Convergence and Fragmentation: Media Technology and the Information Society (Intellect Books - Changing Media, Changing Europe)

LUDES

Convergence and Fragmentation: Media Technology and the Information Society

CHANGING

MEDIA,

CHANGING

EUROPE

SERIES VOLUME

5

Changing Media, Changing Europe Series volume 5

Edited by Peter Ludes

AND

F R A G M E N TAT I O N

The contradictory tendencies of convergence (implying a similarity and increasing unity of experience) and fragmentation (implying a growing differentiation of experience) are tied to general aspects of this development and to the question of whether we are really moving into a new European information society.

Peter Ludes is Professor of Mass Communication, Jacobs University Bremen. He was the Vice Head of Siegen University’s collaborative research program on screen media, and coordinates an international research network on visual hegemonies.

CONVERGENCE

Convergence under pressure leads to fragmentation. Therefore, the role of the newest information and communication technologies and formats in a changing Europe must be analyzed not only in terms of optimistic market projections but also in terms of realistic trends toward complementary fragmentations. The exclusion of majorities of the populations of most European countries from technologically advanced and expensive consumer devices means that we should take into account the shifting conflicts of inclusion and exclusion. Continuity and discontinuity in the development of media technology requires us to leave behind a number of traditional notions, methods and data used for national developments and international comparisons.

CONVERGENCE AND

F R A G M E N TAT I O N

Media Technology and the Information Society intellect / www.intellectbooks.com

EDITED BY

PETER LUDES

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Convergence and Fragmentation Media Technology and the Information Society

Edited by Peter Ludes

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The European Science Foundation (ESF) was established in 1974 to create a common European platform for cross-border cooperation in all aspects of scientific research. With its emphasis on a multidisciplinary and pan-European approach, the Foundation provides the leadership necessary to open new frontiers in European science. Its activities include providing science policy advice (Science Strategy); stimulating cooperation between researchers and organizations to explore new directions (Science Synergy); and the administration of externally funded programmes (Science Management). These take place in the following areas: Physical and engineering sciences; Medical sciences; Life, earth and environmental sciences; Humanities; Social sciences; Polar; Marine; Space; Radio astronomy frequencies; Nuclear physics. Headquartered in Strasbourg with offices in Brussels, the ESF’s membership comprises 75 national funding agencies, research performing agencies and academies from 30 European countries. The Foundation’s independence allows the ESF to objectively represent the priorities of all these members.

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Convergence and Fragmentation Media Technology and the Information Society

Edited by Peter Ludes

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First Published in the UK in 2008 by Intellect Books, PO Box 862, Bristol BS99 1DE, UK First published in the USA in 2008 by Intellect Books, The University of Chicago Press, 1427 E. 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, USA Copyright © 2008 Intellect Ltd All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Cover Design: Gabriel Solomons Copy Editor: Holly Spradling Typesetting: Mac Style, Nafferton, E. Yorkshire ISBN 978-1-84150-182-6/EISBN 978-1-84150-216-8 Printed and bound by Gutenberg Press, Malta.

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CONTENTS

Foreword

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Introduction: Unity in Diversity Peter Ludes

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Section 1 Culture and Technology

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Global and European Information Society Maria Heller

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ePolicies in Europe: A Human-Centric and Culturally Biased Approach Ursula Maier-Rabler

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Section 2 Techno-pleasure

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The Cultural Value of Games: Computer Games and Cultural Policy in Europe Rune Klevjer

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Learning and Entertainment in Museums: A Case Study Ed Tan, Cristina Chisalita, Bas Raijmakers and Katri Oinonen

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Section 3 ICT and Learning

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For a Communications Approach to the Use of ICT in Education Bernard Miège

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E-learning – A Knowledge Theoretical Approach Lars Qvortrup

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‘Virtual’ and ‘Flexible’ University Learning Knut Lundby & Päivi Hovi-Wasastjerna Section 4 Power, Technology and Policies Media Governance: Valuable Instrument of Risk Discourse for Media Ownership Concentration Werner A. Meier Telecom Liberalization: Distributive Challenges and National Differences Tanja Storsul

151

175

179

197

Public Service Television’s Mission in France: An Analysis of Media-Policy Instruments – Including the Use of the Internet as a New Distribution Channel 217 Marcel Machill About the Contributors Index

245 251

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FOREWORD

This volume is the product of a major programme under the title Changing Media – Changing Europe supported by the European Science Foundation (ESF). The ESF is the European association of national organizations responsible for the support of scientific research. Established in 1974, the Foundation currently has seventy-six Member Organizations (research councils, academies and other national scientific institutions) from twenty-nine countries. This programme is the first to be sponsored by both the Social Sciences and the Humanities Standing Committees of the ESF, and this unique cross-disciplinary organization reflects the very broad and central concerns which have shaped the Programme’s work. As co-chairpersons of the Programme it was our great delight to bring together many of the very best scholars from across the continent, but also across the disciplinary divides which so often fragment our work, to enable stimulating, innovative, and profoundly important debates addressed to understanding some of the most fundamental and critical aspects of contemporary social and cultural life. The study of the media in Europe forces us to try to understand the major institutions which foster understanding and participation in modern societies. At the same time we have to recognize that these societies themselves are undergoing vital changes, as political associations and alliances, demographic structures, the worlds of work, leisure, domestic life, mobility, education, politics and communications themselves are all undergoing important transformations. Part of that understanding, of course, requires us not to be too readily seduced by the magnitude and brilliance of technological changes into assuming that social changes must comprehensively follow. A study of the changing media in Europe, therefore, is indeed a study of changing Europe. Research on media is closely linked to questions of economic and technological growth and expansion, but also to questions of public policy and the state, and more broadly to social, economic and cultural issues.

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To investigate these very large debates the Programme was organised around four key questions. The first deals with the tension between citizenship and consumerism, that is the relation between media, the public sphere and the market; the challenges facing the media, cultural policy and the public service media in Europe. The second area of work focuses on the dichotomy and relation between culture and commerce, and the conflict in media policy caught between cultural aspirations and commercial imperatives. The third question deals with the problems of convergence and fragmentation in relation to the development of media technology on a global and European level. This leads to questions about the concepts of the information society, the network society etc., and to a focus on new media such as the internet and multimedia, and the impact of these new media on society, culture, and our work, education and everyday life. The fourth field of inquiry is concerned with media and cultural identities and the relationship between processes of homogenization and diversity. This explores the role of media in everyday life, questions of gender, ethnicity, lifestyle, social differences, and cultural identities in relation to both media audiences and media content. In each of the books arising from this exciting Programme we expect readers to learn something new, but above all to be provoked into fresh thinking, understanding and inquiry, about how the media and Europe are both changing in novel, profound, and far reaching ways that bring us to the heart of research and discussion about society and culture in the twenty-first century. Ib Bondebjerg Peter Golding

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INTRODUCTION: UNITY IN DIVERSITY Peter Ludes

In this book, media specialists from the humanities and social sciences have integrated empirical evidence on technological, economic, social, political and cultural trends with models of explaining changing media as a prime interpreter of changing Europe. The contradictory tendencies of convergence and fragmentation are tied to the question of whether we are really moving into a new European Information Society. The EU defined ‘convergence’ in general as the ability of different platforms to carry similar kinds of services, or the coming together of consumer devices such as telephone, television and personal computer. This technological convergence can be supported by converging markets and user habits – yet also be questioned and suspended in terms of a fragmentation of economic chances and media preferences (cf. Schorr 2003). Denationalization, media entertainment and e-pleasure Seen from outside, Europe appears as relatively homogeneous. Yet, the major mass media still refer mainly to national events, actors and developments, even when in transnational media formats. Illegal immigration from the neighbouring African and Asian countries, terrorism within Europe and from other parts of the world, unemployment, global competition and shifting military, economic and cultural identification alliances are often the topics of nationally framed information, education and entertainment in the media; in these terms, they also constitute issues of expert and decision-maker circles. Denationalization grows, partially veiled by media entertainment and e-pleasure. Beyond (or behind) the pleasure principle, economic, military, political powers prepare decisions, re-confirm alliances, re-shape the agenda and frameworks for dealing with the major issues.

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Convergence under pressure leads to fragmentation. Therefore, the role of the newest information and communication technologies (ICT) and formats in a changing Europe must be analysed not only in terms of optimistic market projections but also in terms of realistic trends toward complementary fragmentations. From 2000 to 2004 eighteen senior and three junior scholars from twelve countries in Europe formed Team 3 of the ESF’s programme Changing Media – Changing Europe: ‘Convergence and Fragmentation: Media Technology and the Information Society’. Some of the foci of our discussions are summarized below. Shifting balances and conflicts The exclusion of majorities of the populations of most European countries from technologically advanced and expensive consumer devices means that we should take into account the shifting balances and conflicts of inclusion and exclusion. Continuity and discontinuity in the development of media technology and the Information Society requires us to leave behind a number of traditional notions, methods and data used for national developments and international comparisons. The contradictory tendencies of convergence (implying a similarity and increasing unity of experience) and fragmentation (implying a growing differentiation of experience) are tied to general aspects of this development and to the question of whether we are really moving into a new European Information Society. Maria Heller (Hungary) and Ursula Maier-Rabler (Austria) discuss whether global development and the modifications it enhances follow more a pattern of convergence or fragmentation. Actually, both patterns can be observed in different domains including communications. The overall trend of globalization affects the sphere of communications: ICT use, regulations and the functioning of the public sphere seem to converge among different societies. However, the appearance of new information and communication technologies also reinforces trends of fragmentation and divergence. Different societies or different layers of a society may diverge in their use of the ever-changing ICT devices. Different information cultures co-evolve with different institutional structures, regulations and patterns of use of ICTs. Institutional structures and policies are in close connection with patterns of usage and both are affected by a society’s information culture, communicational traditions, strategies and cultural heritage. This interconnection also governs communicational behaviour and strategies inside individual societies, making up for social differences in communicational patterns. Heller and Maier-Rabler focus on how new ICTs are implemented in different European societies according to their information cultures and focus on institutional structures and policies as well as social practices. Different EU and Accession Countries will be compared (see also Tsaliki 2003).

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World of games and museums Rune Klevjer (Norway) and Ed Tan and his co-authors (Netherlands) inquire into the role of computer technology in two distinct forms of pleasurable experience: the computer game and the museum. As cultural genres, they represent different ways of designing technologically mediated experience, both with unique opportunities and challenges. Museums and games are both arenas around which the two social spheres of work and leisure converge. Museums make learning more personal, intimate and even fun, if not fun for its own sake. In contrast, the attractiveness of popular entertainment, also of computer games, implies lack of sanctioned meaning. Converging, however, are expectations that fun and/or knowledge should be just one click away. This is part of a more general trend in modernity. In the daily lives of increasing numbers of citizens in the developed parts of the world, leisure activities are becoming more similar to typical work-related procedures in significant respects. This development is fuelled by the use of computer-based and networked technology. In games, hard work, patient learning and tedious management are part of the fun. In museums, problem solving and information processing are becoming part of cultural enrichment. A common aim is to capture some of the range and diversity of technologically mediated pleasure, implying a critical focus on policy-making as a way of managing this diversity. Particularly relevant issues are the common concerns for ‘healthy’ versus dangerous technological play, and the dreams of perfectly personalized technological environments. Because technological pleasures are intrinsically part of global commercial culture, the European context is problematic. Obviously, where culture and technology interact, there are always cultural boundaries. However, it is still an open question whether significant boundaries can be identified on the level of ‘Europeanness’. E-learning allows mobility and flexibility Bernard Miège (France), Lars Qvortrup (Denmark), Knut Lundby (Norway) and Päivi Hovi-Wasastjerna (Finland) interpret ICT in learning and education as a key aspect of the convergence-fragmentation problem of today’s Europe. ‘E-learning’ is given much attention in European convergence policies. ICT is part of the institutional changes in universities in Europe. The use of ICT as a tool or medium implies new forms of education and knowledge. In Europe, universities are being transformed with reference to the Bologna Declaration, aiming at mobility and flexibility. Virtual learning is highly interdependent with a transformation of academic learning towards instrumental rationality, a delimitation of scientific frameworks, new academic surveillance and comodification procedures as well as a shift towards quantifiable academic achievements in contrast to a better understanding of its qualitative dimensions (Baert & Shipman 2005, p.157–177). The ‘virtual university’ and ‘flexible learning’ are explored as alternative strategies and communication practices of learning in universities. For this purpose, two universities

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in countries with different strategies of Europeanness, Finland and Norway, are compared. Who can access the ‘marketplace of ideas’? Werner Meier (Switzerland), Tanja Storsul (Norway) and Marcel Machill (Germany) focus on the power structures of the media and telecommunications industries as problems with political, economic and social implications. They give special attention to these structures and networks of power in Europe through discussing three major issues. These relate to questions about convergence and diversification in terms of media conglomeration, political convergence and developments within broadcasting. The globalization of the media industries is first observed through the lens of media ownership, detecting how the industrial structure of the media affects who may access the ‘marketplace of ideas’. Concentration of ownership continues to matter and requires scrutiny. ‘Media Governance’ is then seen as a model of co- and self-regulation on a national as well as on a European Union level. Further topics include the policies and prospects for universal provision of telecom services in liberalized markets. This is a key challenge to make the Information Society an inclusive society. However, strong networks of industrial interests contest interference in the market for distributive purposes. It is specified how this is handled in three small European countries. Finally, in Machill’s contribution, the role of public service in broadcasting policy is scrutinized. Many critiques doubt in general the ‘raison d’être’ of publicly financed television in the era of multiple channels and digitalization. In this regard, France is an interesting case study because French media policy has taken some unexpected measures that can add fruitful discussions for media policy decision processes in other European countries. In order to detect new borders and boundaries (cp. Chan and McIntyre 2002, esp. chaps. 4 and 7) as well as networks in Europe and the modes of their changes and shifts, each of the contributions to this book focuses on a few selected media trends in a few countries in Europe. Despite the analytical concerns, some visions for ‘changing media – changing Europe’ emerge as well. EuroVisions in a global context Gerd Kopper (Germany), who regularly participated in our meetings but could not contribute to this book, has questioned the established focus on national statistics. Generation-specific media usage patterns or the divide between metropolitan areas and rural ones may well constitute a new geography not only of the Internet but also of satellite television or pay TV, of media habits and cultural traits in general. In this book, Ursula Maier-Rabler and Maria Heller show how information cultures shape the introduction and usage as well as the cultural meaning of new information and communication technologies. More specifically, Rune Klevjer and Ed Tan and his co-authors review technopleasure in usually sharply distinguished areas, namely computer games and museum

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experiences. In relation to changing media, ‘Europe has a unique tradition of defining expressive culture as a public concern’. For museums, a central question is whether they can ‘combine learning with entertainment’, especially ‘the kind of superior entertainment that is inherent to savouring novelties and break-throughs in art’. Knut Lundby and Päivi Hovi-Wasastjerna resume fundamental characteristics of virtual and flexible learning strategies and communication practices: they are ‘related to the converging media technologies and the converging institutional practices employed’. Yet, ‘today’s universities have no chance to respond to the costs of the worldwide education business’. Tanja Storsul concludes her contribution on telecom liberalization with her diagnosis that ‘the EU should not delimit, but encourage multiple responses to the challenges of ensuring inclusive network development’. And Marcel Machill makes clear how various European countries might learn something from public service television’s mission in France: The dangers of disinformation and commercialization are met by calling for context-related examination of the relevance of information. The individual contributions taken together provide us with a timely orientation, which can be visualized in the following way:

This figure illustrates that media presentations and extra-media developments are highly interconnected. It also shows that global challenges will make up a considerable part of any time schedule on changing media and changing Europe.

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Our intellectual challenge has been to look at different types and modes of change across Europe. How media have changed work, education, the civil service, leisure etc. is still to be explored in more detail. There is certainly some technological convergence and some shifting of boundaries between work and home, so ‘boundary shifting’ should be a more useful term. Institutional changes included changes in technological communication, but the issue still is how far this has changed societal relations. Instead of an expanding information and/or knowledge society, the emergence of a network society appears as a more plausible concept: Rather than only throwing away old concepts we are looking at them as trends, as part of everyday life. The technological spread in Eastern Europe, for example, has been co-determined by a genuine desire to catch up with the EU 15- ‘Europe’. In Hungary some were against the idea of convergence if it threatened nationalism while others were for anything that built a strong Europe that could oppose US dominance. Many western European companies have already moved into eastern European markets. In the east there is the paradox that governments want this because of the resulting financial investment and it also fits in with the public’s aspirations for pluralism of the new media market, while PSB is rejected as the tool of the government and is thus in rapid decline. Beyond the immediate frame of this book’s individual chapters, more general conclusions can be offered. An ignorant Knowledge Society In the long and often misleading tradition of labelling societies in terms of a dominant or key principle, there have been, for example, the following examples: industrial and post-industrial, capitalist and socialist societies, dictatorships or (parliamentary) democracies etc. Only since the 1970s has there emerged a strand to understand societies mainly in terms of major means of orientation and communication, namely information and knowledge. This implies that organized statements of facts or ideas, reasoned judgments or experimental results dominate communication in the economy, society and culture (cf. Bell 1999). The technologies of knowledge generation, information processing and symbol communication have become major sources of economic productivity. They do not only re-/present matters of fact and/or fiction in selective ways, but also provide potential for coordinating goals, horizons, reference systems, evaluations and concrete interactions. However, the criteria for, and the forms and meanings of, knowledge vary tremendously: from the sciences, the humanities and the arts to economics, politics, the military, religion or mass communication. They also differ significantly between the various world cultural zones. Therefore, we must try to understand scientific and everyday knowledge (common sense), mass and target media information in their respective communication contexts. Only particular types of knowledge are re-/presented in the major media formats. The concepts of information and knowledge, of the information and knowledge society should always be used as referring to distinctly structured social processes and

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configurations: Specific types of information and knowledge are bound to become historically obsolete, they are usually means for struggle and competition and are highly interconnected with disinformation and secrecies, ignorance, arrogance or belief systems. Therefore, the concept of a Disinformation and Ignorance Society is as important as that of an Information and Knowledge Society. The fragility of modern societies is probably not due mainly to their ‘highly self-reflexive and self-transformative’ character (Stehr 2001: 236, cf. Stehr 2004), but to fundamental conflicts concerning old scarcities of the means for survival or established living conditions and expectations – more than due to often fundamentally different understandings of what can be considered as information or knowledge. The shifting balances of ignorance and knowledge and their contradictory definitions and interpretations leave little space for common knowledge and true common sense: In global terms, the latter is a very scarce resource. More global than many types and interpretations of knowledge are the formats in which mass media present information, entertainment, commercials or the various mixtures of these major genres. In contrast to, for example, culture-specific prayers or religious feasts, widely distributed mass media re-produce similarly standardized formats, from book chapters or newspaper articles to radio or television broadcasts and the design of websites – almost on a gobal scale. But these common formats are often put into national contexts, based on and framed by national education institutions, languages and hierarchies of relevance. Even websites usually refer mainly to others from the same country and language community. In media and communication studies, we still detect splits between a focus on (static) media structures and media history, written in terms of unique examples and structured sequences (within national borders). Media history is still often written by nonhistorians, media change is often focused upon in a short-term, practical policy or professional education-oriented perspective. The specification of time frames to be taken into account, both into the past and into the future, usually does not meet with easy consensus across disciplinary or national borders. From a social science perspective, the dissemination of media cultures across generations requires the study of decades; even the historically new acceleration rates of WWW and mobile phone usage imply more than ten years of study to include the majority of various (western) populations. If we focus on world cultural zones beyond the western and Japanese ones, Internet or mobile phone access for the majorities of the other cultural zones may well need more than a generation. The co-existence of several generations with distinct media biographies in any society already requires a time horizon of almost a century. Anticipating the life expectancies of those recently born may necessitate another hundred years of study. In technological and institutional terms, for example, the growth of the telegraph and the emergence of news agencies at the end of the nineteenth century have laid foundations still relevant

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at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In terms of the habitualization of perception modes, the interpretation and usage of media formats, tacit assumptions, communication contexts, cultural meanings, the interplay of traditional media such as face to face communication, the theatre, print, movies, broadcast and Web media must be checked in relation to particular media generations and phases of economic, cultural, political and general societal developments. Media continuities usually predominate within national media systems: The introduction and spread of information and entertainment technologies (hardware, software, formats, contents) follows patterns which can be characterized by higher levels of inclusion, faster rates of change, more importance in terms of money, time and attention spent on media. Media discontinuities/shifts/upheavals can be specified in terms of the research programme established in 2002 at the University of Siegen (http: //www.fk615.unisiegen.de/Mainsites/ProfilENG.html, downloaded July 2004): A guiding premise of the investigation is the observation that media upheavals suppose comprehensive, discontinuous, structural changes within media history…In fact, different factual, temporal, social, medial and spatial consequences result from the media upheavals in different cultures. Therefore, the scientific studies are not only limited to the analysis of media-related theoretical discourse, but also requires a transdisciplinary and intercultural approach to research. Changing media are a partial process of more encompassing social processes. As means of communication and orientation they have always played a role in human societies. Yet, as symbolically generalized means of communication like power, money, or truth, and as technically distributed (mass) media, like books, journals, movies, radio, television, the Web, they have gained ever more importance. Since the end of the twentieth century, ICTs have been interpreted as the major driving forces of social change, even as revolutionary. Only if we take into account the interdependencies of various types of media over a longer period of time, will we be able to specify the particular role media technologies/formats/contents play for economic/political/ cultural developments. These interdependencies can be patterned as pre-adaptive advances on the side of certain media (technologies etc.); they can be interpreted as co-evolution or as media lacking behind social developments. The current focus on media upheavals in Europe may be limited to a particular phase. For, inevitably, humans are socialized into the usage of the major symbol systems of the families, groups, cultures into which they are born: body movements and sentiments, spoken and written words, numbers and figures, music and visuals configure elements and interdependencies of references and interpretations, relevancies and exclusion, which pre- and re-configure the acceptance and use of media knowledge. Increasing transnational diffusions of technologies,

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values, information and knowledge shape all societies in the twenty-first century. Therefore we must avoid two fallacies: The development, distribution and use of mass media technologies, formats and contents cannot be adequately understood without taking into account more general socio-economic, technological and political developments as well as citizens’ major symbols and values reference systems (cf. Ludes 2001, 2002 and 2004b). Otherwise, media technological overgeneralizations, implying the dominance of a media society, abound. The development, distribution and use of contemporary general technologies, formats of discourse and interaction as well as narratives and (types of) explanations can no longer be adequately understood without taking into account the specific formats and contents of widely used mass media. Since the technologically distributed mass media speed up the access to alternate value standards and the global mass media enhance the dissemination of cultures, it would be astonishing if culture shifts in the twenty-first century would occur along the same (territorial) cultural borders and in the same rhythm, speed and mode (as, for example, ‘clash’ or ‘Union’) as before. From media in Europe to European media In 2004 Denis McQuail emphasized: the paradox of unity and dissimilarity of…national ‘stories’…European media have much in common with each other and are quite distinct from those of the United States, Japan, Latin America, China, etc…Some of the more common features of the different systems include the: shared basic principles of law, human rights and democracy that have gradually been established since World War II; the existence of a mixed public and private broadcasting system in all countries; a tradition that permits (even if it discourages) some intervention in the media on grounds of public interest; competitive party political systems that still give shape to the outlook of the media and to their opinion-forming role; the role played by institutions of the European Union and the Council of Europe in regulating for access, diversity, harmonization of regulation and the pursuit of some cultural goals; the similar forces that everywhere make for linguistic and cultural identification, even if they then make for differentiation. In this sense, converging trends have characterized major institutions in European countries and media and enforced increasing trans-European regulations. Yet, as McQuail (2004: 2) continues to argue: There are some evident dimensions of difference, with varying origins. One such is the variable grip of the mass newspaper reading in general, some countries being avid readers, others not. A similar but not clearly related variable is the relative appeal of television and other audio-visual media, as measured by time spent.

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These particularities in Europe need not be interpreted as fragmentation. They show rather ‘unity in diversity’ – as the European motto says, a necessary prerequisite for both transcending cultural heritages and combining them in global competition. Romano Prodi (2004: xiii) identified a European culture on the basis of interpretations of recent world values surveys: These surveys were carried out in 36 European countries, including all 25 members of the European Union. They also cover 45 additional countries, making it possible to interpret the beliefs and values of any given society in a genuinely global context. In this broader global context, we find evidence of a ‘European culture,’ reflecting relatively similar beliefs shared by European publics – but we also find that certain basic values are widely shared by publics throughout the world. Values, however, differ significantly from experiences and institutionalized ties and options. National and regional communities of destinies and interests, first-hand experiences and liabilities, the same spoken languages and similar codes of conduct therefore will be handed on from generation to generation and (in empirical contrast to Beck 2004, ch. VI) only partially be transformed by trans-national media of communication. Multiple identifications, incoherent understandings of dis/information, shifting and contradictory balances between tacit knowledge and explicitly codified knowledge systems will continue to prevail. Taking into account more long-term developments, Juan Diez Medrano (2003: 247) summarized his empirical results on ‘framing Europe’ in Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom as follows: [The] fear of losing one’s national identity as part of the European Union and the closeness one feels to Europe matter in explaining the degree to which one supports membership in the European Union. … British scepticism is rooted in a comparatively low degree of identification with Europe and a fear of losing national identity. …a desire to modernize and to break with isolation in the case of Spain and a desire to regain the trust of other countries after World War II in the case of West Germany are factors behind their support for European integration. A ‘reality check’ on the European Information Society (Servaes 2003: 27), therefore, ‘has concluded that the so-called information society is “a society in formation” and certainly not immanently emerging. … There is no single road to the information society. Every country has its own particularities and these are very heavily determined by national political objectives.’ In contrast, the ‘European Communication Council Report’ from 2004 diagnosed ‘E-Merging Media’. New types of ‘meso-media’ (Feldmann & Zerdick 2004) emerge, which target groups between a hundred and a hundred thousand users/consumers: narrowcasting, local TV, on-demand publishing, DVDs, Intranets, SMS or e-mails. Ambient Intelligence regulates ever more of our everyday activities (Ducatel et al. 2004). It is a product of three converging key technologies: ubiquitous computing, communication systems, which are easily

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accessible in all areas of everyday life, and intelligent, user-friendly interfaces. Thereby, wearable computers or self-steering cognitive systems regulate information-gathering and usage just as traffic signs have regulated cars and pedestrians. The new flexibility and mobility calls for such devices and their interoperability in technological and interpersonal networks. Yet, such a focus on technological innovations may underestimate the increasing cultural and economic differences between the old EU15-member states, the recent ten accession countries, Bulgaria and Romania, and Turkey, with which talks on a potential membership have a long tradition (cf. Gerhards 2005). Introductory conclusions The emergence of a so-called European Information and Knowledge Society is a multidimensional, non-linear, long-term process of shifting balances of disinformation and information, ignorance and knowledge as well as media and culture specific frameworks of evaluation and interpretation. The concepts of ‘convergence and fragmentation’ appear as too static for an adequate understanding of this process. Therefore, they should be replaced by converging and diverging trends, implying media and social changes and allowing for ‘unity in diversity’. Major deficiencies of the current state of research into media in Europe include: ■ Access to print, broadcast, and web offerings from the media systems in Europe for a common, continuously working media sample server ■ European categories for comparison and a combination of culture-specific with trans-cultural perspectives ■ Data on metropolitan vs. rural or generation-specific usage patterns ■ Studies on transforming networks of orientation, communication, identification in a global context ■ Trans-disciplinary research on the same databases by mixed teams of representatives from the humanities, social sciences, and information management. ‘Unity in diversity’ requires better access to the diverse and divergent group, target and mass media in Europe. Only when we become ever more aware of their singularities and commonalities, will media in Europe successfully compete with media from outside Europe. European unity will continue to be fragile and should be covered as such, but the trans-national European media institutions have barely tackled this challenge. Citizens in Europe have concrete experiences of improving human development. The analysis of living conditions in the European Union can be based on European statistics (cf. Ludes 2001, chapter 7) or on the human development data for the EU member, accession and candidate countries and beyond. The HDI (Human Development Index) values for each country are annually determined by the UN HDR office and are calculated on the basis of life expectancy, adult literacy rate, combined primary, secondary

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and tertiary gross enrolment rate, GDP per capita. (Cf. for the most recent data, usually published in mid-July http: //hdr.undp.org/reports/view_reports.cfm?type=1.) It is evident that there is consistent (yet not always continuously increasing) improvement for all these countries (and non-EU countries such as Norway, Iceland or Switzerland as well). This is a rare instance in global comparison, which makes Europe attractive for many nonEuropeans. Yet, old cultural identities are ever more brought into question by collapsing socioeconomic and political securities. New anxieties call for re-specifications of safeties and options available for a considerable part of one’s lifetime. The worldwide competitive economic, political, cultural struggle has sharpened and Europe has become ever more dependent on trans-cultural interdependencies. But reflections on ‘Europe’ as a global player and victim remain limited due to persistent regional and national frameworks of living conditions and work experiences, schoolbooks and media. Trans-cultural identifications are no easy voluntary options yet are forcefully shaped and delimited by these frameworks. Contradictory images and experiences confront each and every citizen in Europe throughout his or her more than 70 to 80 years of average life expectancy. The media show young, beautiful and healthy people in their entertainment programmes. The youth and those beyond 50, however, are especially threatened by unemployment. Public authorities lack the money to invest in the renovation of the infrastructure of kindergartens, schools, universities, highways, hospitals, etc. These obvious signs of decline of public and personal fragility are often veiled by more optimistic infotainment. New information and communication technologies and content function not only as driving forces towards a European information and knowledge society; they also provide means of disorientation and ignorance. Therefore, we must take account of the Janushead of convergence and fragmentation, which may show encouraging and frightening faces, of lacking coherence or cultural diversity, economic profitability or lack of technological safety and personality rights. The already problematic convergence of the old member and new accession countries of the European Union and beyond will be put under pressures from outside Europe. Intra-European processes thereby will continuously face fragmentary convergence and diverting fragments. But such developments often appear too complicated to be covered by mass-attractive media. During the twentieth century, school education, cheaper books, a relatively inexpensive press, radio and television service have to some extent broken down barriers to the diffusion of knowledge, which can be interpreted as a process of functional democratization, a growing power potential of the masses. Compulsory education and the attendant higher educational level of the masses compared to the past were an indispensable adjunct of advancing industrialization and the mechanization of warfare. State societies where the educational level was comparatively low and oriented toward pre-scientific models were at a disadvantage in their competitive struggles compared to those societies where most people were educated and knowledgeable. These types of arguments (Elias 1984) may have also led official EU policies to enhance a European information and knowledge society, mainly as a device to improve its

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competitive power in relation to the other major ‘players’ in world trade. (See, e.g., ‘Facing the challenge’ 2004: esp. 6, 9–11, 15, 19–20.) Scientific discovery has long become a planned social process. Discoveries and innovations fuel the development of societies and are fuelled in turn by their national, social rivalries and conflicts. As societies become wealthier and more differentiated, the occupation with symbols is organised as a social specialty. Symbols with the social function of knowledge are only one class of symbols among others. Sculptors, composers, film-makers, playwrights and the mimetic intellectuals are producers of symbols too. Schoolteachers are transmitting symbols from one generation to another. Taking into account all of the reservations concerning the concept of a European Information and Knowledge Society specified so far – and throughout this book – it may be helpful to outline some prerequisites for and characteristics of a society in which reasonable scientific knowledge indeed shapes most decision-making processes. Therefore I summarize the major points from Elias’ utopian tale ‘The Great Struggle of the Intellectuals’ (Elias 1984: 280–291). In this ‘thought experiment’, public debates are institutionalized in which 60–90% of the population participate at least as active audiences. Only those who participate are allowed to vote. Two major prerequisites are 1. The educational level of the population is much higher than nowadays, all should have knowledge, competence, and sensitivity of judgment far beyond occupational specialisation; 2. Fossilised and corrupted knowledge has been weeded out from schools, universities, and educational institutions. All have access to ‘a clearer, wider, more certain and factual orientation about the internal and external affairs of their country and indeed of humanity’ (Elias 1984: 284). It will require generations of better school education, more informative mass media and new types of scientific and intermediary institutions to allow the majorities of the populations to participate actively and reasonably in information generating and usage. Such long-term perspectives clarify current European speed limits for quite different paces of technological, political, economic, or cultural processes of Europeanisation. They also show how limited and unclear contemporary media signs and contents are in contrast to traffic regulations. From this perspective, any talk of ‘information highways’ is misleading. Endnote I gratefully acknowledge the importance of discussions in our changing team 3 (itself an expression of fragmentation in coherence), especially with Jean-Claude Burgelman (our first team leader), Torben Grodal, Gerd Kopper, Knut Lundby and Frank Webster as well as in the programme’s core group, with Peter Golding, Ib Bondebjerg, Els de Bens, Jostein Gripsrud and William Uricchio. Sonja Lijff and Robin Mansell were our team’s external advisors whom we owe cordial thanks. Heather Owen performed an excellent task in editing all the various European strands of English of our book

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contributions. Last, not least, I am indebted to my research assistant, Tobias Kohler, Siegen and Växjö, who prepared first reviews of the literature and of statistical data, which, however, have not been included in this short introduction. A preview of this book was published in Ludes (2004a). References Beck, Ulrich (2004), Der kosmopolitische Blick oder: Krieg ist Frieden. Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp. Bell, D. (1999), The axial age of technology: foreword 1999. In: Bell, Daniel. The Coming of PostIndustrial Society. New York: Basic Books, pp. ix–lxxxv, Second Edition. Chan, Joseph M. and Bryce McIntyre (eds.) (2002), In Search of Boundaries. Communication, Nation-States and Cultural Identities. Westport, Connecticut and London: Ablex Publishing. Diez Medrano, Juan (2003), Framing Europe. Attitudes to European Integration in Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Ducatel, K., M. Bogdanowicz, F. Scapolo, J. Leitjen and J.-C. Burgelman (2004), Dafür sind Freunde da – Ambient Intelligence (AmI) und die Informationsgesellschaft im Jahre 2010. In: European Communication Council Report: E-Merging Media. Kommunikation und Medienwirtschaft der Zukunft. Edited by Axel Zerdick, Arnold Picot, Klaus Schrape, JeanClaude Burgelman and Roger Silverstone, Berlin etc.: Springer, pp. 195–218. Elias, Norbert (1984), Knowledge and Power. An Interview by Peter Ludes. In Nico Stehr and Volker Meja (eds.), Society and Knowledge. Contemporary Perspectives on the Sociology of Knowledge, New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers, pp. 251–291. Feldmann, Valerie and Axel Zerdick (2004), E-Merging Media : Die Zukunft der Kommunikation. In: European Communication Council Report: E-Merging Media. Kommunikation und Medienwirtschaft der Zukunft. Edited by Axel Zerdick, Arnold Picot, Klaus Schrape, JeanClaude Burgelman and Roger Silverstone, Berlin etc.: Springer, pp. 19–30. Ludes, Peter (2001), Multimedia und Multi-Moderne: Schlüsselbilder. (Multi-Media and Multiple Modernities: Key Visuals), Book with CD-ROM, Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag. Ludes, Peter (2002), DVD-ROM Medien und Symbole: €uropäische MedienBILDung. Mit zwei Beiträgen zur Medienzivilisierung von Jürgen Zinnecker. (Media and Symbols: European Media Education. With Two Contributions on Civilizing Media by Jurgen Zinnecker), Technik, Gestaltung, Realisation (Design and Realisation): Medienzentrum der Universität Siegen, Siegen: UniVerSi. Ludes, Peter (2004a), Changing Media as a Prime Interpreter of Changing Europe, in economic trends 1, pp. 30–33. Ludes, Peter (2004b), ‘EUROvisions? Monetary Union and Communication Puzzles’, in Ib Bondebjerg and Peter Golding (eds.): European Culture and the Media = Changing Media – Changing Europe Series, vol. 1, Bristol and Portland: Intellect publishing, pp. 215–231. McQuail, Denis (2004), ‘Introduction’ in Mary Kelly, Gianpietro Mazzoleni and Denis McQuail (eds.): The Media in Europe: The Euromedia Handbook. London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage, pp. 1–3.

