian would help to account for their dissemination; and the hypothesis is perhaps confirmed by the fact
graec. 699 (? Rome, s. ix), has an exceptionally lavish cycle of illustration: see C.
60
61
62
Stornajolo, Le miniature delta Topografia cristiana di Cosma Indicopleuste, codice Vatkano greco 699 (Milan, 1908), as well as K. Weitzmann, Die byzantinische Buchmalerei des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1935), pp. 5—6. O n the manuscript, see R. Devreesse, Codices Vaticani Graeci III (Vatican City, 1950), 176—7; J. Leroy, 'Notes codicologiques sur le Vat. gr. 699', Cahiers archeologiques 23 (1974), 7 3 - 8 ; and Cavallo, 'Le tipologie della cultura', pp. 5 0 8 - 9 . Bede, Historia abbatum, ch. 3 (ed. Plummer, Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica I,
366-7). For the suggestion that these excerpts (and others on 36r—46r) originated in AngloSaxon England, see below, p. 545. SChr 1 4 1 , 3 5 4 - 6 = P G 8 8 , 9 8 . Cosmas gives t h e l e n g t h of t h e earth as 4 0 0 days' march at t h i r t y miles a day ( =
1 2 , 0 0 0 miles) and its w i d t h as 2 0 0 days' m a r c h ( =
miles).
210
6,000
The sources of the commentaries
that both the Commentator (PentI 91) and the notes refer to the author of the Topographia as 'the Christian historian'. 'Ephrem Graecus' At one point (Evil 29) the Commentator attributes to 'Ephrem' an opinion which can be found in the corpus of Ephremic Greek writings; but this citation and possible other debts to Ephrem will be treated below (pp. 234-9). Epiphanius of Salamis Epiphanius (c. 315-403) was born in Palestine and educated in Egypt; he returned to Palestine and established a monastery there, from which base he became a fanatical defender of orthodoxy and an even more fanatical opponent of heresy in any form. 63 His reputation in this sphere led to his election in 365 as metropolitan of Cyprus, with his see at ancient Salamis (modern Famagusta), a position he held until his death. Although he possessed considerable learning — Jerome referred to his fluency in five languages (presumably Hebrew, Coptic, Syriac, Greek and Latin) 64 — he was not a subtle theologian, and had nothing but contempt for the allegorical speculations of Origen and his followers; his merit lies in his straightforward presentation of historical and factual evidence in support of his relentless campaign against heresy. It is the fact that his writings are a mine of historical and factual information that will have commended them to the Antiochene-oriented Canterbury commentator, who quoted Epiphanius by name on three occasions (PentI 10, 103 and 431) and was apparently familiar with all his major writings. 65 The Ancoratus (CPG II, no. 3744) or 'Well-Anchored Man' is a short treatise, composed in 374, to provide his readers with a firm 'anchor' 63
O n Epiphanius, see Quasten, Patrology III, 3 8 4 - 9 6 ; Young, From Nicaea to Cbalcedon, pp. 1 3 3 - 4 2 ; ODB I, 7 1 4 ; and EEC I, 2 8 1 - 2 . O n the growth of Epiphanius's antipathy to heresy, see J. Dechow, Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christianity:
Epiphanius of Cyprus
and the Legacy of Origen, Patristic Monograph Series 13 (Macon, G A , 1988), 2 5 - 1 0 7 . 64
Jerome, Apologia aduersus libros Rufini III.6 (PL 2 3 , 4 6 2 ) , referring to Epiphanius as TCEVxaY^coxToq, 'five-tongued'.
65
Recall that Epiphanius is also quoted in the Laterculus Malalianus, Theodore: see above, p. 1 8 1 .
211
arguably a work by
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
against the storms of heresy; it is thus a statement of orthodox belief in the Trinity, and includes denunciations of Origenists, Manichaeans, Marcionites, Arians and other heretical sects, and ends with an exposition of the Creed. The Ancoratus is drawn on in PentI 103 (where Epiphanius Cypri is quoted by name) for the information that the Israelites were in Egypt for 215 years (ch. 110), and also in PentI 431 for the detail that Dathan and Abiron were to remain beneath the earth until the Day of Judgement (ch. 99). 6 6
The assault on heresies contained in the Ancoratus was expanded by Epiphanius in c. 377 to immense length in his Panarion (CPG II, no. 3745) or 'Medicine-Chest (against Heresies)'. In this work Epiphanius attempted to describe and classify all eighty heresies (as he numbered them) in a genealogical framework. Once again, the work appealed to the Canterbury Commentator through incidental details concerning heresies rather than through its zealous argumentation. Thus it was probably drawn on for information concerning the location of Adam's burial at Calvary (PentI 35; cf. Pan. XLVI.5), the nature of heresy called 'barbarism' by Epiphanius and the seven heresies of the Jews which succeeded it (PentI 59; cf. Pan. anaceph.67), the distinction between 'corporeal' and 'spiritual' body (PentI 68; cf. Pan. LXIV.3), the seven heresies of the Jews before Christ's Advent (Evil 36; cf. Pan. XIV-XX), and the heresies of the Herodiani (Evil 46; cf. Pan. XX. 1). A persistent concern of the Canterbury Commentator is with metrology, that is, with the science of weights and measures (see below, pp. 262-3). One of the most widely used handbooks on metrology during the Middle Ages was Epiphanius's treatise De mensuris et ponderibus {CPG II, no. 3746). 68 Although it was originally composed (in 392) in Greek at
66
There is some possibility that the Commentator was using an intermediate source, perhaps a catena, for the information about Dathan and Abiron, rather than drawing directly on Epiphanius: see below, pp. 2 3 1 and 4 9 1 .
67
Epiphanius's authorship of the Anacephalaiosis, which follows the Panarion as a sort of summary, has been doubted (cf. CPG
II, no. 3 7 6 5 and Young, From Nicaea
to
Chalcedon, p. 3 1 4 , n. 53); but the question of authorship is not crucial to the present discussion, since the Canterbury Commentator had evidently consulted a manuscript of the Panarion to which the Anacepbalaiosis was attached. 68
See also E. Moutsoulas, X'oeuvre d'Epiphane de Salamine De mensuris et ponderibus et son unite litteraire', T U 115 [ = Studia Patristica
212
12} ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 1 1 9 - 2 2 .
The sources of the commentaries
Constantinople, the treatise was translated into Latin, 69 Syriac, Georgian and Arabic; by chance, only a fragment of the Greek text has come down to us, so that the complete text survives only in a Syriac translation. 70 In spite of its title, the work is not merely concerned with weights and measures; rather it is a sort of dictionary of the Bible, which deals in turn with the canon and various translations of the Old Testament, with biblical weights and measures, and with the topography of Palestine. It is thus precisely the sort of handbook which a literal-minded commentator of the Bible-would have needed, and not surprisingly it was laid frequently under contribution in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. It also served as the source for various lemmata in the Leiden Glossary which, as we have seen, represents the teaching of the Canterbury school.71 In the present commentaries, Epiphanius is cited by name in PentI 10 as the source for the information that the LXX translators did their work of translation on an island near Alexandria ( = De mensuris et ponderibus, ch. 3); the same treatise is the source of the Commentator's discussions of the Hexapla (PentI 5), the size of a handbreadth (PentI 73), the seventy(-two) or LXX translators again (PentI 76), the volume of three sata (PentI 108), and the equivalence of 1 talent = 125 pounds (PentI 307). Another work of Epiphanius which was used by the Commentator is the brief treatise De .xii. gemmis (CPG II, no. 3748), which is an account of the twelve precious stones on Aaron's breastplate (Exod. XXVIII). De .xii. gemmis was written in 394 at the request of Diodore of Tarsus, the founder of the Antiochene school of exegesis. As in the case of De mensuris et ponderibus, the treatise was translated into other languages, including Latin, Georgian, Armenian and Coptic. Once again, the original Greek version does not survive (the surviving Greek text is merely an epitome), and the complete text is preserved only in Georgian. 72 Epiphanius's treatise was very probably used by the Commentator for his discussion of 69
Metrologkorum Scriptorum Reliquiae, ed. Hultsch II, 1 0 0 - 6 . Since this translation was used by Isidore for his account of weights and measures in Etym. XV.xv, it must have been in existence by the early seventh century; see Hultsch, ibid. II, 3 2 - 3 .
70
Epiphanius' Treatise on Weights and Measures, ed. Dean.
71
See esp. LdGl xxxi.22 ('Epiphanius dicit dragma .xxviii. siliquas').
72
Epiphanius de Gemmis. The Old Georgian Version and the Fragments of the Armenian Version and the Coptic-Sahidic Fragments, ed. R.P. Blake and H. de Vis (London, 1934); see also B.M. Weischer, 'Ein arabisches und athiopisches Fragment der Schrift "De XII Gemmis" des Epiphanius von Salamis', Oriens Christianus 63 (1979), 103-5.
213
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the precious stones bdellium and onyx (PentI 39—40). Interestingly, there is independent evidence for use of the Greek text of De .xii. gemmis in glosses for emerald and sard in ch. xli. 10-11 of the Leiden Glossary, as Peter Kitson has shown,73 so there is no need to doubt that the text was known at Canterbury. This assertion is confirmed by another piece of evidence. Appended to De .xii. gemmis in some manuscripts of the Greek epitome — but not the Georgian translation — is a short tract on the diamond, entitled De adamante, a work also apparently by Epiphanius. 74 This tract is quoted verbatim in the Commentator's account of the prophetic properties of the diamond which adorned the high priest's ephod (PentI 295), which suggests that the copy of De .xii. gemmis used by the Canterbury Commentator had De adamante appended to it. John Chrysostom As we have seen (above, p. 18), John Chrysostom (d. 407) was a student of Diodore of Tarsus, and one of the principal proponents of Antiochene exegesis as well as being perhaps the most influential Greek patristic author of the later fourth century. Certainly he is the most voluminous Greek church father whose writings have been preserved. The Canterbury Commentator evidently had a great veneration for John Chrysostom, whom he refers to as lohannes Constantinopolitanus . . . Crisostomus, quern Graeci crisostomum .i. os auri clamant (Evil 3). John Chrysostom is quoted more frequently by name - seven times - than any other authority in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Yet in most of these cases it has not been possible to identify the source in the corpus of John's genuine writings. The problem is not only the vast size of this corpus,75 but the fact that during the Middle Ages an even vaster corpus of pseudoChrysostomian writings was in circulation.76 Thus the Commentator 73
74
75
76
P. Kitson, 'Lapidary Traditions in Anglo-Saxon England: part I, the Background; the Old English Lapidary', ASE 7 (1978), 9 - 6 0 , at 4 1 - 2 . Les Lapidairesy ed. de Mely II, 1 9 8 - 9 . For the attribution to Epiphanius, see the comment of Maurits Geerard, CPG II, 328: 'In codicibus manuscriptis appendix legitur De adamante . . . quae Epiphanii esse uidetur.' Professor Franz Tinnefeld (Munich) very kindly searched for the quotations in question in the machine-readable corpus of John Chrysostom's writings stored in Munich. See Aldama, Repertorium pseudochrysostomkum, as well as CPG II, nos. 4500-5079, DSp VIII. 1 (1974), 355-69, and SJ. Voicu, 'Une nomenclature pour les anonymes du
214
The sources of the commentaries
might have been quoting in good faith from a work by John Chrysostom which modern scholarship regards as spurious. For example, in PentI 28, the Commentator explains God's command in Gen. 1.26 to make man in His likeness to mean that man will be king of creation, as God is king of all things, and that we will resemble Him in being incorrupt after the resurrection — 'as John says'. In his (genuine) homily on the first chapter of Genesis {CPG II, no. 4409), John does indeed explain that man is to be king on earth and to inherit the kingdom of heaven in this capacity, and this is presumably the source of the first part of the Commentator's explanation. However, the second part - that, following the Day of Judgement, we shall resemble Christ after resurrection - is similar to a comment in Gn-Ex-Evla 22, to the effect that we will be resurrected (like Christ) at the age of 30. This statement, too, is attributed to John Chrysostom: lohannes Chrisostomus ait omnes homines resurrecturos quasi .xxx. annos habentes.' This time the precise statement cannot be found in John Chrysostom's genuine writings, but appears to be taken from pseudo-Athanasius, Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem {CPG II, no. 2257), a work which is drawn on elsewhere by the Commentator (cf. PentI 35). Did the Commentator have access to a copy of this work which bore a false attribution to John Chrysostom? Or was he quoting inaccurately from memory? Elsewhere John is quoted by name as a source for the views that the star appeared to the Magi two years before Christ's birth (Evil 3); that Christ resuscitated Moses in order for him to appear, with Elijah, to Himself and three of the disciples (Evil 41); or that Adam's creation at the third hour, sin at the sixth and expulsion from Paradise at the ninth matched stages in the crucifixion of Christ (PentI 44): none of these statements can be found in the surviving corpus of John's writings. On occasion, an explanation attributed by the Commentator to John can be found somewhere in the corpus of pseudo-Chrysostomian homilies: the statement that the number of women named Mary is seven, attributed to John in Evil 87, probably has its source in a homily In mulieres quae unguenta tulerunt, which modern scholarship would attribute to John, archbishop of Thessalonica (610-49). 77 Similarly, the statement concerning the miraculous catch of fish (Luke V.6), that the fish were not corpus pseudo-chrysostomien', Byzantion 51 (1981), 297-305; idem, 'Le corpus pseudochrysostomien: questions preliminaires et etat des recherches', Studia Patristica 17 (1982), 1198-1205, and idem, EEC I, 442, s.v. John Chrysostom, pseudo-'. 77
Aldama, Repertorium pseudocbrysostomicum, no. 5 3 2 .
215
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
hauled in with the net but jumped willingly into the boat, is found in a florilegium of Chrysostomian homilies (CPG II, no. 4684), the authenticity of which has not been established. Finally, and confiisingly, we have seen (above, p. 152, n. 85) that in his ludicia Theodore attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus a statement regarding the baptism of tears which in all likelihood was drawn directly from one of John Chrysostom's Homiliae de eleemosyna (CPG II, no. 4333), even though Theodore did not apparently realize this. In sum, the situation regarding the Commentator's use of John Chrysostom is in stark contrast to that regarding Epiphanius where, as we saw, each time Epiphanius was named as an authority, the opinion quoted could be traced securely to one of his principal surviving works. In the case of John Chry sos torn, there is no such security. Perhaps the matter could be clarified if someone were to read meticulously through the vast corpora of Chrysostomian and pseudo-Chrysostomian writings - not all published by any means (cf. CPG II, 4840-5079) and often preserved (unpublished) in languages other than Greek, especially Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Georgian and Arabic (CPG II, nos. 5140-90). For the time being, we are obliged to conclude that, although the Commentator clearly esteemed John Chrysostom and mentioned him frequently, the extent of his familiarity with that author's authentic writings remains to be defined. Flavius Josephus Josephus, later called Flavius Josephus (AD 37-95), was a Jewish historian who wrote two important works in Greek: his Bellum ludaicum, which treats the Maccabean uprising and then the wars with the Romans leading to the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70; and the Antiquitates ludaicae, an account of Jewish history from the Creation to AD 66, which includes lengthy accounts of Jewish religious ritual. The Canterbury Commentator was arguably familiar with both these works, though he may not have had them in front of him while lecturing, and may have been quoting inaccurately from memory. For example, in Pentl 327, the Commentator mentions the golden calf (Exod. XXXII.20) and says of those who drank water which had been mixed with powder from the calf, that they had gilded lips (and died) - 'as Josephus explains in his Antiquitates (ut Iosephus narrat in libris Antiquitatum). But the Antiquitates contain no mention of the golden calf. On the other hand, there are numerous passages in the 216
The sources of the commentaries
commentaries where the Commentator seems to have had Josephus in mind while explaining a feature of Jewish ritual: the thank-offering (PentI 260; cf. Antiq. III.ix.1), the twelve loaves (PentI 301; cf. Antiq. III.x.7), the altar of the burnt offering (PentI 311; cf. Antiq. III.vi.8) and the chronological limits of the Hebrews' 'first month' (PentI 391; cf. Antiq. III.x.5 [248] and below, p. 265). At one point (PentI 72) the Commentator includes a detailed description of the pitch which is cast up by the Dead Sea in large chunks the shape and size of a cow, which can only be broken down by menstrual blood. A very similar description occurs in Josephus, Bellum ludaicum IV.vii.4, where he explains that volcanic action on the floor of the Dead Sea produces a viscous substance which floats to the surface in lumps the size of a headless ox; when this pitch is hauled into boats, it clings to them, and can only be loosened by menstrual blood. The details are so striking as to be easily memorable: the likelihood is that the Commentator was here quoting Josephus (without naming him) from memory, whereas in the case of the golden calf his memory was less reliable. Greek authors quoted by name but not identified
The Commentator's knowledge of Greek patristic literature was evidently much wider even than the use of the six named Greek authors might imply; in some respects it appears to have been wider than that known to modern scholarship. For example, at the very outset of the Canterbury commentaries, while expounding Jerome's Prologue to Genesis, the Commentator adverts to three Greek authors {Graecorum auctorum) who were opponents of Jerome's Vulgate translation: Rufinus, Cassian and Evagrius (PentI 1). Of these, Rufinus was a native Latin speaker who spent a lengthy period of his life in the Greek East, both in Egypt and at the monastery of Melania the Elder on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. 78 Most of Rufinus's literary output consists of Latin translations of Greek authors such as Origen, Eusebius and Evagrius; he is not known to have composed an original treatise in Greek. The Commentator quotes two Greek words used by Rufinus of Jerome, and since these words cannot be located in any of Rufinus's surviving (Latin) works, there is some possibility that the Commentator was referring to a Greek treatise by Rufinus; 78
On Rufinus's career, see Patrology, ed. Di Berardino IV, 247—54.
217
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
but the greater likelihood, as we have seen, is that the treatise in question was composed in Latin but was liberally sprinkled with Greek vocabulary. Cassian, too, was a Latin speaker who spent much of his early life in Egypt and Palestine, and was ordained deacon by John Chrysostom and went to Rome to appeal to the pope on John's behalf after the patriarch's banishment. Cassian's knowledge of Greek was perfect, 79 and although his Latin writings (like those of Rufinus) are adorned with frequent Greek words, there is no evidence that he ever composed in Greek, or that any of his writings contained an attack on Jerome. The Commentator, if he is to be trusted here, was apparently familiar with a work which has not been preserved. Similarly for Evagrius: unlike Rufinus and Cassian, Evagrius was undoubtedly a Greek speaker, who was trained by Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus, before spending a period of time at Melania's monastery in Jerusalem. 80 Evagrius was thus part of the 'Origenist' circle in Jerusalem (which included Rufinus and, possibly, Cassian) that was denounced by Jerome. None of Evagrius's surviving writings contains a denunciation of Jerome, but it should be remembered that only a small proportion of his writings has survived (as a result of his being condemned as an 'Origenist' at the Council of Constantinople in 553), and that, since Jerome on several occasions attacked Evagrius, the latter could well have replied in kind. In short, the Commentator apparently had knowledge of a dossier of materials containing attacks on Jerome which originated in fourth-century Jerusalem, and which may indeed have been composed in Greek, but which has not survived. The Commentator elsewhere reports an opinion of Evagrius (PentI 431) concerning the account in Numbers XVI. 32 to the effect that Dathan and Abiron, whose tents were swallowed up by the earth, will remain living beneath the earth until the Day of Judgement. We know that Evagrius composed a commentary on Numbers, but except for a few fragments preserved in later catenae, this commentary has not come down to us. 81 The context of the quotation in PentI 431 suggests that the Commentator, too, was drawing on a catena rather than directly on Evagrius's lost commentary (see below, p. 231). A similar explanation may lie behind the citations of 7
9 See/fa/., p. 512. Quasten, Patrology III, 169-76; A. and C. Guillaumont, RAC VI (1966), 1088-1107; and Guillaumont, Les 'Kephalaia Gnostka' d'Evagre le Pontique, esp. pp. 339-47. 81 See Quasten, Patrology III, 176, and Devreesse, 'Chaines exegetiques grecques', col. 1127. 80
218
The sources of the commentaries
Gregory of Nazianzus and Theophilus (of Antioch?) at PentI 24, where an opinion on why at Gen. 1.5 the eveningjs mentioned before the morning is attributed as follows: 'Haec Gregorius Nazanzenus et Theophilus dicunt.' No such opinion can be found in the surviving writings of either Theophilus of Antioch or Theophilus of Alexandria, and the identification of a source in Gregory of Nazianzus is also problematic. 82 The fact that the two authorities are mentioned side by side may suggest once again that the Commentator's source here was a catena, even though no such catena has yet been identified.83 Finally, the Commentator at one point (PentI 35) attributes to Sophronius (patriarch of Jerusalem, 634-8) the etymology of the Hebrew place-name Emmaus as meaning 'the blood of a brother'. However, such an etymology is not to be found in the surviving writings of Sophronius, nor indeed in any western source of Hebrew etymology. 84 As a native of Damascus and a Palestinian monk, Sophronius will have been familiar with meanings of Hebrew place-names; 85 and Archbishop Theodore, through his presumed links with Maximus the Confessor (a colleague and follower of Sophronius) may have known the opinions of Sophronius at second hand, even if he had none of the patriarch's writings to hand. Greek authors used but not cited by name
The Commentator drew on a wide range of Greek exegesis, mostly — but not exclusively — Antiochene in origin. With much of this exegesis it is difficult to ascertain that the Commentator had a particular text before him as he taught; the likelihood is rather that a distinctive interpretation of a particular passage was the residue of earlier reading. Origen Origen (c. 185—253) was the greatest proponent of the Alexandrian school of biblical exegesis, characterized by its concern with the prophetic and 82
Cf. the situation regarding the named quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus in Theodore's ludicia, discussed above, p. 1 5 2 , n. 8 5 .
83
See below, p. 2 3 1 , and (for Theophilus), M. Richard, Xes fragments exegetiques de Theophile d'Alexandrie et de Theophile d'Antioche', Revue biblique 4 7 (1938), 3 8 7 - 9 7 .
84
See Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 2 3 6 .
85
O n the Hebrew etymology of Emmaus, see below, p. 4 4 2 .
219
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
spiritual meaning of scripture, which is best to be discovered through allegory.86 Most of Origen's vast output is theological in nature, but some part of it includes 'homilies' (6\iikiai) or tracts on particular passages of the Bible, and among these are twenty-eight homilies on Numbers (the Greek text of which has not been preserved, with the result that the work is known only in the Latin translation of Rufinus: CPG I, no. 1418). Some seven of the homilies on Numbers (nos. xiii-xix) are taken up with the story of Balaam and his ass; and here, uncharacteristically, much of Origen's exposition is literal rather than allegorical. There are various features of the Canterbury Commentator's exposition of this episode (PentI 437—44) which have close parallels in Origen, such as the distinction between the eyes of the flesh and the eyes of the intellect (PentI 441), or that Balaam's prophecy refers to the coming of Christ (PentI 443—4). These parallels suggest that the Commentator may have been familiar with these few homilies by Origen, but whether there are any other debts remains to be established. Cyril of Alexandria One of the most powerful and influential figures in the early fifth-century church was Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444). 87 He was instrumental in securing the deposition of John Chrysostom in 403, and was the principal opponent of Nestorius and an architect of the Council of Ephesus (431) at which Nestorius was finally condemned. Cyril was also an important (and voluminous) patristic author, and among his corpus of writings is a number of biblical commentaries, which include thirteen books of Glaphyra (yXa<|>i)p&) or 'Elegant Comments' on various passages of the Pentateuch (CPG III, no. 5201). Although Cyril was in general thoroughly Alexandrine in orientation, and a vigorous opponent of the Antiochenes Diodore and Theodore of Mopsuestia, there are nevertheless many passages of the Glaphyra which are literal and historical in their approach to the scriptural text, 88 and such passages may have captured the interest of the 86
O n Origen, see, conveniently, Quasten, Patrology II, 37—101; on the Alexandrian
87
See Quasten, ibid. Ill, 1 1 6 - 4 2 and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 2 4 0 - 6 5 .
school of exegesis, see ibid., pp. 2 - 4 (with bibliography) and below, p. 2 4 4 . 88
See Young, ibid., pp. 248—9: 'More unexpected are the extensive explanations of historical background, and the attention he [Cyril] pays to the literal reference of the text. His introductory outlines . . . bear comparison with the work of the Antiochenes',
220
The sources of the commentaries
Canterbury Commentator. In any case the Commentator, when beginning his exposition of Exodus, seems to have turned momentarily from literal and historical exegesis (perhaps through want of a sufficiently literal guide), 89 so as to interpret the opening chapters of Exodus in an uncharacteristically allegorical or Alexandrine manner, by suggesting, for example, that the rod of Moses was a symbol of divinity (PentI 223), or that the serpent represents our flesh (PentI 224), or that Moses putting his hand into his bosom signifies the incarnation of the Son (PentI 227). These figural meanings are all found in the Glaphyra of Cyril of Alexandria, and it would seem that here, in the opening chapters of Exodus, the Commentator was indeed drawing on the Glaphyra. But since these Glaphyra are not apparently used elsewhere in the Canterbury commentaries, one may suspect that the Commentator had access here to a catena which for the early chapters of Exodus (but not elsewhere) included excerpts from Cyril of Alexandria.90 Gregory of Nyssa Gregory of Nyssa (c. 335-94) was the younger brother of Basil and a friend of Gregory of Nazianzus, and in some sense the most subtle theologian of these three great Cappadocian fathers.91 He was steeped in Neoplatonic thought, and his writings are an exposition of an individual (and widely influential) Christian mystical theology.92 The cast of Gregory's theology a point made at length by A. Kerrigan, St Cyril of Alexandria,
Interpreter of the Old
Testament, Analecta Biblica 2 (Rome, 1952), 35-110, esp. 86-7; see also R.L. Wilkin, Judaism and the Early Christian Mind. A Study of Cyril of Alexandria's Exegesis and Theology ( N e w Haven, CT, 1971), pp. 6 9 - 9 2 , on the debt of Cyril's exegesis to Judaic thought. 89
For Genesis, the Commentator had been able to use the commentary of Procopius throughout; but he does not seem to have had access to Procopius's exposition of Exodus and the remaining books of the Pentateuch (see below, p. 2 2 8 ) , and was therefore obliged to turn to different sources.
90
See below, pp. 2 2 9 - 3 2 ; for the preservation of Cyril's commentaries on the Old Testament in catenae, see Quasten, Patrology III, 122; Devreesse, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, p. 179 and 'Chaines exegetiques grecques', col. 1 1 3 4 ; and Petit, Catenae Graecae in Genesim et Exodum / , p. xviii.
91 92
See Quasten, ibid. Ill, 2 5 4 - 9 6 , and Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, pp. 1 1 6 - 1 9 . See discussion by various authors in Gregor von Nyssa unddie Philosophie, ed. H . Dorrie et al. (Leiden, 1976), as well as E. Muhlenberg, Die unendlichkeit Gottes bei Gregor von Nyssa
(Gottingen, 1966), esp. pp. 89-205.
221
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
is best seen in his treatise De uita Moysis (CPG II, no. 3159), a brief work which presents the life of Moses as an ideal of the virtuous life. The first part is an historical account of Moses, based on Exodus, but the second part is an allegorical exposition in which Moses is figurally seen as the ascent of the soul to God. 93 The Canterbury Commentator does not seem to have been much attracted to the Cappadocians' theology, though he was clearly familiar with the writings of Basil and (probably) of Gregory of Nazianzus.94 Nevertheless, there is some evidence that he drew on De uita Moysis in explaining the opening chapters of Exodus where, as we have seen, he departed momentarily from his normal historical, Antiochene interpretation. Thus he may have drawn from De uita Moysis the interpretation of the burning bush as a symbol of the Virgin Mary (PentI 220), or of Moses's leprous hand as symbolizing Christ Who 'taketh away the sins of the world' (PentI 228). As in the case of Cyril of Alexandria, Gregory of Nyssa's De uita Moysis appears to have been used only for the opening chapters of Exodus, and was apparently not used elsewhere in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Theodore of Mopsuestia However, it was with Antiochene exegesis, rather than with the Alexandrines such as Cyril or Cappadocians such as Gregory, that the Commentator's affinities lay. The greatest exponent of Antiochene exegesis was, as we have seen (above, pp. 19-20), Theodore of Mopsuestia. However, Theodore's writings had been condemned at the Council of Constantinople in 553, with the result that they survive only as unattributed fragments in catenae, or in translation, either in Syriac or in Latin, as in the case of his Commentary on the Minor Pauline Epistles, which passed under the name of St Ambrose. It is unlikely, therefore, that the Canterbury Commentator will have had access to the exegesis of Theodore of Mopsuestia in extenso. Various points of interpretation in the Canterbury commentaries have parallels in works of Theodore of Mopsuestia surviving in Syriac translation, as for example in PentI 25, where a distinction between the meaning of 'one day' (Gen. 1.5) and 'the first day' may be found in (the 93
See C.W. Macleod, 'Allegory and Mysticism in Origen and Gregory o(Nyssa.\JTS
n.s.
2 2 (1971), 3 6 2 - 7 9 , and E. Ferguson, 'Progress in Perfection: Gregory of Nyssa's Vita Moysis', T U 117 [ = Stadia Patristica 1 4 ] (1976), 3 0 7 - 1 4 . 94
O n the problems of identifying his use of Gregory of Nazianzus, see above, p. 2 1 9 .
222
The sources of the commentaries
Syriac translation of) Theodore of Mopsuestia's Commentary on John. But whether the Canterbury Commentator knew this, or indeed any, work in Syriac, is an immensely complex problem which will be treated separately below (pp. 233-40). Severian of Gabala Severian (d. after 408) was a native of Gabala in Syria (see fig. 1) who, in spite of his involvement in the condemnation of John Chrysostom — with whom he had once been closely associated — was an important proponent of Antiochene exegesis.95 Many of Severian's writings were transmitted under the name of Chrysostom, however, and one of the principal tasks of scholarship on Severian is that of disentangling genuine Severian from spurious Chrysostom.96 Severian's most important genuine work is a collection of six Orationes in mundi creationem (CPG II, no. 4194), in which Severian interprets the account of creation in Genesis in a rigidly literal way, using it even as an authority to demonstrate aspects of natural science.97 One particular feature of Severian's cosmological exegesis seems to have impressed the Commentator: the physical conception of the divine spirit. Thus the Commentator's notions that the air which we breathe is equivalent to the 'spirit of God' (PentI 22; cf. Orat. de mundi creatione i.4), or that the breath which God breathed on Adam was also breathed by Christ on the apostles (PentI 32; cf. Orat. de mundi creatione v.5) seem to derive from Severian. These are very distinctive conceptions, of the kind which linger in the memory, so it is possible in this case to think that the Commentator was quoting from memory rather than from a book open in front of him. Theodoret of Cyrrhus Theodoret was one of the most important and influential of all Antiochene exegetes, not only for the breadth and penetration of his learning, reflected in a wide range of theological, exegetical, dogmatic and historical writings, but because his writings were not condemned by an oecumenical 95 96
97
See above, p. 22 and n. 89. See, for example, B. Marx, 'Severiana unter den Spuria Chrysostomi bei MontfauconMigne', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 5 (1939), 2 8 1 - 3 6 7 . See Zellinger, Die Genesishomilien des Bischofs Severian von Gabala, esp. pp. 69—90.
223
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
council, most of them are extant. 98 Born c. 393 in Antioch, Theodoret himself claimed to be the pupil of Diodore and Theodore of Mopsuestia (unlikely though this claim might seem chronologically); he was in any case a scion of the Antiochene school of exegesis. He was appointed bishop of Cyrrhus (in northeastern Syria: see fig. 1) in 423 and remained in that post until his death in c. 466. He was fluent in both Greek and Syriac and is an interesting embodiment of the symbiosis between these two cultures which obtained in Syria in late antiquity." Of his enormous exegetical production, the most relevant to the Canterbury commentaries are his Quaestiones in Octateuchum (CPG III, no. 6200), a relatively late work composed after the Council of Chalcedon in 451. They are an example of the genre of quaestiones-lher&ture which flourished at that time 100 and given the almost total loss of exegetical writings by Diodore and Theodore of Mopsuestia — are a primary witness to Antiochene exegetical method. Many of the quaestiones treated by Theodoret are relevant to matters discussed in the Canterbury biblical commentaries, and there is some reason to think that the Commentator consulted them, particularly for matters pertaining to Jewish rituals described in Leviticus and Numbers: for example, the Commentator's observation that there is a distinction between 'divine' and 'lay' fire (PentI 338), or that animals must be sacrificed far from the Tabernacle so as to allow no pretext for sacrificing to demons (PentI 378), or that certain people tattoo their skin in reverence of demons (PentI 383), or that the Jewish feasts of the 'seventh month' are to be celebrated in a certain way (PentI 394), or that the tribe of Levi was not to be reckoned among the twelve tribes of Israel (PentI 402). This information is of a distinctive kind, and the likelihood, therefore, is that the Canterbury Commentator drew on Theodoret's Quaestiones either directly or indirectly. 101 98
99 100
101
See the sympathetic account of Theodoret's life by Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, esp. pp. 2 6 6 - 7 1 . See above, p. 27 and n. 116. See G. Bardy, 'La litterature patristique des "Quaestiones et responsiones" sur l'Ecriture sainte', Revue biblique 4 2 (1933), 2 1 0 - 2 9 [one of a sequence of articles with this same title], at 2 1 9 - 2 5 . On the Commentator's possible use of catenae, see below, pp. 2 2 9 - 3 2 ; on excerpts from Theodoret in catenae on the Octateuch, see Devreesse, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs ae rOctateuque, esp. pp. 182—3, and Petit, 'La tradition de Theodoret de Cyr dans les chaines sur la Genese'.
224
The sources of the commentaries
Maximus the Confessor Maximus the Confessor was one of the last, and also one of the greatest, theologians of the Greek church. 102 As we have seen, he was in Rome during the 640s, possibly living as a monk in the community of St Saba, and was actively involved in elaborating and drafting the dyothelete theology which is represented in the acta of the Lateran Council of 549 103 i£ ^ w e n a v e argued, Theodore too was involved in drafting these acta, then it is reasonable to assume that Theodore knew Maximus personally, in which case one might expect to find some trace of Maximus's thought in the Canterbury commentaries. It must be stressed at the outset that there is a vast difference between the subtle mysticism of Maximus's thought and the down-to-earth, literal-mindedness of the Canterbury commentaries. Nevertheless, there are various places in the commentaries which have close parallels in the writings of Maximus. The doctrine of two natiuitates — the 'natural* in the flesh, the 'spiritual' in baptism — as set out in Evil 24 is also found in the Ambigua of Maximus, and the distinctive scheme whereby the disciples who accompanied Jesus on the mountain in Matth. XVII. 1 - Peter, James and John - are said to represent the active, natural and contemplative life (Evil 40), is also found in the Quaestiones et dubia of Maximus. Other (less distinctive) parallels occur as well. 104 The sum of evidence is not enough to suggest that the Commentator had copies of the works of Maximus in front of him as he taught; the parallels could more easily be explained on the assumption that Theodore and Maximus had had the opportunity of discussing various exegetical points when they were together in Rome during the 640s. John Moschus John Moschus105 was born in Palestine, perhaps at Damascus, c. 550; he was for many years a monk in a monastery near Jerusalem, then sub102
For Maximus's life and theology, see above, pp. 7 1 - 7 , nn. 3 1 0 - 1 1 . The corpus of Maximus's writings is listed CPG III, nos. 7 6 8 8 - 7 7 1 1 .
103
Above, pp. 7 5 - 6 .
105
104
See DTC X (1928), 2 5 1 0 - 1 3 , DSp VIII. 1 (1974), 6 3 2 - 4 0 , 0DB II, 1 4 1 5 , and EEC I,
See c o m m . to PentI 2 5 0 and Evil 13.
443-4. 225
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
sequently at Pharan. 106 Together with his pupil Sophronius (the future patriarch of Jerusalem) he made a trip to Constantinople. 107 Shortly before his death in 634, he and Sophronius compiled the Pratum spirituale (Greek Aei|ioov&piov, '(spiritual) meadow'), a compendium of anecdotes concerning the lives and miracles of holy monks (CPG III, no. 7376). 108 Now the Canterbury Commentator at Evil 82 quotes the Hypotyposeis of 'Clement the Stromatist' on the baptism of the apostles; as we have seen, the very same quotation from this work of Clement, and the very same description of Clement as the 'Stromatist', occurs in the Pratum spirituale.109 There is thus some possibility that the Commentator was using the Pratum spirituale rather than Clement's Hypotyposeis, but the matter cannot be decided, because no other certain debts to the Pratum spirituale can be identified.110
106 ^ h e pharan in question here is not the city in the desert of Sinai mentioned in PentI 1 3 3 , but a cliff-type laura some six miles northeast of Jerusalem; see Hirschfield, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, pp. 2 1 - 3 . 107
It was formerly believed that Moschus and Sophronius had travelled to Rome, but more recent research has established that the trip was in fact to Constantinople: see K. Rozemond, 'Jean Mosch, patriarch de Jerusalem en exil ( 6 1 4 - 6 3 4 ) ' ,
Vigiliae
Christianae 31 (1977), 6 0 - 7 , and esp. Follieri, 'Dove e quando mori Giovanni Mosco?'. O n the date of his death, see also Chadwick, 'John Moschus and his Friend Sophronius'. 108 p G 8 7 , 2 8 5 2 - 3 1 1 2 ; see N . H . Baynes, 'The Pratum Spirituale,
Orientalia
Christiana
Periodica 13 (1947), 4 0 4 - 1 4 , E. Mioni, 'II Pratum Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco', ibid. 17 (1951), 6 1 - 9 4 , and P. Pattenden, 'The Text of the Pratum Spirituale JTS
n.s. 2 6
(1975), 3 8 - 5 4 , who makes the interesting suggestion that John was a native not of Palestine but of Cilicia (p. 4 1 , n. 1). 109 p Q 8 7 , 3 0 4 5 ; and see discussion by Echle, 'The Baptism of the Apostles', p. 3 6 7 . 110
Cf., however, the Commentator's discussion of baptism in Evil 2 4 and 37, the 'baptism of tears' in Theodore's ludicia II.iv.4 (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, p. 317), and Pratum spirituale, ch. 176 (PG 8 7 , 3045). It is possible that Theodore took the apparent quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus in the ludicia indirectly from the Pratum spirituale (where Gregory is cited by name as an authority for the five kinds of baptism), rather than directly from the text of Gregory's Orationes; see above, p. 152, n. 8 5 .
226
The sources of the commentaries
Procopius of Gaza Procopius111 (465 - c. 530) was a Christian professor of rhetoric at the university of Gaza in Palestine, 112 who is best known for a collection of letters and declamations in pure Attic style, 113 but also for a considerable corpus of exegetical writings (the majority still unpublished) on the Old Testament, in particular on the Octateuch, the Song of Songs, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Isaiah.114 Of these, the most important for the present discussion is the massive Commentarius in Octateuchum {CPG III, no. 7430). 115 Procopius's work is largely based on earlier exegesis; it weaves together these earlier authorities into a verse-by-verse exposition of the biblical text. 116 It is apparent that Procopius's starting point was a Greek 111
On Procopius, see W. Aly, 'Prokopios von Gaza, RE XXIII. 1 (1957), 259-73; H.G. Beck, Trokopios von Gaza', LThK VIII (1963), 787; G. Downey, Gaza in the Early Sixth Century (Norman, OK, 1963), esp. pp. 108-16; ODB III, 1732; EEC II, 713; and the earlier discussion by Eisenhofer, Procopius von Gaza, pp. 3—12. 112 On Gaza, see Downey, ibid., esp. pp. 82-115, Impellizzeri, La letteratura bizantina, pp. 171-5 and ODB II, 825. The 'university' of Gaza was the subject of an important doctoral dissertation by K. Seitz, 'Die Schule von Gaza' (Heidelberg, 1892). 113 Procopii Gazae Epistolae et Declamationes, ed. A. Garzya and R.J. Loenertz, Studia patristica et byzantina 9 (Ettal, 1963); see also Procope de Gaza, Priscien de Cesaree: Panegyriques de I'empereur Anastase Ier, ed. A. Chauvot (Bonn, 1986). 114 QJ>Q ni 9 nos. 7430—4. Of these, only the fragmentary commentary on Ecclesiastes is available in a modern critical edition: Procopii Gazaei Catena in Ecclesiasten, ed. S. Leanza, CCSG 4 (Turnhout and Louvain, 1978). 115 The only available edition is that in PG 87, 21-1220. The first part of this edition (up to Gen. XVIII.3: col. 365A) is based on Cardinal Mai's edition of 1834; the remainder is from two sources: a Latin translation, made on the basis of an unknown Greek manuscript by Conrad Clauser (s. xvi), and Greek excerpts from the Catena Lipsiensis or 'catena of Nicephorus'. It is wholly unreliable, and a new edition of Procopius is an urgent desideratum. Petit (Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum II, p. xcvi, n. 1) draws attention to an 'excellent' manuscript of tenth-century date, now Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gr. 358 (s. ix). 116 Although Procopius's commentary is often referred to as a catena (e.g. by CPG III, no. 7430), this term should more properly be reserved for those exegetical compilations (discussed below) which consist of 'chains' or 'strings' of literal excerpts from earlier commentators, always prefaced by the authors' names, as Petit suggests (Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum II, p. xcvii, n. 2). More recently, a distinction (based primarily on psalm-catenae) has been suggested between Palestinian and Constantinopolitan catenae, the first type being exemplified by Procopius, the second originating
227
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
catena (see below), which he augmented in various ways.117 Among the authorities on which he drew are Basil {Horn, in Hex.), Severian of Gabala (Or. in mundi creationem), Cyril of Alexandria (Glaphyra), John Chrysostom and Ephrem. 118 It will be noted that this list of authorities agrees well with those drawn on by the Canterbury Commentator. Now there are various passages in the Canterbury commentaries which have close parallels in Procopius: for example, the account of the 'light of three days' duration' (PentI 23; cf. PG 87, 85-8); the location of Paradise (PentI 35; cf. PG 87, 68); the statement, placed apparently in the mouth of the Lord, that 'even though you may be devoured by beasts, I shall nevertheless reconstitute you whole' (PentI 82; cf. PG 87, 288); that, in the opinion of 'others', the Lord at Gen. XI.7 was addressing the Holy Trinity (PentI 92; cf. PG 87, 312); that the 'double' cave of Gen. XXIII.9 is to be understood as meaning the inner and outer cave (PentI 138; cf. PG 87, 393); or that the biblical expression 'to meditate' (ad meditandum) in Gen. XXIV.63 can be understood as meaning 'to indulge oneself (PentI 145; cf. PG 87, 401). The striking feature about many of these parallels is that, with few exceptions, the explanations are found in no other patristic source; and in the few exceptional cases, the only other patristic source in question is in Syriac, which poses a different range of interpretational difficulties (see below, pp. 233-40). Until these difficulties can be resolved, the balance of evidence suggests that the Commentator had access to Procopius's Commentarius in Octateuchum, at least that part of it pertaining to Genesis, 119 or some as yet unidentified source anterior to
117
118
119
between 650 and 700 at Constantinople, and being based primarily on works by John Chrysostom and Theodoret of Cyrrhus: see G. Dorival, 'La posterite litteraire des chaines exegetiques grecques', Revue des etudes byzantines 43 (1985), 209-26, and 0DB I, 391. On Procopius's use of a (hypothetical, as yet unidentified) catena, see Petit, Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum /, pp. xx—xxi. See Eisenhofer, Procopius von Gaza, pp. 16-84. Eisenhofer's identifications need to be treated with caution, however, and in many cases have been superseded by more recent research: see Petit, Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum /, pp. 310-16, idem, Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum //, p. xcvii, n. 3, and below, comm. to PentI 23 and 35. It has not been possible to identify any use by the Commentator of Procopius's commentaries on the remaining books of the Pentateuch (Ex., Lev., Num. and Deut.); but given the abysmal state of the available printed text of these commentaries (see above, n. 115), any opinion on the matter must be regarded as provisional.
228
The sources of the commentaries
Procopius which contained those explanations recorded by the Canterbury Commentator. Did the Canterbury Commentator use a Greek catena? As we have seen, one of the sources used by Procopius in compiling his massive Commentarius in Octateuchum was a Greek catena, a word which is used to describe a Greek exegetical compilation consisting of excerpts drawn from early Greek biblical exegetes (third-fifth centuries AD), with the excerpts attributed nominatim to the respective authors, and the whole arranged according to the sequence of biblical verses which the quoted excerpts are intended to explain. 120 The word catena corresponds to the later Byzantine form aeipd ('chain'); but in late antiquity such compilations were in fact called eclogae (^K^oyai).121 The earliest catenae originated in the fifth century; from that time onwards, this anonymous type of compilation became the normal form of biblical exegesis in the Greek world. Although catenae are devoid of originality, their great interest is that they frequently preserve excerpts from authors and works which have otherwise perished.122 This is particularly the case with authors whose writings were condemned by church councils, such as Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia. Other authors, such as Acacius of Caesarea, survive only in excerpts preserved in catenae. Catenae survive for all (or nearly all) books of the Bible. 123 Our concern, however, is with catenae on the Octateuch. For the Octateuch, and in particular for Genesis and Exodus, there are two broad classes of catena, both of which are related and
120
See esp. Devreesse, 'Chaines exegetiques grecques', cols. 1 0 8 4 - 2 2 3 , and the m o r e cursory t r e a t m e n t s by K. Staab, LThK
V I ( 1 9 6 1 ) , 5 6 - 7 , s.v. ' K a t e n e n ' , and EEC I,
1 5 2 - 3 . T h e r e is a splendidly brief and clear i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e subject by F. Petit, 'Les "chaines" exegetiques grecques sur la Genese et l'Exode. P r o g r a m m e d'exploration et d e d i t i o n , T U 115 [ = Studia Patristica 12] ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 4 6 - 5 0 . 121
Devreesse 'Chaines exegetiques grecques', cols. 1086—9-
122
See esp. Devreesse, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs.
123
Listed CPG IV, nos. C. 1 - 1 7 9 . T h e fundamental study of m a n u s c r i p t s of catenae is by G . Caro and H . Lietzmann, ' C a t e n a r u m G r a e c a r u m Catalogus', Nachrichten
von der
koniglicben Gesellscbaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, philol.-hist. Klasse (1902), 1—66,
299-350 and 559-620. Many Greek catenae, perhaps the majority, lie unpublished in manuscript.
229
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
which derive ultimately from one original compilation. 124 Type I consists of excerpts drawn principally from Antiochene exegetes, such as John Chrysostom, Epiphanius, Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, but also includes many excerpts from Alexandrine commentators (notably Philo, Didymus and Cyril) as well as Basil and Gregory of Nyssa (it was an antecedent of Type I which was used by Procopius); among printed editions it is represented by the Catena Sinaitica.125 Type III has as its base the Quaestiones in Octateuchum of Theodoret of Cyrrhus (see above), to which have been added quotations from various Antiochene exegetes, notably Diodore of Tarsus, John Chrysostom, Severian of Gabala and Theodore of Mopsuestia (although, once again, quotations from exegetes such as Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus and Cyril of Alexandria are also found); it is best represented among printed editions by the so-called Collectio Coisliniana.126 Many other Greek catenae await a printed edition, but the broad outlines of the tradition are now moderately well known, thanks to the research of Franchise Petit. As we shall see (below, pp. 243-9), the principal orientation of the Canterbury commentaries is Antiochene; furthermore, the authors most frequently laid under contribution by the Commentator are precisely those who are represented in catenae, so the question arises: did the Canterbury Commentator make use of a catena^ Or, to put the question another way, would it not be more economical to hypothesize the use of a single catena rather than the apparently impressive list of sources which we have accumulated? Various considerations arise. At several points in the commentaries, the Commentator makes reference to a sequence of authorities in attempting to explain a single verse, or to varying opinions about the verse's meaning. For example, on the location of Paradise (Gen. II.8): 'Many say that Paradise had been created and positioned above the aplanes, and man placed there, before he transgressed God's command. Others, however, believe that terrestrial Paradise was created from the beginning of the creation of heaven and earth, and was where the Holy City Jerusalem is now' (PentI 35). Similar diversity of opinion concerning the location of Paradise is found elsewhere in the commentaries: 'Some say that Paradise is 124 -j^g tripartite classification of catenae proposed by Caro and Lietzmann (see above, n. 123) has been greatly clarified and simplified by the research of Franchise Petit: see esp. 'La tradition de Theodoret de Cyr dans les chaines sur la Genese'. 125 Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum 1: Catena Sinaitica, ed. Petit. 126 Catenae Graecae in Genesim et in Exodum II: Collectio Coisliniana in Genesim, ed. Petit.
230
The sources of the commentaries
in the centre of the earth where Jerusalem is, others "think it was borne aloft in the air after man's sin; certain others suppose that it is located in the eastern sea' (Gn-Ex-Evia 9). 127 The most economical explanation of this list of opinions would be that the Commentator had before him a catena in some form, and was simply summarizing its contents. 128 Catenae characteristically preserve the names of patristic authorities whose opinions are excerpted. Although the Canterbury Commentator does not reproduce the names of the various proponents of the location of Paradise, there are other points in the commentaries where names are listed exactly in the manner of catenae, as for example during the discussion of the biblical text's inversion of evening and day in Gen. 1.5: 'These points were made by Gregory of Nazianzus and Theophilus' (PentI 24). The most striking example of such listing occurs during the Commentator's discussion of Num. XVI.32, where the earth is said to have swallowed Dathan and Abiron: Many commentators say that Dathan and Abiron were kept living in their tents beneath the earth, and are to remain thus until the day of judgement; among these commentators are Epiphanius of Cyprus and Evagrius [Ponticus] of Ibora, and many others from this same source. (PentI 431) Here the various named opinions are said to be drawn from 'this same source': ex ipso testimonio. This comment is so specific as to imply that the Commentator had before him a text listing various patristic opinions concerning Dathan and Abiron, including those of Epiphanius and Evagrius: in other words, a catena. Is it possible to identify the catena which the Commentator was apparently using? Unfortunately, the situation is not straightforward. As we have said, research on Greek catenae is in its infancy, in spite of the mighty labours of Frangoise Petit. Only two catenae have been edited to a standard sufficient for modern scholarly purposes. Yet it is abundantly clear that the Canterbury commentaries and the Greek catenae published thus far have no point of contact whatsoever. At none of the points mentioned above, where the Commentator names specific authorities and opinions, is any parallel to be found in published catenae', indeed we have been unable to identify any parallel of any kind in published catenae. In the present state of 127 128
Cf. also the diversity of opinions concerning the location of Paradise cited in PentI 6 2 . For other cases where a diversity of opinions is cited, see PentI 9 2 , 9 8 , 100 and 3 9 6 , and Evil 4 1 .
231
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
our knowledge, therefore, the assumption must be that the Commentator had access to a catena of Antiochene orientation which was unrelated to any surviving catena (as these are presently known), but which apparently has not survived and is unknown outside the Canterbury commentaries. (One might also bear in mind the fact that Victor of Capua compiled a Greek catena on the Old Testament which has not come down to us: see above, p. 107.) Perhaps further research on Greek catenae will clarify the situation. Did the Commentator use a Greek glossary^
One final possibility needs to be canvassed, namely that the Commentator had access to a Greek biblical glossary, with the implication that some of his explanations, particularly the brief one-word equivalents, were translated from such a source. For example, two series of Glossae in Octateuchum (ks^eiq xr\q 'OKTGIT£1)%OI)), attributed to a scholar named Stephen, are transmitted in manuscript alongside the much larger and better known (though as yet unprinted) Cyrillus Glossary.129 As Jakob Benediktsson, who first edited the Glossae in Octateuchum^0 was able to show, the Cyrillus Glossary used these biblical glossae as a source, with the implication that they must be earlier than the seventh century, when the principal recensions of the Cyrillus Glossary apparently took shape. On the other hand, the Glossae in Octateuchum draw extensively on Theodoret's Quaestiones in Octateuchum (composed 451 X 466), so they were probably compiled between the late fifth and seventh centuries, and were arguably in existence when Theodore and Hadrian were undertaking their biblical studies. The Glossae in Octateuchum have a general similarity to the Canterbury commentaries: they are concerned with literal explanations of the realia of everyday life mentioned in the Octateuch - with, for example, the furniture and fitments of the Tabernacle, or the details of priestly clothing such as the ephod, or with the identity of the unclean animals proscribed in Lev. XI, or with the values (in Byzantine terms) of biblical coinage. Like the Canterbury commentaries, they draw heavily on Epiphanius for
129
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlkhe profane Literatur II, 3 7 - 9 , as well as A.B. Drachmann, Die Uberlieferung des Cyrillglossars (Copenhagen, 1936) and, briefly, ODB II, 1 2 2 1 , s.v. 'Lexika'. N o t e that this Byzantine glossary is not to be confused with the Greek-Latin glossary, also known confiisingly as the 'Cyrillus Glossary', ptd CGL I, 2 1 3 ^ 4 8 3 .
130
'Ein fruhbyzantinisches Bibellexikon'.
232
The sources of the commentaries
explanations of such realia.151 However, in spite of general similarites in approach and in sources used, it is difficult to identify any place where the Commentator may with certainty be seen to be drawing on the Glossae in Octateuchum.1^2 Nevertheless, the possibility that such a collection of (Greek) biblical glosses was available to the Canterbury Commentator need not be ruled out entirely, given the fact that other collections of such glosses no doubt lie undetected in manuscript. SYRIAC SOURCES
As we have seen, Theodore was born in Tarsus, and may have received his early training in Antioch, which was a city bilingual in Greek and Syriac. Furthermore, an apparently eye-witness report concerning the size of melons growing at Edessa (PentI 413) implies that Theodore may have spent some time at Edessa. Edessa was the centre of Syriac Christianity, and of a flourishing school of biblical exegesis founded by Ephrem. 133 If Theodore had indeed spent some time in Antioch and Edessa, then he may have acquired some knowledge of the Syriac language. Such an assumption would help explain the fact that at three points in the Canterbury commentaries a biblical word or name is identified as being of Syriac origin: Evil 58 (corbanan), 70 (thabita) and 72 (effeta). In the case of the second example, the Syriac origin of the word could have been discovered from Jerome, but in the other two cases neither Jerome nor any other ancient source mentions the Syriac origin of the words in question. 134 The 131
132 133 134
For example, the description of the predictive properties of the 'revelation' (8f|taoai<;) or diamond which adorns the priestly ephod, and which turns various colours, is drawn from the appendix to Epiphanius's De .xii. gemmis, as is the Commentator's description in PentI 2 9 5 ; cf. Benediktsson, ibid., p. 2 6 8 (who does not, however, recognize Epiphanius as the source of the gloss) and discussion below, pp. 4 7 6 - 7 . Parallels with the Glossae in Octateuchum are noted in the comm. to PentI 3 0 8 and 3 3 4 . See above, pp. 3 0 - 5 . For thabita (correctly talitha), see Jerome, Liber interpretationis Hebraicorum nominum (CCSL 72, 139): 'Talitha cumi puella surge. Syrum est'. In the case of corbanan, however, the Commentator gives an entirely different explanation from that found in Jerome (who does not remark the Syriac origin of the word: see below, p. 519), and in the case of effeta (better ephphetha), the Commentator's gloss is identical to that given by Jerome (adaperire: see below, p. 521), but both glosses are based on the etymology of the word and could have been arrived at independently; nor does Jerome remark the Syriac origin of the word.
233
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
more economical explanation, therefore, is that the Canterbury Commentator (in this case Theodore) supplied the information from personal knowledge. However, a knowledge (even rudimentary) of spoken Syriac need not imply familiarity with Syriac Christian literature. Furthermore, the question of knowledge of Syriac literature is immensely complicated by the fact that many Syriac texts, especially by Ephrem, were translated into Greek, 135 and could have been known by the (Greek-speaking) Commentator in Greek, thereby obviating the need to posit a knowledge of the Syriac language and its literature. For example, the Commentator quotes Ephrem the Syrian by name on one occasion (Evil 29) in respect of the formation of pearls from pearl-oysters being struck by lightning. This quasi-scientific explanation is found in a Greek homily which in manuscript is attributed to Ephrem, the Sermo aduersus haereticos (CPG II, no. 3949). The Greek text is very loosely based on one of Ephrem's Syriac hymns On Faith;156 it is thought to have been produced at the time of the Henotikon in the late fifth century by an adherent of the Chalcedonian party. 137 Ephrem's original Syriac text does not contain the quasiscientific explanation concerning the formation of pearls, but only alludes to it obliquely through imagery involving the sea, lightning and pearls. In this case it is clear, therefore, that the Canterbury Commentator was drawing on the Ephremic Greek homily rather than on Ephrem's original Syriac text. Yet there are various places in the Canterbury commentaries which seem to be indebted to notions and texts which were available in Syriac but not in Greek, in particular writings of Ephrem. For example, in discussing God's command 'Be light made' in Gen. 1.3, the Commentator distinguishes between this light of three days' duration and the light which only later came into existence with the sun and moon (Gen. 1.14); the primeval light of three days' duration, in other words, was subsequently transmuted into the light (as we know it) of the sun and moon (PentI 23). This 135
136
137
Cf. Drijvers, 'East of Antioch', p. 2, and esp. Brock, 'Greek into Syriac and Syriac into Greek' (repr. in his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity, no. II), as well as discussion above, p. 2 8 . Des heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de fide, ed. E. Beck, 2 vols., CSCO 154-5 {Scriptores Syri 7 3 - 4 } (Louvain, 1955) II, 2 1 1 - 3 1 ( = Hymni de margarita, nos. lxxxi—lxxxviii). See M. Richard, 'Bulletin de patrologie', Melanges de science religieuse 6 (1949), 1 1 7 - 3 3 ,
at 129-30.
234
The sources of the commentaries
cosmological distinction - between primeval and actual light - is not apparently to be found in Greek patristic sources, but a very close parallel is to be found in Ephrem's Commentary on Genesis, a work which was not, so far as is known, translated into Greek. 138 There are various other parallels between the Canterbury commentaries and Ephrem's Commentary on Genesis.,139 Parallels with other of Ephrem's writings are also found in the Canterbury commentaries. In PentI 62, Enoch is said to have been transported to Paradise which, according to some commentators, was located on a high mountain. In Ephrem's first Hymn on Paradise, Enoch is similarly seen as having been transported to Paradise situated on a high mountain. 140 Other Syriac writings provide parallels to the Canterbury commentaries. In PentI 36, commenting on Gen. II.9, the Commentator equates God with the tree of life and of the knowledge of good and evil, thereby conflating the two biblical trees. Such an equation/conflation is difficult to parallel precisely in Greek exegesis, as also in the writings of Ephrem (who rightly distinguishes the two trees, and links only the tree of 138
139
140
Ephrem, Comm. in Gen. 1.9, ed. Tonneau, p. 9. Sebastian Brock draws our attention to the fact that the early ninth-century Byzantine chronographer George Syncellus at one point quotes Ephrem by name on the location of Paradise (Georgii Syncelli Ecloga Chronographica, ed. A.A. Mosshammer (Leipzig, 1984), p. 15). While it is possible that this passage was taken from a glossed Greek translation of Ephrem's Hymns on Paradise, as W. Adler has suggested {Time Immemorial: Archaic History and its Sources in Christian Chronography from Julius Africanus to George Syncellus (Washington, DC, 1989), pp. 141-2), there is also the possibility that it was taken from a (lost) Greek translation of Ephrem's Comm. in Gen. The matter is complicated by the fact that Procopius, too, gives a brief account of the 'light of three days' duration'. Procopius's source for this account is unknown, but could have been the same lost Greek translation of Ephrem; and this hypothesis would then receive some confirmation from the fact that Ephrem is frequently quoted as a source of opinions in catenae on the Octateuch: see Devreesse, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, pp. 2 2 - 7 . The Commentator could have derived the notice from Procopius (see above, p. 228) or indeed from the hypothetical lost translation of Ephrem's Comm. in Gen.; but this debt would need to be weighed with other possible debts to Syriac sources, discussed below. Cf. PentI 29, where the creation of man in the image of God (Gen. 1.27) is felt to square poorly with the Bible's subsequent statement that the 'image' of God was in fact twofold: that of man and of woman; a similar discomfiture with the biblical text is found in Ephrem's Comm. in Gen. 11.12 (ed. Tonneau, p. 24). Ephrem, Hymni de Paradiso i, str. 4 and 11: Hymnen uber das Parodies, ed. Beck, pp. 2 and 5, and Brock, St Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns on Paradise, pp. 78 and 81. Note, however, that the same notion is found in the 'Book of Jubilees' or Leptogenesis, a work which was certainly known to the Canterbury Commentator (see above, pp. 199-200).
235
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
life with Christ). It is striking, therefore, that the equation/conflation is found in a Syriac homily of pseudo-Ephrem, dating perhaps from the sixth century (certainly not earlier), the wording of which closely parallels the Canterbury commentary. 141 In PentI 25, the Commentator carefully distinguishes between the sense of scriptural wording dies unus (Gen. 1.5) and that of dies prima. The closest parallel for this distinction is found in the so-called 'Syriac Genesis Commentary'; but since this work is a late compilation (preserved in a twelfth-century manuscript, but composed c. 900) based on earlier works, some of them translated from Greek authors such as Theodore of Mopsuestia, and since a similar distinction is made by Theodore of Mopsuestia in his Commentary on the Gospel ofJohn (preserved only in Syriac, but originally composed in Greek), it is perhaps unsafe to argue a direct link between the Canterbury Commentator and Syriac sources.142 Finally, in discussing the fall of Adam and Eve, and their conversation with the Lord in 'the afternoon air' (Gen. III.8), the Commentator quotes John Chrysostom as saying that Adam and Eve were created at the third hour, sinned at the sixth hour, and were expelled from Paradise at the ninth hour (PentI 44). No such statement is in fact found in John Chrysostom, and it is difficult to parallel so rigid a numerical scheme in any Greek source. However, in the Book of the Cave of Treasures, a well-known Syriac exegetical compilation, probably (in its present form) of sixth-century date but based on earlier sources, 143 there is an exact parallel to the Commentator's statement, whereby 'at the third hour of the day Adam and Eve ascended into Paradise, and for three hours they were in shame and disgrace, and at the ninth hour their expulsion from Paradise took place'. 144 The resemblance is striking and, until a precise parallel in Greek can be found, cannot easily be argued away. Similarly, the Book of the Cave of Treasures contains a precise parallel to the statement in Evil 3, that after seeing the star the Magi set off two years before Christ's birth, in 141
Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia (Syriace et Latine), ed. Assemani I, 129; see below,
pp. 442-3. 142
See The Early Syrian Fathers on Genesis, ed. Levene, p. 7 3 , as well as discussion below,
pp. 437-8. 143
See Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur,
pp. 9 5 - 6 , and Ortiz de Urbina,
Patrologia Syriaca, pp. 9 5 - 6 (no. 31). 144
La Caverne des tresors, ed. Ri I, 3 6 - 7 [Syriac} and II, 1 6 - 1 7 [French], and Budge, The Book of the Cave of Treasures, pp. 6 6 - 7 (whose translation is here quoted); see also below,
pp. 444-5.
236
The sources of the commentaries
order to arrive in Bethlehem at the time of the Nativity. 145 This parallel, too, cannot easily be argued away. The sum of this evidence is difficult to evaluate, but suggests that Theodore had some familiarity with the Syriac language (as we should only expect, if he had indeed studied in Antioch or Edessa) and some familiarity with the tradition of Syriac biblical exegesis. This is not to say that he had studied Syriac literature in manuscript (nor a fortiori to imply that he had brought Syriac books with him to England); it may simply imply that he had at some stage been able to discuss various points of biblical interpretation with Syriac-speaking teachers, and through them had learned how Ephrem and other Syriac exegetes had explained difficult scriptural passages. In a word, Theodore was probably the agent of transmission of certain aspects of Syriac learning to Anglo-Saxon England. This assertion will need to be weighed against other evidence. For example, we have seen that the author of the Laterculus Malalianus, arguably Theodore himself, quoted Ephrem by name. 146 Various scholars have pointed to Ephremic elements in the Old English poem Christ III.l47 But stronger evidence for 145 146
147
See comm. to Evil 3 (below, pp. 5 0 3 - 5 ) . See above, p. 1 8 1 . The reference to Ephrem is found in ch. 19 of the Laterculus Malalianus (ed. Mommsen, p. 433). The interpretation which is attributed nominatim to Ephrem is a list of the six (or seven?) 'ordinals of Christ', in which Christ is said to have fulfilled the offices of each of the ecclesiastical grades: a doorkeeper, as when H e opened and shut the door of the ark; a gravedigger, as when H e raised Lazarus; a lector, as when H e read the book of Isaiah in the synagogue, and so on. The author of the Laterculus then adds: 'et haec quidem etiam sanctus Ephrem commemorat similiter'. A s Reynolds has shown {The Ordinals of Christ, pp. 4 3 - 7 ) , the ordinals as set out here have their closest parallels in eastern texts, in the Constitutiones apostolorum (a late fourthcentury text from Antioch or its neighbourhood: Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, p. xxix), in the Expositio fidei appended to the Panarion of Epiphanius (Reynolds, ibid., p. 15), and in an Ephremic sermon De secundo aduentu Domini (CPG II, no. 4 0 1 6 ; ed. Assemani, Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia (Graece) III, 1 5 2 - 9 ) . These parallels are sufficient to demonstrate the eastern origin of the scheme in the Laterculus, but none is close enough to have been its precise source. In particular, Ephremic influence has been detected in the conception of the Day of Judgement in Christ III: see A.S. Cook, The Christ ofCynewulf, 2nd ed. (Boston, 1909), pp. xlv and 1 8 9 - 9 0 (with ref. to lines 1084ff.) and C. Grau, Quellen und Verwandtschaften der dlteren germanischen Darstellungen desjungsten Gerichtes, Studien zur Englisch-
en Philologie 31 (Halle, 1908), esp. 50-1, 58-60 and 67-72; D.G. Calder and MJ.B. Allen, Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry (Cambridge and Totowa, NJ, 1976), pp. 85-93; and, most recently, F.M. Biggs, The Sources of Christ III: a Revision of Cook's Notes, Old English Newsletter Subsidia 12 (Binghamton, NY, 1986), 2-3 and
237
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the influence of Ephrem in Anglo-Saxon England is supplied by a Latin prayer in the early ninth-century 'Book of Cerne' (Cambridge, University Library, LI. 1. 10) which is described in a rubric as 'Oratio ad Dominum sancti Effremis'.148 As Patrick Sims-Williams has shown, this prayer is a Latin version of part of a Greek sermon attributed to Ephrem, the so-called Sermo asceticus {CPG II, no. 3909). l49 By the same token, as he shows, a prayer preserved incompletely in the Harley Prayerbook (London, BL, Harley 7653, written somewhere in Southumbria, probably Mercia, c. 800) 150 occurs in continental prayerbooks under the rubric oratio sancti Effrem;131 this prayer is taken from the conclusion of a Greek metrical text Depenitentia {CPG II, no. 3915) attributed to Ephrem. 152 The evidence of Latin prayers in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts thus forms passim. The Ephremic text in question is the Greek metrical homily De iudicio et compunctione {CPG
II, no. 3 9 4 0 ) , ed. Assemani, Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia
{Graece} II, 5 0 - 6 . The whole question of Ephrem's influence is treated (sceptically) by T.H. Bestul, 'Ephraim the Syrian and Old English Poetry', Anglia 9 9 (1981), 1 - 2 4 . 148
The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop, ed. Kuypers, pp. 1 4 1 - 2 (no. 45). In fact the rubric is affixed to the following item in the collection (no. 46); but, as Sims-Williams has demonstrated, the rubric should properly pertain to the preceding prayer (no. 45), inasmuch as copies of no. 4 5 are found in the so-called Officia per ferias (PL 1 0 1 , 510—612, from a mid-ninth-century Saint-Denis manuscript, Paris, B N , lat. 1 1 5 3 , fols. 1 - 9 8 ) and in the Psalter of Odbert (Boulogne-sur-Mer, Bibl. mun. 20: SaintBertin, A D 9 9 9 ) , and in both cases are attributed nominatim to Ephrem: 'Thoughts on Ephrem the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England', p. 2 1 0 . Sims-Williams suggests {ibid., p. 209) that, because of its rhyme and structure, no. 4 6 must be an original Latin composition having nothing to do with Ephrem.
149 'Thoughts on Ephrem the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England', pp. 223—4. The Greek Sermo asceticus is ed. Assemani, Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia {Graece} I, 4 0 - 7 0 ; see D . Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, 'Vers une nouvelle edition de l'Ephrem grec', T U 7 8 { = Studia Patristica
3} (1961), 7 2 - 8 0 , at 7 9 - 8 0 . As in the case of the Sermo aduersus
haereticos discussed above, the Greek version corresponds only roughly to the Syriac original (see the concordances set out in CPG II, 371). 150
Sims-Williams, ibid., pp. 224—5. For the manuscript, see CLA II, no. 2 0 4 ; the prayer in question is ed. Warren, The Antiphonary of BangorII,
151
83—6.
As, for example, in a prayerbook from Tours datable to c. 8 0 0 (Troyes, Bibl. mun. 1742), ed. A. Wilmart, Precum libelli quattuor aeui karolini (Rome, 1940), p. 14, and in an eleventh-century Italian prayerbook from the Beneventan region, now Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barberini lat. 4 9 7 , where it bears the rubric Oratio S. Ephrem ad postulandum fontem lacrimarum: see P. Salmon, Analecta Liturgica, StT 2 7 3
152
(Vatican City, 1974), 1 4 3 . Ed. Assemani, Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia {Graece} I, 148—53. The Syriac original of this text, if it ever existed, does not appear to survive.
238
The sources of the commentaries
an interesting complement to evidence for use of Greek Ephremic texts in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Broadly interpreted, it could imply that a small corpus of Greek Ephremic texts — including the Sermo aduersus haereticos (cited in Evil 19), the Sermo ascetkus (partly used in a prayer in the Book of Cerne, no. 45), the De paenitentia (partly used in a prayer in the Harley Prayerbook) and perhaps the De iudicio et compunctione (? used in Christ HI) - was available at the school of Canterbury in the late seventh century and was used selectively for various exegetical and devotional purposes, including translation into Latin. 153 In the case of the Sermo aduersus haereticos\ the text was used at Canterbury itself; in the case of the two prayerbooks, the relevant prayers may have been transmitted from Canterbury to wherever the prayerbooks were compiled and copied in the late eighth and early ninth centuries. 154 In the case of Christ ///, a Latin translation of (part of?) De iudicio et compunctione^ produced at Canterbury, might have been available to the Old English poet wherever and whenever he worked. (The dating and localizing of Old English verse is notoriously difficult, not to say impossible: in the case of Christ III, the terminus ante quern is provided by the date of the manuscript in which it is preserved the Exeter Book, written in the last quarter of the tenth century.) All this is hypothesis, of course; the point is simply that the Canterbury commentaries provide the first datable and localizable evidence for the use of a Greek Ephremic text in Anglo-Saxon England. Whether the other Ephremic texts used in Anglo-Latin prayers and (perhaps) Old English verse have a similar point of diffusion remains to be demonstrated. 155 153
154
155
The hypothesis could perhaps be tested by a comprehensive survey of Greek manuscripts containing Ephremic materials; but such a survey has not yet been undertaken. As w e have seen (above, p. 188), the octosyllabic poems Christum peto Christum preco, Heloi Heloi Domine mi and Sancte sator suffragator, which were almost certainly composed by Theodore, were also copied into the Book of Cerne. The question is tied up with, and complicated by, the question of when and where Latin versions of the Greek Ephremic corpus were made. A t present, little certain is known: see CPL, no. 1143, A. Siegmund, Die Uberlieferung der griechischen christlichen Literatur in der lateinischen Kirche bis zum zwblften Jahrhundert (Munich and Pasing, 1949), pp. 67-71, and the preliminary survey of the Latin materials by D. Hemmerdinger-Iliadou, 'Ephrem grec - Ephrem latin', DSp IV (I960), 800-19, as well as the remarks of Sims-Williams, 'Thoughts on Ephrem the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England', pp. 220-3. The terminus ante quern for the existence of a small Latin corpus of Ephremic writings (including six works: De die iudicii et resurrectione, De beatitudine animae, De paenitentia, In luctaminibus, De die iudicii and De compunctione cordis) is that it
239
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
In any case, there is tangible evidence from early Anglo-Saxon England for the knowledge — perhaps at second or third hand — of the distinctive spirituality of Ephrem the Syrian, as well as for the influence of Syriac biblical exegesis. The agent of transmission of this knowledge was Archbishop Theodore, both through his personal experience of Syria and the Syriac language, as well as through his knowledge of a small corpus of Greek Ephremic writings. CONCLUSIONS
In the nineteenth century the Comte de Montalembert drew an engaging picture of Archbishop Theodore travelling through England carrying a copy of Homer, from which he read unceasingly. 156 This attractive picture has been repeated by more recent and more sober scholars. 157 The source of this picture has recently been traced 158 to comments made by Matthew Parker and John Joscelyn in their De antiquitate Britannicae ecclesiae (1572) concerning the 'copious library of Greek and Latin books which Theodore brought with him to England, of which several written in Greek still survive, including a copy of Homer'. 159 The comment concerning Homer was based on a false apprehension of the date of a paper manuscript of Homer now in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 81, which Parker and Joscelyn took to date from the seventh century, but is in fact of the was excerpted by Defensor of Liguge (fl. s. vii 2 ) in his Liber scintillarum: Kirchmeyer and D . Hemmerdinger, 'S. Ephrem et le Liber scintillarum,
see J.
Recherches de
science religieuse 4 6 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 5 4 5 - 5 0 . But the existence of such a corpus in Defensor's florilegium
has no necessary connection with the circulation of Ephremic writings (in
Greek or Latin) in Anglo-Saxon England. 156
C.F.R. de Montalembert, Les Moines d'Occident depuis saint Benoit jusqu'a saint
Bernard,
7 vols. in 5 (Paris, 1 8 6 0 - 7 7 ) IV, 219157
M. Roger, L'Enseignement des lettres classsiques d'Ausone a Alcuin (Paris, 1905), p. 2 8 7 , n. 1; cf. W . F . Bolton, A History of Anglo-Latin
Literature,
597-1066
(Princeton, N J ,
1967), p. 6 1 , and Cilento, 'La cultura e gli inizi', p. 5 3 5 . 158
K.R. Grinda, 'Zu Tradition und Gestaltung des Kirke-Mythos in Konig Alfreds Boethius', in Motive und Themen in englischsprachiger Literatur als Indikatoren gescbichtlicher Prozesse, ed. H.-J.
Miillenbrock and A.
Klein (Tubingen,
literatur1990),
pp. 1 - 2 3 , at 8. 159
M. Parker [with G. Acworth and J. Josselin}, De Antiquitate
Britannicae Ecclesiae &
Priuilegiis Ecclesiae Cantuariensis (London, 1572), p. 53: 'Hie bibliothecam copiosam tarn e Graecis quam Latinis libris secum in Angliam aduexit, quorum nonnulli Graeco idiomate conscripti apud nos manent: uidelicet, Opera Homeri Graeco charactere.'
240
The sources of the commentaries
fifteenth.160 Yet although the picture of Archbishop Theodore reading Homer must be jettisoned, the Canterbury biblical commentaries give reasonable grounds for supposing that he and Hadrian did bring a 'copious library' of Greek and Latin manuscripts with them to England. This library apparently included copies of various Latin writings of Augustine, Jerome and Isidore, and, of Greek texts, very probably copies of the Septuagint and the Greek New Testament as well, perhaps, as many of the Greek fathers who are quoted verbatim throughout the commentaries: Basil, Cosmas Indicopleustes, Epiphanius, John Chrysostom, Procopius, the Greek Ephremic corpus, perhaps a copy of a Greek catena, and perhaps other texts discussed above. Yet of this library of Latin and Greek books arguably brought to England by Theodore and Hadrian, not one remains. 161 Perhaps it is not surprising that the Greek books, at least, should have perished:162 after the generation of students trained by Theodore and Hadrian, there was scarcely a single Anglo-Saxon scholar before the Norman Conquest who could have read a Greek manuscript, 163 and there would have been little incentive to preserve unreadable books, especially at the time of the Viking depredations of the ninth century, 160
161
162
163
See now M.R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1912) I, 1 6 4 - 7 . A possible exception is Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud graec. 35 (Acts of the Apostles), a Greek manuscript of Sardinian origin which was certainly in Anglo-Saxon England by the early eighth century, when it was used by Bede. Yet there is nothing to link the manuscript with either Theodore or Hadrian; see Mango, 'La culture grecque', pp. 6 8 8 - 9 0 , Cavallo, 'Le tipologie della cultura', pp. 4 7 6 - 8 , and above, p. 170. See the valuable assessment of the (minimal) circulation of Greek manuscripts in the Latin West in the early Middle Ages by G. Cavallo, 'La circolazione dei testi greci nell'Europa dell'alto medioevo', in Rencontres de cultures dans la philosophie medievale: traductions et traducteurs de Vantiquite tardive au XlVe siecle, ed. J. Hamesse and M. Fattori (Louvain-la-Neuve and Cassino, 1990), pp. 4 7 - 6 4 , esp. 4 9 - 5 0 on Theodore and Hadrian. A distinction should always be made between the ability to read Greek and the ability to sprinkle one's Latin prose with grecisms (cf. A.C. Dionisotti, 'Greek Grammars and Dictionaries in Carolingian Europe', in The Sacred Nectar of the Greeks: the Study of Greek in the West in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. Herren (London, 1988), pp. 1-56, at 2-A). The list of Anglo-Saxon scholars who might have been able to read Greek is a very short one: Bede; Israel the Grammarian (see Lapidge, 'Israel the Grammarian in Anglo-Saxon England') and perhaps Frithegod (see M. Lapidge, 'A Frankish Scholar in TenthCentury England: Frithegod of Canterbury / Fredegaud of Brioude', ASE 17 (1988),
45-65). 241
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
when many Anglo-Saxon libraries were destroyed.164 There is reason to believe that a booklet of Greek prayers brought to England by Theodore was still in existence when, during the reign of King Athelstan (924-39), the Breton scholar Israel the Grammarian took temporary refuge at Athelstan's court; 163 but this booklet is known only from excerpts from it made by Israel, and, like the remainder of Theodore and Hadrian's library, it subsequently perished. In other words, by the tenth century one of the most remarkable medieval libraries ever assembled had vanished forever. Our only good fortune is that, with the help of the Canterbury biblical commentaries, it is - with difficulty - still reconstructible. 164
O n the destruction of Anglo-Saxon libraries during the ninth century, see H . Gneuss, 'Anglo-Saxon Libraries from the Conversion to the Benedictine Reform', Settimane 32
(1986), 643-88, at 672-8. 165
See Lapidge, Israel the Grammarian in Anglo-Saxon England', pp. 1 0 9 - 1 3 ; idem, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, pp. 19—25, and above, p. 169.
242
The nature of the Canterbury biblical commentaries
Thus far we have been concerned with the Mediterranean backgrounds of Theodore and Hadrian, and with the range of learning witnessed in compositions attributable to their Canterbury school, as well as in the biblical commentaries which they produced. It is now time to look more closely at the commentaries themselves: to consider the overall exegetical orientation and individual scholarly concerns which they exhibit, the way in which they were compiled and the extent to which they reflect the procedures of the Canterbury school under the direction of the two great Mediterranean masters. ANTIOCHENE EXEGESIS
As we have seen, the school of biblical exegesis characterized as 'Antiochene' originated at the asketerion or school of Diodore (later bishop of Tarsus) in Antioch in the 370s and 380s. 1 Its principal proponents were Diodore himself, his students Theodore of Mopsuestia and John Chrysostom, and their subsequent adherents, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Severian of Gabala. 1
See above, pp. 18—24. On Antiochene exegesis in general, see Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antioch, pp. 27-51, and the indispensable study of Schaublin, Untersuchungen, as well as V. Ermoni, 'Antioche, ecole theologique d", DTC I (1923), 1435-9, M. Simonetti, 'Antioch, V. School', EEC I, 50-1, and ODB I, 118. Because of his immense learning, the much earlier study by Heinrich Kihn, Relative Betrachtung und historischer Einfluss der antiochenischen Exegese (Weissenburg, 1867), is still valuable, though it has been superseded in many respects by the researches of scholars such as Robert Devreesse on the writings of Theodore of Mopsuestia. Three accounts in general histories of exegesis are worth consulting: R. Schafer, Die Bibelauslegung in der Geschichte der Kirche (Giitersloh, 1980), pp. 44—8; B. de Margerie, Introduction a I'histoire de I'exegese I. Les peres grecs et orientaux (Paris, 1980), pp. 188-213; and Grant and Tracy, A Short History, pp. 63-72.
243
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Diodore and his followers defined their exegetical approach in distinction to the earlier Alexandrine school of exegesis, characterized by Clement of Alexandria (c. 150 - c. 215) and especially Origen (c. 185-253). 2 The Alexandrines were much influenced by the approach of Philo Judaeus of Alexandria (fl. c. AD 40), who applied the allegorical techniques of Hellenistic philosophy (as practised, for example, by Stoics such as Cornutus in his cosmological interpretation of Homer) 3 to the interpretation of the Old Testament, the underlying assumption being that the divine message of the Old Testament was more sublime than its literal meaning, and that the sublimity could only be glimpsed through allegory. Thus Alexandrine exegetes such as Origen repudiated the lower, literal meaning of the biblical text and resorted to arithmology and symbology to explain events in the Old Testament as allegorical typoi or prefigurations of Christ, arguing that everything in scripture has a higher, spiritual sense. For various reasons, the Antiochenes rejected this allegorical approach to scripture. 4 In place of the Alexandrines' 'allegory' (dA^riyopia) as interpretative principle the Antiochenes advocated 'theory' (Gecopia), by which they understood 'contemplation' or 'investigation' of the higher sense of scripture through its literal or historical meaning. 5 Diodore is known to have written a treatise entitled 'What is the Difference between Theory and Allegory?' (Tic; 5iac|>opd Gecopiac; Kai dXXriyopiacj;) and Theodore composed a polemical tract De allegoria et historia contra Origenem. Both these writings have unfortunately perished, and their content is un2
3
4
5
On the school of Alexandria, see, in general, Quasten, Patrology II, 2—4; Grant and Tracy, A Short History, pp. 52-62; M. Simonetti, 'Alexandria, II. School', EEC I, 2 2 - 3 , and ODB I, 62, as well as the fuller study by G. Bardy, 'Aux origines de l'ecole d'Alexandrie', Recherches de science religieuse 27 (1937), 65—90. See M. Lapidge, 'Stoic Cosmology and Roman Literature, First to Third Centuries A.D.', ANRW II (Principat) 36.3 (1989), 1379-1429, at 1402-5, as well as G.W. Most, 'Cornutus and Stoic Allegoresis', ibid., pp. 2014—65. It has been suggested, for example, that Antiochene preference for literal interpretation was indebted to Jewish exegesis, mediated through Palestine and Syria: see, for example, H.S. Nash, 'The Exegesis of the School of Antioch', Journal of Biblical Literature 11 (1892), 22-37, esp. 28-9 and 33-4. Kihn (as cited above, n. 1) inclined to explain the Antiochenes' orientation in terms of a debt to Aristotelianism. See H. Kihn, 'Ueber Oecopia und 6Xkx\yop\a nach den verlorenen hermeneutischen Schriften der Antiochener', Theologische Quartalschrift 62 (1880), 531-82 (clear exposition, still valuable); Vaccari, 'La Oecopia nella scuola esegetica'; and P. Ternant, 'La Oecopia d'Antioche dans le cadre des sens de l'Ecriture', Biblica 34 (1953), 135-58, 354-83 and 456-86, esp. 135-58.
244
The nature of the commentaries
known. 6 Of course the distinction between allegorical and literal is overly simple, forged in the heat of polemic, and is in some ways misleading.7 When, for example, the Antiochenes were obliged to interpret messianic prophecies in the Old Testament, their explanations could often approach to those of the Alexandrines.8 But the fundamental distinction remains. For the Antiochenes, contemplation or investigation of scripture was aimed at discovering the literal sense intended by the biblical author, no more, no less. In other words, the literal and historical approach of Antiochene exegetes was what we might today describe as 'philological'.9 They concerned themselves with establishing the reading of the original biblical text (whether in Hebrew or Greek) and with the difficulties posed by resulting translations; parallel passages in various versions were compared in order to elucidate the meaning of a particular word. Antiochene exegetes habitually had recourse to ancient lexica in the course of their linguistic analysis of the sacred text. 10 Similarly, other 'scientific' disciplines, such as medicine, philosophy and rhetoric, were pressed into service.11 All of these features are to be found in the Canterbury biblical commentaries. As we have seen (above, pp. 205—29), the patristic authorities whose exegesis underpins these commentaries are the proponents of the Antiochene school: Theodore of Mopsuestia, John Chrysostom, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Severian of Gabala. From study of such authors as these, the 6
7
8
9
10 11
Cf., however, the remark of Diodore preserved in a catena, xoC dX,X,T|yopiKoi) TO iCTtopiKov nteiaxov OCTOV Ttpoxinc&nEv (ed. De Coninck, Essai sur la chaine de VOctateuque, p. 131): 'we greatly prefer historical interpretation to allegorical'. Cf. J. Guillet, 'Les exegeses d'Alexandrie et d'Antioche: conflit ou malentendu?', Recherches de science religieuse 34 (1947), 257-302. See Vaccari, 'La Geopict nella scuola esegetica', pp. 16—30, and cf. Grant and Tracy, A Short History, p. 66. Cf. Theodore of Mopsuestia's remark in the introduction to his Commentary on the Gospel of John: 'I judge the exegete's task to be to explain words that most people find difficult' (Theodori Mopsuesteni Commentarius in Evangelium lohannis Apostoli, ed. Voste II, 2: 'Interpretis enim hoc esse arbitramur, scilicet, ut verba, quae sunt plerisque difficilia, explicet' [ = Voste's Latin translation of the Syriac}). See esp. Schaublin, Untersuchungen, pp. 95-108. On Diodore's use of medicine, see Schaublin, ibid., pp. 47-8; on rhetoric, ibid., pp. 84-94. On the debt of the Antiochenes to Greek philosophy, see Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antioch, pp. 96—116.
245
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school Commentator derived the orientation which characterizes the Canterbury commentaries. If, as we suggested earlier, Theodore in his youth had studied in an eastern monastery - in Antioch or in the interior of Syria where the writings of the Antiochene exegetes were still being copied, studied and translated into Syriac, then the orientation of the Canterbury commentaries may derive directly from this early education. In any event, even a cursory reading of the Canterbury commentaries will make clear their preference for literal interpretation. Thus especial care is taken to explain the flora and fauna mentioned in the Bible (especially the lists of proscribed meat in Lev. XI and Deut. XIV), 12 minerals and precious stones, 13 the customs of the Jews, 14 the topography of the Holy Land, 15 the paraphernalia of everyday life in the Bible, 16 and so on. By the same token, various biblical readings are compared in order to explain the sense
12
13 14
15
16
E.g., in PentI, note the explanations of mandrakes (173), balsam/resin (192), myrrh (193), the storax tree (207), papyrus (216), leek (286), bean plants (287), scarlet dye (288-9 and 331), setim wood (290 and 469), chestnuts (305), the proscribed animals in Lev. XI (354—61), the palm tree (395), cucumbers and melons (413), the scorpion (459), the 'dipsas' snake (467), another type of snake (468), the chamois (471), the cameleo (472) and the pardulum (473). Here and in the following notes no attempt is made to provide comprehensive lists. E.g. in PentI, the explanations of bdellium (39) and onyx (40). E.g. in PentI, freedom given to slaves of Jews after seven years (171), the calendar of the Jews (248, 393-4, etc.: see below, pp. 263-6), oil-making (292), the ephod (295), the loaves placed in the temple (301), the curtains of the Tabernacle (309), the linen cloak and mitre worn by priests (312—13), the need of keeping meat free of dirt and other impurities (362). In Evil 78 the sprinkling of salt on a sacrificial victim is described as a specifically Jewish custom. Other customs described generally as 'oriental' are discussed in PentI 270, 303, 340 and Evil 137. E.g., in PentI, the river Phison (37), Calneh (86) Hebron (93), Beer-sheba (132), Pharan (133), Bethel (135-6), Shur (149), Midian (229), the Red Sea (249 and 277), the Pardonic Sea (278, 461 and 462), Sinai (279), the river Euphrates (280 and 462), Kadesh-barnea (434), the 'torrent of Egypt' (460) and Mt Gerizim (470). The list is practically interminable; see, in PentI, the Commentator's explanations of aprons/breeches (42), pitch (72), woof-threads and weaving in general (100, 189 and 369-70), bread (107), wheat (109), bowls (281, 299 and 304), cups (300 and 303), clasps (308), bronze cauldrons (310), iron gratings (311), linen breeches (316), cakes (317), wafers (318), bread-rolls (320), honey (336), cornmeal (337 and 392), fryingpans (344), clay pots with tripods (363), saddles (372), ensigns (404), pothooks (406), a razor (409), a trireme (446), a hunting-spear (447), garters (451), tablets (452), rings (453), bracelets (454), chains (455), stalls (456), etc. 246
The nature of the commentaries
of a passage,17 and resort is frequently had to etymology - whether Syriac, Greek or Latin — in order to establish the meaning of a particular word. 18 As we shall see, the Commentator also drew on ancillary disciplines, especially medicine, philosophy, rhetoric, metrology and chronology, to explain the biblical text. By contrast, only exceptionally rarely does one find in the Canterbury commentaries an allegorical explanation of a biblical passage, 19 and in such cases it might be argued that resort was only had to allegory for want of patristic guidance of clear Antiochene orientation. In any case, it is wholly appropriate to describe the Canterbury commentaries as Antiochene. 20 As such, therefore, they are a record of extraordinary importance for our understanding of early medieval biblical exegesis, since, as is frequently stated, medieval exegesis is almost universally allegorical in its orientation. 21 The explanation is that Latin patristic exegesis is, by and large, allegorical rather than literal, and that the Latin Middle Ages had no access to the Greek authors of the Antiochene school, with the exception of a few translations: 22 as we have seen, Theodore of 17
For example, in discussing the text of Mark VI.40 in Evil 71, the Commentator refers to the Greek text of the N T in order to offer an explanation of the expression rcpacnai rcpaaiai, which means (metaphorically) 'in companies', and is rendered only loosely in the Latin Vulgate (see above, p. 197 and below, p. 521). The implication is that the Commentator was expounding the Latin Vulgate by constant reference to the Greek original. Cf. also Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 171-2.
18
Etymological explanations are found at PentI 6 (sintagma), 1 (Hiberas naenias), 9 (yperapistes),
11 (oeconomicus), 4 0 (onix/unguis), 6 3 (Noe), 1 2 4 (Abimelech), 151 (ruphinl
rufa), 1 6 0 (orbislorbo), 1 8 9 {polimita),
2 0 4 (urio), 2 0 5 (praeco), 2 5 9 (holocaustum) and 4 6 7
(dipsas); Evil 2 8 (azymos), 33 (arcbitectorica), 6 9 (legio), 135 (Siloe), 1 4 6 (lithostratos) and 150 (Chananaeus). 19
Cf. PentI 2 2 0 , where the burning bush of Ex. III. 3 is explained as the Virgin Mary, and hence as a type (typus) of Christ (though it should be noted that the Milan manuscript is badly damaged here); PentI 2 2 7 , where the Lord's command to Moses to put his hand into his bosom (Ex. IV.6) is explained in terms of the incarnation of the Son; and PentI 2 5 0 - 1 , where the pillars of cloud and fire (Ex. XIII.21) are said to represent the incarnation of Christ. Outside these verses of Exodus, no resort to allegorical explanation is made in the Canterbury commentaries.
20 21
Cf. the remarks of Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 8 - 9 . Cf. C. Spicq, 'Pourquoi le moyen age n'a-t-il pas davantage pratique l'exegese litterale?', Les Sciences philosophiques et theologiques 1 ( 1 9 4 1 - 2 ) , 1 6 9 - 7 9 , at 169: 'L'exegese du haut moyen age est universellement allegorique.'
22
See, in general, Laistner, 'Antiochene Exegesis', p p . 1 9 - 2 1 .
247
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Mopsuestia's Commentary on the Pauline Epistles survives in a Latin translation,23 and part of his Commentary on the Psalter survives in a Latin translation by Julian of Eclanum who, following his expulsion from Italy in 421, had studied at Mopsuestia with Theodore. 24 There is reason to think that this latter translation was available at some time before c. 800 in Ireland, if not in England. 25 Another vehicle of the principles of Antiochene exegesis was Junilius, Instituta regularia diuinae legis (CPL, no. 872). In c. 550 Junilius held the post of quaestor sacripalatii at Constantinople. While there he met one Paul of Bassorah, a Syrian who had been trained in the school of Nisibis, 26 and this Paul instructed Junilius in methods of interpreting scripture. It has been shown beyond reasonable doubt that the exegetical methods, reflected in the Instituta as deriving from the school of Nisibis, are in fact those of Theodore of Mopsuestia.27 The Instituta circulated widely in early medieval manuscripts; 28 particularly interesting is the fact that they are preserved in one of the earliest surviving Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, now London, BL, Cotton Tiberius A. 23
See above, p. 2 0 , n. 7 5 . Laistner (ibid., p. 22) points to a fragmentary manuscript in Anglo-Saxon cursive minuscule dating from the end of the eighth century, now Paris, B N , lat. 1 7 1 7 7 , fols. 5 - 1 2 + Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, lat. 3 4 0 , flyleaf {CLA I, no. 4 and V, p. 4 2 [no. **4]). According to Laistner, the text of these leaves is superior to any manuscript collated by Swete in his edition of Theodore's commentary.
24
See above, p. 2 0 , n. 7 6 . Julian's (incompletely preserved) translation is ed. L. D e Coninck, Theodorus Mopsuestenus: Expositio in Psalmos luliano Aeclanensi interpreter CCSL
23
88A (Turnhout, 1977). De Coninck prints the surviving part of Julian's translation (treating ps. I—XL) on pp. 5—191; the remainder of the work survives only in an epitome preserved in Milan C. 301 inf., fols. 14-146 (see following note). The epitome has often been attributed to Columbanus of Bobbio: see R.L. Ramsay, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia and St Columban on the Psalms', Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie 8 (1912), 421-51, at 441-51. The translation is partially extant in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C. 301 inf., fols. 4-13, a manuscript written c. 800 in Ireland, possibly at Bangor, by the scribe Diarmait (see CLA III, no. 326). The influence of this commentary has been traced in later writings of the Anglo-Saxon period by R.L. Ramsay, 'Theodore of Mopsuestia in England and Ireland', Zeitschrift fur celtische Philologie 8 (1912), 452-97.
26
See above, p. 33 and n. 147.
27
See L. Pirot, 'Junilius Africanus', DTC Theodor von Mopsuestia und Junilius
VIII. 1 (1924), 1 9 7 1 - 6 , at 1 9 7 5 , and Kihn,
Africanus als Exegeten, esp. pp. 215—464; but cf.
Devreesse, Essai sur Theodore de Mopsueste, p. 2 7 4 . 28
See Laistner, 'Antiochene Exegesis', pp. 2 4 - 6 .
248
The nature of the commentaries
xv, fols. 175—80.29 The Instituta were certainly known to Aldhelm, a student of the Canterbury school;30 there is some possibility that Tiberius A. xv was the very manuscript consulted by Aldhelm. 31 In any event, there is sound evidence that the Instituta were known in Southumbria by c. 700. It would be interesting to know who brought them there. Given the limited number of Antiochene exegetical texts which were available in Latin during the early Middle Ages, the conclusion is inescapable that the Canterbury Commentator, whose exegetical orientation is Antiochene through and through, must have acquired this orientation not only through the study of Antiochene texts in Greek, but through the absorption and assimilation of the entire system of Antiochene exegetical thought. As we suggested earlier, it is most reasonable to think that the instruction implied by such assimilation took place, at least in the case of Archbishop Theodore, either at Antioch or at a monastery in the Syrian interior, perhaps Edessa. SCHOLARLY CONCERNS
The overall orientation of the Canterbury commentaries is Antiochene. Within this overall orientation, however, there are various predilections which apparently reflect the personal concerns and scholarly training of the Commentator. Five such concerns are in question: medicine, philosophy, rhetoric, metrology and chronology. Medicine
As we have seen, medicine was one of the ancillary disciplines employed by Antiochene exegetes, from Diodore onwards, to aid in the literal interpretation of scripture. 32 The Canterbury Commentator similarly uses medical evidence to interpret various biblical passages: the episode of the leper cleansed by Christ in Matth. VIII. 1-4 is elucidated by a discussion of the various kinds and terminology of leprosy (Evil 13), and the fever of Peter's 29
CLA II, no. 189 (Southumbrian origin, s. vii/viii).
30
See Aldbelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 8 1 : 'Hoc itidem Iunillius, instituta regularia, quae a
31
See R.M. Thomson, 'Identifiable Books from the pre-Conquest Library of Malmesbury
Paulo Persa Sirorum scolis naviter instructo didicerat' etc. Abbey', ASE 10 (1982), 1 - 1 9 , at 8 - 1 0 . 32
See above, p. 2 4 5 , n. 11.
249
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
mother-in-law in Matth. VIII. 14-15 serves as the pretext for a disquisition on the various kinds of fever and their medical causes (Evil 15); elsewhere, the Commentator has occasion to discuss menstruation (PentI 113 and 181), the suitability of resin and myrrh for medical purposes (PentI 192—3), the medical nature of blisters and the harmful effects of using ash in their treatment (PentI 240 and 364), the effect of the moon's waxing and waning on the size of the brain as an explanation of lunacy (Evil 43) or that deafness and dumbness results from contracted and dormant veins (Evil 73). Such explanations cannot be found in a single medical source; they are rather the result of a training in Byzantine medicine. It is clear that medicine was taught within the Byzantine empire in centres of advanced learning, particularly in Alexandria but also in Constantinople itself, up to the seventh century and beyond.33 The teaching was based principally on the medical writings of the two Greek 'classics', Hippocrates and Galen (d. c. AD 210), 34 but other early authorities, such as Dioscorides,35 continued to be studied as well. Although the theoretical side of Byzantine medicine was deeply grounded in the study of these authorities, it nevertheless made significant advances in practical disciplines such as urology.36 The medical curriculum at Alexandria (as also, we may presume, at Constantinople) consisted of the study of certain 33
See, in general, ODB II, 1 3 2 7 - 8 , Hunger, Die hochsprachlkhe profane Literatur
II,
2 8 7 - 3 0 3 , V. N u t t o n , 'From Galen to Alexander: Aspects of Medicine and Medical Practice in Late Antiquity', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984), 1 - 1 4 , as well as the important individual studies by Temkin, 'Byzantine Medicine' and Duffy, 'Byzantine Medicine in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries'. The volume of papers resulting from a symposium on Byzantine medicine, ptd as Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 8 (1984), presents the most important recent work in this long-neglected field. O n the study of medicine in early seventh-century Constantinople, see above, p. 55. 34
Hippocrates has always attracted scholarly attention, but until quite recently Galen has been neglected; see now Galen: Problems and Prospects, ed. V. N u t t o n (London, 1981) and N . G . W i l s o n , 'Aspects of the Transmission of Galen', in Le strade del testo, ed. G. Cavallo ([n.p.J, 1987), pp. 4 7 - 6 4 , as well as ODB I, 8 1 6 .
35
Known principally for his treatise De materia medica (ed. Wellmann), which was excerpted and commented on throughout the Byzantine period; see J.M. Riddle, 'Byzantine Commentaries on Dioscorides', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984), 9 5 - 1 0 2 , and idem, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, esp. pp. 1 - 1 4 .
36
See Duffy, 'Byzantine Medicine in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries', p. 2 1 , and G. Baader, 'Early Medieval Latin Adaptations of Byzantine Medicine in Western Europe', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984), 2 5 1 - 9 , esp. 2 5 4 - 6 (on Byzantine uroscopy).
250
The nature of the commentaries
treatises of Hippocrates and Galen, arranged so as to form a programme of increasing difficulty and specialization, beginning with introductory works such as the Aphorisms and Prognostica of Hippocrates and Galen's De sectis and Therapeutica, ad Glauconem, then proceeding through anatomy, physiology, the aetiology of disease and diagnosis, then ending with such specialized subjects as fever and crises.37 Given this curriculum, it is not surprising that commentaries (often in the form of lecture notes) on these texts, particularly the elementary ones, as well as Greek manuscripts containing the relevant treatises of Galen arranged according to the curriculum, should have survived. From the fourth century onwards, Alexandria eclipsed all other medical schools in the Greek-speaking world. Oribasius (d. 395/6), who was private physician to the future emperor Julian, completed his training in Alexandria before moving to Gaul, where, at the emperor's request, he produced an epitome (now lost) of the medical writings of Galen. 38 When Julian became emperor in 361, Oribasius returned with him to Constantinople. Oribasius's massive latrikai synagogai, originally compiled in seventy books, of which roughly a third survives, was based principally on Galen, but drew also (to a much smaller degree) on Hippocrates and Dioscorides.39 The design of the work was comprehensive, covering materia medica, physiology and anatomy, diseases and diagnosis, as well as pathology, therapy and surgery. Not surprisingly, its bulk made it difficult to use, and Oribasius was prevailed upon by his son to compile a shorter Synopsis of the original work; the Synopsis, consisting of a mere nine books, treated materia medica, crises, fevers, internal disorders and gynaecology.40 These writings of Oribasius helped to define the field of later Greek medicine, and to establish the primacy of Galen within it. Not surprisingly, Oribasius exerted considerable influence on subsequent
37
38
39
40
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlicbe profane Literatur II, 2 8 8 - 9 , and esp. Agnellus of Ravenna: Lectures on Galen's De Sectis, ed. S U N Y at Buffalo, Seminar Classics 6 0 9 [under the direction of L.G. Westerink}, Arethusa 8 (Buffalo, N Y , 1981), esp. vii-viii. See Hunger, ibid., pp. 2 9 3 - 4 , RE VII (1940), 7 9 7 - 8 1 2 , and ODB III, 1533, as well as B. Baldwin, 'The Career of Oribasius', Ada Classica 18 (1975), 8 5 - 9 7 . Collectionum Medicorum Reliquiae, ed. I. Raeder, 4 vols., Corpus Medicorum Graecorum 6.1 (Leipzig, 1928-33). Synopsis ad Eustathium, ed. I. Raeder, Corpus Medicorum Graecorum 6.3 (Leipzig, 1926).
251
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Greek medical writers. Among these were Aetius of Amida, 41 who was active in the mid-sixth century at Alexandria and Constantinople, and whose encyclopedic Tetrabiblon (in sixteen books) covers such topics as pharmacy, therapeutics, prognostics and pathology, fever and urology, ophthamology and gynaecology.42 A contemporary of Aetius was Alexander of Tralles (525—605),43 brother of the famous Anthemius who was one of Justinian's architects for Hagia Sophia. Alexander practised medicine in both Constantinople and Rome; his principal medical work is the Therapeutical a comprehensive treatment in twelve books of internal disorders, arranged so as to proceed from diseases of the head to those of the feet, such as podagra (gout). This distinctive tradition of Byzantine medicine continued well into the seventh century. At Alexandria in the mid-seventh century, Paul of Aegina43 compiled his seven-book Epitome medica\A6 as its title implies, it is based principally on the earlier writings of Galen and Oribasius. It was arranged (like the Therapeutica of Alexander of Tralles) in a head-to-foot order, and treated internal disorders and their cure by use of various drugs (Paul's pharmacology, in bk VII, is drawn largely from Dioscorides).47 Paul apparently remained teaching and practising in Alexandria after its conquest by the Arabs in 642, and his writings were later translated into Arabic. Contemporary with Paul was John of Alexandria (fl. c. 627-40), from whom lectures on Hippocrates's Epidemiae and Galen's De sectis 41
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlkhe profane Literatur II, 2 9 4 - 6 , and ODB I, 3 0 - 1 .
42
The complete Tetrabiblon has not attracted the attentions of a modern editor; for the first eight books, see Aetii
Amideni
libri
medicinales, ed. A. Olivieri, 2 vols., Corpus
Medicorum Graecorum 8 . 1 - 2 (Leipzig, 1935 and Berlin, 1950), and J.V. Ricci, Aetios of Amida:
the Gynaecology and Obstetrics of the With Century A.D.
(Philadelphia and
Toronto, 1950) (a translation made from the Latin edition of Basel, 1542). 43
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlkhe profane Literatur II, 2 9 7 - 9 , Duffy, 'Byzantine Medicine
44
Alexander von Tralles. Original-Text
und Ubersetzung nebst eine einleitenden Abhandlung.
Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin,
ed. T. Puschmann, 2 vols. (Vienna, 1 8 7 8 - 9 ) , and
in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries', pp. 2 5 - 7 , and ODB I, 58. Ein
Brunet, Oeuvres medkales d'Alexandre de Tralles (of which vol. I is a full introduction, vols. II—IV a French translation of the Therapeutica). 45
See Hunger, Die hochsprachlkhe profane Literatur II, 3 0 2 , and ODB III, 1 6 0 7 - 8 .
46
Paulus Aegineta, ed. I.L. Heiberg, 2 vols. (Leipzig and Berlin, 1921^1); there is a (still) valuable English translation by F. Adams, The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, 3 vols. (London, 1 8 4 4 - 7 ) .
47
See J. Scarborough, 'Early Byzantine Pharmacology', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984),
213-32, at 228-9.
252
The nature of the commentaries
survive.48 At Constantinople, too, there was an active programme of instruction in the theory (and probably the practice) of medicine in the earlier seventh century. Probably to be associated with this period is Theophilus, also known as the 'Protospatharius', the title implying an important position at the imperial court, perhaps as physician to the emperor.49 Theophilus is known for a lengthy treatise on the constitution of the human body, 50 as well as individual works on urine and excrement.51 It is widely recognized that Theophilus's treatment of urine was a pioneering essay in the field of Byzantine uroscopy. Theophilus may be assumed to have lectured on medicine at Constantinople: this much is implied by the fact that his scholia or lecture notes on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates 52 are transmitted in manuscript alongside those of Stephen of Alexandria, who - as we have seen in an earlier chapter (above, pp. 56-9) — was in Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius (610—41) and may be presumed to have been involved in some form of teaching there. Stephen of Alexandria is one of the most interesting philosopherphysicians of the early Byzantine period. As we have seen,53 his surviving writings embrace the fields of philosophy, rhetoric, astronomy, astrology, alchemy and medicine. Our present concern is with the substantial body of medical treatises which has come down to us in Stephen's name: scholia or lecture notes on medical curriculum texts such as Hippocrates's Aphorisms54 and Prognostica55 and Galen's Therapeutica, ad Glauconem?6 as well 48
49
50
51 52
53 34 55
56
John's work survives only in medieval Latin translation (and a few Greek fragments, on which see Duffy, 'Byzantine Medicine in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries', p. 22): lohannis Alexandrini Commentaria in sextum librum Hippocratis Epidemiarum, ed. C D . Prichet (Leiden, 1975); lohannis Alexandrini Commentaria in librum De Sectis Galeni, ed. C D . Prichet (Leiden, 1982). See Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur II, 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 , and ODB III, 2067, and above, p. 55. Theophili Protospatharii De corporis humani fabrica libri V, ed. G.A. Greenhill (Oxford, 1842). Physici et Medici Graeci Minores, ed. Ideler I, 2 6 1 - 8 3 (urine) and 3 9 7 - 4 0 8 (excrement). See Scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum, ed. Dietz II, 2 4 5 - 5 4 4 , and esp. Stephanus of Athens: Commentary on Hippocrates' Aphorisms, ed. Westerink, pp. 17-19See above, pp. 5 6 - 9 and nn. 2 5 3 - 6 4 . Stephanus of Athens. Commentary on Hippocrates' Aphorisms, ed. Westerink. Stephanus the Philosopher. A Commentary on the Prognosticon of Hippocrates, ed. Duffy; also ed. Dietz, Scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum I, 5 1 - 2 3 2 . Ed. Dietz, Scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum I, 2 3 3 - 3 4 4 .
