Creolization and Diaspora in the Portuguese Indies (European Expansion and Indigenous Response)

Creolization and Diaspora in the Portuguese Indies

European Expansion and Indigenous Response Edited by

George Bryan Souza, University of Texas, San Antonio Editorial Board

João Paulo Oliveira e Costa, CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa Frank Dutra, University of California, Santa Barbara Pedro Machado, Indiana University, Bloomington Malyn Newitt, King’s College, London Michael Pearson, University of New South Wales Alexandra Pereira Pelucia, CHAM, Universidade Nova de Lisboa José Damião Rodrigues, University of the Azores

VOLUME 8

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/euro

Creolization and Diaspora in the Portuguese Indies The Social World of Ayutthaya, 1640–1720

By

Stefan Halikowski Smith

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011

Cover Illustration: Eurasian mercenary guards local courtly women, c. 1785. Ananda ok-Kyaung, Bagan. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Smith, Stefan Halikowski. Creolization and diaspora in the Portuguese Indies : the social world of Ayutthaya, 1640–1720 / by Stefan Halikowski Smith. p. cm. — (European expansion and indigenous response ; v. 8) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-19048-1 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Portuguese—Thailand—Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya—History—17th century. 2. Portuguese—Thailand—Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya—History—18th century. 3. Portuguese—Thailand—Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya— History—Sources. 4. Portuguese—Migrations—History. 5. Southeast Asia—Emigration and immigration—History. 6. Creoles—Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya—History. 7. Community life— Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya—History. 8. Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya (Thailand)—History— 17th century. 9. Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya (Thailand)—History—18th century. 10. Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya (Thailand)—Social life and customs. I. Title. DS589.P47S65 2011 305.86’910593—dc22 2010052745

ISSN 1873-8974 ISBN 978 90 04 19048 1 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS Note on Spellings ............................................................................... List of Figures .....................................................................................

ix xi

Chapter One

Introduction: a world of creolization .................

1

Chapter Two Seventeenth century population movements in the Portuguese Indies ..............................................................

13

Chapter Three No obvious home: the flight of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ from Makassar in the 1660s .......................

39

Chapter Four From contact to settlement in South-East Asia: a history of mercenaries and interlopers ........................

65

Chapter Five ‘O campo português’. The Portuguese quarter in Ayutthaya in the wake of the Makassarese diaspora .........

93

Chapter Six The development of the presence of the Catholic church in Ayutthaya ....................................................................

129

Chapter Seven ‘Those who occupy the lowest category here’. The social relegation, but survival, of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ ...............................................................................................

175

Chapter Eight ‘Living great after the fashion of the country’. Comparisons with Portuguese in neighboring kingdoms ........................................................................................

213

Chapter Nine Unpublished depictions of Portuguese in Thai and Burmese temple murals ..............................................

235

Chapter Ten ‘All that the French Bishops wish is to see us leave’. Religious disputes in South-East Asia between Portuguese Jesuits and French Missionaires Étrangères de Paris ...........................................................................................

277

Chapter Eleven

299

Conclusion ..........................................................

vi

contents DOCUMENTARY APPENDICES

Appendix 1. Holdings of the collection entitled “Rerum Lusitanicarum—Symmicta Lusitanica” relating to Siam, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon. .......................................................

303

Appendix 2. Holdings of the collection entitled ‘Jesuítas na Ásia’ relating to Siam, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon. ..............

304

Appendix 3. Holdings of the collection entitled ‘Macau e o Oriente’ relating to Siam in the Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon. ..........................................................................

310

Appendix 4. List of documents in the Arquivo Histórico de Macau relating to Siam. .........................................................

312

Appendix 5. The papers of the Franciscan, Giovan Battista Morelli, relating to Siam, in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze. ......................................................................................

321

Appendix 6. Instructions (Regimento) to Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães, emissary to the King of Siam, Goa, 3 August 1646 [excerpts]. .............................................................................

322

Appendix 7. Letter from the Viceroy D. Filipe de Mascarenhas to the King D. John IV. ......................................

326

Appendix 8. Correspondence between the King, the Viceroy and the Conselho Ultramarino relating to Siam, 1667–1670. .....................................................................................

328

Appendix 9. Letter from Fr. Luis Fragoso, Commissary of the Holy Office, to D. Pedro Prince Regent, Sião, January 19, 1674. ..........................................................................

334

Appendix 10. A Memorandum from the Conselho Ultramarino entitled ‘As to what Frey Luis Fragoso, Commissary of the Holy Office in Siam, writes, relating to the molestations that are caused in those parts of Christendom by the French bishops who came from Rome as Missionaries Apostolic.’ ..............................................

338

contents

vii

Appendix 11. Oath of Loyalty sworn by the Society of Jesus, Siam, 10 October, 1681. ...................................................

342

Appendix 12. Letter of Jean-Baptiste Maldonado S.J. to one of the assistants to General Gian Paolo Oliva from Siam, dated 16 November, 1681. ...............................................

344

Appendix 13. Letter from Jean-Baptiste Maldonado, representing the Company of Jesus in Siam, to François Pallu, Bishop of Heliopolis, 22 August, 1682. .........................

350

Appendix 14. Copy of a letter of Padre Manuel Soares of the Company of Jesus, Superior of the Residence of Siam, written to the Count of Alvor Viceroy and Captain General of India. Sião, 24 June 1684. ........................................

354

Appendix 15. ‘News from the Kingdom of Siam’. A Report made from Macao at the end of 1688. .....................................

360

Appendix 16. Deliberations of the Senate in Macao regarding action to take with regard to the Siamese Revolution, 17 November 1688. .................................................

366

Appendix 17. Memorandum of the Conselho Ultramarino regarding what the Viceroy Count of Vila Verde had to say about the events in Siam, Lisbon, September 12, 1696. ........

370

Appendix 18. Letter written by the City [of Macao] to the Phrakhlang of Siam in the year 1720. .......................................

384

Appendix 19. ‘Letter sent by Padre António Soares to the Senate of the City of Macao’. 20 June, 1721. ...........................

388

Appendix 20. ‘Letter sent by the Resident Francisco Telles from Siam to the Noble Senate.’ 28 June, 1721. .....................

398

Appendix 21. ‘Letter that the Barcalão of Siam sent to the Senate’. Macao, June 1721. ...................................................

402

Bibliography ........................................................................................ Index ....................................................................................................

407 441

NOTE ON SPELLINGS In spelling names of cities and monasteries in Thailand, I have adhered to the phonetic system developed by the Royal Institute of Thailand, except that diacritical marks have been omitted in the body of the book. I have thus dispensed with the ‘graphic’ spelling system, which transliterates names from Sanskrit or Pali according to their spelling in the original language rather than phonetically, as favoured by some authors. For Chinese names, I try to use the Pinyin, rather than the Wade-Giles system (for example, Qing rather than Ch’ing).

LIST OF FIGURES 1. Centres of Portuguese presence in South-East Asia towards the end of the seventeenth century .........................

xiv

2. Fred Woldemar, Dutch attack on Makassar, 1660 ...............

46

3. Dutch boatswain murdered by the Portuguese, from François Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Їndien, Dordrecht/Amsterdam, 1724–6 ...............................................

78

4. Plan of Ayutthaya. Simon de la Loubère, Du royaume de Siam, Paris, 1691 ...................................................................

95

5. The Portuguese campo on an undated seventeenth-century water colour plan of Ayutthaya ...............................................

98

6. Pair of six-panel paper folding screens (byōbu). Early seventeenth century .........................................................

102

7. Lacquer-finished trunk (nagamochi). Late sixteenth-century ........................................................................

104

8. Martaban pot ..............................................................................

107

9. View of the Dutch lodge from the early wooden Jesuit church ...............................................................................

132

10. The Church of the Holy Rosary, Tejgaon, Dacca, completed for the Augustinians in 1677 ................................

133

11. Dionisio Li-njian, Michel Foghanin and Antonio Van Kiet, Tonkinese Christian converts accompanying the Siamese delegation to France in 1688 ..............................

141

12. Plan of the Collegio Romano ...................................................

151

xii

list of figures

13. Plan of excavations of the Church of São Domingos, Mu Ban Portuget (หมูบาน โปรตุเกส), Ayutthaya ....................

162

14. Portuguese in hat running from a tiger .................................

184

15. Depiction of European shipwreck ...........................................

188

16. Typical Siamese house on stilts over the canals (1687/88) ......................................................................................

192

17. A detail of the Portuguese bandel in Hoogli, Bengal .........

193

18. Eighteen-century Burmese Crib. Victoria & Albert Museum, London .......................................................................

224

19. Portrait of individuals from the Portuguese bandel at Hoogli (Golim), captured and brought to Agra in 1632 ................................................................................

232

20. Mural details from Po-Win Taung. Bearded Portuguese pay homage to the local ruler, and present offerings at the stūpa ......................................................................................

237

21. Eurasian mercenary guards local courtly women c. 1785 ..........................................................................................

242

22. The Peguan family (Peneguais familae) engraved by Joannes a Doetechum for Linschoten’s Itinerario ................

243

23. ‘Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Pegu. Gentiles. They call themselves Peguans’ ...................................................................

244

24. Luso-Asian shipping scene, Ananda ok-Kyaung, Burma ...........................................................................................

248

25. Eurasian junks, detail from a map of the Indian Ocean in the Ayutthayan Traiphum ...................................................

256

26. Iohn Huighen van Linschoten. His discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies, pp. 54–55 ..................................

257

list of figures

xiii

27. Military scene from a former library in a religious complex near Sagaing, late 18th century (Bangkok period) .......................................................................

260

28. ‘Invasion of the palace’. Shwe Sayan Pokala temple murals ...........................................................................................

271

29. ‘The meeting of two armies’. Shwe Sayan Pokala temple murals .............................................................................

272

30. Crowd scene, Wat Chaiyathit, Bangkok .................................

273

31. Myths of origins: church murals from the church at Nabet in the valley of the Mu, c. 1910 ..............................

275

NE

CHINA PAL

BHUTAN Dacca

INDIA Ugolim

Tunkim

Shwebo

BANGLADESH Chatigão

Ava Dianga

Pipli

Macao

VIETNAM

PH IL

LAOS

P

Calcāo (Pegu)

Martavão

E S

Sundiva

IP

IN

BURMA

Tejgaon

THAILAND Samcok

Cosmin Syriam

CAMBODIA

Louvo Ayutthaya

Samboc

Tenasserim Lovek

Mergui

Columpé

Ponhéa Lü Ponteamass

Pattani Ligor

Melaka BORNEO

SU M

AT RA

Banjarmasin Makassar

1000 km INDONESIA

Larantuca Solor

Bantam

Timor Batavia

Fig. 1. Centres of Portuguese presence in South-East Asia towards the end of the seventeenth century.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION: A WORLD OF CREOLIZATION The issue of imperial decline (decadência) in the wake of a short-lived golden age (idade aurea) in the East has been a very difficult one for Portuguese historiography traditionally to confront. Historians argue about suitable watershed dates, whether that be the fall of Colombo to Dutch forces in 1656, the fall of Portuguese Hormuz in 1622, to the union with the Castilian Crown in 1580.1 Some can see trouble even earlier, with the ‘structural shift’ (viragem estrutural) of the 1550s, for example.2 Suffice it to say that by the middle years of the seventeenth century, we are confronted with an empire in full retreat. It is enough to read the accounts of Captain João de Ribeiro, or Manuel Godinho, or learn that the Viceroy Antonio de Mello e Castro travelled out to Goa to his post on the English vessel Leopard in September 1662, to perceive this. Western historiography, consequently, has tended to write the Portuguese off as a dead-letter in the Indian Ocean world from around the 1620s, using this date as an otherwise arbitrary cut-off point for study 3 and either provided facile explanations for this collapse such as failed strategy at state-policy level4 or, as the Dutch scholar Ernst Van Veen has done most recently, gloated over the reasons for this decline in something of a post-imperial Dutch Schadenfreude.5

1 For 1580, see António Sérgio. Bosquejo da História de Portugal, Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1923, 25 and Jaime Cortesão. ‘A Geografia e a Economia da Restauração’, in Teoria Geral dos Descobrimentos Portugueses e outros ensaios, Lisbon: Livros Horizonte, 1984; for 1622, see Niels Steensgaard. Carracks, Caravans and Companies, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974, 88 & 94; for 1656, see George Winius, The Fatal History of Ceylon. Transition to Dutch Rule, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971. 2 Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, ‘Flutuações económicas e devir estrutural do século XV ao século XVII’, in Ensaios, Lisbon: Livraria Sáda Costa Editora, 1968, t. II, 189. 3 Maria Ana Marques Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portuguese na Birmânia, Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 1994; Maria da Conceição Ferreira Flores, ‘Portuguese relations with Siam’, in Francis Dutra ed., The Portuguese and the Pacific. Santa Barbara, CA, Center for Portuguese Studies, University of California, 1995. 4 Flores, Portuguese Relations with Siam, 68. 5 Ernst Van Veen. Decay or Defeat. An Inquiry into the Portuguese Decline in Asia, 1580–1645. Leiden: CNWS Publications, 2000. His work has been, however, strongly criticised by some historians, see the review by Timothy Coates in Itinerario.

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Recently, however, voices have called for a reappraisal, arguing that it is possible to perceive something of a renascence or a ‘second wave’ under the House of Braganza between 1640–1683, with contemporaries even entertaining parallels to Emperor Trajan’s rejuvenation of the decrepit Roman empire (98–117 A.D.). Indeed, rather than seeing desperate communities of expatriated Europeans clinging on to ever receding territorial landholdings, attention can be drawn to visions of population movements consolidating and invigorating existent colonies, with bold plans to move large numbers of Indians into Mozambique, to send exiled Portuguese to populate Solor, alongside the ad-hoc implantation of sizeable new settlements in mainland southeast Asia. This draws on to a second major point of this book. While a number of historians continue to research the East between 1500–1800 in terms of European entities (Portuguese, English or Dutch), they fail to face up to the fact that the vast majority of ‘Portuguese’ were not soldiers, missionaries or officials sent out to the Estado da Índia,6 but dark-skinned mestiços who had never been to Portugal, who appropriated certain items of Portuguese dress such as hats whilst neglecting others such as shoes, and were Christians out of status reasons rather than conviction. Indeed, their greatest claim to being ‘Portuguese’ was often not via their blood, but the creolised dialects they spoke. This was particularly true of what George Winius called the ‘Shadow Empire’, a vast but obscure umbra of Portuguese influence beyond Cape Comorin that largely operated outside the formal imperial mechanisms embodied by the Estado da Índia and that had little claim to be a world forged by the ‘children of Albuquerque’ and had more claims to be one forged by the ‘children of Francis Xavier’.7 It was also particularly true of the period between 1670 and the mid-eighteenth century, when the Estado da Índia was forced on to the defensive by its clash with the Marathas and had to cling to one central concern, to maintain Goa International Journal of the History of European expansion and global interaction, 25, Part 3 of 4, 2001, pp. 237–8. 6 C.R. Boxer, The Portuguese seaborne empire, 1415–1825, 2 ed., Manchester: Carcanet, 1991. 7 George Winius, ‘Portugal’s Shadow Empire in the Bay of Bengal’, in Revista de Cultura, 13/14, January–June 1991, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 273–287, 1991; ibid., ‘Embassies from Malacca and the ‘Shadow Empire’, in F. Dutra and J. Camilo dos Santos. Proceedings of the International Colloquium on the Portuguese and the Pacific. Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995; and ibid., ‘Portuguese travels and influence at the corner of Asia’, in G. Winius ed. Portugal the Pathfinder, Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1995.

introduction: a world of creolization

3

at all costs. And yet for historians of this world, creolization is hardly ever an issue. While nineteenth-century scholars clearly found probing the ‘mixed and degenerated (heruntergekommene) Portuguese race’ an unedifying proposition, even recently Glenn Ames has, for example, suggested that ‘the term ‘creole’ does not have particular relevance for colonial India during the pre-1800 period’.8 His impression, referring to Brading’s book of 1991, is that this phenomenon is better anchored in the Americas.9 In this sense, Portuguese historiography is considerably laggard when compared to recent attempts to understand this issue in the Dutch East Indies, perhaps as a result of the issue being recognised more patently by enlightened governors like Joan Maetsuycker, who administered Ceylon between 1646–1650, and actively promoted this process so as to create a ready cohort of artisans and farmers in service to the Dutch.10 Creolisation in the Portuguese world, by contrast, was marked by social repression and discriminatory legislation, although attempts were made to rein in some of the more offensive legislation by the Viceroy Luis de Mendonça Furtado, the First Count of Lavradio, who reached Goa in May 1671.11 Nor is creolization an issue if we look at the literature produced ‘by the other side’. Téotonio de Souza, in a remarkably polemical piece of historical writing, thinks that creolization was something wholeheartedly rejected from the Indian side, who saw saw caste pollution as a social

8

Hugo Schuchardt, notes on Alfred Raffel Wallace, Der Malayische Archipel, Braunschweig: Westermann, 1869, in Bibliothek der Universität Graz, Sondersammlungen, Dossier 11.23.2.5.3; Glenn Ames. ‘The Portuguese Province of the North: ‘Creole’ Power Groups in Urban Centres and their Hinterlands, ca. 1630–1680’, in Havick & Newitt, Creole Societies in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, Bristol: University of Bristol, Department of Hispanic, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, 2007, 251–275. 9 David A. Brading, The first America: the Spanish monarchy, creole patriots and the liberal state, 1492–1866, Cambridge: C.U.P., 1991. 10 Ulbe Bosma & Remco Raben, Being “Dutch” in the Indies. A History of Creolisation and Empire, 1500–1920, Singapore: NUS c. 2008. See also Megan Vaughan, Creating the Creole Island. Slavery in 18th century Mauritius, Durham: Duke University Press, 2005. 11 Charles R. Boxer, Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1419–1825, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963, pp. 64–65; Colin Jack-Hilton, ‘Malacca and Goa and the Question of Race Relations in the Portuguese overseas provinces’, in Journal of South-East Asian History, vol. 10, Issue 3, Sept. 1969, 513–539; Urs Bitterli, Cultures in Conflict: encounters between European and non-European cultures, 1492–1800, Cambridge: Polity, 1989, 45 tries to pursue the argument that Portuguese rulers encouraged mestization in order to populate their colonies and create a military and labour reserve out of their local-born descendants; Ames, ‘The Portuguese Province of the North’, looks at how discriminatory legislation started to be redressed under Lavradio.

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consequence of mixed marriages.12 He consequently estimates that no more than 3% of Goan society was ever Lusitanized, in the sense of being able to understand or speak Portuguese. Meanwhile, Thai historians have traditionally resorted to crude generics such as farang to refer to European communities in their country, which only betrays the authors’ ignorance.13 Only a recent generation of Thai historians trained in the West are in a position to make the subtle distinctions relating to identity and belonging of these communities.14 If we look at descriptions of the Shadow Empire, European observers immediately draw attention to this great disparity between ‘white’ and ‘black’ Portuguese. William Dampier, for example, who described his visit to Lifao on Timor in 1699, remarked that the inhabitants were ‘chiefly a sort of Indians, of a copper-colour, with black lank Hair (. . .) speak Portugueze, and are of the Romish religion (. . .) They value themselves on the account of their Religion and descent from the Portugueze’. While Dampier noted ‘some thousands’ of these ‘black Portuguese’, he saw only three or four ‘white Portuguese, of whom two were priests’.15 All official population estimates undertaken in the Portuguese East in the seventeenth century distinguished between ‘white’ and ‘black’ casados, and—with the exception of Macao—in every case ‘black’ outnumbered ‘white’ in the Shadow Empire east of Cape Comorin.16 But there are problems in using this bi-polar schema, if only because it leaves no middle ground. What of the burgeoning intermediary mestiço population, produced as Gilberto Freyre insisted from the Iberian male prediction for ‘dusky maidens’? While the later missionary presence continued to hang on to crude and racist stereotypes and descriptors—the ‘yellow Moors’ (gelber Mohre) and ‘black-

12 Téotonio De Souza. ‘Goa: Lusotopic, Lusophonic or Lusophilic?’, in Havik & Newitt, Creole Societies, 235–251. 13 No Na Paknam. Farang Nai Sinlapa Thai, Bangkok: Krung Thelp, 1986. 14 Dhiravat na Pombejra’s work is here of paramount importance, although his talk of ‘westerners’ in the eighteenth-century court at Ayutthaya overlooks the fact that mestiços were a population of joint loyalties and may be better considered insiders, ‘Princes, Pretenders and the Chinese Phrakhlang: An Analysis of the Dutch Evidence Concerning Siamese Court Politics, 1699–1734’, in Leonhard Blussé & Femme GAASTRA eds., On the Eighteenth Century as a Category of Asian History. Van Leur in Retrospect, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998, 126. 15 William Dampier, A voyage to New Holland, &c. In the year, 1699. Wherein are described, the Canary-Islands, the Isles of Mayo and St. Jago. The Bay of All Saints, . . . London: James Knapton, 1703, 176. 16 António Bocarro and Pedro Barreto de Resende, Livro das Plantas de todas as fortalezas, cidades e povoações, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional / Casa da Moeda, 1992.

introduction: a world of creolization

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brown Malabars’ (Schwarz-braunen Malabaren),17 how should we today go about categorising the mestiço population? Many of such attempts end up comically, Master Phanick, the father of Marie Guyomar de Pina, whom we shall find cause to dwell on in this books, described as ‘half-black, half-Bengali, half-Japanese’ (see p. 120). For scholars like Ann Laura Stoler, who has studied métissage in South-East Asia, the category ‘called into question the very criteria by which Europeanness could be identified, citizenship should be accorded, and nationality assigned’.18 At a theoretical level, métissage represents an attempt to destabilize conceptions of colonialism as a coherent system.19 At the same time, other scholars have drawn attention to the fact that as a middle ground mestiços were able to act in key roles where those more closely identified with the colonial regime were prejudiced: in trade, and diplomacy for example.20 This did not stop widespread disparagement, perhaps precisely because of their fluid identities: at various times, Portuguese imperial authorities were ordered not to use mestiços as soldiers or sailors because they were too ‘soft’ or ‘effeminate’.21 To the Dutch, they were known as ‘cockroaches’ (kakkerlakken), or liplaps, and teased for not understanding Dutch culture. Nicholas de Graaf singled out how ‘their pride and arrogance are unendurable, and only exceeded by their ignorance of polite society’.22 Prejudice and social problems have conventionally been seen everywhere to accompany Miscegenation.23

17 Ferdinand J. Fenger, Geschichte der Trankebarschen Mission nach den Quellenbearbeitet (trans. From Danish by Emil Francke, 1845), Grimma: Gebhardt, 1845. 18 Ann Stoler, ‘Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers. European Identities and the Cultural Policy of Exclusion in South-East Asia’, in Avtar Brah, Hybridity and its discontents: politics, science, culture, London: Routledge, 2000, 19–55. 19 Ann Stoler, ‘Rethinking Colonial Categories. European Communities and the Boundaries of Rule’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13, 1 (1991): 134–161. 20 Timothy P. Barnard, ‘Mestizos as Middlemen. Tomas Dias and his Travels in Eastern Sumatra’, in P. Borschberg & R. Ptak, Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka Area and Adjacent Regions. Wiesbaden – Lisbon: Harrassowitz – Fundação Oriente, 1994, 147–160. 21 Charles R. Boxer, Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973, 305. 22 Voyages de Nicolas de Graaf aux Indes Orientales et en d’autres lieux de l’Asie. Avec une Rélation curieuse de la ville de Batavia et des Moeurs, & du Commerce des Hollandois établis dans les Indes. Amsterdam: Jean Frederic Bernard, 1719; Johan Splinter Stavorinus, Reize van Zeeland over de Kaap de Goede Hoop naar Batavia, 1793, 257–65. 23 Cedric Dover, Half-Caste, London: Secker & Warburg, 1937.

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For the joint authors of a very successful recent book exploring Dutch creolization in the Indies, the emphasis lies between interpreting the mixed-bloods as ‘colonials’ (a political reading of creolisation) and ‘mestizos’ (a racial reading of creolisation). They want absolutely to dismiss the idea that Indische families formed a racially, culturally and socially homogenous community between the Totoks (European newcomers) and the indigenous population, as well as the cliché that they were marginalised Europeans.24 At a concrete level, in Timor for example, the local mestiço population had particular but different names: a specific one—the larantuqueiros—but also a generic one, the topazes, which in India meant ‘bilingual’. Historians like C.R. Boxer have tried to analyse this society in terms of a ‘mixed Eurasian clan system’.25 But it is not a very sophisticated heuristic tool. How, one is left wondering, does this scenario differ from that in Siam? And what specific term of reference should we use? The Portuguese terms ‘Euroasiáticos’ and ‘lusodescendentes’ are two that come to mind, though the connection to Europe was often entirely fictitious, the individuals more often the descendants of freed slaves from places like southern India. This is how Remco Raben explains that in the British population census of Colombo conducted around 1800 the five thousand ‘Portuguese’ were observed to possess a darker complexion than the locals themselves.26 Leonard Andaya has brilliantly sought a way out of this historiographical impasse by introducing the conceptual category of ‘the Portuguese tribe’, if primarily because in his opinion the Portuguese ‘tribe’ functioned much as any other ‘tribe’ (suku) in the Indonesian archi-

24 Remco Raben & Ulbe Bosma, Being ‘Dutch’ in the Indies. A History of Creolisation and Empire, 1500–1920, Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008, xiv. 25 Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770, Hong Kong, London [etc.]: Oxford U.P., 1968, 174–98; Ibid., ‘The topasses of Timor’, Koninklijke Vereeniging Indisch Instituut, Mededeling no. 73, Afdeling Volkenkunde no. 24, 1947, pp. 1–22. See also Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: a political and economic history, New York/London: Longman, 1993, 207–11. Jean Gelman Taylor has drawn attention to the role of Asian-born women partners in the emergence of a ‘clan’ system operating at the highest ranks of power in Dutch company circles, The Social World of Batavia. European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia, Madison: Wisconsin, 1983. 26 Remco Raben, Batavia and Colombo. The Ethnic and Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities, 1600–1800, doctoral thesis defended at the Universiteit Leiden on 28 March 1996, 131, 282; for the census, see James Cordiner, A Description of Ceylon, containing an account of the country, inhabitants and natural productions, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme, 1807, p. 51.

introduction: a world of creolization

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pelago.27 As a historian of South East Asia, Andaya is trying to reduce the Portuguese to a status no greatly different from that of myriad other communities which frequented that world. Van Leur had already attempted to do the same by insisting that Portuguese trade differed in no great way from the ‘peddling trade’ that went on by countless petty merchants in that part of the world, but the debate Van Leur’s ideas stirred up revolved more around the modernity of Portuguese economic institutions and practices than their very identity.28 Andaya’s concept shakes up the existing interpretative orthodoxy, just as Van Leur created waves in the 1950s. What Andaya’s work proposes is to initiate a research agenda into a society previous Eurocentrist historians have failed to note or understand, though for anthropologists, ethnologists and particularly linguists these were realities that have been addressed from time to time.29 Just to apply this concept to one example, we might suggest that the Portuguese diaspora of the 1660s was merely a reflection of other wider population movements of the time on the Asian scene, like that of the Makassars, which occurred simultaneously but for somewhat different reasons, but which only followed earlier emigration to Ayutthaya on the part of 773 Minangkabau in 1658, whose receipt of provisions and rice paddies went recorded in the Royal Annals of Ayutthaya, or the export of ‘rebellious Chinese subjects’ on the part of the Dutch administration in Jakarta in 1632 to a Siam that apparently agreed to receive the unwanted population.30

27

Leonard Andaya, ‘The Portuguese Tribe in the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, in Francis Dutra and João Camilo dos Santos (ed.). The Portuguese and the Pacific, Santa Barbara, Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995, 129–148. 28 Jacob C. Van Leur, Indonesian trade and society essays in Asian social and economic history, The Hague: W. Van Hoeve Publishers, 1967; L. Blussé & F.S. Gaastra, On the eighteenth century as a category of Asian history: Van Leur in retrospect, Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate, 1998. 29 That said, the new book by Raben and Bosma, Being “Dutch” in the Indies seeks to portray Dutch colonial territories in Asia not as mere societies under foreign occupation, but rather as a ‘creole empire’. For a selection of linguistic analyses of Portuguese creoles, see Bryan O’Neill’s work and for interesting theoretical work, Peter Bakker, ‘Mixed languages as autonomous systems’, in Yaron Matras ed. The mixed language debate, Theoretical and Empirical Advances. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2003, 107–151. 30 Chabap Phanchanthanumat (Choem) kap Phra Chakraphatdiphong (Chat), Phraratchaphong shwadan krungsi Ayuthaya, Bangkok: Khlangwitthaya, 1964, 916. The Minangkabau were probably from Naning in the hinterland of Malacca, which the Dutch had taken control of in the 1650s. Barbara Watson and Leonard Andaya, A history of Malaysia, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1982, 71. For the export of ‘rebellious Chinese subjects’ see Van Vliet’s Siam, edited by Chris Baker, Dhiravat na Pombejra,

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One of the most important issues raised by concentrating on this new category is the issue of numbers. At a recent roundtable workshop at the Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical in Lisbon, it became apparent that whilst some Portuguese historians continue to operate on the basis of limited population estimates of reinóis, as for example the several hundreds calculated by Linschoten in Goa in the second half of the seventeenth century, the Portuguese ‘tribe’ was a far more populous affair. An Augustinian father, for example, made the case for a continued missionary presence in Bengal into the eighteenth century on the basis that as many as 25,000 Portuguese Christians needed to be ministered to, while the population displacement from Sundiva (Sandwip) to Arakan following Tibau’s demise in 1617 amounted to 7–8000 individuals.31 These are sizeable numbers that demand to be taken seriously. Andaya has pursued his ideas across the archipelago and particularly in the Malay world, and scholars of the Netherlands Indies have worked specifically on the mardijker population descended from Portuguese slaves in Batavia and later known as Indos and Indische— meaning ‘Indies-like’—from the nineteenth century.32 I hope to pursue the Portuguese ‘tribe’ in a part of the world historians have hitherto neglected—mainland South-East Asia—which was hit by a diasporic wave of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ on at least two occasions, first following Portuguese eviction from Malacca in 1641, and then from Makassar

David Wyatt and Alfons van der Kraan, Chian Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005, 52 where there has been an infelicitous translation in the relevant sentence. 31 Arnulf Hartmann, ‘História dos Missões dos Padres Augustinianos na India nos princípios do 18 sécolo escripta pelo P. Fr. Jorge da Presentação missionario’, in Analecta Augustiniana, vol. LVII, 1994: 193–341; Ibid., ‘The Augustinian Mission of Bengal’ (1599–1834)’, in Analecta Augustiniana, vol. 41 (1978), Roma: Institutum Historicum Ord. S. Augustini, 1978, 159–213. In a report sent by the Augustinians to Goa in 1619, the figure of 14,000 Christians in Bengal appears, see António Morales in Silva Rego, Documentação para a história das missões do padroado português do Oriente: India, vol. XII, 180. 32 Leonard Blussé, Strange Company, Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia, Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1986; Tineke Hellwig & Luc Nagtegaal, ‘Eurasians: Europeans or Asians?’, in Bruce Matthews ed., Quality of Life in Southeast Asia: transforming Social, Political and Natural Environments, Montréal: Canadian Council for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992; W.F. Wertheim, Indonesian Society in Transition, 2nd rev. ed. The Hague/Bandung: W. van Hoeve, 1959, 173–175. Justus van der Kroef, ‘The Indonesian City: Its Culture and Evolution’, Asia (March 1953: 567–568. Indos must not be confused with the Filipino term Indios, meaning pureblooded Filipinos.

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over the course of the 1660s, by the Dutch.33 The mechanics of this diaspora are both interesting, and open to debate. The historian Leonor Seabra, for example, affirms that the ships of Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo carried the Portuguese to Macao, Timor and Siam, but offers no documentary proof.34 Some of the best sources for the subsequent fortunes of the diaspora that headed to the Siamese court at Ayutthaya, but who were also settled in Columpé and other villages outlying the Khmer capital (present day Phnom Penh) are in both French and Portuguese archives and originate in the dispute between men of the church loyal to the Portuguese Padroado, and reforming French missionaries of the Missions Étrangères de Paris who eventually won the sanction of the papal sanction of the Propaganda de Fide. The well-documented political conflict between Portuguese and French factions over the course of the late 17th/early 18th centuries constitutes one of the best opportunities to research the communitarian dynamics of the Portuguese quarter, or bandel in Siam (from the Persian term bandar, meaning settlement) and its neighbouring cities, and needs to be undertaken from both ends. Many of the documents written in conjunction with the embassy of Lopes Vaz de Siqueira from Macao in 1684 simply do not make sense unless they are juxtaposed with developments in the French mission.35 The Portuguese bandéis east of Cape Comorin, moreover, constitute a topic that one of the foremost scholars in Portuguese overseas history has recently identified a strong existing need to research on; above all, ‘a comparative study of the still relatively unknown network of Portuguese bandéis in maritime Asia, stretching from Kung in the Persian Gulf to Macao in the South China Sea, and including the

33

Stefan Halikowski Smith., ‘No obvious home: The flight of the Portuguese “tribe” from Makassar to Ayutthaya and Cambodia during the 1660s’, International Journal of Asian Studies 7/1 (2010), 1–28. 34 Leonor Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira (1684–1686), Macau: Instituto Português do Oriente e Fundação Oriente, 2005, 19. The only possibility of such an action is a very broad interpretation of the statement in a 1661 letter of the Conselho Ultramarino, which informs the King of his ‘services he renders the King in Makassar, and liberality with which he aids the Portuguese who reside there’, Letter to D. Afonso VI, Lisbon, 2 April 1661, A.H.U., Índia, cx. 25 (44), doc. 11. 35 Thus, for example, there are errors in the transcriptions of the names of French ecclesiastics from the seventeenth century Portuguese in Seabra’s editorial work; for example, Lancau for Laneau, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 340.

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settlements that developed into cities in southern Coromandel (Meliapur and Nagapattinam), as well as the fascinating ‘bandel of Siam’.36 The prevailing urbanized river-state of this period, Ayutthaya, constructed in the name of the legendary king Rāma, was estimated in 1700 at as much as one million souls, and situated on the banks of the ‘rapidly flowing’ Chao Phraya river in Siam ‘fifty leagues’ inland from the coast.37 It was a remarkably cosmopolitan city, one French observer counting twenty different national communities.38 Each was settled in  า น) and what the a different quarter (what the Thai called Mu ban (หมูบ Portuguese called campos) just outside the city wall, attracted by an enlightened form of kingship that measured its success in terms of the size of its population rather than its territory.39 The ruling monarch, addressed by Europeans as ‘Il più Magnifico’, was considered the most important in Asia after the Emperor of China and the Great Mughal.40 The Portuguese had come here primarily as free-trading merchants and mercenaries from the early sixteenth century, and the population grew to as much as 5–6000 souls, swollen by the Portuguese diasporas of the 1640–1660s period. Sizeable, but overlooked by scholars of seventeenth-century Siam who like to end the history of the Portuguese presence in monsoon Asia with the fall of Malacca, dismissing the Portuguese thereafter as ‘beachcombers’ and ‘vagrants’, they too have their story to tell.41 Perhaps most evidently, the community was wracked by rivalries with other nationalities (in the first half of the seventeenth century principally the Dutch, thereafter principally the French), who constructed alliances with other groups (Japanese,

36 Jorge Flores. “Relic or Springboard? A note on the ‘rebirth’ of Portuguese Hughli, ca. 1632–1820”, in Indian Economic & Social History Review, 2002, 39: 383. In the kingdom of Mrauk-U, the Portuguese quarter was actually known as Bandel and, as in Ayutthaya, was situated three kilometers south of the royal capital. 37 Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, 1614, ch. 36, 37. 38 Relation de l’ambassade de Monsieur le Chevalier de Chaumont à la Cour du Roy de Siam, avec ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable durant son voyage, The Hague: Isaac Beauregard, 1733, 109. 39 For a Siamese paean, see the ‘Phleng Yao Phyakon Krung Sri Ayutthaya’ (Poem on Ayutthaya Prophecy), in Khunying Gesmanit et al., Thai Literary Works of the Ayutthaya period, Bangkok: Thailand’s National Team on Anthology of ASEAN Literatures, 1999, 617 ff. 40 G.-B. Morelli, ‘Della grandezza, e magnificenza del Re di Siam’, Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Filza 1606, unnumbered letter following on Lettera 276. 41 Anthony Disney, ‘A queda de Ormuz, Malaca e Mombaça’, in Luís de Albuquerque, Portugal no Mundo, Lisbon: Alfa, 1989, vol. 5, 45; Maurice Collis, Siamese White, London: Faber, 1952.

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Cochinchinese) to further their different agendas and proximity to the royal court. How they came to be almost universally reviled by the end of the seventeenth century—‘the worst and most lewd livers in Siam’ according to the English; according to Thai records (speaking here of the Portuguese who had arrived from Makassar) ‘those (. . .) who occupy the lowest category here’—is a good question. The ‘extreme poverty’ suffered by the Portuguese settlers in Siam observed by the French missionaries can be understood in part by a royal monopoly on the exercise of trade that left the Portuguese without sufficient livelihoods. However, despite the mercurial historical transience of many bandéis elsewhere in the Indian Ocean world, the Portuguese community in Siam lived through the hard years of the Phetracha regime, cutting out for its members certain niche occupations, and managed consequently to survive right through to the nineteenth century. Using all the available detail, a micro-study of this misunderstood population emerges, an imperial space that ultimately has very little to do with empire, more to do with Macao than Goa, but overwhelmingly generated by local considerations.

CHAPTER TWO

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY POPULATION MOVEMENTS IN THE PORTUGUESE INDIES The Indian Ocean, as Felipe Fernández-Armesto would remind us, constitutes the most trafficked of the world’s oceans, a constant historical movement of people as much as goods.1 Communities such as the Hadrahmi moved wholesale from southern Yemen, where they left their ancestors in whitewashed domed tombs, on a remarkable diaspora as far afield as Sulawesi.2 The story, as it is usually told relating to the Portuguese, sees the century between 1450–1550 as the time of great population movement in the Portuguese Empire—‘the great Portuguese diaspora’ in Malyn Newitt’s phrase.3 The erstwhile secretary to King John II Garcia de Resende (1480–1536) describes in a miscellaneous poem how the ‘Portuguese, dispersing in great numbers, seek to live everywhere, populating Brazil and the islands, going to settle down in the Indies, and even forgetting their nature’.4 Given the unreliable and unconvincing carapace that imperial structures offered, both in terms of physical protection and regular remuneration, this was the moment for adventurers like António Fernandes, Alexio Garcia and Fernão Mendes Pinto to make their fortunes in the interstices of a newly forged maritime world, and for great feats of movement and settlement across huge swathes of the Indian ocean world. More distant corners, such as landlocked Tibet, were only opened up a little

1 Felipe Fernández-Armesto, ‘The Indian Ocean in World History’, in A. Disney & E. Booth, Vasco da Gama and the Linking of Europe and Asia, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000, 11–30. 2 Engseng Ho, The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean, University of California Press, 2006. 3 Malyn Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas expansion, 1400–1668, London: Routledge, 2005, ch. 4 ‘The great Portuguese diaspora, 1515–1550’. 4 Vimos muito espalhar / Portuguese no viver / Brasil, ilhas povoar / natureza lh’esquecer’, in José Camões (ed.), Poesias de Garcia de Resende, Lisbon, Commissão Nacional dos Descobrimentos, 1999, Miscelânea, Poem 11, Lines 1981–4. Note that Vitorino Magalhães Godinho translates natureza tendentiously as ‘national roots’, in ‘L’Émigration Portugaise (Xve–XXe Siècles): une constante structurale et les réponses aux changements du monde’, in Revista de História Económica e Social, vol. 1 (1978), 7.

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later, by Frei Bento de Góis’s journeys at the beginning of the seventeenth century.5 One senses the energy of this Portuguese diaspora in early descriptions of Portuguese in texts such as the Rājāvaliya, the official chronicle of the Kings of Ceylon—‘Not resting a moment in one place, they walk about’.6 The Belgian poet and essayist Maurice Maeterlinck apparently once described the Portuguese diaspora in terms of a dispersal of ‘cannon balls’, as if projected from a single, original, almighty act of combustion, although what they went looking for was not very apparent to contemporaries like André Thevet, who explained the phenomenon as ‘not content with certain lands, they always looked to discover lands where there was some cõmodité, that is to say something special (singulière).7 The ballistics of diaspora were, however, a little more complicated than a single, original act of dispersal, with continuing waves of diaspora pushing Portuguese into farther corners of the Indian Ocean world. A major population displacement occurred, for example, with the opening of the trato de Japão from the 1540s/1550s, whose great lucre immediately drew off population from India. Although the historian Subrahmanyam insists that this constituted a ‘Far Eastern solution’ to structural problems confronting the Estado da Índia, namely that it swelled the customs revenues in both Goa and Malacca, and diverted the attentions of private entrepreneurs to a new field in which they did not compete with the Crown, the change was also of some concern: the authorities were forced to move quickly to erect tariff barriers to prevent the Estado da Índia from being depopulated overnight.8 However, if it is true as a general rule that Portuguese emigration continued to flood Brazil right through to the eighteenth century, this was strictly

5 Góis’s trip was narrated by two contemporaries, Father Fernão Guerreiro and Matteo Ricci. Ricci’s report can be found in Pasquale M. D’Elia, Fonti Ricciane: documenti originali concernenti Matteo Ricci e la storia delle prime relazioni tra l’Europa e la Cina (1579–1615), II, Roma: Libreria dello Stato, 1942–49, 437–41; Guerreiro’s account has been translated and published as Part II in C.H. Payne, Jahangir and the Jesuits: with an account of the travels of Benedict Goes and the mission to Pegu, London: George Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1930. 6 The Rājāvaliya, A Comprehensive Account of the Kings of Sri Lanka, trans. A.V. Suraweera, Sri Lanka: Ratmalana – Vishva Lekha, 2000, 69. 7 As quoted in Joaquim Magalhães do Castro, Os Bayingyis do Vale do Mu; André Thevet, Les singularités de la France antaractique, ch. 59, Facsimile edition of 1558, Paris, Le Temps 1981, 116. 8 Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire, 104–5.

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not the case in the East where, with the economic shifts (to follow Mauro) constituted principally by the Brazilian cycle de sucre replacing the cycle des épices et de l’or of Africa and the East Indies from around the 1580s,9 the East lost its lure as the place for fresh cadres of young men from the metropole independently seeking their fame and fortune. Those who made the journey out to the Orient were henceforth career diplomats, men of the cloth, and high-ranking military men and their retinues coming to assume official posts. The sailors (marinheiros), increasingly ‘half-dead wretches’ recruited in 1629 or—in the words of a recommendation of the Overseas Council from 1621, ‘caught’ straight out of the Limoeiro (Lisbon’s central prison) for the Carreira, bore their hard lives at sea in the hope of making profit from the spices they could steal in the East and sell back home, and were not inclined to jump ship.10 Besides, they tended to be manacled.11 The Estado da Índia found it even harder to engage white crews (tripulações). Surviving muster rolls, or alardos, confirm that, for example, in a squadron of vessels sailing from Goa for the relief of Mombasa in November 1698, there were only 126 alongside 376 coloured foremasthands and gunners aboard.12 Soldiers (soldados) too, were increasingly hard to find. Texts such as the anonymous Primor e Honra da Vida Soldadesca no Estado da Índia, written in the 1570s but published only in the 1630s, sought to bring mercenaries and free spirits back to the institutional fold by emphasising the political and moral status of soldiery.13 Otherwise, the

9 Avelino Teixeira da Mota, ‘Les routes portugaises de l’Atlantique’, Actes du 9ème Colloque Internationale d’Histoire Maritime, Seville 1967, 139–163. 10 Anthony Disney, ‘The World of Long Distance Voyaging in the 17th Century: the Lisbon to Goa fleet of 1629’, in K.S. Mathew ed., Studies in Maritime History, London / Pondicherry, 1990, 143–158. 11 Charles R. Boxer, ‘The Carreira da Índia, 1650–1750’, in The Mariner’s Mirror, 46, (1960), 40. The 1621 recommendation specified that those to be ‘caught’ should be found from among the ‘ill behaved’ (mal costumados), and those who had not fulfilled their Easter obligations (desobrigados), Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Codex 33 (Consultas das partes), fls. 43–43v. 12 Alardo of the expedition to Mombasa (departed Goa on 13 December 1698), in ‘Varios Documentos sobre a India e Africa Portugueza nos séculos XVII e XVIII’, Collection of C.R. Boxer’s manuscripts (mss. II) at the Lilly Library, Indiana University, Document 19. 13 Primor e Honra da Vida Soldadesca no Estado da Índia, António Freire ed. Lisboa, Jorge Rodrigues, 1630; see also Rui Bebiano, ‘Literatura Militar da Restauração’, in Penélope, no. 9/10, Lisboa: Edições Cosmos, pp. 83–98.

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term had become something of a euphemism for a ragbag of social undesirables, effectively banished from the kingdom for crimes and misdemeanours. These jail birds were responsible for serious crimes such as murder, Linhares, the Marquis of Castelo Rodrigo, who was responsible for outfitting the royal galleons of the 1629 fleet, famously seizing one man from the foot of the gallows.14 Others report how such men were brought aboard penniless and dressed in rags, many of them suffering from syphilis and other unpleasant diseases.15 Another variant of soldado was constituted simply of escapees, individuals seeking looser straitjackets of social control. As one old song (cantiga) went: I was banished to the Indies But ’twas not for theft Was it because I hugged and kissed? Well, they do the same thing here!16

Nor was this literary embellishment. The Viceroy wrote to his king from Goa on 29 December, 1667: ‘Your Highness can have many conquests if he gives me people, but seeing the 30 soldiers that were brought to me on the São Bento I can only cry from the disgrace brought upon me for such a miserable century for India (. . .)’.17 But what of the original settlers and migrants, the ‘children of Albuquerque’ ( filhos de Albuquerque) who remained? From the early years and annual campaigns of Afonso de Albuquerque, the situation became increasingly marked by stasis and consolidation around the fifty-odd fortified settlements enumerated in Pedro Barreto de Resende and António Bocarro’s Livro das plantas de todas as fortalezas, cidades e povoações de Estado da Índia Oriental, with the free-settling Portuguese communities organised in bandéis around the shores of the Bay of Bengal and into South-East Asia happier to depart the strictures of the Estado da Índia but consequently more prone to temporary displacement in the midst of local wars and changing economic

14 Pero Roiz Soares, Memorial, Manuel Lopes de Almeida. Coimbra: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1953, 497. Jail scouring is also reported in Fr. Todesquini’s report of the 1629 fleet, in A.R.S.J., Rome, Jap. Sin., 115 II, 436–444, 437v. 15 See Grassetti’s manuscript report in the shape of a letter written from the Jesuit house at Rachol in Salcete, in February 1630, to Fr. Dionigio Grassetti, British Library, Ms. Ad. 8712, 146, 147v. 16 Quoted in Henry H. Hart, Luís de Camõens and the Epic of the Lusiads, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1962, 82. 17 ‘Response of the Viceroy’, Goa, 29 December 1667, A.H.U., Índia, Cx. 50, doc. 80, Lisboa.

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opportunity.18 We have a fine example in the shift of Portuguese population from Lovek in Cambodia to Ayutthaya in 1593, when that city fell to the Siamese. The Portuguese man of fortune Diogo Veloso, who visited Ayutthaya, noted the transplanted missionary population together with around 130 lay Portuguese from Cambodia, as well as a further 191 Portuguese and foreign Christians and five priests from Martaban and Moulmein. This group was not so fortunate: they were all kept in prison awaiting either ransom or capital punishment as retribution for purported Portuguese ‘encroachments’.19 With the sack of Ayutthaya by the ‘Barmas’ (Burmese) in 1767, again the Portuguese community was carried off to Ava ‘to serve as soldiers of the king’, although many successfully escaped their captors during the long march.20 Although the Portuguese Crown came to favour certain plans for active population movement, such as Indian migration to east Africa, and various suggestions (pareceres) were put forward for sending Indian settlers from Goa to populate the Rivers, and exiles to go and settle in Timor and Solor so as to protect the Christian communities there, in the event no migration took place.21 Only a handful of convicts ended up being sent to these places.22 According to Newitt, the Estado da Índia increasingly resembled ‘a great iceberg that had broken into

18

Bocarro and Resende, Livro das plantas. See pilot Melchior de la Peña’s account in Francisco S.J. Colin, Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostolicos de los Obreros de la Compania de Jesus, Fundación y Progressos de su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Nueva Edición, ed. P. Pablo Pastells, S.J., Barcelona, 1902, vol. I, 570. 20 Jean Baptiste Pallegoix, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam: comprenant la topographie, histoire naturelle, moeurs et coutumes, legislation, commerce, industrie, langue, littérature, religion, annales des Thai et précis historique de la mission: avec cartes et gravures Paris, Au profit de la mission de Siam, 1854 (Farnborough: Gregg repr., 1969), vol. 2, 250–252. 21 Malyn Newitt, A History of Mozambique. London: Hurst & Co., 1995, 182; the Dominican Fr. Miguel Rangel, Superior of Solor and later, from 1634, Bishop of Cochin, was the principal voice for settlement in the Lesser Sunda Islands, see his Relaçoẽs svmmarias de algvns serviços qve fizeram a Deos, e a estes reynos, os religiosos Dominicos, nas partes da India oriental nestes annos proximos passados. Lisboa, Por L. Craesbeeck, impressor del rey, anno 1635, and particularly the ‘Relaçam das Christandades, eihas de Solor, em particular, da fortaleza, que para dellas foi feita: a qual juntamente he mosteiro de Ordê dos frades prègadores & Igreja Matris das Christandades’, in Relações sumárias, escritas pelo Pad. Frei António da Encarnação e Frei Miguel Rangel, publ. in Arthur Basilio de Sá, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Insulíndia, Lisbon, 1954–88, vol. 5, 326. 22 Téotonio de Souza, ‘Carreira, Escalas e o serviço penal ao service do Império’, in Artur Teodoro de Matos & Luís Filipe dos Reis Thomaz (eds.), A Carreira da Índia e as Rotas dos Estreitos, Angra do Heroísmo, 1998, 605–609. 19

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fragments that each sailed its own way’.23 Formal recognition of this disintegration, such as Pombal’s decision to create a government of East Africa independent of Goa in 1752, was the end result of this apparent process, although entrenched opposition from the Conselho Ultramarino had to be overcome first.24 It was not, as António Silva Rego insists, a case of sacrificing India for Mozambique or vice-versa.25 While the reinoís making the outward journey were public employees, and ever less the free-wheeling types of the ‘heroic’ phase of the ilk of Fernão Mendes Pinto, or else prospective casados, those travelling on the returning fleets of the Carreira da Índia homeward bound to Lisbon constituted only a fraction of outgoing numbers. Linschoten estimates that of over 1500 soldiers sometimes leaving for the East a year, scarcely a hundred returned, which meant twenty to thirty per ship, accompanied by their ‘slaves and blacks’. A considerable number died in India. Linschoten counted around five hundred men who annually entered the doors of the Royal Hospital of Goa but who ‘never come forth till they are dead’.26 Others married and pursued the life of trade, as Pyrard explains, ‘for some care not to return to Portugal, having a sufficiency out there’.27 To be able to return one also needed to have set money aside, to have made something of a personal nest egg. Pyrard de Laval estimated the cost of repatriation at 300 perdos (pardoas).28 Masters and crews even rented their own cabins and hammocks out to passengers at increasingly exorbitant prices. Accompanying slaves were charged as freight and an additional ‘entry card’ (cartaz) was demanded, the fee supposedly passed on to the Crown. The cost of repatriation became such that it was impossible for Luís de Camões to buy his way back to Portugal in the late 1560s: he finally managed the trip in two legs with a lengthy two-year stopover in Mozambique, and it was only thanks to his friends’ generosity that he could finally purchase his return. Indeed, it was a piece of good fortune for a Portu23

Newitt, History of Portuguese overseas expansion, 248. Alexandre Lobato, Evolução Administrativa e Económica da Moçambique, 1752–63, Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1957. 25 A. de Silva Rego, O ultramar português no século 18, Lisboa: Agencia-Geral do Ultramar, 1970, 197. 26 Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten, ed. Arthur Coke Brunell, New York: Burt Franklin re-ed., 1970, 237–38. 27 François Pyrard de Laval, The Voyage of François Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maledives, the Moluccas and Brazil: in two volumes / transl. into English ed. by Albert Gray, London, Hakluyt Society 3rd edition 1619 (repr. 1887), vol. 2, 131. 28 Pyrard de Laval, The Voyage, vol. 2, 123. 24

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guese serviceman to be repatriated as part of the military suite of some government official or of a nobleman for the free food (biscuit and water) and transport that went with it, and as such was eagerly competed for. But besides the cost, one needed to obtain leave and a passport from the Viceroy, which was only achieved with ‘some difficulty’. Linschoten explains how soldiers were not allowed passage home until they had served at least three years in India, but that recompense was only made ‘at the end of the said period’. We can see this in Diogo do Couto’s account of the departure of the Aguia and Garça from Goa in January 1559: here the convoy’s commander Francisco Barreto set sail from the bar of Goa ‘accompanied by many gentlemen and knights who were returning to ask for the rewards (requerer satisfação) due for their services to the Crown’.29 Couto goes on to list a string of names of individual fidalgos, their relationship to the incumbent governor or well-known magnates, and the part of Portugal they hailed from. Personal biographies reveal that noblemen like Dom Paulo de Lima had spent thirty years fighting in various campaigns in the East with hopes of climbing the ranks to becoming Viceroy himself; his hopes dashed, he returned to Lisbon in 1589 on the São Thomé.30 The ‘slaves and blacks’ that returned as part of these retinues seem to have been treated with almost complete disregard; they starved and died of exposure and were scarcely missed. When four slaves died on the São Paulo, Henrique Dias observed that no one paid any attention because of the great number they had on board, and the same attitude existed on the São João Baptista until it was discovered that there were not enough slaves alive and healthy to keep the pumps in constant operation.31 When the Santiago (1602) ran into Dutch privateers, the slaves requested that they be taken on to their ships, a request that the Dutch happily complied with.32 It is not known what their fate was, but they evidently preferred a future serving as auxiliaries in the

29 Diogo do Couto, Década VII, Lisboa: Régia Officina Typografica, 1777–1788: liv. VI, cap. III, 17. 30 To be gleaned from the story of the S. Thomé, ‘Naufragio da nao S. Thomé na terra dos Fumos, no anno de 1589’ in Bernardo Gomes de Brito ed., História TragicoMarítima em que se escrevem chronologicamente os naufragios que tiveraõ as naos de Portugal, depois que se poz em exercicio a navegaçaõ da India. Lisboa Occidental: Na officina da Congregaçaõ do Oratoria, 1735–36, vol. II, 161. 31 São Paulo & S. João Baptista, in Gomes de Brito História Tragico-Marítima, I, 7 & 367. 32 Santiago e Chagas, in Gomes de Brito ed., História Tragico-Marítima, vol. II, 500.

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construction of the Netherlands Indies rather than facing a future serving on the Portuguese Carreira, or being repatriated to a distant continent with which they had no relations. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Siamese ambassador Ok-Khun Chamnan Chaichong observed his fellow passengers sailing from Goa to Lisbon on an ill-fated vessel in 1686; they were ‘several men of the cloth of different orders, and a large number of passengers, Creoles, Indians, and Portuguese’.33 In many ways, it was equally, if not more difficult, to be repatriated as a ‘man of the cloth’. As the King explained in a letter to the Viceroy of January 1598, the ‘professed clergy who go out to India are not to return thence’, the reason being that ‘those who take the frock there are deficient in such education and qualities as are required for the improvement of society by their example and conversion’. The Viceroy was instructed to communicate this forthwith to the prelates of India.34 Two Franciscans who disobeyed this order, embarking without leave from the archbishop or their superior, were put ashore in Brazil as a consequence.35 But Ok-Khun Chamnan Chaichong’s account is even more interesting for another reason. The fleeting notice of a repatriation of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ to the motherland they had never seen is interesting fodder for further reflection, as we know precious little about them or their personal histories. To be sure, empires exist to channel populations from the periphery through the metropole for the purposes of education but also tribute, and here Portugal with its visits from pretenders to the Arakanese throne, Japanese converts, Sri Lankans and the Maldivian king was no different, despite D. João IV’s recommendation that the Viceroy dissuade such journeys ‘so as to avoid expenditure on their persons and household’.36

33 Guy Tachard, ‘Second Voyage du Père Tachard et des Jésuites envoyés par le Roi en Royaume de Siam, 1689’, in Jacques-Philibert Rousselot de Surgy, Histoire générale des voyages, ou Nouvelle Collection de toutes les relations de voyages par mer et par terre qui ont été publiées jusquà present Dans les différentes langues, Paris, Tome 9, Book 2, 1689 (repr. By Abbé Prévost, Paris: Didot, 1746–1789), 217. 34 Archivo Português Oriental 1992: Fasciculo 3, no. 304. 35 Pyrard de Laval The Voyage, 1887: vol. II, 184. 36 A.H.U., Lisbon, Cod. 208, fl. 38: ‘Carta Régia ao Vice-Rei’, Lisbon, 9 September, 1645. See Maria Ana Marques Guedes, ‘D. Martim, an Arakanese Prince at the service of the Estado da India and Portugal’s designs for the submission of Burma’, in F. Dutra and João Camilo dos Santos, The Portuguese in the Pacific, Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1995, 82–85; M.H. Goonatilleka, ‘Two Sinhala princes at the Court of Lisbon in Portugal’, in Ceylon

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But what of concubines of returning servicemen, slaves, and retainers, and children of the Indies? Just to compare, in the Dutch case regulations forbade company servants from returning to their motherland with wives and children acquired during service overseas, and AngloIndians’ ambitions to be recognised not as ‘natives of India’ but ‘British subjects’, which would have offered tangible privileges including the right to sail for England, were rejected in the 1830s despite the Supreme Court’s ruling in 1822.37 This did not stop Eurasian families from sending their children for education in Scotland, as was the case with Manuel Derozio (1742–1809), but does not seem to have been the case earlier.38 The seventeenth century was of course also marked by the arrival of north European competitors in the waters of the Indian Ocean, who competed vigorously with the Portuguese there. The Dutch, and to a lesser extent the English, were immediately responsible for the displacement of the Portuguese from many of their trading cities and erstwhile settlements, although a minority of Portuguese preferred to switch sides and enter the service of the Dutch (the so-called overloopers). There tended to be problems resulting from this arrangement, however, and directives were issued to send them periodically to Batavia rather than retain them on the Coromandel coast. It is not clear whether these directives were ever implemented.39 On occasion, local societies paired together with north Europeans to drive the Portuguese out, as was the case in the Persian alliance with British naval power to oust the Portuguese from Hormuz in 1622, or the Qutb Shah of Golconda, who teamed up with the Dutch V.O.C. to lay siege to São Thomé de Meliapur in 1662. Combined with the endemic sclerosis afflicting the empire, this created a sense whereby the Portuguese feared greatly for their futures in this part of the world, accepting humiliating terms from local societies for their continuance, as was the case in Macao, but otherwise resigning themselves to an uncertain and rootless future.

historical journal: twenty fifth anniversary volume, Dehiwala, Ceylon, Tisara Press, 1978; Judith Brown, ‘Courtiers and Christians: the first Japanese emissaries to Europe’, in Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Winter, 1994): 872–906. 37 Leonard Blussé, ‘Butterfly or Mantis. The Life and Times of Cornelia van Nijenroode’, in Strange Company, Utrecht: Fortis, 1986, chap. VIII, 173; Christopher J. Hawes, Poor relations: the making of a Eurasian community in British India, 1773–1833, Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1996, 138, 141. 38 Hawes, Poor relations, 1996, 160. 39 See, for example, Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, VOC 1061, 202–203v.

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It was not always the case, as Anthony Disney suggests, of having to find ‘uma alternativa satisfatória’: often the ousters were singularly negative affairs.40 Manuel Godinho, a Jesuit priest, was only echoing a commonly shared pessimism when he declared in 1663 that ‘if it [the Estado da Índia] was once a giant, it is now a pygmy (pigmeu); if it was great, now it is nothing’.41 Godinho’s pessimism was principally that of Viceroy Melo de Castro, who had provided Godinho with his instructions, where he wrote that after the cession of Bombay ‘there will be nothing left for us here in India, because what remains will be impossible to sustain, since it is from these islands that the provisions are supplied to all other parts’. Castro concluded his report by insisting that ‘should His Majesty still decide that the handing over should be effected, it will be necessary to send another person to carry it out, because neither my honour nor my conscience will permit me to do a thing by which my religion is destroyed, my king is annihilated and my nation is disgraced’.42 The handover went ahead and the stringent conditions imposed by Melo de Castro promptly overturned.43 Some of these displacements were organised in a fairly orderly and diplomatic fashion and barely affected the resident population. Such was the case in the cession of Bombay in 1663 in the form of a marriage dowry, which had especial provisions established to protect the population.44 Unfortunately, the English did not adhere to the strict letter of the terms, and the State Council of Goa received numerous complaints from the residents of Bombay concerning specific infringements of

40

Disney, A queda, 38. Manuel Godinho, Relação do Novo Caminho que fez por terra, e mar vindo da India para Portugal no anno de 1663, Lisbon: Henrique Valente de Oliveira, 1665, repr. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1974, 23. 42 ‘Instructions of the Viceroy Melo de Castro. .’, Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa— Fundo Geral, cod. 465, fls. 161–2. 43 For details on the transfer and the conditions attached, see William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1665–1667: a calendar of documents in the India Office, British Museum and Public Record Office, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–1927, 38–41. 44 For clauses protective of the Portuguese population of Bombay, see §6 and §8 of the ‘Auto da Entrega da Ilha de Bombaim feito em 18 de Fevereiro de 1665 entre Portugal na conformidade do artigo 11 do Tratado de 23 de Junho de 1661 e a Inglaterra’, in Júlio Firmino Júdice Biker, Collecção de Tratados e Concertos de Pazes que o Estado da Índia Portuguesa fez com os Reis e Senhores com que teve relações nas partes da Asia e Africa Oriental: desde o principio da conquista até ao fim do século 18, Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional (1881–87), vol. III, 32–62. 41

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the agreement.45 Other Portuguese colonies were contested militarily. This was the case with Hormuz in 1622, the Portuguese forts in Ceylon such as Batticaloa in 1638, Malacca in 1641, and then Makassar in the 1660s, together with the Dutch acquisition of what they called the ‘pepper bride’ (peper bruid)—the Portuguese fortified ports of Cochin, Cannanore and Cranganore—as a result of the military offensive undertaken by the naval commander Jakob Hustaert in January and February 1663, although Cannanore fell without any resistance whatsoever.46 In the case of São Thomé, which the Portuguese surrendered on 1 May, 1662, the Dutch persuaded the Golcondan ruler Qutb Shah and his general, Neknam Khan, to lay siege to the town. The contests were on the whole fair, and there was no indiscriminate slaughter of prisoners or civilian populations, atrocities to match the ‘Amboina Massacre’ of 1623, which created such indignance back home in England.47 Defeat meant that the losers were expected to leave, lucky to escape unmolested, although some, fearing great starvation in the throes of their displacement, abandoned their infants.48 After turning

45

The two-year diplomatic imbroglio that accompanied the cession of Bombay has not yet been adequately written up. A good number of documents are to be found in Biker, vol. III, culled from the Archivo do Antigo Conselho Ultramarino. Otherwise, Frederick C. Danvers, Portuguese in India: being a history of the rise and and decline of their eastern empire, 1894, London: W.H. Allen & Co. Limited, vol. II, 335–355: Sir William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1618–: a calendar of documents in the India Office, British Museum and Public Record Office, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1906–1927, vol. XI, 126 ff. For complaints to the State Council, see Panduronga Pissunlencar ed. Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Bastora, Goa, Tip. Rangel, (1953–57), vol. IV, doc. 72 (April 27, 1667); John Correia-Afonso, ‘Some Portuguese records on the cession of Bombay’, in The Indian Archives, New Delhi, 27, 1978, 1–11. 46 K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese: being the history of the fall of the Nayar Power in Malabar. Bombay: Taraporevala, 1931. Primary sources may be found in the Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum: verzameling van politieke contracten en verdere verdragen door de Nederlanders in het Oosten gesloten, van privilegebrieven aan hen verleend, ed. Mr. J.E. Heeres, ’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1907–1955; H.K.’s Jacob ed. De Nederlanders in Kerala, 1663–1701. De memoires en instructies betreffende het commendement Malabar van de Vereinigde Osst-Indische Compagnie, RGP Kleine Serie Nr 43, The Hague, 1976. 47 Willem Philippus Coolhaas, ‘Aanteekeningen en opmerkingen over den zoogenaamden Ambonschen moord’, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, Vol. 101, 1942, 49–93; John Darell, A True and compendious narration, or second part of Amboyna, or sundry notorious or remarkable injuries, insolences and acts of hostility which the Hollanders have exercised from time to time against the English nation in the east-Indies, London: Printed by T. Mabb for Nathaniel Brooke . . ., 1665. 48 The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, a noble man of France now living, through Turky into Persia and the East-Indies, finished in the year 1670: giving an

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over ‘all ammunition used in the war together with goods and merchandise and whatever else belongs to the local king’, the dignity of the defeated was preserved by allowing the Portuguese garrisons to depart in full honours ‘beating drums, burning fuses and firing bullets’ (met slaande trammels, brandende louten en kogels in de mont souden mogen uytrecken, en marcheeren ter plaatse, die haar soude warden aangewesen).49 On at least one occasion, however, having been forced to surrender Fort Jesus in Mombasa to their victors in December 1698, pride saw to it that the defeated Portuguese chose to depart from this life by purposefully exploding the powder magazines just as they were forced to reveal where they had hidden the fortress’s purported treasures. The ‘almighty explosion’ was estimated to have killed at least 200 Arabs.50 Others, more fanatic still, advocated other more thoroughgoing forms of pre-meditated mass suicide to save their honour: during the encirclement of Colombo, for example, they proposed herding wives and children into a church and setting it alight, whilst the men were to fight to the last man.51 Fortunately, on this occasion, they were talked out of their plan by priests, who actively undertook the negotiations for surrender, as often tended to be the case. On surrendering, all except the officers, who kept their swords, were forced to abandon their weapons. Much of the Portuguese fortifications were then reduced to bare walls, or completely levelled, particularly if deals for turning over the settlements to local rulers had been made prior to a coordinated attack. This was the case with Cranganore, and the forts of Soor and Kuriyat as well as Muttrah in the peace negotiations for Muscat.52 In the case of São Thomé de Meliapur the city passed to Moslem rule for ten years, after which the city

account of the state of those countries: illustrated with divers sculptures; together with a new relation of the present Grand Seignor’s seraglio, by the same author / made English by J.P. London: Printed for R.L. and M.P. and are to be sold by John Starkey (. . .) and Moses Pitt, 1678, Part 2, 88. 49 Pieter van Dam, Beschijvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie 1639–1701, S’Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 7 vols., 1927–54, Deel 2.2, 107. 50 Anon, Historia de Mombaça, c. 1698, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal [Lisbon], Fundo Geral 574, para. 178–181. 51 Captain João Ribeiro, The Historic Tragedy of the Island of Ceilão, AES reprint, Delhi: 1999, 213. 52 The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, 89; Sirhan Ibn Sa’id Ibn Sirhan, Annals of Oman from the Earliest Times to the Year 1728, Cambridge: Oleander Press, 1984.

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was levelled to the ground, and all the Indo-Portuguese shippers based there moved along the coastline to ‘English battlements’.53 But what to do with the defeated population? Where were they to go? Negotiations of surrender often stipulated the request to be repatriated ‘to any Portuguese port’ (para um porto português), not necessarily naming one in particular, but a necessary regional beacon.54 The terms of the Cochin capitulation stipulated that the Dutch were to take the Portuguese to Goa, Bassaim and Chaul ‘according to the place where each wanted to go’ (selon le lieu où chacun desireroit aller).55 In the case of Hormuz, English vessels helped to convey around 2600 men, women and children to the nearby colony of Muscat, which the Portuguese held until January 23, 1650 when that city too fell, this time to a small but determined body of troops loyal to the Omani Imam Nasir bin Murshid al-Yaribi.56 The fall of this city was particularly bloody as an Arab work The Diary of the Wazeer of Sanaa in the Yemen makes clear: In the year 1054 A.H. (1644 A.D.), the rulers of Oman, the Kharejites and the Ibadhis, became possessed of Muscat, which is on the coast of their country, and had been up to that time in the hands of the Franks. They had no idea they would be able to take it, but they ordered everyone in it to be slaughtered with knives which they had concealed for the purpose. All that were in the forts were accordingly killed.57

A few hundred nonetheless escaped on vessels docked in the harbour: their destination was now Diu. The ‘imprudent Governor’, in Alexander Hamilton’s account of the episode, took his own life by ‘leaping down a Precipice into the sea, where the water being very shallow he was dasht to pieces on the Rocks’, though perhaps the most dreadful fate of all awaited the ‘Arab, or Belooch guard’ which was ordered to defend the lower fort (actually the gareza, or factory) and who held

53 George Winius, ‘A Tale of Two Coromandel Towns. Madraspatam (Fort St. George) and São Thomé de Meliapur’, in Itinerario, 1994, vol. 18, part 1, 60 ff. 54 ‘Relation of the late Ormuz businesse, gathered out of the Journall of master Edward Monoxe the Agent for the East Indian Merchants trading in Persia’, in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, Glasgow: MacLehose and Sons (1905–07), vol. 10, 363. 55 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Receuil de plusieurs relations et traitez singuliers et curieux, Paris, 1681, 255. 56 Samuel Robert Miles & Robin Bidwell, The Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf, 1919, re-ed. Garnet Publishing (GB), 1994, 190–191, 198–99. 57 Cited in Miles and Bidwell, The Countries and Tribes, 198.

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out three days longer than the Portuguese defending the Great Fort (Fort Capitan) in the knowledge that they could expect no mercy from their assailants.58 As we have seen, fleets of ‘seaworthy ships’ (bequame schepen) were often laid on by the victors to facilitate the defeated Portuguese in their undesired transplantation. Bravery in the defence of Colombo had earned the soldiers the right to transplantion with all their ‘movables’ (roerende goederen) back to Portugal, and the clergy the right to take all their impedimenta, ecclesiastical and private, with them to the mainland. Meanwhile the volunteer casados if they wished would be either taken to India or, if they chose, still reside in Dutch Ceylon with all the privileges of citizenry. The Dutch agreed to protect all the inhabitants from violence and cheating.59 In almost all cases, the harrowing experience went recounted with great emotion: at Hormuz all had ‘tears in their eyes, sighing deeply because of the memories of their country, houses, and goods’.60 While privileges (condities) were generally accorded those who surrendered, as at Nagapatnam in 1658, the terms on which the handover of Colombo was arranged appear particularly generous in hindsight. Here, Portuguese relief convoys from Goa were merely turned back, safe from Dutch reprisal until they disappeared over the horizon. Widows and daughters, 142 in total, were allowed to remain, although these were primarily manumitted female slaves and their children who

58

Alexander Hamilton, A new account of the East Indies, being the observations and remarks of Capt. Alexander Hamilton, who spent his time there from the year 1688 to 1723, Edinburgh: J. Mosman, 1727, vol. 1, 60–62. For issues of reliability concerning Hamilton’s text, see S. Halikowski Smith, ‘Insolence and Pride’: problems with the representation of the South-East Asian Portuguese communities in Alexander Hamilton’s ‘A New Account of the East Indies’ (1727), in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Volume 19, Part 2, April 2009, 213–37. 59 Philippus Baldaeus, Beschryving der Oost Indische Kusten Malabar en Choromandel der Zelver Aangrezende Ryken en het machtige eyland Ceylon Nevens eein onstandige en Grondigh doorzochte ontdekking en wederlegginghe van de Afgodereye den Oost-Indianische Heydenen, Amsterdam: 1672, trans. Pieter Brohier as ‘True and Exact Description of the Island of Ceylon’, in Ceylon Historical Journal, July 1958– April 1959, vol. VIII, nos. 1–4. A useful summary of events is provided by Matilde A. Hedwig Fitzler, Ceilão e Portugal. O Cêrco de Columbo, ultimos dias do dominio português em Ceilão. Rompimento das hostilidades pelos holandeses até a rendição de Columbo (1652–56), Coimbra: Imprensa de Universidade, 1928. 60 Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, in which are related his exploits from the year 1619, in which he left this kingdom of Portugal as general of the sea of Ormuz, and coast of Persia, and Arabia, until his death, ed. C.R. Boxer. London, G. Routledge, 1930, 170–173.

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would have been forced to turn to the new male arrivals in the VOC garrison for support.61 Elsewhere, the Portuguese population that departed the Malabar coast for Goa had an unpleasant surprise in store for them: ‘no soon out at sea, but [the Hollanders] took from those poor creatures whatever they had, rifling both men and women, without any regard to sex or modesty’.62 Tavernier, the author of these outrages, finds the story confirmed by two captains who tried to sell this booty on to him in Swally: ‘some stones’ (quelques pierreries), which they had gone to such lengths as ‘putting their hands into the nature (i.e. the private parts) of the most suspect women to see if they had not hidden something’.63 In Coylan (Quilon), unlike Colombo, the Dutch tried to distinguish between Portuguese and those of mixed blood, on the one hand, who were to leave the city forthwith, and indigenous populations, that were permitted to stay.64 But drawing distinctions such as these when the reality on the ground, as we have seen, was so complicated, probably only got the Dutch into trouble. The situation in Dutch Malacca was equally complicated. Here, a paradoxical situation characterised by official condemnation and unofficial toleration had arisen.65 This is best illustrated by the visit of the successful French Jesuit Alexander of Rhodes. Speaking of the Dutch Governor in 1646, Dr. Vlamming Van Outshoorn, who had himself issued an anti-Catholic proclamation, Rhodes declared: ‘He permitted us to say Mass publicly for our Catholics, to preach to them on the Mysteries of Faith, and even to hold processions in a Chapel two leagues from the City where there was an Image of the Virgin’.66 Toleration was not merely benevolent oversight. As Justus Schouten explained, it was necessary to ‘attract the inhabitants of these ands who are mostly Roman Christians. Cruel examples like the one cited here [he refers to the release of some prisoners following military conquest in 1641,

61

N.A., VOC, inv. No. 1027, f. 254. Governor A. van der Meijden and Council to Governor-General and Council (30 April, 1658). 62 The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, 90. 63 There is a longer version of this incident in Tavernier, Receuil et plusieurs relations, 255. 64 Marie Antoinette Meilink-Roelofsz, De vestiging der Nederlanders ter kuste Malabar, The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1943, 168–71. 65 William H.C. Smith, ‘The Portuguese in Malacca during the Dutch period’, Studia [Portugal], 7, 87–106, especially 105. 66 Alexandre de Rhodes, Divers voiages en la Chine, & autres roiaumes de l’Orient, auec son retour en Europe par la Perse & l’Armenie. Le tovt divisé en trois parties., Paris: S. Mabre-Cramoisy, 2 ed. 1666, 268–70.

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who were to be sent to ‘Quedah’ [Kedah] as slaves and so delivered into the hands of what was considered the barbaric Moors] are bound to frighten these people from their homes and gardens without whose supply of necessities this republic could never exist.67 Consequently, as many as 3000 Portuguese stayed on under the new Dutch administration, organised under an officially appointed capitão, Diego Cesio.68 While the Dutch privileged the Portuguese to remain in Malacca, then, for their commercial and retail services, the English governors at Fort St. George felt that the departure of the Portuguese would weaken the Fort and lower it in the estimation of neighbours; they counted much on ‘the terror and awe that many white men in the towne strikes [sic] to our neighbours’.69 As we shall see in a minute, however, in the case of Malacca the toleration proferred was neither particularly convincing, nor did the majority of Portuguese denizens choose to remain. Not all conquerors were so generous. The Omanis would grant no terms to those they were besieging, and had few qualms about putting entire Frankish populations to the sword ‘except those who, to save their lives, promised to be circumcised and abjure the Christian religion’. These were few: eighteen in the case of Muscat.70 Harshness, rather than generosity, was in any case what the Union of Two Crowns were dealing out to their ‘enemies within’ at much the same time: we might recall the terms by which the Morisco population were expelled from Spain, where they had three days to vacate their houses, or be killed where they stood; they were not to burn their property on pain of death; and they were obliged to pay for their own transport out of the country.71

67 Joost Schouten, ‘A Report by Commissary Justus Schouten of his visit to Malacca, including an account of the past and present of that city, together with some suggestions as to its future welfare and how its trade could be utilized for the General East India Company—presented to His Excellency the Governor-General Antonio van Diemen and members of the Council of India’ (1641), repr. in P.A. Leupe, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIV, Part I (1936). 68 Pieter A. Leupe, ‘The Siege and Capture of Malacca from the Portuguese in 1640– 1641. Extracts from the Archives of the Dutch East India Company (translated by Mac Hacobian)’, Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XIV, I, 1936: 45 & 110; Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1887–1931, Entry for 3 April 1641, A. 40–41, 225. 69 Fanny Emily Penny, Fort St. George. Madras, a Short History, London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co Lim, 1900, 183. 70 Hamilton, A new account of the East Indies, vol. 1, 60–62. 71 ‘Novisma recopilación de las leyes de España’, in Jon Cowans ed. Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, c2003, 146.

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Post-facto legal wranglings undertaken by the Portuguese aimed to demonstrate that the Malabar possessions were seized after the ratification of a peace treaty of 14 December 1662. In 1669, as a matter of fact, the V.O.C. agreed to return Cochin and Cannanore against the payment of a ‘certain’ sum of money, which proved to be so high that the Portuguese could never manage to pay it.72 This did not stop the Portuguese confabulating schemes to buy back or ‘farm’ Hormuz (the Viceroy D. Miguel da Noronha, Count of Linhares, sent an emissary Dominic da Tirale Valdez from Goa to this end) and even buy back Bombay from the E.I.C. as outlined first by Viceroy António de Melo de Castro, and then by Viceroy João Saldanha da Gama (1725–32).73 In the case of the Hormuz negotiations, the Portuguese were offered the island of Henjam, but the island, they concluded, was of no value to them, and the Portuguese left it at that.74 Military expeditions to recover lost territory were another possibility. Ruy Freyre da Andrade made determined efforts to retake Hormuz, succeeding in capturing Sohar and Khor Fakan.75 He might have succeeded in his bid to recapture Hormuz, if reinforcements sent from Goa by D. Francisco da Gama had arrived more quickly. Two expeditions were sent to recover Mombasa, which had fallen in 1698, one in 1699 and another in 1710, but these were half-hearted attempts.76 An attempt in 1727 was successful, the Omani forces in Muscat being held down in a civil war, although possession proved short-lived, the Portuguese being forced to turn the fortress back over to the Omanis two years later. This was to be the last time that the Portuguese reasserted themselves on the Swahili coast, despite a ‘dream’ that continued to pervade state memoranda for the next sixty years and that involved setting up puppet rulers and scheming together with the

72 The story is told by Stephan Diller, Die Däner in Indien, Südostasien und China (1620–1845). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999, 234. 73 For the plan to buy back Hormuz, see The Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf, 198; for Bombay, see ‘A. de Melo de Castro Regimento para o Pe Manuel Godinho’, Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Fundo Geral, cod. 465, fls. 161–2 and Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, ed. Cunha Rivara, Fasciculo 6, New Delhi, Asian Educational Service, 1992, 287–92. 74 The Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf, London: Harrinson and Sons, 1919, vol. 1, 198–199. 75 Commentaries of Ruy Freyre de Andrada, 312–313. 76 Charles R. Boxer & Carlos de Azevedo, Fort Jesus and the Portuguese in Mombasa, 1593–1729, London: Hollis & Carter, 1960, 73–74.

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French, who were mindful of growing English strength in the area.77 A failed ‘ambush’ (emboscado) in 1798 and increasingly apparent realities, however, turned the Portuguese to the south—to Mozambique— where greater opportunity was thought to lie. Devassas or official inquiries invariably followed major military defeats, and governors, military commanders, even viceroys faced official wrath and on occasion, imprisonment, even banishment to Ceylon. In the case of the loss of Muscat in 1650, Dom Julião de Noronha and the Vedor (the Treasurer) were arrested and sent to Goa where they had to answer for having made arrangements with the Arabs fifteen days before the arrival of relief sent by the Viceroy. In the case of the fall of Malacca in 1641, the governor Manuel de Sousa Coutinho stood accused of sloth and failure to secure adequate garrisoning, but died of illness two days after the fall of the city.78 At least two Portuguese retractions from previous bases and colonies were made into the Spanish Philippines, and not exclusively during the period of the Union of the Two Crowns: this was the case not so much with the retreat from Ambon in 1605, as from the northern Moluccas in 1663.79 The first retreat followed a series of Dutch outrages after their conquest of the fortress and the island on February 21, 1605. We have two contemporary sources that relate the events. The first is the letter of Fr. Gregorio Lopez, S.J., the Jesuit Provincial writing to the Roman Headquarters, and which was printed in the Annuae Litterae Societatis Iesu.80 He described how, when the Malukan refugees (magna multitude lusitanorum et malucensium hominum) arrived at Cebu, the bishop was absent and the hospital appeared in disarray in every way. The mercy and charity of the population and the initiative and example of the Father Superior, however, alleviated the new arrivals’ needs, prominent men and women ‘outdoing each other in their endeavours to assist the suffering even with the most abject duties’. 77 José Justino Teixeira Botelho,‘O Sonho de Mombaça’, in Arquivo das Colonias, 26, 1929, 77–80. 78 The charges are levelled by the Spanish Dominican missionary-friar Juan Bautista de Morales in Baltasar de Santa Cruz, Tomo Segundo de la Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de Filipinas, Japon, y China, del Segundo Orden de Predicadores, Zaragoza: Pasqual Bueno, Impressor del Reyno, 1693, ch. 28. 79 Leonard Andaya, ‘The Portuguese Tribe in the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, in Francis A. Dutra e João Camilo dos Santos eds. The Portuguese and the Pacific, Santa Barbara, Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995, 129. 80 Annuae Litterae Societatis Iesi, Anni M.D.C.V., Duorci 1618, 464–477.

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The second source is the Relation of Fr. Gabriel de la Cruz, which gives a fuller description. He starts with the peace treaty and its terms: from its core precepts (Primum vita et bona permittunt), to the general terms (Christianos christiano more vivere, templa [a]dire, sacra celebrare, nullum aut ex indigenis aut ex lusitanis iniuria afficiendum, neque prohibendum qui christianos ritus (sicut autea) et doctrina procederet). No sooner were the conditions accepted than the Dutch started violating them by a series of ‘outrages’. In early May, the Dutch commander summoned the Portuguese and told them they had to leave. They were given a vessel bound for Solor, and another bound for Malacca. The Fathers were first imprisoned and then permitted to sail to Cebu in a poorly rigged vessel. De La Cruz proceeds to relate two strokes of luck that aided the refugees in their flight. First, whilst astray they encountered two fishermen off the island of ‘Sanguinbasar’ (Sangi Besar), who set them on the right course again (navem porrecto fune traxerunt) and provided them with food. On another occasion, they were forced to flee at night from the people of (sanguinensium manus effugimus), once they had declared certain piratic intent. Once in Cebu, the Portuguese refugees from Ambon met up with others from Ternate, whose fortress had also been seized by the Dutch and whom were given vessels to leave the island. This group had travelled via Siau, where they had stopped for two weeks, reaching Oton and sailing the last leg under the guidance of Brother Manfrida, who took over from Fr. Fernandes. De La Cruz’s report concludes by setting his hopes on the formidable armada readied by Governor D. Pedro de Acuña to set sail with the aim of retaking Ternate, and in whose company four Maluku Jesuits were to travel to restart the fallen mission. The Spaniards consequently maintained a ‘formal presence’ here, retaining a garrison on Maluku until the authorities in Manila decided to recall it in 1662, when they sent out Don Francisco de Atienza Ybañez as Captain-general of the royal fleet to oversee the operation, including the demolition of a number of forts, including the old Portuguese one of Nuestra Señora del Rosario.81 The Spanish had held fortresses here both to assume the Portuguese extensions to the King’s authority, and to spite the Dutch, retaking the old fort at Ternate 81

A summary of Ybañez’s report can be found in Lorenzo Pérez, ‘Los Franciscanos en las Malucas y Celebes’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 6, 1913: 45–60, 198– 653, 681–701. Otherwise, a full account of the Spanish evacuation can be found in the Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, Anno 1663, 239–246, 394–98.

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under D. Pedro de Acuña in 1606 and sending the Sultan Saïd Berkat (also known in some accounts as Sultan Zaide) into supervised exile in Manila. Hugely expensive to maintain and provision from the port of Iloilo, the Spanish presence in the islands had towards the end, however, ‘became ineffective’, and had survived only at the pleasure of the Dutch governor, with whom courtesies were exchanged on special occasions and went as far as social gatherings.82 The Portuguese missionary presence in the northern Moluccas meanwhile was sporadic: religiosos had been chased away at the time of general revolt in the islands during the mid-1580s, when many had apostized and become Muslim again, but priests had been reinstated with the Spanish reconquests of 1606 as Maluku continued to remain attached to the Malacca diocese, despite proposals to bring it under the archdiocese of Manila.83 The number of priests here, however, was extremely small. Of six fathers in 1606, two years later, in 1608, there were only two. Following two memoriales drafted by Brother Francisco Vello, Procurator of the Philippine Province to the Consejo Real de Indias, and dated October 1658, Governor Hurtado de Corcuera withdrew the Portuguese religious presence ‘después de la sublevación de Portugal y sus conquistas’, although his successor Diego Farjado, immediately reinstated them. The next governor Sabiniano Manrique de Lara (1653–63) again withdrew the Jesuits and the Vicar and ordered the Fr. Provincial to take care of Ternate.84 While Portuguese priests suffered both neglect from the diocese responsible for their activities and from the vacillatory policy of the occupying Spanish forces, as we have seen, few Portuguese remained as part of this occupying presence, even though this was now the period of the Two Crowns when a joint garrison was very much part of the

82 Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, ‘Letter to Philip IV’, 14 August 1633, repr. in Emma H. Blair & James A. Richardson, The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898. Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the Islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions . . . Translated from the originals. Edited and annotated by E.H. Blair and J.A. Robertson, with historical introduction and additional notes by E.G. Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations, Cleveland: A.H. Clark Co., 1903–09, vol. 24, 280; Leonard Andaya, The World of Maluku. Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modern Period, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, c1993, 40. 83 Hubert Jacobs ed., Documenta Malucensia, 1577–1606, Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1980, vol. 3, doc. # 188. 84 See the documents assembled by Jacobs in the Documenta Malucensia collection for the twists in this tale.

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governing ethos. In Acuña’s expedition of 1606, only 59 Portuguese soldiers figured alongside 1423 Spanish troops.85 Together with the remaining Jesuit fathers, and a population of around two hundred ‘Mardicas’ (merdekka), the Portuguese finally evacuated the Moluccas and sailed to the Philippines under Don Francisco de Atienza Ybañez in 1663, where they were settled at some point (the exact date of transfer is not clear, but at any rate prior to 1700) in the village of Maragondong (Barra de Maragondon) on the south shore of Manila Bay.86 The religious historian Juan de la Concepción states that these were fervent Christians and considered themselves ‘sons of St. Francis Xavier’—‘preferring exile to the almost certain loss of their faith’ if they had stayed alongside the hostile Muslim majority of Ternate, without the protection of either the Jesuit fathers or the Spanish garrison.87 In the eighteenth century, a Spanish writer indicated that the Mardicas had not yet fully intermarried with the surrounding Indio population of Cavite, so that the former was still racially and culturally distinct from the latter.88 By the nineteenth century, their town had become known as Ternate, in memory of their island of origin.89 In many ways the tale of the displacement of these Lusophone ‘mardicas’ (actually, in the words of one chronicler, a mix of ‘Terrenates, Tidores, Siaos, Manados, Cauripas, Celebes y Macasares’) is far better documented than the diaspora to mainland south-east Asia that this book sets out to relate. Portugal was not only the pawn of all these unwished for population displacements. She herself also organised the expulsion of various ‘aliens’ from her colonies, beginning it seems with the government decree (alvará) of 9 February 1591, which was reissued in ever sterner language from Valladolid on March 18, 1605 and June 16, 1606. Nor was this a case of that classic colonial reality of ‘obedecer y no cumplir’, to obey metropolitan injunctions, but not to carry out. Antonio 85 Bartolomé Juan Leonardo y de Argensola, Conquistas de las isles Molucas, Madrid: Alonso Martin, 1609, 351–89. 86 Murillo Velarde, Historia, in Blair & Richardson, The Philippine Islands, vol. 42, 124, unlike other sources of the transfer, gives the name ‘La Estacada’ to an area outside Maragondon, which the Mardicas had occupied. 87 J. de la Concepción, Historia general de Philipinas, conquistas espirituales y temporales de estos españoles dominios, establecimientos, progressos, y decadencia, 14 vols., Manila, Sampaloc: Imprenta de los Dominicos, 1788–92, vol. VII, 102–4. 88 Joaquin Martinez de Zuñiga, Status of the Philippines in 1800, Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1973, 249. Interestingly, he refers to the Mardicas as ‘Judios’. 89 Vicente L. Rafael, ‘From Mardicas to Filipinos: Ternate, Cavite in Philippine History’, in Philippine Studies, 26, 1978, 349.

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and Francesco Carletti, for example, were thrown into jail in Macao (around 1593) for having violated immigration laws and were only released on payment of 2,000 escudos.90 A royal decree of 28 November 1606 underlined the illegality of foreigners conducting any kind of trading venture within the Portuguese Empire, and this was repeated in 1623, again on the King of Spain’s instruction.91 Those targeted were principally ‘heretics’ from northern Europe that had operated within the interstices of empire for the course of the previous century, but the laws held for all foreigners other than subjects of the King of Spain on pain of being sent as ‘convicts (degradados) to Africa, with no repeal’ (sem remissão).92 Exile from Goa to South-East Africa was, as Timothy Coates reminds us, otherwise reserved for the most serious criminals, those for example involved in the political plot known as the ‘Conjuração dos Pintos’ of 1787 aimed at breaking Goa away from metropolitan rule, but also applied to a number of murderers.93 Language tests were conducted in the presence of the Viceroy to determine the Dutch spies (Hollandsche spien) from the Catholic German community (Hoochduitse) in the Portuguese midst: Subrahmanyam’s supposition that ‘the distinction between an Augsburg-born German and a Hollander could not have been all that clear on the face of it to Portuguese of the period’ cannot thus hold, although feelings in Goa ran high with the appearance offshore of the Anglo-Dutch Fleet of Defence between 1622–24.94 In any case, illegal trade was only to be

90

Ragionamenti di Francesco Carletti Fiorentino sopra le cose da lui vedute ne’ suoi viaggio, written in 1593, repr. Firenze: G. Manni, 1701, ‘Ragionamento Secondo’, 100–101. 91 ‘Lei para que não possão ir navios dos estrangeiros á India, Brazil, Guiné e Ilhas, nem a qualquer outra conquista, só ás Ilhas dos Açores e Madeira, e isto sendo nações amigas. Nem nos navios portuguezes possam ir alguma pessoa estrangeira, e os estrangeiros não possão viver nas conquistas’, in Biker, Collecção de Tratados, vol. IV (original in Archivo da Índia, liv. 2 [Alvarás], fol. 14v); see my introduction to Document #6, ‘Perceptions of Nature in Early Modern Portuguese India’, Itinerario, vol. XXXI, Issue 2, 2007, 32–33. 92 See, for example, the case of the Flemish stone trader Jacques de Coutre, highlighted in Vida de Iaqves de Covttre, Natvral de la Civdad de Brvgas, Madrid, 1640, published as Andanzas Asiáticas ed. Eddy Stols, B. Teensma and J. Werberckmoes, Madrid: Historia 16, 1991. 93 For the ‘conjuração dos Pintos’ of 1787, see J.H. da Cunha Rivara, A conjuração de 1787 em Goa e varias cousas desse tempo: Memória histórica, Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1875; Timothy Coates, Convicts and Orphans. Forced and State Sponsored Colonizers in the Portuguese Empire, 1550–1755, Stanford University Press, 2001, 76. 94 See, for example, the letter of Cornelis Claesz Heda describing his internment in Goa and examination, Nationaalarchief, Letter of C. Heda to Dutch at Masulipatnam,

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risked ‘under pain of death’. Even good works (probably donations to church coffers and participation in local irmandades or brotherhoods) were not enough to prevent the Flemish Coutre brothers from being deported from Goa in 1623, for example, on counts of spying for the Dutch.95 On 22 December 1624, they submitted a memorial, defending their activities in Goa.96 The king had it examined by the Consejo de Portugal. Only eight years later, however, was a sentence pronounced clearing the Coutres, and they were in this manner restored to good name even if the overturning of the expulsion order would not bring the brothers and their economic activities back to Goa.97 The case is similar to that of the High German, Ferdinand Cron, whose reputation was also sullied following suspicions of spying for the Dutch via the exchange of letters in 1619. Despite the continued support and protection of the Viceroy, D. Francisco da Gama, the Count of Vidigueira, Cron was deported, detained and subjected to massive inquisitorial investigation. Ultimately, however, Cron was cleared and restored to good name a few years earlier than the Coutres, sometime after 1627, following a move from Lisbon to Madrid, where his services as trade advisor may have been capitalised upon by the Count-Duke of Olivares. His was a high-profile case, because in return for transferring letters from Venice and contributing to the costs of arming Portuguese naos, he had been made knight of the royal household ( fidalgo da

16.5.1610, VOC 1055: 83–5; Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘An Augsburger in Ásia Portuguesa: Further Light on the Commercial World of Ferdinand Cron, 1587–1624, in R. Ptak & D. Rothermund eds., Emporia, Commodities and Entrepreneurs in Asian Maritime Trade, c. 1400–1750, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1991, 416. 95 Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Ms. 2780, fl. 225. The indictment probably accompanied bad feelings following rivalry in the profitable diamond trade with the New Christian lobby, but there is considerable likelihood that they leaked sensitive trade information, and perhaps even entire documents to the Dutch. George Winius and Carrie Chorba, ‘Literary Invasions in La vida de Jaques de Coutre: do they prejudice its value as an historical source?’, in A Carreira da Índia e as Rotas dos Estreitos. Actas do VIII Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa, ed. Artur Teodoro de Matos and Luís Filipe R. Thomaz, Angra do Heroísmo: Barboa & Javier, 709–19. 96 Benjamin N. Teensma has published the seven memorials, including #2 ‘Information presented to Your Majesty by Joseph and Jacques de Coutre, citizens of the city of Bruges’, Como Remediar o Estado da Índia? Being the Appendices of the Vida de Jaques de Coutre (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 2780), Leiden: Centre for the History of European Expansion, 1989. 97 Ibid.

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Casa Real) and of the Order of Christ, and his daughters had married into the highest echelons of Portuguese-Indian society.98 I only know of one non-Portuguese European national sent to Africa as convict by the Portuguese authorities, an Italian convicted with a life sentence to the Angolan galleys following the Conjuração dos Pintos, but a good number were returned to Lisbon, some in chains. Pyrard de Laval recounts the story of the French ‘Comte de Monfar’, who was returned to Portugal at the end of 1609, whereafter he was kept prisoner in the Castle of Xàtiva until 1613, when he was liberated by the ‘good offices’ of Monsieur de Mayenne, on his way to Spain for the double royal marriage between the royal families of France and Spain in 1615 (Élisabeth de France was to marry the Prince of Asturias and her brother Louis the Spanish Infanta Ana Maria Mauricia).99 In 1642, the King forbade the entry of all non-Portuguese missionaries into the eastern lands administered under the Padroado. Those missionary orders like the Theatines, who failed to gain prior royal approval for their intended pastoral activities in the East, and who entered the Portuguese Padroado via the Middle East rather than the approved route from Lisbon around the Cape, faced immediate deportation, as we can find in the deportation orders served Padre António Ardizone Spínola and his two brethren in 1646.100 Two missionaries sent by the Propaganda Fide, Matteo de Castro and Antonio di Santo Felice, and destined for the Japan mission field were both intercepted in Goa on the order of the Archbishop and thereafter sent back to Rome.101 Further to this, the French Capuchin preacher Ephraim de Nevers was kidnapped in São Tomé de Meliapur in 1650 and sent for a year to the dungeons of the Inquisition of Goa, from where he was only released after papal intercession and military pressure on São Tomé from the King of Golconda.102 Deportation orders on missionaries

98

The most recent summary of his story is in Pius Malekandathil, The Germans, the Portuguese and India, Münster: Lit. Verlag, 1999, 97–112; see also, Subrahmanyam, An Augsburger in Ásia Portuguesa. 99 Pyrard de Laval, The Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval to the East Indies (. . .), vol. II, 1619 (repr. 1887), 279–80. 100 Arquivos Históricos de Goa, Documentos remetidos, Livro 56, fl. 134. A second expulsion order was served—the document is in Livro 57, fl. 75. 101 Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Memoria Rerum, 1622–1972, ed. Josef Metzler, vol. 1: 1622–1700, Freiburg, 1971, ch. 2 ‘Matteo di Castro und die Weihen von Indern’. 102 This story is told in The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, vol. 2, 85–87, and by Glenn Ames, ‘The Perils of Spreading the True Faith in Asia: Fr. Ephraim

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working under the Propaganda Fide continued to be served right through the eighteenth century, and were often presented to the tributary or friendly kings of the Portuguese, the Reis Vizinhos, to enforce, as was the case with the King of Sonda, who was threatened with an end to existing amicable relations if the expulsion order was not carried through.103 In short, however, in human terms the Indian Ocean world remained in the seventeenth century as dynamic and mobile a world as it had been in the sixteenth century, and is hard to reconcile with the body of historiography devoted to the Indian Ocean as a ‘timeless world’.104

de Nevers and the Goa Inquisition, 1650–1651,’ in Western Society for French History: Proceedings, vol. XXIII, 1996, 81–94. 103 Biker, Concertos e Tratados, tomo V, 260 (letter from 13 January, 1713); cf. ‘El Rey nosso Señor que guarde Deos foy servido ordenamrme expulçasse desta cidade os dous clerigos Sabino Mariano e Andrea Candella’, in Arquivos de Macau, Junho 1966, 331–2. 104 Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Trade and civilisation in the Indian Ocean: an economic history from the rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, 221; Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Asia before Europe: economy and civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990; Amitav Ghosh, In an antique land, London: Granta, 1998.

CHAPTER THREE

NO OBVIOUS HOME: THE FLIGHT OF THE PORTUGUESE ‘TRIBE’ FROM MAKASSAR IN THE 1660S The Rise and Fall of Portuguese Makassar Makassar had become one of the primary port cities in Indonesia, particularly after Malay immigration there following the fall of Malacca to the Portuguese in 1511.1 The city had developed as a major collection and distribution point for spices, but also offered shipbuilding, the production of white and checked cotton cloth, and intensive rice cultivation.2 The Portuguese in turn, who were more traders than active cultivators, and were anyway by the seventeenth century excluded by the Dutch from direct access to the rich trades of fine spices from the Moluccan archipelago, settled there and capitalised on Makassar’s role of entrepot. Here they intermarried, often bringing slaves both from Coromandel and East Africa. New ideas and technologies, such as gunnery and the calendar, are accredited to them, and the community did well, invigorated by regular international trade with places as far afield as Macao and Canton (source of gold, silk, china root, sugar, and cotton goods), Manila (important for its silver), Timor (for its sandalwood), Bima (for its sappanwood), Malacca, and Coromandel, from where cloth was imported, even though the sea voyage across the Bay of Bengal to Makassar was estimated by the Bewindhebber of the Danish East India Company, Roelant Cropper, as considerably more dangerous than a trading trip across the Arabian Sea to Persia.3 By the mid-1620s, Portuguese numbers in Makassar were estimated by Henry Short (Sihordt in Dutch) at 500 souls.4 After the fall 1 William Cummings, ‘The Melaka Malay Diaspora in Makassar, c.1500–1669’, in Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 71, 1, 1998, 107–122. 1998; Leonard Andaya, ‘The Bugis-Makassar Diasporas’, Journal of the Malaysian branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1995, 119–238. 2 Anthony Reid. ‘The Rise of Makassar’, in Review of Indonesian and Malayan Affairs, 1983, vol. 17, 117–60. 3 ‘Bericht Roelant Crappés über seine Reise nach Indien’ (13 Feb. 1621), in Rigsarkivet Kopenhagen. Tyske Kancellis. Idensrigske Afdeling vor 1770, A 171 a–g (1618–1659). 4 Dagh-register gehouden int Casteel Batavia, 1624–29, 125.

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of Portuguese Malacca to the Dutch in 1641, the number rose to as many as 3000, attracted both by the geographical proximity as much as the protection conceded by karaeng Patingaloa. Makassar became widely known as the Portuguese ‘second Malacca’, as is reported in at least three sources: by the English merchant Henry Short, in the Dutch Dagh-Register and by the Jesuit Giovanni Maracci.5 Attempts to create a ‘second Malacca’ in Solor had not apparently been so successful, for although offering an excellent and sheltered anchorage and gifted with a plentiful supply of saltpetre conducive to gunpowder manufacture, the Dutch in February 1646 under Willem van der Beeck reoccupied the old Dutch Fort Henricus.6 The displaced Portuguese population of the defeated Portuguese city of 20.000 souls could not easily gravitate to Macao either, the years immediately following 1640 being, as Roderich Ptak reminds us, Krisenjahren, with the city struggling to find the currency needed to pay for food imports from neighbouring Kwangtung now that the Japan trade was closed to them, and the ominous southwards advance of the new Manchu dynasty under their unpredictable commander Li’Cheng-tung, problematic given Macao’s prevailing Ming loyalties.7 The swelling of Portuguese Makassar was, however, clearly by people who had chosen not to follow the official Dutch repatriation process,

5 ‘In somma de Portugiesen hielden Maccassar voor haer Mallacca’, Dagh-register gehouden int Casteel Batavia, (1624–29), entry for February, 1625, 126; Giovanni Maracci S.J., Relation de ce qui s’est passé dans les Indes Orientales, en ses trois provinces de Goa, du Malabar, du Japon, de la Chine etc., trans. P. Jacques de Machault, Paris: S. Cramoisy, 1651, 76–77; Henry Short, ‘[they] kept it for their second Melaka and traded there as securely as if they had not an enemy left in the Indies because they have not once been attacked there’, in Dagh-Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia, vol. XVII, 113–34. For more on Henry Short’s report, see J. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers eds. The Southeast Asian Port and Polity. Rise and Demise, Singapore: Singapore University Press, c1990. 1990, 155. For the population estimate of 3000, see the letter of 1649 in Jacobs The Jesuit Makasar Documents, 87. For the exodus, see also Fr. António Francisco Cardim, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus na sua Gloriosa Provincia do Japao, ed. Luciano Cordeiro, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1894, 116. 6 Letter from G.G. to XVII, 21 Dec. 1646 in Pieter Anton Tiele, Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleisen archipel, Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1890, III, 283. On Solor more generally, see John Villiers, ‘As derradeiras do mundo: the Dominican Missions and the Sandalwood Trade in the Lesser Sunda Islands in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in II Seminario Internacional de História IndoPortuguesa, eds. I. Guerreiro & L. de Albuquerque, Lisbon: Lisboa: Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, Centro de Estudos de História e Cartografia Antiga, 1985, 571–600. 7 Roderich Ptak, ‘Der Handel zwischen Macau und Makassar, 1640–1667’, in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 139, 1, 1989: 208–226, especially 212–.

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which involved what the Dutch called ‘yachts’ (jachten) such as the Bredam being lent or laid on free-of-charge to ferry the Portuguese Ouvidor Geral (High Judge, or High Royal Magistrate), the Jesuits, the bishop Dom Luís de Melo, and other priests and the principal citizens (voornaamste borgers) with their wives and children to Nagapattinam.8 According to Schouten’s report, the Bredam continued to Goa, carrying ‘about two hundred to two hundred and fifty of their prominent and wealthy men and women including clergy (. . .) with all their wealth and without the knowledge and sanction of the Council’.9 Others, less fortunate, travelled on another vessel, the Oranjeboom, headed for Masulipatam after paying a ransom of 350 rixdaldes.10 The conditions of the surrender were such that the Portuguese obtained guarantees of survival, and liberty, but not property; indeed, the city was pillaged systematically for two days following capture.11 Valentijn is more explicit about the ‘treasure’ (Schat), which the Portuguese managed to smuggle out: he evaluated as ‘at least several hundred dozen Ryxdaalers’. Schouten expresses puzzlement with regards to this action, adjudicating that it was ‘contrary to law’, and attributes it to bribery. It is possible that the ‘renegade’ John Pinto might have been of some service in this act of transplantation. Offering the neutral Danish flag as a resident of Tranquebar, he was reported in May 1639 to have made the offer of a number of ships for the support of Malacca. Andrew Cogan, the English scribe reporting from Goa to the Agents and Council of Masulipatam, goes on: ‘this offer was then taken into consideration

8 Pieter A. Leupe, ‘The Siege and Capture of Melaka from the Portuguese in 1640– 1641’, in Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIV, Part I, 1936, 138, following François Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën, Dordrecht: J. van Braam, 1724–1726, vol. V, 343 ff. Actually Valentijn does not mention the Bredam, which other competent authorities would anyway suggest was decommissioned in 1639, see ‘Scheepsgegevens’ at www.vocsite.nl (accessed 17 September 2009). The DaghRegister gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia specifies the ‘jacht Cleyn Bredam’, entry for 28 February 1641, 65. Could it have been a different vessel? I do not believe so. Since the vessel was last accounted for at Fort Zeelandia on 21 September 1639, it is quite likely as an old and redundant vessel that the VOC authorities used it for such a mission. 9 Joost Schouten, ‘A Report by Commissary Justus Schouten of his visit to Malacca, including an account of the past and present of that city together with some suggestions as to its future welfare and how its trade could be utilized for the General East India Company—presented to His Excellency the Governor-General António van Diemen and members of the Council of India’ (1641), reproduced in P.A. Leupe, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIV, Part I, 1936: 128. 10 Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, 1640–41, 187. 11 Leupe, The Siege and Capture of Melaka, 46, 58, and 61.

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by the Viceroy, but as to what conditions, I do not know’.12 European settlements on the Coromandel coast such as Danish Tranquebar (which took the exceptional step of permitting a Catholic church to be constructed there in 1646) and French Pondicherry (from 1672), actively sought to attract Eurasian population. Meanwhile, the military commander together with the other officers and soldiers and some other priests and citizens were taken to Batavia under military arrest, Schouten explaining how a conference with the top thirteen remaining clergymen having got nowhere, the sticking point being an oath of allegiance to the new masters of the city, the Dutch, which the clergymen refused, insisting on liberty and freedom from oaths. Schouten’s report concludes: This cannot be heeded, but we have resolved to get rid of these restless and turbulent people whose machinations are known all over the world by shipping them to you [i.e. the authorities in Batavia] per yacht KleinAmsterdam.13

The inhabitants of Portuguese Malacca looking for a new home had, however, probably been inspired by official voices in their decision to move elsewhere. In 1638 none other than the Viceroy at Goa Pero da Silva had heaped praise on the treatment awaiting Portuguese in Makassar: ‘in all the Southern Archipelago there is no other ruler who protects the Portuguese with greater firmness’.14 In Makassar, the Portuguese were permitted to establish as many as four places of Christian worship, according to the different congregations and religious orders, though they refrained from building a fortified trading post and, so as not to incite the ruler’s envy, built modest bamboo and palm-roofed dwellings. A biography has been written about one of the most colourful and brilliant members of this community, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo (1624–67), known in Makassarese historical records as Wehara, a merchant of long-distance commerce who created an extremely wide network of trading relations. These stretched

12

Report contained in Foster, English factories, vol. 6, 141. The Dutch shipping site www.vocsite.nl suggests a vessel listed Amsterdam (there were a number of ships with this title) was used to sail from Batavia to the Texel, leaving on 11 January 1642, and arriving 31 July of the same year. On its return trip, it left the Texel on 25 January 1643, arriving in Batavia on 29 July 1643. The vessel was decommissioned in Batavia in 1648. 14 A.N.T.T., Lisbon, ‘Livros das Monções’, Viceroy to Crown, 30 August, 1638, Livro 43, fol. 29, nr. 14. 13

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from Timor and the Lesser Sunda islands, to the Dutch authorities in Batavia, with whom he was obliged to get along, to Macao and the Estado da Índia at Goa, to whom he repeatedly petitioned for personal recognition and ennoblement.15 Not all population, as we have seen, headed for Makassar. Further to this, the Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia records at least two shiploads of people which headed for Cambodia (see page 60), and five for Siam, carrying 125 passengers of ‘whites as well as blacks’ (blancken als swarte coppen), well armed and on their defensive.16 Bands of disorganised Portuguese population wandering the hinterlands of Malacca is also signalled. Some population seems to have been moving away from Makassar at precisely the moment significant numbers were arriving there. A letter from the clerk Jan de Vinck in May 1641 to the Company appraised it of suspicious movements of English shipping in the port of Bantam, reporting the arrival of Portuguese and mixed population from Makassar, declaring themselves poor and destitute (verclaerende d’selve alle arme luyden te weesen) and seeking passage to Coromandel. De Vinck treated these as crocodile tears: for him they were undoubtedly the rich, well capable of hiring shipping for their flight (rycke Portugesen daer meede overvoeren). An English yacht, the Aviso, consequently sailed for Portuguese Masulipatam with 26 people aboard.17 A vital source on Makassarese history of this period has been left us by Nicholas Gervaise, a would-be missionary for the Missions Etrangères de Paris, who returned to France to write, in uncertain conjunction with Louis Laneau, one-time Bishop of Métellopolis, the Histoire du royaume de Makassar, published in 1688. The text itself is far from objective: in the title of his work he emphasises that this is a ‘particular account of the Arts and Cruelties used by the Batavians to establish themselves in, and exclude all other European Nations from that Country’, and Gervaise himself may never have visited Sulawesi. Nevertheless, apart from indigenous histories, namely the Sja’ir Perang Mengkasar (The rhymed chronicle of the Makassar War) by Entji’Am,18 15 Charles R. Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo: A Portuguese Merchant-Adventurer in South East Asia, 1624–1667, VKI 52, ’s-Gravenhage, 1967. See also Borges, Os Portugueses e o Sultanato de Macaçar, §3.1.1. 16 Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, 1640–41, 363. 17 Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, 1640–41, 342. 18 Cyril Skinner, Sja’ir Perang Mengkasar (The rhymed chronicle of the Makassar War) by Entji’Am in, ’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1963.

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and the Gowa and Talloq chronicles,19 it remains one of the fullest sources on this period in this part of the world. Gervaise explains how the Dutch harboured designs on the trade of that port city from 1650 to the exclusion of the Portuguese there. ‘This’, Gervaise observes, ‘was a difficult enterprise, for the Portuguese were very well settled in the island; the King had a great value for them, and the People loved them extremely’.20 The flight of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ from Makassar to mainland South-East Asia Following the death in 1639 of Sultan Malikussaid in November 1653 and karaeng Patingaloa in September 1654, the position of the Portuguese and the missionaries there grew steadily worse for two principal reasons: the hostility of the emperor’s Islamist sons, and because of incessant Dutch pressure and the capturing of Portuguese trading vessels.21 The Dutch declared war on Makassar in 1653 and again from 1660, when Governor Maetsuycker sent a military fleet under Johan van Dam to attack.22 Jean-Baptiste Tavernier ascribes very personal motives to their offensive: revenge upon the Portuguese Jesuits ‘who 19 William Cummings, Chain of kings. Makassarese chronicles of Gowa and Talloq, Leiden: KITLV Press, 2007. 20 Nicolas Gervaise, An Historical Description of the Kingdom of Makassar in the East Indies, London: Tho. Leigh and D. Midwinter, 1701, 35. Gervaise’s opinions are reinforced from other sources, such as Fr. Nicolau de Conceição’s Relação (. . .) a El Rei Nosso Senhor que Deos guarde, das couzas de Bemgala (written around 1644, repr. in Ana Maria Marques Guedes, ‘D. Martim, An Arakanese Prince at the service of the Estado da India and Portugal’s designs for the submission of Burma’, in F. Dutra and João Camilo dos Santos, The Portuguese in the Pacific, Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1995), who writes of the King of Makassar as ‘grande amigo dos Portugueses’, 103. 21 Giovanni Filippo Marini supplies a very negative report of the Makassar mission dating from a visit he made in June 1659. His conclusion was that ‘to have Christians living in such a country, as long as there is not a more tolerant and open-minded king, can be recommended only for those who trade, since [in Makassar] they could store and preserve their source of income’, Delle Missioni de’ padri della Compagnia di Gesù nella provincia di Giappone, Rome 1663, translated (in part) by Cesare Polenghi in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 95, 2007, 70. For an elucidation of the Makassarese sultans’ names as set down in European texts, see Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, 1629–1643, London: Hakluyt Society, 1927, Footnote 10, vol. II, 79. 22 David K. Bassett, ‘English Trade in the Celebes, 1613–1667’, in Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, May 1958, Vol. 31, Part 1, 1958: 29–31; W.E. Van Isselt, ‘Mr. Johan van Dam en zijne tuchtiging van Makassar in 1660’, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land, en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie, 60, 1908.