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Prodi, Romano (2004), ‘Foreword’ in Ronald Inglehart, Miguel Basanez, Jaime Diez-Medrano and Ruud Luijkx (eds.): Human Beliefs and Values. A cross-cultural sourcebook based on the 1999–2002 values surveys, Mexico, D. F. and Buenos Aires: siglo, pp. xiii-xiv. Schorr, Angela (2003), ‘Communication Research and Media Science in Europe: Research and Academic Training at a Turning Point’, in: Angela Schorr, William Campbell and Michael Schenk (eds.): Communication Research and Media Science in Europe. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 3–55. Servaes, Jan (ed.) (2003), The European Information Society. A reality check, Bristol: Intellect. Stehr, Nico (2001), Knowledge and Economic Conduct. The Social Foundations of Modern Economy. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press. Stehr, Nico (ed.) (2004), The Governance of Knowledge. New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers.

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Policy papers of the European Union, as well as its member states, celebrate recent developments on the road to the ‘information or knowledge society’ and define new perspectives in order to reach ever-newer objectives. Maria Heller re-asserts: Information is a basic resource for the most developed societies: safe circulation, access, handling and retrieval of information already constitute a basic need for individual citizens as well as for institutions, political and economic actors. Recent research and resulting technological development, both largely backed by economic interests, have lead to the introduction of new devices of information and communication technology and they have greatly modified the possibilities and the everyday reality of communication for individual citizens, institutions, as well as for the state and the whole civil society. Nevertheless, while it has to be borne in mind that communication and information have always been crucial for societies in every period of history as they constitute the base for social bonds and social activity, one can legitimately ask how and to what extent communication and information in today’s societies play a central role or have acquired high relevance. Like all spheres of social life, the sphere of communications is governed by norms and strategies (Habermas 1962; Heller, Némedi & Rényi 1990). These norms and strategies are not static; they are constantly modified by the communicative actors in their struggle for the distribution and redistribution of forces and resources. Historical and societal changes, as well as technological developments, also modify the underlying rules, norms, strategies and behaviours. In the last years, new ICTs have caused important changes in people’s representation of communications, as well as in their communicative behaviours. The use of more and more sophisticated new ICT devices made it possible to extend the space and time limitations of formerly existing situations of communications, thus restructuring these situations and radically modifying the communicative relationships among the users. This development raised a number of questions as to the repercussions of these changes in the sphere of local and global

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power distribution, in the sphere of work, culture, language, education and leisure and in the sphere of social relationships, social groups, political and civil activity. It can reasonably be argued that the rapidly changing ICT technologies and the quickly growing ICT sector profoundly modify today’s societies, including their economic, political and social structure, as well as people’s attitudes, needs and behaviours concerning information and communication. It has largely been debated in the scientific community, as well as in the larger public, whether the use of new ICTs result in more democracy or more leisure in everyday life; whether it is global or local participation that gets enhancement through the new technologies and how these developments concern different societies or different layers of the same society; how power relations are reorganized and who profits from the development. Social scientists and media scholars nurture different views about whether the use of new ICTs results in convergence among different societies and different social groups or if it contributes to fragmented communication systems and diverging developmental patterns of different societies. Certain researchers fear that problems of access to new ICTs reinforce political, economic and cultural cleavages, condemn large publics to passive consumption of more and more entertainment and hamper the functioning of the public sphere by introducing divergent developments, causing strong fragmentation of publics and the deepening of the digital gap. They point to the danger of loosening social cohesion and weakening intensity of social organization and solidarity. More optimistic social scientists, on the contrary, believe that new ICTs contribute to the construction of more conscious societies, where active and interactive citizens can easily participate in the public sphere, in public decision-making because the new technological development provides them with new devices, new forms and spaces for communication and debate. In this view, new ICTs foster democratic development and the construction of a global world-society, with common universal values. Although both views have strong arguments in their favour, it is difficult to totally adhere to one or the other opposing standpoints. In the following text, Maria Heller will consider the pros and cons discernable in some of the main trends of ICT development: first, she will examine some general considerations about convergence, divergence and fragmentation before scrutinizing the most important modifications related to the new ICTs in the global political, economic, cultural and social fields. In the final part, convergence and divergence will be tackled from the point of view of the enlarged European Union, taking into consideration the similarities and differences between the fifteen ‘old European’ and the ten ‘new European’ countries’ economic force and communication culture. The purpose of Ursula Maier-Rabler’s chapter is to analyse the prevailing methods and approaches for developing ePolicies in Europe. This analysis will help determine which priorities are taken into consideration by governmental policy-makers to assist in the development of policies that encourage the transformation of European countries into

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Information Societies at both the national and regional levels. Furthermore, this chapter will make a unique contribution to the critical work concerning current ePolicies, which characterizes most of the approaches taken toward the development of ePolicies as technological deterministic (e.g. Webster 2002; Castells 2000; Mansell 2001) and follow marketplace logic (Gandy 2002). Referring to studies of Robin Mansell and subsequently Armartya Sen this chapter will present a human-centred approach, with its emphasis on the human being posessing the right to acquire the appropriate capabilities to choose the manner in which they participate in society. Additionally, this chapter will provide insight into culturally biased concepts of information and communication, which influence the fundamentals characteristics of current ePolicies, insofar as they explain why certain actions are or are not being taken by policy-makers.

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GLOBAL AND EUROPEAN INFORMATION SOCIETY Maria Heller

Convergence, divergence, diversity and fragmentation The general tendency of globalization has created considerable convergence in the domain of European, as well as global economic and social development, information and communication structures, media and cultural consumption. It has also caused growing public concern about the economic, social and ecological drawbacks of globalization. The rapidly developing ICT and media industries have largely contributed to the development of globalization. In the spread of new ICTs there are overall tendencies of convergence: similar ICT devices are used everywhere, with converging functions. Similar information and entertainment tendencies characterize global media, similar contents are available and access to them is facilitated through various devices, ICT networks are globally interconnected and foster all kinds of communication and information-transfer whether public or private, short or long distance. ICTs also make it possible to reach the same entertainment or information contents through different devices and, in the same way, they make it possible to reach interlocutors of all types through various communication channels provided by various ICTs. In this sense, we can witness that ICT developments create a great deal of convergence on the global scale and contribute easy access to communicational and cultural diversity. But ICT developments do not only back convergence on the global scale: diverging tendencies are also numerous. One should differentiate between divergence and diversity in this respect: divergence meaning development in different or opposing

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directions or at different paces, and diversity involving variety, a scale of different uses, more choice among possibilities, devices and activities. The term divergence covers several phenomena: One of the most often cited problems is the deepening digital divide, the info-communicational gap between layers of the same society with different economic and cultural backgrounds, between age groups and sexes, etc. The digital divide, however, can also be defined on a global scale: between different societies and regions of the world having different economic status and different cultural and communicational characteristics. Both types of digital divide constitute a threat to global communication and world integrity. Another phenomenon of divergence is the so-called fragmentation of the public. Today, there are strong signs showing that the formerly unified public sphere (Keane 1995) has been split up: differently sized public spheres have made their appearance beside former national public sphere(s), which used to be represented or thought of as being uniform and unique (the very place where public affairs, public concerns are discussed by unrestricted publics). Different publics use different ICTs and different media and the former unified (national) publics have been fragmented into social groups having different ICT activities, different centres of interest, and having no common space for the elaboration of common causes and meanings. Observing what is going on in the differently sized fora created by the new ICTs, we can conclude that, instead of doing away with the public sphere, various new public spheres have appeared and topics of public concern are widely discussed by diverse publics in various new public spaces (Internet fora, discussion groups, chat rooms, even e-mail and SMS). The problem of this new diversity of the public spheres is whether all layers of society have access to them and are willing and capable of participating. The question can reasonably be raised whether new ICTs predominantly facilitate the entertainment function or the information-seeking and democratic function of the new media based on new possibilities of interactivity. Do users/citizens/individuals become more dominated and passive by the entertaining function of the new devices or do they become more active and partaking in growing democratic participatory discussions? Main modifications in the different domains of social life in societies of different levels of development The rapid development of ICTs, the restructuring of the public sphere, and the introduction of the Information Society or knowledge society inevitably entail radical modifications in different domains of life. The power structure of individual societies is undergoing important changes. In fact, political, economic and symbolic powers depend more and more on control over knowledge, and the access to and use of new ICTs strongly influence the new knowledge hierarchy in society. This can hasten major macro-structural changes in different societies. The gap between information-haves and information-have-nots or

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users and non-users is gradually widening, the often-mentioned digital divide does not seem to disappear, and it reinforces the inequality relations inside individual societies.1 Similar modifications in the inequality relations are under way on the global scale, i.e. among different societies: thus recreating and reinforcing asymmetrical relations according to centre and periphery, innovative and traditional societies. The digital divide is deepening between societies participating in or left out of the digital revolution. Whole regions are cut off from the mainstream development or, in other places, certain deprived (or information-deprived) social layers are left out while local bourgeoisie or the national elite manage to strengthen their position and cope with the global development. The dichotomy between democratization of communications and digital divide on the global scale is stronger than ever. New ICTs and the changes they introduce in the structure of the economy and of the workforce are about to cause radical changes in the relationship between work and leisure, and will also modify the relationship between workplace and home. A great number of activities can be done from anywhere because of online or mobile accessibility. These changes, in turn, will continue to alter the structure of towns, creating new patterns of urbanism, new types of settlements with broadband facilities and dense nets of ‘communications’ of all sorts, like telecommunication nets and highway nets. Telework and mobile communication devices contribute to the appearance of different forms of work and radically modify people’s timetables and schedules. It is clear that these changes will and already do affect people’s lifestyles in the sense that the role of ‘place’ decreases as the communicative situations are stretched out beyond time and space constraints. This at the same time increases the need for prompt but quickly perishable information in particular situations, in particular places.2 Digitalization and, hence, easy accessibility of all kinds of communication contents and cultural products through diverse new ICTs with quickly decreasing technological constraints,3 introduce radical changes in the access and acquisition of cultural products. All cultural productions become accessible through the same media4 and digital handling makes it possible to create an infinite variety of relationships among different cultural products (Hypertext). This qualitative change brings about the intertextuality of culture, changing at the same time not only accessibility but also the patterns of acquisition of cultural products. Linearity of most cultural products is replaced by a new complex structure, where acquisition is not directed by the same strict rules as before. Meanwhile we can observe that the earlier ‘road’ metaphor in cultural reception is by now replaced by the metaphor of ‘maze’, or ‘labyrinth’, where the user progresses in his/her own pace and directions according to his/her individual decisions and needs.

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With digital accessibility, cultural products also become more vulnerable, more open to alteration or misappropriation. Texts, films, pictures, music, etc. are no longer finished products, their rewriting has become technologically affordable and facilitated: they can best be characterized by time co-ordinates. Thus, the notion of ‘document’ also has to be redefined because all documents can easily be modified without noticeable traces. While this development involves considerable danger for copyright and autonomy of creative action, it also has socially positive outcomes. Digital technology not only increases the quality of cultural production but also enormously enhances productivity and interactivity and thus may lead to a renaissance of individual productive activity in contrast to the ‘age of consumption’.5 New forms of cultural acquisition should enhance important modifications in the education system. It is already clear that the meaning and content of ‘literacy’ is about to change to incorporate ‘digital literacy’. Although most countries’ school system has difficulties in coping with the radical changes, the necessary knowledge and the skills to get along in the digitalized world has already greatly increased. Research, as well as everyday experience, shows that young generations quickly get used to new technologies and this emphasizes the need for new forms of learning6 for all generations and the importance of lifelong learning in a quickly changing world. Scientific communication has also been modified by the new ICTs. Interaction among scientists has become much more frequent, to such an extent that in the case of some innovations even the origin of the scientific thought is untraceable. The obsolescence factor of the new devices is very rapid, since the continuous innovation process has made people’s needs change very quickly. The appearance of the ever-newer appliances recreates consumers’ needs, while consumers trapped in the innovation competition feel the former devices to be trashy. New devices go through quick downwards infiltration in society, spreading from the upper classes to different forms of mass uses (either as status symbols or quickly spreading leisure devices7). It is no wonder that all these social changes greatly influence and modify people’s behaviours towards communications. The new devices make it possible for people to cope with increasing life speed. This involves changing lifestyles, new relations to space and time, redefinition of public and private affairs, spaces and times. Mobile devices procure more personal or individual freedom, where the individual is less confined by place. Easy accessibility through new ICTs makes modification of previous agreements easily readjustable: indeed, the use of e-mail, mobile communication and SMS has been reported to deal frequently with quick modifications in predefined work or leisure programmes. It follows from this phenomenon that many communications events become situation-dependent: their relevance is restricted to a particular space and time constellation, to a particular communication situation.

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With the accelerated lifestyle, news consumption has greatly increased. This is clearly proven by statistics, which show that important layers of the society follow news through diverse media: newspapers, radio, TV,8 WAP, Internet, etc. Because ICTs bring about changes in the structure of work-type with the spreading of telework or distance work and learning, it is clear that households and family relationships also change. Not only does child control become easy and frequent through ICTs9 but public and private places and times, as well as relationships, get modified through continuous accessibility. People try to delimit private or public space or time for communication with subtle methods (e.g. different musical rings, etc.); they also often feel the need to define the space and time co-ordinates of a particular communication on a mobile phone. The new lifestyle does not modify people’s predilections for travel as it was thought, especially because conditions for travelling have become far easier than before10 while the need for face-to-face communication seems to have been preserved. Researchers even discuss the use of ICTs as a social problem of addiction, where the very possession of the digital devices decreases the individual’s feeling of insecurity and reinforces his/her impression of being part of a community and constitutes a factor for identity construction. The possession and use of ICTs also gives way to specific forms of self-expression.11 All the aforementioned modifications of social and work structure, of time and space relations, of people’s needs and behaviours lead to new communicative relationships among people. If we consider that human relationships constitute a specific form of social capital (Bourdieu 1970, 1979), it is no wonder that ICTs play an important role in the accumulation and the management of this capital. The more ICTs are available for the individual the more he/she is free to choose the most adequate form to reach a partner according to their relationship, the topic of communication, the situation, etc. (In the choice of ICTs there might be considerations about the accessibility of the person, of the public or private character of the topic and the relationship, the degree of intimacy, the urgency of reply, the degree of facility of immediate or remote communication, etc.) It can be observed as a consequence of the growing needs of communications that, both in strong ties and in weak ties, communications have become more frequent and higher in density. People find it easier to maintain communicative ties with remote persons: dying relationships have revived via the Internet, and many new relationships have been established between people who would not have met or started discussions had it not been through new ICTs.12 The growing communication activity through ICTs has changed both horizontal and vertical relations inside individual societies but has also opened up the borderlines among different societies. People engage in a great number of different communicative acts through various channels made available by

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ICTs. In this manner, individuals have built up large international networks of relations of both strong and weak ties and these large networks are often combined together into meta-networks through worldwide e-mail chains. The exponentially growing number of communicative acts testifies to the increased needs for communication and human relations of contemporary humans.13 The former tendency of passivization of the public (period of the mass media) (Noam 1996) has been overturned. Although important social groups are still passive consumers of mass cultural products, an increasing tendency of interactivity and a certain return to public discussion, to participation in social discourse can be observed due to ICT facilities. The ever-innovative developments of ICTs generate, however, some global problems. People are more and more concerned by the increased capacity of registration of the new technologies. Individual user’s activities, likes and dislikes can easily be traced back and people feel their privacy is put in danger. Although the registration capacity can be useful, when it facilitates e-commerce and m-commerce, creating forms of easy purchase of products and services, the liability of the identifiable registered user14 seems to create an urgent need for new regulations defending user privacy, data protection or copyrights. New ICTs also raise some technological problems. There is a constant competition among different industrial fields about how to incorporate more and more functions in the same devices. This creates a peculiar convergence among multifunctional objects that used to be clearly separate.15 The outcome of the competition will be defined by biological constraints: buttons cannot be too small compared to our fingertips, etc. This problem has, however, been partially overcome in the use of new PDAs or handwritten digital tablets. In a certain sense, biological evolution has been replaced by technological evolution: new ICTs improve our senses. Fortunately, the user might still choose the tendency of divergence and use the most convenient device for his/her goals and situation. Certain analysts of the developing Information Society fear that the increasing use of new ICTs weakens social cohesion and loosens ties in self-organizing civil groups. They claim that the amount of time spent watching television or surfing alone on the Internet prevents people from pursuing former social activities and from fostering traditional societal relationships (Putnam 2000). They foresee that people using the new devices become more and more isolated and they fear the weakening of trust in social institutions. Certain scholars regard the increasing participation in online communities as a false escape into non-existent communities, where only anonymous, faceless and nicknamed individuals take part in fake interactions. They do not believe this kind of participation can lead to the development of community identity or public consciousness. It is not yet clear whether the increased communicative activity of online individuals can lead to the elaboration of common meanings and commonly shared cognitive

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goods or if it will end in cultural and communicational segregation. Do the new means of communications augment the critical potential of the public sphere enhancing more concern in public decision making or do they only facilitate more leisure and entertainment, making the public even more fragmented, scattered and isolated? More optimistic social scientists see the chances for the elaboration of more democratic societies through enlarged information and communication possibilities and renewed user interactivity. ICT-facilitated processes of communications have been reported to increase citizen activity and this in turn increases users’ social capital. While some 20% of Net users reported having subsequently met online discussionmates offline, they do not spend any less time cultivating their offline relationships with family and friends. Communicative advantages offered by ICTs can foster the rebirth of citizen consciousness and participation. Continuous online presence in differently sized communicative domains of different kinds (public and private spheres), interactivity, the possibility of quick reaction, easy reach of local or global networks of large groups16 have already turned the Internet and other ICTs into efficient channels for social movements,17 citizens’ debates, political protest and mobilization.18 These devices also promote easy and quick communications among citizens 19 and state or municipal institutions and make it possible to consult citizens’ opinion by easy polling facilities. Several international research projects have found evidence that participation in various communications communities through ICTs increase communication competence and skills and promotes the accumulation of social capital. It also reinforces the feeling of responsibility towards the community. The fact that many ICT users search for reliable information filtered by the online community shows that ICT use increases social trust.20 Participation in online communities does not hinder participation in traditional communities; on the contrary, online activity is often concomitant with offline participation (Parks 1996). Increased communicative activity often reinforces strong feelings of belonging to diverse (work, leisure, political, local, religious, ethnic, etc.) communities, both online and offline, whether remote or close. Cyber participation seems to reinforce glocal activities (Wellman 2001) and 40% of people active in cybercommunities report having more intensive participation in local communities as well, even if this does not always mean face-to-face presence. Indeed, ICTs constitute a horizontal net that reinforces co-operation, information exchange and knowledge generation, the elaboration of common meanings and norms, the production and spreading of values, the co-ordination of activities and the organization of communities as well as social functions like grooming and gossiping (Dunbar 1996; Fox 2001). Participation in such communities answers needs for information, belonging and identity formation. The main problem remains the fact that the distribution of physical and financial access, needs, skills and abilities are unequally distributed in the individual societies as well as on the global level.

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European information societies, EU-15, EU-25 European history in the last centuries has known strong tendencies of common development of communication culture. The emergence of the public sphere has established the same norms and functions in most European societies. The development of a normative idea about the public sphere (in the Habermasian sense) is commonly shared in most European societies, even if the realization turned out to be different in the different European nation states. We can also find evidence that the ways people make use of the existing public spheres have been convergent. Users’ strategies aimed at the accumulation and use of specific (economic, social, political) capitals in public discourse (in the Bourdieusian sense) and the construction of one’s own public image have shown considerable similarities among public spheres of different European nation states (Heller, Némedi & Rényi 1994, 1995). Both representations ((1) a normative public sphere that exercises control over institutions and public actors and (2) an interest-driven public sphere where participants attempt to maximize their benefits and act strategically) live on in the more and more unifying European public sphere. But different communication cultures and different historical, economic, cultural traditions generate different needs and uses of ICTs and produce differently structured public spheres on national, regional or local level. I will try to consider here some points of convergence and divergence between different European developmental patterns. The development of ICTs characterizes the EU as a whole but rather important differences can be found among different EU countries or regions. EU policy papers attempt to foster convergent development,21 but some underlying problems need analytical clarification. EU economic strategies aim at a leading role for Europe in the global economic competition based on continuous growth without considering its possible drawbacks (digital divide, development only in market-related fields, etc.). EU political strategies, on the other hand, attempt to achieve more active democratic participation by actors of the civil society, hoping that with convergence a common European public sphere is going to emerge which will help to create and reinforce common European identities. The question of whether these two types of strategies are compatible or how they relate to one another should also be seriously addressed. Do the economic goals, global competitiveness, economic efficiency and the search of unlimited growth foster the democratic development, unification and integrity of the Union, the elaboration of democratic governance and civil participation, the introduction of common norms and meanings, the smoothing of social, cultural and economic inequalities? For the European Union to efficiently function in diverse fields of life, economic differences should be rebalanced. But it is equally important to take into consideration the different models and paces of development of the different regions of Europe, the various European identity constructions, cultural heritages and traditions, and the different communication cultures.

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In the following, some statistical data are included to show differences of spread of ICTs and differences in usage. It is without any doubt that both the economic situation of each country and of its population play an important role in the penetration rate of ICT devices, but it is also clear that some differences should be related to social and cognitive factors, to different communication cultures, to more sensitivity in relation to

Table 1. Difference of Internet use in the EU-15 and the new EU member states in % and percentage of increase in three years. Internet Usage in the European Union EUROPEAN UNION Austria Belgium Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark Estonia Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Latvia Lithuania Luxembourg Malta Netherlands Poland Portugal Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden United Kingdom European Union

Population (2004 Est. ) 8,022,300 10,402,200 950,400 10,230,100 5,397,600 1,350,900 5,231,900 60,011,200 82.633.200 11,208,400 10,106,000 4,019,100 57,987,100 2,319,200 3,445,900 451,900 383,600 16,254,900 38,158,100 10,389,800 5,381,200 1,954,500 41,895,600 9,010,700 59,595,900 456,791,700

Internet Users, User Growth Latest Data (2000–2004) 3,730,000 3,769,123 250,000 2,700,000 3,375,850 621,000 2,650,000 23,352,522 47,182,628 1,718,400 2,400,000 1,319,608 28,610,000 936,000 695,000 170,000 120,000 10,806,328 8,970,000 3,600,000 1,375,800 750,000 14,332,763 6,722,576 34,874,469 204,050,785

77.6 % 88.5 % 108.3 % 170.0 % 73.1 % 69.4 % 37.5 % 186.5 % 96.6 % 71.8 % 235.7 % 68.3 % 116.7 % 524.0 % 208.9 % 70.0 % 200.0 % 177.1 % 220.4 % 44.0 % 111.7 % 150.0 % 166.0 % 66.1 % 126.5 % 119.0 %

Penetration (% Pop.) 46.5 % 36.2 % 26.3 % 26.4 % 62.5 % 46.0 % 50.7 % 40.6 % 57.1 % 15.3 % 23.7 % 32.8 % 49.3 % 40.4 % 20.2 % 37.6 % 31.3 % 66.5 % 23.5 % 34.6 % 25.6 % 38.4 % 34.2 % 74.6 % 58.5 % 44.7 %

% Users in EU 1.8 % 1.8 % 0.1 % 1.3 % 1.6 % 0.3 % 1.3 % 11.8 % 22.9 % 0.8 % 1.2 % 0.6 % 14.0 % 0.5 % 0.3 % 0.1 % 0.1 % 5.2 % 4.4 % 1.7 % 0.7 % 0.4 % 7.0 % 3.3 % 16.9 % 100.0 %

Source: The European Union Internet Statistics, www.InternetWorldStats.com, last updated: 30 September 2004

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status symbols, the priority given to private life and leisure, to carefree entertainment, possession of visible consumer goods, etc. Below, we will try to demonstrate some of the differences and search for possible causes. The Hungarian figures included below in detail are expected to represent central and eastern European peculiarities. It is interesting to note that new ICTs spread in the different European societies with different speed. The table above permits interesting comparisons of increase in the number and percentage of Internet users in different EU member states. As it becomes clear from the above statistics, strong economic differences explain part of the different stages of Information Society among the 25 EU member states. But differences can also be attributed to more soft sociological, historical and cultural factors. Several surveys have shown that there are differences of attitude, of expectation and of trust in institutions and in social development between different European societies, as well as strong differences in self-image, identity formation and belief in the future. Considering the historical model of development of the different European regions, we find that western Europe has known an organic development of civilization, state and institutions and a more peaceful growth of the public sphere in its history of the last centuries. This development resulted in considerably pluralistic national public spheres. Central Europe and eastern Europe even more have been delayed in social, economic and political development in comparison to the West. This problem has brought about a century-old dilemma of model choice. Social and political cleavages in these countries focus on the problem of what type of model for social development to choose, the three main models being western-type modernization, socialist modernization and intrinsic nationalist models based on traditional (ethnic, religious, national, etc.) values. The historical series of European wars, uprising and ethnic/national animosities demonstrate the weight of the problem. And the dilemma of model choice is still lingering on. Important differences have always existed between different European countries concerning people’s relations to the public sphere and communications in general. The historical path of the nation states in central Europe (and even more so in eastern Europe) did not allow for the development of pluralistic public spheres. Even Hungary, which had the most developed ’restricted public sphere’ (Heller & Rényi 1996) among central and eastern European countries in the second half of the twentieth century, is evidence that different communication cultures, different political cultures and traditions may react differently to new developments in communications. In the footsteps of Norbert Elias, who analysed the differences between the English and French development of civilization and the German development of a different notion of national culture (Elias 1939), Jenö Szücs, the Hungarian historian, described three

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distinct regions of Europe that have known different models of development (Szücs 1981; 1988). Péter Hanák, another Hungarian social historian spoke of distorted national characters in the case of central and eastern European nations (Hanák 1992) because of their tumultuous past, in the course of which long generations of local populations had to undergo frequent political and ideological changes, subsequent wars and authoritarian political regimes. They had to elaborate cunning techniques of concealment, strong separation between their private and public lives, doubletalk, reading between the lines, etc. Life in this part of Europe could be, and can still be, characterized not only by lower levels of economic efficiency and consumption but also by a lower level of trust in institutions and an increased importance given to private life and consumer goods. One has to understand that the development of information and communication technology had an important role to play in the recent political changes that occurred in central and eastern Europe. Penetration of various ICT devices22 that obstructed the smooth functioning of censorship and enhanced liberal, pluralist communication flows accelerated the changes and demonstrated the unsustainability of the former political system. In the Hungarian context of the Kádár regime, where the existence of a restricted public sphere and people’s relatively free private life and slowly growing consumption possibilities were part of a tacit compromise between the political power and the population (as a result of the 1956 revolution), there existed a consensus between the central political power and the population concerning the separation of public and private spheres. The population kept watch of private freedom. In exchange, the political authorities did not expect public participation in politics and kept the masses out of political debates and actions.23 Private life and consumption were highly valued by the population and sociologists were able to make account of a special sort of ‘consumption tourism’,24 when tens of thousands of Hungarian families spent their national holidays going to purchase consumables in neighbouring Austrian villages or nearby Vienna.25 Information and communication channels free from the control of central authorities exercised a strong appeal for the Hungarian population just as much as western consumables and signs of private wealth and freedom. Products of western technology appeared quickly in Hungary, mostly as private imports. These products (like home videos, Commodore computers in the early 80s) had a clear function of signalling social status, just as did the first mobile phones. These devices were put in the ‘saint corner’ of homes to be seen by all incoming persons or worn very ostensibly by quickly enriched entrepreneurs.26 In central Europe the political changeover of the early 90s quickly abolished the former public spheres. New participants appeared and new rules had to be introduced into public communications. Strong debates emerged on former taboo topics and heated struggle for recognition started among different political and cultural factions. The main topic of debate was about national identity and on what criteria the definition of