253
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
as a treatise on urine. 57 In any event, Stephen of Alexandria was at Constantinople, and presumably lecturing on philosophy and medicine, during the reign of Heraclius - very possibly, therefore, at the same time as the young Theodore, future archbishop of Canterbury, went there in pursuit of learning. Many features of the medical lore in the Canterbury commentaries could be explained on the assumption that Theodore attended medical lectures during his stay at Constantinople — perhaps those by Theophilus 'Protospatharius', perhaps those by Stephen. For example, the Canterbury commentaries show ready familiarity with the pharmaceutical properties of certain Mediterranean plants (for example, resin and myrrh in PentI 192—3): the sort of knowledge, in other words, which is embodied in Dioscorides's Materia medica and which was treated by later Byzantine students of pharmacology such as Oribasius and Paul of Aegina. The information on the various kinds of fever given in Evil 15 is set out by Galen in his Therapeutica, ad Glauconem and is expounded at length by Stephen of Alexandria in his scholia or lecture notes on that work. The description of elephantiasis given in Evil 13 has its closest parallel in the Miracula SS. lohannis et Cyri of Sophronius;58 as we have seen, Sophronius attended the medical lectures of Stephen when he was still in Alexandria, and it has recently been shown that much of the medical lore in the Miracula derives from attendance at those lectures.59 The presence of a nearly verbatim description in the Canterbury commentaries could be explained on the assumption that the young Theodore heard it from the same Stephen many years later in Constantinople. Finally, in Evil 43, the Commentator explains that an epileptic or lunatic is someone whose brain increases and diminishes with the waxing and waning of the moon, which brings on paroxysms. Precisely the same explanation of lunacy is given by Stephen of Alexandria in his lectures on the Prognostica of Hippocrates (see below, pp. 517—18). This notion is exceptionally rare, and cannot be paralleled elsewhere. Its presence in the Canterbury commentaries could economically be explained on the assumption that the young Theodore heard it at one of Stephen's lectures. It is difficult to estimate how much training in medicine the young Theodore had received at Constantinople. The texts on which Stephen 57
58 59
[U.C.] Bussemaker, TTEOANOYI1EPIOYPQN. Traite d'Etienne sur les urines', Revue dephilologie 1 (1845), 4 1 5 - 3 8 and 5 4 3 - 6 0 . See below, p. 5 0 9 ;forthe Commentator's knowledge of Sophronius, see PentI 35. See Wolska-Conus, 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie', pp. 4 7 - 5 9 -
254
The nature of the commentaries
lectured and which are reflected in the Canterbury commentaries — namely, the Aphorisms and Prognostica of Hippocrates and the Therapeutka, ad Glauconem of Galen — were, as we have seen, introductory texts in the curriculum of Byzantine medicine. Perhaps Theodore attended no more than the first year or two of lectures in medicine. Yet even this amount of training would have been an exceptional rarity in Anglo-Saxon England. It is reflected in texts outside the commentaries themselves: in Theodore's Indicia, where a pharmacological recipe for dysentery is given, 60 and in Bede's Historia ecclesiastica, where Theodore is quoted as an authority on the optimal times for venesection. 61 If, as has been suggested, Theodore was also the author of the Laterculus Malalianus, then the detailed account of gynaecology contained in that work (ch. 13) may be one further witness to Theodore's medical training in Constantinople. Philosophy
Another striking feature of the Canterbury biblical commentaries is their frequent concern with the opinions of philosophic 'philosophers'. In discussing the biblical account of creation, for example, the Commentator has occasion to mention the heavens and the 'firmament' (firmamentum) of the early chapters of Genesis; he explains three separate times that this firmament is what the 'philosophers' call the aplanes or &7cA,avf|<; (PentI 17, 26 and 27). What is striking is that the LXX translators referred to the same firmament by the Greek word axepecoua, and they were followed in this by all Greek patristic authors. In using the term anXa\r\q the Commentator is following the precedent of Plato and Aristotle, who referred to the abode of the stars as dntXav^q or 'fixed', in distinction to the movement enjoyed by the planets. 62 This much suggests familiarity with the technical vocabulary of Greek philosophy, and there are various other passages in the commentaries which likewise imply such familiarity, such as the discussion of the fiery upper air or aither in PentI 47. However, the 60
ludicia II.xi.5 (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, p. 325): 'leporem licet comedere et bonum est pro desinteria et fel eius miscendum est cum pipero pro dolore'.
61
HE V . 3 : 'memini enim beatae memoriae Theodorum archiepiscopum dicere, quia periculosa sit satis illius temporis flebotomia, quando et lumen lunae et reuma oceani in cremento est' (ed. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 4 6 0 ) .
62
See below, pp. 4 3 3 - 4 (comm. to PentI 17).
255
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
most striking evidence for the Commentator's knowledge of Greek philosophical vocabulary occurs in PentI 16, where he sets out the eight accessus or 5i5af|<;), its division into chapters (sic, T& Kecjxxtaxia 5iaipr|ai<;), its didactic purpose (6 SiSaaKa^iKoq Tporcoc,) and its point of reference (OTTO TI ixepoq f| &vcu|>opa). The elaboration of these accessus was due to the efforts of a number of commentators on Plato and Aristotle associated with the school of Alexandria, beginning with Ammonius (d. c. 517), 63 but developed in the sixth century notably by Olympiodorus (d. 565) 64 and his successors as head of the philosophical school in Alexandria, namely Elias65 and David. 66 In the prolegomena which these philosophers composed to various works of Plato and Aristotle, the accessus were variously employed as a means of exposition. 67 Because of the prestige of the Alexandrian philosophical school, the technique of analysing a work according to these accessus spread quickly, both to the Latin West 68 and to
63 64 65
66 67
68
See Westerink, Anonymous Prolegomena, pp. x—xiii, and ODB I, 78—9. See Westerink, ibid., pp. xv-xix, and ODB III, 1524. See L.G. Westerink, 'Elias on the Prior Analytics', Mnemosyne 4th ser. 14 (1961), 1 2 6 - 3 9 , esp. 1 2 7 - 3 1 , and ODB I, 6 8 6 - 7 . See ODB I, 591. There is a valuable account by K. Praechter, reviewing the first twenty-three volumes of Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, in BZ 18 (1909), 5 1 6 - 3 8 , esp. 5 2 9 - 3 3 ; see also M. Plezia, De commentariis Isagogicis (Cracow, 1949), who identifies thirty-six Greek isagogic commentaries on Aristotle, etc., in which the scheme of preliminaries is used, as well as Westerink, Anonymous Prolegomena, pp. xxvii—xxix, and Quain, 'The Medieval Accessus', pp. 2 4 3 - 5 1 . There is also a recent study of the preliminaries by C. Hein, Definition und Einteilung der Philosophie. Von der spdtantiken Einleitungsliteratur zur arabischen Enzyklopddie (Frankfurt, 1985). See Quain, ibid., and, more recently, M. Spallone, 'I percorsi medievali del testo. Accessus, commentari, florilegi', in ho spazio letterario di Roma antica, ed. G. Cavallo, P. Fedeli and A. Giardina, 5 vols. (Rome, 1989-9D III, 387-471, esp. 395-9, who shows how the Alexandrian scheme of accessus was transmitted to the Latin West largely through the translations of Boethius. An interesting late reflex of the ancient accessus, namely in Politian, is treated by S. Rizzo, 'Un prolusione del Poliziano e i commentatori greci di Aristotele', in Studi in onore di Anthos Ardizzoni, ed. E. Livrea and G.A. Privitera, 2 vols. (Rome, 1978) II, 759-68.
256
The nature of the commentaries
the Syriac69 and Armenian 70 East. By the same token, it was adopted as a means of exposition in disciplines other than philosophy. For example, it was employed in biblical exegesis by certain members of the later Antiochene school,71 especially Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who in his commentary on the psalms began by establishing the psalmist's aim, usefulness, genuineness and reason for writing. 72 The field of medicine was closely linked with philosophy in the sixth century, especially at Alexandria, 73 and we have seen that a physician-philosopher or iatrosophist 74 such as Stephen of Alexandria displayed equal expertise in both fields. It became a conventional practice of Alexandrine physicians to use the accessus in their exposition of medical texts by Hippocrates and Galen. 75 Stephen of Alexandria, for example, applied the technique in his lectures on medical texts. 76 Another field of Byzantine learning in which the accessus were 69
Brock, 'From Antagonism to Assimilation: Syriac Attitudes to Greek Learning' (in his Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity,
no. V), p. 2 2 , notes the occurrence of the eight
accessus in the Syriac translation, by the late-sixth-century theologian Babai, of the Kepbalaia gnostica (CPG II, no. 2 4 3 2 ) of Evagrius Ponticus, as well as in the Syriac translation of the Liber Heraclidis by Nestorius. See further Riad, Studies in the Syriac Preface, esp. pp. 4 9 - 6 8 . 70
The Prolegomena of David of Alexandria were translated into Armenian: Definitions and Divisions of Philosophy by David the Invincible Philosopher, ed. and trans. B. Kendall and R. Thomson (Chico, CA, 1983).
71
See Schaublin, Untersuchungen, pp. 6 6 - 7 2 ('Die Topik des Kommentarprologs'). It is worth noting that various scholars have seen the structure of Junilius's Instituta
(CPL,
no. 8 7 2 ; see above, p. 2 4 8 ) in terms of the accessus: see Riad, Studies in the Syriac Preface, pp. 5 0 - 1 . 72
Interpretatio in Psalmos {CPG III, no. 6 2 0 2 ) : TO %pi\<5\\io\ (PG 8 0 , 8 5 7 - 6 0 ) , 6 f| ( 8 6 1 - 4 ) .
73
See esp. Westerink, 'Philosophy and Medicine', as well as R.B. Todd, 'Galenic Medical Ideas in the Greek Aristotelian Commentators', Symbolae Osloenses 52 (1977), 1 1 7 - 3 4 , and Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur II, 2 9 1 - 2 .
74
O n this term, see ODB II, 9 7 0 , s.v. 'Iatrosophistes', as well as the remarks of B. Baldwin, 'Beyond the House Call: Doctors in Early Byzantine History and Polities', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984), 1 5 - 1 9 , at 1 6 - 1 7 .
75
See O. Temkin, 'Studies on Late Alexandrian Medicine I. Alexandrian Commentaries on Galen's De sectis ad introducendos, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 3 (1935), 4 0 5 - 3 0 , at 4 0 6 - 1 7 , and Westerink, 'Philosophy and Medicine', p. 170.
76
See Stephanus the Philosopher. A Commentary on the Prognosticon of Hippocrates, ed. Duffy, pp. 2 6 - 3 2 , where Stephen sets out [6} GKonoq, TO xpT|
257
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
applied is rhetoric. 77 A substantial number of (largely anonymous) rhetorical treatises survives from the sixth century onwards in which these accessus are used as the framework of exposition,78 and in some of them the sequence and wording closely resemble the list given by the Commentator (see below, p. 433). The problem is that the treatises in question cannot be securely dated within the period spanning the sixth to eleventh centuries, and those which most closely resemble the scheme given by the Commentator may in fact date from a considerably later time. Given the ubiquity of the (originally Alexandrian) scheme of accessus, it is not possible, and probably not necessary, to identify a single source. As we have seen, the Commentator was thoroughly familiar with the procedures of Antiochene exegesis, and may have known the technique from, say, his reading of Theodoret of Cyrrhus. As we shall see, he was also thoroughly familiar with the techniques and terminology of Byzantine rhetoric, and may have known the accessus from a rhetorical treatise. We have also seen reason to surmise that Theodore attended medical lectures of Stephen of Alexandria in Constantinople. Since Stephen was a philosopher and since some of his surviving lectures are structured around the accessus, it is possible that the young Theodore learned the technique directly from Stephen. Whatever the case, Theodore acquired a sufficient reputation in philosophy that in later life he could be referred to by Pope Agatho as 'Theodore the philosopher (fyiXooofyoq) and archbishop'. 79 It seems likely,
77
78 79
Stephen treats [6} GKonoq, x P ^ l ^ u e i 5e Kai xeXeioi<; Kai dxeAiaiv [ = TO xpfjaijiov], t o yvf|aiov, f| aixia xfjq £7tiYpa<|>fj<;, f| xd£i<;, r\ eiq xd nopia 8iaip£iX6ao<j)o<; in Byzantine sources is a matter of some ambiguity: see H u n g e r , Die hocbsprachlicheprofane Literatur I, 4 - 1 0 and ODB III, 1658. It is clear that Greek patristic authors frequently used the term <j>iA.oao<|>ia, with suitable qualification, to mean 'pursuit of Christian wisdom' (see the detailed studies of A.-M. Malingrey, Philosophia. Etude d'un groupe de mots dans la litterature grecque des presocratiques au IVe siecle apres J.-C. (Paris, 1961), esp. pp. 207-61 on the Cappadocians (Basil, Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus) and 263-86 (on John Chrysostom), as well as G. Bardy, ' "Philosophic" et "philosophe" dans le vocabulaire chretien des premiers siecles', Revue d'ascetique et de mystique 25 (1949), 97-108); however, Franz Dolger argued that, by the ninth century, the word §\koGO§\a could be used as a designation for Christian learning, with (JnA,6ao<|>o<; coming to refer to a monk, as it does, for example, in
258
The nature of the commentaries
therefore, that the philosophical aspects of the Canterbury commentaries are the product of Theodore's training in Constantinople. Rhetoric
Very frequently in the Canterbury commentaries a difficult biblical expression is explained by reference to a rhetorical figure. For example, in attempting to explain why the text of Gen. V.2 uses the plural pronoun — 'he called their name' — when there is only one son (Seth) in question, the Commentator resorts to the rhetorical figure of syllepsis, which according to rhetoricians is said to occur when the one verb is construed with more than one substantive but is nevertheless given in singular form. In the Commentator's view, the author of Genesis was here using syllepsis in employing a plural form to refer to a single subject (PentI 61). Similar resort to rhetorical terminology is found throughout the Canterbury commentaries.80 Now the employment of the techniques of classical rhetoric was a characteristic feature of Antiochene exegesis. It will be recalled that both Theodore of Mopsuestia and John Chrysostom had received their early training at Antioch from Libanius, one of the most distinguished rhetors of the ancient world. 81 The techniques which they learned from Libanius are reflected in their exegesis. It has been shown, for example, that Theodore of Mopsuestia used the rhetorical devices of ethopoeia and prosopopoeia in his commentary on the psalms in order to facilitate his historical exegesis.82 Later Antiochene exegetes such as Theodoret of Cyrrhus followed the example of Theodore in this respect, as we have seen (above, p. 22). A particularly interesting case is that of the the writings of Michael Psellos (Byzanz
und die europdiscbe Staatenwelt
(Ettal, 1953),
pp. 197—208, esp. 198—9). However, given the lexical range of these words, the difficulty is that of deciding in any particular case whether <|>ik6ao<J>o<; refers to a philosopher, a monk or simply to a learned man, as Hunger rightly observed {ibid., p. 8). 80
The following rhetorical terms are quoted in the Canterbury commentaries (but note that the scribe of the Milan manuscript has very frequently mutilated the form of the Greek term in question): anadiplosis (Evil 8), anastrophe (PentI 24), antapodosis (Evil 99), antiphrasis
(PentI 127 and Evil 27), antistrophe (Evil 75), cacemphaton (Evil 21),
chleuasmoi (Evil 86), climax (Evil 140), hyperbole (Evil 9), metaphora (PentI 2 1 2 and Evil 13), prolepsis (PentI 2 5 2 ) and syllepsis (PentI 61 and 188). 81
See Petit, Les Etudiants de Libanius, pp. 4 0 - 1 , and above, p. 17 and n. 6 3 .
82
See Schaublin, Untersuchungen, pp. 8 4 - 9 4 .
259
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Greek exegete Hadrian, about whom very little is known, 83 but who in his Isagoge in sanctas scripturas (CPG III, no. 6527) gives a long list of the various rhetorical figures which are used in Holy Scripture. 84 Although there is nothing to suggest that the Canterbury Commentator was familiar with this work by the unknown Hadrian, the general similarities indicate that the authors were working in the same intellectual tradition. Rhetoric was a staple feature of Byzantine education.85 Unlike the Latin West, where the teaching and practice of rhetoric ceased with the cessation of centralized Roman imperial administration, 86 and was never adopted as a subject of instruction in monastic education (inasmuch as rhetoric was deemed to embody worldly power structures which monasticism rejected),87 in the Greek East, and especially at Constantinople, a training in rhetoric continued to be essential for an administrative career. Accordingly, as we have seen, the endowment of the university of Constantinople by Theodosius II in 425 included eight chairs of rhetoric, and although it is not possible to determine the number of chairs in this subject still in existence during the reign of Heraclius, there is no need to doubt that rhetoric was still being taught, inasmuch as training in rhetoric formed the cornerstone of an administrative career throughout the Byzantine
83
G. Mercati, 'Pro Adriano', Revue biblique 11 (1914), 2 4 6 - 5 5 .
84
P G 9 8 , 1 2 7 3 - 1 3 1 2 , esp. 1 3 0 1 - 8 , where some twenty-three rhetorical figures are
85
See, in general, the important survey by H . Hunger, Die hochsprachlicheprofane
listed. Hadrian's Isagoge is in effect a (Greek) forerunner of Bede's De schematibus et tropis. Literatur
I, 6 5 - 1 9 6 ; and (very briefly) idem, 'Aspekte der griechischen Rhetorik von Gorgias bis zum Untergang von Byzanz', Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenscbaften, phil.-hist.
Klasse 2 7 7 . 3 (Vienna, 1972), 1 6 - 2 1 (on the political function of
rhetoric) and 'The Classical Tradition in Byzantine Literature: the Importance of Rhetoric', in Byzantium
and the Classical
Tradition,
ed. M. Mullett and R. Scott
(Birmingham, 1981), pp. 3 5 - 4 7 , as well as Kustas, Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric, and ODB III, 1 7 8 8 - 9 0 . 86
O n the end of Roman state education (and hence of rhetorical teaching) in the Latin W e s t , see H.I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity,
trans. G. Lamb ( N e w York,
1956), pp. 4 5 6 - 6 0 , and P. Riche, 'La Survivance des ecoles publiques en Gaule au Ve siecle', Le Moyen Age 6 3 (1957), 4 2 1 - 3 6 (repr. in his Instruction et vie religieuse dans le haut moyen age (London, 1981), no. II). 87
O n the rejection of (secular) rhetoric by western monasticism, see M. Lapidge, 'Gildas's Education and the Latin Culture of Sub-Roman Britain', in Gildas: New Approaches, ed. M. Lapidge and D . Dumville, Studies in Celtic History 5 (Woodbridge, 1984), 2 7 - 5 0 ,
at 29-30.
260
The nature of the commentaries
centuries. 88 Instruction in rhetoric in the Byzantine empire was based on study of, and commentary on, the so-called Corpus Hermogenianum, a collection in five books attributed to the early third-century rhetor Hermogenes, but in its surviving form a compilation of the fifth or sixth century, treating such subjects as rhetorical invention and the forms of a successful speech.89 One of the components of this corpus was the collection ofprogymnasmata or rhetorical exercises by one Aphthonius (fl. c. AD 400), who was a former pupil of Libanius. 90 Numerous Byzantine teachers of rhetoric composed introductions to the progymnasmata,91 and (as we have seen: above, p. 258) since many of these introductions begin with a statement concerning the goals or gradus of the work by Aphthonius, it may have been from such a work — or from the classroom instruction which underlay it — that the Commentator (Theodore in this case) derived his account of the eight accessus. This would imply in turn that the Commentator had received formal instruction in rhetoric. Since no schools of rhetoric were still functioning in the Latin West during the seventh century, the most economical explanation of their presence in the Canterbury commentaries is that Theodore, during his stay at Constantinople, attended at least the introductory lectures of a professor of rhetoric. Such attendance would be consonant with the wide (but not unfailingly correct) knowledge of rhetorical figures and tropes displayed in the Canterbury commentaries. The knowledge of rhetoric witnessed in the Canterbury commentaries is reflected in another product of the Canterbury school. Lines 18-88 of ch. xxviii of the 'Leiden Glossary' consist entirely of Greek rhetorical terms 88
89
90
91
See Lemerle, Le Premier Humanisms, pp. 101—2 (trans. Lindsay and Moffatt, pp. 113-14); see also Speck, Die Kaiserliche Universitdt von Konstantinopel, pp. 2 2 - 3 , on the establishment of the alleged 'university' in the Magnaura (part of the Great Palace: see fig. 2) by Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (905—59), which, according to the continuation of Theophanes, included instruction in £r|TopiKf| T8%VT|. In the eleventh century, the polymath Michael Psellos (1018 - c. 1081) was instructed in rhetoric by the court rhetorician John Mauropous. Hennogenis Opera, ed. H. Rabe (Leipzig, 1913); on the Corpus Hermogenianum, see Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur I, 7 5 - 8 2 , Kustas, Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric, pp. 5 - 3 2 , and 0DB II, 921, s.v. 'Hermogenes'. Aphthonii Progymnasmata, ed. H. Rabe (Leipzig, 1926), trans. R. Nadeau, 'The Progymnasmata of Aphthonius', Speech Monographs 19 (1952), 2 6 4 - 8 5 . On Aphthonius, see Kustas, Studies in Byzantine Rhetoric, pp. 2 2 - 6 , and 0DB I, 130. A number is ed. Rabe, Prolegomenon Sylloge.
261
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
for figures and tropes extracted from the Expositio psalmorum of Cassiodorus. The implication is that someone at the Canterbury school was set the task of working wholly through that work and extracting all the rhetorical terms which it contained, together with the definitions given by Cassiodorus. The definitions found in the 'Leiden Glossary' do not at any point agree precisely with those found in the Canterbury commentaries, which rules out the possibility that the rhetorical material in the commentaries could simply have been drawn from Cassiodorus. Rather, the interest in rhetoric underlying the commentaries and ch. xxviii of the 'Leiden Glossary' betrays the Greek training of the Canterbury Commentator. Metrology
Metrology is the study of weights and measures (and, by implication, the value of coinage).92 It is not a subject which was taught in universities or schools, but it is one which would have confronted anyone attempting a literal exposition of the Bible, inasmuch as the biblical text teems with references to shekels, cores, cubits, bushels, and so on. A literal-minded student of the Bible would inevitably wish to form some opinion of the current values implied by such references, whether in Greek (Byzantine) or in Roman units of measurements; an Anglo-Saxon student would have the additional problem of converting Greek or Roman units into those then current in England. The value of biblical weights and measures relative to those of Anglo-Saxon England is a problem which persistently occupied the Canterbury Commentator. 93 Unfortunately there were no readily accessible conversion tables for biblical weights and measures, and
92 93
See ODB II, 1 3 5 8 - 9 . See PentI 108 (on sata, measures of volume), 129 (the value of 1,000 argentei), 139 (the value of 4 0 0 shekels), 143 (on liquid measures), 194 (on the weight and value of a carat of silver), 307 (the value of a talent), 323 (on dry and liquid measures), 398 (reckoning in bushels and pints), 421 (the weight of a core), Gn-Ex-Evla 11 (the size of a cubit), Evil 5 (the value of a quadrans or farthing), 10 (the length of a mile reckoned in terms of cubits and inches), 18 (the value of a farthing again), 28 (liquid measures), 45 (the value of a denarius), 68 (the volume of a bushel), 106 (the value of a farthing again), 112 (the volume of a cathos or bushel), 124 (liquid measures) and 128 (the distance implied by stadia or furlongs).
262
The nature of the commentaries
although various metrological treatises both in Greek 94 and Latin95 survive from late antiquity, these did not circulate widely, and the Commentator was obliged to proceed with the resources at his disposal. His principal recourse was to Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, which he consulted in a Greek version more extensive than that which has come down to us (see above, p. 213), but relevant passages from Isidore's Etymologiae and Eucherius's Instructiones were also laid under contribution. The concern of the Commentator with problems of metrology is reflected in other products of the Canterbury school. Extensive batches of glosses make up two chapters of the Xeiden Glossary' (chs. xxxi and xxxii) that are wholly concerned with weights and measures; and although the immediate source of the lemmata is unknown, Epiphanius and Jerome are cited by name. These two chapters are followed by a batch of entries de ponderibus drawn from Eucherius (see above, p. 174). Very frequently the equivalences given in the Xeiden Glossary' square exactly with those in the biblical commentaries.96 Closely related to the Xeiden Glossary' and the Canterbury commentaries are two short treatises on weights and measures (both printed below as Appendix II), one of which, entitled De quibusdam ponderibus et mensuris, is transmitted alongside glosses to Leviticus (Pentll) in the Milan manuscript (see below, p. 284), the other of which, entitled Recapitulatio de ponderibus, is preserved in a ninth-century Reichenau manuscript (Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 112, 48r-v), but is clearly of Anglo-Saxon origin, insofar as it includes reference to the value of the Anglo-Saxon pending on two occasions. Both these treatises are based primarily on Isidore, but include explanations and equivalences which are closely paralleled both by the Canterbury biblical commentaries and the Xeiden Glossary'. It seems clear, therefore, that they were compiled at late seventh-century Canterbury as part of the instruction in metrology given by Theodore and Hadrian. Chronology
Any western student of the Bible would quickly realize that the calendar and system of date-reckoning referred to in the Old Testament are wholly 94
95 96
See esp. E. Schilbach, Byzantiniscbe Metrologie (Munich, 1970), pp. 6 - 9 , and esp. Byzantinische metrologische Quellen, ed. E. Schilbach, 2nd ed. (Thessalonike, 1982). Metrologicorum scriptorum reliquiae, ed. Hultsch. See, for example, comm. to Evil 112 (below, p. 527).
263
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
distinct from the Julian calendar which has been in use in the West since the first century BC. Whereas the Julian calendar is essentially a solar calendar, that used by the Hebrews was based primarily on movements of the moon.97 The two systems were fundamentally incompatible, therefore, and attempts to make them compatible, so that for example the Hebrews' movable (lunar) date on which pasch or Easter was to be celebrated could be accommodated to the Julian calendar, were the subject of enduring and bitter controversies.98 The Canterbury commentaries do not at any point enter into detailed discussion of paschal reckoning (the subject is mentioned only once in passing, in PentI 248), but it is clear that the Commentator was aware of the idiosyncrasies of the Hebrew calendar, and was attempting to explain them in terms which would be familiar to a western audience. For example, in the earliest periods of Hebrew history (principally that recorded in the Pentateuch), the Hebrews apparently referred to their months in numerical order, with the first month beginning roughly at the vernal equinox.99 Thus we find references to the 'first month' (Gen. VIII.13, Lev. XXIII.5, etc.), the 'second month' (Gen. VII. 11, Ex. XVI. 1), the 'third month' (Ex. XIX. 1), the 'seventh month' (Lev. XXIII.24, 34, 39 etc.). The principal months (first, second and seventh) were named: thus the 'first month', the month of new corn or new fruits, was called the Abib (the word abib means etymologically 'a fresh ear' of corn),100 the 'second month' Ziv, and so on. The Commentator attempted conscientiously to explain these Hebrew designations in terms of the Julian calendar. Thus at PentI 248, commenting on Ex. XIII.4 ('the month of new corn'), he explains that this month fell between March and April, depending on when the (lunar) pasch itself fell, and might extend up to thefiftiethday or 'pentecost'; a similar explanation is given at PentI 274, except that this time the beginning of the 'month of 97
98
99
100
See Burnaby, Elements, pp. 8 - 9 , and Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, esp. p p . 33-7 (§§ 58-64). A n excellent synopsis of the attempts to reconcile the two systems and the resultant 'paschal' controversies is found in Bedae Opera de Temporibus, ed. C . W . Jones (Cambridge, MA, 1943), p p . 6 - 1 0 4 . Burnaby, Elements, p . 4; cf. Josephus, Antiq. I.iii.3 [81} and III.x.5 [248], who explains that 'Nisan {the later name for the 'first m o n t h ' ] begins on the fourteenth of the lunar month when the sun is in Aries' (xq> 8e \vc\vi... 6<; NICT&V nap' f\\iiv Kataixai Kai xou exoix; taxiv dpxt|, xeaaapeaKaiSeicaxT) Kaxd (jeXf|vr|v £v Kpi© xoC f|A,ioi) KaOeaxcoxoq). Cf. Ex. IX. 31 with Burnaby, ibid., p . 5 and Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, PP- 34-5 (§§ 59-60).
264
The nature of the commentaries
new corn' is specified as the Feast of Azymes ('unleavened bread'). 101 At PentI 391, a more succinct explanation of the 'first month' is given, namely that its fourteenth moon should fall in March or April; this explanation appears to be derived directly from the Antiquitates of Josephus. 102 If the 'first month' is reckoned to fall in late March or April, it follows that the 'second month' will fall in May, as the Commentator explains on three occasions (PentI 75, 401 and 412). By the same token, the 'seventh month' will fall in October, as the Commentator says, 'counting from April with the Hebrews' (PentI 377; cf. 394). However, the Commentator's own counting deserts him at PentI 81 when he attempts to reckon the equivalent of the 'tenth month' of Gen. VIII. 5: on his reckoning the 'tenth month' is said to fall in February, whereas it should properly fall in December/January. Understanding of the Hebrews' date-reckoning entailed some knowledge of the cycle of feasts which punctuated their year. The Commentator, basing himself on Josephus or Theodoret of Cyrrhus (or both), attempted at several points to explain what feasts fell in what Hebrew months. Thus at PentI 394, he explained that in the 'seventh month' fell the Feast of Trumpets on the first day, the Feast of Atonement on the tenth day, and the Feast of Tabernacles on the fifteenth day; similar information concerning the Feast of Tabernacles is given at Evil 13O.103 This knowledge is another aspect of the Commentator's interest in Jewish customs mentioned above. Chronology and date-reckoning had evidently formed some part of the Commentator's training. On the hypothesis advanced above (pp. 60—4) that the young Theodore had studied in Constantinople, it is worth recalling that Stephen of Alexandria, in one of his treatises on astronomy, had included an account of paschal reckoning. 104 The anonymous author of the Chronkon Paschale (composed, as we have seen, in Constantinople c. 630) was pervasively concerned with chronological and computistical matters, especially the dating of major church feasts such as Easter and the 101
Cf. also PentI 3 2 9 with Burnaby, ibid., pp. 1 9 6 - 7 , and below, p. 4 7 1 .
102
Antiq. III.x.5 [ 2 4 8 ] ; cf. above, n. 9 9 .
103
Cf. Josephus, Antiq.
I I I . x . 2 - 4 { 2 3 9 - 4 7 } and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev.
§ 32; see also Burnaby, Elements, pp. 1 8 4 - 8 . 104
See above, p. 57 and n. 2 6 0 . Stephen's account of paschal reckoning is found in De Stephano Alexandrino Commentatio altera, ed. Usener, pp. 2 1 - 3 (ne0o5o<; 8i s if<; TO rcdaxa
iv).
265
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
wider context of biblical chronology.105 One might also add that Maximus the Confessor, who (if the Greek vita of his life is to be trusted to the exclusion here of the Syriac life) spent his early career in Constantinople during the first two decades of the seventh century, later composed a treatise entitled Computus ecclesiasticus.106 In any event there is good evidence that ecclesiastical computus was a subject of interest in intellectual circles in Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius. Unfortunately, with the exception of the brief reference to the date of Easter in PentI 248, the Canterbury commentaries contain no treatment of paschal reckoning. It is nevertheless important to remember that, in the words of Bede, Theodore and Hadrian gave their Canterbury students instruction in ecclesiastical arithmetic (arithmeticae ecclesiasticae disciplina).107 As we shall see, the only student of this school who has left a corpus of writings is Aldhelm, and although it would be misleading to describe Aldhelm as a skilled computist, the fourth of his epistolae (addressed to King Geraint of Dumnonia) is wholly concerned with paschal reckoning, and other writings on that subject have been transmitted under his name in surviving manuscripts. 108 Knowledge of computus in Anglo-Saxon England in the period before Bede is a subject which deserves fresh study, particularly in the light of Theodore's known Greek background; for now it is enough to affirm that chronology was one of the Commentator's distinctive scholarly interests.
109
CLASSROOM TECHNIQUE
Although the Canterbury biblical commentaries represent firsthand evidence for the school of Theodore and Hadrian, they are in no sense the 103
See J. Beaucamp, R.C. Bondoux, J. Lefort, M.F. Rouan-Auzepy and I. Sorlin, 'La Chronique Pascale: le temps approprie', in Le temps chretien de la fin de I'antiquiteau moyen age, Colloques du C N R S 6 0 4 (Paris, 1984), 4 5 1 - 6 8 , and Chronkon Pascbale
284-628
AD, trans. W h i t b y and W h i t b y , pp». x i i - x i v and xxii-xxiv. 106
CPG III, no. 7 7 0 6 , ptd PG 19, 1 2 1 7 - 8 0 . The treatise is dated to 6 4 0 X 6 4 1 by Sherwood, An Annotated Date-List,
107
HE IV.2 (quoted above, p. 2).
108
Aldhelmi
p. 4 5 .
Opera, ed. Ehwald, pp. 4 8 0 - 6 ; see also Aldhelm:
the Prose Works, trans.
Lapidge and Herren, pp. 1 5 5 - 6 0 , with discussion at 1 4 0 - 3 . 109
N o t e also that the Laterculus Malalianus
- a work very possibly by Theodore
-
concludes (ch. 25) with a list ( = a laterculus proper) of Roman emperors, drawn from the Chronkon of Malalas, from Augustus to Justinus, the successor of Justinian: ed.
266
The nature of the commentaries
personal compositions of those two great masters (in the sense, say, that Bede's biblical commentaries were written down by him propria manu). Rather, as even a cursory acquaintance will make clear, they represent the written record, by one or more students, of viva voce explanations given by Theodore and Hadrian as the texts of the Pentateuch and gospels were being studied under their direction at Canterbury. Before considering the nature and accuracy of that record, it is necessary briefly to reconsider what is known from other sources concerning this Canterbury school. As we saw at the outset, Bede in his Historia ecclesiastica (IV.2) reports that Theodore and Hadrian attracted to Canterbury 'a crowd of students into whose minds they daily poured rivers of wholesome learning, such that they gave their audience instruction in metrics, astronomy and computus, as well as in books of the Bible'. 110 Who were these students? Bede at various points of his Historia ecclesiastica gives at least some of their names. First, Albinus, who in 709 or 710 succeeded Hadrian as abbot of the monastery of SS Peter and Paul in Canterbury: I t is one testimony among many to [Hadrian's] learning and to that of Theodore, that his disciple Albinus, who succeeded him as head of the monastery, was so well trained in scriptural studies that he had no small knowledge of the Greek language and that he knew Latin as well as English, his native tongue' (HE V.20). Second, Tobias, bishop of Rochester, who died in 726: 'He had been a disciple of two masters of blessed memory, Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Hadrian. Besides having a knowledge of both ecclesiastical and general literature, he is also said to have learned Latin and Greek so thoroughly that they were as well known and familiar to him as his native tongue' (HE V.23). Third, Oftfor of Whitby, later bishop of Worcester (691-3 (?)): 'Of Oftfor it may be said that after he had devoted himself to the reading and observance of the Scriptures in both of Hild's monasteries, being anxious to reach still greater heights, he went to Kent to join Archbishop Theodore of blessed memory. After he had spent some further time in sacred studies there, he decided to go on to Rome' (HE IV. 2 3 [21}). These three men certainly studied at Canterbury at some point in their careers, though it is not possible to ascertain from Bede's words that
110
Mommsen, pp. 435-7. It is interesting to add that a closely related consular list, the Fasti Heracliani for the years 226-630 (ed. H. Usener, MGH, Auct. Antiq. 13 { = Chronka Minora ///] (Berlin, 1898), 386—410), has recently been attributed to Stephen of Alexandria: see Chronicon Paschale 284-628 AD, trans. Whitby and Whitby, p. xiv. See above, p. 2 and n. 5.
267
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
they were all in Canterbury at the same time. Another name may probably be added to the roll on the evidence of Bede, who explains that John of Beverley, later bishop of York (706—14 (?)), was able to report the teaching of Archbishop Theodore on a medical matter (HE V.3), Bede's implication being that John had imbibed the teaching at first hand. Although Bede includes a cursory account of Aldhelm in his Historia ecclesiastica (V.18), he does not mention (and perhaps did not know) that Aldhelm had studied in Canterbury with Theodore and Hadrian. That he did so is clear from a fragmentary letter addressed by Aldhelm to Hadrian, in which he mentions that he had studied with Hadrian on two separate occasions.111 These five men, then, are the identifiable students of the Canterbury school of Theodore and Hadrian. How many more such students there were is impossible to say, but it is perhaps more appropriate to think in terms of a small, intellectually powerful group — a sort of Institute of Advanced Studies — rather than in terms of the cateruae mentioned by Bede. Were any of these five named scholars among those who produced the Canterbury biblical commentaries by transcribing the viva voce comments of Theodore and Hadrian? It is impossible to answer this question satisfactorily since, of the five, only Aldhelm has left a corpus of Latin writings. There are remarkably few points of contact between Aldhelm's writings and the Canterbury commentaries. At one point in his De uirginitate (ch. 54), Aldhelm mentions heretical 'Hebrew tradition' to the effect that Melchisedech and Sem were the same person, a tradition that is also referred to at PentI 98; but since both Aldhelm and the Commentator were here drawing on Jerome's Ep. lxxiii, it is not inconceivable that their use of Jerome was independent. At several points in the commentaries one finds (uncharacteristic) poetic expressions which may imply familiarity with Latin poetry. For example, the phrase precioso sanguine used in Evil 74 is one used earlier by Juvencus and Paulinus of Nola, and one which has reflexes in Aldhelm (see below, p. 522). Similarly, at two points the Commentator uses expressions which have a poetic, even Aldhelmian, ring to them: the expression in sole . . . uibrare used of dust in a sunbeam in PentI 7, and the verb clamo used in Evil 3 to mean 'to name' rather than, as elsewhere in Latin, 'to shout'. Such expressions might imply that Aldhelm 111
Aldbelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 478 {Ep. ii); trans. Lapidge and Herren, Aldhelm: the Prose Works, pp. 153-4. 268
The nature of the commentaries
was one of the Canterbury students whose transcriptions of Theodore's and Hadrian's teaching survive as the present biblical commentaries; but they might equally well imply a classroom vocabulary which Aldhelm learned at Canterbury and subsequently reproduced in his own writings. In any case, such poetic expressions are few and far between in the Canterbury commentaries, and no great weight should be placed on them. It would be interesting to know, nevertheless, how the Canterbury commentaries came into existence: not so much who transcribed the masters' explanations, but under what circumstances the transcriptions were made. We have seen that Theodore as a young man may have attended at Constantinople the lectures of the great polymath Stephen of Alexandria. We are able to form some notion of the nature and content of Stephen's lectures because transcriptions survive, taken down and (^covfjq (that is, viva voce or 'from the oral instruction of), of his lectures on medical curriculum-texts of Hippocrates and Galen. 112 As Marcel Richard has shown, the expression and ((xovfj^, used to describe the oral report of a lecture, first came into existence in the sixth century in university circles in Athens, Alexandria and Gaza, but was subsequently used to describe the writings of various Byzantine scholars such as Stephen and John of Alexandria in the seventh century, John of Damascus in the eighth, and George Choeroboscus (probably) in the ninth. 113 The system implies that the professor (or the university?) employed a stenographer or reportator to record the lecture as it was being delivered. Did Theodore, familiar at Constantinople with the system of and <|>(Dvfj<; transcription, institute a similar procedure at Canterbury? Or are the Canterbury commentaries merely the chance survival of one devoted student's adherence to the Mediterranean masters? Whatever the answer, it would appear that more than one transcriber was at work at Canterbury. For example, the commentaries often preserve what are manifestly independent explanations of the one biblical lemma. In Gn-Ex-Evla, many of the biblical passages which had been expounded in PentI are expounded again, with varying emphases and information. Compare PentI 35 and Gn-Ex-Evla 9, both of which contain extensive discussions of the location of Paradise but have almost nothing in common; or PentI 59 and Gn-Ex-Evla 10, which 112
Stephen's lectures on the Prognostka of Hippocrates are described in manuscript as l>XoXm ouv 0ecp eiq TO npoyvaxTTiicdv 'InnoKpaxovq dud cjxovfji; lT£&voi) c|)iA.oa6<j)ov) (ed. Duffy, Stepbanus the Philosopher. A Commentary on the Prognostkon of Hippocrates, p. 26).
113
Richard, '&rcd (|>a>vfj<;\ esp. pp. 1 9 2 - 2 0 7 .
269
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
contain the same information concerning the names of God (Gen. IV.26) put slightly differently: PentI 59- Decemque nominibus nominauit eum, quibus Iudaei adhuc utuntur. Primum eorum est Adonai, .i. deum. Gn-Ex-Evla 10: Hebraei dicunt .x. nomina Dei qui apud eos appellantur ab ipso nominatos; ex quibus primum est Adonay. A similar case of discrepancy between two evidently related explanations is seen by comparing PentI 35 and Gn-Ex-Evla 30 (concerning the site and meaning of Emmaus): PentI 35: Ciuitatem Sion aedificauit Seth, indeque Syon dicitur; similiter non est longe ab ea Emmaus ciuitas, ubi Cain occidit Abel, septem milibus distans, quae interpretatur 'sanguis fratris', ut Sofronius refert, patriarcha Hierusalem. Gn-Ex-Evla 30: Emmaus interpretatur 'sanguis fratris'. Vnde quidam putant quod ibi occisus fuisset Abel. Examples of such discrepancies could be multiplied (without making reference to the series of explanations contained in Pentll, as yet unprinted, but which also derive from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian). 114 Are we to assume that the discrepant explanations derive from the records of two independent students, each of whom understood the Commentator's explanation in a slightly different way?115 Or do PentI and Gn-ExEvla represent explanations given by the Commentator on separate occasions, perhaps even years apart? And would such an inference imply that Theodore and Hadrian repeated their curriculum of biblical studies in different years? Until the remainder of the substantial corpus of glosses from the Canterbury school (including especially Pentll and EvI) has been printed, these questions remain unanswerable. It is clear in any event that the present biblical commentaries are the written record of viva voce explanations to the Pentateuch and gospels given by the two great Mediterranean masters. Are they an accurate record? Certainly there are numerous cases which are only explicable on the 114 115
See above, p. 177, and below, p. 285. Recall that the 'Leiden Glossary' contains three separate batches of glosses on Rufinus's translation of Eusebius, HE, and two each on Gildas, Cassian, Sulpicius Severus and Isidore (see above, p. 175). It is worth asking whether these separate batches represent the independent efforts of different students, rather than the membra disiecta of a single, unified collection of glosses.
270
The nature of the commentaries
assumption that the student(s) recording the exposition misunderstood the point of the Commentator's explanation. At PentI 462, the river Euphrates is said to lie not far from Antioch (which is very roughly true) but to turn west and then debouch in the eastern Mediterranean {mare Pardonicum) near to the Promised Land. It is inconceivable that Theodore, a native of Tarsus who had visited Edessa (see above, p. 35), near which the Euphrates passes, could have thought that it subsequently turned and flowed into the Mediterranean, and one can only suppose that the AngloSaxon student recording this discussion - for whom all these geographical features pertained to a far distant land which he had never seen and of which he knew nothing — misheard what Theodore said about the location of Antioch (near which the Euphrates was said to flow) and misapplied the information to the river rather than the city. Mistakes also occur with respect to Greek words quoted by the Commentator. 116 Bede stated that some students of Theodore and Hadrian were living in his own day (that is, the 730s) who 'knew Greek and Latin as well as their native English', but this large claim is not borne out by the evidence of the commentaries. For example, in the attempt to explain Matth. XIII.55, nonne hie est fabri filius ('is not this the carpenter's son'?), the Commentator reportedly gave the following explanation: 'tectus graece, latine princeps. Architectorica: primarius operis siue princeps' (Evil 33). The Commentator apparently explained the Latin words fabri filius by reference to the corresponding passage in the Greek NT (6 TOO T&KTOVOC; otoq), pointing out that Greek T6KTC0V ('builder'), reproduced here as tectus, was equivalent to Latin faber\ but he confused the Anglo-Saxon student who was attempting to record this explanation by adding, by way of supplementary information, that the prefix dp^i- (meaning 'chief-' or 'principal') could be added to TEKTCOV so as to form the word apxixsKTCDV, 'chief- or master-builder' (cf. ModE 'architect'). The student uncomprehendingly wrote that tectus, rather than the prefix archi-, was equivalent to princeps in Latin, whence architectus (mutilated as architectorica) meant primarius operis, 'master-builder'. No native speaker of Greek could have made such a mistake; and of the student who wrote tectus graece, latine princeps it could scarcely be said that 'he knew Greek as well as his native language'. Nevertheless, the Canterbury commentaries do, on the whole, preserve an accurate record of the explanations, Greek philology included, given by 116
Cf. Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 188-9. 271
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the Commentator. They permit us to see that the linguistic outlook and experience of the Commentator — and this would be as true for Hadrian as for Theodore — was wholly Greek-centred. On numerous occasions a perfectly common Latin word in the Vulgate is explained by the Commentator, wrongly, as if it were of Greek origin. 117 For example, we are told in Evil 69 that the word legio is a Greek word, the Latin equivalent of which is exercitus ('legio autem graece dicitur legion . . . Legion graece, latine exercitus'), whereas in fact the Greek word Xeyecbv is a loanword from Latin legio; similarly, in Evil 85, the word praetorium is said to be a Greek word, the Latin equivalent of which is curia Cpraetorium graece, latine curia dicitur'), whereas the Greek word rcpaucbpiov is once again a loanword from Latin. The Greek-centred outlook of the Commentator occasionally causes him to claim as Greek a word which is unquestionably Latin, and which has no reflex in Greek whatsoever, such as instita in Evil 138. By the same token, there is a pattern of grammatical error involving the gender of certain masculine and neuter nouns which indicates that the Commentator's grasp of Latin grammar was not perfect (as would only be expected in a native speaker of Greek). For example, several neuter nouns are construed as if they were masculine: corpus (Gn-Ex-Evla \),firmamentum (PentI 17, 26 and 27), stagnum (PentI 10) and unguentum (Evil 79). One, or even two, of these errors might be charged to the student or reportator, or indeed to a later scribe; but taken together they suggest that the Commentator, speaking extemporaneously and not taking the trouble to correct himself, was prone to commit grammatical slips of this sort. 118 At such points we seem to be very close to the Commentator's actual voice. There is another respect in which we can sense this proximity, namely in the orthography of the Greek words quoted throughout the commentaries. 119 Although it was conventional throughout the Byzantine period for scholars of Greek to use the orthography of classical Greek (that is, the Attic Greek of the fifth century BC), the language had in fact undergone profound changes, so that there was often a very great distinction between the way a Greek word was written and the way it was pronounced. However, an Anglo-Saxon student recording the Greek words as they were pronounced by the Commentator would not, pre117 118
119
Ibid., pp. 183-4. Note also the expression (PentI 52) 'terram dicit propter homines'; and cf. below, comm. to PentI 193 and 342. See Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 179-81.
272
The nature of the commentaries sumably, have attempted to render them in classical orthography. The orthography of the Greek words quoted in the commentaries is thus (more or less) phonetic, and provides an interesting index to the way Greek was pronounced by the Commentator. Consider, for example, the spelling of the eight gradus or 5i5aaKaXiK& given in PentI 16 alongside their classical Greek forms: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
o scopo = 6 dis cristo = TO xpf|ai|iov do cnisio = TO yvf|(Jiov y taxis = r\ xafyq / etia tes epigrafis = f\ aixia xx\q £7iiypa<|>fj<; is ta cefalea dierisis = eiq xa K6
Even allowing for some amount of scribal corruption, 120 these spellings are a surprisingly accurate reflection of Byzantine Greek pronunciation. 121 The sound changes implied by these spellings (when compared to classical Greek) may be summarized as follows: initial voiceless x had become voiced (no. 3: TO > do);122 initial y became /k/ before a nasal (no. 3: yvf|tfiov > cnisio);123 final -v had ceased to be pronounced (no. 2: xpf|ai|iov > crisio; no. 3: yvf|aiov > cnisio);124 final -q had occasionally ceased to be pronounced (no. 1: GKonoq > scopo; no. 8: \iepoq > meo; but cf. no. 7, where both cases of final -<; were preserved); 125 the diphthong ei and the vowel r| were both levelled to the high front tense vowel HI (no. 6: eiq > is; no. 3: yvf|<7iov > cnisio; and nos. 4, 5 and 8, where r| is rendered / or;/); 126 and, finally, the diphthong ai was levelled to Id (no. 5: aiTia > etia; no. 6: 120
121
122
For example, in no. 2 , dis is clearly a corruption ofdo(= TO), a n d an -m- has fallen o u t of crisi<m>o\ in no. 8, spo is a corruption of ipo ( = 6TCO), and an -r- has fallen o u t of meo. See, in general, R. Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 25-6. See Gignac, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri, p. 6 3 , and Theodorsson, The Phonology of Ptolemaic Koine, p p . 1 7 7 - 8 (no. 132).
123
G i g n a c , ibid., p . 7 7 ; Theodorsson, ibid., p p . 1 8 3 - 4 (no. 149).
124
G i g n a c , ibid., p p . 1 1 1 - 1 2 .
125
Gignac, ibid., p p . 1 2 4 - 5 ; Theodorsson, The Phonology of Ptolemaic Koine, p p . 1 9 9 - 2 0 8 (no. 178).
126
G i g n a c , ibid., p p . 1 8 9 - 9 0 and 2 3 5 - 9 ; cf. Theodorsson, ibid., p p . 6 2 - 8 1 (no. 1).
273
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
5iaipeai<; > dierisis).121 In such phonetic renditions the Anglo-Saxon students of the Canterbury school have captured for us the very voice and pronunciation of the great Mediterranean masters, so that, after 1,300 years, their classroom remains alive. CONCLUSIONS
The Canterbury biblical commentaries help to recreate for us one of the most exciting moments in the history of western culture, at least of the medieval period. It is difficult to think of an analogous situation anywhere in western Europe between 650 and 1450 when two Mediterranean scholars of such broad experience and profound learning established a school for the benefit of a handful of students, and then helped them to understand the text of the Bible in terms of this experience and learning. In some respects, no doubt, their learning will seem limited when judged by the standards of modern biblical scholarship. But even today, when we are able to study the Bible by means of concordances, lexica and encyclopedias of every sort, many of their observations remain pertinent, and in many respects their learning - particularly as regards Greek patristic literature — exceeds our own. We can scarcely imagine the impact of this learning on the small and select audience of Anglo-Saxon students, most (if not all) of whom will never have travelled outside England, never have seen a melon, and never experienced the magnificence of cities like Constantinople or Rome. For such students the riches of the libraries in Constantinople, Naples and Rome would quite simply have been unfathomable, and we can see with hindsight that they were extraordinarily privileged to have received tuition from two such men. For us, too, it is extraordinarily fortunate that the biblical commentaries of the Canterbury school have survived, for they enable us to recreate and appreciate what was undoubtedly the intellectual highpoint of Anglo-Saxon literary culture. 127
Gignac, ibid., pp. 191-3; Theodorsson, ibid., pp. 131-2 (no. 44).
274
7 The manuscripts
The Canterbury biblical commentaries have been transmitted in various manuscripts, none of which preserves a complete text in its original form. The principal (and most complete) manuscript is that in Milan; but the other, often fragmentary, manuscripts throw important light on the original form of the commentaries; furthermore, they are in every case earlier by several centuries than the Milan manuscript. The earliest of these manuscripts, a fragment now in Berlin dating from the mid-eighth century, 1 thus dates from roughly a half-century after the commentaries were first committed to writing. Before considering these earlier but fragmentary witnesses, however, it is necessary to treat the Milan manuscript in some detail. MILAN, BIBLIOTECA AMBROSIANA, M. 7 9 SUP.
The Milan manuscript was designed by its two principal scribes as a massive theological compendium. 2 On palaeographical grounds, it appears to have been written in northern Italy in the second half of the eleventh century. 3 It consists of 254 folios in large quarto size (260 X 190 mm.), with a written space of 200 X 145 mm. Pricking was done with a 1 2
3
See below, pp. 288 and 541-2. The manuscript was collated by ML during a visit to Milan in December 1987, using notes made in 1936 by BB. Mirella Ferrari very kindly put at our disposal her own unprinted collation and notes on the manuscript. Unfortunately, as a result of archaeological excavations and an ambitious programme of restoration, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana will be closed for the foreseeable future, and the manuscript inaccessible. It has not, therefore, been possible to check all the details given here. For a more precise dating and localization, see below, pp. 283-^.
275
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
slanted, slit-shaped instrument of the sort commonly found in Italian manuscripts of this date. The first quire was ruled for 41 long lines, but all the remaining quires have been ruled for two columns (65 + 15 + 6 5 mm.). The parchment is yellow in appearance and of poor quality; the ink is brown. The medieval binding in which the book was originally preserved had evidently rotted, with the result that the outer leaves of many quires have been eaten away on their inner fold; when the manuscript was rebound (at the abbey of Grottaferrata in 1953), many of these leaves had to be mounted. At the time the manuscript was rebound, it was refoliated; the description given below follows this newer foliation. 4 7 paper flyleaves I 8 (fols. 1-8) (outer two bifolia mounted); quire signature: .i. 5 II 8 (fols. 9-16); quire signature: .ii. Ill 8 (fols. 17—24); quire signature: .iii. IV 8 (fols. 25—32); quire signature: .iv. V 8 (fols. 33—40); quire signature: .v. VI 8 (fols. 41-8); quire signature: .vi. VII 8 (fols. 49-56) (outer three bifolia mounted); quire signature: .vii. VIII 8 (fols. 57-64) (outer two bifolia mounted); quire signature: .viii. IX 8 (fols. 65—72) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .viiii. X 8 (fols. 73-80); quire signature .x. XI 8 (fols. 81—8); quire signature .xi. XII 8 (fols. 89—96) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .xii. XIII 8 (fols. 97—104) (outer bifolium mounted); quire signature: .xiii. XIV 8 (fols. 105-12); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature added: .xiiij. XV 8 (fols. 113-20); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature added: .xu. XVI 12 (fols. 121—31) (2 cane); no original quire signature; fifteenthcentury quire signature added: .xuj. XVII 8 (fols. 132—9); original quire signature: .xvii. XVIII 8 (fols. 140-7); original quire signature: .xviii. XIX 8 (fols. 148-55); original quire signature: .xviiii.
4
5
Note that accounts of the manuscript printed before 1953 (e.g. that by BB in MS I, 207-9) use the older, now superseded, foliation. The quire signatures are located in the central lower margin of the last page of each quire.
276
The manuscripts
XX 8 (fols. 156—63); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xx. XXI 8 (fols, 164-71); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxi. XXII 8 (fols. 172-9); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxij. XXIII 12 (fols. 180-90) (3 cane); no original quire signature; fifteenthcentury quire signature: .xxiij. XXIV 8 (fols. 191—8); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxiiij. XXV 8 (fols. 199-206); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxu. XXVI 8 (fols. 207-14); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuj. XXVII 8 (fols. 215—22); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuij. XXVIII 8 (fols. 223—30); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuiij. XXIX 8 (fols. 231-8); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxuiiij. XXX 8 (fols. 239-46); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxx. XXXI 8 (fols. 247-54); no original quire signature; fifteenth-century quire signature: .xxxj. The book was written by two principal scribes.6 The first scribe, who wrote fols. 1-104, conscientiously added quire signatures after each quire of his work. The second scribe was less conscientious in this regard, and his failure to add signatures in all but three quires (XVII—XIX) had to be remedied by a much later user of the book. The two scribes wrote in a very similar style, and used a very similar method of preparing their parchment, which suggests that they were working in one and the same scriptorium. They were clearly collaborating, since at the point of the hand-over (between quires XIII and XIV) the second scribe ended his first column halfway down the page (105r): apparently he could not follow on with the second column because he was copying from an exemplar shared 6
The last leaves of quire XXXI were originally left blank by Scribe II, and were subsequently filled with later additions (items 48-51).
277
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school with his colleague. The first scribe avoided decoration altogether; he used red ink to copy rubrics, but did not attempt any decorated initials. By contrast, the second scribe had a flair for pen-drawn initials, which he coloured with red ink. 7 The contents of the manuscript have never been adequately described, and await the attention of a professional cataloguer. Because of the importance of the manuscript, however, it may be helpful to give a (very preliminary) description here. The numbers of the items correspond to those used in the eighteenth-century table of contents added onflyleavesat the beginning of the book. lr— 5r: Incipit expositio de creatione mundi (inc. illegible). 8 5r—7r: De septuaginta interpretibus Augustinus in libro octauodecimo ciuitatis Dei (inc. 'Traditur sane tarn mirabile ac stupendum'). 9 3. 7v—9v: Quid sit temporale perpetuum ac sempiternum. Isidorus (inc. 'Quedam in rebus sunt temporalia et quaedam perpetua'), followed by Diffinitio sancti Hieronimi contra hereticos (inc. 'Omne quod est aut ingenitum est aut genitum'). 4. 9v—1 lr: Extracta de libro Salomonis. 5. l l r : De tractatu prime epistole ad Corrinthios (inc. 'Non debemus pueriliter intelligere filium Dei secundum diuinitatem esse factum').10 6. 1 lr—17r: Expositio sancti Gregorii pape in canticis canticorum.11 1. 2.
7
8
9
10 11
On the decoration in this manuscript, see M.L. Gengaro and G. Villa Gugliemetti, Inventario dei codici decorati e miniati (saec. VH-XIII) delta Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Storia della miniatura 3 (Florence, 1968), 40. A copy of a pre-Carolingian Genesis-commentary which is preserved elsewhere in Autun, Bibl. mun. 27 C, 63v-76r + Paris, BN, lat. 1629, fols. 17-18 (CLA VI, no. 727 C: Visigothic minuscule, s. viii 1 ) and Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 191 (Reichenau, s. x); it is ed. K. Wotke, Der Genesis Kommentar (I-IV.l) des Pseudo-Eucherius im Codex Augiensis CXCl sec. x (Vienna, 1897). For details, see S. Cantelli, Angelomo e la scuola esegetka di Luxeuil, 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1990) I, 240-8, who suggests that the work may be of Spanish origin. We are grateful to Silvia Cantelli and Michael Gorman for help in identifying this entry. The excerpt on the LXX is from Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XVIII.42-3 (CCSL 48, 638-40); it is followed by a further excerpt on the LXX from Hilary, Tractatus in .ii. psalmum 2, inc. 'Mediis namque legis temporibus priusquam unigenitus' ( = PL 9, 202-4). Not listed in Stegmiiller. CPU no. 1709 (PL 79, 471-92 = CCSL 144, 3-46). On manuscripts of the work, see P.-P. Verbraken, 'La tradition manuscrite du Commentaire de Saint Gregoire sur le
278
The manuscripts 17r—19v: Item ipse de .nit. animalibus}2 19v: Versus Bede super tractatum Apocalypsis.15 19v—21r: Excerta quedam de tractatu Apocalipsi (inc. 'Nicolaus ut fertur unus fiiit ex illis septem diaconibus qui ordinati sunt'). 14 10. 21r: De communibus nominibus regum (inc. 'Omnes reges Persarum Artaxerxees dicuntur'). 11. 21r-v: De gradibus in quibus Christus fuit (inc. 'Hostiarius fuit quando aperuit hostia inferni').15 12. 21 v-22v: Claues sapientie sunt quinque.16 13. 22v-23r: Quod Christus clauso exiuit uirginis utero. 14. 23r-v: Cassianus de uirginitate Marie (inc. 'Preciosa est in conspectu Domini mors sanctorum eius'). 17 15. 23v—24r: lohannes uox ex patre diabolo estis (inc. 'Sciendum quia fiierunt heretici Manichei'). 16. 23v: De mensura corporis Christi Domini. 17. 24r-25v: a table giving 'Diffinitio humane consanguinitatis' (24r), followed by exposition on 24v-25v. 18. 25v—26r: De grecis litteris cum diptongis ac numeris suis. 19- 26v—28v: Incipit expositio a Fortunato presbitero conscripta (an exposition of the symbolum inc. 'Summa totius fidei catholici recensentes in qua et integritas credulitatis ostenditur'). 18
7. 8. 9.
12
13 15
16
17
18
Cantique des Cantiques', RB 73 (1963), 277-88, who was, however, unaware of the text in Milan M. 79 sup. Excerpts from Gregory, Horn, in Ezechielem [CPL, no. 1710}, Li—iii (CCSL 142, 26-45). 14 ICU no. 4853 (PL 93, 133-4). Not listed in Stegmuller. On this text of the 'ordinals of Christ', see Reynolds, The Ordinals of Christ; p. 95, who refers to the version preserved in the Milan manuscript as the 'Hiberno-Hispanic Hierarchical' version; cf. also p. 97. Descriptions of the five (or four or three) keys of wisdom are ubiquitous in medieval manuscripts; see R. Avesani, 'Leggesi che cinque sono le chiave della Sapienza', Rivista di cultura classica e medievale 1 (1965), 62-78, E. Voigt, Egberts von Liittich Fecunda Ratis (Halle, 1889), p. 229, and Sims-Williams, Religion and Culture, pp. 335-6. Presumably an excerpt from Cassian's De incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium II. 2—7 (CSEL 17, 247-61). Oddly, the quotation which begins the excerpt (Treciosa est in conspectu' etc.), from Ps. CXV. 15, is not quoted in De incarnatione, and appears to be quoted only once by Cassian, in Conl. VI.iii.5 (CSEL 13, 157), a passage which has nothing to do with the Virgin Mary. (It was not possible to check this identification.) On this exposition of the Apostles' Creed by Venantius Fortunatus, see CPL, no. 1035 and Stegmuller V, no. 8283; it is ptd PL 88, 345-51 and MGH, Auct. Antiq. 4.1
279
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school 20. 28v—29n Item alia expositio simboli (inc. 'Simbolum grece latine inditium siue conlatio dicitur'), 19 followed (29r— 30r) by Item alia expositio simboli (inc. "Tradunt maiores nostri quod post Ascensionem Domini omnes apostoli'). 20 21. 30v—32r: Expositio orationis dominice, followed by (32r) Item alia expositio and (32r-33r) Item alia expositio. 22. 33r-36v: Expositiofideicatholice (a commentary on the Athanasian creed).21 23. 36v-38v: Item expositiofideicatholice Fortunati.22 24. 38v-44r: Bede, De locis sanctis25 25. 44r-v: Incipit breuiarius quomodo Hierosolima constructa est (inc. 'Ipsa ciuitas in monte posita. In medio ciuitatis est basilica'). 24 26. 44v—45r: De interpretationibus duorum prophetarum Hieremie scilicet et Aggei, et duarum ciuitatum Hierosolymam et Babilonis. 27. 45r-46v: Question-and-answer dialogues (inc. 'Quibus modis fit
19
20
21
22
23
24
(1881), 2 5 3 - 8 . See discussion by F. Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1 8 9 4 - 1 9 0 0 ) 1 , 1 3 0 - 2 . This exposition of the Apostles' Creed is listed Stegmiiller VI, no. 9 8 1 2 , and ptd A.E. Burn, 'Neue Texte zur Geschichte des apostolischen Symbols', Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschkhte 21 (1901), 1 2 8 - 3 7 , at 1 3 5 - 7 (from this manuscript). The creed in question is that referred to as T or textus receptus (see Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 3 9 8 ^ 3 4 ) . This exposition of the Apostles' Creed is that by Rufinus of Aquileia: listed CPL, no. 1196 and Stegmuller V, 7 5 4 1 ; ptd PL 2 1 , 3 3 5 - 8 6 and CCSL 2 0 , 1 3 3 - 8 2 (whose editor was unaware of this manuscript). See also Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, pp. 101—4. This (unptd?) commentary on the pseudo-Athanasian creed (inc. Tides est credulitas illarum rerum quae non uidentur') is listed by Burn, The Athanasian Creed and its Early Commentators, p. 4 3 and by Haring, 'Commentaries on the pseudo-Athanasian Creed', p. 2 3 4 (no. XI). This commentary on the pseudo-Athanasian creed is listed by Haring, 'Commentaries on the pseudo-Athanasian Creed', p. 2 2 6 (no. I); the Milan manuscript uniquely bears the attribution to Fortunatus, though the work is elsewhere preserved in some thirty manuscripts. The commentary was discovered and ptd Muratori, Anecdota II, 2 1 2 - 1 7 and repr. PL 8 8 , 5 8 5 - 7 ; see also the critical editions by Krusch, M G H , Auct. Antiq. 4.2 (1885), 1 0 6 - 1 0 , and by Burn, The Athanasian Creed, pp. 2 8 - 3 9 . CPL, no. 2332 (CSEL 39, 3 0 1 - 2 4 = CCSL 175, 2 5 1 - 8 0 ) . O n this manuscript, see the remarks of Geyer (CSEL 39, xliii-xliv), as well as P. Revelli, / Codici Ambrosiani di contenuto geografico (Milan, 1929), p. 9 6 and M.L.W. Laistner and H . H . King, A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts (Ithaca, N Y , 1943), p. 84. This is the so-called Breviarius de Hierosolyma {CPL, no. 2327): CSEL 3 9 , 1 5 3 - 5 = CCSL 175, 1 0 5 - 1 2 .
280
The manuscripts interrogatio?'; includes 'De septem sigillis que Dominus aperuit' (46r) and 'De sex cogitationibus sanctorum et iustorum' (46v)). 28. 46v-51r: Incipit uinculum interrogationum Eucharii.25 29- 5 lr—52r: Hie secuntur ethimologie Virgilius presbyter Hispanus.26 30. 52r-58v: Ex libro ethimologiarum domni Ysidori21 31. 58v—59v: De musica et eius nomine: Ysidorus28 32. 59v: Interpretatio nouem Camenarum.29 33. 59v—125v: Libellus glossarum ueteris ac noui testamenti (a massive collection of biblical commentaries and glosses, itemized more fully below, pp. 284-5). 34. 125v—128r: glosses and lemmata corresponding to sections of the 'Leiden Glossary': De libro officiorum (125v), De libro rotarum (125v), De libro uitae S. Antoni (125v), De Cassiano (125v), De Eusebio (125v-127r), De Orosio (127r), De Augustino (127r), De Clemente (127r-v) and Dialogorum (127v-128r). 30 35. 128r—131v: Incipiunt glose de Regula S. Benedicti abbatis?x 36. 131v—I48v: De diuersis codicibus glose. 37. 148v— 15 3r: De computo per interrogations et responsionem (inc. 'Quid dicitur mundus? Mundus est qui constat ex celo et terra et mare'); includes De numero Ysidorus (152r) and De laude compoti Augustinus dicit (152r-v). Various later additions on 152v; a table of lunar risings on 153r. 25
In spite of the attribution to Eucherius, and in spite of the fact that bk I of Eucherius's Instructions consists of questions and answers, this present work is not by Eucherius, but is one of the many question-and-answer dialogues which, like the preceding item (no. 27), are found in early medieval manuscripts.
26
Virgilius Maro Grammaticus, Epitomae XI.i.4 (ed. G. Polara, Virgilio Marone
Gram-
matico: Epitomi ed epistole (Naples, 1979), pp. 146—8); see also discussion by M. Ferrari, ibid., p. xxvii. 27
A n epitome of passages excerpted, abbreviated and arranged in no discernible order, from Isidore, Etym. IX.iii, X , Il.xxvi, V.xviii-xxiv, etc. As a collection these excerpts are similar to, but distinct from, those ptd Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome'.
28
Excerpts (abbreviated and rearranged) from Isidore, Etym. Ill.xv-xxiii.
29
A n eleven-line hexametrical poem, inc. 'Clio gesta canens transactis tempora reddit', listed ICL, no. 2 4 2 5 , and ptd Poetae Latini Minores, ed. E. Baehrens, 5 vols. (Leipzig,
1879-83) HI, 243-4. 30
31
Ed. Hessels, A Late Eighth-Century
Latin-Anglo-Saxon
Glossary, chs. xxvi-xxviii and
xxxiv-xxxix; see also above, pp. 174-5. This unptd item (and no other) is listed by P.O. Kristeller, her Italkum, 6 vols. (London and Leiden, 1963-92) I, 301.
281
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school 38. 153v: De clerico deuoto B.M.V. (inc. 'Clericus quidam multis erat peccatis obnoxius et precipue'). 39. 153v—154v: Sermo sancti Ambrosii episcopi (inc. 'Ecce nunc tempus acceptable'). 32 40. 155r-v: Concilium Romanum sub Gregorio VII, anno 1078. 33 41. 156r-l67v: a vast collection of glossae collectae (inc. Tres sunt principales lingue, scilicet Hebrea et Grega et Latina'). 42. l67v-171r: Collectanea uaria (includes tractates such as Vbi sit sedes ignis, Quia Deus inuisibilis est omnibus rebus, De fato, De natura humana, De bonitate Dei etc.). 43. 171 v—172r: Incipit breuiarium apostolorum.3*4 44. 172v-177v: a computistical calendar (only in the month of January (172v) have any saints' feast days been entered: see below).35 45. 178r—190v: Incipit compotus domni Bede presbiteri de mensura et concordia mensium (consists mostly of tables and nineteen-year cycles for the years 1007-1158: 181r-184v). 46. 191r-240r: Gezo of Tortona, Tractatus ad monachos de dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramento (a florilegium on the eucharist, set out in seventy chapters).36
32
33 34
33
36
A spurious sermon of Ambrose? N o t listed by Stegmuller (the words are from II Cor. VI.2). Ed. Mansi, Concilia X X , 5 0 7 - 1 6 . A t the bottom of 172r, in a hand of the mid-twelfth century, is the following note: 'Anni Domini .mcxlvii. [ = 1 1 4 7 ] . H o c anno Conradus regum rex et Francorum rex cum ingenti multitudine Teutonicorum Francorum et Amideu (?) Langobardorum mare transierunt' — a reference to Conrad III and the Second Crusade. See Mazzuconi, 'La diffusione', pp. 2 0 2 - 3 . The calendar is ptd L.A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, 25 vols. (Milan, 1723-51)11.2, 1027-34. Gezo was abot of the monastery of St Marcian in Tortona in the later tenth century: see M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, 3 vols. (Munich, 1911-31) II, 53-6, and Mazzuconi, 'La diffusione', pp. 189-91; his Liber de corpore et sanguine Christi was discovered and ptd (incompletely) by Muratori, Anecdota III, 242-303 and repr. PL 137, 371-406. On the manuscript transmission of the work, see E. Cau, 'Ricerche su scrittura e cultura a Tortona nel IX e X secolo', Rivista di storia delta chiesa in Italia 26 (1972), 79-100, esp. 95-6, and Mazzuconi, ibid., pp. 201-3; on the sources of the work, which include (importantly) Paschasius Radbertus and Odo of Cluny, see Mazzuconi, ibid., pp 192-200, and G. Braga, 'Gezone di Tortona tra Pascasio Radberto e Oddone di Cluny', Studi medievali 3rd ser. 26 (1985), 611-66.
282
The manuscripts 47. 240r-250r: various short tractates on the eucharist, mostly drawn from patristic authorities (Jerome, Cassiodorus, Augustine). 37 48. 25Ov: Concilium Placentinum sub Vrbano II. anno 1095. 3 8 49- 25lr: notes on the eucharist. 50. 25lr—v: Concilium Lateranense sub Paschali II. anno 1112; 3 9 following the acta of the Lateran Council a later scribe has added a fifteen-line poem, inc. 'Phison ad nigros Paradisus dirigit Indos', 40 and another scribe has added a five-line poem by Hildebert of Lavardin (d. 1134) on the plagues of Egypt, inc. 'Prima rubens unda, clades, raneque secunda'. 41 51. 252r-254r: a treatise on orthography (inc. 'Dictiones terminate in u.ur'). 254v is blank and badly soiled. The contents of the manuscript enable us to ascertain the date at which it was written. The latest datable item copied by the two scribes in their original stint (fols. 1-250) is the acta of the Council of Rome held under Pope Gregory in 1078; on the other hand, the earliest datable addition to the manuscript is the acta of the Council of Piacenza held under Pope Urban II in 1095. These are the outer dates for the copying of the book; given its size, we may suppose that it was copied over a period of years in the 1080s. Some indication of where it was copied is given by the calendar on 172v-177v, and in particular by the saints whose names are recorded against dates in January (172v). These include St Savinus [Sabinus] (cf. BHL II, 1079) and St Martina (cf. BHL, no. 587), both of whom were venerated specifically at Piacenza in the Piedmonte. An origin in Piacenza would seem to be confirmed by the fact that the first addition to be made to the manuscript was the acta of the Council of Piacenza held there in 1095. The manuscript was subsequently taken to Brescia, to judge by an ex-libris inscription (added in an italic hand, probably of the sixteenth century) on the bottom of 2r: 'Iste liber est meij Francisci de Raynerij de Brixia cum duobus aliis libris et erat iste liber condam habbatis de Gaibio [?] in territorio Brixiensi.' It has plausibly been suggested that the Gaibio 37
38 40
41
The remaining items in the manuscript (25Ov-254r) are later additions by various scribes. 39 Mansi, Concilia X X , 8 0 1 - 1 6 . Ibid. X X I , 4 9 - 5 2 . Listed H. Walther, Initia Carminum ac Versuum Medii Aevi Posterioris Latinorum, 2nd ed. (Gottingen, 1969), no. 14104; apparently unptd. Ptd PL 171, 1436 (no. cxxii) as well as Hildeberti Cenomannensis Episcopi Carmina Minora, ed. A.B. Scott (Leipzig, 1969), p. 21 (no. 34).
283
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
or Gabiano in question is that now known as Borgo S. Giacomo, near Brescia.42 In any event, the two original scribes, working at Piacenza in the 1080s, drew on a wide range of texts, some of them manifestly of English origin, such as the excerpts corresponding to chapters from the 'Leiden Glossary' (no. 34). In particular, most - perhaps all - of the contents of item no. 33, the Libellus glossarum ueteris ac noui testamenti, are of English origin. 43 We must now examine these contents more closely. On close inspection, the Libellus glossarum is seen to consist not of one unified collection of biblical glosses, but of several sets which have evidently been sorted and rearranged by the compilers) of the manuscript. The rearrangement will be clear from a more detailed list of the contents: In Genesi (59v-64v) Item in Genesi (64v-66r) De mensibus et eorum uocabulis: Ysidorum (66r—67v) Glose de libro Genesi (67v—69r) In Genesi glose (69r-70v) Item in Exodo glose (70v—72v) In Exodo (72v-73v) Item in Exodo (73v—75r) De libro Leuitico (75r-76r) In eodem (76r-v) De quibusdam ponderibus uel mensuris (76v) Item in Leuitico De libro Numerorum (77v-78v) In eodem (78v-79r) Item in libro Numeri (79r—v) In Deuteronomio (79v—80r) In eodem (80r-v) Item de Deuteronomio (80v) Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, Regum, Paralipomenon, Prouerbiorum, Ecclesiastes, Cantica canticorum, Sapientie Salomonis, Sirach, Isaiae, 42 43
Mazzuconi, 'La dimisione', p. 2 0 2 . Mirella Ferrari {apud Polara, Virgilio Marone Grammatico, p. xli, following Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 7 ) suggests that the biblical commentaries came to the Italian scribe-compilers in Piacenza via Germany; but there is no evidence in support of this suggestion, and against it is the fact that, whereas the commentaries contain numerous glosses in Old English, they contain none in Old H i g h German.
284
The manuscripts
Ieremiae, Hiezechielis, Danielis, .xii. Prophetarum, lob, Tobie, Iudit, Hester, Esdre et Neemiae (81r-88v) In Marco, Luca, Iohanne et Matheo (88v-89r) In Matheo etc. (89r-92r) Augustinus: Quod Christus Deus et homo est (92r) De morte pessima persecutorum Christi (92r-v) Apostrofa glosarum per precedentes libros (92v-125v) It will be seen, first, that the scribe(s) took several separate sets of glosses to the Pentateuch and then rearranged them according to the individual books of the Pentateuch: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy. If one leaves aside the excerpts from Isidore on the names of the months (66r—67v) given under Genesis, and the brief treatise on weights and measures — also drawn from Isidore — given under Leviticus (76v), 44 as well as the supplementary series of glosses on Genesis entitled Item in Genesi (64v-66r), which is in fact a series of explanations on Genesis, Exodus and the gospels, the remainder of the Pentateuch glosses form three separate collections, which for convenience may be labelled Pent(ateuch) I, II and III.45 In the case of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, the scribe systematically drew first from PentI, then Pentll and finally from Pentlll; in the case of Deuteronomy, he absent-mindedly reversed the order, drawing first on Pentlll, then Pentll and finally PentI. Careful study of the three separate collections enables one to distinguish between them with some confidence: PentI usually consists! of long, discursive explanations and quotations from patristic authorities, whereas Pentll and Pentlll typically consist of single-word glosses to biblical lemmata. The original three sets may be reconstituted as follows: PentI: 59v-64v (Genesis), 70v-72v (Exodus), 75r-76r (Leviticus), 77v-78v (Numbers) and 80v (Deuteronomy) Pentll: 67v-69r (Genesis), 72v-73v (Exodus), 76r-v (Leviticus), 78v-79r (Numbers) and 80r-v (Deuteronomy) Pentlll: 69r-70v (Genesis), 73v-75r (Exodus), 76v-77v (Leviticus), 79r-v (Numbers) and 79v-80r (Deuteronomy)
44
The treatise De quibusdam ponderibus uel mensuris is ptd in Appendix II, below, pp. 562-3.
45
The terminology is that of Bischoff, MS I, 2 0 7 .
285
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
Additional to these are the supplementary glosses to Genesis, Exodus and the gospels on 64r—66r; we refer to these as Gn-Ex-Evla. Following the Pentateuch glosses the scribe copied a long series of glosses to the remaining books of the Old Testament, from Joshua to Esdras and Nehemiah (81r-88v). These OT glosses correspond, by their nature, to the second series of Pentateuch glosses (Pentll) and were evidently a continuation of it; furthermore, the OT glosses from Paralipomenon (Chronicles) onwards correspond nearly verbatim to chs. vii— xxiii in the Xeiden Glossary' (see above, p. 174). Finally, the Milan manuscript contains two series of glosses to the gospels: EvI (88v—89r) and Evil (89r-92r). Of these, the first series corresponds closely to the gospel glosses in the 'Leiden Glossary' (chs. xxiv—xxv), whereas the second series (Evil) is by the nature of its exegetical method closely related to the first series of Pentateuch glosses (PentI) discussed above. Accordingly, it is possible to see that the Italian scribe-compilers of the Milan manuscript had at their disposal the following collections of biblical commentaries and glosses:46 1 2 3 4
PentI + Evil; Gn-Ex-Evla; Pentll + OT glosses (Iosue - Nehemiah) + EvI; Pentlll.
These four collections of exegetical materials all derive ultimately from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. The two Mediterranean masters are frequently cited by name in our 1, namely PentI + Evil; and the thirty-six explanations which make up our 2, namely Gn-Ex-Evla, agree in method and often in wording with those in PentI + Evil (see above, p. 270), so they evidently have a similar origin. As we have seen (above, pp. 177—8), Theodore and Hadrian are frequently named as authorities in the OT glosses which make up 3; and since these glosses, as well as EvI, correspond to chapters of the 'Leiden Glossary', there is independent evidence for associating them with the Canterbury school. In the case of 4, the glosses of Pentlll, neither Theodore nor Hadrian is mentioned by name; but it is clear that they too were compiled in England, and therefore arguably in the Canterbury school. For example, in explaining the reference to almonds 46
We leave out of consideration the apostrofa glosarum per precedentes libros (92v-125v) which, to our knowledge, has never been studied.
286
The manuscripts
and plane-trees in Gen. XXX.37, the commentator of PentHI observes of the almond that, 'Non uidimus in Brittania nisi adductam', and of the plane-tree that, 'Non est in Brittania' (70r). Taken together, the glosses in the Milan manuscript represent one of the largest corpora of biblical exegesis to have survived from the early Middle Ages. They deserve to be studied and published in full; but such an undertaking is immense and lies beyond the scope of the present book. We present here editions of PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla and Evil (below, pp. 297^423). The glosses which make up Pentll •+• OT (Joshua - Nehemiah) + EvI await the attentions of a future editor, as do those of PentHI; but this editor's task will not be an enviable one, given that the transmission of these glosses is tied up with that of Rz, of the 'Leiden Glossary', and of the large family of unpublished glossaries associated with them.47 OTHER MANUSCRIPT WITNESSES
The principal witness to PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla and Evil is the Milan manuscript; but other partial witnesses throw important light on the transmission of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Six manuscripts are in question, and these include two witnesses to the Leviticus glosses in PentI 332-400; one complete witness to Gn-Ex-Evla; and three witnesses to Evil. These manuscripts are discussed and their texts printed below as Appendix I (pp. 533-60), but for purposes of discussion it will be helpful to treat them briefly here. Additional witnesses to PentI
Two manuscripts preserve part of the Leviticus glosses of PentI: St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 { = Sg] and Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. [ = Br]. St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 This small manuscript was evidently designed as a scholar's handbook: it is in tiny duodecimo format (c. 90 X 87 mm.), and was written somewhere in the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission in Germany in the second half of 47
See Pheifer, 'The Canterbury Bible Glosses'. 287
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
the eighth century. 48 Its principal content is the glossary known as the 'Vocabularius S. Galli', 49 but it also contains (pp. 139—45) a number of glosses to the names of the unclean animals in Leviticus XL 5—30, and some of these (Sg 27-37) correspond nearly verbatim to PentI 354-61. Interestingly, the Anglo-Saxon scribe apparently combined these PentI glosses with a number of other glosses (Sg 1-26) to Leviticus; and these, too, are demonstrably of Anglo-Saxon origin, insofar as they contain numerous explanations in Old English. 50 One interesting feature of the PentI glosses as preserved in St Gallen 913 is that they contain an explicit reference to Hadrian (a reference which, as we shall see, was omitted by the scribe of the Milan manuscript): 'Lamm: hragra; Adrianus dicit meum esse' (Sg 30). This reference provides one more piece of evidence for associating PentI with Canterbury. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. Five folios, consisting of two bifolia and a single fragmentary leaf, are all that remain of a manuscript written by two scribes in Anglo-Saxon cursive minuscule, probably in an Anglo-Saxon centre in Germany with Southumbrian connections, datable on palaeographical grounds to the mideighth century. 51 The fragmentary leaf contains glosses which correspond to PentI 348-87, and is thus the oldest surviving manuscript witness to the Canterbury biblical commentaries. One of the glosses in question (Br 12) is attributed nominatim to Hadrian, and it is also interesting to note that one of the bifolia of this same manuscript contains two batches of glosses corresponding to chs. xlviii and xxxix in the 'Leiden Glossary', as well as excerpts from the OT biblical glosses (on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs) which are also preserved in the Milan manuscript (83v-84r). One of the glosses to the Song of Songs contains Hadrian's explanation of the word stipate (II.5), which was discussed and printed above (p. 177). This 48
49 50
51
See CLA VII, no. 976; Bischoff, MS III, 94; and Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli, esp. pp. 1-32, together with pi. 1 (showing some of the Leviticus glosses on pp. 140-1 of the manuscript). See Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli, esp. pp. 3 3 - 8 2 . Ptd SS IV, 460; Schlutter, 'Altenglisches aus schweizer Handschriften', and Meritt, Old English Glosses, no. 36, as well as below, pp. 534—5. See CLA, Supp., no. 1675.
288
The manuscripts
fragmentary manuscript is thus a precious witness to the early continental transmission of teaching materials from the school of Canterbury. Additional witness to Gn-Ex-Evla The 'Leiden Glossary', now preserved in Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, is one of our most important witnesses to the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. The manuscript was written c. 800 at St Gallen, 52 but was evidently copied from collections of material of English origin, among them the 'Leiden Glossary' itself (20r-36r), which contains some 250 Old English glosses. Among various excerpts from patristic authors which follow the glossary in the manuscript (see below, p. 545) is a collection of biblical glosses (39r-v) which correspond nearly verbatim to the collection in the Milan manuscript which we have designated Gn-Ex-Evla. The verbatim agreement suggests that the collection as preserved independently by the St Gallen and north Italian scribes is more or less complete as we have it. Additional witnesses to Evil
Three manuscripts preserve excerpts from the gospel glosses (Evil) as they are transmitted in the Milan manuscript, and, although fragmentary, they help to throw light on the original state of the text as well as to provide further confirmation that they embody the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 38 This manuscript (Wbl) was written at Wurzburg in the second third of the ninth century, 53 and contains thirteen gospel glosses (123v-124r) corresponding approximately to Evil 3-29. The most important feature of these Wurzburg glosses (Wbl), however, is that they bear the rubric Haec Theodorus tradedit, 'Theodore propounded the following', thus providing explicit testimony that Evil, and by extension the remaining Canterbury 52
53
See de Meyier, Codices Vossiani Latini //, pp. 1 5 7 - 6 4 , as well as CLA X , no. 1585 and Bischoff, MS II, 26 and III, 289. See Thurn, Die Handschriften, p p . 2 8 - 9 , and Bischoff and Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, pp. 36—7.
289
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
biblical glosses, derive from Theodore's teaching. These Wiirzburg glosses also contain the statement that Theodore saw in person the relics of the Twelve Baskets in Constantinople, a crucial piece of evidence in any attempt to reconstruct his early career, as we have seen (above, pp. 42-64). Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, M.p.th.f. 47 This Wiirzburg manuscript (Wb2) was written in the area of the AngloSaxon mission in the early ninth century;54 its principal contents are works of Gregory, but on the final three folios the scribe combined and copied two different sets of gospel glosses. The first set (Wb2 1-41) corresponds to EvI and to the chapters of gospel glosses in the 'Leiden Glossary'. The second set (Wb2 42-115) corresponds closely, and often verbatim, to Evil, though it must be said that the Wiirzburg copy is an exceedingly careless one and that its entries can often be understood only by reference to those of the Milan manuscript. Unlike the other Wiirzburg manuscript (Wbl), this present manuscript preserves no glosses that are not found in the Milan manuscript. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470 The principal content of the Munich manuscript is a homiliary written probably in Bavaria in the early ninth century. 35 At the end of the homiliary the scribe added three entries from Evil (115, 117 and 119), including the lengthy account of the Seven Sleepers legend (Evil 115). The text of the entries agrees closely with that of the Milan manuscript, and testifies to the circulation of the Canterbury commentaries in ninthcentury Bavaria. THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
The partial manuscript witnesses help to illustrate the transmission of the Canterbury biblical commentaries. Although there is some (questionable) 54
55
See CLA I X , no. 1414; Thurn, Die Handschriften, Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, p. 103. Bischoff, Die sudostdeutschen Schreibschulen I, 246.
290
p p . 3 6 - 7 ; and Bischoff and
The manuscripts
evidence for the circulation of these commentaries in later Anglo-Saxon England, 56 no English manuscripts of PentI, Gn-Ex-Evla or Evil survive. It would seem rather that the commentaries were transmitted to the Continent by Anglo-Saxon missionaries during the course of the eighth century, for the earliest surviving manuscripts appear to have been written in the area of their missionary activity: the Grimm fragment now in Berlin (s. viii med ), St Gallen 913 (s. viii2) and Wurzburg, UB, M.p.th.f.47 (s. ixin). It is unfortunately not possible to be more precise about where in the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission — which initially was confined to Hessia and Thuringia — the manuscripts were produced. But the see of Wurzburg was founded by Boniface in 741 or 742, and it was there that Wurzburg, UB, M.p.th.f.38 was copied during the second third of the ninth century. The commentaries were also known at Werden, an important AngloSaxon centre in Saxony, for in the early ninth century the compiler of the 'Werden Glossary' was able to draw on them. 57 From the area of the mission, the biblical commentaries migrated towards the south, so that they were known at St Gallen in what is now Switzerland by c. 800 (Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69) and in Bavaria by the early ninth century (Munich, SB, Clm. 14470). At this point, apparently, the trail grows cold: for reasons which are still to be determined, the Canterbury biblical commentaries ceased to be copied north of the Alps, and the direct influence of Theodore and Hadrian's biblical exegesis came to an end. We would have only the most limited understanding of that influence, were it not for the fact that at Piacenza in the 1080s two Italian scribes, who were engaged in compiling a compendious reference-work for biblical and theological study, made use of several collections of exegetical materials which originated in the Canterbury school. The result of their activity survives as Milan M.79 sup., and it is this manuscript which enables us to see the earlier, fragmentary witnesses in an accurate perspective, and to appreciate properly the extraordinary achievement which the commentaries represent. 56
For example, the compiler of the pseudo-Bede Collectanea, who was possibly (or arguably) working in England in the earlier eighth century, seems to have had access to the Canterbury commentaries in some form (see below, c o m m . to Evil 19 and 4 2 ) , and there is some tenuous evidence that they were known to Aldred at Chester-le-Street in the earlier tenth century (see comm. to Evil 6 4 and 106). However, none of this evidence is decisive, and it could be argued, for example, that the pseudo-Bede Collectanea were compiled on the Continent rather than in England.
57
See Lapidge, 'Old English Glossography', pp. 5 0 - 6 .
291
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
The seven surviving manuscripts — Milan M.79 sup. and the six partial witnesses — are all independent. It is self-evident that none of the earlier witnesses could have been copied from the Milan manuscript, nor, because of their fragmentary nature, could any of them have served as its exemplar. Nevertheless, the partial witnesses can be used as an index to the copying habits of the Italian scribes, and thus throw light on the nature of the (hypothetical) original form of the Canterbury commentaries. It is clear, for example, that the Italian scribes of M.79 sup. did not reproduce absolutely everything in their exemplar, but copied selectively. Their principles of selection can be seen from comparison of a passage of text where we have three independent witnesses. Such a passage occurs in the treatment of the unclean animals in Leviticus (PentI 355—61); the same passage is preserved in St Gallen 913 (Sg) and in the Grimm fragment in Berlin (Br). Their texts may be represented in tabular form as follows: Milan M. 79 sup. PentI 355
PentI 356 PentI PentI PentI PentI
357 358 359 360
PentI 361
St Gallen 913 Sg 27 Sg 28 Sg 29 Sg 30 Sg 31 Sg 32 Sg 33 Sg 34 Sg35 Sg 36
Berlin, Grimm 132,2 Br 8 Br 9 Br 10 Br 11 Br 12
It will be seen that, for the five glosses where all three manuscripts including Br are witnesses (Br 8-12), there is only one case where all three manuscripts preserve the same gloss: PentI 356 = Sg 29 = Br 11. In copying the same five glosses, the Italian scribe of Milan M.79 sup. omitted three, and the scribe of St Gallen 913, one. During the copying of a span of eleven glosses (as we know them from Sg and Br), the Italian scribe omitted four. If these figures can legitimately be applied to the Pentateuch commentary as a whole, we may surmise that, in its original form, it was one-third longer than it is as the Italian scribe has copied it. A similar pattern emerges from consideration of the text of Evil as it is 292
The manuscripts
transmitted in the Milan manuscript and in the two Wiirzburg manuscripts (Wbl and Wb2): Milan M. 79 sup. Evil 3 Evil 4 Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil Evil
5 6
Wurzburg 38 Wbl 1 Wbl 2 Wbl 3
Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2 Wb2
7 8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Wurzburg 47
Wb2 42 Wb2 43
Wbl 4
44 45 46 47 48
49
Wbl 5 Wb2 50 Wb2 51 Wb2 52
Wbl 6 Evil 16 Evil 17 Evil 18
Wb2 53
Wbl 7 Wbl 8
Wb2 54
Here, over a stretch of some eighteen glosses, the scribe of the Milan manuscript omitted just two, as can be ascertained by comparison with Wbl (itself a very incomplete witness): the glosses in question being Wbl 2 and Wbl 6. The fact that the same two glosses are also lacking in Wb2 may suggest that they were already missing from the exemplar used by the Italian scribe. Nevertheless, there is sound evidence that the Italian scribe did abbreviate the text as he was copying it. This is particularly clear in the case of Old English glosses to lemmata in the Pentateuch, as we know them from the Grimm fragment in Berlin and from St Gallen 913. We have already seen the example of an explanation attributed nominatim to Hadrian which contained two Old English words (Sg 30 = Br 12; 'Larum: hragra; Adrianus dicit meu esse') which was omitted by the scribe of the Milan manuscript, presumably because he did not understand them. A similar situation occurs with respect to the word ibis in Lev. XL 17, which, in the 293
Biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school
form recorded by the scribe of St Gallen 913, began with an Old English equivalent, as follows: lbinen: .i. screb, qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem dedicerunt (Sg 31). The same gloss is given nearly verbatim by the scribe of the Milan manuscript, with the exception that the Old English equivalent has been omitted: Ibin: qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem didicerunt (PentI 357). The result is that there are few Old English glosses in the Milan text of the Canterbury commentaries: presumably the few which remain were copied by the Italian scribe only because he failed to recognize them as English. The sum of this evidence suggests that the Canterbury biblical commentaries, in their original written form, may once have been substantially longer than they are as transmitted in the Milan manuscript, and may once have contained substantially more interpretamenta in Old English. EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
The Canterbury biblical commentaries pose serious difficulties for the prospective editor. On the one hand, they were not committed to parchment in the first instance by Theodore or Hadrian themselves, but are rather the record of viva voce instruction by the two masters as copied down by their English students (see above, pp. 266-74), with the result that it is often difficult to determine whether an apparent error in the text results from faulty understanding on the part of the transcriber. Furthermore, we know that neither Theodore nor Hadrian was a native speaker of Latin, or had received extensive training in Latin schools, so that persistent grammatical errors in the commentaries may arguably be the result of their Greek-centred education and their lack of proficiency in Latin (see above, pp. 271—2). The difficulties are compounded by the fact that the principal manuscript, Milan M.79 sup., was written by an Italian scribe who may not have been able to read his (presumed) Anglo-Saxon exemplar at every turn, and who in any case imposed his own orthography on what he copied, as may quickly be seen by comparing passages of text in the Milan 294
The manuscripts
manuscript with that in the eighth-century manuscripts from the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission. We have accordingly hesitated to emend the transmitted text except in cases where it presented manifest nonsense, or where its original sense could be recovered by consulting the sources used by the Commentator. We have attempted to give a full record of the scribe's treatment of the text (including his erasures) in the apparatus criticus, but have not recorded the frequent occurrences of Nota-signs in the manuscript. In matters of orthography we have adopted several conventions. Tagged e (^) is reproduced as ae in cases where that is philologically correct (with respect to late antique, and hence seventh-century, practice), for example in genealogiae or coniunctae (Evil 2), but as e when that is philologically correct, for example in simbolice and metaforice (Evil 7). Deus and Dominus (and their oblique forms) are capitalized. The abbreviation for idest is given as ./'. rather than in expanded form. Roman numerals in the text are sequestered with points, thus: .xiiii. The numbering of individual entries is our own. English translations of the Latin Vulgate (as cited in the commentaries) are taken from the Douai—Rheims version (1582—1609), as revised by Richard Challoner (1749-50).
295
Texts and translations
< COMMENTARIES PRIMVS IN PENTATEVCHVM>
59vb In primis de Prologo Hieronimi in Genesi. 1 Obtrectatorum: .i. Graecorum auctorum; maxime autem Rufinus Cassianusque et Euagrius accusauerunt eum. Dicebatque eum Rufinus acerocomatus, .i. uane laborantem in translatione non necessaria post septuaginta interpretes, uagogerusque eum, .i. ueteres manducans in reprehendendo. Ipse quoque Hieronimus uocauit eum filium fullonis, .i. quasi nichil scientem obscurumque hominem. Hieronimus in Bethleem, Rufinus in Mellena' ciuitate prope Ierusalem habitauit, de Roma pergens 60ra cum Mellena abba / tissa, unde et ipsa ciuitas nomen accepit. 2
Sugillationem: .i. oppressionem.
3
Cudere: .i. manducare.
4
Fedareque: .i. sordidare uel putridum facere.
5 Qui editioni antiquae translationem Theodotionis miscuit: quando sextupla fecit, .i. sex translationes in unum librum composuit. Aquilam autem et Theodotionem praeposuit septuaginta interpretibus, ac si diceret quia meliores inuenit, sicque composuit. Primum Hebraicam ueritatem Hebraeis uerbis et litteris. Post Graecam Graecis litteris quam ipse transtulit, ut creditur. Terciam Aquilae. Quartam Theodotionis. Quintam septuaginta. Sextam Simmachi. Per sex similitudines sex translationes composuit contra se inuicem quomodo quisque unumquemque uersum diceret, ubi discreparent, ubi eandem et reliqua usque ad quartum 5
discreparent] corrected from dispeparent
298
FIRST COMMENTARY ON THE PENTATEUCH (PentI)
First, concerning Jerome's Preface to Genesis. 1 Obtrectatorum {'detractors']: that is, Greek authors; in particular, Rufinus, Cassian and Evagrius attacked him. For Rufinus referred to him as acerocomatus (&KupoKdnaxo<;), that is, 'toiling uselessly' on a translation which, after the Seventy Translators of the Septuagint, was quite unnecessary, and as uagogerus (<|)ay6yT|po<;), that is, 'eating the ancients' by reproving them. Jerome himself called Rufinus the son of a fuller, that is, as if he were an ignorant and obscure man. Jerome lived in Bethlehem, Rufinus in the city of Mellena near to Jerusalem, having gone there from Rome with the abbess Melania, from whom the city took its name. 2
Sugillationem ['castigation'}: that is, oppression.
3
Cudere ['to forge']: that is, to devour.
4
Fedareque ['to defile']: that is, to pollute or to make foul.
5 Qui editioni antiquae translationem Theodotionis miscuit ['who mixed the translation of Theodotion in with the ancient translation']: when he made it sixfold, that is, he [Origen] put together six translations in the one book [the Hexapla]. He placed Aquila and Theodotion before the Seventy Translators, as if he were saying that he found them to be better and composed his work accordingly. The first was the original Hebrew text, written in Hebrew words and characters. The second was the Greek transliteration, written in Greek characters, which he [Origen] himself transliterated, so it is believed. The third was the translation by Aquila. The fourth that of Theodotion. The fifth the Septuagint. The sixth that of Symmachus. In six similar columns he set out the six translations, each
299
Pentl: text testimonium. Haec omnia negat Graecorum auctoritas ueracia, sed dicit additamenta esse apocriforum; Hieronimus autem asserit uera esse et reliqua. Aquila autem erat Asianus de Epheso, frater uxoris ^Elii Adriani, ideoque missus ab eo ut reaedificaret Hierusalem ipsamque dispensaret. Eratque homo eruditus in omni doctrina. Ibique Iudaeus factus et circumcisus persequebatur Christianos; ibique didicit Hebraicam linguam et inde interpres factus. Theodotion autem et ipse haereticus fuit, discipulus Marcionis. Simmachus autem erat Samaritanus de Gitta ciuitate Samariae, unde erat Simon Magus.
6
Sintagma: .i. compositio uel subnumeratio meliusque sic dicitur.
7 Hiberas naenias: .i. fallacias illius gentis quae dicitur Hibera. Naenia 6Orb .i. minuta / quae in sole uidemus uibrare, quod paene nihil. 8
Vnius dei cultor: sed secta Platonis.
9 Yperaspistis: .i. defensor, uicedominus .i. qui bene dominatur in se et in aliis. 10 Sed in una basilica et reliqua. Epiphanius autem refert eos primitus congregatos in stagno qui dicitur Mariam in una insula ibi prope Alexandriam, ibique habuisse triginta sex cellulas binique semper unum librum in una basilica transtulisse et postea in Alexandria in una basilica inter semetipsos contulisse ut similiter haberent cum rex consideraret.
11 Oeconomicum. Oeco .i. domus, nomicus .i. dispensator; liber in quo uel quomodo debeat domus dispensari. ueracia] ueracem MS dicit] dicitur MS iElii Adriani] helio adriani MS omni] omnia 9 MS yperaspistis] aliter yperpistes written in margin by another hand MS 10 Mariam] Maria MS with suspension mark misplaced after end of word triginta sex] uiginti sex MS; after uiginti the syllable tis was written and then erased MS in una basilica] the second 11 occurrence of this phrase is possibly an error by dittography Oeconomicum] om. MS; some words such as explicatur quo may have fallen out after in quo
300
Pentl: translation
alongside the other, so that someone could see how each author rendered each verse, where they disagreed, where they had the same thing, and so on up to the fourth witness. The authority of the Greeks denies that all this is authentic, but claims them to be apocryphal additions; Jerome, however, asserts them to be true, and so on. Aquila was an Asiatic Greek from Ephesus, the brother of the wife of [the Emperor] yElius Hadrianus, and accordingly was sent by him to rebuild Jerusalem and act as its governor. He was a man learned in every branch of knowledge. In Jerusalem he was made a Jew and, once circumcised, he persecuted Christians; and there he learned Hebrew and hence became a translator. Theodotion too was a heretic, a disciple of Marcion. Symmachus was a Samaritan from the city of Gitta in Samaria, whence came Simon Magus. 6 Sintagma ['composition']: that is, arrangement or ordering, and it is better expressed thus. 7 Hiberas naenias [Iberian trifles']: that is, the fallacies of that people which is called Iberian. Naenia: that is, the particles which we see trembling in a sunbeam, which is to say, they are virtually nothing. 8 Vnius dei cultor ['the worshipper of one god']: but he [Ptolemy] was in the sect of Plato. 9 Yperaspistis [\)K£paGniGTr\q, 'protector']: that is, defender, viceregent, that is, someone who exercises authority well over himself and over others. 10 Sed in una basilica ['but in one building'] and so on. Epiphanius says that they were first assembled there on an island in the lake called Mary near to Alexandria, and there a pair of translators each occupied one of thirty-six rooms in the one building and translated one book; and afterwards, in Alexandria, assembled in the one building, they compared their work amongst themselves so that it would be harmonized when the king [Ptolemy] inspected it. 11 Oeconomicum [OIKOVOUIK6<;, 'a book (by Xenophon) on household management']: oeco (OIKO<;) means 'house', nomicus (vo^iiKoq) means 'steward'; it refers to a book on what ways or how a household should be managed.
301
Pentl: text 12
Pytagoram: nomen libri et philosophi qui primus scripsit.
13
Pro Tesifonte: ut ante, nomen libri uel uiri.
14
Afflatus: .i. infiisus.
15
Ante aduentum Domini: .i. .lxx. paene .ccc. annis.
16
In quibus ultimum paene gradum doctorum modum tenent. Octo gradus
dicunt esse philosophi in omni scriptura: primum o scopo; secundum dis crisio; tertium do cnisio; quartum y taxis; quintum i etia tes epigrafis; sextum is ta cefalea dierisis; septimum o didascalicos tropos; octauum spotimeo i anafora. (i) o scopo .i. praedestinatio, quod unusquisque habet praedestinationem in mente cuiuslibet libri antequam scribat quomodo et qualiter consumat eum. (ii) dis crisio est utilitas, .i. ad quam utilitatem proficiat et quae sanitas sit in labore eius. (iii) do cnisio est distinctio horum quae similia uidentur et tamen similia non fiunt, ut sunt 60va aequiuoca, .i. uterini fratres et eius qui de uno patre / matreque, et ueri a falsis distinctio. (iiii) i taxis est ordo: quod prius, quod post ponendum sit ut ordinem habeant res uel libri qui scribuntur. (v) i etia tes epigraphis est causa scribendi, ut superscriptio geneseos et aliorum librorum. (vi) is ta cefalea dierisis est quanta capitula .i. de quot rebus scribere uelit ante praeuidit. (vii) o didascalicos tropos est ut in eo scribat pertinentia ad doctrinam et ubi uelit docere. (viii) spotimeo i anafora est si in actiua uel in contemplatiua est. In libro Genesi. Genesis liber inde appellatur eo quod exordium mundi et generatio saeculi in eo contineatur.
12
l philosophi] philosophiae MS the Greek phrases in this entry have been badly mutilated in transmission; no attempt has been made to correct the orthography here, but cf. above, p . 273
302
Pentl: translation 12 Pytagoram {'Pythagoras']: the name of a book and of the philosopher who first wrote. 13 Pro Tesifonte ['In Support of Ctesiphon']: as above, the name of a book or man. 14
Afflatus ['inspired']: that is, infused.
15 Ante aduentum Domini ['before the Lord's coming']: that is, nearly three hundred and seventy years. 16 In quibus ultimum paene gradum doctorum modum tenent ['in which (the translators) hold virtually the ultimate grade of learned men']. Philosophers say that there are eight grades in all writing: first, o scopo (6 GKonoq, its 'aim'); the second, dis crisio (TO xpifai^ov, its 'usefulness'); the third, do cnisio (TO yvf|aiov, its 'genuineness'); the fourth, y taxis (f\ TCt^iq, its 'layout'); the fifth, / etia tes epigrafis (r\ atria xr\q £7tiypa(|)f|<;, 'the reason for its being written'); the sixth, is ta cefalea dierisis (eiq m Ke<|>dXaia 8iaipr|ai<;, its 'division into chapters'); the seventh, o didascalicos tropos (6 5i5aaKaXiKoq xponoq, its 'didactic purpose'); the eighth, spotimeo i anafora (UTCO TI jiepoq f| dva(|>op&, 'where its point of reference lies'), (i) o scopo, that is, its predetermined aim, because everyone has a predetermined aim in his mind for each book before he writes, as to how and by what means he intends to complete it. (ii) dis crisio is its utility, that is, for what purpose he executes it and what beneficial result there is in his labour, (iii) do cnisia is the discrimination of those things which seem similar and yet are not, like ambiguities, that is, as between uterine brothers and him who is born of both the mother and the father, or the discrimination of truth from lies, (iv) / taxis is the order: what is to be put first, what thereafter, so that all things — including books which are written — will have their order, (v) / etia tes epigraphis is the reason for writing, like the superscription of Genesis and of other books, (vi) is ta cefalea dierisis is how many chapters it has, that is, of how many matters the author wishes or intends to write, (vii) o didascalicos tropos is that the author should write things pertinent to instruction and that he wishes to teach, (viii) spotimeo i anafora is whether it is in active or contemplative mode. On the Book of Genesis. It is called 'Genesis' on the grounds that the beginning of the universe and the creation of the world is contained in it.
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PentI: text 17 In principio fecit Deus caelum [I.I]: .i. firmamentum caelum quern philosophi dicunt aplanem, in quo sunt omnes stellae fixae quasi claui, nisi .vii. planetae. 18 Et terrain [I.I]: .i. istam materialem quam modo uidemus. In nomine autem caeli et terrae simul comprehendit caelestia et terrestria omnia et recapitulat. 19 Terra autem erat inanis [1.2]: .i. nihil habens, neque hominem neque animantia nee aliquos fructus. 20 Et tenebrae erant [1.2]: .i. di aplane siue firmamento, quia adhuc non habuit luminaria. 21 Super faciem abissi [1.2]: aquas dicit abyssos, quia sic erant super materiali terra sicut in diluuio. 22 Spiritus Dei [1.2]: .i. spiritus sanctus ut uiuificaret aquas quae erant mortuae, nihil habentes sicut modo est Mare Mortuum; siue spiritus Dei dicitur aer iste sicut modo. 60vb
23 Dixit Deus Fiat lux [1.3]. Quae facta est non erat solis neque lunae stellarumque sed tantum imperio Dei et trium dierum dicitur. Sic tamen mutatis uicibus cum tenebris .xxiiii. horarum ut modo. Necdum autem habebant sol et luna stellaeque materiam, sed speciem tantum, .i. corpora sine materia, hoc est sine lumine. Et ilia lux trium dierum collecta posita est in species solis et lunae stellarumque, hoc est in corpora materialia tune antea, hae species obseruantes uices .xxiiii. horarum ut ante cum tenebris quae non dicebantur factae, sed di aplane obumbrante non adhuc illuminata.
24 Factum est uespere et mane dies unus [1.5]. Sed cur dicitur uespera prius quam mane? .i. per anadiplum: uespera pro mane, et mane pro uespera. Siue melius: ideo uesperam prius posuit pro uespera mundi in qua 21
aquas] aqua MS
23
uicibus] uices MS
rection MS
304
obumbrante] -n- added above line as cor-
PentI: translation 17 In the beginning God created heaven [I.I]: that is, the firmament, the part of the sky which the philosophers call aplanes (&nXavr\q), in which all the stars are fixed like nails, all except for the seven planets. 18 And earth [I.I]: that is, this material earth which we now see. Under the name of heaven and earth the text includes all celestial and terrestrial things, and now goes on to list them. 19 And the earth was void [1.2]: that is, it had nothing on it — neither man, nor other living things, nor any kind of fruit. 20 And darkness [1.2]: that is, in xfj &7cA,avfj or firmament, since it did not yet have any sources of light. 21 Upon the face of the deep [1.2]: he calls the abyss 'waters', since they were then lying upon the material earth, just as in the Flood. 22 The spirit of God [1.2]: that is, the Holy Spirit, that it might breathe life into the waters which were then lifeless, having nothing in them, like the Dead Sea nowadays; alternatively, this air which we now breathe is called the 'spirit of God'. 23 And God said: Be light made [1.3]. The light which was then created was not that of the sun or moon or stars, but came about solely through God's command and is said to have existed for these three days. However, when they had changed places with the darkness they were of twenty-four hours' duration, as now. The sun and moon and stars did not yet have material existence, but only empty form; that is, they were substances without matter, that is to say, without light. And that light of three days' duration, once gathered together, was placed in the empty form of the sun and moon and stars, that is, in the material substance as it then was, these forms keeping the places of the twenty-four hours as before with the darkness, which was not said to be created but rather had the aplanes (&7cA,avf|c,), not yet illuminated, covering it. 24 And there was evening and morning one day [1.5]. But why does it say evening before morning? The answer is, through the rhetorical device of anadiplum (&vaorcpo<|>fj, 'inversion'): evening for morning, morning for
305
PentI: text
erat fiiturus Christus accipere carnem, et ideo Iudaeis praecepit ut ad uesperam agnum occidissent, sicut adhuc et ipsi credunt eum uenturum. Haec Gregorius Nazanzenus et Theophilus dicunt.
25 Dies unus [1.5]. Non 'dies prima' dicit, quia non est ordo sed numerus; ideo 'dies unus'. Quod nos facimus et triplicamus numerando. Deus autem fecit unum diem qui erat a principio usque nunc; nos numerando multos dicimus dies. Interrogandum autem est: ubi sit mane huius et uespera supradicta? Nos dicimus: supradicti duo, ubi dicitur Tiat lux' et reliqua. Prima die: ubi est operatio illius diei? .i. diuisio tenebrarum a luce et sic in fine. Semper dierum dicitur numerus, .i. uespere et mane. Secunda die.
