Chests of life: a study of the typology and conceptual development of Middle Kingdom standard class coffins

CHESTS OF LIFE HARCO WILLEMS MEDEDELINGEN EN VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET VOORAZIATISCH GENOOTSCHAP "EX ORIENTE LUX" Mirnoir...

Author: Harco Willems

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CHESTS OF LIFE HARCO WILLEMS

MEDEDELINGEN EN VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET VOORAZIATISCH GENOOTSCHAP "EX ORIENTE LUX" Mirnoires de la SociitC d'hudes Orientales "Ex Oriente Lux"

xxv

CHESTS OF LIFE

CHESTS OF LIFE A Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom, Standard Class Coffins

HARCO WILLEMS

LEIDEN

EX ORIENTE LUX 1958

Copyrigl~t1988 by Harco Willerns (Leiden)

All rights reserlved. No part of this book tnqv reprodlrced or translated in arty form, by print, photoprint, microjlm or any other means witholrt ~t'rtittenpertnission from the authors

PRINTED 1N BELGIUM BY ORIENT.4LISTE LEUVEN

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents .

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Abbreviations and Summary Bibliography .

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Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 000 Source Lists and Decoration Attribute List List 1 : Coffins with Inner Decoration' . . . List 2: Coffins without Inner Decoration . . List 3 : The Attributes of Middle Kingdom Coffins

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Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Coffins and Other Burial Equipment in the Middle Kingdom . . . Aims of the Present Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introductory Remarks on the Typological Analysis . . . . . . The Date of Middle Kingdom Coffins . . . . . . . . . . . Preliminaries: the Middle Kingdom in Egypt . . . . . . . . The Coffins from Beni Hasan . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction: Garstang's excavations at Beni Hasan . . . . . . Early Coffins: Group A (BH1.3C. BH5.6C. BHI.2L. BH1.20~ BHl W; associated material: X1 Bas) . . . . . . . . . . . Late Coffins: Group B (BHlBr. BH4C. BHlLiv; associated material BH2Liv) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remaining Coffins (BH2Liv. BH30x. BH 15. X1 Bas) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Coffins from Bersheh Introduction: the Site of Bersheh . . . . . . . . . . . . Group A: the Early Nomarchs (coffins B 1.4Bo. B6.8Bo. B6C. BI.3Ph. canopic box B5Bo. associated material B2 1C. Y2C. canopic box B 19C) Group B (B3.4C. tomb B1 B; associated material: BIY) . . . . . Group C (B9.10C. B15C. B22C. canopic box B1 1C; tomb B2B; associated material: B1Y and B3Y) . . . . . . . . . . . Group D : Subsidiary Burials from the Forecourt of Tomb No. 2 (BIC. B16.17C. B1.5L. BI-2P; canopic boxes B2C and B18C; associated material: BIBe. B12.13C. B20C) . . . . . . . . . . . .

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T A BL E O F C O N T E ~ T S

Group E (BSc. B7-8C; coffin sledge B3P; associated material: B1 Be) Remaining Coffins (BI-3Be. Bl3.14C. B 19.21C. B6.7L. B4P. B1.3Y. Y2C) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 The Coffins from Meir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Introduction: the Chronology of the Great Tombs at Meir . . . . 2.3.2 The Archaeological Context of the Coffins . . . . . . . . . 2.3.3 The Prosopography of the Coffin Owners . . . . . . . . . 2.3.4 The Palaeography and Phraseology of the Coffins . . . . . . . 2.3.5 Group A (M5C. MIWar; associated material: M27C. MSWar, M8War. M1 I-12War) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.6 Group B (MIBe. M3-4C. M6C, M13C, M18C. M37C, M13War; associated material: MAnn?, M9-14C. M19C. M24C. M38.39C, M41C. M43C. M45C. M47.48C. M50.54C, MzWar, M6War) . . 2.3.7 Group C (Ml-2C. M INY; associated material: MAnn?, M50-54C. M4War. M6War) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.8 Group D (M?NY, M 1Tor. canopic box M3NY) . . . . . . . 2.3.9 Group E (M7-8C, M42C; associated material: MlLei) . . . . . 2.3.10 Group F (M57C) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Remaining Coffins from Middle Egyptian Sites . . . . . . . 2.4 2.4.1 Q5w el-Kebir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.2 Sednlent and Heracleopolis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3 Harageh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.4 Riqqeh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.5 Assiut and Rifeh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.6 Lisht . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 The Memphite Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6 Thebes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.2 Group A: The Queens' Burials and South Egyptian Coffins (T3C and related sources: AlC, G1-2T) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.3 Group B: Tombs of Queens and Officials of the Late XIth Dynasty (T1.2C. T8-9C. T2NY. T2.4X . TT103. TT240, TT3 1 1. TT3 19; associated material: T4Be, T l L, TINY, MC105) . . . . . . . . . 2.6.4 Group C (TI.3Be, T20; associated material: T1 Len) . . . . . . 2.6.5 Remaining Coffins (TlBal. T4Be T1-3L. T1 Len. TINY, TlX. T5X. MC105) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6.6 The Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period at Thebes (T6.7C. T10C. T13C + T1Ch T4.5L . T 1 - ~ M o s ) . . . . . . .

2.2.6 2.2.7

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3 3.1

Typology and Conceptual Development of the Outer Decoration . . General Characteristics of the Outer Decoration . . . . . . .

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Type I: A Good Burial in the West (1.20. B) . . . . . . . . Type 11: Experiments with Text Columns (1. 21 .'22. 50151. 63/64) . Type 111: The Protection of Nut (2.23. 56159. 63164165. 70172) . . Type IV: The Deceased and the Two Enneads (3.24. 5015 l. 57/59. 62. 64/65. 7 1/72) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - The Two Enneads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - The Liturgical Backround of the Standard Formulation . . . - The Judgement of the Dead as a Ritual . . . . . . . . . - Osirian and Solar Aspects of the Ritual . . . . . . . . . - T o Summarize . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - The Performance of the Ritual . . . . . . . . . . . . Type V: A Mixture of Types I11 and IV (2. 24. 5015 I . 56/57/59 60. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64/65. 7 1/72/73) Type VI: The Palace of the King (415. 25. 51. 59. 65. 72) . . . . Exceptional Designs: Types VII-XIV . . . . . . . . . . . Coffins from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery: "Type" XV . . . . . Deviations in the Ornamental Texts . . . . . . . . . . . The Exterior Decoration of the Lid . . . . . . . . . . .

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Typology and Conceptual Development of the Inner Decoration . . . GeneralCharacteristicsoftheInner Decoration . . . . . . . The Layout and Typology of the Inner Sides . . . . . . . . Inner Decoration Type 1: N o Object Frieze on F R (101.102 105-106) Origin and Evolution of Type 1 Coffins . . . . . . . . . . Inner Decoration Type 2: Object Friezes on H. F. B and F R . . . Inner Decoration Type 3 and Other Exceptional Designs The Ornamental Frame (150- 155) . . . . . . . . . . . . The Ornamental Hieroglyphic Texts . . . . . . . . . . . The Ornamental Texts at Bersheh. Meir and Assiut (232. 234. 238) . Ornamental Texts Elsewhere (230. 231. 233. 234) . . . . . . . Relations between the Object Frieze and Funerary Rituals . . . . Principles Underlying the Arrangement of the Object Frieze . . . The Object Frieze on H (165. 167) . . . . . . . . . . . . The Object Frieze on F (178. 179. 180. 181. 182) . . . . . . . The Object Frieze on B (192. 193. 194) . . . . . . . . . . The Object Frieze on FR (206. 207. 208. 209. 21 1) . . . . . . Synthesis: The Conceptual Development of the Object Frieze . . . Pictorial Decoration: False Doors and Offering Tables . . . . . The Non-ornamental Texts: Offering Lists and C T (132.136. 244. 246) Vignettes. Maps and Star-clocks . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5.1 5.2

T A B L E OF CONTENTS

Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Continuity and Change in the Decoration of the Coffin . . . . . The Tradition of the Coffin Texts . . . . . . . . . . . .

TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Table I : Seriation of the Coffins from Beni Hasan . . . . . . . . . Table 2: Seriation of the Coffins from Bersheh . . . . . . . . . . Table 3: Seriation of Epigraphical. Palaeographical and Phraseological Features of Tombs and Coffins from Meir (see 2.3.4) . . . . . . Table 4: Seriation of the Best-preserved Coffins from Meir . . . . . . Table 5: Seriation of the Coffins from Meir (including the incomplete ones) Table 6: Seriation of the Coffins from Thebes . . . . . . . . . . Table 7: Chronological Distribution of Cofin Decoration Types . . . . Formulae and ir??3!z.y Phrases on H and F Table 8: Occurrence of pri.t (exterior) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Table 9: Occurrence of References to Male and Female Funerary Deities in the Ornamental Text Registers on H and F . . . . . . . . Table 10: Occurrence Frequency of Text Column Gods on the Long Sides . Table 11: Frequency Table of the Occurrence of Decorative Elements of the Inner Decoration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Table 12: Distribution of Multiple Registers of Ornamental Hieroglyphs over the Sides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Table 13: Distribution of Objects on B and F R . . . . . . . . . . GENEALOGIES

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1 : The Nomarchal Family of the Hare Nome . . . . . . . . . . . 2: The Genealogy of the Owners of the Great Tombs at Meir . . . . . MAPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1: The Necropolis of Beni Hasan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2: The Necropolis of Bersheh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3: The Necropoleis of Meir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . FIGURES

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I : Orientation of Hieroglyphic Texts 2: View of H of T8C . . . . . . 3: View of FR of TSC . . . . . 4: View of FR of BHSC . . . . 5: View of B and FR of BHI . . .

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TABLE O F CONTENTS

6: W a l l S c h e m e o f B o f M 1 3 . . . . . . . 7:ViewofHandFRofMlWar . . . . . . . . . . . 8: View of FR of B2P . . . . . . . . . 9 : View of H of B2P . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10:ViewofHandFRofMlBe . . . . . . . . . . . . I I: Characteristic Disposition of the Text Column Gods . . . . 19:ViewofHandFofBHlLiv . . . . . . . . . . . . 13.ViewofBandFRofBHILiv . . . . . . . . . . . . 14: View of F of B5C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15: V i e w o f H a n d F R o f M 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16: View of F R of S4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17:LidofBHI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18: View of B3L. FR inside . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19: The Layout of H and F . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20: The Layout of B . . . . . . . . . . . . 21: The Layout of FR . . . . . . . . . . . 22: Vertical Demarcations in the Ornamental Frame . 23: H of TT240 showing a frieze with unguent vases and PT 9 52-53 24: FR of Sq3C . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25: Views of the ends of BHlLiv. a) H inside; b) F inside . . . 26: View of T2C. B inside. showing frieze type a . . . . 27: View of BH1 Liv. B inside. showing frieze type c . 28: View of BHlliv. FR inside. showing frieze type a . 29: View of a. FR inside of L3Li; b. of T2C . . . . . 30: View of B 0 of MILei. decorated with a map of the Netherworld

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ABBREVIATIONS AND SUMMARY BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliographical abbreviations used in this book are mainly those of the Lexikon der. ~ ~ ~ ~ t o( Ll Ao) and ~ i ePorter and Moss, Topographical Bihliogrclpl!t, ( P M ) . F o r those not found there, and for some abbreviations which are not of a bibliographical nature, see below. Altenmuller, Begrabnisrit~tal Altenmuller. Die Terte zunl Begriibtlisritricrl in den Pymnri&tr des Alten Reicl~es,Wiesbaden. 1972. Am Amsterdam (in coffin sigla). B Back. Bal Baltimore (in coffin sigla). Bas Basel (in coffin sigla). B0 Bottom. The Earl of Carnarvon and Howard Carter, Five Years' EsploCarnarvon and Carter, Five Years ' E.rplorations rntions at Tlzebes, London, 19 12. Chassinat, Gauthier et Pieron, Fouilles ci Qattalr, Came, 1906. Chassinat, Le Gauthier et Pieron, Qattalr Davies, The Temple of Hihis in el Khargeh Oasis. Part III. Tlre Davies, Hibis Decoration. New York, 1953. Donadoni-Roveri, Sarcofagi Donadoni-Roveri, I snrcofc~giegizi dalle origitri alla fine dell' Antico Regtro, Roma, 1969. F Foot. F.I.P. First Intermediate Period. Fischer, Dendern itr tile Tlrird ~\filletrtri~mrB.C. Dowtr to tire Fischer, Detrtlera Tlrebatr Don~inationof Upper Egjpt, New York, 1968. Schenkel, Friilrmitteliigyptisclre Studien, Bonn, 1962. Ft)liiS FR Front. Simpson and Davis (ed.), Stlrrlies in Ancient Egypt, tlre Aeggenrr FS Dunhanr an11 tire Sudan. Essays itr Horror of Dows Dunlronl on tire Occasiorr of his 90111Birthday, June 1, 1980, Boston, 1981. FS H~rglzes Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes. January 12, 1977, Chicago, 1976. FS Westen(1orf Stzrriien zrr Sprizclze lrtzcl Religion ~ g y ~ t e t zzrr s Elrretr votl Woyl~art Westetzrlorj; iiberreicht von seinen Freunden und Schulern, 2 vols., Gottingen. 1984. Garstang. Tlre Burial C~rstunrsof Ancient Egypt, London. 1907. Garstang, BC Grdseloff, Reit~ig~rngszelt Grdseloff, D m agyptisclre Reitrigtmgszelt. Arclriiologrscl~eLrtrters~rcl~rrrrg, Le Caire, 1941. H Head. Couyat et Montet. Les inscriptions 11ii.rogl~-phiqlres et lrifirntiqrres Hnti~ttz. tilr O~rrirliHat?zt)rirt?~irt, Le Caire. 1912.

14

ABBREVIATIONS A K D S Y M M A R Y BIBLIOGRAPHY

Hassan. Stiicke ut~rlStijbe Ha yes. Ro!.(rI S~7rcopkagi Hil JF Junker, Stut~tien,vachen L Lapp, OpJ>r:fi,rttlel Lapp. Siirge Lei Lesko, Indes LSA

Mal Mi M.K. N.K. Nt O.K. Petrie. Detltlereli Reisner, Canopics

Schack-Schackenburg. Ziveii~.egebtrcli Schiifer, Priestergraber Schmid t, Snrkofnger

S.I.P. Steindorff, GrcrbJiade

Hassan, Stiicke 11. Stiibe itn pharuonischen ;i,y!ptet~,Miinchen, 1976. Hayes. Ro~tcrlStlrcophtryi rd'the X V l l i D ~ ~ t ~ n Princeton. st~., 1935. Hildesheim (in coffin sigla). Jtiquier, Lesfiises tl'objets cles strrcophtlges d ~ :\.fo!.etl l Etnpit.e. Le Caire, 1921. Junker, Die S~rmtlen~t~acken it1 tlen 0.sirisnrjsrerien t~trch (let1 ft~.schriften\Ion Dmtlern, Edfir untf Philre, Wien. 19 10. Lid. Lapp. Die Opferfortnel des Altetl Reiches, Mainz. 1986. Lapp, Surge des Mit~leret~ Reiches arls tler ehemnligeti Satnmlung Kl~ashaba,Wiesbaden. 1985. Leiden (in coffin sigla). ~ Kingtlotn Cofltls trt~tl Lesko, Inc1e.r of Spells 011 E g ~ p t i n ri\/litlrlle Reluted Doclrtncwts, Berkeley. 1979. Lacau, Sarcopl~agesanterie~rrs nu 1Vo~rvelEtnpire. 2 vol?. Le Caire. 1904-1906 (= Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes d u Musee du Caire, Nos 28001-28126). Mallawi (in coffin sigla). Minia (in coffin sigla). Middle Kingdom. New Kingdom. Pyramid Texts in the Pyramid of Neith, published in Jequier, Pyrcrtnides ties reines 1Veir11et Apouit. Old Kingdom. Petrie, Dendereh 1898 and Denderelr 1898. Estra Plrtes, London, 1900. Reisner, Canopics, Le Caire, 1967 ( = Catalogne General des Antiquitks ~ g ~ p t i e n n du e s Musee du Caire No. 4001-5033). Recueil de travau.r relariJs a la philologie et h I'nrchPologie Pg!ptientles et assyriet~nes1-30. Paris, 1870- 1923. Schack-Schackenburg, Das B~rchv011den zwei Weget? des seliget~ Totet1 (Zwei,vegebuch j . Tesre arrs der Pyratnir1en:eit nach eit~mz itr~berliner M~rse~ml b e ~ r n h r ~ eSargboden n des Mittleret~Reiches. Leipzig, 1903. Schiifer, Priestergruber utld at~dere Grnbfunde votrl Entle cles Altet~Reiches bis sur griechischen Zeit vot?~Totet~tetnpeldes Areuser-rC, Leipzig, 1908. Schmidt, Sarkofager, mumiekister, og tntrmielzylstre i det gamle E g y p ~ m Tpologisk . Allas, Kebenhavn, 1919. Mace and Winlock, T l ~ eTotnb of Set~ebtisiut LisAt, New York? 1916. Second Intermediate Period. Steindorff, Grnbjut~dedes Mitrleretl Reichs in LLIIKijniglichet~ :Clrr.reen r u Berlin. I . Dos Grab ties Ment~rhotep,Berlin. 1896. 11. Drr Snrg tles Sebk-U. - Ein Grabfirnd rr~rsGebeleit~.Berlin, 1901. Tanta (in coffin sigla).

AHRKEVIATIONS A N D S Y M M A R Y BIBLIOGRAPHY

15

Terrace, Egyptiun Paintings Terrace. Egyptirm Paitltir~gsof the Mirlille Kingclom, London, 1968. Firth and Gunn, Teti Pj.rntniii Cenreteries, 2 vols., Le Caire, TPC 1926. Warsaw (in coffin sigla). War

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The publication of this book gives me an opportunity to express my recognition to those who, in the years behind, have contributed to the progress of my work. Of course, I owe much to colleagues who gave material assistance by making scientific data accessible. But first and foremost, I should like to pay tribute to some friends and relatives, whose backing has left a less tangible imprint on the pages to follow. Nevertheless, their influence has been very real, particularly in the last, rather troubled year. Without their friendship and mental support in this period, I do not think I would have felt able to conclude the manuscript. I should particularly like to mention the unfading backing of my friend Astrid and the many joyous moments I experienced with her. She, more than any other single person, deserves my gratitude. Like her, my parents were always ready to lend their support. It was they, moreover, who kindled, and always encouraged, my interest in egyptology. I dedicate this book to these persons. Many people and institutions have been of assistance in providing scientific data. First and foremost, I should mention the Netherlands Institute for the Near East, Leiden, where the notebooks and photographic files of the late Prof. A. de Buck are preserved. By a kind offer of Prof. J. Yoyotte, this already significant collection could be supplemented when the remains of the photographic collection of the late Prof. P. Lacau were offered on permanent loan to the Leiden Institute for Egyptology. Also, the University of Leiden provided funds for making the de Buck archive up-to-date. This huge photographic collection not only enabled me to study many unpublished sources, but also formed a welcome check to source editions which, alas, rather often turn out to be inaccurate. Photographs and information on sources were sent by Dr J. Bourriau (Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge), D r E. Brovarski (MFA, Boston), Dr W.V. Davies (British Museum, London), Dr DgbrowskaSmektala (Warsaw University), Dr P. Dorman (Metropolitan Museum of Art), Dr H. Kischkewitz (ligyptisches Museum, Berlin [Ost]), the late Dr Mia Pollock (University of Leiden), Dr M. Raven (Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden), Dr J. Settgast and Dr R. Krauss ( ~ g ~ p t i s c h Museum, es Berlin). Prof. A.F. Shore (Liverpool University), Prof. W.K. Simpson and Dr. G . Scott (Yale University Art Gallery), Dr E.C. Southworth (Merseyside County Museums, Liverpool), Dr D. Spanel (Virginia Museum of Fine Arts), Dr M . Seefried (Emory University Museum) and the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. My friend Olaf Kaper made accurate copies of the texts on some coffins in the Cairo Museum for me. All the above people deserve my warnlest thanks.

18

P R EF A C E

I must also express my gratitude to the Rijke Hamakerfonds. A grant of this foundation enabled me to visit the necropolis of Bersheh and to study coffin material in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. I am under an obligation also to Dr Muhammad Saleh for facilitating my work in his museum. This applies for Dr J.-L. de Cenival and his staff at the Louvre likewise. They not only gave me access to much stored material, but were even prepared to move some very large coffins on display, so that they could be studied properly. I should further mention the hospitality of the staff of the School of Archaeology and Oriental Studies of the University of Liverpool who gave me occasion to study the field notes of Garstang's Beni Hasan excavations and helped me in every possible way to study his finds, insofar as they are now in Liverpool. Just before the manuscript was delivered to the printer, I had an opportunity to visit the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. The cooperation of the staff-members of the Egyptian departments of these museums is acknowledged most gratefully. Of the other people who have rendered assistance, I should first and foremost mention Dr Nigel Strudwick, who performed the tedious and ungratifying task of correcting my English text. At different stages of my work, a number of people willingly gave their time for reading my manuscript and critically discussing it. The remarks of Prof. J.J. Janssen and Prof. J.F. Borghouts were strongly appreciated. I am particularly grateful, however, to Drs R. van Walsem, who repeatedly studied preliminary versions. His remarks on the methodology of the study have left their imprint on almost every page of this book. Last, but not least, I pay homage to the members of the Schap. Their meetings served as a true forum for critical scientific discussion and for eating. These stimulating occasions regularly had a demonstrable impact on the progress of my work. Part of this study was written with the financial support of the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Science (ZWO). Finally, I express my gratitude to the society "Ex Oriente Lux" and to the editor of MEOL for publishing this volume in their series. Leiden, 13 February, 1988

SOURCE LISTS AND DECORATION ATTRIBUTE LIST List 1: Coffins with Inner Decoration (with bibliography)

CG 2800 1-28126: see LSA; CG 4001-5033 : Reisner, Cnnopics. In the following list, the number(s) written after * and separated by / indicate outer and inner (sub)types respectively (for the numbering, see ch. 3-4). N.B.: "-" indicates that no decoration occurs; *court indicates the so-called "court-type" (see 1.2); *Siutinn the types current at Assiut; *deviant exceptional decoration patterns. Female names appear in heavy type. Different names separated by "1" indicate successive owners of a coffin. In case an owner has more than one name, as in. e.g., A l C , the names are connected by "=". owner;*~ype

siglum

data

A1 A AZA A3A A4A ASA AIC

S3-rnp~>.r Hk3-ib-k!~ same 'Iyr Sbnbr H&3-ib-'3= Hk3-I *I/2

SHRINE; Habachi, The Sancruary of Heqoib, Mainz, 1985, no. 1. STATUE; Habachi, o.c., no. 26. STATUE; Habachi, o.c., no. 27. SHRINE; Habachi, o x . , no. 36. STATUE; Habachi, o.c., no. 70. COFFIN CG 281271JdE 36418: P.M V, 241, 244; BfFAO 9, 37 K., A S A E 4 , 69 f.; Settgast, Besrarr~ctlgsdarsr.,117; pl. 11: ASAE51. 135 K., CdE XI, 350 K., pl., Neugebauer-Parker, Asrrotronrical Tesrs I, 14-15, pl. 14-15; G M 67. 81 K.

AblLe

Hr.j~-f=flr[p *I/lb

AbZLe

same *"XV"/l b ? *-!l 'In-nr-s3=f *?ilb ~Vfrr; *I/deviant

COFFIN Leipzig Univ. 4: P M IIIZ,346; Schifer, Pnesrergriiber. 46 K., fi_e 61-77; pl. 2-6; iLfDOG 14. 39, fig. 14-16; Schmidt. Sarkofager. fig 446. COFFIN Leipzig Univ. 3; PM IIIZ,346; Schifer, ox.. 55-60; fig. 78-85; pl. 7-9; Schmidt. o.c., fig. 447. FRAGMENTS Schafer, Priesrergraber, 90, PM IIIz, 347. COFFIN, Schafer. ox., 107-109, pl. 11-12; P M IIIZ,348.

AblX AbZX Ab3X

AbylPh

?

*?,'2

COFFIN; Schafer, Priesrergriiber, 99.

COFFIN FRAG. Philadelphia Un. Mus. E12505 A-G; P,\{ V. 66. El-Arabah. 8-9: 17, 34, 36, pl. XXVI.

siglum

owner/*type

data

BERSHEH ~Vlrrl(II) Dhir~j-nht(VI) Sn *?l? Hf-'nhI'h3-n!tr *,?l?

TOMB CHAPEL Bersheh no. 7; Ber,slrelr 11, pl. XIX. TOMB CHAPEL Bersheh no. I; Bersheh 11, pl. VI. COFFIN BOTTOM: Berlin 14385; P M IV, 187; Schack-Schackenburg, Zweiwegebuch; AIB 1. 2 13; Z , ~ S46, 77-8 1. COFFIN BOTTOM: Berlin 20360; Grapow. SPA W 1915, 382. n. 3.

B3Be

? *?/?

B l Bo

Qlnt,g~-n~f IV or V *I/la

COFFIN FRAG.: Berlin; JARCE 9, 89, n. 3 The ref. is probably incorrect; coffin not in Berlin. COFFIN Boston iMFA 20.1822-27; P M IV, 179 BMFA Aug. 1921.44; AJSL 38, fig. 63; Sfudi in nrentoria di Ippolito Rosellini I (1949), 263-268; pl. XXI-XXVII; Terrace, Eg. Poinfings; D'Auria e.a., Ahsrrucfs o/Popers. 4rlr 1/11.Cotrgress U / Eg).prolog., Munich 1985, 45-46. COFFIN Boston MFA 21.962-63; cf. D'Auria COFFIN Boston MFA 21.964-65; cf. D'Auria

BIB BZB BlBe B? Be

BlOC

same *I/ la Dh wry-nht *I/la same *Iila same S3.t-mk.t *I/la same *I/ la? ohaty-nbt *I/la? Spi '111 ba/2 same S3.t-hd-htp *IIIaa/l b same *IIIaa! l b Q!r~vrj-!rrp *v112 ?13-trbr/K3.~/ Dwtynbt *Ill b Q!nvry-(rrp v112 same *IVba 'Inrn-rn-h3.1 *IIIaa12 same *IIIaai2 same

COFFIN Boston MFA 21.966-67; cf. D'Auria CANOPIC BOX Boston MFA 21.421-22. COFFIN FRAG Boston MFA 21.810-1 1: 21.968 COFFIN FRAG Boston MFA 21.969~1,b. COFFIN (same owner as B3-5Bo; not in MFA but photographs preserved there). COFFIN CG 28083, pl. XI, XXV; P M IV.183; ASAE 1, 28, 32-40. CANOPIC BOX CG 4977, pl. LXXXVII. COFFIN CG 28085; ASAE 1, 20-21; P M IV, 185. COFFIN CG 28086; ASAE 1, 20-21; P M IV, 184. COFFIN Cairo JdE 37566; ASAE 3, 278-280; Schafer. Andrae, K~tnsr d. alten Orients. 293 (lower); P M IV. 185. COFFIN CG 28094, pl. XXIX; ASAE 2, 35-36; JEOL 28. 93-94. COFFIN F, FR Cairo JdE 37567; unp.; same owner as BSc, B8C, B3P COFFIN Cairo JdE 37568; unpublished COFFIN Cairo 28091, pl. XIII, XXVIII, ASAE 2, 24-28; P M IV, 184. COFFIN C a ~ r oCG 28092; P M IV, 184; ASAE 2, 20-24. CANOPIC BOX Cairo, number unknown; ASAE 2, 28-30: P M IV. 184. COFFIN Cairo CG 28089, pl. XII. XXIII; P M IV, 185. COFFIN Cairo CG 28090; P M IV, 185. COFFIN Cairo CG 28099; P M IV, 183; ASAE 1 , 25. COFFIN Cairo CG 25123; P,11 IV, 185; ASAE 2. 217-221. COFFIN Cairo CG 28088, pl. XXVII; P,Cf IV, 184; Blackman, The Art

COFFINS WIT14 I K N E R DECORATION

siglum

owntrt 'type

21

data

of Egypr rhrougll rhr Ages. 144 (2); R T 24, 90-91, Gauthier, L.rrre cles ruis 1, 205 (2,i), n. l ; G M 28, 35-44: Allen, FS Hughes, 1-29, A S A E I .

B17C Bl8C B19C B20C B?IC B22C BIL

same *Vab;2 same Dhwty-nhr ? *IVab?/2? 'nhi.t *Ijl Dhbrry-n!il *IIIaal2'? Gn3 *IVab!2

B2 L

same *IVab;2

B3 L

Sn *VIII/2 same *IVabi2

B4L B5L

Spi *Vbb?/-

BIP

Spi *IIIba!2

B2P

same *IIIba/2

B3 P BJP B / PI1

DIi~rrj~-/rrp 7 713-tr!rr *Ill

B2Ph

same *Ill Q!lnry-n!lr *IIIaa3/l b? Dh wry-hrp *IVaa?i ? H.r-Hr-htp *IIIaa?/l ?

B1Y B2 IB3 Y BJ-6Y

?

40-4 1. COFFIN Cairo C G 28087, pl. XII; P,M IV, 184, A S A E 1. 40-41. CANOPIC BOX Cairo 4980. CANOPIC BOX Cairo 4740. B FRAGMENT Cairo 28!4/28/1, unpublished. COFFIN Cairo C G 28 1 12. COFFIN Cairo C G 28125; PM 1V.185; A S A E 2. 21 5-21 6. COFFIN BM 30810; Budge, Guicle 1.sr-3rd Eg. Rooms (1924), 45-46, pl. 11: same, Guide Is[-2nel Eg. Rooms (1904), pl. IV opposite p. 58; Guide lo lire Eg. Coiierfiotrs (1930). 238, fig. 124: A Hanrlhook ro rhe Eg. :Cfumnries(BM. 1938), 29, pl. IX: PM IV, 187. COFFIN BM 30839; Budge. Guicle Isr-3rd Eg. Rooms, 42-43; same, Grricle Is(-214 Eg. Rooa1.s. 47-48; A Hcrn(ihook ro fhe Eg. Mut?~nries (BM, 1938). 27-28; P M IV, 187. COFFIN BM 30842; Budge, Gr~irlr1.~1-3rdEg. Ruunu, 44; A Hatttibouk ro file Eg. Mummies (BM. 1938). 29; PM IV, 187. COFFIN BM 30841; Budge. Guicie lsl-3rd Eg. Rooms, 43-44; Budge, Guide Isr-2nd Eg. Roonrs, 48-49; P M IV, 187; Lesko, Index, frontispiece, O L P 4, pl. IV.l (erroneously attributed to B5L). COFFIN BM 55315; Budge, Guide Is(-3rd Eg. Rooms. 41-42; same, Guicle Isr-2nd Eg. Roonrs, 71; Handbook ro rhe Eg. Mumnries (BM, 1938). 26-27; Andrews, Eg. Mummies, London. 1984, 41; A S A E 1, 28-29; PM IV, 187. COFFIN Louvre E10779A; A S A E 1. 26; Nibbi, Egypr atrd Some Easlern Neighbours, frontispiece: J E A 63, pl. XVII; Boreux, AnriquirCs Cgyptientres. Caralogrre-guide I, 175. See fig. 8-9 below. COFFIN Louvre E10779B; A S A E 1, 26; Boreux, o.c.. 107-109, pl. IX; Vandier, Les anriqrliris Cgyprientres au MusCe drr Louwe, 13; PM IV. 185. COFFIN SLEDGE Louvre A F 9170, unpub. FRAGMENT Louvre, unnumbered, unpub. COFFIN Philadelphia E 16218A-B; Brovarski. FS Drmham, 23-21: Fleming, e.a., The Eg. M~rnrnly.Secrers arrd Science, Philadelphia. 1980, 15. Unpublished. COFFIN Philadelphia E 16217A-B; Brovarski. I.c. Unpublished. COFFIN Yale University 1937.5903; Bull. Xeligio~uTezrs from an Eg. Coffit~.unpub. diss. Yale; PSBA 36, 36; PM IV, 183 COFFIN B, FR Yale 1937.5906; unpublished COFFIN Yale 1937.5905; unpublished BOTTOMS Yale 1937.5904, 1937.5907, 1937.5908. Unpublished

BALKT (DAKHLA OASIS) Bu 1.Y

,Lldw-nfr

SHROUD FRAGMENTS; Valloggia, Balcrr I, Le Caire. 1986, 74-78. pl. LXII-LXIII.

data

RHlBr BHlC BH2C BH3C BH4C BHSC BH6C BHIL

'C13 *VI/2 Skr-m-h3.t = _73wi *I/ l b same *I/? 1ySy *I/lb N!r.~-!trp *v112 Hnm-n!iri *IIa/ l b NJr y *Ill b? Shk-hrpi *l/'?

BH2L

same *I/?

BHlLir

Kki v112 ? Nlr-nhr *I13 same *I/ld Hnm-iirp * '? HI?: *I?/?

BH2Liv BH lOx BH?Ox BH30x BHIW

COFFIN Brussels E5037; Garstang, BC, 149, 192-193. fig. 148. pl. IX; Speleers, Reclreil rles it~.scription.sfigypricnne.~, 22-29 (85); P M IV, 162 COFFIN Cairo JdE 37564a: ASAE 5 , 220 f., 230 f.. pl. IV, VI, Garstang, BC, 79-89, 178-179, fig. 70-7 1 ; P;Cf IV, 161. COFFIN Cairo JdE 37564b; ASAE 5, 233 f.. cf. BHlC COFFIN Cairo JdE 37563b; ASAE 5, 237 K. cf. BH6C. COFFIN Cairo JdE 37565; A S A E 5,246 K.; Garstang, BC, 104, fig. 93, pl. VI; P M IV, 161. COFFIN Cairo JdE 37569, Garstang, BC, 89-98. 164, fig. 82, 167; PM IV, 162. COFFIN Cairo JdE 37563a: ASAE 5,219; pl. 111, Garstang. BC, 65-79, 148; fig. 55-56; PM IV, 161 (several inaccurate references). COFFIN BM 41572; PM 1V. 162; Garstang. BC, 138, 168, 237. fig. 170; A Handbook ro t11eEg. M~mtmies(BM, 1938). 27; Budge. Giritle 1st-3rd Eg. Rooms, 45; not from Bersheh, as claimed e.g. P M IV, 187 (communication of Dr J. Spencer). COFFIN BM 41571; PM IV, 162; Garstang, BC, 168, 237, fig. 170, (BM, 1938), 27; Budge, Guide 231; A Handbook to rhe Eg. ~CIumn~ies lsr-3rd Eg. Rooms, 45-46; not from Bersheh (cf. BHIL). COFFIN Merseyside County Mus. 55.82.113, fig. 12-13, 25, 27-28 below. H FRAGMENT Liverpool E515 (unpub.). COFFIN Oxford E3906; Z A S 47, 116-127; Z A S 49, 65-66; Garstang, BC, 89-92; P M IV, 162. COFFIN Oxford E39071 Z A S 47, 127-132; ZAS 49, 66; P M IV, 162. FRAGMENTS Oxford E3908;

ZAS 49, 54-65;

PM IV, 162.

COFFIN Wiirzburg, Wagnermuseum H 1196; Archivjii'r aeg. Arclraologie 1, 256. Lost STATUE Cairo 405; Borchardt, Srartren 11, 17, pl. 66

DENDERA DIC DID

DalC Da2C Da3C Da4C

Bb *-/3? Mn-'nb-Ppy- Mni

TOMB CHAMBER Cairo CG 281 17; Petr~e, Dentlereh. 17-18, 56-58, pl. XXXVII-XXXVIIK; P M V, L 13 TOMB CHAMBER Petrie, Denderell, 44-45; pl. 111-IV; PM V, 110.

S3.r-H.1-hr-mr *court Nbw-hrp.ti-hrd *IVa S3.r-Sbk 'court 311,-ib-R' *IVa

COFFIN Cairo CG 28101 ; Morgan, Dai~clio~rr 11, 75-76; P M Ill2, 886. COFFIN Cairo CG 28104; PM 1112,889; Morgan, O.C.I, 110. fig. 263, cf. 264; pl. XXXVI (top) COFFIN Cairo CG 28105: P,II IllZ,899. COFFIN Cairo CG28106; P;\[ 1112,888; Morgan, O.C.I, 101, fig. 241, 241'. pl. XXXVI (bottom)

COFFINS WITH INNER DECORATION

siglum

DalX Da2X Da3X Da4X Da5X Da6X Da7X Da8X

G l Be

data

owneri'type

COFFIN; Morgan, 0.c. 1, 35-36. fig. 73; P,tf 1112,897.

?

*court 'It *court Hnm.t *court 'It-wr.t *court Knli-nbrr* *court 'Imn-hip *court S3.t-S.t Snb-srv-m- '=i

COFFIN; Morgan, o.c. 11, 46-48, fig 105, 109: P.Vf Ill2, 886. COFFIN; Morgan, 0.c. 11, 57-58; PM 1111, 886. COFFIN; Morgan, 0.c. 11. 73-74; P.M 1112, 886. FRAGMENTS; Morgan, 0.c. 11, 70 and fig. 116-117; PM II12. 886. COFFIN; Morgan, O.C.11, 70, fig. 113-115; PM 1112,886. TOMB CHAMBER; Morgan, O.C.11, 77-85. FRAGMENT; Mariette, ~lfc~siabas, 583.

COFFIN Berlin 13772; SteindorK GrabJitncie 11, 11-19, pl. 111-IV; A IB I, 231-233; Wreszinsky, .4ila.u I, pl. 86-87; P,Vf V, 162. COFFIN Turin 15.774; z A S 100, pl. 11; G M 67, 81-90; PM V, 163.

H111ry 'deviant

GIT

'Ikr

G2T

'112 same

H

see TI Len

*?

COFFIN, perished.

HERACLEOPOLIS HI-2H

Nfr-t'riw.i, S3-kf

TOMB CHAMBERS; OrAni 13. 161 ff., OrAni 14, 57 ff.

HARAGEH Ha1 Ha

TOMB CHAMBER; Haragelr, 20-22, pl. VI, LXVIII; PM IV, 105

HalX I-Ia2X

Hr.y-S=f-nhi *-/cf. la W&t-htp *-/cf. la ? *?/deviant ? *V112

COFFIN; Harageh, 25, pl. LXVI. COFFIN; Haragell. 24. pl. LXIX.

KIT KIX

? Hnw

FRAGMENTS Turin 4310; G M 7, 27; P M V, 13 FRAGMENTS; Strckeweh. Fursiengraber Qcilt,, 48 (8); PM V, I I .

HaZHa

TOMB CHAMBER; Haragell, 22-23; pl. VI, LXVII; PM IV, 105.

*?

FRAGMENTS; Petrie-Mackay, Heliopolis. Kafr Aninlar anci Sllrtrqfa, 15 < 226>, pl. XV (top); PM IV, 86. FRAGMENTS; Petrie-Mackay, 0.c.. 31-32, pl. XV; PM IV. 86.

K ~ FAKHRY M KFlKF

'In~pj

TOMB CHAMBER; JARCE l l. 27-30 < l > ; pl. IIb: JARCE 13, 2528; Jeffreys, Surrej of hfempliis I, London, 1985, 28-30,

data

TOMB CHAMBER; JARCE 1 1 . 27-30 < 4 > ; pl. IIc, IIIa; JARCE .!I 25-28; Jeffreys, 1.c. TOMB CHAMBER; JARCE l l. 27-30 < 5 > ; pl. IIIb-d; JARCE 13. 25-28; Jeffreys, 1.c.

K ~ EL-HISN M TOMB CHAMBER; Edgar. in: Maspkro, Le ,Vfu.c@eig,vprien 111. 55 K.; P X IV, 51-52. LISHT (See also S) L l Li L2Li L3Li LlNY L?NY L3NY L4 N Y LSlVY L6NY LIX

Ssnb-n=y 'deviant same 'deviant N ~ I *1Vaa or Vaa?,'2 HI! *?l2 ? *'?l? ? *?/? FVsr *-/deviant ? *?I? ? S-n- Wsr.l/Hp.v *?/2

COFFIN; Lichr, 76; pl. XVI-XXV; P.M IV, 84. COFFIN; o.c.. 77, fig. 95-96; PM IV, 84. COFFIN; o.c., 83-85, fig. 101-102: pl. XXVII-XXVIII; P,11 IV, 84. COFFIN MMA 32.1.133: Hayes. Scep~erI, 315; fig. 205. GOLD FOIL MMA; from tomb LNP 456-7; unp. GOLD FOIL MMA; from tomb LNP 879; unpub. BURIAL CHAMBER MMA 33.1.173: unpub. H FRAGMENT MMA; unpublished. BLOCK FROM STONE WALL MMA; unpublished. COFFIN; BMiCfA pt. I1 (Nov. 1934). 36-39, fig. 35-36.

WIEIR M Ann MlAnn M2Ann M3Ann M4At1n hf5Ant1 MlBe MIC M2C M3C M4C MSC M6C M7C

H.t-Hr-m-h3.r *VII/? ? Mrnn; ?

Gmi.r *? Htli *? Snbi *IVaailb Rrw.t *IVaai2 Ht~m-[l~p!'Hnn *IVaa/2 Snbi/LV!l-!~~p *IIIaajlb SnbiiSt~b-inly *IVaall Nhr- H.t- Hr, iVbr *IXilb Stzbi *IIIaa/ l b PVr-nfr *V112

COFFIN; ASAE 12. 122-127; ASAE 14, 48-54; PI\^ IV, 256. MASK; ASAE 12. 116. MASK: PM IV, 256; ASAE 12, 1 15. BOARD; ASAE 12, 118. B AND FR (??); PM IV, 256; ASAE l l, 7-8. FRAGMENTS; P.M IV, 256; ASAE l l. 8. COFFIN Berlin 70i71; Ktrnsl der We11 i.d. berlitter Museen. Jg. Museum, S~aall.iMuseen preussiscller K~rl~urbesi~z. 46-47; hfu.~eiml.~ g . Museut)~Berlin, Braunschweig. 1981, 88-89. COFFIN Cairo JdE 42949: ASAE 14, 61-62; PM IV, 256. COFFIN Cairo JdE 42947: ASAE 14, 55-56; PICf IV, 256. COFFIN Cairo JdE 42825; ASAE l l, 33-34; PM IV, 256. COFFIN Cairo JdE 42950; ASAE l?, 118-120 PM IV. 256. COFFIN Cairo JdE 42826; ASAE 11, 35-36, PiM IV, 256 COFFIN Cairo JdE 42817; ASAE 11, 28-30: PM IV. 249. COFFIN Cairo C G 28037; PM !V, 256.

COFFINS WITH IKKER DECORATION

siglum

COFFIN CAIRO C G 28038; R7' 18, 90; PSI-fIV. 256

MSC

H Cairo C G 28043; RT 16, 130-133; PM IV, 257.

H Cairo C G 28044; RT 16, 133, 1. 5-8; PM IV, 257. H Cairo C G 28045; PM IV, 257. F Cairo C G 28046; PM IV, 257; RT 16, 133, 1. 5- 10. *IIIaa?/l b? Nhr/lVbt *IIIab/l W[l-htp *IIIaa?/l? 'Ii.n=i 'Ii.n=i H n hr.?-ib *? ? *IIIaa?'? ? *? ? *? ? *? ? *? Sn-nbc ? *?

Nfi-s3b

*'?

Hny hr.y-ib *? ? *? Wh-hrp *IIIaa?/l b ? *? ?/Htp.t Sn bi Snbi *IIIaa?/l ? *III?/lb'? ? (cf M37C?) *Ill?/ l b? /H/t/p /=S-n=j Ill?/ L b? ? *III?/? Wr=s-tfi *IVba?/? ? *? /..lS.[-i&r *III?/? 'I&r*Ill?/? ? *? Stl- >1!1 *Ill?/lb ? *Ill?/,? Sn-tnvi *Ill?/?

COFFIN C G Cairo 28055; Z R S 35, 117; P,M IV, 256

H Cairo C G 28058; PM IV, 257. H, F Cairo C G 28068. MASK Cairo C G 28073, pl. XXI; RT 14. 165-166: P M IV. 257. F Cairo C G 28075; PM IV, 257. H Cairo C G 28054; PM IV, 257. LID Cairo C G 28042; RT 16, 130-131; PM IV, 257. BOTTOM Cairo JdE 43004; unpublished. FRAGMENTS Cairo JdE 42828; unpublished. FRAGMENTS Cairo CG 28076; P M IV, 257. END FRAGMENTS Cairo C G 28077; PIM IV, 257. FRAGMENTS Cairo C G 28078 & 28079r; PM IV, 257. FRAGMENTS Cairo CG 28079a-q -c S-t; PM IV, 257. FRAGMENTS Cairo C G 28080; PM IV, 257. B, FR. LID Cairo C G 28040; R T 16, 130-132; P M IV, 256. FRAGMENTS Cairo; unpublished. MASK Cairo JdE 42953; ASAE 12. 116-117. MASK Cairo JdE 42834; ASAE I l, 37-38. COFFIN Cairo 28041; RT 16. 131-132; PM IV. 256. F Cairo CG 28047; PM IV, 257. F Cairo C G 28048; P M IV, 257. F Cairo C G 28049; PM IV, 256. F Cairo C G 28050; PM IV, 257. COFFIN Cairo C G 28039; RT 18, 78-91; PM IV, 256. COFFIN END Cairo CG 28051; P M IV, 257. COFFIN END Cairo C G 28052: P M IV, 256.

H Cairo C G 28053; PM IV, 256. BOTTOM Cairo C G 28056; P M IV, 257. H AND F Cairo CG 28057; PM IV, 257. F Cairo CG 28059; PM IV, 257. END FRAGMENT C G 28060; P M IV, 257.

siglum

ownerl'type

data

E N D F R A G M E N T C G 28062; PiM IV, 257. E N D F R A G M E N T C G 28063; P M IV. 257. E N D F R A G M E N T C G 28064; PM IV, 257. F F R A G M E N T C G 28065; PIM IV, 257. LID C G 28074; RT 11. 80 (XX). H F R A G M E N T C G 2808 1; Pill IV, 257. I-I A N D F FRAGMENTS C G 28082; P.Cf IV, 257. H. F R Cairo; unpublished. COFFIN Leiden F1966j2.1; Schneider-Raven, De Egyptische Oudlleid, fig. 72-73; fig. 30 below. C O F F I N MMA 12.182.132A-B; ASAE 12. 108-110: Hayes. Sceprer I. 316 F. COFFIN M M A 12.183.1 IA; ASAE 14. 82, fig. 15; 83-86; PM IV. 256.

M1 Lei

M2 War

CANOPIC BOX MMA: Hayes, Sceprer I, 321-321, cf. GM 60. 10. C O F F I N Lands of the Bible Arch. Foundation, no. 3; ASAE 14.47-48; Muscarella (ed.), Ladders ro Heaven, Toronto, 198 1, 45-49, pl. VI-VII; PM IV, 256. C O F F I N Warsaw 139937; Dgbrowska-Smektala, Middle King~lon~ Co8n.s and Their Fragmenrs from ihe National iM~rse~rn~ of Anriqltiries in Warsaw, Diss. Warsaw (unpublished), no. 2 ; see fig. 7 below. H A N D F Warsaw 139938; Dgbrowska-Smektaia, o x . , no. 3.

M3 LVar M4 War

B A N D LID FRAGMENTS Warsaw 139940; o.c., no. 4. H Warsaw 140148; ox., no. 5.

M5 War M6 War

F Warsaw 142114; o.c., no. 6. H, F A N D SIDE FRAGMENTS Warsaw 142141; o.c., no. 9.

M7 War M8 A'ar M9 War M10 War M11 War

F R A G M E N T Warsaw 142142; o.c.. no. 10. H F R A G M E N T Warsaw 142143; o.c., no. 11. BOTTOM Warsaw 142144; o.c., 12. H, F Warsaw 142150; ox., no. 16. F F R A G M E N T 142154; o.c., no. 19.

M12 War M13 Ct'ar

B, FR, LID Warsaw 142155; o.c., no. 20 COFFIN Warsaw 142157; o.c., no. 21.

same Trrw *U/? M1 War

MENTUHOTEP CEIIETERY (DEIR EL-BAHRI) MC 105

Sdii~idi *?

MelC

see G6

COFFIN Cairo JdE 51875; P M 12,652 (where it is incorrectly assumed that the two owners had two separate coffins).

COFFINS WITH INNER DECORATION

s~glum

owner 'type

data

MESRA COFFIN FRAGMENTS; PlbI IV. 259; ASAE 11. 6-7.

NACA'

ED-DER

NeDIBo

Pp!-in13 *cf. IIIa/ cf. Siutian NeD2Bo same ~VeDlBrk 'I1tm.y 1VeDlX ?

COFFIN Boston (unaccessioned); Brovarski, The It!sc.rlhecl .Llarerial c$ IIIC Flr.rr Inrerrne(1iare Perrod from ~Vagaeel-Dir, unpublished PhD. tig. 61-62: FS D~mhatn,24, n. 70. NATRON CHEST; Brovarski, o.c., fig. 64. COFFIN Berkeley LMA 6-16016; unpub. H or F; Brovarski, o.c.; from tomb N403

PAPYRI Papyrus Berlin P. 10482; Grapow, SPA W 1915. 376-384. Papyrus Brussels; cf. Lesko, Index. Papyrus BM 10676. Papyrus Oriental Institute 14059-87. Papyrus Louvre E14703. Papyrus. Absrrocu of Pupers. Fourrh Inr. Cougress of Egyptology. Munich, 1985, 25. Papyrus Louvre. QATTAH QIQ

Nh3

TOMB CHAMBER: Chassinat, Gauthier, Pieron, Qalluh, 33-70; pls. IV-VIII; PM IV, 68.

COFFIN; Riqqeh and Memphis VI, 8 (16), 22, 23 (60); 29 (72). pl. XXIV-XXVI; PAW IV, 86. COFFIN; Riqqeh ant1 Memphis VI, 24-25, 29 and pl. XXIII.

RiIL

? *? ?

RilX

h4.t

Ril Bus

*?

BOTTOM; Lapp. Siirgr, 15-16, pl. 32-33, 40, ASAE 14, 71 < 35 > ? F R FRAGMENT UCL 38046; Stewart, Mlrt71my Cases and Itzscrlbed Fzmerury Cones, Warminster, 1986, 5 (3). pl. 2. MASK; Petrie, Gize11nt~dRijeh, 12-13, pl. XI. TOMB CHAMBER; P,If IV, 85; Hayes, Texts Muslabell of Sen~rosrerhnklz or Lislrl.

ASSIUT SIAI~I SIC

? 'Siutian ~bfs~~.ri 'Siutian

B A N D F R FRAGMENTS Allard Pierson Museum 9236, 9237; unpublished. COFFIN Cairo 281 18, pl. IX: ASAE 1. 79-90; Z A S 35. 117; Maspkro, C ~ I Coire I. (1902). 391: id., Car. Cube (1903), 483; Neugebauer-Parker, ..Zsrrononricol Tesrs I, 4-5, pl. 1-2; PIM IV. 265.

28

LI S T I

siglurn

date

owner, *type

same *Siurian 'It-ib *Siutian Hwi *Siurian T3,v3\1 ;~iutian Hwi.n-Skr,'Hty

*Siutian D3g *Siutian Msbri *Siutian T3,\,3#. ;~iutian 'Iri/'tr!r=/' *Siutian/l b Sms

*Siutian 'n!l=j' 'Siutian 'nh=flNbf *Siutian

COFFIN Cairo 281 19; Z A S 35, 117; Maspkro, Cut. Curre (1902). 394; id., Cut. Cake (1903), 483; PM IV, 265. COFFIN Cairo JdE 36444: A.s.riout,191-214; P.M IV, 267; NeugebauerParker, 0.c.. 6, pl. 111-IV. COFFIN Cairo JdE 36445; As.viorrt, 156-157, pl. XXIX (2); PM IV, 267. COFFIN Cairo JdE 45064; ASAE 16, 113-114; Neugebauer-Parker, o.c., 18, pl. 20-2 I ; PM IV, 268. COFFIN Cairo JdE 36320 = CG 28131; A~siolrt.125-134, pl. XXIVXXV; Neugebauer-Parker, o.c., 7, pl. V-VI. COFFIN Cairo: Assiout, 185-188, pl. XXX (2); PM IV, 267. COFFIN Cairo JdE 36446; Assioul. 218-219; PM IV, 267. COFFIN Cairo JdE 44979: ASAE 16. 110-11 1 ; Neugebauer-Parker, o.c.. 17. pl. 18-19; P M IV, 268. COFFIN Cairo JdE 44980; ASAE 16. 105-108; P M IV, 268. COFFIN Cairo JdE 44978; ASAE 16, l l l : PM IV, 268. COFFIN Cairo JdE 45065; unpublished. COFFIN Cairo CG 28130; Assiout, 7-12; PM IV, 266.

COFFIN Cairo JdE 44981; ASAE 16, 110; P M IV, 268. *I/lb W p i - ~ 3 . 1 v f - m - h 3 . t COFFIN Cairo JdE 45063; unpublished. Hat-n=i

S16C N~J t COFFIN CG 28128 = JdE 36318; Assiorrt, 138-143; P M IV, 266.

S19C S20C S2 lC S22C S1 Chass. S2Chass.

same *Siutian Sn.t- wsr,' 'Ipi *Iilb

COFFIN C G 28129 = JdE 36317; PIM IV. 266; Assiour, 135-137: Text not in C T , cf. Lesko, Incle.~. COFFIN JdE 43019; ASAE 13, 9-18.

? ? ? 'Ini 'Siutian Nbti 'Siutian lCIS'.t

END FRAG. Cairo 16/2/2911; Lesko, O.C. END FRAG. Cairo 36/2/2914; Lesko, O.C. END FRAG. Cairo 16/2/29!2; Lesko, O.C. COFFIN Cairo; ASAE 12. 90-92. LID: Assio~rt.35-46; PM IV. 266. COFFIN; Asiurrr. 114-122: Neugebauer-Parker, Astrononrical Tests I. 9: P M IV, 266 COFFIN Mallliwi No. 566; Messiha-Elhitta, Mnllm~i Antiq~tities Mrcsermr. A BriefDescription. Cairo 1979, 23: pl. XXVII; ASAE 16. 113. COFFIN Mallawi No. 567: Messiha-Elhitta, o.c.. 23.

*Siutian 'It-ib *v112 Hr-/!!p *'l

HN~' *?

COFFIN Mallawi No. 568: Messiha-Elhitta, o.c., 23.

COFFlhS WITH IKNER DECORATION

data

COFFIN Minia 272; ASAE 23. 2-4 COFFIN Minia 273; ASAE 23, 4-6. COFFIN Minia 274; ASAE 16. 81-82: ASAE 23. 6-8. COFFIN Minia 275; ASAE 16, 100-101; ASAE 23, 8-9. COFFIN Minia 276; ASAE 23, 10-1 1. COFFIN Minia 278; ASAE 16, 103-104, ASAE 23, 12-13.

SI-4NY SIP

SIS

'Siutian Mrr Nhti 'Siutian same 'Siutian Hwi.n-Skr/Hty *Siutian Hty/'n!l=f *Siutian m-H'p? *Siutian Wpi-w3.wt-mh3.t *Siutian m-fl'pl'

B; Muncheti. Enfdeckrmgen. ~g Kunsl in Siidt/r~rrschlatt~/, Mainz. 1985, no. 21a. STATUES MMA 10.176 59: .58; .60; .57; JAOS 56, 166-172; pl. 1-5. COFFIN Louvre 11981; Assiour, 53-79, pl. XVII-XX: MhfJ 9, 24, fig. 33; P,M IV, 266. COFFIN Louvre 11936; Assio~rt,79-1 14. pl. XVI, XXI; P.M IV. 266. COFFIN Louvre 12036; Assiorrr, 125-134, pl. XXIV-XXV; Neugebauer-Parker, O.C.I, 16 and pl. XVI-XVII; PM IV, 266. COFFIN Louvre; Assiout, 12-14; PIM IV, 266. COFFIN Louvre; Assiout, 233-236, pl. XL; P M IV. 265. COFFIN Louvre 12035; Assiour 228-233, pl. XXXVII-XXXIX; P.M IV, 265. TOMB CHAMBER; Gdffith, Sirit and Deir RiJeh, pl. 9-10, KGmi 1, 5368; 3. 45-86; PM IV, 262. COFFIN Tanta 549; ASAE 16, 77-79; ASAE 23 13-15. COFFIN Tanta COFFIN Tanta COFFIN Tanta COFFIN Tanta

550; 551; 552; 553;

ASAE ASAE ASAE ASAE

23, 23, 23, 23,

15-17. 17-19. 19-22. 22-24.

COFFIN Tanta 557; ASAE 23, 26-29. COFFIN Tanta 766; ASAE 16, 75-77; ASAE 23, 29-30.

S1 War S2 War SIX

Snni *IIb?/Siutn ? *Siurian Hny *IVaa or Vaa!2 ? *? ? *? ? *Siutian ? *?

COFFIN; Brunner-Traut-Brunner, Die iigyptiscl~eSaninrlrrtig d. Uti. Tiibingen I. 209-227.11, pi. XL-XLVII; Neugebauer-Parker. Astrot~omicol Tests I, 8, pl. VII-VIII. FR Warsaw 142138; Dgbrowska-Srnektala, O.C.(see MiWar), no. 7. H Warsaw 142140; o.c.. no. 8. B, FR AND LID; ASAE 26, 161-169, 171. FR FRAGMENTS O F 3 COFFINS, o.c.. 169. F; ox., 169. B FRAGMENT. o.c., 169. FRAGMENTS. o.c., 170. COFFIN: SAK 13, 135-147, pl. XI-XII, Falttafel 1. COFFIN; ASAE 16, 70-73.

siglurn

owner,'*lype

SlO-llx

Dfl-Hb~ *dev~ant(cf. VI) Sh~trl 'Siutian

SI?X S13X

data

COFFINS. ASAE 16. 84-86 COFFIN; ASAE 16, 102-103.

DD-Hh

B AND FR; ASAE 16, 109-1 10

SEDMENT Sid lCam

'In;-'n!l .'?'la SidlSid HIII.).-!II.J *?/lb Sidl Sut~ ? *?l? Sid2X N!zr-k3.1v *I/ l a

-

Sid3X

same *I/ l a

Sq l Be

'Ipi-'nh *XI11l b same *? Hwi.t-4nt.y-5t.y *I?/? Gmi.n-IL~S]~ *I/? S3.t-B3s.tt *v112 Hpr-k3-R' *VI,'2 Nfr-smdn.t *1/2 HIIIV *.'XV"/l W-rnni *Ill same '112 Hr *v111 'Ip;-fll-s3=f *XIV,'3

Sq2Be Sq3Be Sq4Be SqlC Sq2C Sq3C Sq4C sqsc Sq6C Sq7C sqsc

Sq9C

'Inp1i,-m-!13.r *I/lb

COFFIN; Serlnienr I, 5, pl. XXVIII; P M IV, 116. COFFIN; Sedn7etji I, 5-6, 11-12, pl. XVIII-XIXB, XXI: P M IV, 116. END FRAG.; Serln~enr1, 15. 23, pl. XXI (20-21): P M IV, 116 COFFIN Ny Carlsb. Glyp., 1585; Sedmenr I, 5, 12-13, pl. XXIVXXIVa; Koefoed-Petersen, Car. des surc. er cerclteils kg.. 8-1 1. pl. 11-VI; PM IV, 116. COFFIN Ny Carslb. Glyp. 1586; Sednlenr I, 5, 12-13, pl. XXIVa-XXV; Koefoed-Petersen, o.c., 8-12, pl. VII-X; P M IV, 116.

COFFIN Berlin (east) 10184; LD 11. pl. 98; LD Tesr I, 148, 149, n. 2; AIB I, 125-130; A~rsfuhrlichesVer:.. 73; Z A S 2, 84; P M 111" 517. LID Berlin 10185; LD 11, pl. 99b; Z A S 2, 84; P M IIIZ, 517. LID and F Berlin 10185 (sic!) and 10616; LD 11, pl. 99a; LD Terr I, 147-148; P M 1112, 517. B, F Berlin 13101-2; LD Test I, 158; AIB I, 135; P M III Z, 517. COFFIN CG 18034; Maspkro, Trois Antlies de folrilles, 218-23 1: Z J S 35, 118; P M Ill', 673. COFFIN CG 28036; Maspkro, ox., 231-237; ZAS 35, 118: P M IIIZ. 673. COFFIN Cairo JdE 39014; Quibell, E.ucur. Saqq. 1906-1907, 7-15; pl. XX-XXV; P M 1112,560. Same owner: Sq9Sq. COFFIN Cairo JdE 39052; Quibell, o.c., 57-61, pl. M V I I I ; P M 1112, 561 (cf. Sq22C) COFFIN Cairo JdE 39054a; Quibell, o.c., 7-14, 24-50, pl. XII-XIII; P M III z , 560. COFFIN Cairo JdE 39054b: Quibell, 1.c.; P M IIIZ, 560. COFFIN CG 28035; Maspbro. Trois At~niesde J)uilles, 208-218: ZAS 35, 117; P,M 111" 673. COFFIN Cairo JdE 39053; P.M 1112,560 mentions a coffin Cairo JdE 39053, but ascribes it to W - r n n i (SqSC). An 'Ipl-trl-s3=f is mentioned P M 111" 561, cf. Quibell, ox.. 15-16, pl. XXVII. Other wise unpub. COFFIN Cairo 8,'1/30/1; Quibell-Hayter, 7'eti Pvran~id,Norrh Side, 11-15; PiCt IIIL,550 omits this coffin.

COFFINS WITH INNER DECORATION

31

siglum

Sql0U Sql lC Sql2C Sq 13C SqlCh

Sql osq

same *Ij3 Wsr-mw.1 *I/lb same *I/ l b Hr.y-S=f-!rlp *I/lb 'Ipi-h3- is. I *I/lb

Sk-~csh.r *? S3-H.!- Hr- 'Ipi *? snny *-xV"/ l b 'Ipi-Irr-ssnb7f *I/lb 'Ipi-irhw '113 'Ipi- h[lkv *I/lc 'Ipi-hr-mnb.t ? Nfr-smc1n.t *?/2 'Ipi *-/l?

HIP

*-l? Gmi.n=i-wh3.1 *I/lb same *I/lb

M~~~.l-!llpi *Ill T3 *?/cf. Ib Snny *I/? 'Ipi- 'nb~v *I?jl b? 'Ipi-it4 n *I/? P!!z-vI-!I~.~ *I/la Hr-t~~rw *I/deviant S3.t-w~rnw *I?/l?

COFFIN Cairo 18/Ii27/3;Quibell-Hayter, ox., 11-15, pl. 21: PIM Ill2, 550. COFFIN Cairo I l / 1112018; Quibell-Hayter: o.c., 12-13, pl. 21 ; P.M 111'. 549. COFFIN Cairo 18/1/2712; Quibell-Hayter, o.c., 12-13, pl. 21 ; PM 1112, 549. COFFIN Cairo 8/1/30!2; Schifer. Priestergriiber, 82-87, 145, Abb. 137139, p1 9-1 1(A); PM 1112,347. COFFIN Oriental Institute 12072; Hr~nclhook and !Mlrseum Guide, Chicago, 1941. 20 (fig.); Mertz, Temples. Totnbs and Hieroglypl~s, pl. facing p. 97; Breasted, Tlle Orienlal Inslilute, Chicago, 1933, fig. 67: P'M 1112,570. TOMB CHAMBER AND COFFIN; Posener, Prit~cesK I pllys, 15-17; JEA 67, 23; PM 111'. 548-549. TOMB CHAMBER AND COFFIN; PM 1112, 701; JEA 67: 23. COFFIN; TPC, 246-253; PM 1112,543. Outer coffin: Sq9X. COFFIN; TPC, 239-245. COFFIN; TPC, 232-236; PM 1112, 540. COFFIN; TPC, 237-239; PM 1112,540. COFFIN; PM 1112, 570. LID COFFIN; cf. Quibell, Escav. Saqq. 1906-1907, 7-8; outer coffin of Sq3C, unpub. TOMB CHAMBER Quibell. Excav. Saqq. 1905-1906, 4, 27, pl. XXII. TOMB CHAMBER; TPC, 2, 61-64, 278; PM 1112, 55 1. Cf. Sql7X. COFFIN; TPC, 227-230, pi. 22-23; PM 111'. 538. COFFIN; Ny Garlsb. Glyp. 1615; TPC, 230-231, pl. 22, 24-26; Koefoed-Petersen, Cat. des sarc. et cercueils 6g., 12-13; pl. XI-XVIII; PM 1112,538. B, FR, L; TPC, 262-265; PIM 1112,543. TOMB CHAMBER; Quibell, E.rcav. Saqq. 1906-1907, 19-20, pl. XXX; P111 1112, 562. FR; TPC, 253; PM 1112, 543.

H AND F; TPC, 231-232: PM 111'. 540. COFFIN; Quibell, Escm*.Snqq. 1905-1906. 7-8.27, pl. XXIII; P,11 1112, 564. COFFIN; TPC, 41-42, 245-246, pi. 79-80; PM 111'. 540. COFFIN TPC, 39-41, 253-256; PM 1112,539. COFFIN TPC, 57; 259-260; " B" fig. 62; P,\.( 1112, 538.

'LS9 'iI Mid 1901 '09 M f !IAX 'ld 'Of082 93 N I 3 3 0 3 'EL8 'rI N d f . 3 901 '09 V 3 f f(01P) IIIAX1 'ld ' a y ~ ! y . ) s a 8 1 r ~'8.y ~ l x .au!ss!a .A f8f-PE'p1 ~y !8zo8z 93 ~ 1 3 3 0 2 '88E-L8E 'zII h r d f06-18 'L9 1.1'9 :l] .]d ' E ] ' d v u l ~'73118 ap !IX-X 'id '1 1-01 'I u r r a ~~ v ~ ! ~ u o u o . 'layled ~rsy -1an~qa3naN' 6 s ~ - 8 ']X s ~ 3132 : L ]-91 ' ~ d'1 s y s o 'o8od f 59-19 'BY ' 9 0 ~ 'g[ 7 S f V !XI '[d ' M ' / f 6 / - [ 1 6 /!lYU8-]J l!Ja / U Sl/U!lVAUJX3 '730[U!M :SZ-PZ '1Z '49 'OS '(1261 '"ON) I1 F'JVl.t'f7 ~ S S E L3PT P OJ!E3 N l d 3 0 3 ' L I Z '71 IW 198 '2 S . m f X1 'ld '181 'sJ11!119/ ap saauuu s ! o l ~' o ~ a d s w: q - ~ 8 ~ 1 - L'P~I d'II a7 IPZOPZ 93 ~ 1 3 3 0 3 ' 6 8 ~' z ~~d :SS[ 'ou 'sa!i!nb!iuv .83 jo an8o[nrvj ,nuS /nJ!lOlSlH ' X ' N 'aLUES !IIAx-IAX '[d '081-SS] "5'0 'ol?dseJ4 :LOSI'LE 11,~1700J~ 78 1'25 'L'S 'ON ' d u a l 78 EZ08Z 93 S f l 9 V H d 0 3 l l V S '9 '68E '21 W d fIIIAX-IX 'ld 'SSI-PE1 'E 'SJ11!flOJJP SJ?UuV S!UlL c o ~ a d s :Ei' eO ~gZ 93 x 3 a J 4 V H 3 'ZZ9 '21 M'd :'.l P8 '5 SJI'Z f SPZ-PPZ 'I 8IV :9PI -SPI 'ld '11 07 f(Z~!ss!u'P![ !SS-) PS11 'ON U!IJaH S n 9 V H d 0 3 X V S '1Z8 'zI W d :'JJ L8 '5 S V Z :'JJLEZ 'I 8 I V f1117X -XXX 'id p u m ! s s e d c y ~ ~ t q u a ~,8v p oudnr ~ a i x a ~arsarl.v 'sn!sdal f11-I ' ~ d'01-1 '11 apunJqv~9 '#Jopu!alS ~IIIA-I ' ~ d' ~ ~ 8' U1O P U O ~ ' s ~ u ! < ~ vpayr!lr!d . I ~ u ~ . i l l / 8 ! ~JO SJ!.IJS V ''p! !X-III ' ~ d' O ~ I I ~ O ! . I / X I V ~ V ~ ". nrlo.72~~ v p p !uv!;!8a !ruaurnuoH ' ! l u o ~ s !: ~~ .ON b u!lJaa ~ 1j03 3 'EZ9-ZZ9'zI M'd !'.U LZZ 'I g1v :XIXX-IAX '[d p u w!ssed ~ 'yJnquarpo1 ..?v urn: ~ 1 x aarar1.v 2 ~ 'sn!sda? !A-AI . ~ d'IE-PZ '01-L 'TO ' ~ ~ o p u ! a :lOsI 'ON u!yaa NIJ j03 ' E Z ~ - Z Z' ~z ~~ ! IAX-I d ' ~ dpue u ! s s ~ d' ~ 9 8 1'u![Jaa 'y.~nq -uarpo~'8v urilz a r x a ~alsar].~'sn!sda~ ',g ~ l '1z 81.v "g98 S,~Z !AI-I 'id 'PZ-E1 'L-E 'I J P U ~ J Y V'JJJoPu!alS J~ f 6 'ON u!lJaH N I 3 3 0 3 .joqlne luasa~day, 6q paqsgqnd aq 1 1 ' 1~~ 8' ~z h~ ! d !E-z ' ( 6 ~ 6 1'130) 1'5 '3.0 f E-Z 'd '(0561 '130) 1 'E A..lallv9 lJV SJJllnAl '11178 :SPE ' 8 'J"~'?[O.~.'VS ~ 'lP!LUq3S !EI-I ' ~ PUe d 'JJ LZ '9681 'UOpUOT 'Xf7Jl-y ~ p v 7~ I O , I I . ~ J ~runoJJV ~UJ ,a8png t ~ ' z 9'ONaJow!ilea NI j d 0 3 "'

'z

auras

'3Pb~ JO UYJo~ i~IA? H XZ Z ~ S ~ a ~ :nI IoI A X X' ~ d: ~ -91 1 ' ~ 0 6 / - y 0 6 '1)l'v~ / . . t a ~ x y'~laq!nO :NI+JO~ '6 SY 'XX-IIX 'ld 'EL-61 'SL61 'OJ!e3 'sJJll10 111 'J3r .idd-rjt<-A.N xlibs PUV .idJd-yy~l< -.(v JO SDqVlSUIy 'UESSeI3 :0 1 S '8E 3 V S V fNI-J-JO3 'XI-OS1 'SE 3 V S V ! N I 3 3 0 3 II . XOZ~S lus!~ap, 'IP l E ! J V '6s ' 3 d L : N I 3 3 0 3 I ~616s L * ~k ~ 8 l l ) ~ 'ISS '~11114'd r88Z-985 'SZT-PLZ 'S9-P9 '5 ' 3 d L t 1 3 8 N V H 3 BJ4O.L (bs I 1 bs SE J ~ L I M O i/3EA1 ~ I H X L I ~ awes) ,155 '~111I f d fZ8-18 'ld '6LZ 'P9-19 '5 ' 3 d L S f l 9 V H d 0 3 l l V S i 'I* 8ES '2111 W d :Z9 ZY '652 'LS-YS ' 3 d L N I 3 3 0 3 ~ i r d - . ~ r ~ J u - f f ~ u - . l q - X! l Y I ~ S '8ES '~111IVJ :69Z 'LSZ 'LP ' 3 d L N I 3 3 0 3 i lI f X ~ l k

COFFINS WITH I N N E R DECORATIOS

siglurn

TYC TIOC T13C TI CIr

TIL

hfn!~t'-hip = B1v3n *If l a Snb=i-t~=i 'deviant Hnln-htp *deviant same *deviant %ir3n, *I/la hftl~ lv-!lip *Vaa?i2 Sbk-htp *XIV/2

Mnp-htp

'deviant T5L TI Len

TI Mos T2 Mos TINY

'It *VIj'2

COFFIN C G 28027; P,M IZ, 656 COFFIN C G 28029, pl. XV; Schmidt, Sarkofager, fig. 361-362: Ricke, Grundri.~.,,Abb. 13; JEA 60, 106 H.., P,M IZ,823. LID C G 28 126, pl. XVl (cf. LSA I, 79-80, n. 2); PM IZ,657; cf. TICh. COFFIN Chicago Nat. Hist. Mus. A.105215; unpub.; PM 12. 657. Belongs to T 13C. COFFIN BM 6654; Birch, Eg. TC'eris... Anlanru; Budge. Grrirle 1st-3rd 02Eg. Rooms, 39-40; Hcmrlbook of ilre Eg. Mummies (BM, 1938), 29; P M 1'. 827. COFFIN BM 6655; Budge. Guide 1.~1-3rdEg. Rootns. 46-47; P M I Z , 827. COFFIN BM 79570; Budge, o.c., 40, G M 67, 81; PM 12, 827. COFFIN BM 10553; Budge, Hieratic Tesis in ihe BiM I. XXI-XXII, pl. XXXIX-XLVIII; Westendorf (ed.), Goitinger Toienbuchstrrrlien, Wiesbaden. 1975. 1 1 R. COFFIN E N D BM 29997 (Old # 6656); PIM 12,657; Lesko. Itr(le.r, I I, 105. COFFIN Hermitage 769; de Buck's siglum H; Lieblein. Die aegyptischen Denkrnaler in St. Petersblirg, Christiania, 1873, pl. X-XI; Livchitz, Africana, Leningrad 93 (1969), 12-108 (AEB no. 69391); Goli.nischeff, It~ventaire de In Collection igyptienne, St. Petersbourg, 1891, 99-100; Piotrovsky, Egyptian Antiquities in the Hernritage, Leningrad, 1974, no. 31. CANOPIC BOX Moscow I la 5358; JEA 60, 106 R.; cf. T6C. CANOPIC BOX Moscow I l a 5359; JEA 60, 106 R.; cf. TIOC. COFFIN M M A 27.3.73, now Detroit IA 65.394; Hayes. Scepter I, 315; PM I Z , 652. COFFIN FRAGMENTS M M A 20.3.101-122; Hayes, Scepter I, 166, 319. Also tomb relief fragments. P,If 12, 360. SARCOPHAGUS MMA 07.230.1; P M IIZ, 390; Naville, Deir elBahari. XIth Dynasty Tenrple I, 50-51. pl. XXI: Hayes. Scepter I, 161-162. fig. 98; TPPIS 27B. r ; Fischer, Reversals, fig. 41. CANOPIC BOX MMA 32.3.4.27, unpublished. COFFIN MMA 32.3.429, unpublished. COFFIN M M A 32.3.430, unpublished COFFIN M M A 32.3.431, unpublished. COFFIN M M A 32.3.428, unpublished.

TI U'ar

COFFIN FRAGMENTS. MMA, from Winlock tomb no. 110. Unpublished. H A N D F (Lower part of F: Warsa~v 142152): Deir rl-Meditreh (1929). 102-104; fig. 46-47; Dgbrowska-Smektaka, O.C.(cf. MlWar). no. 17 (there called DM2War). CANOPIC BOX FRAGMENT Warsaw 142147; Deir el-ibfedi~reh (1929). 104, fig. 48; Dgbrowska-Smektala, o.c.. 14 (there called DM I War).

COFFIN; unpublished: P.CI 12, 620. COFFIN; JEA 10, 15; BhfM,4 Pt. I1 (Dec. 1922), 33. fig. 29; PM IZ, 389. COFFIN FRAGMENTS; P M 12, 389. FUNERARY BED; MDAIK 20, 55,60. FRAGMENTS; P M 12,652. COFFIN FRAGMENT; Deir el-Meclineh (1929), 104 (3). fig. 49 (2).

T ~ D Tdd l C

Mn!w-,t.sr

TOMB CHAPEL WALL FRAGMENT Cairo JdE 25618 CG 20762; Maspero, Trois annbe.7 defouilles, 18 1-184.

=

THEBAN TOMBS

TT319

Nfrw

*-/la

TOMB CHAMBER; BIFAO 83. 209 ff., pl. XLII; other fragments referred to Davies, Five Tltc.bnn Tombs, 37-38. Cf. also v. Haarlem, CAA. Allnrd Pierson Muselrnl I. No. 8539; PM IZ, 217. a. TOMB CHAIMBER; unpub.; P M 12, 330-331. b. SARCOPHAGUS; LD 11, 148c-d (not tomb chamber. as stated by PM 12, 330). TOMB CHAMBER; B M M A Pt. I1 (Dec. 1923). 19, fig. I?; Winlock, E.~cavarionsar Drir e1-Bahri 1911-1931, 71, pl. 16; Wilkinson, Eg. Wall Painrit~gs, New York, 1983, 67; P M 12, 386-387. Parts in MMA, New York (MMA 26.3.354 E-G). TOMB CHAMBER; BIMMA pt. I1 (March 1926). 10, fig. 7; (Feb. 1928), 4-5, fig. 2-3; Winlock, Escavarions ar Deir el-Bakri 19111931, 101 ff., pl. 13; M M J 6 , 156, fig. 5; P M 12, 391-393. UPPER CORRIDOR AND CHAPEL; cf. Hayes, Scepter I, 159, fig. 95 (MMA 26.3.353); P M P, 392.

PROVENANCE UNKNOWN XlBas X2Bas X3Bas

X3C XlHil XlMos XIP XI War X2War X3CVar X4War

Ht1ny.r = K3y COFFIN; Lapp, Surge, 5-7, pl. 5-11, 34-37. From Beni Hasan?. Meir? '113 Lapp. Sarge, 7-10. pl. 12-19, 38-39. From Meir?, Assiut? R ( ~ . W - ~ - ~ \ ~ L - S ~ ! NCOFFIN !II)I Htm *IIIaa/Siutlan BOTTOM Lapp, Surge, 16, pl. 33, 40. From Meir? ? *? LID Cairo. unpublished. ? COFFIN FRAGMENTS, Roemer-Pelizaeus Mus. ? F FRAGMENT Moscow I l a 5333; Livchitz, Drnrnii Mir, Moscow, ? * 1962, 130-138. COFFIN END Louvre E.17109; Vandier, BUN. des !Musies de France ? 11.1, 9 (3) unpublished. From Meir? H, F AND FR Warsaw 47708; Dgbrowska-Smektata, O.C. (see H[..]y M I War), no. I. *I? H Warsaw 142145; o.c., no. 13. Belongs to X4War ? *I? H Warsaw 142149: o.c.. no. 15. ? *V1 FRAGMENT Warsaw 142153, o.c., no. 18. Belongs to X2War. ? *'l

YIC Y2C

? Dhwty-nbt

*IiI

COFFIN BOTTOM JdE 45237. COFFIN LID AND SIDES C G 281 11. From Bersheh'?