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national affiliation should be based. Debates on EU enlargement and NATO enlargement have to be also evaluated in this very context (Heller & Rényi 2003a, b). The questions at stake included the choice of belonging to the West (at last) or choosing a specific national model of development, and whether economic and political development should better be envisaged in the large European context or by closing up the country. The alternatives included establishing democratic functioning of institutions or re-establishing the rule of a populist, dictatorial nationalist elite. Fifteen years after the political changes, recent media developments and public debates still crystallize around these stakes. Alongside the political developments, citizens’ communication needs and uses have also changed. As it has always constituted an appealing model to many layers of central and eastern European societies, western consumption continued to attract people after the changeover, and pressing needs to acquire the requisites of western lifestyle, including communication devices, became even stronger. New ICTs became the symbols of the newly acquired freedom27 and also played an important role in

Table 2. Certain consumer goods in the households in Hungary

Fridge Deep freezer Microwave oven Washing machine Dish washer Colour TV Vacuum cleaner Video player Hi-fi Car radio CD player Fixed telephone line Mobile phone Home PC Home Internet Satellite TV Video camera DVD player Digital camera Cable TV

2000

2002

2003

95 59 NA NA NA 91 79 52 NA NA NA 75 37 17 5 16 3 1 NA 47

97 56 47 99 2 96 81 56 33 29 25 74 62 26 11 17 5 4 NA 53

95 67,7 65,2 99 5,4 97 84 61 43 39 37 68 67 30 21 12,1 7,6 7,5 5,2 57

Sources: Tárki Háztartás monitor, 2001, 2003, WIP 2002, GfK 2003, 2004

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strengthening contacts with Hungarian populations living outside the national territory,28 thus re-establishing national and ethnic ties and reinforcing national identity. Communications-greedy populations, however, have to spend a much higher proportion of their income to be able to use the new devices than their western homologues. In order to understand better the development of ICT penetration in the new member states, let us consider some more detailed figures of access and use of new ICTs by the Hungarian population. The previous table attempts to show the importance the Hungarian population attaches to devices of comfort and leisure. It is to be remarked that all devices enhancing entertainment and apt to show social status show quicker penetration than devices necessitating active participation and/or user competence. There was rapid development in the access to home computers: 26% of all households had a home PC in 2002, 30% in 2003 and according to the latest figures, it increased to 40% in 2004. Computers are more frequently present in households with 1 or 2 children: 50% of these households. Only 23% of the whole Hungarian population used Internet in 2002,29 of which 79% did so at their workplace (or school) and 31% at home. Among the reasons given for not using the Internet: 44% of the population do not have a PC, 37% are not interested, 22% find it too expensive and 16% claim not to have the basic skills for use. Internet access is also higher in households with children. Broadband Internet access is available in 17% of all households. Of the main activities through the Internet, 47% look for information in relation to their work, 46% use e-mail, 29% surf on the Net for fun, 22% are engaged in chat, 14% discuss topics on diverse fora and only 7% use e-commerce. Access to fixed telephones was not easy in the Kádár period, people had to wait for years before a telephone was installed in their homes. Today the telephone penetration seems to be at saturation point (since 2002 the number of private subscriptions has decreased), 36% of the population has a fixed phone, 72% of all households.30 On the contrary, access and use of mobile phones has increased extremely quickly in Hungary, (as was the case of the first Commodore computers or video players in the 1980s). In December 2001 there were 4,923,122 mobile phone subscribers, while in September 2004, there were 8,379,824 – 83% of the population.31 This rapid growth of mobile phones can be explained by several factors: the phenomena of fashion and ostensible display of the latest status symbols certainly play a role. As

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mentioned earlier the Hungarian population is keen on acquiring the latest technological gadgets. But aspirations for individual freedom, the lack of trust in institutions, the former difficult access to landline phones, as well as the possession of summer houses, gardens or agricultural lots might also be of influence (a large proportion of the urban population in Hungary is of direct rural origin and still has parents in remote villages). The fact that a large majority use fancy and interchangeable phone shells, musical rings and op-logos shows that the mobile phone is also regarded as a means of identity expression. Possession of fixed or mobile devices still does not mean competent use. It becomes clear from several research projects that an important part of new ICT owners use only a limited part of the capacity of their devices. The main reasons for the under-usage are the lack of trust in the safeguard of personal data, lack of sufficient knowledge of languages and the low quality of digital literacy, as well as the relatively high costs. Most of these reasons also explain the relatively limited use of WAP. At the end of 2000, only 5% of mobile phone users used WAP, and only 7% of mobiles were able to reach WAP services; this proportion increased to 16% in 2001. An important number of mobile phone users report having been deceived by WAP: advertisements gave a more positive image of the services, but users found the accessibility of Internet much slower and usability more limited, not enough content and not easy to manage. The price is also reported to be a hampering factor. Recent research on ICTs show that their use is very much dependent on social position and it seems that through the management of social capital the use of ICTs also contributes to the strengthening of social position or even enhancement of upward social mobility. The use of different devices is very much dependent on social and cultural factors, as well as economic. In the light of recent research, more and more evidence can be found about the increasing activity of citizens/users in public debates and civil movements. The regular observation of chats and fora shows that a great number of topics of public concern, either on global, national or local affairs, is tackled by cyber-active citizens. Even if it does not cover all segments of society, a growing communicative activity and more intensive participation can be observed. The range of debated topics is very large: from political to ideological or ethical questions,32 criticizing decisions on national or local level,33 as well as more private topics such as dating and pop concerts. The campaign between the two rounds of legislative elections in 2002 in Hungary was marked by an unprecedented intensive use of all ICTs (SMS, e-mail, chats, discussion fora, party politicians telephone calls, correspondence lists) alongside more classical methods (posters, direct mail, leaflets, privately Xeroxed political pamphlets, street manifestations, political meetings, televized delegitimation and mouth-to-ear rumour) (Dányi & Sükösd 2003). It is also worth mentioning that in this Hungarian case wittiness34 and emotions played an important role in the heated ICT participation of large masses.

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It is also clear that new ICTs provide handy communication channels to activities of egovernment. There are government and state institutions and municipalities in Hungary with well-designed webpages giving information on local decisions, but also making it possible for citizens to ask questions or react to community affairs. Net polling is also developing. ICTs also provide comfortable communication channels for all organizing groups as well as for activists trying to mobilize masses for diverse causes. Studying globalization and anti-globalization movements, both Hungarian and international, one can find direct evidence that these movements organise themselves, plan their activities and keep in contact with their activists through ICTs. This is also true in the case of anti- or alterglobalist movements: while attacking globalization, they make use of the fruits of globalization. Serious political analyses, ironical comments, textual, pictorial and film jokes about the Iraq war, the American president, etc. circulate on ICT channels. Proand anti-war manifestos, attempts to save Nigerian women from lapidation as well as propositions to smuggle out huge ‘black’ amounts of money from certain African countries, are sent to either undisclosed recipients or to well-organized networks.35 These trends might serve as a base for a more active use of devices, not only in private but also in public domains of communication, and feed the hope of a convergent development in the direction of more democracy. Notes 1. In fact, new research on access and use confirm the re-creation of inequalities through ICTs (access and use highly depending on position in the social stratification and on digital literacy, which itself depends on social position). 2. Need for quick information about directions in an unknown place, etc. Hence, the quickly growing use of hand-held and mobile devices: WAP, PDAs, etc. 3. Accessibility and recordability of music in MP3 format on mobile phones, of video-clips and films on computers, etc. 4. Voice, data, text, picture, film not only on computers but also on mobile phones, PDAs, etc. 5. Passive consumption of cultural products, like watching TV, etc. 6. Cf. the growing importance and the increasing number of e-learning and m-learning projects, of open universities, distance learning, temporary training, recycling or refresher courses, online courses, etc. 7. This is especially characteristic of the central/eastern European societies, where showy consumption competition has been strong in the last decades. 8. The appearance of news radios and news television, media that specialize in political news and which decrease the cycle of information-access (information every 15 minutes) is a clear sign of this phenomenon. 9. Many parents buy mobile phones for their children in order to be in touch with them during the day or during the children’s outings for security reasons, but also to be able to control them after school or during their homework. 10. Hotel booking through e-mail after having seen the conditions of accommodation in pictures or film, finding the relevant travel information, etc. 11. See the quickly spreading use of op-logos, personalized mobile phone shells, or the pressing need of certain groups of consumers to possess the latest gadgets with all technological possibilities.

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12. According to international research, e-mail traffic is very dense, not only among friends, relatives and workmates but also in interest groups, civil society groups, leisure or hobby groups. A great number of chat and forum talks take place every day on the Net about various public and private topics. 13. This can be proven by such cost-loaded services, where people subscribe for certain ersatz acts of communication: e.g. jokes through SMS, or SMS good-night wishes in Japan, or ‘your daily insult’ SMS in Norway, etc. 14. Making it possible to pay aggregated monthly bills of various expenses, paying the remote car-parking fee through mobile phone, using Moneo instead of carrying many small coins, etc. 15. Mobile phones tell the time, take pictures and download music; watches can be used as calculators and mini-TV sets, while cameras try to incorporate some functions of the former devices. It is clear that one of the main characteristics of the competing devices is that users wear them on/close to their body most of the time. 16. See various cases of international protest, anti-Bush e-mail jokes before the Iraq war, etc. 17. Many political movements organize their actions through ICTs, there is a dense net of mutually linked webpages of anti-globalization movements, green organizations, etc. 18. The very efficient organization of different world social fora (Rio, Porto Allegre, Genova, etc.) would not have been possible without the use of ICTs. 19. Immediately after Sept. 11th 2001, 33% of American Net users engaged in related online chats and fora. (Horringan et al. 2001) 20. Researchers point to the huge informational potential embedded in social relations. Rheingold, in The Virtual Community (1993), emphasizes that one of the main functions of virtual communities is filtering and circulating information. The extremely strong value of these networks lies in the collective reciprocity of participants, which creates efficient basis for trust. 21. E-Europe 2002, E-Europe 2005. 22. Xerox machines, radio-phones, etc. The famous taxi-drivers’ blockade in Hungary in the autumn of 1990, which completely paralysed the country for several days, was organized through the net of radio-phones only taxi drivers had at that time. 23. Participation was only expected in rare, highly ritualized mass events of celebrations (e.g. 1st of May demonstration). 24. This is especially true for the last period of the Kádár regime (Wessely 2002). 25. Pictures are famous of the last big ‘move’: small shabby Trabants carrying on their top huge deep-freezers on the 7th of November 1988 (commemoration day of the Great October Revolution). 26. These gadgets had rather ironical nicknames used by the whole population, like ‘blockhead phone’, ‘bully-phone’, etc. 27. See the quick proliferation of satellite dishes and cable TVs. 28. The well-known Trianon trauma, result of the Paris-Versailles treaty. 29. Source: WIP 2002. 30. Source: HIF: Vezetékes gyorsjelentés September 2004. 31. Source: HIF: Digitális mobil gyorsjelentés September 2004. 32. Trust in the results of polling institutes, Hungarian populations in surrounding countries, antiSemitism, gypsies in the Hungarian society, aesthetic qualities and errors of the new National Theatre, creation of cult films of the former right-wing government, euthanasia, etc. 33. Construction of a new waste incinerator, motorway constructions and prices in certain regions, etc.

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34. See the Open Society Archive collection of e-mails and SMSs or the szamizdata.hu webpage of the SZDSZ party. 35. An interesting case of anti-globalization protest of just one person is the widely circulated Nike ‘sweatshop’ case where Jonah Peretti, a Net-citizen (and MIT media researcher), uses global communication to fight a highly globalized firm.

References Bourdieu, Pierre (1970), La reproduction, Paris: Minuit. Bourdieu, Pierre (1979), La distinction, Paris: Minuit. Dányi, Endre and Miklós Sükösd (2003), ‘M-Politics in the Making: SMS and E-mail in the 2002 Hungarian Election Campaign’, in Nyíri, Kristóf (ed.) Mobile Communication, Vienna: Passagen Verlag, pp. 211–232. Dunbar, R. I. M. (1996), Grooming, Gossip and the Evolution of Language, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Elias, Norbert (1939), Über den Prozeß der Zivilisation. Soziogenetische und psychogenetische Untersuchungen. Zweiter Band. Wandlungen der Gesellschaft. Entwurf zu einer Theorie der Zivilisation, Basel: Verlag Haus zum Falken. Fox, Kate, (2001), Evolution, alienation and gossip. Oxford: Social Issues Research Centre, http: //www.sirc.org/publik/gossip.shtml. Habermas, Jürgen (1962), Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit, Berlin: Hermann Luchterhand Verlag. Hanák, Péter (1992), ‘Les traces culturelles d’une histoire discontinue’, in: Liber, mars 1992, pp. 14–16. Heller, Mária, Dénes Némedi and Ágnes Rényi (1990), ‘Vázlat a nyilvánosságfogalom értelmezéséhez’, in Szabó, Márton (ed): Tükör által homályosan, Budapest: MTA Társadalomtudományi Intézet, pp. 111–123. Heller, Maria, Dénes Némedi and Ágnes Rényi, (1994), ‘Structural changes in the Hungarian public sphere under state socialism’, in Seligman, Adam B (ed.) Comparative Social Research, vol. 14. Greenwich, London: JAI Press, pp. 157–171. Heller, Maria, Dénes Némedi and Ágnes Rényi (1995), ‘Populist discursive strategies under state socialism’, in: Journal of Popular Culture, 29/2, pp. 129–141. Heller, Maria and Ágnes Rényi (1996), ‘Discource strategies in the new Hungarian public sphere: From the Populist-Urban controversy to the Hungarian – Jewish confrontation’, in: MänickeGyöngyösi, K. (ed.), Öffentliche Konfliktdiskurse um Restitution von Gerechtigkeit, Politische Verantwortung und Nationale Identität. Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang Verlag, pp. 373–392. Heller, Maria and Ágnes Rényi (2003), ‘Public Debate in Hungary on the NATO Alliance. In: Kovács, Andras & Wodak, Ruth (eds.): NATO, Neutrality and National Identity: the case of Austria and Hungary. Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau, pp. 231–280. Heller, Maria and Ágnes Rényi (2003), ‘Joining Nato: The Analysis of a TV-debate on Hungary’s alliance with NATO. In: Kovács, Andras & Wodak, Ruth (eds.): NATO, Neutrality and National Identity: the case of Austria and Hungary. Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau, pp. 311–345. Horringan, John et alia (2001), Online communities: networks that nurture long-distance relationships and local ties. Pew project,. http: //www.pewinternet.org Keane, John (1995/1), ‘Structural transformation of the public sphere’, The Communication Review, pp. 1–22. Noam, Eli M. (1996/4), ‘Media trends in the United States. Trends and regulatory responses’, Communication and Strategies. Parks, Malcolm R. (1996), ‘Making friends in cyberspace’, Journal of Communication 46/1.

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Putnam, Robert (2000), Bowling Alone: the Collapse and revival of American Community, New York: Simon and Schuster. Rheingold, Howard (1993), The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Szücs, Jenö (1988), Nation und Geschichte, Budapest: Corvina, 1981, or ‘Three historical regions of Europe’ in Keane, John (ed.), Civil Society and the State, London: Verso, pp. 291–332. Wellman, Barry (2001), ‘Computer networks as social networks’, Science, vol. 293, pp. 2031–2034. Wessely, Anna (2002), ‘Travelling people, travelling objects’, Cultural Studies, 16/1.

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EPOLICIES IN EUROPE: A HUMAN-CENTRIC AND CULTURALLY BIASED APPROACH

Ursula Maier-Rabler

Introduction Webster (2002a) states that the concept ‘Information Society’, which is the usual departure for the development of most European and international ePolicy concepts, is of little use to social scientists, and still less to the wider public’s understanding of transformations in the world today. Despite this position, the term Information Society is widely used both within academia and in the wider society. This term, ‘Information Society’, suggests such a consensual understanding of its meaning that it seems to need no further explication. There are two misleading observations of the concept ‘Information Society’ commonly used. The fact that there is now a great deal more information available today, more so than a decade ago, and that this omnipresent information, which permeates and influences our everyday experiences, is so readily observable that it has encouraged commentators to declare, more confidently than ever, that we inhabit an Information Society. (Webster 2002a) A new approach is needed to assist in observing the transformation towards an Information Society: Frank Webster recommends that we should no longer seek quantitative measures of information expansion, but, rather focus on the qualitative changes that have taken place in the ways in which information is used as knowledge. This should be the starting point of our action towards developing practical, innovative and sustainable ePolicies (Webster 2002a). Keeping this in mind, it becomes evident that we need to shift our research focus back to the people using and/or producing the information. We have to re-conceptualize the

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concept of development from the popular understanding of economic growth and increases in per capita income, which implies the attainment of a standard of living equivalent to that of an industrialized nation, towards a socially oriented setting in which the capabilities of individuals are taken into account. This means, we need a humancentred approach towards the development of an Information Society (Mansell & Wehn 1998). This fundamental re-shifting from a qualitative approach to a quantitative approach focused on individuals’ capabilities could lead towards real innovation and sustainability within societies. European policies and national strategies for promoting new technologies within society are subject to qualified critique. We are in the middle of substantial societal transformations. The view of the European Leadership on the transformation processes reduces life to its economic value and is driven by the fear of losing personal, national or European advantages in an accelerated world (Schaper-Rinkel 2003). The question is whether we can find a new quality of social interaction empowered by capable people, and if academic contributions can have an impact on political leadership in Europe. ePolicies In September 1993 the Clinton-Gore Administration announced the National Information Infrastructure (NII) Agenda for Action initiative in the US. The primary objective of this initiative was to facilitate development of a national policy that would encourage competition and rapid deployment of new technologies via public-private partnerships. This was to be accomplished by providing a regulatory environment in which the private sector would feel encouraged to make the necessary investments. Despite prior US initiatives (e.g. High Performance Computing Act 1991) and ePolicy papers in other countries (e.g. Singapore’s Intelligent Island Initiative 1992/3), the ‘NII – Agenda for Action’, which was drafted by former US Vice-President Al Gore and Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown, became generally accepted as the world’s leading ePolicy concept. Considering the vital role of the information and communication infrastructure, and realizing that the national telecommunications and information policy had not kept pace with the latest developments in telecommunications and computer technology, the US Administration determined that there was a need for the accelerated deployment of the National Information Infrastructure (NII) Agenda for Action (Malhotra 1995). The NII Agenda for Action aroused much political debate and made an impact on a global scale. This impact was felt especially by Japan and its Asia Pacific Information Infrastructure (APII) (cf. Harms 1996). Furthermore, many European nations adapted the US paper according to their specific needs, displaying an even more techno-

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deterministic and marketplace-orientated perspective than the USNII Agenda for Action. Europe: On its way towards an eEurope According to Schneider, ‘Europe’s main handicaps are the fragmentation of the various markets and the lack of interoperable major links. To overcome them it is necessary to mobilise resources and channel endeavours at the European level in a partnership between the public and private sectors’ (Schneider 1997). One report launched in June 1994, often referred to as the Bangemann Report, set the tone for most of the subsequently published European ICT strategies. The Report urges the European Union to put its faith predominately in market mechanisms as the motive power to carry Europe into the Information Age. eEurope as Europe’s most elaborate strategy to transform into an Information Society Since the beginning of the 1990s the importance of the concept of an Information Society for the European Union has increased. In December 1999 the European Commission launched the eEurope Initiative, known as the ‘Lisbon Strategy’. Although the strategies and action plans initiated since the Bangemann Report were accepted as successful, new objectives were needed to adapt to the changing conditions (EC 2000b, 5). With the context of the ‘Lisbon Strategy’ the European Commission committed itself to the objective of making the European Union the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world, with improved employment and social cohesion by the year 2010 (EC 2002a, 2). eEurope reflects the strong belief in the possibilities of potentialities of ICTs to help achieve massive changes within society. The Lisbon Strategy also helps to define Europe’s self-image as the leading content producer worldwide, identifying its cultural diversity as a strength due to cultural advantages (EC 2000b). Complementary to the eEurope initiative, the European Commission drafted the ‘Job Strategies in the Information Society’ policy in January 2000. The policy stresses the need for well-functioning capital markets and more competition in product markets in order to foster innovation. At the Summit in Feira in June 2000, government officials and heads of state committed themselves to a number of practical measures, including target dates, to help bring eEurope forward. This meant that the next step in the elaboration of the political strategies to foster a European Information Society had begun (EC 2000a). Subordinate to the objectives of technological diffusion, by way of a cheaper, faster and more secure Internet, the Action Plan eEurope 2002 placed emphasis on the investment in people and the development of skills while also encouraging broader use of the Internet. This Action Plan emphasizes the need for developing human capital as a core resource to strengthen Europe’s position in the globalized world. The subsequent eEurope 2005 Action Plan of the European Commission witnessed evidence that many of the objectives of eEurope 2002 had been reached, insofar as an

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increased number of citizens and businesses are connected to the Internet and, therefore, major changes in society are already visible. The EC proudly states that – as a result of eEurope 2002 – computers and the Internet have been brought into schools across the European Union, governments have been stimulated to go online and attention has been drawn to the need to ensure a safer online world (EC 2002b, 1). The Commission further states that the eEurope programme is providing opportunities for people to participate in society as never before, and it is helping the workforce to acquire the skills needed in a knowledge-driven economy. Subsequently, the new objectives are now to provide a more favourable environment for private investment and for the creation of new jobs, to boost productivity, to modernize public services and to give everyone the opportunity to participate in the global Information Society. eEurope 2005 also aims to stimulate secure services, applications and content based on a widely available broadband infrastructure (EC 2002b). It seems that the human-oriented objectives to transform Europe into the most competitive economy are perceived as already accomplished, and the needed leadership for successful transition is now focusing again on qualitative technological changes. This observation becomes more apparent when Schaper-Rinkel states that the European Commission does not actually have a mission to constitute a European Society, rather the mission is to optimize a European market and, therefore, we cannot expect anything other than marketplace-driven ePolicy (Schaper-Rinkel 2003). This chapter seeks to contribute to finding ways of overcoming the already stated European disadvantage that is a result of its fragmentation in various markets, political and everyday life cultures and the lack of interoperable major links. In the best case the underpinning values of ePolicy could be developed beyond the common understanding of economic growth. It is the noble goal of all national and international policies to overcome social inequalities. Universal access is seen as the most important prerequisite to increase economic growth and gain competitiveness. This will consequently lead to more wealth, social inclusion and prosperity. Assuming that this simple concept is true, bridging the digital divide would be the most important and only precondition that has to be met in order to achieve a well-functioning and wealthy society. Politicians are very much in favour of this simple linear and techno-deterministic strategy. Clear actions can be taken, such as providing all households and every citizen with Internet access, which is countable and demonstrable. However, it is simply not enough to provide technical access and training on how to operate the technology (Maier-Rabler 2003, 4). Many hopes have been raised in the context of a movement towards ePolicy on a global scale. The United Nations World Summit of the Information Society [WSIS-Process] narrowly focuses on economic thinking regarding developing ePolicies, wanting to

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strengthen economic growth and competitiveness through the use of ICTs, along with the general aim of improving lives through alleviating poverty, hunger and diseases, and so, on a more individual level, facilitating one’s actions via the new possibilities of public administration (WSIS 2003). The Summit is of interest for this chapter, as the criticism of the rhetoric of the WSIS-Process (e.g. Hamelink 2003) contributes to the reconceptualization of ePolicy in general. The re-conceptualization of ePolicy The network world is malleable. It continues to encourage exchanges of new ideas about how networks can be useful for many people, even though this is still a minority. As Pierre Lévy, a French commentator on the Internet Age, puts it, the power of networks could profoundly reshape social bonds in the direction of a greater sense of community and help us to resolve the problems currently facing humanity (Mansell and Wehn 1998). This view provides the basis for further work towards a re-conceptualization of ePolicy, whereby Hamelink defines improvement in the field of ePolicy by utilizing two important guidelines, which are that every human being has a right to a decent livelihood and that all people should be allowed to participate on equal terms in decisions that affect their lives (Hamelink 2003). Mansell broadens the concept from a techno-deterministic approach by coupling the topic of the Digital Divide to the individual capacities on which ePolicy should focus. Ability is not about simply acquiring skills to get on the Internet, nor using the World Wide Web and the services provided. Nor is Mansell talking about the new strategies in terms of eGoverment, eCommerce and so on, which is the main topic of the European Communities and their goals within eEurope 2002 and 2005. The concept of capabilities Mansell is introducing is based on the work of Amartya Sen and refers to acquired cognitive capacities and the ability to discriminate between alternative choices. Present ePolicy strategies do not provide the right environment for human-centric approaches as demonstrated by the capabilities approach. Such a policy would represent a needs-based approach to new media and the Internet with respect to people’s entitlements and human rights. It is therefore proposed that policy actions should ensure that the new media provide electronic spaces where people can acquire new abilities that can assist them in managing their daily lives (Mansell 2001). Capabilities, in the sense of the meaning proposed by Sen, must not be associated with the development of human capital (skills) in the context of economy-driven, workplacepolitic. Therefore, the public sector, if any, and the so-called civil society must be the advocates for the creation of a designated electronic space wherein people’s entitlements will be supported. This raises the question of what capabilities people are entitled to acquire. What are the freedoms that people are entitled to in the Internet

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Age? Most of the attention of media and communications policy is on markets and regulation, access to technology and on the costs of reducing social exclusion. But, much more is at stake and the necessity is for many more people to acquire new forms of capabilities of the kind Amartya Sen has proposed and what Roger Silverstone calls media literacies (Mansell 2001). Media literacies are crucial. They go far beyond knowing how to read and understand what we see and hear in the traditional media, or by accessing the Internet. Without the ability to achieve these literacies, problems of alienation, poverty and ignorance, and – indeed – of terrorism, will worsen. This is because relatively few individuals will have the capabilities to improve their own lives or to express their own opinions about what they value. Castells has examined what he calls institutional capabilities, such as those for making policy and for regulating in areas like intellectual property protection, electronic commerce or broadcasting. Often this leads to interesting debates about Internet-related skills, but rarely does it lead to a discussion about rights and entitlements. To delve into this discussion, we need a rather different starting point. In building his idea of capabilities, Sen writes about the concept of functionings. Functionings, he says, are what people may value doing or being. Functionings may be very basic, like being free from hunger or illness. They can also be very complex, such as being able to participate in the life of a community or having self-respect. Sen argues that capabilities are the combinations of functionings that an individual is actually able to achieve (Mansell 2001). In his critique of the WSIS-Process, Hamelink stated that in their current form WSISstrategies provide no serious support for social development. The main issues for critique regarding global ePolicy are that it tends to strengthen the world’s rich countries and leaves the developing countries behind. The intellectual property rights policies protect the content more than the author and deny access to users. The lack of human rights-inspired conventions permeates nearly every aspect of the official pan-European discourse on the Information Society. This attitude leads to a worsening of social relations and social welfare and does little to promote decent livelihoods or encourage people’s participatory function. And, last but not least, this [WSIS] discourse shows also a lack of academic research (Hamelink 2003). According to Hamelink, the first area of research should be concerned with the design of democratic and pro-active policies and programmes that make it possible to realize the social development potential of digital technologies. It is, therefore, necessary to study the roles and functions that the public and private sector play in the design and execution of these policies, the essential interventions to accord technical changes to social development and the relation between producers and consumers of ICT so that they respond to social needs. The second area should take into consideration a definition of social and institutional changes necessary to maximize the benefits and minimize the risks of the new technologies. Within this area it would be a requirement to adapt the structures relevant for productivity, participation and cultural diversity to

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the desirable result of a positive social scenario as well as to develop appropriate educational methods and material. Thirdly, it is important to create technologies that reduce the use of energy-intensive resources and to encourage the environmentally sustainable application of digital technologies to strengthen sustainable processes of social development. There are also country studies needed to explore the specific national needs and conditions. The encouragement of relationships between different forces such as politics, the economy, the regions, etc. have to be researched, as well the strategies through which those affected by technological development can benefit (Hamelink 2003). Old versus new ePolicy As stated earlier, this chapter wants to contribute to discovering ways to overcome the European policy disadvantage as a result of its fragmentation into various markets, and in political and everyday-life cultures, and in the lack of interoperable major links. It aims to analyse European ePolicy strategies in order to determine which focus is set by governmental activities to accompany the transformation of our societies into the socalled Information Society, both on a national and European level. Therefore, the analysis is driven by the critique of the rhetoric and practice of ongoing ePolicies and orientated towards a human-centred and rights-based approach. The ‘New ePolicy Model’ provides the basis for a substantially new orientation in ePolicy, going beyond the mainstream techno-deterministic ePolicy, which is predominately economically driven and targeted to overcome the Digital Divide. The suggested new policy is characterized by the shift from building infrastructure to creating identities. In other words, from bridging the digital divide to closing the knowledge gap (Maier-Rabler 2003). This means putting the individual, not technology, at the centre of ePolicy, and therefore ensuring that cognitive, cultural and social factors become the determining elements of a new ePolicy. Following Mansell’s suggestion to adopt a rights-based capabilities approach, future ePolicy will have to ensure equal chances for access to technology and knowledge in order for people to acquire capabilities in the context of ICT. The model of a new ePolicy, as depicted below in figure 1, attempts to unify all the relevant factors for a re-conceptualization of ePolicy. The model is a four-fold matrix in which the upper fields refer to the necessity of building infrastructure, both on a technical and on a human/individual level. These fields show how universal access and skills (such as computer literacy) are important foundations for the creation of the electronic space that supports individual entitlement. But access and skills are not enough. As the arrows indicate, the move to the individual identity level is indispensable. The lower fields of the matrix refer to cognition on the human/individual dimension and to capabilities that can be identified with the technology dimension. Without evoking

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cognitive processes on an individual level (e.g. awareness programmes), no reasonable choice in order to acquire the necessary capabilities can be made. The following explorative analysis of European ePolicy papers examines the predominating dimensions: Access, Skills, Cognition and Capabilities. These dimensions have been targeted in most strategy papers. The hypothesis is that access and skills still predominate and that awareness programmes that stimulate cognitive processes are slowly developing. Another hypothesis is that the distribution of the different main directions of ePolicies follows, among other things, culturally biased underpinnings. These underpinnings are mostly invisible and citizens and politicians are unaware of their power. In the model of a new ePolicy it is indicated as ‘Cultural-social Environment’. ePolicy-Cultures: The socio-cultural environment of ePolicy The notion of the value of information and the dynamics of actions according to ePolicy concepts differ throughout Europe, which is also partly a result of different political cultures. The main handicaps for Europe’s politics are the fragmentation of various

Figure 1. Model of a new ePolicy (Maier-Rabler 2003). Cultural-social Environment old ePolicy ‘Bridging the Digital Divide’ Technology Infrastructure

Universal Access

Person/ Individual

Computer Literacy

Identity

Capabilities

Cognition

‘Closing the Knowledge Gap’ new ePolicy

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markets, the lack of interoperable major links, the dominance of national governments and the existence of special national policy cultures. Despite the fact that international institutions, international markets and technology developments are all mechanisms that may constrain national policies, national variations of policy papers seem to persist. ‘Policy-makers still have significant degrees of freedom and many choose different solutions to similar challenges’ (Storsul 2002). Policy divergence in Europe Many different approaches to help explain these policy differences exist. Some are politically driven. For example, Esping-Andersen’s approach of different political regimes differentiates between liberal regimes (entitlement rules are strict and often associated with stigma), conservative regimes (rights are attached to class and status and the redistributive impacts are negligible, are typically shaped by the church and committed to preserving traditional family values), and social democratic regimes (emphasis on universal rights instead of proven needs). The ideal is equality of the highest standards, not of the minimal needs (Esping-Andersen in Storsul 2002). As a result of such different regimes, diverse Welfare State Models constitute the varying state arrangements and the different frameworks for ePolicies. Other possible approaches based on concepts like ‘Dependency’ demonstrate how small states and states which are economically weaker and have a geographical disadvantage (e.g. the new member states) may face special challenges as they are dependent on the leading nations within the Union and therefore must adjust their policies to the European mainstream, even if their national policy cultures are different. It is known that there is a broad body of Policy Studies dealing with the heterogeneity of European politics. For the purpose of this chapter we are looking for a broader approach, including not only political practice, but, also long-lasting and mostly unconscious societal underpinnings. In the context of research concerned with the formation of state systems and nationbuilding, Rokkan (2000) introduced a set of more or less stable dimensions which can be perceived as historical crossroads for nations. Depending on which way a state system was established, and within the context of certain predominating dimensions, up-to-date policies, party systems and political actions can be explained and understood. The following dimensions or crossroads have been defined by Rokkan: (1) Reformation (division into Catholic, Protestant and religiously mixed parts in Europe); (2) National revolution (differences between centre and periphery, language groups, etc.); (3) Industrial Revolution (cleavages along agricultural and urban industrial interests and