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had cross’d their Embassy to China’, and ‘great affronts’ done them in Makassar, namely treading underfoot the hat of one of the Dutch envoys.23 Short-lived peace treaties were signed, including clauses stipulating that Sultan Hasanuddin should banish all the Portuguese and their followers and dependants from his dominions.24 Leonard Andaya reports that ‘there was little indication by September 1661 that any (. . .) move of the Portuguese from Makasar was being undertaken’.25 However, a preliminary prong of the Portuguese diaspora almost certainly left before or around that time. From the Annual Letter of Father Matias de Maya we learn that Father Manuel de Miranda left Makassar in the Dutch vessel Wakende boey (The Watchful Buoy), arriving in Batavia on August 28, 1661, where—as passengers not prisoners—they were allowed to disembark and even hosted in ‘some grand and stately houses almost in the heart of the city’ (humas grandes e fermosas casas que ficavão quasi no meio da cidade), though obliged to be accompanied when going outside into the streets of Batavia.26 Father Miranda was accompanied by another Father, Manuel Soares, and perhaps a lay brother Francisco Rodrigues. They left Batavia for Siam in the Dutch ship Enkhuizen on September 6.27 The Italian Jesuit Tommaso Valguarnera wrote in Siam on March 3, 1664, that he met there two other Fathers ‘displaced from their residence in Makassar’ (desterrati dalla residenze del Macassar),28 who were none other than Frs. Miranda and, Jacobs contends, though I believe mistakenly, Germain Macret (Mecret).29 Other more reliable sources suggest Macret headed for Cambodia (see p. 60). I think it is much more likely to have been a confusion with Manuel Soares. Soares wrote a report of his ‘pastoral ministry’, which he dispatched to Giovanni Paolo Oliva, Jesuit General in Rome, from Tenasserim dated 18 December, 1666, and was given a prominent place in the Siamese mission report as late

23

The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, Bk. III, chap. XVIII, 192. Frederik W. Stapel, Het Bongaais Verdrag, Leiden / Groningen / Den Haag, 1922, 62. 25 Leonard Andaya, The Kingdom of Johor, 1641–1728, Kuala Lumpur; London: Oxford University Press, 1975. 26 A.R.S.I., IapSin 22 ff 398r-407v. 27 Dagh Register gehouden int Casteel Batavia 1661, 266, 289. ‘Fr. Manuel Soares at Batavia, Netherlands East Indies, 1601’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, vol. 58, (1989): 279–314. 28 A.R.S.I., IapSin [Rome] 16, f. 95v. 29 Hubert Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents (1615–1682), Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1988, 238. 24

Fig. 2. Fred Woldemar, Dutch attack on Makassar, 1660 (Bibliothèque Nationale de la France, Cartes, Y832).

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as 1686 where he was reported to have been seventy years old and originally from the Alentejo.30 The diaspora, however, did not end with this preliminary prong, but continued right up until 1668. Unable to conclude the war victoriously to their designs, the Dutch consequently sowed the seeds of general revolt in the newly conquered province of the Bugi princes. Together with the Bugis, in 1667, under Cornelis Speelman, the Dutch succeeded in imposing the Treaty of Bungaya, which established the Netherlands’ commercial and military hegemony. The Treaty singled out dispossession and expulsion of the Jesuits, whom the Dutch blamed for the failure of their contemporaneous mission to the Chinese Court, but was equally firm on the fate of the rest of the Portuguese population: not merely expelling the Portuguese but forbidding their return even for the ‘monsoon trade’. The harshness of this particular expulsion order can perhaps be understood partly by the length of time the Dutch had been forced to wait until finally being able to take possession, and perhaps distant memories of the violence and ill will which surrounded their earlier forced abandonment of their trading post (handelspost) and accompanying settlement of ‘Stad Vlaardingen’ at Makassar with a massacre of sixteen Dutch sailors aboard the Eendraght by local people in 1618.31 António de Torres reports that an ultimatum for departure was established for July 1668.32 The stipulation seems to have intimated that a complete purge was not going to be possible, for it proceeded: ‘and to the end they [the Portuguese] might have no means to drive a trade, that they should be confin’d to some village which should be assigned them, remote from any Trading Cities’.33 The remnants of the Portuguese were to be resettled in Borobasson, an area between the Sambopo fortress and Ujung Pandang, a hamlet (lugarejo) outside the city according to Maria do Carmo Mira Borges, although if we go by the later traveller Albert Étienne de Montémont actually more of a city

30 A.R.S.I., IapSin, 22ff, 398r–407v; ‘A Missão do Reyno de Siam’, in Breve Notícia das Missoens que a Companhia de Jesus tem nas partes do Oriente, 1686, in Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon, Collecção‘ Jesuítas na Ásia’, fol. 250. 31 Herman T. Colenbrander, Koloniale geschiedenis, ’s Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1925–26, vol. 2, 162–170. 32 Letter from António de Torres to Fr. Pedro de Espinar, July 23, 1669 in Jacobs The Jesuit Makasar documents, 224–232. 33 Gervaise, An Historical Description, 1701, 43.

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‘of the second order in Macassar’.34 Dutch reports made after Figueiredo’s departure stated that ‘there will remain here [i.e. in Makassar] only three or four householders and a bunch of the rabble (canaille), who will also be difficult to dislodge, as Karaéng Sumanna says he cannot and will not banish them from his land’.35 In the end, however, it was the Malay and Makassar population that turned on the Portuguese, after the Dutch started an attack on the Sambopo fortress that the Portuguese quarter did nothing to prevent.36 Only a few Portuguese chose to stay through this last trauma, their quarter destroyed, forced to beg the sultan for ‘some houses of straw, poor and exposed’ (unas casas de paja, pobres y abiertas), who gave them the most miserable of alms—10 sacks of rice and the same of sago, and 20 pieces of cloth (paños). We have testimony that some of the ‘rabble’ stayed on in some of the names later recorded by Dutch officials in the quarters of cheap bamboo housing of the city: former slaves or concubines from the Indian subcontinent, Rachel van de Westkust, Maria van Bengal etc. (Maria was a Roman Catholic name archetypical of the Portuguese world, although anti-Catholic legislation was rigorously upheld via the edicts and proclamations of the intransigent Dutch Governor Balthazar Bort).37 A Dutch census taken in 1676 recorded a slave population of 921 out of a total figure of 1384 at Vlaardingen in Makassar, which equates to a 66.55% of the total population, higher than any other Dutch settlement in the Indian Ocean.38 If it was anything like Ambon, then over the following 34 Maria do Carmo Mira Borges, Os Portugueses e o Sultanato de Macaçar no Século XVII, Cascais: Câmara Municipal, 2005, §5.1; Albert Étienne de Montémont. Voyage dans les cinq parties du monde, Paris: Selligue, 1828, vol. 6, 268. 35 Cf. Relation succincte de tout ce qui s’est passé de plus considerable en la guerre que la Compagnie Hollandaise des Indes Orientales a euë contre le Roy et les autres Regens de Macassar, depuis l’an 1666 jusque à l’année 1669, British Library 566.f.20, s.d.; the same wording appears in Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, Anno 1663, 436–7. 36 Letter from António de Torres to Fr. Pedro de Espinar, July 23, 1669 in Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents, 224–232. 37 Heather Sutherland, ‘Eastern Emporium and Company Town: Trade and Society in Eighteenth Century Makassar’, in Frank Broeze ed., Brides of the sea: port cities of Asia from the 16th–20th centuries, Kensington: New South Wales Press, 1989, 118; see the ‘Report of Governor Balthazar Bort on Malacca, 1678’, trad. M.J. Bremmer, Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1927, 5, 1, 9–232. 38 Markus Vink, ‘The World’s Oldest Trade’: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century, in Journal of World History, vol. 14, no. 2, 2003, Table 2, 148. This statistic has probably been compiled from the Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren, Generale Missiven, IV, Archief VOC.

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generation the Dutch would have succeeded in converting a good part of the population from nominal Catholicism to nominal Protestantism.39 This did not happen to all, however, as we can determine from the De Souza family on which Joseph Conrad later modelled his novel An Outcast of the Islands (1896). The key figure in this second diasporic ‘wave’ was Padre Paulo da Costa, an important figure described in Dutch documents concerned with the seizure of Malacca in 1641 as ‘canon and archdeacon of the Cathedral, who has also been the Bishop’s Lieutenant and Vicar’.40 On this occasion, Da Costa had accompanied the Bishop, the Dominican Luís de Melo and a diaspora of Portuguese Asians from Malacca, via Goa (of which Malacca was a suffragan see, apparently to discuss the situation of his diocese), to Makassar, where the Diocese of Malacca was now transferred. It is not, therefore, strictly correct to refer to him as a ‘bishop in exile’ as some recent historians have done.41 The Dutch in Batavia continued to deal with da Costa, when it concerned, for example, the expulsion of a further wave of Catholic priests from Malacca in 1646.42 Twenty years further down the line da Costa was still—in his own words—the latter’s ‘archdeacon and governor’, although the Bishop had died in 1648 and the bishopric remained vacant, given the Portuguese Restoration, which the papal authorities were yet to recognise. In 1661, da Costa now led another wave of the Portuguese diaspora to mainland South-East Asia and became the leader of the Portuguese bandel near Phnom Penh, still using his title of Governor, head of a community estimated at around 400 individuals, on which we have reports by Visitor Luís da Gama S.J. on October 16, 166543 and by the fact that Costa had dealings with Louis Chevreuil, and Bishop Lambert de la Motte.44 Japanese Christians, who in the 1640s made their way to Makassar, where they were

39 Gerrit J. Knaap, ‘A City of Migrants: Kota Ambon at the End of the Seventeenth Century’, Indonesia, Vol. 51, (Apr., 1991), 126. 40 Leupe, The Siege and Capture of Malacca, 1936, 76, 78. 41 Liam Brockey ed., Portuguese colonial cities in the early modern world, Farnham / Burlington VT: Ashgate, 2008, 5. 42 ‘Letter of Stanislao Torrente to Giovanni Maracci, Malacca, January–February 1646’, in Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents (1615–1682), 68. 43 A.R.S.I. IapSin, 162 f. 102r. 44 Monseigneur de Béryte ed., Relation des Missions des Evesques Francais aux Royaumes de Siam, de la Cochinchine, de Camboye, & du Tonkin etc., divisé en quatre parties, Paris: Pierre Le Petit, 1674, Part III.

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ministered to by Father António Cardim, once again, probably under da Costa, now also made their way to Cambodia and Siam.45 The Governor of Malacca was nominally responsible for other Christians in the diocese via vicarii foranei stationed at Makassar, Timor, Solor, Siam and Cochinchina. It is sometimes written that the archiepiscopal authorities in Goa decided in the meantime to transfer spiritual direction of many of the Catholics in places like Maluku and Makassar from the bishop of Malacca to that of Cochin, despite the huge distances involved and the decided improbability of any constructive dialogue. However, closer analysis shows that this was a decision not of the Archbishop in Goa, but of the Superior of the Jesuit Order, whose provinces did not mirror those of the bishoprics of the Eastern Church and Padroado.46 A letter sent from the new Goan Archbishop, the Cistercian Antonio Brandão, in 1677 to Mgr. Bérythe confirming the rights in Siam of João d’Abreu, Governor of the Church of Malacca, testify to this.47 This letter was prompted by the successful negotiations undertaken by Mgr. Bérythe to secure the rights to his pastoral rule over the church in Siam from da Costa in Cambodia, and which were enshrined in a letter brought to Ayutthaya by a Portuguese cleric sent by Costa a year earlier. Unfortunately, we do not know Costa’s motivations here. Probably it reflected the consequences of an illness afflicting Costa and which diminished his authority to the point that he could barely minister to his own flock.48 Da Costa was by all accounts a controversial and divisive character. Expelled from the Jesuit order in his youth, as an archdeacon he had done his utmost to not brook the presence of Jesuits in his see. He had only left Malacca after force was applied to his person, claiming

45 Alan N. Baxter, ‘Portuguese and Creole Portuguese in the Pacific and Western Pacific Rim’, in Stephen Wurm. Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas, Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, vol. II, Part 1, 320, column 1; Antonio F. Cardim, S.J. Relatione della Provincia del Giappone scritta dal padre Antonio Francesco Cardim della compagnia di Giesu, procuratore di quella prouincia. Alla Santità di nostro signore papa Innocentio 10, Roma/Firenze: Andrea Fei, 1645, 177–78. 46 Manuel Teixeira, The Portuguese Missions in Malacca and Singapore, 1511–1958, Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1961–3, vol. I, 191–219. Later spiritual direction was transferred to the Province of Japan, and came under the Jesuit procurer in Macao, Marini, Delle Missioni, ch. IX, p. 68, fn. 142. 47 M. Langlois, Relation de Siam, 1675, A.M.E.P., vol. 857, vol. 107; more generally Françoise Fauconnet-Buzelin. Aux sources des Missions Étrangères—Pierre Lambert De La Motte (1624–1679), Paris: Edition Perrin, 2006, 257–58. 48 Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources, 146.

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to retain full jurisdiction over all the Catholics in and around the town ‘as if this place were still dominated by the Portuguese nation’.49 It is not known what happened to the Bishop, Dom Luís de Melo, who lived until 1648, although Casimiro de Nazareth accredits him with ruling over his diocese ‘with wisdom amidst numberless tribulations until 1648, when God recalled him to Himself’.50 The Solor missionary Sebastião de S. José O.P. advised the Goan viceroy to withdraw Costa from Makassar because in his ambition and indiscretion he insulted many people, not even sparing the king.51 Because of his rigid insistence that any pastoral work should be reserved to the diocesanal clergy alone, Costa tried to obstruct the building of the Jesuit church in 1646, and took similar action against the Dominicans in 1651, both times in vain. His great victory was the destruction of both churches with the help of the Moslems in 1657–1658. This reading of da Costa’s character, disseminated by Hubert Jacobs, a Jesuit scholar probably working from Friar Domingo Navarrete’s account, is however very much at odds with Chevreuil’s first-hand report. Chevreuil calls him a ‘good Governor’, although weakened (languido) due to long-standing disease, which also prevented him from saying Mass for one year.52 Chevreuil, however, so enraptured with the revelation of his own vocation and mission amongst the Cambodians—where he spent the next three years of his life—and fatalistic as to what ‘God had conceded him’ (Dio havesse permesso), a turn-of-phrase omnipresent in his text, may have passed over a more rigorous and critical character assessment of the old man. Chevreuil was later sidelined in the Ayutthayan mission, the Directors responding to his letters by informing the Bishop that they found his ‘spirit fatigued by the tribulations he had endured’ and elsewhere the Bishops of Heliopolis and Béryte concluding that everything he reported [in his Relation] amounted to ‘a pure illusion and a veritable chimera, that

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Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents, 6. Elsewhere, Casimiro Nazareth writes how Archbishop Mártires in Goa appointed a vigario da vara to Makassar in 1645, but this would only have occurred because the Malaccan bishopric was empty, so that Melo’s death may have been a few years earlier, Mitras Lusitanas no Oriente: catálogo dos prelados da egreja metropolitana e primacial de Goa e das dioceses suffraganeas: com a recopilação das ordenanças por elles emittidas, e summario dos factos notaveis da história ecclesiástica de Goa, Goa: 1902, 611. 51 ‘Letter of Sebastião de S. José’, Larantuca, 1647, A.N.T.T. (Lisbon), Livro das Monções, no. 57, fl. 422. 52 Béryte ed., Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, 101. 50

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God had permitted to test the fidelity of his servant’.53 Other accounts, however, give credit to Costa for the building of the igreja matriz, the cathedral church in Makassar, suggesting rather that it was the Moslem population that burned it down.54 At this point, Costa built another church in the country. Cardon is another authority who falls behind Costa, suggesting that it was the Metropolitan Chapter of Goa that appointed da Costa Vicar General of the Bishop of Malacca and not a wilful act of self-appointment, although contemporaries distinguish between a line of ‘Grand Vicars’ that previously represented the Bishop of Malacca and Costa’s title as an ‘Administrator of the Diocese of Malacca’.55 Part of the problem was that the Vatican, which did not recognise Portugal following its secession from the Act of Union until 1669, refused to renew bishoprics on the death of their incumbent.56 In any case, a new bishop was finally consecrated in 1671 after da Costa had passed away. Why, however, did the Portuguese body choose to move to Siam and Cambodia? The Portuguese imperial authorities, in the shape of consultas elaborated by the Conselho Ultramarino, were at that time championing Mozambique and the Rios de Cuama as an African Eldorado or African Brazil—in the words of one state memo ‘the one quarter from which all can be remedied’ (o único cantinho de que todos se remedião)—hoping to attract voluntary Portuguese settlers.57 In all 53 See, for example, Henri Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionaires à Siam au XVIIe siècle: le religiosus negotiatur du jésuite français J. Tissanier, suivi de quelques documents concernant le commerce des clercs, Université de Paris thesis, 1943, 176 ff.; Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux Sources des Missions Étrangères, 223, note 13. Having read one of Chevreuil’s letters in the Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, Cod. 49–V–16, fl. 300v it has to be said that his rhetoric obscures any kind of practical value or meaning to his writing. 54 See, for example, Marini, Delle Missioni, ch. IX, 68: ‘The son of the king [Patingalóa], who was worde than the two who had come before, succeeded them on a sad day for the Christians and their law. Soon enough, he proved his barbarity by harshly treating the Christians and by sacrilegious orders when one night, in 1658, he entrusted his men to set the church on fire’. 55 Rev Fr. R. Cardon, Catholicism in the East and the diocese of Malacca, 1511–1888. Singapore: Malaya Catholic Leader, 1938, 23; Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, premier ministre du Roi de Siam . . . et sa triste fin. Suivi de lettres et de documents, Tokyo, 1947, 40. 56 I find Françoise Fauconnet-Buzelin’s explanation for the vacant posts—namely, that the Portuguese were refusing to name bishops as they regarded Pope Innocent XI as favouring the Spaniards—unsubstantiated and inaccurate, Aux sources des Missions Étrangères, 60. 57 The key document is the ‘Consulta do Conselho Ultramarino sobre o estado em que se acha o comércio das conquistas e ser-se conveniente comerciar-se deste Reino para os Rios de Cuama’, 9 September 1673, Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (A.H.U.),

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truth, however, the economic situation there was unstable, with the closure of the gold mines, and political instability accompanying the rise of Changamira, culminating in massacres of Portuguese at the fairs of Mocavanga and Manica. The ivory trade was the great (and only) hope. More importantly, however, official voices emanating from Lisbon were little heard this far from their only pronounced point of distribution, at Goa.58 No Portuguese relief from Goa whatsoever, we must remember, came to aid those abandoned in Makassar: the first vessel the Viceroy was able to muster, a galleon named the São Francisco, was sent only in January 1666, and the real intentions here may have been more focused on the scheme of establishing a bridgehead on the north of Sumatra after the loss of Pácem in 1523, but more importantly, Malacca in 1641.59 In the end nothing came of the scheme, despite the establishment of a Portuguese presence in Acheh following the arrival of two Franciscans in 1668, and the tacit support of the orangkayas. Goan missives led proponents of the scheme to doubt Portuguese financial support and vital injections of manpower, and there was both hostility of the V.O.C. to contend with as well as unease from Luso-Asiatic parties in the area.60 The Portuguese might well have gone directly from Makassar to Macao. The Dutch had captured at least one sizeable Portuguese ship from Macao in the hostilities, the Nossa Senhora dos Remédios, which it could then have returned on condition that these vessels serve to remove Portuguese population from Makassar, in this case back to Macao.61 However, Macao herself was at that moment in time in dire straits: these were, in Boxer’s words, ‘years of crisis’, just as they had Moçambique, cx. 3, doc. 9. For its context and elucidation, see Luís Frederico Dias Antunes, ‘A crise no Estado da Índia no final do século XVII e a criação das Companhias de Comércio das Índias Orientais’, in Mare Liberum, no. 9, 1994; Glenn Ames, Renascent empire? The House of Braganza and the quest for stability in Portuguese monsoon Asia, c. 1640–1683, Amsterdam: Amsterdam U.P., 2000, 183–. 58 Viceroy António de Melo de Castro tried to move Portuguese population compromised in the Bombay handover to Mozambique ‘where they were needed’, but the plan was not allowed, see the ‘Instructions (. . .) for Fr. Manuel Godinho’s conduct in this Court regarding the business on which he came to it’, B.N.L.—FG, cod. 465, fls. 161 and 162. 59 Arquivos Históricos de Goa (H.A.G.), ACF/11 fol. 168v.; Jorge Manuel dos Santos Alves, Dois sonhos Portugueses de Negócio e Evangelização na Insulíndia em Finais do século XVII, Centro de Estudos de História e de Cartografia Antiga, série separatas, 1993, 237, 9 ff. 60 H.A.G., Macau, no. 1265, fl. 13v (dated Goa 7 May 1678). 61 W.E. van Dam Van Isselt, ‘Mr. Johan van Dam en zijne tuchtigin van Makassar

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been at the time of the fall of Malacca, twenty years earlier.62 As the Queen Regent Luisa of Medina Sidonia made clear in a letter of April 1662, it was a city ‘surrounded by enemies’, principally the Ch’ing authorities (os chinas) who went on to seize seven Portuguese trading vessels in 1663, another six in 1666, and imposed one set of blockades after another (cercos), which were only relaxed in August 1667.63 The historian Teixeira nevertheless estimates that the bulk of the emigration, which he puts at 3000 individuals, ended up in Macao (530 individuals), though he vastly underestimates the numbers who moved on to Siam (10 individuals).64 We can perhaps raise two points regarding Teixeira’s work. It needs to be complemented by the historian Souza’s work, which records a wave of the Makasserese diaspora that fled via Macao to Siam at around this time.65 Secondly, Teixeira ignores other population estimates for Macao, which contend that by 1669 the casado population had fallen to perhaps one thousand, half of what it had been in 1635.66 Meanwhile, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo, despite being married to a Macanese, emigrated to Larantuka on the island of Flores, but only in April 1665 and after ardent pleading with the Dutch authorities failed to save him his base at Makassar.67 Larantuka had the advantage of being the only fully fortified Portuguese settlement with adequate artillery in the Solor islands. After the Portuguese Restoration back home in Europe, Maluku was no longer a possibility, where the Spanish authorities allowed Portuguese priests to minister out of courtesy, although they were clearly disparaged. Figueiredo moved ‘with his entire household’ (com toda sua caza), as well as a substantial population of Makassarese Portuguese, notably the priest António Francisco, who had stayed on in Makassar after the initial wave of departures

in 1660’, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie, 60, 1908. Van Isselt speaks of Nossa Senhora de Remedia, but is wrong. 62 Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770, Hong Kong, London [etc.]: Oxford U.P., 1968, 139–199. 63 Ames, Renascent empire?, 2000, 131; H.A.G. MR/28 A fo. 140, 7/IV/1662. For an impression of day-to-day realities under the state of siege, see J.F. Marques Pereira, ‘Uma Resurreição Histórica (paginas ineditas d’um visitador dos jesuitas, 1665–1671)’, in Ta-Sei-Yang-Kuo, 2, 1900, 693 ff. 64 Teixeira, The Portuguese Missions, vol. II, 24, 100. 65 George Bryan Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–1754, C.U.P., 1986, 33. 66 Souza, Survival, 32. 67 Annual Letter of Father Matias de Maya, 1666, in Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (A.R.S.I), Rome, Iap.-Sin., fol. 22, 398r–407v.

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as ‘Father of Christians’ (Pai dos Cristãos) with care of one thousand souls.68 Antonio Macedo, appointed the Dominican Superior and Commissioner of Solor in 1660, took the belongings of the Dominican church of Makassar to Larantuca.69 Their collective departure for Larantuka marked a growth in importance and influence of that ‘centre of Portuguese energies’ (centro de irradiação lusa),70 which was supported by the state as far as it could: the new Viceroy being instructed to ‘give particular application and assistance to the conservation of these islands, encouraging the vassals who serve me there with all types of honours and favours’.71 Some individuals, however, like Fr. António de Torres S.J., quickly moved on to Siam, justifying his departure diplomatically but unrevealingly in terms of ‘servicio de Nuestro Señor’.72 The Dominicans entrenched in Solor may have been hostile to his arrival, as they were to many a new arrival. Indeed, from reading official correspondence, they were a bane of royal authority, as Mello de Castro explained to the Crown, ‘due to the revolts that the monks of Saint Dominic have made against the Captain General there’.73 This unfriendliness extended to members of the clergy: of João de Abreu de Lima, the Governor of the Bishop of Malacca and his vigário da vara, it went reported in 1682 that ‘the Dominican priests did not want to admit him, nor accept him, thus defying the common jurisdiction of the Archbishop of India’.74 Torres’ decision, however, to move on to Siam from Solor did not amount to a general rule: Torres travelled alone and did not thereby greatly add to the diasporic wave. 68 Torres to de Espinar, letter of 23 July 1669, in Jacobs The Jesuit Makasar documents, doc. 70. 69 Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe, University of Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993, Volume 3 ‘A Century of Advance’, 140. 70 Charles R. Boxer, António Coelho Guerreiro, e as relações entre Macau e Timor, no comêço do século XVIII. Macau: Escola Tipográfica do Orfanato da Imaculada Conceição de Macau, 1940, 2; see also Alan N. Baxter, ‘Notes on the Creole Portuguese of Bidau, East Timor’, Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages, 5 (1), 1–38, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamin, 1990. 71 H.A.G. MR/36 fo. 415, Pedro to Mendonça Furtado, 20/III/1671. 72 Torres to de Espinar, letter of 23 July 1669, in Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar documents, doc. 70. 73 On the ‘monks of St. Dominic’, see António Francisco to Giampaolo Oliva, Macao, December 5, 1670 and Mello de Castro, HAG MR/28 A fol. 141, letter of 29/ XII/1662. 74 ‘Copy of the letter by António da Fonseca, Procurator for Missing Persons in the Kingdom of Siam, written to Count Alvor, Viceroy and Captain General of India’, A.H.U., Índia, caixa 32, doc. no. 6. That said João de Abreu was not popular in Siam either. Langlois considering him ignorant and suspect of Judaism, see his Relation de Siam, 1675, A.M.E.P. 857, vol. 107.

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Some voices suggested transplanting Portuguese Makassar to a similar Insulindian environment with strong latent trading possibilities. Bandermassin in Borneo was one such candidate. Macanese came regularly to load pepper, four vessels alone coming here in the year 1691, and offered a way-station on longer hauls to the lucrative sandalwood resources of Timor and Flores.75 In 1662 an embassy was sent here with well-wishing (beneplácito) from the Leal Senado de Macao, although we do not know the details.76 Contemporaries familiar with the Indian ocean world, like François Martin, reflected upon but ultimately counselled against such a move: for him, these were remote archipelagos of the ‘Mer du Sud’ whose inhabitants were tinged with ‘barbarity’ and whose reports from what he had seen of them only confirmed these prejudices.77 According to Dutch sources there was a Portuguese presence here around 1677, but it was only later, around 1686, that a wealthy and influential morador from Macao, D. Luís Francisco Coutinho, a fidalgo with blood ties to the viceroys of India, promoted the idea of establishing a feitoria here, whose ensconcement in local society would be bolstered and whose middlemen costs reduced reduced by a simultaneous religious mission on the part of the Theatines amongst the Ngaju pepper growers in the sertão away from the coast. This brilliant idea unfortunately petered out after Spanish merchants from Manila tried to muscle in on the Portuguese pepper monopoly here, leading to armed combat and destruction of the Portuguese feitoria by troops of the Banjar sultan in 1691.78 There was also a precursor for flight to the Philippines, as happened in May 1606, following the fall of the Portuguese town of Ambon to the V.O.C.79 Admiral Steven van der Haghen had initially guaranteed freedom of religion to the Catholic Portuguese although, as elsewhere,

75 On Portugal and Borneo, see Manuel Teixeira ‘Early Portuguese & Spanish contacts with Borneo’, in Kuei-yung Chang’s International Association of Historians of Asia: Second Biennial Conference Proceedings, Taipei, 1962, 485–525. On the sandalwood trade, see G.B. Souza, The Survival of Empire. 76 Alves, Dois sonhos Portugueses, 15. 77 Mémoires de François Martin . . . 1665–1696. Publiés par A. Martineau. Avec une introduction de Henri Froidevaux, etc Paris: 1931–4, vol. 3, 199. 78 ‘Treslado da Carta que o Senado da Câmara de Macau enviou ao Governador de Manila e a sua audiência sobre o sucesso de Banjarmassin neste ano de 1690’, in Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Macau, Caixa 2, doc. 30. 79 Hubert Jacobs, ‘The Portuguese Town of Ambon, 1576–1605’, in Luís de Albuquerque and Inácio Guerreiro, II Seminario Internacional de Historia Indo—Portuguesa, Lisbon: Instituto de Investigação Tropical & Centro de Estudos de História e Cartografia Antiga, 1985, 611–12.

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this did not last long and seems to have been the trigger for this diaspora, after an initial group—somewhat larger than the second— had moved in March 1605 under the leadership of the Portuguese governor, in two ships to Malacca. On this second occasion, as many as 250 left Ambon.80 The superior of the mission, Lorenzo Massonio, and his assistant, Andrea Pereira, could not take all the Jesuits and their converts in the ship placed at their disposal, so they took only the sick and made for Cebu as fast as they could. Luckily, Bishop Pedro de Agurto had provided Cebu with a hospital a year or so earlier and asked the Jesuits to take charge of it. Here the exiles were housed, fed, and cared for until they were well enough to move on. The Jesuits financed the operation partly from their own resources, partly by going to the wealthier citizens and asking each one to endow a bed, that is, to furnish the bed in the first place, with all its appurtenances such as pillows and sheets, and then to contribute what was needed for the food and medical care of its occupant.81 In the 1660s, however, the entente between Portugal and Spain had broken down following the former’s declaration of independence and the ensuing Portuguese Restoration War (Guerra da Restauração). The Spanish Philippines were no longer an option for dispossessed Portuguese communities. In explaining why it was that diasporic flows of Portuguese population went to Cambodia and particularly Siam, we need to bear in mind both the circumstances of the ‘flight from Malacca’ twenty years previously, in which population had made that same journey, and the structures of the Eastern Church.82 Although both Siam and Cambodia were under the jurisdiction of the Jesuit Province of Japan, which on occasion dispatched all the accoutrements needed for mass (hosts, vestments, missals, goblets etc.) to the struggling church in southeast Asia, both were dioceses that fell under the Malaccan bishopric’s authority in a see that stretched from Pegu to China and embraced

80 Isaac Commelin, Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenigde Nederlantsche Geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie, Amsterdam: Janszoon, 1646, vol. 2, Voyage 12, 36; P.A. Tiele ed., ‘Documenten voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanders in het Oosten’, Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap, 6, 1983, 285, 289; Hubert Jacobs ed. Documenta Malucensia, Monumenta Missionum Sociatatis Iesu, 39, Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1980, vol.2, 681, 690. 81 Francisco Colín, Labor evangélica ed. Pablo Pastells, 3 vols., Barcelona: Henrich., 1900–1902, vol. II, 173; III, 26–27, 162; Pedro Chirino, Primera parte de la historia de la provincia de Philipinas de la Compañia de Jesús (ms., c. 1610), Bk. II, Ch. 27. 82 Cardon, Catholicism in the East.

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Solor according to the apostolic bull ‘Pro Excellenti Praeeminentia’ attributed on 4 February, 1558.83 Both Macao and Malacca, in turn, were suffragan dioceses, i.e. subject to the Archbishopric of Goa. Paulo da Costa, as Governor of Malacca and one of the leaders of the Portuguese diaspora, must have felt reassured that his title and hence leadership would remain intact after flight to mainland South-East Asia, which was part of the same see. We can assume that those who went with da Costa, mirroring his own story, had probably themselves fled from Malacca to Makassar following the city’s loss to the Dutch in 1641. On that occasion, it is not clear that Makassar had been his final destination. He initially sailed to Larantuka, where he tried to establish a residence, but eventually had to flee to Timor, as with the case of António de Torres probably on account of Dominican hostility, and thence to Macao, leaving Solor and Flores without a Bishop.84 Only then did he make his way to Makassar. Portuguese ecclesiastical journeys in South-East Asia seem to have been somewhat circuitous affairs generally speaking, however. The pinnace (pataxo), which took a party of eleven Jesuits and four Capuchin friars from Goa to Macao in 1658 via Larantuka and Makassar is a good example.85 Aware of the problems of migrating to the Lesser Sunda Islands from his experiences in the 1640s, da Costa would not have wanted a repeat performance. There were other factors he almost certainly took into consideration. He would have been advised of the recent successes in the mission fields of Vietnam, described as a ‘new Japan’ in the classic treatises of Cristoforo Borri Relatione della nuova missione delli PP. della Compagnia di Giesu, al regno della Concincina (Rome, 1631),86 and Father Alexandre de Rhodes’s Histoire du royaume de Tunquin (Lyon, 1651). We do not know how good an ethnographer 83

For the dispatch of accoutrements for mass, see Fr. Luís Cacegas’ Historia de S. Domingos particular do Reino e Conquistas de Portugal: Reformada, & c., por Luis de Sousa, 3.ed edition, Lisbon Typ. do Panorama, 1866, vol. IV, 416. For the papal bull, see Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae Regum, ed. Levy Maria Jordão, Lisbon, Ex Tipografia Nationali, Vol. I, 1868, 193. 84 Lach & Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe, Bk. III, 139. 85 Notícias do Oriente Portugues em 1658 segundo uma relação inédita, ed. António Augusto Ferreira da Cruz, ed. Porto Publ. do Centro de Estudos Humanisticos, 1958. 86 This text was translated into five languages within two years. Robert Ashley prepared the English translation, which he published as Cochin-China containing many admirable rarities and singularities of that country, London, Printed by Robert Raworth, for Richard Clutterbuck, 1633. For more on Borri, see L. Petech, ‘Borri, Cristoforo’ in Alberto M. Ghisalberti, Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 13, 3–4, and Olga Dror and Keith Weller Taylor eds., Views of seventeenth-century Vietnam: Christoforo Borri on Cochinchina and Samuel Baron on Tonkin, Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 2006.

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da Costa was, but as Governor of Malacca, and hence a consummate politician, he must have been aware that the Malay Islamic states were considered subordinate, and hence tributaries to the Siamese state. In moving to the centre, he would be gravitating to a natural centre of political authority in that part of the world. The English, who also stood to be ‘unnested’ from their trading factory in Makassar were also pondering where to move and, in an unpublished eyewitness account by one of the English factors, William Mainstone, revealed how Siam was clearly: the only place for your [E.I.C.] settlement of a Factory (. . .) The place is a seat of great trade, governed by a potent and prince-like King, the staple for the Manila, Japan, Macao and Cochin-China [trades] and since the late wars in Cambodia have removed all commerce (. . .) it is devolved thither; and the wealthiest of the Portuguese and Malayans intend that their station.87

It is a great pity that we do not have more explicit detail about Costa’s movements, or his thinking at this important point in time. Finally, we must bear in mind that the model of kingship on mainland South-East Asia at that time was one in which rulers were keen to attract population, since their political success was estimated in terms of controlling manpower rather than territory, and this may have been known to the Portuguese from previous contact with the region.88 Large populations could be sustained from the abundance of food readily available from the richly watered rice-growing plains of river-states such as Ayutthaya, where the carp came to stand symbolically for the abundance in civic rituals.89 But equally, readily available manpower was needed in large supply for the digging and maintenance of the canals and river channels that brought order to Ayutthaya and enabled communication, and had to be fashioned with considerable effort from this natural swampland and morass. The organisation, journey and distribution of the diaspora—as already intimated—remains something of a mystery. It is not known, for example, how many members of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ Father 87

British Library (B.L.). India Office Library, Java Records, III, iii, fl. 175. David P. Chandler, A History of Cambodia, St. Leonards, N.S.W.: Allen & Unwin, 1993, 80–81. 89 Writing in 1845, Jean-Baptiste Pallegoix commented how Ayutthaya ‘is still very rich and fertile with an abundance of fish and rice’, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam: comprenant la topographie, histoire naturelle, moeurs et coutumes, legislation, commerce, industrie, langue, littérature, religion, annales des Thai et précis historique de la mission: avec cartes et gravures Paris, Au profit de la mission de Siam. 1854, vol. 2, 74. 88

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Germain Mecret, who led one prong of the Macassarese diaspora to Cambodia in 1661, took with him,90 but the instability of the Cambodian court was well-known.91 Massacres of foreign populations and repeated exoduses of those fearing for their lives (e.g., 1651, 1670) were a regular occurrence, Mainstone reporting how ‘the late wars have removed all commerce out of that barbarous hole’, and so numbers are certain to have been less than in neighbouring Siam.92 He might have been one of those missionaries for whom the challenge of opening new mission-fields was worth more than consolidating existing ones, or he may have been a difficult and reclusive character. Or he may have been operating from pointers given him, somewhat out-dated perhaps, of Portuguese population, ‘a few households’ (eeinige huysgesinnen), that had moved to Cambodia via Macao following the loss of Malacca in 1641, and another that migrated there a year later, ‘accompanied by an ambassador and numerous people (veel volcq) seeking to establish themselves in Cambodia’ (om daer weder op nieuws residentie te versoecken).93 In any case, Louis Chevreuil reported seeing only one somewhat modest church in the Portuguese quarter (it is not known what happened to the ‘wooden [church] and not of stone, so unsafe it could have collapsed’, which served the Japanese Christian community), which stands poorly alongside the three, perhaps four Portuguese-ran churches in Ayutthaya.94 The scholar Benno Biermann has otherwise contended that the Dominican Order retained spiritual leadership of the community in Cambodia, ministering to converts at their church and providing a commissary for the Grand Inquisitor in Goa, but this escaped commentators such as Chevreuil and may have been more the case in earlier times, such as when Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio published his Breve y verdadera relacion de los successos del reino de Camboxa in 1604.95 By a decision of the Propaganda Fide of 9 November, 1626, the Bishops of Malacca were made Inquisitors 90 Biblioteca da Ajuda (B.A.), Lisbon, Livro do principio, 78; Jesuitas na Ásia, 49–IV66, fol. 78r. J.S. Cummins’s comments, based on Pfister’s Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine, 1552–1773, Shanghai: 1932–4, vol. I, 368, are misinformed. The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, 1618–86, Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1962, vol. 2, 268. 91 Casteleyn, Pieter. ed., Strange Events in the Kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos (1635– 1644), translated, annotated and with an introduction by Carool Kersten, Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2003. 92 B.L., India Office Library, Java Records, III, iii, fl. 175. 93 Dagh-Register gehouden in’t Casteel Batavia, 1640–41, 244. 94 Chevreuil, Relation des Missions, fl. 145; Marini, Delle Missioni (repr. 2007), 42. 95 Benno M. Biermann, ‘Die Missionen der Portugiesischen Dominikaner in

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in all areas of their jurisdiction.96 Mecret himself did not stay with his flock, although the Jesuit Superior Carlo della Rocca met him in Lovek in 1662, moving on to Champa in now southern and central Vietnam. On 23 December 1664, Mecret is already recorded in Guangzhou, and later in exile in Macao, where he agreed to replace Prospero Intorcetta in prison when that Jesuit was appointed Mission Representative to Rome.97 Meanwhile, Rocca, who ministered at Ponhéa Lü, a fiefdom that the Cambodian king had granted the Spanish adventurer Ruiz de Hernán Gonzáles some sixty years previously, and António de Monteiro, who had brought a revered statue of the Virgin from Makassar, sustained the Christian community alongside da Costa.98 The Portuguese diaspora from Makassar must be considered independently from a parallel exodus of considerable numbers of Muslim Makassarese to the Kingdom of Siam, despite what at first hand must appear a coterminous phenomenon. The Dutch war in the East Indies, of course, had not just affected the Portuguese communities, but the Makassarese more generally. The Makassarese, however, had their own reasons for emigration. As the Dutch promoted the Bugi prince, Arung Palakka, ruler of Bone, as de facto chief overlord of South Sulawesi, traditional political relationships were disrupted. New representatives were placed in positions of power. Many of the nobles of the Goa kingdom of the Celebes were unwilling to live under a ruler handpicked by their worst enemy and resented the forced oath-taking which Arung Palakka demanded of them.99 After 1669, ‘the trickle (of refugees) became a veritable flood’,100 a phenomenon which continued due to protracted warfare for the entire course of the seventeenth century. Streams of Makassarese went to the western half of the archipelago, to Java, the east coast of Sumatra (Jambi, Palembang) and Madura, others to Banten, but one diaspora moved to the South-East Asian mainland.

Hinterindien’, Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaften und Religionwissenschaft, 21, 1931: 305–327. 96 Bullarium Patronatus, III, 41. 97 Zhao Dianhong, ‘The Activities of the Detained Missionaries in Guangzhou During the Calendar Case early in the Reign of Kangxi (1662–1671)’, Journal of Macau Studies, vol. 19, December 2003, 273. 98 On the history of Ponhéa Lu, see Achille Dauphin-Meunier, Histoire du Cambodge, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1961, 102. 99 Andaya, The Kingdom of Johor, 116. 100 Andaya, The Bugis-Makassar Diasporas.

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Regardless of the synchronicity of the waves of Portuguese and Makassarese arrivals in Siam, we must remember that the Makassarese were no born friends of the Portuguese: from the later insurrection in Ayutthaya in 1686, it is clear that the Makassarese intention there was to, in the opinion of one first-hand observer, the Count of Forbin, ‘annihilate all the Christians, Portuguese and Japanese, so that not one remains’.101 The independence of the Makassarese diaspora from that of the Portuguese is also evident from the way the sources tell the tale. Gervaise, as he recounts the episode in his Histoire du royaume de Makassar, is concerned exclusively with the Makassarese diaspora and fails even to mention that of the ‘Portuguese’.102 The prince Daën Ma-Allé (commonly known as Prince Dai) had lost his throne as a result of the Dutch rearrangement of the political configuration of the Celebes. His advisers encouraged him to leave the kingdom altogether, fearing his assassination, and take advantage of an offer which the King of Siam had made to him several times of a place of retirement and employment in his dominions: Thus he embarked from Java (where he had sought temporary shelter) with his Princess his wife, some servants, and about 60 Makassarese families also (. . .) out of the great esteem and love which they had for him, and desirous to be companions of his good or bad fortune.103

So they arrived in Siam in 1664, leaving Makassar earlier than the main body of the diaspora, and were received extremely well, accepting a ‘fair House, adorn’d and furnish’d with the most beautiful rarities of China workmanship’, valuable presents to his wife, and the title of Docja Pacdi, ‘which in Siam signified the Grand Treasurer of the Crown’. The Siamese King had a long tradition of receiving foreign princes at his court, including those of Cambodia, Laos, Chiengmai and Banca, the latter captured in war and who had placed themselves voluntarily under the protection of the Siamese king.104 The princes of the Cambodian line were particularly welcome because historians 101 Claude Forbin, Le Voyage du comte de Forbin à Siam, 1685–1688, Paris: Zulma, 1991, 69. 102 As the French edition is so rare, I have used the early modern English translation An Historical Description of the Kingdom of Makassar in the East Indies, London: Tho. Leigh and D. Midwinter, 1701. Reproduced on microfilm, Woodbridge, CT: Research Publications, Inc., 1986. 103 Gervaise, Description historique du royaume de Macaçar, 98–99. 104 Guy Tachard, Voyage de Siam des pères jésuites, envoyez par le roy aux Indes & à la Chine. Avec leurs observations astronomiques. . .; [Second voyage du père Tachard

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have seen in their presence the King’s ability to lay claim to a proud Angkorean tradition that Phra Narai very much wanted to be seen in.105 Moreover, the Siamese king distributed among those who had followed the prince: a good Quantity of Land, more than was sufficient for their subsistence, gave them oxen to plough it, with orders to give the Prince the same respects as to himself, as also to pay him the same Tribute as they were to pay him were he their King in Makassar.106

From the manuscript map of the ‘Siamese River’, dated to around 1690 and kept in the National Archives at The Hague, we can see the Makassar camp to the south of the Portuguese one.107 The Count of Forbin, who was made military governor of Bangkok between 1685–88, provides a valuable description of the Makassarese community in Siam. He begins with a report of a ‘Portuguese major’ who, careful to establish his authority as that of an outside informant, tells Forbin of the martial nature of the Makassarese, their sense of honour and invulnerability following magic charms given them by their ‘priests’. Forbin noted how they went about with their unmistakeable kris tucked into a waist girdle, their tight trousers, short cotton shirts, leather slippers and turbans, describing them physically as ‘of a mediocre size, swarthy (basanés), agile and very vigorous’.108 Other commentators, like Gervaise, write of them as a constant threat to the Siamese (‘their great numbers are to be dreaded’), the cultural tensions between the two societies, and denounces the ‘cruel and savage nature’ of the Makassarese.109 The land grants and generous terms initially offered the displaced Makassarese were obviously forgotten, however, and, as a result of court intrigue and disaffection with Narai’s increasingly pro-Catholic,

et des jésuites envoyez par le roy au royaume de Siam, contenant diverses remarques d’histoire, . . .]. Paris: 1686, vol. 1, 230–233. 105 Jeremy Kemp, Aspects of Siamese Kingship in the Seventeenth Century, Bangkok: Social Science Association Press of Thailand, 1969, 29. 106 Gervaise, Description historique du royaume de Macaçar, 100. 107 This map is reproduced as Plate 8 in A Traveller in Siam in the Year 1655. Extracts from the Journal of Gijsbert Heeck, trans. Barend Jan Terwie, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2008. 108 Forbin, Le Voyage, 1991, 86. 109 Nicholas Gervaise, Histoire politique et naturelle du royaume de Siam (1688), trans. and ed. by John Villiers, The Natural and Political history of the Kingdom of Siam, Bangkok: White Lotus, 1989, 46.

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pro-French policy, relations quickly degenerated to the point that Daën Ma-Allé threw in his lot with a ‘revolt of the Moors’ in 1686, which proposed putting one of the king’s two half-brothers on the throne and have him convert to Islam, although scholars have raised doubts as to whether either prince was aware of this proposition.110 In the background to this dispute was dissatisfaction from the Malay communities to the south of the kingdom, who were repeatedly subjugated by the Ayutthayan monarchs—conspiring against the King’s person was a recurrent worry and a charge on which the prince Chao Fa Apai Tot had been indicted and reduced to solitary confinement.111 On this occasion, Chief Minister Phaulkon (‘Falcão’ in Portuguese records) moved swiftly to suppress the uprising, rounding up Ayutthaya’s European communities for military assistance and charging the Count of Forbin with the order to put down insurrection in their quarter. Refusing to surrender on the King’s terms, and too proud to supplicate for a pardon, events led to the extirpation of the entire community,112 perhaps in two separate attacks.113 We have, then, established the independence of the Portuguese from the Makassarese diaspora to Ayutthaya during the 1660s, despite their common trajectories in time and space. The question that now arises is whether the Portuguese were to implant themselves in Siam more successfully than the Makassarese. The historian Stuart Schwartz considers adaptability the primary feature of the Portuguese throughout history, but Ayutthaya presented them with a new milieu, one crucially distanced from an open seaboard where this ‘people of the sea’ (povo do mar) would find themselves instantly disadvantaged.114 How now would they fare? 110 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 1688, ed. Michael Smithies, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2003, 19; see also Adrien Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662–1811: Documents Historiques, Paris: P. Tequi, 1920, ‘Documents historiques’, vol. 1, 183–5. 111 See Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, premier ministre du Roi de Siam . . . et sa triste fin. Suivi de lettres et de documents, Tokyo, 1947, 52–53. 112 Muhammad Rabī’ ibn Muhammad Ibrāhīm, The ship of Sulaiman [Safinah-i Sulaymānī], London: Routledge & K. Paul 1972, 136–138; Samuel White, letter of September 1686 in John Anderson, English intercourse with Siam, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, & Co., 1890, 289; see also the report by Père de Fontaney, in Tachard, vol. II, 1689, 97–128; Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 58. 113 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 2003, 15. 114 Stuart Schwartz, ‘The Portuguese Heritage: Adaptability’, in Brazilian Mosaic: Portraits of a Diverse People and Culture, ed. G. Harvey Summ. Wilmington, D.E.: S.R. Books, 1995, 50.

CHAPTER FOUR

FROM CONTACT TO SETTLEMENT IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA: A HISTORY OF MERCENARIES AND INTERLOPERS W.E. Wilmott, in his study of the origins of the Chinese presence in Cambodia (1966), makes the very important distinction between contact and settlement, reminding us that contact is not necessarily followed by settlement. This is of course an equally important consideration with respect to the Portuguese in this part of the world. What kind of Portuguese community dwelt in Siam prior to the immigration of the Portuguese community from Makassar? Next to sporadic gold-seekers inspired by the Hellenistic legends of Aures Chersonesus, Southeast Asia as the golden peninsula, as exemplified by Jerónimo Figueiredo’s expedition of 1544, the Portuguese had come here originally as mercenaries, assisting the local kings ranged against the Burmese in the regional conflicts, which raged from the 1530s until the end of the century, particularly through their knowledge of firearms and cannonry.1 In Bocarro’s account, for example, they came to the aid of the ‘Black Prince’ King Naresuen, when he entered single combat with the Crown Prince of Burma in 1584.2 Portuguese were consequently rewarded with land grants and a number won the personal attention of the monarchs, as reported in local chronicles, settling down to marry local women and pursue the life of trade. Fernão Mendes Pinto, whose famous account Peregrinação . . . Em que conta de muytas e muyto estranhas cousas que vio & ouvio no regno da China (1614) is often held to be a hoax, has nevertheless been praised for the veracity and detail of the sections of his account that deal with SouthEast Asia, and which would describe the situation in the 1540s, when he roamed that part of the world.3 Pinto describes the Portuguese as

1 On Figueiredo, see A.N.T.T., Gavetas, 8:8–43, ‘Verdadeira enfformaçam das cousas da Índia’; see also António da Silva Rego ed., As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1963, vol. 3, 218–34. 2 António Bocarro, Década 13 da História da India, Lisbon: Typologia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1876, vol. 1, 119 ff. 3 Michael Smithies, ‘The Siam of Mendes Pinto’s Travels’, in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 85, 1997, (1–2): 59–73; cf. William A.R. Wood, ‘Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Account of Events in Siam’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XX, 1926–7, 25–39.

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‘much respected in this land’, they were given exemption from customs duties, generous pay packets (serviços) from ‘the good king of Siam’ (bom Rey) and permission to build churches ‘where the name of the Portuguese God could be worshipped’.4 Pinto reaffirmed the value of Siam ‘one of the greatest kingdoms that exist in all the world’, but indicated that rather than living quietly under ‘the good king of Siam’ the Portuguese might like to think of their experience otherwise, as the ‘easiest to take over and to sustain than any other province, however small’.5 Accounts such as the Breve y verdadera relación de los successos del reyno de Camboxa written by Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio, a Dominican missionary, and published in 1604, describe a community of Portuguese clustered principally around the Siamese court, and eager to win the king’s favour, a community small enough for the protagonists to be named individually (Diogo Peres Tibau of the Order of Christ, Manuel Pereira, Marcos Gomes, probably a lay priest,6 and the padres João de Soto Domingo and Jorge de Mota), although other reports suggest as many as two thousand Portuguese roved across Siam and China in search of riches and employment, and were often involved in unscrupulous adventures, which involved stealing, deceit and escape.7 The tall wooden cross with the arms of the kingdom at its foot, erected in the ‘most notable place in the city’ on the occasion of Duarte Coelho’s embassy to the country in 1516 as a ‘memorial and testimony to peace’, or as some Portuguese authorities have it, a ‘standard of Portuguese redemption’8 no longer existed. However, the community was doing well at winning favour: Da Mota had been given the 4 Fernão Mendes Pinto, Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, em que da conta de muytas et muyto estranhas cousas que vio et ouvio no reyno da China, no da Tartaria, no do Sornau, 1614, chap. 183, 234v ff. 5 Pinto, Peregrinacão, Porto 1945 ed., vol. VI, 58–60. 6 This was probably the Vigário da Vara João Gomes, mentioned in Bocarro, Década 13, vol. 1, p. 119 ff. 7 Letter from Capitão Martim Afonso de Melo e Castro to the King of Portugal, c. 1565, in A. de Silva Rego, Documentação para a História do Padroado Português do Oriente: Índia, Lisbon 1953, vol. IX, 539. For one such troublesome eight-month adventure, which Johan Verbeckmoes also considers an example of the picaresque literary genre, see Vida de Iaqves de Covttre, chs. VII–XV. 8 João de Barros, Da Ásia, Dec. III, Liv. II, Cap. IV, Lisbon: Regia Officina Typografica, 1777–78, repr. Lisbon: Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973, 150–151; British Library (B.L.), Egerton collection, ‘Conquista da India per humas e outra armas reaes e evangelicas’, cod. 1646, ch. 15.

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‘privilege of the tall hat’ (probably the Lompok) before he died in what became known as the infausta expedición á Camboja in 1598,9 the King started to build a church for the Dominicans at his own expense, and priests were sent as ambassadors to Malacca together with shiploads of rice as ‘provision for the city and alms for the monastery’.10 Quiroga, as a religioso, drew attention to the Portuguese religious presence in Siam, but these churchmen had apparently been invited by the Portuguese military guard to the Siamese King: a case of the church following the sword.11 Other accounts of the period, such as the Conquista de Champan, Camboja, Siam, Cochinchina y otros paises de Oriente, written by Capitan Pedro Sevil de Guarga in 1603 as a memorial to King Philip III shatter the reputation of a ‘good king of Siam’, highlighting the fact that he forced Europeans to the zombaye, a form of humiliating prostration, and that he had horrific crimes, such as frying twenty Portuguese in coconut oil, on his conscience.12 Memories of this atrocity resound 9 João Dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, Lisbon, Mello d’Azevedo, 1891, vol. II, 124 writes how the King ‘tomou tanta affeição aos padres, e em particular ao padre Fr. Jorge da Mota que o fez a segunda pessoa do seu reino, assimo no governo, como na reverencia mandava lhe tivessem todos’. For the infausta expedición, see Reseña biográfica de los religiosos de la Provincia Santísimo Rosario de Filipina hasta nuestros días por un religioso de la misma provincia, Manila: 1891, vol. I, 91 ff. The denomination of titles seems to follow the gifts the king bestowed on his officials: thus, alongside the ‘tall hat’, de Chaumont too was ‘the recipient of great honours including a vessel of gold called Bossette which is the highest distinction the King grants to the most deserving in his land’, quoted in E.W. Hutchinson, ‘Four French state manuscripts relating to Embassies between France and Siam in the XVIIth century’, in The Journal of the Siam Society, volume 27, part 2, April 1935, 226. 10 Luís de Sousa, Da historia de S. Domingos, particular do reino e conquestas de Portugal: por Luiz Cacegas da mesma ordem e provincia, e chronista d’ella; reformada em estilo e ordem, e amplificada em sucessos e particularidades por Luis de Sousa, Lisboa: Typ. do Panorama, 1866, vol. IV, 417, drawing on an undisclosed letter from one Frei Belchior da Luz; Jorge Cardoso, Agiologio lusitano dos sanctos, e varoens illustres em virtude do reino de Portugal, e suas conquistas, Lisboa: Na Officina Craesbeekiana, 1652–1744, vol. II, 245. 11 ‘Siam, seine Apostel und Martyrer’, Die Katholischen Missionen, No. 11, 1883, 52; this invitation is not mentioned in the oldest extant source on the Siam mission, Frei Fernando de S. Maria’s letter of 26 December 1569 sent from Goa, in Monumenta Ordinis Prædicatorum Historica, vol. X, 149–153 and published by Robert Streit, Bibliotheca Missionum, Münster in Westphalen: Verlag der Aschendorffschen Buchhandlung, 1916–, vol. IV, n. 942. 12 Pedro Sevil de Guarga, Conquista de Champan, Camboja, Siam, Cochinchina y otros paises de Oriente, Valladolid: 1603; republished in Antoine Cabaton, ‘Le mémorial de Pedro Sevil de Guarga à Philippe III’, in Bulletin de la commission archéologique de l’Indochine, Paris: 1914–16, 6. Mendes Pinto also speaks of the zumbaia albeit as an act of kissing the sword at one’s side, Peregrinação, ch. 36.

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in the account Jacques de Coutre left of his diplomatic embassy of 1596 in which, fearful lest the ‘false promises’ of the Portuguese be exposed, he relates his fears that the whole mission would be ‘fried like sardines’.13 Other versions of this event suggest rather that the delinquents were ‘roasted’, but this had followed disturbances in the city, with a servant of the King killed.14 Even in Marcel Le Blanc’s book on Siam, ninety years later,15 this atrocity is remembered although the precise details surrounding it had been lost. Other accounts of this period, such as Alonso Sánchez’s voyage from Macao in 1584, also suggest that ‘white men’ were not usually made welcome in Siam.16 Importantly, however, Sevil de Guarga’s text draws attention to the fact that the Portuguese now constituted a colony. Men like Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães, who had captained a galea de socorro from India to Malacca in 1635 chose to stay some years in Siam, where he won sufficient favour to be sent as ambassador to Malacca.17 The above-mentioned padres were apparently so loved that their memory inspired the later Siamese King Prasat Thong (r. 1629–56) to personally request the Bishop of Malacca, Gonçalo da Silva, to send a priest to look after the Portuguese colony that had settled in his capital.18 He did well to ask Malacca. By all accounts, the Filipine administration that presided over Portugal until 1640 favoured the Iberian position in Burma to that of Ayutthaya.19

13

In another passage, Coutre describes how the King would have people immediately put to death ‘with the greatest tyranny in the world’ (con la mayor tiranía del mundo) if people were to chance into him on his frequently leaving the palace, Vida de Iaqves de Covttre, 119. Coutre’s Vida was written towards the end of his life in 1640 with his son Esteban acting as editor. 14 Antonio de Morga, The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan and China at the close of the sixteenth century, London: Hakluyt Society, 1868, 194. 15 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 74. 16 P. Alonso Sánchez, Relación breve de la jornada que el P. Alonso Sánchez . . . hizo por orden y parecer del Sr. Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa governador de Philipinas, in Colín, Labor Evangelica, I, 325–328. 17 ‘Requerimento de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães ao Rei D. João IV por serviços prestados na Índia’, Goa, 16 Dezembro, 1651, A.H.U., Lisbon, Conselho Ultramarino, Cod. 436, fols. 120–121. 18 Henri Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionaires à Siam au XVIIe siècle: le religiosus negotiatur du jésuite français J. Tissanier, suivi de quelques documents concernant le commerce des clercs, Université de Paris thesis, 1943, vol. I, 135. Chappoulie confuses da Silva’s name. 19 Francisco Contente Domingues & Luís de Albuquerque, Dicionário de história dos descobrimentos portugueses, Lisboa: Circolo de Leitores, 1994, vol. 2, 988.

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Early modern Siam within the matrices of international communication It is both an interesting and important task to situate Siam within the matrices of international communication and, especially, the Portuguese world that had been built up in the East. The two poles of that world remained Goa and Macao. In terms of sailing times, Siam was closer to Goa than to Macao. It is true that the sea journey from Siam to Goa could take as long as five months although, as the Jesuit Tachard’s text insists, ‘Goa is not far from Siam’ and the journey, as undertaken by Frei Jeronimo da Cruz and Frei Sebastiano da Canto in 1567, could take them as little as one month.20 Long journeys resulted when one ‘missed the winds’, principally the ‘south monsoon’, and texts point out that the financial consequences for traders who missed the winds could be ‘extremely high’.21 On the other hand, Siam was a good place for an invernada, or wintering, either for vessels leaving Goa destined for the Far East,22 or for ships which lost the monsoon to places like Makassar from Batavia, and consequently chose to make a considerable detour for the sake of finding a safe haven23 and to carry out necessary ship repairs. Other accounts, however, relate how it typically took one month for the journey from Goa to Malacca, while it took two weeks from Nagapattinam to Malacca, and one month from Malacca to Macao. China missionaries, however, regularly hoped to sail Siam-Macao in one month during high summer (the month of July) courtesy of the

20 Michael Smithies, A Siamese embassy lost in Africa, 1686: the odyssey of Ok-khun Chamnan, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1999, 13; for Cruz and Canto’s journey, see Biermann, Die Missionen, 319. Cesare Fedrici took four months to travel from Malacca to Pegu, the vessel ran out of food after three months and had to put into Tenasserim, in Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1905–07, vol. X, 115. When Merklein travelled from Batavia to Siam in 1651 it took him 27 days to complete the journey, Johann Jakob Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 1644–53. München: Delp Verlag, 1985, 82–3. 21 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 32v. 22 This was the choice of the two pataxos belonging to Miguel de Morais and João do Prado, see F. Marques Pereira, ‘Uma Resurreição Histórica (paginas ineditas d’um visitador dos jesuitas, 1665–1671)’, in Ta-Sei-Yang-Kuo, 2, 1900, 695. 23 This was the case of the Hopewell under Richard Bladwell, see David K. Bassett, ‘The trade of the English E.I.C. in Cambodia, 1651–56’, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (April 1962), 54.

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south-western monsoon.24 Malacca, in other words, was basically the half-way house between Goa and Macao. There were, hazards to avoid when coming from Goa, such as running aground on Cape Comorin.25 Nevertheless, the international commerce of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ in Autthaya was, as we shall shortly note, all in the hands of successfully established players from Macao, who sailed—as Fr. Valentim Carvalho, the Rector of Macao, reported in a letter of November 4, 1606— every two years (de dous em dous annos) under captains that Dutch sources refer to pejoratively as ‘crusaders’ (kruisvaarders).26 Many of the missionaries came to Siam and Cambodia directly from the seminary in Macao and, travelling in the opposite direction, one of the best accounts of this voyage that we possess is from the Père de Fontaney who, it has to be said, was not very impressed with the quality of his particular outfit. He writes of the méchant équipage, a poor crew who ‘did not know the manoeuvres’, and with only five crewmen to scale the masts. He considers the captain’s direction as one ‘lacking resolution’, and did not approve of the way he spoke to his crew, a kind of ‘sickly, patronising condescendence’ (condescendence si molle). Fontaney’s voyage was cut short by terrible winds and the ship taking on water, which the pumps were not able to deal with. One of the many aborted voyages known as arribadas, they put ashore barely thirty leagues from whence they had set out, and returned to the Bar of Siam to see if they could catch other departing ships.27 Fontaney’s captain would have done well to heed the warnings and instructions including in Vicente Rodrigues’s Roteiro de Portugal pera a India. I quote the section relating to the route from Siam to China here in full: Who departs from Siam for China would do well (fara por botar fora) to leave by 10 June, because it is otherwise leaving it late, and [you] run the risk of losing the whole voyage, because it is not possible to depart from this Bar other than in lively waters (aguas vivas), and it sometimes hap-

24 Henri Cordier, Mélanges d’histoire et de géographie orientales, Paris, 1914–23, t. 4, 11–13; Père de Fontaney, Lettres édifiantes et curieuses écrites des missions étrangères, Paris: Chez J.G. Merigot le jeune, libraire, 1781, t. 17, 222–223. 25 Duarte de Sande, Diálogo sobre a Missão dos Embaixadores Japoneses à Curia Romana, Macau: Fundação Oriente, 1997, 35, 328; Rhodes of Viet Nam: the travels and missions of Father Alexander de Rhodes in China and other kingdoms of the orient, Westminster, Md., Newman Press, repr. 1966, 27. 26 A.R.S.I., Rome, IapSin, 14, II, ff. 263r–64v. 27 Tachard, Second voyage de Siam, 150–194.

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pens that you find junks and naos trying to get out in ‘lively waters’ without yet being able to move off, and the earlier you cast off the better, and your voyage will be the better. At this time, the predominant weather are always thunderstorms (trovoadas) from the North and Northeast, which stem from the lowlands ( fora do Baixo).28

If we now turn to how Goa and Macao figure in Siamese diplomatic protocol, the Siqueira embassy of 1684 that we shall analyse in some detail came from Macao, although Siqueira was described in other sources as ‘an envoy from the Viceroy of Goa’.29 Other embassies came from Malacca, like that sent by the Portuguese Captain of Malacca, Dom Francisco de Silva de Menezes in 1595.30 Meanwhile, a Siamese embassy of 1615 made its way to Goa in order to offer the Portuguese the port of Martaban in return for their assistance in stopping Avan forces from entering Siam. It was an unsuccessful mission, probably on the basis of a self-perceived Portuguese weakness at that moment and more pressing strategic priorities elsewhere in the Estado da Índia.31 However, it was at Goa that the ‘whirligig of diplomacy’ centered, a simultaneous embassy from the King of Burma being received there at this time.32 Although not the first, a religious mission was consequently established in Ayutthaya from 1626 by the Castilian Jesuit Father Pedro Morejón and António Francisco Cardim, who moved here after being forced to abandon the Japanese mission, when anti-Christian policies there hardened in the 1620s.33 A number of Japanese converts, expelled from their motherland, accompanied these missions to Siam.

28 Roteiro de Portugal pera a India, por Vicente Rodrigues e Pillotos Modernos, 2nd edition, 16??, Biblioteca de Ajuda, 52-VI-47d, 22v. 29 Mémoires de François Martin . . . 1665–1696. Publiés par A. Martineau. Avec une introduction de Henri Froidevaux, etc Paris: 1931–4, vol. II, 383. 30 For an account of this embassy, see Téotonio de Souza, ‘Embassies and Surrogates: a case-study of a Malacca embassy to Siam in 1595’, in Indica, vol. XXVI, nos. 1–2, 1989, 39–55. 31 Manuel Faria y Sousa, The Portugues Asia, or, The history of the discovery and conquest of India by the Portugues, tr. John Stevens, London: 1695, tom. III, pt III, ch. IX. For a recent appraisal of the diplomatic initiatives surrounding this embassy, see Kenneth Breazeale, ‘Whirligig of Diplomacy. A Tale of Thai-Portuguese Relations, 1613–19’, in Journal of the Siam Society, 2006, vol. 94, 51–110. 32 Breazeale, Whirligig of Diplomacy, 52. 33 The first Jesuit residence was established by Baltasar Siqueira in 1607, see A. de Silva Rego, Curso de Missionologia, Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1956, 584. Otherwise, Hubert Cieslik, ‘Erste Jesuitenmission in Siam, 1626–30’, Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaften, vol. 26, 1970, 114–26, 187–200, 279–295.

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The next Jesuit residence that was established here, under Father Júlio Marguiço was also only a temporary affair, lasting only until 1630.34 Giovanni Marini suggests the mission was curtailed as a result of difficulties between the Portuguese and the sovereign, a veiled reference to the ‘war’ discussed by Van Vliet (see below) that erupted following a Dutch vessel ‘stolen’ by the Portuguese.35 Other sources, however, suggest that the reason was that ‘the fathers of the Province of Japan found themselves too busy on other more important missions’.36 Marini would appear to be a more reliable authority here, particularly in light of a speech by the ‘Berckelang’ reported in the ‘Diary of the Picnic Incident (1636–37)’, even if strongly affected by the author Jeremias Van Vliet’s undoubted prejudices with regard to the Portuguese nation. It is worth quoting in full: In years past, the Castilians and Portuguese had resided in Siam for purposes of trade, during which time (on account of the King’s favourable disposition towards all foreigners) they enjoyed many privileges. However, they lost the king’s favour. They were people of such bad, irregular disposition; they were so volatile and such given to fighting, amongst themselves as well as against the indigenous people of this land, that His Majesty had no choice but to expel them from his Kingdom.37

It is almost certainly for this reason then that Siam is not registered in the back of the Portuguese Livro das plantas de todas as fortalezas, cidades e povoações de Estado da Índia Oriental indicating the distribution of ecclesiastical orders in Asia compiled in 1635, nor appears in Frei Paulo da Trindade’s survey of ‘the lands that the Portuguese have conquered from the Moors of this Orient, and the fortresses, cities and places conquered there’.38 Meetings recorded in the archives of the Propaganda Fide, from July 1648, nevertheless reveal that organi-

34 Manuel Teixeira, ‘A Missão Portuguesa no Sião’, in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, vol. LX, no. 696, April 1962, 330–4. 35 Marini, Delle Missioni (1663), 410. 36 L’Etat présent de la Chine, en figures gravées par P. Giffart sur les dessins apportés au roi par le P.J. Bouvet, Paris, 1697. This is a line adopted by historians today, such as Duc Ha Nyugen, Polscy misionarze na Dalekim Wschodzie w XVII–XVIII wieku, Warsaw: Neriton, 2006, 151. 37 ‘Diary of the Picnic Incident (1636–37)’, in Van Vliet’s Siam, 2005, edited by Chris Baker, Dhiravat na Pombejra, David Wyatt and Alfons van der Kraan, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005, 35–89. 38 Bocarro & Resende. Livro das plantas; Fr. Paulo da Trindade. Conquista espiritual do Oriente (. . .) repartida em três volumes Fr. Félix Lopes O.F.M. ed., Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1962–67, cap. 10.

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sation’s strong desire to (re)found missions in Siam, alongside other missions in Pegu, Tenasserim, Arrakan and Tansulam (Junk Ceylon), and which it advised be founded in pairs so that ‘if one of them deviates from the faith and good habits (bons costumes), the other can act as a counterweight or, at least, report to the Holy Congregation of the Propaganda Fide, by which they [the missions] are oriented and constituted; and if one of them becomes hostile to the kings of the said kingdoms and is expelled for this from the same kingdom, the other can stay on to aid the Christians spiritually’. The specific order of religiosos was left unspecified, although encouraged to belong to those ‘most acceptable to the kings and peoples of those kingdoms’ (mais aceites dos reis e povos daqueles reinos) and the missionaries were to be both as numerous as possible and constituted of those already in the East with a knowledge of oriental languages.39 Bishops were to be nominated for the regions ‘where there are many Christians’, specifically an Augustinian Bishop for Bengal, with jurisdiction over the ‘banks of the River Ganges’, a Dominican for Solor with jurisdiction also over Makassar, and a Franciscan Bishop for Pegu, with jurisdiction over ‘the kingdoms of Siam, Tenasserim, Tansulam and Arakan’.40 There are a couple of strikingly negative accounts of the Portuguese community in Ayutthaya in these years. The first concerns the circumstances surrounding the death of Mr. Benjamin Fary, head of the English factory in Siam, on 30 August 1616, an event which was ascribed to his ‘being poyssened and, as they think, by the Portuguese’. The tragedy was compounded by his second-in-command, John Johnson, giving ‘entertainment to the Portuguese, not to men of any credit or fashion, but to the worst and most lewd livers in Siam, to the discredit of the house and shame to our nation, for every day there are thirty or twenty Portuguese there . . . abusing themselves with drink and making everything in the house common to the Portuguese’.41 The bitterness to this report reveals what was felt by jealous European arrivals in the Indian Ocean world of the Portuguese communities at the time, but the fact that the report was based on another report by a Dutchman 39 ‘Determinações da Sagrada Congregação da Propagação da Fé, sobre a Cristandade das ilhas de Solor e Timor’, Rome, 18 July 1648, Archives of the Holy Congregation of Propaganda Fide, Rome, vol. XVIII, fls. 198–99. Microfilmed in Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa, Ficheiro R-2, Gaveta 3, Div. 5. 40 Ibid., Articles §5, §6 and §7. 41 Anthony Farrington & Dhiravat na Pombejra., The English Factory in Siam, 1612–1685, London: British Library 2007, vol. I, 205–6.

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who arrived from Siam on 7 October and was conveyed in a letter from John Browne at Pattani to the English Principal at Jambi later that month, is very telling. On 28 May 1617, John Johnson and Richard Pitt wrote from the Bar of Siam to John Browne at Pattani to say that this report was completely false and that the Dutch ‘seketh by all meanes posebell to hort us by thear lying, vipporous, scorpean toonges (. . .) We ar merchants’, Johnson and Pitt explain, and ‘haveinge goods to sell, lett them be what thaie will (paying well) wee ar to sell the goods & not to exsamen ther [i.e. the Portuguese] corse of life (. . .) yf wee hade not bought goods of Portingales and others wee should have bine forsed to dooe as the Dutch hath done, to take fraghte’.42 The second report was made a little time later in 1636 by Jeremias van Vliet, Chief of the Dutch Factory of Siam between 1629–1634. He raises a number of petty conflicts and thefts perpetrated by local Portuguese on the Dutch trading community, which resulted in the Portuguese falling ‘into disgrace with the king and mandarins’. He was probably referring primarily to the seizing of a Dutch vessel by the Portuguese in Siamese waters, which they summarily refused to hand back, despite King Songtham’s request to return it to the owners, with whom Songtham had signed a treaty. This had provoked a war, which lasted until 1633, and the matter was only laid to rest when the Portuguese sent the emissary Francisco de Aguiar Evangelho from Macao to Ayutthaya to make peace with Prasat Thong, the new rei usurpador, reciprocating an embassy that Prasat Thong had himself sent to that city in 1639.43 This initative, historians have concluded, ‘did not seem to lead to great success (êxito) for Portuguese interests in the region’.44 Van Vliet’s verdict on the Portuguese community in 1634 was that there remained ‘only a few poor Portuguese, Mestizoes and Indian Christians (. . .) they will most probably not regain their former influence’.45

42

Farrington, The English Factory, 227–8. ‘Summaria Relaçam do que Obrarão os Religiozos da Ordem dos Pregadores . . .’, in A. Silva Rego ed. Documentação, vol. VIII, Lisboa, 1952, 463. 44 ‘O Sião como Obstáculo ao Comércio Holandês com o Japão: A Embaixada de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães ao Rei Prasat Thong em 1646’, pp. 557–568 562, fn. 8. 45 Jeremias Van Vliet, ‘Description of the Kingdom of Siam’, 1636, 54. A new critical edition of this volume Van Vliet’s Siam appeared in 2005, edited by Chris Baker, Dhiravat na Pombejra, David Wyatt and Alfons van der Kraan, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. The ‘picnic incident’ appears in English for the first time. Van Vliet himself was removed from the VOC accused of ‘a gross corruption’ despite his scholarly achievements and linguistic gifts. For the 1650 embassy to Batavia, see W. Blankwaardt, 43

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There are of course substantial problems with Van Vliet’s report. It skims over the fact that the community he was leading was also suffering the effects of royal disgrace, this time in the aftermath of the notorious ‘picnic incident’ (Hollandsche picknick) in 1636–7, when a band of drunken Dutch sailors was arrested by the Siamese and narrowly avoided execution for assaulting the king’s slaves and being ejected from the grounds of a temple.46 Relations were patched up in time, and in 1650 the Thai king even sent to Batavia an impressive array of gifts including a gold crown and twelve large elephants.47 Van Vliet’s report also underestimates the importance of the ‘poor (. . .) Mestizoes’. ‘Alexander Pinieur’, ‘a mestizo, one of the Berckelang’s people and a very good friend of ours’, played an important role in the détente following the Picnic Incident; one of his successors (see later) became an emissary to the Siamese following the Revolution, and again, a key figure in easing the way for Tachard’s mission to Phetracha’s court in 1699. While Van Vliet as a European almost certainly overlooks the importance ‘Mestizoes’ might conceivably play in Asian society, often behind the scenes, we also need to bear in mind that deracinated members of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ often developed loyalties to their local hosts rather than cling on to the myth of Portuguese ascendancy, remaining subjects of Goa. The Dutch, as just indicated, were dogged political enemies of the Portuguese at this time. Ships were seized by both sides, as we have seen, on the high seas. Even in domestic arrangements, the Portuguese and the Dutch remained at each others throats. One of the ‘poor Mestizoes’ serving the Dutch lodge in Ayutthaya was António Rodrigues in the guise of cook. In 1646 he murdered the Chief of the factory Isaac Moerdijck in a fit of rage, hitting him over the head with a galegalle stamper (a pestle used for mixing lime and linseed oil into mortar) in circumstances that have never been adequately explained. Most probably, this had some background in the fraught relations between the Dutch and the Portuguese communities, for Moerdijck was otherwise

‘Notes on the Relations between Holland and Siam’, Selected Articles from the Siam Society Journal, vol. VIII, Bangkok, 1959, 23. 46 Alfons an der Kraan, ‘The Dutch in Siam: Jeremias Van Vliet and the 1636 incident at Ayutthaya’, University of New England Asia Centre Papers, no. 3, 2000. An online version is at http://www.une.edu.au/asiancentre/papers.php (accessed 15 Feburary 2011). 47 Alfons van der Kraan, ‘On Company Business. The Rijckloff van Goens Mission to Siam, 1650’, in Itinerario, 1998, vol. 22, part 2, 42.

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well liked by the Thais for his fluency in their language and careful observance of Thai custom.48 The murder of Moerdijck coincided with, but does not appear to have occasioned by another Portuguese embassy of 1646, this time led by Francisco de Cutrim de Magalhães, considered by the Viceroy ‘a very practical man in those parts’ (homem muy pratico naquellas partes), who had already been in Siam for two years between 1636 and 1637, and who had ties with King Prasat Thong.49 His embassy had three principal objectives: to distract the Dutch from active Japanese trade by turning the Siamese monarch against them; to win authorisation from the King to deal in products that were either a royal monopoly or else contracted out to the Dutch, like deer skins, much sought after in Japan; and to rekindle the ‘dream of Japan’, from where the Portuguese had recently been expelled, by trading in Siamese ships. The embassy was given express instructions by the Viceroy D. Felipe de Mascarenhas to discredit the Dutch, the ‘enemy of Europe’ (inimigo da Europa) with Prasat Thong by making reference to several neighbouring rulers who had already expelled the Dutch from their kingdoms, namely the Kings of Cambodia, Cochinchina (O chincheo, actually a port in China opposite Taiwan), and Java.50 The idea was that the Siamese King might be persuaded to follow suit, the Portuguese offering military help (armadas) to see this decision through.51 Portuguese historiography sees this negative embassy as a failure, as the King refused to expel the Dutch, hamper their trading, and even to defame them in front of the Japanese, but it galvanised the Thai monarch into the demand that the Dutch put an end to the all-too-frequent molesting by Company ships of Chinese and Portuguese vessels en route to Siam.52 And it is undisputable that the Cutrim

48 George Vinal Smith, The Dutch in 17th Century Thailand, Center for Southeast Asian studies special report; no. 16, Dekalb: Northern Illinois University, 1977, 175. 49 Carta do Vice-Rei D. Filipe de Mascarenhas ao Rei D. João VI, Goa, 8 de Janeiro 1647, in A.N.T.T., Documentos Remetidos da Índia, Liv. 55, fol. 490v. 50 ‘Regimento para Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães que vai enviado ao Rei do Sião’, Goa, 3 August, 1646, Arquivo Histórico do Estado da Índia, Livros dos Segredos, no. 1, fl. 83–4 (microfilm copy in A.H.U., Lisbon). 51 Cutrim’s embassy coincided with one the Viceroy sent to Japan under Gonçalo de Siqueira de Sousa and which sought to expel the Dutch from Japan. Charles R. Boxer, ‘The Embassy of Captain Gonçalo de Siqueira de Souza to Japan in 1644–1647’, in Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan. 1939, 40–74. 52 Maria da Conceição Flores, ‘O Sião como obstáculo ao comércio holandês com o Japão: a Embaixada de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães’, in in Roberto Carneiro and

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embassy cast an aura over future relations. In 1658, one Portuguese morador in Siam Amador Coelho de Melo wrote to the Secretary of State Gaspar de Faria Severim a letter which revived the objectives of Cutrim’s embassy. In it, Melo underlined the lack of favour (má disposição) the Siamese king felt for the Dutch and urged the Portuguese to try to again seek the expulsion of their old enemies from Siam.53 This tension between Portuguese and Dutch—trading insulting names for each other, ‘pirates’ and ‘crusaders’ being two that crop up in letters and reports of the period—held not just for Siam but for the whole Indian Ocean world. In neighbouring Cambodia the commercial rivalry spilled over into even deeper and more bitter antagonism, the Portuguese in 1641 standing accused of the murder of the Dutch personnel stationed there and conspiring with the Cambodian ruler in the massacre of Chief Merchant Pieter van Regesmortes and his retinue two years later, in November 1643.54 While the sides argued as to whether an indemnity should be paid to the Dutch, how much, and where such crimes should be tried, the Dutch organised a revenge mission undertaken in 1644 under Admiral Hendrik Harouze and amounting to full-blown war, the contemporary author Wurffbain estimating that as many as 1200 on the Cambodian side perished, compared to fifty

Teodoro de Matos eds., O Século Cristão do Japão. Actas do Colóquio Internacional Comemorativo dos 450 Anos de Amizade Portugal-Japão (1543–1993), Lisboa, Centro de Estudos dos Povos e Culturas de Expressão Portuguesa / Instituto de História de Além-Mar, 1994, 557–568; Kraan, On Company Business, 42. 53 ‘Carta do Conselho Ultramarino ao Rei D. Afonso VI’, Lisbon, 2 April 1661, A.H.U., Índia, cx. 25, doc. 11. In 1675, Amador Coelho became governor of Phitsanulok, from where certain precious commodities like benjoin, and gum lac were sent on from Laos. ‘Letter of Mgr. Laneau to the Sacred Congregation’, 20 October 1675, AMEP, vol. 856, f. 300. 54 Pieter Casteleyn, Strange Events in the Kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos (1635– 1644), translated, annotated and with an introduction by Carool Kersten, Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2003, Chapter 6: ‘Follows the cruel murder committed against the Dutch in Cambodia’. While it was Portuguese who undoubtedly murdered the second V.O.C. man in 1641 as he was walking through the Portuguese quarter, it was actually a Japanese who, according to the Dutch, had been the principal instigator of the Van Regesmortes massacre and who was put to death at a later date. The first V.O.C. man was killed by poisoned darts, which was not part of the typical Portuguese armoury. See Wilhelm J.M. Buch, La Compagnie des Indes néerlandaises et l‘Indochine. Hanoi: Schneider, 1937, 226.

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Fig. 3. ‘Dutch boatswain (Bootsman) Jeremias van Wael of the ship De Sayer murdered by the Portuguese in Phnom Penh in 1641’, from François Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Їndien, Dordrecht/Amsterdam, 1724–6, vol. 3, Book 2, 42.

or sixty Dutch lives lost.55 Meanwhile, the Portuguese were obliged to move their residence further from the Dutch logie.56 In many ways, the general tension between the Portuguese and Dutch in the East had dissipated somewhat by the time of Heeck’s visit in 1655, where he described a very different modus vivendi in Siam, one where:

55 On the legal wrangling following the Van Regesmortes massacre, see Cabaton, Le mémorial de Pedro Sevil, 1914, 176; for the revenge mission, see Johann Sigmund Wurffbain, Reise nach den Molukken und Vorder-Indien, Den Haag: Nijhoff, 1931, vol. 2, 90 ff.; Admiral N. MacLeod, De Oost-Indische compagnie als Zeemogendheid in Azië, Riswijk, 1927, vol. II, 315–16, and Mak Phoeun, Histoire du Cambodge de la fin du XVIe siècle, Paris: Presses de École française d’Extrême-Orient, c1995, 273–4. More generally, Alfons van der Kraan, Murder and Mayhem in Seventeenth Century Cambodia. Anthony van Diemen vs. King Ramadhipati I, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2009. 56 Mak Phoeun, Histoire du Cambodge, 270–271.

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the Portuguese very frequently visit our lodge, and our people in return go to their quarter, almost as if they were allied friends, even though the contrary was evidenced [refers here to the military incident he observed] at the mouth of this river. Their priests come and baptise the children begotten by our people, and they marry them and drink with one another in all friendship, but it is a Machiavellian friendship, as one may imagine.57

Portuguese moradores like Amador de Coelho were, however, still plotting to spur on a new accord between Siamese and Portuguese crowns, very much along the lines of the failed Cutrim embassy of 1646, one where ‘the Dutch would not only be struck down and scorned in that kingdom; but also would be deprived of the great stores of wealth, and drugs, which they take [from this kingdom] every year’. Coelho, in his letter to the State Secretary Gaspar de Faria Severim, expressed his feeling of impotence towards ‘these calamitous times, when it is necessary to wage war rather through politics than by feats of arms’.58 Very real disputes, too, triggered by pre-emptive seizures and acts of piracy continued to rear their head between the two communities as, for example, in the ‘naval blockade’ incident of 1664, where the Siamese made an ‘unreasonable’ demand for reparations amounting to 84.000 guilders for a Siamese ship flying the Portuguese flag that the Dutch had seized, on its way from Macao to Canton. In truth, this may have been more of a dispute between Dutch and Siamese.59 In specific terms, too, V.O.C. trade with Siam did not flourish under Narai (r. 1656–1688), showing a 28% drop in export value if one compares the 1633–63 and the 1664–94 periods.60 Rival communities such as the Japanese possessed a superior ability to collect trade items such as deer-hides from local people thanks principally due to their abundant silver supplies. But even if the Dutch were also doing badly, they were not the only passing voices to pronounce negatively on the fortunes of the Portuguese. The French Jesuit, Joseph Tissanier, in his letter from Tonkin dated 15 November, 1658, berated Siam as even less deserving of the title of mission than Makassar, which had come under fire from a number of different quarters.61 57

Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 40r. Carta do Conselho Ultramarino ao Rei D. Afonso VI, Lisbon, 2 April 1661, A.H.U., Índia, cx. 25 (44), doc. 11. 59 Smith, The Dutch East India Company, 36–38. 60 Smith, The Dutch East India Company, 252. 61 A.R.S.I., IapSin 80, f. 129r. For criticism of the quality of clergy at Makassar, see Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo to the Governors of Portuguese India, Makassar, 58

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Other factors, however, spoke in favour of the long-term fortunes of the Portuguese community in Siam, and the external stimuli to their fortunes there. It is well known that there was a need for manpower in South-East Asia; that Portuguese trade with the subcontinent generally was doing well and making fortunes for textile traders like Luís Gonçalves da Fonseca operating out of Nagapattinam;62 and thirdly, that the King of Siam would support them as a community. In 1667, he was generous enough to grant the Macanese a considerable loan of 120.000 taels to defray the costs of an expensive Portuguese embassy to China under Ambassador Manuel Saldanha after an embassy of two prominent Macanese shipowners active in the Senado da Camara visited the river-state. The Goan Council, whilst voting unanimously for the embassy, supplied neither cash nor presents and instead sent a letter to the King of Siam asking him to continue advancing funds to Macao, promising that the Goan authorities would reimburse him.63 Finally, Ayutthaya had developed a reputation for its remarkable heterozygous urban context. Finding their place in a heterorygous urban context. Ayutthaya hosted several foreign ‘nations’, including those of the Japanese, Malays, Dutch, English, Tonkinese, Chinese and CochinChinese.64 Alongside Golconda and Laos, these were considered ‘vassal

2 July, 1662 in H.A.G., Goa, ‘Livros dos Monções do Reino’, Livro 28 A, fls. 250 ff.; António Francisco Cardim, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus na sua Gloriosa Provincia do Japão, Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1894, 284–5; Fr. Sebastião de São José, O.P. ‘Letter from Larantuca, 16 May 1647’ publ. in Humberto Leitão, Os Portugueses em Solor e Timor de 1515 a 1702, Lisboa:—Tip. L.C.G.G., 1948, 225. 62 Fonseca made so much money he personally helped ease the finances of the indebted city of Macao with an important quantity of silver, see the letter of the Captain of Macao João de Sousa Pereira, 10 January 1655, Arquivo Histórico do Estado da Índia., Panjim, Livros das Monções, Livro 25. 63 H.A.G., Goa, Embaixada, 1210 fol. 28–33; Cartas Patentes e Alvarás, 44, 36v-37, 29 April 1667; Assentos do Conselho da Fazenda, 11, 108v–109, 27 April 1667. See also Pereira, Uma Resurreição, 755–56;. The loan became a very controversial issue in Macanese politics, the local populace enraged that the Captains-General asked for loans but left office before paying them off, leading to a situation in which the city itself suffered a ‘notavel detrimento em seu credito’. The Proceedings of the State Council of Goa henceforth decided that the city itself was to give its concentimento before loans were contracted and Governor Simão Gomes da Silva was instructed to ‘dar inteira satisfação’ before leaving Macao, Panduronga Pissulencar ed. Assentos do Conselho do Estado, Bastora, Goa, Tip. Rangel, 1953–57, vol. IV, doc. 72 (April 27, 1667). The loan, however, had still not been paid off by January 30, 1687, at which point the Senado da Câmara in Macao decided henceforth to reserve 1% of its revenue for that purpose, Arquivos de Macau, 2 ser., 1941, 147–8. 64 For another ‘heterozygous urban context’, albeit a colonial one, namely Batavia, see Blussé, Strange Company, 5.

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states’ of the Siamese world, as Père Tachard confirms in his valuable description of the court, and thus due to a rightful place at the Siamese court.65 Official titles were distributed amongst all these foreign communities in Ayutthaya and ‘dignity marks’ (sakdina) allowing these officials a place in the Siamese system of ranking conferred: the head of the Japanese community was nominated Okphra Chula, that of the Malays Peja Tareman, while the head of the Moors became Okphra Tsijat. I have nowhere seen the official Siamese title for the Portuguese Capitão- Mór, but he was addressed informally as Nai or ‘Lord’.66 This generic title may have constituted something of a demotion from earlier days, when—as Van Vliet explains—the title came with a ‘monthly pension allowed him [the Chief Priest] for his more splendid subsistence’.67 All of these headmen dealt with the Ōkuyā Phra Khlang, who headed the Department of the Treasury, but was also responsible for relations with foreigners in Siam.68 M. de Chaumont, ambassador of the French king Louis XIV, counted more than twenty different nations, concluding that ‘There is no city in the Orient where one sees a greater number of foreign nations than in the capital city of Siam, and where one speaks so many different languages’.69 Some, such as the Dutch, concentrated on developing their ‘factory’, known to them as the ‘Hollandse logie’, but also referred to in commercial correspondence as a godown (from the Malay word gadong), a trading station established in Ayutthaya in 1617, moved to a location outside the city in 1636, where it typically accommodated between 30–40 sojourning company officials, and which functioned

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Tachard, Voyage de Siam des pères jésuites, 215–217. Rita Bernardes De Carvalho, La presence portugaise à Ayutthaya aux XVI et XVII siècles, Mémoire de Master de Sciences Historiques, Paris: École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe section, 2006, 100. 67 A True Description of the Mighty Kingdomes of Japan and Siam, A True Description of the Mighty Kingdoms of Japan and Siam.: Written originally in Dutch, by F. Caron and Joost Schorten [sic]: and now rendred into English by Capt. Roger Manley Samuel Broun & John de l’Écluse. London, 1663, 109. 68 Leonard Andaya in Nicholas Tarling ed., The Cambridge History of South-East Asia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, vol. 1 ‘From Early Times to c. 1800’, 346–52 is a succinct summary of the place of foreigners in the Ayutthayan social world. 69 Alexandre de Chaumont, Relation de l’ambassade de Mr. le Chevalier de Chaumont à la Cour du Roy de Siam, avec ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable durant son voyage, La Haye, 1733, 109; cf. Père Joachim Bouvet, who estimated 40 different nations, Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, ed. J.C. Gatty, Leiden: Brill, 1963, 116, elsewhere quoting Tachard. 66

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in conjunction with a large warehouse (Pakhuys) named ‘Amsterdam’ close to the river mouth.70 The trading station was an impressive structure, with vaults on the ground-floor and living quarters above, where the Opperhoofd lived along with 20–30 other personnel.71 The English, who were also granted a substantial three-storied building made of brick for the sake of trade, even earlier than the Dutch in 1612, which was supplemented by two more houses in 1617, also came to Ayutthaya for commerce, but were irregular visitors: the two cycles of their trade lasting from 1612–23, and then from 1661–82, with irregular visitors like John Rawlins being warmly received by the King of Siam in 1659 and asked to convey regal desires to renew trade relations to the Banten Council.72 Other communities went on to play an active role in military defence. The Japanese for example, considered by chroniclers such as Bocarro de animo bellicoso (of a warlike disposition), manned a personal guard in the King’s palace, organised as a ‘Department of Japanese Volunteers’ (Krom Asa Yipun) estimated was five hundred strong.73 Japanese swords became cherished objects of the Siamese royalty and were kept as part of their indispensable regalia.74 The Chinese in Siam were described by the Jesuit Le Blanc as ‘people ready to sacrifice their liberty and their life out of the desire they had for making a profit’, and by another contemporary observer Heeck as ‘able to make a living anywhere—they certainly are a subtle, diligent and very industrious people’.75 Consequently their numbers were on 70 One of the fullest descriptions is left us in the Journal of Gijsbert Heeck, kept between 16 November 1654 and 18 October 1655, recently published as A Traveller in Siam. For more information about the Pakhuys Amsterdam, see Kraan, On Company Business, 1650, 84, fn. 93. 71 Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 84–5. Archeological excavations have recently been conducted on the site of the Dutch logie, but to my mind have not come up with anything interesting, see the report by Anek Sihamat, ‘Excavation of the Dutch United East India Company (V.O.C). Historic site at Ayutthaya’, in Proceedings of the International Symposium Crossroads of Thai and Dutch history, 401–417. 72 M.L. Manich Jumsai, A History of Anglo-Thai Relations, Bangkok: Chalermnit, 1970, 7. 73 E.M. Satow, ‘Notes on the Intercourse Between Japan and Siam in the Seventeenth Century’, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 13, 1885, 182. 74 Yoneo, Ishii. ‘Siam and Japan in Pre-Modern Times. A note on mutual images’, in Multicultural Japan. Palaeolithic to Postmodern, ed. Donald Denoon et al., Cambridge University Press, 2001, 153–160; for an old photo of the royal swords, see William Warren & Luca Invernizzi Tettoni, Arts and Crafts of Thailand, Thames & Hudson, 1996, 46. 75 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 36v.

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the increase. By 1745, Pierre Poivre numbered them at more than 6000 in Siam, judging that their numbers rendered them ‘in a position to deliver a dangerous blow to the country’.76 We find illustrations of their ‘shops’ (compartmentalised wooden dwellings) and commercial activities (cutting hair, selling clothing, peddling alcoholic beverages, prostitution and gambling) in the temple murals at Wat Thongthammachat in Bangkok. Gambling was an issue with the Chinese communities across South-East Asia, in Batavia, for example, where a whole street was dedicated to the pursuit.77 In Ayutthaya, the gambling taxes were farmed out to Chinese in the period 1688–1756.78 Nineteenth century visitors like Carl Bock noted in 1882 how Chinese had also taken over traditional crafts practised hitherto by Thai artisans, such as goldsmithery, and had earlier encroached on cloth-dying in the Talat Kaew area of Bangkok as noted by Heeck, although some scholars today think Bock ‘was probably overstating the case’.79 Chinese also constituted the sailors (tôjin in the Japanese reports) for the large Siam-built junks that sailed annually to Nagasaki, although the Dutch tried to forbid the Siamese from using these Chinese sailors in the 1664 treaty, in a bid to restrict international trade to its own shipping, albeit later recanting.80 These Chinese sailors were typically from Chinchao in Fukien (hence referred to as chincheus in Portuguese records) and were otherwise marginalized from their own societies, where, as Fontaney reports, they were ‘strongly denounced (décriés) for all sorts of actions, their perfidity and bad faith (mauvaise foi)’.81 Other Chincheus, however, were shipowners in Siam, benefiting from reductions in cargo taxes and measurement fees. A third, and perhaps most important pillar of the Chinese presence in South-East Asia 76 Quoted in Kennon Breazeale, ‘Memoirs of Pierre Poivre: the Thai port of Mergui in 1745’, in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 97, 2009, 193. 77 A contemporary Batavian illustration of Chinese gamblers is reproduced in Blussé, ‘Testament to a Towkay’, in Strange Company, ch. IV; see also Bernard H.M. Vlekke, Story of the Dutch East Indies, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1945, 92. 78 Prince Damrong Rajanubhan, Tamnan phasi-ahon, 11–13, as cited in Virapol, Tribute and Profit, 215, 335. 79 Carl Bock, Temples and Elephants, repr. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 1985; critique by William Warren, Arts and Crafts of Thailand, Thames & Hudson, 1996, 17; Heeck, Voyage, 43. 80 Sarasin Viraphol, Tribute and Profit. Sino-Siamese trade, 1652–1853, Harvard U.P.: Cambridge, Mass., 1977. Appendix A is a list of Siamese ships reported as trading to Nagasaki, 259–. 81 Henri Bernard. ‘Le Voyage du Père [Jean de] de Fontaney’, in Bulletin de l’Université Aurore, vol. 3, number 2, 1942, 274.

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saw them employed as officials of state in different guises, chiefly taxfarmers, supervising the increasingly monetised and commercialised economy that their compatriots had done so much to bring about. The Chinatown tended to be situated some distance from the walled city. In Ayutthaya, we find them on the map ‘De Groote Siamse Rievier Me-Nam’ to inhabit ‘de Chinesche Eyland’, a large island downstream from Ayutthaya, while in Pattani the Kota China settlement was approximately 1½ km upstream of the citadel. Today, the ‘Yuan’ community, as it is now known (the term means ‘foreigner’ in the sense of Chinese emigré), is concentrated just outside the city area of Ayutthaya in the area around St. Joseph’s church, but in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries this area was populated by Cochinchinese, or Cham, who poured into the country particularly in the period after the military offensives of the Hué court in 1758, and amongst whom numerous converts were made for the Catholic church.82 But the Chinese too provided fertile ground for conversion, although today sociologists have observed obstacles and tensions between the intermixing of the Chinese and the Portuguese-Eurasian Serani community in Penang, where ostracisation and denial of inheritance in the case of Chinese male spouses marrying into the Serani community has taken place.83 In Pattani, the Chinese were quick to accept the Islamic faith, and at the beginning of the seventeenth century one Tok Kayan, the Chinese harbourmaster, oversaw the construction of the red brickwood Mesquita there.84 Meanwhile the ‘Moors’—often referred to as khaek, or ‘guests’, as assimilation was more complicated than for, say, the ethnic Chinese— constituted a large umbrella group embracing Malays from places like Pattani (a vassal state, albeit with its own dynasties until 1688), Turks, Persians, Mughals, Golcondans and Bengalis, as well as Makassarese. Mendes Pinto refers to ‘Turks, Abyssins and Moors’ fighting in Siam in 1548: the ‘Abyssins’ were the products of the Ethiopian

82 For further information, see Jean Baffie, ‘Les Chinois en 1999, Thaïlande, le cas d’une minorité dominante’, Historiens et Géographes, 1999, 368, Paris: Albin Michel, 207–25. 83 Yoke Lin Linda Chong, ‘The Portuguese-Eurasians (Serani of Penang)’, in S. Gardner (ed.), Malaysian Ethnic Relations, Penang: Sociology Section, Universiti Sains Malaysia, 1975, 137. 84 Ibrahim Syukri, History of the Malay Kingdom of Patani, trans. Connor Bailey and John N. Miksic, Monographs in International Studies, South East Asian Series, no. 68, Ohio University, 1985, 31 ff.

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slave trade, which reached a peak in the first half of the sixteenth century to subsequently decline. Abyssinians were favoured slaves of the Portuguese, often serving as sailors, and to be found as far afield as Bassein, in Burma, where, as Crooke reports, they had a tendency to becoming unruly, claiming that it was ‘dangerous to walk late for fear of falling into the Hands of those Pilfering Abusive Rascals’.85 Of the Turks, one Heredim Mohammed is judged by Mendes Pinto to have been offered the Duchy of Banchá, possibly Bang Saphan,86 and another became Governor of Bangkok under King Narai. Two Indian Moslems, Muhammad Beg and Ismail Beg, were appointed ‘regents’ of Phuket and neighbouring Bangkhli, again under Narai, reflecting Muslim ambitions to increase their trade on Siam’s west coast. Both, however were murdered by the Malay population, who did not like the idea of tin being exported to Indian and Persian destinations.87 The ‘Moors’ also served in the military, and were thought to make good horsemen. It was a Malay general who led horsemen sent to round up French military men who had escaped from Lopburi,88 and in Tachard’s account of de Chaumont’s embassy, ‘sixty Moors on horseback’ armed with lances and with a ‘very good appearance’ filled

85 Fernão Mendes Pinto, The Voyages and Adventures of Fernand Mendez Pinto during his travels for the space of one and twenty years in the kingdoms of Ethiopia, China, Tartaria, Cauchinchina, Calaminham, Siam, Pegu, Japan, and a great part of the East-Indies. With a relation and description of most of the places thereof; their religion, laws, riches, customs, and government in the time of peace and war. Where he five times suffered shipwrack, was sixteen times sold, and thirteen times made a slave. Written originally by himself in the Portugal tongue, and dedicated to the Majesty of Philip King of Spain. Done into English by H.C. Gent, London: J. Macock, 1663, 179; William Crooke, A New Account of East Indies and Persia being Nine Years’ Travels, 1672–1681, London: Hakluyt Society, 1915, vol. I, 62. More generally, Richard Pankhurst, ‘The Ethiopian Diaspora to India: The Role of Habshis and Sidis from Medieval Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century’, in Shihan de S. Jayasuriya & Richard Pankhurst eds., The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean, Africa World Press, 2003, 189–223. 86 Pinto, Peregrinação, ch. 146. It is Armando Cortesão in his edition of Tomé Pires’s Suma Oriental (repr. Asian Educational Services, 1990), 106 who equates Banchá with Bang Saphan. 87 Dhiravat na Pombejra, A political history of Siam under the Prasatthong dynasty 1629–1688, Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1984, and Ibid., ‘Crown Trade and Court Politics in Ayutthaya’, in The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise, Singapore: ISEAS, 1990, ed. by J. Kathirithamby-Wells and John Villiers, 134–. 88 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam; the story is also told by de la Touche in Smithies ed., Three Military Accounts of the 1688 ‘Revolution’ in Siam by Lieutenant General Desfarges, De La Touche, and J.V. des Verquains, Orchard Press: 2008, 64 & 66, albeit in abridged form.

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the second courtyard.89 In Arakan, the Muslim soldiers tended to be Pathans fleeing the advance of the Mughals in Bengal, but were also Persians and Mouros from the Malabar coast, Guerreiro recounting how a ship carrying an impressive 1600 mercenaries from Masulipatam sank in 1608 before reaching Arakan.90 Back in Ayutthaya, Moors also served as sailors, as we will appreciate from some temple murals later in this book, but were also agriculturalists, often specialising in sugar palm products, and were represented on temple murals with gunny bags (coarse sacks, or sacking made of jute), and in later times worked as weavers, binders and dyers.91 This large and variegated community traditionally lived along Khlong Takhian and Khlong Bang Kacha. Mendes Pinto reports that there were as many as seven mosques catering for the Moors and Malays, whose numbers probably approached 30.000.92 The ‘Moors’ depicted on temple murals with full beards and kūfiyyah headgear  (  ) were almost certainly Persians. The two countries were linked in this period by official embassies and representations, but boasted ancient communities of erstwhile long-distance traders from Hormuz and Bandar Abbas who had settled in Siam, and also manned a substantial division of the king’s guards, seen by de Chaumont on his

89 Tachard, Voyage de Siam, 230–233. Horsemen dressed up in the ‘Persian style’ were also noted during Jacobus Hensbroeck’s mission to Arakan in 1650, see Jos Gommans and Jacques Leider, The maritime frontier of Burma: exploring political, cultural and commercial interaction in the Indian Ocean world, 1200–1800, Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, 2002, 115. 90 Felipe Brito y Nicote, ‘Relación des sitio que el rey de Arracan, y el de Tangú, pusieron por mar y tierra sobre la fortaleza de Serion en la India de Portugal el año de 1607’, in António da Silva Rego ed., Documentação Ultramarina Portuguesa, vol. 2, 241; Newe Relation. Vie Don Sebastian Gonzales, ein Portugeser Wider den gewaltigen Indianischen Koenig van Arracan, so ein grausamer Feind, Verfolger der Christen, sigh hafftig gestritten, auch von ihme die beruembte Insul Sundiva erobert hat, Augsburg, 1611, 3; Fernão Guerreiro, Relação annual das coisas que fizeram Padres da Companhia de Jesus nas suas Missões nos anos 1600 a 1609, orig. written 1603, repr. Coimbra/ Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional, 1930–42, vol. 3, 84. 91 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution, 61, 84, 135. For a general introduction, see Michel Gilquin, The Muslims of Thailand. Bangkok: IRASEC; Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005, and Leonard Andaya, ‘Ayutthaya and the Persian and Indian Muslim connection’, in From Japan to Arabia. Ayutthaya’s Maritime Relations with Asia, ed. Kennon Breazeale, Bangkok: The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project, 1999. 92 From Pinto’s letter, written in Malacca in 1554 addressed to the Brothers and Fathers of the Society of Jesus, Cristovão Aires ed., Fernão Mendes Pinto. Subsídios para a Sua Biografia, Lisbon: Academia das Sciencias, 1904, 63–5.

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diplomatic embassy to the royal court.93 Under Prasat Thong, Sheikh Ahmad, founder of the Bunnak family, had been promoted to a high position inside the government, perhaps Phra Khlang himself. Other Persian favourites included Abdur Razzaq, whose trading ambitions led him into trouble with the V.O.C., from which political disgrace followed in 1663. Another was Aqa Muhammad, an able courtier who was granted the export monopoly in eaglewood, most of which was shipped to Indian destinations. He also fitted out vessels to transport supplies of rice to the Khmers, when Cambodia faced shortages in 1676.94 Persian Muslims also held various posts in the port towns of Siam as governors of Mergui and Tenasserim.95 Persian Shi’ism and the community’s privileged social position nevertheless got in the way of their genuine mixing with other Muslim groups in the country. There was a Castilian community, either descendants of the early mercenaries, some of whom had been taken prisoner in Cambodia and thrown into the King’s jails, or who had perhaps accompanied the repeated diplomatic missions sent from the Governor of the Philippines to release them.96 Some of these negotations were complicated by Siamese depredations on Spanish shipping, such as the seizure of D. Fernando de Silva’s ship in 1624, and the confiscation of goods transported during Andrés Lopes de Azadegui’s embassy in 1625. A third embassy, dispatched under Don Juan de Alcaraso in 1628, assuaged its failure by seizing and plundering several Siamese junks and Japanese go-shuin-sen in the Gulf of Siam, although the consequences of these actions included a strong embargo on Portuguese trade in Japan as a consequence.97 Spanish ships with crews consisting of Spaniards, Chinese and Filipinos from the island of Luzon continued to be reported, here in Cambodia by the Dutch Opperhoofd Van Regesmortes a short time

93 Ismail Marcinkowski, ‘The Iranian Presence in the Indian Ocean rim: A Report on a 17th century Safavid Embassy to Siam’, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 2003, 51:3, 55–85; David Wyatt, ‘A Persian Mission to Siam in the Reign of King Narai’, Journal of the Siam Society [Thailand], 1974, 62 (1), 151–157. 94 Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, V.O.C. 1322, De Jonge to Gouverneur General in Batavia, 14 November, 1676. 95 Dhiravat na Pombejra, Crown Trade and Court Politics, 134–. 96 One set of prisoners mutinied on being sent to Ayutthaya, overpowered their captors, and managed to escape to Manila, Morga, The Philippine Islands, 43; Cardim, 150. See also the letter from Archbishop Miguel Serrano Garcia in Manila to the King, 30 July, 1621, in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. XX, 99. 97 For these events, see George Bryan Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–1754, C.U.P., 1986, 59.

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before his untimely death in 1643.98 Many of them settled and stayed. At the time of the 1688 court revolution, one certain householder in Ayutthaya by the name of Perez, had a large household of twenty-four persons,99 and seems to have been quite influential at the time in that he tried to shelter a seminary priest from Manila from the attacks and imprisonments on Christians in the kingdom.100 There were also Frenchmen, many of whom first arrived in the wake of the M.E.P. order in 1662, but some who had arrived previously in the service of the V.O.C. The M.E.P. noted four or five of these individuals, natives of northern port cities such as Dieppe and Honfleur.101 One Frenchman was the entrepreneur Thomas, ‘who ran an establishment across the river from the [Dutch] lodge and where company servants and their local mistresses went to drink alcoholic beverages’.102 This drinking house may well have functioned equally as a brothel staffed by some of the Eurasian progeny of Dutch fathers, who had gone home, rather than the more benign interpretation offered by Raben and Bosma—that Tomas de Fransman was some sort of surrogate father figure for these orphans.103 The problem of unacknowledged Eurasian progeny was quite a general one, who were then forced into an identity on the fringes of this society.104 We know little about the sexual mores of this world, but the Dutch Resident from 1633 Joost Schouten, who was later put to death in Batavia in July 1644 for that ‘vile and filthy Sodomitish sin’, is thought to have started whilst in Siam.105 Meanwhile, on the heterosexual side, the VOC men, irrespective of rank, invariably maintained a concubine, whom Heecq reports they supported financially and provided with a house, many of which

98 ‘II T. Uittreksel. Copie missives van d. E. Pieter van Regemortes aan de E. Hr. gouv. Paulus Traudenius (Formosa) ende den oppercoopman Johan van Elseracq (Japan) per fluyt de Zaayer, geschr. 5 July 1642’, in Muller, Oost-Indische Compagnie, Hendrik P.N. Muller, De Oost-Indische Compagnie in Cambodja en Laos: Verzameling van bescheiden van 1636 tot 1670, The Hague: Van Linschooten Vereeniging XIII, 1917, 248. 99 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution, 99. 100 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution, 104. 101 Françoise Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources des Missions Étrangères—Pierre Lambert De La Motte (1624–1679), Paris: Edition Perrin, 2006, 89. 102 Heeck, A Traveler in Siam. 103 Bosma & Raben, Being “Dutch” in the Indies, 12. 104 Pauline Milone, ‘Indische Culture, and its Relationship to Urban Life’, in Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 9, no. 4, July 1967: 409–410. 105 Charles R. Boxer ed., A true description of the mighty kingdoms of Japan & Siam, London: Argonaut, 1935, Appendix 1.

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were probably situated in the Portuguese quarter. Although some of these women were Siamese, most of them came from the Mon, a people originally from Pegu on the Bay of Bengal. There were laws forbidding Siamese and even Mon and Lao women from having intercourse with European men, but these rules and regulations had little effect.106 When a VOC employee left, his partner would often attach herself to another company employee able to provide them with food and shelter. With the children it was often a problem, as their fathers often wanted them to go and get an education in Batavia there reinforcing their Dutch identity, whilst the Siamese fought to keep them in Ayutthaya. In some cases, the VOC managed to win the case, and the children were shipped to Batavia to join their fathers or be brought up in an orphanage. But most boys and girls remained in Siam after the departure or death of their father.107 There was also an Armenian Christian community, which Chaumont numbered at fifteen or sixteen families, suggesting that most of them served as horsemen in the king’s guard.108 One of them, John Baptist, helped the Jesuit fathers deliver wattle (for the building of small huts within the royal storehouse enclosures, as Kosa Pan’s letter indicated) and victuals to Christians thrown into prison in the wake of the Phetracha coup.109 But their presence in Siam was a result of international trading connections. According to the Scottish sea-captain Alexander Hamilton, Armenians had supplanted the Portuguese as purveyors of precious stones in Burma from the 1630s.110 Figures like ‘Demacora’, an Armenian and ‘mandarin of Pegu’, were sending ships like the New Jerusalem to India in the 1680s, and from which the English freebooter

106 Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘VOC Employees and their Relationships with Mon and Siamese Women’, in Barbara Watson Andaya ed. Other Pasts. Women, Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia, Honolulu: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 2000, 198–9, 210–11. 107 Margot E. van Opstall, ‘From Lakmaar to Ayudhya and Back’, Itinerario, 9, 2, 1985, 108–20. 108 Aspects of the Embassy to Siam, 1685: The Chevalier de Chaumont and the Abbé de Choisy, ed. M. Smithies, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1997, 84. 109 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution, 102; Letter from P’ya Kosa T’ibodi (Kosa Pan), formerly Siamese ambassador to France, to Mr. Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, Fr. de Brisacier, Director of the Foreign Mission Seminary, Paris, Fr. de la Chaisse S.J. Private Chaplain to Louis XIV, dated 27 December 1693, repr. in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8, 198. 110 Alexander Hamilton. A Scottish Sea Captain in Southeast Asia, 1689–1723, Chiang Mai, 1997, 18.