List 2: Coffins without Inner Decoration (with summary bibliography) spl

name

data

remains

type

Ab l Ab2 Ab3 Ab4 Ab5 Ab6

'ft7-t77-3!1.1 l%t S3.t-B3s.tt 'In-hrp S3.t-nfr 'Imp? (11)

Schlfer, Priestergriiher, 2 1-24 o.c., 27-29 o.c., 31-33 o.c., 34-36 o.c.. Y 1-93 o.c., 103-105

coffin

IVaa X Vaa Vaa I I

El Arcibnlz, pl. VI-V11

sarcophagus

cf. XI11

ABYDOS Aby l

Nhri

Akhl Akh2 Akh3 Akh4 Akh5 Akh6 Akh7 Akh8 Akh9 AkhlO

Sn.t=iClr.wt C G 2801 1 coffin ~hn=Jps-p,v-Mn~v C G 28012 Tt i C G 28014 C G 28015 jfny. t Spsi = S p ~ i - ~ n~p -t i wCG 28016; Kanawati, Hnwjnnish IV, 42-43 " 'Ini C G 28017 C G 2801 8 Mri.t-it=s L C G 28019 Sp.ri Mti~tm-nl-r-pr-Mnw Brovarski. Mel. Mokllrur I, 128; pl. VIII coffin Nh-it (?) d I B I. 134 FR

BERSHEH BI B2 B3 B4 B5 B6 B7 B8 B9

Nhri Nbt Qt~~t,tj-!~rp S3.t-ipi same N!II-'nh Bik Sn~si Nfr-~ib3

C G 28095 C G 28096 C G 28097 O M R O 24. 14, pl. 111 PSBA 36, 36 unpub. ( P M IV, 183) unpub. (P,Cf IV, 187) unpub. Boston M F A C G 28098 ASAE 2.207

BtI l BH2 BM3 BH4 BH5 BH6

'Ipi Wsr-/I/ ? ? Ht~sw-ms same?

Liverpool E577, (cf. ASAE 5. 223); fig. 5. 27 B,FR. L IIa Garstang. BC. 148, 190. fig. 147. 180 coffin V1 Liverpool E589 (unp.) F VI? Liverpool E592 (unp.) canopic box side ? Liverpool E8 13b (unp.) F '? Liverpool E8139a (unp.) H ?

coffin FR coffin

coffin

I I I Vab IV. V or V1 ? IVbb I I

BH7 BH8 BH9 BHlO BH l l BH 12 BH 13 BH14 BHl5

P3!1.r-hn Wi.t-p@ I\'[I( ?

'It~i-i(=f St~.w-nrw.(=f HI-wsr Nbr-j~b Nby

H or F Liverpool E592 (unp.) coffin Garstang. BC. 166. 189, fig. 169 o.c., fig. 188 (unp.) o.c., 174-176. 181, fig. 189 o.c., 189 o.c., 189-190 B, F R o.c.. 190 coffin Merseyside County Museum 55.82.1 12 Boston MFA Acc. no. 04.2058; Garstang,cotFin BC. 223, tomb 294.

?

IVba v1 deviant I IV? Vaa v1 IVbb

Boston M F A 03.1361 Smith, Ancienr Egypt, fig. 48

G1 G2 G3 G4 G5 G6 G7 G8 G9 G10

? ? 'l i n = i Nb-i14 'Ib Sni Sn-Mnp 'Ikw '1ni.t-it=s 'It&'3

C G 2803 1 C G 28032 C G 28033 C G 281 14 C G 28115 C G 28116 ( = M e l C ) Steindorff, Grabjitnile 11, 19-2 1, XII-XI11 O.C., 21-22, X I V - x v o.c., 22-24, XVI-XVII FS H~rglres,3 1-37

coffin B, F R coffin B. F R coffin

deviant cf. IVba IV or V? cf. Vba cf. I 1 1 cf. 1 I

HARAGEH Ha l Ha2 Ha3 Ha4 Ha5 H a6 Ha7

S-n-wsr.r-'n!t 'Iri S3.t-'lmpi Mrri Ny-SW-'Iby Hs-v Hr-!~rp

Harageh, 23 f., LXY o.c., 24; LXV (I), LXXVII (2) o.c., 24, LXV (2) o.c., 25, LXV (3) o.c.. 25, LXXVII (3) o.c., 25. LXXVII (4) o.c.. 25. LXXVII (5)

coffin frags. B, frag coffin frags. FR FR

KI K2

'Ibi '1mn.y

Schmidt, Sarkofagrr, fig. 463-465 Lilyquist, Mirrors, fig. 146

coffin coffin

LI L2 L3 L1 L5 L6

Nhr 'Ib=sn-htp

Lichr. 85, fig. 103-105 B, FR, L Hayes, Royal Sizrc. fig. 19; M M A 14.3.61coffin " BMllfA pt. I1 (Nob. 1934). 36-37, fig. 34 Setleb~isi,23-26 o.c.. 26-32 MhtA 11.151.763: will be published by model Peter Dorman

HPY

Snb.ty=sy same Bnr

IVaa I

IVaa or Van IVaa ?

IVa court IVa

COFFINS WITHOUT INNER DECORATIOK

"

MMA I4.3.69A-B; will be published by Peter Dorman MMA 14.3.64

coffin

Petrie. e a . Lohyrin~lr,35, pl. XXXVII

H, B. FR

IIlAZGHC'KEH MazI

M7 M8 M9 M10 MII M12 M 13 M 14 M15 M16 M17 M 18 M 19 M20 M2L M22 M23 M24 M25 M26 M27 M28 M29 M30 M31-36 M37 M38 M39-43 M44 M45 M46 M47

Bhtw

K3y.t bV!~-lr~p Sni Snbi Snwi R'-/,/p K3y.t Hnm~e-!,/p Hnnrw-h!p Snbl 91bi W~!I-k3 'Inlnj H'i-hpr-R'-snb='Iii same 'Ii.n=i '? Sbk[..] ? ? ? ?

HI!. ? ? ? Hnmw-h/p ? ' n ~ v -'Ii.n<=i> ? 'li'.nc=i> Nmry

Hayes, Roy(11 Surcoplrugi, fig. 16; coffin MMA 12.182.131 Lapp, Stirge, 10-12 (C) Eg., W . Asiuric, coffin Greek, E!ru.rcun, Rot~ror~ An!.. elc.. London, Sotheby's 5 July 1982, 80 < 194> A S A E 11, 8 o.c., 8-9 B, FR. L o.c., 9 H or F o.c., 10-13; Hayes. Ruj.nl Sarc., fig. 17; coffin see fig. 15 below ASAE I I , 25-26 o.c., 26-27 o.c., 27-28 o.c., 31-32 o.c., 32-33 A S A E 12. 98-99 Lapp, Siirge, 14-15 (E); A S A E 12, 99 (lid) " A S A E 12, 104 " o.c., 106-107; J E 4 5, 175-176, pl. XXX O.C., 120-121 O.C., 121 Lapp, Siirgr, 12-13 (D) A S A E 14, 56-57; Hayes. S c e p ~ e rI, 313-314 " O . C . , 75-77 o.c., 75 B BIFAO 2. 41 ( I ) frag. o.c., 41 (2) F? o.c., 41 (3) H or F o.c., 41 (4) H? o.c., 41 (5) F? o.c., 41 (6) H? o.c., 42 (7) L fr. o.c., 42 (8) frag. o.c., 42 (9.1) FR or B o.c., 42 (9.2-7) end frags o.c., 42 (10) F? o.c.. 42 ( l l) H? o.c., 42 (12-14) end frags o.c.. 42 (15) F? o.c., 42 (16) H? o.c., 43 (17) H or F C G 4847 model

IVaa

IIb ?

IIb IIb I IIIaa XIV I IIa XIV IVaa Vaa v1 IVba v1 I Ybo ? ? ? ?

EFA AIX 10 111 reAI Cl?A AIX IA ee,j IA

ugos 'SE-If 'C2 3 V S V ugos '92-SZ 'EZ 3 Y S Y Ug05 'SZ-PZ 'E2 3 V S Y uylos '21-1 1 ' E l 3 V S V ' I S-OS U g 0 5 '9861 'u!llaa ' ~ t 7 y . l7U~I l~~ / ! NlU0A 'Iq3naJ Uyl05 L02 '8y '61E-81~'I . l J l d a . J '~S ~ ~ R H 19 'E'8E .i80/02Dl/.J.l~ (,dun) u a q 5 u n ~ ugos uyl03

ugos S~EJJ

( I EE) Z I

XI . ~ d' E ] "5'0 El "5'0 (PEE) El-ZI "5'0 JX ld '(EEC)Zl "3.0 (ZEE)Z I "3.0 Zla:!9 'a!llad

' l l a J ! PuD ~

'5'0

*A-I~

i 1.k

i awes d14-rtuutj ~rju-.~tr~uH

~I~-J'PEM

J $H

a

.iliu. ..qaqA.,

1 'H 'a tl J 1.'Xd 'B s8e.1~

I'ISM-U-S

i

.x - f y - ~ d t j

tld 'B 'd

!."iN

J'S-1.4M J=I!-,IUI‘

Ug03

a

@.-fli,

d l ~

Ug05

8QI L!tl 9!tl S%

EIX e!X

I I tl OlX 6tl 8tl Ltl 98 Stl bX Etl ztl Itl

Lil-S21 'LE 3 V S V 85-L 'cl U!V.ll/DN 01 1-66 '9L S O Y f

uylos 3 'H d

l0

H

d 'H

ULl405 i,J X J 'A

(ANSW J O uylo3 ~ I P P ! ~ ) 3 - 8 1 l'E81'Zl VWW I L08Z 93 OL08Z 93 69082 93 L908Z 93 99082. 93 ZL082 93 19082 93 O<Sb 93

=

U

A

-

! A i. d~li-QM

J'4N

i q!-d..lli-U~

dllI-qAl

9 s ~ SSW bSW [SW

zsw

ISW OSW 6914 8bW

C O F F I N S WITHOUT I N N E R DECORATION

Sid l Sid2 Sid3 Sid4 Sid5 Sid6 Sid7

H3-tvr-m-shrttz Hnty ? W3d.r-hrp same '.tty=f Hrj- irh

Sql Sq2 Sq3 Sq4 Sq5 Sq6 Sq7 Sq8 Sq9 Sq l0 Sql l Sq12 Sq 13 Sq 14 SqlS Sq16 Sq 17

.s

;S

N(i)wty Hr.y-f?fin!~r 'Ii-m-hrp Nbi iV.t-!llp Hr.y-S=f-nhr Hnmw-ht S3.t-wrnw S!iW Gmi.n <=i> -m-s3=f Gn1i.n<=i> -hrp s2) -&p 'Ipi-'nhtr Tti-s3-Sbk /..]ww S3.t-h3' 'Ipi-'nhw :8 5- 1, Ld- :fey?

THEBES

Kmsi.t same Mnp-hrp I1 same

Sednrent I, 5; pi. XXVII o.c., 5, pl. XXVII o.c., 5, pl. XXVlI o.c., 5, pl. XXIII o.c., 5, pl. X X l l l o.c., 10. pl. X X l l l o.c.. 13, pl. XXIII

frags.

G M 63, 102 Quibell, E.rcav.Saqq. 1906-1907, 6-7 TPC, 260 (17) o.c., 265 (22.1) o.c., 265 (21) 0.c.. 256-257 o.c., 258 o.c., 266 o.c., 265-166 (22.2) o.c., 261 (19); 207 o.c., 261 (18) o.c., 258-259 AIB I, 130-132 o.c., 133 o.c., I34 o.c., 134 o.c., 135 (6, 17L 17 L c; FE-G

2..

I I I 1 I I I?

-

VI? text col. coff XI I I I I I I I I I "XV" I

coffin

H or F coffin B. FR. L B, FR. L. end coffin F, B, FR, L B, FR F, B, FR. L coffin FR. L B, L F

,,:.-

Carter-Carnawon, Five Years' Espl., 52 (5) end fr. o.c., 52 (6) H or F o.c., 54-55 coffin o.c., 67, 79 (50) fragm. o.c., 67, 80 (52) o.c., 87 (86) end CG 28022, pl. V coffin CG 28025 (cf. T8C) Allen, Handbook Eg. Coll. 9- 10 BMMA 11, Dec, 1920, 32, fig. 27-28. BMhiA 11, Dec. 1922, 34-35, fig. 36 model Schmidt, Sorkofager, fig. 333-334, P M 12, coffin 824 Cairo JdE 49892 (PM 12386) Naville, Deirel-Boltari. XIrh Djn. I, 50, pl. XI model ASA E 2, 203-205 coffin Amold, Tenlpel d. Kunigs Menruhorep 111, frag. 48. pl. LXI Limme. CdE 60 (1985), 147-151 dog coffin Andrews. Eg. iL4rmmrie.r.fig. 43 coffin R T 14, 30, XLVII sarc.

?

I I

*.

r

not seen I I ?

eqAI I RRA

I I I I I I I I I 1 IA

uyl03

111 AX -1IAX 'ld '99-E9 'PS61 'azuaJ!d 'DuJDd !P D1!l/.J!lUV!p O J S l l J ~ l\rap !z!% !]Jlli!2I '!IlOa 8ZT-LZl 'LE 3 Y S Y 1[-I 'Z ~1111b!ruy sn~d,iSay

h l X U5IlO3 YZP'E'ZE VINlN OSS'LE V d N UOlsOa PPZ'E'SZ VMIN EPZ'E'SZ V W N IPZ'E'SZ VWMI IaPow Zl'E'ZS VWIq IX '[d '6P "3.0 1apow ' s 8 c ~ j o'1~~ \ r d u xis a ~ ~ / r ~!myng-]a ,y q a a 'all!ARx ug03 I E-OE 'P Y 3 f IaPOw OPZ'E'SZ VWMI : ( L ) $1; 'BY "3'0 UgJO3 E - Z ~E ' ~ 9 1'I J J I ~ J ~'sabeg S 58 'OU '1 s n d ~ o j'same[ caa11 '33)

i

d ames ames awes

ZEL 0 ~ 1 6;-

IZL

1'4v

8iL LZL 9sSZL PZL EZL ~ 2 -

awes

M!~N

i 1:IIflrx 1.uquH Ill.

M'JN

~1403

I E 'E 1-01 'I

u5IlO3

J ~ u I Y'&JOPU!~IS ~ ~ J ~

List 3: The Attributes of Middle Kingdom Coffins I. EXTERIOR DECORATION

a. The decoration scheme of H and F L T h e short end IS only decorated with a horizontal band of ornamental hieroglyphs (see fig. 2) 2 An ornamental text column is added below the horizontal band (see fig. 9) 3 Two ornamental text columns are added below the horizontal band (see fig. 10) -4 Like 3, but the field between the ornamental text columns is decorated with a palace faqiade design (see fig. 12) 5 L ~ k e3, but the space between the text columns is occupied by a representatton of a goddess. two goddesses, or a standing male figure (see fig. 14)

b. The decoration scheme of B and FR. to a single horizontal line of ornamental texts (see fig. 3). For additional ornaments, see e. below. 21 T o the preceding pattern, one column of ornamental text is added (see fig. 4-6). 22 T o pattern 20, frco columns of ornamental text are added (see fig. 7) 23 T o pattern 20. fhree columns of ornamental text are added (see fig. 8) 24 T o pattern 20, four columns of ornamental text are added (see fig. 10) 25 A decoration like 3, but with the addition, between the columns of ornamental hieroglyphs. of representations of a palace favade (see fig. 13) 26 T o pattern O,five columns of ornamental text are added (see fig. 15) 27 T o pattern 20, fhree columns of ornamental text are added, spaced as in fig. 16 (and not as in fig. 8) 28 T o pattern 2, three columns of ornamental text are added, one a t the foot-end, two in the centre, but none at the head-end 20 The decoration is restricted -

-

-

c. Exterior layout: varia

3 1 In some of the preceding types, the space below and/or between the horizontal and vertical ornamental -

texts is occupied with object friezes andtor offering bearers personifying the offering list andior offering texts and,'or scenes of various kinds

d. The exterior decoration of the Lid 40 The lid-decoration consists of one reglster of ornamental texts (0.t.). This attribute state being present in most sources, it has not been noted in tables 1-6 41 The lid-decoration consists of IWO registers of ornamental texts (0.t.) 42 The lid-decoration consists of three registers of 0.t. 43 The lid-decoration consists offour registers of 0.t. 44 The lid-decoration consists offive registers of 0.t.

-

e. The ornamentation of head-end of FR 50 Near the head-end of F R is a representation of two 11~i3.t-eyes(see e.g. fig. 3, 10). 51 These rvd3.t-eyes are combined with the representation of a false door (see e.g. fig. 4, 13). -

-

2. Ornamental Texts f. The text columns on H and F 56 The text columns contain a speech of Nut (on H: dd nlrltt*in N W . !d i . n tr=k Nh.1-!~t~,.t (rarely S . [ ) hr tp-k; on F, iVl>.r-hl~.t is mostly replaced by S.!, and the word tp by rcl.n'y). 57 Like 56, but with the addition at the end of phrases like r m k s !n, or .r3b=s !tr.. 59 The text columns are of the type im3!1..v hr + deity's name + usually owner's name (standard formulation). 60 The text columns consist of titles and a personal name. 61 CT spells 31 and 32. A

A

g. The text registers on H and F ! ~ r wformulae on both H and F . hrtr formula on H . im3h.y formula on F. 64 im3!1.y hr I.Vsir/t~!r7 on H : irn3l1.y!tr 'Inprv on F (occasionally re,ersed). 65 in13tl.y br I%.!-hw.1 on H ; i n r 3 h . ~hr S.t on F (occasionally reversed). 62 pri.1 63 pri.1 -

h. The test columns on B and FR

70 The text columns on FR constitute PT 5 580c = P -

1607a-b. On B, one findspr.y=k r p . t ,v-nz tI!r.nfsp -= k in Q!lnty 71 The text of 3 is concentrated in the middle columns: those nearest the edges contain texts of the type in13b.y!lr + deity's name. For the deities mentioned see fig. I I 72 All columns contain a text of the type in13!1..vbr deity's name. For the gods, cf. fig. I I and table 10 (standard formulation) 73 The column texts consist of titles and personal names and an occasional in13!1.yhr. + deity's name phrase N.B.: The horizontal ornamental texts have not been numbered separately: cf. 3.2.9 and passim.

+

j. The ornamental texts on the lid Not all texts have been separately numbered, cf. 3.3. 85 An offering formula for Anubis Lord of Sepa, etc., with Bitten 30, 29, 31.l 86 An offering formula for Anubis Lord of Sepa, etc., with Bitte 33.2 90 PT 5 580c = 638a-b = 1607a-b (cf. 3.3 < e - f > ) A

A

-

k. various 95 - No borderlines demarcate the bands of ornamental texts and the 1ci3.t-eyes 96 - The background colour of the sides is red (this is the only colour singled out for inclusion in the tables; cf. 3.1, n. 1-3)

11. INTERIOR DECORATION 3. Layout I. The distribution of the object friezes 100 No object frieze occurs. 101 Object friezes occur on H and R 102 Object friezes occur on H. F and B 103 Object friezes occur on H, F and FR 104 Object friezes occur on H. F. B and FR 105 An object frieze occurs on B 106 Object friezes occur on H and F -

-

ATTRIBUTES OF M.K. COFFINS

43

m. The form of the object frieze segment 108 The object friezes on B andior F R occur in two superimposed registers 109 The F R object frieze occurs in one register occupying only a small part of the total length of the side (see fig. 21, FR9) 110 The B object frieze does not form a register, but occupies a rectangular space near the head-end, opposite the false door on F R (see fig. 20, 94) 11 1 The B object frieze forms a register occupying only part of the side (see fig. 20, 86) 112 The "object frieze" consists of a number of blocks containing representations of objects. The C T - if present - stand between these blocks A

-

n. Registers of ornamental hieroglyphs No register of ornamental hieroglyphs occurs 116 One register of ornamental hieroglyphs on each side 117 More than one register of ornamental hieroglyphs occurs on each side 118 More than one register of ornamental hieroglyphs on H and F only; one register on B and FR 119 One register of ornamental hieroglyphs on H, F, B; two registers on F R 120 One register of ornamental hieroglyphs on H and F; more than one on B and FR 121 More than one register of ornamental hieroglyphs on all sides except B 115 -

A

A

o. False door 129 The false door on FR is omitted 130 The false door on F R is represented on a small scale, and is shown "suspended" between the CT.

A

p. Offering table

131 The representation of the offering table to the right of the false door is omitted -

132 The square normally reserved for the offering table on F R is divided in two superimposed halves, of which only the uppermost one shows a n offering table. The space below is occupied by nonornamental texts (fig. 21. FRS)

q. The list of offerings 133 The list of offerings forms a register l34 The list of offerings is rendered pictorially, by representations of offering bearers. The labels above their heads form the text of the list 135 The offering list occurs o n B 136 The offering list is omitted r. The map of the Field of Offerings 140 A map of the Field of Offerings (CT spell 466) is drawn to the right of the offering table on F R (see fig. 18)

A

The decoration of the lid 145 The lid is covered by astronomical representations

S.

A

t. The decoration of the bottom 146 The bottom bears representations of one or a number of watercourses (not the Book of Two Ways); it is an ornamental map serving as a framework for the ferryman spells of the C T (see fig. 27).

4. Ornamentation Ornamental frame 150 No band of coloured rectangles (see 4.3) occurs 151 A band of coloured rectangles runs along the top of the side only 152 The frame ornamentation of fig. 22a-b 153 The frame-decoration of fig. 22c 154 The frame-decoration of fig. 22d 155 A sky-symbol forms the upper demarcation of the ornamental text segment (see fig. 18) U.

A

v. Object friezes: the arrangement on H Frieze type c discussed in 4.5.3; see fig. 25a Frieze type a discussed in 4.5.3

165 167 -

Object friezes: the arrangement on F Frieze type a discussed in 4.5.4 Frieze type b discussed in 4.5.4 180 Frieze type c discussed in 4.5.4 181 Frieze type d discussed in 4.5.4 182 Frieze types e-f discussed in 4.5.4; see fig. 25b W.

178 179 -

-

Object friezes: the arrangement on B Frieze type a discussed in 4.5.5; see fig. 26 Frieze type b discussed in 4.5.5 194 Frieze type c discussed in 3.5.5: see fig. 27 195 Frieze type d discussed in 4.5.5 196 Frieze type e discussed in 4.5.5

X.

192 193 -

y. Object friezes: the arrangement on FR Frieze type a discussed in 4.5.6; see fig. 28 A version of frieze type b discussed in 4.5.6; fig. 18 Another version of the same frieze type, see 4.5.6 The representation of five cobras on F R mirrors that of five vultures on B Frieze type c discussed in 4.5.6

206 207 208 209 21 1 -

z. Object friezes: general In some coffins no objects, or not all of them, are represented on tables (other than the granaries on F which are, of course, hardly ever shown on a table) 221 All F-frieze objects are shown on tables, even the granaries 222 The objects are shown, not directly on the tables, but above an ornamental band separating the two -

220 -

5. Texts aa. Ornamental texts on H and F 230 On H: in13!1.y !~r Wsirirl!r '3 (nb p,!); on F: im3h.y hr 'Inpng, or similar (occasionally reversed) 231 On H: im3h.y hr Nb.r-il,v.r (rarely S.[); on F: in13h.y !rr S.! (rarely Nb.1-h,v.t) 232 On H and F: divine speeches introduced by & n~cilv i 233 On H and F: pri.1 [rr~v-formulae 234 On H a pri.1 !lrw formula; on F an im3h.g phrase. ab. Ornamental texts on B and FR In multiple registers (see 117-121). The second and third registers contain the utterance of a divinity mddlr. See for other texts, 4.4.1-3. (Geb, Nut) introduced by

238 -

ab. CT, PT 243 C T spell 75 occupies (a large part of) the lid 244 C T spell 335 occupies (a large part of) the lid 245 CT spell 398 occurs on the bottom 246 PT 8 16 K.is the only text on F R

-

6. Some technical aspects ac. Some technical aspects Flat-topped lids with a vault inside Round-topped lids The CT have been written in ink and subsequently incised with a knife The C T have been written in blue ink 254 The background colour of the sides is red (cf. 4.1) 1) cf. 3.3 (d).2) cf. 3.3 (a).

250 251 257 253 -

1. INTRODUCTION "Hmm ... het begint al" Bert Vanderslagmulders

1.1 Coffins and Other Burial Equipment in the Middle Kingdom Today, the large cemeteries of Memphis and in the Upper Egyptian provinces have lost much of their former splendour. At sites like Beni Hasan, the modern tourist is likely only to visit some of the great chapels high up in the cliffs of the desert, which are still more or less intact, but he will probably walk past the foothills, where most tombs are actually situated. The place is honeycombed with hundreds of tomb shafts while the area was covered with small funerary chapels. Of these buildings, only some crumbling walls remain. At many other sites, even less is visible. The huge tombs of the provincial governors at QSw el-Kebir have fallen into ruin and, in their present shape, rather have the appearance of stone quarries. And the cemetery around the pyramid of Sesostris I1 at el-Lahun is covered for the greater part by sand, its presence being only betrayed by small pieces of wood and mummy wrappings lying on the surface. It requires some effort of the imagination to picture how such a necropolis must have looked in pharaonic days. In that time, most buildings were of course still standing and preserved the gay colours of their paintings. Also, far from their present appearance, the cemeteries seem to have been busy places, where extensive ceremonies were performed during the funeral and afterwards. Egyptians were buried with great pomp -at least the well-to-do, who could afford a rich burial. One of the most vivid accounts of a M.K. nobleman's burial is afforded by the well-known story of Sinuhe. Living abroad, the hero of the tale is invited by the Pharaoh to return home. For, among others, the monarch writes: "Think of the day of burial, of passing into reveredness. A night is devoted to you with mummy wrappings from the hands of (the textile goddess) Tayt. A funeral procession is organized for you on thc day of being committed to the earth. the mummy-case being of gold, the mask being of lapis-lazuli, the lid1 being above you after you have been placed in the hearse, while oxen draw you and musicians walk

The actual term is p.1 "sky". Taken literally, this hardly yields an acceptable translation. The rendering "lid" was prompted by the consideration that coffin lids symbolized the sky (see 4.6.2-3). For the identificat~onof the sky-goddess Nut ivith the lid, cf. Miinster. Isis, 45. n. 584, commenting on CT I. 3 12c [74].

46

I N TR O D U C TI O N

ahead of you. The dance o f the "wearied ones"2 is performed for you at the entrance of your tomb, a n d the offering list is read for you: sacrifice is made at the aperture of your offering tables. Your pillars, made o f w h ~ t estone, are right among (those of) the royal children. Y o u shall not die abroad! Not shall Asiatics inter you! You shall not be wrapped in a ram's skin, but a coffin shall be made for you!" (Sin, B 190-198).

This account aptly summarizes the major burial rites: first, a night wake, the so-called "Stunllen~t~achen"is performed in the place of embalmment. Next, the mummy is placed on a sledge and dragged to the tomb, where an offering ritual and further ceremonies take place. The same events are depicted in many tomb relief^.^ But these burial ceremonies were by no means the only rites destined to sustain the deceased in the Hereafter. The relatives would continue to visit the tomb on certain days. Moreover, long before their demise, many people engaged companies of priests to maintain a funerary cult, which consisted of the performance of rituals and the presentation of offerings at the tomb chapel or in temples during religious festivals. T o ensure that the priests would really do their duty when the beneficiary was buried, contracts were made, of which some have been p r e ~ e r v e d . ~ Nevertheless, everyday practice had probably shown that even the best contract could not perpetually ensure the loyalty of the mortuary priests. Moreover, the presentation of offerings was admittedly of great importance for survival in the Hereafter, but could only provide for the material welfare of the deceased. But many other problems and perils awaited him. He had to know the "tricks" to gain access to the Netherworld and to legitimize himself for being accepted in the entourage of the Sun-god. On his way, he had to pass dangerous demons, and must know how to prevent dying a second time. Once the tomb was closed behind him, he was thus thrown on his own resources. In order to make him succeed, he was provided with an extensive tomb equipment. For instance, small statues of offering bearers, models of bakeries, breweries, slaughterhouses, granaries, etc., were placed in the burial chamber. T o us, such models may look almost like toys, but they were really magical instruments, substitutes for actual people who might fail to bring offerings, and for actual workshops which would supply the deceased with victuals. Also, there are usually models of ships to enable the deceased to travel. And, last but not least, there is the coffin, the largest and most intricate object of all. In size, it forms the most important element of the funerary equipment, in m cases almost completely filling the burial chamber. But it is also the chief "mag instrument" deposited in the tomb. Indeed some of the terms for coffin, e.g. nb 'nh, "Lord of Life" or hn n 'nh, "Chest of Lifevs indicate that, according to Egyptian Probably the ni\rw-dancers, cf. Altenmiiller, SAK 2 (1975), 30-31. For the sources, see Settgast, Bes~u~~ungsdurstellungen. The most famous instances are the conlracts of Djefahapi in his tomb in Assiut (see most recently, Theodorides, RIDA 18 (1971). 109- 251; Spalinger, JAOS 105 (1985), 7-20, with literature). Wb. 11, 228, 14; 491, 17. For a M.K. instance of the latter term, see LSA 1. 82.

1.1. C O F F I N S .AND O T H E R BURIAL EQUlPMENT

47

conceptions, its function was not simply the storage of a mummy, but rather the preservation of life. This philosophy underlies its whole decoration programme, and even the way of depositing the coffin in the tomb. It was placed there in such a manner that one of the short ends pointed north and the other south. Inside, the deceased lay on his left, head north. He thus faced the east. This means that he looked in the direction where, ideally at least, the offering table was located in the superstructure of the tomb. At the same time, his eyes were fixed on the eastern horizon, i.e. the place where the sun was reborn daily. As will appear below, the idea of cosmic resurrection played a very prominent part in Egyptian funerary beliefs, In the M.K., the well-known mummiform coffin model was not yet generally adopted, although it did occur. The bulk of the M.K. coffins had a box-shape, and i t is with these coffins that the present study is concerned. Outside, their decoration comprised bands of texts in which Osiris and Anubis (and rarely other deities) are invoked to provide the deceased with offerings and a good burial. There may further be text columns associating the deceased with other divinities. Also, near the headend of FR 6, there is often a false door for the deceased's ba to leave and enter, and representations of eyes in order to see the offerings and watch sunrise (e.g. fig. 4, 8, 10, 12). Inside, the same elements are found, but there are various additional decoration elements here (see e.g. fig. 18). FR features a painting of a well-provided offering table as well as a copy of the offering list which was read during the burial rites - as the above citation from the story of Sinuhe proves. Of course these were mere representations of the actual offerings, but after being consecrated during the ritual of Opening the Mouth, the representations on the coffin were apparently believed to be as efl'ective as the real objects would have been7 Further there is often a row of pictures of various objects, generally known as frise d'objrts or object f r i e ~ e .Some ~ represent objects of daily use, such as razors, carpenter's tools or scribe's equipment. Others depict objects derived from the dress of the well-to-do, while there are also ceremonial objects and occasionally emblems of royal power. This is not the right place for a full discussion of the function and background of the object frieze (see for that 4.5. l), but it is clear at any rate that that it, too, aimed at securing a well-provided afterlife for the deceased. By the inclusion of the royal power emblems, he might even hope to assume the role of king in the Hereafter. Further, some objects were amulets thought to play a part in procuring the primary things of life, like the capacity to breathe. Their effectiveness had to be triggered by magic spells. Hence, the S-amulet depicted in some object friezes could be made effective by pronouncing a religious spell which would give the deceased power over F R : abbreviation of "front-side" (i.e. the eastern side); B: "back-side" (west); H: head-end (north);

F: foot-end (south); L: lid; BO: Bottom.

' For this ritual being executed

for a coffin, see Otto, MimriOfft~ungsri~~~aI 11. 29-30. n Le Caire. 1921, henceforth See Jkquier, Lcs /'rises tibbjers des sarcoplinges tiu ~ C l o ~ eEtpipire, abbreviated JF.

the wind, so that he would not die a second death.p Obviously, in such cases the Wortla~rtof these magic spells was quite important, and for this reason columns of magic texts known as "Coffin Texts"l0 appear in most coffins of the first half of the M.K. and slightly earlier. The CT, as they will be abbreviated from now on, form an impressive body of texts out of which a selection was made for each coffin. Apart from the kind of texts already alluded to, some C T have no relation with the object frieze or other parts of the decoration of the coffin. Some spells, for instance, aim at giving the deceased power over spirits in the Hereafter, or give him the right passwords to travel through the Netherworld. or legitimize his claims to be with the gods or be recognized as a god himself, etc. All together, texts and representations result in a compilation of tools to survive in the Hereafter. But at the same time, by the arrangement of certain spells and ornaments, the coffin was turned into a model of the universe, a true microcosmos. This conception will be discussed further below (3.2.4, 4.6 and 5.1). Suffice it for the present to recall that, according to an old tradition known already from the pyramid texts, the coffin was personified by Nut, the goddess of heaven.ll Hence, when the mummy was laid in the coffin, it was, in a way, already introduced into heaven. Once the coffin is understood this way, it is understandable why the letter to Sinuhe describes a burial in a ram's skin as such a gloomy prospect.

1.2 Aims of the Present Study The several hundred M.K. wooden coffins preserved in museum collections all over the world form a huge and important, but a t the same time neglected field of study. There is, of course, the systematic edition in seven volumes of the CT (cf. n. 10), which forms the basis of much of our knowledge of the Egyptian religion of the M.K.. Also, a not insignificant amount of sources has been published integrally. But many other instances still await publication. This incited me to launch a dissertation project aiming at the publication of some "new" sources. Initially, the idea was to concentrate on the object friezes, on which topic I had started collecting evidence long before, and to which only one comprehensive study, dating back to 1921, has been devoted: Jequier's Frises d'objets. More than sixty years after its publication, this is still a most valuable book, even though it is based on less than a quarter of the sources presently known. But the aim of the book is modest. It deals with the significance of individual objects depicted and the identification of their names, hardly paying attention to the order in which they are represented, or to developments in their selection and arrangement. Some of these matters were briefly touched upon by Kees, who concludes that the introduction of the emblems of royal For the object. see JF 90-9 1 . For the text, see C T 11, 46-48 [83]. ' w e Buck. The Egjptinn C o f i t ~Tests, 7 vols.. Chicago, 1935-1961. E.g. PT 9 1-8; cf. 3.2.3.

"

I .?. A I M S

49

power in the object frieze took place in the F.I.P.. In this period, he argues, it was possible for persons of non-royal blood to arrogate such prerogatives because the power of the king was seriously under strain.12 While the results of my work do not align with Kees' views on this particular issue, his work suggested that a chronological approach might enable one to determine trends in the execution of the object frieze, and hence to reconstruct the evolution of the underlying conceptions. A major problem in this field was that M.K. coffins are notoriously difficult to date. This necessitated a close typological analysis of the sources with the aim to determine dating criteria. The change of emphasis from object friezes proper to the complete decoration of the coffins on which they occur, proved to be particularly fruitful. Not only was it possible to find reliable clues to the date of the various friezes, it appeared at the same time that they and the other parts of the decoration of coffins form an integrated whole. Another important side-effect of the chronological study was that it became possible to determine the date of CT manuscripts. For those interested in the tradition and development of this corpus, reliable information on this point is, of course, of vital importance. First attempts have been made by others, but many authors who have at all considered the date of the manuscripts do so rather intuitively than on the basis of a critical analysis. Thus, Sq2X has been dated to the IXth Dynasty without apparent reason, while datings of AIC vary between the period immediately following the end of the O.K. and the late XIIth Dynasty -a difference of three to four hundred years!13 Although this book will not present a detailed account of the history of the CT14, it is hoped that it may be of use to others dealing with such problems. In its final shape, this book hence deals with the development of coffin decoration and the evolution of the concepts expressed in it. It serves as a background study to the projected coffin publication referred to above. In the scope of this book, it is impossible to give extensive treatment to all aspects of the M.K. coffin. Several restrictions imposed themselves, both as regards the selection of the material and the issues investigated. Firstly, not all M.K. coffins are Kees, Totettglauben, 164-169. For Sq2X. see Koefoed Petersen, Calnloglie des sarcoplrages er cercueils igypiietls, Copenhague, 1951, 12; Ogdon, JEA 69 (1983), 159-160, n. 9. For AIC, see Grdseloff, ASAE 51 (1951), 136; Roccati, OrAnr 6 (1967). 170-171, 175, 179. There are some studies on individual C T spells and coffins where the question of dating is dealt with more seriously, e.g. Bidoli, Die Spriiche tier Fangnelie, Gliickstadt, 1976, 18-25; Schenkel, FmaS. 116-123; same. in: Westendorf (ed.), Gorritigrr Torenblrchsrudien, Wiesbaden. 1975, 27-36. Typological studies are generally brief. A useful, though not exhaustive. study of the outer decoration of coffins from Bersheh is Brovarski, FS Dlmhanl, 23-26. fig. 13. Other typological accounts are: Settebrisi, 46-52; 114-116; Garstang. BC, 164-1693 188-193; Riyqeh nttd Mmiphis VI, 23-31; Hayes, Rum1 Sarcoplragi of rhe XVIII Dynnsiy, Princeton, 1935, 39-41, 59-60; 62-75; R A R G , 655-669; Schmidt. Sarkqfager, and, most recently, Lapp, ~ . V, 4 430-434. For some general conclusions. see 5.2. This book was already in an advanced stage of preparation when I learned that Dr Lapp is also preparing a typological study on M.K. coffins, which will include a detailed account of the tradition ol' the CT. l2

l3

50

I N TR O D U C T I O N

dealt with, but only those I shall call M.K. standard class coffins. Usually, they are designated by the term "Heracleopolitan type coffins", but I think this term wholly misses the mark. It was introduced by Mace and Winlock. who distinguished XIIth Dynasty court burials, the Heracleopolitan type and the Upper Egyptian type of coffins.l5 The M.K. coffins which form the subject of this book have close stylistic affinities with some O.K. sources found at Deshasheh, near Heracleopolis. Mace and Winlock understood this as an indication that the style originated in the region.16 Actually, though, comparable instances of roughly the same date are known from various parts of Egypt, and not in the last place from the Memphite cemeteries. Since the provincial artistic style was strongly oriented towards the residence, it is not improbable that the "Heracleopolitan" type actually originated around Memphis.17 The use of the term "Heracleopolitan type" has also been defended on the grounds that this class of coffins is mainly known from the Heracleopolitan Period, and hardly from the XIIth Dynasty.18 In reality, however, these coffins are known outside Heracleopolis already in the 0.K.19, and we shall see below that the bulk of the evidence in fact dates from the XIIth Dynasty, and not from the F.I.P., as claimed by Mace and Winlock. Perhaps for this reason, Lapp changed the t e r m i n o l ~ g y In . ~ ~accordance with Mace and Winlock, he still refers to an Upper Egyptian type, which he contrasts with a Lower Egyptian (i.e. the Heracleopolitan) type. But already in the F.I.P. and early M.K., the latter decoration shows up as far south as the Theban area. Hence, the "Heracleopolitan" or "Lower Egyptian" type occurs all over Egypt. In view of this, I prefer the term "M.K. standard class coffins". The term "Upper Egyptian" type is rather misleading, too. It is used to designate coffins from Akhmim, Assiut and Gebelein, which share the peculiarity of showing extensive paintings (offering lists, object friezes, scenes) on the outside. Each site has its own tradition in this respect, however, so that it is less confusing to discern Akhmim coffins, Assiut coffins and coffins from Gebelein than to suggest that these sources conform to a common pattern. Archaeologists studying ancient funerary practices have become accustomed to find that different treatment was given to burials of males and females. Although I have been looking for, and expected to discover, such differences in coffin decoration, no evidence in this direction has turned up. For instance, one might have expected that more weaponry occurs in the object friezes of coffins of males, and l* Seneblisi, 49-52; 116. The term "Heracleopolitan" is still used; cf. e.g. Williams, Serapis 3 (19751976), 41; Lilyquist. Sarapis 5 (1979), 27. l6 Cf. Smebrisi, 50-51. l 7 See Smith, Scriiprrire, 214 HI for Memphite inspiration. For O.K. sources, cf. 3.2.1 ; 4.2. p, 0 0 , Note that the date of the Deshasheh coffins is not established beyond doubt, so that it is uncertain whether o r not they are older than the blemphite ones (Lilyquist, Mirrors, 102-104). l8 Senebrisi, 116. l9 Cf. 4.2, n. 32-33. ' O ~ . V, 4 430-434.

more toilet equipment in those of females, but this expectation was not confirmed.21 Hence, the function of the decoration seems not to have depended on the sex of the owner. The only notable difference is quantitative rather than qualitative: women's coffins are much rarer than those of men. It is a well-known fact that Egyptians often possessed two, and occasionally even three coffins, which fitted into one another. The reasons for this remarkable practice are still ill-understood, though in the h . K . , outer and inner coffins may have served different (religious) purposes.22 For the M.K., no functional variance could be determined. The inner and outer coffins of sets like B3-4Bo and SidZ-3X, for instance, are well-nigh identical. Since the difference between inner, middle and outer coffins, and between male and female ownership, seems hardly to have affected the decoration, these variations will be disregarded in the typological discussion. Finally, it should be stressed that I shall only deal with the decoration and conceptual background of M.K. coffins. Their technology certainly deserves attention, too, but cannot be considered here.23 Neither shall I present an art-historical evaluation of the decorative style, the ornamentation being used only from a typological viewpoint.

1.3 Methods The establishment of the dates of the coffins is seriously complicated by the dearth of clear and reliable chronological evidence, such as the presence of dated inscriptions. But in many cases, a lot of other information is available to serve as a substitute for absolute dating. The inscriptions on most documents offer some information about their owners: usually his or her name, frequently also some titles or indications of descent. With the help of a prosopographical survey of the sites where coffins have been found, such data can form important clues. Archaeological reports about the find-place of coffins can also help to determine possible relationships with other, datable monuments found nearby. One can further extend the investigation to such indirect data as the form of hieroglyphic signs or the development of expressions occurring both in texts on coffins and dated evidence elsewhere. By combining such pieces of direct and indirect evidence, the date of a coffin can often be found out. Only a part of the sources is datable on the basis of such considerations. For the rest, comparable evidence is hardly available. and in order to date these coffins, one

I3

165

See e.g. Lilyquist, o.c., 97, for the occurrence of mirrors. C t Jiinssen, Conln~on'irj.Prices, 210-21 1; 2.3.9, end. A summary account of recent date is Spencer. Dearh it1 Ancienr Egypt, Harmondsworth. 1982,

f.

52

INTRODUCTION

must resort to a comparative analysis of the documents themselves, that is, of their typology. While the two analytical methods are often complementary in practice, I have split the study in two parts. Part one, which is at the same time chapter 2, is primarily based on non-typological data, its purpose being to distinguish groups of coffins with a related prosopographical, archaeological, palaeographical or phraseological background, whose dates seem to be more or less clear. These criteria are not typological, and in fact various types of coffins may occur within the same group. For instance, Meir group E among others comprises M7C, MSC and M42C, all belonging to one person, and hence clearly froin the same archaeological context. Some of these coffins represent subtype IVba (see 3.2.4 below), while one is a type V1 coffin (see 3.2.6). On the other hand, purely typological indications may suggest a relationship between a coffin and one of the coffin groups. For practical reasons, such relationships are also considered in chapter 2, although they are discussed separately from the main theme of each section. For instance, the title of section 2.2.3 "Group B (B3-4C, tomb BIB; associated material: BIY)" indicates that group B consists of B3C, B4C and BIB. Since the former two belonged to one person, and the latter to her husband, these sources clearly form a closed group, chronologically speaking. Coffin BIY cannot be shown by non-typological arguments to be closely related with these sources, but its typological affinities with B3-4C suggest a close link. This half-way association with group B is indicated with the phrase "associated material". The second part, chapters 3 and 4, deals with the typological development of the material. The chapters discuss the decoration of out- and inside respectively. The sections of which they are made up have a double purpose: on the one hand to determine the date when certain typological features occurred, and secondly, to explain the religious background of these features. As a result, it will be possible to reconstruct both the formal and conceptual developments of the decoration of the M.K. coffin. The main results will be outlined in the concluding chapter 5. Some particulars of the typological analysis are described in 1.4. I have first and foremost studied coffins with interior decoration (cf. 1.2), or coffins with CT and/or object friezes in other parts of their decoration. Two lists with bibliographical references are given on p. 00-00. The sources will be designated by the codes given in the left column of each of these. The sigla of the first list are essentially those adopted by de Buck in his CT edition, and supplemented by Allen in his Occurrences of the Pyramid Texts, Chicago, 1950, and in Lesko's Index of Spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Cofins and Related Documents, Berkeley, 1979. Many coffins not yet listed in any of these publications have received a new code, which is printed in italics. De Buck, who designed this code system, was of course dealing primarily with CT sources, i.e. generally coffins with inner decoration. It

1.4. IXTRODLCTORY R E M A R K S ON T H E TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

53

seemed practical to use a comparable numbering for documents of which only the exterior is decorated. These sources are presented in list 2. In order to be able to discern coffins with from coffins without inner decoration, the codes referring to the latter category of sources lack the "present location code" which concludes the former class of sigla. Thus, the presence of the C ("Cairo") code in e.g. BIC characterizes the document as a source with inner decoration. RI, lacking the C-code, is a coffin without inner dewration. Some coffins without inner decoration or CT nevertheless occur in list I in order to retain the codes under which they are already familiar in egyptological literature. An instance of this is BSc.

1.4 Introductory Remarks on the Typological Analysis Before proceeding to the typological analysis proper. we have to pay attention to an important theoretical problem: what do we d o when we make a typology of a certain kind of objects? The answer is, of course, that we try to determine groups of objects - coffins in our case ---- which have the same decoration patterns, etc., in common. An ideal situation for the investigator would obtain if, at each subsequent stage of the development, all sources would replace the whole set of ornaments and texts by new ones. It would then be possible to divide the material into groups of well-nigh identical documents, each group representing a distinct type. In practice, however, all kinds of problems come up which hamper a comparison of the material. Documents may be damaged, unfinished, or of unequal quality. Moreover, the ideal situation described above presupposes that artists regularly discarded their traditional models completely in favour of new ones. Although not impossible, the suggestion is not really probable. Rather, there may have been several contemporary fashions, or the artist may have given his work an archaizing touch. Such factors complicate a typological comparison to a considerable extent. In fact, of our material, not two sources are completely similar. A typological classification based on full similarity of sources is bound to be a failure, therefore, since each source would be the only representative of its type. As, for example, in modern clothes fashion, the artist must of course have been aware of design trends, but the way in which the elements of the composition were combined depended on his own choice. We have just seen that the innumerable combinatory possibilities of these elements preclude a classification at the level of the complex decoration program of the coffin as a whole. A more viable procedure is to initiate the analysis at a much lower level of comparison, i.e. that of the various elements of their decoration themselves, the so-called attribute^.^^ Such attributes are, for example, the basic decoration layout on B and FR, or the occurrence of an object frieze on H. Attributes can go through varying forms, called states. For For the term, see Clarke, i i n a l ~ r i c a lArchcleology. 2nd edition. London, 1978, 149-204; see also 207 ff.

54

INTRODUCTION

instance, the attribute "basic decoration layout on the outside of B and FR" can take the forms given in figs. 3-8, 10, 13, 15 and 16. Together, these states form a qualitative multistate attribute.25 One advantage of this approach is that it enables us to seriate the data provided by the coffins. Seriation is a method of displaying archaeological information, which in Egyptology has been mainly used for analysing data drawn from pottery.26 A seriation is basically an occurrence matrix, in which the attribute states (which have received a number code; cf. list 3) are arranged on one axis - the horizontal axis in my tables 1-6 - and the sources on the other. It seems a reasonable assumption that there is a chronological development in the attribute states. Hence, a chronological arrangement in the matrix of both the sources and of the attribute states which they feature will ideally result in clusters of sources sharing typological characteristics. By reversing the process, i.e. by grouping together clusters of undated archaeological sources which have a large number of attribute states in common, one can tentatively reconstruct their sequence and, as a result. the development of their attributes. More correctly stated. the sequence is a typological, a formal order, which need not correspond exactly with the order in time. Though this complication should not be lost sight of, seriation would seem to offer a means of establishing the "sequence date" of many otherwise undatable coffins. A complication is that the number of possibilities for the arrangement of the sources and their attribute states is astronomical. This seriously complicates the application of the method, and Kemp pointed out that "short-cuts to seriation are an essential part of the process". By this he means that, instead of the impracticable process of trying all possible combinations, it is necessary to undertake preliminary siftings of the material. Kemp put this into practice for some prehistoric cemeteries, where he adopted the method of "horizontal stratigraphy". "It may be found that characteristics group themselves in certain parts of the cemetery, and where this happens it may be suspected that the groups mark stages in the growth of the cemetery. A pattern of development may then become visible, serving as a key to the seriation of groups of grave^".^' As compared with Kemp's material, we are in the enviable position to dispose of some evidence which is datable by other than typological evidence. In drawing tables 1-6, I have selected a few coffins of which the date is beyond reasonable doubt. Matters are clearest at Bersheh. Coffins B1-2Ph (group A) belonged to a nomarch named 'Ahanakht, who must date from the XIth Dynasty (see 2.2.2). On the other hand, most coffins of group D were found in tombs which can only have been dug after the forecourt of tomb no. 2 had been hewn out (see 2.2.5). This tomb carries the name of Sesostris 111. Hence, the relative order of groups A and D is clear, and 25

O.C.157.

Kemp. M D A I K 31 (1975), 259-291; same. JEA 64 (1978). 165-168; same. JEA 68 (1982). 5-15: o n other material than pottery, see e.g. Grzymski. ,Lleroitira 7, Berlin. 1984, 222-230. 2 7 Kemp, M D A I K 31 (1975), 265. This article contains a general introduction to seriation.

1 4 INTRODUCTORY R E M A R K S ON THE TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

55

this has served as a short-cut for the chronological disposition of the coffins in table 2, and hence for the seriation. The chronological evidence available for the other groups discussed in 2.2.1-7 has not been used in designing the seriation, but fits in admirably well. Table 1 shows the seriation of the coffins from Beni Hasan. Groups A and B are so utterly different that there can be no dispute that they represent (probably chronologically) separate traditions. The choice for dating group B after group A has been determined by the observations made in 2.1.2-3. As explained in 2.3.1-10, matters are much less favourable at Meir. However, it seems at least to be clear that there were two main traditions in the execution of the texts from this site (2.3.4 and table 3), traditions which can be related to the earlier and later tombs there. Also, there are a few prosopographical and archaeological indications to the approximate dates of certain coffins (2.3.2-3). This, and a comparison with the main typological features of the material at Bersheh and Beni Hasan, has served as an aid in designing table 4, a seriation of the more or less complete sources from Meir. The numerous fragmentary coffins have been worked into this seriation in table 5 . 2 8 At Thebes, matters are comparable with the situation at Beni Hasan: there are two large clusters representing wholly different typological backgrounds: groups B and C. Comparison with developments elsewhere shows group B to be earlier than group C, a result which agrees with that of the non-typological sections 2.6.3-4. T3C (group A) has been omitted from the seriation, for typologically, it clearly occupies a place apart, together with other south-Egyptian coffins of the F.I.P.: A I C and GlT.29 Tables 1-6 have in principle been seriated for date of first appearance, but occasionally I have chosen for slightly displacing certain coffins.30 The material has been seriated "non-mechanically", as Kemp calls it. Perhaps, the use of modern computer programs for seriation and clusters analysis would have yielded a somewhat more refined result, but no time, funds and expert assistence were available. However, great care has been paid to improving and adapting the tables, and in the preparation of this book, they stood the test of practical use. At the beginning of this chapter I remarked that hardly any pair of coffins has the same set of attribute states, and that it is quite a problem to make a typology which distinguishes complete decoration programs of coffins. However, as the tables show, clusters of documents do occur which more or less consistently have recurrent patterns in part of their sets of attribute states. This suggests that there is a hierarchy

In drawing the tables. I have generally refrained from using the tentative datings suggested in ch. 2 for many coffins. However, these datings generally turn out to be perfectly in line with the sequence suggested by the seriation. An exception is formed by the archaizing coffin Bl2C in table 2, which combines late and early typological features. T o a lesser extent, the same holds for M I N Y in table 4. Cf. 2.6.2. 'O A few coffins feature both late and early features (BIZC, MINY, see n. 28). In these cases. nontypological criteria have also been adduced to help to determine the position in the seriation (cf. 2 2.7, 2.3.7). For similar displacements, see Kemp, MDAIK 31 (1975), 262-263.

in the various kinds of attributes. Some attributes (the inessential attributes31) contribute little or nothing to to our understanding of coffin decoration because they appear in most of the material. It is hardly possible in such cases to deduce chronological trends. On the other hand, some attributes are important, since they show a clear development (essential attributes31). Not all of these are equally important, however. For instance, the occurrence frequency of essential attributes may vary. The incised CT in some documents from Bersheh are a case in point. It will appear in 4.1 < 4 > that this feature is known only from early coffins. It is clearly an essential attribute therefore. Nevertheless, its spread is rather limited so that not all coffins from the same time. site and type display it. As Clarke put it, such attributes form "the extreme fringe or penumbra of the range of attributes, characters which do occur together on this type of artefact, but only at a mutually sporadic level".32 In certain cases, variations of one essential attribute regularly occur in combination with variations in other attributes, thus resulting in coherent clusters of attribute states (primary attributes or "key attributesV3l).The essential attributes can thus be subdivided in primary and secondary attributes. In this study, the primary attributes form the basis for the distinction of types.33 Clarke summarizes this situation as follows: "An artefact-type has a reality which resides in a highly related inner core of attributes within an outer group of attributes . ~ ~ problem is how to recognize these "inner of decreasing levels of ~ o r r e l a t i o n " The cores of attributes", i.e. the primary attributes forming the basis on which types and subtypes are to be recognized. Methods like numerical taxonomy still being in an experimental stage, the determination of types and subtypes rests on an arbitrary basis, though Clarke stresses that the arbitrariness should at least be c ~ n s i s t e n tIt. ~ ~ is therefore important to clearly define the basis on which the primary attributes will be determined in this book. In order to be able to compare all sources studied, it is necessary to select kinds of attributes shared by as many sources as possible. Now our sources are ciecorateci coffins. The ornaments may take endlessly different forms, and not necessarily all of these can be compared on all material. However, the presence of decoration at any rate presupposes the presence of layout. Moreover, the layout development proves to display marked trends. Therefore, the classification of layout models will form our point of departure. Within the framework of the decoration layout, the artist applied a number of ornaments, texts, etc. These form the secondary attributes. Coherent clusters of

32 33

Cf. Clarke. o.c..70-72. 155, 209-210. Clarke. o.c.,210. Cf, Clarke. o.c..207-217. Clarke, o.c.,212. Cla,rke, o.c.. 215-216.

'IS!] s!yl U! papnpu! uaaq IOU ahey 'Apnls 8u!mo3ql~oje U! pasn aq \]!M y 3 1 y ~ pue 'ln!ssv m o q sug03 u o 4u!~~n330 salels ay1 ' A I I ~ UJI .aJnlnj ay1 U! paz!u803a~ aq Ar?m y 3 ! y ~sale1s alnq!Jle JOJ sJaqmnu Aldma amos daay 01 as!M pamaap uaaq sey I! 'AI~sJ!-J .sa~ur?1swn~~!3 OM) 01 anp S! s ! y ~.Ou!~aqmnusnonu!1uo3 e p a h ! a ~ aIOU ~ ahey salnq!Jlle ay] leql a3uel8 l s ~ yIF alou I[!.~Ia u o '(,,g~ alels alnq!Jlle,, suvam .a.!) pau!lJapun aq l l ! ~'01 pauaja' uayM ' y 3 ! y ~Jaqwnu e pah!a3a~s ~ alals y alnq!Jlle y3eg '(00-00.d) E IS!] U! palsy aJe 'g-p pue 2-1 salqel U! ~n3a.1y 3 ! q ~pue 'Apnls s!q1 U! pasAleue sa)nq!Jlle ayL 'Alah!l3adsaJ p pue E s ~ a l d e y sU! O M ~asay1 JOJ sa!8olodAl a l e ~ e d a sdolahap lleys 1 Al~uapuadapu!pahloha s u t ~ o 3 j osap!su! pur! -1110 ay1 a3u!s ,;sadAlqns ys!n8u!ls!p 01 pasn aq I I I M salnq!~lleA~epuo3as aql 'sase3 asaql ul .adAl J~ln3!1~ed e U! Al!~eln8a~ amos y l ! ~ n 3 3 oAem asayl j o amos

2. THE DATE OF MIDDLE KINGDOM COFFINS "Tijdens hct Midden-Rijk was d e situatie verward." Battus, D e enc~cloperlie,4725

2.0 Preliminaries: The Middle Kingdom in Egypt. It is only ten years ago that von Beckerath began his study on the chronology of the XIIth Dynasty with the statement: "Die XII. Dynastie ist bekanntlich die am genauesten datierte der Bgyptischen Geschichte vor der SpatzeitW.lNowadays, many egyptologists feel much less certain about the matter. The validity of Sothic and lunar dates for establishing the absolute chronology of the period has become a hot issue again.2 Matters are apparently still far from settled. And even the relative chronology of the rulers has been subject to discussion recently. In the kind of chronological study envisaged here, these circumstances can form a cause for confusion. Some problems are insuperable for the time being, but a brief account of the stand taken by the present author may clarify the following discussion. In egyptological circles, it is much more common to refer to e.g. year 45 of Sesostris I than to e.g. 1926 B.C. Therefore. the confusion about absolute dates does not cause much inconvenience. Some recent articles by Delia3, present more problems. Offering some original interpretations for the so-called "double-dated" texts, he concludes that there is no solid proof for the existence of coregencies in the XIIth Dynasty. The hypothesis implies that the history of the XIIth Dynasty may have to be rewritten on some significant points. Although first steps in this direction have already been made4, other scholars have argued against Delia that the traditional option is to be preferred, and I range myself among these sceptic^.^ Proceeding from this assumption, the following reconstruction of the period covered by this study, the F.I.P. and M.K.. can be drawn.

SAK 4 (1976), 45. "se most recently Krauss. Soihi.r- ut~tl.Ifonricinietl, Hildesheim. 1985, with bibliography. ' BES 1 (1979), 15-28; 4 (1982), 55-69: A Silrrl~ of ihe Rrign of Setr~,osrer111, Diss. Columbia University 1980, 187-254. * Helck. GlCf 67 (1983). 43-46; Schaefer, z , ~ S113 (1986), 50. hlurnane, BES 3 (1981), 73-82: Blumenthal. z ~ S110 (1983). 107-1 13; Vittmann. EtlcAorict I1 (1982). 129-131. Willsms. JEOL 28 (1983-1984). 1985. 85, n. 36 and Franke. Orierrrc~liu(forthcoming).

2.0 THE M . K . IN EGYPT

IXth-Xth Dynasties: Heracleopolitan kings XIth Dynasty: Antef I (Shri-t3.rr.y) Antef I1 (CV3i1- 'id~u) 49 years Antef' 111 (Nbt-nb-tp-nji) 8 (or 181) years Mentuhotep I1 (Nh-!ly.t-R? 51 years Unification of Egypt between regnal years 14 and 39 12 years Mentuhotep 111 (S'r~!l-k3-R? Mentuhotep IV ( N b - l 3 . r ~ ~ - R ? + / = period of unrest 2 ( + X ? ) years XIIth Dynasty Amenemhat I 20 + 10 years6 42 + 3 years Sesostris I Amenemhat I1 32 + 3 years 8 (?) years Sesostris I1 Sesostris I11 19 years Amenemhat 111 48 (?) years Amenemhat IV 9 years Sobeknofru 4 years7 XIIIth Dynasty A full account of this period is outside the scope of the present work, but a basic outline of its history is useful. At the end of the O.K., the unity of the Egyptian state disintegrated. Provincial rulers of the F.I.P., once appointed to maximize state control in the whole country, portray themselves in their tomb biographies as almost independent rulers. Some of them tried to enlarge their sphere of influence beyond provincial borders by military annexation. There are also repeated references to famines, during which many regional "big men" claim to have nourished their cities8 It is not certain that this evidence testifies to a lasting economic crisis - in fact, recent analysis of some provincial necropoleis suggests an unexpected wealth in the F.I.P.9 - but it does For some period o f time, most kings ot'the dynasty re~gnedtogether with their predecessor. The length of these coregencies is indicated by "+ ..." after the name of the the older partner, whose complete reign length equals the sum of the two amounts. For the XIth Dynasty, see v. Beckerath. L A I. 300-301; IV, 66-70. For the XIIth Dynasty: v. Beckerath, L A I, 188-192; Simpson, LA V, 890-906; Matzker, D i e lerzien Kiinige (/er 12. Dynlzsiie, Frankfurt, 1986, 89-96. There is growing consensus that the reign lengths traditionally attributed to Sesostris I1 and I11 (19 and 36 years respectively) are far too high, see Simpson, C t i E 47 (1972). 50-54; Krauss. o.c., 1-10. 73-86, 205-207; Delia, S I I I ~ oVj ' r l ~ rReign of Sen>c.osrer111, 284-291; Franke, Orienmlin (forthcoming). The existence of coregencies of the last three monarchs is not beyond dispute. For the eighth regnal year of Sesostris 11, see Engelbach, A S d E 33 (1933), pl. 11.4 (reference doe to Detlef Franke). A recent survey of the period is e.g. Gomai. ~ ~ ~ p r u.iihrend e t r der Ersren Zuischenzeir. Wiesbaden, 1980. Seidlmayer, in: Assmann, Burkard and Davies (eds.). Problen~s ant1 Prioriries. London. 1987. 175-217.

'

60

T H E D A T E O F M . K . COFFIKS

seem to indicate that the prominent position of the royal court belonged to the past. The Memphite kings had been succeeded by a dynasty of rulers from Heracleopolis (the IXth-Xth Dynasties) who, judging from the scarce archaeological remains, had only limited influence. Soon, they had to face the threat of a line of Theban nomarchs who conquered the southern part of Egypt, and proclaimed themselves kings (XIth Dynasty). The confrontation lasted more than a century, but was finally concluded by the unification of the whole country, somewhere between the fourteenth and the thirty-ninth year of the Theban Mentuhotep ll.1° A rather different political climate seems to have prevailed in the competing kingdoms, and is reflected in the cemeteries. The Heracleopolitans followed the tradition of the O.K. kings and seem to have had pyramids near Memphis. In this area, as around O.K. pyramids, there were the burials of high officials and funerary priests (see 2.5). A t the same time, nomarchs remained in power, in for instance the Hare nome and the Siutian nome. Important provincial cemeteries existed in these areas.ll In the Theban sphere of influence, however, the important state officials were buried in the suff-tomb complexes of the Antef kings in el-Tririf, and later on around Deir el-Bahari, near the tombs of Mentuhotep I1 and 111 (see 2.6). The rare officials buried elsewhere are never invested with the nomarchal title !~r.y-tp-'3,and stress their strong affinity with the court.12 Towards the end of the XIth Dynasty, the country seems to have faced grave social and economic problems. There is mention of famine in year 8 of Mentuhotep 111, and the building operations on his funerary temple and o n the tombs of his officials, near Deir el-Bahari, were broken off. In roughly the same time, the Hatnub texts record what comes close to civil war in Middle Egypt. Although we d o not know exactly what was taking place, the Mentuhotep kings evidently did not succeed in mastering the problems. Mentuhotep IV was succeeded by his former vizier, king Amenemhat I, the founder of the XIIth Dynasty.13

On this date, see v. Beckerath, L A IV, 67. The most important cemetery is that of Assiut, where tombs 3-5 belong to F.I.P. nomarchs (Siirl; Edel, Die lnschrften der Grabfronten der Si~rl-Graber in ,LIirreliig~plen 011s der Herokleopolilet~:eit, Opladen, 1983). In the Hare nome, a line of nomarchs buried at Bersheh seem to be the direct successors of those buried in the O.K. tombs at Sheikh Said, and to cover the whole F.I.P. (Anthes, Hatnub, 103 ff.). For the Akhmim nomarchs of the F.I.P., see Brovarski, ,Vfilanges itlokl~lorI, Le Caire, 1985, 129-137. At Beni Hasan. a number of nomarchal tombs antedates the XIIth Dynasty, but it is less certain that any of them belongs to the F.I.P. (Willems, JEOL 28 [1983-19841, 1985. 91-93). l 2 In the Coptite and Denderite nomes north of Thebes, there were independent nomarchs after the O.K., but these were ousted in the early F.I.P. by the Thebans (cf. Fischer. Coprite Nome, 41-43; same, Denrirra. 185). Ankhtifi, who ruled the area south of Thebes. held nomarchal titles, but he or his successor, too, were defeated by theThebans (Vandier, 1Lfo'c1lla).After that. the whole area between Aswin and the seventh nonle was governed by oficials appointed by the Theban king, like Hetepi (Gabra, ,MD.-IIK 32 [1976]. 45-56). Other oficials from the Thrban sphere of inHuence stress their loyalty to the court (e.g. stelae Cairo 20502, 20543). l3 Willems, JEOL 28 (1983-1984). 1985. 99-101. l0

l1

2.0 T HE M . K . I N E G Y P T

61

It is remarkable to see that the differences in political organization between the Theban and the Heracleopolitan sphere of influence were not levelled after the i~nificationof the country. In Middle Egypt there were still nomarchs (!lr.y !p '3) in various places (Qlw, Assiut, Meir, Bersheh, Beni Hasan, Akhmim (cf. stela Cairo CG 20024)), some of whom led real provincial courts.14 The provincial cemeteries of Middle Egypt (see 2.1-4) from the M.K. in fact form the most important archaeological sites of the period. Nothing comparable exists, however, in the eight most southerly nomes, except at Aswin.15 When Amenemhat I moved his capital from Thebes to Lisht, he seems to have taken his political officials with him. The only larger tomb of the XIIth Dynasty in Thebes (TT60) was made by the vizier Antefoker for his mother. Antefoker himself. though definitely of Theban origin16, was buried near his king's pyramid at Lisht.17 This, and the total absence from the south of provincial rulers, seems to indicate a differentiated policy in the various parts of the country. Perhaps. the "dukes" of Middle Egypt were simply too powerful to submit to a planned reorganization by the court. The rulers of Meir may even have come to power in the course of the XIIth Dynasty (see 2.4. l). The Middle Egyptian provinces retained their own rule until after the middle of the XIIth Dynasty. Throughout Middle Egypt, the latest nomarchal tombs are also the largest. This suggests that the wealth of the nomarchs continued to increase. One has a strong impression that tension was mounting between the pretentious nomarchs and the court, which began to feel worried about its subordinates. The sudden disappearance of nomarchal tombs is generally interpreted as reflecting a political move from the king's side to curb nomarchal power, and it probably is.ls The successor of nomarch Khnumhotep I1 of Beni Hasan began to build a tomb, but this, as well as a large number of other monumental tombs of the same time, remained unfinished. It is hardly possible to explain this otherwise than as the result of some deliberate action, and one which certainly was not instigated by the tombowners themselves. It is uncertain how the king was able to make the nomarchs relinquish the local rule, but evidence from a ruined mastaba near the pyramid of Amenemhat 111 provides some tantalizing indications. The mastaba belonged to a high official by the name of Khnumhotep. This is admittedly a very common name, but as Jkquier already saw, his titles correspond with some of those of the nomarchs

l4 A typical court is depicted in the tomb of Djehutihotep at Bersheh (Bersl~ehI). Its reliefs show many subordinates: generals, doctors. stewards. The same categories of persons were buried in the subsidiary tombs (see 2.7.7). For the social organization, cf. Seidlmayer, 0.c. l 5 Miiller, Die Felset~griiberder Fii'rsretl ~ ' o Elephnnrine. t~ Gliickstadt, 1940, passim. Texts like Hl~nrnr. 87,12 K indicate that. under Sesostris I. the provincial rulers of rp-rsw (the former Theban sphere of influence) held titles of the type h3.ry-'n + town name. l6 26ba, Rock Inscripriotu ofLonmerNubin, Prague. 1974, no. 73, 1-2 is quite explicit on this point. " L i c h ~ 97-100. , IS E.g. Haves. CAH 1'. 505-506; JNES 12 (1953). 31. " A useful survey of the last rulers at Beni Hasan is Ward, G M 71 (1984). 51-59. For the evidence from Dahshur. see Dcil~chour1. 18-23. Perhaps the Khnumhotep buried at the latter site is identical with his namesake who in Betli H(lsc111I, pl. XXVI, 149 E. is said to receive a number of court-titles. See also Franke's forthcoming article "The Career of Khnumhotep 111".

62

T H E D A TE O F M . K .C O FFI N S

of the Oryx nome, while the city of Hr-nvr, in that province, is also referred to.19 Could he be a member of the nomarchal family, "promoted" away to the residence? It is not wholly certain that the suppression of nomarchal rule formed a single action, as is sometimes believed. The latest nomarchal tomb at Beni Hasan refers to Sesostris 11's sixth year.20 Its owner, Khnumhotep 11, may have remained in office after that, and the probably brief rule of his successor must also be taken into account. This may bring us into the early reign of Sesostris 111, but hardly later. Djehutihotep. the owner of the last tomb at Bersheh, certainly lived into that reign, and he may have been succeeded by a nomarch W e p w a w e t - h ~ t e p This . ~ ~ man and the owner of coffin M20, probably a nomarch from Meir (see 2.3.3), are probably later. Finally, at Qiw, nomarchs are known to have remained in office until Amenemhat III.22 It would rather seem, therefore, that the nomarchs were pushed aside only g r a d ~ a l l y . ~ ' 2.1 The Coffins from Beni Hasan 2.1.1 Introduction: Garstang's Excavations at Beni Hasan

The M.K. coffin material from Beni Hasan derives from the excavations undertaken in 1902-04 by G a r ~ t a n g About . ~ ~ one thousand tombs were emptied during these two seasons and this resulted, among others, in the find of roughly a hundred coffins and fragments t h e r e ~ f . ~Today, ' these finds are spread over museum collections all over the world, and little of it has been published. Owing to this circumstance, I could incorporate only fourteen coffins with interior decoration, and a few others which are undecorated inside. Fortunately, it seems that our evidence is complete as far as documents with interior decoration are concerned, for Garstang remarks that such finds formed a rarity, and only refers to those studied here.26 On prosopographical and/or palaeographical grounds, two groups are distinguishable (groups A and B), a distinction which is clearly reflected in the typology of the coffins (see table 1).

Beni Hasarr I, pl. XXXVIII. See Brovarski, FS Dunham, 23. See also 2.2.7 (B14C). ' 2 Steckeweh. Die Fiirstrngrabrr von Qaw, Leipzig, 1936. 7 A: 23 AS already suggested by Brovarski. o.c.. 23. Garstang. A S A E 5 (1904). 215-228; Garstang, BC; Junge, L A I. 695-698. 2"ee the find-list in Garstang. BC, 21 1-244. 26 Garstang, BC, 191-192. 21

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64

T H E D A TE O F M.K. C O F F I ~ S

2.1.2 Early Coffins: Group A (BHI-3C, BHS-6C, BHI-2L, BHI-20x, BHIW;

associated material: X1 Bas?) Prosopographical evidence on the owners of these coffins is too vague to be of any consequence for establishing their date.27 Fortunately, Garstang mapped the tombs whence they derive. A simplified version of his plan, indicating the position of the shafts where the material of groups A and B was found. is given in my map 1. All group A tombs turn out to be situated right in front of the earlier nomarchal tombs 14-29, which I believe to date from the early M.K. to the beginning of the XIIth Dynasty, under Amenemhat Tombs of subordinates are often found in front of those of their masters, so that group A may be roughly contemporary with the early M.K. nomarchs. Garstang probed the same dating method and concluded that it was unsound. He was led to this conviction because some people were buried at a considerable distance from the nomarchal tombs where they are mentioned in inscription^.^^ One can only agree that the spatial relationship between the last resting places of nomarchs and their subordinates is of restricted value as a dating criterion. But it is similarly unwise to disclaim all value. The growth of the cemetery of Beni Hasan proceeded from the south to the north. By the early M.K., the northernmost nomarchal tombs were 14-17, and it is in roughly this area that the group A coffins were discovered. Later in the XIIth Dynasty. the nomarchs selected an area further north for their tombs, of which nos. 2 and 3 are the most significant. Some of their officials followed their lords to the northern part of the cemetery, and here one only finds the more developed coffin types. Other people, however, preferred a burial in the south, perhaps in order to be near their ancestors. There is thus every reason to believe that the necropolis east of tombs 14-29 was in use from the early M.K. on, and that group A, which comprises the least developed coffin types, dates from this period. As regards palaeography and epigraphy, the coffins form a homogeneous group. On comparison, the script used in them reveals a close similarity with that found in

" Owner of BHI-?C: the in1.j-r 4tt11.tSokaremhat, with the good name Tjawi Garstang read Nefwa); owner of BH3C and BH6C: the svcnw ,vr Nefery (see Ghalioungui, The Ph~sicinnsoj'Atlcient Egypt, Mainz-Cairo, 1983, 25); owner of BH5C: the t1k3-hw.t Chnumnakht. He is probably the father of the owner of BHIW (Chnumnakht's son Cheti). who was presumably buried in the upper room of the same tomb (no. 585; cf. Garstang. BC, 89-90). None of the many other Chnumnakhts known from Beni Hasan (Beni Hasnrl I, pl. XII-XIII. XXX. XXXV) has the appropriate title. The coffins of the woman Netjernakht (BHI-ZOx) were found beside BHSC, but for the rest, nothing is known about her prosopography. The owner of BHI-2L is a man called Sobkhotep. See JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 1985.9L-93. Tombs 14-17 probably date from the reign of Amenemhat I and perhaps shortly before, while 21 is possibly somewhat later. Tomb 27 belongs to Remushenti. the father of the owner of tomb 15, and must belong to the end of the XIth Dynasty. No. 29 is probably still earlier. There remain some undecorated tombs and a tomb (23), of unknown date, which was decorated by Chnumhotep I1 of tomb 3 for an ancestor. Garstang. BC. 52-53,

.4)$(

65

2 I BENI HXSSAN

some of the tombs. The table below presents the basic characteristic forms of signs or spellings of words which are frequent in tombs and coffins alike. sign/word

coffin siglum

tomb no.

BHI-3C, BHSC, BHI-2L, BHI-20x butalsoBHIBr,BH4C

15, 17, 27 (see Beni Hasun (BH) 11, 31, IV, XVII, etc.

BHI-3C, BH5C

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(m)

As far as these five epigraphical and palaeographical details are concerned, there can be no doubt that group A is related with Beni Hasan tombs 14-15, 17. 27, 29 and 33, and particularly with tombs 15 and 17. As we have seen, these are precisely the chapels in front of which group A coffins were found. It is unfortunate that the offering formulae from tomb 14 have remained unpublished, so that only the spelling of nb t3 dsr could be compared.31 On this basis, I would propose a date for group A in roughly the same period as tombs 15 and 17 and, perhaps, the inadequately published tomb 14, i.e. about the last decade of the XIth Dynasty and the reign of Amenemhat I.32With the evidence at hand, a slightly later date cannot be wholly excluded nor is a somewhat earlier date fully out of the question. Typologically, group A would fit well into his period. Its coffins have an exterior decoration of types I and IIa, which were then current (see 3.2.1-2).33 For X1 Bas, see 2.1.4.

....

30 According to the publication, the ,--sign was omitted, but the space between w and is unnaturally high and may be damaged. l ' Bet~iHusun I, 82. Cf. Willems, JEOL 28 (1983-1984). 1985, 91-93. " Cf. also BHI and BH11.The inner decoration of group A coffins is also typical for the period ( I b, see 4.3).

''

66

T H E D A TE O F M K . CO F FI N S

2.1.3 Late Coffins: Group B (BHI Br, BH4C, BH1 Liv; associated material: BH?Liv,

BH15) Typologically, the coffins of group B have a close relationship (see table I ) and their palaeography and the prosopography of their owners afford converging indications as to their date. BHI Br belonged to a man with the rare name His coffin informs us that he was an i1~1.y-r,I*,"overseer of a district", while his mother was called Senen. The same name and title are borne by the son of a man 'Ankeku who is depicted In Beni Hasan tomb no. 3.35 BH4C contained the remains of the i1n.y-r pr (once: im,v-r pr rl !rrc<.t-nlr)and SS Netjeruhotep. A person with the same name and title (also i11z.y-r pr d3~i3.t)is mentioned in the same tomb. 'His father is here called C h n ~ m h o t e p . ~ ~ BHlLiv was made for the inl-y-r pr "steward" Keki. It is probably the coffin discovered by Garstang in tomb no. 886, even though his description ("coffin (broken)") does little justice to the fine monument now on display in the Merseyside County Museums in Liverpool (see fig. 12-13, 25, 27-28).37 Keki apparently belonged to a family in which the office of steward was hereditary. In Beni Hasan tomb no. 3 there is a representation of an im.y-r pr Njii s3 Kki, "steward Neferi's son Keki" and of an in1.y-rpr Kkis3 Nfii,"steward Keki's son hTefe~-i".~~ Their pedigree can be reconstructed in two alternative ways: the steward Neferi may either have preceded or succeeded the steward Keki. However, if the owner of BHlLiv is identical with any of the two Kekis, this uncertainty hardly affects the dating of the coffin: to be mentioned among the personnel in tomb no. 3, he must have been a contemporary of Chnumhotep 11, the owner of the tomb. In each of the three cases, there is no proof that the coffin owners and the persons mentioned in Chnumhotep 11's tomb are identical. But the fact that the same three names occur in the latter source as well as on three very similar coffins strongly points in this direction, the more so since the owner of BHlBr has an exceptional name. The palaeography adduces further indications that tomb and coffins must be closely contemporary:

-" The coffin was found in pit no. 500 (Garstang, BC, 226). Only one other M.K. instance of the name is mentioned in Ranke, P,V I. 144 ( I ) . Another coffin of Ma, deriving also from Garstang's excavations at Brni Hasan, is now at Macquarie University (Hope, G11f 90 [1986], 91). Beni Husari 1, pl. XXX. Bet~iHusun I, pl. XXIX, 1 and XXXV. It is probable that Netjeruhotep is related to (and perhaps identical with) the hon~onymousfather of Chnumhotep. thesS 'nsn.! and in1.y-rpr buried in tomb no. 13 (Betti liclsrm I. pl. XLI). These prosopographical data add weight to Schrnkel's attribution of tomb 13 to an advanced date in the XIlth Dynasty (FmiiS. 80). See also Bidoli. Spriicke cier Futtgt~e!;e, Gliickstadt. 1976. 25. -" Garstang. BC, 343. Another Keki, whose cotfin has apparently not been found, owned tomb 880. Betii Hascrn I, pl. XXX.

"

67

2 I BEN[ HASSAN

I)

2) 3) 4)

In BH4C and BHILiv, the Anubis-epithet nh 13-&r, "Lord of the Holy Land" is spelled p and respectively, i.e. with the word 13 determined by .... and the sign d.rr showing two arms. At Beni Hasan, parallels for this can be found in tombs 2 and 3.j9 a In BHlBr and BHlLiv, the formula pri.t hrnl is written spelling also known from tomb no. 3.40 In BH4C, the pr-sign in pri.t hrw is exceptionally written m. Parallels for this occur several times in tomb no. 3.41 It has been shown above that The toponym I)dw in BHIBr is written this writing was a regular feature of the tombs of the early XIIth Dynasty at Beni Hasan. It does not appear in tomb no. 2, but it recurs in tomb no. 3'=, as well as in some other late coffins.43

g

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@.

All these data suggest a close correspondence between group B and tomb no. 3, of Chnumhotep 11. This tomb was probably decorated in year 6 of Sesostris IL4* The coffins, then, must have been made approximately between the later years of Amenemhat I1 and the early reign of Sesostris 111. This conclusion accords well with the data from neighbouring sites, for coffins with similar typological features are of the same p e r i ~ d . " ~ For BH2Liv and BH15, see 2.1.4.