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along owners and employees); (4) International revolution (cleavages into communism and socialism). In the context of political development Rokkan is intensely concerned with the ideas of the European nation state and its democratization. He deals with the basic character of new political systems and is interested in the differences of the structural characteristics and developments of each European nation. Rokkan attempts to develop a model in order to explain the complex structure of European heterogeneity. This model is based upon six structure variables, two economic, two cultural and two geopolitical structure perspectives (Rokkan 2000). The economic structure can be divided into an agrarian and a city-centred aspect with the result of a different economic basis. The cultural structure can be seen from an ethnic and linguistic aspect with effects on the respective cultural unification. The geopolitical structure refers to the early or late installation of governments. Furthermore, Rokkan defines four key variables that are decisive in the process of shaping political systems. Two economic variables, the independence and dependence of city dispersion and the degree of agricultural development, and two cultural variables, independence and dependence of church and autonomy or unification of territorial languages (Rokkan 2000). This model forms the basis for Rokkan’s conceptual map of Europe, which tries to explain the European structure relating to space and time and where he designed a typological interpretation of conditions for the development of political systems (Rokkan 2000). Rokkan identifies an early formation of centralistic national states in western Europe, federal systems in central Europe and empires in the East. There was a concentration of landed property in Great Britain, in parts of Prussia east of the Elbe, in Danube-Austria and also in the north of France and in the south of Italy and Spain. In Scandinavia, the Netherlands, Switzerland and in great areas of Western Germany the situation was characterized by a dominance of independent farmers. Areas with high concentration of landed property foster the development of strong nation states – first in the West (England, France and Spain), later in the East (Austria, Prussia). The city-belt from northern Italy to Flanders and the Baltic countries (including the northwest Mediterranean area) developed as a result of intensive trade relations. Dense settlement and powerful cities characterize the west of the city-belt, while the eastern part remained less populous and therefore less powerful. The Protestant North was dominated by state churches and high religious homogeneity – such as Scandinavia, Great Britain and Prussia. The state churches became the fundamental basis for the formation of states. The Netherlands, Switzerland, parts of Western Germany and Ireland were characterized by different religious beliefs and

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therefore by religious heterogeneity, although with Protestant dominance. France, the south of Europe and also central and eastern Europe were Catholic areas where the Catholic Church was supra-territorial and also homogeneous. In the south, however, the process of the formation of states was slowed down by the supra-territorial Catholic Church because of the fact that Latin was used as the universal language by the elites. In Belgium, Ireland and Poland the Catholic Church became important only after the French Revolution. With reference to language, Rokkan distinguishes countries with unitarian systems, in which one main language is spoken, such as England, France, Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, Italy and Germany. A strong language and an early formation of states reinforce each other. On the other hand, Rokkan lists countries with more than one language within the political territory – for example, Switzerland, Belgium or Spain. Rokkan referred to Norwegian, Finish, Icelandic and Irish as ‘… winning peripheral languages with their one standard and political independence…’ (Rokkan 2000). Rokkan’s work supports the hypothesis that the variations of ePolicies follow besides other culturally biased underpinnings. These underpinnings are mostly invisible and citizens and politicians are unaware of their power. In the ‘New ePolicy Model’ they are indicated as ‘Cultural-social Environment’. Cultural-ethical approach to diversity In the context of ePolicy, which is also part of a European and national information and communication policy, the underlying culture of information plays a major role in developing strategies and actions. Attitudes towards freedom of information and access to knowledge had always had a strong connection to the predominating religious, cultural and ethical systems. Therefore, Rokkan’s ‘Reformation’ dimension, combined with the cultural variables, independence and dependence of church and autonomy or unification of territorial languages, provides a promising approach for the development of an empirical measurement of information cultures. Another attempt to define different cultures of information derives from a prior study conducted by the author. The study measures the degree of transparency in European press statistics compared to those of the United States and Canada (Maier-Rabler & Sütterlütti 1992). The study found correlations between the predominating culture of information transparency and open access to information for all, in relation to the quality of press statistics. Transferred to the problematique of ePolicies in Europe, this suggests that in countries or regions where access to information and freedom of information is a basic human right, ePolicy actions tend to be more elaborated in a human-centred and cognition-orientated manner and thereby less technodeterministic.

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According to the results of the press statistics study, four different types of information cultures were defined based on the European and North American countries included in the study. These information cultures are the following: (1) Catholic-feudalistic information culture, (2) Protestant-enlightened information culture, (3) Sociodemocratic liberal information culture, and (4) Socialist-Centralistic information culture. Catholic-feudalistic information culture The belief that ‘Information and Knowledge is Power’ is a guiding principle within this culture, which still influences the invisible underpinnings of ePolicy primarily in the central European region. Information is treated as a scarce resource and its distribution still follows hierarchically defined pathways from top to bottom. There is no general right to gain information. People are not trained to retrieve information by themselves. Who gets which information is still defined by authorities such as government, schools and church. The information provider, and not the user, is in the centre of information design. The Internet is perceived as a tool contributing to further information overload that does not deliver the right answers to questions that are not formulated. Business information is treated as a secret and neither businesses nor governments provide really relevant information. People are not trained to ask for it. Protestant-enlightened information culture The guiding principle of the Protestant-enlightened information culture can be described as ‘Transparency/Success through information’. This type of information culture is predominant in countries based on economic liberalism, as in the USA, where the free flow of information is a fundamental condition for economic success. A special version of this culture is the socio-democratic liberal information culture, described in the next paragraph. In contrast to the Catholic-feudalistic information culture, economic profits are basically positive and also generously published. Government and political parties make intense use of the Internet in order to bring as much information to the customer/citizen as possible. People are aware that information retrieval is a right and an individual duty. The Internet is the ideal infrastructure for this type of information culture and it is not accidental that the Internet has been developed within this type of information culture. Socio-democratic liberal information culture The information-rights of the individual are put at the centre of the socio-democratic liberal information culture that predominately characterizes the Scandinavian countries and parts of the Benelux states. Information is a precondition for the political emancipation of the individual. In this social democratic liberal information culture, free access to information is a basic right and is seen as a condition for the public control of government. Because of their liberal tradition Scandinavia has the most advanced constitutional framework delineating the free access of information. A questionapproach describes this information culture, in contrast to the answer-approach of the Catholic-feudalistic tradition. The right of participation as a prerequisite for democracy is a result of this information culture. The diffusion of the Internet in countries with a

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socio-democratic liberal information culture is favoured, compared with the Catholicfeudalistic tradition; which makes clear that different ePolicies have to be developed according to different information cultures. Socialist-Centralistic information culture This type of information culture is more or less non-existant in Europe, but, it is mentioned in order to develop an understanding for the special needs for ePolicy in the new member states. In the former communist eastern states a systematic exchange of information between the centre and the periphery was established. Therefore people, especially employees, were trained to communicate success. This is an important precondition for the successful establishment and usage of the Internet. Besides their eagerness to adopt western European standards (Rokkan’s Dependency argument), these countries are favoured as information-friendly compared to some other central European states in terms of information policy (Maier-Rabler/Sütterlütti 1992). European ePolicy analysis Within the context of comparative policy research, it is fairly easy to observe that there are a lot of problems regarding international convergences. The development of international economics, cross-border consequences of national activities and the establishment of the European Union in particular, have highlighted the importance of comparative policy research. But, experienced scientists conducting this research consistently remark that similar policy programmes do not have the same consequences and outcomes in each individual state (Feick 1983). The following are the results based on the findings of a small explorative study conducted at the University of Salzburg, which analyzed ePolicy papers of eight selected European countries according to the fields of ePolicy as we have described in the ‘New ePolicy Model’. The countries included in the study were Germany, the United Kingdom and Spain as representatives of big European countries with different backgrounds concerning information cultures; Finland as a Scandinavian country with a distinct liberal information culture; Austria as representative of a Catholic-feudalistic information culture; Greece as a peripheral EU member state with a low GNP; Hungary as a representative of a new EU member state and Romania as an EU-candidate country. The ePolicy papers analysed during this study had to be from governmental sources. Most of them were retrieved from government websites, and in some cases directly from governmental officials. The analysis was conducted as an explorative study and is considered to be a model for future empirical research in which major methodological questions will have to be clarified. It was not possible to define the basis (N) of ePolicy papers in the individual countries, therefore, we were not able to evaluate the sample (n). In Romania we included 103 papers in the analysis, while in Spain we could not find more than 19 official papers.

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Methodology Each paper was analysed according to four categories: (1) access, (2) skills, (3) cognition/awareness, and (4) capabilities. The following definitions of the categories were the basis for our analysis. Access Access is the technical prerequisite for people to use new media. Policy papers that aim to improve or create infrastructure and also access to infrastructure have been counted under this category. This includes strategies aiming for universal access, supporting citizens with Internet connections, establishing broadband connections for businesses, schools, households, the installation of public terminals, the equipment of schools, libraries with computers and Internet access. Additionally, actions aiming for regulation of costs and tariffs for Internet connection were counted in the access category. Technology strategies were not the only variables counted in the access category, but also actions aiming for the creation of content that allows access to institutions and governmental authorities (e.g. eHealth, eGovernment). If the content strategies were targeted not only to provide access to already available information of institutions, but also to create new content, the strategies were also counted under the ‘cognition/ awareness’ category. Skills ePolicies aiming for the transfer of knowledge of how to handle technology were counted under the skills category. Skills are abilities to work with computer programmes (e.g. browsers; e-mail programmes), and how to use existing technology. The category summarizes training programmes (e.g. Internet for elderly people children and housewives) but also subsidized training programmes of local/regional adult education or similar projects. Skills remain a technological category, since skills in the context of this study does not adapt technology to individual needs but adapts people to existing technologies. Cognition Cognition means understanding. Projects that were placed in the cognition category were those aimed at making people really understand the impact of new technology and the Internet on their personal lives. Programmes, strategies and actions dedicated to cognition asked for the individual identification of potentials, advantages and disadvantages. Cognition can also be described as an individual learning process, to foster self-knowledge and being aware how new technologies will affect one’s personal life. This category is the indispensable precondition for moving forward to the capabilities category. Cognition can be found in projects and strategies recognizing the necessity of ongoing work, e.g. a network for ICTs research, continuing processes like regular support,

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keeping the projects vivid so individuals have the chance to be aware of the needs of ICT. Capability Capabilities are acquired cognitive capacities and the ability to discriminate between alternative choices. ePolicies which could have been placed within this category, which were non-existent in this analysis, must support the development of capabilities. This approach allows individuals to categorize the level of importance regarding special technologies, special applications, and special skills in relation to their work and everyday lives. The goal of this capability approach is to help make people sovereign within the context of new technologies. At this level the individual knows how to adopt technology according to their needs and not the other way round. Conclusion Different degree of access and transparency The access to European ePolicy papers is different from country to country and also to some extent the type of information accessed. In Austria, for example, strategies and actions are hard to collect; there is no general overview paper. Spain, on the other hand, provides detailed information on the Web, but only in Spanish. As not all European policy papers are translated into English, language is one of the barriers that directly affect access and transparency. Although the European Union makes efforts to unify the member countries, the difference of language has a dividing tendency. In some countries there exists only a short version of the policy paper in English, in other countries no translation at all. The official argument to explain this fact is often ‘financial problems’, but, if something were regarded as really important, the money would not be the problem (e.g. in Romania, where all ePolicies are available in English).

Table 1.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

EPOLICY ANALYSIS

N

ACCESS

SKILLS

COGNITION

CAPABILITY

Germany Romania Greece Austria Spain United Kingdom Hungary Finland

29 103 123 56 19 42 49 68

89,66% 77,67% 52,85% 75,00% 100,00% 78,57% 77,55% 64,71%

3,45% 10,68% 19,51% 26,79% 10,53% 11,90% 24,49% 16,18%

13,79% 16,50% 34,96% 8,93% 5,26% 14,29% 6,12% 25,00%

0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00%

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Therefore the translation of policies into English is more a question of priorities than of finance. There are two distinct points of view concerning availability and comprehensibility: external and interior transparency. External transparency Information is given to an international forum, which includes an easy access and an English translation. Countries that want to establish a profile and show that they are a good partner in the European Union, aim at external transparency. Hungary or Romania, for example, and other countries that want to join the European Union, are quite ambitious about publishing their efforts to catch up to common European standards in the field of information technologies. Interior transparency Countries target information predominately at their own citizens to boost the acceptance of IT and to help to establish and reinforce confidence in the new technologies. Important papers are not translated into English and are therefore intended just for the national population. The German paper, for example, contains only a translation of the strategies and single projects were just mentioned as examples without any further information. Finland, one of the front runners, also seems to favour keeping its knowledge within its own borders, as the master paper is only in Finnish and does not even mention any specific project. It is strange that Finland, as a country with a great tradition of the right of free access to information, does not provide any information about its specific projects. Strategies and actions are hard to distinguish After observing the countries examined in this study, it is difficult to distinguish between strategies and actions. The ePolicy paper of Greece, for example, makes it quite difficult to distinguish between actions and strategies, as both fields are written without separation. The UK paper sometimes makes this distinction difficult as well. Germany on the other hand gives exact information and a clear division. Finland and Hungary do not give any information about concrete actions, only about strategies. In this case some strategies might already classify as actions. The difficulties in distinguishing strategies from actions are due to the lack of specific information and also to the fact that the English expression ‘action’ can be translated into German with ‘aktion’ as well as ‘strategie’. This fact reduced the possibilities of our small study, since we assumed that the differences between strategies and actions as strategies would be more homogeneous throughout Europe as, according to the eEurope policy, actions are supposed to express the predominating local/regional/national priorities that are the result of underlying socio-cultural values. ePolicy is dominated by e-government The EU and the national governments seem to be convinced that a highly developed level of e-government also implies a high level in the development towards an

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Information Society. Online public administration services are a significant cornerstone of the Information Society. Therefore most ePolicies have concentrated on egovernment. The reasons are manifold, but two predominate: (1) eGovernment applications are seen as a means to persuade citizens to use the new media, to break down borders between the administration and the citizen and to reduce fears of technology. (2) eGovernment-applications boost eCommerce. Citizens trained by eGovernment applications are good customers for eCommerce. Additionally eGovernment strengthens local and regional hard- and software business and, in its original sense, eGovernment tends to reduce bureaucracy, make administrative work more efficient and helps to save money. Authentication and security go hand in hand Authentication and security are two aspects that depend heavily on confidence and reliability. eGovernment and eCommerce depend on a functioning authentication system. As a result of the dominance of eGovernment in ePolicies, the development of secure computing is also a dominating goal of ePolicies throughout Europe. IT security, providing data protection and fighting crime on the Internet are becoming more and more important. ePolicy characteristics The new media policy debates widely concentrate on legal issues, regulations and aspects of access. This perspective covers only a fraction of the entire debate concerning ePolicies. As critical authors state, ePolicy is largely dominated by technodeterministic and market-oriented approaches. The individual human being, his/her cognitive capacities, his/her values and his/her capabilities in the context of new technologies are neglected. The ICT education programmes that are suggested and supported in most of the existing ePolicies are aimed in the first instance at making people more productive at work, in schools or at the university and not aimed at showing them how to acquire the capabilities needed to become critical and informed participants in the so-called Internet Age. What remains a methodological challenge is to deliver the empirical evidence of different ePolicy actions in European countries with different socio-cultural underpinnings. Aside from this problematic definition of socio-cultural environments, the difficulties of differentiation of strategies and actions have to be first addressed. Simple observations indicate that the basic political system, and legal, ethical and religious presuppositions, all have influence on new media policies. This means, therefore, that the same ePolicy programmes (e.g. eEurope) will not have the same consequences and outcomes in each individual state (Feick 1983).

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References APII CC (2003), History. Retrieved 7 December 2003 from http: //www.apiicc.org/eng/ about/history.html. Bangemann, M. et al. (1994), Europe and the global information society – Bangemann report. Retrieved 8 December 2003 from http: //europa.eu.int/ISPO/infosoc/backg/bangeman.html. Castells, Manuel (2001), Das Informationszeitalter Bd. 1. Der Aufstieg der Netzwerkgesellschaft. Opladen: Leske + Budrich. Castells, Manuel (2001), The Internet Galaxy. Reflections on the Internet, Business, and Society. New York: Oxford University Press. EC – European Commission (1994), Europe’s way to the Information Society. An action plan. COM (94) 347. Brussels. EC – European Commission (2000a), eEurope 2002. An Information Society For All. Action Plan prepared by the Council and the European Commission for the Feira European Council. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //europa.eu.int/information_society/eeurope/ 2002/action_plan/pdf/actionplan_en.pdf. EC – European Commission (2000b), eEurope. An Information Society For All. Communication on a Commission Initiative for the Special European Council of Lisbon. Brussels. 2000. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //europa.eu.int/information_society/eeurope/ 2002/news_library/pdf_files/initiative_en.pdf. EC – European Commission (2002a), eEurope 2005. An Action Plan to be presented in view of the Sevilla European Council, 21/22 June 2002. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //europa.eu.int/information_society/eeurope/2002/news_library/documents/eeurope2005/ eeurope2005_en.pdf. EC – European Commission (2002b), eEurope 2005 Executive summary. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //europa.eu.int/information_society/eeurope/2002/news_library/documents/ eeurope2005/execsum_en.pdf. Esping Anderson, Gøsta (1990), The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Cambridge: Polity Press. Feick, Jürgen (1983), Internationale Vergleichbarkeit staatlicher Interventionsprogramme. Konzeptionelle und methodische Probleme. In: Mayntz, Renate (Hrsg.) (1983). Implementation politischer Programme II. Ansätze zur Theoriebildung. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 197–220. Gandy, Oscar, H. Jr (2002), The Real Digital Divide: Citizens vs. Consumers. In: Lievrouw, Leah A.; Livingstone, Sonia (eds.). The Handbook of New Media. Social Shaping and Consequences of ICTs. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 448–460. Hamelink, Cees (2003), Draft introductory paper for the UNRISD workshop ‘Understanding Informational Developments: mapping a future research agenda’, Geneva, 26th-27th September 2003. An analysis of the WSIS discourse. Harms, J. M. (1996), Wirtschaft an der Schwelle zum Informationszeitalter. In: Frankfurter Rundschau (Cebit Beilage), 12.03.1996, 3. Maier-Rabler, Ursula (2003), Reconceptualizing e-Policy. From bridging the Digital Divide to closing the Knowledge Gap.. Maier-Rabler, Ursula/Sutterlütti, Erich (1992), Pressestatistik im Internationalen Vergleich. Endbericht des Teilprojekts „Pressestatistik und Datenkoordination’ im Rahmen des international

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vergleichenden Forschungsprogramms „Ökonomie und Zukunft der Printmedien’; eine Studie im Auftrag des Bundesministeriums für Wissenschaft und Forschung. Salzburg. Malhotra, Y., Al-Shehri, A., Jones, J. J. (1995), National Information Infrastructure: Myths, Metaphors And Realities. Retrieved 7 December 2003 from http: //www.brint.com/papers/nii/. Mansell, Robin and Wehn, Uta (1998), Knowledge Societies: Information Technology for Sustainable Development. New York: Oxford University Press. Mansell, Robin (2001), New Media and the Power of Networks. First Dixons Public Lecture and Inaugural Professorial Lecture. Dixons Chair in New Media and the Internet. The London School of Economics and Political Science. http: //www.lse.ac.uk/collections/media@lse/pdf/ rmlecture.pdf (Oct. 2004). National Computer Board, Singapore (1997), IT2000 – A Vision Of An Intelligent Island. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //web.bilkent.edu.tr/mirrors/www.ncb.gov.sg/ncb/ vision.asp. Rokkan, Stein (2000), Staat, Nation und Demokratie in Europa: die Theorie Stein Rokkans. Aus seinen gesammelten Werken rekonstruiert und eingeleitet von Peter Flora. 1. Auflage. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Sandfort, S. (1993), The Intellegent Island. In: Wired 1.04. Sep/Oct 1993. Retrieved 21 December 2003 from http: //www.wired.com/wired/archive/1.04/sandfort.html?pg=1&topic. Schaper-Rinkel, Petra (2003), Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft. Technologische und politische Integration in der europäischen Politik. Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot. Schmidt, Manfred (1995), Policy-Analyse. In: Mohr, Arno (Hrsg: ). Grundzüge der Politikwissenschaft. München/Wien: Oldenburg, 566–604. Schneider, V. (1997), Different roads to the information society? Comparing U.S. and European Approaches from a public policy perspective. In: The social shaping of information superhighways. European and American roads to the information society. Ed. Herbert Kubicek, William H. Dutton, Robin Williams. Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag; New York: St. Martin’s Press, 299–339. Sen, Amartya (2000), Ökonomie für den Menschen. Wege zu Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität in der Marktwirtschaft. München/Wien: Carl Hanser Verlag. Storsul, Tanja (2002), Transforming Telecommunications. Democratising Potential, Distributive Challenges and Political Change. Thesis submitted for the degree of dr. polit. June 2002. Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo. Oslo: GCS Media AS. Webster, Frank (2002a), The Information Society Revisited. In: Lievrouw, Leah A.; Livingstone, Sonia (eds.). The Handbook of New Media. Social Shaping and Consequences of ICTs. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 22–33. Webster, Frank (2002b), Theories of the Information Society. 2nd ed. London, N.Y.: Routledge. White House, The (1993), National Information Infrastructure: Agenda for Action. Retrieved 28 December 2003 from http: //www.ibiblio.org/nii/toc.html. WSIS – World Summit on the Information Society. Geneva 2003 – Tunis 2005. (2003), retrieved 12 January 2004 from http: //www.itu.int/wsis/basic/about.html.

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SECTION 2: TECHNO-PLEASURE

The first chapter provides a background to understanding how computer games have come to occupy their current position in our culture. It sets out to suggest a rough theoretical categorization of some of the central pleasures offered by the medium. Focusing on the concept of ‘cultural value’ is an attempt to address a concern for ‘healthy values’ in the public discourses about games. However, the emphasis in this chapter is not on worrying effects of violent games nor on the dangers of addiction. It also does not attempt to discuss computer games’ direct capacity for instrumental learning, a concern, which – understandably – is becoming more central to parents, teachers and researchers as games become more technologically advanced and an increasingly dominant activity in the lives of young people. Instead, the discussion of values deals with some broader issues raised by different types and genres of pleasurable technological involvements. While they create pleasure, all of these also have to do with learning in one form or another. Any competitive game is, by definition, about challenge, learning and mastery. As an absolute prerequisite for deriving fun and pleasure from a computer game, the player has to learn typical ways of operating the digital machine and typical ways of responding to challenges as they are configured, according to different logics and cultural rationales. Rarely, if ever at all, are these various modes and paradigms of learning given meaning within any pedagogic institutional or cultural framework – and when they are, the rhetoric of sanctioned education tends to take the fun out of it. The chapter title, ‘The cultural value of games’, taken as a promise, can be somewhat misleading. Computer games are complex and diverse, and we cannot point to a single and unified set of beneficial values that they are supposed to promote. The aim of the present chapter is merely to direct the attention to some central generic distinctions within the aesthetics of computer games that are mostly overlooked in cultural policy debates. A more precise but somewhat clunky description of this contribution would probably be ‘the techno-cultural value of games’ in so far as the emphasis is solely on

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values that relate to the role of technology in the society. Within the broad category of ‘computer games’ we find various – and largely unrecognized – values that are ‘cultural’ in a more traditional and literary sense. For further research, it would be interesting to look more into the overlaps and interconnections between, on the one hand, the fictional and narrative worlds of game genres and, on the other hand, their technopolitical interpretations. The second chapter presents a case study in the design of computerized museum visitor support. The background for the project is a growing concern among cultural policymakers, educators and museum management that museums are getting out of touch with younger generations. At the same time, cultural heritage, and information about it, is being digitalized. It seems inevitable that museums make use of networked interactive media in order to enrich and add to current ways of presenting exhibits. How to shape such new ways of presenting is the main research question addressed. The modest scale of the studies reported does not allow jumping to general conclusions, but they illustrate some meaningful and interesting trends in what museums and visitors want from new media technology in cultural institutions. One focus of the study is on what Dutch visitors want and do not want from computer support systems. It appeared that they do want more emotionally involving and selfcontrolled forms of experience and learning. Along with this there seemed to be a wish for some form of customizing of the exhibited content and presentation to fit personal wishes and desires. Our informants were ready to do ‘work’ in order to get at contents and presentations they wanted. That is, they often preferred finding out what is interesting by active search to being advised by a system in some authoritative way. In addition it was observed that the need for autonomy that might be answered by a support system was not as strong in every visitor category. In particular, student test visitors with a migrant family background and less versed in European culture seemed to prefer more guidance in comparison to student test visitors from traditional Dutch homes, who are more familiar with the Dutch and European heritage. Another focus is on what museums want to offer to, and achieve in, their visitors. The international museums under investigation are keen to use technology to enrich and personalize visitor experiences and to make these more vivid, intense and adventurous. Learning includes both emotion and pleasure, however, entertainment per se, as a means to attract visitors, is firmly rejected and left to theme parks. The two contributions in this section share an interest in the role of digital technology in entertainment and learning. They can be seen as two mirroring approaches to the relationship between ‘techno-entertainment’ and ‘techno-learning’. One investigates genres of computerized entertainment, the other explores the possibilities of computerized learning systems. Both are concerned with how specific technologies mediate cultural experiences. The digital learning approach looks at an explicitly didactic institutional framework: the museum. The digital games approach implies a decidedly non-pedagogic institutional framework: the entertainment industry.

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The general notion of ‘techno-pleasure’ that we have chosen as the title for this section indicates that the relationship between entertainment technology and didactic technology is a dialectic one. The pleasurable experience that the investigated museums offer rests precisely on the premise that technologically mediated interactions must be historically and culturally grounded. The typical visitor is motivated by a desire – or at least a vague curiosity – to explore and understand more of the conditions of modern life. In contrast, the typical gamer has no interest in gaining cultural insight or using the games as a means of reflection upon culture, society and self. This fact is part of what defines the attraction of a non-educational commercial computer game. In other words: it seems that the irresponsible pleasure is the cultural flip side of the serious one, and vice versa. However such a dialectic relationship also implies that there are numerous cases where a seemingly simple binary collapses or is curiously reversed. On the one hand, there is a growing niche of computer games that are culturally and artistically ambitious and experimental, as well as electronic art that explores game aesthetics and offers playful interactions. On the other, museums are experimenting with the use of technology to attract younger generations that have grown up in a media-rich world and desire intense and maybe more playful learning experiences. Even more central in the context of this section’s focus on techno-pleasure may be the fact that the ‘pure fun’ of computer games does not exclude hard work – quite the contrary. The study of computer games in this section argues that the majority of games are not readily available in the same way that, for example, television entertainment or fairground attractions are. They require that the player is willing to invest large amounts of time, concentration, patience and learning. The museum study illustrates how quite similar modes of computerized interaction may be put to use in learning about cultural artefacts. In this case, interactions involve profiling and personal information management, and the particular way artefacts and information are presented. Today the modes of operation of computer systems and of user competence concerned penetrate a range of software-design and work-related practices. In a wider perspective those overlaps may be symptomatic of how the three distinct realms of entertainment, expressive culture and quotidian work practice are becoming more strongly integrated in a computerized and networked society. The museums under investigation share another characteristic with computer games: Insofar as they delineate a distinct realm of cultural practice in Europe, they operate largely outside established traditions of cultural nation-building. The case studies all indicate that there is a strong sense of community behind the cultural interpretations of visitors as well as producers. Those who enjoy museum experiences seem to be largely in tune with the producers of these experiences when it comes to the fundamental ideas and emotions that govern the understanding of what range of experiences should be central in the modern and technologically ‘enhanced’ museum.

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This sense of community among people of a global cultural elite goes beyond the cultural boundaries and identifications of the nation state associated with the traditional mass media of broadcasting and the printed press. In a similar manner, the majority of avid game players (to a certain extent excluding a broad but unstable and risky segment of casual players) seem to share with the producers of games a common pool of specific cultural resources and understandings that include vocabulary, technical understanding, notions of genre, fictional preferences, repertoire of playing styles and so on. Out of these common interests and resources collective identities are built that are neither national nor European. Gamers’ communities as well as the technological visionaries in museums are playing with the digital technology. As distinct communities across national boundaries they are increasingly growing to become a forceful democratic resource. Both in opposition to and alongside the more traditional cultural elites of cultural and pedagogic institutions, they participate in the development and management of knowledge, especially the kind of knowledge that provides a basis for how we think about the role of technology in society.