6Ira
26 Fiat fir I mamentum in medio [1.6] et reliqua. In quo firmamento sunt omnes stellae; qui, ut diximus, aplanis dicitur a philosophis. Multique adfirmant esse super eum aquas. Potuitque sic diuidere aquas sursum deorsumque. Sursum, .i. supra aplanem, ut inde dictum sit, 'et cataractae caeli apertae sunt'. Deorsum, ut 'fontes abissi magnae' apertae sunt. Quarta die. 27 Fiant luminaria infirmamentocaeli [1.14]. Modo fecit materialia esse et specialia, quae ante fiierant tantum specialia. Modo illuminauit eodem lumine trium dierum corpora solis et lunae stellarumque. Et Stellas posuit in firmamento quern dicunt philosophi aplanem. 28 Ad imaginem [1.26]: .i. esse regem super terrena, ut est ipse super omnia. Et nos similiter, .i. similes ei erimus post resurrectionem incorrupti, ut Iohannes dicit. 29 Masculum etfeminam [1.27]: fecit eos duos nomen uiri et feminae. 24
Nazanzenus] nazanrenus MS, with -r- deleted by a point and -z- written above the 25 line Theophilus] -e- corrected from -i- MS et 2 ] om. MS tenebrarum] tenebris 26 2 2 28 MS sursum ] om. MS ut ] et MS cataractae] caractae MS nos] om. MS
306
Pentl: translation evening. Or, better still: he puts evening first to represent the evening of the world in which the future Christ was to take on our flesh, and accordingly He commanded the Jews to kill the lamb in the evening - just as they still believe that He is to come. These points were made by Gregory of Nazianzus and Theophilus. 25 One day [1.5]. It does not say 'the first day', because there is no order implied, only number; hence 'one day'. We do this and triple the number by counting. But God made one day which lasted from the beginning until now; in counting we reckon this as many days. It ought to be asked: where is the aforementioned morning and evening of this day? We say: the aforementioned two days, where it says, 'Be light made', and so on. 'On the first day': where is the work of that day? The answer is, the separation of the darkness from light, and so on, until the end. The number of days is always counted, that is, the evening and morning. On the second day: 26 Let there be a firmament made amidst [1.6] and so on. In this firmament are all the stars; it is, as we have said, called the aplanes (&7cA,avf|<;) by the philosophers. And many assert that there are waters above it. God was thus able to divide the waters above and below. Above, that is, above the aplanes, that it might accordingly be said: 'and the flood gates of heaven were opened'. Below, as when 'the great fountains of the deep' were opened. On the fourth day: 27 Let there be lights made in the firmament of heaven [1.14]. Now He made them both material and formal, which had previously been only empty form. Now He illumined the bodies of the sun and moon and stars with the same light of three days. And He placed the stars in the firmament which the philosophers call the aplanes (&7cXavf|<;). 28 To our image [1.26]: that is, that man should be king of terrestrial beings, as is God of all beings. And likewise for us: that is, we shall be uncorrupt like Him after the resurrection, as John says. 29 Male and female [1.27]. He made these two and gave them the name of man and woman.
307
PentI: text 30 In medio aquarum [1.6]: quasi ante non esset aqua supra, sed modo de abisso leuasset, ut et creditur quia et ante caelum non dicitur fiiisse. Haec est recapitulatio caeli et terrae, quid de utroque esset factum quod in breui praedixerat, 'Fecit Deus caelum et terrain' ut nos intellegere potuissemus quod ipse 'in uno ictu oculi' perfecit, nee cherubin ante hominem, sed simul omnia. Sicut et resurrectio creditur simul omnium esse et 'in ictu oculi' creditur, sic et haec omnia simul facta sunt. Sed narrat per recapitulationem diligenter, usque dum dicit 'Istae generationes caeli et terrae' [II.4] et reliqua quae sequuntur.
6lrb
31 Faciamus hominem ad imaginem [1.26]: .i. faciamus / hominem cum anima, postea autem quando dicitur 'Spirauit'. 32 Spirauit in faciem eius [II.7]: erat gratia spiritus sancti prophetalis quam in peccato perdidit. Et sic apostolis bis datur spiritus, sic et in Adam factus est, .i. primum anima et inspiratio, postea .i. spirituals gratia sicut in apostolis sufflauit dicens, 'Accipite spiritum sanctum.' 33 Non enim pluerat Dominus Deus super terram [II.5]. Tres dies primos significat, quia sine sole non potuit pluere. Specialiter autem de paradiso dicit, in quo sufficiebat fons ascendens de terra, hoc est Syloe in sancta ciuitate, ut creditur, 'indeque egrediens in quattuor diuiditur capita omnemque irrigat terram.' Non dicit scriptura pluuiam ante diluuium si esset an non. 34 Formauit igitur Dominus Deus [II.7] et reliqua. Recapitulatio est praedictorum, usque 'posuit eum in paradisum.' 35 A principio [II.8]: .i. antequam esse caelum et terra facta. Multi dicunt paradisum fiiisse creatum et supra aplanem collocatum, ibique hominem constitutum antequam praeuaricaret imperium Dei. Alii autem a principio creationis caeli et terrae paradisum credunt esse creatum ubi 31
spirauit} om. MS
32
sufflauit] corrected from suffrauit MS
from a MS
308
33
d e 2 ] corrected
PentI: translation 30 Amidst the waters [1.6]: as if there had hitherto been no water above, but He had now drawn it up from the abyss, as it is also thought that it is not said to have existed before the heavens. This is a recapitulation of the creation of heaven and earth, as to what had been done to each of them, which the text had briefly predicted, 'God created heaven and earth', so that we could understand that God had created everything 'in the twinkling of an eye* - not Cherubim before man, but all things at once. Likewise is the resurrection thought to be of all things at once and to take place 'in the twinkling of an eye': thus all these things were also created at once. But the text narrates this carefully through recapitulation, until it says, 'Those are the generations of the heaven and the earth' £11.4] and that which follows. 31 Let us make man to our image [1.26}: that is, let us make man with a soul, as subsequently when the text says 'breathed'. 32 And breathed into his face [II.7]. It was the prophetic gift of the Holy Spirit which Adam lost through sin. And thus the spirit is given twice to the apostles, as it was created in Adam; that is, in the first instance, soul and breath, but subsequently, the spiritual grace, as when He breathed into the apostles, saying, 'Receive ye the Holy Ghost.' 33 For the Lord God had not rained upon the earth [II.5}. This refers to the first three days, since without the sun it could not rain. The text is referring particularly here to Paradise, in which an abundant fountain rises up from the earth, that is, the fountain of Siloam in the sacred city, so it is believed, and flowing thence is divided into four channels and irrigates the entire earth. The Scripture does not say whether or not there was rain before the Flood. 34 And the Lord God formed man [II.7] and so on. This is a recapitulation of what has been said before, up to when God placed man in Paradise. 35 From the beginning [II.8}: that is, before heaven and earth were created. Many say that Paradise had been created and positioned above the aplanes (&rcA,avf|<;), and man placed there, before he transgressed God's command. Others, however, believe that terrestrial Paradise was created
309
Pentl: text modo est sancta ciuitas, quia .xx. milia tantum distat ab ea ubi sepultus est Adam. Ciuitatem Sion aedificauit Seth, indeque Syon dicitur; similiterque non est longe ab ea Emmaus ciuitas, ubi Cain occidit Abel, septem milibus distans, quae interpretatur 'sanguis fratris', ut Sofronius refert, patriarcha Hierusalem. 36 Lignum etiam uitae [11.93 et reliqua. Secundum historiam arborem fici unamque, non duo. Ideoque Dominus ei maledixit in euangelio specialiter, non altero, quia in ea prima transgressio facta est. Et Deus est 6lva lignum uitae et scientiae boni malique; si bene senti / mus et intellegimus de eo, hoc est de sancta trinitate, nobis erit lignum uitae. Sin autem, aliter erit, ut in euangelio dicitur: 'Hie in ruinam et in resurrectionem multorum in Israel', et reliqua. 37
Phison [11.113: .i. eadem et Rodanus, ipse et Danubius.
38 Et aurum terrae illius optimum [11.123: sicut dicunt, incomparabile est omni auro. 39 Bdellium [11.123 et saphirum unum dicunt esse, iacincto colore, quasi folium porri. 40 Lapis onichinus [11.123: ideo sic dicitur, dum habet colorem unguis, quia onix dicitur unguis. 41 Erunt duo in came una [11.243: .i. quando miscent semen in coniugio. 42
Perizomata [III.73: .i. succinctoria, quasi mastrucas .i. bracas.
43 Domini nempe deambulatio intellegenda est per subiectam aliquam creaturam facta et, ut dicunt, angelicam [111.8344 Ad auram post meridiem [III.83: .i. incipiente septima hora, quia Iohannes Crisostomus dicit Adam factum tertia hora et sexta peccasse et quasi ad horam nonam eiectum de paradiso. Et hoc dicit per conuenientiam futuram de passione Christi destinatam. Alii autem eum septem annos peregisse in paradiso praeter .xl. dies, ut in Leptigeneseos dicit.
310
PentI: translation from the beginning of the creation of heaven and earth, and was where the Holy City Jerusalem is now, since it is only twenty miles from where Adam is buried. Seth built the city of Sion, whence it is called Syon; likewise the city of Emmaus, where Cain killed Abel, is not far from Sion, a distance of seven miles. Emmaus means 'the blood of a brother', as Sophronius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, explains. 36 The tree of life also [II. 9] and so on. According to the narrative there was one fig-tree, not two. And therefore the Lord cursed it especially in the gospel, and no other, since the first sin was committed through it. And God is the tree of life and of the knowledge of good and evil; if we think and understand about it properly, that is, about the Holy Trinity, it shall be for us the tree of life. If not, it will turn out otherwise for us, as is said in the gospel: 'Behold, this child is set for the fall, and for the resurrection of many in Israel', and so on. 37 Phison [11.11}: that is, the same river as the Rhone, which in turn is the same as the Danube. 38 And the gold of that land is very good [11.12]: as they say, it is not comparable to other gold. 39 Bdellium [11.12] and sapphire are said to be the same, of hyacinth colour, almost like a leaf of leek. 40 The onyx stone [11.12]: it is so called, since it has the colour of a finger-nail (unguis), since onix is equivalent to unguis. 41 And they shall be two in one flesh [11.24]: that is, when they mix their seed during intercourse. 42 Aprons [III.7]: that is, wrap-around overalls, like a sort of sheepskin garment, that is, breeches. 43 The walking about of the Lord is to be understood as happening through one of His creatures, in this case an angel [III.8]. 44 At the afternoon air [III.8]: that is, at the beginning of the seventh hour, since John Chrysostom says that Adam was created at the third hour, sinned at the sixth hour and was cast out of Paradise at the ninth hour. And he says this a propos the future occurrences at the crucifixion of Christ. Other commentators say that he spent seven years less forty days in Paradise, as it says in the Little Genesis. 311
PentI: text 45 Et collocauit ante paradisum uoluptatis [III.24]: .i. supra aplanem, inter Deum et hominem, ne sic intellegeret ut antea, hoc est de sancta trinitate. 46
Cherubin [III.24]: .i. ilium angelum summum.
47 Gladium autemflammeumac uersatilem [III.24]: uolunt esse aether .i. igneum spacium per .xxiiii. horas uergentem se, et sub ipso omnia ad nos usque terrena dicuntur; a nobis autem deorsum infernalia. Ab infernalibus abissi dicuntur; supra aether autem caelestia dicuntur.
48 Nonne si bene egeris recipies [IV.7]. Subauditur: quod tibi Abel debet, et eris primogenitus super eum et de eo accipies. 6lvb
49 Si I autem male (subauditur: egeris) statim in foribus [IV.7]: .i. palam damnationem tuam facio, .i. ipsum praepono tibi, ut saepe postea patres fecerunt, .i. Abraham de Ysaac et Hismahel, Isaac de Iacob et Esau, Iacob de Iuda et Ruben; et de filiis Ioseph, alterum de altero praeposuit. 50
Sed sub te erit appetitus eius [IV.7]: .i. si bene egeris, ipse tibi seruit.
51 Vt sequitur in libro, 'Dixitque Cain ad Abel' et reliqua usque 'egrediamur foras' [IV.8]. Hie continentur septem in quibus peccauit Cain: .i. primum inuidia, quia ignis non descendit super holocausta; .ii. secundum dolus, ut est 'egrediamur foras in agrum'; .iii. tertium occisio, quod primus ipse occidit; .iiii. quartum, quia fratrem occidit; .v. quintum, quod non tarn graue esset nisi fratricida fiiisset; .vi. sextum, quod matrem contristauit primus; .vii. septimum, quod mentitus est Deo. 52 Eicis me hodie a facie terrae [IV. 14]: .i. ab hominibus; terram dicit propter homines. 53 Omnis qui occiderit Cain septuplum punietur [IV. 15]: .i. ut supradicta septem superet in quibus peccauit Cain. Et diluuio punitus est mundus pro peccatis eius et eo emundatus est. 53
emundatus} emendatus MS
312
Pentl: translation 45 And placed before the paradise of pleasure [III. 24]: that is, above the aplanes (&7iA,avf|<;), between God and man, so that Adam would not have the perception he had previously had concerning the Holy Trinity. 46
Cherubin [III.24]: that is, that highest angel.
47 A flaming sword turning every way [III.24]: they wish us here to understand the aither (ai9f|p), that is, a fiery space which revolves completely every twenty-four hours, and beneath it everything up to and including us is called 'terrestrial'; from us on downwards everything is called 'infernal'. Beneath the 'infernal' things is the abyss; and those above the aether are called 'celestial'. 48 Ifthou do well, shalt thou not receive [IV.7]. It is understood to mean: you shall receive what Abel owes to you, and you shall be the first-born ahead of him, and shall receive from him. 49 But //(understand: you shall do) ///, shall not sin forthwith be present at the door [IV.7]: that is, I make public your damnation, that is, I prefer him to you, as the fathers often did at a later time, that is, Abraham of Isaac and Ishmael, Isaac of Jacob and Esau, Jacob of Judah and Ruben; and of the sons of Joseph, he preferred one to the other. 50 But the lust thereof shall be under thee [IV.7]: that is, if you do well, it serves you. 51 As it follows in the text, from 'And Cain said to Abel' and so on up to 'Let us go forth abroad' [IV.8], there are contained here the seven ways in which Cain sinned: first, through envy, because the fire did not descend upon his holocaust; second, his deceit, as when he said, 'Let us go forth abroad into the field'; third, the murder, because Cain was the first to commit murder; fourth, because he killed his brother; fifth, because it would not have been so serious if he had not been a fratricide; sixth, because he was the first to cause his mother anguish; seventh, because he lied to God. 52 Thou dost cast me out this day from the face of the earth [IV. 14]: that is, from men; the text says 'the earth' because of 'men'. 5 3 Whosoever shall kill Cain, shall be punished sevenfold [IV. 15]: that is, in order that he might overcome the aforementioned seven ways in which Cain sinned. And the world was punished by the Flood for his sins, and purified thereby. 313
PentI: text 54 Quoniam occidi uirum [IV.23]. Nescimus quern occidit, et de quo dicit, nisi tan turn quod non ipse est Cain, licet multi arbitrentur ut in Leptigeneseos dixit. 55 In uulnus meum [IV.23}: .i. in peccatum, ac si diceret, modo scio quod peccaui. 56 Et adolescentulum [IV.23]: .i. quod peius est. Quod duos occidi in liuorem meum quasi diceret, in augmentum punitionis meae, ut ipse demonstrat in sequentibus. 62ra
57 Septuplum ultio dabitur de Cain [IV.24]: / ut supra dictum est, quod punitum est peccatum eius in diluuio. 58 De Lamech uero septuagies septies [IV.24]: quasi dixisset, peccatum meum non potest dimitti dum duos occidi, nisi in septuagesimo .i. in Christo; et sic emundatum est eius peccatum, sicut Cain per septuplum in diluuio. 59 Iste coepit inuocare nomen Domini [IV.26]: .i. distinguens uera a falsis. Decemque nominibus nominauit eum, quibus Iudaei adhuc utuntur. Primum eorum est Adonai, .i. deum. Adhuc enim erat barbarismos .i. omnis domus habens proprias leges moresque quibus utebantur, et reliqua de septem haeresibus quae dicuntur. 60 Hie est liber generationis usque quod creauit Deus hominem ad similitudinem suam et reliqua [V.I]. Recapitulatio dum iterum uult narrare genus eius. 61 Et uocauit nomina eorum Adam [V.2]: .i. secundum uel cata silemsin; aliquando a plurali ad singulare iterumque de singulari ad plurale, ut hie fecit. 62 Ambulauitque cum Domino et non apparuit [V.24]: .i. Deus transtulit eum ubi uoluit et homines ignorant: aut in insulas potuit transportare uel in montes quoslibet — ut est Olimpus supra aerem, ut dicunt — in quibus potuit facile abscondi, licet multi incerta de paradiso opinentur. 58
occidi} occidit MS silemsin} silemsis MS
59
erat} erant MS
314
60
ad} et MS
61
uel} om. MS
Pentl: translation 54 / have slain a man {IV.23]. We do not know whom he killed, and of whom he is here speaking, except that it is not Cain, even though many commentators think it was Cain, as was said in the Little Genesis. 55 To the wounding of myself [1Y .23]: that is, in sin, as if he were to say, I now realize that I sinned. 56 And a stripling [IV.23]: that is, something worse. That 'I killed two to my own bruising', as if he were to say, to the increase of my punishment, as he reveals in what follows. 57 Sevenfold vengeance shall be taken for Cain [IV.24]: as was said above, that his sin was punished in the Flood. 58 But for Lamech seventy times sevenfold [IV.24]: as if he had said, my sin cannot be forgiven since I killed two men, except in the seventieth, that is, in Christ; and thus his sin was purified, just as that of Cain was punished sevenfold through the Flood. 59 This man began to call upon the name of the Lord [IV.26]: that is, in distinguishing true names from false. He called Him by ten names, which the Jews still use. The first of these is Adonai, that is, God. Hitherto there was barbarism (pappapia|io<;), that is, each house had its own laws and customs which they followed, and the other things that are said about the seven heresies. 60 This is the book of the generation up to that God created man to His likeness and so on [V.l]. A recapitulation here because the author wishes to give Adam's genealogy once again. 61 And he called their name Adam [V.2]: that is, in accordance with or cat a the rhetorical device ofsyllepsis (KCIT& cn3A,Xr|\|nv); sometimes it transfers from the plural to the singular, and again it transfers from the singular to the plural, as it does here. 62 And he walked with the Lord and was seen no more [V. 24]: that is, God transported him where He wished and men do not know where: He could have taken him either to islands or to certain mountains - just as Mt Olympus is located above the air, as certain sources allege — in which he could easily be hidden, even though there are many uncertain opinions concerning Paradise.
315
PentI: text 63
Vocauit nomen eius Noe [V.29}: .i. requiem dicens.
64 Iste consolabitur nos [V.29]: -i- solatium nobis faciet .i. requiem ab operibus et laboribus manuum nostrarum. 65 In terra cut maledixit Deus [V.29]: .i. secundum historiam, quia 62rb laborabant. Terra autem non dedit fructum suum; nee magnopere / aliquid scriptura de pluuia commemorat ante diluuium, sed plus apparet indigentia eius, ut in principio dicitur, 'Dominus autem non pluerat super terram', sed postea apparet quando dicit, 'Ponam arcum meum in nubibus', quod est signum misericordiae eius, dum designat pluuiam esse uenturam quando apparet. Sequebatur eos consolatio .i. inuentio fructuum de laboribus manuum suarum, postquam erat mundus emundatus de peccatis in diluuio. 66 Non permanebit spiritus meus [VI.3}: .i. anima quam dedi eis, .i. spiramen. 67 In homine [VI.3]: quasi diceret in hominibus de Cain generatis, dum pro peccatis Cain et generis eius factum est diluuium. Sic specialiter de ipsis et pro ipsis dicitur mundum perisse; eos dixit homines, .i. carnales, licet omnes essent puniti; tamen in comparatione generis Seth dicuntur esse homines, quia filii eius appellatione angelorum censentur. 68 Quia caro est [VI.3]: .i. quia spiritus spiritualis, sicut et spiritus carnalis; ipsorum autem spiritus erat carnalis, ut hie dicitur. 69 Erantque dies illius centum uiginti annorum [VI.3]: quibus dicitur Noe praedicasse illis ut paenitentiam agerent quando fecit arcam suam. 70 Gigantes [VI.4]: dicunt decem et octo cubitorum staturam illorum fuisse, et tribus cubitis supereminebat aquis, dum .xv. cubitis excelsior fuit aqua quam montes. 71
Virifamosi [VI.4}. Subaudis: in malis operibus, ut sequitur.
72 De lignis leuigatis [VI. 14}: .i. deuinctis tabulis bitumine inter 62va iuncturas ubique extrinsecus / ne aqua possit intrare. Bituminis autem 70
staturam] statura MS
supereminebat} super eminebat MS
316
Pentl: translation 63
And he called his name Noe [V.29]: that is, in calling him 'peace'.
64 This same shall comfort us [V.29]: that is, he shall make solace for us, that is, * rest* from the works and labours of our hands. 65 On the earth which God hath cursed [V.29}: that is, according to the narrative, since they were labouring. For the earth did not produce its fruits; nor does Scripture particularly relate anything concerning rain before the Flood, but rather the earth's barrenness is in evidence, as is said at the outset, 'God had not rained upon the earth', but afterwards rain is attested when it says, 'I will set my bow in the clouds', which is a sign of His mercy, since He indicates that rain is about to come when the rainbow appears. Consolation attended them: that is, the discovery of the fruits of the labours of their hands, after the world had been purified of its sins in the Flood. 66 My spirit shall not remain [VI.3]: that is, the soul which I gave to them, that is, their breath. 67 In man [VI.33: as if the text were speaking against the men begotten of Cain, since the Flood was brought forth for the sins of Cain and his kin. Thus the world is specifically said to have perished from and for them; the text refers to them as men, that is, carnal men, even though all of them were punished; yet in comparison with the kin of Seth they are said to be men, since Seth's sons are reckoned by the name of angels. 68 Because he is flesh [VI.3]: that is, because there is spiritual spirit, just as there is carnal spirit; and their spirit was carnal, as it says here. 69 And his days shall be a hundred and twenty years [VI. 3]: in which it is said that Noe preached to them to do penance when he made his ark. 70 Giants [VI.4]: they say that their height was eighteen cubits; and this height was three cubits above the waters, since during the Flood the water was fifteen cubits higher than the mountains. 71 Men of renown [VI.4]: understand, of renown for their evil deeds, as is clear from what follows. 72 Of timber planks [VI. 14]: that is, with the planks fastened with pitch between the joints and all over the outside so that water cannot get
317
PentI: text sunt duo genera: alterum est naturale, quod in Mare Mortuo inuenitur et foris aqua iacitur in similitudine bouis, quod non potest diuidi ullatenus nisi sanguine menstruali; alterum est quod de lacu hauritur et in sole coquitur usque dum fiierit durum, bitumenque dicitur; ipsurn potest dissolui facile et commisceri quolibet desideras. 73 Tricentorum cubitorum [VI. 15]. Quale putandum est fuisse illorum hominum cubitum qui tune erant .xviii. cubitorum statura? Et semper additum est uno cubito quattuor digiti. 74
Septena et septena [VII.2]: .i. .xiiii..
75 Mense secundo [VII. 11] .i. Maio, qui est secundus ab Aprile secundum Iudaeos. 76 Omnes fontes abissi magnae [VII. 11]: .i. .lxxii. fontes et .lxxii. interpretes et .lxxii. discipuli; dicunt hec paria fuisse. 77
Et cataractae caeli [VII. 11]: dicunt .vii. esse cataractas.
78
In articulo [VII. 13]: .i. in initio diei.
79
Centum quinquaginta diebus [VII.24]: .i. .v. menses.
80 Reuersaeque sunt aquae de terra euntes et redeuntes [VIII.3]: .i. unde exierant, hoc est in fontes abissi. 81
Decimo enim mense [VIII.5]: .i. Februario.
82 Sanguinem enim animarum uestrarum usque bestiarum et reliqua [IX.5]: .i. licet a bestiis deuoramini, tamen resuscitabo uos in nouissimo die integros cum anima et corpore. 83 Cum obduxero nubibus caelum et reliqua usque arcum [IX. 14]: qui significat misericordiam pluuiarum, quod erat ante parcius si erat aliquid. Ideoque terra infecunda fiiit, ut creditur, pro supradicta maledictione antequam diluuio esset mundata. 72 75
sanguine] sanguinem MS with -m deleted by a point commisceri} commissi MS 7 secundum] corrected from secundus MS hec] hoc MS
318
Pentl: translation in. Now there are two sorts of pitch: one is natural, which is found in the Dead Sea and is cast up by the water in the likeness of a cow, and it cannot be broken up at all except with menstrual blood. The other kind is that which is dredged up from the waters and is baked in the sun until it becomes hard; it is called bitumen. It can easily be dissolved and mixed with anything you wish. 73 Three hundred cubits [VI. 15]. How was the cubit of those men to be reckoned who were then eighteen cubits in height? And four fingers are always to be added to every one cubit. 74
Seven and seven {VII.2]: that is, fourteen.
75 The second month [VII. 11}: that is, May, which is the second month from April according to the Jews. 76 All the fountains of the great deep [VII. 11}: that is, seventy-two fountains and seventy-two interpreters and seventy-two disciples; they say that all these are equivalent. 77 And the flood-gates of heaven [VII. 11}: they say there are seven flood-gates. 78
In the selfsame [VII. 13]: that is, in the beginning of the day.
79
A hundred and fifty days [VII.24]: that is, five months.
80 And the waters returned from off the earth going and coming [VIII. 3]: that is, whence they came, that is to say, into the fountains of the deep. 81
The tenth month [VIII.5]: that is, in February.
82 The blood of your lives up to every beast and so on [IX. 5]: that is, even though you may be devoured by beasts, I shall nevertheless reconstitute you whole, with body and soul, at the end of the world. 83 And when I shall cover the sky with clouds and so on up to bow [IX. 14]: which signifies the mercy of rain, which previously was sparse, if there was any at all. And accordingly the earth was infertile, as may be believed, from the aforementioned curse, before it was purified by the Flood.
319
PentI: text 84 Coepit Noe uir agricola plantare uineam et exercere terrain et reliqua 62vb {IX.20]. / Vt diximus, non legitur magnopere aliquid de pluuiae utilitate, nee uineae nee olei ante diluuium. Sed haec omnia erant in uirtute et non adhuc in potentia .i. in opere, sed naturaliter in terra, foris autem non apparens adhuc utilitas eorum. 85 Cum didkisset quae feceratfiliussuus [IX.24]: .i. a duobus aliis sibi narrantibus. Hinc Moises postea praecepit, ne discooperias nuditatem patris tui uel matris. 86 Ipse coepitpotens esse [X.8]: .i. rex in Persida et Calanne, in ipso loco ubi aedificata est turris. 87
Egressus est Assur [X.I 1]: de ipso sunt dicti Assirii.
88 Et plateas ciuitatis [ X . l l ] : .i. uias publicas; quae ducunt per ciuitatem plateae dicuntur. 89
Haec est ciuitas magna [X.I2]: .i. Nineue.
90 Saba et Ophi et Euilathfilii lecthan [X.28—9]: de eis dicuntur nomina turris. 91 Faciamus ciuitatem nobis et turrem [XI.4]. Dicit Christianus Historiographus ideo eos fecisse, quia uoluerunt in caelum uindicare, eo quod inde in diluuio puniti sunt pluuia. 92 Venite igitur [XI.7]: angelis dixit, uel ad consilium sanctae trinitatis, ut alii intellegunt. 93 In Chebron [XIII. 18]: ubi sepultus est Adam maximus. Distat autem a sancta ciuitate miliaria .xx.
90
94
Hebraeo Abraham [XIV. 13]: .i. transitorie tune ambulante.
95
Vernaculos [XIV. 14]: .i. serui domestici qui in domo nutriti sunt.
Ophi} Ophie MS
de eis} deis MS
turris} corrected from terris MS
320
Pentl: translation 84 And Noe, a husbandman began to till the ground and plant a vineyard [IX.20]. As we said, nothing very much is read in the Scriptures concerning the productivity of rain, of the vine or of oil before the Flood. But all these things were present in force and not yet in potency, that is, in deed; but they were naturally present in the earth, though their usefulness was not yet evident externally. 85 When he had learned what his son had done to him [IX.24}: that is, from the two other sons reporting the event to him. Hence Moses subsequently commanded, 'Thou shalt not uncover the nakedness of thy father or . . . of thy mother.' 86 lie began to be mighty on the earth [X.8}: that is, he was king in Persia and in Calneh, in the same place where the tower was built. 87
Came forth Assur [X.I 1]: the Assyrians are named after Assur.
88 And the streets of the city [ X . l l ] : that is, the public ways; those which lead through the city are called plateae. 89
This is the great city [X. 12]: that is, Nineveh.
90 Saba and Ophir and Hevila . . . sons of Jectan [X.28—9}: from them the names of the tower are derived. 91 Let us make a city and a tower [XI.4]. The 'Christian Historiographer' [Cosmas Indicopleustes] states that they did this because they wished to avenge themselves on heaven, because it was from heaven that they had been punished with rain during the Flood. 92 Come ye, therefore [XI.7]: the Lord was speaking here to the angels, or to the counsel of the Holy Trinity, as others understand it. 93 In Hebron [XIII. 18]: where the great Adam is buried. It is twenty miles from the Holy City. 94 ToldAbram the Hebrew [XIV. 13]: that is, as he was then passing by as a wayfarer. 95 Servants [XIV. 14]: that is, the domestic servants who were raised in that house.
321
PentI: text 96 Trecentos decem et octo [XIV. 14}. Ideo similiter Gedeonis .ccc. et in Nicena synodo .cccx. et .viii. 97
Et dtuisis soctts inruit [XIV. 15}: .1. in tres diuisos, ut est haec figura:
63ra pro futura similitudine crucis Christi. Similiter et Gedeon / triangulum exercitum habuit. 98 Melchisedech [XIV. 18} homo Chananaeus erat; ipse et primogenitus. Ideoque sacerdos dicitur sicut et lob. Nee utriusque genealogia narratur. Quod non esset ullo modo, si de illo funiculo generatus fuisset, hoc est patriarcharum. Nee credendum est esse eundem qui et Sem, nee angelum — et multae aliae opiniones quae nichil sunt. 99 Et dedit ei decimas [XIV.20}: .i. Abraham dedit Melchisedech, a quo ante accepit ipse Abraham panem et uinum. 100 Afilo subteminis [XIV.23}. Alii dicunt funem triplicem uel quod subtus texitur, non sursum, ut nos telam teximus. 101
Ditaui [XIV.23}: .i. diuitem feci.
102 Filius procuratoris et reliqua [XV.2}: .i. si necesse est ut faciam eum mihi adoptiuum filium. 103 Vaccam triennem [XV.9} capra et aries, turtur autem et columba et ignis qui hoc conbussit. Designat historialiter quod haec tres de animalibus terrestribus postea debuerunt immolari Domino, tresque de aere, turtur, columba et ignis. Et tria prima possunt ostendere .ccc. annos: turtur et columba . c , ut postea sequitur et de eorum peregrinatione. Sed Epiphanius Cypri dicit .cexv. annos eos in yEgyptum fuisse. Ignis autem qui ascendit super cadauera praenotauit in sacrificiis perfectionem Deoque placabilem, ut in Abel factum est. 9 97 98 synodo} syndono MS in} om. MS funiculo} this word written twice in 10 103 MS est esse} esse est MS ° telam} tela MS hoc} oc MS cadauera} -da- added above line as correction MS sacrificiis} sacrifitiis MS placabilem} placabile MS Abel} aliter Ysmahel written in margin by another hand MS
322
PentI: translation 96 Three hundred and eighteen [XIV. 14}. Accordingly it was like the three hundred men of Gedeon; and at the Council of Nicaea there were likewise three hundred and eighteen. 97 And dividing his company he rushed upon them [XIV. 15]: that is, he divided them into three, as in this diagram, c_-c because of the future similarity to Christ's cross. Likewise Gedeon had a tripartite army. 98 Melchisedech [XIV. 18] was a Canaanite; he was first-born. Accordingly he is said to be a priest, just as was Job. Nor is the genealogy of either of them recorded. Which would by no means be so if he were descended from that 'cord', that is, of patriarchs. Nor is it to be believed that he was the same person as Sem, or was an angel — and many other opinions which are worthless. 99 And he gave him the tithes of all [XIV.20]: that is, Abraham gave them to Melchisedech, from whom Abraham himself had previously received bread and wine. 100 From the very woof thread [XIV.23]. Others say that it was a three-strand rope, or something woven from beneath rather than from above, in the way in which we weave the web. 101
Enriched [XIV.23]: that is, I made him a rich man.
102 The son of the steward and so on [XV. 2]: that is, if it is necessary, that I shall make him my adoptive son. 103 A cow of three years old [XV. 9], a she-goat and a ram, a turtle-dove and a pigeon and the fire which consumed all this. In literal terms the text specifies that these three, chosen from terrestrial animals, were subsequently to be sacrificed to the Lord, and three from the air - the turtle-dove, pigeon and fire. And the first three can represent three hundred years; the turtle-dove and pigeon a further hundred, as is subsequently related concerning their exile [XV. 13]. But Epiphanius of Cyprus says that they were in Egypt 215 years. The fire which surmounted the corpses signified that perfection in sacrifices pleasing to God, as in the case of Abel's sacrifice.
323
Pentl: text 104 Manus eius contra omnes {XVI. 12]: sic fiiit genus eius Saracenis, numquam cum omnibus pacem habentes sed semper contra aliquos certantes. 105 Sedenti in hostio tabernaculi [XVIII. 1]: .i. tentorii; non enim 63rb ad / hue habebat domum. 106 Domine si inueni gratiam et reliqua [XVIII.3]. Hie creditur filium Dei fuisse cum duobus angelis. 107 Buccellam panis [XVIII.5]. Dicitur bucella panis, quando rotunda et plana fit et non torta. Ideoque dicitur panis primo, quoniam sic moris est uilissimum cibum semper in principio nominare, quando aliquos ad prandium uocant, ut hie fecit. 108 Tria sata [XVIII.6]. Vnus satus capit .vii. sextarios et quintam partem sextarii. Duo sata capiunt .xiiii. sextarios et tertiam partem sextarii. Tria sata capiunt .xx. et unum sextarios et medium sextarium. Alii dicunt tria sata esse tres modios. 109 tritici.
Similae [XVIII.6]: .i. adipis tritici, .i. mundissimum genus
110 Cumque comedissent [XVIII.9]: -i. apparuit quasi manducassent, sed inuisibiliter igne consumtus est. 111 Dixit Dominus ad Abraam, Veniam ad te tempore isto uita comite [XVIII. 10]: .i. Deo uolente et habebit Sarra uxor tua filium. 112 Ilia risit post ostium tabernaculi [XVIII. 10]. Sarra, eo quod risit, increpata esse a Domino legitur. Abraam licet riserit minime increpatus fuisse reperitur. Sed sciendum est quia incredulitate et dubietate ilia risit; iste uero non incredulitate sed gaudio risit. 113 Muliebria [XVIII.11]: .i. menstrualia, quae incipiunt esse a quartodecimo anno pueris. 108 112
m 12 .xiiii.] .xvii. MS } written vertically in margin by another hand MS 113 esse] written over an erasure MS menstrualia] menstruali MS
324
Pentl: translation 104 His hand will be against all men [XVI. 12}: thus Ishmael's race was that of the Saracens, a race which is never at peace with anyone but is always at war with someone. 105 As he was sitting at the door of his tabernacle [XVIII. 1}: that is, of his tent; he did not yet have a house. 106 Lord, if I have found favour and so on [XVIII. 3]: it is believed that it was the Son of God in the company of two angels. 107 A morsel of bread [XVIII.5]: it is said to be a 'morsel' of bread when it is round and flat and not twisted. And the bread is mentioned at the outset since it is the custom always to name the most humble food at the beginning, when one invites other people to dine, as Abraham did here. 108 Three measures [XVIII.6]. One measure holds seven pints and the fifth part bf another pint. Two measures hold fourteen pints and the third part of another pint. Three measures hold twenty-one and a half pints. Others say that these 'three measures' are three bushels. 109 wheat.
Offlour[XVIII.6]: that is, of'fat' wheat, that is, the purest sort of
110 And when they had eaten [XVIII.9}: that is, it appeared as if they had eaten, but the food was invisibly consumed by fire. 111 The Lord said to Abraham, / will come to thee at this time, life accompanying [XVIII. 10]: that is, with God willing, your wife Sara will have a son. 112 She laughed behind the door of the tent [XVIII. 10]. Sara, because she laughed, is said to have been rebuked by the Lord. Although Abraham laughed, he is not found to have been rebuked. But it should be noted that she laughed out of doubt and disbelief; he, however, laughed not from disbelief but from joy. 113 After the manner of women [XVIII. 11]: that is, the menstrual flow, which begins to occur in young girls from their fourteenth year.
325
PentI: text 114
Sed in platea [XIX.2]: .i. in uia publica per ciuitatem exiens.
115 Compulit illos oppido [XIX.3]: .i. oppidum intrare. Non est Graecum, ut multi dicunt, oppido quasi ualde; quod negat Theodorus esse aduerbium graece. 116
In omne circa regionem {XIX. 17]: .i. prope, sed recede longe.
117
Nee possum in montem [XIX. 19]: .i. quod longe est.
118 Numquid non modica est [XIX.20]: .i. non adeo modica, ut non possit capere nos. 119 Sol egressus est super terram et Loth ingressus est in Segor et reliqua [XIX.23]. Ex eo intelligitur quia Sodoma primo mane exierit, dum oriente sole Segor intrauit. 120 In statuam salis [XIX.26]: quae uerum esse dicitur, si per diem aliquid pecora tollent, in nocte redintegrari. 121 Veni inebriemus eum uino [XIX. 32]: ideo intellegitur quod res suas 63va secum / tulerunt, dum uinum habuerunt. 122 At Hie non sensit [XIX.33]: .i. filiam suam esse, sed aliam putabat. 123
In Geraris [XX. 1]: .i. ciuitas.
124 Misit ergo rex Abimelech [XX.2]: .i. nomen dignitatis ut Pharao apud ^Egyptios, ut Caesar cum Romanis, uel Augustus, quod ostendit postea. 125 Num gentem ignorantem et iustam [XX.4]: .i. de isto capitulo non est iusta. 126 fuisse.
Quia propheta est [XX.7]. Dicitur et Adam et Abraham propheta
127 Filia patris mei [XX. 12]: per anadiplum dicitur mutatione personae pro persona, ut patrem pro fratre, ut hie est Thare pro Aran. 115
aduerbium] -i- added as correction MS 326
12
° si per] super MS
Pentl: translation 114 But in the street [XIX.2]: that is, in the public way which runs through the city. 115 He pressed them to the town [XIX.3]: that is, to enter the town (oppidum). The word is not Greek, as many say, oppido meaning Very much'. Theodore denies that the word is a Greek adverb. 116
In all the country about [XIX. 17]: that is, nearby, but go far off.
117
/ cannot escape to the mountain [XIX. 19]: that is, which is far off.
118 // is not a little one [XIX.20]: that is, it is not so small that it cannot accommodate us. 119 The sun was risen upon the earth, and hot entered into Segor and so on [XIX.23]. From this it is to be understood that he left Sodom at first light, since he entered Segor as the sun was rising. 120 Into a statue of salt [XIX.26]: about which it is said to be true that, if during the day flocks of animals remove anything of it, it is restored during the night. 121 Come, let us make him drunk with wine [XIX. 32]: it is to be understood that they had brought their possessions with them, since they had wine. 122 But he perceived not [XIX.33]: that is, that it was his daughter, but he thought it was someone else. 123
In Gerara [XX. 1]: that is, the city.
124 Abimelech the king sent [XX.2]: that is, 'abimelech' is a title, just like 'pharaoh' among the Egyptians, or 'Caesar' among the Romans, or 'Augustus', as the text subsequently makes clear. 125 A nation that is ignorant and just [XX. 4]: that is, it is evident from this chapter that the nation was not just. 126 For he is a prophet [XX.7]: it is said that both Adam and Abraham were prophets. 127 The daughter of my father [XX. 12]: this is said through anadiplum (dvxiaxpo(t)f|) — the change of one person for another person, such as father for brother, as here with Thare for Aran. 327
Pentl: text 128 Et non filia matris {XX. 12]: .i. non sororis sed fratris, .i. Aran, quia erat mos eorum sic dicere cognationes suas. 129 Mille argenteos [XX. 16]: .i. sexcentas sexaginta sex libras et .viii. uncias. Alii autem mille argenteos dicunt mille solidos esse. 130 In uelamen oculorum tuorum [XX. 16]: .i. ne tibi possint exprobrare et ne erubescas, ideo talem dedi pecuniam. 131 Ablactatus est [XXI.8]. Dicunt matres abscintio cum uino mixto ungere papillas et sic amouere a lacte. 132
Bersabeae [XXI. 14]: ipsa est in Iudaea.
133 Pharan [XXI.21]: ciuitas prope ipso loco ubi Moises transiuit Mare Rubrum. 134 Decem et octo Hismahel habebat, quando eiectus est cum matre [XXI. 10—21]; et non conueniebat adulescentem iam matri sedisse ceruicibus. Verum quod super humerum Agar posuerit panes et utrem et filium, intellegitur quod potestati eius tradiderit et commiserit omnia, et ita emisit de domo. 135 Et uade in terram Visionis [XXII.2]: .i. in Bethel, ubi me primum uidisti. 136 63vb
In monte Deus uidebit [XXII. 14]: .i. in Bethel.
137 Possidebit semen tuum portas inimicorum I tuorum [XXII. 17]: .i. Chananaeorum .vii. gentium. 138 Speluncam duplicem [XXIII.9]: -i. anteriorem et posteriorem; sic duplex fiiit. 139 Quadringentis argenti siclis [XXIII. 15]: .i. .cccc. solidos. Vnus siclus habet tres solidos uel cesaringas. Alii quadringentos argenteos .cccc. dicunt esse cesaringas. 131 matres} mares MS argenteos] argenti MS
139
uel] om. MS
328
cesaringas twice] cesaringes MS
Pentl: translation 128 Not the daughter of my mother [XX. 12]: that is, not of her sister but of her brother, that is Aran, since it was their custom to refer to their relatives in this way. 129 A thousand pieces of silver [XX. 16]: that is, six hundred and sixty-six pounds and eight ounces. Others say that a thousand pieces of silver are equal to one thousand solidi. 130 A covering of thy eyes [XX. 16]: that is, so that they cannot reproach you, and so that you do not blush with shame, I have given you this sum of money. 131 And was weaned [XXI.8]: they say that mothers smear their nipples with wormwood mixed with wine, and thus they wean their infants from milk. 132
Bersabee [XXI. 14]: it is in Judea.
133 Pharan [XXI.21]: a city close to that place where Moses crossed the Red Sea. 134 Ishmael was eighteen years old when he was cast out with Agar his mother [XXI. 10—21]; and it was not appropriate for a young man at that age to sit on his mother's shoulders. But that Abraham should have put the bread and the bottle and his son on Agar's shoulder is to be understood that he handed over and entrusted all things into her power, and thus sent them from his house. 135 And go into the land of vision [XXII.2]: that is, into Bethel, where you first saw me. 136
In the mountain God will see [XXII. 14]: that is, in Bethel.
137 Thy seed shall possess the gates of thine enemies [XXII. 17]: that is, of the seven peoples of the Canaanites. 138 The double cave [XXIII.9]: that is, the outermost and the innermost parts; thus was it double. 139 four hundred shekels of silver [XXIII. 15]: that is, four hundred solidi. One shekel is equivalent to three solidi or cesaringas. Others say that four hundred argentei are equivalent to four hundred cesaringas.
329
Pentl: text 140 Probate [XXIII. 16}: .i. obtime dicuntur, quae monetarius probat, qui sic imaginat aurum uel argentum. 141 Respiciens Mambre [XXIII. 17]: .i. conspicuus et confinis erat et procliuis in situ loci et omnes arbores eius. 142 Pone manum tuam subter femur meum [XXIV.2]: .i. pro honore circumcisionis et fidei quam habuit in earn; nee credidit maiorem esse iuramentum secundum historiam. 143 Hydria [XXIV. 14]: .i. uas duas metretas capiens, .xxii. sextarios habens; una metreta syclos, duos solidos, .v. cesaringas. 144 Vocemuspuellam et reliqua [XXIV.57]. Non est legitimum facere uim, sed uoluntarie ideo earn interrogabant. 145 Admeditandum [XXIV.63}: .i. ad uacandum uel ad iocundandum dicendum est. 146 Rebecca quoque conspecto Ysaac et reliqua [XXIV.64]: .i. pro timore hoc dixit, ignorans quis esset, amicus an contrarius. 147 Cethura [XXV. 1}: alia uxor Abraham, non Agar, ut multi arbitrantur. 148 Congregatus est ad populum suum [XXV.8]: hie in sepultura et in fiituro saeculo similiter, non cum alienis. 149
Sur [XXV. 18]: ciuitas in
150
Vt consuleret [XXV.22]: .i. ut oraret Dominum.
151 Rufa [XXV.30]: .i. sorbitiuncula; graece dicitur ruphin, latine autem rufa .i. sorbitiuncula. 152
Caeremonia [XXVI.5]: praecepta.
140
dicuntur} dicitur MS probat} om. MS l43 historia MS cesaringas} cesaringos MS 2 MS sorbitiuncula } sorbitiun MS
330
l42
maiorem} maiore MS historiam} 151 sorbitiuncula1} sorbiciuncula
PentI: translation 140 Tested [XXIII. 16]: that is, they are said to be excellent which the moneyer approves, who thus stamps the gold and silver. 141 Looking towards Mambre [XXIII. 17]: that is, it was conspicuous and nearby and downwards sloping in respect of its site, as were all its trees. 142 Put thy hand under my thigh [XXIV.2]: that is, in respect of his circumcision and the faith which he had in it; nor, according to the narrative, did he think there was a more serious oath. 143 Pitcher [XXIV. 14]: that is, a vessel holding two measures equivalent to twenty-two pints; one measure has (?) shekels, two solidi, five cesaringas. 144 Let us call the maid and so on [XXIV. 57]. It is not lawful to do violence, but they therefore questioned her voluntarily. 145 To meditate [XXIV.63]: that is, it ought to say, in order to indulge himself or to enjoy himself. 146 Rebecca also, when she saw Isaac, and so on [XXIV.64]: that is, she said this out of fear, not knowing who he was, whether a friend or the opposite. 147 Cetura [XXV. 1]: another wife of Abraham; not Agar, as many suppose. 148 Was gathered to his people [XXV.8]: in his burial here and likewise in the future world, not with strangers. 149
Sur [XXV. 18]: a city in Egypt.
150
To consult [XXV.22]: that is, that she might pray to the Lord.
151 Red pottage [XXV.30]: that is, a small draught; in Greek it is ruphin (jk)<|>f|v), in Latin rufa or 'a small draught'. 152
Ceremonies [XXVI. 5 ]: precepts.
331
PentI: text 153 Dixitque Abimelech ... 'Potuit coire quispiam [XXVI. 10]: recordatus est de Abraham. 154 Appellauitque eos isdem nominibus [XXVI. 18]: .i. de actu nominati sunt iurgiorum. 155 Ochozat et Phicol [XXVI.26]: similiter dignitatum sunt nomina in ducibus eius. 64ra
156 Duos haedos [XXVII.9]: ideo / quia medici dicunt carnes haedorum meliores esse omni carni causa lasciuiae eorum. 157
In me sit ait ista [XXVII. 13]: ac si diceret, in mea fide.
158 Et non cognouit eum [XXVII.23]: .i. dissimulauit et non ignorauit quia propheta fiiit. 159 Vestimentorum eius flagrantiam [XXVII.27]: .i. quia nouerat odorem uestimentorum. 160
Orbabor [XXVII.45]: orbis dicitur oculus latine.
161
luit ad Hismahelem [XXVIII.9]: -i. ad gentem eius.
162 Angelos quoque Dei ascendentes et descendentes [XXVIII. 12]: .i. significantes amicitiam futuram cum hominibus per Christi aduentum. 163 Et Dominum innixum [XXVIII. 13]: .i. tenentem eius partem summam; actualia opera significat. 164
Fundensque oleum [XXVIII. 18]: ut est, 'Vnxit te Deus'.
165
In titulum [XXVIII. 18]: .i. in signum.
166
Lapis iste [XXVIII.22]: domum hie aedificabo.
167 Ecce Rachel filia eius uenit cum grege suo [XXIX.6]: .i. procul reliquid gregem, ipsa sola uenit ad puteum. 168 Dixit Iacob [XXIX.7]: ipsa apellauit eum, unum de pastoribus putans. 153
quispiam} quis MS MS orbis} om. MS
154 l67
iurgiorum} uirgiliarum MS after .i. MS adds aut 332
l6
° orbabor} orba
Pentl: translation 153 And Abimelech said... some men of the people might have lain with thy wife [XXVI. 10}: he is thinking here of Abraham. 154 And he called them by the same names {XXVI. 18]: that is, they are named for the perpetration of their disputes. 155 Ochozath and Phicol [XXVI.26]: these are likewise titles of rank among their leaders. 156 Two kids [XXVII.9}: for the reason that physicians say that the flesh of kids is better than all flesh because of their lustfulness. 157
Upon me be this [XXVII. 13]: as if she had said, in my faith.
158 And he knew him not [XXVII.23]: that is, he dissembled and was not fooled, because he was a prophet. 159 The fragrant smell of his garments [XXVII.27]: that is, because he recognized the smell of the garments. 160 Latin. 161
Why shall I be deprived [XXVII.45]: an 'orb' (orbis) is an 'eye' in He went to Ishmael [XXVIII.9}: that is, to his people.
162 The angels there of God ascending and descending [XXVIII. 12]: that is, signifying their future alliance with men through Christ's advent. 163 The Lord leaning [XXVIII. 13]: that is, holding its uppermost part; it signifies present works. 164
Pouring oil [XXVIII. 18]: 'the Lord anointed thee', as it were.
165
For a title [XXVIII. 18]: that is, as a sign.
166
This stone [XXVIII.22]: I shall build my house here.
167 Behold Rachel his daughter cometh with his flock [XXIX.6]: that is, she left the flock behind and came alone to the well. 168 And Jacob said [XXIX.7]: she addressed him, thinking him to be one of the shepherds.
333
Pentl: text 169
Responderunt [XXIX.8]: .i. pastores alii.
170
Ecce Rachel ueniebat [XXIX.9]: modo cum grege, non ut ante.
171 Seruiam tibi . .. .vii. annis [XXIX. 18}: quia post septimum annum dabatur libertas apud Hebraeos. 172
Placito [XXIX.28]: dicitur cautio.
173 Mandragoras [XXX. 14]: .i. poma quae crescunt in ilia herba quasi in arbore, quam qui ederit multum, inde opprimitur somno. 174
Dote bona [XXX.20]: .i. gratia bona; dotis enim dicitur gratia.
175
Gyra [XXX.32]: .i. congrega.
176
Furuum [XXX.32]: dicitur quod sit de albo nigroque.
177
Warium [XXX.32]: uel commixtum.
178
Furti me arguent [XXX.33]: .i. ostendat me esse fiirem si inueni-
tur in grege meo nisi unius coloris, omnes dum aliter non credis. 179
Diuisit gregem [XXX.40]: .i. inter pastores suos suam partem et
Laban. 180
Esto [XXXI.30]: .i. calide.
181 Iuxta consuetudinem mulierum [XXXI.35]: .i. menstrualem. Tune / 64rb enim non est facilis cuilibet surgere uel ambulare; nee licet earn tangere alicui nisi ut cibum tantum quis ponat ante ipsam quae accipiat usque dum sanguis resistat. 182 Diuisit populum usque in duas turmas [XXXII.7}: .i. ut pugnaret si necesse esset. 172
175 cautio} cantico MS congrega} congregata MS 181 MS cuilibet} cuiuslibet MS
334
178
arguent} argue
PentI: translation 169 170 before.
They answered [XXIX.8}: that is, the other shepherds. Behold Rachel came {XXIX.9]: with her flock this time, not as
171 / will serve thee seven years [XXIX. 18]: because, among the Hebrews, liberty was given after seven years. 172 meant.
To his {condition} [XXIX.28]: the undertaking [scil. Jacob's] is
173 Mandrakes [XXX. 14]: that is, fruit which grows in that grass as if in a tree which, if anyone eats much of it, he is overcome with sleep. 174 A good dowry [XXX.20]: that is, with kindly favour; for 'dowry' here means 'grace'. 175 176 black. 177
Go round [XXX.32]: that is, round them up. Brown [XXX.32]: is said of what might be of both white and Divers [XXX.32]: or mixed.
178 Accuse me of theft [XXX. 3 3]: that is, let it show me to be a thief if there is found to be any in my flock not of one colour, since you believe them all not to be otherwise. 179 Separated theflock[XXX.40]: that is, amongst his own shepherds he divided his part from that of Laban. 180
Suppose [XXXI.30]: that is, warmly.
181 According to the custom of women [XXXI.35]: that is, during menstruation. At that time it is not easy for a woman to get up or to walk around; nor is it permissible for anyone to touch her, but that someone may place food — and nothing else — before her, which she may accept until the blood ceases. 182 Divided the people up to into two companies [XXXII. 7]: that is, so he could fight if it was necessary.
335
Pentl: text 183 Ecce uir [XXXII.24]: Dominum dicunt esse incarnationemque Christi significasse. 184 Tetigit neruum [XXXII.25]: dicunt alii uirilem, alii autem ipsam quae de capite descendit tetigisse. 185 Ob stuprum [XXXIV. 13]: stuprum dicitur si quis uirginem uiolauerit antea intactam. 186 Libamina [XXXV. 14]: multae mixturae in unam massam redactae, non oleo solo. 187 Mortuus est autem Balae et regnauit pro eo lobabfiliusZare de Bosra [XXXVI.33]: multi dicunt ipsum esse lob. 188 Accusauitque fratres . . . crimine pessimo [XXXVII.2]: .i. contra naturam. Potuit sic dici per silemsis omnes pro uno qui thorum paternum uiolauit, uel omnes pro Sodomitarum scelere in eo cogitato.
189 Polymitam [XXXVII.3]: .i. multiuariam. Poli .i. multa. Mita dicitur stamen in tela; multiplex tamen quasi dicas triplicem uarium colorem habens imaginesque multas. 190 Manipulos in agro [XXXVII.7]: sic metent semper in manipulos messem suam sicque ligant. 191 Cysterna [XXXVII.24]: dicitur quae non habet aquam a se, sed a pluuia. 192 Resina [XXXVII.25]: .i. pigmentum boni odoris aptumque medicinae, fluens de arbore ut balsama durescitque in massam. 193 Stacten [XXXVII.25]: quae similiter de arbore eodem modo manatur, sed non coit in unum ut resina aptaque ad medicinam. 18
188 uenam] supplied by editors thorum} -h- added above line MS in eo} corrected 192 from meo MS cogitato} cogitatum MS aptumque} aptusque MS 193 coit}coiitMS
336
Pentl: translation 183 Behold a man [XXXII.24]: they say that he was the Lord and signified the incarnation of Christ. 184 He touched the sinew [XXXII.25}: some commentators say that it was his virile member, others that it was the vein which comes down from the head. 185 At the deflowering [XXXIV. 13]: it is said to be a 'deflowering' if anyone should violate a virgin previously untouched. 186 Drink offerings [XXXV. 14]: many mixtures reduced to one mass, not with oil alone. 187 And Bela died, andjobab the son ofZara ofBosra reigned in his stead [XXXVI.33]: many say that Jobab was Job. 188 And he accused his brethren . . . of a most wicked crime [XXXVII. 2]: that is, against nature. Thus through s Hems is (a\)XXr\\\fiq) it can refer to all of them instead of the one who violated his father's bed, or to all of them, because of the sin of the Sodomites which they had contemplated against him. 189 Of divers colours [XXXVII.3]: that is, variegated. Poli that is, many. Mita (\iixoq) is said to be the thread in the warp; it is multiple, however, as if you were to describe it as having threefold variegated colouring and many designs. 190 Sheaves in the field [XXXVII.7]: thus they always harvest their crop in sheaves and bind them up. 191 An old pit [XXXVII.24]: is said of a well which does not have water of its own, but only from rainfall. 192 Balm [XXXVII.25]: that is, a pigment having a strong smell and suitable for medicine, flowing from the tree like balsam; and it hardens into a mass. 193 Myrrh [XXXVII.25]: which likewise drips from the tree in a similar way, but does not coagulate like balm and is suitable for medicine.
337
PentI: text 194 De mensuris. .xx. argenteis [XXXVII.28}: .i. .xviii. ceratia in 64va uno argenteo; in uno / autem cerete .iiii. silici; in uno autem silico .iiii. sunt grana ordei; in uno autem argenteo .xviii. pendingas. Alii autem .xx. argenteos dicunt esse .xx. cesaringas, pro squalore eius tantum ualuisse, non plus. 195 Madianitae et Hismahelitae et Madianei et Agarreni ipsi sunt qui nunc abusiue Sarraceni nominantur [XXXVII.28]. 196
Filii Sen Orrei [XXXVI.20]: de genere Orreorum.
197
Opilio [XXXVIII. 12}: .i. caprarius.
198
Widuttatis uestibus [XXXVIII. 14}: .i. nigris et deformibus.
199 Theristrum [XXXVIII. 14}: .i. pallium lineum subtile, quo se puellae cooperiunt et meretrices maxime. 200 lustior me est [XXXVIII.26}: .i. Thamar, dum non accepit alium et ego non dedi ei Sellam. 201 Absque arbitris [XXXIX. 11}: .i. non uoluntarie; sed casu inuenit quod emendare uoluit. 202 Numquid non Dei est [XL.8}: ac si diceret, 'nonne Deus potest reuelare mihi? 203
In lacum [XL. 15}: lacum pro carcere posuit.
204
Vridine [XLI.6}: .i. flatu uenti urentis; urio enim uentus dicitur
graece qui supra modum siccat omne quod tangit. 205 Secundo clamante praecone [XLI.43}: ipse Ioseph primus erat post eum; praeco primus denominatus est ante praecedens eum.
194
ceratia] cericia MS
201
inuenit] inuenitur MS
20
° accepit] thesecond -c- added above line MS
338
Pentl: translation 194 On measures. Twenty pieces of silver [XXXVII.28]: that is, there are eighteen carats (icep&Tia) in one piece of silver; in one carat there are four sicli (siliquae?); in one siclum (siliqua?) there are four grains of barley; and in one piece of silver eighteen pennies. Others say that twenty pieces of silver are twenty cesaringas, having that value, and no more, because of its baseness. 195 Madianites and Ishmaelites and Madiani and Agarreni are the same peoples as those who are now inappropriately called Saracens [XXXVII.28}. 196 The sons of Seir the Horrite [XXXVI.20]: of the race of the Horrites. 197
The shepherd [XXXVIII. 12]: that is, goatherd.
198
Garments of her widowhood [XXXVIII. 14]: that is, black and ugly.
199 A veil [XXXVIII. 14]: that is, a finely woven linen dress, with which young girls — and especially prostitutes — clothe themselves. 200 She isjuster than I [XXXVIII.26]: that is, Thamar, since she did not take another man and I did not give Sela to her. 201 Without any man with him [XXXIX. 11]: that is, he was there unintentionally; but by chance he found what he wished to correct. 202 Doth it not belong to God [XL.8]: as if he were to say, 'Can God not reveal it to me?' 203
In the dungeon [XL. 15]: the text puts 'dungeon' for 'prison'.
204 Blasted [XLI.6]: that is, by the blast of a searing wind; for urio (o5poq) in Greek means wind, which parches everything it touches to an excessive degree. 205 His second chariot, the crier proclaiming [XLI.43]: Joseph himself was first after the Pharaoh; he is called 'first crier' inasmuch as he goes before him.
339
Pentl: text 206 Filiam Phutifares sacerdotis Heliopoleos [XLI.45]: idem Putiphare est qui et eunuchus dicitur ante; et ipsum erat nomen dignitatis potius quam castrationis tune apud ^Egyptios. Persi autem et Romani eunuchos non habuerunt nisi castratos. 207 resina.
Stiracis [XLIII.ll]: .i. arbor et nomen liquoris de ea manantis ut
208 Inlicitum est enim JEgyptiis comedere cum Hebraeis [XLIII.32]: .i. 64vb quia despiciebant / eos dum dicebantur pastores, et rustici homines ipsi erant in eorum comparatione; similiterque proprium fu.it Hebraeis et paene naturalis leprositas. 209 In quo auguriari et reliqua [XLIV.5]: .i. diuinare; quando bibere uoluit de scypho supercantauit carmen diuinationis sicque bibebat. 210
In aerarium [XLVII. 14]: .i. ubi tributa custodiuntur.
211 In te benedicetur Israel [XLVIII.20]: .i. ego ipse dum Israel nomen meum. 212 In gladio et arcu meo [XLVIII.22]: per anafora dicit ad se translatum, quia filii eius Symeon et Leui fecerunt. 213 Quia effusus es sicut aqua non crescas [XLIX.4]: .i. in malum et per malitiam ut fecisti; quae modo noli iterum praeuaricare. 214 luda te laudabunt fratres tui et reliqua [XLIX.8]: modo eum constituit primogenitum fratrum suorum. 215 Condierunt eum [L.2]: .i. interanea eius repleuerunt aromatibus per dies .xl..
206
Putiphare} Puthiphare MS malitiam} molliciam MS
213
crescas} corrected from crescat MS
340
Pentl: translation 206 The daughter of Putiphare priest of Heliopolis [XLI.45]: this is the same Putiphare who was previously said to be a eunuch; and 'eunuch' was at that time a title of rank rather than an indication of castration among the Egyptians. The Persians and the Romans, however, did not have eunuchs unless they were castrated. 207 Storax [XLIII. 11]: that is, a tree, and the name of the gum which flows from it like resin. 208 For it is unlawful for the Egyptians to eat with the Hebrews [XLIII.32]: that is, because they despised them while they were described as shepherds, and they were rustic men in comparison with the Egyptians; and by the same token leprosy was an almost natural characteristic of the Hebrews. 209 In which he is wont to divine and so on [XLIV.5]: that is, to prophesy; when he wished to drink from the cup he chanted an incantation over it and thus he drank. 210 stored.
Into the . . . treasure [XLVII. 14]: that is, where the tributes are
211 In thee shall Israel be blessed [XLVIII.20]: that is, I myself since Israel is my name. 212 With my sword and bow [XLVIII.22]: he says this by anaphora ([i£T<x<|>opd), referring it to himself, since his sons Simeon and Levi had done it. 213 Thou art poured out as water, grow thou not [XLIX.4]: that is, into evil and wickedness, as you have done; do not now transgress once more. 214 Juda, thee shall thy brethren praise and so on [XLIX.8]: now he establishes him as firstborn among his brothers. 215 They embalmed him [L.2]: that is, they filled his inwards with spices for forty days.
341
Pentl: text 70va IN EXODO GLOSE
216 Infiscellam[II.3): .i. in modum loculi uel nauiculae paruissimae de papirione textum, quod est scirpio .i. fluuialis iuncus, quae est maior terrestri, minor autem quam harundo. 217
In carecto [II.3]: .i. in crepidine.
218
lurauit ergo Moyses [11.21]: .i. statuit in mente sua.
219
Vbi esset Iethro et Raguhel: unius nomen est [III.l].
220
Rubus [III.3]: .i. sancta Maria [...} typus est Christi [...].
221
Per manum ualidam [III. 19]: .i. per diuinam p[otentiam].
222 Non exibitis uacui et reliqua [III.21]: ideo eis praecepit tollere aliquid, quia multo tempore seruierunt ^Egyptiis sine mercede. 223
Virga [IV.2]: est diuinitas.
224
Colubrum [IV.3]: .i. corpus.
225
Moyses [IV.3]: .i. homines primitus accipientes ac reliquentes.
226
Caudam eius [IV.4]: .i. 'nouissima mea\
227
In sinum tuum [IV.6]: incarnationem filii designat.
228
Protulit leprosam [IV.6]: quia tollit peccata mundi.
229 Madian [IV. 19]: confines paene ^thiopibus, nisi quod uno sinu diuiduntur Rubri Maris. 230 Ego indurabo cor eius [IV.21]: .i. induratum est cor eius benefitiis in parcendo ei plus merito.
220-1 y£ fafroyyi ]oere witfo ioss qfone complete line between Maria and typus, and two partial 228 lines between Christi and per manum and after diuinam p leprosam] -sam added as 23 correction MS ° plus] -1- added as correction MS
342
Pentl: translation EXODUS
216 In a basket [II. 3]: that is, in the form of a small basket or of a tiny boat woven from papyrus, which is to say, from rushes, that is, the river-bed rush, which is larger than the terrestrial species, but smaller than a reed. 217
In the sedges [II. 3]: that is, on the riverbank.
218
And Moses swore [11.21]: that is, he made up his mind.
219 The place where Jethro and Raguel was: these are the name of one person. 220 [...). 221
The bush [III. 3}: that is, the blessed Mary; [...] is a type of Christ But by a mighty hand [III. 19]: that is, through divine [power].
222 You shall not depart empty and so on [III.21]: he ordered them to take something for the reason that they had served the Egyptians a long time without remuneration. 223
A rod [IV.2J: is a symbol of divinity.
224
A serpent [IV.3]: that is, something corporeal.
225
Moses [IV.3]: men at first accepting it and then abandoning it.
226
By the tail [IV.4]: that is, 'my end'.
227
Into thy bosom [IV.6]: it refers to the incarnation of the Son.
228 He brought it forth leprous [IV.6]: because He 'taketh away the sins of the world'. 229 In Madian [IV. 19]: the land nearly adjacent to the Ethiopians, except that it is separated from them by one arm of the Red Sea. 230 / shall harden his heart [IV.21]: that is, the Pharaoh's heart was hardened by God's kindness in sparing him more than he deserved.
343
PentI: text
70vb
231
Occurrit ei Dominus [IV.24]: uult angelum intellegi.
232
Tetigitpeeks eius [IV.25]: .i. angeli pedes.
233
Sponsus sanguinum [IV.26]: .i. adsignatur sanguine.
234
Et nomen Adonay non indicaui eis [VI.3]: non est negatiuo.
235 De ergastulo JEgyptiorum [VI.6}: graece dicitur ergadictyy .i. qui cogit aliquem contra uoluntatem suam ac si exactor, .i. unus super .x..
236 lochalbeth [VI.20]: matris Moysi nomen. Samaritani autem dicunt esse cum eis nomen Domini inenarrabile, hoc est tetragramaton, cum ipsis non plus quattuor litteras habens. 237 Accepit autem Aaron uxorem Helisabeth filiam Aminadab sororem Naason et reliqua [VI.23]: et ipse Aminadab erat de tribu Iuda; unde postea inter se semper tradiderunt uxores tribus Iuda et Leui. Hinc dicitur genus regale et sacerdotale et ipse rex et sacerdos. 238
Deum Pharaonis [VII. 1]: .i. possessiue, non natura.
239
Propheta tuus [VII. 1}: .i. interpres tuus.
240
Sitque puluis [IX.9]: ideo quia cinis est edax pro sua salsugine, et
deuorat postea uulnera uissicarum quae ante erant. 241
Peribitisque de terra [IX. 15]: .i. Pharao; sed tamen non hac uice /
71ra [...]. 242
[...] de ^Egyptiis; cum illis ambulauerunt multi [XI.2-3].
243
Descendentque serui tui isti ad me [XI.8]: et Israel.
244 Dominus sic praecepit Moysi ut ille populo sic praeciperet agere [XII.28]. 2
° et} ut MS andde
241-2 ^|g destroyed here with loss of two complete lines of text between uice
344
Pentl: translation 231
The Lord met him [IV.24]: an angel is to be understood here.
232
Touched his feet [IV.25]: that is, the angel's feet.
233
A bloody spouse [IV.26]; that is, he is marked with the blood.
234 And my name Adonai I did not show them [VI.3]: 'not' (non) here is the negative particle. 235 From the work prison of the Egyptians [VI.6]: in Greek the word is ergadictyy (£pYo5id)KTr|<;), that is, someone who compels someone else to work against his will like a superintendent, that is, one man in charge of ten others. 236 Jochabed [VI.20]: the name of the mother of Moses. The Samaritans say that among them the name of the Lord is inexpressible, that is, the tetragrammaton, since among them it has no more than four letters. 237 And Aaron took to wife Elizabeth the daughter of Aminadab, sister of Nahason, and so on [VI.23]: this same Aminadab was one of the tribe of Judah; whence subsequently the tribes ofJudah and Levi always exchanged wives among themselves. Henceforth the race [the Levites] is said to be royal and priestly and Aaron is himself a king and priest. 238 The god of Pharaoh [VII. 1]: that is, in terms of ownership, not by nature. 239
Thy prophet [VII. 1]: that is, your interpreter.
240 And be there dust [IX.9]: for the reason that ash is corrosive because of its saltiness, and it subsequently irritates the blisters that were there previously. 241 And thou shalt perish from the earth [IX. 15]: that is, Pharaoh; but yet not at this point [...]. 242
[...] from the Egyptians; many walked with them [XI.2-3].
243
And all these thy servants shall come down to me [XI.8]: and Israel.
244 Thus the Lord commanded Moses to order the people to do it [XII.28].
345
PentI: text 245
Quibus expletis eodem die [XII.41]: .i. quo exierunt.
246 Nee os illius confringetis [XII.46]: ut non possimus ossa eius manducare, hoc est in isteris interiora intellegere, ut est 'generationem eius quis enarrabit'. 247 Sanctifica miht omne primogenitum [XIII.2]: quia Adam erat primogenitus et Christus; ideoque praecepit fieri munus eius pro sinceritate munditiae, ne digamis uel trigamis esset inmundisque aliis, sed ab utero segregatis primogenitis. 248 Mense nouarum frugum [XIII.4]: .i. ut accedit uel a Martio usque ad Pentecosten, siue ab Aprili, hoc est .xiiii. Pascalis accederat, inde usque quinquagesimum Pentecosten dicebatur mensis nouarum frugum. Et inde similiter incipiunt omnia uere reuiuescere; nouaque dicuntur pro inceptione anni a Iudaeis. 249 Sed circumduxit eos per uiam deserti [XIII. 18}: .i. ^gyptiorum et ^thiopum non directo tramite ad terram repromissionis, sed ad Mare Rubrum paene in boream de ^Egypto. 250 In columna nubis et ignis [XIII.21]: .i. significat Christi incarnacionem ac diuinitatem eius. 251 Nubes tenebrosa et inluminans noctem eius [XIV.20]: .i. semilucida erat ipsa columna media seu altera pars; sic eandem in Christo incarnationem significat. 252
Interfecit exercitum eorum [XIV.24]: .i. dicitur per anticipationem.
253
Adhabitaculum sanctum tuum [XV.13]: .i. Hierusalem.
254 Sumsit ergo Maria prophetis soror Aaron [XV.20]: dicitur eius soror quia senior erat. 246 254
possimus] corrected from possumus MS soror} sororem MS
346
251
seu] sic MS
eandem] eundem MS
Pentl: translation 245 Which being expired the same day [XII.41]: that is, on which they departed. 246 Neither shall you break a bone thereof {XII.46]: so that we cannot eat his bones, that is, to understand inner meanings in the later events ), as in, 'Who shall declare his generation?' 247 Sanctify unto me everyfirstborn{XIII.2]: because Adam was the firstborn, as was Christ; accordingly the Lord commanded his offering to consist of the wholesomeness of purity, lest the offering should come from twice- or thrice-married people and from other impure [folk], but from the first-born who have been marked out since the womb. 248 In the month of new corn [XIII.4]: that is, it fell either from March to Pentecost; or else the period from April - that is if Easter has fallen on the fourteenth moon — thence to the Quinquagesima of Pentecost is said to be the 'month of new corn'. And then likewise all things truly begin to grow again; they are said to be 'new' because of the beginning of the year according to the Jews. 249 But he led them about by way of the desert {XIII. 18]: that is, in the land of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, not by a direct route to the Promised Land, but to the Red Sea lying virtually in the far north of Egypt. 250 In a pillar of cloud . . . and fire [XIII.21]: that is, it signifies the incarnation of Christ and His divinity. 251 // was a dark cloud and enlightening the night [XIV.20]: that is, the middle or other part of the column was partially illuminated; thus it signifies the same incarnation in Christ. 252 Slew their host [XIV.24]: that is, this is said by way of anticipation. 253
To thy holy habitation [XV.13]: that is, Jerusalem.
254 So Mary the prophetess, the sister of Aaron, took [XV. 20]: she is said to be his sister because she was the elder.
347
PentI: text 71rb
255
Egressaeque sunt mulierespost earn [XV.20]: .i. post / {...].
256
[...] in nube [XVI. 10}: .i. coturnices.
257 Principes . . . narrauerunt Moysi [XVI.22]: .i. quod factum est de manna coturnicibusque; sacerdotes quoque sic eos nominat pro honore stationis et pro futuro sacerdotio. Moyses autem accessit ad caliginem in qua erat Deus. 258 Dixit praeterea Dominus ad Moysen et reliqua [XVI.28]: .i. dicunt ita factum in cacumine montis Synai (Moyse super petram sedente) saphirino, ut per crepidinem illius tenuissimam ista locutio esset. Sic enim uerba audita; et similiter narratur ipsius petre sculpta similitudo, et cum ipsis portata propter memoriam eius. In ipsoque loco aedificata est ecclesia supra ipsum lapidem, nee aliquis potuit ibi pernoctare postea multo tempore; partemque ipsius lapidis tulerunt de quo populus bibebat uirga Moysi percussa. Inde dicitur in apostolo: 'Bibebant autem ex consequenti eos petra.' 259
Holocausta [XL.27]: .i. tota combusta.
260 Sacrificia [XL.27J: .i. quod faciunt inter se causa caritatis interfectionem. Sacrificium est quando sanguis tantum efrunditur super altare et sacerdos accipit partem suam. 261
Ad hostium et postes [XXI.6]: .i. domus domini sui.
262 luxta morem filiarum faciet tilt [XXI.9]: non ancillarum sed liberarum. 263
Et uestimenta [XXI. 10]: .i. lectuaria pro eo quod dormiuit cum
ea. 264 Et pretium pudicitiae [XXI. 10]: .i. ut erit dignitas. Alii .xii. solidos, ut Graeci; alii plus, alii minus. 265 255
Si tria ista non fecerit [XXI. 11]: .i. quae dixi.
MS destroyed here with loss of three complete lines of text between post and in nube
237
Moyses] Moysi corrected to Moyse MS
258
sedente] sedentem MS
u t ] et MS
260
Sacrificia] sacrifitia MS
sacrificium] sacrifitium MS
stationis] semlae MS e n i m ] in MS
348
accessit] arcessit MS
partemque] parteque MS
Pentl: translation 255
And all the women went forth after her [XV.20]: that is, after [...].
256
{...] in a cloud [XVI. 10}: that is, the quails.
257 The rulers . . . told Moses [XVI.22]: that is, what happened to the manna and quails; he thus calls them priests for the distinction of their standing and for the future priesthood. Moses, however, approached the cloud in which God dwelled. 258 And the Lord said to Moses and so on [XVI.28}: they say it took place on the sapphire summit of Mt Sinai, with Moses sitting on a rock, so that this conversation could take place through its tiniest crack. For thus the words were heard; it is likewise said that a likeness of this same rock was sculpted, and was carried with them in memory of it. And in that place a church was built over that same stone, nor was anyone able to sleep there for a long time afterwards. And they also took part of that stone from which the people of Israel drank when Moses struck it with his staff. Whence the apostle says: 'And they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them.' 259
The holocaust [XL.27]: that is, entirely burnt.
260 The sacrifices [XL.27]: that is, when they perform a ritual slaughter among themselves for the sake of love. It is called a 'sacrifice' when blood only is poured on the altar and the priest takes his portion. 261
To the door and the posts [XXI.6]: that is, of the house of his lord.
262 He shall deal with her after the manner of daughters [XXI.9]: not of slaves but of freed-women. 263 And raiment [XXI. 10]: that is, bed-clothing, because he has slept with her. 264 The price of her chastity [XXI. 10]: that is, as her worth shall be. Some say twelve solidi, as do the Greeks, others more, others less. 265 If he do not these three things [XXI. 11]: that is, those I have mentioned.
349
Pentl: text
266 Quinque boues pro uno [XXII. 1]: .i. quod maior est utilitas eius quam ouis. 71va
267
Quod si orto sole hoc fecerit homkidium [XXII.3]: est / [...].
268
[... m]ercedem commutationis accipere [? XXII. 17].
269
Maleficos non patieris uiuere [XXII. 18]: .i. eos qui per incan-
tationes malas laedere possunt et occidere per diuersa pigmenta. 270 Qui immolat diis occidetur [XXII.20]: adhuc obseruatur in orientalibus partibus et paene de omnibus criminibus capitalibus. 271 Primitias [XXII.29]: .i. uuarum de uinea et oliuarum et reliqua poma in sportulis portantes ut benedicantur. 272 sexto.
Anno septimo dimittis [XXIII. 11]: .i. quia duplum inuenerunt in
273 Et quicquid reliquum fuerit et reliqua [XXIII. 11]: .i. semper cum metis segetes tuas, fac. 274 Tempore mensis nouorum [XXIII. 15]: .i. de azimis usque quinquagesimum diem. 'Nouorum' dicitur pro oblatione nouorum fructuum. 275 Sollemnitatem quoque in exitu anni [XXIII. 16]: .i. in Octobrio mense. 276
Et est nomen meum in ilk [XXIII.21]: .i. Dominus appellatur.
277 A Mari Rubro [XXIII.31]: .i. ab austro; quern narrant historici non esse minorem Adriatico mari. 278 Ad mare Palestinorum [XXIII.31]: .i. usque ad Caesaream Palestinae; qui mare dicitur Pardicum. 279 266
Et a deserto [XXIII.31]: .i. Sinai ad occidentem.
maior} maiorum MS between est and ercedem
267
~~8 MS destroyed here with loss of three complete lines of text
350
Pentl: translation 266 Five oxen for one {XXII. 1]: that is, because the ox's usefulness is greater than a sheep's. 267 But if he did this when the sun is risen, he hath committed murder [XXII.3}: it is {...]. 268
[...] to accept the recompense of the exchange [XXII. 17?].
269 Wizards thou shalt not suffer to live [XXII. 18}: that is, those who are able to cause harm by means of evil incantations, and to kill by means of various confections. 270 He that sacrificed to gods shall be put to death [XXII.20]: this custom is still observed in eastern regions, and applies to nearly all capital offences. 271 Firstfruits [XXII.29]: that is, of grapes of the vine, and olives, and other fruits, being carried in baskets that they may be blessed. 272 But the seventh year thou shalt let it alone [XXIII. 11]: that is, because they found double returns in the sixth. 273 And whatsoever shall be left and so on [XXIII. 11]: that is, every time you harvest your crops, do so. 274 In the time of the month of new corn [XXIII. 15]: that is, from the day of Azymes ('Unleavened Bread') up to the fiftieth day. It is said to be 'of new corn' because of the offering of newly harvested fruits. 275 The feast also in the end of the year [XXIII. 16]: that is, in the month of October. 276 Lord.
And my name is in him [XXIII.21}: that is, the angel is called the
277 From the Red Sea [XXIII.31}: that is, from the south; historians say that it is not smaller than the Adriatic Sea. 278 To the sea of the Palestines [XXIII.31]: that is, as far as Caesarea in Palestine; this sea is called the Pardonicus. 279
And from the desert [XXIII.31]: that is, in western Sinai.
351
Pentl: text 280
Vsque adfluuium [XXIII.31): .i. Eufraten uel Iordanem.
281
In crateras [XXIV.6]: .i. in calices latine; graece dicitur crater.
282 Et uiderunt Deum Israel [XXIV. 10]. Subauditur: ut homo uidere potest; sed tantum credendum est uoces tantum audisse, et pro uisione reputantur. 283 Saphirini [XXIV. 10}: eius similitudo est serenitas caeli; diciturque a tractatoribus corpus solis esse saphirinum. Et de medio eius audie71vb bant per crepidinem ipsius lapidis / [...}. 284
[lar}gius erant comedentes et bibentes [XXIV. 11).
285 Tegens nubes sex diebus [XXIV. 16]: ipsi dies non reputantur in quadragesimis. 286
Hiacincta [XXV.4]: .i. quasi porri color frassineus.
287
Purpura [XXV.4]: quasi gemmae color uel flos fauae minimae.
288 Coccum [XXV.4]: .i. cuiusdam arboris fructus; tingitur primum et in album in modum f cordfisisf. Postea autem potest omnem tincturam accipere quam quisque desiderat; ideo dicitur bis tinctus. 289
Bissum [XXV.4]: herba marina in profundum maris crescens.
290
Sethim [XXV.5]: est genus arboris inputribile.
291
Oleum [XXV.6]: est nigrum ut carbo.
292 Concinanda [XXV.6]: .i. ad premendum oleum et torquendum in manibus perfectorum uirorum, qui sincere ac perfecte in manibus exprimerent eum, quia populare oleum in illud ministerium noluerunt suscipere. 293
Aromata [XXV.6]: omnis odor bonus aromata dicitur.
283
diciturque} dicitur quod MS tractatoribus} tractoribus MS here with loss of three complete lines of text between lapidis and gius erant MS adds ut
352
283^4 y^ destroyed 291 before oleum
Pentl: translation 280
To the river [XXIII. 31}: to the Euphrates or Jordan.
281 Into bowls [XXIV.6]: that is, into calices ('goblets') in Latin; in Greek the word is crater (Kpaxf|p). 282 And they saw the God of Israel {XXIV. 10]. Understand: in the way that a man can see; but we are simply to believe that they only heard voices, and took these voices to be a vision. 283 Sapphire stone [XXIV. 10}: the appearance of this stone is like the serenity of the sky, and the body of the sun is said by certain commentators to be sapphire. And from the middle of it they listened through a crack of this same stone [...]. 284
[...] they were eating and drinking a lot [XXIV. 11].
285 Covering it with a cloud six days [XXIV. 16]: these days are not reckoned in the forty days. 286
Violet [XXV.4]: that is, like the ashen colour of a leek.
287 Purple [XXV.4]: like the colour of a gem, or the flower of a tiny bean-plant. 288 Scarlet twice dyed [XXV.4]: that is, the fruit of a certain tree; it is first dyed in white in the manner of cordfisis (?Kapc|)(b5T|<;). Afterwards it can accept every dye that anyone might wish; accordingly it is called 'twice dyed'. 289
Scarlet [XXV.4]: a marine plant which grows on the sea-bed.
290
Setim wood [XXV. 5]: is a kind of tree whose wood does not rot.
291
Oil [XXV.6]: it is black as coal.
292 To make lights [XXV.6]: that is, for pressing the oil and treating it in the hands of perfect men, who press it honestly and righteously in their own hands, because they do not want to accept the people's oil for that important function. 293
Spices [XXV.6]: every pleasant odour is said to be that of spices.
353
Pentl: text 294
Thimiama [XXV.6]: .i. incensum.
295 Ephod [XXV.7]: .i. uestis sacerdotalis quae superindumentum uel superhumerale appellatur; est uelud in caracallae modum, .i. sine manicis, sed et sine capello .i. sine hode. Cuius uestimenti duo sunt genera: unum lineum et simplex quod sacerdotes habebant, .i. qui iuueniores erant ipso accincti quasi mulieres, quadrangulaque forma; aliud diuersis coloribus et auro gemmisque contextum quo pontifices utebantur, pertingens ad umbilicum tegensque simile spacio deorsum, trans scapulas et sub brachiis uittis iungebatur. Et tribus uicibus in anno mouebatur induendo, tres lapides habens: .i. adamantinum, bis autem onichinum, 72ra pro significatione solis / et lunae; duodecim nomina ipsi duo habentes filiorum Israel. Adamantinus autem erat contra pectus in medio, qui dicitur manifestatio quia Israelitis erat manifestum in eius colons motione quid futuri expectarent: .i. quando color eius erat album ut est eius natura, tune similiter designabat et Israelitis mundiciam perfectam et Deum esse placabilem; quando autem rubicundus erat, tune praedicebat bella et effusiones sanguinum futuras populo pro peccatis; quando uero niger apparebat color eius, tune praenotabat pestilentiae mortalitatem futuram in populum. Haec narrant Hebraei in ipso lapide motiones fuisse. Et ipse dicitur de caelo cadere cum grandinum et aliarum turbinum fiunt tempestatumque motiones magnae. Adamans Indicus lapis paruus et indecorus, ferrugineum habens colorem et splendorem christalli; numquam autem ultra magnitudinem nuclei auellanae repertus. Hie nulli cedit materiae, nee ferro quidem nee igni, nee umquam incalescit; et quantum percutietur nullomodo in ilium aliquod signum percutientis uideri poterit; sed si in sanguine arietis missus fuerit et ibi aliquantum steterit, mollificatur; aliter nequaquam mollificatur. Tyara uel mitra: de ipsa erat caput coopertum, in modum pilleoli facta, et sic uoluebatur circa caput et subtus humerale refectus, habens tamen cristam textam in uertice capitis quasi gallinaciam.
295
quo] quod MS nuclei] enuclei MS scribe gallinaciam] gallinatius MS
caput1] added above line as correction by main
354
Pentl: translation 294
Incense [XXV.6]: that is, fragrance.
295 Ephod [XXV.7]: that is, a priestly garment which is called an 'outer garment' or 'upper garment'; it is as it were in the form of a great-coat, without sleeves, but also without a cape, that is, a hood. There are two forms of this vestment: one is simple, made of linen, of the sort which priests used to wear (that is, those priests who were younger were wrapped up in it like women), and square in shape; the other was woven with various colours and with jewels and gold of the sort worn by high-priests, reaching as far as the midriff and likewise covering the back, and joined across the shoulders and under the arms by bands. And it was worn on three occasions in the year, having three precious stones: that is, one diamond and two onyx, to symbolize the sun and the moon. These two have the twelve names of the children of Israel. The diamond was held against the chest, positioned in the centre, and was said to be the 'revelation', because in the alteration of its colour it revealed to the Israelites what they should expect in the future: that is, when its colour was opaque (as it is by nature), then by that token it signified to the Israelites that their purity was perfect and pleasing to God; but when it was reddish, it foretold future battles and spilling of blood for the people because of their sins; and when its colour appeared as black, it foretold a future plague of pestilence among the people. The Hebrews relate that all these variations were present in the diamond itself. And it is said to fall from the sky at times when there are mighty upheavals in the weather, and winds and hail. The diamond: is a small and plain stone from India having a rusty colour and the brilliance of crystal; it is never found to be larger in size than the core of a filbert. It yields to no other substance - not to iron or fire, nor does it even glow; and however much you strike it, no sign of it having been struck can be detected; but if it is placed in the blood of a ram and left to stand there, it grows soft. There is no other way of softening it. Tiara or mitre: the head was covered with this, which is made in the shape of a skull-cap, and is wrapped around the head and tucked under the humeral veil; it has a woven crest on top like a cockscomb.
355
Pentl: text Poderis: sacerdotalis linea, corpori penitus adstricta; eademque talaris, unde et poderis appellata est. Logium: quod et rationale; pannus est exiguus ex auro, gemmis, 72rb coloribus uariis, quae superhumerali contra pectus ponti / ficis adnectebatur. 296
Propitiatorium [XXV. 17]: .i. remissio.
297 Coronam [XXV.25]: pro ornamento dicunt coronam, et non circulum tantum, quae circumierat totius mensae labium, et super ipsa erat altera corona, cuius non dicitur magnitudo, quod modica erat. 298
Interrasilem [XXV.25): .i. intercisam quasi sculpturis pictam.
299
Fialas [XXV.29]: .i. minores.
300
Cyathos [XXV.29]: rotundiores sunt et altiores.
301 Panes super mensam [XXV.30]: .i. duodecim panes semper ponebantur in initio mensis et ipsi ibi erant usque dum iterum in altero mense alios ponebant. 302 Propositionis [XXV.30]: .i. quod ponebantur sic mensibus futuris in initio mensuum. 303 Scyphos [XXV.31]: non est rotunda ut phiala, sed longa et angulosa; quibus adhuc Persi utuntur in conuiuiis bibendo. 304 Sperula [XXV.33]: .i. ipsa fit rotunda ex omni parte; ideo sic dicitur. Et haec erant tantum ornatus causa nisi .vii. lucernae. 305 In nucts modum [XXV.34]: .i. castaniarum quae sunt longae in formula.
298
306
Sperae igitur et calami procedentes [XXV.36]: .i. productiles.
307
Talentum [XXV.39]: .i. .cxxv. libras.
intercisam} intercisius MS
pictam] picta MS
356
3O3
utuntur] utantur MS
Pentl: translation Poderis ('foot-length robe'): is made of linen, drawn tight over the whole body; and it is the same thing as a talaris ('ankle-length robe'), whence the poderis gets its name. Logium (^oyeiov, 'breastplate'): is the same thing as the rational; it is a thin garment decorated with gold and jewels and coloured variously; it is fastened to the superhumeral on the priest's breast. 296
Propitiatory [XXV. 17]: that is, a forgiveness.
297 Crown [XXV.25]: they speak of this crown as an ornament, and not only as a border which ran around the lip of the entire table, and on it was placed another crown, whose size is not mentioned, because it was rather small. 298 Polished [XXV.25]: that is, engraved, as if embossed with pictures. 299 • Bowls [XXV.29]: that is, small ones. 300
Cups [XXV.29]: these are rounder and deeper.
301 Upon the table loaves [XXV.30]: that is, twelve loaves were always placed there at the beginning of the month, and they remained there until another twelve loaves were placed there again in the following month. 302 Ofproposition [XXV. 30]: that is, that they are placed there at the beginning of each month for the behoof of future months. 303 The cups [XXV.31]: this 'cup' is not round like a saucer, but long and angular; the Persians still use them for drinking at feasts. 304 A bowl [XXV.33]: that is, it is round in every respect; hence it is so named. And these were all that was intended by way of decoration, with the exception of the seven lamps. 305 In the manner of a nut [XXV.34]: that is, of chestnuts, which are long in shape. 306 And the bowls and the branches proceeding [XXV. 36]: that is, made of wrought metal. 307
A talent [XXV.39]: that is, 125 pounds.
357
Pentl: text 308
Ansulas [XXVI.4]: .i. fibulae.
309 Fades et tabulas stantes tabernaculi [XXVI. 15]: .i. ad nichilum aliud nisi ut tutelam cortinarum, ne uenti et pluuiae laedere possint, et ut facilior similiter esset custodia eius tabernaculi illis quibus erat credita; quod singulae tribus per uices custodiebant per noctes. 310
Lebetas [XXVII.3]: .i. caldarias aeneas.
311 Arula [XXVII.5]: .i. lamina ferrea, lata et quadrangula, in qua ponebant prunas tantum; et super ipsa erat graticula, et sic assabant superpositas carnes; indeque ascendens fumus in circuitu altaris odor suauissimus Deo, ut dicitur. 312 Lineam strictam [XXVIII.4]: .i. lineam, ut dicimus, quam 72va habemus / quando missas facimus in modum pallii. 313 Cidarim [XXVIII.4}: .i. quasi sagum modicum quo caput uoluebatur et in medio eius crista erat quae ponebatur in summo uertice sacerdotis, eratque quasi crista gallinacia. 314 Mensuram palmae [XXVIII. 16): .i. a pollice usque ad auricularem. 315 Doctrinam et ueritatem [XXVIII.30}: .i. ut diximus in motione adamantini in medio rationali positi. 316
Feminalia linea [XXVIII.42]: .i. bracas curtas.
317 Crustula [XXIX.2]: .i. de farina formata et modica quasi auricula in modum unius muris et sic sartaginata. 318 Lagana [XXIX.2}: .i. quadrangula, sed modico est longior quam lata, ita formata de farina similiterque sartaginata. 319
Oleo lita [XXIX.2}: .i. sic debet dici quia compositum est.
312
313 quam} qui MS habemus} h- added above line as correction MS gallicinacia} 3l4 315 gallicinacis MS auricularem} auricularium MS rationali} rationale 3l6 317 MS curtas} curatas MS sartaginata} in sartaginate MS
358
Pentl: translation 308
Loops [XXVI.4]: that is, clasps.
309 Thou shalt make also the boards of the tabernacle standing upright [XXVI. 15]: that is, for no other purpose than the support of the curtains, so that winds and rain cannot harm them, and by the same token, so that the protection of the tabernacle should be made easier for those to whom it was entrusted; each one of the tribes took turns guarding it at night. 310
Pans [XXVII.3}: that is, bronze cauldrons.
311 The hearth [XXVII.5]: that is, iron plates, long and rectangular, on which they placed only the coals; and above them there was a grate, and thus they were able to roast meat placed on it; and hence the smoke rising in the vicinity of the altar was an odour most pleasing to God, so it is said. 312 A strait linen garment [XXVIII.4]: that is, the linen, as it were, which we have in the form of a cloak when we celebrate mass. 313 A mitre [XXVIII.4]: that is, like a small mantle with which the head is wrapped, and on the crown there was a crest which was placed on the top of the priest's head, and was almost like a cockscomb. 314 The measure of a span [XXVIII. 16]: that is, from the thumb to the little finger. 315 Doctrine and truth [XXVIII.30]: that is, as we said with respect to the alterations of the diamond placed in the middle of the priest's rational. 316
Linen breeches [XXVIII.42]: that is, short trousers.
317 A cake [XXIX.2]: that is, made of flour, smallish, almost the shape of an ear and like a mouse, and thus cooked in the frying-pan. 318 Wafers [XXIX.2]: that is, square-shaped, but somewhat longer than they are wide, and made of flour and likewise cooked in the frying-pan. 319 Anointed with oil [XXIX.2]: this needs to be said because it is composite.
359
Pentl: text 320 Tortam pants [XXIX.23]: ideo sic dicitur quia tripliciter torquebatur: primum in modum funis triplicis, sicque redigitur in unum, in medio tantum pertusum. 321
Coques carries eius in loco sancto [XXIX.31]: .i. in atrio tabernaculi.
322
Panes quoque [XXIX.32]: .i. crustula et lagana tortaque.
323 Decimam partem similae [XXIX.40]: .i. modios .x.; pars modii est talis, .i. duo sextaria et quarta pars sextarii. 324
Componet lucernas [XXX.7]: .i. extinguet.
325
Et supra [XXX. 14]: usque .1. annum.
326 Arripiensque uitulum quern fecerunt et combussit et reliqua [XXXII.20] .i. probare uoluit si quis uelit defendere dum pro deo habuerunt. 327 Et dedit potum filiis Israel [XXXII.20]: .i. confirmant tractatores quod occisi essent omnes qui biberunt. In eo demonstrat quod deaurata 72vb labia habuerunt qui aliquid gustauerunt poti, ut Iosephus narrat in li / bris Antiquitatum. 328 Dele me de libro quern scripsisti [XXXII. 32]: .i. de is to in quo ipse scriptus est et genus eius. 329 In tempore messis nouorum .i. in Maio mense a die azimorum usque in Pentecosten; tune autem noua ofiferuntur [XXXIV.22]. 330
Quod cornuta est [XXXIV.29]: -i. glorificata fulgore.
331 Vermiculum [XXXV.25]: .i. ideo dum radices croci fiunt similes uermium. 75rb DE LIBRO LEVITICO 332 Masculum inmaculatum [1.3]: .i. sine lepra et diminutione alicuius membri in eo. 333
Vessiculam [1.16]: .i. quae sit sub gutture. 360
Pentl: translation 320 One roll of bread [XXIX.23]: it is said this way because the loaf is twisted three times: first it is folded in the manner of a three-strand rope, then kneaded into one mass, and only perforated in the middle. 321 Andshalt boil thefleshin the holy place [XXIX.31]: that is, in the forecourt of the tabernacle. 322
The loaves also [XXIX.32]: that is, the cakes, wafers and rolls.
323 A tenth part of flour [XXIX.40]: that is, ten measures; part of a measure is thus, that is, it consists of two pints and a quarter pint. 324
He shall dress the lamps [XXX.7]: that is, extinguish them.
325
And upwards {XXX. 14]: up to the fiftieth year.
326 And laying hold of the calf which they had made he burnt it and so on [XXXII.20]: that is, he wished to establish whether anyone would wish to defend it since they had treated it as a god. 327 And gave thereof to the children of Israel to drink [XXXII.20]: that is, exegetes confirm that all those who drank were killed. In this the biblical text demonstrates that those who tasted anything of the drink had gilded lips, as Josephus explains in his Antiquitates. 328 Strike me out of the book that thou hast written [XXXII.32]: that is, from the book in which he is inscribed along with his kin. 329 In the time of the reaping of new corn: that is, in the month of May, from the day of Unleavened Bread until Pentecost; at that point the new corn is offered [XXXIV.22]. 330 That his face was horned [XXXIV.29]: that is, illumined by brilliance. 331 Scarlet [XXXV.25]: that is, since the roots of saffron are similar to worms. LEVITICUS
332 Male without blemish [1.3]: that is, without leprosy or the atrophy of any of its limbs. 333
The crop [1.16]: that is, the part beneath the throat. 361
PentI: text 334
Pugillum {II.2]: .i. plenam manum concauam.
335
Necfermenti [11.11]: .i. pro significatione superbiae.
336 Nee mellis [11.11]: .i. quia multis congregatur, hoc est inmundis ac mundis. 337 Farris [II. 14]: .i. pro diuisione sic dicitur frumentum quando separatur a furfuris. 338 Inpastum ignis Dominici [III. 14]: .i. quia ibi non debuit esse ignis alienus .i. ignis popularis. 339 Si peccauerit anima et audierit et reliqua usque dicit non indicet sacerdoti [V.I]: .i. de supradictis debet sacrificiis emundare se. 340 Quod occisum a bestia est [V.2]: .i. adhuc obseruant in orientalibus, et Romani nee comedunt quod canis uel aliqua bestia degustauit. 341
Depositum [VI.2]: commendatum.
342
Et inficians [VI.3]: .i. infidelis uel defidens.
343 Omnis qui tetigerit Mam sanctificabitur [VI. 18]: .i. sanctior fit, ut 75va nos modo credimus / si sanctas reliquias tangimus melius habere. 344
Frigetur [VI.21]: .i. coquitur in sartagine collirida.
345 Pectusculum enim eleuationis [VII.34]: .i. dum coram Deo leuauerunt; ideo ita dicitur. 346 Tolle Aaron cumfiliis suis uestes eorum et unctionis oleum [VIII.2]: .i. modo uestiuntur in isto libro uestimentis ipsis quae in Exodo praeparentur. 347
Law/[VIII. 10]:unxit.
348 De hostio quoque tabernaculi non exibitis .vii. diebus [VIII.33]: adhuc multi obseruant, quando quislibet uult accipere monachi tonsoram non exit de ecclesia usque in diem septimum. 336
quia] qui MS colliridas MS
339 344 hoc] haec MS sacrificiis} sacrifitiis MS collirida} 346 347 praeparentur] for praeparabantur? leuit] lauit MS
362
Pentl: translation 334
A handful [II.2}: a full, cupped handful.
335
Neither shall any leaven [11.11]: that is, since it signifies pride.
336 Or honey {11.11]: that is, because honey is gathered by many people, that is to say, both by impure and by pure people. 337 Like meal {11.14]: that is, the corn is so called because of the sorting when it is separated from the bran. 338 The food of the Lord's fire {III. 14]: that is, because no extraneous fire ought to be there, that is, the fire of laymen. 339 If anyone sin and hear and so on up to where it says that he should not say it to the priest {V.I]: that is, he must purify himself from the aforementioned sacrifices. 340 That which hath been killed by a beast {V.2]: that is, they still observe this custom in eastern countries, and the Romans do not eat anything which a dog or any other animal has eaten. 341
The thing delivered to his keeping {VI.2]: that is, entrusted.
342
Denying it {VI. 3]: that is, by being faithless or untrustworthy.
343 Everyone that toucheth them shall be sanctified {VI. 18]: that is, becomes more holy, just as we now believe we are better if we touch holy relics. 344
Fried {VI.21]: that is, the cake is cooked in a frying-pan.
345 For the breast that is elevated {VII.34]: that is, while they lifted them up in God's presence; hence it is said this way. 346 Take Aaron with his sons, their vestments, and the oil of unction {VII.2]: that is, they are now clothed in this book with the very vestments which were prepared in Exodus. 347
He anointed {VIII. 10]: he poured oil on.
348 And you shall not go out of the door of the tabernacle for seven days {VIII.33]: many still observe this custom, as when someone wishes to take the tonsure of a monk he does not go out of the church until the seventh day.
363
PentI: text 349 Et deinceps egressi [IX.23}: .i. de tabernaculo postquam adorauerunt ibi. 350 Et ecce egressus ignis a Domino deuorauit [IX.24]: .i. ita modo sicut in primordio pro Abel et Noae et Abraham factum est. 351 Turribulis imposuerunt ignem [X.I]: alienum, hoc est non de altari ut debuerunt. 352 Sanctificabor in bis qui appropinquant mihi [X.3]: .i. glorificabor in eis, ut dicitur, 'sic luceat lux uestra coram hominibus', et reliqua. 353 Capita uestra nolite nudare [X.6]: .i. ut pagani faciunt adoratoresque ydolorum. 354 Cyrogillum [XI.5] et hirax unum sunt, paene in omni similitudine ut porcus, nisi quod minores sunt quam porci, sed tamen longi sunt statura; et in Monte Sinai in scissuris petrarum maxime habundant. 355 habet.
Gripem [XI. 13]: ita graece dicitur; qui uncas ungulas et rostrum
356 Vultur [XI. 14]: modico maior quam aquila, et per centum milia sentire potest cadauera. 357 Ibin [XI. 17]: qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem didicerunt. 358 Onocrotalum [XI. 18]: quasi anata; non eadem est tamen, nee nos habemus. 359 Charadrion [XI. 19]: et ipsam non habemus; sed tamen dicitur ipsa uolare per medias noctes in sublimitatem caeli. 75vb
360 Porphirionem [XI. 18]: dicitur quod / ipsa in Libia sit, esseque auium pulcherrima; ideoque earn uolunt reges habere in domibus suis saepissime.
354
355 hirax] hirx MS scissuris] cisuris MS graece] graecum MS 359 anecta MS Charadrion] the second -r- added as correction MS aeque MS
364
358 36
anata] ° esseque]
Pentl: translation 349 And afterwards came forth [IX.23]: that is, from the tabernacle after they had worshipped there. 350 And behold a fire, coming forth from the Lord, devoured [IX.24]: it thus happened here just as in the beginning it happened with Abel and Noe and Abraham. 351 Taking their censers put fire therein [X.I]: they used extraneous fire, not fire from the altar as they should have done. 352 / will be sanctified in them that approach to me [X.3]: that is, I shall rejoice in them, as is said, 'So let your light shine before men', and so on. 353 Uncover not your heads [X.6]: that is, as pagans do, and worshippers of idols. 354 The cherogrillus [XL5] and the rock-rabbit are the same thing, closely similar in appearance to the pig, except that they are much smaller than pigs, but more elongated in size; and above all they abound in cracks in the rocks on Mt Sinai. 355 The griffon [XI. 13]: thus it is named in Greek (ypi>i|/); it has hooked talons and a beak. 356 The vulture [XI. 14]: slightly larger than an eagle, and can smell carrion a hundred miles away. 357 The ibis [XI. 17]: it sends water from its mouth up its anus so that it can digest its food; whence physicians learned this same technique. 358 The bittern [XI. 18]: is like a duck but not quite the same, nor do we have it here. 359 The charadrion [XI. 19]: we do not have this one either; nevertheless it is said to fly during the night at the summit of the sky. 360 The porphyrion [XL 18]: it is said that it is found in Libya, and that it is the most beautiful of birds; and therefore kings wish frequently to have it in their houses.
365
PentI: text 361 Stilio [XI.30]: minor est quam lacerta ualdeque uenenosa, omnemque parietem potest penetrare, licet lapideum non resistit ei. 362 Omnis cibus quern comedetis sifusafuerit super eum aqua tnmundus erit [XI.34]: .i. si aliquid desuper cadens de qualibet re coinquinauit eum; ideoque debetis omnia cooperire, hoc est mensa uasaque reliqua, ne perstillare aliquid possit. 363 Cytropodes [XI.35]: de argillo fiunt; factae in modum tripodii et ita uenduntur; aliquando autem quadripedes fiunt in quibus ponunt cucumas ac caldarios et faciunt de argillo quas uocant cytropodes. 364 Pustella [XIII.2]: .i. cicatrix quando fit candidior reliqua carne, humidior ac infirmior. 365
Flauus [XIII.30}: albus.
366
Dissuta [XIII.45]: dissoluta, ut appareat leprosus.
367
Caput nudum [XIII.45]: similiter ut lepra uideatur.
368
Os ueste contectum [XIII.45]: in eius contumeliam.
369 In stamine [XIII.48]: si in filis apparuerit, ubi non est adhuc textum. 370 Atque subtemine [XIII.48]: ipsi subtus texunt, non ut nos; ac si diceret, 'in ipsa parte contexta'. 371 Extra ciuitatem in loco inmundo [XIV.40]: inmundum dicit in comparatione ciuitatis. 372 Sagma [XV.9]: proprie dicitur asinarum; ligneus, latus ac magnus. 373
Emissario [XVI.8]: masculo non castrate
361
Stilio] s- added as correction MS minor] modicum MS potest] supplied by 363 editors licet] corrected from lecet MS tripodii] tripodium MS 364 368 37 humidior] humilior MS contectum] contextum MS ° subtemine] -g- added (wrongly) as correction between e and m MS
366
Pentl: translation 361 The stello [XL 30}: is smaller than a lizard and very poisonous; it can get through any wall and even a stone wall cannot prevent it. 362 And any meat which you eat, if water be poured upon it, shall be unclean [XL 34]: that is, if any substance of any kind falling on it from above has fouled it; therefore you ought to cover everything, that is to say the table and all the dishes, so that nothing can drip on them. 363 Pots with feet [XL 3 5): are made of clay; they are made in the shape of tripods and sold this way; sometimes they have four feet; they put kettles and pots in them and make them of clay and also call them cytropodes 364 A blister [XIII.2}: that is, a scar when it becomes whiter than the rest of the skin, moister, and likelier to burst open. 365
Yellow [XIII.30}: white.
366 Hanging loose [XIII.45}: undone, so that he may be seen to be leprous. 367
His head bare [XIII.45]: likewise so that his leprosy may be seen.
368 him.
His mouth covered with a cloth [XIII.45}: by way of reproaching
369 In the warp [XIII.48]: if it should appear in the threads where they have not yet been woven. 370 Or in the woof [X111.48]: these people wove from beneath, not like us; as if the biblical narrative were to say, 'in the woven part'. 371 Cast without the city into an unclean place [XIV.40]: it means 'unclean' in comparison with the city. 372 The saddle [XV.9]: this refers properly to the saddle used for asses: it is wooden, broad and large. 373
The emissary goat [XVI.8}: a male not castrated.
367
PentI: text 374 Operiat oraculum {XVI. 13]: .i. coopertorium quod super testimonium, .i. super tabulas. 375 Expiet sanctuarium [XVI. 16]: .i. emundet pro tactu aedificantium. Modo autem oleo unctionis in dedicatione eius emundent. 376 Delict a [XVI. 21]: quae fiunt per ignorant iam, peccata quae fiunt opere et scientia. 377
Mense septimo [XVI.29]: Octobrio ab Aprile secundum Hebraeos.
378 Et immolant eas hostias Domino [XVII.5]: .i. quae ante praedix76ra imus. Hoc ideo praecipit ut non daemonibus in / de oriretur occasio immolandi. Si comederit sanguinem et non dimiserit aquam defluere in terram, sed congregat in unum aliquod de interaneis et ita coquit ac sic manducat more gentilium, moriatur. 379
In pelicatum [XVIII. 18]: .i. in corruptionem.
380
Susurro [XIX. 16]: in aurem dolose loquens.
381 Agrum non seres diuerso semine [XIX. 19]: .i. ut unumquodque semen seorsum seras nee commisceatur. 382 Quarto autem anno [XIX.24]: quia non potuit ante fructum facere quod erat plantatum. 383 Stigmata [XIX.28]: .i. diuersas picturas in corporibus uestris draconum uel serpentium, ut multi faciunt. 384
Neprostituas [XIX.29]: ne facias scortas.
385 Qui maledixerit patri suo et matri morte moriatur [XX.9]: .i. patres uolunt pro occisione accipere patris ac matris, ac ideo debent mori qui faciunt et non de maledictione tantum uerborum. Patri et matri qui maledixerit: dicunt quod hoc possit de uerbo fieri, non ut superior, sed sit sanguis eius super eum .i. uindicta ipsius peccati quodcumque aptum perspexerint. 385
occisione] occasione MS (cf. Br 20) 368
Pentl: translation May cover the oracle {XVI. 13]: that is, the covering which is placed over the testament, that is, the tablets. 375 May expiate the sanctuary [XVI. 16]: that is, purify it from the touch of the builders. Nowadays they purify the church at its dedication by means of a blessing of oil. 376 Their offences [XVI.21): are those which take place through ignorance; sins are those which take place by design and knowledge. 377 The seventh month [XVI.29]: October, counting from April with the Hebrews. 378 They may sacrifice them for peace offerings to the Lord [XVII. 5]: that is, what we said previously. The Bible rules in this way so that no pretext for sacrificing to demons may arise. If someone should eat blood and not allow the water to flow onto the earth, but should collect some of the inwards and cook and eat them in the way the pagans do, let him die. 379 380 ear.