2.1.4 Remaining coffins (BH2Liv, BH30x, BH 15, X1 Bas) On typological grounds, the small fragment BH2Liv may belong to group B.*6 Of BH30x, only the lower half of the sides is preserved. With the restricted published evidence concerning this coffin, I feel unable to propose a date.

' 9 Betli Hosorr I, pl. VII, XII, XV, XIX, XXIV, XXXVI; similar remarks can be made concerning this epithet at other sites, see below, 2.3.4 (6) and Schenkel, FrrriiS, (22. Betli Huson I, pl. XXIV; cf. also Bet~iHascm I, pl. XXXVI-XXXVII. Comparable instances occur in and 0 4 have changed places. tomb no. 2, but here, the signs 41 Beni Huson I, pl. XXIV; pl. XXXVI. Cf. also BH8 (subtype IVba). 4 2 Beni Hosotl I, pl. XXIV, XXXVII (here determined by ?,). 4 3 BH8. With a slightly different determinative in BH4C (f J, BHlLiv (no determinative). 4 4 Beni Hasun I, pl. XXXVIII. 4 5 Exterior: type V1 (see 3.2.6); interior: type 2 (see 4.2). See further 3.3 (d) 4.3 m). 4.4.3 (231. n. 93, 96). 4.5.3 (c) (165); 4.5.4 (f)(182), 4.5.5 (c)(19J). 4.5.6 (a)(=). 4 6 Nothing is known about the origin of the piece. but it is kept at Liverpool University, where many of Garstang's finds from Beni Hasan are also preserved. It is a H-fragment showing, on the outside, a layout which may be either attribute state 3. 4. or 5 (for attribute states, see 1.4). the ornamental texts The cofin was hence probably of type IV or VI. On the inside I believe the representing attribute state 2. leopard-skin ornament discussed in 4.3 (155) may be visible. Since no "block-band" (see again 4.3) is seen along the vertical edges, the cofin may well have featured 151(see 4.3, where it is pointed out that a cofin of Beni Hasan group B (BH4C) has the same ornament). All these characteristics point to a similar date for the fragment as Beni Hasan group B.

a,

68

T H E D A T E O F M . K . CO FFI N S

XlBas was recently published by Lapp. He attributes the coffin to Meir, but it seems possible too that it actually stems from Beni Hasan. An exact typological parallel is BHlOx, which also represents outer type I and the rare inner type 3 (see 3.2.1 and 4.2). The execution resembles that of coffin BH I which, moreover, has the same orthography and palaeography of most signsjwords (see fig. 5, 17). X 1 Bas also has bands of coloured rectangles on the outside, which is common at Beni Hasan (see 3.1, n. 15), but unknown on material from M e i ~ - . ~If' it comes from Beni Hasan, it should be associated with group A, of which BH I and BH 1 Ox form part (see n. 33). BH 15 is typologically interesting, for its closest parallels originate from Bersheh, and not from Beni Hasan (B16C, B7). Nevertheless, the records of the Museum o f Fine Arts a t Boston leave no doubt that it was the coffin of Neby discovered by Garstang in Beni Hasan tomb 294. The parallels suggest a date in the time of Sesostris 11-111."" 2.2 The Coffins from Bersheh

2.2.1 Introduction: The Site of Bersheh In Egyptological literature, the name of Bersheh refers to the mouth of the Wadi Deir en-Nakhla several kilometers north of Bersheh proper. The place is best known for the large nomarchal tombs situated high up in the north-slope the the wadi (see map 2). Many archaeologists have shown an interest in the site. Already in 1891-2, the Egypt Exploration Fund organized an epigraphic expedition there, the report of which is still of fundamental importance (Bersllelz 1-11). In the ensuing years, illicit digs took place in the region and many European and American museums sent agents to Bersheh to purchase antiquities for their collections (notably M.K. tomb equipment). In roughly the same years, from 1897 to 1902, Daressy and Kamal explored the site. Finally, mention must be made of Reisner's expedition in 1915, which produced a number of important finds. Unfortunately. the American archaeologist never published a report.48 The M.K. coffins were largely discovered in, or in close association with, the nomarchal tombs. This, as well as prosopgraphical indications, makes clear that most coffin owners were connected with the nomarchs of the Hare nome by links of kinship or profession. In the first place, we have some coffins of the nomarchs The block-band on the outside is shown in Lapp. Surge, pi. 10. Other features it has in common the occurrence of PT 16 on FR (X). with Beni Hasan: 1, Palaeographic similarities with Bershrh groups D-E are dealt with in n.95. B16C and B7 are the only other subtype lVbb coffins. For the excavations at Bzrshrh. see Daressy. ASAE 1 (1900). 17-43. Kamal, ASAE 2 (1901), 14-43 and 206-222: ASilE 3 (1902). 276-282: for a survey of archaeological work see Zimmer, BSFE 96 (1983), 22-25.

2.2 BERSHEH

70

THE D A T E O F M . K . CO FFI N S

themselves, as well as of some of their wives. Others, such as B6C, belong to important members of the ruling family. Lastly, many belong to high officials of the provincial court, such as generals, doctors, scribes and estate managers. I have found no indications that this social stratification is reflected in typological differentiation in the coffins. In view of the close association between our coffins and the nomarchal family. the pedigree of the rulers (genealogy I ) provides the chronological framework for the next sections.49

2.2.2 Group A: The Early Nomarchs (cofins B 1-4Bo, B6-8Bo, B6C, B l-2Ph, canopic box BSBo, associated material coffins B21C, B4P, Y2C and canopic box B 19C) During his excavations at Bersheh in 19 15, Reisner's archaeological team discovered a tomb of which the chapel was almost completely d e m ~ l i s h e d . The ' ~ burial appartment was violated, but still contained the coffins of a nomarch Djehutinakht (Bl-2Bo). Next to these were the middle and inner coffins of his wife, who was a namesake of her husband, as well as her canopic box (B3-5Bo). It has hitherto escaped notice that this important find included yet another coffin, the outer coffin of the woman Djehutinakht (B8Bo).'l On stylistic grounds, Brovarski argued that these sources must be dated, not to '~ the reign of Sesostris 111, as was formerly believed, but to the XIth D y n a ~ t y . There can be no doubt that the newly proposed date is approximately correct s3, but unfortunately, the genealogical position of the nomarch is not clear. As Brovarski realized, he may have been either Djehutinakht IV or V s4, i.e. a son of nomarch Ahanakht I and predecessor of Nehri I, or the son and successor of the latter. The implies a date towards latter option, which is evidently the one Brovarski Fdvo~rs'~, the end of the reign of Amenemhat I, for Djehutinakht V ruled the Hare nome for at least 20 years, while his father Nehri I seems to have been in office around the beginning of the reign of Amenemhat I.s6 If, however, the owner of our coffin was Djehutinakht IV, these documents must be dated before Nehri I, i.e. at the very end 49 The following pages are based on the chronological reconstruction I have provided in JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 1985. 80-102. 5 0 The discovery is described in Terrace. Egjpritrn Painrings, 20-24. 5 1 I owe a debt of gratitude to D r Edward Brovarski for enabling me to consult photographs of this coffin and some others in Boston. 5 2 Brovarski, FS D~lmhoni.23-25. 5 3 The outer decoration of all four coffins is type I (see 3.2.1), that of their inside type la (see 4.2). Other typical features are, e.g., 151(see 4.3); 134(see 4.6.2). 252 (see 4.1 < 4 > ) . For the numbering. see Willems. JEOL 28 (1983-1984). 1985, 102. 5 5 See Brovarski. o.c.. 29. fig. 13, ascribing coffin M F A 20.1812-77 (i.e. BIBo) to Djehutinakht V. 5 6 For Nehri's date and the length of Djehutinakht's tenure, see Willems. JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 1985. 80- 102.

2.2 RERSHEH

71

72

T HE D A T E O F M . K . C O FF I N S

of the XIth Dynasty. Lacking independent evidence confirming either identification, I feel unable to decide between the two alternatives. The remains of coffins B6-7Bo were found in a subsidiary shaft in the same tomb. Terrace suggests that the coffins were contemporary with those from the main shaft.s7 This conclusion is probably correct. both on account of the position of the subsidiary shaft in the antechamber of Djehutinakht's tomb and because of typological a n a l ~ g i e s . ~ " There is hardly room for doubt that BBC belongs to the same group of coffins, . ~ ~ in the although it was not found in or close to the tomb of D j e h ~ t i n a k h t Like cases previously discussed, its exterior decoration represents type I (see 3.2. l) and its inside type 1 (see 4.2). Its object frieze has a number of exceptional features. Near the head-end on B, razors are depicted as well as bedroom equipment60, the only comparable coffin in this respect being BIBo. Here, these objects are followed by a #-object, ,rs!zu-collars and mk!z.t-counterpoises; in B6C one finds wsh-collars and rnenh.t-counterpoises, some other jewellery and a g-object, and there are several other parallels.61 In view of these facts, it is probably more than coincidental that the original owner of B6C was the htm.w-bi.ty Kay.62 Djehutinakht V, possibly the owner of BlBo, had a brother with the same name and title.63 Our Kay may hence be a brother of Djehutinakht V and a son of Nehri I. This provides an approximate date: like his brother, he may have died towards the end of the reign of Amenemhat I. The coffins B1-2Ph are still unpublished, and have hardly ever been mentioned in the l i t e r a t ~ r eThey . ~ ~ belong to a nomarch named Ahanakht. He may be identical with Ahanakht 165,but this cannot be proved; Ahanakht 1's son Ahanakht I1 is a O.C. (n. 50). 23. Again, I have benefitted from Dr Brovarski's photographs. Exterior decoration: type I (see n. 53 and 3.2.1); 151(see 4.3), which, a t Bersheh, occurs on B3Bo; 133. 134 (see 4.6.2). For the discovery, see Kamal. A S A E 2 (1901), 35-36. The coffin seems to have been found near shaft no. 21, which contained coffins from the time of Amenemhat 11. This does not necessarily invalidate the dating proposed here, for the same area yielded coffin C G 28098, which dates in all probability from the O.K. or F.I.P. Moreover. B6C had been usurped, and may have been made a considerable time before it was buried. Willems, o.c., 93-94. Outside Bersheh. coffins SlOC and S14C provide some analogies. L.c. 6 2 See LSA 11, 66. The decoration of the coffin was begun for another person, named Ahanakht (see Willems, o.c., n. 104). Members of the nomarchal family with this name are chiefly known from the XIth Dynasty, which is also a n indication of early date. Bersllelr 11. pl. XI. 4 and Willems. o.c., 82, n. 19. Brovarski. FS Dirtrl~am,23 and n. 71: Fleming e.a., The Eg.).p~iun1C1umm.v.Secre~sancl Science, Philadelphia, 1980. 15. The coffins are being prepared for publication by Dr. D. Silverman. 6 T h e r e are no reports about the find-place of the cofins. They may have been found by the same local diggers who appear to have dug up BI-3L after Daressy had left Bersheh (see 2.2.5). At any rate, the present coffins were bought there by the Philadelphia Museum in 1901, i.e. about the time the British Museum acquired some others (Letters of W. Max Miiller to the Philadelphia blusrum, kindly communicated to me by Dr D. Silverman). I should note that the shafts in the inner chamber of the tomb

73

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possible candidate as well. The latter was one of the two, probably short-lived, men who preceded Nehri I in the n ~ m a r c h y He . ~ ~must, therefore. have ruled the Hare nome only a short time before the beginning of the XIIth Dynasty, i.e. in approximately the last decade of the XIth. If the owner is Ahanakht I, a slightly earlier date must be proposed, i.e. ten to twenty years before the XIIth Dynasty. For B 19C. B2 1 C, B4P and Y2C, see 2.2.7.

2.2.3 Group B (B3-4C, tomb BIB: associated material: B4P, BIY) The coffins of the nh.t pr Sat-hedjhotep (B3-4C) were found in a tomb shaft (no. 20) in the in the top of the hill overlooking the valley in which the other Bersheh tombs are situated.67 Although neither this tomb nor the adjoining burials yielded any evidence on Sat-hedjhotep's family, it seems to be clear who she was. Two ladies of the name are attested at Bersheh. One is the wife of nomarch Nehri I1 and mother of the nomarchs Djehutinkaht V1 and Amenemhat. The other is one of the daughters of nomarch D j e h u t i h ~ t e p Stylistically, .~~ B3-4C are strongly related to the early M.K. coffins, occupying an intermediate position between those of the time of Amenemhat I (group A) and Amenemhat I1 (group C).69 Since the lastmentioned Sat-hedjhotep must have lived during the reigns of Sesostris I1 and I11 and Amenemhat 111, it is most probable that the former of the two owned B3-4C. As I have argued elsewhere, it is probable that Nehri I1 was in office before year 3 1 of Sesostris I, though it is impossible at present to be more precise. Neither do we know when he was succeeded by his sons Djehutinakht V1 and A m e n e m h a ~ ~For O his tomb (BIB) and for his wife's coffins, I propose a date in the second half of the reign of Sesostris I. For B4P and BIY, see 2.2.7.

2.2.4 Group C (B9-IOC, B15C, B22C, canopic box B1 IC, tomb B2B; associated material: B4P, BIY and B3Y) Coffins B9-1OC and canopic box B1 IC formed part of the funerary equipment of the nomarch Amenemhat. The coffins are very similar in execution to B l j C and of Ahanakht I were not cleared by Griffith and Newberry (Berslieh 11, 30, pl. XII), but are now open. This may also be due, however, to the 1915 excavations of Reisner in the tomb (see Brovarski, FS Dirnhrm~. 14 ff.). 66 Willems, o x . , 82. 67 Daressy, ASAE 1 (19001, 20-2 1. For the former Sat-hedjhotep, see Willems, o.c., 83. For the latter, see Bershel~I, pl. XXX. It is significant that no coffins of any member of the latter's generation has been found, for she had numerous brothers and sisters (see the reconstruction in Bershel~11. 14-15). Presumably. the nomarchs of the Hare nome had been dismissed by that time (see 2.0, end). Exterior: subtype IIIaa (see 3.2.3); inner decoration: subtype l b (4.2). See table 2. ' O JEOL 28 (1983-1984). 1985, 82-84.

2 . 2 BERSHEH

75

B72C, belonging to a nomarch Djehutinakht. As Brovarski has argued convincingly71, it is most probable that these persons are identical with the two sons of Nehri 11. with whom we became acquainted in the preceding section. They succeeded their father as nomarchs towards the end of the reign of Sesostris I and in the time of the latter's successor Amenemhat II.72Most probably, therefore, their coffins date from the time of Amenemhat I1 or only slightly earlier. The same date, of course, applies for the tomb of Djehutinakht (VI), B2B. Like that of his father, it is decorated with religious texts. Unfortunately, the order of sucession of the two men is uncertain, so that the sequence of the sources remains problematic. As table 2 clearly demonstrates, these sources are typologically more developed than groups A and B.73 For B4P, BlY and B3Y, see 2.2.7.

2.2.5 Group D: Subsidiary burials from the Forecourt of Tomb no. 2 (B IC, B16- 17C. B1-5L, B1-2P; canopic boxes B2C and B18C; associated material: BIBe, B 1214C, B20C, B3Y, BH15) As Brovarski remarks, no coffins are known to exist of the nomarch Djehutihotep, the owner of Bersheh tomb no. 2.74Instead, those of many of his subordinates have been preserved. Their tombs (no. 11-15 on map 275)were discovered by Daressy in the northern slope of the valley, just in front of the entrance to chapel no. 2.76It is a well-known fact that such a position is characteristic of the burials of a nomarch's personnel.77 In the present case, the relation to the nomarchal tomb seems to be particularly close. The five shafts in fact form an integral part of Djehutihotep's tomb complex, having been dug in its f o r e c ~ u r t . ~Moreover, " the shafts form an evenly spaced row, so that one is almost forced to assume that they were hewn out in the course of a single building programme. These observations suggest that none of these shafts can have been made before work on tomb no. 2 had begun.

Brovarski, FS Dl~nhain,23-25. Cf. n. 70. 73 The outer decoration is still the same as in group B (IIIaa, see 3.2.3), but the inner decoration has evolved into type 2 (see 4.2). 74 Brovarski, FS D~rni~am, 25. 7 5 Corresponding with shafts D-G and the unlabelled one in Daressy, ASAE 1 (1900), 27 R: 7 6 Daressy. A S A E 1 (IYOO), 25-32. l7 Cf. Brovarski, o.c., 26. n.92. 7 8 South of the portico of tomb no. 2. the rock has been cut away, thus forming a large open space. It is evident that this work was carried out when tomb no. 2 was being built, for othernise its faqade would have been inaccessible. Further, the east wall of the open space is formed by the living rock, which was left standing. but smoothed. Shafts 11-15, which are situated In the open space, are also in alignment with the east and west walls of the tomb (cf. map 2 and Reisner's plan published by Terrace. Egyprian Painlings, 12). 71 72

76

THE D ATE O F M . K . CO FFI N S

The only account of the excavation of these tombs is Daressy's preliminary report.79 Here we learn that he excavated pits 13-15, although he was aware of the existence of two more shafts (1 1 , 12). Pits 13-15 contained the burials of three men named Sepi, as well as of a third person: a) shaft 15: the steward (inl.y-r pr) Sepi. the owner of the famous coffins in the Louvre (BI-2P) and canopic box B2C.80 shaft 14: the general ( i i ~ . y -mi3 r Sepi, the owner of B1C and the anthropomorb) phic coffin Cairo CG 28084R1and the general Sepi, who owned coffin B5L.8Z Nothing is known about the way these two generals were related, but they may well represent successive generations of the same family.83 shaft 13: the steward (hn.y-r pr (wr)) Neferi. His coffins and canopic box (B 16C) 18C) are now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo.84 Something strange has happened with shafts nos. 11-12. Daressy reports that, during his stay at Bersheh, the three pits just described had been discovered, while it was uncertain how many were still buried beneath the sand. However, after his departure, late in December 1897 or early in the next month, the shaft of a man Gua (Gw3) was discovered and a fifth, no. I l , is indicated on Daressy's plan.85 A short while after, Kamal investigated the site, and all five tombs are indicated on his map. However. since he does not say a word about them, they must have been empty already.86Egyptological sources are thus silent on what was found in shafts I I and 12. Nonetheless, it seems reasonably certain that they contained coffins BI-4L. B1-2L belong to the chief physician (1r.r .rivnb~t)Gua - probably the same person as the man referred to above in connection with shaft 12. The owner of the two others, the chief physician Sen, may have been buried in shaft no. 1 l.87 All four were bought by the British Museum at Bersheh only a short while after Daressy's ---

79

Cf. n. 76. This man may be identical with the in1.j-r pr n S.! mentioned in tomb no. 2 (Bersheh I, pl. XXVII,

I I). Daressy. o.c., 39-40. For the anthropomorphic cofin, see LSA I, 199-200. No generals named Sepi are otherwise known from Bersheh, but it is worth mentioning that this name is frequently attested in tomb no. 2 (Berslrelr I, PI. XV, XX, XXVII [5x]; 11, p. 28 [associable with tomb no. 2 because the rare name o f Sep's mother, Wadjkaus, recurs there (Bersllelr I, pl. XXVII)]). Perhaps B5L is later than BIC, for it is undecorated inside, as was common in the late XIIth Dynasty. Moreover, the chamber where it was found seems to have been added as an afterthought, being exceptionally situated north of the shaft (Daressy, O.C.23). The same name, but other titles (!r!m.w kJ3-ib and in1.y-r !r!rn.r) occur in tomb no. 2 (Berslreh I, pl. XXIX and XX). 8 5 Daressy, o.c., 23 (Daressy's shaft G). 42-43. Kamal, ASAE ? (1901). 15. Nothing is known about Sen's family, although the fact that both he and Gua were physicians might point to a kin-relationship. In that case. it is possible that they belong to successive generations of one family, but their order cannot be ascertained. Gua (a fl may be represented in tomb no. 2. for the last sign of his name,@,is still preserved in one of its reliefs - interestingly in combination with two men named Sepi (Berslreh I, pl. XXVII, 5).

2.2 BERSHEH

77

excavations, in June and July 1899.88 B5L, which formed part of the same find complex, must have reached London around the same time.RYLastly, there are strong similarities between the London coffins and the ones discovered in shafts 13-15.Y0One can thus hardly doubt that the former came from this group of tombs. As remarked above, group D coffins were discovered in shafts which can only have been made after work on the tomb of Djehutihotep had begun. We know that Djehutihotep was in office in the reigns of Sesostris I1 and III.91 No later nomarch has left any tomb in the cemetery, probably because they were dismissed around this time (see 2.0). Therefore, the owners of group D coffins, who were members of a nomarchal court, can hardly be later than Sesostris 111. This fixes the date of this group in the time of Sesostris 11-111. For B12- 14C, B20C and B3Y, see 2.2.7. For BH 15, see n. 95 and 2.1.4.

2.2.6 Group E (B5C, B7-8C; coffin sledge B3P; associated material: B1 Be, B14C) B5C and B7C are the coffins of a ss' ' nsu3.t and ss' hn Djehutihotep. Their entry numbers in the Cairo Museum prove that they were acquired similtaneously with B8C, which belongs to a man with the same name and titles, and it is probable that they all originate from the find reported on by Kamal in ASAE 3 (1902), 277-280.92 This circumstance might indicate that all three coffins belonged to a single person. Such a number is exceptionally high, but not ~ n p a r a l l e l l e d . Further ~~ objects belonging in all probability to the same find are now in the Louvre: fragments of B8C and a coffin sledge covered with hieratic CT, also of a SS 'nsw.t D j e h u t i h ~ t e p . ~ ~ B5C and B7C, the only coffins with inner decoration, have a palace faqade ornamentation outside. This feature indicates that they can hardly be much earlier than the reign of Sesostris I1 (type VI, see 3.2.6). The outer decoration of B8C (subtype IVba, see 3.2.4) points in the same direction, as do some other criteria of the coffins.95On the other hand, no securely datable coffins from Bersheh are later Letter of Dr. W.V. Davies of 19th June, 1984. It is mentioned together with the others in A Guide to the First and Second Eg?,ptiatr Roonrs, London, 1904, 71. 9 0 See table 2. For stylistic similarities, see n. 109. Willems, JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 1985, 83-84. 9 2 B5C: Cairo JdE 37566; B7C: JdE 37567; BSc: JdE 37568. 9 3 Cf. M7-8C and M42C; TI-?Be and T20, and B3-4Bo and B8Bo. Fragments of H and F of B8C (no number) and sledge B3P, which is now being prepared for publication by Mme E. Delange-Bazin. The object friezes contain some objects not attested before this period: the royal vs!,-collars (see table 13.1 and 4.5.6, n. 1861. B8C is painted black outside. a feature of the later XIIth Dynasty (cf. e.g. B5L, T6C, TIOC). Palaeogrnphical features: Qhvspelled f l A J 0 , for which compare B4-5L (group D) and BH15; the in1n.t-sign written %. as in B5C and BSc, recurs in BlC. BIZC, B16-17C, B2L. The ?-sign (Gnrdiner F28) replaces 7. a feature common in groups C and D (B IC, B9C. B 12C, B 15C. B 17C. B I-5L. BI-2P and BH15). In the epithet nb t3 dsr. t3 is determined b y a in BSc. This also happens in B3-4L and BH 15. 88

89

78

T H E D A TE O F M.K CO FFI N S

than the reign of Sesostris III.90This approximate date for group E is reinforced by the prosopographical data. though these are admittedly inconclusive. Bersheh tomb no. 2, dating from the time of Sesostris 11-111, features a drawing of a certain Djehutihotep, who is mentioned elsewhere as the younger brother of the SS n.srl,.t Se~i.~ In' view of the concordance of names and titles, the suggestion that the owner of the coffins is identical with Sepi's brother is tempting. He may well have succeeded Sepi as SS ' nsrr3.t. For B I Be and B14C. see 2.2.7. *

2.2.7 Remaining Coffins (B I-3Be, B 12-14C. B19-2 IC; B6-7L, B4P, B I-6Y, Y2C) In this section, I shall deal with the rest of the material from Bersheh. This is mainly material of undetermined archaeological orland prosopographical context. The only way to establish the approximate date of these documents is a typological comparison with coffins which are more or less datable. BlBe is the coffin B 0 of a certain Sen, perhaps a relative of the namesake who owned B3-4L (group D). It is inscribed with version C of the Book of Two Ways.gs According to Lesko, this is the earliest text variant.99 Waitkus argued, however, that it is much more closely related to the Vorlccge of BD chapter 144, and thus more evolved than the other, allegedly later, versions.100 Moreover, version C is only known from Bersheh groups D-E, i.e. from the time of Sesostris II-III.lO1 It is thus probable that B I Be was made in approximately the same period. B2-3Be: owing to the fragmentary state of these documents, it has proved impossible to determine their date. B12-13C belong to a "great web-priest" (\v% '3) Iha. Roeder identified the owner with a homonymous nomarch, who lived during the F.I.P.lo2 This hypothesis does not withstand closer examination, however. The palaeography clearly indicates a date in the XIIth Dynastylo3,and B13C has strong similarities with B17C and other group D coffins (see table 2). It can therefore hardly be doubted that B13C belongs to group D. B 12C is more problematic. It corresponds on most points with group A: 96 A similar coffin (B14C) has been dated by Brovarski to the time of Amenemhat 111, but see 2.2.7 below. Bersheh 1, pl. XXVII; 11, p. 28. It seems certain hat the two sources refer to the same person, since both men have a mother by the rare name of Wadjkaus. 9 8 See Lesko, Thr Ancient Egyprirrrr Book of Two I.V~z.vs, Berkeley, 1972, 134. Q9 L.c. loo Waitkus. G M 62 (1983). 92. lol The other versions are A , B and A-B. Version A succeeded C according to Lesko. but it is striking that this "later" development is already attested on the earliest documents with CT from Bersheh (e.g. BlBo. B4B0, B6C). '02 Roeder, Hrurlopolis, 77, n. 3 1. 1°' Cf. n.95. Note also that the pri.1 !lrw formula is introduced by d;=J indicating a date in the XIlth Dynasty (cf. Bennett, JEA 27 [1941]. 77-78); the name of the deceased is followed by nr3' bra1nb in13!1 (time of Sesostris 1 or later, see Schenkel, FrrlaS. 76).

2 . 1 RERSHEH

79

the outer decoration represents type I, the inner decoration type I (see 3.2.1 and 4.2.3; see further table 2). Notwithstanding these strong typological ties with group A, the coffin is believed to have formed a set together with B13C.lo4 This interpretation is borne out by the fact that BI2C features some characteristics not yet attested in group A, but common in group D.lo5 B14C was discovered by Daressy in a shaft (no. 17) cut in the slope below Bersheh tombs I and 2. The coffin represents outer decoration type V1 (see 3.2.6). It originally belonged to a nomarch Djehutinakht, but was ultimately used for the burial of a lady called 'Ankhu. Brovarski made the plausible suggestion that the original owner was Djehutinakht son of Ankhu, who had it recarved for his mother.lo6 Brovarski's dating of the coffin, in the time of Amenemhat 111, is historically important. It involves that Djehutinakht son of Ankhu succeeded nomarch Djehutihotep, and that the power of nomarchs from Bersheh was not curbed before the reign of Amenemhat 111 (cf. 2.0). However, the evidence seems too slender to justify such a far-reaching conclusion. It will be seen below that coffins like B14C, which represent type VI, occur at least from the early reign of Sesostris I1 on (see 3.2.6). Djehutinakht son of Ankhu may perhaps have preceded Djehutihotep in the nomarchy, and date from the late reign of Amenemhat I1 andlor early reign of Sesostris 11. The tomb where B14C was discovered also contained the two coffins of the lady Sat-ipi (B4-5).lo7 Also, the typology of B4 (Vab, see 3.2.5) fits the suggested dating. B19C: The identity of the owner of this canopic box, a woman by the name of Djehutinakht, could not be determined.lo8 B20C is a fragment of the B of a coffin. Its owner is unknown. It has some very distinctive typological features, which link it with coffins B13C. B16-17C and B4L, so that it almost certainly dates from the same time as group D.lo9 B21C is reported to have had the same decoration as Y2C110, and a similar date

L S A 11, 20, n. I. a ) the vertical leopard-skin ornament, which was introduced in group C, but only became common in group D see 4.3); b) the ornamental band separating the frieze objects from the supporting tables see n. 109). For stylistic similarities, see n. 109. l U 6 Brovarski, FS Dimham, 23. 25. The genealogical position of this Djehutinakht being unknown, he has been omitted from pedigree 1. l o 7 Daressy, A S A E 1 (1900), 24 mentions the find of only one coffin, but B4 and B5 are so similar that they must belong to the same person (communication of D r M. Raven). 'OS See G.A. Reisner, Cat~opics,377 f. It seems impossible to identify her with the last owner of B6C. for no canopic box is reported to have been found with this coffin (Karnal, ASAE 2 [1901], 35-36). Another female Djehutinakht was the owner of Y2C (see below). lo9 B20C also has the band bet\veen frieze objects and tables (222. cf. n. 105). as well as the leopardskin ornament see 4.3). Furthermore, its style is similar to that of BI3C. B16-17C and B4L (and B12C) in the remarkably low form of the wsh-collar in the object frieze (see L S A 11, pl. LI. no. 430; Andrews. Egjptiarr i\.llmmrics, London, 1984, fig. 32 [BJL]). 110 LSA 11, 91 (CG 7-81l?). 1 ° '

'OS

(m,

(z.

(m,

80

T H E D A TE O F M . K .COFFIKS

(late XIth Dynasty - reign of Amenemhat I, see below) is probable. Its owner, Ankhit, is not known from elsewhere. BlY is the coffin of a [ltril.~rhi.ty Djehutinakht. Although several nomarchs of the same name hold the title htm.u bi.1~7,they used another titulary on their coffins (!13.ty-' !lrp ns.tj~)lll,so that the owner of BIY was probably not a nomarch. It seems impossible to establish his genealogical position. The coffin most strongly resembles material of groups B and C. Like there, the outer decoration is of subtype IIIaa (see 3.2.3). Other phenomena found in both these groups are the double registers of ornamental hieroglyphs inside and the cici mdu~formulae found in the second register of ornamental hieroglyphs (l 17, 238, see 4.4.1-2112). Apart from these, some features associate BIY with group B, but not with later documents. The interior decoration is probably of type Ib (see 4.2.3)l13, and the offering list on FR is arranged in register form see 4.6.2Il4). On the other hand, the object frieze on F consists of no more than a row of granaries (178, see 4.5.4 (a)), an arrangement paralleled in groups C and D. The resemblance to coffin B 15C is particularly clear. B2Y belonged to a nb.t pr Djehutihotep. The title probably indicates that this woman was a member of the family of nomarchs, for i t was only adopted by females of lower standing towards the end of the XIIth Dynasty.lls Two women with the name Djehutihotep are known from this family. The first, the wife of nomarch Nehri Ill6, can hardly have been the owner of B2Y. Documents from her time all have the exterior decoration type I (see 3.2.1), while that of the present coffin is much more developed (subtype IVaa (?, see 3.2.4, n. 138). The second lady of the name was the mother-in-law of nomarch Djehutinakht V1117, and a member of the same generation as Sat-hedjhotep, whose coffins (group B) have been dated above to the second half of the reign of Sesostris I (2.2.3). Again, the decoration types are not wholly congruent, for that of groups B and C is not subtype IVa. but IIIa (see 3.2.3-4). Possibly, however, type IVa may already have been introduced under Sesostris I, at least in certain parts of Egypt. It must be stressed that this interpretation is hypothetical. though it is somewhat strengthened by the following observation. It

(m,

ll1 H1m.w bi.1~.see for a compilation of the sources from this area Anthes, Z ~ 59 S (1924). 103 f. The ' as well. titles !13.fy-' hrp ns.ry occur on BI-2Ph, BIBo, B9-IOC, BI4-L5C. The sole title h 3 . f ~ - appears lL2 Also the contents of these texts is similar. 113 This is not wholly certain, for while it is characteristic for coffins of this type to have an object frieze on H, F and B, only H and F friezes are visible on my photographs of BIY. I cannot decide whether no frieze a t all occurred on B - this would be very exceptional - or whether it has completely disappeared in the crease in the wood below the ornamental hieroglyphs. 114 Unlike in other Bersheh coffins where this list is arranged in register form. the present list shows no representations of offering bearers. 115 Cf. Malaise, SAK 5 (1977), 187: Rosati, OrAnf 19 (1980). 272. See Willems, JEOL 28 (1953-1984). 1985, 82 and n. 19. She lrved at the end of the XIth Dynasty and during the reign of Amenemhat I. 117 Berslreh 11, 25 and genealogy I.

2.2 BER SHEH

81

is striking that another coffin at Yale (B3Y) belonged to the lady Hathorhotep, a nh.t-pr and ir.yt-p:(. These titles are a clear indication that she too must have had a prominent position in the nomarchal family. Interestingly, the wife of nomarch Djehutinakht VI, who was the daughter of a woman Djehutihotep (cf. B9Y), was also called Hathorhotep. Unfortunately, no information is available on the find circumstances of B2Y and B3Y. Could it be that the coffins were discovered close together and sold jointly to the Peabody Museum? We will possibly never know, but the possibility that both came from the same family tomb cannot be excluded and, if true, supports our identification of the owner of B2Y with the mother-in-law of Djehutinakht VI.l18 B3Y Hathorhotep, the owner of B3Y, could thus be identified with the wife of nomarch Djehutinakht VI, and this would imply that her coffin should be dated in roughly the same time as those of her husband (B15C and B22C, see 2.2.4). But she could just as well be the wife of a later nomarch, Djehutihotep, who ruled the Hare nome under Sesostris II-III.119 Typologically, though, B3Y corresponds most closely with group C, of which Djehutinakht VI's coffins form part as I have no clues as to the date of the coffin bottoms B4-6Y, which are inscribed with the Book of Two Ways. B4P is a small coffin fragment of an unknown person.lzl It only contains CT, which have been engraved with a sharp object. This feature (252, see 4.1 (4)) is mainly known from Bersheh, where it occurs in groups A-C. Y2C: The description given by Lacau of Y2C suggests that it, too, came from Bersheh.lz2 In style, it closely resembles the documents of group A: like these, its exterior decoration is of type I and that of the inside of type 1 (see 3.2.1 and 4.2.3). Like in the preceding document, the CT are engraved. The ornamental hieroglyphs on the inside occur in a double register, of which the second is a &nui' l w formula (1 17, 238). It should therefore be dated to the end of the XIth Dynasty or the reign of Amenemhat I.

Note that groups of related coffins were often sold together, e.g. B L-5L. B1-2P. B12-13C, BI-2Ph. Berslreh I, pl. XVII, XX. XXVIII. B3Y is only partly preserved. The exterior decoration of its B and FR are of the same kind as found in type IIIaa (see 3.2.3). In its pure form, this is known only from Bersheh groups B and C and probably contemporary material From Meir, though in the rare type VIII, comparable long sides are found (group D, see 3.2.7). The interior decoration contains the following distinctive features: E. which is known from groups C and D (see 4.3): the ornamental hieroglyphs inside occur in a double register, of which the lower is a &l rdn formula (238). This combination was common groups A-C, and occurs once in group D, in the archaizing cottin B12C (see 4.4.1-2). l" Louvre, unpublished. lZ2 Cairo C G 281 11, see LSA 11, 89-91. 118 119

82

THE DA T E O F W K . C O FF I N S

2.3 The Coffins from Meir 2.3.1 Introduction: The Chronology of the Great Tombs at Meir Meir is one of the richest sources for M.K. coffins. About seventy-five ones with interior decoration are known, while there is also a fairly high number where such ornamentation is lacking. Even so, what we have is only a small fraction of the amount of coffins that lay buried there until quite recently. Still in the second half of the last century, the tombs were frequently pillaged by locals searching for timber. Official digs only made things worse, for the early excavators were only interested in those few coffins which were still in a perfect state of preservation. Fragments and incomplete coffins were apparently considered worthless, and were often simply burnt. Blackman quotes one witness stating that "sometimes, there was a bonfire of discarded sarcophagi as high as my tent!"123 It is probably a result of such activities that most of the finds discovered by later diggers, and which form the bulk of the evidence, are in a very imperfect state of preservation. More serious interest in the site was aroused after Chassinat's visit in 1890. In the ensuing years, a number of French and other archaeologists (Daressy. Barsanti, Legrain, Clkdat, Sha'bhn) worked at Meir for some time.124 Unfortunately, their scant reports are all of a depressing quality and reveal only limited interest in material other than the great tombs. These latter certainly rank among the more important achievements of the M.K., and the need for a full publication was strongly felt. This gap was finally filled by Blackman, who led a number of epigraphic expeditions to the site in the years between 1912 and 1950 (published in Meir I-VI). None of the above egyptologists seems unfortunately to have bothered much about the less prestigious tombs at bleir. The only one to take an interest in these was Ahmad Bey Kamal, who opened many of them in the years 1910-1914. His reports reveal that scores of coffins were found ill situ, but owing to his confused descriptions, find circumstances are, in almost 100% of all cases, irretrievably lost.125 The prosopographical evidence concerning most coffin owners is likewise indecisive. I can do little more than reconstruct a chronology on the basis of secondary evidence, mainly the palaeography and phraseology of the inscriptions of the coffins. Under the circumstances, no claim can be laid to precision. My conclusions cannot be, and should not be considered as, more than a working hypothesis. Meir I , 14. Chassinat, RT 22 (1900), 73-77: Legrain. ;LSAE 1 (1900). 65-72; Cledat, BIF.40 L (1901). 21-24; 2 (1902), 41-43: a full report of Clidat's work was announced on the wrapper of Licttc, but has never appeared; Sha'bin, ASAE 3 (1903), 250-253: Quibell, A S A E 3 (1903), 254-258. 14-19; add Cledat, BIFAO 2 (1902). 41-43. The archaeology of Meir is discussed in Meir I. 14-17 and Kessler, L A IV. 14-19. l L 5 ASAE 11 (191 I). 7-39; 12 (1912). 45-87; 13 (L91?), 163-178; 14(1914),45-87; l 5 (1915), 246-258: n brief list of coffin linds occurs in Clkdat, BIFAO 2 (1902). 41-43. For more recent finds, see Gabra. B~tll. Factilrj of Arrs of clte Ct~ir.crsirjof Egjpc 9 (1947). 131-134; same, CdE 21. (1947). 260. lZ3 124

Since the date of the coffins can only be determined by relating them to the great tombs of the local governors, some remarks about the necropolis of Meir in general are in place. The cemetery occupies five hills (designated by the letters A-E) spread out from north to south along the desert ridge west of Meir (see map 3). [n some Map 3: The Necropolis of Meir

SKIZZE DER REGION EIR - E L QUSIYA

el-Qusiya (01s)

NEKROPOLE A 6.-11. Dyn.

D 6 Dyn.

(after Kessler, LA 1V. 15-16. The plan shows the disposition of the cemeteries Meir A-E. N o detailed map of the location of the tombs in the area exists).

respects, it seems to occupy a place apart among Middle Egyptian cemeteries. In comparable places like Assiut, Bersheh or Beni Hasan, the Middle Kingdom tombs are preceded by some from the XIth Dynasty and F.I.P. It has been suggested that the same state of affairs prevailed at Meir. Closer scrutiny reveals, however, that this assertion is not confirmed by unambiguous evidence. Kessler suggested that a number of "einfache Kammergraber" in the A-necropolis may antedate the XIIth

84

T H E D A TE O F M . K . CO F FI N S

Dynasty.12saUnfortunately, he quotes no evidence in support of this dating. As far as I am aware, current typological studies of tomb architecture pass over the small edifices like those Kessler refers to in silence. While he may be right that they antedate the XIIth Dynasty, nothing proves, therefore, that these burials do not date back to as early as the O.K. As a matter of Fact, all datable great tombs in the A-necropolis are from that era, while the typology of the coffins found there points to a date either in the same period, or well in the XIIth Dynasty. It is true that some finds from other parts of Meir are inscribed with the names of Heracleopolitan kings.126 Possibly, the tombs whence they derive are contemporary with these monarchs, but this is by no means certain; the names occur on small, portable objects which may have remained in use for a considerable length of time, being passed on as heirloom from father to son. Moreover, they were discovered, not in the cemeteries on hills A-E, but in the plain b e 1 0 w . l ~ ~Hence, " no certain evidence testifies to the existence of a F.I.P. cemetery at Meir, and the indications that do exist to that effect suggest that F.I.P. burials may occur in the plain east of the hills, but not in the hills themselves. In other words, what we know about Meir does not justify the conclusion that the main necropolis area was used as a burial ground between the O.K. and M.K.. Blackman's opinion was that the first of the large, decorated tombs of the M.K., that of Senbi I (B. no. 112'), was decorated under Amenemhat I. It may well be that Blackman is right, but Amenemhat I reigned a long time. I believe that it is possible to establish a slightly more accurate date, and that Senbi I can hardly have been in office before the second half of Amenemhat's rule. To this end, we must first have a look at the other M.K. tombs, or tombs believed to be of that time. It is reasonably certain that the tomb already referred to forms a cluster with B, nos 2 and 3, for the owners of the latter two, Ukhhotep I1 and Senbi 11, are the son and grandson of Senbi I (cf. genealogy 2).12s Secondly, the sister of Senbi 11, Meris (iMri=s), is generally believed to be the mother of Ukhhotep 111, the owner of B, no. 4.129 The order of B, nos 1-4 is hence clear. But Blackman fits yet a Kessler, LA IV. 14, n. 10. See P M IV, 258; Kessler, o.c., 16. For the date of a number of coffins which certainly antedate the M.K..seech. 3, n.29. lZba Kamal, ASAE 10 (1910), 185; Hassan, Slocke u ~ i dStabe, 71-72. lZ7 Meir I, 8. l l. l ZMeir B I, 11-13; ibfeir 11, I I, hfeir VI. 6; cf. Kessler. ox.. 16-17 who, however, reconstructs the rest of the pedigree incorrectly. Ukhhotep I, not mentioned so far, is the father of Senbi I. N o tomb of his is known. lZ9 See !Weir I, 12. T o Blackman's arguments, several others can be added: a) Meris. the sister of Senbi 11, was the daughter of Ukhhotep 11 (Meir VI. 6. pl. VI), a nomarch. Meris. the mother of Ukhhotep 111, was also a daughter of a nomarch (s3.r !13.rj.-', see Willems, JEOL 28 [1983-19841, 1985, 83, n. 27); b) if B, no. 4 is later than B nos 1-3, their spatial and chronological orders would correspond exactly: c) typologically, B, no. 4 occupies an intermediate position between B nos 1-3 and C. no. I (Badawy. A History oj'Egjptitrr~Arcllirecr~rre,Berkeley, 1966, 138-142: Vandier. 1Cftu1uel11, 348); d) palaeographically. too. it occupies an intermediary position between B nos 1-3 and C no. I. see 2.3.4 below. lZ6

fifth tomb into this series, which is probably an error. Tomb A, no. 3 is situated in the A-necropolis. at some distance from the B-tombs. In fact, it is located among a large group of O.K. tombs and the simple form of its chapel is rather in accordance with these than with the M.K. tombs.130 The inscriptions on its front certainly date from the XIIth Dynasty, for it is dedicated to the owner of A, no. 3, a certain Ukhhotep son of Ima, by Ukhhotep 111. As far as we can tell, Ukhhotep I11 had a keen interest in history. The decoration of his own tomb comprises, among others, his famous list of ancestors, featuring not less than 59 of his predecessors and their wives. Some of these persons presumably date back to the 0.K.131 He also made a dedicatory inscription for another predecessor, or at least planned it, for a hieratic ostracon bearing the Vorlage of this text was found by Kamal.132The beneficiary of this inscription, Nfr [..].t=f. cannot be asociated with any of Ukhhotep 111's direct predecessors. He must have lived a considerable time before Ukhhotep 111, therefore. Viewed in this perspective, the dedicatory inscription of A, no 3 may name a person who had died long before the text was written. My proposal is to date the tomb, like the ones surrounding it, to the O.K.. Ukhhotep son of Ima must thus be removed from the list of XIIth Dynasty n 0 m a r ~ h s . l ~ ~ Apart from this, other considerations have some bearing on the history of the cemetery of Meir. The first tombs, B nos 1 and 2, are famous for the high quality of their reliefs, some of which are in a remarkably lively style. Obviously, their owners had the means to contract the best artisans a ~ a i 1 a b l e . However, l~~ it is equally clear that neither tomb was ever finished.135 Tomb B, no. 3, finally, was left in a very crude state, for apart from two stelae and an inscribed doorway, no decoration at all was applied, and it is evident that the labourers never even smoothened the walls.136 None of the owners of the first three edifices seems to have had the time to finish his tomb, which suggests a short term of ofice for each of them. This brings us to the question of the date of these tombs, and in particular of the first, B, no. 1. B. no. 4, the only dated tomb, features the name of Amenemhat II.13' From this fixed point, Blackman deduced that A, no. 3 and B, no. 3 date from the late reign of Sesostris I and the beginning of the next, B, no. 2 from the time of Sesostris I and B, no. 1 from that of Amenemhat I.138 But we have seen that A, no. 3 does not belong to this 130 For the position, see Meir V,pl. LI,upper row, fourth tomb from left; cf. Meir VI,pl. XXXV (I). For the plan of A, no. 3. cf. Meir VI, pl. 11; cf. for comparable O.K. chapels, Meir V, pl. 111. 131 Meir 111, pl. X-XI: discussion: Kessler. L A IV, 14. Kamal, A S A E 1 1 (191 l),36. An earlier date for A, no. 3 - albeit to the early M.K.. and not to the O.K. - was already proposed by Kessler ( L A V. 16). As we have just seen, this interpretation rests on the unsubstantiated argument that such a dat~ng!s suggested by the tomb type. 134 Cf.Wolf. Die Km31 Agyplens, Stuttgart, 1957, 376-382. 135 B, no l , see Meir I. 21; Kessler. O.C. 16. B, no. 2. see ~CIeir11, 10-1 1. 136 Kessler, o x . , 16-17. 13? Meir 111. PI. XIX. 138 Meir I, S.

86

THE D A TE O F M . K . C O F F I N S

group and that the owners of the other three were in office for probably only a short time. It seems impossible to cover the at least sixty years separating the construction of tomb B, no. 4 under Amenemhat 11 from the beginning of the XIIth Dynasty by their successive terms of office. This implies that the first of them, Senbi I, can hardly be assigned a date before the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I, though a later date is possible as well. Tomb C, no. 1 belongs to yet another Ukhhotep (IV). On account of his mother's name, he has been argued to be a nephew of Ukhhotep III.139 Though the option canot be considered proved, it implies a date in about the time of Sesostris 11-111, which seems reasonable enough in view of the palaeography and typology of the tomb.140 Moreover, a later date is improbable, as decorated tomb chapels seem to disappear under or soon after Sesostris 111. Tomb C, no. 2 is probably the latest of all. The name of its owner, the governor Kha'ikheperre-seneb, contains the prenomen of Sesostris 11, so that he must have been born under this king. His tomb and coffins (M20-21) can, therefore, hardly antedate the end of Sesostris 111's rule.141 To summarize: the necropolis in the hills of Meir seems to have fallen in disuse after the O.K., only to be reinstated under Amenemhat I or even later. In the intervening period, other cemeteries (e.g. the nearby site of Quseir el-Amarna), or other parts of the Meir necropolis (perhaps in the plain east of the hills) may have been used. For the chronology of the M.K. tombs, see genealogy 2. 2.3.2 The Archaeological Context of the Coffins

Little is known about the provenance of the coffins found by Kamal. His activities appear to have concentrated in the northern part of the necropolis of Meir, on the hills containing the tomb-groups A and B. Only once is there a clear indication that he worked further south, for it was on the C-hill that he discovered tomb C,

Meir I , 12; Meir VI, 10, with references. On the palaeography, see 2.3.4. The relief technique underwent a change in the course of the XIIth Dynasty, in which C, no. I appears to represent a final stage (Badawy, O.C.[n. 1291, 138-140; see also Fischer in: Vandersleyen, Dos alte dgyplen. Propyliien Kunsrgeschichle, Berlin, 1975, 295. 302 <275> ; Martin-Pardey, L A VI. 821-822). The numbering of this tomb is my own. See for it. Kamal, ASAE 14 (1914), 74-77. For the name, cf. Gardiner, Atitrlot~iliotts.97. An earlier dating seems to be excluded because of the writing of the title in1.y-r in this tomb as(bfeir 11. pl. XV; cf. FtttiiS, 36).

88

T H E D A TE O F M.K COFFINS

no. 2.1J3 After that, he returned to the "seconde monticule", i.e. the B-hill.144 The only find that is described in some detail is that of the coffin of Nebet-hut (M6, see fig. 15), in a shaft in tomb B. no. 3.145 It is clear that this shaft can only have been hewn after work on B, no. 3 had begun, i.e. insthe time of Sesostris I. On the other hand, the coffin was made originally for a nomarch Senbi, only to be taken over later by Nebet-hilt. Now the owner of tomb B, no. 3 was nomarch Senbi 11, and Nebet-hut was a "daughter of a nomarch". With Hayes, I therefore assume that M6 was originally intended for Senbi 11, and must hence date to the time of Sesostris I.146 The rest of Kamal's account is utterly confused.14' It seems to be clear that he worked near or in tomb B, no. 3 for a while, and Blackman concluded from this that Kamal discovered some tombs belonging to relatives of Senbi II.148 As a matter of fact, Kamal seems to have worked not only in the immediate vicinity of tomb B, no. 3. He reports finds "d une trentaine de mktres au nord de I'hypogte dew Nebet-hut. Others were discovered in the "partie septentrionale" of the hill where B, no. 3 is located.14Vhe fact that Kamal constantly refers to tomb B, no. 3 probably indicates that i t formed the central part of his excavations. However, the chapel lies in the close vicinity of tombs B nos 1 and 2, while only B, no. 4 is far removed.150 It would thus appear reasonable to assume that Kamal excavated the whole area around tombs B, nos. 1-3. This provides a slight indication that the coffins found there (among others M3C, NI5-6C) are related with one of these three.

2.3.3 The Prosopography of the Coffin Owners Many coffin owners are known by name and titles, but these seem only rarely to be mentioned in the texts of the great tombs. It is true that some names do occur there, but mostly it concerns very frequent ones like Ukhhotep. These can of course not be used as a clue for dating. A few cases where the prosopographical data may nonetheless be of importance are the following: Coffin M19, discovered by Kamal somewhere in cemeteries A or B, belonged to the "nomarch's son Ameni".151 In the tomb of Ukhhotep I11 are depicted a row of offering bearers approaching the deceased. One of them is also called "his son Ameni".152 No other Ameni is known from Meir, so that the two Amenis may in 143

144 14' 146

"'

Kamal, A S A E 14 (1914). 74 ff. O.C., 78. Kamal, ASAE 1 l (L91l), 10-14. Hayes. Sceprer I. ? 15. The coffin represents outer decoration type XIII. and is undecor~tedinside. ASAE 11 (1911). 14-39. Meir

I, 16.

l4"amal. A S A E 1 1 (191 l), 14: 18. l S oOn the relative position of tombs B. nos 1-3, see hfrir 11. 9: Meir VI. 5. For the relative position of this tomb-group and B. no. 4, see :Cfilir I, pl. XII. I. l" Kamal, A S i l E 14 ( L9 14), 56-57. l" Meir 111, pl. XXVI.

fact be one person. The coffin should then be dated approximately one generation later than tomb B, no. 4, i.e. in the reign of Sesostris IT or even 111. Such a late date is in keeping with what we know about the typology of the coffin. Its outside is of type V1 (cf. 3.2.6), a decoration type that became common in about the time of Sesostris 11. Coffin M6C belonged to a certain Senbi, of whom two titles are known: im.y-r pr "steward" and im.y-r hw.yt.lS3The same name and titles occur on his canopic box, and on a stela, which was discovered during the second season led by Kamal.ls4 On both documents, the title im.y-r is written , which probably indicates a date in the reign of Sesostris I or later.lSs At the end of section 2.3.2 it appeared that, among others, coffin M6C is probably related with tombs B nos 1-3, which date from the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I to the beginning of the reign of Amenemhat 11. The new information adduced in this section indicates that M6C should probably be dated not early in this period. I suggest to date M6C in the reign of Sesostris I or the beginning of that of Amenemhat 11. As will be shown below, the typology of the coffin points in the same direction.

2.3.4 The Palaeography and Phraseology of the Coffins The evidence presented in the preceding two sections contributes only little to the chronology of the Meir-coffins. In the absence of unambiguous data, we have to resort to indirect evidence such as is provided by the palaeography and phraseology of the texts on the coffins. This information will be compared with that provided by the inscriptions in the great tombs at Meir. To a large extent, the texts on both categories of monuments are offering formulae, so that they are highly comparable. In order to facilitate quick reference, each analysed feature will receive a reference number, corresponding with those in the seriation in table 3. Before proceeding to a discussion of the results, I shall first list the relevant features. a.

The forrn of the im3l~-sign(Garcliner sign-list F39) The usual form shows the end of the spinal cord in almost vertical position At Meir, one also finds

(4).

l. &

4

2. b. The spelling of the toponym Ddw Qdrv appears in a large number of variant spellings. Moreover, in tombs it is mainly attested in text columns, while it appears in registers on the coffins. Two main types of spellings are, however, discernible: lS3 lS4 lSs

Karnal, AS.4E L 1 (191 l), 28-29. O.C., 30-31 ; AS;IE 12 (1912). 97-98. Schenkel, FnlaS. 36.

90

T HE D A TE O F M . K . CO FFI N S

3. spelled with the &-pillar at the beginning of the word, e.g. fig) 4. spelled with d followed by a &pillar, e.g. Cf. 2.1.3. c. The dsr-sign (Gardiner sign-list 045) Chiefly attested in the Anubis-epithet nh.t3-
3:

Vls6

5. 6. t~ d. The pri. t h r ~ formula C78 7. A very simple form, consisting merely of the group n 080 or $0 3 . 8. A slightly more elaborate form. in which the group bg$ $is followed by the signs for loaves and the plural determinative, the latter being occasionally omitted n a g n0 2 (e.g. ela or glo 1. 9. An elaborately determined form, showing the spelling of 8., or the best part of it, as well as some additional signs ( a o r & and and its subforms). e. The writing of the imn.t-sign (Gurdiner sign-list R14) Apart from the usual form), one also finds 9a. B f. The epithets of Osiris and Anltbis In his article on the development of the offering formula (JEA 27 (1941), 80-81), Bennett used the selection and arrangement of Osirian epithets as a dating criterion. In his chronological table, these epithets are abbreviated for convenience's sake, as follows: a nb 3bnw k bnt.y imn.tvw t nb 'nb-t3.,vy n nir '3 d nb Qdrv I see no reason to abandon these abbreviations, but some others must be introduced for epithets not dealt with by Bennett. The codes for these are: x nb nhh y hnt.y 3b&v z nb imn.t These epithets appear in the following arrangements in our material: 10. d 12. dna 14. clkna 1l.dn 13. dka 15. xyz A similar table can be drawn for the epithets of Anubis. The following ones occur in the documents from Meir: t tp.y &=f n nb t3 i s r r nb R-krr.t i im.y-kvt s s!?m t3.rty k hnt.v sh-njr These epithets occur in the following arrangements: 19. t 22. ktitlr 16. st 17. stin 20. trin 23. in 18. tin 21. rin lS6 These different forms are often indicnted inaccurately in the publications. For W, Kumal gives v in ASAE 12 (1912). I10 (MINY). On the other hand. he ~irc.sWfor@/in ASAE 1 1 (1911). 29 (M6C); 12 (1912), 119 (M4C); 14 (1914), 5 5 (MZC); 62 (MIC), 84 (M2NY).

The oJi.ring forrnlrla Phraseological comparison reveals a number of correspondences be tween the kinds of texts inscribed on coffins and tomb walls. The following formulae have been analyzed: 24.An Osiris-formula (epithets: see feature 15) with Barta's Bitte 3 : l j 7

g.

1;LAdE?l!!Br889g,~!~U4% YfhO$2U ~

25. An offering formula invoking Osiris, Thot and the two State-chapels. The Bitte in this formula is Barta's number 15:lS8

4444"IfQ#Pb84-)' , 'If--

I , I

-

@n "0 l l I L

fl2G%3hn75.

26. An Osiris-formula (with various Osirian epithets), in which a pri.t !trw offering is asked for:159 % L Q ~ ' P ' B Z ~ ~ Z P J2: Y Yy R L lfl2?244A 27. An Osiris-formula, asking for a good burial in the West:ldO

~ ~ Q T J Z A ) % ~-YMJYs 8 dB1 7~%LP9~PdhdCP 1# ~

28. An Anubis-formula, asking for cool water, incense and oil:161 JLQ

468 ~3dZc"/84fZo"18"06

8

29.An Anubis-formula, asking that he may give a pri.t hrvt, offering during a number of festivals:162 $ .F-f# 2 &44+2)1

2.2-n4raQ=$=

:'l'25l+hf44+

g&

@ E71

30. An Anubis-formula, asking for a good burial:ld3

JLQ& ~ ~ P I T ~ H ~ PS ~9U JE >3~ Z A Q ~ E T , & Z B :

- x L 4 %8%fla40?h

31. An Geb-formula, asking for a pri.t hrrv offering:ld4 -on 12Q?~Jdl!hY52444, -e6a

09

Our present aim is to detect fashion trends in the application of all these features. An attempt to this end is presented in table 3. Unlike the other seriations (for the term, see 1.4) in this book, the sequence in which the sources are presented here does not depend solely on clustering together the sources which share as many features as possible. Instead, when the table was designed, I worked from the assumption that the chronology of the great tombs at Meir as worked out in 2.3.1 is correct.ld5Their

Barta, Opferformel, 300 and passim. O.C., 304 and passim. 1 5 ~O.C., 298-300 and passim (Bitte 2). 1 6 0 O.C., 300 and passim (Bitte 4). 0.c.. 48, 61, 235 and passim (Bitte 25). 1 6 W . c . , 298-300 and passim (Bitte 2). O.C., 300 and passim (Bitte 4). O.C.. 298-300 and passim (Bitte 2). 165 The table is. of course. not purely chronological, for what it lists are actually typolog~calstages. These need not correspond exactly with the chronology. The apparently early attribute 2 for instance, was just one of several alloforms which, in the early tomb B. no. I, occurs side by side with the normal f o r m 4 (blrir I, pl. IX). For this reason I h a w felt free to assign M l W a r and M5C to an early "sequence date" even though attribute 2 is lacking. l"

(q).

T H E DATE OF M.K. COFFINS

TABLE 3: SERlATlON OF EPIGRAPHICAL, PALAEOGRAPHICAL AND PHRASEOLOGICAL FEATURES OF TOMBS AND COFFINS FROM MEIR (see 2.3.4) (In the table. the data drawn from the great tombs have been underlined) fea t ure monument B, no. I B, no. 2 MIWar M5C M37C M28C M6C M 13C M3C M4C M l Be B, no. 3 MAnn M l NY MIC B, no. 4/A, no. 3 M2C M2NY M lTor M 1 Lei M7C M8C M42C C, no. I

X

xx

x X X X ? X X

X X X X X X X X

X X

.

X

X . X X

X

.

xxxx

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X ? X X X X X X X X X

.

X X X X X

X X X X . X X

. .

X X

X

X X

x

xxxxxx X X X

X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X

. .

X X X X

X

?

X

X X X X X X X

X X X X X X

X X . X X . . X X X

.

X X X ? X X X X X X X X X X X

5 X X X X X X

X X

X X . X X X X X X X X X . X . . X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X

X X X X

.

xxxx

x

x

x

X X X

x

sequence provides the chronological framework for the placement of the other ~0urces.l~~ In discussing the table, one thing should be stated clearly from the outset: it is not my intention to suggest that any of the features under discussion is, considered in isolation, useful as a dating criterion. Certain signs, expressions, etc., may not be transmitted from certain periods simply owing to the incompleteness of our documentation - it should be borne in mind how fragmentary most coffins from Meir are. However, the table does suggest that groups of documents can be distinguished which represent different palaeographical, epigraphical and phraseological traditions. There are clearly two main clusters of sources. In the upper half of the table, coffins M37C, M28C, M6C, M13C, M3-4C and MlBe show great consistency in the use of features 2, 4, 14, 25, 8, 5, 18, 26, 29 and 30. Below is the cluster M3C, M2NY, MlTor, MlLei, M7-8C and M42C, with features 5,28, 12, 18,

166 Although tomb A, no. 3 does not date from the M.K.. its decoration is contemporary with that of B, no. 4 (see 2.3.1). For this reason the two are treated as one source in the table.

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THE DATE OF M.K. COFFINS

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T H E D A TE O F M.K. C O F F I ~ S

26, 3, 9, 30, 6, 2 1 and 20. Some coffins (M I War, M5C, MAnn, M l NY and M l C) are apparently not systematically related with either group. It appears that tomb B, no. 1 has only one attribute (2) in common with the coffins. It is not certain whether this should be interpreted as an indication that the tomb dates from another period than the coffins. The discrepancy is more probably due to the fact that B, no. 1 does not feature any offering formulae, for it is from such texts that most attributes have been derived. Matters are more favourable in the other cases. The coffin cluster M37C through M I Be shows some features which, in tomb decoration, are not attested after B, no. 2 (approximately time of Sesostris I, attributes 2, 1, 25, 8 and 29). Cluster M2C-M42C has hardly anything in common with this tomb, but all the more with B, nos 3-4 and C, no. I . The implications of this for the exact date of the coffins will be analyzed in detail in 2.3.5-10. Let it suffice for the time being to conclude that the former cluster is earlier in date than the latter one. This very general conclusion has served as a preliminary sifting for the typological seriations of the Meir coffins presented in tables 4-5.16' Despite many differences on points of detail, it appears that the clusters recognized on the basis of table 3 recur in tables 4 and 5. In the latter tables, the internal order of the clusters has changed a little, but their composition has remained largely the same. Again, M l N Y is seen to introduce a large number of new features (154,181, 85, 146). The tables are thus seen to reinforce one another, and the relative chronology of the sources seems to be roughly clear. Combining this sequence with other data I shall distinguish five groups of coffins, called A, B, C, D and E.

-

2.3.5 Group A (M5C, MIWar; associated material: M27C, MSWar, M8War, M1 1-12War) On the basis of the four preceding sections, we can now finally return to our ultimate goal: dating of coffin groups. With the diffuse kind of evidence from Meir, only a tentative approach is possible. In table 3, the early coffins - i.e. those in the upper half - can be seen to fall apart in two groups. M37C through M I Be are characterized by a very homogeneous palaeography, but MlWar and M5C present a somewhat different choice of features. Typologically, they also stand apart from the rest, as will be readily seen in tables 4-5. Therefore, the two coffins are here treated as a separate group. Typologically speaking, MlWar is one of the least developed coffins from Meir. Similar ones found elsewhere probably date to the early XIIth Dynasty.168 MIWar may well stem from the same time, for as we have seen in 2.3.1, the M.K. use of 16' 1.4, n. 27. l6"xterior decoration: subtype IIb (see 3.3.2); inner decorution: subtype la or Ib (see 4.2.3). The ornamental h~eroglyphson H e~ceptionallyg ~ v ethe texl of C T spell 925. This uilconlmon feature recurs in B1-3Bo (text omitted in de Buck. C n , of the same approximate date (3.2.3).

the necropolis seems not to be attested before the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I. As indicated in tables 4-5, M5C occupies an intermediate position between MlWar and group B.169 It may therefore be of about the same date as M I War or a trifle later. What little is preserved of M27C, MSWar, M8War and M I l-12War suggests that they are most strongly related with group A (table 5).

2.3.6 Group B (M 1 Be, M3-4C, M6C, M 13C, M28C, M37C, M 13War; associated material: MAnn. M9-14C, M19C, M24C. M3S-39C, M41C. M43C, M45C, M47-48C, M50-54C, M2War, M4War, M6War, X2Bas) This group forms the greater part of the early cluster of coffins identified on the basis of table 3 in the preceding section, but with the exclusion of M 1 War and M5C (group A). It is impossible at present to propose more than a general date. Some of the distinctive palaeographical features of the group are paralleled only in the early tombs B, nos 1-2 (features 2, 1, 25), others are also found in the later tombs B, nos 3-4 and A, no. 3 (15, 24, 5, 16, 29, 30). The contemporaneity suggested by this implies a date in the reigns of Sesostris I and Amenemhat 11. We have already seen (see 2.3.2) that M3C and MS-6C were discovered around tombs B, nos 1-3, which are known to have been constructed between the second half of Amenemhat 1's reign and the early years of Amenemhat 11. It was also pointed out that the palaeography of M6C renders a date of this source before Sesostris I rather unlikely (2.3.3). Moreover, many group B coffins combine the exterior subtype IIIaa with the interior subtype lb. In neighbouring Bersheh, this combination is only known from group B, of Sesostris 1's time (see 3.2.3).170 Taking this into account, the bulk of Meir group B in all likelihood stems from the reign of Sesostris I or shortly after. Typologically, M1 Be and M4C stand apart from the rest of group B, introducing the exterior decoration subtype IVaa.171 This subtype recurs in group C, while M4C also shares a palaeographical peculiarity with this The two coffins may, therefore, be later than the others of group B, and date from Amenemhat 11's time. 169 A close relationship with M l W a r is manifest in the peculiar offering formulae on the outside (see 3.2.2 and 3.2.7, type IX) and in the form of the in1tr.l-sign The only other parallel for this appears in X2Bas. In both M l W a r and MSC, the outer decoration does not yet conform with the fully worked-out type IIIa of group B. 'l0 The same outer decoration occurs in XZBas, probably also from Meir (see n.201). It should not go unmentioned that M4C was found together with a subtype Vaa (M16) and a type V1 (M17) coffin, dating in all probability from the time of Amenemhat I1 and later (see 3.2.5-6). Unfortunately. it is impossible to use this as an argument for dating M4C to the same time. Both M4C and M16 belonged to (different) scribes named Senbi, so that the tomb must have been used by a t least two (generations of?) scribes. M4C is probably earlier than M16, for on H and F, the horizontal texts of the former still mention Osiris and Anubis, while Isis and Nephtys appear in M16 (cf. table 9). A peculiar writing of Anubis, in which the tail of the animal cuts through the base-line of the inscription ( ); cf. M [-?C, M INY.

(v).

*

98

T H E D A TE O F M.K. COFFINS

Associ~~rrd cofln.~:X2Bas. which probably stems from MeirL73,represents the exterior subtype IIIaa also attested by most group B sources. Its palaeography (cf. n. 169) and phraseology (cf. ch. 3, n. 31, 39), however, compare with those on group A coffins, so that X2Bas may be one of the earliest group B coffins. The other sources listed in the heading to this section are related to group B on account of M50-54C, M4War and M6War include some of the late features their typ01ogy.l~~ also found in M4C and MIBe. If they are contemporary, they must date from the time of Amenemhat 11.

2.3.7 Group C (M I-2C, M lNY, associated material M5O-54C, M4War, M6War) The palaeographical homogeneity of group B, as well as the fact that its coffins seem to derive from the same part of the necropolis, justified the assumption that they form a coherent whole. Matters are unfortunately much less clear with regard to the rest of the material. Were, only one clearly distinct group emerges: the coffins M7-8C and M42C. They all belong to one and the same person, so that there can be no doubt about their archaeological coherence. For reasons explained in 2.3.9, M I Lei can be associated with this group (group E), In table 3, the intervening area is occupied by MINY, M I-2C, MI-2NY and M ITor. Palaeographically speaking, two distinct groups emerge: - MINY, MIC (features 15, 24, 16, 29. 17 and 9a are most significant) - M2C, M2NY, MlTor (features 5, 12, 18, 26, 3, 9). As regards typology, however, M2C belongs with the former rather than with the Moreover, with the first group, M2C shares two palaeographical latter peculiarities which are so individual that it is hard to resist the idea that the three coffins originate from the same workshop, even though on other points the differences are manif01d.l~~ Although there is admittedly a degree of arbitrariness in the distinction, I will therefore consider group C to consist of M I-2C and M lNY, and group D of M2NY and MITor. The palaeography of group C can be associated with that of most tombs at Meir. This is in part because features like nos 15, 24, 5 and 16 in table 3 were popular during most of the period under study. Some others, however, suggest that group C is related most strongly with B, no. 4,A, no. 3, both decorated in the time of Amenemhat II.17' The occurrence of a number of early features in M INY (2, 1, 25) might be held against this view, but should, I think, rather be explained as

1 7 ~Cf.

2.4.5. n, 201. Moreover, of the palaeographical phenomena listed in table 3, no. 2 occurs in M9-1lC and M4War and no. 8 in MY-llC, M?War. M8War. See tables 4-5. bqA l) cf. n. 172: 2) elaborate forn~sof&: (MINY); $'"'plj ; 8 (M3C); IY (MlC). ''l Notably attributes 29. 17. 7 and 9a in table 3. 'lJ

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arc ha ism^.^'^ The occurrence of feature 6 in this coffin even points at a relationship with the late tomb C, no. 1. This, as well as a typological observation made on MZC179 suggests that group C should preferably be dated late in Amenemhat 11's reign or later.leO For the other coffins mentioned in the heading, see table 5.Ie1 2.3.8 Group D (MZNY, M ITor, canopic box M3NY)

C

As we have seen in 2.3.7, It may or may not be fully justifiable to unite MZNY and MlTor under one heading. The inner decoration of MITor is almost lost, so that a comparison must rest solely on the outer decoration. Both MlTor and M2NY have a false door patterning here (type VI). At any rate, the material of "group" D must be separated from group E, which is the only cluster of which the archaeological coherence is reasonably clear. As regards palaeography, epigraphy and phraseology, group D belongs to the same tradition as M2C and group E (see table 3). This would suggest a date in about the same period, i.e. from about the end of the reign of Amenemhat I1 to that of Sesostris 111. It is worth noting that outer decoration type V1 seems to have been introduced in Middle Egypt about the end of the reign of Amenemhat I1 a t the earliest (see 3.2.6),ls2Similarly, the ornamental texts on the inside of MZNY are of a type which became popular from that time onwards.ls3 The suggested dating is therefore not improbable. Shortly before this book was delivered to the press, I became aware of an additional argument to date group D to the late XIIth Dynasty. The Metropolitan Museum of Art at New York preserves not only the canopic box (M3NY) and outer coffin (M2NY) of Hapy-ankhtifi, but the middle coffin and the anthropoid inner coffin of the same owner as well (M56 and MMA 12.183.11C). M56 is a subtype IVb source with vaulted lid, like some documents in the next group. From those, it differs, however, in the absence of inner decoration and the presence of pyramidion spells in the ornamental text bands outside. As we will see in 3.2.9 below, these spells are chiefly a characteristic of the late XIIth Dynasty and later (chapter 3, n. 171a). Vaulted lids became common in this period, too (see 3.3).ls3" As a matter of fact, This coffin combines exterior subtype lVaa with interior subtype Ib, as d o the group B sources MlBe and M4C: other early typological features are 102. 119. 230, 238 (cf. tables 4, 5). Some of the planks used in the construction of M2C are re-used parts of a type V1 coffin, for the date of which, see 3 2.6. IR0 The typology tits the proposed date well (outer decoration: subtype 1Vaa; inner decoration: type 2 [see 3.2.4 and 3.2.41). 181 It is not easy to determine whelher MJWar, M6War and Mj0-54C belong to this group or to group B. because so little remains of them ls2 b119, another type V1 coffin from hleir, presumably dates from the same period (see 2.3.3). lS3 See 3.2.9 (I) and (5). lE3" Cf. Lilyquist, Srirripis 5 (1979). 27.

100

T H E DATE O F M . K . COFFINS

except for the false door near the head-end of FR, M56 is an almost exact copy of the outer coffin of Senebtisi (L4, see 2.4.6), which dates to the late XlIth or the XIIIth Dynasty.

2.3.9 Group E (M7-8C, M42C; associated material: M 1Lei) There can be no doubt that M7-8C and M42C are closely related archaeologically. As table 3 indicates, their palaeography is rather homogeneous, which is no great wonder once it is realized that they were all decorated for the same person, Wr=s-nfr. While there is no actual proof that M 1 Lei belongs to the same group (or even that it comes from Meir), this is beyond reasonable doubts because of its typ010gy.l~~ It is probable that these documents date from about the reigns of Sesostris 11-111, for their palaeography stands in the tradition of the later coffins from Meir (see table 3). Note in particular the form of the ~lsr-sign,which is the same as that in tomb C, no. l.ls5 The outer decoration is subtype IVba (M8C, M42C and MILei) and type V1 (M7C), which are known to occur about this period.lS6 At any rate, it is clear that these coffins cannot antedate the middle of the XIIth Dynasty, for there are definite links with the coffins of Senebtisi, which are now generally dated to the second half of the XIIth Dynasty or later.lS6" I have already mentioned the occurrence of a subtype IVb middle coffin with vaulted lid (cf. n. 183a) in my discussion of the preceding group. There, like in the present group, the outer coffins represent type V1 (M7C, M2NY). One wonders if the two sets are contemporary.

2.3.10 Group F (M57C) No find circumstances of this coffin are known. Its exterior typology (type XIII) is comparable with that of M6, from the time of Sesostris I (see 2.3.2). But the best comparative material for the ornamental texts, which are not normal offering formulae but texts rooted in sky religion, dates from the late XIIth Dynasty (cf. 3.2.9). The inner decoration type 3 is known from the whole period under study, le4 Like M8C and M42C, MlLei is painted red (254). has a vaulted lid U). and an exterior decoration of subtype IVba. All these characteristics are rather exceptional. In execution, too, the coffins have a great deal in common: e.g. the form of the cursive signs of the CT. Cf. also 4.5.5 < d > ; 4.5.6. n. 186 ("ousekh royal"). l e 5The same form recurs in contemporary sources from other parts of Egypt (see 2.1.3). ls6 See 3.2.4 and 3.2.6. Note that Lacau's publication of M42C is very inaccurate, not indicating whether o r not the n11/3.t-eyeson FR. outside, are combined with a representation of a false door, as in M8C. However, its colouration is said to be the same as that of MSC [LSd 1, 125). 186a Like those of group E. Smebtisi's cofins have vaulted lids. are painted red and show the use of salmon-pink plaster. The former two features are also found in TlWar. dated by Franke to the late XIIthXIIIth Dynasty (Persot~mrlutcn011s dent iblirrlerert Rrich. Wiesbaden. 1985, no. 80).

2.4 S E D M E N T A N D HERACLEOPOLIS

101

and hence of no value for determining the date. In view of the second criterion, I propose a date in the second half of the XIIth Dynasty.

2.4 Remaining Coffins from Middle Egyptian Sites 2.4.1 Q l w el-Kebir No coffins with inner decoration from Q i w elKebir have been published, but fragments of some stone sarcophagi have. They belong to the nomarchs Wahka I, Ibu and Wahka II.ls7 According to Steckeweh, Wahka I (whose sarcophagus was probably decorated in accordance with type TV) lived under Amenemhat 11, while the two others (who had type V1 sarcophagi) are dated respectively to the time of Sesostris I11 and Amenemhat III.lss Even though the available genealogical evidence is slender, Steckeweh's conclusions seem justified and are generally accepted. The fact that the tomb in which the earliest sarcophagus was found features the spelling 1 for ir71.y-r indicates that this monument cannot be earlier than the reign of Sesostris I (see n. 155). Thus, the date of this tomb can at best be lowered only slightly.

2.4.2 Sedment and Heracleopolis So far, Sedment has produced only type I coffins, and none of the more developed XIIth Dynasty types.ls9 In view of the historical background of the site - the necropolis of Heracleopolis - it is tempting to date all coffins to the F.I.P.lgOBut of course, not all material from the site stems from the "Heracleopolitan Period", so that the theory goes without proof. As Schenkel has shown, the pottery evidence adduced in support of such an early date is not conclusive and may in fact support a date in the late XIth Dynasty.lgl Some coffins, including those with inner decoration (SidlCam, SidlSun, Sid2-3X) may, on typological grounds, be as late as the early XIIth Dynasty.lg2

la7 Wahka I: Steckeweh, Die Fiirstettgriiber vot~ Q i w , Leipzig, 1936, 16, n . 2 ; Petrie, Antneopolis, London, 1930, 2 and pl. IX; Ibu: Steckeweh, o.c., pl. 16; Wahka 11: Petrie, o.c., pl. VIII. l e a Steckeweh, o.c., 6-8. For the later material. a slightly earlier date is proposed by Lilyquist (iMirrors, n. 1588). A late XIIth Dynasty date is also probable for the type V1 coffins KI-2. Note that one of the panels o n F R here is decorated, not with a palace faqade ornament. as usual in type VI, but with representations of offerings and object frieze. The peculiarity is shared with BSc, of a similar date (2.2.6). la9 Secinlent I. l g O As in e.g. Sednret~tI, 5. l g l Schenkel, GM 8 (1973), 33-38. l g 2 Outside: type I; inside: subtypes la and lb. Some features suggesting dates in or close to the XIIth Dynasty are the occurrence of the spelling 7 sin SidlSid and Sid?-3 (cf. Fischer, Egypt in tile Merropolitnt~iMilseuttr Jourt~nl,New York. 1977, 161. n.33) or @ (e.g. SidlSid. Sid2-3X; cf. FtpriiS, 40-41). The same dating is suggested by Roccati, OrAt~t13 (1974). 161, n.2.