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THE CULTURAL VALUE OF GAMES: COMPUTER GAMES AND CULTURAL POLICY IN EUROPE Rune Klevjer

The chapter falls loosely into two parts. In the first part, I look at historical and aesthetic reasons for why computer games rather suddenly – after a more than 30 years’ history – are now being considered of cultural and political importance. Particular attention is given to online gamer communities as spaces of social interaction and collective identities. I also discuss the widespread tendency among cultural experts as well as decision-makers to value games mainly as narrative, thereby largely ignoring the cultural significance of play and games. In the second part, I try to give an overview and a brief evaluation of some of some central but often overlooked values offered by a range of different computer game aesthetics and practises. As is also documented and discussed by Tan, Chisalita, Raijmakers and Oinonen in their investigation of museums (section 2), technology has opened up a wide range of diverse and often conflicting ‘genres’ of information management, entertainment and pleasure. A European cultural policy for games On 11th November 2002, on the initiative of the Danish presidency, the Council of the European Union adopted a resolution on ‘interactive content for new media’. In his speech to the European Parliament on 11th December, Brian Mikkelsen, the Danish minister for Culture, describes the objective of the resolution as follows: The objective of the resolution is to focus on the cultural importance of the interactive media – and on the importance of making the cultural and linguistic diversity in Europe manifest itself in the interactive media content of the future.1

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The background for the politicians’ newfound interest in the matter is, according to the speech, that ‘people of all ages all over the world use computer games and other interactive media every day’. And, Mikkelsen adds, the interests of young people are of particular concern. What other kind of ‘interactive content’ young people use besides computer games is unclear from his speech, so we must assume that games in various forms (PC, consoles, hand-held, networked) are the primary target. Key words in the resolution are ‘cultural importance’, ‘quality’ and ‘cultural and linguistic diversity’. Understandably, the resolution does not at this point go into details on what could be the criteria for ‘quality’ – let alone ‘cultural importance’ – when it comes to computer games. Presumably, brief references to established and generally agreedupon values and goals in cultural policy are sufficient at this stage, as an indication of what motivates the politician’s efforts. Obviously, one of the goals is to secure – or if needed, to put into place – frameworks that are able to stimulate quality in the instrumental, commercial sense of the word. The European Union naturally wants the European games industry to compete with the Japanese and the Americans. These economical considerations do not necessarily conflict with the resolution’s broader commitments to cultural quality and diversity. Still, in order to follow up the cultural aspect of the initiative, the Council is going to have to seek some criteria for how computer games can have ‘cultural importance’, aside from more general values of cultural and linguistic diversity. The only further definition of cultural diversity that Mikkelsen can offer us in his speech is, ‘We should have more games reflecting European values and stories’. Parallel to the process initiated by the Danish presidency, some countries in the EU are beginning to establish systems of state funding specifically aimed at computer games. In 2003, in a new initiative announced by Prime Minister Pierre Raffarin, the French government decided to offer pre-production funding to French developers of 4 million euros in total, administered by the Centre national de la cinématographie.2 In Norway a similar system of funding was initiated in 2003, similarly as a part of the existing system for film, administered by the Norwegian Film Fund. From 2003 to 2004 the amount set aside went up from 3 million to 8 million kroner. Also, as a remarkable example of political ad-hoc funding, an extra 2 million was granted directly from the Minister of Culture to a computer game project based on the national folk tales of ‘Askeladden’.3 Into the media world It is quite clear from this that politicians in Europe no longer regard computer games only as kids’ toys demanding purely pedagogical attention, or as superficial amusements deserving no more attention than amusement parks or fireworks. This attitude reflects a recent shift in the cultural status of computer games in central parts of the cultural elite, most notably among journalists, artists and academics. As once was the case with cinema, computer games are being promoted from the cultural realm of

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pure fun (where everything is either harmful, harmless or developmental), into the realm of culture proper, along with poems, pottery and rock music. Academia and the arts Looking back at games’ cultural position through the previous decade, there is a striking difference – particularly in Europe – between their relative isolation in 1990 and their position in academic as well as journalistic media discourses in 2001. In 1990, there was virtually no interest in computer games within the humanities. In the social sciences, research on games was restricted to questions about violence, health and child development. In 2000, a more general interest in the culture and aesthetics of games and their uses was rapidly growing, followed by what can only be described as an explosion during 2001 to 2003. In the art world, a new interest in computer games is also noticeable. With no extraordinary fanfare, the Barbican Gallery in London set up the exhibition ‘Game On’ during the summer of 2002, exploring the history and culture of videogames. Following the same trend, the massive commercial game hit Grand Theft Auto: Vice City (2002) was recently shortlisted for the prestigious ‘Designer of the Year’ prize by the Design Museum in London. It is not unlikely that in the next few years we will see something of the same Klondike in the art and design world as we are now seeing in the academic world. Game art and art games could very well be the next hot thing. Kids who grew up in the ‘videogame craze’ years of the late 70s and early 80s are now in their thirties. Being mostly men, they belong to one of the dominant demographics in society in economical as well as cultural terms. Against this background, it should come as no surprise how computer games are now being included in dominant cultural discourses and welcomed into spaces from which they were previously banned. Growing into the mainstream Paralleling the rapid development in computer technology, there has been an extraordinary aesthetic development during computer games’ more than 30 years of history. This development accelerated and acquired a critical momentum during the 1990s, sparked by the introduction of CD-ROM storage media (standard in new computers from around 1994) and 3-D graphics, which hit the market in 1993 with the PC game Doom and the Sony Playstation game console in 1995. The vastly increased storage capacity of the CD-ROM meant that games became much bigger, with CDquality music, digitized sound samples and with ‘cut-scenes’ in Full Motion Video. This expansion of representational forms was accompanied by a transformation from a flat two-dimensional surface to a polygon-based and fully textured three-dimensional space.4 After the first versions of textured 3-D in the early 90s, the improvements in texture resolution and the growing sophistication of animation, lighting, physics and sound have been nothing less than stunning. Suddenly computer games have started to look a lot like film – at least to outsiders, who have been inclined to overlook the

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continuity in game concepts and game mechanics that has prevailed through the transition to a filmic space.5 The absorption of the videogame aesthetic into mainstream media culture is a reciprocal process. Already during the ‘videogame craze years’ of the late 70s and early 80s, games like Space Invaders and Pac-Man achieved status as cultural icons, and videogames started to show their influence in art, music and films. During the last ten years, however, the general influence of videogame aesthetic on film and television has accelerated. This development is in part due to the photorealistic 3-D graphics that games and moving images can now have in common – what Lev Manovich (2000) refers to as ‘synthetic realism’ – which has grown to become a significant cinematic form following Terminator 2, Jurassic Park and Toy Story. The influence from games on cinema is not just limited to the occasional game-to-film translation, as seen, for example, in the Tomb Raider films. Game-like scenes, visual conventions and thematic elements have become increasingly common in action and science-fiction films, as particularly evident in the influential The Matrix, released in 1999. The strong market growth of the industry since the mid-90s, combined with a spiralling technological development, has transformed the computer game industry into a bigbudget and unmistakably hit-driven business. At the time of writing, we see considerable growing pains as the developers and publishers are trying to adapt to the economical and industrial logic of mass-market entertainment. Many do not have the financial muscles to meet towering budgets and rapid market consolidation. Through mergers and acquisitions, in which cross-media corporations are the big players, the games industry is being integrated into a wider entertainment industry. Corporations like Sony, Microsoft and Vivendi Universal, along with major independent publishers like Electronic Arts,6 Activision, Ubisoft and Take-Two, are increasingly controlling the western market, while most of the smaller developers and publishers are struggling to survive. This difficult situation is most felt in the UK, which has Europe’s leading computer games industry. During 2003, a large number of independent British developers had to shut down, as did the British publisher Rage.7 Participatory media culture During the period of consolidation of the industry in the 1990s, online Internet gaming gave rise to independent, highly social and self-regulating gamer communities. Games have – at least within a big niche market – introduced a new concept for the production, distribution and consumption of commercial media products, a reciprocal relationship between producers and consumers. The game-genres that have spurred the most distinct and vocal forms of virtual community are the FPS (First-Person Shooter) and the MMORPG (Massive Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games). The online FPS gaming culture emerged as a response to the game Doom, released by id Software in 1993, in the same year as the breakthrough of the World Wide Web. Doom could be played as multiplayer ‘deathmatch’ either in local networks or – as a

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result of a later ‘patch’ to the game – over the Internet. Crucially, id Software released initial levels of the game as downloadable shareware, and also made available the source code of the software tools used for creation of levels, textures and sounds.8 This invitation to social interaction and co-production among the players has become something of a founding paradigm of the PC-based FPS industry.9 For every popular game of the genre, there are a vast number of player-made modifications to the original product, ranging from the relatively simple creation of character models and levels to whole conversions like Counter-Strike, an amateur ‘mod’ of Half-Life that was eventually bought by the developer and released as a commercial add-on. More influential as social spaces, however, is the phenomenon of the role-playing virtual community, first emerging with Ultima Online (1997), the first game to offer a persistent online graphic world. The game world was based on the highly influential Ultima series of fantasy-based role-playing games – bringing to the new virtual world an already established, community-oriented and highly computer-savvy audience. Everquest (1999), Asharon’s Call (1999), Anarchy Online (2001) and dozens of others have since followed. In these persistent online worlds, players live what quite accurately may be described as a second life – socializing, trading, building, battling and ‘levelling up’ the player-character, most commonly as part of organized ‘guilds’ or clans of players. These persistent game worlds have become much like societies of their own, with elaborate and constantly negotiated social, economic and legal structures. The majority of games are finding their core consumers in the historical and cultural overlap between ‘geeky’ computer culture and fantasy and science-fiction fan culture, but there are strong signs that the cultural appeal is widening, especially with MMORPGs like Star Wars: Galaxies (2003) and The Sims Online (2002).10 Interestingly, there are also a growing number of online worlds on the market that are not primarily game-based but which utilize many of the same principles, like There and Second Life. Online gamer communities represent a new form of digital subculture. They are spaces of social interaction that exist in relative independence of – and in relative opposition to – traditional mainstream consumer culture. At the same time we can see strong similarities with more established and familiar fan-cultures – from Star Trek and Lord of the Rings to Black Metal or Slasher Horror. In his book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (1992) and in subsequent writings, the media theorist Henry Jenkins has emphasized the creative and co-producing nature of such communitybased media use, a form of dialogic media consumption where the power to define uses and meanings is shared between fans and the corporate producers. At the same time, it is increasingly recognized that this co-creative and collective-based pattern of consumption is being integrated as a core element of corporate strategy, a strategy that may be paradigmatic of hyper-capitalist media economies.11 The corporate-participatory cultural economy of online-based gamer communities contributes to a fragmentation of media use and media culture. Because of their high level of persistent interaction and self-regulation, they are important arenas for the

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formation of distinctly sub-cultural identities. These identities work against traditional nation-building strategies of cultural management and engineering on a national or European level. Online gaming is about more than active and participatory consumerism. It is an agent of cultural diversity, and a source of collective deliberation and action that has a cultural as well as a political significance. However, because it is a cultural movement that is carving out its own space within a corporate and consumerist economy, it is by nature both in opposition to and adaptive to globalindustrial management and control. The online worlds of role playing are all corporately owned and designed. Corporations like Sony and Microsoft are, in a very concrete and hands-on way, engaged in a new form of social engineering, designing social spaces for communities, economies and identities to develop. ‘Europeanness’ in games? Computer games have not historically developed within the frameworks of the nation state, as is the case with broadcasting and the press, and which is also partly the case with film. Therefore, games cannot be expected in any way to play the same cultural role as the established nation-based media. National games produced for a national audience is a rarity, except on the market for developmental or educational games. The notion of ‘European games’ does not exist at all, other than as a general term for games developed by European-based developers. French developers get 80% of their sales from abroad.12 More than any other of the big media, games were born into a globalized world, right from the start. In terms of visual aesthetics, they are by nature a cultural hybrid, mixing elements from American and Japanese popular culture with more traditional European imagery (especially of medieval and Celtic/Norse/Tolkienesque type), according to the golden rule of ‘anything goes’. The explanation for this is not just that the medium is relatively new and that it was conceived and developed in the age of computers and telecommunications. Play and games tend to be a culturally very open and generalized form of human activity, with highly unstable cultural boundaries. In computer-based games as in other games, different types of play mechanics follow generic rules that cannot be localized in specific cultures in the same manner as fiction or music. It would, for example, be difficult to culturally situate the basic mechanisms of real-time strategy games, just as it would be hard to explain the cultural specificities of paper-rock-scissors. In terms of play types and play mechanics, then, it is hard to find consistent patterns of difference between cultural regions. The exception is Japan, which has gaming traditions that are relatively distinct both as fiction and as play forms. Although many Japanese game concepts and game worlds have been exported to the West over the last 20–30 years (and then typically mixing with American traditions and imagery), there are still dominant Japanese game genres that occupy only niche positions on the American and European market. These game types most importantly include consolebased role playing, fighting and mecha-games (battle-robots) which all play out in the fictional worlds of anime and manga, as well as a wide range of simulators (including

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dating games) that seem eccentric to the western mainstream. In contrast, the differences between American and European gaming preferences seem subtle and inconsistent – except in sport games, where traditions obviously differ. This is not to say there can be found no distinctive trends on the European market of games, only that they are by no means as immediately evident as is the case in other cultural domains. In general, there is a need for academic research into patterns of cultural specificity, flow and hybridization in the gaming world, research that can compliment the market statistics of the industry. To a certain extent, the industry itself encourages a cultural three-continent model by treating Japan, Europe and America as separate markets, each with separate distribution channels and technical standards (much like the system of region-encoding of DVD films). The most articulated awareness of ‘Europeanness’ in computer games, therefore, is to be found on the console market (which now accounts for 9/10 of the total market and increasing), where European players share a common position as consumers vis-à-vis the European distributors – dependent on their priorities and release dates. A telling response to this kind of ‘cultural cultivation’ is the influential World Wide Web game portal and community site Eurogamer.13 Finally, there is definitely a national niche market of commercial PC-games, which are less investment-heavy than games for console platforms, and which do not have to go through the hardware gatekeepers, Sony, Microsoft and Nintendo. There are several examples of relatively low-budget PC titles (low budget compared to big international titles) that have been developed commercially for a national market only. Because of the limitations on budget, these are typically localized modifications of established international games, or nation-specific versions of tried and tested genres and technologies. In Norway, one of the smaller markets in Europe, Flåklypa Grand Prix (2000), which is a children’s game based on a classical film, has become a big hit and even a moderate commercial success. In the Netherlands, Amsterdoom (2000), a generic and rather simplistic First-Person Shooter with recognizable locations from Amsterdam and high fun-factor was released by Davilex Software in 2000, although with no commercial success. However Davilex had great success with A2 Racer (1997), a series of localized driving games which were also released successfully in Germany as Autobahn Racer, in France as Paris-Marseille Racer and in the UK as M25 Racer (driving on the left…) – later to be released as London Racer (1999).14 The narrative fallacy However, at the moment of writing, aside from these relatively cosmetic ‘nationalizations’ there are few signs of innovation and diversity in European-developed games (Flåklypa Grand Prix being an honourable exception). The Danish EU-initiative can also be read as a sign that policy-makers may have a rather narrow and limited – albeit legitimate – interest in cultural and artistic diversity. The background paper accompanying the Danish initiative, titled ‘The Interactive Culture Industry’ (Danish Ministry of Culture 2002), defines games exclusively in the category of ‘interactive

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narratives’. The authors even make narrative into a self-evident part of a definition of the concept of interactivity: ‘Interactivity means that the user engages in the narrative in a participatory and active manner’ (page 11). There is no hint of alternative ways of understanding ‘interactivity’, and no mention whatsoever of the meanings and values of games and play – even if the report, in fact, deals almost exclusively with games and the games industry. In the light of everything that has been written within humanistic game theory over the recent years, this approach is quite controversial and, as a way of providing ‘background’ to the policy- makers, it can be partly misleading. In recent humanistic computer game theory, there is already a relatively well-established discourse on how to conceptualize the fundamental elements of game aesthetics. The central point of debate has been how to understand the role of narrative in games. As Jørgen Kirksæther (1998) has noted, stories in games are typically constructed as fictional frames around the play itself – external metaphors that serve to ‘explain’ the specific structure of tasks and obstacles facing the player. As a consequence, most games can be enjoyed – and played well – without paying much (or any) attention to the accompanying story, especially if the player is familiar with the genre. This duality at the heart of most gaming experiences is reflected in the theoretical discourse about computer games. Those who have preferred to approach games within the framework of narrative theory – most typically theorists from literary studies or new media studies – have been labelled ‘narrativists’ (or sometimes more inaccurately ‘narratologists’), while those who advocate a more distinctively game-centred approach have – partly in polemic opposition to the established story-centred traditions – called themselves (or have come to be associated with) the ‘ludologists’.15 The theoretical premise for the ‘ludological’ approach (although he never used the term ‘ludology’) was introduced by Espen Aarseth in Cybertext (1997), the first book to suggest a theory about play and narration as two distinct modes of discourse, not only located in literature, but as a dialectic fundamental to human activity in general. Aarseth uses the term ergodic to describe what is unique about computer-based literature. The ergodic signifies the general principle of having to work with the materiality of a text, the need to participate in the construction of its material structure. Some ergodic works lead us towards a fixed solution (e.g. a jigsaw puzzle), others can be unpredictable and open-ended (like an experimental hypertext novel). Being a discursive mode, the ergodic can be contrasted to narrative discourse, where the user is invited only to engage in the semantics of the text and does not have to worry about its material configuration. In narrative discourse the user is only a reader, not a co-constructor in the material sense, or, we might say, not a player. While reading narrative is an interpretive practice, playing a game is a configurative practice.16 A game is a game? Even if the ludologist position in its most radical form is largely denounced among computer game researchers today, theorists generally agree that the majority of

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computer games are not primarily in the business of telling stories. Narrative in games performs a very different role from narrative in novels or films. Obviously the narrative dimension is particularly played down in certain genres such as sport games, driving games and puzzle games. Still, even in the most story-driven games (adventure and roleplaying games) a good story does not make a good game. If we look at the early pioneers of dedicated state funding for videogames, Norway and France, their approaches differ quite a lot with respect to the role and importance of narrative. Narrative is one of the main criteria for gaining funding from the Norwegian Film Fund, which is explicitly aimed at games for children and younger adolescents. This central concern for national narratives is reflected in the short, basic definition of what it is that they want to support. An interactive production is defined as a computer game (or ‘other interactive and non-linear productions’) that ‘tells stories through moving images’.17 The message is very clear: games are vehicles for providing children with national stories. The criteria obviously reflect a legitimate and important cultural concern – especially for a small country. However, as a cultural policy it does not recognize games as an art form, or as anything that could be interesting for other than pedagogic and traditional nation-building purposes.18 A crucial part of the acceptance of computer games as an art form is a recognition of play and games as forms of cultural expression. Games are more than carriers of ‘interactive narrative’. Probably because France has a large and established game industry, their policy states different aims from the Norwegian, and the list of criteria does not adopt storytelling as a requirement. The main motivation for the initiative is that French developers – like the British ones – are struggling in a difficult international market. This does not mean that the government simply wants to support any game project that has commercial potential and needs money. There are artistic requirements. These do not, however, as one would maybe expect, emphasize ‘French stories’, ‘French language’ or the like, but refer instead to more general artistic values. The eligible projects must show ‘creativity of game design’ and ‘originality compared to what is already on the market’.19 In these criteria there is no bias towards narrative whatsoever. On the contrary, ‘creativity of game design’ is a formulation that will most likely be interpreted as a special concern for non-narrative mechanisms of the game structure. It seems that even for a country like France, where media production and media consumption is heavily supported and regulated to preserve national culture and identity, computer games are – at least for now – an interesting exception from the rule.20 What we can see from the Danish EU initiative as well as from the Norwegian and French example, is that a political concern with narrative – typically in a narrow and exclusive sense – is closely tied with the interest to defend and strengthen national traditions, culture and identity. As soon as the focus is expanded to include the structures of playful interaction – the properties that distinguish games from books or films – references to national value become more vague and problematic. The

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computer game is a medium that, more than any other, seems to resist being appropriated for nation-building and identity-engineering purposes. This is not to say that games do not have ‘stories and values’. There are indeed values of cultural and political importance to be found in games, including – but in no way limited to – what we might call ‘literary value’. There is a plurality of values in games, which should be actively encouraged rather than just left to the rather brutal and shortsighted logic of the entertainment industry. The French initiative, although limited by the requirements to commercial potential, gives reason for optimism. In the following, as a contribution to a wider debate about computer games and cultural policy in Europe, I shall briefly point to some of the values in games that might more specifically be labelled ‘techno-political’. These are values that go beyond the traditional concerns of industrial competitiveness cultural nation-building. The techno-political value of games Computer games are primarily about play, offering pleasures and values that we also find in other forms of play. The general question of the cultural value of human play – including its psychological, developmental, socializing, civilizing or democratic virtues – are discussed in classical works like Johan Huzinga’s Homo Ludens (1955 [1949]), Roger Caillois’ Man, Play and Games (2001 [1961]) and Brian Sutton-Smith’s The Ambiguity of Play (1997).21 In this discussion, however, I shall restrict myself to the more specifically technological dimension of computer-based play. The range of technological pleasures opened up by games should be a matter of heightened cultural and political concern in Europe. The basic premise behind this argument is that technological play is crucially forming culture. Techno-entertainment is not outside art, politics and ideology. How we choose to involve with technology in play is about how we define technology and its relation to ourselves. Playing the machine In a far more radical sense than a television set or a radio receiver, the computer game hardware and software constitute a flexible technological toy, constructed for active, hands-on machine-play or techno-play. The computer game is an ‘action machine’ as well as a representational medium. Other electronic media are also machines that must on some level be operated or ‘engineered’, but operating them is normally a pure instrumental action (turning the television set on, adjusting the volume, rewinding the video cassette etc.), not a playful bodily engagement. Idle play with the remote control (like switching between channels to the rhythm of your stereo) is not the standard mode of watching television. Looking at computer game aesthetics from the perspective of traditional media theory, the activity of playing the machine will have to move into the centre of attention, as an essential modus operandi of the medium. Even if the rhetorical potential of their representations has become more complex and powerful, games are no less playable machines today than they used to be 25 years ago.

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To play with a game is to play with a specific configuration or a specific gestalt of a more general technological form. Various game genres are culturally significant as different articulations of technological play, situated within a wider cultural field of technological pleasure. Because they involve archetypical forms of technological pleasure, they play a part in how society develops understandings of how people and technology should interact. These archetypical forms can be described as modes of pleasure, corresponding to relatively distinct and coherent sets of typical operations required from the player. Different game genres emphasize different types of technological engagement, and different players prefer different types of challenges. One man’s pleasure is another man’s tedium. This diversity is in itself a cultural resource in any society, a diversity that also influences how people approach other digital systems of information and entertainment, for example, those being designed for museums (see section 2). For the sake of illustrative simplicity, I will propose two broad categories into which we might define some of the dominant techno-based pleasures of computer gaming. The first category, ‘software gaming’, refers to the typical operations of management and configuration. The second category, ‘body-action gaming’, refers to bodily sensations, cyborg fantasies and explorative trances. Software gaming ‘Software gaming’ represents forms of engagement that are similar to those posed by non-gaming software. These patterns of challenge and interaction are typically involved in the economically productive practices in society and should be of natural interest to policy-makers. Software gaming is a mode of playful interaction which is particularly dominant in role-playing games, strategy games and system simulators. As a form of immersion and engagement, this mode operates independently of, and sometimes works against, the fictional illusions of the game. The primary challenges are management and configuration. The task of having to control, plan and coordinate a large number of interacting parameters on screen is very dominant in simulation and strategy games, to the extent that pure simulators (i.e. games that feature very little or no battle) are often called ‘management games’. Mimicking the operational logic of desktop software, the player is required to play on the surface of the screen, constantly controlling the game through often quite complex commands and menus. Consequently, the ‘software pleasure’ of computer games is a mode which is tailormade for the keyboard and mouse interface of the PC platform and converts rather poorly to console and gamepad. The task of configuration – or personalization – is especially dominant in role-playing games, where growing in the ‘role’ means building up and configuring (personalizing) your avatar’s complex nexus of features, abilities, weapons and other items. In this way, personalization is not only a form of growth management (managing the expanding, dynamic system that constitutes your avatar or group of avatars) but also crucially a form for self-expression – through the language of computerized statistics.

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Precisely because the task of maintaining overview, control and balance is such a crucial part of the gaming experience, management gaming naturally also offers the ‘wilder’ thrills of freely experimenting with the parameters. This exploratory mode of technological pleasure includes the chance to upset the balance of the system in various ways, typically with catastrophic consequences within the fictional game world (like, for example, letting a lion loose on the visitors in the zoo management game Zoo Tycoon [2001]). Experimenting with the objects and rules of the game world is, of course, a common mode of play in many game genres, one that is not necessarily oriented towards progression or winning the game. As a distinctive pleasure of computer-based play, it can be compared to experimental and ‘playful’ forms of gaining experience and skill with non-gaming software. Software gaming presents a very clear example of the blurring of boundaries between work and leisure in our society, between instrumental and playful aesthetics and practices. This convergence can be seen taking place on many arenas of cultural experience. Computer games as well as information systems in museums are evidences of a more general trend: Computer-based mediations and practices open up new spaces for work-like pleasure (or pleasurable work). Therefore, as Ursula Maier-Rabler argues in section 2, ePolicy should not be reduced to a question of access. Work-like pleasures give people reasons to engage with digital technology. Such leisure-based digital practices must be of political concern if we want people to acquire not just the necessary skills, but more importantly the motivation and confidence to be able to take actively part in a computerized and information-based society. The opportunity to be able to ‘play the software’ of the digital computer is of great importance to the individual’s socialization and empowerment in the emerging digital society. A political concern for diversity and access within this cultural arena is needed. In particular, there are significant economical and linguistic barriers to access, and this is an issue where the decisions of policy-makers can make a difference. Even in the richer parts of Europe, access to more complex and challenging variants of role-playing strategy and management gaming is inhibited by language barriers. With the exception of Germany, France and in some cases Spain and Italy, games on the smaller European markets – for example, in the Scandinavian countries – are not translated from English into the national language. This is normally not a problem with simpler action-games, but it is bound to prevent children, teenagers and other groups with weak language skills from having a go at more complex and intellectually demanding challenges. From a democratic perspective, such all-pervasive language barriers constitute an unnecessary extra digital gatekeeper, especially to young people who are still forming their fundamental relationships to digital technology. The competence to manage, configure, experiment with and modify digital processes allows the individual to create a space for computer-based self-expression, invention and political action. The cultural and social penetration of ‘digital Lego’ must be of central democratic concern.

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Of particular concern to policy-makers should be the vitality and independence of online gamer communities, which are very distinct practices of collaborative and creative software gaming, creating strongholds of computer literacy and participatory digital culture. Multiplayer computer game role playing in persistent worlds is a virtual variant of social configuration, and in some respects much like an exercise in political distribution and struggle. The collaborative player modifications of the FPS community and in other genres – where players construct their own levels, objects, textures (‘skins’) and game mechanics – is a radical form of experimental exploration and configuration of games-as-software. Games are transformed into game-building software, based on the modular logic of pre-designed ready-mades. The strength of such communities has significant techno-political implications. As partly independent and self-regulatory centres of consumer power and production of knowledge, they are playing a particular role in ongoing political negotiations over questions of copyright protection, open standards and user control. At the same time, however, the ideologies embedded in typical practices of software gaming – management, configuration, user control and ‘co-creative’ practices – can be doubleedged swords in a struggle for cultural freedom and diversity. For this reason, the primitive sensations found in gory action shooters may not necessarily be the negative ‘other’ to cultural policy. Body-action gaming While the software logic plays on the surface, expressing what Bolter and Grusin in the book Remediation (1999) call the ‘immediacy’ of digital media, another type of pleasure grows out of the seductive ‘transparency’ of the medium. Within this general mode of play, the power of the digital computer to create illusions of movement and space takes precedence over the operational requirements of the interface. According to Bolter and Grusin, the desire to ‘see through’ the surface of the screen and make it invisible has a history dating back to the invention of the central perspective in Renaissance art. Before the Renaissance, painters focused on the immediacy of the surface and the ‘play’ between its elements. Bolter and Grusin trace these two aesthetic movements and cultural desires through history. While the desktop computer represents today’s paradigmatic metaphor for the logic of immediacy, they argue, realist film and ‘virtual reality’ represent the desire to be immersed ‘into’ the space of the representational illusion. Even if Bolter and Grusin’s binary interpretation of the history of the visual media might be too all encompassing and too simplistic, their model seems to capture and contextualize a significant tension within computer game aesthetics. In a computer game, illusion and management are conflicting attractions. The direct and bodily challenges and sensations offered by a responsive 3-dimensional virtual space is a form of technological engagement which does not follow the desktop metaphor and has very few non-gaming software equivalents. Consequently, in games where fictional illusions and audio-visual (and sometimes tactile) sensation is supposed to be the dominant

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attraction, management and configuration on the level of the surface interface must be kept as simple, intuitive and ‘invisible’ as possible. These ‘low-management’ and highintensity games are particularly well suited for the console platforms, which do not use a work-related mouse/keyboard-interface, constructed for point-and-click surface navigation. Body-action games, in particular classical arcade-action games like Space Invaders (1978) or Robotron (1982), have particular kind of ‘flow’,22 a trance-like quality, due to the simplicity of the interface, the speed and repetitiveness of the action, and the spectacle of the sensations. Unlike the experience of immersion in software gaming (which is also a form of all-encapsulating flow), the real-time cybernetic feedback loop between the expert player and the computer largely bypasses conscious intellectual decisions. In fast-paced and spectacular action games, the typical mode of technological engagement has more to do with some sort of techno-eroticism than with management skills, socialization and progress. Action games of the 3-D era obviously try to cultivate a notion of ‘cinematic’ immersion, associating themselves explicitly with the invisible screen of Hollywood cinema. Still, an equally significant historical analogy may be found in the technological pleasures of magic machines, horror houses and motion rides. This analogy seems particularly relevant with respect to one of the dominant action-adventure genres, the aptly named First-Person Shooter (FPS). Most games in this genre illustrate very well the strong tendency in action games to ‘double up’ or project the pleasure of the concrete and hands-on technological involvement of the physical play-situation into the fantasy of the fictional world. Physical machine-play is translated in real time into virtual worlds of technological operation, fascination and power. What has been called the ‘poor man’s virtual reality’ of the First- Person Shooter seems to be a techno-obsessed genre, a parody of established cyborg fantasies in our culture. The genre presents a modern, violent and excessively techno-fetishist fantasy of power, articulated through the perceptual tunnel vision of the subjective camera-gun. The characteristic first-person perspective is a machine-look, providing a form of pleasure not unlike the sensation of driving (or being driven by) a train, a car or an aircraft. Historically, there are interesting similarities between the technological power play of the FPS and the attraction of the various ‘ride-films’ from the beginning of the twentieth century, which were shot with a camera mounted on the front of a train (Fielding 1983).23 Although motion rides and Hollywood action films are major influences behind contemporary 3-D action games, some recent examples also show modernist and nonrealistic inspirations, mixed with strong influences from the more abstract spaces of classical arcade games. Particularly interesting are Rez (2002) – influenced by the visual style of the film Tron – and Frequency (2001), both integrating music and soundscapes into a mix of trance-inducing elements. In this type of body-action gaming, the player navigates a sound space as much as a visual space. On the Japanese market, the ‘hippie-game’ Rez was also released together with a specially designed

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force-feedback vibrator (named the ‘Trance Vibrator’), which apparently could also be used as a game dildo.24 Perception and identity Corporate cultural producers are not inclined to explore the diversity of possible bodyaction experiences. At the moment, a ‘high-concept’ game like Rez seems to be an exception, and it did not sell well. Similar experiments in the art of technological pleasure risk falling outside the constraints of the corporate world as well as the socially progressive frameworks of cultural policy. An embodied, sometimes regressive and almost drug-like relationship between man and technology has been given no legitimate place within dominant histories of technological rationality and progress. Body-action gaming represents a historical tradition of cheap amusements and technological perversion – in many ways the flip side of modern technocratic civilization. Games like Rez prove that this arena can be a fertile ground for art and amusement to meet. As Tan et al. in the next chapter argue with regard to the diversity of museum experiences, technology is not just a tool or channel of cultural experience. Typical modes and operations of computerized information-systems become integrated parts of the cultural experience itself. In games, one could argue, this is a tautological observation in the sense that there is no cultural artefact external to the game machine itself (like a painting or a sculpture). Precisely because of this ‘purity’ of technological pleasure, the computer game can be seen as a model. Various game modes and game genres indicate typical perceptual forms of the computer as a medium, different ways of sensing and controlling (and being controlled by) technologically mediated environments. This perceptual diversity – from the chess computer to the horror house – encourages a variety of interpretations and uses of digital technology, laying the ground for diverse patterns of identity formation. Technologically grounded perceptions and fascinations are, however, not mediators of nation-based identities. Neither are they necessarily mediators of productive social and economic competencies. Consequently, a cultural policy of technological pleasure should go beyond the scope of ePolicy – also in the wider sense of the term as discussed by Maier-Rabler – addressing a broader range of artistic diversity and exploration. Beyond ePolicy The aim of this chapter has been to consider some of the range and diversity of cultural experiences to be found in computer game aesthetics and practices. I also argue that various modes of interaction and expression offered by computer games are integrated in a wider field of modern practises – in war, in work, in entertainment, in art. It seems that a cultural policy with regard to games will always have to balance and negotiate two general considerations. On the one hand, political strategies and priorities towards this sector are going to be a central part of what has come to be known as ‘ePolicy’. ePolicy aims to support and secure access to cultural activities that motivate and enable people to participate and express themselves in a computer- and information-based economy. An ePolicy that wants to turn Europe, in Ursula Maier-Rabler’s words, ‘…into

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a region of curious individuals eager to engage in life-long-learning’ must develop strategies that include the realm of computerized leisure – computer games as well as other forms of computerized cultural experience. On the other hand, games also have a wider potential of artistic and techno-perceptual innovation. The diversity of challenges and fictions offered by games has an important artistic value in itself, but also widens the cultural space for social and political critique. This may also include forms of techno-pleasures that explore sensual fascinations with spectacle and destruction. Beyond ePolicy, there must be a space for games and game cultures to express their own creativity and their own values. A cultural policy of games that does not encourage the diversity of technological pleasure risks being an agent of conformism and streamlined social engineering. In a democratic and pluralistic culture, it is important that system-strengthening and ‘managerial’ modes of digital operation do not grow to become too pervasive. Playful engagements with technology can too easily be caught up in totalizing and instrumentalist techno-cultural forms. Dominant commercial forces are pushing towards ever more narrow and easily manageable practices of computer-based expression and entertainment. In the evolving digital economies of computer databases and networks, there is a tendency for new restrictions and dependencies to be introduced in the name of progress and freedom, embedded in practices of ‘interactivity’ and ‘personalization’. In a dystopian scenario of the digital Information Society, ‘personalization’ will be the only form of technological freedom – a mode of ‘user control’ in which mechanisms of continuous feedback, profiling and monitoring (promising ‘ease of use’ without learning) locks the individual consumer into predictable patterns of interaction and information-seeking.25 European strategies In competition with the much stronger game industries in Japan and America, the cultural and linguistic fragmentation of the market in Europe is a considerable disadvantage. At the same time, this commercial barrier represents a valuable cultural diversity. Europe has a unique tradition of defining expressive culture as a public concern, giving attention to innovation within a less market-dependent economic system. Because of its cultural diversity, Europe is in a good position to produce a range of alternatives both within and outside dominant modes of cultural production. Such projects may involve the exploration of alternative myths and narratives, but should not simply take the form of established game clichés dressed up in ‘European’ imagery. Rather, it should be about making a contribution to expand the range of techno-cultural expressions in Europe as well as on the global market. The logics and constraints of a mass-market economy present a challenge to the cultural vitality and potential of the game industry. There is a need for strategies on the European level that can look beyond nation building in order to stimulate experiment and creativity. We must assume that, just as with film, a smaller, independent industry is

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going to be needed as an alternative to the risk-aversive and conservative mainstream. However, such a development of diversification seems to be slow and uncertain, mainly because of the technological barriers and high costs involved in making games for advanced platforms (consoles and PCs). The French approach is a promising one. It is an attempt to help independent and risk-taking projects get off the ground, by providing crucial support through the initial phases of concept and prototype development. The need for a support to an independent game industry is argued in more detail by Oliver (2003). At the time of writing, the emerging online game worlds are all under corporate control. Given the cultural and political implications of the development of these communities, the lack of non-corporate alternatives for online persistent societies should be a rather immediate concern for the gamers as well as for public policy-makers. On a very concrete level, public funding would surely give a needed boost to ongoing efforts to develop an open-source, general-purpose engine for virtual game worlds/communities. The computer game industry, political decision-makers and cultural entrepreneurs in Europe need to establish a discussion of how future developments can be envisioned and supported. The playful relations to technology in society constitute a vital foundation for social development and critique, and a basis from which new ideas about how to live with technology can emerge. Notes 1. Speech by Minister for Culture, Mr Brian Mikkelsen, in the European Parliament [online], in 2007 no longer available at http: //www.eu2002.dk/news/news_read.asp?iInformationID=25898. 2. Information by the French Ministry of Economy, Finance and Industry [online], in 2007 no longer available at http: //www.telecom.gouv.fr/programmes/jeuxvideo.htm. 3. Press release from the Ministry of Culture and Church Affairs [online], available at http: //odin.dep.no/kkd/norsk/aktuelt/pressem/043031-070141/index-dok000-b-n-a.html. 4. There were 3-dimensional game spaces before polygon graphics, created either with vector graphics (like in the arcade classics Battlezone (1980) and Star Wars (1983)) or with 2-D sprites ‘wrapped’ into ‘semi-3d’ space. Both Wolfenstein 3D and Doom used this semi-3-D, in which the player could not look up and down. 5. As a parallel trend, sports games have developed a distinct form of ‘television realism’, complete with commentary, spectator masses and lifelike, motion-captured animations that mimic the look and movement of real-life sports stars. 6. California-based EA is by far the biggest and most successful games publisher and distributor in the world, housing ca 4000 employees and strong in-house development teams. 7. Developers include Hotgen, Kuju Entertainment, Kaboom Studios, Attention to Detail, Silicon Dreams, Lost Toys, Murky Foot, Computer Artworks, Warthog. Source: http: //www.gamesindustry.biz/content_page.php?section_name=pub&aid=2737. 8. For more about the history of id Software and the FPS community, see Kushner (2003). 9. See Morris (2003) for more about modding and the contemporary FPS gamer communities. 10. Daniel Pargman (2003) suggests some interesting explanations for the overlap between computer culture, fantasy fiction and role playing, and gives some useful further references on the subject.