For a harlot [XVIII. 18]: that is, for seduction. A whisperer [XIX. 16]: saying something deceitfully in someone's
381 Thou shalt not sow thy field with different seeds [XIX. 19]: that is, that you should sow each individual seed separately and not mix them up. 382 But in the fourth year [XIX.24]: because what was planted could not produce fruit before then. 383 Marks [XIX.28]: that is, put various tattooed pictures on your bodies of dragons or serpents, as many people do. 384 Make not . . . a common strumpet [XIX. 29]: do not make prostitutes. 385 He that curseth his father or mother, dying let him die [XX. 9]: that is, some church fathers wish us to take this in the sense of killing both father and mother; and accordingly those who do this should die, not merely for the verbal malediction alone. 'He that curseth his father or mother': they say that this could happen by word alone, not as stated above, but let his blood be upon him, that is, the vengeance for his sin in whatever way they see as appropriate.
369
Pentl: text 386
Matertera [XX. 19]: soror matris.
387
Amita [XX. 19]: soror patris.
388 Vt caueant ab his quae consecrata sunt [XXII.2]: ut qui inmundus est nee tangat nee uescatur eis. 389
Super mortuo [XXII.4]: .i. de mortuo.
390
Inquilinus [XXII. 10]: .i. rusticus colonus sacerdotum.
391 Mense primo [XXIII.5]: ut accederet .xiiii. luna uel in Martio uel in Aprili ut pascha fieret. 392 Polentam [XXIII. 14]: conficitur de fauis contritis ac farina et oleo, citoque fit cocta. 393 Feretis manipulos spicarum primitias [XXIII. 10]: in Pentecost en .i. mense Maio uel Iunio, ideoque nouorum. 394 Mense septimo prima die mensis [XXIII.24]: .i. mense Octobrio; ipse est .vii. ab Aprile, et prima dies ipsius erat Tubarum. Decima autem die erat ieiunium una die [XXIII.27]. Et a .xv. die ipsius mensis erant 76rb .vii. dies Ta / bernaculorum [XXIII.34].
395 Spatulas [XXIII.40]: fructus palmae dicitur pro similitudine spadae. 396 Per singula sabbata mutabuntur [XXIV.8]. Alii uolunt tractatores ita intellegi: ut pro sabbatis diceret exordia mensium; et sic semper .xii. ponebant pro numero .xii. mensuum, ac pro duodecim signis in caelo et pro futura significatione apostolorum. Alii autem adfirmant in 'sabbatis singulis' tantum positos fuisse.
397 Sedstatim oblata comedetis [XXV. 12]: .i. quando de segete et uinea portatis, nolite in horrea colligere ac in tali custodia ut in reliquis annis fecistis. 397
reliquis} -li- added as correction MS
370
Pentl: translation 386
Aunt by thy mother [XX. 19]: the mother's sister.
387
Aunt by thy father [XX. 19]: the father's sister.
388 That they beware of those things that are consecrated [XXII. 2]: that he who is unclean should not touch or eat them. 389
By occasion of the dead [XXII.4]: that is, from a dead person.
390
A sojourner [XXII. 10]: that is, a peasant farmer of the priests.
391 The first month [XXIII.5]: that the fourteenth moon should fall either in March or April that Easter may take place. 392 Parched corn [XXIII. 14]: it is made from ground beans and flour and oil, and is cooked quickly. 393 You shall bring sheaves of ears, the firstfruits [XXIII. 10]: at Pentecost, that is, in the month of May or June, accordingly at the time of the first harvest. 394 The seventh month or thefirstday of the month [XXIII. 24]: that is, in the month of October, for it is the seventh month from April, and its first day is the Feast of Trumpets. On the tenth day of the month there was the Feast of Atonement for one day [XXIII. 27]. And from the fifteenth day of the same month there were the seven days of the Feast of Tabernacles [XXIII.34]. 395 Branches of palm trees [XXIII. 40]: the fruit of the palm is so named {spatula) because of its similarity to a spatula. 396 Every sabbath they shall be changed [XXIV.8]. Some commentators wish to understand this as follows: that by 'sabbaths' the text refers to the beginnings of the months, and thus they always put down twelve 'sabbaths' for the number - twelve - of the months, and for the twelve signs [of the zodiac] in heaven and for the future significance of the [twelve] apostles. Others assert that by 'every sabbath' the sabbaths only were intended. 397 You shall presently eat them [XXV. 12]: that is, when you carry them in from the cornfield and the vineyard, do not store them in storehouses and in similar means of storage, as you did in the other years.
371
PentI: text 398 Frugum superhabundantia non exiges [XXV.37}: uerbi gratia, si uiginti duo modia essent cuilibet duo sextaria de ipsis acciperet in anno. 399 Mercede inputatis [XXV.5 3]: .i. non numeratis sed pro precio reputentur ei. 400 Addat supra aestimationem quint am partem [XXVII. 13}: .i. quotquot essent solidi semper unum adderet ipsis, et haec est quinta pars; uerbi gratia, si essent tres boues, adderet quartum.
7 7 v b DE LIBRO NVMERORVM
401 Mensis secundi [I.I]: .i. Maio qui secundus est Aprili, qui est primus apud Hebraeos. 402 Hie .xiii. tribus enumerauit pro eo quod .xii. apostoli erant futuri qui bus Paulus addendus .xiii.; tribus autem Leui non est numeratus cum eis [1.5-15]. 403 Nefiat indignatio super multitudtnem Israel [1.53]: -i. si pro te fiunt cum mulieribus suis ac aliis inmunditiis suis. 404 Signa [II.2]: .i. aquilarum capita habentia uel hominum siue draconum, et ita in astilibus longissimis portabantur. 405
Ad concinnandas [IV.9] .i. ad parandas.
406 Vatilla [IV. 14}: .i. receptaculum ignis manubrium habens et ita portari potest plusque longum quam rotundum habensque coopertorium. 407
Aquas amarissimas [V.18]: .i. intinctas aliqua herba amarissima.
408 Vinum et omne quod inebriare potest [VI.3]: praecepit ideo quia mundus in ligno fructuque eius praeuaricatus per Adam; multique abstinent de his omnibus quae gustari possunt ex arborum fructu in quadragesima. 399
4o numeratis} numeraris MS ° essent2} e- added as correction MS 401 quattuor MS Aprili} Aprilis MS
372
quartum}
Pentl: translation 398 Nor exact of him any increase of fruits [XXV. 37]: by way of example, if there were twenty-two bushels from each person, he would take two pints from them every year. 399 His wages being allowed [XXV.53): that is, they are not counted, but would be reckoned as payment for him. 400 He shall add above the estimation the fifth part [XXVII. 13]: that is, however many solidi there might be, he would always add one to them, and this is called 'the fifth part'; by way of example, if there were three cows, he would add a fourth. NUMBERS
401 Of the second month [I.I]: that is, in May, which is second to April, which is the first month of the year among the Hebrews. 402 He here enumerated the thirteen tribes for the reason that there were twelve future apostles to which Paul was added as the thirteenth; the tribe of Levi is not counted among them [1.5-15]. 403 Lest there come indignation upon the multitude of the children of Israel [1.53]: that is, if on your behalf they should be there with their women and with other unclean things. 404 Ensigns [II.2]: that is, having on them the heads of eagles or men or dragons, and they are carried thus on the end of long spear-shafts. 405
For the dressing [IV.9]: that is, for the preparation of the lamps.
406 Pothooks [IV. 14]: that is, a receptacle for fire having a handle, and it can be carried thus, and it is more long than round, and has a cover. 407 The most bitter waters [V.I8]: that is, tainted with some exceedingly bitter herb. 408 From wine and from everything that may make a man drunk [VI. 3]: the command is issued thus because, through Adam, the world was violated by the tree and its fruit; and many people abstain from all things which can be eaten from the fruit of trees during Lent.
373
PentI: text 409 Nouacula {VI.5]: dicitur eo quod cutem innouat; est digitorum latitudinis, talisque est eius figura: Tarn subtilis paene quasi folium. 410 Sanctus erit Domino [VI.5]: .i. in ipsa abstinentia et ieiunio temporali se sanctificat dum se non tondit. 411 Benedicat tibi Dominus et reliqua [VI.24}: dicunt ut ipsa benedictione tantum benedicat qui habeat gradum. 412
Phase Domino [IX. 14}: mense secundo .i. Maio.
413 Cucumeres et pepones [XI. 5}: unum sunt, sed tamen cucumeres dicuntur pepones cum magni fiunt; ac saepe in uno pepone fiunt .xxx. librae. In Edissia ciuitate fiunt ut uix potest duo portare unus camelus. 414 Et auferam de spiritu tuo [XL 17}: .i. de ipso dono spiritus quod tu habes dabo eis. 78ra
415 416 dixit. 417
Sanctificamini [XI. 18}: .i. quasi per ieiunium unius diei. Donee exeat per nares uestras [XI.20}: pro odore malo per nares Nausia [XI.20}: graece, latine uomitus.
418 Ait Moyses sexcentena milia et reliqua [XI.21}: non dixit pro infidelitate potestatis Dei sed ut maior esset admiratio cum uiderent per actum. 419 Non exierunt ad tabernaculum [XL26}: .i. quia occupati erant alioqui. 420 Arreptas trans mare coturnices [XI.31}: .i. de Mari Rubro transduxit eas subito creatas non aliunde nisi de aqua ut in primordio factum est. 409
est 1 ] esse MS uix] uis MS aliqui MS
4l3
4l4
cucumeres1] cucumes MS magni fiunt] magnificiunt MS 4l9 dono] added by another hand in lower margin MS alioqui]
374
PentI: translation 409 Razor {VI.5]: is so called because it 'renews' the skin; it is the breadth of the fingers and is shaped thus: It is almost as thin as a leaf. 410 He shall be holy in the Lord [VI.5]: that is, in this abstinence and temporal fasting he sanctifies himself while he does not shave himself. 411 The Lord bless thee and so on [VI. 24}: they say that with this benediction only someone who may have the grade of a priest may give the blessing. 412
The phase [IX.14]: in the second month, that is, in May.
413 Cucumbers . . . and melons [XI.5]: are the same thing, but cucumbers are called pepones when they grow large, and often one pepon will weigh thirty pounds. In the city of Edessa they grow so large that a camel can scarcely carry two of them. 414 And I will take of thy spirit [XI. 17]: that is, from that gift of the spirit which you have I shall give to them. 415
Be ye sanctified [XI. 18]: that is, as if through a fast of one day.
416 Till it come out of your nostrils [XI. 20]: the text said 'through your nostrils' because of the foul odour. 417 Latin.
And become loathsome [XI.20]: nausia (vauaia) in Greek, vomit in
418 And Moses said: there are six hundred thousand and so on [XI.21]: Moses did not state this because of faithlessness in God's power, but that their admiration should be the greater when they saw it enacted. 419 Were not gone forth to the tabernacle [XI.26]: that is, because they had been otherwise engaged. 420 Taking quails up beyond the sea [XI.31]: that is, from the Red Sea he led them, they having been newly created from nothing other than the water, as happened in the beginning.
375
PentI: text 421 Chorus [XL32]: .xxx. modios habet; duo autem onus est, hoc est unius cameli. 422 Adhuc carries erant in dentthus eorum [XL 3 3}: .i. non adhuc mundati miculis. 423 Propter uxorem eius JEthiopissam [XII. 1}. Tractatores dicunt ut ipsi suspicionem haberent contra eum quod ipsam in coniugio haberet, quia in uno tabernaculo erant; quod non erat credendum nisi tan turn secum habens et circumducens, ut sanctus Petrus postea suam uxorem. 424 Os enim ad os loquor ei et palam [XII.8]: .i. non aliud significans, sed ipsum est quod uidit, non per enigma ut alii prophetae, quia uident quod erit futurum et non ipsum quod uident. 425 Amalech habitat in meridie [XIII.30}: ipse est ipsarum gentium de Chananaeis. 426 Chananaeus uero moratur iuxta mare et circa fluenta lordanis [XIII.30]: .i. iuxta Mare Mortuum. 427 Quod dicunt deuorat habitatores [XIII.33]: .i. non uere dixerunt sed pro malicia detractionis tan turn eorum hominum qui haec dixerunt. 428
Separabitis primitias Domini de cibis uestris [XV. 19]: .i. in primo
78rb anno de omnibus cibis una uice / tan turn. 429
Per angulos [XV.38]: .i. in cornibus tantum palliorum.
430 Pendentes in eis uittas hiacintinas [XV.38]: .i. ipsae uittae non tarn longae nisi tantum ut ligari possint ob signum recordationis, et ita uiri faciunt; mulieres autem in digitis suis ligantes aliquid ut memorentur. 431 Aperiens os suum et deuorauit illos [XVI. 32]. Narrant adhuc multi ita custoditos sub terra uiuentes in papilionibus suis ac sic debent usque ad 423
suspicionem] suspitionem MS
424
quod 2 ] aliud MS
MS
376
43
° uittas] ui uittas
Pentl: translation 421 Cores [XL32]: a core holds thirty bushels; two cores make a 'load', that is, a load for one camel. 422 As yet the flesh was between their teeth [XL 33}: that is, their teeth were not yet cleaned of food particles. 423 Because of his wife the Ethiopian [XII. 1]. Commentators say that Mary and Aaron held a suspicion against Moses because he had her in wedlock, since they were in the one tabernacle; a situation which was not to be countenanced unless he kept her with him and led her around, as St Peter was later to lead around his wife. 424 For I speak to him mouth to mouth, and plainly [XII. 8]: that is, not implying something else, but it is the Lord which he sees - not through a dark enigma, as in the case of other prophets who see something which is to happen in the future and it is not Him that they see. 425 Amalec dwelleth in the south [XIII. 30}: he is of those peoples of the Canaanites. 426 But the Canaanite abideth by the sea and near the streams of the Jordan [XIII.30]: that is, by the Dead Sea. 427 As for their saying devoureth its inhabitants [XIII.33]: that is, they did not speak truthfully, but only for the malicious slander of those men who said these things. 428 And you shall separatefirstfruitsto the Lord [XV. 19]: that is, from all the food during the first year, on one occasion only. 429 only.
In the corners [XV.38]: that is, on the fringes of their garments
430 Putting in them ribands of blue [XV. 38]: that is, these ribands were only so long that they could be tied together as a token of remembrance, and it was the men who did this; the women tie something to their fingers in order to remember. 431 And opening her mouth devoured them [XVI. 32]: many commentators say that Dathan and Abiron were kept living in their tents beneath the
377
Pentl: text iudicium esse; ex quibus Epiphanius Cypri et Euagrius Iberius et multi alii ex ipso testimonio, maxime quia Deus non uindicat bis in ipsum.
432 Portabitis iniquitatem sanctuarii [XVIII. 1]: .i. sustinebitis plagam si peccaueritis. 433 Percutiens uirga bis silicem [XX. 11]: .i. ideo bis percussit, quia bis dicturi erant, 'crucifige, crucifige'. 434
In urbe Cades [XX. 16): inde dicitur desertum Cades ab urbe.
435 Vnde dicitur in libro bellorum Domini [XXI. 14]: .i. in Regum; sed tamen primo pluriores erant quam modo sunt in ipsis; hoc est quod hie dicitur. .viii. libros dicunt fiiisse antequam esset incensa tota scriptura; ab Ezra autem iterum in .iiii. libros tantum diuisum est. 436 Puteum quern foderunt principes et reliqua [XXI. 18]: .i. ut putatur Abraham et Ysaac olim secundum historiam. 437 Et strata asina profectus est cum eis [XXII.21]. Reliquid scriptura pro quid, sed tamen in facto aliquo, uel in mentis suae propositione Deum offendit. Tradunt Hebraei in sacrificiis suis intellexisse Balaam quia placeret Deo ut benediceret Israel. Vbi enim uidit nullum adesse daemonem, nullam contrariam potestatem uictimis suis adsistere audientem, ac exclusos esse omnes malitiae ministros quibus uti ad maledicendum solebat, intellexit quia placeret Deo ut benediceret Israeli.
78va
438 Populus solus habitauit [XXIII.9]: i- in / terra promissionis Israheliticus populus. 439 Et in gentes [XXIII.9]: -i. reliquias, dum ei non comparabitur alia similis. 435
437 after ipsis MS adds quae erat libros} libri MS Balaam] written by another hand over the erased word Abraham MS exclusos} excluso MS
378
PentI: translation earth, and are to remain thus until the Day of Judgement; among these commentators are Epiphanius of Cyprus and Evagrius [Ponticus] of Ibora, and many others from this same source, above all because the Lord does not avenge Himself twice on the same [person]. 432 Shall bear the iniquity of the sanctuary [XVIII. 1]: that is, you shall suffer punishment if you sin. 433 Struck the rock twice with the rod [XX. 11]: he struck twice for the reason that the Jews were later twice to say, 'Crucify him, crucify him.' 434 In the city of Cades [XX. 16]: the desert ofCades is named from the city [Kadesh-barnea]. 435 Wherefore it is said in the Book of the Wars of the Lord [XXI. 14]: that is, in the Books of Kings; but originally there were more books in them than there are now, which is what is referred to here. They say there were eight books before all scripture was burned; it was by Ezra that they were again divided, into only four books. 436 The well which the princes dug and so on [XXI. 18]: that is, according to the historical narrative, it was once attributed to Abraham and Isaac. 437 And saddling his ass went with them [XXII.21]. Scripture here omits to mention the reason why, but for something he had done, or for some intention in his mind, Balaam offended God. Hebrew traditions indicate that Balaam understood from his sacrifices that it would be pleasing to God that he should bless Israel. When he saw that no demon was present, that no contrary power was listening so as to attend to his sacrificial victims, and all agents of evil, which he was accustomed to use in his cursing, were absent, he realized that it would be pleasing to God that he should bless Israel. 438 This people shall dwell alone [XXIII.9]: that is, the Israelites in the Promised Land. 439 Among the nations [XXIII.9]: that is, among the remainder, since no other nation shall be compared to Israel.
379
Pentl: text 440 Temporibus suis dicebatur Iacob et hrahel quid operates sit Dominus [XXIII.23}: .i. non adhuc illud tempus, sed et hoc dicit fiiturum de regno eius legisque obseruatione. 441 Cuius obturatus est oculus [XXIV.3}: .i. carnalis; sed spiritualiter considero et uideo uisiones Dei. 442 Qui cadens apertos et reliqua [XXIV. 16]: .i. ut omnes plus sciunt post mortem. 443 futuro.
Videbo eum sed non modo [XXIV. 17]: hie dicit de aduentu eius
444 Sed non prope [XXIV. 17]: .i. per omnia prope non erat sed longe quando uenit Chrisms. 445 Principium gentium Amalech [XXIV.20]: .i. septem gentium Chananaeorum. 446 In trieribus [XXIV.24]: .i. in nauibus tres ordines remorum habentibus; Romanos significat. 447 Pugione [XXV.7]: .i. uenabulo; de ipsaque ita portauit eos perfossos in praesentiam populi; et paulo longior est quam statura hominis. 448 Adfiliam transibit haereditas [XXVII.8]: .i. ita adhuc debet si ipsa est uirgo et non maritata. 449 Qui stabit cor am Eleazaro sacerdote [XXVII. 19]: .i. ad iudicandum necessaria cum eo, primitus ad ordinandum eum ab eo, quia rege plus est sacerdos. 450 Vlciscere prius filios Israel de Madianitis [XXXI.2]: .i. pro causa fornicationis excogitata ab eis et pro negatione itineris per terram eorum. 451 Periscelides [XXXI.50]: .i. ipsi circuli ita dicuntur qui fiunt in pedibus muli, in quibus fhaec est paucof super talos feminarum quod dicitur scilides. In pede periscillides apellantur facti de auro uel argento siue aere causa ornatus tantum.
380
Pentl: translation 440 In their times it shall be told to Jacob and to Israel what God hath tvrought [XXIII.23]: that is, not yet at that time, but it says that this is to happen in future concerning His kingdom and the observance of His law. 441 Whose eye is stopped up [XXIV. 3}: that is, the corporeal eye; but I contemplate and see visions of God with the spirit. 442 Who falling hath his eyes opened and so on [XXIV. 16]: that is, since everyone knows more after death. 443 / shall see him but not now [XXIV. 17]: the text speaks here of His future coming. 444 But not near [XXIV. 17]: that is, in all respects it was not near but far off when Christ came. 445 Amalec the beginning of nations [XXIV.20]: that is, of the seven nations of the Canaanites. 446 In galleys [XXIV.24]: that is, in ships having three banks of oars; it means the Romans. 447 A dagger [XXV.7]: that is, a hunting-spear; he carried them back thus transfixed with it into the people's presence; and it is a little longer than a man's height. 448 His inheritance shall pass to his daughter [XXVII.8]: that is, it is to happen thus if she is a virgin and is not married. 449 And he shall stand before Eleazar the priest [XXVII. 19]: that is, for judging all things necessary with him, first of all for ordaining him by him, because a priest is more important than a king. 450 Revengefirstthe children of Israel on the Madianites [XXXI.2]: that is, because of the fornication contemplated by them, and because of their refusal to permit passage through their land. 451 Garters [XXXI.50]: that is, those rings are so named which are put on the feet of a mule; the same thing is put over the ankles of women, which is called scilides (aiceAiSec,). On the foot they are called periscilides (mpiGKsXideq) when made of gold or silver or bronze solely for the sake of ornamentation.
381
Pentl: text 452 Et armellas [XXXI.50]. Armellae dicuntur quae fiunt inter primos arctus digitorum, quia armellus dicitur graece, latine autem arctus. 453 Anulos [XXXI.50]: qui fiunt sursum prope manum, superior quam armilla. 78vb
454 Dextralia [XXXI.50]: uiri tantum habent, aliquando / in utraque manu, maxime autem in dextera; mos est illis quia causa uictoriae ibi ponuntur a regibus. 455 Murenulas [XXXI.50]: quae pendunt in pectoribus mulierum, de rotundis ac latis in modum cesaringa factae. 456 Stabula [XXXII. 16]: ipsa equi ac boues habent; in modum domorum bene cooperta, non ut caulae ouium. 457
Sorte [XXXIII.54]: parte; ac si diceret partibus diuersis.
458 Mare Salsissimum [XXXIV.3]: .i. Mare Mortuum; quia nimia eius salsugine non potest in eo aliquid uiuere, ut dicunt. 459 Scorpionis [XXXIV.4]: .i. nomen qui ita dicitur dum habet similitudinem scorpii. 460 Vsque ad torrentem /Egypti [XXXIV.5]: .i. prope ^Egyptum ipse est torrens, ideoque pro confinio deputabatur; qui fit de pluuia, iterumque non erit pro siccitate. 461 Et marts Magni litore finitur [XXXIV.5]: .i. Pardonici, quern dicimus Adriaticum in altera parte, quia multa nomina habet ipsud.
80va ITEM DE DEVTERONOMIO
80vb
462 Vsque adflumenmagnum Eufra/ten [1.7]: ipse est non longe ab Antiochia, giratque in occidentem ab aquilonali plaga, paene terrae repromissionis in Pardonico mari explicatur. 463
Qui homini [IV.28]: .i. ab homine.
455
catenis] supplied by editors cesaringa] cesaringum MS 460 -s deleted by a point deputabatur] deputabitur MS
382
456
ipsa] ipsas MS, with
PentI: translation 452 Tablets [XXXI.50]. 'Tablets' (armellae) are so called because they are placed between the first joints of the fingers, because in Greek the joints are called armellus (ap\i6q), but in Latin are artus. 453 Rings [XXXI.50]: they are worn near the hand, but higher up than the tablet. 454 Bracelets [XXXI.50]: only men wear them, sometimes on either hand, most often on the right hand; they have this custom, since bracelets are placed there by kings because of victory. 455 Chains [XXXI.50]: they hang on women's breasts, and are made from round and broad chain-links in the manner of cesaringas. 456 Stalls [XXXII. 16]: both horses and cows have them; they are well covered in the manner of houses, not like sheepfolds. 457
By lot [XXXIII.54]: by share; as if it had said, 'in various parts'.
458 The most salt sea [XXXIV. 3]: that is, the Dead Sea; because of its excessive saltiness, nothing can live in it, as they say. 459 The Scorpion [XXXIV.4]: that is, the name is so called since it bears a certain similarity to a scorpion. 460 To the torrent of Egypt [XXXIV. 5]: that is, this torrent lies close to Egypt, and for this reason it was reckoned a boundary; it comes into being from rainfall, and again, it will not exist in times of drought. 461 And shall end in the shore of the great sea [XXXIV.5]: that is, the Pardonic Sea, which elsewhere we call the Adriatic, since it has many names. DEUTERONOMY
462 As far as the great river Euphrates [1.7]: this lies not far from Antioch, and turns to the west from the northern regions, and debouches in the Pardonic Sea nearly at the Promised Land. 463. With men's [IV.28]: that is, by man.
383
PentI: text 464 Non cum patribus nostris iniitpactum [V.3]: .i. antiquis, sed modo nobiscum. 465 Et infirmitates /Egypti pessimas [VII. 15]: .i. ipsas plagas dicit quas habuerunt. 466 Non in solo pane [VIII. 3}: quasi diceret, sicut 'panis confirmat cor hominis* .i. corpus, ita sermo diuinus confirmat animam hominis. 467 Dipsas [VIII. 15]: genus serpentis est; quod si percusserit hominem, erit insatiabilis potu usque dum moritur; indeque nomen accepit, quia dipsis graece dicitur sitis. 468 Serpensflatuadurens [VIII. 15]: .i. ipsud genus serpentum quasi flammea labia habens in circuitu oris; inde dicitur flatu adurens. 469 Feet igitur arcam de lignis sethim [X.3]: ideo hie de area modo commemorat tantum nee de tabernaculo, quia in ipsam posuit tabulas et cultellos circumcisionis. 470 Super montem Garizim [XI.29]: ipse prope Samaria est, idemque dicitur in quo Christus inuenit Samaritanam mulierem iuxta puteum aquae in quo Samaritani adorauerunt. 471 Tragelaphum [XIV.5]: dicitur similis esse caprae, nisi quod maiora cornua habet. 472 Cameleo [XIV.5]: dicunt septem colores habere inmutatione considerantis, non maior quam cattum. 473 idem.
Pardulum [XIV.5]: animal est in Ethiopia, ceruo similis sed non
474 Anno .Hi. separabit [XIV.28]: quasi diceret, ipsas decimas tercii anni fructus semper pauperibus tu diuide et leuitis de manu tua propria.
468
flatu1} flatua MS
471
caprae} capra MS
MS
384
472
cattum} corrected from captum
Pentl: translation 464 He made not the covenant with our fathers {V.3]: that is, with the ancients, but now with us. 465 The grievous infirmities of Egypt [VII. 15]: it refers here to the plagues which they suffered. 466 Not in bread alone {VIII. 3]: as if it were to say, just as bread strengthens the heart of man, that is, his body, so does the divine word strengthen man's soul. 467 The dipsas {VIII. 15]: a species of snake; which, if it should bite a man, he will have insatiable thirst until he dies; and thence it takes its name, since dipsis (8i\j/f|ai<;) in Greek means 'thirst'. 468 The serpent burning with his breath {VIII. 15]: that is, that species of snake having as it were flaming lips around its mouth, whence it is called 'burning with breath'. 469 And I made an ark ofsetim wood {X.3]: the reason why reference is here made to the ark alone, not to the tabernacle, is that he placed in it stone tablets and knives for incising them. 470 Upon Mount Garizim {XI.29]: this is located near to Samaria, and is said to be the same as that at which Christ found the Samaritan woman near to the well at which the Samaritans worshipped. 471 The chamois {XIV.5]: is said to be like a she-goat, except that it has larger horns. 472 Cameleo {XIV.5]: they say that it has seven colours even to the stationary gaze of the beholder, and is not larger than a cat. 473 Pardulum {XIV.5]: is an animal in Ethiopia, similar to a stag, but not the same. 474 The third year thou shalt separate {XIV.28]: as if it were to say, divide up the tithes of the third year's harvest with your own hand among the poor and the Levites.
385
64vb ITEM IN GENESI 1 Fiat lux [1.3]: .i. corpus solis, ut quidam dicunt, in quo quarto die lux posita est. Qui corpus, quamuis totum firmamentum splendidum esset, multo clarior et splendidior fuit. 2 Fiat firmamentum [1.6]. Ideo dicitur firmamentum quia, ut dicit Basilius, solidior est omni lapide precioso et christallo pulchrior. 3 Non enim pluerat Dominus Deus [II. 5]: quia pluuia non erat ante diluuium pro peccato. 4 Fons ascendebat [II.6]: Syloa, ut quidam uolunt, ex quo quattuor flumina emergebant. 5 In quacumque die comederis [11.17]: morieris, scilicet in anima, non in corpore, quia apud Dominum omnes dies uitae Adam (qui sunt 65ra .dccccxxx.) pro uno / die deputantur, sicut dicit scriptura: 'et mille anni sicut dies unus apud Deum.' 6 Et dixit Dominus ad serpentem 'Maledictus eris' [III. 14]: antea, ut putatur, sine ueneno erat. Nam secundum historiam hie datur intelligi, quia primus homo matutino tempore a Deo creatus usque in horam octauam in paradiso fiiit. Sed non ita de diabolo; nam mox ut a Deo creatus est, superbia tactus de caelo cecidit.
3
quia] s (for scilicet?) before quia deleted by a point MS
386
5
unus} correctedfrom unius MS
SUPPLEMENTARY COMMENTARY ON GENESIS, EXODUS AND THE GOSPELS (Gn-Ex-Evla)
ON GENESIS
1 Be light made [1.3]: that is, the substance of the sun, as some say, in which light was placed on the fourth day. Even though the entire firmament was radiant, this substance was more clear and radiant still. 2 Let there be a firmament [1.6]. It is called the 'firmament' because, as Basil says, it is more solid than any precious stone and more beautiful than crystal. 3 For the Lord God had not rained upon the earth [II. 5]: because there was no rain before the Flood on account of man's sin. 4 A spring rose out [II.6]: Siloam, as some suppose, from which the four rivers take their source. 5 For in what day soever thou shalt eat of it [II. 17]: you shall die, that is, in your soul, not in your body, since to the Lord all the days of Adam's life (which lasted 930 years) were reckoned as one day, as scripture says: 'And a thousand years as one day with God.' 6 And the Lord said to the serpent: (thou are cursed' [III. 14]: formerly, so it was thought, the serpent was without venom. But according to the biblical narrative it is here given to be understood that the first man was created by God in the morning and was in Paradise up to the eighth hour. But not so for the devil: for as soon as he was created by God, he was overcome by pride and fell from heaven.
387
Gn-Ex-Evla: text 7 Asserunt aliqui Abel a Cain inlaqueatum esse; alii lapidatum, alii maxilla asinae occisum dicunt [IV.8]. 8 Omnis qui occiderit Cain septuplum punietur [IV. 15]. Super has septem uindictas extat epistola beati Hieronimi ad Damasum papam ita: 'ac si diceret Dominus, "O Cain, non, ut tu putas, qui te inuenerit occidet, sed tantis afficieris malis et tandiu igne conscientiae tuae torqueberis ut qui te occiderit septem uindictis suorum peccaminum liberabitur; qui hominem in infelicitate positum a multis eruerit malis.'"
9 De paradiso terrestri. Paradisus est locus in orientis partibus constitutus. Cuius uocabulum ex Graeco in Latinum uertitur hortus; hebraice autem Eden dicitur, quod in nostram linguam deliciae interpretantur. Quod utrumque iunctum facit ortum deliciarum. Est enim omni genere ligni pomiferarum arborum consitus, habens etiam lignum uitae. Non est ibi frigus, non aestas, sed perpetua aeris temperies. E cuius medio fons prorumpens totum nemus irrigat; diuiditurque in quattuor nascentia flumina. Cuius loci post peccatum hominis aditus interclusus est. Saeptus 65rb / est undique rumphea flammea .i. muro igneo accinctus, ita ut eius cum caelo paene iungat incendium. Cherubin quoque .i. angelorum praesidium arcendis spiritibus malis super rumpheam flagranciam ordinatum est, ut homines flammae, angelos uero malos angeli submoueant, ne cui carnis uel spiritui transgressionis aditus paradisi pateat. Alii dicunt paradisum esse in medio terrae ubi Hierusalem est, alii eum putant post peccatum in aere leuatum; quidam in orientali mare collocatum esse uolunt [II.8]. 10 Inuocare nomen Domini [IV.26]. Hebraei dicunt .x. nomina Dei qui apud eos appellantur ab ipso nominatos; ex quibus primum est Adonay. 11 Trecentorum cubitorum [VI. 15]. Geometrica arte numeratus est. Cubitus autem eorum nostros sex capit propter staturae proceritatem.
7
9 asinae] om. MS; word supplied by editors from Ld 1 constitutus] constitus MS 11 facit} written twice MS mare} more MS geometrica} geumetrica MS
388
Gn-Ex-Evla: translation 7 Some say that Abel was hanged by Cain, others that he was stoned, others that he was killed with the jawbone of an ass [IV.8]. 8 But whosoever shall kill Cain shall be punished sevenfold [IV. 15]. On the subject of these seven punishments there is a letter of St Jerome to Pope Damasus, as follows: 'as if the Lord were to say, "O Cain, it is not as you think, that whoever finds you will kill you, but you shall be afflicted by so many evils and shall be tortured for so long by the fire of your conscience, that whoever kills you will be liberated from the seven punishments of his sins; he shall release the man imprisoned in unhappiness from many evils.'" 9 On the earthly Paradise. Paradise is a place located in the eastern regions. Its name, translated from Greek into Latin, means 'garden' (hortus); in Hebrew it is Eden, which in our language means 'delights'. If these two senses are combined it means 'garden of delights'. It is sown with every kind of wood and fruit-bearing tree, including even the tree of life. There is no coldness there, nor excessive heat, but a perpetual mildness of the atmosphere. At its centre a fountain arises which waters the entire grove, and it is divided into four rivers which rise there. After man's sin, access to this place was forbidden. It is enclosed on all sides with a flaming sword, that is, surrounded by a wall of fire, so that its flames rise nearly to heaven. A garrison of Cherubim, that is, of angels, is stationed there above the flaming sword to turn away evil spirits, so that the flames will ward off men, and the angels will ward off evil angels, lest any entrance to Paradise be open to anyone of the flesh or any spirit of transgression [i.e. fallen angel]. Some say that Paradise is in the centre of the earth where Jerusalem is, others think it was borne aloft in the air after man's sin; certain others suppose that it is located in the eastern sea [II.8]. 10 To call upon the name of the Lord [IV. 26]: the Hebrews say that there are ten names of God which are pronounced among them; of these the first is Adonai. 11 Three hundred cubits [VI. 15]: it is reckoned according to geometry. One of their cubits is equal to six of ours, because of the extent of their span.
389
Gn-Ex-Evla: text 12 .xv. cubttis altior erat aqua montibus [VII.20]. Gigantes autem quattuordecim cubitorum fiiere [VI.4]. 13 Mandragora [XXX. 14} duplici est genere, masculini et feminini, quasi homo sine capite; femininum genus poma fert. 14 Tetigit neruum [XXXII.25]. Putatur ab aliquibus quod in capite eum ferierit et postea, quia neruus inde deriuatus esset, emarcuit in femore. 15 Aquas calidas [XXXVI.24]: aquae calidae per Dei potentiam, non humanam manum calidae effectae; naturali meatu per uenas terrae de mari exeuntes et repperientes quoddam genus lapidum in terra calidissimae naturae, unde illae calorem contrahunt. 16 Auguriare [XLIV.5]: quasi carmen alicuius diuinationis more iEgyptiorum desuper canebant, uel quia sortes mittebant in scyphum cum aliquid sortiebant.
65va
17 Deus Abraham Deus Ysaac et Deus lacob [III.6}. Cur illorum / et non Adam, non Enoc, neque Noe? Quia Adam praeuaricator extitit et isti quoque praeuaricatione eius obnoxii fuere. Sed isti tres meliores caeteris patribus fuerunt obseruando pactum circumcisionis. 18 Virgas eorum [VII. 12]. Augustinus dicit hoc non fuisse per fantasiam sed ueraciter esse factum. Sicut enim agricola colendo terram excitat fructus, non tamen materiam facit, sic et daemones per hoc quod subtilioris naturae sunt, Deo permittente obscure et uere fecerunt. 19 Vulgus permiscuum [XII.38]: ^Egyptiorum. Dicunt aliqui in hoc datum intellegi, quia Christo ascendente de inferno cum sanctorum animabus illos quoque qui antea legi non credebant et tune tamen praedicante illo crediderunt pariter ascendere.
13 15
genus} genere MS calidissimae] calidis MS
14
deriuatus] there is an erasure above deriuatus MS 18 19 hoc] haec MS qui] quia MS (cf. Ld 11)
390
Gn-Ex-Evla: translation 12 The water was fifteen cubits higher than the mountains [VII.20]. The giants were fourteen cubits tall [VI.4}. 13 Mandrake [XXX. 14]: is of two genders, masculine and feminine, and is like a man without a head; the feminine sort produces fruit. 14 He touched the sinew [XXXII.25]. It is thought by certain commentators that he struck him in the head and afterwards, because the sinew originates there, it atrophied in the thigh. 15 The hot waters [XXXVI.24]: the hot waters were made hot through God's agency, not by human hand; coming by natural flow from the sea through fissures in the earth and striking there a certain kind of rock of a warm nature, they draw from that source their warmth. 16 To divine [XLIV.5]: they sang as if from on high an incantation of some prophecy in the manner of the Egyptians; or else because they cast lots in a cup when they were prophesying something. LIKEWISE ON EXODUS
17 The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob [III. 6]. Why the God of these, and not of Adam or Enoc or Noe? Because Adam was the transgressor and these were also liable through his transgression. But these three were better than other patriarchs by observing the contract of circumcision. 18 Their rods [VII. 12]: Augustine says that this was not through fantasy but truly did take place. For just as a farmer tilling the field produces fruit yet does not create it, so too the demons, because they are of a more subtle essence, with God's permission accomplished things darkly yet truly. 19 A mixed multitude [XII. 38]: of the Egyptians. Some say that in this incident it is to be understood that, with Christ ascending from hell with the souls of the holy, those also who previously did not believe in the law but yet with Him preaching found their faith, also ascend.
391
Gn-Ex-Evla: text 20 Tribus ukibus [XXIII. 14]. Per .xii. menses sancta sanctorum ingressus est: semel in sanguine agni in pasca, secundo uero in pentecosten, tercio in scenophegia. Alii uolunt quod per .xii. menses semel cum sanguine introierit et cottidie sine sanguine ad incendenda thimiamata. 21 Iudaei per .x. loca in fimbriis suis faciebant signa pro misterio decalogi. DE EVANGELIO
22 Iohannes Chrisostomus ait omnes homines resurrecturos quasi .xxx. annos habentes, in ilia figura qua Christum discipuli uiderunt in monte Thabor transfiguratum. 23 Dicetis huic monti [Matt. XVII. 19}. Historialiter impletum fiiit, uel quando area per aquas Iordanis portata montes loco suo mouerunt et similiter mons Sinay, uel quando in Iordane flumine Christus baptizatus est cum aqua ad instar collis eleuabat se ut impleretur quod dictum est: 'montes exultauerunt ut arietes et colles.' 65vb
24 Faciamus I tria tabernacula [Matt. XVII.4; Mark IX.4; Luke IX.33]. Tria creata sunt: unum pater fecit ex nichilo; .ii. filius ex baptismo in nouo; .iii. spiritus sanctus in resurrectione, ut dicitur: 'Emitte spiritum tuum et creabuntur et innouabuntur.' Vel Christus de terra, Helias de paradiso, Moyses de inferno tria tabernacula dici possunt.
25
Duodecim legiones [Matt. XXVI. 5 3]: .Ixxii. milia habent in se.
26 Iohannes cum baptizabat dicebat, 'Baptizo te in paenitentiam ut cred[as in eum qui] uenturus est.'
20
23 uicibus} uitibus MS secundo] secundum MS se] supplied by editors from Ld 15 23 26 in nouo] inno MS (cf. Ld 16) .Ixxii.] .lxxx. MS baptizo] batizo MS credas in eum qui] MS illegible here; words in square brackets supplied by editors from Ld 17 24
392
Gn-Ex-Evla: translation 20 Three times {XXIII. 14]: over a space of twelve months he entered the holy of holies: once in the blood of the Lamb at Easter, a second time at Pentecost, and a third time at the Feast of Tabernacles. Others suppose that during twelve months He will have entered once with the blood, and then daily without blood in order to burn the incense. 21 The Jews place symbols on their hems in ten places to symbolize the mystery of the Decalogue. ON THE GOSPELS
22 John Chrysostom says that all men are to be resurrected having the age of thirty as it were, in that likeness in which the disciples saw Christ transfigured on Mt Tabor. 23 Say to this mountain [Matt. XVII. 19]: it was fulfilled historically, either when the ark was being carried over the waters of Jordan the mountains relinquished their place, as did Mt Sinai itself; or else, when Christ was baptized in the Jordan, the water was raised up in the likeness of a hill, so that the [psalmist's] words would be fulfilled: 'The mountains skipped like rams, and the hills.' 24 Let us make three tabernacles [Matt. XVII.4; Mark IX.4; Luke IX. 3 3]. Three were created: the Father created one out of nothing; the Son created the second from His baptism in the New Testament; and the Holy Spirit created the third in the resurrection, as is said: Thou shalt send forth thy spirit, and they shall be created and renewed.' Or else the three tabernacles can be understood as Christ from the earth, Elias from Paradise and Moses from hell. 25 Twelve legions [Matt. XXVI.53]: they comprise seventy-two thousand men. 26 John, when he was baptizing, used to say, 'I baptize you in penitence that you may believe in Him Who is to come.'
393
Gn-Ex-Evla: text 27 Omnis uictima salietur [Mark IX.48]. Mos fuit Iudaeis ignem et uictimam insimul sale aspergere. 28 Spiritum infirmitatis [Luke XIII. 11]: spiritum uentum dicit, quia multae infirmitates in corpore ex [corrupto aere ueniunt]. 29 Silicus arbor est fructus asperos habens, et tamen dulces fiunt ad manducandum, longi paene in modum digiti [Luke XV. 16]. 30 Emmaus [Luke XXIV. 13] interpretatur 'sanguis fratris'. Vnde quidam putant quod ibi occisus fuisset Abel. 31
Philacteria [Matt. XXIII.5] graece custoditoria.
32 Obtulerunt ei partem piscis assi [Luke XXIV.42]. Constat ergo una uice manducasse Christum cum discipulis post resurrectionem suam, licet dissonis sermonibus Lucas et Iohannes dixissent, Lucas in xccxli. capitulo, Iohannes in .ccxxiii. capitulo. 33 Multi opinantur Lucam euangelistam nepotem fuisse Pauli apostoli et ipsum esse cui Dominus apparuit et Cleophae in uia [Luke XXIV. 18]. 34 Et tune ieiunabunt [Matt. IX.15; Mark 11.20]. Ex isto uerbo multi Graecorum et Romanorum post pentecosten .xl. dies ieiunare solent. 35 Tribus uicibus quasi iratus est Dominus: quando maledixit ficum [Matt. XXI. 19], uel quando eiecit uendentes et ementes de templo [Matt. XXI. 12], uel quando praecepit daemonibus ingredere in porcos [Matt. VIII.31]. 36 Cophini .xii. et ydriae sex quae .cl. modios habuerunt; ut quidam 66ra uolunt, ab Helena / [regina translatae in Constantino]polim sunt {John II.6andVI.13].
28
32 MS illegible here; words in square brackets supplied by editors from Ld 20 .ccxxiii.] 36 .ccciii. MS MS destroyed here; words in square brackets supplied by editors from Ld 28
394
Gn-Ex-Evla: translation 27 Every victim shall be salted [Mark IX.48]: it was a custom for the Jews to sprinkle the fire and the sacrificial victim with salt at the same time. 28 A spirit of infirmity [Luke XIII. 11]: it refers to the wind as a spirit, since many infirmities come to the body from contaminated air. 29 The silicus is a tree producing bitter fruit, and yet they become sweet when eaten, and are long in the shape of a finger [Luke XV.61]. 30 Emmaus [Luke XXIV. 13}: means 'the blood of a brother,' whence some think that Abel was killed there. 31
Phylacteries [Matt. XXIII.5]: in Greek, 'keepers' (i.e. amulets).
32 And they offered him a piece of broiledfish[Luke XXIV.42]. It is clear that Christ dined with his disciples on one occasion after His resurrection, even though Luke and John give discordant accounts — Luke in cap. cccxli, John in cap. ccxxiii. 33 Many think that Luke the evangelist was the nephew of the apostle Paul, and it was him to whom, together with Cleophas, the Lord appeared on the road [Luke XXIV. 18]. 34 And then they shall fast [Matt. IX.15; Mark 11.20]. On the strength of these words many Greeks and Romans are accustomed to fast for forty days after Pentecost. 35 On three occasions the Lord was moved as it were to anger: when He cursed the fig tree [Matt. XXI. 19], or when He cast out the money changers from the temple [Matt. XXI. 12], or when he ordered the devils to enter into the swine [Matt. VIII.31]. 36 Twelve baskets and six water-pots which contained 150 bushels; as some people aver, they were brought by the dowager empress Helena to Constantinople {John II.6 and VI. 13].
395
< COMMENTARIES IN EVANGELIA SECVNDVS>
89ra
IN MATHEO
1 Primus [Praef.]: Mathaeus Hebraeus Hebraeo sermone euangelium scripsit. 2 Zorobabel genuit Abiud [1.13]: Modo ordinem genealogiae euangelium conuertit in sacerdotes, deficientibus regibus. Et ideo Christus secundum carnem fuit de genere regum et sacerdotum, quia coniunctae fiierunt inter se tribus Iuda et Leui, filiabus Leui traditis Iudae. 3 Ecce magi [II. 1]: Magi duobus annis in uia fuerunt, quia duos annos ante natiuitatem Christi apparuit eis Stella, ut Iohannes Constantinopolitanus dixit Crisostomus, quern Graeci Crisostomum .i. os auri clamant. 4
Thelus tributum dicitur.
5 Nouissimum quadrantem [V.26]: nouissimam cogitationem. Quadrans duo minuta habet. Duodecim minuta in uno tremisse sunt. In uno solido tres tremisses sunt. Argent eus et solidus unum sunt; .xxxvi. minuta in uno solido sunt; .xx. silice in uno pendinge sunt. 6
Noymata quod mente recolit.
7 Simbolice oratores dicunt quod grammatici metaforice, ut est 'solstitia'. 3 Crisostomum} Grisostomum MS, corrected from Grisostimum 7 pendice MS dicunt} dicuntur MS
396
5
pendinge}
SECOND COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPELS (Evil)
ON MATTHEW
1
First [Praef.]: Matthew the Hebrew wrote his gospel in Hebrew.
2 Zorobabel begot Abiud [1.13]. At this point the gospel switches the sequence of the genealogy to priests, there being no further kings. And accordingly Christ in His humanity was of the race both of kings and priests, since the tribes of Judah and Levi were intimately related, with the daughters of Levi having been given to Judah. 3 Behold, there came wise men [II. 1]. The wise men were on the road for two years, since the star appeared to them two years before Christ's birth, as John Chrysostom of Constantinople said. The Greeks call him 'Chrysostomus' (xpoaocrcouoc,), that is, 'mouth of gold'. 4
Thelus (xtXoq) is the word for 'tribute'.
5 The last farthing [V.26]: the last thought. A farthing (quadrans) has two mites. There are twelve mites in one tremiss. In one solidus there are three tremisses. An argenteus and a solidus are the same thing. There are thirty-six mites in one solidus; there are twenty siliquae in one penny. 6
Noymata (vof|uaxa): what one recollects in the mind.
7 Orators say symbolically what grammarians say metaphorically, as 'it is the solstice'.
397
Evil: text 8 Anadiplosis graece, latine recapitulatio, quia Graeci non possunt conparatiuum et superlatiuum gradum casura conponere. Ideo dicunt iterando 'est est amen amen' [V.37]. 89rb
9 Pallium [V.40]: yper / bolice dictum. Aliter tonica estfides,pallium corpus. 10 Passus [V.41]: unus quattuor cubitos habet, cubitus .xxiiii. digitos. 11 Mutatoria .i. duplicia. 12 Theloneus [IX.9]: graece, latine publicanus. Thelonius dicitur domus negociationis uel princeps naualis tributi. 13 Leprae [VIII.3]. Quattuor sunt genera: album, nigrum, rubrum, quartum uulnerosum. Morbus regius et elefans unum sunt. Elefanciosus dicitur qui perdit aliquod membrum et fit paene totum corpus emortuum; licet tangatur non sentit. Ideo per metaforam dicitur, quia sicut elefans omnia animalia magnitudine praeminet, sic ilia infirmitas alias. Gyri nosus graece, elefantiosus latine, sacerdotalis infirmitas.
14 In testimonium [VIII.4]: ut scirent sacerdotes quia ipse esset Christus eo quod saepe illis offerentibus munera, sic sanare non potuerunt. 15 Febrkitantem [VIII. 14]: pyratus graece, latine febris. Yrinosus graece, latine aquosus, quia de aqua uel de aere uenit. Amphironosus graece, latine febris cotidiana. Triteris graece, latine tercianae febres quae de felle iecoris fiunt. Tytartaeus graece, latine quartana febris quae de splene uenit. Sinoichus graece, latine iugis febris quae nocte et die praeter .vi. horas fit.
13
regius} regio MS alias} added above line MS Gyri nosus . . . infirmitas} added in 15 margin by another hand MS yrinosus} amphironosus MS amphironosus} gyrinosus MS febres} -s added as correction MS sinoichus} -c- added above line as correction MS
398
Evil: translation 8 Anadiplosis (ava5i7cA,coai<;) in Greek, reduplication in Latin, since the Greeks cannot create the comparative and superlative by means of case-endings. Hence they say, reiterating, 'yes, yes, amen, amen' [V.37]. 9 Cloak [V.40]: is said by way of rhetorical exaggeration. Put differently, the coat stands for faith, the cloak for the body. 10 One mile (lit. 'a thousand steps') [V.41}: one step (passus) is equivalent to four cubits, one cubit to twenty-four inches. 11
Capes: that is, double (cloaks).
12 Custom house (xetabviov) [IX.9]: in Greek, in Latin a tax-gatherer (publicanus). A thelonius (xetabviov) is said to be a place of business or the principal agent of naval tribute. 13 Leprosy [VIII.3). There are four kinds: white, black, red, and the fourth is called injurious. The 'royal disease' and the elephantine are the same thing. He is said to suffer from elephantiasis who has lost a limb and virtually his entire body has become dead; even if touched he does not feel it. Accordingly, it is named 'elephantine' by way of a metaphor, for, just as the elephant exceeds all other animals in size, so does that disease exceed all others. It is gyri nosus (iepd voaoq) in Greek, 'elephantine' in Latin, a 'priestly' disease. 14 For a testimony [VIII.4]: so that the priests should know that He was Christ, because, although they were frequently offering gifts [to God], they were unable to cure someone in this manner. 15 Sick of a fever [VIII. 14}: pyratus (7ti)pex6<;) in Greek, 'fever' in Latin. Yrinosus (C5epo<;) in Greek, 'watery' in Latin, since it arises either from water or air. Amphironosus (d|i<|)Tm8piv6^) in Greek, in Latin 'quotidian fever'. Triteris (xpixaux;) in Greek, in Latin 'tertian fevers', which arise from the bile of the liver. Tytarteus (xexapxaiog) in Greek, in Latin 'quartan fever', which arises from the spleen. Sinoichus (auvoxoq) in Greek, in Latin 'unintermittent fever', which persists night and day except for a six-hour remission.
399
Evil: text 16 Fimbriam [IX.20] quod ait propheta 'sanitas in pennis eius', quia Christus sanitates fecit. 17
Paraliticus [IX. 2] graece, latine solutus.
18 Asse ueneunt [X.29] .i. uenduntur. Asse graece .i. duo aerea minuta. 19 Septem sunt difficilia quae nemo nouit nisi Deus: harena maris, pluuiarum guttae, altitudo caeli, numerus stellarum et profunditas terrae et ima abissi et dies saeculi. 20
Capilli capitis numerati sunt [X.30] .i. prouidentia Dei.
21 Qui amat animam suam perdet Mam [X.39] -i. cacenfaton, cum / 89va malum uerbum bonum significatur, quia bona est praedicatio. 22
Arundinem [XL7] graece, latine cannam.
23 Sicut nee inuenta est inter feminas humilior Maria, sic nee inter uiros humilior Iohanne, qui propter humilitatem suam nullum signum uoluit facere nisi praedicare et baptizare. Ideo ilia peperit, iste baptizauit CXI. 11]. 24 Maior Iohanne [XI. 11]. Duae natiuitates sunt: naturalis ex carne, spiritualis ex baptismo. Illi maiores sunt illo in nouo testamento qui perfectum habent baptismum, .i. Petrus et Paulus et socii eorum. 25
Sata [XII. 1] graece, latine segetes.
26
Philocalin graece, latine scopa [XII.44].
27 Mundata [XII.44] .i. omnia bona foris eiecta. Hoc autem graece antifrasis dicitur: cum bono uerbo malum significat.
20
capitis] caputis MS
23
ilia} illam MS
400
27
omnia] omni MS
Evil: translation 16 Hem [IX.20]: because the prophet said, 'health in his wings', since Christ brought about cures. 17 One sick of the palsy [IX. 2]: paralyticus {napakmiKoq) in Greek, in Latin, 'disbound' (i.e. paralysed). 18 Sold for a farthing [X.29}: that is, sold off. A farthing in Greek (daa&piov) is equivalent to two copper mites. 19 There are seven unfathomables which no-one knows except God: sands of the sea, drops of rain, the height of heaven, the number of stars and vastness of the earth and the depth of the abyss and the days of this world. 20 The hairs of your head are numbered [X.30}: that is, by the providence of God. 21
He who loves his soul shall lose it [X.39}: that is, cacemphaton (KOIK6|Iwhen an ill-sounding word is used to signify a good one, since (the Lord's) preaching here is good. CJHXTOV),
22
A reed [XI.7]: in Greek, in Latin canna.
23 Just as among the women there is found none more humble than Mary, so among the men there is none more humble than John, who because of his humility wished to make no mark except through preaching and baptizing. Accordingly, she gave birth [to Christ} and he baptized [Him] [XI. 11}. 24 Greater than John [XI. 11}. There are two sorts of birth: the natural, from the flesh, and the spiritual, from baptism. Those men are greater than John in the New Testament who have a 'perfect' baptism: that is, Peter and Paul and their colleagues. 25
Ears [XII. 1} in Greek, in Latin 'crops'.
26
Philocalin (<|)iA,OKdA,iov) in Greek, in Latin a 'besom' [XII.44}.
27 Swept [XII.44}: that is, with all chattels having been cast out. This is called antifrasis (dvTi<|)pa(Ji<;) in Greek: with a good word it signifies something evil.
401
Evil: text 28 Sata [XIII.33] .i. mensura, uas lapideum est sex sestarios in se habens. Sestarius duas libras habet. Azimus graece, latine sine fermento. 29 Margarita [XIII.46] graece, latine gemma. Effrem dicit quod in Mari Rubro concae a profiindo natantes super aquas quae, facto tonitruo et fulgore intranteque ictu fulgoris, ita se concludentes concipiant et efficiant margaritam. Ita et Maria concepit sermonem Dei.
30
Camtnus [XIII.42} graece, latine fornax.
31
Crysos graece, latine aurum.
32
Fabri filius [XIII.55]: Ioseph, qui faber lignarius fuit.
33 Tectus graece, latine princeps. Architectorica: primarius operis siue princeps. 34 Quarta autem uigilia [XIV.25]: prima uigilia ab Adam usque ad Noe; secunda a Noe usque ad Abraham; tercia ab Abraham usque ad Moysen; quarta a Moyse in qua Christus uenit. 35 Genesar [XIV. 34]: terra circa mare; Tyberia ciuitas ex qua mare Tyberiadis dicitur. 89vb
36 Alii dicunt haereses <.xxviii.> ante aduentum / Christi, alii xxx., alii .vii.: Pharisaeos, Sadducaeos, Herodides, Grammateos et alias tres [XV. 1]. 37
Dachoyson graece, latine introductiuum.
38
Thelioticon graece, latine perfectum.
39
Non quod intrat in os [XV. 11]: si ea manducet quae lex praecipit.
40 Adsumsit secum Petrum [XVII. 1]. Tres isti significant naturalem, actualem et contemplatiuam : Petrus naturalem, Iacobus actiuam, Iohannes contemplatiuam. 29
33 quae} quas MS tectus . . . latine] apparently written over an erasure MS 36 ab2] ad MS a cardinal number has been erased between dicunt and haereses; the 37 number .xxvii. is found, barely legible, in the corner of the page introductiuum] introductum MS ° uitam] om. MS 34
402
Evil: translation 28 Measures [XIII.33]: that is, a measure, a stone vessel containing six pints. A pint contains two pounds. Azimus (a^ouoc,) in Greek, in Latin 'without fermentation' ( = 'unleavened'). 29 Pearl (uapyapixriq) [XIII.46] in Greek, in Latin a 'gem'. Ephrem says that in the Red Sea there are pearl-oysters swimming up from the depths on top of the surface which, when there is a thunderstorm and lightning and they are struck and entered by the lightning, they close up and conceive and produce a pearl. Thus did Mary conceive the Word of God. 30
Caminus (K&^IVOC,) [XIII.42] in Greek, 'furnace' in Latin.
31
Crysos (xpuaoq) in Greek, in Latin 'gold'.
32
The carpenter's son [XIII. 5 5]: of Joseph, who was a wood-worker.
33
Tectus (XBKXOOV) in Greek, in Latin 'chief. Architectorica ): master of the works, or chief-builder.
34 In the fourth watch [XIV. 2 5]. The first watch was from Adam up to Noe; the second from Noe to Abraham; the third from Abraham to Moses; and the fourth since Moses, in which Christ came. 35 Genesar [XIV. 34]: the land around the Sea of Galilee. Tiberias is a city from which the sea takes its name Tiberiadis. 36 Some say there were < twenty-eight? > heresies before the coming of Christ, others 120; yet others seven: the Pharisees, Saducees, Herodiani, the Scribes, and three others [XV. 1]. 37
Dachoyson in Greek, in Latin 'introductive'.
38
Thelioticon (xe^eicoxiKOv) in Greek, in Latin 'perfective'.
39 Not that which goeth into the mouth [XV. 11]: if he eats those things which the Law commands. 40 Taketh unto him Peter [XVII. 1]. These three signify the natural, the active and the contemplative life: Peter the natural, James the active and John the contemplative.
403
Evil: text 41 Apparuit Mis Moyses et Helias [XVII.3]. Quaestio nodosa de hac re oritur. Quomodo Moyses apparuit qui sub potestate aduersariorum fuit, cum Christus adhuc per crucem de diabolo non triumphauit? Iohannes Crisostomus sic dicit: quia si in uiuis per miracula Christus glorificatus est, caecos inluminando, leprosos mundando et caetera, ita et in mortuis, ut Moyses et Lazarus et caeteros quos suscitauit. Sunt qui dicunt in hoc esse impletum quod ab angelo ad diabolum dicitur cum altercaretur de corpore Moysi, 'Imperet tibi Deus, diabole'.
42 Ab Adam usque ad Christum tria ista latuerunt daemonibus quod Christus de uirgine nascendus erat, passio in cruce, sepulchrum in terra uel quod descendit ad infernum [XVII. 9]. 43 Lunaticus [XVII. 14] est cuius minuente luna minuatur uel mutatur cerebrum et, intrante daemone per narem, dementem facit. Aliter lunatici dicuntur qui incipiente luna uel in medio siue in fine cadunt et prosternuntur. 44 Saepe cadit in ignem [XVII. 14] .i. quern ira uincit; et in aquam quern concupiscentia. 45 Denarius .xxiiii. silicas habet, solidus tres denarios; denarius militaris .xviii. silicas habet [XVIII.28]. 46 Cum Herodianis [XXII. 16]: Herodiani dicuntur qui dicunt Herodem Christum esse. 47
Nummisma [XXII. 19] graece, latine censum.
48
Philacteria [XXIII.5]: .i. custoditoria.
49 Etpatrem nolite uocare [XXIII.9]: .i. per baptismum, quia non dicit aliquis 'in nomine meo baptizo te\ 90ra
50 42
Proselitum [XXIII. 15] graece, latine gentilem.
descendit} -n- added as correction MS 45 cadet let MS solidus} solidos MS
43
404
dementem} dementes MS
44
cadit}
Evil: translation 41 There appeared to them Moses and Elias [XVII. 3]. A knotty question arises from this statement. How did Moses appear, who was at that time in the power of adversaries, since Christ had not yet triumphed over the devil through the Cross? John Chrysostom says as follows: since if Christ was glorified through miracles among the living, by restoring sight to the blind, purifying lepers, and so on, so too among the dead, such as Moses and Lazarus and others whom he resuscitated. There are those who say that in this event was fulfilled that which was said by the angel to the devil when he was contending about the body of Moses: 'the Lord command thee, o devil'. 42 From Adam up to Christ three things were hidden from the devils: that Christ was to be born of a Virgin; that He was to be crucified; and that He was to be buried in the earth or that He would descend to hell [XVII.9]. 43 Lunatic [XVII. 14] is someone whose brain diminishes or changes as the moon wanes and, with a demon entering through his nostrils, makes him demented. Otherwise lunatics are said to be those who, with the moon waxing, full or waning, fall down and prostrate themselves. 44 Falleth often into the fire [XVII. 14}: that is, someone whom anger overcomes; and into the water, someone whom desire overcomes. 45 A denarius has twenty-four siliquae, a solidus three denarii. A military denarius has eighteen siliquae [XVIII.28]. 46 With the Herodians [XXII. 16]: they are said to be Herodians who say that Herod was Christ. 47 Nummisma (vo\iiG\iay 'the coin') [XXII. 19} in Greek, in Latin 'the tribute'. 48
Phylacteries [XXIII.5}: that is, 'keepers' (i.e. amulets).
49 And call none your father [XXIII. 9]: that is, through baptism, since not anyone says 'In my name I baptize you.' 50
Proselyte (TcpoafjXoTOv) [XXIII. 15} in Greek, in Latin, 'gentile'.
405
Evil: text 51 Excolentes [XXIII.24] .i. mundantes; a colendo dicitur, hoc est culicem siue per linum siue aliam quamque machinam separantes a liquore. 52
Camelum glutientes [XXIII.24]: yperbolice.
53
Thyriazin .i. pigmentum quod de uipera fit.
54
Sicut enimfulgor [XXIV.27]. Potest hie fulgor de sole accipi.
55 Trecentorum denariorum dictum est eo quod multo precio uenundari potuit [XXV.9; cf. John XII.5]. 56 Alabastrum [XXVI.7] proprium nomen lapidis, et uas sic nominatur de illo lapide factum. 57 Pontius Pilatus [XXVII.2]: Pontus insula .c. miliario a Roma est in mare Tyrenum. 58 Corbanan [XXVII.6]: communis locus ubi elemosinae populi congregantur; inde aluntur sacerdotes. 59
Magdalena [XXVII.56]: nomen de loco.
60
Gazophilatium ubi tributum ponitur.
61
Angariauerunt [XXVII.32]: .i. per uim extorserunt.
62
Sindon [XXVII.59] graece, latine sabanum.
< IN MARCO >
Secundus Marcus discipulus Petri et nlius eius baptismo, spiritus sanctus pleno, eloquio Graeco in Italia euangelium scripsit. 63 Baptismum paenitenciae [1.4]: quod praedicauit Iohannes cum dixisset, 'Baptizo te in paenitentiam, ut credas in eum qui uenturus est.' 51 62 excolentes] -cu- written above the line over -co- MS sindon} -d- written with horizontal stroke through the ascender MS sabanum} sabana MS
406
EvII: translation 51 Strain out [XXIII.24}: that is, purify. It derives from 'refining', that is, separating the gnat from the liquid by means of linen cloth or some other such device. 52
Swallow a camel [XXIII.24}: said by way of exaggeration.
53 Thyriazin (9r|piaKf|v): that is, a pigment which is produced from a viper. 54 For as lightning [XXIV.27}. Lightning here can be taken to refer to the sun. 55 It was said of the three hundred pence, because it could be sold for a great price [XXV.9; cf. John XII.5}. 56 Alabaster [XXVI.7} is the name of a stone, and the dish made from this stone is also called an 'alabaster'. 57 Pontius Pilate [XXVII.2}: Ponza is an island in the Mediterranean some hundred miles from Rome. 58 The corbona [XXVII.6}: a communal place where the almsofferings of the people are stored, whence the priests are fed. 59 Magdalena [XXVII.56}: she got her name from the place [i.e. Magdala}. 60
Gazophilacium (ya£o<|)i)A,&Kiov): where tribute is stored.
61
They forced [XXVII. 32}: that is, they constrained him by force.
62
Linen cloth (aiv5(bv) [XXVII.59} in Greek, sabanum in Latin.
ON MARK
Mark, the second evangelist, the disciple of St Peter and his son through baptism, filled with the Holy Spirit, wrote his gospel in Italy in the Greek language. 63 The baptism of penance [1.4}: that which John the Baptist preached when he said, 'I baptize you in penitence, that you may believe in Him that shall come.'
407
Evil: text 64 Locustas [1.6}: sunt locustae maris quas lopustran uocant; et sunt agrestes quas comedebat Iohannes. 65
Leui [II. 14] cognomen, Alphei patronomicum.
66 Et inposuit eis nomina Bonarges [III. 17] ex his .iii. Petrum scilicet Iacobum et Iohannem, quia apostolos sic generaliter intellegi uolunt .i. filii tonitrui; ipsi filii fiierunt spiritus sancti. 67 In furorem reuersus est [111.21]: ac si pro multitudine miraculorum dixissent, 'in excessu mentis est'. 68 Sub modio [IV.21]: modius uas quadrangulum est, .xviii. sestarios habens. 69 Legio [V.91 autem graece dicitur legion. Qualitas uerbi .i. quia electi sunt .i. numeratus exercitus. Legion graece, latine exercitus, hebraice sabaoth. 70
Thabita [V.41] Syriaca lingua, latine puella.
71 Prasia porro dictum est propter discretiones discumbentium; prasia graece, latine locus ubi cateruatim recumbunt [cf. VI.40]. 90rb
72
Effeta [VII.34] Syriaca lingua quod est aperire.
73 Surdum et mutum [VII.32]. Dicunt aliqui tractatores illas infirmitates a daemonio esse; medici autem non sic opinantur, sed de uenis contractis et dormientibus aiunt euenisse. 74 Video homines quasi arbores [VIII.24]. Cur clare non cerneret dum sanauit ilium Iesus? Quia aliquando etiam per humanitatem fecit: 'aut quam dabit homo commutationem' et cetera. Si totius mundi diuitias det, in comparationem animae nichil est; unde etiam Christus earn redimere suo precioso sanguine dignatus est. 75 Et apparuit Helias cum Moyse [IX. 3]. Quaeritur unde Moyses adesset qui mortuus fiierat et sub potestate contrariarum uirtutum tenebatur, quasi adhuc Iesus per uictoriam crucis ostentui non habuit. Quid ergo dicendum utrum corpore resurrexisset? Si autem cum corpore, nee 64
lopustran] lopustras MS tionem] commutatur MS
71
recumbunt] recumbent MS
408
Evil: translation 64 Locusts [1.6]: there are locusts of the sea which they call 'lobsters'; and locusts of the land, which is what John was eating. 65
Leui [II. 14] is the family name, Alphei the patronymic.
66 And he named them Boanerges [III. 17]: from these three — Peter, that is, James, and John — since they wish them to be understood generally as apostles, that is, 'sons of thunder'; for they were sons of the Holy Spirit. 61 He is become mad [III. 21 ]: as if, because of the multitude of miracles they had said, 'He is out of his mind.' 68 Under a bushel [IV. 21]: a bushel is a four-cornered vessel equivalent to eighteen sextarii. 69 Legion [V.9]: the word in Greek is legeon (A,eye6v). The force of the word implies that they were elected, that is, a numbered army. In Greek, legeon (Xeye&v); in Latin, exercitus ('army'); in Hebrew, sabaoth ('the hosts'). 70
Tabitha [V.41]: a Syriac word; in Latin, puella ('girl').
71 The word prasia (rcpaaid) is used here for the ranks of those lying down; Tipaaid is a Greek word meaning in Latin a place where people lie down in throngs [cf. VI.40]. 72
Ephpheta [VII.34] in Syriac which is 'Be thou opened.'
73 Deaf and dumb [VII.32]. Some commentators say that these illnesses come from an evil spirit; physicians, however, do not think in these terms, but say that they arise from contracted and dormant veins. 74 / see men as it were trees [VIII.24]. Why was he not seeing clearly after Jesus healed him? Because sometimes Jesus did these things through His humanity: 'or what exchange shall a man give', and so on. If a man gives all the wealth of the world, it is nothing in comparison with his soul; whence Christ deigned to redeem the soul with His precious blood. 75 And there appeared to them Elias with Moses [IX. 3]. It may be asked whence Moses was present, since he had been dead and was held in the power of contrary spirits, as if Jesus at this point did not have him to show through the victory of the Cross. What therefore is to be said about whether Moses was resurrected in the body? If it was with the body, then Christ was not the first-born of those who were dead (which heavens
409
Evil: text Christus primogenitus mortuorum (quod absit!); sed spiritualiter adesse ilium credendum est, sicut Lazarum de sepulchro suscitauit et animam eius de potestate daemoniorum liberauit: sic et animam Moysi de inferno eripuit. Sunt qui dicunt animam eius non fuisse sub dominio daemoniorum sed sub quadam custodia angelorum, et hoc adfirmantes historialiter abuti uolunt testimonio quod legitur, 'regnabat mors ab Adam usque ad Moysen'. Aiunt enim ob hoc fuisse altercationem diaboli cum angelo de 90va Moysi corpore: etsi corpus dixisset, animam tamen / uolunt intelligi, ut oratores per astrophoton faciunt: aliud dicentes et aliud sentientes!
76 Ira et concupiscentia ieiunio et oratione superantur, unde dicitur: 'Hoc genus non eicitur nisi ieiunio et oratione' [IX.28]. Tres partes sunt animae ex quibus omnes passiones ueniunt: irascibile, concupiscibile, rationabile. Ira et concupiscentia, ut diximus, ieiunio et oratione superantur. Rationabile uitium uincitur lectione et oratione et uigilia. De rationis uitio ueniunt accidia, inuidia, superbia, uana gloria. 77 Non enim uenit tempusficorum[XI. 13]: quod in mense Iulio fructificant illae arbores; sed ideoque sunt fructus in ea, ut manifestarentur mirabilia Dei. 78 Omnis enim uictima salietur [IX.48]. Mos fuit Iudaeorum ignem et uictimam sale aspergere. 79 Nardi spicati [XIV. 3]. Nardus est arbor cuius est fructus ut lauri bacae, et in caldarium mittitur et coquitur usque ad pinguedinem, et cocleario desuper tollitur oleum. Spica herba est. Deinde commiscitur cum oleo supradictae arboris et inde odorem sumit et fit unguentus. 80 Plus quam tricentis denariis [XIV.5}: yperbolice dictum, sicut in Danihele dicitur: 'superabat flamma fornacem cubitis .xlviiii.'. 81 Primo die quando pasca immolabant [XIV. 12]: .i. quinta feria, decima hora diei, quando sol et luna e regione stabant; ea hora Iudaei agnum occiderunt et in nocte comederunt pascha. 79
spicati] piscati MS
410
Evil: translation forbid!); but it is to be believed that he [Moses} was present in the spirit, just as He raised Lazarus from the tomb and freed his soul from the power of demons: He snatched the soul of Moses from hell in the same way. There are also those who say that Moses's soul was not in the power of demons but in a kind of custody with the angels, and in affirming this historical interpretation they wish to misuse the scriptural passage which says, 'death reigned from Adam unto Moses'. They say that it was because of this that there was a struggle between the devil and an angel for the body of Moses; although the text said 'body', yet they wish the soul to be understood, in the way that orators do through astrophoton (dvTiaxpoc|)f|): saying one thing and thinking another! 76 Anger and lust are overcome by fasting and prayer, whence it is said: 'This kind is not cast out save by fasting and prayer' [IX.28]. There are three parts of the soul from which all affections arise: the irascible, the concupiscent and the rational. Anger and lust, as we have said, are overcome by fasting and prayer. A rational sin is conquered through reading and prayer and vigils. From the vice of reason arise sloth, envy, pride and vainglory. 77 For it was not the time for figs [XL 13]: because those trees bear fruit in the month of July; but there is fruit on them for this reason, that God's miracles may be manifest. 78 And every victim shall be salted [IX.48]. It was a custom of the Jews to sprinkle both fire and sacrificial victim with salt. 79 Ofprecious spikenard [XIV. 3]. The nard is a tree whose fruit is like the berries of the bay-tree, and it is put into a cauldron and cooked until it becomes fatty, and then the oil is skimmed off with a spoon. The 'spike' is an herb. It is next mixed with the oil of the aforementioned tree and it then acquires fragrance and becomes an unguent. 80 More than three hundred pence [XIV. 5]. Said by way of exaggeration, just as in the Book of Daniel: 'And the flame mounted up above the furnace nine and forty cubits.' 81 On the first day when they sacrificed the pasch [XIV. 12]: that is, the fifth day (Friday), at the tenth hour of the day, when the sun and the moon stood opposite each other; at that hour the Jews slaughtered the lamb and at night they ate the pasch. 411
Evil: text 82 Bonum est ei si non esset natus [XIV.21]: .i. renatus per baptismum. / 90vb Clemens Stromatheus in quinto codice suo sic dicit: 'Quod Iesus Petrum baptizauit, et Petrus Andream, deinde alter alterum ordine suo.' 83
Getsemani [XIV.32] locus est ubi sancta Maria sepulta est.
84 Tristis est anima mea [XIV. 34]: hoc ideo dixit ne quis crederet Iudaeis et Manichaeis dicentibus Christum non esse crucifixum, sed partem maicam. 85 Praetorium [XV. 16] graece, latine curia dicitur; domus magna in qua sedet praetor .i. praefectus. 86
Climatici graece, latine uituperationes.
87
Iohannes Crisostemus .vii. Marias dixit esse [XV.40].
88
Decurio [XV.43] curus consiliarius praefecti dicitur.
IN LVCA
Tercius Lucas medicus, Graeco sermone eruditissimus; in Graeciam conscripsit euangelium Theophilo episcopo. 89 Adsequuto a principio [1.3]: .i. a Zacharia ubi uidit angelum, uel quando missus est Gabrihel ad Mariam. 90
Pugillarem [1.63]: .i. simul tabulae et graphium.
91 Vsque ad diem ostensionis [1.80]: .i. usque dum digito ostendit Christum. 92 Dies purgationis eius [11.22]: .i. propter legis praecepta. Ipsa quidem non indiguit purificatione quae erat uirgo ante partum et post partum uirgo permansit. 93 Publicani [III. 12]: negociatores. Nam et Mathaeus ex publicanis fidelis effectus est. 94 Non amplius quam constitutum est [III. 13]: ac si aperte diceret, non plus per tributa exigatis quam conductum sit uobis. 412
Evil: translation 82 It were better for him, if that man had not been born [XIV.21]: that is, reborn through baptism. Clement the Stromatist says in his fifth book: 'Just as Jesus baptized Peter, and Peter Andrew, so the one after the other in turn.' 83
Gethsemane [XIV.32] is the place where the Virgin Mary is buried.
84 My soul is sorrowful [XIV. 34}. He said this so that no-one would believe the Jews and Manichees who say that Christ was not crucified, but only a phantasmal part of Him. 85 Palace [XV. 16] is a Greek word (rcpaixcbpiov), equivalent to curia in Latin; it is a large building in which sits the praetor, that is, the prefect. 86
Climatici (x^eoaa^ioi) in Greek, vituperations in Latin.
87
John Chrysostom said that there were seven Marys [XV.40].
88
Counsellor [XV.43]. A curus is said to be the counsellor of a prefect.
ON LUKE
Luke, the third evangelist, was a physician, extremely learned in the Greek language; he wrote his gospel in Greece for Bishop Theophilus. 89 Attained to all things from the beginning [1.3]: that is, from the point where Zachary saw the angel, or when Gabriel was sent to Mary. 90 Writing tablet [1.63]: that is, the tablet and the stylus taken together. 91 The day of his manifestation [1.80]: that is, up to when he pointed out Christ with his finger. 92 Days of her purification [11.22]: that is, according to the precepts of the Law. Of course she had no need of purification since she was a virgin before giving birth and remained a virgin afterwards. 93 Publicans [III. 12]: that is, businessmen. For Matthew arose from the ranks of the publicans to become a faithful follower. 94 Nothing more than that which is appointed you [III. 13]: as if he were saying openly, you should not exact more by way of tribute than what has been stipulated. 413
Evil: text 95 Et ostendit Mi omnia regna mundi [IV.5]: non corporeis oculis, sed sensus. 96
Vsque adtempus {IV. 13]: .i. passionis suae.
97 Iohannes Crisostemus ait de hac piscatione in qua rumpebantur retia, ut non solum recte caperentur sed etiam sponte misissent se in nauem [V.6]. / 91ra
98
Et annuerunt [V.7]: .i. pro admiratione non clamabant.
99 Factum est in sabbato secundoprimo [VI. 1]: .i. ordo praeposterus et uterque per anadiplosis dictum .i. similitudinem. 100
Sinagoga [VI.6}: .i. domus magna ex qua exercebantur orationes
et legis ministerium; habebat lucernas septem et caetera. 101
Magdalena [VIII.2}: de uico qui dicitur Magdalo.
102 Erat enim multum diues maior publicanorum eorum qui uectigalia exigunt [XIX.2]. Ipsi enim dicti sunt publicani quos hodie thelonarios uocant. 103 Iste est filius Abrahae [XIX.9]. Quare dixit 'iste? Quia non erat Iudaeus sed maior publicanorum de Romanis erat. 104 Duxit in stabulum [X.34]. Quod graece pantheus, latine stabulum sonat. Stabulum domus dicitur quae omnes uiatores suscipit.
99
105
Quippini [XI.28]: latine utique.
106
Dipondio [XII.6]: .i. duo minuta.
107
Dicite uulpi [XIII.32]: quia in nichilum reputauit eum.
secundoprimo} secundum MS latini (?) is written in the margin
105
quippini] corrected from quidpini MS; the word
414
Evil: translation 95 And showed him all the kingdoms of the world [IV. 5]: not with his corporeal eyes, but with the eyes of his mind. 96
For a time [IV. 13]: that is, until the time of His passion.
97 John Chrysostom said of this fishing-catch in which the nets were broken, that not only were the fish duly caught in the net but even willingly threw themselves into the ship [V.6]. 98 Beckoned [V.7]: that is, they were not able to shout out because of their astonishment. 99 And it came to pass on the secondfirstsabbath [VI. 1]: that is, the order is inverted and each is expressed through antapodosis (dviarcoSocTK;), that is, through a sort of simile. 100 Synagogue [VI.6]: that is, a large building from which prayers and religious services of the Law were directed; it had seven lamps, and so on. 101
Magdalen [VIII.2]: from the village which is called Magdala.
102 The chief (Zacheus) of those publicans who exact tributes was very rich [XIX.2]. They were called publicans whom today they call taxgatherers. 103 This one is a son of Abraham [XIX.9]. Why does it say 'this one' (iste)? Because Zacheus was not a Jew, but was the chief of the publicans among the Romans. 104 Brought him to an inn [X.34]. What in Greek is a pandocheion (TuavSoxeiov) is in Latin an 'inn' (lit. 'stable'). A 'stable' is said to be a house which welcomes all travellers. 105
Yea rather [XI.28]: in Latin, 'assuredly'.
106
Two farthings [XII.6}: that is, two mites.
107 Tell that fox [XIII.32]: because he considered him to be worthless.
415
Evil: text 108 Sanitates perficio hodie [XIII.32]. Hodie .i. semper; uel .vi. feria hodie et eras sabbatum. Terciam diem dominicam intellegi uolunt in quo omnia consumauit, quia in eo, postquam .xxxvi. horas erat in inferno, resurrexit. 109 Quam supra .xcviiii. iustos [XV.7]: yperbolice dixit propter nimium gaudium angelorum circa paenitentem. 110 Audiuit symphoniam [XV.25]: .i. consonantiam omnium generum musicorum. 111
Villkus [XVI.3] graece, latine uicedominus.
112 Cathos olei [XVI.6]: .c. syclos. Aliter cados graece amphora est, continens urnas .iii.; amphora capit modium. 113
Cautionem [XVI.6]: .i. cartam conscriptam.
114 Vnam diem [XVII.22): .i. doctrinam Christi uel dominicam dixit, in qua requies et missa fit in pace ecclesiae; siue diem iudicii propter persecutionem Antichristi. / 91rb
115 Vxoris Loth [XVII.32]. A nonnullis autem orientalium doctorum aestimatur anima ipsius in ea usque ad diem iudicii permansura. Sumunt sibi exemplum .vii. fratrum qui Decii imperatoris persecutionem fugerunt et in quandam uenerunt speluncam quae .xl. miliario ab Effesina ciuitate distat, et uespere fatigati somno se dederunt et canis illorum cum eis. Et post ducentos annos in tempore Theodosii iunioris iterum expergefacti, sederunt et consiliati sunt inter se ut irent in ciuitatem et emerent sibi escas. Putabant enim se una nocte dormisse. Et exierunt duo ex illis in ciuitatem, cane comitante, et ostenderunt nummos suos; et dixerunt homines ciuitatis illius: 'Ecce isti inuento thesauro foderunt sibi haec', quia imago Decii apparebat in nummis. At illi negabant, narrantes eis omnia per ordinem. Illis autem non credentibus duxerunt secum aliquos ex illis in testimonium. Cum autem peruenissent ad speluncam et introissent, subito ceciderunt et dormierunt omnes simul .vii.. Hi uero qui haec 108
m perficio} perfitio MS Villicus} corrected from uiculus MS uicedominus] n 115 corrected from uicidominus MS iudicii] iuditii MS .vii. fratrum] in margin in another hand'. De .vii. dormientium
416
Evil: translation 108 And do cures today [XIII. 32]: today, that is, always; or else: today is the sixth day and tomorrow the sabbath. They wish the third day to be understood as the Lord's day, on which He brought all things to completion, since on that day, after He had been in hell for thirty-six hours, He arose again from the dead. 109 Than upon ninety-nine just [XV.7]. He says this by exaggeration because of the excessive joy of the angels for the repentant sinner. 110 music. 111
He heard music [XV.25]: that is, the harmony of all sorts of Steward [XVI. 3] in Greek, in Latin superintendent.
112
Barrels of oil [XVI.6]: 100 shekels (ounces). Otherwise a barrel in Greek is an amphora containing three urns; an amphora contains a peck.
(K&8OC,)
113
Bill [XVI.6]: a written document.
114 One day [XVII.22]: he refers to the teaching of Christ or the Lord's day, on which rest and a mass for the peace of the Church takes place; or else to the Day of Judgement as a result of the persecution of Antichrist. 115 Lot's wife [XVII.32]. Her soul is thought by some of the eastern Fathers to remain in her until the Day of Judgement. They cite the example of the seven brothers who fled the persecution of the Emperor Decius and came to a certain cave which was forty miles' distance from the city of Ephesus and, being tired in the evening, they gave themselves over to sleep and their dog with them. And after two hundred years they woke up in the time of the Emperor Theodosius the Younger, sat up and discussed among themselves about going into town to buy food for themselves. They thought they had slept for one night. And two of them set out for the city, taking the dog with them, and they showed their coins; and the men of that city said, 'Look: these men have found a treasure and dug up these coins' — because a portrait of Decius appeared on the coins. But they denied it, and told them everything in order. When the men of the city did not believe them, they took some of the city men back with them as witnesses. And when they arrived back at the cave and entered it, suddenly all seven brothers fell down dead. The city men who witnessed these events went straight to the Emperor Theodosius and 417
Evil: text uiderant perrexerunt ad principem Theodosium et narrauerunt ei rem gestam per ordinem. At ille uenit et uidit ita factum, statimque pallio suo purpureo cooperuit eos et de resurrectione deinceps non dubitauit, aedificauitque basilicam honorifice super eos. 116
In agonia [XXII.43]: .i. in certamine.
117 Sicut guttae sanguinis [XXII.44]: non quia colore sanguineae 91va essent guttae, sed quod coagulauit sudor eius quasi san / guis. 118 Diuidentes uestimenta eius miserunt sortem [XXIII.34]. Iohannes autem euangelista et quot partes de uestimentis Domini fecerunt ostendit, scilicet quattuor, ut singuli singula tollerent. In quo facto patenter ostenditur quia quattuor fuerunt milites qui Dominum crucifigentes praesidi paruerunt. 119 Aromata et unguenta [XXIII.56]. Hoc distat inter aromata et unguenta, quod aromata sicca fiunt, unguenta commixta cum oleo. 120
Deliramenta [XXIV. 11] graece, latine quasi uana uerba.
IN IOHANNE
Quartus Iohannes scripsit euangelium ultimus Graeco eloquio in Asia. 121 Deum nemo uidit umquam [1.18]: quia nemo sanctam trinitatem per totum uidere potest, quia ubique est. 122 Quasi unigeniti [1.14]: quia nullus in diuinitate ex Deo patre natus est nisi filius Dei. 123 Die tertio nuptiae [II. 1]: tertia die nuptiarum. Alii spiritualiter diem tercium nouum testamentum accipiunt. 124 Capientes singulae metretas [II.6]: binae .xxii. sextarios capiunt, ternae .xxxiii.. Quidam tractatores dicunt quod omnes simul .cl. modios habent. 125 Triclinus domus est; habet duo cubicula et tria lectualia. Architriclinus [II.8] de Graeco et Latino compositum est, ac si dixisset, 'princeps trium lectualium', ille qui in potestate habet domum et ministerium gubernat. 418
Evil: translation reported to him what had happened in proper order. He came and saw that it had happened thus, and immediately he covered them with his purple cloak, and henceforth he did not doubt the resurrection, and he devoutly built a church over them. 116
In an agony [XXII.43}: that is, in a struggle.
117 As drops of blood [XXII.44}: not because the drops were bloody in colour, but because his sweat coagulated like blood. 118 But they, dividing his garments, cast lots [XXIII.34}. John the Evangelist shows how many parts they made of the Lord's garments, namely four, so that each individual should have an individual portion. In this action it is clearly revealed that the number of soldiers obeying the judge (Pilate) and crucifying the Lord was four. 119 Spices and ointments [XXIII.56}. The difference between spices and ointments is that spices are dry, whereas ointments are mixed with oil. 120
Idle tales [XXIV. 11} in Greek, in Latin as if 'empty words'.
ON JOHN
John, the fourth and last evangelist, wrote his gospel in Greek in Asia. 121 No man hath seen God at any time [1.18}: since no-one can see the Holy Trinity in its entirety, since it is everywhere. 122 As it were of the only begotten [1.14}: since no-one is born in divinity from God the Father except the Son of God. 123 And the third day there was a marriage [II. 1}: on the third day of the wedding. Some commentators interpret the third day in the spiritual sense to be the New Testament. 124 Containing two or three measures apiece [II.6}: those of two measures contain twenty-two pints; those of three, thirty-three pints. Certain commentators say that all the waterpots together contain 150 measures. 125 A triclinus (xpiKXivoq) is a house; it has two rooms and three couches. Architriclinus [II.8}, 'chief steward', is a compound of Greek and Latin, as if the evangelist had said, a 'lord of three beds', he who has the house under his authority and oversees its administration. 419
Evil: text 126 Et nunc quern babes non est tuus [IV. 18]: omnes enim quinque adulteri fuerunt, sic et sextus. 127 Patres nostri in hoc monte [IV.20]. Samaritani duos montes habuerunt in quibus adorabant: Garizin et Hebal. In his stabant filii Israel ad benedicendum et ad maledicendum. 91vb
128
Quasi stadia .xxv. [VI. 19]: hoc / est tria milia.
129 Et statim nauis fuit ad terram [VI.21]. Haec festinatio facta fiierat per miraculum Dei. 130 Scenophegia [VII.2]: .i. sollemnitatem tabernaculorum quam in .vii. mense Iudaei celebrant. 131 lesus autem inclinans deorsum et scribebat in terra [VIII.8]: .i. misericordiam. 132
Et haec duo significabant legem et euangelium [VIII.9].
133
Remansit lesus solus [VIII.9]: subaudi 'sine peccato'.
134
Mulier in medio stans [VIII.9]. Subaudi: 'ubi statuerant earn', siue
in medio, .i. in dubio utrum condemnaretur a Christo necne. 133 In natatoria Sylloae [IX.7]: Siloe hebraice missus; mouet in semetipso et per se bullit. 136 We fur est et latro [X.I]. Fures sunt qui contra animam ueniunt; fur est qui furtim aufert, latro qui per uim aufert uel occidit. 137
Et uocem meam audient [X.27]. Mos est orientalium pastorum
praecedere et cantare gregibus suis.
127 128
138
Institis [XI.44] graece, latine ligatura.
139
Peluem [XIII.5]: lecanus graece, latine peluis, .i. uas rotundum.
140
Et non cognouisti me Philippe [XIV.9]. Nomen Philippi utrique
after duos the scribe wrote multos, then deleted it Hebal} Hebat MS 136 .xxv.] .xx. MS animam]perhaps readalienum (cf. Comm. adloc.) 420
Evil: translation 126 And he whom thou now hast, is not thy husband [IV. 18]: for all the five husbands were adulterers, and so too the sixth. 127 Our fathers {adored} on this mountain [IV.20]. The Samaritans had two mountains on which they worshipped: Gerizim and Ebal. The sons of Israel stood on them in order to issue blessings and curses. 128
About jive and twenty furlongs [VI. 19]: that is, three miles.
129 And presently the ship was at the land [VI. 21 ]. This acceleration was accomplished through God's miracle. 130 Feast (aKTivoTcriyia) [VII.2]: that is, the Feast of Tabernacles, which the Jews celebrate in the seventh month. 131 mercy. 132
And Jesus, stooping down, wrote on the ground [VIII. 8]: that is, His And these two signified the Law and the Gospel [VIII.9].
133 Jesus alone remained [VIII.9]: understand 'without sin'. 134 The woman standing in the midst [VIII. 9]: understand 'where they had placed her', or in the midst, that is, in doubt as to whether she was to be condemned by Christ or not. 135 In the pool of Siloam [IX.7]: Siloam in Hebrew means 'sent'; it moves of its own accord and boils up by itself. 136 The same is a thief and robber [X.I]. Thieves are those who attack the soul; a thief is one who steals by stealth, a brigand one who steals by violent means or kills. 137 And {the sheep} shall hear my voice [X. 3]: it is the custom of oriental shepherds to go in front and to sing to their flocks. 138
With winding bands [XI.44] in Greek, in Latin, 'a bond'.
139 A basin [XIII.5]: in Greek, a lecanus (A,eK&vr|), in Latin a peluis ('basin'), that is, a round bowl. 140
Have you not known me Philip [XIV.9]. The name Philip conforms
421
Evil: text testimonio conuenit quod dicitur climax; tropus est ad principium et finem sententiae pertinens. 141
Et mansionem [XIV.23}: unaquaeque uirtus mansio Dei dicitur.
142
Pacem meam do uobis {XIV.27]: pax Christi est, fructus spiritualis.
143 Non quomodo hie mundus dat [XIV.27]. Pax mundi: gula, fornicatio et caetera. 144 Et uos mundi estis propter sermonem [XV. 3]. Dixit eis ante: 'Qui credit in me habet uitam aeternam.' 145
Calicem quern dedit pater non bibam [XVIII. 11]: increpatiue dixit.
146 Lithostratus [XIX. 13]: sternatio lapidum; lithos graece, latine lapis dicitur. 147 Erat tonka inconsutilis [XIX.23]: talia pauperum indumenta erant apud eos. 148 Mixturam mirrae et aloae [XIX. 39]. Aloae arbor est quae ducitur / 92ra de Perside; bonum odorem habet; tunditur minutatim et puluis eius miscetur cum mirra. Myrra uero unguentum est. 149 Pulmentarium [XXI.5]. Paene omnis cybus coctus pulmentarium appellari potest. 150 Chananaeus interpretatur negotiator siue translator. Omnes qui domum patris faciunt domum negociationis et lucra quaerunt de populo et ecclesiae ueritatem transferunt in mendacium Chananaei appellandi sunt. 151
146
Nemo tollit animam meam a me, sed ego pono earn a me ipso [X. 18].
lithos} litho MS tium MS
l48
miscetur} miscitur MS
422
15
° mendacium} menda-
Evil: translation in either instance to what is called climax (icA,i|ia£): it is a rhetorical trope pertinent to the beginning and end of a sentence. 141
Our abode [XIV.23]: any virtue is called the 'abode of God'.
142 My peace I give unto you [XIV.27}: it is the peace of Christ, a spiritual fruit. 143 Not as the world giveth [XIV.27]: the 'peace' of the world: gluttony, fornication and so on. 144 Now you are clean by reason of the word [XV. 3]: he said to them previously, 'He that believeth in me hath life everlasting.' 145 The chalice which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it? [XVIII. 11]. He said this by way of rebuke. 146 Lithostratus [XIX. 13}: literally a 'heap of stones'; lithos (kiQoq) in Greek is 'stone' in Latin. 147 The coat was without seam [XIX.23}: of such a nature were the paupers' garments among these people. 148 A mixture of myrrh and aloes [XIX.39]. The aloe is a tree which is brought from Persia; it has a fine fragrance; it is pounded up into tiny particles and its powder is mixed with the myrrh. Myrrh, however, is an ointment. 149 Meat [XXI.5]. Nearly all cooked food can be called pulmentarium ('meat'). 150 A Canaanite (Chananaeus) is interpreted as a 'merchant' or 'transformer'. All those are to be called 'Canaanites' who make of the Father's house a place of business and seek to make money from the people and 'transform' the truth of the church into lies. 151
No man taketh my soul away from me, but I lay it down of myself
[X.18].