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Thomas Coates (Cotes) took certain rubies to the value of £4000.111 We can corroborate the problems faced by the Portuguese in the Eurasian diamond trade from the 1680s from archival sources, and can presume that Armenian positioning in the trade was to blame.112 Figures like Khwaja Minas, ‘President of the Armenians of Surat’, who owned a fleet of merchant vessels, sent ships as far afield as Siam, Timor and Manila during the 1660s as we can ascertain from the Surat Dispatch Books.113 And it was on an Armenian vessel headed for Madras that Phetracha sent a diplomatic embassy in 1691 from Siam to the French in Pondicherry.114 Finally there was a ‘de Pegusche Campo’, as indicated on the river map in François Valentijn, populated by Mon migrants who had arrived in the wake first of the rebellion against the manpower demands of Nandabayin, and then the Burma-Siam wars of the latter half of the sixteenth century, and particularly the final decade of the seventeenth century, when the entire kingdom suffered utter destruction and depopulation leaving, in the words of one contemporary account, ‘a greater silence on earth than human thought can imagine’.115 As a historical fact, this is confirmed in Ayutthaya’s chronicles.116 Halliday’s dating of the first immigration of these Mons in 1660 is thus apparently false.117 The French Jesuit du Jarric estimated that as many as 100.000 Mons sought refuge in Siam.118 They nonetheless dwelt a considerable distance from Ayutthaya itself, far closer indeed to Bangkok, or above Lopburi, where they devoted themselves to agriculture—growing the paddies, engaging in the thatch (attap) and firewood trades, firing bricks for the production of Martaban pots—and were considered so

111

Jumsai, A History of Anglo-Thai Relations, 21. A.N.T.T., Junta do Tabaco, maços 2 & 3. 113 Vahé Balodouni and Margaret Makepeace eds., Armenian Merchants in the 17th and 18th centuries. English East India Company Sources, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1998. 114 Mémoires de François Martin ch. XXVIII. 115 ‘A Brief Account of the Kingdom of Pegu’, trans. from the Portuguese by A. MacGregor, I.C.S., Retd., with a note by D.G.E. Hall, in Journal of the Burma Research Society, 16, 2, 99–138. 116 Richard D. Cushman, The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya, The Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya, Bangkok, The Siam Society, 2000, 122 ff. 117 Robert Halliday, ‘Immigration of the Mons into Siam’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 10, part 3, 1913, 3. 118 Pierre du Jarric, Histoire des choses plus memorables advenues tant en Indes Orientales, que autres pais de la descouverte des Portugais, Bordeaux: Millanges, 1608–14, I, 623, 626. 112

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poor that they were not able to erect their own temples.119 This was a big reversal, then, from the situation in Dvāravatī times, when migrating Mons built an impressive number of temples, often from materials such as bronze. In late sixteenth and seventeenth century Ayutthaya, they tended to serve the Siamese state as soldiers; later kings like Rama V also drafted Mon seamen into his navy.

119 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 51; Robert Halliday, ‘Immigration of the Mons into Siam’, The Siam Society fiftieth anniversary commemorative publication: selected articles from the Siam Society Journal, 1954, vol. 1, 76.

CHAPTER FIVE

‘O CAMPO PORTUGUÊS’: THE PORTUGUESE QUARTER IN AYUTTHAYA IN THE WAKE OF THE MAKASSARESE DIASPORA It is quite hard to summon reliable figures pertaining to the size of the Portuguese community in Ayutthaya. Chaumont put the figure at ‘more than a thousand (. . .) mixed race, having been born of a Portuguese and a Siamese mother’. A distinction nonetheless had to be made for the ‘eight or nine true Portuguese families’.1 Other estimates were more generous. According to the French Vicar Apostolic Lambert de la Motte, who arrived in Siam in 1661, there were 1500 Christians ‘collected from different nations’ then living in Ayutthaya.2 Simon de la Loubère in 1687–88 puts the figure somewhat higher, at 4000.3 Other accounts, such as that of Gervaise, who also wrote a book entitled The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam towards the end of the seventeenth century, would seem to corroborate this second figure—he speaks of 700–800 families.4 The Persian manuscript Safina-yi Sulaymān suggests the highest figure of all, a figure of 5000 or 6000 people who had primarily been converted to the Christian religion,5 though this figure may have included Japanese and CochinChinese. Ayutthaya was by European standards a huge city, though how huge it was is a very contested question, the doyen of South-East Asian history, Anthony Reid, recently criticized for uncritically using travellers’

1

Alexandre de Chaumont, Relation de l’ambassade de Mr. le Chevalier de Chaumont à la Cour du Roy de Siam, avec ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable durant son voyage, La Haye, 1733, 84. 2 Mgr. de Bérythe. Relation des missions des Evèques François etc., Paris: M. Tiberge, 1674, 4. 3 Simon de la Loubère, The Kingdom of Siam, ed. David Wyatt, Singapore; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986, part III, 112. 4 Gervaise Histoire politique et naturelle, 1688. Gervaise has a rather bad reputation in Thai scholarship, where he is dismissed as a ‘naturalist’, see, for example, Ayutthaya. The Portrait of the Living Legends, 16. 5 Jean Aubin, ‘Les Persans au Siam sous le Règne de Narai’, Mare Luso-Indicum [Paris], IV, 1980, 110.

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guesses.6 George Modelski has estimated that the population rose from 300.000 in 1600 to as much as one million by 1700, making it one of the world’s largest cities at that time.7 On the other hand, Dutch scholars have recently suggested the population was ‘closer to 10.000’, but it is not clear on what basis this estimation is made if not on popular wisdom.8 My gut reaction is that this is a serious underestimation. The scale of Ayutthaya invariably struck Europeans. For Struys, Judia was the ‘chief metropolis of the whole world’.9 The directors of the English East India Company were informed in 1617 that Ayutthaya was ‘as great a city as London’10 (which was estimated at 225,000 in 1605)11 and later in the century, in 1687, the Abbé de Choisy could admit that Ayutthaya was ‘larger than Paris’, which was approaching 600.000 people at the time. Other first hand observers like Bouvet made a much more cautious estimation of between 150.000–160.000 inhabitants, explaining that: ‘Several people do not hesitate to assure me that there are more than a million souls, because it has been suggested on more than one occasion that there are more than a million riverboats (ballons), even though it has been demonstrated that such a large number could not be sustained’.12 It is worthwhile to have a glance at Simon de la Loubère’s map of 1691 (see accompanying plate). At the top are to be found the royal palaces (the Grand Palace and the Palace to the Front) and those of the court, located in the northern part of the ancient capital, described by the German visitor Merklein as ‘powerfully large, with many towers, which are all lavishly gilded, so that it seems like a mountain of gold’.13 A third royal palace was also located in the city. Underneath were the temples and pagodas, more than five hundred of them all counted,

6

Raben & Bosma, Being “Dutch”, ch. 1, fn. 8. George Modelski, World Cities: –3000 to 2000, Washington DC: FAROS 2000.2000. 8 Raben & Bosma, Being “Dutch”, 5. These authors appear to draw this conclusion from Johan Talens, Een feodale samenleving in koloniaal vaarwater, Hilversum: L Verloren, 1999, 46–51. 9 John J. Struys, The Voiages and Travels of John Struys through Italy, 1684, 50–53. 10 John Anderson, English intercourse with Siam, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, & Co., 1890, 69. 11 Nikolaus Pevsner, London I: The Cities of London and Westminster, rev. edition, 1962, Introduction, 48. 12 Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 107. 13 Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 84. 7

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Fig. 4. Plan of Ayutthaya. Simon de la Loubère, Du royaume de Siam, Paris, 1691.

with decorated finials and golden roofs. They dominated the city-scape to the point that Ayutthaya could truthfully be called a ‘temple city’.14 These were situated cheek by jowl with the local markets of the central areas; to the south-east was the port and the arsenal. Here the English and the Dutch developed their factories next to one another. We can see the campo Português on one of the larger islands to the south of the fortified city, a distinct quarter to the south of the capital between the Chao Phraya river and the western canal, in an area known as the Mu Ban Potuget. Jacques de Bourges, resident in Ayutthaya between 1662–63 explains how the nature of the city—divided into several

14 Jeremias Van Vliet, Historiael Verhael der Sieckte ende Doot van Pra Interra-Tsia 22en Coninck in Siam, ende den Regherenden Concik Pra Ongh Srij, ed. Seiichi Iwao, The Tokyo Bunko Publications D/5, Tokyo: 1857–58, 12–13.

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islands by canals (khlong) channeled from the river for both irrigation and defensive purposes—helped the formation of each nation on an island or in a separate quarter, ‘so that there are few quarrels (. . .), which are often caused by the mixture of nationalities who have natural antipathies’.15 He may have been thinking of Danish Tranquebar, where the Portuguese church was located right next to the Mosque, as we can appreciate from a coloured drawing in the Danish National Archives.16 The canals, such as that starting just north of the Portuguese town and heading south-west to join Khun Lakhōwnchai Canal at Wat Samphao Lom, a distance of 3.1 km, also provided a straight and direct transport route up the river without the vessels having to fight against the current. This ingenious solution was repeated elsewhere in the Mahānāk Canal, and the Khū Čām Canal, which starts a considerable distance south of the Portuguese town and ends at Chao Phraya River at a point opposite the Chakrai Nōwy Gate. The land granted to these foreign communities, however, was outside and hence unprotected by the twelve kilometers of city walls, though this does seem to have been so big an issue as it was in Madras, where the English governor, Thomas Pitt, was careful to extend the city fortifications to the ‘Black Town’ in 1702.17 In Cambodia, too, in Lauweck the European quarters like that of the English were surrounded by a stockade ‘150 fathoms in length’.18 Being an island, the Portuguese campo was defensible to some degree, although linked to other islands by way of brick and laterite bridges, of which there existed an estimated twenty-eight in the city overall.19 From an undated but clearly seventeenth-century water colour plan of Ayutthaya kept in the Dutch Nationaal Archief, we can see how the Portuguese campo started out and evolved as three separate enclosures on the island giving direct access on to the river. The land itself was granted to the Portuguese 15 Jacques de Bourges, Relation du Voyage de Mgr. Béryte, Paris: Denis Bechet, 1668, 162. 16 ‘Fort Dansborg und die Befestigungsanlagen der Stadt Tranquebar an der Koromandelküste, 1733, Kolorierte perspektivische Zeichnung von Gregers Daa Trellund, 78 X 81 cm’, KBK, Kort- og Billedafdelingen, Ingeniørkorpsets aflevering 1911, XVIII, 3, Nr. 7. 17 Cornelius N. Dalton, The Life of Thomas Pitt, Cambridge: The University Press, 1915. 18 ‘Letter from Cambodia to Bantam, 16 October 1654’, Original Correspondence, 2423 (now Shelfmark E/3/24), Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections, British Library. 19 Jumsai, History of Anglo-Thai Relations, 312.

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following military service against the Burmese, but no precise date for the transfer is known.20 To the Dutch visitor Heeck in 1655, the immediate approach to Ayutthaya along the Chao Phraya River reminded him of entering a Dutch suburb (voor stadt), with these residential dwellings clustered along the riverbank.21 It is also worth pointing out that Portuguese campos in other South-East Asian cities, such as Daingri pet outside Mrauk-U’s ‘Palace City’, generally conformed to this urban model. According to this model, there was neither a pelourinho, nor a main square (largo) as in more conventional Portuguese settlements from Brazil to Goa. Looking carefully at Jean de Courtaulin’s map of 1686, it is as if the central part of the campo was denuded and raised somewhat, with the trees and houses all clustered alongside the water. Alongside the churches that in time the Portuguese erected on their island as we shall see, the ‘Plan d’Ajuthia’ produced in the Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l’Indochine (Paris, 1912) figures a number of pagodas along the southern riverbank of the Chao Phraya where the campo Português would have once been. The most important of these was Wat Buddhaisawan, the first wat constructed by Ramathibodi on the site of his first residence in 1353 with a number of outlying courtyards clustered around its large prang.22 Quite how these Buddhist religious shrines mixed in with a predominantly Christian population is a good question, but one that we do not really have sufficient sources to set about answering. Suffice it to follow one of the stories Bèze recounts: one of the gossips for which Michael Smithies finds him susceptible in assessing his value as a commentator on historic events. The story goes that the sister of Phetracha, a certain wife of the King who became enamoured of the Young Prince, kept a wound in her leg open so as to get out of the Palace on the pretext of visiting Dutch surgeon Daniel [Brochebourde]. Instead, her habit was to make for the Portuguese camp ‘which sheltered certain participants of her

20 Leonor da Silva Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião (Séculos XVIII–XIX), Tese mestr. Estudos Luso-Asiáticos, Univ. de Macau, 1994, 20. 21 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 37; cf. Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, where the author talks of ‘aldées, ou villages don’t la rivière est bordée presque partout’, 101. 22 Both the Dutch watercolour and the French plan are reproduced by Sumet Jumsai, ‘The Reconstruction of the City Plan of Ayutthaya’, pp. 301–, Figs. 6 and 18, in Michael Smithies ed., In memoriam Phya Anuman.

Fig. 5. The Portuguese campo on an undated seventeenth-century water colour plan of Ayutthaya. From Atlas Amsterdam van Isaac de Graaff, Kaartcollectie Buitenland Leupe, File number 266, Nationaal Archief, The Hague.

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favours well out of range of her countrymen’s inquisitive eyes.23 From this story, then, the Portuguese campo appears to have been off-limits to the Thai population and a place where secret love trysts could be hidden from the public gaze. Domestic architecture and interior design Later commentators describe the houses lining the banks, both away from the banks of the river and standing on posts over the water, to allow for the annual flooding, sometimes as much as 12–13 feet of extra water. Other houses, as Marini observed, were ‘not fixed in place, nor anchored but mobile and floating, made of very big bamboo canes that are strongly tied together. [They] resemble floating islets that can be taken to wherever their dwellers wish’.24 On land, the houses were ‘generally built of Bambous, reed, planks and other ordinary stuff ’, for which reason Bouvet is happier to call them ‘cabanes’, cabins.25 In the summer, the stilts allowed the air to circulate and provided some degree of ventilation. The prosperous houses had their roofs decorated with Paulom, a wooden sculpture of a naga, or serpent, which was believed to control the waters. But these were far from the spacious rural mansions built by the Portuguese in Panjim, outside Goa, the villas built by the English along the banks of the River Hughli, or the Dutch heerenhuizen outside Batavia with faddish gardens laid out in adaptation of the principles of landscape design propagated by the enthusiastic pupils of Le Nôtre.26 Above all, there was nothing to mark

23 Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, premier ministre du Roi de Siam (. . .) et sa triste fin. Suivi de lettres et de documents. Tokyo, 1947, 54. For more about Daniel, see Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Ayutthaya as a Cosmopolitan Society: a Case Study of Daniel Brochebourde and his descendants’, in Dhiravat na Pombejra, Court, Company and Campong. Essays on the VOC presence in Ayutthaya, Ayutthaya: Ayutthaya Historical Study Centre, 1992. 24 Marini, Delle Missioni (1663 edition), 410. 25 Engelbert Kaempfer, The history of Japan, giving an account of the ancient and present state and government of that empire; of its temples, palaces, castles and other buildings; . . . Written in High-Dutch by Engelbertus Kæmpfer, . . . and translated . . . by J.G. Scheuchzer, 1727, Book 1, 31; Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 108; G.-B. Morelli, Lett. 209 dated 25 dic. 1682 in the Fondo Mediceo del Principato, Archivio di Stato, Firenze. 26 Cf. Victor I. van de Wall, Oude Hollandsche Buitenplaatsen von Batavia, 2nd. Ed. Deventer: W. van Hoeve, 1943, I, 14; for English Calcutta, see Percival Spear, The Nabobs, a study of the social life of the English in Eighteenth Century India, Delhi, India; New York: Oxford University Press, 1998, 14, 15, 35, 37, 42, 45–6, 48–51, 72, 77; for the environs of Portuguese Goa, see Helder Carita & Nicolas Sapieha, Les

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these houses out as European, their floor plans did not exhibit the influence of Italian classicism and there were no mansard-type roofs inspired by French architectural development. The land where they were to build was strictly circumscribed by their island location; the ‘search for coolness’ by seeking to build on higher land outside the city was simply not an option available to the Portuguese tribe as it was to ‘Europeans’ in Batavia, for example.27 The animals (bulls, cows and pigs) were kept in enclosures on dry land. Given the proximity of water on all sides, boats were the standard means of transportation—indeed in Thai Ayutthaya is known as Charinao, the ‘City of Boats’—and may have numbered as many as 20.000, if we go along with Tachard’s estimation.28 Cardim relates how everybody possessed at least two, even three boats; these boats ‘served as carriages do with us back in Europe’.29 If we look at city plan-views produced by European visitors, the area beyond the city walls was generally depicted as an unpopulated, undeveloped Arcadian landscape right through to the second half of the seventeenth century. This is true of the early 17th century anonymous oblique plan-view in watercolour currently in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, or Johan Vingboons’s (a.k.a.Vingbun) Apbeldinge der Stadt Iudiad Hooft des Chooninck Siam, produced in 1665,30 and holds even as late as J.J. Struys’s Drie aanmerkelijke en seer rampspoedige Reysen, printed in Amsterdam in 1676, and the copper plate map of

palais de Goa: modèles & typologies de l’architecture civile indo-portugaise, Paris: Ed. Chandeigne 1996. 27 Leo Blussé, ‘The story of an ecological disaster. The Dutch East India Company and Batavia, 1619–1799’, in L. Blussé ed. Strange Company: Chinese settlers, Mestizo women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia, Dordrecht: Foris. 1986, ch. 2. 28 Cited in Jeremy Kemp Aspects of Siamese Kingship in the Seventeenth Century, Bangkok: Social Science Association Press of Thailand, 1969, 21; also Ayutthaya. The Portrait of the Living Legends, 21. Mendes Pinto noted ‘two hundred thousand boats’ and, the author goes on, ‘I did not see a league’s length of waterway, which was so full that one could not pass’. From a letter written in Malacca in 1554 and addressed to the Brothers and Fathers of the Society of Jesus, in Cristovão Aires ed., Fernão Mendes Pinto, 63–5. 29 Cardim, Relatione della prouincia del Giappone, 139. 30 Frederik Caspar Wieder, Monumenta cartographica; reproductions of unique and rare maps, plans and views in the actual size of the originals, The Hague, M. Nijhoff, 1925, volume 2, folio 18. Kees Zandvliet has argued recently that Vingboon’s paintings were designed so as to give the spectator an impression of Ayutthaya in the 1630s, ‘Ayutthaya seen through Dutch eyes in the 17th century’, in Dhiravat na Pombejra et al., Proceedings of the International Symposium ‘Crossroads of Thai and Dutch history’, Bangkok: SEAMEO-SPAFA, 2007, 116.

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Ayutthaya of c. 1685 produced by Alain Manesson Mallet.31 By the time we come to the engravings included in Gervaise’s book of 1688, finally we can see activity in the campos. Although their foundation goes back to the first decade of the seventeenth century, we must conclude that there was clearly a rapid development that affected the city from around the 1660s, precisely the time of the arrival of the Portuguese diaspora from Makassar. While the French Ambassador the Chevalier de Chaumont was housed in a ‘house of a Persian mandarin, which was then furnished magnificently’, the English East India Company officials William Strangh and Thomas Yale, who came on an inspection of the factory in 1683, had a house purpose-built to receive them. Strangh was not, however, impressed: he remarked how it was a ‘meere dogg-hole (. . .) more like a prisson than a dwelling house’ and at any rate unfit for him to live in.32 In contrast, the houses of the Portuguese quarter were decorated and adapted for the comfort of their visiting ambassador like Siqueira, who—for all his general scorn—was quite impressed with the ‘considerable cleanliness, with [the] rich carpets and ceilings draped in cloths of various colours’.33 These may well have been laid on especially for the occasion. Typically, walls were padded with bamboo matting, which westerners were also impressed with: ‘of the finest texture and of many colours, neatly and handsomely woven’.34 Poorer houses had to make do with leaves. For the doors, the same materials were needed ‘reinforced in the middle and on the sides so that the key, which is made of wood, combines with the keyhole, which is

31 Struys’s view of Ayutthaya, reproduced in Les Voyages de Jean Struys en Moscovie, en Tartarie, en Perse, aux Indes & en phisieurs autres pais étrangers (Amsterdam: La Veuve de Jacob van Meurs, 1681), has been dismissed by Jeremy Kemp as ‘largely fanciful (. . .) clearly engraved by one only very indirectly acquainted with Ayuthaya itself ’, Aspects of Siamese Kingship, plate following 12. Mallet painted the miniature ‘Iudia ou Siam’ (10 cm by 15 cm) in his Description de l’Univers, contenant les differents systemes di monde, les cartes generales & particulieres de la geographie ancienne & moderne: les plans & les profils des principales villes & des autres lieux plus considerables de la terre; avec les portraits des couverains qui y commandent, leurs blasons, titres & livrees: et les moeurs, religions, gouvernemens & divers havillemens de chaque nation . . . a five volume world history, Paris: Thiery Denys, 1683. 32 Anderson, English Intercourse with Siam, Ch. 5, ‘Strangh and Yale Mission’, 184 from Strangh’s Diary, kept in the India Office. 33 Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 112; Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 170. 34 Friar S. Manrique, quoted in Maurice Collis, The Land of the Great Image, London: Readers’ Union / Faber and Faber, 1946, 148.

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not made of iron’.35 Japanese coffers and screens were additional common household furniture,36 alongside numerous other finished goods including lacquerware (pillow stands, boxes, letter-boxes), copperware (lamps, kettles, frying pans), silverware, wire, high-quality paper and wooden boxes, all listed in a thoroughgoing export inventory of 1682 found in Toban.37 It is to be doubted that the religious communities in Siam bought much of this apparel wholesale: the Jesuit General had issued an order forbidding the padres to decorate their cells and residences with lacquered screens.38 Folding screens (byōbu) came in two-, four-, six-, eight- and even ten-hinged formats, but were also classified by height. The six-panel screen was most common, often in paired sets. So prevalent were the paired screens that sometimes single pieces were called ‘half-pairs’ (isseki-mono). Originally composed of calligraphy work on paper, in the Edo (1600–1868) period screens were made from a variety of materials including cloth, wood, bamboo and reed, and were often

Fig. 6. Pair of six-panel paper folding screens (byōbu). Early seventeenth century.

35

Marini, Delle Missioni, 49. Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, Paris, 1687, 27 octobre 1685. 37 Teijirō Yamawaki, Tōban kamotsuchō Tōkyō: Naikaku Bunko, Shōwa 45, 1970. 38 Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, University of California P; Cambridge U.P., 1951, 201. 36

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produced for prescribed functions, such as birth, marriage or in line with Buddhist observances.39 Coffers (hitsu) differed from trunks (nagamochi) in that the former lacked metal fittings for pole-carrying, a ready form of transportation. In Portuguese, they were known as arcas. These coffers were the single most important furnishing for storage through the sixteenth century and on average were two by five by two feet in size. Merklein reports how these coffers were used to transport money to Siam.40 Finishing differed from plain-wood surfaces (these coffers were consequently used for storing basins, bowls, trays and other common household utensils) to high-quality black lacquer work (in which bed-linen was kept), and some coffers even boasted decorative floral maki-e designs.41 The most valuable were made from teak and covered with a veneer encrusted with mother-of-pearl and decorative metalwork.42 The archeological dig on the grounds of the church of São Domingo has yielded fragments of Chinese ceramics, especially numerous being the ‘blue and white’ variety, though art history specialists point to Thai motifs and orders in the Bencharong ware made in China with the assistance of Thai craftsmen also typical of this period.43 Also found were crucifixes, medallions and rosaries in bronze, engraved glass, some in the shape of crosses of Lorraine as well as Chinese, Japanese and Thai money, earthenware pots for burning incense, keys, toys, and pipes. Similar objects (gambling counters excepted) have been found as part of ongoing excavations on the site of the Dutch factory.44 We have record from the Dutch Daghregister of Batavia that Portuguese ships from Macao were arriving carrying coarse porcelain, as happened on March 28, 1664, and the Dutch themselves placed orders with the Governor of Formosa (e.g. order of November 9, 1634) for

39 Kazuko Koizumi, Traditional Japanese Furniture, Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1986. 40 Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 83. 41 Koizumi, Traditional Japanese Furniture, 1986. The Indo-Portuguese coffers in the Museu d’Arte Antiga in Lisbon are typically of two sorts: some with decoração vegetalista, and others with decoração geométrica. 42 Mafalda Soares da Cunha, Os Espaços de um Império. Catálogo, Lisboa: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses: Câmara Municipal do Porto, 1999, 231. 43 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Phra Narai Roi de Siam et Louis XIV, Paris: Association Française d’Action Artistique, 1986, 58. 44 See Plate 9 in Heeck, courtesy of the Third Regional Office of the Fine Arts Department, Phranakhon, Si Ayutthaya.

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Fig. 7. Lacquer-finished trunk (nagamochi). Late sixteenth-century.

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‘coarse porcelains’ to be imported into Siam by sea. At one point, the Dutch tried to open a trading office at Bahmo in northern Burma, so as to tap the overland pack-animal import of Chinese ware, but the Burmese king forbade this, as he stood in great fear of the Chinese and preferred there to be limited contact over the mountain passes.45 Another type of ceramic container, never shipped as an article of trade in its own right, but rather as an accompaniment to other goods, were the ‘Martavan/Martaban pots’, also called ‘Pegu jars’. These large coarse earthenware pots, made from grès, and ubiquitous across Southern Asia, were glazed and decorated in a number of ways, sometimes with generic floral motifs and on other occasions with alternating, engraved rectangles as if metal plaques. They were filled with bulk commodities like rice, oil butter, pickles, even water, though Artur Teodoro de Matos sees them increasingly bearing delicacies, including different varieties of spice, principally dried peppers, as well as conserves and chutneys including chetni and miscutt of green mango, pará of salted fish and tamarind, and solam made both from mangoes and tamarind.46 Some historians have argued that due to their weight and low value, these pots tended not to travel far,47 but the evidence I have discovered suggests otherwise. In the Instructions inédits that Fontaney sent Tachard from China for the benefit of all those sailing on Chinese junks (sommes) of Ningpo, the very first instruction is to carry water ‘in those large containers that they produce in Siam. The Portuguese call them barcassa, and they contain as much as our jarres de France’.48 Proximity to the river meant a number of things in terms of everyday life. It meant the ubiquity of waterborne transport—the ubiquitous

45 Pieter Van Dam, Beschrijvinge van de Oost-Indische Compagnie, written 1693– 1701, repr. Stapel, S’Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1927, vol. II, part 2, 82. 46 Artur Teodoro de Matos, ‘Quem Vai ao Mar em Terra se Avia’. Preparativos e Recomendações aos Passageiros da Carreira da Índia no Século XVII’, a separata from A Carreira da Índia e as Rotas dos Estreitos. Actas do VIII Seminário Internacional de História Indo-Portuguesa, eds. T. de Matos and L.F. Thomaz, Angra do Heroísmo, 1998. 47 Nanne Ottema, Handboek der Chineesche Ceramiek, Amsterdam: de Bussy, 1946, ch. XII. 48 ‘Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney’, 273–4; for more on Martaban pots, see Cunha, Os Espaços de um Império. Catálogo, 194–5, and Le San Diego. Un Trésor sous la Mer, eds. Dominique Carre, Jean-Paul Desroches et Franck Goddio Paris: Association française d’action artistique, Ministère des affaires étrangères; Réunion des musées nationaux, 1994, 232–235.

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hollow-trunked vessels covered in palm leaves in which Pierre Lambert made his way to Ayutthaya, arriving on 22 August, 1662—but also larger chaloupes used to ferry passengers out to larger ocean-going ships at anchor in the Gulf of Siam.49 The Portugese would have tied up at wharves that opened directly out on to the Chao Phraya river in the neighbourhood of the two large community churches, given the tight river regulations on shipping (see p. 186). But Schouten reports how the rivers were ‘full of small boats aboard on which whole families lived, ate and slept quite comfortably on carpets and mattresses’.50 The river was also the site of regular bathing, aided by the sloshing of water from Pegu jars and, if it was anything like Batavia, ‘enormous tubs holding some three hogsheads of water’.51 Europeans, who rarely took even one bath a year, often remarked on this alien ritual that took place at a rate between twice-daily and twice-weekly, and was typical across South-East Asia. Pedro Chirino, the first Jesuit missionary in the Philippines, marvelled at how the islanders ‘take to the water as soon as they are born. Men and women, even as very small children, swim like fish. To cross a river they have no need of a bridge. They bathe at all hours both for comfort and cleanliness’.52 Chinese observers too commented on outdoor bathing in South-East Asia, if only because in China there were official bathhouses where such activities were conducted. The relative openness with regard to nakedness whilst bathing was something invariably commented upon. Northern Europeans also commented on the long afternoon nap or siesta (sesta) and slow pace of life generally.53

49

‘Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney’, 265–268. Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales: commencé l’an 1658 & fini l’an 1665. / Traduit du Hollandois. Où l’on void plusieurs descriptions de païs, roïaumes, isles & villes, siéges, combats sur terre & sur mer, coûtumes, maniéres, religions de divers peuples, animaux, plantes, fruits, & autres curiositez naturelles. A Rouen: Chez Pierre le Boucher. . ., 1725, 218. 51 Johan Splinter Stavorinus, Reize van Zeeland over de Kaap de Goede Hoop naar Batavia, Bantam, Bengalen, enz. gedaan in de jaaren MDCCLXVIII tot MDCCLXXI . . . Gevolgd van eenige belangrijke aanmerkingen . . . Met kaarten. Leyden, 1793, 257–265, trans. Cornelia Moore in Insulinde: selected translations from Dutch writers of three centuries on the Indonesian archipelago, Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1978, chap. 2. 52 Pedro Chirino. Relación de las Islas Filipinas i de lo que en ellas an trabaiado los padres dae la Compañia de Iesus, Roma: Por Estevan Paulino, 1604, 21–22 {check version}. 53 As also observed by Ralph Fitch in Pegu, see Elizabethan Venture ed. Cecil Tragen, London: H.F. & G. Witherby, 1953, 84; E. Breton de Nijs, Tempo Doeloe, Amster50

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Fig. 8. Martaban pot, from N. Ottema, Chineesche Ceramiek.

Community rules and regulations The ‘Portuguese’ had a titular head of their community, known to the Portuguese as Capitão Mor da Bandel, as others like the ‘Moors’, the Malays and the Japanese did, ‘elected with the King’s approval and who governs in accordance with the customs of that particular country’.54 The headman, Van Vliet advised, should also know ‘what is going on’, in other words, be politically astute.55 Often these headmen are referred

dam: Em. Querido, 1961. ‘The Customs of Cambodia’ by Chou Ta-kuan, trans. from Pelliot, Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extreme Orient, No. 1 (123), 1902, 137–177. 54 Gervaise, The Natural and Political history, 46. 55 Van Vliet’s Siam, 52.

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to as Sabander, from the Persian word, meaning ‘Master of the Port’, the supposedly Portuguese loan word Cǒngsul (from consul) comes from a later date.56 The Siamese expected the headmen to command labour dues on the part of their subordinate population, although this would not have been the case in the Portuguese Bandel. If it was anything like Makassar, then the headman would have organised the annual payment of the light dues and presents to the Siamese ruler, though whether the taxes were in fact light or not is a moot point. The Siamese authorities were of course keen to impress upon Portuguese authorities in Goa that the Portuguese ‘who live in those parts receive great favours’ (grandes fauores), and which included the right to inheritance without any duties or confiscations, and justice in the king’s courts rather than those of the local populace, where the Capitão-Mór would intervene in sentences prospectively involving the death penalty or confiscation of goods (crime que mereça morte, ou confiscar-lhe o fato).57 The wider principle here, as reiterated to other foreign communities, was that ‘joint decisions shall be carried out to the full’.58 These were all things that had been agreed with the otherwise inconclusive embassy of 1616. It remained a benchmark that subsequent negotiations undertaken by the Portuguese found hard to depart from: in 1721, the embassy from Macao found itself offered ‘the same privileges as before, and to not pay any duties whatsoever (. . .) as agreed by the Siamese kings in 1616, on the occasion of a solemn embassy sent from Goa to this kingdom’.59 In Danish Tranquebar, the Portuguese population was asked to pay taxes that many considered too high and that together with inept handling by the governor, led to a situation where

56 Alan N. Baxter, ‘Portuguese and Creole Portuguese in the Pacific and Western Pacific Rim’, in Stephen Wurm. Atlas of languages of intercultural communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas, Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996, vol. II, Part 1, 1996, 299–339. 57 The key documents here are ‘Descrição do reino de Sião’, in A.N.T.T. Lisbon, Collecção de S. Vicente, vol. 15, fl. 54–58v; cf. ‘El Rei de Siam’, in A.N.T.T., Manuscrito da Livraria, no. 1, 115, fls. 240–147; Panduronga Pissulencar ed. Assentos da Conselho do Estado, Bastora, Goa, Tip. Rangel, 1953–57, vol. IV, doc. 55 dated Abril 1, 1666; see also the privileges enunciated in the 1616 embassy, Manuel Faria y Sousa, The Portugues Asia or, The history of the discovery and conquest of India by the Portugues, tr. John Stevens, London: 1695, tom. III, pt. III, ch. IX, as well as summaries in Bocarro, Década 13, ch. 117, 522–23. 58 ‘Privileges granted to the Apostolic Missionaries by the King of Siam throughout the length and breadth of his realm’, §3, in E.W. Hutchinson, ‘Four French state manuscripts relating to Embassies between France and Siam in the XVIIth century’, in The Journal of the Siam Society, volume 27, part 2, April 1935, 221. 59 See Appendix section.

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the Portuguese were described as not very interessés, or motivated to undertake invigorating trade for the colony.60 Meanwhile, generous farmans issued by the Mughal emperor established specific tax advantages in Portuguese settlements in Bengal so as to attract residents.61 Unfortunately, we do not know precisely what the arrangements were between the Portuguese bandel and the Siamese authorities, although Bèze reports that at the entrance to the camp the Portuguese erected a cross upon which ‘is engraved the terms of the concession, as a permanent memorial of the rights acquired by the King of Portugal’.62 In the Portuguese case, the post of headman typically either went to a churchman known as the ‘vicar’, or else a ‘captain’ (Capitão Mor) Van Vliet speaks of ‘the vicar who has been appointed their chief by the governor’,63 and Prasat Thong in 1650 actively invited the governor to nominate a new ‘captain’ to lead the Portuguese colony.64 Frequently, the headman was the vigário da vara (the vicar of the rod), an ecclesiastical appointment made by the Archbishop of Malacca, and sent to supervise sizeable Portuguese communities in his name (sometimes also referred to as corregedor). During times when there was no bishop of Malacca, the Archbishop in Goa would make appointments of vigários da vara, as was the case with Archbishop Francisco dos Mártires’s decision regarding the vicar of Makassar in the second half of the 1640s.65 A third authority in the appointments of headships was, as Van Vliet mentions, the Governor of Macao, but he would have been responsible only for secular appointments such as captains. The figure of authority from the Portuguese community invited to the King of Siam’s twenty-fifth birthday celebrations (hard to ascertain quite which King, but the period Bocarro writes about is the first decades of the seventeenth century) was the Vigário da Vara João Gomes, who attended along with Frei André de Sta. Maria, a

60

Description in Mémoires de François Martin, dated February 1674, following a personal visit. Vol. I, 566. 61 Copy from a later compilation, ‘Privilegios que o Imperador Mogol concedeo á caza do bandel de Ugoly dos Padres Augustinianos da Congregação da India Oriental’, in O Chronista de Tissuary, no. 32, August 1868, 60–62. 62 Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 40. 63 Van Vliet, Description of the Kingdom of Siam, 1636, 52. 64 ‘Letter from the Captain of Macao João de Sousa Pereira to Conde de Obidos, Macao, 2 December, 1651’, in Arquivo Histórico do Estado da Índia, Livros das Monções do Reino, Liv. 22 A, fl. 171–75v. 65 António F. Cardim, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus na Sua Gloriosa Provincia do Japao delo Padre Antonio Francisco Cardim de Mesma Companhia de Jesus, Natural de Vianna do Alemtejo, L. Cordeiro ed., Lisboa, 1894, 284–5.

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priest from the Provincia da Arrabida (probably a Franciscan), who preached to the Japanese.66 At the time of Siqueira’s visit in 1684 the captain was Francisco Barreto de Pinna, an old man seventy years old living in ‘severe poverty’, and who stood accused of various transgressions including failure to prosecute crimes, misusing his post for the sake of personal profit, and (according to the Portuguese) allowing the post to fall under the control of the King’s ministers. The de Pinnas had clearly fallen on hard times, for the family at one time enjoyed Macanese citizenship and Francisco Barreto de Pinna (or Piña) himself had been a shipowner (and thus wealthy), who was put in charge of Siamese crown vessels, conducted international ventures, and at one time—according to Dutch records—had had to make arrangements in Canton for their repair.67 In 1684, the King of Siam was keen to expel Pinna, and Siqueira was forced to take him to Macao, although Siqueira was loath to leave the post unoccupied on his departure, principally for the sake of the fate of the orphans of the community, but also as there would be no arm for internal civil justice.68 Other Portuguese officials make sporadic appearances in the community, namely the Procurador dos Ausentes, also known as the Provedor dos Defuntos, responsible for preparing wills for the moradores in the absence of an official notary (escrivão), notifying next-of-kin of deaths within the community, and for repatriating their savings. His tasks were established by the Frei de Annunciação embassy of 1616, and confirmed under King Ekathotsarot.69 In 1682, this responsibility was held by one António da Fonseca, who communicated directly with the Viceroy in Goa also on other issues relating to the community.70 The ‘anarchy and lack of unity among the residents’ was something widely commented upon in other Portuguese bandéis, such as Bengal, since—as the captain from the 1630s Tomé Vaz Garrido explained— ‘each one of them wished to be the absolute lord (. . .) and with this ambition based on their money they killed one another every day’.71 Often the priests became the scapegoats to problems facing the larger

66

Bocarro, Década XIII, vol. I, cap. CXVII, 521. W. Philippus Coolhaas ed. Generale Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heeren XVII der Vereinigde Oostindische Compagnie, vol. III, 326–7. 68 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, Fl. 223v. 69 Bocarro, Década XIII, ch. 118, 524. 70 See, for example his letter of 5 October 1682, A.H.U., Índia, caixa 32, doc. 6. 71 ‘Copia da carta que de Bengala escreveo hum Thome Vaz Garrido’, n.d. 1637 A.N.T.T; ‘Livros das Monções’ Book 40, fols. 349–351. 67

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community and were killed, as happened in Chittagong on more than one occasion, and as we shall see was the reception meted out to the first Dominicans in Siam. But incidents such as this did not occur in the seventeenth century in Siam; at most, there were litigations between the various church factions. Otherwise, the campo appears to have functioned something like a ghetto, with restricted possibilities of movement, and even complete lockdown at certain times. During the court revolution of 1688 Robert Challe describes how ‘all the Portuguese were obliged to remain in a place that had been designated them, without being allowed to sally forth on pain of death’72 whilst their houses were pillaged.73 Van Vliet described how, in order to punish the Portuguese for acts of piracy committed on Dutch merchant vessels in Siam around 1628, the King had the community kept ‘in strict captivity during three years and [they were made to] go about begging in the streets’.74 During the civil disturbances at the end of the sixteenth century in which one of the King’s ‘servants’ was killed, the Portuguese including the religiosos were forbidden from leaving the city despite their requests to do so.75 The Portuguese community had to take measures that foresaw the kind of treatment that could be on occasions meted out to them. At times of unrest, such as in 1689, Dutch Opperhoofd Pieter Van den Hoorn reported how the Portuguese, so as to avoid arson and robbery, were quick to deposit their valuables, such as jewellery, gold and silver in the V.O.C. lodge, described as ‘a strong and excellent building (. . .) the windows protected with bars’ in the description left to us by the travelling medicinal specialist Gijsbert Heeck from 1655. In this, the Portuguese were not alone: Heeck describes how Jau Soet, an exwife of Van Meerwijck, Van Vliet, and Van Muijden and thus, with a personal biography just as interesting as that of Cornelia van Nijenroode, the ‘butterfly / mantis’ of Hirado about whom Leonard Blussé has written a brilliant personal biography,76 would ‘remove her possessions quickly to the safety of the Company’s compound’.77 About their

72 Robert Challe, Journal du voyage des Indes Orientales, Genève: Librairie Droz, 1998 f. 5–5v. 73 Marcel Le Blanc. Histoire de la révolution de Siam, 88. 74 Van Vliet, Description of the Kingdom of Siam, 52. 75 Morga, The Philippine Islands, 194. 76 Leonard Blussé, Bitter bonds: a colonial divorce drama of the seventeenth century Princeton, NJ: M. Wiener Publishers, 2002. 77 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam.

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persons, members of the Portuguese tribe could not be so sure—the Siamese king was quick to oblige the Portuguese into military service, and would go so far as dragging nubile women off to the court.78 Latterly, the Portuguese settlement obliged its residents to take turns on guard duty for the local militia, a system of communal defence that we can see replicated in Portuguese communities in places such as eighteenth-century Madras. But even when the Siamese King went ‘abroad’ (i.e. left the capital, even for a day’s elephant hunting) all the windows, in this case of the Dutch factory, ‘had to be shut (. . .) and not the least noise be heard’.79 No barking of a dog was to be heard under penalty of death to the dog and the owner.80 Histories relate that nobody could pass before the royal palace in Louvo (Lopburī) on the river, during the time that the King chose to reside there (November until July), although it is hard to see how the kingdom’s bustling commerce up and down the major riverine arteries could have survived this injunction.81 The language spoken by isolated, mixed-blood communities such as the campo Português in Ayutthaya has recently been the study of a monograph by Shihan da Silva Jayasuriya, although rather than looking through historical sources, her approach is primarily from a technical grounding in linguistics, working from contemporary vestiges of the creole languages Portuguese has left behind across the Indian ocean world and which have disappeared at an alarming rate over the past century.82 As Maria Isabel Tomás explains, we have to understand this disappearance as a product both of the prejudices targeted at these creole dialects from upholders of metropolitan Portuguese (português padrão), whose purported inferiorities were consequently internalised by its speakers, as much as the attraction of a dominant language of

78

Bhawan Ruangsilp, Dutch East India Company Merchants at the Court of Ayutthaya Dutch Perceptions of the Thai Kingdom, c. 1604–1765, Leiden: Brill, 2007, 163. 79 Kaempfer, The history of Japan, 1727, bk. I, 15. The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, 1618–86, vol. 2, 378. 80 Coutre, in Téotonio de Souza, ‘Embassies and Surrogates: a case-study of a Malacca embassy to Siam in 1595’, in Indica, vol. XXVI, nos. 1–2, 1989, 49. 81 Cited in Kemp, Aspects of Siamese Kingship, 37. 82 Cf. the approach adopted by the historian António de Silva Rego, Dialecto português de Malaca e outros escritos, Lisboa: Comissão Nacional dos Descobrimentos, 1998. Knowledge of the Portuguese language disappeared in some communities, for example in Bengal, far earlier, perhaps as soon as 1750, Campos, History of the Portuguese in Bengal, 267.

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greater social prestige, here principally English.83 Indeed, whether these creoles actually amounted to languages was a matter of considerable political controversy until fairly recently: the famous Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre’s visit to the Cape Verdes in 1951 was marred by his dismissal of the language as ‘dialect (. . .) foreign to anyone used to the sound of Portuguese spoken in Brazil and Portugal’.84 Linguists today, while accepting their statuses as autonomous ‘languages’, frequently refer to them by their special names—Cristao in the case of Penang—and more generically, as ‘low’ Portuguese, which was referred to by metropolitan Portuguese visitors as Portuguez torto or ‘crooked Portuguese’, and must have fused considerably with local languages and dialects. Indeed, Ian Smith has pointed to the fifteen common grammatical characteristics shared by Tamil, Sinhalese and Portuguese on Sri Lanka as an indicator of the degree of inter-linguistic fusion.85 Besides this, traces of Portuguese were invariably present in what linguists call ‘sound shifting’, and which has been identified in dialects as far flung as Ternateño Chabacano in Cavite province of the Philippines.86 Within the creole itself, there were distinctions created to signal social differentiation: between the creole fundo (deep creole) and creole inchado (a softer creole) At the same time, literacy, as we shall see in a minute from the type of education being taught in the religious seminaries and colégios in Ayutthaya must have been of the most basic kind; it is a sad fact that I have not been able to find one vestige

83

Maria I. Tomás, Os Crioulos Portugueses do Oriente: Uma Bibliografia, Macao: Instituto Cultural de Macau: 1992, 9. Her point is illustrated by the way modern Portuguese journalists such as Joaquim Vieira, from O Expresso, write up their stories with titles like ‘Malaca: os filhos bastardos do Império’, 15 August, pp. 15r–18r, 1986. 84 Gilberto Freyre, Aventura e Rotina. Sugestões de Uma Viagem à Procura das Constantes Portuguesas de Carácter e Acção, Rio de Janeiro: J. Olympio; Recife: Fundação Joaquim Nabuco, 1980, 243. 85 Yaron Matras and Peter Bakker eds., The mixed language debate. Theoretical and Empirical Advances, Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2003, 116–117. These fifteen characteristics are: nominal case marking; similar semantic categories in verb inflection; SOV basic word order; postpositions; pre-nominal adjectives; auxiliaries behind the verb; left branching relative clauses without relative pronouns; the use of participles in connected sentences with the same subject; sentence-final quotative particles; constitutent-final markers of conditionals; temporal conjunctions at the end of relative clauses; use of the order Standard-marker-Adjective in comparative constructions; use of nominal and verbal reduplication with the same semantics; the use of certain particles; the use of datives for certain (English) subjects. 86 Carol Molony, ‘Sound Changes in Chabacano’, Parangal Kay Cecilio Lopez, edited by Andrew Gonzalez, F.S.C. Quezon City: Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1973, 38.

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of the language of the individuals that made up this community, as opposed to the ‘high Portuguese’ in which Letterae Annuae and diplomatic reports were made, or indeed that we can attribute the letters written by foreign speakers, like Constantine Phaulkon.87 Although not a Thai-Portuguese amalgam, curious readers might like to refer to a creole version of St. Luke’s Gospel, as written down by an anonymous Portuguese missionary in Malacca in 1884.88 Mendes Pinto is here an unreliable guide: although he enjoys using what purports to be Siamese, for example terms such as ‘Quiay’ for ‘temple’. Unfortunately, these do not stand in fact, and elsewhere Mendes Pinto can be caught using the same term to designate other things, here an honorific title for the colonel of Banchá.89 Elsewhere he speaks of xamxaimpoum to mean ‘amen’ and maxinau to mean ‘I promise’, and writes of a solemn holiday ‘that is known as Oniday Pileu’, meaning ‘joy of good people’. All of this we must, sadly, dismiss to the realm of ‘invented gibberish’.90 Turning now to the music and dance that today goes cherished as Portuguese in neighbouring Malacca and Penang, we must ask ourselves to what degree it is merely an invention of specialised dance troupes sent to the Portuguese world by the Salazarist regime in the 1930s and 1940s. The popular songs like the ‘Jinklee Nona’ and ‘Mata Cantiga’, similar in many ways to the popular Malay pantun keroncang, are today forgotten, although a few old people may still remember the tunes. Historical sources allude to an abundance of musical expression, although leaving little precise detail as to their form. We need to bear in mind the confrontations in Ayutthaya between ‘Portuguese’ and ‘French’ factions on armed barges, playing trumpets and drums.91

87 See, for example, Phaulkon’s letter to Pope Innocent XI, preserved at the Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Rome, Scritte Riferite, vol. 13. A copy was published in the Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8, 59. 88 Anonymous, O Novo Testamento escripto no creoulo de Malacca por um missionário portuguez e impresso em Malacca, Caixa A. Biblioteca da Universidade de Graz, Graz, 1884. Unfortunately, classification of the Schuchardt papers in the Graz University Library’s Sondersammlungen has since been changed, and a morning’s thoroughgoing research was not able to determine its whereabouts, see Michaela Wolf, Schlüssel zum Nachlaß des Linguisten und Romanisten Hugo Schuchardt (1842–1927), Graz: Leykam, 1993. 89 Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, ch. 183. 90 Smithies, The Siam of Mendes Pinto’s Travels, 70. 91 Dirk Van der Cruysse, Siam and the West, 1500–1700, trans. Michael Smithies, University of Washington Press, 2002, 163.

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It should also be remembered how the Portuguese in Ayutthaya took to threatening the French bishop, Lambert de la Motte by serenading him at night by boat and strumming on a guitar to accompany their singing.92 Foreign communities were in theory free to settle and to live under their own laws, independent of the Siamese Courts of Law save in matters of state. Where this line actually lay seems to have been disputed. The papers shaping Thai foreign policy in this period stipulate that extraterritorial rights were regarded as an ‘important concession (. . .) to which princes in these lands do not readily agree’.93 Even where these rights seem to have been granted, as in the Portuguese case, they do not seem to have been upheld, as we shall see in the following example. Beyond this, Thai laws and punishments were considered— in the eyes of European observers—fair but very harsh (molto crudele), and to which even the ‘highest mandarins in the realm’ were subject.94 The ‘sacrilegious’ theft of the ampulla of holy wafers from the Church of São Paulo around 1680, for example, was considered a ‘horrendous’ crime, and the Phraklang, or Minister of Foreign Affairs in Siam, was not slow to pronounce a sentence starting off with the amputation of the right-hand of the guilty party, to be followed by flogging to death at the hands of the Portuguese community.95 The sentence had not, in fairness, been passed down. Capitão Mor de Pinna had settled for cutting off the tips of two of his fingers, but from Ambassador Siqueira’s report this was clearly not enough to satisfy the Siamese. Plenty of other episodes attest to the punitive nature of criminal justice and lack of regard for human life, at least as far as South-East Asian monarchs’ treatment of their own subjects is concerned. Coutre relates some of these ‘barbarities’, including being closeted with wild buffaloes, being thrown to the tigers with the ‘pieces’ later hung in a public place, and the story of an old woman and many young girls fried to death after their eyeballs and fingernails had been pulled out following a theft of money from the queen’s quarters.96

92

Archives des Missionaires Étrangères., vol. 110, 58. Records of Relations between Siam and Foreign Countries in the 17th century, Bangkok 1915–6, Vajirana National Library, vol. II, 66–71. 94 G.-B. Morelli, Lettere, f. 1605, lett. 213. 95 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 214. 96 Vida de Iaqves de Covttre, fols. 93–6. Cf. Friar Manrique’s blood-chilling story of a visit made by the Captain of Macao between 1626–9, Dom Filipe Lobo, to Makassar, where the sultan pricked a criminal with a poisoned dart to test the powers of 93

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Elsewhere, Siqueira urges the new head of the Portuguese bandel not to accept any post or title from the Thai royal house, because the King then treats them as his chattels, calling them ‘Negros (. . .) and punishing them as his slaves (os castiga o faz como a cativos)’.97 But this can only strike one for misplaced European superciliousness; the heterozygous political structure of Ayutthaya depended, as we have seen, on headmen and courtly interaction. Even the Dutch under Van Vliet were happy to play along with this game. In any case, the court role of the Portuguese community clearly declined in this period, after the familiarity enjoyed at the beginning of the century. This was partly the changing political philosophy of kingship: the King—under the influence of the Khmer devaraja cult—steadily elevated himself to the status of a reincarnated god, a chakravartin or universal emperor, but also a bodhisattva, a being destined to be a Buddha. His person was both sacred and unapproachable, he remained out of touch and sight of common mortals, who otherwise were obliged to crawl at his feet without casting glances up at him.98 At diplomatic events such as the entry of Son Excellence Le Chevalier de Chaumont in 1685, which went well recorded, the Portuguese were clearly expected to field a presence except, as Bouvet records, ‘they excused themselves from going with the excuse that when the Ambassador of Portugal came several months previously, no Frenchman of any rank deigned to visit him’.99 But otherwise the Portuguese community still attended to sending regular letters of well wishing (parabéns) to the Siamese king, on his accession and at important moments in his life and political career, and certain moradores like Fernão Nabo Paçanha, son-in-law of Amador Coelho, erstwhile Governor of Phitsanulok but with an ambivalent

lucerrage. Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, 1629–1643, Oxford: Hakluyt Society (1927), vol. I, 166–167. 97 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, Fl. 227v. 98 Robert von Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and Kingship in South-East Asia, Ithaca, Southeast Asia Program, Dept. of Far Eastern Studies, Cornell University, 1956; Kemp, Aspects of Siamese Kingshi, Bangkok, 1969; Horace G. Quaritch-Wales, Ancient Siamese Government and Administration, London, 1934. There is a good description of the crawling in front of the monarch in Gijsbert Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 48 and G.B. Morelli, Lettera 213, 10 January 1684. 99 Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 120–121. This did not stop Padre Soares from ringing the bells of the French church at the moment the Portuguese embassy passed by, see José Fernandes Costa, ‘Um portuguez ministro omnipotente no reino de Sião’, Boletim da Academia de Ciências da segunda classe, Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1920, vol. XII, 72.

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reputation in the Portuguese community, prided themselves on being ‘an advisor of the King of Siam’ at the time of the Siqueira embassy.100 The Portuguese community was probably comparable in size with the Japanese Christian community of Ayutthaya, shown on Kaempfer’s map of 1690, at its peak in the 1620s at the time of the vermilion seal voyages (㛙⌘凡).101 Given both the mixed composition of the missions established there in the 1620s by the Castilian Father Pedro Morejón and António Francisco Cardim, who were accompanied by the Japanese Christian priest Brother Romão Nishi,102 and the joint guard manning the two forts of Ayutthaya, the Portuguese and Japanese communities were not only very close to one another in physical proximity, but in sympathy. Padre Antonio Francisco Cardim recounted having administered the sacrament to around 400 Japanese Christians (Japoes christaos) in 1627 in the Thai capital of Ayutthaya.103 Both had settled in Ayutthaya as members of a floating diaspora and as prisoners of various wars in Indochina, the Chihara Gorohachi, an early seventeenth-century Japanese description of Ayutthaya, explaining that many settlers were dispossessed samurai (rōnin) escaping military defeat following the Battle of Osaka (1614–15), Sekigahara (1600) and the Shimabara Uprising (1637–38), who ‘went to settle in Siam in great numbers’.104 Some had come earlier, Japanese shipmasters operating out of Tondo in the Philippines such as Juan Gayo chartering mercenaries from the daimyo of Hirado to assist in Spanish overseas military ventures, whether in Brunei, Siam, China or the Moluccas.105 Further waves of Macanese missionaries of Japanese offspring arrived and worked in this mission right through to the second half of the 17th century, a substantial retinue arriving with Bartolomeu da Costa

100

Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, fl. 260v. Kaempfer, The history of Japan, Book 1, 460. Japanese scholars have established that 56 boats traveled to Siam on these voyages between 1614–35, which made Siam the second most important destination after Cochinchina, Ishizawa Yoshiaki, ‘Les quartiers japonais dans l’Asie du Sud-Est au XVIIème siècle’, in Nguyên Thê Anh & Alain Forest (eds.). Guerre et Paix en Asie du Sud-Est, Paris: Harmatton, 1998, 85. The same author estimates a Japanese population of 1500 in Ayutthaya at this time, 87. 102 Madalena Ribeiro, ‘The Japanese Diaspora in the Seventeenth Century: According to Jesuit Sources’, Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies, 2, 2001, 66. 103 Cardim, Relatione della prouincia del Giappone, 153. 104 Gunzō, Uchida, Nihon to Taikoku to no Kankei, Osaka, 1941, 16–17. 105 Based on the contemporary reports in Colín, Labor Evangelica, I, 172–4 and Wenceslao E. Retana’s monograph, La primera conjuración separatista, Madrid: Victoriano Suárez, 1908. 101

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and António Rodrigues in 1634 when, as the Jesuit historian Marini proceeds, ‘the rage of that persecution in Japan barred the fathers [residing] there’, going on to explain how ‘They found it convenient to move to countries near [to Japan]’.106 Another wave may have arrived towards the end of 1640, when a famine hitting hard in southern China forced the Senado da Câmara in Macao to relocate some of the pressure on resources in the City of the Name of God.107 The similarity of experience didn’t, however, always bring the communities together: there is the story of how one of the wives of a Japanese merchant of Ayutthaya was converted by Frei Luís da Fonseca whilst her husband was away, but drew so much indignation on her husband’s return that the missionary was murdered at his very altar.108 The flow of Japanese to Siam was also prejudiced by the violent circumstances in which Prasat Thong seized power in 1630. Prasat Thong arranged for the head of the Japanese community (Nihonmachi), Yamada Nagamasa (山田長政), who had enjoyed a meteoric rise in status from ‘one-time palanquin bearer of the land of Numazu’ to prominent service at court and as head of a contingent of royal Japanese bodyguards, to be killed, as Nagamasa had made his preference for the King’s son in the succession dispute clear. Fearing retribution from the Japanese community, which commanded a considerable allegiance from resident Siamese, the new king burned down the Nihonmachi’s quarter, expelling or killing most of the residents. Nagamasa was banished alongside 300 others to Ligor, a remote southern region of the country, where he died shortly afterwards apparently poisoned by his Siamese servant after sustaining wounds in battle.109 Meanwhile, Brother Romão Nishi was thrown into prison for a period along with his colleague Marguiço, who died during the ordeal, and Nishi subsequently—as captain of the community—was forced to escape to neighbouring Cambodia, which ‘befriended’ the homeless Japanese.110 Here the community was refounded, joined by Nagamasa’s son, who

106

G.F. Marini, Delle Missioni, 1663 (Journal of the Siam Society edition), 29. Jacky Doumenjou. Recherche sur les communautés interlopes portugaises dans l’Archipel Insulindien au lendemain de la chute de Malacca, d’après les Dagh-registers de Batavia (1641–53). Lettres et documents, Université de Leiden, Ph.D thesis, 1992, 16. 108 The episode is recounted by Biermann, Die Missionen der Portugiesischen Dominikaner, 322. 109 Sakae Miki, Yamada Nagamasa, Tōkyō: Kokonshoin, 1936. 110 J. Ruiz de Medina, ‘La entrada del Evangelio en Camboya en los siglos 16–18’, Boletín de la Asociación Española de Orientalistas, 27, 1991, 81. 107

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had burned down Ligor before fleeing to Cambodia where he joined the Cambodian army before eventually succumbing in battle against the Siamese.111 The shogunate back in Japan, regarding Prasat Thong as an usurper and a pretender to the throne, severed ties with the kingdom. Trade continued aboard Chinese and Dutch ships, although reports speak of ‘vexations’ (vexatien) inflicted on Japanese junks visiting Siam in 1634, and though formal relations were not resumed, even after the accession of King Narai to the throne in 1657, the royal court’s involvement in trade with Japan did resume.112 A number of Japanese returned some years later (as early as 1633), having been granted amnesty by the king, but the community was much smaller than previously (estimated at 300–400), suffered from the seclusion edict (sakoku-rei) of 1639 which cut them off from their motherland, and were forced to survive by participating in the intraregional trade of Siamese rice and tin with the rest of South-East Asia. It was a momentous time for the Japanese across South-East Asia. A prong of Japanese Christians had emigrated to Vietnam, but was chased out in 1644, the authorities ‘estimating that that they placed the order of the world, on which the world rested, in peril’.113 Others, ‘many important Japanese’ who ‘admired the Christians in Siam’ came from Cochinchina around 1659. As reported by the Jesuit Marini, ‘the religious zeal of the newcomers became an example that made this community even more vivacious and lively, as they invite the moderates to burn with passion’, although how this contrasts with the godless Japanese worshippers of Mammon in neighbouring Cambodia, whom he deals with in the preceding pages, remains a mystery.114 Some Japanese Christians almost certainly accompanied da Costa in the early 1660s from Makassar, as we have seen. The Nihonmachi thus remained, constructing interesting alliances and networks with other foreign comunities in Siam and Cambodia, as we shall see.115 A second

111

Miki, Yamada Nagamasa. Seeichi Iwao, ‘Reopening of the diplomatic and commercial relations between Japan and Siam during the Tokugawa period.’ Acta Asiatica, vol. 4 (July 1963), 1–31, 1963, 2–4. 113 Quoted in F. Ponchaud, La cathédrale et la rizière: 450 ans d’histoire de l’église au Cambodge, Paris, C.L.D., 1990, 36. 114 Marini, Delle Missioni, (Journal of the Siam Society edition), 66. 115 The Kodansha Encylopedia of Japan (1983) enumerates seven nihonmachi strictly speaking: the largest in Dilao (a part of Manila); Ayutthaya; San Miguel (again part of Manila); Tourane (now Da Nang); Faifo in Vietnam; Phnom Penh and Ponhealu 112

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period of turmoil surrounded the execution of two ‘chiefs’ of the Japanese community following a rebellion and plot against King Phetracha soon after his accession.116 Japanese skilled craftsmanship or chang di occupied a very special place in Thai ceremonial and interior design, as we have seen, and which went celebrated in Thai poems, for example.117 Saguate, lists of presents accompanying diplomatic missions to the court at Ayutthaya were invariably constituted of Chinese porcelain and Japanese goods, as we find in the list of presents sent by Constance Phaulkon to the Pope in 1685–6.118 At the end of the century, Père Tachard describes Japanese artists working on the paintings inside a chapel Constance Phaulkon, the Greek adventurer at King Narai’s court, had built complimenting their ability as ‘scarcely having to give way before the most gifted of the European masters’.119 Stories from the campo português We have an interesting glimpse of the Portuguese community following the arrival of the diaspora from the negotiations Constance Phaulkon undertook in 1683 to marry a part-Portuguese, part-Japanese living in the Japanese camp of Ayutthaya, Maria Guyomar de Pinha.120 Only 16 years of age, her parents were Master Phanick and Ursula Yamada. Phanick was described as a ‘half-black, half-Bengali, half-Japanese’, quite poor, who was in some way related to the de Pinna / Pinha / Piña clan discussed earlier. His wife, who had already been married to a former Jesuit and had a child by him, was a grand-daughter of ‘Senhora Ignaz Martinez’, a woman claiming to be descended from the first Japanese baptized by St. Francis Xavier near Kagoshima in 1549, and who had escaped Japan after the 1614 edict instructed native Christians to recant or face banishment. This genealogy, one of Phaulkon’s biographers explains, bestowed a certain nobility on Guyomar’s famin Cambodia. Others were nonetheless present in Batavia, Tainan in Taiwan and in Macao. See also Yoshiaki, Les quartiers japonais, 90. 116 Opperhoofd Tant to Governor General, 28 December 1700, ARA VOC 1637, 29, 29v, 65; ‘P. Gabriel Braud’s letter of 12 June 1700’, A.M.E.P., vol. 864, f. 312. 117 Prachum Charuk Wat Phrachetuphon (Collected Inscriptions of Wat Phrachetupon), ed. The Royal Academy of Siam, Bangkok, 1929 (B.E. 2472), 1929, vol. 2, 483–4. 118 Archivum Secretum Vaticanum, Nunziatura Francia, v. 175, ff. 477–488 ff. The list was so numerous that the clerk itemising the list gave up a detailed description. 119 Second Voyage du Père Tachard 1690, 210. 120 Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 1947.

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ily in the eyes of her peers, and the family home was ‘one of the finest [houses] in the Portuguese settlement’.121 At the age of 22, Maria Guyomar (later known in French sources as Mme. Constance, and in Siamese society as ‘la Senhora’) was described as possessing the ‘complexion, appearance and manners of a pretty European woman, who was gentle’.122 She wrote to the French in Portuguese, and later ran a kind of orphanage and kindergarten for Christian children in her husband’s mansion in Lopburi, like her mother did in Ayutthaya. Maria Guyomar’s kindergarten included as many as sixty ‘maidens’, where Portuguese was spoken, and among whom was a 14 year old English girl.123 She lived with a substantial family retinue: an 84–year old grandmother, numerous aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews. In her chapel, ‘young boys’ acted as servers.124 Commentators inform how she was ‘filled with ardour to convert the heathen’ and would act as a proselytiser ‘imparting the Mysteries (. . .) to not a few’. This was her purpose in ‘buying pagan slaves’. She would: collect the waifs whose mothers had been deserted by their European partners and were only too glad to unload such offspring upon her; she would mother the waifs herself, often spending hours at night-time in their company. Her greatest pleasure was to prepare such children for Baptism and to sponsor them in Church after teaching them their duties as young Christians. She was ever surrounded by some of these little lambs whom, she was preparing for the Good Shepherd’s fold, mindful of the career and dowry they would need when they came of age, prepared by her example to make converts themselves.125

Phaulkon’s first thought of a wife had been the daughter of a Spaniard from Manila, Catona, who, when dishonoured by Phaulkon’s rejection, went off and married a black named Hilary ‘who is even now

121

Pierre Joseph de Orléans. Histoire de Monsieur Constance, premier ministre du Roy de Siam, Paris: Daniel Horthemels, 1692, 21; There is some confusion here, as other scholars consider Ines Martins to be Phanick’s mother, who had come from Faifo in Cochinchina, see Alain Forest, Falcon. L’imposteur du Siam, Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2010, 79. Meanwhile, Phanick’s wife, Ursula, may have been a descendant of Yamada Nagamasa, see Christian Pelras, `La conspiration des Makassars à Ayuthia en 1686: ses dessous, son échec, son leader malchanceux. Témoignages européens et asiatiques’, in L’horizon nousantarien. Mélanges en homage a Denys Lombard, vol. I, in Archipel, 56, 1998, 168. 122 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 120. 123 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 96, 101. 124 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 97. 125 Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 28 ff.

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the choirmaster of the Dominican Fathers of the Portuguese camp’.126 But Phaulkon had another skeleton in his cupboard, as Bèze explains, a baby daughter by one of the maids of Princess Yôtatep, the only daughter of King Narai. But Guyomar was not put off, and ‘begged the wretched mother to give over the baby into her charge to the end that she might bring it up as a child of her own’.127 From these stories, we can gauge an impression of the eclectic racial make-up of the campo Português. It must have contained Indians, particularly from Coromandel, Africans, Makassarese and Japanese. Unfamiliar European visitors to Siam appear to have been unable to make knowledgeable and clear racial judgements on the denizens of this world. Forbin, for example, talks of ‘Portuguese, mestizo or creoles of the Indies’ in the same breath,128 while Kaempfer talks of ‘a Portuguese race begot on black women’.129 As we saw from the description of Master Phanick, it is not clear whether ‘black’ meant African or from the east coast of India. Iberian commentators on the scene preferred, understandably, to distinguish ‘Portuguese’ from ‘Christians of the country’, although law-breakers such as Burot, who stole precious liturgical vessels from the Church of São Paulo, is variously referred to as a ‘baptised Siamese Christian’, ‘a Negro’ and a ‘New Christian’, an agglomeration of hostile xenotopes.130 A second very interesting glimpse of the Portuguese community stems from the extensive report written by the secretary Francisco Fragoso, who accompanied the embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira (1684– 86) from Macao to Siam, and which has only recently been unearthed from the Historical Archives of Goa at Panaji.131 It was undoubtedly part of the rebuilding or shoring up process in the East inspired both by far-sighted leadership (principally King Pedro and Mendonça Furtado) and by historical conjuncture: a period of political neutrality and peace whilst her principal competitors found themselves drawn into the Third Dutch War of 1672. The government in Goa had started

126 ‘Mémoires en forme de lettre d’un Anglais catholique au R.P. Pierre d’Orléans Jésuite sur l’Histoire de M. Constance et de ses Révolutions arrivées à Siam en 1688, Paris, Archives de M.E.P., Siam 854, 887–942. 127 Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 27. 128 Le Voyage du comte de Forbin, 50. 129 Kaempfer, The History of Japan, Book 1, 31. 130 Guerreiro, Relacão annual das cousas., 1930, 251; Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 214. 131 Arquivo Histórico de Goa (H.A.G.), Monções do Reino, 51 A, fls. 219–306v.

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this ‘renascence’ by re-establishing in early 1672 the traditional voyages from China to Manila and Indonesia at Crown expense that had been extinct for many a year, and by restating a permanent Crown authority in key outlying fortresses like Macao and Timor.132 Diplomatic initiatives including the dispatch of Manuel Saldanha to China (1667–1670), and the nomination of a new Capitão-geral of Macao, D. Álvaro da Silva, to address ‘the miserable state and great problems one finds in the City of Machao by the lack of assistance in men, munitions and foodstuffs’.133 Although at first glance the Triple Alliance proposed by Colbert in 1672 aiming at stripping the Dutch V.O.C. of much of its power in the East seemed to have a lot going for it, Portugal had chosen neutrality.134 Not only did it allow Portugal a few years to regroup its forces, but it allowed Portugal to launch a frank embassy to Siam under Siqueira, the first in forty years, alongside other embassies envisaged for Cochinchina, Cambodia and Tonkin.135 Whilst a previous generation of historians like George Bryan Souza have attributed the Siamese embassy strictly economic motives, the documents Seabra unearths frame the embassy primarily as an initiative to ‘encourage the missionaries to continue their obligations towards the propagation of the Faith’, and to beseech the Siamese to ‘banish (. . .) the French bishops, or any other Missionary Priests who had been sent to various regions by the Propaganda Congregation’ on the grounds of purported insults, which they had given to the Portuguese priests and monks, and contravention of papal bulls granting the Portuguese monarchs the right to send their own missionaries to lands which they had been in possession of ‘since times immemorial’.136 Behind it was a political dispute of religious jurisdiction, which we shall look at in more detail

132 Glenn Ames, Renascent empire? The House of Braganza and the quest for stability in Portuguese monsoon Asia, c. 1640–1683, Amsterdam: Amsterdam U.P., 2000.132– 135. João Paulo Oliveira e Costa and Alexandra Pelúcia have written of the ‘segunda vaga Europeia’ in Tomás Pereira (1646–1708). Um Jesuíta na China de Kangxi, (Lisbon: Centro Ciéntifico e Cultural de Macau, 2008), 41–. For specific directives, see H.A.G. MR/37 fos. 123–123v, M.F. to Pedro 20/VIII/1672. 133 Letter of Pedro dated 6/11/1670, H.A.G. MR/36. 134 Glenn Ames, ‘An Elusive Partner. Portugal and Colbert’s Projected Asian Alliance’, in Revista Portuguesa da História, XXVIII, 1993, 34–57. 135 ‘Assento q~ se tomou na Junta das missoens deste Est.o da India, sobre se mandarem embaixadores com saguates aos Reys de Sião, Cochimchina, Camboja e Tunquim’, dated April 23, 1683, in Pissunlencar, Assentos, vol. IV, doc. 154, pp. 408–9. The original is at A.H.U. Índia, Cx. 32, doc. 95. 136 ‘Assento q~ se tomou na Junta das missoens deste Est.o da India’.

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towards the end of this book. ‘Very costly gifts’ (varios saguates muito custozos) were seen as an integral element in winning favour at the courts of the South-East Asian monarchs, but the embassies were to be well planned and professionally run by the Junta das Missões in Goa, who would be able to organise accommodation in their mission fields, and were to see to it that the embassies came with a certain degree of military accompaniment to ensure that ‘it would not be permitted for them to be harassed or disturbed [in those mission fields] by the said French Bishops and clerics’.137 Specifically, the ambassador was also to persuade the Siamese to take official letters to the Japanese on behalf of Portugal (a strategy lobbied hard for by the Macanese merchant community), and he had express instructions to make prisoners of Portuguese apostates like Francisco de Acha, who ran trade for the English and was accused of converting to Calvinism, despite being married to a member of one of the Japanese and thus Catholic families in Siam,138 as well as Amador Coelho de Mello, author of the letter to the Portuguese Secretary of State in 1658 (see p. 77), who had ‘forgotten that he has Portuguese blood and has become French, serving as notary to the French Bishops, purveying all the diligences and notifications against our Missionaries, harming the exclusive rights and Royal Ecclesiastical Patronage of His Highness’.139 Amador Coelho’s family was of some importance in the bandel, and so this was no easy task. Amongst the first visitors to come and welcome Siqueira to Ayutthaya were Fernão Nabo Paçanha, Coelho’s son-in-law, whose welcome speech only confirmed

137

Ibid. Acha appears in an entry for 3 January 1684 in William Hedge’s diary, see Henry Yule, The Diary of William Hedges during his agency in Bengal, as well as on his voyage out and his return overland (1681–87), London: Hakluyt Society, 3 vols. 1887–89, vol. 1. He did a significant amount of trade with Madras, and carried freight for English interlopers, which is why he probably converted. His British colleagues credited him with ‘fair-dealing’ and ‘hard work’. Eurasians of Portuguese descent who wanted to be accepted into British circles often converted, as did for example Willoughby de Costa in Calcutta, and even in the case of the Derozio family left behind significant endowments and legacies to the Serampore Baptist community, see C.J. Hawes, Poor relations, 160. 139 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 322. As Governor of Phitsanulok, Coelho had asked the French to supply him with willing catechists, and had befriended the missionary Pierre Langlois. The irate Jesuits framed Coelho as target of a manhunt led by the Siamese judiciary, accused of homicide, violence and rebellion. Forest, Les missionaries français, vol. I, 209, 213; Letter of Bénigne Vachet to Pierre Langlois’s aunts, dated 1 November 1677, A.M.E.P. vol. 850, fo. 35. 138

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to Siqueira that ‘he had been maliciously sent by the Greek’.140 Part of this reprehensible coterie, as we shall see further on, were the Portuguese Augustinians in Ayutthaya, Estevão de Sousa and Pedro Martyr, who remained very close to Phaulkon to the point they became known as ‘his secretaries’ (os segretarios do Grego), which only jeopardised their standing in Barreto de Pina’s and Siqueira’s eyes.141 A third miscreant, whom the ambassador was sent specifically to apprehend, was Constâncio Jorge da Silva, a priest whose lifestyle was found to be too strange by his flock ‘due to the liberty he professed and practised much to the discredit of the Ecclesiastical State’.142 All of this—a wider picture, which Seabra fails to present in her preamble to the Siqueira mission—was part of a more general drive to ‘give shape to the civil, military and ecclesiastical government that is totally lacking in those possessions’.143 With respect to Timor, Mendonça Furtado had gone on to explain: There are so many problems with the officials and subjects in those parts, as much as by the captain and representatives of Your Majesty, as by the Dominicans (. . .) the distance is great, and manpower small.

Experience had shown that the captains who served there had ‘their own interests’ at heart and not the ‘reputation of the Crown’. The ‘bad example and indignity provided by the clerics of the Dominican order’, who had forsaken their duty to propagate the Faith in favour of private business activities and scandalous living habits only exacerbated these problems.144 If Siqueira’s embassy may have given some encouragement to those who still looked to Portugal in the bandel, its political objectives both with respect to annulling the rights of the rival French missionary orders and obtaining extraterritorial rights for Portuguese subjects met, by all accounts, with no great success: the Mémoires of François Martin, the French colony-builder and precursor of Dupleix, who was admittedly a little biaised towards his confrères in the M.E.P., had the following to say on the subject:

140 141 142 143 144

Ibid., fl. 260v. ‘Novas do reyno de Siam’, s.d. Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, MS. 465, fl. 186. Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, fl. 251. H.A.G. MR/36, fo. 415. Pedro to Mendonça Furtado, 20/III/1671. H.A.G. MR/36 fos. 269–69v. Mendonça Furtado to Pedro 8/X/71.

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chapter five An envoy from the Viceroy of Goa had arrived in Siam with a letter to the King of Siam complaining about the French bishops and missionaries, even requesting him to oblige them to leave the kingdom because of falsely reported insults which they had given to the Portuguese priests and monks. The King of Siam, who was better informed, paid no attention to this. The envoy was not received with the distinction he expected because he brought no letter from the King of Portugal. The court at Siam nevertheless resolved to send envoys to Goa when the Viceroy’s envoy returned.145

This last sentence has caused considerable misunderstanding in recent historical scholarship, as it has been assumed by Dirk Van der Cruysse and others that the envoys sent to Goa—Ok-khun Wiset Puban, Okmuen Pipith Raja and Ok-khun Chamnan Chaichong, who left for Goa at the end of March 1684—were this Siamese diplomatic response.146 The principal information we have on this embassy is from Chaichong (the only one of the mandarins to survive the subsequent shipwreck off Cape Agulhas in southern Africa) in the form of a report, written up by the Jesuit Guy Tachard as they shared a lengthy seaborne journey to Europe together, in which Chaichong does not specify what precisely the King of Siam had instructed him to do, or to convey.147 After some clever historical detective work, Dhiravat na Pombejra has shown that this date, which is reliable as it is confirmed in other, Dutch sources, predates the Siqueira mission to Ayutthaya.148 The question this then begs is what was the purpose of this embassy? On the one hand, one cannot overlook the importance of these ritual functions to the Siamese court, to the point the French court got notoriously annoyed at what they perceived as the repeated demands of reciprocating Siamese embassies and having to invest in expensive

145

Mémoires de François Martin, II, 383. Michael Smithies, on the other hand, sees these three envoys as accompaniments to the Jesuit Tachard on a second embassy to Rome, A Siamese embassy lost in Africa, 1686: the odyssey of Ok-khun Chamnan, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1999, 3. 147 Guy Tachard. ‘Second Voyage du Père Tachard et des Jésuites envoyés par le Roi en Royaume de Siam, 1689’. In Jacques-Philibert Rousselot de Surgy, Histoire générale des voyages, ou Nouvelle collection de toutes les relations de voyages par mer et par terre qui ont été publiées jusqu’à présent dans les différentes langues, Paris: chez Didot, 1746–1801, Tome 9, Book II. 148 Dhiravat na Pombejra (with Michael Smithies), ‘Instructions Given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 90, 2002, 125– 135. The Dutch source Pombejra refers to is a letter from Arnout Faa and council to Cornelis van Quaalberg and council in Malacca, dated 13 November 1684. 146

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and rare presents. Moreover, this was more generally a time of intense diplomatic activity on the part of the Siamese—not only to France, but the first permanent Thai embassy to the court of St. James in London, which was set up by Prince Prisdang Choomsai, and which saw Thai students sent to study in the capitals of European culture.149 Had the 1684 embassy to Portugal succeeded, this Siamese mission may have been something like the famous Japanese Iwakura Embassy of 1871, sent to scour the West in order to bring back novelties and news from abroad for the country to decide upon a new course.150 Beyond the speculation, however, an incomplete French document turned up recently in the Archives des Missionaires Étrangères in Paris, which was a French translation of the ‘Instructions given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal in 1684’. Although these instructions are largely given over to long descriptions of how to explain honorific titles and the geography of the nation, towards the end of the document, the following is stipulated: If you are asked why the king of Siam sends ambassadors to Portugal, what he desires and if he has need of anything, reply that he is only sending you to establish a strong and stable friendship between the two Crowns of Portugal and Siam; but that they have [sic] the design of some items which the king desires to obtain.151

What these items may have been is a moot point, perhaps the carpets desired on other occasions.152 In any case, the embassy took five months to reach Goa due to, Chaichong intimates, incompetent pilots and poor weather. Here the Portuguese Viceroy D. Francisco de Távora ‘was somewhat annoyed that the king our master (sic) had not sent a 149 See Jumsai, A History of Anglo-Thai Relations, 2–3. Actually, the Siamese envoys to Portugal were also bearing gifts for Charles II of England and Louis XIV of France. For this information, see Leonard D. Lourens, ‘Nossa Senhora dos Milagros, 1686’, in Cape Times weekly magazine, 11 January, 1969. 150 Eugene Soviak, ‘On the Nature of Western Progress: The Journal of the Iwakura Embassy’, in Donald H. Shiverly ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture, Princeton University Press, 1971, 7–34. I have not been able to ascertain the fate of ‘two Siam Gentlemen’ sent as ambassadors ‘into Spain’, who were dispatched to Goa as part of the return embassy to that of F. Francis of the Annunciation, sent from Goa in 1616, see Faria y Sousa, Ásia Portugueza, tom. III, pt. III, ch. IX. They go unreported in James Cortada, Bibliographic Guide to Spanish Diplomatic History, 1460–1977, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977. 151 Reproduced in Alain Forest, Les missionaires français au Tonkin et au Siam, XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles, Paris; Montréal: L’Harmattan, 1998, Vol. I. 429–36. The original document is in Archives des Missionaires Étrangères de Paris., vol. 854, ff. 721–727. 152 See p. 182 of this text.

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letter to him’, bearing one only from the Phrakhlang, and thus, with the consent of the Council of State, decided not to receive the envoys.153 The Siamese Court had clearly envisaged that Lisbon, not Goa, should be the focus of their diplomatic initiatives. The accompaniment of the mission by Portuguese priests, or ushers, as the Siamese had clearly envisaged, may have served to smooth the embassy’s path and save the mission from the anonymity to which it was destined. However, the two Augustinians groomed for this role were not considered suitable by Lopes de Siqueira, and were consequently blackballed from this role. After nine months in Goa learning the Portuguese language and visiting the principal sights, the embassy boarded the Nossa Senhora dos Milagros in April 1686. The boat struck the rocks off Cape Agulhas, but the company largely managed to save itself though it had to walk without food or water to the Dutch colony at the Cape, from where the Siamese envoys were sent to Batavia and thence slowly made their way back to Siam.154

153 L.E. Hatin, Histoire Pittoresque des voyages en Asie, Paris: 1847, 160; ‘Copy of the resolution taken at the State Council of India regarding the declaration given by the three ambassadors of the King of Siam, stating that the letter brought from that Kingdom by Ambassador Pero Vaz de Siqueira was from the aforesaid King’, A.H.U., Índia, caixa 60, doc. No. 75 and transl. in Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 362–3; ‘Letter from Viceroy Conde de Alvor to King Pedro II’, Goa, January 1, 1686’, in A.H.U., India, Cx. 33A, Doc. 135. 154 See Smithies, A Siamese embassy lost in Africa, 1999 for the full story.

CHAPTER SIX

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRESENCE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN AYUTTHAYA Within the Portuguese community, one cannot move far from the omnipresence of the Church. As an institution, it met both the religious and non-religious needs of the local community. To begin by enumerating the representatives of the Church, there were during the 1660s three secular priests, four Jesuits, two Dominicans (one of whom acted as the Commissary for the Inquisition in Goa), two Augustinians and two Franciscans.1 The Capuchins, active between 1623–79 in Pondicherry, Burma and Cambodia as well as further East, spent little time in Siam, although they penetrated Cambodia at the beginning of the seventeenth century, where they were referred to as ‘guardians’, and would have established a presence in Pegu, if two of their missionaries Fathers Efrem de Nevers and Zenon had not accepted a petition to remain in Madraspatnam in June 1642.2 The Jesuit establishment The orders had individual churches. The Jesuits—favoured by the Portuguese Crown, and by Phaulkon as long as he was First Minister in Siam—ran the largest establishment, centred around the Church of São Paulo, Paul being one of the role models of the Jesuit fathers. The church was initially a large wooden structure, but it burned down in 1658 and a new one was subsequently constructed of stone imported 1 See ‘Letter to Pope from Lambert de la Motte’, 6 May, 1663, A.M.E.P., vol. 857, 153–5. 2 Jacintho de Deos, Vergel de Plantas, e flores da Provincia da Madre de Deos dos Capuchos Reformados, Lisbon: officina de Miguel Deslandes, impressor da Sua Magestade, etc., Lisbon 1690, 303 ff; see also Vic. De S. Januario, ‘Documents sur les missions portugaises au Cambodge et en Cochinchine’, in Bulletin de la Société Indochinoise, Paris, 1882/3, 189–192. Gregorio da Cruz is the only Capuchin in Siam I have found recorded, see Coutre’s account from 1595, Andanzas Asiáticas, 450. For Nevers and Zenon, see the verbatim documents from ecclesiastical sources put together by Nicolao Manucci, Storia do Mogor, or Mugal India (London, 1907–08), III, 431–6, 438–55.

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from Macao. Marini explains how ‘thanks to the local customs of colourfully painting and gilding, the façade’s architecture is so graceful that even the Gentiles are enchanted by it’.3 The gilding may have been an attempt to imitate the ‘golden pagodas’ elsewhere in the city, and a stark improvement on the flimsy bamboo structures from which churches were typically made elsewhere in South-East Asia. I have been unable to locate any drawing, or plan of this building, but we might like to speculate as to its appearance from other Portuguese churches built elsewhere. It must have been grander than the Buitenkerk, or ‘outside church’, of the ‘Portuguese’ community in Batavia, built around this time (in 1695), outside the city walls to the south-east of the city, when the Mardijker population there was rapidly expanding, and whose drab and featureless design was very much an enforced political statement of sub-altern status in the Dutch colonial capital. It is dwarfed by the vicarage next to it, with its colonial-style Dutch gable and typical Indies-style high roof, and further control was exacted via the presence of a Dutch sextant, in the period of interest to us, Johannes Hasenbosch (1672–1723).4 Then, the church in Ayutthaya was certainly not as grand as the Jesuit Nossa Senhora da Assunção church built in Beijing in 1703, or São Paulo in Macao, built much earlier between 1582–1602, but already representing ‘a glimmer of the Baroque in China’.5 It was probably similar in scale to the whitewashed Augustinian Church of the Holy Rosary in Tejgão, which was built in 1677 around twelve ‘magnificent columns painted in a watered-down (aguado) green’ (see Figure 10 on p. 129), which was in turn grander than the church of St. Nicholas Tolentino, built in 1695 at Nagori,

3 Marini, Delle Missioni, (for Journal of the Siam Society), 55 Cf. Henri Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionaires à Siam au XVIIe siècle: le religiosus negotiatur du jésuite français J. Tissanier, suivi de quelques documents concernant le commerce des clercs, Université de Paris thesis, 1943, vol. I, 58 & 135. 4 I have found two depictions of the ‘Portuguese’ church: a brush and ink drawing made by Johannes Rach around 1775, which has survived in the Perpustakaan Nasional Indonesia in Jakarta and is reproduced in Raben & Bosma, Being ‘Dutch’ in the Indies, 48; and an engraving ‘De Portugeesche Buyten-Kerk’ from a publication of 1727, repr. in Alex Ritsema, A Dutch Castaway on Ascension Island in 1725, Deventer, The Netherlands, 2006. For more information, see Fonger de Haan, De Portugeesche Buitenkerk: uit Oud-Batavia, Batavia: Kolff, 1898. There was another church built for the Portuguese in Batavia and completed in 1673; prior to that Catholics in Batavia— as Navarrete reports—were forbidden even to say mass.’ 5 A.H.U., Lisbon, Cart. MS-XI.CM 758–9; César Guillén Nuñez, Macao’s Church of Saint Paul. A Glimmer of the Baroque in China, Aberdeen / Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009.

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thirty-five kilometres north-east of Dhaka, of a straightforward rectangular shape with no side chapels, only one floor, a simple wooden beamed roof and a niched altar in the far wall.6 As far as the interior is concerned, it was anything like the Portuguese church in Mrauk-U, then the Royal Treasury may well have lent the establishment gold and silver vases, some studded with jewels, incense burners and gold betel boxes. The nave’s floor was probably covered with Indian and Persian carpets.7 Niches around the main altar would have contained images of the Blessed Virgin, or Virgin with Child, as was the case with the church in Ava and indeed most other churches in the overseas provinces.8 Alongside the Church was the Jesuit residence (domus) and college (collegium), which was built some time after 1656 thanks to the contributions of the Siamese Catholic Isabel Rajiota.9 The Lettera Annua of 1671 suggests it was a recent creation.10 By 1686, the annual Jesuit mission report underlined its importance as the ‘stopping point’ (escala) for all the missions in the ‘Sinic archipelago’11 though Tachard thought it ‘wretched’ and ‘poorly enclosed’ and preferred to move on to a new Residence being built at Lopburi, a little upstream, described in detail in a letter of Père de Fontenay’. We have a better description of the 6 The church in Tejgão is the subject of a set of historical reflections by Maria João Avillez. Portugal: As sete partidas para o Mundo, Lisboa: Temas e Debates, 2000, ch. 6. No art history of the church at Nagori has been written, but a useful set of recent photographs can be found in the following blog: ‘Historic and Colourful Mosques, Churches, Temples, Shrines and Tombs in Bangladesh’, at www.skyscrapercity.com (accessed 25 August, 2010). 7 Collis, The Land of the Great Image, 147. 8 ‘Extract from the Annual Letter of 1620 from the Kingdom of Pegu’, repr. in ‘Fr. Manoel da Fonseca in Ava (1613–52)’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, n.s., XXI (1925), 32–33. For depictions of the Virgin, see Gauvin Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions, in Asia and Latin America, 1542–1773, Toronto / Buffalo, University of Toronto Press, 1999, 60 and Celso Constantini & Eva Tea, La Madonna nella pittura italiana; e un saggio su la Madonna nell’arte missionaria, Bergamo: Instituto italiano d’arte grafiche, 1961. For a fine example of a Virgin and Child painted by a Mughal artist c. 1630, see British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, Johnson Album 14.2. 9 Note that Philippe Couplet, S.J. who stayed in Ayutthaya for eight months en route to Macao in 1658, was housed by Mr. Jan de Ryck, head of the Dutch trading post, to whom he repeatedly expressed gratitude in his letters, see for example his letter to D. Papebrochius, dated 3 February 1687, Paris, in the Bibliotheca Bollandiana, Brussels, MS. 64, f. 217. 10 Valguarnera ‘domo temploque erectis ita stabilivit, ut facile in collegium surgere potuerint’, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Jesuítas na Asia, 49.V.16, 403v. 11 ‘A Missão do Reyno de Siam’, in Breve Notícia das Missoens que a Companhia de Jesus tem nas partes do Oriente, 1686, fol. 250 [Biblioteca de Ajuda, Códice 49-V-34]; G.-B. Morelli, f. 1605, lett. 209.

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Fig. 9. View of the Dutch lodge from the early wooden Jesuit church. Adam Olearius, The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors from the Duke of Holstein . . . Whereto are Added the Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo . . . into the EastIndies, tr. John Davies (London, Dring and Starkey, 1642). Mandelslo’s perspective in this engraving is in effect a dramatized version of those published by Glanius and Mallet, all of which are basically alike in terms of perspectival distortion and the canal network depicted.

Jesuit residence at Lopburi, a little upstream, from a letter of Père de Fontaney. It had apparently previously been a house belonging to the King, who now offered it to the Jesuits completely free of charge:12 This house contains a nice sitting-room (divan) with four rooms upstairs. There is a garden in front of the sitting-room and to one side of the garden a block of rooms for offices, and on the other side a second block of rooms where one could make several rooms, in one of which we created our chapel and in the other, the observatory, such that we could say Mass without leaving the building. But what made it extremely commodious for

12

Chaumont, Relation, 1733, 72.

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Fig. 10. The Church of the Holy Rosary, Tejgaon, Dacca, completed in 1677 for the Augustinians. A restoration project of 1940 did no harm to the façade, but unhappily took away the mouldings of alternating arcs and triangles over the aisle windows, which had given character to the sides, Celso Constantini, L’arte cristiana nelle missioni (Roma: Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana, 1940), 270. In 2000, the church was restored once again under the sponsorship of the Gulbenkian Foundation, see Avillez, Portugal: As sete partidas para o Mundo, ch. 6.

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chapter six us is that there was only the width of the road to pass before entering M. Constance’s place. We have lived here hitherto without any servants other than his own. It is this Minister who has supplied us with everything necessary’.13

The Jesuits’ first Superior, named in 1656, was a dynamic Sicilian, Tommaso Valguarnera.14 Valguarnera came to Thailand after teaching grammar in Palermo, ministering in Goa for seven years, and ultimately holding the rectorship of St. Joseph’s seminary in Macao between 1653–54. This institution had traditionally prepared those missionaries destined for Japan, but Valguarnera realised that ministering to the Japanese in Thailand made more sense than waiting fruitlessly for the closed door policy in Japan to be lifted. Marini writes how he ‘was welcomed by those [Japanese] Christians with celebrations and jubilation, who felt as though they were born again’.15 Valguarnera’s tenure coincided with a particularly lively period for the Church’s representatives in Siam. He himself became famous for his pioneering dictionary of the Siamese language, his astronomy and design of an ornamental fountain.16 Each of these was in itself a major achievement and, against the King’s convictions regarding the ‘scarcely affectionate spirit of that cleric, [which] prevails’, Valguarnera won the personal approbation of the Viceroy, the Conde de São Vicente, who wrote to the King in 1667 that ‘the Father Thomas Valguarnera is a very holy and wise cleric, from the Company of Jesus, [and] does not speak ill of the Portuguese. Previously, we owe him the favour that the King showed us’.17 Under Valguarnera, the number of resident Jesuits grew to seven,18 and the Lettera Annua from Macao in the year 1671 praises Valguarnera for his leadership and initiative—‘primus in illud orientis 13 Letter of P. de Fontaney, dated 12 May, 1687, in G. Tachard, Second Voyage de Siam, 1689, 236. 14 Carlos Sommervogel, who records ‘Valguarnero’, is wrong. Bibliothèque de la compagnie de Jésus, vol. 8. Thor—Zype. Suppl.: Aage—Casaletti.—1898.—2000 Sp. Bruxelles Schepens 1898. 15 Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 54. 16 Giovanni Gnolfo, Un missionario assorino: Tommaso dei conti Valguarnera: 1609–1677, Catania: Sicilgraf, 1974; see also the entry on Valguarnera in C. O’Neill, J. Domínguez, Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: biográfico-temático, Roma: Institutum Historicum; Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2001 and in Carlos Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la compagnie, vol. 8. 17 ‘Response of the Viceroy. Goa, 29 December 1667’, A.H.U., Índia, Cx. 50, doc. 80, Lisboa, 16 April 1667, reproduced in Annex 8. 18 Letter to Giovanni Paolo Oliva, December 3, 1664, A.R.S.I., Rome, IapSin 162 ff, 95r–96v. Some Jesuits who had been working in Cambodia like Carlo Rocca moved

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imperium Societatem invexit’.19 Contemporary descriptions praise the Fathers’ efforts to ‘cultivate the Portuguese bandel, so that it could rival that of the other nations, such as the Malay, Japanese and Cochinchinese’.20 Another description provided by G. Marini, S.J. and published in Rome in 1663 describes how Valguarnera ‘does not spare any effort (. . .) he visits freely the prisons, goes into the convents of the Talapoi[ns], where discussions on the subject of the Christian religion are entertained, and conciliates disunited spirits’.21 By ‘disunited spirits’, this was probably a euphemism intended for people of conflicting faiths, displaced Portuguese, Japanese and other nations. Valguarnera, Marini continues, was known for his ‘great compassion, and how only for the love of their souls, he had found inconveniences’. However, once ‘he had reached the limits of his charity’, he ‘multiplied his tasks, since he was not satisfied with performing ordinary deeds’. He led his brothers on to battlefields, for example, where his followers tended the prisoners and the wounded. Proselytisation proceeded in Siam in a way that had been censured previously in Makassar, where evangelization among the native population was neither permitted nor attempted, despite the Portuguese Viceroy’s impression to the contrary.22 In 1657, Valguarnera baptised 30 Cochinchinese and 8 Siamese, and these numbers grew, particularly after King Narai had granted explicit rights allowing his subjects to convert by letter of 3 December 1664. In the fifteen or so documents we have from Valguarnera, including those covering his second visit

to Ayutthaya, where he was working in 1675, see Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1920, vol. I, 61. 19 Biblioteca de Ajuda, Jesuítas na Asia, Cod. 49-V-16, ‘De Siamesi Collegio’, 402 v. 20 ‘A Missão do Reyno de Siam’, 1686, in B.A. Códice 49-V-34, fol. 250. 21 Giovanni Filippo de Marini, Historia et relatione del Tonchino e del Giappone: [. . .] con le missioni fattevi dalli padri della compagnia di Giessu ee 1663 (Venice, 1665). The practice of visiting prisons can be found in earlier Jesuit work, see the letter of Fr. Sebastião Fernández to the Fr. General, 1569, in José Wicki ed., Documenta Indica (1540–1597), Romae: Apud “Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu”, 1948–, vol. VIII, 48–52. 22 Boxer quotes the Viceroy writing that ‘In all the Southern Archipelago there is no ruler who protects the Portuguese with greater firmness and allows conversion to the Christian faith’, from A.N.T.T., Lisbon, ‘Livros das Monções’, Viceroy to Crown, 30 August, 1638, Livro 43, fol. 29, nr. 14. The contrary is however clear from the ‘Articles of Agreement’ signed between the Makassar rulers and the English Company in 1624, which expressly forbade any missionary activity (India Office Library, London, G/10/1, 35–36). See also Marini, Delle Missioni, (Journal of the Siam Society), 69 who writes of the ‘strong prohibition against conversion in Makassar’.

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(between 1675 and his death on 19 January 1677), he seems particularly proud of a Marian congregation he had established amongst his converts, one dedicated to the Blessed Virgin of the Immaculate Conception. 23 This was an idea he had brought with him from his home church in Assoro, Sicily, although these congregations and devotions were quite common in northern Italy from the Quattrocento onwards, despite the opposition of the Dominican order. In Siena, for example, the Immaculate Conception became from 1526 the focus of a civic ritual in which the keys of the city were presented to Her protection.24 Marian confraternities infiltrated Jesuit colleges, where they were responsible for the performance of poetry and theatre plays that focused on her role in Christianity, as well as producing and diffusing prints, engravings and pictures representing the Virgin Mary surrounded by Ignatius, Xavier and other distinguished Jesuits.25 But Valguarnera may well have also been pandering to his superiors within the structure of the Padroado: as Juliana Beatriz de Almeida Souza has shown, the Restoration Monarchy greatly favoured this dedication, the new dynasty identifying with the purity of her origin and establishment of order via patronage of certain formal associations. By the time the ten-volume Santuario Mariano was published between 1707–23, it could describe over 1,700 Marian sanctuaries throughout Portugal and its colonies.26 Finally, the Jesuits may have felt a need to cultivate such congregations to rival the Dominican Santíssimo Rosário confraternity spread across the Portuguese overseas world and brought to Siam sixteen years prior to Valguarnera’s arrival.27 As Rocha points

23 Gnolfo, Un missionario, 17. Valguarnera’s letters are at Rome in the A.R.S.I.: Jap Sin 162, with another set indicated in the Archivos da Provincia de Portugal, Lisboa: 3142. However there are currently no documents earlier than the second half of the nineteenth century in the Archives of the Província Portuguesa da Companhia de Jesus in Lisbon. 24 Mauro Mussolin, ‘The Rise of the New Civic Ritual of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin in 16th Century Siena’, Renaissance Studies, 2006, 20 (2), 253–275. 25 Maria Cristina Osswald, Jesuit Art in Goa between 1542 and 1655: from Modo Nostro to Modo Goano, Ph.D. defended at the European University Institute, June 2003, 241. 26 Juliana Beatriz de Almeida Souza, ‘Virgem Imperial: Nossa Senhora e o Imperio Marítimo Português’, Luso-Brazilian Review, 2008 45(1), 30–52. 27 The Our Lady of the Rosary was actually a Franciscan confraternity in origin, created in 1551, which also served other orders including the Jesuits in colonial Brazil, see Joan Meznar, ‘Our Lady of the Rosary. African Slaves, and the Struggle Against Heretics in Brazil, 1550–1660’, in Journal of Early Modern History, 2005, vol. 9, issue 3–4, 371–397.

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out, confraternities were ubiquitous across Portuguese Asia: by the middle of the sixteenth century, all churches and chapels possessed at least one confraternity, whilst the Church of St. Peter in 1542–43 on the island of Goa had no less than five.28 We know a lot more about another congregation established simultaneous to Valguarnera’s by Lambert de la Motte, Bishop of Béryte and called ‘Les Amateurs de la Croix’. Approximating the Bishop’s own mystical predilections, and conceived of as a communauté contemplative, the congregation was to cultivate assiduously the practice of oration, a life of bodily mortification, and asceticism. It was thought that Rome, whose approval was needed to sanction these congregations, would approve of the element of ‘autochtonous hierarchy’ the congregation presupposed, as well as its cross-confessional and crossnational appeal.29 However, this was not to be, Rome withholding recognition almost certainly for political reasons in a bid to preserve an equilibrium between the opposing parties in that part of the world, although in 1678 recognising the confrèries des Amateurs de la Croix in Cochinchina and Tonkin.30 But it is a pity that we know so little about the Jesuit mission in Ayutthaya under Valguarnera. It was not, like other contemporary Jesuit missions, such as the Maluku mission, devoid of prospects, where its priests wrote that it was ‘no question of martyrdom by sword and fire [as in Japan], but only of patience in bearing such a hard cross on our shoulders’.31 The Flemish Jesuits, François de Rougemont and Philippe Couplet, spent eight months at the Jesuit Residence in Ayutthaya in 1658, awaiting Portuguese ships to take them to China, and Rougemont is known to have sent a lengthy ‘itinerary’ back to Europe, which we know was addressed to the ‘members of the Academy of Leuven’. Yet despite scrupulous research, it has not turned up in the archives.32 28 Leopoldo Rocha, As confrarias de Goa: séculos XVI–XXI. Conspecto Históricojurídico, Lisbon, 1973, 22, 32, 35. 29 Françoise Fauconnet-Buzelin summarizes Lambert de la Motte’s text ‘Nouvelles vues dur la Congrégation des Amateurs de la Croix’, in Aux Sources des Missions Étrangères, 165; see also ‘Les Amantes de la Croix—Fondation—Règlement’, 1672, in Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Cochinchine, I, Paris, 1923, 95–99. 30 Buzelin, Aux Sources des Missions Étrangères, 195. 31 Jacobs, Documenta Malucensia, vol. 2, 13*. 32 Noël Golvers, François de Rougemont, S.J., Missionary in Ch’ang-Shu (ChiangNan), Leuven University Press, 1999, 17. The reference to the Itinerary’s reception is from Aegidius Estrix’s Elogium F. de Rougemont, 1690, 1035.

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Valguarnera was accompanied by other talented Jesuits. Of these, Jean-Baptiste Maldonado of Mons, erstwhile Professor of Poetry and Rhetoric in northern France and Belgium, who settled in Siam in 1673 at the age of 41, during the intermission in Valguarnera’s presence, was perhaps the most exceptional, a stalwart in strong contrast to the masses of whimsical and flighty ‘floating clergy’ that passed through Siam during the period that, as Maldonado himself wrote, ‘The kingdom of Siam is already like a metropolis for the missions of the Propaganda’ (Siami regnum jam est velut missionariorum de Propagandâ metropolis).33 His letters are detailed records of the political manoeuvres made between the different congregations in the Orient and were sent to the highest places, Maldonado corresponding with two consecutive Generals of the Society of Jesus, both Oliva and de Noyelles. The historian Vongsuravatana calls him the ‘chain drive’ (cheville ouvrière) of the mission in this period, at a time when the other established Jesuit Manuel Suarez (or Soarez), following Valguarnera’s death nominated the Superior of the Residence and an old hand who had spent more than thirty years of his life in Siam from the time of the Makassar diaspora, as we have seen, was increasingly ‘enfeebled’ (affaibli). Suarez simply followed Maldonado’s lead on the controversial political relationship with the M.E.P. order.34 Soarez, however, was at the time the French Jesuits arrived in the kingdom in 1685, the only Jesuit in residence. Bouvet reported that he was ‘a nice old man (bon vieillard) aged 70 years old, occupied in running (déservir) one of the two churches the Portuguese possess in this city’; ‘he [Suarez] lives in very modest conditions and exerts only a mediocre ministry’.35

33

Henri Bosmans ed., Correspondance de Jean-Baptiste Maldonado de Mons, Missionaire belge au Siam et en Chine au XVII siècle. In Analectes pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique, 3e S., n° 36, 1910, 39–86; 187–237. The quote is from a letter Maldonado wrote to one of the assistants to General Gian Paolo Oliva from Siam, dated 16 November, 1681, reproduced at the back of this books as Annex 12. For the ‘floating clergy’, see S. Halikowski Smith, ‘Floating clergy in the Orient. The papers of Giovan-Battista Morelli, 1682–88’, to be published in a Reinterpreting Indian Ocean Worlds. Essays in Honour of K.N. Chaudhuri (Newcastle upon Tyne: C.S.P., 2011), 40 pp. 34 Raphaël Vongsuravatana, Un jésuite à la cour de Siam, Paris: France-Empire, 1992. See biographical entries for ‘Maldonado’ and ‘Suarez’. 35 Vongsuravatana, Un jésuite; Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 106.

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The missionary drive About the converts, we can perhaps make at the outset two or three statements. Firstly, the numbers were nothing like the massive number of converts made in the mission field of Ambon, or North Vietnam (Tonkin). In the latter, it has been estimated that a total of 188,037 souls were brought into the embrace of the Catholic church around this period, excluding those who were baptised on the point of death by their indigenous catechists.36 Jesuit writers, by contrast, speak of ‘la árida Cristiandad de Siam’ with the implication that this was considered a disappointing professional posting.37 As the Jesuits discovered in Cambodia, the converts in Siam were similarly more likely to be made amongst deracinated foreign communities ‘who dwelt in the city or reached it from the outside on trading ships’.38 The local people, missionary handbooks went on, ‘are extremely attached to their superstitions so as to make conversion very difficult’, although the Franciscan missionary Giovan Baptista Morelli considered the problem to be the opposite, it was their ‘lack of religion’ (gente [. . .] poco disposte per la religione) that made it difficult, that regular church attendance was something very hard to attain amongst native congregations.39 Morelli raises other complications, such as the extreme reservedness of Siamese womenfolk, who were used to being kept in houses without windows, and never left the house, speaking even to their own brothers over turned shoulders. Men were not allowed to touch women, which led to problems in the baptism and giving extreme unction to the dying, despite introducing a kind of silver thimble (stilo d’argento) with which priests could go

36 Charles R. Boxer, Portuguese India in the mid-seventeenth century, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980, 15. In a letter of P. Pedro Martyr to P. Guy Tachard of 2 January, 1688, 75/6, The Siam Dossier at the Oriental Library, Tokyo, a figure of 300,000 souls for the Tonkin mission field is brought forward. G.-B. Morelli in 1688 had seen a letter where the conversion of around five thousand souls a year in the Tonkin mission field was stated, Archivio di Stato di Firenze, F. 1606, Lett. 277, dated 2 April 1688. 37 D. Mauricio, in Diccionario histórico de la Compañia de Jesús: biográfico-temático, Roma: Institutum Historicum, Madrid: Universidade Pontificia Comillas, 2001, vol. 3, 2693. 38 G.F. Marini, Delle Missioni [Journal of the Siam Society], 38. 39 Cited in F.M. de Montézon, Mission de la Cochinchine et du Tonkin, Paris: 1858, 175; Morelli, Archivio di Stato, Firenze, f. 1605, lett. 213 dated 10 Jan. 1684.

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about these tasks.40 Marini explains how in 1657 eight native people from the city wanted to be baptised. Through them, he explains, much good could have been done for the benefit of the others, but now, shamefully, these early converts are pointed at and called Christians, and the cross of Christ and the Christian way of thinking is considered stultitia gentibus (foolishness for the people)’.41 Phaulkon explained how the only impulse to convert came when ‘overtaken by death, they invariably call for the customary assistance’.42 Not all of the Siamese converts seem to have been quite such worthy individuals. The Christian convert who served Padre Julio Cesar Marguiço as his interpreter, apparently renounced the Faith and poisoned his master, accompanying his evil deed with ‘fine words’. This homicide took place in prison, into which the Padre had been thrown in circumstances not entirely clear. Cardim suggests this had been a result of sailing into town with a sea-captain ignorant of the local rules of seafaring; Marini suggests it was a result of some delicate government-related matter: the fear of plots against the King, the ‘tyrant’ Prasat Thong, who ‘feared even his own shadow’. At any rate, Marguiço perished as a result of the poisoning.43 In terms of social profiling, Valguarnera perceived the necessity of converting the high-ranking from early on: ‘not because they [the Siamese] are ill-natured, but because the inferior class is dependent upon the middle class, the middle class upon the higher-class, and these upon the king. Besides him, there is nobody who is free or an absolute lord, and thus can without restraint decide by himself ’. Talapoins too were the target of Valguarnera’s proselytising drive and who, ‘as trainees (delphini) might guide many others into the evangelical fishing-net of the Gospel’.44 The lack of progress in the number of conversions (commonly considered ovelhas, or sheep) was regularly self-explained in function to the political relationship with the Talapoins (‘por causa 40

G.-B. Morelli, Lettera 277, dated London, 2 April 1688. Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 54. 42 Letter from C. Phaulkon to Pope Innocent XI’, dated 2 January 1688, Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de la Courneuve, Paris, Asie-Indes Orientales, vol. 2, nos. 17, 64, 66. 43 Cardim, Relatione della prouincia del Giappone, 155–156; Marini, Delle Missioni, (Journal of the Siam Society), 64. 44 Bishop Laneau wrote a 95–page ‘Dialogue dans lequel un solitaire discute avec un Talapoin’, trad. Victor Larqué, published by the M.E.P., Paris, vol. 1315D (both manuscript and typecopy). see Gérard Moussay ed., Bibliographie des Missions Etrangères: cvilisations, religions et langues de l’Asie. Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2008. 41

Fig. 11. Dionisio Li-njian, Michel Foghanin and Antonio Van Kiet, Tonkinese Christian converts accompanying the Siamese delegation to France in 1688. Drawings by Carlo Maratta.

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dos Talapoins’),45 and Loubere was keen to instruct western churchmen to ‘accomodate themselves entirely to (. .) whatever the Ruler of the Talapoins prescribe’.46 Finally, proselytisation was dogged by the constant threat of apostasy, even though this was not an environment, like Makassar, where Christianisation was met by ‘the fear of threats of violence by the tyrant’.47 Privileges secured by the M.E.P. bear witness to the fact that official proclamations were ‘posted in every city of this realm authorising (. . .) the preach[ing] therein (. . .) with complete freedom from any possible interference from Governors or other officials, provided that the said Missionaries, in preaching the Divine Faith, shall not under any pretext whatsoever instil into the heart of the people any new notion directed against the Government and Laws of the land’.48 The missionary work of the European orders based in Siam can be reconstructed from the manuals provided them, outlining a course of suitable instruction as well as lists of objects they needed to take with them on their lengthy journeys.49 From their self-descriptions, here Père Fontaney, who described his work as ‘aided by the Saviour of Souls and the great apostle of the Indies, St. François Xavier’, we can judge that a lot of the Jesuit missionary endeavour continued to be structured around St. Francis Xavier’s working practices.50 Reports sent back home and to superiors within the Eastern Church also vividly describe working realities in the mission-field. One such Franciscan report that I have discovered is particularly illustrative.51 It is a report from the Provincial based on letters he received from the

45 ‘A Missão do Reyno de Siam’, in Breve Noticia das Missoens que a companhia de Jesus tem nas partes do Oriente (1686), fol. 250. 46 La Loubère, Simon de. A New Historical Relation, of the Kingdom of Siam, 143. 47 Delle Missioni, (Journal of the Siam Society), 69. 48 ‘Privileges granted to the Apostolic Missionaries by the King of Siam throughout the length and breadth of his realm’, in E.W. Hutchinson, ‘Four French State Manuscripts’, in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXVII, 220. 49 Manoel da Ave Maria, O.S.A., Manual Eremitico da Congregação da India Oriental dos Eremitas de Nosso Padre S. Agostinho, ed. Silva Rego in Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado, India, vol. II, Lisbon: 1955, 185; Rol do que se hade dar para os Padres que forem as Missoens de Sião, Camboja, Cochinchina e Tumkim, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, Cod. 49-IV-66, fl. 31v. 50 Fontaney, in a letter to Père Verjus, dated 12 August 1687 (repr. in Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney, 275–79). For Xavier’s working practices, see Pedro Lage Reis Correia, ‘O Conceito de Missionação de São Francisco Xavier: Alguns Aspectos da Sua Acção Missionaria na India (1542–1545)’, Lusitania Sacra, 1996–1997 8–9: 537–571. 51 Historical Archives of Goa (H.A.G.), Monções do Reino, 124 A, 249.

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friars working in the field (probably around Junk Ceylon, on the western coast of the Malay peninsula) and probably dates to the 1660s. It explains how converts could only be made from among the ‘pagans’ (i.e. the local Buddhist population), as oppose to the Malays and other Islamised elements. The author goes on to specify the type of population to be targeted for missionisation: The ‘main harvest’ consists of a few children who, on account of a lack of food, are sold by their parents. It is they who come to constitute the firm part of the number of the Christian community.