419

102

THE DATE O F M . K . COFFINS

Recently, a Spanish excavation team digging at Heracleopolis proper discovered a number of tombs decorated with CT (HI-2H). Again, the history of the site has led to the conclusion that the tombs date back to the Heracleopolitan Period.193 None of the published evidence contains explicit clues to the date, though.lQ4One of the arguments could in fact be reversed: the occurrence of CT is indicative of a M.K. date rather than a date in the F.I.P., as maintained without citing evidence by Lopez.lg5 2.4.3 Harageh

A similar uncertainty surrounds the date of the painted tombs Hal-ZHa, for the evidence on which the cemetery where they were found has been dated seems to be rather poor.196 Other coffins were found in cemetery A, which Engelbach suggests to have been the burial place of persons connected with the pyramid cult of Sesostris 11 at Illahun. Indeed this and other parts of the necropolis have yielded seals and other inscriptions mentioning Sesostris I1 and later XIIth Dynasty kings.lg7 2.4.4 Riqqeh Riqqeh produced many coffins of (sub)types IVaa, V and VI.lg8 Seals discovered in the same cemetery date from the time of Amenemhat 11, Sesostris I11 and Amenemhat 111, which might be a clue as to the date of the coffins.lg9 2.4.5 Assiut and Rifeh Assiut is a major find-place for M.K. coffins. In the introduction, I explained that most of these represent local types which differ markedly from comparable material in the rest of Egypt, and are therefore left out of consideration in this book. Even so, it is worth noting that the common view that these coffins date from the IXth and Xth Dynasties Zo0 seems unfounded. It is rather more plausible that they stem from the XIIth Dynasty. This suggestion was made for the first time by Schenkel (FIIZZS, Lopez, Or.4111 14 (1975). 57-78: Roccati. OrA~rl13 (1974). 16L-197. Roccati, o.c., 163; Lopez, o.c., 78. 19' Lopez. 1.c.; cf. 5.2. 196 Hurageh, 2. Engelbach adduces no proof for his (archaeological) dating criterion (absence of shaft tombs in cemetery D), and none of the tombs in the area contained dated texts. Roccati dates the tombs to the XIIth Dynasty (OrAm 13 [1974], 161. n. 2). 19' Horcrgeh, 9 (36); see pl. XX, XSIV. Cotfins found: a) type I coffins without inner decoration: many of these are from cemetery C. dated by Engelbach to the IVth-Xth Dynasties: Ha2-7; cf. o.c., 2 < 7 > and 24-25; b) subtype IVaa: H a l : c) type V1 with inner type 2: HnZX. H a l X is a coffin of a very archaic type, only F R being decorated. showing a list of offerings only (cf. Lapp. LA V. 431 [Typ 21 and fig. 21. FRI). 198 RI-2X. RI-4, RY. R2X and R3 are tentatively attributed to the reign of Amenemhat 111 by Lilyquist (illirrors. 137). 'OY Riclqelr on(/ !Vlrnrphis L% pl. XVI I. Assio~rr.VI; cf. also the survey in F~niiS,116-1 18 and Lilyquist. Mirrors, 18-19. 19'

19"

2.4 ASSIUT A N D R I F E H

103

117-118) and is further borne out by a number of observations. Firstly, coffins with Siutian design and M.K. standard class coffins occasionally show signs of mutual influence. Coffin SlOC has an inner decoration which closely resembles that of B1 Bo and B6C, two coffins of the end of the XIth Dynasty or the reign of Amenemhat I (see 2.2.2). Its exterior on the other hand is typically Siutian. Some coffins from Meir, which have been shown to date from the XIIth Dynasty are influenced by the Siutian inner design, which suggests contemporaneity. M l War has a selection and arrangement of the object frieze which recalls that of the block-wise arrangement in most Siutian coffins (see for M 1War: 2.3.5). In view of its outer decoration, X2Bas must be assumed to come from Meir and to date from the time of Sesostris I. But the entirely Siutian design of its inside suggests that that part of the decoration was taken care of by a visiting artist from Assiut, and provides a ternginus a qiro for the style.201The palaeography of this coffin, and that of most coffins from Assiut, is closely similar to that on some blocks from a Siutian tomb which are now in the museum of Turin. Roccati assigned these latter to the XIIth Dynasty.2ozTaking all this in consideration, the Siutian types probably date from the M.K. Not all Siut coffins conform to the local style. A small amount of instances proves that developments in other parts of Egypt did not pass completely unnoticed. S14C and the interior of SlOC are clearly inspired by the pattern also found in some coffins of Bersheh group A.203SIX is a type IV (or V?) coffin and was discovered in the forecourt of the tomb of Djefa-Hapi (Siut I), which contains a reference to Sesostris I. Wainwright assumed the coffin to date from the XIth Dynasty, but it seems more probable that the steward Heny, who owned it, belonged to the nomarchal court of D j e f a - H a ~ i Other . ~ ~ ~ type IV sources are S6 and SSX.204a Finally, there are type V (Rig, S2, SS, Ss), V1 (RiS, S1, S3, SlMal), and XIV coffins 201 Lapp's view (Surge, 8) is that the coffin was first decorated on the outside at Meir, then transported to Assiut, and decorated on the inside there. Such a procedure is possible of course, but seems to be needlessly complicated. It should be borne in mind how little evidence there is for F.I.P. use of the necropolis of Meir (see 2.3.1). When the site was reinstated as a cemetery, local artists were strongly influenced by neighbouring sites, like Bershrh (whence they derived, e.g., outer decoration type 111) and. as in the case of MIWar, Assiut. 'OZ Roccati, OrAnf 13 (1974), 41-50. 203 Inspiration from the Hare nome is indisputable in the ornamental texts inside, which invoke Hermopolitan gods (cf. 4.4.2). The C T and object friezes of SlOC and S14C show close reminiscences with those of BIB0 and B6C. The outer decoration of S14C parallels that of BIB0 and B6C (type I). Z O J Wainwright, ASAE 26 (1926). 160-166. His main argument is that Djefahapi's inscriptions are palimpsests, so that the tomb may be significantly older than its inscriptions of the reign of Sesostris I. But even if this latter conclusion is correct (which is not necessarily the case), S I X may well have to be associated with Djefahapi. Its palaeography shows that a date in or after the reign of Sesostris I is the best solution (--, for in1.c.-r, cf. n. 143,; 2 for n, cf. Fischer, Vuricr. 57, n. 9 ; cf. also 3.3 [e]). 20Ja) S8X was dated by Lapp to the S.I.P. (SAK 13 [1986]. 141-145). His argument for this is that the religious tests on its inside stand half-way between the C T and the Book of the Dead. I doubt. however. whether this argument alone justifies Lapp's assessment that a date in the XIIth Dynasty is out of the question.

104

T HE D A TE O F M . K . CO FFI N S

(S4, S7?), suggested by the typology to date from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty.205 In addition, some cases from Assiut and nearby Rifeh (Ril-2, S10- 11X, S13X) provide evidence for a merging of the standard M.K., and local designs. Here, the layout is in accordance with that in type IV and V1 coffins, though the texts on the outside appear in double bands, as in coffins of Siutian type. The ornamental texts are partly the same as those found in standard class coffins, but partly different from these. In view of the date of type VI, most of these coffins date in all probability from the time of Sesostris 11 and later (3.3.6). S13X lacks the false door ornamentation which is characteristic for type V1 and is probably somewhat earlier. Kamal's account in ASAE 16 (1916), 109, suggests that this is the coffin of nomarch Djefa-Hapi, who was a contemporary of Sesostris I. The other material from Rifeh is ill-published, and its archaeological context is not very clear. 2.4.6 Lisht When the Egyptian capital was moved from Thebes to Itji-tawy during the reign of Amenemhat I, a residence cemetery was founded at Lisht, around the pyramids of this king and that of his successor. Of the Lisht coffins known to me, L8 probably is the earliest instance, for it represents the early type I. In view of its typology, it might date to Amenemhat 1's rule, but unfortunately, I do not know where its findplace, tomb 51 15, was located. If the interment forms part of the cemetery around Sesostris 1's pyramid, a date in the reign of this king would be rather more probable. L8 would then be one of the latest type I coffins. As a matter of fact, it indeed features some characteristics which otherwise only occur in more developed coffin types (65. 85). One such evolved coffin was actually found in the same tomb. This is coffin L2, which represents subtype IVaa. This subtype became common under Amenemhat 11, though occasional instances may belong to the preceding reign (see 3.2.4). Most other sources definitely derive from the surroundings of the pyramid of Sesostris I, and some of these (L3Li, L1) may likewise be of subtype IVaa, or else Vaa, which also had its greatest popularity under Amenemhat I1 (see 3.2.5). The inner decoration of L3Li, LINY, LSNY and LlX points to the same, or a somewhat later date.206 One of the most significant finds from Lisht is the burial of the lady Senebtisi, containing the coffins L4-5. The find was considered by Winlock as a court-type Nothing is known about their archaeological background; for the types, see 3.2.5-7. L3Li. L I N Y and LIX have a type 2 inner decoration; cf. also n.264: ch. 4. n.96. 98 (Geb-formula). L j N Y shows the extensive H object frieze characteristic of the middle and later XIlth Dynasty see 4.5.5 ic > ) and the leopard-skin ornament discussed in 4.3 U). S. the burial chamber of Senwosretankh. is dated to the same period (Fischer, Vuria. 65-66). Another burial chamber with PT is L1SY. 'OS

'06

(m.

2.5 T H E M E M P H I T E RESIDENCE

105

burial of the early XIIth Dynasty. However, recent scholarship tends to the view that the material dates from the late XIIth Dynasty or the XIIIth.207L4 represents subtype IVa. Other characteristics are its vaulted lid and the pyramidion spells in the ornamental text bands (3.2.9), both common features in the late M.K. L6, a model coffin buried outside the north entrance of the pyramid of Sesostris I displays the same elements. So does L7, which was discovered not far from L6. The only difference is that its outside further includes the palace f a ~ a d edecoration found in many late M.K. sources (type VI). The two model coffins may well be roughly contemporary with the Senebtisi find. L1-2Li, finally, fall completely outside the tradition of the coffins dealt with in this book. Their palaeography shows that they can hardly be earlier than the reign of Amenemhat III2OB,which makes them the latest documents with object friezes and CT on the inside. This late date may also explain the unconventional character of the rest of their decoration. 2.5 The Memphite Residence. The Memphite M.K. cemeteries are primarily concentrated in Saqqlra and Abusir. Most important are the cemeteries around the pyramid of Teti, and near the pyramids at Abusir. These burial grounds were destined in the first place for personnel of the funerary cult of the kings buried in the pyramids. Recent work shows that the one around the pyramid of Unas may also date from the F.I.P. and M.K.209 In Memphis proper, there is the cemetery of K6m Fakhri, which Dr. Jeffreys informs me to be associated stratigraphically with a level below that of the XIIth Dynasty, though it may well date from the early M.K..210 The Dahshiir coffins represent Winlock's court type, which falls outside the scope of this book. A) The Teti Pyramid Cemetery The Teti Pyramid Cemetery has produced a number of coffins of mortuary priests of Teti and Merikare.211 This has led to speculations that Merikare's pyramid is situated here and that the coffins date from his time.212 The references to Merikare certainly provide a terminus ante quem non at the very end of the Heracleopolitan Period. But the king's cult may well have survived into the XIIth Dynasty, in which 2 0 7 Williams proposed a XIIIth Dynasty date, but Lilyquist has shown that the late XIIth Dynasty is possible, too (Serapis 3 [1975-19761, 41-57; Surupis 5 [1979], 27-28). 2 0 8 Fischer, in Caminos and Fischer, At~cientEy?ptinn Ep~grophy o t ~ dPaloeograpllj~,New York, 1976, 32, n. 19. Lapp's dating of these coffins to the S.I.P. (SAK 13 [1986], 141-145) rests on the same doubtful argument as was proposed for S8X (see n. 204. end). Similar signs occur on fragments of L23NY ' 0 9 Cf. Munro, G M 59 (1982), 77-98: 63 (1983). 81-109: 74 (1984). 59-90); Holscher-Munro, SAK 3 (1975). 113-116; Munro. SAK 10 (1983). 277-295. "O Letter of 17 June, 1986; for the stratigraphy. sec also Kernp. J;IRCE 13 (1976), 25-29. KFI-3KF are located in Kbrn Fakhry. Merikare's complex is mentioned in Sq4C, Sq8C. SqlSX, Sq13: cf. Helck, Ld V, 6. 212 E.g. Kees' dating of Sq3C (coffin ot' Nefersmadet), Totetlgbr~rbet~. 167: Lapp. LU V. 43 1, n. 19.

106

THE DATE OF M.K. COFFINS

case some coffins at least must be later. The traditionalistic style'13 of Memphite material reduces the value of typological comparison as a dating criterion. Dated evidence is scarce but rather points to the XIIth Dynasty. Sesostris I seems to have undertaken a building project in the M.K. cemetery near the pyramid of Teti.214 Ihy's tomb (SqlSX) is datable on account of palaeography and a pyramid name mentioned in its texts to the time of Amenemhat II.Z1sThe adjoining tomb of Hetep (SqllSq), containing a subtype Vac sarcophagus (Sql7X) and a decorated burial chamber) can only be a little earlier than Ihy's building.zL6 N o other document is datable by comparable evidence. A number of coffins, however, are decorated outside with text columns spaced in various ways (SqlBe: type XII; Sq8C: type XIV; Ab2Le, Sq3Sq, Sq4C, Sq13: type XV). This recalls similar, though less irregular, patterns introduced during the XIIth Dynasty in all parts of Egypt (cf. 3.2.8). Finally, a comparison with dated material outside Saqqira is useful. The decoration of TT240 does not stand in the same tradition as other monuments from the Theban region, but it has strong resemblances with patterns found in Abusir and Saqqira. Probably, the Theban artists were influenced by models current in Memphite workshops. Since TT240 is datable to the very end of the XIth Dynasty (see 2.6.3), an early M.K. date is also to be preferred for the material from Saqqira. 16" Most coffins from the area represent type I. It is reasonable to suppose that some of these may really date from the time of Merikare.217 Others may be of the late XIth or the XIIth Dynasty, however. It is unfortunate that no more precise information is accessible.

B) Saqqiira South Sql-2C and Sq7C were found in one tomb in Saqqlra South and are typologically very similar. They must date from the time of Amenemhat I1 or later.21s

'l3 Cf. FtniiS, 119-120; Fischer. o.c. (n. 208), 39; Miiller, MDAZK 4 (1933). 185, n. 6; cf. also the studies listed in n. 209. Von Beckerath dates these sources to the M.K. (zAS 93 [1966], 15, n. 21). 214 Quibell, Escav. Saqq. 1906-1907, pl. VIII. T P C I, 280-288 and 11, pl. 83: Simpson, JARCE 2 (1963), 54; Helck, L A V, 6, n. 41. 216 T P C I. 64-65 (on the relative date of Hetep and Ihy); 271-279. The Theban source has strong affinities with Sq3C, Sq6C. Sq9C. SqlCh, Sq3-?Sq. Sq6Sq. SqlOSq. Sq1X (fig. 20, 83, cf. B5, ch. 4, n. 30. 183-184: also in the CT programme, cf. Lesko. lt~cies). "'The presence of numerous court titles (not priestly titles) indicates that the area must have been a court necropolis. which can only have been the case under Merikare. Few colfins with such titles have. however, been preserved. and these are typologically different from the others (SqlZ-13X). 'l8 MaspPro, Trois cltrt16e.s clr fo~rilles. Le Caire, 1889, 208-237. Dating criteria: I) the name of the owner of SqZC, Kheperkare. suggests that he was born under Sesostris I. who had the same name; 2)for btr.!-r (cf. n. 142); 3) tii=j'pri./ !irw (cf. Bennett. JE,1 27 [1941]. 77-78; 4) the spelling$ cf. 2.1.3; 5) outer decoration type VI, inner decoration type 2. etc.

A,

107

2.6 T H E R E S

C) Abusir. Tomb mR 1 at Abusir contained four coffins (Abl-4) which the exterior decoration suggests to date from the time of Arnenemhat 11, Sesostris I1 and 111 (types IVaa. Vua and X, see 3.2.4-5, 3.2.7). This date is supported by the palaeography of the coffins.219 Other material from Abusir is hard to date. It mostly consists of type I coffins, which, in other parts of Egypt, is indicative of an early date. Considering the individual style of the present sources, it is, however, uncertain whether this criterion is applicable here. The case of Abl-ZLe, which both belonged to a Heryshefnakhte, shows that type I coffins were in use simultaneously with much more developed patterns.220 2.6 Thebes 2.6.1 Introduction The rise and fall of Thebes as a royal residence in the centuries after the end of the O.K. occasioned a growth and subsequent diminishment in the extent of local officialdom which can still be traced in the cemeteries West of the Nile. Broadly speaking, there are two main clusters of burial complexes: one in the modern vilage of el-Tdrif, the other in the valley of Deir el-Bahri. The focal point of the former site is formed by the three sfl-tombs of the Antef kings who ruled the Theban kingdom during most of the F.I.P. Inside and around these complexes are the burials of their court-offi~ials.~~1 Unfortunately, no decorated coffins are known to have been found in the area.222 Under Mentuhotep 11, the next XIth Dynasty king, el-Tdrif was abandoned as a royal burial place. He erected a burial complex of an altogether different type at Deir el-Bahri. A similar temple planned by Mentuhotep 111 in a valley a little south of Deir el-Bahri was never completed. The main political feat of Mentuhotep 11, the unification of Egypt, appears to have inaugurated a prosperous period. Both his own temple and the funerary chapels of his court officials were richly decorated. Owing to a lucky chance, much of the precious tomb equipment has been preserved. Taken together, the finds from Deir el-Bahri and Asasif form an extensive body of well-

Schifer. Priesrergraher. 18-39. Dating criteria: I) cf. n. 218, nos 2-4; 2) the occurrence of the title (cf. Rosati, Or.4nr 19 [1980], 272-2731; 3) the spelling (cf. 2.1.3 and 2.3.4 [6]): 4 ) 3.3 (d); 5) horizontal ornamental text bands on the ends invoking Isis and Nephtys (see table 9). "O For AbZLe, see 3.2.8. Abl-2Le are attributed to an unspecified early M.K. date by Lilyquist (Alirrors, 15-16). Other type I coffins: Abj-6. The inner decoration of Ab2X is similar to that oTAbl-ZLe. "l Arnold. Gruber rfes Alretl L I I I i~~ f i r i l e r ~Rei(./~ex t~ it1 el-TijriJ Mainz, 1976. "2 It is quite possible, however. that T7 and T12 originate from here. Their palaeoyraphy and execution is not unlike that of cotfins of the F.I.P. from nearby Gebelein (GS-9). 'l9

nb.1-pr

zg?

TABLE 6: SEHlATlON 01; 'I'IiE COFFINS FROM TI IEHES

:cttr. stale TXC T2C T4 Be T9C TI L TINY Tl Bal T2 L T3 L Tl Len T2He TI Be T3Be

1 1 1 2 1 1 11 2 2 1 2 11111 1 2 1 11 2 1 2 2 1 2 6 2 3 3 3 3 0 9 5 1 2 6 3 6 7 2 2 3 1 6 8 0 4 5 6 4 5 8 3 7 2 1 3 7 2 5 2 9 4 9 4 0 9 5 2 1 0 3 4 1 4 1 2 0 6 9 3 0 0 3 4 2 0 2 1 5 5 4 6 4 5 5 9 2 1 2 7 8 6 8 2 1 4 5 4 2 0 4 6 5 0 X X X

X

. .

x x x x x x x x x x x

X X

.

B H

x x x x x x x x x X X X X X X X X . .

. . . . .

.

X . X . .

X X

. .

.

.

. .

.

.

.

.

X

x1x X X X

X

X X X X X

X X

. . .

. . .

. . .

.

X

X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X

B B -

. .

X X X X . X . X X X X X X X X X x x x x x x x x

X X

.

. . .

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X . X X X X X X X . . X X

X

p B

B

X X X X X X X X X X X X x x

0 U

X X X

c X X X

X X X X X X X X x x x x x x x

x x

C C C

In TILcn, the non-ornamental texts (ofiring list) exceptionally occur rhove the offering tahle. A large amount of Thchan sources has been omitted hccnuse they :Ire not coffins (TIC, TT103, TT230, TT31 1. TT3IO. TI-?Mos, TZWar, T3X), hecause they are much later than the material dealt with in this book (T6-7C, TIOC, T13C. TICh, T4-5L. TI War), or because of their dnrnagcd state or inacccssihility. T3C, which represents a typological sidrline, together with AIC and GIT, has also been omitted, as has Ihe unique limestone sarcophagus TIC. Omitted: @ ( E L ) , 15()(TI Lrn), 167 (T2Ue). For the meaning of the symbols, cl: notes to table 1.

dated evidence, comprising a large amount of coffins, sarcophagi and decorated burial chambers (groups A-B). With the advent of the XIIth Dynasty under Amenemhat I, the royal court was moved to the new capital of Itji-tawy in the Fayum. This administrative change did not fail to have important repercussions for the composition of the population of Thebes. As far as I am aware, no tombs of high officials dating from the first half of the new dynasty are known from here.223Evidently, the nobility had moved North together with the king, and since not even tombs of provincial governors seem to exist at Thebes, one wonders if the province was ruled directly from the court. However this may be, the XIIth Dynasty finds hardly ever match those from the preceding Dynasty in quality and quantity, and are generally hard to date (group C). 2.6.2 Group A: The Queens' Burials and Other South Egyptian Coffins (T3C and related sources: AlC, G1-2T; also T3NY) The Deir el-Bahri temple of Mentuhotep I1 was not built according to a single preconceived plan. Instead, its building operations saw a number of successive stages: phases A-D.224A few general remarks about these will help to clarify the discussion about the date of the coffins. The most conspicuous element of phase B is formed by a row of six chapels, each of which is dedicated to one of Mentuhotep 11's wives: 'Ashyt, Henhenet, Sadeh, Myt, Kawit and Kemsit. In the reliefs on the walls of these chapels, the king is consistently referred to with the titulary he adopted in the early part of his reign, but discarded after the Unification of Egypt.225In phases C and D, the chapels were incorporated in a completely altered temple layout. In the reliefs of these phases, the king uses the titulary introduced after the U n i f i c a t i ~ n . ~ ~ ~ Behind each of the queens' chapels there is a tomb shaft, in which substantial parts of their burial equipment have been discovered. For our present concern, the important issue is that most, if not all, these shafts were closed before the erection of

2 2 3 Not even TT60 (Davies-Gardiner, Amrrefoker) forms an exception, since it was used, not by Antefoker, but by his mother (cf. 2.0, end). 'l5 Arnold, Der Tempel des Konigs ;Wemrrrrl~orepron Deir el-Brrltclri I , Mainz, 1971. slightly revised in Arnold, Tlie Temple of Menrrrllorep ar Deir el-Balrari, New York. 1979. 39-45. 2 2 5 P h i 1 1 2 , 386-389. For the queens. who seem to have been of lower status than queens Tern and Neferu, see Kuchman, S S E A J 9 (1978), 21-25. Ward's assessment ( E s s u ~ on s Fe'untimiirre Tirles of [he :Midcile Kingdom. Beirut, 1986, 102-1 14) that these ladies - even though explicitly called "King's Wife" - were only potential queens, not real ones, is based on speculation rather than fact, and is not shared by the present author. For the evolution of Mentuhotep's titulary. see Arnold, lZiDrlIK 24 (1969). 38-12. For the architecture and date of these chapels, see Arnold. Der Tmrpei de.~[C;im?igs itienr~rlrorepI, 64. 2 2 6 Arnold, o x . , 65-66.

110

T H E DATE OF M.K. COFFINS

the phase C temple.z27 By consequence, their contents probably antedates the Unification of Egypt.Z28 This provides us with an approximate date for the contents of all tombs, of which the stone sarcophagi are most well-known.22gCoffin T3C, belonging to queen 'Ashyt, is of equal importance, it being exquisitely decorated both outside (type I) and inside (type 2). Its extraordinary inner decoration groups it together with coffins from Gebelein and Asw6n (GIT; outer coffin: G2T; AlC), thus proving the existence of a south-Egyptian school of artists in the late F.I.P.230Other wooden coffins and stone sarcophagi were found in the tombs of Henhenet, Kemsit and K a ~ i t . ~ ~ ~ 2.6.3 Group B: Tombs of Queens and Officials of the Late XIth Dynasty (TI-2C. T8-9C, T?NY, T2-4X, TT103, TT240, TT31 1 , TT319; associated material: T4Be, T l L , TINY, MC105) This group consists of a large number of coffins and decorated burial chambers dating from the late part of Mentuhotep 11's reign (i.e. after the Unification of the country) and those of Mentuhotep I11 and IV. There is hardly any disagreement about their date. I shall subsequently discuss the tombs of (a) the other queens of Mentuhotep I1 and (b) those of his high officials. a) Apart from the six royal women already referred to, who may not have had full queenly status according to Kuchman (see n. 225), a number of other queens are known. One of them was Tem, whose limestone sarcophagus (T19) seems to have had an outer decoration of type I.232 Secondly, queen Neferu's tomb (TT319) contained a decorated burial chamber.233Thirdly, the burial chamber of the lady Imenet produced a number of type I coffins (T8C, T8). Although the date of the former two ladies cannot be established with certainty, it is at least plausible that their tombs were completed after the annexation of

22' Amold, o.c., 64. states that this is certain only for the tombs of Henhenet, Kemsit. Kawit and Sadeh. Apparently he overlooked Winlock's remarks (Bhf1W.4,November 1921, pt. 11, 46) which imply that the pavement slabs hiding the mouth of 'Ashyt's shaft were partly covered by building material of "the temple of Mentuhotep 111" (i.e. phase C). 228 Cf. Winlock. Escnvatiorrs at Deir el-Bnl~ri1911-1931, New York, 1942, 36 ff.: Fischer. BiOr 23 (1966). 29-30; Willems, GM 67 (19831, 84 and n.23. 2 2 2 9 P,Vf 11 , 386-389. 230 GM 67 (1983). 81-90. 231 TWO type I coffins (T21-22), a n unpublished anepigraphic cotiin (Tl3) and two shabti coffins with outer decoration (type 1)(T14. T26). An undecorated model coffin has been published in Naville. Deir el-Balrri, XIth D y n a s ~ yT ~ t ~ r pI,l t .pl. IX. Henhenet's sarcophagus T3NY has outer decoration type I: the inside is only decorated with ornamental texts. 232 Daressy, RT 14 (1891), 30; Arnold, Der Tettlprl des Kiinigs iMc~nrlihorcpI, 54, n. 147. P M I?, 391-393. This queen had type I model cotiins (T23. T27-31. Cairo JdE 49086.49085.49090 and 49092 [not seen]).

1.6 THEBES

111

Northern Egypt by the Thebans. Architectural observations by A r n ~ l indicate d ~ ~ ~ that the entrance passage to Tem's sepulchre was dug when building operations of phase C-D of the Deir el-Bahri temple were in progress. Arnold estimated that she may have died around her husband's fortieth year. Neferu's tomb likewise postdates building phase B. It is unfortunately impossible to deduce its exact position in the sequence of events from the little that is known about the stratigraphy of the area around this tomb. Even so, a relief fragment found in i t has been argued to contain a part of Mentuhotep 11's late titulary, which would go far towards proving that it was decorated after Egypt's unification.23s With Imenet's tomb, we are on much firmer ground. Pieces of linen discovered in one of her coffins are inscribed with the cartouche of a Mentuhotep, the names of Tem and other queens, and datings, the highest one mentioning a year 42 + X. This can only refer to Mentuhotep 11. and proves that Imenet must have been buried very late in this king's reign.236 b) Besides these burials, the many tombs of officials from Deir el-Bahri provide a wealth of information. I shall deal first with the tombs found east of Mentuhotep's temple, which are situated along its causeway, next those to the south, and lastly those in the northern cliff of Deir el-Bahri. The tomb of the general Antef was thoroughly rifled. Nonetheless, small fragments were found of the original burial equipment, among others of a funerary bed with CT (T4X). As I have argued elsewhere, the general is likely to have survived until after Egypt's u n i f i c a t i ~ n . ~ ~ ' Of the tombs found to the south of Mentuhotep's temple, those of Meketre (TT280) and Dagi (TT103) are most important. In the former tomb complex, the excavators found the remains of a sarcophagus with CT (TZNY), as well as the untouched burial of Wah (TlO), one of Meketre's subordinates.238 Inscriptional evidence from phase C of the Deir el-Bahri temple proves that Meketre was a contemporary of Mentuhotep 11. However, this tomb is oriented towards the projected temple of Mentuhotep 111, and datings to a year 5 and 6 found on Wah's mummy can only refer to the latter king.239An assignment of Meketre between the later years of the reign of Mentuhotep I1 and the end of the XIth Dynasty seems evident, therefo~-e.'"O Arnold, Der Trnrpel des Konigs Metllrrhotep 1, 35-36. A slightly later date is advocated by Ward, O.C.(n. 225), 104-108. 2 3 5 Arnold, The Ten~ple of ibfentuholep or Deir el-Ballnri, 18-20; Lilyquist, Mirrors, 26-27; Freed, Tile De~elopt7lmroj'Egyprion Middle King(10tn Reliej'Sczrlpl~rrolScl~ools,Ann Arbor, 1985. 15; 30-37. 236 For the linen strips. see Daressy. Spl1in.r 17 (1913). 99-100. 237 Arnold and Settgast, MDAIK 20 (1965). 55: 60; see for the date my remarks in JEOL 28 (19831984), 1985, 97-98, n. 130; BiOr, forthconling. 238 A scarab found on Wah's mummy nlentions both the deceased and his patron Meketre, which proves their contemporaneity (Hayes, Sceprer I, 230 and fig. 145). TIO is a type I coffin. 2 3 Y Winlock. Esccl~utionsot Deir el-Ballri 1911-1931. New York. 1942. 227. 2+0 For the reference in Mentuhotep's temple, see TPPI, 4 28p. bleketre's date is discussed by Freed (o.c. [n. 2351, 22), Arnold (Dus Grob de.7 Jtlj-jrj.j: Die .4rrlritekr~rr.blainz. 1971, 40-41). JaroS-Deckert (Dus

112

THE DATE O F .M.K. COFFINS

Inscriptions in the temple of Mentuhotep inform us that the vizier Dagi (TT103) was likewise in office under this king, though the general impression is that his chapel was finished somewhat later.241 Hence, the decoration of Dagi's burial chamber is probably contemporary with the monuments of Meketre, and the same might be argued for T2C, the coffin found in TT103. However, Davies noticed the fact that the vizieral titles found on the walls of the tomb do not occur on the coffin. This has led to the view that the coffin was either made before Dagi became a vizier242,or that the owner of T2C was not our Dagi.24JIn view of the find-place of T2C, in the burial chamber of Dagi's tomb, the latter opinion seems hard to sustain, and the former, too, needlessly complicates matters. Against Davies, it can be argued that there is nothing contradictory in the omission, from a coffin, of those titles we are wont to consider most important. One might compare the coffins from Bersheh, where nomarchs never use the title !~r.p-tp'3 n Wnri.. It is thus reasonable to suppose that TT103 and T2C are contemporary. The most important group of sources derives from cemetery MMA 500, i.e. the row of tombs high up in the northern cliff of Deir el-Bahri. Typologically, most of the tombs represent the developed form of the corridor tombs, which, according to A r n ~ l dgained ~ ~ ~ popularity , in about the second half of the reign of Mentuhotep IT. Arnold remarks that few of these tombs have been finished, which may hint at a late date, for soon after Mentuhotep 11, large-scale activities in the necropolis of the courtiers seem to have come to a halt.Z4SIf these speculations are correct, TT311, of the im.y-r htm.t Cheti, may be one of the earlier sepulchres, it being the only one to reach completion. 2 4 6 It is clear at any rate that he acquired his title early in Mentuhotep 11's reign, for he is mentioned on linen strips from some of the group A coffins.247However, he is also represented in the Shatt er-Rig21 graffiti of the king's 39th year, after Egypt's unification. The late form of Mentuhotep's titulary is

Grab des Jnj-jrjf. Die Wrrndt~rnlereietcler .Yr. D!.nasfie. Mainz. 1984, 132). Winlock (ibfodels of'Dtri1~Life, New York, 1955, 9-10; Rise and Fall qftlre .Lficldle Kingdom, New York. 1947,67) and von Bsckerath ( LA IV, 68-69). For the reference to Dagi in the Mentuhotep temple, see T P P I $ 28p. For his date, see Arnold, 0.c. (n. 240), 40; JaroS-Deckert, 0.c. (n. 240). 131; Freed, 0.c. (n. 235), 63. Schenkel. Fn1nlii.S. 114 and Davies. Five Theban Toti~hs,38-39, suggested a date in the early XIIth Dynasty, but their evidence is inconclusive. 2 4 2 Arnold, O.C.(n. 240), 40. 2 J 3 Davies, Fire Tlrebntr Totiths. 38-39. Note that the owner of the cofin, with the title it)r.?-r rw.r attested there, recurs in the Deir el-Bahri reliefs ( T P P I , 42, n. b). For the find-place of T2C, see Davies. OS., 28. Arnold. O.C.(n. 240). 43 K. 245 See below. Amold. I.c. (n. 244). 2 J 7 Winlock, B;\IJld December 1923. pt. 11, 12, fig. 2: readings corrected: Winiock. E.~cnrnrionsc11 Deir el-Bcllrri 1911-1931, 68. n. 2. Winlock also mentions the lind of similar linen sheets from the tomb of queen Imenet ( R i ~ entrtl FtrII oJ rlrt, .\lirkclle I(ingi10~11,44, 65), but unfortunately his references are inadequate.

2.6 THEHES

113

attested on blocks from Cheti's tomb, which is a clear indication that it must have been decorated in about the same period.24s Most other tombs seem to have been erected slightly later. Meru. the owner of TT240, is known to have set up a stela at Abydos in year 46, though most egyptologists favour a date somewhat closer to the XIIth Dynasty for the tomb.24Y We know the owner of TT313 (the find-place of T3X), the steward Henenu, from texts of the same general period: a stela mentioning the late titulary of Mentuhotep I1 and a graffito at Widi Hammamit recording year 8 of Mentuhotep III.2s0The same year is probably mentioned in the Hekanakhte papyri, which were found in the ~ ~ l this tomb is a subsidiary burial associated with undisturbed tomb of M e ~ e h .Since that of the vizier Ipi (TT3 15, which contains the limestone sarcophagus T2X), the latter's monuments probably date to the same period.252T l C , finally, the sarcophagus and burial chamber of TT3 14, are commonly attributed to the late XIth Dynasty as well, on account of their find-place, among the sepulchres discussed above.zs3 Having discussed the main concentrations of burial complexes, a few coffins remain to be dealt with. The first of these is a type I coffin (T15) discovered by Carter in the Bib el-Hosdn. The monument does not mention the owner's name and, although the find was evidently undisturbed, did not contain a mummy.2s4 Whereas the purpose of the cenotaph is not very clear zss , there can be no doubt about the time when the coffin was deposited in it. It was found together with a lifesize statue of Mentuhotep 11, who is represented wearing the Lower-Egyptian crown.2s6 Hence, the find must postdate the unification of Egypt. A fragment, allegedly of the real coffin of Mentuhotep I, probably dates to the end of his

Z * 8 Lilyquist. O . C . (n. 235). 27, 11.295; Freed, O.C.(n. 235). 55-60. Cheti is also mentioned in an inscription of year 41 (Schenkel, M H T , 222). 2 * 9 Stela Turin 1447 (Klebs, Die Reliefs lmd Malereien des ~ZIirrlerenReiclres, Heidelberg. 1922. 22, fig. 14). Cf. Fischer, M M J 1 1 (1976). 9, n.33; Amold, O.C.(n. 240), 44. 2 5 0 Hayes, JEA 35 (1949), 43-49; Harnrn. 1 14. 2 5 1 For the date of the documents, see He&atlriklr~e Papers, 2-6. Goedicke's recent attempt to date the papyri to years 5 and 6 of Amenemhat I (Sr~idiesin rl7e Hekanakl~rePapers, Baltimore. 1984, 3-10) proceeds from an incorrect rendering of the hieratic date (the sign for 8 being read as 6, see p. 93). and from the unsubstantiated conviction that the courtiers' tombs at Deir el-Bahari were still under construction under Amenemhat I. "' Cf. Hekanakhte Papers, Is., Winlock. Escavarions ar Deir el-Bullri 191 1-1931, 227-228. 2 5 3 E.g. Kees, Torenglruben. 166; FrnaS, 122; Lilyquist, Mirrors, 27. Schenkel dates T I C to the XIIth Dynasty on the basis of a statistical frequency analysis of the determinatives in the C T of T I C 63). However. the procedure is not without dangers; it (Westendorf [ed.]. Gorrirlger Torenb~rrl~srlitiien, implies e.g. a difference in date for the Nehri texts from Hatnub and the Hekanakhte Papers, even though they are probably contemporary (o.c.. 77-79; cf. for their date Willems, JEOL 28 [1983-19841, 1985, 80-102). Carter, ASAE 2 (1901). 201-205 and pl. 11. 2 5 5 Arnold, Der Tcnrpel des Kiirligs i\fetl/ullorep I, 51-53, 81-83; Helck. GIM 24 (1977). 35-40, Could this be an "Abydene" statue burial'! (cf. Altenmiiller. Begriibtlisrirual. 193-212). 2 5 6 Cairo JdE 36195, see Vandier. M~tnrel111. pl. LVI (I).

114

T H E D A T E O F M.K. CO FFI N S

reign.z57A type I coffin discovered in tomb 13 (T27) must be roughly conteniporary with the Mentuhotep temple for archaeological reasons.257aFinally, T9C was discovered inside the walls of Mentuhotep 11's temple, and is stylistically comparable with other coffins of this king's time.258 To summarize: group B forms an extensive group of documents which is demonstrably later than the Egypt's Unification, which must have taken place some time before Mentuhotep 11's 39th year. On the other hand, there are no indications that any monument of this group was still in process of being built after the end of the N t h Dynasty. The amount of tombs and other buildings from the period, and the wealth apparent from their funerary equipment, seem to testify to a major economic upsurge after the unification, which appears to have lasted through the last decade of Mentuhotep 11's reign and into that of his successor, Mentuhotep 111. A similar necropolis was planned around the tomb of the latter king, but economic decline seems to have followed soon. The king's temple was never finished, and the necropolis never became as pretentious as that in Deir el-Bahri. Interestingly, contemporary documents inform us about a famine and tension in court circles around this time.259 Typologically, all sources represent outer decoration type I, while the insides are of subtypes l a and l b. For T4Be, T I L and TINY, see 2.6.5.

2.6.4 Group C: (Tl-3Be, T20; associated material: T1 Len) Properly speaking, this group consists of two different finds. Tl-2Be and T20 formed part of the intact burial of the steward Mentuhotep, son of a woman Renefankh. Although its exact find-place can no longer be ascertained, a painting made by Passalacqua during his excavations in 1823 shows that Mentuhotep's tomb is located in the northern slopes of Asasif, in the foothills of Dirb' Abii n-Nagb'. T3Be, the coffin of Sebek-'a, son of Nesmont-ankhu, is said to have been found in . ~is~ ~ the same year by Athanasi in what he called "the small temple of I ~ i s " It unknown what temple is referred to by Athanasi. and it is uncertain that T3Be derives from the same area as the other Berlin coffins. As a matter of fact, there is no direct evidence to prove that the two burials are contemporary. However, the coffins are so strikingly similar that no useful purpose would be served by discussing them separately. Indeed, they have often been dealt with jointly.261 716. 25'" Cf. Arnold, The Temple o/',\.fe~i!id~olep nl Deir et-Bczlruri, 17. 2 5 d Its find-place may be shaft 28 in the court of the Mentuhotep temple (see PM 1'. 656). lSV Cf. Willems, JEOL 28 (1983-1984), 1985, 99-100. 26"ee Steindorff, Griibfiu~rieI. 1-2: same. Grab/iorrie 11, l , and the literature there cited. 201 In Passalacqua's description of the find of the tomb of M e ~ ~ t u h o t e he p , writes that he turned to a part of the necropolis which seemed to be unexplored (Cnrologuu raisotinhc er hi.s~orir~lrrdes ntiiiqlrii8.s lS7

2.6 THEBES

115

In an early article devoted to the date of the coffins of Mentuhotep. Steindorff drew attention to the frequent occurrence of the name of Sobk in the names of the crew-members of two ship-models from the same tomb. Such names, he argued, became fashionable in the late XIIth Dynasty.262The argument is of course hardly sufficient, but several others point in the same direction. According to Vandier, Mentuhotep's funerary statue can hardly be much earlier than the reign of Sesostris III.263The palaeography and typology of the coffins agree with this, too.264T18 represents the same type of outer decoration. For TI Len, see 2.6.5.

2.6.5 Remaining coffins: (TIBal, T4Be, Tl-3L, TlLen, TINY, T l X , T5X, MC105)

.

TlBal: the origin of this fine coffin is unknown, and the names occurring on it are not very helpful either. On its sides, the owner is called Rehu-erdjersen, son of Ibet, but on the cover his name is Inher. To my knowledge, these names do not occur elsewhere in the Theban documentation. Though the evidence is too slender to be really reliable, palaeography and typology make a date in the time of Amenemhat I1 most probable.265 T4Be: This coffin reached Berlin via Lepsius, but it is unknown how he acquired it. Nevertheless, it can hardly be doubted that it originates from Deir el-Bahri, for it shares many typological features with group B.266 For similar reasons, it seems certain that T1L forms part of group B.267 Matters are much less favourable as regards T2L and T3L. It is unknown where they were found, and the names of their owners are likewise inadequate for the purpose of dating.26s My information about their decoration is incomplete, but suggests a date in the XIIth Dynasty. The outer decoration of both coffins includes en Egypre, Paris, 1828, 117-138). After his remarkable find. he was visited by "le sieur d'AtanasyV (o.c., 121-122). In view of the fact that it was d'Athanasi who discovered T3Bs in the same year, it is perhaps a not unreasonable speculation that he was inspired by Passalacqua to explore the site further. TI-3Be were published jointly by Lepsius (Alresre Tesre des Todrenbuclis, Berlin, 1867): cf. also Steindorff, Grobjrn(1e I11. Sledzianowski, in Wsstendorf (ed.). Gorringer Torenbucl~slslrrclien,l l5 ff. 262 Er~iclesLeemans, Leide, 1885, 78 R.; cf. Steindorff. Gmbjmcle I, Vorwort. 263 Statue Berlin 4650, see Vandier, Monitel 111, 257, 273, pl. LXXIII, 3. 2 6 4 Palaeography: I) im.y-r written -7 (FniiiS, 36); 2) the epithet ni3'hrng nb irn3h in T2Be (FtnaS. 76); 3) the spellingdflP?, Qdw, in TIBe (Bennett, JEA 27 [1941], 78-79): 4) offering formulae mentioning Gb hnr.? h.! pscl.lsl '3.1 (TIBe, T3Be). The instances of this title in an offering formula have been collected by Berlev (RdE 24 [1972], 15; add Siut I, 1. l ;coffins L3Li, M ILei. RIX, T2L). None is older than Sesostris I, and the instances from coffins seem generally to date from the time of Amenemhat I1 or later. 5) Typology: outer decoration: type VI; inner decoration: type 2 (see 3.1.6 and 4.2.4); cf. also ch. 4, n. 93, 237, 4.5.3 (c). 4.5.4 (f), 4.5.5 (c), 4.5.6 (a), 4.6.2 (24.1). 265 Palaeography: -ifor im.y-r (cf. n.264). Typology: outer subtype Vaa: Inner decoration: type 2 (see 3.2.5 and 4.2.4); cf. ch. 4, n. 237. L 6 6 Outside: type I (see 3.2.1); inside: subtype la (see 4.2.3); cf. 4.5.5 (a), fig. 19 (FI); fig. 21 (FRI). Same outer and inner decoration types as T4Be: cf. also fig. 21 (FR?); ch. 4, n. 221 U): 4.5.5 (a). ( a l s o 2 ) Sobkhotep. son of Set-Sobk. Owner of T2L: Mentuhotep; of T3L: the

116

THE DATE OF M.K. COFFlNS

text columns, as became common from Sesostris I onwards.269 T3L, moreover, displays a false door on FR - a phenomenon only rarely found before the reign of Amenemhat I1 (cf. 3.2.2-5 and 7). The inner decoration represents type The offering formulae of T2LZ7land the palaeography of T3L272again seem to favour a date after Sesostris I. TlLen: The typology of T1 Len finds its closest parallels in group TINY: Its inner decoration has close affinities with the coffins of group B.274 Unfortunately I have no information about its exterior. TlX: since this unpublished coffin was found in Deir el-Bahri according to PM 1 2, 620, it might well form part of the finds from Mentuhotep 11's time. This is by no means certain, however, for the cemetery remained in use in later times. MC105: for unknown reasons, de Buck preferred to use another code for this coffin than for the other Theban finds, the letters being an abbreviation for Mentuhotep Cemetery. In his notebooks, de Buck writes that MC105 was discovered by Winlock in February 1927 "in the N.E. corner outside the Mentuhotep court". Although the discoverer himself does not mention the coffin in his report275, it is probable that it was discovered at the foot of the northern cliff of Deir el-Bahri. The area produced a number of XIth Dynasty finds, so de Buck's view that the coffin is from Mentuhotep 11's time may well be correct. It is typologically comparable with a number of group B sources.276

2.6.6 The Late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period at Thebes (T6-7C, TlOC, T13C + TlCh, T4-5L, T1-~Mos,T4-8NY) The Theban decline after the fall of the XIth Dynasty was only temporary. As compared with the relative scarcity of finds from the XIIth Dynasty, there is a marked increase in the ensuing periods, which is easily understood once it is realized The ends of T2L display attribute 2,which is known from types 111, V, XI, XIV. T3L represents type XIV, as does T32. In T3L, the object frieze features a number of exceptional objects and even scenes. These go back to the south-Egyptian frieze-type developed prior to the Unification of Egypt (see n. 230). For other The arrangement of the object features of the inner decoration, cf. n. 105 and n. 109 (222)and 4.4.3 0. frieze resembles that of TIBal and T2Be. 211 F R , inside: an offering formula to Gb hnl.y !~.ipsd.i-3.1, for which cf. n. 264 (4). It features Bitte 2, as in other coffins of the same date (see 4.4.3, n. 96-97). On B, an offering formula to Anubis with Bitte 25 (cf. n. 161; 4.4.3, n.98). r72 '1'1nl.y-rwritten --I (cf. n.264); cf. also 3.3 (d) (86). Exterior type VI, inner type 2 (see 3.2.6, 4.2.4); other features: 132, 165, 182. 194, 206 (see 4.5.3~. 4.5.4f, 4.5.5~.4.5.6a); (see 4.4.3); (4.6.2). Inner decoration: subtype la. cf. 4.2, table 6. B M M A 1925-1927, part 11 (February 1928). 3-24. The excavations took place in the suggested area. According to P,$[ 1'. 652. the coffin (of a woman Shedi. usurped by Dedu) was made of boards of an earlier coffin of the it,r.!.-r !~~tir.t Cheti, whom we have encountered in 2.6.3. On the photographs at my disposal. however. no trace of Cheti's name is visible in the remains of the original decoration. 6 ' 2 Inner decoration: subtype l a ; cf. 4.2.3,

2.6 THERES

117

that Thebes once again became a major administrative ~entre.~~~"xtensive burial grounds of the era are situated in Deir el-Bahri, Asisif and Diri' A b i n-Kagii', in part in older tombs. The little that has been published of these finds indicates that cotfin decoration changed rapidly in the late XIIth Dynasty. Inner decoration disappeared altogether. On the outside, the number of text columns increased, and the coffins were often coated with a layer of black bitumen. These, and other277designs fall outside the scope of this study, but since some of the documents under discussion contain CT, they will be briefly dealt with for the sake of completeness. One important group of sources are the cotfins T6C and TlOC and the canopic boxes of the same owners (Tl-2Mos). The texts of the latter two were still unknown to de Buck, but have recently been discussed by B e r l e ~ This . ~ ~ scholar ~ has also adduced evidence for dating the whole cluster to the time of king Sewahenre of the XIIIth Dynasty.279There are a number of sources with the same type of decoration as the preceding ones, and these are probably of the same date: T7C, T13C + TlCh. T5-8NY and the canopic box T4NY. With one exception. these sources originate from Deir el-Bahri and Asasif. The exception is T13C + T l C h which, according to the antiquities dealer where it was bought, was found in Gebelein.ZaO Finally, mention should be made of the fragments T4-5L. It is generally assumed that they date from the XVIIth Dynasty.2a1

2763 table 6. Though not a capital, cf. Hayes. JIVES 12 (IY53), 33 fl. 277 For some typical instances, see apart from those discussed beloa, Carnarvon and Carter. Five Years' Esploratiot~snr Tllebes, pls. LVIII-LXIII. 2 7 8 JEA 60 (1974). 106-1 13. 2 7 9 A similar, but inadequately published coffin was discovered in a late XIIth Dynasty context by Carter (Carnarvon and Carter. o.c., 54 [tomb 251). 2 s o Cf. LS.4 I. 79; B e r l e ~ ,ox., 106. T13C is the lid of TICh. The probability that the dealer's statement is correct is strongly reinforced by the fact that the owner's name (Hemenhotep) features the name of the god Hemen, who was venerated near Gebelein. Berlev (I.c.), not aware of the existence of TICh. suggests that T7C and T13C belong together, and hence that T7C comes from Gebelein, too. This is clearly an error. and there is no reason to doubt the correctness of LSA I, 79, where Deir el-Bahri is given as the find-place of T7C. For TJL. see Kohler. in: Westendorf (ed.), Giittitrger Totenhucli.sruclien, Wiesbaden, 1975, 11-13. For TSL. see P M 1'. 657.

3. TYPOLOGY AND CONCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE OUTER DECORATION

Sander-Hansen, Ankhnrsnrferibre, 78

3.1 General Characteristics of the Outer Decoration In this chapter, I shall describe the way in which coffins of various periods were decorated on the outside. It will appear that this part of the ornamentation evolved rapidly in the M.K., which places us in a position to determine the date of many documents with a fair degree of reliability. Also, an attempt will be made to explain the religious background of texts and representations - and hence, the function ascribed to the coffin, which was certainly not only considered as a box in which a corpse could be stored. Before proceeding to this, however, it is necessary to list briefly the elements of which the outer decoration is composed. The outside of M.K. box coffins is decorated on five sides: H, F, B, FR and the lid. As a rule, the greater part of each side is monochrome, the wood being mostly In the layout of the rest unpaintedl , yellow/ochre2, or, rarely, coloured differentl~.~ of the decoration, which was applied against this background, four elements can be discerned: 1) registers and columns of ornamental hieroglyphs; 2) representations of ~43.t-eyes;3) architectural elements and 4) ornamental frames. Only very few coffins lack these elements altogether, and these will be disregarded in this book.4

Most coffins from Bersheh (exceptions are B15C, B17C, 81-2, B4 [the latter with a very thin layer of yellow]). At Meir, the natural colour is rare (M [Be, M2C, X2Bas). See further Ri8, S 14C, S8X, Sq3, T3C. T15. The published reports are often inadequate on this point. Very frequent in all parts of Egypt, except Bersheh. Many coffins from Meir group A are yellow, with thin red lines imitating the wood-grain (MIOC, M37-38C, M40-41C, M47C. Similarly, but with brown lines: Akh 2-3. A few private coffins and royal sarcophagi of the middle and late XIIth Dynasty were painted red, possibly in imitation of granite (or London. 1912. cedar wood?). see Petrie, Mackay and Wainwright, The Labyrinrl~,Gerzel~nnd Mnzgl~lmel~. 53 (sarc. of Amenemhat 111); Setlebrisi, 25; Meir group E. coffin TIWar (date: see Franke. Personer~tinren urrs den1 i\fi!!leren Reich, Wiesbaden. 1985, Dossier 80); coffins G4, Ri3. Ri5, Ri7. Rare early M.K. instances are F1 and NeD2. White are AblLe, Akh5, G7-8, Sq6, T7-8. Light brown are Ab2Le. Ab6; brown: M13: rose: M 19C. whitish-yellow: Ab5. Some instances are e.g. SchBfer. Priesrergriiher. 39: 42: Carnarvon - Carter. Five Years' Esplornriotls, Oxford, 1912, 54, 63: Winlock, BMIMA 11. Dec. 1922, 44, fig. 35; Naville. Deir et-Bolrori. XIIII Dynnsry Tenlple I, 50: pl. IX: Serlnlenr I, 5 (10): Amold. Griiher tles ,41ren U. ibfirrlererl Reic11e.rin el-Tt~rif; Mainz, 1976, 39-40. Exceptional cases like DIC. M55C and T?X are undecorated outside. but decorated inside.

? . I GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

119

1) Ornamental texts occur in a register just below the top of each side, and often in columns intersecting the space below. The signs are often engraved, but quite as often, they have been applied in paint only.' The colour is generally blue or green 6, although exceptions occur.' Many text bands are accentuated by giving them a light ~ they are frequently demarcated by a (yellow or white) b a c k g r o ~ n d .F\IIoreover, white or yellow and a blue or green line, or other marking^.^ A t some sites, however, such ornaments are wholly absent.1° The texts are oriented in such a way that they are legible from the corpse's "viewpoint". Hence, on the long sides and the lid, they run from H to F, and from FR to B on the ends (see fig. l).ll

FR Fig. 1: Orientation of Hieroglyphic Texts (cf. 3.1, 4.1) H F B F R

At Bersheh, signs were most commonly engraved before being painted (exceptions are B6C. BIP, 87). I know of no instances of engraved hieroglyphs on coflins from Beni Hasan. At Meir, the two techniques existed sin~ultaneously(engraved, e.g.: M2C, M48C. MI3War; non-engraved, e.g.: MlWar, M4C, M7C, MITor). At Thebes. engraved signs are not common. and seem to be restricted to groups A and B (TZ-3C, T8C, T17). At Saqqara, the various cemeteries had their own styles. On coflins found around the pyramid of Teti, engraved signs are characteristic; at Abusir and Saqqara South, painted texts prevail. On late coffins, painted texts are more usual than engraved ones. The contours of the inner details are often indicated in black. Note that the indicated difference between blue and green may be due simply to discoloration. ' E.g. white (S8X. SqlO. Sq16: TPC, 47 [HMK l]; 56 [HMK 125 - with black outlines]): black: (probably often originaly blue, cf. Limme. CtiE LX [1985], 147): Akh4-6, Schafer, Priestergraber, 101 ( M R 32), Ab3, AblLe: yellow: M7C. Ri2; polychrome: NeD2, A I C . (37-8. T7, T12 (all type I). G9 (deviant type); also on many Akhmim coffins not studied here. In M7C and Ri3. the background is blue, and it is green in S8X. In some early coffins. as usually in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery or occasionally elsewhere (e.g. GIO, T15, TIL), the bands have no special background colour. For this common pattern, see e.g. LSA 11, pl. XI (B3C). Other patterns are e.g. single demarcation lines (most common on early sources, e.g. GIO, M13). To\vards the middle of the M.K., these frames become increasingly elaborate (e.g. MSC. TI-3Be. TIOC. T1-3L. T20). This is usual in cases where the text bands have no special background colour. Hence. frequently in material from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery (cc n. 8). but also elsewhere (e.g. Sq6C, TIL. T15; cf. also SI-ZC). Exceptions are (37-8, GIO, which have a frame, but no special background colour. l1 The arrows in fig. I indicate the direction in which the signs "look" (cf. Fischer, The Orietirariotr of Hierogl~phsI . Rererstri.~.S e w York, 1977, 5. 36, n. 98). The few deviations only occur on H and F: B3Bo, MIC, R I , Sid2. Sid5-6. Sq3C. Sq6C, Sq6Sq. Sq3-4. Sq6. Sq9. T2Be. T2-3C. T7 and T32. 111Sq9, the direction is reversed even on long sides. Some reversals are likely to have been overlooked, :IS publications are often unreliable here.

120

OUTER DECORATION

2) The rvd3.t-eyes are present on all documents from our sample. They are painted near the head-end of FR, i.e. just in front of the face of the deceased (see e.g. fig. 3). This side of the coffin was oriented East. Hence, by these magical eyes, the deceased could watch sunrise - thus enabling him to participate in the solar cycle (cf. 3.2.9 < 1 > ) - and see the offerings in the tomb chapel (see 4) below). The eyes are in most cases surrounded by a rectangular frame.12 3) Two kinds of architectural elements appear. The first of these is the false door, which is often combined with the wd3.t-eyes (51,cf. fig. 4, 13). Its position, on the east side, may derive from the fact that the entrance to tomb chambers in the late O.K. was often situated a t a corresponding place.13 The famous vignette to BD chapter 1 shows that the tomb shaft, which lay beyond, was conceived as the road by which the ba could travel back and forth between mummy and tomb chapel where offerings were brought to him. The false door was probably borrowed from the inner decoration, where it began to appear much earlier.l4 Apart from single s the coffin false doors, there also occur representations of palace f a ~ a d e surrounding on all sides (type VI, cf. fig. 12-13). 4) The horizontal and vertical edges of most coffins are lined by an ornamental frame (see, e.g., fig. 10). These frames can take various forms (e.g. gilded o r monochrome bands, o r bands composed of coloured rectangles - a "cadre de couleur~").~~ These layout elements occur in varying combinations, and with varying frequency, thus resulting in a large number of decoration patterns. The impression of artistic liberty this might evoke is misleading, though. For while each coffin is unique on many points of detail, the model adopted by a particular artist seems to have been dictated largely by fashion, only a few variant forms occurring a t one and the same time (a chronological tabulation of the (sub)types is given in table 7). Moreover, the layout adjustments effectuated in the course of time are generally only partial: new elements were introduced now and then, but instead of replacing more traditional parts of the layout, they were simply added to them. As time went by, this additive principle tended to produce increasingly intricate patterns. As the following analysis will show, the earliest coffins are almost plain, decoration being limited to a register of ornamental hieroglyphs just below the rim, and a pair of wd3.r-eyes near the H-end of F R (type I). In the course of the XIIth Dynasty, H Omission of the frame is found in the coffins which also omit the frame around the ornamental texts (cf. n. 8, 10). Omission of the eyes is rarely found on early coffins, e.g. NeDI : cf. n. 4. l3 Cf. Junker, Gizo IX, 7-8. l4 Cf. TB ,Voville I, pi. IV. For the origin of the False door on coffin exteriors, cf. Borchardt. Z . ~ S 35 (1897). 117-118. l 5 I have not analyzed this elemrnt. Even so. it struck me that the block band appears with exceptional frequency at Brni Hasan. As far as I am aware, it occurs on all docu~nentsfrom this site. not only as a frame around the edge, but often also around the u.ci3.t-ryes on FR (e.g. Garstang. BC, fig. 169. 231). Elsewhere, this decoration is sparingly attested on some late coffins (B4L. Sllvlal. T3Be: CG 28108).

3.1 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

121

122

OUTER DECORATIOIU'

a new class of coffins was developed in which the text register on the sides came to be "supported" by text columns, which appear in steadily increasing numbers (text column coffins, types 11-XV). Finally, by the middle of the XIlth Dynasty. palace faqades were painted between the text columns (type VI). In designing the decoration of a coffin, only a few layout patterns were used by the Egyptian artist for the short ends (nos 1-5in list 3), the long sides (20-26) and the rrd3.t-eyes (50-51). Since, o n each side. these patterns are mutually exclusive, they can be considered true qualitative multistate attributes (cf. 1.4). All coffins investigated - provided that they are sufficiently well preserved and published show a full set of these attribute states which, moreover, show a clear mutual dependency in their development. Therefore, these layout features have been selected as the primary attributes on which the outer decoration typology has been based. It also appeared that variations in available text space occasioned by the increasing number of text columns had its eff'ects o n the contents of these texts. Again, all coffins with column texts are comparable o n this point. These text variations will be used for distinguishing subtypes. The decoration of the lid seems to have evolved largely independently of that of the sides. It will not not be used for making distinctions between (sub)types but will be dealt with separately (see 3.3). 3.2.1 Type I: A Good Burial in the West (attribute states

L,

20, 50)

Towards the end of the O.K., a decoration pattern had been worked out, which persisted through the F.I.P.16 and is still attested on many early M.K. sources. This pattern is the simple initial option referred to in the preceding section: the sides are unornamented but for a register of ornamental hieroglyphs just below the rim. Fig. 2 represents the characteristic layout of a short end (L) and fig. 3 that of a long side (20). The only additional ornament is the rcd3.t-eyes o n FR, near the head-end (50). The contents of the ornamental texts is fairly consistent, particularly on the long sides, and the fact that these formulae recur in most later types indicates that they must have been considered to be of vital importance. The inscriptions are primarily concerned with the material welfare of the deceased, the chief aim being to ensure him of a good burial and the necessary offerings (pri.1 b n v ) It is true that even in these early coffins, the lid texts occasionally deal with the heavenly journey of the deceased in the trail of the Sun-god, but in all probability this is a cosmological metaphor referring to the funerary procession (see 3.3). The whole exterior decoration thus renders an account of parts of the burial rites. The arrangement of the

l6 A few instances arc F1. G10, B8, Kamal. AS,AE 12 (1912). 108 fkqeir, O.K.), SI8C (Lefebvre, ..IS,AE 13 [19l4], 9-18 [Assiut, F.I.P.]; Petrie - Mackuy. Heliopoli.~,Ki!/i. ;Itt~nrczrn t ~ dSl~~,rr~fa, London. 1915, pl. XXVI: Akhl-9 (XIth Dyn.. cf. Brovarski. M6latrgrs Mokhmr I, Le Caire, 1985, 128-129).

3.2.1 TYPE I

Fig. 2: View of H of T8C

Fig. 3 : View of FR of T8C

(I)(Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

a. 5 0 ) (Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

124

O U TER DECOR.ATION

formulae on the sides was still slightly liable to change in these early times, but mostly, they appear in a fixed and rational order.17 The traditional B-text runs IZQ T4H QcM4D) 67A40 ,", "An offering which the king and Anubis, Foremost of the God's 4 Booth. who is on his mountain, who is in n!.t. Lord of the Holy Land, give: a good burial in his tomb in the necropolis in the Western Desert for (name of deceased)".18 Anubis, of course, was the patron of mummification and of the necropolis, which, ideally, was situated in the West. It is surely not coincidental that he figures in a text aiming at ensuring a good burial. It is likewise understandable why this text appears on B. for this is the Western side of the coffin. z g1 On FR, the Eastern side, one reads: 3 "An offering which the king and Osiris, Lord of Djedu, Foremost of the West, the great god, Lord of Abydos, give: an invocation offering @ri.t-t1r.r~)for (name of deceased)". It is perhaps strange to find Osiris "Foremost of the West" in the offering formula typically inscribed on the East. However, in these formulae, he was commonly associated with the "Bitte" for a pri.~-hrn!offering since the 0.K.19 and the traditional position for the offering table was East of the tomb.20Since the east is also the place of sunrise, Osiris' syncretistic ties with the rising sun also merit mention here.21 The purpose of the two formulae runs parallel: the former aims at ensuring a good burial and the correct execution of the necessary rituals. The p r i ~ - ( ~ rritual n, asked for on B concerns part of these ceremonies: the offering ritual carried out near the tomb during the burial and as part of the funerary cult.22 The brief registers on H and F are much less uniform, although two formulae vastly outnumber the other possibilities. One frequent type of phrase is a brief p r i . ~ hnr-formula like NN, "an invocation offering for the revered one NN". 1 have noted above that, on the long sides of type I coffins, the ornamental texts are primarily concerned with the material welfare of the deceased. The present mentions of offerings on H and F are an illustration of the same bias.23 However, on

$g99Q

,Az

flzg y).$&'t

z-,

g4444

' l In some early cofins. the favours asked for in the Anubis and inthe Osiris formula (normally on B and F R respectively, as will appear below) change places or occur both on each side. In e.g. GIO, Anubis is asked for the pri.1 [rr,~,offerings normally associated with Osiris, while the lalter is invoked, not only to, obtain this favour, but also for a "good burial" (the typical Anubis-Favour). Other cases on type I coffins: GiO. Ned2. T7, XIBas. The phenomenon is most common in type 11. Other differences: ALC, h.112, G7-9, Ha3. Sid3, Sid5. l8 For the translation of Irtp-di-trsn,.r 'Inprr..cf. Lapp. O p j ~ ~ r f o r r n1-37 ~ l . and a forthcoming article by the present author I N : Pop ~iirlemetr pnrretr (PULP) (Studies Pollock). Leiden, 1988. IY Barta. O ~ f t r f o r n r e /233. . 2 0 Cf. n. 13; Helck, ~ ' IV. 4 589-590: Fischer. O.C.(n. 1 l), fig. 42. Kees, Tormgl~rrherl.144: 156 ff. For the relevance of the solar aspect, see 3.2.4. " Thoroughly discussed by Lapp, 0.c. (n. 18), 39-192. '3 Much more elaborstr tests found in some early coffins also concentrate on this ritual aspect. They feature short offering formulae or lists of restivals (BH I I [1 sce the vague account by Garstang. BH. 1891. FI. G7-9. Sid6, T7, Jkquier, Totnhecr~r.~. pl. XVII). In some early cotfins, the texts on H and F are simply continuations of the oRering formulae on the long sides (GlBe. G 9 [deviant types. F.I.P.]. F!. GIO [type 11).

125

3.2.1 TYPE I

the ends, this materialistic concern was less outspoken even in early documents, for a second type of phrase diverts attention to something more transcendental: the relationship between the deceased and certain gods. These phrases characterize the inl3!1.g hr (deity's name), "the revered one with (a divinity)".24, former as

496442

24a

TABLE 8: OCCURRENCE O F P R ~ TH R W FORMULAE AND ' I r W H . Y PHRASES ON H AND F (EXTERIOR) a. pri.t hrw forniulne on both ends

coffin type site Bersheh Meir Thebes

I

IIa

IIb IIIaa IIIab IIlba IVaa IVab lVba lVbb Vaa Vab Vac Vba

5 5 -- -1 - -- -63 -- --

V1

?

various

--

--

--

-

--

--

- -

-- -- --

--

--

1' -

I

IIb lllaa IIIab IIIba IVaa IVab IVba IVbb Vaa Vab Vac Vba V1

?

various

--

--

--

--

1-

--

--

---

--

--

--

--

-- -- --- -- --

--

--

--

--

--

--

b. pri.r hrn- ( n im3b.y) on H, im3h.y on F

coffin type site Bersheh Meir Thebes various

I

IIa

-- -- - -1 -- 1 2 3 - -- -2 2 -- --

31 4-1-

--2 ---

-

----

--

--

2--

-- - - --- -- --- -- --- -- --

-- -- -- - - - - - - 75 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- ---

---

I3 14 -

-

c. im36.~-phrnses on both H nnd F

coffin type I site Beni Hasan 5 1 2' Bersheh I - Meir Memphis 21 7 I I The bes various 12 -

IIa

IIb IIIaa IIIab IIIba IVaa IVab IVba IVbb Vaa Vab Vac Vba

1 - -- --- - - 2 -1-

--1-

--

--

1-

--

--

--

--

--

---

--

--

--

--

--

--

7I13 1

--

--

--

--

--1

I

-

1

-

--

11

--

13

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

--

-- --- 1 I -2- - - - 2- -- I -- -- 1 2- -- ---

---

- --I -

V1

?

various

4 2 10 3 4 4

-

I' 6s 6#19 1'0 411

-

2 -

Heavy type indicates the number of certain attestations. ordinary type the uncertain ones. Not used: the fragmentary sources M 2 2 4 8 . l M4Ann T I C (deviant type) BIL (type VII) b15C (type IX) M9-12C. M2War. M6War, M13War SqlBe (type XII), Ab2Le. Sq4C. Sq13 ("type XV"). Sq8C (type XIV). Ab2 (X) B3L (type VIII) M48 (type XI); M6 (type XIII): M I I , M14 (type XIV), Ml5C, M50 (deviant) P Sq3Sq ("type XV") l 0 T32 (type XIV) l' G3. G5. Ri 1-2 (deviant; cf. IVba. Vba, VI) Z* In a few coffins, both of type I and of more evolved types, one only finds bti3!1.!3 + name of deceased (type I : B1. Sid2-3X. Sql3C: type IIIaa: B3-4C. B15C; type VIII: B3L: type VI: B14C). A few early coffins dispense with irrr3!r.s-phrases altogether. restricting the designation of the deceased to his name and titles (Sq2X, Sql7-X. TIL. T8; with additional autob~ographicalphrases: Sq4). 24" The original meaning of im3!1 is not "to be revered" but "to be well-provided" (with offerings. rituals. etc.)(Helck, illDAIK 14 [1956]. 68-70). Although the more abstract connotation of reveredness was current in the M.K.. the irt13[1.y-phrasesmay therefore also be rooted ultimately in the ritual sphere.

126

O U TER DECORATIOK

Table 8 indicates that the latter phrases were much more common than the former. At Saqqara, no pri.t-[lrtc. formulae are ever attested in this position and elsewhere, too, these were soon completely supplanted by itn3ll.y-phrases (except at Meir and Bersheh). Alternatively, some coffins of the early M.K. combine the two kinds of phrases. In a few type I sources, one now finds an bn3l1.y-phrase on H and a pri.t hrrr. formula on F. The reverse combination which would attain a degree of popularity in coffin types of the time of Sesostris I, is attested only sparingly on type I coffins.24b While the occurrence of pri.r @\c formulae is hence generally an early phenomenon, im3b.y phrases are attested all through the M.K. Their occurrence is, therefore, hardly of use for dating purposes. The inner structure of the inJl1.y phrases does show an evolution, however, in the patron deities which they mention. One group of documents is characterized by the occurrence of funerary gods (essentially Anubis A typical instance is int3!1.y [ ~ rbVsir NN "the revered one with Osiris, and Osiri~'~). NN". In other cases, the gods are replaced by the goddesses Isis and Nephtys. Table 9 indicates that the introduction of the latter two is a fairly late phenomenon. In type I coffins, the only instances originate from the XIth Dynasty necropolis of Deir el-Bahari and one early XIIth Dynasty coffin from Lisht (L2).26In all other

m),

TABLE 9: FREQUENCY TABLE O F REFERENCES T O RlALE AND FEMALE FUNERARY DIVINITIES ON H AND F (EXTERIOR HORIZONTAL TEXTS) coffin type site Beni Hasan Bersheh Meir Memphite area Thebes Rest

I IIa Ilb llIaa IIIab IIIba IVaa lVab IVba IVbb Vaa Vab Vac Vba V1 ? various m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f m f maP 6 - 1- - - -- - - -- - - - - - 1 1- - - -- - - - - - 4 ---

The columns labelled nt indicate the frequency o f male divinities (Osiris, Anubis, nir '3, etc.) in the ornamental text registers on H and F (exter~or);those labeled f those where goddesses (Isis. Nephtys) are referred to. a) Ab2Le ("type XV"); MSC (type IX): SqIBe (XII); Sq4C ("XV"); SqSC (XIV); Sq3Sq, Sq13 ("XV"), T32 (XIV); G3 (cf. subtype IVba). G5 (cf. subtype Vba) b) .4b2 (type X); M6 (XIII): M11 (XIV); M14 (XIV); M48 (XI); Ril-2 (cf. type VI); M15C. M50 (deviant)

Z4b Not listed in table S are the few cases where an itx?!t.j-phrase appears on H and apri.1 !rrrv formula on F (TIO. Akh3, Akh5 [type I, for the date, see Brovarski, 1W6la11ge.sMokhrur I, Le Caire. 1985, 118-1291 M13 [subtype Ila]). Combination 63 is attested on the following type I coffins: T15. TqC, T I L as well as a number of uncertain attestations. NeD2. Sid4. Osiris' name is frequently replaced by an alloform, mostly !cr. '3 ( n b p . l i , a current form north of Meir. Rarely, other designations are found: n!r niit7.rj(BIC. BIOC. B16C). Geb (B22C) & B . (B16C), Sokar-Ptah (Sid5) are some instances. z o L?. T3C. TSC. T3NY. TY. T21-22, T25. cf. TPPIS 27 E : r. Here. and in the coffins from Assiut, lsis appears on H and Nephtys on F. in accordance with PT § 3b-e. Barguet's view that this distribution is

3 2 . 2 T YPE IT

127

material of this type, Anubis and Osiris (and alloforms) are the only deities mentioned. Date: As stated above, type I coffins, which were already made under the O.K., remained in use until the early M.K.27We find them in the well-dated groups Bzni Hasan A, Bersheh A, and Thebes A and B, all from the end of the end of the XIth Dynasty and the reign of Amenemhat I or only slightly after (see 2.1.2, 2.2.2, 2.6.2-3). Documents from other parts of Egypt. and dating from the same time. often show the same pattern.28 On the other hand, the site of Meir, which in the M.K. seems not to have been used as a necropolis prior to the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I, has produced only very few type I coffins.z0Only one source is significantly later. It is B12C. the inner coffin of BI3C,.which represents a much more developed type. The set probably dates from the time of Sesostris 11-111 (see 2.2.7).

3.2.2 Type 11: Experiments with Text Columns (1, 2 l /22, 50!51. 63-64) As early as the IVth Dynasty, sarcophagi were occasionaly decorated with text columns positioned below the horizontal line of ornamental hieroglyphs on the four sides.30 Strongly similar patterns occur on many M.K. coffins. The revival of this ancient decoration element could be explained most easily by assuming a conscious return to classic standards, were it not that the earliest text column coffins of the M.K. differ greatly from their precursors in layout and textual contents. The re-introduction of vertical ornamental texts is, therefore, rather an independent invention of the M.K. which may simply have been prompted by the desire to create characteristic for Assiut and the whole area south of it (RtiE 23 [1971], 21; Les resres des snrcoplrages, Paris, 1986, 14. n. 30) must be taken with a grain of salt, at least as far as the latter region is concerned, witness late instances like TIBal, TI-3Be. where the opposite arrangement occurs. This arangement prevailed all over Egypt, but was not applied consisteintly (see the tables in Riqqell nrlti .Lfenlphis VI, pl. L11 and Roeder, Eirl nnn~etllosurFrauensczrg, Bremen, 1929, 222 ff.). 2 7 Cf. n. 16. As noted in 2.5 above. the material from Saqqara is hard to date. Manv - type - . I coffins were found around the pyramid of Teti and in Abusir (see list; 1-2). Their general date is probably early M.K. 2 8 AIC, G I T , (cf. 2.6.2), G7-10. MeslX, WeDI-3, S14C. S18C. the coffins from Sedment (see 2.4.2) and those from Akhmim (Akhl-10. cf. Brovarski, !MeIotlges !Moklrrc~rI1 128-129) and others (see lists 1-2). l9 M9 and Kamal, ASAE 12 (1912), 108, probably both from the O.K. XlBas, attributed to Meir by Lapp, may come from Beni Hasan (cf. ch. 2. 11.47). Only M12 seems to fill the requirements. and this document was found together with a subtype IIa coffin (M13). A large number of other type I sources with strong mutual rypological and phraseological affinities were found by Kamal, anlong others near the O.K. tomb of one of the Pepi-ankhs (ASAE 13 [1914], 163-178: 15 [1915]. 251-257). It is clear that these date from the O.K. (coffins of the nomarch Pepi-nnkh the Middle and his wife [ASAE 15 (1915). 251-257. cf. Meir IV]; of the physician Niankhchnum [Kamal. ASAE 13 (1914). 172-174 and Peterson. 1lfecil1~av.st~ruseerB~illerirr21 (1986). 3-51: of the chief embalmer Ankhu [Karnal. ASAE 13 (1914). 164 and :Weir V. 20 (17)l. The names and titles of some other coffin owners mentioned in Kun~al'saccount recur in the O.K. tombs from Meir [see Mrir 1V-V]). 'O E.g. Dunharn, BXIF.4 25 (1927). 96-97: Hassan. Gizn 1929-1930, pl. LXIII-LXIV; DonadoniRoveri. Sorcofigi. pl. XXXII-XXXIII.

128

O U TER DE CO R A T I O N

extra text space. It is only in later types that the layout was brought in line with O.K. models. This originality is most clearly reflected in the simplest, and probably earliest, text column coffins: type 11. No consistent pattern had yet been worked out, and for some time, several solutions were experimented with to solve the newly created problems of space division. Hence, "type 11" does not denote a single, closely defined decorative program. Instead, the term covers a whole range of patterns, which were all tried once or twice and seem each to reflect the search for a satisfactorily balanced arrangement. Depending on the number of text columns, I distinguish two subtypes: IIa and IIb. The horizontal ornamental texts on B and FR in both,subtypes are made up of the same basic components already encountered in the description of type I (see 3.2.1). However, the characteristic "Bitten"'l of B and FR have changed places or both appear on each side in the present type. For the texts on H and F, I refer to tables 8 and In subtype IIa, no text columns appear on H and F, while there is just one on the long sides &The l). measure of variation shown by the three known sources clearly

Fig. 4: View of F R of BHSC & 51) l, (Courtesy Egyptian Museum. Cairo)

I.e. the favours asked in the offering formula. In the present case "a good burial" on B and "an invocation offering" on FR. Cf. Barta, Opferfornrel; Lapp, O.C.(n. 18). In MIWar. M7-8. the Bitten have changed places (the same happens rarely in more evolved coffin types: MSC [type IX] and X2Bas [subtype IIIaa]). In M13, the Anubis-formula has the Bitte normally associated with Osiris. but the formulae are for the rest exceptional. In BH I, the Anubis-formula and the Osiris-formula each receive both Bitten (Barta's Bitten 2 and 4). For the same phenomenon, cf. n. 17. BHSC, finally. has the usual formulae. but these are elaborated by a row of epithets of the deceased. 3 2 Some type I1 coffins have an it?r3!r.,~-phraseon F and apri.1-!rrw formula on H M8. perhaps M7 and MIWar, of which only H is preserved). In MI?. this arrangement is exception;~llyreversed. BHSC has it?13!1.,~phrases on both ends (g).

a:

3.2.2 TYPE I 1

Fig. 5: View of B and FR of BFII (3, 50) (Courtesy School of Archaeology and Oriental Studies, Liverpool)

129

OL!TER DECORATION

Fig. 6: Wall Scheme of B of M 13

(a)

illustrates the experimental character of this design (see figs. 4-6).33 A similar inconsistency is apparent in the contents of the texts. Each document differs in this respect, although they are in agreement in the use of standard phrases known from . ~ ~ the text columns are simply continuations the autobiographical l i t e r a t ~ r eOften, of the text in the register above.

Fig. 7 : View of H and FR of M l W a r (1. 2.3) (Cour~tesyMuzeum Narodowe, Warsaw)

" Fig. 4: BHSC (this cofin only has a text column on FR). The same layout occurs on a coffin from Sheikh Farag which will be published by Dr Brovarski. Fig. S: BHI; Fig. 6: M13 (depicted: Lapp. Sli'rg?. pl. 28: 31). Compare type XI. The text column in BHI is a continuation of the horizontal text on B and FR and reads n1r.j. tlh=f'nr !~r..~r-lir~r: BHSC has the same text but continues with 11.1 r'tlh !~.c.~=J'tr .c.r-/h=/:The column text on F R of M13 reads trrr.y/ ir=s nlr.yr mrv.r=s. The B-text runs inr3!1.y !ir bt'sir N N . For such autobiographical phrases, cf. Janssen. AlrrohioyraJie.

3.2.3 TYPE I l l

131

The addition of a second text column on the long sides (22; subtype IIb, see fig. 7) led to a more balanced arrangement, a result which had some popularity a t Meir and perhaps A ~ s i u t . ~At' the same time, the purpose of the text columns underwent a change. Although their formulation was as yet far from uniform, they now all contained religious utterances of a cosmological/liturgical nature36 - a characteristic of all later text column coffins. Date: Type I1 forms the link between type I and more developed text column coffins. The latter made their first appearance in the time of Sesostris I. It seems reasonable to assume that type I1 was a little earlier, which implies a date roughly between the middle of the reigns of Amenemhat I and Sesostris I. As regards the coffins from Meir (cf. n. 3.9, a n earlier date can be excluded with practical certainty if my conclusion is accepted that the first M.K. use of the necropolis of Meir dates to the middle of the reign of Amenemhat I o r later (see 2.3.1). On the other hand, these coffins represent the least developed decoration patterns known from Meir. This suggests them to be earlier than other documents from the same area. A similar date is possible for the two sources from Beni Hasan, which both belong to group A.37

3.2.3 Type 111: The Protection of Nut (2, 23, 56159, 63/64/65, 70172) We have seen in the preceding section how the artists in the Middle Egyptian provinces first (re)invented the text column early in the XIIth Dynasty and then experimented with it in various layout patterns. Such experiments must finally have resulted in type 111. In this type, which is known from Bersheh and Meir only38, the basic layout of the sides consists of a register and three columns of ornamental hieroglyphs (23, see fig. 8). The short ends receive one text column down the middle (2, see fig. 9). A third layout element - the bc~j3.t-eyeso n FR - emerges in two different ways. On the one hand, the eyes appear alone, or only surrounded by a rectangular frame (50). O n the other we often find them in combination with the representation of a false door @ These differences are l chronologically ) .significant, and this makes it useful to distinguish two subtypes a t the level of layout: IIIa and IIIb, i.e. coffins without and with a false door respectively. MlWar, M4, M7-8; cf. SIWar, FR. A comparable side-decoration in type XII, see 3.2.7. MIWar, M4 and M7 have versions of PT 638a-b beginning on F R and continuing on B. M8 compresses this text in the text columns on F R and adds a new B-text (pr.j=k r p . ! nr-ttr n!r.\i,, etc.), for which see 3.2.3. " For BHSC. see 2.1.2. The palaeographical features of BHI suggest that i t forms part of the same group. While Beni Hasan group A comprises docunlents which may well be earlier than the suggested date, the presence of a false door on F R (U)in BHSC suggests a later date for this coffin. On the other hand. the palaeography of this and the other group A coffins differs markedly from that of Bcni Hasan tomb 2 (Beni Hasml I, pl. V11 K.) from the second half of Scsostris 1's rule. Hence, I consider the middle of this reign a terrninlrs atire q1rc.m. For the problematic origin of source X2Bas. see 2.4.5, n. 201.