423
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PentI: Commentary
1 Rufinus of Aquileia (d. 410) was indeed a detractor of Jerome (on Rufinus in general, see Patrology, ed. Di Berardino IV, 247-54 and EEC II, 746). Although at an earlier stage of their lives Jerome and Rufinus had been close friends, differences of opinion concerning the theology of Origen (whose Greek writings both had translated into Latin) erupted in 399 into a virulent controversy. Rufinus composed an Apologia contra Hieronymum in two books (CCSL 20, 37-123); Jerome replied in 401 with a two-book Apologia aduersus libros Rufini (PL 23, 397^456). When Rufinus received a copy of Jerome's work, he wrote, apparently by return of post, a savage personal letter which unfortunately has not survived, but whose outline is known from Jerome's equally savage reply (written in 402) which is usually printed as the third book of his Apologia aduersus libros Rufini (PL 23, 457-92). On the controversy, see Cavallera, Saint Jerome I, 193-286 and Kelly, Jerome, pp. 227-58. The Commentator may have been referring to these works, or to others now lost (see below). Cassianusque. This is presumably John Cassian (c. 360 - c. 450), the so-called founder of western monasticism: see P. Munz, John Cassian', JEH 11 (I960), 1-22, O. Chadwick, John Cassian, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1968), Patrology, ed. Di Berardino IV, 512-23 and EEC I, 149. However, none of Cassian's surviving writings is in Greek, and he is not known to have been a detractor of Jerome's Vulgate. It is worth noting, however, that he spent a considerable period of time in Bethlehem, where he will almost certainly have known Jerome (cf. Kelly, Jerome, p. 130), and that he was probably a personal acquaintance of Evagrius Ponticus (see below); so it is just possible that the Commentator was familiar with a Greek work by Cassian which has not come down to us. The little known (Greek) Encratite author named Julius Cassianus discussed by Clement of Alexan427
Commentary to the texts
dria, Stromata III. 13 (PG 8, 1192-3; cf. EEC I, 460-1), is out of the question here. Euagrius is presumably Evagrius Ponticus of Ibora (r. 345—98), author of a substantial corpus of Greek writings (CPG II, nos. 2430-82; see A. and C. Guillaumont, RAC VI (1966), 1088-1107, Guillaumont, Us 'Kephalaia Gnostka' d'Evagre le Pontique, esp. pp. 3 3 9 ^ 7 , Quasten, Patrology III, 169-76, and EEC I, 306). No surviving writing of Evagrius contains an attack on Jerome, though it is interesting that Jerome on several occasions aims barbed remarks at Evagrius (e.g. Ep. cxxxiii.3: CSEL 56, 246), and that Evagrius was of the party of 'Origenists' denounced by Jerome (see F.X. Murphy, 'Evagrius Ponticus and Origenism', in Origeniana Tertia, ed. R. Hanson and F. Crouzel (Rome, 1985), pp. 253—69). Furthermore, Evagrius spent some time at the double monastery of Melania and Rufinus in Jerusalem (see below) in the early 380s, and this association with Melania and Rufinus, as well as (probably) with Cassian, cumulatively suggests that the Commentator had access to Greek writings pertaining to Jerome's Vulgate which are no longer extant. Dicebatque eum Rufinus. Although in his Apologia (1.39: CCSL 20, 73) Rufinus refers in passing to the futility of Jerome's work in translating the Septuagint, this work does not contain the words dKupoKdnaxoc; and ^ayoyTipoq, and it is apparent that the Commentator is here citing a lost letter of Rufinus. Perhaps the lost letter in question was that written in 401 which evoked Jerome's bitter third book to his Apologia (see above); from the nature of Jerome's reply it is clear that Rufinus's letter contained some vicious personal insults, and that some of these were directed towards Jerome's translation of the Septuagint (Jerome writes, for example, 'numquid et tu de septuaginta interpretibus es, ut post editionem tuam aliis transferre non liceat?': PL 23, 483). The word dKupoKdjiaxoq is not attested elsewhere in Greek, and is probably a coinage by Rufinus (from dKupoq, 'useless' and Ka|idxo<;, 'toil', hence meaning 'one who is uselessly toiling': uane laborans). The word (JMxyoyripog ('eater of ancients') is attested once, in Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, ch. 22 (PG 34, 1083); and recall that Palladius, too, had spent time with Rufinus and Melania, so that the term (^ayoyTipoq may have been a term of abuse for Jerome current in Rufinus's circle. In any event, the jibe was probably elicited by Jerome's remark in his Prologus to the Pentateuch: 'damnamus ueteres'. filium fullonis. Although Jerome referred frequently - and always 428
Commentary to PentI
abusively — to Rufinus after the Origenist controversy, in none of his surviving writings does he call Rufinus a 'fuller's son' (Cavallera, Saint Jerome II, 131-5, conveniently collects all the passages in which Jerome refers scornfully to Rufinus), though it is perhaps worth mentioning that in his Apologia aduersus libros Rufini 111.26 (PL 23, 477) Jerome adverted to Rufinus's attack on him as being 'quasi si fullo et coriarius moneant pigmentarium, ut naribus obturatis, tabernas suas praetereat'. In any event the designation 'fuller's son' was evidently an insult, for, as Palladius tells us, Rufinus was 'very nobly born' (euyeveaxatoq: Historia Lausiaca, ch. 46 = PG 34, 1226). Once again the Commentator would seem to be citing a work which has not come down to us. Bethleem: on Jerome's sojourn in Bethlehem during the years 386—93, see Cavallera, Saint Jerome I, 123-89 and Kelly, Jerome, pp. 129-40. Mellena. This is Melania the Elder (c. 341 — c. 410), an immensely wealthy Roman noblewoman who put her wealth to the service of Christianity and, after the death of her husband, set off for the eastern Mediterranean late in 372. She met Rufinus in Alexandria in 373 and, after spending some years at Diocaesarea, she settled permanently in Jerusalem in 378. Rufinus followed her in 379 or 380 (thus the Commentator is wrong to imply that he set off from Rome with Melania), and together they established a double monastery in Jerusalem, which came to house many men and women pursuing monastic vows. See F.X. Murphy, 'Melania the Elder: a Biographical Note', Traditio 5 (1947), 59-77, DSp X (1980), 955-60, s.v. 'Melanie l'Ancienne', and EEC I, 549-50. The precise location of Melania's monastery is unknown. However, from the fact that her grand-daughter (also called Melania: see DSp X (1980), 960-5 and EEC I, 550) had a monastery on the Mount of Olives, it is probable that Melania the Elder's monastery was on the same site (see Rufinus, Apologia contra Hieronymum 11.11: CCSL 20, 92). By the late fourth century there were two principal Christian churches on the Mount of Olives: that built by the empress Helena and called Eleona, and the Church of the Ascension, built c. 375 (for the former, see Vincent and Abel, Jerusalem II, 460-73 and Diet. Bibl. Suppl. I (1928), 628-44, and for the latter, Vincent and Abel, ibid. II, 374-92 and Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, pp. 73—4). No other source refers to the site of Melania's monastery as Mellena, and it is worth wondering if the name might derive from a misreading of in eleona. Furthermore, it is probable that ciuitas in this context refers not to a 'town' or 'city', but to a 429
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monastic enclosure. In any event, certainty about the location is impossible, for there were many churches/monasteries on the Mount of Olives (see Flusin, Saint Anastase II, 28—30): the pilgrim Theodosius, writing in the mid-sixth century, noted that in his day there were twenty-four churches there (CSEL 39, 140 = CCSL 175, 117). 2 Cf. Rz (SS V, 136): 'sugillacionem. .i. derisionem uel reprehensionem seu suffocationem'. 3 It is not clear why the Commentator should have glossed cudere with manducare, which is in no sense a synonym. Cf. Rz {MSS AFR] (SS V, 136): 'cudere .i. condere uel scribere'. 4 Fedareque'. the biblical lemma has probably been corrupted in transmission. The Vulgate text reads foedari, and no manuscript preserves the reading fedareque (see above, p. 193). Cf. Rz (SS V, 136): 'Foedare. sordidare'. 5 sextupla. The Commentator is referring to Origen's massive Hexapla, an edition of the Old Testament set out in six columns in the following order: (1) the original Hebrew text; (2) the Hebrew text transliterated into Greek; (3) the fairly literal translation of Aquila (see below); (4) that of Symmachus (see below); (5) the Septuagint translation; (6) that of Theodotion (note that the Commentator confuses the sequence). The original text was so large (an estimated 6,500 pages) that it was never copied entire; it survived at Caesarea (see fig. 6) until the Arab conquest of Palestine in 640, when it was destroyed (for the date, see Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, p. 67), with the result that only fragments and quotations in patristic authors survive (CPG I, no. 1500 and EEC I, 380; the surviving fragments are ed. F. Field, Originis hexaplorum ... fragmenta (Oxford, 1875), and see also the useful group of articles by S.P. Brock, J.A. Emerton, C.T. Fritsch and H.M. Orlinsky, repr. in Studies in the Septuagint: Origins, Recensions and Interpretations, ed. S. Jellicoe (New
York, 1974), pp. 343-91). It could in theory have been seen by Theodore before the Arab conquest, but in fact most of the Commentator's information is drawn from Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, a work also cited in LdGl (see above, p. 174). Hieronymus autem asserit. The assertion is found in Jerome's Prologus to the Pentateuch ('quod multi ignorantes apocriforum deliramenta sectantur et hiberas nenias libris authenticis proferunt'; cf. PentI 7). The Graecorum auctoritas was not so much Greek authors as conservatives within the Latin church who preferred to retain the Septuagint in lieu of Jerome's trans430
Commentary to PentI
lation, such as Rufinus (Apologia contra Hieronymum 11.40—1: CCSL 20, 114-16) and Augustine (Ep. lxxi.3-5: PL 33, 242-3 = CSEL 54, 250-3). Aquila. This account of Aquila is drawn principally from Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, chs. 14-15 (PG 43, 260-1), but there are some significant discrepancies. Epiphanius states that Hadrian was Aquila's 7tev0epi5r|<; (whatever that might mean), but that he was born in Sinope in the Pontus (and Iiv6rcr|<; 5e xf\q IIOVTOO 6p|icb^6vov), whereas the Commentator gives his place of origin as Ephesus: does the difference derive from faulty transmission (cf. below, Comm. to PentI 10)? Theodotion. This information is also derived from Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, ch. 17 (PG 43, 264); but note that Epiphanius states that Theodotion rejected Marcion's heresy in favour of Judaism: ©eoSoTIGOV xxq IIovTiKoq &7id TTJC, 5ia8o%fj<; MapKicovoq TOO aipeaidpxoo TOO IivamiTOO, |XT]VI©V Kai aoToq TTJ aoTOo aipeaei, icai etc, 'Ioo5a'ia^i6v d7toicAivac, (ibid.). Simmachus. The Commentator probably derives from Epiphanius (De mensuris et ponderibus, ch. 16 = PG 43, 264) the information that Symmachus was a Samaritan; however, the statement that Symmachus was from the town of Gitta (whence also came Simon Magus) is not found in Epiphanius, and it is not clear where the Commentator found it. That Simon Magus was born in the village of Gitta (modern Karjet Jit, west of Nablus: see fig. 6) in Samaria is stated by Justin Martyr (Apologia 1.26 = PG 6, 368: Eijicova ^ev Tiva Sa^iapea, TOV drco K6^IT|<; A,£yo|ievT|<; FITTCDV), and again by Epiphanius, perhaps drawing on Justin, in Panarion XXI. 1 (GCS 25, 238 = PG 41, 285): drco rvcGc&v 5e ©p^crco Tfjq nbXz&q xr\q £v TTJ Eauapeig. The Commentator might have known either or both of these passages; but such knowledge would still not explain how he knew that Symmachus was from Gitta. 6 Cf. Rz (SS V, 136): 'sintagma. conposicionem'. 7 sole ... uibrare. For this distinctive image, cf. Aldhelm, Enigm. c.67: Thoebi radiis qui uibrat atomo' (ed. Ehwald, Aldhelmi Opera, p. 148). 10 The source of this information is Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibuSy ch. 3 (PG 43, 241). The Commentator adds a statement not found in Epiphanius, namely that the seventy-two translators were assembled 'on an island in the lake called Mary'. This statement probably derives from textual corruption (in the Greek text of Epiphanius?), for the Greek reads: £v TTJ Oapig vf|aa) KaA,oo^8VT| 5e dvco yrj ('on a Pharian island called Anoge'). It is clear that Oapig has been corrupted into Mariam\ possibly, too, dvco yfj 431
Commentary to the texts
was corrupted into stagno (on Anoge, cf. the Letter ofAristeas, ed. H. StJ. Thackeray (London, 1917), p. 109, where Ano ge is translated 'northern district'). Pharos had once been an island, but by the seventh century was joined up to Alexandria by swampy land: see Sophronius, Miracula SS. Cyri et lohannis, ch. 4 (PG 87, 3432). Note also that stagnum is wrongly construed as masc. {stagno qui): see above, p. 272. 11 Cf. Rz (SS V, 136): 'Conomicon. dispensatorem', and Wb2 117 (below, p. 557). 12 Pytagoram. Note that Jerome's text reads Protagoram, not Pytagoram, and refers to Plato's Dialogue of that name. However, it is possibfe, as Carlotta Dionisotti suggests to us, that the Commentator's words qui primus scripsit are an allusion to the tradition reported by Augustine, De ciuitate Dei VIII.2 (CCSL 47, 217) to the effect that it was Pythagoras who first invented the term 'philosophy' ('a quo etiam ferunt ipsum philosophiae nomen exortum'). If so, the Commentator might have been attempting an etymological explanation of the first element of the name Protagoras (rcpcDTOc; = 'first'), to suggest that 'Protagoras' was a sort of byname of Pythagoras - qui primus scripsit. 13 The speech of Demosthenes in support of Ctesiphon is that commonly known as De corona. 16 For the lemma here, doctorum modum, note that the Vulgate reads interpretes. It is not immediately clear what the Commentator's disquisition on the eight accessus has to do with the (corrupt) biblical lemma, but note that early Byzantine lectures delivered ano <> | CDvfj<; characteristically began with such definitions (see above, p. 269). The eight accessus ('grades') or 5i5aaKaA,iKd listed here were evolved as a descriptive technique by Alexandrian commentators on the logical writings of Aristotle, in particular by Ammonius (late fifth century) and his followers, such as Simplicius (fl. c. 500) and Olympiodorus (d. 565). The number and sequence of these 8i5aoKaXiKd varies from author to author. The eight listed here by the Commentator bear some resemblance to those in the sixth-century commentaries on the Isagoge by David 'the Armenian' and by Elias, both of whom were students of Olympiodorus; see Quain, 'The Medieval Accessus ad Auctores', pp. 243-51, and above, p. 256. While it is possible that Theodore, for example, was familiar with the form (if not the precise wording) of these Aristotelian commentaries through his study at Constantinople with Stephen of Alexandria, it is equally possible — given the 432
Commentary to PentI
pronounced interest in rhetoric which occurs throughout the Commentator's work — that he derived them from a rhetorical treatise, for these same 5i8aaKaAiK& were taken over by rhetoricians and are found in rhetorical treatises from the sixth century onwards (see Quain, ibid., pp. 256—61). For example, in one such treatise, entitled Prolegomena in Aphthonii Progymnasmata, an anonymous work possibly of sixth-century date (see above, p. 261), the eight accessus, here called Ke<|>dA,aia, are listed in precisely the same order as the Commentator lists them: £T|TT|T8OV Kai tni xr\q f>T|TopiKfjq id 6KTCD K6(|>dA,aia, elai 8e xaOxa. 6 CFKOTCOC, TO xp^cri^ov, TO yvf|aiov, f\ Td^iq, f| aiTia Tfjq ^7ciypa<))f|c;, f| eiq xd jiopia Siaipeaic,, 6 5i5aaKaAiKd<; xponoq, Kai dvTi xfjc; UTCO TI \iepoq dva<|)opd<; (ed. Rabe, Prolegomenon Sylloge, p. 73). It will be noted that there is a minor verbal discrepancy between the Commentator's sixth item and that given here (Ke<|>dA,aia rather than nopia); however, when the author of the Prolegomena comes to discuss this item (ibid., p. 78), he refers to it as f| eiq xd K£<|>dA,aia Siaipeaiq. This anonymous treatise, or one very like it, could well be the Commentator's source. In any event, the explanations given to the eight 5i8aaicaA,iKd appear to be the Commentator's own, for they are not found in any of the Greek prolegomena edited by Rabe. Note also that the orthography of the Greek words cited by the Commentator implies Byzantine Greek pronunciation: see Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 179-81, and above, pp. 272-4. consumat. For the Late Latin simplification of the geminate consonants -mm- in forms of consumo, see R. Pitkaranta, Studien zum Latein des Victor Vitensis, Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 28 (Helsinki, 1978), 28; see also Evil 108. 17 firmamentum. Note that here as elsewhere in these biblical glosses (PentI 26 and 27) the wordfirmamentumis wrongly treated as a masculine noun. On the Commentator's knowledge of Latin, see above, p. 272, and note also thatfirmamentumis correctly treated as neuter in Gn-Ex-Evla 1 and 2. aplanem. The word used for the firmament in the LXX is aT6p6C0|ia, which the Commentator equates with the dnka\r\q of the 'philosophers'. The word dnkavx\q is in origin an adjective meaning 'unerring', hence 'fixed', and is used by Greek philosophers to describe the fixed stars: Plato, Timaeus 40B; Aristotle, Meteor. 1.6. 343 b9; etc. The Greek term became acclimatized in Latin by the fourth century (cf. Calcidius, Comm. in Timaeum, chs. 69, 87, 98, 116, 144, etc.; Macrobius, Comm. in Somn. 433
Commentary to ihe texts
Scip. I.vi.9 and 11; etc.). Oddly, perhaps, the word is used extremely rarely by Greek patristic authors commenting on the Hexaemeron, not even by those of a pronounced philosophical interest (an exception in this respect is Origen, De principiis II.iii.6 (GCS 22, 122 = PG 11, 195-7): 'Unde quidam volunt globum lunae vel solis ceterorumque astrorum quas nkavryzaC) vocant, per singula mundos nominari; sed et ipsum supereminentem quern dicunt &rcA,avfj globum, proprie nihilominus mundum appellari volunt'; cf. also Contra Celsum 1.58 (PG 11, 768)). On Theodore's possible philosophical studies at Constantinople, and his reputation as a philosophus, see above, pp. 255-9. 18 That by 'heaven and earth' the Genesis narrative is referring to the entire substance of the cosmos is a point made frequently by patristic commentators; cf., for example, Basil, Horn, in Hex. i.7: £K 5UO xd)v aicpcov xourcavTdc,[scil. heaven and earth] xf|V orcap^ivrcapTjvi^axo(PG 29, 20). 20 Although the transmitted text, both here and at PentI 23, clearly reads diaplane, this reading cannot be admitted, since there is no Greek form *8ia7iXavt|q (and such a form would be etymologically meaningless in any case). Since diaplane here is taken as equivalent tofirmamentum,and since elsewhere aplanes is given by the Commentator as equivalent to firmamentum (PentI 17 and 27), it would seem that diaplane is merely a corrupt form of aplane. We conjecture di aplane (for xfj &TUA,&VT|). 22 That the Spiritus Dei was equivalent to the Holy Ghost is a view maintained by a number of Greek patristic authors, from Origen (De principiis I.iii.3: GCS 22, 52 = PG 11, 143: 'Spiritus igitur Dei, qui super aquas ferebatur ... puto quod non sit alius quam Spiritus Sanctus') onwards, including especially those of the Alexandrine school, such as Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria, and, interestingly, Basil, Horn, in Hex. ii.6: ei'xe xouxo Aiyei xorcveuna,xoo depoc, xr|v %6aw ... ei'xe, 6 K<xi \iaXXov &>.T|08axep6v £axi Kai xoic, npo f\\i&v SyicpiOev, ITveu^ia 0eoO, xo fryiov 6ipT|xai (PG 29, 44). The evidence has been set out magisterially by K. Smoronski, '"Et Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas": Inquisitio historico-exegetica in interpretationem textus Gen. 1, 2c', Biblica 6 (1925), 140-56 {Hebrew sources], 275-93 {Syriac and Greek sources] and 361-95 [Latin sources], who notes that the identity was also adopted by the majority of western church fathers, such as Hilary, Optatus, Filastrius, Jerome, Ambrose and Augustine; see also P. Nautin, 'Genese 1, 1-2, de Justin a Origene', In principio: interpretations des premiers versets de la Genese
(Paris, 1973), pp. 61—93, at 91—2. However, the identity was vigorously 434
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denied by those patristic authors of the Antiochene school with whom our Commentator seems most to have been familiar, such as John Chrysostom (see Horn, in capit. primum Gen. iii.l: PG 53, 33), Severian of Gabala and Theodoret of Cyrrhus. Severian argues that the Spiritus Dei was equivalent to the air which we breathe (Prat, de mundi creatione i.4 = PG 56, 434): 7iveC|ia 6e oo TO dyiov A,eyei evTaOOa . . . bXka TweC^a KOKZX xf|v TOO depoc; Kivr|aiv; cf. also his observation later in the same work: i'va o6v 5ei%9fj £K TOOrcveunciToq,OTI 6 dve^oq depot; ecrci Kivr|cri<;, 5id TOCTO efaev, emfy&p8TO. i'5iov yap ave^ou TO £7a<|>epea0ai TTJ Srmioopyia (ibid, i.5: PG 56, 436). Severian's view was repeated by Theodoret, Quaest. in Gen. §8: Tiai 5oK8i TO rcavdyiov IlveCixa ^cooyovoOv TCGV o5dT(ov TT|V <|)6aiv . . . dA/r|9eaTepov |I8VTOI £iceivov ol|iai TOV Xoyov, OTI TO 7ivei3|ia evTaOGa TOV depot KaA,eT (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 12 = PG 80, 89)- It is interesting to note that the Syriac church fathers also denied the identity of the Spiritus Dei with the Holy Ghost and argued that it was merely air: see Ephrem, Comm. in Gen. i.7 (ed. Tonneau, p. 7; cf. Uhlemann, 'Die Schopfung', p. 176, n. 21), and for Jacob of Serugh, see Jansma, X'Hexameron de Jacques de Sarug', p. 15; cf. also the Syriac Genesis Commentary, ed. Levene, p. 72. In view of the fact that both Antiochene and Syriac exegetes interpret spiritus here as air or wind, it has been argued that this interpretation ultimately derives from Theodore of Mopsuestia's fragmentarily preserved Commentary on Genesis (though such a statement is not found among the surviving fragments): see T. Jansma, ' "And the Spirit of God moved upon the Face of the Waters": Some Remarks on the Syro-Hexaplaric Reading of Gen. 1.2', Vetus Testamentum 20 (1970), 16-24, esp. 20. Finally, Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 45-8) gives a synopsis of various patristic views of the problem. 23 lux trium dierum. The notion of a primeval light of three days' duration, which was subsequently transmuted into the sun, moon and stars, was apparently first maintained in the Syriac Commentary on Genesis by Ephrem (we cite the editor's modern Latin translation for convenience): 'Et factus est sol in firmamento, ut maturaret id quod luce primaeua germinauit. Dicitur autem ex hac ipsa luce diffusa, et etiam ex igne, creatis primo die, constitutum esse solem qui factus est in firmamento; et luna stellaeque, dicitur, factae sunt ex hac ipsa luce primaeua' (Comm. in Gen. i.9, ed. Tonneau, p. 9; cf. Uhlemann, 'Die Schopfung', pp. 194-5 and 244-7). This notion is exceptionally rare among Greek patristic authors, and for that reason it is noteworthy that it is found in 435
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Procopius of Gaza (who may conceivably have been drawing on Ephrem, directly or indirectly: see above, p. 235, n. 138), who in his Comm. in Gen. refers to the primeval light as follows: Kai Kax9 dp%d<; xoivuv TO daxpaTcaiovfyobqeiceTvo fmepaq Sidaxima xpiaadKiq rcapexeive (PG 87, 85); he goes on to explain that the purest part of that primeval light was made into the sun, and the remainder was divided up to make the moon and stars: xou 5ercpooxoYOVoi)<|)oox6<; oaov |iev Ka6ap6xaxov, eve0r|Ke xca fj^icb, xo 5e Xoxnov aeA,f|vr| Kai xoiq daxpoic; £|iepiaev (PG 87, 88). This explanation is very close to what the Commentator says, and quite distinct in conception from the normal explanation found in Greek patristic sources, namely that the original light was endowed with matter in order to create the sun and moon; cf. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orat. xlix (PG 36, 612). Eisenhofer (Procopius von Gaza, p. 19) gives Procopius's source here as Basil, Horn. .vi. in Hex. (PG 32, 120-7), but nothing of the sort is to be found there. 24 The Commentator, clearly (and legitimately) puzzled as to why the Genesis narrative placed evening before morning rather than vice versa, attempted in the first instance to explain the inversion in terms of simple rhetorical embellishment. The rhetorical figure which he had in mind is evidently dvaaxpo<|)f| (corrupted somehow to anadiplum; cf. below, PentI 127), which is defined by the Greek rhetoricians as a syntactical inversion where the order of two words is reversed: see, for example, Tiberius, De figuris (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 70) and Phoibammon, De figuris (ibid. Ill, 48), and discussion by Martin, Antike Rhetorik, pp. 309-10. (Tiberius is to be dated to the third or fourth century AD; Phoibammon was a rhetor of Egyptian origin whose floruit fell c. 500: see Hunger, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur I, 82.) A similar definition is found in LdGl: 'Anastrophe. idest peruersio quando promimus ordine conuerso sententiam' (xxviii.67). In other words, as one normally writes quibus de rebus for de quibus rebus', so here the author of Genesis wrote uespere et mane by dvacrxpo<|)f| for what one would normally expect, namely mane et uespere. However, the Commentator must have realized that this explanation was rather far-fetched, and he turned at once to a more serious one. Gregorius ... et Theophilus. It is not immediately clear why Gregory and Theophilus are being adduced here: on the time of the crucifixion itself (ad uesperam)? on the command to the Jews to kill the Lamb? on the Jews' expectation of His coming? Because of this ambiguity, it is not possible to identify the source in question with confidence. It is noteworthy, nonetheless, that Gregory of Nazianzus in his homily In sanctum pascha explains 436
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that we eat the Lamb ad uesperam because it is at this time that Christ's passion occurred: f|uiv 5e 6 d|avoq (3pco0f|a6xai. TO 7ipo<; £<77cepav uev, o n kid auvxeXeia x<Sv aicovcov to XpiaxoCrcaGoq(Orat. xlvi = PG 36, 644). The reference to Theophilus is ambiguous insofar as it could refer either to Theophilus of Antioch or Theophilus of Alexandria. The principal work by Theophilus of Antioch, the treatise Ad Autolycum (CPG I, no. 1107) contains nothing relevant. The various paschal letters of Theophilus of Alexandria (CPG II, nos. 2580-615) likewise contain nothing relevant, nor do his scattered exegetical comments on Genesis preserved in catenae (see M. Richard, 'Les fragments exegetiques de Theophile d'Alexandrie et de Theophile d'Antioche', Revue biblique 47 (1938), 387-97). It is puzzling, therefore, why the Commentator should have cited these two authorities in this connection, and the likelihood is that he was here drawing on a catena (see above, p. 231). It is also worth noting that Cosmas Indicopleustes in his Topographia Christiana X.I5—19 — a work certainly known to the Commentator - quotes two authorities on the significance of Christ's sacrifice, and the authorities quoted are Gregory of Nazianzus and Theophilus of Alexandria (SChr 197, 255-9 = PG 88, 416-17). Finally, it may be worth mentioning that a later commentator, John of Damascus (d. 749) in his homily In sabbatum sanctum (CPG IV, no. 8059) takes as his point of departure this passage of Gen. 1.5 and follows it with reflections on the evening of the sabbath (PG 96, 625-8). Although too late to be a source of the Canterbury gloss, John of Damascus was evidently drawing on earlier patristic tradition, and the Commentator may well have been doing likewise. We are grateful to Fr Michel Aubineau for this reference to John of Damascus. 25 The closest parallel to this explanation is found in the late (c. 900) Syriac Genesis Commentary (ed. Levene, p. 73): 'For Scripture says "one day" and not "the first day". Because "first" is used with reference to "second", and "second" with reference to "first". It refrained from using the word "first" in order that it should not be thought that just as we know the days now, even so were they formed in the first instance; therefore it does not use the word "first", but "one"; because at that time, there was no other, of which this one was to be the first.' It is conceivable that Theodore was familiar with an explanation such as this in a Syriac source. However, it has been demonstrated by T. Jansma, 'Investigations into the Early Syrian Fathers on Genesis', OTS 12 (1958), 69-181, at 114, that this explanation is derived from Theodore of Mopsuestia's commentary on John 437
Commentary to the texts I.I, which now is preserved only in Syriac but which must originally have been composed in Greek: Theodori Mopsuestent Commentarius in Evangelium lohannis Apostoli, ed. J.M. Voste, CSCO 4th ser. 3 (1940), 9 [Latin version}. A similar distinction seems to have been maintained by Hippolytus in a lost commentary on Genesis which is preserved only in a catena on Kings (CPG IV, no. C.4): OOK efaev voxOrmepov, dAXf||xepa \iia ... OOK efaev f||xepa 7cp6xr|. el yaprcpcbxrif|[i£pa elrcev, dvdyKT| efyev eirceiv Kai P' yivon£vr|v (PG 10, 585; cf. Devreesse, Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, pp. 25-6). It is accordingly difficult to determine how widely current this notion was among Greek patristic authors; cf. Basil, Horn, in Hex. iii.l, who seems to be alluding to a similar distinction: xd xfjc, Ttpcbrnq f\[iepaq epya, \iak\ov 5e id xfjc; iiidq (PG 29, 52). It must remain an open question, therefore, as to where the Commentator derived this explanation. 26 Multique adfirmant. The waters above the firmament are treated by numerous Greek patristic authors: Basil, Horn, in Hex. iii.9 (PG 29, 73-6); Gregory of Nyssa, In Hex. (PG 44, 844-5); John Chrysostom, Horn, in cap. primum Gen., ch. 3 (PG 53, 41-2); Severian of Gabala, Orat. de mundi creatione ii.3 (PG 56, 442); and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Gen. § 11 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 13—15 = PG 80, 92); Syriac commentators, too, adhered to belief in waters above the firmament: see Jansma, T'Hexameron de Jacques de Sarug', p. 17, and the Syriac Genesis Commentary, ed. Levene, p. 73. The quotations here are from Gen. VII. 11: 'rupti sunt omnes fontes abyssi magnae et cataractae caeli apertae sunt'. 28 lohannes. This explanation appears to be based on two passages from one of John Chrysostom's sermons on the first chapter of Genesis {Horn, in cap. primum Gen., chs. 2 and 6). On man as king of earth: KaOdrcep yap fiaoikecoq neM,ovxo<; eiq noXiv eiaeXauveiv, xooq 8opu(|)6poi)<; dvdyicr| rcpoT|yeiaOai, Kai xovq aXkovq arcavxaq, i'va eoxpeTuanevcov TCDV paaiAeicov, oikcoc, 6 PaaiA,£i>c, siq id PaaiA,eia Tcapayivrixai. xov alkdv 5f| xporcov Kai vCv, KaGdrcep paai^ea xiva Kai dp%ovxa \ieXX(o\ ^(|)iaxQiv Tidm xoi<; tni xfjcj yfjq, judaav xaoxr|v xf|v 5iaKoa|iT|aiv Tcpoxepov ^xeKxf|vaxo (PG 53, 71). And further on, on man's superior role on earth in order that he may inherit the kingdom of heaven with Christ: o65ev ydp dpexfjc; i'aov ... ydp f\\iaq Kai £v xq> \IEXXOVXI ai©vi xfj<; yeevvriq ££aprcd£ei, Kai xfjq x©v oupavcov f\\iiv xf|v anoXavaxv xapi^exai, Kai ev x© Tcapovxi Pico Ttdvxcov dvcoxepoix; Ka0iaxT]ai (PG 53, 75). John Chrysostom is almost 438
Commentary to PentI
certainly the Commentator's source here, for no comparable notion is found in earlier patristic thought; see R. McL. Wilson, 'The Early History of the Exegesis of Gen. 1.26', TU 63 [ = Studia Patristica 1] (1957), 420-37, and N. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, 'La creation de l'homme (Gn 1,26) chez Theophile d'Antioche', Vigiliae Christianae 30 (1976), 258-67. For the notion that after the resurrection all men will resemble Christ, see Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XXII.12 and 15-16 (CCSL 48, 831-2 and 834-5). The Commentator's Latin phrasing is indebted here to I Cor. XV.52: 'et mortui resurgent incorrupti'; cf. also below, PentI 82. 29 Cf. the explanation of this passage by Ephrem, Comm. in Gen. 11.12: 'Adam, qui unus factus est et duo: unus fuit qui Adam fiiit, duo fuit qui masculus et femina creates esf (ed. Tonneau, p. 24). 30 sed simul omnia. The Commentator's insistence upon the simultaneity of creation is noteworthy, for it is a cosmogonical theory which was advanced by the Alexandrine commentators, but expressly rejected by the Antiochene; thus, for example, simultaneous creation is advocated by Clement of Alexandria (PG 9, 369), Origen (PG 11, 376-7) and Athanasius (PG 12, 145-6), but rejected by John Chrysostom (PG 53, 35). In this respect the Cappadocian fathers followed the Alexandrians, and simultaneous creation is admitted, for example, by Basil (PG 29, 16—17) and Gregory of Nyssa (PG 44, 69 and 72). The Commentator, who was familiar with both Basil and Gregory, may have derived his expression from one of them; cf. in particular Gregory's expression: dGpoax; Tcdvxa id 6via 6 ©eoq eTcoiaev (PG 44, 72). The phrase in ictu oculi is from I Cor. XV.52, where Paul is discussing the resurrection. 31 hominem cum anima. A commonplace; see in particular Epiphanius, Ancoratus, ch. 56 (GCS 25, 65-6 = PG 43, 116) and Severian of Gabala, Orat. de mundi creatione v.4 (PG 56, 476). 32 Like the Commentator, Severian of Gabala, in his Orat. de mundi creatione v.5, draws the parallel betwen God breathing upon Adam's face and Christ breathing upon the apostles: £ve<|>i><xr|cyev 6 Oedc, eiq TO rcpoaamov TOO 'A5d|i rcvof|v £>(of[q. £veV dTcocrcotaov, Kai Xeyev AdPeTe Tlvevpa dyiov (PG 56, 477). Note that, like the Commentator, Severian quotes John XX.22 ('accipite spiritum sanctum') in this connection, which perhaps suggests that Severian may here have been the Commentator's source. 33 The role of the sun in the evaporation of water and production of rain was enunciated by Aristotle (Meteor. I.3.34Oa), and is explained by 439
Commentary to the texts Basil {Horn, in Hex. iv.6 = PG 29, 92) and Gregory of Nyssa {In Hex.: PG 44, 113); see discussion by D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, The Greek Patristic View of Nature (Manchester, 1968), pp. 21-2. The fountain or pool of Siloam, located just outside the walls of Jerusalem, is also mentioned in Gn-Ex-Evla 4 (as the source of the four rivers of Paradise) and Evil 135 (as a fountain which bubbles continuously). The equation of Siloam with the fountain of Paradise is presumably based on the theory of certain exegetes, namely that Paradise was situated at Jerusalem (cf. below, comm. to PentI 35); given such a theory, it would be a reasonable assumption that the source of the four rivers was the fountain of Siloam itself, though no Greek exegete says so explicitly. 35 antequam. Jerome, commenting in his Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. on the reading contra orientem (Gen. II.8), notes that the various Greek translators of the Hebrew text offered a reading corresponding to the sense 'in/from the beginning' (Aquila: and &pxfj0ev; Symmachus: £K npfoioq; Theodotion: £v np(OTX\q), and he therefore concluded that God had established Paradise before He created heaven and earth: 'ex quo manifestissime comprobatur quod prius quam caelum et terram deus faceret, paradisum ante condiderat' (CCSL 72, 4; cf. M.-J. Lagrange, 'Saint Jerome et la tradition juive dans la Genese', Revue biblique 7 (1898), 563-6). supra aplanem collocatum (cf. also PentI 45 and Gn-Ex-Evla 11). There was considerable diversity of opinion among patristic exegetes concerning the location of Paradise: for a useful survey, see J. Danielou, 'Terre et Paradis chez les peres de l'eglise', Eranos-Jahrbuch 22 (1953), 433-72. The Alexandrines, especially Philo and Origen, interpreted Paradise as a spiritual state (see R.R. Grimm, Paradisus Coelestis, Paradisus Terrestris (Munich, 1977), pp. 22-39), whereas the Antiochenes interpreted it naturalistically: a good example is Epiphanius, Panarion LXIV.47 (GCS 31, 472-3 = PG 4 1 , 1148); cf. discussion by Danielou, ibid., pp. 442-4. Literal-minded exegetes, such as Ephrem the Syrian, located Paradise on a mountain higher than all mountains, beyond the earth {Comm. in Gen. II.6, ed. Tonneau, p. 21: 'in monte excelso positus est paradisus'; cf. also his hymn De paradiso i, str. 4, ed. E. Beck, Studia Anselmiana 26 (Rome, 1951), 2, trans. Brock, St Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns on Paradise, pp. 78—9, together with discussion by Danielou, ibid., pp. 450-5, as well as I. Ortiz de Urbina, 'Le paradis eschatologique d'apres S. Ephrem', Orientalia Christiana Periodica 21 (1955), 467-72, and Hidal, Interpretatio Syriaca, 440
Commentary to Pentl
pp. 72—4). However, location on a high mountain is not tantamount to location supra aplanem. In various apocryphal and heretical writings Paradise is located in the heavens. The notion is found, for example, in the 'Acts of Andrew and Matthew', ch. 17 (Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ed. R.A. Lipsius and M. Bonnet, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1898) II, 86; trans. James, The Apocryphal New Testament, p. 455). Irenaeus notes in his Aduersus haereses I.v.2 that only heretics placed Paradise beyond the third heaven: Koti xov 7Eap&5eiaov urcep xpixov oopavov ovxa . . . Xeyoixji (PG 7, 496), and Clement of Alexandria quotes the heretic Theodotus as saying that man was created in Paradise, that is, in the fourth heaven: £v x© rcapaSeiacp xa> xeidpTCp otipavcp 5rmioupyeiTai (Excerpta ex Theodoto: PG 9, 684); cf. also Macarius of Egypt, Horn, xxv.7 (PG 34, 672) and pseudo-Caesarius, Quaest. et resp. § 143 (PG 38, 1089-92). Interestingly, by the early sixth century this notion seems to have lost its heretical overtones, for Procopius of Gaza in his Commentary on Genesis states it unequivocally: eiq xpixov 5s oopavov f|p7cda0ai IlaC^ot; cj^aiv, eiq xov 7iapd5eiaov dp7iaa0ei<;, 6v vno xo axepeconarce<|)ux£i)nevovtnebsx^ev 6 Mcooafjq (PG 87, 68). Once again, Eisenhofer (Procopius von Gaza, p. 18) gives the source of this passage as Basil, Horn. .Hi. in Hex. (PG 32, 72—3), but the sentence concerning Paul, Paradise and the third heaven is not found in Basil. For the Commentator's possible use of Procopius, see above, p. 227-9. sancta ciuitas. The unusual notion that Paradise was on the site of Jerusalem is mentioned by pseudo-Athanasius, Quaestiones ad Antiochum (CPG II, no. 2257), § 47: oxi eaxiv 6 7iapd5ei(jo<;; oi nev ydp <|)aaiv, oxi £v lepouaaArm, oi 5e £v oupavoic; (PG 28, 628). Similarly, Origen reports a Jewish tradition according to which Adam was said to be buried at Jerusalem (Tr. .xxv. in Matt, x: PG 13, 1777); the same notion is reported by Epiphanius, Panarion XLVI.5 (GCS 31, 208 = PG 41, 844) and John Chrysostom, Horn. .Ixxxv. in loh. (PG 59, 459). Sion. Epiphanius, in recording the view that Adam was buried at Calvary, states that that hill was formerly in Sion (Panarion XLVI.5: GCS 31, 209 = PG 4 1 , 844-5): f| rcoxe tircdp^ouaa £v Sicbv. This remark may have prompted the Commentator's observation. In ancient times 'Mount Zion' referred to the eastern hill of Jerusalem. Emmaus. In Luke XXIV. 13 the village of Emmaus is said to be 'sixty furlongs (stadia)' from Jerusalem, which is approximately the 'seven miles' mentioned by the Commentator. However, the site of Emmaus cannot be precisely identified. Jerome stated that Emmaus was identical with Nico441
Commentary to the texts
polls (PL 23, 896), which is today the abandoned village of Imwas some twenty miles from Jerusalem. But Jerome's identification is improbable, because the disciples are unlikely to have walked twenty miles back to Jerusalem after leaving the risen Christ in the evening (Luke XXIV.29), and modern biblical scholars have thought instead of the village of Motza, some four miles from Jerusalem. The problem, however, is not only with the location of Emmaus, but with the etymology of the name as meaning sanguis fratris and its attribution to Sophronius (the same etymology is given at Gn-Ex-Evia 30, but without attribution to Sophronius). No such etymology is found in the surviving writings of Sophronius (cf. above, p. 219), nor is it recorded in any other ancient source (see Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 236). Sebastian Brock kindly draws our attention to a 'Hebrew tradition' reported by Jerome, Comm. in Hiezechielem VIII.xxvii.18, according to which Damascus is said to mean sanguinem bibens (a pseudoetymology based on dam — 'blood' and shaqa = 'drink') because Cain killed Abel there: 'Sin autem "Damascus" interpretatur "sanguinem bibens", et Hebraeorum uera traditio est, campum in quo interfectus est Abel a parricida Cain fuisse in Damasco, unde et locus hoc insignitus uocabulo sit' (CCSL 75, 373); cf. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, 139. One might also note that the place near Jerusalem where Judas burst open and died (Act. 1.19) was called the 'field of blood' or Hakeldama 'in their { = the Hebrews'] language'. In any case, the explanation — whether mistaken or not — could have been communicated by Sophronius to Theodore in person, given that Sophronius was in Constantinople c. 630 (see above, p. 60), and that Theodore may also have been there at that time. 36 in euangelio: Matt. XXI. 19; Mark XI.21. That the tree of life represents the tree of knowledge of good and evil and, a fortiori, of God (as here), is explained by various Greek theologians, notably Gregory of Nyssa, De hominis opificio, ch. 20 (PG 44, 197-201) and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Gen. § 26 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 29—30 = PG 80, 124). Similarly, Maximus the Confessor in his Quaestiones et dubia (CPG III, no. 7689) equates the tree of life with the Lord: TO ZpXov xf\q ^cofjq, 6rcep £
Commentary to PentI
idemque est arbor uitae; et siquidem parentes nostri praecepto paruissent, utique arborem scientiae boni, et lignum uitae, sibi Deum fuissent experti; atque ad iucundissimam contemplationem prouecti fuissent, in ligno uitae repositam, quod est ipse Deus unus et trinus' (Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia {Syriace}, ed. Assemani I, 129). The quotation 'Hie in ruinam . . . Israel' is from Luke 11.34. 37 The Phison was variously identified by patristic authors, most often with the Indus/Ganges, as for example by Epiphanius (Ancoratus, ch. 58: GCS 25, 67 = PG 43, 120) and Cosmas Indicopleustes (Topographia Christiana 11.81: SChr 141, 399-400 = PG 88, 117). Some commentators, however, identified it with the Danube, such as Ephrem in his Comm. in Gen. II.6 (ed. Tonneau, p. 21) or Severian of Gabala, Orat. de mundi creatione v.5 (PG 56, 478). No patristic source known to us explicitly identifies the Phison with the Rhone. However, the sources of these two rivers were not certainly known, and some ancient geographers appear to have confused them (cf. Pomponius Mela, De chorographia III.3). It is also possible that the Commentator was here venturing an independent opinion, and was referring not to the Rhone (Rhodanus) but to the river Duna, a river of eastern Europe which flows northwards and debouches in the Baltic, and which in classical times was named the Rhoudonos (ePoi)8d)vo<;). 39 The word bdellium is a Greek transliteration of a Hebrew word, which refers properly to a tree native to Arabia and India that produces aromatic gum; thus the word is correctly explained by Pliny, HN XII.35 and Isidore, Etym. XVII.viii.6 ('bdellium Indiae et Arabiae arbor'). The word occurs twice in the OT, here and in Num. XI.7. On both occasions it caused difficulty for the LXX translators, who took it to refer to some sort of gem, and rendered it the first time as &v0pa£ (a precious stone of dark-red colour, such as carbuncle, ruby or garnet), the second as KpuaTCtXkoq (crystal). The Commentator evidently followed the LXX in taking bdellium to be a gem; but what led him to suppose that it was a sapphire is not clear. Nor is it clear what quasi folium porri, taken in combination with iacincto colore, is intended to mean, for the leaves of a leek cannot be said to be of a purple colour (cf. perhaps LdGl xli.16, where it is said of cypressus — perhaps a corruption of crysoprasus — 'uiridem habet colorem ut est porrus'). One wonders if porrus is intended as a transliteration of Greek rcoppoc,, 'red' (cf. below, comm. to PentI 151), in which case folium is probably corrupt; or if it is itself a corruption (say) ofporrii, in which case the 443
Commentary to the texts
Commentator's description of the sapphire might well be indebted to that of Epiphanius, De .xii. gemmis, ch. 5: adrc<|)eipo<; 7top<|)i)pi£(Dv, dx; |3A,dxxr|<; 7iop<|>6pa(; (PG 43, 297). Given the Commentator's knowledge and use of this work (see above, pp. 213-14), this latter explanation is perhaps the most likely. 40 onix. The explanation of the colour of the onyx is found in Epiphanius, De .xii. gemmis, ch. 12: dvi)%ixa<; 5e amovq ^eyooai <|>i)aiOAX)yiK&q, tnei 6 6vu£ xcov daxeioov dv5pcov ^lapudpca toil auveSia^o^evoq (PG 43, 301; for knowledge of this work of Epiphanius in early Anglo-Saxon England, see above, p. 214); cf. also Isidore, Etym. XVI.viii.3: 'onyx appellata quod habet in se permixtum candorem in similitudinem unguis humanae: Graeci enim unguem 6vu%a dicunt'. 44 Although the Commentator specifically refers to John Chrysostom, it has not been possible to identify any precise passage in Chrysostom's voluminous writings which could be the source; nor does the rigid schematization seem characteristically Chrysostomian. When, for example, in his homily In inscriptionem Actorum (II.4), Chrysostom discusses the ninth hour of Christ's crucifixion, he makes no mention of the parallel with Adam's expulsion from Paradise (PG 51, 84). We are grateful to Fr Michel Aubineau for advice on this matter. There are, however, other Greek sources which present a schema broadly resembling that of the Commentator, and which the Commentator may have had in mind. For example, Severian of Gabala, commenting in his Orat. de mundi creatione vi.5 on this same passage of Genesis, draws a parallel between God visiting Adam aduesperam and Christ's crucifixion at the same hour (xo 5eiA,ivdv xoxe xov 'A8d|i £7ieaK8\|/axo, Kai vov &n\ xoo axaupoC xo 5ei^iv6v) and then goes on to observe that Adam ate the forbidden fruit at the sixth hour (PG 56, 490). Procopius of Gaza states concisely that Christ underwent His passion at the same hours as Adam sinned and underwent punishment, namely from the sixth to the ninth hour (PG 87, 196: Kai yap &KZ\\aq xaq copag xo rcdOoq orceiieivev, hq 5iexeA,eaev 9A8dn duo xou (Jxxyeiv ecoq xfjq Kpiaeax;, drco 6KXT|<; ecoq £vdxr|<; ©paq). Cosmas Indicopleustes draws an even closer parallel, in stating that Adam sinned at the sixth hour, the same hour as Christ was crucified (Top.Christ. II.94-5: SChr 141, 413-15 = PG 88, 124): ©arcep ofiv £v xfj 9 8KXT| fmepqi r\[iapTT\K(hq 6 A5d|x, yei)ad|i£vo<; rcepi |iearmPpiav xo(3 ^UA-OO, ££ePAT|9r| xo 8eiA,iv6v- omcoq Kai xfj EKXT) fmepg, ©pav 6KXT|V XOV a©xf|piov axaupov 6 AeaTcoxriq Xpiaxoq Kaxd adpKa uTuep auxoo mceueivev; simi444
Commentary to Pentl larly, Cosmas states that Adam and Eve were expelled from Paradise at the ninth hour, the same hour at which Christ and the thief entered Paradise (Kai GMiTiep evvdxT|v copav oi 56o ££ePA,f|0r|(jav xou 7capa8eiaou, 6 xe 9A5d|x Kai f| E(3a, ouxax; Kai a>pav £vvdxr|v 6 AecT7c6xr|<; Xpiaxoq Kaxd xf|v i|/i)%f|v Kai 6 X\\cxx\q eiafjA,0ov ev xcp 7capa5eiacp {ibid.). However, none of these Greek sources mentions Adam's creation at the third hour. It is interesting to note, therefore, that a more precise parallel to the Commentator's statement is found in the Syriac Book of the Cave of Treasures, ch. 5 (ed. Ri, La Caverne des tresors I, 36—7 [Syriac] and II, 16—17 [French]): 'At the third hour of the day Adam and Eve ascended into Paradise, and for three hours they were in shame and disgrace, and at the ninth hour their expulsion from Paradise took place' (trans. Budge, The Book of the Cave of Treasures, pp. 66-7). We are grateful to Sebastian Brock for drawing this parallel to our attention. On the possibility that the Commentator was familiar with this and other Syriac texts, see above, pp. 234-7. Leptigeneseos. On the 'Book of Jubilees' or Tittle Genesis', see above, pp. 199-200. The reference to the length of Adam's stay in Paradise is found in III.9 and 15 {The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, pp. 18-19). The fifth-century Latin translation of this work does not include III.9 or 15; it is thus impossible to say whether it was with the Greek or Latin translation that the Commentator was familiar. 47 No patristic source states that the Cherub's flaming sword was identical with the cosmic aether\ but it is clear that Cosmas Indicopleustes, for example, equates the Cherubim with the upper sky in his Topographia Christiana IX.24-5: <x>a7iep o$v exa^e xd xepoi>pi|i Kai xf|v <|>>x)yivr|v ^o|i<()aiav xf|v axpe<|)ou£vr|v,
Commentary to the texts
numerorum mysteriis (CPG II, no. 3776), ch. 5 (PG 43, 515), and in Latin, Jerome in his Ep. xxxvi.6 (CSEL 54, 273—4) provides a list and discussion. In none of these sources, however, is the list of sins identical to that given by the Commentator, and in fact the closest parallel to the Commentator's account is found in Basil, Ep. cclx.3: £V uev o6v xoi<; rcapd xoo Kdi'v xexoX|iT||i6voi<; rcparcov dudpxrma c()06vo<; zni xfj 7cpoxi^f|aei xoO "APeX5e6xepov boXoq, ueG' oi5 b\zkkyfiy\ xcp d5eA,<|)q), eirccov AieXOcouev siq xo rceSiov xpixov tyovoq, 7ipoa0f|KT] xoo KaKoo- xexapxov, oxi Kai d5sA,<|)oC <|)6vo<;, uei^cov f| inixaGiq-rcenrcxov,oxi Kaircpcoxoc;^oveoq 6 Kdi'v, O7c658iy(ia xcp pi© KaxaA,i7c6v- EKXOV d5iKT]fia, oxi yoveuai TievGoq sp5ouov, oxi 06© 8\|/ei)aaxo (PG 32, 957). The identical list is given by Procopius of Gaza in his Genesis commentary (PG 87, 248), but it is clear that Procopius simply lifted the passage from Basil. In any case, the Commentator has evidently derived his account from Basil, whether directly (cf. Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 175-7) or indirectly via Procopius. Note, however, that the Commentator's text as transmitted contains some corruption: the words 'quod non tarn graue esset nisi fratricida fuisset' do not properly pertain to the fifth sin, but are an explanation of the fourth; the fifth has apparently fallen out (to judge from Basil's account, the missing words may have been something like 'quod primus homicida fuit, exemplum malum saeculo relinquens'). 52 terram dicit propter homines. This statement is obscure; possibly it is a reminiscence of the then-current etymology of homo ab humo\ cf. Isidore, Etym. X.I andXI.i.4. 54 The tradition that Lamech killed Cain is mentioned by John Chrysostom, Horn, in cap. quartum Gen. xx.2 (PG 53, 168-9) and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Gen. § 44 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 43 = PG 80, 145). Jerome {Ep. xxxvi.4 = CSEL 54, 272) notes that Lamech killed Cain, but not out of volition, as 'a certain Hebrew book' alleges: 'Lamech, qui septimus ab Adam non sponte, sicuti in quodam Hebraeo uolumine scribitur, interfecit Cain.' It is not clear what 'Hebrew book' Jerome is referring to; but it is not in any event the 'Book of Jubilees' or Leptogenesis, for that work — in spite of the Commentator's reference — does not state that Lamech killed Cain (see IV.27—30; The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, p. 24). 57 Cf. above, PentI 53. 58 The explanation of this passage, and the assumption that Lamech killed not one man (Cain) but two, is set out by Basil, Ep. cclx.5. The 446
Commentary to Pentl
parallel between what Basil says and the Commentator's explanation is very close (for another possible use of this same work of Basil by the Commentator, see above, comm. to Pentl 51): icai vo|ii£oi)ai xiveq vno xoC A&nex dvT|pfja0ai xov Kctiv . . . eaxi 5e OOK aXr\%q. 56o yap c|)6voi)<; 7C87ioniK(b<; . . . xexpaKoaia<; Kai £vvevf|Kovxa xi|Kopia<; ei\i\ SiKaioq- ei'rcep 8iKaia f\ xoC ©eoC Kpiaxq eni xcp Kdi'v, coaxe ercxd aoxov Tcapaa/eiv xdq KoA,daei<; . . . oxi drco xoC Kdiv eax; xoC KaxaK^ixTfioC ercxd 7capeXr|M)0aai yeveai, Kai 87cf|x9T| 7caar| xfj yfj f| xi|Kopia, 5id xo yeveaOai X^CJIV xx\q d^apxiaq. xo 5e d^dpxr|faa xoC Ad|i,8% oi) 5eixai Tcpoq Oepajceiav, aXX* atixou xou ai'povxoq xf|v duapxiav xoC Koa^oi) (PG 32, 961—4); cf. also Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 256—7), who gives a similar explanation, once again drawing obviously on Basil. 59 Various patristic authorities give lists of the names of God, notably Jerome, Ep. xxv (CSEL 54, 218-20) and Isidore, Etym. VII.i.1-17; see Thiel, Grundlagen, pp. 69—83. In most of the lists discussed by Thiel (including Jerome and Isidore) the name Adonai is given seventh, not first. In only one such list is the name Adonai given first, namely that in the Clauis scripturae of pseudo-Melito (ed. Pitra, Analecta Sacra II, 121). There is some evidence, admittedly slight, that the Commentator was familiar with the Clauis scripturae (see below, comm. to Pentl 220 and 223), and familiarity with this source may have led him to name Adonai as the first of God's names. barbarismos. This unusual use of |3appapia|i6<; is closely paralleled in a passage of the anacephalaiosis attached to the Panarion of Epiphanius where, describing the various heresies of the Jews, the author notes that the earliest such heresy lasted ten generations from Adam to Noe (the period in question here), and that it was a heresy precisely because everyone followed his own laws and customs: Pappapia|id<; 5e KeK^xat and xoO \ir\ xovq xoxe dvOpamoix; dp%r|y6v xiva e/eiv, f{ }iiav au^coviav, akX* oxi naq xiq eaux© eaxoixei, Kai vo^ioc, eaox© Kaxd xf|v 7ipoxi^ir|aiv xoO i5ioi) PoiAf|Haxoc, £yivexo (Panarion, anaceph.: GCS 25, 162 = PG 4 1 , 165). et reliqua de septem haeresibus. Immediately following the passage quoted above, Epiphanius goes on to discuss the seven heresies of the Jews CIoi)5ai(ov atpeaeiq ercxd: GCS 25, 167 = P G 4 1 , 172). 61 cata silemsin. The rhetorical figure of ai>M,r|i|/i<; occurs when a single verb is construed with more than one substantive and agrees in number with one, but not the other, substantives (see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, 447
Commentary to the texts pp. 300—1); it is discussed by various Byzantine rhetoricians such as pseudo-Herodian, De figuris (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 106) and an anonymous treatise De figuris (ibid. Ill, 171). A relevant definition is also found in LdGl xxviii.40: 'silemsis. quoties casus discrepantes in unam significationem congregamus'. In fact the present passage is not a clear-cut example of ai)A,A,Ti\|/i<; (no verb is involved; cf. also below, comm. to PentI 188); the Commentator is drawing attention to the incongruity between the singular nomen and the plural recipients of the 'name' (eorum). The Vulgate text does indeed read nomen at this point; and since the Commentator's explanation depends for its point on the singular nomen, we must assume that nomen was corrupted to nomina at some later stage of the transmission. 62 It is not clear from the biblical account where God transported Enoch. In Ecclus. XLIV.16, in the Latin Vulgate, he is said to have been transported to Paradise, but this statement is not found in the LXX. The notion that Enoch was transported to Paradise situated on a high mountain is found in various apocrypha, including the 'Book of Jubilees' IV.23—6 (The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, pp. 23—4), but is also found in Ephrem the Syrian's hymn De paradiso i, str. 4 and 11 (Beck, Hymnen uber das Paradies, pp. 2 and 5; trans. Brock, St Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns on Paradise, pp. 78 and 81). Olimpus super aerem. The notion that Olympus was a lofty mountain, home of the gods, and hence equivalent to heaven, is found already in Homer, Iliad XXIV.97—104, and is frequently encountered in Greek poets and philosophers (see RE XVIII.l (1939), 272-310); cf. Apuleius, De mundo, ch. 33: 'huius locum si quaerimus, neque finitimus est terrae contagionibus nee tamen medius in aere turbido, uerum in mundano fastigio quern Graeci oopavov recte uocant, ut qui sit altitudinis finis. Etiam idem ilia ratione eum "OAujircov nominant' (ed. P. Thomas (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 168-9). But the Commentator's reference is too vague to permit the identification of a single source — he is referring rather to a poetic tradition. 63 For the interpretation of Noe as requies (which is found in Jerome, Eucherius and Isidore inter alia), see Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 371. 64 The reference is to the previous gloss (PentI 63). 65 Dominus autem non pluerat: Gen. II.5; Ponam arcum meum\ Gen. IX. 13. The phrase sequebatur eos consolatio is not biblical. 67 In describing the kin of Seth as angels, the Commentator was 448
Commentary to PentI
apparently following a text of the LXX which had the reading 'angels' (ayyeAxn) in Gen. VI.2. Patristic interpretation of this passage turns on whether the LXX text used by a particular exegete had the reading 'sons (uioi) of God' or 'angels' (ayye^oi). There is reason to suspect that dyye^oi was the original reading, later corrected to oioi to bring the text closer to the Hebrew original; in any case both readings were current by the first century AD: see L.R. Wickham, 'The Sons of God and the Daughters of Men: Genesis VI.2 in Early Christian Exegesis', OTS 19 (1974), 135-47. The first patristic author to identify the 'Sons of God' with the Sethites was apparently Julius Africanus (d. c. 240), who in his fragmentarily preserved Chronographiae (CPG I, no. 1690) noted that certain exemplars of the biblical text have the reading uioi TOO 0eoo which, in his view, means that the 'Sons of God' had their origin in Seth and their lineage extended up to the Saviour: ev tvioic, dvTiypd<|>oi<; efcpov, oi oioi TOO 0SOO. uoGeoeiai 5s, (bq ol^iai, and TOO If|8, tmo TOO IIveouaToc;, oi oioi 0eoo rcpoaayopeoovxai (PG 10, 65). Julius Africanus stands at the head of an eastern patristic tradition (especially in Syriac) based on the reading oioi TOO 08oo, which extended up to Malalas in the sixth century (see A.F.J. Klijn, Seth in Jewish, Christian and Gnostic Literature (Leiden, 1977), esp. pp. 61-4); but the Commentator, in contrasting the human offspring of Cain with the angelic offspring of Seth, was simply following the received LXX text. 68 The distinction between man's 'corporeal' and 'spiritual' body is explained at length by Epiphanius, Panarion LXIV.63: OTI 5e £ua \|/O%IK6V, Kai ecm ad)|j,a 7cveo|aaTiic6v... OTE \IEV yap eauev ev TOO Koa|ncp, Kai Td aapKoq 7cpdTTO|X8v <|>0apTd epya, acbfaaTd e%ouev vj/o/iKd . . . 6T8 5e eyeipoueGa, OOKSTI xfj<; \|/o%fj<; r\ 5ooA,eia, dMd Tcveoucrcoc; f| dKoA,oo9ia (GCS 31, 502 = PG 4 1 , 1180). Epiphanius goes on to demonstrate this distinction by reference to Enoch, who disappeared from the sight of men - that is to say, while on earth he had corporeal body, but was translated into his spiritual body. It is this distinction which the Commentator is drawing here. 69 For the reading erantque (where a majority of Vulgate manuscripts read eruntque), see above, p. 193. 70 We have been unable to find a patristic source for the notion that the giants were eighteen cubits tall; cf. Gn-Ex-Evla 12, where they are said to have been fourteen cubits tall. Cf. the remarks of R. Mellinkoff, 'Cain's Monstrous Progeny in Beowulf: Part I, Noachic Tradition', ASE 8
449
Commentary to the texts
(1979), 143—62, at 149, n. 3, who canvasses Talmudic tradition and similarly concludes that 'The size of most giants, I regret, cannot be made specific/ That the waters stood fifteen cubits over the mountains during the Flood is stated in Gen. VII.20. 72 The bitumen of the Dead Sea is described by various ancient authors, but the account which the Commentator seems to have been following is that of Josephus, who in his Bellum ludaicum IV.vii.4 [479] explains that the volcanic action of the floor of the Dead Sea exudes a viscous substance which congeals and floats to the surface in lumps the size of a headless ox: xfjq |1£VTOI CIGCJMXXTOI) Korea noXka |iepr| (3cbA,oi)<; \izka\vac, dva5i5coaiv- ai 5' 67civf|%ovTai TO xe axfj|ia Kai TO iieyeOoc; Taopoiq &K8(|)&A,oi<; 7iapa7c^f|aiai. Josephus continues, explaining that men row up to the lumps and haul them into their boats; but the glutinous masses of bitumen cling to the boats and can only be loosened by the menstrual blood of women, to which alone it yields: ecoc; civ 8|i|ar|vicp yuvaiKcov ai'iicm Kai oopco 5iaX6acoaiv aircf|v, olc; (iovoiq e'iicei (ibid. 480). This notion was apparently first articulated by the Stoic philosopher Posidonius; it is found in Strabo (Geog. XVI.ii.42), Tacitus, Hist. V.6, and other ancient sources, including Isidore, Etym. XVI.ii.l. Of all these sources, however, the only one to contain the detail of the size of the lumps approximating to a cow is Josephus, and it is the passage in Josephus which the Commentator is most likely to have known. Cf. also Rz [MSS AFR] (SS V, 140): 'Bitumen glutten. alii piculam, alii resinam.' 73 The Commentator is rightly puzzled as to how the Ark could be only 300 cubits in length when, on his own reckoning, the antediluvian men or gigantes were eighteen cubits in height (PentI 70). One solution was to follow the suggestion of an unknown Hebrew authority mentioned by Origen and adopted by Augustine, to the effect that the Ark was to be measured in 'geometric' cubits (otherwise unattested) which were equivalent to six normal cubits; this is a solution proposed at Gn-Ex-Evla 11 (see below, p. 500). Here, however, the Commentator — with his perpetual interest in weights and measures — seems instead to be exploring the notion of the 'great cubit' mentioned at Ezek. XLI.8, which in the LXX had been defined as 'a cubit and a handbreadth'. From various sources, especially Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, ch. 60 (ed. Dean, Epiphanius' Treatise on Weights and Measures: the Syriac Version, p . 70), the
Commentator will have known that the 'handbreadth' was equivalent to 450
Commentary to Pentl
four fingers, and that is presumably the point of his reference here ('additum est uno cubito quattuor digiti'). 75 The 'second month' of the Hebrews (Ziv) should fall in our April or May; see Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 35, table 12, and cf. Pentl 401 and 412. 76 The seventy-two disciples of Christ are mentioned in Luke X. 1; the seventy-two translators are discussed by Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, chs. 9 and 17 (PG 43, 249 and 265). There is no biblical authority for seventy-two fountains (cf. however Ex. XV.27 and Num. XXXIII.9, where there is mention oi twelve fountains and seventy palm trees), and it is not clear what the Commentator is alluding to here. On the significance of the number seventy-two, see H. Meyer, Die Zahlenallegorese im Mittelalter (Munich, 1975), p. 168, who refers to discussion by Isidore, Alleg. ch. 65 (PL 83, 109-10) and Bede, Comm. in Luc. (CCSL 120, 213-14). 81 The Commentator's calculation here is erroneous; the 'tenth month' should fall not in February but in December/January; see Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 35, table 12. 82 See Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen.: dM,' oxi K&V VKO XCOV Or|picov PpooGfjie (rcdvxa yap yfj yivexai . . . ) e£ aoxfj<; eK^nxfiaoo, Kai auvd^co TOO dvOptfmoi) xf|v (|)6aiv (PG 87, 288); note especially the use of the first person, as in the Commentator's explanation. The reference to 'resuscitation' is apparently to I Cor. XV.52: 'et mortui resurgent incorrupti'. 83 misericordiam pluuiarum: cf. Pentl 33 and 84. 85 Cf. Lev. XVIII.7: 'turpitudinem patris et turpitudinem matris tuae non discooperies'. 86 Calanne (LXX XaXdvvr|, Hebrew Kalneh) is mentioned in Isa. X.9 as a mighty city of old; it was in Syria, inland from Antioch (see fig. 1). In the LXX the name Calanne was glossed 'where the tower was built' (oi3 6 7n3pyo<; d)Ko5o|rf|0r|), but this explanation was not translated in Jerome's Vulgate. This suggests once again that the Commentator had the LXX before him as he worked (see Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', p. 172, and above, p. 198). 91 Christianus Historiographus: Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana III. 1: xovq npo f||iG)v dvGptfmoix; 6 0eo<; KaxaKA,i)a|aq) 5ie<|)9eipev- ei 5oicf|aei aoxcp rcdXiv opyiaGfjvai Kai f||iiv Kai KaxaK^oanq) 5ia<|)Geipai, drcoAloneGa rcdvxeq . . . eo^epcoq 5e rcpdc; aoxov 7capaxa^6^i80a eiq n6Xe\iov, syyoxaxoi aoxoC ovxec; . . . dp£d|ievoi xoivov OIKO5O|I8IV Kai 451
Commentary to the texts
TDpavviK© xpoKG) Pou^onevoi ei<; xov oopavov &veA,0eiv (SChr 141, 439 = PG 88, 136). The correspondence between Cosmas and what the Commentator says is exceptionally close, too close probably to represent a quotation from memory. On the possibility that a manuscript of the Topographia Christiana was available in Anglo-Saxon England, see above, pp. 209-10. 92 Cf. Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen.: TO "AeCxe" crrinaivei id xpia 7cpoaco7ca xfjc; dyiaq Tpid5o<; (PG 87, 312). 93 Early Christian tradition identified the skull of Golgotha with that of Adam, and hence located Adam's burial in Jerusalem (cf. above, p. 442, comm. to PentI 35); standard Rabbinic tradition, however, located Adam's burial at Hebron, and it is this Rabbinic tradition which is reported by Jerome (see Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, 126). On several occasions Jerome states that Adam was buried in Hebron, which lies some twenty miles south of Jerusalem (see fig. 6): Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. (CCSL 72, 28), Comm. in euang. Matth. (CCSL 77, 270) and Ep. cviii.ll (CSEL 55, 319). Jerome is followed by Isidore, Etym. XV.i.24. 95 This definition is apparently a legal one; cf. Vocabularium lurisprudentiae Romanae, ed. Gradenwitz et al. V, 1306, s.v. 'uerna': 'seruus in domo domini natus'. 96 For Gedeon and his three hundred men, see Judg. VII. 16. The parallel between the 318 men of Abraham and the bishops at the Council of Nicaea is frequently found in patristic commentary; see M. Aubineau, Xes 318 serviteurs d'Abraham (Gen. XIV, 14) et le nombre des Peres au Concile de Nicee', Revue dfhistoire ecclesiastique 61 (1966), 5-43, who observes that Hilary was the first exegete to suggest that there were 318 bishops at the Council of Nicaea and to link this number with the number of Abraham's men: De synodis § 86 (PL 10, 538) and Liber contra Constantium imperatorem, praef. (PL 10, 472). After Hilary the notion spread widely and is found both in Latin authors such as Ambrose {De fide ad Gratianum I prol. 3 = CSEL 78, 5) and in Greek authors such as Epiphanius, Panarion LXIX.ll (GCS 37, 160 = PG 42, 217). See also H. Chadwick, Xes 318 Peres de Nicee', Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 61 (1966), 808-11, as well as the article by J. Riviere cited in the following note. 97 similitudine crucis. The threefold division, as shown in the Commentator's diagram, resembles the Greek letter tauy and to Greek patristic exegetes tau represented the sign of the Cross (see, inter alia, Origen: PG 452
Commentary to Pentl
13, 1801); see discussion by H. Rahner, 'Antenna crucis, V. Das mystische Tau', Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie 75 (1953), 385-410. The Commentator may, however, have had a more subtle symbolism in mind, for the number 318 was thought to be made up of 300 (represented in Greek numerals as T (tau — the Cross again), plus 10 (i) and 8 (if), where ir| are the two first letters of Jesus's name in Greek. Hence 318 symbolizes Christ's crucifixion. The earliest occurrence of this explanation occurs in the Epistula Barnabae, ch. 9 (PG 2, 752), a work composed by an anonymous Christian in Alexandria in the later first century AD (CPG I, no. 1050); it is subsequently found in later Alexandrine exegetes, such as Clement of Alexandria, Stromata VI. 11 (PG 9, 305) and Origen, Horn. .it. in Gen. (PG 12, 172), and in Latin in Ambrose, De Abraham I.iii.15 (CSEL 32, 513) and Augustine, Quaest. in Kept. VII.37 (CCSL 33, 350-1 = PL 34, 804-5); see J. Riviere, '"Trois cent dix-huit'", Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale 6 (1934), 3 4 9 - 6 7 .
On Gedeon (Judg. VII. 16), see the preceding note. 98 Besides the present passage (Gen. XIV. 18), the only other mention of Melchisedech in the OT is in Ps. CX.4, so the Commentator is correct in saying that no genealogy of Melchisedech is known (though cf. Hebr. VII. 1-6). However, because of the cardinal importance assigned to him in the Genesis narrative, there was an immense body of opinion among patristic exegetes from the fourth century onwards, whereby Melchisedech was identified variously as Sem, as an angel, as the Holy Ghost and even as the Son of God. See, in general, G. Wuttke, Melchisedech der Priesterkonig von Salem (Giessen, 1927), esp. pp. 55—9; G. Bardy, 'Melchisedech dans la tradition patristique', Revue biblique 35 (1926), 496-509, and 36 (1927), 25—45; R. Galdos, 'Melquisedec en la patristica', Estudios ecclesiasticos 19 (1945), 221-46, EEC I, 550, and esp. F.L. Horton, The Melchizedek Tradition (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 87-113. The Commentator was clearly familiar with this tradition; it is interesting to note that Procopius of Gaza, too, canvasses a number of the traditional identifications of Melchisedech (PG 87, 333; but note that Procopius does not mention the tradition of Melchisedech being a Canaanite, which makes it unlikely that he was the Commentator's source here). homo Chananaeus. The notion of Melchisedech's Canaanite parentage was apparently first expressed by pseudo-Athanasius, Historia de Melchisedech (PG 28, 525), and is found thereafter in Epiphanius, Panarion LXVII.7 (GCS 37, 139 = PG 42, 181) and Mark the Hermit, De Melchisedech, ch. 4 453
Commentary to the texts
(PG 65, 1121); in Latin exegesis this heretical notion is mentioned by Filastrius, Diuersarum haereseon liber, ch. 148 (CCSL 9, 309-11). See Bardy, 'Melchisedech', pp. 4 0 - 1 . Sem. That Melchisedech was identical with Sem is a heresy attributed to the Samaritans by Epiphanius, Panarion LV.6 (GCS 31, 332 = PG 41, 981). Jerome, too, explicitly denied this heretical opinion on several occasions: Ep. lxxiii (a letter devoted specifically to the question of Melchisedech) 5 and 9 (CSEL 55, 18) and Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. (CCSL 72, 19). According to Jerome, it was especially the Jews who taught this doctrine, and Wuttke, Melchisedech, p. 21, draws attention to Rabbinical writings on the subject; see also Bardy, 'Melchisedech', pp. 42 and 497—8, and Horton, The Melchizedek Tradition, pp. 114—18. It is interesting to note that Aldhelm, in his prose De uirginitate, ch. 54, also mentions the uulgata Ebreorum traditio to the effect that Melchisedech and Sem were identical, but notes that 'in no way does the catholic church accept these uncertain tales of frivolity' (Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 313). angelum. According to Jerome (Ep. lxxiii.2: CSEL 55, 14), Didymus and Origen both taught that Melchisedech was an angel. Origen composed a homily on the subject of Melchisedech but (with the exception of a fragment preserved in a catena) this homily has not come down to us, and the fragment contains nothing relevant; see W.A. Baehrens, Uberlieferung und Textgeschichte der lateinisch erhaltenen Origeneshomilien zum AI ten Testa-
ment, TU 42.1 (1920), 6-7. Procopius (PG 87, 333) also mentions the supposed identity of Melchisedech with an angel. 100 The distinction being drawn here is based on the supposed etymology oisubtemen from subtus texitur (no such etymology is found in Isidore, by the way). The Commentator is apparently distinguishing between the frameless ground loom, in which the weaver worked on a warp stretched horizontally from a tree or pegged to the ground between two beams (a type used in ancient Egypt and still in use by certain Near Eastern nomads), and the vertical loom. The vertical loom may be of two sorts: in one of these, the warp is stretched tight by being fixed to a frame (such looms were in use in Palestine and Syria in the time of Christ, and were still in use there until recently: see G.M. Crowfoot, 'The Vertical Loom in Palestine and Syria', PEQ 73 (1941), 141-51); in the other sort the warp-threads are fixed at their upper end to a vertical frame, and are kept tight by having warp-weights attached to them. This is the so-called warp-weighted loom, and is the type which was most widely in use in 454
Commentary to PentI
ancient Greece and Rome: see M. Hoffmann, The Warp-weighted Loom (Oslo, 1964), esp. pp. 321-33. Because of the widespread use of the warp-weighted loom in the Mediterranean world, it is probable that the Commentator is referring to this sort (in distinction to the frameless ground loom) as that practised by nos. The warp-weighted loom had necessarily to be worked from the top (hence the Commentator's sursum); cf. the reference in John XIX. 2 3 to the seamless coat which was also woven 'from above' (desuper contexta), where the reference is also no doubt to a warp-weighted loom, and also PentI 370. 103 The four hundred years mentioned in Genesis are discussed by various patristic authors; see inter alia Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XVI.24 (CCSL 48, 527). An interesting analogue to the explanation given here, whereby the ages of the animals to be sacrificed are associated with the ages and generations of the Israelites, from the time of the sojourn in Egypt until their settlement in the Promised Land, is found in an unprovenanced excerpt in a catena'. Catenae Graecae in Genesim et Exodum II. Collectio
Coisliniana in Genesim, ed. Petit, pp. 183—4 (no. 186). Devreesse (Les Anciens Commentateurs grecs, p. 157) suspected the author to be Diodore of Tarsus. Epiphanius Cypri: the reference to the 215 years is found in Epiphanius, Ancoratus, ch. 110 (GCS 25, 135 = PL 43, 216). The sacrifice of Abel is found at Gen. IV.4. It is interesting to note that here as elsewhere (cf. PentI 350) the Commentator is aware of the tradition that fire descended on Abel's sacrifice. The tradition is known in Rabbinic sources (see Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, 135—6), but as far as the Christian church is concerned, derives from the reading evercopiaev of Theodotion's Greek translation (cf. LXX ercei5ev) which, as Sebastian Brock points out to us, is based on a pseudo-etymology of Hebrew wayyisa' in Gen. IV.4. The tradition is known both in Syriac commentators such as Ephrem (Comm. in Gen. III.3, ed. Tonneau, p. 37) as well as in Greek exegetes such as Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyra in Genesim (PG 59, 36). 104 Because of Ishmael's descent from Sarai, the Ishmaelites were usually identified with the Saracens or Arabs. See, for example, Jerome's Chronicle: 'Abraham de ancilla genaret Ismahel, a quo Ismahelitarum genus, qui postea Agareni et ad postremum Saraceni dicti' (Eusebii Pamphili Chronici Canones, ed. I. Fotheringham (London, 1923), p. 24) and Isidore, Etym. IX.ii.16, together with detailed discussion by Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, pp. 68-77. Between the time of Jerome and the 455
Commentary to the texts
late seventh century, however, the Mediterranean world had witnessed the onslaught of the Arabs in Syria, Palestine and North Africa, and it is probable that both Theodore and Hadrian were refugees from this onslaught (see above, pp. 40 and 92): hence the acerbic tone of this comment on the Saracens. The comment must be seen in the context of many similar ones, as people in the West became painfully aware of the Arab expansion; see Rotter, ibid., pp. 235—64. The Canterbury Commentator's remarks (unknown to Rotter) are among the earliest recorded reactions. Another text which circulated widely in the West is the Apocalypse of pseudo-Methodius, composed in Syriac soon after the Arab conquest of Mesopotamia, and subsequently translated into Greek and from Greek into Latin (it is therefore marginally too late to be a source of the Canterbury Commentator): see G J . Reinink, Ismael, der Wildesel in der Wiiste. Zur Typologie der Apokalypse des pseudo-Methodios', BZ 75 (1982), 336-44, esp. 342-3, and Rotter, ibid., pp. 156-7. Note also that Bede, in his commentary In Genesim, castigates the Arab onslaught in Africa: 'Nunc autem in tantum manus eius contra omnes, et manus sunt omnium contra eum, ut Africam totam in longitudine sua ditione premant, sed et Asiae maximam partem, et Europae nonnullam omnibus exosi et contrarii teneant' (CCSL 118A, 201); cf. also his HE V.23, and discussion in Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica, ed. Plummer II, 339. 106 Various patristic authors, basing themselves on the fact that Abraham addresses his guests in the singular — thereby implying that one of them was divine — supposed that it was Christ with two angels who visited Abraham at the Oak of Mamre: thus, for example, Justin Martyr, Dial, cum Try ph., ch. 56 (PG 6, 601) and pseudo-Chrysostom, Sermo contra theatra, ch. 3 (PG 56, 546). The matter is discussed in detail by Procopius, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 364), as well as by Theodoret, Quaest. in Gen. § 69 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 65 = PG 80, 177). In the Latin West, Novatian (De trinitate, ch. 18 = CCSL 4, 45-6) held this view, and Augustine (De ciuitate Dei XVI.29 = CCSL 48, 533-5) expressly rejected it. See L. Thunberg, 'Early Christian Interpretations of the Three Angels in Gen. 18', TU 92 [ = Studia Patristica 7] (1966), 560-70, and K. Hruby, 'Exegese rabbinique et exegese patristique', Revue des sciences religieuses 47 (1973), 341-72, at 359-68, and ODB III, 1664, s.v. 'Philoxenia of Abraham'. 108 The calculations given here are based on a passage in Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus (in the Syriac version; the corresponding Greek 456
Commentary to Pentl passage is not extant): "Three measures of fine flour" [scil. the same lemma - Gen. XVIII.6 - which is being discussed by the Commentator], those which Abraham commanded Sarah to prepare for the angels, from which "three measures" he commanded an ash cake to be made. Every one of these measures held one omer. The omer, however, is one-tenth of the great measure, that is, of the ardeb, which makes 7 1/5 xestai {Epiphanius's Treatise on Weights and Measures: the Syriac Version, ed. Dean, p. 48). Accordingly, the Commentator's calculations are as follows (taking Syriac xestai as equivalent to Roman sextarii, as Epiphanius suggests: ibid., p. 66): 1 measure (saton) 2 measures 3 measures
= = =
7 y sextarii 14-j sextarii 22y sextarii
The Commentator's arithmetic, especially the use of fractions, clearly did not extend to fifths and tenths. Alii dicunt. The source for the opinion that 1 saton = 1 modius is less readily identifiable, but it too is probably Epiphanius, who elsewhere in (the Syriac version of) De mensuris et ponderibus explains concerning the saton: 'Concerning the seah. It is called "seah", being derived from the Hebrew, and it is used as a feminine; but in Greek it is neither feminine nor masculine, that is, neuter, for we say saton and not satos. It is an overfull modius, so that it is a modius and a quarter of a modius by reason of its overfullness' (ed. Dean, p. 41). This might be taken to mean that a saton is in effect a modius\ cf. also Jerome, who in his Comm. in euang. Matt. notes that 1 saton = 1^ modius (CCSL 77, 110); Cf. also Rz (SS V, 141): 'sata nomen mensurae habens modicum et semem', and below, Evil 28. 109 The expression 'fat' wheat, used to refer to the purest sort of wheat, is biblical: cf. 'ex adipe frumenti' (Ps. LXXX.17 and CXLVII.14). In both cases the Vulgate translation is used to render a Greek expression in the LXX (£K axeaxoq juopoo); in Greek, however, the word axeap can mean both 'suet, lard' (as Latin adeps) as well as 'dough made of flour of wheat', whereas Latin adeps is univalent. The use of adipis here may suggest that the Commentator had his eye on the LXX, therefore. 112 Sara is rebuked in Gen. XVIII. 13—16; Abraham's laugh is found at Gen. XVIII. 17. An interpretation similar to that given here is found in Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XVI.26 (CCSL 48, 530-1). 113 That the menarche in girls began at the age of fourteen, which 457
Commentary to the texts
corresponded to the onset of puberty in boys, was a notion commonplace in Greek medicine. Stephen of Alexandria, for example, in his lectures on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, noted specifically that boys normally reach puberty at fourteen, and that the menarche in girls is 'a reaching of puberty': eni xd)v 0r|Xeid)v ecmv f\ TGOV KaTaurjvicGv pfj^iq arcaXXayfj xa>v 7ta9a>v, orcep Kai aoxo fiP&aiceiv screw (Stephanus of Athens, ed. Westerink II, 184). On the Latin meaning of muliebria, cf. Isidore, Etym. XI.i.l40: 'menstrua superuacuus mulierum sanguis . . . Haec et muliebria nuncupantur.' 115 There is a genuine problem with the meaning of oppido in Gen. XIX. 3 (note too that there is nothing whatsoever corresponding to this word in the LXX): is it the archaic Latin adverb oppido ('greatly', Very much'), or is it the dative of oppidum, 'town? The translators of the Douai—Rheims version took it to be the adverb, and translated, 'He pressed them very much.' But Theodore apparently rejected this explanation, and took oppido as the dative of oppidum: hence the gloss, '(he pressed them) to enter the town'. There is nevertheless some confusion in the recording of Theodore's opinion (or in Theodore's own mind), for oppido (adv.) is in no sense a Greek word. A possible explanation is that Theodore took the Latin oppido (adv.) to be a caique on the Greek adverb £|irce5(D<; ('surely'); but this assumption is philologically false. Alternatively, as Carlotta Dionisotti suggests to us, the entry may be a garbled version of a statement by Theodore to the effect that, although there was an adverb {oppido) in the Latin Vulgate, there was no adverb in the Greek LXX. 116 sed recede longe. These words are probably intended as an explanation of the sequel in the Vulgate: 'sed in monte saluum te fac ne et tu simul pereas'. 120 The exact location of Sodom and Gomorrah and the cities of the plain is unknown, though they were evidently in the vicinity of the Dead Sea, perhaps in the plain near its southern end (see fig. 6). The Commentator's observation presupposes the existence of some natural feature in this plain which was used by animals as a salt-lick. Josephus (Antiq. I.xi.4 [203]) remarked that such a statue of salt was still visible in his day. The anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza, writing 560 X 570, referred to a popular fallacy that the salt statue was diminished by animals licking it: 'nam quod fallent homines de uxore Loth eo quod minuatur ab animalibus lingendo, non est uerum, sed stat in ipso statu, in quo fuit' (CSEL 39, 169 = CCSL 458
Commentary to Pentl
175, 162). The Commentator was clearly familiar with some such tradition. 123 Gerar was an ancient city lying southeast of Gaza in the direction of Beer-sheba (see fig. 6); see also Josephus, Antiq. I.xii.l [212] and Eusebius/Jerome, De situ et nominibus locorum Hebrakorum, s.v. (PL 23, 898). 124 The word abimelech means 'father of the king' or 'father-king' (see Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 224); it was a title used for kings of the Philistines. On pharaoh and Augustus as titles, cf. Isidore, Etym. VII.vi.43: 'Pharao nomen non est hominis, sed honoris, sicut et apud nos Augusti appellantur reges'; cf. also Pentl 155 and 206. 126 Adam's gift of prophecy is referred to by the Commentator in Pentl 32. 127 Here as elsewhere in these glosses the Commentator has attempted to explain a difficult passage of scripture by resort to rhetoric. Unfortunately, however, it is not possible to be certain about what rhetorical figure is being invoked, for the name of the figure has been corrupted in transmission (anadiplum: cf. above, Pentl 24). The problem is apparently that of explaining why Abraham should have described his wife Sara as 'his father's daughter' when in fact she was the daughter of her husband's brother ( = Aran: see Gen. IX.29). The answer is simple, in effect: Abraham and Sara had previously agreed (Gen. XII. 13) that he should describe her in public as his sister so that the Egyptians, on seeing her great beauty, would not deprive him of her. But the Commentator chose to regard it as a faqon de parler that the narrator of Genesis has said filia patris met for filia fratris mei. The question is: which rhetorical figure could be concealed by the corrupt anadiplum? Not avadinXcocxq (repetition of a word), not dvaaTpoc|)f| (inversion of two words) and not dv&KA,a<Ti(; (adumbration of something earlier). The only possible figure would seem to be dvxiaxpo(t)f|, which is elsewhere explained by the Commentator as 'saying one thing and thinking another' (Evil 75), in other words, saying 'father' but thinking 'brother'. Thare was Abraham's father, Aran his brother (Gen. XI.27). 129 The equivalence stated here (1,000 argentei = 666-j librae) is evidently based on a valuation of 1 libra = 1 \ argentei, but it is not clear what the source of this valuation is. The statement that 1,000 argentei = 1,000 solidi is more easily paralleled, for elsewhere the Commentator took the argenteus to be equivalent to the solidus: 'argenteus et solidus unum 459
Commentary to the texts
sunt' (Evil 5; cf. also the Recapitulatio de ponderibus: 'solidus et sextula et argenteus et nomisma unius ponderis nomina sunt' (below, p. 564)). However, even this last equivalence is by no means standard, for twice in LdGl (xxxi.28 and xxxiii.30) three argentei are said to be equivalent to one solidus. On the Commentator's interest in weights and measures, see above, pp. 262-3. 131 Cf. Augustine, Enarr. in Psalm. XXX, Serm. ii.12 (CCSL 38, 210): 'faciunt enim hoc nutrices . . . ut aliqua amara ponant in papillis suis, quibus offensi paruuli ab ubere resiliant et ad mensam inhient'. 132 Bersabee is an ancient city (modern Beer-sheba) in the former territory known as Judah, not in Judea (it was in fact in the Roman province of Idumea), some thirty-two miles southwest of the Dead Sea (see fig. 6). 133 The place mentioned in the Bible is the 'Wilderness of Paran' (in deserto Pharan), situated in the Negev in the Sinai peninsula and largely uninhabited. The Commentator is apparently identifying the desert with the nearby city of Pharan (modern Feiran) in the Sinai, some twenty miles from Djebel Mousa, the 'Mount of Moses' (see EEC II, 636 and 782). (Confusingly, there was a monastery of Pharan some six miles northeast of Jerusalem: see Hirschfield, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, pp. 21-3, and above, p. 226, n. 106) 134 This gloss is taken nearly verbatim from Jerome, Quaest. Hebr. in Gen. (shared words are italicized): 'nos igitur, ut breuiores eligamus aetatem, post .XVIII. annos Ismahel supputauimus eiectum esse cum mat re, et non conuenire iam adolescenti matris sedisse ceruicibus . . . Posuit ergo Abraham panes et utrem super umerum Agar: et hoc facto dedit puerum matri,
hoc est in manu eius tradidit, commendauit, et ita emisit e domo (CCSL 72, 25). 135 It is not clear why the Commentator should have identified the site of Abraham's sacrifice as Bethel (Bethel lay to the northwest of the Dead Sea, probably under the modern city of Beitin, some twelve miles north of Jerusalem, according to Eusebius/Jerome, De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum: PL 23, 878, and see fig. 6). The Commentator perhaps remembered that at Gen. XII.8 Abraham had built an altar to God near Bethel, and assumed that the altar on which Isaac was to be sacrificed was identical to that one. The Hebrew text in fact specifies that God instructed Abraham to take Isaac and 'go to the land of Moriah' (thus the translation in the Jerusalem Bible), but this incomprehensible instruction was 460
Commentary to PentI
rendered by the LXX as eiq xf|v yfjv xf|v 6\j/r|Xf|v and as in terram uisionis in the Vulgate. Both of these renderings are non-specific, and both fail to recognize that 'Moriah' was a place-name. It is not known where the 'land of Moriah' was located; but Jewish tradition identified it with the site of the Temple (then Golgotha) in Jerusalem: see Josephus, Antiq. I.xiii.2 [226], with discussion by Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, 253, who notes that the Jewish tradition was adopted by the Christian church. 137 The seven peoples of the Canaanites are: the Canaanites themselves, Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, Jebusites and Girgashites (see Deut. VII. 1 and Josh. III. 10 and XXIV. 11; cf. also the gloss at PentI 445); for discussion see A. Van Selms, 'The Canaanites in the Book of Genesis', OTS 12 (1958), 182-213, as well as A.R. Millard, 'The Canaanites', in Peoples of Old Testament Times, ed. Wiseman, pp. 29—52. 138 On the duplex cauerna ( = inner and outer cave), cf. Procopius of Gaza, who in his Comm. in Gen. gives the identical explanation: TO a7cf|Xaiov TO SITCA-OOV 56O eioiv avTp68ei<;tirccbpeiai.r\ \iev, eKxoq- f| 5e, el'ao) (PG 87, 393). See also Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews V, 256. 139 For the equation 400 argentei = 400 solidi (i.e. that an argenteus is equivalent to a solidus), see above, Comm. to PentI 129- It would seem that the Anglo-Saxons took the argenteus to be equivalent to a cesaring (a silver coin with an image of a king stamped on it: see Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian', p. 61). What is not clear is why a silver siclus or shekel should have been thought equivalent to three solidi or cesaringas. Other sources, such as Eucherius and Isidore, take the siclus to be equivalent to an ounce (e.g. Etym. XVI.xxv.18: 'sicel, qui Latino sermone siclus corrupte appellatur, Hebraeum nomen est, habens apud eos unciae pondus'; cf. LdGl xxxiii.7 and Rz (SS V, 142): 'siclus .x. denarii'). From the Recapitulatio de ponderibus (below, p. 564) it is clear that 1 stater = 3 solidi; has the Commentator equated the Hebrew siclus with the Greek stater? The matter is not clear, and the text is possibly corrupt. 140 On the testing of coins, cf. Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen:. 8oKi|iOi) £n7copoi<;, dx; av ei'rcoi, xiq ^oyoaTaTciK;. 6 ou5' av enrcopoi &rce5oKi|naaav (PG 87, 393). 141 Mambre: cf. Gen. XXIII. 19 ('Mambre, this is Hebron in the land of Canaan'). In fact Hebron is about two miles south of Mamre (cf. also PentI 93 and fig. 6); but Hebron was often called Mamre, probably from Abraham's friend Mamre the Amorite (Gen. XXXV.27). It is a narrow valley in the Judean desert surrounded by rocky hills; hence the Commen461
Commentary to the texts
tator's description, which may possibly betray personal knowledge of the topography. 142 Note the solecism maiorem (for maius) iuramentum, perhaps another example of the Commentator's imperfect command of Latin (see above, p. 272). 143 The equivalence of 2 metretae = 22 sextarii is given also at Evil 124 (see below, p. 531), but the source for this equivalence is not clear: most sources (such as Eucherius and Isidore) take one metreta as equivalent to 100 sextarii. Nor is it clear why the Commentator should be attempting to explain the metreta, a liquid measure of volume, in terms of weight (syclos, solidos, cesaringas).
*
145 Cf. Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen., who similarly explains that the biblical word meditate (&5oA,eaxfjvai) means in fact 'to enjoy' (Tcai^cti), according to the opinion of a certain (unidentified) Hebrew scholar: 6 5e feppaioq "TO d5oA,eaxfjvai" TtaT^ai <()r|ai (PG 87, 401). On the identity of the Hebrew scholar in question, see R. Devreesse in Diet. Bibl., Supp. I, 1106. 147 On Cet(h)ura, see the comments of Jerome, Quaest. Hebr. in Gen.: 'Cetura hebraeo sermone copulata interpretatur aut uincta. Quam ob causam suspicantur Hebraei mutato nomine eandem esse Agar, quae Saraa mortua de concubina transierit in uxorem . . . Nos quod incertum est relinquentes' (CCSL 72, 30). For an example of those who take Cetura to be identical with Agar, see pseudo-Jerome, Quaest. hebr. in lib. I Paralipomenon: 'Cethura ipsa est Agar' (PL 23, 1367). 149 Shur is properly the desert or wilderness of that name (now El-Djifar) to the east of Egypt, but to the west of the Wadi El-Arish (see below, p. 495) traversed by the Israelites after crossing the Red Sea (Ex. XV.22; see E.H. Palmer, The Desert of the Exodus, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1871) II, 505-30). Shur is not, that is to say, a city, nor is it in Egypt, although the various biblical passages referring to Shur (Gen. XVI.7, XX.l, XXV.18, etc.) might mistakenly be understood as referring to a city. The Commentator apparently had no personal knowledge of the topography of this region, therefore (cf. above, comm. to PentI 141). 151 There is an interesting confusion underlying this gloss. The Vulgate here reads 'da mihi de coctione hac rufa' (literally, 'give me some of that red cooking', or, as the Douai-Rheims translators have it, 'Give me of this red pottage'). The problem is the word rufa, from the adj. rufus, -a, -urn, 'red', 'reddish', for it is not immediately clear why the pottage should 462
Commentary to Pentl
be red. However, there is no doubt about the text at this point, for the LXX here reads yeoaov \ie and TOU evj/euaxog TOO 7U)ppo() xooxou (literally, 'give me some of that red mash', where nvppoq unquestionably means 'red'). The Commentator — who at this point was apparently not consulting the LXX alongside the Vulgate (see above, pp. 197—9) — must have thought that the Latin form rufa was a Greek word. Now the word poc()8co means 'to sup', 'to gulp down'; the corresponding noun p6<|)r}ua means 'that which is supped', and in patristic Greek comes to mean 'a sip' (of wine, for example, during communion: see, for example, PG 63, 920). We must further suppose that by the seventh century the word poc()f| was an alternative form of po<()r|ua, and likewise meant 'a sip' (in fact this form is attested in the sixth-century hagiographer Cyril of Scythopolis: TU 49.2, 215). Our Greek-centred Commentator, therefore, being puzzled by the conception of 'red' pottage, explained rufa — quite wrongly — as a transliteration of Greek po<j)f|, and hence glossed it as sorbitiuncula, 'a sip'. 152 The Latin word caeremonia means 'religious rites or observances' (hence ModE 'ceremonies'), but is not in any sense synonymous with praecepta. The Commentator possibly had his eye on the LXX reading 5iKai(buxxxa (which is rendered caeremonia in the Vulgate), for the Greek term does mean 'ordinances' or 'decrees' ( = praecepta). 153 Cf. Gen. XX.9. 155 Cf. Pentl 124 and 206. 156 The medical source of this information is unknown. According to Hippocrates, the flesh of goats is indigestible and flatulent (De regimine, App. 18), and is apt to disorder the bowels {De morbo sacro, ch. 2); for Galen, melancholic blood is produced by goat meat (De locis affectis III. 9, ed. Kuhn VIII, 183), and the meat of goats is said to be good for cooking but bad for producing sauce (De alimentorum facultatibus III.2, ed. Kuhn VI, 663). It would seem that the Commentator conflated the proverbial lasciviousness of goats with medical opinion on the effects of eating goat meat. On the proverbial lasciviousness of goats, see Isidore, Etym. XII.i.14: 'hircus lasciuum animal et petulcum et feruens semper ad coitum'. 160 Here again the Commentator's unsure grasp of Latin philology is evident, for orbo ('to deprive') has nothing to do with orbis ('orb', hence 'eye'). Cf., however, Isidore, Etym. X.200: 'Orbus, quod liberos non habet; quasi oculis amissis', Festus, De uerborum significatu § 183 [200], ed. 463
Commentary to the texts
W.M. Lindsay (Leipzig, 1913), p. 195: 'orba est, quae patrem aut filios quasi lumen amisit', and Rz (SS V, 143): 'orbabor. sine filiis'. 171 Male Israelite slaves were set free after six years of service (Ex. XXI.2-6) and a similar condition pertained to female slaves as well (Deut. XV. 12-17). 172 The Vulgate text here is explaining the condition or contract according to which Laban was to give his youngest daughter Rachel in marriage to Jacob, namely that Jacob should render Laban seven years' service; and Jacob 'agreed to this condition' (adquieuit placito). In other words, placitum is used here in a legal sense; cf. Justinian's Digest II.xiv.1.2 (citing Ulpian): 'est pactio duorum pluriumue in idem placitum et consensus', and Vocabularium lurisprudentiae Romanae, ed. Gradenwitz et al. IV, 820. (The Douai-Rheims translators badly misunderstood the sense of the passage in rendering adquieuit placito as 'he yielded to his pleasure'.) The Commentator may be assumed to have understood it better, but the transmitted text here (dicitur cantico) is evidently corrupt. We conjecture that cantico is a corruption of cautio, a legal term meaning a (usually written) undertaking, pledge or guarantee (cf. Vocabularium lurisprudentiae Romanae, ed. Gradenwitz et al. I, 699-704, and TLL III, 712-15), so that the Commentator was explaining Jacob's assent to Laban's placitum in terms of his 'undertaking' or cautio. 173 A full description of the mandrake's apple-shaped fruit, and of its soporific effects used for medicinal purposes, is given by Pliny, HN XXV.147-50; cf. also Isidore, Etym. XVII.ix.30 and Gn-Ex-Evla 13, together with discussion by Zohary, Plants of the Bible, pp. 188-9 (with illustration). 174 The Commentator is pointing out that dos is used here by Lia in a non-legal sense, and means not 'dowry' ( = dos profecticia), but simply 'God's favour'. Note that dotis is here mistakenly given as the nominative, perhaps another indication of the Commentator's weak command of Latin. 180 There is confusion here. The reading esto (impv. sg. of sum) is attested in most Vulgate manuscripts, and this reading is correctly rendered by the Douai—Rheims translators. However, the fact that a small number of manuscripts has the reading et situ (CLA) gives rise to the possibility that the Commentator's biblical text read estu (a corruption of et situ), which was then mistakenly interpreted as abl. of aestus, 'heat', and glossed accordingly as calide. Alternatively, esto may be a simple corruption of the word (a)estu in Gen. XXXI.40 ('die noctuque aestu urebar'), 464
Commentary to Pentl
but in this case the sequence of glosses is out of order. Also possible (though remotely so) is that calide is a spelling for callide, and is a comment on Laban's deceit in breaking his covenant with Jacob (Gen. XXXI. 44-55). 184 This explanation is obscure, because it is not clear who are the authorities who are being quoted. The transmitted text is very probably corrupt, for it is not clear why neruum should be taken as fern. (. .. ipsam quae). It is possible that the word uenam has fallen out of the text, and that the Commentator was referring to the principal vein which descends from the head (see Galen, De usu partium corporis humani VI. 17-18, ed. Kiihn III, 497-501). See also Gn-Ex-Evla 14. 185 The definition of stuprum given here is a legal one; see Justinian's Digest XXVII.vii.8 (quoting the jurist Papinius): 'sed proprie adulterium in nupta committitur . . . stuprum uero in uirginem uiduamue committitur', and Vocabularium lurisprudentiae Romanae, ed. Gradenwitz et al. V, 698-9. Cf. also Rz (SS V, 144): 'stupri. corruptele .i. uirginitads', and the less specific definition of stuprum given by Isidore, Etym. V.xxvi.l4. 187 Cf. Jerome, Quaest. Hebr. in Gen.: 'hunc quidam suspicantur esse lob' (CCSL 72, 45). 188 per silemsis (correctly silemsin). For another example of avXkr]\\nq, see above, comm. to Pentl 61. As in the previous example, the use of the term here is not entirely appropriate. Apparently cn3M,r|\|A(; was understood more loosely by the Commentator than by Byzantine rhetoricians. In this case the Commentator's understanding approximates to that of Isidore, Etym. I.xxxvi.6: 'nam ubi et pro multis unus et pro uno multi ponuntur, syllempsis est'. 191 Anyone who, like Theodore, had lived in Constantinople, would have been forcibly reminded of the massive cisterns which supplied that city with water. Some cisterns built by Justinian survive to the present day (such as the impressive Yerebatan Sarayi): see Mango, Byzantine Architecture, pp. 68-71, and ODB I, 518-19. 192 The medical uses of 'balm' (LXX pr|xivT| or 'resin') are set out in detail by Dioscorides, who points to its use as an emetic for treating coughs and consumption; see De materia medica 1.71: eaxi 5e Tc&aa pr|xivr| 6ep|iavTiKf|, nataxKTiKfi, 5iaXoxiKf|, dvaica0apTiKf|, pr|£iv dpno^ooaa Kai (|>0icreaiv ev £KA,£IKXOI<; Ka0' eauxf|v f\ uexd ue>,ixo<;, &vaica0aipoi)aa Kai xd £K 06paKo<;, etc. (ed. Wellmann I, 68). 193 The medical uses of 'myrrh' (LXX axaicxf|) are set out in detail by 465
Commentary to the texts Dioscorides, De materia medica 1.60: axaKifj 5e KaXeixai xfjc; G\x()pvi\q TO Xmapov, KeKonixevriq ^s0' ()5axo<; oAiyoi) &7i;ox£6A,in|i£vr|<; xe 5i opydvou, etc. (ed. Wellmann I, 55). On the Late Latin use of the passive form (manatur) as equivalent to the active (manat), see discussion by Lofstedt, Philologischer Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae, pp. 214—16. 194 The text of this gloss is corrupt to some extent at least, and the equivalences which it proposes are problematical. They are as follows: 1 argenteus 1 cerete 1 silicus
= = =
18 ceratia 4 silicus 4 grana ordei
=
18 pendingas
In the first place, it is apparent that silicus is a corruption of siliqua, for in LdGl it is stated that 'siliqua una .iiii. grana ordei pensat' (xxxiii.25; the same value is given in the Recapitulatio deponderibus (below, p. 564), where it is said that a solidus contains 24 siliquae and 96 grana ordei, whence it follows that 1 siliqua = 4 grana ordei). Here the problems begin, however, for it is not easy to parallel the equation 1 carat = 4 siliquae\ elsewhere a carat is usually taken as equivalent in weight to a siliqua (and cf. LdGl xxxi.17: 'cercetea .iiii. grana ordei'). Some sense can be made of the Commentator's equation by assuming corruption and taking one carat as equivalent to one siliqua, hence making 1 argenteus = 1 carat = 1 siliqua = 4 grana ordei; this would have the effect of making 1 argenteus equivalent to 96 grana ordei, which is the equivalence given in the Recapitulatio de ponderibus (see below, p. 564). Furthermore, if 18 carats = IS pendingas, and if (on the emended equation) 1 carat = 1 siliqua, then 1 pending will be equivalent to 1 siliqua, and indeed this equivalence is found in LdGl: 'siliquas argeos idest pendicum' (xxxi.23; this entry is not free from corruption, however). But this solution still does not square with the scale of values given in the Recapitulatio, where a pending is the equivalent of an argenteus. Possibly, then, the present passage is beyond emendation. 195 These various peoples are mentioned at various points in the Bible: Madianitae (Gen. XXXVII.28 and 36, Num. X.29, XXV. 15 and 17, etc.); Ismahelitae (Gen. XXXVII.25, 27 and 28; Judg. VIII.24, etc.); Agarreni (Ps. LXXXII.7). The Madianei are probably Medes, who were thought to take their origin from Madai (Gen. X.2); the form Madianei is not attested elsewhere and may be a corruption of Madiani (see Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, pp. 95—6). On the names of the Arabs in general, see Rotter, ibid., pp. 82—106, and P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagarism: the 466
Commentary to Pentl
Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge, 1977), esp. pp. 7-9. They are 'inappropriately' (abusiue) called 'Saracem as if they derived from Sara, whereas they should correctly be called 'Agareni', as deriving from Agar. 199 Cf. Rz [MSS AFRKSS V, 145): 'Teristrum ligatura capitis uel sindones siue ornamenta arabiae prouinciae mulierum.' 204 The word o5poq in Greek means 'wind'. The point of the note is presumably to reconcile LXX &ven6<|)0opo<; with Vulgate uredine; the reconciliation is effected by the suggestion that Latin uro ('to burn') and its corresponding noun uredo ('parching') derives from Greek o$po<;, because a wind 'parches everything it touches'. 205 Given the reading secundo, one would indeed wonder who was the 'first' praeco. The Commentator resolves the difficulty by explaining that praeco is derived etymologically (romprae-, '(to go) before'. 206 The word Romani here presumably refers to Byzantine Greeks of the eastern Roman empire, the Latin equivalent of ePco|iaioi. On the institution of eunuchs in Byzantine administration, see R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions
byzantines,
2 vols. (Amsterdam 1967) I,
165-97, and ODB II, 746-7. The statement that the Persians kept eunuchs who had been castrated may be an observation based on Theodore's personal experience: see above, p. 8. 207 On storax (axopa^), see Pliny, HN XII. 125 and XXIV.24 and Isidore, Etym. XVII.viii.5, together with discussion by Zohary, Plants of the Bible, p. 118 (with illustration). There is also extensive treatment in Dioscorides, De materia medica 1.66 (ed. Wellmann I, 59—60), who also mentions the gum and its medicinal uses. 209 Cf. Rz (SS V, 146): 'Augoriari. sortiri'. 212 The word anaphora, referring evidently to a rhetorical figure, is corrupt, for &va<|)opd refers to the repetition of the same word at the beginning of different clauses (see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, p. 303). Possibly the Commentator is referring to uexa<|)opd, usually explained simply as translatio or 'transference' {ibid., pp. 266-8; cf. LdGl xxviii.76: 'metafora. idest translatio', and fuller discussion in Quintilian, Inst. orat. VIII.vi.6); in other words, that Jacob 'transferred' to himself the deed accomplished by his sons Simeon and Levi. But this solution is not entirely satisfactory. 216 On the form of the cradle, cf. Josephus, Antiq. II.ix.4 [220]. Note that the grammar of this gloss is unusually confused, to a point where it defies emendation: for textum we should expect textae\ the form papirio 467
Commentary to the texts
refers to the place where papyrus grows rather than to the plant itself (the Commentator possibly had his eye on Ex. II.5), and should be altered to papyro; for scirpio (a solecism) we should expect the nominative scirpus or de scirpo (abl.); it is not clear what is the intended antecedent of quae (both iuncus and scirpus are masc); and for harundo we should expect harundine. Cf. Rz [MSS. AFR}(SS V, 147): Tiscellam scirpeam .i. iuncinam contextam in modum nauis.' On the sort of papyrus in question, see Zohary, Plants of the Bible, p. 137, N. Lewis, Papyrus in Classical Antiquity (Oxford, 1974), pp. 3-11, and ODE III, 1581-2. 219 The Commentator may have learned the identity of Jethro and Raguel from a patristic source; cf. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Ex. 1.8: ^ayoofiX TOV eaoTCov [scil. the seven daughters} 7iax6pa, r||a.i 5f| TOV 'Io06p (PG 69, 408; cf. ibid. 409: (bv6|4,aaev 'IoGop, evca \izxa TOOTO ePayouf|A,Kai 9Io06p n£vrcepiTTOTriqx\xo\ rceprrcoq ep|xr|ve6eTai . . . Tayoi)f|^ 5e Tcoifiaaia 0eoC). However, the Commentator might, like them, have deduced the identity by comparing Ex. 11.21 (where Raguel is said to be the father of Zipporah) with Ex. III. 1, where Jethro is named as the father-in-law of Moses. 220 The interpretation of the burning bush as the Virgin Mary is a commonplace of Greek patristic exegesis: see Gregory of Nyssa, De uita Moysis (PG 44, 332): 5i9 oi5 5i5aaKO|i80a Kai TO Korea TT|V IlapOevov |ii)aTf|piov, d(()' i\q TO xfjq 0eoTr|TO(; cj>c5q e7iiAd|ii|/av TOO dv0pGmivco picp 5id y8vvf|CTSco<;, d5idc|)9opov ec^u^a^e TT|V e^dvj/aaav 0d|K)v, TOO pXacrcoC Tfjq TiapGeviaq (af| |i8Tauapav08VTO<; T© TOK©; Proclus of Constantinople, Horn. .1 de laudibus S. Mariae [CPG III, no. 5800}, ch. 1 (PG 65, 681); Hesychius of Jerusalem, Horn. ./'. de S. Maria deipara {CPG III, no. 6569} (PG 93, 1461) and Maximus the Confessor, Ambigua: 8K Tfjq pdTOi) xfjc; dyiac, IlapGevoi) §T\\k\ (PG 91, 1148); cf. also pseudo-Melito, Clauis scripturae VII.47: 'Rubus, ut quidam opinantur, sanctae Mariae Virginis praefiguratio: eo quod quasi de humani corporis rubo Saluatorem tanquam rosam emiserit, aut quod uim diuini fulgoris sine sui adustione protulerit' (ed. Pitra, Analecta Sacra, p. 45). 223 Gregory of Nyssa, De uita Moysis (PG 44, 336) explains that the change of the rod into a serpent represents the incarnation of the Word; closer still, however, is the explanation by Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Ex. II: pdpSoq 5f| o5v 6 Yioq. dM,' ecoq uev T|V &q ev %8ipi TOO IlaTpdc, Kai ev TOig Tfjq 08OTT|TO(; i)\|/d)|xaaiv (PG 69, 469). Cf. also pseudo-Melito, 468
Commentary to PentI Clauis scripturae VII.48: 'uirga, diuinae potestatis insignia' (ed. Pitra, Analecta Sacra, p. 46). 224 Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Ex. II (PG 69, 472) explains that just as Christ assumed our flesh, so the rod became the serpent, which is tantamount to saying that the snake here is equivalent to ourflesh(corpus): |iovovoi)%i Kai eiq 6<|)iv curedv iiexaaKeudaai <|)auev, 5id TOI uovov xf|v npoq f\[iaq 6|iOi6xr|Ta Kai TO £V la© yeveaGai airman. 7tovr|pd<; \iev 6 avQpayjioq, ei npoq f||i8p6xr|Ta TOO ©eoo aoyKpivorco. ueTaPe|3r|Ke TOIVOV eiq 6(()iv f\ 226 Nouissima mea: Num. XXIII. 10. The quotation is from the prophecies of Balaam and refers to the future of the just; in other words, the Commentator is saying that, as the serpent represents our flesh, so its tail represents our resurrection through Christ. 227 Gregory of Nyssa, De uita Moysis, gives an explanation of Moses putting his hand into his tunic, etc., which is similar to the Commentator's (PG 44, 336); however, the closest parallel once again is that of Cyril of Alexandria in his Glaph. in Ex., who associates Moses's action with the incarnation inasmuch as scripture customarily associates the Son with the hand: 6p<x TOIVOV TT|V Mcoaeax; x 8 ^P a KporcTO|ievr|v ev TCO KOAJCCO aoTOi), efra npoq TO 8^(0 (|>epo|i8vr|v, Kai 6pco(i8VT|v ev Xenpa- Kai 7idA,iv eia<|)epon8vr|v ev T© KOXKG) aoToC, Kai 7rapaxpf]|^a TOC naftovq dTiri^ay^evriv. ^vvooCvTeq 8e TO |ii)aTf|piov Kai TOV xf[q £vav0pamf|aea><; TpoTiov . . . TOIOCTO TI yeyovdg 8i>pf|ao|i8v. fjv [lev yap ncoq 6 Yioq ev T© KOAJCCO TOO 0eoo Kai Tlaxpoq (PG 69, 473). 228 The phrase quia tollit peccata mundi is from John 1.29 and refers to Christ. The parallel between God withdrawing the leprosy and Christ is drawn by Gregory of Nyssa in his De uita Moysis: tnei 5e Tdc; r\nextpaq daGeveiac, ^K\id^aq, nahxv £7tavf|yaye TT|V ^V fmiv yevo^8vr|v x£^Pa> Ka ^ Ka0' fmdq xpcaaGeiaav tni TOV i'5iov KOXKOV (KoXnoq 5e xr\q be^iaq 6 naTf|p) (PG 44, 336). Gregory's words are slightly different from the Commentator's, but the similarity is enough to suggest that the Commentator was familiar with the line of interpretation advanced by Gregory. 229 The discussion in Exodus seems to imply that the land of Midian, with which Moses had clear connections (Ex. II. 11—15), was located on the east of the Red Sea, probably not far from Mt Sinai (see Diet. Bibl. IV, 532, as well as Josephus, Antiq. Il.xi.l {257] and Eusebius/Jerome, De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum (PL 24, 590; 25, 233)). Modern
469
Commentary to the texts
scholars are unanimous in locating it to the east of the Gulf of Aqaba. The Commentator seems to imply that Midian was located in the Sinai peninsula, not to the east of the Gulf of Aqaba. For Madianitae (Midianites) as a name for Arabs, see comm. to PentI 195 and 450. 230 On God hardening the heart of the Pharaoh, see Origen, Eclogae in Exodum (PG 12, 281-4), Gregory of Nyssa, De uita Moysis (PG 44, 348), and the lengthy discussion in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Ex. § 12 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 105-10 = PG 80, 233-42). 234 This explanation is puzzling: perhaps the Commentator was simply attempting to eliminate the possibility that non would be construed as part of the divine name Adonai (*Adonainon). 235 This is either an attempt to explain a normal Latin word (ergastulum) in terms of Greek etymology, or else a gloss has been misplaced. The word 8pYo8ubKTT|<; ('taskmaster') occurs in the LXX at Ex. III.7. Note also that exactor does not mean 'one man in charge often others'; the Commentator is possibly thinking of some Greek word such as 5eK<xpxr|<; (the equivalent of Latin decurio); and cf. LdGl xxv.9: 'decurio. princeps super .x. homines'. 236 The point of this comment is that the name Jochabed contains as its first element the abbreviated and inexpressible name of Yahweh, or Yd (see Thiel, Grundlagen^ p. 332), and that this name was traditionally referred to as the tetragrammaton. On the name itself, see G.R. Driver, 'The Original Form of the Name "Yahweh": Evidence and Conclusions', Zeitschrift fur alttestamentliche Wissenschaft n.s. 5 (1928), 7-25; B.D. Erdmans, 'The Name Jahu', OTS 5 (1948), 1-29; E.C.B. MacLaurin, 'YHWH. The Origin of the Tetragrammaton', Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962), 439-63; and F.M. Cross, 'Yahweh and the God of the Patriarchs', Harvard Theological Review 55 (1962), 225-59. Various patristic authors refer to the tetragrammaton, among them Jerome, Ep. xxv.3 (CSEL 54, 219); Epiphanius, Panarion XL.5 (GCS 31, 86 = PG 4 1 , 685); and Isidore, Etym. VII.i. 16. The Commentator may have been familiar with any of these sources; but it is noteworthy that only one source mentions that it was the Samaritans who used this name of God, namely Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Ex. § 15: "ey© ei^ii 6 &v" xouxo 5e reap' eEPpaioi<; d<|)paaTOV 6vo|id^6xai- drceipr|xai yap aoxoiq xoOxo 5id xfjq ytabxxriq rcpoepeiv. ypdc|>exai 8e 5id xcov xeaadpoov axoixeicov 5id Kai xexpdypawiov auxo Aiyooai . . . KaXoCcri 5e atixd Sajiapeixai |xev 'IaPe (ed. Fernandez 470
Commentary to PentI
Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 112 = PG 80, 244). The tetragrammaton was certainly important to the Samaritans, to judge by its use in their literature: see J. MacDonald, 'The Tetragrammaton in Samaritan Liturgical Compositions', Glasgow University Oriental Society Transactions 17 (1957—8), 37—47, and J.E.H. Thomson, The Samaritans: their Testimony to the Religion of Israel (Edinburgh and London, 1919), pp. 175—81. The Commentator may have been familiar with this Samaritan tradition or (perhaps more likely) knew the passage of Theodoret in question. 237 The marriage of Aminadab's daughter (Elizabeth) to Aaron is the earliest instance of alliance between the royal line of Judah and the priestly line of Aaron. On the sovereignty of the tribe of Judah, see Gen. XLIX.8—10; on the sacerdotal privilege of the tribe of Levi, see Num. III.3, X.8, XVI.37-9, etc., as well as Josephus, Antiq. V.xi.5 [361-2] and VIII.i.3 [11-12]. 240 On the medical uses of ash, note Dioscorides, De materia medica V.I 17 (ed. Wellmann III, 86-7: xepa K>,T]|iaxivr| 86vanw e^ei KauaXIKT|V) and Galen, De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus
IV. 19 (ed. Kuhn XI, 686); see also ibid. VIII. 19 (ed. Kiihn XII, 138-40) on the use of ash as a desiccant. Medical use of ash is alluded to by George of Pisidia, Hexaemeron, line 1542 (PG 92, 1552: icai xe<|)pa Kai %ovq 246 The words of Isa. LIII.8 ('generationem eius quis enarrabit') were normally taken by patristic exegetes to refer to Christ: see, for example, Jerome, Comm. in Isa., who links the passage with Christ and the paschal Lamb (CCSL 73A, 592—3). The Commentator is evidently linking the injunction of Ex. XII.46 with Christ. 248 The Latin of this comment is corrupt and its sense has been badly garbled. The 'first month' of the Hebrews' year was called Abib, which means a 'fresh ear' of barley (see Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, pp. 34—5); the name was later changed to Nisan. This (lunar) month would fall in March or April of the western, Julian calendar. As Josephus explains {Antiq. III.x.5 [248]), on the fourteenth day of the month of Nisan fell the feast of the Passover or pascha (Hebrew pesach), one of the three great feasts of the Jewish calendar (see Diet. Bibl. II (1899), 2217-19 (s.v. 'Fetes juives') and IV (1908), 2094-106 (s.v. 'Paque')). The following day, the fifteenth, was the Feast of Unleavened Bread or Azymes, which lasted for a week. According to Josephus once again (Antiq. III.x.5 [250]), on the following day, the sixteenth of Nisan, the people offered as 471
Commentary to the texts
sacrifice to God the first fruits of the barley which they had reaped the previous evening, but had not touched until that point. Josephus goes on to explain that, following this sacrifice, began the 'Week of Weeks' or seven weeks, which ended on the fiftieth day or Pentecost (counting from Nisan 15): Antiq. III.x.6 {252]. The Commentator, who appears to have followed Josephus at this point, either misunderstood him or was himself misunderstood, for it is not true (as the transmitted text seems to say) that Nisan or the 'month of new corn' lasted from the Passover until Pentecost, which inevitably fell in the 'third month*. Perhaps the Commentator confused the 'month of new corn' with the Week of Weeks; the same confusion occurs in PentI 274 and 329. 249 There is considerable doubt about the route taken by the Israelites, because so few places mentioned in Exodus (including even Mt Sinai) can be confidently identified. An itinerary is given by Josephus, Antiq. II.xv.l [315], who notes that they made for Letopolis (ten miles north of Old Cairo) and arrived on the third day at Beelsephon (?Baal-Zephon) beside the 'Red Sea' (this itinerary implies that the 'crossing' was made over Lake Menzaleh, at the far north end of what is now the Suez Canal, not over what we now refer to as the Red Sea). The Commentator has none of Josephus's detail, but describes the same general direction of the exodus. 250 For patristic commentators the pillar of fire was a symbol of the Holy Spirit, as notably in Gregory of Nyssa, De uita Moysis (PG 44, 361), or of the divine Logos, as in Maximus the Confessor, Quaestiones et dubia, § 26: xi crrmaivei 6 axCA.oq xfjq ve<|)eA,r|<; 65r|y<»v xf|v fjn&pav Kai 6 xoO nvpoq (jxoxi^cov xf|v vuKxa; Ais dji^oxEpcov 6 xou GeoC A,6yo<; xai (CCSG 10, 22). See J. Danielou, RAC VII (1969), 786-90, s.v. 'Feuersaule', who notes that only one commentator identifies the pillar with Christ, namely Origen, Comm. in loh. XXXII. 1 (PG 14, 739); cf. Horn, in Ex. v.2 (PG 12, 327). 251 On the interpretation of the pillar of cloud as symbolizing Christ, cf. the passage of Maximus the Confessor quoted in the previous note, in which both the pillar of fire and cloud are said to signify the Logos of God (which is in effect Christ, though Maximus's statement is not as specific as the Commentator's). J. Danielou (RAC VII (1969), 790) draws attention to a prayer from the early African liturgy which associates Christ with the pillar of cloud in the desert: 'in hac carnali uita . . . Christus . . . mortali carne uelatus tamquam nubis columna in eremo apparuit' (ed. P. Verbraken, 'Une "Laus cerei" africaine', RB 70 (I960), 301-12, at 304). 472
Commentary to Pentl
Verbraken points out that this benediction occurs uniquely among a collection of Augustine's sermons preserved in manuscripts from the region of Naples; he concludes that 'cette collection semble bien avoir ete etablie en Afrique et elle aura ete apportee dans la region de Naples par les clercs fuyant la persecution vandale' (p. 302). The parallel may be significant in view of Hadrian's abbacy at the monastery of Nisida in the Bay of Naples (see above, pp. 120-3). 252 The rhetorical device of 7tp6A,r|\|/i<; or anticipatio is discussed by Martin, Antike Rhetorik, p. 277; a definition which closely resembles the Commentator's usage is given by Prosper of Aquitaine, Expositio psalmorum (on Ps. CIV.23): 'potest per anticipationem id est prolepsim sic dictum accipi, ut, quod futurum erat, quasi factum dictum sit' (PL 51, 299). 254 It is clear that Miriam was older than Moses or Aaron since she watched Moses's cradle in Ex. II.4 and was placed before Aaron in Num. XII. 1. 257 profuturo sacerdotio: cf. Ex. XIX.22-4 and XXIX.9. 258 The Commentator explains that the conversation between God and Moses took place through a very fine crack in the sapphire top of the mountain (cf. Pentl 283). The Israelites then made a facsimile of the rock which they took with them as a souvenir. That a church was built on the place of the conversation is reported by the late fourth-century pilgrim Egeria: 'in eo ergo loco est nunc ecclesia non grandis, quoniam et ipse locus, id est summitas montis, non satis grandis est . . . ipse mons sanctus Syna totus petrinus sit' (CSEL 39, 39-40 = CCSL 175, 40). Bibebant... petra: I Cor. X.4. 259 The Commentator here gives an etymological explanation of the (originally Greek) word holocaustum as deriving from okoq ('whole', 'entire') and Kavcrtoq ('burnt'); cf. Eucherius, Instructiones: 'holocaustum totum combustum, hoc ideo, quia integra hostia igni tradita consumebatur' (CSEL 31, 160), as well as Isidore, Etym. VI.xix.35: 'Holocaustum illud est, ubi totum igne consumitur quod offertur . . . bXov enim graece totum dicitur, KaOaic; incensio.' 260 Josephus, Antiq. III.ix.1 [224—57], gives a lengthy explanation of sacrifices. He distinguishes two different kinds: (1) the holocaust, when the whole of the sacrificial victim is burnt (cf. ibid., 225), and (2) the thank-offering, which is performed with the intention of providing a feast for those who have offered it (f\ 5e %apiaxf|pi6<; xe £axi Kai icax' eucoxiav 5pdxai xcov xeGuKoxcov). Josephus further explains that during the thank473
Commentary to the texts
offering the priests stain the altar with the beast's blood and then take their part, which consists of the breast and right leg: 06aavxe<; 5e xauxa c|)oiviaaoi)ai |*ev ai'|iaxi xov Pcofiov . . . TO 5e axfjGoq Kai xr|v Kvfmt|v xf|v 5e£idv xoiq iepeuai napaaxovzeq (ibid., 228-9). The Commentator is clearly referring here to the thank-offering, and may well have been drawing directly on Josephus. Note that PentI 259—60 (commenting on Ex. XL.27) are out of sequence here. 264 The tariffs and valuations of persons are set out in Lev. XXVII. 1—8, where we are told that a woman aged between 20 and 60 is to be valued at 30 shekels, but that a girl aged between 5 and 20 is valued at 10 shekels. The Commentator was apparently taking 10 shekels as equivalent to 12 solidi. Elsewhere, however, one shekel or siclus is taken by the Commentator to be equivalent to 3 solidi (see PentI 139 and accompanying commentary), and it is possible that .xii. here is a corruption for .xxx. The value of the shekel was clearly a problem for patristic commentators; cf. the discussion of this passage in Leviticus by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 38 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 188 = PG 80, 349). What is not clear is the identity of the Graeci who specified the price in question. 272 The reason for the doubling of the collection in the sixth year is explained by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 35: £7tr|YYei^axo yap ev x
Commentary to Pentl
the firmament - from which the sun and stars were fashioned - was made of a substance more solid than rock and more beautiful than crystal; cf. Exod. XXIV. 10 and Gn-Ex-Evla 2. 285 The forty days are explained at Ex. XXIV. 18. 286 This comment is problematical; cf. above, comm. to Pentl 39. Is porrus here Latin, meaning 'leek', or a transliteration of Greek nvppoc,, 'red? Is frassineus a corrupt spelling of fraxineus ('ashen')? Or of prasinus ('leek-green'), or even of *prassineus (also meaning 'leek-green')? And would 'the ashen/leek-green colour of a leek' be an appropriate description of hyacinthus', which is properly blue or purple? 288 This comment too is problematical. Coccum (Greek KOKKO<;) is properly the scale-insect which lives on the oak and produces scarlet dye; like Pliny before him (HN IX.141 and XVI.32), the Commentator took coccum to be the seed (hence 'fruit') of the tree; cf. however LdGl xxii.18 ('coccus, uuyrmbaso'), where the coccum is rightly understood as the insect. In Latin coccum came by extension to mean scarlet fabric; this coccum was first bleached ( = the first dyeing), then dyed another colour ( = the second dyeing, hence bis tinctus). But what of cordfisis? The fabric is first bleached so that it is as white (album) as cordfisis. Perhaps cordfisis is a corrupt transcription of a Greek word, perhaps Kapc|)65T|(;, an adjective meaning '(full) of uncleansed wool' (cf. CGL III.558, 559 and 609), though ideally what is needed here is a noun, not an adjective. 289 This too is problematical, for byssus (Greek Puaaoq) is not a marine plant, but rather flax, and hence the linen made from flax (cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xvii.4: 'byssum genus est quoddam lini nimium candidi et mollissimi'). Did the Commentator suppose that Puaaoq was etymologically related to Puaaoq (a variant form of PoGog), 'depth of the sea'? Or was he thinking of the Mediterranean type of bivalve mollusc found near Ponza (Pliny, HN XXXII. 154: see fig. 5) which was fished for its 'byssus', that is, linen-like threads, which in turn were woven into cloth of a deep gold colour (see M.L. Cameron, 'Aldhelm as Naturalist: a Re-examination of some of his Enigmata, Peritia 4 (1985), 117-33, at 120)? 290 The Vulgate translation has simply transliterated the Hebrew name (sittim) of this type of acacia; the LXX, however, rendered it as QoXov dar|7iTOv, 'incorruptible wood'. The Commentator has merely reproduced the LXX reading in Latin, which shows that he was working at this point from the Greek text. On the acacia, see Zohary, Plants of the Bible, p. 116. 475
Commentary to the texts
292 On the preparation of oil for the lamps, see Diet. Bibl. Ill (1903), 774—5; according to Num. IV. 16, it was the priests alone who were responsible for providing the oil. 295 The ephod is described in detail at Ex. XXVIII.6-34 and XXXIX.2-24, as well as by Josephus, Antiq. III.vii.5 [162-5] and Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana V.45 (SChr 159, 75 = PG 88, 212-13); for modern discussion, see H. Thiersch, Ependytes und Ephod. Gottesbild und Priesterkleid im alten Vorderasien (Stuttgart, 1936), esp. pp. 111-28, and K. Elliger, 'Ephod und Choschen. Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des hohepriestlichen Ornats', Vetus Testamentum 8 (1958), 19—35. On the exegetical tradition of interpreting the ephod, see R. Gryson, 'Le vetement d'Aaron interprete par saint Ambroise', Le Musebn 92 (1979), 273-80. The Commentator seems to have based himself principally on the Bible, pseudo-Epiphanius and Isidore. uestis . . . superhumerale'. cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxi.5: 'ephod, quod interpretatur Latine superindumentum; erat enim pallium superhumerale'; cf. also Rz (SS V, 153): 'Ephod. stola linea uel superhumerale uel dalmatica.' hode: from OE hod (ModE 'hood'). This is one of the few Old English glosses left in the text by the scribe of the Milan manuscript (see above, p. 293), presumably because he did not recognize it as such. OE hood (or hod, as here) is attested only in glossaries, where it glosses capitium: EE 239, CleoGlI ( W 362.17) and Harley 3376 ( W 199.18). duo . . . genera', the Bible distinguishes two sorts of ephod: the ordinary ephod worn, for example, by Samuel (I Kgs. 11.18) and by David (II Kgs. VI. 14), and made of ordinary linen; and the priestly ephod, which is described at length in Ex. XXVIII.6-34 and XXXIX.2-24, which was adorned with gold and jewels and twelve precious stones which represented the twelve tribes of Israel. Most of the Commentator's detail concerning the precious stones is taken from Ex.; that concerning the adamantinus, however, is not found in the Bible. Adamantinus . . . motiones fuisse. This material concerning the diamond is taken from a treatise entitled De adamante appended in some manuscripts to Epiphanius's tract De .xii. gemmis; it is ptd de Mely, Les lapidaires II, 198—9, and PG 43, 301—4. According to this work, the high-priest wore the diamond three times a year (at Easter, Pentecost and Scenopegia); the diamond — which was referred to as the 'revelation' (5f|Axoaic,; here manifestatio) - was situated in the middle of the breast, between the two 476
Commentary to PentI sardonyxes: eig \ieaov 5e xooxcov fjv f| 5f|A,Gxn<;, 6q fjv 6 5r|A,a)0£i<; d5d|ia<;, tf|v xpoidv depi^cov (PG 43, 301). If the diamond was white as snow, the Israelites knew that they had not sinned {ibid., col. 304: ei 5e eyivexo (baei Xicbv Xa\inp6q9 eyivooaKev 6 taxoq oxi ou5auou duapxia); if the diamond was blood-red, God wished to destroy the Israelites by sword {ibid.: f|viica 5e ev ^a%aipaig aoxoix; erceurcev, eyevexo aiudxivoq); but if they were caught in sin, if they were not walking with God, the diamond was black, and they could recognize that God would send death to them {ibid., cols. 301—4: Kai ei &v duapxig etipeGriaav, Kai uf| ev xaiq £vxoA,ai<;, aq £8e56K8i 6 0eo<;, ^xpercexo, (|)aaiv, x\ xpoid xo(3 XIOOD Kai £yevexo ixe^aq- Kai ^K XO6XOD eyivcoaKov oxi 0dvaxov e^aTieaxei^e Kupioq). There can be no doubt that this was the Commentator's source; but note that it contains no statement to the effect that diamonds fall from heaven during thunderstorms. Adamans ... mollificatur. This passage is taken verbatim from Isidore, Etym. XVI.xiii.2: 'Adamans Indicus lapis paruus et indecorus, ferrugineum habens colorem et splendorem crystalli, numquam autem ultra magnitudinem nuclei bellani repertus. Hie nulli cedit materiae, nee ferro quidem nee igni, nee umquam incalescit.' The information that the diamond is not softened no matter how often it is struck is not in Isidore, however; and note that Isidore says that the diamond hircino rumpitur sanguine. The Commentator's statement — that the diamond is dissolved in the blood of a ram — is not apparently found in any patristic source. Tyara. The tiara is described at Ex. XXVIII.36-8 and XXXIX.28, as well as by Josephus, Antiq. III.vii.6 [172} (who explains that the priest's tiara had stitched over it a riband of blue embroidery which was encircled by a crown of gold), and Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana V.47 (SChr 159, 77 = PG 88, 213), who refers to the cockscomb described by the Commentator; and cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxi.3 as well as PentI 313. None of these sources has the Commentator's detail about the tiara being wrapped around and tucked in. Poderis: from Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxi.1: 'poderis est sacerdotalis linea, corpori adstricta et usque ad pedes descendens; unde et nuncupata'. Logium: also from Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxi.6: 'logium, quod Latine dicitur rationale, pannus duplex, auro et quattuor textus coloribus, habens magnitudinem palmi per quadrum, cui intexti erant duodecim pretiosissimi lapides. Hie pannus superhumerali contra pectus pontificis adnectebatur.' 299 Cf. Rz (SS V, 154): 'fialas. calices minores'. 477
Commentary to the texts 301 On these twelve loaves, see Lev. XXIV. 5-9 as well as Josephus, Antiq. III.x.7 [255], who explains that twelve loaves of unleavened bread are baked at public expense on the eve of every sabbath, and are brought in on the sabbath morning and placed on the holy table in two opposite rows of six loaves each; they are then covered with two golden platters laden with frankincense where they remain until the following week, when they are replaced with twelve others. Josephus might be the Commentator's source here but for the strange discrepancy that, according to the Commentator, the loaves are replaced at the beginning of each month, not each week. There seems to be no other patristic authority for the Commentator's statement. 303 Cf. Rz (SS V, 154): 'scyfos. calices maiores'. The Commentator's observation appears to be borne out by metalwork surviving from the Sassanid empire. The Persians appear to have used long horn-shaped drinking vessels (what are known to Greek archaeologists as rhyta), often ornamented at their pointed end by animal figures: see illustrations in R. Ghirshman, Iran: Parthians and Sassanians, trans. S. Gilbert and J. Emmons (London, 1962), pis. 41 and 132; R.N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia (London, 1962), ills. 112-15; O.M. Dalton, The Treasure of the Oxus, 3rd ed. (London, 1964), p. 66 (no. 211) and pi. XXXIX, a silver dish of the immediately post-Sassanid period depicting a festal scene, with a man reclining on a couch and holding a long, angular drinking cup in his hand; and discussion in P. Harper, 'Sasanian Silver', in The Cambridge History of Iran 111, ed. Yarshater II, 1113-29, at 1114-15. 304 Cf. Rz (SS V, 154): 'sperulos in modum spere rotunditas'. 307 The equivalence of 1 talent = 125 pounds is taken from Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, ch. 24 (PG 43, 286). 308 Cf. Glossae in Octateuchum II.a 7: dyKuXaq- oyKivoug ziq ox>q £.\\$akXovTQ\ oi Kpiicoi xfjq Kdmr|(; (ed. Benediktsson, 'Ein friihbyzantinisches Bibellexikon', p. 263). On Byzantine fibulae, see ODB II, 784-5. 311 The hearth of the altar of burnt-offering is described in detail by Josephus, Antiq. III.vi.8 [149], who observes that the altar of bronze was erected in front of the tabernacle; it was five cubits square and had a height of three cubits. The altar was plated with sheets of bronze and had a net-work brazier (ea%dpa) placed on it, so constructed that ashes from the brazier fell to the ground. Josephus's description is closely similar to the Commentator's, especially with regard to the brazier (craticula); but note that according to Josephus the altar was plated with bronze, not iron. Cf. Rz (SS V, 154): 'uas eneum quadrangulum in qua portant prunas'. 478
Commentary to Pentl
ut dicitur. That the odour of burnt-offerings was delightful to God is mentioned frequently in the OT; cf. Lev. 1.13 (odorem suauissimum Domino), II.2, VI. 15 and 21, VIII.21, XXIII.13 and 18; Num. XV.10 and 24, XVIII. 17, etc. 313 Cf. above, Pentl 295. 315 Cf. above, Pentl 295, and accompanying commentary. 317 The manuscript here reads in sartaginate. What is needed here is a past participle (cf. Pentl 318); hence our emendation. But it is worth asking whether insartaginata is the past participle of an otherwise unattested verb *insartagino. 325 In the tariffs and valuations given in Lev. XXVII. 1—8, a man is valued at 50 shekels between the ages of 20 and 60 (see above, Pentl 264 and accompanying commentary), which suggests that the transmitted numeral .1. should be emended to .lx. 327 In spite of the Commentator's precise reference to Josephus, Antiquitates, Josephus omits any mention whatsoever of the golden calf, and it is not clear what source the Commentator had in mind (see above, p. 216). 329 See above, comm. to Pentl 248. 330 The Vulgate translation of this passage explains that when Moses came down from the mountain after speaking to God for forty days and nights, his face was cornuta ('ignorabat quod cornuta esset facies sua ex consortio sermonis Domini'), and this misleading translation of the Hebrew word qeren, which can mean 'horn' or, as here, 'ray', gave rise to the medieval representations of Moses with horns; see R. Mellinkoff, The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought (Berkeley, CA, and London, 1970), esp. pp. 76—83. The meaning of the Hebrew text is accurately represented by the LXX, however (OOK f]8ei OTI 5e56£acn:ai f| 6\|/i<; xoO Xpcb|iaxo^ xoO rcpoa67ioi) aoiou), and the Commentator may simply be explaining the obscurity of the Vulgate expression by reference to the LXX. 332 The need of purification from leprosy, especially in the spiritual sense, is discussed by various Alexandrian commentators, such as Origen, Horn, in Lev. viii (PG 12, 497-505), Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Lev. (PG 69, 553-8) and Hesychius of Jerusalem, Comm. in Lev. (PG 93, 795), but never in such specific terms as by the Commentator. 333 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 1 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 156 = PG 80, 304) canvasses the various meanings which the various Greek translators attached to this expression, but 479
Commentary to the texts
does not give the precise physiological explanation given by the Commentator. 334 Cf. Glossae in Octateuchum II. 8 6: 8paK0<;- xfjc; nakd\iy\q xfjq %8ipoq xo xcopoCv (ed. Benediktsson, 'Ein friihbyzantinisches Bibellexikon', p. 265). 335 Cf. Hesychius, Comm. in Lev. (PG 93, 810), who explains the fermentum as aliena doctrina, and the pseudo-Melito Clauis scripturae VI. 121 (ed. Pitra, Analecta Sacra, p. 35), which explains it as 'corruptio mentis quod est opus peccati'; but neither of these explanations approaches the Commentator's interpretation of fermentum as superbia. 338 The distinction which the Commentator draws here between divine or priestly fire (ignis Dominicus) and the common fire of laymen, is discussed at length by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 9 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 162-3 = PG 80, 312-13), who explains that when the first sacrifice was being celebrated, the victims were taken up by divinefire(x© 0ei(p Tcupi Kaxr|vatab0r| xd ispeia), whence the Lord commanded that this inextinguishable fire be preserved and nourished with wood by day and night, so that man-made fire would not be mixed with divine fire; accordingly, when Nadab and Abiud, the sons of Aaron, transgressed this law and put 'hand-made' (xeipo7ioir|xov) fire on the altar, the divine fire consumed them. A similar distinction (between holy and unholy fire) is made by the ninth-century Syriac exegete Isho'dad of Merv in his Commentary on Leviticus (ed. and trans. C. van den Eynde, Commentaire d'Iso'dad de Merv sur L'Ancien Testament II. Exode-Deuteronome, 2
vols., CSCO 176 and 179 {= Scriptores Syri 80-1} II, 87-8), and in the (as yet unprinted) Syriac Pentateuch Commentary of c. 900; see A. Levene, 'Pentateuchal Exegesis in Early Syriac and Rabbinic Sources', TU 63 [Studia Patristica 1] (1957), 484-91, at 485-6. Cf. also below, PentI 351. 340 The same prohibition is found in Theodore's ludicia Il.xi.l (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, p. 325): 'animalia quae a lupis seu canibus lacerantur, non sunt comedenda'; cf. the Canones Theodori (ibid., p. 241): 'animalia quae a lupis uel a canibus consummantur non sunt commedenda nisi porcis et canibus'. See also discussion by Levison, England and the Continent, pp. 100-1, as well as K. Bockenhoff, Speisesatzungen mosaischer Art in mittelalterliche Kirchenrechtsquellen des Morgen- und
Abendlandes (Minister, 1907), pp. 37-49. 343 Contact with the relics of saints and martyrs was believed to communicate their innate divine power or x&piq ( = Latin uirtus), through 480
Commentary to PentI
which illnesses could be miraculously cured. Thus Basil explains in his Horn, in Psalm. CXV, ch. 4, that 'anyone who touches the bones of a martyr receives a certain share in his sanctity from the divine power dwelling in the body' (PG 30, 112: 6 a\\fa\ievoq daxeoov iidpxupoc; Xanpavei xivd nexooaiav dyiaa|aoO £K xfjq xco acbuaxi 7tape5pei)o6ar|<; %dpixo<;). See also F. Pfister, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum, 2 vols. (Giessen, 1909-12) II, 610-12, and esp. Y. Duval, Aupres des Saints Corps et dme. L'Inhumation 'adsanctos' dans la chretiente d'Orient et dfOccident du Hie
au Vile sikle (Paris, 1988), pp. 99-130. 346 See Ex. XXVIII.4-43 and XXXIX. 1-32, and above, comm. to PentI 295. 348 The multi who observe the custom that a monk is not to leave the church until the seventh day are evidently eastern monks, for the practice is attested in both Palestine and Syria. For Palestine, see the Vita S. Symeonis Sali (BHG, no. 1677), ch. 14 (PG 93, 1688), where St Symeon 'the Fool', a seventh-century monk of the monastery of Gerasimus in the Jordan valley, is said to have sat in his cell for a week dressed in a 'holy habit' until at the end of the week he was permitted to remove the 'holy habit' and put on the monk's normal garment of sackcloth; cf. also Hirschfield, The Judean Desert Monasteries, p. 91. A similar custom is implied for Syria; see A. Voobus, Syriac and Arabic Documents Regarding Legislation Relative to Syrian Asceticism (Stockholm, I960), p. 182 (no. 19). It was apparently this same eastern custom which Theodore was referring to in his Indicia II.iii.3 (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis, p. 315): 'in monachi uero ordinatione abbas debet missam agere et .iii. orationes super caput eius complere et .vii. dies velet caput suum coculla sua et septima die abbas tollat velamen sicut in baptismo presbiter solet velamen infantum auffere'; Cf. the Canones Theodori {ibid., p. 239): 'in monachi ordinatione abbas debet missam agere et .iii. orationes complere super caput eius et septem dies uelat caput suum cocollo suo et .vii. die abbas tollat uelamen id est de capite monachi sicut in baptismo'. 350 The Lord's devouring the holocausts: of Abel (Gen. IV.4; the fire not specified in LXX, but for the notion that God descended as fire on Abel's sacrifice, see above, comm. to PentI 103); Noe (Gen. VIII.20-1; Yahweh smells the pleasing smell); and Abraham (Gen. XV. 17; a flame appears in the animals). 351 Cf. above, comm. to PentI 338. 352 sic luceat... hominibus: Matt. V.16. 481
Commentary to the texts 354 The choerogryllus (Greek %oipoypi)AAo<;) is a kind of coney or rock-rabbit which does indeed inhabit rocks in the Sinai peninsula; see Bodenheimer, Animal and Man in Bible hands', p. 198; Feliks, The Animal World of the Bible, p. 45 (with illustration); and Kornfeld, 'Reine und unreine Tiere im Alten Testament', p. 137. The Commentator rightly compares the choerogryllus to the hyrax (Greek ()pa£, a Syrian coney), but it is less clear why he should have compared its size to that of a pig. Perhaps the explanation is simply an etymological one, interpreting the first element of choerogryllus as %oipo<;, 'a young pig' or 'porker'. 355 Gripem. The identical explanation is found in Br 8 (below, p. 543); cf. also Sg 2 (below, p. 534), where the word is glossed by OE giig. The Latin gryps, found also at Deut. XIV. 12, corresponds to LXX ypmj/, in turn a translation of Hebrew peres. Driver ('Birds in the Old Testament', pp. 9—10) comments that the bird is probably a vulture: 'its name means "smasher", so that it may be identified with the "bone-breaker", i.e. the ossifrage or bearded vulture'; see also I. Aharoni, 'On Some Animals Mentioned in the Bible', Osiris 5 (1938), 461-78, at 472; Kornfeld, 'Reine und unreine Tiere im Alten Testament', p. 141; and Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, pp. 89—90. It is not clear why the Commentator should refer to the bird's claws, and it may be worth mentioning that Aelian (De natura animalium IV.21) refers to a quadruped in India also called a y p6\|/ which looked like a lion and had claws of enormous strength like those of a lion (e%£iv OVOXCK; Kapxepoix; dx; on |iaA,icrca, Kai TOUTOIX; jievxoi xoiq TCGV Xeovxcov 7iaparc^r|(jioi)(;); this creature, which contributed to the popular conception of the 'gryphon', may also have contributed to the Commentator's conception of the unclean bird in question. 356 The identical explanation is found in Sg 29 (below, p. 535) and Br 11 (below, p. 543). The Latin uultur corresponds to LXX IKTIV, in turn a translation of Hebrew (ayyah. According to Driver ('Birds in the Old Testament', p. 11), the identity of the bird signified by the Hebrew term 'ayyah is not entirely clear, but he suggests that the reference is probably to a falcon; cf. Kornfeld, 'Reine und unreine Tiere im Alten Testament', p. 141. The LXX translators apparently understood the Hebrew term correctly in rendering it as IKTIV, a 'kite' (see Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 119-21), but the Vulgate confuses the issue with its inaccurate rendering uultur. The Commentator's explanation of the uultur, that it can smell corpses for a hundred miles, is similar to what is found in Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.12: 'uultures autem, sicut et aquilae, etiam ultra maria cadauera sentiunt'. 482
Commentary to PentI 357 The identical explanation is found in Sg 31 (below, p. 535); there is an additional explanation given in Sg 9 (below, p. 534), namely that the ibis is an 'auis in Africa habens longum rostrum'. The Latin ibis corresponds to LXX elpiq, in turn a rendering of Hebrew yansup. As Driver ('Birds in the Old Testament', p. 15) points out, the translation 'ibis' in the LXX and Vulgate is almost certainly wrong, since the ibis is not found in Palestine; in fact the Hebrew yansup apparently refers to some kind of owl, perhaps the screech-owl. The ibis, however, is a bird found in Egypt and described in numerous Greek sources; see Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 106—14. That the ibis purged itself, and thus offered a model to physicians, is a notion found in a number of ancient authors, any one of which might (in theory) have been the Commentator's source: Cicero, De natura deorum 11.126 ('ilia mirabilia quod - ea quae nuper, id est paucis ante saeclis, medicorum ingeniis reperta sunt — uomitione canes, purgando autem aluo se ibes ^Egyptiae curant'); Plutarch, De sollertia animalium 974C: xfjq x'i'Peax; xov vmoK^oaiidv a^^ir| Ka0aipo|i£vr|<; AiyuTmoi auviSew Kai ui|af|aaa0ai ^eyooaiv (and cf. De hide et Osiride 381C: f| 8't(3i(; . . . £8i5a£e npfotr] Kevcauaxoq iaxpiKoC xpeiav Kaxi56vxa<; aoxf|v KXI)^OU8VT|V . . . i>(|)' eaoxfjq); and Aelian, De natura animalium 11.35: Aiyimxioi KXua|iaxa Kai Kd0apaiv yaaxpoc; ODK 8K XIVOC; 87uvoia<; dv0pco7uvr|<; Aiyouai jia0eiv, 5i5dpayeiar|<; 8^65oo d|ir|xavoCaa n&q dvoi^ei xf|v 0t3pav, xov uapKOv eKxeivaaa Xo^&q au^eva, aicova yopyov xeKxoveoei xo ax6(ia, Kai %i)A,dv dA,|ir|<; ^|iPa^oOaa xoiq eaoo, xd ^T|pd pei)axoi(; ^e^opxcoaev pdpr|.