Children were also quick and willing learners, pliant and unfettered by cultural notions of shame so as to agree to involvement in the important public face of Christianity in the East, singing and performing liturgical rites. Thus, in 1704, the Bishop de Cicé could admit that while 1200 babies were baptized annually, hardly any adult Siamese was converted. The children were given a Christian first name and sometimes, but not always, a European surname’.52 Conversion, however, often referred to by Portuguese padres as o ensino, or teaching, took on three distinct phases: the querigmatic phase, secondly the catechetic phase and thirdly, the didactic phase. The first—the querigmatic phase—was premised upon annunciation. Rather than teaching in the guise of a mestre, the missionary father was encouraged to see himself as an anunciador or Bearer of the Good News. Rather than a perfunctory task, it was important that the bearer of the news proclaimed it with the greatest degree of enthusiasm and enticement possible, modelling himself upon St. John the Baptist, the model of the querigmatic. This was the most difficult of the three phases, despite carrying a single message: the existence of a God Creator. The second or catechetic phase took place until the subject was baptised. Catechism was intended to relate—via a system of questions and answers—that the love of God is to be imparted on the subject, via charity and forgiveness, a concept very alien to the principal religions of South-East Asia, Buddhism or Islam. French missionaries of the M.E.P. were quick to comment how the Jesuits were quick to communicate the ‘greatness and majesty of God’, whilst failing to impart the ‘humiliations’ that went with His Being. As François Pallu explained

52 Cicé is cited in E.W. Hutchinson, ‘The French foreign mission in Siam during the 17th century’, Journal of the Siam Society, 1933, vol. 26, 17.

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to his nephew, the Jesuits did not consider their converts ‘capable of conceiving that a God had abased himself to the humility which went with being hung like a criminal’. But as Pallu himself concluded: ‘Who would be capable of believing these truths without the favour that came to be imparted through grace?’53 Catechism, then, was to relate the fundamental truths of Christianity (God, Christ, the Holy Trinity), the notion of sin, the commandments, man’s ends, a gentle fear of the Lord as the first sign of wisdom (initium sapientiae). They were to inform as to the sacraments such as Holy Mass. But catechism also extended via dialogues such as the ‘Desideria sanctorum Patrum’ to knowledge of the basic ages of the world, fundamental biblical stories and the individuals to whom God entrusted the incarnation of His son. Sometimes these narratives were overlaid with romances and fantasies from Portuguese folk tales such as the story of the ‘Maid and the Negress’.54 The cohorts most susceptible to catechism were children who were the progeny of Christian parents, or heathen children. The first group was considered considerably easier than the second. It was important that catechism did not overburden the young subjects with formulas ( formulas) or go so far as to encourage full-blown orations (orações). It was enough for the children to recite Our Father, the Ave Maria, Credo, the Salva Regina, acts of contrition and confession. They were to be encouraged to make devotions so as to understand the Holy Virgin, Christ’s Passion, the protecting angel (Anjel da Guarda) and the Heart of Jesus.55 But Simon de la Loubère insisted that the worshipping of saints should come later, and doctrines such as the Eternity of Damnation, even to those who did not know of Christianity, were to be avoided.56

53 Rapport dicté par F. Pallu à son neveu Étienne Pallu, s.d. Copie authentifiée par M. de Brisacier in 1700, A.M.E.P., vol. 856, 403–21. 54 Frei Manuel da Assunção, Cathecismo da doutrina Christãa: ordenado por modo de dialogo em idioma Bengalla, e Portuguez, Lisboa: na Offic. De Francisco da Sylva, Livreiro da Academia Real, e do Senado, 1763. For a discussion of this work (albeit flawed with regard to date of imprint), see Henry Hosten, ‘The first three type-printed Bengali books’, in Bengal Past & Present, vol. IX, serial numbers 17–18, July–December 1914, pt. I, 40–63. 55 Trevor Johnson, ‘Guardian Angels and the Society of Jesus’, in Angels in the early modern world, eds. Peter Marshall and Alexandra Walsham, Cambridge U.P., 2006, 191–213; Henri Monier-Vinard, ‘La Compagnie de Jésus et l’histoire de la devotion au Sacré Coeur’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2, 1933, 83–88. 56 Diverse observations to be made in preaching the Gospel to the Orientals’, A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, pt. III, ch. XXV, 140.

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When the French arrived, they were not greatly impressed with the results of Jesuit catechism. Pallu suggested that the converts were ‘as ignorant of the principal articles of faith as infidels themselves’. They had been told that there was only one God, but ‘they did not know about Jesus Christ, that he had died for us on a cross’. The story of Jesus Christ was problematic in that it demanded reverence for the one who was ‘unfortunate and innocent’, which in the opinion of La Loubère, went against the Thai character.57 Jesuits in other mission fields such as Father António de Magalhães in Bengal admitted as much regarding the poor level of Christian indoctrination.58 The Jesuits in Siam had not tried to produce like Thomas Stevens, Father Superior of the College at Salcete, a Purana, a religious poem in Romanized Marathi, in this case entitled ‘A Discourse of the Coming of Our Saviour Jesus Christ’,59 or other models of catechistic literature such as dialogues, for example Dom António da Rozário’s Argument and Dispute Upon the Law between a Roman Catholic and a Braman, composed some time before 1680 in simultaneous Bengali-Portuguese translation,60 or Frei Manuel da Assumpção’s Crepar Xaxtrer Orthshed Xixio Gurur Bichar of 1735, which can be translated as ‘Compendio dos Misterios da Fé’, a catechism of the Christian doctrine. Bishop Louis Laneau produced an ‘anthology of images’ (receuil d’images) to help with this, where the life and Passion of Jesus Christ were depicted alongside the twelve apostles, the four evangelists, the founders of the principal religions together with the two most illustrious saints of each order and the four most recent, bound neatly in France with white pages between the images where the catechists could write what it all meant.61 While Catholic reformers were concerned on the one hand with the conversion of the individual, with the promotion of understanding and engagement with the sacraments, and with moral renewal through the ministries of the parish priest and diocesan bishop, many clergy 57 Rapport dicté par F. Pallu; La Loubère, A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, 140. 58 See the Relation preserved in the Livros das Monções, H.A.G. [Goa], no. 125, fol. 391 and described in Joachim Joseph A. Campos, History of the Portuguese in Bengal, London: Butterworth & Co., 1919, 267. 59 No copy unfortunately survives, but it was thought to have been printed around 1616. 60 Dom António da Rosário, Argument and Dispute Upon the Law between a Roman Catholic and a Braman, writt. before 1680, publ. Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1937. 61 ‘Letter of Pierre Lambert to François Pallu, October 1667’, Archives de la M.E.P., vol. 857 (1), 221.

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also saw the potential of inspirational, emotional group experiences: spectacles in which the crowd could be co-opted to create a heightened atmosphere of spirituality.62 Catechisms were to be sung with musical accompaniment to the recital (melopéias) and were often conducted in processions at night with two different groups of children intoning the questions and replies. These were public ceremonies in which local populations would look on from their verandas, balconies and windows, and could involve a series of tableaux of scenes depicting the progress of Christ’s life, from the circumcision, the Presentation of the same, the Taking in the Garden, the Flagellation at the Pillar, the Ecce Homo, Christ on the Cross between the two thieves, and dispersed among these scenes holy mysteries with Herod, Caraphas and Pilate, a great throng of Pharisees and scribes.63 The third phase, that of post-baptismal instruction, concentrated on other sacraments, that of penance, and confession, but also complex concepts such as the Eucharist, or the ‘Mysteries of the Incarnation’ as La Loubère called it. Novices would inevitably tailor their understanding of these tenets to local circumstances. In the Philippines, for example, novices would point out some old sinner to Father Almeirici saying ‘Father, give communion to that one so as to force him to do good’.64 Explicit texts such as confessionários, or manuals of confession, were produced to help clergy direct their probing questions in the Asian languages they were struggling with, and lists with numbers were provided so as to assess the level of transgression; one set calculated the degree of consanguinity, and hence affinity between the

62 David Gentilcore, From bishop to witch. The system of the sacred in early modern terra d’Otranto, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992, 68–; Tara Alberts, ‘Catholic communitites and evangelical endeavour under the Portuguese Padroado in early modern South-East Asia’, in Laura Pang ed., Portuguese and Luso-Asian Legacies in South-east Asia, 1511–2011, Singapore: ISEAS, 2011 [forthcoming]. 63 A. da Silva Rego, Lições de Missionologia. Lisboa: Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, Centro de Estudos Políticos e Sociais, 1961. The order of tableaux on processions in the mission fields has been taken from Ludovico Bartolini, Relatione delle Missionni fatte su le montagne di Modana della compagnia de Giesù l’anno 1672, Modena, Andrea Cassiani, 1673, 7. For descriptions of Jesuit processions in sixteenth-century Malacca, see ‘Carta do Padre Baltasar Dias a seus confrades de Portugal’ (Malacca 19 November 1556) and ‘Carta do Padre Baltasar Dias ao Provincial da Companhia, doutor Miguel Torres’ (Malacca, 1 December 1559) in Artur Basílio de Sá ed., Documentação para a história das missões do padroado português do Oriente. Insulíndia, 5 vols (Lisbon: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1954–58, vol. 1, 241, 342. 64 Quoted in Horacio De La Costa, The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581–1786, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961, 156.

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perpetrator and the victim; the other assessed the gravity of the sin.65 Much of the colonialist value of this institution did not apply in Siam, as the Church was not in league with the political authorities as was the case elsewhere, in Goa for example, but confession remained a popular institution as we can tell from the success and variety of the confessionários. The initial questions tended to focus on the length of time the subject had been a Christian, the church where he/she had converted, and his/her enthusiasm for Christianity. The sacrament of penitence was explained to converts as instituted by Jesus Christ to cure diseases of the soul, just the same way as doctors cure physical ills. There was to be no fear or shame before God. As relating to the First Commandment, relating to Honouring the One and True Christ, the subject was asked if he/she had opposed the conversion of others. Regarding the Second Commandment, the subject was asked if he/she had ever made false vows, or invoked God, parents, children, one’s land, eyes or life heedlessly. Regarding the Third Commandment, the penitent was asked if he/she had regularly attended Mass, and forsaken Sundays by working without need, whether he/she had abstained from eating meat and alcohol. The Fourth Commandment related to respecting parents and caring for them, which extended to one’s spouse and children. The Fifth focused on desires to kill third parties, and the Sixth on illicit sexual relations. The Seventh Commandment regarded the prohibition on coveting the goods of others, and in Goa was often guided towards the issue of state corruption, while the Eighth regarded respecting the rights of others. Did the penitent try to harm the reputation and interests of others, or have the intention of doing so? Conversion rates were, as we have seen, hard-won and rather disappointing despite the thought and application that went into conversion strategy. The above-mentioned Franciscan report goes on to explain that no harvest whatsoever could be gathered from among ‘the followers of the cursed law of Mohamed’, for amongst these: unfortunates, even though they recognise their error, the punishments in the court of these barbarians, which those who despise or abandon the

65 Téotonio de Souza, “Confessionários” or Manuals of Confession. Missionary tools and their colonial uses: the case study of Goa’, in Sod. Konkani Research Bulletin, no. 9, Porvorim (Goa), TSKK, 2005, 21–40.

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chapter six said law receive, are such and are meted out with such promptness by the Cacis [Cacique, or tribal leader] that one conversion with a certain amount of publicity would suffice to bring the whole Mission to ruin. A poor Moor, in search at the shelter of a cure for serious illness [was received] and there, together with the remedies which they applied to his body, they introduced those things necessary for the welfare of his soul and this having a good effect they instructed him according to his capacity to receive the Sacrament of Baptism. All this was done in the greatest secrecy. When, having been baptised he expired after a few days, the missionaries were obliged to surrender the body to the Moors for them to bury according to their own rites, convinced as they were that he had died in their false law. From which it is clear that amongst similar followers, the fruit which can be gathered is very rare.

It suffices here to point out the fate of the first Dominicans in Siam, sent out from Malacca in 1567, and attacked by a mixed cabal of Moors and ‘heathens’.66 Frei Jeronimo da Cruz was killed with a spear, while the other, Frei Sebastião, was stoned, but survived. The guilty here were thrown under the elephants, though others too were implicated, some court officials being also put to death, whilst others were exiled from the kingdom.67 The first martyrs for the M.E.P. order, Brothers Genoud and Joret, who were killed in in Ava in 1693, were also victims of the disaffection of a ‘young Moor’, whom they had tried to persuade to convert before allowing him to marry a Christian. He complained to the local religious authorities who had the Christian missionaries denounced for ‘disorders’, which resulted in their drowning.68 Some converts could be made from disillusioned Dutch and English officials in the service of their companies, but perhaps most famously in Ayutthaya, included the Greek First Minister, Constantine Phaulkon. It was at the Church of São Paulo that Phaulkon abjured Protestantism and made a profession of faith to the Superior of the Jesuit Order Fr. Antoine Thomas from Namur (often confused with Fr. Jean-Baptiste Maldonado of nearby Mons) ‘his confessor’ on 2 May 1682, after

66 Silva Rego, Documentação para a História das Missões, Lisbon, 1952, vol. VII (India), 539. 67 On this incident, see Frei Fernando de S. Maria’s letter of 26 December 1569 sent from Goa, in Monumenta Ordinis Prædicatorum Historica., vol. X, 151 and Luís de Sousa, Da historia de S. Domingos, vol. I, c. Da Cruz’s bones were removed to Malacca after the passage of a year (devoluto anno). 68 The story is told in Adrien Launay, Histoire générale de la Societé des MissionsÉtrangères, Paris: 1894, vol. I, 370–372. P. Manuel Teixeira, Portugal na Birmânia, Macau: Direcção dos Serviços de Turismo: Impr. Nacional de Macau, 1983.

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discussions with the Father ‘affected him’ and his own ‘dearly loved’ mother had made a personal entreaty. His future father-in-law Mestre Phanick had in the meantime told the First Minister that he could not persuade himself to give his step-daughter’s hand away in marriage ‘until the day when I behold you practising the Catholic faith openly, and with no reservation’.69 The marriage apparently took place in the presence of the Portuguese governor of Macao (who must have come over especially for the occasion) and some friends.70 The Portuguese clearly had high hopes of the Greek First Minister and what he might do for the Portuguese community. But perhaps the truly remarkable individual in this period is not Phaulkon, but the king, Phra Narai, whose openness to the Christian faith, and indeed Islam and the world generally, went unrivalled across Asia. Already in 1667, Lambert de la Motte had written a letter to his superior, Pallu, explaining his backing might be obtained from Phra Narai adding that he could already detect ‘the first fruits of divine grace stirring in the heart of this [Asian] king’.71 A long freeze in relations over the disputed claims of the Order to have healed the King’s crippled younger brother ensued, but with détente in the 1680s the missionary Bénigne Vachet again spoke to the French King in October 1684 about the possibility of King Narai’s conversion if a sufficiently impressive French embassy was sent to Siam, and letters were sent by Phaulkon to King Louis XIV’s confessor P. de la Chaise in Paris laying out his policy for the conversion of the king in relation to the alliance of Siam with France.72 If it is true that Narai read the Gospel, which had been translated by the Bishop of Metellopolis, had a consecrated chapel in Lopburi, and consented to have a crucifix placed in his room at night, 69 Details in Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 25 and P. d’Orléans, Histoire de M. Constance Phaulkon, Lyon: Dupain, 1954, 14, 21; ‘De conversione primi Ministri Regis Siamensis ad fidem catholicam opera Patris Antonii Thomas et de praeclaris viri doctibus virtutibus’, Rome, A.S.V., Fondo Missioni, MSS 113; Propaganda Fide, Scr. Riferite, IV, 11. For Thomas, see Louis Pfister, Notes biographiques et bibliographieques sur les Jésuites de l’ancienne mission de Chine, Shanghai: Impr. de la mission catholique, 1970. 70 Luang Sitsayamkan, The Greek Favourite of the King of Siam, Singapore: Donald Moore Press, 1967, 30–2. 71 ‘Lambert to Pallu, 19 October 1667’, in Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662– 1811. Documents historiques, ed. Launay, Paris: 1920, vol. I, 103. 72 Cf. ‘Mémoire pour être présenté à Mm. les ministres d’État de France, sur toutes les choses qui regardent les envoyés du roi de Siam, par B. Vachet’, 1685, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662–1811, ed. Launay, vol. I, 153–4; letter of Phaulkon to De La Chaise, 20 November 1686, trans. & repr. in E.W. Hutchinson, Adventurers, Appendix 4.

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Vachet’s words were nonetheless of inflated value, confusing apostasy with intellectual curiosity, while Phaulkon may have become deluded by his wife’s proselytising Christian fervour and by the nature of the role chosen for him as Siam’s First Minister. As the reply given to de Chaumont’s memorandum at the time of his embassy in 1685 makes clear: the King of Siam (. . .) regrets that the method chosen by His Majesty for perpetuating the mutual friendship of their countries (. . .) be so difficult to apply, to wit, the change of a Religion, which has been practised without a break for 2229 years; and he calls the world to witness whether such a change would be easy.73

Phra Narai’s curiosity is all the more remarkable given that priests did not play the role at the Siamese court they did when they were more of a rarity at the beginning of the seventeenth century. There were no European religiosos present for example in the full courtly turn-out on the occasion of de Chaumont’s diplomatic invitation to the palace.74 Tachard’s description of this event, which was so ample that it carefully distinguishes between the three types of foreign prince resident at the Court of Siam, would surely have mentioned this if it had been the case.75 And whereas the court was something of an open institution in earlier times, La Loubère is otherwise careful to point out the gates to the palace remained always closed.76 This did not of course stop acts of forethought and generosity, for example, sending visiting missionaries staying at the Jesuit residence en route to China ‘wonderful diners’ from his palace table.77 Regardless of the King’s physical proximity to the religiosos, the letters of the Siamese king, at least as they were translated, reveal a tremendous enthusiasm for the Christian missionisation project, and his generous sponsorship of church-building projects in Ayutthaya confirm this. A letter to Pope Innocent XI (who died in 1689) ex MSS Codicibus Bibliothecae Apticae Vaticanae Aliarumque Urbis asking the Pope to receive his emissaries with all due respect, concludes by bestowing good favour on His Holiness and his Church in the name of ‘God the Creator of All Things’ (. . .) ‘in such a way that His Holi-

73

Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8, 132. A Relation of the late Embassy of Mons. De Chaumont, Knight to the Court of the King of Siam, with an account of the government, state, manners, religion and commerce of that kingdom, London: Henry Mortlock, 1687, 30–36. 75 Tachard, Voyage de Siam des pères jésuites, 230–233. 76 La Loubère, A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, 1693, 96. 77 Tachard, Second Voyage de Siam, 1689, 193–94. 74

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Fig. 12. Plan of the Collegio Romano.

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ness can see the same Church expand with happy fruitfulness across all the lands of the universe’. This, the Siamese king reminds the Pope, ‘is the desire of everyone who is a good father’.78 It was then, perhaps, in terms of a paternal role that Narai saw his role at the head of the Christian church in Siam, albeit an empathetic rather than an authoritarian one. And in return, his obedient children could be rewarded for services they had undertaken for him. We can detect this paternal relationship in the proceedings of a reception in ‘Levau’ (Lopburi), for example, where J.B. Maldonado was given a large, golden crucifix ‘in recognition of the good services that he had rendered [the King] the previous year in Macao’.79 But even where conversion was not the motivating principle, Portuguese religiosos in Ayutthaya directed the spiritual life of other communities of other nationalities. To the Dutch visitor Gijsbert Heeck, who witnessed the impact on the ‘Hollandse logie’, this was somewhat astonishing and leaves us with the following description: They baptize, marry and celebrate mass without any restriction. In this situation they increase not a little, being like populated villages with their own special laws and customs (. . .) Their priests come and baptize the children begotten by our people and they marry them.80

Educational and other activities The Jesuits also ran an educational establishment attached to the Residence, the College of São Salvador (referred to in Italian documents as the Collegio del Salvatore), founded in 1656 from the legacy of a 78

Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon. Symmicta Lusitanica, ex MSS Codicibus Bibliothecae Apticae Vaticanae Aliarumque Urbis, Tomus LI. 79 ‘Letter of Jean François Gerbillon, Siam, 18 June, 1686’, extract repr. In Henri Bernard ed. Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney, 257–8. Considerable mystery surrounds this trip to Macao, but one of Maldonado’s biographers thinks he was dispatched to negotiate with the Chinese authorities and proceeded to the court at Peking, J. Burnay, ‘Notes chronologiques sur les missions Jésuites du Siam au XVIIe siècle’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 43: 22, 1953, 153. Careful research shows that Maldonado’s travel dates do not correspond with Thomas’s journey. Rather, Maldonado almost certainly accompanied the Franciscan Bishop Bernardino della Chiesa, who landed in Canton on July 17, 1684. Della Chiesa worked in southern China for the next six years, and Maldonado would have remained here likewise, whatever he was doing, see Henri Cordier, ‘Documents inédits pour server à l’histoire ecclésiastique de l’Extrême Orient, vol. V ‘Catalogus omnium missionariorum qui Sinarum imperium ad haec usque tempora ad praedicandum Jesui Christi Evangelium Ingressi Sunt’, in Revue de l’Extrême Orient, II, 1883, 53–71. 80 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 61/40r.

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successful Portuguese merchant and pilot, Sebastião André, a.k.a. Andrea da Ponte, operating there until his death.81 Initially this was a modest affair: in 1670, it was run by four priests and one coadjutant. In 1671, as we learn from the Lettera Annua of Macao,82 it became a Collegium. It is hard to guess at numbers, but was almost certainly closer to the scale of the College of Venice, which housed sixty students, than the 900 scholars for whom space could be found at the College of Coimbra.83 The Jesuit colleges were focused around the church, but also comprised a residence for the fathers, and a school area. There may have been further groups of buildings equipped for practical work. The model tended to be that of the Collegio Romano, which itself borrowed from both medieval Benedictine cloisters and Renaissance civil buildings. Here, the residence for the priests and the scholars’ quarters were arranged harmoniously around two quadrangular arched courtyards (cortili). These were enclosed but well ventilated. One of the courtyards was to be used by the scholars (area scholarum), the other by the students (area collegii). Access to the second one was limited solely to the priests. In the middle of both courts, there was a cistern or well. Where space allowed, a more secluded area in a garden was created. Finally, the church, serving as it did both the inhabitants of the colleges (priests and scholars) and the faithful in general was, for reasons of access, located between the two buildings. The Jesuit college needs to be distinguished from other colleges operating in this period in Ayutthaya, principally the Collegio delle Nationi referred to by Coronelli on his map of 1686 and which, according to Fr. João Alvares’ report probably from the 1660s was a French school for boys.84 The French had been quick to establish the college built at the heart of ‘camp St. Joseph’, as described in Lambert de la Motte’s letters to François Pallu. Given the mutual antipathies between the two orders, the Jesuits were left to further their own independent educational activities.85 There seems to have been one further college, the socalled ‘Collège Constantin’, which on the city plan made by the French engineer, Jacques Nicolas Bellin in 1687, was depicted on the main

81 Jean Burnay, ‘Notes chronologiques sur les missions Jésuites du Siam au XVIIe siècle’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 43: 22, 1953, 187. 82 Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Miscellanea, Missões na Ásia, Ms. 723, f. 607. 83 John O’Malley, The First Jesuits, Harvard University Press, 1995, 207. 84 B.A., JA/49-IV-66, fls. 77v–84v. 85 ‘Letter of Lambert de la Motte to François Pallu, dated October 1667’, A.M.E.P., vol. 857 (1), 221, see also M. Anmont, in Journal de la Mission, A.M.E.P. vol. 8, 459.

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island in the port area.86 This was the product of a recent initiative by Phaulkon who, having won the consent of Bishop Laneau, supplied the land, the materials and five hundred workers. Completed in a short space of time, and soon boasting an intake of 22 ‘large’ and 47 ‘small’ seminarists, the underlying reasons for this initiative are not clear—his biographers suggest he wanted to bring back the college to Ayutthaya. At any rate, it was short-lived, later moving back to ‘Mahapram’ for reasons of ‘tranquillity’. Mahapram was the name for the Cochinchinese quarter, which was more broadly the St. Joseph settlement.87 In any case, Le Père Fontaney, visiting Ayutthaya in the mid1680s, was far more impressed with the Jesuit college at Lopburi a little upriver, which the King himself occasionally visited in person ‘to encourage the work to move ahead’. Fontaney reported here ‘a handsome structure, it is eight feet above the ground, and the first floor of the observatory is almost ready’.88 All of this stood in contrast to the ‘college that the King had promised to build us (sic) in Siam [i.e. Ayutthaya] to educate the youth of his kingdom’, but where ‘no work was undertaken any more’. It might have been the case that the Jesuits moved their educational activities to Louvo once the French mission had completed its college, which may have offered a more complete education than that the Jesuits could propose; namely manual work taught to young boys by a specially employed ‘master’; and an accompanying school for young girls (petites vierges), to be guided by two or three ‘vertueuses dames de France’.89 We know that the French had considerable success in recruiting students even from within the ranks

86 Jacques Nicolas Bellin, ‘Plan de la Ville de Siam. Capitale du Royaume de ce nom Levé par un Ingenieur François en 1687’, in Antoine Francoise Prévost, Histoire generale des voyages, ou, Nouvelle collection de toutes les relations de voyages par mer et par terre, qui ont été publiées jusqu’à présent dans les différentes langues de toutes les nations connues: contenant ce qui’il y a de plus remarquable, de plus utile & de mieux avéré dans les pays où les voyageurs ont pénétré, touchant leur situation, leur etendue, leurs limites, leurs divisions, leur climat, leur terroir, leurs productions, leurs lacs, leurs rivières, leurs montagnes, leurs mines, leurs citez & leurs principales villes, leurs ports, leurs rades, leurs edifices, &c: avec les moeurs et les usages des habitans, leur religion, leur gouvernement, leurs arts et leurs sciences, leur commerce et leurs manufactures: pour former un systême complet d’histoire et de géographie moderne, qui représentera l’état actuel de toutes les nations: enrichie de cartes géographiques nouvellement composées sur les observations les plus autentiques, de plans et de perspectives; de figures d’animaux, de végétaux, habits, antiquitez, &c., La Haye: Pierre de Hondt, 1749–80, 25 vols. 87 Jean Guennou, Missions Étrangères de Paris, Paris: Fayard, 1987. 88 ‘Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney’, 257–262. 89 A.M.E.P., vol. 857 (1), 221.

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of the Portuguese ‘tribe’. One António Pinto, a mestiço son of a Portuguese colonist and a local mother went to follow a course of theology in the Collegio Urbano in Rome, later returning to Ayutthaya.90 Problems however dogged the recruitment of teaching staff at the French college, and various ad hoc solutions were resorted to. In 1670, the French missionaries requested aid from Manila, and a Franciscan, Father Luiz de la Madre de Deus came to teach. One of the M.E.P. missionaries, Père Langlois, said of Luiz that he was ‘excellent in teaching, having an admirable talent for the conduct of youth, besides his great regularity and his spirit of poverty’.91 If it was anything like the Portuguese school in Makassar ran by the Jesuit mission, the Jesuit school’s principal pedagogic purpose was to teach literacy, though the free primary school the Jesuits established in Cebu in the Philippines in 1595 offered a fuller syllabus including instruction in Christian doctrine, reading, writing, arithmetic and deportment, with courses in grammar added somewhat later.92 The college may have even instructed some texts that in Goa constituted the ‘higher sections’ of the educational hierarchy: Virgil and Terence, Cicero and Ovid, Latin prosody and rhetoric, Aristotle’s Logic and other aspects of contemporary philosophy, culminating in the Physics or Natural Philosophy of Aristotle, but there was no parallel to the publication of thesis ‘conclusions’ as at Goa.93 The official government privilege sanctioning the M.E.P. college allowed for the teaching of ‘science, law and other subjects that are compatible with the Government and 90 Gilles Van Grasdorff, La belle histoire des Missions Étrangères, 1658–2008, Paris: Perrin, 2007, 180. There is a document written by Pinto in the Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon ‘Estratto della relazione dello stato, in cui si trova il Collegio di Siam, mandata a Prop[agan]da da Parigi da Antonio Pinto acolito siamese’, 46-X-23, f. 484–487v. 91 Launay, Histoire de la mission de Siam, vol. I, 18, 64. Propaganda Fide, Scr. Riferite, IV, 76; ‘Minore et majores scholastici qui sunt in collegio’, in Launay, Histoire de la mission de Siam, vol. I, 340–341. 92 Jacobs, The Jesuit Makasar Documents, 205; De La Costa, The Jesuits in the Philippines, 166. For a general introduction to the Topic, see Francesco C. Cesareo, ‘Quest for Identity: the Ideals of Jesuit Education in the Sixteenth Century’, in The Jesuit Tradition in Education and Missions. A 450–Year Perspective, ed. Christopher Chapple, University of Scranton Press, 1993, 17–33. 93 Georg Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, His Life, His Times, tr. J.M. Costelloe, Rome, 1977, vol. I, 113, 143; Joseph Velinkar, ‘Jesuit Educational Style in Sixteenth Century Goa’, in Divyadaan, 13/1, 2002, 60–61, 62. A good idea of a ‘higher’ education at Goa can be gleaned from two contemporary book purchasing lists: ‘Mapa dos Livros, q pede obter Rector do Collegio do Bom Jesus, de Goa e das Lojas onde se tem procurado em L.xa’ and ‘Lista devarias cousas, q sao necessaries p. os Seminarios do Arcebispo de Goa’, Biblioteca da Academia das Ciências, Lisbon, Série Vermelha, vol. 34, docs. 122 & 125.

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Laws of the Realm’.94 The college here would have both lodged and functioned as a day-school for the sons of settlers of good standing, and members of the court sufficiently open to a foreign education for their offspring. There was, however, no ethnic segregation as was the case with the college in Goa.95 From sources pertaining to other Jesuit colleges in South-East Asia, we can guess at the daily routine in the college.96 The Manilan manuscript gives us the daily routine with which Jesuits of the college performed their principal duties, and may be summarised as follows: A.M. 4.0 Rise 4.30 Meditation 5.30 Mass 10.15 Examen 10.30 Dinner, Recreation 12.00 End of recreation P.M. 7.00 Litanies 7.15 Supper, recreation 8.30 Points 8.45 Examen 9.00 Retire Breakfast was presumably taken immediately after Mass. The two ‘examens’ refer to the examination of conscience enjoined by St. Ignatius. ‘Points’ is the preparation of material for the next morning’s meditation, usually divided into a number of important considerations, or ‘points’. After breakfast in the morning, and after the noon recreation, the priests and lay brothers went to the several duties, for which, being diverse, no special order of time was prescribed. 94 ‘Privileges granted to the Apostolic Missionaries by the King of Siam throughout the length and breadth of his realm’, §2, in E.W. Hutchinson, ‘Four French State Manuscripts’, 221. 95 José Wicki ed., Documenta Indica (1540–1597), Romae: Apud “Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu”, 1948–, vol. II, 10; more generally, see Joseph Velinkar S.J., ‘Jesuit Educational Style in Sixteenth Century Goa’, in Divyadaan, 13/1, 2002, 59–72. 96 ‘Costumbres del Collegio de nuestro P. San Ignacio de Manila, 1752’ in Arxiu Històric de Tarragona.

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A full and illuminating European priest’s impressions and evaluation of the programme of studies of these religious schools in SouthEast Asia has been left us in a letter sent by Père Theurel, who came to Tonkin in the company of Théophane Vénard around 1857, to his confrères back in Europe. Albeit concerning Tonkin rather than Ayutthaya, and an M.E.P. rather than Jesuit establishment, Theurel’s report nevertheless is of value and worth citing here in full. It must not be supposed that the grand word ‘college’ suggests a building in the style of one of our secondary schools. Here things are done much more simply, and apart from dividing the pupils up into six or seven classes, our college bears no resemblance whatever to yours [in Europe]. Imagine little bamboo huts almost hidden by clumps of stunted trees and grouped around a rather larger hut—the dwelling-place of the Superior. Each class is taught by one or two ex-pupils who have already completed their Latin studies and are called Catechists. The lack of books and dictionaries makes lessons long and laborious. Everything has to be written and everything has to be committed to memory. However, when our pupils have reached a certain standard of education, they take and write Latin better than we do ourselves, which is really not surprising. Oriental languages have no connection whatsoever with Latin, and as it is a totally strange language to our pupils they speak it entirely according to the rules; whereas we Europeans are continually being reminded of our own languages and this often makes us distort Latin and give phrases a twist foreign to the true genius of the language. Dog-Latin is unknown in Tong-King, or rather known only to the French! You ask me what level of education the best pupils attain. Well, first and foremost they have a perfect knowledge of their religion; they can read and understand the works of the Latin fathers; and they can write essays, stories and sermons about various aspects of their religion and ethics or Church history in both Latin and Annamite. As you may imagine, we do not tell them about those charming myths the study of which occupies a good part of the educational years of Europe’s youth. No, they know nothing about Jupiter with chaste Diana, nothing about the adventures of Mars and Venus. But they know more about Jesus Christ and St. Luke and St. Paul than many of your graduates. They are taught geography, elementary Maths and a little Astronomy, a science for which Orientals always have a great liking. Suffice it to say that the ramifications of the Classics, which cause so much ink to flow on the banks of the Seine, are absolutely unknown on the banks of the Sông-Ca’.97

97 Olichon, Armand Mgr. Father Six. Parish Priest and Viceroy, London: Burnes and Oates, 1954 (trans. from the French, Le Père Six: Curé de Phat-Diem, Vice-roi en Annam), 10–11.

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By the rules of the Jesuit order, a Provincial or Vice-Provincial was obliged to make a visitation of all the houses under his jurisdiction as afar as possible every year. Visitors like Aleixo Coelho S.J. were sent from Macao in 1691 when important decisions were to be made affecting the religious community: in this case, the appointment of Fr. António Dias as the new Superior, and the recall of Jean-Baptiste Maldonado, who had been compromised by his active lead in signing the Vow of Faith to the papacy and the Apostolic Vicars in 1680 (reconfirmed in 1682).98 Ordinances, which reveal a great deal about the life of the religious community, usually resulted from these visitations. It is a great pity that we have no equivalent for Siam of the ordinances Ramón Prat (S.J.) made following his Philippine visitations or those made following Bishop Laines of Mylapore’s visitation of Bengal (1712–15), although it does appear that conflict, here between Provincials sent out from the metropole and Superiors avid for possession ‘on the ground’, was at fault as was the case in other orders.99 The Jesuits were involved in other activities, including fortifying the city’s walls and those of the royal palace with ‘fine bastions’, for which Valguarnera was offered the royal title of ‘Engineer to the King’ and given the privilege of dwelling within the city walls.100 A letter of 20 October 1657 from Langlois to the Propaganda reports him ‘totally occupied in rebuilding the fortified walls’ (totus in reaedificandis moenibus occupatus).101 One of his creations was a fountain constructed in one of the main squares from Macanese stone and covered in coloured majolica.102 It is a pity that we have no plans of this fountain, nor historical vestiges of it, though may have been copied later by the architects involved in constructing a ‘fountain building’ in the ambassador’s lodge in Lopburi, as observed by Claude Cébéret in 1687–8; this second was described as surrounded by ‘whitewashed

98 Louis Laneau to the Directors of the M.E.P., A.M.E.P. vol. 880, 614; Jean Burnay, ‘Notes chronologiques sur les missions Jésuites du Siam au XVIIe siècle’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 43: 22, 1953, 193–5. 99 For such conflicts afflicting the Franciscan order, see Angela Barreto Xavier, ‘Itinerários Franciscanos na Índia Seiscentista, e Algumas Questões de História e de Método’, in Lusitania Sacra, 2a. série, 18, 2006, 100. 100 Tavernier, Les Six Voyages, t. IV, 205. 101 Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 65. 102 Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionaires, I, 135.

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walls (murailles) with white, yellow and blue porcelain in the niches’.103 Later Jesuits, such as Michel Benoît, who laboured in the China mission until his death in 1774, produced a water fountain (水法) for the Emperor in his summer palace at Yoen-ming-yoen (圆明园) later destroyed by British and French troops in 1860, which was described as an ‘artistic group of fishes, birds and other animals of the Chinese zodiac, from which water spurted’. Another one in Peking, which the Jesuits embarked upon in one of the courtyards of the imperial palace in front of the Hall of National Peace, was a large water basin again with twelve mythical figures of animals, which served as a clock; every two hours a stream spurted from the mouth of one of these figures.104 There are engraved illustrations of such western fountains produced by Jesuit novices around 1785 after Giuseppe Castiglione, and currently kept in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. The impression the ensemble creates is that of an imitation Versailles court, together with all of its excesses. Valguarnera’s fountain was undoubtedly simpler. His activities however were sufficiently unorthodox to make the Superior suspicious to the point that he had to write a letter to Rome to vindicate himself. Only at this relatively late stage in the history of Jesuit missions in the East, did they involve themselves in putting together pamphlets (opúsculos) on Christian doctrine (Doutrina Christã), which were then distributed, here amongst the Siamese population, and given to the King in the hope of engaging his interest.105 Canticles and dialogues were in many ways both more readable and more popular than doctrinals. The remarkable proselytising successes of the converted son of the king of Busna, a raja in Eastern Bengal, António de Rozário (also known as ‘Dom António’), where between 27.–30000 individuals are thought to have been brought into the church after Rozário was

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Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h ed., Étude historique et critique du ‘Journal du voyage de Siam de Claude Ceberet, envoyé extraordinaire du roi en 1687 et 1688’, Paris: L’Harmattan, 1992, 262. Bishop Bernardino della Chiesa was heavily involved in these activities, see Launay, Histoire de la mission de Siam, vol. I, 120; Michel JacqHergoualc’h, L’Europe et le Siam du XVIe siècle au XVIIIe siècle, apports culturels, Paris: l’Harmattan, 1993, 160–2. 104 Renee Fulöp-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, Kessinger Publishing, 1997, 264. 105 Cf. the catechisms ad Christian doctrinals produced by Ignatius Gomes, Manoel Sarayva and Marcos Antonio Santucci S.J. in India, see Henry Hosten, ‘The Marsden Manuscripts and Indian Mission Bibliography’, in The Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1923, 129–150.

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ordained in 1682 (as an Augustinian), were put down by observers like Frei Ambrosio de Santo Agostinho, Father Provincial of the Congregation of Saint Augustine of Goa, to canticles dealing with ‘the Mysteries of the Rosary’.106 No copy of Valguarnera’s Dictionarum Linguae Siamesis, mentioned by contemporaries such as Marini seems to have survived.107 It probably remained in manuscript form, as happened to Manuel Ferreira’s Annamite and Portuguese vocabulary composed some time before his expulsion from the Tonkin mission field in the 1680s, or the dictionary and grammar produced by Frei Manuel da Assumpção, Head of Mission of St. Nicholas of Tolentino in Bengal in 1735. Valguarnera, as a keen linguist, was relied upon by the King of Siam as ‘interpreter for the missives he receives from foreigners’.108 He may have been trying to upstage Alexander of Rhodes, who had composed catechisms in a three-way linguistic interplay between Latin, Annamite and Siamese a few years previously.109 But it is perhaps telling that M.E.P. missionaries made their own dictionaries, rather than adopt Valguarnera’s, Mgr. Louis Laneau (1637–96) the author of a Dictionarium siamense et peguense, sed hoc postremum nondum absolutum est, with another anonymous Grammatica siamensis et bali, quae postrema omnium dificillima est (1687) in the M.E.P. archives. Dictionaries were of great importance, not only for priests in day-to-day communications with the host society, but because the Christian rites were themselves permitted to be conducted in Thai, as detailed instructions sanctioned by the ecclesiastical authorities in Rome highlight.110 But we must not forget that dictionaries were of equal use for natives keen to understand the formulation of western languages. 106 Campos, History of the Portuguese in Bengal, 267; see also Sushanta Sarker, ‘Dom António’, in Banglapedia. National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 2003, vol. I, 226. 107 Marini, Historia et relatione del Tonchino e del Giappone: . . . con le missioni fattevi dalli padri della compagnia di Giessu ee 1663, Venice: 1665, 405; Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la compagnie de Jésus, vol. VIII (Paris-Brussels, 1898), col. 402. 108 G.F. Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 47. 109 Alexander de Rhodes. Catechismo in octo dies divisus, ab Alexandro de Rhodes è Societate Jesu, latino et annamitico idiomate compositus in linguam Siamicam translatus opera Dni Laurentii, et ipsius manu litteris Siamicis exaratus, Rome, 1651. The work was given a green light by the Censorship Board on 9 July 1651. See R. Streit, Bibliotheca Missionum, vol. V, 593. 110 Christianus Lupus O.E.S.A., Votum, an sit permittenda lingua Sinensis, Tunkinensis in ritibus sacris (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 2121). The same text was re-edited by Honorius Fabris, S.J. in MS 2383.

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The other orders The site of the Dominican church São Domingos, seat of the ‘Jacobin Portuguese’ or ‘Black Friars’, which we can clearly make out on the late 17th century Venetian mapmaker Vincenzo Coronelli’s plan, was the oldest of the Portuguese churches, perhaps constructed by the first Dominican fathers who arrived here in either 1555, or as the scholar Benno Biermann thinks, 1567, at any rate after the order established itself in Malacca in 1549.111 According to the French missionary Courtaulin’s map of 1686 (on which that of Coronelli was clearly based)112 the parish church of the Dominicans was also larger than that of the Jesuits, something far grander than the simple ‘open pendall chapel’ that was the second Catholic church in Madras.113 There were side chapels, like that dedicated to St. Peter. It was excavated archeologically in 1984 under the auspices of the Gulbenkian Foundation, but has yielded rather little beyond brick foundations and approximately 250 skeletons scattered in lime so as to sterilize the immediate area from decomposing human remains and to prevent epidemics.114 As true of so much archeological work in South-East Asia, the tropical climate and high air humidity has effectively destroyed without any trace many of the splendid royal palaces, dwellings and public buildings (markets etc.) built of wood, leaving little more than the stone masonry, stone inscriptions, pottery and pieces of sculpture from which to draw conclusions. From the Ayutthaya Chief Archeologist’s plans, however, we can see that the priests—probably a ‘Fraternity of the Rosary’ similar to the one the Spanish Friar Teodoro had founded in Makassar—had lived their lives in cells directly adjoining the church, and that worship did not apparently follow the stipulations of the Council of Trent in that the administrators of mass remained apart from the main congregation via a screen mounted on a low wall. The Dominicans, of course, were responsible for other idiosyncracies in

111 Biermann, Die portugiesischen Dominikaner in Hinterindien, 319. See also Biermann, Die Anfänge der neueren Dominikaner mission in China, Münster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1927, 2 ff. 112 Cartes et Plans C27964, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. 113 Cited in Henry Davison Love, Vestiges of Old Madras, vol. II. London: Publisher for the Government of India, 1913, 46–9. 114 Patipat Pumpongphet, ‘Les fouilles archéologiques dans Mu Ban Portuget sur le site de São Pedro’, in Phra Naraï, roi de Siam et Louis XIV ed. M. Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Paris, 1986, 25.

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their church services in the East, including rites involving the Rosary, the Salve and a Litany recited in front of the Statue of Our Lady. Church was a key site of social encounters for the Portuguese community, and for civic ritual. António Soares’ report of 1721, for example (see Appendix), details how Macanese embassies proceeding to court audiences would start their formal procession at the Church of São Paulo.115 Churches were the points of departure and conclusion of religious processions at important times of year, like Easter and on Corpus Christi day, and served as the focal points for popular festivals (romarias), or religious and mystery plays devoted to the Lives of the Saints, Christ, Adam and Eve, and the Passion.116 As we learn from disputes (melindres) between the Leal Senado de Macau and the

Fig. 13. Plan of excavations of the Church of São Domingos, Mu Ban Portuget (หมูบาน โปรตุเกส), Ayutthaya, drawn by Patipat Pumpongphaet. Copyright of Muang Boran Journal.

115

António Soares, Letter of 20 June 1721, in Arquivos de Macau, vol. I, no. 3, August 1929, 157–161. 116 L. Quintas Neves, O teatro popular na expansão colonial dos portugueses, separata do Arquivo do Alto Minho, Viana de Castelo, 1958, 2.

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Cabido da Sé, the four principal religious festivals celebrated at the beginning of the eighteenth century included the Corpo de Deus, the Anjo Custódio, the day of John the Baptist and that of St. Francis Xavier.117 The French remained suspicious of these events, suggesting that the Thai establishment was shocked (fort scandalisé) to see comedies performed accompanied by dances at Christmas time.118 Even outside the festival cycles, the community’s attendance at mass was high. Various church services would have been scheduled at intervals throughout the day to cater for different groups. Much of these services were given over to prayers and confessions.119 Numerous church services took place during the week—the daily Holy Mass, the Holy Communion, Novana Prayers, thrice daily Saturday Mass, as well as special masses on feast days. Thus efforts were made to ensure that people could get together, at least a few times a week. A lot of loitering around the church compound before and after service was also part of the scene. Jesuits held special services for Japanese and Cochinchinese Christians in their own languages, suggesting the groups would attend separate services. Similarly from work on the cemetery at Pulau Tikus.’ Similarly from work on the cemetery at Pulau Tikus in Penang, it would appear that ethnic issues determined who was buried there.120 This is in line with the evidence from the ‘Prospect of Fort St. George and Plan of the City of Madras’ surveyed by Thomas Pitt in British Madras, in which the Indians, Portuguese, Armenians and English all buried (or burned) their dead in different places.121 To move on to the different orders active in seventeenth-century Siam, one might start by asking whether the Dominicans in Siam were tainted by the same ‘loose living’ and infamy for sedition and quarrelling with state authority that the order became renowned for in Timor.122 The foremost recent scholar of Dominican activities in

117

Reported in Martins, Percorrendo o Oriente, 45. ‘Fêtes de Noël et des Quarante-Heures’, M. Lemaire aux Directeurs du Séminaire des M.E., A.M.E.P., vol. 883, 393. 119 ‘A Missão do Reyno de Siam’, in Breve Noticia das Missoes, 1686, in Códice 49-V-34, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, fol. 250. 120 Lin Linda, The Portuguese-Eurasians (Serani of Penang), 131. 121 See the plate between pp. 134–135 in Cornelius Dalton, The Life of Thomas Pitt, Cambridge: The University Press, 1915. 122 For some illustrative examples, witness the impressions of the governor sent out from Goa in 1702, António de Albuquerque Coelho as described by Paulo M. Martins, 118

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the East, Benno Biermann, would uphold the good reputation of the Dominican order, particularly in Cambodia, where the figure of Frei Sylvestre is given an almost saintly eulogy for his ‘intelligence and farsightedness (Weitblick), as well as his unquenchable dedication (Tatkraft)’. Regarding Dominican activities in mainland South-East Asia, we know concretely that they strove to maintain a ‘night choir’ and other strict rules of the order, although they were defenceless against being inveigled by local society into preaching for the arrival of the rains and, on occasion, sun.123 Siamese Dominicans also played important roles as ambassadors, to and from Goa.124 As we shall see now, Ambassador Siqueira targeted more of his criticism against the more humble orders, specifically the Augustinians. The Augustinians, or to give them their full title, the Hermit Friars of St. Augustine (Ordo Eremitorum Sancti Augustini, O.E.S.A.), and who should not to be confused with the religious order that flooded Italian cities alongside the Camaldolesi and the Vallambrosans in the twelfth century, were the last Portuguese order to arrive in the East.125 Their instructions were to work in the Indies in the capacity as carers for the abandoned and downtrodden (‘con obedienza di sovenire alli abbandonati’). They were particularly successful in Bengal, more specifically ‘the Kingdom (Regno) of Chittagong (Chatigão)’, where they administered three parishes and could boast of between eight and nine thousand ‘spirits of confession’ (animà di confessione).126 In Ayutthaya, they ran a chapel attached to the Dominican church, and shared Percorrendo O Oriente. A vida de António de Albuquerque Coelho (1682–1745), Lisbon: Livros Horizonte, 1998, 71–83. 123 Biermann, Die Missionen der Portugiesischen Dominikaner, 318; Sousa, Da historia de S. Domingos, I, 396 ff. This was often the monarch’s role. The Thai king was known as ‘He who Guides the Rains of the World’, although the fact that the king was not so involved in this as he had once been, is taken by historians to be an indication that the Siamese had successfully managed to control their watery environment, making the exercise of supernatural powers largely superfluous, see Kemp, Aspects of Siamese Kingship, 34. 124 F. Francis of the Annunciation led an embassy from Goa in 1615/6, Faria y Sousa, Ásia Portugueza, tom. III, pt. III, ch. IX. 125 In Portuguese, Augustinians were called both Agostinhos and Agostinianos. For general information, see Manoel Bernardes Branco, História das Ordens Monasticas em Portugal, Lisbon: Tavares Cardoso & Irmão, 1888, 3 vols. and Téofilo Aparicio López, ‘Le Orden de San Agustín en la Índia (1572–1622)’, in Studia, vol. 40, 1978, 5–105. 126 Anon., ‘Breve relatione delli servitii che li Religiosi di Sant’Agostino hanno fatto et fanno nell’India Orientale, e particolarmente nelle missioni di Persia, Gorgistano, Bazora, e stretto d’Ormuz’. This document has been edited by Carlos Alonso, ‘Stato

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the same living quarters.127 It was two friars from this joint establishment, Estêvão de Sousa (the first Augustinian to arrive, in 1667) and Pedro Martyr, whom the King of Siam (or rather Constance Phaulkon, who stood behind him) nominated to lead a Siamese embassy to Europe, much to the disapproval of Siqueira’s embassy, where they were described as ‘odd and somewhat deranged men.’ About de Sousa, the ambassador’s secretary wrote: ‘Seems to behave more like a Siamese than a Portuguese. Instead of showing the qualities of a priest, he reveals himself to possess the free and distracted spirit of a layman, not yet fully following the norms of the Catholic Reform’.128 The Count of Alvor, the Viceroy in Goa, passed on these misgivings, informing the King that ‘the news I have of this priest are infamous’.129 Pedro Martyr, appointed Vicar and Commissioner of the Sacred Office for the Portuguese by the Vicar General of Goa, became another of Phaulkon’s loyalists.130 On one occasion, Martyr actively aided Phaulkon in the kidnapping of the Tonkinese catechist, Michel Phuong, for sending to Paris and Rome to bolster the Tachard mission of 1687.131 As a result of this and his appointment to lead an embassy to Portugal, Martyr became known as the ‘secretario do Grego’, as we find in the letter bearing news from Siam in the ambiguous period following Phaulkon’s execution.132 Loyalties to Phaulkon invariably arose the suspicions of Siqueira’s mission, and Martyr was to pay for this with torture and imprisonment following his patron’s untimely death.133 Another letter we have of Pedro Martyr, however, expresses complaints of the

delle missioni agostiniane nelle Indie orientali secondo una relazione inedita del 1640’, sep. Analecta Augustiniana, Louvain (25) 1962, 291–325. 127 Kaempfer, The history of Japan, 1727, 31. 128 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 2005, Fl. 222. 129 Letter of 24 January, 1686, A.H.U., Índia, cx. 61, doc. 135. 130 There was a spate of men of the cloth who adopted this name in honour of Pietro Martire d’Anghiera (1457–1526), such as the Augustinian theologian Pietro Martire Vermigli (1499–1562), but also the Dominican Padre Juan Maldonado, who died off Cochinchina in 1599. 131 Jean Guennou M.E.P., ‘A Propos du Dossier de Tokio. Le Conflit entre les Jésuites et les Vicaires Apostoliques’, repr. in E.W. Hutchinson, 1688 Revolution in Siam, 141. Pedro Martyr himself confirmed the student’s ‘elopment’ in a letter to Guy Tachard, dated 4 January, 1688, 75/7 of the Siam dossier at the Oriental Library, Tokyo. For Tachard’s embassy alongside La Loubère and Cébéret, see Michael Smithies ed., Mission Made Impossible: The Second French Embassy to Siam, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books 2002. 132 ‘Novas do Reyno de Siam’, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa, MS. 465, fl. 186. 133 Ibid.

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‘perverse and unprincipalled new Missionaries [i.e. the M.E.P.], who are the cause of 4–5000 abstentions from the Sacraments’, suggesting Martyr was far from endorsing the French Vicars.134 There had been tensions within the community of European missionaries in Ayutthaya regarding the two Augustinians for some time. Domingos de Santa Anna had previously written letters to the Viceroy including an excommunication order ‘to summon Friar Joseph Correia and Friar Pedro Martyr off immediately to Solor or Timor’,135 evidently some sort of penal colony for remissive men of the cloth ‘at the end of the world’ (ás derradeiras do mundo), as it was used for criminals from Mozambique throughout the nineteenth century.136 Martyr is referred to in the Siqueira embassy papers ‘for being so harmful to [this land]’, and there were evident worries that the pair would not represent the Portuguese nobly if an embassy to Portugal was forthcoming. Santa Anna felt very strongly about this matter; he stated in his letters that he was ‘prepared to disagree with him [Phaulkon] at the risk of having all the churches closed and being sent to Tenasserim’ [i.e. exiled to the provinces].137 We cannot discount that jealousy of Martyr’s meteoric career advancement may have affected Santa Anna’s judgement. Having survived imprisonment during the National Revolution, Martyr was certainly at large some months afterwards, for his insubordinate exploits are recounted in Bishop Laneau’s letter of 23 November, 1689. Acting as parish priest of the Dominican church, Laneau points out how the ‘Oath’ (of submission) was administered to him by Laneau himself, but that later on he repented of his submission and ‘now [sic] sometimes denies that he took the Oath; at other times he says that he was intimidated into taking it’. Later, Laneau first suspended, then excommunicated that priest, but was prevented ‘by reason

134 Letter to P. de la Chaise, 2 January 1688, Siam dossier at the Oriental Library, Tokyo, 75/6. 135 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, Fl. 235. 136 Scandals relating to the laxness of the missionaries in Timor and their living in concubinage ‘without heed for the manifest scandal they gave to the people and the disgrace and ruin their immodest actions brought to their cloth’ went reported in the memos of the Conselho Ultramarino in Lisbon and correspondence between Crown and Viceroyalty, see H.A.G., Livros de Monções, 30, fls. 273–74 and Gregório Pereira Fidalgo da Silveira, ‘Parecer do Conselho Ultramarino sobre diversos assuntos relativos a Timor’, Lisbon, 22 February 1704, repr. in Artur Teodoro de Matos, Timor português (1515–1769), contribuição para a sua história, Lisboa: Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto Histórico Infante Dom Henrique, 1974, 302. 137 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, Fl. 251.

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of the troubles of that time from giving effect to a similar sentence of excommunication against the others’, and that they ‘were therefore remained suspended with penalties to be incurred for violating [that suspension]’. Laneau continues: The aforesaid Peter Martyr now admits all of them to the sacraments, and even entrusts his parish duties to these excommunicated and most ignorant priests. The Jesuit Fathers, who follow a different course, are subjected to a severe persecution by the others, and because they refused to admit that priest to their church to read something or other, a Dominican, calling himself a Commissary of the Holy Inquisition, is actually said to be proceeding against them for offences against the Holy Inquisition. When Father Louis of the Mother of God came lately from Tenasserim and died while still in his boat, I summoned the Jesuit Fathers to bury him, but one of the Augustinian Fathers named Stephen [de Sousa] raised such outcry against them when they would bring the remains into the Jesuit Church, and uttered such words against the Holy See to the scandal of those present, that the Jesuit Superior was forced to give way, else would they have come to blows and stripes, for that Augustinian has more the likeness of a man of war than a man of God. But references to these and other events is superfluous, nor do I see what remedy can be found other than individual excommunication by the Holy See. In the matter of those Dominicans and Augustinians there is one remedy that remains, as I have previously suggested to Your Eminences though I have not yet received reply: it is that they should be expelled from their Orders by their own General, avoiding all mention of the authority of the Holy See.138

Tensions within the Portuguese camp were, however, mere echoes of the vituperative back-biting and divisions that tore between the Augustinians and Jesuits in the Hughli bandel, and that got blown up into a full-scale contest of power between the Bishop of Meliapur (Mylopore), Dom Paulo da Estrella O.M. (1634–37), and the Viceroy Pero da Silva (1635–39) somewhat earlier.139 The Augustinian mission in Ayutthaya, however, was not a very successful one. Sousa founded a hospice on his own initiative dedicated to

138 ‘Bishop Laneau to the Sacred College, Siam, 23 November, 1689’. Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Scritture Riferite, vol. V, 195. 139 Faustino da Graça, O.S.A., Brevilogio de Notícias das Couzas e dos Sujeitos da Congregaçam da Índia Oriental dos Eremitas Augustinhos, e de varias Couzas de Ordem dos mesmos Eremitas, Ms. Bib Ajuda, 48/I/51, fols. 286–7; more generally, Jorge Flores, ‘Relic or Springboard? A note on the ‘rebirth’ of Portuguese Hughli, ca. 1632–1820’, in Indian Economic & Social History Review, 2002, 39: 381–395. 388–389.

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the True Cross. On account of administrative difficulties, however, he contracted many debts, and the hospice did not survive long. Although De Sousa escaped the tortures (tratos) his co-religionist suffered ‘due to illness (. . .) even though he was the second secretary to the Greek’, Sousa left Ayutthaya in 1704, and the hospice was closed in 1708 by order of Father Constantino do Espírito Santo.140 The Dominican church had been the focus for the activities of the Santíssimo Rosário confraternity, established by Father Luís do Rosário following the fall of Malacca in 1641, with its initial diasporic arrival of Portuguese population.141 The confraternity took its name from the name of the province given by the Dominicans to this part of the world, which formed the subject of Bishop Diego Aduarte’s Historia de la provincial del Santo Rosario de la orden de predicadores en Filipinas, Japon y China, published in Manila in 1640, which detailed Dominican activities in the East, including Cambodia, from 1587 to 1636. When the capital of Siam moved to Bangkok in 1768, the Portuguese quarter there assumed the name Campo do Rosário, testimony to the continuation of this early confraternity. The Franciscans, who had arrived in an early and unsuccessful mission from the Spanish Philippines in 1583, had established themselves to the north of the ‘campo’, founding the Convento da Madre de Deus, with its respective church or chapel, impermanent and probably made of wood.142 Walter Rossa and Thomas Lucas, drawing on ditties of traditional Jesuit wisdom, have more generally identified what might be called opposing Franciscan and Jesuit ‘territorial patterns’, namely that whilst the former try to keep some distance from urban centres (Franciscus oppida), the latter always try to be one of the most active urban elements (Ignatius magnas urbes), founding their principal buildings in the very heart of the settlement, near central landmarks or on main roads, often rebuilding derelict buildings in these locations to their exacting specifications. Centrality not only provided easy access to the populace, but strategic access to the seats of religious and civic power.143 It is not sure that this is applicable here, if only because the

140 141 142

Rego, Documentação para a História dos Missões, vol. II, 225–6. Rego, Documentação para a História dos Missões, vol. VII [1559], 465–66. Fr. Paulo da Trindade, Conquista Espiritual do Oriente, III parte, Lisbon, 1967,

440. 143 Thomas Lucas, Landmarking, City, Church and Jesuit Urban Strategy, Chicago: Loyola Press, 1997, 148; Walter Rossa, Cidades Indo-Portuguesas, contribuições para o

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Portuguese were not at liberty to choose where they settled but were obliged to cohabit the same ‘campo’. Also, unlike the Jesuits, the Franciscans did not actively missionize, but believed in letting the converts come of their own volition to them.144 It was perhaps a result of this conscious distancing that the Franciscans were often treated as suspect and expelled from the kingdom, as happened to one early arrival, Fra’Andrea.145 They were also renowned for their worship of the Cross, and went referred to as ‘Fathers of the Seraphic family’ or Serafici, following a common early modern soubriquet for St. Francis.146 It would seem that the religious intolerance embodied in the work of one of the most visible Franciscans in the Portuguese Orient, Fr. Paulo da Trindade, author of the vitriolic Conquista spiritual do Oriente (published between 1630–6), was limited to this individual: his unhealthy involvement in the Bardês brothers’ expulsion order served amidst unpleasant circumstances (quezílias) in 1630, and his later position as Deputy to the Inquisition in Goa, marks out this individual as a fractious and highly political Jeremiah.147 For Trindade, missionary work was projected as a ‘most fierce’ spiritual war on ‘Oriental idolatry’ so as to ‘despoil it of its raiments and rich jewels, wreck many of its houses, prohibit its feasts, stop its ceremonies, banish its priests, deprive them of their vast income, and deliver them from their power many thousands of souls’.148 This was a view that could only be entertained in areas of Christian dominance; out in Siam it was necessary, as Loubère reflected, for missionaries ‘to observe a wise Moderation

estudo do urbanismo português no Hindustão Ocidental, Lisboa: Commissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1997, 93. 144 Leonhard Lemmens O.F.M., Geschichte der Franziskanermissionenen, Münster in Westfalen: Aschendoff, 1929, 109. A host of these Franciscans then immediately left Siam (1582) at the outset of the Pegu-Siamese wars, making their way to Japan. The Spanish Franciscan Marcelo Ribadeneyra, author of Historia de las isles del archipiélago Filipino (. . .), Barcelona: Gabriel Graells y Giraldo Dotil, 1601, relied on these fugitives for the sections of his work relating to Siam, such as pp. 429–30 of the abovecited work. 145 Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 53. 146 See, for example, Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 53. 147 A more recent edition was published by Fr. Félix Lopes O.F.M. ed., Conquista espiritual do Oriente (. . .) repartida em três volumes, Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1962–67. The introduction to this work contains biographical information. 148 See Conquista spiritual, ch. 66, ‘Da supersticiosa e diabólica idolatria dos brâmanes e mais gentios da Índia, e da variedade e vaidade de seus falsos deuses’.

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and to speak respectfully, at least to the Indians, of Brama, SommonaCodom, and all the rest, whose Statues are seen on their Altars’.149 Thus, like the Jesuits, the Franciscans established in the East were firm believers in accommodatio, and soon gave their services in the local language. However, the small Franciscan community that did not immediately leave at the outset of the Siam-Pegu wars, or were killed in the Burmese war of 1594 or by unaccepting Malays in Cambodia, where P. Petrus Ortiz Cabezas found himself shipwrecked in 1594, petered out due to unpropitious political circumstances.150 Another group of Spanish Franciscans came again to Siam in 1686 under one P. António Santo Domingo, but given the political uncertainties accompanying the Revolution, rapidly moved on to other mission fields including the Nicobar islands, which saw a large number of conversions and won the applause of the order’s supporters for the mission field’s isolation and demanding living conditions.151 Otherwise, the Franciscans seem to have been particularly active in establishing missions in some of the port cities and outlying areas: in Mergui, Jun-Ceilão (Phuket) and in Phitsanulok, for example. After earlier attempts, the mission in Junkseylon was re-established in 1699, just as the rest of the country was being purged of its European populations (remarkably, the founding documents do not even mention the tumultuous political events going on in the kingdom), and comprised about five missionaries engaged in teaching, instructing, administering the sacraments, maintaining dispensaries, and rescuing slaves, whilst also ministering to prisoners especially during the Anglo-French wars and Burmese invasions of Siam. Other proposed missions, such as at Kedah (Quevá, Pg.), failed to get off the ground. We know about the order’s activities from periodic reports of the Franciscan Provincial

149

La Loubère, A new historical relation of the kingdom of Siam, pt. III, 141. Fr. Félix de Huerta, Estado geográfico, topográfico, estadístico, histórico-religioso de la santa y apostólica provincia de S. Gregorio Magno: de religiosos menores descalzos de la regular y más estrecha observancia de N.S.P.S. Francisco, en las islas Filipinas: comprende el número de religiosos, conventos, pueblos, situación de estos, años de su fundación, tributos, almas, producciones, industrias, cosas y casos especiales de su administración espiritual, en el Archipiélago Filipino, desde su fundación en el año de 1577 hasta el de 1863, Binondo: Imprenta de M. Sanchez y Ca., 1865, 371. 151 Lemmens, Geschichte der Franziskanermissionenen, 110; Benedetto Spila, Memorie Storiche della Provincia Riformata Romana, Rome, 1890, vol. 2, 137. Relación del P. Antonio de Santo Domingo, su viaje a las islas de Nicobar y su regreso a las islas Filipinas’, ed. Lorenzo Peréz, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, XI, 1918. 80–96. 150

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Superiors sent out from the headquarters of the order in Daugim, near to Old Goa.152 Meanwhile, we know little about the diocesenal organisation of the parish in Ayutthaya, which would have been ran sporadically by specially appointed vicars (vigários da vara) sent by the Bishop of Malacca, or else, like Nicolau da Mota, appointed in situ by the vigario da vara himself, here João d’Abreu.153 When there were none, the head churchman of the regular clergy present in Ayutthaya may have stepped into this role. We know that it was led in 1684 by Domingos de Santa Anna, Vicar of Our Lady of the Rosary, and thus probably a Dominican, for whom Ambassador Lopes Vaz de Siqueira had much respect, a respect reciprocated by Santa Anna.154 The church outside Ayutthaya In this chapter, we have looked at the different religious orders’ presence in Ayutthaya over the course of the seventeenth century, prior to the arrival of the M.E.P. in the 1660s. Portuguese communities, however, also existed at this time elsewhere than Ayutthaya, and the religious presence graced these outposts both spasmodically in the form of mission tours as well as via more permanent mission stations. The localities concerned include Mergui, Ponteamass, Pattani, Tenasserim, and Ligor. Portuguese served in at least three different capacities in Mergui. It was a Portuguese cannoneer who directed Siamese attacks on the star-shaped fort a French contingent under du Bruant had gone to fortify early in 1688.155 A ‘good Portuguese Franciscan father’ (perhaps Father Luiz de la Madre de Deus, whom we know left Ayutthaya at 152 Achilles Meersman, ‘The Franciscans in Junk-Ceylon, Kedah and Mergui’, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 1963 56(4): 439–462. See also the letter from Phaulkon to Pope Innocent XI, in Hutchinson, The French Foreign Mission in Siam, 58. For earlier missions registered in the Annales Minorum in 1612 and 1622, see P. Fernando F. Lopes, ‘Para a história da Ordem Franciscana em Portugal. Fontes narrativas e textos legais’, in Archivo Ibero-Americano, vol. 8 (2a series), 1949, 1061 ff. 153 Alain Forest, Les Missionnaires Français au Tonkin et au Siam XVIIe–XVIIIe siècles, Paris: L’Harmattan, 1998, vol. I, 213. 154 ‘Copy of the letter from Father Frei Domingos de Santa Anna, Vigário de Nossa Senhora de Rozario do Sião written to the Count of Alvor Viceroy and Captain General of India’, A.H.U., Siam, Cx. 59, Doc. 234, 21 June 1684. Although the Confraternity of the Rosary was a Dominican affair, cults of the Virgin of the Rosary could come from any quarter, as was the case with the Augustinian-dominated See in Muscat. 155 Le Blanc. Histoire de la révolution, 149.

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some stage for Mergui) had warned the French of the growing wave of Siamese violence and ill-intent directed at them.156 Thirdly, there were Portuguese interpreters in Mergui, who had acted as the go-between between French and Siamese.157 At Ponteamass (Banteay-Mass, later Ha-Tien) the Portuguese presence was estimated at 200 ‘topazes’,158 and there were Portuguese too at Tenasserim, from where Soares sent his report, and from where a Portuguese served as ‘interpreter’ when the Right Reverend Bishop of Béryte went ‘to visit one of the chief priests of that place’.159 This ‘chief priest’ was almost certainly Padre João Cardoso, the Jesuit Vicar of Tenasserim, and later Provincial of Japan, with whom the French— despite the ongoing conflict—remained on good terms. It was with Cardoso that de la Motte stayed for as long as a month prior to his arrival in Ayutthaya for the very first time. On another occasion, Pallu wrote enthusiastically about the ‘openness with which we [sic] speak on all subjects. He gave me very good advice’.160 Tenasserim and Mergui were regularly visited over the course of the seventeenth century by Portuguese traders operating from Nagapattinam, and who successfully fought off competition from some of the northern Europeans, such as the Danes, who although bearing letters of trading privilege from the Thai authorities there, chose instead to trade with Aceh, Bantam, Japara, Mergui and Makassar.161 The letter of 2 April 1677 from the Eurasian priest François Perez, however, who defected to the M.E.P.162 describes a coastal strip between Tenasserim and Malacca infested by hostile Moslems and ‘assassins’ who robbed the priest, forcing him to

156

Le Blanc. Histoire de la révolution, 146. Le Blanc. Histoire de la révolution, 162. 158 David Lopes, Expansão da Língua Portuguesa no Oriente dos séculos XVI, XVII, XVIII, 1936, repr. Porto, 1969, 74–5. 159 Bourges, Relation. 160 Launay, Lettres de Monseigneur Pallu, vicaire apostolique du Tonkin (. . .) de 1658 à 1680, vicaire apostolique du Fo-kien (. . .) de 1680 à 1684, principal fondateur de la Société des Missions Étrangères, Angoulême, t. II, 21. Cardoso was even sent to Cochinchina to combat the influence of the French missionaries in 1676, but died on his return to Macao. 161 Diller, Die Däner in Indien, 253. 162 Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, mandati dalla S. Sede Apostolica alli regni di Siam, Cocincina, Camboia, e Tunkino.—In Roma: nella Stamperia della Sac. Cong. de Prop. Fide, 1677. 47. For more of Perez, see An Historical Abstract of Mr. Samuel White in his Shahbandar ship of Tenassery and Mergen, in EIC Charters and Pamphlets, British Library Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections, MSS Eur D. 300, 15. 157

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live off the land for a year despite his ‘fairly delicate’ constitution. He returned to the relative safety of Ayutthaya from his posting.163 The M.E.P. tried to post other priests here, including Luiz Madre de Deus, but he was recalled after two months. The Dutch company, and even the English, had for a time a branch office at Ligor (today Nakhon Si Thammarat), on the eastern coast of the Malay peninsula, but it is not known if Portuguese also operated there.164 The origins of the nielloware, which is a speciality of that southern city, and was typically presented in the shape of gifts to visiting foreign dignitaries, are swathed in mystery. While some authorities think that it arrived from Persia by way of India, other historians cling to the idea that it was Portuguese who introduced it. This would suggest Portuguese did have some role at Ligor, albeit hard to pin down in extant documentation.165 We need to mention Pattani, also on the east coast, looking on to the Gulf of Thailand, but farther south still. By 1540, as many as 300 independent Portuguese traders had settled here, who probably enjoyed a period of prosperity under Raja Ijau (r. 1584–1616), but were eclipsed in the seventeenth century by Dutch and English who established warehouses here in 1602 and 1612 respectively within the bandar.166 Finally, we need to mention Bangkok, site of an important fortress guarding traffic up and down the Menam River. Father Claude de Visdelou made a sermon here ‘to the Portuguese’ in the mid-1680s, as guest of M. Manuel, a ‘French missionary’ (M.E.P.) who had ‘his mission in this outpost’ and who had come out to Siam on the same ship as Visdelou.167 Previously, around 1677, the ‘Parish of the Immaculate Conception’ in this settlement had been the charge of Claude Chandebois, another missionary with the M.E.P.168

163

‘Letter from Phaulkon to Pope Innocent XI’, in Hutchinson, The French Foreign Mission in Siam, 56. 164 Supaporn Ariyasajsiskul, ‘The so-called tin monopoly in Ligor: the limits of VOC power vis à vis a southern Thai trading polity’, Itinerario, 2004 28(3): 89–106. 165 William Warren & Luca Invernizzi Tettoni, Arts and Crafts of Thailand, Thames & Hudson, 1996, 17; Jean Boisselier, Malerei in Thailand, Stuttgart/Berlin/Main/Köln: W. Kohlhammer GmbH, 1976, 231. 166 Ibrahim Syukri, History of the Malay Kingdom of Patani, Ohio University: 1985, 19, 128; Wayne Bougas, ‘Pattani in the Beginning of the Seventeenth Century’, Archipel, 39, 1980, 113–38. 167 ‘Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney, 275. 168 Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources des Missions, 262.

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Besides these afore-mentioned towns and cities, there were plenty of smaller settlements that are hardly afforded a mention in extant documentation, if only because they were only periodically visited by mission tours and the like. Some of them, like Sam Khok (today Pathum Thani) on the River Menam had churches with considerable catchment areas, Christian populations being drawn from the other side of the river for mass.169 Many of them were too poor, as the Augustinian report of 1640 details, ‘to have a church and priests, and would not have resources for their upkeep’ (non sono potenti d’alimentarli).170 Appointments from the central Residence, then, would try to fill the hole, but were sporadic and often drew on the services of ‘floating clergy’ whose ministries were temporary.171 It was slow going to travel between these various settlements; it took François de Rougemont and Philippe Couplet as much as six weeks to make their way de apostolico i.e. by foot from Tenasserim to Ayutthaya, arriving in October 1657.172

169

Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, ed. Matthia Huber, Genève: Olizane, 2006,

157. 170 Breve relatione delli serviti che li Religiosi di Sant’Agostino hanno fatto nell’India Orientale (. . .), ms. of 1640, repr. in Carlos Alonso ed., ‘Due lettere riguardanti i primi tempi delle missione agostiniane in Persia’, in Analecta Augustiniana, 24, 1961, 152–201. 171 This was true of Giovan Battista Morelli, see Stefan Halikowski Smith ‘Floating’ European clergy in Siam during the years immediately prior to the National Revolution of 1688: the letters of the Franciscan Giovan Battista Morelli, O.F.M., in Idem, Beyond the Indian Ocean world. Essays in Honour of Prof. K.N. Chaudhuri on his 75th birthday, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011 [forthcoming]. 172 Golvers, Rougemont, 66.

CHAPTER SEVEN

‘THOSE WHO OCCUPY THE LOWEST CATEGORY HERE’. THE SOCIAL RELEGATION, BUT SURVIVAL, OF THE PORTUGUESE ‘TRIBE’ It is clear that the Portuguese diaspora did not do well following its re-settlement in Siam, mirroring the general downward slide of the community from earlier in the seventeenth century. William Dampier, the English sea captain, buccaneer and author, insisted in 1688 ‘there are not a more despicable people in all the eastern nations’.1 Dampier’s dismissive opinions were echoed later by Alexander Hamilton, a Scottish captain undertaking commerce in South-East Asia, who was very negative about the Portuguese, writing in 1718 that they were ‘contemptible to all people in general’, in Siam ‘the most dissolute, lazy, thievish rascals that were to be found in the country’.2 Other commentators such as Nicholas Gervaise, the French missionary sent to the court of King Narai the Great of Ayutthaya in 1688, report on the ‘extreme poverty’ suffered by the Portuguese settlers in Siam because, he explains, ‘they prefer to die of hunger than to work for their living there’.3 Even Thai records speak of the Portuguese who had arrived from Makassar as ‘those (. . .) who occupy the lowest category here’; Navarrete confirms they were ‘despis’d by the Natives and Chineses that are there’.4 We would appear to have two different issues here. On the one hand, we are confronted with the dubious moral attitudes and outlook of the Portuguese tribe, particularly with reference to their hosts. On the other, we have laziness and a propensity to shirk work and productive engagement. ‘Insolence’ is a term that repeatedly emerges in descriptions of the Portuguese communities. Hamilton noted that the

1

Dampier, A collection of voyages. In four volumes, 1729, vol. II, 162. Hamilton, A new account of the East Indies, 1727, vol. 2, 63, 166. 3 Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 1998, 46. 4 ‘Answer given by the Prakalang, Governor of the Kingdom of Siam to the abovementioned points proposed by the Ambassador at the Service of Our Lord the Prince’, in Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, 2005, 276; Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, vol. II, 268. 2

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port-city of Syriam in Lower Burma, for example, was lost out of ‘insolence and pride’, just as it was ‘insolence (. . .) abusing and affronting their neighbours’ too, that led to Portugal’s losing Malacca. But insolence is not an accusation stemming purely from hostile North European Protestant bigots.5 The Viaggio of Cesare Fedrici, undertaken around 1587, for example, relates the tale of the Portuguese community in Martaban, estimated at ‘ninety merchants and other base men’, and particularly the episode surrounding the slaughter of five ‘Falchines’ [porters] of the King of Pegu who were passing through the city.6 Here, unlike the quarrel resulting in the murder of the Dutch boatswain (see earlier), the trigger had merely been ‘words of despight’. Fedrici concluded this tale with a strong personal reflection: ‘I thought it a straunge thing to see the Portugalle use such insolencie in another man’s Cittie’.7 Pride is a sentiment that goes hand in hand with insolence, and something for which the Portuguese nation was, as Father Bèze wrote, ‘renowned (. . .) despite their poverty’.8 Pierre Lambert agreed on the nefarious effects of Portuguese orgeuil, though he was hardly an example of humility.9 Part of it was undoubtedly an attempt on the part of a deracinated population with few immediate prospects to cling on to something greater than themselves: in an amusing anecdote, Major Blakiston once observed that ‘any man of colour, however dark, who wears a hat, passes for a descendant of the companions of the renowned Vasco da Gama’.10 Here, pride was a clinging on to past achievements 5 Stefan Halikowski Smith, ‘Insolence and Pride’: problems with the representation of the South-East Asian Portuguese communities in Alexander Hamilton’s ‘A New Account of the East Indies’ (1727), in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Volume 19, Part 2, April 2009, 213–37; Alexander Hamilton. A Scottish Sea Captain in Southeast Asia, 1689–1723, ed. M. Smithies, Chiang Mai, 1997, 10, 56–57. 6 For a biography of Fedrici, see Jarl Charpentier ‘Cesare di Federici and Gasparo Balbi’, in Geografiska Annaler, Vol. 2, 1920, 146–161. 7 Cesare Fedrici, The voyage and travaile into the East Indies, London: R. Jones & E. White, 1588, 25. 8 Mémoire du Père de Bèze, 45. 9 ‘Letter of Pierre Lambert to M. Fermanel’, end May 1664, A.M.E.P., vol. 121, 578. 10 John Blakiston, Twelve Years of Military Adventures in three quarters of the Globe; or, memoirs of an officer who served in the armies of his Majesty and of the East India Company between the years 1802 and 1814, in which are contained the Campaigns of the Duke of Wellington in India, and his last in Spain and the South of France. London: 1829, I, 270. Jean-Baptiste Tavernier complained that the Portuguese were ‘no sooner passed the Cape of Good Hope than they all become Gentlemen and add Dom to their names and as they change th’r status so also they change their nature’, in Travels in India, ed. W. Crooke, London: Hakluyt Society, 1925, vol. I, 151–2.

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and glories of days gone by. Fernão Mendes Pinto, on the other hand, explains the ‘pride peculiar to the Portuguese nation’ (a vaidade que a nossa nação tem consigo) as a product of having ‘suffered badly’ (mal sofrida) ‘in matters of honour’, in other words a syndrome stimulated by military defeat and humiliation.11 The pomp and circumstance with which Sir James Robert Dunthorp-Smith was greeted into Goa in 1909 was a source of amusement to this British ‘servant of India’,12 but we need to bear in mind all those morality tales cautioning how ‘pride comes before a fall’, and the sorry friends of pride, the ‘riches and luxury’ which John Fryer observed in São Tomé de Meliapur on the Coromandel coast, all of them ‘commonly the forerunner of ruin’.13 But riches and luxury were by no stretch of imagination the lot of the Portuguese in South-East Asia. The story of Macao is the story of a community that survived against massive odds, isolated in the world, and ringed in by powerful, massive neighbours that choked any commercial livelihood for years at a stretch. Finally, we need to consider the accusation made by Lambert: that the Portuguese ‘had lost themselves’ as a result of their ‘vice’.14 Vice, or luxuria is—along with pride and insolence, the third widespread accusation in the classic triad of abuse and denigration heaped upon the Portuguese in the Orient. It takes its place in tales of seduction and kidnapping, a society led astray by unquenchable desires. Whilst we shall see its depiction in one of the hitherto unappreciated temple murals of central Burma (see p. ***), I have not found anecdotes from Ayutthaya to point to Portuguese weaknesses in this department apart, perhaps, from offering dignitaries at the Siamese court a sheltered place away from prying eyes where to conduct their misalliances. Perhaps too, the Portuguese campo was

11

António José Saraiva, Fernão Mendes Pinto, Lisbon: Europa-América, 1971, 139. Diogo Ramada Curto, ‘Descrições e representações de Goa’, in Histórias de Goa ed. Rosa Maria Perez, Lisbon: Museu Nacional de Etnologia, 1997, 45–86; James Dunlop Smith & Martin Gilbert, Servant of India: a study of imperial rule from 1905 to 1910 as told through the correspondence and diaries of Sir James Dunlop Smith, London: Longmans, 1966. 13 John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia: being nine years’ travels, 1672– 1681, ed. William Crooke London, 1909–15, vol. 1, 115; William Dampier, A collection of voyages (. . .) Illustrated with maps and draughts: also several birds, fishes and plants, London: James and John Knapton, 1729, vol. II, 161. 14 Letter of Pierre Lambert to M. Fermanel, end May 1664, A.M.E.P., vol. 121, 578. 12

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the place to do this as the population living there had been brought up to consider such behaviour commonplace rather than reprehensible.15 Poverty over the course of the seventeenth century is more puzzling. It was no longer a question simply of social attitudes to work. Magalhães Godinho’s work has tried to show how the evolution of the fidalgo tratante by the end of the sixteenth century was a response to heavy social prejudices in Portugal against the baseness of trade.16 By the first half of the seventeenth century, however, there were plenty of examples—among them viceroys of the Estado da Índia like the Count of Linhares and Francisco da Gama, and governors like Felipe Mascarenhas, Captain-General of Sri Lanka—to illustrate the accommodation made by high-ranking noblemen to the making of worldly fortunes.17 If not attitude to work, what then? In Ayutthaya, the vast majority of the ‘Portuguese’ population were creoles, but the literature from similar colonial contexts would suggest that this was a population able to position itself strategically to take good commercial advantage of the situation.18 Poverty in Ayutthaya also stands in strong contrast to the continued high proportion of Portuguese ship ownership in Malacca, as attested by the shipping lists recently published by Radin Fernando19 and almost certainly also in Makassar. We have mention of only one or two individuals in the entire Portuguese community in Siam who possessed and sent forth ships for trade on the high seas,

15 Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 54. Cf. Friar Domingo Navarrete’s description of insatiable Portuguese sexual appetites in nearby Cochinchina, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, vol. II, 268. 16 Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, Les Découvertes, une revolution des mentalités, Paris: Autrement, 1990, ‘Motivations et attitudes: types socio-culturels’, 72–88; for the opposition to trade amongst the Portuguese establishment, see for example the reports of the Venetian ambassadors Tron and Lippomani, who came to Portugal in 1580 (cited by Alexandre Herculano, Opúsculos, Lisbon: Bertrand, 1939, vol. IV, 122); or the drift of Doutor Frei Amador Arrais, the Bishop of Portalegre, Diálogos, Coimbra: António de Mariz, 1589. 17 On the fortunes of these three individuals, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700. A Political and Economic History, Longman: 1993, 235–6. 18 Ira Berlin, ‘From Creole to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of AfricanAmerican Society in Mainland North America,’ William and Mary Quarterly 53, 2 1996, 251–88; see also John Thorton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1680. Cambridge: C.U.P., 1992 for the place of Creoles and West African agency through trade and political alliances. 19 Radin Fernando, ‘Metamorphosis of the Luso-Asian Diaspora in the Malay Archipelago’, in Peter Borschberg, Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka area and adjacent regions: (16th to 18th century), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004, 175–183.

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and these at different times. One of these was Domingos Lopez Cunha, another Vasco Barbosa (whose ship foundered in the Gulf of Hainan), the other Hyeronimo d’Abreo, a ‘gallant’ individual prepared to take Maria Guyomar out of the country once her husband had fallen from power and her family from royal grace.20 Others, who worked as ship captains for the Siamese crown, such as Francisco Barreto de Pina, as we have seen, could not avoid slipping into a serious degree of poverty, probably because their jobs had been given to others, English captains, such as the two who put into Macao after their two Siamese vessels had met with contrary winds and been blown off course.21 Both private and crown trade was also increasingly managed by officially sponsored Chinese merchants and ship operators residing in Siam at a time of ‘strong alliance between the two partners’, who could call on the ready supply of Chinese crews as already discussed.22 The poverty of the Portuguese community is a very important issue to resolve. Why was it so? It is a commonplace amongst reports on Siam in the seventeenth century that the country benefited from an ‘advantageous situation for trade with China, Japan and Bengal’, and Sarasin Viraphol, the author of an important monograph on SinoSiamese commercial relations, shows how the period 1652–1717 was otherwise marked by a rise in international trade.23 Scrupulous analysis of extant shipping records show that although Japan ceased to send ‘red seal’ ships from 1635, Ayutthaya maintained its junks on the route to Japan better than other ports in the region, so that its share of the Southeast Asian shipping rose from 19.6% in the 1650s to 28% in the 1680s.24 International trade was, then, in Ayutthaya for the taking. We have seen that other Europeans, principally the Dutch, also fared badly in Ayutthaya. Their factory had gone into a deficit in 1644 which, under Van Muijden’s stewardship had got considerably worse

20 Barbosa is mentioned in the ‘Relação que dá Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo das cousas proximas deste sul’, dated 28 June, 1664, in A.N.T.T., Lisbon, ‘Colecção de São Vicente’, vol. XII, fols. 477 ff.; Abreu is mentioned in the Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 115. 21 Arquivos de Macau, 2nd series, 1941, 157–8. 22 Yeh-Chien Wang, Review of Sarasin Virapohol. Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652–1853 in The Journal of Economic History, vol. 39, no. 2, June 1979, 566–567. 23 Marcel Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution de Siam, 8; Sarasin Virapohol. Tribute and Profit: Sino-Siamese Trade, 1652–1853, Harvard University Press, 1977. 24 Anthony Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1999.

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by 1649.25 As Alfons van der Kraan concludes, Siam in this period was far from the top of the Company’s list of priorities, and certainly well below such potentates as the Mughal Emperor of India, the Emperor of China and the Shogun of Japan.26 Portuguese maritime trade in South-East Asian waters remained, however, firmly in the hands of the merchant community in Macao. This had been the case ever since the anonymous Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas, produced in 1582, clearly situated the ‘voyage’ to Siam as one of three legs involving Japan and Macao, and whose selling price was estimated at a modest, but respectable 1500 cruzados.27 By the mid-seventeenth century, they tried to make annual trips to Siam, ̰ Cambodia and the Nyugên principality ‘Domingo Navarrete reports how speciality items like swallows’ nests were exported by Portuguese from Cambodia and Siam and directed to the Chinese market.’28 But although we have no reason to doubt that they were well received when they put into Siam—hauião recebido grande agazalhado as the Estado da Índia acknowledged, where even commercial duties were waived29— and were even told that the King would provide them with a feitoria when they asked for it (quando se lhe peça), we need to remember the tumultuous political events in which the City of the Name of God was involved for much of the course of the seventeenth century. The Siamese royal concession of monopoly rights in favour of the English30 and Dutch,31 when international trade was not actively conducted by

25

Coolhaas, Generale Missiven, vol. II, 20 January 1651. Van der Kraan, On Company Business, 1998, 49. 27 Francisco Paulo Mendes da Luz, ‘Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas que a Coroa de Portugal tem nas partes da Índia, e das capitanias, e mais cargos que nellas há, e da importância deles’, separata de Studia, no. 6, 1960. Luís Filipe Ferreira Thomaz has produced a table elucidating the values of different ‘voyages’ in ‘Les Portugais dans les mers de l’Archipel au XVIe siècle’, in Archipel, 1979, vol. 18, 122–123. 28 The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, vol. I, 9; Leonhard Blussé, ‘In praise of commodities: an essay on the cross-cultural trade in edible birds’ nests’, in Roderich Ptak and Dietmar Rothermund, Emporia, commodities and entrepreneurs in Asian maritime trade, c. 1400–1750, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1991, 317–335. 29 Assentos da Conselho da Índia, vol. IV, doc. 55 (Abril 1, 1666). 30 Anthony Farrington & Dhiravat na Pombejra, The English Factory in Siam, 1612– 1685, London: British Library, 2007, vol. 2, 749, 3 October 1683. 31 King Prasat Thong granted the Dutch company an export monopoly in deerskins and cowhides; in 1671–2, Narai granted them a tin export monopoly at Ligor. See De Rooijs’s Report of 20 November, 1672, in the Nationaal Archief, The Hague. It is summarised in Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Crown Trade and Court Politics in Ayutthaya’, in The Southeast Asian Port and Polity, 133, fn. 13. 26

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the fleet of King’s junks, was not a gesture of chagrin to spite the Portuguese but merely a reflection of commercial realities and the lack of Portuguese presence in that part of the world. To be sure, there was a political dimension: the Portuguese simply could not put on a show of strength sufficient to impress the Siamese monarch into allowing them concessions, in the way the Dutch had done in 1663, closing their factory and blockading the Siamese coast and which resulted in the king renewing their monopolies and granting them extraterritorial rights.32 And they did not have the strength to jump from `connecting to, and utilizing of, the pre-existing infrastructure of the regional trading world’ to the next level, one which Wolfram Jäckel describes as the ‘reorganization of the trade infrastructure in order to support a certain strategy of trade organization’.33 In many ways Macanese long-distance trade following the loss of markets in Japan around 1640 was more attracted to the opportunities in Insulindia, and particularly the burgeoning sandalwood trade of Timor.34 The lucrative trade that remained in Siam continued to engage with Japan (we have spoken already of the coffers and lacquer goods that came from Japan, but might mention here the vigorous trade that operated in the opposite direction in select goods like ray and deer skins) but needed the Dutch as intermediaries, who jealously guarded that role. Macanese trade, then—despite the rhetoric of open trade coming from Siamese embassies to Goa—was put off steering through the royal monopolies in Siam where there was also a heightened risk of encountering the Dutch, particularly in the confined spaces of the Menam River that had to be negotiated so as to arrive upstream at Ayutthaya. Encounters between the two parties here, so vividly described by Gijsbert Heeck, invariably left both sides’ vessels with ‘shots through and into the hull’.35 Even before Phaulkon had granted monopolies to the English, the Siamese king (especially Prasat Thong, r. 1629–56) manipulated the market and demanded

32 Records of Relations between Siam and Foreign Countries in the 17th century, Bangkok: Vajirañāna National Library, 1915–6, vol. II, 66–71; more generally, W. Blankwaardt, ‘Notes on Relations between Holland and Siam’, Journal of the Siam Society, xx, 1927, 24–5. 33 Wolfram Jäckel, ‘The Changing Role of Port Cities in the South-East Asian Archipelago’, in Hans-Jürgen Nitz, The Early Modern World System in Geographical Perspective, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1993, 386. 34 Sousa, The survival of empire, especially 181–2. 35 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 31v.

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unreasonable prices via unavoidable toll-houses half-way along the Menam river, so that—in the famous words of Van Vliet’s report— ‘nobody comes to Siam unless compelled to do so’.36 In 1651, one of Prasat Thong’s favourites, Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães was granted the captaincy of Macau as he had been petitioning, though for four years rather than the six he had sought.37 It is not clear that this strengthened relations between the two ports, and the execution of the prominent merchant Sheikh Gombak for selling copper against the royal edict at some undetermined time in the early 1670s was an example of the perils of dabbling in long-distance trade for foreigners in Ayutthaya without the protection of previously agreed rights of extraterritoriality, as the Dutch had obtained in 1664.38 Given these perils, the best commercial strategy seemed to have been to wait for the Siamese King to send explicit purchase orders that the Macanese were best placed to answer. This was the case on one occasion when the King expressed his desire to obtain a Portuguese carpet. Being unable to get a Portuguese carpet, the Macanese at once sent a Persian one, which according to them was more valuable.39 The Portuguese also failed to capitalise on Constantine Phaulkon’s rapid ascent to the Chief Ministership of the country in 1682, inaugurating what Anthony Farrington has called ten years when Ayutthaya became the ‘Wild West’ of Asia. This was despite Phaulkon’s fluency in their language.40 It was in Portuguese that Phaulkon addressed his letters to the Pope, for example. As a Machiavellian character of quick mind, it is difficult to gauge his true intentions, although the Abbé Choisy had the following to say of him: ‘full of great projects, but

36

Van Vliet, Description of the Kingdom of Siam, 90, 93. ‘Requerimento de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães’, fols. 120v–121, in Flores, O Sião como obstáculo, 564. 38 For Sheik Gombak, see the Hikayat Patani, The Story of Patani, eds. Andries Teeuw and David Wyatt, The Hague: Nijhoff, 1970 vol. II, 152–4; the Dutch treaty is reproduced in Vinal Smith, The Dutch East India Company in the Kingdom of Ayutthaya 1974, Appendix VI, 138–141. 39 ‘Carta do Barcalão do rei de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção de cartas e presentes, a participar a liquidação da dívida do Leal Seando para com o rei de Sião e a pedir alguns tapetes persas’, in Arquivos de Macau, 3ª. Série, vol. VI, no. 1, July 1966, 11. The document is dated according to the Siamese calendar year of 1084 (Chulasakarat era), which would correspond to 1722 or 1723, see John C. Eade, The Calendrical Systems of Mainland South-East Asia. Handbuch der Orientalistik, Dritte Abteilung, Sudöstasien 9, Leiden/New York: Brill, 1995. 40 Anthony Farrington, Trading Places. The English East India Company and Asia, 1600–1834, London: British Library, 2002, 77. 37

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perhaps he only wanted to have French troops in order to try and make himself king after the death of his master, which he saw as imminent’.41 To these ends, in the brief time that he had some say in the running of the country, Phaulkon’s actions were directed towards the French, not the Portuguese. Even when he gathered the European fraternity together in Ayutthaya for a banquet, ostensibly to celebrate Pedro II of Braganza’s assumption of power on November 6, 1683, toasts were made to Louis XIV, the Dauphin, the Dukes of Burgundy and Anjou, to the Dauphine and, ultimately, all the princes and princesses of France. French narrators of this event relate how if the feast took place ostensibly to honour the King of Portugal, intentionally the honour was paid to the King of France.42 Petty trade (pequeno tráfico) with the Siamese seaports, probably in low-value commodities such as hides, pewter and sappanwood alongside foodstuffs, rather than luxuries such as lacquer and ivory, seems to have been more available to Portuguese entrepreneurs, typically with little access to credit. They may also have involved themselves with trade in goods like sugar cane syrup, bees wax and honey, which came from the northern kingdom of Phitsanulok. Lists like that entitled ‘Riquesas que produs o Estado da India’, to be found in the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid and thus presumably from the period of the Two Crowns, enumerate dispassionately the goods to be found in Siam: From Siam comes sapa wood (pão sapão), musk and benjamin, aloes-wood (aguila), rough silk thread, and coloured silk, green cloth, lac, saltpetre and tin, lead, a lot of brass, copper, the best jars to be had, a lot of oil but not from the olive-tree, which does not exist anywhere in the Estado da India, a lot of rice, and salt, and many other things, and nowadays they are starting to produce aniseed.43

Portuguese trade in Siam sometimes came in from places like Madras, with freight shipped on account not only of the Portuguese merchants there, like one ‘Sig.r. Francessci D’Acha’, but also English merchants, who were encouraged privately to invest, even if this constituted

41 François-Timoléon Choisy, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de Louis XIV, Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy Habillé En Femme, Paris: Mercure de France, 1983, 150. 42 José Fernandes Costa, Um portuguez ministro omnipotente no reino de Sião, 1920, 74. 43 ‘Riquesas que produs o Estado da India’, Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Mis. 3015, repr. in Documentação Histórica Ultramarina, vol. II. Note that fuitas couzas is a misprint. Cf. Morelli’s list of precious goods and their value reported to the French King in 1684, Archivio di Stato, Firenze, f. 1605, Lettera 210 r.

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Fig. 14. Portuguese in hat running from a tiger, Wat Mai Luak, Tha Rua, Thailand.

interloping and was considered patently ‘unlawful’ by the Directors like William Hedges.44 Sappan wood was one of the common goods exported, as referred to in the records.45 Overland trade with neighbouring Cambodia—traditionally conducted by ‘Moors’ depicted on temple murals with gunny bags—also apparently prospered, despite the complexities of the journey through an area depopulated by constant war. Tigers were a big problem for overland travellers across the region, as we can appreciate from the temple mural in Wat Mai Luak, Tha Rua, Thailand, and Ralph Fitch understood the Peguan custom of living in houses on stilts, not due to the annual flooding, but due to the fear of tigers, which, he was told, 44 Henry Yule ed., The Diary of William Hedges during his a agency in Bengal, as well as on his voyage out and his return overland (1681–87), London: Hakluyt Society, 1887–89, London: Hakluyt Society, vol. I, entry for January 3, 1684. Anna Winterbottom (Queen Mary, London) presented the problems raised by interloping in “The ‘Honourable East India Company’ and its ‘Disorderly Interlopers’, 1658–1709”, a paper presented at the ‘British Asia—British Atlantic New Researchers’ Workshop’, Swansea University, 9 February, 2008. 45 Hedges’s Diary. Entry for May 24, 1683.

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‘be very many’.46 It was a journey to be undertaken, the Dutch author Casteleyn reports, ‘with great effort and at considerable expense— by cart’.47 It is perhaps worth citing in full Marini’s experience of his overland journey between Tenasserim and Ayutthaya to understand what overland trade would have entailed to potential entrepreneurs.48 We grouped about a hundred people, to be able to cross safely the great forest inhabited by every sort of animal: not by lions, which have never been seen here, but full of countless tigers, so thirsty for human blood that no caravan, as the Portuguese call such a procession, transits without somebody getting killed or maimed by such beasts. Sixteen days of travel, I mean, we walked through horrendous woods and between mountains completely covered in thick vegetation. The whole path was opened by axe and machete in order for it to be possible to pass’ (affinche la via corra ne possible uniforme).

Physical problems jeopardising long-distance trade In the previous section, we concluded that the Siamese Crown’s monopolistic policy on trade was partly responsible for the misfortunes of the Portuguese tribe in Aytthaya. We might also like to ask what the physical circumstances of inland ports such as Ayutthaya were. Was gradual silting of the river, for example, possibly the case? We have differing reports as to the navigability of the Chao Phraya in large shipping vessels. Ayutthaya, although inland was, Gervaise contends, fully accessible by large, sea-going vessels; they could even ascend the canals, constructed shortly after the foundation of the city to ensure that the city was completely encircled by water, and frequently dredged. Gervaise describes these canals as ‘quite wide, straight and deep enough to carry the largest vessels’.49 Other authors, such as Johann Jakob Merklein, transhipped at the mouth of the Chao Phraya, at the village of ‘Pantiophia’, also known as Bontempia, so as to ascend the river to Ayutthaya in a Barke. Once arrived in the capital, he made a pointed contrast between how the city and river ‘was 46

Ralph Fitch, in Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. X, 185. Pieter Casteleyn, Strange Events in the Kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos, 7; Reid, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450–1680, vol. 2, 53–58. 48 Marini, Delle Missioni, chapter 2.2; cf. Friar Domingo Navarrete’s description of the same journey, in The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, 1618–86, ed. J.S. Cummins, Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, vol. 2, §7. 49 Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 43. 47

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continuously crawling (wimmelt stetig) with people’ whilst there were nevertheless ‘few great ships (wenig grosse Schiffe)’.50 Elaborate maps of the course of the river between ‘De Modder Bank’ i.e. the bar, and Ayutthaya itself, were made by the Dutch for the sake of those six to ten vessels considering this fluvial ascent, and even published as ‘De Groote Siamse Rievier Me-Nam’ in Valentijn’s Oud en Nieuw OostIndien. However, the confluence of the three rivers at Ayutthaya did present shipping with certain problems, as the confluence of the three rivers, a place known as ‘Samphao Lom’, or ‘Sinking Junk’, was known for its whirlpools. Other accounts highlight the ‘very great infraction’ (delitto grandissimo) that sailing one’s ship too close to the city, and not to an appointed place, entailed—Padre Antonio Cardim relates how a Portuguese captain guilty of such was seized, together with the missionary he was carrying on board, bound tightly in chains, and thrown into prison.51 Illustrations of the Dutch factory in Anthony Hippon’s Sevende Reys na Oost-Indien op Kosten van de Engelse Maats Chappy (1707) depict a clutch of masts anchored directly behind the lodge, which was situated directly on the waterfront of the Chao Phraya river. Was shipwreck in the delta or Gulf of Siam a factor that affected the development of a flourishing seaborne trade? While the waters of the Gulf of Siam were relatively calm for long stretches of the year, the wind from the south (Cambodians adopt the Malay name for this wind, Sălátăn) presaged hurricanes which in legendary lore broke ships’ anchors and carried vessels off to the high seas, and the sea remained an object of considerable fear, threatening to carry mariners off (Notton uses the verb engloutir, to ‘swallow up) to the Mahā Avīcī, or Hell itself.52 Protection was often besought from the Guardian of the Seas, Goddess Manimekhala. Shipwreck figures in the Mahajanaka Jātaka as depicted in Wat No, Suphanburi, and again at Wat Mai Luak in Tha Rua, Thailand (see plates below). The jātaka relates how Mahajanaka travels east, bound for Suvannabhumi, the golden land of the East, in a vessel overloaded with men and animals from seven large caravans. Overweight,

50

Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 1644–53, 84. Cardim, Relatione della prouincia del Giappone, 55–156. 52 Camille Notton, ‘Légende d’un Naufrage de Khmers au pays de P’ra Kala’, in Légendes sur le Siam et le Cambodge, Bangkok: Imprimerie de l’Assomption, 1939, 112, 114. 51

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the ship begins to founder, with planks breaking off and the water rising higher and higher. Mahajanaka, knowing that the ship was sinking, did not panic. He prepared himself for the ordeal by eating a full meal, covered himself in sugar and ghee to protect himself from the water, then tied himself to the mast. When the ship went down, men and animals were devoured by the sharks and fierce turtles that infested the ocean, but the mast remained upright. Mahajanaka with his superior strength was able to throw himself a distance of 140 cubits from the ship, thus escaping the fate of the other passengers. Turning now to the depictions, it is interesting that in both cases, the depictions figure indigenous representations of European craft and sailors. At Wat Mai Luak, the vessel depicted here is not unlike du Bruant’s frigate (actually commandeered from the King of Siam) with which he abandoned Mergui on 24 June 1688, and so may well have been French rather than Portuguese.53 Despite the warnings of physical hazards to navigators contained in the Undang-undang Laut (Maritime Law of Malacca, written down between 1488–1511), Chinese and Japanese pirates hiding in the Mekong and Menam delta were considerably more of a threat to European shipping, and the Siamese Crown regularly fitted out vessels (as for example, under Phaulkon) instructed to flush them out.54 Fontaney dwells on these Chinois rebelles in the account of his sea journey, describing how the two large islands of Pol Uli and Pol Condor were abandoned by the Malay populations living there on account of the ‘corsairs who came to trouble them (inquiéter) at all times’.55 The late thirteenth century text entitled ‘The Customs of Cambodia’ by Chou Ta-kuan describes this tricky waterworld: Of the score of mouths through which the river debouches, only the fourth has a channel; all the others have sand banks on which large boats can run aground. All that meets the eye are high rushes, dead trees, yellow sand, and white reeds; there are no land-marks and even mariners have trouble locating the real channel. From the beginning of the

53 See the contemporary watercolour of du Bruant’s frigate in Marcel Le Blanc. Histoire de la révolution de Siam, Fig. 16. 54 Undang-undang Melaka; dan Undang-undang laut, ed. Hassan Ahmad, Kuala Lumpur: Yayasan Karyawan, 2003; 23 July, 1687 ‘Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre uma carta que o capitão-geral de Macau escreveu à Mesa da Câmara acerca do requerimento que lhe foi feito pelos capitães das naus do rei de Sião para se recolherem nesta cidade’, publ. in Arquivos de Macau, 2nd series, 1941, 157–158. 55 Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney, 276.

Fig. 15. Depiction of European shipwreck scene, Wat Mai Luak, Tha Rua, Thailand.

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channel a gentle current permits a ship to reach Ch’a-nan, one of the Cambodian provinces in the north, in about fifteen days.56

Shipwrecks, however did, on occasion, occur, as happened to a Portuguese vessel of Luís de Montarroio off Ligor in 1545 whose entire cargo was then confiscated by the shahbandar; it also happened to Inácio Gomes who sank off the Arakanese coast with a group of fellow Portuguese travellers in 1608 although, if Fontaney is to be believed, these shipwrecks were caused by the ‘lack of resolution’ on the part of the crew and captain as much as by physical circumstances.57 Inter-cultural tensions, and shifting official policy The question as to what went wrong with the Portuguese diaspora still, in part, remains. The three aforementioned authors Hamilton, Dampier and Gervaise would suggest we should lay the blame squarely with the Portuguese themselves. There were, to be sure, strong intercultural tensions with the Siamese host society: anecdotal mention of the triggers for this tension and the circumstances surrounding the disputes are often quite illuminating of the larger picture. Alexander Hamilton, for example, reports how the Portuguese were summarily attacked for cultural insensitivity such as shooting at crows, and it was a third party—French doctors—that set the Portuguese victims’ broken bones.58 From this episode, we can perceive that, as in Daingri pet at the time of Friar Sebastien Manrique’s falling ill to malaria, no resident Portuguese doctor was forthcoming, whilst the French M.E.P. presence in St. Joseph’s settlement had cultivated their medical abilities to the point that all priests were required to assist at morning dressings, in order to gain experience in treating surgical cases.59 A hospital had been up and running since 1667, with twenty-five beds for the worst cases and 70–80 daily outpatient visits (consultation externe).60 While Louis Laneau was the médecin-chef, René Charbonneau administered

56 Chou Ta-kuan, ‘Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge’, ed. Paul Pelliot, Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extreme Orient, vol. 2, numéro 2, 1902: 137–177. 57 Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, ch. 183; Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, vol. I, cap. XXIX; Le Voyage du Père de Fontaney, 265. 58 Alexander Hamilton. A Scottish Sea Captain in Southeast Asia, 154. 59 Hutchinson, The French Foreign Mission in Siam During the XVIIth Century, 18. 60 ‘Hôpital à Siam, 1667–1672’ in Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam. Documents Historiques, vol. I, 66–67.

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the greater part of the treatments before his defection from the order. Special initiatives had been made to cure Phra Narai’s crippled younger brother, who was confined to the palace.61 Whilst the deployment of medical technologies was an issue that clearly distinguished the practical utility of the Portuguese and French communities to their Siamese host, it is worth here reflecting on the problematic co-existence of crows in the Ayutthayan urban environment, and which appear on repeated occasions in Thai literature. In the Jātakas, the Bodhisat’s putting to flight armies with evil intent is often likened to the way ‘a crow is scared by a clod’.62 But there seems to be an ocean of difference in the Thai world between throwing a clod at a crow and causing its death, as the Portuguese were doing on this occasion, and which was regarded as an evil omen. In Ayutthaya, Wat Mahathat’s gilt chatra or steeple, for example, was reputed to have impaled a crow during a fight between two birds and, as an evil omen, led to the city’s fall to the Burmese in 1767.63 In neighbouring Burma, too, the crow had auspicious connotations: folk legends relate the story of the golden crow, which distributed presents from a golden house on top of a nearby tamarind tree.64 By killing crows, the Portuguese were invoking their own disaster. It is worth considering whether official Siamese policy with respect to the Portuguese shifted over the second half of the seventeenth century. While the Siamese continued to uphold what they sought as ‘good relations’ (boa correspondençia) with the Estado da Índia, and sought tax breaks on trading ventures conducted with Goa, it seems obvious that the Siamese rulers were cunning pragmatists, who lost their regard for the Portuguese once they no longer seemed to be of any use to the country, and shifted their attentions to foreign nations on the rise, especially the Dutch and the French.65 This seems far more plausible than Maria da Conceição Ferreira Flores’s suggestion that the Thai kings bore some long-held grudge against the Portuguese through from the sixteenth century on the basis that Portuguese policy had been more supportive of Pegu, Siam’s principal enemies.66 61

‘Journal de la Mission’, 1673, in Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, vol. I, 48–9. Edward B. Cowell, The Jātaka, or, Stories of the Buddha’s former births, Cambridge: University Press, 1895–1907, vol. 6, 220, 228. 63 Moore, Ancient Capitals of Thailand, 264. 64 Maung Htin Aung, Folk Tales of Burma, Sterling Publishers, 1976, ch. 7. 65 Assento do Conselho da Índia, vol. 4, doc. 55 (Abril 1, 1666). 66 Flores, O Sião como obstáculo, 563, note 12. 62

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Bhawan Ruangsilp, who has just written a book about relations with the Dutch, explicitly pursues the pragmatist line of argument, using the concept of ‘conditional partnership’67 to remind us that the co-existence was not born of authentic, original mutual respect. Despite assurances of ‘the firm and unchanging nature of his friendship’, backed up by appeals to treat the Siamese ‘as [the French King’s] enemies if they neglect to carry out his wishes’, Europeans often railed at what they perceived as the fickle and treacherous nature of the Siamese and their King.68 The Portuguese intermediaries ‘on the ground’ in the 1721 embassy from Macao were forced to open and change the official letters, arguing that ‘because these gentiles are so untrusting, they immediately think they are being cheated, and from one small ambiguity (incoherencia) that they notice, they will make a ‘cavalryman from a trifle’, as they say, and attribute the boats a thousand disgraces (precepissios)’.69 The Dutch Opperhoofd Jeremias Van Vliet had already observed that in ‘Siamese diplomacy, friendship lasts as long as some presents are received’.70 But what did this fickleness actually translate into? Already in 1649 the Portuguese trader Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo complained about Siamese ‘vexations’ (Siamse vexatien) on the return from his voyage there, and he told the Dutch ‘he would never go there again’ (dat daer noijt wilde weder keeren).71 Preference for other European nations meant that the French were given certain privileges denied the Portuguese, such as being allowed to dwell within the capacious twenty-miles of Ayutthayan city walls in stone houses, and in streets ‘large and straight’,72 rather than having to move to a specified quarter of bamboo and reed shacks outside, though the French Metropolitan

67

Ruangsilp, Dutch East India Company Merchants. Reply to M. de Chaumont, in E.W. Hutchinson ed., ‘Four French State Manuscripts’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XXVII, 220. 69 Accounts of the 1721 embassy in ‘Carta que o Padre António Soares de Companhia de Jesus escreveu do Sião para o Leal Senado, a dar conta do que se passou nesse reino com a embaixada portuguesa liderada pelo capitão Manuel de Vidigal Gião’, and ‘Carta do Barcalão de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção de presentes para as autoridades siamesas, a enviar outros para o Leal Senado e a dar conta dos resultados da embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião’, in Arquivos de Macau, vol. 1, no. 3, Agosto 1929, 157–58, 163–4. 70 Pombejra / Kraan / Wyatt / Baker, Van Vliet’s Siam, 166. 71 Coolhaas, Generale Missiven, 1960, vol. II, 334–5, 374; Heeres, Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis, 1895, vol. III, 455, 457. 72 La Loubère, Du Royaume de Siam, 18. 68

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Fig. 16. Typical Siamese house on stilts over the canals, sketched in Simon de la Loubère (1687/88). From Kaempfer’s description, we can assume that the houses of the Portuguese tribe were of this ilk.

bishop was built a ‘palace’ out of town,73 probably at the heart of what became known as the ‘St. Joseph Settlement’, the centre of French missionary activities to the west of the Portuguese settlement. Part of the problem was undoubtedly poor leadership. Da Costa, as he intimated to Chevreuil in December 1665, was anxious in his old age to retire from Cambodia to Goa ‘to prepare for his death’, not wanting to die—like Father Six in Phat-Diem, Annam—‘the death of Saint Francis Xavier in the solitude of a wretched hut lost in the forests of his Mission’.74 He may also have wanted, like one of his

73

Kaempfer, The history of Japan, Book 1, 22. Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, 105; Olichon, Father Six, 34. Cf. Fr. Manuel da Fonseca was no poor leader but desired to retire to Goa ‘to die in the midst of his dearly beloved Fathers and Brothers (. . .) having so much suffered 74

Fig. 17. A detail of the Portuguese bandel in Hughli, Bengal from the Padshahnamah, fol. 117A. The stone houses and towers were probably largely painted from the anonymous artist’s imagination.