132

O U T ER D E C O R A T I O ~

3.2.3 TYPE I I I

133

The horizontal ornamental texts are still patterned on the model of type I (see 3.2.1).39The text columns, however, are rooted in a religious world which differs markedly from that of the materially oriented register texts. Here, two genres can again be distinguished. Phrase type a consists of formulae rooted in the Pyramid Texts, in which Nut and Thot play a prominent role. The other kind of text (b) is much less varied, each column containing an im13h.y-phrase comparable to the ones already encountered on H and F (cf. 3.2.1). The former phrase type (56 on H and F; 70 on the long sides) appears in both layout patterns, thus giving rise to subtypes IIIaa and IIIba. Since the column texts of subtype TTIaa are strongly rooted in the PT, it is useful first to draw a brief sketch of some of the views on death expressed in this text corpus. A central part is played here by the concept that the divine king was the personification of Horus on earth, while he became Osiris when he died. By equating the dead king (and later on, in the M.K., any dead man or woman) with Osiris, the deceased himself became one of the actors in the Osiris myth. Key themes in this myth are the assassination of Osiris by his brother Seth, and the subsequent search for, and preservation of, his body by his sisters Isis and Nephtys. In this way, Osiris' physical integrity was preserved, which enabled him to survive and assume the rulership of the Hereafter. In the PT from the O.K., and still frequently in the religious literature of the M.K. and after, the Netherworld was sought in the heavenly expanse. The stars were the souls of the dead and Osiris, identified with Orion, was their leader.40 Here, the theories about Osiris link up to a considerable extent with those concerning the Sun-god Re. Like Osiris, Re was considered the father of Horus, the king, and the son of Nut, the sky-goddess. He also travelled through the sky. Moreover, through the daily cycle of the sun, Re was engaged in a process of death and resurrection. PT 4 1688b, for instance, refers to him as "one who comes forth from Nut, even she who gives birth to Re daily".41 The close association between both deities becomes even more explicit in cases where the deceased king as Osiris is stated to ascend to heaven to occupy his place in the solar bark.42 These concepts form the background of column texts of pattern a. On B: the text -4 "May you (i.e. the deceased) depart to readszq4&," 1, the sky among the gods, and may your arm be grasped by Thot" - a clear allusion

a,

h&l, -4,-

3 Y For the offering formulae on X2Bas. cf. n.31: abbreviated formulae in model coRin M47. ~ on H and an irn3!7.y phrase on F, e.g. B1C. End-formulae: a) A frequent pattern is 63:a p r i . ~ - ! r r lformula B9-IOC. BlP, M3C, M6C. X2Bas; possibly also on M9-L3C. MZWar, MIjWar, of which only one end is phrases mentioning funerary gods on H and F (&: B15C. B22C): c) preserved or accessible; b) irt13/~.:r similar phrases invoking Isis and Nrphlys MIO, h.147). Cf. tables 8-9. 144. 272. E.g. PT S 723. S 819, 882: cf. Kees. Turerrglr~~rher~. Cf. CT 11. 38c: 111, 398a; VI. 270a. *' E.g. PT 5 364-368; 8 472: 2 517 K.; CT V11 2 5 7 ~ 258-261: : 2678; 367~-d:408a-409~.

(a:

134

O U TER DE CO R A TI O N

to the deceased's celestial journey.43 Perhaps Thot, a crew-member of the Sun bark, is here pictured helping the deceased aboard.44 This formula is always45 combined with the same FR-formula (70): a version of PT 5 580c = 638 a-b = 5 16073-b: ea.-, "Your mother Nut has spread herself &3-11> -QP5-&1 over you that she may cause you to be a god, while your enemies are not there". This expression, too, implies that Osirislthe deceased has reached heavenly spheres, for he is said to be enfolded by Nut, the sky-goddess.46 The remark about his enemies probably refers first of all to Seth, who in the myth severely mutilated Osiris' corpse. In PT 9 777, for instance, Nut is invoked: " 0 , Nut, spread yourself over your son Osiris that you may conceal him from Seth".47 Her covering Osiris' body served the purpose of warding off such evil influences, just like the coffin covered and protected the mummy. This association underlies passages like PT 5 616e, where Nut is said to embrace the deceased "in her name of "Coffin"". In other words, the coffin is Nut, and the material coverage of the mummy it provides is paralleled, on the mythical level, by Nut enfolding her son Osiris as protection against Seth, and by the deceased's entry in heaven. Finally, the fact that the deceased was now enclosed within the coffin/Nut recalled the position of Osiris in his mother's Thus, this whole chain of asociative thinking aims at one thing: the celestial rebirth of the deceased. Nut also figures as the speaker in the ornamental text columns on H and F (56). The characteristic H text runs 1 74gQg %Jag: "Words spoken by Nut: "I have placed Nephtys (rarely Isis, cf. n.26) under your head".49 In a similarly formulated text on F, Nut states that she has placed Isis (rarely Nephtys) under the feet of the deceased. Hence, Nut orders her two daughters Isis and Nephtys to m .

j3 A parallel in C T I, 58d-59a [21] adds some information which shows that the sun bark must have been the aim: "May you depart to the sky. A ladder has been set up for you a t the side of Re among the gods". In different wording. similar matters are related in C T spells 18-19. Note that, in the column texts of BLOC and BL6C, the "gods" are specified as the "Ennead". According to B13C; the deceased ascends to the sky "in order to be there as the great god, lord of the West, ruler of the Two Banks". Cf. PT 473c; C T I. 270f; coffin G6, B. and similar cases. Barta, Opjirjbrn~el,307 and Lapp. Opf'erfornlel, 81 suggest to interpret 'as a "document" which Thot must receive before the deceased can enter the Netherworld. This is. however, improbable, since in X?Bas, the term appears as the dual ' . L I ~ "both arms". Note that the Thot formula is occasionally expanded by [BIC, BIP). j5 In type Ilb, this was not yet the case, except in M8 (cf. n. 36). These coffins only feature the Nut formula to be discussed now. 4 6 Perhaps, this celestial background explains cases where the word nlr "god" is written cryptographitally: g (BIOC) or o (B22C) (to be read n + rr'? cf. CT I. 20a), which suggests solar inspiration. Note (cf. Junker, S/rmdemvaclret~,55 < 53-54>, that the F R text suggests a relationship with the Srut~~ien~~.crcl~en 105 < 59-60>). At the end of the formula, BIC adds &.)8&?72. j7 Cf. te Velde. Serll God of' Cotflifiuiot~, Leiden, 1967. 93. js For Nut impersonating the coffin, see Schott. RdE 17 (1965), 81-87. jYSome coffins from Bersheh group D add: fRl,> "that she may mourn you", PAP9 "that she may bewail you" or ll&ll-l "that she may glorify you" (57.see table 2). Once, these formulae appear on a coffin from Beni Hasan (BH 15). JJ

-

-

135

3.2.3 T YPE I I I

attend to Osiris' body. We have already noticed the mention of Isis and Nephtys on the F- and H-ends of coffins (see table 9). and it has been argued that these boards were considered manifestations of Isis and Nephtys.'O We have seen above that these goddesses took care of Osiris' corpse after it had been cut to pieces by Seth. In this respect, they complement Nut, one of whose tasks was to protect the deceased's/Osiris' body. Therefore, all three female divinities are regularly encountered in spells dealing with the reassembly of the body. While this mythical background may explain the presence of Isis and Nephtys, their position, characteristically on the ends, probably has a ritual background. During the burial ceremonies, two female mourners, the "Two Kites", attended to the coffin, one standing near the head-end and one near the opposite end. This ritual act resembles the care of Isis and Nephtys for Osiris' body, and indeed these goddesses could be called "kites" as well.'l The "Kites" played a prominent part in the night wake before the burial (Stundenrr.achen), a topic which we will again turn attention to in section 3.2.4. It should be noted here, however. that the present texts show phraseological correspondences with the liturgy of the Sruncienrcachen (see n. 46). The fact that Isis and Nephtys also figure in celestial contexts, assisting Osiris on entering the Sun bark, as members of its crew, or as protectors of the ship against the attacks of Apopis, is here only mentioned in passing.'= One may conclude that, in phrase type a, the coffin was mythically identified with Nut, while two of its parts may have been additionally equated with her daughters Isis and Nephtys. The ornamental texts serve the double purpose of describing the preservation of the corpse and the introduction of the deceased to heaven. We shall see in the next section that this aim was realized by ceremonies in the place of embalmment. Date: These innovations were probably carried through in the reign of Sesostris I. Subtype IIIaa is known from the well-dated groups Bersheh B and C (see 2.2.3-4), which stem from this reign and that of Amenemhat 11. At Meir, it is found in group B. which I have suggested to span roughly the same period (see 2.3.6).53While the nature of the evidence from Meir impairs the reliability of this conclusion, the suggested dating neatly corresponds with that of the Bersheh material. the characteristic element of The addition of a drawing of a false door subtype IIIba, is only known from Bersheh group D, dating from the reigns of Sesostris 11-111 (see table 2 and 2.2.5).

(a),

RrlE 23 (1971), 20-21, cf. Munster, Isis, 24 K., 31. CVb V: 596; cf. Fischer, Vuria, New York, 1976, 39-50. with lit., Settgast. Besrart~mg.sdarsreII~~~~ger~, passim: Altenmuller, Begriibnisritrral. passim.; a thorough survey in Miinster, Isis, 22-60. 5 2 E.g. PT 5 210a-c; 3 1347; C T 1, 21 1g: IV, 178c-e (for the latter, cf. Munster, Isis, 96-99): 106-108; 149; in C T VI, 408-409 [775]. lsis brings her son Horus to Re's Day-bark. 5 3 M3C. b16C, M 10, MS). Other coffins are only partly preserved, but may also have been of this type (M9-12C, b114C. M19C. M38-11C. M43e. MJ5C. M17-48C, MZWar. M1.3War has the appropriate enddecoration and ornamental tests, but I a m not informed about the layout of its long sides). For W'Bas. cf. n. 38 and 2.4.5, n. 201. j0

51

136

O U T ER DECORATION

Phrase type b, the other genre of column texts. consists of phrases in which the deceased is described as itn3h.y hr (deity's name), "a revered one with (a god)". Although such phrases are most common in text columns, and will henceforth be called the standard formulation of column texts, they are still exceptional in type 111. As far as I am aware, the only instances appear in some material from Meir. On H and F, the divinities mentioned in the columns are mostly Isis and Nephtys. In a few cases, these two goddesses have taken up a position in the horizontal ornamental texts (see table 9), and their place in the columns is now occupied by Serqet and Neith. The columns on B and FR are reserved for the four sons of Horus (who appear in the columns nearest to the edges - cf. fig. 1 l), and some other deities. For a discussion of the background of the standard formulation, see 3.2.4. Date: None of the type 111 coffins with the standard formulation shows the \t.d3.teyes on FR in association with a false door, so that all instances represent subtype IIIab. The available data are not very helpful in establishing the date of the coffins. M13C belongs to Meir group B. This, and the palaeography of M47, suggests a rough date in the reigns of Sesostris I or Amenemhat II.54 Finally, mention must be made of NeDIBo, which I could examine in full shortly before this book was finished. The coffin does not fit in entirely with type 111, for on its ends, the text column is absent (I). Moreover, it has an exceptional kind of texts in the text columns on the long sides: offering formulae. The layout of these sides, however, corresponds with that of subtype IIIa. Brovarski attributes the coffin to the IXth Dynasty, but he does not consider this aspect, which rather points to a much later date (cf. 5.2).54a

3.2.4 Type IV: The Deceased and the Two Enneads ('3, 24. 50151, 57159, 62, 64-65, 711

22) In the material discussed so far, the text columns on the ends and the long sides are, as it were, drawn towards the centre of the side (except in BHI, see fig. 5), so that they never touch the edges. In coffins of type IV, however, it was customary to position the text columns on the long sides and the ends as in fig. 10 (3,24).Again, it is useful to make a distinction between coffins where the livg'3.t-eyes on FR stand alone (B),or are combined with a false door U),the two possibilities being indicated by the letters a and b respectively. Apart from such layout features, a further distinction is possible at the level of textual contents. Here, the standard formulation (for this term, see 3.2.3) is encoded a, a deviant form from Bersheh b. M47 has some palaeographic features In common with Meir group C (features 17. 28, cf. 24, of 7.3.4, see table 3; note further the writing,for i71.y-r [cf. FnriiS, 361 and the occurrence of irn3!1.yphrases referring to Isis and Nephtys on the ends table 4. cf. table 91. All this evidznce suggests that M47 is not earlier than the reign of Amenemhat 11). Other possible IIIab sources are MIOC. M6War. Brovarski, The Inscriber1 .\luferia/ of rl~eFirsf Intern~ediilte Period from ,Vugcl ed-DPr. ch. on tomb N4003 (unpublished). Sze also ch. 5, n. 22.

m.

3.2.4 TYPE 1V

137

Fig. 10: View of H and F R of M1 Be Q. 2.50,59.@. 72J (Courtesy Staatliche Sammlungen ~ g y p t i s c h e rKunst, Berlin)

Taking these variations into account, four subtypes can be discerned: IVaa, IVab, IVba and IVbb, the first letter indicating the presence or absence of a false door, the second textual variation.55 The horizontal ornamental texts on B and FR are still generally the same as those encountered in type IS6, but on H and F the brief offering texts now have given way almost completely to inz3h.y phrases. Moreover, the male deities invoked in early documents have now generally been replaced by their female colleagues (see tables 8-9). On H, the deceased is designated as inz3Lr.y hr Nb.t-hrr..t, "the venerated one with Nephtys", while a similar relationship with Isis is claimed on the opposite end For exceptional kinds of column texts. cf. 3.2.9. Exceptions: Osiris-formula with both Bitten 2 and 4: Ab2: with Bitte 3: M I C , M I N Y : Anubisformula with Bitte 25: G3-4; RI-3 (R2 also has an Anubis formula on FR); F R : Geb-formula with Bitte 2: R I . Cf. n. 26.

138

OUTER DECORATI ON

Subtype IVaa: just like the brief H and F-formulae just mentioned, the column texts on the sides consist of ir?13!t.y-phrases. Such texts, the standard formulation ( S , B), were already met in earlier types, but not f r e q ~ e n t l y When . ~ ~ we compare all coffins with the standard formulation regardless of their typology, it becomes clear very soon that the irn3tl.y-phrases mention a more or less fixed selection of deities, who appear in a more or less fixed order. The greatest consistency in this respect was attained in the edge columns of B and FR. each of which invokes one of the Sons of The other columns on these sides are reserved Horus, in the order of fig. 1

:&A%

ANUBI S

H

4.

A P

S

I

N U

r

9n

re U N

U f L

Fig. I I : Characteristic Disposition of the Text Column Gods (The disposition of Amset. Hapi, Duamutef and Qebehsenuf is very consistent, but the other gods on the long sides, and those on H and F, can be arranged differently)

primarily for Shu, Tefnut, Geb and Nut. Compared with that of the Sons of Horus, the order of these gods is less strict. Moreover, they are sometimes replaced by other divinities, of whom Ptah(-Sokar) or Sokar are most important (see table 10). Finally, the columns on H and F have their own stock of divinities: the goddesses Isis, Nephtys, Neith and Serqet, and the Great and Little Enneads.O0. Cf. n. 34 for an instance on a type I1 coffin: also subtype IIIab (see 3.2.3); V (see 3.2.5); types V1 (3.2.6), XI, XIII, XIV (3.2.7). s9 The arrangement is occasionally altered (B2L, G3. G5, Ha l, L I Li. L4-7, Maz l, M I NY, M56, R8, Sql7X. T5-SNY). By their typology, most of the pertinent sources can be attributed to the late XIIth Dynasty or later. In coffins from Assiut, the standard formulation is often altered in one or two long it)13!1.~-phrasesextending over several text columns, occasionally adding the kind of autobiographical phrases discussed in n. 34 (SS-8. S6Mi). 60 A selection of instances: Riqqell and Menlpllis VI, pl. LII. Other divinities occur rarely on the ends (though at Meir there was a certain preference for "the great god" and the "town god" ober Xeith and

3.2.J TYPE IV

-

THE TWO ENNEADS

139

The Two Enneads The scope of the term Ennead is often hard to grasp.61 Fortunately, though, some precision is attained by the adjectives great and small. The Great Ennead was the Heliopolitan cycle of divinities. This group is circumscribed relatively clearly, although even here, one has to reckon with occasional omissions and replacements. In its basic form, it consists of Atum, Shu, Tefnut, Geb, Nut, Osiris. Isis, Seth and Nephtys. Six of these are already represented in other text columns, while Osiris can be assumed to be implicitly present in the form of the deceased. Evidently, the term Great Ennead on the ends does not introduce a new cycle of gods. It rather seems to summarize the contents of other columns. The absence of Atum (or another god suitable to fill the slot of the creator god) and Seth in these columns might be held against this view. The omission of the latter, however, is only logical in this context; on the basis of what has been said in 3.2.3, it seems certain that his mention on a coffin would have been considered far too dangerous for the corpse. The reason why Atum was generally left out is less easy to see, but for this, too, an explanation will be advanced below. Table 10 shows that, when the divinities in the text columns are replaced by others, the substitutes are often regular members of the Ennead.62 In this connection, it is relevant to note that the text columns in type IIIaa occasionally invite the deceased to ascend to the sky and find himself among the Ennead (see n. 43). Note also that many contemporary coffins from Assiut feature a complete rendering of the Great Ennead in their ornamental texts.63 The composition of the Little Ennead is unknown, although it has been suggested that the Sons of Horus form part of it.64 This theory gains weight by the evidence from our coffins. In analogy to the preceding case, the mention of the Little Ennead might be an abbreviation - here for the four Sons of Horus. Whether or not Neith and Serqet should be allotted a place in either ennead is ~ n c e r t a i n . ~ ~ In the light of this, I propose that the text columns in their entirety represent the two Enneads. At first sight, the contents of the standard formulation seems trivial, but a closer look reveals that the selection of the gods and the way in which they are arranged are highly significant. The most characteristic function of the Sons of Horus is that of protectors of the mummy, and especially of the inner organs. In this role, they are usually combined Serqet): Tefnut (B16C. L2, MLBe, M l C , R2), Shu (PvlIBe), Anubis (G3'1, Sq3. T2Be). Nut (BH13), Osiris (T2Be) "all gods" (G3, T3Be), "the great god" (B4L. LZ, Ml-2C. M 14, M53, Sq3), "the great god, lord of heaven" (Abl, MIC. MZNY. MITor, MI-2, M6, Mt4. M18, M35, M53, XzWar), "his town god" ( A b l . bI-I?C,MZNY, M2, M6, M14, M18. M20, M25. M17, M53. R I , R4, St), "the king" (MlTor). Ptah (L?). O 1 Brunner. L 2 IV, 473-374. Compare the list of members of the Great Ennead in Barta, .Ne~st/~eit, 61-73. O 3 E.g. Roeder. O.C.(n. 26). 3-05 K.. pl. 4. These sources also mention the Sons o f Horus. " Barta. ,Vi~ltnl~eir,56. 6 5 But In PT 9: 1521, N e ~ t his a member of the Great Ennead.

140

O U T ER DECORATIOK

with the goddesses Isis. Nephtys, Neith and Serqet, and each of the duos thus formed was preferably orientated in a fixed d i r e c t ~ o n However, .~~ on coffin ends, the goddesses frequently change position or are even omitted. The regular pattern found in the arrangement of the Sons of Horus cannot be fully understood, therefore, by simply referring to their function in canopic boxes. Still in close association with the corpse, they figure in spells in which the members of the deceased are identified with certain divinities. In a recitation belonging to the liturgy of the place of embalmment, Duamutef and Qebehsenuf are equalled with the feet, in accordance with their position in the text columns near the foot-end (CT VI, 391r-392d [761]). Hapi and Imset, identified with the hands, thus correspond more o r less with the opposite end.67 A mythological elaboration of this identification is found in C T spells 157- 158, where Imset and Hapi are called the "Souls of Pe" and the two others the "Souls of Nekhen". This attribution of the gods to the prehistoric capitals of Lower and Upper Egypt respectively corresponds exactly with their position near the head end ( = North) and foot-end ( = South) of the coffin.6s Thus, the text columns have a geographical dimension, corresponding with North and South. Now Schafer has already suggested that the Sons of Horus "irgend etwas mit den Himmelsrichtungen zu tun h a b e r ~ " . Kurth ~~ moreover made the interesting point that they might be personifications of the supports of the sky, though he was not able to prove his point ~ o m p l e t e l y .Some ~ ~ evidence seems to have been overlooked by Kurth. however. Most interesting is the vignette to the Book of the Heavenly Cow, where we see how the animal is supported by Shu, while each of its legs is guarded by two hh-gods. The latter are well-known since the M.K. as sky-supports. The text identifying these supporters is unfortunately corrupt, but the names of Shu and, perhaps, Duamutef are m e n t i ~ n e d In . ~ certain ~ ritual texts, four ncs,.-", torch-bearing priests are variously referred to as the Sons of Horus and as L, sky-supports."* Also, the wooden pegs which fastened the coffin lid - which 7 $-h symbolizes the sky, as we shall see below - are occasionally inscribed with the names of these gods.73 One might further refer to C T spell 525, consisting of a horizontal line about the sky-goddess Nut supported by four text columns devoted to the Sons of Horus. For the same reason it might be significant that our coffins

,iw,i4Lj

"@'-G" L!'

Cf. Sethe. Zlir Geschicllre ~ k Einbrrlsnr~~ier~ing r bei den ;ig?pcern, Berlin, 1934, 8-28. Glorification liturgy no. 4 (Assniann, L A VI. 999 IT.). Da1-3C associate Imset and Duamutef with the left arm and leg respectively, and Hapi and Qebehsenuf with the right arm and leg. 68 Kees. Gdrrergla~rhe. 284-186. for this geographical distribution. 69 Prie.srergriiher. 17; cf. Riqqt,lr cnrd il,f~,n~plris V / . 30-31; Srthe. o.c., 9: Eggebrecht. L d I. 216. 1150; 11,951-952: Drenkhahn, L.Y 111, 379; Heemm van i'oss, L d 111. 52-53. For the sons of Horus as patrons of certain decans, see Neugebaurr and Parker. ..isrrononricnl Terrs 111, 153-155. l0 Den Hir~lmelsliil-en. Bruxellrs. 1975, 148-149. l 1 Hornung. Der igypriscl~e.\f!.l!rl~osvorl drr Hir~rnrel.sk~ih. Freiburg, 1982. 3 1. 84. l 2 Schott. Z J S 73 (1937). 19-20. Schifrr, Priestergraber. 1.o. 66

'6

L,

hc'/G*p

$I-!?

3 2 4 TYPE IV

- LITURGICAL

BACKGROUND

000

feature Hapi, Imset, Duamutef and Qebehsenuf in "supportive" text columns below the corners of the lid.73a At least two of the remaining divinities (Shu and Tefnut) also personify the skys ~ p p o r t s . ~About * Shu, we know that he was not only believed to carry the sky, but also to lift the deceased to heaven.7s The latter activity, which is occasionally compared with supporting the heavenly vault76, was also performed by the Sons of H o r ~ s Of . ~ the ~ other gods, Geb and Nut represent sky and earth, which the sky-supports kept apart, and Isis and Nephtys symbolized East and West and assisted the sun in his rising.78 In PT 1520-1 522, finally, a sequence of parallel clauses refers to the members of the Great Ennead as well as the gods of sky and earth, of the cardinal points and of nomes and towns, hence, of the universe. Athough the issue cannot be considered settled, the interpretation of the Sons of Horus as sky supports would at once explain their rigid order and fit in well with the character of the other gods in the text columns. All can be explained as patrons of central cosmic principles. Thus, the coffin would be a "model" of the universe. The Liturgical Background of the Standard Formulation Several of the texts referred to above are liturgical, which provides a link with recent work of Assmann, who concludes that the gods in the text columns must be seen in relation with certain funerary rituals.79 This conclusion is arrived at in a study of the remarkable text on the lid of the sarcophagus of pharaoh Merenptah, published earlier by the same author.80 This long inscription is a speech of Neith, the divine embodiment of the coffin, to "her son" Merenptah. In the first part, the deceased is pictured inside his mother, the coffin. Next, actions in the place of embalmment are described, where rituals are performed for the king by Isis, Nephtys and the Sons of Horus. Finally, Neith places Shu, Tefnut, Geb and Nut to the deceased's left and right. They proclaim him king, after which he appears in Neith's temple at Sais. Assmann associates the whole sequence of events with the nightly wake before the burial, the so-called Stundenwaclzen. And since the divinities are the same as those mentioned in the text columns, the latter are explained as a "bleibende Cf. Kurth. o C., 148, n. 3. Shu: te Velde, L A V. 736, with lit.: Tefnut: Verhoeven, L A V1. 297, n. 18. Nelth frequently apears as a sky-support in the late Esna texts (el-Sayed, La &erre Neirll de Suir, Le Caire, 1982, 69), but the conception may date back to the M.K. In the CT she is a resting-place for h1h.r-tt9r.t (o.c., 53). In M26, she. or one of the other goddesses commonly represented on the short ends is shown supporting the sky (Cledat, BIFAO 2 (1902). 41 (5)). l 5 Kees, T u r e t ~ ~ I ~ ~ 69: ~ r hDerchain. et~. RdE 27 ( 1975), 112. l6 Suporting the sky and lifting up the deceased are compared in PT 5 I 101; cf. C T V, 27a-c [366]. l 1 PT 9: 149, 5 1338. (5 1983: C T VI. I log-h; cf. Junker. Sr~tnden\rczcl~et~, 4. For their carrying role see Kees, I.c. (n. 68). l 8 Isis and Nephtqs in a cosmic context, see Schifer, J g . lrrld lleritige Kirrur tirlri I.Veltgebiitrde c f ~alrerr r AgJprrr, Berlin, 1928, I08 K.: as East and West: Assmann. Lit~rrglscheLierier, 341, n. 19 l9 M D A I K 28.2 (1973). 127-130. M D A I K 28.1 (1972). 47-73. 73a 7J

142

OUTER DECORATION

Vergegenwartigung der durch die Riten der Balsamierungsstiitte bewirkten Belebung und "Einbezogenheit" des Toten in eine Gemeinschaft schiitzender G ~ t t h e i t e n " . ~ ~ In other words, the gods appear as deified priests, o r probably rather priests playing divine roles. In Egyptian burial rites, this is not a t all unusual.82 Although the Merenptah text is much later than the M.K., Assmann points out that it stands in the tradition of M.K. coffin decoration rather than to follow N.K. patterns.82a In this connection, the M.K. coffin Ril provides crucial information. The layout of this source resembles that of typical type IV and type V1 coffins. but all ornamental texts appear in a double band. T o the normal irn3ll.y phrases, the extra texts add information of the highest importance. Some of the additional column texts refer to a ritual, during which a sacrificial slaughtering took place, while there is also mention of a sm-priest who performs rites (iri it1.t) for the deceased during "the procession" (pri.t). As Kees has shown, most other phrases derive from CT spell 61 .83There was apparently some relationship between this spell and the procession and other rites mentioned in the text columns. A very similar subject matter is found in spell 60, which precedes spell 61 in four cases and follows after it in the only other instance. The occurrence of extracts of spell 61 in the additional text bands of Ri 1 is not the only thing that associates spells 60-61 with the standard formulation. A second link is formed by the persons figuring in the texts. Part of spell 60 (CT I, 251f-252a) mentions the officiants: a sm-priest, a lector-priest, an embalmer, and, first of all, the "beloved son" priest, who is called "the king" and is identified with Horus. The rituals are executed for Horus' father Osiris (i.e. the deceased), called simply "the god" in this text. The spell opens with the remark that "the god" appears in his shrine; later on, too, he will be referred to as "the god who is in his shrine". The text makes clear that, in this shrine, he is surrounded by several divinities who protect him. "His protection is made among the gods. among the Children of Horus Protector of his Father. "Geb is there as your protection, this father of yours, to whom you have been born. The arms of Nut are around you, even she who bore you, who raised aloft your beauty, your living ba, which is in Mendes. ... The Fair-faced One, who is among the gods, Ptah-Sokar, is in the bow of your bark." Their (i.e. the gods mentioned) arms are on the chest of the god. "Bastet, the daughter of Atum, the eldest daughter of the Lord of All, she is your protection until dawn, until you descend to the necropolis; (she,)

M D A I K 28.2 (1973), 117. Miinster, Iris. 23; Altenmuller. Begriibrrisritlrc~l.59 IT. and passim. 8 2 a Assmann. IMDAIK. 28.1 (1973). 128 IT. T o t e t ~ g l f l ~ t h e265. t ~ , n. 31. Further fragments derive from C T spell 44. Spells 44 and 61 form beginning and end respectively oT a glorification liturgy for the S~luldeniracllen(cf. Assmann. L,$ VI. 999). CVb 111, 352. I?. The cofin? In Hayes, Ro!,trl Sarcophrrgi. 121: text 24h, Isis and Nephtys place their hands on the coffin (trh 'rr!~). s2

3.2.4 T Y P E IV

- LITURGICAL

BACKGROUND

143

TABLE 10: OCCURRENCE FREQUENCY OF TEXT COLUMN GODS ON THE LONG SIDES The Sons of Horus are omitted, because they are almost universally present (see fig. I I). I: Listing of the frequency of occurrence of individual deities. 11: The combinatory possibilities of these deities. Col. A: total number of sources used. Col. B: number of coffins featuring a) exclusively deities belonging to the group Geb, Nut, Shu and Tefnut or b) aU these four divinities as well as some additional ones. Col. D: Ptah, Sokar and/or Ptah-Sokar replace one/some of the gods of the group Geb, Nut, Shu, Tefnut. Col. C: Other combinations. ABCD In the histogram, columns demarcated by heavy print lines indicate the amount of sources in which the text columns on B and F R are preserved completely, thin lines being used for fragmentary or ill-published sources.

The inclusion of the less common divinities generally depends on special circumstances, such as the occurrence of more text columns than usual (the additional text columns in M6 created space for Neith and Serqet), homonymy (Neith appears instead of Nut in 84) or influence from other coffin types (the occurrence of Atum, Meskhenet and wr s!zm.\v in some standard class coffins from Assiut (SIMal, S3X. S4, S6) is probably due to influence from Siutian type coffins).

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the Eye of Horus. which has been lit for you, comes with you to the necropolis" (CT I,

248c-250e). Confronted with these formidable protectors, the god's brother Seth is said to discard his aggression (CT I, 249b-f, 2500, and CT I, 252a, makes clear that "the enemy" was destroyed by the officiating priests - presumably in the form of a slaughtered animal. The protecting gods closely resemble those known from the column texts. Bastet, it is true, seems to be an "intruder", but the fact that she is called the eldest daughter of Atum proves that she is just a form of Tefnut, as often.85 Ptah was considered to . ~the ~ be a consort of Bastet, and this may account for the presence of P t a h - S ~ k a rIn version of Q I Q (not in de Buck, C P 6 " ) , the "first daughter of Atum" is in fact named Tefnut, whose consort Shu figures as well. Shu and Tefnut are, moreover, included in a similar context in spell 61. In that spell, they recite glorifications for the deceased, together with Geb, Nut, and the "two daughters of Nut", Isis and Nephtys (CT I, 260c, 262d-e). The lighting of four torches, which is mentioned in the same context, may refer to the activities of priests impersonating the Sons of Hor~s.~' Turning now to the text columns, we often find Isis and Nephtys on the ends, the Sons of Horus on the edges of the long sides, and usually - in 58 of the 89 cases studied - Geb, Nut. Shu and Tefnut in the other B and FR columns (see table 10, IIB). These latter deities are occasionally substituted by other gods, notably PtahSokar or his alloforms Ptah andlor Sokar (table 10, IID). This replacement recalls the substitution of Ptah-Sokar for Shu in CT spell 60. Thus, of the 89 coffins used for drawing table 10, the text columns of 65 mention a group of gods that compares neatly with the protective divinities featuring in spells 60-61. The 24 remaining coffins mention a few other gods, the names of some of whom are rather exceptional, while others, like "the great god", leave the identity vague. The conclusion that the column texts generally refer to the actors of spells 60-61 is unavoidable, and again, these deities are shown to perform liturgical tasks: reciting glorifications, kindling torches and subjugating enemies - a task ascribed to gods and priests alike (CT I, 249b-f, 251g, 252a, cf. Merenptah inscription, verse 135) and finally escorting the funeral procession (CT I, 250e, 251b-d). This confirms our impression that the column texts list mortuary priests playing the role of the members of the two enneads. In this way, the deceased was placed in a mythical environment. His situation might be compared with that of Re, who was accompanied in his solar bark by the two enneads, or that of Osiris and Horus who, in their Vandier, RtiE 18 (1966), 79; Bergman, Isis- Seele I I I I ~Osiris-Ei, Uppsala,lY70, 30; Altenmiiller, Swh-rerisn~~rs. 58. Sandman-Holmberg, Tllp God P~nlr.Lund. 1946. 190. 8 6 a Chassinat. Gauthier and Pieron. Qarralr. Le Caire. 1906. 47. a' Cf. Schott, ZRS 73 (1937), 8 ; 17-20.

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145

lawsuit against Seth, were put in the right by the two enneads, here figuring as court of We have noted above that Assmann believed that the Merenptah inscription must be seen in the context of the Srlmcienir~chmin the night before the burial (see n. 8 1). Similar views have been expressed on the ritual of CT spells 60-61, which also partly took place at night R9 and show phraseological correspondences with the Ptolemaic texts on the S r i o l d i ~ n ~ i ~ a c lThe ~ e n convergence .~~ of views on the CT spells and their N.K. successor is hardly surprising, for, to a large extent, both refer to the same rites.91 Assmann's view that the column texts are a rendering of the S~imden\cachenis a reasonable proposal, therefore. But a note devoted to spell 60 by Wilson" leads to a rather different conclusion, and one that seems no less reasonable. Spell 60 (and 61) repeatedly refers to a voyage by boat. Therefore, Wilson believed that it deals with the transport of the coffin to the tomb. "These", he writes, "are some of the visible elements of this spell: (a) "the god" is in his shrine; the arms of Nut, arguably the coffin, are about him; (b) he makes a journey by boat before going down into the necropolis; the boat is pulled straight toward the necropolis; (c) the son whom he loves ..., the sm-priest, the lector priest, and the embalmer act for him; he receives food offerings; (d) he ends in a columned shrine, which is to serve as his protection". Wilson's view is the more attractive since the text columns in Ril refer to a procession @ri.r). However divergent this point of view may be from Assmann's, both have their merits. But then, are they as incompatible as they seem? The procession to the tomb formed a complex sequence of ceremonies. which are still only dimly understood. Altenmiiller has reconstructed the basic sequence of events as they are depicted in tomb reliefs.93 After mummification, the procession left the place of embalmment (S+-nlr), passing by three halting places symbolizing See below p. 000. Kees. Totmylnuhen, 271: Settgast, Best~rrungsciarsrril~~nget~, 80; Miinster, Isis. 36. n.465, 467. Assmann. :LIDAIK 28.1 (1972), 65, n. 38. 90 "beating gongs" (CT 1, 248b). cf. 74g and Merenptah inscription verse 69. Junker, Stunrirmc~aclior. 72 < 8 6 > ; 101 < 127> ; sbt1.t 3!1.r (CT I, 253d. cf. C T VII, 462d [l 130]), cf. Junker, o.c.. 60 < 6 8 > : "opening windows" ( I I : ~ rr,s.cr, C T I, 257b). cf. Junker, o.c., 33 < 2 > . Note also that spells 60-61 are always combined with other spells related with the funerary ritual (CT spells 44-53,340,425. 510-51 1. 728, PT Utt. 213-217.356. 593 and 670. For the disposition of these texts, see Lesko, 6rde.y [B4C, BlOC, BIY]). One of these, C T I. 2 17n [49], refers explicitly to "dividing hours", the same term which also designates the S/irtr~ienrc~c~cl~en in EdJ'ou 1, 189 (cf. Junker, o x . . 4; C T VI. 1SJe). 91 The gods known from the text columns provide protection (s3rr) to the deceased - see the citation on p. 00 and Merenptah lid, verse 30-32. 133: reciting glorifications (s3!1.1r.): C T I. 259d-e. 2 6 0 ~ .262d-e and Merenptah inscr.. verse 81. 125; torches: blerenptah verse 59-62 and CT I, 250c-d and 267c: warding off and subduance of enemies: verse 61-62. 118-1 19, 135 and C T 1, 24Sc-249f, 250f, ?-5lf-732a, 259b-c: sounding bells: Merenptah verse 69 and C T I. 248b. cf. C T I. 74g [14]. 9 2 J N E S 3 (1944), 210, 11.37. 93 Most easily surveyable in LA 1. 745-765, with literature. But see also p.000 below. 89

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holy cities in the Delta: Sais, Buto and Hut-ser. After the last halt~ngplace had been reached, there followed offering rituals (see 4.5.1) and the burial proper. Paintings show that, during the procession to Sais, the coffin was placed on a small boat. Then it was loaded on a sledge which two oxen dragged to Buto. For the stretch to Hut-ser, the coffin may again have been placed on a processional boat, though here I am not convinced of the correctness of Altenmiiller's reconstruction. If Wilson's view that spell 60 refers to a funeral procession is accepted, it must be fitted in somewhere in the framework of the rites just described. Fortunately, the texts contain several indications to the location of the events described in spell 60. Among the actors of the ritual, there is mention of "Anubis, Foremost of the God's Booth (sh-n_tr)", who is said to provide "the requirements of the lector priest ( d b h . ~n hr.y-hb) until daybreak" (CT I, 252c-d). According to Altenmiiller, the sh-n_tr was the place where mummification was ceremonially re-enacted prior to the journey to S a i ~Originally, . ~ ~ the term was reserved for the tent erected at the entrance of royal valley temples, the term ib~v"purification tent" designating comparable structures used for the burial of private persons.95 In reliefs showing the iblv, the "requirements of the craft of the lector priest (db!z.,rf n !~mw.t hr.y-hb) are often referred Hence, spell 60 probably describes some nightly ceremonies in the sh-n_tr./ibbrl.But "when daylight brightens, the god removes himself from the place of embalmment (wry.t), (i.e.) your place of embalmment in the temples" (CT I, 252e-253a). Wry.t is probably yet another name of the ib~vtent; at any rate the terms are believed to refer to something closely similar.97The present passage seems to indicate that a private person's tcry.t was erected somewhere in one of the local temples. At dawn, the coffin was transported from there to the tomb. The end of spell 60 describes the parts of the structure, its pillars, beams and canvas, and a portal. Each of these elements is mythologized (CT I, 253d-254c). Most interesting for our purpose is the passage about the portal. It reads: "the portal of the horizon (sbh.t 3b.t) is the "Calculation of the Difference" (t1sb.t '311') which forms the protection of Osiris this NW.We shall see below that the burial procession was compared with the journey of the sun. On this metaphorical level. sunrise and the appearance from the place of embalmment, where night had been spent, are of course highly comparable. The portal of the horizon, then, is probably Altenmiiller. JEOL 22 (1971-1972), 307-3 17. Hoffmeier, S A K 9 (1981). 176. The ibw is also mentioned in C T I. 18Sa [44], in a spell which contains extensive quotations from PT Utt. 220-221. Since these spells form the continuation of Utt. 219 (cf. Altenmiiller, Bgriibnisrir~ral.46-47). which latter refers to a person in the slr-tgr (PT S 184a, cf. Altenmiiller, JEOL 22 [1971-19721, 309), Hoffmeier's suggestion that ibw and $1-tr~r are identical is probably correct. y 6 Cf. Wilson. J I VES 3 (1944). $10; Grdseloff. Rebrig~urgszelr.10, 17; Brovarski, Orienralio 46 (1977). 108-111. Settgast. Besrrrrr~rngsrlarsrell~~~~gen, 80, 90; Munster. Iris. 25, n. 328; Assmann. iCllrrir(ii~.bhZainz. 1977. 102. 94

ys

3.2.4 TYPE IV - J U D G E M E N T O F T H E DEASAS A RITUAL

147

the gate through which the place of embalmment was left. CT 111, 314a [237], which also deals with the wake in the place of embalmment97a,provides an interesting parallel. It states that the deceased "has reached the High Portal (shh.t k3it) of the Entourage on the day of the Calculation of the Difference". The presence of the Entourage - the crew of Re - again points to a relation with the sungod. In CT IV, 300a [335], the Calculation of the Difference is referred to in an invocation to the sun. In CT VII, 16f [817], finally, the term seems to be used in the context of sunrise. The reliefs in the Theban tomb of Antefoker's mother Senet provide the next piece of the puzzle. On a wall depicting the burial rites, one finds, among others, the transport of a coffin on a small vessel, which is welcomed by a priest. The accompanying inscription reads "Arriving at the "Calculation of the Difference" of the place of embalmment (hsb.t '31v n.t ~ ? r y . t ) "Again, . ~ ~ part of the wy.t is called "the Calculation of the Difference", but in addition we learn that the coffin was brought there on a vessel. In CT spell 60, too, the deceased is pictured on a boat g9 before the "Calculation of the Difference" is reached and in CT 111, 314a and 325g, hsb.t '31~'is determined by a bark-sign. According to Altenmiiller, the boat-trip recorded in the Theban tomb can be compared with the navigation to Sais.loOTo his arguments one could add strong evidence provided by the Merenptah inscription. It is true that this text does not refer explicitly to a journey of the deceased, but it mentions the same rituals as CT spells 60-61 (cf. n. 91). At the end of these, the dead king is said to appear in the temple of Neith, i.e. at Sais (verse 126-128). In O.K. pyramid complexes, the place of embalmment and Sais were located some distance apart, according to Altenmiiller. He places the former at the entrance of the valley temple, while he locates Sais in one of the adjoining rooms.lOlIt is possible that in the less pretentious structures built for funerals of private persons, this room was simply a portal of the tvrv.t - the horizon portal which, according to CT I, 253d, is the "Calculation of the Difference". It is quite possible too that the transport of the coffin to Sais had long ceased to be a boat proccession. As I will explain below, some of the texts apparently hinting at the "Saisfahrt" were recited when a bier was set up and a mummy placed on top of it in the night before the burial.lo2

9 7 a Cf. Miinster, Isis. 23-33; Barguet, RtlE 23 (1971). 15-22; cf. Assmann, VI, 1001-1002, n. 51 for the Siunden~vochenin the CT. 98 Davies-Gardiner. Antefooker, pl. XVIII. For the reading, cf. Settgast, Bt~stottlrngsdorstell~it~get~, 76. 99 C T I, 249g; cf. version QIQ (see n. 86a) for Shu and Tefnut. ' 0 ° LA I, 75s. 'O' JEOL 22 (1971-1972), 307-317. loZ See below p. 000.

148

OUTER DECORATION

The Judgement of the Dead a s a Ritual Little has been written about the background of the expression "Calculation of the Difference" ((1sb.t '3rr~).Clere discovered that it designates the tribunal which the deceased had to pass before gaining entry to the Netherworld. Others have referred to these findings, but no one has paid more than passing attention to the matter.lo3 Nevertheless, the texts under discussion provide crucial information on the way the Egyptians viewed the Judgement of the Dead. For if the deceased had to go through the "Calculation of the Difference" on the way to Sais, this can only mean that the burial rites included a ceremonial passage of the divine tribunal. There were two concurring viewpoints on the appearance of this tribunal. On the one hand, it was believed to be a court session intended to determine whether or not the deceased was guilty of sin. T o this end, his heart was weighed on a balance against the feather of Truth. Moreover, he had to prove his innocence before Osiris and his forty-two judges. There are spread references to this "allgemeine Totengericht" (as Grieshammer calls it) in the CT, but it is more common to find the Judgement of the Dead to be patterned after the model of the mythical tribunal deciding in the case of Horus against Seth. In the myth, Seth killed his brother Osiris and usurped kingship from him. But Horus, Osiris' son, summoned Seth, and the court finally decided in Horus' favour. As a result, Horus was appointed king of Egypt, while Osiris became king of the Netherworld. Now since the deceased was identified with Osiris (and often with Horus), he was one of the actors in the myth, and the tribunal was of very direct relevance to him. Only if he could win the trial against Seth was it possible for him to be justified (m3' hrw) and take the place of Osiris, king of the Netherworld.lo4 This complex of thoughts is constantly referred to in texts and representations of the navigation to Sais, although the true meaning does not always transpire at first sight. All essentials are grouped together in the Merenptah inscription. After the mummification process, Osiris is justified and proclaimed king in the presence of the two enneads and the Two State Chapels. On Osiris' arrival at Sais, his enemies are destroyed.lo5 Since anonymous enemies are often referred to as the deceased's opponents before court, their destruction and Osiris' coronation represent cause and effect of his legal victory. It is not without reason, therefore, that Assmann concludes that the Merenptah inscription culminates in the Judgement of the '03 Clere. BIFAO 30 (1931). 425-447, particularly 441-444; cf. Settgast, BestattungsrlrrrstelI~~nger~. 76, 80: Grirshammer, Jerueirsgericht. 48-49, 105. Without making reference to this M.K. evidence. Schott already argued that some burial rites syn~boliseda tribunal session (P~run~i~lerik~rlt, 185-191). Cf. also Montet. La vie qlroridierlne. 299-300; Yoyotte, SorircesOr 4. 66. Yoyotte collected evidence on thesb!r.t 3b.t which he, too, associates with Osiris' place of embalmment. His evidence shows that the enemies of the god were ceremonially killed in the Portal. just as happened in the Judgement of the Dead (EPHE 89 (1980-811. 99-102: ref. due to Mrs Hanna den Heyer-Nawrocka). 10J Grieshammer, Jerlseirs,qericllt, 1 1 1- 1 15 and passim. ' 0 5 Verse 85-135. In verse 94, I read rtl-b3!1-'p.~d.ryinstead of Assmann's m-bj(1-'ps~.r.

3 2.4 TYPE IV - J U D G E M E N TOF T H E DEASAS A R I T U A L

149

Dead.lo6 The important point is that precisely in this context, the inscription mentions some of the "text column gods" individually, stating that their position is left and right, and at head and feet of the deceased. Moreover, the text refers to the two enneads as courts of justice. The logic underlying the text columns would thus appear to be that the deceased is pictured in the presence of a divine tribunal which protects him, or rather in the presence of the priests "playing" the tribunal. The journey to Sais and the arrival there seem thus to have incorporated Osiris' coronation and the defeat of his enemies. There is also M.K. evidence to corroborate this hypothesis. CT spells 1-26 form a coherent liturgy, ascribed by Assmann to the S ~ u t z t l r t ~ ~ ~ ~ a cThe h e n .first ~ ~ ' spells refer to Osiris' resurrection. After having re-acquired his bodily functions, the deceasediosiris receives clothes, shoes, a walking stick and weapons "for the road".lo8 After having been urged to proceed to the divine tribunal and be justified against his enemies (e.g. CT I, IOc-f [3]) he faces the trial, which is described in various terms (CT spells 7-9, 15-18, 24 (I. 74d)).losa In spell 15, the judgement against Osiris' enemy is pronounced by Neith, which seems unmistakable evidence in favour of our hypothesis that the trial took place near Sais (CT I, 45d, 46d). In this context, a god named bn-k3 is ordered to pull the bonds of a bull (CT I, 45c). I believe that this hostile action refers to a ritual slaughtering of a bull impersonating Seth. This personification is not uncommon in slaughtering rites, and is hinted at in our series of CT spells.log In spell 17, the priest impersonating Horus is said to have hindered "the steps of the one who murdered his father Osiris" (sm3 ir=j) - evidently Seth in the form of a sm3-bull (as in e.g. CT VI, 217j-k). The text also mentions the presence of the two enneads, who give the deceased power over the gods. The same state of affairs is described in PT Utt. 580. The bull Seth - here called "he who smote my (i.e. Horus') father, he who murdered one greater than he" (hwi it<=[> sm3 wr r=fi is killed by the Horus priest. After that, his meat is distributed among the participants in the ritual, each of whom has the name of one of the members of the two enneads. That the ceremonial tribunal incorporated an offering meal is also suggested by a passage like CT 111, 304c-d, where "the presentation of victuals" is apparently another formulation for IMDAIK 28.1 (1972), 66, n. 49. 105. The N.K. title ("spell of setting up the bier") suggests a relation with the funerary bed around which the Stunclenwachen took place. Similar ideas may already underly the use of the texts in the M.K., for they are attested on the funerary bed T4X (Arnold and Settgost, MDAIK 20 (1965), 60, n. 1). l o BC T I. l o b 131, 71h-72a [23]. A detailed account of my understanding of these texts will be published separately. Note that comparable objects were deposited in the coffin (Hassan, Sfiicke rind S ~ i b e ,115116). A similar relation between clothing and judgement is found in C T spell 149. loRa Cf. C T spell 735. lo9C T 1, 523 [17], 74d [24], cf. CT I, 193b-e [45]. 249c-750f [60], C T VI, 156-157 [556]. particularly 157f. Neith. "the mistress of Sais" is also mentioned in C T VI. 252b [630] (as a judge) and in C T IV, 30k [28 l], in connection with glorification. the deceased's appearance in the Eastern horizon - related issue, as we shall see - , his acquirement of power and the presence of the two enneads. Cf. also Crk Vi. 93.2195.9. lo6

lo7

LA VI,

150

O U T E R D E C O R A TI O N

"the Calculation of the Difference" (cf. CT 111, 314a). Similarly, a term which must possibly be read !zsh.t '3)r.(CT VII, 16f [8 171) occurs in the context of judgement and food-offerings. This textual evidence on a ritual slaughtering near Sais is paralleled in depictions of slaughterings and food-offerings in scenes of the "Saisfahrt".llo But the divine tribunal re-enacted near Sais not only consisted in the killing of Osiris'enemy (in the form of a bull). According to the Merenptah inscription, the deceased was also proclaimed king. In the texts just referred to, the two conceptions appear to be closely intertwined. In CT I, 37b-38a [l l], for instance, the deceased/ Osiris is referred to as being "justified against his enemies, for he has assumed his two rvrr.t-crowns, for the thrones of Geb have advanced toward him, after he prevented that the Other (Seth) would harm him".ll1 Derchain pointed out the close affinities between the 1r.rr.tcrown and the crown of justification. The presentation of this latter crown to a god (notably Harendotes) formed the climax of a series of temple rites aiming at the defeat of the god's enemies and his investment as a king. The rite was also performed for mummies, with the effect that the deceased achieved kingly status.l12 One text referring to this ritual makes clear that the justification was supposed to take place near the Winding Waterway (mr n h3), a concept which is already hinted at in PT Utt 265, 548 and 697.113 It is certainly not coincidental, therefore, if we also find references to the rnr n h3 in the CT spells we are dealing with. After the tribunal session, "those who are in the Winding Waterway" are said to rejoice (CT I, 53f-g [18]). Even clearer is the text in CT spell 61. Having received the attire of kingship (CT I, 257d-2580, the deceased occupies his throne in the bark. "You sit in the ship of God. while you harpoon the hippopotamus in the Windins Waterway, every god being your harpooner" (CT I, 259a-c, cf. 268d-270g [62]). Again, the deceased's justification and the defeat of his enemy - here not a bull but a hippopotamus - are on a par. The texts from which the above evidence was drawn belong, moreover, to the same group which refers to the divine tribunal near Sais. Tomb scenes from the O.K. confirm the impression created by the texts just studied. In many of these, the coffin is shown while being ferried across a winding waterway to Sais.l14 "O For other texts where the tribunal, justification or the defeat of enemies are associated with victual offerings. see e.g. C T spells 4. 22. 225. For depictions of slaughterings and victual offerings in the context of Sais, see Altenmiiller, L A 1, 752-753; Moussa-Altenmiiller, Das Grab des Niancl~chnrm~ ntid Cht~lmlllorep. Mainz, 1977. 48-50. "L Cf. also C T I, I4b-l5b [4-51 (cf. Borghouts. O M 3 0 51 [1971], 199 K.), 23c [7], 41-42 [13], 17Sb-q [42], 187a-c (cf. Assmann. Lirlrrgisclle Lirtlrr, 177-179). 190d-e [44]. 196h-197f. 199c-g, ZOZb-c [46], 2248225a. 228e-f [50], 268b-h [62]. all from the kind of glorification spells interesting us. Cf. further C T spell 256. 112 CdE X X X , no. 60 (1959, 232, 238-239. Cf. Yoyotte, SolrrcrsOr 4, 37-38. The mummy still lying in coffin M1 is a M.K. instance. It wears a diadem with a uraeus. 1 1 3 Derchain, o.c., 225. Settgast, B e s r o r r ~ i t ~ g s ~ i r r s r r I I ~ i65 ~ ~R: ~ yand c t ~ .pl. 6. The nine chapels often represented near Sais hint at a relationship with an ennead. "+

3.2.4 TYPE IV

-

O S l R l A N A N D SOLAR ASPECTS

131

Osirian and Solar Aspects of the Ritual Up to this point, the description of the rites has concentrated on their Osirian character, but with the above references to the Winding Waterway, we are facing a first element which is not proper to this background. It is rather of solar origin. At the end of his journey in the nightbark, the sun-god was ferried across the mr n h3 to the daybark which lay at the eastern horizon, ready for sunrise. Sunrise meant the sungod's rebirth and his victory over the demons of the night. The final encounter with these opponents took place in the last hours of the night when the sungod crossed the Winding Waterway. Appropriately, Egyptian nzr 11 h3 means "Lake of Destr~ction".~~~ These viewpoints on the nature of the cosmos were of more than academic importance for the deceased. His aspiration was to accompany Re in his barks and in many texts he is even identified with one of the forms of the sungod.l16 But then, he also had to know how to be ferried across the Winding Waterway. Numerous CT spells testify to the importance of the theme of the Celestial Ferry117 and other aspects of solar religion. It cannot cause great astonishment now that the deceased is also pictured in the role of Re or Atum in funerary liturgies recited at night and in the early morning. Thus, in CT spell 5, which belongs to the group cited previously in relation to the procession to Sais. we hear about the deceased: "he is Re, eldest of the gods" (CT 1, 15d). Also in CT I, 191g-192b [45], which I believe was recited shortly before Sais was left, Osiris this N is said to have "appeared as (not "like") Re, and elevated as Atum".ll8 And as a true solar divinity, he is said to be ferried from the night- to the day bark (CT I, 54c-d [18]). certainly across the Winding Waterway, which in the ritual led to Sais. According to Egyptian cosmology, the day-bark lay ready at the other end of the Waterway. In the ritual, too, there was a change of vehicle: the coffin was moved Cf. Pyr. ijbcrs. 11, 44; Altenmiiller, Z A S 92 (1966), 86-95; same, H o t ~ i ~ ~ a gDa~o,los es I, Montpellier, 1986, 10. A few of the abundant cases: PT 5 703 8; 5 1686-1688; C T I, L91g-192h; 236d; IV, 64; 178t'-g; 18hb; 351a; V. 301b, VI, 270m; 279, etc. See Kees, Tote~tgiauben,183. "' A very brief discussion in Heerrna van Voss, LA 11, 86. See also: C T I, 236d [SI]; in spells 510 and 515, which are a version of spell 4, the deceased is said to appear on a lotus, hence as a primordial god (CT VI, 9 5 ; 102c-d). The same may be implied when the Chaos gods are said to raise him aloft (CT I. 212g [48]). In C T V1 391n [761j. Re is said to be "the great god who is in you", i.e. in Osiris this N (VI. 391b). Significantly, the test belongs to a glorification liturgy (n. 67). Cf. also C T 111, 359d-364c [255]. In spells 956-957, the deceased is on the alert against being seen by both Seth and Apopis (CT VII, 171f-g, 174f-i, 173m-n., 174m). the enemies of Osiris and Re respectively. T o prevent this. he is said to be enveloped by his mother Nekhbet (cf. the similarity of Nekhbet's task with that of Nut discussed in 3.2.3). while he is also said to be "in his shrine" and to occupy a bark (CT VII, 173c: 172m). However. he is identified neither with Re nor Osiris. but with Maat. Finally, the deceased's role is cotriptrred with that of the sun god (e.g. C T 1, I la-b [4] (cf. PT 91343a134Sb): 38b-c [12]; 185e-I; 187b-c [44]: C T I, 191d-e [45] (cf. C T VII, 253a-b [1029]): 202b (461: 305f, 206f, 209a-c. 2IOg-211a [47]. Spell 467 identifies the deceased variously with Re (CT V, 367c-d: cf. 382j [468]) and Osiris (CT V. 374a).

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from its ferry to the coffin sledge. It seems highly significant, therefore, that liturgical texts which seem to have been recited shortly before the procession to the tomb continually refer to the bark of the sun god.l19 Moreover, many representations of the sledge procession - admittedly of N.K. date - show that the coffin was transported in a processional vessel. Once, the oxen pulling the sledge are said to be "yoked to your (i.e. the deceased's) bark".lZ0 It seems not far-fetched to assume that the sledge procession was compared with the voyage of the day bark to the West (cf. 3.3). Egyptian religious texts on the Afterlife hardly ever consistently adhere to one particular doctrine. Rather, the thematic flow of such accounts tends to meander between various conceptions, once providing the deceased with characteristics of Re, then again with those of Osiris. He could apparently play both roles at once. The ease with which the two approaches merge may have been reinforced by an aspect referred to earlier on. Like Re, Osiris was considered the son of Nut, and the existence of both deities depended on rebirth. In view of these analogies, it can hardly be a surprise that Osiris' rebirth from the sky-goddess was compared with sunrise - Re's rebirth. In the N.K., the relationship between the two gods was very close, amounting to identity during the night hours, when the body of the deceased sun god merged with that of Osiris. It is generally recognized that some texts attest that first steps in this direction were made in the M.K.. However, the question whether the degree of contact already approached identity is still debated.lZ1 With the sceptics, I agree that a lasting identity is out of the question, but not a temporal one. In the period before and around dawn, Osiris was certainly credited with a strong Re-like or Atum-like aspect.lZ2Some passages in the CT attest the merge of the two gods. Spell 335 is an instance. The text deals with the rise of the sun, which The crew of the sun bark pronounces judgement and accepts the new king aboard (CT I, 194e195f. 196f-197f [45], 199c-201f [45-461, 21 lg [48], 267f-268i [62]. 111,361~-363c[255]; IV, 881-p [313]; cf. 111, 365-366 [256]). Once aboard the ship, he is a judge himself (CT I, 208e-209e [47], 11, 140b [l 181, cf. C T IV, 29d [280]; V, 321c-d [452]) and he and his entourage (CT I, 204f-209a [47], 224c-225b [SOyBIOC) are towed (CT I, 209b [47], 251c [60]) to the necropolis (CT I, 204f-206a [47], 250b-e, 251c-d [60]. Cf. further C T I, 235b [51]; IV, 93n [3 131 for the deceased and the sun bark. In C T spell 416, a "spell for the burial", reference is made to vindication and the crew of Re-Atum. In a similar context, reference is also made to the Osirian t1Sm.t bark (spell 409). A W is once mentioned before arrival at Sais (CT I, 2498 [60]), but note that the distinction between the journeys to Sais and Buto may already have been blurred in the O.K. (Altenmiiller, JEOL 22 [1971-19721, 316, n. 45; Kessler, ZAS 114 [1987], 75). lZO Gaballa, Metnplrite Tonrb-Chapel of Mose. Warminster, 1977, pl. XXXV; cf. the vignettes to BD chapter I . In Naville, Papxrrrs frtt~iroiresde lo XXIe Djnostie. Paris, 1912, pl. I, the oxen arc said to pull the Osirian t1Sm.t-bark (ref. due to Carles Wolterman). In view of the strong Re-Osiris syncretism, this is not surprising. lZ1 Altenmiiller, Sjtzkretism~rs.44-46; zabkar, A Study oj'the Bo-Concepr. Chicago, 1968, 36-37 deny its occurrence of this identification before the N.K. lZ2 Some scholars believe that the identification can be traced back to the early N.K. or earlier (Hornung, Anrrirro~11. 124; Barta, Ne~mlleit,146 R.: Spiegel, in: Westendorf [ed.], Giirtitlger Totenhrrrhstrrdien. Wiesbaden, 1975, 129-181). For the context of sunrise, see Derchain, CtiE XXX. no. 60 (1955). 239 and de Wit. Les inscriprions citr tentpie d'Opel 111, Bruxelles. 1968. 156.

3.1.4 TYPE IV

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153

is identified with Re or Atum. But in the glosses - explanations added by M.K. theologians - solar aspects are ascribed to Osiris. Thus. the gloss versions of CT IV, 200/lc variously identify a certain deity as Osiris and as Re. Apparently, no great difference was felt.123 And in IV, 276/7a E., the speaker (sometimes Osiris this N) is called "one whose two bas are in his two chickens". Since the chickens are Shu and Tefnut, the speaker is probably their father Atum, as elsewhere in the text.124 Nevertheless, the glosses state that he is "Osiris, when he entered Mendes. where he found the ba of Re. Then the one embraced the other. Then became the One with Two Bas" (CT IV, 276/7c-280/1a). The apparent contradiction can be easily resolved once it is realized that the two chickens, Shu and Tefnut, impersonate the two celestial eyes, i.e. sun and m 0 0 n . l ~These, ~ in their turn, were considered forms of Re and Osiris. Hence, the speaker probably means to say that his two bas are in the sun and the moon, i.e. that they are Re and Osiris combined in one personality. This explanation agrees perfectly with the statement made in the gloss. It is quite possible that the original intent of the text differs from the one propagated in the explanatory notes. However, this point is immaterial; the very existence of the glosses proves that the temporal identity of Re and Osiris was not unconceivable in the M.K.. Far from it: from about the reign of Amenemhat 11, spell 335 became exceedingly popular throughout Egypt, so that these ideas must have met with wide acclaim. It may not be wholly coincidental that the spell received its canonic position on the lid around the time the standard formulation was canonized as well. I thought it useful to discuss this so-called "Mendes doctrine" at some length, since it appears to be reflected in two major sources that have a bearing on the meaning of the text columns: the Merenptah inscription and CT spell 60. As we have seen above, the former text relates the actions of the text column gods with regard to the deceased, who is variously identified with Re (verse 10, 49) and Osiris (verse 4, 90, 93, 97, 102, 114). In the vignette below, the king appears as "Osiris Foremost of the West" and is embraced by Re. Thus, the circumstances in which Osiris is presented are the same as in the Mendes doctrine. The mythological statement made there is that the bas of Osiris and Re merged when they embraced one another in Mendes. The geographical setting of the event can be explained from the fact that a local divinity, the Ram of Mendes, was considered to be a manifestation of both Re and Osiris. He appears very often in contexts where Re lZ3 Similarly C T IV, 304b [335]. For other instances of Osirian influence in this text. cf. Heerma van Voss, Olrdste versie vat1 do(let~hoek17a, Leiden, 1963, 53-54 (CT IV, 192!3b); 56 (194c/B9Ca); 59 (198/9aC ); 60-6 1 (200; Id-e; 202/3a-b). lZ4 Heerma van Voss, 0.c.. 79; Zandee, At1 .lncietit Egyptian Crossword Puzzle, Leiden, 1966. 27. The same god is invoked in C T VI, 323a 16911. 12' Cf. Verhoeven. ~.i' VI, 297. referring to C T VI, 220r [607]. F o r this passage, cf. also Spiegel. in: Gotringer Totet~brrclrstudie~~ (cf. n. 122), 14-147 and Westendorf, in: Giittinger To~e~ibrrclistrr(li~~t~~ 198-199.

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and Osiris are syncretistically related, although this is not always the case.125aNow in spell 60, the "beauty" (nji..\~p)of Osiris/the deceased is called "your living ba which is in Mendes" (CT I, 249a) - a name of the Mendesian ram. While this already suggests a link with the theology of the ram and its inherent Re-Osiris syncretism, variant Blocs goes one step further, circumscribing 0siris"'beauty" as "your two living bas which are in Mendes". Just as happened C T spell 335, the passage credits Osiris/the deceased with two bas, while the geographical setting is the same. In all likelihood this is not just an error, for similar circumstances prevail in spell 50, which forms part of the same liturgy as spell 60. The text describes the appearance of the bark of Re at the eastern horizon, the peaceful arrival of Osiris Onnophris and his accession to the throne. Then follows an invocation to the deceased, in which he takes the place of Re and Osiris. He is aboard the bark and is called "king of the (lower) sky". In this context, there is also mention of his "ba in Mendes" (in BlOC only) and his "dignity (or "mummy" (s'h)) in the House of the Two Bas" (CT I, 223a-226a [50]). It seems certain, therefore, that, in spell 60, the writer of BIOCc intended to picture the deceased as the union of Re and Osiris. Hence, the texts that provide background information on the meaning of the text columns suggest that the deceased was once identified with Osiris, then again with Re, while in some cases he even appears to have assumed the identity of the syncretistically united personality of the two deities.125b

To summarize: On the preceding pages, a number of funerary liturgies have been analyzed in the light of the information they provide on the role of the text column gods, the two enneads. Both in the Merenptah inscription and CT spells 60-61, these divinities appear to be represented by priests playing mythological roles. Contrary to current views, the burial rites appear to be a replay of certain mythical and cosmological events. This admittedly does not mean that one mythological story was re-enacted. Rather, the rites draw at once from several mythological systems concerning victory over death. This was not an easy victory. First, the deceased had to pass through a liminal area of ordeal. In religious texts, the danger takes various forms. The deceased can be subjected to one of the forms of the Judgement of the DeadlZ6,or

Zandee, 0.c.. 26-27. Throughout the cycle of glorification spells C T 44-62 , Osirian and solar elements intermingle, although the mythological union of Re and Osiris is nowhere elaborated on. It is worth noting, however, that the deceased is sometimes identified with both gods at once (CT I, 15d [4], 19lg-192b, 192e!B12C [45], 235g-236d [ j l ] ; cf. I, L la-b [4]). Analogously to spell 50, spell 469 refers to "the House of the Two Bas" in connection with the deceased's coronation, his enemy's defeat and a bark. lZ6 The preceding discussion has largely disregarded ths "allgemeine Totengericht". Nevertheless. it is sometimes referred to in association with rites in the n.r!.t (CT I, 181~-e[44], 209d [47]): cf. Grieshammer, Jenseirsgerichr. 46-70. lZ5"

lZSb

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155

to the cross-examination of the Celestial FerrymanlL7, or else he can assume a mythical role and be threatened by Seth or Apopis.lL8 The liturgies studied above are mainly inspired by solar and Osirian religion. The deceased figures variously in the role of Osiris and Re and is occasionally identified with both gods at once. In his solar identity, the deceased's rebirth is patterned on the rnodel of Re's passage through the Winding Waterway, where his enemies are defeated, and his subsequent entry to the day bark. The trajectory of the whole burial procession seems, in fdct, to be an enactment of the journey of the sun. But the deceased's mummification and re-awakening by the &y.t mourners, his protection and his justification against Seth in a tribunal, are clear derivals from Osirian mythology. As the following table shows, elements from both religious systems can be associated with stages of the funerary rites: funerary ritual night-death mummification Winding Waterway (1vr.t) Ferry to Sais

Re-cosmology night-bark Winding Waterway (tnr h3) Ferry to day bark

Horus/Osiris mythology death restoration of body tz

protection against evil /lighting torches slaughtering ritual/ offering

protection against Apopis killing Apopis

officiants appearance in Sais! "horizon portal" coffin placed on sledge sledge procession (burial in the West

protectors: Two Enneads appearance at Eastern horizon entry to day bark journey of the sun sunset)

journey to divine tribunal protection against Seth divine tribunaltjustification against Seth tribunal: Two Enneads appearance as king

This structural model shows that the funerary ceremonies placed the deceased in the heart of a network of mythological associations. He received solar and Osirian characteristics and hence faced the same threats as Re and Osiris. In his encounter with Apopis, the former god was protected by the crew of his bark. while the victory In view of the structural comparability of the various forms of ordeal, a certain degree of merging is not surprising. Thls may explain the occurrence of the celestial ferryman Hr=JLtr3=f in the Court of Justice of BD chapter 125. lz8 Cf. Kees. Tu~et~glc~rihm. 269. For protection against Apopis, see e.g. C T spell 413. In view of the (see below), it is important to note that this ritual seems to be hinted at in relevance of the S~~rrrderr~~.nchctl the present text (CT V. 245b. cf. Kees, o.c.. 199).

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of Osiris against Seth was decided, among others, in Court. The significant point is that the two enneads, i.e. the text column gods, are known in both roles: as protectors of the sun barks and as magistrates.'" The reason why priests playing their role figured in the rites thus becomes clear. At the same time, we are now in a position to understand why the text column gods do not include a creator god (cf. p. 00 above), for this divinity was impersonated by Osirisithe deceased. the coffin's occupant.130 At a more hypothetical level, it is possible that the symbolism of the coflin as a model of the universe (cf. p. 00) reflects the deceased's double identity (as Osiris the king and as creator god). Performance of the Ritual It remains to determine how the mythical events were realized in the ritual "drama" - if such a term is appropriate. In the preceding discussion I have concentrated on explaining this ceremonial as a procession, in analogy to Wilson's proposal (n. 92). But i t will be recalled that others have adduced good reasons for viewing the same rites as an early form of the Stlindetzlr,achen. The easiest way to solve this contradiction is to assume that the navigation to Sais had become incorporated into the Stlo7dettlvachetz or even that the two ceremonies are in fact one and the same rite. Surprising though this proposal may be, there is some strong evidence to support it. In the first place, we know that a divine tribunal was enacted near Sais before sunrise. It is striking, therefore, to find that the members of the divine tribunal of Anubis mentioned in CT IV, 266/7a ff. [335],are identical with the gods appearing in the St~tndenrvachen.~~~ The name of one of them, the "Black One who is in his hour" (CT IV, 268/9d and Edfoli 1, 190,l) even points explicitly to an deal with the same issues as the CT hour-service. Moreover, the Stzmde~t~vachen studied in relation with the journey to Sais: the texts bristle with references to a tribunal, while the protection of Osiris, his accession as king and the defeat of Seth are all mentioned.13' Finally, on two Kushite sarcopahgi there occurs a text The two Enneads as crew-members: Barta, Neunheir, 30: Sons of Horus: Heerma van Voss, L A 111, 52-53: a survey: Hornung, Das BLICII vutr den Pjurierr des Jetrseiis 11, Basel. 1980. 227- f., 7-39, 7-47; Shu: e.g. PT 11691, S 1738-1739; 1985: C T I, 325b, VI, 220q-r; cf. n. 74; Tefnut: cf. n. 74: Geb: cf. P T 5 139; S 655d; 973; 5 1030; 5 1689a; S 1834; C T V, 32lb (cf. Miosi, S S E d J l ? [1982], 77-80 and Hornung, o.c., 184-185). Cf. also scenes 69 and 89 of the Book of Gates. Nut: cf. C T IV, 93n (see also 5.1? n. 15). For Isis and Nephtys, see above. n. 52. Serqet: see von KHnel, L A V, 830-833; Altenmiiller, Synkreiism~rs,193-194; Neith: el-Sayed, o.c. (11.74). The same gods as magistrates: see Grieshammer. Je/l.reir.rgericlrr.76-77.81-82. 91-92 and the literature cited chapter 4, n. 85. Cf. n. 118 and p. 00. Similarly. Hornung remarks in a discussion of the text column gods on royal sarcophagi from the N.K.: "so kann, von diesen Gottheiten beschirmt. auch der Leib des Konigs als Leib der Sonne gelten ..." (Hornung, Dtrs Brrcll vun detl Pforien cie.r Jetlseirs 11. Basel, 1980. 154). 131 Ectfuu I, 189,9-190.8; cf. Junker. Sruntien~raclrc~tz, 4-5; Heerma \,an Voss, o.c. (n. 123), 77, n. 314. The same gods appear frequently in the outer decoration of N.K. coffins. which therefore can be assumed to represent the Sr~rtlrierr~~~ncl~et~ (Assmann. .WDAIK 40 (19841, 288. n. 60). In one such cotkin, the gods are combined with texts referring to the divine tribunal (Daressy, A S A E 20 (1920). 175-180). E.g. Erljoii 1. 189-190; c t Junker, 0.c.. passim.

3.2.4 TYPE IV

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157

comb~ningelements of the Book of the Night and the S~~rnrlmu~rrchrn. In the text dealing with the ninth gate, one of the protective deities is called h.rh krl "the reckoner of the character", a term indicating his membership of the Tribunal of the Dead.132a Against all this, one could maintain that no procession to Sais is ever hinted at in the text of the S~unden~~.rrc.lzrn. and that the latter is not a nautical procession, but was recited around the bier of Osiris.13=The two ceremonies might seem to be very different in this respect. However, there are reasons to believe that the difference was only spurious. What the reliefs depict as a navigation to Sais may, in actual practice, have been performed very diflerently. According to Settgast, large discrepancies between theory and practice occurred in many parts of the funerary rites. Some boat processions, for instance, may in reality have been reduced to libations, as is suggested by the existence of libation basins adorned with representations of vessels.135 That depictions of boat processions may be symbolical, rather than realistic, renderings of the funerary rites, is suggested among others by CT spells 229, 236-7, 239, 241, 644 and 932. Recent scholarship has shown that each of these is related with one of the six coffin sides. In the texts, the deceased addresses the panels, which are portrayed as goddesses. He asks them to mourn him, recite glorifications and wake at his side, to protect him and present offerings, and reconstitute his body. Repeated references to the place of embalmment make clear that only one thing can be meant: the performance of the S~unrlen\vuchen(cf. n. 97a). Therefore. these texts have the same effect as the text columns on the outside. In both cases, parts of the coffin represent the participants in the night wake. Nevertheless, nautical allusions creep in now and then. Parts of the coffin are identified with port or starboard of a ship (CT 111, 306e; 322a), while the goddess addressed in CT 111, 320g-h is called "she who announces the festival in the prow of the bark when the navigation takes place in the morning". Hence, Barguet concludes, "tout se passe donc comme si le mort, dans son sarcophage ou dans la barque qui transporte celui-ci, descendait le Nil en direction du nord" (RrlE 23 [1971], 22). On a symbolical level, the texts comment on the navigation as though the journey of the sun bark in the morning were concerned. But at the same time, the event is 111, 313c), i.e. the burial ceremony identified with the navigation to Abydo Souklassian, BIFAO 83 (1982). 339-340: D 1s on tire N(~pcrrat~ Sarcophugr of .4nlarnnni ntrtl Aspelr~7.drssertation Branders Unversrt), 1978. 101 For the lrnks between Srrrtl(len~~oclre~l and Book of the Night, see Plankoff, Le I1tr.e du ~01lrer tie In nrirr, Le Cdrre, 1942. XI. n 2 and Doll. o c . 106-107. Assrnann, L A VI. 104-105 Settgast. Besrnrr~rng~tiflr~le~~urrgetl. 72 ff , 113-113 and passim; Vandier. RdE I I (1957). 145-151, pl. XI (reference due to Dr J.F Borghouts) Note that, sometrmes, l~batronssqrnbolrse the mythlcal journey across the nrr n l13 (Derchdin. CdE XXX, no 60 [1955], 238-239) Workrng along different lines, Kessler also arr~vedat the conclusron that the boat procewons Here replaced by libations In prrvate funerdry rites (ZRS 114 [1987], 74-87)

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during which, according to the reliefs in Antefoker's tomb, the (1.rh.t '31t. was reached. No one will doubt that the relief and the texts under discussion refer to one and the same thing, for in CT 111, 3 14a, the deceased also claims to reach the ?ish.t ' 3 ~Since . the principal aim of these spells is the care for the mummy during the Stuntien~racllen,some doubt is cast on the reality of scenes depicting the ceremonies near Sais or the [zsh.t ' 3 ~as. a procession. After all, the texts include descriptions of some rites which can hardly be assumed to have been carried out while the coffin was moved along, such as the Opening of the Mouth and Eyes (CT 111, 313,g, 325c, m) or the reconstitution of the corpse (e.g. CT 111, 309d-e). Moreover. they apparently took place in seclusion (CT 111, 310c-e). Therefore, depictions of nautical processions of the coffin may simply be reiterations of traditional scenes. The ritual as i t was performed in reality may have been an early form of the Stundenn,clchen, during which the nautical element was reduced to allusions in the glorifications recited and to libation offerings. The deceased would thus be only symbolically present on a boat. There is some pictorial evidence to confirm this hypothesis. In a N.K. temple scene, the god on the m~lmmificationbed is said to be "in his bark". In a similar scene from the Hibis temple, one of the gods attending to Osiris' bier is called "Anubis who is in his bark".134a The same symbolism may already be found in BM stela 1372 ( H T B M I, pl. 54). Here, the body on the bier is approached by a man with a (libation?) basin while three (model?) boats are depicted beneath the bed. In the Merenptah inscription, like in the Sttmdenwacken, the deceased is often pictured on a bier. In fact, the whole organization of Merenptah's burial chamber appears to have served to evoke the idea of the wake around the lion headed bed. Dr Edward Brock kindly informs me that, below the remains of the sarcophagus. he discovered a huge alabaster platform, on the sides of which a lion-head bier is depicted. The installation thus evokes the picture of the deceased on the bier, being perpetually protected by the rite of the Stundenlcachen. In the text on the sarcophagus lid, he is nevertheless said to appear at Sais. This provides additional proof in support of our view that the navigation to Sais and the Stzlndenltqachal are intimately related. In the passage under discussion, the deceased's arrival in Sais is described in a remarkable way: "You appear for < m e (Neith)> at the side of Neith; the Nine gods carry you on the litter (PS),the Neith-temple remaining over your "mysteries" (i.e. the corpse)".135 Thus the temple of Neith, which represents Sais. is l'" Otto, Osiris untl Amim, Miinchen. 1966. pl. 16 (reference due to C. Wolterman); Davies, hi hi.^. pl. 3 (5th register). See the survey of the contents of the text in Assmann. ,\,fDAIK28.2 (1973). 135-137. The translated passage covers verses 126-128. For the meaning of "mysteries", cf. Assmann, MDAIK 28.1 (1972). 69. In CT spell 72, dealing likewise with rites in the place of embalmment, the deceased is also said to be on the shoulders of the ennead (variant: the two enneads) (CT 1. 299c).