(PG 92, 1520-1)
358 The identical explanation is given at Sg 32 (below, p. 535); cf. also Sg 11 (ibid), where it is stated that the onocrotalus is an 'auis que 483
Commentary to the texts sonitum facit in aqua'. The Hebrew term in question was rendered as 7teA,eK<xv by the LXX, which corresponds to the Vulgate onocrotalus. As Driver explains ('Birds in the Old Testament', p. 16) the LXX rendering 'pelican' must be mistaken, and the bird in question is most likely a scops-owl; cf. Kornfeld, 'Reine und unreine Tiere im Alten Testament', p. 143. In any case, it is clear that the Vulgate onocrotalus (evidently derived from a Greek form *6voKp6xa>,o<;, which is not, however, attested) refers to a pelican, since the word is found frequently in Latin sources: see Pliny, HN X.131 and Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.32, together with discussion by Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, p. 113. What is not clear, however, is why the Commentator should have described the onocrotalus or pelican as being 'like a duck'. Pliny (HN X.131), followed by Eucherius, Instructiones (CSEL 31, 157) describes the onocrotalus as being 'like a swan' (olor or cygnus). Note also that the form anata is corrupt; we should expect anas (nom.sg.) or anates (nom.pl.). 359 The identical explanation is given in Sg 33 (below, p. 535); another, perhaps different, explanation has been lost from Sg 14 (below, p. 539). The Hebrew form anapah is rendered by the LXX as xap<x5pi6<; and likewise by the Vulgate as charadrius. As Driver notes ('Birds in the Old Testament', pp. 17—18), the identity of the bird is problematical; he suggests that perhaps the cormorant is in question. In any case, the original meaning of the Hebrew was misunderstood by the LXX, who rendered it as %apa8pio<;, a kind of plover or stone curlew (Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 311—14); the word was subsequently borrowed into Latin as charadrius (see Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, pp. 52-3). 360 The identical explanation is given in Sg 34 (below, p. 535); see also Sg 12, where the information is given that the bird nonfit in Britannia. From its position in the list, the Hebrew raham must, as Driver ('Birds in the Old Testament', pp. 16—17) points out, refer to an osprey, a raptorial bird with fishing habits. However, the LXX misunderstood the term in rendering it as KUKVO<; or 'swan'; the Vulgate rendering porphyrio corresponds to Greekrcopcjwpicov,a 'purple gallinule' (Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 252—3; Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, p. 133) or purple coot. Aelian (De natura animalium III.42) notes that the porphyrio is sometimes found as a pet in wealthy households, which resembles what the Commentator says, but Aelian says nothing about Libya. The information concerning Libya very probably came from personal experience of Africa: see above, pp. 84-5. It may nevertheless be worth recording that the 484
Commentary to Pentl
Greek physiologer Alexander of Myndus (first century AD), whose treatise De animalibus is lost except for fragments preserved in various writers, especially Athenaeus, apparently discussed the porphyrio and noted that it was found in Libya and held to be sacred there: 'AXe£av5po<; 5'6 M6v5ioc; £v P' rcepi xfjq xdw mx\\(h\ iaxopia<; Ai(3i)v elvai (()aai xov opviv {scil. 7iop(|)i)pia)va] Kai xcov Kaxd xfjv AiP6r|v Oecov iepov (M. Wellmann, 'Alexander von Mundos', Hermes 26 (1891), 481-566, at 550 (frg. 8 = Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 388D)). 361 The stello or gecko is discussed by Aelian, De natura animalium III. 17 and VI.22, and by Pliny, HN XI.91 and XXIX.90, who do not, however, mention that it is poisonous (which it is not: see Feliks, The Animal World of the Bible, p. 96, with illustration); so it is not known whence the Commentator derived his information. 363 For references to excavated examples of cytropodes, see RE III (1899), 2532-4. Note also that the form argillo (from argillus?) is given twice here. The correct Latin form is the fern, argilla (no occurrence of argillus is recorded: see TLL, s.v.), and one wonders whether the Greek form &pyiA,A,o<; suggested to the Commentator a corresponding (but erroneous) Latin form argillus. If so, it is one further testimony to the Commentator's Greek-centred outlook. 365 The reference is to the explanation of the appearance of blisters given in the preceding comment (Pentl 364). 366-7 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 17 similarly explains that the leper is obliged to keep his clothes loosened and his head uncovered so that those who approach him may recognize his leprosy and not be infected by its impurity (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 169 = PG 80, 321). 370 Cf. above, comm. to Pentl 100. 373 Although various authors - notably Josephus, Antiq. III.x.3 [241], Origen, Horn, in Lev. ix.3-5 (PG 12, 511-14), Hesychius, Comm. in Lev. (PG 93, 989-90) and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 22 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 173-4 = PG 80, 328-9) discuss the scapegoat in some detail, none of them mentions the stipulation that it must be male and not castrated, so it is unclear whence the Commentator derived this information. 375 The reference to unction with oil at the dedication of a church is potentially of great interest to the history of liturgy. The earliest surviving pontifical ordo describing the dedication of a church is Ordo XLI in the 485
Commentary to the texts magisterial edition of Michel Andrieu {Les Ordines Romani du haut moyen age, 5 vols. (Louvain, 1931-61) IV, 339-47); the anointing of the altar with oil is described in §§ 18—20: 'Postea incensum offert et mittit oleum super altare, in medio crucem faciens et super quatuor angulos altaris . . . et unguet manu sua lapidem ipsum . .. post expleto psalmo, mittit iterum oleum similiter sicut prius' {ibid., p. 344). Ordo XLI was probably compiled in Francia in the third quarter of the eighth century, but it draws on much earlier traditions, some of them clearly Byzantine in origin {ibid., pp. 316—26); for example, many of its details have their closest parallel in the description by John Malalas of the consecration of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople in 562 {Chronographia XVIII. 143, ed. Jeffreys, Jeffreys and Scott, p. 303), and in the earliest Byzantine Euchologion, dating from c. 800 (ed. J. Goar, Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum, 2nd ed. (Venice, 1730), pp. 664-5); cf. 0DB III, 2142, s.v. 'Unction'. The anointing of the altar with oil at the consecration of a church appears to have been an eastern rite in origin. In the first of his Hymns on Oil (1.3), Ephrem describes the unction of the altar (ed. T. Lamy, Opera S. Ephrem Syri II (Mechelen, 1886), p. 787), and pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, writing c. 500, also describes the use of oil in the consecration of the altar {De ecclesiastica hierarchia IV. 12: PG 3, 484; on Theodore's knowledge of this work, see above, p. 153, n. 86). It is therefore interesting to find a reference to this same rite, in a text earlier than any surviving pontifical ordo and originating in the school of an eastern archbishop of Canterbury. 376 Cf. Augustine, Quaest. in Kept. III.20: 'illud esse delictum quod imprudenter, id est ignoranter, illud peccatum quod ab sciente committitur' (CCSL 33, 186 = PL 34, 682). 377 The 'seventh month' of the Hebrews (Ethanim), counting (as the Commentator says) from their 'first month', should fall in our September or October; see Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 35, table 12, and cf. below, comm. to Pent I 394. 378 The identical explanation (that animals which are to be eaten must be sacrificed far from the tabernacle, since certain people might be inclined to make the sacrifice to demons) is found in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 23: f^Sei xf|v £vicov da&Peiav, Kai OTI TOI<; 5ai|ioai Guaiou; TipoaoicooGi (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 177 = PG 80, 333). The further stipulation is found in Lev. XVII. 10—14; but Leviticus speaks in terms of exile, not death. 380 Cf. Isidore, Etym. X.249: 'susurro . . . non in facie alicuius, sed in 486
Commentary to PentI
aure loquitur de altero detrahendo'; cf. also Rz (SS V, 153): 'susurrio. occulte murmorans uel iniuria seminans'. 383 Theodoret of Cyrrhus, commenting on this biblical passage, notes that certain people tattoo their skin using needles and ink, in reverence of demons (Quaest. in Lev. § 28, ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 181 = PG 80, 337: Kai xiva 5e xoo acbuaxoq nopia fizXovaic, 8Kevxouv, Kai jieXav tnsfia'k'kov, eiq Geparceiav xa>v 5ai^6vcov); cf. also the later 'marginal glossary' or Randglossar to Leviticus: 'stigmata .i. pictura in corpore sicut Scotti faciunt' (SS V, 119, together with discussion by Bischoff, MS II, 23 n. 18). 384 The transmitted form scortas was apparently intended as fern. ace. pi. of a putative singular form *scorta; but in fact scorta is neut.pl. of scortum. For other Late Latin examples of neut.pl. forms in -a being construed as fem.sg., see Lofstedt, Philologische Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae, pp. 134-6. 385 It is possible that superior here is an error for superius (cf. above, comm. to PentI 142); but note the reading in Br 20. 386 Isidore, Etym. IX.vi.18: 'matertera est soror matris'. 387 Isidore, Etym. IX.vi.18: 'amita est soror patris'. 390 The Commentator was here attempting to give a legal definition of inquilinus (cf. Justinian's Digest XXVII.i. 17.7 and Codex lustinianus III.xxvi.ll: 'domorum nostrorum colonus aut inquilinus aut seruus', as well as Vocabularium lurisprudentiae Romanae, ed. Gradenwitz et al. Ill, 754—5). Hesychius, Comm. in Lev., offers a refinement on the legal definition: 'inquilinus autem sacerdotis est, qui non pure in eius aulam ingreditur, neque reuerentiam dignam ei praebet, aut diligentiam. Quemadmodum enim inquilinus solummodo suam agit utilitatem, et per singulos dies expectat migrari' (PG 93, 1069). Cf. also Rz (SS V, 164): 'Inquilinus colonus uernaculus'. 391 Josephus explains clearly (Antiq. III.x.5 [248}) that on the fourteenth day of Nisan (that is, the name of the 'first month'), the first month of the year, fell the feast called pascha: T
Commentary to the texts 394 On the chronology of the Hebrews' 'seventh month' (Ethanim), see above, comm. to PentI 377. The feasts of the seventh month are explained briefly by Josephus, Antiq. III.x.2-4 [239-47}, and more fully by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Lev. § 32: 5i5&aK£i Kai xiva %pr\ Tipa^ai xca e(356u(p UTIVI. Kai xfj nev voi)|ir|vig, xoav aa^jriyycov xfjv eopxf|v ercixe^eaai Ke^euei... xfj 88KaiT| 5e xoO [iT]\6q xoo e(356noi) vr|ax8i)aai KeA,e6ei. xaoxrjv yap xf|v f|uepav iXaa\iov fmepav KaA,ei... xfj 5e 7ievxeKai5eKdxr| xf|v £opxf|v xc5v EKTIVCGV eopxdaai VOUOGSXEI, oo ue%pi xfj<; e(356ur|<;, KaOdrcep eni xcov aXXcov eopxcav, dX-^d Kai xf|v 6y56r|v zaiq enxa npoaGeivai KeA,ei)8i (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 183 = PG 80, 341). See also Diet. Bibl. II (1899), 2217-19 (s.v. Tetes juives'), V (1912), 2325-7 (s.v. Trompettes (fete des)'), II (1899), 2136-9 (s.v. 'Expiation (fete de 1')') and V (1912), 1961-6 (s.v. Tabernacles (fete des)'), as well as Burnaby, Elements, pp. 184-8. 395 Cf. Rz [MSS. AFR] (SS V, 164): 'spatulas fructus palme antequam aperiantur .i. in similitudinem spade, inde spatula dicitur'. 396 The allegorical/numerical explanation referred to by the Commentator is found in Origen, Horn, in Lev. xiii.3—6 (PG 12, 546—52); cf. also Hesychius, Comm. in Lev.: 'uerumtamen et omnes simul recte duodecim panes sunt, quia primi Dominicam coenauerunt apostoli, qui erant duodecim numero' (PG 93, 1103). Note that a word seems to have fallen out after tantum and before positos. 401 Cf. above, PentI 75 (with accompanying commentary) and PentI 412. 402 The Commentator has probably included Joseph (Num. 1.10) in his count, which otherwise only includes the names of twelve officials ('one from each tribe', as specified in Num. 1.4). That the tribe of Levi was to be exempted from this census is clear enough from the biblical narrative (Num. 1.49; but cf. III. 14—39), and is mentioned by various commentators, e.g. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Num. § 1: Kai xfjc; AeinxiKfjc, c|)i)>-fjc/ oi)58 yap av3xr| xaic, Xoircaic; auvr|pi0^f|0r| (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, p. 190 = PG 80, 352). 404 Up until approximately the sixth century AD, battle standards such as the eagle or dragon were carried by Roman infantry units: see the classic study (concerned especially with the Republic and early empire) by A. von Domazewski, Die Fahnen im romischen Heere, Abhandlungen der archaologisch-epigraphisches Seminar der Universitat Wien 5 (Vienna, 1885), and A. Neumann, 'Vexillum', RE VIII.2 (1958), 2446-54. 488
Commentary to PentI
However, from the fourth century onwards, as infantry units began to be split up, the older standards ceased to be used, and were replaced by standards bearing relics, icons or the labarum: see R. Grosse, 'Die Fahnen in der romisch-byzantinischen Armee des 4.-10. Jahrhunderts', BZ 24 (1923-4), 359-72, esp. 365-70; G.T. Dennis, 'Byzantine Battle Flags', Byzantinische Forschungen 8 (1982), 51-9, and ODB I, 272. In other words, the Commentator's description of Roman battle standards may derive from a literary source rather than from contemporary observation. In this case, a probable source is Vegetius (fifth century AD?), Epitoma rei militaris 11.13: 'primum signum totius legionis est aquila, quam aquilifer portat. Dracones etiam per singulas cohortes a draconariis feruntur ad proelium'; cf. ibid. III.5: 'muta signa sunt aquilae dracones uexilla'. On knowledge of the text of Vegetius in early Anglo-Saxon England, see C.W. Jones, 'Bede and Vegetius', Classical Review 46 (1932), 248—9, and Sources of AngloSaxon Literary Culture, ed. Biggs, Hill and Szarmach, p. 161. 406 The Douai—Rheims translators have misunderstood the lemma. As the Commentator rightly points out, a uatillum was a small fire-shovel used for holding hot coals or the like; cf. Pliny, HN XXXIII. 127 and XXXIV. 112. 408 There was much patristic discussion of the prohibition of fruit and — what is more to the point — of inebriating liquors made from fruit. Many patristic authors forbade meat of any kind during Lent, and advised their followers to take only bread, salt and water: for example, John Chrysostom, Horn, adpopulum Antioch. iv.6 (PG 49, 68) and Jerome, Ep. lii (CSEL 54, 413-41). Wine and spirits were expressly forbidden by Basil, Horn. i.10 [ = De ieiunio] (PG 31, 181) and John Chrysostom, Horn, adpopulum Antioch. iv.6 (PG 49, 68). Augustine, Serm. ccvii.2 (PL 38, 1043), condemns those who, in order to find a substitute for wine, drink fermented fruit-juice of various kinds: 'Videas enim quosdam pro usitato uino, inusitatos liquores exquirere, et aliorum expressione pomorum, quod ex uua sibi denegant, multo suauius compensare'. Jerome, Ep. lii. 12 (CSEL 54, 435) blames the same abuse: 'sorbitiunculas delicatas et contrita olera, betarumque sucum'; cf. Julianus Pomerius, De uita contemplatiua II.xxiii.2: 'illi qui negata sibi uini perceptione diuersorum poculorum potionibus inundantur' (PL 59, 469), and again, 'ut peregrinis pomis caeterisque sorbitiunculis immanem sui corporis impleant appetitum' {ibid. Il.xxiii.l = PL 59, 469). See, in general, I.W. Raymond, The Teaching of the Early Church on the Use of Wine and Strong Drink (New York, 489
Commentary to the texts
1927), esp. pp. 109-14 (Chrysostom), 122-6 (Jerome) and 126-33 (Augustine). 409 Cf. Isidore, Etym. XX.xiii.4: 'nouacula eo quod innouet faciem'. 412 Cf. above, PentI 75 and 401. 413 The word rendered here by the Vulgate cucumeres and translated in English as 'cucumbers' refers properly not to 'cucumbers' but to a kind of melon, probably the muskmelon or the watermelon; cf. Diet. Bibl. IV (1908), 949-51, and Zohary, Plants of the Bible, pp. 85-6. 414 As Augustine explains {Quaest. in Hept. IV. 18: CCSL 33, 244-5 = PL 34, 723), the expression spiritu tuo is difficult to understand; it might refer to the spirit of the man ('putari enim potest de spiritu ipsius hominis dictum') or to the spirit of God ('quamuis posset etiam, sicut alii interpretati sunt, intelligi spiritus Dei in eo quod dicitur'). The Commentator obscures the difference. 417 Cf. Rz (SS V, 165): 'Nausia. uomitus'. 418 Augustine too {Quaest. in Kept. IV. 19: CCSL 33, 245-6 = PL 34, 726) asks whether Moses's question was an expression of doubt ('quaeri solet utrum hoc Moyses diffidendo dixerit, an quaerendo') and concludes, like the Commentator, that the question was intended to reveal God's greater power ('sed potius opere ipso suam potentiam demonstrare'). 420 In fact the quails were blown in from over the sea (a phenomenon recorded by modern observers), not created from it, as the Commentator argues. On the passage, see G.R. Driver, 'Once Again: Birds in the Bible', PEQ 90 (1958), 56-8. 421 According to various patristic authorities, 30 modii constituted 1 core, or camel-load: Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus ch. 177 (PG 43, 272); Jerome, Comm. in Ezech. xlv.ll (CCSL 75, 682); and Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxvi.17. The Commentator agrees with these authorities in stating that 30 modii = 1 core, but differs from them in taking two (rather than one) cores as equivalent to a camel-load. 423 The tractatores are Origen, Horn, in Num. vi. 4 (PG 12, 610-11), Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Num. § 2 (PG 69, 593-6), and Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Quaest. in Num. § 22 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, pp. 207-8 = PG 80, 373-6). None of these draws the parallel with Peter, however. 425 The Amalekites were classed as one of the seven peoples of the Canaanites; cf. comm. to PentI 137 and 445. They were not, however, identical with them, but were a nomad population of the Negev. 490
Commentary to PentI
However, the name Canaanite was sometimes applied in the Bible more generally to all non-Israelite inhabitants of Palestine, and the Amalekites were included among these in Gen. XII.6 and Num. XXI.3. See also M. Liverani, 'The Amorites', in Peoples of Old Testament Times, ed. Wiseman, pp. 100-33, esp. 125. 426 In Gen. X.I8—20 the seats of the Canaanites are given as stretching from Sidon (on the Mediterranean Sea) to Gerar near Gaza, and to Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah and Zeboiim, four unidentified locations near the shore of the Dead Sea (see fig. 6). It is not clear whether the author of Numbers meant the Mediterranean or the Dead Sea here, though probably he meant the former; the Commentator took him to mean the latter. 431 It is clear from his words ex ipso testimonio that the Commentator was here drawing on a catena (see above, p. 231). The ultimate source of the quotation of Epiphanius is probably Ancoratus, ch. 99 (GCS 25, 119 = PG 43, 196), though Epiphanius does not mention the detail of the tents. No statement to this effect is found in the surviving writings of Evagrius; but Evagrius is known to have composed a commentary on Numbers (see CPG II, no. 2458 (1) and Quasten, Patrology III, 176), even though no more of it is extant than a few quotations in catenae. Possibly the hypothetical catena used by the Commentator contained quotation from this lost work. Deus non uindkat bis: cf. Naum 1.9 ('non consurget bis tribulatio'). 433 Crucifige crucifige: Mark XV. 13-14; Luke XXIII.21; John XIX.6. Augustine also links the striking of the rock with the crucifixion, but for a slightly different reason, namely that the two strokes of the rod suggest the cross because the cross is made out of two pieces of wood: 'et quod bis percutitur, euidentius significat crucem . . . duo quippe ligna sunt crux' (Quaest. in Kept. IV.35: CCSL 33, 260-1 = PL 34, 737). 434 The site of Cades (Kadesh-barnea) is disputed, though it is clear from various sources that it was located west of Mt Zin and the Wilderness of Paran (Negev): see fig. 6 as well as Diet. Bibl. II (1899), 13-22, and J.R. Porter, 'The Role of Kadesh-Barnea in the Narrative of the Exodus', JTS AA (1943), 1 3 9 ^ 3 . 435 A very interesting, but probably confused (and certainly mistaken) report: the 'Book of Wars of the Lord', which is referred to uniquely at Num. XXI. 14, is lost, and is in no sense identical with the Books of Kings. Unless the report is taken from a patristic source as yet unidentified, the most plausible explanation is that it was confected from various incidental details in separate sources. Thus we learn from I Esdr. 491
Commentary to the texts
VII.6 that after the captivity Ezra, a scribe knowledgeable in the law of Moses, formed a preliminary collection of scriptures. The legend that this same Ezra miraculously restored the whole of Holy Scripture, which perished in the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, derives from IV Ezra XIV. 19-26 and 37^i8, and is found in patristic sources such as Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1.22 (PG 8, 893): ercsi K&V irj Na(3ou%o5ov6aop aixnaAxoaiqi 5ia<()0ap8iac5v icav Fpa<()<»v . . . STUTWOOC; "Ea5paq 6 Aei)vcr|<; . . . 7taaa<; TCK; nakaxaq a$0i<; avaveoo^evoq 7ipoec|)f|Tei>d<;; for further references to this legend of Ezra, see Schiirer, The History of the Jewish People, ed. and trans. Vermes and Millar III, 301. Nehemiah, Ezra's contemporary, assembled a library (PipXioOf|KT|)f of kings, laws, prophets, psalms and letters to the kings of Persia concerning offerings (II Mace. 11.13). In any event, copies of the scriptures must have been available, because according to Josephus such copies were searched out and burned by Antiochus Epiphanes {Antiq. XII.v.4 [256}; cf. I Mace. 1.59). This, rather than the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, may be the fire to which the Commentator refers; but it is not clear why he thought that it was Ezra who reduced the eight books of kings into four. 436 The reference to the well in Num. XXI. 16-18 is genuinely puzzling: it is said to be at Beer, an unidentified place which occurs uniquely here (the name be'er means simply 'a well'); and the reference to it being the well about which Yahweh had said to Moses 'Call the people together and I will give them water' (XXI. 16) is not in fact to be found elsewhere in the Pentateuch as it has come down to us. The Commentator was therefore entitled to register some conjecture about its identity; and he did so by connecting the present well at Beer with that mentioned in Gen. XXI.30 as being at Beer-sheba, where Abraham and Abimelech swore an oath. Cf. the comment by Origen, Horn, in Num. xii.l: 'Legimus habuisse et patriarchas puteos; habuit Abraham, habuit et Isaac' (GCS 30, 94 = PG 12, 656); Isaac's well is referred to at Gen. XXVI. 15-22. 437 In several of his Horn, in Num. Origen treats the Balaam episode in detail (his exegesis here is literal, not allegorical): nos. xiii—xix (GCS 30, 107—84 = PG 12, 666—726). At various points in these homilies Origen spells out what is implied by the Commentator; cf. xiii.6: 'igitur Balaam diuinaculis acceptis, cum solerent daemones ad se uenire, fiigatos quidem daemones uidet, sed adesse Deum; et ideo dicit interrogare se Deum, quia consuetos sibi parere nusquam daemones uidit. Venit ergo ipse ad Balaam, non quo dignus esset, ad quern ueniret Deus, sed ut fiigarentur illi, qui ei 492
Commentary to PentI
ad maledicendum et malefaciendum adesse consueuerant' (GCS 30, 116 = PG 12, 673-4). 440 Cf. Origen, Horn, in Num. xvi.7: '"In tempore, inquit, dicetur Iacob et Israhel, quid perficiet Deus". Quid est, "In tempore dicetur"? Cum oportet et cum expedit hoc est, "in tempore". Si ergo expedit praenoscere nos futura, dicentur a Deo per prophetas Dei, per spiritum sanctum; si uero non dicuntur neque denuntiantur, scito quia non nobis expedit uentura praenoscere' (GCS 30, 149 = PG 12, 699). 441 Cf. Origen, Horn, in Num. xvii.3, who explains this passage in Num. XXIV. 3 by means of a lengthy discussion on the eyes of the flesh and the eyes of the intellect: 'dicit "reuelati oculi eius", quasi qui nunc usque clausi fuerint, et nunc per "spiritum Dei, qui super eum factus est", ablato uelamine reuelentur. Nunc ergo est quando "uere uidet . . . et uisum Dei uidet in somniis"' (GCS 30, 156 = PG 12, 704); 'Velim tamen requirere, qui sunt isti "oculi" eius, qui "reuelati" dicuntur: ne forte ipsi sint, qui in aliis Scripturae locis . . . "oculi terrae" appellantur . . . non uident illi oculi, qui meliores sunt, sed ii, qui sensus carnis appellantur' (GCS 30, 157 = PG 12, 705). 443—4 The reference here is to the coming of Christ; cf. Origen, Horn, in Num. xviii.2: 'sed et prophetia nihilominus quam de Christo coniungit in consequentibus' (GCS 30, 168 = PG 12, 713); cf. ibid., xviii.4: '"uidebo eum, sed non modo"; quod si recipiatur, facilius intelligi putabitur, ut Christum . . . uidendum dicat esse, sed "non modo"; hoc est non eo tempore, quo ista loquebatur' (GCS 30, 173 = PG 12, 716-17). 445 On the seven peoples of the Canaanites, see above, comm. to PentI 137. 446 The trireme, a ship rowed by three banks of superimposed oarsmen, was the mainstay of Greek fleets and of the Roman navy from the fifth century BC until the early fourth century AD, when in 324 AD the naval force of Licinius, consisting of 350 triremes, was defeated by Constantine using much smaller ships; thereafter, the Roman and Byzantine navies came increasingly to be made up of smaller, faster ships called dromones or 'racers', so that by Justinian's time the unwieldly trireme was all but extinct: see esp. L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, NJ, 1971), pp. 77-96 and 148-54, and the earlier studies by R. Dolley, 'The Warships of the Later Roman Empire', Journal of Roman Studies 38 (1948), 47-53, and C. Torr, Ancient Ships (Cambridge, 1894), pp. 5-18. It is unlikely, therefore, that the Commentator had seen a 493
Commentary to the texts
trireme, and he may have been drawing on a written source. No Latin source states precisely what is found here, but cf. Asconius, Comm. in Verr. III.20: 'triremis ternos remorum ordines habet'. 447 There is no doubt that zpugio refers to a dagger or short two-edged knife (see RE 2nd ser. XXIII.2 (1959), 1949-52), held in the fist (cf. pugnus) and used for stabbing. It is not clear why the Commentator should mistakenly have explained it as a hunting-spear (uenabulum); but note that in the LXX the corresponding word is aeipondaxrig, a sort of barbed lance, which may suggest that at this point the Commentator had the Greek text in mind. Cf. also Rz (SS V, 167): 'Pugionem. gladium'. 450 The references are, first, to the Israelite who had brought a Midianite woman called Cozbi into his family, both of whom were killed by Phineas (Num. XXV.6—15); and second, probably, to Midianite involvement in the Moabite plot to halt the advance of the Israelites (Num. XXII.2-4). On the location of the land of Midian, see above, comm. to PentI 229; on the term Madianitae (Midianites) as referring to Arabs, see comm. to PentI 195, and discussion by Rotter, Abendland und Sarazenen, pp. 94—7. 451 On periscelides cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxxi.19 ('crurum ornamenta mulierum quo gressus earum ornantur'), though the Commentator's explanation is evidently independent of this. The uncompounded form *cnc£Xi5e<; (latinized here as scilides) is apparently not attested in Greek, though it presumably derives from GKzXoq, lower leg'. 452 Armbands or armillae (Greek GeXXia) were military insignia worn — especially by Germanic soldiers — in pairs on each arm: see R. Elze, 'Baugen - armillae: Zur Geschichte der koniglichen Armspangen', MGH, Schriften XIII.2 (1958), 538-53, and ODB I, 175. The Commentator, however, has mistaken the common Latin noun (armilla) and explained it in terms of Greek etymology, deriving armilla from Greek ap\ioq, 'joint'. There is no parallel for this explanation of armillae (that they are placed between the first joints of the fingers); cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxxi.l6 and TLL, s.v. 'armilla'. Note also that the spelling arctus (for artus) is not attested in the TLL, but is found in various Anglo-Saxon manuscripts: for example, in a copy of the Hiberno-Latin poem Lorica now in London, BL, Harley 2965 of c. 800 (see M. Herren, The Hisperica Famina II. Related Poems (Toronto, 1987), p. 84, with app. crit. to line 59). 454 There is apparently no parallel for the Commentator's explanation of dextralia (cf. TLL, s.v.); in fact Isidore says the very opposite: 'dextras 494
Commentary to Pentl
communes esse uirorum ac feminarum, quia utriusque sexus dexterae sunt' (Etym. XIX.xxxi.16), and Justinian's Digest (XXXIV.ii.25.10) describes bracelets as pertaining to women; cf. also ODB I, 319, s.v. 'Bracelet'. It is possible, therefore, that the Commentator has confused armillae (which were worn by Germanic soldiers on the upper arm: see previous note) with dextralia. 455 Cf. Rz [MSS. AFR](SS V, 168): 'Murenulas catenas latas et spissas quae ad ornandum collum aptantur', and Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxxi.l4; on the shape of Byzantine necklaces and pendants, see ODB II, 1448. 458 The notion that nothing can live in the Dead Sea because of its saltiness was expressed by Aristotle {Meteor. 359a 18—25), and is explained in some detail by Jerome, Comm. in Ezech. XIV.47: 'nihil quod spiret et possit incedere, prae amaritudine nimia in hoc mari reperiri potest ne cochleolae quidem paruique uermiculi et anguillae et cetera animantium siue serpentium genera, quorum magis corpuscula possumus nosse quam nomina; denique si Iordanis auctus imbribus pisces illuc fluens rapuerit, statim moriuntur et pinguibus aquis supernatant' (CCSL 75, 715). Cf. also Rz [MSS. AFR}(SS V, 168): 'Mare Salsissimum mare mortuum.' 459 The Ascent of Akrabbim, which marked the southern frontier of Palestine (see fig. 6), is mentioned here and in Josh. XV. 3 and Judg. 1.36. The Hebrew name ac(h)rabbim (LXX: 'Aicpapiv) means 'scorpions', according to Origen, Horn, in lesu Naue xix.3 (PG 12, 917: 'sed et ascendere nos oportet ascensum collium Acrabin, quod interpretatur scorpiones. Transeundi ergo nobis sunt et calcandi etiam scorpiones') and Jerome, Liber interpr. Hebr. nom. (CCSL 72, 79); cf. Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 227. According to nineteenth-century travellers, the place was indeed infested with quantities of scorpions: see Diet. Bibl. I (1895), 151—2. In comparison with these sources, the Commentator's explanation of the name is distinctly eccentric. 460 The 'Torrent of Egypt', mentioned elsewhere at Gen. XV. 18, Josh. XV.4 and 47, etc., debouches into the Mediterranean and roughly divides northern Sinai, with the Wilderness of Shur lying to the west and the Negev to the east. It is known now as the Wadi El-Arish (see Diet. Bibl. II (1899), 1621, s.v. 'Egypte, torrent ou ruisseau d"). It is true that the river exists only seasonally and in times of rainfall. 461 On the Mare Pardonicum, see above, comm. to Pentl 278. 462 There is serious confusion here, for the Euphrates does not flow west and debouch in the Mediterranean; rather, it rises in Cappadocia and 495
Commentary to the texts
flows south, passing near to Edessa, and debouches in the Indian Ocean. The description given here would seem better suited to the river Pyramus in Cilicia, which lies near Antioch by Mallus (rather than the better known and larger Antioch on the Orontes, which is out of the question here) and does debouch into the eastern Mediterranean (the Mare Pardonkum). In any event, the mistake is not one which could conceivably have been made by a native of Tarsus, and one can only assume that the Commentator's explanation was misunderstood by the English students recording it (cf. above, p. 271). 466 Cf. Ps. CIII.15: 'et panis cor hominis confirmat'. 467 The dipsas, whose bite causes severe thirst, is discussed by several ancient authors, including Nicander, Theriaca, lines 338-9 (6&X|1(XTI 6' £u<|)>,6YeTai Kpa8ir| jcporcav, &|i<|)i 5e Kaocxp / %z\kz i>n a£aA,er|<; auaiveiai appo%a 5iv|/r|(;), Aelian, De natura animalium VI.51, and Lucan, De bello ciuili IX.610. Cf. also Isidore, Etym. XII.iv.13 and discussion in RE 2nd ser. II (1923), 530-1, as well as Rz (SS V, 169): 'Dipsas genus serpentis pede et semis longus et duarum palmarum grossus caudam curuam et uenenatam cum qua pungit et interpretatur sitis quia homo ab ea percussus siti moritur.' 468 In the full catalogue of snakes which is contained in Nicander's Theriaca, lines 115-482, there is no snake said to have 'fiery lips' around its mouth, nor is any such snake discussed in the list of thirty-seven snakes treated in RE 2nd ser. II (1923), 521-57. Cf. Diet. Bibl. V (1912), 1671—4 (s.v. 'serpent'), at 1673, on these serafim or igniti serpentes: 'on ne peut dire a quelle espece appartenaient ces serpents'. The Commentator's information does not seem to be corroborated by any ancient authority, therefore. 470 The reference here is to John IV.6 and 20; on Mt Gerizim, see also below, comm. to Evil 127. 471 The tragelaphus, a kind of stag (cf. Rz [MSS. AFR] (SS V, 170): 'Tragelafum . . . similis ceruis uellosa tamen habet cornua ut hircus'), is mentioned by Aldhelm together with the bubalus as animals nurtured on figs (Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 155); Mayr-Harting rightly conjectured {The Coming of Christianity, p. 209) that Aldhelm might have derived this knowledge from the teachings of Theodore, even though the Canterbury biblical commentaries were at that time unpublished. 472—3 There is confusion here. The biblical text reads camelopardalum ('giraffe'), which the Commentator has apparently rendered as two distinct 496
Commentary to Pentl
animals, a cameleon ('chameleon') and a pardulum (dim. of pardus, 'panther'). The cameleo is properly a kind of lizard; cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.ii.18: 'chamaeleon non habet unum colorem, sed diuersa est uarietate consparsus, ut pardus'. The transmitted inmutatione is meaningless, and is possibly a corruption of in intuitione or something similar. By the same token, pardus unquestionably means 'panther' or 'leopard', and pardulus is evidently a diminutive. The 'giraffe' is called a camelopardalum because its coloration is like that of the leopard (cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.ii.19: 'camelopardus dictus, quod dum sit ut pardus albis maculis superaspersus, collo equo similis, pedibus bubulis, capite tamen camelo est similis. Hunc Ethiopia gignit'). The Commentator has repeated the Ethiopian origin, but has confused the remainder.
497
Gn-Ex-Evla: Commentary
1 The Commentator is referring again to the doctrine of the 'primeval' or 'three days" light which on the fourth day was made into the sun (cf. PentI 23 and 27). Procopius of Gaza {Comm. in Gen.) explains the creation of the sun in terms closely resembling the Commentator's: first the light was brought forth, then (on the fourth day) the sun became the receptacle of this light and constituted its 'body': icairccoqeiq <|)aoaiv 6 f\Xioq yivexai, el' ye TOO <)|CGTd<; <|>6(QT6<; eKeivoo TOOTO ad)|ia {sell. the sun] yeyevr|Tai (PG 87, 85). Note also that corpus is construed as a masculine noun (see above, p. 272); cf. however, TLL IV, col. 999, lines 19-22. 2 Basil's statement that the firmament is more solid than a rock and more beautiful than crystal is found in his Horn, in Hex. iii.4: OTcoia £cmv f\ T8 xoC KpuaxaMoi) MGou, 6v 5i9 OTceppdX^ouaav TOO o5aTO(; Tc TcoieiaGai <()aaiv, f] f\ TOO GK£KXO\)fyxxjxqev iiexaXXoiq aoviaTa|ievT|. taxi Siaoyfiq, i8ia£ooaav Kai Ka9apcoTdTT|v TT|V 8ia(|)dv8iav K8KTT||I8VO<; (PG 29, 61); cf. also Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 68). 4 Cf. PentI 33 and Evil 135. 5 The 930 years of Adam's life are mentioned in Gen. V.3, as well as in the 'Book of Jubilees' or Leptogenesis IV. 30 {The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, p. 24). et mille anni ... apud Deum\ II Pet. III.8. 6 For the notion that Adam remained in Paradise up to the eighth hour, cf. PentI 44 ('quasi ad horam nonam eiectum de paradiso') and accompanying commentary. 7 alii lapidatum: see the 'Book of Jubilees' or Leptogenesis IV. 31 {The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, p. 24). 498
Commentary to Gn-Ex-Evla maxilla asinae. The notion that Cain's murder weapon was the jawbone of an ass is widespread in medieval art and in Anglo-Saxon literature of the tenth and eleventh centuries; see G. Henderson, 'Cain's Jawbone', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961), 108-14, who, however, can find no literary source for the notion earlier than the tenth century. A.A. Barb, 'Cain's Murder-Weapon and Samson's Jawbone of an Ass', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972), 386—9, likewise is unable to identify a literary source, but notes that the earliest representations of sickles from the eastern Mediterranean show that flints were inserted into animal jawbones, especially those of the ass, and conjectures that 'Syriac or Coptic monks, emigrating for one reason or another to the far West, might have been familiar with the animal jawbone as a primitive sickle' (p. 387). More recently, J.E. Cross, 'Cain's Jawbone: Earlier Allusions', KM 80: A Birthday Album for Kenneth Muir (Liverpool, 1987), pp. 32—3, notes that the motif is found in 'Hiberno-Latin commentators on Scripture' but the earliest example which he adduces is the present passage in the Milan glosses, which are the product of seventh-century Canterbury and have nothing to do with Ireland. As matters stand, therefore, the present gloss is the earliest explanation as yet discovered of the notion that Cain's murder-weapon was the jawbone of an ass. 8 Jerome addressed some six letters to Pope Damasus, and of these, one (Ep. xxxvi) is concerned with the seven ways in which Cain sinned. The passage in question is found at Ep. xxxvi.2, but the wording is substantially different from that given by the Commentator: 'non ut aestimas, morieris et mortem pro remedio accipies, uerum uiues usque ad septimam generationem et conscientiae tuae igne torqueberis ita, ut, quicumque te occiderit, secundum duplicem intellegentiam aut in septima generatione aut septimo te liberet cruciatu' (CSEL 54, 271); cf. ibid.: 'quicumque te occiderit, beneficium praestet occiso, dum te tarn multis liberat cruciatibus'. It is not clear why there should be such great discrepancies between the text of Jerome and that quoted by the Commentator: perhaps he was using an intermediate source. 9 Most of this description (from Paradisus est locus to aditus paradisi pateat) is taken verbatim from Isidore, Etym. XIV.iii.2—4. It is also quoted in Rz [MSS. AFR] (SS V, 138). For the remaining information, cf. above, comm. to PentI 35, and Procopius, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 157-60). 10 Cf. above, comm. to PentI 59. 11 The notion that the size of the ark is measured not in normal cubits
499
Commentary to the texts
but in 'geometrical' cubits, is explained by Augustine, Quaest. in Hept. 1.4: 'quam quaestionem cubito geometrico soluit Origines, asserens non frustra Scripturam dixisse quod Moyses omni sapientia ^Egyptiorum fuerit eruditus, qui geometricam dilexerunt. Cubitum autem geometricum dicit tantum ualere quantum nostra cubita sex ualent' (CCSL 33, 3 = PL 34, 549). The discussion of Origen, referred to here by Augustine, is found in his Horn, in Gen. ii.2 (PG 12, 165-7) as translated by Rufinus: 'secundum artem geometricam, quam praecipue ^gyptii callent, cubitorum numerum in hoc loco posuit. Apud geometras enim secundum earn rationem, quae apud eos uirtus uocatur, ex solido et quadrato uel in sex cubitos unus deputatur'; Origen's original Greek (much of which is here preserved) gives less precise mathematical equivalents for the value of a 'geometric' cubit, which makes it probable that Augustine was following Rufinus's translation rather than Origen's Greek. The notion of a 'geometric cubit' is also expressed by Procopius of Gaza, Comm. in Gen. (PG 87, 277), who notes that the concept was first elaborated by a 'certain Hebrew scholar', who is not named (the reference in Procopius almost certainly derives directly from Origen, who says that the explanation derives from 'ancient teachers learned in Hebrew traditions', whence Procopius took his 'certain Hebrew scholar'; cf. Eisenhofer, Procopius von Gaza, p. 22). But Procopius does not give the final equation to the effect that one 'geometrical' cubit is equivalent to six normal ones; and this, in combination with the fact that Augustine's Quaest. in Hept. are quoted below at Gn-Ex-Evla 18, suggests that Augustine was here the Commentator's source. 12 Cf. PentI 70, where the giants are said to have been eighteen cubits tall. 13 Cf. PentI 173, and esp. Rz (SS V, 141): 'Mandragoras. fructus similis pomis in ilia herba nascitur, et habet duorum sexuum masculini et feminini et in radicibus ostendit similitudinem femine et est fertilis et dicitur qui earn eradicat non posse uiuere.' 14 Cf. PentI 184 and accompanying commentary. 15 This explanation of hotsprings is found in various ancient authorities, such as Seneca, NQ III.xxiv.1-3; cf. also Pliny, HN XXXI.4-5 and Isidore, Etym. XIII.xiii.ll. 18 The reference is to Augustine, Quaest. in Hept. 11.21: 'Si dictum esset, Absorbuit draco Aaron uirgas illorum, intelligeretur uerus draco Aaron phantastica ilia figmenta non absorbuisse, sed uirgas . . . sed 500
Commentary to Gn-Ex-Evla demonstrare difficile est quomodo etiam si ueri dracones facti sunt ex uirgis magorum, non fuerint tamen creatores draconum, nee magi, nee angeli mali quibus ministris ilia operabantur . . . sicut nee agricolae segetum uel arborum uel quorumque in terra gignentium creatores dicendi sunt, quamuis nouerint praebere quasdam uisibiles opportunitates et causas, ut ilia nascantur. Quod autem isti faciunt uisibiliter, hoc angeli inuisibiliter' (CCSL 33, 77-8 = PL 34, 602-3). 22 This notion is not found in John Chrysostom, but Professor Franz Tinnefeld draws our attention to a similar passage in pseudo-Athanasius, Quaest. ad Antioch. (CPG II, no. 2257): xpiaKOvxaeTfj xeA,eiov avOpGMrov &VKJT&|1£VOV, KaGcbq Kai 6 Xpiaxoq xpi<XKOvxaexf|(; £Pa7ixia0r| (PG 28, 612). This same source is also apparently used at PentI 35. However, note that the parallel here is not precise, since the Commentator refers to Christ's age when he appeared to the disciples, whereas pseudo-Athanasius refers to His age when baptized. Augustine, De ciuitate Dei XXII. 15 (CCSL 48, 834) states that men will be resurrected in bodies of the same age as was Christ when he appeared to the disciples, and attributes the notion to learned authorities', but does not identify them. It is also worth noting that this notion is found in the Laterculus Malalianus, ch. 17: 'ut resurrectionis similiter Christi omnis anima .xxx. surgat annorum aetate in hac ipsa, quam gessit uiuens in corpore' (MGH, Auct. Antiq. 13, 432). On Theodore's possible authorship of this work, see above, pp. 180—2. 23 ad instar collis: cf. the normal representations of the baptism in Byzantine iconography in K. Kiinstle, Iconographie der christlichen Kunst, 2 vols. (Freiburg, 1926-8) I, 378. montes . . . colles: Ps. CXIII.4. 24 Emitte . . . innouabuntur: Ps. CIII.30; but note that the biblical text reads et renouabis, not et innouabuntur. 25 A Roman legion, from the Republican period onwards, consisted in theory of ten cohorts of 600 men each (though in practice were often substantially larger); hence 6,000 men. See Vegetius, Epitome rei militaris II.2 and 6, as well as discussion in RE XII (1924), esp. 1197-9; H.M.D. Parker, The Roman Legions, rev. G.B. Watson (Cambridge, 1958), pp. 14 and 30—4; and G. Webster, The Roman Army: an Illustrated Study, rev. ed. (Chester, 1973), p. 10. Accordingly, twelve legions will in theory have consisted of 72,000 men (hence the transmitted .lxxx. has been emended to .lxxii.). 26 This is not a biblical quotation; but cf. Matt. III.6. 501
Commentary to the texts 27 Cf. Lev. 11.13 and Evil 78, where the same explanation is given nearly verbatim. 28 The notion that the air was impure and filled with demons was current in early Christian literature: see J. Danielou, 'Les demons de 1'air dans la "Vie d'Antoine'", in Antonius Magnus Eremita, ed. B. Steidle, Studia Anselmiana 38 (1956), 136—47; cf. also Jerome, Comm. in Eph. VI. 12 (PL 26, 546): 'Haec autem omnium doctorum opinio est, quod aer iste qui coelum et terram medius dividens, inane appellatur, plenus sit contrariis fortitudinibus.' The Commentator appears to have combined this (popular) notion with received medical opinion. 29 For silicus here read siliqua, 'carob tree'; and cf. Isidore, Etym. XVII.vii.29 Oigni eius fructus sit dulcis') and Zohary, Plants of the Bible, p. 63. 30 The same explanation of Emmaus is given in PentI 35, where it is attributed to Sophronius (but note that no such explanation is to be found in the surviving writings of Sophronius, and may derive from personal contact between Sophronius and Theodore in Constantinople: see above, p. 60). 31 The identical explanation occurs at Evil 48. 32 The references are to Luke XXIV.41-3 and John XXI. 12. 35 Cf. the pseudo-Bede Collectanea: 'tribus locis in euangelio legitur Dominum iratum nocuisse corporaliter. Prima uice totum gregem misit in mare, secunda uice ficulneam maledixit, tertia uice eiecit uendentes et ementes e templo' (PL 94, 548). 36 The quidam here are evidently Theodore himself: see W b l 13 (below, p. 549).
502
Evil: Commentary
1 The lemma (primus) is taken from the Praefatio uel argumentum Mathei (Novum Testamentum Latine, ed. Wordsworth and White, pp. 15—17) which begins as follows: 'Mattheus ex Iudaeis, sicut in ordine primus ponitur, euangelium in Iudaea primus scripsit.' This Praefatio is contained in a number of early gospelbooks; note, however, that it is not contained in the two manuscripts of Italian origin which were arguably in England by the time of Theodore and Hadrian, namely Jo (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. D. 2. 14) and Jx (Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 286)(the sigla used are those of Fischer, Die lateinischen Evangelien I, 13*—35*). On the biblical text of the gospels used by the Commentator, see above, pp. 194-7. 2 Cf. PentI 237, and accompanying commentary (above, p. 471). 3 The source of the comment attributed here to John Chrysostom is problematical. In Horn, in Matth. vii (CPG II, no. 4424), John explains only that the star must have appeared 'a long time' (rcpd noXkov %p6vou) before Christ's birth, for if it had not appeared a long time before that, the Magi would not have seen him in the cradle (PG 57, 76); but John does not specify a period of two years. However, in the next sentence John turns to Herod's edict concerning infants aged two years or less (ei 5e and 8i£ToC<; dvaipei Kai Kaxcoxepco, \ir\ Gauudacouev). There is thus some possibility that the Commentator, quoting from memory, conflated the two comments in Chrysostom, and assigned the two years — which properly pertain to Herod's edict in Matt. II. 16 - to the duration of the journey of the Magi; similar conflation is found elsewhere in Latin exegesis of Matthew (see Bischoff, MS I, 226-7). We are grateful to Professor Franz Tinnefeld for this suggestion. It is more likely, however, that the Commentator - here as elsewhere 503
Commentary to the texts
(see above, p. 215) — was drawing on a pseudo-Chrysostomian work. One such work is the so-called Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum (CPG II, no. 4569; CPL, no. 707; and H J . Sieben in DSp VIII (1972), 362-9: PG 56, 611-948). This text, which is the most detailed commentary on Matthew from the patristic period, was composed c. 430, perhaps by one Timothy, an Arian priest living in or near Constantinople; see P. Nautin, 'VOpus imperfectum in Matthaeum et les Ariens de Constantinople', RHE 67 (1972), 380-408 and 745-66, and J. van Banning in CCSL 87B, v-vi. It subsequently circulated widely from the Carolingian period onwards. In any event, the Opus imperfectum explains that the Magi took two years to reach Bethlehem after they had first seen the star: 'proficiscentibus autem eis per biennium praecedebat Stella' (PG 56, 638). This work could accordingly be the Commentator's source. However, one other possibility should be considered. As has been shown by U. Monneret de Villard (Le leggendi orientali sui magi evangelici, StT 163 (Vatican City, 1952), esp. 20-6), the account of the Magi in the Opus imperfectum has many similarities to the Syriac Book of the Cave of Treasures\ and we have noted other close parallels between this text and the Canterbury commentaries (see above, p. 236). In the Book of the Cave of Treasures, ch. 45 (ed. Ri, La Caverne des tresors I, 360 [Syriac] and II, 140 [French]), a precise parallel to the Commentator's statement at Evil 3 is found: 'Now it was two years before Christ was born that the star appeared to the Magi' (trans. Budge, The Book of the Cave of Treasures, p. 203). The parallels with the Opus imperfectum and the Book of the Cave of Treasures are all the more striking when set against other Syriac and Greek patristic opinion on this subject, according to which the Magi arrived two years after the Nativity rather than at the time of Christ's birth after two years of travel. For example, Ephrem, in his Commentary on the Diatessaron, clearly implies that the Magi arrived two years after the Nativity: see J. Rendel Harris, Fragments of the Commentary of Ephrem Syrus upon the Diatessaron (London, 1895), p. 37 and Ephrem: Commentaire de VEvangile concordant ou Diatessaron, ed. L. Leloir, SChr 121 (Paris, 1966), 76-9. And according to Bar Hebraeus, a similar opinion was found in other (Greek) patristic sources: 'Eusebius and Epiphanius and Mar Ephrem and Mar Jacob say that after two years, when they brought him up to Jerusalem, and when they were at Bethlehem, the Magi came' (Harris, ibid., pp. 38—9). (We are grateful to Jane Stevenson for this reference.) The opinion of Eusebius as well as that of Origen on this same matter is reported in a 504
Commentary to Evil Greek catena on Matthew dating from the early eighth century and known as the Catena Integra (CPG IV, no. C 110.4; see J.A. Cramer, Catenae in Evangelia, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1840-1) I, 15): Eoaepioo 'Qpiyevooc;- 6 Xpovoq, 6v fiKpipooaev 6 eHp68r|<; rcapd xcov |idya>v, 5i6TT|<; fjv. |ISTCI yap TO yevvr|9fjvai xov Saycfjpa, 5id 56o excov f|A,9ov arco xx\q %a)pa<; aoT&v. In light of this tradition it is interesting that a statement concerning the arrival of the Magi after two years is found in the Laterculus Malalianus, ch. 6: 'in .ii. anno natiuitatis eius Magi uenerunt in Hierosolyma' (ed. Mommsen, p. 428). In view of evidence for attributing the Laterculus to Archbishop Theodore (above, pp. 180-2), the discrepancy between this view and that given in Evil 3 requires explanation. Note finally that the use of the verb clamo, which normally means 'to call', 'to shout', is used here to mean 'to name', a usage which is also characteristic of Aldhelm's verse, particularly his Carmina ecclesiastica: CE II.6 ('quern clamant Titan almo spiramine vates'), III.36 ('quern clamant Ini certo cognomine gentes') and IV.ix.6 ('Ebrea quern clamat peregrinis lingua loquelis'). No precise parallel for this usage is recorded in TLL III, 1250-4. 4 It is not immediately clear what this gloss was intended to explicate. Possibly the Commentator had his mind on the Greek text of Matt. XVII.25 (oi fiaaiXeiq ifjc; yfjq and xivcov A,a|i|3dvoi)ai xtXr] f\ Kfjvaoo), which is rendered in the Vulgate as 'reges terrae a quibus accipiunt tributum uel censum'. 5 It is interesting to note that every one of the equivalents mentioned here is stated expressly in the Recapitulatio de ponderibus (below, pp. 564—5): 1 quadrans — 2 minuta ('duo enim minutae quadrantem tenent'); 1 tremis = 1 2 minuta ('in uno autem tremisse . . . .xii. minutas'); 1 solidus = 3 tremisses ('tres tremesses solidum faciunt'); 1 argenteus = 1 solidus ('solidus . . . et argenteus . . . unius ponderis nomina sunt'); 1 solidus = 36 minuta (computed from the fact that 1 tremis = 1 2 minuta and 1 solidus — 3 tremisses); and finally that 1 pending = 20 siliquae ('solidus qui pendinges .xx. siliquas habet'). At least one of these equivalents is found in the LdGl, where however it is rendered in terms of English currency (xxxi.6: 'solidos tres trymisas sax', 'one solidus = three thrymsas\ the latter being the English word for tremisses); cf. also xxix.9: 'quadrans. genus nummi et habens duo minuta'. This in turn is taken from Jerome, Comm. in euang. Matth. (CCSL 77, 30): 'quadrans genus nummi est qui habet duo minuta. Vnde in alio euangelio [scil. Mark XII.42] mulier ilia pauper et uidua 505
Commentary to the texts dicitur misisse quadrantem in corbanam, in alio duo minuta; non quod dissonent euangelia, sed quod unus quadrans duos minutos nummos habet. Hoc est ergo quod dicit: non egredieris de carcere donee etiam minima peccata persoluas.' 6 It is not clear what the Commentator is referring to here. The word noymata (vofmaxa) is used several times by St Paul in the Greek text of II Corinthians (II Cor. 11.11, III. 14, IV.4 and XI.3), and in the first of these instances the Greek word is rendered cogitationes in the Vulgate. Possibly, therefore, the Commentator intended noymata as a supplementary gloss on the word cogitationem which he had introduced by way of explanation of the nouissimum quadrantem in Evil 5. 7 Again, the point of this comment is not entirely clear. Some Greek rhetorical treatises draw a distinction between the tropes used by grammarians and those used by rhetors (e.g. pseudo-Tryphon, De figuris, in Rhetores Graeci, ed. Walz VIII, 745), and such a distinction may be intended here; grammarians understood the word solstitia to be derived from sol and stare (cf. Isidore, Etym. V.xxxiv.l: 'solstitium dictum quasi solis statio, quod tune sole stante crescant dies uel noctes'), so the Commentator's explanation is 'solstice as if the sun were standing still'. But what biblical lemma the distinction is meant to explain, is unclear. 8 The Greek term ava&inktoGiq refers to the repetition of a single word (as against the repetition of a group of words, which is called £7iavdA,r|\|n<;); see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, pp. 301—2. The figure is discussed by Phoibammon, Defiguris, ch. 3 (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 46) and in an anonymous treatise De figuris, ch. 3 {ibid. Ill, 182). On the date of Phoibammon, see above, p. 436. The Latin equivalent given here, namely recapitulation is somewhat peculiar, for that word in the context of Latin rhetoricians refers not to a figure but to part of the peroratio of a speech (cf. Martin, Antike Rhetorik, pp. 150-3); (xvadinXcoGK; is normally rendered in Latin as geminatio (Quintilian, Inst. orat. IX.iii.29), congeminatio (LdGl xxviii.68, where the lemma is taken from Cassiodorus, Expositio psalmorum), conduplicatio (Rhet. ad Herennium IV.xxviii.38), replicatio (Martianus Capella, De nuptiis V.533), duplicatio, reduplicatio and so on. The transmitted recapitulatio should probably, therefore, be emended to reduplicatio. Note also that twice in LdGl the term anacephaleosis is glossed (rightly) recapitulatio (ix.6 and xxxviii.21). Finally, it is not clear what the comment on Greek grammar is intended 506
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to convey: Greek adjectives and adverbs certainly do form the comparative and superlative by means of case-endings. Possibly a student has here misunderstood the purport of the Commentator's discussion; as evidence of corruption note that the Vulgate here reads 'est est non non', not 'est est amen amen' (and cf. Wb2 47: 'amen amen', below, p. 554). 10 For the statement that 1 passus = 4 cubits, cf. LdGl xxxi.25: 'pes uocatur quando una uice calcat passus idest fetim .iiii. cubitorum'. 11 It is not clear what this gloss refers to: the mention of cloaks in V.40? Or to clothing in VI.28—31? In any case a mutatorium is a sort of cape; note that 'double capes' are mentioned in IV Kgs. V.22 ('da eis talentum argenti et uestes mutatorias duplices'). Cf. also Isa. III.22, which lemma is explained in LdGl xiii.ll as follows: 'mutatoria. uestimenta alia meliora et mundiora.' 13 The attempt to trace sources of the Commentator's account of leprosy is complicated by several factors, but especially by the fact that in antiquity and in the Bible the word lepra (A,87cpa) was used as a blanket term to describe a number of skin ailments, not all of which are identical to our 'leprosy' (see, e.g. S.G. Brown, 'Leprosy in the Bible', in Medicine and the Bible, ed. B. Palmer (Exeter, 1986), pp. 101-25). Modern physicians distinguish two principal types of leprosy: tuberculoid, in which the bacilli attack the nervous system producing loss of sensation in the hands and feet, which consequently become swollen and deformed; and lepramatous, in which the face swells to grotesque proportions as the underlying structure collapses, and nodules appear all over the body (see R.E. and M.P. McGrew, Encyclopedia of Medical History (London, 1985), pp. 161-5, and K. Manchester, 'Medieval Leprosy: the Disease and its Management', in Medicine in Early Medieval England, ed. M. Deegan and D.G. Scragg (Manchester, 1987), pp. 27-32). It has been thought, on the basis of a description in Celsus (De medicina III.25), that what Greek physicians describe as elephantiasis corresponds to tuberculoid leprosy (see McGrew and McGrew, ibid., p. 162, and A. Patrick, 'Disease in Antiquity: Ancient Greece and Rome', in Diseases in Antiquity, ed. D. Brotherwell and A.T. Sandison (Springfield, OH, 1967), pp. 238-46, at 245). However, since a physician such as Dioscorides could prescribe barley/beer as a cure for 'leprosy' {De materia medica 11.86, ed. Wellmann I, 170), it is more likely that lepra referred to a condition of scaly skin with itching, etc., which could include lepramatous (but not tuberculoid) leprosy as well as psoriasis, impetigo and similar diseases, whereas 507
Commentary to the texts elephantiasis referred to the chronic swelling of lymphatic tissue which modern physicians also describe as elephantiasis (see Riddle, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, pp. 42—3). There is accordingly some confusion in ancient treatments of leprosy: see, for example, the discussions in Galen, Introductio seu medicus, ch. 13 (ed. Kiihn XIV, 756—7), who distinguishes six kinds of elephantiasis (£A,e<|)avTiaai<;, A,£ovciaai<;, dfyiaaq, Xenpa, dtaimeida and tabpr|), none of which corresponds to the four kinds mentioned by the Commentator. Paul of Aegina includes a lengthy discussion of elephantiasis, and explains that black bile produces a reddish kind of the disease, but does not give our Commentator's fourfold classification (Epitome IV. 1—2: ed. Heiberg I, 317—23; The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, trans. Adams II, 1—5 and 15—16). Cf. also the description given by Isidore, Etym. IV.viii.ll: lepra uero asperitas cutis squamosa lepidae herbae similis, unde et nomen sumpsit: cuius color nunc in nigredinem uertitur, nunc in alborem, nunc in ruborem'. However, the closest parallel to our Commentator's scheme appears to be a non-medical source, namely Maximus the Confessor, who in his Ambigua describes the four kinds of leprosy as white, pallid, red and black: xr\v dc(>f|v xfjq Xznpaq eiq xeaaapa yevr| nepiaavxa, ziq X-EOKOV Kai %A,(opdv Kai £av06v Kai a|iai)p6v (PG 91, 1201). The source of Maximus's fourfold classification is unknown, but it is worth recalling the evidence that Theodore and Maximus may have known each other in Rome through their involvement in drafting the acta of the Lateran Council of 649 (see above, p. 78). Morbus regius. It is striking that the Commentator should refer to elephantiasis as the 'royal disease'. For many ancient medical authorities, morbus regius was equivalent to jaundice (Greek iKxepiag): Pliny, HN XXII.53, Celsus, De medicina 111.24, Marcellus, De medicamentis, ch. 20 and Isidore, Etym. IV.viii.13: 'Icteris Graeci appellant a cuiusdam animalis nomine, quod sit colons fellei . . . Regium autem morbum inde aestimant dictum, quod uino bono et regalibus cibis facilius curetur.' Because of this usage, the 'royal disease' or cynelic adl came in later Anglo-Saxon England to be referred to as the 'King's Evil': see W. Bonser, The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1963), pp. 271—6. However, alongside this usage various writers in late antiquity referred to leprosy as the 'royal disease', as did, for example, Rufinus in his continuation of Eusebius, HE X.26 (GCS 9, 989). It is this usage which the Commentator was following, and it is interesting that later Canter508
Commentary to Evil bury sources follow him, for example LdGl iv.89 ('morbo re. leprositas') and probably Aldhelm, prose De uirginitate, ch. 32 (ed. Ehwald, pp. 271—2, where Aldhelm's source is Rufinus, HE VI.7, where the affliction is described once again as morbus regius). Elefanciosus . . . sacerdotalis infirmitas. Medical writers frequently explain that elephantiasis is so named because the skin of the patient acquires elephantine thickness and roughness: see Galen, Introductio seu medicus, ch. 13 (ed. Kiihn XIV, 756) and Isidore, Etym. IV.viii.12. The Commentator's explanation, to the effect that the disease is so named because, like the elephant, it exceeds all others in magnitude, is quite distinct from this. By the same token, the 'sacred disease' (iepd voaoq, here sacerdotalis infirmitas) referred in antiquity to epilepsy (as in the treatise of Hippocrates entitled De morbo sacro), not to elephantiasis: see A. Philipsborn, 'IEPA N O I O I und die Spezial-Anstalt des Pantokrator-Krankenhauses', Byzantion 33 (1963), 223-30, at 224-5. It is therefore striking that Sophronius of Jerusalem, in his Miracula SS Cyri et loannis (BHG, no. 477), ch. 15, describes elephantiasis as 'the sacred disease' (PG 87, 3469: TT|V iepdv exovxi voaov . . . £>,e<|>avTi&a£(oc, v6<xr||ia), and explains that, just as the elephant exceeds all quadrupeds in strength and size, so physicians, perceiving the force of the disease to be greater than all others, named it after the elephant: coarcep yap eiceivo TO £a>ov TG>V aMcov T£Tpa7t65cov &A,Kfj 5icu|)6pei Kai ^eyeGei TOO aco|iaTO<; . . . OUTGO Kai TOCTO TOOV aXXcov rcaGdw noXv jieT^ov iaTpoi Kaidg aKO7tf|aavT£<;, TCQ TOC eXefyavxoq dvo^aTi 7ipoariyopeoaav (PG 87, 3468). This explanation so closely resembles the Commentator's that it is worth recalling that Sophronius had attended the medical lectures of Stephen of Alexandria during a stay in Alexandria sometime between 581 and 584 (see above, p. 56); if, as we have suggested (above, p. 62), the young Theodore attended the lectures of this same Stephen in Constantinople many years later, it is possible that the Commentator's description of elephantiasis derives from those lectures. Alternately, it is possible that Theodore learned the description from personal contact with Sophronius in Constantinople (see above, p. 60). 15 The Commentator begins his discussion of the fever with which Peter's mother-in-law was afflicted by distinguishing between fever proper (7iDp8T6q, Latin febris) and — apparently — dropsy ((38epo<;, here Latin aquosus), which is a frequent accompaniment of acute diseases such as fevers. He then explains that dropsy is a wet affection, inasmuch as it derives from water and air (moistness is the shared property of these two 509
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elements in humour-theory). Dropsies attendant on fevers are discussed at length by Stephen of Alexandria in his lectures on the Prognostica of Hippocrates (ed. Duffy, Stephanus the Philosopher. A Commentary on the Prognosticon of Hippocrates, pp. 138—60); note in particular Stephen's definition of dropsy (p. 140) and his statement that fever is hot and dry, whereas dropsy is cold and wet (p. 146: 6 5e i35epo<; \|/i>xp6v eaxi rcdOoc; Kai oypov); cf. also his discussion of the Aphorisms of Hippocrates (ed. Westerink, Stephanos of Athens II, 238—40). The Commentator then proceeds to analyse fevers more closely. The classification of fevers given here is traditional in Greek medicine, being found as early as Hippocrates (De natura hominis, ch. 15; De epidemiis III. 1, etc.) and Plato (Timaeus 86a); its fullest exposition, however, is found in various writings of Galen, particularly Therapeutica, ad Glauconem 1.4-14 (ed. Kiihn XI, 17-42), De typis (ibid. VII, 463-74) and De differentiis febrium (ibid. VII, 273-406). Byzantine commentators followed Galen. There is, for example, a lengthy account of the various kinds of fevers by Alexander of Tralles in his treatise De febris (ed. Puschmann I, 291-493; trans. Brunet, Oeuvres medicales d'Alexandre de Tralles II, 2-99), but, as Alexander states at the outset, his discussion is derived wholly from that of the 'divine Galen* (xoO Geioxaxaxoo FaXr|voC). Thus Galen distinguished broadly between two sorts of fever, non-intermittent and non-remittent or continent: see Therapeutica, ad Glauconem 1.4 (ed. Kiihn XI, 17), De differentiis febrium II.2 (ibid. VII, 336) and De crisibus II.3-6 (ibid. IX, 647-65). Of non-intermittent fevers there are three kinds: x©v \IEV o$v 5iaA,£i7i6vTG)v xpeiq eiaiv ai rcaaai 5iac|>opai, d^rmepivoq, xpixaioq Kai xexapxaux; (De differentiis febrium II.2, ed. Kiihn VII, 336; cf. Stephen of Alexandria, commenting on Hippocrates's Aphorisms, ed. Westerink, Stephanus of Athens II, 142, on auvexefc; rcopexoi; cf. I, 84—6). These are the types of fever listed by the Commentator as cotidiana, terciana and quartana. Concerning the sources of these fevers, Galen states explicitly that tertian fevers arise from the liver, quartan fevers from the spleen: KaBarcep 6 xexapxakx; nepi GnXx\vi KaKOTcpayoovxi- 6 5e xpixaux; rcepi fi^iaxi (Ad Glauc. 1.5, ed. Kiihn XI, 18; cf. Commentarius in Hippocratem de humoribus I.I (ibid. XVI, 14), and Introductio seu medicus, ch. 13
(ibid. XIV, 745); from these last two sources it is clear that, in Galen's opinion, white bile causes tertian fevers, whereas black bile causes quartan fevers). On the non-remittent or continent fever (nvpexdq aovo^oq), it is difficult to find a precise parallel for the statement that a non-remittent 510
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fever lasts a day and a night with six hours' remission, and one wonders whether the Commentator's discussion has been garbled in transmission; for example, the fever known as semitertiana (f|uiTprcaio<;) is said to have a remission of six hours between its two onslaughts: coaie elvai TO ueTa^i) 5idaxrma xfj<; dpxfjq xcov 860rcupexcave£ (bpcov (De differentiis febrium II.7, ed. Kiihn VII, 360). Note, finally, that Stephen of Alexandria's lectures on Galen's treatise Ad Glauconem include a lengthy exposition of the types and treatments of fevers {Scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum, ed. Dietz, esp. pp. 243-86), including the classification into non-intermittent and non-remittent fevers (p. 268), and, of the former, into daily, tertian and quartan (pp. 269—74). If, as we suggested earlier (p. 62), Archbishop Theodore had attended the lectures of Stephen at Constantinople, then these lectures, rather than the written texts of Galen's various treatises, will have been the source of this information on fevers; cf. comm. to Evil 13 and 43. 16 propheta: Mai. IV.2. 18 This comment reveals the Greek-centred outlook of the Commentator. The Latin word as was a unit of measurement and referred in particular to a copper coin; the archaic form of the word, attested for example in Varro, was assarius. This archaic form was borrowed into Greek as daadpiov, and is attested in this form in the Greek text of Matt. X.29; cf. ODB I, 212, s.v. 'Assarion'. The Commentator evidently had the Greek text in mind; a Latin commentator would presumably have known that as(sarius) was a native Latin word. 19 This gloss is evidently intended as comment on Matt. X.30 (cf. Evil 20, below). The ultimate source of the seven unfathomables is Ecclus. 1.2 ('harenam maris et pluuiae guttas et dies saeculi quis dinumerauit; altitudinem caeli et latitudinem terrae et profundum abyssi quis mensus est'); note, however, that there is a much closer parallel in the pseudo-Bede Collectanea: 'arena maris, pluuiarum guttae, dies saeculi, altitudo coeli, multitudo stellarum, profunditas terrae et imum abyssi... haec non nisi a Deo tantum numeranda sunt' (PL 94, 541). 20 Cf. Jerome, Comm. in euang. Matt.: 'inmensam Dei erga homines ostendit prouidentiam' (CCSL 77, 73). Independent evidence for knowledge of this text at Canterbury in Theodore's time is provided by LdGl, ch. xxix (see above, p. 174). 21 On K(XK8|i<j)aTOv, see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, p. 252. The term is not apparently discussed by any Greek rhetorician; cf. however Quintilian, 511
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Inst. orat. VIII.iii.44-7: 'mala consuetudine in obscenum intellectum sermo detortus est\ 22 There is some confusion here: harundo is a Latin, not a Greek word (there is no corresponding loanword in Greek). Possibly the Greek word Kataxnoc,, which is used at this point in the Greek NT, has fallen out of the gloss after the word graece; or possibly the order of the words should be emended so as to read 'arundinem latine, graece cannam', for the Latin word canna is a loanword from K&vva. 24 A very similar distinction is made by Maximus the Confessor in his Ambigua: avOpomoc, ££ dv0p67C(ov akr\Q&q yivexai xe Kai yevvdxai aco|iaxiK©q xcopiq duapxiac, 5id xov dvGpamov, Kai Parcxi^exai, xi>v eiq uioGeaiav 7ivei)|aaxiKf|v OTiep f||i©v eKooaiax; vnep%6\ievoq yevvr|aiv (PG 91, 1348). Note also that it was an article of the Lateran Council of 649 (drafted by Maximus and probably, too, by Archbishop Theodore: see above, p. 78) that there were 'two nativities (yevvf|a£i<;) in Christ', but the sense of the definition in the council's proceedings is somewhat different. On the perfectum . . . baptismum, see below, comm. to Evil 37 and 38. 25 Again there is some confusion: sata is a Latin word (p.p. of sero, and meaning 'crops'), not in any sense a Greek word. The word used here in the Greek NT is ax&xix; ('ear of corn'). Is it possible that the Commentator thought that sata was a derivative of axdxo<;? 26 This same entry is found in the LdGl xlvii.95: 'philocain. grece scopon' (the Greek word <|)iA,OKdA,iov is in effect a metaphor for the broom or besom: it means literally 'lover of cleanliness'). The word is common enough for a speaker of Greek; nevertheless, it is interesting to note that a similar entry is found in an early version of the Greek—Latin Hermeneumata (CGL III, 321: <|>iA,OKdA,iv: scopa), and it might be argued that the entry was taken from such a text by the Commentator and by the author of the entry in LdGl. It has long been assumed that there are Hermeneumatabatches in the Leiden Family of glossaries: see Lindsay, The Corpus, Epinal, Erfurt and Leyden Glossaries, p. 7, and esp. Pheifer, 'Early Anglo-Saxon Glossaries', pp. 19—26. We are, however, cautioned by Carlotta Dionisotti that the assumption is still in need of proof, inasmuch as the alleged 'Hermeneumata-bstches' in LdGl do not correspond to any known version of Hermeneumata. 27 The tradition of patristic comment on this passage is discussed by J. Leclercq, 'Scopis mundatam (Mt 12, 44; L c l l , 25): le balai dans la Bible et dans la liturgie d'apres la tradition latine', in Epektasis: Melanges J. 512
Commentary to Evil Danielou (Paris, 1972), pp. 129-37, at 131-2, but the tradition contains no explanation similar to the Commentator's. The rhetorical trope dviic^pacnq is a sort of irony (see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, p. 264). It is discussed by several Byzantine rhetoricians, notably Gregory of Corinth (eleventh or twelfth century AD), De tropis (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 222) and an anonymous treatise De tropis (ibid. Ill, 212); but the discussion which most helpfully illuminates the definition of the Commentator (cum bono uerbo malum significat) is that by Kokondrios, De tropis: avtifypaGiq £cm Xefyq 5id T©V dvciKeifievcov TO £vavTiov f] 7iapaK8i|aevcov rcapdyooaa, and in order to illustrate the latter Kokondrios gives the following examples: KdO&Tcep eicoGanev xd<; a^eiv Kai GZ\ivaq Oedq, Kai MeX,ix6vr|v xf|v nepae habet'; but the matter is far from clear. 513
Commentary to the texts 29 The source here is a homily falsely attributed to Ephrem, the Sermo adversus haeretkos (CPG II, no. 3949; see above, p. 234): TO ydp rcop TT|V 0£OTT|Ta, Kai TO o5a)p TT|V 7ip6aXr|\|/iv. oo TO o5cop | v . . . f| daTparcf| 87ci7C8Taa98iaa cvvenXaKf] TCG (38aTi Kai 0por|a0eiaa aneKXeiae aova<|)0£v eKaTepov. f\ 08p^r| TOO c&>\iaToq f|vd)0r| TCQ 87C8ia8X,06vTi... f| (|>6aic, 5id TT|V evcoaiv r|o£r|ae TO d7COK>xia0ev. TtpoiovToq TOO Kaipoo, 7cpofjA,0e TO o5cop Kai TO rcop eig napyapirriv. OOTCO X-eyei Kai TO eoayye^iov, OTI 7iv8O(ia Kopioo 87i8X,8oa8Tai eni xf\v 7cap0evov {Sancti Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia {Graece}, ed. Assemani II, 268; cf. also p. 263). We are grateful to Fr Edmund Beck and Sebastian Brock for advice on the authenticity of the Ephremic sermon. 30 Another instance of the Commentator's Greek-centred outlook: although the word caminus was originally a loanword from Greek, it was well acclimatized in Latin by the time of Cato and Cicero in the second and first centuries BC, and would scarcely have been reckoned a grecism in Jerome's day. The comment may have been prompted by the occurrence of the word Kdfiivoq at this point in the Greek NT. 31 The word xpvaoc, occurs several times in the Greek text of Matthew (Matt. 11.11, X.9 and XXIII. 16 and 17); any of these occurrences may be in question here. 33 There is some confusion here, and one wonders whether the Commentator's exposition has been garbled by a Greek-less student. At Matt. XIII.5 5 the Greek NT refers to Christ as 6 TOO T8KTOVO<; otoq. Referring to the Greek text, the Commentator explained TSKTOOV as meaning 'builder' (cf. ODB I, 382, s.v. 'Carpenter') and, by way of supplementary information, explained dp%iT8KT(ov as 'master-builder', the prefix dpxihaving the meaning 'chief-' or 'principal'. Whoever recorded the Commentator's explanation took TSKTCOV (misrepresented orthographically as tectus) to mean 'chief or 'principal', whence the erroneous gloss latine princeps (see Lapidge, 'The Study of Greek', pp. 188-9). But cf. also the relevant apparatus criticus, and note that the word dp%iT8KT(ov has been badly mangled in transliteration. 35 The Sea of Galilee was called the M|ir|v FevvriaapeT in the Greek text of Luke V. 1 (Vulgate: Genesar); at its northwest corner was a fertile plain called FevvriaapeT in Matt. XIV.34, whence the name of the lake was taken (see fig. 6). The name 'Sea of Galilee' derives from the name of the Roman province which borders its western shore. The city Tiberias is first mentioned in the NT (John VI. 1 and 23, XXI. 1); 514
Commentary to Evil
Josephus explains that it was built by Herod Antipas and named by him in honour of the emperor Tiberius {Antiq. XVIII.ii.3 [36-8]; Bell. lud. Il.ix.l [168]). It was the capital city of Galilee and survives as modern Tubarieh on the western shore of the lake, two-thirds of the way between the northern and southern end (see fig. 6). The name 'Sea of Tiberias' for the Sea of Galilee is attested only once, in John VI. 1, which is probably what the Commentator has here in mind. Something of the geography of Gennesaret and Tiberias could have been learned from various Latin sources, such as Jerome, Ep. cxxix.5: 'et lacum Ceneret [ = Gennesaret], quae nunc Tiberias appellatur' (CSEL 56, 171), and Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae, ch. 2 (CSEL 39, 137 = CCSL 175, 115); similar information is repeated in Adomnan, De locis sanctis, an Insular text whose composition is approximately contemporary with that of the Canterbury biblical commentaries: 'noster sepe memoratus sanctus Arculfus mare Galileae, quod et lacus Cinereth [ = Gennesaret] et Tiberiadis nominatur' (CSEL 39, 269 = CCSL 175, 215). 36 The number of heresies was a matter of some discussion among the Fathers (see, for example, Augustine, Ep. ccxxii to Quodvultdeus: PL 33, 999-1000). It is apparent that a number has fallen out of the text after haereses and before ante, but, given the varying numbers of heresies alleged by various writers, it is not possible to attain certainty as to what number should be restored. Filastrius, in his Diuersarum haereseon liber (CCSL 9, 207—324), enumerated twenty-eight heresies which originated among the Jews before Christ's advent, so there is some argument for restoring <.xxviii.> to the text, as we have done. It is not clear who were the commentators who enumerated 120 heresies, but it is worth mentioning that Epiphanius in his massive treatise Adversus haereses or Panarion (CPG II, no. 3745) recorded twenty heresies before Christ's advent, so perhaps xxx. in the text is an error for .xx. With respect to those who enumerated seven heresies, however, more certainty is possible: according to Eusebius (HE IV.22), one Hegesippus had listed seven heresies among the Jews before Christ's advent, and Epiphanius too lists seven heresies among the Jews, as follows: Sadducaei, Scribae ( = Grammatei), Pharisaei, Hemerobaptistae, Nazaraei, Osseni and Herodiani (Panarion XIV-XX: GCS 25, 208-27 = PG 4 1 , 239-80). It was presumably the discussion by Epiphanius which the Commentator had in mind. 37 The word dachoyson is corrupt. It is possible that the Commentator was discussing here the 'baptism of tears' as a sort of'introductive' baptism 515
Commentary to the texts (see below, comm. to Evil 38), in which case dachoyson might be a corruption of [TO pd7ixic^a] xcav 5aKp6cov. The 'baptism of tears' is mentioned in Theodore's ludicia II.iv.4 with reference to Gregory of Nazianzus: 'Gregorius Nazanzenus dixit secundum baptismum esse lacrimarum' (ed. Finsterwalder, Die Canones Theodori Cantuariensis', p. 317); see also above, p. 152, n. 85, where the suggestion is made that Theodore's source in the ludicia was not in fact Gregory but one of John Chrysostom's homilies on penitence. See also T. O Loughlin and H. Conrad-O Briain, 'The "Baptism of Tears" in Early Anglo-Saxon Sources', ASE 22 (1993), 65-83. 38 The word xeXeicoTiKOV ('perfect' or 'perfected') does not occur in the Greek N T , and its immediate referent is not clear. However, in discussing Matt. X I . l l , the Commentator had made reference to the 'perfect' baptism experienced by certain of the apostles, in contrast, by implication, with the baptizing done by John the Baptist. In adverting to this distinction, it is possible that the Commentator had in mind a passage in the thirteenth of Basil's Homiliae (CPG II, no. 2857, on baptism), where John the Baptist's baptizing is referred to as 'introductive' as against Christ's, which is 'perfective': eiceivo eiaaycoyiicdv TO pdnxia^a, TOOTO TeXeiamKov (PG 31, 425). Such a reference would explain the occurrence of the word T8X,6ICOTIK6V here; it would also suggest that the baptism of tears mentioned in Evil 37 (if that is what lies behind the corrupt dachoyson) was described by the Commentator as eiaayooyiKOv, which was subsequently glossed, correctly, as introductiuum. 40 There is an interesting parallel to this scheme in Maximus the Confessor, Quaestiones et dubia §§ 191-2 (CCSG 10, 132-5). In the first quaestio, the names of the three apostles are said (through etymology) to signify individual virtues (p. 133: 6 IleTpoq Korea TOrcparcovTOO li^icovoq 6vo|i<x urcaKof| £pnr|ve6eTai, KGIT& 5e TO IleTpoc; 5r|A,oi TT|V &Tpe\|/iav . . . 6 5e 'ICIKCOPOC; ep^iT|V8i)6Tai 7CTepviaTf|<;, 5r|A,oi)Tai 5e 5id TOOTOO f\ tXniq . . . 6 5e 'Ico&vvr|<; £pnr|vei)£Tai rcepicrcepd, 5r|ta)i)Tai 5e 5id TOUTOO f\ dyd7CT|, etc.). In the following quaestio, the three shelters or tents, each pertaining to one of the three apostles who accompanied Jesus on the mountain (Matth. XVII. 1—4), are said to represent active, natural and contemplative life: Tpeiq 8e aKT|vai eiaiv- rcpaynaTiicfi, <|n)criKf| Kai 0eoXoyiKf| (ibid., p. 135). The Canterbury Commentator evidently had this scheme in mind, though he has telescoped it somewhat. We are grateful to Sebastian Brock for drawing the passage in Maximus to our attention. 516
Commentary to Evil 41 The quotation attributed here to John Chrysostom is not apparently to be found in that author; the closest parallel which can be found is John's statement, in his Commentary on Matthew, concerning the presence of Moses and Elijah, namely that Christ was the master of life and death, Moses was already dead, and Elijah was not yet dead (PG 58, 550-1); a similar notion, that Moses represents here the world of the dead and Elijah that of the living, is found in a homily of John of Damascus (PG 96, 571). The reference to the struggle of the archangel Michael with the devil over the body of Moses, and the quotation, is from Jude 1.9. The 'sunt qui dicunt' is perhaps a reference to the apocryphal 'Assumption of Moses' (The Apocryphal Old Testament, ed. Sparks, pp. 601-16). Although the Latin text of this apocryphon as preserved contains no account of the dispute concerning the body of Moses, various Greek authors refer to the 'Assumption', and from their references it is clear that the text at some point contained discussion of the dispute between the archangel Michael and the devil (see esp. Gelasius of Cyzicus, Historia Concilii Nicaeni 11.20 (PG 85, 1284—5). Since the 'Assumption' circulated in Greek and was known to various Greek patristic authors (e.g. Clement of Alexandria, Hypotyposeis (GCS 17, 207), Didymus (PG 39, 1815) and Oecumenius (PG 119, 713)), there is some possibility that it was known to the Commentator, but since the parts concerning the dispute have not come down to us, certainty in the matter is not possible; cf. also the reference to what is probably the same (lost) source in Evil 75, below, p. 522. We are very grateful to Fr Michel Aubineau for advice on this matter. 42 There is a striking parallel to this comment in pseudo-Bede, Collectanea: 'Ab Adam usque ad Christum tria ista latuerunt daemones: quod Christus ex uirgine natus, passus in cruce, sepultus in terra, uel qui descendit ad inferos' (PL 94, 548). The ultimate patristic source of this triad is apparently a passage in Ignatius of Antioch, Epist. ad Ephes. (CPG I, no. 1O25[1]), ch. 19, where Ignatius describes the three things which lay hidden from the 'prince of the world' or Satan, which were Mary's virginity, her birth and the death of the Lord: Kai eA,a6ev xov ap%ovxa TOD auavoq xooToi) r\ 7cap6evia Mapiaq Kai 6 XOKEXOC; aoxfjq, ouoicaq Kai 6 Gavaxoq xoo Kopiou: xpia (xoaxfipia KpaDyfjc;, axiva ev f|ai)xia 0eo() £7ipdxOTi (PG 5, 660). 43 The closest parallel to this statement, and in particular to the notion that the size of the brain changes as the moon waxes and wanes, is found in the commentary of Stephen of Alexandria on the Prognostica of Hippo517
Commentary to the texts crates: evGev au£o6crr|<; xfjc; GzXr\vr\q rcapo^ovovxai oi 67u>,r|7mKoi Kai naXiv Xr\yo()Gr\q 7tapaK|id£ooc7iv. eaxi 5e xeK^ifipaaOai t o auxo xooxo, <()T|^i oxi f| aeXf|vr| e£dp%ei x^iapdq xivo<; 0epnaaia<;, Kai 8^ exepaw 7rA,eiaxa)v. oi' xe yap tyKe^>akoi xcov £qxav ao^dvovxoq xoC aeA,r|viaKoi) ((xoxoc; nei£ove<; eaoxaw yivovxai (ed. Duffy, Stephanus the Philosopher. A Commentary on the
Prognostkon of Hippocrates, p. 56). For the possibility that the young Theodore attended medical lectures of Stephen at Constantinople, see above, p. 62. 45 The distinction between the denarius diurnus and the denarius militaris is set out in the Recapitulatio de ponderibus § 6 (see below, pp. 564—5): 'Dinarius tamen duplex est: hoc est, dinarius diurnus qui .xxiiii. siliquas habet . .. et dinarius militaris qui .x. et .viii. siliquas habet.' And that a solidus = three denarii may be deduced from a statement ibid., § 8: 'Dinarius uero militaris et tertia pars eiusdem tres efficiunt tremisses . .. tres tremesses solidum faciunt.' 46 The heresy of the Herodiani is explained by Epiphanius, Panarion XX. 1: eHpd)5r|v 8e otfxoi fiyouvxo Xpiaxov, Xpiaxov xov ev naaaiq Ypac|)aT<; v6|ioi) xe Kai 7cpo(()T|xc5v 7cpoa5oK(b|a8vov, voixiaavxeq atixov elvai xov eHp65iiv (GCS 25, 224 = PG 4 1 , 269). 47 Again there is apparently some confusion here. The Vulgate reads nomisma census ('the coin of the tribute'), the Greek NT has xo v6\iia\ia xoC KT|VCTOV). In other words, census is in no sense a Latin equivalent of v6|iia|ia (nomisma); cf. LdGl xxiv.ll ('nomisma. solidus') and xxiv.9 ('censum. quod repente indicitur'). 48 Phylacteries were two pieces of parchment on which were written four sacred texts of scripture (Ex. XIII. 1-10, 11-16, Deut. V.4-9 and XV. 13—21) and which were worn about the neck in an attempt to avert evil. Their function is explained by Jerome, Comm. in euang. Matt. (CCSL 77, 212). Note that the identical gloss occurs at Gn-Ex-Evla 31 (above, p. 394). 51 The reading excolentes (for excolantes) is attested in no manuscript of the gospels; but it is worth noting that excolentes is found also in Wb2 68 (an early ninth-century manuscript: see below, p. 552) and is probably guaranteed by the explanation a colendo dicitur given here, even though the Commentator's subsequent explanation shows that he was thinking of excolare ('to strain') rather than excolere ('to cultivate', 'to refine'). Perhaps there was some confusion in the Commentator's mind. Cf. also LdGl xxiv.12: 'exolantes. mundantes a colendo dicitur'. 518
Commentary to Evil
53 The antidote 6r|piaKf|, consisting of pastilles made of viper's flesh, was well known in antiquity, and is discussed at length by Galen, De antidotis I.I and 6, who notes that it was first made by Nero's physician Andromachus: £rcoir|a£ xf|v 0Tipiaicf|v 6voua£o|ievr|v dvxi5oxov, OOK 6A,iyr|v 8%i5vcov adpKa iii^aq xoiq akXoxq (ed. Kiihn XIV, 2); Galen then gives lengthy recipes for making the pastilles of viper flesh (ibid. 1.8, ed. Kiihn, pp. 45-9); cf. also Isidore, Etym. XII.iv.ll: 'ex uipera autem fiunt pastilli, qui 0T|piaKoi uocantur a Graecis'. What is not clear, however, is why the Commentator should have introduced an explanation of 0T|piaKT| at this point; certainly the word does not occur in the Greek NT. 56 Cf. LdGl xxiv.13, where the identical explanation is found: 'Alabastrum. proprium nomen lapidis et uas sic nominatur de illo lapide factum.' A similar (but differently worded) explanation is found in Isidore, Etym. XX.vii.2: 'alabastrum uas unguentarium e lapide sui generis cognominatum'; cf. also Eucherius, Instructiones: 'Alabastrum genus marmoris pretiosi ex quo euangelici illius unguenti uasculum erat' (CSEL 31, 148). 57 The Commentator here attempts — erroneously — to derive the family name Pontius from the island of Pontus (today Ponza: see fig. 5). Ponza is near Naples, where Hadrian had been abbot before coming to England (see above, p. 120). 58 Corbona is a Syriac word (qurbana) which properly means 'offering'; cf. Jerome, Ep. cxxiii.5 (CSEL 56, 78) and Liber interpretations Hebraicorum nominum (CCSL 72, 135): 'Corbana. oblatio'; see also Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 282. The Commentator's explanation may perhaps be a guess from context, or it may be derived from Eucherius, Instructiones II. 3 (CSEL 31, 148): 'Corbana gazophylacium'. Cf. below, comm. to Evil 60. In any case the Commentator's explanation here does not betray any special familiarity with Syriac (cf. above, p. 233). 59 Cf. below, comm. to Evil 101. 60 Although the word gazophylacium occurs once in the Vulgate (Luke XXI. 1), it probably occurs here as an explanation of the Syriac word corbona mentioned in Evil 58; cf. also Eucherius, Instructiones II.3, who explains the one by the other: 'Corbana gazophylacium, corbona autem interpretatur oblatio' (CSEL 31, 148). The Instructiones of Eucherius were a text certainly studied at Canterbury in Theodore's time, for they are the basis for the explanations in LdGl, ch. xxxiii. 62 The 'Latin' word sabanum is in fact a loanword from adpavov; cf. Isidore, Etym. XIX.xxvi.7: 'sabanum Graecum est'. 519
Commentary to the texts
Secundus Marcus discipulus: the information in this sentence is drawn from the brief Praefatio uel argumentum Marci (Nouum Testamentum Latine, ed. Wordsworth et aL, p. 171; see also J. Regul, Die antimarcionitischen Evangelienprologe (Freiburg, 1969), pp. 40-9). The syntax of the gloss is awkward, and should perhaps be emended to read spiritu sancto plenus. 63 The reference is to Matt. I I I . l l , but is quoted inexactly (perhaps from memory): 'ego quidem uos baptizo in aqua in paenitentiam; qui autem post me uenturus est fortior me est'. 64 Patristic exegesis of the locusts here in question is discussed by S. Brock, The Baptist's Diet in Syrian Sources', Oriens Christianus 54 (1970), 113-24; no earlier commentator appears to have explained these 'locusts' as lobsters. On the Old English word lopustran, see Robinson, 'Old English Lexicographical Notes', p. 306, who notes that the word lopustre or loppestre (the antecedent of ModE lobster') is found as an interlinear gloss on locustas in Mark 1.6 in both the Lindisfarne and Rushworth Gospels, and may owe its occurrence there to the explanation given here by the Commentator. For another (tenuous) link between these Canterbury biblical glosses and the Lindisfarne Gospels, see comm. to Evil 106 (below, p. 527). 66 The syntax and overall meaning of this gloss are unclear: in the Bible only James and John are said to be 'sons of thunder', so it is not obvious why Peter has been included. Perhaps the Commentator thought that the immediately preceding verse ('et imposuit Simoni nomen Petrus') was included in the statement regarding Boanerges. 67 The phrase in excessu mentis is biblical, occurring at Ps. XXX.22 and Act. XI. 5. In LdGl the same words occur as an explanation of the Greek word EKOTCLGK; which occurs in Jerome, De uiris inlustribus (PL 23, 655): 'extasei. excessu .i. mentis' (LdGl xxx.40). The word eKaxamq also occurs three times in the Greek NT (Mark V.42, XVI.8 and Luke V.26), and the Commentator may have had one of these passages in mind here. 68 The statement that a modius contains eighteen sextarii is puzzling, for a modius was a standard Roman dry measure containing not eighteen but sixteen sextarii; perhaps the present passage should be emended accordingly. On the other hand, LdGl contains reference to a Hebrew measure called a hin maior said to contain eighteen sextarii (LdGl xxxi.14), and perhaps the Commentator assumed silently that a Roman modius was equivalent to a Hebrew hin. Unfortunately the Recapitulatio de ponderibus only deals with measures of weight, not of volume, and we therefore have 520
Commentary to Evil no contemporary Anglo-Saxon account of measures of volume with which to compare the Commentator's equivalents. 69 The statement that legio is a Greek word betrays once again the Greek-centred outlook of the Commentator: for in fact Xeyecbv is a loanword in Greek from Latin legio, not vice versa (though note that A,eye6v occurs at this point in the Greek NT). The etymology of legio from (e)lego may possibly derive from Isidore, Etym. IX.iii.46 ('legio sex milium armatorum est, ab electo uocata, quasi lecti, id est armis electi'), but could equally well be based on the resemblance of ^eyecbv and Aiyco. 70 Cf. Jerome, Tract, in Marc, euang. iii (CCSL 78, 472): 'nunc uero quia dixit, Talitha kumi, interpretatur de syra et hebraea lingua, Puella surge mihi', and Liber interpretations Hebraicorum nominum (CCSL 72, 139): 'Puella surge. Syrum est'. See also Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 431. 71 The Commentator here is unquestionably discussing the Greek NT text of Mark VI.40 rather than the Latin Vulgate, for the Greek text reads: Kdi dverceaov rcpaaiai rcpaaiai dvd eicaxov icai dvd 7ievxf|Kovxa. The expression Tupaaiai rcpaaiai is not rendered closely in the Vulgate, which gives in its lieu a loose paraphrase: 'et discubuerunt in partes per centenos et per quinquagenos'. The word rcpaaid refers literally to a 'garden-plot', whence npamai rcpaaiai means metaphorically 'in companies' or the like. The implication of this gloss is that the Commentator had open before him a copy of the Greek NT alongside his copy of the Vulgate. 72 Cf. Jerome, Liber interpretations Hebraicorum nominum (CCSL 72, 139): 'Aeffeta. adaperire'; see also Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 302. 73 It has not been possible to identify a Greek medical source which explains deafness in terms of contracted and dormant veins. Galen explains deafness in terms either of damage to the auditory nerve which extends from the brain to the ear {De locis affectis IV.4, ed. Kiihn VIII, 234-5, and Comm. in librum Hippocratis de humoribus I.I 1, ed. Kiihn XVI, 191), or else
in terms of a bilious humour affecting the auditory passages: yivexai 8e 5id xiva xuuov Kaxd xooc, dKooaxiicoix;rcopooc,a^rjvcoOevxa {ibid. II. 1, ed. Kiihn XVI, 223). These explanations are found in later Byzantine medical authorities, such as Paul of Aegina, Epitome III.23 (ed. Heiberg I, 191-2; trans. Adams, The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta I, 440), who suggests venesection as the appropriate treatment for deafness caused by a bilious humour. Alexander of Tralles explains deafness in terms either of trapped air or of viscous humour in the aural passages, and recommends venesection as one of several possible remedies: De medicina III. 1 (ed. K(D<|>G)CTI<;
521
Commentary to the texts Puschmann II, 71—3, trans. Brunet, Oeuvres medicates d'Alexandre de Tralles III, 49-50). None of these writers mentions contracted or dormant veins, and the source of the Commentator's opinion remains to be determined. 74 aut quam dabit homo commutationem: Matt. XVI.26. Neil Wright points out to us that the phrase precioso sanguine is in origin a poeticism (cf. Juvencus, Euangelia III.611; Paulinus of Nola, Carm. XIX.7, XXVII.89 and 306); interestingly, it is used on two occasions by Aldhelm, in contexts very similar to the present one: prose De uirginitate, ch. 54 ('pii redemptoris nostri passionem purpureo pretiosi sanguinis ostro praefigurauit': Aldhelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, p. 312); and Carmen de uirginitate 584 ('quam Christus pretiosi sanguinis ostro / reddidit immunem'). 75 It is possible that the sunt qui dicunt referred to here is the apocryphal 'Assumption of Moses' once again: see above, comm. to Evil 41 (where the phrase sunt qui dicunt recurs). The quotation regnabat mors etc. is from Rom. V.14. The rhetorical figure known as dvTiv &VTI5OCTI<; x©v auvxeTayiievcov aXXr\Xaiq £v TCD Xoyco Xe&cov, (bq iVa euico, f|X<»v erceaa ctvxi TOUrceacbvfixixra (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 50; cf. also the definition given by pseudo-Herodian, ibid., p. 102). The Commentator's insinuation is thus mildly ironic: though they say 'body' they mean — by a rhetorical slip of the tongue — to say 'soul': a difference which could scarcely be due to mere &VTi