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11. For an interesting example of this line of argument in relation to FPS communities, see Sotamaa 2003. 12. BBC News [online] at http: //news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3084677.stm. 13. http: //www.eurogamer.net/. 14. In the subsequent years, following the success of the racing games, the company has grown to be an international developer and publisher for both PC and consoles. 15. The dominant representatives of a story-oriented approach to games (and new media in general) are Janet Murray (1997) and Henry Jenkins (Fuller and Jenkins 1995). The theorists who have been most commonly referred to as ‘ludologists’ are Espen Aarseth (1997), Markku Eskelinen (2001), Jesper Juul (2001) and Gonzalo Frasca (2003) – Frasca being the one who most explicitly advocates ludology as the ‘father discipline’ of computer game studies. 16. This last point is taken from Markku Eskelinen’s article “The Gaming Situation” (2001), a radically anti-narrativist theoretical elaboration of the ludologist position. 17. Presentation by Petter Wallace, The Norwegian Film Fund [online], available at http: //www.filmfondet.no/stotteordninger/presentasjon.pdf. 18. There are ambiguities in the Norwegian initiative that may be seeds of a more thorough debate at a later stage. To the media, a leading spokesperson for the Ministry of Culture says that the government wants to contribute to ‘building an industry as we are doing with film’, adding that ‘Games have become culture and maybe also art.’ See http: //www.digi.no/php/art.php?id=93000. 19. Information by the French Ministry of Economy, Finance and Industry [online] at http: //www.telecom.gouv.fr/programmes/jeuxvideo.htm. 20. As a comparison, see the final book chapter by Marcel Machill for a description and analysis of the French policy of public service television. 21. The Ambiguity of Play is a very useful introduction to the field, giving a comprehensive overview of the various ‘rhetorics’ that advocate the benefits of play, and focusing in particular on a critique of adaptive or ‘progressive’ theories of play. 22. A concept of ‘flow’ in work and play is developed by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (2000). 23. The points on the FPS genre in this section are taken from Klevjer (2003). The situating of the First-Person Shooter within the history of machine-based and visual attractions will be the subject of a later work. The historical and theoretical relevance of Tom Gunning’s “the cinema of attraction” is addressed in Järvinen (1999–2000), and (at more length) in MacTavish (2002). 24. For more insights into the dildo-experience of Rez, see “Sex in Games: Rez+Vibrator” on http: //www.gamegirladvance.com/archives/2002/10/26/sex_in_games_rezvibrator.html. 25. The relationship between personalization and domination is discussed in Palmer (2003).

References Aarseth, Espen (1997), Cybertext. Perspectives on Ergodic Literature. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press. Bolter, Jay David and Grusin, Richard (1999), Remediation: Understanding New Media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Caillois, Roger (2001 [1961]), Man, Play and Games, Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly (2000 [1975]), Beyond Boredom and Anxiety: The Experience of Play in Work and Games. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Danish Ministry of Culture (2002), The interactive culture industry. Background paper. Danish Ministry of Culture. Available at http: //kum.inforce.dk/graphics/kum/downloads/Publikationer/ TheInteractiveCultureIndustry.pdf.

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Eskelinen, Markku (2001), ‘The Gaming Situation’, in Game Studies, vol. 1, issue 1. Available at http: //www.gamestudies.org/ (accessed 25 April 2003). Fielding, Raymond (1983), ‘Hale’s tours. Ultrarealism in the Pre-1910 Motion Picture’, in Fell, John L. (ed.), Film Before Griffith, Berkeley: University of Calefornia Press. Frasca, Gonzalo (2003), ‘Simulation versus Narrative: Introduction to Ludology’ in Mark J. P. Wolf & Bernard Perron (eds.): Video/Game/Theory, New York: Routledge (in Press). Fuller, Mary and Jenkins, Henry (1995), ‘Nintendo and New World Travel Writing: A Dialogue’, in Steven Jones (ed.), Cybersociety: Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Huizinga, Johan (1955 [1949]), Homo ludens: A study of the play element in culture. Boston: Beacon Press. Jenkins, Henry (1992), Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture. New York: Routledge. Juul, Jesper (2001), ‘Games Telling Stories? – A brief note on games and narratives’, in Game Studies vol. 1, issue 1. Available at http: //www.gamestudies.org/0101/juul-gts/ (accessed 25 April 2003). Kirksæther, Jørgen (1998), ‘The Structure of Video Game Narration’. Short paper presented at the conference Digital Arts & Culture, Bergen 26–28 November 1998. Available at http: //cmc.uib.no/dac98/papers/kirksaether.html (accessed 18th June 2003). Klevjer, Rune (2002), ‘In defence of cutscenes’, in Mäyrä, Frans (ed.) Computer Games and Digital Cultures – Conference Proceedings, Tampere: Tampere University Press. Klevjer, Rune (2003), ‘Gladiator, worker, operative: The hero of the First Person Shooter Adventure’, in Marinka Coupier and Joost Raessens (eds.): Level Up. Digital Games Research conference 2003 [CD-ROM]. Utrecht University. Manovich, Lev (2000), The Language of New Media, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Murray, J. H. (1997), Hamlet on the Holodeck : The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace, New York, London: The Free Press. Oliver, Julian (2003), ‘Developers In Exile: Why Independent Game Development Needs an Island’, in DAC98 proceedings [online]. Available at http: //hypertext.rmit.edu.au/dac/papers/. Sutton-Smith, Brian (1997), The Ambiguity of Play. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Game references Amsterdoom, Davilex Software 2000. Anarchy Online, Funcom 2001. Asharon’s Call, Turbine Entertainment; Microsoft 1999. A2 Racer, Davilex Software 1997. Battlezone, Atari Inc. (coin-op) 1980. EverQuest, Verant Ineractive; 989 Studios 1999. Flåklypa Grand Prix, Capricornus; Caprino Video Games 2000. Frequency, Harmonix/Treanor Brothers/Crystal Method: SCEE 2001. Gabriel Knight: Sins of the Fathers, Sierra: Sierra 1993. Grand Theft Auto III, DMA Design: Rockstar Games 2001. Grand Theft Auto: Vice City, Rockstar Games: Rockstar Games 2002. Half-Life, Valve; Sierra Entertainment 1998. London Racer, Davilex Software; Infogrames 1999. Myst, Cyan/Red Orb Entertainment: Brøderbound 1994. Pac-Man, Namco; Midway 1980 (coin-op). Prince of Persia, Brøderbund: Brøderbund 1989.

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Quake, Id Software; Id Software 1996. Rez, United Game Artists: Sega 2002. Robotron 2084, Williams Electronics (coin-op) 1982. Space Invaders, Taito/Midway (coin-op) 1978. Star Wars, Atari Inc. (coin-op) 1983. Star Wars: Galaxies: An Empire Divided, Sony Online Entertainment; LucasArts 2003. Super Mario Brothers, Nintendo 1985. The Sims, Maxis; Electronic Arts 2000. The Sims Online, Maxis; Electronic Arts 2002. Ultima Online, Origin; Electronic Arts 1997. Wipeout, Psygnosis: SCEE 1995. Zoo Tycoon, Blue Fang Games: Microsoft 2001.

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LEARNING AND ENTERTAINMENT IN MUSEUMS: A CASE STUDY Ed Tan1, Cristina Chisalita, Bas Raijmakers and Katri Oinonen2

Introduction The problematic of this volume, convergence and fragmentation in a changing Europe, determine current debates on the future of our museums. Questions like the following are repeatedly posed in such debates. How will European museums look twenty years from now? Can they retain their identity as keepers of national and European cultural heritage? Can they retain a central position in presenting more or less unified views of history and culture? Or will they have to change into globally oriented theme park-like attractions in order to survive? Is there a way for them to combine learning with entertainment? This chapter attempts to shed light on very broad questions like these, concerning the future of museums in the global Information Society. It does this from an extremely confined point of view, namely a case of one single research and development project, SCALEX, aiming at delivering a prototype visitor support system. SCALable EXhibition server1 SCALEX is not an Internet application. Instead it is a system for use in museums, to enhance the potential of presentations and exhibitions. SCALEX plays sequential presentations of digital or real objects in ways depending on the profile of the particular visitor, and the selections and choices that he or she makes. The visitor is confronted with the front end of the system only, that is, the displays presenting objects and information, and a user interface that allows him or her to

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interact with the system in order to make selections and use exhibition support or extension functions. The back end of the system, invisible to the visitor, consists of (1) a knowledge editor that allows the exhibition maker to organise and edit digital resources according to a conceptual plan; (2) a storyliner that is used to define various trajectories through materials and design various modes of interaction with the materials, depending on specific content properties and particular user needs, and (3) an exhibition player that presents materials to a visitor during a visit, according to the general plan made using the knowledge editor: the trajectory defined by the storyliner and input from the visitor. A profiler instructs the storyliner and the player to select materials and adapt presentations to the needs of a particular visitor. The player controls a variety of presentation devices, from monitors and beamers to hand-held computers, and from lighting to sound installation. It also functions as an interface for visitor input. For more detailed descriptions, see www.scalex.info. The design of the system was user-centred, meaning that in every stage of development a close approximation is sought to what users want from the system.2 Therefore, the SCALEX project can function not only as a laboratory for designing museum facilities and exhibition tools, but also as an observatory of current museum policies and museum practices and of views of the future. In this chapter we present results from user studies that are relevant, in particular, to the broader issue of the role of learning versus entertainment in the present, and in an envisioned museum culture. We had interviews with museum staff and visitors about the experiences that a museum visit should target, and tested preliminary versions of a SCALEX prototype in order to identify wishes and views of the same parties with regard to ideal support functions in tomorrow’s museum exhibition. In so doing, both museum staff and visitors unfolded their views of the ideal museum visit, and the role of learning versus entertainment in it. In this chapter we give an outline of these views, that offer an impression of the sort of answers that could be given to the questions raised above. Museums in transition Museums all over the industrialized world are going through a stormy period of reorientation, due to cultural and political changes. We single out three trends that strongly affect museum culture and, in particular, influence attitudes towards learning versus entertainment. First, public funding is challenged and the demands of policy-makers have changed beyond recognition over the past decades, stressing access for all at the cost of academic norms of conservation and study by professional experts. So the question arises of how museums can become more attractive to as many visitors, as possible. In many cases this implies that they have to find a new optimum between generalization and specialization of their supply, a choice between convergence and fragmentation. Second, especially in Europe, demographic changes are rapidly taking place that make it increasingly difficult to address visitors as one group. In a recent past, museums could

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rely on a knowledge and value background shared among their visitors. It included a set of communalities in terms of national history, religion, lifestyle, education and media use. Mass immigration from countries outside Europe and the industrialized world have created uncertainty about the why, what and how of museum presentations. In particular, it raises the question about the need for convergence of perspectives from various groups into a smaller set of more coherent narratives against allowing for, or even fostering diversity of views, seen by many as fragmentation of address, of knowledge and values. Third, the global consumer culture, characterised by individual choice, fast dynamics of supply and immediacy of rewards, gratifications and pleasure has become the natural habitus of large segments of the population, not only of the wealthy young. The introduction of ever more competitive leisure alternatives to museum visits, such as shopping, entertainment events and the use of Internet, are a constant threat to the continuity of museums (See e.g. Rojek 2000). The necessity of participation in high culture has lessened, since popular culture has been accepted or even embraced by educators, and the status value of the arts and cultural heritage has already diminished. The competitive alternative is almost diametrically opposite to what museums want to convey to their visitors. Global consumer culture tends to replace cultural heritage with less historically grounded content that is instantly invented and enjoyed exactly for its lack of historical charge and weight.3 This is a form of convergence of content considered by many as transforming museums into theme or even attraction parks. The three trends are mutually dependent as to their effects. One example is that global consumer culture tends to elevate ethno-cultural differences among inhabitants of one country or of Europe as a whole, substituting culture-specific ideas with goods lacking any cultural specificity and with entertainment deprived of cultural articulation. This results in a further decrease in the attractiveness of museums to immigrants. A government response to this may be the requirement for museums to offer more personal choice and fun in order to become more profitable. Learning and entertainment in traditional museum culture Before sketching the future of the museum as envisioned by participants in the SCALEX project we have to settle on a baseline from which envisioned changes are to be projected. Our studies do not include a wide survey of current museum practices from which a general overview might be produced. Instead we characterize the target experiences that current museums aim at in a global fashion. Of course, museums vary enormously among themselves as to target experiences. If we start from a well-known definition given by the UNESCO in 1996, we may distinguish some ten museum types on the basis of their collection, ranging from art through science and technology, history and ethnography to any other content. The traditional tasks of a museum are to collect and preserve objects in its domain, and to contribute to knowledge of these through classification, description and interpretation of their

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significance and value through research according to professional academic standards. In the second instance, objects and knowledge are transmitted to the public. This public function of museums has developed throughout the twentieth century, and determines to a large extent the experiences that are offered to the visitor. The essential experiences have to do with learning and, in particular, with learning about the past. What is to be learned is a matter of consensus among experts, e.g., art historians and historians about valid knowledge. As a consequence in general, the knowledge is canonical and intellectual. Professional knowledge is not always translated into terms that non-initiated visitors can understand readily or grasp as relevant to their own life.4 The visitor experience consists of contemplation of the object and added information received from labels and a catalogue, in some cases complemented by audio support and, in the ideal case, by live explanation from a key person such as a museum guide or teacher. Nevertheless, there are large differences among museums as to what is considered a learning experience. For instance, aesthetic encounters (e.g. discovering structure and enjoying beauty) or historical ones (e.g. experiencing a possibly sensational feeling of communication with a person or community from the past) may be acclaimed by some conservators but not by others (Csikszentmihalyi and Robertson 1990). Emotion and a personal touch to the experience have been introduced in some museums. There are many examples of successful experiments in stimulating the creation of vivid personal memories.5 The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, Denmark, offers its visitors the opportunity to dress in replicas of Viking clothes. Seeing yourself and your company in Viking clothes brings history to life in a first-person tableau vivant that facilitates a historical sensation (‘Aha, that is how they looked’),6 an historical imagination (‘That’s how I would have looked if…’) and a personal memory of the experience, like a snapshot picture (‘That’s how I looked, then and there’), to be remembered after the visit. Likewise, physically experiencing what a strain it is to serve in combat as a soldier adds a personal touch to the information available in texts, photographs, and films of the First World War, as the Imperial War Museum in London affords its visitors. They offer a hands-on experience in a reconstructed site of trenches, including carrying a backpack as heavy as the ones actually used. In these cases, learning is accompanied by emotions such as surprise, awe and joy. Adding the emotional and personal dimension to the experience is by no means common, and in museum circles it is downright controversial, as some consider it entertainment that distracts attention from the real knowledge. There are large differences within this controversy, not only between museums with different content, but also historically determined ones between countries.7 Some museums want to remain a place for contemplation and education, more or less against all sorts of pressure from the outside world.8 Others either do not mind or even aim at presentations that combine learning with strong feeling.9 But on the whole, entertainment in a narrower sense, that is, pleasurable experiences that are unrelated to serious content, is not offered as part of the actual experience of objects, at least not in regular museums as opposed to theme parks.10 When pure entertainment is offered at all, it is carefully separated from object presentations in specialized spaces, such as the museum café and shop.11 Exceptions to the rule may be special events such as the Museum Night in Amsterdam, where visitors were allowed to dance under the

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Night Watch, or attempts of museums to attract primary school children offering Halloween-like attractions. It is fair to say that museums judge it necessary to remain clearly distinct from theme parks that integrate knowledge supply – usually simplified in comparison to museums – with entertaining experiences. Experiments with gamelike experiences, such as adding reality, enhancing bodily sensations, and virtual historical environments, are met with suspicion by many a curator. In this respect museums act in line with the European tradition that sets fun apart from (national) cultural learning as pointed out by Rune Klevjer in his contribution on games to this volume. A view from within: Four SCALEX studies In the development of SCALEX we studied potential users at various stages of the design of the system and its implementation in a prototype. Two categories of end-users have been studied, namely museum staff involved in designing and producing exhibitions, and museum visitors, the ultimate target group of SCALEX whose experiences would have to be enhanced by the system. We present two studies from the user requirements research, initial investigations aiming at the end-users’ view of current exhibition practices and views of ideal museum visits. SCALEX museums research14 User-requirement research provides developers with a basis for defining the desired functionality of the system in its appropriate context of use. In the context of this contribution, it offers an insight in how they view the relation between learning and entertainment as target experiences. The museums taking part in the project are the natural starting point for determining user requirements. As a consequence, the ensemble of museums we studied is small and far from representative of all museums, e.g. as classified by ICOM-Unesco, the international society of museums. Three of the institutions, Ars Electronica, Zentrum für Kunst und Medientechnologie and C3, are art centres, that is, institutions facilitating the production of works of art in the first place, and offering public access to the works in the second. AEC and ZKM are also museums by definition, as they have collections, whereas C3 is less so, lacking a collection as it does. It does have a virtual collection. The fourth and fifth museum partners are more or less classical technology museums, the Technisches Museum Wien and the Narodnické Technické Muzeum Praha. They may be representative of the category of traditional science and technology museums (as opposed to science centres), but are traditional museums with an open mind towards cultural innovation. As part of the research into user requirements of the system, we made an inventory of all museum partners, as to their culture and environment. In particular, we examined their organizational structure and embedding, mission, aims, workflows and procedures, and their usual way of designing and producing exhibitions. For this chapter we report on the analysis of target experiences. What museums have in mind when

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contemplating the ideal visitor experience is illustrative of their opinion on the relation between learning and entertainment. We asked the museums for their mission and main targets and for the methods used to achieve target experiences in their public. In looking for views of the relation between learning and entertainment, we had to take some freedom in interpreting the answers that were originally given, as we did not directly inquire on views of the relation between these two elements of visitor experiences. Mission and target groups: The mission statements of all museums except C3 have education as an important part. C3’s mission involves supporting the production of new ideas and art works, but as the institute is keen to distribute these, we might say that they also tend to support the reception of the ideas, which has an educational nature. ZKM’s educational mission may be less pronounced than that of the remaining two museums, but it may be that contributing to the discourse on art and technology has educational side effects, in that visitors and interested persons learn about new art views. It would seem, then, that education as a task for art centres is not so much lifting the masses as it is education permanente of a rather select target group, although the centres differ among themselves at this point, with AEC probably aiming the most at a general public, and attending less exclusively to the artistic dimensions of technology. Pioneering developments in their content area is an assignment shared by the art centres, and this function may guarantee the presentation of innovative content, perhaps in innovative ways as well. If so, this mission implies evoking strong feeling, but not necessarily in all; the art world, a relatively cosmopolitan group of initiated or dedicated and even productive persons may be the primordial addressees of novelties. The technical museums TMW and NTM have a much more clear-cut educational mission, transferring the knowledge of the histories of technology to the general public and to youngsters in particular. Entertainment is not part of the mission of any of the museums, but if we consider the term’s somewhat broader sense, the strong feelings associated with pioneering trends might make for the kind of superior entertainment that is inherent to savouring novelties and breakthroughs in art. NTM explicitly mentions the importance of aesthetic enjoyment even in its mission statement. The pleasures of media entertainment may be one of the themes of permanent displays and special exhibitions, thus being contextualised and perhaps integrated into an educative discourse. Entertainment taken in its narrower sense, in which pleasure for its own sake dominates, distracting from serious matters, is definitely irrelevant or even inimical to what the museums see as their primary task, which is to further a serious cause. Raison d’être: In reply to the question as to the why of their mission, reasons given are mainly pedagogical in the sense that they involve propagating a set of ideas that are beneficial to society and the individual. Dealing with ignorance (a lack of knowledge, of proper knowledge, knowledge of other disciplines than one’s own, government’s ignorance or inaction) is the best summary of the why of missions. Not surprisingly, entertainment is not included in any of the mission statements that we found.

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Methods: Answers to the question of how missions can be accomplished again show a difference between the art centres and the technical museum. The longitudinal perspective of TMW and NTM fits more or less with the academic tradition of chronological historiography followed in schools. Adding other disciplinary contexts and multiple views of history is a more contemporary treatment, emphatically aimed at by both museums. The two approaches allow for effective conventional communication of more or less standardized knowledge through labels and sources of information additional to objects. The art centres start from an almost diagonally opposed perspective, evaluating present developments from the standpoint of a future. Extrapolation of trends and confrontation of viewpoints is far removed from conventional academic traditions of art history, and the methods for conveying knowledge are less obvious than in traditional art museums. Maybe they could be characterized as forms of deconditioning. Thematic ordering, unexpected points of view, a surprising and a playful presentation in various spaces contribute to making obvious trends (technological and or artistic) that may go unnoticed in daily life. Involvement with the visitor, by unsolicited encouragement and instruction deconditions the average person, who is used to being left alone in a museum, and may help in overcoming undue embarrassment and fear, as in AEC. As regards emotional impact of methods, the historical sensation that is a correlate of understanding the uses of past technology offered by TMW and NTM, finds a counterpart in the regular surprises and occasional shocks offered by contemporary media art, its presentation and accompanying texts. TMW did not mention emotion as a desirable visitor experience (see column ‘Make the visitor…’ in Table 1), but does stress the importance of strong experience as complementary to information and also sees the desirability of art installations in presentations, and the importance of rich sensory experiences, including haptic ones. The objects provoke lots of emotion by themselves, but nevertheless it appears that emotions are made subservient to awareness of historical significance. NTM has identified aesthetic and other emotions as target experiences, and they express almost literally what a historical sensation should be. The art centres do not explicitly cater for emotion, with AEC as an exception. Provide what? Information is the major content of the experience, although C3 does not mention it explicitly. However, they declared educational programmes to be one of their aims. Furthermore, they mentioned the integration of arts, science and technology in society as a core objective, and it is hard to imagine how this can be achieved without distributing information in one way or another. AEC and TMW also provide for entertainment experiences. To this end AEC prefers interaction with its objects to static instalments, and TMW attempts to present objects in different contexts and through a variety of media. They both indicated that having the visitor return should be a target of the experience offered, and this implies at least that boredom is actively countered. NTM strives towards offering interactivity and experimentation to its visitors, and as stated, also want to occasion aesthetic gratification.

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Personalization All museums are interested in a form of personalizing their presentations. This is only to be expected, because they all participate in a project that specifically aims at personalization. However, time and again, it has become apparent from the interviews that the structure of the knowledge, about collection and exhibition items that is to be brought home to audiences, is in itself manifold. Perspectives on and ways of contextualizing materials and descriptions are not unitary, as only a quick glance at the ‘How’ column of Table 115 shows. Obtaining the best match possible between the visitors’ interests on the one hand and perspectives and contexts on the other is expected to increase visitor satisfaction and to facilitate the museum’s educational endeavours. Conclusions The conclusion about our main question from this study is that the museums in the SCALEX consortium all promote some form of learning, from more or less straightforward history lessons to an understanding of complex ideas and trends. The target groups range from schoolchildren to art and technology professionals. The contents of the lessons concern serious matters, including the evolution and significance of technology, and the risks of misconceptions of art and technology. There is also ample room for emotion, which is functional in acquiring more profound and lasting insights, or part of the content matter itself, e.g. the future shock. It would seem that all our museums deliberately attempt to break with an overly cerebral tradition and are inventive when it comes to answering challenges posed by subjects and presentation. They do not eschew the controversial, and they have a sound fascination for the interactive, personally involving, memorable multimedia exhibits. Solutions to the challenges include spatial, technical and personnel provisions. Technical solutions, art installations, technical devices to experiment and play with, may evoke states that pretty closely approximate the ‘techno-pleasures’ that Rune Klevjer discusses in the sections playing the machine, bodily sensations, Cyborg fantasy and explorative trance of his chapter on games in this volume. Some of the museums qualify these as entertaining, by which they probably mean something like engaging or exciting. However, it is also clear that they all want to stay away from the attraction-like variant of entertainment. In that sense they remain true to the ideals of the conventional museum, however different they are from the average museum, and may be easily set apart from theme parks and entertainment parks. SCALEX visitor research The SCALEX system was developed according to principles of user-centred design (van Wely & van der Veer 2000; Mayhew 1994). Before any line of code was written, potential users, that is, visitors of SCALEX-supported exhibitions were consulted about their wishes. Of course, we cannot expect that museum visitors can conjure up for the system designer a picture of what a support system should look like, but they can tell what they expect from exhibitions, distinguishing needs and wishes that are usually met from ones that are not. Interviewing test visitors, while presenting them with a simple

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scenario or a simulation of a system-supported visit, helps them to consider shortcomings of usual exhibitions and reflect on what they would really want. Study 116 The aim of this small-scale study was to inspire concept developers, and system and user interface designers, by offering them a structured view of visitor requirements in terms of general motivations and concrete needs, fears, fantasies and dreams. The aim was not to gather data that could be generalized to any population of museum visitors. However, for the purposes of the present chapter, the data illustrate the range of ideal experiences and the individual differences among visitors. Nine test visitors were invited to visit a museum. They were presented with scenarios of a museum visit, consisting of a description of what an imaginary person might see, experience and do on his or her way through a SCALEX-supported exhibition.17 The persona-based scenarios were read aloud, and illustrations of views of artwork in museum rooms and the touch screen of a handheld device were simultaneously presented. Test visitors were asked to elaborate on the scenario by indicating what they liked about events and actions and why. Additional interviews were taken in situ (Jordan 1996). In addition, they were asked how presentations might be altered and improved and why. Their contributions were analysed according to various content categories. Here we discuss information needs, desired emotional experiences and the ideal museum experience as envisioned by test visitors. Information needs, fears and fantasies: It became abundantly clear that most test visitors have a need for information and learning that is insufficiently met by current presentations. A minority of statements referred to information overload, but the vast majority dealt with a lack of information. The knowledge items most needed were information about details of objects (context-sensitive information), information used in comparing or contrasting one object with another in order to detect unique versus generalized features (related works) and stories about the artist’s intentions. These findings parallel those obtained in other visitor studies (Marsh 2000). However, what individual visitors wanted to know, and what they considered ‘sufficient and clear’, varied greatly. This concerned, first, what they found interesting, e.g. historical backgrounds, style, biographical stories etc. Second, there were differences as to depth of information. For instance, a visitor interested in historical background might want to know what a particular costume says about the represented person’s status, whereas another might want to see contrasting costumes that are not depicted but would contribute to an understanding of the underlying codes. Emotion in learning: In this small-scale study the information needed by test visitors may be interpreted as functional for the richness of and personal touch to the aesthetic and historical experience, rather than just contributing to professionally sanctioned ‘official’ knowledge. To give a few examples: ■ The desired context-sensitive information supports acute sensory experiences by guiding attention to relevant details

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■ Information about the artist’s intention facilitates virtual communication with a historical person, era or community ■ Clear and sufficient general information about the object enhances intellectual enjoyment of discovering structure, function and meaning of the object What is less clearly visible from the selected statements is that information needs, wishes and fantasies and information uses seem to be modelled upon experience of Internet use. It is not surprising that our informants, confronted as they were with an imaginary information system, tended to identify system support with the Web, or more precisely, hypertext-functionality. It seemed natural for them to have choices all the time, of using or not using information functions, choosing rubrics, and determining their own depth level of information. This is another manifestation of the coupling of learning with feeling. Self-determination of learning goes along with pleasant feelings of autonomy and control, as has been shown in other qualitative visitor research as well (e.g. Csikszentmiahlyi & Robertson 1990; Marsh 2000). In fact, test visitors often indicated that current museum information lags behind the possibilities that they have come to see as self-evidently useful. These visitors appeared to find it only natural that the information that they want is there, behind the user interface, without wondering about the efforts required to get it there, or considering the problem of choices that conservators and other museum staff inevitably have to make. In addition, the evaluation of proposed SCALEX functions also revealed that visitors seek for ways to make learning less cumbersome – bookmark and route functions were found attractive because they facilitate remembering and planning – and are even fun. An example of the latter proposed by one of the test visitors is that a quiz function would be a great help in intensifying looking and learning. Another proposed a possibility to ‘talk back’ to the makers of an exhibition, asking why they selected certain items. Given the observation that our test visitors clearly want learning-with-feeling, it may come as a surprise that, generally speaking, the information that they wanted is pretty close to what museums would want to offer. The artist’s background and intentions, related works, context sensitive information and so on, are part of the knowledge that is considered core business, because it relates directly to the collection of objects and the knowledge about these that is valued by the professional museum community. It may be that our visitors had information in mind that looks ‘popularized’ to some academic expert. An emphasis on ‘artist intention’ – at the cost of authorized factual information – will be conceived by some as trading valuable art historical knowledge for superficial interpretation and anecdotal storytelling.18 But there were also clear limits to the test visitor’s information needs, unrelated to the works of art and objects. For example, the gossip function offered in one of the scenarios, based on the persona Lotte, an adolescent high school student, was not popular with the informants. Only the lookalike of Lotte, the youngest participant in the study, found it appealing. The ideal experience according to visitors. Some of the functionality and knowledge needs mentioned by test visitors were manifestations of more profound goals and