3.2.4 T Y P E [ V - P E R F O R M A N C E O F T H E R I T U A L

+

159

said to cover the corpse, which is perhaps still on the bier. Since the temple is said to ,,,,b. 7 remain over the deceased while his body is lifted up, Sais was apparently a portable bsA- kd; structure. Now in some rites recorded in the tomb of Antefoker in the context ~hr-[mk~ of Sais, the coffin was placed on a bier (.f/il!,.t) and covered by a shrine. and the whole was carried by officiants called the Nine Friends."' The analogies with the ' *Q*~*'~''' ' Merenptah text are striking, and it is possible that some association existed between .-'(p,L. Sais on the one hand, and the bier and shrine on the other. There are some rare texts entitled "spell of lifting up the bier" ( r n 1.ri.r !znky.t), which are possibly related with this rite.137 One of these, BD chapter 170, is the continuation of BD chapter 169, entitled "spell of setting up the bier" (r n s'h' hnky.r). The latter text is a N.K. version of the liturgy of CT spells 1-26, which can be associated with the approach to Sais (see p. 00). Apparently, the installation of the deceased on his bier and perhaps the performance of libations, were accompanied by recitals of glorification spells dealing with his protection, resurrection and coronation, all of which characterize the navigation to Sais (BD 169 = CT spells 1-26). Then, the bier was lifted up, probably to be carried to the coffin sledge (BD 170). From the above evidence it appears that the priests playing the text column gods In this role they carried torches to ward off evil (cf. performed the Sr~rncirn~vachen. n. 87), they took part in a slaughtering ritual with the same aim (cf. n. 109), performed libations and recited glorifications (cf. p. 00) and carried the bier (cf. n. 135-6). In addition, the preceding pages have shown that this wake is probably identical with the navigation to Sais depicted in tomb reliefs, and that it includes a ceremonial Judgement of the Dead. Date: At most sites, type IV coffins seem to be almost the direct successors of type I. The intervening type 111 is only known from Bersheh and Meir, while type I1 and some other experimental designs (see 3.2.7) are very exceptional. It is unfortunate that so many type IV coffins are ill-published, so that it is often impossible to distinguish subtypes IVa and IVb. Other documents are damaged, and their attribution to type IV (instead of, e.g., V) is uncertain. These restrictions are valid in particular for some of the possibly early sources. Ifattributable to subtype IVaa, this documentation suggests that it was introduced towards the end of the reign of

*

.l kr *d

'

Davies-Gardiner. AtireJoker, pl. XXI. The scene is usually attributed to a later stage of the burial pl. 2 and 28 K.). and indeed a comparable episode occurs at the rites (cf. Settgast, Bestatr~ttrgsd~~rsrell~~t~~yrn, very end of the Ritual of Opening the Mouth (Otto, !Ciun~lo@rrrtgsrirual,Scene 73). But since. in the Saisstage of the rituals, the coffin was brought to its sledge. it must have been lifted then, too. As I hope to demonstrate elsewhere, the scene depicted in the Antefoker tomb must be seen in this light. The number of officiants suggests a link with one of the enneads mentioned in the text columns. Note that, in the parallel from the Opening of the Mouth. the Nine Friends are occasionally identified with the four sons of Horus. 13' BD chapter 170 (Naville, TB, pl. CXCI: Doll, o.c.. 238-241); in a late tomb, PT Utt. 364, 677 and 412 have the same title (Assmann. Mllrirr1i.v. Mainz, 1977, 95, line L).

160

O U TER D E CO R A T I O N

Sesostris I.13R There is little reason to doubt, however, that the subtype was fairly common under Amenemhat lI.139

Subtype IVab (3, 24, 50, 56-57, 59, 70-72): T h e standard formulation, which has occupied us so long, was immensely popular, not only in subtype IVaa, but also in other (sub)types. At Bersheh, however, innovations were generally met with less acclaim (see e.g. tables 8-9, table 6 ) , and if they were not rejected altogether, they often had to compete with tradition. In the case of the column texts, "tradition" was represented by the formulation known from subtypes IIIaa and IIIba (i.e. 3 and 70, cf. 3.2.3). The latter formulae never gave way completely to the standard text. Instead, the artists seem to have sought for a compromise by inscribing some columns with the traditional texts, and others with phrases borrowed from the standard formulation. O n the long sides, this resulted in the compression of the texts of subtype IIIaa (70) in the two middle columns, the edge columns being reserved for im3lz.y-phrases invoking the Sons of Horus a s in the standard formulation (72, see table 2; this disposition of formulae is 7 l ) .On H and F both texts of the kind known from subtype IIIaa (56, 57) and IVaa (59) occur, occasionally even both on one coffin. This combinatory trend did not result in a consistent pattern. However, all text column coffins known from Bersheh, with the exception of some incompletely preserved instances, diverge from the standard formulation by including at least some of the other elements just outlined (see table 2).140 Date: The coffins featuring this text-type all belong to Bersheh group D, from the time of Sesostris 11-111 (see 2.2.5 and table 2). Subtypes IVba and IVbb differ from the former two by the inclusion, among the decoration, of a painting of a false door under the wd3.t-eyes o n FR (51).just like in type 111. Like there, this innovation seems to have been effectuated in the time of Sesostris II.141 Subtype IVbb, attested in B16C and B7, features the column texts typical for Bersheh (cf. the discussion of subtype IVab), and disappeared when this necropolis was abandoned in the late M.K. BH15 shows that this decoration also 1) Beni Hasan: BHI?? (Garstang, BC, 189-190. No date given. but probably later than group A); 2) Bersheh: B2Y: two long sides with a typical IVaa decoration (which would. however, be exceptional at this site; the formulae on the lost ends may have been different). Date: see 2.2.7; 3) similar remains of coffin L3Li and L1 (cf. 2.46); 4) Assiut: coffin S I X (see 2.4.5). Cf., finally, cofin Cairo C G 281 10 (provenance unknown). Meir groups B-C (cf. table 1), M2, M15; A b l , L?. Fragments, possibly of coffins of this subtype: M50-53C. M4War, possibly (some of) the ill-published M22-45, TiWar. For Beni Hasan, cf. n 138. SSX may date from the late M.K. (ch. I. n. 204). as d o L4 and L6 (subtype IVa, see 2.4.6). 140 For the texts of B5C and BIJC, see 3.2.9 < 8 > and n. 148. 141 BH8 (the palaeography of this coffin corresponds with that of Beni Hasan tomb 3 (See Beni Htism2 I). 1tspri.r !1r11.formula shotvs the features discussed in 2.1.3 (2, 3). Also, the toponym Qdhr is spelled as in 2.1.3 (4). Bersheh: B16C. B7 (IVbb), belonging to group D ; Meir: some group E coffins (see table 5); still in M20 (for the date, see 2.3.1, end); also M18 and X3.

161

3.2.6 T Y P E V I

exerted influence in neighbouring Beni Hasan. The execution of this coffin shows close parallels with those from Bersheh (cf. n. 49 and ch. 2, n. 47a and 95). It seems, therefore, that i t was made by an artisan from this latter site. IVba likewise was in use in the late XIIth D y n a ~ t y . ~ " ~

3.2.5 Type V: A mixture of types 111 and IV Q, 24, 5015 1, 56/57/59, 60, 64'65, 7l,'72/ 73). This rather common type of coffins has the same end-decoration as type 111 (2,see fig. 9), while the long sides accord with type IV (24, see fig. 10) in layout. On the analogy of types 111 and IV, one can distinguish two subtypes on the layout level, depending on the absence (50) or presence (51) of a false door accompanying the br.
3.2.6 Type Vl: The Palace of the King

(415, 25, 5 1, 59, B, 72)

In all documents discussed so far, the outer decoration consisted of bands of ornamental hieroglyphs. As figs. 2-10 show, this procedure left large spaces undecorated. Occasionally, the Egyptian artist tried to make this space useful by filling it with inscriptions or drawings.lJ5 Such cases are not frequent, however, and mutually very different into the bargain. The only instances discussed so far of a more or less canonized way to fill the available space consist of the addition of a painted false door to the eyes on FR (51). Now a false door closely resembles a segment of a serekk-faqade, i.e. the wall with recessed panels encircling the royal la2 Meir group E (see 2.3.9). M20 (late XIIth Dynasty, see 2.3.1 for the horizontal texts, see 3.2.9 < 1. 5, cf. S>). ML8. MJY, BHS. X3. cf. G 3 (S.I.P.?). 143 Sql7X. T I Bal (H. F only): cf. 3.2.8, n. 163. Vaa: Ab3-J (date: between Amenemhat I1 and Sesostris 111, see 2.5, n. 21Y), BH13 (?), M16 (found together with coffins of types V1 and IVaa, see ch. 2, n. 171). MSI; Vab: B13C, B17C (Bersheh group D), B1 (see 2.2.7, n. 107); Vac: Sq17X (time o f Amenemhat 11, see 2.j), TIBal (date: see 2.6.5): 0 ; 5% cf. GS. Vba: Ri8 (late XIlth Dynasty lid decoration [see 3.3 < d > ] and epigraphy Exceptional texts on the ends in X1 : the standard formulation mentions exceptional divinities. Undetermined subtype: RJ. lJS E.g. BSc, GIBe, KI-2. LILi, TIC. At Akhnlim, Assiut and Gebelein, such patterns are common practice. For reasons explained in 1.2. we will disregard these coffins here.

[l>

%U]).

162

O U T ER DE C O R A T I O N

~ a 1 a c e . The l ~ ~ function of the two architectural elements differs, but their formal similarity may have played some part in the development o f type VI. In coffins of this pattern, all sides are decorated with serekll-faqades in the space between the text columns (see fig. 12-13). Sarcophagi of the early O.K. regularly show the same panelling (cf. n. 30), though the habit seems to have gone out of fashion later on. In the XIIth Dynasty, however, the royal sarcophagi seem to have been inspired by the decoration of their O.K. precursors. Perhaps the origin of type V1 in private coffins must be sought in the influence exerted by this c ~ u r t - s t y l e . ~ ~ ~ The purpose of this ornament is probably more than just figurative. We have seen in 3.2.4 that one of the main aims o f the rituals represented in the text columns was the justification of the deceased and his coronation. His royal role is now confirmed by the suggestion that his corpse is surrounded by palace walls. The coffin is the deceased's palace. The expression of this "new" idea did not entail a rejection of the religious concepts expressed in earlier coffin types. Apart from the inclusion of a serekh-wall (4,25, see figs. 12-13), the layout of type V1 and that of type IV are equal. The same holds, generally speaking, for the ornamental texts. On B and FR, the register texts are still usually those discussed in connection with type I, although, occasionally, one finds other offering formulae148, or even religious spells with an evidently

Fig. 12: View of H and F of BHlLiv (4, 59. 65) (Courtesy Merseyside County Museums, Liverpool)

ten.

'46 For literature, cf. Kaiser, L,? IV, 646-647, Arnold, MDAlK 36 (1980), 18: Miiller. in: Dauar und PVundel. Mainz. 1985. 7-33. l"' Royal sarcophagi: De Morgan, Dtrlrci~our11, 87-88; Arnold. MD'4IK36 (IY80), IS. pl. 1%: Petrie. Lahrrtl 11, pl. XXIII. XXV (6); Farag and Iskander. Tile Disco~,erj.of"Y~/~r~vprrrh, Qairo. 1971. fig. 13-15. l 4 W n B, Bitte 25 occurs very often in the Anubis formula. usually replacing Bitte 4 (KI, SqZC. TI-2Be. TILen. T70). In B5C and BIG, this Bitte occurs in the Osiris formula on FR.

163

3.2.6 TYPE VI

celestial background.149 The texts on H and F, and the text columns on the long sides, generally accord with the standard formulation. A few sources, though. attest to a newly developing habit of inscribing the columns with brief divine speeches.150 In a few type V1 coffins, the ends do not show the faqade (9but , representations of goddesses (Isis and Nephtys), pairs of goddesses, or male figures (3, see fig. 14).

5J.m

Fig. 13: View of B and FR of BHlLiv (B. (Courtesy Merseyside County Museums, Liverpool)

Several subtypes are discernible here, but since the bulk of the evidence occurs on coffins without interior decoration, the matter will not be pursued here. Date: Type V1 is well attested at all sites. Although it has been argued to be an innovation of the time of Sesostris 111 or even Amenemhat IIIIS1, there are reliable indications that some cases are somewhat earlier. The available instances from Beni Hasan (group B, see 2.1.3) date from the span between the last years of Amenemhat I1 and the early reign of Sesostris 111. A similar, or slightly later, date is possible for B5C and B7C (see 2.2.6lS2).and probable for the coffin of Ameni (M19, see 2.3.3) and others from Meir groups D and E (see 2.3.8-9), for Thebes group C (see 2.6.3), for some instances found at Saqqara South and around the pyramid of Teti (see Sq7C, T3Be (see 3.1.9 < A > . < C > ) See 3.2.9 (D). "l Brovarski, in: FS Dlmhnnt. 25. Bl4C may be of the same period, see 2.2.7. 149

lJ0

164

OUTER DECORATION

Fig. 14: View of F of B5C G.

(Courtesy Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

2.5lS3),and possibly for evidence from other parts of Egypt.lS4 Of the comparably decorated stone sarcophagi found at Qiw el-Kebir, one is probably as late as the reign of Amenemhat 111 (see 2.4.1) while CG 28108 dates from the S.I.P. (LSA 11, 86, n. 1). 1 5 3 The type V1 coffin Sq27X enclosed Sq4C. The latter is a text column coffin ("type XV"), hence also of a sophisticated design. Is.' Assiut: SIMal. SI. S3: Rifeh: Ri5 (2.4.5; found next to a red coffin, cf. n. 3); Meir: M l ; Q i w : K1-2 (2.4. l).

3.2.7 TY P E S V I I - X I V

165

3.2.7 Exceptional Designs: Types VII-XIV. Most M . K . box coffins are typologically accounted for in the preceding sections. A number of cases remain which present a n exceptional selection of decoration elements. These elements being essentially the same as those encountered before, I shall provide only brief discussions of form and chronology of the various patterns. Type V11 is similar in layout to subtype IVa U,24, 50, see fig. 10). However, on B and FR, the text column near the head-end is omitted (28). In the only known instance, MAnn, the text columns on B and F R present the standard formulation while on the ends, one finds speeches of N u t (56). The coffin probably dates to the reigns of Sesostris I or Amenemhat II.lS5 Type VIII: Here, H and F are in accordance with type IV (3, see fig. 10) while the layout of B and FR corresponds with that of subtype IIIb (23, 51, see fig. 8). It is only attested o n B3L, a Bersheh group D coffin (see 2.2.5).lS6 Type IX: The ends of M5C. the only coffin of this type, correspond with those in see fig. 2) while the long sides parallel those of subtype IIIaa (23, 50, 70 see type I (I, fig. 8). Since its offering formulae still resemble those in type IIb coffins, and since type IX stands halfway between the latter type and type 111, M5C has been dated to the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I o r the first half of Sesostris 1's (see 2.3.4). Type X presents a comparable mixture of types I (L,see fig. 2) and subtype IVaa (24, 50, 72, see fig. 10). Only coffin Ab2 features this decoration. Its long sides are of a kind not attested before the reign of Sesostris I, and a date in o r after this reign is also implied by the palaeography and typology of the other coffins found in the same burial chamber (Abl. Ab3-4, see 2.5). A possible second case is R3. Type X1 is a mixture of types I1 and 111. It presents a text column on each of the long sides, as in subtype IIa (21,see fig. 6) but also a text column in the middle of each of the ends (2. see fig. 9). The column texts represent the standard formulation (59. 72). M48 and Sq3 are the only instances. Type XI1 features a similar blend, but here, the B and F R display two text columns each see fig. 7). The text columns present both the standard formulation and lists of the owner's titles (60. 72). The only example is SqlBe. Although its date is not beyond doubt, its layout recalls the experimental subtype IIb, which seems to have been current in the second half of the reign of Amenemhat I or slightly later (3.2.2). Type XI11 represents the logical continuation of the tendency to add increasing numbers of text columns. Here, B and F R have not less than five such columns (26, see fig. 15), while the ends still have only two (3). The only well-dated instance is

a),

(a,

1 5 5 Typologically, it is related most clearly with Meir group B (see tables 4-5: in table 3, its position is between groups B and C). l S 6 The column texts are in accordance with those of subtype IIIba ( 7J on B and FR. 56 on the ends).

166

O U TER DE C O R A TI O N

Fig. 15: View of H and F R of M6 G. 26,5l,59,65,72J (Rogers Fund, 1910. Courtesy Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

M6, which can be attributed to approximately the time of Sesostris I (fig. 15; see 2.3.2). Its horizontal ornamental texts are of the traditional kind, while the standard formulation is used in the text columns (59, 72). The two remaining sources, M57C and Abyl, are probably later, although the evidence is slender. As regards Abyl, one notes the occurrence of depictions of Isis and Nephtys between the text columns on the ends (5,cf. fig. 14). This feature occurs in some type V1 and other late M.K. coffins likewise. Some of the ornamental texts on its exterior are also characteristic of this period.15' The text bands on the outside of M57C are unfortunately only partly legible. It is clear, however, that. the coffin displays neither the usual offering formulae nor the standard formulation. From the traces, one can deduce that its texts are spells dealing with celestial matters. This again points to a date at least as late as the second half of the XIIth Dynasty (cf. 2.3.10). In the late XIIth Dynasty and the S.I.P., the number of text columns continued to increase, but since none of this material contains inner decoration, it will not be studied here.158 15: lSB

See 3.2.9 and < 1 2 > . Remark also that B of Abyl has an Anubis formula with Bitte 25. See e.g. G2. T7C, TLOC.

3 . 3 TYPE S "XV- FROM T H E TETI P Y R A M I D C E L ~ L T E R Y

167

Fig. 16: View of F R of S4 (22, 3. 72) (Courtesy ~ g ~ ~ t o l o ~ i s Institut c h e s der Universitat Heidelberg)

Type XIV: The layout of this type recalls that of type I11 (see fig. 8-9), but the spacing of the text columns on the long sides is different (27, see fig. 16). The ivd3.teyes appear plainly except in T3L, which adds a false door (51).lS9 The horizontal ornamental texts follow the canonic pattern known since type I (see 3.2.1), and the text columns follow the standard formulation (72). Instead of this, Sq8C gives the deceased's titles (73). There is little evidence for dating these coffins. On the basis of palaeography and the presence of the false door, T3L should probably be dated after Sesostris The resemblance of types I11 and XIV supports this view.

a),

3.2.8 Coffins from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery: "Type" XV. Saqqira, and the necropolis around the pyramid of Teti in particular, has yielded a number of coffins which cannot be associated with any of the above types. Nor do they conform among themselves to any consistent layout pattern.161 The only "regularity" in the design is this very irregularity. One has the impression that the artists who made these coffins were trying to conform to the general tendency to decorate coffins with text columns without bothering much about the models adopted for this elsewhere in Egypt or even Saqqara.162 It is noteworthy in this respect that several other exceptional types (XI. XII, XIV) come also from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery. A further peculiarity is the formulation of the column texts in some of these documents. Apart from the standard formulation, we find columns The sources have end-layout pattern 2. except S4 (pattern I). See 2.6.5. Further cases: M l l, M14. S4 (see fig. 16). T32 and S7 (?). In Ab2Le and Sq3Sq, the columns are very ill-balanced and their number on B differs from that on F R (FR: Ab2Le: 5 cols; Sq3Sq: 3 cols; B: Ab2Le: 4 cols. ; Sq3Sq: 4 cols). Sq4C has a more symmetrical layout. It resembles that of type V, but the four text columns on B and F R are displaced a little to the centre of the side. In SqI Be (actually type XlI), the text columns on B are spaced differently from those on F R . Very high and ~rregularnumbers of text columns occur on the sides of Sq13. A similar desizn is found in S4Mi. 162 More conventional coffins derive from Saqqara South (Sql-2C. Sq7C; cf. 2.5). lS9

168

O U TER DE CO R A T I O N

inscribed with titles and epithets of the deceased only (73). Occasionally also, both types of column texts are ~ 0 m b i n e d . IIt~ ~is finally worth mentioning that these coffins, and the others (of type I) from the same area, however different they are in layout, are homogeneous in technical execution.164 3.2.9 Deviations in the Ornamental Texts It has become clear that the ornamental texts - offering formulae, text columns and horizontal texts on the ends - are generally rather uniform. Admittedly, minor differences of all kinds could be shown, as for instance the various elaborations of the plea for a pri.t [rrw offering in the offering formula on B, but a full account of this would demand too much space. Other differences, such as cases where the pri.t hrw offering in the offering formula is replaced by mentions of other offerings, have already been referred in the footnotes.165The present section is reserved for a brief account of a number of much more radical aberrations: A) "pyramidion spells", B) texts on the ends, C) horizontal ornamental texts on the long sides and D) text columns. A) Pyramidion spells. Excavations have brought to light a number of royal pyamidions of the XIIth Dynasty which are inscribed on each side with religious texts.166 The latter are also found on royal sarcophagi and private coffins, though generally not exhaustively. Each side of the pyramidion had its own spell, and these recur in a corresponding position in the coffins. (A number of these sources came to my attention too late to be worked into the text completely [L6-7, M56, T 5 - 8 N v . Some contain parts of the pyramidion spells not attested in other coffins [communication of Dr Peter Dorman]). The commonest pyramidion spell to be found on coffins. CT spell 788, is that of the East (FR): (1) 6 7 Q N "The vision of N is opened. He sees the Lord of the horizon when he crosses heaven. May he cause a lord of eternity, who will never perish" This statement N to appear as a is followed by comments by certain divinities: (2) N f "Saying words by Re: "I have given a good horizon to N and I am content with it

2

FL

g

&

~

dz

~

ppp,

J or 21 occur in Sq4C. Sq8C. Sq3Sq: cf. also SqlBe, Sql7X, TIBal. Ab2Le has yet other tests (sec 3.2.9 < C > ) . 164 See n. 5, 8, 10, 12. See n. 17, 23, 31-32, 33, 39, 56. 148-150, 157. 166 Anlenemhat 111: Amold. Der P~rtrttrir/enbezirkdes Kiinigs At~lenemlre!111. in Dallshllr l. Ivlainz, 1987, 13-16, pl. 38-39; Khendjer: JCquier, Deu.upyrottlities ti~iiWo,ver~Ettlpire, Le Caire, 1933.21-25. pl. VI. Coffin M20 proceeds from here with part of PT S 266a-b: "as Nefertem at the nose of Re when he appears from the horizon". A much more extensive version of this text occurs in FR of T7C. TS-SNY. CL also .42-4A.

~

~

3.2.9 DEVIATIOKS IN THE ORNAMENTAL TEXTS

169

h4

-&Q today (? rtlrn = min?)" and (3) $?, , I, [ +c "Saying words by the horizon: "I am b8 content with it today ( ? ) " . l The northern text (H) also has a cosmic connotation: ( 4 ) h o & 3 p N q q 3 f P L L Nba ' s is elevated to the elevations of Orion when he (Orion) unites with the 03.1; He makes N firm on top of the sky-goddess".16Y The phrases added to it in the pyramidions have not found their way to the coffins. The western spell mythologizes the usual offering formula on Bjthe West: (5) g 1) z),"A#$&8z64#f, "The arms of Anubis, who is on his mountain, are around N, the Western Desert enfolds him inside the shrine of the Lord of Offerings, so that the one who is inside her may be well". In connection with this act, Anubis then states: (6) A f l 9 A>-ifl% %. 1d f1,1>&8P?Z "Saying words by Anubis: "I have given each good, pure and suitable place of the beautiful West to N and I have made him enduring in such a way that I am content with it today (?)".170 The southern (F-) spell deals with more or less the same matters. It reads: (7) & = A g $ l&d$, P f l f ,,, "Geb Lord of the Lands is below the torso, and Osiris below the feet of N".171 AS in the northern spell, the accompanying citations are not found on coffins. These texts can be summarized as follows. Spells (5) and (7) refer in mythological terms to the burial: the deceased is united with the desert and in the arms of the necropolis-god Anubis, while his body is supported by the earth-god Geb and the funerary god Osiris. The east- and north-spells (1) and (4) deal with celestial afterlife. On the east, the wish is expressed that the deceased may see sunrise and take part in solar rebirth. He ascends to the (northern) sky and is placed on top of the skygoddess. To these descriptions are added speeches of certain gods ((2-3), (6)) which were apparently spoken in this connection, perhaps during a ritual (see D) below). Date: All sources date from the late XIIth Dynasty or later.171a

nzdaz N q

f

B) Texts on the ends. In the late XIIth Dynasty, the ends occasionally present speeches by Isis and Nephtys. We have seen above that these goddesses are personifications of H and F and that their association with the ends reflects the fact that they are the divine The variants transcribed in CT VII. Ir-v, from Lisht and Dahshur, mostly show the texts In different positions. See. however, also Abj l , K I , M20, M56, MZNY (FR. inside), T3Be. Only T3Be and M56 present texts (2-3) in addition to text (l). For versions of CT spell 788 omitted by de Buck. see further Vernus, RdE 228 (1976). 124 (ref. due to Dr Borghouts). For the reversed writing of &l ttrcl~rin R: see Fischer, Reversals, 56. 169 T3Be. Cf. Da3C and Hayes. Ro.sa1 Scrrcopliclgi, tevl 37. 170 Again, T3Be is the most complete coffin version. Other instances present only text (5). Da7-C (on B and FR), Ha3, M20. T7C. MZNY presents t h ~ stext inside. "l M56, T3Be. 171a The coffins represent the developed (sub)types IVb. VI, XI11 and types comnlon during the S.I.P. None of the sources appears to antedate the reign of Sesostris 11.

embodiment of the "Two Kites", female officiants standing at both ends of the coffin (see 3.2.3). The texts spoken by the goddesses, and hence probably by the priestesses. resemble those found on sarcophagi in O.K. pyramids (PT 9 3c-e). The most complete version runs as follows: d,4&24&2 "Saying words by Isis (or Nephtys): "I have come in order to take hold of you and give you your heart of your body"."* The passage evidently deals with the restoration of the bodily functions during the Stun(ierttt~achen.These spells occur in text columns andior text registers on the ends. G1 and G2 present a number of end-texts which I am unable to translate. Interestingly, The text of G1 seems to identify the coffin with Nephtys. In G2, the goddesses are perhaps referred to by the word dni.t. "dam", which also denotes coffin ends.17"

(8)hA

E%,

C) Horizontal texts on the long sides. The most im p ortant register texts have already been discussed above. No canonic pattern seems to underly the texts of some coffins. In the B-text of Sq7C (9). Nut s p e a k s : ~ ~ % $ & f ! ~ h h ~ ~ ~M N. "Saying words. I am Nut. I was able and I was strong already in the womb of my mother Tefnut, when I had not even been born. I may join N to his mother. < M y > heart was strong and moved about in the womb of <my?> mother, NN" (cf. PT 5 779a-780b). On the opposite side is written a derival from PT 778: ( i o ) f 1 g ~ ~ 4 ~ 7,er&$l: T ~Y*4UmjirfSf;-ia , '.Saying words. I am [Nult, I having fallen over my son Osiris N ; I, this great protectress, protect him, the great one who is among her children, who glorify him, N". These texts seem to be speeches of Nut, the coffin, h e r ~ e 1 f . l ~ ~ L1 Li, which is on the whole very exceptional, has its outside covered with CT, the ornamental hieroglyphic bands presenting CT spells 791-792 and 687. Part of these texts (spell 792) recalls the inscriptions on Sq7C; also included is an unusual offering formula aiming at being granted access to the ancestors and ferrying across to the Field of Rushes (791). Further unusual texts of a religious nature occur on M57C and Ril (see 3.2.4 above) and Ri2. All theological speculation is dropped. however, in L3Li, on B of which one can read ( 1 1 ) I L Q , ~ 4 ~ Pl 1) 1 1~ -Tfi P 4 1 p - ~ / k ~ ~ ~ 3 . ~ A . "An offering which the king and Anubis, who is on his mound, give. N says: "As

X40A 5 zf$k&$,2

s

3%

172 The Nephtys-spell is an almost exact parallel of PT 9 1786b. The sources are B5C and BI4C (type VI), H a l (type IVaa; with some additional spells), M3; cf. M20 (type IVba). Similar formulae on the ends of Sl-2C. ' l 3 G1 : ; l text column next to a picture of Nephtys begins with "saying words by the chest of life". The horizontal text also refers to the chest of life, in a position where H mentions Isis. G?: for the word c/ni.r. see Barguet, RtiE 23 (1971). 20; Miinster. I ~ i s 30-31. , The same inscriptions occur on the inside of Da1C. Da?-?X, and on the lids of BIB0 and SIC. The restoration of text (9) is based on Hayes, Royal Sarropllogi, text 49 and p. 106.

3.3 EXTERIOR DECOR.4TION OF THE I.iD

17 1

regards this equipment, it was the king who gave i t to me as ..., as "an off'ering which the king gives". D) The text columns. Most commonly, the text columns on M.K. coffins are of very simple form. They contain short phrases like in3h.y hr T/it.r N, "the venerated one with Tefnut, N". The choice of gods featured in this "standard formulation" is likewise more or less fixed (see table 10). In some fairly late sources, the same selection of gods are introduced, not by inz3lz.y [lr, but by &mdrv l i l l , "Saying words by". e.g. (12) M N, "Saying words by Geb. N, deceased".17' Since neither the layout of these coffins, nor the arrangement of the deities, differs from that of coffins with the pure standard formulation, one is tempted to conclude that the &l-rndlt.-phrases refer to a text spoken by these gods. This impression is further strengthened by the fact that some coffins combine the @-nlhtp-phrase with the standard formulation. In S3, for instance. the standard phrase "the revered one with Shu, N, deceased. lord of reverence" is coupled with a @-nzdrtv phrase in small characters: (13) g8 73,"Saying words by Shu: 'I have come that I may attach to Z you your head, so that you are alive each day, like Re for eternity"'. In this case, there is hardly room for doubt that the one column illustrates the other. In analogy to phrases like (12), elaborate columns structured like (13) can occur independently, completely replacing the im3h.y-phrases.176 In 3.2.4, it was seen that the divine names in the text columns refer to priests playing a divine role during the Srlma'enruachm. The recitations associated with the same deities in the texts under discussion may, therefore, belong to the funerary liturgy. The same suggestion was made with regard to the speeches by Isis and Nephtys on the ends (see B)) and may hold for the @-rndrtq-phrases in the pyramidion spells ((2-3), (6)).177 If this speculation is correct, it seems justified to conclude that all column texts had their roots in the Srlma'enn~c~chen.

nA$q

m

-

-

a-

aEjQ

3.3 The Exterior Decoration of the Lid. In contrast to the decoration of the sides, that of the lid was much less liable to change. T o begin with the technical side, lids are generally flat. Only towards the end of the period under study, the beginnings can be observed of a development of introducing other forms: lids in the form of the roof of a shrine or vaulted lids

(a).

M20, Aby l. Mazl. R2X. Rh. Da2-?C, G2. H a l , L1-5, M56. T3Be. T7C. Compare also the texts on T6C and TLOC. Properly speaking. only H a l , T3Bs and M56 fall within the scope of this study. The others represent types f; the S.I.P. l'' This would tit in agreeably with the occurrence of explicit references to priests and rituals i l l the additional text columns of RiI (see 3.2.4, n. 83). "6

172

O U TER DECORATCON

a),

The habit of applying a slight vault on the inside of the lid which occurs much earlier, may foreshadow this deve10pment.l~~ The layout, too, is very constant. In most cases, the only ornamentation consist of a decorative edge-line and a single band of ornamental hieroglyphs running from H to F (see fig. 17). It is again in later sources that some exceptions to this rule are found: lids with two, three, four or even five text registers (41, 42, 43, 44).179 The single line of decorative texts is almost invariably an offering formula mentioning Anubis P&x@d& Ty&I, "Lord of Sepa, foremost of the god's booth". Although the favours asked from him show a measure of variation, they are usually concerned with the deceased's happy passage to the Netherworld. The following is a brief survey of the phraseology of the "Bitten" following "An offering which the king and Anubis (etc.) give ...".

Fig. 17: Lid of BHl (40. 86J (Courtesy School of Archaeology and Oriental Studies, Liverpool) Lid in the form of a shrine-roof: TIBe: Vaulted lids: T6C. TIOC, T13C + T l C h (late M.K., see 2.6.5); Meir group E (Sesostris 11-111, see 2.3.9); M56: sarcophagus of Wahka I1 from Qdw (Amenemhat 111, see 2.4. l); Lisht and DahshGr (Williams. Serr~pis3 [1975-19761, 45-47; Lilyquist, Sarczpis 5 [1979], 27). For see e.g. tables 1-2. 4-6. and add T9. My statement that this phenomenon does not occur before the beginning of the XIIth Dynasty (JEOL 25 [19Si-19541, 1985. 88, n. 58) nlay be too categorical: cf. e.g. Akh9, Sq4Sq. BH2 and Beni Hasan group B; Meir groups D-E; Thebes group C (tables 4-6); Assiut: SI: QBw: sarcophagus of Wahka I1 (see 2.4.1). Most sources represent type VI. On the lid of BHIO. one tinds the rare depiction of a leopard's skin.

m,

3.3 EXTERI O R DECORATI ON O F THE LID

173

a) E 2 C 14 L (and variants), "May he be accompanied well by his ka" (86). This "Bitte" is characteristic for early coffins.leO b) P$ ? f ,if, :$(and variants). "May he proceed well on the good roads of the necropolis".181 Although this formula, too, is found in early sources. i t still occurs in the latest coffins from Bersheh and occasionally elsewhere.laz GiizTf& (and variants), "May he walk in peace on the c) beautiful roads of the West".la3 This "Bitte" is characteristic of the Teti Pyramid Cemetery, though i t rarely appears as well in other parts of Egypt.le" K(or (and variants) "(May he cause that) d) & D 8 32 you sail across the sky, that you are committed to the earth, that you rise up to the Great God, Lord of the West (many variants have: Lord of the sky)" (85).This text was introduced on coffins in Middle Egypt around the time of Amenemhat II.lsS In Assiut and further South, however, strongly similar formulae are known from as early as the XIth Dynasty.la6 Arguably, therefore. text d) was brought to Middle Egypt when the Thebans moved their court to Itji-tawi. At any rate, the earliest occurrence found north of Assiut originates from the Residence cemetery at el-Lisht and dates from the time of Amenemhat I or (more probably) Sesostris I (L2, see 2.4.6). In a recent study on the O.K. precursors of these texts, Lapp argued that they deal with the transport of the coffin to the tomb, and not with a journey through the netherworld. l a 7This view is probably largely correct for the O.K.. l e a The M.K. evidence, though, provides indications that the Egyptians of that time had more in mind. Text d) refers unambiguously to a journey to heaven. It is probably unnecessary to make a sharp distinction between the two journeys. As was seen in 3.2.4, the burial procession was symbolically compared with the navigation of the solar bark.

G

6

(z)&i.+e

z)

lBO Barta, OpJerJort>~el, Bitte 33. Beni Hasan and Meir groups A (types I. I1 and IX. see tables I and 45 under See also Akh5, M9, MI2, XIBas (type I): M13 (type 113); M4. M7 (type IIb); X3Bas (type IIIaa), G l b e , CG 28013 (deviant types). l B 1 Barta, OpferJormel, Bitte 38. Is' Beni Hasan: BHIBr (group B): Bersheh groups A-D (e.g. BIBo, B3C, BIOC. B3L); Meir group B (MIBe, M3-4C. M6C. M2OC); Saqqira: around the Pyramid of Teti (e.g. SqSC, Sq8C), Sedment: Sid3X, Sid4. Is' Barta. OpJerJorn~el.Bitte 12. ls4 Some instances: Sq3C. Sq5Sq. Sql Ch. Sq'X. AIC. l S 5 Barta, Opjertorniel, Bitten 29-31. Instances from Middle Egypt: subtype IIIaa: MIO: subtype IIIba: BIC (Bersheh group D); subtype IVaa: A b l , LI, Meir group C (see tables 4-5). M16. M18, R I X ; subtype IVbb: B16C (Bersheh group D); type V: Ab3-4, Sql7X, cf. G5: type VI: Beni Hasan B and Meir group D (see tables 1, 4-5). M I , Sq2C. sarcophagus of Wahka I1 from Q i w (see 2.4.1); type XIII: M6; type XIV: T3L (2.6.4) lB6 E.g. T3C, T P P l 8 27, cf. S18C. lS7 Lapp, Opjer~%ort~rc.l, 89-90. lSs But see Junker. Gizn 11. 57-59; VIII, 146.

a);

174

O U T E R D E C O R A TI O N

Hence, all these texts probably have the aim to ensure the deceased of a fitting journey to his tomb and through the Netherworld.lRg e) PT 9 638a-b = 9 1607a-b (cf. 3.2.3): "Your mother Nut spreads herself over you, she causes you to be a god without enemies" (90). This text occurred on FR in subtypes IIIaa and IIIba, but was ousted from there when the standard formulation was introduced. From then on, this text occasionally appears on the lid, sometimes even replacing the Anubis formula.lgO f) In some coffins, both formulae appear on the lid, occasionally in combination with yet other formulae. This tendency to multiply the number of texts on the lid is a corollary of the increase in number of the text registers which, as we have seen, only appears on late coffins. The additional texts can be of various kinds. Some present offering formulae invoking Geb, others are short religious spells concerning the celestial destiny of the deceased, and his protection by Nut. Tefnut, or other mothergoddesses. Since these texts are quite rare, and hardly follow a common pattern, I shall not discuss each of them separate1y.lg1 Some rare lid-texts have been omitted from this list.

l s 9 The brief examples cited for texts a). b) and c) have nothing celestial, but frequently, specifications to that effect are added (see Kees. Totetlglnlrben, 180-181; Barta, Opferfurrrrrl, 303 (Bltte 12). 306-307 (Bitten 29-31 and 33), 308 (Bitte 38)). Phrases of the kind llsted under d) refer to the sun's day-journey (Assmann, Llturgiscllr Lirdrr, 334). 190 Subtype IVaa: Ha1 (see 2.4.3). M15, SIX (or Vaa'?); IVab: B4L; IVba: M20: Type VI: Bl4C (see 2.2.7); Q i w , sarcophagus of Wahka I1 (see 2.4.1): SI and S3: Sq7C; TIBe. T3Be. N.B.: The fragmentary text of Sq7C as published in LSA 1,96, has to be corrected into ?&Z~Q etc.,, i.e. the end of PT 8 1607b. I 9 l Combined texts occur(red) on BHZ. M7C. MZNY, TI-3Be, and the sarcophagus of Wahka I1 at Q i ~ v(see 1.4.1), all of type VI.

B

4. TYPOLOGY AND CONCEPTUAL DEVELOPWIENT OF THE INNER DECORATION

4.1 General Characteristics of the Inner Decoration As compared with the outside, the ornamentation of the interior was far richer and extensive. More extensive, because large plain surfaces as found often on the outside (except in type VI) do not occur on the interior. Generally, the whole surface is covered with ornaments, paintings and inscriptions (except, of course, when the whole inside is plain). This decoration was sometimes painted directly on the wood, but more often there is a ground colour, which is usually white or yellow, and more rarely red.l The form of the inner surfaces usually differs from that of the outer sides in being slightly trapezoid, the thickness of the planks increasing from bottom to top.2 Another difference with the outside is the greater use made of polychromy, and the increased number of decoration elements. These are generally applied in superimposed horizontal segments, which latter are occasionally subdivided internally in superimposed registers. Except on FR, nothing comparable with the vertical ornamentation on the outside occurs. In a rough order from top to bottom, the following elements can be discerned: 1) ornamental frame; 2) ornamental hieroglyphs; 3) object frieze; 4) non-ornamental texts; 5) false doors and 6 ) offering tables. 1) The ornamental frame is a narrow band of geometrical and other ornaments which generally lines the rim and vertical edges of the sides (see e.g. fig. 18 and 4.3). 2) Ornamental hieroglyphs occur exclusively horizontally, in registers generally directly below the ornamental frame (see e.g. fig. IS). In contrast to those on the outside, the inner texts are, with but few exceptions, polychrome, and applied in paint only.3 Like on the outside, the texts run from H to F on the long sides and l At Bersheh, only a few colfins have a background colour either in- o r outside (B4C. B17C [yellow]; BI. B2 [white]). Red is very exceptional, being attested only o n some late sources which are also red outside (MSC. M42C1 M LLei). Apart from this, the presence o r absence of paint, and the colour chosen does not seem to be indicative of period or regional background. It should be borne in mind. though, that most source publications are quite inadequate on this point. This technical issue will not be pursued here. See, e.g., Schiifer. Priesrergruher, 22, fig. 18. 61a; RiyrleA and Memplris V1, 23 (60); Lapp, Surge, 9, l l. 13, pl. XIII, XXII. XXXIV,7, etc. In coffins from the Old Kingdom, interior texts are often engraved (e.g. Boston 13.3085. from Giza, unpublished), and the same habit is attested in a source from the F.I.P. (Sql3X). Monochron~esigns, usually blue, are likewise attested occasionally in early coffins (most of Beni Hasan group A. G I T . H a l ?Ha, some of Meir A [MSC. M56C. MIWar. MSWar], R2X, T3C; A I C [here white signs with black

INNER DECORATION

4.1 G E N E R A L CHARACTERISTICS

177

from FR to B on'the short ends (cf. 3.1 (I) and fig. l ) . 4 See 4.2 for the layout of these texts and 4.4.1-3 for their contents. 3) Directly below there is frequently a segment containing representations of objects for daily or ceremonial use, the so-called object frieze. See 4.5.1-7 and for layout 4.2. 4) Generally further below, a segment often appears which contains non-ornamental texts: CT and, on FR, the offering list.5 These texts are written in text columns containing small hieroglyphic6, cursive hieroglyphic or hieratic7 texts. The former are mostly in blue paint, the latter two in black and red ink.RA peculiarity of early coffins from Bersheh is to first write the hieratic text in the usual way, and subsequently incise the signs with a sharp object In our discussion of the ornamental hieroglyphs, we have become acquainted with the idea that texts on coffins had a fixed reading direction, both on the outside and the inside. The ornamental texts were drawn rather than written, and the artist could easily adapt his texts to these demands simply by reversing the characters. However, anyone who has tried to reverse his handwriting will easily understand that it is much less easy to change the orientation of this without affecting its fluency. Since the cursive and hieratic CT were subject to the same rules as the ornamental offering

'

lines]; Sid2-3X [black signs]), though there are also some instances from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty (i,n Meir group E). The rare exceptions only occur on H and/or F (AIC, AblLe, BIBo, M I N Y ? MSWar, RIX. Sid3X, SqlBe, Sq9C. Sq3Sq, SqlX. SqI2X). Unless there is a chance of confusion with the offering list (i.e. in discussions of F R ) or the PT, the non-ornamental texts will often be referred to as "CT". F o r the layout and execution of the nonornamental texts, see 4.2.1-5 and 4.6.2. In some coffins from Assiut, Akhmim and Gebelein not dealt with in this study (see 1.2). similar decoration appears on the outside. Also, the offering list may appear on B at Assiut. Rather accurately executed hieroglyphs, known since the late O.K. and early F.I.P. (e.g. D I C , Sql2X. Boston 13.3085), were still common in the type of coffins typical of Assiut (see. e.g.. Assio~rr.pl. XVII [SIP]). Comparable forms appear in some early sources from Bersheh (BIBo) and Meir (M18C. M23C, M5War. M7War [?l). Hieratic o r cursive hieroglyphic script appears at most sites. A few peculiarities merit to be singled out: I) hieratic script is common throughout the period investigated at Bersheh; 2) a t all other sites. hieratic is chiefly restricted to early sources, being the rule, for instance, in Xlth Dynasty coffins from Thebes and surroundings (AIC, G1Be. GI-2T, Thebes groups A and B). some early coffins from Meir (MSC, M24C, M27C, M34C, M1-2War) or Abusir (AblLe). In later coffins, the forms are rather more faithful to the hieroglyphic forms (e.g. AbylPh, LLNY, RIX, Thebes group C o r the large. crude hieroglyphs known from most coffins from Meir). The tendency is not absolute, however, for a n early coffin like BH3C already shows cursive hieroglyphic forms. Moreover, it is not always easy to decide whether a text is in cursive hieroglyphs or hieratic (e.g. H a l H a o r T2Be). Such problems preclude the possibility of using the script-argument as a reliable dating criterion. Blue signs (253) are common in Siut-type coffins, but also occur in early documents from Meir (see table 5). P This feature, suggested by Lacau to serve to enhance the durability of the text ( L S A I, 221). occurs in Bersheh groups A-C. In ;l discussion of the phenomenon in JEOL 25 (1983-1984). 94, I omitted to mention group C . The feature is rarely attested elsewhere. mostly in earlier documents ( D I C : a coffin from fragments of which MC105 was made; K H I K H , Sql3X; cf. also Roccati. OrAnr 13 [1974]. 162. n. 13).

178

INNER DECORATION

formulae, this posed a problem. On sides inscribed in the customary writing direction, i.e. from right to left, no special measures had to be taken. The solution adopted on the other sides was most simple: the order of the text columns was reversed, but the individual hieratic signs retained their normal orientation. In this retrograde writing, the signs hence do not face the beginning of the text, but "look" in the writing direction.1° 5 ) Since the end of the O.K.. a false door and two br~j3.t-eyeswere represented on FR opposite the face of the deceased.ll Such false doors are only rarely omitted, while it is most exceptional to find additional ones in other parts of the inner decoration.12 Cf. 4.6. l. 6) The term offering table is used here to designate a segment showing paintings, not only of offering tables proper, but also of heaps of offerings, and, rarely, representations of the deceased and/ or priests.13 The segment is situated on FR, to the right of the false door (if present). Cf. 4.6.1 and for layout 4.2. Each of these six "building blocks" can be analysed individually for the way in which it developed. The ornamental frame, for instance, has a number of variant forms (see fig. 22), and the same holds good for each of the other elements. A change of taste may have been involved here. The internal evolution of the segments must also have been subject to external factors, however. As an instance, one might refer to the extensive and varied object friezes of some sources from Bersheh, which could only be realized by adding extra frieze registers. The decision to do so was not made, of course, when the friezes were being painted. Rather, the artist commissioned to decorate a coffin had to determine his choice of decoration elements, and the amount of space allotted to them beforehand, when the layout of the sides was designed. Considering this priority of layout features, these will serve as the primary typological criterion for the inner decoration, just as happened in the case of the outer decoration.

l0 Possibly. the custom to write religious texts in retrograde script originated here (Fischer, Texres ei Lut~guges1, Le Caire. 1972, 22). Occasionally, the reading direction of (parts of) the CT diKers from the canonic one (on B: BH4C. B3C, B3-4L. SidlCam, SqIC. Sq3C, Sq6C. Sq5Sq. T2L; on F R in LZLi, Sq5Sq and T2Be. More commonly on the ends, particularly at Bersheh: H : BIBo, BSc, B9C. B13C, B34L. M I N Y ; F: BIC. B16C. B1-2P. BH3C, M7C, MINY. SIOC, SidlCam, Sid2-3X). l1 Such false doors made their first appearance as early as the late O.K. (e.g. Desl~~rsl~el~. pl. XXVII; Boston 13.3085; Sql?X). They are the precursors of the false doors introduced in a corresponding positlon on the outside in the course of the XIIth Dynasty (cf. ch. 3, n. 14: Borchardt, Z ~ 35S[1897]. 1171 18). " See below, n.20. 23 and 30. 'l For a typical instance, see fig. 18. Representations of human beings in the offering table are most comnlon (though st~llexceptional) in early coffins (AIC. BIBo, G I T , Ha[->Ha,T3C). but they also occur in T3L (see 2.6.5). One may also compare the scenes in the tombs at Kdrn Fakhry near Mit Rahina. which are wholly exceptional (see Lilyqu~st.JARCE l l [1974], 27-30 and pl. 11-111).

4

zI

L A Y O U T A N D TY P O L O G Y

179

4.2.1 The Layout and Typology of the Inner Sides One of the basic decisions to be made by the artist was the selection of decoration elements. The frequency table (table 11) indicates how often these elements occur on each of the four sides. It appears that some are almost universally present: the ornamental frame (not listed separately in the table). the ornamental hieroglyphs and the false door on FR. Non-ornamental texts (CT, PT and/or offering lists) too are represented in the bulk of the sources. Apparently, these features were considered to be of such importance that only a limited degree of variation was possible. Their presence is thus not very helpful in distinguishing types. The same holds for their spatial distribution, for as fig. 19-21 show, the ornamental texts always14 figure at the top of the side, below the ornamental frame, the object frieze below this1', and the false door near the head-ends on FR.16 Other figures in table I I , however, are much lower. This suggests a significant degree of variation, and enables one to discern fairly extensive groups of sources which are marked off by the presence or absence of certain features. The number of object friezes on FR is most conspicuous in this regard, for on a total of 110 FR-sides investigated1', this frieze is present in 45 cases only. Hence, two large groups can be distinguished, one consisting of coffins without, the other of coffins with FR frieze. We shall see below that this difference is chronologically significant. Moreover, the presence or absence of a FR frieze entails other typological differencesls, which makes it a powerful typological criterion. We will therefore discern two main types: one in which the FR-frieze is lacking (type l) and one in which it is present (type 2).

l4 In one coffin from Beni Hasan (BH2C - cf. Garstang, BC, fig. 70), the ornamental hieroglyphs appear above the ornamental frame. Some other coffins dispense with ornamental texts altogether. Most of these (Ab3X, GIBe, HaIX, M44C: M47C. M57C. SqSSq, X1Bas) either belong to one of the exceptional categories discussed in 4.2.5, or are damaged. Only few "normal" coffins omit the texts (BH3C [subtype Ib]; Ha2X [type 21). Many coffins from D a h s h k (Dal-ZC, Da2-4X) d o not contain normal ornamental formulae, but the CT are written in lines of hieroglyphs of ornamental size. l' For other arrangements, see n. 19-20. l6 The false door may vary in height, the measure of variation being indicated in fig. 21 by a dotted line. Most of these variations are too irregular to be typologically significant. Note, however, that false doors occupying the full height of the side below the ornamental frame only appear around Memphis, and in particular in the Teti Pyramid Cemeteries (Ab?Le. SqlBe, Sq2-6C, Sq8C, Sq9-13C, SqlCh. Sq3Sq, Sq6Sq. Sq9Sq, Sq l-?X). Rarely (though fairly often a t Thebes). the false door on F R is omitted (Hal-2Ha [comparable with subtype In]; Sid2-3X. TJBe, T9C [subtype la]; TT3LI [subtype Ib]; T3Be [type 21; Ab3X, Dal-?C, Da7-4X. HalX. Sq5Sq. Sql3X [other patterns]). For exceptional cases where the false door also appears on H. F or B, see n. 70. 23. 30. 'l Only sides of which enough remains to reconstruct the layout have been used in compiling the table. l8 In the terminology introduced in 1.4. end. the distribution of the object frieze can be considered a primary attribute, and the layout elements dependent on this as secondary attributes.

TABLE l I : FREQUENCY TABLE O F THE OCCURRENCE O F DECORATIVE ELEMENTS O F THE INNER 1)ECORATION element tyre IiEAD

orn. text

ohj. frieze

l : a b 2 vsr. 2 1 1 36 33 9

I: a b 2 var. 1 1 1 37 35 7

CT I: a b 2 var. 1 4 18 42 10

91

91

75

false door

I: a

b

2 var.

offering table

I: a

b

2 var.

offering list

l: a

b

2 var.

sum of sources 96

FOOT g.1.

BACK g.1.

FRONT g.t. The table lists the occurrence frequency of the main decorarative elements (ornamental texts, ob.ject friezes, CT, false doors, oKtring tables and omering lists on H. F, B and FR respectively. The grand totals (g.t.) indicate the total number of attestations. The grand tot;~lsare the sums of the subtolals indic;~tedabove the lines, distinction being made in the latter between the kinds of inner dccoration (sub)types. The sums in the right-hand column indicate the size of the samples. Thus. on a total of 96 head-ends, 91 have orniunental texts. Of these, 2 belongs to type I colfins (undetermined subtypes), I I to subtype l a ; 36 to subtype Ib; 33 to rype I and 9 ro other patterns.

4.2.2 I N N E R DE C O R A TI O N TYPE I

18 1

4.2.2 Inner Decoration Type I : No Object Frieze on FR (10 1 - 102. 105- 106) In this type, no object frieze occurs on FR. The coffins in which this is observable can be subdivided further depending on the position of object-friezes on the other sides. Four subtypes can be distinguished in this way:

Subtype l a : an object frieze appears on H and B only

(m)

Figs 19-21 give an impression of the variations in appearance of H and F, B and FR respectively, each variation being indicated by a code (e.g. H 1 in fig. 19). I t was remarked in 4.1 that the decoration elements, with the exception of those on FR. are most commonly arranged in horizontal, superimposed segments. In subtype la coffins, the uppermost segment of H and B usually contains ornamental texts. The space below that can be occupied exclusively by afrisr d'objrfs (H2, B I in fig. 19 and 20), but i t is more common to find an additional segment of CT below the frieze (H3, B2).19 On F, the object frieze is omitted in this subtype, usually giving rise to pattern FI.20 On FR, the possibilities are more varied. The simplest decoration, which is restricted to a band of ornamental texts on top and non-ornamental texts below, occurs on some coffins from Sedment and Thebes (FR l). Some other coffins, more in accordance with the usual M.K. pattern, add a false door near the head-end (FR2). A further typical feature of this side, the offering table to the right of the false door, is added in only a few la coffins (FR3, FR6).21 For the date, see 4.2.3.

Subtype lb: an object frieze occurs on H, F, and B

(m)

By the inclusion of an object frieze on F, the decoration of this end was brought in line with that of H. Hence, coffins where the head-end is only decorated with ornamental texts and an object frieze (H2) show the same pattern on F (F2) and in case a segment with CT is added below, this happens on both ends at once (H3 = F3). On B, the two same arrangements are popular, as already in subtype l a (B1 and B2), and often, the layout of the three sides is entirely in agreement. This is not always the case, however, as an inspection of the sources quoted in figs. 19-21 would show. In most cases, the discord is caused by the occurrence of rather exceptional lD In B2Bo, the object frieze register on B appears below the CT. CT and frieze objects are distributed freely over the space below the ornamental hieroglyphs in H of the same coffin. Sq2OX. too. features C T below the frieze objects. l0 In some early coffins, the space below the ornamental hieroglyphs on F is occupied. not by CT. but by false doors - allowing the deceased to walk out? (Sql2X; Kamal. ASAE 13 [1914], 172: see already Drshashrh, pl. XXlX [dated tentatively to the late VIth Dynasty by Smith, Scrrlprlrrr. 2301). A coffin recently discovered in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery features a false door in the same position, but on the outside (el-Khouli. SSEAJ 1 L [198l], 91 and fig. 4). D I D and NeDIBo have a False door on H inside. It appears on the exterior of the same end in an early M.K. coffin from Akhmim (Magee. SSE,-!J 13 [1983], pl. XXXVII). Two sources from Harageh present the same space-division. but the square normally containing a painted false door is now occupied by a depiction of the deceased on a chair. He is facing a group of priests drawn in the offering table square (cf. n. 13).

"

I N N E R DECORATION

Fig. 19: The Layout of H and F The sketches depict the most important I;~youtpatterns on the ends. Each pattern is indicated by a code (e.g. HI for a design on the head-end or F2 for a design on F). In the source-list given below the figures, ollly those cofins of which the typology is clear have been included. HI, F1

FT,

c?

0 orn. text

r\
H3. F3

H4, F4

orn. text obj. frieze

object frieze

CT L

Sources: H1: Subtype lc: Sq6Sq; type 3: SqIOC, T2X; undetermined type: B7Bo H2: Subtype la: Sid2-3X, Sql2X; subtype lb: Abl-2Le. AbzX, BHIC, BHSC, SIOC, S14C. SqIBe. Sq9C, Sqll-13C, SqlCh. Sq3Sq, Sq2X; subtype Id: T T 3 l l ; type 2: M8C, M42C. MILei. R2X. T2L (N.B.: Ha2X is s~rnilar,but has no ornamental text register): deviant types: TIC, XZBas. H3: Type l: MIWar: subtype la: BIBo, B3Bo, B8Bo, B6C (?), T4Be. T2C, T9C, T I L ; subtype lb: B3C, BIY (subtype I b?), MIBe, M3C, M5-6C, M INY, M13War, RIX, SidlSid, Sq4Sq. TT240, TT3 19; type 2: BIC, B5C, B9-IOC, B15-17C, BI-4L, BI-2P, BHIBr, BH4C, BHILiv, LINY, MI-2C, M7C. MZNY, SqI-3C, TIBal, TI-3Be, T3L (?), TlLen. H4: Type 2: AIC, GIT, cf. T3C. F1: Subtype la: B2-4Bo, B6-8Bo, MC105, SidlCam, Sid2-3X, TJBe, T2C, T9C, TIL, TINY, TT319: HI-2Ha are similar to subtype l a ; in BIBo, the ornamental texts are omitted; in SqI2X. the CT have been replaced by a false door: subtype Ic: Sq6Sq; type 3: SqIOC. F2: Subtype lb: Same sources as H2; add S18C. SidlSid, SqIX. SqlOX; Sq8X (subtype Ib'?); subtype Id: TT31 1; type 2: BHIBr, BH4C (?), M8C, M42C, MILei, T2L; in Ha2X, the ornamental texts are absent. F3: Subtype Ib: B3-4C, B6C, BIY (subtype Ib?), MIBe. M3C, M5-6C, MINY. MI3War. RIX, Sq4Sq, TT240; type 2: BIC, B5C, B7C, B9-IOC, B13C, B15-17C, BI-4L. BI-2P, BH4C, BHILiv (?), LINY. Ml-2C, M7C, M2NY, Sql-3C, Sq6C. Sql8X, TIBal, TI-3Be, T3L, TILen. F4: Type 2: AlC, GIT, cf. T3C.

layout patterns on some sides. On the short ends, it is true, such deviations are uncommon22, but they d o occur with some frequency o n B. In these latter cases, the traditional horizontal segments of the side are intersected by vertical ones, comparable to the false doors and offering tables o n F R (B3-4). This parallellism with F R seems, in fact, to be more than coincidental, for in some cases, the layout of B and F R are almost mirror-images. Thus, some sources present a false door near the head-end of B, directly opposite the one on F R (B3).23 More frequently, though, 2 2 On the ends of BH3C. the top register exceptionally consists of an object frieze, followed by a CT segment and a second object frieze. In M47C. H and F contain an object frieze above and CT below. 2' This strange position is found at Saqqdra and in TT24O. a tomb chamber where strong influence from Saqqira is manifest (ch. 2, n. 216a). Perhaps. its origin must be sought in the decoration of burial chambers of the late O.K. (seen. 301. Apart from the instances cited in fig. 20, the false door probably also appears on B in Sql IX. for its discoverer noted that the corpse lay face west "opposite the painted false door" (Quibell, E s c n ~ Sc~qcl. ~. 1905-1906. 7).

183

4.2.: INNER DECORATION TYPE I

Fig. 20: The Layout of B The sketches depict the most importanl laqout patterns on B. Each pattern is indicated by a code (e.g. BI). In the source list given below, only coffins of which the typology is clear have been included.

-. ornamental texts

object

ornamental texts object Frieze

frieze CT

"

-

*

B4 ornamental texts

1

ornamental texts object liieze false CT

object CT

door

frieze 1)

F

-

i

B5

II

ornamental texts object CT

frieze

ornamental texts

false door

C

Sources: B l : Type l : Sql5X; subtype la: Sid3X. Sql2X; subtype lb: Abl-?Le, Ab2X, S14C. S18C, Sq9C, Sqll-13C, SqlCh, Sq3Sq. Sql-2X, Sq8X (subtype Ib?); subtype Ic: Sq6Sq; type 2: M8C. MJZC, R2X; in Ha2X, the ornamental texts are absent. B2: Type l : B12C. B3Y (?), M28C. M37C; subtype la: BIBo. B3-4Bo, SidlCam, SidZX, TJBe, T2C. T9C, TIL, TINY, TT319: Hal-2Ha are similar to subtype la (but H absent): in B2B0, the object frieze occurs below the CT: subtype Ib: B3-4C. B6C. BIY (?), BHSC, M3C, M6C, M13C, MINY, M13War, RIX, SIOC, SidlSid, Sq3Sq; type 2: BIC, B5C, B9-IOC, B13C. B16-17C, B20C, BI-4L. BI-2P, BHIBr, BH4C. BHILiv, LINY, MI-2C. M7C. M2NY, MlLei, SqI-2C. SqlSC, TIBal. T I - 3Be, T3C. T2-3L. TILen. B3: Subtype lb: TT240: type I (?): SqlOSq. B4: Type l: M IWar. Sq7X: subtype Ib: BHIC, MIBe, M4-5C, Sql Be. Sq4-5C; N.B.: BH3C is similar. but lacks the ornament;~ltexts. B5: Type 2: Sq3C. Sq6C. B6: Suhtype Ib: Sq4Sq; Type 2: AIC, G I T .

11

IKXER DECORATION

Fig. 21: The Layout of FR

The sketches depict the most important layout patterns on FR. Each pattern is indicated by a code (e.g. FRI). In the source-list given below, only sources of which the typology is clear have been ~ncluded.

FRI

,

FR2 ornamental texts

i

False non-ornamental texts

non-ornamental texts door

4

r

- -- ---- -

ornamental texts

ornamental texts offering table

false non-ornamental texts

non-ornamental texts door

-

I)

FR5

.- - - - - - - -

FR6

r

ornamental texts

ornamental texts

I

false

offering

non-ornamental texts

false

non-ornamental texts I

I --------l

door

door

table

table

-

--------

,.

offering

-

FR7 I

---- j

false

offering

door

table

ornamental texts object frieze

ornamental texts object frieze offering

non-ornamental texts *

door L

non-ornamental texts

4.2.2 INNER DECORATION TYPE I

F R9 false door

olTering table

FRlO

ornamental texts object frieze

ornamental texts

[

false

offering

object

ornamenta

non-ornamental texts

i

non-

door L

table

texts

frieze U

r

ornamental texts

-

non-ornamental texts

FRI: Subtype la: Sid2-3X, T4Be, T9C; type 3: T2X. FR2: Subtype la: B2-4Bo, BEBo, Sql2X. T2C. T I L ; subtype Ib: S18C, SidlSid, Sq9C: deviant type: TIC. FR3: Type l: B12C. B3Y (?), M1War; subtype l a : B6Bo. cf. BIBo; subtype lb: Abl-2Le. B3C, B6C. BIY (subtype Ib?), BHIC, M1 Be, M3-6C, M13C, M28C, M37C (?), MINY, RlX, SIOC, S14C, Sql Be, Sql l-IZC, Sq3-4Sq, SqI-2X, Sql IX, SqlCh. TT240; N.B.: BH3C omits ornamental texts. Some coffins add a second register of ornamental texts above the offering table and non-ornamental texts (MIWar [type I], MIBe, M13C, MZSC, M37C [?l, B3C, B6C [subtype Ib]); subtype lc: Sq6Sq; type 3: SqlOC. FR4: Subtype lb: BHSC. FRS: Subtype lb: Ab2X. Sq4-SC, Sql3C; subtype Id: TT31 1 (without false door); type 3: Sq8C. FR6: Type l: Sq7X; Hal-2Ha are similar to this subtype, though H is absent. Note that here, the false door square is occupied by a representation of the deceased, and the offering table square by depictions of priests. Subtype lb: B4C. FR7: Type 2: B13C, B16-17C, B2-4L. BHIBr, BH4C, BHILiv. L3Li. LINY, MI-2C. M7-8C, MILei, M2hY, Sql-2C. Sq7C. TIBe, T3C, T2-3L. N.B.: T3Be omits the false door. fvl42C. of which the description in LSA I, 122 K., is rather incomplete, may likewise belong here. FRS: Type 2: BIC, B5C, BY-IOC, BIL, BI-2P, TIBal, T2Be. N.B.: TlLen is similar, but here. the nonornamental texts (offering list) occur above the offering table. FR9: Type 2: Sq3C, Sq6C, Sq9Sq. FRIO: Type 2: R2X, Sql8X (perhaps without the non-ornamental texts; there is a lacuna at this point). N.B.: in Ha2X, ornamental and non-ornamental texts are absent. FRl1: Type 2: AIC, GIT.

186

INNER DECORATION

m,

a square near the head-end of B contains a frise d'objets (frieze rectangle, see fig. 20, B4). Finally, some differences with subtype la can be observed on FR. In the course of time, this side became the most intricately adorned of all, and the austere patterns FR 1 and 2 mentioned in our discussion of the former subtype have almost disappeared in lb. The offering table to the right of the false door is only rarely omitted, though i t still takes a number of variant forms (FR3-6). Instances are FR4 and 5, where the offerings have been arranged in a register above or below the nonornamental textsSz4 Subtype lc: an object frieze occurs on B only

m)

This rare pattern is found on Sq6Sq only. Subtype Id: an object frieze occurs on H and F

(m)

This pattern is exceptional, too. The only cases I know of are BH20x and TT31 I. 4.2.3 Origin and Evolution of Type 1 Coffins There is abundant evidence to show that type 1 is rooted in traditions of the O.K. and F.I.P., and is generally earlier than type 2. We can trace back the development of the inner decoration of coffins (and burial chambers) to instances like Idu's burial chamber at Giza, dating from the early VIth Dynasty. In this case, the only decoration consists of registers of ornamental hieroglyphs. Other monuments show an offering list and/or false door on FR, or some representations of unguent vases ' like these are not yet on H, the embryonal form of the object f r i e ~ e . ~Instances uniform. The excavations of JCquier around the pyramid of Pepi 11, however, brought to light tombs sharing a common type of decoration in the burial appartm e n t ~Similar . ~ ~ finds in other parts of the Memphite cemeteries, in Heliopolis, at Meir, or Dendera, testify to the nationwide popularity of this design.27 In these burial chambers, there are usually a register of ornamental hieroglyphs along the top of the sides, offering lists, false doors with n.d3.r-eyes, and on F R large

'* This arrangement is possibly a survival of similar patterns in O.K. burial chambers (see Macramallah, Le n~ccsfabaii'ldoul, Le Caire, 1935, pl. XXII, B; Jkquier, Tombea~x,fig. 81). Simpson, The rbiusfabns of Qar and Id~r.Boston, 1976. fig. 12; also fig. 9b; the sarcophagus published in Macramallah, Le hius~ab~z d'ldouf. Le Caire, 1935, pl. XXV - in this case, the walls of the burial chamber already show offering lists, offerings. etc. (see pl. XXII-XXIV); Junker, Giza IV, 43-96: Kamal, A S d E 13 (1914), 172-174; same, ASAE 15 (1915), 187-189 = v. Haarlem, JEOL 27 (l98 1-1982). 1983,29-32; Kamal. ASAE 15 (19 15), 25 1-257; Daressy, ASAE L6 ( 19 16). 197-198, 204. 208-209: Jequier, ASAE 35 (1935), 132-159. Still in the F.I.P. in. e.g., the decoration of B of Sql3X. or of Ab3X. F R (F.I.P.?). At the end of the F.I.P., an inner decoration consisting solely of ornamental texts still occurs (T3NY). Z 6 Jttquier. Tombea~r.~, passim. A F.I.P. or even early M.K. date for some of these tombs was sug~ested by Fischer (ZAS 90 [1963], 37), Jttquier (ASAE 35 [1935], 153-155) and Jeffreys (personal comn~.). '' E.g. D I D ; Mrir IV, pl. XVIII-XXI; Daressy, ASAE 16 (1916). 195-211.

4.2.3 E V O L U TI O N O F TYPE I C O FF I N S

187

amounts of o f e r i n g ~Also, . ~ ~ we regularly find object friezes on H, F and B. Despite the apparent correspondences with M.K. coffin decoration, however, these burial chambers cannot be credited with having been the direct precursors of the latter. Their object friezes do not resemble those of the later coffins at allz9. Moreover, false doors not only occur near the head-end of FR, but also in the middle of walls, or near the foot-end, or in the corresponding positions on B.30 A relationship is undeniable, but the decoration under discussion seems to represent a side-line of the development. Better candidates for ancestorship are found in a number of contemporary coffins and burial chambers. A few instances will suffice to illustrate this point. A VIth Dynasty coffin from Giza (Boston 13.3085, unpublished) shows patterns H2 and FR2, the other sides being decorated in a way unattested for the M.K.31 Some tomb chambers of the VIth Dynasty and F.I.P., found at Saqqira South, show layout pattern Bl.32 In the F.I.P., coffins with the same characteristics were made, both subtypes l a and l b being attested.33 In early sources like the ones just discussed, no C T are yet attested34, and the layout of their sides can generally be divided in two parts: a narrow register containing an ornamental inscription, and the rest of the side below, containing either an object frieze, or an offering list (on FR), and/or a false door (often on FR, rarely on F). The introduction of CT, chiefly a M.K. characteristic, led to space problems that were resolved in various ways. One alternative was to inscribe them on the lid and bottom, which, so far, had remained undecorated. This was an easy procedure, for no adjustment had to be made to the layout of the sides. More commonly, however, the CT were added in a register below the object frieze, leading to the threefold space-division of H3, F3, B2 and the one found in a number of In view of their position, there can be no doubt about the relationship between these representations of offerings and the M.K. offering tables on FR. However, the execution of the O.K. instances, showing long rows of baskets, etc., is very different from the ones on M.K. coffins. m The O.K. object friezes primarily depict jewellery, textiles and unguents, usually in blocks of similar objects, and in triple registers. Moreover, they are much less varied than those of the M.K. as the representations of the individual objects are often replaced by paintings of rows of containers for textiles and unguents. See the instances quoted in n. 25-27. In view of the popularity of these burial chambers in Saqqlra, it it interesting to note the fact that a number of M.K. coffins, primarily from the same area, likewise show a false door on B (Sq3C. Sq6C. SqlOSq, Sql l X [n. 231. TT240). and rarely (n. 20) on H and F. O.K. burial chambers from Giza are of a different type, cf. Junker, Giza IV, 43 ff.; VIII, 118; XI. 114 ff. J 1 Cf. the coffins of Idu, Meri-ib and Merit-ites, see Junker, Gizo VIII, 96-106, and refs.; Jequier, Tombearr.~,pl. XVII (note the absence of ornamental hieroglyphs on FR). H2 also in the coffin published by el-Khouli, 1.c. (cf. n. 20). A possible M.K. case: Sql7X. 3 2 Jequier, Tomhearts, fig. 140: same, De1t.r p~ramides. fig. 30 and p.40 (for the date [late VIth Dynasty], see Brovarski. in: ~MI.longesMokhrar I, Le Caire. 1985, 131-132); Maspero. Trois annies de fouilles, Le Caire, 1889, pl. I, Vll; Jtquier, A S A E 35 (1935). 135-136; cf. also Weill, Daro, Le Caire, 1958. pl. LXIX. la: Sql2X; Ib: SlXC, Deshusheh. pl. XXVIII (O.K.). 34 For cases allegedly dating from the O.K., see 5.2 (n. 20-21.23).

188

,

INNER DECORATI ON

sources on FR (see the beginning of 4.2.4). Although the twofold division is occasionally encountered throughout the M.K. on coffin ends, the threefold division prevailed now in most parts of Egypt on the other sides, and particularly on B. It is justified, therefore, to speak of an archaic layout pattern when referring to the former (H?, F2, BI), and of a modern pattern when referring to the latter design (H3, F3, B2). The degree in which one is justified to use this distinction as a dating criterion is a moot question, the solution of which depends on whether or not one is prepared to accept an early date for a number of sources.35 Regardless of this, however, it is clear that the distinction also has a geographical dimension. Coffins with an "archaic" decoration are dominant in the Memphite area and are likewise attested elsewhere in regions under Heracleopolitan dominion during the F.I.P.: Sedment, Riqqeh, Meir and Assiut (see fig. 19-21). This does not imply, of course, that these instances date from the Heracleopolitan Period only. In the case of the coffins from Riqqeh and Meir, this seems in fact a very implausible p ~ s s i b i l i t y Those . ~ ~ from Saqqlra and Sedment are generally cited among the earliest evidence for CTmanuscripts, dating allegedly from the F.I.P., but here, too, matters are less cut and dried (see 2.4.2 and 2.5). We shall return to this issue when the question of the origin of the CT will be discussed (5.2). For the time being, it can be concluded that the "archaic" design is primarily attested in type 1, but rarely in type 2 also (n. 36). It is chiefly known from the Memphite area. Subtypes l a and l b are already attested in coffins without CT from the late O.K. and F.I.P. (n. 33). Of both, the earliest clear instances with CT date from the early M.K.. Subtype la, however, seems to have fallen in disuse shortly after, while subtype l b survived somewhat longer. There are three large clusters of subtype la sources: XIth Dynasty coffins from the Mentuhotep cemetery at Thebes (group B); coffins of Bersheh group A from the late XIth or early XIIth Dynasty, and a group of sources from the area around Heracleopolis, of undetermined, though probably early date (see 2.6.3, 2.2.2 and 2.4.2).37 Subtype l b on the contrary is frequently attested. It is found in groups Bersheh AB, Beni Hasan A, Meir A-C, other Middle Egyptian sites and Memphis37a,and so can be stated to have had its greatest popularity in the first half of the period investigated. Although some of the instances from Meir (MIBe, M4C, MlNY) are probably not earlier than the reign of Amenemhat 11, such a late date seems 3 5 Contrary to Lapp. LA V, 431-432 (Lapp's Typ 3a) I am not convinced that archaizing sources such as Abl-ZLe, Sql3C. Sq2Sq and Sq6Sq are necessarily as early as the F.I.P. (see 2.5 and 5.2). M8C and M42C are certainly of an advanced XIIth Dynasty date (see 2.3.9). The same holds for R2X (see 2.4.4). 3' BI-4Bo, B6-YBo, SidICam, Sid2-3X, Sql2X. T4Be. T2C, T9C. T1 L. TINY, TT319; cf. Hal-2Ha. For a survey. see table 7. 3'" See tables 1-6 and AbI-2Le. Ab2X. RIX, SIOC. S14C. S18C. SidlSid. SqlBe. Sq9C. Sql I-13C, SqlCh, Sq3-4Sq, SqI-?X, Sq8X (?). SqlOX (?), TT240. For a survey, see table 7.

4.2.4 I N N E R DE C O R A TI O N TYPE 2

189

exceptional. The only other instance, which may be either subtype la or lb, is the archaizing B12C, from the time of Sesostris 11-111 (see 2.2.7). 4.2.4 Inner Decoration Type 2: object friezes on H, F, B and FR (104)

In coffins of type I, there is a certain lack of balance between H, F and B on the one hand and F R on the other in the omission of an object frieze on the latter side. The Egyptians themselves apparently experienced this as disharmony. This is made evident by the fact that the FR-decoration of many type I coffins, chiefly from Bersheh and Meir, includes a register directly opposite the B-frieze. A clear instance of this is layout pattern FR4 of fig. 21, where the offering table has been transformed into a register containing offerings mirroring the object frieze on B. Similarly, many sources of pattern FR3 have their ornamental text segment split in two: a top register spanning the whole length of the side, and a second band below, above the offering table and the non-ornamental texts.38 In yet other documents, the list of offerings forms a register above the CT.39 It was only a small step further to reserve this register, which was up till now variously occupied by ornamental hieroglyphs, an offering list or representations of offerings, for a fourth object frieze.40 FR7 is from now on the preeminent layout pattern on FR.41 On B, the customary pattern is still B2, and H3 and F3 remain the rule on the ends.42 The added space which had become available for the object frieze led to the introduction of new frieze objects, and, as we shall see below, to a fundamental change in character of this decorative element. Changes occurred in other parts of the decoration, too, for instance in the ornamental frame (see 4.3), in the contents of the offering formulae (see 4.4), in the disappearance of offering-lists in register-form (4.6.2), and elsewhere. Apparently, there was some form of long-distance contact between workshops, for coffins from all over Egypt testify to the introduction of the same set of innovat i o n ~ There . ~ ~ was, in other words, a nation-wide change in fashion in coffin

See fig. 21, FR3, N.B. For instances, see e.g. LSA 11, pl. XXVI, XXIX. These designs will be discussed in 4.6.2 (fig. 29). 4 0 Note the typical Siutian designs featuring a n object frieze o n FR, but none o n B (discussed briefly by Lapp, L A V, 432). 4 1 According to LSA I, 124-125, F R of M42C consists of ornamental hieroglyphs and a n object frieze only. In view of the unreliability of Lacau's description of this source (e.g. the reversal of H and F), it is s design really occurs. For designs other than FR7, see fig. 21. doubtful whether t h ~ exceptional Not unfrequently, the C T on H and F are restricted to some very short columns only (BHIBr, BH4C. BHILiv, M I C , M7C. M6War) o r omitted altogether (H2, F2). T2Be features pattern H3, but with some frieze objects added among the CT. 4 3 The lid of these coffins frequently contains CT spell 335 (244); the bottom ferryman spells enframed within lines representing watercourses (146); the ornamental frame often contains the leopard-skin B-frieze ,type c and FR-frieze ornament of fig. 22d (1541; H-frieze type c (1651, F-frieze type f (l type a (206) (cf. 4.5.3-7). These innovations are characteristic of coffin groups Beni Hasan B, Meir C 9 '

190

I N N E R DECOR~ATION

decoration, a fact which stands out in marked contrast to the manifold regional differences in type I sources. This national style is not found in all type 2 coffins. At Bersheh, for instance, an independent decoration was developed, for the inside just like for the outside. Many sources from this site feature layout pattern FR844, where the offering table is contained within a very small rectangle only The offering list, if at all present, is tucked away in the small space below this. For the rest, the lay-out is rather conventional, but many details of the decoration are peculiar to the site.45 A small group of monuments from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery is much more unconventional. On B, they feature a false door near the head-end and an objectfrieze rectangle (110) to the left of this (pattern B5), while their FR object frieze consists of a very short register near the foot-end only (109,see fig. 21, FR9).46 Very irregular patterns, finally, occur in a group of South-Egyptian coffins of the late F.I.P. (H4, F4, B6 and FRI 147),and rarely in later sources.47a Date: The earliest type 2 documentation is found in a small group of coffins from the area between Aswan and Thebes from the time of Mentuhotep I1 (cf. n. 47). But these sources are so different from the rest of the M.K. evidence4s, that they should be considered in isolation from the mainstream of the development of the inner decoration of M.K. coffins. The rest of the material, however, is more or less coherent (even though the impact of regional style is sometimes clear enough49). The date of these sources indicates that the characteristic type 2 decoration was introduced approximately in the time of Amenemhat 1150, almost completely replacing type The date of the somewhat unusual cases from the Teti Pyramid area, which I discussed a moment ago, is not fully clear, although an early M.K. date seems preferable to their common attribution to the F.I.P.52

(m).