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predecessors at the head of the Malaccan diocese, D. Gonçalo da Silva (1613–1636), to recoup the salary the Crown had failed to pay him for several years previously, though Silva was obliged to sail from Goa, where he arrived in 1626, to Portugal, where he arrived in 1629, to make a final settlement. The trip to Goa Da Costa finally achieved in November 1667. He admitted to not having led Mass for one year, and was described by Chevreuil as ‘languid’. His adjutant was even weaker: older, no longer of service to the Church and who had abandoned prayer and catechism four years earlier. Costa wanted the French Father Louis Chevreuil from the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide to take over his flock and ‘all his authority’ (tutta la sua autorità). In his correspondence, Lambert de la Motte, who indeed persuaded da Costa to surrender his powers with regard to Siam to the M.E.P., plays on this to make out that Costa was happy to abandon his post to the French.75 Indeed, after da Costa, although the Holy See in Rome decided on 14 December 1668 that the bishopric of Malacca should continue to exercise jurisdiction despite the see’s dispersion, the now Capitular Vicar’s seat actually passed to Timor, abundant evidence of the abject failure of the Cambodian mission, although many of these Timorese appointees either sought to flee their post for more attractive ones closer to home, committed suicide on their long journey out to their post, or else died promptly on arrival.76 In Siam, meanwhile, the Vicar Forane at the time of Siqueira’s visit in 1684 was a ‘priest who is worthless and has so little authority that nobody respects him’.77 It is perhaps in view of such lacklustre direct leadership over the Portuguese communities in this part of the Shadow Empire that Collis refers to the Portuguese as ‘masterless men’.78 Nor does the military element the Portuguese provided to the King of Siam’s retinue appear particularly impressive. If at one time

in that long and painful captivity’, Annual Letter of 1640, in Hosten, Fr. Manoel da Fonseca in Ava (1613–1652), 33. 75 A.M.E., vol. 5, 190; vol. 121. 76 For a brief biography of these bishops—Dom Frei Antonio da Paz, Dom Gregorio dos Anjos, and Dom Frei Antonio de Santa Theresa—see Rev. R. Cardon, Catholicism in the East and the diocese of Malacca, 1511–1888. Singapore: Malaya Catholic Leader, 1938.23; see also Silva Rego (consulted in Universidade Católica, Lisbon) from Bull. Patronatus, II, 413, and P.re António Lopes, S.J. Malaca e a Evangelização Portuguesa, esp. ch. XXI. The last Bishop of Malacca was D. Francisco de S. Damaso Guimarães, confirmed on 15 March, 1815. 77 Seabra, The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira (1684–1686), 226. 78 Collis, The Land of the Great Image, 21.

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Diogo Veloso and his associate Blas Ruíz de Hernan González were cut-throat mercenaries capable of staging the most daring of palace coups in neighbouring Cambodia, and active in the consolidation of fortresses, and construction of embrasures and military watch-towers across Thailand (as, for example, borne out in the architectural testimony of Kamphaeng Phet), even in 1645 Fr. António da Trindade could affirm that the ‘King of Siam would say that in his best city a single company of sixty Portuguese soldiers offered greater security than an army of sixty thousand men’.79 However, by the end of the seventeenth century, according to Vollant des Verquains, Phaulkon ‘did not dare rely on the fidelity of his troops’, a mix of Siamese and Indo-Portuguese troops.80 Kaempfer was describing them as ‘idle vagrants’, who ‘roved and sauntered about the palace’.81 Could we perhaps explain how the Portuguese loan word sala for ‘audience hall’ was quick to enter the Thai language on the basis of all this sauntering around? Meanwhile, Forbin records how they were divided up into companies of 30 or 40 and then, given their mediocrity, assigned a French or English commander above them.82 One matter for debate concerns the possible Portuguese constituents of the praetorian guard of the palace known as the braços pintos or ‘painted arms’, witnessed by Chaumont’s embassy in the fourth courtyard of the royal palace carrying swords of gold and tambac, and sent for example as bailiffs to oblige Mme. Constance to surrender the whereabouts of the treasure commonly believed to be buried in his palace after the First Minister’s fall from grace.83 This, at least, is Marcel Le Blanc’s interpretation.84 Desfarges believed they were sent ‘to guard her from the attention of Phetracha’s son Sorasak’.85 On another occasion, they were sent to Mergui to hasten Samuel White

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Fr. António da Trindade, Sermão pregado em dia do Seraphico padre Sam Francisco em o Convento de Goa, Lisbon: Paulo Craesbeeck, 1645, f. 34v. 80 Michael Smithies ed., Three Military Accounts of the 1688 ‘Revolution’ in Siam by Lieutenant General Desfarges, De La Touche, and J.V. des Verquains, Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2008, 108. 81 Kaempfer, The history of Japan 1727, Book 1, 29. 82 Le Voyage du comte de Forbin à Siam, 50. 83 Bèze calls them ‘Red Arms’, Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 101. In correct Portuguese, braços pintos should be braços pintados, suggesting that this is creole. English printed documentation refers to ‘Bragos Pintados’. 84 Marcel Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution de Siam. 85 Smithies, Three military accounts, 50.

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up to court’.86 Chaumont compared the braços pintos with the Gardes de la Manche (Guards of the Sleeve) in France, which was an elite squad formed as the king’s personal guard with twenty-four of the most experienced men from the Company of Scottish Archers.87 Why, however, were the braços pintos attributed a Portuguese name, and more to the point, were some of their members drawn from the Portuguese tribe? The majority were almost certainly tribesmen from the northern, mountainous parts of the country, slaves and state bondsmen who were tattooed as a means of ensuring that they remained in their allotted place in society.88 But what of the rest? A slave population? To widen out the question, is it possible that the Portuguese too, had descended to the level of common slaves? While in Malacca, the Portuguese had themselves been slave-owners, in Siam, of course, the Portuguese were in no position of political authority.89 Anthony Reid, who has scrutinised a number of South-east Asian law codes, recognises a number of ways that one could enter into bondage: via a line of inheritance; sale by parents, husband or by one’s own hand; capture in war; judicial punishment and failure to pay off debts were all ways one could find oneself enslaved.90 There are no racial stipulations as regards slavery in these codes. Perhaps the most poignant suggestion is made by Friar Domingo de Navarrete, who explains how the Portuguese diaspora ‘would fain get away from thence [Cambodia], but are

86 An Historical Abstract of Mr. White, his Management of Affairs, in his Shahbander Ship of Tenassery and Mergui (. .), B.L., Asia, Africa and Pacific collections, MSS Eur. D. 300, 8. 87 The ‘Gardes de la Manche’ name came from the fact that they stood so close to the king as to be brushed by his sleeves. See General Louis Susane, Histoire de l’infanterie française, Paris, Dumaine, 1876–77, 5 vols. 88 B.J. Terwiel. ‘Bondage and Slavery in Early Nineteenth Century Siam’, in Anthony Reid, Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast Asia, St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1983, 118–137. 89 Between escravos and dependents, historians have estimated slaves constituted as much as 5% of the population there, Ian McGregor, ‘Notes on the Portuguese in Malaya’, Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XXVIII, no. 2, 1955, 12, n. 37. 90 Reid, Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450–1680, vol. 1, 131. Fitch in Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol X, 191—describes the system of enslavement from debt in Pegu.

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not suffered by the King who says they are his slaves and the reason is, because some Portugueses have borrow’s Mony of the King to trade, and pawn’d their Bodys for it. The King easily lent it them, and it is his Maxim ‘That all who in that manner receive his Mony, are his Slaves and have not the least Liberty left them’, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Navarrete, vol. II, 268. We know that some Portuguese, such as the wife of Constantine Phaulkon, Mme. Constance, for example, were condemned to perpetual slavery in the princess’s kitchens, along with her mother, her aunts and her grandmother following the ‘treason’ in which her husband was implicated in 1688. This order was rigorously maintained until Phetracha’s death in 1703.91 Elsewhere, we find that following the fall of Syriam the King of Burma forcibly took the Portuguese population inland, and they remained slaves twenty-two years later as a passing Augustinian priest could testify in 1635.92 Similarly, in Mrauk-U, one of the tasks Friar Manrique set for himself was interceding on behalf of nine families of Christian slaves resident near Mahamuni. They had been captured from Mughal vessels, on which they had served as mariners, and had been in captivity for thirteen years.93 The Arakanese King Satwuidhanmaraja similarly treated the Portuguese as enemies, enslaving them and ‘placing them as slaves in the forest’.94 In Aceh, Beaulieu reports on a group of Portuguese slaves who had ‘obtained the means to live well’ as expert bleeders of the sick ‘and beyond that to pay other men to perform the task of labour ordered by the King’.95 But Acheh was a Muslim sultanate notoriously contrary to the Portuguese, as the series of seventeenth century wars between the two powers attests. Siam under Phra Narai, on the other hand, although a society as La Loubère put it, dreaming of nothing ‘than to make slaves’,

91 A letter written in Latin and dated 20 June 1706 by her hand asked the French Compagnie des Indes to return the monies the company owed her late husband. The letter, formerly held in the archives at the Quai d’Orsay, Paris, is reproduced in vol. 8 of the Journal of the Siam Society. 92 Fr. José Sicardo, O.S. Aug., Christiandad del Japon, y dilatada persecución que padeciò. Memorias sacras de los martyres de las ilustres religiones de Santo Domingo, San Francisco, Compañía de Jesús; y crecido numero de Seglares; y con especialdad, de los Religiosos del Orden de S. Augustin, Madrid: Francisco Sañz, 1698, ch. III, 17–37. 93 Cited in Collis, The Land of the Great Image, 140. 94 The Maritime Frontier of Burma, 115. 95 A. de Beaulieu, Mémoires du Voyage aux Indes Orientales du General Beaulieu, dresses par luy-mesme, in Relations de divers voyages curieux, ed. M. Thevenot, Paris: Cramoisy, 1666, Part II, 61.

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drew purposeful distinctions.96 Slaves were to be made of the local people or Peguans entering Siam; otherwise, Chaumont’s distinction holds—a society where the inhabitants were ‘gentle by nature and affable to foreigners (. . .) so long as they do not abuse them’.97 Enslavement, if it did occur in Siam, was a phenomenon of the Phetracha era, and then was largely a phenomenon of reducing individuals to domestic service. At the same time, it is important to recognise that in many areas of South-East Asia, such as Malacca and Acheh, slaves were not considered to be of lower status than the general population. Furthermore, slaves could gain considerable wealth and power; many even had their own accommodation. The story of ‘Jeanchi’, a native of Macao in China, is the story of an enslavement off Mergui by the Burmese in 1760, but redemption through industry and ability, manumission and arrival at a certain status as ‘captain’, proceeding even to marry the grand-daughter of Constantine Phaulkon.98 In comparison to European and Atlantic forms of slavery, there was generally less social distinction between slaves and the rest of the population in South-East Asia.99 In conclusion, it would be too hasty to suggest the Portuguese tribe had become something approximating a slave population in late seventeenth and eighteenth-century Siam, although we must acknowledge that slavery did apply in some cases to members of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ in South-East Asia. This was more applicable in less politically developed areas, and areas where slavery and slave-raiding was more endemic. Meanwhile, the religious orders—and particularly the Jesuits— professed their determination to undermine slavery, particularly debt slavery, principally by granting loans to the needy without interest.100

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Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Étude historique et critique du livre de Siam de La Loubère, 321. Alexandre de Chaumont, A Relation of the late Embassy of Mons. De Chaumont, Knight to the Court of the King of Siam, with an account of the government, state, manners, religion and commerce of that kingdom, London: Henry Mortlock, 1687, 102. 98 François Henri Turpin, A History of Siam, The empire up to A.D. 1770, Bedford, Mass.: Applewood Books, 2009, 149. 99 Clifford Sether, ‘Slavery’ in Ooi Keat Gin ed., South-East Asia, a historical encyclopedia from Angkor Wat to East Timor. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 2004, 1222–1223. 100 Historians today are more wary about historical realities. Jeannette Pinto, ‘Slavery: the Jesuit Response in Goa, Indica, March 2001, vol. 38, issue 1–2, 109–175 points to hypocrisy, especially the Jesuit tendency to themselves keep domestic slaves, but accepts that the clergy drew attention to the worst abuses; see also Julio Arisitizábal, ‘Pedro Claver: um santo controvertido’, in Boletin de História y Antiguedades, vol. 85, Issue 800, 1998, 99–128. 97

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And, as we shall see in a minute, once other European populations had been displaced from Siam in the wake of the 1688 court revolution, we can find Portuguese descendents immediately filling many of the important professions, a form of social climbing. The Portuguese ‘tribe’ in eighteenth century Siam One of the current historiographical debates concerns the Phetracha coup in 1688 and whether it genuinely ushered in a period of xenophobia and retreat from international engagement, with Siam becoming a ‘hermit kingdom’ in the language of the academic literature. Traditionally, historians like Hutchinson have insisted that the country became moved by ‘a spirit of blind and arrogant self-sufficiency’.101 Revisionist historians would like to suggest that this was not necessarily the case, since relations between Siam and China were strengthened in this period, and that Phetracha was not personally motivated by xenophobia, but used it to motivate political support.102 The Europeans are typically presented as the primary victims of the Revolution, a letter from Bishop Laneau complaining how ‘for thirteen months we have been in jail, cast out from our homes and stripped of all our possessions, and subsisting on charity for our mutual support’.103 In another document, Father Maldonado S.J. reported how the ‘rage (furor) of the Siamese found vent in imprisonment, blows, defilement, and every form of insult, indignity (ad omnem ignominiam conjectas) which was levelled against the French’.104 The Franciscan Luís de la Madre de Deus, for example, was brought in chains by ship to the capital where he was imprisoned, dying from his mistreatment on 23 September 1689.105 In other places, like Mergui, the massacres were considerably more virulent. About 33 English and 20 Portuguese are estimated to

101 For such a traditional position, see, for example, Hutchinson, Adventurers in Siam, 192–3. 102 Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, ch. 11. See also Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Ayutthaya at the end of the seventeenth century: was there a shift to isolation?’, in Anthony Reid ed., Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief, Ithaca & London, 1993, 250–72. 103 Bishop Louis Laneau, ‘Letter of 23 November 1689’, Archives of the Propaganda, Rome, Scritture Riferite, V, 195. 104 ‘Letter of Maldonado S.J. to the General of the Jesuit Order, Siam, 26 November 1688’, Archives of the Propaganda, Rome, Scritture Riferite, vol. V, no. 104, 177–80. 105 Lemmens, Geschichte der Franziskanermissionen, 1929, 109.

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have lost their lives in a midnight affray here.106 Jesuits, Lieutenant de la Touche reported, were however left ‘in complete liberty, their house [Residence] was a place of inviolable refuge for all those who withdrew there, and everything they asked for was granted’.107 The M.E.P. consequently used the Jesuit fathers to preserve their books and ornaments.108 Indeed, historians still debate whether the Jesuits may have bribed Phetracha.109 In terms of what the change of power implied for the Portuguese ‘tribe’, initially at least it meant very little. As Bèze explains, ‘those in the Portuguese Quarter had from the first declared themselves against the French and Constans and, on that score had naught to fear’.110 Portuguese figured amongst the first battlelines in the defence of Bangkok against Desfarges.111 A Portuguese embassy was wisely sent from Macao in 1688 to see for themselves what the turn of events entailed and because ‘this [sic] city needs friendship and trade with the aforementioned kingdom (. . .) and due to the obligations of the Portuguese nation, principally this city’. Unfortunately, we know very little about it other than the Senate’s deliberations that led to its dispatch.112 This document has been reproduced and translated in the appendices at the end of this book. We know that the embassy’s intention was explicitly to pay homage (homenagem) to the new ruler, and that two letters of self-presentation were taken along given the uncertainty as to who had emerged victorious from the power play: one addressed to ‘the Greek’ in case he were still in power; another was addressed to the new government in case the French party had been deposed. But the Portuguese, both in Macao and in Goa, were very careful to tread a line of political neutrality regarding these events.113

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Records of the Relations, etc., vol. V, II, 25. De La Touche, in Smithies, Three accounts, 72. 108 Bishop Louis Laneau, ‘Letter of 23 November 1689’, repr. in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8, 187. 109 Smithies, Three accounts, 72, fn. 31. 110 Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 121. 111 Jacq- Hergoualc’h ed., Étude historique et critique du ‘Journal du voyage de Siam de Claude Cébéret, envoyé extraordinaire du roi en 1687 et 1688’, Paris: L’Harmattan, 1992, 65. 112 ‘Termo do Conselho geral do Leal Senado sobre se convém mandar um barco ao reino de Sião devido às revoluções no dito reino. Assentou-se enviar um com duas cartas, uma para Constantino Falcão e outra para o potencial novo rei, por se ignorer o resultado da revolução’, 17 November, 1688. In Arquivos de Macau, 2nd series, 1941, 275–6. 113 With respect to Goa, see the ‘Parecer do Conselho Ultramarino sobre o que o 107

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Friendship was almost certainly professed to the new regime, and thereafter the loan granted by Phra Narai for the sake of paying for the Saldanha embassy to China started to be paid back. This was done via two methods. Firstly, customs duties (direitos alfandegárias) incurred by Siamese Crown vessels at Canton were paid off by the Portuguese in Macao. Secondly, specie was sent in the form of silk aboard the same returning vessels.114 Another Portuguese embassy was sent from Macao in 1721 on the occasion of the payment of the last instalment of the debt originally contracted 62 years earlier for Ambassador Saldanha’s visit to China. The context of this embassy is unclear. It was probably an expression of triumph issuing from the fact that the Governor, António de Albuquerque Coelho, had been able to restore prosperity to the city after many decades of political and economic uncertainty.115 The embassy may also have been sent after news of a Spanish embassy to Siam accompanied by a Polish Reformed Franciscan Placidus (Placido Albrecht de Valcio) reached Macao in 1718.116 The sum of 72 katies of silver was to be handed over in ‘twenty-one bags of white silk’ alongside presents (sagoate). The Senate requested that Siam grant the Portuguese the same privileges as before, as at one time made clear following the 1616 embassy, though this favour was not fully granted. As the letter of António Soares makes clear (see Appendix), the King ‘revoked his decision with regard to the duties owing the mandarins, foregoing us only those duties owed his estate’. Although one would like to think that the days when Europeans were regaled with privileges

vice-rei Conde de Vila Verde escrevera àcerca dos acontecimentos em Sião’, Lisboa, September 12, 1696, A.H.U., India, Cx. 38, Doc. 63. 114 Leonor da Silva Seabra, Relações entre Macau e o Sião (Séculos XVIII–XIX), Tese mestr. Estudos Luso-Asiáticos, Univ. de Macau, 1994, 21. 115 A. da Silva Rego, O Ultramar Português no século XVIII (1700–1833), Lisbon: Agencia-Geral do Ultramar, 2nd edition, 1970, 107. For this embassy, see Stefan Halikowski Smith, ‘Eighteenth-century diplomatic relations between Portuguese Macao and Ayutthaya: the 1721 debt repayment embassy from Macao’, in Laura Pang ed., Portuguese and Luso-Asian legacies in southeast Asia, 1511–2011, Singapore: N.A.S., 2011. 116 For Placidus, see Pietro Antonio da Venezia, Giardino Serafico Istorico fecondo di Fiori e Frutti di Virtù di Zelo e di Santità nelli trè Ordini Instituiti da S. Francesco, 2 vols., Venice, 1710, vol. I, 100; Stanisław Kleczewski, Kalendarz seraficzny zamykaiący w sobie zywoty wielebnych Sług Boskich Zakonu S.O. Franciszka Reformatów Polskich Osobliwą Swiątobliwoscią znamienitych. Przez X. Stanisława Kleczewskiego, tegoż Zakonu Kapłana zebrany, Dla pożytku Wiernych, y nasladowania cnoty Do Druku podany. Lwow: 1760, I. K.M. y Bractwa Swętej Troycy, 12.

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and incentives to come and do trade in Siam had passed, a co-terminous embassy from Manila was able to sign a commercial treaty by which visiting ships from Manila were granted thoroughgoing exemptions from port duties.117 The embassy went fairly well, although one Siamese mandarin complained that the presents were not enough. At the solemn presentation of the repayment, where the Portuguese were represented by the Jesuit Superior on the instruction of the Viceroy in Goa, the Siamese wanted to know why Macanese ships had not called at Bangkok as previously, adding that if Macao needed more silver, the king was ready to help as previously.118 While relations between Siam and the Senate in Macao remained ‘cordial and friendly’ but hardly vigorous,119 other European groups, such as the Dutch trading factory, hung on in Ayutthaya, international trade being precisely the point the Siamese and the Dutch had in common.120 Surviving muster rolls of the lodge, dated 1737, reveal 33 employees, of whom 26 were currently in Siam.121 In 1715, company trade in deerskins came to an abrupt end, as it was decided that the two East Indiamen allowed annually to Deshima would be more profitably laden with other goods taken on board in Batavia.122 Despite discussions in 1745–46 aimed at closing the factory, the deciding argument to stay was twofold: that the ‘Moors’ or English would

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Llanes, New Knowledge in an Old Account. ‘Carta que o Padre António Soares de Companhia de Jesus escreveu do Sião para o Leal Senado, a dar conta do que se passou nesse reino com a embaixada portuguesa liderada pelo capitão Manuel de Vidigal Gião’, 157–58; ‘Carta do Barcalão de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção de presentes para as autoridades siamesas, a enviar outros para o Leal Senado e a dar conta dos resultados da embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião’, Arquivos de Macau, 1st series, 1929, 163–4. 119 Thailand and Portugal. 470 Years of Friendship, Calouste Gulbenkian for the Celebrations of the 2nd Centenary of the City of Bangkok, Lisbon – Portugal, 1982, 14. Isaú Santos Vasco Gomes sees instead a ‘cooling’ (arrefecimento) in relations following the embassy, Relações entre Macau e Sião. Documentos para a sua história existents no Arquivo Histórico de Macau, Macau: Instituto Cultural, 1993, 10, but does not expand on this. 120 Phetracha signed a trade treaty with the Dutch within four months of the coup, a renewal of the 1664 Thai-Dutch treaty including an appendage that contained the 1671 tin contract, J.E. Heeres and F.W.Stapel, Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum: verzameling van politieke contracten en verdere verdragen door de Nederlanders in het Oosten gesloten, van privilegebrieven aan hen verleend, ’s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1907–55, vol. III, 473–479. 121 Nationalarchief, Den Haag, Inv. No. 5185. Muster roll of 30 June 1757, 2nd series, Siam, f. 299v–300r. 122 E.M. Jacobs, Merchant in Asia: the trade of the Dutch East India Company during the eighteenth century, Leiden: C.N.W.S. Publications, 2006, 213. 118

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capitalise from Dutch retreat; secondly, that Ayutthaya was a good supply of rice when the need arose in Batavia, as had historically been the case over the course of the seventeenth century.123 Pierre Poivre could safely declare in 1745: ‘Today, the Dutch are the only Europeans who go to trade in Siam’, sending three regular ships from Batavia per annum, plus one East Indiaman that stopped in Siam on its way to Japan.124 This declaration, however, only held until 1765, when the V.O.C. lodge was disbanded.125 Dutchmen with other skills, craftsmen to build ships and work on temples and in the Siamese palaces continued to arrive; one such— Nicolaas Bang—a trumpeter from Zaandam, arrived in 1723 and remained for the rest of his life, settling down, marrying, and having children.126 Even Anglo-Saxons remained: Louisa Passagna, daughterin-law of Madame Phaulkon, married an Irishman ‘M. de Crouly, a gentleman settled in Siam’,127 although English trade seems to have been conducted by passing ships rather than representation, and Alexander Hamilton could conduct trade only with difficulty, narrowly escaping arrest and worse during his stay in 1718.128

123 For a muster roll of the VOC lodge, dated 1737, listing 33 individuals, see NA, VOC, Inv. No. 5185. The VOC lodge finally disbanded at an opportune time in 1765. 124 quoted in Kenneth Breazeale, ‘Memoirs of Pierre Poivre: the Thai port of Mergui in 1745’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 97, 2009, 193; Jacobs, Merchant in Asia, 211. 125 For the circumstances surrounding the disbanding of the Dutch factory, see Ruangsilp, Dutch East India Company merchants at the court of Ayutthaya, ch. 7 ‘Remain or Leave? The Dutch and the Eighteenth Century Siamese Court’. 126 NA, Archives of the VOC, Inv. No. 5785, f. 28. Musicians from France had come earlier to Siam under Phaulkon’s instruction. 127 ‘Requête au Roi et à son Conseil’, Archives Nationales d’Outre-mer, Aix-enProvence, FR ANOM C126, fols. 136–7. Related to the Jacobin Counts of Gordon, perhaps the 2nd Count (b. 1691), who spent his life in the French military, see Scottish notes and queries edited by John Bulloch, John Alexander Henderson, 1903, 125. Crouly was probably one of the Wild Geese, an Irish Jacobite army under the command of Patrick Sarsfield that fled from Ireland to France, as agreed in the Treaty of Limerick on October 3, 1691, following the end of the Williamite War in Ireland. But Crouly may have come to Siam with the French missions immediately prior to the 1688 court coup. He is not registered in the English East India Company Archives, see A. Farrington, A biographical index of East India Company maritime service officers: 1600–1834, London: British Library, c1999. He was not, therefore, one of those Irishmen recruited in Ireland by the English East India Company in the 1680s, no. 136, 26. Dutch archival records refer to one Dirk Crool, who sailed on the Ellemeet in 1709 and another Jan Crol, who sailed on the Vlissingen in 1710, see http://vocopvarenden .nationaalarchief.nl/search.aspx [accessed 12 November 2009]. 128 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution de Siam; see, for example, the references to Captain Powny (Powney, Pauni in the French), in F.H. Turpin, ‘The Fall of Ayutthaya

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A nucleus of the French presence too, survived but, as Louis Laneau, the Bishop of Metellopolis explained in a letter of May 1690, whilst the missionaries were at liberty ‘to go about the town’, other Frenchmen remained in prison and suffered ‘bad treatment’.129 One of the concessions of the Siamese embassy to Pondicherry in 1691—which, on the contrary, always insisted that the captives had been treated with gentleness (douceur)—was that it would release the French still interned in prisons ‘under observation’.130 When Guy Tachard visited the court of Phetracha in 1699, to deliver a letter more than ten years old destined for Phetracha’s predecessor, he discovered ‘the city of Siam greatly changed. It is little more than a desert, where there is neither merchant, nor commerce, the Christians, the Moors and the other foreigners have almost all left’. Although the seminary of the M.E.P. mission was ‘re-established and the church completed (achevée)’, the only two Frenchmen there were Gabriel Braud and M. Jarosier.131 The watershed events of 1688 were, of course, followed up by a flow of further restrictions. Missionaries were forbidden to leave the capital and were instructed to use the Thai or Pali language in their religious teachings. In October 1730, a new Phraklang, supported by a brother of the King Taisra (1709–1733), commenced thoroughgoing persecution, culminating in the placing of a stone inscription at the entrance of the St. Joseph Church with four prohibitions on it. It was henceforth forbidden to write Christian books in English or Pali, it was forbidden to preach Christianity to the Siamese, Laotians or Peguans, it was forbidden to admit any of these nationalities to Christianity (or for that matter, Islam) and to say anything disparaging of Buddhism. Petty obstacles and thorns continued to be placed in the path of the missionaries that remained over issues such as swearing the oath of allegiance in front of the Buddha and contesting that the

to the Burmese’, in Michael Smithies ed., Descriptions of Old Siam, Kuala Lumpur/New York: Oxford University Press, 1989, 111–112, and letter from Alexander Hamilton to Hon. Joseph Collett, dated at Siam bar, December 27, 1718 relating to his desire to ‘take satisfaction for some injuries’ from Captain Powney, in Penny, Fort St. George, 94–98; Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, vol. 2, 182–190. 129 Mémoires de François Martin, ch. XXVII, 142. 130 The euphemistic words for imprisonment are contained in a letter of Kosa Pan, dated 27 December, 1693, repr. in The Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8. 131 ‘Relation inedite du père Tachard de ses 3ème et 4ème voyages dans les Indes Orientales. Son ambassade à la cour de Phetracha’. Extracts repr. in Vongsuravatana Un jésuite à la cour de Siam, doc. 3. Originals in Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Ms. Fr. 19030 & Cahier 3, 35–37.

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King could fly, including imprisonment, until an expulsion order was finally issued by the usurper Phaja Tak (a.k.a. King Taksin, r. 1768–82) in December 1779.132 Many remaining Christians had meanwhile been forcibly taken to Pegu as ‘royal slaves’ following the fall of Ayutthaya in 1767.133 French interest in Siam decidedly crumbled at this point: when in 1782, Bishop Condé received his nomination as Vicar Apostolic of Siam, he, together with Fr. Garnault, preferred to proceed to Kedah ‘where the Rajah received them with much kindness’, rather than assume his mission in war-troubled and hostile Bangkok.134 The effects of the 1779 expulsion order on the number of Catholic converts in Siam were marked. Their numbers stood at around 2000 in 1662, shot up thereafter to as much as 180.000 (the figure the French used for propaganda purposes in the mid-1680s) but dropped markedly to 1372 individuals in 1785, before resuming thereafter an upward surge.135 During the Phaja Tak period, a number of Siamese Catholics appear to have left the kingdom to join the French bishop in Kedah, and others were attracted to Penang, a port island city ‘founded’ by Captain Francis Light for the purpose of developing Penang as a naval base and trading centre for the British East India Company in 1736. The fall-out of 1767 and 1779 inevitably hurt the Portuguese in Siam as well. François-Henri Turpin relates how the college the missionaries had set up ‘was reduced to ashes’ and the churches, already looted and profaned in 1688, and most probably indeed knocked down thereafter, also perished in the Burmese attack of 1767 as they were ‘only constructed of stakes and boards, less fit to protect them than to facilitate the progress of the flames’.136 Other pertinent information can be drawn

132 Pietro Cerutti, S.J. The Jesuits In Thailand—Part I (1607–1767), Part I, published by The Society of Jesus, Thailand: http://www.sjthailand.org/ (accessed 29 November, 2009). 133 Turpin, History of Siam, 148. Acharn Pitoon Maliwan has suggested that a number of important Ayutthayan books and manuscripts were similarly transported into Burma rather than suffering destruction, as is commonly believed, ed. Traiphumlokawinichai. 134 ‘De M. Condé, natif d’Auvay en Bretagne, & Missionaire à Siam, à M. de Coëtcanton, Grand-Vicaire du Diocèse de Vannes’, in Lettres Édifiantes, Paris: J.G. Merigot, 1783, vol. XXV, 390–401; a synopsis can be found in Cardon, Catholicism in the East, 24 and extracts in English in Sir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam; with a narrative of the mission to that country in 1855, London: Parker and Sons, 2 vols., 359–69. 135 ‘Thailand in Transition. The Church in a Buddhist country’, in Pro Mundi Vita. Centrum Informationis, Brussels: 1973, 22; cf. Lemmens, Geschichte der Franziskanermissionenen, 109–110. 136 F.-H. Turpin, Histoire Civile et Naturelle du Royaume de Siam, et des Révolutions qui ont boulversé cet Empire jusqu’en 1770, Paris, 1771, vol. 2, 298, 308, 309. It is a seriously

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from Turpin’s account. Firstly, numbers. Whilst still occupying the same quarter of the city, the number of Christians appear vastly diminished: Turpin suggests there were 80 ‘Christians’ to defend different posts of the city, and in another place refers to them as but a ‘handful’.137 This can only contrast sharply with the ‘six thousand Chinese’, who were also engaged with the defence of the city. The Portuguese were nonetheless considered ‘the flower of the Siamese army’, ‘more courageous’ than the Siamese troops, but ‘not better disciplined’. The local Malays and exiled Siamese Catholics in Penang were supplemented by Portuguese Eurasians, trading families like the Pasquals and the Rozella, who were attracted by the offer of as much land which as settlers they could clear, and whose trade went taxed by the British administration and constituted an important source of revenue. It is not clear whether they came from Siam or, as seems more likely, constituted a spill-over from Malacca. Portuguese-Eurasians in Penang were also employed in the Accountant’s office and other departments in clerical positions.138 Unfortunately, there are not many other indicators from which we can draw a firm picture of the fortunes of the Portuguese ‘tribe’. Although thrown into prison along with all Christians in the kingdom at the time of the Revolution, they did not suffer the fate of De Brito’s colony in Syriam, with displacement of the entire colony, and women and children sold into slavery. So how can we account for the diminution in their numbers? I doubt there was any great exodus, although the personal histories of Portuguese individuals in the East is one of a high degree of movement. Agostino Dias da Costa, for example, appears to have begun his career at Cochin, entered Mughal service by way of Goa and Bengal and then, after the fall of Hoogly in 1632, was brought to prisoner to Agra, before finding service again at Golconda and dying in March 1686.139 The descriptions from the flawed text, however, as Turpin was a hack writer who had never been to Siam. The Directors of the Seminary of Foreign Missions was dissatisfied with the result of their commission of this text, which they dismissed as full of ‘reprehensible things’. 137 Smithies here mistakenly translates Turpin’s ‘quatre-vingt’ as 84, ‘The Fall of Ayutthaya to the Burmese’, in Michael Smithies ed., Descriptions of Old Siam, Kuala Lumpur/New York: Oxford University Press, 1989, 109–119. 138 M. Stubbs Brown, A History of Penang, 1805–1819. Thesis submitted to the Department of History in the University of Malaya for the degree of Master of Arts, April 1963, 43, 142. 139 His biography is presented by Sir Edward Maclagan, The Jesuits and the Great Mogul, 1932, repr. Vintage 1990, 182. Note that there is some discussion about con-

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end of the seventeenth century might hint at demographic collapse. Phetracha, too, may have exerted pressures on the Portuguese community to assimilate. One thing that does come out from the extant sources, is that the community changed its role in Siamese society. Leaving international trade to the Dutch, Portuguese in Siam may have been able to play on their naturalisation in Siam so as to occupy many of the roles previously more readily delegated to other foreigners, specifically the French who left in such numbers in 1688. These included important professions such as court doctors (maw luang), a specially selected body of men paid a salary and who constituted, as the Legend of the Foundation of Ayutthaya records, some of the first people, alongside ‘women of honour, Brahmins and other personalities of the court’ to be invited to join the king once his palace had been built.140 A letter of one Fr. Liot, dated Bangkok, November 10, 1788, reports how a number of the local population were ‘baptised’ by two Portuguese-Cambodian doctors in the service of the King of Siam during the various wars waged by the Siamese against the Burmese and the Malays from 1785 to 1788. One ‘Portuguese’, Joseph de Monteiro, was named official doctor to the king Ottey Racha (Ang Chan) in 1811.141 Siamese monarchs were here responding to European superciliousness with regard to traditional medicine in South-East Asia, and which they regarded as particularly retrograde. Here, doctors trained ‘with hardly any reference to books’, and where determining the meaning of the pulse was held in the highest importance.142

temporary identifications of this individual by Father Botelho and Nicolao Manucci, see Father Henry Heras, S.J., ‘A Portuguese Lady at the Mogul Court’, Bombay Samāchār, October 1925. 140 Légendes sur le Siam et le Cambodge ed. C. Notton, 1939, 102. On the court doctors, see Malcolm A. Smith, A Physician at the Court of Siam, London: Country Life, 1947, 147. 141 Cardon, Catholicism in the East, 25; this would mirror the personal story of a number of Portuguese in India who, like Agostino Dias da Costa, became medical attendants to Prince Muazzam Bahādur Shāh, Sir Edward MacLagan. The Jesuits and the Great Mogul, Gurgaon, India: Vintage Books, 1990, 182. 142 See, for example, ‘Des médecins et des maladies des Tunquinois’, in Tavernier, Receuil de plusieurs relations, 201–205. The centrality of pulse taking to medicine was also true in China, as argued in the Jesuit Michał Boym’s Clavis medica ad chinarum doctrinam de pulsibus, ed. Andreas Cleyer, published in the Appendix to the Miscellanea Curiosa of the Academia Caesareo-Leopoldina Naturae Curiosorum, Nuremberg, 1686.

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The ‘tribe’, too, readily found, as they did right across Asia, a niche as interpreters (linguas).143 They had done, of course, prior to the Revolution as attested by Jacques de Bourges.144 But they did so afterwards as well. Vincent Pinheiro was one who, for example, went described in Tachard’s narrative as a ‘native of Siam, but a Christian’, and with a name like that was of course of Portuguese origin.145 He had previously served as interpreter for the gentlemen of the French mission and then of the French East Indies Company. Phetracha raised Pinheiro to the rank of Ok-Luang Worowathi and sent him on a diplomatic mission as emissary of Kosa Pan to Pondicherry in 1691 in charge of two mandarin deputies (adjoints) and some valets with the purpose of ‘re-establishing relations with that country’, and where he met with Tachard.146 At the end of 1698 when Tachard returned to Ayutthaya, Vincent Pinheiro and his son participated in the difficult negotiations that went with Tachard’s reception at court on 29 January, 1699. Similarly, when an embassy was sent from the Governor General of the Philippines, Don Fernando Manuel Bustamante, in 1718, the Spanish ambassador was met by ‘great mandarins and Portuguese’,147 who again demonstrated an ability to remain close to the court. One

143 For Portuguese linguas in Cambodia, see Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, vol. 2, 201; in Masulipatam, see Peter Floris. His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611–15: the contemporary translation of his journal, ed. W.H. Moreland, London: Hakluyt Society, 1934, xliii; at Penang, see A. Ray and A.C. Banerjee, A Study of History of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Sharikat Rasheed, 1968, 45 ff, 119–143; and at the Chinese court as late as the 1780s, J.J.L. Duvyendak, ‘The Last Dutch Embassy to the Chinese Court (1794–1795)’, T’oung Pao, 34, no. 1–2, 1938, 42. 144 Bourges, Relation du Voyage de Mgr. Béryte, 171–72. Francisco da Cunha Barreto, son of Francisco Barreto de Pina, was an interpreter who translated for the Portuguese authorities at the time of Siqueira’s embassy, see ‘Copia do assento que se tomou no Conselho de Estado da Índia sobre a declaração que fizeram os tres embaixadores d’el rei de Sião de que a carta que trouxerà daquele Reino, o embaixador Pero Vaz de Siqueira era do ditto Rei’, A.H.U., Índia, cx. 60, doc. 75, dated Goa, 26 April 1685. 145 Smithies, A Siamese embassy lost in Africa, 10. One can speculate what family connection there may have been with an ‘Alexander Pinieur’ mentioned in the Dutch ‘Diary of the Picnic Incident’ fifty years previously, Van Vliet’s Siam 2005, 50. 146 Mémoires de François Martin, ch. XXVIII. Actually, it was Siamese custom to send three ambassadors, the ratchathut, uppathut and tritut, in descending order of rank and usually age. 147 ‘A Royal Reception of Spaniards from the Philippines’, in Smithies, Descriptions of Old Siam, 102–105; Ferdinand C. Llanes, New knowledge in an old account: the Bustamante diplomatic mission to Ayudhya, 1718, Ph.D. thesis, University of the Philippines, Quezon City, 2005.

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Kol de Monteiro was also official interpreter and secretary (secrétaire) to King Norodom of Cambodia (b. 1834).148 We should in any case wait for the Ph.D. thesis of Miguel Castelo Branco to appear. His specialisation is specifically relations between Thailand and Portugal in the Ratanakosin (Bangkok) period between 1782–1940, and is keen to assert that the Portuguese community enabled Siam to establish the bridges necessary for the transition from a traditional Buddhist patronage-based monarchy to a modern state, furnishing an informed elite capable of facing up to the European imperialist presence in the region.149 We still face the question why the Portuguese ‘tribe’ eventually assimilated into local Siamese society over the nineteenth century. This was also the case in Cambodia, where it went reported that ‘properly speaking, there were no Portuguese establishments in these areas, but religious missions have played a role’, and in Batavia, if we follow Raffles’ population census of 1817 with its otherwise sixteen different groups.150 This assimilation took place in a way that the Portuguese kristang of Malacca or Serani of Penang have avoided, where they have maintained the ‘triple sign’ of their Portuguese identity: Faith, Name and Language. Strictly speaking, this is a not problem I wish to resolve in a systematic way here, but by raising it, interesting and useful comparative questions are nevertheless brought to the surface. Ethnographers and anthropologists have long pondered the conundrum of the identitary dynamics of the kristang of Malacca, most recently Brian Juan O’Neill in formulating a triple-pronged elucidatory framework that encompasses national identity, referring to the notion of Malayan citizenship; cultural identity, referring to an identification with the Lusitanian world; and ethnic identity, referring to the historical process which resulted in this population.151 Despite its complexity, and some very interesting reflections on the applicability of ‘the invention 148 Bibliothèque Nationale de la France, Manuscrits orientaux, Fonds khmer 3, Papiers Doudart de Lagrée 34, Robal khsât, fol. 114. Monteiro further served his king by translating official chronicles according to the ‘missionary’ transcript style. 149 Miguel Castelo Branco, Os ‘portuguet’ do Sião’, Gulbenkian Newsletter, Março 2009, 22–23. 150 For Cambodia, see Hugo Schuchardt’s notes from Cochinchine française. Excursions et reconnaissances, numéro 13, Saigon, 1882, 446–484, Bibliothek der Universität Graz, Sondersammlungen, Dossier 11.23.2; Thomas S. Raffles, The History of Java, 1817, London: Black, Parbury and Allen, vol. II, 246. 151 Brian J. O’Neill, ‘La triple identité des créoles portugais de Malacca’, Revue trimestrielle de la Société d’Ethnologie Française, vol. XXIX, Part 2, 1999, 237–253.

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of tradition’, appropriating and challenging Hobsbawm’s ideas with respect to the troupes of folkloristic dancers that appeared in the city in the 1940s and ‘50s, I find it in many ways more useful to turn to earlier work, Ganesan’s provocative idea that the kristang are an example of ‘an identity at the heart of a non-identity’.152 The comparison I would like to draw is that Malacca was for centuries the primary port city of the East, at the juncture between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean, and that its very openness and dislocation from nationalist state-building movements of the nineteenth century can explain the persistence of a Portuguese minority right up until the present-day. Population statistics compiled in 1994 confirm that Malays constituted only 51% of the national population; in Malacca, the corresponding proportion of Chinese (37% in the national census) is sure to have been higher still, with Indians and ‘others’ including kristang making up the rest. Something of a resilience, secondly, had been forged from the entrenched resistance the kristang had previously had to make against Dutch attempts to drown them out following Dutch seizure of the city in 1641 and until the British took over definitively in 1824.153 A third point needs perhaps highlight the nature of the society in which Portuguese culture lingered. While, as we have seen, Miguel Castelo Branco would insist the Portuguese legacy was one that existed at the apex of Thai society—as state-builders, and professional classes—in Malacca, the kristang were always the poor, a fisherman caste. Both in Singapore and in Malacca the Portuguese Eurasians are known as ‘gragos’ or ‘geragos’, meaning shrimps, and celebrate the Feast of São Pedro, the patron saint of fishermen, which falls on the 29–30 June.154 Here, the Portuguese identity was cherished as a means of raising up and making in some way special what had always been a very low caste that congregated at the bottom of the social hierarchy. 152 Mages Ganesan, ‘Eurasians. An Identity in a Nonidentity’, Asean Review, 12 (June), 1976, 24–5. 153 See Smith, The Portuguese in Malacca; otherwise Kernial Singh Sandhu & Paul Wheatley eds. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital, c. 1400–1980, Kuala Lumpur: O.U.P, 1983. 154 Bernard Santa Maria. My people, my country. The story of the Portuguese Malaca community, Malaca: Portuguese Development Centre, 1982; Myrna L. Blake, ‘Kampon Eurasians in Singapore’, Working Paper no. 17, Dept. of Sociology, University of Singapore, 1973; Chong Yoke Lin Linda, ‘The Portuguese-Eurasians (Serani) of Penang’, in S. Gardner ed., Malaysian Ethnic Relations, Penang: Sociology Section, Universiti Sains Malaysia, 1975.

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The distinction to be drawn between the Portuguese survival in Penang and Malacca is that vestiges or representations of culture are missing in the case of the Penang Serani, who have lost their language and struggle to recall their songs and dances. Here, the PortugueseEurasian identity hinges on descent from Portuguese ancestry as engendered in the family surname, and religion practised.155 Having devoted this chapter to an investigation of Portuguese survival strategies in south-east Asia over a difficult period of nationalism and economic retrenchment, we have concluded with an excursion into matters of Portuguese assimilation in nineteenth-century mainland South-East Asia. The next chapter continues in this comparativist vein by looking at the fate of Portuguese communities in neighbouring kingdoms over a similar stretch of time.

155

Lin Linda, The Portuguese-Eurasians, 127. For an interesting comparative study of the Luso-Asian legacy in four different places across South-East Asia (Larantuka, Singapore, Melaka and Tugu, near Jakarta) see Ronald Daus, Portuguese Eurasian communities in South-East Asia, Singapore: ISEAS, 1989.

CHAPTER EIGHT

‘LIVING GREAT AFTER THE FASHION OF THE COUNTRY’. COMPARISON WITH PORTUGUESE IN NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS Over the course of the seventeenth century the Portuguese community in Siam seems to have done significantly worse than in neighbouring Khmer Cambodia, to the east, despite its reputation for political instability and political decadence from the times of Angkor (this period is known as the ‘Dark Ages’ in Cambodian history), and in Toungoo and then Ava Burma, to the west. Drawing these comparisons may be a somewhat risky proposition in that although historians agree as to the principle of the ‘collective destinies’ of certain polities, Ayutthaya and Pegu nevertheless faced on to different seas and, by consequence, different worlds, the one looking across to Malacca and the Malay world, the other Masulipatam and the coast of Coromandel.1 Weather conditions specific to the northern Bay of Bengal, namely cyclones, meant that maritime endeavours tended to be coastal rather than transoceanic, as was the case with those emanating from the Coromandel ports.2 Nevertheless, these polities were broadly territorially contiguous, and it is for this reason I wish to establish, in what follows, to what extent there were discrepancies in the fortunes of the Portuguese ‘tribe’. ‘Living great after the fashion of the country’: Portuguese in Cambodia Cambodia was a large but sparsely populated kingdom that fell under Siamese ascendancy from the end of the sixteenth century through to the wars of the late eighteenth century, although travellers like Wurffbain astutely noted in the 1640s that the Cambodians had separated and consequently stood ‘without yoke and alone’ (ohne Jich und vor sich

1

See The Maritime Frontier of Burma, Introduction. Rila Mukherjee, ‘The struggle for the Bay: The life and times of Sandwip, an almost unknown Portuguese port in the Bay of Bengal in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries’, in História. Revista da Faculdade de Letras, [Porto], III Série, vol. 9, 2008, 68. 2

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selbst).3 Here, the Portuguese were settled in the villages of Columpé and Ponhéa Lü (Penhalu), between the two imperial cities, the ‘old’ one at Longvek (Lovek), and the ‘new’ at Phnom Penh (founded in 1434). Ponhéa Lü became the base for all foreign trading communities, including the Japanese and the Dutch, offering access to the water, although as we shall see in a minute no easy enterprise to sail up the Mekong. It was on Columpé that Louis Chevreuil reported in 1677, ‘four or five leagues away’ from the Jesuit residenza in Udong, a third imperial capital established in 1619 and where the court became centred. We learn about Jesuit activities in Giovanni Filippo de Marini’s Delle Missioni (1663), which drew on letters sent from the Savoyard Jesuit Carlo della Rocca (1613–70)—referred to in the Portuguese correspondence as Carlos da Rocha—who was posted to Udong in 1659, probably to minister to an occupying force of Cochinchinese.4 The Dominicans never managed to make much headway in Cambodia. Gaspar da Cruz O.P. moved on to China after immediate disappointments, and his successors spent a period in jail after releasing the king’s slaves in Batavia and themselves trying to flee the kingdom.5 A mission was dispatched in 1603 to the Cambodian court, but soon ran into trouble with the Malay Muslims, Chinese and Cochinchinese of the capital. After a few conversions, it petered out with murders of those keen to acknowledge Christ’s word, the first martyrs.6 In 1628, a new mission was dispatched by the Dominicans. Graciously received, the King nevertheless only granted permission for Chinese and Japanese to be converted and refused to allow his own subjects to be ministered to. Exasperated by the tolerance and indifference of Cambodian Buddhists to the Christian message, the Dominicans struggled to maintain even a backseat presence despite heroic individual efforts, none more so that that of Frei Sylvestre, whom the Augustinian Gonçález de Mendoza compared to the Egyptian Joseph, who was 3

Wurffbain, Reise nach den Molukken und Vorder-Indien, vol. 2, 90. For example, Carlo della Rocca, Lettera Cvriosa Dell’ Indie Scritta l’Anno 1664, da Cambogia Paese Confinante colla gran Cina, dal Padre Carlo Rocca della Compagnia di Gesù al Padre Gio. Stefano Omodei della medesima Compagnia, Mondovì: Pietro Francesco Grazzi Libraro, 1670. 5 Biermann, Die Missionen der Portugiesischen Dominikaner in Hinterindien, 1931, 310. I find Jean-Claude Lejosne’s review of Portuguese and Dutch source materials for this period unhelpful and full of mistakes, ‘Historiographie du Cambodge aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles: Les Sources Portugaises et Hollandaises’, in Pierre Lamant ed., Bilan et Perspectives des Études Khmères, 1997, 181–208. 6 Sousa, Da historia de S. Domingos, IV, 395 ff. 4

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brought into the land as a slave and ended up raised high next to the king.7 Otherwise, Dominicans came as chaplains of visiting galleons, in one case, to see that some further ships ordered by the Governor of the Philippines be built from the supplies of ‘excellent wood for naval construction’. On this occasion, they returned the church where they had ministered during their stay to Father Francisco Bozhuomo, a Jesuit, who was to continue to preach to the largely Japanese congregation, though it was wooden rather than of stone and ‘so unsafe, it could have collapsed’. Continuous pressure saw to it that the church was rebuilt in stone, after an unnamed mandarin ‘who even though he was a native of Macao was put in charge of the government of a province’ harnessed the labour of some two hundred workers.8 Cambodia was riven by dynastic feuds and court putsches right through the seventeenth century, a factor which drove the Dutch out of the kingdom on repeated occasions in 1622, 1643 and 1665 and disrupted trade as the English merchant William Mainstone well observed.9 Invasions from the Vietnamese province of Fu-moy in the second half of the seventeenth century ‘pillaged, burned, and sacked the colonies of Chinese and Portuguese, which had attached themselves to the fortunes of Ken-Thoa (Kaen Huā II)’.10 Meanwhile, the ‘evangelical workers’, as Marini called them, were sent to other provinces on account of the ‘tumult’, whilst ‘waiting for that kingdom to become peaceful again’.11 Other resident foreign populations, especially the Cochinchinese, who were well disposed to conversion to Christianity, suffered greatly from the ascendancy of rival groups in the second half of the seventeenth century, principally the Chinese.12 Chevreuil in 1677 personally felt that this was a very propitious terrain for 7 Diego Aduarte, Historia de la provincial del Santo Rosario de la orden de predicadores en Filipinas, Japon y China, Manila, 1640; Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, Historia de las cousas mas notables, ritos y costumbres del gran Reyno de la China: sabidas assi por los libros de los mesmos Chinas, como por relacion de religiosos y otras personas que an estado en el dicho reyno, Antwerp: Pedro Bellero, 1596, 357. 8 G.F. Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 42. 9 ‘The late warrs at Cambodia have removed all Comerce out of that barbarous hole’, India Office Library and Records, G/10/1. Java Records III, iii, Makassar to Company, 8 June 1660, f. 157. 10 As reported to Bénigne Vachet, in Relation des missions et des voyages des Evesques Vicaires apostoliques, et de leurs ecclésiastiques des années 1676–77, Paris: Angot, 1680, 152. 11 Marini, Delle Missioni, (Journal of the Siam Society), 46. 12 Wilmott, History and Sociology of the Chinese in Cambodia Prior to the French Protectorate.

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missionary activity, if only because the communities he met had been cut off, and remarks how the local people received him and received ‘the words of eternal life’ (. . .) with that avidity with which the land receives the rains after a long drought’.13 Food was plentiful, Chevreuil commenting that ‘there is not a village in Italy, where one can live better’, although the little biting flies (moschini) he encountered on his trip there assailed him cruelly ‘without granting him rest during either day or night’.14 He comments favourably on the site chosen for the village, that despite the thorough annual floods the water never reached the church, even if it was to be found on ‘flat land, without any elevation’. The church itself was not large, but built recently and fairly ornamented, and it is easily capacious enough for the congregation, which is only 300 strong’.15 Although Chevreuil was to be proven a fantasist in that he failed to secure a single convert during the three years he lived in their midst (largely the result of his lack of linguistic ability and failure to find suitably skilled interpreters), and other missionaries like Père Jean Genoud and Luís Madre de Deus returned disappointed to Ayutthaya after it had become clear that the King would never fulfil his promise of constructing a Residence for them,16 other sources suggest the Portuguese, who had won government posts here from the King, could continue to ply their profitable trade upriver to the littleknown gold, musk, benjamin and rubies of inaccessible Laos.17 One of the advantages often referred to by the Dutch was that Cambodia was cheap when compared to Siam. The English were lured by the prospect of market conditions which benefited from the absence of the Dutch after the mid-century complications: ‘goods are said to vend at exterordinary rates’.18 Political instability was otherwise a major negative point, and other factors also detracted from the prospects for international trade. Vessels of the V.O.C. like the Oudewaeter, which made landfall in the Mekong delta on 10 June 1636, were forced to 13 Chevreuil in Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, mandati dalla S. Sede Apostolica alli regni di Siam, Cocincina, Camboia, e Tunkino. 102. 14 Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, mandati dalla S. Sede Apostolica alli regni di Siam, Cocincina, Camboia, e Tunkino., 94. It would have been the editor and not Chevreuil to have chosen an Italian analogy. 15 Relatione delle missioni de’ vescoui vicarii apostolici, mandati dalla S. Sede Apostolica alli regni di Siam, Cocincina, Camboia, e Tunkino., 101. 16 From a note written by Mgr. Laneau, dated 1682, see Mak Phoeun, Histoire du Cambodge, 366. 17 Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 200. 18 ‘President Breton and Messrs. Merry, Knipe, Tash and Pearce at Swally Marine to the Company’, January 6, 1648, in Foster, English Factories, 1646–1650, 184.

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weigh anchor, and its crew proceeded further up the river in smaller vessels, which not only impeded trade but took a fair amount of time: Jan Gaelen and his deputy Pieter Sourij only arrived in Phnom Penh on 18 June 1636.19 The Oudewaeter later tried to make its way upstream, but encountered such strong currents resulting from the ‘high water’ (annual flooding) that the vessel was forced to delay its departure until the following season. Quarles Browne encountered similar difficulties: instead of a typical 5–12 days to travel upriver, his journey in the Francis took him fifty-two days!20 Despite the physical impediments to international trade, the indications are that the Portuguese tribe succeeded in engaging in international trade here in Cambodia to a far greater degree than was the case in Siam. Nor are we talking here only about a short rosy period in which fearless adventurers like Diogo Veloso and Blas Ruiz de Hernan Gonçalves were granted respectively the provinces of ‘Trân’ (Treang) and ‘Bapano’ (Baphnom) by the Cambodia king Satha I (or, as he became known to the Iberians, ‘Prauncar Langara’) ‘for their services’.21 The Jesuit mission that arrived in 1630 justified its arrival strongly in terms of a commercial rationale: the help that could be given to the Christians who arrive in great numbers with their cargoes from many other kingdoms of this part of the Orient seemed a good enough reason to the Superiors not to abandon this place, especially considering how there are no other religious men besides the Fathers of our company.22

An English report of 1664 noted that ‘most of the expelled Portuguese from Macassar resort[ed] thither, who trade highly’,23 in contrast to their more staid Portuguese neighbours in Siam. Other English reports, such as that of Thomas Bowyear, compares the ‘treatment and annoyances

19 Gaelen in Hendrik P.N. Muller, De Oost-Indische Compagnie in Cambodja en Laos: Verzameling van bescheiden van 1636 tot 1670, The Hague: Van Linschooten Vereeniging XIII, 1917, 61–124. 20 Quarles Browne, ‘A Relation of the Situation and Trade of Camboja, etc.’, prob. 1664, B.L. (London), Java records, IV, 4–5. 21 ‘Letter from King Paramarājā to Padre Alonso Ximénez’, repr. in Francis Garnier ed. ‘Chronique royale du Cambodge’, Journal Asiatique, Octobre–Decembre 1871, t. XVIII, no. 67, 333–85; ‘Letter of Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonzales to Dr. Morga’ ‘in which he gives an account of all the events of his expeditions’, in António de Morga, The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan and China at the close of the sixteenth century, London: Hakluyt Society, repr. 1970, 93–112. 22 Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society), 29– 23 Farrington & Dhiravat na Pombejra, The English Factory in Siam, 1612–1685, 2007, vol. I, 350.

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the Cochinchinese wrought on foreigners’ with the ‘exemptions on taxes and customs duties’ in Cambodia, in other words, the favourable environment for trade there.24 How far trade interest should go in attracting Europeans to this part of the world had its fine line. In his death testament as he sailed from Cambodia, Fray Juan Maldonado had written to his prelate and to the Order of St. Dominic in the Philippines ‘charg[ing] it upon their consciences not again to become the instruments for returning to Cambodia’ for the political dangers that went with becoming embroiled in that part of the world.25 An intriguing proposal was nevertheless made by the King of Cambodia to the Portuguese inhabitants of Macao in 1704 via the influential figure of Nicolau Fiúmes some time afterwards. He suggested that they should establish a fortified settlement in his kingdom, a sort of mirror image of the City of the Name of God in China.26 Like so many memoriales of this period, the suggestion came to nothing, and yet even the staunch upholder of the Protestant Black Legend keen on heaping disapproval and accusations on the somnolent relics of the Portuguese in the East, Alexander Hamilton, could write as late as 1727 that the Portuguese Cambodians ‘live great after the fashion of the country’.27 Just as Japanese swords were revered by the Siamese monarchy and incorporated as part of the official regalia of state, so too Portuguese hats remained treasured by successive Khmer dynasties almost until the present day.28 Unfortunately, we do not possess satisfactory quantitative sources to ascertain the buoyancy of trade in Cambodia and the state of its entrepot, the important annual Chinese junk trade that stopped off in Cochin China en route to Siam and Cambodia being the largest lacuna. Sources such as Hamilton’s comments cannot be attributed to any specific period, as the sea-captain roved the area over an extended time-frame from 1694 until his return to Britain in 1723–24.

24 ‘Mr. Bowyear’s Journal of his Proceedings and Observations’, in Alexander Dalrymple, Oriental Repertory, London, 1793–97, vol. I, 75–78. 25 Morga, The Philippine Islands, 196. 26 Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, cod. 49-V-24, fls. 303–303v. 27 Alexander Hamilton. A Scottish Sea Captain in Southeast Asia, 190. 28 Jacques Népote, ‘The Portuguese, Cambodia and the Mekong Valley: the Logic of a Discovery’, in Proceedings of the International Colloquium on the Portuguese and the Pacific. Santa Barbara, Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995, eds. F. Dutra & C. dos Santos, 122.

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What can be said with any certainty hails from records of Chinese junks (Tosen) from Southeast Asian ports sailing to Japan. Here, we can appreciate that Cambodia at times outstripped its ascendant neighbour Siam, and particularly in the 1650s and 1690s. For the rest, it remained eclipsed—the total number of junks dispatched over the period 1651–1724 for Siam stands at 147, whereas for Cambodia the figure is 106.29 Was Portuguese commercial success, then, perhaps the result of a lack of stiff competition from other European powers, the Dutch, as we have seen, repeatedly being on the losing side of spiteful and devastating attacks? Maybe. One general tendency in the communitarian politics of South-East Asian cities is that political alliances tended to take place amongst the weaker members of the community. While in Siam the key alliance over the seventeenth century seems to have been that between the Portuguese and the Japanese, who stood determinedly against the Dutch there, in the case of Cambodia the alliance seems to have been primarily that of the Dutch and Japanese,30 while the Portuguese could afford to remain free of political alliance building. Part of it may have been continued proximity to the King. Valério Gentil, a mestiço who may have been of Indian origin (Gentil perhaps stemming from the Portuguese word for ‘gentile’), and who became syahbandar of the port of Palembang in Indonesia from the end of 1640 enjoyed an earlier career as secretary (secretaris) for the King of Cambodia, Ang Dan Rājā.31 It was from the Portuguese, too, that the Dutch chose to acquire the benzoin they sought to trade in Cambodia rather than independent sources. Although Cambodian authorities challenged why the Dutch would have preferred to work with the Japanese rather than their ‘fellow-Christians’, the Portuguese, there were no formal directives from the court regarding which nationalities came under which Sabander, and physical proximity—the fact that the Dutch logie was situated to the south of the Japanese quarter of Ponhéa Lü—as well as the balance of power between the various communities dictates the direction of alliance-building. 29 Anthony Reid, ‘Documenting the Rise and Fall of Ayudhya as a Regional Trade Centre’, Table 4, in Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, 93. 30 Carool Kersten, ‘A Brief Note on Japanese-Dutch Relations in SeventeenthCentury Cambodia’, The Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Fourth Series, Volume 17, 2002–3. The Dutch shahbandar was a Japanese called ‘Mary Kaffioye’. 31 N. MacLeod, De Oost-Indische Compagnie als Zeemogenheid in Azië, Riswijk, 1927, vol. 2, 314.

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The role of the Chinese community in these cities is more ambiguous. Spanish attempts to use the foreign colonies of Phnom Penh in various plots at the end of the sixteenth century and early seventeenth century never succeeded in involving the Chinese, although the Japanese and Malay communities actively cooperated with the Spanish.32 Despite a substantial population of 4-5000 people and some powerful individual merchants, we have still not arrived at the city described by nineteenth-century European travellers and explorers like Henri Mouhot and D.O. King, invariably describe Phnom Penh as a ‘Chinese city’.33 From Chevreuil’s account and other seventeenth century sources we must conclude that the ‘Cochinchinese’ referred therein were principally Ming patriots fleeing Manchu oppression and scorched-earth policy, both Cantonese and Hainanese, as well as Hokkien refugees. It is difficult to find parallels to the bitter Siamese fortunes of the Portuguese tribe in the South-East Asian world. Radin Fernando, for example, in his study of the Luso-Asian diaspora in Malacca (the Malaqueiros), finds a ‘gradual social ascendancy of Portuguese descendants in that city during the second half of the seventeenth century.34 It would be interesting to see his work on shipping records supplemented by scrutiny of church books—the Liber Baptizatorium, Liber Confirmationis, the Liber de Functorium and Liber Matrimonitorium— which, for example, have been unearthed from the parish (Ecclesioe Districtus) of Pulau Tikus in neighbouring Penang.35 From ‘Captives of the King’ in Upper Burma to Slave Trading in Arakan Let us try to see what was going on in the Burmese kingdoms. Following the tragedy that befell Filipe de Brito e Nicote’s community at Syriam in 1613, the Portuguese tribe (known in Burmese as Bayingyi) 32 Bernard Philippe Groslier, Angkor et le Cambodge au seizième siècle d’après les sources portugaises et espagnoles, Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1958, 44f., 54f. 33 D.O. King, ‘Travels in Siam and Cambodia’, in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1860, 180; Henri Mouhot, Voyage dans les royaumes de Siam, de Cambodge, de Laos, et autres parties centrales de l’Indochine, du Journal et de la correspondence de l’auteur par Ferdinand de Lanoye, Paris: L. Hachette, 1868, 142. 34 Radin Fernando, ‘Metamorphosis of the Luso-Asian Diaspora in the Malay Archipelago’, in Peter Borschberg, Iberians in the Singapore-Melaka area and adjacent regions: (16th to 18th century), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004, 169. 35 Lin Linda, The Portuguese-Eurasians (Serani of Penang), 134, 145.

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was moved into the interior, particularly to the north of Ava to specified localities just north of Shwebo (also known at other times as Motsobo), the settlements of Myedu, Sagaing, Yamethin and Kyaukse, alongside captive Muslim prisoners.36 The Portuguese were made ‘captives of the king’ (a state religious writers later referred to as the Babylonian Captivity), possessing a status—known in Thai as Chaloei—that included a prohibition from leaving the kingdom, but rewarded the captives with ‘inviolability’.37 To ensure they did not leave the land, their tendons (calcanhares) were often cut, as happened to one Inácio Gomes who ended up in the mountains of the Arakanese hinterland.38 The transplanted community was quite sizeable, for Syriam under Nicote had been what Fitch described as a ‘good towne’, numbering between 11.000–15.000 souls.39 They were given land and allowed the assistance of Catholic fathers, some of whom had been amongst the captives, and others like the Jesuit Manuel da Fonseca, joined the community from the Bengal mission.40 The Annual Letter of 1644 reports that five churches had been built there in addition to the use of three more ancient buildings.41 Other missionaries, like the Augustinians, were of especial assistance in coastal areas, although there were also two Dominicans, who were joined by a further two chaplains of the Order of St. Francis, Rafael de S. Francisco and João Baptista sent from Goa.42 There was a monastery of St. Thomas, a seminary, and even a 36 Glass Palace Chronicle of the kings of Burma (Hmannān maha yazawintawȳi.), ed. & trans. Pe Maung Tin and G.H. Luce, 1923, repr. 1960 Rangoon: Rangoon University Press. vol. 3, 172. See also the Annual Letter of the Jesuit Lopez in 1644, which supplies a list of villages to which the Portuguese were deported, see L. Besse & H. Hosten eds., ‘Fr. Manoel da Fonseca in Ava (1613–52), 1925, in Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, XXI, 27–48. Luís de Cacegas, Terceira parte da História de S. Domingos (. . .), Lisbon, 1767, 355 deals with the captivity of the Dominican priest Frei Gonçalo, nicknamed O Granço. 37 Bocarro, Década 13 da História da India, 1876, v. II, cap. CLXXI. 38 Itinerário de Sebastião Manrique, Lisbon: A.G.C., 1946, vol. I, cap. XXIX. 39 Fernão Guerreiro, Relacão annual das cousas que fizeram os padres da Comp. de Jesus nas suas missões nas partes da India Oriental . . . nos annos 1607 e 1608 (. . .), Lisbon / Évora, 1603–11, ch. 3, III. 40 Cacegas, Terceira parte da História de S. Domingos, 355; Hosten, Father Manoel da Fonseca. 41 Fr. Andreu Lopez, S.J. A short account of the Missions under the charge of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus of the Malabar Province in the East Indies, written to the Most Reverend the Father General of the Society in the year 1644, Trichinopoly, 1909, 32, 33. 42 A.H.U., cx. 8, doc. 77; Simão de Graça, O.S.A. ‘Breve relazione delli conventi e missioni delli Religiosi di Sant’ Agostino dell’Indie Orientali, quali li detti Religiosi mandano in questo presente anno 1682 a presentare al Serenissimo principe de Portogallo loro Governatore Don Pietro che Dio guardi,’ letter in Archivum Generale

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Province consequently in Pegu, although the later Bishop P.A. Bigandet M.E.P. in his Outline of the History of the Catholic mission of Burma, 1770–1887, published in 1887, unleashes all of the prejudices of his nation and order when he writes that ‘They were probably neither very intelligent, nor very priest-like in conduct, to judge from the behaviour of some of their successors’.43 The overt missionizing of the two fathers dispatched by the M.E.P. from neighbouring Siam, however, Fathers Genoud and Joret, was met with torture (supplice) and drowning in the Irrawaddy in 1693, although they managed to erect a church.44 After something of an interval, the mission was handed over to the Italian teaching order of the Barnabites (O.M.V.) in 1721 after, in a curious historical parallel to the origin of the M.E.P. order in Ayutthaya in 1662, a mission to China failed. The efforts of the Barnabite Fathers Calchi and Vittoni to care for their flock whilst entertaining cordial relations with the court at Ava are regarded from all quarters as bearing unequivocally positive results.45 A letter from Father Calchi kept in the Barnabite Archives in Rome requests teachers and technicians who were disciplined, chaste and mild together with: abundant supplies of books and pictures both sacred and profane, of architectural designs for churches and buildings, of paintings, geographical maps, books for church music, text books and Portuguese books (. . .) [for them] to study Geometry, Astronomy, Mathematics and any art whatsoever, even that of carpentry, of building fountains, compounding medicines.46

Does the reference to ‘building fountains’ suggest that news of Valguarnera’s engineering projects in Ayutthaya had reached Burma? In

Augustinianorum (O.S.A.), Rome, Aa 42, fol. 380; Meersman, The Franciscans in the Burmese kingdoms of Ava and Pegu. 43 Maung Kaung, ‘The Beginnings of Christian Missionary Activity in Burma, 1600– 1824’, in the Journal of the Burma Research Society, vol. 20–21, 1930, 65; for more on Bigandet, see J.-M. Suchet, Un missionaire franc-comtois. Mgr. Bigandet, évêque de Ramatha, Vicaire Apostolique de la Birmanie, Besançon: Impr. De P. Jacquin, 1894. 44 Jean Joret, ‘Lettre de Siam aux Directeurs des Missions Étrangères’, dated 23 November 1683, Archives des Missions Étrangères, vol. 858, fol. 576; Adrien Launay, Histoire générale de la Societé des Missions Étrangères, vol. I, 370–2; see also the entry on Jean Genoud in Historisches Lexicon der Schweiz at http://www.hls-dhs-dss.ch /index.php (accessed 18 July, 2010). 45 Michelangelo Griffini, Della Vita di Monsignor Giovanni Percoto della Congregazione di S. Paolo missionario ne’ regni di Ava e di Pegu (. . .) libri tre scritti dal padre d. Michelangelo Griffini, Udine, Fratelli Gallici, 1781, 89–90. 46 Luigi Gallo, O.M.V. Storia del Cristianesimo nell’Impero Barmano, preceduta dale notizie del paese, Milano: Libreria Arcivescovile, 1863, 3 vols.

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any case, a new church was built, and a small dictionary and grammar was produced to aid future missionaries, amongst the first publications from that press being in 1776 Rev. Melchior Carpani’s Alphabetum Barmanum, Monsig. Giovanni Percoto’s Epistles of Saint Paul and his Dialogue between a Talapoin and a missionary, clearly and obviously modelled on the earlier success of Dom António da Rozário’s Argument and Dispute Upon the Law between a Roman Catholic and a Braman. Although Calchi’s life was cut short at the age of 43 in 1728, the Barnabites’ work was recognised by the papacy, which entrusted the mission fields of Pegu and Ava to the order in 1740–41, appointing a Vicar Apostolic, Bishop Galizia of Maxula Prates. The Barnabites were also assisted by some Benedictines from Dhaka. The story, then, is of a late development of the Burmese mission field, with many of its features arriving only a hundred years later than in Ayutthaya.47 Evolution of a distinct community organization despite its size, was also a slower development than in Ayutthaya, where Roman Catholicism went juxtaposed with a ‘culturally Burmese’ population.48 Of the prisoners taken to Upper Burma, some were forcibly employed in the royal mines for iron ore,49 whilst others found employment as soldiers, principally as artillerymen, but also musketeers, incorporated into military units that were made hereditary, in other words, that passed on from one generation of soldier to the next. Indeed by joining the armed forces, they were absolved of their prisoner status. We know the military standard under which these artillery units of the Second Toungoo Empire fought against the Chinese in 1659. It was a black cross on a red background.50 The Arakanese king to the west—once the de Brito chapter had been brought to a conclusion—allowed other Portuguese to settle there as they protected him from the Mughals and also raided Bengal,

47 Vivian Ba, ‘The Beginnings of Western Education in Burma: the Catholic effort’, Journal of the Burma Research Society, 47 (2), 1964, 291; Maung Kaung, ‘The Beginnings of Christian Missionary Activity in Burma, 1600–1824’, 65; Vivian Ba, ‘The Early Catholic Missions in Burma’, in The Guardian (Rangoon), August 1962, vol. IX, no. 8, 17–20. 48 John Clement Koop, The Eurasian population in Burma, Yale University: SouthEast Asian Studies, 1960. 49 Harbans Lal Chhibber, The Mineral Resources of Burma, London: Macmillan, 1934, 85. 50 I thank Miguel Castelo Branco for this information. Otherwise, Victor Lieberman, ‘Europeans, Trade and the Unification of Burma’, in Oriens Extremus, 27, number 2, 1980, 220.

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Fig. 18. A Burmese Crib. Victoria & Albert Museum, London. The Infant Christ is an Indo-Portuguese ivory of the 18th century, and wears a jewelled crown, belt and sandals of Burmese make. He lies in an ornate Portuguese gilt bedstead in the style of Dom Pedro II (1683–1706) with bedding of 18th century Brussels bobbin lace hung with pendant jewels; the tester is hung with tiny models of the Instruments of the Passion and household articles, curiously intermingled.

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capturing slaves for sale and weakening Arakan’s principal enemy.51 They raided up to Dhaka and even Murshidabad, sacking Dhaka in 1625, the Mughal governor’s capital, forcing him to take flight further inland (to Rajmahal) by the late 1630s, and to stretch an iron chain across the Hughli river between Calcutta and Sibpur as a means of preventing further such raids, and which remained in place ‘for generations’.52 The Arakanese king granted the best of these military men the rank of Captain and conferred on them Biktas (or bigas) i.e. rentlands, with the stipulation that they maintain an armed force of their countrymen and a number of gelias ready for action. This was a type of ship smaller than a galeota and, as G.E. Harvey contends, evolved from an Arab Red Sea vessel known as a jalba. In English it was known as a ‘jolly boat’.53 These military leaders were far from scrupulous individuals, however. As a corollary to their military endeavours on behalf of the King of Arakan, they acted as slave traders, often in conjunction with Magh pirates, and the connivance of the Toungoo rulers of Arakan. Slaves were both retained by the King of Arakan as artisans and landlabourers, and exported. Some did not travel so far, as Wil O. Dijk has shown, imported to Lower Burma in order to serve the needs of the Dutch East India Company and where local wages remained very high.54 But the slave trade from Arakan ran primarily to Dutch Batavia, the foundation and construction of which began in earnest in 1619 and which became, in James Fox’s analysis, the ‘nexus of an enormous slave trade, the most expansive of its kind in the history of South-east Asia’, and one that evolved from supply to demand-driven economics.55 Markus Vink has tried to detail the burgeoning of this 51 At one time, the King of Arakan had desperately tried to enlist Dutch help so as to dislodge De Brito and those in league with him from Burma, see ‘Peter Willsemssen to Nicolaes Puyck in Masulipatam’, VOC 1055, document no. 4, 1–2, dated 6 March 1608; letter by King Minyagazagyi to the ‘mighty King of Hollandt’ in J.K.J. de Jonge, De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indië: Verzameling van onuitgegevene stukken uijt het oud-koloniaal archief (1595–1814), The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1865, vol. 3, 291–2. 52 Geoffrey E. Harvey, A history of Burma. From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the English Conquest, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 2000, 143. 53 Harvey, A history of Burma, 146, fn. 2. 54 Wil O. Dijk, Seventeenth-Century Burma and the Dutch East India Company, 1634–1680. NIAS Monographs 102. Copenhagen: NIAS Press; Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2006. 55 See the entry for the Maghs in Amiran Gonen ed., The Encyclopedia of Peoples of the World, New York: Henry Holt, 1993. Even today one could argue that the

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trade from extant sources, although the results of his analysis suggest that the Dutch exported annually between 150 and 400 slaves from this stretch of the Arakan-Bengal coast in the period between 1626–1662, hardly supporting Fox’s hyperbole. Similarly, Om Prakash concludes that the procurement of slaves for the nutmeg and spice plantations in the spice islands never really picked up and was effectively given up.56 Later raids by the Portuguese and Maghs saw as many as 1800 captives carried off in one fell swoop from the ports of southern Bengal in February 1727 for the pleasure of the King of Arakan.57 The private slaving, which was perpetrated in an equally lively manner from the Bengal side of this stretch of coast, where the traders were commonly referred to as chatins (sing. chatim), is thought to have come to a halt with the Mughal offensive that reclaimed Hughli and then Chittagong in 1666, although the Mughals were not beyond enslaving significant numbers of Arakanese, 2000 in 1666, following an expedition organised by Shayista Khan, the Mughal Viceroy of Bengal, to punish the Maghs for executing Emperor Aurangzeb’s fugitive brother, Shuja and his family.58

population’s ‘piratic’ tendencies filter through to their slash-and-burn approach to agriculture. James Fox, ‘For good and sufficient reasons’: An examination of early Dutch East India Company ordinances on slaves and slavery’, in Anthony Reid & Jennifer Brewster eds. Slavery, bondage and dependency in Southeast Asia, New York: St. Martins’s Press, 1983, 247. See Stephan van Galen’s recent conclusions, ‘Stellingen behorende bij het proefschrift’ §5, Arakan and Bengal. The rise and decline of the Mrauk U kingdom (Burma) from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century AD, Leiden University doctoral thesis defended on 13 March 2008. 56 On the Maritime Frontiers of Burma, 105. For a description of a Dutch trip to Arakan with a view to purchasing ‘some rice and a large number of slaves, both men and women, in order to take them to Batavia’, see Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales, commencé l’an 1658 & fini l’an 1665. Où l’on void plusieurs descriptions de païs, roiaumes, isles et villes, sieges, combats sur terre & sur mer, coûtumes, manières, religions de diverses peoples, animaux, plantes, fruits, & autres curiositez naturelles, Rouen: Pierre le Boucher, 1725, vol. I, 183. 57 Markus Vink, ‘ “The World’s Oldest Trade”: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century’, Journal of World History, no. 2, 2003, 140. See also Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Slaves and Tyrants: Dutch Tribulations in Seventeenth-Century Mrauk-U’, Journal of Early Modern History, 1 / 3, 1997, 201–253. The 1727 raid is covered in Twenty-four Parganas Gazetteer, Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1905, 39. 58 Barros has the following to say about the chatins: ‘These are men with such a genius (tão naturaes) for merchandise, and so astute (delgados) in every mode of trade, that among our people when they desire either to blame or praise any man for his subtlety and skill in merchant’s traffic they say of him, ‘he is a Chatim’; and they use the word chatinar for ‘to trade,’—which are words now very commonly received among us’, João de Barros, Da Ásia, Lisbon: Regia Officina Typografica, 1777–78, Década I, Livro

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The inland Christian populations of Arakan were boosted by an estimated 7–8000 Christians who moved from Sundiva (Sandwip) into the interior with the demise of Tibau, though an anonymous Dominican report of 1612–13 mentions that Jesuits and Dominicans taken into the interior were returning to coastal areas of Pegu.59 They were, however, displaced a second time when by 1665, with the Mughal governor Shayista Khan considering his offensive against Arakan and an imminent attack on Sandwip, he offered local Feringhi descendants and members of the royal bodyguard (ko-ran-kri) who would desert fiefs just south of Dhaka to which they fled, with their families, in 42 galeasses laden with munitions.60 The community of Arakanese Portuguese was supported by Portuguese trading networks from Coromandel bringing wealth into the area in the form of calicoes and chintz cloths,61 which, as English merchants in the early-seventeenth century reported, proved one of the richest trade runs anywhere in the Indian Ocean.62 A recent monograph similarly suggests that the two decades between 1649–1669 represented the ‘golden years’ of Dutch company trade in Burma, despite an outwardly precarious political situation in which the kingdom’s integrity was threatened by Chinese raiders, revolts in the South and a regicide.63 Documentary evidence reveals King Thalun’s (r. 1629–1648) determination to protect Portuguese shipping making its way to Burmese ports, and which was given a gold flag to fly on

IX, cap. 3, p. 330. For Shuja, see Geoffrey E. Harvey, ‘The fate of Shah Shuja in 1661’, Journal of the Burma Research Society, XII (August 1922), 107–115. 59 As quoted in the Summaria Relaçam, in Maria Ana Marques Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portuguese na Birmânia, Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 1994, 512–13. Unfortunately, I have not been able to trace this source as Guedes fails to give it a full reference in the Bibliography at the back of her book. 60 François Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656–1668, Oxford University Press, 1916, 174–182; Jadunath Sarkar, ‘The Conquest of Chatgaon, 1666 A.D.’, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. 3, pt. 6, 1907, 405–419; Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar, 1919–28, vol. III, 220–245. 61 Kenneth MacPherson, ‘Enemies or Friends? The Portuguese, the British and the Survival of Portuguese Commerce in the Bay of Bengal and Southeast Asia from the Late Seventeenth to the Late Nineteenth Century’, in F. Dutra ed., The Portuguese and the Pacific, Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995, 221–2. 62 John Keay, The honourable company: a history of the English East India Company, New York: Macmillan, 1991, 60–62; William Moreland ed., Relations of Golconda in the early seventeenth century, London: Hakluyt Society, 1931, 39. 63 Wil O. Dijk, Seventeenth-century Burma and the Dutch E.I.C., 1634–1680, Singapore: S.U.P., 2006.

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deck, especially from Dutch attacks.64 A little to the east, in Martaban, other ships came from Malacca, laden with sandalwood, porcelain, and other ‘wares of China’, camphor of Borneo, and pepper from Acheh.65 From another direction, and a considerably greater distance, arrived ‘ships from Mecca’ with woollen cloth, scarlets, velvets, opium and such like. Everywhere, boats were much in evidence as the entire region was, as Fitch describes, dotted with rivers and most settlements, such as Cosmin, Medon, Dela (Fitch’s spelling)—inland settlements in some way ports. The oriental collections in the British Library contain valuable palm leaf manuscripts, of which the earliest is a permit issued by King Sandawizaya (ruled c. 1710–1731) of Arakan to a foreign trader, acknowledging his gifts and permitting him to trade in Arakan.66 The permit itself is dated 1090 of the Burmese era, which translates as A.D. 1728. In conclusion, we find the Portuguese communities in Burma after the demise of de Brito and Tibau in some turmoil, reflecting political uncertainty in Burma at large, but quick to carve out new roles for themselves, whether in military service, interpreters or as intermediaries on international trade runs.67 Even after the Dutch left Burma, VOC factors left matters with their agent in Syriam, one Francisco de Costa, and thus clearly a member of the Portuguese tribe, ‘Translation of a Letter by Francisco de Costa in Syriam to William Hartinck in Masulipatam, 26 December 1681, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1378, f. 1653v. It was a Portuguese ship belonging to Anthonio de Mello Parera (sic) and Paulo Parera, which was used to transport the VOC’s Burma books back to headquarters in Coromandel, ‘Letter of Cornelis Mersman and Joannes Verkerck in Syriam to Anthoni Pavilioen in Pulicat’, dated 27 March, 1674, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1302, f. 418. It is interesting that indigenous chronicles even of a later date such as the Putugue (Pawtugi) Yazawin highlight the Portuguese as ‘hard nuts’, pitiless and even dangerous criminals, but nowhere speaks of them as ‘losers’, or empaupered.68

64

‘King Thalun to Governor Arent Gardenijs, Nationaal Archief, VOC 1138, 433–

434. 65

Fitch, in Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. X, 191. British Library, Sloane Ms. 4098. 67 For more on the country’s political instability, see Victor Lieberman, ‘The Transfer of the Burmese Capital from Pegu to Ava’, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1980, 1: 64–83. 68 Pawtugi Yazawin [History of the Portuguese], compiled by Father Ignazio de 66

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The diminishing trading opportunities in Siam, as Simon de La Loubère would corroborate from the decision to reserve foreign commerce primarily to the Crown, must go a long way towards explaining the downturn in Portuguese fortunes in Siam by the second half of the seventeenth century. Diminishing trading opportunities would appear to also have damaged other communities like the Armenians in similar ways, where from a merchant community, increasing numbers became horsemen and delivery boys as we have seen.69 One further comparison might be instructive here. Whereas in Siam, the King had his own junks for trade and was able to displace the Portuguese from their maritime vocation, the Portuguese seaborne communities in Bengal—which had a much freer hand, acting on the fringes of a disintegrating Mughal polity—also suffered decline over this period, at least if measured in terms of presence on the high seas and commercial prominence. Merklein, like many commentators full of praise for Bengal as ‘a large and fruitful land’ (ein groβ und fruchtbar Land), acknowledges this downfall in Portuguese fortunes: ‘The Portuguese traded vigorously with Bengal up till now, but this has latterly declined strongly’.70 Despite securing tributary payments from local rulers like that of Tippera (today, Tripura), the principal reason was undoubtedly the wake of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan’s attack and capture of Port Hooghli in 1632 and the carting off of as many as 400 European prisoners to the Mughal court in an eleven-month ordeal. This is an event illustrated in the Windsor castle version of the Padshanama, but while the picture depicts them presenting gifts and respects to the Emperor, the reality was that they were ‘distributed’ i.e. taken into the service of the various princes and nobles of the court.71 Of the population that remained, we can detect an important transition. In the latter half of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese community here were preeminently shipowners, like Albert Caravallos, who transported the English Elizabethan adventurer Ralph Fitch from

Brito and Johannes Moses, a.k.a. Baba Sheen. Yangon: Thuriya Press, 1918 [written in the early nineteenth century]. 69 Loubère, The Kingdom of Siam, 112. 70 ‘Die Portugesen haben vor diesem stark dahin gehandelt, ist aber anjtzo mit ihnem sehr in Abgang gekommen’, Merklein, Reise nach Ostasien, 1644–53. 97; Sarkar, The Feringhi Pirates of Chatgaon. 71 Kings of the World. The Padshahnama, fol. 116B; Travels of Fray Sebastien Manrique, 1629–1643: a translation of the Itinerario de las missiones orientales, Lt.-Col. C. Eckford Luard & Father H. Hosten eds., London: Hakluyt Society, 1927, II, 325–6.

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Bengal to Cosmin (Bassein) in Burma in November 1586 alongside a surfeit of other passengers.72 Pyrard de Laval described a community that still between the years 1601–11 did ‘only traffic, without any fort, order or police and live like natives of the country’.73 By the second half of the seventeenth century, however, although still sizeable (estimates suggest a population of around 20.000), the community had gradually become one constituted of ‘sons of the soil’ (filhos da terra) working primarily as artisans, soldiers, and petty traders.74 One ‘Nicolo Pareres’, a Portuguese merchant who appears in the English company representative in Bengal William Hedges’s diary on December 17, 1684, explained how the ‘whole community’ had written to the Viceroy in Goa, beseeching him earnestly to send ‘two or three Frigates, with the aid and assistance of soldiers, to possess themselves of ye islands of Kegeria and Ingellee, for which purpose they had sent him draughts and large descriptions of ye said Islands’.75 In other words, the community was not capable of transplanting itself. This transformation we must explain then in terms of the end to slaving as directed by the Mughals, the consolidation of institutionalised religious mission territories around churches at Tejgão, Nagori, Padrishibphur and Hashnabad, as well as the gradual rise of British seapower over the eighteenth century, which meant policing of the coast and seeking to edge the Portuguese out of mercantile enterprise at sea. The situation in Bengal contrasts strongly with the continuing lawlessness across the border in Arakan, where the remnants of the Portuguese seafaring communities took up as ‘Banditti’, launching periodic attacks on the trade in the River Hughli, as Alexander Hamilton noted, and plundering the King of Burma’s boats as late as 1795. Rennell’s map of Bengal, published in 1794, marks the area south of Backergunge as ‘deserted on account of the ravages of the Muggs’,76 and they maintained forts at Jagdia and Alamgirnagar in

72

Purchas, Hakluytus posthumus, Vol X, 185. ‘The Voyage of Pyrard de Laval, vol. I, 334’. 74 Sukumar Bhattacharya, The East India Company and the economy of Bengal from 1704 to 1740. London: Luzac, 1954. 1953, 79. Michael N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India, 152. 75 Hedges’s Diary, entry for December 17, 1684, vol. I. 76 An actual survey, of the provinces of Bengal, Bahar &c. By Major James Rennell, Engineer, Surveyor General to the Honourable the East India Company, published by permission of the court of directors, from a drawing in their possession; by A. Dury. Wm. Haydon sculpt. Published 12th May, 1794, by Laurie & Whittle, 53 Fleet Street, London. 73

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the mouth of the Meghna River. We are left an extremely detailed description of this piratic community by the soldier and historian Shihabuddin Talish, written some time around the year 1670. It is worth quoting in full: The Arakan pirates, both Maghs and Feringhi, used constantly to come by the water-route and plunder Bengal. They carried off the Hindus and Mahomedans that they could seize, pierced the palms of their hands, passed thin stripes of cane through the holes and threw them huddled together under the decks of their ships. Every morning they flung down some uncooked rice to the captives from above, as we fling grain to foul. On reaching home, the pirates employed some of the hardy men that survived such treatment in tillage and other degrading pursuits. The others were sold to the Dutch, English and French merchants at the ports of the Deccan. Sometimes they brought their captives to (. . .) Orissa, anchoring a short distance from the coast they sent a man ashore with the news. The local officers, in fear of the pirates committing any depredation or kidnapping there, stood on the shore with a number of followers, and sent a man with money on board. If the terms were satisfactory, the pirates took the ransom and set the captives free with the man. Only the Feringhis sold their prisoners. But the Saiyad-born pure women were compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery or concubinage to these wicked men. Mahomedans underwent such oppression as they had not to suffer in Europe. As they continually practised raids for a long time, Bengal daily became more and more desolate and less and less able to resist them. Not a house was left inhabited on either side of the rivers lying on their track from Chittagong to Dacca. The district of Bakla [Backergunge, a port of Dhaka] which formerly abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yielded a large revenue as duty on betelnuts, was swept so clean with their broom of plunder and abduction that none was left to tenant any house or kindle a light in that region. The governor of Dhaka had to confine his energies to the defence of that city only and to the prevention of the coming of the pirate fleet to Dahaka; he stretched iron chains across the stream (. . .) The sailors of the Bengal flotilla were inspired with such fear of the pirates that whenever a hundred war-boats of the former sighted only four of the latter, the Bengal crew thought themselves lucky if they could save their lives by flight; and when the distance was too short to permit escape, they—rowers, sepoys and gunners alike—threw themselves overboard, preferring drowning to captivity. Many Feringhis living at Chittagong used to visit the imperial dominions for plunder and abduction. Half their booty they gave to the raja of Arakan, and the other half they kept. They were known as the Hermad [Armada] and owned a hundred swift jalia boats full of war material (. . .) Latterly, the raja of Arakan did not send his own fleet to plunder the Mogul territory, as he considered the Feringhi pirates in the light of his servants and shared their booty.

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Fig. 19. Portrait of individuals from the Portuguese bandel at Hughli (Golim), captured and brought to Agra in 1632. From the Padshanama, fol. 32. When Shayista Khan (Mughal governor of Bengal from 1664 to 1688) asked the Feringhi deserters what salary the Magh King had assigned to them, they replied: ‘Our salary was the Mughal Empire. We considered the whole of Bengal as our fief. We had not to bother ourselves about clerks and revenue surveyors, but levied our rent all the year round without difficulty. We have kept the papers of the division of the booty for the last forty years.77

‘Harmads’ (probably a corruption of the term ‘armada’), or ‘Bombets’ (a corruption of ‘Bombay’, even though the reference was probably to Goa), a recurring and dreaded motif in local Bengali ballads and oral 77

Quoted from Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, vol. III, 224.

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tradition, for when open trading was difficult, or where trade in slaves jeopardised the community, the Portuguese sought out hiding places in inaccessible places like the Sunderbands delta south of Calcutta, from where they stalked their prey dressed in their dreaded black trousers and red coats.78 Scouring the seas, they attacked grain boats and enslaved the crew. One strophe of an Eastern Bengal ballad runs: The dreaded Portuguese pirates, the Harmads, were constantly watching the movement of these boats stealthily following them through the nooks of the coast. They plundered the boats and assassinated the crew, and the boatmen and captains of the seaside trembled in fear of the Harmads.79

We are forced to conclude, despite Joachim Campos’s vigorous protestations that although ‘haughty and insolent’ the Portuguese of Hughli ‘cannot be said to have become pirates’, in a different vein.80 Here, the legality of their enterprise is not at issue; rather, they were quickly overlaid by English mercantile endeavour in the key areas, clinging on to trade in one or two places, but otherwise either started to ply different professions, or got swept up in the raiding that went with slaving in and around the Bay of Bengal.

78 The local Bengali ballads worth looking at are Nuranneha and the Grave, or those of Nasar Malum in particular, see Dineschchandra Sen ed. Eastern Bengal Ballads, Calcutta: the University of Calcutta, 1932, vol. IV, Part I. For some more context, see Lakshmi Subramanian, ‘Of Pirates and Potentates. Aspects of Maritime Jurisdiction in Portuguese India and the Construction of Piracy’, in Cultures of Trade: Indian Ocean Exchanges, ed. Devleena Ghosh and Stephen Muecke, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007, 19–30; ‘Piracy in the Indian Ocean: Exploring Perspectives’, in IndoPortuguese Encounters: Journeys In Science, Technology And Culture (9th International Indo-Portuguese History Seminar), ed. Lotika Vadarajan, 1998, vol. 2, 756–764. 79 Sen, Eastern Bengal Ballads, vol. IV, lines 1–50. 80 Campos, The Portuguese in Bengal, 161.

CHAPTER NINE

UNPUBLISHED DEPICTIONS OF PORTUGUESE IN THAI AND BURMESE TEMPLE MURALS It is almost certainly a tribute to the Portuguese community that they appear in paintings in the cave-temples of Po Win Taung of central Burma, executed during the second Ava period (1597–1752).1 Portuguese and other foreign mercenaries offering their services to the Ayutthayan state may also have been confused with the celestial guardians, sometimes holding swords, which can be found beautifully carved on temple doors, a frequent feature in the early Ayutthayan period and also seen on some Bangkok temples.2 These findings, however, contrast strongly with the conclusions reached by researchers who have worked on Thai depictions of the Portuguese tribe in Tha Rua and elsewhere, which Hergoualc’h suggests were hardly ever ‘to their honour’.3 His reasoning runs along the lines that representations of Europeans were interposed in scenes of the Mâravijaya amongst the assailants of the Buddha sent by Mâra, the devil, to prevent the Buddha reaching the state of complete enlightenment. The Portuguese are mixed up with other foreigners in these representations and, in the case of the Mahosadha Jātaka—the fifth of the Mahanipata—with dwarfs and hunchbacks who guard the interior of Cūlani’s palace, and thus come to be seen as undesirable and hostile, especially after the supposedly ‘xenophobic’ revolution of 1688. We must discount those representations, however, where mere costume details of the Europeans—wigs, hats etc.—are superimposed on minor deities. In conclusion, it seems there was a fine line between the positive and negative attributes of these yaksas, or ‘guardian demons’, although it is clear that relations in terrestrial life were often projected into the divine world the Thai created for themselves.4

1 Anne-May Chew, The cave-temples of Po Win Taung, Central Burma, White Lotus Press, 2005. 2 See, for example, Warren and Tettoni, Arts and Crafts of Thailand, 108–109. 3 Hergoualc’h, Phra Narai Roi de Siam et Louis XIV, 105. 4 Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Yaksas, Munshirm Manoharlal Publ., June 1998.

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Fig. 20. Mural details from Po-Win Taung caves, Burma. Bearded Portuguese pay homage to the local ruler (a), and present offerings at the stūpa (b).

While the precious watercolour panels of Wat Ban Koing (now in Suan Phakat palace (สวนผักกาด), Bangkok) depicting the details of French embassies have been long known and appreciated amongst scholars, as well as the gold and black lacquer painting known as lai rod nam, of which there are good examples in the National Museum, temple murals and other wall drawings are currently the object of a wave of transcriptions, epigraphies and iconological deconstructions by top international scholars.5 Most of this work is concerned with depictions

5 Christophe Munier, Burmese Buddhist murals, vol. 1: Epigraphic corpus of Powin Taung caves, Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus, c2007; Christophe Munier, Sacred rocks and Buddhist caves in Thailand, Bangkok: White Lotus, 1998; Gerhard Jaiser, Thai mural painting, Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus Press, 2009; Peter Skilling, Past Lives of the Buddha: Wat Si Chum—Art, Architecture and Inscriptions, Bangkok: River

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of the Jātakas, the lives and experiences during the Buddha Gotama’s previous twenty-eight incarnations, than with actual historical events. The Jātakas were tales which are said to have been used by the Buddha himself during his final earthly incarnation to exemplify points in his teaching, and then written down in Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, by the fifth century A.D. The jātakas are in current usage in many Buddhist countries.6 While the early European response to these texts was outright dismissal—Loubère, for example, pointing out that they did not constitute ‘reasonable [i.e. written] memory of Him’, comparable to the life of Jesus Christ as preserved in the Christian Bible, and were little more in sum total than the product of ‘gross Ignorance’,7 Buddhist scholars such as Munier continue to insist that it is fallacious to interpret these murals as historical documents, and that scholarship must consequently continue to undertake readings based on Buddhist scripture.8 It is my opinion, however, and one shared by an increasing number of Thai art historians, that we can find in the depiction of these tales fascinating details of contemporary reality and for those murals made subsequently to the realities they are depicting, ideas of historical fact.9 Scrupulous research of these murals brings out representations of the Portuguese involved in pitched battles, longdistance trade and the seizure of native women. There was quite a large degree of individual agency accorded the artist in his rendition: as Jane Terry Bailey points out with respect to the narrative murals at Tilokaguru cave-temple, ‘the artist does not always show every incident in a given tale, but selects those that appeal to him for their importance, their dramatic quality, or their humour’.10 All this helps to elucidate

Books, 2008; Alexandra Green, ‘The Narrative Murals of Tilokaguru Cave-Temple. A Reassessment after Jane Terry Bailey’, SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, Vol. 3, No. 2, Autumn 2005. 6 For further information on the jātakas, see Arthur L. Basham, ‘The Pali Jatakas’ in Literature East and West, 12, December 1968, 114–128, and Lu Pe Win, ‘The Jatakas in Burma’, in Essays Offered to G.H. Luce by his Colleagues and Friends in Honour of His Seventy-Fifth Birthday, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1966, vol. 2, 94–108. 7 Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h & Jean-Dominiqe Cassini eds., Étude historique et critique du livre de Siam de Simon de La Loubère “Du Royaume de Siam” Paris: Recherche sur les civilisations, 1987, 139, 414, 416. 8 Munier, Burmese Buddhist murals. 9 Jaiser, Thai mural painting. 10 Jane Terry Bailey, ‘Some Burmese Paintings of the Seventeenth Century and Later. Part I: A Seventeenth-Century Painting Style near Sagaing’, in Artibus Asiae, vol. 38, no. 4, 268.

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and provide a picture of Portuguese ‘integration and interference’, to co-opt the conclusions of Ana Maria Guedes’s study of the Portuguese community in Burma.11 The frescoes and murals that depict these scenes are scattered across various locations, but the majority are found in temples or monasteries in Bagan/Pagan, the central Burmese ‘city of four million pagodas’ (or, as Paul Strachan more thoroughly enumerated in 1990, 2217 monuments) and capital city of the First Myanmar Empire (849–1287 AD), but also in the Mandalay area (previously the site of the great city of Ava), for example, in the Shwe Sayan pagoda (founded by Saw Mon Hla, a wife of King Anawrahta (1044–1077) of the Bagan dynasty), and Amarapura, the capital of the Konbaung dynasty in 1783 and again between 1837–1857. As Strachan emphasised in his monograph of 1990, much work remains to be done, even at Bagan, not just in restoration and conservation, but in exploration and analysis.12 The frescoes themselves are on the whole late eighteenth century and can be dated with a fair amount of certainty, given the accompanying inscriptions. What, however, was their precise purpose? Alexandra Green reminds us that as a general rule ‘the murals were produced to enhance the sanctity of the building, rather than as an educational tool to be studied as a whole by devotees’.13 But why do the murals at Shwe Sayan Pokala bear the unmistakeable hallmarks of an earlier, sixteenth century age in the merlons of the invaded palace that one can still see, for example, at Kamphaeng Phet, and the togas, rather than the trousers and jackets, in the depictions of the Iberian gunner we find elsewhere typical of the eighteenth century? Or why did the mural painters of Wat Phumin in the northern principality of Nan, whose work we can safely attribute to the period after 1887, choose to depict Dr. Kumâlaphek—a real figure from the life of the Buddha—as a seventeenth-century Roman Catholic priest? Or why does Wat Chong Nonsi in Bangkok contain paintings of the Buddha in the style of seventeenth and early eighteenth century Ayutthaya, but painted in the early nineteenth century?14 Part of the answer lies in stylistic rigidities; the fact that artists continued to represent reality in

11

Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portuguese na Birmânia, 1994. Paul Strachan, Imperial Pagan: art and architecture of Burma, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990, 1. 13 Green, The Narrative Murals of Tilokaguru Cave-Temple, 279. 14 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam. 12

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the mode of their predecessors. The ‘crowd of followers including officers, lance bearers and the watchmen of the king’s chambers’ depicted in the Brahmadatta entourage,15 for example, are portrayed in exactly the same way we find in the mid-nineteenth century British Library manuscript depicting the pageant of King Mindon leaving his palace.16 But there are other motivations as well. I would like to think that the motivation in the depiction of historical period-pieces dating to the early modern period represents a kind of wistful backwards glance backwards to a golden age of commerce, economic success and openness from an age dominated by the chains of colonial subjection and inland isolation.17 These are very interesting questions that historians have not even started fully to address. The Eurasian mercenary of Ananda ok-Kyaung The first of these murals is a late eighteenth-century mural from the brick monastery Ananda ok-Kyaung (Oakkyaung) in Bagan. We can date it accurately as there is an inscription indicating the date of 1785, and we know that the founder of the monastery was the royal archivist Uttaharājā. Among scenes of the Buddha’s former lives, for the temple depictions constitute fifteen jātakas represented in ‘continuous style’, perhaps in a moment of digression from scriptural detail, we find a Eurasian mercenary, his head covered with a bandana, toting a rifle, his ear pierced by an enormous gold earring. His face bears both European and Siamese features, and he wears loose-fitting, short trousers and goes barefoot. In this, he is entirely indigenized—if, for example, we were to compare him with the characterisation of the ‘jente de Pegu’ in the Codice Portugues da Biblioteca Casanetense, or the Peguan family (Peneguais familae) engraved by Joannes a Doetechum for Linschoten’s Itinerario (pp. 64–65) then the clothing and barefootedness is entirely the same.18 David Wyatt has insisted meanwhile that

15 Klaus Wenk, Murals in Burma/ Wandmalereien in Birma, Zürich: von Oppersdorff, 1977, pl. XVII. 16 British Library Oriental Manuscripts 12013, f. 10; see Charles Duroiselle, ‘The Pageant of King Mindon Leaving His Palace’, in Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, no. 27, Calcutta, 1925. 17 Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, chs. 10 & 11. 18 Luís de Matos ed. Imagens do Oriente no século XVI, Lisboa: Imp. Nacional, 1985, ch. LXIX.

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‘proper trousers are not Thai’, and that Thai would simply wrap a piece of material around their midriff, to be secured in a somewhat cumbersome knot in front, what Nicolas Gervaise thought the Thais called Pa-nonc.19 But the trouser-ware is in no way different to the plate in Linschoten, and indeed concurs with the ‘short trousers of some fine stuff which reach down below their knees’ Gervaise suggested men of quality, particularly, wore beneath their Pa-nonc.20 In the case of the mandarinate, these shorts would be ‘artistically embroidered with gold or silver’. The man’s barefootedness, however, contrasts with descriptions of Malays and Makassarese, and indeed the Thai mandarinate, who tended to wear sandals or leather slippers ‘of a Moorish pattern’ (babouches).21 For that matter, he differs also from true Portuguese here, and must be considered a mestiço, as newly-arrived Portuguese still true to metropolitan habits and standards would retain their garters and boots, as we find in the other murals. Other divergences present themselves. The Malays or Makassarese would not go armed with a rifle, but invariably carried their kris tucked into their trousers, as they did in the revolt in Siam in 1686.22 Rifle-carrying, then, was a strong European identity marker, while barefootedness indicated both toughness and poverty, both attributes of the sixteenth-century mercenary population. In three further aspects, perhaps, the protagonist differs from indigenised traditions. Firstly, the top he wears, a striped cotton jacket brought in over the waist, differs from the light, open-necked calico shirt depicted in the two illustrations of the Peguans provided by Linschoten and the Casanatense codex. This may have been a seasonal thing. Gervaise explains how it was only in the hot season that people wore fabrics such as ‘muslin, cut like a dressing-gown’. When the north wind blew people wore a ‘close-fitting garment made of Chinese brocade to close up the front’.23 Second, the huge earring, completely exaggerated in its proportions, is nothing like that we find in other

19 Wyatt, Reading Thai Murals, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2004, 68; Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 1688. 20 Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 91. 21 Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution de Siam, 62; Le Voyage du Comte de Forbin à Siam, 86. 22 The kris was nonetheless a fearful weapon. Europeans were forced to admit that ‘a single drop of blood that it evinces, is enough to kill’ (huma gota só de sangue que tire basta para matar), Notícias do Oriente, 1658, 75. 23 Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 91.

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Fig. 21. Eurasian mercenary guards local courtly women, c. 1785. Ananda ok-Kyaung, Bagan.

temple murals, or illustrations of the period, or amongst extant artefacts in the world’s museums, such as the Burmese jewellery in London’s Victoria and Albert Museum, which includes gold plugs (dipped in tamarind juice to give a copper-like sheen) and long tubes, worked in fine filigree, commonly worn by adults of the royal family as, Wenk explains, ‘an obvious sign of superiority’.24 The portrait of King Ananta

24

Choodamani Nandagopal, Dance and music in the temple architecture, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1990; Wenk, Murals in Burma / Wandmalereien in Birma, Plate XI ‘The Arrival of the Merchant Ship’; see also Shway Yoe (pseudonym for Sir James Scott), The Burman: His Life and Notions, repr. Kiscadale Publ., April 1990, 50f.

Fig. 22. The Peguan family (Peneguais familae) engraved by Joannes a Doetechum for Linschoten’s Itinerario (pp. 64–65).

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Fig. 23. ‘Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Pegu. Gentiles. They call themselves Peguans’, Codice Português da Biblioteca Casanetense.

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of Nan, in Wat Phumin, Nan, for example, shows the King to have two different earrings in each ear, and they resemble small horizontal bouquets of flowers, albeit in tin and other lightweight metals.25 Nor are the Ananda ok-Kyaung murals attempting to depict the hugely extended earlobes we find in Linschoten’s depiction of the St. Thomas Christians, where the accompanying legend explains: ‘Their earlobes are opened up and they consider that to be elegant’.26 Finally, the bandana differs from the red cloth headdresses that typify the Burmese style.27 His head-dress is intriguing and completely unlike any of the eleven identificatory prototypes provided by Anne-May Chew in her book The cave-temples of Po Win Taung. If anything, it is closest to the kind of fez worn by the Malay seamen in the boat frieze we are to present shortly, albeit of a different colour. The Eurasian’s job is evidently to guard the nautch-girls or devadassis, gazing at themselves vainly in their mirrors (a common gift of European embassies and visits to South-East Asia), and from the fine surrounding architecture, characterised by brickwork and wooden balconies, it is clear that we are in a royal palace complex. Although only painted in the late eighteenth-century, that is, as much as two hundred years after the events they depict, the fundamental truths and moral impressions received in the society where these deeds were committed had not been lost or substantially altered. Here, the Portuguese had been repeatedly accused of kidnappings and the seizure of local women. This, passed on to Protestant commentators, became fuel for the Black Legend of lust and lasciviousness that ‘exasperated’ local populations and led to local resistance and catalysed Portuguese decline.28

25

Wyatt, Reading Thai Murals 2004, Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, Fig. 59. Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten, Plate 25; cf. the description by Ludovico di Barthema, ‘The king of Pego (. . .) His ears hung down the length of your palm because of the great weight of jewels he wore in them. Thus, when you look at the king by light, at night-time, he shines so brightly that you would think it were the sun shining’, The travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508, London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1863, 220. 27 Wyatt, Reading Thai Murals, Fig. 25. 28 Stefan Halikowski Smith, ‘Insolence and Pride’: problems with the representation of the South-East Asian Portuguese communities in Alexander Hamilton’s ‘A New Account of the East Indies’ (1727), in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series, Volume 19, Part 2, April 2009, 213–37; more generally, William S. Maltby The Black Legend in England: the development of anti-Spanish sentiment, 1558–1660, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1971; Colin Steele, English Interpreters of the Iberian New World from Purchas to Stevens: a bibliographical study, 1603–1726, 26

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It is interesting, however, to note the local women’s response, which is one of passive compliance rather than, as related by Fernão Mendes Pinto in his account of the sack of the fictitious city of Nouday, one in which it was ‘pitiful (era lástima) to see them coming along in groups of four and five, hands tied up with musket-fuses (morrões), the girls all weeping and our men all singing and laughing’.29 Perhaps we see in Bagan a more objective and less moralised account of events than the Portuguese author, intent on satire and anti-crusade, was intent on depicting.30 To Klaus Wenk, dwelling on other scenes on the eastern walls of Ananda ok-Kyaung where ladies are to be seen lolling around on the verandah as they perform their toilet, the author’s mark is ‘with an accent of idyllic peace’.31 The question is whether we can identify a particular event with the afore-mentioned depiction. This is deeply problematic. The Peguans were engaged in a number of running campaigns against the Siamese over the second half of the sixteenth century (for example, in 1563–4, 1569), but were also victims of the military campaigns of King Tabinshweti and his general Bayinnaung in lower Burma in the years following 1535, when a lot of plundering is known to have gone on.32 In these campaigns, Portuguese military leaders such as Domingos de Seixas,33 Salvador Ribeyro de Souza, or Soares de Melo,34 who even became Governor of Pegu, were known to have been involved on both sides of the conflict, and involved considerable numbers of troops. Tabinshweti is thought to have engaged 700 Portuguese soldiers, as Oxford: Dolphin Book Company, 1975; John Robinson, ‘Anti-Hispanic bias in British Historiography’, Hispania Sacra, 1992, 21–46; George Winius, The Black Legend of Portuguese India. Diogo do Couto, his contemporaries, and the Soldado Prático: a contribution to the study of political corruption in the empires of early modern Europe, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Co., 1985. 29 Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, 1614, ch. 65. 30 Rebecca Catz, Fernão Mendes Pinto, sátira e anti-cruzada na Peregrinação, Lisboa: Instituto de Cultura e Lingua Portuguesa, Ministério da Educação e Ciência, 1981. 31 Wenk, Murals in Burma / Wandmalereien in Birma, text accompanying plate VII of the Ananda Ok-Kyaung reproductions. 32 Venerable Acwo ed., History of Kings, 1776, trans. by Robert Halliday in the Journal of the Burma Research Society, vol. XIII, 1–67, 1923, 55–56. 33 Barros, Da Ásia (1777 edition), Década III, Livro II, Cap. V, 160, 167. He was later seized at Tenasserim. 34 Diogo de Couto goes so far as providing us with Soares de Melo’s genealogy, Décadas da Ásia, 1736, vol. I, dec. VII, Lib. II, cap. V, 46–50. Couto’s Soares de Melo is probably one and the same as Mendes Pinto’s Diogo Soares, Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, 1614, ‘Como o rei do Bramá empreendeu tomar este reino Sião, e do que passou até chegar à cidade de Odiá’, cap. 185.

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well as ships with light artillery, while the Lord of Martaban had seven Portuguese ships, 100 soldiers and a Portuguese commander.35 Portuguese mercenaries also aided the Mons in the struggle surrounding the rebel Smin Daw’s recapture of the city of Dagon in 1740, but bribery was often used by one or the other party to avoid military engagement. We shall attempt to analyse the military conflict in a minute when we turn to the murals of Shwe Sayan Pokala. As far as the behaviour exhibited in this mural is concerned, we do not know enough historical details to really gauge a sense of individuals, or particular events, going on beneath these struggles, but can underline that the kidnap of women was fairly commonplace. ‘The Arrival of the Merchant Ship’, Ananda ok-Kyaung The following shipping scene also from Ananda ok-Kyaung is another fascinating insight into the Portuguese maritime world. The scene— painted over 85 by 61 cm of the eastern wall—is entitled ‘The Arrival of the Merchant Ship’ and deals with Jātāka no. 4, the Cullakasetthi Jātaka, in which a young man becomes rich from trading activities. In this scene, one of Cullaka’s servants is standing on the shore awaiting the arrival of a trading vessel. To Wenk, this scene constitutes ‘one of the most bizarre paintings in this temple’ where ‘one can rejoice at the naïve creative power of the painter’. But it need not seem so strange as Wenk makes out. Rather than a ‘semi-monster’, a device aimed at ‘reinforcing the sense of order in Burmese society’, we find three instantly recognisable Luso-Asians, to whom a mixed crew of Coromandel ‘blacks’ and Muslim lighter-skinned Malays or Javanese climbing the rigging is answerable. But let us start with the chief steward, busy feeding one of the ‘Portuguese’ whilst simultaneously being caressed by another. Whether the steward is a woman, is ambiguous. Topless, and without breasts, but effeminate, he/she is in many ways a ‘Macadoan’ figure (a term of reference current in Goa to refer to a professional caste leader) that we find depicted in Linschoten.36 The presence of women on board

35

For a Portuguese account of the fall of Martaban, see Peregrinacam de Fernam Mendez Pinto, 1614, Chapters 148–151. 36 Iohn Huighen van Linschoten. his discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies Deuided into foure bookes. London: Iohn Wolfe, 1598. Plate between pp. 54–56.