Commentary to Evil 78 The injunction that the Jews were to use salt in their burnt offerings is contained in Lev. 11.13: 'quicquid obtuleris sacrificii sale condies, nee auferes sal foederis Dei tui de sacrificio tuo; in omni oblatione offeres sal'; cf. discussion by Josephus, Antiq. III.ix.1 [227]. Note also that virtually the same gloss occurs at Gn-Ex-Evla 27 (likewise commenting on Mark IX.48), above, p. 394. 79 On nardi spicati, cf. LdGl xxix.34—5, and especially x.9: 'nardum. spica unde faciunt unguenta'. Note also that unguentum is wrongly taken by the Commentator to be a masculine noun in -us (see above, p. 272). A somewhat different explanation is given by Eucherius, Instructions: 'Nardum spicatum, ab eo quod species ipsa nardi in modum spicae sit quae infusa conficitur' (CSEL 31, 148); cf. also Isidore, Etym. XVII.ix.3. 80 superabatflamma etc.: Dan. 111.47. 82 Clement of Alexandria is here called Stromatheus because he was perhaps best known as the author of a massive work called the Stromateis (CPG I, no. 1377); see above, p. 208. The work in question here, however, is his Hypotyposeis (CPG I, no. 1380), a work which survives only in fragments quoted by other Greek authors. The passage quoted here is also quoted by John Moschus in his Pratum spirituale: 6 Xpiaxoq AiysTai Ilexpov novov PeParcxiKevai, ITexpo^ 5e 9Av5peav, 'Av5pea<; 'IctKcopov K<XI 'IGMXVVTIV, 6K8WOI 5e xovq Xoxnoix;: GCS 17, 196 (fragm. no. 6); see Echle, 'The Baptism of the Apostles'. It is an interesting question whether the complete Hypotyposeis, which has not come down to us, was available to the Commentator in seventh-century Canterbury; see above, p. 226, for the alternative explanation, that the comment may have been taken indirectly from the Pratum spirituale of John Moschus. 83 Gethsemane was located about half a mile east of the walls of Jerusalem, across the brook Kidron and at the foot of the Mount of Olives. Later (Syriac) tradition reports that a church dedicated to the Virgin was built there by Theodosius in the late fourth century, but the tradition is no earlier than the tenth century. In any case, various Latin itineraria of sixth-century date report the presence of the tomb of Mary at Gethsemane. Thus the Breviarius de Hierosolyma: 'et ibi est basilica sanctae Mariae, et ibi est sepulchrum eius' (CSEL 39, 155 = CCSL 175, 112: note that this text is preserved in Milan M. 79 sup., 44r—v); cf. also the Itinerarium of the anonymous pilgrim of Piacenza (c. 570): 'et in ipsa ualle est basilica sanctae Mariae, quam dicunt domum eius fuisse, in qua et de corpore sublatum fiiisse' (CSEL 39, 170 = CCSL 175, 137). Although the church was 523
Commentary to the texts
destroyed by the Persians in 614, Arculf was able to report the existence of the (then empty) tomb to Adomnan, who recorded the following in his De locis sanctis in c. 690: 'ad dexteram eius partem sanctae Mariae saxeum inest uacuum sepulchrum, in quo aliquando sepulta pausauit. Sed de eodem sepulchro quomodo uel quo tempore aut a quibus personis sanctum corpusculum eius sit sublatum, uel quo loco resurrectionem exspectat, nullus, ut fertur, pro certo scire potest' (CSEL 39, 240 = CCSL 175, 195). In view of this last testimony, it would be interesting to know whether the Commentator was drawing on hearsay or on personal knowledge in asserting that Mary was buried at Gethsemane. Certainly seventh-century and later Greek tradition regarded Gethsemane as her burial place: cf. the Anacreontica of Sophronius of Jerusalem (PG 87, 3824) and, in the eleventh century, Epiphanius the Hagiopolite (PG 120, 268). On this whole question, see Vincent and Abel, Jerusalem II, 301—9. 84 The Commentator here refers to the so-called Docetic heresy, which asserted that Christ's body was not flesh and blood, but only a phantom appearance (the pars ma(g)ica referred to by the Commentator): see, for example, Jerome, Altercatio Luciferiani et orthodoxi, ch. 23 (PL 23, 178: 'phantasma Domini corpus asserebatur'). Note, however, that Docetism was not so much a heretical sect (the term is not used by Epiphanius in his Panarion) as a theological viewpoint held in common by many heretical sects, such as the Manichaeans; see Epiphanius, Panarion XXI—XXXIII (GCS 25, 238-464 = PG 4 1 , 286-555) and DTC IV (1924), 14841501. 85 Here again the Commentator's Greek-centred outlook is revealed: praetorium is a Latin word, and the Greek word rcpambpiov (which is used at this point in the Greek NT) is a loanword from the Latin. Cf. also LdGl xxiv.18. 86 The word x^euaanoi (here badly mangled as climatici) is a rhetorical figure; it refers to the mockery or derision used by an orator in an attempt to provoke scornful laughter (hence uituperationes here: see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, p. 264). The following definition is given in an anonymous Byzantine rhetorical treatise: %XevaGiidq \iev o$v £cm Xoyoq |iex& ^ei5id^iaioq Tcpo^Eponevoq, &q oxav xov £>ivj/aa7ci5a £7reYYeA,a)VTe<; &v5peiov 7coX,8|naxf|v 6i7ia)|i6v (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 213). The Commentator was probably referring to the mockery of the priests in Mark XV.29-31 at Christ's crucifixion, or to the soldiers. 87 No passage in the authentic writings of John Chrysostom gives the 524
Commentary to Evil number of women named Mary as seven. However, in a pseudo-Chrysostomian homily In mulieres quae unguenta tulerunt the number is expressly given as five: PG 59, 642. This homily has been attributed to John I, archbishop of Thessalonica (610—49): see de Aldama, Repertorium pseudochrysostomkum, no. 532. If the Commentator was referring to this homily — and there is nothing in the chronology to exclude the possibility — then the text should be emended from .vii. to .v.. We are very grateful to Professor Franz Tinnefeld for this information. On the question of the number of Marys it is worth drawing attention to a note which specifies six Marys and which occurs in Munich, Staatsbibl. Clm. 14470 (an early ninth-century Bavarian manuscript which also contains some of our Canterbury biblical glosses: see below, p. 559), lOlr: Ioachim .iiii. sunt. .i. rex qui dictus est Eliachym filius Iosiae. .ii. rex qui dictus est Iechonias filius Ioachim nepos Iosiae. .iii. maritus Susanne. .iiii. pater Mariae mater [t corr. ex ri MS] Domini. Mariae .vi. sunt. .i. soror Moysi et Aaron, .ii. mater Iesu. .iii. Maria Magdalene de qua eiecit Dominus .vii. demonia..iiii. soror Lazari. .v. mater Iohannis et Iacobi. .vi. mater Cleophe. Anne .v. sunt. .i. mater Samuel, .ii. uxor Raguel socrus Tobie. .iii. in nouo filia Fanuel de tribu Asser. .v. Ioachim uxor. <.v.> mater Mariae matris Domini. The note shows that various opinions were in circulation concerning the number of Marys mentioned in the Bible. 88 The Commentator is apparently attempting to explain the root -curof the word decurio\ but no such word as *curus is attested in Latin, and curus should perhaps be emended to curialis. Cf. Isidore, Etym. IX.iv.23-4 and LdGl xxv.9. 95 On various patristic interpretations of the temptations, see V. Kesich, 'The Antiochians and the Temptation Story', TU 92 {= Studia Patristka 10] (1966), 496-502, esp. 499, who notes that Theodore of Mopsuestia interpreted the third temptation as intentionally figurative (see PG 66, 721). 97 This explanation is found in a florilegium of Chrysostomian homilies (CPG II, no. 4684), some authentic, some spurious: &AX Sauxoix; eiq TO nXolov ^Kopiaxeuov (PG 63, 604). 99 Although the transmitted text here reads anadiplosis, it is clear from the definition and the gloss (\i. similitudinem') that what is in question is &VTa7t68oai<;, which was classed among the 7capa|k>A,ai or similitudines by 525
Commentary to the texts Greek rhetoricians: see Martin, Antike Rhetorik, pp. 253—4. For discussion in Byzantine rhetorical treatises, see pseudo-Herodian, De figuris (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 104), Kokondrios, De tropis {ibid. Ill, 242) and an anonymous treatise De tropis {ibid. Ill, 212). 101 The village of Magdala or Taricheae is located some four miles north of Tiberias on the west side of the Sea of Galilee (see fig. 6 and above, comm. to Evil 35). On its location, cf. Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae: 'De Tyberiada usque Magdale, ubi domna Maria nata est, milia .ii.' (CSEL 39, 137-8 = CCSL 175, 115). 103 It is worth remarking that none of the early biblical manuscripts collated in Nouum Testamentum Latine, ed. Wordsworth et al., has the reading iste at this point (all such manuscripts read ipse here); yet it was clearly present in the Commentator's copy of the Vulgate, or his comment would be meaningless. On the text of the NT used by the Commentator, see above, pp. 194-7. 104 Once again the Commentator seems to have his eye on the Greek NT, where in Luke X.34 the word 7tav5oxeiov occurs. The badly corrupt form pantheus perhaps derives from confusion with the word 7cav5o%£i)<; ('inn-keeper') which occurs in the following verse in the Greek N T (Luke X.35). John Chrysostom in his second homily In Mud 'Vidi Dominum' {CPG II, no. 4417) describes inns or pandocheia as places located along major roadways to ease the burdens of pack animals and travellers (PG 56, 111). On inns or pandocheia in the Byzantine world (and in particular on the remains of such an inn discovered recently near Edessa), see C. Mango, 'A Late Roman Inn in Eastern Turkey', Oxford Journal of Archaeology 5 (1986), 223-31, and ODB II, 995-6. 106 The identical gloss is found in the glossary known as Werden 'A', a (now fragmentary) glossary arranged in ^-order which is preserved in an early ninth-century manuscript written at Werden but which now exists only as membra disiecta scattered among various libraries: see The Epinal, Erfurt, Werden and Corpus Glossaries, ed. Bischoff et al.y p. 75. (The leaf of Werden 'A' containing this gloss was destroyed during World War II, but fortunately was ptd J.H. Gallee, Old Saxon Texts (Oxford, 1894), pp. 336-46, at 338, whence it is repr. Bischoff # al., ibid.) Werden 'A' was compiled from a number of glossary materials of Canterbury origin, among them materials also preserved in LdGl and in the present collection of Milan biblical glosses; see Lapidge, 'Old English Glossography', pp. 50-6. 526
Commentary to Evil It is also worth noting that in the late tenth century the famous (eighth-century) gospel book known as the 'Lindisfarne Gospels' was glossed by one Aldred, a member of the congregation of St Cuthbert then at Chester-le-Street, and against the word depundio in the text of Luke XII.6 Aldred added the marginal gloss \ i . duo minuta' (see W . P J . Boyd, Aldred's Marginalia (Exeter, 1975), p. 43). The evidence is slender, but it may suggest that some version of the Canterbury biblical glosses was available in Northumbria in the late tenth century; see also above, p. 520. 110 The word con-sonantia is intended as an etymological explanation of <; of the Greek NT, and this in turn had fallen out and been replaced by the Latin equivalent uillicus. 112 For the equivalence of a sicel ('shekel'), cf. Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.18. That a cados or amphora contains three urnae is confirmed by a virtually identical gloss in LdGl: 'chatus grece amphora est habens urnas .iii.' (xxxiii.ll); cf. also Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxvi.13: 'cadus graeca amphora est continens urnas tres'. More problematical, however, is the statement that an amphora contains a modius, for various metrological sources are in agreement that an amphora should contain three modii\ cf. Eucherius, Instructiones (CSEL 31, 159) and the LdGl: 'amphora una idest modii .iii.' (xxxiii.10; cf. xxxi.10: 'amphora .iii. modios'). This much suggests that the present text should be emended to amphora capit modios .iii. (the corruption may have been palaeographical: the minim strokes of the numeral (///) could have been confused for the termination -iu(m)y assuming that modios was abbreviated mod or the like. 115 The story of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus was one of the most widely circulated legends in the Middle Ages: versions exist in every European and Near Eastern language (in general see J. Koch, Die Siebenschlaferlegende, ihr Ursprung und ihre Verbreitung (Leipzig, 1883); M. Huber, 'Textbeitrage zur Siebenschlaferlegende des Mittelalters', Romanische Forschungen 26 (1909), 462-583 and 825-6, and idem, Die Wanderlegende von den Siebenschldfem (Leipzig, 1910), as well as the article by H. Leclercq in DACL XV. 1 (1950), 1251-62, s.v. 'Sept Dormants', 527
Commentary to the texts and ODB III, 1883). Because the origins of the legend are obscure, and because the present extensive gloss is a relatively early (and hitherto unknown) witness to the legend, it is worthwhile examining it in some detail. Briefly the legend concerns seven youths (who are variously named in various versions) of one family who, during the persecution of Decius (c. 250), took refuge in a cave near Ephesus and fell asleep. When the cave was opened during the reign of Theodosius II (d. 450), the youths awakened. The coinage of Decius which they possessed confirmed their story, though they thought that they had slept for one night only. Their reawakening was taken by Theodosius as proof of Christ's resurrection. From this time (and certainly from the sixth century) onwards, the cult of the Seven Sleepers became widely known (cf. BHG, nos. 1593-9) and the site of their tomb at Ephesus became a focus of pilgrimage: see C. Praschniker, Das Comiterium der Sieben Schldfer (Baden, 1937). It was formerly thought that the earliest written account of the legend was that in Syriac by Jacob of Serugh (d. 521; the Syriac text is ed. I. Guidi, 'Testi orientali inediti sopra i Sette Dormienti di Efeso', Atti della R. Accademia dei Lincei anno CCLXXXI, Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 3rd ser. 12 (Rome, 1884), 343-445, with Italian translation at 433-45; there is also a Latin translation in Acta SS., Iulii VI, 387-9. On this and other Syriac versions, see Huber, Die Wanderlegende, pp. 1—17). Strong arguments were made earlier this century by A. Allgeier for the priority of the Syriac text (see his 'Untersuchungen zur syrischen Uberlieferung der Siebenschlaferlegende', Oriens Christianus n.s. 4 (1914), 279-97, and 5 (1915), 10-59 and 263-71; idem, 'Die alteste Gestalt der Siebenschlaferlegende', ibid. 7—8 (1918), 33—87; and idem, 'Der Ursprung der griechischen Siebenschlaferlegende', Byzantinische-neugriechische Jahrbucher 3 (1922), 311—31). However, there are numerous corrupt passages in the Syriac text which can only be explained on the assumption that the Syriac version was translated from a Greek original, and the Bollandist P. Peeters effectively disposed of Allgeier's hypothesis in 1923: Xe texte original de la passion des Sept Dormants', AB 41 (1923), 369-85. Attention was therefore thrown back on the various Greek versions of the legend (on these, see BHG, nos. 1593 and 1596, and Huber, Die Wanderlegende, pp. 37—59, but note that the numerous Greek manuscripts have not yet been fully collated and the various recensions have not yet 528
Commentary to Evil been printed). It has been persuasively argued that the legend originated with the miraculous discovery of the relics of the Seven Sleepers at Ephesus in 448 by Bishop Stephen of Ephesus, and the excavations of the site, carried out under the direction of F. Miltner during the 1930s, confirmed that there was a church on the site of their tomb from the mid-fifth century onwards (see Praschniker, ibid.). Bishop Stephen used the discovery of the relics as a pretext to condemn various heretical beliefs on the Resurrection; and, on this argument, he will have been the author of the Hypomnemata (PG 115, 427—48), a detailed account of the legend, the discovery of the relics and the doctrinal controversies to which they gave rise. The Hypomnemata, therefore, are the earliest recorded version of the Seven Sleepers legend: see E. Honigman, 'Stephen of Ephesus (April 15, 448 — October 29, 451) and the Legend of the Seven Sleepers', StT 173 (1953), 125-73. From the Hypomnemata descend the various later Greek versions of the legend. The earliest account of the legend in the Latin West is found in the De situ terrae sanctae by the pilgrim Theodosius (c. 530): I n prouincia Asia ciuitas Epheso, ubi sunt septem fratres dormientes et catulus Viricanus ad pedes eorum; nomina eorum id est: Achellidis, Diomedis, Eugenius, Stephanus, Probatus, Sabbatius et Quiriacus, quorum mater Caritina dicitur graece, latine Felicitas' (CSEL 39, 148 = CCSL 175, 123). Later in the sixth century there is a full account by Gregory of Tours, the Passio SS. martyrum septem dormientium apud Ephesum (MGH, SRM I.I, 847-53; cf. also the separate edition by Krusch in AB 12 (1893), 371-87, and discussion by Huber, Die Wanderlegende, pp. 59—72). The colophon to Gregory's Passio states that the account was 'translata in Latinum per Gregorium episcopum, interpretante Iohanne Syro'; but nothing further is known of this John the Syrian. From this brief sketch of the early versions in Syriac, Greek and Latin, it will be seen that the account contained in the Canterbury biblical glosses is of exceptional interest, for the reasons that Theodore himself had some familiarity with Syriac, was widely read in Greek patristic literature, and was from that part of the world where the legend originated. Now there are various details in the present gloss which require explanation: the statement that the cave was forty miles' distance from Ephesus; that they slept for two hundred years; that on awakening two of them went to Ephesus accompanied by the dog; and that Theodosius covered the bodies with his robe and built a church on the site. No version in any language 529
Commentary to the texts
contains all these details. Gregory of Tours, for example, has the detail about Theodosius covering them with his clothing and building a church over them (MGH, SRM I.I, 853: 'auferensque uestimenta sua, posuit super illis . . . Tune imperator fabricauit super eos basilicam magnam'), but his account lacks mention of the dog, the two hundred years and the distance of the cave from Ephesus; in short, it cannot have been the Commentator's source. Nor can the brief account in Theodosius have been the source. The dog is mentioned (and named) by Theodosius, but it does not occur in any of the early Greek or Syriac versions (only in later Arabic versions does the dog play a significant role, but there it assumes a human form: see I. Levy, 'Le chien des Sept Dormants', in Melanges Bidez (Brussels, 1934), pp. 579-84). Nor does the statement concerning Theodosius covering the bodies with his cloak and thereafter building a church occur in the Greek and Syriac versions. Finally, the statement concerning the two hundred years' lapse of time could have been worked out by anyone familiar with the dates of the emperors Decius and Theodosius (and note that the Greek and Syriac versions contain the erroneous statement that the lapse of time in question was 372 years). By the same token, the statement concerning the site of the cave could perhaps derive from personal knowledge of the topography of Ephesus. From the above considerations, it is clear that none of the surviving versions - whether in Syriac, Greek or Latin - earlier in date than the late seventh century could have served as the Commentator's source; the implication is that the Commentator, familiar perhaps with the topography of Ephesus as well as with oral legends concerning the Seven Sleepers which were current in the Near East in the seventh century, simply provided his own summary of the legend as he knew it. What is not clear, however, is why this summary should have been linked to the mention of Lot's wife in Luke XVII.32; the Commentator implies that it is the orlent ales doctores ( = Syriac exegetes? — in any case not Greek) who make the link. 118 The reference is to John XIX.23. 120 There is again some philological confusion here: deliramentum is a purely Latin word and has no Greek cognate. Did the Commentator intend to comment on the word >*fjpo<; ('trash', 'nonsense') which occurs at this point in the Greek NT? Or did he assume — wrongly — that Latin deliramentum was a derivative of Xfjpoq? Cf. Isidore, Etym. X.78: 'delerus . . . and TOO A/r|p£iv\ 530
Commentary to Evil 124 The individual stone waterpots (hydriae) are said by the evangelist to contain 'two or three measures apiece'; the Commentator explains the evangelist's approximation to lie between twenty-two and thirty-three sextarii each. No metrological source appears to contain the statement that one metreta = eleven sextarii \ on the contrary, the customary equivalent given is that one metreta = one hundred sextarii. Cf. LdGl xxxiii.13: 'metreta. mensura; una, ut quidam dicunt, habent sextarios . c ; mensura autem grece metrum dicitur, unde et metreta dicitur'. This explanation is taken nearly verbatim from Eucherius, Instructiones: 'metreta una, ut quidam dicunt, habet sextarios centum; mensura autem graece METRON dicitur, unde et metreta appellatur' (CSEL 31, 159). The statement that the six hydriae together contained 150 modii is found also at Gn-Ex-Evla 36. 127 Mt Ebal was a mountain in the Promised Land on which, according to the injunction of Moses, the Israelites were to intone the curse which would befall them if they disobeyed God's commandments (see fig. 6); the blessing consequent on obedience was to be intoned from nearby Mt Gerizim (Deut. XI.26—9)- This was all to be commemorated in a ceremony in which half the tribes stood on each of the two mountains, those on Mt Ebal pronouncing curses, those on Mt Gerizim pronouncing blessings (cf. Deut. XXVII. 11-20 and Josephus, Antiq. IV.viii.44 [305-6]). The mountains were located in Samaria near modern Nablus (ancient Shechem), with Mt Ebal on the north, Mt Gerizim on the south: see fig. 6, as well as Epiphanius, Panarion IX.2 (GCS 25, 199 = PG 4 1 , 225), a propos the heresy of the Samaritans, and Eusebius/Jerome, De situ et nominibus locorum Hebraicorum (PL 23, 899), s.v. 'Gebal'. 130 On the 'Feast of Tabernacles' (Hebrew Succoth), see Diet. Bibl. V (1912), 1961-6 (s.v. 'Tabernacles (fete des)') and Burnaby, Elements, p. 188, as well as comm. to PentI 394 (above, p. 488). 135 The fountain or pool of Siloam is mentioned in various ancient sources such as Josephus, Bell. lud. V.vi.l {252], V.ix.4 [410] and V.xii.2 [505], and Theodosius, De situ terrae sanctae: 'piscina Siloe a lacu, ubi missus est Hieremias propheta, habet passus numero . c , quae piscina intra murum est' (CSEL 39, 142 = CCSL 175, 118); cf. also above, comm. to PentI 33. None of these sources mentions the fact that Siloam bubbled up of its own accord, and this detail may perhaps derive from personal observation. 531
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For the etymology Siloe = missus, see Thiel, Grundlagen, pp. 421-2. 136 For the distinction between fur and latro, cf. Isidore, De diff. 1.340: 'qui alienum inuolat, fur est; qui fiiratur et occidit, latro est' (PL 83, 45). 138 The word instita is unquestionably Latin (derived from insisto) and is not in any sense Greek; the word used at this point in the Greek N T is Keipia. Cf. LdGl xxv.12: 'institis. suithelon'. 139 Cf. LdGl xxv. 13: 'in peluem. uas rotundum ligneum'. 140 In Greek rhetorical theory, Kk\\ia^ is a figure (note: not, as here, a trope) consisting of a sequence of phrases or clauses; some part of each is varied and some part repeated each time (see Martin, Ant ike Rhetotik, p. 303). The Commentator's definition is none too clear, but it has some similarity to a definition given by the Byzantine rhetorician Alexander: KA,I|X(X£ 5e yivexai oxav tni rcXeiov nr|Ki>vovxe<; TO 7cpOK£i|ievov ice(|>aA,aiov Katfeicaaxov KOji^ia xf|v aoxf|v Xe^iv TsXemr\v xe Kai apxf|v 7ioif|aco^i8v (ed. Spengel, Rhetores Graeci III, 31; note particularly that the Commentator's principium et finem seems to echo Alexander's xeA,ei)xf|v xe Kai ap%f|v). A clearer definition, derived from Cassiodorus, is found in LdGl xxviii.32. What is not clear, however, is the object of the Commentator's reference to KXi|ia^. Neither the Latin Vulgate nor the Greek NT contains a recognizable example of KXl\ia^ at this point. 144 The reference is to John III.36. 146 Cf. LdGl xxv. 14: 'lithostrotus. conpositio lapidum'. 148 For the plants aloe and myrrh, see Zohary, Plants of the Bible, pp. 204 and 200 respectively. The medical uses of aloes are discussed at length by Dioscorides, De materia medica III.22 (ed. Wellmann II, 28-30), who mentions, however, that they grow in India and Arabia (rather than in Persia, as the Commentator maintains). For the importation of aloes (along with other spices) into Anglo-Saxon England, as witnessed by Bald's Leechbook, see M.L. Cameron, 'Bald's Leechbook and Cultural Interactions in Anglo-Saxon England', ASE 19 (1990), 5-12, at 9-10. 150 On the Hebrew meaning of Chananaeus, see Jerome, Comm. in Osee I.iv.17: 'quia Chananeus interpretatur negotiator siue iiexdpoXoq idest translator' (CCSL 76, 50); cf. Thiel, Grundlagen, p. 272, as well as John 11.16.
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Appendix I Additional manuscript witnesses to the Milan biblical commentaries
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup. contains the fullest surviving version of the collections of biblical glosses which have been printed above. However, several additional manuscripts preserve less extensive selections of material from the original collections. These less extensive collections frequently preserve glosses not preserved in the Milan manuscript, and therefore provide a valuable indication that the original collections were somewhat more extensive than those in the Milan manuscript (see above, p. 292). By the same token, these additional manuscripts often preserve correct readings where the reading transmitted by the Milan manuscript is evidently corrupt. Most importantly, these additional manuscripts preserve explicit personal references at various points to Theodore and Hadrian, and thus provide striking confirmation of the Canterbury origin of the original collections of glosses. For these various reasons the biblical glosses in six additional manuscripts are printed below. The manuscripts in question are: (i) St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913 [ = Sg]; (ii) Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. { = Br]; (iii) Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69 [ = Ld}; (iv) Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek M. p. th. f. 38 [ = W b l ] ; (v) Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek M. p. th. f. 47 [ = Wb2]; and (vi) Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470 [ = Mn]. Of these, St Gallen 913 and the Grimm fragment in Berlin preserve excerpts from the Leviticus glosses printed above as PentI 332-400; Leiden Voss. lat. Q. 69 has glosses corresponding to the collection designated Gn-Ex-Evla; and the two Wurzburg manuscripts together with the Munich manuscript preserve independent versions of parts of the gospel glosses printed above as Evil. In each case the glosses printed from these six additional manuscripts are accompanied by apparatus criticus, a list of concordances with glosses in the Milan manuscript and (where necessary) commentary.
533
Appendix I (i)
ST GALLEN, STIFTSBIBLIOTHEK, 9 1 3 [ = SG]
A manuscript in tiny duodecimo format (c. 90 X 87 mm.) which evidently served as a scholar's handbook. It was written somewhere in the Anglo-Saxon missionary area in Germany (its precise origin cannot be determined) some time in the second half of the eighth century (see CLA VII, no. 976, and Bischoff, MS III, 94). The principal content of the manuscript is the extensive glossary known as the 'Vocabularius S. Galli'; this text, and the manuscript in general, has been thoroughly investigated by Baesecke, Der Vocabularius Sti. Galli. Among the miscellaneous contents of this scholar's handbook are found, on pp. 139—45, a series of glosses to the list of unclean animals and birds which is given in Lev. XL 5-30; and some of these glosses correspond verbatim to entries in the Pentateuch glosses printed above as PentI 354-61 (pp. 364-6). Moreover, the Leviticus glosses in St Gallen 913 contain a number of Old English glosses (these have been printed by Meritt, Old English Glosses, no. 36). It is clear that the scribe of St Gallen 913 had before him two separate collections of Leviticus glosses, both of English origin: the first represented by nos. 1-26, the second by nos. 27-37. Of these, the second collection corresponds to PentI 354-61 as well as to Br (see below). The origin of the collection is indicated by the explicit reference to Hadrian in Sg 30. Furthermore, it is clear from the fact that a number of them are not found in the Milan manuscript, that the original collection of Leviticus glosses produced at Canterbury - of which the Milan, St Gallen and Berlin manuscripts preserve independent copies - was once substantially larger than what has been preserved (see above, p. 292). The Leviticus glosses from St Gallen 913 have previously been printed by Steinmeyer and Sievers (SS IV, 460) and Schlutter, 'Altenglisches aus schweizer Handschriften'.
St Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, 913, pp. 139-45 { = Sg} p. 139 1 Cherogillus [XI.5]: animal spinosum, maior quam hiricis. 2 GriphemtXI.l5l.gng. 3 Aletum [XL 13]: similem est aquilae; maior auis, tamen minor quam uultur. 4 Garrula:hroc[XL15}. p. 140 5 Noctuam [XL 16]: / nectrepin. 6 Bubonem IXLUTi: uuf. 7 Larum [XI. 16]: meu uel meg. 8 Mergulum [XL 17]: niger auis; mergit sub aquam pisces quaerere .i. dobfugul. 9 Ibin [XL 17]: auis in Africa habens longum rostrum. 10 Cicnum [XL 18]: suon.
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Additional manuscript witnesses
p. 141
p. 143
p. 144
p. 145
11 Onocratulum [XL 18]: auis que sonitum facit in aqua; raeredumlae uel felufor. 12 Porphirionem [XI. 18}: non fit in Brittania. 13 Erodionem [XL 19}: / ualuchaebuc. 14 Charadrion [XL 19}. 15 Opupam [XL 19]: hupupa. 16 Vespertilionem [XL 19]: quelderede. 17 Bruchus [XL22]: similis est locustae, tamen maior. 18 Attacus [XI.22}: ignotum. 19 Opimachus [XI.22]: ignotum. 20 Locusta [XI.22}: greshoppae. 21 Reod. 22 Corcodillus [XI.29]: bestia in flumine similis lacertae .i. adexan, tamen maior est ita ut homines manducat. 23 Migale [XL30}: ignotum, / nisi similis est camelioni. 24 Camelion [XL30]: similis est lacertae, tamen sub aspectu motat colores. 25 Stelio [XL 30]: bestia inuenta est similis, scilicet lacerte. 26 Si fusa fuerit super eum aqua [XL34}: .i. in aqua labuntur hec uassa. 27 Alietum [XL 13}: museri modicus. 28 Miluum [XL 14}: glida. 29 Vultor [XL 14]: modico maior quam aquila et per .c. milia sentire / potest cadauera. 30 Larum [XL 16]: hragra; Adrianus dicit meum esse. 31 Ibinen [XL 17]: .i. screb, qui mittit aquam de ore suo in culum suum ut possit degerere; indeque medici ipsam artem dedicerunt. 32 Onocratulum [XL 18}: quasi anata; non eadem est tamen, nee nos habemus. 33 Charadrion [XL 19]: et ipsam non habemus, sed tamen dicitur et ipsa uolare per medias noctes in sublimitate celi. 34 Porphirionem [XL 18]: dicitur / quod ipsa in Libia sit, esseque auium pulcherrima pene; ideoque earn uolunt reges habere in domibus suis sepissime. 35 Migale [XL 30]: modicus quasi catte. 36 Stelio [XL30]: minor est quam lacerta .i. adexe ualdeque uenenosa; omnemque parietem penetrat, licet lapidium non resistit. 37 Cherogillum [XL5}: et hirix unum sunt, pene in omni similitudine ut porcus, nisi quod minores sunt / quam porci, sed tamen longi statura sunt; et in Monte Sinai in scissuris petrarum maxime habundant. Apparatus criticus 1 3
spinosum] -s- corrected from -r- MS est} ut MS uultur] ultor MS
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Appendix I 5 nectrepin] necstrepin MS 7 meg] a stroke added after -g, perhaps i 10 cicnuni] -c- corrected from -n- MS 12 Porphirionem] -phi- corrected from -fi- MS Brittania] /& second -t- written above the line MS 16 Vespertilionem] -n- corrected from -r- MS 17 locustae] locus MS 18 ignotum] igno MS 19 ignotum] igno MS 23 ignotum] igno MS 25 scilicet] s with a stroke through it MS 26 57 /kw] siffiissa MS labuntur] for lauantur? 29 aquila] aqua MS cadauera] cadaues MS 30 Adrianus] Adrianum MS 31 culum] cuculum with -cu- deleted MS 33 ipsa] ipsam MS 37 longi] longe MS sunt] sint MS petrarum] petras MS Concordances Sg 27 = Br 9; Sg 28 = Br 10; Sg 29 = PentI 356 = Br 11; Sg 31 = PentI 357; Sg 32 = PentI 358; Sg 33 = PentI 359; Sg 34 = PentI 360; Sg 36 = Pent I 361; Sg 37 = PentI 354. Commentary It will be clear that St Gallen 913 preserves two sets of Leviticus glosses, namely Sg 1-26 and Sg 27-37. Of these, Sg 27-37 very clearly correspond to the Milan Leviticus glosses printed above, and hence are to be attributed to the scholarly circle of Theodore and Hadrian. Sg 1—26 do not correspond verbatim at any point to the glosses found in PentI, but there is no need to doubt that they too derive from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian. For example, they contain various indications that the Commentator was evidently familiar with Mediterranean fauna and had trouble in finding exact parallels between the biblical fauna and the wildlife of Great Britain (cf. Sg 12: 'non fit in Brittania'); at another point the ibis is described knowingly as an African bird (Sg 9). Sometimes the glosses in the series Sg 1—26 may be seen as abbreviations of those in Sg 27—37: thus Sg 7 is clearly a shortened version of Sg 30, which is attributed explicitly to Hadrian. In other words, both series of glosses which pertain to Leviticus in St Gallen 913 may with good reason be considered as reflections of the Canterbury teaching of Theodore and Hadrian.
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Additional manuscript witnesses 1 The word chyrogryllius is a latinization of Greek xoipoypuMaoq, which properly means a hyrax Syriacus (cf. i)pa£) or rock-rabbit. The Canterbury glosses preserve two distinct interpretations of this lemma. At PentI 354 (and cf. below, Sg 37) the chyrogryllius is explained as identical to the hirax; the further observation, that it looks like a pig, derives from the first element of the name, %dipoq ('a young pig'): see above, p. 482. Here, however, a different interpretation is given: the chyrogryllius is explained as some sort of hedgehog, for it is described as 'prickly' (spinosum). Possibly this second explanation arises from misunderstanding of the first, in particular of the word hirax (given variously in the manuscripts as hirx (nom.) and hiricis (abl.pl.?)), which was subsequently confused with the word ericius ('hedgehog'), described by Isidore as animal spinis coopertum (Etym. XII.iii.7). The confusion - if such it is - is found in later glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as Rz: 'Cyrogillius bestia spinosa maior erinacio' (SS V, 159/27-8). 2 The form giig ('griffin', 'vulture') corresponds to later OE giw\ the entry has a later parallel in CleoGlII (WW 258.7: 'griphus. giw'). On the sound change ig > iw, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, § 411. 3 The explanation given here implies that the Commentator recognized the Greek word (bXxazioc) from which the Latin one was borrowed, and identified its second element (dexoq) as 'eagle', hence the explanation similis aquilae; but cf. below, comm. to Sg 27. The explanation might also owe something to Pliny, HN X. 10-11: 'haliaeti suum genus non habent, sed ex diuerso aquilarum coitu nascuntur . . . e quibus uultures minores progenerantur'; cf. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, pp. 44—6 and Andre, Les Noms d'oiseaux en latin, p. 90. A similar gloss is found in one of the Leiden-Family glossaries, namely Rz: 'alietum auis similis aquilae sed maior, tamen minor uultori' (SS V, 160/1-2). 4 Garrula does not occur in the biblical list of birds, and is presumably a corrupt form of graculus ('jackdaw'; cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.45: 'graculus a garrulitate nuncupatus'), which, in combination with the Old English gloss (hroc = 'rook'), implies that the Commentator was probably intending to explain Lev. XL 15 ('omne coruini generis'). Closely similar glosses are found in LdGl xlvii.51 Cgarallus. hroc'), and in later English glossaries: EE ('grallus. hrooc'), CpGl G154 ('grallus. hrooc'), CleoGlI (WW 412.40) and CleoGlII (WW 260.10). One such later English glossary (AntGl) preserves a lemma which may reveal how the corruption took place: 'gracculus uel garrulus. hroc' (WW 132.15); however, this entry may simply represent a later conflation of two Latin lemmata with the one English gloss. Similar forms, evidently derived from the same source, are found in continental glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as BN lat. 2685: 'garula. rouca' (SS I, 340/6). 5 The identity oi noctua and nycticorax (lit. 'night-raven') is found in Eucherius, Instr. (CSEL 31, 157: 'nycticorax, noctua, multi bubonem esse contendunt') and Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.4l ('nycticorax ipse est noctua'). The explanation of
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Appendix I noctua ('screech-owl') as OE nectrepin (lit. 'night-raven') is also found in several English glossaries which derive from the same corpus of Canterbury materials: LdGl xlvii.54 ('noctua. necthtrefn' [recte nechthrefn]), EE 673 ('noctua. naechthraebn') and CpGl N145 ('noctua. naehthraefn'). Note that the intrusive -J- in the manuscript form necstrepin has been explained by Meritt {Old English Glosses, p. 44) as a case of superscript .s. ( = saxonice) being incorporated into the word by an uncomprehending scribe. 6 On the Germanic name for the bubo ('horned owl'), see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 307-14. In early English glossaries, bubo is consistently glossed uuf: see EE 142 ('bubu.uuf') and 161 (EpnGl: 'bufo.uuf'), CpGl B206 ('bubo.uuf'), and De diuersis rebus 21 & (glossing Isidore, Etym. XII.vii.39): 'bufo.uuf' (ed. Lapidge, 'An Isidorian Epitome', p. 473). Similar glosses are found in the continental members of the Leiden-Family glossaries, such as BN lat. 2685 ('bononen.uuof: SS I, 340/17) and Fulda Aa.2 (SS V, 160/34-40). 7 The biblical larus ('sea-mew', 'gull') is consistently glossed in early Old English glossaries as meu (1WS mcew, ModE mew): EE 610, CpGl L50 ('larus. meau') and CleoGlI (WW 432.9); see also Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 397-9. Note that in Sg 30 and Br 12 the explanation of larus as equivalent to OE meu is attributed nominatim to Hadrian. On the OE form meg, see H.M. Chadwick, Studies in Old English (Cambridge, 1899), p. 49 n., and Campbell, Old English Grammar, § § 4 3 and 272—3. 8 The difference between Latin mergus and mergulus, both of which refer to some sort of diver, was not clear to the early English glossators, who, following Isidore (Etym. XII.vii.54: 'mergis ab adsiduitate mergendi nomen hoc adhaesit') explained the properties of the bird in terms of its propensity for diving (mergendi), whence glosses in the Leiden-Family continental glossaries such as BN lat. 2685 ('mergulum. niger dicitur a mergendo .i. dopfugul': SS I, 340/19-20; cf. SS IV, 255/7-8: 'mergulus. nigra auis mergit se sub aqua pisces querere. dohfugul'). Later English glossaries too explained the bird in terms of its dipping and diving: CleoGlI ('mergule. dopfiigeles': W 445.24) and CleoGlII ('mergus. dopfugel': W 258.14). On the first element of the word dobfugul, see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, p. 207, and Forster, 'Die altenglische Glossenhandschrift', pp. 111—12, who explains it in terms of OE *doppian, 'to dip'; on the interchange of b and p in the earliest English texts, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, §§ 57.1 and 444. 9 Cf. above, comm. to PentI 357. 10 The equivalence oicygnus and OE suon ('swan') is not found in later English glossaries, where suon occurs instead as an equivalent for olor (cf. CpGl O l 4 l ) ; but it is found in later continental glossaries based directly or indirectly on English materials (see SS I, 340/29 and IV, 255/15). 11 The term onocratalus properly refers to a pelican (see comm. to PentI 358,
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Additional manuscript witnesses above, p. 484). It is not clear, however, where the Commentator derived the curious notice that it makes noise in the water. His explanation passed into later continental glossaries of the Leiden Family, such as Rz ('onocratulum auis qui sonitum facit in aqua uel pellicanus': SS V, 160/12—13) and Leiden Voss. lat. F. 24 ('Honochrotalum. auis qui sonum facit in aqua . . . ' : SS IV, 256/3). The OE word raeredumlae (1WS raradumbla) describes the habits of a bittern: see Suolahti, Die deutscben Vogelnamen, pp. 383—8, and cf. ModGerman Rohrdommel, which is
also the name for a bittern. The gloss given here nevertheless is to be found in later English glossaries: CleoGlI ('onocratarum.raredumle': W 460.19); CleoGlII ('onocratarum.raredumle': W 260.1); and BrslGl ('onogratulus. raradumbla {>aet is pur': W W 285.10). The Old English gloss felufor has apparently been displaced from the lemma following, namely porpbirio, to judge from entries in later English glossaries: EE 807 (EpnGl 'porfyrio.felofor'; ErflGl 'porfirio.felusor'); CpGl P517 ('porfyrio.feolufer'); CleoGlI (porfyrio. fealfor': W W 469.22) and CleoGlII ('porphyrio.fealuor': W W 259.5); see also Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 300—1. 13 The berodius (or berodio) is an unknown bird, perhaps a stork or heron. The Commentator's explanation of this bird as a ualucbaebuc (1WS wealhhafoc, 'peregrine falcon') is at best a mistaken guess, but one which was frequently repeated in later English and continental glossaries: EE 497 (and see Pheifer's note ad loc), CpGl H83, CleoGlI (WW 417.10), CleoGlII (WW 259.8), BrslGl (WW 285.3), Rz (SS V, 161/3-4) and BN lat. 2685 (SS I, 340/21). On the meaning of OE wealhhafoc, see Forster, 'Die altenglische GlossenhandschrifV, p. 121. It is interesting to note that the same mistaken explanation of the biblical word berodio, which also occurs in Job XXXIX. 13, is found in the Leiden Glossary (LdGl xix.35: 'herodion. ualchefuc'), which implies that all these explanations derive from the one Commentator. 14 The Old English gloss to cbaradrion has been lost; interestingly, it is also missing in Rz (SS V, 161/6). To judge from later English glossaries, the gloss in question must have been OE lauuercae ('lark'); cf. CpGl C148 ('caradrion. laurici'), CleoGlI ('caradrion. laewerce': W W 363.3), EE 1012 and LdGl xlvii.6l. 15 The Commentator's intention here may simply have been to supply the correct spelling of the Latin term (hupupa against the Vulgate's opupa). However, as Robinson rightly observed, the absence of a Latin accusative ending and the presence of initial b rather suggests that hupupa is an Old English word, and is thus the earliest recorded occurrence of ModE hoopoe ('Old English Lexicographical Notes', p. 306, n. 29). On the various Germanic forms of the name, see Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 11-15. 16 Latin uespertilio ('bat') was glossed in various ways in Old English, among which is the explanation offered here: quelderede (1WS cwyldhrcede, 'night-speeder'): see R. Jordan, Die altenglischen Saugetiernamen, Anglistische Forschungen 12
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Appendix I (Heidelberg, 1903), 29. The Old English gloss is not found in later English glossaries, but in a ninth-century glossary based on English (Canterbury) materials, namely Munich, SB, Cgm. 187 (a glossary related to the Second Erfurt Glossary), the entry 'stilo. cueldehrede. sax.' occurs, where it is clear that the glossator took stilo to be a component of uespertilio\ see E. Steinmeyer in a review of Gallee's Altsdchsische Sprachdenkmdler in Anzeiger fiir deutsches Altertum 22 (1896),
266-80, at 276. 17 Cf. the entry in Rz and related glossaries: 'brucus similis locuste sed maior' (SS V, 161/7 and 41). 18—19 Cf. SS V, 161/9— 11: 'attagus et opiomachus ignota sunt nobis animalia'. 20 The Old English gloss is found again in later English glossaries: CleoGlI ('locusta.gaershoppe': W 434.24) and CleoGlII ('locusta.gaershoppe': W 261.16). 21 The lemma has been lost. The word reod occurs as a gloss toflauum uelfulfum in ErflGl 404, and it is possible that the lost lemma was Lev. XIII.30 ('et capillus flauus solitoque subtilior'), whence we might conjecture an original gloss in the form 'flauus [XIII.30]: uel fuluus. reod'; cf. the remarks of Meritt, Old English Glosses, p. 44. Alternatively, given that the word occurs among a list of bird names, it is remotely possible that reod is the remnant of a gloss reodmupa ('pheasant'), as is found in a tenth-century English glossary preserved in London, BL, Harley 3376 (see W 234.24: 'faseacus. nomen auis. reodmujm'); see also I. Kryger Kabell, 'The Old English reodmupa and the Bird Today called the Pheasant', Studia Neophilologica 59 (1987), 3-6. 22 A very similar explanation is found in Rz ('corcodrillus bestia in flumine similis lacerte sed grandis': SS V, 161/13-14; cf. 45-6). It is clear from the context that OE adexan in the oblique case was intended as a gloss on lacertae ('lizard', in the dative), not on corcodillus; cf. Sg 36, where adexe also glosses lacerta, as well as CpGl L45 ('lacerta. adexe'). 23 Cf. Rz and related continental glossaries: 'Migale similis camelioni' (SS V, 162/1 and 29). 24 Cf. Isidore, Etym. XII.ii.18 ('Chamaeleon non habet unum colorem, sed diuersa est uarietate consparsus'); see also Rz and related continental glossaries: 'Chameleon similis est lacerte et sub aspectu mutat colores' (SS V, 162/2-3 and 30-1). 25 Cf. entries in various Leiden-Family glossaries such as Fulda Aa.2: 'stelio genus serpentis similis lacerte' (SS V, 162/51). Note also that MS inuenta is possibly a corruption of insueta or perhaps uenenosa. 26 Presumably labuntur here should be understood for lauantur ('are washed'). The spelling uassa (properly uasa) may show interference of OHG/MHG vaz(z). 27 The haliaeetos (Greek aXiaiexoc,) is properly an osprey or sea-eagle (Pliny, HN X.9-11). The Commentator, however, mistakenly took it to be a bird which
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Additional manuscript witnesses hunts terrestrial prey, as is clear from the Old English gloss museri. This may be a word formed from mus ('mouse') and the agentive ending -eri (1WS ere), hence 'mouser' or 'mouse-hawk' (cf. F. Kluge, Nominate Stammbildungslehre der altgermanischen Dialekte (Halle, 1899), s.v. *-erja). A different etymology is offered by Suolahti who suggests a compound of mus + OHG aro ('eagle'), hence 'mouse-eagle': Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 352—6. Whatever the etymology of OE museri, it is curious that the Greek-speaking Commentator did not simply render the word as (say) aquila marina, basing himself on the etymology of the word, which is apparently formed from &A,i ('sea') and &ex6<; ('eagle'). Note also that later English glossaries wrongly interpret alietum as 'sparrowhawk': CpGl A432 ('alietum. spaerhabuc'), CleoGlI ( W 351.21: 'alietum. spearhafuc') and CleoGlII (WW 259.9: 'alietum. spearhafuc'). 28 The explanation of miluus ('kite') by OE glida is found frequently in later Old English glossaries: CpGl M201 ('miluus.glioda'), CleoGlI (WW 443.17), CleoGlII (WW 259.11), AntGl (WW 132.16) and BrslGl (WW 285.7). On the meaning of glida, see Forster, 'Die altenglische Glossenhandschrift', p. 117. 30 The larus (Greek Xdpoc;), a greedy sea-bird and probably a kind of sea-gull, was first explained by the Commentator as equivalent to OE hragra ('heron'; cf. Modern German Reiher), but Hadrian apparently later qualified this explanation by interpreting it as equivalent to OE meu, 'mew' or 'sea-gull' (cf. above, Sg 7, and note that the form meum is a latinization of OE meu). In BN lat. 2685 (a glossary of the Leiden Family) is found the entry 'larum. meu' (SS I, 340/9). 31 OE screb (or scrab) is found in later English glossaries glossing various other Latin lemmata (cf. CpGl Ml99: 'merga. scraeb', and Suolahti, Die deutschen Vogelnamen, pp. 393-7). That the gloss originated in the circle of Theodore and Hadrian would seem to be confirmed by the medical explanation of the ibis's habits; cf. above, Sg 9, where the habitat of the ibis is said to be Africa. 35 The migale (Greek \i\)yaXr\) is properly a shrew-mouse; the explanation that it was 'small, almost the size of a cat' is misleading at best, assuming that catte (f.) here means 'house cat' or the like. However, the meaning of the Old English word in this context is not clear; see Jordan, Die altenglische Sa'ugetiernamen, pp. 33-7, esp. 34. 36 For adexe, see above, comm. to Sg 22. 37 Possibly here hirix should be emended to hirax; see above, comm. to PentI 354. (II)
BERLIN, STAATSBIBLIOTHEK DER STIFTUNG PREUSSISCHER KULTURBESITZ, GRIMM 1 3 2 , 2 [ = BR]
Five mutilated folios of a dismembered manuscript survive in the Grimm collection in Berlin, with the shelfmarks 132,2 (one bifolium plus a fragmentary
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Appendix I leaf) and 139,2 (one bifolium): see CLA, Supp., no. 1675. As it survives, the manuscript is the work of two scribes, of whom the first wrote the thick-set Anglo-Saxon cursive minuscule on the bifolium of 132,2, and the second scribe wrote the remainder (that is, the fragmentary leaf in 132,2 and the bifolium which is 139,2: illustrated in CLA) in a more expert and calligraphic Phase II Anglo-Saxon cursive minuscule. On palaeographical grounds the two scribes' performance is probably to be attributed to an Anglo-Saxon centre in Germany with Southumbrian connections, and to be dated to the mid-eighth century. In CLA Lowe thought that the presence of Old English words in the fragments implied an English origin; and indeed the fact that these words are usually marked s. ( = saxonice) may suggest that the scribes were not themselves English. However, it is equally possible that an Englishman working among foreigners would have designated English words in this way. The contents of the manuscript are as follows: (a) 132,2 (bifolium): excerpts from St Augustine (b) 132,2 (fragmentary leaf): biblical glosses corresponding to PentI 348-87, written in two columns, and ptd below (c) 139,2 (bifolium): glosses corresponding to the 'Leiden Glossary', chs. xlvii.7-50 and xxxix.1-52; written in three columns (d) 139,2 (same bifolium): biblical glosses corresponding to those on Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs in the Milan manuscript, 83v-84v (see above, p. 284); written in three columns It is only item (b), the glosses on the fragmentary leaf in 132,2 which correspond to PentI 348-87, that directly concerns us here. It is worth noting in passing, however, the Canterbury connections of items (c) and (d). The glossae collectae which constitute the 'Leiden Glossary' have been shown to derive ultimately from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian (see Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian'). Moreover, at one point in the unprinted glosses to the Song of Songs (item (d)), Hadrian is specifically named as an authority for an interpretation of the word stipate in S. of S. II.5; the same gloss with its attribution to Hadrian is found in the Milan manuscript, 84r (cf. Bischoff, MS I, 209 and above, p. 177). Although the glosses preserved on the Berlin leaf are a mere fragment, they are nonetheless a precious testimony to the original state of the collection of biblical glosses. They offer striking confirmation of the suggestion (above, p. 294) that the Leviticus glosses in PentI and those in St Gallen 913 (Sg 27—37) are independent copies of a once-larger collection, and that the two independent collections must be collated in order to form an idea of the shape and content of the original collection (see above, p. 292). The Berlin leaf preserves (as Br 1-8) a version of the Leviticus glosses in PentI 348-55 which agrees verbatim with that in the Milan manuscript; and these glosses are immediately followed by a sequence of four
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Additional manuscript witnesses glosses (Br 9-12) found only in St Gallen 913 (Sg 27-30) and not in the Milan manuscript. That the four St Gallen glosses are not a later interpolation, but were part of the original collection, is proved by the fact that among the Berlin glosses is one (Br 11) which occurs both as PentI 356 and as Sg 29. The three manuscripts thus overlap on this one gloss, which indicates that they are independent witnesses to one hypothetical original. From this we can see that the original Canterbury collection of Leviticus glosses contained the named reference to Hadrian (Br 12 = Sg 30) as well as the various explanations in Old English, all of which have been omitted - for whatever reason - from the copy preserved in the Milan manuscript. In the edition which follows, damage to the Berlin fragment is indicated by }; letters which have been lost are restored in certain cases by recourse to corresponding glosses in the Milan manuscript. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2, frg. {= Br} (frg)r 1 accipe]re monachi tonsuram non exit de] ecclesia usque in diem septimum. 2 Et] deinceps egresi [IX.23}: .i. de tabernaculo postquam adorauerunt ibi. 3 E]t ecce egressus ignis a Domino deuorauit [IX.24]: .i. modo sicut in primordio pro Abel et Noe et Abraham factum est. 4 T]uribulis inposuerunt [X.I]: .i. ignem alienum hoc es]t non de altare ut debuerunt. 5 S]anctificabor in hits qui adpropinquant mihi [X.3]: .i. glorificabor in eis, ut dicitur, 'sic luceat lux uestra coram hominibus', et reliqua. 6 C\apita uestra nolite nudare [X.6]: .i. ut pagani faciunt adoratoresque idolorum. 7 C]hoerogelum [XI.5]: et hirx unum sunt pene in omni similitudine ut porcus, nisi quod minores sunt quam porci, sed tamen longe statura sunt et in Monte Sinai in scissuris petrarum maxime abundant. 8 Griphem [XI. 13]: .i. ita grece dicitur ideo quod uncas ungulas et rostrum habet. 9 Alietum [XI. 13]: .i. museri modicus. 10 Miluum [XI.14]: glida. 11 Vu]ltur [XI. 14]: modico maior quam aquila et per .c. milia sentire potest cadauer. 12 Larum [XI. 16]: hragr]a; Adrianus dicit meu esse. (frg)v 13 [...] si comederit sanguinem .i. et non dimis[erit aquam] defluere in terram, sed congregat in unum al[iquid de in]teraneis et ita coquit ac sic manducat more gentilium, moriatur. 14 In pelicatum [XVIII. 18]: .i. in coruptionem.
543
Appendix I 15 Susuro [XIX. 16]: in aurem dolose loquens. 16 Agrum non seres diuerso semine [XIX. 19]: .i. ut unumquodque s[emen] seorsum seras ne commisceatur. 17 Quarto anno [XIX.24]: .i. quia non potuit ante fructum facere quod erat plantatum. 18 Stigmata [XIX.28]: .i. diuersas picturas in corporibus uestris draconum uel serpentium, ut multi faciunt. 19 Neprostituas [XIX.29]: -i. ne facias scortas. 20 Qui maledixerit patri suo et matri morte moriatur [XX.9]: .i. patres uolunt pro occisione accipere patris et matris, ac ideo debent mori qui faciunt et non de maledictione tantum uerborum. Patri et matri qui maledixerit .i. dicunt quod hoc possit de uerbo fieri non ut superior sed sit sanguis eius super eum .i. uindicta ipsius peccati quodcumque aptum perspexerint. 21 Matertera [XX. 19]: -i. soror matris. 22 Amita [XX. 19]: .i. soror patris. 23 Goppus [XXI.20?]: scelegi uel hobredi genere e[...]. Apparatus criticus 16 20 23
commisceatur] commiscatur MS perspexerint] -s- added above line MS goppus] read gippus Concordances
Br 1 = PentI 348; Br 2 = PentI 349; Br 3 = PentI 350; Br 4 = PentI 351; Br 5 = PentI 352; Br 6 = PentI 353; Br 7 = PentI 354; Br 8 = PentI 355; Br 9 = Sg 27; Br 10 = Sg 28; Br 11 = PentI 356 = Sg 29; Br 12 = Sg 30; Br 13 = PentI 378; Br 14 = PentI 379; Br 15 = PentI 380; Br 16 = PentI 381; Br 17 = PentI 382; Br 18 = PentI 383; Br 19 = PentI 384; Br 20 = PentI 385; Br 21 = PentI 386; Br 22 = PentI 387. Commentary There is only one gloss in the Berlin fragment which is not preserved in either the Milan manuscript or in St Gallen 913, namely Br 23, which, interestingly, contains two previously unrecorded occurrences of Old English words. 23 The word goppus is not Latin, and it is not immediately clear what biblical lemma it conceals. The simplest explanation is that it is a corruption of gibbus (often spelled gippus•, 'hunchbacked'), in Lev. XXI.20. This supposition is confirmed by the Old English gloss hobredi (1WS hoferede, 'hunchbacked'; for the
544
Additional manuscript witnesses spelling with -b-, see Campbell, Old English Grammar, § 5 7 and Pheifer, Old English Glosses, pp. lxxx-lxxxi). The same gloss occurs in later English glossaries: CleoGlI (WW 413.30: 'gibbus. hoferede'); cf. EE 459 and CpGl G93, as well as various members of the Leiden-Family glossaries (SS I, 344/54—5). Less certain, however, is the word scelegi, which is apparently an early spelling of 1WS sceolhege ('squint-eyed'); for the form, cf. CpGl S578 ('strabus. scelege') and EE 981 (EpnGl 'sceuus strabus torbus .i. sceolhegi'; ErflGl 'sceuus strabus torbus .i. sceolegi'). The question is: what connection could the word scelegi have with the biblical lemma gibbus? The full biblical lemma reads 'si gibbus si lippus . . . non accedet offerre hostias Domino'. Since scelegi cannot in any sense be a gloss on gibbus, it is more likely that it was intended as an explanation of lippus ('bleareyed', 'dim-sighted'). (ill)
LEIDEN, BIBLIOTHEEK DER RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT, VOSS. LAT. Q. 69 [ =
LD]
This manuscript is well known to students of Anglo-Saxon England because, among its various contents, it contains the so-called 'Leiden Glossary' (see above, pp. 173-5). In fact the present manuscript is composite and consists of six originally separate books (see de Meyier, Codices Vossiani Latini II, pp. 157—64); of these, we are concerned solely with the second, now fos. 7-47, a manuscript written c. 800 (s. viii/ix) at St Gallen (see CLA X, no. 1585, and Bischoff, MS II, 26 and III, 289). The contents of this manuscript are various: a collection of Latin poems, predominantly rhythmical (7v-13v), hymns of Prudentius (13v-17v), various epigrams and tituli (18v-19v), the 'Leiden Glossary' (20r-36r), various brief excerpts from patristic authors such as Augustine, Salvian, Lactantius, Isidore, Cosmas Indicopleustes and others (36r-39v), some excerpts from Pliny, Historia naturalis (39v-46r), and - as a later addition to space originally left blank - a letter of Charlemagne (46v-47v). The St Gallen scribe evidently had before him various collections of materials, some - but certainly not all - of which were of English origin. The 'Leiden Glossary' is of undoubted English origin, because it contains some 250 Old English glosses, and an English origin has been argued for the Pliny excerpts (see K. Ruck, Ausziige aus der Naturgeschichte des C. Plinius Secundus in einem astronomisch-komputistischen Sammelwerke des achten Jahrhunderts
(Munich, 1888), together with the discussion in Texts and Transmission: a Survey of the Latin Classics, ed L.D. Reynolds (Oxford, 1983), pp. 110-11); a similar argument might be made for the excerpts from Salvian, De gubernatione Dei (VII.64 and IV.67), since these begin with an account otSaxones, as well as for the excerpt from Cosmas Indicopleustes (see above, p. 210). It has not previously been recognized that among the excerpts from patristic authors, on 39r-v, is a series of biblical glosses - described somewhat misleadingly by de Meyier as 'alia excerpta
545
Appendix I pleraque theologica' {ibid. p. 162) - which correspond nearly verbatim to the biblical glosses in the Milan manuscript printed above (pp. 386—95) as Gn-ExEvla. These glosses too must have come to St Gallen from England. The fact that the Leiden manuscript does not include any entries that are not found in the Milan manuscript suggests that the text of Gn-Ex-Evla as preserved in the Milan manuscript is complete. Note that we have only emended the text in the interests of clarity, and that no attempt has been made to emend the orthography in order to bring it into line with that of the Milan manuscript, printed above. Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69, 39r^v {= Ld)
39ra
DE CAIN ET ABEL
1 Asserunt aliqui Abel a Cain inlaqueatum esse; alii lapidatum, alii maxilla asinae occisum dicunt [Gen. IV.8]. DE PARADISO
2 Alii dicunt paradisum in medio terrae ubi Hierusalem est, alii eum putant post peccatum in aere leuatum; quidam in orientali mare conlocatum esse uolunt [Gen. 11.83. DE ARCA
3 Trecentorum cubitorum [Gen. VI. 15]. Geometrica arte numeratus est. Cubitus autem eorum nostros .vi. capit propter stature proceritatem. 4 .xv. cubitis altior erat aqua montibus [Gen. VII.20]. Gigantes autem .xiiii. cubitorum fuere [Gen. VI.4]. 5 Mandragora [Gen. XXX. 14] duplici genere, masculini et feminini, quasi homo sine capite; femininum genus poma fert. 6 Tetigit neruum [Gen. XXXII.25]. Putatur ab aliquibus quod in capite eum feriret et postea, quia neruus inde diriuata esset, emarcuit in femore. 7 Aquas calidas [Gen. XXXVI.24]: aquae calidae per Dei potentiam, non humana manu calide effectae; quae naturali meatu per uenas terrae de mare exeuntes et repperientes quoddam genus lapidum in terra calidissimae naturae, unde ille calorem contrahunt. 8 Auguriare [Gen. XLIV.5]: quasi carmen alicuius diuinationis more ^gyptiorum desuper canebant, uel quia sortes mittebant in scifum cum aliquid sortiebant. 9 Deus Abraham Deus Isaac Deus lacob [Ex. III.6]. Cur illorum et non Adam, non Enoc, neque Noe? Quod Adam praeuaricator exstetit et isti quoque praeiiaricatione eius obnoxi fuere. Et isti .iii. meliores ceteris patribus fuerunt obseruando pactum circumcisionis. 10 Virgas eorum [Ex. VII. 12]. Agustinus dixit hoc non per fantasiam sed 39rb ueraciter esse factum. / Sicut enim agricola colendo terram excitat fructus, non tamen materiam facit, sic et demones per hoc quod subtilioris naturae sunt, Deo permittente obscure et uere fecerunt.
546
Additional manuscript witnesses 11 Vulgus permiscuum [Ex. XII.38]: ^Egyptiorum. Dicunt aliqui in hoc datum intelligi, quia Christo ascendente de inferno cum sanctorum animabus illos quoque qui antea legi non credebant et tune tamen praedicante illo crediderunt pariter ascendere. 12 Tribus uicibus [Ex. XXIII. 14]. Per .xii. menses sancta sanctorum ingresus est: semel in sanguine agni in pascha, secundo uero in pentecoste, tertio in scenophegia. Alii uolunt quod per .xii. menses semel cum sanguine introierit et cotidie sine sanguine ad incendenda timiamata. 13 Iudaei per .x. loca in fimbreis eorum faciebant signa pro misterio decalogi. 14 Iohannes Crisostomus ait omnes homines resurrecturos quasi .xxx. annos habentes, in ilia figura qua Christum tune uiderunt in monte Thabor transfiguratum. 15 Dicetis monti huic [Matt. XVII. 19]. Historialiter impletum fiiit, uel quando area per aquas Iordanis portata montes loco suo mouerunt et similiter mons Synai, uel quando in Iordane flumine Christus baptizatus est cum aqua ad instar collis eleuabat se ut impleretur quod dictum est: 'Montes exultauerunt ut arietes et colles.' 16 Faciamus .Hi. tabernacula [Matt. XVII.4; Mark IX.4; Luke IX.33]: -iii. creata sunt: unum pater fecit ex nihilo; .ii. nlius ex babtismo in nouo; .iii. spiritus sanctus in resurrectione, ut dicitur: 'Emitte spiritum tuum et creabuntur et renouabuntur.' Vel Christus de terra, Helias de paradiso, Moyses de inferno .iii. tabernacula dici possunt. 39va 17 Iohannes cum baptizabat dicebat, 'Baptizo te in penitentiam ut credas in eum qui uenturus est.' 18 .xii. legiones [Matt. XXVI. 5 3]: .lxx. milia habent in se. 19 Omnis uictima salietur [Mark IX.48]. Mos fiiit Iudeorum ignem et uictimam insimul sale aspergere. 20 Spiritum infirmitatis [Luke XIII. 11]: spiritum uentum dicit, quod multae infirmitates ex corrupto aere ueniunt. 21 De siliquis [Luke XV. 16]. Silicus est arbor fructus asperos habens et tarn dulces fiunt ad manducandum, longe pene in modum digiti. 22 Philacteria [Matt. XXIII. 5] grece custoditoria. 23 Emmaus [Luke XXIV. 13] interpretatur 'sanguis fratris'. Vnde quidam putant quod ibi occisus fuisset Abel. 24 Optulerunt ei partem piscis assi [Luke XXIV.42]. Constat ergo una uice manducasse Christum cum discipulis post resurrectionem suam, licet dissonis sermonibus Lucas et Iohannes dixissent, Lucas in .cccxli. capitulo, Iohannes in xexxiii. capitulo. 25 Multi opinantur Lucam euangelistam nepotem fuisse Pauli apostoli et ipsum esse quo Dominus apparuit et Cleope in uia. 26 Et tune ieiunabunt [Matt. IX. 15; Mark 11.20]. Ex illo uerbo multi Grecorum et Romanorum post pentecosten .xl. dies ieiunare solent.
547
Appendix I 27 Tribus uicibus quasi iratus Dominus: quando maledixit ficum [Matt. XXI. 19] uel quando eiecit uendentes [Matt. XXI. 12] uel quando praecepit porcis [Matt. VIII.31]. 28 Cofini .xii. et ydriae sex quae .cl. modios habuerunt: ut quidam uolunt, ab Helena regina in Constantinopolim sunt translatae {John H.6 and VI. 13}. Apparatus criticus 5 7 8 9 10 11 12 16 22 24 25 26
fert] feram MS calorem] colorem MS calidissimae] calidis MS carmen] camen MS eius] ei MS meliores] meliore MS subtilioris] subtiliores MS dicunt] dant MS quia] qui MS cotidie] cotidine MS timiamata] timiama MS dicitur] deus MS custoditoria] custodiatoria MS .ccxxiii.] xciii. MS nepotem] nepum MS ieiunabunt] corrected from ieiunabant MS Concordances
Ld 1 = Gnla 7; Ld 2 = Gnla 9 adfin.;Ld 3 = Gnla 11; Ld 4 = Gnla 12; Ld 5 = Gnla 13; Ld 6 = Gnla 14; Ld 7 = Gnla 15; Ld 8 = Gnla 16; Ld 9 = Exla 17; Ld 10 = Exla 18; Ld 11 = Exla 19; Ld 12 = Exla 20; Ld 13 = Exla 21; Ld 14 = Evla 22; Ld 15 = Evla 23; Ld 16 = Evla 24; Ld 17 = Evla 26; Ld 18 = Evla 25; Ld 19 = Evla 27; Ld 20 = Evla 28; Ld 21 = Evla 29; Ld 22 = Evla 31; Ld 23 = Evla 30; Ld 24 = Evla 32; Ld 25 = Evla 33; Ld 26 = Evla 34; Ld 27 = Evla 35; Ld 28 = Evla 36; cf. Wbl 13 Commentary 2 This gloss is a severely abbreviated version of the extensive account of Paradise found in Gn-Ex-Evia 9; it corresponds to the last sentence of the longer text. 14 The subject of uiderunt is discipuli (the word has been omitted from Ld). 17-18 The order of these two glosses is reversed in the Milan manuscript. 22—3 The order of these two glosses is reversed in the Milan manuscript.
548
Additional manuscript witnesses (IV)
WURZBURG, UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK, M. P. TH. F. 38 [ =
WBl]
A manuscript written at Wiirzburg in the second third of the ninth century (Bischoff and Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, pp. 36—7 and 129), the principal content of which is Augustine's De sermone Domini in monte (see Thurn, Die Handschriften, pp. 28—9). Towards the end of the manuscript are various brief excerpts from patristic sources; and following these, on 123v-124r, is a brief sequence of glosses to Matthew which correspond by and large to the Matthewglosses in the collection of gospel glosses printed above as Evil 3-29 (pp. 396-403). One of these Wiirzburg glosses refers to Theodore by name (Wbl 13); more importantly, the entire sequence of Matthew-glosses in the Wiirzburg manuscript is preceded by the rubric Haec Theodorus tradedit. This rubric provides a final confirmation - if confirmation is needed - that the exegetical glosses in the Milan manuscript derive from the teaching of Theodore. Wurzburg, Universitdtsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 38, 123v-124r{=
Wbl}
123v Haec Theodorus tradedit. Expositio super Matheum. 1 Ecce magi ab oriente [II. 1]: qui duobus annis ante natiuitatem Christi uiderunt et in itinere fuerunt, sicut Iohannis Constantinopolitanus adfirmat, quern Greci Crisostomum .i. os aureum uocant. 2 Reficientes recia [IV.21}: .i. emendantes. 3 Quadrans [V.26]: .i. duo minuta; .xii. minuta in uno tremisse. Argenteus et solidus unum sunt. Tres tremises sunt in uno solido; .xxxvi. minuta in uno solido sunt; .xx. silices uel fiscella in uno pendice sunt. 4 Passus [V.41]: .iiii. cubitos habet; cubitus .xxiiii. digitos. 5 Theloneus [IX.9] grece, latine publicanus. 6 Grammateus grece, scriba [VIII. 19} latine. 7 Paraliticus [IX.2] grece, latine dissolutus. 124r 8 Asse ueniunt [X.29]: -i. uendun / tur. Asse grece .i. duo aerea minuta. Vna argentea .xii. minutas habet. 9 Domum . . . mundatam [XII.44]: ab omnibus bonis operibus; hoc per antifrasin dicitur cum per bonum malum significat. 10 Sata [XIII.33]: .i. mensura, uas lapideum est .vi. sextarios .ii. libras habens. 11 Margarita [XIII.45] grece, gemma latine. 12 Sagina [XIII.47]: magior quam retia que trahitur .x. uelut .xxx. hominibus. 13 .xii. cofinos de palmatis factos Theodorus se uidisse testatur in Constantinopoli ob memoriam obseruatos ab Elina regina portatos; similiter et hydrias {John II.6andVI.13]. DFPGRBTKBS
549
Appendix I Apparatus criticus 2 4 5
Reficientes] -ci- added above line as correction MS Passus] perassus MS cubitus] cubitos MS Tbeloneus] tholoneus MS grece] added above line as correction MS
latine]
later MS publicanus} plublicanus MS 8 minuta] munita MS 9 per antifrasin} peractanifrasin MS 10 lapideum] -e- added above line as correction MS 12 quam] quamnam MS 13 palmatis] palinacis MS Concordances Wbl 1 = Evil 3; Wbl 3 = Evil 5; Wbl 4 = Evil 10; Wbl 5 = Evil 12; Wbl 7 = Evil 17; Wbl 8 = Evil 18; Wbl 9 = Evil 27; Wbl 10 = Evil 28; Wbl 11 = Evil 29; Wbl 13: cf. Evla 36 and Ld 28 Commentary 1 The word stellam has apparently fallen out after uiderunt. 3 The words uelfiscella are not found in Evil 5 or Wb2 44, and the meaning of fiscella is unclear. 6 The word ypaiinaxeuq occurs at this point in the Greek NT. 12 The Latin word sagina is a loanword from Greek aayf|VT| ('dragnet'), which occurs at this point in the Greek NT. 13 This gloss provides the valuable biographical information that Theodore spent some time in Constantinople; see above, pp. 41—64. The 'Twelve Baskets' in which were gathered the remnants of the five loaves and two fish with which Christ miraculously fed the five thousand (Matth. XIV. 17-21; Mark VI.41-4; Luke IX. 15—17; and John VI.8—13), were one of the most important relics to be seen in Constantinople during the Middle Ages: at a time when Constantinople was regarded as perhaps the most important centre of relic-cults in the world. According to a tenth-century (?) life of Constantine and his mother, the dowager empress Helena (the Vita Constantini et Helenae matris eius: BHG, no. 364), these Twelve Baskets were discovered by Helena near Tiberias (see fig. 6) on the Sea of Galilee: nepit, 5e xfj<; TiftepiaSoc; eiai xaoxa- xo Xeyd\ievov 5©5EKd0povov, onov £K Kai knXr\Q\)ve xoix; £rcxa dpxooc, Kai 86p£\|/E xoo<; xexpaiaaxiAioix; [sic] (ed. M. Guidi, 'Un pioq di Costantino', Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, classe di scienze morali,
storiche efilologiche5th ser. 16 (1907), 306-40 and 637-55, at 645). The relic of
550
Additional manuscript witnesses the 'Twelve Baskets' or 8o>8eK&0povov was brought by Helena to Constantinople where it was housed, together with other relics such as the axe with which Noah fashioned the ark, in the base of the famous 'Column of Constantine' (see fig. 2), a magnificent column made of porphyry, nearly 100 feet high, which is still standing today and known as the f emberlitas or 'burnt column': see J. Ebersolt, Constantinople. Recueil d etudes d'arche'ologie et d'histoire (Paris, 1951), pp. 7 1 - 4 ;
Janin, Constantinople byzantine, pp. 77—80; C. Mango, 'Constantinopolitana', Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts 8 0 (1965), 3 0 5 - 3 6 , at 3 0 6 - 1 3 with figs. 1—3; and Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople, pp. 260—3. The earliest
reference to these relics hitherto known occurs in a letter of Alexis I Comnenus to Count Robert of Flanders, datable to 1092 (ed. by the Comte [P.E.D.] Riant, Exuviae sacrae Constantinopolitanae, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1877-8) II, 203-10; also ptd PL 155, 466-70), in which the Twelve Baskets are mentioned as a precious relic of the city: 'Duodecim cophini fragmentorum ex quinque panibus & duobus piscibus' (ed. Riant, ibid. II, 208 = PL 155, 468). At about the same time the Twelve Baskets are mentioned in a Latin translation of a Greek itinerarium (composed 1070 X 1075) made apparently by an Anglo-Saxon pilgrim to Constantinople: 'et in ipso . . . refugium est uia usque ad forum ubi est sancti Constantini. Suptus autem ipsius columnae sunt .xii. cophini fragmentorum de .v. panibus' (K. Ciggaar, 'Une description de Constantinople traduite par un pelerin anglais', Revue des etudes byzantines 34 (1976), 211-67, at 255). The identity of the Anglo-Saxon pilgrim is unknown, though it is perhaps worth noting that in the 1090s a monk from Christ Church, Canterbury, visited Constantinople and tried to acquire relics of St Andrew: see C.H. Haskins, 'A Canterbury Monk at Constantinople c. 1090', EHR 25 (1910), 293-5. In any case the Latin translation was made before c. 1100, since the earliest manuscript in which it is preserved, now Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 112, 17r-28v, dates from the early years of the twelfth century: see M. Lapidge, 'The Medieval Hagiography of St Ecgwine', Vale of Evesham Historical Society Research Papers 6
(1977), 77-93, at 85-9. A later English manuscript of this same Latin translation was published by Mercati in 1936 (S.G. Mercati, 'Santuari e reliquie costantinopolitane secondo il codice Ottoboniano latino 169 prima della conquista latina (1204)', Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia romana di archeologia 12 (1936),
133-56, with reference to the Twelve Baskets at 150; Mercati conjectured that the author of this account may have been Giraldus Cambrensis, but this possibility is ruled out by the early date of the Digby manuscript). In the early fourteenth century the Byzantine historian Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulos mentioned the Twelve Baskets in his HE VII.49: urcoK&Tco tfj<; TOO axoXoo P<xaeco<;, xouq if' Ko<|>ivou<; (PG 145, 1325). Finally, various later Russian travellers to Constantinople, such as Zosima the Deacon similarly recorded the presence there of these relics (see Majeska, ibid., p. 184). What happened to the
551
Appendix I relics after the fall of the city in 1453 is unknown. These various testimonies show clearly that the Twelve Baskets housed in the Column of Constantinople were one of the important landmarks of the medieval city, but none of them is earlier than the late eleventh century. Accordingly, although Archbishop Theodore did not mention the Column of Constantine, his reference to the Twelve Baskets is apparently the earliest recorded notice of these relics. DFPGRBTKBS: a cypher for DEO GRATIAS; on cyphers of this sort in early Insular manuscripts and authors, see Levison, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century, pp. 290-2, and Bischoff, MS III, 124. (V)
WURZBURG, UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK M. P. TH. F. 47 [=
WB2]
This manuscript was written somewhere in the area of the Anglo-Saxon mission in Germany in the early ninth century (s. ixin) (see CLA IX, no. 1414, and Bischoff and Hofmann, Libri Sancti Kyliani, p. 103). The principal contents of the manuscript are Gregory, Homilia in euangelia and Homilia in Ezechielem (see Thurn, Die Handschriften, pp. 36-7). At the end of the manuscript, on the final three folios (folsi 71-3), are copied various glosses to the gospels. It is clear that the scribe of the Wiirzburg manuscript had before him two different sets of gospel glosses, both of English origin, and that he combined these two sets so as to produce a single amalgam. Thus nos. 1—41 are drawn from a collection of glosses (for the most part to gospel lemmata) very similar to those in the 'Leiden Glossary', chs. xxiv, xxv, xxxix, xli and xlii. Yet another manuscript version of the same collection is found in the Milan manuscript (88v); we have designated this version EvI (see above, p. 286). Our principal concern here, however, is with the glosses printed below as nos. 42-115, for these correspond closely, and often verbatim, with the glosses printed above as Evil (pp. 396—423). From a comparison of the text of the Wiirzburg manuscript with that printed above as Evil it will be clear that the Milan manuscript preserves a more accurate and more extensive version of the original collection of glosses than that in the Wiirzburg manuscript, and that the frequent corruption in the latter manuscript can best be emended by reference to Evil. Wurzburg, Universitdtsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 47, 71r-73v {= Wb2) 71r 1 Tipum: inflatione [ = LdGl xxxix.70}. 2 Olagraua: totum scriptio [ = LdGl xxxix.71]. 3 Vicino: canico [ = LdGl xli.6?}. 4 Iaspis [Rev. XXI. 19): nigrum colorem habet et uiridem [ = LdGl xli.7]. 5 Saphiros [Rev. XXI. 19}' mari simile et quasi aureas Stellas habet [ = LdGl xli.8}. 552
Additional manuscript witnesses 6 Calcedo [Rev. XXI. 19]: ut ignis lucernat [ = LdGl xli.9]. 7 Smaragdus [Rev. XXI. 19]: uiridem colorem habet ut prasinus [ = LdGl xli.10]. 8 Sardonix [Rev. XXI.20]: habet colorem sanguinis qui est onicenus [ = LdGl xli.ll]. 9 Sardius [Rev. XXI.20]: colorem purum sanguinis [ = LdGl xli.12]. 10 Crisolitus [Rev. XXI.20]: auri colorem habet et Stellas luculentes habet [ = LdGlxli.13]. 11 Birillus [Rev. XXI.20]: tantum ut aqua resplenduit [ = LdGl xli.14]. 12 Topazion [Rev. XXI.20]: ut aurum micat [ = LdGl xli.15]. 13 Cypressus [Rev. XXI.20]: uiridem colorem habet ut est purus et Stellas aureas habet [ = LdGlxli.l6]. 14 Excipiuntur: separantur [ = LdGl xlii.l]. 15 Syrte: harena [ = LdGl xlii. 17]. 16 Amphibalum: coculus [ = LdGl xlii. 18]. DE MARCO EVANGELISTA
17 Alfei [Mark II. 14, III. 18]: de loco dicitur. 18 Syrophinisa [Mark VII.26]: de Syris qui in Cananea sunt [ = LdGl xxv.3]. 19 Grabatum [Mark II. 14]: lectulum. 20 Biuio [Mark XI.4]: ubi duo uiae conueniunt. 21 Sarepta [Luke IV.26]: ciuitas. 22 Murrutum [Mark XV.23]: amarum [ = LdGl xxv.2]. 23 Pugillarem [Luke 1.63]: tabule quae in pugillo contenentur. 24 Diuersorium [Luke XXII. 11]: quo uertitur ad manendum de uia. 25 Vt sisterent eum Domino [Luke 11.22]: .i. ut offerent eum Domino. 26 De silicis [Luke XV. 16]: fructus arboris [ = LdGl xxv.6]. 27 Metreta {John II.6]: mensura. 28 Catino [Mark XIV.20]: .i. discus modicus ligneus uel lapideus [ = LdGl xxv.l]. 29 Triclinum: .i. tria lecta. 30 Enchennia (John X.22]: noua dedicatio [ = LdGl xxv.ll]. 31 Lithostrotus {John XIX. 13]: conpositio uel consternatio lapidum [ = LdGl xxv. 14]. 32 Hysopo (John XIX.29]: in similitudinem absentis [ = LdGl xxv. 15]. 33 Caupo [Ecclus. XXVI.28]: qui uinum uendidit, qui eum torculauit./ 71v DE LVCA EVANGELISTA
34 Decapolim [Matt. IV.25; Mark V.20]: .x. ciuitatis in una prouincia [ = LdGl xxix.31]. 35 Publicani [Matt. V.46]: qui publicam rem agunt [ = LdGl xxiv.6]. 36 Tabernacula [Matt. XVII.4; Mark IX.4; Luke IX.33]: magna uel modica; dicuntur etiam de uestimento. 37 Stater [Matt. XVII.26]: .iii. solidos [ = LdGl xxiv.7].
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Appendix I 38 39 40 41
Castellum {Matt. IX.35, X.ll]: modica urbs. Exitus uiarum [Matt. XXII.9}: cumque exeunt uiae. Parapsidis [Matt. XXII.25-6]: discus. Caminus [Matt. XIII.42]: a caumando dicitur [ = LdGl xxiv.16].
42 Ecce magi [II. 1]: Magi duobus annis in uia fiierunt, quia duobus annis ante natiuitatem Christi apparuit eis Stella, ut Iohannis Constantinopolitanus dixit, quern Greci Crisostomum .i. os aureum uocant. 43 Telus tributum dicitur. 44 Nouissimum quadrantem [V.26]: nouissimam cogitationem. Quadrans duo minuta habet; .xii. minuta in uno tremise sunt. Argenteus et solidus unum sunt; .xxxvi. minuta in uno solido sunt; .xxx. silice in uno pendinge sunt. 45 Noimata quod mente recolit. 46 Simbolice oratores dicuntur quod grammatici metaphorice, ut est solstitia. 47 Anadiplosis grece, latine recapitulatio, quia Greci non possunt conparatiuum et ablatiuum casum conponere. Ideo dicunt iterando 'amen amen' [V.37]. 48 Pallium [V.40]: iperbolicae; quod dictum aliter tonica .i. fides. 49 Passus [V.41]: unus .iiii. cubitos habet, cubitus .xxiiii. digitos. 50 Leprae [VIII.3]: .iiii. sunt genera: album, nigrum, rubrum, quartum uulnerosum. Morbus regius et elifantiosus unum sunt. Elephantiosus dicitur qui perdet aliquod membrum et fit pene totum corpus emortuum; licet tangitur non sentit. Ideo per methaphora dicitur, quia sicut elifans omnia animalia magnitudine praeminet, sic et ilia infirmitas alias. Gyrinosas grece, latine elifantio infirmitas est. 51 In testimonium [VIII.4]: ut scirent sacerdotes quia ipse esset Christus eo quod sepe illis offerentibus munera, sic sanare non potuerunt. 52 Febricitatem [VIII. 14]: piratus grece, latine febris. Amphironosus grece, 72r latine aquosus; est de aqua, .i. de aere uenit. / Yrinosus grece, latine febris cottidiana; .x. et .viii. non habet. Triterus grece, latine tertiane febres quae de felle iecoris fiunt. Tytharteus grece, latine sextana febris; de splene uenit. Synochus grece, latine iugis febris quae nocte et die post .vi. horas fit. 53 Quo ait propheta 'sanitas in pennis eius', quia Christus sanitates fecit [IX.20]. 54 Asse ueniunt [X.29] -i. uenundantur. Asse ueniunt grece, latine duo aerea minuta. 55 Id .vii. sunt difficilia quae nemo nouit nisi Deus: harena maris, pluuiarum guttae, altitudo caeli, numerus stellarum et profunditas terrae et ima abyssi, dies saeculi. 56 Duae natiuitates sunt: naturales ex carne, spiritales ex baptismo. Illi maiores illo in nouo testamento qui perfectum habent babtismum, .i. Petrus et socii eorum[XI.ll].
554
Additional manuscript witnesses 57 Fabrifilius [XIII. 5 5]: Ioseph, qui faber lignarius fuit. 58 Adsumpsit secum Petrum et ceteros [XVII. 1}: significant naturalem, actualem, contemplatiuam: Petrus naturalem, Iacobus actualem, Iohannis contemplatiuam. 59 Apparuit Mis Moyses et Elias [XVII.3). Questio nodosa de hac re oritur. Quomodo Moyses apparuit qui sub potestate aduersariorum fiiit, cum Christus adhuc per crucem de diabulo non triumphauit. Iohannis Crisosti sic dicit: quod si in uiuis per miracula Christus glorificatus est, cecos inluminando, leprosos mundando et caetera, ita et in mortuis, ut Moyses et Lazarus et ceteri quos suscitauit. Sunt qui dicunt in hoc esse inpletum quod ab angelo ad diabulum dicitur cum altercarent de corpore Moysi, 'Imperet tibi Deus, diabule, solioth hie est perfectum.' 60 Ab Adam usque ad Christum trea ista latuerunt diabulo uel demones, quod Christus de uirgine natus siue nascendus est, passus in cruce, sepulchrum in terra uel discendit ad infernum [XVII.9]. 61 Lunatkus [XVII. 14] est cuius minuente luna mutatur cerebrum et intrante demone per narem dementes facit. Aliter lunatici quod < . . . > . 62 Sepe cadit in ignem [XVII. 14]: .i. quern ira uicit et in aquam quern concupiscentia. 72v 63 Denarius .xxiiii. silicas habet, solidus .iii. denarios; / denarius militaris et .viiii. silicas habet. 64 Cum Herodianis [XXII. 16]: Herodianis dicuntur qui dicunt Herodem Christum esse. 65 Nomisma [XXII. 19]: censum. 66 Philacteria [XXIII.5]: .i. custoditoria. 67 Prosilitum [XXIII. 15] grece, latine gentilem. 68 Excolentem [XXIII.24]: hoc est eulieem siue per linum siue per aliam quamque machinam separantes a licore. 69 Camelum [XXIII.24]: silum yperbolice dicuntur. 70 Tyriachin grece .i. pigmentum quod de uipera fit. 71 Sicut enimfulgor [XXIV.27] potest hie fulgor de sole accipi. 72 Centum denariorum yperpolice dictum est eo quod multo praetio uenundari potuit [XXV.9; cf. Io XII.5]. 73 Pontios Pylatus [XXVII.2]: Pontus insula .c. miliario est a Roma in mare Tyrrhenum. 74 Commonis ubiubi aelimosine congregentur [XXVII.6]. 75 Sindone [XXVII. 54]: sabuna. INCIPIT DE MARCO EVANGELISTA
76 Babtismum penitentiae [1.4]: quod praedicauit Iohannis cum dixisset quando mergebat, 'Babtizo te in penitentiam ut credas in eum qui uenturus est.' 77 Lucuste [1.6] marine quas lupustran uocant; et sunt agrestes quas comedebat Iohannes.
555
Appendix I 78 Leui [II. 14] cognomento, Alfei patronomicum est. 79 Et inposuit eis nomina Boaneries [III. 17} ex his .iii., Petrus scilicet et Iacobi et Iohannes, omnes apostoli sic generaliter intellegi uolunt .i. filii tonitrui; ipsi filii fiierunt spiritus sancti. 80 Infurorem uersus est [III.21]: casi prae multitudine miraculorum dixissent 'in excessu mentis est'. 81 Modius uas quadrangulum est, .x. et .viiii. sestarios habet [IV.21]. 82 Legio [V.9] grece autem dicuntur legion. Qualitas uerbi est et electi sunt .i. numeratus exercitus. Legion grece, exercitus latine, ebraice sabaoth exercituum. 83 Et aparuit Elias cum Moyse [IX.3]. Queritur unde Moyses adesset qui mortuus fuerat et sub potestate contrariarum uirtutum tenebatur quas adhuc Iesus crucis ostentui non habuit. Quid ergo dicendum utrum corpore resurrexit? Si autem 73r corpore nee Christus primogenitus mortuorum (quod absit!) / sed spiritaliter adesse ilium credendum est, sicut Lazarus de sepulchro suscitauit et animam eius de potestate demoniorum liberauit, sic et animam Moysi de inferno eripuit. Sunt qui dicunt non fuisse sub dominio demoniorum sed sub quadam custodia angelorum, et hoc adfirmantes historialiter abuti uolunt testimonio quod legitur, 'regnabit mors ab Adam usque ad Moysen'. Ab hoc fiiisse altercationem diabuli cum angelo de Moysi corpore, etsi corpus dixisset; animam tamen uolunt intelligi, ut oratores per austroproton faciunt, aliut dicentes et aliud sentientes. 84 Nardi spicati [XIV.3]- Nardus arbor cum fructus ut lauri bacce et in caldarium mittitur et coquit usque ad pinguidinem, et collectario desuper tollitur. 85 Plus quam actis dinarius [XIV.5]: yperbolice dictum, sicut in Daniele dicitur, 'superabat flamma fornocem cubitis .xl. et nouem'. 86 Primo die quando pascha immolabat [XIV. 12]: .i. quinta feria, decima hora diei; quando sol et luna regione stabant, ea hora Iudaei agnum occiderunt et in nocte comederunt phascha. 87 Bonum erat ei si natus nonfuisset [XIV.21]: per baptismum. Matheus in quinto codice suo sic dixit: 'Quod Iesus Petrum baptizaret, et Petrus Andream, deinde alter alterum ordine suo.' 88 Gethsemani [XIV. 32] locus est ubi sancta Maria sepulta est. 89 Iohannis Crisostimus .i. os auri dixit .iiii. Marias esse [XV.40]. DE LVCA EVANGELISTA
90 Adsecuto a principio [1.3]: .i. a Zacharia ubi uidit angelum uel quando misus est Gabriel ad sanctam Mariam. 91 Pugillarem [1.63]: .i. simul tabule et graphium. 92 Synagoga [VI.6]: .i. domus magna in qua exercebant orationes. 93 Hodie [XIII.32]: apud Deum semper; sexta feria et sabbatum tertium diem dominicam intelligi uolunt in quo omnia consummauit, et postquam .xxxvi. horas in inferno resurrexit.
556
Additional manuscript witnesses 94 Quam supra .xcviiii. iustos [XV.7]: yperbolice dixit propter nimium gaudium angelorum circa penitentem. 95 Vilicus [XVI.3]: uici dominus. 96 Cathos olei [XVI.6]: .c. ciclos. 97 Cautionem [XVI.6]: carta conscriptum. 98 Vxoris Loth [XVII.32]. A nonnullis orientalium doctorum aestimantur animae ipsius in ea usque in diem iudicii. Sumunt sibi exemplum < . . . > . 99 Aromata et unguenta [XXIII.56]. Hoc distat < . . . > quod aromata sicca, unguenta commixta cum oleo. DE IOHANNE EVANGELISTA
100 Deum nemo uidit umquam [1.18]: quod nemo sanctam trinitatem per totum uidere potest. 101 Die tertio nuptiae [II. 1]: tertia die nuptiae. Alii aliter spiritaliter idest diem tertium nouum testamentum accipiunt. 102 Capientes singulas metretas binas [II.6]: binae .xxvi. sextarios capiunt, ternae .xxvi. Quidam tractatores dicunt quia omnes simul .cl. modios habent. 103 Triclinus domus est; habet tuo cubicula et .iii. lectualia. Arcitriclinus [II.8] de greco et latino conpositum est, ac si dixisset princeps trium lectualium ille qui in potestat[e domum] habet et ministerium gubernat. / 73v 104 Samaritani duos montes habuerunt in quibus adorauerunt: Garazim et Ebal. In his stabant filii uel benedicendum et maledicendum [IV.20]. 105 Quasi statia .xx. [VI. 19]: hoc est .vi. milia. 106 Scenopagia [VII.2]: .i. solemnitas tabernaculorum quam in septimo mense Iudaei caelebrarent. 107 Iesus autem declinans seorsum et scribebat in terra [VIII.8]: deorsum scripsit iudicium. 108 Et iterum scripsit in terra .i. misericordiam. Et hoc duo significant lege et euangelium [VIII.9]. 109 Et uocem meam audiunt [X.3]. Mos est orientalium pastorum procedere et cantare gregibus suis. 110 Institis [XI.44]: ligatura. 111 Et mansionum [XIV.23]: unaquaeque uirtus mansio Dei dicitur. 112 Pacem meam do uobis [XIV.27]: pax Christi, fructus spiritalis. 113 Non quomodo mundus dat [XIV.27]: pax mundi est gula, fornicatio, et cetera. 114 Et uos mundi estispropter sermonem [XV.3]: .i. dixit eis ante, 'Qui credit in me habet uitam aeternam.' 115 Aloe [XIX. 39]: arbor quae ducitur de Persida; bonum odorem habet; tunditur minutatim et puluis eius miscitur cum myrra. Mirra uero ungentum est. 116 Sinthasmia: conpositione. 117 Sconomio: .i. dispensator.
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Appendix I Apparatus criticus 5 quasi] quas MS 8 sanguinis] sanis MS 25 euni] cum MS 35 Publicani] publiani MS Rubric after 41 inserted by editors 42 annis] anni MS 44 Argenteus] argenteos MS solidus] solidos MS solido] solide MS 50 genera] genere MS Elephantiosus] elephan MS quia] quae MS latine] latina MS 52 cottidiana] cottilianas MS felle] pelle MS iecoris] lecoris MS 53 quia] quae MS sanitates] sanes MS 5 5 stellarum] stella MS 57 lignarius] ignarus MS 58 significant] signantur MS 59 nodosa] nodos MS leprosos] leprosus MS 61 dementes] correctedfrom dedementes MS lacuna after quod posited by editors (cf. Evil 44); text in MS is continuous 63 solidus] uel MS (?) 68 Excolentem] et culentem MS 72 yperpolice] -p- 1 corrected from -b- MS 73 Tyrrhenum] terrae MS 77 lupustran] lupustras MS 80 casi] for quasi 81 sestarios] sex MS 82 grece, exercitus] exercitus grece MS 83 tenebatur] tenebantur MS nee] -c corrected from -x MS et animam eius] written twice MS oratores] atores MS 87 alter] alterum MS, with -um erased 90 angelum] angelus MS 96 Cathos] c culos MS 98 A nonnullis] an nullis MS aestimantur] aestimanter MS lacuna after exemplum posited by editors (cf. Evil 115); text is continuous in MS 99 unguenta] -u- added above line as correction MS lacuna after distat posited by editors (cf. Evil 119); text is continuous in MS 102 .xxvi.] -i- deleted'MS sextarios] sextario MS 103 .iii.] in MS e domum] MS illegible here; letters in parentheses supplied by editors from Evil 125 104 stabant] mons tab MS filii] filius MS 106 caelebrarent] -n- added above line as correction MS 109 est] omnes MS
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Additional manuscript witnesses Concordances Wb2 42 = Evil 3; Wb2 43 = Evil 4; Wb2 44 = Evil 5; Wb2 45 = Evil 6; Wb2 46 = Evil 7; Wb2 47 = Evil 8; Wb2 48 = Evil 9; Wb2 49 = Evil 10; Wb2 50 = Evil 13; Wb2 51 = Evil 14; Wb2 52 = Evil 15; Wb2 53 = Evil 16; Wb2 54 = Evil 18; Wb2 55 = Evil 19; Wb2 56 = Evil 24; Wb2 57 = Evil 32; Wb2 58 = Evil 40; Wb2 59 = Evil 41; Wb2 60 = Evil 42; Wb2 61 = Evil 43; Wb2 62 = Evil 44; Wb2 63 = Evil 45; Wb2 64 = Evil 46; Wb2 65 = Evil 47; Wb2 66 = Evil 48; Wb2 67 = Evil 50; Wb2 68 = Evil 51; Wb2 69 = Evil 52; Wb2 70 = Evil 53; Wb2 71 = Evil 54; Wb2 72 = Evil 55; Wb2 73 = Evil 57; Wb2 74 = Evil 58; Wb2 75 = Evil 62; Wb2 76 = Evil 63; Wb2 77 = Evil 64; Wb2 78 = Evil 65; Wb2 79 = Evil 66; Wb2 80 = Evil 67; Wb2 81 = Evil 68; Wb2 82 = Evil 69; Wb2 83 = Evil 75; Wb2 84 = Evil 79; Wb2 85 = Evil 80; Wb2 86 = Evil 81; Wb2 87 = Evil 82; Wb2 88 = Evil 83; Wb2 89 = Evil 87; Wb2 90 = Evil 89; Wb2 91 = Evil 90; Wb2 92 = Evil 100; Wb2 93 = Evil 108; Wb2 94 = Evil 109; Wb2 95 = Evil 111; Wb2 96 = Evil 112; Wb2 97 = Evil 113; Wb2 98 (ink.) = Evil 115; Wb2 99 = Evil 119; Wb2 100 = Evil 121; Wb2 101 = Evil 123; Wb2 102 = Evil 124; Wb2 103 = Evil 125; Wb2 104 = Evil 127; Wb2 105 = Evil 128; Wb2 106 = Evil 130; Wb2 107 = Evil 131; Wb2 108 = Evil 132; Wb2 109 = Evil 137; Wb2 110 = Evil 138; Wb2 111 = Evil 141; Wb2 112 = Evil 142; Wb2 113 = Evil 143; Wb2 114 = Evil 144; Wb2 115 = Evil 148 (Vl)
MUNICH, BAYERISCHE STAATSBIBLIOTHEK, CLM. I 4 4 7 O {=
MN]
A manuscript of homilies of various patristic authors, principally Augustine, Jerome, Caesarius of Aries and Isidore, arranged in its early folios as a homiliary beginning with Advent, but consisting in its later folios simply as a patristic florilegium of moral and exegetical commentary; written probably in Bavaria in the early ninth century (see Bischoff, Die siidostdeutschen Schreibschulen I, 246). On 121r occurs the long entry on the Seven Sleepers legend which corresponds closely to Evil 115 (above, p. 416); and a further link with the gospel glosses in the Milan manuscript is established by the presence of the two notes which follow it (the second, unfortunately, incomplete) which correspond verbatim to two entries in Evil. The manuscript thus provides further evidence of the dissemination of the Canterbury biblical glosses in ninth-century Bavaria. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470 {= Mn) 121r 1 De uxore Loth et .vii. dormientes. Vxorem Loth [Luke XVII.32} a nonnullis autem orientalium doctorum hoc estimamur quod anima ipsius in ea usque ad diem
559
Appendix I iudicii permansisse. Sumunt sibi exemplum .vii. fratrum qui Decii imperatoris persecutione fiierunt et uenerunt in speluncam quandam quae est .xl. miliario ab Effesina ciuitate, et uespere fatigati somno sederunt et canis illorum cum eis. Et .cc. annos in tempore Theodosii iunioris iterum expergefacti, sederunt et consiliati sunt inter se ut irent in ciuitatem et emerent sibi escas. Putabant enim se una nocte dormisse. Et exierunt duo ex illis in ciuitatem, canem comitantem, et ostenderunt nommos suos; et dixerunt homines ciuitatis illius: 'Ecce homines inuento thesauro foderunt sibi haec', quia imago Decii apparuit in nummis. At illi negauerunt, sed narrauerunt eis omnia quomodo actum esset. Illis autem non 12 lv credentibus duxerunt secum aliquos / ex illis in testimonium. Cum autem peruenissent ad speluncam et introissent, subito ceciderunt et dormierunt omnes .vii. insimul, sicut ante fecerunt. Homines uero qui haec uiderunt perrexerunt ad principem Theodosium et narrauerunt ei gestam per ordinem. Et ille uenit et uidit ita factum. Statim pallio suo purporeo cooperuit eos et numquam exinde dubitabit de resurrectione set basilicam haedificauit honorifice super eos. 2 Et factus est in agonia [Luke XXII.43]: .i. in certamine sicut gutte sanguinis. Hoc dicebat non quia colore sanguineo similes fuissent guttae, sed quia coagulauit sudor eius quasi sanguis cum cadit super terram. 3 Parauerunt aromata et unguenta [Luke XXIII.56]. Hoc distat inter aromata et unguenta quod aromata sicca fiunt unguenta [...] Apparatus criticus 1 imperatoris] impperatoris, with first -p- erased MS from -c- MS 2 certamine] -ta- added above line MS 3 The text breaks off after unguenta. Concordances Mn 1 = Evil 115; Mn 2 = Evil 117; Mn 3 = Evil 119
560
speluncam} -e- corrected
Appendix II Two metrological treatises from the school of Canterbury
One of the recurrent interests of the Canterbury glossators was metrology, that is, the equivalence of weights and measures of various kinds: of volume, of liquid and solid measures, of length and distance, of value especially of coinage, and so on (see above, pp. 262-3). Any Anglo-Saxon scholar of the early Middle Ages will have been faced, in the texts he studied, with the different terminologies for weights and measures in Hebrew, Greek and Latin literature, and with the complex relationships existing between them. And however complex such relationships might be, they were complicated still further by the question of how they related to the native Anglo-Saxon system of reckoning weights and measures. There were very few books which the Anglo-Saxon scholar could consult for guidance on these matters: Epiphanius wrote a treatise in Greek which has not survived in its entirety in that language (the only complete surviving version is in Syriac: see CPG II, no. 3746 and above, p. 212), and which would in any case have been inaccessible to a Greekless reader. In Latin there are very concise treatments in Eucherius's Instructiones and in Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv—xxvi, but neither of these accounts is comprehensive enough to be much help to an Anglo-Saxon scholar wishing to interpret his native system in terms of the ancient systems. In view of these circumstances, it is not surprising that Theodore and Hadrian should have addressed themselves to the task of explaining the various ancient systems and attempting to relate them to the Anglo-Saxon system. Their explanations are found throughout the Canterbury biblical commentaries, as we have seen (above, pp. 262—3). Furthermore, three chapters of the 'Leiden Glossary' are devoted to weights and measures (chs. xxxi-xxxiii) and, since these agree in many details and often correspond verbatim - with explanations found in the Milan biblical glosses (see, for example, comm. to Evil 112), it is reasonable to think that they too derive from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian (see Lapidge, 'The School of Theodore and Hadrian'). In view of the well-attested interest of Theodore and Hadrian in metrology, it may be helpful to print two metrological texts (both hitherto unknown) which are very probably derived from their teaching.