(M2C), Meir E (M7C, MJZC), Thebes C, Lisht (LINY), Saqqara (Sql-2C, Sq7C), although not all cofins feature a complete set of these characteristics. 4 J A comparable design is twice found at Thebes (cf. T2Be. TIBal). E.g. the sky-symbol in the ornamental frame see 4.3). some details of the ornamental texts (see 4.4.2), the arrangement of the object frieze (see 4.5.3-7). the occurrence of the Book of Two Ways on the bottom, the maps o f the field of Hetep o n F R U,see 4.6.2-3). The length of CT-columns in Bersheh coffins is generally longer than elsewhere. For the ~ndividualBershch-style on the outside. cf. 3.2.3 (subtype IIIaa and IIIba) and 3.2.4 (subtype IVab and IVbb). 4 6 Sq6C has a peculiar layout on H also. It is based on design H3, but on the left, the CT are cut through by the object frieze. 4 ' AIC. G I T . T3C belongs to the same group (see 2.6.2), but has a more regular layout on the long sides. Ha2X, LI-ZLi. 4 8 Cf. for this group of coffins GM 67 (1983). 80-91 and 2.6.2. J9 Cf. e.g. n. 44-46 and the accon~panyingdiscuss~on. 5 0 Groups Bersheh C-E; Beni Hasan B; Meir C-E. Thebes C and TIBdl, T2-3L and TlLen (see tables 1-2; 4-6); Sql-2C, Sq7C, Sql lSq. Sql8X (see 2.5): L3L1. LINY. LLX (see 2.4.6), R2X. SlhIal. S I X (2.4.5). Ha2X (see 2.4.3). AbylPh. Exceptions are the type 1 coffins B12C (dating from the time of Sesostr~s[L-L11 [cf. 2.2.7 and 3.2.11. MIBe, M4C and M l N Y [dating from the time of Amenemhat 11, cf. 2.3.6-71). S Z Sq3C. Sq6C, Sq9Sq (see 2.5 < A > ).

(m,

191

4.3 O RN A MENT A L F R A M E

4.2.5 Inner Decoration Type 3 and Other Exceptional Designs

(m)

This discussion of the layout cannot be colnplete without making reference to a number of sources displaying no object frieze on the inside at all type 3 coffins. The main element of their decoration is CT. In a number of sources, this is even the only decoration, though a small false door on FR and/ or ornamental texts may be added. The pattern is exceptional, but occurs now and then throughout Egypt from the beginning to the end of the period studied here.53 In the late XIIth Dynasty princesses' tombs at Dahshur, however, this pattern is popular.54 Early coffins with a deviant design are G I Be and TIC.

(m):

4.3 The Ornamental Frame (l 50- 155) The ornamental frame shows a gradual development, which makes it a useful dating criterion. Three main elements are discernible in the frame, which may or may not appear in combination: a) a band of red, blue, green and yellow blocks (see, e.g., fig. 18); b) an ornament resembling a white chain against a dark background (see fig. 18 and 22) and c) other ornaments. The block-band is found on most M.K. coffins. In its best attested form, it surrounds the decoration on the sides, except along the bottom. It does not appear to be restricted to any particular period. In a few, mostly early s5, cases, it is only found along the top of the sides, the vertical demarcation being restricted to a thin line (U). This design is occasionally restricted to the short ends.56 Even rarer is the reverse combination, in which a block band only lines the vertical edges.s7 The chain ornament (see fig. 22), is attested as early as the Archaic Period in drawings probably representing richly decorated tents. In a recent study, van Walsem has put forward the convincing theory that the "chain" is in fact a representation of the skin-pattern of a leopard's tail and back. This skin may have served as a symbol of authority, like in many African societies today.s8 By the late 5 3 Only CT: BHlOx (early M.K.), D l C (F.I.P.). G 2 T (?) (late F.1.P.- early M.K.), M22C (only B and F R preserved), Sq5Sq (early M.K.? - outside decoration type l), S8X (late M.K.), M44C? (only F preserved; outside features attribute state 2J - see also next note; with the addition of a small false door on F R (1301: M57C (cf. also the Siutian coffin S2C); same, with additional offering list: XIBas. Sq8C and SqlOC feature the whole range of normal decorative elements (ornamental texts, large-scale false doors, offering tables. CT). but no object frieze. DalC, Da2-4X. Note that here, the C T occupy several horizontal bands of ornamental hieroglyphs. These coffins represent Winlock's court type (see 1.2). It occurs in groups Beni Hasan A, Bersheh A and some early coffins of Meir group A (see tables I2. 4-5). Sq7X. XIBas. Some cases. though, are o f the middle of the XIIth Dynasty (BH4C. BH2Liv). 5 6 B3Bo, XlBas, B6Bo andlor B7Bo. The only coffins where this phenomenon appears on all four sides are M I War and BH IC. Of Sq7X, only B and F R are preserved. XI Bss. B and FR. v. Walsem, lecture held at the Meeting o f Dutch-Speaking Egyptologists. Leiden. 24th May. 1986. For a discussion, see Vandier. ~ C l u t ~ ~IV, r e l 44-45.

192

I N N E R DE CO R A T I O N

a

b

C

d

Fig. 22: Vertical Demarcations in the Ornamental Frame (a-b: 152:c: l53;d :

O.K., it had become common in other contexts as well, e.g. in the vertical edges of the walls of burial ~ h a m b e r s . ' ~It" is still found in this position in the early M.K..59 However, whereas it has its traditional form in documents from southern Upper Egypt, it does not appear as such in early coffins from Middle Egypt and the area further north. Here, it went through three, presumably successive, stages (see fig. 22), thus providing a n important dating criterion. These chronological matters will be discussed further below. In its simplest form, it only consists of a column of black60, eccentrically oriented semicircles (see fig. 22a-b; A small number of sources present a double column (fig. 22c; T h e two forms are often executed in a rather clumsy manner, the semicircles being of varying size and spaced irregularly. Although these two forms only faintly resemble the leopard-skin ornament proper (see fig. 22d; U),it seems certain that the Egyptians considered them variants. This is at least suggested by the lower ends of the columns. In M, one finds a number of downward pointed, parabolic strokes. In 153 and perhaps in m 6 1 , something comparable is found, although the strokes are in these cases only slightly curved. seem to be characteristic of the early XIIth Dynasty. The rare forms 152 and 152 appears o n documents of the time of Amenemhat I, or only slightly earlier o r

m.

m).

E.g. T P C 11. pl. V. ,\/eir IV, pl. XVIII-XIX (O.K.), D I D (F.I.P.), TT31 1 (XIth Dyn.). cf. burial chambers DIC. TIC. "O Probably so, but I have not been able to check the colour in all cases. and a few instances show different coloration (see, e.g., Terrace. Egyprinn Pninrir~gs,pl. I1 [in false door ol' BIBo]; SqSX). 6 1 Sq3C? (see fig. 22b). 59

4.4.1 ORNAIMENTALH I ER O G L Y PHI C TEXT S

193

later.6z153 is known from sources probably dating from the time of Amenemhat I being used in the and Sesostris I.63 The first Middle Egyptian instances of ornamental frame date approximately from the time of Amenemhat From then on, 154 became very popular, particularly at Bersheh. An important dating-criterion, found exclusively at the same site. is the inclusion, in the ornamental frame, of a sky-symbol (155). It occurs directly below the blockband, in the horizontal segment containing the ornamental hieroglyphs. The purpose of this element is clear. It symbolizes that the upper sides of the coffin represents heavenly spheres. We have already encountered the same conception in our discussion of the outside and will hear more about it when discussing the character of the CT on the lid (which often have some bearing on the sky) or the star-clocks occasionally found in the same position. Occurring with great consistency in Bersheh groups C-E, the sky-ornament must date from the time of Amenemhat I1 to Sesostris 111 (see 2.2.4-6).65 Other ornamental demarcations appear to be of little interest for dating, and will be left out of c ~ n s i d e r a t i o n . ~ ~

4.4.1 The Ornamental Hieroglyphic Texts The preceding pages have acquainted us with a number of typological features which are mainly of chronological interest. In the next sections, some more dating criteria will pass in review, but the inscriptions and paintings on the inside will at the same time allow us to gain a better insight in the philosophy underlying this part of the decoration. Our present concern is the ornamental texts occupying the uppermost segment of each of the four sides. They form the pendant of the horizontal inscriptions on the outside. In the various sections of chapter 3 it appeared that these latter texts are, with but few exceptions, restricted to an Anubis formula on B, asking for a "good burial in the west", and an Osiris formula on FR, in which an invocation offering or other offerings are asked for (see primarily 3.2.1). On the ends, we met brief stereotyped formulae invoking either male or female divinities (chiefly Anubis and 6 2 Often in Beni Hasan group A (see table I). The cases from Saqqdra are probably early M.K. (SqlBe. Sq3-4C, Sq9-IOC; see 2.5). Beni Hasan group A (see Garstang. BC, fig. 70 [BHZC]). Meir group B (M3C). Saqqira (Sq6C. SqlCh [?l, Sq9Sq [outer cotlin of Sq3C, which features (?)l, Sq8X). Groups Beni Hasan B, Bersheh C-E, Meir C-E. Thebes C and TIBal. T2-3L (see tables I-? and 4-6). Sql-?C, Sq7C, Abl-ZLe, Ab2X (date of these five coffins: see 2.5); R2X (see 2.4.4): S8X (see ch. 2. n.204a). LSNY. It rarely appears in double columns (BIOC. B17C. MINY). 6 5 See for 155:table 2. An instance is shown in fig 18. Here one could think of the borderlines separating the various decorat~veelements. There is a tendency towards growlng intricacy here. Simple black lines (150)are usually found in early coffins like BH3C (Beni Hasan group A ) ; double coloured bands, e.g.. in BlBo (Bersheh group A): more bands in BIC (Bersheh group D) or MlBe (a late cotlin of Meir group B) (cf. also 222, see ch 2, n. 105. 109).

194

I N N E R DE CO R A TI O N

Osiris or Isis and Nephtys). Although the same formulae now and then show up on the inside, the correspondence is much less strict than might perhaps be expected. There are a large number of alternatives. some of which are clearly the products o f fashion. There are also some locally specific formulae. A homogeneous group of the latter kind is formed by material from the area between Bersheh and Assiut, which will therefore be discussed separately (4.4.2). The rest forms the subject o f 4.4.3. 4.4.2 The Ornamental Texts at Bersheh, Meir and Assiut (232, 234. 238)

A few pages back, I pointed out that variations in layout often influenced the execution of individual parts of the decoration. As regards the ornamental hieroglyphs, this is certainly true for sources from Bersheh and Meir and an occasional parallel from Assiut. They regularly feature the peculiarity of splitting the ornamental hieroglyph segment into two, occasionally even three, superimposed registers (1 17-121). More space was thus created for texts, and this led to the introduction of new formulae. As shown in table 12, the number of sources with multiple registers is not very impressive, but it must be stressed that once an ogering formula had been introduced there, it could also find its way to single-register texts. The table indicates that late (type 2) coffins with multiple registers are attested only TABLE 12: DISTRIBUTION OF MULTIPLE REGISTERS OVER THE SIDES attr. state 117H F B FR 118H F 119 F R 120 -B F R 121 H F F R -

Bersheh type 1 groups B-C B6C BI2C < B6Bo and/or B7Bo > -

type 2 B1 6C BIP B2P

-

-

-

B4L

-

Meir type 1 M1Be < M 4 C > M5C < M I W a r > <M13War> M28C M37C M l N Y < M4C> M6C

type 2

-

-

-.

N.B.: < > indicates plausible. but uncertain, cases. Damaged are: B2Y (FR). B3Y (B, FR), MJAnn. Due to its individual style. BlBo is hard to classify. Isolated Siutian instances of 117 are SlOC and S14C (type I). A double register on B only in AIC.

rarely. Moreover, they usually present the commoner ornamental texts to be discussed in 4.4.3, and lack the characteristic formulae of their precursors. The texts in these early coffins are rather different in character. On the long sides, it is true, the uppermost registers still consist of offering formulae, but below that, there occurs a divine speech of Ceb or Nut, introduced by the words
"'In some coffins. the additional register(s) simply continue the offering formula of register 1. This occurs in BIBo and MJAnn. which feature a long version of PT 1615 K,in AIC. where Bitte 30 a t the end of the first register is pursued by Bitten 51. 12, 59 in the second, and in M1 War (cf. n. 72). Occasion~11ycombined with a pri.1 brn. forrnula on H (B6Bo).

196

I N N E R DE C O R A TI O N

are special texts for FR and B. The former generally consists of a speech of Geb, D> , who addresses the deceased as his son: (3) j74-j- $3 $'g g 4 3 ~"Speaking , words by Geb: "N is my son, N is my heir, I have given to him ability on earth and strength in the sky like Re every day, the revered N" (B9C).77Few sources add a second divine speech, in which Nut addresses the -2 =, deceased/Osiris: (4) $: 0' N 4)2/S,? , -1 &, O N /lj-,?!?% , N (B3C), "Speaking words by Nut in front of Osiris N: "Your voice is justified, it78 being erect at your front like Re<'s> daily. N, his (lit. "her") voice is certainly justified with Osiris. the revered N". The purport of these words is rather general, dealing with some well-known religious conceptions. The deceased is identified with Osiris, and is addressed by his parents Geb and Nut, who call him their heir ((3)). He is, moreover, justified before the divine tribunal (m3' l ~ r k v ~ ~ ) . The same ideas are represented in the texts on B, but the Western orientation of this side involved a rather different bias. The most popular formula reads: (5)

,z

-YAk?

mg

?a

q$>&,!i

g43g 4)

.I

EIFJJ~?JoBN .Z44?iB~,$27?J %~?5:59I~&Z924=4Y&44a

"Speaking words by Geb: "0 < my > son N, o < my > beloved N, heir and ruler of the West, the desert has put her arms around you in the necropolis near the Great God, Lord of Heaven, revered N"" (B3C).80A variant, which is added below this in B3C and B6C, identifies the goddess with Nut: (6) n-7 -e!= 3=" N -+=,~l~L'9!~ 24 & 4 4 , , ~ ,"Speaking words by the great god to Nut: "May your arms be around your son Osiris N. May you unite his bones. May you make to flourish (sit.3d?) his limbs in his house of eternity, the revered N"" (B3C).B1 The column texts on the outside were seen to deal mainly with the accession of the deceased as king of the Beyond and the rituals associated with the attainment of this object. In the formulae which are our present concern, the same issues are at stake, though less stress is laid on the heavenly journey of the deceased (see however 3)). These texts are exclusively attested in additional text registers below the offering

f$.Jz

~!&",'z%gl

igjy)

B3-4C. B6C, B9-IOC, B12C. B15C. perhaps BLY, B3Y (groups A-C). Many coffins replace h r . by mr.y and the terms for "heaven" and "earth" often change places. In B6C, the suffix =jis replaced by =k, so that p n is here rather the deictic pronoun with vocative force than the copula. In later coffins from Bersheh (group D), the second half of the text was embedded in the offering formula on B (B13C. B17C. B4L: Barta, OpJerjor.n~rl. Bitte 7). l 8 A reference to the feather on Osiris' head, which appears in a similar context in CT I, 26b [X], 29c [9], 202b [45]? The phrase occurs in B3C and B6C. P' See for this term. Grieshammer, Jenseirsgerichr, 38-13, passim. B3-1C. B6C. B12C (Bersheh groups A. B. D). For the rendering as a vocative, cf n. 77. 8 1 The same idea is expressed slightly differently in B9C ("Speaking words by Thot: "I hive placed for you your mother Nut behind you. Her back carries you as a (W6 111, 95, 13. Miinster. Isis, n.2051, Grist, JE,4 71 [1985], 74, references due to Prof. Borghouts)"") and BlOC ("Speaking words by Nut: '.Your own mother, she is your protection in the necropolis; her arms are around you as a i&J").

!,&,K3

, '

, '

. , ,.

1 ; '

4.4.2 O R N A M E N T A L T EX T S A T BERSHEH. ETC. 195 The contents of H and F accords, in most cases a t leasP9, with the column texts on the outside in subtype IIIaa (see 3.2.3) and can be explained a c ~ o r d i n g l y . ~ ~ The dd mdw texts on the long sides in material from Meir are very consistent. The FR text is clearly a derival of PT 9 1615a-b: (l)

g"

%E$k?o>Td

P?=&= z$JJ

OW4E:B

N, "Speaking words by Nut: "Shu is Osiris this N, the heart of your mother Nut quivers over you in your name of Geb N" (M6C).71 On the opposite side, one finds a formula which is a garbled version of PT S 783a-b: E444."Speaking words 1%: (2) jzg by Nut: "Geb has united the whole earth for you in every place of this earth by the hand of Geb, prince of the gods" ( M 1 Be).72 Both texts are extracts of a larger whole. Since some coffins present more o r less complete versions of these73, it is probable that the short renderings are due simply to lack of space. With the added information obtained from the more extensive sources, one can attempt to explain the first formula. The mythical allusion to "your mother" is not clear a t all, for the text not only identifies the deceased with Nut's son Osiris, but also with her husband G e b and her father Shu. The uncorrupted O.K. version, however, deals with Geb as successor of Atum and foremost of the gods.74The deceased is explicitly identified with Geb, so the same role is claimed for him. According to Sainte Fare Garnot, the second formula is most obscure, and was only dimly understood even by the Egyptians. H e tentatively explains the text a s referring to the union (sm3) of G e b and Nut (to whom the 2nd person suffix still referred in the O.K.). However, the surrounding Nut-texts in the PT stress her power and even give her a monarchal status. Sethe believes that such a political, rather than sexual, meaning may also be inherent in the expression "to unite the whole earth".75 The issue remains unsettled, and in my translation I follow the second alternative mainly because this option seems to profile the deceased as a ruler, which accords well with his position in the text on the opposite side. At Bersheh, the formulae are spoken by Geb rather than Here, too, there

mz

q . PT-f 5-+

c

$-dJzZ A4

$13

69 Exceptions: instead of Nut, the speaker in B6C, F, is Anubis, addressing Osiris; On the same end. B6Bo and B7Bo have the follotving text: D4524 ~ l ~ $ ) ~ ~ " $ z'jz5'7Q-X. &~lf "Speaking words by the great god: "I am a god. a ruler whose arms are mighty and whose heart is strong. Sia has taken thes$ad-a.b~!. so that it might be given to N.'"(?). Finally, BI-2Bo. M l W a r and SIOC have CT spell 925 on H. On F. the latter coffin reads NN "The production of the two granaries for N" (cf. Fischer, JrlRCE 13 [1976]. 13). Note that some coffins. where these formulae are not represented among the ornamental hieroglyphs, feature the same texts in cursive writing within the mitres (e.g. SqlOX. see TPC, 232; cf. M53C). 71 In accordance with the PT, the speaker is Geb according to MSC, SIOC and SL-IC. The Siut coffins feature this formula on B. For the tendency in Siutian coffins to reverse decoration elements on B and FR. cf. Lapp, LA V, 432. 7 Z M l W a r has a longer version spanning PT S782e-785. Cf. SIOC. FR. 73 BIBo, M4Ann. MIWar, SIOC, S14C. 7 + See Sainte Fare Garnot. L'konmrrrge airs ciie~r.\. soru i'At1cietr Etvpire, Paris. 1954, 21 1 E.. 227 f. 7 5 Sainte Fare Garnot, 0.c.. 243 Pi.. 246; Pyr.+bc.rs. 111. 439; Faulkner, Pyr.. 142. 6 ' Nut does occur in addition to Geb on FR in B3C and B6C (text (4)). On B. the same coffins mention Geb and tr!r '3. while B of B9C refers to Thot.

psz

4 4.2 ORNAMENTAL TEXTS AT R E R S H E H . ETC

197

formulae. The latter can also display a phraseology which is specific to the region between Bersheh and Assiut. both in single and multiple register texts. The usual FR text, an Osiris formula in which an invocation offering is asked for, is commonly replaced by a formula addressed to Thot. the "Two State Chapels" (itr.ty) and the Great Ennead which is in Heliopolis, who are asked to "perform rituals in accordance with this writing which Thot made for Osiris in the House of the GOCS BOO^" ((7) L& 2 (S14C)).s2 In a penetrating study, Schott was able to show that "this writing" is probably identical with the offering list represented directly below the offering formula in most coffins - an observation which explains the position of text 7 on FR. He also pointed out that the s17lr.t-sanctuary - a synonym of irr.ry contained a library (pr n143.t) as mentioned in our formula, and that these State Chapels, being represented in the offering rooms of O.K. pyramid temples, have an evident relationship with the offering ritual. Hence, text 7 deals with the performance for Osiris - the deceased - of an offering ritual by Thot, the divine embodiment of the ceremonial priest, and the gods associated with the offering ritual of O.K. kings.s3 The royal aspect just alluded to is mentioned only casually in Schott's studys", although the bulk of his evidence has a royal background. Elsewhere, Thot. the two State Chapels and the Ennead figure jointly in texts where Osiris is justified (m3'4-1r.) against his enemies before the divine tribunal and, in consequence of this, becomes king of the Beyond after being dressed in the attire of kingship.85 The performance of rituals and the presentation of offerings are mentioned in this context as well. Finally, some of these activities (the divine judgement, cf. 3.2.4) took place in the eastern sky at sunrise, doubtless because they are intimately associated . ~ ~ latter may well be significant, for text 7 always appears on with r e s u r r e c t i ~ nThe the eastern side of the coffin. I tentatively propose that such royal ideas played some part in the replacement of the usual Osiris-formula on FR by text 7. Indeed, many of the keywords in my argumentation recur in the
JzQ&Q+a %&4

P Z fiFJ? 4

Barta, Opferformel, Bitte 15 (p. 304). Note that the replacement of the Osiris formula is often only partial. His name may precede that of Thot in test 7, and the plea for a ~ J . ~ . I - ! I I . I Vofl'ering is sometimes found among the "Bitten". In B16C and B4L, two late coffins with double ornamental text registers, and in SIJC, both the normal Osiris formula and text 7 are given (In B16C. the Bitte is

k : 4 2

73

-[l%,$i&,

Schott, ZAS 90 (1963), 103-1 10 (which article also contains a survey of the variant texts on the coffins). O. C.. 108. See particularly CT IV. 87-93 [313], which probably s t e m from ceremonies connected with the death of a king and the accession of the next (Faulkner. JE.4 58 (19721, 91, Altenmiiller. in: Osing and Dreyer, Fornr untl ibfoss. Wiesbaden, 1987. 1-17); CT I. 233-238 [51]; IV. CT spells 315. 337-339: VI. I56e-m [546]. Cf. 3.2.4, p.000. 86 OtTerings and rituals e.g. in CT IV, 89e-f; 97h-i. For the eastern orientation, see Grieshammer. o.c.. 79-90. Cf. also 3.1.4, 00.

198

I N N E R D E C O R A TI O N

justification (n13'hrw) is mentioned in text 4, and his rulership of the Netherworld is a feature repeatedly touched upon in the discussion of texts 1-6. If all this is correct, it seems justified to conclude that these ornamental texts form a coherent whole focusing on the deceased in the role of Osiris as king of the Netherworld. In view of the prominence of the cult of Thot in Hermopolis, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the impetus for the spread of text 7 came from Bersheh. Formula 7 is mainly attested in multiple register texts, and most popular before Sesostris 11-111, but these rules are not strict.87 Finally, coffins from Bersheh and Meir show some distinctive texts on B. At the former site, the god invoked is often Geb, who is asked for a "natron-chest", evidently in connection with the mummification of the deceased ((8) 1ZQsJjjJ O a - m R ,: ,"!+ ,f; etc. N, "An offering which the , ,L , king and Geb give to his (Geb's) son Osiris this N: making a natron chest for him and a funerary meal (etc.), the revered N" (B6C)).88The formula is not uncommon in Bersheh groups A-C, and thus occurs mainly in the first half of the period under study.89 For another B-text invoking Geb, see n. 76. In 3.2.1, we first encountered rare Anubis formulae on B containing a plea for an invocation offering. On the inside of some sources from Meir groups B-C (time of Amenemhat 11), this led to a further development: after the mention of the offering follow the names of some festivals, during which the offering should be presented AC4 q((9) 23% $ 3 4 C3 &Vf?%>IB III44& -s\3Aa4=4>!% N, "an offering which the king and Anubis give: an invocation offering at the month festival, the half-month festival, the New Year, the five epagomenal days, the msjl.t festval and the Wag festival for the revered N" (M3C).90

-5z3,

azQ47i-

-

5

* *

To summarize: The texts discussed above all have a bearing on closely related conceptions. The offering formulae deal with the performance for the deceased of certain rites. A recurrent theme is the presentation of offerings in connection with the mortuary cult (9) or during the burial proper (7-8). The mention of the natron chest (8) may moreover refer to activities in the place of embalmment. As we have already noted (see particularly 3.2.4), rituals are often described in purely mythological terms in 9690. 93-4C, B6C, 99-IOC, BISC, BIY, B3Y, MIBe, M4-6C. M28C, M37C, MLNY. MlWar (Bersheh groups A-C and Meir groups A-C); B16C and B2Y (Bersheh group D). It rarely appears in single register FR texts (B13C and B17C [Bersheh group D], M3C [bIeir group B] and MeslX). 8 8 Barta. Opj2rfbrnrel Bitte 81. I shall return to this forrnula in the discussion of the object frieze (4.5.1). Geb could also be replaced by. or joined to, the usual divinity on B. Anubis. 8 9 The formula once occurs in group D (BI1C). Occurrences: 93-4C, B6C, B9-IOC, BIlC, BISC, BIY. MeslX features the sarne Bitte in the Anubis formula. BIB0 and S14C have it in the Osiris forn~ula on FR. Barta, OpJerfornrel, Bitte 2 (see 2.3.4, No. 29). References: MIBe. MIC, M?-6C, M28C, M37C, MINY.

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199

Egyptian texts, the priests playing divine roles. As a result of this principle. the references to rituals in (8) and particularly (7) are veiled by mythological allusions. The entirely mythological divine speeches (1-6) likewise may actually be utterances recited by priests. In these utterances, it is stressed that the deceased is protected by his mother Nut and that his corpse is restored ((5-6). n. 8 I). She also proclaims his vindication (m3' [zrrr.) before the divine tribunal ((4), cf. (7)), a prerequisite for the deceased's appointment as ruler of the Netherworld (1-5). The same themes underly the rites in the place of embalmment in the night before the burial (see 3.2.4). In view of the explicit references to the mummification process in (6), it is not implausible that these rites are also referred to in the divine speeches. 4.4.3 Ornamental Texts Elsewhere (230, 231. 233, 234) The elaborate and original texts discussed above are particular to the area between Bersheh and Assiut, and even there they are found in part of the material only. Elsewhere, the variations between the text registers on out- and inside are rather restricted. On the ends, pri.t !zrrr.-formulae are even rarer than on the outside (cf. 3.2.1 and table S), though they still appear in some of the earliest sources (233, 234).91 It is more common to find im3b.y-phrases. Their development accords with that on the outside: early coffins invoke male funerary divinities like Osiris and Anubis in phrases like iin3h.y br Wsir/ 'Inpru, "the venerated one with Osiris/Anubis" These gods are replaced by Nephtys and Isis in later documents Occasionally, personal names are shortened or omitted94, while divine names are often suppressed in early sources.95 In the offering formulae on the long sides, the main development is the rise to prominence of Geb, but this did not affect the character of these texts. Despite occasional differences in formulation, the emphasis remained on invocation offerings (as o n the outside). T h e most common change is the replacement of Osiris in the FR-formula by $J &l&? "Geb who is in front of the corporation of the

91 pri.1 !~ncon . both ends (233): B2Bo. BbBo, T3C: on F only: no I-I-text: Hal-2Ha; pri.1 !lr\c on H. an in13!1.yphrase on F (occasionally preceded by rows of titles) (234): T4Be. T2C. T9C, TIL: !lcp di 11slr.r formula on H ; titles plus name on F: Sql2X. Sq13X (probably): !11ptiirlstr.r on H. formula invoking lsis and Nephtys on F: AIC, GIT. 9 2 See for the occurrence of 230. tables 1-2, 4-6. SqlBe. Sq3C. Sq6C. SqIZC. Sq3Sq. All are of the early types I, I1 or XII, with the exception o l M I N Y (IVaa). M2NY (VI) BH2Liv (cf. 2.1.4): Sq3Sq (a text column coffin from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery). 9 3 See for the occurrence of 23. tables 1-2.4-6. LINY. RIX (2.4.1). Sql-2C. Sq7C (cf. 2.5). General date: Amenemhat 11-Sesostris 111. 9 J Sq9-IOC. Sq2X. Also frequently at Meir, e.g. M9-12C. bI38C. 9 s Abl-'Le, Ab2X. B1Bo. Sq9-IlC, Sql3C. SqlCh. SqbSq, Sql-2X. Late instances are B17C, B3L (Bersheh group D).

200

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Great E n n ~ a d " .Almost ~~ exclusively attested in type 2 coffins, this text was chiefly used from about the time of Amenemhat 11.97 In the same period, a variety of changes was occasionally effectuated on B. Instead of the plea for a "good burial in the West" encountered so often in the Anubis formula one now finds the plea d , ~d U=4l1~:Z1t N , "May he give cool water. incense and unguents to the ka of N", or similar.98 At the same time, Anubis could be replaced by other godsg9Other texts are A notable exception is L2Li. This coffins features CT spell 789 in the text registers on H, F, B and FR. For the exceptional formula in M?NY, see 3.2.9 ( l ) and (5).

- -.

98G,

4.5.1 Relations Between the Object Frieze and Funerary Rituals

In many cases, the religious message of texts and ornamentation on M.K. coffins is conveyed indirectly and can only be "deciphered" with great difficulty. Object friezes, of which a characteristic instance is depicted in fig. 18, might appear to be more straightforward. They usually consist of a register showing implements of various kinds. The objects, which are often drawn standing on tables, are easily recognizable. In many cases, moreover, explanatory labels are added, like )l:n m,, , O +, , "a golden collar at his (the deceased's) neck" (B13C). The labels may occur in a register above the objects, or freely distributed among them. Since many of the objects represented recur among the funerary equipment, most scbolars agree that the friezes show the tomb-inventory.loLUnfortunately, hardly any f; them paid more than passing attention to the issue. Jkquier's Frises d'objets is of course of great value, but it studies the individual objects rather than presenting an analysis of the frieze in general. Before proceeding to the typology, it is therefore necessary to look into the background of this element of the decoration. As the starting point of my analysis, I take the label at the heading of the B-frieze of SidlSid. which reads: 6; , "beginning of the document, being a

.

s&ifi>&

96 Attestations with p r i t [~rn.formula: Beni Hasan group B; L3Li (2.4.6): M IC. M ILei (Meir groups C, E); SqlC, Sq7C (cf. 2.5); T3Be (Thebes group C), TIBal (Re and Geb), T2L (cf. 2.6.5). All these have a type 2 decoration. Also in the subtype Ib coffins R I X and SIOC. TIBe (Thebes C) combines the Gebformula with Barta's Bitte 25, as more often on B (cf. n.98). For Geb's epithet and its date. see ch. 2. n. 264. 9 7 Of the coffins mentioned in n. 96, only SIOC dates from the late Xlth-early XIIth Dynasty (2.4.5). 9 8 Barta, Opferforn~el. Bitte 25. Occurrences: L l N Y (see 2.4.6), M2C (Meir group C), RIX (see 2.4.4). Sq2C (see 2.5). T2L (see 2.6.4). 99 Replaced by Osiris in R I X ; by Geb in Sq2C. loo Anubis formulae asking for aprii-!rr~~~offering in AIC, BHILiv. The same Bitte. combined nith an Osiris formula. in TIBe (Thebes group . C). For the formulae on the inside of M2NY, see 3.2.9 (I). (5). An unfortunately damaged formula (which the traces suggest to be an oHPring formula addressed to Anubis) reads 1112 ,p, E2 JBH4C). l o l JF. 111 and oassim. RARG, 212-219: Otto. LA 11, 532: Andrews, Egrpricu~ ibfumn~ie~, London. .. 1984, 41. etc. An original. but hardly credible view, viz. that the friezes represent those objects not represented among the tomb equipment. was put forward by Gautier and Jbquirr (Lichi, 77-78).

B-@

v:d

4.5.1 O B J E C T F R l E Z E A N D F L ' N E R A R Y R I T U A L

20 1

clh311v.t.tof the necropolis".lo2 After this follow the names of the objects "for the venerated Khentechtai". Since all objects are referred to by separate terms, the word gfh31v.t.t cannot indicate any of them separately. I propose that it designates the whole object frieze, here conceived as a "document". The word occurs a second time in a tomb relief showing a row of men and women carrying rrstz-collars, counterpoises, etc., to the deceased, while other objects normally found in object friezes are shown heaped up further back in the register. The text accompanying the first man, who is carrying a collar, reads "The beginning of the cih3rtl.t.t. A collar for your kas".lo3 In a number of contemporary and later tombs, similar processions of offering bearers are depicted in combination with burial rites such as the ib3 dance and the procession accompanying the coffin sledge.*04 The offering act is here once referred to as 1&.:PI@,: "bringing the tomb equipment" (Beni Hasan 11, pl. VII). On the analogy of the term^^^^^. the word fl3rr,.t.t is probably a feminine nisbe of a noun , e.g. d < . t > rrsh, "giving a wsh-collar". Similar cases occur on some XIth Dynasty coffins from southern Upper Egypt.ln8T O this evidence from the friezes proper, one might add indications drawn from their wider context. For it can be shown that an intimate relationship exists between them and other parts of the decoration of the coffin: CT and, to some extent, ornamental hieroglyphic texts. As far as the latter are concerned, matters are least clear, since the offering formulae usually refer to the

efi1 E > g',

Setir)retlr I, pl. XVIII: for !!?.I-:cf. Goedicke. z , ~ S86 (1961), 147-148. hfeir I, PI. 11. loQ E.g. Beni Hoson I, pl. XIII; 11. pl. VII: XIII; Davies and Gardiner. At~refuker,pl. X. XIII: Davies, Rekk-nri-Re 11, pl. XC; A. and A. Brack. DOS Grnb des Horntrhcib, Mainz. 1980. pl. 88, etc. l o 5 On the basis of Blackrnan's discussion (illrir 1, 22, n. 2). W b V, 562. 4 renders the word as "Name einer Schlange". but Blackman's arguments are inconclusive. lo6 W b V 556.1 1-555.7. This verb describes the presentation of precisely the objects we are dealing with scenes 49b. 50i. 508, c-F. For the relevance of this ritual. cr. n. (26. in e.g. Otto. M~rticIiiflt~rrtryrri~~~nI, l o 7 Liclrr, PI. XXV, etc. lo8 Here. the frieze labels are related with CT spells 934-936, cf. Willerns. GM 67 (1983). 82-83. 'OZ

lo3

202

INNER DECORATION

offerings in general terms. On a n ~ ~ m b eofr cofins from Bersheh. however, the offering formula on F R asks for a "natron chest" (hn n h n ~ l nsee , 4.4.2, f o r m ~ ~8), la an object inluded in some B-friezes1" Contrary to this exceptional instance, there is abundant evidence to prove that certain frieze objects function as vignettes to one of the CT spells below, and these texts are again purely ritual. Some of the clearest instances can be found on H, where the object frieze features i.a. the seven sacred unguents, bags of eye-paint, etc. which form the subject of PT Utt. 72-81. I t is certainly not coincidental that precisely this text is commonly included among the CT on H (see fig. 23).l1° The case of CT spell 934, a M.K. version of the PT

Fig. 23: H of TT240 showing a frieze with unguent vases and PT 5 52-53, which deal with the ritual presentation of unguents (adapted from L D 11. pl. 148) PT 8 52-53

utterances just referred to, is even more obvious. Here, the frieze register is crossed by the columns of CT spells, so that the object frieze forms an integral part of the text. As an instance I quote the column associated with the drawing of a vase labeled tn'3n'.t, "tn'3,v.t-oil": "tlt.3~~..t-oil. 0 Osiris this N, I give to you the Eye of Horus, which brings for you the wind Q3rv) to your nose" (CT VII, 134j). This is a typical offering text: Osiris (the deceased) is addressed by a priest (appearing in the mythological guise of Horus) who presents an ofTering to him, mythologically conceived of as the Eye of Horus. The next clause describes the efficacy of the offering, usually by making some mythological allusion (in the above citation the provision of breath). In most cases, these clauses contain a pun on the name of the A natron chest occurs in the B-frieze of B?Bo, TT3 19 and Damssy, A S r l E 16 (1916). 196, 202.207, 21 l ; cf. also n. 121. Without indication of the name. the same objects occur in a comparable position in B3-4Bo. For a discussion. see Brovarski, Tire It~scribecl.Mtrtoiol u f t i ~ F.I.P.,frortl r Nago et/-DZr, in press. E.g. BI-2Bo. BHIC. BHJC, LINY. M2C. M I N Y , Sql-3C, Sq6C. TIBe. T2C. T9C. TT240. An adapted version is written below the unguent vases on B of D I D . Cf. further CT spell 845 in Sq3C. Occasionally. the unguents also appear on the Ion: sides, This is i.a. the case in A I C and G I T . Spells 935 (CT VII. 136j: pun on I/!-oil) and 936, dealing with the oKering ritual, refer to the unguents in the frieze above. Coffins from Assiut feature offering texts including a version of PT $ 52-53 on B (CT spells 8948977, but this side is often related with the offering list at Assiut (cf. Lapp. ~ , V, 4 432).

4.5.1 O B J E C T F R I E Z E A N D F U N E R A R Y RITUAL

203

- !3\r.), thus associating it with a mythical background.ll1 object offered (t\1*3nv.t Less commonly, spells are simply stage directions indicating how the ritual should be performed. An instance is CT spell 925, also concerning the sacred unguents: "snrrpriest. The chest is opened, oil is brought before this Hence, the text makes clear that the smr-priest is expected to perform this part of the ceremony.l13 More cases of a similar relation between CT and frieze objects will be adduced further below. I believe that these instances justify the conclusion that object friezes must, at least in part, be viewed as abstracted renderings of the ritual acts surrounding the presentation of the tomb inventory to the deceased, and not just as drawings of the equipment itself. This suggestion is not new. Otto and Barta point out that the friezes have a relationship with the offering list, and hence with the offering ritual.ll4 In a chronological survey of this rite, Barta argues that early O.K. offering lists not only represent the ritual offering of victuals ("Speiserit~ral'), but also of texiles, furniture, etc. (the "object ritual"). When the offering list assumed its canonic form in the Vth Dynasty, these latter objects disappeared from it, only to reappear in the form of the object frieze in the course of the VIth Dynasty. The list, on the other hand, now concentrated on the S p e i ~ e r i t u u l . ~ ~ ~ Although there is no reason to doubt the essential correctness of Barta's account, it gives the impression that the object frieze represents the object ritual. This is certainly not wholly correct, for some frieze objects definitely derive from the "Speiseritual". Two CT spells which appear on or near F ([923-9241) are offering texts of the kind discussed above and deal with the presentation of cereals. The labels appended to the granaries regularly depicted in the F-frieze refer to precisely these cereals. The relationship between frieze and CT is thus of the same nature as in the case of the unguents etc. on the H-frieze discussed a moment ago. Now unguents and cereals form beginning and end respectively of the offering list, which is a schematic rendering of the offering ritual. Spell 925, which deals with the sacred unguents, is often even included in the list.l16 That the H and F friezes are rooted in the "Speiserituul" cannot be doubted, therefore. But it is equally clear that most other objects have their place in the "object ritual". From the royal sphere, there is extensive documentation on this ritual on the For these ritual texts. see Xltenmiiller. Begrahtrisri~~ml. 64-69: Assmann. Gill 25 (1977), 18, n. 25; Guglielmi. LA VI, 1287-1291. llz Apart from the the cases published by de Buck. this spell occurs on H of BI-ZBo. MIWar. MI3War, MSAnn, SIC. S3C. S5C. S9-IOC, and on F R in M5C, SqIC and Sq7C. See also Betli Hosat~I. pl. xxxv. A similar spell forming a stage-direction associated with the Frieze is CT spell 234 (Settgast. Besrarrrrng.rdrrslell~~ngen. 57-60). IV, 587. Otto, LA 11. 532: Barta, Opftrlisrr. 57; same. Barta, O[,Serlisre, 57; 100 (Listentyp A) and LA IV, 587. Cf. Barta, O[,Serli.~fle84 (nn htl s!lp.r mr!l.r). For another granary spell, cf. C T 11, 340c-312k [248].

204

I N N E R DE C O R A T I O N

north wall of the burial chambers of some O.K. pyramids, where it follows directly after the "Speiseritzr~zr'.~~' The two ceremonies certainly belong together, for apart from the fact that they concern different categories of objects, the ritual texts recited are of the same kind. The material composition of the royal object ritual of the O.K. is restricted to a variety of weaponry, staves and scepters, idn~i-cloths,parts of the 1 - 46). A considerable royal dress and royal power emblems (see PT Q; 40 number of M.K. coffin friezes feature selections of these objects, often adding a number of sceptres, weapons and elements of the royal dress not yet met in the PT (various kilts, mnrr., !zd, n!rb.t1l8). Although these selections are often very incomplete, the analogy with the older source is so close that there can be no doubt about their origin. Also, the friezes are often coupled with CT which Altenmiiller has shown to be the direct descendants of the above PT. An instance is shown in fig. 24.119

+

C T spells 856-858 and PT 626-633

Fig. 24: F R of Sq3C. The C T spells concern the royal object ritual, the frieze represents items offered during that rite (adapted from Quibell. Escuv. Saqq. 1906-1907, pl. XX-XXII)

A group of spells (CT [589-6061)on coffins from Assiut seems also to relate object friezes with an object ritual.lZ0Like the offering texts cited above, they present the Altenmiiller, Begriibnisritrral, 107-1 1 l. Cf. JF, 17-2 1-24-26, 33-39, 103-1 11. 185-187,201-205; Hassan. Siocke irnti Stiibe, 98-109: Fischer, LA VI, 49 ff. For an instance, see fig. 27-28. 119 See Altenmiiller, o.c., 109-110, dealing with C T spells 856-859. Other instances are spell 855 (pun o n the bows bP.41 in the frieze in C T VII, 58e): spell 860 (? spell is damaged. and the presence of a frieze is uncertain because Sq2Sq has remained unpublished); spell 861 (puns on ir.xr !I!! [also called nbw? cf. J F , 61, n. 21 in the object frieze). Cf. also spell 728 mentioning various iciri-textiles as represented in the frieze above. This is not an offering spell of the kind discussed so far, the cloths themselves being addressed. Not Perhaps spell 646, improbably, the text derives from a diKerent context. presumably the Sturrciet~wacller~. dealing with a nrth1.-stick could be compared. though its vignette does not figure in the object frieze. but among the CT. Another cloth-spell (608) is a ritual "Hymn with name-formula" (cf. Altenmiiller. ox., 6062). Various parts of the liturgy of the object ritual for a Heracleopolitan king occur among the C T of B16C (cf. Schenkel, G!).( 38 [1978]. 35-44: Allen. FS Hiiglles, 1-29). 120 Note that spell 893 niay well be a continuation of spell 589. Comparable spells associated with object friezes: 532 (its title. "spell for giving a man's head to him" recurs partly in the label of what looks like a funerary mask in a frieze in GIT): 823 and 232 (cf. n. 126): 862, occurring in a cofin showing large amounts o f textiles deals with textile offerings: 233 is also an offering spell. but the offering involved is not indicated. 11'

J 5.1 O B J E C T F RIEZE A N D F U N E R A R Y RIT U A L

205

liturgy of part of a ritual, and again, puns establish the nexus between the (mythological) contents of the spell and the name of the object presented. For instance, spell 589, the "spell of the hs-vases", states: "Re has praised (!~.~i.nR? my father Osiris, while Thot treated him well. Down on your face, you killer of my father Osiris!", showing a word-play on two words with the root hs. In contrast to the offering spells discussed so far, texts like this do not focus on the act of presenting the object. Rather, the sound of the item's name (hs.t) seems to have conjured up the picture of the dead Osiris being praised (t~si)by Re and the annihilation of his enemy (Seth) in the form of a slaughtered bull (cf. 3.2.4), and a mythological spell to this effect was recited when the object was given. That it is justified to surmise a ritual background for this text is proved by other spells in the same group. Spell 592, for instance, concerns a "natron chest" in the object frieze. First, the gods in the sn~t1.t-shrineare invited by Horus (who is probably also the speaker in spell 589) to see how Osiris' enemy is defeated so that Osiris appears "true of voice".lZ1 This purely mythological text is concluded by a stage-direction: "lector priest; smr-priest. The natron chest is brought, and the god's offering is caused to be issued". In yet other texts, the divine speakers explicitly characterize themselves as priests, as in spell 604, where Horus states: "I am the s3-mri=f-priest". The dominant issue in most of these spells is the subjugation of Osiris' enemy Seth, which is certainly a metaphor for a ritual slaughtering of a bull, the officiating priests playing divine roles (cf. PT Utt. 580). This state of affairs strongly recalls what we know about the burial rites reconstructed for O.K. pyramids. But for the rest, differences are large. None of the objects offered (a bed, various vessels, sandals, textiles, jewellery, some chests) derives from the royal object ritual or is inherently royal. The same holds for a number of O.K. and M.K. object friezes from other sites122,and for the relief showing the performance of the clb3rv.t.t ritual (cf. n. 103). Evidently, there were two separate object rituals: a royal one which is known from the PT, and a private one.lZ3 Unfortunately, it is not always clear which objects belong to which kind of ritual. One cause for confusion is that, for the private ritual of the M.K., no list exists that can be compared with those known from royal pyramids. The latter lists, moreover, include certain objects which are in no way inherently royal, and which may also have been given to commoners. Bows and arrows, for instance, are often associated with private persons in hunting scenes. They also appear among the objects shown in a db3ic.t.t ritual scene (cf. n. 103), which for the rest shows no analogies with the royal offering ceremony. Perhaps, some others (daggers, mdw-staves) which, in everyday life, had no exclusively royal function. may likewise form part both of the For the same background in the otkring formulae. see n. 85. See the sources cited n. 25-33. l ZThe J private ritual can be traced back to references on Archaic stelae (cf. Barta. 0pjtrli.rre. 7 H'. and passim; p]. 1-2).

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I N N E R DE C O R A TI O N

royal and the private object ritual. Even in the case of some implements with an originally royal background, such a double function must be counted with. Royal power emblems like the !~gi-clubor @-collars, for instance, are known from private contexts as early as the O.K.lZ4Their isolated occurrence on a M.K. coffin need not imply a derivation from the royal object ritual. Such derivation can only be safely assumed if the selection of objects is sufficiently large, andior if some of the typically royal ones are present. In the texts in the pyramids of Neith and Pepi 11, the Speiserirtcctl and object ritual are preceded by yet another offering ceremony: that of presenting royal insignia to the king (PT Utt. 742-756). These are paralleled in the frises d'objels: cobra and vulture amulets, nbrc-collars, a m<'n>kr..r pendant and a diadem.lZs In the object friezes, these are often combined with royal insignia like crowns and headcloths (cf. 4.5.6 ), which may hence have to be inserted in the missing parts of the PT version. So far, Barta's assessment that the object frieze represents the offering ritual (cf. n. 114) stands the test, provided that the word "offering ritual" is understood as a blanket term for the "Speiseritual", the royal and the private "object rituals" and the royal insignia offering. The objects associated with these four rites cover most of the object frieze, but some remain which I believe to have a different background. In the CT from Assiut discussed above, the presentation of objects to the deceased is not the only issue. The act was apparently accompanied by a set of additional rites, as is made clear by references to the subjugation of Seth - i.e. a bull sacrifice in ritual terms. Similar connections explain the inclusion in many H-friezes of incense burners and similar equipment, and the regular occurrence on the same side of CT spell 530. The text deals with burning incense for the deceased. It is the earliest version of Scene 47 of the Ritual of Opening the Mouth. The presentation of the necessities for this rite was performed in the pyramid temple or tomb chapel shortly before the "Speiseritrlcrl" and object ritual.lZ6Some friezes also feature the lZ @-collars: J time of Pepi 11, see Duell, Mererlrka, pl. XXIX-XXX; Staehelin, Trncl~r,117. h~l-club: cf. Hassan. O.C.(n. 118). 117. For uraei in private contexts, cf. Staehelin, o.c., 125, 269. 193!13-flails and 164-165. Cf. also the adoption of the royal offering list by private persons from kilts: Kees, Toret~gl~uhet~. the Vth Dynasty o n (Barta, Opferlisre. 63-67). Kessler has recently argued that the whole relief decoration of private mastabas is a disguised rendering of royal rituals ( Z A S I I4 (1987), 59-88). l Z 5 Cf. JF, 12-15; 60-61. The determinative of the name of the diadem, 9 , closely resembles the royal diadem discussed in JF. 43-47 but cf. also JF, 6. For the nlkr.r, cf. JF, 53-55. l Z 6 Cf. Otto, M~rt~dii~n~rt~gsrirucrl 11, 109-1 10; Altenrniiller, Begv~bt~isrirrral. 78 ff.; for the occurrence of the objects in the frieze. consult JF. The complex N.K. version of the Opening of the Mouth is a conglomerate of derivates from various other rituals. Among others, it was strongly influenced by the burial rites under discussion (cf. v. Walsem. OIMRO 59-60 [1979], 220-227). Thus. scene 47 is preceded by a ritual slaughtering (scene 43) and, most significantly. followed by an object ritual featurine the same objects as found in 4f?ise d'ohjers (scenes 48-57c) and an offering ritual (Otto, M~rt~c/~fli~rrtrgsrit~~~~lII, 146). Other objects occurring in object frieze and Opening of the Mouth alike are the nn1s.r and c1jr.r vases (scenes 2, 3, 62; cf. JF. 310). Cf. also the "spell of the headrest" (232) and Otto, O.C.11, 8.

4.5.1 OBJECT FRIEZE AND FUNERARY RITUAL

207

psi-kf;one of the most characteristic implements used in the Opening of the Mouth, and the carpenter's tools represented in many frises d'ohjets have exact counterparts in the same r i t ~ 1 a l . lApart ~ ~ from things presented during the offering rituals, the frieze hence contains paintings of implements used during the Opening of the Mouth. and there are some indications that other parts of the funerary ceremonies could likewise be included. 1) This certainly holds for a number of objects commonly represented in the F-frieze. Grdseloff has shown that this equipment was used in the purification tent, where some of the initial rites were performed.lz8 2) Some of the rites in the purification tent, the Stundenw.nchen, include acts symbolizing the deceased's journey to Sais (see 3.2.4). The flagpoles of Sais and the symbol of the Saite goddess Neith occur on the FR-frieze of R2X. These objects form the beginning and end respectively of a row of others concerned with rituals aiming at the resurrection of Osiris and his investiture as king of the Nether~or1d.l~~ 3) Some south-Egyptian coffins depict these and subsequent stages of the funeral like the coffin sledge procession which is awaited by rnuw dancers, as well as the ritual of Opening the Mouth.130 4) In his Bestuttirngsdcrrstelli~tzgen,Settgast discusses a large number of ceremonies which took place in what he called the Holy District ("Heilige Bezirk"). Although these are rather enigmatic, it is certain that they accompanied the burial rites. Many objects encountered in reliefs showing the Holy District recur in the friezes.131 5) Finally, some coffins from Bersheh show objects which the associated CT show to be magical amulets applied to the mummy during undetermined stages of the burial. The purpose of the a -amulet is explained by CT spell 83132. which text is said "to be recited over the forepart of a fierce lion of red carnelian ... after it has For the tools, see Otto. O.C.11, 16-26 and JF. For thepsi-kJ; which is dealt with in v. Walsem, o.c.. see MIC, TlBe; under the name nlnJ'3: LINY: under the name nulci: S q l C , Sq7C. Grdseloff. Reinig~mg,s.-elr.75-31; Settgast, B c s r o r r ~ t n g s d ~ r . ~ ~ e I I ~9-15. t n g e ~A ~ I number of frieze objects were designated by the names of gods,'officiants taking part in ceremonies in the place of embalmment and also in ensuing rites: the "Kites" (~1ry.t.see JF, 89). which occur in B2L. FR, BI-2P. FR: further, Anubis occurs in 81-2P and BZL. B2L also features two of the Sons of Horus. With this use of divine "statuettes" in burial rites, cf. the reference to a wax statuette, possibly of Tefnut (CT I. 63c). 'l9 Abitz, Srnrlrettet~it1 Schreirlril. Wiesbaden, 1979, 119 and passim. A separdte study on the relation between Sais and these objects is in preparation. Cf. also spell 728 (see n. 119). "* A I C (cf. Grdseloff. ASAE 51 [1951], l35 ff.. fig. 2-3). G I T , T3C. For this phase of the burial rites. see Altenmiiller, Begriih~li.rritlml,117 ff. and 140 R. and SAK 2 (19751, 1-37. l J 1Obelisks: represented in R2X (cf. Settgast. o.c., 89-93 and Altenmiiller, ox., 296 [index]; mooring posts: RZX, AIC. G I T . T3C. T2L (Settgast, o.c., 105-1 1 I and pl. 13. Though he discusses the relevant C T spell 234 in this connection, it should be added that the spell is written directly below a drawing of the mooring posts); basins of Heket and Khopri: AIC, G I T . T3C (Settgast, o.c., 57-61 ; Altenmiiller. o.c., 295 [index]); !~p.c-oars: BIP, S I C , T2L (see Settgast. o.c.. pl. 7). For other objects, cl: JF. 327-331. l J 2 Represented in BIC. BI-2L. FR. In BIC, spell 83 is written on B, exactly opposite the frieze representation.

208

I N N E R D E CO R A T I O N

been applied to a man's neck when he descends to the necropolis", the aim of the spell being to save him from dying a second time. The !zpe.t-bead occurring in some friezes was also placed on the body, according to CT spell 576 to enable a man to be sexually active.lH The h(1-gods shown in BIL parallel those drawn on the mummy according to CT spell 81. Finally, the imn.t amulet represented in some friezes is presumably related with "the West" (imn.t), over which CT spell 508 is to be recited and which must be applied to a man's neck.lH The following table provides a survey of the CT spells that have been related with the object frieze in the above survey. H : ointments: PT Utt. 72-81, CT spells 845, 934 headrest: CT spells 232, 823 incense burner: CT spell 530 mask: CT spell 532 mdtv-stick: CT spell 646 F: granaries: CT spells 248, 923-924 unknown object: CT spell 233 B: unguents: CT spells 897; 894-896 refer to undetermined offerings collars (?): CT spell 861 royal dress offering: cf PT 8 40+ 12-42 FR: private offering ritual (vases, offering table, natron chest, collars, other jewellery, textile and myrrh, bed): CT spells 589-606 (z3.t and imn.t amulets, _hp .[-beads, hh-gods: CT spells 81, 83. 508, 576 unguents, other objects: CT spells 935-936 (cf. GM 67 [1983], 83) royal object ritual: CT spells 855-860, cf. PT 8 40+ 1-1 1, 43-49+9 royal insignia: cf. PT Utt. 742-756 idmi-textile: CT spell 728 Undetermined position, textiles: CT spells 608, 862 By way of conclusion, the object frieze can now be defined as a representation, reduced to the bare material essentials, of the whole sequence of rites performed in connection with the funeral, with a certain emphasis on the ceremonial presentation of offerings. Being perpetually recorded in the immediate vicinity of the deceased, it undoubtedly served to guarantee eternal effectiveness of the rites. For the purpose of the above survey, it was possible to treat the friezes as a homogeneous whole. A random sample would suffice to show, however, that late O.K. instances are widely different from e.g. those of the middle of the XIIth Dynasty. Analysis has shown that there was a marked development in selection and arrangement of the objects, and possibly, therefore, in underlying philosophy. This issue will be dealt with in the ensuing sections. But before that. an attempt will be c

Represented in BIC, B3-L. The amulet is depicted on FR of BIC, B?-3L

4.5.2 A R R A N G E M E N T O F T H E O B J E C T F RIEZE

209

made to describe the principles which may have influenced the arrangement of the friezes. 4.5.2 Principles Underlying the Arrangement of the Object Frieze JCquier's book on the object frieze was, first and foremost, a study of the individual objects represented. Now and then, he states that certain objects are usually found in combination with certain others, but the principles underlying the composition of the frieze registers as a whole are virtually ignored. Indeed not a single coffin exactly parallels any other in the way its object friezes are organized, but this can be no reason for assuming that the pictures were painted in a random order. As a matter of fact, at least some principles are clearly present: l) In many cases, there is an obvious locational relationship between the frieze objects on the sides of the coffin and certain parts of the corpse buried in it. This explains the presence, on H, of representations of headrests135, wigs13', the seven sacred unguents, used in rituals affecting the face of the deceased138, etc. On F, or near the foot-end, depictions of sandals are not uncommon.139 On B and FR, the objects generally show an order from head to feet. Thus, near the head-end, one often finds a mirror140, a headrest141, collars and c o u n t e r p ~ i s e s l or ~ ~ other , objects found on H (though seldom the seven unguents). Further down are representations of jewellery145, aprons146, etc. As a relief in a tomb from Beni Hasan shows14', the ritual presentation of the objects may have proceeded in a similar order. 2) Once an object had received its place, it tended to attract other, functionally related, objects, regardless of their relationship with the nearest part of the corpse. To the headrests, which frequently appear near the head-end of B, BlBo for instance adds a whole range of other bedroom equipment including a complete bed, even though this latter object stands in no particular relationship with the head.148 E.g. BZBo, BHSC, B9C, B4L, etc. E.g. AIC, M5C. T3C. lJ7 E.g. SIOC, SqlC, Sq7C. E.g. BIC, B16C. BHIC. BH4C. MI-?C, etc. In PT S 50-53, these unguents are associated with parts of the head (eyes, b r o ~ etc.). . Cf. also n. 150. 13Y E.g. B3C, BIL, BIL, BH4-5C, M6C, MSC, M39C. TIBe, etc. E.g. B4Bo, B3C, BHI-5C, M3C. M37C. T9C. lY1 E.g. M2-3C. HalHa. Sid2X, TINY. lYZ E.& BIOC, MIC, M X Y , R?X, T3Be. lY3 E.g. BIBo, B6C. 144 E.g. BIBo. 8480. B4C. BHIBr. TZC. 14s E.g. B3C. B4C, B6C. BH5C. lY6 E.g. BIBo, BHIBr. BHSC, MI-?C. Sq7C. T3Be. 14' Berri Htisurl 11, pl. VII. 14s Terrace, E,qjptitm Pnirrtir~gs.pl. XV and fig. 10. A similar arrangement in B6C.

2 10 3)

4)

I N N E R DECORATION

In some cases, the order of the objects is influenced by considerations of' symmetry. Related or similar objects are now placed as exactly as possible opposite one another on facing coffin sides.149 Lastly, certain representations which are borrowings from tomb paintings, occur in a corresponding position in the coffins. Thus, granaries only appear in the F-object frieze, certainly as a derivation of similar paintings on the southern wall of burial chambers.15o

These principles account for the positions of a large number of objects, but by no means for all of them. In the case of the carpenter's tools and weaponry. for instance, it remains to discover why these usually make their appearance on B, near the foot-end, or on F.151 Apart from uncertainties of this kind, the principles outlined above may be disregarded as a result of various circumstances. In the first place. they may in practice turn out to be countereffective. Principle 2, for instance, may lead to cumulations of similar objects, pushing aside many others.lS2A special problem is formed by object friezes consisting of more than one register, i.e. in frieze rectangles (see 4.2.2 and fig. 20, B4-5) or where the frieze segment consists of a double register (108, often at Bersheh [table 21 and Saqqara). In both cases, the object frieze can be imagined as having been cut in pieces, which have subsequently been placed on top of each other. If the order of the remaining objects is left unaltered, this has the effect that, in the lower registers, objects normally found in the middle region, or near the feet, have advanced toward the head-end.lS3In some cases, countermeasures were taken by removing some objects to a new position in a higher or lower register.lS4 lJ9 In BIC, "mirroring" appears to have been an important device in the ordering of the frieze. I have noted the following cases: 1) the cobras, the first frieze objects on FR. are reflected in the vultures near the head-end of B; 2) a wr-!1k3.~,-collarin the middle of the B-frieze stands opposite a similar collar on F R ; 3) some weapons on B (!zd-snt3 [read !I ), a bed appears near the centre of the frieze. but in MIBe and MJC, it is found near the head-end of the second register. l S J Instance: in the double register frieze of B2L, FR. some objects (mostly sceptres and dress) have been transposed from the upper to the second register. As a result, the remaining objects in the upper register have advanced left~vards,giving rise to an unusual composition. On B in the same coffin, the splitting involves that carpenter's tools appear near the head-end. Their usual position is near the feet.

4.5.3 OBJECT FRIEZE O N H

21 1

As a result of these features, it is not easy to make generalisations about friezes. Fortunately, prospects are not as gloomy for all of them. It seems most practical, therefore, to concentrate first on canonic frieze arrangements (4.5.3-6). The conclusions thus obtained will then be tested for the rest of the material (4.5.7). N.B.: The south-Egyptian coffins AlC, G1T and T3C share the peculiarity of depicting not only frieze objects, but also complete scenes showing ritual activities in the frieze segment.15' 4.5.3 The Object Frieze on H ( 1 65, 167) The characteristic objects represented in the frieze on this side are those of PT S 50-57: the seven sacred unguents, two bags of eye-paint, and two wti!i-cloths (see fig. 25a).lj6 Their ritual roots, in the Speiseritual, have been dealt with in 4.5.1; it remains to discuss the typological development of this frieze. In coffins from Bersheh, these objects are generally presented in the order known from the PT, and omissions are of utmost rarity.15' Apart from this, the choice of frieze objects in coffins from Bersheh is generally much more elaborate than elsewhere, and the H-frieze forms no exception to this rule. Even in early coffins, these friezes regularly feature the addition of uncanonical objects of various kinds1j8 as well as of ritual implements (myrrh and incense burners, hntt.1.t-wr sieves, headrestslsg) which are typical rather of later material (see c] below). The individuality of many sources from this site sets them apart from the mainstream of the development of M.K. coffins. Similar elaborations occasionally turn up at other sites, though usually at the expense of the basic objects.ldOThese latter, i.e. the unguent vases and related objects, remain current from the earliest friezes to the latest ones, so that little or no evolution can be traced.ldl The sources from Beni Hasan and Meir, however, show a more marked typological development, which can in some cases be traced at other sites as well. Three types can be distinguished: l S 5 CL GIM 67 (1983), 81-90. A late instance is T3L. Human figures rarely appear in friezes from elsewhere (MSWar: F-frieze showing people in granaries: BH3C: B-frieze showing a Srr_di.t-kiltwith legs; S14C: B-frieze showing a man with p~l-'(1'objects). Cf. also KFI-3. lS6 JF, 141-155. l S 7 The only exceptions are: the irregular order of the seven unguents in B17C; the omission of the bags of eye-paint in B1L. of the \vn!l-cloths in B9C, B15C. l S 8 Weaponry: BI-ZBo, B2L; scribe's palette; B2Bo; beard (? B6C, see LSA 11, 67 c 12>): rrnrsheadcloth: B IOC; 'n!~-symbol: B 16C; vases: B2L. lS9 Myrrh, incense: BI-ZBo. BIOC, BIL, B3L. BIP; headrest: Bl-ZBo, BIC, B6C. B9-IOC. B15C. B4L; hrrn~.i-~vr (cf. Settgast. Brstnttungsrir~rsielIir,,ger~, 12-14): BIBo. BS-6C, BIOC, B16C. BIL. B4L. BIP. Instances are Abl-?Le, R2X. SIOC, S14C, T2-3Be. An exceptional H-frieze (?) occurs in NeDIBrk. Apart from the seven unguents and some weapons, it shows sandals; something similar is found on Sq20X, F . 161 Except at Bersheh. the basic objects are often incomplete (e.g. omission of vases in BH I liv. M I Be, MSC, MZNY, Sid3X. Sq6C. T2L, etc.; of the n.r~!l-cloths: AbZLe. BHIBr. MIWar, MZNY. Sid3X. SqI IC, T I C , etc.. of the bags of eye-paint: MIWar, MSC, Sq3C. Sq4Sq, T2Be, etc.).

212 a)

b)

c)

INNER DECORATION

The coffins from Beni Hasan group A seem all to have two frieze registers on H : an upper one containing the sacred unguents and, perhaps only occasionally, bags of eye-paint; and a lower one with a large-scale drawing of a head-rest (167).16' AS will appear below, the sources feature a similar layout on F, showing two large sandals below the granaries (see 4.5.4 < c > ) . Similar friezes are known from Assiut and the be^.^^^ At Meir, the first "generation" of H-friezes consists of one register in which the selection of objects is restricted to (some of) the unguents and, as a rule, two bags of eye-paint. This simple, early XIIth Dynasty form still appears rarely around the time of Sesostris Outside Meir, these friezes are also known chiefly from early coffins.165 About this time, these simple, early friezes were replaced by a new type, which was used all through the country. The objects of PT 9 50-57 are now distributed

Fig. 25: Views of the ends of BHILiv: a. H inside (154. 165. 231): b. F inside (154. 182, 23 1)

BHIC, BH3C, BH5C. Probably on BH6C, judging from Garstang's statement that its inner paintings were "almost in duplicate" of those of BH3C (BC, 67). The coflin is now almost destroyed. Probably also on BH20x. Blacknlan reports that its H is decorated with pictures of vases and, below that. of the hide of a large "dappled ox" tvith outstretched legs ( z R s ~ [1910], ~ 132). Such a drawing would be quite unique, and I assume that the outstretched legs are in fact the ends of the crescent-like head-support, the dappled motive representing the wood-grain. Cf. S3C. T2Be (Thebes group C). l b J Very common in Meir groups A-B, but attested in M2C (group C) and M'NY (group D) too. M5C, M2NY and ~ M l W a ronly depict the unguent vases. In M?C, the vase containing t~!r,lnl.r-oil is replaced by a htln1.1-wr sieve, possibly owing to phonetic correspondences. l b 5 RIX, Sid3X. Sql Be. Sq3C. Sq9C. Sql IC, Sq12-13X, T I C . Rarely, the same selection appears in double register friezes: Sid2X. AblX.

2 13

4.5.4 O B J E C T F R IE Z E O N F

over two superimposed registers. while the addition of some others. of a ceremonial nature, is characteristic: ritual instruments. incense burners, !~tin~.t~ t v .sieves and additional unguents (W).l6"ee fig. 2%. The growing prominence of ceremonial objects on H does not stand out as an isolated phenomenon. The present friezes are generally combined with new frieze types on F, B and FR which mainly depict ceremonial or royal objects (see 4.5.4 < f > , 4.5.5 < c - d > , 4.5.6 < a > ) .

4.5.4 The Object Frieze on F (178, 179, 180, 18 1, 182) In burial chambers of the O.K., the south wall is often decorated with depictions of granaries and adjoining buildings. Such depictions appear in the same position in coffins from Bersheh and further south (see 4.5.2 < 4 > ) . A second main category of F-objects is formed by implements used during the rites in the purification tent, si~ch as sandals, %l-symbols, sn\rSand mgrg vases, i h i cloths and other ritual instrum e n t ~ . ~The ~ ' latter category of items seems to occur first on sources from the Memphite region, but later on, they were also introduced further south. Other pictures have a more profane background. The choice of objects on F is more varied than on H, and some clearly differentiated patterns emerge. a) The least varied friezes are found in cases where only granaries are depicted U),an uncommon arrangement which is, however, known from various sites and ~ e r i 0 d s . l ~ ~ b) In a small group of documents showing strong mutual typological and stylistic analogies, the frieze consists of (from left to right): a row of granaries, writing equipment and carpenter's tools. Occasionally some sandals, which are characteristic of friezes to be discussed below, are added This decoration is only known from Bersheh group D, from the time of Sesostris 11-111 (see table 2).

(m).

The influence of decoration patterns at Saqqara makes itself felt at an early stage in friezes where both granaries and objects used in the purification tent occur: c) In early coffins, the additional utensils of the purification tent are still restricted to one or more pairs of sandals Since, apart from their well-attested role in the Reinigzmgszelt, the shoes were obviously also used in daily life, one cannot be wholly certain that the presence of the sandals on F points at a relationship with the pilrification rites. They also feature in representations

(m).

See fig. 25a (with a !rtrnr.l-wr) or Garstang, BC, pl. V1 (with incense burner). Occurrence: Beni Hasan group B, Meir groups C. E. Thebes group C (tables 1. 4-6), LLNY, LSNY. Sql-?C, Sq7C. The same selection is common in single register friezes From Bershrh of various periods. 16' On their connection with the purification tent. see GrdseloR, Reitrigrozg.~zelt,25-31; Settgnst, Besta/rrrt~~sstlnrs/eiiutiget~. 9-15. The frieze of SqISX has labels referring to granaries, though only ritual implements are depicted. Bersheh groups C-E. Meir group B (tables 2, 4-5). SIOC. SI4C. SlSC, T3L.

214

I N N ER D E CO R A T I O N

of the rlh3rv.t.t ritual, which might likewise account for their occurrence. All F-friezes from Meir groups A-B represent this type, but it does not occur in later groups. Similarly, the evidence from Beni Hasan is restricted to the early group A. At this site, the layout is, however, different. On the analogy of the H-frieze (4.5.3 < a > ) , the drawings are split into two registers. T h e uppermost one depicts a row of granaries. The sandals appear below on a much larger ~ca1e.l~~ At Bersheh, where friezes tend to be more elaborate than elsewhere, other objects, both of ceremonial and everyday use, were added a t an early stage.170 This seems not to have resulted in clear-cut patterns, except in the type d, which also had some popularity at Meir. d) Various ritual instruments used during the ceremonies in the purification tent are added to the granaries and sandals. The friezes occur in single and double registers.171 They were probably introduced under Amenemhat 11, but never became very common (&l).172 e) We now turn to the coffins having only objects from the purification tent, and Just a small selection of the former appears no granaries, in their friezes in some material from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery, Abusir and Sedment: sandals, bags of textile (rnr.rv), and >!I-symbols or some of these only. The date of most sources is probably early M.K., though it is not firmly established (see 2.4.2, 2.5).173 f ) In course of time, pattern e. was considerably expanded by the addition of more objects from the sphere of the purification tent. The new items, of which generally only a selection was made, include snw and mgrg vases, chests, fdmicloths, mnfr.r-bracelets, and occasionally other ritual instruments. These friezes (182,see fig. 25b) regularly occupy two superimposed registers, the C T below being often restricted to very short columns only. o r being omitted altogether. It is a notable fact that the friezes o n the other sides of the pertinent sources also tend to have a strong ceremonial (and royal) bias (see 4.5.3 < c > , 4.5.5 < c > , 4.5.6 < a > ) . This frieze is known not only from Saqqara, but from all parts of Egypt. Except at Bersheh, it succeeded in replacing granary-friezes complet e l ~ . It l ~ appears ~ on coffins from the time of Amenemhat I1 and later,

(m).

16' For the occurrence of 180,see tables 1-2.4-5. B1 P (Bersheh group D. time of Sesostris 11-111) is the only late case. Mirrors: B4C, BlOC; razors: BLOC; dagger and other objects: B2L; cf. also type b. At Bersheh, single registers are the rule. but B2L features double registers. as d o some cases from Meir. 17' For Mt. see tables 2, 4-5. Ab2X, SidlSid. SqlBe, Sq3C. Sq6C. Sql l-12C, SqJSq. Sq2X. 17" With the possible exception of B6C, of which F is damaged. all Bersheh F-friezes represent other types (all show a granary).

4.5.5 O B J E C T F RIE Z E O N R

215

although some from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery. which are hard to date, might be somewhat ear-her.L75 4.5.5 The Object Frieze on B

(E, 193, 194)

Compared with the ends, where the basic elements usually fill most of the available space. the long sides, which often contain more than fifty pictures, had far greater potential for variation. This. and the fact that the choice of objects is almost infinite, makes a discussion of the friezes on the basis of individual representations a practical impossibility. A fortunate circumstance is that the principle of clustering related items (4.5.2 < 2 > ) is an important device in the design of the long sides. This enables one to discern clusters of objects, which can be considered the building blocks of the frieze. Before turning to a discussion of the frieze proper, it is useful to list the most important of these clusters (abbreviated ,t,s!~, mnji.2, aprons, etc.):

aprons: pd- ?!l ': sticks: weapons: pyr: tools: sandals: textiles:

~vs,sh-collars(Q) and their counterpoises (rn.d~.f,B), in varying numbers and arrangements; see JF, 62-72. tnnfi.r-bracelets (-, often four or more), and other jewellery: see JF, 98-102; 49-61 ; 73-77. several kilts and aprons, as well as related objects like tails; see JF, 17-26; 103-1 11. pd-'he-objects (1)and synonyms; see JF, 223-227. various sticks and scepters; see JF, 157- 19 1 . various weaponry, see JF, 193-231. various textiles, pd-'!l-objects, sticks, and weapons from the offering list of O.K. pyramids (PT S 40 + I - 49 + 9). various tools, see JF, 269-279. see JF, 27-29. various textiles. see J F 3 1-39.

Each of these categories of objects can be omitted, though some were apparently more essential than others. This is clearly indicated in table 13, which will be discussed in greater detail in 4.5.7. As far as B is concerned, the above list does not exhaust the range of objects, but it does present the clusters characterising the basic arrangement. Table 13 shows that 1t*s4-collarsand nzFn!1.r-counterpoises, mnfi.2bracelets and other jewellery are hardly ever absent - hence, a wsh-cluster and a ~nnfr.t-cluster form an essential part of the B-frieze. Being related with neck, breast and arms, these objects mostly occur near the H-end. The whole set is often preceded by a headrest and/or a mirror. The arrangement tends to be less strict in

a:

'l5 For Beni Hasnn group B. Meir groups C-E. Thebes p o u p C and TIBal (see tables l , 4-6), L I NY, R IX, Sq I-?C. Sq7C. Sql8X. Sources from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery (cf. 2.5) are SqYC. Sql Ch. SqlX. SqlOX. Sq3Sq.

2 16

I W N E RDE C O R A TI O N

the middle region of the frieze, but tools, weapons and sandals are found primarily near F. Disregarding the friezes which are not designed according to consistent decoration patterns, for which see 4.5.7, I discern the following arrangements: a)

F sandals textile weapons

(m),

1/

nrr2fr.t rrs!~ (1.r.r) ('nh) H

In this type of friezes the most significant detail is the presence, in the middle, of some hs-vases andjor hsmn.y and i ' ~ . . t peq~lipment( f f ) 1 7 6 . o r some of these (see fig. 26). Many coffins concerned d o not have an object frieze on F. whence the regular presence of sandals near the foot-end, as indicated in the schematic rendering above. For the rest, the basic arrangement is followed, though only few sources include the categories "tools" and "aprons". The categories wsh and mnfi.1 often occupy about half the register. In its pure form. this type was common a t the end of the XIth Dynasty and during the reign of Amenemhat I.17

b)

F tools (p
C)

F various tails pd-'h' daggers kvsh aprons textile cvrs H

(m).

A wholly different type Contrary to the evidence from most coffins, collars, counterpoises and jewellery d o not form an essential part of this frieze. If they occur at all, they are displaced in the direction of the feet. The most eyecatching element is a row of idrni-cloths and other textiles, which may occupy the greater part of the register. Apart from the headrest, which may occur near the head-end. jewellery and objects with a background in the royal dress and scepter offering ("pyr.": z'dmi, aprons tails, pd-'h- and daggers) are most common.1s0 The associated FR-frieze usually deals with other objects from the royal offering ritual, while the H and F frieze also feature ceremonial

(*A)

See JF, 117- 119, 305-306. Sources are found in groups A from Beni Hasan and Bersheh, Thebes group B (see tables 1-2, 6). Hat-?Ha, SidtCam, SidlSid, Sid2-3X (cf. 2.4.1-3). See for a comparable kind of frieze type e. below. The order of the first objects is somewhat exceptional in M37C and M 13War. The latter. damased frieze includes some "intrusive" items. among others what was probably an incense burner, near the headend. A mix-form of types a. and b. appears in St8C (F.I.P.). See tables 4-5.The friezes of M I C and M t N Y , though not strictly of the same type. show o large number of analogies. Is0 The items recur in a similar, but reversed, order in bit 293-306.

4.5 5 OBJECT FRIEZE ON B

218

INNER DE CO RATI O N

objects (see 4.5.3 < c > , 4.5.4 < f > , 4.5.6 < a > ) . From about the time of Amenemhat 11, the type occurred all over Egypt (see fig. 27).lR1

d)

A number of late sources are hard to fit into what has been said above. Neither do they seem to correspond to a common pattern, so that one is hardly justified to treat them as representatives of the same type. Nevertheless, they share the characteristic of featuring a number of royal headdresses near the head-end of B.182

e)

The characteristics of another group of sources are likewise diffuse. The selection and arrangement of their B-friezes is very i~nstable,though it accords with the "basic arrangement" discussed at the beginning of this section. It often comes close to frieze type a. Important differences are, however, 1) the absence of SPrv.ty,!isn~tz.y-and !IS-vessels in the centre of the frieze; 2) of headrests and mirrors at the head; 3) the absence of aprons. The wsh-cluster is only small (2-4 objects), and among the jewellery one generally finds a t1zni.t as well as large numbers of necklaces of varying sizes of the types depicted in LSA 11, pl. LII, nos. 458-459. Apart from these basic objects, differences between individual sources are large, some instances from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery being characterized by the occurrence of sticks and sceptres from the royal offering ritual.lR3One XIth Dynasty instance is known from Thebes; the others, of less certain date, come from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery and Abusir.lB4

4.5.6 The Object Frieze on FR (206, 207, 208, 209. 21 1) Object friezes on F R appear only rarely in the early M.K. We have seen in 4.2 that coffin type 2, of which this frieze is the distinctive feature, was introduced about the time of Amenemhat 11. Earlier cases are in fact known from southern Upper Egypt, but their execution marks them off from the other type 2 friezes. With the exception of these south-Egyptian cases, FR-friezes display a marked emphasis on the royal offering ritual of the PT, and their design is more consistent than that of B, and particularly so near the head-end. l" LINY, found near the pyramid of Sesostris I at Lisht, may date from the time of that king, or be later (see 2.4.6). At any rate, BYC shows strong influence of this frieze type, which is otherwise unattested a t Bersheh. Hence. these friezes must have been current when BYC was made in, o r shortly before, the reign of Amenemhat 11. From the latter's reign and later are sources from Beni Hasan group B. Meir groups C. E, Thebes group C (tables 1. 4-6). SqI-2C. Sq7C. 18' ~Meir:MIC. M7-8C. b143C, MI-3NY, MLLei: Riqqeh: R2X; Thebes: T3Be. '" SSqC (adding a headrest). SqlCh, Sq3-JSq. SqhSq, Sq2X and TT240 resemble frieze type a ) most closely. Some coffins, mainly from Abusir. adu a whole range of objects of daily use (Abl-?Le. Ab2X, Sq12-13C. Sql4X). Yet others are restricted to the basic objects (SqIBe. SqlX). The staves and neapons from the PT appear in AbzX, SqYC. SqICh, Sq3-4Sq. Sq6Sq, SqzX, TT240 and. outside our type. in Sq3C. '" The Theban instance is TT240; for the rest. see n. 153.

4.5.6 OBJECT FRIEZE ON FR

2 19

220

INNER DECORATION

a)

H 17133-!zr rvsh pyr. various F

b)

The most common FR-frieze can be rendered schematically as follows. The frieze is introduced by a picture o f a mirror (n133-hr), followed by a rr.s!z-cluster and, occasionally, a nzr?fr..t-cluster.After this, one finds a selection of the sticks and weapons mentioned in the offering list from O.K. pyramids (PT 4 40+ I - 49+ 9): sceptres ('h3, 3ms, mks, n!zh.t, rr93s, g/>?, hi(i3.1, 'rv.t, n!z3!13), clubs (!zcl, mnrv); weapons (ircn.r and pd.t bows, rrr9d and ~ i 3 sn rrrd bowstrings, arrows [brS.t]), 'b.[, mhv and m'n4.t-sticks, and a sm3 object These can be followed by various other objects, such as writing equipment.lR5 In the sources, the accompanying B-friezes usually also derive from the offering list in O.K. pyramids, and are mainly devoted to the royal dress offering (4.5.5 < c > ) . The H and F-friezes depict ritual items (4.5.3 < c > , 4.5.4 < f > ). The present FRfriezes (206) are very common throughout Egypt from the time of Amenemhat I1 on (see fig. 28).ls6 H 5 cobras/vultures crowns nnzs jewellery, etc. various F

(A).