Fig. 24. Luso-Asian shipping scene, Ananda ok-Kyaung, Burma.

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is problematic as a general proposition. Discipline on board ship was always amongst the most rigorous of any kind of closed community, where attentions needed to be focused on the constant demands of navigation and possible seaborne encounters with hostile forces. It is sometimes suggested that the Undang-undang Laut (Maritime Law of Malacca) stipulated that under no conditions were women to be allowed at sea which at closer inspection is not true. The seventeenth century traveller Francesco Carletti explicitly recounts the experience of travelling with a native crew that brought their families, or at least their wives or concubines along with them, which is confirmed by the historian of early modern South-East Asia, Anthony Reid, who has suggested that Malays and Javanese did carry women in their ships,37 and that this distinguished them from the Portuguese, who did not. The truth here is hard to establish, and the caressing that we witness from the Burmese mural indicates the kind of ‘no less indecent than filthy and unseemly’ problems that arose when sexual attractions were allowed to rise to the fore, but to all intents and purposes I would suggest we have a native male steward or boatswain here, what other sources refer to as a sarang (a.k.a. saranghi, from the Persian sarhang, ‘a commander or overseer), who commonly ran Portuguese ships, in the sense of commanding over lascar crew. The sarang exercised such authority as to amaze Francesco Carletti when he sailed from Macao to Goa. The sarang—he recounts—had entire charge of the crew: ‘they [the crew] make their understandings with him, recognize and obey him, so that even the Portuguese captain, the master and the pilot of the ship is (sic) commanded by him’.38 Other European commentators did not have such a favourable impression of the ‘ghaut syrangs’. Wallace at the beginning of the nineteenth century equated them to ‘the kidnappers of Holland and the crimps of England’.39 What the difference between the sarang and the nakhoda, another Persian term (from Nā-khudā), is not clear to me. While some sources suggest that the sarang is not to be confused with the nakhoda, who raised crews for

37

Reid, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, 163. Ragionamenti di Francesco Carletti Fiorentino sopra le cose da lui vedute ne’ suoi viaggi si dell’Indie Occidentali, e Orientali come d’altri paesi, Firenze: G. Manni, 1701, ‘Ragionamento Terzo’, 206–7. The sarang is not to be confused with the nakhoda, who raised crews for Portuguese voyages. 39 Robert Grenville Wallace, Fifteen Years in India, or sketches of a soldier’s life: being an attempt to describe persons and things in various parts of Hindustan, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1822, 256. 38

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Portuguese voyages, Orientalists of good name like D.K. Bassett insist that nakhoda too were ‘sailing-masters of Persian or Indian dhows’ across the Malay world and thus in no way different from sarangs.40 As far as the Indo-Portuguese themselves are depicted, beyond their ubiquitous hats and beards, we might assess to what extent they shape up to description in early Burmese sources, and what that might tell us. In written descriptions, Portuguese go referred as Kala-pyu (white Indians), or later Kala-barin-gyi (‘Feringhi’ Indians).41 The temple murals here analysed suggest instead that the sailors were of a darker complexion, with a slightly lurid smile, perhaps reflective of the inflections Burman chronicles imparted on the latter term, amounting to ‘corrupters of the religion’, men with voraciously venal instincts, going so far as preparing to melt down the bell given by Dhammazedi to the Shwe-san-daw temple in order to cast cannon.42 In the temple murals, they are dressed in fairly skimpy and haphazard clothing indicative of a Luso-Asian body of sailors or homens do mar, a group of rough fortune seekers, social elements from lower down the social hierarchy unable to obtain fixed employment on land and thus forced to take to the water. And yet the seated posture of the captain aft is akin to that of Prince Vessantara in Wat Khongkaram in Ratchaburi, with his right arm bent in a gesture of social or conversational engagement, while his weight is taken by the left. Legs are tucked up underneath the figure. The next question turns on the nature of Indo-Portuguese shipping in the Bay of Bengal. With no major shipyards of their own in the region, the Portuguese communities tended to both contract local shipping for their commercial needs, and make periodic visits from Macao, Malacca or Malabar. The active shippers in São Tomé de Meliapur, Porto Novo and Nagapattinam operated a variety of craft, from the small vessels like the phares and mãchuas to the larger craft employed primarily from Porto Novo, despite the lack of natural harbours along 40 D.K. Bassett, ‘English Trade in Celebes, 1613–67’, in Journal of the Malay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, May 1958, Vol. 31, Part 1, 39. 41 Saya Lun, ‘Life of Bayinnaung’, Journal of the Burma Research Society, vol. 10, Part 3, 1920, 116–7; J.S. Furnivall ed., The History of Syriam—Syriam Yazawin’, in Journal of the Burma Research Society, vol. 5, Part 2, 1915, 53; Victor Lieberman ‘How reliable is U Kala’s Burmese Chronicle? Some New Comparisons, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 17, 1986, 244. Vivian Ba does not accept that bayingyi is a corruption of feringhi: in his opinion, the literal translation of this term is ‘friends of the king’ and this is explained in light of the role developed by adventurers and Burman kings. 42 Furnivall, The History of Syriam—Syriam Yazawin.

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that stretch of coast.43 Gijsbert Heeck met three ships captained by a local Portuguese ‘crusader’ and with Portuguese crews on 19 August, 1655, but which belonged to the King of Siam. His impressions were that the vessels ‘appeared in sloppy trim, and the rigging consisted mainly of rattan string and the like, with which they have to make do in this country (not having any other materials)’.44 Martaban in Pegu, where the Portuguese maintained a presence, was otherwise famed for its junks, as one can read in Tomé Pires, especially the city of Dagon, where high quality woods such as teak were in plentiful supply.45 What kind of vessel it is that is represented at Ananda ok-Kyaung? The sails are not unfurled in the Burmese temple mural, but we must presume they are square sails. Although the Portuguese did not really institute their own shipyards in the Bay of Bengal, and tended to buy indigenous craft, like the Danes did at Petapoli,46 the vessel depicted here is neither a dhow, at least of the type formalised in Norbert Weismann’s research, as it has no overhanging poop deck, and possesses three masts,47 nor is it a junk, which were typically higher than they were broad, and which used a different system of ropes and cords from the European. Furthermore, as depicted in Linschoten, junks were made with reed sails and wooden anchor. The Portuguese admittedly often used junks in the Gulf of Siam, as for example recorded in the logs of Portuguese commercial intercourse between Malacca and Martaban between 1512–1515, for the expedition of António da Mota and Francisco Zeimoto which was the first to make landfall on Japan, in the mission led by Father Jorge da Mota to Siam in 1596, and probably that of Duarte Fernandes in 1511, which was accompanied by ‘Chinese captains’.48 In the commercial voyages between Malacca and 43 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Staying On. The Portuguese of southern Coromandel in the late 17th century’, in Improvising Empire, chap. 10, 234–236. 44 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 29. 45 ‘Dagon. The junks are made in this port because of the good amount of wood there’, Tomé Pires, Suma Oriental, an account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca and India in 1512–15, and, The book of Francisco Rodrigues, rutter of a voyage in the Red Sea, nautical rules, almanack and maps: written and drawn in the East before 1515, New Delhi: A.E.S. Reprint, 1990, 97–98. 46 As reported from Masulipatam by Thomas Clark, Richard Hudson and Thomas Winter, 5 April, 1638, in William Foster ed. The English Factories in India, vol. 6, 66. 47 Norbert Weismann, ‘A type of ship on the Indian Ocean in the 15th and 16th centuries’, Mariner’s Mirror, 2002, 88 (2), 132–143. 48 Coutre, Vida de Iaqves de Covttre, Natvral de la Civdad de Brvgas, Madrid, 1640, Anonymous, Conquista da India per hvãs o ovtras armas, reaes, e evangelicas. Em breues memorias de varões Illustres Feitos marauilhosos em huã e outra conquista,

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Martaban, the junks had been bought at Martaban.49 But the numbers of Portuguese onboard are very much the same in our historical records and the temple murals. The shipping logs of 1512–1515 record only two Portuguese that sailed on the first ship (the factor and clerk), while in the second we can trace four Portuguese (a factor and three other men). Indo-Portuguese sailing vessels were of many types, as we can again find beautifully illustrated in one of the plates provided by Linschoten,50 but the principal types were the pataxo (pinnace), galeota and chalupa. These must have corresponded somehow with the ‘yachts’ (jachten) and ‘flutes’ ( fluitscheepjen) that Dutch sources invariably mention when discussing Portuguese shipping.51 Indigenous Asian shipbuilding was also converging in the period with techniques assimilated from the Dutch. The Siamese king, for example, was known to build yachts ‘in the Dutch style’ mid-way through the seventeenth century. Let us consider in turn some of these Indo-Portuguese craft. The chalupa, a type of skiff, seems to have been the product of the crossfertilization with the ‘small prowes’ of the Malays, which brought sandalwood, pepper, birds-nests and camphor from the Archipelago for sale here to the Chinese vessels,52 but is not the vessel pictured here. It would concord better with the indigenous barge pictured immediately below the Luso-Asian vessel in the temple mural, directed by a crew of possibly Mon, but at any rate indigenous merchants. The galeota, and its smaller version used by Portuguese off the coast of Arakan, the jalia (also known as gelia, but also jalba, jélyasse and gallivat), on the other hand are both larger than the vessel depicted here (the jalia typically had fifteen oar-holes on each side).53 The jalias tended to be used as

Cod. 1646 from British Library, Egerton collection, Liv. 4, cap. 13; Commentarios do Grande Afonso de Albuquerque, capitão geral que foi das Indias Orientais em tempo do muito poderoso Rey D. Manuel, o primeiro deste nome, Lisbon: Na Regia Officina Typografica vol. III, caps. XXXV–XXXVI, 172–180. 49 Luís Filipe Thomaz and Geneviève Bouchon, Voyage dans les Deltas du Ganges et de l’Irrouaddy. Relation portugaise anonyme (1521), Paris: Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian, Centre Culturel Portugais, 1988, 28–33, Tables I–II. 50 Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, Histoire de la Navigation, Ámsterdam, 1638, fols. 58–59. 51 Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 30. 52 John Anderson, English intercourse with Siam, London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, & Co., 1890, 424–6. 53 Humberto Leitão & J.V. Lopes, Dicionário da Linguagem da Marinha Antiga e Actual, 2 ed. Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1974, 310.

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patrolling vessels, often used by the King to go up and down the river as was the case in Arakan. Catherine Raymond meanwhile prefers to see them as kingly ‘barges’, rowed by slaves, flying banners, flags and pennants to the sound of blaring trumpets.54 They were the most prevalent of Arakanese vessels, Jacques Leider calculating that roughly 70–80% of Arakanese shipping belonging to this category, alongside others which inventories of the fleet captured by the Mughals in Chittagong in 1666 describe as ghurab (also catur, or kattu, a two-masted vessel), khalu, kusa (also cossa), jalba, jangi and balam (the balon).55 We are getting warm when we compare this picture with similarsized vessels, amongst them the foists ( fusten) depicted by Linschoten, which he states hold thirty or so men, but of which only a handful would have been Portuguese.56 The fusten, Linschoten explains, ‘wherwith they [the Portuguese] go to warre vpon the water which the Malabares their enimies doe likewise vse, are verie light, as well to saue as to row, they vse them also for Marchandise, because of the fitnes of the same, to passe from place to place’. It is not clear from the temple mural, however, whether the seven fish-scale pieces of wood are in fact reinforced holes bored for the oars, but we must assume they were. Linschoten’s fusten are equipped with eleven sets of oarholes, but only one mast, whereas the Burmese vessel has three masts. The fusten have a lateen sail, whereas the Indo-Portuguese vessel in the Burmese temple mural would have square sails of different sizes. The small on-deck cabin at the stern of the ship is present in both vessels, but appears more elaborate in the Burmese case. Linschoten’s fusten are crewed by ‘hostes Malabares’, whom we see in the Burmese temple mural climbing the rigging. Finally, Linschoten’s vessel is flying the Royal Standard, the cross of the Avis dynasty with its symbolic device of the Five Wounds (As Cinco Chagas), while the Burmese temple mural shows a pennant of indeterminate origin but one that Heeck

54 Catherine Raymond, ‘An Arakanese Perspective from the Dutch sources: images of the kingdom of Arakan in the seventeenth century’, in Gommans, The maritime frontier of Burma, 115, 122; Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales, vol. 1, 179. 55 Sarkar, The Conquest of Chatgaon, 1666 A.D., 410, 414; Jean Deloche, La circulation en Inde avant la révolution des transports, Paris: École Française d’Extrême Orient, 1980, vol. 2 ‘La voie d’eau’, 158–9, 181, 195; see Jacques Leider, ‘On Arakanese Territorial Expansion: Origins, Context, Means and Practice’, in Goomans, On the Maritime Frontiers of Burma, 139. 56 Iohn Huighen van Linschoten. His discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies Deuided into foure bookes, Plate on pages 54–55, 59.

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asserts (viz. ‘a flag with many red and white stripes’) the Moors were ‘wont to carry’.57 Heeck’s comment may be grounded on a misunderstanding. We would do well to remember that the standard practice in the river-states of South-East Asia was for incoming vessels to hoist and fly the local potentate’s pennant (or at least hoist a flag of peace) before they entered the riverine shipping channel from the high seas. This stood as a gesture indicating good intentions. At this point, too, local pilots often came aboard to guide the ships up the river.58 Van den Boogaart’s work on Linschoten’s iconography suggests we need to be more suspicious than hitherto about the much-trumpeted empiricism of the day, the ‘counterfeits from real life’ (icons naer’t leven) that authors like Linschoten employed, and Boogaart takes his argument as far as to suggest that Linschoten employed stylised representations designed to stimulate the imagination, the particular penchant of Karel van Mander, one of the names Boogaart contends stood behind the conceptualisation of the series of plates.59 I feel, however, that much of Boogart’s claims are unfounded. John Saris recorded in his journal of the first English voyage to Japan in 1613 his admiration of the scrupulous truths of Linschoten’s navigational instructions,60 while rather than be overly concerned with Karel van Mander, we need to know more about the individuals who signed the plates, the brothers Joannes and Baptista à Doetechum.61 The next illustrative source where Eurasian shipping is depicted and to which we turn for illumination and comparison is the Ayutthayan pictorial Traiphum or Tribhumi manuscript, after a 14th century treatise by King Lu Thai. There are three different extant manuscripts of this ‘almost uniquely comprehensive, colourful and popular presentation of the most profound teaching and message of Theravada

57

Heeck, A Traveller in Siam, 29. Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales, vol. I, 17, vol. 2, 14. 59 Ernst van den Boogaart, Civil and Corrupt Asia, Image and Text in the Itinerario and the Icones of Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2003. 60 Ernest M. Satow, The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan, 1613: edited from contemporary records, London: 1900, 188. 61 Stefan Halikowski Smith, Review of Ernst van den Boogart, Civil and Corrupt Asia, Image and Text in the Itinerario and the Icones of Jan Huygen van Linschoten in Itinerario, International Journal on the History of European Expansion and Global Interaction, 2004, Issue 3, 135–137. 58

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Buddhism’.62 One copy is currently in the Berlin Museum and two in the Vajirana Room of the National Library in Bangkok (the older and more important is 59 ft. 3 inches by 21 ¼ inches). Two of these are particularly richly illustrated, with the manuscripts dated to 1778 and 1787, while the third offers ampler written material. The Traiphum offers illustrations of ships sailing across the Sīdantara ocean, or perhaps the seas of the Cakkavāla, with depictions of coastlines, ports, and seagoing vessels and their crews.63 While the depictions are both charming and interesting from an historical point of view, Europeans are portrayed in a fairly conventional way other than the appearance of vessels in one of the Vajirana Traiphums which are clearly Chinese junk, as we can ascertain from the reed sails and raised poop. The vessels have two masts, with crows’ nests and an indeterminate pennant, and only one set of oars seems to be actively used.64 The crews here are both Chinese and mixed-race Eurasian, as determined from the skin hues, representative of two different groups of trader. It is an interesting exercise to compare the Burmese temple mural with detailed representations of Japanese vessels of the time that plied the Gulf of Siam, whether the seaborne ‘fighting-ship’ of the Japanese adventurer Yamada Nagasama (1590–1630), or the merchant ship Sueyoshi, one of the ‘vermilion seal’ (Goshuin-jō) ships that traded in south-east Asia at this time. The representations that have come down to us are entirely credible: while that of Nagamasa’s craft is a copy of an original painting once owned by a temple in Shizuoka before being lost to fire (the original being a donation by Yamada towards the end of his life), our knowledge of Sueyoshi stems from a votive painting made in 1633 to the Kiyomizu Temple (清水寺).65 While the Sueyoshi is a non-militarised vessel in every sense of the word (no

62 An English translation of the Traiphum was prepared by Frank E. and Mani B. Reynolds, Three Worlds According to King Ruang, Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1982, 59. 63 For a discussion of the extant variants and copies of the Traiphum, see Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A history of the geo-body of a nation, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994, 181, fn. 18. The Berlin Traiphum, made later in the Thonburi period, is discussed by Klaus Wenk, Thailändische Miniaturmalerei, Wiesbaden: Frank Steiner, 1965, Plate XI, 20–22. 64 For the Vajirana Traiphum, see Silpa Bhirasri et al., The Origin and Evolution of Thai Murals, Bangkok: National Museum, Fine Arts Department, 1959, 32. 65 Motojiro Kawashima, 德川初期の海外貿易家 (Tokugawa shoki no kaigai bōeki ka), Ōsaka: Asahi Shinbun, Taishō 5, 1916; ibid. 朱印船貿易史 (Shuinsen bōekishi), Ōsaka: Kōjinsha, 1942.

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Fig. 25. Eurasian junks, detail from a map of the Indian Ocean in the Ayutthayan Traiphum, a Buddhist cosmological manuscript of the eighteenth century kept in the Vajirayanana Library, Bangkok. 465 × 520 mm.

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Fig. 26. Iohn Huighen van Linschoten. His discours of voyages into ye Easte & West Indies, pp. 54–55.

cannons, sailors not dressed in military apparel), Nagasama’s ship has nine oar-holes, as well as cannon emplacements, three masts and a rear sheltered aftercastle. Guns are also present on deck. The pennants are flying the same red-white colours as in the Burmese temple mural, probably the symbol of the Royal House of Siam. While on Nagamasa’s vessel the sailors are dressed as samurai, the Sueyoshi seems to be carrying temple monks, who commissioned the ‘vermilion seal’ voyage. Military scenes involving Portuguese: murals from a former library in a religious complex near Sagaing, and at Shwe Sayan Pokala Ana Maria Guedes, in her otherwise intensely scrupulous, primary source based account of Portuguese involvement in Burma prior to 1630, contends that a fearful (temível) Filipe de Brito e Nicote

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is depicted in seventeenth-century century murals at Bagan.66 Di Crocco, on the other hand, considers that Brito appears as a ‘foxy and untrustworthy-appearing person’.67 Having scrutinised these paintings, it nevertheless remains a moot point at quite what point it is that Nicote is depicted. As a fidalgo of French-Portuguese parentage, and himself married to Dona Luisa de Saldanha, the niece of the Viceroy of India, it is highly unlikely that he would himself have ‘degenerated’ to the kind of costume we see depicted in the first mural of the mercenary, and which we find replicated in the temple murals at Bagan representing Brahmadatta’s entourage, where musket bearing Eurasian retinues again appear in striped trousers, go barefoot and wear black hats, although this time bearing brass shields.68 It is far more likely that Nicote was depicted in the guise of leader, directing his forces of Portuguese mercenaries, mestiços and Mon defectors at the wooden palisade of Syriam, as perhaps we find in the Shwe Sayan murals I proceed to analyse below. It was, after all, as a leader of men that Nicote was known to local societies. In local chronicles he was referred to as the ‘King of Syriam’, Kappitan-Jera in the local creole, more accurately translated perhaps as Captain General (from the Portuguese Capitão-Geral).69 That Europeans are frequently depicted in military uniform and purpose in Thai and Burmese temple murals needs to be addressed at genre level. As Hergoual’ch has pointed out, Europeans tend to constitute the evil host of the devil Māra, but in jātaka depictions double as the entourage of Gamani’s ninety-nine brothers, or that of the evil king Brahmadatta in Jātaka 546, where inscriptions accompanying the jātaka read: ‘The king strides off with his crowd of followers including officers, lance bearers and the watchmen of the king’s chambers’.70 The first military scene depicted here is relatively straightforward: the Portuguese in their coats, hats and garters, a genuine ‘tribe’ of many different racial hues, are acting as mercenaries for a local king

66

Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portuguese na Birmania, 190. Virginia di Crocco, ‘The Portuguese Presence Along the Burmese Coasts in the 16th and Early 17th Centuries’, Publication of a lecture made in the Feitoria de Portugal, Bangkok, 27 November, 1986 (offprint in the Biblioteca de Arte, Fundação Gulbenkian, Lisbon). 68 Wenk, Murals in Burma / Wandmalereien in Birma, Plate XVII. 69 Venerable Acwo, A History of Kings. 70 See, for example, Emmanuel Guillon, L’armée de Māra au pied de l’Ānanda, Paris: Éditions Recherches sur les civilisations, 1985. 67

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and constitute a regimented rearguard. The king leads, dressed from head to toe in gold, and is seated on a war elephant. We would do well to juxtapose this mural with historical descriptions of preparations and circumstances for occasions when ‘the King rideth abroad’, that is to say, when he launched military campaigns. Ralph Fitch can provide one such source. As he explains: When the King rideth abroad, he rideth with a great Guard, and many Noblemen, oftentimes upon an Elephant with a fine castle upon him very fairely gilded with gold; and sometimes upon a great frame like an Hohrs-liter, which hath a little house upon it covered over head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with gold, and set with many Rubies and Saphires, whereof hee hath infinite store in his Countrie.71

Another instructive example can be found in the lacquer panel decorated in a shwe zawa technique from a nineteenth-century Burmese sadaik manuscript chest held in the British Museum. The monarch Cūlani-Brahmadatta, going to war against the city of Pañcāla on elephants at night (we see the mahout bearing a lighted torch), is taken from the Mahosadha Jātaka—the fifth of the Mahanipata—and again we see foot-soldiers accompanying the animals, bare-torsoed, but in helmets and marching with their weapons still concealed in their scabbards. On this occasion, however, there is nothing to suggest the infantrymen were recruited from foreign mercenaries.72 The second set of temple murals, which I would like to present here, project a very different kind of European force, both in terms of military role and leadership capacity. The murals have been dated by Burmese historians to around 1837–46, and are located at Shwe Sayan, on the road from Mandalay to Pyin Oo Lwin (near the village of Htonbo). They are an altogether far more problematic proposition. We might begin with Jātaka 546, the Mahā-Ummaga or Mahosadha Jātaka, which scholars conventionally ascribe this scene and the accompanying mural depicting the invasion of the palace.73 Although the last ten Jātaka tales, the Mahānipāta or thosachāt, were the most common subjects of mural depiction, this ascription is somewhat contentious

71

Fitch in Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, vol. X, 189. British Museum, Asian Department, Article registration number 1995, 0405.1; see also Ralph Isaacs & T. Richard Blurton, Visions from the Golden Land. Burma and the Art of Lacquer, London: British Museum Press, 2000, 159. 73 Munier, personal communication. 6 January 2009; see also Wenk, Murals in Burma / Wandmalereien in Birma, 28. 72

Fig. 27. Military scene from a former library in a religious complex near Sagaing, late 18th century (Bangkok period).

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in that—in my reading—I have not been able to match the actions in the mural with the story that Cowell relates in his standard exegesis of the Tales of the Buddha’s Former Births published at the end of the nineteenth century (1897) and re-issued in a number of editions by the Pali Text Society. Other scholars, however, such as Alexandra Green have translated the accompanying inscriptions and have indeed found them to speak of events from Jātaka 546, such as Mahosadha’s marriage and the figure of Kevatta the Brahmin, as well as the unwiseness of the king’s desired marriage. But she has worked on different murals in the Shwe Sayan Pokala temple, and concluded elsewhere—from the Tilokagaru cave-temple in Sagaing- that the sequencing of the temple murals, particularly in the case of the outer walls, is not a clear and transparent exercise and ‘give the impression of wending their way around the temple walls’.74 However, one needs also to take on board the fact that there are many different versions of this jātaka, and that in Jātaka 546 we have the longest Pali jātaka of all.75 The overall moral lesson of the Mahosadha Jātaka is nevertheless that of the king’s perfection of wisdom (paññāpāramī) as we find, for example, underlined in Inscription 6 from Wat Pa Mamuang from the Greater Śaka Era (b. 78 A.D.).76 In Cowell’s narrative of this jātaka, the war scene which we find depicted at Shwe Sayan Pokala could effectively be at two different points in the proceedings. The Bodhisattva, in the service of King Vedeha, had caused a ‘great rampart to be built, watch-towers at the gates and three moats (of water, mud, and a dry moat)’ in the defence of his King’s city, Pañcāla. King Cūlani-Brahmadatta, counselled by the scheming and evil Brahmin Kevatta, sought to take this city, and surrounded it ‘by the light of 100.000 torches; girdled it with fences of elephants and chariots and horses, and placed a mass of soldiers at regular intervals’. The Great Being, on the side of Vedeha, instructed the Bodhisattva to encourage the city’s defence to stretch out their feet, eat and be merry, telling them that Brahmadatta was to leave the host of Pañcāla and flee away. Irritated by all these provocative festivities, Brahmadatta attacked but his soldiers were repulsed, returning with the conviction that ‘no one but a magician could get in’. Unable to 74

Green, The Narrative Murals of Tilokaguru Cave-Temple, 280. Alexander P. Bell, Didactic narration: jātaka iconography in Dunhuang with a catalogue of jātaka representations in China. Münster: Lit, 2000, 127. 76 Prasert Na Nagara & A.B. Griswold, Epigraphic and Historical Studies, Bangkok: Historical Society, 1992, 11, Part 1, Section 7 (text), p. 515, Face 1, lines 4–7 (tr.), 517. 75

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starve the defenders out of their city or weaken them by cutting off the water supply, Kevatta schemed that ‘whichever shall salute the other shall be conquered’. The Bodhisattva came out of the city in the king’s ‘noble chariot’ offering Kevatta a royal gem, which fell on the ground and he stooped to pick up. At this moment, the Great Being rubbed Kevatta’s face on the ground, forcing the other to acknowledge his obeisance. On the occasion of a later siege (outside the city of Upakāri), the jātaka describes in great detail the weaponry arrayed: ‘spears, bathed in oil, their points glittering like fire’, ‘swords of the colour of the sheat-fish’ (Silurus Boalis) etc.77 The siege scenes of Jātaka 546 are not always the scenes portrayed in other extant depictions. The wood-carvings on the panelling inside Yoe Soe monastery in Sa-le, and the scenes on the embroidered quilt (kalagas) photographed by Luca Invernizzi, dating from the second half of the nineteenth century, are good examples.78 They would appear to concentrate instead on the adolescence of the sage Mahosadtha and the proofs of his worthiness (the manifold tests of his wisdom). In the quilt, one finds the parrot used by Mahosadtha to spy on his enemies and eavesdrop on their conversations, as well as the four sages initially in the service of King Vedeha (Senaka, Pukkusa, Kāvinda and Devinda), who predicted their displacement by the arrival of a fifth, Mahosadtha himself. It may be germane to widen the sample here from the aforementioned quilts and wood-carvings: the last ten jātakas are considered to be the most popular stories in Buddhist art since at least the 11th century,79 and are to be found in multiple formats, including the large terracotta plaques from Khin-ba mound in Thayekhittaya, or the 389 Talaing plaques on the Ānanda dedicated to the last ten jātakas and accompanied by a brief descriptive caption in Mon.80 The scene used in the Traibhumi ms. to illustrate this jātaka, for example, is that where Kevatta kneels to retrieve Mahosadha’s jewel.

77

Cowell, The Jātaka, vol. VI, 251. John Falconer et al., Myanmar Style. Art, Architecture and Design of Burma, London: Thames & Hudson, 1998, 145–46, 197–8. 79 Falconer, Myanmar Style, 148; see also Mabel H. Bode, The Pali Literature of Burma, Rangoon: Burma Research Society, 1965, 81 ff. 80 Charles Duroiselle, ‘The Talaing Plaques on the Ānanda’, in Epigraphia Birmanica, being lithic and other inscriptions of Burma, vol. II, Parts I and 2, Rangoon, repr. 1961. 78

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The other possibility is that we are witnessing a scene from Jātaka 539, the Mahājanaka-Jātaka. The key here is the inscription, which reads: ‘the King [the name of the king is cut off ] took over the palace. A minister tried to instigate Pau la Wa Nat, who is the brother of the king and got arrested. But the brother was later released by the king and returned (. . .)’. There is no Pau la Wa Nat in the Dictionary of Pali Proper Names produced by the Pali Text Society in 1960, and the best supposition would be that it is a mistake for the protagonist of Jātaka 539, who is Polajanaka, the brother of Aritthajanaka. The two brothers quarrel, and Polajanaka is thrown into jail. Innocent, and breaking his shackles, he escapes to a frontier town to live quietly. At some point, however, Polajanaka returns, does battle with his brother, and defeats him. All of this, however, is merely the preamble to the rebirth of the Great Being, who is borne in the womb of Aritthajanaka’s wife and comes to the kingdom of Mithilā to wed Poljanaka’s daughter, Sīvalīdevī. However, top scholars in this field have assured me that ‘lots of paint was ‘wasted’ on scenes that do not show the Buddha’s former lives’.81 This would be borne out by the Khongpă illustrations at Wat Suwanārām in Thonburi, where we find depicted without referring to any particular event in Jātaka 546 a troop of soldiers listening to the commands of an officer.82 To answer the problem more directly, we do find the battle scene from Jātaka 539 expressly illustrated in the murals at Wat Bang Yi Khan in Thonburi where the battle is depicted appearing to float against the sky and earth, above the trees and rocks.83 The Shwe Sayan temple murals, we must conclude, could indeed be concerned with Jātaka 539. Let us turn now from matching the depicted scenes on to the narratives contained in the various jātakas, to the detail. In the Shwe Sayan Pokala temple murals, the Bodhisattva is more modestly represented than the protagonist in shining golden armour and head-dress that we find, for example, in the illustrations of Khongpă recorded photographically with such care by Klaus Wenk.84 The depictions of westerners involved in the battle scenes constitute, as we can confirm from

81

Green, personal communication 3 February, 2009. Klaus Wenk, Mural paintings in Thailand, Zürich: I. v. Oppersdorff, 1975, 2 vols. in 3, Plate LXXIX. 83 Reproduced in E. Wray et al., Ten Lives of the Buddha, Siamese temple paintings and Jataka tales, New Cork: Weatherhill, 1972 as Plate 5, 34. 84 Wenk, Mural paintings in Thailand, Plates LXXVII–LXXXVI. 82

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Wat Yai Intharam, a typical artistic rendition of this jātaka, although in Wat Bang Yi Khan, Thonburi, they are westerners only by their black hats and not by any show of superior military technology. In this case, however, we are clearly dealing with Portuguese, recognisable for their beards, and who are clearly the cannoneers (bombardeiros) and in official positions of military command, as we can appreciate from the finger pointing (although generals typically tend to be depicted bearing four flags in the genre). It is the Portuguese who lead both the defence and the attack of the beleagured city of Mithilā and the enemy encampment. They wear neck-kerchiefs or scarves, much as Gervaise describes, ‘a piece of gold or silver brocade, or a piece of painted cloth as beautiful as can be found in the country’.85 Dressed in long tunics and with long hair, it occurred to me that these might have been Jesuit cannoneers, who played such an important military role in Macao during the Midsummer Massacre of 1622 against their fellow friars of St. Dominic, and in instructing the Chinese as to the art of cannon foundry.86 We know that one ‘mandarin’, a ‘native of Macao’ was, for example, put in charge of a province in Cambodia in recompense for his ‘excellence in the art of casting artillery’.87 Meanwhile, the hats are so badly represented I thought for some time these may have been attempts to depict Christian halos. But there is no firm evidence on which to base this theory, and one might expect to see more overt symbols of their religious calling (rosaries, crucifixes etc.). As a historical event, it could relate to any one of a number of sieges, or encirclements. The wooden palisades, for example, were a fairly universal phenomenon amongst vassal states across South-East Asia.88 Gunsmiths aided the Toungoo king Tabinshweti when that king attacked the city of Hanthawaddy between 1530–1550.89 In 1569, Burmese again encircled Ayutthaya, this time successfully, the city falling into their hands. Elsewhere in the mural we can see Chinese foot soldiers, recognisable by their long hair and goatee beards. Perhaps we can thus link this mural to later historical events of the seventeenth century, for large bands of displaced Yunnanese had entered

85

Gervaise, The Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam, 92. Charles Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770. Fact and fancy in the history of Macau, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948, 81 & 97. 87 G.F. Marini, Delle Missioni (Journal of the Siam Society edition), 42. 88 Chou Ta-kuan, Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge. 89 Glass Palace Chronicle, vol. 2, 186. 86

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the country in 1659, fleeing before the Manchu who had overrun the country, but remained a problematic force in Burmese politics.90 But we need to elucidate what is the strange dance those local soldiers issuing from the palisade are conducting. They are not bearing arms of any kind. Could they be conducting a form of warfare very particular to South-East Asia, one in which ‘the struggle is wholly confined to trickery and deception’?91 Early accounts draw attention to the fact that, although being able to raise extremely large armies, South-East Asians ‘had no knowledge of tactics or strategy’; ‘they have neither bows nor arrows, war machines nor bullets, helmets nor armour’.92 Another one added: ‘They have no intention of killing each other or inflicting any great slaughter because if a general gained a real conquest, he would be shedding his own blood so to speak’.93 Later accounts specific to Ayutthaya, such as the ‘Instructions Given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’ where the question ‘If you are asked how one fights?’ is broached, is unreadable in the key passage, but clearly implies the use of ‘cold steel and sabres’, even when ‘within reach of the cannons or muskets’. Elsewhere in the same text, foot soldiers are described as ‘armed with arrows, sabres and lances’.94 The Europeanisation of South-East Asia invariably led to its militarization. But even when equipped with weaponry, the Abbé de Choisy thought that Siamese, Burmese and Lao archers made war ‘like angels’, firing into the air or the ground to scare their enemy rather than to kill him, and attempting to round up populations and lead them off to their own territory rather than injuring them.95 In the mural, however, to a western observer even the gestural vocabulary is not particularly martial. The forces would seem to be surrendering to their enemy rather than running amok at them, another typical tactic in South-East Asia and rare Malay term to have entered the English language. Their opponents are not even facing the sortie head-on, but are leading the defilade away in ordered lines. However,

90

Van Dam, Beschrijvinge van de Oost-Indische Compagnie, vol. II, pt. 2, 87. Ibrahīm, The ship of Sulaiman, 90. 92 ‘The Customs of Cambodia’ by Chou Ta-kuan, in Jeannette Mirsky, The Great Chinese Travelers, 231. 93 Ibrahīm, The ship of Sulaiman, 90, 94 A.M.E., vol. 854, ff. 721–27 and trans. & repr. by Michael Smithies & Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Instructions given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’, in Journal of the Siam Society, 2002, vol. 90, Parts 1 & 2, 125–135. 95 Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, 241. 91

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I believe we still need to make allowance here for a different cultural representation of war. Defeat would be articulated by lowered head and the hands held palm together as a sign of defeat. One of the telltale signs are the fists of the leading warriors sallying forth from the palisade. In Andhra dance sculpture—faithful to an instructional compendium from pre-Moslem times consisting of 12.000 verses known as the Bharata Nātya Śāstra—this hand gesture (Hasta-Abhinaya) is known as Musti, or ‘fist’, where the finger-tips of the four fingers are bent inwards into the palm and the thumb is placed over them. It is typically used to show beating, physical exercise, twisting or torturing, carrying swords, or sticks.96 We would also do well to turn our gaze from the soldiery to the Portuguese artillery commanders. They also seem less than resigned, stretching out fingers in gestures of military instruction. This is a particularly regal gesture in the genre of jātaka depictions and used, for example, to identify King Vedeha in the Mahosadha jātaka when his presence in a large group of figures is not immediately evident from other indicators like clothing. Otherwise, the historical detail is very convincing, from the wooden palisades, which were built by the Portuguese in their strongholds at Syriam, for example, to the Emperor of Arakan who, like Minkhamaung (reigned 1612–22), fought mounted on combat elephants that were given individual names.97 Oral legends of the battles between Siamese and Peguans, transcribed by Émile Notton, which notwithstanding the muddle surrounding the dates they refer to, almost certainly fall within the reign of Nandabayin (r. 1581–1599), refer to battle preparations involving ‘3000 elephants, 5000 horses, 100.000 warriors’.98 We find horse, elephants and warriors in approximately this ratio in the temple murals at Shwe Sayan. As regards the fortress, we have good

96 Ne. Sri Krsnamūrti, Andhra Dance Sculpture, Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Sangeeta Nataka Akademi, 1975, 151. Ever since publication of the Annual Report on Epigraphy in 1914, there has been much interest in the sculptured figures identified as the karanas of the fourth chapter of Bharata’s Nātyasāstra. An attempt was made to identify the ninety-three figures from the East Gopuram of the Cidambaram temple in terms of the text of the Nātyasāstra with the commentary of Abhinavagupta, ed. Manavalli Ramakrishna Kavi, printed in the Gaekwad Oriental Series (publ. 1926). 97 Guedes, Interferência e Integração dos Portuguese na Birmania, 162; see also A. Botelho de Sousa, Subsídios para a História Militar Marítima da India. 1585–1669, Lisbon, vol. V, 304–5. 98 Camille Notton ed. Légendes sur le Siam et le Cambodge ‘Légendes des Luttes entre Siamois, et Pégouans’, 53–. The problems with dating stem from the complex formulation, viz ‘220th year of the Sakāraja, year of the goat, last in the decade’.

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descriptions of de Brito’s fortress from the Jesuit Fernão Guerreiro S.J., who explains how, beginning in 1599 ‘starting with a trunk of wood and in 1602 making it of stone with a lot of artillery and munitions he set it on its feet (a pôs em estado), and now it can be defended against all foes’.99 The king in the top-right could easily be Natshinnaung, the Toungoo prince who remained loyal to Nicote until the end, and was executed as a result.100 Indeed, I have wondered whether we may be observing some kind of dramatic apotheosis of the kind Bocarro was to write of: This was the end of Filipe de Brito and the fortress at Syriam [..] which would not have happened if Filipe would have been happy with lording over Pegu little by little, without embarking on such difficult undertakings (empresas), and winning so many and such powerful enemies.101

The cannons themselves appear to be bronze rather than iron guns fully mounted on a four-wheel limber, the two front wheels being larger so as to enhance mobility, a technique already adopted in Europe as early as the fifteenth century. They would thus have been dragged by buffaloes and oxen.102 At a distance, it is difficult to ascertain what type of cannons are at issue here: culverins, demi-culverins, sakers, bases, falcons, or falconets, although their calibre is quite small, and so were probably intended for field warfare rather than sieges, where higher calibres were called upon so as to destroy walls and fortifications. Similar cannonry—‘bronze cannons of forty pounds’ (i.e. 18.18 kgs)—was reported inside the Ayutthayan royal palace by the Spanish embassy sent by the Governor of the Philippines, Don Fernando Manuel de Bustillo Bustamante y Rueda in 1718, and Chaumont—attending a Siamese festin in 1685—remarked on the ‘cannonry, that was fired the whole day without interruption’ (sans discontinuer).103 99 Guerreiro, Relacão annual das cousas que fizeram os padres da Comp. de Jesus nas suas missões nas partes da India Oriental, parte I, cap. III. 100 John S. Furnivall, ‘A Forgotten Chronicle’, Journal of Burma Research Society, vol. 2, pt. 2, 1912, 165–6. 101 Bocarro, Década 13 da História da India, ‘Este foi o fim de Filipe de Brito e da fortaleza do Sirião [. . .] o que não teria acontecido se Filipe quisera contentar-se com ir senhoreando Pegu pouco a pouco, sem se adiantar a tão dificutosas empresas, e a ganhar tantos e tão poderosos inimigos’, cap. XXXVII. 102 Michael Smithies & Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Instructions Given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 90, 2002, 130. 103 ‘A Royal Reception of Spaniards from the Philippines’, in Smithies, Descriptions of Old Siam, 102–105; Ferdinand C. LLanes, New knowledge in an old account: the Bustamante diplomatic mission to Ayudhya, 1718, Ph.D. thesis, University of the

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Guns were manufactured in Siam at the time,104 and exported to Malacca. Many tended to be made of iron rather than bronze and often incorporated decorative features such as makara, auspicious and mythical sea creatures forged directly on to the mouth of the cannon.105 But the three cannons cast by the lively Chinese merchant settled in Pattani, Tok Kayan, for the Raja there, including the largest cannon ever cast in the country, Seri Patani (พญาตานี) are proof enough that the bronze-casting activities depicted in the murals at Wat Bovornivej in Bangkok were harnessed to sophisticated technologies of gunproduction in the very period under discussion. As the ‘Instructions Given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’ make explicitly clear, the question: If you are asked if cannons are cast in the kingdom of Siam, or if they are obtained from elsewhere

was to be met with the answer: Reply that they are cast in Siam itself in all sizes from [the times of] the coronation of the present king, and there are as many as is needed for the defence of the kingdom.106

Even in the piratic state of Arakan, local cannonry include the impressive 1026 cannons, most jingals throwing a one-pound ball, seized by the Mughals in Arakan during a military expedition of 1665.107 Cannonry was also, however, exported widely across the Indian Ocean world. At first glance, however, these cannons do not appear to be the heavy cannon cast in the Jaigarh foundry in Amber Jaipur, which were simpler two-wheeled varieties, nor are they the decorated bronze Chinese guns we find in the seventeenth century treatise Ch’ou

Philippines, Quezon City, 2005; Relation de l’ambassade de Monsieur le Chevalier de Chaumont, Paris: 1733, 51. 104 Charles R. Boxer, ‘Asian Potentates and European Artillery in the 16th–18th centuries: a footnote to Gibson Hill’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 38, p. 2, 1966, 165; Seymour Sewell, ‘Notes on some old Siamese guns’, Journal of the Siam Society, vol. XV, pt. II May 1922. 105 Item 205 in Suvannabhumi. La Terra dell’Oro: Giovanni Andreino, un italiano in Birmania, ed. Donatella Mazzeo, Rome: Palazzo Brancaccio, 1998; see also Marie Antoinette Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, The Hague: Nijhoff, 1962, 123. 106 Michael Smithies & Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘Instructions Given to the Siamese Envoys sent to Portugal, 1684’, 131. 107 Harvey, History of Burma, 147.

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hai t’u pien, or those illustrated by Father Amiot and which had rings of iron around the barrels ‘to prevent them breaking or exploding’.108 The Portuguese gunners may have developed a preference for Portuguese ordinance. The main centre of cannon production was Lisbon, the Conselho de Guerra pointing out in 1616 that ‘there are in Lisbon three royal gun-foundries and two private ones’, although three of the gun-founders were considered inept and production never grew to satisfy the demand.109 Damião Peres provides us with an illustration of a Portuguese cannon cast in 1578 and which shot balls of 11 kgs.110 All types of guns were also widely imported from Germany via Antwerp.111 However, within a generation of settling in India Indo-Portuguese cannon-making was already flourishing, in foundries both at Goa and at Cochin, where the master gun-founder João Vicente worked between 1509 and 1546, but also in Macao, which started to produce its own high quality cannonry at the Bocarro foundry founded by Manuel Tavares Bocarro. This foundry functioned with the help of Chinese labour between 1627 and 1680 (or thereabouts) and attracted the interests of the Chinese emperors, as well as rulers of Makassar and the Nguyên kings of Annam.112 Founders like João da Cruz, a

108 Cf. Plate 62, Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Asia before Europe: economy and civilisation of the Indian Ocean from the rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990; Joseph M. Amiot, Art militaire des Chinois ed. J. de Guignes, Paris, 1772; Hu Tsung-Hsien (Zongxian), Ch’ou Hai t’u pien (籌海圖編: 十三卷), Hu Weiji, Ming Tianqi jia zi, 4 nian, 1624 (East Asian Library, University of California, Berkeley). For Dutch cannonry in South-East Asia, see Sirirach Wangspa, ‘Tracing Down the Dutch Cannons in Thailand’, in Proceedings of the International Symposium ‘Crossroads of Thai and Dutch History’, 420 ff. 109 José J. Teixeira Botelho, Novos subsidios para a Historia da Artilheria Portuguesa, Lisbon: Com. De História Militar, 1944–48, vol. 2, 56. 110 Damião Peres, História de Portugal, Barcelos: 1928–54, vol. V, 111. 111 Jan A. Van Houtte, ‘Anvers aux XI et XVI siècle. Expansion et Apogée’, in Annales E.S.C., 16, 1961, 248–78; Hans Paumgartner the Elder, Welthandelsbräuche, 1480–1540, ed. Hans Otto Müller, Wiesbaden: Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, 1962, 280; Paulus E. Pieris & M.A. Fitzler, Ceylon and Portugal (. . .) From the original documents, Leipzig: Asia Major, 1927, pte. I, 290–6; João M. Cordeiro, Apontamentos para a Historia da Artilheria Portuguesa, Lisbon: J.M. Cordeiro, 1895, 49; Botelho, Novos subsidios, vol. I, 12 & 289, vol. 2, 10, 55, 56. 112 Charles R. Boxer, Expedições militares portuguêsas em auxilio dos Mings Contra os Manchus, 1621–1647, Macau: Escola Tipográfica Salesiana, 1940; Manuel Teixeira, ‘Os Bocarros’, in Actas do Congresso Internacional de História dos Descobrimentos, Lisbon, 1961, vol. 1, 395–86; F. da Silva Amaro, ‘Fundições e Fundidores Artilheiros Portugueses na Asia e na Africa’, in Boletim Eclesiástico de Diocese de Macau, 680–83, 1960–1.

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mestiço brought up in Macao and who learned his trade with the Bocarro, were employed by the Khmer monarch at Udong and was made a mandarin of the kingdom.113 The reign of Nandabayin, which we have used as a probable benchmark for the historical validity of these temple murals, precludes the Bocarro guns if only because production had not yet begun. However, the cannons we observe in the depictions at Shwe Sayan are probably very much the same kind of short cannon Dom Rodrigo da Lima brought with him from India to Abyssinia in 1520 as presents (peças) for the court of Prester John he thought was going to visit.114 Like those five cannons that William Hedges observed at Lar in Persia, on his homeward journey, they were cannons of a 9¼ inch diameter bore, weighing from 31 to 44 hundredweight a piece, and produced in Goa with an imprint Anno 1618.115 The problem was that although South-east Asian rulers rapidly came to possess cannonry, ‘they do not well know how to use (manier) them’, as the Dutchman Joost Schouten reported on the Javanese.116 If we look at the situation fifty years further down the line from Schouten, while it is true that Portuguese gunners were still employed in Mergui, and Europeans continued to believe as Morelli did in the mid-1680s that Thai ‘were completely ignorant in matters of waging war’, it is not true to claim, as Boxer does, that ‘Neither the Siamese nor the Burmese ever developed their artillery into a really effective arm’.117 Whilst French sappers ‘spiked’ (disabling by driving a tapered wrought iron plug, or spike, down the touch hole with a hammer until it was level and firmly embedded) and split their cannonry (with fire) in Mergui in 1688, the Siamese proved able to restore the weapons to fighting form. Furthermore, their mastery of ballistics was such that they managed successfully to sink de Chryste’s frigate as it sailed off down the Chao Phraya River.

113 L’État present de l’Église de la Chine, et des autres roiaumes voisins, Paris: Sébastien Mabre-Cramoisy, 1670; also Pierre Yves Manguin, Les Portugais sur les côtes du Viêt-Nam et di Campà, Paris: École Française d’Extrême Orient, 1972. 114 Francisco Álvares, Verdadeira Informação, Lisboa: Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1974, cap. V, 17–19. 115 Diary of William Hedges, vol. I, 205. 116 Voyage de Gautier Schouten aux Indes Orientales, vol. II, 357. 117 G.-B. Morelli, Lettera 213.

Fig. 28. ‘Invasion of the palace’. Shwe Sayan Pokala temple murals, conventionally ascribed Jātaka 546.

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Fig. 29. ‘The meeting of two armies’. Shwe Sayan Pokala temple murals, conventionally ascribed Jātaka 546.

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Fig. 30. Crowd scene, late 18th century. Wat Chaiyathit, Bangkok.

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chapter nine Crowd scenes painted in Wat Chaiyathit temple, Bangkok

The penultimate mural presented here is a crowd scene painted in a Bangkok temple, which has been tentatively dated to the late eighteenth century.118 Here we can witness the burgeoning cosmopolitanism of the principal cities of Thailand even at a time of supposed retreat from the world (the so-called ‘hermit kingdom’).119 In the depiction of the Europeans, we see here exactly the same neck-kerchiefs and striped cotton trousers we find in the contemporary mural in the building formerly a library in a religious complex, near Sagaing in Burma (Figure 4), though the hats are depicted with greater detail, including a more sophisticated rendering of the brim and dual colouring. We find the same hats, in the same dual-pattern colouring, however, in the westerners depicted in the Mahosadha Jātaka painted on the walls of the ordination hall (ubosoth) at Wat Yai Intharam, built in 1757 in Thonburi province. The issue of artists copying material from extant murals elsewhere may well need to be addressed by the current generation of researchers working on the production of these murals and their epigraphies. Myths of origins: church murals from Nabet in the valley of the Mu The last mural is from the parish church at Nabet in the valley of the Mu. The church itself is only one hundred years or so old, and the murals less still, so that the rendering of the ships is a mere approximation to historical reality and closer to a nineteenth-century prototype of metal hulls, but they are depictions of origin: how the present-day ‘Bayingyi’ Burmese explain their provenance. We see the ‘hatmen’ arriving in gunships, possibly junks, manned by an African crew of ‘Abyssins’, seen here climbing through the rigging.120 In the top right of the mural, we see the Portuguese in their black hats and

118

Wyatt, Reading Thai Murals, 2004, 68. A similarly eclectic mural depicting a host of different foreigners can be found in the mural Pichaya Svasti has entitled ‘Keeping Company’ in the Wat Nong Yang Sung in Saraburi, ‘Reflections of Different Cultures’, in the Bangkok Post, 13 September, 2009. 120 Reproduced in Joaquim Magalhães do Castro, Os Bayingyis do Vale do Mu: lusodescendentes na Birmânia Santa Maria da Feira: Câmara Municipal, 2002. For more on the ‘Abyssin’ sailors, see Chapter 4. 119

Fig. 31. Myths of origins: church murals from Nabet in the valley of the Mu, c. 1910.

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tight-fitting jackets, unfurling the sails. In all truth, illustrations such as these feed off chronicles such as the Putugue Yazawin, of uncertain date and ascribed, according to the colophon, to a common project of the Catholic priest Daung Binashu and Thi-ri-zei-da-yat Kyaw, individuals still not clearly identified. While Furnivall dates the text to the second half of the 17th century, Marques Guedes prefers a later date. Of the 122 chapters, which are devoted to Portuguese expansion overseas generally, twenty-two concern Burma specifically and begin with the momentous arrival of the Portuguese in Arakan on vessels from Goa.121 Over the course of this chapter, we have looked at various depictions of Portuguese and their cultural baggage in a number of temple murals both in Thailand and in neighbouring Burma. Murals such as these carry valuable information shedding light on the activities of this largely silent population, many of whom acted in a clearly defined leadership role instrumentalising the latest military technology. We have also concluded that temple murals often carry an element of historical hindsight, depicting scenes relating to the former lives of the Buddha, especially from a set of historical memories that could stretch back as much as two hundred years.

121

There is to date no translation of this text, and I have relied on Marques Guedes’s summary, ‘Les Portugais dans l’historiographie birmane’, in Pierre Pichard, François Robinne eds., Études Birmanes en Hommage à Denise Bernot, Paris: 1998, 233–235. See also Furnivall, A Forgotten Chronicle.

CHAPTER TEN

‘ALL THAT THE FRENCH BISHOPS WISH IS TO SEE US LEAVE’. RELIGIOUS DISPUTES IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA BETWEEN PORTUGUESE JESUITS AND FRENCH MISSIONAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES DE PARIS Conflict abounds in the history of the Portuguese communities in the East, the substantial dispute which broke out in the late 1520s between two rival contenders for the governorship of the Estado da Índia very nearly leading to a civil war in the streets of Goa, Malacca and Cochin.1 Often this clannishness emerged from the very particular history of Portuguese mercenary activities in which, in Southeast Asia, mercenaries were employed by two opposing sides. In the case of the Portuguese bandel at Hughli, the tensions emerged between the merchant and the religious population of the bandel, who quarrelled about the relevant priorities and direction of the community; but also between Jesuits and Augustinians, who fought for the rights to depute the mission between 1680 and 1685; and then in the eighteenth century over the ‘native clergy’ issue, and thus a conflict between the ‘brown Christians’ and the Augustinian order, which continued to assert its missionary rights over the resident population.2 In Cambodia, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the clan system—akin to that in East Timor—seems to have been one which raged between ‘new’ Portuguese in the centre, and ‘old’ Portuguese in the periphery: one group

1 Jorge Borges de Macedo, Um caso de luta pelo poder e a sua interpretação n’ ‘Os Lusíadas’, Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da História, 1976, 94–119. 2 On the conflict over religious jurisdiction, see the unpublished chronicle of Friar Jorge da Presentação, Historia das Missões dos Padres Augustinianos na India nos príncipios do 18 século, written in 1748 and reproduced in Arnulf Hartmann O.S.A. ed. ‘História das Missões dos Padres Augustinianos na India nos princípios do 18 século, escripta pelo P. Fr. Jorge da Presentação missionário’, in Analecta Augustiniana, vol. LVII, 1994, 193–341. See also Sir Edward MacLagan, The Jesuits and the Great Moghul, London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1932, 127–129 and Henry Josson, La Mission du Bengale occidentale, ou archdiocèse de Calcutta, Bruges: Impr. Sainte-Catherine, 1921, 2 vols., 89–96. The conflict between merchants and religiosos can be felt in George Gearmain’s ‘project of 1784’, see Jorge Flores, ‘Relic or Springboard? A note on the ‘rebirth’ of Portuguese Hughli, ca. 1632–1820’, in Indian Economic & Social History Review, 2002, 39: 389–394.

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revolved around the ‘Soarez’, who worked the royal mint for the king and showed themselves to be ardent supporters of the Padroado, and the Diaz, who had long held the governorship of the town of Samboc.3 In the case of Ayutthaya, the Portuguese were lucky to be less rent by internal division, than steadily more involved in a protracted competition with the newly established French order of the Missionaires Étrangères de Paris. To be sure, there were disputes even before this new order formulated their charte missionaire in 1659; when Bishop de Sá, apparently resentful of the French Capuchin Ephraim de Nevers’s ‘saintly life’ amongst his Indo-Portuguese flock in Madras, had him kidnapped, taken to Goa and thrown into the Aljouvar prison for two years. However, relations between the M.E.P., who started to arrive in the kingdom following King Narai’s permission to French Jesuit missionaries to preach Christianity from 1662 and his acceptance of the first Vicar Apostolic Lambert de la Motte, Monseigneur de Béryte, and the established organs of the church in Ayutthaya, were bad from the outset. Motte sought to avoid contact with the Jesuit residence from the first day of his arrival in the city, downplayed his assessment of the number of Christian converts made by his rivals, and ended up asking the Propaganda Fide that all Jesuits be removed from the Vicar Apostolic’s jurisdictions.4 M. de Bourges brought papal bulls to Siam after his official visit of 1663 to the Holy See at the instigation of Lambert, which the French order believed clearly conferred the right on the M.E.P. to establish missions in all the Indies, excepting the Spanish and Portuguese Indies. This, in the Portuguese case, implied the official territories of the Estado da Índia, of which there were none in South-East Asia.5 The ensuing conflict was in large part a function of wider political discussions of the time. The Holy See only finally recognised Portu-

3

Frédéric Ponchaud, La cathédrale et la rizière: 450 ans d’histoire de l’église au Cambodge, Paris, C.L.D., 1990, is the best available summary of the Cambodian situation as far as church in-fighting is concerned. 4 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Biblioteca Carpinea, 32, 296; Letter to the Sacred Congregation, Archives of the Propaganda Fide (P.F.), Rome, Scritture Riferite, dated 22 November 1672. 5 Jean Baptiste Pallegoix, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam: comprenant la topographie, histoire naturelle, moeurs et coutumes, legislation, commerce, industrie, langue, littérature, religion, annales des Thai et précis historique de la mission: avec cartes et gravures Paris, Au profit de la mission de Siam. 1854, t. II, 136; Relation des Missions des Evesques François aux royaumes de Siam, de la Cochinchine, de Camboye, et du Tonkin, etc. Divisé en quatre parties, Paris: P. Le Petit, 1674, 19–24.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 279 guese independence in 1668. Indeed, in that year it moved to recognise that Siam belonged ecclesiastically to the Malaccan Bishopric. But thereafter the papacy issued a series of briefs and bulls in which the battle lines between the two competing orders were not clearly drawn out and separated. The French responded by asking for the right to administer the sacraments in their churches in Siam, which Rome agreed to. Indeed, Rome went as far as submitting Siam to the Bishop of Metellopolis, the Vicar Apostolic of China. This led to what António da Silva Rego has called the problem of ‘double jurisdiction’ (a dupla jurisdição).6 Then, on 22 September 1670, the Portuguese ambassador D. Francisco de Sousa, Count do Prado and Marquês de Minas, obtained a letter from Clement X entitled Cum sicut affirming that the rights of the Portuguese were not violated and that innovations ‘sunt perinde ac si nullo modo factae fuissent’, as if nothing had been set down as fact.7 A bull published three years later, Cum per litteras, was however directed to the Archbishop of Goa, reproving him for ‘his vicars’ in Siam asking Béryte and Lambert to show their bulls as if they were subject to Goa and the Holy See. At the same time, the bull placed lands ‘extra dominium temporale regni Portugalliae’ firmly outside the Padroado. In effect, the bull confirmed that Siam fell under the jurisdiction of the head of the church at Ayutthaya, whose charge he gave to de la Motte.8 In a brief of 10 November 1673 Clement X reiterated his view that the French priests were the true preachers (immediate missos (...) tamquam verso et solos pastores). In 1696, the neighbouring states of Cochinchina and Tonkin were added to the Propaganda Fide’s charge, after Pope Innocent XI (r. 1676–1689) had summoned

6

A. da Silva Rego, Lições de Missionologia. Lisboa: Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, Centro de Estudos Políticos e Sociais, 1961. 7 The breve was issued in Rome on 4 July, 1669, and is reprinted in Adrien Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam; Documents Historiques, Paris: 1920, vol. I, 38–9. Teixeira has a different interpretation of this brief, and the one following, Speculatores, dated September 13, 1669. By these briefs, he sees Siam attributed the status of Apostolic Vicariate, and made independent of the diocese of Malacca, Manuel Teixeira, The Portuguese Mission in Malacca and Singapore (1511–1958), vol. I entitled ‘Malacca’, Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1986, 102. 8 A number of these documents’ exact locations are indicated in Bibliographie des Missions Etrangères: civilisations, religions et langues de l’Asie ed. Gérard Moussay, Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2002.

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the Padroado priests, principally Jesuits, to Rome, whose injunction they had disobeyed, preferring to move on to the China mission field.9 Back in Ayutthaya, the Vicarial Notary Langlois handed the Dominicans and the Jesuits an official interdiction on their churches on 22 December 1672, and in Tonkin expected the Jesuits to cede ‘all the houses of worship and churches that the Company kept in that kingdom’.10 The French, everywhere reported ill of the Portuguese priests ‘who held an over-inflated opinion of themselves at court’, ‘abused the credulity of the Siamese’ and ‘got married (. . .) for as long as it is convenient to them and it can satisfy their desires’.11 Libelli (libellous proclamations) were made against the Jesuit order on the basis of ‘speculation’ and corrupt business practices,12 although thoroughgoing inspections conducted in 1665 and 1669 on the occasion of dead merchants’ bequests to the order found that everything was licit.13 Missionaries collected letters from disgruntled parishioners and sent them to the Propaganda, in whose archives they can be read today. One Manuel de Oliveira Aragua, resident in Cambodia for eleven years, inveighed against the Fathers whom he accused of not speaking a single word of Cambodian, and who were interested only in trafficking, even during the Semana Santa, keeping the keys to the cambuse (a store-room for food on ships) to themselves, and having no confidence in their domestics. Aragua concluded that it would not be possible in three days to write down all the bad things the Fathers there had committed, in the place of Chevreuil’s innocence.14 The diocesenal priest in Tonkin avoided

9 For one account of this story, see Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, A voyage round the world: In six parts, viz. I. Of Turky, II. Of Persia, III. Of India, IV. Of China, V. of the Philippine-Islands, VI. Of New-Spain, London: H. Lintot, 1744, vol. IV, chap. VI. 10 ‘Anno de 1684 Noticias de Tunquim’, in Códice 49-V-34, Biblioteca de Ajuda, fl. 213. 11 Le Voyage du comte de Forbin à Siam, 1685–1688, 96; see also Courtaulin’s ‘Epistola ad S. Cong.e Parisijs 8bris 1686 vindicat seipsum contra Jesuitas, suppdidatque media ad missiones Jndiarum Orientalium, de quibus multa enarrat, rectè administrandas’, in Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, Rerum Lusitanicarum collection, vol. XLVII of Symmicta Lusitanica, tomo 40, fl. 412v. Cod. 46-X-23. 12 Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Rome, Scritture Referite, Indie orientali, I, 62. 13 Henri Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionnaires à Siam au XVIIe siècle: le religiosus negotiatur du jesuite français J. Tissanier, suivi de quelques documents concernant le commerce des clercs, Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1943. 14 ‘Letter of Manuel de Oliveira Aragua, Cambodia, 31 March 1674’, Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Rome, Atti, 1673–74, f. 286.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 281 insults, but prayed earnestly for the conversion of the Jesuits,15 whilst in their formula of faith, the M.E.P. order called for the renunciation of Satan alongside that of the Jesuit Fathers (abrenunties Patribus SJ).16 As Pallu wrote to the Directors, the Jesuits had once been ‘splendid’, producing great churchmen like Matteo Ricci, Andrea Valignano and Alexander of Rhodes. But now they were reliant on ‘misinformation and lies’, suppressed letters sent by their rivals to the Pope and the Sacred Congregation, and were responsible for ‘bad conduct in Japan, Ethiopia and Makassar’.17 Everywhere the new missionaries tinkered with the liturgy and articles of faith that the Jesuits had been used to: Provicar Courtaulin forbade blessings accompanied by the sign of the cross, food and drinks before praying, forbidding mothers and fathers from making the sign of the cross over their small children, and the ‘recital of orations of Christian doctrine according to the old tradition’ etc.18 While certain quarters lambasted the French missionaries for their inability to learn and speak good Siamese,19 other quarters feared that some of these new practices, such as Bishop Laneau’s temperance and avoidance of meat, were tantamount to a policy of accommodation and which, in the words of the Directors in Paris, amounted to no less than ‘disobedience’. In fact, the reasons for Laneau’s absistence were related more to personal health issues (hydropsy) and what he considered the rigours of the local climate.20 Slackness, however, was a universal claim made by the French missionaries against the Jesuits. It was claimed that they had allowed ‘several idolatrous observations’ to persist among the local populations, that they had not insisted upon the observation of the substantive laws of the church (le droit positif), that they never fasted and did not

15 Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Scritture Referite, Indie orientali, I, 665; VIII, 184, 242; IX, 226. 16 Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Scritture Referite, Indie orientali, IX, 231 ff. 17 ‘Letter of François Pallu to the Directors, September 3, 1673’, Archives de la M.E.P., vol. 102; see also Henri Sy, La Societé des Missions Étrangères, la fondation du seminaire, Paris: Églises d’Asie, 2000, 129, 136. 18 ‘Anno de 1684 Noticias de Tunquim’, in Códice 49-V-34, Biblioteca de Ajuda, fl. 213; cf. Advis pour le gouvernement du Séminaire de Siam, signed 14 April 1674, especially the section ‘Règles de conduite’, A.M.E.P. 19 See, for example, the letter and memorandum from Constance Phaulkon to the Pope, dated 2 January, 1688, repr. in Michael Smithies and Luigi Bressan, Siam and the Vatican in the seventeenth century, Bangkok: River Books, 2001, 107. 20 Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources des Missions Étrangères, 227.

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observe festivals, that they did not feel obliged to come to mass on feast days and Sundays, and they neither confessed nor took communion every year. They administered baptism without the requisite unguents and skipped certain ceremonies on the pretext of shame (pudeur)’. What this amounted to, the French contingent argues, was a message reduced to ‘rather little, a sort of vague deism’.21 The Portuguese contingent responded politically to these accusations by sorts. The Archbishop of Goa had at first forbidden any compliance under pain of excommunication.22 Then, in 1663, the Archbishop had circulated a letter, which advocated ‘preventing the French to reach their missions by all means available’.23 Certainly they were to be deprived passage aboard Portuguese vessels making the Carreira das Índias, indeed forbidden entry altogether into the mission fields of the Orient, the Portuguese authorities denouncing the ‘apostolic vicars’ as mere emissaries of Colbert’s Compagnie des Indes Orientales. Lisbon was the only official point of departure, even for missions into China.24 The Propaganda Fide, however, had already instructed its newly appointed bishops to travel east overland after disembarking in the Levant, to travel under false identities and on false pretexts, to avoid contact with the Portuguese, and thus to circumvent the Padroado.25 This was the route taken by Lambert de la Motte, Jacques de Bourges and François Deydier, starting in December 1660. In the meantime, Jesuit Superiors like Tommaso Valguarnera wrote to the Propaganda in Rome protesting in more general terms about the ‘discredit brought upon the old missionary orders’ (discredito dei vecchi missionari).26 It was particularly hard for the Jesuits, as Saint Ignatius

21

Rapport dicté par Fr. Pallu à son neveu, A.M.E.P. vol. 856, 403–21. Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 40–1. 23 A.M.E.P., vol. 121, 635. 24 ‘Letter of King, dated 20 March 1685’, published in C.R. Boxer ed., ‘Correspondencia trocada em 1685–6 entre El Rei D. Pedro II e o Visorey do Estado da India D. Francisco de Tavora, Conde de Alvor, sôbre o Padroado Portuguez na China’ in Boletim Eclesiastico da Diocese de Macau (Set.–Oct., 1937); Henri Chappoulie, Aux origines d’une église. Rome et les missions d’Indochine au XVII siecle, Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1943–48, vol. I, 296 etc. 25 Archivo General de Simancas, Secretarias de Estado, Legajo 3025; see also the Instructions Romaines directed by the Propaganda Fide (although enunciated actually by Pope Alexander VII on 10 November 1659) to the first Vicars Apostolic, edited by Jean Guennou, and published in Joseph Metzler, Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria rerum, 350 anni a servizio delle missioni, 1622–1972, Rome/Freiburg/ Vienna, vol. III/2, 697–704. 26 A.R.S.J., Rome, Jap.Sin 162, 335 ff. 22

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 283 had insisted on a special vow specifically enjoining obedience to the Pope ‘by which the companions are to be so bound that they must immediately, without any shuffling or excuse, undertake whatsoever His Holiness commands appertaining to the progress of souls and the propagation of the faith, whether he sends us to the Turks, or to the New World, or to the Lutherans, or to others whomsoever, infidels or Catholics’.27 But Franciscans too wrote angry letters back to Portugal, as did Frei Jacinto de Deus, a deputy to the Inquisition in Goa, who advised the Roman Breves be rejected on the grounds that ‘their ambitions for our places and dignities destroys our poverty’.28 The administration of D. Pedro II back in Lisbon meanwhile exchanged opinions with their Viceroys in Goa as to developments on the issue, but seems to have ploughed a less confrontational path with the French, perhaps seeing that the M.E.P. had not won the wholehearted backing of their monarch.29 The French ambassador in Lisbon, for example, was not put off filing straightforward requests in 1685 that passports for French Jesuits to make their way to Siam ‘be speedily issued and delivered’.30 The Propaganda in Rome meanwhile punctiliously kept running archival records of the dispute, of which copies were regularly remitted somehow to the Royal Library in Lisbon, although those under the letter ‘G’ are missing (‘G’ for Gesuita?), spirited away for the protection of the order?31 Rome’s position in the conflict was heavily influenced, not only by its slow acknowledgement of Portuguese independence, but also by the running attacks on the Jesuit order made particularly by the powerful Jansenist lobby. This is a point made very clearly in the correspondence of the Irish Archivist of the Propaganda, William

27 Constitutiones Societatis Jesu (founding charter submitted to the Holy See, June 24, 1539), Article 2, as published in Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu, vol. I, 16–20. 28 ‘Carta inédita de Frei Jacinto de Deus para o Principe Regente de Portugal, Dom Pedro’, dated 1 Outubro, 1671. See Charles R. Boxer, Um macaense ilustre Frei Jacinto de Deus, 1612–1681, Macau: Escola Tipografica do Orfanato, 1937, 8. 29 Charles R. Boxer, ‘Correspondência trocada em 1685–6 entre El Rey D. Pedro II e o Visorei da India D. Francisco de Tavora, Conde de Alvor sobre o Padroado Portuguez na China’, in Boletim Eclesiastico da Diocese de Macau (Set.–Oct., 1937). 30 ‘Instructions to the Ambassador of France in Portugal, 1655’, in B.A., Lisbon, Jesuitas na Ásia, 49-V-19, fl. 576. 31 for example, ‘Carta de Urbano Cerri da Sagrada Congregação da Propaganda Fide com a qual envia cópias de documentos alfabetados de A–M sobre as Missões da China e os problemas suscitados pelas querelas dos jesuítas e dos vigários apostólicos’, dated Novembre 15, 1677 in Catalogo Macau e o Oriente na Biblioteca da Ajuda, Cod. 49-VI-11. For a general survey of relations between Siam and the Vatican, see Michael Smithies and Mgr. Bressan, Siam and the Vatican in the seventeenth century.

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Leslie, appointed in 1659, whose papers are today conserved in Blair’s College outside Aberdeen.32 One of Leslie’s acts was to transmit the following instructions from Alberici, Secretary of the Propaganda to Mgr. Pallu: ‘Careful with the Jesuits, principally the Portuguese ones; do not inform them of your plans until you have arrived in India, and be careful to maintain good relations with them’.33 Ultimately, Rome strove to reassert its own authority over the mission field, responding to the Archbishop of Goa’s letters by issuing a Bull in February 1663 allowing all missionaries to travel to the East by any route so as to facilitate their task; then, in 1680 imposing its authority through the administration of an oath to be sworn by all clergy, by which all missionary endeavours outside Europe in areas not ruled by Catholic potentates had to acknowledge Rome’s supremacy.34 Having asserted its authority, power was then officially devolved: the French Apostolic Vicars were appointed agents of the Pope and thus officially and clearly given authority over all Jesuit missionary activity.35 Scholars like Proudhomme would nonetheless argue that while Rome actively sought empowerment via centralisation of authority over activities in the mission-fields, it was not until the nineteenth century that this became a tangible reality, so that as an actor it would be more appropriate to speak of the Roman Church’s impératif d’adaptation.36 The wranglings of the Church’s representatives in Siam were not merely playing out international politics back home in Europe. During the 1670s and the early 1680s, Portuguese authorities received several heartfelt letters from religious and other residents in Siam and elsewhere complaining about the presence of French missionaries in the region and the ‘embarrassments they have caused’, denouncing them as impostors and condemning their ‘evil designs under the garb of religion’.37 António da Fonseca, Procurator for Missing Persons in

32

Malcolm Hay, Failure in the Far East: why and how the breach between the Western World and China began, London: Neville Spearman, 1956, 105–107. 33 Cited in Hay, Failure in the Far East, 105. 34 Ludwig Freiherr von Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, tr. Dom Ernest Graf, O.S.B., 2 ed., London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd. 1958, vol. XXIX, 132. 35 See Hutchinson, The French foreign mission in Siam during the XVIIth century, 1933, 14. 36 Claude Prudhomme, ‘Centralité romaine et frontières missionaires’, in Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Mediterranée, t. 109, no. 2, 1997, 487–504. 37 see, for example, the letter from Fr. Luís Fragoso to D. Pedro Prince Regent, Sião, January 19, 1674, in A.H.U., India, cx. 29, doc. 151; ‘Letter from António da

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 285 the Kingdom of Siam, complained in 1682 that the French wished ‘simply to prevent the Portuguese from settling in this region where their intent is to stifle us. All that the French Bishops wish is to see us leave’.38 Joseph Candone (Condoni), a Jesuit, was reported to have left his mission in Cochin China because ‘one of the French bishops would not allow him to serve as a vicar of the Christian community in that kingdom’, in response to which the Council of Missions in Goa instructed its missionaries in 1683 ‘not to obey the French Bishops, or any other Missionary Priests who had been sent to various regions by the Propaganda Congregation’.39 In fact, Candone had been summoned alongside other colleagues Dominico Fuciti, Emmanuel Ferreira and Bartholomaeo Acosta to Rome by Pope Innocent XI to give account of proceedings in that part of the world, where the churchmen excommunicated each other, as one outside observer commented, ‘to the great scandal of the Christians’.40 In this case, the vitriolic letters of Urbano Cerri, Secretary of the Congregazione di Propaganda Fide, demanding that proceedings be taken against these individuals ‘for their transgressions’, especially their ‘neglect of the quarto voto’ introduced by Ignatius Loyola, explicit obedience to the Pope, and amounting to ‘effective expulsion from the Company’ won the day, although Manuel Ferreira reappears as the author of a tract of 1700 addressed to King Pedro II which testified to the achievements of the Tonkin mission, the trials and hardships surmounted, and the large number of conversions.41 As Prince Regent,

Fonseca to Viceroy Conde de Alvor’, Sião, October 10, 1682 in A.H.U., India, Cx. 32, Doc. 6; ‘Carta do Conde de Vila Verde [Viceroy] para o rei [D. Pedro II] sobre os missionaries estrangeiros, sobretudo franceses, e os embaraços que têm causado’, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon, ms. Avulsos 54-XIII-116, no. 214, dated December 1 (or 5), 1693, Goa. 38 ‘Copy of the Letter by Antonio da Fonseca, Procurator for Missing Persons in the Kingdom of Siam, written to Count Alvor, Viceroy and Captain General of India’, A.H.U. Índia, caixa 32, doc. 6. 39 A.H.U., Índia, caixa 32, doc. 95. 40 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, Giro del Mondo, Napoli: Giuseppe Roselli, 1699–1700, vol. IV, chapter VI. 41 Lettera del Mgr. [Urbano Cerri] Secretario della Congregazione di Propaganda Fide al Padre generale della Compagnia di Gesù, Romae: 10 Luglio 1685, in Abbé C.P. Platel, Mémoires Historiques sur les affaires des Jésuites avec le Saint Siège, Lisbon 1766, t. VI, 83/5. In the Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon there is a letter from Urbano Cenni [sic] ‘regarding the Chinese missions and the problems resulting from the quarrels between the Jesuits and the Vicars Apostolic’, Catalogo Macau e o Oriente, Cod. 49-VI-11, fl. 131; Manuel Ferreira, Noticias summarias das perseguições da Missam de

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Pedro had been constrained to order the Jesuits under his control to leave Vietnam in 1682, even after they had at one time agreed to submit to the authority of the French Vicars, and could boast of enormous successes in conversion particularly in the period 1627–1648.42 In Ayutthaya, the Portuguese took to threatening the French bishop, Lambert de la Motte, serenading him at night by boat, strumming on a guitar, and singing of killing a bishop in order to silence him.43 On another occasion, a merchant passing through Ayutthaya with airs of being a relative of the King of Portugal burst into the Bishop’s house demanding to see the royal permission for his being in the Indies ‘without which’, he threatened, ‘I will carry you trussed to his throne to make amends to his honour and to ask pardon for your temerity’. On this occasion, a band of Cochinchinese carried him off, but tensions with the Portuguese community remained tense, and intimidating patrols of Cochinchinese rivercraft were needed to keep order. ‘The poor Portuguese’, the narrator Vachet continues, ‘were so astonished that for more than a month they dared not pass in front of the Cochinchinese camp when they had business to conclude in that direction, preferring to make an overland detour, and this is the end to an event which can only be seen as sad and tragic’.44 The political stakes were rising rapidly. While the relation abregée of François Pallu, appointed Bishop of Heliopolis and responsible for the missionfields of Tonkin, Laos and western China, who published an account in 1668, could still list the converts and their progression to baptism, and in the case of seminarians, tonsure, individually or in small groups of three or four,45 as could the Relatione delle Missioni dei Vescovi Vicarii Apostolici, published in 1677, by the mid-1680s Christians in Siam were generally estimated at 180.000 souls.46

Cochin-China, principiada, & continuada pelos Padres da Companhia de Jesé, Lisbon: Manescal, 1700. 42 For some general context, see Charles R. Boxer, ‘Correspondência trocada em 1685–6 entre El Rey D. Pedro II e o Visorei da India D. Francisco de Tavora, Conde de Alvor sobre o Padroado Portuguez na China’, in Boletim Eclesiastico da Diocese de Macau (Set.–Oct., 1937). 43 A.M.E., vol. 110, 58. 44 ‘Mémoires de Benigne Vachet’, AMEP, vol. 110, 58; Adrien Launay, Histoire de la mission du Siam. Documents historiques, t. 1, 32–33. 45 François Pallu, Relation abregée des missions et des voyages des evesques François, envoyez aux Royaumes de la Chine, Cochinchine, Tonquin et Siam, Paris: 1668, 122, 125. 46 Lemmens, Geschichte der Franziskanermissionenen, 110.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 287 Laneau’s successor, Monseigneur Louis Champion de Cicé (1700– 1727) estimated in a letter of 1715 that approximately 40.000 children had been baptised by the French since the inception of their mission, that five new churches had been built in several locations across the country, and they were given exclusive rights to minister to prisoners.47 Much of this report can only be highly dubious, particularly in light of the ban on missionization instituted under Phetracha’s regime. However, at least in the period prior to the Court Revolution of 1688, individuals made their way from as far afield as Macao to receive ‘sacred orders’ for the priesthood in Siam, whilst failing missions, such as that in Cochinchina in the mid-1660s, bailed out to take refuge in Siam.48 Pallu actively beseeched floating clergy, like the Italian Franciscans Angelo di Albano and Giovanni Battista Morelli di Castelnuovo, who had made the journey to China in 1680, to come and join the French mission.49 It was the energetic Pallu, otherwise criticised for his constant life on the move, who persuaded the French Compagnie Royale to purchase land on the mission’s behalf for the purposes of expansion50 and a new church, that the Siamese King had promised in 1673, started to be built in 1682 at his cost in exchange for the costs incurred by European powers in sending and maintaining the flurry of diplomatic embassies he had sent to Europe.51 In 1685 the church was described by the Abbé de Choisy as ‘magnificent (. . .) a church of brick’. It was otherwise very much a hybrid construction: while the roof was to be ‘à la siamoise’, the elevation and plan of the church was conceived ‘à l’occidentale’.52 This kind of architectural hybridism was quite common in the East, as we can see with the Augustinian church in Tejgão, where interrupted columns on either side of the portal followed the same design as found in the tomb of the merchant-prince of Dhaka,

47 Comte de Palys. Un Breton en Indo-chine au XVIII Siècle. Notice sur Monseigneur de Cicé, Évêque de Tabula, Vicarie apostolique de Siam, Vannes: Imp. Lafolye, 1892, 9. 48 Pallu, Relation abregée des missions et des voyages des evesques François, 73. 49 Stefan Halikowski-Smith, ‘Floating clergy in the Orient. The papers of GiovanBattista Morelli, 1682–88’, Reinterpreting Indian Ocean Worlds. Festschrift in Honour of Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010 (forthcoming); Benedetto Spila, Memorie Storiche della Provincia Riformata Romana, Milan 1890–96, vol. II, 130–137; Pietro Antonio da Venezia, Il giardino Serafico istorico fecondo di fiori. E frutti di virtù, di zelo, e di santità, nelli tre Ordini instituiti (. . .) da San Francesco (. . .), Venice: Domenico Lovisa, 1710, vol. I, 109. 50 Pallu, Relation abregée des missions et des voyages des evesques François, 125. 51 Morelli, Filza 1605, Lettera 209. The king also donated a house in another location. 52 Jacq-Hergoualc’h, Phra Narai Roi de Siam et Louis XIV, 50.

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Haji Khawja Shahbaz.53 It was not completed, however, by the time of the court revolution of 1688 and in the upheavals the church, along with the sacred vessels, was ‘profaned’, its contents looted and its artwork destroyed, although Laneau’s letters suggest that the Jesuits managed to conserve a number of church objects on behalf of the M.E.P.54 The French had also created a hospital in Ayutthaya.55 Although it proved expensive to run, Lambert de la Motte expressed his considerable moral satisfaction from running it. Laneau, later the médecin-chef, explained that it was necessary for ‘each medic to have his écrin de chirurgie medicine cabinet’, but it is not necessary that they be those large ones which cost a lot. He has to have some good scissors, razor, and scalpels. It is also a good idea to have sent a few copies of the latest edition of the Médecin des Pauvres, a few books by Lémery, and each year two dozen lancets’.56 Nicolas Lémery’s manuals of pharmacy were considered classics at that time. The quantity of lancets stipulated suggests that the medical efforts of the gentlemen of the Missions Étrangères were concentrated on curative and preventative bleeding, principal Hippocratic remedy of the time. Special initiatives had been made to cure Phra Narai’s crippled younger brother, who was confined to the palace, with debatable success, so that the King turned to Dutch doctors, but the French hospital continued to serve the Portuguese.57 Whilst demonstrating great commitment and activity to the mission in Siam, François Pallu attempted, in his own words, to ‘bring back the peace (ramener la paix) between Lambert de la Motte and the Portuguese’.58 In a letter written to Bagot and dated Siam, 26 December, 1663, he pointed out how it would be:

53

The opinion of Maria Helena Mendes Pinto, curator of the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon, in Avillez, Portugal: As Sete Partidas, 94. 54 Marcel Le Blanc. The history of Siam, 1688, 88; Bishop Louis Laneau, ‘Letter of 23 November 1689’, repr. in Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 8, 187. 55 ‘Hôpital à Siam, 1667–1672’ in Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam. Documents, Paris: 1920, vol. 1. 56 Mgr. Laneau, ‘Letter of 6 October 1684’, Archives of the M.E.P., vol. 878, 721. 57 ‘Journal de la Mission’, 1673, in Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662–1811. Documents historiques, ed. Launay, vol. I, 48–9. 58 Quoted by H. Chappoulie, Une controverse entre missionaries à Siam au XVIIe siècle: le religiosus negotiatur du jésuite français J. Tissanier, suivi de quelques documents concernant le commerce des clercs, Université de Paris thesis, 1943, ix.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 289 easy to live with the Fathers of your [sic] company, even with the Portuguese and those of the Indies. They have just as much gravity as Europeans, and I have learnt the way to give way (fléchir) and do not have any difficulty employing it. As long as you make a step [in their direction], they will make ten, a nice word opens their mouth and an inclination of your head makes them lower theirs to the level of your hands. All this is to say, you have to give them notice (prévenir).59

The problem was that Pallu was only rarely present in Ayutthaya, and could not inculcate the same way of thinking with the rigorous, proud and disdainful Lambert de la Motte. In any case, as we have seen, the conflict had long since become an international one, where battle-lines had been drawn up over jurisdictional issues. De la Motte had moved quickly to secure from the ailing Paulo da Costa written relinquishment of his powers over the Siamese diocese, winning the right for his priests to administer the sacraments. It was a Portuguese cleric even who brought him this letter some time in late 1666. This rattled the community of clerics loyal to the Padroado in Ayutthaya, as did a comment François Deydier made to Luís Fragoso, a Dominican and Commissary of the Holy Office, telling him that he had no right in church law to exercise confirmation on some rich Macanese to whom he was godfather and who had recently arrived in the city. It was the propositions of the Spanish theologian Quintanadvenas, approved by the Inquisition, that the French objected to in their censure doctrinaire. Fragoso started to threaten Lambert with the Inquisition, and repeatedly sent ecclesiastical bailiffs demanding that de la Motte present written evidence of his ‘powers’. The French bishop responded calmly that ‘he had never refused nor would refuse anyone the right to inspect his letters of appointment, but that one could adopt more just and respectful tone than those expressed’. He demanded, moreover, written notification.60 The ‘Portuguese’ were consequently reluctant to commit their demands to paper, and which might later rebound against them, and sent another set of bailiffs, this time accompanied by armed guards. Seeing that Lambert de la Motte would not be browbeaten, Fragoso started to write defamatory libelles, co-signed by the Jesuit Luís Vaz, in which he accused the Vicars Apostolic of opposition to the Holy See, being suspect in matters of faith,

59

In Launay, Lettres de Monseigneur Pallu, t. II, 21. ‘Journal de la Mission, 1673’, in Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662–1811. Documents historiques, ed. Launay, vol. I, 233–234. 60

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and consequently forbade Christians any contact with them amounting to an excommunication in the name of the Holy Office. These articles were then pinned to the church doors of the Jesuit and Dominican churches on the Day of St. Francis Xavier. On 24 December Lambert instructed Fragoso to send the libel to Rome, knowing that it would be as long as three years before the Vatican could pronounce any judgement on the matter. The Dominicans arrested one of two Christian Siamese messengers, with the intention of transporting him by ship to Goa. Although he was liberated eighteen days later by the officers of the King of Siam, the affaire Fragoso caused a lot of harm to the Christianisation process in Ayutthaya, with several Christians leaving the St. Joseph settlement, and the Macanese ordinands returning to Macao. Motte then proceeded to publish a famous pastoral letter of 15 October 1667 in which the Jesuit order as a whole was accused of commerce in flagrant violation of pontifical prohibitions. Grist for these accusations came not only from Macao, a trading city par excellence and one that was fighting for its very existence over the period in question, but from certain recriminations against the Jesuit provincial in Siam between 1664–1667, Emmanuel Rodriguez, who died before he could accomplish his term in office. Louis Chevreuil was later to write to the Directors of the Seminary of Paris how he was interested only in the cargo of the boat that brought him.61 Lambert de la Motte’s letter only served to generalise the hostility rather than contain it. Luís do Rosario, the Vicar of the Dominicans in Ayutthaya, set to personal defamation, arguing that Motte was a ‘man who was lost to women’, and claiming to be well informed as to Motte’s ‘excesses on his route to Ayutthaya, in Tenasserim, in the campo of the Portuguese there, here in that of the Dutch, and that he had only come here in order better to conduct his dissolute life’.62 Thomas Valguarnera instead replied in a sober and sincere letter of refutal.63 He did not deny the commercial involvement of especially the Macanese Jesuits, but explained it and showed its limits. How could the Jesuits turn away from material matters when they were awarded

61 ‘Chevreuil to Directors of the Seminary of Paris, Bantam, 16 June, 1672’, Archives de la M.E.P., vol. 876, 743–49. 62 Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources des Missions Étrangères, 149. 63 Letter reproduced in Appendix of Henri Chappoulie, Une Controverse entre missionaires à Siam au XVIIe siècle.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 291 precious legacies from their converts and followers? He argued that the commercial transactions were exercised by a sole procurator, and that this was an office that was held to account, indeed Valguarnera’s predecessor Luís da Gama, had dismissed his procurator for abuses. Tradition regulated the procurator’s integrity, and Pope Gregory XIII had given express permission to practice a certain commerce. The silk trade that the Jesuits went accused of was, moreover, in the hands of secular merchants who ‘accompanied’ the Jesuits in their religious tasks. On August 4, 1670, the Cardinal of the Propaganda in Rome approved Lambert’s censures against Fragoso on the subject of Quintanadvenas and sent a personal letter of encouragement to Lambert. In 1671, the Holy Office gave the Chief Inquisitor in Goa an order to recall Fragoso, although the latter only acted three years later with the publication of another brief officially excluding the Inquisition from any power on territories conferred to the Vicars Apostolic.64 In the meantime, in 1672 Archbishop Brandão of Goa O.C. disclaimed the Padroado’s jurisdiction on any territory that was not subject to the King of Portugal. But he was forced to make an exception for the campo Português in Siam, quoting the special rights of the Portuguese there: the concession by the equivalent of letters-patent, confirmed at the outset of Prasat Thong’s reign, which made over this site to the King of Portugal for such of his subjects that might desire to settle in the Kingdom of Siam although with the express stipulation that permission to fortify the land was withholden. Consequently, as Father Bèze goes on to explain, ‘the Portuguese priests in that camp conceived it their duty not to submit to the Vicars until the Pope had delivered a ruling, since in numerous Bulls His Holiness had disclaimed any intention of extending the Vicars’ jurisdiction or of encroaching upon the rights of the King of Portugal in places already subject to him’ (. . .) ‘Thus, although the Vicars had obtained a Bull in 1669 which places Siam within their jurisdiction, it contradicted a ruling by the same Pope due, it appears, to a faulty statement that the Portuguese possessed no temporal rights in Siam and made no mention of their Camp’.65

The Archbishop consequently sent a newly appointed vigário de vara, a ‘vicar of the rod’ (the rod being symbolic of ecclesiastical jurisdiction), 64

Fauconnet-Buzelin, Aux sources des Missions Étrangères, 146–147. Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 41–2. Bèze’s account errs in that Brandão was Archbishop between 1675–78. 65

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to supervise the dispute and bolster the case for the Padroado.66 In this dispute, the Dominicans in Siam deferred to the lead taken by the Jesuits there. As Bèze continues: By asking the Jesuits to take the oath of allegiance [to the French Vicars] in priority to them (. . .) they added it was only right and proper for the Jesuits to lead the way by reason of the influence they enjoyed both in court circles and with the masses, as this influence rendered them better able both to gain approval for those who took the oath and to obtain remission of the threatened sanctions.

The French position understood and recognised the original donation of Alexander VI to the Portuguese monarchs, but insisted that it was only valid where the Portuguese ‘were masters’. As Choisy’s diary puts it: ‘How then to prevent the Pope sending missionaries into abandoned countries, which they are not in a state to succour?’67 Bèze, such a good source on the dispute between the different orders in Siam, himself tires of the details, saying ‘I omit details of the ensuing moves which would fill a whole volume and are irrelevant to my subject’.68 Suffice it to say that in 1680 the Holy See acted to instruct the Jesuits and other recalcitrant orders in the East to submission, although of the subsequent moves arising from this conflict, a significant one erupted from differences between Rome and Paris only serving to compromise the French side. Concretely, this was a rebuke Bishop Laneau received from Rome for his lack of zeal in administering the oath of allegiance to the Apostolic Vicars on recalcitrant clergy in his See. This outwardly puzzling sloth becomes more understandable when we trace the terms of the oath, which had been drawn up in Rome to reinforce his authority, but which had caused offence to his sovereign Louis XIV on the grounds that Louis XIV wanted to appoint the missionaries himself.69 But as we shall see, the oath was also refused from the other orders despite express instructions from their Orders’ Generals in Rome. Morelli wrote that 24 men of the cloth

66

Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, entry for 13 November, 222. ‘Comment donc peuvent t’ils empêcher le Pape d’envoyer des Missionaires dans les pays abandonnés, qu’ils ne sont pas en état de secourir’, Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, 222. 68 Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, 41. 69 Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l’esprit philosophique en France, 1640– 1740, Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1932, 58; Hutchinson, The French Foreign Mission in Siam. 67

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 293 refused to take the vow, and agreed to step aside from their missionary role (astenendosi di fare funzione alcuna di missionario).70 The next salient point in the imbroglio was the Portuguese embassy of 1684 led by Pero Vaz de Siqueira, which tried to win the support of the Siamese king in the quarrel and, although unable to ask him to expel the French from his kingdom, asked that at the very least foreigners be forbidden from entering the Portuguese bandel and from disturbing its residents in any way.71 The Thai King’s reaction was one of unease and dissatisfaction: ‘the King’, Bèze continues, ‘was far from edified by the disclosure of the disputes which for so long had been the cause of division among Christians in the Indies’, but went along with the embassy’s requests to the point that Father Domingos de Santa Anna could boast that ‘he granted everything that the Ambassador asked for’.72 But the Portuguese were dogged in their defiance of French encroachments and, as Choisy’s dairy from the following year notes, the affair continued to make ‘a lot of noise here’ (grand bruit ici) as it did elsewhere in Southeast Asia.73 In Cochinchina, Jesuits announced in mass and pinned notices to their church doors to the effect that no Christians confess to the French missionaries or Provicar on pain of ‘excommunication majeure’, insisting in the authority of the secular priest and Vicar General Nicolau Fonseca, who had been sent from Macao.74 In light of the above, and the generalised responses of Frenchmen still working in the Jesuit order, like Marcel Le Blanc, S.J., placed in a difficult situation, but still quick to nurture contempt for his French brethren, the suspicious pronouncements of the Governor in Goa, Dom Rodrigo da Costa, who warned the Crown that the

70

Morelli, Lettera 277, dated London 2 April, 1688. ‘Copy of a Letter the Viceroy, the Count of Alvor sent the King of Siam’, A.H.U, Índia, caixa 58, doc. 96, dated Goa, 1 May 1683. Bèze’s version of this very sensitive subject suggest that that the Ambassador asked the King ‘to deny them [the French Bishops] the freedom of action which his Majesty had bestowed upon them in his dominions’, Mémoire du Père de Bèze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon. 72 Letter of Santa Anna dated 21 June 1684. There are two copies: as fl. 237 of the Siqueira dossier, repr. in Seabra The Embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira (1684–1686), 105–6; A.H.U., Lisbon Cx. 59, Doc. 234. 73 Choisy, Journal du voyage de Siam, entry for 13 November, 222. 74 ‘In Congregatione particulari habita die 5 Februarii 1694 relatum fuit ut sequitur’, in Platel, Mémoires Historiques, vol. VI, 83–85. 71

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non-Jesuits only harmed the interests of the Padroado, particularly in China, become hard to understand.75 In 1705, the Bishop of Malacca, Manuel de Santo António, sent another vigário de vara to Siam to lay claim spiritually to the kingdom. The French bishop, Monseigneur de Cicé, refused to acknowledge the Portuguese mission churches and felt obliged to excommunicate the vicar, at which point the Portuguese vicar arrived with armed partisans and laid siege to the French seminary, tore up the episcopal sentence on the church door, and threatened to carry off the prelate to Goa. The French responded by summoning the Bishop of Malacca to appear before an ecclesiastical court presided over by Mgr. de Tournon, the papal legate to China, on pain of a fine of 1000 gold écus to be paid to Rome, but the Bishop of Malacca understandably refused to appear. Several other instances of ecclesiastical conflict amongst men of the cloth occurred thereafter and were mirrored by events in Cambodia.76 When a companion of the M.E.P. priest Louis Chevreuil confined the Jesuit Father André Gomes to a vessel which was heading for Macao in 1670, the latter was rescued by natives whose ‘piety vanquished the impiety of a soulless Christian [i.e. Chevreuil]. . to whom some good lashings will teach him to keep the Word of God’.77 Chevreuil, ever the idealist, had quarrelled previously with the Portuguese over the trafficking of rich China wares sold on behalf of the Jesuits, which had made him a target for future reprisals. Like other priests before him, most famously Fr. Ephraim de Nevers, he was sent on to Goa for trial on charges of heresy, but was released and sent to Surat, whence he made his way back to Siam.78 In return, the French Bishop and Papal Legate Charles-Thomas Maillard De Tournon, sent to China to scotch Jesuit ‘heresies’ in 1704, sought to withdraw Portuguese clergy from

75

Marcel Le Blanc, Histoire de la révolution de Siam arrivée en l’année 1688, Lille, 1691; Letter of 24 January, 1690, in H.A.G., Monções, no. 5, fls. 105–111. 76 Vanessa Loureiro, ‘The Jesuits in Cambodia: a look upon Cambodian religiousness’, Bulletin of Portuguese–Japanese Studies, 2005, 10/11, 213. 77 Carta Annua do año de 1675, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Jesuítas na Ásia, 49-V-33, 208v–209v. 78 Béryte, Relation des Missions des Evesques Français aux Royaumes de Siam, de la Cochinchine, de Camboye, & du Tonkin etc., divisé en quatre parties, Paris: Pierre Le Petit, 1674; for similar stories, see Glenn Ames, ‘Trade and Inquisition: Fr. Ephraim de Nevers, M. Dellon and the Challenges Confronting the French in India ca. 1650– 1677’, in Proceedings of the Western Society for French History, ed. Barry Rothaus, University Press Colorado, 2002, 113–126.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 295 their posts, such as the Capuchin Frei Miguel de Anjou serving at Madraspatnam.79 Some incidents between the two sides degenerated into serious violence, and even murder. In January 1717, a Japanese priest named Michael Donno was sent to Ponhéa Lu but was killed in cold blood when he sided with the French. The official investigation suggested that a young man, Alexis Ferreira, was the likely culprit, committing the crime on behalf of the Soarez clan. In the following year, the Portuguese Jesuit Ignácio Franco again encouraged the Portuguese clan in Ponhéa Lü to submit to the Apostolic Vicar, and ordered the cherished cultic objects of Ponhéa Lü to be removed, but what followed was a fight between two rival village communities in which a sacristan was killed and the King of Siam (who was paramount over Cambodia between 1593–1867) was forced to intervene.80 The rivalry was only fired up by the Chinese rites controversy, which divided the M.E.Ps from the Jesuits, and also raged across India, where in territories of third parties like British Bombay, the governor Charles Boone was finally persuaded in 1720 to turn the ministry of the four existing churches over to the French vicar apostolic and Carmelite missionaries assisting him, although Goan priests were allowed to remain on condition that they recognised the new jurisdiction. Antagonism dogged the vicariate of Bombay and that of Kanara for some time consequently.81 In Siam and Cambodia, the feuding continued until at least 1796, and raged particularly powerfully at times when the Cambodian state was itself weak and in considerable mayhem.82 The second half of the eighteenth century proved, however, a little quieter, as French drive in the area weakened, and initiatives were made towards the Portuguese, although the Padroado was itself abolished in territories that no longer belonged to the Portuguese by papal Breve of 24 April 1838.83

79 Niccoló Manucci, Storia do Mogor, or Mugul India, London: J. Murray, 1907–08, 4 vols.; Frank Penny, The Church in Madras, Being the History of the Ecclesiastical and Missionary Activity of the East India Company in the Presidency of Madras in the XVII and XVIII Centuries, London: Smith Elder, 1902–1904, 2 vols. 80 Ponchaud, La cathédrale et la rizière, 47–48. 81 António da Silva Rego, O Padroado português do Oriente: esbôço histórico, Lisbon: Ministério das Colónias, 1940; see also Ernest Hull S.J., Bombay Mission history with a special study of the Padroado Question, Bombay: Examiner Press, 1927–30. 82 Launay, Histoire de la Mission de Siam, 1662–1811, 3, 114. 83 Lopes, Malaca e a Evangelização Portuguesa, ch. XXI, 341.

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While Henri Bosmans argues that the ‘lack of entente between the French Vicars Apostolic and the Portuguese clergy does not seem to have been damaged, out of proportion, the progress of religion’, Alain Forest argues that the reasons for the ‘internecine quarrels’ between French and Portuguese was the failure of the Christian conversion project in Siam.84 Scholars who have worked specifically on this issue suggest the principal reason was that Christianity failed to provide Catholicism with indigenous trappings, which thus remained totally foreign to the Thai population and did not allow—to those facing a crisis of belief—a vision of a moral community that could be Thai.85 But despite the probable tensions arising from failings in this common mission, there were problems between the French and Portuguese religious communities from the very beginning, and even preceded their arrival in South-East Asia, with the Portuguese authorities—under the instigation of the Cortes in 1652—going so far as to ban the acceptance of papal documents unless officially recognised by the realm. Thereafter, the dispute spilled out into wider factionalism, with the Cochin-Chinese Christian community falling in with the French, and the Portuguese ministering rather more to the Japanese. There were confrontations between the two factions on armed barges, playing trumpets and drums.86 The French, however, undoubtedly retained the upper hand, primarily because they had greater ambitions (building seminaries, hospitals, nunneries) and maintained the high favour of the Siamese authorities. Ultimately, some of the more enlightened Jesuits, like Fr. Maldonado, saw the way the wind was blowing and, once the situation was no longer equivocal, used their influence to urge loyalty to the vicars from 1681. He also wrote to the General of the Order towards the end of his career to urge him to send subjects disengaged from the spirit of nationality, which only stoked the controversy.87 We would do well to remember that this was a long way from his natural 84 Bosmans, Correspondance de Jean-Baptiste Maldonado, 14; Forest, Les missionnaires français au Tonkin et au Siam. 85 Charles Keyes, ‘Why the Thai are not Christians: Buddhist and Christian Conversion in Thailand’, in Robert W. Hefner, Conversion to Christianity: historical and anthropological perspectives on a great transformation, University of California Press, 1993, 297; see also Kirti Bunchua, ‘Indigenization of Christianity in Thailand’. Paper presented at conference Christianity as an Indigenous Religion in South-East Asia, Cebu City, The Philippines, 1986, 3. 86 Van der Cruysse, Siam and the West, 1500–1700, 163. 87 Lettre no. XXVIII to Thyrse Gonzales, in H. Bosmans, Correspondance de JeanBaptiste Maldonado de Mons, Missionaire belge au Siam et en Chine au XVII siècle.

‘all that the french bishops wish is to see us leave’ 297 inclinations. Maldonado’s friend, Jean de Haynin, described him in 1675 as ‘horrendus hostis Gallorum’, a terrible enemy of the French.88 But for a long time, as reported by Bouvet four years later in 1685, the Jesuits held on to the contradictions implicit in the dupla jurisdição, arguing that although they recognised the authority of the Vicars Apostolic over other nations, they were in this case exempt from their jurisdiction and dependent only on the Bishop of Malacca and the Archbishop of Goa, as they always have been’.89 This was after Maldonado’s 1681 concession co-signed by his colleague Soares, Antoine Thomas and Dominicus Alvarez, which was followed by a similar statement from some members of the Franciscan order, who issued a carefully worded Serment de Fidelité aux Vicaires Apostoliques to their followers.90 Opposition from the archbishopric in Goa, however, remained in the wake of the humiliating Matteo de Castro affair, whereby a Goan prelate had accepted the Vicariate of Idalcan—a terrible case of biting the hand that had hitherto fed this particular priest.91 Indeed, when Maldonado, who was then sent on a mission to Macao in 1684 and was absent from Siam for the following three years,

88 For this Maldonado, who died in Cambodia on 5 August 1699, see Henri Bosmans, Correspondence de Jean-Baptiste Maldonado de Mons, missionaire belge au Siam et en Chine au XVII siècle. In Analectes pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique, 3e S., n° 36, 1910, 39–86; 187–237. He is not to be confused with another P. Fr. Juan Maldonado de San Pedro Mártir of Alcalá, collegial de S. Gregorio de Valladolid, who died off Cochinchina one hundred years earlier. For this Maldonado, see Reseña biográfica de los religiosos de la Provincia Santísimo Rosario de Filipinas desde su fundación hasta nuestros días por un religioso de la misma provincia y mandado dar á luz de orden de Ntro. M.R.P. Provincial Fr. Santiago Payá, Manila, 1891, I, 91 ff. Otherwise, see Henri Bosmans ed., Correspondance inédite de Jean de Haynin, Lettre no. III au Provincial de la Gaule-Belgique, dated 20 January 1675. 89 Voiage de Siam du Père Bouvet, 106. 90 ‘Nos infra scripti, Societatis Jesu Sacerdotes, agnoscimus Illustrissimum ac Reverendissimum Dominum Ludovicum Laneau’, dated 10 October, 1681, see Appendices; ‘Le Serment de Fidelité aux Vicaires Apostoliques’, ed. Anastasius van den Wyngaert, O.F.M., in Relationes et epistolas Fratrum Minorum saeculi XVII et XVIII ad Claras Aquas, Collegium Bonaventurae, 1942 (Sinica Franciscana, nos. 2 & 4). 91 Jean Burnay, ‘Notes chronologiques sur les missions Jésuites du Siam au XVIIe siècle’, in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 43: 22, 1953, 193–4. For the Castro affair, see Josef Metzler, ‘Der Brahmanen Spiegel des Matthäus de Castro’, in Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 1967, 242–265. Some of Castro’s letters, albeit of later origin, are in the collection ‘Indie Orientali, Cina 1675–80’, Scritture Riferite nei Congressi, Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Rome.

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returned for a second period of tenure, Portuguese voices demanded his resignation because of his perceived act of treachery.92 The religious conflict provides us with a very particular take on the fortunes of the Portuguese in late seventeenth-century Siam and the wider South-East Asian scene. The Portuguese churchmen suffered greatly from a Padroado politically divided on the issue of whether to coexist, concede, or struggle against the French M.E.P. church structure that sought to overlay them, a series of absentee or ineffectual bishops to the Malacca see, and inattention and ignorance of their plight on the part of the Archbishop in Goa. Yet it would be wrong to see 1662 as a landmark date that hit the Portuguese church in SouthEast Asia much as a tsunami. The French suffered much from the Siamese court revolution of 1688 and the thoroughgoing collapse of their imperialist project in this part of the world, and never regrouped with much conviction. As we have seen, the eighteenth century saw displacement of the French ministeries to Kedah and elsewhere, taking their flocks of faithful with them.

92

See Letter to T. Thyrse Gonzales, 22 August 1691, Lettre no. XXVI in Bosmans, Correspondance de Jean-Baptiste Maldonado de Mons, Missionaire belge au Siam et en Chine au XVII siècle; Vongsuravatana, Un jésuite à la cour de Siam, biography of ‘J.-B. Maldonado’.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

CONCLUSION All too often in conventional historiography, the Portuguese are cast aside and left out of the dynamics of the Indian Ocean world from the string of military defeats they suffered at the hands of the Dutch at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Their historical presence in South-East Asia moreover is also a less obvious feature than elsewhere in the Indian Ocean world, as many of the formal institutions of empire were never instituted here, and river-states like Ayutthaya lay some distance inland from the constant movement of traffic through entrepôt port cities, and across the high seas. A number of primarily French scholars like Jacques Népote and Jacky Doumenjou have, nonetheless, focused on the Portuguese communities in South-East Asia.1 But their studies have concentrated on these communities primarily in terms of the ‘mercenary’ or ‘interloping’ activities for which the Portuguese were famous during the sixteenth century, and not as part of an ongoing historical development, particularly in terms of the diasporic wave emanating first from Japan in the 1620s, and then Makassar in the 1660s. Ayutthaya has a strong claim on our attention because it was such a cosmopolitan city, openly welcoming foreign settlers, where the dynamics of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ are identifiable not only through the voluminous literature written by the many European visitors over the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but through urban plans (for which there is no parallel elsewhere, regarding the city of Ava for example) and the correspondence and church records of the church dispute between the French M.E.P. initiative and the entrenched, largely Portuguese, Jesuits. Recent research, such as the archeological excavations on Ayutthaya conducted under Gulbenkian patronage, and new approaches

1 Jacques Népote, ‘The Portuguese, Cambodia and the Mekong Valley: the Logic of Discovery’, in Francis A. Dutra & dos Santos, The Portuguese and the Pacific, Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, 1995, 113–128; Jacky Doumenjou, Recherche sur les communautés interlopes portugaises dans l’Archipel Insulindien au len demain de la chute de Malacca, d’après les Dagh-registers de Batavia (1641–53). Lettres et documents, Université de Leiden, Masters thesis, 1992.

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highlighting the ‘tribal’ nature of remaining Portuguese communities in South-East Asia, suggest that the communitarian politics of the Portuguese ‘tribe’ and its diasporic connections across the Indian Ocean World were a complex affair, and should lead us away from the stereotyped image of the Portuguese as still something of a European power, an image inherited from the golden age of the Estado da Índia. The sinews of this presence were often informal, and the careers of individuals like Paulo da Costa, Francisco Barreto de Pinna, and Giovan-Battista Morelli only highlight how weak were institutional prerogatives like that of the See of Malacca, or the Viceroy of Goa. In this sense, I would stress inter-communitarian dynamics over the institutional approach Rita Bernardes de Carvalho has adopted to the Portuguese ‘établissement’ in Ayutthaya.2 Relations with host societies in mainland South-East Asia, however, were mixed, and in Siam dogged by economic poverty and outbreaks of inter-communitarian violence. Isolation from traditional seaborne commercial activities probably had a large part to play in this. While the French and Dutch were more successful in obtaining favour from the Siamese monarch and his ministers, the Portuguese community in Siam—always quick to miscegenate to a degree that made summary distinctions difficult—remained recognizable and distinct in South-East Asia well into the nineteenth century, as the missionary Jacob Tomlin and the colonial administrator John Crawfurd could attest. Even in certain ‘non-places’ like Malacca, to use Ganesan’s terminology, and satellite areas like Penang, ‘Portuguese’ have managed to cling to their identity right through to the present day, if only extremely loosely connected with any ‘authentic’ or ‘original’ notion of Lusitanian identity, and where family name, religion and tenuous associations with their European heritage have been cherished as a strategy to preserve an elevated status in the otherwise Asian world around them.3

2 Rita Bernardes de Carvalho, La presence portugaise à Ayutthaya aux XVI et XVII siècles, Mémoire de Master de Sciences Historiques, Paris: École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe section, 2006. 3 John Crawfurd, Journal of an embassy from the Governor-General of India to the courts of Siam and Cochin-China: exhibiting a view of the actual state of those kingdoms. London, H. Colburn, 1828, 101; Jacob Tomlin, Missionary journals and letters: written during eleven years’ residence and travels amongst the Chinese, Siamese, Javanese, Khassias and other eastern nations, London: Nisbet, 1844, 149, 212; Ganesan, Eurasians. An Identity in a Non-identity; Chong, The Portuguese Eurasians (Serani of Penang).

DOCUMENTARY APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1 Holdings of the collection entitled “Rerum Lusitanicarum—Symmicta Lusitanica” relating to Siam, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon. 46–XI–12, f. 264v.–266 Lettera del Re di Siam a Papa Innocenzo XI sopra la Missione a Roma del P. [Guido] Tasciard della Compagnia di Gesu in qualità d’ Inviato di Sua Maestà. [S.l., 1689] 46–X–23, f. 229–232 Estratto d’ una lettera del Sig[no]re [Artus] di Lionne, Missionario Apostolico, all’ Agente de Vicarii della Cina in Roma, scritta da Parigi li 8 di Luglio, sopra l’ Ambasciata del Re Xmo. Aquello di Siam. Paris, [s.d.] 46–X–23, f. 400–406 Memoriale del prefato Agente [de Vicarii Apostolici] alla Cong[regazio] ne per ottenere dalla medesima la risposta all’ annessa lettera a di Mr. Luigi [Louis Laneau] Vescovo di Metellopoli, Vicario Apostolico di Siam, de 22 Xbre 1685; in cui prega, che gli si prescriva il modo, com cui debba portarsi com li sacerdoti e religiosi, i quali col pretesto di passare per Siam per andare in altre parti dell’ Indie, si permavano colà. 1685 Dez 22 46–X–23, f. 406v.–408v. Estratto della lettera dell’ Abbate [Artus] di Lionne all’ agente de Vicarii Apostolici della China in Roma, scritta da Parigi li 9 di Settembre 1686 sopra alcuni punti spettanti alla Missione di Siam, de quali è necessario che sai informata la S. Cong[regazio]ne accioche possa il detto Agente portare le risoluzioni di essi, ritornando in Siam. Paris, 1686 Set. 9 46–X–23, f. 484–487v. Estratto della relazione dello stato, in cui si trova il Collegio di Siam, mandata a Prop[agan]da da Parigi da Antonio Pinto acolito siamese. [S.l., s.d.]

APPENDIX 2 Holdings of the collection entitled ‘Jesuítas na Ásia’ relating to Siam, Biblioteca de Ajuda, Lisbon. Cod. 49–IV–61 Missão de Sião. [1655 Dez. 26?] [fl. 756v.] Cod. 49–IV–63 Carta de J. De Fontaney para o Padre Ferdinando Verbiest. De Siam le 10. Januier 1687. [fl. 86] Outra do mesmo P.e Fontaney ao Exm.º Senhor Constance Premier Ministro du Roy em Sião aos 9 de Janeyro. [1688] [fl. 142] Copia da carta do P.e Gabiani ao P.e Vizitador em 9 de Mayo, e fala na 2. ªLaude do P.e Verbiest ter chamado de Siam aos 5 Padres [franceses]1688. [fl. 26] Paragrafo de huma carta do P.e Vizitador Filippuchi ao P.e Jozeph Suares Reytordo Collegio de Pekim acerca das couzas de Sião escritta de Macao aos 29 de Outubro de 689. [fl. 278v.] Carta do P.e Vizitador Filippuchi ao Senhor Bispo Metellopolitano de Siam do 4 de Novembro de 1689. [fl. 285v.] Cod. 49–IV–65 Paragrafo de huma carta do P.e Abrahã Le Royer Superior sustituto dos dous P. P. Francezes retirados de Sião a Ponticheri na Costa de Coromandel escrita aos 10 de Mayo de 689 ao P.e Prospero Jntorcetta da companhia de JESVS em aggradecimento do que elle fez pellos 5 P. P. Francezes entrados na China noanno de 1687. [fl. 70] Carta do P.e Carlos . . . S. J. para o P.e Vizitador Philippuchi. Siam 21 de Junho 691. [fl. 418] Cod. 49–IV–66 Rol do que se hade dar para os Padres que forem as Missoens de Sião Camboja, Cochinchina, e Tumkim. [fl. 31v.]