561
Appendix II (a)
DE QUIBVSDAM PONDERIBVS VEL MENSVRIS
This text is preserved in the same Milan manuscript from which the preceding edition of the Canterbury biblical commentaries is drawn (Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup.), where it is sandwiched as a separate item between the Second and Third Series of Leviticus glosses on 76v. The Second Series of Pentateuch glosses (including those on Leviticus) is closely related to materials in the Leiden-Family glossaries, and these derive ultimately from the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian, as has been stated previously (see above, p. 177). The manuscript context of De quibusdam ponderibus suggests that it too travelled with the Pentateuch glosses, and shared a common origin with them. As the Commentary accompanying the text will show, the brief treatise is based largely on Isidore's chapters on weights and measures {Etym. XVI.xxv—xxvi). However, it also contains a certain amount of supplementary information not found in Isidore, and it is interesting to note that this supplementary information is often closely paralleled by entries in the 'Leiden Glossary'. Interesting, too, is the fact that the compiler of the treatise at one point (ch. 8) alters Isidore's phrase modios Italkos into apud nos modios, indicating that he considered himself to be of Italian provenance (a description which would appropriately describe the situation of either Theodore or Hadrian). In a word, the treatise De quibusdam ponderibus et mensuris would appear to be a teaching text compiled by the great Mediterranean masters for the benefit of their Canterbury students. In the text which follows, note that the chapter divisions are editorial. De quibusdam ponderibus uel mensuris
76va.
1. Sycel qui corrupte syclus dicitur in diuinis libris .x. denarii idest uncia una; apud uero gentiles quarta pars uncie est. 2. Dracma uero pondus uncie est. Aliter 76vb dracma denarii tres. Et est octaua pars un / cie, quia uncia apud eos .xxiiii. denarios habet. Item dragma .viii. pars uncie est et denarii pondus argenti. Tribus constat scripulis idest .xviii. siliquis. 3. Didracma duo dragme. 4. Stater didragme idest medietas uncie appendens aureos .iii. 5. Nomisma est solidus uel denarius. Et dictum nomisma quod nominibus principum effigiisque signetur. Ab initio tamen unum nomisma unus argenteus erat. 6. Mna grecum nomen est .ccc. denarios appendens. 7. Modius a modo dictus, hinc et modica idest moderata. Et dictus modius eo quod sit suo modo perfectus. 8. Satus hebraice ab olearia mola que apud eos bata nominantur, capiens <.L> sextaria, apud nos modios .iii.. 9. Vrna mensura quam dicta quartarium; proprie autem urna in quam defunctorum cineres conduntur, de qua poeta, 'Celo tegitur qui non habet urnam.'
562
Two metrological treatises Apparatus criticus 5 8
dictum] dicta MS .1.] supplied by editors Commentary
1 Cf. Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.18: 'Sicel, qui Latino sermone siclus corrupte appellatur . . . unde cum in litteris diuinis legatur siclus, uncia est; cum uero in gentilium, quarta pars unciae est'; cf. also LdGl xxxiii.7: 'Sicel qui latine lingue corrupte siclos dicitur.' 2 Ibid. 13: 'Dragma octaua pars unciae est et denarii pondus argenti, tribus constans scripulis, id est decem et octo siliquis.' 3 Not found in Isidore; but cf. LdGl xxxiii.4-5: 'dragma habet scrupulos .iii., dedragma due'. 4 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.l6: 'stater autem medietas unciae est, adpendens aureos tres.' 5 Cf. ibid. 14: 'nomisma uocatur pro eo quod nominibus principum effigiisque signetur.' 6 Cf. ibid. 21 and LdGl xxxii.9. 7 Cf. Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxvi.10: 'modius dictus ab eo quod sit suo modo perfectus'. 8 Ibid. 12; note that modios Italicos tres has been altered to apud nos modios .Hi. 9 Ibid. 14; the quotation is taken by Isidore from Lucan, Phars. VII.819. (b)
RECAPITVLA TIO DE PONDERIB VS
Another witness to the teaching of Theodore and Hadrian is found in a treatise entitled Recapitulatio deponderibus preserved in Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 112, 48r-v. The manuscript was originally a sacramentary written c. 800 in Alemannic minuscule, probably at Reichenau; however, at some point in the early ninth century, the sacramentary was erased and the manuscript rewritten with a number of texts, principally of a grammatical nature, including excerpts from Isidore, Etymologiae, Sergius, Explanationes in artem Donati, Donatus, Ars minor and Ars maior, Audax, De Scauri et Palladii libris excerpta and Isidore, Defide catholica contra ludaeos (see CLA VIII, no. 1081; Bischoff, MS II, 27 and 287, and III, 22; A. Holder, Die Reichenauer Handschriften I (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 289-94; and L. Holtz, Donat et la tradition de Venseignement grammatical (Paris, 1981), pp. 465-6). That the manuscript had been rewritten by 822 is proved by its occurrence in a Reichenau booklist of that date (see G. Becker, Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn, 1885), no. 6 (p. 13, no. 404)). It is clear that the
563
Appendix 11 Recapitulatio de ponderibus was composed in England, for among its metrological terminology is reference to the Anglo-Saxon pending. Like De quibusdam ponderibus, the Recapitulatio is drawn largely from Isidore's chapters on weights and measures; but it too supplements Isidorian material with explanations and equivalences which are closely paralleled in the 'Leiden Glossary' and in the Canterbury biblical commentaries (see the accompanying Commentary) - which serves to confirm the Canterbury origin of the Recapitulatio. In the edition which follows, the chapter numbers are editorial. 48r ITEM RECAPITVLATIO DE PONDERIBVS
1. Calcus minima pars ponderis est quae tenet dimidium silique et quartam partem silique idest minutam et semissem; duo enim minuta faciunt siliquam. 2. 48v Siliqua et semis / trea minuta sunt, quae faciunt ceratin idest semiobulum. 3. Duo ceratin tres silique sunt, idest .vi. minuta quae faciunt. 4. Duo uero obuli idest .xii. minutae efficiunt scripulum. 5. Scripulus autem sex siliquas habet; tres uero scripuli faciunt siliquas .x. et octo, idest .xxxvi. minutas quae efficiunt dinarium qui et dragma alio nomine dicitur. 6. Dinarius tamen duplex est: hoc est, dinarius diurnus qui .xxiiii. siliquas habet, idest .xlviii. minuta; et dinarius militaris qui .x. et .viii. siliquas habet, idest .xxxvi. minutas ut superius diximus. Et ipse dinarius nomine dragma appellatur. 7. Alia tamen dragma est quae .xii. siliquas habet, idest .<x>xxvi. minutae; quae utique dragma duplicata didragma dicitur, siliquas .xxvi. habens, idest .lii. minutae. 8. Dinarius uero militaris et tertia pars eiusdem tres efficiunt tremisses; in uno autem tremisse sex quadrantes sunt quae faciunt .xii. minutas; duo enim minutae quadrantem tenent. 9Quadrans tamen duplex est: idest unus qui quartam partem unciae tenet, alius uero qui duobus tantum minutis esse in euangelio legitur. 10. Duo tremisses .xxiiii. minutas habent; tres tremesses solidum faciunt. 11. Solidus et sextula et argenteus et nomisma unius ponderis nomina sunt, idest solidi. 12. Solidus autem qui .xxiiii. siliquas habet .xcvi. grana ordei pensat, qui grece dicitur caserin. 13. Est ergo nomen ponderis cuiusdam pending, qui quasi solidus sed in quattuor siliquis minor est; qui solidus qui pending .xx. siliquas habet. 14. Vnus itaque solidus tertia pars stateris est; duo uero solidi duellam faciunt; tres solidi staterem tenent. 15. Stater autem dimedium unciae; duae stateres unceam integram efficiunt. 16. Vncea uero duodecima pars librae est. 17. Mina est libra una et semiuncia. 18. Talentum quod medius dicitur .lx. minas habet, quae faciunt .lxxii. libras. 19. Mna grece, mina latine dicitur. Apparatus criticus 2 ceratin] ceratius MS 3 ceratin] ceratia MS 6
alio] supplied by editors
564
Two metrological treatises 7 10 13 15 18 19
xxxvi] xxvi MS minutae] apparently corrected from minutie MS tremisses] tremisse MS habent] —n- added as correction MS pending] pendinges MS bis stateres] statere MS integram] integrem MS medius] modius MS mna] mina MS Commentary
1 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.8: 'calcus, minima pars ponderis, quarta pars oboli est\ 2 Ibid. 9: 'ceratin oboli pars media est . . . Hunc Latinitas semiobolum uocat'. 3 Ibid.: 'ceratin . . . habens siliquam unam semis'. 5 Ibid. 12: 'scripulus sex siliquarum pondere cons tat'. 6 The distinction between denarius diurnus and denarius militaris is not found in Isidore; cf. however Evil 45 (above, p. 404), where such a distinction is explicit. 7 This material is not found in Isidore. 8 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. however Evil 5. 9 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.17: 'uocatur quadrans quod unciae quartam partem adpendebat'. The twofold distinction is not found in Isidore, but derives from a metrologist's reading of Mark XII.42: 'Misit duo minuta quod est quadrans.' 10 Cf. ibid. 14: 'tremissem eo quod solidum faciat ter missus'; cf. LdGl xxxi.6. 11 a. ibid. 12 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. however LdGl xxxi.29: 'solidus .xxiiii. siliquas'. It is not clear what Greek form is intended by caserin, for no such loanword is attested in Greek; cf. however the Old English loan formation casering. 13 This material is not found in Isidore; cf. Evil 5 (above, p. 396): \xx. silice in uno pendinge sunt'. 14 Isidore, Etym. XVI.xxv.l6: (sextula/solidum) 'ter posita staterem reddit'. 15 Ibid. 16: 'stater autem medietas unciae est'. 16 Ibid. 20: 'libra duodecim unciis perficitur'. 17 LdGl xxxii.9: 'Mina . . . facit libram unam et semiunciam'; ibid, xxxiii.2: 'mina est libra una et semiuncia'. 18 Ibid. 22: (talentum) 'est autem triplex: id est minor, medius, summus . . . medius septuaginta duarum librarum'; cf. LdGl xxxii.10 and xxxiii.3: 'talentum habet .lx. minas'. 19 Cf. LdGl xxxiii.3: 'mina grece latine mine dicitur'.
565
Icontum
CAPPADOCl
CyrrKus •Calnelv
^V
so
,#*'PALESTINE Fig. 1 Cilicia and Syria
50
100 miles 100
ON 1
Ji
8 o s p horus
i Palace)
Sea
of JW&r mar a.
(3oldovQate
Fig. 2 Constantinople in the seventh century
\\ ^w/ *>» Anastasius ^ / A ^ aquas Saluias 1 fern.
Fig. 3 Churches and monasteries of seventh-century Rome
568
lauchji Hadrianopol" Berenice;
^
V
C Y H E N A I C A
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and deserts
Philaenorum
Suva Sand
SO 0
50
Fig. 4 Cyrenaica and the Pentapolis
569
100 mlks
100 150 fern
0 0
W
10
Capua (modem) S. Maria CapuaVetere
TyrrhinuvrL
Fig. 5 Campania and the Bay of Naples
570
30 miles
10 Z0 30 40 SO km
Ben^vento
0
10
20
30
40
50 null
PardoYiicu
SAMAfUA. ^ , f Samaria,. AAft£fcaZ
Hebrca. Gerar 1 DUM.BA.
(Tlfare Mortuum)
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Sodom(?) Gomorrah (?)
kscentof
%Akr,
KadesVt-baraeav E V Fig. 6 Palestine
571
Bibliography
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586
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VIesiecle (Paris, 1962) Wolska-Conus, W., ed., Cosmas Indicopleustes: Topographia Christiana, 3 vols., SChr 141, 159 and 197 (Paris, 1968-73) 'Stephanos d'Athenes et Stephanos d'Alexandrie. Essai d'identification et de biographie', Revue des etudes byzantines Al (1989), 5-89 Wordsworth, J., H J . White, H.F.D. Sparks and A.W. Adams, ed., Nouum Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1889-1954) Wormald, F., ed., English Kalendars before A.D. 1100, HBS 72 (London, 1934) Wotke, C , ed., Eucherii Opera, CSEL 31 (Vienna, 1894), 65-161 Wurm, H., Studien und Texte zur Decretalen-Sammlung des Dionysius Exiguus, Kanonistische Studien und Texte 16 (Bonn, 1939) Yarshater, E., ed., The Cambridge History of Iran HI: the Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Periods, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1983) Young, F.M., From Nicaea to Chalcedon. A Guide to the Literature and its Background (London, 1983) Zellinger, J., Die Genesishomilien des Bischofs Severian von Gabala, Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen 7.1 (Munster, 1916) Zohary, M., Plants of the Bible (Cambridge, 1982)
587
Index of Old English words quoted in the texts
adexe: Sg 22, 36 catte: Sg 35 cesaring: PentI 139, 143, 194, 455 dobfugul: Sg 8 felufonSg 11 giig: Sg 2 glida: Sg 28; Br 10 greshoppae: Sg 20 hobredi: Br 23 hod: PentI 295 hragra: Sg 30; Br 10 hroc: Sg 4 hupupa: Sg 15 lopustre: Evil 64; Wb2 77
meu (meg): Sg 7, 30; Br 12 museri: Sg 27; Br 9 nectrepin: Sg 5 pending: PentI 194; Evil 5; Wbl 3; Wb2 44; Recap, de pond. 13 quelderede: Sg 16 raeredumlae: Sg 11 reod: Sg 21 scelegi: Br 23 screb: Sg 31 suon: Sg 10 ualuchaebuc: Sg 13 uuf: Sg 6
588
Index of Greek words quoted in the texts
n ; : Evil 28 ai9f|p: PentI 47 aixia: PentI 16 &Ki)poK<xnaTO<;: PentI 1 &H<|)Tmepiv6<;: Evil 15 dvaSijctaoan;: Evil 8 dvaaxpo<J)f|: PentI 24 dvcu|>opd: PentI 16 dvxa7t68oai<;: Evil 99 dvxiaxpo<j)f|: Evil 75 q: PentI 127 (?); Evil 27 q: PentI 17, 20, 23, 26, 27, 45 q: PentI 452 dpxixeicxcov: Evil 33 daadpiov: Evil 18 $ap$ap\G\i6<;: PentI 59 ya^ocJnAdiaov: Evil 60 yvT|aiov: PentI 16 ypu\|/: PentI 355 Sdicpuov: Evil 37 (?) SiaipTicyi<;: PentI 16 5i8aaTOv: Evil 21 Kdnivo<;: Evil 30 KapctxbSTn;: PentI 288 (?) Kaxd: PentI 61 Kepdxia: PentI 194 K£dA,aia: PentI 16 Kkl\ia^: Evil 140 Kpaxf|p: PentI 281 v: Evil 69 i: Evil 139
JdGcx;: Evil 146 A,oyeiov: PentI 295 |iepo<;: PentI 16 Hexa<|)opd: PentI 212 jxixoq: PentI 189 vauaia: PentI 417 vof||xaxa: Evil 6 vomKoq: PentI 11
v6\iia\ia: Evil 47 OIKO<;: PentI 11 6vu£: PentI 40 o5po<;: PentI 204 7cav8oxeiov: Evil 104 q: Evil 17 q: PentI 451 TioXuq: PentI 189 7tpaix©piov: Evil 85 Ttpaaid: Evil 71 Tipoafj^uxov: Evil 50 7tup6x6<;: Evil 15 f>ofi: PentI 151 mv8d)v: Evil 62 OTce>.i8e<;: PentI 451 (?) OKTivo7rnyia: Evil 130 GKonoq: PentI 16 CJU>AT|\|/I<;: PentI 6 1 , 188 CTUVOXO<;: Evil 15 <;: PentI 16 v: Evil 33 xeX-eicaxiKov: Evil 38 xeJux;: Evil 4 xetafoviov: Evil 12 xexapxaio^: Evil 15 xpiicXivoc;: Evil 125 xpixaioq: Evil 15 xponoq: PentI 16 68epo<;: Evil 15 67cepaCT7tiaxf|^: PentI 9 uaxepoc;: PentI 246
589
Index of Greek words ay6YT|po<;: P e n t I 1 iA,oK&kiov: E v i l 2 6 Xkeuaanoi: Evil 86 Xpt|cjijiov: PentI 16
xpxxsbq: Evil 31 xpuooGTO\ioq: Evil 3 XUtpoTtoSe*;: PentI 363
590
Index of names cited in the texts
Abel: PentI 35, 48, 51, 103, 350; Gn-Ex-Evla 7, 3O;Br3;Ldl,23 Abraham: PentI 48, 99, 111, 112, 126, 147, 153, 350, 436; Evil 34; Br 3 Adam: PentI 32, 35, 44, 93, 126, 247, 408; Gn-Ex-Evla 5, 17; Evil 34, 42; Ld 9; Wb2 60, 83 Adrianus: see Hadrianus (abbas Cantuariensis) vEgypti: PentI 206, 222, 242, 249; Gn-Ex-Evla 16, 19; Ld 8, 11 ^Egyptum: PentI 103, 149, 249, 460 iEthiopi: PentI 229, 249 ^Ethiopia: PentI 473 Africa: Sg 9 Agar: PentI 134, 147 Agarreni: PentI 195 Alexandria: PentI 10 Aminadab: PentI 237 Andreas: Evil 82; Wb2 87 Antiochia: PentI 462 Aquila: PentI 5 Aran: PentI 127, 128 Assyrii: PentI 87 Augustinus: Gn-Ex-Evla 18; Ld 10 Balaam: PentI 437 Basilius: Gn-Ex-Evla 2 Bethel: PentI 135 Bethleem: PentI 1 Britannia: Sg 12 Cades (desertum): PentI 434 Caesarea: PentI 278 Cain: PentI 35, 51, 53, 54, 58, 67; Gn-Ex-Evla 7, 8; Ld 1 Calanne: PentI 86 Cananea: Wb2 18 Cassianus: PentI 1 Chananaei: PentI 137, 425, 445; Evil 150 Christianus Historiographus: see Cosmas Indicopleustes
Clemens (Stromatheus uel Alexandrinus): Evil 82 Cleophas: Gn-Ex-Evla 33; Ld 25 Constantinopolis: Gn-Ex-Evla 36; Ld 28; Wbl 13 Cosmas Indicopleustes: PentI 91 Damasus (papa): Gn-Ex-Evla 8 Danubius (flumen): PentI 37 Decius:EvII 115; Mn 1 Eden: Gn-Ex-Evla 9 Edissia: PentI 413 Effrem: Evil 29 Emmaus: PentI 35; Gn-Ex-Evla 30; Ld 23 Enoc: Gn-Ex-Evla 17; Ld 9 Ephesus: PentI 5; Evil 115; Mn 1 Epiphanius (Cypri): PentI 10, 103, 431 Esau: PentI 49 Euagrius: PentI 1, 431 Euphrates (flumen): PentI 279 Ezra: PentI 435 Gabrihel: Evil 89; Wb2 90 Garizin (mons): Evil 127; Wb2 104 Gedeon: PentI 96, 97 Gitta (ciuitas): PentI 5 Graeci: Gn-Ex-Evla 34; Evil 3, 8; Ld 26; Wb2 42,47 Grammatei: Evil 36; Wbl 6 Gregorius Nazanzenus: PentI 24 Hadrianus (abbas Cantuariensis): Sg 30; Br 12 Hadrianus, yElius (imperator): PentI 5 Hebal (mons): Evil 127; Wb2 104 Hebraei: PentI 171, 208, 377, 437; Gn-Ex-Evla 10 Helena: Gn-Ex-Evla 36; Ld 28; Wbl 13 Helias: Gn-Ex-Evla 24; Ld 16 Herod: Evil 46; Wb2 64 Herodiani: Evil 46; Wb2 64 Herodides: Evil 36 Hibera (gens): PentI 7
591
Index of names Hieronimus: PentI 1,5; Gn-Ex-Evia 8 Hierusalem: PentI 1, 5, 35, 93, 253; Gn-Ex-Evia 9; Ld 2 Hismahel: PentI 49, 134 Hismahelitae: PentI 195 Iacob: PentI 49 Iacobus: Evil 40, 66; Wb2 58, 79 Ierusalem: see Hierusalem Iethro: PentI 219 lob: PentI 98, 187 Iohannes (baptista): Gn-Ex-Evia 26; Evil 63, 64; Ld 17; Wb2 76, 77 Iohannes (Chrysostomus): PentI 28, 44; Gn-Ex-Evia 22; Evil 3, 41, 87, 97; Ld 14; Wbl 1; Wb2 42, 59,89 Iohannes (euangelista): Gn-Ex-Evia 32; Evil 23, 40, 66, 118; Ld 24; Wb2 58, 79 Iordan (flumen): PentI 280; Gn-Ex-Evia 23; Ld 15 Ioseph (patriarcha): PentI 49, 205 Ioseph (pater Christi): Evil 32; Wb2 57 Iosephus, Flauius: PentI 327 Isaac: PentI 49, 436 Israel: PentI 211, 243, 295, 437; Evil 127 Israeliti: PentI 295 Iuda: PentI 49, 237; Evil 2 Iudaea: PentI 132 Iudaei: PentI 5, 59, 248; Gn-Ex-Evia 21, 27; Evil 78, 84, 103; Ld 13, 19; Wb2 86, 106 Laban: PentI 179 Lazarus: Evil 41, 75; Wb2 59, 83 Leui: PentI 212, 237, 402; Evil 2 Libia: PentI 360; Sg 34 Lucas: Gn-Ex-Evia 32, 33; Ld 24, 25 Madianei: PentI 195 Madianitae: PentI 195 Magdalo: Evil 101 Manichaei: Evil 84 Marcion (haereticus): PentI 5 Mare Adriaticum: PentI 277, 461 Mare Mortuum: PentI 22, 72, 426, 458 Mare Pardonicum: PentI 278, 461, 462 Mare Rubrum: PentI 133, 229, 249, 420; Evil 29 Mare Tyberiadis: Evil 35 Mare Tyrenum: Evil 57, Wb2 73 Maria (sancta): PentI 220; Evil 23, 29, 83, 87; Wb2 88, 89, 90 Maria (stagnum): PentI 10 Mattheus: Evil 93; Wb2 87 Melchisedech: PentI 99 Mellena (abbatissa): PentI 1 Mellena (ciuitas): PentI 1 Moyses: PentI 85, 133, 236, 244, 257, 258;
Gn-Ex-Evia 24; Evil, 41, 75; Ld 16; Wb2 59,83 Nicena (ciuitas): PentI 96 Nineue: PentI 89 Noe: PentI 350; Gn-Ex-Evia 17; Evil 34; Br 3; Ld9 Olimpus (mons): PentI 62 Orrei: PentI 196 Palestina: PentI 278 Paulus: PentI 402; Gn-Ex-Evia 33; Evil 24; Ld 25 Persi: PentI 206, 303 Persis: PentI 86; Evil 148; Wb2 115 Petrus: PentI 423; Evil 24, 40, 66, 82; Wb2 56, 58, 79, 87 Pharisaei: Evil 36 Philippus: Evil 140 Platon: PentI 8 Pontus (insula): Evil 57; Wb2 73 Putiphare: PentI 206 Raguhel: PentI 219 Rodanus (flumen): PentI 37 Roma: PentI 1; Evil 57; Wb2 73 Romani: PentI 206, 340, 446; Gn-Ex-Evia 34; Evil 103; Ld 26 Ruben: PentI 49 Rufinus: PentI 1 Sadducei: Evil 36 Samaria: PentI 5, 470 Samaritani: PentI 236, 470; Evil 127; Wb2 104 Saraceni: PentI 104, 195 Sarra: PentI 111, 112 Segor: PentI 119 Sella: PentI 200 Sem: PentI 98 Seth: PentI 35, 67 Simmachus: PentI 5 Simon Magus: PentI 5 Sodomiti: PentI 188 Sofronius: PentI 35 Syloe (fons): PentI 33; Gn-Ex-Evia 4; Evil 135 Symeon: PentI 212 Synai (mons): PentI 258, 279, 354; Gn-Ex-Evia 23; Sg37; Br 7; Ld 15 Syon: PentI 35 Syri: Wb2 18 Thabor (mons): Gn-Ex-Evia 22; Ld 14 Thamar: PentI 200 Thare: PentI 127 Theodorus (archiepiscopus Cantuariensis): PentI 115; Wblpraef., 13 Theodosius: Evil 115; Mnl Theodotion: PentI 5 Theophilus: PentI 24
592
Index of names Tiberias (ciuitas): Evil 35 Ysaac: see Isaac Zacharias: Evil 89; Wb2 90
593
General index
Aaron (OT), 213, 344-5, 346-7, 362-3, 376-7,471,473,480, 523 Abel (OT), 200, 270, 310-11, 312-13, 322-3, 364-5, 388-9, 392-3, 394-5, 442, 455,481,546, 547 abimelech, 326-7, 332-3, 459, 492 Abithinae (Chaoud), 94 Abiud (OT), 396-7, 480 Abraham (OT), 203, 312-13, 320-1, 322-3, 324-5, 326-7, 328-9, 332-3, 364-5, 378-9, 390-1, 402-3, 414-15, 452, 456, 457, 459, 460, 481, 492, 546 Abu Bakr, 38-9, 90 Acacius of Caesarea, 229 accessus, 63, 256-8, 261, 273-4, 302-3, 432-3 Acerenza, 129 'Acts of Andrew and Matthew', 441 Acutius, St, of Pozzuoli, 99 ad aquas Saimas, monastery of: see under Rome
Adam (OT), 200, 209n, 215, 223, 236, 308-9, 310-11, 312-13, 314-15, 320-1, 326-7, 346-7, 372-3, 386-7, 390-1, 402-3, 404-5, 410-11, 444, 447, 459, 498, 546, 555; life span of, 386-7, 498; burial-place of, 212, 310-11, 441, 452 Admah, 491 Adomnan, 515, 524 Adonai, 314-15, 344-5, 388-9, 447, 470 Adriatic Sea, 350-1, 382-3 Aegae, 14 ^Ifflaed, abbess of Whitby, 136, 137 Aelian (author of De natura animalium), 482, 483, 484, 485, 496 JEthelred, king of Mercia, 136, 137n; as correspondent of Archbishop Theodore, 136-8, 189 yEthilwald (Anglo-Latin poet), 187 Aetius of Amida, 55, 252 Africa, 67, 71, 72, 73, 74, 83, 94, 95, 209;
Latin-speaking provinces of, 84; Greek-speaking provinces of, 84, 103; conquest of by Arabs, 90-2, 456; referred to in Canterbury biblical glosses, 534 Agapitus, St, 162 Agar (OT), 203, 328-9, 460, 462, 467 Agarreni, 338-9 Agatho, pope (678-81), 66n, 79, 80, 139, 140, 142, 143, 258 Ajnadayn, 39 Akrabbim, Ascent of, 495 Albinus, abbot in Canterbury, 267 Alboin, 125 alchemy, 56, 57, 253 AlcuinofYork, 161 Aldfrith, king of Northumbria, 136, 137, 209 Aldhelm, 184, 185, 205, 431, 454, 496, 505, 509, 522; as alumnus of Theodore and Hadrian, 2, 26-7, 36n, 60-1, 82, 138, 173, 180, 249, 266, 268-9; as author of Theodore's epitaph, 138; as student of Roman civil law, 60-1; as author oiEpistola ad Acircium, 185; as author of Latin octosyllables, 187 Aldred of Chester-le-Street, 29In, 527 Alexander (Byzantine rhetorician), 532 Alexander of Myndus, 485 Alexander of Tralles, 55, 252, 510, 521 Alexandria, 23, 30, 34, 53, 63, 85, 97, 209, 213, 300-1, 429, 474; philosophical school of, 56, 256, 269, 432; medical school of, 250, 251-3; captured by Arabs, 90, 252; see also Alexandrine exegesis Alexandrine exegesis, 21, 25, 219, 220-1, 230, 244-5, 434, 439, 440, 453, 479; see also Athanasius of Alexandria; Cyril of Alexandria; Didymus 'the Blind'; Hesychius of Jerusalem; Origen; Philo Judaeus Alexis I Comnenus, emperor (1204-22), 551
594
General index All Saints, feast of, 161 allegory, as technique of biblical exegesis, 244, 247 aloes, 422-3, 532, 557 Amalec (OT), 376-7, 380-1 Amalekites, 490, 491 Amain, 126 Amanus Mountains, 15 Ambrose, St, 187, 222, 282, 434, 452, 453 Aminadab (OT), 394-5, 471 Ammianus Marcellinus, 15, 474 Ammonius of Alexandria, 256, 432 Amorites, 461 Amphilochius, bishop of Iconium (Konya), 152, 207 Amr ibn el-Aasi, 90 anacreontic verse, 188 Ananias of Shirak, 58-9 Anastasius, emperor (491-519), 87 Anastasius (Magundat), St, 52, 64, 68, 182; passio of, 69, 182-4; relics of, 68; cult of, in England, 68-9 Anastasius (disciple of Maximus the Confessor), 73-4 Ancyra, Council of (314), 149, 153, 154 Andrew, St, 412-13, 556 Andrew, chaplain of monastery of SS Nicander and Marcian, 122-3; relations with Pope Vitalian, 122, 124 Andromachus, physician to Nero, 519 antecessores, 5 4
Anthemius of Tralles, 46, 55, 252 Antioch (on the Orontes), 14-27, 39, 224, 233, 237, 243, 246, 249, 271, 382-3, 451, 496; churches of, 16; patriarchate of, 12, 13; liturgy of, 16, 26-7, 146, 171, 172; saints of, 26-7; school of, 24—5; conquered by Persians (613), 8, 9, 37; conquered by Arabs (637), 40; see also Antiochene exegesis Antioch (on the Orontes), Council of (341), 148, 149, 153 Antioch (on the Mallus), 496 Antiochene exegesis, 21, 25-6, 32-3, 181, 207, 209, 211, 213, 214, 219, 222, 223, 224, 230, 232, 243-9, 257, 258, 259, 435, 440 Antiochus Epiphanes, 492 'Antiphonary of Bangor', 187 Aphthonius, 261 apocrypha, biblical, 199-201, 441; see also 'Acts of Andrew and Matthew'; 'Assumption of Moses'; 'Book of Jubilees' Apollonia (Marsa Susa), 86, 87, 88, 89-90, 91 'Apostolic Canons', 148, 149, 153 Apuleius, 448 Aqaba, Gulf of, 470
Aquila (biblical translator), 298-9, 300-1, 430,431 Arabia, 38, 443, 532 Arabic, translations from Greek into, 213, 216, 530 Arabs, 38, 51, 455, 466, 470, 494; invasion and conquest of Syria, 26, 37-40, 47, 65, 68, 69, 72, 183, 456; conquest of Africa, 89, 90-1; conquest of Italian cities, 95 Arae Philaenorum, 86 Aran (OT), 326-7, 328-9, 459 Arcadius, emperor (383-408), 88 Arianism, 87, 212, 504 Arichis, duke of Langobards, 126 Aripert I, king of Langobards, 126 Aristotle, 63, 255, 256, 433, 439, 495, 522; commentaries on, 56-7, 432 Armenia, 19; Armenian monks in Rome, 66, 75 Armenian, texts in, 58; translations from Greek into, 31,213, 216, 257 Arsinoe (Tocra), 86 Artemas, St, 98, 106, 161 asketerion, 18, 19, 243
'Assumption of Moses', 200-1, 517, 522 Assur (OT), 320-1 Assyrians, 320-1 Asti, battle of, 128, 130 astrology, 56, 57,61,63,253 astronomy, 56, 57, 61, 63, 253, 265, 267 Athanasius of Alexandria, 434, 439; Vita S. Antonii of, 174 Athanasius of Antioch, 12 Athanasius, pseudo-, author of Quaestiones ad Antiochum, 215, 501; author of Historia de Melchisedech, 453
Athelstan, king (924-39), 168-9, 242 Athenaeus, 485 Athens, 56, 269; schools of, 49, 50n Audax (Latin grammarian), 563 Augustine, St, of Canterbury, 164, 167; English mission of, 194 Augustine, St, of Hippo, 181, 186, 201, 241, 281, 283, 285, 390-1, 431, 434, 450, 456, 515, 542, 545, 546, 559; writings of, 117, 119-20, 152; De ciuitate Dei, 202, 278, 432, 439, 457, 501, 522; De Genesi ad litteram, 202; De trinitate, 143-4; Sermones, 175, 203, 473, 489; Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, 202,
453, 486, 490, 491, 500, 501; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 202-3, 241, 390-1 Augustinus, St, of Capua, 106, 163, 164 Augustus, emperor (31 BC - 14 AD), 93, 99, 100, 266n
595
General index Ausonius, 102, 104n Austrasia, 127-8 Austria, 115, 124 Automalax, 86 Avars, 126, 127; Byzantine wars with, 7, 51, 52 Babai, 257n Babylas, St, of Antioch, 16, 26-7 Babylon (Egypt), 90 Balaam (OT), 220, 378-9, 469, 492-3 Balagrae, 88n balm: see resin balsam, 246n, 336-7 Balthild, queen, 128 Bangor (Ireland), 248n baptism, 208, 400-1, 402-3, 404-5, 406-7, 412-13, 515-16, 547, 554,555 Bar Hebraeus, 504 Barbarism (heresy), 314-15, 447 Barca (El Merj), 91,92 Bardesanes, 30 Bardney (Lines.), abbey of, 137n Barsauma, 33 Basil, St, 13, 30, 107, 152, 206-8, 218, 221, 222, 228, 230, 258n, 386-7, 434, 439, 480, 489, 516; Epistulae, 207, 446; Homiliae in Hexaemeron, 207, 474; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 206—8, 241,446 Batnae (Serugh), 34 battle standards: see ensigns Bavaria, 290, 291, 559 bdellium, 214, 246n, 310-11, 443 bean plants, 246n, 352-3 Bede: on books brought to England by Theodore and Hadrian, 166-7; on Hadrian's life, 82, 83, 120, 133; on Theodore's life, 65, 68, 133, 255; on the school of Canterbury, 2-3, 60-1, 172-3, 266, 267, 271; on the synod of Hatfield, 140-3; on Victor of Capua, 108; knowledge of Greek of, 24In; Chronica maiora, 69, 184; commentaries on Acts, 170; Comm. in
Berbers, 91 Berenice (Benghazi), 86 Berhtwold, abbot of Reculver, 139n Bernicia, diocese of, 135, 15In Bethel, 246n, 328-9, 460 Bethlehem, 237, 298-9, 427, 429, 504; sojourn of Jerome in, 427, 429 Bible: Latin text of, 190-7, 208, 241; Greek text of, 197—9, 241 {see also Septuagint)
Apocalypsin, 279; De locis sanctis, 280; De schematibus et tropis, 260n; Historia abbatum, 209; Homiliae, 158; In Genesim, 456; Martyrologium, 184; Quaestiones octo, 4 1 ; Passio S. Anastasii, 69, 183-4
Beer-sheba, 246n, 328-9, 459, 460, 492 Bela (OT), 336-7 Benedict Biscop, 5, 139n, 158n, l60n, 166, 167, 209-10 Benenatus, bishop in Sicily, 96 Benevento, 99, 110, 125, 126, 128, 130; Langobard dukedom of, 125, 126
596
Old Testament: Pentateuch, 176, 191-4, 203, 220, 285, 298-385, 430; Genesis, 191, 193, 198, 208, 219, 223, 228, 229, 234-5, 255, 259, 284, 285, 302-41, 386-91, 427-67, 471, 481, 491, 492, 498-500, 546; Exodus, 191, 193, 213, 216, 221, 222, 229, 247n, 284, 285, 342-61, 362-3, 390-3, 462, 467-79, 500-1, 518, 546-7; Leviticus, 191, 224, 232, 246, 263, 284, 285, 287, 288, 292-3, 360-73, 451, 474, 478, 479-88, 502, 534-41, 562; Numbers, 191, 193, 202, 218, 220, 224, 231,284, 285, 372-83, 471, 473, 476, 479, 488-95; Deuteronomy, 191, 246, 284, 285, 382-5, 482, 495-7, 518, 531; Joshua, 176, 284, 286; Judges, 176, 284, 452, 453; Ruth, 176, 284; Kings, 176, 178, 284, 378-9, 438, 476, 491, 507; Chronicles, 174, 176, 284, 286; Ezra, 174, 285, 286, 492; Nehemiah, 174, 285, 286; Esther, 174, 285; Job, 174, 285, 539; Psalms, 197, 257, 259, 453, 457, 473, 496, 501, 520; Proverbs, 174, 227, 284; Ecclesiastes, 174, 177, 227, 284, 288, 542; Song of Songs, 174, 177, 227, 284, 288, 542; Wisdom, 174, 278, 284; Ecclesiasticus, 174, 284, 511, 553; Isaiah, 174, 198, 227, 471; Jeremiah, 174, 280, 285; Lamentations, 174; Ezechiel, 174, 285, 450; Daniel, 174, 285, 410-11, 523, 556; Minor Prophets, 174, 280, 285, 491, 511; Maccabees, 492 New Testament: gospels, 194-7, 285, 286, 392-5, 396-423, 442, 501-2, 503; Matthew, 174, 196, 271, 285, 396-407, 481, 501, 503-20, 547, 549, 553-5; Mark, 174, 196, 197, 247n, 285, 406-13, 491, 505, 520-5, 547, 555-6, 565; Luke, 174, 196, 215, 285, 412-19, 443, 491, 502, 514, 519, 525-30, 547, 553, 556-7, 559-60; John, 174, 196, 285, 418-23, 455, 469, 491, 496, 502, 514, 530, 531-2, 553, 557; Romans, 522; Acts, 520; Corinthians, 278, 439, 451, 505; Hebrews,
General index 453; Peter, 498; Revelation, 175, 279, 552-3
Canaanites, 322-3, 328-9, 376-7, 380-1, 422-3, 453, 461, 490-1, 493, 532 canon law, 134, 147-55, 174, 175; Theodore's see also apocrypha, biblical knowledge of, 147 biblical exegesis: see Alexandrine exegesis; Canterbury, archdiocese of, 134—9; monastery Antiochene exegesis of SS Peter and Paul (St Augustine's), 2, 82, Bisi, bishop of Dunwich, 134 139, 167, 210, 267; papal privilege for, bittern (onocrotalus), 364-5, 4 8 3 ^ , 535, 538-9 139; Christ Church, 551; school of, 2-3, bitumen: see pitch 60-1, 147, 149-50, 172-9, 197, 213, 261; Black Sea, 77, 209 texts composed at, 180—9, 561-5; books at, Boethius, 256n 197-8, 199, 209; teaching method at, Boetia, monastery of Nestorian monks (Rome), 266-74 Capitula Dacheriana, 154n 67 Cappadocia, 170, 171, 206, 221, 495 Boniface, St, 158-9, 165, 187, 291 Capua, 92, 97, 104-8, 126, 161, 162, 166-7 Book of the Cave of Treasures (Syriac), 36, 236, carob tree: 394-5, 502, 547, 553 445,504 Carthage, 73, 84, 86, 94, 104, 111 'Book of Jubilees', 199-200, 235n, 310-11, Carthage, Council of (419), 148, 149, 153 314-15, 445, 446, 448, 498 Cassian, 201, 217, 218, 270n, 279, 281, 'Book of the Wars of the Lord', 378-9, 491-2 298-9, 427, 428; De institutis coenobiorum, Boreum (Bu Grada), 86 174, 175; Greek writings attributed to, 218, Borgo S. Giacomo: see Brescia 427 Bosporus, 43, 59, 71 Cassianus, Julius (Encratite author), 427-8 Bostra, 39 Cassianus, St, of Capua, 163, 164 bowls, 246n, 352-3, 356-7 Cassiodorus, 115, l60n, 201, 283n, 532; Brescia, 283, 284; Borgo S. Giacomo (near Expositio psalmorum, 174, 262, 506 Brescia), 284 Castel Volturno, 92, 97 Brutus, 121 Castellamare di Stabia, 100 Burgheard, bishop of Wurzburg, 158-9 Castrensis, St, of Castel Volturno, 163, 164, Burgundy, 128 I66n castrum Lucullanum, monastery of: see under Caesarea (Cappadocia), 30, 206 Naples Caesarea (Palestine), 350-1, 430, 474 catacombs, 94, 99, 100, 110, 111 Caesarius of Aries, 559 catenae (Greek), 20, 107, 218, 219, 222, 227n, Cain (OT), 200, 203, 207, 270, 310-11, 312-13, 314-15, 316-17, 388-9, 442, 229-32,241,438,491,505 449; seven ways of sinning of, 312—13, Ceadda, bishop of York, 134, 135 445-6, 499; murder weapon of, 388-9, 499, Celsus (author of De medicina), 507, 508 546 £emberlitas: see under Constantinople Cairo, Old, 472 Ceolfrith, abbot of Wearmouth-Jarrow, 139n, calendar, Jewish, 264-5, 451; 'first month' 159, l60n (Abib/Nisan), 264, 370-1, 471, 486; Cetura (OT), 203, 330-1, 462 'second month' (Ziv), 264, 318-19, 372-3, Chalcedon, Council of (451), 11, I6n, 32, 70, 374—5, 451; 'seventh month' (Ethanim), I4ln, 142, 148, 149, 224 265, 368-9, 370-1, 420-1, 486, 488, 557; chamois (tragelapbus), 246n, 384-5, 496 'month of new corn', 264-5, 346-7, 350-1, charadrion, 364-5, 484, 535, 539 360-1; 'tenth month', 318-19, 451; see also Chariton, St, monastery of ('Old Laura'), 72 feasts, Jewish Charlemagne, 545 Charles, king of Anjou, 113 calendar, Julian, 264, 471 charters, Anglo-Saxon, 138-9; introduction of 'Calendar of St Willibrord', 26, 36, 162-4, 165, 166 into England, 138 Callirhoe: see Edessa cherogrillus, 364-5, 482, 534, 535, 537, 543 Calneh, 198, 246n, 320-1, 451 Cherson (Crimea), 77 Cherubim, 308-9, 312-13, 388-9, 445 cumeleo, 246n, 384-5, 497 chestnuts, 246n, 356-7 Campania, 83, 92-108, 130n; churches of, China, 10, 15, 29 93-4, 167; saints of, 160-7
597
General index Chlotar III, king, 128 Chosroes II, Persian emperor (590-628), 8, 9, 37, 67, 182 Christ III (OE poem), 237, 239 Christological controversies, 9—12, 21, 70—7 Chronicle ofEdessa, 34-5 Chronicle of Seen, 20n Chronicon Paschale, 53, 59, 62, 265 chronology, 274; in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 263-6 Chrysopolis, monastery of, 59, 71 Cicero, 98, 109, 121; De natura deorum, 483 Cilicia, 6-7, 12, 16, 226n, 474, 496; 'Cilicia of the Plain', 6, 12, 40; 'Rough Cilicia', 6; Cilician monks in Rome, 66, 68, 69, 75, 182-3 'Cilician Gates', 7, 8, 43 Cimitile, 100-1, 103, 111; martyrium of St Felix at, 101, 103; Church of Holy Martyrs at, 103 civil law, Roman: study of at Constantinople, 50, 54-5, 59, 63; knowledge of by Theodore, 61, 147; knowledge of by Aldhelm, 60-1, 147; legal definitions of in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 452, 464, 465, 487 Claudius, emperor (41-54), 97 Clauis scripturae, AAl, 468, 469, 480 Clauser, Conrad, 227n Clement of Alexandria, 206, 208, 244, 412-13, 427-8, 439, 441, 453, 492, 517, 523; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 208, 226, 412-13 Clement, pseudo-, Recognitiones, 175, 281 Cleophas (NT), 394-5, 525, 547 Clofeshoh, 135 clothing: aprons, 246n, 310—11; bracelets, 246n, 382-3, 494, 495; breeches, 246n, 310-11; garters, 246n, 310-11; necklaces, 382-3, 495; rings, 246n, 382-3 Clovis, king, 128
(dipondium, minutum), 459-60 (argenteus, libra), 460-1 (argenteus, cesaring, siclus, solidus), AlA (siclus, solidus), 478 (libra, talentum), 479 (siclus), 505-6 (argenteus, minutum, pending, quadrans, solidus, tremis), 511 (as), 518 (denarius diurnus, denarius militaris, solidus), 527 (siclus), 549 (argenteus, as, minutum aereum, pending, quadrans, siliqua, solidus, tremis), 553 (solidus, stater), 554 (argenteus, as, minutum, minutum aereum, pending, siliqua, solidus, tremis), 555 (denarius, denarius militaris, solidus)
see also metrology Collectanea, of pseudo-Bede, 205, 291n, 502, 511,517 Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 154 Collectio Sanblasiana, 153-4 Columbanus of Bobbio, 248n computus, 53, 57, 61-2, 63, 108, 264-5, 267, 282 Conrad III, emperor, 282n Constans II, emperor (641-68), 55, 74, 76, 77, 81, 123, 128-30 Constantine I, emperor (310-37), 43, 44, 47, 108, 493, 550; churches built by, 104-5, 112,122 Constantine IV, emperor (668-85), 78, 79, 140, 143 Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, emperor (945-59), 26ln Constantine, pope (708-15), 66n Constantinople, 42-64, 76-7, 213, 226, 248, 251, 253, 260, 266, 269, 274, 394-5, 396-7, 442, 465, 483, 486, 548, 549, 550-1; site of, 43; patriarchate of, 9, 19, 44; churches of, 44—7, 133; Hagia Sophia, 3, 44-5, 51, 53, 55, 59, 60, 133, 252, 486; Basilica, 48-9, 60; Porphyry or 'Burnt' Column (£emberlitas), 42, 551; Forum of Constantine, 42, 44, 63, 551; Mese, 44, 48; coenobium, 61 Trullan Palace, 55, 80; Magnaura, 26In; coinage, 262, 404-5, 416-17, 461, 518, 528, university of, 47-9, 250, 253, 260; flight of 555, 561-5; testing of, 330-1; biblical, refugees to, 40—1; Anglo-Saxon travellers in, 232; Anglo-Saxon, 1, 263; in legend of SS 551 Seven Sleepers, 528 Constantinople, Council of (381), 142, 148, 149 individual coins: 328-9 (argenteus, cesaring, Constantinople, Council of (499), 23 libra, siclus, solidus), 330—1 {cesaring, siclus, Constantinople, Council of (553), 23, 32, 142, solidus), 348-9 (solidus), 356-7 (libra, 218,222 talentum), 372-3 (solidus), 396-7 (argenteus, Constantinople, Council of (680) ( = Sixth minutum, pending, quadrans, siliqua, solidus, Oecumenical Council], 70n, 79-80, 98, 142 tremis), 400-1 (as, minutum aereum), 404-5 Constantinople, Council of (692) [ = Trullan (denarius, denarius militaris, siliqua, solidus), Council], 55, 80 406-7 (solidus), 410-11 (denarius), 414-15 Constitutiones apostolorum, 23"'n
598
General index cooking utensils: cauldrons, 246n, 358-9; clay pots, 246n, 366-7, 485; frying-pans, 246n, 362-3, 479; iron gratings, 246n, 358-9, 478; pothooks, 246n, 372-3; tripods, 246n, 366-7, 485 Coptic, translations from Greek into, 213, 216 Cornutus (Stoic), 244 'Corpus Glossary', 179, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541, 545
De quibusdam ponderibus et mmsuris, 263, 284,
Corpus Hermogenianum, 261
Corsica, 125 Cosmas Indicopleustes, 23, 25, 34, 206, 208-11, 320-1, 437, 444-5, 451-2, 476, 477, 545; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 208-11, 241 Cozbi (OT), 494 creeds, 143-4, 169-70, 212; Old Roman (R), 146, 170-1; Athanasian, 280; commentaries on, 279-80; as used by Theodore, 146 Crete, 474 Ctesiphon, 303 Cu-Chuimne, of Iona, 154 cucumbers (melons), 35, 246n, 374-5, 490 Cuma (Cumae), 95, 96-7, 109, 120, 126, 160, 167; Sibyl's cave at, 95, 96; Christianity at, 95-6 cups, 246n, 356-7, 478; Persian drinking vessels, 478 Cuthbert, St, 164 Cydnus, river, 12, 13 cyphers, 552 Cyprus, 211,474 Cyrenaica {Libya superior), 85, 86-92, 123 Cyrene (Shahat), 85, 86, 89, 91 Cyril of Alexandria, 10-11, 32, 222, 228, 230, 434, 455; Glaphyra, 220-1, 468, 469, 490; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 220-1 Cyril of Scythopolis, 463 Cyrillus Glossary, 232 Cyrrhus, 22, 224 Cyrus, governor of Egypt, 90 Cyrus of Edessa, 34 Cyzicus, 41; monastery of St George at, 71
562-3, 564 Dead Sea, 67, 72, 217, 304-5, 318-19, 376-7, 382-3, 450, 458, 460, 491, 495 deafness/dumbness, 250, 408-9, 521-2 Decius, emperor (249-51), 416-17, 528, 530, 560 Decorosus, bishop of Capua, 107 decretals, papal, 149, 174 dedication of a church, ceremony of, 368-9, 485-6 Defensor of Liguge, 240n Deira, diocese of, 135, 15 In Demosthenes, 432 Desiderius, St, of Benevento, 99, 106 diamond, 354-5, 358-9, 476-7 Diarmait (Irish scribe), 248n Didymus 'the Blind', 230, 454, 517 Dioof Prusa, 13 Diocaesarea, 429 Diocletian, emperor (284-305), 99, 110 Diocorus of Alexandria, 10 Diodore of Tarsus, l4n, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25n, 32, 107, 209, 213, 214, 220, 224, 229, 230, 243-4, 249, 455 Dionysius Exiguus, 148, 149, 150, 153 Dionysius, pseudo-, the Areopagite, 152-3, 486 Dioscorides, 250, 251, 252, 254, 465, 466, 467,471,507,532 dipsas (snake), 246n, 384-5, 496 discipulus Umbrensium, 150—1, 154n
Djebel Mousa (Sinai), 460 Docetic heresy, 524 Donatus (Latin grammarian), 175, 563 Donatus (Neapolitan scribe), 119 Donus, pope (676-8), 67, 78, 79, 140 Duna, river, 443 dyotheletism: see monotheletism East Anglia, see of, 134 Ebal, Mount, 420-1, 531, 557 Ebedjesu, 20n Ebroin, mayor of the palace, 124, 128, 130-1 Ecgfrith, king of Northumbria, 135, 136 eclogae: see catenae
Damascus, 39, 219, 225, 442; conquered by Persians (614), 8; conquered by Arabs (636/7), 40 Damasus, pope (366-84), 101, 111, 203, 388-9, 499 Danube, river, 310-11, 443 Dathan and Abiron, 212, 218, 231, 376-9 David 'the Armenian', of Alexandria, 256, 257n, 432
Eahesis, 71, 72, 73, 75 Edessa, 10, 12 27-37, 40, 233, 237, 249, 271, 374-5, 496; 'School of the Persians' at, 31-2 Egeria, pilgrim to the Holy Land, 473, 474 Egypt, 10, 11, 27n, 30, 40, 84, 86, 90, 103, 217, 218, 322-3, 330-1, 340-1, 342-3, 344-5, 346-7, 384-5, 390-1, 454, 455, 462, 472, 483, 499, 546, 547; 'Torrent' of, see Wadi El-Arish
599
General index eunuch, 8, 340-1,467 Eleazar (OT), 380-1 Euphrates river, 28-9, 39, 246n, 271, 352-3, elephantiasis: see leprosy Elias (Elijah) (OT), 200, 215, 392-3, 404-5, 382-3, 495-6 408-9, 517, 547, 555 Eusebius (author of HE), 174, 217, 270n, 281, Elias of Alexandria, 57n, 256, 432 504,508,515 Elizabeth (OT), 344-5, 471 Eutyches of Constantinople, 10, 14In emerald, 214, 553 Eutyches, St, of Pozzuoli, 99, 106, 161 Evagrius (translator of Vita S. Antonii), 174, Emmaus, 219, 270, 310-11, 394-5, 441-2, 502, 547 281 Evagrius Ponticus, 217-18, 231, 257n, 298-9, Enoch (OT), 200, 235, 390-1, 448, 449, 546 ensigns, 246n, 372-3, 488-9 378-9, 427, 428, 491 Eoda, compiler of Theodore's Indicia, 150—1 Evagrius Scholasticus, 24 Ezra (OT), 378-9, 492 Ephesus, 300-1, 416-17, 431, 528, 530, 560 Fabius Cunctator, 104 Ephesus, Council of (431), 10, 23, 142, 220 feasts, Jewish: Pasch/Passover, 346-7, 370-1, ephod, 204, 214, 232, 246n, 354-5, 476 392-3, 410-11, 471, 487; Pentecost, Ephrem the Syrian, 30-1, 33, 181, 228, 233, 370-1, 392-3, 472; Feast of Azymes, 265, 234, 235-6, 237, 240, 402-3, 435, 439, 350-1, 360-1, 471; Feast of Trumpets, 265, 440, 442, 445, 448, 455, 486, 504, 514; 370-1, 488; Feast of Atonement, 265, cult of, 172; Syriac writings of, 31, 234; 370-1, 488; Feast of Tabernacles, 265, Commentary on Genesis, 31, 235, 435; Latin 370-1, 392-3, 420-1, 488, 531, 557 versions of, 238—9; Greek versions of, 211, 234-9, 241; as source of Canterbury biblical Felicissimus, St, of Capua, 163, 164 commentaries, 36, 206, 234, 241, 402-3 Felicitas, St, of Capua, 106, 163, 164 epigrams (tituli), 101, 545 Felix, St, of Nola, 101, 102, 103, 106, 111, 161 Epinal-Erfiirt Glossary, 179, 537, 538, 539, Felix, bishop of Toledo, 189n 540, 545 Epiphanius of Cyprus, 174, 181, 199, 211-14, Festus, St, of Benevento, 99, 106 230, 231, 232, 263, 300-1, 322-3, 378-9, fever, 249-50, 251, 254, 398-9, 509-11, 444, 449, 450, 454, 455, 504,524; 554; classication of, 398-9, 510 Ancoratus, 211-12, 455, 491; De .xii. Filastrius, 434, 454, 515 gemmis, 213-14, 233n, 444, 476; De filioque (double procession of Holy Spirit), adamante, 214, 233n, 476-7; De mensuris et 143-6 ponderibus, 212-13, 263, 430, 431, 456-7, food: beans, 370-1; bread, 246n, 324-5, 478, 490, 561; Panarion, 212, 237n, 447, 356-7, 360-1, 384-5, 478; cakes, 246n, 453, 470, 515, 518, 524, 531; as source of 358-9, 360-1, 362-3; cornmeal, 246n, Canterbury biblical commentaries, 206, 362-3; flour, 324-5, 358-9, 360-1, 370-1, 211-14,216,241 457; honey, 246n, 362-3; wafers, 246n, 358-9, 360-1; wheat, 246n, 324-5, 457 Epiphanius the Hagiopolite, 524 Epistula Barnabae, 453 Francia, 127, 130-1,486 Frisia, Anglo-Saxon mission in, 163 Esau (OT), 312-13 Frithegod of Canterbury, 24In Escomb, 3 Fulgentius, 118 Ethiopia, 342-3, 346-7, 376-7, 384-5, 497 etymology, as exegetical method, 247; as used Gabala, 22, 223 in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 247n, 300-1, 310-11, 332-3, 336-7, 338-9, Galen, 62, 63, 182, 250, 252, 257, 269, 463, 348-9, 384-5, 402-3, 408-9, 420-1, 465, 471, 508, 509, 510, 519, 521; 422-3, 432, 444, 448, 459, 463, 464, 467, Therapeutica, adGlauconem of, 57, 62, 251, 473,475, 483, 514, 521, 527, 532 253,254,255,510 Eucherius of Lyon, 174, 205, 281, 461; Galilee, Sea of, 72, 402-3, 514-15, 526, 550 Instructions, 263, 473, 484, 519, 523, 527, Ganges, river, 443 531,537, 561 Gangra, Council of (345), 149 Eugenia, St, vita of, 175 Gaudiosus, bishop of Pozzuoli, 98 Gaul, 124; Hadrian's travels in, 124, 130 Eugippius, 114-20, 123, 160, 196; writings Gaza, 227, 269, 459, 491 of, 115-18
600
General index Gedeon (OT), 208, 322-3, 452, 453 Gelasius I, pope (492-6), 115; decretals of, 150 Gelasius of Cyzicus, 200, 201, 517 Genesar (Gennesaret), 402-3, 514, 515 George, abbot of St Anastasius in Rome, 66, 75,182 George Choeroboscus, 269 George of Pisidia, 51-2, 59, 60, 62, 64, 183, 471, 483; Laudatio S. Anastasii of, 64, 183 George of Reshaina, 72 George Syncellus, 235n Georgian, translations from Greek into, 213, 214,216 Geraint, king of Dumnoma, 266 Gerar, 326-7, 459, 491 Gerasimus, St, monastery of, 481 Gerizim, Mt, 246n, 384-5, 420-1, 496, 531, 557 Germanus I, patriarch of Constantinople, 65 Germany, Anglo-Saxon mission to, 287—8, 290, 291, 532, 542, 552 Gesta episcoporum Neapolitanorum, 110, 111, 114,157 Gethsemane, 412-13, 523-4, 556 Gezo of Tortona, 282 giants (OT), 316-17, 390-1, 449-50, 500, 546 Gildas, 174, 175, 181, 270n Giraldus Cambrensis, 551 Girgashites, 461 Gitta (Samaritan city), 300-1, 431 glossaries: Latin, 149-50, 173-9; Greek, 232-3, 478, 480; see also 'Corpus Glossary'; Cyrillus Glossary; Epinal—Erfurt Glossary; 'Leiden Glossary'; Leiden-Family glossaries; Vocabularius S. Galli; 'Werden Glossary'
goats, 332-3, 463 Godepert, Langobard prince, 126 Golgotha, 452, 461 Gomorrah, 458, 491 Goscelin of Saint-Bertin, 82n, l40n Gregory I, pope (590-604), 67, 96-7, 126, 181, 201, 278, 290; correspondence of, 96-7, 99, 114, 167; Dialogi, 175, 281;
Gregory of Tours, 55n, 529, 530 griffon, 364-5, 482, 534, 537, 543 Grimoald, duke of Langobards, 126, 127, 128, 129,130 Hadrian, emperor (117-38), 300-1, 431 Hadrian (Greek exegete), 260 Hadrian, abbot of SS Peter and Paul, Canterbury, 82-132 and passim; as companion of Theodore, 82; date of birth of, 83; African origin of, 84, 87, 92; in Campania, 94, 108, 109, 112, 120; as abbot of Neapolitan monasterium Hiridanum, 120-3, 124; as imperial ambassador for Constans II, 124-31; in England, 133, 159, 189n; t association with the 'Old Campanian Sacramentary', 166-7; involvement in transmission of gospels, 155-60; Greek learning of, 205-33 and passim; as correspondent of Aldhelm, 268; teaching at Canterbury school, 172-9, 197, 263, 266-74, 286-7, 536, 561-5; cited by name in biblical commentaries and glosses, 177-8, 288, 534, 535, 543 Hadrianopolis, 85n, 86 Haeddi, bishop of Winchester, 186 Hagia Sophia: see under Constantinople Hannibal, 104 Hartlepool, 15 In Hatfield, synod of (679), 79, 139, 140-6 Hebrews: see Israelites; Jews, customs of Hebron, 246n, 320-1, 452, 461 Helena, dowager empress, 394-5, 548, 549, 550; as founder of monastery in Jerusalem, 429 Heliopolis, 340-1 Hemerobaptistae (heretics), 515 Henotikon, 234
Heraclius, emperor (610-41), 8, 12, 50-1, 53, 55, 58, 59, 62-3, 64, 71, 253, 254, 260, 266; Persian campaigns of, 9, 37, 52; Arab campaigns of, 39; as patron of learning, 51-3, 55-6, 58, 59, 62-3, 254, 266; theological position of, 12, 70 {see also
Regula pastoralis, 175
Gregory III, pope (731-41), 66n Gregory VII, pope (1073-85), 282, 283 Gregory of Corinth (rhetorician), 513 Gregory of Nazianzus, 152, 209n, 216, 218, 219, 221, 222, 226n, 230, 231, 258, 306-7,436,516 Gregory of Nyssa, 221-2, 230, 258, 439, 442, 468, 469; De uita Moysis, 222, 468-9, 470, 472; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 221-2
Ecthesis, Psepbos)
Herculaneum (Ercolano), 93 Hermeneumatapseudo-Dositheana, 175, 512
Hermogenes, 261 Herod (NT), 404-5, 503, 555 Herodiani (heretics), 212, 402-3, 404-5, 515,, 518,555 Hertford, synod of (672 or 673), 124, 125, 147, 149 Hesychius of Jerusalem, 479, 480, 485, 487, 488
601
General index Hevila, 320-1 Hewalds, SS, martyrs in Frisia, 163 Hexapla: see under Origen Hexapolis, 86; see also Pentapolis Hezekiah (OT), 178 Hilary of Poitiers, 278n, 434, 452 Hild, abbess of Whitby, 267 Hildebert of Lavardin, 283 Hippo Diarrhytus, 73, 74, 75n Hippo Regius, 73n, 84 Hippocrates, 55, 62, 63, 250-1, 252, 463, 509, 510; Aphorisms, 55, 57, 62, 251, 254, 269, 510; Prognostka, 57, 62, 251, 254, 255 Hippolytus of Rome, 438 Hittites, 461 Hivites, 461 Hlothhere, king of Kent, 139n holocaust, 348-9, 473-4, 481 Homer, 240-1, 244, 448 homilies, liturgical, 559 Honorius I, pope (625-38), 70, 183 Horace, 109 horoscopy, 57n, 61, 62 Horrites, 338-9 Hrabanus Maurus, 154; commentary on Deuteronomy, 179n Hygeburg of Heidenheim, 188 hymns, 187, 545; Hiberno-Latin, 187 Hypatia, 88 Ibas, 32 ibis, 364-5, 483, 534, 541 Ibn Abd el-Hakam, 91 Ignatius, St, of Antioch, 98, 517 India, 10, 15, 29, 209, 354-5, 443, 482, 532 Innocent I, pope (402-17), decretals of, 150, 152n Iraq, 39, 40, 182 Ireland, 180-1, 194, 199, 499; Hiberno-Latin hymns, 187; books known in, 248, 499 Irenaeus, 441 Isaac (OT), 312-13, 330-1, 378-9, 390-1, 460, 546 Ischia, 94-5, 96, 123n Ishmael (OT), 92, 312-13, 324-5, 328-9, 332-3,455,460 Ishmaelites, 338-9, 455, 466 Isho' (Isho'yahb): see Theodore, abbot of an African laura Isho'dadofMerv, 480 Isidore of Miletus, 46 Isidore of Seville, 201, 204-5, 241, 270n, 278, 281, 285, 448, 476, 545, 559; De
Dererum natura, 174, 175, 205, 281; Etymologiae, 1, 179, 204, 263, 281, 450, 452, 455, 458, 459, 461, 463, 465, 470, 473, 475, 476, 477, 482, 483, 484, 486-7, 490, 494, 496, 497, 499, 502, 506, 508, 509, 519, 521, 523, 525, 527, 530, 537, 538, 540, 561, 562, 563, 564, 565; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 204-5, 241 Israel, 310-11, 340-1, 344-5, 348-9, 352-3, 354-5, 360-1, 372-3, 378-9, 380-1; see also Palestine Israel the Grammarian, 169, 170, 24In, 242 Israelites, 455, 464, 473, 477, 494, 531 Italy, 407—8 and passim; bishops of, 74; oriental refugees to, 66 Jacob (OT), 137-8, 312-13, 332-3, 380-1, 390-1,464,465,467,546 Jacob Baradaeus, 11 Jacob of Edessa, 35, 504 Jacob of Nisibis, St, 33, 36 Jacob of Serugh, 34, 435, 528 James, St, 402-3, 408-9, 520, 555, 556 Januarius, St, of Naples, 95, 98, 106, 110-11, 156, 160, 162, 163, 167 Jarrow, 210 Jebel Akhdar, mountains, 85 Jebusites, 461 Jectan (OT), 320-1 Jerome, St, 201, 203-4, 211, 217, 218, 233, 241, 263, 278, 283, 298-9, 300-1, 388-9, 427, 428, 430, 434, 422, 452, 454; conflict with Rufinus, 427; Vulgate of, 190, 427, 428, 451, 490, 495, 502, 520,521,524, 532, 559; Chronicle of, 455; Comm. in Matt.,
174, 201, 2 0 3 ^ , 457, 505, 511, 513, 518, 522; De uiris illustribus, 174; Epistulae, 203,
268, 388-9, 446, 470, 489, 499, 515, 519; Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim, 203, 233,
differentiis uerborum, 205, 532; De ecclesiasticis officiis, 174, 205, 281; De fide catholica, 563;
460, 462, 465; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 203-4, 241 Jerusalem, 39, 67, 73, 178, 182, 183, 216, 218, 225, 230-1, 280, 300-1, 310-11, 320-1, 346-7, 388-9, 428, 440, 441, 442, 452, 461, 492, 504, 523-4, 546; conquered by Persians (614), 8, 37, 524; conquered by Arabs (637), 40, 67, 72-3; monasteries on Mount of Olives, 217, 429, 430, 523; monastery of Melania, 429; Church of the Ascension, 429; Church of Eleona, 429 Jethro (OT), 342-3, 468 Jews, customs of, 246, 340-1, 392-3, 394-5, 410-11, 474, 523, 547; date-reckoning of, 264-5; exegesis of, 244n, 461; see also
602
General index calendar, Jewish; feasts, Jewish; Rabbinic tradition Job (OT), 203, 322-3, 336-7 Jobab (OT), 203, 336-7 Jochabed (OT), 344-5, 470 John the Baptist, 392-3, 400-1, 406-7, 408-9,516,555 John, abbot of St Saba (Rome), 66, 75 John, archbishop of Thessalonica, 215, 525 John I, bishop of Naples, 111 John, St, evangelist, 402-3, 408-9, 418-19, 520, 547, 555, 556 John, precentor of St Peter's, Rome, 140; as papal legate, 142 John IV, pope (650-2), 73 John V, pope (685-6), 66n John VI, pope (701-5), 66n John VII, pope (705-7), 66n John of Alexandria, 252-3, 269 John of Antioch, 25 JohnofBeverley, 268 John of Damascus, 269, 437, 517 John Chrysostom, I4n, 17-19, 21, 22, 182, 214-16, 218, 220, 223, 228, 230, 236, 243, 245, 258, 259, 306-7, 310-11, 392-3, 396-7, 404-5, 412-13, 414-15, 435, 438, 439, 444, 489, 501,503,516, 517, 524-5, 526, 547, 549, 554, 555, 556; Greek writings of, 18-19; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 25, 206, 214-16, 241, 245, 306-7, 392-3, 396-7, 412-13 John Malalas, 15, 24, 25, 27, 53, 181, 184,
Julian, emperor (361-3), 49, 251 Julian of Eclanum, 248 Juliana, St, of Cuma, 96-7, 160, 163, 164, l66n, 167; cult of in Anglo-Saxon England, 97 Julianus Pomerius, 489 Julius I, pope (337-52), 170 Julius Africanus, 449 Junilius, 248-9, 257n Justin Martyr, 431 Justinian, emperor (527-65), 13, 44-5, 49, 50, 54, 86, 252, 266n, 465, 493; Corpus iuris ciuilis, 54, 61, 147, 464, 465, 487, 495 Justinus II, emperor (565-78), 266n Juvencus, 268, 522 Kadesh-Barnea (Cades), 246n, 378-9, 491 Kaoussie (at Antioch), 16 Khalid b. al-Walid, 39, 90 Kidron (Palestine), ravine of, 67; brook of, 523 Kirkuk (Iraq), 182 Kokondrios (Greek rhetorician), 513, 526
266n, 449, 486; see also Laterculus Malalianus
John Mauropous, 26In John Moschus, 56, 60, 64, 208, 225-6; Pratum spirituale, 208, 523; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 225-6 John Scottus Eriugena, 71 Jordan, river, 35*2-3, 376-7, 392-3, 547; monasteries in vicinity of, 481 Joscelyn, John, 240 Joseph (OT), 137-8, 312-13, 338-9, 488 Joseph (NT), 402-3, 555 Josephus, Flavius, 206, 216-17, 265, 515; Antiquitates, 216-17, 265, 360-1, 458, 459, 471-2, 473, 476, 477, 478, 485, 487, 488, 492, 523, 531; Bellun ludaicum, 216, 450, 531; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 216-17 Judah (OT), 312-13, 340-1, 396-7, 471 Judah (Palestine), 344-5, 460 Judas Iscariot (NT), 442 Judea, 328-9, 460, 461 Julian, bishop of Toledo, 189n
Laban (OT), 334-5, 464, 465 Lacco Ameno (Ischia), 94 Lac tan ti us, 545 Lambert, bishop of Maestricht, 163 Lamech (OT), 200, 207, 314-15, 446, 447 Landulf, bishop of Capua, 104n Lanfranc, l40n Langobards, 99, 120, 124—9; occupation of Italy, 125; dukedoms of: at Spoleto, 125; at Benevento, 125; siege of Capua by, 167 Laodicea, Council of (c. 365), 148, 149, 153 Lateran Council (649), 66, 74-6, 81, 131, 139, 142, 182, 183, 225, 512; acta of, 66, 74_6, 77, 79, 141, 144, 145, 508; as evidence for monasteries in Rome, 66, 182 Lateran Council (1112), 283 Laterculus Malalianus, 25n, 180-2, 184, 237, 255, 266n, 501, 505 laura, 61, 72; of St Saba, 66-7; of Souka, 72; of Pharan, 266n Laurentius (scribe in Willibrord's household), I62n, I63n Lazarus (NT), 404-5, 410-11, 555, 556 Lazike (Black Sea), 77 leeks, 246n, 352-3, 443, 475 legions, Roman, 392-3, 408-9, 501, 547, 556 'Leiden Glossary', 173-5, 203, 204, 205, 213, 261-2, 263, 284, 286, 288, 290, 443, 460, 461, 466, 470, 506, 507, 512, 513, 518, 519, 420, 526, 527, 531, 532, 537, 538, 539, 542, 545, 552, 553, 554, 561, 564, 565
603
General index Leiden-Family glossaries, 149-50, 173, 175-9, 201, 512, 537, 538, 539, 540 Leo I, pope (440-61), decretals of, 150 Leo II, pope (682-3), 66n Leo III, bishop of Nola, 103 Leo of Naples, 122-3 Leontius, bishop of Cyrene, 90n leprosy, 249, 254, 340-1, 342-3, 360-1, 366-7, 398-9, 469, 479, 485, 507-9, 554 Leuthere, bishop of Winchester, 134 Levi (OT), 340-1, 344-5, 372-3, 396-7, 467, 471,488 Lia (Leah) (OT), 464 Libanius, 15, 16-17, 19, 27n, 47, 259 Liber pontificate, 61, 95, 104, 110, 112, 122, 129 Libya, 84-92, 103, 364-5, 484, 535; Libya inferior, 85; Libya superior (Cyrenaica), 85,
86,97 Lichfield, see of, 134 Lindisfarne, 116, 133n, 159, 160, 195, 196 Lindsey, diocese of, 135 litany of the saints, 146, 168-72; Greek litanies, 171; Syriac litanies, 172 liturgy, Anglo-Saxon, 155-72; Neapolitan, 155-60, 166-7; African, 472-3; see also dedication of a church; homilies, liturgical; litany of the saints; ordination of a monk; pericope-lists; psalter collects; sacramentaries lobsters, 408-9, 520, 555 loom: see weaving Lorsch, library of, 146 Lot (OT), 326-7, 557, 559 Lucan, 496, 563 Lucera, 129 Lucullus, 109, 114 Luke, St, evangelist, 304-5, 412-13, 547 Lul of Malmesbury and Mainz, 159n lunacy, 250, 254, 404-5, 517, 555 Lupulus, St, of Capua, 106, 161, 163, 164, 165 Madai (OT), 466 Madian, 342-3 Madianei (Medes?), 466 Madianites, 338-9, 380-1, 466, 470; see also Midianites Magdala, 406-7, 414-15, 526 Magi, 215, 236, 396-7, 503, 549, 554 Magnus, St, of Fabriteria, 161, 165 Mai, Cardinal Angelo, 227n Mai alas: see John Malalas Mamre (Mambre), 330-1, 456, 461-2 Mamre the Amorite, 461 mandrakes, 246n, 334-5, 390-1, 464, 500, 546
Mani (heretic), 31,212 Manicheism, 412-13, 524 manuscripts Autun, Bibliotheque municipale, 27C: 278n Bamberg, Staatliche Bibliothek, Patr. 87 (B. IV. 21):119n Berlin Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Grimm 132,2: 1, 287, 291, 292, 533, 541-5 Staatsbibliothek der Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Lat. fol. 877: I65n Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, 1473: 98n Boulogne-sur-mer, Bibliotheque municipale, 20 ('Psalter of Odbert'): 238n Cambridge Corpus Christi College 81: 240 Corpus Christi College 183: 210 Corpus Christi College 286: 194, 195, 503 Corpus Christi College 320: 186, 210 University Library, Kk. 4. 6: 179 University Library, Kk. 5. 32: 83n University Library, LI. 1. 10: 188, 238 Cologne, Dombibliothek, 213: 153-4 Dijon, Bibliotheque municipale, 141 (108): 120n, 177 Durham Cathedral Library, A. II. 16: l60n Cathedral Library, A. II. 17: l60n Epinal, Bibliotheque municipale, 72: 179n Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana Medicea, Amiatino 1 ('Codex Amiatinus'): l60n, 191-2 Fulda Hessische Landesbibliothek, Aa. 2: l49n Hessische Landesbibliothek, Bonifatianus 1: 107n Karlsruhe Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 99: 176 Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 112: 163,563-5 Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 135: 178n Badische Landesbibliothek, Aug. perg. 191: 278n Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. lat. Q. 69: 149, 173-5, 210, 289, 291, 533 Leipzig, Stadtbibliothek, Rep. I. 74:^185 Lichfield, Cathedral Library, 1: 194n London BL, Add. 37517: 83n BL, Arundel 155: 83n
604
General index BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 2: 139n BL, Cotton Augustus ii. 29: 139n BL, Cotton Galba A. xviii ('Athelstan Psalter'): 146, 168-9, 171, 172 BL, Cotton Nero A. ii: 165-6 BL, Cotton Nero D. iv ('Lindisfarne Gospels'): 155-6, 157, 158, l60n, 520, 527 BL, Cotton Tiberius A. xv: 248-9 BL, Cotton Vespasian B. xv: 210 BL, Cotton Vespasian B. xx: 82n, l40n BL, Harley 105: 82n BL, Harley 3376: 540 BL, Harley 7653: 238 BL, Royal 1. B. VII: 156, 157, 158, l60n BL, Royal 2. A. XX: 146, 169-70, 171 Metz, Bibliotheque municipale, 225: 119n Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C. 73 inf.: 199n, 200, 201 Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C. 301 inf.: 248n Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M. 79 sup.: 1, 176, 177, 178, 275-87, 291, 292-4, 533, 562-3 Monte Cassino, Archivio della Badia 150: 119n Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm. 187: 540 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm. 14470: 290, 291, 525, 533, 559-60 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Gr. 358: 227n Oxford Bodleian Library, Auct. D. II. 14: 194, 195, 503 Bodleian Library, Bodley 163: 179 Bodleian Library, Digby 112: 551 Bodleian Library, Laud gr. 35: 170, 24ln Paris Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal, 303: 120n BN,lat. 1143: 119n BN,lat. 1153: 238n BN, lat. 1629: 278n BN, lat. 2334: 191 BN, lat. 2685: 149, 176, 538, 541 BN, lat. 9398 ('Echternach Gospels'): 116, 160, I6ln, 195,196 BN, lat. 10837 ('Calendar of St Willibrord'): 26, 36, 162-4, 165 BN, lat. 11642: 120n BN, lat. 12168: 117n BN, lat. 12307: 180n BN, lat. 15733: 120n
BN, lat. 17177: 248n Regensburg, Bischofliche Zentralbibliothek, CIM. 1: I65n Rheims, Bibliotheque municipale, 9: 157n Saint-Mihiel, Bibliotheque municipale, 25: 180n Saint-Omer, Bibliotheque municipale, 150: I49n St Gallen Stiftsbibliothek, 2: 194n Stiftsbibliothek, 913: 287-8, 291, 292, 294, 533, 534-41 Schloss Hauzenstein, Grafliche Walderdorffsche Bibliothek, s.n. CWalderdorff Calendar Fragment'): 164-5 Selestat, Bibliotheque municipale, 7 (100): I49n Troyes Bibliotheque municipale, 411: 120n, 177 Bibliotheque municipale, 1742: 238n Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, F. III. 16: 69n, 183 Utrecht, Universiteitsbibliothek, 32: l60n Vatican City BAV, Barberini lat. 497: 238n BAV, lat. 340: 248n BAV, lat. 3375: 118n BAV, Pal. lat. 277: 180 BAV. Ottobonianus lat. 66: 191 BAV, Ottobonianus lat. 169: 551 BAV, Vat. grace. 699: 209n Wurzburg Universitatsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 38: 289-90, 291, 293, 533, 549-52 Universitatsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 47: 290, 291, 293, 533, 552-9 Universitatsbibliothek, M. p. th. f. 68: 157-8, 159n Mar Aba, 34, 209 'Marble Calendar' of Naples, 110, 157 Marcellus (medical author), 508 Marcellusof Ancyra, 146, 170-1 Marcellus, St, of Capua, 106 Marcian, St, of Venafro, 162 Marcion, heretic, 300-1, 431 Marcionites, 212 Marinus of Cyprus, 145 Mark, St, evangelist, 406-7 Mark the Hermit, exegetet 453^4 Marmara, Sea of, 41,43 Martial, 109 Martin I, pope (649-53; d. 655), 67, 74, 75, 131, 139, 145; arrest and exile of, 76-7 Martina, empress, 73n Martina, St, of Piacenza, 283
605
General index martyrium, 101, 102 Martyrlogium Hieronymianum, 37, 95, 96, 98,
modius), 548 (modius), 556 (modius, sextarius), 557 (cadus, siclus)
106, 162, 163, 166-7 Mary (OT), 346-7, 376-7, 525 Mary (BVM), 215, 222, 247n, 342-3, 400-1, 402-3, 412-13, 468, 525; burial at Gethsemane, 412-134, 523-4, 556 Matrona, St, 105n Matthew, St, evangelist, 396-7, 412-13 Maurice, emperor (582-602), 8, 13, 53 Maximianus (Maximus), St, of Cuma, I66n Maximus the Confessor, 67, 71-7, 78, 80, 131, 139, 144-5, 219, 225, 266, 442, 468, 472, 512, 516, 522; Greek vita of, 59, 71-2; Syriac vita of, 60, 67, 72; Palestinian origins of, 67; training at Constantinople, 59-60; and monotheletism, 71-3, 144—5; in Africa, 72-3; in Rome, 75, 225; trial and exile of, 77; Ambigua, ll'b, 468, 508, 512,
liquid measures: 330-1 (metreta, sextarius), 4 1 8 - 1 9 (modius, sextarius), 462 (metreta, sextarius), 531 (metreta, modius, sextarius), 553 (metreta), 557 (metreta, sextarius) measures of weight: 338-9 (ceratium, cesaring, granum ordei, pending, siliqua), 376-7 (chorus, modius), 466 (ceratium, cesaring, granum ordei, pending, siliqua), 490 (chorus, modius), 513 (libra)
see also coinage Michael Exaboulites, 71 Michael Psellos, 259n, 26ln Midian, 246n, 469-70 Midianites, 494 Milan, 125, 126; cult of saints at, 26; Edict of, 522; Computes ecclesiasticus, 266; Quaestiones ad 104 Thalassium, 145; Quaestiones et dubia, 225, Milred, bishop of Worcester, 185n 442, 472, 516; as source of Canterbury Miriam (OT), 473 biblical commentaries, 225 Miseno (Misenum), 95, 99, 161, 167 measiires: see under metrology mitre, 354-5, 358-9; see also tiara Moabites, 494 Mecca, 38 Modestus, patriarch of Jerusalem, 182, 183 medicine, study of, 21, 23, 56, 62, 245, 247; at Constantinople, 50, 55, 59; reflected in monasterium Hiridanum: see Nisida Canterbury biblical commentaries, 247, monasticism: in Palestine, 67, 72; in Syria, 17, 249-55 28, 73, 246; of oriental monks at Rome, 65, Medina, 38 69; in Italy, 99, 102; see also asketerion, coenobium, laura Melania the Elder, 217, 218, 298-9, 428, 429; Monkwearmouth, 210 monastery of, in Jerusalem: see under monophysitism, 11-12, 22, 46n, 70, 90n, 91 Jerusalem monotheletism, 12, 70-7, 79, 80, 140, 143 Melchisedech (OT), 268, 322-3, 453, 454 Montalembert, Comte de, 240 menstruation, 250, 318-19, 324-5, 334-5, Monte Cassino, 126 457-8 Mopsuestia, 14, 19 Menzaleh, Lake of (Egypt), 472 Moriah, land of, 460-1 Methodius, pseudo-, author of Apocalypse, 456 mosaics: at Antioch, 15; at Capua, 105, 167; at Constantinople, 43—4n, at Naples, 11, 112, metrics, study of, 267 at Nola, 103, at Ravenna, 105; at San metrology, 212-13, 247, 561-5; in Canterbury Prisco, 105, 106, 161 biblical commentaries, 262-3 Moses, 200, 201, 202, 209, 215, 221, 222, linear measures: 316-17 (cubitum), 318-19 247n, 320-1, 328-9, 342-3, 344-5, (cubitum), 388-9 (cubitum), 390-1 (cubitum), 348-9, 374-5, 376-7, 392-3, 402-3, 398-9 (cubitum, passus), 410-11 (cubitum), 404-5, 408-9, 410-11, 468, 469, 473, 420-1 (stadium), 449 (cubitum), 450-1 479, 490, 492, 517, 531, 547, 555, 556 (cubitum), 499-500 (cubitum geometricum), 507 Muhammad, 38 (cubitum, passus), 546 (cubitum), 549 (cubitum) myrrh, 246n, 254, 336-7, 422-3, 465-6, measures of volume: 324—5 (satum, sextarius), 532,557 360-1 (modius, sextarius), yil-b (modius, sextarius), 394-5 (modius), 4 0 8 - 9 (modius, sextarius), 416—17 (cadus, modius, sic/us), 456-7 (modius, satum, sextarius), 513 (satum, sextarius), 520 (modius, sextarius), 527 (cadus,
Nadab (OT), 480 Naples, 83, 92, 93, 96, 97, 108-20, 122, 123, 130, 133, 160, 167, 195, 196, 274, 473, 519; Greek settlement of, 109;
606
General index topography of, 109-10, 120-1; churches of, 110-13, 133; Stephania, 113, 133, 156-7; monasteries of, 114—20; monastery of SS Nicander and Marcian, 122-3; castrum Lucullanum, 114-15, 116, 122; scriptoria of, 118-20; liturgy of, 155-60; relations with Langobards, 126, 129 Naples, Bay of, 92-3, 94, 95, 97, 100, 120, 123n, 125, 161, 167, 473 nard, 410-11,523, 556 Narsai, 32-3 Nazaraei (heretics), 515 Nebuchadnezzar (OT), 492 Negev, 460, 490, 491, 495 Nehemiah (OT), 492 Neocaesarea, Council of (s. iv1), 153 Neoplatonism, 88, 221 Nestorianism, 10, 32; Nestorian monks, at Rome, 67 Nestorius, 9-10, 21, 22, 23, 32, 220, 257 Neustria, 127, 128 Nicaea, Council of (325), 9, 142, 148, 149, 322-3, 452 Nicander (author of Theriaca), 496 Nicander, St, of Venafro, 161, 162, 163, 164 Nicephorus, catena of, 227n Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopoulos (historian), 551 Nicomedes, St, I62n Nicomedia, 96 Nimrod (OT), 198 Nineveh, 9, 320-1 Nisibis, 10, 30, 31, 32, 67, 73, 75n; 'school of the Persians' in, 32-3, 248 Nisida (monasterium Hiridanum), 120—3, 473
Noah (Noe) (OT), 202, 316-17, 320-1, 364-5, 390-1, 402-3, 447, 448, 481, 546, 551 Nola, 100-4, 106, 161 Novatian, 456 Ochazath (OT), 332-3 octosyllabic verse, 186-9 OdoofCluny, 282n Oethelred, 139n Oftfor, bishop of Worcester, 172, 267 Oidilwald of Ripon and Fame Island, 163, 164 'Old English Martyrology', 161, 162, 165, 167, 184 Olympiodorus of Alexandria, 56, 63, 256, 432 Olympius, exarch, 76 Olympus, Mt, 314-15, 448 onocrotalus: see bittern
onyx, 214, 246n, 310-11, 354-5, 444 Ophir (OT), 320-1
Optatus of Mileve, 434 Optimus (correspondent of St Basil), 207 Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, 504 Oracula Sibyllina, 185
ordination of monks, 154-5, 481 Oribasius, 182, 251, 252, 254 Origen, 107, 211, 212, 217, 218, 219-20, 244, 298-9, 427, 434, 439, 440, 441, 450, 454,470, 472, 485, 488, 490, 492-3, 495, 500, 504; Hexapla of, 430; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 219-20 Orontes, river, 496 Orosius, 201, 281; Historiae adversum paganos, 175 Osrhoene, Roman province of, 29 Osseni (heretics), 515 Ostia, 97 Oswald, Northumbrian king and martyr, 164 Palestine, 65, 72, 90, 213, 218, 225, 350-1, 454, 481, 483; topography of, 246; Arab conquest of, 90, 430, 456 Palladius, 428, 429 papyrus, 246n, 342-3, 468 Paradise, 200, 209n, 215, 228, 230-1, 235, 236, 269, 308-9, 310-11, 314-15, 386-7, 388-9, 392-3, 440-1, 444-5, 448, 498, 499, 546 Paran, Wilderness of, 246n, 460, 491 Pardonic Sea, 246n, 271, 350-1, 382-3, 474, 495, 496 pardulus, 246n, 384-5, 496-7 Parker, Matthew, 240 Paschasius Radbertus, 282n Patrizia, St, of Naples, 122-3 Paul of Aegina, 252, 254, 508, 521 PaulofBassorah, 248 Paul, St, of Tarsus, 13, 16, 372-3, 394-5, 400-1, 506, 547; tonsure of, 65; at Cyzicus, 41; at Pozzuoli, 93, 98 Paul, patriarch of Constantinople, 73, 74 Paul the Deacon, 127, 128, 129 Paulinus, bishop of Nola, 102-3, 105, 111, 268, 522 Paulinus, bishop of York, 164, 167 Pavia, 126, 127 pearls, 402-3, 514, 549 Pentapolis, 86, 87, 88, 97, 120; bishopric of, 88; churches of, 89; Arab conquest of, 91, 120; see also Apollonia, Arsinoe, Berenice, Cyrene, Ptolemais Perctarit, Langobard prince, 126, 127, 128, 130 pericope-lists, 155-60 Perizzites, 461
607
General index Persia, 7, 8, 10, 12, 15, 26, 37, 43, 51, 64, 320-1, 340-1, 356-7, 422-3, 467, 478, 492, 524, 532, 557; Persian customs, 8, 467 Peshitta (Syriac OT), 30, 32n Peter, St, 16, 376-7, 400-1, 402-3, 406-7, 408-9, 412-13, 490, 520, 555, 556 Petronius, 97 Pharan (Red Sea), 328-9 Pharan (Feiran), in Sinai, 460 Pharan, laura of (near Jerusalem), 226, 460 pharaoh, 202, 326-7, 338-9, 342-3, 344-5, 459, 460 Pharisees, 402-3, 515 Pharos, island of, 431-2 Phicol (OT), 332-3 Philip, St, 420-1 Philistines, 459 Philo Judaeus of Alexandria, 230, 244, 440 philosophy, 21, 244, 245, 253, 254; study of, at Constantinople, 47-8, 50, 55-9, 63; in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 247, 255-9 Philoxenus of Mabbug, 33-4 Phineas (OT), 494 Phison, river of Paradise, 246, 310-11, 443 Phocas, emperor (602-10), 8, 56, 58 Phocas, Latin grammarian, 175 Phoibammon, rhetor, 436, 506, 522 Photius, 208 phylacteries, 404-5, 518, 547, 555 Piacenza, 283, 284, 291 Piacenza, Council of (1095), 283 Piacenza, anonymous pilgrim of, 458, 523 pitch (bitumen), 246n, 316-17, 450 Plato, 63, 255, 256, 300-1, 432, 433, 510, 522 Pliny the Elder, 95, 100; Historia natura/is, 475, 483, 484, 485, 500, 508,537,540, 545 poderis, 354-1,
All
Politian, 256n Pollio, Asinius, 109 Pompei, 93, 100 Pomponius, bishop of Naples, 113n, 157 Pontius Pilate, 123n, 406-7, 418-19, 519, 555 Ponza, 123n, 406-7, 475, 519, 555 porphyrion, 84, 87, 364-5, 484-5, 535, 539 Porphyry, Isagoge of, 57 Posidonius, 450, 483 Posillipo, 109, HO Pozzuoli, 93, 94, 96, 97-9, 104, 106, 110, 122, 126, 161 Priscus, St, of Capua, 106, 161, 163, 165
Proba, Cento of, 181 Probinus, bishop of Capua, 107 Procida, 95 Procopius of Gaza, 207, 22 In, 227-8, 229, 230, 235n, 425, 441, 444, 445, 446, 451, 453, 454, 456, 461, 498, 500; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 227—9, 241 Proculus, St, 99 progymnasmata, 261
Prosper of Aquitaine, 473 Protagoras, 432 Provence, 127 Prudentius, 187, 545 psalter collects (Romana series), 168—9 Psephos, 70
Ptolemais (Tolmeita), 86 Ptolemy, 57 Puglia, 129 Putiphare (OT), 340-1 Putta, bishop of Rochester, 134 Pyramus, river, 496 Pyrrhus, patriarch of Constantinople, 73, 74 Pythagoras, 302-3, 432 Quintus, St, of Capua, 161, 163, 165 Quodvultdeus, 111, 515 Rabbinic tradition, 452, 454, 455 Rabbula, 32 Rachel (OT), 332-3, 334-5, 464 Raguel (OT), 342-3, 468, 525 rational, 356-7, 358-9, 477 Ravenna, 112, 125; church of S. Vitale, 105; church of Sant'Apollinare in Classe, 103n razor, 246n, 374-5, 490 Rebecca (OT), 330-1 Recapitulate de ponderibus, 263, 460, 461, 466,
505, 518,520, 563-5 Red Sea, 246n, 328-9, 342-3, 346-7, 350-1, 402-3, 469, 472 Regino of Priim, 154 RegulaS. Benedicti, 174, 281
Reichenau, 563 Renatus, monastery in Rome, 66, 145 Reovalis, 55n resin, 336-7, 465 Restituta, St, 94-5, 112, 113, 157 rhetoric, 21, 56, 102, 245, 253, 258, 432; study of, at Constantinople, 47, 50, 53, 59, 63; at Gaza, 227; in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 247, 259-62, 506; rhetorical devices explained in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 304-5 (anastrophe), 314-15 (syllepsis), 326-7 (antistrophe?), 336-7
608
General index (syllepsis), 340-1 (metaphora), 546-7 (prolepsis), 398-9 (anadiplosis, hyperbole, metaphora), 4 0 0 - 1 (cacempbaton, antiphrasis), 410-11 (antistrophe), 412-13 (chleuasmoi), 414-15 (antapodosis), 4 2 2 - 3 (climax), 436 (anastrophe), 4 4 7 - 8 (syllepsis), 459 (antistrophe), 465 (syllepsis), 467 (metaphora), 473 (prolepsis), 506 (anadiplosis), 511-12 (cacempbaton), 513 (antiphrasis), 522 (antistrophe), 524 (chleuasmoi), 525-6 (antapodosis), 532 (climax), 549 (antiphrasis), 554 (anadiplosis, hyperbole, metaphora), 556 (antistrophe)
Rhigyfarch of Llanbadarn Fawr, I66n Rhone, river, 310-11,443 Ripon, 163 Robert, count of Flanders, 551 Rochester, see of, 134 Romano-German Pontifical, 154 Rome, 252, 267, 274, 406-7; churches of, 101, 133; S. Maria Maggiore, 3; St Peter's, 95, 129; S. Maria in Aracoeli, 180; monasteries of, 66-7, 69, 74—5; ad aquas Saluias (Cilician monks), 64, 66-7, 68, 69, 75, 78, 182; St Saba (Palestinian monks), 66-8, 74, 75, 225; Renatus (Armenian monks), 66, 75; Boetia (Nestorian monks), 67; Via Appia, 97, 104, 129, 162; Colosseum, 98, 104; residence of Archbishop Theodore in, 65-81, 508 Rome, Council of (679), 135 Rome, Council of (680), 142 Rome, Council of (1078), 282, 283 Romoald, Langobard prince, 126, 129 Ruben (OT), 312-13 Rubin Mac Connadh of Dair-Inis, 154 Rufinus of Aquileia, 174, 204, 205, 217-18, 270n, 298-9, 427, 428, 429, 431, 508, 509; translator of Origen, 220, 427, 427; commentary on Creed, 280 Rufiis, St, of Capua, 106, 161, 165 Saba (OT), 320-1 Saba, St: laura of, in Palestine, 67, 72; monastery of, in Rome, 66-8, 74, 75, 225 Sabellianism, 87 Sabina, St, I62n Sabinus, St, of Piacenza, 283 sacramentaries, 155, 189; 'old sacramentary' of Campanian use, 161, 162, 164—7; 'new sacramentary' (Gregorianum) of Roman use, I62n saddle, 246n, 366-7 Saducees, 402-3, 515 Salamis (Cyprus), 211
Salerno, 92 Saivian, 545 Samaria, 300-1, 384-5, 431, 531 Samaritans, 300-1, 344-5, 384-5, 420-1, 454,470-1, 557 San Prisco, 105-6, 161-2, church of S. Matrona, 105 Sangro, river, 129 Sanliurfa: see Edessa sapphire, 348-9, 352-3, 443-4, 473, 474, 552 Sara (Sarah) (OT) 324-5, 455 (as Sarai), 457, 459, 467 Saracens (Saraceni), 92, 104n, 324-5, 338-9, 455, 467; see also Arabs Sarai: see under Sara sard, 214, 553 sardonyx, 476—7, 553 Sardica (Sofia), Council of (343), 148, 149 Sardinia, 125, 170n, 24ln scarlet dye, 246n, 352-3, 360-1, 475 'school of the Persians', 31-3; see also Edessa; Nisibis scorpions, 246n, 382-3 Scribes (heretics), 402-3, 515, 549 Segni, 130n Segor, 326-7 Seir (OT), 338-9 Sela (OT), 338-9 Sem (OT), 268, 322-3, 342, 454 Seneca, 97, 500 Sennacherib (OT), 178 Septuagint (LXX), 197-8, 213, 298-9, 430, 431, 433, 451, 463, 470, 475, 479, 482, 484, 494; see also Bible Sergius I, pope (687-701), 66n Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople, 49n, 51, 53, 56, 58, 64, 70 Sergius (Latin grammarian), 563 Seth (OT), 259, 270, 310-11, 448-9 setim (acacia), 246n, 352-3, 384-5, 475 Seven Sleepers, SS, legend of, 290, 416-19, 527-30, 559-60 Severian of Gabala, 22-3, 25, 107, 209, 223, 228, 230, 243, 245, 435, 439, 444; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 223, 245 Severinus, St, of Noricum Ripense, 115 Severus, bishop of Naples, 112, 113, 157 Severus of Antioch, 11, 35 Shamunith, St, 172 Shur, Wilderness of, (El-Djifar), 246n, 462, 495 Sicily, 74, 93, 97, 125, 130, 131; oriental refugees in 66, 92
609
General index Sidon, 491 silicus: see carob tree
Silius Italicus, 109 'Silk Road', 15n, 29 Siloam, fountain of, 308-9, 386-7, 420-1, 440, 531-2 Simeon (OT), 340-1,467 Simon Magus, 300-1, 431 Simplicius of Alexandria, 432 Sinai, peninsula of, 246n, 350-1, 460, 470, 482, 495 Sinai, Mt, 348, 364-5, 392-3, 469, 472, 473, 535,543, 547 Sinope (Pontus), 431 Sinotus, St, of Capua, 106, 161, 163, 165 Sion, 270, 310-11,441 Sirte,Gulfof, 85, 86 Sisinnius, pope (708), 66n Slavs, in Byzantine empire, 7, 51 Sodom, 326-7, 458, 491 Sodomites, 336-7 Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, 56, 60, 64, 188, 219, 226, 254, 270, 310-11, 432, 442, 502, 509, 524; and monotheletism, 70-1, 72, 73, 78; opinions of the Arabs, 40n Sossius, St, 95, 98-9, 106, 160, 162, 163, 164, 167 Soter, bishop of Naples, 112, 157 Spain, Visigothic, 40, 144, 189n Spartacus, 104 Spoleto, 125 Sri Lanka, 209 St Gallen, 291 Statius, 109-10, 121 stello, 366-7, 485, 535, 540 Stephania: see under Naples
Stephen of Alexandria, 53, 55, 56-9, 60, 62, 63, 64, 253-5, 257, 258, 265, 267n, 269, 432, 458, 510, 511, 517-18; writings of, 56—8; teaching at Alexandria, 56 Stephen, author of Greek biblical glossary, 232 Stephen, bishop of Dora, 71, 73, 75 Stephen, bishop of Ephesus, 529 Stephen, bishop of Naples, 113, 156 Stephen of Ripon, 127n, 147; Vita S. Wilfridi, 66n, 136, 140-ln, I43n Stoics, 244, 450 storax, 24(m, 340-1, 467 Strabo, 13,450 Suidred, priest in Frisia, 163 Suitbert, bishop of Wijk-bij-Duurstede, 163 Sulpicius Severus, 102, 270n; Vita S. Martini, 174, 175; Dialogi, 11 A, 175
Sur (Egypt), 330-1
Symeon 'the Fool', St, 481 Symeon 'the Stylite', St, 26 Symmachus (biblical translator), 298-9, 430, 431 Symmachus, bishop of Capua, 105 Symmachus, pope (498-514), 95 synagogue, 414—15, 556 Synesius of Cyrene, 87-9, 188 Synod'of the Oak', 19,22 Syria, 8, 9, 11, 12, 16, 17, 24, 27, 43, 68, 92, 223, 224, 246, 451, 454, 481, 199; Christianity in, 28-35; Persian conquest of, 37, 47, 65; Arab conquest of, 26, 37-40, 47, 65, 90, 183, 456; Syrian colonies in Italy, 97 Syriac, 408-9, 519-21; as spoken in Antioch, 27, 224; as spoken in Edessa, 27-8; patristic literature in, 30—5, 435; translations from Greek into, 20, 24, 28, 213, 216, 228, 246, 257; knowledge of in Canterbury biblical commentaries, 205, 233^0, 247, 442-3, 549, 521; legend of Seven Sleepers, Syriac version of, 528, 529 'Syriac Pentateuch Commentary', 236, 435, 437, 480 'Syrian Gates', 15 Tabernacle, 209, 232, 246n, 358-9, 360-1, 362-3, 364-5, 376-7, 392-3, 478, 486, 547, 553 Tabor, Mt, 392-3, 547 Tacitus, 109, 450 Taranto, 129 Tarsus (Cilicia), 5, 6-14, 18, 19, 68, 271, 496; conquest of, by Arabs, 40 Tatian, 30, 107; Diatessaron of, 107 Taurus Mountains, 6, 7, 8, 12, 40 Tekoa, 72 tetragrammaton, 344—5, 470-1 Thalassius, abbot of Renatus (Rome), 66, 75, 145 Thamar (OT), 338-9 Thare (OT), 326-7, 459 Theodore, abbot of an African /aura in Rome, 75 Theodore, bishop of Cyrene, 87 Theodore, bishop of Libya Pentapolis, 90n Theodore I, pope (642-9), 66n, 73, 74, 183 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 9, l4n, 17, 19-20, 21, 22, 23-4, 25n, 32, 220, 222-3, 224, 229, 230, 243, 244, 245, 247-8, 259, 435, 437-8, 525; knowledge of Syriac, 27; writings of, 19—20, 244; commentaries on OT, 19, 247; commentaries on NT, 19-20, 236, 248, 438; translations of, into Syriac,
610
General index 24, 32, 222; translations of, into Latin, 20, 248; influence of, 34, 209; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 222—3, 245 Theodore, as name borne by bishops of Tarsus, 12n Theodore Callipas, exarch, 76 Theodore of Tarsus and Canterbury, 5-81 and passim; birth in Tarsus, 5; youth in Tarsus, 8-9; as witness to Persian occupation of Tarsus, 8-9; presumed study in Antioch, 25_6, 37, 40, 233, 237, 246; presumed study in Edessa, 35-7, 40, 233, 237, 246; contact with Syriac, 28, 35-7, 233-40, 246, 529, 530; flight from Syria, 40-1; presumed study at Constantinople, 41-2, 47, 50, 60-4, 68, 258-9, 261, 432, 434, 465; residence as monk in Rome, 65-81, 183, 184, 225; and Lateran Council, 78-9, 143, 225; consecration to archbishopric of Canterbury, 5; arrival in England, 5; and the English church, 133-9, 172; teaching at school of Canterbury, 172-9, 197, 263, 266-74, 286-7, 561-5 and passim; Greek learning of, 205—33, 529 and passim; cited by name in commentaries and glossaries, 177-8, 289, 326-7, 458, 549; death of at Canterbury, 5, 138
Theophylactus, primicerius, 75 theory, exegetical use of, 244 Thera (Santorini), 85-6 Thomas, St, apostle, 29, 37 Thomas of Edessa, 34 Thrace, 77 tiara, 354-5, 358-9, 477 Tiberias, 402-3, 514-15, 526, 550 Tiberius, emperor (14-37), 515 Tiberius (Greek rhetorician), 436 Timothy, St, of Antioch, 26 Timothy of Constantinople (author of Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum), 504
Tobias, bishop of Rochester, 267 Toledo, Council of (589), I44n Toledo, Council of (633), I44n tonsure: Pauline, 65; Petrine, 65 Tortona, 282n Trebizond, 58, 59 Tripolitana (Africa), 85, 86 triremes, 246n, 380-1, 493-4 Trisagion (Sanctus), 169, 170, 171 Trullan Council: see Constantinople, Council of (692) Twelve Baskets (Dodecathronori), relic, 42, 44, 63, 290, 394-5, 548, 549, 550-2 Tychikos, 58-9 Typos, 74, 75, 76, 81
literary estate of: letter of, to King iEthelred, 136-8; ludicia of, 61, 147, 150-5, 186, 189, 202, 207, 216, 255, 480, 481, 516; Laterculus Malalianus of, 180—2; octosyllabic verse of, 186-9; biblical commentaries of,
Uranius, 111 Urban II, pope (1088-99), 283 uroscopy, 57, 250, 253 Ursus, bishop of Castellamare, 100
passim
Vandals, persecutions of, in Africa, 94, 111 Vegetius, 489, 501 Venafro, 126 Venantius Fortunatus, commentaries on Creed of, 279, 280 Vergil, 95, 110; Aeneidof, 95, 96, 110; Georgics of, 110; tomb of, at Posillipo, 110 Verona, 125
Theodoret of Cyrrhus, lln, 22, 23, 25, 2 2 3 ^ , 230, 232, 243, 245, 257, 258,259,265, 435, 442, 470, 474, 479-80, 485, 486, 487, 488, 490; as source of Canterbury biblical commentaries, 223—4, 245 Theodosius I, emperor (379-95), 523 Theodosius II, emperor (408-50), 47, 260, 416-17, 528, 530, 560 Theodosius (author of De situ terrae sanctae),
515, 526, 529, 530,531 Theodotion (biblical translator), 298-9, 300-1, 430,431,455 Theon of Alexandria, 57 Theophilus, bishop, 412-13 Theophilus, eicegetc (of Antioch?), 209n, 219, 231,306-7,437 Theophilus, patriarch of Alexandria, 19, 437 Theophilus 'Protospatharius', 55, 57, 253, 254 Theophylact Simocatta, 52-3, 55-6, 59, 60,
62,64
Versus Sybille de iudicio Dei, 185-6
Vesuvius, Mt, 93, 95, 100 Vicenza, 125 Victor, bishop of Capua, 107-8, 232; writings of, 107-8; Greek catena of, 232 Victor, bishop of Naples, 115 Victorius of Aquitaine, 108 Virgilius Maro Grammaticus, 281 Vitalian, pope (657-72), 5, 65, 81, 82, 83, 122,123,129-30 Vivara, 95 Vocabularius S. Galli, 288, 534
vulture, 364-5, 482, 535, 543
611
General index Wadi El-Arish ('Torrent of Egypt'), 246n, 382-3, 462, 495 Walahfrid Strabo, 179n weapons, 246n, 380—1; hunting-spear, 246n, 380-1,494 weaving, 246n, 322-3, 366-7, 454-5 weights: see under metrology Werden, 291 'Werden Glossary', 179, 204, 291, 526 Whitby, 15 In Wigheard, archbishop of Canterbury, 5, 83, 123 Wilfrid, St, 66n, 127n? 134, 135, 136, 139n, 143, 158n Wilfrid, priest in Frisian mission, 163 Wilgils, father of St Willibrord, 163 William of Malmesbury, 80n Willibald, 115n, 159n Willibrord, St, 26, Il6n, 151n, 162-3, 165; see also 'Calendar of St Willibrord' Winchester, see of, 134 Wini, bishop of London, 134
writing tablets, 412-13, 553 Wiirzburg, see of, 291, 549 Wynnebald, 159n Xenophon, 301 Yahweh: see Adonai; tetragrammaton Yarmuk, battle of, 39, 40 York, 135, 15In; archbishopric of, 138 Zacharias (Zachary) (NT), 412-13, 556 Zacharias, pope (741-52), 49n, 66n, 159n Zacheus(NT), 414-15 Zara (OT), 336-7 Zeboiim, 491 Zeno, emperor (474-91), 33 Zin, Mt, 491 Zipporah (OT), 468 Zoroastrianism, 34 Zorobabel (NT), 396-7 Zosima the Deacon, 551 Zotto, duke of the Langobards, 126
612