Although frieze type a. had a strong, nationwide impact, it seems hardly to have exerted influence at Bersheh. Admittedly, some sources from this place show a number of the characteristic objects, and B9C does so even fairly completely, but their order and selection is in general not very consistent. At the same time, they add a number of objects near the head-end of the frieze, which are hardly ever attested outside Bersheh. Despite all these differences, the Bersheh friezes likewise are rooted in the royal sphere. This is most clearly the case in group D, where we find, beginning from the head-end 1) a row of four or five cobras or vultures; 2) the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt, sometimes followed by the double crown; 3) a ninsheadcloth; 4) jewellery and amulets (srcr.t, rv3d and _hpe.t-beads,snake pendants, a nbrv-collar, h3.t- [A], s3rv.t- [ B ] and 3 b . t - [K]amulets) (see fig. 18).ls7 Clearly, many of these are royal insignia. After this, the order is less strict, but the objects borrowed from the royal offering ritual (PT g 40+ 1 -49+9), 18' The same objects were already met on B (cf. n. 183: B type e). The objects not always appear in a consistent order. and the offering "list" can be shortened drastically. In MZNY, it is even reduced to one stick only. lS6 Occurrence: Beni Hasan group B. Meir groups C-E, Thebes group C (see tables 1, 4-6), L l N Y , Sl Mal. Sq l-2C, Sq7C. Sq 18X (?). B9C is influenced by frieze type a (11.18 l), but has been grouped under l l a not r s have their normal type b on account of the beginning of its frieze. In some coffins, the ~ ~ ~ s ~ - c o do form but are combined with symbols of royalty, like vultures and cobras (JF, 71-72, "orrseX-11r ~ c ~ f ' ) . Their names correspond with those of the vultures and cobras appearing in the sanle position in type b friezes. None of the instances IAbylPh. BSc, M7-8C. kI42C. MILei, MZNY, RIX, SIMal. T3Be) is demonstrably earlier than the late reign of Amenemhat 11. Cf. also frieze type b. IY' A selection of these objects. though in completely different order, in B4L. In a few Bersheh coffins, the cobras a t the beginning of FR are mirrored by vultures in a corresponding position on B (4.5.2 < 3 > : 209. in BIC and B2L). Rows of cobras andior vultures rarely turn up outside Bersheh, but never o n F R (RI-?X, SIOC, S14C).

(a),

22 1

4 . 5 7 CONCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ORJECT FRIEZE

already encountered in type a, figure prominently. Apart from this, one finds textiles, aprons, incense and myrrh. but hardly any objects of daily use (X). All sources date from about the time of Sesostris 11-111 (see table 2 Earlier, in group C coffins, most of these elements were already present, but no crowns are yet found and the objects appear in an inconsistent order. Also, the frieze is introduced by a nz33-!zr-mirror - a rarity in group D The date of group C is firmly established in the time of Amenemhat 11 or slightly earlier (see 2.2.4). Rarely, friezes only feature the sticks, sceptres and weapons of the royal offering Probably, list of the O.K., which are also characteristic of types a and b the limited scope of these friezes is due simply to lack of space, for they are chiefly known from the short FR-friezes from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery see fig. 21, FR9). Unfortunately, their date is not fully certain. Otherwise, the only instances are L3Li, TlBal and T2Be, all later than the second half of the reign of Sesostris I.188

(m)).

(m).

c)

(m).

(m.

4.5.7 Synthesis: The Conceptual Development of the Object Frieze

Paraphrasing the conclusions of 4.5.1, the frise d'objets can be characterized as a rendering of the material components of the whole complex sequence of funerary rites. Being rooted in the ritual, some of the objects depicted, like amulets, incense burners or the requirements of the purification tent, had an exlusively liturgical function. Many others (e.g. razors) lack such an inherently religious character. After having been presented to the deceased. they rather served his practical purposes in the Beyond. Large amounts of objects of daily use are found in the sources quoted in the discussion of the private object ritual (p. 000). Elements derived from royal object ritual and royal insignia offering were gradually included in the private object ritual (see e.g. Betii Hnsan 11, pl. VII) and so found their way into the object frieze. Here, again, the purpose is religious rather than practical. The prestige enjoyed by royal attributes in M.K. funerary beliefs must have been a crucial factor, every commoner aspiring to become Osiris, king of the Hereafter. Thus, the friezes present a mixture of objects with a primarily practical and a primarily religious function, and deriving from either private or royal spheres. Now while all these aspects are demonstrably reflected in the friezes, they are not necessarily represented all at once. It is the purpose of this section to reconstruct the conceptual development of the frieze on the basis of the typological discussion of 4.5.3-6 and additional data drawn from atypical friezes (see table 13). As explained in 4.2.3. coffins with object friezes can be traced back to the late O.K. In that period. the variety of objects depicted was still restricted. On H , the l s s A similar frieze occurs above the door of the tomb chamber TIC (LSA 1, 47-18), but this is not a FR-frieze.

222

INNER DECORATION

sacred unguents were common already i n those early days, and the same holds for the ,cs!l-collars, n~'n/j.t-counterpoises and mnjr.t- bracelets on B. To these latter can be added various kinds of textiles, unguent vases, headrests and chests. Evidence of a similarly early date is known for granary-friezes on F.189Some friezes from the late O.K. and F.I.P. show similar, though slightly more complex, B-friezes.lgOBy now, these include the bulk of the objects also known from the private object ritual, while the end-friezes can be related with the Spriseritlrril (see p. 000 and 000). The friezes thus give expression to the rather materialistic religious outlook of the O.K.lgl: they deal exclusively with rituals concerned with the provision of food and luxury to the deceased. In the greater part of Egypt, little changed in this respect in the early M.K. The end-friezes just referred to are similar to the early frieze types discussed in 4.5.3 (a and b) and 4.5.4 (a). B-friezes of type 192 present typical elements of the private object ritual (see 4.5.5 < a > ; the same is true to some extent for the early frieze types 4.5.5 and < e > ) . The relevant sources date from the late XIth Dynasty until approximately the reign of Sesostris I. The interesting thing about this date is that it casts a certain doubt on the validity of Kees' well-known theory that the royal element so strongly present in some friezes has its roots in the F.I.P., when the weak kings were allegedly unable to prevent their subjects from usurping royal power Nothing suggests, however, that such usurpations were gravely menacing to the monarchy, and the assumption that the kings opposed the tendency is at best conjectural. It has apparently not been fully realized in this connection that the popularization of royal attributes was not uncommon in the XIIth Dynasty.lg3 Since there are no reliable indications that friezes with a royal bias occur significantly earlier, they should be explained in the first place as products of the M.K.

Desl~asheh,pl. XXVIII; Meir IV, pl. XVIII-XXI: JCquier, Tombeaus, fig. 44, 69, 140. Introducing items like sticks, writing equipment, S'~I~.IJ and !lsnrn.y vessels, fans, mirrors, beds, natron chests, etc.: JCquier, Tonrbearrs, fig. 16-19. 42-44,49-51, 55, 82-83, pl. VI-VII, XI-XII, XIV, XVI; same, Deus p~ramides,40-42; same. Pyrcrmitle d'Aba, 24; same, A S A E 35 (1935). 135-139, 156-159; Daressy, A S A E 16 (19 16), 196- 197,201-203.206-207,2 10-2 1 1; Maspkro, Trois annits tle/ouilles, Le Caire, 1889, pl. I-VII; D I D , S18C. SqI2X. 19' Cf. Kees. Torerrgla~rben, 116- 117. l9= Kees. o.c., 164-169; cf. also JF. 71 (Vl). 193 a ) rp.t-sp-datings for private persons (M.K. occurrences a t Beni Hasan (Beni Htrsan I. pl. VIII) and Hatnub (Halnlrb. passim; early instances at this site date from the F.I.P.); b) various royal phrases and symbols in tomb C. no. I at Meir (Xleir I. 12; VI. 15, 26, 30 f.. 35j; c) certain private tomb reliefs at Q i w (Fischer, Fragetl m1 die alriig~pri.~cl~lr Lirercrrur. Wiesbaden. 1977. 164); d) depictions of private persons in the lunette of stelae, replacing royal cartouches (Miiller, iMDrllR 4 [1933]. 198 f.. cf. Ptliiger, J A O S 67 [1947]. 133 C); e) on coffins. the palace facade decoration on the outside (3.2.6) appears around the same time as the large scale introduction of royal orerings in the friezes. Most of the developments sketched above date from approximately the time of Amenemhat I1 and later. lBQ 190

333

4 5 7 COhCEPTUAL DEVELOPCiENT O F T H t OBJECT FRIEZE

TABLE 13: DlSTRlBUTIOh O F O B J E C T S 0 3 B AND F'R

The table can only render a simplified account. Items occurring less than 3 times have generally been omittcd. The ldt-hand column indicates the frequency o f occurrence of items in type I , the right-hand columns that on B and F K of type 2 coffins. The frequency of each item at the various sites (B. BH, M , Sq. T. various) is indicated in normal,type. The total numbers xre indicated in heirvy tSpe in the columns headed by "+". object B

type 1 O N B (59 sources) BII 31 Sq T var

+

B

Qpe 2 O N B (38 sources) Bbl kl Sq T war

1 Royal insignia offering ( P T 5 2272-2286, see 4.5.1; 4.5.7) (5 cobras,'vultures, a. 1 1 1 b. 2 2 2 related objects (see p. 000 and e.g. 4.5.5 i d > ; 4.5.6 i b > ) : royal inrb crowns ,g t~nls'R I 1 2 1 b3.1 sill @j v;~rious 3

%a7 o k\g

b. Royal weapon offering (Nt 11. 283-292: a. 3 1 6 b. I 3 Royal scepter offering (?it 11. 307-328: a. 3 1 3 b. I 5

41 1

I11 Private object ritual Collars, bracelets, etc. IVS!,

t,l i1!,.1

-8 --

mnfr.1 snr.l.'n,3~l ' ~ t r . ~ i h 3 i ra. i nmi.1 X ~ 4 3w;!rkr . & .l

-

various pearls 01,s

4

Dress and Textile h3hy.l n1r.n 6 various sandals Toilet equipment >!l

2

,-,

tn33-hr )' % >,!It t ~pr=/.' @ pr ti ir!r

h' esn nr3!1t1e

-

1 mm) 5

5

1 2 4

)

5

1

2 1

5 7

1

10 2

iillfli1 1)) 1

1

1

B

O h FR (44sources) BH %I Sq T var

nhlv collar, m1.5diadem. nr < > I >4r.i amulet I 1 3 13

G> 2 gf

I1 Royal object ritual Royal dress offering (Nt 11. 293-306:

+

1

3 3 3

1 1 I

1 1 6 1 2 6 4 3

1 9 0

4

[a2 Q'n]) -

13 1 I

2

I 1

1

+

8 9 I2 1 1 -

224

INNER D E CO RATI O N

object

type I ON B (59 sources) BH M Sq T var

B Tools Scribe's equipment

4

1

gsri p3s hr.).-' m

4 4

2

0

4 I

it

various weapons sticks

, /

mdw hw-'

2

I

SS!>.! .mo

6

S!!.,

1 Various objects of daily use beds W 3 ~vrs 4 pillow h 3

g

7

2 2

1

3 1

A-

9, bn.1 6 nh.1 a. n h . 1 b.

-=S

0

!!,I.

-

1 2 l l 4 l

1

7 7

4 8

2

3 4

1

5

4

5

4 9 2 I 5 I 2 I 2 3 5 9 2 9 3 3 1 3 1 8 5 4 1 8 4 2 8

1

2 2

B

1

1 I

rbys

basket chest

+

1

1

type 2 ON B (38 sources) Btl M Sq T rar

3

2

7 7 3 7 6 2 9

1

I

2 2 I

2 2

1

2 3

1

2

3 3 4

1

I 2

l

12 11 1 5 9 1 3 3 12

-

1 2

8

1

3

4

2 5

3

3

2

3

2

1

1

6

4 3 9

1

2

l

2 I

l

2 1

4

5

1

B

11

3 3

18 0 2 5 3 9 1 5 3 6

7

+

1

1

1

I

-

1 l

2 I

Ceremonial objects ' n snjr ( p 3 4 sn!r bd ::: 8 S@. I snjr

:::

8

4 5

8

2 3

1

@

1 l

2

5 00

1

0 !BBB

various Amulets

l l 1

1

.

1

1

1

2

3

9

'tl!l+

..

1 2 1 2 5 I 2 1 1 4 6

4 5

4 6

l

-

3 l 2 l 1 4

-

l

1

S

1

-

1

v

l

2 -

l

3 I 2 I 1 6

l

1

2

1

1

6 -

1

4 1

1

1

1 2

5 6

-

8

~3,r mn&b)..r h3.1 S hr n p'.! !rp 1 W

1

l

'rf \ ~ 3 ~ ~ t ? r . ~ d n 7 . 1 w11[r ff h11m.1-IIT , W ' hr sn=f sn~t.imgrg nms.,rlfr.r Q h t ~n 11snrn 63.1

itrrt1.1

2

2

holy unguents

g

7

3 1

3

7 1 3

7 l 3

4 I 2 1 l 3 4 4 1

1

2 3 3 6 3 5 2

I

I

6 2

2

Vessels

g

hs trsmt~.yj~i.ry snb.r/kb!~.r

f

various

&I

2

I 1

1

1

5

4

5

I

4

5

1

4

1

1 8 6 1 6 1 7

1 4 2

1

l

2

ON FR (4 sources) BH $1 Sq T var

4.5.7 C O N C EPT UA L D E V EL O PME N T O F T H E O B J E C T F R IE Z E

225

Table 13 indicates that the presence of items from royal rituals is still restricted in subtype la and Ib coffins. Before discussing the table. it should be stressed that the occurrence of an object with an originally royal background is in itself no evidence that the royal ceremonies formed the source of inspiration. It is a well-known fact that all kinds of royal prerogatives were gradually popularized from the beginning of the O.K. on, and items with an initially royal background may well have slipped into the private object ritual and the object frieze in this way (cf. n. 124). Hence, the conclusive force of coffins where only isolated royal objects occur, is restricted (in table 13 1-11, these instances are listed in the registers labelled a. The cases where context and selection, or the amount of royal objects, do suggest influence of the royal ceremonies, figure in the registers labelled b). Significant selections from the royal insignia offering appear in two type I coffins only.194 Isolated items from the royal dress offering occur in 14 sources. In most cases, however, it concerns only a few objects, which do not appear close together. Perhaps, some items are not even exclusively royal.lg5 Selections from the royal weapon offering are much more frequent. But although these objects (arrows, bows and bowstrings) do figure in that rite, they do not seem to have an exclusively royal character either. They may l~~ 10 type I coffins feature therefore derive from the private object r i t ~ a 1 . Finally, sceptres that clearly derive from a royal background, and 12 others even have a fairly extensive selection of items from the royal sceptre offering.19' As compared with the evidence drawn from type 2 coffins, the influence of the royal offering rituals in the object friezes of type 1 coffins is thus still rather meagre, the more so since doubts are often justified in the latter cases about the royal background of the items. One has the impression of a gradual increase of the importance of royal offering ceremonies. This impression is confirmed once the type 1 coffins are viewed in chronological perspective. Early in the period under study, the private offering ritual still prevails in friezes from South and Middle Egypt. Only in some sources from Bersheh and Assiut, which have close typological similarities, is strong royal itlfluence manifest already in the late XIth Dynasty or early XIIth RIX, S14C. SlOC features one vulture and a winged sundisk on B; on H. the same coffin shows seven cobras. six vultures and nms cloths. l g 5Daggers, though they occur in the dress offering from the P T (Nt 299-300), have no exclusive link with kingship. Some of the 14cases listed in the table may well have another background, therefore. Small amounts of other items from the royal dress offering (Sn4i.r and other kilts, tails, s31r.r amulets) occur in BIBo, BIZC, BH3C. BHSC. MIBe. M3-JC. M6C. M?SC, k137C. MINY, S I C . lY6 These objects occur in e.g. the private object ritual depicted Meir I, pl. 111. One might add that some friezes show (1~1-clubs(B3Bo. B4C. B6C. BIPh. BHSC. MIBe, kl3-4C, MZSC, M37C. SI4C. SqYC. SqlCh, T T 240). Although these probably have a royal background (cf. JF, 204-205). they already occur in private contexts in the O.K. (cf. n. 124). I YSmall 7 selections in Ab2X (a p~l-'Ir), BIB0 ('W./. 'b./. p
226

I N N E R DE C O R A TI O N

Dynasty.lg8 The desire to incorporate royal items was clearly there, though the arrangement of the friezes was still uncanonical and far from stable. In this period1", a similar development was taking place at Saqqiira. The cemetery around the pyramid of Teti was used by the clergy of the pyramid temple of this king and of king Merikare. These people must have had direct access to the royal ritual books. No doubt this explains the occurrence on some of their coffins of whole sequences of objects from the royal object Many coffins from the same site show other innovations as well. On F, the granaries, which were still common in O.K. burial chambers, no longer occur, being replaced by objects used in the purification tent (4.5.4 < e > ) . In association with the granaries, the same ritual implements occur at an early date at Bersheh (4.5.4). The introduction of objects with a ritual and royal background in early M.K. - !? coffins from Saqqara represents the first step of a nationwide tendency of decreasing the amount of objects of daily use to the benefit of those with a religious bias. One late XIth Dynasty B-frieze from Thebes (TT 240, see n. 184; cf. also T I C [see n. 1881) is clearly inspired by the friezes with royal sticks and sceptres from Saqqara (4.5.5 < e > ) , and some instances from Meir, from the time of Sesostris I, have a similar selection of objects (4.5.5 ) . Nevertheless, table 13 shows that such innovations were on the whole still relatively infrequent in type 1 coffins, the friezes representing primarily objects of daily use.z01 These matters changed drastically by the middle of the XIIth Dynasty, when type 2 coffins replaced those of type l. The table indicates a certain decline in the number of objects of daily use in the B-frieze, while none of the newly introduced objects " derives from this sphere.z0zInstead, one finds a number of new representations with a ritual zo3 or royal zo4 background. On B, these innovations had to compete for lg8 BIBo, B4C, B6C, SIOC, S14C. For their relationship. cf. 2.4.5. Cf. the royal weapon offering in T I C (cf. n. 188). 19" It is probable that the coffins next to be discussed, date from the XIth Dynasty, for their style is reflected in a late XIth Dynasty frieze from Thebes (TT 240). See 2.5 iA > . Sq9C. SqlCh, Sq4Sq, Sq6Sq, Sq2X. 201 This and the following remarks intend to indicate trends, not to determine absolute rules. The picture is blurred considerably by the coffins from Bersheh. where even late sources sometimes show the traditional items. Comparing types I and 2, the impression is one of decreasing variety. with a growing emphasis on royal and ritual items. 202 There is a considerable decline in the number of collars and bracelets, of non-royal dress and textile. and of toilet equipment. though the importance of the m33-hr-mirror on F R is noteworthy. The variety and amount of objects of daily use recedes strongly, too. Many of these traditional objects occur only in type 2 coffins from Brrsheh, having disappeared at the other Egyptian sites. 203 At Bersheh, the amulets form an important new category. Other ceremonial objects used during purification rites. are already well-attested all over Egypt in type I, but in type 2, their variety increases by the introduction o r e.g. the )v'-!rr-str=J; snw/tn,yrg vases, t~tru.l/rlSr.! vessels, the b3.!-object. and various others. 2 0 4 In table 13 1-11, the number of b-entries for the royal insignia offering and object ritual. as well as for other items associated with the king, are sensibly higher than for type I, even though the amount of type 2 sources is much lower.

F<.

prominence with more traditional selections of objects. Although one pattern. presenting mainly items drawn from the royal dress offering (4.5.5 < c > ) , became rather popular, this competition often led to unique designs. With the newly developed FR-frieze, no such confrontation with tradition occurred, however. The result was a consistently arranged frieze showing mainly objects with a royal and ritual background (cf. 4.5.6 < a > ) . 2 o 5Similarly, the H- and F-friezes now concentrate on ritual implements (4.5.3 < c > ; 4.5.4 < d ; f > ). The sudden importance of the religious objects - particularly those with a royal background - coincides neatly with the introduction of FR-friezes. Perhaps, the wish to incorporate elements of the royal ritual may even have been a major cause for the introduction of FR-friezes. Indications to this effect are found both in the chronology of the friezes and in the disposition of the objects. We have already noticed that the first attempts to render the royal object ritual in a frieze can be found in a number of type 1 coffins from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery. This necropolis was also the find-place of what are probably the earliest zo6 type 2 coffins (n. 52), and here, the FR-frieze is devoted exclusively to sticks and staves derived from the royal object ritual (cf. n. 117-119). The local preference for designing the frieze in accordance with the royal rite seems thus to go hand in hand with the origin of type 2 coffins. It is a notable fact that some more developed coffins from other areas present the same elementary selection on FR (4.5.6 < c > ) , and that these objects also form part of the most common FR-frieze (4.5.6 < a > ) . On the other hand, the most important B-frieze found in type 2 coffins (4.5.5 < c > ) is evidently related with the dress-offering in the royal object ritual. Now it is remarkable that in the PT version of the royal ritual, a graphic distinction is made between the dress-offering ritual and the stave ritual.207Also, the only wellpreserved instance (Nt 283-328) concentrates the sticks in the eastern part of the list, and the dress offering in its western part. Hence, their position in this pyramid accords exactly with that of the dress-offering on B ( = west) and the stick-offering on FR ( = east) of the coffin. It will be recalled that, within a few decades after the introduction of the F R frieze, the outer decoration was enriched by palace facade ornamentation (type VI) Z O J From H to F, the most characteristic objects are I ) a ~133-!W-mirror; the offering of this object can be related with solar religion, which explains its occurrence next to the false door and 1vd3.1-eyeson F R (cf. Lilyquist, il4irror.r. 96-99: Husson. L'ofjrclt~(ledu nnriroir. Lyon, 1977, 41-42); 2) trsb-collars and nlil!r.rcounterpoises, sometimes royal ws!i-collars (JF 71-72): 3) elements from the royal stave and weapon ritual; 4) other objects (cf. 4.5.6 < a > ) . ' 0 6 Some XIth Dqnasty coffins from southern Egypt of type 2. but of a wholly diferent design, are disregarded here (cf. 2.6.2). Io7 Jkquier. Ncil er Apo~rir,pl. XII. lines 283-328. The frames containing the names of the stave offerings (lines 307 R.) are higher than the others (lines 283-306). This is apparently not the case in the list of Pepi I1 (Jkquier. Pcpi I I I, pl. IV). In the two sources, the position of the weapon list varies. either preceding the dress offering or following the stave offering. In the friezes. the weapons can be combined with both other categories.

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- another royal attribute Thus, the development of coffin decoration suggests a

change in attitude in the middle of the XIIth Dynasty. There was clearly a growing +! emphasis on the deceased's role as a king. Contrary to Kees, I do not believe that this must be explained in political terms, as the arrogation of royal power by the nobility. After all, in this period, kings like Sesostris I and Amenemhat I1 managed to get an ever stronger hold on the country. Rather, the deceased's portrayal as a king underlines his identification with Osiris, the ruler of the Netherworld. a --

4.6.1 Pictorial Decoration: False Doors and Offering Tables Ornamental texts and object frieze are standard elements of the inner decoration from the O.K. onwards. In addition, a painting of a false door near the head-end of FR, opposite the eyes of the deceased, was introduced at a similarly early date (see fig. 21).208T WO wi3.t-eyes frequently form part of the composition, a combination which was also applied to the outside from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty onwards.20gThe often exquisitely painted false doors form an attractive part of the inner decoration, but apart from the layout features dealt with in 4.2, I have found no typological attributes here which are valid dating criteria. It has been noted in discussing the false door and eyes on the outside (3.1 < 2-3 >) that they served as a means for the ba to see sunrise and to leave the coffin in order to take part in solar rebirth.210 The interpretation is supported by the regular occurrence of a m33-!V-mirror at the beginning of the FR-object frieze, and thus adjoining the false door. The mirror offering probably served to enable the deceased to see the sun (cf. n. 205). But at the same time, it was suggested that the false door provided the coffin with an own exit to the tomb chapel.211 There, a similar false door was erected in front of which victuals were consecrated on an offering table. The false door itself may include a relief showing the deceased sitting before an offering table. The adjoining walls of the chapel include representations of offering bearers and a list of offerings. In many respects, the FR decoration can be conceived as a copy of these elements of the tomb chapel. In the offering formulae and object friezes, the offering rituals are admittedly represented on all sides, but they are most strongly related with FR, which, after all, was called the "Mistress of offerings".212 On this side, all basic elements of the chapel are represented: the false door, the offering table, the offering list and often some frieze objects which, in tomb reliefs, are often shown while being carried by offering bearers. False doors on B, H and F occur rarely. tce n. 20, 23, 30. CF. chapter 3. n. 37, 141. I44 (Vba): 3.2.3 (lIIba), 3.2.6 (VI). 210 For a CT spell which may be related with the false door, and mentioning the e!es and the ba's entry to the cofin, see CT 111. 327-328 [242]. 2" Cf. chapter 3, n. 13-14; Fischrr, Re~~ersols, fig. 42. 2" C T 111. 3249 [2411; cf. Barguet. RdE 23 (1971). 19. 20H

209

4.6.2 OFFERING LISTS AND COFFIN TEXTS

229

In tomb chapels, an offering table stood in front of the false door, but of course this was impossible in a coffin. Instead, an offering table was often painted beside it, in front of the deceased's hands (see fig. 18). The philosophy underlying this placement may have been that he only had to stretch his arms to reach the piles of food depicted.213The victuals were presented to him during the offering ritual. This places the offering table scene on a par with the object frieze, which, to a large extent, has the same background.214 Some C T spells apparently present part of the liturgy around the offering table.21s In some, mostly early, coffins, the offering table rectangle renders a scenic account of the ritual. The deceased is here seen sitting before an offering table, while some offering bearers and priests approach him (AIC, BIBo, G l T , T3C, T3L). In some even rarer cases, such representations replace both the normal - inanimate - offering table scene and the false door (see fig. 21, FR6, N.B.). A final element also known from tomb chapels, the offering list, usually occurs right of the offering table. It will be discussed in the next section. For vignettes to non-ornamental texts, see 4.6.3.

4.6.2 The Non-Ornamental Texts: Offering Lists and CT (l 32- 136, 244, 246) The final major decoration element of the sides is the non-ornamental texts. These texts usually fill the entire space below the object frieze and ornamental hieroglyphs. Only on FR, false doors and offering tables are drawn to their left (see fig. 19-21). Their technical execution has been discussed in 4.1 < 4 > . As regards subject matter, the non-ornamental texts can be divided in two broad categories: a) offering lists and b) CT and PT spells.

a) The Offering List In M.K. standard class coffins, the offering list is inscribed on FR216, among other elements (false door, offering table, etc., see 4.6.1) connected with the offering ritual. Both in type l and type 2 coffins, the list often fills the entire non-ornamental text segment. It is ocasionally supplemented with a few columns providing stipulations for the performance of the ritual. Clear instances of this are CT spells 925 and 926.217But one also finds CT which are functionally independent from the offering list (see further below).21s Cf. CT V1. 215 i-j [599] and Schifer. Prie~lergriiber.17. JF. 287-289 discusses the offering table as part of the frieze. CT spelIs 591 and 599, "spells of the offering table", were written next to the offering table drawing. and were probably recited during the :itl.ia!. For these spells, cf. p.000 . Cf. also spells 831 and 863 (the only published version is that of L3Li. but it also appears in BIBo, L I N Y and S14C, each time above the offering table). :l6 In some Siut-type coffins, it occurs on B (Lapp. L'J V. 432). Similar, but much more elaborate, texts, are C T spells 935-936. 'l@For replacements of the offering list by liturgical texts, see n. 220. 213

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If both categories of texts are present, the offering list precedes the CT. The non-ornamental texts being written in text columns, this implies that a vertical demarcation separates the two, the CT appearing to the right of the list (see fig. 29a). Other solutions were tried only rarely, but with some frequency at Bersheh. In coffins of subtypes la and Ib, the list sometimes occupies a register above the CT, see forming a kind of mirror image to the object frieze register on B fig. 29b).219 With the introduction of the FR-frieze in this location (type 2 coffins), this arrangement was not possible any longer. Since at Bersheh. CT seem to have commanded much more esteem than than the offering list, the latter is often simply In type 1 coffins from Beni Hasan, the list is also left out frequently, omitted its place being taken by PT S 16 (X), also concerned with the offering ritual.220 Alternatively, some type 2 sources feature a miniature list below a small-scale see most FR8 sources of fig. 21 except BI-2P). rendering of the offering table In most cases, the offering list presents a very schematic rendering of the offering ritual: it is a kind of matrix in which the squares are occupied by the names of the offerings, determinatives indicating their kind, and numerals for the amounts offered (see fig. 28). Early coffins are often somewhat more explicit. Here, the "determinatives" are small pictures showing the various officiants with the pertinent offerings and ritual implements In his Opferliste, Barta distinguishes five kinds of offering lists, but only two of these are of relevance for our purpose: list types A and B. The former type is related with the "Speisungsrituaf', i.e. it enumerates the victuals, unguents, etc., used in the offering rites, adding brief descriptions of some of the ritual acts.222Before being able to enjoy the food-offering, the deceased had, however, to be brought to life by means of the Opening the Mouth ritual. This ritual - or at least the ceremonial presentation of the implements used in the Opening of the Mouth - directly preceded the Speisungsritual (cf. n. 126). List type B renders account of the former rite. It is always incorporated at the beginning of list type A.223List type A/B must hence reflect a combined ritual: the Opening of the Mouth offering and the victual offering. Both versions can occur in coffins from all parts of Egypt, and at all periods, but there are certain preferences. List type A is by far the most popular. It is remarkable, however, that only very few instances are known from Bersheh. At this site, type A/

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133:mainly in Bersheh groups A-B. and BLY from group C ; also in Thebes group B (tables 7 and 6) and AblLe and Sq7X. The instances date from the late Xlth Dynasty until Sesostris I. Bersheh group D, 246: Beni Hasan group A (see tables 1-2). A fine instance: Terrace, Eg~pliarrPai/lrir:g\, pl. X-XIV (B1 Bo). Instances of [34: groups Bersheh A-B. D (B12C only), Meir A, Thebes B (tables 2. 4-6); MeslX. Abl-2Le, Sq4-5C, Sq7X. S14C. The approximate date of the sources is early M.K.. roughly until Sesostris I. .. Z 2 2 The most recent discussion o f this ritual is ~ a bOp/!lrrJbrn~el. ~ , 153-192. One instance of list type C : QIQ. Barta, OpJerlisre. 78.

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232

I N N E R DE CO R A TI O N

B is rather the rule. There is sparse evidence for the same kind of list from other parts of Egypt. A large number of cases occupy an intermediate position, adding only some objects from list B to those of list A. The selection of objects found in these cases is very unstable.224 b) The Coffin Texts

In consequence of the late publication of the CT - the last volume of de Buck's edition appeared in 1961 - these texts are in many respects still relatively unexplored. Until recently, they were approached almost exclusively from a philological angle, an attitude which resulted in a large amount of translations of and commentaries on individual spells and topics. But since de Buck did not indicate the disposition of the texts in an easily surveyable manner, the broader context of spells could only be determined with great difficulty. Blunt statements like Kees' remark that "bei der Beschriftung der Sarge .. kein System (herrschte)" must probably be excused on these grounds.22sIt was only in 1979 that this kind of information was made accessible by the appearance of Lesko's Inde.es ofthe Spells on Egyptian Middle Kingdom Coflns. On the basis of this book, Lesko and, later on, Barta were able to demonstrate that Kees' assessment was much too pessimistic.226 Firstly, their studies show that there were clearly expressed regional preferences. Once such local influences are envisaged, it often appears that certain spells occur in certain parts of Egypt only and here tend to be concentrated in certain positions.227 Secondly, while the selection of individual spells on a particular side can often hardly be called systematic, Barta (o.c.) has shown that certain kinds of texts did have preferential positions. These can to some extent be explained by referring to the principles outlined with regard to the object friezes. One important device is symmetry (see 4.5.2 < 3 > ) . As a result of this, facing coffin sides may show related CT spells, or a spell begun on one side may proceed on the opposite one. The principle involves that H and F form a set which stands apart from the long sides. Also analogously to the application of the object frieze, the CT on H and F are often associated with the nearest part of the corpse. Thus, on F one finds numerous spells concerning sandals and walking or treading enemies underfoot. On H, many texts concern the head. H and F were also seen to present frieze objects related with the food-offering ritual, and as shown in 4.5.1, the CT underneath can often be related with the same rites. List type A/B occurs in BI-490, B6Bo. B8Bo (subtype la); B4C, R I X , S l 8 C (subtype Ib); other type I coffins: D I D ; SqS-6C. Type 2: BIC. cf. BSc, B9C, GIT. M?NY, R?X, T2L; type 3: KHIKH. XIBas. Mix-forms occur in M3-6C. M13C, M28C. M37C. SidlSid. 2 2 T e e s . HciO l. Abt. Bd. 1, 2. Abschnitt. 61. Z z 6 Barta, JEOL 27 (1981-1982). 1983, 33-42; Lesko, in: L'Eg~lpiologieer1 1979 I. Paris. 1982. 39-43. For a similar discussion of some texts only, cf. Barguet, R d E 23 (1971). 15-37. A much more extensive survey of the material is being prepared by Dr Lapp. For this reason, and for lack of space. this chapter will present only a general survey, based mainly on Barta's article. For P T in the cotlins, cf. Barta, Z ~ S 113 (1986), 1-8. 2 2 7 Cf. Lesko, o.c., 40.

233

4.6.2 OFFERING LISTS .AND COFFIN TEXTS

References to the offering ritual are also found on the other sides, including lid and bottom. There is thus no fixed position for this theme, but i t is far more prominent on FR than elsewhere. This is hardly astonishing, for as we have seen above, this side, oriented east, faced the offering place in the tomb. In consequence, it is here that one also finds the false door, offering list, and offering formulae related to the offering ritual (cf. further 4.6.3). The orientation of the coffin can explain the position reserved for other topics, too. Thus B, the western side, regularly features some spells concerned with building a tomb in the necropolis (which was ideally situated in the west, towards sunset). Other B-texts concern the back of the deceased. The influence exerted by the orientation of the coffin on the disposition of texts is most evident, however, in the case of spells with a cosmic background. The clearest indications for this are found on lid and bottom. The former often contains texts in which the sky-goddess Nut is said to spread herself over the deceased, or to protect him against evil (cf. 3.2.3). Barta fails to notice that, in coffins of the later XIIth Dynasty, one of the most important lid-texts is CT spell 335 which deals with Re's arising, while many earlier lids are inscribed with CT spell 75 W).The latter is a text in which the deceased is identified with the air-god Shu, and in which the sun-bark plays a prominent part. In this connection, one might refer to the sky-symbol lining the top-rim of the sides of some Bersheh coffins (155, see 4.3). or to the star-clocks found on the lids of south-Egyptian coffins (M,see 4.6.3). Apparently, a strong symbolic relationship existed between coffin lids and the sky. In fact, in Sin. B 193, the lid is called p.t "sky". If the lid symbolizes the sky, it is reasonable to suppose that the bottom renders the earth, or alternatively the underworld. Indeed many bottoms feature maps of the underworld (4.6.3). Texts on this side often deal with the descent into this area, while others, the Book of Two Ways and the ferryman spells, concern the journey through the netherworld. Solar issues are also in evidence on B and FR, and at least on FR the position of the texts seems to be related with the orientation of the coffin. Spells on this side concern the deceased's ascent to heaven and his entry into the solar vessel. Although many B-texts also deal with cosmic matters, their connection with the West is not always clear, and Barta explains them as the counterpart of the texts on the opposite wall. This brief summary can hardly do justice to the complexity and variety of the CT: but many issues not mentioned above can be seen as corollaries of the deceased's participation in the solar cycle. Barta remarks in this connection: "Zum Geschehen des Sonnenlaufes gehoren dabei neben dem Opferritual auch die tigliche Wiederbelebung und die Bekampfung der Feinde, die am Wege lauern. All diese Themen begegnen daher auch in mehr oder weniger regelmissiger Wiederholung auf den vier Langswinden des S a r g e ~ . " ' ~ ~

(m),

234

I N N E R DE CO R A TI O N

4.6.3 Vignettes, Maps and Star-clocks

In numerous funerary books of the N.K., the message is transmitted not only by textual, but also by pictorial means. Chapters of the Book of the Dead can be illustrated by so-called "vignettes". Similarly, the Guides to the Hereafter are accompanied by depictions showing how the Sun-bark sailed through the Underworld. Some of these illustrations have M.K. precursors in the CT. We have already seen a few instances of drawings illustrating the CT: the object friezes (see 4.5. l), the false door and offering table (see 4.6. l , n. 210, 2 14-2 15) and the offering list (n. 22 1). These elements occupy separate segments of the coffin sides. But apart from these illustrative elements, one also finds true vignettes painted within the CT segment. Vignettes still lead a marginal existence in the M.K. Some are unique; in the rare cases where a particular vignette occurs more than once, the manuscripts may well originate from the same workshop. The south-Egyptian coffins A l C and GIT, whose decoration is almost identical, and G2T, feature a large amount of instances. Some cases, where single objects are depicted, simply appear to show frieze objects transposed to the CT segment.229The nature of some others is not clear to me.230 The remaining vignettes are concerned with the topic of the journey through the Netherworld. On B, AIC and G l T provide large drawings of a ship approaching an Osiris figure under a canopy. The scene is an illustration to the famous ferryman spell 398 (CT V, 161-2). The trajectory through a certain area in the Beyond, finally, is shown on B of G I T , in addition to CT spells 649-654.231 Occasional other vignettes also deal with the passage through the Beyond. Zandee has argued that the illustration to CT spell 758 - a peculiar drawing of Re surrounded by "roads of fire" and the Mehen-snake - may be related with descripions of the sun god's nightly journey as in the Book of Gates.232 A comparable background is found in C T spell 901, which occurs on B of BHlBr (unpublished) and BH4C. The text is illustrated by a vignette showing seven gates. These can be linked with the Book of Two Ways (CT spells 1100-1 110) and Book of the Dead chapter 144.233 One should finally mention the vignette of CT spell 466, a large map of the Field of Hetep M).It occurs on FR of a number of coffins of Bersheh groups C-E (see table 2). Again, the vignette describes the characteristics of an area in the Beyond and serves as a Netherworld guide. As such, it is the pictorial supplement of spells CT 111, 300a [232] - a headrest; VI. 266a [646] - a nlc/,~.-staK(GIT). CT 11, 151, n.4 [l311 in G2T; VI, 275 [ o j j j in G1T. 231 CT VI, 271. plan. cf. Hornung, Z A S 100 (1973), 33-35 and pl. 11. u2 C T VI, 386, fig., from BIC; cf. Zandee. JEOL 15 (1957-1958). 68. 2" C T VII. 107-108; cf. Barguet, RcIE 21 (1969). 12 n. 5 and Waitkus, GlCf 61 (1983). 79-83. Similar vignettes occur in the M.K. papyrus P. Golen. containing a guide to the Netherworld (Borghouts. Abstracts of Pupers. Fourth Irrt. Congress of Eg?'ptology, Munich. 1985, 25). 229

1 6 . 3 VIGNETTES. MAPS. STAR-CLOCKS

235

464-465 and 467, which concern the same matters, and which always surround spell 466. The position of the spells is easily explained. In BIBo, the first spell in the sequence begins with the title "Becoming Hetep, Lord of the Two Fields of Offerings" (CT V, 336a). In recent studies, it could be shown that "the Two Fields of Offerings" are a designation of the offering table.234 Now most coffins place the vignette and the accompanying texts on FR, in the immediate vicinity of the offering table (see fig. 18). Apparently, the former and the latter represent two sides of one coin. The offering table was the place where the offering ritual was performed. But on the mythological level, it was apparently compared with the celestial Fields of Hetep, an area where the deceased would have access to whatever provisions he liked. In view of the solar emphasis of these texts, their combination with the offering table highlights the major elements of the decoration program of FR, integrating them into a meaningful whole: the offering ritual and solar resurrect i ~ nThis . ~ interplay ~ ~ between ritual and elements of solar mythology can hardly be coincidental; we have seen above that similar circumstances surround other stages of the burial ceremonies. Comparable maps appear on the bottoms of many coffins. The term vignette is, however, hardly applicable here. The drawings cover the whole surface, forming the background on which the CT were written. The best known of these maps constitute the Book of Two Ways (CT spells 1029-1185). This famous netherworld-guide describes two roads through the underworld, one by water and one by land.236The text, which is only attested at Bersheh, is known in four versions. Their chronology as reconstructed by Lesko is probably incorrect; see 2.2.7 (BIBe). It is much less generally known that many late M.K. coffins237feature a similar map on the bottom M). These maps are less uniform than the Book of Two Ways. Their rather simple design consists of blue or green strips filled in with zig-zag lines symbolizing water. The strips separate yellow areas which must symbolize islands. It is on these islands that the bottom texts are written (see fig. 30). These texts are generally "ferryman spells", i.e. spells which, like the Book of Two Ways, are concerned with the journey of the deceased. Finally, a decorative element of the lid must be discussed. In 4.6.2, it appeared that the lid symbolized the sky. This conception is not only expressed in the lid texts, 234 Munro. Gib1 5 (1973). 13-16: Heerma van Voss. F S Wesret~ciorf11. 805-807. T o the evidence one could add that the offering table on F R oT S5C is labelled 5. 2 3 s The texts are discussed by Lesko, JARCE 9 (1971-1972). 89-101. For the vignettes, see CT V, 359362. The same interplay of cosmic and ritual features is given visual expression in the vignette oTCT spell 607, occurring on F R of L2Li. It shows the symbols of East and West presenting offerings. The spell begins as an offering text. but also deals with solar resurrection (Borghouts. F S WesretlciorJ11, 710-716). 236 Lesko, Tlre At~ciet~r Eg.vprint1 Book of' Two bl,'q.s, Berkeley, 1972. For the occurrence of 146 in Beni Hasan group B. Meir groups C-E and Thebes group C, see tables I, 4-6. It is also found in LINY, RLX and S q l C (now lost, but see iMaspPro. Truis urrtiies de fuuilles, Le Caire, 1889, 228; CT V, 75. n. 3). All sources date from Amenemhat 11's reign or later.

INNER DECORATION

4.6.3 VIGNETTES. MAPS, STAR-CLOCKS

237

but in some sources also by pictorial means. In these cases, the lid contains paintings of so-called star-clocks (U). These are matrixes indicating periods when certain stars were visible.238Star-clocks abound in Siut-type coffins, but also in sources from the area further south. Here, they are known primarily from XIth Dynasty sources, but also from T3-3L, Theban sources postdating the time of Sesostris I.239 It can be concluded that vignettes and other pictorial additions to the C T focus on areas in the Netherworld and the deceased's passage through them. The position of the vignettes, etc. accords with that of the CT as discussed in 4.6.2: those on the bottom depict areas in the underworld, those on the lid are associated with the sky. The vignette accompanying the Field of Hetep spells may perhaps refer to an area in the eastern sky. It is true that there is considerable uncertainty about the location of this fieldz40, but in view of the consistency of this vignette's position on FR, and its apparent linkage with the offering table, which is always located east, this seems the most plausible explanation to me. Hence, the coffin seems to be a small-scale representation of the cosmos. Note that the same suggestion was already made in connection with the outer decoration (see p. 00).

Z 3 B Neupebauer-Parker, ~ ~ S I ~ O I I O ~ I ~ Te.vIs C C I I I: Schrarnrn, in Brunncr-Traut and Brunner. Die iigjprische Sunrnrl~otgder Urtirersiriil TiibLrgerf I , Mainz. 1981, 219-227; v. Beckcrath. L..? I, 1036-1037. 239 145occurs in A IC. T3C, T2-jL (see table 6: for the instances from Assiut, see Ncugcbauer-Parker.

ox.. and Brunner and Brunner-Traut. o x . , no. 6. See also SIX, X2Bas). ZJO For a survey. see Lesko. JARCE 9 (1971-1972). 100-101.

5. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS "Ewig w l h r t am Ilngsten" Kurt Schwitters

5.1 Continuity and Change in the Decoration of the Coffin. The two preceding chapters present an outline of the formal evolution of M.K. coffins. Uncertainties still abound, and some details may be interpreted differently by other scholars, but there can hardly be dispute about the general trends. A glance at table 7 makes clear that there was a marked development in both interior and exterior decoration. On the outside (see chapter 3), the early and simple type I decoration was gradually superseded by more evolved patterns showing increasing numbers of ornamental text columns (text column coffins, types 11-XV). Also, some coffins from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty show a false door decoration on all four sides (type VI). On the inside (chapter 4), coffins with an object frieze on all four sides (type 2) suddenly replaced more traditional ones where this element is still absent on F R (type 1). Apart from such major features, which can be observed on most coffins, other details of the decoration proved liable to change. These, and various non-typological indications discussed in chapter 2, turn out to be effective tools for dating. Today, works of art are often made to satisfy visual or intellectual pleasure. But the concept of art pour I'nrt was foreign to the Egyptians. For them, each work of art had a meaning and a purpose. The ability to date coffins is hence not an aim in itself, but a method to determine trends in the (religious) views underlying the decoration. Current scholarship ascribes a bewildering variety of symbolic meanings to the coffin. Most commonly, it is explained as representing the deceased's house, less often also as his palace, his ship, or his divine mother, impersonated by Nut or Neith.l The Egyptians' predilection for metaphors is well known, so this variety is no cause for surprise. There may even be more symbolic renderings, like that of the coffin as an egg2 or as a funerary chapel (see below). But by collecting as many as possible symbolic meanings, the view is blurred rather than that a coherent picture RARG. 655-659; Schott, RdE 17 (1965). 81-87: Assmann, AIDAIK 28.1 (1972) 47-73; 25.2 (1973). 115-139; Barguet. RdE 23 ((1971). 21-21; Hayes. Ro>.al Srrrcoplrirgi, 62-64; etc. SIF!I.I, cf. U3) IV, 74.1; Janssen. Conr~?ro(lit.vPrices, 713-214: 235-238. While reading the CT. I occasionally had the irnpression the sn.!1.1refers to a cofin. too. but I am unable to prove this.

5.1 CONTINUITY A N D C H A N G E IN COFFIN DECORATION

239

emerges. It appears, however, that all metaphors are easily iinderstood once they are considered as the symptoms of one religious phenomenon. Throughout this book, the various individual elements of the decoration of the coffin were shown to be rooted in the funerary liturgy. Although this is not necessarily the only explanation for some ornaments, the consistent recurrence of ritual themes gives one the impression that the decoration as a whole served to regenerate the reality of the funerary ritual. In a disrespectful way, the coffin could be called a "ritual machine". An emphasis on ritual is already apparent in the early type I coffins, which remained common until the reign of Sesostris I. Here, the ornamental texts on B only ask for a "good burial in the West". Those on FR, the side oriented towards the offering place of the tomb, usually contain a plea for being given an invocation offering. The rvd3.t-eyes depicted on the same side probably served initially to enable the deceased to see the offerings piled up in front of the offering table in his tomb chapeL3 Usually, the gods invoked in the texts are Anubis and Osiris, the patrons of the necropolis and the empire of the dead (see 3.2.1). In the early M.K., the inner decoration, too, concentrated primarily on offerings (subtypes la and Ib). This transpires with particular clarity on FR, where we usually find an offering formula asking for invocation offerings, a false door, offering table and offering list (4.2, 4.4.2, 4.6), an arrangement which reminds one of the decoration of the focal part of the chapel in the superstructure of the tomb. A few coffins even include pictorial renderings of offering scenes like those commonly found in the chapels. To some extent, the coffin must, therefore, have been considered a model tomb (see 4.6.1-2). The offering ritual, so strongly represented on FR, is also reflected in the object friezes on H and F and occasionally the one on B. The latter frieze more often depicts the material components of a special offering rite, the private object ritual, during which the tomb inventory was presented to the deceased (see 4.5. l, 4.5.7). Thus, in these early times, the decoration of coffins concentrated on the offering ritual and object ritual, or referred to the other burial rites in very general terms. Only the CT, which exploit all spheres of religious experience, constitute an exception to this rule. The first signs of a change in attitude are found in some south-Egyptian coffins of the XIth Dynasty, of which the object friezes contain depictions of all stages of the burial rites.4 Comparable innovations occur with some frequency in early M.K. documents from Saqqira, while here and in some Middle Egyptian sites, the object friezes timidly begin to include objects with a royal background (cf. 4.5.7). In the Cf. for a similar account. Lapp. L A V. 430. AlC. GLT and T3C, cf. 2.6.2 and GIM 67 (1983), 80-91. The mention of Isis and Nephtys on their H and F, outside. must also be a reflection of rites in the place of embalmment.

240

SUMMARY AND CO~~~CLLSIONS

latter area, this royal bias is sometimes extended to the ornamental texts on the inside, which picture the deceased as a ruler of the netherworld (cf. 4.4.2). By the time of Sesostris I, this undercurrent gained force, when the traditional layout patterns were replaced by new ones: the text-column design on the outside and the introduction of an object frieze on FR (type 2). The ornamental texts and the presence of false doors, offering tables, offering lists and some frieze objects still betray how much the offering ritual was valued. The ritual itself, however, underwent some change - at least in the way it was represented - and other rituals were additionally included. In fact, the ornamentation of the coffin as a whole can now be "read" as an account of the ceremonies on the day of burial as they are described in, e.g., the king's letter to Sinuhe (see p. 00). It will be recalled that these rites began in the night before the burial in the place of embalmment. At dawn, a procession left from here to the tomb, where the offering rites took place, followed by the burial proper. Broadly speaking, it appears that the exterior decoration was reserved for the first rites, which took place outside the tomb complex. that the lid decoration represented the procession to the tomb, while the inner decoration primarily envisaged those near the sepulchre. Usually, the vertical texts on the outside of text column coffins each portray the deceased as a "venerated one near" (lin3h.y Lzr) one god or another, the divinities being referred to generally as "the Great Ennead" and "the Little Ennead", or mentioned individually. Proceeding from an article by AssmannS it could be shown that the names of these divinities actually represent those of priests performing divine roles during the Stundenlvachen, the nightly wake around the bier in the place of embalmment.6 This does not imply, of course, that no "real" gods were involved. The ritual re-created aspects of mythical reality, and so the decoration can be read at two levels: that of the earthly ritual performance, and that of the mythological interaction between divine beings thereby re-enacted. Some CT spells, which had not been considered by Assmann, refer to the same gods and occur once in the text columns of a coffin. The additional information drawn from these and other texts, indicates that the ceremonies lasted until sunrise and served the purpose of the deceased's protection against evil and his victory over death. The relevant texts elaborate in two ways on this theme: on the one hand it is characterized as the mythical victory of Osiris and Horus over Seth, after which Horus was proclaimed king and Osiris king of the Netherworld; and on the other in terms of the sun's rebirth in the morning. In the Osiris myth, the defeat of Seth and Osiris' coronation were decided by a divine court of justice, which also served as a iMD141K 28.2 (1973). 1 1 5-139. Rituals in the place of embalmment are occasionally hinted a t in parts of the inner decoration: in the ceremonial items in thejiisr ri'objefs on F (cf. 4.5.4 < c - f > ) o r the mention of a natron chest in other parts of the decoration (see chapter 4, n. 88, 109; cf. CT I, 2591) or the mention of Isis and Nephtys in the ornamental texts on H and F (231).

V'

5.1 CONTItiUlTY AND CHANGE [ N COFFIN DECORATION

24 1

model for the Judgement of the Dead. It was argued that (some of) the nightly rites in the place of embalmment symbolized this tribunal session. The Re-cosmology has as its key-theme the circulation of the sun in his day- and nightbarks. After having traversed the underworld in the night-bark, he was ferried to the day-bark across a winding canal near the Eastern horizon. During the night and his crossing the Winding Waterway, he was under constant threat by the demons of darkness. Only if these were overcome could sunrise take place. In both mythological constellations, the two enneads act in order to ward off the danger. In the texts studied with regard to the nightly wake, the role of the (priests playing the) two enneads is rooted in both spheres a t once. The deceased is admittedly pictured as Osiris, but an Osiris who is crowned a t the eastern horizon, near the Winding Waterway, after a tribunal session o n the sunbark. He is often compared or even identified with one of the forms of the sun god. This explains why neither Osiris, nor the sun god, are mentioned in the text columns, although they d o form part of the two enneads. They are implicitly present in the form of the coffin's occupant. It was finally argued that these rites are identical with those depicted in tomb reliefs as the procession to Sais (see for all this 3.2.4).'. At dawn, the coffin was transported on a sledge to the tomb. Since the departure 2~< from the place of embalmment was compared with sunrise, one expects that the sledge procession symbolized the journey of the sun through heaven. It would appear that the texts on the lid (see 3.3) refer to this part of the burial rites. These are offering formulae expressing the hope that the deceased may travel safely o n the roads of the netherworld. Essentially, these texts seem to have referred to the procession to the tomb, but elaborations in which the deceased is said to "cross the sky" make abundantly clear how the road to the tomb was symbolically c o n ~ e i v e d . ~ Finally, when the tomb had been reached, the offering list was read and sacrifice made (cf. Sin. B 195-196, see p. 1). We have seen above that in early coffins, the offering ritual forms the background of much of the inner decoration on F R and some parts of the other sides. In coffins from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty. this still applies for the offering formulae, false door, offering table and offering list, as well as some items from the object frieze. Also, other parts of the object frieze can still be related with the object ritual, i.e. the ritual presentation of objects to the deceased. But in the frise d'objets, there now is a much greater emphasis on ceremonial objects than before (cf. already n. 8). Included are, e.g., items from the ' Note that the column texts in IIIaa coffins deal with comparable matters (the deceased's ascension and the defeat of his enemies) and also contain a passage which recurs in the Ptolemaic text of the Si~mtirn~raclreti (see ch. 3, n. 46 and n. 16 below). QAllusns to such mythological beliefs are occasionally represented in the inner decoration. too (see 4.4.2). There, one may aIso find references to the rites in the place of en~balmment(tnention of Isis and Wephrys on F and H, see 4.4.3: various ritual implements depicted in the object frieze. see 4.5, I , p. 00 and 4.5.7) "ee 3.3. n. 187-189.

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S U M M A R Y A N D C O NC LUS IO NS

ritual of opening the mouth, which was performed before the offering ritual, and others that can be related with rites in the purification tent. Also, great parts of the object frieze now show an evident relationship to the lists of the object ritual performed for O.K. monarchs. This usurpation of royal insignia has been explained as symptomatic for the weakening of kingship in the F.I.P. But the sources, from the middle of the XIIth Dynasty, are much later in date. The royal bias must rather been seen in relation with the outer decoration, which, as we have seen, guaranteed the eternal effectivity of rituals aiming at the resurrection of the deceased as Osiris, king of the Netherworld (cf. 4.5.1 and 4.5.7). Now that the purpose of the coffin has been clarified, its many symbolic functions (see p. 00) appear in another light as well. Ultimately, they are the consequence of its ritual symbolism. Many scholars have argued that the coffin represents the house of the deceased. In this context, it is usually stated that some (type VI) are decorated with a palace facade, so that they must symbolize royal dwellings, i.e. houses.1° I am not particularly happy with this latter equation. Technically speaking, there is of course nothing against it. But the whole decoration of coffins of the period concentrates on the representation of rites aiming at investing the deceased with the kingship of the Netherworld. The implication of this is rather that his eternal dwelling symbolizes his palace than his house.ll Something similar may underlie those elements of the decoration by which the coffin is turned into a miniature of the universe.12 The central position of the deceased in this microcosmos may again be a way to indicate his rulership and his role as a creator god. In reliefs depicting the burial procession, the coffin is usually shown while being transported on a vessel. Some texts studied in connection with the Stzrnrlenwachen also portray the deceased on a ship. Here he is pictured in the context of the journey of the solar vessels (cf. 3.2.4). Such considerations probably explain the remarkable label to a scene showing Sokar-Osiris on a bier during the Stlmdenbrnchen. Although no ship at all is depicted, the god is, according to the label, "in his bark".13 This scene dates from the N.K., but the same metaphor is found in the CT. In some of these, the coffin is said to have a port- and starboard side. This may imply that it symbolized a bark or a structure on its deck, like its canopy.14 At any rate, it is beyond dispute that the coffin sometimes appears in a nautical context.15 R'IRG, 656-657: Lapp. L> V. 430; Hayes. Ro),al Sarcophagi, 62. Cf. ScharK, Das Grob uls CVoh~ihulrs,Miinchen, 1947, 20-25. lZ See 3.2.4, p.00, 4.6.2-3. l 3 Otto, Osiris ta~dAmrm. Miinchen. 1966, pl. 16 (I owe this reference to Mr C. Wolterman); cf. Davies. Hibis. pl. 3 (5th register). where the Anubis-figure attending to a similar bier iscalled "Anubis who is in his bark". l4 Barguet. RllE 23 (1971). 11-22. l 5 1) C T spells 1120-1124 surround the vignette of a bark with a shrine housing Osiris (thus C T VII. 453 [l L211 and 455 [l 1241,'BIC). The name of the Osirian bark, n~n-ir!r(CT VII. 454a-b), corresponds with l1

5.1 CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN COFFIN DECORATION

243

The reasons why the coffin was identified with Nut have already been explained in 3.2.3. As was shown there, the background of this identification is the mythological story about how Nut covered Osiris in her embrace in order to protect him from Seth. In the liturgies of the Stunrlenwnchen, Nut's protection and motherhood of the deceased are continually hinted at.l"gain, the metaphorical identity of the coffin can be related with the burial rites. Apart from the coffin, the burial chamber contained an extensive tomb equipment also including models of bakeries, breweries, granaries, workshops, houses, personnel, etc. Thus provided, the deceased hoped to be prepared to meet all requirements to be faced in the Hereafter. The models were there to fulfil his material demands. They provided him with an own estate, by means of the products of which he could expect to lead the luxurious life of a nobleman. He could only reach this enviable position, however, if he was buried in the proper way, for the burial rites served to magically safeguard him in his new, divine environment. In fact, the ritualists and a term denoting coffins, at Least in the N.K. (Janssen, Comnroclily Prire.~,209-215: 233-235). Moreover, spell 1124 deals with "being pure in the coffin of this N himself' (4%). Probably, this parallellism indicates identity, for Osiris and the deceased are identified throughout the group of spells under discussion. At the same time, C T VII, 455b identifies N with Thot. 2) In spell 1029. the main occupant of the bark - Re - is pictured in a situation which recalls that of a corpse in a coffin. The god is invited to raise himself and collect and reassemble his members. The concept of the coffin as a (canopy on top of a) bark may play some part here. too. Note that the title of the text ("spell for sailing in the great bark of Re", C T VII, 257c, cf. 261b) suggests some direct relevance for the deceased, who is indeed regularly identified with Re in the Book of Two Ways. We have seen in 3.2.4 that the same identification is often attested in spells dealing with the nightly rites before the burial, and the opening lines of some of these (CT I, 191d-192b [45]; 215a [49]) and of spell 1029 are closely similar. 3) C T VII, 248-751 [1028], a damaged spell referring to Nut, the mother of the deceased, the latter's position in the bark of Re, and its shrine (CT VII, 2491-1). This spell is the direct continuation of spell 1027, the "spell for demanding a coffin in the beautiful West" (CT VII, 248). Since no division mark separates the texts, they may possibly form a single whole (but cf. C T VII, 248, n. 8). Note that the terminology of C T VII. 2481 is paralleled in C T I, 191e, which has a bearing on the Slutldet~~vczchetr. 4) C T V, 172a may refer to the "burial" of the Day- and Nightbarks. though the passage may be corrupt. 5) In view of the equation of Nut and the coffin, it is important to note that she is once identified with the solar "bark of members" (CT IV, 93n [3 131) and once with the cabin of the celestial ferry (CT V, I45b [39S]). 5) C T spell 839 forms part of a group of spells which is often combined with PT Utt. 213-223 (Altenmiiller, Begrabnisri~rrul,47). At least in the M.K., the latter were associated with the sledge procession to the tomb (see Davies-Gardiner. Atz!efoker, pl. XXI). Spell 839 invites Osiris to occupy a position in Re's bark, while he is surrounded by Shu, Tefnut, and other divinities, whose names have disappeared. Hence, the ambiance strongly recalls that of spell 60 (cf. p. 00). 6) In C T VII, 237j. there is mention of a "coffin of ferrying across" o r "of the place of the ferry" ('r(3i.w: in C T I, 134c and 147f [37], the term refers to a place). 7) In spell 484, the deceased is identified with a god who is aboard a bark. surrounded by a group of persons sitting at both sides of a vessel. around the "shrine" (CT VI. 60g-i). The approach of the god on the bark is repeatedly referred to by the phrase iitzlr s3 13, which was recited when the coffin (or the canopic chest, o r the rktln) was moved to the tomb (cf. Settpast, Bes!n!!urrg~rinrs/eII~~t~gm, 38 K.. Altenmiiller. Begriihtlisrir~rul.135 K. 191 K., same. L.J I, 759-761; scene 73). In C T VI. 161 [561], the 33 13 ritual is said to belong to the cf. Otto. ~M~rnrio~~~~rt~gsri~r~r~I, deceased in a spell for assembling ferries. l6 Junker. Sl~rtlciennr~chen, 3 1 (26): 1 5 (18-52); 46 (61); 48-49 (24-19); 52 (10); 54 (46-48); 54-55 (51-59); 57 (28-29); 76 (143); 99 (88-96): L05 (59-60. 2nd col.); 1 17 (163-164). Note that 55 (52) and 105 (59-60) recur in the text columns of subtype IIIaa coffins (ch. 3, n.46).

244

SL!MMARY A N D C O N C L U S I O N S

the acts they performed are so strongly imbued with mythological traits that it is hard to make a distinction between ritual and mythical reality. The burial rites, and the mythology involved in this, were represented in the decoration of the coffin. The tomb inventory as a whole thus provided for all the deceased's needs, whether material, ceremonial or mythological.

5.2 The Tradition of the Coffin Texts. Since the old days of our science. the habit to inscribe private coffins and burial chambers with religious texts has been explained against the background of the sociopolitical situation under the F.I.P. In the O.K., the application of such texts was still a royal privilege, but the subsequent decline of monarchal power was believed to have made it accessible to broader strata of the society. In 1962. however, Schenkel proposed the theory that the oldest CT manuscript is T3C, which dates from the time of Egypt's unification under h4entuhotep 11. All other evidence, he argued. was younger, so that the whole CT documentation would stem from the M.K.17 These initial findings formed the point of departure for a whole series of provocative hypotheses formulated later by the same author. Firstly, the fact that neither the CT manuscripts nor some major literary works date back to the Heracleopolitan era, as formerly believed, incite Schenkel to refute theories about a Heracleopolitan intellectual movement. Rather, he believes that the CT developed organically from the PT. Therefore, their origin must be sought primarily in the Memphite region. However, still according to Schenkel, their codification only began after Egypt's unification. The reestablished contact between Memphite and Theban cultural traditions led to a fertile union, of which the CT are one of the results. In a very speculative note, he finally argues that the origin of the CT, the first religious texts to add explanatory glosses, must be sought in the "systematic spirit" of the XIIth Dynasty.18 In recent years, however, Schenkel's late date for the CT has repeatedly been rejected in favour of the early option.lg The issue is a c t ~ ~ a loutside ly our scope. but since this book presents more chronological data on the CT manuscripts than has hitherto been accessible, it should be possible to shed some new light on the crucial issues raised by Schenkel.

l' Ft~liiS.116-123. Other studies dealing with the tradition of the CT are Roccati. Or41116 (1967). 169180 and those listed ch. I , n. 13. ' V n Westendorf (ed.). Giiltitlgrr Totetrbrrchstlrdiet~.Wiesbaden, 1975, 27-36. l Y E . g Heerma van Voss. ~ V.. 468; i Lapp. L4 V, 431 (stating that PT occur already in the F.I.P. on coilins; earliest CT on T3C): Fischer. Dmclerrr, 182-183; Brovarski. The Itlscribed Mtrterial of tile First Itltrrnlediate Prrioti fi.ot>t ~Vagcreti-D
5.2 THE TR-\DITION O F THE C O F F I N TEXT S

24 5

He is certainly right in his assessment that most datable CT manuscripts date from the M.K. The earliest sources from Beni Hasan and Bersheh date from the late XIth or early XIIth Dynasty, while at Meir, they appear to make their first appearance under Amenemhat I or even slightly later (2.1-3). As far as the evidence allows a judgement, the texts from Qdw el-Kebir, Riqqeh, Assiut, Rifeh and Lisht must also stem from the XIIth Dynasty (2.4. l, 2.4.4-6). In the Theban region, most documents can be attributed to a date in the XIth Dynasty after the Unification and the XIIth Dynasty, though T3C appears to be somewhat earlier - as Schenkel admitted -, along with some other south-Egyptian coffins (AlC, G1-2T; see 2.6.2). None of this material will carry us much beyond the beginning of the M.K. Neither is there much evidence supporting the common attribution to the F.I.P. of coffins from Heracleopolis, Sedment and Harageh (2.4.2-3). At Saqqdra, finally, some coffin owners served the funerary cult of king Merikare. If the theory shoi~ldbe proved correct that they lived in the time of this monarch, we would have some indications that CT were in use at Memphis at tile very enti of the F.I.P. However, for reasons given in 2.5, a M.K. date for these sources is certainly not improbable. The renewed analysis of these data, which forms the core of Schenkel's evidence, supports his views. However, not all sources that are presently known were considered by him, and some of this material has been claimed to stem from the F.I.P. or even the O.K. In the case of Sq20XZ0.Sq2IXZ1, NeD1-2BoZ2,some Delta

20 The fact that this coffin formed part of an intrusive burial in a mastaba near the pyramid of Pepi I1 led JCquier to the belief that it postdates the O.K., though he admits that his proposal to date it in the F.I.P. is guesswork (ASAE 35 [1935]. 153-155). Considered an early (O.K.) CT manuscript by Hasan (ASAE 38 [1938], 510; C J E XIII, No. 26 [1938], 280). but nowadays attributed to the Xlth o r Xllth Dynasty (cf. Munro, SAK 10 [198!]. 283-195; same, GICI 74 [1984], 64, n. 7; Fischer, JEA 65 [1979], 179). Z 2 The two were found together in Naga ed-Der tomb N 4003; 1 express my gratitude to Dr Brovarski for sending a copy of the pertinent chapter of the study cited in n. 19 to me. The following remarks are based on knowledge of this chapter only; they may appear in a different light once the whole book is available. Brovarski's dating of the coffin to the lXth Dynasty is based on the assumption that it stands in the same tradition as the so-called polychrome stelae. However, not all epigraphic details (viz. the spelling of the name of Anubis, cf. the epigraphic table published by Brovarski in AJA 89 [1985], 584) suggest such an early date. Note that few coffins from the M.K. have been found at Naga ed-Der to provide comparative evidence for that period ( L A IV, 310-31 I), but that the hieroglyphic forms found in NeDIBo are generally current M.K. forms. The frieze objects are not indicative for a F.I.P. date (A-vases, see e.g. SIC. FR. S6C, FR. S9C. F R ; the bird-wing fan, cf. Fischer, LA 11, 82; bed-type, cf. MSC. B. S6C. FR, S14C. B. BIBo. B). In his discussion. Brovarski does not pay attention to the fact that the selection of frieze objects and their block-wise arrangement must reflect a relationship with Siutian coffins which date in all probability to the M.K. (cf. 2.4.5; Lapp. LA V, 432). As regards outer decoration, NeDlBo is a text column coffin. which also suggests a M.K. rather than a F.I.P. date.

246

S U M M A R Y A N D CO N C L U S I O N S

tombs z 3 or the Gardiner Papyri z4, such early datings are not wholly convincing, but a small group of sources remains, which certainly antedate the M.K. By far the earliest source comes from an unexpected corner: Baliit in Diikhla Oasis. There, a French excavation team recently discovered the unviolated, though collapsed, burial chamber of Medunefer, a contemporary of Pepi 11. Among the debris, they found inscribed fragments of a mummy shroud (BalX). Although the fragments are too small to provide legible text, there can be no doubt that we are dealing with CT. The texts are most peculiar since they "look" leftwards, which is almost unheard of in hieratic texts.25 Valloggia suggests that they were originally written in normal ductus on the now perished coffin. Owing to moisture, the ink would have left an imprint where the shroud touched the wood.26If this ingenious explanation is correct, we would have one instance of a VIth Dynasty coffin with CT. 23 1. The tomb of Pepi-ima at Mendes contains "painted inscriptions in red and black ... only on the west wall. These gave the name and title of the deceased below it, a long text of a magical nature" (Hansen. JARCE 6 [1967], 14). One is left wondering if the inscriptions are C T or not. The tomb is commonly attributed to the O.K., but the validity of the arguments is doubtful: a) The levels above the tomb and the surrounding cemetery have been removed when temple foundations were made in the Late Period, so that no reliable stratigraphy has yet been made up (cf. Wilson, Mencles, Malibu. 1982, 1-3; Allen and Wilson, in: L'Egyprologie en 1979 I , Paris, 1982. 139-143); b) Moreover. within the "0.K.levels", the stratigraphy of the area where Pepi-ima's tomb is located seems to be very disturbed, and the typology of the tomb differs from that of its neighbours ( J A R C E 6 [1967], 14, pl. V). How certain is it, therefore, that all structures in the area are contemporaneous? c) In support of the attribution of the cemetery to the O.K., comparison is made with the necropolis around Pepi 11's pyramid (Hansen, JARCE 4 [1965], 36-37; 6 [1967], 14, n. 19). Dr. Jeffreys, who is now conducting the Survey of Memphis, however,' believes that the Pepi cemetery was still in use in the early M.K. (personal communication). d) An important dating criterion is offered by pottery analysis, but Hansen's main sources are publications of the beginning of this century, when really very little reliable information was available (cf. JARCE 4 [1965], 36, n. 15; 6 [1967], 11. n. 8-9). Moreover, some of the comparative pottery material may have been in use ofsneferli ar Dolrsh~ir.11'. Cairo. 1961, 107-108 until the M.K. (Simpson, in: Fakhry, Tlre ~bfo~rrrnletrrs [type A-I1 and A-VI]) or even N.K. (Reisner, hIycerinrrs. Cambridge, Mass., 1931, 220-222 [types XXVXXVI]); e) one of the Mendes tombs has an object frieze on F R , which would be very uncommon before the M.K.; f ) Most of the epigraphical arguments adduced by Soghor for dating one of the Mendes tombs point to a F.I.P. date, although she nevertheless considers an attribution of the monument to the O.K. (JARCE 6 [1967], 26-29). While these remarks d o not concern the tomb we are dealing with. they indicate that at least some of the great mastabas may be later than the O.K.. In view of all these uncertainties, the evidence does not prove the existence of C T in O.K. tombs. 2) The date of K H I K H is not easy to determine, but the fact that its texts make a distinction between the negations, and suggests that it stems from the M.K. (Silverman, Nrrc.slerrer ARCE 116 [Winter 1981!2]. 9, cf. Gunn, Srlrdies in Eg~plian Syn1n.r. Paris. 1924, 195). 3) Some epigraphical indications show that Q I Q must date from the M.K. (qz.cf. Fischer, MMJ l l [1976], 9. n. 33; n13'hrw t16 in13[1, cf. F~pliiS,76). 2 4 They are commonly attributed to the O.K. (Allen, Occ~rrrences oJ'r11ePyrnriritl Tr.urs, Chicago, 1950. 30-31 : Roccati, ~MClanyesGirrh~h,Montpellier. 1984. 208, n. 3: same, Lilr6rolirr.e historiqrte sorrs I'Ancierr Empire Pg~prietl,Paris, 1982, 18; Valloggia, Bnlnr I, Le Caire, 1986, 75), but Gardiner favoured a dating in the F.I.P. (Briri.~IMlrserrnl Qliarrerly, London 8, no. 2 [1933], 73-74) and Bidoli expressed serious doubts against the early datings (Spriiclrr cler Fcrngnelze. Gliickstadt, 1976. 25). Moreover, in a study dealing with the tradition of texts on coffins, the existence of similar texts on papyrus is of secondary importance. Moller. Paliiogrcrphie I. 7; some reversed signs occur however. in AIC, FR and MIWar. FR. 2 6 Valloggia, Balar I, 74-75.

5.2 T HE TR A DITI O N O F T H E CO F FI N TEXT S

,

247

Other early sources are known from Dendera. In the burial chamber of Meni (DID), which dates to the early F.I.P., the offering text below the ten unguent vases represented in the object frieze on B is clearly related with PT S 50-54. But it is not a faithful copy; the text as it stands is an original, new version comparable with CT spell 934, another south-Egyptian re-interpretation of the same text.27 The sarcophagus of Beb from the same site (DlC) contains a much richer selection of CT. Although Schenkel attributed it to the XIth Dynasty, it is now generally thought to date back to the F.I.P.Z8 A strangely decorated coffin from Gebelein (GlBe) may perhaps derive from the same general periodz9, while we have seen that T3C, and probably A1C and G1-2T as well, belong to the very end of the F.I.P. Comparing the evidence from the two halves of Egypt, it seems apparent that the introduction of CT took place earlier in southern Upper Egypt than in the North. This suggests the following evolution. In the late O.K., coffins and burial chambers began to be decorated inside with offering formulae, offering lists and object friezes. In the south, a further innovation was the CT, which appear with increasing frequency from the VIth Dynasty onwards. It is a noticeable fact that no PT are found in these early sources.30While many of these decoration elements are known also from the North, there are no reliable indications for the presence, at this early date, of anything comparable with the CT. It is only after the unification of the country, which ended the F.I.P., that such documents suddenly appear in considerable numbers.31 Not improbably, we must imagine that the increased communication between the two parts of the country, which became possible after their reintegration, led to an exchange of ideas, among others on the decoration of burial equipment. Intriguingly, Hekanakhte, a Theban mortuary priest of a slightly later date, mentions business affairs with Djedisut, the pyramid city of the Teti pyramid at S a q q B ~ - aWe . ~ ~also hear about artists from the north working in the be^^^, while some Theban artisans, in their turn, appear to have exercised their trade in the north.3* In the field of coffin decoration, one notices the nationwide spread of certain features35, and in one late XIthDynasty case (TT240, see ch. 2, n.216a, ch. 4, n. 30, 183-184), it is even clear that the style known from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery exerted influence in Thebes. For the date. see Fischer. Dendera. 85-91. Fischer, o.c.. 182-183. 2 9 Schenkel proposrd a later date, but his evidence is very slender (FnlaS. 122). 30 NeDIBo contains some PT, but the texts are not faithful copies (cf. DID). Moreover. its attribution to the F.I.P. is not beyond doubt (cf. n.22). " E.g. Bersheh and Beni Hasan groups A, the Memphite material, or the cotlins from Sedment, Harageh, and Heracleopolis. Hekarlokhre Papers, I, vs. I. 3 3 T P P l 5 30; cf. Barta. Das Selhsr:errgnis ebres ijg)prOchen Kiinstler~.Berlin, 1970. 126-129: JaroSDeckert, Das Grab cies Jnj-ju./; Mainz, 1984, 122-136. 34 Arnold, Das Grah de.7 Jtlj.loj; Mainz, 1971, 46. n. 2 14. Cf. 4.5.5 < a > W). 28

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

'

The north-south dichotomy just discussed goes hand in hand with a discrepancy in the text genre found on the coffins. We saw how early southern coffins were exclusively inscribed with with CT, and not with PT. On the other hand, the mortuary priests buried a t Saqqdra must have had access to royal funerary texts, and their coffins were at first inscribed exclusively with PT.36 Simply stated (and in view of the difficulties involved in dating the Memphite material, this may be an oversimplification), at the beginning of the M.K., CT were "southern" texts and PT "northern texts". A difference was clearly recognized by the Egyptians themselves who, when they began to combine the two genres on single monuments, often kept them strictly aparLJ7Thus it seems that the south-Egyptian habit to inscribe CT on coffin panels was accepted by the inhabitants of the north. But the acceptance of the idea does not imply that all CT originate from the south. Anyone who has worked with CT is aware that certain spells only appear in certain areas.38 Their locally specific character is further indicated by the preferential treatment given to local gods. Hermopolitan traditions are abundantly represented, for instance, in sources from Bersheh and the neighbouring cemeteries of Meir and A s ~ i u tThis . ~ ~ makes it probable that the libraries of provincial temples were opened to enrich the corpus of available texts by new manuscripts. On the whole, CT manuscripts antedating the M.K. are very rare, so that the texts are characteristic of this period rather than of the F.I.P., in accordance with Schenkel's views. But it is less easy to agree with him when he states that the texts are primarily Memphite in origin, and that they were codified only after Egypt's unification. Firstly, the geographical spread of the early sources would seem to indicate that CT first appeared in areas which were far removed from, and had little contact with, the Memphite residence. Such independency from Memphis is also suggested by the local tinge of so many CT spells.40 All this makes it increasingly doubtful whether we are entitled to ascribe a common mental background - whether Heracleopolitan, Memphite or otherwise to all CT. It seems particularly hazardous to attibute their codification to a single moment in history. There is nothing to indicate that these texts were compiled and systematized prior to our twentieth century, when de Buck prepared his edition of 36 Such coffins are Sq2-3Be, Sq9C. Sql3C, SqlCh, Sq4Sq, Sql-2X. Abl-2Le may be later. Cf. Lapp, L A V, 431, n. 19, although he attributes the coffins to the F.I.P. (no arguments given). ' l Cf. Kees, Totenglauben, 169 A: For instances, cf. Lesko, Index. Instances are the group of C T spells 229, 236-7, 239, 241, 644 and 932, which occur in southern Upper Egypt only; or the Book of Two Ways (Lesko, Book of Two Ways, Berkeley, 1972), C T spells 289290, 293-295, 297-300, 473-474, 576-578, and many others, which occur only at Bersheh. Hermopolis was probably a major centre, and spells 361, 375-376, 384, 388, 502-503, 567-572, 627 and others may have originated there. Borrowings often reveal connections between distant sites (e.g. spell 857, from Saqqlra. which was taken over in the Theban source 1T240). For a survey, see Lesko, in: L'Eg-vprologie en 1979 I, Paris, 1982, 39-43. Dr Lapp is preparing a study on these issues. 40 It is true that the owner of D I D (early F.I.P.) was attached to the funerary cult of two O.K. kings.

5.2 THE TRADITION OF THE COFFIN TEXTS

the texts. In ancient times, they formed a heterogeneous group of spells. Some of these were first written as early as the O.K., others date to the F.I.P. and M.K. Moreover, all spells were constantly liable to adaptation, as the many variants show, and only close textcritical examination can help in determining the history of a text. In this light, the unification of Egypt under Mentuhotep I1 may have had a catalytic effect on the spread of the CT, but it is not justifiable to ascribe their formation to this time.