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Matolotagem que se ha de dar para os que forem nas sobreditas Missoens. [fl. 31v.] Cap. 12.º da Missão de Sião. [fl. 84] Cod. 49–V–7 Carta do P.e Jacintho Ximenes para o Provincial da Companhia de Jesus. Siam 2 de Junho de 1646. [fl. 239v.] Cod. 49–V–14 Pastoral do Bispo de Berith. Sião, Paróquia de S. José, 1667 Out. 15. [fl. 206] 1658 [Ago. 20] Testamento do Jrmão Sebastão Andres. [fl. 332] Aprovação do mesmo testamento. Tresladado em Sião 15 de Janeiro de 699. [fl. 333] Missoens de Tunkim Cochinchina Macassa, Siam, e Camboja. [1659 Dez. 7] [fl. 344v.] Cod. 49–V–15 Residencia do Reyno de Siam. [fl. 255v.] Cod. 49–V–16 Lo que ha passado en la prezentacion de las cartas que su Santidad, y el Rey Xpñissimo embiaron al Rey de Siam. [fl. 287] Jtem una carta en Francèz su fecha en Siam a 6. de aAgosto de 1674 del Obispode Berite que contiene Otras muchas cosas lo tocante el Padre Marin escrita al Señor de Bourges Provicario del Obispo de Eliopolis, y es como se sigue. [1674 Ago. 10]. [fl. 294] Otra carta en Francèz que contiene varias nuevas, y entre ellas, como se hadescubierto cierta secta en Camboxa. Escrita del Reyno de Siam este año de1674. [Ago. 6] y es traducida como se sigue. [fl. 296v.] Jtem outra carta del Señor Maot en Francèz escrita en Fayfo en 2 de Março de 1674. al Señor Obispo De Heliopolis a Siam, que contiene puntos semejantes alos de el Padre Marin. [fl. 298v.] Jtem otra carta de Siam en 6 de Agosto de 1674. Del Señor Cheureul [Chevreuik] al Señor de Bourges Provicario de Tunkin. [fl. 300v.]

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De Sionensi Collegio. [fl. 402v.] Cod. 49–V–17 Breve. Jnn. XI. quo Episcopo Metellopolitano extenditur jurisdictio ad Regnum Siami et ad Colonias Lusitanorum [1677 Ago.3]. [fl. 471v.] Ex Literis P. Joannis Bap. Maldonado in Siami regno datis 10 Novem. 1677 ad P.e Carolum de Noyelle asistentem Germaniae. [fl. 577v.] Nuove da varij Luoghi dell Jndie mandate da Siam da Mon. vescovo di Berito li16 Dezembre 1677. [fl. 578] Cod. 49–V–19 Treslado de hum Capitulo da Carta que escreveo Dom Luis Bispo em Siam ao Padre Antonio Thomaz este anno de 1685. [fl. 572v.] Copia di un Cap.º di una lettera scritta da Monsig. Lodouico Vescouo in Siam al P. Antonio Thomas della Companhia di Giesu, questi anno 1685 il qual Cap.º euenuto da Macao in lingua Portoghese e qui si è tratatto nell’Italiana. [fl. 763] Missão de Sião. [fl. 769] Do que nos soccedeo em Malaca depois de nosso barco partir para Siam. [1686 Dez. 18] [fl. 835] Missão de Siam. [1686 Nov. 20] [fl. 860v.] Alcune notitie spettanti alle Missioni de la China, Tunchino, Cocincina, e Siã, datte vltime Lettere, e rellationi che si sono havute da quelle parti. [fl. 901v.] Alcune noticia spettanti alle Missioni della China, Tonkino, Cocincina, e Siam cauate dalle ultime Lettere, e rellationi, che si sono haueua da quelli parti. [fl. 921] Cod. 49–V–20 Anno 1687. Alcune notitie spettanti alle Missione della China, Tonckino, Cocincina, e Siam cavate dalle ultime lettere, e relationi, che si sono huute daqualle parti. [fl. 19]

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Relação do sucesso que teue a Armada que El Rey de França mandou a Sião noanno de 1687. Escrita pello P. Francisco Noguera. [fl. 74v.] Relação do sucesso que tiuerão os Padres da Companhia de JESV que de Franca vierão a Siam no anno de 1687 escrita em Macao em Nouembro de 1689. [fl. 79v.] Lettera scritta da Roma al Signor N. N. Jn Cuy . . . da notitia della Vdienza datada N. S. Jnnocenzo Al Padre Guido Tascialard della compagnia di ciesu. Inviatodal Re di Siam, et Alli Signore Mandarini venuti dal medemo Regno di Siam . . . Decembre 1688. Jn Roma, per Dominico Antonio Ercole 1688. Com licenza deSuperieri. [fl. 137] Ao Padre Francisco Xavier Filipuchi da Companhia de JESVS Visitador da Prouincia da China em Cantão. Nã Kim. Do P. . . . 23 de Abril de 88. No numero 7.º falla do P. Verbiest ter chamado de Sião aos 5 PP. [fl. 172v.] Jllustri a [i. e. ac] Potentissimo Regi Siami Jnnocentius Papa XI. Roma, 1689 Jan 7. [fl. 487] Cod. 49–V–22 Siam. [fl. 78] Cod. 49–V–23 Carta da S. Congregação aos Vigarios Apostolicos de 1695. Aos Vigarios Apostolicos da China, Tumkim, Cochinchina, e Siam. [1695 Fev.15] [fl. 7] Carta do P. Antonio Dias para o P. Provincial. Siam 20 de Janeiro de 1699. [fl. 313] Carta do P. Antonio Dias para o P. Provincial. Sião 30 de Junho de 1699. [fl. 336] Carta do P.e Antonio Dias para o Padre Vizitador. Sião 20 de Fevereiro de 1699. [fl. 346v.] Carta do Padre Antonio Dias para o Padre Provincial. Sião 27 de Junho de 1699. [fl. 348]

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Cod. 49–V–24 Jn Regno Siami. [fl. 264v.] Cod. 49–V–25 Carta do P. João Duarte para o P. Miguel de Amaral Vizitador das Provincias de Goa. e Malavar. Siam tan 2 de Agosto de 1707. [fl. 291] Cod. 49–V–30 Riposta ad alcune oppositioni fate contra i PP. dela Companhia di Giesv dimorantinelle Missioni della Cocincina Tonquin, e Siam. [fl. 234v.] Cod. 49–V–32 Serenissimo Regi Siam. Clemens Papa IX. Datum Romae Die 24 Augusti 1669. [fl. 762] Cod. 49–V–33 Que la arriba da, que hizo a Manila el Obispo de Heliopolis no fue malicioza, mas acazo cauzada por los temporales de la mar yendo de Siamal Reyno de Tunquim en Complimiento de las ordenes de Su Santidad. [fl. 158v.] Carta Anua Sião. [1675 Nov. 19] [fl. 210] Parte do § de huma Carta que me escreveo de Sião o P.e João Baptista Maldonado, aos 20 de Junho de 79. [fl. 410v.] Cod. 49–V–34 Anno de 1685 e 86. Varias noticias tiradas das cartas escritas de Macao em Outubro, e Novembro de 1685, as quaes chegarão a Roma parte aos 21 de Agosto, e parte aos 4 de Setembro de 1686. Treslado de hum capitulo da Carta que escreveo Dom Luiz Bispo em Sião ao P.e. Antonio Thomaz este anno de 1685. [fl. 233] Missão Do Reyno de Siam. [fl. 250v.] Cod. 49–VI–1 De Missione Siamensi. [fl. 168] Eventus in solitus ex Cruce erecta. Jn Vico Japponum Siamense regnum in colen-tium. [fl. 171v.]

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Cod. 49–VI–2 Treslado de huma carta do Bispo Aurense para o Padre Estanislao Machado,reposta e Treslado de hum Decreto da Sagrada Congregação, para se não receberemnas Religioens. Seminaristas de Sião. [1703 Jan. 8] [1703 Jan. 9] [1678 Out. 5][fl. 226] Cod. 49–VI–6 Carta pastoral do Senhor D. Pedro Lambert Bispo Bertense publicada em Siamanno de 1667. [1667 Out. 15] [fl. 27v.] Dubius secundum. Vtrum Contractus, qui communiter fit in pignorum Tabernis, quae Sinice appellantur Tam pú, et Siao y licite valeat exerceri? [fl. 501]

APPENDIX 3 Holdings of the collection entitled ‘Macau e o Oriente’ relating to Siam in the Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon. Cod. 49–VI–11 [post. 1673, Maio 27] Relatione del successo nella presentatione delle lettere di sua Santitá, e di sua Maestá Christianissima scritte al Ré di Siam. [fl. 91] 1677, Novembro 15 Carta de Urbano Cenni [should be Cerri] da Sagrada Congregação da Propaganda Fide com a qual envia cópias de documentos alfabetados de A-M [falta a letra G, na sequência dos cadernos e na numeração], sobre as Missões da China e os problemas suscitados pelas querelas dos jesuítas e dos vigários apostólicos. [fl. 131] Em anexo: [Letra B]. Siam. [fl. 175] 1678, Fevereiro 10 Carta de Urbano Cenni [should be Cerri] da Sagrada Congregação da Propaganda Fide a enviar uma cópia de “Prouedimenti che domandono i vicarij Apostolici della China per il Regno di Siam”. [fl. 151] [ca. 1678, Setembro 2 e 3] Cartas de Urbano Cenni [should be Cerri], da Sagrada Congregação de Propaganda Fide a enviar: “Sommario degli euessi de PP. della Compagnia ne Regni soggetti alli vicarij Apostolici”. [fl. 377] “Sommario del processo fatto dal Vescovo di Berito contro li Padri Gioseppe Candone, e Bartolomeu Acosta”. [fl. 389] “Estratto dell’ intimatione fatta in Siam al P. Valgarneira delle Bolle Apostoliche e della lettera del P. Generale”. [fl. 393]

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1676, Dezembro 20, Sião Copia di una lettera di Siam scritta da Carlo Seuin, già Agente della Missione in questa Corte, il ritorno di Monsignor di Berito dalla Cocicina a Siam, e come egli passando a surate, haueua mandato i Breui per l’Arciuescouo di Goa e per l’Jnquisitone quali erano stati riceuuti, e da loro si era data subito proua dell’ubidienza douuta alla Santa Sede. [fl. 477] Cod. 49–VI–12 [ca. 1686, Julho] Jnformatione del seminario de Siam, del denaro hauuto dal Ré di francia, e del numero de Véscoui, e Missionarij. [latim] [fl. 551]

APPENDIX 4 List of documents in the Arquivo Histórico de Macau relating to Siam. AH/LS/530, fls. 70/71. Termo 1639/11/19 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre a não ida de embarcações para Sião, Camboja, Tonquim, Cochinchina e Champâ para não cairem nas mãos dos inimigos europeus as fazendas oriundas do Japão. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau, vol. III, no. 1, Julho 1930, p. 3/4. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/529, fls. 57/57v. 1639/11/19 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre a não ida de embarcações para Sião, Camboja, Tonquim, Cochinchina e Champâ para não cairem nas mãos dos inimigos europeus as fazendas oriundas do Japão. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau, vol. III, no. 1, Julho 1930, p. 3/4. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/530, fls. 83/84. 1640/11/12 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre o fretamento que se fez para Sião, Macassar, Camboja e outras partes, conforme o consentimento dos senhorios das embarcações. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/529, fls. 68/69. 1640/11/12 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre o fretamento que se fez para Sião, Macassar, Camboja e outras partes, conforme o consentimento dos senhorios das embarcações. Este documento é cópia feita cerca de 1901. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais.

list of documents in the arquivo histórico de macau 313 AH/LS/531, fls. 5v/6 1686/02/23 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre o pagamento ás autoridades chinesas da medição de uma nau do rei de Sião que veio ao porto de Macau. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau, 2e serie, vol. I, no. 1, Janeiro 1941, p. 21. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/531, fls. 7/7v. 1686/08/28 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre a chegada de um navio do rei de Sião que trouxe uma carta para Macau de Constantino Falcão, Primeiro-Ministro do ditto reino, pedindo isenção de direitos para as fazendas do mesmo rei. O pedido não foi atendido, pagando essas fazendas os mesmos direitos que pagam as dos moradores de Macau. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 2a serie, vol. 1, no. 2, Fev. e Março 1941, p. 73/4. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/531, fls. 13/13v. 1687/01/30 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre uma decisão da Junta do Povo de não se tirar, nesse ano, um por cento para o pagamento da dívida ao rei de Sião. Assentou-se convocar de novo a Junta do Povo dada a inconveniência dessa decisão. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau, 2e serie, vol. I, no. 3, Abril e Maio 1941, p. 147. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/531, fls. 13v/14 1687/02/01 Termo da Junta do Povo de Macau sobre a decisão que tinha sido tomada anteriormente pela dita Junta de não se tirar, nesse ano, um por cento para o pagamento da dívida do rei de Sião e que a Junta de Homens Bons tinha achado inconveniente. Assentou-se manter a referida decisão. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 2e serie, vol. I, no. 3, Abril e Maio 1941, p. 149/150. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais.

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AH/LS/531, fls. 14v/15v. 1687/06/20 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre a vinda a Macau de duas naus do rei de Sião, que tinham ido a Camboja combater piratas chineses, necessitando de reparações para as quais se pedia auxílio desta cidade. Assentou-se não permitir a entrada dessas das embarcações neste porto. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 2. série, vol. 1, no. 3, Abril e Maio 1941, p. 153/54. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/531, fls. 16/17. 1687/07/23 Termo do Conselho Geral do Leal Senado sobre uma carta que o capitão-geral de Macau escreveu à Mesa da Câmara acerca do requerimento que lhe foi feito pelos capitães das naus do rei de Sião para se recolherem nesta cidade. Assentou-se manter a decisão anterior de não permitir a sua entrada neste porto. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 2. série, vol. 1, no. 3, Abril e Maio 1941, p. 157/8. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/531, fls. 29v/30. 1688/11/17 Termo do Conselho geral do Leal Senado sobre se convém mandar um barco ao reino de Sião devido às revoluções no dito reino. Assentou-se enviar um com duas cartas, uma para Constantino Falcão e outra para o potencial novo rei, por se ignorer o resultado da revolução. Publicado in ‘Arquivo de Macau’, vol. I, no. 2, Julho de 1929, p. 65/66 e 2. serie, vol. 1, no. 5, Setembro e Outubro de 1941, p. 275/276. Leal Senado. Termos dos Conselhos Gerais. AH/LS/319, fls. 115/115v. 1716/07/01 Carta das autoridades de Sião para Manuel Favacho acerca da dívida do Leal Senado para com o dito reino. Publicado in ‘Arquivo de Macau’, 3. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 15/16. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida.

list of documents in the arquivo histórico de macau 315 AH/LS/37, fls. 64/64v. Ofício. 1719/01/05 Ofício de Leal Senado para o Governo de Goa sobre despesas feitas pelo Leal Senado, incluindo o pagamento de parte a dívida ao rei de Sião. Leal Senado. Correspondência expedida. AH/LS/331, fls. 80v/81v. 1720/02/21 Termo sobre a remessa para Sião do pagamento da dívida do Leal Senado e sobre o envio de presentes ás autoridades do dito reino. Publicado in ‘Arquivo de Macau’, 3. série, vol. II, no. 5, Novembro de 1964, p. 310. Leal Senado. Actas. AH/LS/319, fls. 102v/103. Carta 1720/03/20 Carta do Leal Senado para o rei de Sião acerca do pagamento da dívida que tinha con aquele reino. Publicado in ‘Arquivo de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 151/152 e 3. s’erie, vol. V, no. 6, Junho de 1966, p. 346/7. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 120v/121. Carta 1721/01/28 Carta do Leal Senado para o padre António Soares, no reino de Sião, acerca do pagamento da dívida do Senado ao ditto reino. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 155/156 e 3. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 24/5. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 121/121v. 1721/01/28 Carta do Leal Senado para o Rei de Sião, tratando do pagamento da sua dívida para com o dito rei e pedindo o restabelecimento dos privilégios outrora concedidos aos Portugueses.

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Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 153/154 e 3a. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 25/6. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 121v/122. 1721/01/28 Carta do Leal Senado ao príncipe de Sião acerca do restabelecimento dos privilégios outrora concedidos aos Portugueses. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 26/27. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 122/122v. 1721/01/28 Carta do Leal Senado para o Barcalão de Sião acerca do pagamento da sua dívida para com o dito rei de Sião e do restabelecimento dos privilégios outrora concedidos aos Portugueses. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 27. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/331, fl. 90v. 1721/01/28 Termo sobre o envoi da última prestação da dívida do Leal Senado ao rei de Sião. Publicado em ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3.a série, vol. II, no. 6, Dezembro de 1964, p. 335. Códice em mau estado de conservação. Leal Senado. Actas. AH/LS/319, fl. 127. 1721/06/28 Carta que o Padre Francisco Telles enviou de Sião para o Leal Senado, a tratar de diversos assuntos respeitantes à embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião e a informar que a dívida ao rei de Sião não foi pagan a totalidade, devido à baixa avaliação das fazendas enviadas para esse effeito, ficando a faltar 21 cates de prata.

list of documents in the arquivo histórico de macau 317 Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 165 e 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 36. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 124/125v 1721/06/30 Carta que o Padre António Soares de Companhia de Jesus escreveu do Sião para o Leal Senado, a dar conta do que se passou nesse reino com a embaixada portuguesa liderada pelo capitão Manuel de Vidigal Gião. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 157/161 e 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 30/33. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 125v/126 1721/06 Carta do Barcalão de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção de presentes para as autoridades siamesas, a enviar outros para o Leal Senado e a dar conta dos resultados da embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 163/4 e 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 33/4. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 126/7 1721/06 Carta do Barcalão de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção das cartas que este envious às autoridades siamesas e a tratar da dívida do mesmo para com o rei de Sião. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 34/36. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 127v. 1722/03 Carta do Leal Senado para o rei de Sião a agradecer o restabelecimento dos antigos privilégios dos Portugueses, a tratar de assuntos respeitantes ao comércio com o ditto reino e, ainda, acerca da dívida do Leal Senado.

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Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 167/168 e 3. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 37. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fl. 128. 1722/03 Carta do Leal Senado para o principe de Sião a agradecer os favores do mesmo aquando da embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião e a agredecer também os presentes enviados ao Leal Senado. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3.a. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 38. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 128/128v. 1722/03 Carta do procurador da cidade de Macau para o Barcalão de Sião, a agredecer os favores do mesmo aquando da embaixada de Manuel de Vidigal Gião e a enviar presentes para as autoridades siamesas. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 38/39. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/319, fls. 137–8. Certidão. 1722/07/25 Certidão de quitação da dívida do Leal Senado ao rei de Sião. Antes da certidão encontra-se registada a situação contabilística entre o Leal Senado e o rei de Sião. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3.a série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 52/54. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/331, fl. 110. 1723/03/18 Termo sobre uma carta do rei de Sião em que pede ao Leal Senado alcatifas europeias. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3a série, vol. II, no. 6, Dezembro de 1964, p. 377. Leal Senado. Actas.

list of documents in the arquivo histórico de macau 319 AH/LS/319, fls. 153/153v 1723/06/24 Carta do Barcalão de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção dos presentes enviados por este, a informar sobre os direitos pagos pelos barcos que vão de Sião e sobre outros assuntos. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. I, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 173/175. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida. AH/LS/3. fls 164v/166 1782/06/12 Carta do Barcalão do reino de Sião para as autoridades de Macau. Documento em mau estado de conservação. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida AH/LS/568, fl. 84v. Passaporte 1793/04/06 Passaporte e carta de crença que o Leal Senado passou a Alexandre Manoel de Sequeira, proprietário da chalupa ‘Nossa Senhora do Resgate’, para navegar com a referida embarcacao para Donay, Torão, costa de Sião e Pullo Pinão. Leal Senado. Passaportes. AH/LS/319, fls. 112v/113 Carta 17?? Carta do Barcalão do rei de Sião para o Leal Senado, a acusar a recepção de cartas e presentes, a participar a liquidação da dívida do Leal Seando para com o rei de Sião e a pedir alguns tapetes persas. Este documento é datado Segundo o calendário siamês, cujo ano é 1084. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, vol. 1, no. 3, Agosto de 1929, p. 171/172 e 3a. série, vol. VI, no. 1, Julho de 1966, p. 11. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida.

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AH/LS/319, fls. 153v/154 Carta 17?? Carta do Leal Senado para o Rei de Sião, a agredecer os presentes recebidos e a tratar de assuntos relativos ao comércio com o Sião. Publicado in ‘Arquivos de Macau’, 3a série, vol. VI, no. 2, Agosto de 1966, p. 65/55. Leal Senado. Correspondência recebida e expedida.

APPENDIX 5 The papers of the Franciscan, Giovan Battista Morelli, relating to Siam, in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze. G.B. Morelli’s letters are considered ‘particularly interesting’ by Luigi Bressan.1 Between 1682–6 he helped the French mission in Siam by attending to the faithful from Pegu. He was due to serve as missionary in Pegu, but Phaulkon interceded and asked him to travel on state business to Venice, ostensibly to intercede with the Senate for his family. Lettere di G.B. Morelli (co-signed by Padre Francesco d’Albano) in the fondo Mediceo del principato. – Filza no. 1605: lett. N. 205 (16 dic. 1681), n. 206 (14 apr. 1682), nn. 209–210 (25 dic. 1682, con allegati), n. 213 (10 gen. 1684), n. 214 (minuta di risposta del Granduca Cosimo III, di pugno del segretario A. Bassetti); – Filza no. 1606: lett. N. 276 (20 set. 1686), lett. 277 (2 apr. 1688).

1

Bressan & Smithies, Siam and the Vatican, 78.

APPENDIX 6 Regimento para Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães que vai enviado ao Rei de Sião. Goa, 3 de Agosto de 1646 [excertos]. Arquivo Histórico do Estado da Índia, Livros dos Segredos, no. 1, fols. 83v–84. [. .] Dom Felipe mascarenhas etc. faço saber a voa Francisco cutrim de magalhães que pella confi / ança que faço de vossa pessoa pello zelo que tendes do seruiço de Sua magestade vos nomeey / ora para hirdes por embaixador ao Rey de Sião tendo por certo que procedereis no / negocio que leuais a carga como de vos de espera para o que me paraçeo dar uos o regimento / seguinte [. .]

[. .] Presente vos he a pouca confiança que temos da fee dos olandezes, e suposto que de nossa / parte nem queremos nem pretendemos dar lhe ocazião de Guerra, todauia da sua / uos não damos por segura, e assy fiz eleição de vossa pessoa pella grande confi/ança que tenho de vos, de que com diligencia e cuidado que he necessario ter. chegado / a Sião fareis aviso quanto mais depressa possivel vos for a cidade de macaqo / encaminhando lhe as minhas cartas e fazendo lhe os mais auizos que vos parecer / do que alcançares. / [. .]

[. .] Procurareis informar vos com dissimulação o animo que El Rey tem para com / os ollandeses e se achareis nelle lugar para os botar de seus porto com o mayor dano que vos / for possivel. Fareis por emprego toda a dissimulação e guardando de maneira / [illegible word] que for solicitado por vos em cazo que achaçe tambem solicitareis // com o mesmo Rey que dê conta disso ao de Japão dizendo lhe que os botou for a por serem ladroes [illegible words] e ma gente, e que as cousas que elles leuauão a Jappão em suas naos elle as mandasse / em seus Juncos, e tambem os Japões podem vir a seus Reinos busca las, / [. .] [. .] hide advertido que para obrigardes mais a El Rey de Sião a que os bote for a de seus Reinos / hé reprezentar lhe o exemplo del Rey de camboja que os botou for a de seu reino / por amor de nos não sendo irmãos de armas, nem hum Rey tamanho, nem tam grandiozo / como

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English translation

I, Dom Felipe Mascarenhas etc., hereby announce that you, Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães, by the confidence which I hold in your person and for the zeal you evidence in doing service to His Majesty, for you to go as ambassador to the King of Siam being certain that you will proceed with the business that you carry and that you will fulfil your role as is expected of you, to which end it occurred to me to provide you with the following set of instructions [. .] You are to be aware of the little confidence we set in the good faith of the Dutch. It is to be understood that from our side we neither want nor set store by waging war with them, all the same you are not to let on that this is so, and so I elected to choose you by the great confidence with which I hold you, and which with diligence and care it is necessary to cherish. Once you have arrived in Siam you will pass on information as quickly as is possible to the city of Macao, channelling all my letters there and in making them as many recommendations as seems fit to you and which you are able to complete. You should inform yourself of the spirit with which the King holds these Dutch and if you judge it to be the place where they can be thrown out with the greatest damage possible. Your job will be to employ dissimulation and conduct yourself in such a way that you should be sought after if you judge it needed, and you should solicit the same King that he provide an account of this to [the Emperor] of Japan, telling him that he should throw them out on the grounds that they are thieves and untrustworthy people, and that the wares they transport to Japan in their ships should be sent in Siamese junks, and the Japanese might be allowed to come to his [i.e. the Siamese] kingdom to search for them. . . Having let you know that to oblige the King of Siam all the more that he throw them out of his Kingdoms, [you should] present the example of the King of Cambodia who threw them out of his kingdom out of love for us [and for] not being brothers in arms, although not such a great

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elle, e que estes olandeses piratas não puderão viuer no Sul se os Reys delle / os não recolherão, e que se elle os botar todos farão logo mesmo por que não tendo / o porto de Sião, e o de Japão ficão logo perdidos. Ja de Cochinchina os botarão, na Jaoa não / tem entrada e Macassa fara logo o mesmo, com o Dachem estão quasj quebrados, e o rei de / Jor tambem que lhes faz Guerra a malaca, e que se nos virmos que os Reys do Sul os botão de sy / logo acodiremos lá com armadas e tornara o Sul a ser liuvre como era dantes e que disso / terá Sua Alteza a honra e louvor de todos. /

E por que em Bengala temos muitas embarcações que descuidadamente hão de vir nauegando / a demander gale, creo que sera facil tanto que chegardes a Tanassarym fazer aviso a Bengala / o que muito vos ey por ancarre / gado escreuendo a Piple, orixa e cajarim encomendando nisto segredo por que té gora / não estamos com elles [Holandeses] rotos em Guerra, mas esperamos que no la fação pella vontade / que disso mostrão, nesta conformidade fazei avizo, e que não fação delle pouco caso / e da mesma maneira auizai as embarcações que he força estejão per esses portos de Junçalão, e Bagarim, e Taranga. / [. .]

[. .] As roupas que levaes comvosco he para os gastos da viagem e vossa pessoa porque não seria / rasão que hundo a El Rey de Sião fosseis desluzido. / As cartas que leuais convosco abrireis encaminhando a seus tempos e ocaziões em que / for necessario da [illegible word] Dado em goa christouão d Andrade o fez a 3 de agosto 646. eu o secretario / Duarte de figueiredo de mello o fis escreuer. Dom Felipe Mascarenhas //

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king, nor so magnificent as he [of Siam], and that these Dutch pirates would not be able to go and live in the South [probably referring here to Ligor and Pattani] if the kings [of those tributary states] did not receive them, and that if he [Siam] kicked them out, the others would immediately follow and no longer having the port of Siam, or that of Japan, they would immediately be finished. Already Cochinchina has kicked them out, to Java they have no access and Makassar would do the same, they have almost broken with Acheh, and there is the King of Johor, who wages war against them, and if we see that the Kings of the South are to kick them out we will immediately sail there with armadas and the South will be free again as it was before and for this His Highness will have the honour and praise of all. And because there are many vessels setting sail for Bengal without precautions (descuidadamente) because they are asking for galleys, I think it will be easy for you [once you] arrive at Tenasserim to send notice to Bengal, which is something I strongly encharge you to do, and to write to Pipli, Orissa and Cajarim [the island of Canjorem], urging you to do this secretly, as we are not presently at war with those ragamuffins [the Dutch], but we hope that they will not do this [start a war] out of the desire they show for such. I have made this policy known and so that it will not be taken lightly, in the same way I urged the sailings headed for Junk Ceylon, and Bagarim and Taranga to be well prepared. The cloths that you will take with you are to cover the expenditure of the journey and of your person, for it would not be right for you to present yourself before the King of Siam dully (desluzido). The letters which you are to take with you, you will open en route at the right occasion [illegible] Written in Goa by Christovão de Andrade, 3 August 1646. I, the Secretary Duarte de Figueiredo de Mello had this written for Dom Felipe Mascarenhas //

APPENDIX 7 Letter from the Viceroy D. Filipe de Mascarenhas to the King D. John IV. Goa, January 8, 1647 (excerpt) Documentos Remetidos da Índia, Liv. 55, fol. 490v. [. .] E porque a / infidelidade dos olandeses na guarda das treguas hé tal que obriga a toda a cautela, e o que / mais cuidado me dá são os galeões que em Abril passado forão a china, me pareçeo avisar / los e tambem a cidade de macao, para cujo effeito dispidi hum navio a Tanassarim / e nelle Francisco cutrim de magalhães homem muy pratico naquellas partes; que dali / hade passer a Sião a cujo Rey he bem aceito, para melhor se conseguirem os referidos / avisos e tambem tartar com o mesmo Rey / negocios de importancia ao seruiço de vossa magestade / parqa cujo effeito lhe escreuey e lhe mandey hum prezente, dando tambem com isto cumpri/mento ao que vossa magestade me ordena, sobre procurer amisade com os Reis deste oriente para / effeito de fazer o olandez inimigo commum a todos [. .]

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(. . .) And because the unfaithfulness of the Dutch in keeping ceasefires is such, we are obliged to adopt the greatest caution. And what causes us the greatest concern are the galleons that last April went to China, of which it occurred to me to warn you and also the city of Macao. To which end I sent a ship to Tenasserim and in it went Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães, a man well versed in matters of those parts; from there he is to pass over to Siam, with whose king he is well received, so as to better succeed in delivering the said memoranda and also to negotiate with that king on matters of importance in the service of Your Highness, to which effect I wrote to him [the King of Siam] and sent him a present, thus executing what His Highness instructed me to do as to securing friendship with the kings of the Orient so as to make the Dutch an enemy common to all [. .]

APPENDIX 8 Documents from the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon. AHU, Índia, Cx. 50, doc. 80, Lisboa, 16 April 1667. Letter from the King. Conde Amigo. Eu El Rey vos enuio muito Saudar Como / aquelle que amo. Por carta de 30 de Março de 1666 Vinda / por terra, me auizou o Vice Rey Antonio de Mello de Castro de como / El Rey de Sião mandará hua embarcação a esse estado, querendo / ter comercio com elle, informandome da importancia de que seria / e tambem que o mesmo Rey tiuera tenção de mandar embaixadores / de que aduirtira hum Religiozo da Companhia Suzihano de nasção. / Os Superiores da mesma Companhia escreuem aos seus Religiozos / desse estado sobre isto, e se vos com esta notiçia que deueis achar / lá não tendes atalhado como espero, o que naquella parte, e em / outra pode obrar o animo pouco afeiçoado daquelle Religiozo Se / foi certa a informação que sedeu a Antonio de Mello de Castro / de que se pode duuidar, pello seruiço que eu sempre esperey que / me fizeçem todos os da companhia, Vos encomendo que logo or-/denies o que conuem nesta material; pareçeome escreuer a El Rey / de Sião a Carta que sera Com esta, e lhe enuiareis, e vay / na forma que Antonio de Mello apontou, sem embargo de / hauer hido em outra forma huma que lhe escreuey nos annos / passaos, sendo a Correspondençia Com aquelle Rey de tanta Conue/niencia não tenho pera que vos encomendar que a assenteis Com todo / o cuidado, por que este sey eu que tendes em todos os negocios / de importancia, folgarey de saber o que for sucçedendo sobre / este particular. Escrita em Lixboa a 16 de Abril de 1667 / Rey.

Reply from the Viceroy. Goa, 29 December, 1667:

‘A El Rey de Sião deuemos huma particular / amizade, e está introdusida mais polla memoria / do que fomos que pella dependençia do que somos elle / socorreo petição dos de Machao aquella praça / com

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English translation My friend Count [João Nunes de Castro, Conde de S. Vicente, Viceroy between 1666 until his death in Goa in 1668]. I, the king, send you many greetings as if to one of my loved ones. By letter of 30 March, 1666, which came overland, the Viceroy António de Mello de Castro informed me of how the King of Siam sent a ship to that state [i.e. Estado da Índia], desiring to trade with it, informing me of the importance at stake, and equally that the same king had the intention of sending ambassadors. Of this a Sicilian cleric also informed me [Valguarnera]. The Superiors of the same Company [of Jesus] wrote to the clerics of that state [Estado da Índia] about this, and [I wish] you could with this notice manage to block what in that place, or in others, is the rebellious spirit of that cleric, [which] prevails. If the information that Antonio de Mello de Castro provided was for sure, which can be doubted, and in the service that I hope the Company [of Jesus] renders me, I command you to immediately share what is valuable on this subject; it seems to me that I should write to the King of Siam a letter which should be like this one and I will send him it, and it should be in the form António de Mello stipulates, without hint of having written another one some years ago, the correspondence with that king being of such convenience. I don’t have to remind you that you should only agree with all due care, of this I know your tendencies in matters of importance, I would be very keen to know what will happen on this detail. Written in Lisbon on 16 April, 1667. The King. Response of the Viceroy. Goa, 29 December 1667. [excerpt] To the King of Siam we owe a special friendship, and this owes more to the memory of what we were than as a function of what we [currently] are. He answered to the pleas of the Macanese with

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trinta e seis mil patacas e eu ordenei se lhe pa/gaçem com suma pontualidade; mandei hum Nauio / para que elle com o Reçeo do formidauel poder dos Tar/taros se interecasse com nosso, inda que tinha distan/te o perigo, tem grande poder con este Rey; o Pe. Tho/mas Valguernera Religioso muito santo e muito / sabio, da companhia de Jesus, não diz mal dos Portu/gueses antes lhe deuemos a elle o fauos que nos faz / este Rey; mas Vê que os nossos crimes são tão hor/riueis naqueele Reino, que ou senão hade confeçar / Apostolo de Cristo (abreviado) se os prouar ou se hade confeçar / bom Portugues e Roim christão se os consenter, isto / suposto que quer Vossa Magestade que faça hum homem que veo / buscar voluntariamente o martirio sor(senhor) os peca-dos e não os Inimigos perdem a India, o que há / nella se sustenta por respeito dos missionarios / particularmente os da Companhia, os Italianos / prouão marauilhosamente nas missões, eu faço todas as diligençias, porque elRey de Sião nos mande embaixadores, mas duuidoō, porque estes Siões hé a gente mais fraca de todo o Uiuerso, assy como hé / a mais Rica, e abundante a sua opolencia e tanta que na sua Cidade metropolis, se contão sento / e secenta Armazens cada hum igual a mayor carreira de Caualo, e destes grande parte são / de Barras de ouro, os outros de prata, e louça da China escolhida, que entra na conta dos metais-/preçiosos lenhos Aromaticos, e pedrarias, esta hé a Rellação de tantos que eu não lhe dando credi/to, ou fé, e o numero de testemunhas me fará repetilo sem medo; o embaixador que dizem queria mandar / soliçitarey com todo o desuello, mas s’el Rey de Sião não achou quem poder mandar a Goa, pello medo que / tem do Mar os seus vassalos, Vossa Magestade veia como terá quem mandar a Europa, e assy descançe / Vossa Magestade e(m) crea que não hade ter muitas embaixadas do Oriente em Carne; muitas conquistas pu/dera Vossa Magestade ter se me dera gente, mas a vista de trinta soldados, que me traz Sam Bento que / heide fazer senão chorar a desgraça que me trouxe, em tão mizerauel seculo a India / (. . .)

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36.000 patacas, and I ordered that they be paid back punctually; I sent a ship over there in the belief that, fearing the formidable power of the Tartars [a reference to the Ch’ing dynasty’s steppe origins], he would fall in with us; although the danger remained distant, it has a great hold over that King. The Father Thomas Valguarnera a very holy and wise cleric from the Company of Jesus, does not speak ill of the Portuguese. Previously we owe him the favour that the King showed us; but you see that our crimes are so great in that kingdom, that otherwise the Apostles of Christ would have to provide us with confession if they will have us as good Portuguese and Roman Catholics. Supposing that Your Highness wishes this to happen, what would a man do who voluntarily seeks the martyrdom of his sins and not of his enemies? It is because of our sins and not our enemies that we are losing India, what there is left is sustained thanks to the work of the missionaries, particularly those of the Company, the Italians really exert themselves in the missions, and I am trying all avenues to ensure that the King of Siam sends us his ambassadors, but I doubt it, because these Siamese are the most flaky (mais fraca) people in the Universe, as well as being the richest, and most abundant, their opulence is such that in their metropole are to be found 160 warehouses each one equal to the largest racecourse (carreira de cavalo), and of their contents the large part is constituted of bars of gold, others of china, and choice pieces of Chinese pottery, which enters into account alongside precious metals, aromatic woods, and precious stones, and this is the truth. Many accounts many of which I don’t give much credit to, or hold much store by, but the number of testimonies makes without fear. The ambassador that they say they will send I would solicit without any reservation, but if the King of Siam can not decide upon whom to send to Goa, from the fear that his vassals have towards the sea, Your Highness shall see to it how the one to send to Europe shall be decided, and in this way Your Highness can relax in thinking that there will not be many embassies substantively from the Orient; Your Highness can have many conquests if he gives me people, but seeing the 30 soldiers that were brought to me on the São Bento I can only cry from the disgrace heaped upon me for it being such a miserable century for India (. . .)

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appendix 8 Goa 29 de Dezembro de 1667’

(Verdict of the Conselho Ultramarino) 12 Novembro 1669 (annotation in the margin) Sobre o particular del Rey / de Sião me diga o Concelho o seu pa/recer. Lixboa, 1 de Fevereiro de 1670 (royal annotation) (Document attached) Senhor Vossa Alteza he seruido que o Concelho entreponha seu pareçer / pelo que for a a el Rey de Sião, e conçiderando o Concelho / foi voto o Doutor Feliciano Dourado a que o Conde de S. Vicente diz sobre a boa corr-//respondençia que tem com o Estado. Pareceo ao Concelho representar a Vossa Alteza que o Vice Rey Luis de Mendonça Furtado deue Vossa Alteza mandar / Recomendar, particularmente (. .?), esta corre/pondençia e amisade, pelas utilidades que (. . .?) seguem / ao comerçio da India, e vendosse esta amteria / em Concelho de Estado parecendo, que Vossa Alteza, escreua a / Este Rey de Sião e a forma em que se deue faser, o / resolua, como mais asertado for, e enuier ao / seruiço de Vossa Alteza que mandará o que for eseruido. Lixboa 27 de Março de 1670.

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Goa, 29 December, 1667. ———————– Verdict of the Conselho Ultramarino 12 November 1669 [Annotation in the margin] As to the particulars regarding the King of Siam, I request that the Council [Conselho Ultramarino] give me its opinion. Lisbon, 1 February 1670. [Document attached] Lord, Your Highness is served by the Council providing its opinion as to the King of Siam and with the Council’s deliberations the vote was carried by Doctor Feliciano Dourado as to what the Count de S. Vicente says regarding the good relations that we have with that State.2 It occurred to the Council to inform His Highness that Viceroy Luis de Mendonça Furtado ought to send His Highness particularly the correspondence relating to this, as well as the affirmations of friendship, for the benefits that would accrue to Indian commerce. Furthermore, seeing this material in Council of State it appears that Your Highness wrote to the King of Siam and in the correct manner, which resolves, as was made clear, that he send to Your Highness everything that was delivered to him. Lisbon, 27 March, 1670.

2

Regarding Feliciano Dourado, he was responsible for the finances of the Portuguese diplomats during the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. See Jonathan Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550–1750, 2nd edition, 1991, 108 ff.

APPENDIX 9 Letter from Fr. Luis Fragoso, Commissary of the Holy Office, to D. Pedro Prince Regent, Sião, January 19, 1674. A.H.U., India Cx. 29, Doc. 151. Carta de Frey Luis Fragoso, comissario do Sto. Officio (to the Regent D. Pedro) Sobre as molestias que causão naquelas Christandades / os Bispos Franceses, que forao de Roma por Missi-/onarios App.os (Apostolicos). Senhor, O zello de portugueses que se preza de leal vasalo de vossa Alteza / ajudado da Comfiança deue lho, me obriga a este atreuimento / por não poder leuar impaçiençia quererem huns Bis-/pos françezes sob capa de Missionarios Apostolicos / introduzirimçe nas miçoiñs abertas e cultiuadas à custa de / tantos dispendios de Vossa Alteza e de tanto sangue, como / se trabalharamos pera elles, pretemdemdo a jurisdi-/ ção em todas estas Cristamdades por ordinarios dellas / fundados em huma bula subretiçia hauida Com / falsas emformaçoiñs çem na aprezemtarem a Vossa Alteza / como deuião fazer, a respeito do direito que Vossa Alteza tem neste / Oriente. de tudo se têm auizado a goa ao Viec Rey e a-/o cabido por repetidas vezas pelas molestias que esta / Cristamdade padeçe há douze annos que tantos / há, que estes françezes emtrarão nellas. E as hé a pre-/zemte não (tem?) lugar de comsiguir seu intento por se/lhes ter defemdido Com todo empenho: não çessa/ ndo estes Bispos de maquinar todos os mejos para / nos excluirem de todo: e por que duuidamos (por?) / algumas Razoiñs se possa sustentar nosso direito / nestas Cristamdades sem Real braço de Vossa Alteza me resol-/vi a fazer esta esperando por ella o Conueniemte re/-medio a estas molestias que cada uns (creiem?), porque / emformão a Roma Como querem e sem ouuir em / outra alguam Rezão fauoreçem sem ella seus apa-/ixonados em temtos, tanto que por obrar o que deuia / em o seruiço de Vossa Alteza exzersendo o ofiççio de comissario / da Sta. Inquizição Com satisfação daquele tribu-/nal em trinta e hum anno, mandárão ordem à In-/quisição dessa cidade que me tiraçem

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Regarding the molestations which the French Bishops, who came from Rome as Apostolic Missionaries, cause in those parts of Christendom. Lord, The zeal of the Portuguese who prize themselves on their loyal vassalage to Your Highness, aided by the confidence I owe you, obliges me to this daringness. Being unable to rid themselves of impatience some French bishops, under the cape of missionaries apostolic, have introduced themselves to the missionfields, opened and cultivated by Your Highness and by so much of our blood, as if we worked for them, claiming jurisdiction across all of these parts of Christendom as if it were their officialdom in a Bull woven with false information and without even presenting it to Your Highness as should be done, with respect to the rights that Your Highness holds in the Orient. Goa (the Viceroy and responsible [authorities]) have been informed on repeated occasions of all the molestations that this Christendom suffers during the twelve years since the French arrived. And up until the present they have not been able to fulfil their intentions, for having been prohibited with all our force; These Bishops, however, not ceasing to put into action all means so as to exclude us: and since we doubt for whatever reasons our right to these parts of Christendom with the royal arm of Your Highness I resolved to do this [claim a right], hoping for some convenient remedy to these molestations which each of us [. . .], since they inform Rome as they see fit without listening to any other reason. Thus they favour their impassioned intents. [I do this] both out of duty in the service of His Highness and exercising the office of Commissary of the Holy Inquisition. With the satisfaction of that tribunal over 31 years, the Inquisition is to issue an order from that city [Goa]

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do tal ofiççio / do que Vossa Alteza não sera sabedor, pois Crejo não dei-/xaria Vossa Alteza Real de acudir por hum vasalo que de-/fende sua Real Jurisdição pera emzemplo dos m/ais que forem tão leais como Eu. Guarde Deus / a Real pesoa de Vossa Alteza. Sião 19 de Janeiro de 1674. (Annotation in the margin) Haja vista o Procurador da Coroa / Lixboa 27 de Janeiro 676 (regal annotation) (Annotation of the Procurator) Já por (vezes?) tenho representado a Vossa / Alteza os inconuenientes do auer bispos / Estangeros nas conquistas, e por estas ra/soins (fauorecimento?) a são raynha dona / cuja may de Vossa Alteza os mandou vir pera / o reyno, e assem pra vossa que agora se de/ue obrar por todas as vias possi/ueis, pera sogorança, e Guidação da/quelle Estado. Lixboa 3 de Feueiro 676 Que se faça presente a Sua Alteza, esta Carta pera que / ordene sobre o que nella rellata frei Luis / fragoso, por quisto mais importante a seu / real seruiço e que euite o grande inconueniente / que se seguem as Christandades da India, onde / existem os vassallos de Sua ALteza. Lixboa 6 de Feueiro 676.

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to relieve me of this post, of which Your Highness would not know, as I believe Your Highness would not resist the assistance of a vassal who defends his Royal Jurisdiction as an example of the many who were as loyal as I. May God preserve your royal person. Siam, 19 January 1674.

[annotation from the Procurator of the Crown, Lisbon, 27 January 1676] I have already communicated to Your Highness the disadvantages of having foreign bishops in the ‘conquistas’, and for these reasons the Queen, the mother of Your Highness had them come to the kingdom, and thus for you who now has to labour by all means possible for the security and direction of this state. Lisbon, 3 February, 1676.

That this letter be presented to His Highness for Him to decree over what Frei Luis Fragoso has to say, for what is to be of greater importance to Your Royal Service and for disadvantages to be avoided that might occur in the Christian parts of India, where vassals of Your Highness are to be found. 6 February, 1676.

APPENDIX 10 A Memorandum from the Conselho Ultramarino entitled ‘As to what Frey Luis Fragoso, Commissary of the Holy Office in Siam, writes, relating to the molestations that are caused in those parts of Christendom by the French bishops who came from Rome as Missionaries Apostolic.’ A.H.U., Índia, cx. 54, doc. 73, Lisbon, 6 Feb. 1676. ‘Sobre o que escreue Frey Luis Fragoso Comissario do Sto. Officio em Sião, acerca das molestias que causão naquellas Christandades os Bispos Françezes que forão de Roma, por Missionarios apostolicos.’ Senhor, Frey Luis Fragoso Comissario do Sancto Offiçio, escreue de Sião a Vossa Alteza em Cart-/ta de 19 de Janeiro de 1674, que os Bispos Françezes, sobcapa de Missionarios a/postolicos, se querião introduzir nas Missões abertas, e cultiuadas, à custa de / tanto dispendio de Vossa Alteza, e de tanto sangue, pretendendo a jurisdição em todas / aquellas Christandedes, por ordinarios dellas, fundados em huma Bulla subrepti-/çia hauida com falsas informações, sem appresentarem a Vossa Alteza, como deuião / fazer, em rasão do direito que Vossa Alteza tinha naquelle Oriente: e repetidas vezes / se auisou de tudo ao Vice Rey, e ao Cabbido, pelas molestias, que aquella Christanda-/ de padecia há doze annos, com a entrada nella dos dittos Bispos, e ainda que até / o presente não tinhão conseguido seu itnento, por se lhes ter defendido com todo / o empenho, não cessauão de maquinar todos os meyos, para nos excluirem de / todo: e que duuidaua por algumas rasões se podesse sustentar nosso direito naquel-/las Christandades, sem o real braço de Vossa Alteza, de quem esperaua o rimedio conue-/niente destas molestias, que cada vez crescião, porque estes Bispos informa-uão a Roma, como querião, e sem ouuirem outra alguma rasão, fauoreçião sem / ella seus apaixonados intetos, tanto que por elle obrar o que deuia em o seruiço / de Vossa Alteza, exerçendo o offiçio de Comissario de Inquisição, há trinta e hum an-/nos, com satisfação daquelle Tribunal, mandárão ordem à Inquisição desa / Cidade, que o tirassem do ditto offiçio.

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English translation Lord, Frey Luis Fragoso Commissary of the Holy Office, writes from Siam to Your Highness via letter of 19 January 1674, that the French bishops, under the cloak of Missionaries Apostolic, wish to enter the open and cultivated mission fields at great cost and loss of blood to Your Highness, claiming jurisdiction in all those parts of Christendom as regular clergy (ordinarios), founded on a Bull made up of false information, without presenting themselves to Your Highness as they should have done, according to the rights Your Highness holds to the Orient: and he has compained to the Viceroy on repeated occasions, and the Cabido (Chapter of friars) of the molestations that those parts of Christendom have suffered over the last twelve years, since the entrance of those Bishops, and up to the very present they have not been able to succeed in their intentions, having been prevented with all their hearts, but will not stop machinating with all means to exclude us from everything: and that he doubted that we could sustain our right to those parts of Christendom for a number of reasons without the royal arm of His Highness, from whom it was hoped a convenient solution could be found, and which grow all the time because those bishops informed Rome, as to their wishes, and without hearing any other reason they favour their impassioned intentions, such that having worked as was his due for 31 years in service to Your Highness, exercising the office of Commissary of the Inquisition, with the satisfaction of that tribunal, they are to send an order to the Inquisition of that city for him to be stripped of his said office.

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Dandose vista do Procurador da Coroa, respondeo, que já por vezes ti-/nha representando a Vossa Alteza os inconuenientes de hauer Bispos Estrangeiros / nas Conquistas, e por estas rasões gouernando a Raynha Nossa Senhora, que está / em Gloria, os mandou vir para o Reyno; e que assym pareçia, que agora se deuia / obrar por todas as vias possiueis, para segurança, e quietação daquelle Estado./ Ao Conselho Pareçe fazer presente a Vossa Alteza o que relata Frey Luis / Fragoso, para que Vossa Alteza ordene o que for mais importante a seu real seruiço, / e se euite o grande inconueniente que se segue às Christandades da Indi, a-/onde assistem os Vassalos de Vossa Alteza.

Lixboa 6 de Feueiro 676. (Annotation in the margin) Ao Visorei o mando escreuer execute / tendo occasião as ordens que tem minhas / sobre esta materia. Lixboa, 18 de Março de 1676.

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[The matter] having been seen to by the Procurator of the Crown, he replied that on many occasions he presented the shortcomings of having foreign bishops in the conquests, and for these reasons the Glorious Queen Our Lady being in government, had them sent to the kingdom; and thus it seems that now it was necessary to work by all means possible to quieten that state. It appears that the Council has presented His Highness with Frey Luis Fragoso’s account, for His Highness to order what is to be most important to his royal service / and thus the great disadvantage that can befall the Christian parts of India can be avoided, in which the vassals of His Highness work. Lisbon, 6 February 1676. [Annotation in the margin, from the prince] I am writing to the Viceroy for him to execute my orders regarding this problem. Lisbon, 18 March, 1676.

APPENDIX 11 Oath of Loyalty sworn by the Society of Jesus, Siam, 10 October, 1681.3 Nos infra scripti, Societatis Jesu Sacerdotes, agnoscimus Illustrissimum ac Reverendissimum Dominum Ludovicum Laneau, Episcopum Metellopolitanum, in Vicarium Apostolicum Siami aliarumque Regionum, juxta Constitutiones Summorum Pontificum Clementis IX, Clementis X et Innocentii XI, et Sacrae Congregatione de Propaganda Fide decreto, eidemque, juxta easdem, quarum initium. Cum sicut accepimus; item Decet Romanum Pontificem, et Illius qui charitas est, ac denique cum dudum, debitam reverentiam, obedientiamque deferimus; ideoque ab eodem Vicario Apostolico petimus facultatem administrandi sacramenta et praedicandi Verbi divini in nostro templo Coloniae Lusitanae. Insuper, dum a sede Apostolica expectatur responsum ad id quod Archi-Episcopus Goanus summo Pontifici scripsit, pro sua jurisdictione servanda in Colonia Lusitanorum; exigente id Illustriss. Domino, spondemus nullum interim jurisdictionis vicarii de Vara actum in templo nostro exercendum Datum Siami, 10 octobris 1681 Pater Emmanuel Suaris, Superior residentiae Johannes Baptista Maldonado Antonius Thomas Dominicus Alvarez.

3

Published in Bosmans, Correspondance de Jean-Baptiste Maldonado de Mons, 11–.

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English translation We the undersigned, priests of the Society of Jesus, acknowledge as the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Master Louis Laneau, Bishop of Metellopolis, in the Vicariate Apostolic of Siam and other regions, alongside the collective constitutions of Popes Clement IX, Clement X and Innocent XI, and as decreed by the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide, and all those (constitutions), alongside these, which they have initiated; in the same way, to the decrees of the Pope in Rome, and that which derives from them, alongside and from the beginning, we pledge our obedience and due reverence; To this we hereby defer; and thus we ask of the Vicar Apostolic the right to administer the sacraments and (the right) to preach the holy word in our church in the Portuguese colony. Beyond this, in so much as the Holy See expects a response to what the Goan Archbishopric has written overall to the Papacy as far as its jurisdiction is served in the Portuguese colony, we will give over no jurisdiction to the vicars of the rod’s acts or (allow them) to exercise in our churches. Dated Siam, 10 October, 1681. Father Emmanuel Soares, Superior of the Residence. Jean-Baptiste Maldonado Antoine Thomas Domingo Alvarez

APPENDIX 12 Letter of Jean-Baptiste Maldonado S.J. to one of the assistants to General Gian Paolo Oliva from Siam, dated 16 November, 1681. Reverende in Christo Pater. P.C. Viâ Manilanâ ad eas rescripsi, quas 31a januarii 1678, ad me R. Va mittere dignata est, vere amicâ manu, benevolentiâ paternâ, et solatio plenas. Nunc pro bono missionum nostrarum quaedam R. Vae suggerenda judicavi, optime conscious in R. Vae zelo et authoritate positum esse ut oportuna remedia afferantur.

Navigii ea debilitas quo P. Antonius Thomas, e provincial Gallo-Belgicâ, Malacâ Macaum deferebatur, coegit ut ad Siami regnum diverteret, quo factum est ut amicissimum socium mihi amplecti licuerit, et ex eo multa scire quae Societatem nostrum, et praesertim has missiones spectant. Retulit nobis, quid novo Brevi contra nos praecipiatur, ad quas angustias missionarii nostri redigantur. His cognitis, consilium inivimus quid faciendum esset ad avertendam a nobis tempestatem, quae cum adventuro D. Francisco Pallu timeri potest. Specie igitur amicitiae cum illis Parisiensibus clericis cum illac transiret contractae, P. Antonius Thomas adiit salutaturus D. Ludovicum Lanneau, episcopum Metellopolitanum, qui odo unicus e tribus hic vivit, vir mitis et erga nos non male affectus. Fassus est episcopus, in hac coloniâ Lusitanâ jurisdictionem hactenus ad Lusitanos pertinere; fassus est, se nihil habere quod conqueratur de missionaries nostris in Cochinchinâ, nec de nobis hîc, solum cupere se, ut in Tumquino ubi duo nostril dumtaxat resident, plures adessent, qui omnibus nostris ecclesiis providerent, ed quod duo tot neophytes non sufficient; denique ostendit se nihil aliud cupere, quam ut pro ordinario, juxta concilium Tridentinum, agnosceretur a Nostris. Facile omnes difficultates componerentur, si cum illo solo agendum esset. Verum cum alia Romae agitentur cedendum esse tempori et necessitate statuimus; obedientiam illi in scripto dedimus, urgente magis violentiâ quam ratione. Nostrum et

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English translation Reverend Father in Christ (P.C.).

Via Manila, I replied to those letters which Your Lordship deemed worthy of consigning to me on 31 January 1678, letters full of friendly assistance, of consolation and paternal well-meaning. Now, in the knowledge that that Your Lordship has striven to find opportune remedies, I have judged it necessary for the welfare of our missions to come before [the inspection of] Your Lordship, Padre Antoine Thomas of the Franco-Belgian Province suffered difficulties as he navigated from Malacca towards Macao and was obliged to make a detour to the kingdom of Siam. By this means, it became possible for me to again embrace an old companion of mine, from whom much as regards our Society is to be learned, and above all, these missions. He told me of the proscriptions against us in a papal Brief, and which discomforts our missionaries will be subject to. In the knowledge of these things, we have considered what [measures] are needed to keep the tempest that the prospective visit of François Pallu represents at arms’ length.4 When he went to visit under the pretext of friendship but with the intention of negotiating with those Parisian clerics, Padre Antoine Thomas met with D. Louis Laneau, Bishop of Metellopolis, who is the only one of the three who lives here, an inoffensive man and not badly disposed in our regard.

4

Mgr. Pallu was imprisoned in Manila whilst sailing to his archdiocese in Tonkin in 1674. He was sent to Spain for judgement, but released after the intercession of Pope Innocent XI and Louis XIV. He was only able to return to Siam in July 1682, see Jean Guennou, Les Missions Étrangères, 51.

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episcopi scriptum inclusi epistolae ad R.A.P.N. datae. Sed aliud etiam inclusi scriptum, quo constat quam malam doctrinam tradiderit D. Antonius Haincq, clericus Gallus, in Champa missionaries; et hoc scriptum serviet ad nostrum justificationem, dum nostra in admittendis statim novis missionaries resistentia damnatur. Vivit hic etiamnum ille Hispanus Joannes Guttierez, episcopis Gallis bene notus, qui de illo clerico, ut testis oculatus, fidem fecit.

Jam vero, dum Nostri e missionibus rigidissimo Brevi Romam evocantur, dum ad juramentum plane insolitum adiguntur, videtur ultima adhiberi machine, ut Nostri missiones omnino per fastidium destituant. Verum contra haec omnia, videtur eximia Societatis caritas debere etiam adhibere veut ultimam machinam, ad perrumpenda omnia obstacula, et missiones conservandas; quod fieret, si viginti aut triginta Nostri statim intrepide huc venirent, et in Tumquinum Cochinchinamque ingrederetur. Certe tantus est neophytorum erga Societatem amor, ut si Nostri adsint, nostris simper sint adhaesuri. Ad Sinas nullus adhuc Gallus penetravit. Hoc anno quidam clericus id tentavit, verum adversâ navigatione usus regredi coactus est. Ad Tumquinum miserunt quemdam fratrem Raymundum Lizoli, Mediolanensem Dominicanum, qui litteras detulit ad Dominos provicarios Didier et Borges, ut ipsi veniant ad Siami regnum consecrandi in episcopos. De D. Francisco Pallu hactenus nescitur quod appulerit in Indiam. Rumor est ipsum Româ ad hunc finem discessisse. Hactenus nullum pervenit Breve quonos adigant ad juramentum. Ingens litterarum Breviumque falcis, quem D. Franciscus Pallu mittebat, periit in navi Anglicanâ. Episcopus habet fere 20 sacerdotes Gallos in suo seminario primario; in alio inferiore

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The Bishop said that until now the jurisdiction fell to the Portuguese in this colony; that he doesn’t have any [novices] from those conquered by our missionaries in Cochinchina, or from those here. He wishes only that in Tonkin, where there are at least two of our [men], there be more [priests] so as to provide for our ecclesiastics, that two alone are not enough for so many neophytes. In this way, he reveals that he wishes nothing more than [matters] to be recognised in conformity with the Council of Trent, according to its stipulations. All difficulties would be resolved if only he would act in this way. As a matter of fact, we have decided to concede to time and necessity whilst other questions are negotiated in Rome. We have conceded to obedience in writing, although violence would have been more instinctive. I sent our declaration and that of the Bishop in the letter given to R.A.P.N. But I included another piece of writing in which is transmitted the false doctrine of Antoine Haincq, French priest and missionary in Champa.5 And this declaration will serve as our justification until our resistance to admitting new missionaries is condemned. Another person who lives here is the Spaniard Juan Gutierrez, a bishop well known to the French, who confided in [us] [with regard to] that member of the clergy (Antonio Haincq) as an ocular witness. While that most severe Brief calls our [men] from their missions to Rome, where they are constrained to make a really unusual oath, it seems that a last stratagem has been put into action to constrain our [men] into abandoning their missions out of disaffection. Actually, in response to all these things, it seems to me that the prestigious charity of the Society should undertake one last move so as to overcome every obstacle and conserve the missions; that is to say, this would be possible if twenty or thirty of our men were to come here in an intrepid and courageous way and go to Tonkin or Cochinchina. For sure, the love of the neophytes with regard to the Society would be enormous if our [men] were to come; the neophytes would also adhere to Our Order. Up until now, no Frenchman has penetrated China. This year, in fact, a clergyman was constrained to return back home on account of a difficult voyage. They have sent to Tonkin a certain brother, 5

Antoine Haincq persuaded his flock to worship him, prostrated with their faces to the earth, as some sort of saint, invoking ‘O saint Antoine Haincques, notre père bienaimé, priez pour nous’, Histoire de la mission de Cochinchine, 1658–1823. Documents historiques, Bd. 1, 64.

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alit 18 adolescentes, partim Tumquinos, partim Cochinchinas, qui linguam latinam, philosophiam, theologiam et aliquid o mathematicâ addiscunt. Magni refert nostros ingredi missiones antequam hi adolescentes ad aetatem sacerdotii perveniant. Nam si Nostri primi intraverint, semper ab his neomystis colentur velut superiores et Patres Missionis. Haec omnia late et enixe commendavi P. Philippo Couplet, quem puto januario proximo solvere Jacatrâ in Hollandiam. Spero sub hoc insigni procuratore multa in melius promovenda auspiciis R. V.ae, cujus sacrificiis inexe me commendo. E nostrâ Siamensi residentiâ, 16 novembris 1681.

R. V.ae Humillimus in Christo servus J.B. Maldonado. Ad .majorem securitatem eadem scripta, quae mitto ad R. P. N.um, mitto etiam velut alterâ viâ ad R. Vm. Efficiat quaeso R.V m quantum potest, ut multi huc veniant. Meo quidem judicio in hoc vertitur cardo rei, ut simili missionariorum nostrorum concursu et impulse, Societatis nostrae, tum missiones, tum bona fama conservetur. Siami regnum jam est velut missionariorum de Propagandâ metropolis. Quamdiu hîc ero, non omittam quotannis scribere ad R, V.am, viâ hollandicâ, quid rerum agatur. Jam saepius ad Lusitaniae assistentem scripsi, nullo accepto response. Ad R. Vm recurrimus. [at the top of the sheet, a seal to attest that this official document is in conformity with the original] J. B. Maldonado, 16 nov. 1681.

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Raimond Lizoli, a Dominican from Milan, who brought some letters to Pro Vicars Didier and Bourges for them to go to the Kingdom of Siam and be nominated Bishops. As regards F. Pallu, it is known what took him to India. It is said that he arrived at that frontier alone from Rome. Up till now, no Brief has arrived in which we are constrained to oath. An enormous pile of letters and [papal] briefs that François Pallu sent [here] went down with an English vessel. The bishop has almost 20 French priests in his principal seminary. In another there are 18 adolescents, in part Tonkinese and in part Cochinchinese, who are learning Latin, Philosophy, Theology and something of Mathematics. That [enormous pile of letters] refers to the fact that our priests enter their mission fields before these adolescents arrive at the age for entering the priesthood. In fact, if our [priests] entered first, they would always be considered by those neophytes as superiors and fathers of the mission. I recommended this course of action to Father Philippe Couplet, S.J. whom I believe will depart from Jakarta for Holland next January. I hope that with this seal of the Procurator better things are in store and with the wishes of Your Reverency for such sacrifices I entrust myself to You. From our Residence in Siam 16 November 1681. Maldonado For greater security I also send this written material via another channel. I wish that Your Lordship do what it can within its power so that a large number of priests arrive here. For me, the most important thing is that with the support of the missionaries Our Society and Our Missionaries maintain their good name and fame. The kingdom of Siam is already like a metropolis for the missions of the Propaganda. For as long as I am here I will not fail to write each year to Your Lordship via Dutch channels, whatever may happen. I have already written many times to the Assistant of Portugal without reply, thus I address myself to you. 16 November 1681.

APPENDIX 13 Letter from Jean-Baptiste Maldonado, representing the Company of Jesus in Siam, to François Pallu, Bishop of Heliopolis, 22 August, 1682. Illustrissimo, ac Reverendissimo Domino, D. Francisco Pallu, Episcopo Heliopolitano, Vicario Apostolico Fokiensi, Sinarum administratori, generali etc. Nos infra scripti Societatis Jesu Religiosi professi, iterum atque iterum, quâ possumus instantia, rogamus Illustrissimam Dominationem Vestrum, ut pro eà quâ pollet prudentia, antequam ad censuraram executionem procedat, perpendere atque ponderare diynctur. [dicitur] 1. A Principe Lusitaniae, dum ille Patronatum suum in has Orientis Missiones coram Summo Pontifice tuetur, nobis interim prohibitum esse Episcopis exteris obedire, intimates [intimatas?] vero fuisse gravissimas poenas, nimirum jacturae bonorum, et notae rebellionis incurrendae ab iis, qui contravenerint. 2. Nos in coloniâ Lusitanâ decre [decere?], quam ita volente rege Siamensi, per expressum diploma, praefectus Lusitanus et proepiscopus Malacensis actualiter ibi residentes gubernant.

3. Legem regni Siamensis esse ut una natio in alteram non dominetur.

4. Magnum fore tumultum, et scandalum, si in eâdem coloniâ Lusitanâ, alius contra alium insurgat, spectantibus id gentibus, eique in faciem resistatur, qui publice ut Proespiscopus, lectis jam ejus litteris, est habitus et agnitus. 5. Maximam inde secuturam perturbationem conscientiarum illustriss. Dom. Vestrae animo occurrere facillime possunt. ‘Quibus ita

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English translation To the Most Illustrious and Reverend Monsignore, Dom Francesco Pallu, Bishop of Heliopolis, Vicar Apostolic of Fukien, Administrator of China, General etc. We, the undersigned, representing ecclesiastics of the Society of Jesus, ask repeatedly, with the greatest insistence, that Your Most Illustrious Lordship in conformity with the wisdom of which he is richly endowed, before proceeding to the execution of what is to be decreed, weigh up and ponder that: 1. We have been prevented by the Prince of Portugal, since he defends his Crown Patronage in these mission fields of the Orient from the Pope, from obeying external bishops, and those who are opposed to them have announced very great penalties; to be sure, the loss of goods, and the infamous reputation of rebels. 2. [Thus] it suits us in the Portuguese colony, that the Portuguese prefect should govern alongside the Episcopal Bishop of Malacca, actually resident here according to the will of the King of Siam, in accordance with a safe pass. 3. The laws of the Kingdom of Siam hold that one nation alone should not dominate over another. 4. There would be a great tumult and scandal, if in that Portuguese colony one individual were to rise up against another, and if the people saw that there was resistance to he who is publicly considered Pro-Bishop, having read his letters [decrees]. 5. Your Illustrious Lordship can easily imagine the very great disturbance to people’s consciences if that were to happen. Having described this,

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expositis, coram Deo protestamur, nos ergo sedem Apostolicam obedientissimos esse, et simper fore. Verum pro temporis exigentiâ et praesenti rerum statu, as Christianae Religionis famam coram gentilibus servandam, nobis videri plane necessarium petere ab Illustriss, Dom vestrâ, ut censurarum executionem differat, dum Summo Pontifici, aequissimo omnium judici, cujus pedibus humillime advolvimur, rationes allatae innotescant. Datum in Residentia nostra Siamensi, vigesima secunda Augusti 1682. Pater Emmanuel Soarez, superior residentiae Siami Joannes-Bapt. Maldonado.

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we proclaim in the presence of God, that we have always been and always will be most obedient to the Holy See. In fact, as regards the actual situation, it seems to be clearly necessary to ask Your Illustrious Lordship to delay the execution of what is to be decreed until the reasons given are noted by the Supreme Pontifex [The Pope], the most just judge of all, at whose feet we prostrate ourselves most humbly. As instructed in our residence of Siam, 22 August 1682. Padre Emmanuel Soarez, Superior of the Residence of Siam. Giovanni Battista Maldonado.

APPENDIX 14 Copy of a letter of Padre Manuel Soares of the Company of Jesus, Superior of the Residence of Siam, written to the Count of Alvor Viceroy and Captain General of India. A.H.U. Índia, Cx 59, Doc 236, Sião, 24 June 1684. Por Pero Vaz de Siqueira Embaixador extraordinario por Vossa Excelencia / em nome de Sua Alteza com embaixador a este Rey de Siam, tiue hũa carta/ de Vossa Excelencia de que fiz a estimação deuida Deos Nosso senhor prospere a vi/da de Vossa Excelencia por largos annos para bem e augmenta da nação Por/tugueza, e Restauração de toda a India/.

O Embaixador que Vossa Excelencia emuiou com esta ambaixada cor-/ respondeo bem e com muita satisfaçam a tudo o que Vossa Excelencia lhe ordena/ra, vencendo muitas dificuldades. Entrou diante do Rey calçado / e com espada couza que a minguem athe gora se conçedeo. Deu a / Embaixada na forma e ordem que trazia: e foi del rey muito / aseito e bem recebido com muitas demonstrações de amor e união com / o Rey e principe de Portugal, e com muita estimação tão bem de Vossa / Excelencia as honras que este Rey fex ao Embaixador forão extraordinarias, / de que pasmarão todas asoutras nasções que ha neste Reino, de que / Vossa Excelencia poderá ter larga noticia por outras vias, e tudo o que pedio / o embaixador El Rey lhe conçedeo./

O Capitão Mor Francisco Barreto de Pina lhe dixia que quando desse / a embaixada entraçe com seruilhas e com espada pequena, por lhe pa/ reçer que a embaixada se não poderia dar doutro modo; mas / como isto era contra as ordens que trazia de Vossa Excelencia; a que não / duuido que Vossa Excelencia saiba esthimnar o bom suçesso que teue nesta / embaixada, de que rezultaria muita honra a nasção Portugueza / e nome e gloria a Nosso Rey Principe e a Vossa Excelencia./

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English translation Via Pero Vaz de Siqueira, Ambassador Extraordinary of Your Highness, Ambassador to this the King of Siam in the name of Your Highness, I received a letter from Your Excellency of which I took note, may God Our Lord grant you prosperity for many years for the benefit and growth of the Portuguese nation, and Restoration of the whole of India. The Ambassador that Your Excellency sent with this embassy corresponded well and with due satisfaction to all that Your Excellency ordered, overcoming many difficulties. He entered the King’s presence with footwear and sword, which until now is something nobody has conceded. He gave the embassy the form and order he carried himself: and he was very well received by the king, with many demonstrations of love and unity with the King and Prince of Portugal, and also with the great esteem of Your Honour. The honours which this King paid the Ambassador were extraordinary, and of which all other nations marvelled in this kingdom, and of which Your Excellency can have ample notice via other channels, and everything the Ambassador asked for was granted by the king. Captain General Francisco Barreto de Pina told him that when he was to give the embassy, he should enter with moccasins and short sword, so as to make out that the embassy could not be given in any other way; but as this was against the instructions of Your Excellency; from all of this, I do not doubt that Your Excellency knows how to estimate the success of this embassy, from which much honour resulted to the Portuguese nation, and to the name and glory of Our Prince King and Your Excellency.

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O Capitão Mor deste Bandel Francisco Barreto de Pina foi / prezo por certos crimes que lhe empuzerãó os ministros del / Rey; e o prenderão e ausençia do embaixador mas sentin/dose disso o ditto embaixador lho entregarão e este o teue pre/zo na sua fragata por espaço de hum mez sem lhe dar cas/tigo que os Ministros del Rey pedião querião e desejauão que / lhe fosse dado de que fizerão grandes queixas ao Embai/xador. Este Rey o tirou de Capitão Mor deste Bandel / querendo e esperando que Vossa Excelencia mande outro, e que seja o home de são consiençia e graue por lhe terem neste Bandel e fo/ra deste todo Respeito deuido. E tornar que Francisco Barreto // de Pina de nenhum modo conuém por ter contra sy o Rey e os Mi/nistros del Rey; este se queixa ao Em,baixador por que não / falou por elle a El Rey depois de desapozado da Capitania; Mas / não tinha Razão porque denhuma maneira cmuinha; por Francisco / Barreto ter contra sy o Rey e seus Ministros, e se o Embaixador / faleçe destria a longe o bom sucesso que ja tinha a embaixa/da e os muitos preuelegios que este tinha o Rey conçedido. A Fran/cisco Barreto de Pina lhe faz muito mal o falar demazadiamente por / que amda que se mostrou aqui sempre zeloso e vassalo leal / de Sua Alteza, e nesta ocazião da embaixada fez tão bem / o mesmo, com tudo falou demaziadamente e com pouca pruden/çia./

Diz mais Francisco Barreto de Pina que por amor da Embaixa/da lhe sucederão estas desgraças da prizão o que absolutamente / não lhe pode negar que por ocazião da embaixada teue estes / trabalhos e desgostos, mas por ser imprudente e falar dema/ziadamente deu com isso aos Ministros del Rey occazião de se/enimistar con estes./

E com isto tenho dado conta a Vossa Excelencia do que ouue nesta em/ baixada, e de como nesta Pero Vaz de Siqueira se ouue com gran/de prudençia e consultando sempre com o Capitão Mor Francisco / Barreto de Pina, com o secretario, e comigo as couzas de mais im-/portançia seguindo o que trazia no Roteiro ou Regimento de Vossa / Excelencia./

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The Captain General of this bandel Francisco Barreto de Pina was arrested on account of certain crimes of which he was accused by the ministers of the king; and they arrested him, for which he was absent when the ambassador [arrived]. But hearing of this, they turned him over to the ambassador, and he took him prisoner aboard his frigate for a month without punishing him which is what the ministers of the King wanted, and asked for. On this account, great complaints were made to the King. This King removed him from the office of Captain General, hoping and desiring that Your Excellency would send another, and that he be a man of clean conscience and serious to have him here in this bandel, and that he have nothing to do with the aforementioned. And to return to Francisco Barreto de Pina it in no way is convenient to keep him [here], for the King and his Ministers being against him. Pina complained to the Ambassador that he should speak to the king on his behalf after having stepped down from the captainship. But this is wrong, because there is no way this is of benefit, as the king and his ministers are against Pina, and if the Ambassador was to die the good ground that this embassy has already achieved would be undone and the many privileges conceded by the king [would be lost]. He is doing a lot of wrong speaking so much to Francisco Barreto de Pina, who is always trying to make out that he is the zealous and loyal vassal of His Highness, and on this occasion of the embassy he did the same, and always speaks too much and with little prudence. Francisco Barreto de Pina says moreover that out of love for the embassy he would suffer these disgraces in prison, something which cannot be denied him other than for this embassy having occurred. These moments of strain and unpleasantness have occurred as a result of being imprudent and speaking too much, and in this way he gave occasion to the Ministers of the King to become his enemy. And with this I have given account to Your Excellency of what happened during this embassy, and how Pero Vaz de Siqueira behaved with great prudence and in consultation always with Captain General Francisco Barreto de Pina, as secretary, and with me as to things of greater importance according to what was contained in the rutter or letter of instructions sent by Your Excellency.

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E como faria este Bandel sem capitão Mor, por não / ficarem as couzas como (..ota?), pareçeo ao Embaixador / e a seu secretario que he home de muita importançia lhes / pareçeo deixar entre tanto que Vossa Excelencia não prouia de Capitam / Mor este Bandel, deixar por adgjuntos o Padr.e. Viga.rio de S. Doming.os / e o Padr.e Superior da Companhia de Jesus, os quaes defferecem / em couzas fieis aos moradores e litigantes deste / bandel o que atestamos por entendermos ser seruiço / de Deus e tão bem, de nosso Rey e principe e de Vossa Excelencia./ Por fim e de mate edsta carta emcomendo muito a Vossa Excelencia / a Francisco Barreto de Pina por ser home nobre, leal vassalo e pa/deçeo por seus bons zellos posto que indiscretos que em terras / alheas e ministros mais afezioados ao Rey de Sião do que anos emtre apaixonados por desconfianças que lhes pareçe / que se tem destes, não conuém tudo o que vem a boca //

Pedimos a Vossa Excelencia que queer mandar logo alguém Capitam / Mor para este Bandel, a fim de que o Padr. E Vigario de S. / Doming.os e eu fiquemos aliuiado deste trabalho que o Senhor / embaixador nos pos as costas. A portaria que Vossa Excelencia me / mandou fica metida no escritorio e o successor della / pello que entendo que era ou vinha, julgo que não era/ capaz pera isso e com isto Deus guarde a pessoa ed Vossa Excelencia. Siam, 24 de Junho 1684 annos. Padre Manoel Soares.

(Signed) Luis Gonçalves Costa.

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And how would this bandel operate without a Captain General, for things not staying as [missing text] it seemed to the Ambassador and his secretary that he is a man of great importance. As Your Excellency did not provide for a new Captain General, it seemed to them to leave as adjuncts the Vicar of S. Dominic and the Father Superior of the Company of Jesus, who defer in matters of faith to the citizens and litigants of this bandel, which we understand to attest to the service of God, and also to our King and Prince and to Your Excellency. As an end and conclusion to this letter, let me recommend to Your Excellency Francisco Barreto de Pina for being a noble and loyal vassal and he has suffered for his good zeal being interpreted as indiscretion in these foreign lands and amongst ministers moulded to the will of the King of Siam. To such volatile, for the unreliability they suspect in that type of person, over the years they no longer set store by his words’. We ask Your Excellency that he send us immediately a Captain General for this bandel, to the end that the Father and Vicar of S. Domingos and I can be relieved of this work which the Lord Ambassador put on to our shoulders. The official diploma ( portaria) that Your Excellency sent me shall be kept in the desk and as to its successor, by which I mean the one before or after, I judge unworthy of it, and with this may God keep Your Excellency. Siam, 24 June 1684, Padre Manuel Soares. Signed Luis Gonçalves Costa

APPENDIX 15 Novas do Reyno de Siam. Biblioteca Nacional. Lisboa, Ms. No. 465, fl. 186. End of 1688. Por m.tas vias repetiam novas de El Rey de Sião mandar matter por traidor o Grego Constantino Falcão a quem El Rey de França proximamente tinha mandado o titulo de Duque mas, nada accabavamos de dar intr.o credito por nos faltarem cartas, e testemunho dos nossos Portuguezes, ate q no mez de Agosto deste pres.te anno de 1688, chegou a Macao hum F.o Frr.a morador desta cid.e q de Sião partio p.a. costae m janr.o deste mesmo anno, e da costa veyo a esta cid.e oq. refere partirão de França 5 naos pera Sião. Destas chegarão quatro em que vinhão P.P da comp.a e 800 homens dos q.es na viagem morrerão 300 dos 500 q chegarão vivos pos o Grego em hũa fortaleza chamada Bancò, 200 com 3 P.P. da Comp.a cada dia morrião 2, e tres p.r destemperança no comer de lanhas, e beber de urraca, pello q dezião mal da Terra, e de quem os mandara, fugindo m.tos delles e outros roubando e fazendo m.tos insultos aos naturaes comque provocarão ao seu Talapui mayor, q corresponde ao nosso Papa, ajuntar outros muytos Talapuis, e ir se quixar ̰ ao Rey das insolencias dos Francezes, neste estado deixou este home as cousas de Sião no tem. q partio delle.

Em septembro chegou a cantão huma soma de Siam q partio do porto de Pipuli em que vierão varias cartas de alguns mroadores desta cid.e asistentes em Sião, os q.es rezão morrer El Rey de Sião de pessonha q lhe dera seu crioulo chamado o Pra Pitirachai por ver q perdia o Reyno por não querer ouvir as queixas, e brados que o povo lhe dava contra o Grego. Este o Pra Pitirachai he o Rey q matou os 2. Principes, genro e sobrinho do Rey defuncto. Prendeo logo o Grego dando lhe tratos até confessor q todos os Francezes e xptãos estavão confederedados com elle para se levanter com o Reyno, e com esta confisão lhe mandou cortar a cabeça, e feittos em quartos, o lançarão aos caens, achouse fanado com seras letras no braço que se não poderão ler. Mattarão lhe tão bem

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English translation News from the Kingdom of Siam. Many sources report the news that the King of Siam has had the Greek, Constantine Phaulkon, to whom the King of France had recently attributed the title of Duke, put to death as a traitor. But nothing gave us full confidence [in these reports] for lack of letters and testimony from our Portuguese [brothers] until August of this year 1688 when one Francisco Ferreira, citizen of this city [Macao] who left Siam for the high seas in January of this year, and from the coast saw five French ships heading for Siam. Of these ships, four arrived carrying missionaries and of the [original] eight hundred men three hundred had died, so that five hundred arrived alive. The Greek put two hundred of them and three Fathers in a fortress called Bangkok, but every day two or three died from distempers originating in the food, or from wounds and from drinking arrack, for which [reason] bad is spoken of this land, and of those who sent them here. Many fled and others robbed and insulted the local population which provoked their Head Talapoin, which corresponds to our Pope, to gather a large number of talapoins and go and complain of the insolence of the French. Such was the state of affairs in Siam when this man [F. Ferreira] departed from there. In September, a small Chinese junk (soma) from Siam arrived in Canton which had left the port of Pipli and in which came various letters from residents of this city who were currently in Siam, which tell of the death of the King of Siam as a result of poisoning by his creole called Phetracha, seeing that he was losing the kingdom as a result of not listening to the complaints and clamour that the people made against the Greek. This Phetracha is the king that killed the two princes, the son-in-law and nephew of the dead king. He immediately seized the Greek, torturing him until he confessed that all the French and Christians were in alliance with him to stage an uprising in the kingdom, and with this confession [Phetracha] ordered him to

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seus filhos. A molher, e sogra ficão captivas de El Rey com continuos tratos q lhe dam p.a. q confesem o q sabem. Os mais parentes prezos, tidos por traydores, e as fazendas confiscadas. Tinha o Grego minada a terra desde sua caza até o Palacio, esperando occaziam para fazer voar. Achando em sua caza muytas armas, polvora, mantim.tos e myl pares de machos.

Trezentos Francezes q asistião na fortaleza de Bancò com a nova da morte do traydor Grego fizerão alguns as altos nas aldeas dos Sioens, pore mod Sioes os forão perseguindo ate os fazer retirar a fortaleza, avendo de hũa e outra parte mortes. E puzerão nosa em tal aperto, que aos 15 de Julho deste anno de 1688, botarão band.ra branca pedindo por meyo do Bispo Francez Naos pera se irem. Alguns dizem q lhos concederão. O coll.o do Bispo esta feito pagoda os xpãos naturaes deste oriente q o Bispo tinha, forão prezos obrigando-os o Rey a q serão gentios.

O Rey chamou ay Portuguezes p.a lhe defenderem a Cid.e e seu Palacio. A outros mandou p.a a Barra a estacar o Rio e segurar a entrada da armada Franceza q o Grego confesou avia de vir este ano m.to mayor q a do anno passado. Pedio o rey aos capitães dos barcos estrangeiros q estavão no porto lhe defendesem o Rio. Os cap.aens dos nosos 2. Barcos de Macao lhe offereçerão os barcos, e suas pesoas a seu seruiço. Aceitou o Rey o offerecim.to e em sinal de agradecim.to deu, e vestio de sua propria mão hũas casacas á Andre Gomez, Gp.ar Franco, Fran.co Ferreira e outros Portuguezes, prometendo remunerar a acção concluyda. E ficam nossos barcos, com suas galez guarnecendo o Rio.

Mandou o Rey arrecadar todos os papeis do Grego p.a. por e elles descobrir os confederados na traição, e p.r isso prendeo os R.P. Fr. P.o Martyr religioso de S. Dg.os que por ser secretario do Grego estão martirizando com tratos, e fica com quarto prizoens. Por doente escapou dos tratos o R.P. Fr. Estevão de Souza Religioso do S. Agust.o p.r.

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be beheaded, and quartered, and thrown to the dogs, and was found mutilated with letters joined to his arm that could not be read. His sons were also killed. His wife and mother-in-law remain captives of the King and receive continuous tortures to get them to confess what they know. The other relatives have been seized and are held as traitors, with their patrimony confiscated. The Greek had mined the land between his house and the Palace waiting for the occasion to blow [it all] up, a lot of arms, gunpowder, supplies and two thousand axes (machos) having been found in his house. Three hundred Frenchmen present in the fortress at Bangkok undertook some attacks on Siamese villages on hearing of the news of the death of the Greek traitor, but the Siamese fought back to the point of forcing a retreat into the fortress, with deaths on either side. And they put us [sic] in such a tight spot that on 15 July of this year 1688, they hung out a white flag asking via the intercession of the French bishop that they be allowed to go. Some say that this will be granted them. The college of the Bishop has been turned into a pagoda and the Christians amongst the local population under the bishop were seized, the King forcing them to apostize. The King called upon the Portuguese to help defend the city and his palace. Others he sent to block the river and to secure [presumably, prevent] the entry of the French fleet that the Greek confessed would arrive this year. The King asked the captains of foreign ships who were in the port to defend the river. The captains of the two ships from our [city of] Macao offered him their ships, their crew and their assistance. The King accepted this offer and as a gesture of thanks he gave and put together with his own hands some coats (casacos), which he gave to Andre Gomez, Gaspar Franco, Francisco Ferreira and other Portuguese, promising remuneration on completion of the job. And so our boats stayed, with their galleys protecting the river. The King ordered all the Greek’s papers to be taken and scrutinised to determine those in league with his treason, and in connection with this ordered Father Pedro Martyr of the Order of Saint Dominic to be arrested for having been the secretary of the Greek and four other prisoners, whom they are martyrising with tortures. Due to illness,

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q tão bem era 2. secretatio do Grego. O R.P. João Baptista Maldonado Flamengo da Comp.a de Jesus, escapou de ser avexado p.r. dizer q era Portuguez. Os clerigos Francezes não pasão bem. 20 Francezes com hum P.e da comp.a Francez q vinham na fortaleza de Bancó em hũa chalupa forão mortos.

Quis o Rey mandar a esta cid.e hũa fragatta com Portuguezes por temer, q se baldiassem com os Francezes. Na fortaleza de tanecery deram os Sioens de repente, e degollarão perante de 100 pessoas e q entrarão Francezes, Inglezes, e outros xpãos; fugindo quarenta Francezes em hum barco pello rio for. Affirmam as cartas q não tornarão os Francezes a por pé em Sião mas q tão bem a christand.e esta accabada. A propaganda se pode dar tão bem p.r accabada por que Siam era todo seu Assilo, onde assistiam os Bispos, e por onde se carteava, e metia seus missionaries, e subsidios nas missoens da China, Tum Kym e Cochinchina. Agora não tem ja p.a. onde os introduzir, senão por Macao, ou por meyo dos portuguezes. Os intentos de França tão bem se frustrarão porque não tem outro conto, nem nenhum Rey com este sucesso os admittiria.

As consequencias desta facçam, sam todas fataes: por q soando por todos estes reynos, q os Europeus (q p.r. poucos sam os q saibam destinguir Portuguezes de Francezes) que com capa de propagar a fé, se quizerão levanter com o reyno de Siam, lançarão a todos os missionaries, e Europeus de seus Reynos; e lhe fecharão todos os portos como fez Japam, presumindo de q nos façamos o q os Francezes fizerão em Siam. Asym q estão muy arriscados todos os missionaries não só Francezes, se não ainda os Portuguezes, e mays Europeus o serem lançados for a da China Tunkym, e Cochinchina, e mays reynos com perdas de rodas as chrisand.es o q Deos não permitta. Isto mesmo tem em os Portuguezes de Siam; q concluyda a guerra dos Francezes os matem ou os lancem tão bem a elles fora. O q não tem feitto em q.to depende delles contra os Francezes.

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Father Estevão de Souza, of the Order of St. Augustine, escaped these tortures even though he was the second secretary to the Greek. Father João Baptista Maldonado, a Fleming in the Jesuit Order, escaped punishment on saying that he was Portuguese. The French clerics are not doing well. Twenty Frenchmen together with one father of the French missionary order, who came on a chalupa to the fortress at Bangkok, have died. The King wished to send to this city a frigate with Portuguese, fearing that they might fall in with the French. The Siamese seized the fortress at Tenasserim immediately and set to slaughtering around one hundred people including French, English and other Christians; forty Frenchmen fled in a boat up the river. Letters attest that the French will not return to as much set foot in Siam, and that [equally] Christianity has been brought to a halt. The propagation of the faith, in that Siam was a refuge, where Bishops ministered, and which was a destination for missionaries and support for the missions in China, Tonkin and Cochinchina, must equally be considered to have been halted. Now there is nowhere to send them apart from Macao, and via the Portuguese. French plans will also be frustrated now because they do not have anywhere else, nor any other local king, who will offer them access given these events. The consequences of this coup ( facção) are fatal, since sounding out all these kingdoms where Europeans (it is true to say that few here can distinguish French from Portuguese) strive to propagate the faith, all will want to rise up with the Kingdom of Siam and throw out all the missionaries and [other] Europeans from their kingdoms; and they will close all ports to them just as Japan did, presuming that we will only do what the French did in Siam. In this way, the position of all missionaries, not just the French, but also the Portuguese and other Europeans, is at risk of them being thrown out of Tonkin China and Cochinchina, and other kingdoms with losses to Christianity, which God which will not allow. This holds equally for the Portuguese in Siam; when the war with the French is brought to an end, they too will be killed or thrown out. Which has not been done hitherto in that [the King] depends on them against the French.

APPENDIX 16 Deliberations of the Senate in Macao regarding action to take with regard to the Siamese Revolution, 17 November 1688. ‘Termo e assento feito em Junta de Homens bons, sobre se convem mandar Barco ao Reino de Siam, em razão das Revoluçõens do dito Reino, e novo Rei’.6 Aos 17 dias do mez de Novembro de 1688 annos nesta Cid.e do Nome de DEOS na China, na Caza da Camara della, estando em Meza de Vereação os Officiaes, q no dito anno servem forão chamados todos os Homens bons, e juntos, lhes foi dito pelo Vereador do meio, Sebastião de Vargas de Lima, q S Mides forão chamados p.a. tomar seus parecers, se convem q. Se mande Barco ao Reino de Siam, visto as revoluções do dito Reino, e morte do Rei delle, e o novo Governo de outro, pois tanto necessita esta Cid.de de amizade, e trato com o sobred.o Reino, e as obrigaçoens, q. A Nação Portugueza lhe deve, principalmente esta Cid.e O que ouvido pelos d.os Homens bons, depois de praticar entre si sobre a materia, assentarão, q m.to convem, que vá Barco ao d.o Reino, p.a. saber verdadeiramente o estado, em q. Está, e dar os parabens ao Novo Reino, com presuposto que visto se não poder saber se os Francezes estão ainda de posse das Fortalezas de Bancok, e da Barra: O Cap.m, que for, leve duas vias, huma encaminhada ao Grego, supondo, q este Cid.e não he sabedora do seu successo, p.a. mostrar aos d.tos Francezes, se pelas Cartas proguntarem, e outra via, encaminhada ao Novo Governo, p.a. se lhe dar no cazo, que não houver já Francezes. E assentarão mais os d.os Homens bons, q. Havendo Snrio de Barco, que queria emprestar se Navio p.a. esta Viagem, dando-lhe este Senado adjutorio, q lhes parecia m.to bem se lhe desse, perdoando-lhe os Direitos, que de sua torna Viagem pertencerem ao d. Senado. E de como assim o assentarão, Eu Fran.co Fragozo Alferes, e Escr.am da Cam.a da d.a Cid.e fíz este termo, em que os d.tos Officiaes, e Homens bons se pedir ao Cap.am G.al, q. Ordene ao Feitor de

6

Original publ. in Arquivos de Macau, 2a série, vol. I, no. 1, January 1941, 275–6.

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English translation ‘Terms and proceedings made in a meeting of select citizens (homens bons) as to whether it is convenient to send a boat to the Kingdom of Siam, given the Revolution in the said Kingdom, and the new King’. On 17 November 1688 in this the City in the Name of God (Macao) in China, in the Town Hall, present at the Table of the Town Council being the Officials who serve during the said year. All the citizens were summoned and once gathered, they were told by the Middle Alderman (Vereador do meio) Sebastião de Vargas de Lima, that Their Lordships were called to be asked their opinions, whether it was convenient to send a boat to the Kingdom of Siam, given the revolutions in that kingdom, and the death of the king there, and the new opposing government (de outro), given that this city is so in need of friendship, and trade with the above Kingdom, and the obligations which the Portuguese nation owe to it, principally this city. The citizens, having listened carefully and having discussed amongst themselves the matter at hand, strongly approved that a boat be sent to the kingdom, so as to know for sure the state in which it [the kingdom] finds itself, and [to] give our best regards to the new kingdom, presupposing that it is not to be known whether the French are still in possession of the Bangkok fortresses, and the Bar [of Siam]: the Captain, whosoever it may be, should take two paths, one leading to the Greek, supposing that this city is not cognizant of his success, to be shown to the said Frenchmen; or if from the letters the other path [is required] leading to the New Government [sic], to be given over in the event there are no Frenchmen. And the said citizens also agreed, having a say over the boat, whether another boat be needed for this journey, this Senate providing an additional one, which seemed to them a very good thing if they gave it, foregoing it the taxes which on its return voyage would otherwise belong to the Senate. And as they agreed in this manner I, Fran.co Fragozo Alferes, together with the Scribe of the Town Council and of the said city, drew up this document, in which the said officials

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S. Mag.e, q. Entregue o que sobjar do Rendimento dos cinco p.r. Ct.o. da Viagem de Timor, pois pertencem a esta Cid.e; e quer q. do o do sobejo não bastar p.a. acabar as despezas do anno, q. elles dos Homens bons fossem outra vez chamados, q. então Verião o como havia ser remediada a falta, q. ainda houvesse. E no particular da suplica de Pero vaz de Siqueira, q. se lhe perdoassem os p.r. Ct.os do Navio que mandasse a Siam, ou de outro qualq.r, q. em seu lugar viesse, pois tudo vinha a ser huma m.ma couza. E de como assim o assentarão, Eu Franc.co Fragozo Alferes, e Escr.am da Cam.a da d.a. Cidade, fiz este termo, em q. os dos officiaes, e Homens se assignarão, e o escrevi Sibastião de Vargas de Lima. M.el de Araujo Garces. M.el Roiz Freire. M.el da Fon.ca Cordovil.Ant.o Cabral da Costa. Fran.co de Mello da Silva. Constantino Alvares da Paz. Vicente Rib.ro de Souza. Valentim da Costa de Lemos. Luiz da Silva. Jozé Vieira da Silva. Está conforme. Jozé Joaq.m Barros escr.am da Cam.a

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and citizens asked the Captain General for him to order the King’s factor that he give back what is left over of the returns from the 5% on the Timor voyage, as they belong to this city; and [in the event] what remains is not enough to cover the expenses of this year, for the select citizens to be summoned again, so that they would see for themselves how to remedy the missing [moneys], which were still apparent. And particularly the request of Pero Vaz de Siqueira, whether they would forego the percentage on the boat he sent to Siam, or any other, which would go in its stead, since everything came to be a terrible conclusion. And as they all agreed in this manner, I, Francisco Fragozo Alferes, and Scribe to the Town Council, drew up this deed, in which all the other officials and Gentlemen signed it, and I wrote Sebastião de Vargas de Lima, Miguel de Araujo Garces, Miguel Roiz Freire, Miguel da Fonseca Cordovil, António Cabral da Costa, Francisco de Mello da Silva, Constantino Alvares da Paz, Vicente Ribeiro de Souza, Valentim da Costa de Lemos, Luiz da Silva, José Vieira da Silva. All in due order, José Joaquim Barros, Scribe of the Council.

APPENDIX 17 Memorandum of the Conselho Ultramarino regarding what the Viceroy Count of Vila Verde had to say about the events in Siam, Lisbon, September 12, 1696. AHU, India, Caixa 68, Doc. 63. Dando conta a V. Magde Francisco Barreto de Pina morador em Sião do q obrão naquel Reyno os Bispos mandados pella propaganda, e hum Relligioso de Sancto Agostinho e os mais particulares q constão da carta com esta se remete as suas Reaes mãos. Foy V. Magde servido ordenar por outra de 19 de Março de [1]693 ao Conde de Villa Verde VRey daquelle estado q tomando todas as noticias q julgaue por convenientes aplicasse aquelle remedio q fosse necessario assm pª a conservação dos Portuguezes no Reyno de Sião, com pª tudo o mais q se emcaminhasse em beneficio do serviço de V. Magde emcomendandolhe favorecesse em tudo o que pudesse ao dito Francisco Barreto de Pina.

Responde desta carta o ditto VRey em outra de lo Dezº do ditto anno, q na monção passada tiuera cartas de Francisco Barreto de Pina Capitão mor de Bandel de Sião, emq lhe daua conta sobre varias matérias doq passaua naquelle Reyno, ao que lhe respondera aplicandolhe o remedio por aquelles meyos, q permittia o estado das couzas porq nem a amisade q temos com aquelle Reyno era tão fiza, q possamos fundar nella huma (fol.1a) grande esperança, nem as forças comque la noz achamos erão capaces de fazermos as nossas negociaçoens com genero algum de violência que os dous negócios de mais supposiçãom q lhe participamos erão q os Sioens temião, que os fossem invandir os Franceses, pedindolhe ordem de como se havia de havuer neste cazo; è q hum Frey Estevão de Sousa, Relligiozo Agostinho pretendia fundar Igreja naquelle Reyno na mesmo distincto dos Dominicos; e quanto ao primeiro lhe responder, q nem os Franceses havião de la de hir fazer guerra, nem quando forem, elle e os mais Portuguezes fizessem maiz, que posse em neutralidade; e quanto ao segundo reconhecendo o grande danno, q o espiritual e temporal resultaua de q nas missoens houuesse Religiozos de diuessas ordens, como tinha mostrado a experiencia pª o atalhar escrevera ao Barcalao de Sião, não consentisse fundarsse este

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English translation Hereby Francisco Barreto de Pina, a resident in Siam, provides an account to His Royal Highness of the activities in that realm of the Bishops sent by the Propaganda, and an acolyte of St. Augustine and other details that are provided in the letter which is hereby entrusted to His Highness’s hands. It was His Highness’s instruction of 19th March 1693 to the Conde de Villa Verde, the Viceroy of that State [of India], that he provide all news he judge for useful to apply the necessary remedy for the maintenance of Portuguese subjects in the Kingdom of Siam, for that the greatest benefits be provided to His Highness, commanding that everything possible be granted the said Francisco Barreto de Pina. In this letter the said Viceroy responds around December of the said year, who in the previous monsoons received letters from Francisco Barreto de Pina, Captain-General of the bandel in Siam, in which he gave account of the various affairs of that kingdom, to which he replied in a way which acknowledged the state of things, since neither the amity with that kingdom is sufficiently permanent for us to cherish great hope nor the forces there at our disposition being sufficient to induce fear in the Siamese, who had been invaded by the French; asking for orders as to what to do given these circumstances. One Frey Estevão de Sousa, an Augustinian clergyman, sought to found a church in that kingdom in the same parts as the Dominicans. As to the first point, he [Pina] responded that neither had the French gone there to start wars, nor did they when they arrived, the Portuguese meanwhile doing all that they could under terms of neutrality. As to the second, he recognised the great damage—both spiritual and temporal—which resulted from there being in the missions religious men of different orders, having witnessed some instances of holding them up, or blocking them. The Barcalão of Siam wrote that he would not permit the said clergyman’s establishment in the Portuguese bandel

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Religiozo dentro do bandel dos Portuguezes destricto dos Dominicos, porq o não permitia assm VMagde pª enviar as desunioens, que dahy se podiaõ Ségur; é sobre o procedimento q os Bispos missionarios de propaganda tinhão naquelle Reyno e o mais de que o dito Capitam mor daua conta a V.Magde; não tnha noticia com q pudesse informar, q a procuraria nesta monçaõ e lhe aplicaria o remedio possivel; e de q resultasse daria conta.

Ao consº parece fazer prezentes a VMagde o q escreve o Conde de VillaVerde e q elle tem obrado bem assy na neutralidade q ordenou se guardasse no romimto dos Sioens (fol. 1b) com os Franceses pla distancia daquelle Rno a nossas forçasm e as poucas que nelle temos q também obrou bem em impedir a edificação da Igreja do Religiozo Agostinho dentro do Bandel plas rezoens q apnto das differenças q os Missionarios tem entre sy sendo de diuersas Relligoens em q impedem com ellas a conuesão dos gentios, e q por esta e outras rasoens for conveniente buscar modo com q retirar daquelle Reyno o mesmo Relligiozo, e q desse conta do que houuer sobre os missionarios da Propaganda, como promette.

Lix.ª 12 de Setembro de 1696 Unreadable signatures. (fol. 2) Comparareçe e se encomendará ao Conde ViceRey favoreça em tudo o q puder a Faco Barreto de Pina e lhe escreverá agradesendolhe o bem q tem servido. envq resposta(?) aos Bispos e Frade ? ? aplicar remedio conueniente por estarem em ? ? e gentio. Lisboa 18 de Março de 699. (fol. 3)

Snor Vendosse nest Concelho a carta inclusa que com esta se remette as Reaes maõs de VMagde que escreve a VMagde Francisco Barreto de Pina, morador em Sião.

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in the Dominican district, explaining that he would not permit His Highness to [risk] triggering differences (desunioens) which might follow; and, as to the progress (procedimento) which the missionary bishops of the Propaganda had made in that kingdom, this is the most the Captain General said on the subject; he had no news which he could report, that he would look for some during this monsoon and would try to apply a possible remedy;7 and of which results he would give account. The Conselho Ultramarino appears to have presented what the Conde de Vila Verde wrote to His Majesty, namely that he [Vila Verde] had worked hard to preserve the neutrality that had been ordered with respect to the Siamese (fol. 1b) rupture (rom[p]imto) with the French in line with the distance of that kingdom from our forces and the few [forces] we have there. He also worked hard to prevent the construction of an Augustine church inside the bandel for the reasons I give, namely the differences between the various missionaries and their orders (lit. Relligoens) in that they impede the conversion of the gentios, and that for this and other reasons it was convenient to search for a way to withdraw from that kingdom the said man-of-the-cloth, and that he will make an account of what the missionaries of the Propaganda were doing, as is promised. Lisbon, 12 September, 1696. Unreadable signatures (fol. 2). It is to be instructed that the Count Viceroy favour in everything he can do the said Francisco Barreto de Pina and it will be written to him to thank for the good he has done. A reply will also be sent to the Bishops and Brother . . . to apply the suitable remedy for them to be . . . and gentiles. Lisbon 18 March 1699 (fol. 3) Sir Witnessing in this Council the letter that has been included and is to be passed on along with this one to His Royal Highness’s hands, who is to write to Francisco Barreto de Pina, resident in Siam. 7 This assumes the news would be bad news, which is testimony to Portuguese fatalism in this period.

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Pareceo fazella VMgde present, e como a matéria dos Bispos mandados pellas propaganda, do que obra hum Relligioso Agostinho naquellas partes em dano do serviço de Vmgde do que a Junta da Missoes, que nella adeue Vmgde o q se pode obrar neste particular; e no que ? aos mais de que dâ conta, que ao Vrey da India se escreua que tomando todas as noticiais que julgar conuenient, q aplique aquelle Remedio que for necessario assim para a Conceruação dos portuguezes naquelle Reino de Siaõ, como para tudo mais que se encminhar em beneficio do Serviço de Vmgde. Lisboa, 5 de Feverereiro de 1695. (fol. 3) Senhor. Anno de 85 escrevy a V. Magde de Goa por mder Leuado dest Reino de Sião pº vos ? quando aqui veyo por embaixador a este Rey pello VR Conde de Alvor, naquella carta dey conta a V. Magde em q eu obrara conforme a ordem q entaõ tiue do dito V.R. e sortio tam bom efeito o meu trabalho que foi recebido como V. Magde serâ jâ sabedor deq rezultou mto Credito di servº de V. Magde e honra da nassão purtugueza, ainda q eu ouim a pagar de que não tenho pezar nenhú, o Reginousse daque tomarme tal hodio opinado que hera daquelle Rey mancebo de Casta Grego humilde por nacença e amigo dos Francezes dos que fuy sempre dezafeiçoado e dos Bispos missionarios a quem sempre encontrei em tudo o q pude por todos os caminhos, com q creeo mais o hodio pª comingo, com q fés com Pe? Vas de Siqª me levasse deste Reino e a hú filho meu arguindome crimes falços o que conçentio Pe Vas de Siqª por fazer seu negocio e agradar ao primado, e por estas e outras conuiniencias uemos hirem as couzas, da India como vaõ, e como o primado me conheceo por verdadeiro portuguez e vassallo de V. Magde fés o que pode por me uer fora de Sião, e devendo o dito P. Vas obrar por mim o q predesse como cap mor q hera de V. Magde não tam somtes obrou nada mas ainda me deza possou (posse?) do cargo e a honra q V. Magde me tinha feito tem nºao tendo o dito P. Vas poder allgum nem juodiçam sobre mim o q foi estranhado de todas as nações q se achauão em Sião, e hindo eu pª Macao logo se encergou minha falta en aqueles poucos q me ajudaua a defender a Real judição e direito de V. Magde e em minha falta se se

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It seemed that I should remind His Highness, in line with the materials of the Bishops sent by the Propaganda, of the work of an Augustinian in those parts in detriment of the interests of His Majesty, on which point the Junta da Missoes can advise His Majesty; and further to this, that [His Highness] write to the Viceroy of India taking notice of things which appear to him convenient, and that he apply that remedy which will be necessary for the conservation of the Portuguese in that kingdom of Siam, as for all else that might lead to benefits for the service of His Majesty. Lisbon 5 February 1695. Sir In 1685 I wrote to His Majesty from Goa advising that this Kingdom of Siam be taken for you [militarily], on the occasion when an ambassador arrived at that King, as sent by the Count of Alvor. In that letter I gave account to His Majesty that I was to work according to the order that I received then from that Viceroy, and the consequences were so positive that my work was received as His Majesty will already be familiar with, and whose result great credit to the service of His Majesty and honour to our Portuguese nation, although I had to pay, but for which I have no regret (pezar) whatsoever, but from which originated such a hatred on the part of that king, a servant of the faction of that Greek, humble by birth and friend of the French whom I always disliked, and of the missionary bishops whom I always encountered whatever path I followed, who have nothing but hate for me. So that Vaz de Siqueira took me from this kingdom, attributing false crimes to one of my sons, which Vaz de Siqueira did to fulfil his business and to please the Primate, and for these and other contingencies we saw events transpire in this way, the way of the Indies, and as the Primate recognised me to be a true Portuguese and vassal of His Majesty, he did what he could to expel me from Siam and ordering the said Vaz de Siqueira to work against my behalf as Captain General of His Majesty. But he could not do anything, leaving me with the possession of the post and honour which Your Majesty had granted me, since P. Vaz did not have any power or jurisdiction whatsoever over me, which surprised the other nations which are in Siam. And when I was travelling to Macao [with him], he took advantage of the effects of my absence on those few whom I helped in the defense of the royal jurisdiction and rights of your Majesty, and during my absence they were submitted to the Missionary

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sogeitarão aos Bispos Missionarios, e chegando a Macao fes o dito P. Vas ynstancias? bastantes pª que eu não foçe a Goa o que eu não ouui e me embarquei ara India e me aprezentey ao VRe Conde de Aluor.

Que estranhou enorme em Goa a quem dey cont da Pezão de my, e conhecendo o serviços (fol. 4a) Que eu tinha feito em o sustentar a Real jurdição e o que o brauo pello dito embaixador e uendo que os crimes de q o primado me acuzaua herão todos falços por me querer mal dezejou o dito VRey q deu fizesse em Goa assim por Velho como pella longa experiencia que eu tinha de couzas do sul a que eu não refuzava por me prezar mto de seruir a V. Magde, mas como eu estaua pobre e alcançado por gastar o q pessuy de me p me tratar limpo coo capp.am mor de V. Magde e em semelhantes terras, e como naquelle o faziam em a guerra do seuazy [Sivagi] não ouia nada me dâr pêra me sustentar me mandou pª Macao por feitor de fazdª de V. Magde q eu aseitey por seruir V.Magde e pello agradar por que eu não tinha génio pª aquele officio e por ficar mais perto de Sião adonde ? mulher filhos e famílias exposto a grande trabalhos e mizerias p de Macao os poder socorrer.

Em Macao ? o cargo tres annos e sendome em yde de mais de setenta annos cheyos de achaques e recear poder dar perda a fazenda de V. Magde e juntamte ter avizo de Sião q o dito Rey me mandaua chamar pª q viesse pª minha Caza, fis pitição ao Cap.am Geral de Maco pªa me conceder licença pª acudir a minha caza e família e eu a Reçear pella esperiencia da ? o q pudia soçeder por amor do mesmo primado a quem já tardaua a queda me concedeo o dito capp.am Geral licença com parecer de todo seu Concelho e dando conto da fazenda de V. Magde não ficando deuendo nada do q se me tinha entregue eu recebido me uim pª Siam no anno de oitenta e oito e chegando aqui e madou o Rey q eu exercitasse o officio de capp.am mor com q V. Magde me tinha honrado a que não deferi por esperar ordem e licença do Gouerno da India;

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Bishops, and when I arrived in Macao the said Pero Vaz submitted a number of instructions to prevent my going to Goa, which I didn’t hear of and I embarked for India, where I presented myself to the Viceroy Conde de Alvor. What a hugely strange thing to be in Goa giving evidence of my misfortune, knowing the services (fol. 4a) that I had done for the preservation of the King’s jurisdiction and seeing that the crimes which the Primate accused me of were all false, wishing evil for me. The Viceroy asked me to stay in Goa as someone who was an old [and wise] man, as well as for the long experience I had of the affairs of that part of the world [couzas do sul] and that I did not refuse, holding it a great honour to serve His Majesty, but as I was poor and worn out [alcançado] having spent what I had on trying to get people to treat me decently as a Captain General of His Majesty and in similar lands, and as they were [then] engaged in a war with Sivaji and not able to give me anything to sustain myself I asked to be transferred to Macao as a feitor of His Highness’s affairs [ fazenda], and I accepted to serve His Highness and offered thanks for not having any aptitude for that office [in Goa], and so as to be closer to Siam where my wife and sons and family members were exposed to hard work and miseries so that I could help them from Macao. In Macao [I fulfilled] this job for three years and finding myself more than seventy years old, full of ailments and fearing that I might create losses for His Highness’s affairs as well as simultaneously having notice from Siam that the said King summoned me to return to my house, I submitted a petition to the Captain General of Macao to provide me with a license so as to take care of my house and family although fearing from experience what might happen as a result of the feelings of that same Primate8 whose fall was long delayed (?), the said Captain General after consultations with his Council, and calling account to the business of His Majesty, no longer owing anything from what had been given me, I came to Siam in 1688 and landing here the King sent word that I was [again] to exercise the post of Captain General with which Your Highness had also ordered me, which I deferred, awaiting orders and permission from the State of India;

8

I think by ‘Primate’, Pinna means Phaulkon.

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Poucos mezes de minha chegada socedo adoecer o Rey mortalmte e como os mandarins do Reino estauão todos a mayor parte afrontados e agrauados do primado q a todo mudo e a toas as nações maltrataua e destruira (fol. 4b)/E sô aos Francezes amaua e estimaua e os tinha feito Senhores de Fortalezas das Barraz deste Reino metendolhes nas mãos e o Gouerno absuluta nellas, e tantos Padres e Riligiozos Françezes q senão uia neste Reyno outra couza de q os naturais Siões senão contentauão mormte os Ministro dos Pagodes hydilos q sam nest Reino mais q furmigas muy respeitado e venerados se dauam todos por perdidos a uista do q uião.