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attitudes relating to their motivation to visit museums at all. This was clear from the way they were stated, or they popped up in the final interview, in which we inquired explicitly about ultimate motives and ideal experiences. The following aspects of desired or cherished experiences were repeatedly mentioned: ■ Emotion, including experiencing beauty, authentic objects and personal feelings such as inspiration and involvement with the object and its significance. ■ Entertainment, a word used by only one test visitor. Others used words like fun, or ‘not boring’. Many statements in the final interviews were about a lively experience, and comments at the proposed support functions also expressed a desire for vividness. ■ Learning, varying as to the degree to which ‘official’ knowledge, is wanted, as we have seen. ■ Independent exploration and discovery. This is a kind of learning, but it may be considered separately because some test visitors hinted at an experience of a personal quest. ■ Seeking silence was only mentioned explicitly a few times, but is a well-known motive for museum visits. Some people seek an encounter or something like a spiritual experience with historical objects, one so personal that it should be enjoyed in isolation. These findings may be linked to preferred visitor experiences known from previous research on museum experiences. In a number of studies evidence was found of preference dimensions that can be interpreted as originating in a distinction between more introverted and more extraverted experiences. Introverted experiences consist of comprehension of abstract concepts through observation and thinking. In extraverted ones, concrete impressions gathered by active experimentation prevail.19 (Note that we are not referring to personality differences, or to quality of experience, when using the introversion-extraversion distinction.) The latter type of experience lends itself more to sharing with others than the former. Seeking silence, personal feelings and perhaps learning the more official knowledge would seem to be more introverted experiences, whereas entertainment, involvement with objects and learning less-authorized knowledge may be part of more extraverted experiences. Conclusions of Study 1 This study illustrated the variety of needs, fears, wishes and dreams that visitors of museums may have. For many, current museum visits may lack intensity. They want more information, more autonomy in learning, a higher rate of impressions, explicit on the spot instruction and vividness of the experience. The sought intensity has a lot to do with emotional experience based on a personal meaningfulness. In fact, the distinction between learning and emotional experience is hard to draw. Emotionally charged intensity of learning may border on entertainment. However, we rarely met with wishes of pure entertainment, obtaining only one expression of it in our youngster. Our test visitor’s suggestion, it would seem, is rather that entertainment in the museum

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is not a side-attraction. It resides in the objects, in the information, in their joint presentation and in an active role of the visitors themselves vis-à-vis objects and information. Finally, what the visitors want does not imply a break with traditional museum practice. Canonical stories about what art and heritage objects mean are clearly wanted as well as professional knowledge and explanation. And there should be room for the contemplation and sincere and quiet study of valuable items. Although the scale of the study was limited, we have conceived the results as a plea for personalization of museum visits. Visitors want to find what they desire, and that may be different from the very general, inter- or impersonal presentation of objects offered currently. In addition we were struck by the impression that the Internet, with its unlimited information and free navigation is the information-cum-entertainment model for visitors, although what is possibly a minority, but an important one, might prefer to be left to themselves, removed from information overload. But it should be kept in mind that our test visitors were not a representative sample of the visitor population.20 Studies 2 and 321 Studies 2 and 3 were meant to cast further light on the desire for autonomy in visitors that emerged as a trend from the scenario research. The previous study suggested that visitors want a selection of objects and information that is tailored to their personal interests. It is important, therefore, for system developers to know how visitors should be assigned to the proper subset of objects and to information that matches their needs and wishes. Profiling is a procedure that is becoming popular in Internet business. Customers give answers to a short questionnaire in order to provide a server system with information about them. They are then classified by the system as bearers of a profile that can be further refined by adding data about their consumer behaviour. We built an interactive simulation of a simple exhibition in a film museum, in which visitors go to rooms where they can view films. Before entering the first room, films and descriptions were selected, using the system. There were three methods of selection: ■ The visitor answered one set of questions, resulting in a choice by the system (opaque profiling). ■ The visitor chose from a complete list of available items with some explanation (no profiling). ■ The visitor made a selection in steps, the system narrowing down choices at each step (medium profiling). Once in the rooms, visitors could either select and play the movies themselves or they could leave both selection and playing to the visitor support system. We registered satisfaction with the three versions of the visitor support system that varied with the degree of control left to the visitor.

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For Study 2, 64 test visitors were selected, varying with regard to age, gender and frequency of museum visits. Thirty-two students of two Amsterdam high schools participated in Study 3. The schools differed as to home background of the students (predominantly Dutch versus predominantly from immigrant families). The results of both studies showed that a large majority of almost a hundred test visitors judged all three interactive simulations more attractive and useful than a traditional exhibition. Furthermore, a majority of test visitors preferred access to the objects without being assigned to any profile by the support system. They also massively preferred autonomy in selecting and playing materials. These results may be taken to mean that, although visitors do want objects and information that they find personally interesting, they dislike delegating control to a support system. However, it turned out that some immigrant students, mostly from Turkish and Moroccan families, preferred more guidance, i.e. they preferred profiling by the system and being presented with preselected movies by the system much more often than the autonomous alternative. They also spent more time at actually watching the movies. Finally, the students from Dutch homes played somewhat more with films and options than their immigrant fellows and stated that they wanted to be in control of their visit. They also showed a higher awareness of the simulation, which explains in part the difference in attention spent to the contents. Conclusions of Studies 2 and 3 The two studies point in the same direction as the scenario research, but they also add some nuance to the picture obtained in Study 1. First, the craving for personal meaning and learning that we met in Study 1 is clearly not met by telling visitors what they are assumed to like. Profiling without and even with participation of the visitor is not appreciated. Even though one of the test visitors in the scenario research came up with a vision of the computer telling him what he would like to see, confronting visitors with a system that knows best, or makes sequential decisions, tended to created a lack of understanding and even frustration. Informants complained that they wanted to know what was there to choose from, and, once they were profiled, they expressed an urge to know what they had missed. The autonomy motive was, therefore, stronger than the need for guidance, at least as implemented in this experiment. Further research is needed in order to establish what ways of guidance are not experienced as a sort of Big Brother control. Second, the idea that visitors find interactive exhibitions more attractive and useful than traditional ones is in line with a desire for more involving and self-controlled learning. It was concluded from interviews that attractiveness had to do with autonomy and a potential for free exploration, adding to one’s personal involvement and rewarding curiosity. Qualitative evidence for this preference seemed stronger in youngsters than in older informants. The need for autonomy and personal involvement in learning may have been acquired or strengthened by Internet use. The idea of SCALEX is already reminiscent of Web-applications and the method used, an interactive Flash simulation,

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undoubtedly contributed to the ‘hypertext feel’ of the test exhibition. The slight differences between younger and older informants in preference for the test exhibition may be explained in part by differential uses of Internet and in part by age related, more profound, motivation factors. Third, the importance of the immigrant students’ different opinion can hardly be underestimated. The effect was of a maximal strength. It may be that cultural differences in the appraisal of the test situation as such have played a role. Also, it is known that immigrant children have less access to Internet provisions than children from Dutch families. But the overall impression was that these students felt a stronger need for guidance. This may also be a culturally determined attitude in youngsters from the cultures represented in our test visitor group, e.g. less resistance to more directive forms of guidance, or a preference for more introverted experiences. These may be supplied by the museum, or alternatively, more effort may be given to invite and stimulate more autonomous learning. But another explanation is a more general lack of common ground between what museums have to offer – including, in our case, the historical movies that were the content of the test exhibition – and what immigrant children know and find attractive a priori. In that case guidance may not be the best support to offer, but rather additional information and materials that bridge the cultural gap. Further research is needed to disentangle the two motives. However, we believe that they both deserve to be taken in mind when designing the museum of the future. The museum meets the visitor in SCALEX The experiences that museums partaking in the SCALEX project want to offer and the ones demanded by the visitor seem to meet, very globally speaking. The visitors’ desire for intense experiences may be answered by the museums’ core business: collecting and preserving cultural content that is worth seeing and remembering. For the art centres the content itself has a high-intensity potential because it consists of new, possibly controversial and even provocative views and developments and, last but not least, of intriguing examples of works of art. Finding forms of presentation that maximally exploit these content features seems to be the challenge that has to be met, and technology such as SCALEX may lend a helping hand in achieving the right solutions. The optimistic perspective fits their visitors to the degree that they are equipped to appreciate the developments that are being exposed and produced, that is, a rather erudite audience. To those who are new to the international art culture, e.g. schoolchildren and, a fortiori, immigrants from outside the industrialized countries, even the most sensational trends in art and technology may remain devoid of meaning and interest as long as no information is offered that fills the gap, and it remains to be seen whether adding explanation only during a visit can suffice. For these visitors the entertainment is clearly less in the objects and the information, let alone in the discourse informing these. Also, the more challenging ways of presenting objects and information may be lost on them. The technical museum, which is much closer to the prototypical culture-historical museum, has another type of content that is ‘sensational’ and therefore able to attract sustained interest from its visitors. It is packed with awe-

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inspiring examples of lost technology, stories of success, failure and unlimited ambition. The challenge here may be to deepen the learning, for instance, to place less obvious objects within the visitors’ experience, and to convey more remote background information, e.g. views from various disciplinary angles. Visitors from other cultures, e.g. schoolchildren with an immigrant home background, may be as impressed as others, but may need extra information, to the extent that they are unaware of relevant local historical facts and trends. TMW have extensively experimented with SCALEX’ personalization functions in their exhibition Wienblick, where locals and non-locals each got different information on historical buildings and sites. Special interests (historical, architecture etc.) were also served by offering different tours. We may conclude from our limited studies and our limited viewpoint that both museums and visitors do distinguish entertainment in learning from entertaining tout court. In pure entertainment the visitor experience is divorced from learning about and appreciating objects and information. Our museums go a long way in making learning more personal, intimate and even fun. But pure entertainment functions are not appreciated. Visitors do want more involvement, stronger feeling and more immediate reward of curiosity, but fun, which is too remotely associated with the objects, and knowledge, is not sought, except by some youngsters. However, we have to stress that our test informants did not include people who never visit museums and in order to attract these, or seduce them to pay a visit, the more drastic measure of offering entertainment alongside exhibitions as a side attraction, may be mandatory. Fragmentation and convergence in learning and entertainment In concluding this contribution, we attempt to evaluate the relevance of our research for the question of media fragmentation and convergence in a changing Europe, the topic of the present volume. Are the views of learning and entertainment that we observed in the SCALEX museums particular to the countries involved? And how do they fit in larger international trends? The answers that we suggest are tentative and are not connected to our data other than by a thin line of speculative interpolation. The functions collection, conservation and study that we described as the core of traditional museum culture were once called into existence as a corollary of national agendas. The first museums as we know them today were institutions that served to support the idea of a nation state, by (re-)constructing a common past of a regional community and furthering a shared knowledge and awareness of the past. European and American museums developed as sites of national heritage. During the twentieth century, museums became more international, because of trends in the arts and in the sciences of art and art history. In many cases an exclusive emphasis on the national past gave way to studying international relations in the history of art and culture. Internationalization of organizations is perhaps as important as that of content. Even though national museums have a firm position within their countries and, in part, still

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function as centres of national heritage, the leading ones are also members of international associations, furthering all sorts of collaboration ranging from exchange of expertise and works of art and culture to the joint production of exhibitions. We can duly speak of a global community of museums, largely informal in nature, but sharing approximately the same values, standards and views all over Europe and the US. The museums taking part in SCALEX are all part of subnetworks of the global museum community. They share the view that a museum is an institute for learning, enabled by communication of knowledge according to professional standards and not for entertainment. It is as probable that our museums are in the avant-garde of the global museum community, in terms of awareness of trends in the arts, technology and culture and, also, as their attention to visitor needs and wishes is concerned. Museum visitors are people who take part in various cultures. One of these is undoubtedly global consumer culture that is in many ways diametrically opposed to global museum culture. Entertainment in a strict sense holds a central place in this culture. According to mainstream conceptions of it, entertainment is primarily geared towards getting pleasure at low cost: one of its conditions is that content lacks personal relevance. We should not run any personal risk in entertaining ourselves, in the first place: gambling is fun as long as you do not walk away from the table with lasting debts. And entertainment drama is less entertaining when actors suddenly start talking as real people to one or more persons in the audience. Art, on the other hand, can have a personal impact that is not always pleasurable, and historical knowledge can, likewise, be the cause of a painful confrontation with shortcomings of our ancestors, of the tradition we live in and even of mankind. Another, related, condition of entertainment is that content should not be official, authoritative or obligatory in any sense. The attractiveness of popular entertainment fare is associated with its entire lack of sanctioned meaning, derived from official knowledge that we have to learn in school. Global consumer culture is a powerful one. The place of national and international cultural heritage with its claims of historical legitimacy is taken by industrially produced popular content, lacking any claim of historical grounding. Study and learning in museums have their often more attractive and more readily available counterpart in entertainment by television, film and games and by Internet surfing. Museum visitors do not entirely or exclusively identify with this culture, for, if they did, they would probably not belong to the population category visitors. It is not too difficult to identify traces of global consumer culture in our visitor study in the firm expectation that knowledge ought to be just one click away. This expectation may very well be an artefact of the method of study where test visitors were presented with an imagined hand-held computer in a museum visit scenario but we suspect that the need for emotional intensity is not. Neither are expectations of immediacy of service, autonomy in setting goals of instruction, and a certain resistance to official histories the ultimate hallmark of popular entertainment culture. It is conspicuous that at least some of the visitors in our studies were emphatically seeking personal meaning, and that personal meaning and involvement invoked strong feelings, including the need for fun. But it is important to recognize that museum visitors are part of global consumer culture, and

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some more than others.22 It could be expected that the new Europeans, arriving from Africa and Asia will often more readily become participants in global consumer culture than in global museum culture. However, our third visitor study revealed that at least some of them prefer the traditional museum visit, probably with more explanation, to the Internet-like free surfing and active-choice style. We have seen that it may be possible to reconcile the two cultures at least in part. A demand for undiluted entertainment cannot be met, but a great deal more pleasure in learning might be achieved when the visitor is afforded more control and autonomy. Breaking up a uniform presentation into those that appeal to a diversity of visitor categories would also be an improvement to this end. The real challenge is to find the optimum between two extremes. One extreme is the same story for all, one that excludes major segments of the population, and the other is everybody’s personal story, utterly destroying the idea of a single community for all.23 Our results suggest that a double bifurcation in the presentation of objects and information may be required. The first is between a guided presentation, which has explanation according to a more or less fixed schema as its main characteristic and free exploration. The second bifurcation is in free exploration only. This consists of a choice between completely free-roaming and discovery on the one hand and on the other, multiple-choice information and presentation styles aimed at special interests, temperaments etc. Whatever palette of choices is opted for, a lot of mediation is required in order to help the visitor learn pleasurably. Having an army of well-trained guides, knowledgeable about both the museum’s subject matter and visitor psychology, would probably be the best solution. An adaptive support system may be second best, for the time being at considerable length, but somewhat cheaper. From our limited view the museum of the future looks like a collection of places, some of them virtual, including a library, a place of worship and a club. Notes 1. Ed Tan was employed at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam when Study 1 was carried out. 2. The authors are indebted to a great number of people who participated in the research. We would like to thank the colleagues from the museum partners in the SCALEX project: Sabine Himmelsbach, Anke Hoffmann, Eva Kühn, Otmar Moritsch, Dietmar Offenhuber, Adèle Eisenstein, Brigitte Rauter for their contributions to this paper. The research reported in Study 1 was carried out by Mick de Neeve and Guido Stulemeijer. Tim Voors (Lost Boys) designed the artwork for the scenarios. We are grateful for the support that we received from two schools in Amsterdam, Herman Wesselink College and Hervomd Lyceum West. None of these persons is responsible for conclusions, views, let alone possible errors that this contribution contains. 3. SCALEX (SCALable EXhibition server) is a part of the Information Technologies Society actions of the Fifth Framework programme sponsored by the European Commission. (Number IST-2001-35103.) (For an introduction to the Fifth Framework Programme and its relevance for European museums and other cultural heritage institutions, see Smith (2002).) The project started in April 2002 and was finished in June 2004. The aim of the project was to develop a set of tools for the creation and presentation of exhibitions in museums, adding rich multimedia content. Partners in the project were Fachhochschule Joanneum, Graz;

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4. 5.

6.

7. 8.

9.

10.

11.

12. 13.

14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

19.

ASCoR, Univerity of Amsterdam, Amsterdam; Johannes Kepler University, Linz; Joanneum Research, Graz; Lost Boys Ltd, Amsterdam; ADM, Graz; Ars Electronica, Linz; C3 Center for Culture and Communication, Budapest; Zentrum für Kunst und Medientechnologie, Karlsruhe; Narodni Technicke Muzeum, Prague; Technisches Museum Wien; and Institut für Film und Bild in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, Grünwald. This approach is also acclaimed by museum innovators wishing to expand the role of technology; see, for instance, Knerr (2000). There is no ‘Europeanness’ in computer games, as Rune Klevjer observed in the previous chapter, and there is no national cultural heritage in them either. Instead, they conform to a fictional aesthetics that is by nature a cultural hybrid, mixing elements from mostly American and Japanese popular culture, according to the golden rule of ‘anything goes’ (Klevjer, this volume). Philip Wright’s (1989) complaints about the lack of communication between museum educators and their public have been met in part, but most of these are still valid in a large number of museums. Using a psychological term they could be called episodic memories, as opposed to more abstract, categorical memories, usually called semantic. The term was coined by the historian of culture Johan Huizinga in his inaugural lecture Het aesthetisch bestanddeel van geschiedkundige voorstellingen (The aesthetic ingredient of historical imagery), Groningen 1905. See, for instance, Peter Greenhalgh’s treatment on the difference between France and England concerning the acceptance of pleasure and entertainment as key elements of a museum visit, already visible in the attitudes towards the great exhibitions of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It is illustrative that some museums are reluctant to use temporary exhibitions that they associate with blockbuster policy and with an overemphasis on emotion and spectacle. This view has been very influential, but today it is not common any more. (McCann Morley 2001). Science museums appear to be forerunners in this respect. Many of them are trying out combinations of play, discovery and learning by experimenting. As a consequence, the distinction between science museums and science centres may become fuzzy. Science centres have made emotional experience and entertainment into indispensable conditions of learning (Bradburne 1998). By ‘regular museums’ we refer to institutions classified by UNESCO. See Stephen (2001) for an overview of attempts to find a new balance between education and entertainment functions of museum buildings; and Greenhalgh (1989) for a historical illustration of the search for a balance in late-nineteenth-century Europe. Reported in Rohde, Haberz and Kipcak (2002). See http://home.medewerker.uva.nl/e.s.h.tan/. Reported in Tan et al. (2002). For a treatment of scenario research, see Carroll (2000). For the use of personas in scenarios, Cooper (2000). See, for instance, Ebert-Schifferer (2002), who considers recent art history books, well written and methodologically sound, as a bridge between art historical scholarship and the general public’s curiosity. The following three studies support the relevance of a distinction between introverted and extraverted experiences. From the results of a survey of six hundred visitors of the Metropolitan Museum in New York, by Smith and Wolf (1996), it may be inferred that the introverted style is strongly associated with a higher knowledge of art, more abstract thinking, longer views of single objects and information, less need of entertainment and learning, and

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21. 22.

23.

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a tendency to plan a visit. An extraverted style is associated with a lower level of knowledge of art, more concrete thinking, shorter views of many objects and information items, a higher need of entertainment and learning, and less planning behaviour. Hinton (1999) carried out a very interesting study of preferences for exhibits at the Victoria and Albert Museum (offering information or affording activity of a more concrete or abstract nature) and visitor behaviour (doing vs. looking). Visitors of a Discovery Area were asked about their learning styles. Hinton found partial support for the validity of two learning style dimensions, active experimentation vs. reflective observation and abstract vs. concrete. A most compelling finding is that those visitors with the most reflective and abstract style had more frequent episodes of uninterrupted looking and less frequent episodes of active exploration, which was afforded by a larger number of exhibits. Simplifying the results of this study somewhat, we may recognize one underlying introversion (abstract, reflection) vs. extraversion dimension (concrete, experimentation). (It should be added that Hinton’s starting point was that this dimension is, in fact, an oversimplification if we attempt to cover individual learning styles relevant for museum visits.) Finally, we would like to mention a comparative study of visitors of permanent installations of museums on the one hand and of temporary exhibitions on the other by Zammuner and Testa (2002). It would seem that the visitors of temporary exhibitions (group TE) preferred more extraverted experiences, whereas those visiting permanent (group PE) sought more introverted experiences. Self-report measures revealed that the TE visitors divided their attention more evenly across objects, had a less profound interest in art and in the exhibited works and saw their visit more as an excuse for a small trip and as a fashionable pastime, and less as a natural consequence of being in a city with a rich cultural life and history. When asked to compare the visited art institute with other social institutions, TE visitors more frequently mentioned a social club, a theatre and other institutions more often than PE visitors, whereas the latter ones more often mentioned a church and a library as most similar. Finally, the conceptual association with the visited institute that visitors had also allows for an interpretation of differences between the two groups in terms of introversion-extraversion. The visited museum was more strongly associated with ‘worldliness’, ‘novelty’ and ‘a crowd’ by TE visitors, and more strongly often with art, silence and antiquity by PE visitors. At least one other study has shown that regular visitors of an exhibition prefer authorative historical narratives to multimedia functions combined with a random presentation (Lisus and Ericson 1999). However, due to the content of the exhibition (titled ‘Art for a Nation’) visitors in this study may have been extremely interested in history and more in favour of a presentation along traditional educational lines than the average museum visitor. Reported in Oinonen et al. 2004. In our studies, we deal with differences among museum visitors in Austria, Germany, Hungary and Czechia. One relevant distinction between them has to do with the establishment of global consumer culture, which arrived only lately in Hungary and Czechia, but has developed since the late 1940s at least in Germany and Austria. This extreme individualization scenario of responding to globalization has been described by Beck (2000, pp. 147–145) does away with imagined geographical communities such as Europe. Beck makes a plea for countering the social fragmentation and exclusion inherent in this scenario (2000, esp. pp. 161–163).

References Beck, U. (2000), What is globalisation, Cambridge, Polity Press. Bradburne, J. M. (1998), ‘Dinosaurs and white elephants: The science centre in the twentieth century’. Public Understanding of Science, 7, pp. 237–253.

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Carroll, J. M. (2000), Making use: Scenario-based design of human-computer interactions. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press. Cooper, A. (2000), The inmates are running the asylum. Indianapolis, SAMS. Csikszentmihalyi, M. & Robertson, R. E. (1990), The art of seeing. Malibu, Getty Museum. Ebert-Schifferer, S. (2002), ‘Art history and its audience: A matter of gaps and bridges’ pp. 44–51, in Haxthausen, C.W. (ed.) The two art histories New Haven, Yale University Press. Greenhalgh, P. (1989), ‘Education, entertainment and politics: Lessons from the great international exhibitions’, pp. 74–98 in Vergo, P. (ed.) The new museology London, Reaktion. Hinton, M. (1999), ‘The Victoria and Albert Museum Silver Galleries II: Learning style and interpretation preference in the Discovery Area’. Museum Management and Curatorship, 17: 3 pp. 253–294. Jordan, B. (1996), ‘Ethnographic workplace study and CSCW’, pp. 17–42, in Shapiro, D., Tauber, M. J. and Traunmuller, R. (eds.) The design of computer supported collaborative work and groupware systems Amsterdam, Elsevier Science. Knerr, G. (2000), ‘Technology, museums, new publics, new partners’. Museum International, 52: 4 pp. 8–13. Lisus, N. A. and Ericson, R. V. (1999), ‘Authorizing art: The effect of multimedia formats on the museum experience’. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 36: 2 pp. 199–216. Marsh, C. (2000), Visitors as learners: The role of emotions. ASTC Resource Center. http: //www.astc.org/resource/learning/marsh.htm. First uploaded 2000. Mayhew, D. J. (1994), The usability engineering life cycle. A practitioner’s handbook for user interface design. San Francisco, Morgan Kaufmann. McCann Morley, G. L. (2001), ‘Museums and temporary exhibitions’. Museum International, 53: 4, pp. 56–59. Oinonen, K., Tan, E., Artinger, V., & Wiedner, C. (2004), Evaluation of Input (Visitors), Technical Report SLX-D 2.6.1-UVA-001-01, version 3. Rohde, T., Haberz, N., & Kipcak, O. (2002), End user requirements document. Technical Report SLX-D 2.1.1-ADM-003-01. Rojek, C. (2000), Leisure and culture. London, Macmillan. Smith, B. (2002), ‘Digital heritage and cultural content in Europe’. Museum International, 54: 4 pp. 41–51. Smith, J. K. and Wolf, L. F. (1996), ‘Museum visitor preferences and intentions in constructing aesthetic experience’. Poetics, 24 pp. 219–238. Stephen, A. (2001), ‘The contemporary museum and leisure: Recreation as a museum function’. Museum management and curatorship, 19: 3 pp. 297–308. Tan, E., de Neeve, M., Stulemeijer, G., Raijmakers, B., Schavemakers, F., Voors, T., Nieuwendijk, S., van der Veer, G., Chisalita, C., and Hoorn, J. (2002), Report on scenario-based visitor survey. A qualitative study of what museum visitors might want SCALEX to do. Techical Report SLXD2.1.1-VUA/LB-007-01. van Wely, M. and van der Veer, G. C., (2000), ‘Structured methods and creativity: A happy Dutch marriage’, Collaborative Design. Proceedings of CoDesigning London, Springer, pp. 111–119. Wiedner, C., Kipcak, O., Oinonen, K., and Tan, E. (2003), Evaluation of Input (Museums). Technical report SLX-D2.5.1-ADM-001-01. Wright, P. (1989), ‘The quality of visitors’ experiences in art museums’, in Vergo, P. (ed.), The new museology . London: Reaktion, pp. 119–148. Zammuner, V. L. and Testa, A. (2002), ‘Similarities and differences in perceptions and motivations of museum and temporary exhibit visitors’. Visual Arts Research, 27: 1 pp. 89–95.

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The mediatization of knowledge and communication ‘E-learning’ is given much attention in European policies. Aiming at a so-called ‘knowledge society’, it is generally assumed that – in the words of Peter Drucker – ‘…knowledge has become the capital of a developed economy, and knowledge workers the group that sets society’s values and norms…’ (Drucker 1989: 169). In parallel, it is assumed that knowledge can and should be transformed into a commodity within a growing knowledge industry, and that it could be mediatized as something, which, according to this assumption, under the label of e-learning can be disseminated through digital communication channels. Many of these assumptions are questionable and insufficient. It is still not understood in which way ‘knowledge’ functions as capital, or how knowledge should be conceptualized in this special context. However, it is quite obvious that knowledge cannot be defined as an essence that can be ‘disseminated’ through distribution channels. But even though knowledge is being placed in the centre of society, and even though the commodification and mediatization of knowledge are considered to be fundamental means for the realisation of the so-called knowledge society, little has been done in relation to actually understanding the nature of knowledge in this new social context or the effects of mediatizing knowledge and learning. This section on ICT and learning proposes a communication perspective on these issues. The section focuses on the use of ICT perceived as media in new forms of education. From this media and communication perspective follows a critique of ‘elearning’ in ‘the knowledge society’ along three lines: ■ a mediatization critique ■ a knowledge theory critique ■ an organizational critique

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Before summarizing the following three chapters, the European e-learning policy context should be briefly presented. E-learning policies Regarding European e-learning policies, the systematic analysis undertaken by research assistant Roxana Ologeanu of the official European Commission and member-state documentation, is revealing. Almost all of these documents highlight what is perceived as a necessary modernization of our education systems; more importantly, they emphasize a range of objectives such as: the development of lifelong learning; the need for partnerships (especially between public bodies and private companies with a view to creating a sustainable content industry) and the desirability of the adoption of a digital culture. Higher education does not come in for any particular treatment, with recommendations here differing very little, despite the autonomy enjoyed by the universities. For its part, the e-learning programme specifically designed for higher education does take into account a number of objectives, such as employability, the flexibility of labour markets and the reduction of training costs. It should, however, be noted that although e-learning here is regarded as complementary to and not as a substitute for face-to-face teaching, pointing towards blended learning models, the long-term perspective is ambitious. It is an underlying assumption that the many current e-learning projects contained in the programme will pave the way for the realization of the long-term vision of a virtual European university. Institutional changes of universities Whether this ambitious goal is realistic and desirable or not, there is still a long way to go before it is reached. A study for the European Commission on Virtual Models of European Universities shows that most universities in Europe are ‘still at the stage where the use of ICT consists of treating the computer as a sophisticated typewriter’, although changes on ICT and learning are on their way (Rambøll 2004: ii). The study concludes that 18% of the 200 replying universities could be characterized as ‘front runners’ in terms of the use of ICT in their organization and education, including extended cooperation with other universities and suppliers. The rest of the institutions in this survey showed various degrees of co-operation, self-sufficiency and scepticism about ICT in learning. Accordingly, within the institutions ICT is used more often for organizational purposes than for teaching as such (Collis & van der Wende 2003: 31). This implies that, in the years to come, higher education institutions in Europe will be challenged to integrate ICT more deeply into their core processes and organization, and to develop strategies for effectively educating their students for the new social context (van der Wende & van der Ven 2003). This is the background for the present book section: The dissemination of e-learning in higher education in Europe will be given high priority during the years to come. Consequently, a critical theory of e-learning is required. However, because of the widespread scepticism in relation to these aims,

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analytical tools have not been developed to critically reflect on this process. In this section, three perspectives are suggested: Firstly, the dissemination of e-learning will represent a new phase within the mediatization of education. Of course, teaching has always been mediatised, be it through formal lectures in lecture halls, books, notes or examination reports. But the introduction of e-learning, for instance, through compulsory learning management programmes, may not only speed up this process, but also qualitatively change the mediatization of education. In the chapter by Bernard Miège, e-learning is analysed within a communication and mediatization perspective. Secondly, this process will influence the ‘product’ of education, i.e. knowledge. Lars Qvortrup analyses e-learning within a knowledge perspective. Knowledge is defined and categorized within a sociological context and the implications for the understanding of e-learning within a knowledge perspective are analysed. Thirdly, the dissemination of e-learning will affect the organization of universities. In the chapter by Knut Lundby and Päivi Hovi-Wasastjerna, based on a comparative study, different university strategies in relation to the uptake of e-learning are identified, and potential impacts on university culture are discussed. The mediatization critique The mediatization process of education, and particularly of the university sector, is not a new development; indeed, it has been around for a considerable time, according to the scholars of the technology of education. Its beginnings go right back to the time when documents and other teaching aides were first used to complement and enhance the educative act. For over a century debate has raged, on occasions acrimoniously, between those for whom the pedagogical act and the transmission of knowledge is defined by and limited to the teacher-learner relationship alone, and those who see technology as an obvious vector of this relationship. This particular difference of opinion became all the more acute when the relevant authorities decided to promote seriously information and communication technologies, more often than not designed and presented as an adjunct to teachers themselves, if not as substitutes. At university, lecturers are now strongly encouraged to make their lectures available online and to create specifically online lecture materials, as well as all sorts of other electronic resources made possible by the continuous updating of software and other IT tools. Thus innovation is certainly taking place. But we would be wrong to predict a proliferation of especially created online lectures, or of entirely virtual courses; this is a step too far, that no one now dares suggest at present. Forecasts are becoming noticeably more cautious and sober, with a whole host of cultural, socio-economic and political reasons accounting for the fact that the earlier hopes for e-learning, and other educational technologies, have been revised downwards.