Tomou a sua conta a liberdade do Reino e de certa hú mandarim graue astuto e animozo com os ministros dos Pagodes hydolhos e se foi metendo no gouerno do Reino por ter alto dos de sua mão ainda uiuendo o Reu e tratou o dito mandarim de prender o primado como fes e lhe deu a morte e juntamte aos herdeiros do Reino o q sabendo o Reu acabou tão bem a uida e o mandarim foi Gouernando sem se chamar Rey sem extrouo nem impidimto algum, os françezes senores das fortalezas sem as querere[m] largar e deziam q derão em frança o Merge? de ? nas mãos de seu Rey e na verde se fazião ja senhores de todo o Reyno pois o hierão das fortalezas de mais porte, mandou quem Gouernaua q os francezes largace as fortalezas e se foce pª suas terras uisto não seruirem ja e ser o Rey e o primado q os mandou camar e lhe fes boñs partidos o q elles não asseitarão mas vendoçe ferçados e apertados nas fortalezas depois de desparare~ mta artilhar contra os naturais vierão a partido e se lhe derão Barcos, e os mais q lhe foi nessecario pª partire~ com q largarão as ditas Fortalezas mais por força q por uontade cõ mta fraqueza e imfamia, e hê serto q senão morreçe o primado e o Rey sempre uerião os francezes a sere~ Senhores deste Reino mas redo foy, promissão diuina por q se senhorea este Reino tinha tudo o q elles podião dezejar na India (fol. 5a).

De tudo o q aqui tem soçedido desde aquele tempo the o prezte thenod dando conta ao Gouernador da India Dom Rodrigo da Costa em Relaçam particular e uerdadeira do sucedido e do que nos padecemos

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A few months after my arrival the King became mortally ill and the mandarins of the Kingdom were all for the most part insulted and oppressed by the Primate, who changed everything and treated all the foreign communities badly, destroying them (fol. 4b). And he only loved and esteemed the French and he made them Lords of the Fortresses of the Bar of Siam, putting them into their hands, and putting absolute government [into their hands], as well as fathers and French clergy, so that otherwise nothing else happened [uia, havia?] in this kingdom other than that the indigenous Siamese were otherwise mainly content to look after their idolatrous pagodas, given that there are more of them [pagodas] in this kingdom than ants, and they are greatly respected and venerated, although they were written of as lost, given what was happening. [One of these mandarins] took control of the kingdom and liberated it. He is to be sure grave, astute and resolute (animozo) with the ministers of the idolatrous pagodas. And he started mixing in affairs of state as there were still those above his authority [altos dos de sua mão], the King still being alive, and the said mandarin had the Primate seized and put him to death together with those who were to inherit the kingdom which the King knew about, and who himself expired, and the mandarin set to governing without calling himself King without any interference or obstacle whatsoever, the Frenchmen in their fortresses without wanting to move, and it was said that Mergui would be handed over to the French who made themselves to be fair (na verdade) lords of all the kingdom, since they already held fortresses at each port. The governing [authorities] ordered the French to leave the fortresses and go home to their lands as they no longer were of service, and the King and the Primate ordered them (camar = comandar?) to leave and made them good terms, which they did not accept but saw themselves forced out and holed up in the fortresses. After firing a lot of artillery against the locals, they came to departing and were given boats, and more than necessary for their departure. With which they left the said fortresses more as a result of force than desire, [leaving] weakly and with infamy. And it is for sure that if the Primate and the King had not died, the French would be lords of this Kingdom, but salvation came since if they had lorded over this kingdom they would have had all they desired in India (fol. 5a). Of everything that happened here since that time up until the present, an account has been related to the Governor of India Dom Rodrigo da Costa in a special and true report [Relaçam] of what has happened

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de ? mtos perigos e ameassas, por nós terem os Siões naquela ocazião por suspeuitar os por Christãos. Sei de certo q o Gouernador da India Dom Rodrigo da Costa lh não pareceo a minha uinda pª Sião e não estou bem aserto delle, mas Señor se u me não acharam eem Sião não sei o qu seri de minha caza e família pello aperto em q nos temos uisto por q o q gouernaua e oje he Rey não he afeiçoado aos Christãos nem dezeja mta comonicação da gente de chapeo mais q e dos olandezes de que sô se fia.

Sobre o estado deste Reyno e do lemos tem feito tendo dado uarias uezes cont ao Gouerno da India q nesse particular numepua me descuidey ne descudary mas uay em coatro annos q nem reposta nem cartas temo de lâ nem sabemos nouaz nenhuã pª sabermos o como no ouemos de hauer; Eu Snõr a mais de quorente annos q asisto neste Reino fui o primrº capp.am q aqui ouue e despois me fes V. Magde mve nomear capp.mor com q creço o hodio neste a bastante q ententarão matarme há dezacete ou dezoito annos e oje com me uere aquy ainda q não exircito meu officio por esperar ordem do Gouernador da Inda e ja ententarão fazerme algu~ mal ordindo hu~ motim contra my de q tenho dado conta ao Gouernador da India pª q lhe ponha o Remedio q conuem escreuedo a este Rey e queixandoce de q seus ministros comcitam semelhantes Liberdes e como isto he Bandel liure e os abitantes não pertende mais q uiuer em liberde e a mor parte delles naturais (fol. 5b).

De Macao filhos de chinas e das mais naçõees deste sul e da inda e ahvuer pocuos purtuguezes zelos de honrra da sua nºão sugeitançe mal e contra sua vontade a nossas Leys e custumes, mas se comuem conçervasse este porto e amizade deste Rey creio q uindolhe carta de Goa tome as couzas outros termos.

Com as mudanças q tem auido neste Reyno e nouos mandarins e ministros uim a conhecer e alcançar inda por paoes q o q Po. Vas de Siqª fes e obrou quando veyo por embaixador do Conde de Alvor foi tudo por pareçer dos Religiozos de Sam Domingos meus inimigos e

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and that we are suffering many dangers and threats, for the Siamese suspecting us for being Christians. I know for sure that the Governor of India Dom Rodrigo da Costa does not approve [pareceo] of my coming to Siam, and I am not accepted by him, but Lord if they did not have me here in Siam I would not know of my house and family openly, as we have seen why he who now governs is King and why he is not enamoured of the Christians and does not desire greatly communication with the people of the hat more than that of the Dutch of whom he only trusts. As to the state of this kingdom and what we read has occurred there, and having on a number of occasions given account to the Government of India but on this particular detail I was never [numepua = nunca?] careless nor will be careless any more, but for four years we have neither reply nor letters from there nor do we have news or know what we were to receive. I, My Lord, have dwelt in this land for more than forty years, I was the first captain that there was here and after Your Highness decided to appoint me Captain General, the hatred against me grew [in this kingdom] to the point they wanted to kill me about 17 or 18 years ago and today, seeing me here, I still do not exercise my function as I am awaiting orders from the Governor of India and already they are intending some ill against me, by ordering a revolt against me of which I gave account to the Governor of India for him to make remedy, and that a letter was needed to be written to the King and to complain that His Ministers conspire via similar libels and that this is a free bandel and the inhabitants do not wish for more than to live in liberty and the greater part of them are naturais [born locally] (fol. 5b). From Macao sons of China and the other nations of these southern parts and of India and there being few Portuguese zealous for honour of their nation, wishing ill and opposition to Your wishes and our laws and customs, but it is worthwhile to hold this port and keep the friendship of this King. I believe that letters arriving from Goa express things in a different light. With the changes that have taken place in this kingdom and new mandarins and ministers, I realised what Vaz de Siqueira did and worked for when he came as Ambassador of the Conde de Alvor. Everything was on account of the clergy of Saint Dominic my enemies and disaffected

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desafeiçoados por eu lhes estranhar o darem a obediência aos Bispos da Propaganda de q eu tinha dado conta ao gouerno da India e este tais Religiozos estauão todos hunidos e do priomado e de tudo dauão duas vezes no dia a escondidas conta aos Bispos e a ssim lhe aconcelhaua contra o que eu tinha dito ao dito embaixador e entraua nesta junta hú Religiozo de Santo Agostinho por nome Fr. Esteuão de Souza q aqui seruyo o mster e se fes sacratario dos ministros de El Rey de Sião pella ? ser capaz pª Seu Genio o qual hy pª este Reino quando os embaixadores se perderão com elles no Cabo de Boa esperança Frade mancebo amigo de embrulhadas pouco amigo de sua nação e menos da Sua Sagrada Religião e por isso foi escolhido do primado pª hir por pratico dos embaixadores e depois desse perder se tornou a uir a este Reino com dezejo grande de se meter nas priuaneas dos Gentios em cujo serviços se esmera e como este sogeito herão o q tenho dito sem fulminarão contra pª q Pº Vas de Siqª não obrasse nada mais contra mim podendo se fosse outro sogeito obrat mto pª Credito da nassão (fol. 6a).

É serviço de V. Magde, Por via de Macao escrevy a este anno a V. Magde agor o faço por outra uia por q não sei por onde as cartas hirão mais seguras a Goa pª dahi hirem a esse Reino, espiões estam oje e o grande medo dos françezes e dezejão q uenha a trabar de paz e união e pª esse efeito derão ja liberde ao Bispo e a seus Clerigos e le restetuirão o seu Colegio e igreja e soltarão toda a sua gente de sua nassão e sua obrigação e sô alguãs pessoas nossas e christão primcipalmte mulheres, estão no mesmo captiueiro: Creyo Snõr V. Magde terâ conhecido meu animo em zelar o Real servçº de V. Magde pella qual tenho padecido bastante mto e ainda me sinto com animo e alento pª padecer mto mais seruindo a V. Magde a Cujos Reais pês me prosto rogando a Deos nosso Snõr pela Saude de V. Magde q Deos~ prosper por dilatadas e feliçes annos pª Remdio da India e amparo dos Vassalos de V. Magde oe tam abatidos nestas partes Sião 10 de Outubro D1691 annos.

Frco Barreto de Pina

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for me having kept them at arms’ length [estranhar], they swore obedience to the Bishops of the Propaganda of which I gave account to the Indian government and these clergy were all united and [on the side of] the Primate, and gave account twice every day secretly to the Bishops and in this way they gave counsel against what I had said to the Ambassador mentioned and, as part of this junta, was a clergyman of Saint Augustine called Estevão de Souza, who here served the master [mster?] and made himself secretary of the ministers of the King of Siam as a competent individual. He came to this kingdom when the ambassadors were lost at the Cape of Good Hope. [He is] a servile brother (mancebo), and friend of intrigue, a poor friend of his nation and even less of his true religion and for this was chosen by the Primate to go as a guide (pratico) of the ambassadors and after this loss, he returned to this kingdom with a strong desire to become intimate with the gentiles in whose services he exerted himself to his utmost. And since this man is the same as the one [whose deeds] I have been speaking about, he attacked Pero Vaz de Siqueira to make him unable to do any harm against me, and more could be done for the nation’s credit if it was another man. (fol. 6a) ‘On Your Majesty’s service I now write via Macao, though I shall also try another route.’ Spies are today around with great fear [on the part of] the French, and they desire [the Siamese] that the former come to sue for peace and unity and to this effect they have already liberated the Bishop and his clergy and they will send them back to their college and church and they will release all the people of this nation from their obligations, and only a few of our people and Christians, principally women, are still being held. I believe Your Highness will recognise my spirit in striving to be of service to His Highness, for whom I have suffered a fair (great) amount and I still feel full of spirit and courage (alento) to suffer more for His Highness, at whose royal feet I prostrate myself beseeching God our Lord for the health of His Majesty, that God may allow You to prosper for a number of lengthy and happy years for the remedy of India and relief of your vassals who are so stricken (abatados) in these parts. Siam, 10 October 1691. Francisco Barreto de Pina

APPENDIX 18 Letter written by the City [of Macao] to the Phrakhlang of Siam in the year 1720.9 Ex.mo Sr. São tantas as obrigaçoens em q. está esta nossa Cid.e de Macao e seus M.ores a Sua Mag.de Serenissima q. todo encarecimento fica sendo limitado, rezão por q. só nos empenhamos em mostrar o vinco do nosso agradecimto p.a perpetua memoria dos vindouros pois não menos que em tempos de nossas mayores extremid.es foy Sua Mag.de que Deos alumie quem com o grandioso de seu animo nos emprestou seis centos e sinco cates de prata com que se remio as nossas avexaçoens; grandeza tão singular que só em Sua Mag.de como tão gr.de Monarcha se podia achar. A satisfação desta quantia como V. Ex. terá já plena noticia continuou este Senn.o em discurso de todos estes annos na forma q. nos foy possivel segundo a calamid.de deles, com q. nesta ocazião premitio Deos o podermos remeter o resto q. ainda ficavamos devendo q. vem a ser quasi setenta e dous cates de prata, os quaes vão neste barco entregue ao Capitão delle Fran.co Correia de Liger em vinte e hum fardos de seida branca de primo. Bicho por doze (?) picos sacenta seis cates a rezão de cento e setenta e nove taeis, assim mais em dez pessas de Damascos amarellos por sacenta e seis taeis hum maz e nove condrins, sirvace V. Ex.a a quem pedimos e rogamos seja serv.do fazer prez.te a S. Mag.de esta remessa de seu cabedal q. em satisfaçao do dito resto lhe remetemos. Esperamos de V. Ex.a tanto por sy como em ser nosso medianeiro p.a com S. Mag.de queira usar como o barco que de prezente vay e ao diante forem desta Cidade a continuar o seu commercio, com aquella antiga benignd.e que costumava, usar com os nossos Barcos de Macao antigam.te e esperamos não desmerecermos agora do acostumado favor que antiga m.te nos fazia. Fazemos tao bem prezente a V. Ex.a q.pelo mesmo Capitão remete este Senn.o a S. Mag.de hum mimozinho que consta de onze pessas, c coatro cor de aura e algumas armerias mais, q.tão bem pidimos a V.ex” 0 introduza a prez.ça de S. Mag.de e se digne aceitar em sinal do nosso affecto e agradecimto.

9

Published in Arquivos de Macau, August 1929, vol. 1, no. 3, 151–152.

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English translation Most Excellent Lord, This, our city of Macao, and its residents, find themselves owing many favours to His Most Serene Highness, which is the reason for which we are striving to show the continuity (vinco) of our thanks for the perpetual memory of, not least when in times of our greatest extremities it was His Highness, illuminated by God who, with the generosity of his spirit, lent us 650 catties of silver which went towards alleviating our troubles; such a generous act that only one like His Highness as such a great monarch could carry out. The repayment (satisfação) of this sum took place continually, this our Senate meeting every year as suited the calamities of those times, and on this occasion God allowed us to remit the rest which we were still owing, which amounts to almost 72 catties of silver, which are to travel in this boat given to the command of Captain Francisco Correia de Liger in [the shape of] 21 rolls of white silk of the first worm [an expression of quality] amounting to 179 taels, as well as 10 pieces of yellow damask costing 66 taels a bundle and 9 condrins, [hoping] it will be of use to His Excellency to whom we pray and declare that this repayment of His Highness’s capital be presented to him. We are presenting our wishes to his Excellency as much for Himself as for a means ensuring His Majesty treat the ship, which is presently leaving this city to continue its commerce, with the same ancient benevolence that you used to treat our ships of Macao in the past. And we hope not to exceed the measure of the accustomed favour which in past times His Highness has shown us. We would also like to alert His Excellency that the same Captain is bringing a small tribute (mimozinho) constituted of eleven pieces, four in gold, and some coats-of-arms (armerias), which we ask Your Excellency to bring into the presence of His Highness, and deign to accept as a symbol of our affection and thanks. The same Captain Francisco Correa will pass on to His Excellency a demonstration of our affection, which we ask His Excellency to deign to accept, which would amount to five large pieces [of silk] (pessas), five jars of sweet pears, two jars of broas (a sweet, made with eggs, rice and bread of maize) and two

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O mesmo Cap.m Franci.co Correa entregará a V. Ex.a hua demostração de nosso affecto pedindo a V. Ex.a se digne aceitalo q. vem a sel’ sinco pessas grossas, sinco jarrinhas de douce de peras, duas jarrinhas de broas e duas de bolos e não se offerece mais q. esperar de V. Ex.a todo 0 born trato e boa passagem dos q. p.a lá vão e ao diante forem e todo 0 amparo e favor. Deos g.e a V. Ex.a muitos annos. Em meza de vereação escripta por mim M.el Pires de Moura Alferes e Escrivão da Cam.a desta Cid.e. Aos 20 de Março de 1720. Antonio de Aguiar.

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cakes. Nothing more is to be proferred than to wish His Excellency all the best with his trade and a pleasant journey for those who are about to make the journey there and will do so in the future and [to wish] all fortune and good favour.

May God grant His Excellency many years [of life]. Written at the aldermen’s table, by me Manual Pires de Moura Alferes and Scribe to the Chamber of this City. 20 March, 1720. Antonio de Aguiar.

APPENDIX 19 ‘Letter sent by Padre António Soares to the Senate of the City of Macao’. 20 June, 1721. Muito Nobre Sennado. Com a chegada dos barcos, q. dessa Cid.e partirão p. este Rn.o, receby huã Carta de V.as M.s, a qual me entregou o Capp.m M.el de Vidigal Gião; nella me ordenavão q. dirigisse ao dito Cap.am em tudo, o q. seg.o a experiencia q. tenho desta trr.a julgafse por acertado, e conveniente, em ordé ao bom desp.o dos barcos, e conclusão dos neg.os, q. vinhão a sua conta. Pareceme q. fiz o q. o meo fraco prestimo podia p. q. os neg.os se concluissem cõ credito afsim da naçao Portugueza, como ̰ desse N. Senn.o; no q. houve grandes adifficuld.es q. vencer, par vire as couzas dispostas sem a not.a necefsr. p.a semelhante empreza da politica, e costumes deste Rn.o, huã das q.es foi o não escrever efse N. Sen.o ao Princepe deste Rn.o, nem lhe mandar saguate.

Assim como li a Carta dei logo not.a de tudo a Guilheme Dam, q. he o unico, e o mais capax homé, q. ha nesta trr.a, p.a correr cõ semelhantes neg.os; afsim por saber ler, e escrever em lingoa Sioa, como pella inuito entrada, q. tem cõ todos, ou quasy todos os Mandarins deste Rn.o, afsim grandes, como pcq.nos, e lhe pedi q. quizcfse correr cõ este neg.o; elle me respondeo, q. gostava muito de ter esta occaziaõ de fervir ao N. Sen.o, q. da fua pr.te faria tudo o q. pudefse.

Mas depois que soube q. não vinha Carta, né saguate p.a o Princepe, e q.al era o faguate q. vinha p.a El Rey, o qual julgou ser peq.no, nao porq. na realidade o fosse, mas por q. afsim o parecia em comparaçao dos muy grandes, q. dão o G.al de Bett.a, e G.or de Madrasta, pella rezaõ, q. abaixo direy, ficou taõ confuzo q. se retratou, e me difse, q. lhe perdoafse; por q. se não podia meter nefse neg.o; porq.to era não só provavel, mas quasy certo o ficaré arruinados os tres br.cos, ou ao

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English translation To the Noble Senate, With the arrival of the boats which departed from this [your] city for that kingdom, I received a letter from Your Graces, which was given to me by Captain Manuel de Vidigal Giaõ; in it, I was ordered to turn to the Captain in every respect which, from the experience I have of this land, I judged to be judicious and convenient, in order for the prompt dispatch of the boats and conclusion to the business undertaken on his account. I did what my weak contribution allowed to ensure that business was concluded to the credit of the Portuguese nation, as well as to that of the Noble Senate; in which I had great difficulties, for not having the necessary notification (notícia) for such a political undertaking given the customs of this Kingdom, one of which was the fact that the Noble Senate did not write to the Prince of this kingdom, nor send him gifts (saguate). As soon as I read your letter, I immediately gave notice of everything to Guilhelme Dam, who is the only and the most capable man that there is in this kingdom for seeing to such business; for his knowledge of reading and writing in Siamese, as for his contacts with all, or almost all the mandarins of this kingdom, both important and less important; and I asked him if he could handle this business. He replied to me that it would please him to have the occasion to serve the Noble Senate, and that he would do everything he could for his part. But when he came to know that neither letter nor gifts would arrive for the Prince, and of the type of gift that would arrive for the King, which he judged mean, not because in reality it was, but because it appeared so in comparison with the great [gifts] which are given by the [Governor] General of Batavia or Governor of Madras, for reasons I will explain below, he became so confused that he rescinded [his offer], and told me that I had to forgive him; for he could not get

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menos acharé summos trab.os, e molestias, e tbé elle correriao o mesmo risco por faltar carta, e saguate p.a o Princepe, como o ficaraõ m.tos pella mesma cauza, de q. me trouxe muy vivos exemplos, dos q.es eu já sabia alguns, porq. sucederaõ no meo tpo, e me deo tais razõens, q. (confefso a verdade) també eu me quiz botar de fora: mas com o dez.o q. tenho, de servir a efse N. Senn.o, e aos mais Snres de Macao era m.to gr.de, me rezolvy a continuar por diante, por q. de o não fazer se naõ seguiriaõ menos danos, e molestias, como de facto afsim o fiz.

Depois de consideradas bem as couzas, e o rem.o, q. podia haver: afsentou comigo, q. naõ havia outro, senaõ o acrescentarse o faguate Del Rey, fazerse hũ em nome do Nobre Sennado p.a o Princepe, e juntamente huã carta; e como esta se naõ podia fazer cõ a segurança ̰ de concordar cõ as Del Rey, Barcalaõ, taõbé afsentou, q. se abrifse todas, e se fizefsem coherentes huãs cõ as ontras; porq. como estes gentios saõ sumammente desconfiados, logo ̰ cuidaõ q. os enganaõ, e de qualq.er incoherencia, q. nellas achafse formariaõ de hu’ argueiro, hum cavalr.o, como dizem, e armariaõ aos barcos mil precepifsios, e fazendo-se desta sorte se podiaõ evitar os damnos, q. se podiaõ seguir afsy aos barcos, como tbé a elle; fazendofe porem afsim, elle tomava a sua conta o tratar destes neg.os. Isto supposto: afsentamos ambos em dar parte de tndo isto aos Capp. ens M.el de Vidigal Giaõ, Luis Roiz dos Santos, e també ao P.e Superior desta Caza, os q.es, ouvidas, e eonsideradas bem todas as rezoens q. havia, os bens, e os males q. se podiao feguir, uniformemellte afsen̰ taraõ todos cõnosco naõ haver rem.o, senaõ abrire se as cartas, e fazererem fe outras de novo p.a El Rey, Princepe, e Barcalaõ, acrescentar se o saguate p.a El Rey, e fazer se outro em nome do N. Senn.o p.a o Princepe, como de facto afsim se fez, como o N. Senn.o poderá ver das certidõens, que levaõ os Capitãens Manoel de Vidigal, e Luis Roiz, julgando todos nos, q. em hu’ cazo apertado digo q. em hn’ cazo tão apertado como este naõ levaria a mal a prudencia do Nobre Senn.o o abrirem fe lhe as suas cartas. E ainda afsim com se fazerem aqui as cartas, foi necefsr.o na traduçao mudarem fe alguãs palavras, p.a mayor clareza dos negocios.

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mixed up in this business because it was not only probable, but almost certain that the three boats would be ruined, or at the very least would receive interference [trabalhos] and damages, and he would also run the same risk for not having letters or gifts for the Prince, as many [boats] had been for the same reason, of which he gave me a good number of examples, of which I already knew some, because the conditions were the same as those I had proposed to him. And he gave me such reasons (which I confess are true) that I also wished to get out [of this business] but for the desire which I hold to serve the Noble Senate, and the other Gentlemen of Macao which was very great, [and so] I resolved to continue, because if I didn’t no lesser damages and troubles might follow. Which is what I did. After considering things, and possible solutions: he agreed with me that there was no other way than to increase the gifts to the King, and to make a gift in the name of the Noble Senate to the Prince, as well as a letter; and as this could not be done in a way to concur with the letter and gifts to the King and the Barcalão, he also agreed to open everything to make everything fully coherent; because as these gentiles are so untrusting, they immediately think they are being deceived, and from some small incoherence they perceive ‘a musketeer from a piece of straw’, as one can say proverbially, and they will attribute to the ships one thousand calamities, all of which can be avoided; conducting things [in this way], he [Guilherme Dam] agreed to conduct this business.

Having concluded on these points, we agreed to give account of all this to Captains Manuel de Vidigal Gião, Luis Roiz dos Santos, and also to the Father Superior of this House, who, having listened and considered our reasons for doing things [this way], all uniformally agreed with us, having no other solution than to open the letters and draft new ones to the King, the Prince, the Barcalão, increasing the gift for the King, and to make up another one in the name of the Noble Senate for the Prince, as indeed we did, as the Noble Senate will be able to see from the certificates that Captains Manuel de Vidigal, and Luiz Roiz will bring with them, [being able to] judge us, and that in such a delicate matter the prudence of the Noble Senate [will sanction] the opening of its letters. And in this way the letters [were handled], as well as it being necessary to change some of the words for a greater clarity in affairs.

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Feitas as cartas: offereceu fe outra difficuld.e, q. era das bolsas em q. se havia de meter; por q. par muitas diligencias, q. se fizerão, naõ se pode achar tudo o necefsr.o, p.a se fazeré capazes de appareceré diante del Rey, e Princepe: pello q. por naõ haver outro rem.o, se meteraõ em dous caixotes muy dignos de apparecer, do R.do P.e M.de queiros, q. trazia. O Capitaõ M.el de Vidigal, cõ o parecer de todos.

Preparadas já as cartas: as vieraõ os Mandarins buscar a esta nossa Caza adonde estavaõ, por sir a mais authorisada q. ha no Bandel, cõ pompa verdadr.amte mayor q., a cõ q. recebem as do geral de Batavia, e G.or de Madrasta, em tres Balõens gr.des de Est.o, cõ outro da mesma sorte p.a hire’ as cartas, q. cõ os dous tambe’ gr.des, em q. hiaõ M.el de Vidigal Giaõ, e Luis Roiz, a Escurela, de Pedro Roiz, c outros muitos balõens de Moradores desta trr.a, faziaõ hu’ pompozo accompanham.to, o qual se rematava nas duas barquinhas do Blekboi, c do Barco grande, as q.es por estarem, todas enramadas, e embandeiradas, o faziaõ muy vistozo. Da portr.a de S. Paulo athé a praya levaraõ debaixo de quatro sombreiros os dous caixotes das cartas dous Portuguczes M.el Gomes, e Manoel Roiz, os q.es foraõ no mesmo balaõ com as cartas: cheg.os ao lugar onde se havia de dezembarcar, logo veo huã charola, ainda q. hu’ pouco vel ha, na q.al forao os dous caixotes. Em pouca distancia deste lugar estevaõ já preparados cavalos, em q. montaraõ os Mandarins, Capitães e mais Portuguezes, q. accompanhavaõ as cartas. e desta sorte as foraõ accompanhando, athé a sala real, em q. estavaõ muitos Mandarins, grandes, e peqllenos. e entre elles o Chaqueri, q. abaixo do Princepe he’ a primr.a pss.a deste Rn.o, como Prezidente. Sentados todos em seus lugares logo se poseraõ diante dos Capp.ens M.el de Vidigal, e Luis Roiz duas bocetas, ou sancos de ouro cõ Betle,

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Having managed the letters, another difficulty appeared, which was the bags in which they were to be carried. Because, despite a lot of care and attention, the necessary was still not accomplished; to make them appear worthy of appearing before the King, and Prince. But there was no other remedy than to put [things] in two dignified packing-boxes belonging to Padre Manuel de Queirós, and which Captain Manuel de Vidigal was to present, with the agreement of everybody. Having prepared the letters, the mandarins came for them in our house where we were, for it being the most repectable (authorisada) which there is in the bandel, with more pomp that that which is meted out to the letters from the Governor General of Batavia and the Governor of Madras, in three great state Balõens, with another of the same sort to carry the letters, with two more for Manuel de Vidigal Giaõ and Luis Roiz, the Squire, of Pedro Roiz, and a number of other balõens belonging to residents here, making a pompous accompaniment, which was completed by two small boats of Blekboi,10 and the large boat which, for being adorned with branches and draped in flags, made a strong impression. Two Portuguese, Manuel Gomes and Manuel Roiz, transported the two packing-boxes with the Portuguese letters from the gates of S. Paulo to the banks of the river. They went in the same balaõ as the letters; arriving in the place where we were to disembark, a bier immediately drew up, although a little old, on which the two boxes were placed. A short distance from this place horses were brought on which the mandarins, the Captains, and other Portuguese were mounted, and who accompanied the letters, and in this way they proceeded to the royal [audience] chamber, in which were a good number of mandarins, of greater and lesser importance, amongst whom the Chaqueri, who beneath the Prince is the foremost person in this realm, and President. With everyone seated in their respective places, two wooden boxes were immediately set in front of the Captains Manuel de Vidigal and Luiz Roiz, as well as golden batons (sancos), with betel and areca. The

10 This term is mysterious, and means ‘the black boy’. Probably this refers to the offspring of one of the many passing Dutch officials through the Logie, one of the many mestiços in the Ayutthayan world. Dhiravat na Pombejra, ‘VOC Employees and their Relationships with Mon and Siamese Women’, in Barbara Watson Andaya ed. Other Pasts. Women, Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia, Honolulu: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 2000, 195–215.

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e Areca. Comefsou logo o Chaqueri a perguntar em Nome del Rey pella saude do N. Senn.o, e dos mais Snres de Maccao; se na Cid.e de Macao havia m.tos br.cos, e m.to comercio? porq. já há tantos annos não vinhaõ barcos a Siam? se tinhão tido boa viagé, ou acharão ventos contrarios? q. faz.as queriaõ?, e ultima disse q. se o N. Senn.o necefsitafse de mais prata, q. El Rey lha emprestaria cõ m.ta vontade, e se qualquer dos br.cos tivefse necefsid.e de alguã couza, ou se algue’ Ihe fizefse alguma injustiça, q. os Capp.ens defsce parte; porq. se lhe havia de fazer todo o favor. A tudo isto respondeo M.el de Vidigal cõ muita satisfação, e prudencia.

Pass.os cstes comprimentos: mandou o Chaqueri abrir o saguate afsim p. El Rey, como p.a o Princepe, e depois de os veré, disse logo hũ dos Mandarins, q. eraõ muy limit.os, p.a quem queria os privileg.os antigos.

Aqui veraõ V.as .M.ces- quam acertada foi a nofsa resolucão, e poderaõ julgar o q. seria, se naõ se fizefse, o q se fez; Mandou també logo abrir as cartas, e dito summariam.te o q. continhaõ por Guilhelme Dana, q. era o lingoa, que afsistia, elle respondeo q. se traduseriaõ e prezentariaõ a El Rey, de cuja grandeza esperava q. sahiriaõ os Portuguezes bem despachados.

Depois de tudo isto nos despidimos todos geralm.te muy satisfeitos da honra cõ q. foraõ recibidas as cartas, e cortezia cõ q. fomos tratados. Dahy a quatro, ou sinco dias pouco mais ou menos, tive not.a certa, q. El Rey depois de saber, o q. continhão as cartas, perdoara todos os direitos afsim os q. pertencem a fua real faz.da, como aos Mandarins, dous dos quaes não gostaraõ nada cõ esta disposição, e afsim fizeraõ cõ El Rey, q. a revogafse, como de facto a revogou em q.to aos direitos q. pertencé aos Mandarins, perdoando só os que pertencé a sua real faz. da Sobre este ponto, eu falei cõ M.el de Vidigal e lhe difse q. me parecia acertado fazermos alguã dilig.cia p.a q. El Rey perdoafse també os q. pertencem aos Mandarins: elle me respondeo, q. não era conveniente fazermos tal couza: como na verdade, se não fez. As rezões q. teve p.a isto, elle as dará a efse N. Senn.o, como tbe’ not.a do mais q. succedeo,

letter sent by padre antónio soares

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Chaqueri immediately began to ask in the name of the King about the health of the Noble Senate and the other Gentlemen of Macao; if, in the City of Macao there were many boats, and a lot of trade; and why no boats had come to Siam for so many years; if they had had a good voyage, or encountered contrary winds; what business they wished to conduct? And finally, he asked if the Noble Senate needed more silver, the King would lend them [some] willingly, and if any of the boats needed anything whatsoever, or if anybody treated them badly, the Captains were to say so; because all favour was to be accorded them. To all of this Manuel de Vidigal replied with great satisfaction and prudence. Having completed these compliments, the Chaqueri ordered the gifts to be opened, both for the King as for the Prince, and having seen them, one of the mandarins immediately said they were small for who desired the restoration of ancient privileges. From this Your Graces will be able to judge our resolution and what would have happened if we did not do what was done; he [the Chaqueri] immediately ordered the letters to be opened, and their contents were translated by Guilherme Dam, who was the interpreter and who was present. He [the Chaqueri] said that they would be translated and presented to the King, from whose greatness (grandeza, here magnanimity) it was hoped the Portuguese would emerge safely. After all this we departed generally very satisfied with the honour with which the letters were received, and the courtesy with which we were treated. Four or five days after this event more or less, I received news from a sure source that the King, after learning of the contents of the letters, would forego all duties upon us that were due his estate, as well as those due the mandarins, two of whom did not like at all this decision, pleading with the King to revoke them, who indeed revoked his decision with regard to the duties owing the mandarins, foregoing us only those duties owed his estate. On this point, I spoke with Manuel de Vidigal and I told him that it was a necessary thing to make a petition to the King that the rights owing the mandarins also be foregone: he replied that it was not convenient to do such a thing, which ended up thus wise. The reasons for this [decision] he would send to our Noble

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q. esta vay ja sendo demaziadamente larga: as q. eu tinha, erão, era o teré concedido estes mesmos privilegios de naõ pagar direitos alguns os Portuguezes, os Reys de Siãm no anno de 1616, em occaziaõ de huã Embaixada Solemne mandada de Goa a este Rn.o, como se pode ver na V.as. M.as. Asia Portugueza tomo 3. parte 39. Cap. 19, n.o 6.e 7.° o que ̰ podem, devé ver, p.a o alegraré nas cartas, q. escrevere p.a o anno, se lhe parecer conveniente.

Disse afsima, q. o saguate p.a El Rey era muito peq.no em comparaçaô dos q. daõ o Gr.al de Bett.a, e g.or de Madrasta.

A rezaõ hé esta: Porq. como El Rey de Siam costuma sempre retornar cõ algũ lucro, elles daõ naõ como quem saguatêa, mas como quem contrata; e por isto em Madrasta naõ se faz o faguate p.a El Rey a custa do Gov.or ainda q. sempre vem em seo nome, mas dos armadores do barco, os quaes como vem q. tḛ́ lucro no retorno, q. sempre hé p.a elles, daõ cõ maõ muy liberal, ne doutra sorte era pofsivel fazeré todos ̰ os annos saguates tão grandiozos. Da mesma sorte os poderá fazer tbe o N. Sennado, naõ a sua custa, mas dos armadores dos barcos, q. vierē p.a Siam, os q.es afsim como fazé os gastos, hé bem q. tenhaõ o lucro do returno. Naõ quero enfadar mais a V.as M.ces, só 1he peço encarecidamente q. repartaõ cõ toda a satisfaçaõ o saguate do Princepe, com os q. concorreraõ p.a elle, q. saõ M.eI de Vidigal, Luis Roiz, e Manoel Ribeiro: peço isto; porq, afsim como eu fiz cõ elles q. concorrefsé, hé bem q. tbé solicite a remuneração. E nisto me farão hum muy p.ar favor; Assim o espero da m.ta generozidade, e primôr de V.as M.ces cuja Pss.as Deos nofso Senõr Gn.de por m.tos e felices annos. 30 de Junho de 1721 De V.as M.s Servo muito humilde. António Soares.

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Senate, as well as a report of what had transpired, and that this was already too generous. My reasons for why we were to be conceded the same privileges as before, and to not pay any duties whatsoever were what was agreed by the Siamese kings in 1616, on the occasion of a solemn embassy sent from Goa to this kingdom, as can be read in Asia Portugueza, tome 3, parte 39, cap. 19, nos. 6 and 7, which Your Graces should, indeed must see, to be attached to the letters that you are to send this year, as is convenient to you.11 It was said that the gifts for the King were very small when compared to those given by the [Governor] General of Batavia and the Governor of Madras. The reason is this: Because the King of Siam is used to profiting [from these encounters], they are given not by those who [traditionally] proffer presents, but by those who seal business contracts; it is for this reason that in Madras it is not the Governor who makes up the gift, but the outfitters of the visiting vessel, those who make a profit on the return voyage, that it is always up to them, they always give very generously. Nor was it possible to make such grandiose gifts every year. Our Noble Senate could do the same, not at its cost, but at the cost of the outfitters of the visiting ships, who, as well as having to invest, will receive returns from the return voyage. I do not want to tire Your Graces any more, I only ask you earnestly that you recommence giving gifts to the Prince via those who will be returning, namely Manuel de Vidigal, Luiz Roiz and Manuel Ribeiro: I ask for this because just as I did, they will also solicit remuneration. And in this you will do me a great service. Thus I await your generosity and Your Graces’ decency (primôr), whose persons God Our Lord may protect for many happy years. 20 June 1721 Your Graces’ very humble servant António Soares.

11

António Bocarro, Década XIII, ch. 118, 524.

APPENDIX 20 ‘Letter sent by the Resident Francisco Telles from Siam to the Noble Senate.’ 28 June, 1721. Snred do Nobre Sennado. Como actualmente não ha cap.a, Mor neste Bandel de Siam e o Snr V. Rey por carta sua ordena q’o superior desta Caza faça as suas vezes ao menos naquillo q’ permittir o est.o Rellig.o, eu recebi hua de V.ms q’ vinha p.a o Cap.am Mor só por ver se achava occazião em q’ pudesse server a esse muito Ill.e e Nobre Senn.o Nella me ordenavão V.ms q’ solicitasse o bom desp.o dos br.cos em ordem a poder essa Cid.e continuar o comercio q’ teve antigamente neste Rn.o Assim eu como o P.e. Antonio Soares fizemos neste p.ar toda a dilig.a possivel e só ficamos com o sentimento de não’ sahir o neg.o como desejamos; de q. dará not.a o mesmo P.e. Antonio Soares com mais miudeza. Ao tocante a divida ainda nao’ fica de todo satisfeita p. q.to os chinas avaliarao’ as faz.das q’o nobre Senn.o enviou p.a. este effeito por tao’ inferior preço, q’ainda resta a dever vinte e hu’ cattes e tantos taeis; effeito sem duvida da m.ta abund.a de fazendas da China q’ este anno se achou em Siam. No q’ toca ao saguate q’El Rey de Siam remete ao N. Senn.o, da Carta da Barcallao q’ serve de resposta por todas as mais Segundo o estillo desta ter.a consta ser 20 pessas seis de seda e 14 de linha; porem tbe’ ouvi dizer depois de se entregar a carta só faze’ o n.o de 15, o que supposto nao atribuao V. M.s isto a outra couza senao a inadvert.a de q.m traduzio a dita carta como tbe’ a muita pressa co’ q’ se fez; de sorte q’nao deu lugar o tempo a descobrir o erro ou inadvert.a de q.m traduzio. Serve ultimamente esta de dar not.a em como o Cap.am M.el Vidigal Giam me entregou hua pessa de setim preto q’ vinha p.a o Cap.am Mor e como ao prezente o nao ouvesse eu a aceitei p.a. a Igreja discorrendo q’ V.M.s o levariao’ a be’.

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Lords of the Noble Senate. As there is presently no Captain General of the bandel here in Siam and as the Lord Viceroy wrote in a letter commanding that the Superior of this House act in as much as his religious status allows, I received [notice] from Your Lordships to the Captain General that he was to serve the very illustrious and noble Senate to their best interests. In [those instructions] Your Lordships instructed me to ensure the prompt dispatch of the boats in order that the city could continue the commerce that it has historically undertaken with this kingdom. In this way I, together with Padre Antonio Soares, did as much as we could and we were only left with the feeling that we did not conclude business as we would have liked; as the same Padre Antonio Soares will notify you in greater detail. As far as the debt is concerned, it is still not completely paid off, as the Chinese estimate the goods that our Senate sent to be of lesser worth; such that a debt remains amounting to 21 cattes and so-and-so taels. This is no doubt a result of the fact that this year there was great abundance of Chinese goods which this year arrived in Siam. As far as the saguate that the King of Siam is to send to the Noble Senate, according to the letter from the Barcalang which serves as reply to all those concerned according to the traditions of this land, it is to consist of twenty pieces of silk and fourteen of linen; however, I also heard after the letter was handed over that there will only be fifteen [pieces of silk], which Your Lordships must attribute to nothing other than negligence (inadvertencia) on the part of the person who translated the letter for me, as well as the great speed with which it was done; in such a way that there was no time to discover the mistake or negligence of my translator.

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Nao se me off.ce mais q’ ficar esperando occaziao em q’ possa server ao muy Ill. e N. Senn.o a q.m Ds. G.de Siam 28 de junho de 1721 De V. M.s. Menor Servidor Francisco Telles.

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This letter finally is to serve in giving notice of how Cap.tam Manuel Vidigal Giam gave me a piece of black satin for the Captain General and how, as he was not present, I accepted it on behalf of the Church, regardless of whether Your Lordships might take it away. The only thing that remains is to express my hopes to serve the Most Noble and Illustrious Senate once again, which God may protect. Siam, 28 June 1721. From Your Lordships Least Servant, Francisco Telles.

APPENDIX 21 ‘Letter that the Barcalão of Siam sent to the Senate’.12 M.to Ill.e e Nobre Senn.o de Maccao. Servio a pr.a de dar not.a q.to restava a dever o Nobre Senn.o ao Muy Alto, e Poderozo Rey de Siaõ nofso Amo, e Senhor; Serve agora esta de signifiear em como o Cap.am M.el de Vidigal Giaõ nos entregou o faguate p.a S. Mag.e, o qual constava de seis pefsas de Damascos nacar, sinco pefsas de Damascos amarello, mais tres pefsas de Damaseos nacar, e duas de Damascos amarelo, quatro Loôs cõ ramos de ouro, doze Tochas, dôze cattes de Pastilhas, e trinta jarras de doce. Assim mais, digo afsim mesmo nos entregou outro p.a o Serenifs.o Princepe, q. constava de sete Damascos nacar, oito amarellos, tres pesfas de Tabi, doze Pivetes, e 22 jarras de doce.

Tanto S. Mag.e, como 0 Serenifs.o Princepe louvaraõ grandemente a Capacidade do N. Senn,o em remeter os ditos saguates. O Muy alto, e poderozo Rey nofso Amo e Snõr se dignou enviar tbe’ outro ao Nobre Sennado pello mesmo p.or Consta o faguate de S. Mag.e de 6 pessas de seda entre Melleques, e Atalazes, e quatorze entre Chitas Paquiãns, e panos de Pafsatã o q. tudo faz n.o de 20 pefsas . Manda tambe’ o Serenifs.o Princepe 7 pefsas de seda entre Melleques, e Atalazes, e 16 entre chitas, e outros panos de varias sortes o q. tudo faz n.o de 23 pefsas. Estes os saguates de muy alto, e poderozo Rey, e do Serenifs.° Princepe p.a o Nobre Sennado de Macao, vem a fazer entre ambos 43 pefsas, as q.es entregará o Cap.am M.el de Vidigal Giam.

12

Repr. in Arquivos de Macau, August 1929, vol. 1, no. 3, 163–164.

letter that the barcalÃo of siam sent to the senate

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English translation: [To the] Very Illustrious and Noble Senate of Macao. The present [letter] is to serve as notice of how much the Noble Senate continues to owe his Most High, and Powerful King of Siam, our Lord and Spirit [Amo?]. This is to serve here by relating how Captain Manuel de Vidigal Giaõ consigned the gifts to His Majesty, which consisted of six pieces of mother-of-pearl damask, five pieces of yellow damask, another three pieces of mother-of-pearl damask, and two of yellow damask, four Loôs with golden threads,13 twelve Tochas (large candles, or firebrands), twelve catties of lozenges, and thirty jars of sweets. Besides this, he consigned a further seven mother-of-pearl damasks, eight yellow ones, three pieces of Tabi,14 twelve Pivetes (a kind of aromatic substance), and 22 jars of sweets for the Most Serene Prince. His Royal Highness as indeed the Most Serene Prince greatly give praise to the Noble Senate for successfully remitting the said gifts. The Most High and Powerful King our Lord also deigned to send further things to the Noble Senate via the same carrier. The gifts of His Highness consist of six pieces of silk including Melleques and Atalazes, and fourteen including Chitas Paquiãns (a type of blockprinted chintz), and cloths of Pafsatã, which amount to twenty pieces.15 The Most Serene Prince also sends seven pieces of silk including Melleques and Atalazes, and 16 including chintzes (chitas), and other textiles of different types, which altogether amount to 23 pieces. These are the gifts of the most high and powerful King, and our Most Serene Prince to the Noble Senate of Macao, which altogether amount to 43 pieces, which Captain Manuel de Vidigal Giam will deliver. 13 The ‘lo’ (羅) as defined in Mathews Chinese-English dictionary, rev. ed. (Cambridge, Mass. 1943) is a ‘gauze, a thin kind of silk’; see also Lilian M. Li, China’s Silk Trade. Traditional Industry in the Modern World, 1842–1937 Harvard, 1981, 278. 14 Tabi, or Tabbee was a medium-quality fabric, of pure silk or mixed with a weft of waste silk and flax, Luca Molà, The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice, Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2000, 408. 15 None of these textiles appears from ‘The Grouped List and the Glossary of Indian Textile Types’, in Kirti N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia, 1978, Appendix 4, 500–505, or in Tapan Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 1605–1690, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962, Appendix C ‘A note on some varieties of Coromandel cloth’.

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Damos tambe’ por esta a saber ao Muy Ill.e, e N. Senn.o em como o muy alto, epoderozo Rey nofso amo, e S.r, foy serv.o uzar de Sua real Magnificencia, e perdoar os direitos da medicaõ pertencentes á sua real caixa a todos os tres barcos, q. neste prezente anno de 1721 vieraõ a esta Corte de Siaõ, visto pedillo afsim na sua Carta o N. Senn.o, por cujo resp.to nos ordenou S. Mag.e, q. só mandafsemos tirar o q. pertencia aos ministros reaes, como em effeito se executou, de q. dará mais p.ar not.a o p.or desta; ao qual emcomendamos, q. informafse de tudo ao N. Senn.o, para q. este daqui por diante continue o Comercio, q. antigamente teve cõ este Rn.o, e por nofsa conta correrá darmos toda a boa pafsagem, como fizemos este anno, ainda q. naõ fizemos tanto quanto nos pedia o dez.o, mas naõ permetiraõ mais as circunstancias prezentes.

Serve esta ultimamente de agradecer o regallo q. nos enviou o Muy IlI.e, e N. Senn.o nas sinco pefsas de Damascos nacar, e dez jarras de doce; e em sinal do nofso agradecim.to mandamos taõ be’ quatro chitas de Mafsalipataõ, e hu’ pano branco de Pafsatã ao muy Ill.e, e N. Sennado, a qual offerta taõ be’ fazemos pelIa boa amiz.e, e correspondencia do muy alto, e poderozo Rey de Siam, p.a cõ o muy alto, e poderozo Rey de Portugal; e cõ isto Deos Gu.e ao muy Ill.e, e N. Senn.o.

Feita nesta Corte do Rn.o de Siaõ em hu’ Dg.o 14 da Lua nova mez Du’anchôt hera 1083 anno Pây Chulu’ Trinisôc. Isto hé mez de Junho de 1721. Do muy Ill.e, e N. Senn.o Muito A.migo Chau’ Payâ, Sitamarât, Chau’ Paya Praclâ, ministro q. governa aos estrangeiros, que vem a ser 0 mesmo, que Excellm.o S.or Barcalam.

letter that the barcalÃo of siam sent to the senate

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We also give notice to the Most Illustrious and Noble Senate how the Most High and Powerful King our Spirit and Lord used his royal benevolence to pardon the duties for each of the three boats which in this year of 1721 arrived at the Court of Siam, just as the Noble Senate requested in its letter, to which His Majesty responded by deducting that which is owing his royal ministers, as in fact occurred, which the bearer [of this letter] will be able to provide more information about; to whom we have instructed that he is to inform every member of the Noble Senate that henceforth it is to continue its commerce, which in past times it conducted with this kingdom, and from our side will continue to be conducted. We will treat all those make this journey with favour, as we have done this year, even if we did not grant everything that the ten [Senate] requested, but the circumstances do not currently permit it. This is to thank you for the present that the Very Illustrious and Noble Senate sent us, namely the five pieces of mother-of-pearl damask, the ten jars of sweets, and as a symbol of our thanks we will reciprocate by sending four chitas de Masulipataõ, and one white cloth of Pafsatã (Bofetá)16 to the Most Illustrious Senate, the offering of which we make also for the good friendship and correspondence of His Most High and Powerful King of Siam with the Most High and Powerful King of Portugal; and with this may God bless the most Illustrious and Noble Senate. Made in this the court of the Kingdom of Siam on a Sunday the 14th of the New Moon, in the month Du’anchôt hera 1083 of the year Pây Chulu’ Trinisôc. This the month of June 1721. From the Illustrious and Noble Senate’s great friend Chau’ Payâ, Sitamarât, Chau’Paya Praclâ, the Minister that governs foreigners, who is the same as his Excellency, the Lord Barcalão.

16 A cotton cloth defined by Dalgado’s Glossário Luso-Asiatico as ‘muito fino e tapado’, i.e. woven tightly together, produced principally in Baroche, see Diogo do Couto, Década quarta da Ásia, Lisboa Occidental, 1736, I, 7.

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INDEX* Abdur Razzaq, 87 Abreu, Jerónimo de, 179 Abreu, João de (Governor of the Church of Malacca), 50, 55 Acha, Francisco de, 124, 183 Acheh, 53, 197, 198, 228, 325 Acosta, Bartholomeo, 285, 310 Acuña, D. Pedro de (Governor of the Philippines), 31, 32, 33 Aduarte, Bishop Diego, 168, 215 Agra, 206, 232 Aguiar, António de, 386 Agurto, Pedro de (Bishop of Cebu), 57 Alamgirnagar, 230 Albano, Angelo di, 287, 321 Alcaraso, Don Juan de, 87 Alexander VI (Pope), 292 Alexandre de Rhodes, 27, 58, 70, 281 Alferes, Franco Fragoso, 367, 369, 387 Alfreres, Manuel Pires de Moura, 387 Alvares, Fr. João de S.J., 153 Alvarez, Dominicus. 297, 343 Amaral, P. Miguel de, S.J., 308 Amarapura, 239 Amboina Massacre, 23 Ambon, 30, 31, 48, 56, 57, 139 Amiot, Father Joseph-Marie, S.J., 269 Ananta (King), 242 Andhra dance scupture, 266 Andrade, Cristovão de, 325 Andrade, Ruy Freyre da, 26, 29 Andrea, Fra., O.F.M., 169 André, Sebastião de (a.k.a. Andrea da Ponte), 153, 305 Ang Dan Rājā, 219 Anjou, Frei Miguel de, 295 Aqa Muhammad, 87 Arabs, 24, 25, 30, 84, 225 Arabian Sea, 39, 225 Aragua, Manuel de Oliveira (Cambodia) 280 Arakan 8, 20, 73, 86, 189, 197, 220, 221, 223, 225–8, 230–31, 252–3, 266, 268, 276

land grants to Portuguese population, 223 Armenians, 89–90, 163, 229 Arung Palakka, ruler of Bone, 61 Astronomy, 134, 157, 222 Augustinians (O.E.S.A.), 8, 73, 109, 125, 128–9, 160, 164–7, 171, 174, 197, 214, 221–2, 277, 371, 375 Church of the Holy Rosary, Tejgão, 130, 133, 287 Church of St. Nicholas Tolentino, Nagori (Dhaka), 130 True Cross Hospice of Charity, 167 Aurangzeb (Emperor), 226 (Mons.) Aurense, Vicar Apostolic of Tonkin (M.E.P.), 309 Ava, 17, 71, 131, 148, 213, 221–23, 235, 239, 299 Ayutthaya, 4, 7, 9, 10, 17, 50, 51, 59, 60, 62, 64, 68, 71, 73, 74, 75, 80, 81, 82, I.10, II.5, III.12, III.13, III.23, III.24, III.26, IV.5, IV.8, IV.11, IV.18, IV.21, IV.26, IV.28, IV.29, V.1, Figure 4, V.2–3, V.4, V.20, V.22, V.25, V.29, VI.20, VI.33, VI.36, VI.40, VI.43, VI.44, VI.45, VII.4, VII.5, VII.7, VII.9, VII.12, VII.13, VIII.1, VIII.11, IX.28, X.2, X.3, XI.1 Barcalão, or Phra Khlang (the official responsible for foreign trade and communities), 4, 81, 87, 115, 128, 182, 191, 202, 204, 316–19, 371, 391, 399, 402–5 Buddhist shrines, 97, 130 Camp St. Joseph, 84, 153, 154, 189, 192, 204, 290 Campo Português, 10, 93, 95–99, 101, 111–12, 120–125, 168–9, 177, 290–1 canals, 59, 95–6, 132, 185, 192 Chao Phraya River (a.k.a. Menam), 10, 95–7, 106, 173–4, 181–2, 185–7, 270 Chaqueri, 393, 395

* Please note I have indexed the Documentary Appendices, but as regards the documents themselves only in English translation.

442

index

Chinatown, 84 Church of São Domingos, 161–2, 359 Church of São Paulo, 115, 122, 129, 148, 162, 393 city plans, 97, 100, 153 Collège Constantin, 153 College of São Salvador, 135, 152, 306 Collegio delle Nationi, 153, 155, 303 commercial duties on trade, 181, 201–2 Convento da Madre de Deus, 168 Fall of Ayutthaya in 1767, 190, 203, 205, 206 forts, 117, 158, 171, 195, 361, 365 fountains, 134, 158–9 headman system, 81, 107–9, 357 hospital & court doctors, 189, 288, 296 houses, 62, 73, 82, 88–89, 97, 99–103, 106, 111, 121, 132, 139, 173, 183, 191–2, 200, 286–7, 331, 363, 377, 381, 391, 393 Japanese community in, 5, 10, 62, 71, 76, 79–82, 93, 103, 107, 110, 117–20, 122, 124, 134–35, 163, 219, 255, 296 justice system, 108, 110, 115 palaces, 68, 82, 94, 97, 112, 150, 158, 161, 190, 192, 195, 203, 207, 237, 239, 267, 288, 363 plots from Malay population living in the south of the kingdom, 64 prisons, 17, 89, 118, 135, 140, 186, 199, 204, 206, 287, 363 St. Joseph Church, 84, 204 Talapoins, 140, 142, 223, 361 tax system, 83–4, 108, 190, 395 travel to, 174, 185 treatment of crows, 189–90 Azadegui, Andrés Lopes de, 87 Bagan (a.k.a. Pagan, Burma), 239–246, 247–53, 258–59 Bagarim, 325 Bagot, Père Jean (S.J.), 288 Banca (Bang Saphan), 62, 85 Bandar Abbas, 86 Bandel, 9–10, 49, 107–9, 116, 135, 167, 277, 293, 357, 359, 371, 373, 381, 393, 399, Figure 17, Figure 19 Bandermassin (Borneo), 56 Bang, Nicolaas, 203 Bangkhli, 85

Bangkok, 63, 83, 85, 90, 168, 173, 200, 202, 205, 207, 209, 235, 237, 239, 255, Figure 25, 260, 268, Figure 30, 274, 361, 363, 365, 367 Banten (Bantam), Figure 1, 43, 61, 82, 96, 172, 290 Baptista, João (O.F.M.), 221 Barbosa, Vasco, 179 Barnabites, 222, 223 Barreto, Francisco, 19 Barros, José Joaquim (Macao), 369 Bassaim (a.k.a. Bassein, or Vasai) 25 Bay of Bengal, 16, 39, 89, 213, 250–51 Bayinnaung (General), 246 Beaulieu, General Augustin de, 197 Beg, Muhammad and Ismail, 85 Beijing, 130 Bellin, Jacques Nicolas, 153–4 Benedictines (O.S.B.), 153, 223 Bengal 5, 8, 48, 73, 84, 86, 109–110, 112, 120, 144–45, 158–9, 160, 164, 179, Figure 17, 206, 221, 223, 226, 229–30, 231, 232, 233, 325 St. Nicholas Tolentino (Nagori), 130, 160 Tejgão, Figure 1, 130–1, Figure 10, 230, 287 Benoît, Michel (S.J.), 159 Bèze, Claude de (S.J.), 97, 109, 122, 176, 195, 200, 291–3 Bima (Indonesia), 39 Bladwell, Richard, 69 Blakiston, Major John, 176 Bocarro, António (chronicler), 16, 65, 82, 109, 267 Bocarro, Manuel Tavarres (gun founder), 269–70 Bock, Carl, 83 Bodhisattva, 116, 261–3 Bombay, 22–3, 29, 53, 232, 295 Boone, Charles, 295 Borneo, Figure 1, 56, 228 Borobasson (Makassar), 47 Borri, Cristoforo, 58 Bort, Balthazar, 48 Bourges, Jacques de (M.E.P.), 95, 208, 278, 282, 305, 349 Bouvet, Joachim (S.J.), 81, 94, 97, 99, 116, 138, 297, V.1, V.6, V.24, VI.10, X.23 Bowyear, Thomas, 217 Bozhuomo, Francisco (S.J.), 215 Brahmadatta, 240, 258–9, 261

index Brandão, António (O.C.), 50, 291 Braud, Gabriel (M.E.P.), 204 Browne, John, 74 Browne, Quarles, 217 Brito e Nicote, Filipe, 206, 220, 223, 225, 228–9, 257–8, 267 Brochebourde, Daniel, 97 Bunnak family, 87 Burma, Figure 1, 65, 68, 71, 89–90, 129, 177, 190, 205, 213, 220–28, 230, 235, Figure 20, 239, 246, 250, 257, 276 Ānanda, 262 Ananda ok-Kyaung, Front cover, Figure 21, Figure 22, Figure 24, 240, 245–251 Bahmo, 105 Bassein, 85, 230 Cosmin (Burma), Figure 1, 228, 230 Dagon (Burma), 247, 251 Dela (Burma), 228 Htonbo (Burma), 259 Mandalay (Burma), 239, 259 Martaban (Burma), 17, 71, 90, 105, Figure 8, 176, 228, 247, 251, 252 Medon (Burma), 228 Moulmein (Burma), 17 Nabet, Valley of the Mu, Figure 31, 274–6 Sagaing (Burma), Figure 27, Figure 29, 221, 257, 261, 274 Shwebo (Burma), Figure 1, 221 Shwe Sayan pagoda, 239, 247, 257–59, 261, 263, 266, 270, Figure 28, Figure 29. IX.3–4, IX.10, IX.20, IX.21, IX.22, IX.24, IX.26, IX.30, IX.34, Figure 30, Figure 31 Shwe-san-daw temple (Bagan), 250 Smin Daw Buddhaketi (pro-Mon rebel), 247 Syriam, Figure 1, 176, 197, 206, 220, 221, 228, 258, 266–67 temple murals, 177, 235–276 Thayekhittaya, 262 Yoe Soe monastery (Sa-le), 262 Burot, 122 Bustamante, Don Fernando Manuel de Bustillo, 208, 267 Cabezas, P. Petrus Ortiz Caebzas (O.F.M.), 170 Calchi, Sigismond de (B.), 222 Calcutta, 99, 124, 225, 233 Calvinism, 124

443

Cambodia, 17, 43, 45, 50, 51–2, 57, 59, 60–2, 70, 76, 77, 87, 96, 118–20, 123, 170, 180, 184, 186–87, 189, 192, 195–96, 207–9, 213–220, 277–78, 280, 294, 295, 323 Catholic presence in, 129, 134, 139, 164, 168, 194, 214 Chinese presence in, 65, 219, 264 difficult approach in ships, 187–8 political instability of, 215, 218 Ponheá Lu (Penhalu), Figure 1, 61, 214, 295 Ponteamass (a.k.a. Banteay-Mass, Ha-Tien), Figure 1, 171–2 Samboc (Cambodia), Figure 1, 278 Udong (Cambodia), 214, 270 Camões, Luís de, 18 Candone, Joseph (S.J.), 285, 310 Canjorem (Cajarim), 325 Cannanore, 23, 29 Cannonry, 65, 171, 250, 257, 264–65, 267–70 Canto, Frei Sebastiano da (O.P.), 69 Canton 39, 79, 110, 152, 201, 220, 361 Cape Comorin, 2, 4, 9, 70 Cape of Good Hope, 36, 128, 176, 383 Cape Verde Islands, 113 Capuchins, 36, 58, 129, 278, 295 Caravallos, Albert, 229 Cardim, Father António (S.J.), 50. 71, 100, 117, 140, 186 Cardoso, P. João (S.J.), 172 Carletti, Antonio & Francesco, 34, 249 Carmelite, 295 Carpets, 101, 106, 127, 131, 182 Carreira da Índia, 15, 18, 20, 282 Carvalho, Fr. Valentim (Rector of Macao), 70 Casteleyn, Pieter, 185 Castiglione, Giuseppe, 159 Castro, Matteo de (M.E.P.), 36, 297 Catholic Church, 50, 129–175, 401 apostasy from, 32, 142, 150, 363 catechism, 143–46, 159–60, 194 church services, 162–3, 170 clergy, 20, 26, 41–2, 51, 55, 79, 138, 145–6, 171, 174, 198, 277, 284, 287, 292, 294, 296, 339, 347, 371, 379, 381, 383 confession, 144, 146, 147, 163–64, 331 confraternities of the Rosary, 136, 160–61, 171

444

index

conversion, 84, 135, 139–49, 152, 170, 214–15, 281, 285–6, 296, 373 Council of Trent reforms, 161, 347 devotions, 136, 144 disputes within, 9, 123, 277–99 educational work in the missions, 113, 152–160 expulsion orders served, 47, 49, 160, 169, 205, 285 language dictionaries, 134, 157, 160, 223 Marian confraternities, 136–37 martyrs, 137, 148, 214, 331, 363 missionaries, 2, 4, 8, 17, 30, 32, 36, 43–4, 51, 60, 69, 70, 73, 117–8, 123–6, 129, 134–5, 138, 138–52, 166, 169, 186, 204, 209, 216, 221, 223, 277, 280–2, 284–5, 292–3, 311, 321, 331, 335, 338–9, 345, 349, 361, 365, 373, 375 problems with ‘Moors’, 147–8 religious festivals, 162–63, 282 St. Thomas Christians, 245 Vicars Forane, 50, 194 work administering dispensaries, 170 worship of the Cross, 66, 103, 109, 140, 146, 168–9 Catona, 121 Cébéret, Claude, 158 Cebu, 30–1, 57, 155 Ceramics, 103, 105, 161, 331 Cerri, Monsignor Urbano (Cardinal), 285, 310 Cesio, Captain Diego, 28 Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 3, 14, 20, 23, 26, 30, 113, 178 Chaise, Père de la (S.J.), 149 Challe, Robert, 111 Champa, 61, 67, 312, 347 Chandebois, Claude (M.E.P.), 173 Charbonneau, René, 189, 288 Chaul, 25 Chaumont, M. de, 67, 81, 85, 86, 89, 93, 101, 116, 150, 195–6, 198, 267 Chevreuil, Louis (M.E.P.), 49, 51–2, 60, 192, 194, 214–6, 220, 280, 290, 294, 305 Chiengmai, 62 China 45, 54, 57, 65–6, 69–70, 76, 80, 105–6, 117–8, 123, 130, 137, 142, 150, 152, 179, 198, 199, 201, 207, 218, 228, 294, 327, 367, 381 Emperor of, 10, 180 Guangzhou, 61

Kwangtung (China), 40 mission field, 152, 159, 168, 214, 222, 280, 282, 286, 287, 294, 303–4, 306–7, 310, 347, 351, 365 Peking, 152, 159 workmanship, 62, 103 Yoen-ming-yoen (圆明园), 159 China root, 39 Chirino, Pedro (S.J.), 106 Chittagong (Chatigão), 111, 164, 226, 231, 253 Choisy, Abbé de, 94, 182, 265, 287, 292–3 Chou Ta-kuan, 187 Church paintings, 120, 274–6 Cicé, Monseigneur de (Bishop of Tabula) (M.E.P.), 143, 287, 294 Clement IX (Pope), 343 Clement X (Pope), 279, 343 Clothing, 83, 103, 240–45, 250, 266, 355, 363 Coates, Thomas, 90 Cochin, 17, 23, 25, 29, 50, 206, 269, 277 Cochinchina [the Cham], 11, 50, 67, 76, 80, 84, 93, 119, 121, 123, 135, 137, 163, 165, 172, 178, 214–15, 218, 220, 279, 285, 286–7, 293, 296–7, 304–5, 307, 312, 325, 347, 349, 365 trade with, 59, 117, 218 Coelho, Aleixo (S.J.), 158 Coelho, António de Albuquerque, 163, 201 Coelho, Duarte, 66 Cogan, Andrew, 41 Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 123, 282 College study aids, 155, 157, 222 Colombo, 1, 6, 24, 26–7 Columpé (Cambodia), Figure 1, 9, 214 Condé, Bishop (M.E.P.), 205 Consejo de Portugal, 35 Consejo Real de Indias, 32 Conselho do Estado, Lisbon. D.25 Conselho do Estado, Goa, 22, 80, 128 Conselho de Guerra, 269 Conselho Geral do Leal Senado de Macau, 312–14 Conselho Ultramarino, 9, 18, 23, 52, 166, 332–33, 338–41, 370–83 Convicts, 17, 34, 36, 223 Corcuera, Governor Hurtado de, 32 Cordovil, Miguel da Fonseca, 369 Coromandel, 10, 21, 39, 42–3, 122, 177, 213, 227–28, 247, 304 Coronelli, Vincenzo, 153, 161

index Correa, Francisco (Captain), 385 Correia (de Liger – Ligor?), Francisco (Captain), 385 Correia, Joseph (O.E.S.A.), 166 Cosimo III, Granduke of Tuscany, 321 Costa, Agostino Dias da, 206 Costa, António Cabral da, 369 Costa, Bartolomeu da, 117, 285, 310 Costa, Francisco de, 228 Costa, Luís Gonçalves, 359 Costa, Padre Paulo da, 49–52, 58–59, 61, 119, 192, 194, 289, 300 Cotton goods, 39, 63, 241, 274, 405 Council of Missions in Goa (Junta das Missões), 123–4, 285, 374 Couplet, Philippe (S.J.), 131, 137, 174, 349 Courtaulin, Jean de (M.E.P.), 97, 161, 281 Coutinho, D. Luis Francisco, 56 Coutinho, Manuel de Sousa, 30 Couto, Diogo do, 19, 246 Coutre brothers, 34–35, 68, 115 Coylan (Quilon), 27 Cranganore, 23–4 Crawfurd, John, 300 Creoles (see Creolization) Creolization 1–11, 20, 112–14, 122, 178, 195, 258, 361 Cron, Ferdinand, 35 Crook, William, 85 Cropper, Roelant, 39 Crouly, M. de, 203 Cruz, Fr. Gabriel de la, 31 Cruz, Gaspar da, (O.P.), 214 Cruz, Gregorio da (O.F.M. Cap.), 129 Cruz, Frei Jerónimo da (O.P.), 69, 148 Cruz, João da, 269–70 Cūlani-Brahmadatta, 235, 259, 261 Cullaka, 247 Cunha, Domingos Lopes, 179 Dam, Guilherme, 389, 391, 395 Dampier, William, 4, 175, 189.VII.1, VII.15 Danish East India Company, 39, 41–2, 96, 108, 172, 251 Daung Binashu, 276 De Chryste, 270 Deer skins (trade in), 76, 79, 180–1, 187, 202 Deportation, 35–36, 221 Derozio, Manuel, 21, 124 Desfarges, Marshal, 195, 200

445

Deshima, 202 Deus, Jacinto de (O.F.M.), 283 Devassas (judicial inquiries), 30 De Vinck, Jan, 43 Deydier, François (M.E.P.), 282, 289, 349 Dhaka, 131, 223, 225, 227, 231, 287 Dias, António (S.J.), 158, 307 Dias, Henrique, 19 Diaspora, 7–10, 13–14, 33, 45, 47, 49, 54–55, 57–64, 93, 101, 117, 120, 130, 168, 175, 189, 196, 220, 299–300 Dictionaries, 134, 157, 160, 223 Diu, 25 Doetechum, Joannes à. 240, Figure 22, 254 Domingo, João de Soto (O.P.), IV.2 Dominican Order (O.P.), 17, 30, 49, 51, 55, 58, 60, 66–67, 73, 111, 122, 125, 129, 136, 148, 161, 163–8, 171, 214, 215, 221, 227, 280, 289–90, 292, 349, 371, 373 archeological excavations on site of church, 103, 161 Santíssimo Rosário confraternity, 136, 168 Donno, Michael (S.J.), 295 Duarte, P. João, 308 Du Bruant, 171, 187 Du Jarric, Pierre (S.J.), 90 Dunthorp-Smith, Sir James Robert, 177 Dupleix, Joseph François, 125 Dutch East India Company, 1–3, 5–10, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25–8, 30–32, 34, 35, 39–45, 47–9, 61, 62, 74, 77, 79, 94, 97, 99, 105, 110, 116, 119, 126, 128–31, 148, 173, 181, 185–6, 190–1, 203, 207, 219, 231, 252, 269–70, 288, 299–300, 349 1664 commercial treaty with Siam, 83, 180–2, 202 competition with the English, 74 concubinage with Siamese women, 88–89 Dagh Register, 31, 40, 43, 103 expulsion of Portuguese from Makassar, 8, 45, 47–48, 54, 56, 58 Logie in Siam, 75–7, 80–2, 88, 95, 96, 103, 111–12, 131, Figure 9, 152, 179, 186, 202–3, 290, 393 naval blockade incident of 1664, 79 outrages in the northern Moluccas, 30, 32–3 ‘Picknick Incident’ (1636–7), 75, 208

446

index

policy on toleration of Roman Catholics in their conquests, 49 regulations on returning personnel, 21 relations with Arakan and Burma, 105, 225, 226–8 relations with Cambodia, 77–78, 87, 176, 214–16, 219 sexual issues, 88 spies in Portuguese India, 34–35 strategy to win Makassar, 44, Figure 2 take-over of Malacca, 41–2, 210 treatment of mixed-blood population I.6 treatment of Portuguese after conquering Ceylon, 26 tensions with the Portuguese in Siam, 70, 72, 75, 77, 79, 111, 323–7, 381 Third Dutch War (1672–4), 119 Eaglewood, 87 Ekathotsarot (King), 110 English East India Company, 2, 11, 21, 25, 28, 30, 40–1, 43, 73–4, 94–6, 99, 121, 124, 135, 148, 163, 173, 179–80, 183, 195, 199, 202–3, 225, 227, 229–31, 233, 254, 349, 365 Anglo-Indians’ status, II.10 behaviour during the acquisition of Bombay, 22 English language, 113, 204, 265 Factory in Siam, 59, 73, 80, 82, 95, 101 freebooters, 89, 124 relations with Cambodia, 216–17 report on Portuguese in Siam, 11 role in evacuation of Hormuz, 25 Voyage of the Leopard, 1 Espírito Santo, Father Constantino do, 168 Estrella, D. Paulo da (O.M.), 167 Ethiopians (Abyssins), 84–5, 274, Figure 31, 281 Evangelho, Francisco de Aguiar, 74 Faifo, 119, 121 Farjado, Diego (Governor of the Philippines), 32 Fary, Benjamin, 73 Father Six, 192 Favacho, Manuel, 314 Fedrici, Cesare, 69, 176 Fernandes, António, 13 Fernandes, Duarte, 251

Ferreira, Alexis, 295 Ferreira, Emmanuel (S.J.), VI, 32, 160, 285 Ferreira, Francisco, 361, 363 Figueiredo, Francisco Vieira de (a.k.a. Wehara), 9, 42, 48, 54, 79, 191 I.9, III.5, III.10, III.17, VII.18 Figueiredo, Jerónimo, 65 Filippucci, Francesco Saverio (S.J.), 304, 307 Fish, 59, 105, 159, 262 Fitch, Ralph, 106, 184, 196, 221, 228, 259 Fiúmes, Nicolau, 218 Florence, Italy, 321 Flores (island of ), 54, 56, 58 Foghanin, Michel, Figure 11 Fonseca, António da (S.J.), 110, 284 Fonseca, Frei Luís de, 118 Fonseca, Luís Gonçalves de, 80 Fonseca, Manuel da, 192, 221 Fonseca, Nicolau (Vicar General), 293 Fontaney, Père Jean de (S.J.), 70, 83, 105, 132, 154, 187, 189, 304 Forbin, Claude. Count of, 62–4, 122, 195 Fountains, 134, 158–9, 222 Fragoso, Francisco, 122 Fragoso, Luís (O.P.), 289–91, 334–41 Franciscan Order (O.F.M.), 20, 53, 73, 110, 129, 136, 139, 142, 147, 152, 155, 158, 168–71, 174, 199, 201, 283, 287, 297, 321 Francisco, António (S.J.), 54 Franco, Gaspar, 363 Franco, Ignácio (S.J.), 295 Freire, Miguel Roiz, 369 French, 9–11, 27, 36, 42, 64, 79, 81, 90, 93, 100–101, 115, 121, 124–6, 143, 145, 157, 159, 161, 166, 170, 183, 187, 190–91, 195, 197, 199–200, 203, 205, 208, 231, 258, 277–78, 283–4, 286–7, 289, 292–300, 347, 361, 375, 383 archives, 9, 121, 127 in Siam, 85, 88, 101, 114, 116, 123–4, 138, 149, 153–5, 163, 171–2, 183, 192, 204–5, 207–8, 237, 270, 278–82, 285–9, 292–4, 296–7, 321, 349, 361–367, 379 King of, 81, 149, 183 Portuguese alliance with for regaining strongholds on Swahili coast, 30 Fryer, John, 177 Fuciti, Dominico (S.J.), 285 Gabiani, Giandomenico (S.J.), 304 Gaelen, Jan, 217

index Galizia, Bishop (of Maxula Prates), 223 Gama, Luís da. (S.J.), 49, 291 Gama, Vasco da, VII.3 Garces, Miguel de Araújo, 369 Garcia, Alexio, 13 Garnault, Fr. (M.E.P.), 205 Garrido, Tomé Vaz, 110 Gayo, Juan, 117 Genoud, Jean (M.E.P.), 148, 216, 222 Gentil, Valério, 219 Germany, 269 Gervaise, Nicholas, 43–44, 62–3, 93, 101, 175, 185, 189, 241, 264 Gião, Manuel de Vidigal, 316–18, 388–97, 403 Goa (India), 1–4, 8, 11, 14–20, 22, 25–26, 27, 29–30, 34, 35–36, 41–3, 49–53, 58, 60, 67, 69–71, 75, 80, 97, 99, 108, 122, 124, 126–8, 134, 147, 155–56, 160, 163–5, 171, 177, 181, 190, 192, 194, 200–202, 206, 221, 232, 247, 249, 269–70, 276–9, 285, 290, 291, 294–5, 308, 315, 316, 324, 326, 328–35, 342–43, 374–77, 380–83, 396–7 Archbishopric of Goa, 36, 50, 55, 58, 109, 282, 297–8, 311 1616 embassy under Frei de Annunçiação, 127, 164, V.17, VII.28 Bardês brothers expulsion order, VI.42 Church of St. Peter, 137 Inquisition, 35–6, 60, 129, 167, 169, 283, 291 Pinto plot, 34 Viceroy in, 110, 126, 165, 230, 300 Goa (Kingdom of in the Celebes), 61 Godinho, Manuel (S.J.), 1, 22, 53 Goís, Frei Bento de (S.J.), 14 Golconda, 21, 23, 36, 80, 84, 206 Gold, 39, 53, 65, 67, 75, 83, 94–5, 11, 130–1, 152, 190, 195, 216, 227, 237, 240–2, 259, 263–4, 194, 331, 385, 393, 403 Gomes, André (S.J.), 294 Gomes, Inácio, 159, 189, 221 Gomes, João, 66, 109 Gomes, Manuel, 393 Gomes, Marcos, 66 González, Blas Ruíz de Hernan, 217 Gregory XIII, Pope, 291 Guarga, Capitan Pedro Sevil de, 67–68 Guerreiro, Fernão (S.J.), 14, 86, 267

447

Gulbenkian Foundation, Figure 10, 161, 299 Gutierrez, Juan (S.J.), 347 Guyomar (see under Pina) Hadrahmi, 13 Haincq, Antoine (M.E.P.), 347 Haji Khawja Shahbaz (merchant-prince of Dhaka), 288 Hamilton, Alexander, 25, 89, 175, 189, 203–4, 218, 230 Hanthawaddy, 264 Harouze, Hendrik, 77 Hasenbosch, Johannes, 130 Hashnabad, 230 Haynin, Jean de, 297 Hedges, William, 184, 230, 270 Heeck, Gijsbert, 78, 82–3, 97, 111, 152, 181, 251, 253–4 Henjam (island of ), 29 Heredim Mohammed, 85 Hermit kingdoms, 199, 274 Hernan Gonzales, Ruiz de, 61 Hilary (choirmaster in Ayutthaya), 121 Hippon, Anthony, 186 Hirado (Japan), 111, 117 Hormuz, 1, 21–3, 25–6, 29, 86 Hughli, 99, 167, Figure 17, 225, 226, 230, Figure 19, 233, 277 Hustaert, Jakob, 23 Hutchinson, E.W., 199 Ijau (Raja of Pattani), 173 India, 2–4, 6, 14, 16–20, 22, 26, 48, 68, 70, 85, 87, 89, 131, 163, 173, 177, 180, 207, 210, 219, 250, 269–70, 284, 295, 326, 331, 333, 337, 341, 149, 355, 377, 379, 381 Indian Ocean, 1, 11, 13–14, 21, 37, 48, 56, 73, 77, 112, 122, 210, 227, Figure 25, 268, 299–300 Indonesia (Insulindia), 6, 39, 56, 123, 181, 219 Innocent XI (Pope), 52, 150, 279, 285, 343, 345 Inquisition, 289, 291, 311, 335, 339 Interloper, 65, 124, 184, 299 Intorcetta, Prospero (S.J.), 61, 304 Ivory, 53, 183, Figure 18 Jagdia (East Bengal), 230 Jaigarh, 268 Jaipur, 268

448

index

Jakarta (Batavia), Figure 1, 7–8, 21, 42–43, 45, 49, 69, 74–5, 80, 83, 88–89, 99–100, 103, 106, 120, 128, 130, 202–3, 209, 214, 225–6, 349, 389, 393, 397 Jambi (Sumatra), 61, 74 Japan (Japanese), 5, 10, 20, 36, 40, 49, 57–60, 62, 71–2, 76, 102, 103, 118–120, 124, 134, 137, 169, 172, 179–81, 187, 203, 218–19, 251, 254, 281, 299, 323, 325, 365 Iwakura embassy, 127 Japanese sailing vessels, 255–57 Nihonmachi, 77, 79, 80–3, 93, 99, 107, 110, 117–120, 122, 134–35, 163, 214–15, 218–20, 295–6 red-seal voyages, 87, 119, 323 Japara, 172 Jarosier, M. (M.E.P.), 204 Jātakas, 190, 238, 240, 258, 262–63, 266 Cullakesetthi Jātaka (no. 4), 247 Mahājanaka (no. 539), 186, 263–64, VII.15, IX.25 Mahānipāta, 235, 259 Mahosadha Jātaka (no. 546), 235, 258, 259, 261–2, 266, Figure 28, Figure 29, 274 Java, 61–2, 76, 247, 249, 270, 325 Jeanchi, 198 Jesuit Order (S.J.), 22, 27, 30–3, 40–1, 44–5, 47, 50–1, 57–58, 61, 69, 71, 79, 82, 90, 102, 106, 118–20, 124, 126, 129, 134, 136–9, 143, 167–8, 172, 198–200, 202, 207, 214, 217, 221, 227, 264, 267, 277, 281–6, 288–97, 304, 308, 329, 359, 365, 391 accusations of lackness, 144, 281, 290 acts of charity, 135 canticles, dialogues and doctrinals, 159, 281 church(-es), 129–32, 161, 167 civic engineering work, 89, 158–9 colleges, 136, 153–57 Congregation of the Blessed Virgin of the Immaculate Conception, 131, 136 conversion, 139, 144, 148, 169 educational ideals and literature, 152–57, 200 Franco-Belgian Province, 345 jurisdictional dispute with M.E.P., 277–298, 310 Letterae Annuae, 131, 134, 153, 221

masses / preaching, 163, 214 Portuguese Assistancy, 136, 349 processions, 146 Province of Japan, 50, 57, 72 Residence, 16, 71–2, 131–2, 137, 150, 214, 278, 305, 349 visitations, 158 Vow of Obedience to Rome, 282–3, 285–6, 292, 343, 347 Johnson, John, 73–74 Johor, 325 Joret, Jean (M.E.P.), 148, 222 Junk Ceylon, 73, 143, 325 Kaempfer, Engelbert, 117, 122, Figure 16, 195 Kaen Huā II (Cambodian ruler), 215 Kamphaeng Phet, 195, 239 Kanara, 295 Karaéng Sumanna, 48 Kedah (Quevá), 28, 170, 205, 298 Kevatta the Brahmin, 261–2 Khor Fakan (Persian Gulf ), 29 Khwaja Minas (Armenian merchant prince), 90 King, D.O. (nineteenth-century traveller), 220 Kung (Persian Gulf ), 9 Kuriyat (nr. Muscat), 24 Lacquer, 102–3, Figure 7, 181, 183, 237, 259 La Loubère, Simon, 93–4, 142, 144–46, 150, 169, Figure 16, 197, 229, 238 Laneau, Louis. Bishop of Metellopolis (M.E.P.), 9, 43, 140, 145, 154, 160, 166–67, 189, 199, 204, 281, 287–8, 292, 303, 343, 345 Langlois (M.E.P.), Vicarial Notary, 55, 124, 155, 158, 280 Laos, 62, 77, 80, 216, 286 Lar (Persia), 270 Larantuka (Flores), 54–55, 58, 211 Laval, François Pyrard de, 18, 36, 230 Le Blanc, Marcel (S.J.), 68, 82, 195, 293 Lemos, Valentim da Costa de, 369 Le Royer, Abraham, 304 Leslie, William (Archivist of the Propaganda), 284 Lesser Sunda Islands, 17, 43, 58 Leuven, 137 Levant, 282 Li’Cheng-tung, 40

index Light, Captain Francis, 205 Ligor (Nakhon Si Thammarat), 118–9, 171, 173, 180, 189, 325 Lima, João Abreu de, 55 Lima, D. Paulo de, 19 Lima, D. Rodrigo da, 270 Lima, Sebastião de Vargas de, 367, 369 Li-njian, Dionisio, Figure 11 Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, 8, 18–9, 240–41, Figure 22, 245, 247, 251–4, Figure 26 Lionne, Artus de (Bishop of Rosalie M.E.P.), 303 Liot, Fr. (M.E.P.), 207 Lisbon, 18–20, 35–36, 53, 128, 136, 166, 269, 282–3, 285, 303–4, 310, 328–9, 333, 337, 338, 341, 370, 373, 375 Limoeiro prison, 15 Museu de Arte Antiga, 103, 288 Lizoli, Raimond (O.P.), 349 Loans, 80, 198, 399, 403 London, 94, 127, 242 Lopburi (Louvo), Figure 1, 85, 90, 112, 121, 131–2, 149, 152, 154, 158 Lopez, Fr. Gregorio (S.J.), 30 Lovek (Cambodia), Figure 1, 17, 61, 214 Loyola, Ignatius, 136, 156, 168, 282 Luisa, Queen Regent of Medina Sidonia, 54 Lu Thai (King), 254 Macadoan, 247–50, Figure 24, Figure 26 Macao, Figure 1, 4, 9, 11, 21, 34, 39–40, 43, 50, 53, 54, 56, 58–60, 61, 68–71, 79–80, 103, 109–10, 115, 120, 122–23, 130–31, 134, 149, 152, 153, 158, 172, 177, 179–80, 198, 200–2, 215, 218, 249–50, 264, 269–70, 287, 290, 293–4, 297, 304, 306–8, 323, 327, 345, 361, 363, 365 1721 embassy, 80, 108, 191, 201–2, 314–317, 385 Cathedral of São Paulo, 130 Leal Senado da Câmara, 56, 80, 118, 201, 312–20, 366–69, 375, 377, 381, 383–7, 388–97, 398–401, 402–405 Macanese missionaries of Japanese origin, 117 ‘Midsummer Massacre’ of 1622, 264 St. Joseph’s seminary, 134 Macedo, António (O.P.), 55 Machado, Estanislao, 309

449

Macret (Mecret), Germain (S.J.), 45, 60–1 Madras, 28, 90, 96, 112, 124, 129, 161, 163, 183, 278, 295, 389, 393, 397 Madre de Deus, Luiz (O.F.M.), 155, 168, 171, 173, 199, 216 Madrid, 35, 183 Madura (Indonesia), 61 Maetsuycker, Joan, 3, 44 Magalhães, Francisco Cutrim de, 68, 76–7, 79, 182, 322–325 Mainstone, William, 59–60, 215 Makassar, Figure 1, 7–9, 11, 23, 39–40, 42–4, 47–56, 58–59, 61–65, 69, 73, 79, 84, 93, 101, 108–9, 115, 119, 122, 135, 138, 142, 155, 161, 172, 175, 178, 241, 269, 281, 199, 305, 312, 325 Borobasson, 47 Dutch trading post at ‘Stad Vlaardingen’, 47–48 exodus to Siam under Prince Daë Ma-Allé, 61–64 Sambopo Fortress, 48 Treaty of Bungaya, 47 Malabar, 5, 27, 29, 86, 250, 253 Malacca, 7, 14, 23, 27, 30, 39–41, 49, 53–4, 57–58, 60, 67–71, 114, 146, 148, 161, 168, 172, 176, 178, 196, 198, 213, 220, 228, 250–51, 268, 277, 300, 306, 324, 344–45, 351 Kristang of Malacca, 206, 209, 210–11 Maritime Law of, 187, 249 Portuguese population transfer from after 1641, 8, 10, 28, 31, 40, 42–43, 49, 57–8, 60 See of Malacca, 32, 50–52, 55, 58, 60, 109, 171, 194, 279, 294, 297–8, 300, 351 Malays, 8, 39, 48, 59, 64, 80–81, 84–6, 107, 114, 135, 143, 170, 173, 186–7, 206–7, 209–210, 213–14, 220, 241, 245, 247, 249, 250, 252, 265 Maldives, 20 Maldonado, Juan (O.P.), 165, 218, 297 Maldonado, Jean-Baptiste (S.J.), 138, 148, 152, 158, 199, 296–7, 306, 308, 344, 349, 353, 365 Mallet, Alain Manesson, 101 Manado, 33 Mandelslo, J. Albert de, Figure 9 Manica (Mozambique), 53 Manila, 31–3, 39, 56, 59, 87–8, 90, 119, 121, 123, 155–56, 168, 202, 308, 344–45

450

index

Manuel, M. (M.E.P.), 173 Manrique, Sebastien (O.E.S.A.), 115, 189, 197 Manrique de Lara, Sabiniano, 32 Maot, Sr., 305 Maracci, Giovanni (S.J.), 40 Marathas, 2 Maratta, Carlo, Figure 11, 141 Mâravijaya, 235 Mardijker, 8, 33, 130 Marguiço, Júlio (S.J.), 72, 118, 140 Marini, Giovanni (S.J.), 44, 52, 72, 99, 118–9, 130, 134–5, 140, 160, 185, 214–15, 305 Martin, François, 56, 125 Mártires, Archbishop Francisco dos (O.F.M.), 51, 109 Martyr, Pedro (O.E.S.A.), 125, 165–67, 362–3 Massonio, Lorenzo (S.J.), 57 Masulipatam, 41, 43, 86, 213, 251, 404 Maya, Father Matias de (S.J.), 45 Mecca, 228 Meghna River (East Bengal), 231 Meliapur (São Thomé de), 10, 21, 24, 36, 158, 167, 177, 250 Melo, Amador Coelho de, 77, 79, 116, 124 Melo, Duarte de Figueiredo de, D.22 Melo, Dom Luís de (O.P.), 41, 49, 51, III.3, III.11, III.13 Melo, Soares de, 246 Mendoza, Gonçalez de (O.E.S.A.), 214 Menezes, Dom Francisco de Silva de (Governor of Malacca), 71 Mercenaries, 10, 15, 65, 86–7, 117, 195, 235, 240–1, Figure 21, 247, 258–9, 277, 299 Mergui (Burma), Figure 1, 87, 170–71, 187, 195, 198–99, 270, 379 Merklein, Jakob, 69, 94, 103, 185, 229 Mestiços, 2, 4–6, 155, 219, 241, 258, 270, 393 Milan, 349 Minangkabau, 7 Mindon Min (King of Burma), 240 Minkhamaung (Emperor of Arakan), 266 Miranda, Father Manuel de (S.J.), 45 Missions Étrangères de Paris (M.E.P.), 9, 43, 88, 125, 138, 142–3, 148, 155, 157, 160–61, 166, 171–73, 189, 194, 200, 222, 277–86, 288, 292, 294, 298–9, 310, 334–7, 339, 345, 365, 373, 375

criticism of Jesuit missionary practice, 334–7, 338–41 Les Amateurs de la Croix confraternity, 137 medical services, 189–90, 288 Mocavanga (Mozambique), 53 Moerdijck, Isaac, 75–6 Moluccas, 30, 31–3, 39, 50, 54, 117, 137 Portuguese fort of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, 31 Mombasa, 15, 24, 29 Mon, 247, 252, 258, 262 Monsoon, 47, 69, 70 Montarroio, Luís de, 189 Monteiro, António de (S.J.), 61 Monteiro, Joseph, 207 Monteiro, Kol, 209 Montémont, Albert Étienne de, 47 Morais, Miguel de, 69 Morejón, Pedro (S.J.), 71, 117 Morelli, Giovan Baptista (O.F.M.), 139, 174, 183, 270, 287, 292, 300, 321 Mota, António da, 251 Mota, Jorge da, 66, 251 Mota, Nicolau, 171 Motte, Lambert de la (Bishop of Beirut), Vicar Apostolic of Cochinchina, 49, 93, 106, 115, 137, 149, 153, 172, 176–77, 194, 278–9, 282, 286, 288–90, 305–6, 309–10 Mouhot, Henri, 220 Mozambique, 2, 18, 30, 52–53, 166 Mrauk-U, 10, 97, 131, 197 Mughal, 10, 84, 86, 109, 131, 180, 197, 206, 223, 225–7, 229–232, Figure 19, 253, 268 Murshidabad, 225 Muscat, 24–25, 28–30, 171 Muttrah (Muscat), 24 Nagamasa, Yamada (Japanese headman in Ayutthaya), 118, 121, 255, 257 Nagapattinam, 10, 26, 41, 69, 80, 172, 250 Nagasaki, 83 Nakhoda, 249–50 Nandabayin (King of Toungoo dynasty, Burma, 1581–99), 90, 266, 270 Natshinnaung (Toungoo prince, 1578–1613), 267 Nautch-girls, 245 Naresuen (King of Ayutthaya kingdom, 1590–1605), 65 Neknam Khan (General of Golcondan ruler), 23

index Nevers, Ephraim de (O.F.M. Cap.), 36, 129, 278, 294 Nicobar Islands, 170 Nielloware, 173 Nishi, Romão (S.J.), 117–8 Nogueira, Francisco (S.J.), 307 Norodom, King (King of Cambodia 1860–1904), 209 Noronha, D. Julião de (Governor of Portuguese Muscat), 30 Nouday, 246 Noyelles, Charles de (S.J.), 138, 306 Olivares, Gaspar de Guzmán Count Duke, 35 Ok-Khun Chamnan Chaichong, 20, 126–7 Oliva, Giovanni Paolo (S.J.), 45, 138, 344 Oman, 25, 28–9 Orissa, 231, 325 Orphans, 88–9, 110, 121 Paçanha, Fernão Nabo, 116, 124 Pácem (Sumatra), 53 Padrishibphur (Bengal), 230 Padshanama, Figure 19, 229 Palembang, 61, 219 Palermo, 134 Pallu, François (Bishop of Heliopolis) (M.E.P.), 143–45, 149, 153, 172, 281, 284, 286–9, 345, 349, 351 Papal bulls, 58, 123, 279, 284, 291, 339 Pareres, Nicolau, 230 Paris, 94, 149, 159, 165, 197, 281, 290, 292 Passagna, Louisa, 203 Pathans, 86 Pattani, Figure 1, 74, 84, 171, 173, 268, 325 Paz, Constantino Alvares da (town councillor of Macao), 369 Pegu (Mons), 57, 69, 73, 89–90, 105–6, 129, 160, 169–70, 176, 184, 190, 196, 198, 204–5, 213, 222–23, 227, 240–41, Figure 22, 246, 251, 266–67, 321 Penang, 84, 113–14, 163, 205–6, 209, 211, 220, 300 Pereira, Andrea (Amboina), 57 Pereira, Manuel, 66 Perez, François (M.E.P.), 172 Persia, 9, 21, 25, 39, 84–7, 93, 101, 108, 131, 173, 182, 249–50, 270 Petapoli, 251

451

Phaja Tak (King Taksin of Thailand, 1768–82), 205 Phanick, 5, 120–2, 149 Phaulkon, Constance (Chief Minister of Siam), 64, 114, 120–2, 125, 129, 140, 148–50, 154, 165–66, 181–3, 187, 195, 197–8, 203, 304, 313, 321, 361, 363, 367, 375, 377, 379, 383 Phetchaburi (also shortened to Pipli), 361 Phetracha (King of Ayutthaya, 1688–1703), 11, 75, 89–90, 97, 120, 195, 197–200, 202, 204, 207–8, 287, 361 Philip III of Spain, 67 Philippines, 30, 32, 33, 56–7, 87, 106, 117, 146, 155, 158, 168, 208, 215, 218, 267 Iloilo, 32 Portuguese resettlement in Maragondon, 33 Phitsanulok, 77, 116, 124, 170, 183 Phnom Penh, 9, 49, Figure 3, 119, 214, 217, 220 Phra Narai (King of Ayutthaya, 1656–88), 63, 79, 85, 119–20, 122, 135, 149–50, 152, 175, 180, 190, 197, 201, 278, 288 Phuket (Thailand), 85, 170 Phuong, Michel, 165 Pilots, 17, 127, 153, 249, 254 Pina, Marie Guyomar de, 5, 120–2, 150, 179, 197, 363 Pinieur, Alexander, 75, 208 Pinheiro, Vincent, 208 Pinna, Francisco Barreto de, 110, 115, 120, 125, 179, 208, 300, 355, 357, 359, 371–3, 377, 383 Pinto, António, 155, 303 Pinto, Fernão Mendes, 13, 18, 65, 67, 84–6, 100, 114, 177, 246 Pinto, John, 41 Pipli (not to be confused with Pipli as a shortened form of Phetchaburi), Figure 1, 325 Piracy, 77, 111, 187, 225, 231, 233, 325 Pitt, Richard, IV.11 Pitt, Thomas, 96, 163 Placidus (Placido Albrecht de Valcio), 201, VII.28 Poivre, Pierre, 83, 203 Polajanaka (protagonist of Jātaka 539), 263

452

index

Pombal, Marquis de (Portuguese statesman, 1750–1777), 18 Pondicherry, 42, 89, 90, 129, 204, 208, 304 Porto Novo, 250 Portugal, 20, 26, 32–3, 36, 52, 57, 68, 70, 113, 116, 123–6, 136, 194, 209, 283, 286, 291, 337, 383 Carreira das Índias, 15, 18, 20, 282 Estado da India, 2, 14–17, 22, 43, 71–2, 178, 180, 183, 190, 277–78, 300, 329, 332, 371, 383 embassies to Portugal, 127, 165–6, 265, 268 expulsion of aliens, II.24 imperial decline, 1–2 insolence, 175–7, 361 (Dom) João IV, King of Portugal, 20, 326 laziness, 175 lust, 177, 245–6 Padroado, 9, 36, 50, 136, 278–80, 282, 289, 291–2, 294–5, 298, 351 Pedro II (King of Portugal), Figure 18, 122, 283, 285–6, 335, 351 Portuguese Restoration, 49, 54, 57, 136, 278–9 pride, 2, 3, 5, 24, 117, 176–77 social prejudices in, 178 Portuguese ‘tribe’, 6–8, 20, 39, 44, 59–60, 70, 75, 100, 112, 155, 175, 185, Figure 16, 196, 198–200, 206, 208–9, 213, 217, 220, 228, 235, 258, 299–300 assimilation, 5, 209–10 creole, 3, 7, 20, 112–4, 122, 178, 195, 258, 361 festivals, 162–3, 282 folk tales, 144 interpreters, 140, 160, 172, 208–9, 216, 228, 395 music and dance, 114, 146, 222 poverty, 11, 110, 155, 175–6, 178–9, 241, 300 ‘Praetorian Guard’, 195–6 Provedor dos Defuntos, 110 social climbing, 198–99, 207 Po Win Taung, 235, Figure 20, 245 Prado, João do, 69 Prasat Thong (King of Ayutthaya 1629–56), 68, 74, 76, 87, 109, 118–19, 140, 180–2, 291 Prat, Ramón (Du) (a.k.a. Raymondo de Prado), 158

Precious stones, 89–90, 131, 259, 331 Presents (sagoate), 62, 80, 108, 120, 127, 201, 318, 319, 327, 391, 395, 399 Prester John, 270 Prison / prisoners, 15, 17, 30–1, 36, 45, 61, 87–9, 117–18, 124, 135, 140, 165–6, 170, 186, 199, 204–6, 221, 223, 229, 231, 278, 287, 345, 357, 363 Propaganda Fide, Sacred Congregation of, 9, 37, 60, 72–3, 123, 138, 158, 194, 278–80, 282–5, 291, 310, 343, 349, 364, 371, 373, 375, 383 Protestants, 49, 148, 176, 218, 245 Queirós, Manuel de, 393 Quintanadvenas, 289, 291 Qutb Shah (of Golconda), 21 Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, 209 Rajiota, Isabel, 131 Rajmahal (India), 225 Rāma, 10 Rama V (King of Siam), 91 Rawlins, John, 82 Renegades, 41 Rennell, Major James (imperial surveyer), 230 Resende, Garcia de, 13 Resende, Pedro Barreto de, 16 Ribeiro, Captain João de, 1 Ribeiro, Manuel, 397 Rice, 7, 39, 48, 59, 67, 87, 105, 119, 183, 203, 226, 231, 385 Ricci, Matteo (S.J.), 14, 281 Rios de Cuama (Mozambique), 52 Rocca, Carlo della (a.k.a. da Rocha), (S.J.), 61, 134, 214 Rodrigues, António (cook), 75 Rodrigues, António (S.J.), 118 Rodrigues, Francisco, 45 Rodrigues, Vicente, 70 Rodriguez, Emmanuel (S.J.), 290 Roiz, Pedro (on 1721 embassy from Macao), 393 Rome (and Vatican), 36, 45, 52, 58, 61, 126, 135–7, 150, 155, 159–60, 165, 194, 222, 279–80, 282–5, 290–2, 294, 303, 305, 308, 311, 335, 338–9, 343, 347, 349, 353 Rosario, Luís do (O.P.), 168, 290 Rougemont, François de. 137, 174 Rozario, António da (O.E.S.A.), 145, 159, 223

index Sà, de (Bishop of Meliapur), 278 Sailors, 5, 15, 47, 75, 83, 85–6, 187, 231, 250, 257, 274 Saint John the Baptist, 143, 163 Saldanha, Ambassador Manuel, 80, 123, 201 Saldanha, Dona Luisa de, 258 San Antonio, Gabriel Quiroga de, 60, 66–7 Sánchez, Alonso, 68 Sandawizaya (King of Arakan), 228 Sandwip (Sundiva), 8, 227 San Francisco, Rafael de (O.F.M.), 221 Sangi Besar (Northern Celebes), 31 Santo Agostinho, Frei Ambrosio de (O.E.S.A.), 160 Santa Anna, P. Domingos de (O.P.), 166, 171, 293 Santo António, Manuel de (Bishop of Malacca), 294 Santo Domingo, António (O.F.M.), 170 Santa Maria, Frei André de, (O.P.), 109, 148 Santo Felice, Antonio di (M.E.P.), 36 Santos, Luis Roiz dos, 391, 393 São Bento, 16, 331 São José, Sebastião de (O.P.), 51 Sappanwood, 39, 183–4 Sarang, 249–50 Saris, John, 254 Satha I (King of Cambodia, a.k.a. Prauncar Langara), 217 Satwuidhanmaraja, King (of Arakan), 197 Schouten, Joost, 27–28, 41–42, 88, 106, 270 Sebastião, Frei (O.P.), 148 Seixas, Domingos de, 246 Severim, Gaspar de Faria (Secretary of State), 77, 79 Sevin, Charles (M.E.P.), 311 Shah Jahan (Mughal Emperor), 229 Sheikh Gombak (prominent merchant in the reign of Prasat Thong), 182 Shihabuddin Talish (historian of East Bengal), 231 Shipbuilding, 39, 215, 251–2 ship ownership, 178 shipping, 42–3, 83, 87, 106, 179, 185–7, 220, 227, 247, Figure 24, 250, 252–4 balon, 253, 393 chalupa, 252, 319, 365 fusten, 253

453

galley, 36, 325, 363 jalia, 231, 252 Chinese junks, 71, 83, 87, 105, 119, 143, 179, 181, 218–19, 229, 251–52, 255, Figure 25, 274, 323, 361 Shipwreck, 126, 170, 186, Figure 15, 189 Short, Henry, 39–40 Shuja (Mughal royal family), 226 Siam, 6, 9–11, 17, 20, 43, 45, 50, 52, 54–55, 57, 59–91, 93, Figure 4, 100, 102–3, 105–6, 108–12, 114–9, 121–124, 126–129, 131, 134–6, 138–140, Figure 11, 142–143, 145, 147–50, 152, 154, 158–60, 163–165, 168–73, 175, 177–83, 185–187, 189–91, Figure 16, 194–99, 201–9, 213, 216–220, 222, 229, 240–1, 246, 251–2, 255, 258, 265–68, 270, 278–281, 283–298, 300, 303–312, 317–9, 321, 323, 325, 327, 329, 331, 333, 337, 339, 343, 345, 349, 351, 353, 355, 359, 361, 363, 365, 367, 369, 371, 373, 375, 377, 379, 381, 383, 389, 395, 397, 399, 401, 403, 405 Bar of Siam, 70, 74, 186, 379 Court Revolution of 1688, 75, 88, 111, 166, 170, 199, 206, 208, 235, 287–88, 298, 314, 366–70, 373 crown vessels, 110, 179, 210, 251, 323 diplomatic activity, 9, 66, 68, 71, 74, 76–7, 79, 85–7, 90, 108, 110, 114, 116–7, 120, 122–8, 149–50, 165–6, 181, 191, 195, 200, 201–2, 204, 208, 237, 267, 287, 293, 331, 355, 357, 397 Gulf of Siam, 87, 106, 186, 251, 255 hermit kingdom, 199, 274 King & kingship, 10, 59, 62–4, 66–8, 72–7, 80, 82, 86–7, 97, 107–112, 116–19, 126–8, 132, 140, 149–50, 152, 154, 158–60, 164–5, 180–2, 187, 190–1, 194–7, 201–2, 205, 207, 229, 287–88, 290, 293, 295, 323, 325, 327, 329, 331, 333, 351, 355, 357, 359, 361, 363, 365, 367, 369, 371, 375, 377, 379, 381, 383, 389, 391, 393, 395, 397, 399, 403, 405 politics of pragmatism, 190–1 Sam Khok (Pathum Thani), 174 sponsorship of church-building, 67, 150 transition to a modern state, 209 Wat Ban Koing (วัดบางกุง), 237

454

index

Wat Bang Yi Khan, Thonburi (วัดบางยี่ขัน), 263–4 Wat Bovornivej, Bangkok (วัดบวรนิเวศ), 268 Wat Chaiyathit (วัดไชยทิศ), Figure 30, 274 Wat Khongkaram, Ratchaburi (วัดคงคาราม), 250 Wat Mahathat (วัดมหาธาตุ พระนครศรีอยุธยา), 190 Wat Mai Luak, Tha Rua (วัดไม ลวก), Figure 14, 184, 186–7, Figure 15, 235 Wat No Phutthangkun, Suphanburi (วัดหนอพุทธางกูร), 186 Wat Pa Mamuang (วัดปามะมวง), 261 Wat Phumin, Nan (วัดภูมินทร), 239, 245 Wat Suwanārām, Thonburi (วัดสุวรรณาราม), 263 Wat Thongthammachat, Bangkok (วัดทองธรรมชาติ), 83 Wat Yai Intharam, Thonburi (วัดใหญอินทาราม), 264, 274 Siau, 31, 33 Sibpur (Bengal), 225 Silk, 39, 183, 201, 291, 385, 399, 403 Silva, Constâncio Jorge da, 125 Silva, Dom Álvaro da (Capitão-Geral of Macao), 123 Silva, Don Fernando de, 87 Silva, Francisco de Mello da (alderman of Macao), 369 Silva, D. Gonçalo de (Bishop of Malacca), 68, 194 Silva, José Vieira da (alderman of Macao), 369 Silva, Luiz da (alderman of Macao), 368 Silver, 39, 79–80, 102, 111, 131, 139, 201–2, 241, 264, 316, 385, 395 Singapore, 210–11 Siqueira, Alexandre Manuel de, 319 Siqueira, Lopes Vaz de, 9, 71, 101, 110, 115–7, 122–6, 128, 164–6, 171, 194, 208, 293, 354–55, 357, 369, 375, 381, 383 Slaves, 6, 8, 18–9, 21, 26, 28, 39, 48, 75, 85, 116, 121, 170, 196–8, 205–6, 214–15, 220, 225–6, 231, 233, 253 Soares(-z), António (S.J.), 162, 201, 315, 317, 388–99 Soares, Joseph (S.J.), 304 Soares, Manuel (S.J.), 45, 138, 172, 297, 343, 354–59

Soet, Jau (ex-wife of Dutch factors in Ayutthaya), 111 Sohar (Persian Gulf ), 29 Soldiers, 2, 5, 15–19, 26, 33, 42, 86, 91, 195, 223, 230–1, 246–7, 259, 261, 263–6, 331 Solor, Figure 1, 2, 17, 31, 40, 50–1, 54–5, 58, 73, 166 Sonda (India), 37 Songtham (King of Ayutthaya, 1611–1628), 74 Soor (Persian Gulf ), 24 Sorasak (Phetracha’s son), 195 Sourij, Pieter, 217 Sousa, Estevão de (O.E.S.A.), 125, 165, 167–8, 371, 382 Sousa, Dom Francisco de, Count do Prado and Marquês de Minas, 69 South China Sea, 9, 210 Souza, Salvador Ribeyro de, 246 Souza, Vicente Ribeiro de (alderman in Macao), 369 Spain (Spanish), 31–4, 36, 54, 56–7, 61, 87, 117, 127, 161, 169–70, 201, 208, 220, 267, 278, 289, 345 dynastic marriages, 36 treatment of Morisco population, 28 Speelmaun, Cornelis, 47 Spices, 15, 39, 56, 105, 183, 219, 226 Spinola, Padre António Ardizone, 36 Strangh, William, 101 Struys, Jan Janszoon, 94, 100–1 Sueyoshi, 255, 257 Sugar, 39, 86, 183, 187 Sulawesi, 13, 43, 61 Sumatra, 53, 61 Surat, 90, 294, 311 Suvali (Swally), 27 Swahili coast, 29 Sylvestre, Frei (O.P.), 164, 214 Tabinshweti (King of Burma), 246, 264 Tachard, Guy (S.J.), 69, 75, 81, 85, 100, 120, 126, 131, 139, 150, 165, 204, 208, 303, 307 Taisra, King (a.k.a. Thai Sa, r. 1709–33), 204 Tansulam (Junk Ceylon), IV.9, IV.10 Taranga, 325 Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, 27, 44, 176 Telles, Francisco (S.J.), 316, 398–401 Tenasserim, Figure 1, 45, 69, 73, 87, 166–67, 171–2, 174, 185, 246, 290, 325, 327, 365 Ternate, 31–3, 113

index Textiles, 39, 48, 80, 83, 101–2, 103, 183, 227–8, 245, 264, 325, 403, 405 Theatines, 36, 56 Theravada Buddhism, 238, 254 Theurel, Bishop Joseph-Simon (M.E.P.), 157 Thevet, André, 14 Thi-ri-zei-da-yat Kyaw, IX.36 Thomas, Antoine (S.J.), 148, 152, 297, 306, 308, 343, 345 Tibau, Diogo Peres (O.C.), 66 Tibau, Sebastião Gonçalves, 8, 227–8 Tibet, 13 Tidor, 33 Tilokagaru cave-temple, 238, 261 Timor, Figure 1, 4, 6, 9, 17, 39, 43, 50, 56, 58, 90, 123, 125, 163, 166, 181, 194, 277, 369 Tissanier, Joseph, (S.J.), 79 Tok Kayan (Chinese harbourmaster in seventeenth-century Pattani), 84 Tonkin (Tonkinese), 79–80, 123, 137, 139, 157, 160, 165, 279–80, 285–6, 306, 345, 347, 349, 365 Torres, António de, (S.J.), 47, 55, 58 Touche, Lieutenant de la, 200 Tournon, Monseigneur (Cardinal) de, 294 Trade (overland), 184–5 Trade (petty), 183, 230 Trade (international), 39, 42, 83, 86, 179–80, 181–2, 185, 202, 207, 216–7, 228, 238, 399 Traiphum, 254–55, Figure 25 Tranquebar, 41–2, 96, 108 Trindade, Frei Paulo da (O.F.M.), 72, 169, 195 Tripura (state in Bengal), 229 Turpin, François-Henri, 205–6 Turks, 84–5, 283 Vachet, Bénigne (M.E.P.), 149–50, 286 Valdez, Dominic da Tirale, 29 Valentiijn, François, 41, 90, 186, Figure 3 Valguarnera, Tommaso (S.J.), 45, 131, 134–38, 140, 158–60, 222, 282, 290–91, 310, 329, 331 Valignano, Andrea (S.J.), 281 Valladolid, 33 Van Dam, Johan (military commander at Makassar), 44 Van den Hoorn, Pieter (Dutch Opperhoofd), 111

455

Van der Beeck, Willem (Dutch military commander), 40 Van der Haghen, Admiral Steven, 56 Van Kiet, Antonio, Figure 11, 141 Van Mander, Karel, 254 Van Meerwijck, Jan, 111 Van Muijden, 111, 179 Van Nijenroode, Cornelia, 111 Van Outshoorn, Dr. Vlamming, 27 Van Regesmortes, Pieter, 77–78, 87 Van Vliet, Jeremias, 72, 74–5, 81, 107, 109, 111, 116, 182, 191 Van Wael, Jeremias. Figure 3, 78 Vaz, Luís (S.J.), 289 Vedeha, King, 261–2, 266 Vello, Brother Francisco, 32 Veloso, Diogo, 17, 195, 217 Venard, Théophane (M.E.P.), 157 Venice, 35, 153, 321 Verbiest, Ferdinand (S.J.), 304, 307 Vessantara, Prince, 250 Vicente, João (master gun-founder), 269 Viceroys & Governors: Afonso de Albuquerque (1509–15), 2, 16 Antonio de Mello e Castro (1662–66), 1, 22, 29, 53, 55, 329 Filipe de Mascarenhas (1644–51), 76, 178, 323–28 Francisco da Gama (1597–1600, 1622–1628), 29, 35, 178 Francisco de Távora, conde de Alvor (1681–6), 127, 354–60, 373 João Nunes da Cunha Castro, Conde de São Vicente (1666–68), 134, 329, 333 João Saldanha da Gama (1725–32), 29 Luís de Mendonça Furtado (1671–76), 3, 122, 125, 332 Miguel da Noronha, Count of Linhares (1629–35), 16, 29, 178 Pedro António de Meneses Noronha de Albuquerque, Conde de Vila Verde (1692–1697), 370–84 Pero da Silva (1635–1639), 42, 167 Rodrigo da Costa (1686–90), 293, 379, 381 Vietnam, 58, 61, 119, 139, 215, 286 Vingboon, Johan, 100 Visdelou, P. Claude (S.J.), 173 Vittoni, Joseph (B.), 222 Vollant des Verquains, Jean, 195

456 Wallace, Robert, 39 Woldemar, Fred, Figure 2 Wurffbain, Johann Sigmund, 77, 213 Xavier, Francis (S.J.), 2, 33, 120, 136, 142, 163, 192, 290, 307 Ximenes, Jacinto (S.J.), 305

index Yaksas, 235 Yale, Thomas, 101 Ybañez, D. Francisco de Atienza, 31, 33 Yôtatep (Princess), 122 Zaandam, 203 Zeimoto, Francisco, IX.14 Zenon, Father, 129