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It is still the case that the mediatization of university teaching is underway; but we should not expect radical or rapid change. Instead, progress will be slow, contradictory, uneven, and certainly controversial, since the matter is too complex and the technology generally inadequate. The teaching activities of universities are, in fact, simply too complicated and diverse to lend themselves to simple ‘modelization’ at realistic costs. The knowledge theory critique ‘E-learning’ is given much attention in European convergence policies. Also, great changes have occurred, from earlier dissemination metaphors (e-learning as ‘distance learning’) to contemporary ideas of collaborative learning networks, digital portfolios, interactive simulation applications or virtual classrooms. Still, however, our understanding of e-learning and our ability to distinguish between different types of elearning based on pedagogical criteria are lagging behind. Which types of learning are stimulated? Which knowledge forms are supported? Does e-learning, in the classical conceptualization of Gilbert Ryle, support knowing-what or knowing-how? It is a basic point that the technological convergence is combined with a pedagogical differentiation of e-learning models and applications. In this article a pedagogical (i.e. not technological) e-learning typology based on knowledge theory is presented, referring on the one hand to the book’s initial meta-theoretical considerations, and on the other hand to the empirically oriented articles on e-learning. Also, suggestions concerning the development of European e-learning policies are presented. The organizational critique The EU study on Virtual Models of European Universities concluded that the existence of an ICT strategy that encompasses the institution as a whole is crucial. The need for management focus and priority setting come to the fore. The management level is important because the fragmented organization of the universities is an obstacle. Universities with an ICT strategy are more advanced in their integration of ICT in their own administration and organization, as well as in their educational setting. The use of ICT in the organizational setting refers to how the EU universities are using ICT administratively (e.g. for supplying course information or enabling course and exam registration) and for reinforcing and supporting their organizational structures and internal and external communication (Rambøll 2004). The interest in and questioning of ICT and learning might start out from technology or from pedagogy but becomes entangled with organizational questions. They encompass strategies as well as communication practices. In this section, concepts of ‘virtual university’ and ‘flexible learning’ are explored as alternative strategies and as communication practices of ICT and learning in universities. In Europe, universities are intentionally undergoing change in line with the Bologna Declaration, aiming at mobility and flexibility. However, when the two relatively open systems of the universities and the Internet merge, they tend to further restrict access through new market mechanisms. In an inventory for the present book, research

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assistant Mette Oftebro found that new closed systems are being built; electronic versions of relevant journals on higher education, technology and education, etc. were, to a large extent, reserved for subscribers. The open and accessible journals did not pay much attention to e-learning and institutional changes of universities. Convergence – fragmentation The mediatization of knowledge dissemination, knowledge sharing and knowledge creation in higher education and the resulting organizational changes are processes within a broader context. In all European countries universities and higher education institutions are being pushed in order to transform from elite institutions into mass universities. First, however, this process happens more slowly than was expected by political bodies and manifested in the Bologna Declaration, and with complex organizational results, with some institutions supporting this trend while others resist. Second, the idea that higher education should converge into a business-like educational sector has been rightly criticized, one result being a potential fragmentation between mass and elite universities. The basic assumption of this section is that in addition to other perspectives the change of universities and the introduction of e-learning should be analysed in a media theoretical context. The ambition of the section is to suggest critical concepts for the ongoing discussion of the complex convergence and fragmentation process of the European higher education sector: From a mediatization perspective, from a knowledge theoretical perspective and from an organizational perspective. References Collis, B. and M. van der Wende (eds.) (2002), Models of Technology and Change In Higher Education. An international comparative survey on the current and future use of ICT in Higher Education. Retrieved 26 May 2003, from the World Wide Web: http: //www.utwente.nl/ cheps/publications/downloadable_publications/Downloadablesenglish.doc/. Drucker, Peter F. (1989), The New Realities. Oxford: Butterworth Heinemann. PLS Rambøll Management (2004), Studies in the Context of the E-learning Initiative: Virtual Models of European Universities (Lot 1). Copenhagen: Final Report to the EU Commission, DG Education & Culture. Wende, M. van der and M. van der Ven (eds.) (2003), The Use of ICT in Higher Education. A Mirror of Europe. Utrecht: Lemma.

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FOR A COMMUNICATIONS APPROACH TO THE USE OF ICT IN EDUCATION Bernard Miège

It is customary to offer theoretical and empirical justifications for taking a communications approach to the field of education. Yet there are many articles and studies, relating to various aspects of developments in educational institutions, which focus on communications technologies. In America and in Europe a great number of studies and official reports have attempted to identify the consequences of increased television viewing on the learning behaviours of school age children; they have also studied the impact on children of the use of personal computers once these become used more or less intensively for educational activities, both at school and at home. Similarly, researchers, particularly in the fields of didactics and educational sciences, have intervened regularly in this domain, most often in order to identify the supposed advantages – rarely the disadvantages or limitations – of the new communications technologies in the acquisition of knowledge, and in relations between pupils or students and teachers. These different perspectives all link in some way to the idea promoted in official circles that we are now entering the age of the ‘knowledge society’. It is not within the scope of this paper to evaluate all of these approaches; we will restrict ourselves to noting that most of them are closely related to initiatives or experiments championed by decision-makers at a variety of levels, whose desire to know the results of their ideas and innovations weighs on the research community as if it were hard fact and leads researchers to pose their questions in loaded terms: ‘Do personal computers help us to learn better?’ ‘Do TV images not distort or otherwise disturb the acquisition of knowledge?’ In this paper we challenge the assumptions that lead many practioners

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and researchers to pose such questions. We first question their significance and their scientific relevance, from both a communication sciences perspective and with specific regard to the field of education. Justifying a communications approach Communication sciences in Europe, however structured and from whichever institutional stable, began with the study of inter-individual relationships, the public relations of organizations, and, above all, the modus operandi of the mass media (with regard to its production, its programming and its reception). Today, these remain the dominant fields of enquiry. At the same time, the emergence of information and communication technology (ICT) and its gradual but as yet selective spread to the various social fields1 has increasingly drawn researchers towards the study of mediatized communications outside the field of the mass media. In particular, there has been a growing interest in understanding the processes by which new technologies are introduced in society and develop, particularly as this has not been a linear process and has occurred more slowly than had been imagined. Of particular interest are the ways in which uses of these new means of communicating and transmitting information are constructed. Communication science researchers engaged in these studies have confined themselves to applying analytical frameworks borrowed from the study of the mass media, in that they focus their research on the relationship with the means of communication in what amounts therefore to a media-centred approach. The fact that ICT is more interactive than the ‘traditional’ media has not altered this perspective, which we deem to be media-centric. We consider that it would be more appropriate to consider the apparent progress of the supposed ‘Information Society’ from the angle not of the different media themselves, nor that of the communication technologies which are deemed to be the cause of new processes of communication, but from the perspective of the social, cultural and political sites of the mediation process. Our theoretical point of departure is, thus, the study of change in these contexts, especially where there is evidence of new forms of mediatization as a result of the use of ICT. We are careful, however, not to artificially separate in our analysis those phenomena arising from mediatized communication from those arising from ordinary forms of communication (involving language, for example, such as body language); nor to assume that the former is replacing the latter. Yet this perspective does not in itself suffice. ICT (like the mass media) is often seen as a conduit for tighter social control, or at the very least as a channel for the exercise of power – real or symbolic – by dominant social actors. Some authors go so far as to claim that there is evidence, in the first of these scenarios, of systematic control and, in the second, of opportunities for economic and political leaders to manipulate ICT. Even though the discussion regarding the significance of such claims remains open, this dimension of communication is incontestable, contrary to the beliefs and hopes of those neo-utopian thinkers inclined to see ICT simply as a means of social auto-

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construction. It is equally important to note that this aspect is not exclusive to ICT, since in contemporary societies, mediatized communication is at one and the same time the way in which new knowledge and skills are acquired and how increasingly individualized social behaviours are expressed: communications form one of the vectors of the individualization of society. These are the questions to be borne in mind when setting out to study ICT in the field of education (and training). In one sense, education is affected just like health or culture, or the business world, by what we have chosen to call here the informationalizing of society (as opposed to its computerization). But on closer inspection we see that this global notion misses out on essential characteristics of the process. We find the study of the process by field or sector to be more enlightening, especially since the development of ICT cannot be divorced from the social changes with which it is closely linked. In this respect, education is a field that is both distinctive and of considerable interest, for a number of reasons. First, taking education as a context in which mediation occurs, today and in the past (differently in each case), education has shown itself to be particularly ‘resistant’ to the adoption of mediatized modes of learning and of the transmission of knowledge. The history of the introduction of modern technologies in education provides us with many examples of this perpetual struggle between those for whom education must only occur within the relationship between teacher and pupil, and those who have regularly championed the introduction of technology, whether as an aide to the pedagogical act or as a substitute. Whilst noting that this clash has generally worked against technology (as was the case, for example, of the last three decades of the twentieth century with the cinema, audio-visual techniques and the first stages of personal computer technologies), present conditions seem more favourable to ICT: social pressures are such that resistance (which we should not assume to be categorically defensive) is no longer effective against the penetration of ICT into the educational field. The fact is that education is potentially one of the major sectors for the deployment of these technologies, not just the hardware and tools (for distance or face-to-face learning) but also the content. Some educational decision-makers see ICT, not entirely accurately, as a way of saving on the costs of education; others consider it as bringing decisive innovation to the acquisition of knowledge and the training of both the young and adults in lifelong learning. Most of all, however, from a strategic viewpoint, education is essential for the telecommunications, computer and other hardware industries, and no doubt even more so for the ‘content’ industries, which is a critical sector for the future of the communications industries. The slowdown in economic growth and the fading of the high hopes prematurely placed in what was billed as the ‘new economy’ have not challenged these trends which, however, can be expected to play themselves out over long periods of historical time.2 With education, we effectively find ourselves in a field where reticence to technology and especially to its

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commodification is strong, but which simultaneously offers, via ICT, the most potential for market development. Finally, our focus on education has its own scholarly rationale. In many publications, approaches based on the communication sciences are mixed or even merged with other approaches, notably pedagogical (do we learn better by seeking information on the Web? Is distance learning as effective as in situ training?), or cognitive (what are the psycho-mental processes most favourable to learning? How can they be integrated into learning machines?). These two types of approaches generally find favour with decisionmakers who look to them for answers to their questions regarding the wisdom of their choice of, and investment in, hardware and other resources. A communications science approach, however, while not overlooking these sorts of questions, is distinct, both theoretically and methodologically. In what follows we set out to focus on the specificities and originality of the communication sciences. The communication sciences: a spectrum of research themes In order to be more precise about what a communications approach to education might (or should) consist of, we first review some of the research themes, which are already being addressed by communication studies experts. The industrialization of education This is without a doubt the most talked about and the the most controversial of all questions. It often gives rise to public debates and has recently motivated social movements fighting against the industrialization and, above all, the liberalization of services, as per the World Trade Organization (WTO) agenda. It would however be a mistake to think that the WTO agreement in this respect is the source of such debates. For a long time, teachers’ and parent-teacher organizations, students’ unions and political organizations have protested (following national patterns) against the privatization of education that they deem would be a consequence of the call on pedagogical resources from outside the education systems, for the most part from specialized firms attached to the ‘cultural industries’. In fact, it is not so much the cost of studying (which is highly variable in Europe) or the framework for study and access to knowledge (in some cases mainly public, in others highly dependent on a private sector to which responsibility has been delegated), as the call to commercial or even industrial organizations that is objected to. Furthermore, although such resistance or reticence has existed for a long time (even before the days of obligatory schooling) the pressures are much greater today. In fact, ICT has provided an opportunity to further the industrialization of education and to accelerate this process as no other educational or communications technology has done before. ICT opens up low-risk perspectives to specialized firms, and all that the recent difficulties of the ‘new economy’ have done is simply to deflate the decidedly overinflated claims intially made for the development of this sector. But what exactly is meant by ‘industrialization’ in the context of education? This term has given rise to much confusion, which has not helped in understanding the arguments

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of the protagonists in the debate. For some – most, in fact, and in keeping with schools of thought that have long been influential in pedagogical studies, ‘industrialization’ means having recourse to technology. This might complement or facilitate the educational activities of teachers in direct contact with pupils or students, or substitute for teachers (for example by providing remote access, or recordings of the teaching sessions). Other voices, less influential but without doubt more attentive to current trends and the issues taking shape, see ‘industrialization’ not as limited to the use of technological hardware and resources, but also relating to the large-scale production of reproducible sources, either in their hard copy format (school books, of course, but now also CD-ROMs, DVDs etc.) or, increasingly, in virtual format (notably online access to pedagogical resources, which is not free or will not be once the markets for such products have developed). We can see that there is a world of difference between these two perspectives on ‘industrialization’. In the first case, the issue, frequently discussed, is the call on technologies that rationalize the educational act and the new possibilities of seeking information from outside the teaching environment (even where these resources are provided on dedicated networks where no money is exchanged). In the second case, it is a more literal question of the possibility of accessing educational products, generally online, which constitute – or will do so – a partial but significant industrialization of education, or, at the very least, a bypassing of educational establishments. Of course, virtual universities are far from conforming to this model (contrary to the rash publicity of their promoters at the end of the last century); they function thanks to technology, in particular, that which allows networked access to resources that is more or less convergent with educational products (but less so than the advertising led one to believe…); and in this respect these cases demonstrate continuity with the findings of the ‘theory of the cultural industries’ in relation to commodities in the cultural and information domains. We should add here that this distinction, which we evidently hold to be vital, does not only concern specialists. It sheds light on different sorts of current changes and allows us to identify the issues more clearly. Following Pierre Moeglin (1998) – whose typology we have nevertheless complemented and modified – we can, in fact, distinguish four types of use of ICTs in education (to be found at the various levels of the educational system): 1. Distance-learning services: tutoring, video-conferencing, forums, access to complementary educational resources created by staff within the educational establishment, classroom management. These services derive from current educational practices, but their implementation raises difficult problems regarding the allocation or reallocation of resources. The main factor is the use of additional hardware whose management is left to in-house personnel. 2. Self-service resources provided by specialized companies, using dedicated software which allows, in particular, controlled access, and guided learning in conjunction, to a greater or lesser degree, with the educational establishment. Modernized distancelearning centres tend to use this type of product, depending on the type of link – close or not – that they maintain with the educational establishments.

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3. Downloadable, standardized course modules produced by specialist publishers. These products are akin to old-style textbook publishing which in its time created a specialized branch of the industry that functioned alongside the educational establishments and was assured of their orders. Nowadays these products relate above all to specific types of teaching: foreign language teaching methods; management courses etc. 4. Bespoke products which provide for the individualization of teaching and learning and which do not (in theory) require any human contact. These are the most heavily criticized products. According to their critics, these products effectively create a whole new environment of training and knowledge acquisition that is removed from the control of those who today are responsible for these activities. ‘Virtual campuses’, say the critics, will have the effect of removing the link (or at least part of it) between the training process and those ‘traditionally’ responsible for it. They will be accessible from home or the workplace, and consumers of such courses will have to pay for what is effectively an industrially produced educational content. This typology has used a number of differentiating criteria: proximity to/distance from the educational establishment; socialization/individualization of the educational experience; use of equipment/access to information or content; free/payable; commercialization/industrialization. The main advantage of the typology is that it allows us to differentiate between issues and to relate them to one another, demonstrating what already exists, and what is in its infancy. Thus, type (1) uses are encountered more frequently than type (4), which are to be found mainly in the case of specialized professional training whose spread, at least in Europe, pre-supposes a whole series of economic, political and socio-institutional conditions. The search (in vain) for the effects (or influence) of ICT The first theories, which in the 1950s and 1960s inspired research in the communication sciences, and in particular the empirical-functionalist approach to mass media, and the cybernetic model, focused on the media and their foreseeable effects. This process of attempting to match cause (the media; ICT) to effect has since been questioned overall by most researchers and authors (with the exception of psychologists). Yet it remains very present in public debate, particularly in the field of education. Here, not only are teachers readily inclined to see the media and ICT as the ‘causes’ or ‘origins’ of the social behaviours of young pupils, working in opposite directions to their own teachings, public sector decision-makers too, in their concern to measure the outcomes of the equipment and resources distributed to teaching establishments, or of teaching methods deemed ‘efficient’, are avid for studies aiming to identify such results (by means of innumerable evaluation exercises, mostly relating to time-limited [à court terme] and one-off experiments). There is a number of (good) reasons why today’s specialist communications approaches are less media-centred, regardless of theoretical differences; let us list them:

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■ Despite the spread of mediatized communication, communication is not limited to the media; ■ The rejection of technological determinism implies making links between technological innovation on the one hand, and social and cultural change on the other. Generally, innovation ‘accompanies’ or accelerates this change rather than creating it; ■ The complexity of the strategies (‘real’ and symbolic) employed by social actors at micro, meso and macro levels, does not allow us to reflect on these changes in simple or unequivocal terms; ■ The constructs to which the media and ICT do contribute are phenomena which play themselves out over long periods of historical time;3 ■ Mediatized communication calls for a transversal approach, since it plays so many roles in the functioning and management of social relationships, from the formation of opinions and the functioning of the public space; the acquisition of knowledge and communications norms in society; the construction of ‘social time’ a motivational force for cultural and leisure distractions; to a role in the spread of skills, and the transmission of knowledge and so on. These questions, it seems to us, can easily be transposed to the question of the relationships between ICT and education. It goes without saying that the field of education functions according to a certain number of ‘determinants’ of its own; nevertheless, this does not allow us to reject, a priori, the ‘application’ to this field of these transversal lines of questioning, provided, of course, that we do not hold these puzzles to be general, non-falsifiable propositions. The mediatization of educational communications by ICT The pedagogical relationship between teachers and pupils, between the ‘holders’ and learners of skills and knowledge, has been devised as an interpersonal, and intersubjective relationship, based on body language (voice, gestures, eye-contact); and despite the recourse to more diversified teaching methods which leave more room for pupil or student initiative, these relationships continue to function like this, for the most part. Teaching practices are so heavily marked by this model that the introduction of any new tool or method, even if only an overhead or slide projector, or the use of the press, has been fiercely debated and, sometimes, accepted only with difficulty. Today, any degree of mediatization of the pedagogical relationship thus finds itself under discussion, and its implementation is nearly always a question of volunteers and experiment, with the aim of gradual dissemination. Very often theories of technological innovation are invoked in order to clarify the dissemination process, even to guide it. These same observations can be made for each and every new technology that presents itself. Mediatization (which assumes the recourse to communications technologies – especially networks – and to systems offering a combination of technologies) has had the effect of putting a certain distance between the protagonists of pedagogical communication and, above all, a (relative) individualization of behaviours. Even if the

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transition is/will be slow, and slower than is generally hoped or feared, we can agree with the view that the process started by ICT is incomparable, quantitatively and qualitatively, with previous innovations. What seems most likely is that, profound change and challenge to the habitus are inherent in ICT, those schemes which both generate communications practices (in the transmission of knowledge and learning) and are simultaneously generated by them. All lines of questioning converge here to enquire whether this particular mediatization process is harmful or favourable to the transmission of knowledge and learning and, more generally, to training. Faced with such a general question we can only offer incomplete answers…and more questions. First, we note that the uses of ICT are not limited (far from it!) to distance learning4 and that the individualization of teaching methods is generally accompanied by more robust systems of pupil support (such as tutoring). Second, we see that, in practice, the implementation of modernization programmes is characterized by diversity, if not considerable inequality between countries in the north and south, and also between European regions; in other words, we are not talking about a single or homogeneous process. Moreover, and from a theoretical perspective, we must consider with some suspicion the idea that the technological mediatization of the pedagogical relationship (even with distance learning) eliminates the inter-subjectivity of the exchange. A similar notion was forwarded regarding televised communication, but viewers’ ‘involvement’ in TV programmes (such as debates, or TV shows) demonstrated clearly that there is, or can be, a sense of presence, different from ordinary communication, but there all the same; all the more reason, then, to assume similar processes in the case of educational practices. Finally, this line of questioning is to an extent unanswerable, at least in the short term, since the constructs envisaged are precisely of the type which appears gradually, over time. Modes of learning ICT Here there is a paradox which needs explaining: whereas for at least a proportion of the population – notably the youngest, the most educated and those living in large urban centres – ICTs are called upon to play an important role in daily and professional life (with more and more blurring between the two); the process by which ICTs are learned remains relatively unstructured, which leaves a lot of scope for individual initiative (with the exception, it is true, of professional training specific to jobs in IT and networks technologies). There is a striking contrast between the importance of mastering these technologies (which is harder than is often claimed, their very interactivity making for complexity), at least for part of the population, and the laissezfaire when it comes to learning, or being taught, how to use them. Educational institutions have included in their programmes introductory courses in the use of IT; but such teaching is usually not integrated into other courses and educational activities, nor into the daily running of courses; moreover, personal computing alone cannot at the current time be seen as representative of ICT. Teaching the use of these technologies is made all the harder to envisage for educational institutions, given that ICT is

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incessantly developing – even though usually it is just a question of upgrades – and is designed to be used, and learned, individually. In this way, the bases of education are incontestably challenged by ICT and forced to compete with products and practices that have largely developed outside the educational sphere; in this respect, ‘perieducation’ is in the process of becoming a real competitor to education per se. One example from many is the ‘search’ facility now available on all sorts of websites and, thus, not only on sources that have been recognized by teachers as relevant or who have verified or authenticated the information. Thus, ICT has created more individualized practices that escape the norms of educational practices in their current forms. How ICT is marketed and the emergence of habits of use Despite our observations above, we should not assume that these new markets dominate the field of education: with the exception of certain key products, most are segmented, and those concerned with content are having difficulty establishing themselves, to the point where publishers seem relatively unaggressive in their sales strategies. As we enter the next phase of development, we should, moreover, expect hardware to constitute the lion’s share of what is on sale, and that this will be accompanied by the production of ‘services’, designed and produced within educational institutions themselves, less to take the place of existing courses than to complement them. This difficulty in creating markets of a sufficient size is undoubtedly not a passing phenomenon; paradoxically, it may turn out to be long-lasting and limit innovation. The educational sector is at one and the same time promising, but difficult to ‘mobilize’. Producers and publishers alike, who have on occasions already suffered failures and setbacks, are careful. For the time being, they are leaving the educational professionals to take the lead themselves in a non-commercial environment. The fact is that, unlike the various discourses of modernity which have taken it upon themselves to promote the supposed ‘Information Society’, users, and, even more so, consumers, have not proven to be immediately smitten with these new products; in fact, they have been quite reserved and will remain so for a long time to come. Thus, we should anticipate that the indispensable adjustments between supply and demand will not be left to chance. In the educational sector, as in other fields, the processes by which new uses for it emerge are following a complex path, which we can nonetheless identify, at least in part. Once the initial stage of usage is passed, what is at stake is the stabilization of usage, in other words configurations giving rise, for specific populations, to recurrent behaviours and practices, established over the long term. We should also recognize that knowledge in this respect remains fairly limited, and approximate, since unlike the case of cultural products, educational products still only benefit from approximate know-how. The emergence of patterns of using these technologies is, thus, a question of prime importance for e-learning, as much for

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products designed for commercial markets and those geared towards educational institutions as a complement to current educational practices. The socio-organizational management of ICTs Here we must consider the approach which consists of studying the management of technological and communications innovation in the specific organizations that make up the educational field. With the exception of universities and other higher educational establishments, these organizations still undoubtedly have relatively weak autonomy in this respect. The emergence of ICT is in more or less all cases a site for the clash of opposing interests or which claim to be so. We should even acknowledge the fact that the question of ICT is one that generates not the most debate but the most conflict, sometimes even before the technology becomes available. A short-range analysis would tend to contrast ‘old-timers’ and ‘modernizers’ (a dichotomy that has long been present amongst teachers), technophobes and technophiles; the ‘switched on’ and the ‘switched off’ (pun intended). This rudimentary dichotomization is a way of avoiding the recognition of the plurality of interests which are expressed upon the emergence of information and communication technologies. This was the case in recent history when it was planned to install a successive series of communications technologies in schools and universities: closed-circuit television, portable video, personal computers and so on. But with the range of ICTs already available, the problem has taken on another dimension, and the pressure from society that takes many forms, for the ‘meeting’ of education and mediatized communications, is such today that such inexact approaches are no longer tenable. In reality, and setting aside the obvious fact that all change, and, thus, all innovation, is for some actors an opportunity to assert themselves and take power that they could not otherwise have legitimately acquired within their institution (by ‘merit’ formally deemed legitimate); if we exclude (but how can we?) the reflex to defend established interests and situations, the arrival of ICT has seen the emergence of a whole series of other issues, most often at the meso-societal level (as opposed to the micro or macro levels). The list of these challenges is long: ■ Classical (presented as fundamental) disciplines vs. those more in tune with modernity; ■ Traditional modes of the transmission of skills and the acquisition of knowledge, around since the generalization of obligatory schooling vs. ‘new’ modes of teaching and learning; ■ The different roles assigned to teachers (working individually or in teams); ■ The status of written and oral communication in the classroom vs. that of new forms of communication; ■ Fundamental vs. a more or less professionalized teaching; ■ The monopoly on teaching and training accorded to educational establishments vs. a ‘sharing’, however limited, with other institutions;

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■ Humanist ‘values’, traditionally disseminated vs. the new norms of communicative activity (see above). This basic list exaggerates the dichotomies and differences, but does succeed in showing that we are not just dealing with changes in information and communication. Specifically, communication reveals other things, and its ‘management’ goes beyond its a priori implications. Most often, ‘communication’ incorporates the totality of the adaptation and modernization strategies of schools, colleges and universities; and if this is true, we can understand why research, particularly the communications approach, has much to say on the processes undertaken. Suggestions for further communications research It is one thing to outline the research that has already begun into a communications approach, quite another to indicate where we should focus our thinking and analysis. Three perspectives suggest themselves, defined as follows: A better understanding of the strategies of different categories of users The examples given above, even where limited to the domain of higher education, nevertheless suffice to show how far the emergence of ICT – at the systems, tools and content levels – involves a significant number of users of varying status. They demonstrate, moreover, that we simply cannot avoid an analysis of the institutional, economic, social and symbolic strategies pertaining to the introduction of these technologies. These products, in some ways, only have meaning with reference to the strategies of which they are part; we cannot understand them solely on the basis of their inherent characteristics. Not only are they largely what those who design, create and use them make of them, strategically, they are also distinctly modified by the uses to which the ‘final user’ puts them. In this way, the strategies deployed by communications users are not external to the products themselves; they contribute to their existence and their development. Moreover, once these products come into existence, they become the object of usage patterns which considerably modify their original, and apparently set, purpose. The reason that we accord significance to strategies (and even tactics) is that the technological sphere is not clearly distinct from human action; the two dimensions interact in many different ways, as we have shown above. This is a key point, in particular for information and communication technologies, all of which, to a lesser or greater degree, incorporate software which is nothing other than the representation of mental states or the expectation of social behaviours; what software does is to insert into hardware (sometimes miniaturized) modelized versions of human behaviour. Thus, even in a video-conferencing system, accessible from a personal computer, for example, we can detect modes of action (communicational or pedagogical) which will themselves engender strategies amongst users who will work with or against other users. This is even more true for the more developed tools of distance learning (such as multimedia courses providing ‘modular’ learning).

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Strategic analysis alone must not, however, be considered sufficient. Whilst it provides a subtle approach to the usages of ICT products for teaching and learning, it does not alone provide all the elements that we need to fully understand the subject. This is because this approach allows us to grasp the short and medium term, but not the underlying trends of the phenomenon; this is particularly the case for what we can call the ‘social logics of communication’, in other words, the structured movements around which user strategies take shape. For example, the intervention of students in class and their propensity to ask questions of their teachers, and to give their points of view, are practices which need to be placed in context as underlying facts of life which shape users in one way or another; and e-learning programmes which fail to take this into account would be doomed to failure (as was the case of the first attempts at computerassisted learning based on an over-simplistic and over-directive algorithm). Making the necessary distinction between change and innovation As an initial analysis, and with reference to theories of change and innovation, we can classify ICT products (technologies and content) into two distinct categories: ■ Those which position themselves on a spectrum of continuity with existing pedagogical models (thus, the teacher will continue to dispense a lecture-type class and give students access to sites linked to a whole set of documents supporting his or her course); ■ Those which, much more rarely, by exploring the possibilities of interactivity and multimedia ‘writings’, represent a break with the past and escape known ‘frameworks’. This classification is convenient in that it allows us fairly easily to distinguish readily identifiable specialist practices. Both experts and practioners have frequent recourse to this distinction, in the process constrasting the new from the old, the unknown from the known, and that which relates to modernity from that which is attached to tradition. In fact, this classification merits further discussion; first and foremost because it blends elements of different orders and combines strategies which should be separated. Some of these can be called strategies of absorption (such is the case, generally speaking, when transparencies are replaced by slides designed using Powerpoint software); others are strategies of superimposition (or accumulation, when new texts are added to current ones); other strategies are simply additional (in that they find new potential in the familiar; a priori, this is the case of hypertext); finally, there are strategies of creation (the product leads to teaching and learning practices which are, effectively, new). But even these distinctions require further analysis, since they could be criticized for their functionalism, in that they link strategy to technological mode. Beyond these distinctions, furthermore, is the question of how to distinguish change from innovation. On this point, theories diverge, even if change is usually correlated to social and cultural mutation, and innovation to the adoption of new technological

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procedures (or paradigms); change also generally implies less decisive modifications than innovation. But these are more common-sense explanations than reasoned theory. We can nonetheless note that where change most often refers to a movement that is relatively continuous and multifarious, innovations are observed ex post (they may be ‘accidental’ and occur, in an almost anodine fashion, after a series of repeated failures; they do not necessarily signify the success of the system that apparently offers the most benefits). It goes without saying that innovation, in our view, is more than just technology, even if technology cannot easily be dissociated from the other components of innovation, in particular the communications component of e-learning products. Three types of case study For the reasons already given, amongst which we emphasize the (new) norms of communications activity, it is pertinent, in our view, to highlight, amongst the various uses of ICT in the university sector, those which are taking one of the following directions: ■ The pedagogical and administrative management of teaching, most often face to face. This includes tutoring systems, individualized course management, the supplying of complementary documentation, and the addition of online forums, exchanges or discussions to courses which otherwise take largely traditional forms; ■ The modularization of teaching. This, logically, would appear to be a prerequisite for the extension of e-learning but, because of the various forms of resistance from teachers, modularization is instead developing in parallel with the implementation of ICT, according to what is on offer and experimentally so. It is one of the conditions – which we could describe as socio-technological – of the commercialization of such courses. ■ The recourse to the possibilities of interactivity and multimedia – which we would define as hypermedia were it not for the fact that, for the time being, this phenomenon tends to be reduced to its strictly technological aspects. In other words it is a question here of emphasizing new forms of text which genuinely take into account the potential of the different modes which are at the heart of multimedia. For the most part, the field of education lies outside experiments and in particular outside innovations in respect of this new technology; it is therefore interesting to detect where there are signs of departure from this ambient conformism. These are the three directions that we intend to emphasize in our analysis of innovation in e-learning. These perspectives do not as a rule reproduce those advanced by experts or specialists in the field of education (we, for example, do not deem vital the distinctions between face-to-face and distance learning; or between the individualization and the ‘collectivization’ of training). This is because our approach, as we have shown, is derived from a communications science perspective. The fact that this is still a minority interest justifies our attention, since it holds the promise of renewing the terms of the debate.

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